UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Social, Economic and political factors influencing the supply and demand of foreign domestic workers Devan, Mary Elizabeth 1989

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1989_A8 D48.pdf [ 6.1MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0097770.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0097770-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0097770-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0097770-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0097770-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0097770-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0097770-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0097770-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0097770.ris

Full Text

SOCIAL, ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL FACTORS INFLUENCING THE SUPPLY AND DEMAND OF FOREIGN DOMESTIC WORKERS B y MARY E L I Z A B E T H DEVAN B . A . , D a l h o u s i e U n i v e r s i t y , 1 9 8 3 A T H E S I S SUBMITTED I N THE REQUIREMENTS MASTER P A R T I A L F U L F I L L M E N T OF FOR THE DEGREE OF OF ARTS I n THE F A C U L T Y OF GRADUATE S T U D I E S A n t h r o p o l o g y a n d S o c i o l o g y We a c c e p t t h i s a s c o n f o r m i n g t o t h e r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d THE U N I V E R S I T Y OF B R I T I S H COLUMBIA J u n e 1989 ® M a r y E l i z a b e t h D e V a n , 1989 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Anthropology and Sociology The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada DE-6 (2/88) ABSTRACT This thesis addresses the issue of foreign domestic workers. The government of Canada has been involved i n the recruitment of people to perform domestic service for households since the turn of the century. The devaluation of domestic labour and increasing employment opportunities for Canadian women resulted i n a constant shortage of labour to f i l l the demand. A variety of programs have been i n i t i a t e d to solve the "servant problem" culminating i n the Foreign Domestic Movement i n 1981. Within t h i s p o l i c y foreign domestics are c l a s s i f i e d as a category of migrant labour and, as such, are formally denied c i t i z e n s h i p r i g h t s . The majority of workers who come to Canada as foreign domestics under t h i s program are F i l i p i n o women. These women often migrate to Canada as domestic workers due to limi t e d options for employment i n t h e i r home country. Their need to remain i n Canada due to li m i t e d options i n the Philippines, the lack of p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s i n Canada, and the r e s t r i c t i o n s placed on workers who enter Canada under the Foreign Domestic Movement combine to situate these women i n a position of dependence and v u l n e r a b i l i t y . In addition, l i v e - i n domestics perform devalued labour within an is o l a t e d work sett i n g , and are often not included within p r o v i n c i a l labour standards. These conditions keep wages depressed and lessen the a b i l i t y to bargain for i i improved conditions of employment. The thesis problem i s examined within an h i s t o r i c context. In addition to a l i t e r a t u r e review of the s p e c i f i c topic and related areas of gender and migrant labour, the data are from S t a t i s t i c s Canada, Employment and Immigration and the Special Collections D i v i s i o n of the University of B r i t i s h Columbia. The data shows : the labour market a c t i v i t y of Canadian women, the s h i f t away from domestic service as other alternatives became open, the increasing number of dual income earning f a m i l i e s , and the number of foreign domestics recruited to provide domestic service f o r Canadian households. Interviews with a vari e t y of people draw out the p a r t i c u l a r factors leading to the reasons for the supply and demand of t h i s group of workers. In addition, the interviews point to s p e c i f i c problems frequently experienced by women who work as l i v e - i n domestics. i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT i i LIST OF TABLES V ACKNOWLEDGEMENT v i CHAPTER PAGE I. INTRODUCTION 1 II . DOMESTIC LABOUR 20 Women i n Canada: Paid and Domestic Labour 21 Paid Domestic Workers 29 II I . HISTORICAL SHIFTS IN THE SUPPLY AND DEMAND OF DOMESTIC WORKERS 31 1880-1920 32 1920-1945 38 1945-1973 45 1973-Present 48 Conclusion 53 IV. MIGRANT DOMESTIC LABOUR 55 Migrant Labour 57 Migrant Labour i n Canada 59 Migrant Domestic Workers i n Canada 62 Migrant Domestic Workers i n Vancouver 72 F i l i p i n o Domestic Workers 81 Conclusion 90 V. CONCLUSION 92 ENDNOTES 101 BIBLIOGRAPHY 103 APPENDIX A 113 Tables 114 APPENDIX B 128 Domestic Foreign Worker/ Employer Agreement 129 i v LIST OF TABLES Page Table 1. Percentage D i s t r i b u t i o n of Women i n the Labour Force, 15 Years of Age and Over, by Occupational Divi s i o n , 1901-1961 Census .... 114 Table 2. Female Labour Force P a r t i c i p a t i o n Rates by Age: Canada 1921-1961 115 Table 3. Ranking By Major Occupational Shortages Reported by Canada Manpower Centres i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1968-1973 116 Table 4. Labour Force P a r t i c i p a t i o n , 1970-1983 117 Table 5. Labour Force P a r t i c i p a t i o n Rates by Sex and by Presence of Own Children: Canada, Annual Averages, 1975-1981 118 Table 6. Average Income i n Constant Dollars of Husband\Wife Economic Families. Husband under 65 and Wife with Income, 1971-1981 119 Table 7. Employment by Occupational Group, 1975 and 1983 120 Table 8. Largest Occupations of Women, 1981 121 Table 9. Employment Authorizations Issued by Gender .... 122 Table 10. Revenue From CPP and UIC Premiums Paid by Domestic Workers on Temporary Work Authorizations and Their Employers 1973-1979 123 Table 11. Total Landings of Foreign Domestics Processed i n Canada and Abroad, by Top Ten Source Countries (1987) 124 Table 12. Foreign Domestic Movement, Issuance of Employment Authorizations 1982-1987 125 Table 13. Foreign Domestic Movement, Validations Issued by the Foreign Worker's Unit i n Vancouver 126 Table 14. Employment Authorizations i n 1987 by Top Ten Source Countries, New Entrants and Renewals .... 127 v ACKNOWLEDGEMENT The following people are acknowledged with deeply f e l t and genuine gratitude. Professor G i l l i a n Creese, my advisor, consistently managed to blend constructive c r i t i c i s m with support. She gave me the confidence to express my ideas and helped to make the entire process enjoyable. I am fortunate to have also worked with Professor Pat Marchak whose i n t e l l e c t u a l a b i l i t y has inspired me and has played a s i g n i f i c a n t part i n my own development. Professor Tissa Fernando has provided a unique perspective. His insights have challenged my assumptions on a number of issues and for t h i s I am very g r a t e f u l . F i n a l l y , I owe a great deal of thanks to my friends who have always been supportive and have helped me to maintain a sense of humour. This work i s dedicated to my family, p a r t i c u l a r l y my parents, to whom I att r i b u t e a large part of the successful completion of t h i s degree. They have given me the tools to think independently and have taught me to have confidence i n my a b i l i t y . v i CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Thesis Problem The purpose of t h i s thesis i s to examine the s o c i a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l factors that influence the supply and demand of migrant domestic workers i n Canada. I t i s shown that these factors s t r u c t u r a l l y form, and i n s t i t u t i o n a l l y maintain the powerlessness of foreign domestics. S p e c i f i c a l l y , the following questions are addressed: 1) Why are l i v e - i n domestic workers i n demand by Canadian households, and 2) why i s there a constant supply of labour w i l l i n g to f i l l t h i s demand. Foreign domestics are currently recruited from abroad to perform l i v e - i n service f o r Canadian households. The nature of domestic service, migrant labour, and Canada's migrant worker po l i c y combine to locate foreign domestics i n a position of powerlessness. In the past decade the state has responded to demands made by various i n t e r e s t groups to improve the s i t u a t i o n of temporary domestic workers. Despite changes i n the l e g i s l a t i o n that resulted from these demands the st r u c t u r a l position of foreign domestics remains the same. The urgency of the problems that migrant domestic workers continue to encounter requires an examination of t h i s group of workers. 1 2 Argument Foreign domestic workers are presently employed by Canadian households to resolve the c o n f l i c t between the need for an increased household income and continued domestic labour. The paid domestic worker performs work that i s devalued. The workplace i s personal and i s o l a t e d and, as such, retains remnants of a servant c l a s s . The actual servant class i n Canada declined at the turn of the century as s h i f t s i n capitalism opened new employment opportunities for those who previously had no other options. In addition, changes i n capitalism replaced servitude with contractual employment and brought fort h an emphasis on c i v i l and p o l i t i c a l equality. This ideology emphasizes the r i g h t of the i n d i v i d u a l as opposed to the connotation of ownership present within feudalism. The t r a n s i t i o n to advanced capitalism was slow and uneven, and although the indigenous servant class declined the demand remained. Women were recruited from abroad to solve the "servant problem". Areas of recruitment have varied h i s t o r i c a l l y . Those people who lack alternatives within t h e i r own country are forced to migrate i n search for employment and higher wages. For these people domestic service was, and continues to be, an avenue for s o c i a l mobility. Migrant workers are formally denied p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s . They are recruited to f i l l a labour market need, and are a way i n which the labour force may be increased without increasing 3 the population. Migrant labour i n Canada i s controlled through s t i p u l a t i o n s included on the temporary work authorization permit, i n i t i a t e d i n 1973. The v i s a l i m i t s the length of stay of these workers to two years. Migrant workers i n Canada, who perform domestic labour, must reside with t h e i r employer and are not permitted to change employers f r e e l y . These workers are, therefore, not free wage labourers. They are blatantly excluded from basic ri g h t s as workers and as people l i v i n g i n Canada. In cases where workers are forced to migrate from t h e i r home country due to economic need the dependency on the employer i s magnified. Such i s the case with domestic workers from the Philippines who frequently view domestic service i n Canada as a step toward permanent settlement. The need to remain i n Canada i n h i b i t s t h e i r capacity to barqain and situates them i n a pos i t i o n of extreme dependence. T h e o r e t i c a l P o s i t i o n and L i t e r a t u r e Review Domestic service i s considered women's work and i s devalued within a c a p i t a l i s t society. Those who are paid to perform l i v e - i n service encounter a s p e c i f i c set of problems because they are women, and because they are hired to f i l l low status, devalued labour (see chapter three). In addition, because the work i s performed i n the home i t i s often not considered " r e a l " work. Domestic unpaid labour has been given considerable attention i n sociology by r a d i c a l feminists and Marxists, and 4 most recently by Marxist feminists who have attempted an integration of the two frameworks. The debate between Marxists and feminists on the "woman question" centres around the appropriate a n a l y t i c s t a r t i n g point. Marxists begin with the nature of commodity production and women's pos i t i o n i n terms of r e l a t i o n s of production. Radical feminists s t a r t with women's oppression i n terms of t h e i r reproductive c a p a b i l i t i e s , the nuclear family, and male supremacy. Domestic labour as unpaid work, and therefore outside of d i r e c t r e l a t i o n to c a p i t a l , and as work performed by women for men i n the nuclear family became a topic of study for both Marxists and feminists. This debate, which began i n the la t e 1960's, examines women's unpaid labour i n the home i n r e l a t i o n to c a p i t a l i s t production. Those who participated i n the debate recognized the void l e f t by Marxist theor i s t s who sought to explain contradictions i n production and ignored labour that was not exchanged for a wage. The Left emphasized class inequality and class struggle, but neglected gender as an arena of inequality with a p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c set of issues. Radical feminists, on the other hand, discussed women's oppression as a h i s t o r i c a l and f a i l e d to give proper attention to the material conditions underlying the s p e c i f i c form of gender inequality. The dialogue on the rel a t i o n s h i p between women's sexual oppression and economic subordination under capitalism took place within the Domestic Labour Debate ( 1 ) . Margaret 5 Benston, who i s credited with beginning the debate, considered women's unpaid work i n the home as productive labour. For Benston, domestic labour i s functional to c a p i t a l since production occurs at no cost. In addition, women who perform work i n the home are an available, cheap labour force for c a p i t a l during periods of expansion (Vogel 1983). Benston's argument f a i l s t h e o r e t i c a l l y because, i n a Marxist sense, only labour that i s exchanged for a wage can be value-producing labour. If labour i s not exchanged for a wage no surplus value i s extracted, and therefore i t i s non-productive. Peggy Morton conceptualizes domestic labour i n terms of reproduction. According to Morton, through domestic labour the labour force i s maintained and reproduced. I t i s , therefore, functional to c a p i t a l . Dalla Costa synthesizes domestic labour i n terms of production and reproduction. She argues that domestic labour produces the commodity, labour power (Vogel 1983). Domestic labour i s exchanged for a wage i n d i r e c t l y through the male wage. The male, who i s paid the wage, i s also paid for his wife's domestic labour. In t h i s way both men and c a p i t a l appropriate the labour power of women. The woman i s dependent upon her husband for her portion of the wage. The question of whether domestic labour i s productive or non-productive, and the exact function i t performs for c a p i t a l became the central focus of the debate. The emphasis on t h i s point detracts from questions that are s p e c i f i c a l l y 6 gender-related and tend more toward a debate regarding Marxist categories. The question of why women's capacity to labour i s linked to domestic labour i s largely ignored as i s the connection between women's paid and unpaid labour. The over-emphasis placed on conceptual categories formulated by Marx lead r a d i c a l feminists to re f e r to Marxists as being sex-blind. Feminists who concentrate on sexual oppression of women can, on the other hand, be accused of being c l a s s - b l i n d for t h e i r lack of attention to cl a s s - r e l a t e d issues. The emphasis on the common experiences of women on the basis of t h e i r sex implies a homogeneity among women and minimizes differences on the basis of cl a s s . Clearly, the experience of being a woman i s d i f f e r e n t for bourgeois and working class women because of the unequal access to s o c i a l i z e d domestic services and control over reproduction. Having said t h i s i t remains the case that women, despite t h e i r class differences, usually bear the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f or c h i l d care and encounter s t r u c t u r a l b a r r i e r s on the basis of t h e i r sex. The d i v i s i o n of labour within capitalism introduces the concept of patriarchy. For the purpose of t h i s thesis, patriarchy i s defined as a system of power within which women are kept oppressed and subordinate. Patriarchy i s viewed as an ideology within which the gender construction of masculine and feminine i s created and reproduced (Barrett 1980). This construction takes place within a s p e c i f i c time period and i s 7 accompanied by a s p e c i f i c set of material conditions and s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . Therefore, the form which patriarchy takes changes according to the mode of production. The location of the subordination of women within the c a p i t a l i s t mode of production may be found i n the sexual d i v i s i o n of labour: both paid and unpaid (Ursal 1986, Armstrong and Armstrong 1986). This i s contrary to the d e f i n i t i o n put forth by Firestone (1970) who l i n k s patriarchy with b i o l o g i c a l differences between the sexes, s p e c i f i c a l l y the differences i n the capacity for reproduction. Her argument i s , i n the f i n a l analysis, deterministic and leaves no room for p o l i t i c a l change. M i l l e t ' s argument i n Sexual P o l i t i c s (1970), though d i f f e r e n t from Firestone's thesis, also locates the cause of female oppression i n sex differences. However, she argues that male domination i s rooted i n the psyche and i s learned behavior. Following t h i s to i t s l o g i c a l conclusion, M i l l e t argues that sexual domination of men over women can be changed by educating both sexes, and changing attitudes and b e l i e f s about appropriate gender ro l e s . M i l l e t ' s conceptualization of patriarchy, while not deterministic, i s i d e a l i s t i c . She neglects the material conditions within which the ideology of gender roles i s constructed. The following points can be extracted for the purpose of setti n g the context and th e o r e t i c a l framework within which temporary workers are discussed. Women have been t r a d i t i o n a l l y responsible for domestic labour which i s the location of 8 s o c i a l reproduction. Social reproduction i s defined as the d a i l y maintenance and reproduction of the labour force. According to Marx, "The maintenance and reproduction of the working class i s , and must ever be, a necessary condition for the reproduction of c a p i t a l . . . " (1954, 537). Although domestic labour i s required for the continuation of capitalism, women who perform the labour are subordinate because unpaid labour i n the home does not d i r e c t l y generate surplus value. Domestic labour i s , therefore, attributed low status within a society that i s b u i l t upon the re-investing of surplus value. The ideology of patriarchy reinforces b a r r i e r s to women i n the paid labour force and t h e i r continued r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for domestic labour. Temporary domestic workers perform domestic labour and must reside with t h e i r employers (see chapter three). Aside from the nature of the work performed and issues of gender inequality, paid domestic work also c a r r i e s with i t remnants of a servant c l a s s . Historians and so c i o l o g i s t s have researched the topic of domestic service i n England (McBride 1976), France (Chaplin 1978, Maza 1983, and McBride 1974), the United States (Strasser 1978, Katzman 1978) and Canada (Lesl i e 1974, and Barber 1980). Regardless of the country under discussion a l l sources indicate that those performing domestic service were from the lower class and were often migrants from r u r a l to urban centres. Furthermore, i t i s the general consensus that servants were treated as subservient family 9 members and considered dependents. The working re l a t i o n s h i p was one of patron-client, as opposed to employee and employer, because of the personalized nature of the work. The domestic servant was expected to display t r a i t s of l o y a l t y and deference i n return for room and board. The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s c i t e d above created a s o c i a l stigma attached to the work. This resulted i n people moving away from domestic service when other jobs became avai l a b l e . In addition, r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n and i n d u s t r i a l development were accompanied by an ideology emphasizing i n d i v i d u a l i t y , hard work, and equality before the law. In contrast, conditions of servitude found i n domestic service were part of a feudal system based on l o y a l t y to the master or mistress i n return for shelter and protection (Maza 1983). The ideology that supported the existence of a servant class began to dissolve with the changing conditions of production. The current p o l i c y under which domestic workers enter Canada i s known as the Temporary Work Authorization Permit. While the domestic labour debate took shape i n the 1970's among academics, domestic workers on work visas received attention from i n t e r e s t groups and women's groups. A task force was formed i n 1980 to study problems encountered by temporary domestic workers. This Task Force, e n t i t l e d Domestic Workers on Employment Authorizations, i s used as a secondary source of data along with other reports that document the problems of domestics on work authorizations permits (Arnopolous 1979, Epstein 1980 and 1981, Estable 1986, Ramirez 1984, Steward and McDade 1988, and Wachtel 1983). S i l v e r a (1984) records the personal experiences of ten domestic workers i n the Toronto area. In her book, Silenced, S i l v e r a shows that the temporary permit and the nature of domestic service combine to place temporary domestics i n a vulnerable p o s i t i o n . The s t o r i e s provide an insight into the d a i l y work conditions encountered by l i v e - i n domestics. F i n a l l y , previous Masters theses written on the subject of domestic workers provide a base on which I was able to b u i l d (see Pedlar 1982, Renaud 1986, and T u r r i t t i n 1975). The temporary work authorization permit i s part of Canada's migrant labour p o l i c y i n i t i a t e d i n 1973. As migrant workers, temporary domestics encounter p a r t i c u l a r problems. Therefore, we must also consider the nature of t h i s form of labour. Work by Burroway (1976), Castles (1986), Castles, Booth and Wallace (1984), Castles and Kosack (1985), Kosack (1976), and Sassen-Koob (1981) view migrant labour as i n t e g r a l to the continuation of the c a p i t a l i s t system. Workers who comprise the migrant labour force are conceptualized as a reserve army of labour i n the Marxist sense. The reserve army i s both a precondition and a consequence of c a p i t a l i s t expansion. The supply of workers i n the reserve army increases competition f o r jobs which lowers wages. The low wages allow maximum surplus value to be extracted and re-invested into machinery. The new machinery increases e f f i c i e n c y and production and lowers the need for labour power. Workers are made redundant, thus recreating a labour reserve. Conceptualizing migrant labour as a reserve army leads to the conclusion that migrant labour exists because i t i s functional to c a p i t a l . The reserve army of labour formed by migrant workers d i f f e r s from the indigenous labour reserve i n that migrant workers are denied p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s . The denial of rig h t s equal to the indigenous population prevents c o l l e c t i v e bargaining and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e s the potential of deportation. This, i n turn, lowers wages for migrant workers. The depressed wages serve the in t e r e s t s of employers who have available a supply of low cost labour. The wage d i f f e r e n t i a l between the indigenous and migrant labour reserve f r a c t i o n a l i z e s the working class through increased competition which again lowers the bargaining power of labour. Miles (1982) and Miles and Phizacklea (1984) r e f e r to migrant labour as a r a c i a l i z e d f r a c t i o n of the working c l a s s . Exclusionary practices are invoked by indigenous labour to prevent migrant labour from undercutting wages. Racism develops out of t h i s set of conditions. Race, as defined by Miles, i s not a s c i e n t i f i c or a n a l y t i c category i n i t s own r i g h t . Rather, i t i s a s o c i a l construction devoid of any meaning outside of the material conditions within which i t i s produced and reproduced. According to Miles, race and class can not be separated since the meaning of race develops out of class r e l a t i o n s . People are associated with a p a r t i c u l a r "race" through shared v i s i b l e t r a i t s (Miles 1982). Those l a b e l l e d as a r a c i a l group are often attributed negatively valued c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . This process of l a b e l l i n g i s used to j u s t i f y the marginalized position of migrant workers (Miles 1982 and Miles and Phizacklea 1984). The preceding discussion, while a r t i c u l a t i n g the p a r t i c u l a r problems encountered by migrant labour, requires modification and c l a r i f i c a t i o n when discussing Canada's migrant worker p o l i c y . The studies previously c i t e d focus on the western Europe guest-worker p o l i c y . A recent study by Boyd, Taylor, and Delaney (1986) shows that a st r a i g h t comparison between migrant labour i n Canada and western Europe i s s i m p l i s t i c and negates c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s p a r t i c u l a r to Canada. Their research draws attention to the heterogeneity within Canada's migrant worker population. These differences make i t impossible to study migrant workers i n Canada as a single unit of labour. In addition to the l i m i t a t i o n mentioned above there i s another, more fundamental, problem i n the thesis suggesting that migrant workers i n Canada are used as a means to divide the working c l a s s . Domestic workers are recruited p r e c i s e l y because there are no Canadians w i l l i n g to do the job. Those who migrate to Canada are part of an international surplus population made redundant by the uneven development of capitalism. However, because they are excluded from a l l other 13 types of employment except that which i s stipulated on t h e i r v i s a , they do not compete with the indigenous work force, and therefore do not depress wages. Phizacklea (1983) argues that migrant women are competitive among themselves. She maintains that migrant women are i n a subordinate position i n r e l a t i o n to indigenous labour (both male and female), and i n r e l a t i o n to male labour (both migrant and indigenous). Migrant women form a p a r t i c u l a r l y vulnerable category of labour. They compete for jobs within a marginalized sector of the economy. This competition, and the ease with which i n d i v i d u a l workers are replaced, prohibits a united e f f o r t to improve conditions of employment, keeps wages low, and working conditions poor. In terms of migrant domestic workers i n Canada the following points need to be made. As a category of migrant labour these workers are economically and p o l i t i c a l l y excluded from r i g h t s as workers and as c i t i z e n s . A common theme i n the preceding discussion i s the forced "decision" of workers to migrate. This i s central i n terms of understanding t h e i r vulnerable p o s i t i o n . Within the population of foreign domestics, however, differences i n reasons for migrating to Canada are evident. These differences place workers i n varying conditions of dependence. For those who need to remain i n Canada the capacity to demand proper working conditions and a live a b l e wage i s non-existent. Since there i s a constant supply of migrant domestics, employers do not have to improve conditions of employment of those who vocalize complaints. In addition, those f o r whom staying i n Canada i s imperative are constructed as naturally appropriate for domestic work (see chapter four). Through t h i s process those workers from countries where the need to migrate i s present are constructed as suitable for domestic labour. Methodology The research f o r t h i s thesis takes many d i f f e r e n t forms. The sources include: government manuals and s t a t i s t i c s obtained from S t a t i s t i c s Canada and Employment and Immigration, interviews with two government o f f i c i a l s representing the Foreign Workers Unit at the Canada Employment Centre and the B r i t i s h Columbia Employment Standards Branch, an interview with the organizer of the Domestic Worker's Association, and interviews with s i x private agencies that r e c r u i t domestic workers for prospective Canadian employers. These sources of data are necessary for a well-rounded picture of background factors leading to the recruitment of foreign domestics and the current problems encountered by domestics. I n i t i a l l y , I planned to interview domestic workers themselves. However, as I began the research my thesis took a d i f f e r e n t shape and the focus changed. The interviews no longer played a central part i n my thesi s . However, I s t i l l f e l t i t was important to allow the women an opportunity to t e l l t h e i r own st o r i e s and rel a t e t h e i r experiences. Towards 15 t h i s end I contacted the Domestic Workers Association i n Vancouver i n la t e 1987 and attended meetings throughout the year. Through t h i s organization I met domestic workers who were active i n improving the position of others i n t h e i r s i t u a t i o n . I arranged to interview some of these women, but found they were reluctant to grant o f f i c i a l interviews. Their vulnerable position i n Canada made them wary of having t h e i r experiences i n p r i n t . Though the interviews are not included for t h i s reason the conversations I had with these women raised many points that otherwise would not have been considered. The data c o l l e c t e d from S t a t i s t i c s Canada, and Employment and Immigration are used to i l l u s t r a t e h i s t o r i c a l changes i n the labour force a c t i v i t y of Canadian women - both i n terms of pa r t i c i p a t i o n i n the labour market and changes i n occupations. Employment and Immigration s t a t i s t i c s dembnstrate the numbers of temporary domestic workers entering Canada (and Vancouver s p e c i f i c a l l y ) . This data i s broken down by gender and country of residence. The data used i n chapters three and four i l l u s t r a t e the h i s t o r i c , non-preferred nature of domestic service among Canadian women, and the increasing demand for t h i s service by Canadian households. In addition, manuals that describe the Canadian immigration p o l i c y concerning temporary domestics and the B r i t i s h Columbia Department of Labour's Employment Standards Act are used as primary data sources. These documents d e t a i l the p o l i c i e s that structure the working 16 experiences of temporary domestics i n Canada and B r i t i s h Columbia. The purpose of the interviews with the nanny agencies i n the greater Vancouver area i s fo u r f o l d : to ascertain 1. the process of recruitment 2. why cert a i n countries are targeted as areas of recruitment 3. the number of requests for foreign domestics, and 4.the general p r o f i l e of prospective employers. Though most of the interviews are not transcribed i n the thesis, through them a number of unanticipated issues were raised. F i n a l l y , the interviews with government o f f i c i a l s were conducted to c l a r i f y the labour and immigration p o l i c i e s that a f f e c t foreign domestic workers i n Canada. C o n t r i b u t i o n s a n d L i m i t a t i o n s o f t h e s t u d y This thesis makes a contribution to the e x i s t i n g l i t e r a t u r e on temporary domestic workers on two l e v e l s . F i r s t , the study c l e a r l y i l l u s t r a t e s s p e c i f i c problems that are encountered by migrant domestic workers and the inadequacies i n state p o l i c i e s formed to "protect" foreign domestics. I t i s shown that the nature of migrant work and domestic service combine to oppress those who work as l i v e - i n domestics. Problems encountered by these workers are s t r u c t u r a l l y present and can not be e n t i r e l y removed by p o l i c y changes. However, while not d i s s o l v i n g s t r u c t u r a l problems, l e g i s l a t i v e action can be taken to ameliorate the immediate problems present for these workers. 17 Secondly, the thesis draws out p a r t i c u l a r problems encountered by F i l i p i n o domestics. I t i s shown that the need to migrate because of conditions i n the Philippines locates these workers i n a p a r t i c u l a r l y vulnerable position. Moreover, F i l i p i n o women, because of t h e i r need to stay are constructed as hard workers, l o y a l , and naturally appropriate for domestic labour. By drawing together the nature of domestic and migrant labour, and the s p e c i f i c problems with Canada's migrant worker po l i c y i t i s shown that F i l i p i n o women are i n a p a r t i c u l a r l y disadvantaged p o s i t i o n . These contributions are limit e d , however, as the data do not allow generalizations to be made. On the basis of t h i s research the conclusions presented are tenuous. Interviews with the women themselves would have helped to d e t a i l p a r t i c u l a r and personal experiences. Extensive interviews would have been necessary to make any claims as to the differences i n experiences of foreign domestics based on country of o r i g i n . As mentioned above women who work as temporary domestics were unwilling to disclose experiences i n o f f i c i a l interviews. In addition, numerous interviews would have been time consuming and p o t e n t i a l l y c o s t l y . Owing to a lack of finances and time t h i s was not p r a c t i c a l . Thesis Layout Chapter two addresses the changes i n production and the rela t i o n s h i p between capitalism and patriarchy. I t i s shown 18 that the type of labour performed by domestic workers i s defined as women's work and i s devalued labour. Also shown i s ] the present contradiction between paid and domestic labour and the a f f e c t of t h i s contradiction on Canadian women. Li v e - i n domestic workers are recruited to solve the problem. Chapter three documents h i s t o r i c a l changes i n the supply and demand of foreign domestic workers i n Canada. S t a t i s t i c s are used to i l l u s t r a t e the changing p a r t i c i p a t i o n of Canadian women i n the labour market. I t i s shown that since the turn of the century domestic service has been non-preferred work among Canadian women, and that foreign workers have consistently been recruited to f i l l the labour market demand. Chapter four addresses the issue of the current supply of l i v e - i n domestic workers. The a v a i l a b i l i t y of migrant labour to f i l l the demand i s a r e s u l t of the uneven development of capitalism on a global basis. The combination of the nature of migrant labour i n general, and Canada's migrant labour p o l i c y in p a r t i c u l a r , structures the powerless position of temporary domestic workers i n Canada. This chapter examines the s p e c i f i c problems encountered by l i v e - i n domestic workers i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Contradictions between federal and pr o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n are highlighted to i l l u s t r a t e further problems encountered by foreign domestics i n t h i s province. F i n a l l y , the majority of the foreign domestics coming into Canada are from the Philippines. The increase i n F i l i p i n o s entering Canada on migrant work permits i s examined. Through interviews with private r e c r u i t i n g agencies i t i s demonstrated that F i l i p i n o women are attributed c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s by these agencies that define them as best suited for domestic work. Chapter f i v e provides a synthesis of the factors that condition the position of temporary domestic workers. The nature of domestic and migrant labour, and the history of domestic service influence the present p o l i c i e s that are formed to control these workers. Based on the argument presented i n t h i s thesis solutions to the problems of domestic workers are offered. CHAPTER II DOMESTIC LABOUR Introduction Domestic l i v e - i n workers perform devalued labour and work in an is o l a t e d s e t t i n g . This chapter shows the process through which domestic labour becomes devalued and the construction of domestic labour as women's work. The purpose i s to i l l u s t r a t e the conditions under which paid domestic work takes place, and to i d e n t i f y the current need for "home-help". The r i s e i n accumulation and expansion of c a p i t a l during the twentieth century has created a dependence on the wage form. Men and women are forced to enter the labour market i n order to maximize the household income. This forced p a r t i c i p a t i o n has the contradictory e f f e c t of freeing women to earn an income. The increase i n the number of women entering the paid labour force presents a challenge to the patr i a r c h a l structure. The ideology of patriarchy defines women i n terms of t h e i r capacity to reproduce. Within the s o c i a l r o l e of wife and mother women are constructed as the nurturing and care-giving sex. While labour force p a r t i c i p a t i o n by women a l t e r s t h i s ideology somewhat, women's paid labour i s considered secondary. Women are not absolved from domestic labour when 20 accepting paid employment, and are confronted with a dual r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . The contradictory demands of paid and domestic labour requires a solution to the problem. L i v e - i n domestics provide an al t e r n a t i v e for those who can afford them. Women i n Canada : Paid and Domestic Labour Pr i o r to capitalism qoods were produced i n the household for t h e i r use-value (Connelly 1978). Men, women and children were involved i n the production of commodities. The family i n t h i s case can be seen as a s o c i a l and an economic unit (Curtis 1980). With the onset of the i n d u s t r i a l revolution the home gradually became a unit of consumption rather than the centre of production (see Barrett 1980). During t h i s t r a n s i t i o n phase many women continued to produce goods i n the home for purposes of sale u n t i l factory production became r a t i o n a l i z e d to the point where i t was no longer economically viable to do so (Curtis 1980, Vogel 1978). The degree of household production d i f f e r e d among classes. Those women who were wives of the factory owners were i n a p r i v i l e g e d position and did not take part i n production (Barrett 1980, 180) The most s i g n i f i c a n t change that occurs with the s h i f t i n location of production i s the commodification of labour. In t h i s type of arrangement the means of production and the r e s u l t i n g product are no longer owned by the producer. Instead the capacity to labour i s exchanged for a wage which 22 represents the amount required for the subsistence and reproduction of the working c l a s s . This i s of less value than that which i s produced. The difference between the value of the product when i t i s sold and the cost of production, including the wage, i s then re-invested so that c a p i t a l continues to expand and p r o f i t i s generated. The basis of the continuation of the c a p i t a l i s t mode of production, then, i s the commodification of labour power ( Marx 1954). The labourer under capitalism i s dependent upon the wage for subsistence. Likewise, members of the household who do not exchange t h e i r labour power for a wage are dependant upon the wage earner's income. H i s t o r i c a l l y , i t has been the case that women and children are "provided f o r " through the man's wage. Through t h i s dependance an unequal power structure emerges and the subordinate position of women becomes entrenched. Compounding the i n f e r i o r p o sition of women i n the family i s the f a c t that domestic labour i s not exchanged for a wage and does not stand i n d i r e c t r e l a t i o n to c a p i t a l . I t i s , therefore, devalued labour (Armstrong and Armstrong 1986). This d i v i s i o n of labour i s the material basis of patriarchy. The male wage i s expected to cover the cost of d a i l y and generational reproduction costs of the family. Female labour force a c t i v i t y i s viewed as supplemental and i s marginalized. This maintains economic dependence on the male wage earners income, and also creates a cheap, available source of labour for c a p i t a l . 23 A second contradiction i s evident at t h i s point. Domestic labour, while marginalized, i s necessary for the continuation of the c a p i t a l i s t mode of production since the household i s the s i t e of s o c i a l reproduction and consumption. Social reproduction includes the d a i l y maintenance of a l l household members, the s o c i a l i z a t i o n of children, and actual physical reproduction (Ursal 1986). Through t h i s process labour power -both present and future - i s e f f e c t i v e l y reproduced. The household i s also necessary for c a p i t a l as a s i t e of consumption. This i s a fundamental component of capitalism since i n order for c a p i t a l to expand people must consume that which i s produced. In addition, i t i s the task of domestic labour to transform the commodity into consumable form. A contradiction i n capitalism exists between the necessity of s o c i a l reproduction for the maintenance of the s o c i a l order and the simultaneous devaluation of domestic labour. The p o s i t i o n of women i n the paid labour force i s d i r e c t l y connected to t h e i r s o c i a l r o l e as domestic labourers. During the early stages of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n women and children were recruited along with men to f i l l the demand for a large labour force. At t h i s time workers were not protected against long working hours and poor conditions. Factory l e g i s l a t i o n was eventually enacted, though i n i t i a l l y i t covered only women and children. This l e g i s l a t i o n can be viewed as a response to a c r i s i s that was occurring i n the family (Wilson 1977, Strong-Boag 1981, Curtis 1980). With women working long hours the needs of the family were not being met and the labour force was not being e f f e c t i v e l y reproduced (Dickinson and Russell 1986). This coupled with the gradual l e v e l i n g o f f of production and the decrease i n demand for labour resulted i n women moving back into the home and resuming domestic labour. Labour l e g i s l a t i o n protecting women and children was also a r e s u l t of working class struggle. However, the demand for factory l e g i s l a t i o n revolved around the protection of the family and was not an issue of the right s of women as workers. Female workers were protected, but as women f i r s t and workers second. The secondary emphasis placed on women as part of the working class struggle marginalized women and reinforced p a t r i a r c h a l ideology. Even when women participated i n the labour market t h e i r proper sphere and primary r e s p o n s i b i l i t y remained the home and family (Crease 1988). Factory l e g i s l a t i o n covering women and l i m i t i n g t h e i r hours of work resulted i n further marginalizing female workers and increased t h e i r dependence on the male wage earner. The onset of world war one drew more women into the labour force (Connelly 1978, Lowe 1980) The manufacturing of armaments and the decline i n available male labour resulted i n a shortage of labour. The media drive c a l l i n g women to join the war e f f o r t altered the ideology that located women's natural r o l e i n the home as wife and mother. Strong-Boag (1981) notes that the campaign stressed the morality of women serving t h e i r country. Women workers were i d e n t i f i e d i n terms of a maternal r o l e as protector of the moral order and not as workers with a commitment to the labour force. Limited day care was provided to support the s h i f t i n ideology. Once the war was over, however, the day care f a c i l i t i e s were closed and women were displaced back into the home to resume t h e i r "natural" r o l e as wife and mother (Strong-Boag 1981, 5). The depression i n the 1930's resulted i n women once again returning to the home to resume domestic labour. During times of economic recession, i n order to maintain the subsistence l e v e l of the family, women either work outside of the home to increase the family income or i n t e n s i f y domestic labour (Fox 1980). When work could be found women did both paid and unpaid labour. Their involvement i n the work force was often i n menial and non-preferred work due to a lack of alternatives (see chapter three). The onset of World War II once again drew women into the labour market to f i l l jobs vacated by men (Fox 1980). According to Connelly (1978) women have been used as a reserve army of labour during both the F i r s t and Second World Wars; recruited into the labour force when there i s a surplus of jobs and displaced back into the home during economic downturns when jobs are scarce and unemployment increases. The period following World War II was characterized by a period of c a p i t a l i s t expansion. As accumulation increased new markets were created to absorb the amount produced (Fox 1980). One such market was the household. Many tasks once performed i n the home were s o c i a l i z e d . Convenience foods were available i n the market place which reduced time spent on meal preparation. Laundry services were also commercialized, transforming t h i s task into a p r o f i t making a c t i v i t y . The penetration of the market into the household had the dual e f f e c t of opening a new market f o r c a p i t a l i s t s and also r e l i e v i n g women from some of the domestic labour which enabled them to work out of the home. I t should be noted at t h i s point that the a b i l i t y to purchase commodities to ease domestic labour varies according to household income. Class d i v i s i o n s between women were apparent. For those who could afford them, devices that mechanized domestic labour allowed some women a degree of freedom over others. The rapid expansion of the state resulted i n an increase i n service sector jobs, p a r t i c u l a r l y c l e r i c a l (see chapter three). These jobs were open to women and were characterized by low pay, no security, and a lack of benefits. They were often part-time and interfered minimally with domestic r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . For t h i s reason they were considered best suited f or women (Lowe 1980). Add i t i o n a l l y , the jobs were often mundane due to the s p e c i a l i z a t i o n of tasks created by the t a y l o r i z a t i o n of the labour process (Braverman 1974). Due to the factors associated with service sector jobs, there was a hig rate of turnover among female employees. This reinforced the assumption that women did not have a strong 27 commitment to the paid labour force (Lowe 1980). The position of women i n a secondary labour market (3) makes them vulnerable to economic s h i f t s . As production slows the need for labour declines and the a v a i l a b i l i t y of employment drops. Jobs i n the secondary labour market are kept d e s k i l l e d and labour i s often not unionized. Women workers are, therefore, p a r t i c u l a r l y vulnerable to l a y - o f f s . Furthermore, t h e i r jobs are frequently extensions of unpaid work performed i n the home (Marchak 1986). Together with an ideology that women are the main care-givers i n the family, women can be displaced from the labour force back into the home. The r e s u l t of women leaving the labour force i s a decrease i n the household income, which af f e c t s the l e v e l of consumption. The seriousness of t h i s loss of income depends upon the wage of other family members and the number of dependent children (Wayne 1986). If the wage does not cover the subsistence and reproduction of the family a c r i s i s occurs. In order for capitalism to continue people must be able to consume and reproduce. To mediate the c r i s i s the state intervenes i n the form of transfer payments and substitute wages (Dickinson 1986). In households where both the husband and wife p a r t i c i p a t e i n the labour force and there are children at home a s p e c i f i c type of contradiction emerges. In t h i s case the combined household income may cover the cost of reproduction of the 28 family which includes commodity consumption, but domestic labour, which i s also necessary for the e f f e c t i v e reproduction of capitalism, i s problematic. This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y the case regarding c h i l d care. The cost of day care cuts into the household income. This added to the f a c t that the r e s t of the domestic labour must be done a f t e r the paid work day may make i t more f e a s i b l e for one parent to remain at home. The f a c t that domestic labour i s considered women's work acts as a j u s t i f i c a t i o n for gender-based wage d i s p a r i t i e s , and supports women as opposed to men leaving the waged labour force. The p a t r i a r c h a l structure of the nuclear family re-emerges i n the sense that the male controls the household resources (Ursal 1986, Seccombe 1986). Clea r l y , not a l l women have l e f t the labour force. The problem of domestic labour remains acute, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the area of c h i l d care. The state intervenes to resolve the contradiction as the state must be accountable to public demands. F u l l y s o c i a l i z e d day care i s c o s t l y to the state, and therefore unprofitable to c a p i t a l since revenue i s not generated back to the private sector. Recruiting migrant domestic workers i s one way i n which t h i s problem may be solved to the benefit of the state and the household. Capital also benefits as both husband and wife are able to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the market place and consumption i s maintained. At the same time the cost of reproduction of the labour force continues to be absorbed by the workers. 29 Paid Domestic Workers Live i n domestics perform non-preferred and devalued labour i n an is o l a t e d work environment. The worker i s dependent upon the employer for both a wage and l i v i n g accommodations. Therefore, i n a sense domestic workers exhibit c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of an unpaid housewife i n that they are i n a subordinate and dependent r e l a t i o n s h i p . I t could be stated at t h i s point that l i v e - i n domestics are oppressed because of the entrance of Canadian women into the labour market, but such a statement would be both short sighted and inaccurate. I t res u l t s i n blaming women and obscures the underlying factors which lead to the powerless position of domestic l i v e - i n workers. The current need for domestics arises under a s p e c i f i c set of conditions. I t has been i l l u s t r a t e d that the s h i f t s i n capitalism have influenced the labour market p a r t i c i p a t i o n of women, p a r t i a l l y commodified domestic labour and, created new consumer demands. These three factors have redefined the needs of the household and have resulted i n a contradiction between paid labour and aspects of domestic labour which are not commodified or s o c i a l i z e d . One such aspect of domestic labour which remains the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the household i s c h i l d care. This problem may be resolved by l i v e - i n domestic workers. Domestics further ease the double-day for women as they remove the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of domestic labour. Hiring l i v e - i n domestic help i s not new to Canada nor did i t develop along with capitalism. A servant class existed i n Canada u n t i l the turn of the century. Domestics were an int e g r a l part of the running of homes and farms i n both r u r a l to urban areas. I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and emergence of advanced stages of wage labour eliminated the servant c l a s s . Those who had previously performed the work l e f t domestic service for other types of occupations. At the same time the need for a servant class declined along with the s h i f t i n location of production and the mechanization of domestic labour. Although the demand declined somewhat i t s t i l l exceeded the supply. Since the late nineteenth century Canada has r e l i e d on immigrant labour to f i l l the demand. In the past decade the demand f o r l i v e - i n domestics has increased s i g n i f i c a n t l y r e s u l t i n g i n a greater number of foreign domestics being brought into Canada. The following chapter provides a detailed account of the chronic shortage of domestic workers and the variety of responses developed to deal with the problem. CHAPTER III HISTORICAL SHIFTS IN THE SUPPLY AND DEMAND OF DOMESTIC WORKERS The recruitment of women from overseas to perform l i v e - i n domestic service i n Canadian households has varied h i s t o r i c a l l y according to changes i n the economy and the pa r t i c i p a t i o n of Canadian women i n the labour force. The degree of involvement of the federal government i n the recruitment process also varies h i s t o r i c a l l y . This chapter provides an account of l i v e - i n domestic service i n Canada since the turn of the century. Connections between the economic need for a greater labour force and the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of Canadian women i n the labour force are drawn. Also demonstrated i s the fa c t that Canadian women have r e s i s t e d domestic service and have moved into other occupations when alternatives became available. The void created i n terms of domestic labour, p a r t i c u l a r l y c h i l d care, necessitates government involvement. The degree of involvement by the state i n r e c r u i t i n g foreign workers for domestic service i s discussed i n t h i s chapter. The chapter i s divided by h i s t o r i c a l periods. The f i r s t section, 1880-1920, i s a period of economic development i n Canada characterized by urban growth and i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n which drew women along with men into the market place. 31 32 Domestic servants were recruited from B r i t a i n to aid i n running the farms, and also i n the c i t i e s as maids for bourgeois f a m i l i e s . The freeze on immigration during the war temporarily stopped the supply of foreign servants. The second period, 1920 - 1945, includes the labour force p a r t i c i p a t i o n of Canadian women during the 1920's, and the subsequent displacement back into the home with the onset of the depression. The decline of available employment for women resulted i n a decline i n the demand for foreign domestics. The t h i r d time period, 1945-1973, marks a s i g n i f i c a n t phase i n the labour force a c t i v i t y of women, p a r t i c u l a r l y married women. The dramatic r i s e i n female p a r t i c i p a t i o n rates i n the labour force i s p a r a l l e l e d by schemes i n i t i a t e d by the Canadian government to r e c r u i t women from overseas as domestic workers for Canadian households. In 1973 the current p o l i c y under which migrant workers are recruited as domestics was i n i t i a t e d . Throughout the four sections attention i s drawn to areas of recruitment of domestics, the ongoing devaluation of domestic work, and changes i n government involvement i n the recruitment of foreign domestics. 1880-1920 The l a t e nineteenth century i n Canada was marked by an increase i n i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and an accompanying p r o l e t a r i a n i z a t i o n of labour. The process of urbanization was uneven, however, and much of Canada remained r u r a l for the f i r s t half of the twentieth century. In the r u r a l sector, the home continued to be an important c i t e of production. The unpaid labour of women and children was esse n t i a l f or a g r i c u l t u r a l production (Duchesne 1989). Domestic servants were also used to f a c i l i t a t e the maintenance of the household and production on the farm. In the urban sector production began to s h i f t from the home to the factory where labour power was bought and sold as a commodity. The c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of production i n fa c t o r i e s i s s i g n i f i c a n t i n that those who owned and controlled the means of production were able to exp l o i t those forced to s e l l t h e i r labour power for a wage. The cost of production was kept to a minimum so that maximum surplus value was obtained. S o c i a l l y necessary labour time was reduced by extending the hours of work and keeping wages low. Factory production required a large labour force, and workers were forced to enter the marketplace where t h e i r capacity to labour was exchanged for a wage. For these reasons household production declined and both men and women entered the labour force. Women were employed i n domestic service and i n manufacturing, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t e x t i l e s . Despite the poor conditions of factory work - long hours and low pay - several studies indicate that Canadian women preferred factory work to domestic service (Barber 1980, Connelly 1978, Katzman 1978, L e s l i e 1974, Strasser 1978). Domestic service was attributed low status due to the association with s e r v i l e work, and the f a c t that those employed as domestics i n the late 19th and early 20th century were primarily immigrant women and young Canadian g i r l s who exchanged t h e i r labour for room and board and a low wage (Wilson 1982). P h i l l i p s and P h i l l i p s note that i n the 19th century i t was not uncommon for a " g i r l as young as seven to be indentured u n t i l the age of eighteen"(1973, 4). The l i v e - i n nature of domestic service was also a deterrent fo r women who had the choice to enter factory work. Lack of privacy and independence combined with the fact that there was no cle a r d e f i n i t i o n of the work day made the occupation undesirable (Strasser 1978). The re l a t i o n s h i p with the employer was personal as opposed to contractual which placed the servant i n the rol e of a subservient family member as opposed to an employee. Social distance between the "mistress" and the servant was further maintained by relegating the least desirable chores to the servant ( L e s l i e 1974). The decline of women w i l l i n g to perform domestic service i s supported by s t a t i s t i c s on the labour force p a r t i c i p a t i o n of Canadian women presented by Connelly (1978) and P h i l l i p s and P h i l l i p s (1983). These studies show that, i n terms of the percentage of Canadian women i n t h i s occupation out of the t o t a l number of women i n the labour force, domestic service f e l l from a high of 41% i n 1891 to 27% i n 1921 (Connelly 1978, 12). Considering that women were moving away from t h i s occupation when alternatives became available leads to the conclusion that domestic service was non-preferred work. 35 In the early 1900's domestic labour was not s o c i a l i z e d . The work was time consuming and labour intensive. Bourgeois households, or households that had c a p i t a l over and above that which was necessary for subsistence, were i n positions to hir e domestics. Women migrating from r u r a l to urban centres i n Canada were available for employment i n industry and domestic service (Connelly 1978, L e s l i e 1974). Despite the fac t that Canadian women took positions as domestic servants there remained a shortage i n r e l a t i o n to the demand. This demand for "home help" resulted i n private and public e f f o r t s to r e c r u i t women from abroad. According to P h i l l i p s and P h i l l i p s , "by 1911 35% of a l l domestic servants were immigrant women" (1983, 2). The central area of recruitment during t h i s time period was Great B r i t a i n ( L e s l i e 1974). Young women were brought to Canada where they were granted landed immigrant status on the st i p u l a t i o n that they provide l i v e - i n service for an employer for s i x months ( L e s l i e 1974). After t h i s time they were permitted to leave the household and remain i n Canada. McBride (1974) notes that women saw domestic service as a vehicle of s o c i a l mobility through marriage. Agencies for recruitment included the Young Women's Chri s t i a n Association (Y.W.C.A.), and a vari e t y of church organizations and women's groups. In 1894 the B r i t i s h Woman's Emigration Association formed i n B r i t a i n to r e c r u i t and send young women to Canada as domestic servants. This served the dual purpose of helping to solve the problem of high 36 unemployment i n the urban centres of B r i t a i n , and answered the demand for domestic servants i n Canada (Barber 1980). The B r i t i s h Woman's Emigration Association worked c l o s e l y with agencies i n Canada that placed the young women from B r i t a i n i n appropriate households (Roberts 1979). The women who st a f f e d these agencies worked on a voluntary basis. They emphasized the importance and sanctity of the home and the role of women as protectors of the moral order. Domestic servants were viewed as a necessary part of the maintenance of the household. The re l a t i o n s h i p between the "mistress" of the household and the servant can be likened to that of a tutor and apprentice. I t was expected that the mistress of the house t r a i n the domestic as a proper wife and mother. This was considered es s e n t i a l as the servants were to become the wives and mothers of Canadian f a m i l i e s . B r i t i s h servants i n t h i s way provided a nation-building function : the population i n Canada would both grow and remain B r i t i s h (Roberts 1979). On another l e v e l , the concern of maternal feminists with regard to maintenance of the moral order can be viewed as resistance to change. The t r a n s i t i o n to i n d u s t r i a l production, the emergence of a new middle c l a s s , and the increase i n r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n threatened the old order. The attempt to re t a i n a servant class through r e c r u i t i n g women from B r i t a i n can be viewed as symbolic of the resistance to the changes that were occurring. The federal and p r o v i n c i a l governments played an active r o l e i n the recruitment process by opening up immigration to women w i l l i n g to come to Canada as domestics (Barber 1980). Agents working for Immigration aided i n f i l l i n g the demand for servants by placing new immigrants into households (Barber 1980). Open immigration p o l i c i e s meant an ongoing supply of domestic servants. This resulted i n a depressing a f f e c t on wages, which i n turn influenced the demand. The high turnover rate among domestic servants also helped to keep the demand constant and necessitated ongoing recruitment (Wilson 1982, 84). The beginning of World War I closed Canadian immigration which meant an end to the recruitment of foreign domestic servants. In addition, the war drew more Canadian women into the labour force due to i n d u s t r i a l expansion accompanied by a growth i n the service sector and a decline i n available male labour. In chapter one reference was made to active campaigns i n i t i a t e d by the government to encourage women to j o i n the labour market and support the war drive. In addition, the state provided p r a c t i c a l incentives for women to work, such as day care f a c i l i t i e s ( P h i l l i p s and P h i l l i p s 1983). The increase i n service sector jobs during the F i r s t World War attracted Canadian women who previously had limited options of i n d u s t r i a l and domestic work. Table 1 shows the change i n the sex r a t i o of Canadians employed i n c l e r i c a l occupations. For the years under consideration, 1901-1921, i t i s apparent that women remained over-represented i n personal services, but also made steady gains i n c l e r i c a l occupations. 38 The percentage of women to men i n the personal services category remained constant between 1901-1921. However, the percentage of female to male workers i n c l e r i c a l jobs increased s t e a d i l y f or those 20 years. Women rose from a representation of 22.12% i n 1901 to 41.80% i n 1921. In no other occupational category i s there such a s i g n i f i c a n t change i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n by sex. For the year 1921, c l e r i c a l work represented the second highest job category for women r e l a t i v e to men - the f i r s t being professional. The l i t e r a t u r e on women's paid work i n Canada suggests that these professional occupations were p r i n c i p a l l y health related or teaching jobs fo r which women received less pay than men for the exact same work (Wilson 1982). Despite the constant sex d i s t r i b u t i o n for personal services the entry of women into white c o l l a r employment can be taken as an indicator that women chose other types of employment as they became open to them. 1920-1945 The 1920's i n Canada was characterized by another period of c a p i t a l i s t expansion. The increase i n i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and the accompanying growth i n the state service sector provided jobs for Canada's surplus population. Men who returned from the war resumed t h e i r p osition i n the paid labour force. Women who had been recruited into the labour force at the onset of the war were displaced back into the home. This was accomplished by clos i n g day care f a c i l i t i e s that had been opened to a t t r a c t women into the labour force, and also by p o l i c i e s that heavily taxed working wives ( P h i l l i p s and P h i l l i p s 1983). The ideology that women's natural role was as wife and mother supported t h i s s h i f t . Obviously not a l l women l e f t the labour force. Table l shows that the sex d i s t r i b u t i o n i n the labour force remained constant between 1921 and 1931. The c l e r i c a l sector which had grown during the war absorbed Canadian women, most of whom were young and unmarried ( P h i l l i p s and P h i l l i p s 1983). I t was generally assumed that p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the labour force was temporary for women and ended when they married. Women represented a section of the labour force that was available to f i l l low s k i l l e d jobs. The d e s k i l l i n g process accompanied the increased d i v i s i o n of labour and the s p e c i a l i z a t i o n of tasks. The lack of t r a i n i n g needed to perform low l e v e l c l e r i c a l jobs supported the h i r i n g of women who were not expected to stay i n the labour force. Because of t h i s expectation time was not invested i n women i n terms of tr a i n i n g . Pay d i f f e r e n t i a l s between men and women for the same work were supported by the ideology of natural domestic r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and the supplemental income of women (see chapter two). Women who were self-supporting or single heads of households were ignored. The r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n and s p e c i a l i z a t i o n of tasks i n manufacturing and the service sector restructured the labour force with the aim of increasing productivity and p r o f i t . This 40 process, as well as having a d e s k i l l i n g e f f e c t on the labour force, had an impact on the household and domestic labour. Surplus value was re-invested into the production of household commodities. The creation of t h i s new market designed to absorb surplus c a p i t a l resulted i n the commodification of domestic labour. The production of goods and services had sh i f t e d from the home to the market place. Aspects of domestic labour were removed from the housewife and replaced by commodities. Unpaid services performed by women i n the home were transformed into p r o f i t making a c t i v i t i e s for the benefit of private agencies. These jobs were mainly i n the service sector, p a r t i c u l a r l y personal service, such as hourly or day domestics. The service jobs occupied by women were extensions of t h e i r unpaid work i n the home. Given t h i s scenario one would expect a decline i n the demand for l i v e - i n domestic servants and a lack of recruitment e f f o r t s . This i s expected to be the case because domestic labour was made easier and less labour intensive. Moreover, domestic workers were available on an hourly basis to help with cooking and cleaning which reduced the need f o r a l i v e - i n domestic servant. In addition, the increase i n wage labour, r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of production, and the accompanying emphasis on contractual employer\employee relationships i s expected to have some impact on the decline of a servant c l a s s . Previous research does support t h i s claim i n part (Le s l i e 1974, Wilson 1982). The emerging middle class and new services provided by p r o f i t making agencies resulted i n a trend toward h i r i n g day labourers instead of l i v e - i n servants. The t r a n s i t i o n from domestic servant to domestic worker developed as a consequence of the penetration of market r e l a t i o n s into the home. The depression of the 1930's further exacerbated the trend toward a decline i n the servant class i n Canada. Despite the decline i n domestic service i n the 1920's Barber i l l u s t r a t e s that the demand for domestic l i v e - i n servants s t i l l exceeded the supply i n Canada. Canadian women were employed i n c l e r i c a l jobs, or were performing personal service jobs on a contractual basis. The reopening of immigration and new recruitment e f f o r t s guaranteed a supply of domestic l i v e - i n servants for those who could afford them. The degree of government supervision of domestic recruitment increased during the early 1920's culminating with a new government organization known as the Women's Branch, which was formed s p e c i f i c a l l y to sele c t and place B r i t i s h domestics (Barber 1980, 160). In addition, the government provided incentives to a t t r a c t B r i t i s h women to Canada i n the form of reduced passage fare, guaranteed employment, and f i n a n c i a l assistance (Barber 1980). Despite government e f f o r t s there remained a lack of B r i t i s h women w i l l i n g to come to Canada. The supply from B r i t a i n had f a l l e n . Emigrating to Canada was no longer considered an a t t r a c t i v e option for B r i t i s h women. Based on h i s t o r i c a l material, d i a r i e s , and personal correspondence, Roberts (1979) notes that domestic service i n Canada was demystified. Instead of a vehicle for s o c i a l mobility, domestic service i n Canada was associated with poor working conditions and low wages. The demand for a servant class i n B r i t a i n absorbed unemployed women who would have otherwise been potential r e c r u i t s to Canada. To compensate for the decline i n domestic servants, the Canadian government turned towards "non-preferred" countries of Eastern and Southern Europe. These women, unlike those from B r i t a i n , had to be sponsored by a Canadian (Barber 1980). The demand was constant because of the high turnover rate and the lack of Canadian women w i l l i n g to take the jobs. Toward the end of the 1920's, the maternal feminist organizations that had been responsible for the placement of foreign domestics were replaced by government bureaucracies (Roberts 1979). In the decade between 1931 and 1941, information regarding the numbers of domestics recruited for service i n Canada i s scant. I t can reasonably be assumed that the depression and the onset of World War II put a temporary h a l t to recruitment e f f o r t s . During the 1930's, women, p a r t i c u l a r l y those who were married, were a c t i v e l y discouraged from p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the work force. Unemployment rose and women who worked were seen as taking jobs away from men. Considering that women's labour force p a r t i c i p a t i o n was viewed as temporary, t h e i r wage seen as supplemental, t h e i r proper sphere believed to be the home, and t h e i r natural role constructed as wife and mother, women were displaced from the paid labour force into the home. Ostry 43 notes that , 1 1. . . both public and private employers ... applied stringent regulations against the employment of married women" (1967, 34). Also i n the 1930's, immigration was cut off which resulted i n a decline of domestic workers. However, women who had to work were available to f i l l the demand due to a lack of alte r n a t i v e employment (4). The early 1940's witnessed a renewed i n t e r e s t i n bringing Canadian women into the labour force. The decline i n available male labour and the growth i n the service sector that once again accompanied the war necessitated the recruitment of Canadian women into the labour force. The following excerpts from a report prepared by the Department of Trade and Commerce i n 1942 , e n t i t l e d , "Reserve of Labour Among Canadian Women"' c l e a r l y states the problem of a labour shortage i n Canada and the role of women i n f i l l i n g t h i s void. There i s abundant evidence to suggest that Canada's sources of labour supply among men i s rapi d l y approaching depletion...future accretions to the nations labour force must come mainly from the ranks of women... If the war i s of long duration with the absorption of more and more men into the armed forces on the one hand, and, on the other an increasing tempo of war production, t h i s source (married women) w i l l have to be heavily drawn upon... the married women i n t h i s age group (15-44) i n urban l o c a l i t i e s provides a labour pool p r a c t i c a l l y untapped The employment of married women i s hampered of course by the fac t that, as a labour pool, they are extremely immobile. 44 Women were primarily absorbed i n the service sector as they were during World War I. The f u l l scale feminization of c l e r i c a l work can be seen i n table 1. Comparing the years between 1921 and 1941 i t i s i l l u s t r a t e d that women overtook men i n terms of representation i n t h i s job c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . This same table shows that the t o t a l percentage of women to men i n the labour force increased by approximately 3% between 1931 and 1941. I t can be inferr e d from t h i s table that a greater number of women were entering the labour force i n t h i s time period, and that they were fo r the most part employed i n c l e r i c a l and service occupations. The age of women i n the labour force also changed, as i l l u s t r a t e d i n table 2. This table shows the increase of older women i n the work force from 1931 -1941. The r i s e i n female labour force p a r t i c i p a t i o n aged 25 - 34 and 35 - 44 implies a r i s e i n the number of married women working. S t a t i s t i c s provided by Wilson show a decline i n the percentage of women out of the female work force employed i n domestic service -"...1901 - 31%, 1911 - 26.9%, 1921 - 18.1%, 1931 - 20.2 %, 1941 - 17.9 % " (1982, 83). Although the proportion of women i n domestic service declined i t remained one of the largest job categories i n which women were employed. The s l i g h t increase i n the percentages i n 1931 instead of a continuing decrease can be interpreted as a decline i n other sources of employment for women i n the 1930's. Conversely, the decrease i n percentage of women i n domestic service i n 1941 may be an indicator of new employment opportunities. By the early 1940's there was an increase i n the percentage of women to men i n the labour force. Canadian women were s t i l l employed i n the personal services jobs moreso then men, but c l e r i c a l work represented an important alt e r n a t i v e form of employment (see table 1). 1945-1973 This time period i s marked by a tremendous growth i n the state services which resulted i n an expansion of employment opportunities f o r women. Married women part i c i p a t e d i n increasing numbers as the labour market improved. Work t r a d i t i o n a l l y performed i n the home was increasingly s o c i a l i z e d . This created paid employment for women. As the creation of new markets and commodities increased so too did consumerism. Pressure was exerted on women to enter the labour force as secondary wage earners. The r i s i n g costs of reproduction necessitated a dual income earning household. The growth i n c l e r i c a l occupations accompanied the growing economy. P h i l l i p s and P h i l l i p s note that, as of 1951 "more than one out of every 5 women were c l a s s i f i e d as c l e r i c a l " (1983, 31). Not only did c l e r i c a l work represent a major employer for women, i t also became increasingly feminized. Table 1 shows that i n 1951 women represented 56.69% of the t o t a l employed i n c l e r i c a l work, and by 1961 the percentage had increased to 61.50. This indicates that men were s t e a d i l y moving away from these jobs, and that c l e r i c a l work was becoming defined as women's work. These trends had started i n the early 1920's. The table also shows that the percentage of women to men i n the labour grew s t e a d i l y from 1941 - 1961 so that by 1961, 27.31% of the t o t a l labour force was female. F i n a l l y , table 1 shows that the sex d i s t r i b u t i o n for personal services remained s u b s t a n t i a l l y unchanged for the years 1941 -1961. Women consistently represented well over half of the t o t a l employed i n t h i s category. Table 2 provides a breakdown of women i n the labour force by age from 1921 - 1961. The percentages of women, years 14-19, remained stable throughout these f o r t y years. However, the p a r t i c i p a t i o n rates for older women increased with each decade. This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y the case f o r women aged 25-34 and 35-44. P h i l l i p s and P h i l l i p s (1983, 36) note that i n the "1960's and 1970's almost one half of the married women i n Canada were i n the labour force". This i s i n d i c a t i v e of an increase i n the number of married women i n the work force, and an increase i n the number of women with children performing wage labour. I t was mentioned above that the sex d i s t r i b u t i o n i n personal services remained skewed towards women for the years included i n table 1. However, the actual percentage of women -out of the t o t a l female labour force - employed i n domestic service declined form 17.9% i n 1941 to 7.6% i n 1951 (Wilson 1982, 83; Armstrong and Armstrong 1975, 373). The increase of women i n the labour force, the r i s e i n the number of older women, the r i s e i n the proportion of women i n c l e r i c a l occupations, and the decline of women i n domestic service lead to the conclusion that domestic work declined i n importance as a labour market a c t i v i t y for Canadian women as other options opened. The movement of women away from domestic service meant a decrease i n the supply of domestics. The lack of Canadian women w i l l i n g to perform l i v e - i n service did not deter the demand. In 1955, the Canadian government i n i t i a t e d a foreign domestic worker p o l i c y known as the West Indian scheme (Silve r a 1984 , T u r r i t t i n 1975). Through t h i s program women were recruited from the West Indies to perform l i v e - i n domestic service. They were granted landed status immediately with the provision that they remain with an employer on a l i v e - i n basis for a one year period. The demand remained constant as most of the women stayed employed as domestics f o r the minimum time required and then moved on to fi n d other employment. The t o t a l number of West Indian women who came into Canada under t h i s program from 1955 - 1965 was 2,690 ( T u r r i t t i n 1975, 54). Networking between women i n the West Indies and those that had come to Canada v i a the Scheme attracted more women to Canada as domestic workers. The high turnover rate among domestic servants resulted i n a constant shortage i n r e l a t i o n to the demand. Table 3 ranks areas i n which Canada experienced a labour shortage for the years 1968-1973. I t i s shown that the category of maids 48 and domestics represents the occupation with the highest labour shortage between 1968 and 1970. In the years 1970 -1973 t h i s category had been overtaken by other job c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s , but s t i l l remained one of the top f i v e . I t i s clea r that domestic work continued to be non-preferred among Canadian women as well as those who were rec r u i t e d s p e c i f i c a l l y to f i l l the jobs. The lack of protection under labour laws that characterizes work performed i n the home i s one of the reasons for the ongoing labour shortage i n t h i s area (see chapter four). The exclusion of domestic workers from labour standards prohibited those employed as domestics from bargaining for better wages (Peddlar 1982). The open immigration p o l i c i e s under which domestic workers were brought into Canada served to maintain a constant supply which further acted upon depressing the cost of t h i s unit of labour. 1973-present The trend toward married women i n the work force continues i n the 1970's and 1980's. Canadian women have made substantial numerical gains i n the labour force. However, women continue to be disproportionately employed i n certai n jobs characterized by low wages, low status, and poor benefits. The percentage of married women and married women with children has also increased over the past 15 years. The r i s e i n the labour force p a r t i c i p a t i o n of married women with pre-school children raises the problem of c h i l d care. Table 4 shows the numerical gains made by women i n the labour force from 1970-1983. I t i s apparent that women entered the labour force at almost double the rate of men for these 13 years. S p e c i f i c a l l y , between 1970 and 1983, 2,860,000 women entered the labour market compared to 1,527,000 men. Table 5 i l l u s t r a t e s the increasing trend toward working mothers from 1975-1981. There has been an increase i n the percentages of labour force p a r t i c i p a t i o n for a l l women with children. The largest percentage of women with children who work i n the labour force are those with teenage children and no children under the age of s i x . I t i s reasonable to assume that t h i s i s the case because c h i l d care r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s are lessened. The lowest percentage of working mothers i n the paid labour force i s i n the category of women with children under the age of three. I t i s clea r that the presence of children has a strong a f f e c t on the p a r t i c i p a t i o n rate of married women i n the labour force. While t h i s i s true i t i s also noted that the percentage of working women with pre-school children i s st e a d i l y r i s i n g - 31.2% i n 1975 to 44.5% i n 1981 (see table 5) - i n d i c a t i n g that a l t e r n a t i v e forms of c h i l d care are being found. Table 5 also allows a comparison of the e f f e c t of children on the labour market a c t i v i t y of men and women. I t i s cle a r that the presence of children i s not a factor i n the degree to which men pa r t i c i p a t e i n the labour market. S p e c i f i c a l l y , p a r t i c i p a t i o n rates for males remain stable f or 50 the years 1975 - 1983 and do not fluctuate according to the age of c h i l d ( r e n ) . Clearly, the presence of children has a d i f f e r e n t i a l impact on the career pattern for men and women. The s i g n i f i c a n c e of a woman's contribution to the household income i n the form of earnings i s shown i n table 6. For each two year period from 1971-1981, women consistently contributed approximately one t h i r d of the t o t a l household income. This same table i l l u s t r a t e s the vast difference i n constant d o l l a r s between the income of men and women. For each 2 year period the average female income i s less than one half that of her spouse. When t h i s i s combined with the information presented i n table 5, i t seems cle a r that the wage d i f f e r e n t i a l has an impact on who w i l l leave the labour force and be responsible for c h i l d care. Wage d i f f e r e n t i a l s are supported and j u s t i f i e d by a patr i a r c h a l ideology which maintains the economic subordination of women (see chapter two). The information provided i n table 6 makes i t possible to observe the increased wages of both men and women. I t i s apparent that the average wage for women has ri s e n s t e a d i l y during the past decade. The r i s e i n household income means that the option of paying for c h i l d care and other types of domestic services i s becoming viable for a greater number of Canadian households. State related jobs continue to absorb the increasing number of women i n the labour force. Table 7 l i s t s the top f i v e occupations i n which women were represented during 51 the period between 1975 and 1983. The top two job categories for women continue to be c l e r i c a l and service. In 1975 only 6.9% of a l l men i n the labour force were employed i n c l e r i c a l occupations compared to 36.1% of women. The percentages declined s l i g h t l y f or both groups by 1983, but the disproportionate representation on the basis of sex remained (6.4% of men i n the labour force and 32,6% of a l l women). Women are also disproportionately represented i n service categories (9.7% of a l l males i n the labour force were employed i n service jobs i n 1975 compared with 16.6% representation of a l l women i n the labour force. For 1983 these figures changed to 11.63% and 18.6% re s p e c t i v e l y ) . The service category i s not broken down by occupation, and therefore the number of women s p e c i f i c a l l y employed i n domestic service can not be determined. However, table 8 does provide a l i s t i n g of occupations i n which women were most often represented i n 1981. The l i s t includes the job c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of cleaner which appears as number ten on the l i s t i n d i c a t i n g that the work i s non-preferred. In general, i t can be seen that the p a r t i c i p a t i o n rate of women i n the labour force, p a r t i c u l a r l y married women with children, has grown since the early 1970's. In addition, the number of women entering the labour force as compared to men has also increased. Those women entering the labour force continue to be segregated i n certa i n occupations that have come to be considered as women's jobs. The d i s p a r i t y between 52 the wages of men and women, and a continued r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for domestic labour r e s u l t s i n an interrupted career pattern f o r women. I t can also be seen, however, that the percentages of women with pre-school children entering the labour market i s increasing. The r e s u l t i n g contradiction between c h i l d care and paid employment, and the burden of the double day for women i s re a d i l y apparent (5). One way i n which the contradiction may be resolved i s through h i r i n g a temporary domestic worker. In 1973, the Canadian government made i t possible for households to hir e a foreign l i v e - i n domestic worker at r e l a t i v e l y low cost (see chapter four). L i v e - i n workers resolve the c r i s i s of c h i l d care, and also perform other types of domestic labour. At the same time that the private employer i s ben e f i t t i n g from the labour of the domestic worker, the pressure otherwise applied to the state to provide adequate day care i s l i f t e d . Foreign domestics are now recruited from a variety of countries under a temporary work authorization permit (see chapter four). Through t h i s permit the state i s d i r e c t l y involved i n the securing a constant supply of domestic workers. Conclusion Canada has h i s t o r i c a l l y r e l i e d on other countries to solve the problem of chronic shortage of domestic workers. The demise of the servant class i n Canada accompanied the increase i n i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . As other options opened fo r women i n the 53 work force those previously relegated to domestic service were able to f i n d a l t e r n a t i v e employment. In an e f f o r t to meet the demand for servants, women who lacked alternatives i n B r i t a i n were recruited to l i v e and work as servants i n Canadian households. The servant class was imported from abroad to maintain the old era. The t r a n s i t i o n to advanced stages of wage labour was underway, but not complete. Vestiges of feudal patterns of ownership s t i l l remained, among them the servant c l a s s . As the twentieth century progressed, Canada moved towards a more advanced stage of wage labour. The demand for a servant cl a s s declined as did the number of women emigrating from B r i t a i n to Canada as servants. Though the demand f e l l i t did not disappear. To compensate for the decline i n available domestics i n r e l a t i o n to the demand, the Canadian government turned to other areas of recruitment. The supply from these "non-preferred" countries existed because those emigrating saw Canada as both a way to escape poor conditions i n t h e i r home country, and as a vehicle for s o c i a l mobility i n Canada. In the l a s t decade the demand for foreign l i v e - i n domestics has increased. As shown i n t h i s chapter the s p e c i f i c need arises from the increase dual income earning f a m i l i e s . The f a c t that domestic workers perform a l l types of domestic labour including c h i l d care makes h i r i n g a l i v e - i n domestic an a t t r a c t i v e option. Currently, the supply of labour available to f i l l the demand comes primarily from the Phili p p i n e s . The 5 4 following chapter provides an explanation as to why t h i s i s the case. In addition, chapter four documents the nature of migrant labour and the government p o l i c i e s that serve to structure and maintain these workers i n a vulnerable p o s i t i o n . CHAPTER IV MIGRANT DOMESTIC LABOUR The purpose of t h i s chapter i s to outline the factors involved i n influencing the supply and demand of domestic workers under Canada's migrant worker p o l i c y . Section one outlines the nature of migrant labour and sets the context within which migrant domestic workers are discussed. Canada's migrant labour p o l i c y i s the subject of section two. I t i s shown that Canada has a two t i e r system which structures the conditions of migrant workers d i f f e r e n t l y . Within t h i s system domestic workers are located i n the bottom t i e r . The temporary work authorization permit under which the domestic worker may enter Canada i s discussed i n section three. I t i s i l l u s t r a t e d that the s t i p u l a t i o n s and r e s t r i c t i o n s on foreign domestics places t h i s category of workers i n a po s i t i o n of powerlessness. Pressure exerted on the federal government for change to the migrant worker v i s a has improved conditions somewhat, but migrant domestics remain i n an i n s t i t u t i o n a l l y marginalized p o s i t i o n . The problems imbedded i n the federal p o l i c y are exacerbated by a lack of coverage f o r migrant domestics under p r o v i n c i a l labour standards. In section four, B r i t i s h Columbia i s taken as a case i n point. Data are r e a d i l y available from the Vancouver Canada Employment and Immigration o f f i c e and the 55 56 Special Collections d i v i s i o n of the University of B r i t i s h Columbia. I t i s i l l u s t r a t e d that foreign domestics i n B r i t i s h Columbia are excluded from c e r t a i n sections of the Employment Standards Act which further entrenches t h e i r p o sition of v u l n e r a b i l i t y . In addition, ambiguities and contradictions between federal and p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n prevent migrant domestic workers from enforcing what limited r i g h t s they do have. The l a s t section i s devoted to migrant F i l i p i n o women who represent the majority of migrant domestic workers i n Canada. High rates of unemployment, low wages, and a decline i n a g r i c u l t u r a l production caused by uneven economic development i n the Philippines forces labour to migrate. Women migrate as part of a family strategy with the expectation that a portion of t h e i r wage i s sent home to support the family (Trager 1986). The decision to migrate i s viewed as a forced "choice" due to lack of alternatives i n the Philippines. I t i s common for F i l i p i n o women to work as domestics abroad. The option of applying for landed status a f t e r a two year period a t t r a c t s many of these women to Canada. Achieving landed immigrant status depends, i n part, on maintaining a pos i t i v e immigration record. The conditions motivating women to leave the Philippines combined with the goal of gaining landed status places t h i s group of workers i n a position of extreme dependence on t h e i r employer. Excerpts from interviews conducted with s i x private r e c r u i t i n g agencies i n Vancouver 57 are included. I t i s shown that the vulnerable position of F i l i p i n o women i s accentuated through messages conveyed to the prospective employer regarding "natural" a b i l i t i e s and c u l t u r a l attributes p a r t i c u l a r to F i l i p i n o women. Through t h i s process F i l i p i n o women are constructed as suitable for c e r t a i n types of domestic labour. Migrant Labour The constant labour migration across international borders i s linked to the uneven development of capitalism on a global basis (Castles 1986, Castles and Kosack 1985, and Miles 1982). The accumulation of c a p i t a l i s dependent upon keeping the costs of production low so that maximum surplus value may be extracted and re-invested. In the search for cheap labour countries dominated by the c a p i t a l i s t mode of production may either move labour intensive industries to areas where labour power i s inexpensive, or labour may be recruited to f a c i l i t a t e production i n i n d u s t r i a l i z e d areas. (Castles 1986). I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n i n a g r i c u l t u r a l l y based countries often r e s u l t s i n urban expansion to the detriment of the a g r i c u l t u r a l sector. Those who l i v e i n r u r a l areas migrate to the urban centers i n search of employment r e s u l t i n g i n a surplus labour force (Sassen-Koob 1981). The large scale unemployment means that competition for jobs i s high, and therefore wages are kept depressed. This surplus labour force, attracted by opportunities for employment and higher 58 wages i n other countries, i s available to be recruited to work abroad. Labour recruitment i s p a r t i c u l a r l y high during periods of c a p i t a l i s t expansion when increased labour i s required for production and the indigenous work force i s not w i l l i n g to f i l l c e r t a i n jobs (Castles and Kosack 1985). S i m i l a r l y , during times of economic downturns, the flow of migration slows, and those employed may be deported back to t h e i r own country. Migrant workers are e a s i l y deported when no longer required because they are denied c i t i z e n s h i p r i g h t s (Castles, Booth and Wallace 1984, and Miles 1982). The threat of deportation i s a form of d i r e c t control over the labour force, which serves to depress the cost of wages and prevents the workers from bargaining f o r better conditions of employment. As a migrant worker the employee i s assigned to work with a s p e c i f i c employer. In t h i s sense migrant workers can not be considered free wage labourers as they are not "free" to s e l l t h e i r labour power to whomever they choose (Miles and Phizacklea 1984). Migrant workers comprise a surplus labour force. The high rate of unemployment and low wages i n the countries from which these workers are migrating r e s u l t s i n a pool of mobile labour. The supply of workers further serves to keep wages low and working conditions poor. Wages of migrant workers are lower than those paid to indigenous workers because the cost of reproduction of the work force i s not factored into the 59 wage (Castles, Booth and Wallace 1984). The t r a i n i n g , education, and the s o c i a l costs of the migrant labour force are borne by the country of o r i g i n of the migrant worker. The host country need not supply an infra s t r u c t u r e for the migrant labour force i n the form of schools, s o c i a l assistance or appropriate housing (Sassen-Koob 1981). The dependent position of the migrant worker i s enforced by the withholding of c i t i z e n s h i p r i g h t s . In t h i s case the worker i s not only at r i s k of los i n g a job, but also of being forced to leave the country. Migrant workers f a c i l i t a t e the accumulation of c a p i t a l , f i r s t , because they d i r e c t l y a i d i n the expansion of c a p i t a l , and second, because t h e i r labour does not include the cost of reproduction. Hence, maximum surplus value may be derived. M i g r a n t L a b o u r i n C a n a d a The use of migrant workers depends upon the needs of private c a p i t a l , and therefore varies h i s t o r i c a l l y and region a l l y ( M i l l e r 1986). Canada i n i t i a t e d a migrant worker po l i c y i n 1973 so that immigration could be controlled and labour market shortages f i l l e d (Manpower and Immigration 1975). Migrant workers enter Canada on a temporary work authorization permit. The v i s a applicant must apply from outside of Canada and must present an o f f e r of employment to the Canadian embassy or consulate i n that country. The o f f e r of employment from a Canadian resident i s a prerequisite for 60 entry into Canada as a migrant worker. The prospective Canadian employer must have already presented a request for a foreign worker to Canadian Employment and Immigration (Canada Employment and Immigration 1988, 50). A l l requests must be passed by an o f f i c e r at the Canadian Employment and Immigration Commission (C.E.I.C.) before the o f f e r of employment i s made to a foreign worker. The o f f i c e r i s responsible for authorizing the request on the basis that there are no Canadians available or w i l l i n g to do the job. Once the C.E.I.C has authorized the employment request, and the o f f e r of employment has been made, the v i s a worker i s assigned to that employer for the duration of employment i n Canada. If the worker for any reason has to change jobs, Employment and Immigration must immediately be contacted. If they f a i l to do t h i s they r i s k being deported because they are then i n the country i l l e g a l l y (Canada Employment and Immigration 1988, 20). When vi s a workers are unemployed i n Canada they may be given help i n finding another employer within the same f i e l d that i s designated on t h e i r v i s a . If no job i s available they may again be deported. Clearly, for migrant workers the threat of deportation i s constant and r e s u l t s from r e s t r i c t i o n s on the v i s a and the denial of c i t i z e n s h i p r i g h t s . This denial i s an i n t e g r a l part of the temporary work authorization permit and i s the central factor that maintains control over t h i s unit of labour. At t h i s point s i m i l a r i t i e s between the discussion of 61 migrant labour presented above and the Canadian migrant worker pol i c y can be made. F i r s t , those who are entering Canada as migrant workers are f i l l i n g a vacancy i n the Canadian labour market. They are brought i n to meet the demands of private employers, and frequently used to perform work that i s non-preferred. Second, the v i s a r e s t r i c t i o n s on migrant workers l i m i t s t h e i r mobility i n Canada making them an e a s i l y controlled labour force. This i n turn eliminates t h e i r a b i l i t y to bargain for improved wages and working conditions. They, therefore, represent a type of labour that i s r e a d i l y exploitable. In summary, the conditions under which migrant workers are employed i n Canada i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e s t h e i r vulnerabi1ity. In a recent study Boyd, Taylor, and Delaney (1986) argue that there are l i m i t s to comparing Canadian migrant workers to the guest-worker p o l i c y i n Europe. The migrant working v i s a allows some people to migrate to Canada exempt from the r e s t r i c t i o n s c i t e d above. This exemption may be allowed o f f i c i a l l y on humanitarian grounds. The aforementioned study notes that many of those who gain entrance into Canada under the clause for exemption perform white c o l l a r jobs for which there does not need to be a labour market demand. The exempt category also includes diplomats, lectu r e r s , performers and others who do not meet the s t r i c t requirements of those who f a l l within the validated category. I t should be pointed out that even under the exempted category the Canadian government i s s t i l l able to control the length of stay of the applicant, and therefore the worker remains i n a vulnerable po s i t i o n (of course t h i s i s only true i f the worker has a vested i n t e r e s t i n staying i n Canada). Nevertheless, there i s a d i v i s i o n i n the migrant worker p o l i c y between those who are permitted into the country to accept " s k i l l e d " occupations and those that are recruited to answer Canada's labour market shortage i n non-preferred jobs. In e f f e c t , Canada has a two t i e r migrant worker system. The subject of t h i s thesis i s domestic workers who migrate to Canada under the requirements of a validated v i s a . Labour entering Canada exempt from these requirements i s omitted from the remainder of the chapter. Migrant Domestic Workers i n Canada One of the p r i n c i p a l categories of migrant workers i n Canada since the i n i t i a t i o n of the pol i c y i n 1973 i s domestic workers, almost a l l of whom are women (see table 9). Recruitment of domestic workers from abroad i s not new to Canada. H i s t o r i c a l l y , people have been brought into Canada to perform domestic labour on a l i v e - i n basis. O r i g i n a l l y recruitment centered on B r i t a i n and l a t e r moved to Eastern Europe and f i n a l l y the Caribbean (see chapter three). The difference since 1973 i s that domestic workers are o f f i c i a l l y c l a s s i f i e d as a p a r t i c u l a r category of labour required to f i l l a chronic shortage i n a non-preferred occupation. Furthermore, migrant workers are denied c i t i z e n s h i p r i g h t s . P r i o r to t h i s 63 date foreign domestics were granted Landed Immigrant Status upon entering Canada, and therefore were guaranteed p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s equal to Canadian c i t i z e n s . The disenfranchisement of foreign domestic workers r e s u l t s i n an increasingly marginalized status of t h i s type of labour and of those who perform i t . Domestic workers are one of the groups granted temporary employment authorization under the validated category, which means, by d e f i n i t i o n , they are f i l l i n g non-preferred jobs. Domestics must have an o f f e r of employment from a prospective Canadian employer and must then pass an interview with an embassy o f f i c i a l before being given a v i s a . Those applying for work authorization permits are evaluated on relaxed point system c r i t e r i a (6) including command of the English language, education or t r a i n i n g , experience as a domestic worker and personal s u i t a b i l i t y (Canada Employment and Immigration 1988, 33). Assuming that they pass they are granted an employment v i s a and are allowed to come to Canada and work fo r the sp e c i f i e d employer. Tying workers to an employer and an employment agreement before they leave t h e i r home country i s a way i n which labour may be e f f e c t i v e l y controlled before i t enters the country (Bonacich 1972, Miles and Phizacklea 1984). A domestic worker must also, as part of the r e s t r i c t i o n s on the v i s a , reside with the employer (Canada Employment and Immigration 1988, 49) and may not change employers without f i r s t obtaining consent from the Department of Employment and 64 Immigration. Before seeking new employment the domestic worker must present Immigration with a reference l e t t e r from the ex-employer c a l l e d a Letter of Recommendation. The Letter of Recommendation i s an updated version of the Letter of Release, the name of which implies release from servitude instead of termination of an employment agreement. The e f f e c t of the Letter of Recommendation on domestic workers who wish to change employers i s stated below. This excerpt i s from an interview conducted with the organizer of a Vancouver group working for the r i g h t s and protection of domestic workers, "It ' s (the Letter of Recommendation) i s s t a r t i n g to look s t r i k i n g l y l i k e the old release l e t t e r except that Immigration i s not c a l l i n g i t that anymore. Now what a domestic worker i s supposed to get when she leaves her job i s t h i s Letter of Recommendation. The employer must say why t h i s employment has terminated from t h e i r perspective. That has to be i n there. They have to sign that. What happens, i s a domestic worker goes to Immigration and looks for permission to seek new employment... i f she does not have that l e t t e r of recommendation that t a l k s about why she has l e f t her employer they i n s i s t on being able to speak to the employer about why she's l e f t before they w i l l give the domestic worker permission to look for another job... So you've s t i l l got the same s i t u a t i o n . What happened before i s that she was worried that Immigration was not going to give her permission to look for a new job because her current employer didn't release her. Now she's s t i l l worried about the same thing. The f a c t that the work i s done i n the home, and that domestic workers are forced to l i v e where they work has 65 ramifications regarding the length of the work day. L i v e - i n domestic workers are available 24 hours and may be c a l l e d upon to work at any time of the day or night. The i s o l a t i o n of the work environment r e s u l t s i n insurmountable d i f f i c u l t i e s i n monitoring the number of hours domestic workers are forced to work. This type of abuse may be endured by domestic workers i f they fear losing t h e i r job and being deported from the country, or i f they are a f r a i d of jeopardizing t h e i r chances of gaining landed immigrant status. The following passages from Si l v e r a ' s book, Silenced f supports these claims. A l l of the women interviewed by S i l v e r a are from the West Indies and a l l came to Canada with the hope of staying as landed immigrants. The f i r s t interview c i t e d i l l u s t r a t e s the lack of privacy and e r r a t i c hours some domestics encounter, "Right now my day begins at around 5:00 a.m. which i s about when the baby wake up... I share a room with him ... Around 6:30 a.m. I prepare breakfast f o r the husband... You know I'm on c a l l 24 hours a day, l i k e t h i s baby now, sometimes I f e e l weak" (1984, 27). Another of the domestic workers interviewed by S i l v e r a stated s i m i l a r experiences. The r e l a t i o n s h i p between abusive treatment and endurance of such treatment out of fear of Immigration i s also evident, "You know, just because you l i v e i n the house they make you work l i k e a horse a l l the time... 6 6 I keep quiet because I don't want to create any bad feelings with Immigration o f f i c e r s " (1984, 55) F i n a l l y , the quote c i t e d below c l e a r l y shows the contradiction between occupational s e t t i n g and place of residence. The personal nature of the work creates problems i n defining domestic service as " r e a l " work, "... i t ' s hard to t e l l yourself, 'I'm only here to do t h i s ' - domestic work - when r e a l l y I am l i v i n g here 24 hours a day. I f e e l as i f t h i s i s my home. I t i s my home, t h i s i s where I l i v e . I t ' s not l i k e I come to work for them and then evening time I leave and go home. When you are l i v i n g with them, they make you f e e l as i f you r e a l l y don't belong, and where the d e v i l do you r e a l l y belong? I t ' s a funny thing to happen to us, because i t makes us f e e l l i k e we don't know i f we're coming or going" (1984, 113). The requirement of l i v e - i n service has an obvious impact on the l i v e s of these workers. This p a r t i c u l a r s t i p u l a t i o n on the work v i s a i s designed to maintain control over temporary domestics. Because of t h i s domestic workers lack privacy and freedom of movement. The state benefits i n the following ways: by c o n t r o l l i n g migrant domestic workers, and by eliminating the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for providing and maintaining an infr a s t r u c t u r e to house them. In t h i s way the o v e r a l l cost to the state of r e c r u i t i n g migrant labour i s minimized. The temporary domestic worker i s paid a monthly salary minus room and board. The salary varies from province to province and i s based on a minimum d a i l y wage. This d a i l y wage represents the minimum hourly wage of the province multiplied by eight (an eight hour work day). The issue of overtime for hours worked over eight per day, or weekly overtime for anything over 40 hours has been the subject of much debate and p o l i t i c a l struggle since the introduction of the p o l i c y . Deductions are taken from the pay checks of domestic workers for Unemployment Insurance and Canada Pension Plan. However, the domestic worker i s prevented from c o l l e c t i n g unemployment insurance while on a temporary v i s a because, by d e f i n i t i o n , she may not be unemployed and stay i n the country. Canada Pension Plan contributions may be regained but i t i s d i f f i c u l t and time consuming which l i m i t s the numbers of people who attempt to c o l l e c t (Arnopolous 1979). The state gains i n the way of revenue without having to return any of the benefits. Table 10 shows, that for the years 1973 to 1979, the Canadian government gained a t o t a l of 11,288,751 i n revenue from t h i s group of disenfranchised workers. In addition to the b a t t l e over hours of work there have been other issues raised by government task forces, women's groups and i n t e r e s t groups that formed i n the p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t of temporary domestics. When the p o l i c y f i r s t began i n 1973 domestic workers were not allowed to apply for landed immigrant status from within the country, had v i r t u a l l y no protection under labour laws i n any province, and no job contract (Arnopolous 1979, S i l v e r a 1984). Intercede 68 (International C o a l i t i o n to End Domestics' Exploitation) formed i n 1979 i n Toronto as a spokes-group for the right s of temporary domestic workers. P o l i t i c a l pressure was exerted on the Canadian government to improve the position of these workers. Changes were made to the permit under which domestics could migrate to Canada. The new program c e r t i f i e d i n 1981 i s known as the Foreign Domestic Movement (F.D.M.). The F.D.M. made i t possible for foreign domestics to apply f o r landed status from within Canada a f t e r a two year period. The temporary permit e n t i t l e s the foreign worker to stay f o r one year a f t e r which time they must apply for a renewal. During the second year they may then apply for landed immigrant status. The applicant i s assessed within the following categories: experience, command of the English or French language, f i n a n c i a l security, s k i l l upgrading, " s o c i a l adaptation" and personal s u i t a b i l i t y (Canada Employment and Immigration 1988, 1). There are several problems with evaluating migrant domestic workers according to these categories. In general the a b i l i t y of a l i v e - i n domestic worker to rank highly i n any of these categories i s p a r t i a l l y dependent upon the employer. In evaluating the experience of the applicant the Department of Immigration r e l i e s on l e t t e r s of recommendation of the employer. As previously mentioned the Letter of Recommendation i s i n i t s e l f subjective and problematic. In terms of obtaining language t r a i n i n g and s k i l l s upgrading the domestic worker i s dependent upon the employer to allow s u f f i c i e n t and appropriate time o f f so that courses may be taken. The second problem concerning s k i l l s upgrading i s that the courses which migrant domestic workers are permitted to take are r e s t r i c t e d . The temporary work v i s a s t i p u l a t e s that a migrant domestic worker may not take any u n i v e r s i t y or college courses. They are permitted to take only continuing education courses or classes offered at community centres. Many of these courses are i n the f i e l d of domestic service, thereby r e s t r i c t i n g the p o s s i b i l i t y of job mobility once landed status i s granted. In terms of f i n a n c i a l security the wage paid to domestics i s minimal. In addition, many of the domestics support t h e i r f a milies abroad, and therefore there i s l i t t l e l i k e l i h o o d of accumulating savings while i n Canada on a work v i s a . The remaining two categories of " s o c i a l adaptation" and personal s u i t a b i l i t y are judged by an Immigration o f f i c e r during an interview. This mode of evaluation i s discretionary and highly subjective. Despite the inadequacies i n the process of evaluation a number of temporary domestics are granted landed status each year (see table 11). The data may be misleading, however, as the t o t a l number of foreign domestics who applied for landed status are not indicated. Therefore, there i s no way to assess the number of people who were denied status. The problems of abuse frequently encountered by domestic workers on employment authorizations were brought to the attention of the federal government by Intercede and other 70 i n t e r e s t groups. In response, the federal government issued a form o r i g i n a l l y c a l l e d an employment contract. I t s p e c i f i e d the wage agreed upon, the hours of work required, s p e c i f i c duties, and l i v i n g accommodations. This was designed to o f f e r the foreign domestic worker greater protection. However, the "contract" i s not l e g a l l y binding as stated c l e a r l y i n the Employment and Immigration manual, while the EMP 2151 indicates wages and working conditions which the employer has agreed to provide, and the IMM 1102 grants permission to work as s p e c i f i e d , neither constitutes a contract of employment (1988, 51). To eliminate the confusion the government, as of July 1988, issued a new form which i s signed by the employer and domestic e n t i t l e d the Domestic Foreign Worker\ Employer Agreement (see appendix b). For the f i r s t time, under t h i s new agreement, the hours of work are set at 40 hours a week with the provision for overtime. In addition, the Agreement eliminates the past expectation that the domestic worker provide two evenings of free baby-sitting service per week. While these new provisions are meant to benefit the domestic worker the agreement i s not l e g a l l y enforceable. The f a c t that domestic workers must s t i l l l i v e with t h e i r employer and that they work i n an i s o l a t e d environment precludes any supervision of the conditions of employment. These factors make the changes i n the l e g i s l a t i o n i n e f f e c t i v e . The demand for foreign domestic workers has been s t e a d i l y r i s i n g since 1981. The o f f i c i a l reason given for the Foreign Domestic Movement i s that "there i s a growing need among parents who are both joining the work force f o r .. affordable, accessible, q u a l i t y c h i l d care" (Canada Employment and Immigration 1988, 33). The temporary work permit ensures a constant supply of labour available to answer t h i s demand. Table 12 indicates that the t o t a l number of issued and renewed visas for domestics increased from 14,292 i n 1982 to 20,346 i n 1987, and that the increase has been steady for each year from 1982 to 1987. The government c l e a r l y sees the issuing of visas for temporary domestics as a viable solution to the demand for c h i l d care. The wages of domestic workers are depressed because of the r e s t r i c t i o n s imposed by the working v i s a . The demands exerted on the state for an improvement i n the working conditions of temporary domestics changed l e g i s l a t i o n somewhat, but only s u p e r f i c i a l l y . Thus, the state appears to be responding to the demand of in t e r e s t groups, but no r e a l change has occurred. For those performing l i v e - i n domestic labour, work conditions remain poor and wages low. The in t e r e s t of the bourgeois middle class i s served i n the sense that both male and female heads of household are free to earn a wage. This not only answers the immediate demands of the household, but also serves the in t e r e s t of c a p i t a l as consumerism i s maximized, which i n turn f a c i l i t a t e s accumulation. The option of h i r i n g a l i v e - i n domestic worker maximizes the earning potential of the household and increases the le i s u r e time of the couple (7). This i s the case since a l l domestic labour i s the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the paid domestic. The following statement made by the owner of a private r e c r u i t i n g agency i n Vancouver summarizes the reason why l i v e - i n domestics are i n high demand, "... both husband and wife are out there supporting the mortgage and... have babies as well. They a l l have to have a nanny or otherwise they can't work. Either i t ' s l i v e - i n or i t ' s live- o u t or i t ' s day-care ... live- o u t costs more. The difference with day-care i s that nobody does your housework. You have to drop the kids o f f , and you can't be la t e coming home from the o f f i c e or go and meet your husband f o r dinner. You can phone your nanny and say we're going to be an hour or two la t e and would you please t a l e care of the kiddies." Migrant Domestic Workers i n Vancouver Issues and problems raised above regarding the powerless pos i t i o n of domestic workers are given closer attention i n t h i s section. The a v a i l a b i l i t y of data on labour standards l e g i s l a t i o n i n B.C. allows a look at the poor coverage provided for domestic workers i n t h i s province. Interest groups within the province have lobbied the government for the inc l u s i o n of domestic l i v e - i n workers under the Employment Standards Act. This has resulted i n changes which bring domestic workers within various sections, but not a l l of the Act. Confusion between federal immigration laws and pr o v i n c i a l labour standards at best makes the coverage confusing, and therefore d i f f i c u l t to enforce, and at worst r e s u l t s i n a blatant lack of protection. The net r e s u l t i s a depression of wages. Domestic Workers i n B r i t i s h Columbia have h i s t o r i c a l l y been excluded from coverage within labour l e g i s l a t i o n and the Employment Standards Act (Peddlar 1982, 52-57). Since the early 1970's the government has been lobbied to change the l e g i s l a t i o n . In 1974, b r i e f s were presented to the Standing Committee on Labour and Justice by the B.C. Federation of Labour and the Vancouver Status of Women regarding labour standards for domestic and farm workers. Both b r i e f s note that domestic workers are denied benefits including: coverage under the Workmen's Compensation Act, the Hours of Work Act, and Annual and General Holidays Act (V.S.W.; box 39, f i l e 25, 1974). These submissions to the Committee c a l l e d f o r a recognition of the spe c i a l problems faced by domestic workers. In 1975, the B.C. Federation of Labour brought the same concerns to the Indu s t r i a l Relations Board. The content of t h i s presentation and the reply are stated i n an a r t i c l e i n the Province, a l o c a l newspaper, on June 4 e n t i t l e d , "Fed. urges $4 minimum wage". The a r t i c l e i s as follows, 74 "several b r i e f s urged repeal of l e g i s l a t i o n that excludes farm and domestic workers from minimum wage protection. "... Deputy Labour Minister James Matkin, who chaired hearing said t h i s would be a matter f o r the l e g i s l a t u r e and not the Board (Industrial Relations Board). "Matkin added, however, that recommendations to include agriculture and domestic workers i n minimum wage l e g i s l a t i o n have been made as a r e s u l t of l e g i s l a t i v e committee hearings..." (V.S.W.; box 20, f i l e 57). In 1976 a women's in t e r e s t group, Women Rally for Action, presented a b r i e f to the B r i t i s h Columbia Members of the Le g i s l a t i v e Assembly which again c a l l e d of the p r o v i n c i a l government to change labour laws to include domestic workers. They noted that, "domestic workers constitute one of the most disadvantaged and exploited sectors of the population" (V.S.W.; box 1, f i l e 27b). By 1983 the labour code had not been altered to include domestic workers under ce r t a i n sections of Employment Standards such as, the Hours of Work Act, despite the pressure exerted f o r these changes during the 1970's. In a report e n t i t l e d , "What This Country Did To Us I t Did To I t s e l f " , Eleanor Watchel brought the concerns regarding lack of protection of domestic workers to the attention of the B r i t i s h Columbia Human Rights Commission. She noted that, "... In r e a l i t y , many women are paid less than the minimum wage .. and work considerably longer hours than indicated, and for no additional pay. "The s t o r i e s of abuses are extensive : 15 -16 75 hour days; heavy work; r a c i s t remarks from employers; sexual harassment; l i t t l e time o f f . . . " (B.C.H.R.C. 1983, 42). The Domestic Worker's Union formed i n 1982 to attempt to improve the conditions for domestic workers. Though t h i s organization c a l l e d i t s e l f a union i t was not c e r t i f i e d as domestics are not allowed to unionize. This group applied for a hearing i n the Supreme Court of Canada claiming that lack of coverage under the B r i t i s h Columbia Employment Standards Act was a v i o l a t i o n of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. S p e c i f i c a l l y , the union challenged the minimum d a i l y wage for domestics instead of a minimum hourly wage. This i s an important issue because domestics were not covered under the Hours of Work Act, and therefore were not paid overtime f o r hours i n excess of 8 per day. The application for a case against the Department of the Attorney General was dismissed on the grounds that, "there was no v i o l a t i o n of a common law r i g h t as domestics had contracted to work s p e c i f i e d hours f o r s p e c i f i e d wages." (Canadian Labour Law Reports 1984, 14,004). Though the p e t i t i o n was turned down the attempt indicates continued support f o r domestic workers i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Domestic workers continue to be denied coverage under Hours of Work Act (B.C.Employment Standards Act 1981 and the B.C. Employment Standards B u l l e t i n 1987). However, the federal domestic worker\employer agreement indicates that the domestic worker must be paid overtime for hours over 40 per week (8). I t should be noted that a domestic worker almost always works over a 40 hours i f she i s hired to perform c h i l d care and adult household members are working. This i s the case because the employers must t r a v e l to and from work. Assuming they too work an 8 hour day the time worked by a domestic worker must be more than 8 per day. Therefore, a domestic worker who i s paid a minimum d a i l y wage should almost always receive overtime. The frequency of long work days f o r domestic workers was raised during interviews with private agencies i n Vancouver who r e c r u i t l i v e - i n domestics f o r Canadian households. The following excerpts involve the issue of payment for overtime. I t i s evident that the d e f i n i t i o n of the work day for domestics varies according to the agency as does the procedure for overtime compensation. Agency 1: "We just t e l l the families that i f you expect them to work over 40 hours give them extra or give them extra free time... um, i t creates a l o t of concerns for families - i t ' s crazy - i t ' s r e a l l y unclear. What was happening before (the new employer\employee agreement) was that nannies were working 15 hours a day for minimum wage. I think they brought the new agreement i n to change that... I don't know i f anyone enforces i t . I've never known a nanny to enforce i t yet. No one r e a l l y knows what to do." Agency 3: "When you t a l k to the Department of Labour they say that there i s no set hours for a domestic." 77 Agency 4: "... most nannies work 8 - 1 0 hours a day because, i f t h e i r employer i s working they have t r a v e l l i n g time. So... the salary i s calculated on a ten hour day... when they sign the contract i t t e l l s them that they w i l l be working so many hours. If they get here and they get wise, and ta l k to t h e i r friends they can f i g h t for i t (overtime). Chances are t h e y ' l l lose t h e i r job and t h e y ' l l go look someplace else 'cause the employers won't want to pay i t . " Agency 6: "Manpower says domestics get overtime pay, but you c a l l the Department of Labour ... they say they are not e n t i t l e d to overtime pay. So there i s some contradiction there... I t i s usually a 9 or 10 hour (work)day. You just can't get around that. I just say, 'well pay her a l i t t l e more or give extra time o f f . I t i s a give and take s i t u a t i o n . . . I f e e l i n most cases that i t evens out." The confusion over whether or not a domestic worker may receive overtime has been an issue of concern for the Domestic Workers Association (D.W.A.). The D.W.A. was formed i n Vancouver i n 1985 af t e r the demise of the Domestic Workers Union. The D.W.A. attempts to p u b l i c i z e problems encountered by domestic workers, educates foreign domestics as to t h e i r r i g h t s i n Canada, encourages them to take action against abusive employers, acts as an advocacy group on behalf of foreign domestics, and generally provides resources and support to those who work as l i v e - i n domestics. In a tape-recorded interview, the organizer of the group spoke to the issue of inadequate protection for domestic workers under Employment Standards, 78 "The most common problem i s the lack of overtime protection i n the Employment Standards Act. They can be made to work any number of hours i n a day and s t i l l only receive the f l a t rate. They do end up working 12, 14, and 16 hour days ... they're working so hard they don't even have the opportunity to learn about t h e i r r i g h t s . We've thought about using Section 15 of the Charter (of Rights and Freedoms), the anti-discrimination clause, to argue that the section on overtime (in the Employment Standards Act) v i o l a t e s the Charter... We haven't done that because i t takes a l o t of money. Access (to the courts) i s a r e a l problem - they (domestic workers) don't have access (because the court system i s c o s t l y ) . I t ' s hard to monitor (the Agreement). There's no support for domestics at Employment Canada and they (domestics) are a f r a i d to complain. In an unrecorded interview with a senior o f f i c i a l at the B r i t i s h Columbia Employment Standards Branch (B.C.E.S.B.) t h i s point was raised. According to t h i s representative from the B.C.E.S.B., the effectiveness of enforcing the overtime depends upon whether or not the federal agreement i s considered l e g a l l y binding, and therefore overrides the Employment Standards l e g i s l a t i o n . I t was noted i n the previous section that t h i s agreement binding. Therefore, domestic overtime pay. The domestic i s not a contract and i s not workers are not guaranteed worker i s given contradictory information regarding rig h t s of employment i n Canada. The lack of c l a r i t y , and the ambiguities between federal and p r o v i n c i a l departments r e s u l t s i n a continued lack of protection. This i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e s the powerless position of the domestic worker. The nature of the work, the requirement of l i v e - i n 79 service, and the lack of c i t i z e n s h i p r i g h t s adds to t h e i r subordination and makes i t un l i k e l y that the temporary domestic worker would complain even i f the labour laws were changed. The organizer of the D.W.A. re c a l l e d a case of extreme abuse of a domestic worker. Part of the interview i s included below to demonstrate the potential f or abuse due to the iso l a t e d work environment and the problems encountered when the domestic worker vocalized complaints against her employers, "One woman was never allowed out of the house and one of her employers, either the male or the female employer, was always i n the house to keep as eye of her. She was not allowed access to a phone. The only phone was i n the bedroom and they used to lock the door so she couldn't get to i t . The woman (domestic worker) was assaulted for 18 months. She was assaulted on a regular basis by the male employer and verbally abused by the female employer and the children. She was forced to work 20 hours a day. She f i n a l l y did escape the"situation and criminal charges were brought. We did go to court and the charges were dismissed because the judge decided that the man was more credible than her. She had witnesses. There were the pol i c e who could t e s t i f y as to the kind of aggressive and vi o l e n t behavior they had witnessed i n t h e i r dealings with him, although they hadn't personally witnessed any of the assaults that took place.' There was a person who ac t u a l l y had seen the beatings and t e s t i f i e d to that. She was never paid anything i n the 18 months she had worked there - never paid anything. So she also had no money to escape. We brought an Employment Standards action on her behalf...Unfortunately, Employment Standards can only recover 6 months worth of wages and anything beyond that i s beyond t h e i r j u r i s d i c t i o n . The problem i n her case i s that, 80 yes she could have gone to court and t r i e d to recover the whole amount of money. However, because of the amount of money she would be asking to recover, she would have to go to County Court. In which case she would need a f u l l - f l e d g e d lawyer, i n which case i t would cost money... In the end she had to end up s e t t l i n g for less money than even what she was owed for 6 months.11 While t h i s story of abuse i s p a r t i c u l a r l y severe i t does draw attention to the i s o l a t i o n of domestic workers. These workers are vulnerable to crimes of domestic assault because they l i v e and work i n an i s o l a t e d s e t t i n g . They are economically and personally dependent upon t h e i r employer. The demand for temporary domestic workers i n B r i t i s h Columbia i s increasing monthly. The numbers of requests for domestic workers and the numbers of foreign domestics entering the province have led to changes i n Employment and Immigration procedures. In an unrecorded interview a senior o f f i c i a l at the Foreign Workers Unit of Employment and Immigration i n Vancouver stated that the processing of validated visas f o r domestic workers constitutes "at least one t h i r d of our workload". He also said that the Foreign Workers Unit had once handled renewals of temporary visas, but because of the volume of work the renewals now go through the Immigration o f f i c e . S t a t i s t i c s provided during the interview and reprinted i n Table 13 indicate the numbers of visas issued and renewed for foreign domestic workers on a monthly basis from October 1985 to A p r i l 1988. The figures show a constant r i s e i n the number 81 of domestic workers entering and staying i n the province. After A p r i l of 1988 the numbers declined somewhat. This i s explained by the transfer of vi s a renewals from t h i s department to Immigration. The p r o v i n c i a l data do not include a breakdown by source country. However, according to the o f f i c i a l interviewed the majority of people entering B.C. under the Foreign Domestic Movement are F i l i p i n o . National data included i n table 14 substantiates t h i s claim. According to t h i s table the Philippines i s vas t l y over represented i n 1987 i n terms of both the number of new entrants and renewals. The combined t o t a l of entrance and renewals by source countries shows that there were 9,809 F i l i p i n o ' s as compared to only 1,774 people from England (the next ranked source country) who either entered Canada or renewed t h e i r visas under the F.D.M. i n 1987. The department of Employment and Immigration o f f i c i a l l y states that the source country i s regulated s o l e l y by employer demand" (Canada Employment and Immigration 1988, 2). This being the case the question can then be asked, why are F i l i p i n o domestic workers i n such high demand? The next section answers t h i s question. F i l i p i n o Domestic Workers F i l i p i n o women comprise a highly mobile and cheap labour force as a r e s u l t of uneven economic development. The integration of the Philippines into the global economy has 82 resulted i n urban i n d u s t r i a l expansion for the purpose of export at the expense of r u r a l development. The concentration of c a p i t a l coupled with stagnation of the a g r i c u l t u r a l sector has given r i s e to a r u r a l to urban population s h i f t . The surplus labour available i n urban centres, as a r e s u l t of t h i s pattern of migration, enables c a p i t a l to pay low wages and lower the cost of production (Eviota 1986). Women comprise a large section of t h i s surplus labour force. A lack of alterna t i v e s f o r women i n r u r a l areas forces them to migrate to c i t i e s where they are frequently employed i n poor paying, temporary jobs (Eviota 1986, and Trager 1984). The migration of women i s seen as part of a family strategy as i t i s expected that a portion of the wage be sent home (Trager 1984). This pattern i s not unique to the Phil i p p i n e s . According to Morokavic (1983) the migration of women form r u r a l to urban centres i s a common solution to the problem of uneven development within the newly i n d u s t r i a l i z e d countries. I t i s also common for women to be located i n underpaid and part time jobs due to a lack of alternatives (Phizacklea 1983). The high rate of unemployment r e s u l t i n g from the overpopulation i n urban centres and the low rates of pay i n jobs occupied by women creates an available pool of labour for core c a p i t a l i s t countries. The o f f e r of work outside the country and the opportunity for higher wages are the factors behind labour migration. The further opportunity of gaining 83 landed immigrant status i n Canada through migrating as a foreign domestic worker r e s u l t s i n a steady supply of low cost domestic labour for Canadian households. The recruitment agencies i n Vancouver were asked to comment on the reasons why women enter Canada on temporary work authorization permits. Their responses support the l i t e r a t u r e on migration patterns of F i l i p i n o women. They also shed l i g h t on differences motivating women to work i n Canada as l i v e - i n domestics according to country of o r i g i n . Agency 1 : They ( F i l i p i n o s ) want to come here because, um, i n the countries where they are working o f f e r s them no chance of advancement and the working conditions aren't very good... compared to what they are i n Canada. Ah, the average salary of teachers i n the Philippines i s $50.00 a month and i f they're earning minimum wage here which gives them 462.00 a month i n t h e i r pocket. I mean that's a pretty big increase., plus they send some of t h e i r money back home.. So there's a pretty big incentive to come here and af t e r 2 years they can apply for landed status.. In three years I've only met one F i l i p i n o who t o l d me she did not want to apply for landed status.. I think a l l F i l i p i n o s , a l l women from the t h i r d world countries, um, t h i s i s a means to immigrate to Canada... On the other hand the Europeans, and the Australians too, are thinking of i t more to perfect t h e i r English...and see another part of the world, and have a working holiday, and for some fun. They're not going to do the house keeping l i k e the F i l i p i n o ' s do i n general." Agency 2 : They ( F i l i p i n o s ) are here to stay. This i s not necessarily true for Australians, New Zealanders, Europeans and B r i t i s h . " Agency 3: "The majority of g i r l s out of Europe come here for a year and they're out. (They) go back to uni v e r s i t y and get on with t h e i r l i v e s . 84 But, the g i r l s from form t h i r d world countries, l i k e the Philippines, are here hoping to have the opportunity to become Canadian. ( F i l i p i n o s ) .. f e e l that they are upgrading t h e i r l i f e s t y l e and they can send money home. I t i s with the goal of coming to Canada and becoming a landed immigrant and being able to sponsor t h e i r family." Agency 4 : "Most of the F i l i p i n o , Trinidadian and Jamaican women are coming here for landed status. The Australian, New Zealand, European -no i t ' s not t h e i r primary reason., they don't have the goal of coming to Canada to immigrate...(Filipinos) get more here as a domestic that they do there as a nurse or a teacher." Agency 5 : " ( F i l i p i n o s ) want to leave (the Philippines) and make some money. I t ' s more money then working as a teacher or any other job in the Phi l i p p i n e s . You make more money i n Hong Kong and Singapore than as a teacher i n the Philip p i n e s . I have two s i s t e r s i n Hong Kong. My youngest s i s t e r i s a c i v i l engineer who i s working as a domestic i n Hong Kong... Usually the F i l i p i n o f a m i l i e s , i t ' s not an obliga t i o n but they would l i k e to send money back to t h e i r families -Everybody would l i k e to get out. The men go to Saudi Arabia, the women go a l l over the world as nannies." Agency 6 : "I would say that the F i l i p i n o g i r l s , they come with the plan of applying for landed status. The European g i r l s , I think that they don't come with that plan. I t i s mainly that they come here for a year. They come for completely d i f f e r e n t reasons." Connections may be drawn between reasons for coming to Canada and the l i k e l i h o o d of v o c a l i z i n g complaints i n the event that personal abuse or v i o l a t i o n of the Agreement i s experienced. The assumption i s : i f the goal i s to achieve Landed Immigrant Status the domestic worker w i l l fear 85 complaining i n case she loses her job and\or i s i n disfavour with Immigration. This fear i s well-grounded i n l i g h t of the following excerpt from the Immigration manual, " I t i s each domestic's r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to work toward achieving a s a t i s f a c t o r y work performance r a t i n g from the employer; to integrate into the community and to e s t a b l i s h themselves i n Canadian society" (Canada Employment and Immigration 1988, 52). The domestic worker i s evaluated on the basis of work histo r y and a b i l i t y to assimilate into Canadian society. The e f f e c t of t h i s expectation on the domestic worker i s evident i n interviews with the agencies . The agencies were asked to comment on the frequency of complaints put f o r t h by domestics regarding conditions of employment and v i o l a t i o n of the contract, Agency 1: "The F i l i p i n o s don't l i k e to complain to t h e i r employers" Agency 2: "The F i l i p i n o s don't complain. They r e a l l y want to stay here and can be treated very badly. I'm more comfortable with somebody who w i l l pick up the phone and say t h i s i s what's wrong i n the house... The F i l i p i n o ' s won't speak to t h e i r employers. Agency 4: " I t ' s a c u l t u r a l thing... They ( F i l i p i n o women) aren't used to t a l k i n g about t h e i r f eelings, you know, i f they're being used or taken advantage of... Certainly they're wise to what they're supposed to be getting... They don't want to jeopardize themselves (with Immigration). 1 1 Agency 5: "The ( F i l i p i n o ) g i r l s are just new 86 over here. She wants to make a good impression to immigration. She doesn't want to cause any problems. They don't know any better." The fear of Immigration and the importance of gaining landed status i s echoed i n interviews conducted by S i l v e r a . Only three quotes are included to i l l u s t r a t e the point, but the desire to achieve landed status because of a lack of altern a t i v e s i n the home country and the fear of immigration i s a common theme throughout the interviews. "Maybe i f I go and complain they might t e l l me to go home. They might think I am a trouble maker. I am just s t i c k i n g i t out u n t i l I get my landed. But i t i s very hard work" (1984, 68). "I know a l o t of people say we shouldn't come here and leave our children back home, but what else can we do. Our children have to eat... If I didn't have to, I wouldn't be here. At lea s t here, I can send home money and clothes for them. At my age you can't be too choosy, e s p e c i a l l y how I am on the work permit, i t wouldn't take anything for the government to deport me" (1984, 86). "I just interested i n saving my money to help my children and to get t h i s landed here. I don't know what to do. I know I not going back to Immigration to complain. For just the other day they deport a g i r l for changing her jobs two times i n s i x months" (1984, 96). Workers who perform l i v e - i n domestic service are referred to as domestics, nannies, and nanny-housekeepers. The various t i t l e s connote differences i n status. The agencies were asked to elaborate on the meanings of these three terms including 87 the basis on which d i f f e r e n t t i t l e s are granted to workers within the F.D.M. Agency 1: "... when a family wants a very professional, trained nanny they w i l l h i r e an English nanny, but they can't expect a l o t of house-keeping. When they want somebody who w i l l do l i g h t house-keeping, t i d y i n g , maybe preparing the evening meal, and l o t s of c h i l d care t h e y ' l l h i r e a European. If they want somebody who can do a l l the house-keeping and maybe they have babies or small children t h e y ' l l h i r e the F i l i p i n o ' s ..." Agency 2 : "I think i f you were t a l k i n g about a F i l i p i n o you would probably use the term domestic, and i f you were t a l k i n g about A u s t r a l i a , New Zealand i t ' s nanny house-keeper, and i f you were t a l k i n g about a p l a i n nanny i t ' s someone who only does the work for the childre n . . If i t was me they (employers) were t a l k i n g to they would d e f i n i t e l y know the difference because i f you hired somebody that's an N.N.E.B. (National Nursery Examination Board) form B r i t a i n and you ask her to do the housework she's not going to do i t f o r you." Agency 3 : "I would say that, uh, a r e a l professional nanny i s a g i r l that's taken for instance, l i k e , an N.N.E.B. course i n England -They come out of England.." Agency 4 : "A domestic i s a general term f o r a nanny house-keeper\ cook\ driver whatever. A nanny, a true nanny i s looking a f t e r the children only.. A nanny house-keeper which i s what most people are doing i n the Vancouver area i s looking a f t e r the children and doing the house-keeping" Agency 6 : "They a l l f a l l under the domestic category. Of course there i s a difference. Like the B r i t i s h g i r l s f or instance, a l o t of them are trained nannies. That means that they have an N.N.E.B. course which i s a 2 year t r a i n i n g program. Now they a l l work as nannies and do house-keeping so they are not c l a s s i f i e d as a domestic. As f a r as the law i n Canada i s 88 concerned they f a l l under the same category, but t h e i r duties are d i f f e r e n t . " It i s c l e a r that the t i t l e attached to the person performing the work varies according to country of o r i g i n . The element of t r a i n i n g has an impact on the status attached to the person performing the work. Attitudes of professionalism and q u a l i t y c h i l d care are associated with t r a i n i n g and formal education. These are attributed to B r i t i s h "nannies" who have taken the N.N.E.B. courses. One would reasonably expect that l i v e - i n domestic workers from B r i t a i n would be i n high demand since one of the primary reasons f o r h i r i n g a domestic i s a solution to the problem of adequate and affordable c h i l d care. However, according to the data presented i n Table 5 t h i s i s not the case. The following responses indicate why F i l i p i n o domestic workers are preferred over women migrating from other countries. Agency 1 : "The F i l i p i n o s tend to be quite domesticated i n t h e i r upbringing... i t ' s t h e i r whole nature. They are a l i t t l e more subservient, whether families want to t r e a t them l i k e that or not i t ' s t h e i r whole nature - so families l i k e that - they l i k e to know that they are going to have someone who's going to be hard working... They're ( F i l i p i n o s ) are great with kids. They r e a l l y l i k e small children. They're very loving, they're very calm. A l o t of families though with older children don't want F i l i p i n o s because F i l i p i n o ' s have a problem with d i s c i p l i n e . They're too loving, they're not firm enough with the kids, but with young families they're great and so they have a big demand. 89 Agency 3 : " F i l i p i n o people stay the longest They don't go out at night, they're not as s o c i a l . Young g i r l s from Europe are l i v e l y . They put great input into the children, but they're s o c i a l animals. They don't want be baby s i t t i n g . They're out the door. They want to go out where F i l i p i n o s send t h e i r money home to t h e i r f a m i l i e s . . I t ' s a quieter l i v i n g g i r l i n your home, and not only that, they're better house keepers and laundresses. Agency 4 : "The chances of having them f i l l t h e i r contractual obligations are much better, uh, the F i l i p i n o and Jamaican women, because most of them, 99.99% of them are working towards a future i n Canada. They w i l l be more l o y a l and more conscientious.. F i l i p i n o s , you could eat off the f l o o r they're that clean. For some people that's a p r i o r i t y . . F i l i p i n o ' s as a rule are very quiet people. They would not get overly f r i e n d l y and, um, get friends with the extended family members and a l l of that. Agency 6 : "... I f families have a new born baby and they want the house-keeping done F i l i p i n o g i r l s are great with the house keeping. But, i f families have school age children ... who are involved i n other a c t i v i t i e s and they need to be driven. There needs to be a l o t of in t e r a c t i o n and (also) F i l i p i n o g i r l s don't drive. So i n those cases most of the time a family w i l l prefer to get a European g i r l . This i l l u s t r a t e s the connection between place of migration and t i t l e given to those who preform l i v e - i n domestic labour, as well as q u a l i t i e s that are attached to domestic workers depending on country of o r i g i n . Personality t r a i t s and "natural" a b i l i t i e s are attributed based on stereotypes. I t i s evident from these interviews that employers are made aware that F i l i p i n o women are w i l l i n g to perform a l l aspects of domestic labour. Furthermore, the 90 message given i s that domestic workers from the Philippines have a vested i n t e r e s t i n staying i n Canada, and therefore are l i k e l y to work harder and longer hours. The differences i n reasons for coming to Canada on a temporary permit become s i g n i f i c a n t i n terms of the conditions of employment encountered by l i v e - i n domestics. Divisions are created among the migrant domestic population through labels and expectations. The reasons for migrating to Canada are c r u c i a l to understanding how the F i l i p i n o woman becomes packaged as a domestic worker. A working v i s a and a chance to gain landed status i n Canada presents a vehicle of mobility to F i l i p i n o women and t h e i r families abroad. This category of domestic workers represents an available pool of low cost migrant labour. Low wages and high unemployment i n the Philippines forces labour to remain mobile and to migrate across international boundaries. Countries experiencing a labour shortage i n p a r t i c u l a r areas of employment are able to draw upon t h i s reserve which guarantees a supply of cheap labour. The r e l a t i o n s h i p between the countries supplying migrant labour and those countries where s p e c i f i c types of labour i s i n demand i s one of unequal dependency. Conclusion Charac t e r i s t i c s ascribed to F i l i p i n o women who migrate to as domestic labourers serve as a j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r the work they perform and the status they receive. They are considered to have personal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which make them suitable for the most devalued of domestic tasks. The underlying causes of migration for these women are obscured. The F i l i p i n o domestic worker i s constructed as appropriate for c e r t a i n types of domestic labour as part of a s o c i a l process. Reasons for migrating place them i n a position of need and dependence. This i n turn emphasizes the lack of power s t r u c t u r a l l y i n place due to the denial of p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s . The underlying causes of migration and the nature of migrant labour force F i l i p i n o women to accept poor working conditions (9). This i s interpreted by the agencies who work on the behalf of the employer, as "natural" personality t r a i t s of hard work, l o y a l t y . The F i l i p i n o worker i s then associated with subservience and obedience. The is o l a t e d nature of the work environment and personal connections between the domestic worker and the employer creates an environment where F i l i p i n o women are vulnerable to both the potential for personal abuse and v i o l a t i o n of the Agreement. They are p a r t i c u l a r l y vulnerable because of t h e i r need to stay. CHAPTER V CONCLUSION Several points have been raised i n the preceding discussion. In general i t can be stated that domestic workers, who migrate to Canada for the purpose of providing two years of service for private households, are at r i s k of experiencing abusive treatment. The work they are hired to perform i s attri b u t e d low status and i s associated with conditions of servitude. Domestic work has h i s t o r i c a l l y been performed by either unpaid housewives or servants, i t i s considered s e r v i l e labour, and i s often not defined as r e a l work. The increasing need f o r domestic help as greater numbers of Canadian women enter the labour force acts as a ca t a l y s t for a r i s e i n the number of women migrating to Canada as domestic workers. Canadian women have h i s t o r i c a l l y r e s i s t e d domestic service because of the reasons c i t e d above. Add i t i o n a l l y , the day to day r e a l i t y of domestic work makes the job unattractive for those who have other options. Paid work i n the home obfuscates the d i s t i n c t i o n between wage work and personal service. Privacy i s non-existent and outside monitoring of work conditions i s impossible. The worker i s is o l a t e d from others performing the same labour, and therefore the p o s s i b i l i t y of forming work c o l l e c t i v e s i s non-existent. If problems between the employer and the domestic worker 92 93 develop the onus i s on the i n d i v i d u a l worker to complain. But to whom? It has been repeatedly stated that the worker i s dependent upon her employer for shelter, a job, and a p o s i t i v e reference to present to Immigration when applying for Landed Immigrant Status. I t i s u n l i k e l y , therefore, that the domestic w i l l complain to the employer i f she wishes to remain i n Canada. In addition, the employer i s i n a dominant position and does not have to r e a l i z e or validate the complaints presented. The domestic worker may also vocalize problems to the Department of Employment and Immigration. This would seem to be an appropriate option since domestic workers are brought into the country on a v i s a issued by t h i s government agency. The federal government department that deals with foreign domestic workers no longer has the time to handle complaints from v i s a workers, and instead refers them to the main Immigration o f f i c e (see chapter four). I t i s u n l i k e l y , i f they want to receive landed status, that domestic workers w i l l contact Immigration i n the event of problems with the employer. The s t i p u l a t i o n s included on the work v i s a allow for the p o s s i b i l i t y of deportation. This, coupled with the need to stay f o r many of these workers, makes i t u n l i k e l y that they w i l l go to Immigration to lodge a complaint against t h e i r employer. The t h i r d option i s to report a v i o l a t i o n of the work agreement to Employment Standards. I t has been noted throughout that domestic workers are excluded from parts of the Employment Standards Act. Even i f the complaint does f a l l under a section of the Act that includes l i v e - i n domestics, the chances are minimal that action w i l l be taken. I t i s often the domestic's word against the employer. The f i n a l problem with lodging a complaint against an employer i s that the domestic worker usually lacks the resources to take the employer to court. For these reasons the l i v e - i n domestic worker, who i s i n Canada on a temporary work authorization permit, i s i n a weak position v i s - a - v i s the employer and Immigration. The a b i l i t y for the migrant domestic worker to vocalize complaints i s minimal, and the dependence on the employer i s entrenched. The demand for migrant domestic workers can be understood i n t h i s l i g h t for two reasons. F i r s t , the indigenous labour force i s unwilling to perform the work, and therefore an alt e r n a t i v e source of labour i s accessed. The use of foreign workers has been a solution to the chronic shortage of domestics since the turn of the century. Second, the nature of migrant labour and the temporary work authorization permit keep the wages of these workers depressed. The r e l a t i v e l y low cost of l i v e - i n workers maintains the high demand. The area of recruitment of domestics varies h i s t o r i c a l l y . In general, the supply originates i n countries where there are few employment opportunities and no option except to migrate i n search of work. The reasons behind the migration of labour places t h i s group of workers i n a position of dependence. At present, the majority of foreign domestics i n Canada are from the Phi l i p p i n e s . Domestic workers are also recruited from various other areas, such as, the Caribbean, Great B r i t a i n , western Europe, and A u s t r a l i a . According to the interviews transcribed i n chapter four, women migrate as domestic workers for a variety of reasons. However, commonalities behind the decision to migrate are evident depending upon the area of migration. I t was noted that the women who migrate from the Philippines do so as part of a family strategy. Conditions i n the Philippines, and the lack of available options, necessitates the s p l i t t i n g of families i n search of employment and higher wages. In t h i s sense the migration of women from the Philippines can not be seen as a free choice. I t i s a decision made under a s p e c i f i c set of conditions. The chance of emigrating to Canada with the p o s s i b i l i t y of landed status a f t e r a two year period a t t r a c t s many of these women to Canada. It i s important to consider the problems experienced by F i l i p i n o women as a s t r u c t u r a l , as opposed to a personal, or c u l t u r a l issue. The causes of migration and Canada's migrant labour p o l i c y c l e a r l y place those with a need to remain i n Canada i n a vulnerable p o s i t i o n . Interviews taken from Sil v e r a ' s book, Silenced, allow comparisons to be made between domestics from the West Indies and the Philippines i n terms of 96 t h e i r s t r u c t u r a l position i n Canada. The women interviewed by Si l v e r a t y p i c a l l y came to Canada with the plan to apply for landed status. They frequently remained i n work settings where they experienced poor conditions and treatment. In addition, they expressed a fear of complaining and confronting Immigration because they f e l t i t jeopardized t h e i r chance of gaining landed status. In contrast to the s i t u a t i o n motivating women from the West Indies and the Philippines to migrate, my interviews with the r e c r u i t i n g agencies and the Foreign Workers Unit make i t cl e a r that domestics from core c a p i t a l i s t countries migrate with the intention of returning to t h e i r home country. Since the need to maintain a po s i t i v e immigration record i s not as intense the degree of dependence on the employer i s somewhat lessened. P o l i c y Implications I t has been argued throughout t h i s thesis that domestic workers are located i n a s t r u c t u r a l l y powerless p o s i t i o n . Therefore, changes to the ex i s t i n g temporary work authorization permit w i l l do l i t t l e to improve the pos i t i o n of these workers. The requirement of two years l i v e - i n service, and the pre-signing of the agreement before the domestic worker arrives i n Canada serves to control these workers, and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e s the dominant/ subordinate r e l a t i o n s h i p between the employer and domestic worker. Moreover, the fac t that the agreement i s not l e g a l l y binding, means that the domestic worker i s not protected should the terms of the agreement be vi o l a t e d . On the other hand, the threat of deportation, and the personal r e l a t i o n s h i p with the employer, prevents the domestic worker from exerting the same degree of freedom i n breaking the "contract". In l i g h t of the problems with the Foreign Domestic Movement i t i s suggested that the temporary work authorization permit be abolished. Foreign workers wishing to migrate to Canada as domestic workers should be granted Landed Immigrant Status immediately. Those who apply for the F.D.M. are evaluated within the c r i t e r i a of the point system before being granted a work v i s a , and are given the chance to apply f o r landed status i n Canada a f t e r two years. Therefore, i t appears that the only reason f o r the conditional two year period as a migrant worker i s to ensure that the worker remain i n t h i s type of employment. In t h i s way the state manages to answer a public demand for paid domestic labour and adequate c h i l d care. The alte r n a t i v e i s accessible, q u a l i t y day care which i s cos t l y to the state. For t h i s reason i t i s u n l i k e l y that the F.D.M. w i l l be discontinued i n the near future. The continuation of the F.D.M. w i l l continue to keep l i v e - i n domestic workers i n a s t r u c t u r a l l y powerless position. While recognizing t h i s , c e r t a i n changes can be made that may improve the d a i l y l i v i n g conditions of foreign domestics i n Canada, and Vancouver i n p a r t i c u l a r . F i r s t , p r o v i n c i a l labour laws must be changed to include domestic workers under a l l of 98 the Employment Standards Act, including compensation for overtime. Those who perform domestic labour, whether on a l i v e - i n or live-out basis, must be guaranteed rig h t s as workers. Although the enforcement of labour laws w i l l remain d i f f i c u l t due to the nature of the work place, the change i n l e g i s l a t i o n may prevent some abuse from occurring. In addition, the coverage under labour laws may a s s i s t those who are i n a p o s i t i o n to vocalize and act on complaints. Third, the s t i p u l a t i o n placed on the v i s a that dictates the types of courses domestics are permitted to take must be removed. Through t h i s i t may be possible for these workers to move away from domestic service once they achieve landed status. Fourth, migrant domestic workers should be made f a m i l i a r with the l i m i t e d r i g h t s they do have. The increasing number of foreign domestics necessitates a service to handle the sp e c i a l problems p a r t i c u l a r to these workers. F i n a l l y , the Employer\ Domestic Worker Agreement should be a contract, and as such should be l e g a l l y binding. As with changes to employment standards l e g i s l a t i o n the effectiveness of t h i s i s debatable. However, i t at l e a s t gives some power, however s l i g h t to domestic workers. Suggestions f o r Further Research This thesis adds to the e x i s t i n g l i t e r a t u r e on migrant domestic workers by considering differences within the population based on country of migration. While t h i s study 99 serves as a useful point of departure, an in-depth analysis i s beyond the scope of t h i s research. I t i s suggested that more work be done on t h i s t o p i c . The reasons why these workers are d i f f i c u l t to access i s pr e c i s e l y why they should be given greater consideration. Their v u l n e r a b i l i t y and i s o l a t i o n necessitates continued consideration. In 1981 the Temporary Work Authorization Permit was altered to allow domestic workers to apply f or Landed Immigrant Status from within Canada. Chapter four shows that many v i s a workers migrate to Canada for t h i s reason. The number of women gaining landed status a f t e r working two years as domestics i s increasing, i n d i c a t i n g that for many migration i s viewed as a step toward permanent settlement. I t would be int e r e s t i n g to monitor the program to see i f the r e s t r i c t i o n s on migrant workers w i l l tighten to reduce the number of migrant women permitted to remain i n Canada. This would involve a review of Canadian immigration from a broader perspective. Women's wage work i n Canada i s also an issue here and requires greater attention. The absence of adequate, s o c i a l i z e d day care, and the federal government's lack of f i s c a l attention to t h i s issue have serious ramifications regarding the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of women i n the labour market. As long as women continue to remain primarily responsible for c h i l d care they w i l l encounter an interrupted career pattern, and w i l l be secondary members i n the labour force. 100 In l i g h t of the need for paid domestic labour, including c h i l d care, migrant domestic workers provide an important role fo r Canadian households that are i n a position to afford them. However, l i k e unpaid domestic labour, the work and the worker are devalued. The many disadvantages that l i v e - i n domestics p o t e n t i a l l y encounter necessitates continued research i n t h i s area. ENDNOTES CHAPTER 1 1. For a discussion and c r i t i c a l review of the domestic labour debate see Roberta Hamilton and Michele Barrett eds., The P o l i t i c s of Diver s i t y (Quebec: Basic Books Inc., 1986) and Michele Barrett, Women's Oppression Today: Problems i n Marxist  Feminist Analysis (Great B r i t a i n : Redwood Burn Ltd., 1980). 2. The potential f or c o l l e c t i v e bargaining i s further diminished for domestic workers because they work i n an iso l a t e d environment. The nature of the work place prevents them from organizing as they are ph y s i c a l l y i s o l a t e d from one another. CHAPTER 2 3. For an explanation of dual labour market theory and, the secondary labour market i n p a r t i c u l a r , as they r e l a t e to domestic workers see Louise Renaud, "A Study i n the Persistence of Poor Working Conditions and Low Status: Immigrant Domestic Workers i n Canada" (Carleton University 1984). CHAPTER 3 4. See G i l l i a n Creese, "The P o l i t i c s of Dependence: Women, Work, and Unemployment i n the Vancouver Labour Movement before World War I I " In Class. Gender and Region: Essays i n  Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Sociology. Gregory Kealey ed. (St. John's: Committee on Canadian Labour History 1988), 134-138. Creese discusses the p o l i t i c a l and labour union a c t i v i t y of Canadian women during the 1930's. Although my thesis does not document the resistance of women to economic marginalization i t i s important to note. 5. Refer to chapter two for more information regarding the increasing need for a dual income earning household and the a f f e c t of t h i s on women and domestic labour. CHAPTER 4 6. The Point System was developed by the Department of Immigration i n 1967. I t consists of a set of c r i t e r i a that i s used to evaluate prospective immigrants to Canada. For a 101 102 b r i e f , concise description of the point system see "Domestic Worker's on Employment Authorizations. 1 1 (Canada Employment and Immigration 1980), 19-20. 7. The rate of pay for l i v e - i n domestic workers i n Canada varies according to the number of people i n the household. For l i v e - i n workers i n B r i t i s h Columbia the salary range as of July 1, 1988 i s as follows: the gross amount for four people i n the household i s $783.00 per month. Total income tax deducted i s $65.75 and a further $225.00 i s deducted for room and board. The r e s u l t i n g net salary = $462.40 per month. For each additional household member an extra $50.00 per month i s added to the gross salary. This information was supplied through unrecorded interviews with o f f i c i a l s of the Foreign Worker's Unit and the Employment Standards Branch. 8. The increase i n le i s u r e time i s more a factor i n the experience of women than men. See chapter one and two for a discussion on the unequal r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for domestic labour between men and women. 9. See chapter one for a t h e o r e t i c a l discussion of the rela t i o n s h i p between the material conditions forcing labour to migrate and the labour market position of migrant workers. Refer to Robert Miles, Racism and Migrant Labour (London: Routeledge and Kegan Paul, 1982) for a discussion of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the s o c i a l construction race and labour migration. BIBLIOGRAPHY Almquist, Elizabeth, and Juanita Wehrle-Einhorn. "The Doubly Disadvantaged." In Woman Working f edited by Ann Stromberg and Shirley Harkess. Palo Alto, C a l i f . : Mayfield Pubs., Co., 1978. 63-88. Armstrong, Pat. Labour Pains: Women's Work i n C r i s i s . Ontario: Women's Educational Press, 1984. Armstrong, Pat, and Hugh Armstrong. "Beyond Sexless Class and Classless Sex." i n The P o l i t i c s of Diversity, edited by Roberta Hamilton and Michele Barrett. Quebec: Basic Books Inc., 1986. 208-237. Anderson, Joan, and Judith Lyman. "The Meaning of Work for Immigrant Women i n Canada i n the Lower Echelons of the Canadian Labour Force. Canadian Ethnic Studies 19, no.2 (1987): 67-90. Armstrong, Pat, and Hugh Armstrong. "The Segregated Pattern of Women i n the Canadian Labour Force 1941-1971." Canadian  Review of Sociology and Anthropology 12, no.l (1975): 370-384. Arnopolous, Shiela. Problems of Immigrant Women i n the Immigrant Women i n the Canadian Labour Force. Ottawa: Canadian Advisory Council on the Status of Women, 1979. Barber, Marilyn. "The Women Ontario Welcomed: Immigrant Domestics for Ontario Homes, 1870-1930. Ontario History 72, no.3 (September 1980): 148-172. Barrett, Michele. Women's Oppression Today. London: Redwood Burn Limited, 1980. Bonacich, Edna. "A Theory of Ethnic Antagonism: The S p l i t Labour Market." American Soci o l o g i c a l Review 37 (October 1972): 547-559. Bonacich, Edna. "Class Approaches to Et h n i c i t y and Race." Insurgent Sociologist 10, no 2 ( F a l l 1980): 9-23. Bondfield, Margaret. "Women as Domestic Workers. In The  P o l i t i c s of Housework, edited by E l l e n Malos. London: A l l i s o n and Busby, 1980. 83-87. Boyd, Monica. "At a Disadvantage: The Occupational Attainment of Foreign Born Women i n Canada." International Migration  Review 18, no.4 (Winter 1984): 1091-1119. 103 104 Boyd, Monica. "The Status of Immigrant Women i n Canada." Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 12, no.1 (1975): 406-416. Boyd, Monica, Chris Taylor, and Paul Delaney. "Temporary Workers i n Canada: A Multifaceted Program." International  Migration Review 20, no.4 (Winter 1986): 929-950. Braverman, Harry. Labour and Monopoly Capitalism: The  Degradation of Work i n the Twentieth Century. New York: Monthly Review Press, 1974. Bri s k i n , Linda. "Domestic Labour: A Methodological Discussion." In Hidden i n the Household: Women's Domestic  Labour Under Capitalism. Ontario: The Women's Press, 1980. 135-172. B.C. B r i t i s h Columbia Employment Standards Act. V i c t o r i a , B.C., June 1980. B.C. Employment Standards. Hours of Work and Overtime  Compensation. B u l l e t i n no 3. V i c t o r i a , B.C., February 1987. B.C. Human Rights Commission. What This Country Did To Us: I t  Did To I t s e l f f by Eleanor Watchel. Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia, 1983. Buroway, Micheal. "The Functions and Reproduction of Migrant Labour: Comparative Material from South A f r i c a and the United States. American Journal of Sociology 81, no.5 (March 1987): 1050-1087. Can. Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s . H i s t o r i c a l Estimates of  the Canadian Labour Force, by Frank Denton and Sy l v i a Ostry. Minister of Supply and Services no.99-549. Ottawa, 1967. Can. Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s . The Female Worker i n Canada, by Sylvia Ostry. Minister of Supply and Services no. 99-553. Ottawa, 1968. Can. Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s . The Occupational  Composition of the Labour Force, by Sylvia Ostry. Minister of Supply and Services no. 99-550. Ottawa, 1967. Can. Employment and Immigration. Foreign Domestic Movement  S t a t i s t i c a l Highlight Report. Ottawa: (unpublished), 1987. Can. Employment and Immigration. Immigration Manual. Ottawa, 1988. Can. Employment and Immigration. Immigration S t a t i s t i c s . Ottawa: Canada Immigration and Demographic Pol i c y Group, 1981. Can. Manpower and Immigration. Manpower Review 8, no.l: 1975. Can. Manpower and Immigration. Manpower Review 8, no.2: 1974. Can. S t a t i s t i c s Canada. Reserve Army of Labour Among Canadian Women. Minister of Supply and Services no. 71-D-51. Ottawa, 1942. Can. S t a t i s t i c s Canada. The Decline of Unpaid Family Work i n Canada. Minister of Supply and Services no. 71-535. Ottawa, 1989. Can. S t a t i s t i c s Canada. Earnings of Men and Women: Selected  Years 1967-1979. Minister of Supply and Services no. 13-577. Ottawa, 1981. Can. S t a t i s t i c s Canada. Family Charac t e r i s t i c s and Labour  Force A c t i v i t y . Minister of Supply and Services no. 71-601. Ottawa, June 1982. Can. S t a t i s t i c s Canada. Canadian Husband - Wife Families:  Labour Force P a r t i c i p a t i o n and Income Trends 1971-1981. Minister of Supply and Services no. 71-060. Ottawa, July 1984. Can. S t a t i s t i c s Canada. Women i n Canada: A S t a t i s t i c a l  Report. Social and Economic D i v i s i o n . Ottawa, 1985. Can. S t a t i s t i c s Canada. Canadians i n the Workplace: Selected  Data. Minister of Supply and Services no. 71-534. Ottawa, 1987. Canadian Labour Law Reports. N.p.: n.p. 1984. 14,002. Cassin, A. Marguerite, and Alison G r i f f i t h . "Class and Eth n i c i t y : Producing the Difference that Counts." Canadian  Ethnic Studies 13, no.l (1981): 109-129. Castles, Stephen. "The Guest-Worker i n Western Europe - An Obituary." International Migration Review 20, no.4 (Winter 1986): 761-778. Castles, Stephen, Heather Booth, and Tina Wallace. Here for  Good: Western Europe's New Ethnic M i n o r i t i e s . London: Pluto Press Limited, 1984. 106 Castles, Stephen and Godula Kosack. Immigrant Workers and  Class Structure i n Western Europe.2nd ed. London: Oxford University Press, 1985. Chaplin, David. "Domestic Service and I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . " Comparative Studies i n Sociology 1 (1978): 97-127. Clark, Susan, and Marylee Stephenson. "Housework as Real Work." In Work i n The Canadian Context, edited by Katherine D. Lundy, and Barbara D. Warme. Toronto: Butterworths, 1981. Cock, Jacklyn. Maids and Madams. Johannesburg: Raven Press, 1980. Connelly, P a t r i c i a . Last Hired: F i r s t F ired. Toronto: The Women's Press, 1978. Creese, G i l l i a n . "The P o l i t i c s of Dependence: Women, Work, and Unemployment i n the Vancouver Labour Movement before World War I I . " In Class, Gender, and Region: Essays i n Canadian  H i s t o r i c a l Sociology, edited by Gregory Kealey. St. John's: Committee on Canadian Labour History, 1988. 121-142. Cur t i s , Bruce. "Capital, the State and the Origins of the Working Class Household." In Hidden i n the Household:  Domestic Labour Under Capitalism, edited by Bonnie Fox. Ontario: The Women's Press, 1980. 101-134. Dahlie, Jorgen and Tissa Fernando, eds. E t h n i c i t y . Power and  P o l i t i c s . Ontario: Methuen Publishers, 1981. DeJong, Gordon, Brenda Root, and Ricardo Abad. "Family Reunification and Philippine Migration to the United States: The Immigrants Perspective". International  Migration Review 20, no.3 ( F a l l 1986): 598-611. Dickinson, James, and Bob Russell, eds. Family, Economy, and  the State: The Social Reproduction Process Under  Capitalism. London: Croom Helm Ltd., 1986. Driedger, Leo, ed. Ethnic Canada. Toronto: Copp Clark Pitman Limited, 1987. Edwards, Richard. Contested Terrain. New York: Basic Books Inc., 1979. 107 Ei c h l e r , Margit. "And the Work Never Ends: Feminist Contr i but i ons." Canadian Review of Sociology and  Anthropology 22, no.5 (December 1985): 619-644. Eisenstein, Z i l l a h R. ed. C a p i t a l i s t Patriarchy and the Case  for S o c i a l i s t Feminism. New York: Monthly Review Press, 1979. Epstein, Rachel. "I Thought There Was No More Slavery i n Canada." Canadian Dimension 14, no.6 (1980): 29-35. Epstein, Rachel. "Domestic Worker's Organizing - The Experience i n B r i t i s h Columbia." Resources f o r Feminist  Research 10, no.2 (July 1981): 33-34. Estable, Alma. Immigrant Women i n Canada: Current Issues. Ottawa: The Canadian Advisory Council on the Status Women, 1986. Eviota, Elizabeth. "The A r t i c u l a t i o n of Gender and Class i n the P h i l i p p i n e s . " In Women's Work: Development and  Divi s i o n of Labour by Gender, edited by Eleanor Leacock and Helen Safa. South Hadley MA.,: Bergin and Garvey Pubs., Inc., 1986. 194-206. Eviota, Elizabeth, and Peter Smith. "The Migration of Women i n the P h i l i p p i n e s . " In Women i n the C i t i e s of Asia:  Migration and Urban Adaptation, edited by James Fawcett, Siew-Ean Khoo, and Peter Smith. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1984. Firestone, Shulamith. The D i a l e c t i c s of Sex. New York: William Morrow and Company, 1970. Fitchenbaum, Rudy, and Gordon Wetty. "The Norming of the Working Day." In Family. Economy, and the State: The  Social Reproduction Process Under Capitalism, edited by James Dickinson and Bob Russell. London: Croom Helm Ltd., 1986. 254-282. Gardiner, Jean. " P o l i t i c a l Economy of Domestic Labour." In Dependence and Exploitation i n Work and Marriage, edited by Diana Leonard Barker and Shiela A l l e n . London: Longman Group Ltd., 1976. 109-120. Gaskell, Jane. "Conceptions of S k i l l and the Work of Women. In The P o l i t i c s of Diversity, edited by Roberta Hamilton and Michele Barrett. Montreal, Quebec: Book Centre Inc., 1986. 361-380. 108 Gerstein, I ra. "Domestic Work and Capitalism." Radical America 17, no.4-5 (July-October 1978): 101-128. Gordon, David, Richard Edwards, and Micheal Reich, eds. Segmented Work. Divided Workers: The H i s t o r i c a l Transformation of Work i n the United States. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1982. Katzman, David. Seven Days a Week: Domestic Service i n  In d u s t r i a l i z i n g America. London: Oxford University Press, 1978. Katzman, David. "Domestic Service: Women's Work." In Women  Working: Theories and Facts i n Perspective, edited by Ann Stromberg and Shirley Harkess. Palo Alto, C a l i f . : Mayfield Pub., Co., 1978. 377-391. Kealey, Linda, ed. A Not Unreasonable Claim: Women and Reform  i n Canada. Toronto: The Women's Press, 1979. Kosack, Godula. "Migrant Women: The Move to Western Europe - A Step Toward Emancipation?." Race and Class 17, no.4 (September 1976): 367-379. La c e l l e , Claudette. Urban Domestic Servants i n Nineteenth  Century Canada. Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services, 1987. L e s l i e , Genevieve. "Domestic Service i n Canada 1880-1920." In Women at Work 1850-1930, edited by Janice Acton. Toronto: Canadian Women's Educational Press, 1974. 71-125. Lowe, Graham. "Women, Work and the O f f i c e : The Feminization of C l e r i c a l Occupations i n Canada 1901 - 1931." The Canadian  Journal of Sociology 5 (Winter 1980): 361-381. Luxton, Meg. More Than a Labour of Love: Three Generations of  Women's i n the Home. Toronto: The Women's Press, 1980. McBride, Theresa. "Social Mobility f or the Lower Classes: Domestic Services i n France." Journal of Social History 8 ( F a l l 1974): 63-78. McBride, Theresa. The Domestic Revolution: The Modernization  the Household i n England and France 1820-1920. New York: Holmes and Meier, 1976. Martin, Linda, and Kerry Segrave. The Servant Problem:  Domestic Workers i n North America. London: McFarland and Company Inc., 1985. 109 Mann, Susan. "Family, Class, and the State i n Women's Access to Abortion and Day Care: The Case of the United States." In Family, Economy, and the State: The Social  Reproduction Process Under Capitalism f edited by James Dickinson and Bob Russell. London: Croom Helm Ltd., 1986. 223-253. Marchak, P a t r i c i a . "Rational Capitalism and Women as Labour." In Feminism and P o l i t i c a l Economy: Women's Work, Women's  Struggles, edited by Meg Luxton and Jon Maroney. Toronto: Methuen, 1987. 197-212. Marr, William. "Employment Visas and the Canadian Labour Force." Canadian Public Policy 3, no.4 (Autumn 1977): 518-524. Maza, Sarah. Servants and Masters i n Eighteenth Century  France: The Uses of Loyalty. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1983. Marx, K a r l . C a p i t a l . Vol.2. Edited by F r i e d r i c k Engels and translated by Samuel Moore. Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1954. Marx, Ka r l , and F r i e d r i c k Engels. The German Ideology. Edited and introduction by R. Pascal. New York: International Pubs., 1947. Miles, Robert. Racism and Migrant Labour. London: Routeledge and Kegan Paul, 1982. Miles, Robert, and Annie Phizacklea. White Man's Country:  Racism i n B r i t i s h P o l i t i c s . London: Pluto Press, 1984. M i l l e t t , Kate. Sexual P o l i t i c s . Garden Cit y : Double Day and Co., 1970. M i l l e r , Martin. "Temporary Worker Programs: Mechanisms, Conditions and Consequences." International Migration  Review 20, no.4 (1986): 740-757. Morokvasic, Mirjana. "Women i n Migration : Beyond the Reductionist Outlook." In One Way Ticket: Migration and  Female Labour, edited by Annie Phizacklea. Toronto: Routeledge and Kegan Paul, 1983. 13-31. Ng, Roxana. The P o l i t i c s of Community Services: Immigrant  Women. Class, and State. Toronto: Garamond Press, 1988. 110 Ng, Roxana. "The Social Construction of Immigrant Women i n Canada." In The P o l i t i c s of Diversity, edited by Roberta Hamilton and Michele Barrett. Quebec: Book Centre Inc., 1986. 269-286. Pedlar, David. "A Study of Domestic Service i n Canada." Masters Thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1982. P h i l l i p s , Paul and Erin P h i l l i p s . Women and Work: Inequality  i n the Labour Market. Toronto: James Lorimer and Co., 1983. Phizacklea, Annie, ed. One Way Ticket: Migration and Female Labour. London: Routeledge and Kegan Paul, 1983. Renaud, Louise. "A Study i n the Persistence of Poor Working Conditions and Low Status: Immigrant Domestic Workers i n Canada." Master's Thesis, Carleton University, 1984. Roberts, Barbara. "A Work of Empire: Canadian Reformers and B r i t i s h Female Immigration." In A Not Unreasonable Claim:  Women and Reform i n Canada 1880 /s-1920 /s f edited by Linda Kealey. Toronto: The Women's Press, 1979. Rojas-Aleta, Isabel, Teresa S i l v a , and Christine Eleazar, eds. A P r o f i l e of F i l i p i n o Women: Their Status and Role. Manila: Philippine Business for Social Progress, 1979. Russell, Bob. "The C r i s i s of the State and the State of the C r i s i s : The Canadian Welfare Experience." In Family,  Economy, and the State, edited by James Dickinson and Bob Russell. London: Croom Helm Ltd., 1986. 309-333. Seccombe, Wally. "Domestic Labour and the Working Class Household." In Hidden i n the Household: Women's Domestic  Labour Under Capitalism, edited by Bonnie Fox. Ontario: The Women's Press, 1980. 25-99. Seccombe, Wally. "Reflections on the Domestic Labour Debate and Prospects f or a Marxist-Feminist Synthesis." In The  P o l i t i c s of Diversity, edited by Roberta Hamilton and Michele Barrett. Quebec: Basic Book Centre Inc., 1986. 190-207. Sassen-Koob, Saskia. "Toward a Conceptualization of Immigrant Labour." Social Problems 29, no.l (1981): 65-85. S i l v e r a , Makeda. Silenced. Toronto: Williams-Wallace Pubs., 1984. I l l Stephenson, Marylee, ed. Women i n Canada. Don M i l l s , Ont.: General Publishing Co., Ltd., 1977. Steward, Shirley, and Kathryn McDade. Immigrant Women i n  Canada: A Policy Perspective. Ottawa: The Canadian Advisory Council on the Status of Women, 1988. Strasser, Susan. "Mistress and Maid-Employer Employee: Domestic Service Reform i n the United States 1897-1920." Marxist Perspectives 1 (Winter 1978): 52-67. Strong-Boag, Veronica. "Working Women and the State: The Case of Canada 1889-1945." A t l a n t i s 6, no.2 (Spring 1981): 1-9. Trager, L i l l i a n . "Family Strategies and the Migration of Women: Migrants to Dagupan City, P h i l i p p i n e s . " International Migration Review 18, no.4 (Winter 1984): 1264-1277. T u r r i t t i n , Jane. "Doing Domestic-Work Relationships i n a P a r t i c u l a r i s t i c Setting." In Work i n the Canadian Context, edited by Katherine Lundy and Barbara Warme. Toronto: Butterworths, 1981. 93-108. T u r r i t t i n , Jane. "Networks to Jobs: Case Studies of West Indian Women from Monsterrat." Master's Thesis, University of Toronto, 1975. T u r r i t t i n , Jane. "Networks and Mobility: The Case of West Indian Women from Monsterrat." The Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 13, no.3 (August 1976): 305-320. Ursal, Jane. "The State and the Maintenance of Patriarchy: A Case Study of Family, Labour, and Welfare L e g i s l a t i o n i n Canada." In Family, Economy, and the State: The Social  Reproduction Process Under Capitalism, edited by James Dickinson and Bob Russell. London: Croom Helm Ltd. 1986. 150-191. Vancouver Status of Women (records). "Briefs to the Standing Committee on Labour and Ju s t i c e . " University of B r i t i s h Columbia Special C o l l e c t i o n s . Box 39, f i l e 25, 1974. Vancouver Status of Women (records). "Fed. urges $4 minimum wage." The Vancouver Province. University of B r i t i s h Columbia Special C o l l e c t i o n s . Box 20, f i l e 57, 1975 (June 4). 112 Vancouver Status of Women (records). "Brief to the B.C. Members of the L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly." University of B r i t i s h Columbia Special C o l l e c t i o n s . Box 20, f i l e 57, 1976 (March 22). Vogel, L i s e . "The Contested Domain: A Note on the Family i n Transition to Capitalism." Marxist Perspectives 1, no.l (1978): 50-73. Vogel, L i s e . Marxism and the Oppression of Women: Toward a  Unitary Theory. New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1983. Wayne, Jack. "The Function of Social Welfare i n a C a p i t a l i s t Economy." In Family, Economy, and the State: The Social  Reproduction Process Under Capitalism, edited by James Dickinson and Bob Russell. London, Croom Helm Ltd., 1986. 56-84. Wilson, Elizabeth. Women and the Welfare State. London: Tavistock Publications, 1977. Wilson, Susan. Women, the Family, and the Economy. Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson, 1982. APPENDIX A Tables 113 114 Table 1: Percentage D i s t r i b u t i o n , of Women i n the Labour Force, 15 Years of Age and Over, by Occupational Div i s i o n 1901-1961 Censuses Occupation 1901 1911 1921 1931 1941 1951 1961 Women as a % of the labour force 13.35 13.23 15.43 16.97 19.87 22.03 27.31 % of women by occupation Professional 42.49 44.16 54.09 49.47 46.09 43.50 43.17 C l e r i c a l 22.12 32.58 41.80 45.14 50.14 56.69 61.50 Commercial 10.38 20.20 25.55 25.98 32.14 38.34 40.29 Manufacturing 24.81 25.49 24.05 18.70 19.04 18.74 16.83 Personal 71.70 66.76 68.70 69.55 72.85 64.13 66.36 Service Source: Canada. S t a t i s t i c s Canada. of Canadian Labour Force." "The Occupational D i v i s i o n Cat.# 99-550. 1967 p.77-78. 115 Table 2: Female Labour Force P a r t i c i p a t i o n Rates By Age: Canada 1921-1961. Age Year 14-19 20-24 25-34 34-44 45-54 55-64 % % % % % % 1921 29.6 39.8 19.5 12.2 n.a. n.a. 1931 26.5 47.4 24.4 14.3 12.9 11.3 1941 26.8 46.9 27.9 18.1 14.5 l l . l 1951 33.7 48.8 25.4 22.3 21.1 13.5 1961 31.7 50.7 29.2 31.2 32.8 23.1 Source: Canada. S t a t i s t i c s Canada. "The Female Worker i n Canada". Cat.# 99-553. 1961 p.3. 116 Table 3: Ranking By Major Occupational Shortages Reported by Canada Manpower Centres i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1968-1973. 1968 1969 1.Maids and Domestics Maids and Domestics 2.Nurses Garment Workers 1970 Maids and Domestics Sales 3.Garment Workers 4.Sales Nurses Sales Nurses Garment Workers 5.Waiter, waitress Equipment Repairmen Equipment Repairmen 1971 1.Garment Workers 1972 Timber Cutting 1973 Logger 2.Maids and Domestics Garment Workers Garment 3.Sales 4.Nurses Equipment Repairmen Maids and Domestics 5.Equipment Repairmen Sales F a l l e r Maids and Domestics Equipment Repairmen Source: Canada Manpower Review. Vol.8, No.2 (1974) p.19. 117 Table 4: Labour Force P a r t i c i p a t i o n , 1970-1983 Labour Force Year Women Men 000's 000's 1970 2,824 5,571 1971 2,972 5,667 1972 3,101 5,797 1973 3,303 5,973 1974 3,477 6,163 1975 3,680 6,294 1976 3,836 6,368 1977 3,996 6,505 1978 4,239 6,657 1979 4,420 6,811 1980 4,638 6,935 1981 4,851 7,053 1982 4,926 7,031 1983 5,084 7,098 Source: Canada. S t a t i s t i c s Canada."Women i n Canada: A S t a t i s t i c a l Report." 1985 p.47. 118 Table 5: Labour Force P a r t i c i p a t i o n Rates by Sex and Presence of Own Children. Canada, Annual Averages, 1975-1981. 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 (Percents) P a r t i c i p a t i o n 62.9 63.2 63.5 64.7 65.2 65.8 66.5 Rates Males 85.2 84.5 84.1 84.1 83.9 83.6 83.4 With at le a s t 96.9 97.0 97.0 97.4 97.4 96.9 97.1 one c h i l d less than 3 years Without Children 96.4 96.6 96.9 97.1 97.1 96.8 96.9 less than 3 years but at le a s t one aged 3-5 years Without children 95.2 94.8 94.7 94.7 94.9 95.0 95.1 less than 6 years but at le a s t one aged 6-15 years Without children 72.6 71.1 70.7 70.9 70.8 70.9 71.1 less than 16 years Females 41.9 43.1 44.4 46.5 47.8 49.3 50.9 With at le a s t one 31.2 31.7 34.0 37.6 39.4 41.7 44.5 c h i l d less than 3 years Without Children 40.0 40.9 42.5 46.1 47.8 50.1 52.4 less than 3 years but at least one 3-5 years Without children 48.2 50.0 51.9 54.3 55.6 58.2 61.1 less than 6 years but at le a s t one aged 6-15 years Without children 42.3 43.2 43.8 44.8 45.9 46.6 47.3 less than 16 years Source: Canada. S t a t i s t i c s Canada. "Family Charact e r i s t i c s and Labour Force Survey." Cat.# 71-601. 1982 p.14. Table 6: Average Income i n Constant Dollars of Husband\Wife Economic Families. Husband under 65 and Wife with Income, 1971-1981. Average Income 1971 1973 1975 $ % $ % $ % Husband 8,782 68.9 9,268 68.1 9,723 67.6 Wife 3,207 25.2 3,452 25.3 3,766 26.2 1977 1979 1981 $ % $ % $ % Husband 9,984 66.2 10,133 65.9 9,889 64.6 Wife 3,993 26.5 4,128 26.8 4,301 28.1 Source: Canada. S t a t i s t i c s Canada. Canadian Husband-Wife Families: Labour Force P a r t i c i p a t i o n and Income Trends 1971-1981." Cat.# 71-060. 1984 p.11 Table 7: Employment by Occupational Group, 1975 and 1983. (top f i v e occupations for women included) Women Men Women as % of Employment 1975 1983 1975 1983 1975 1983 % % % % % % C l e r i c a l 36.1 32.6 6.9 6.4 75.0 78.7 Service 16.6 18.6 9.7 11.3 49.6 54.3 Sales 10.4 10.4 11.5 10.8 34.0 41.1 Health 9.5 9.2 1.7 2.0 75.7 77.1 Teaching 7.2 6.2 2.9 3.2 58.3 58.3 Source: Canada. S t a t i s t i c s Canada. "Women i n Canada: A S t a t i s t i c a l Report". 1985 p.51. Table 8: Largest Occupations of Women, 1981 121 Occupation Occupational Group Total Labour Force (000's) Secretaries C l e r i c a l Bookkeepers C l e r i c a l Salespersons Sales T e l l e r s and Cashiers C l e r i c a l Waitresses Service Nurses Health Teachers Teaching O f f i c e Clerks C l e r i c a l Typists C l e r i c a l Cleaners Service 368 332 292 229 201 168 140 115 103 97 Source: Canada. S t a t i s t i c s Canada. "Women i n Canada: A S t a t i s t i c a l Report". 1985 p.52. 122 Table 9 : Employment Authorizations Issued by Gender 1987. New Entrants Extensions Total Males 184 316 500 Females 7,990 11,854 19,844 Gender not stated 1 1 2 Total 8,175 12,171 20,346 Source: Canada. Employment and Immigration. "Foreign Domestic Movement: A S t a t i s t i c a l Highlight Report." (unpublished data). 1987 p.4. Reprinted by permission of Canada Employment and Immigration Table 10: Revenue From CP.P. and U.I.C. Premiums Paid By Domestics on Temporary Work Authorizations and Their Employers 1973-1979 Year Total Revenue 1973 527,472 1974 1,049,458 1975 1,644,872 1976 1,999,786 1977 2,159,761 1978 1,910,433 1979 1,996,969 Total 11,288,751 Source: Canada. Employment and Immigration. "Domestic Workers on Employment Authorizations." 1980 p.70. 124 Table 11: Total Landings of Foreign Domestics Processed i n Canada and Abroad, by Top Ten Source Countries (1987). Country of Overall Total Landed Last Permanent Rank i n 1987 Residence Philippines 1 967 Jamaica 2 489 England 3 206 Guyana 4 180 Portugal 5 87 Hong Kong 6 81 Germany 7 70 E l Salvador 8 66 Ethiopia 9 54 I r i s h Republic 10 54 Scotland 11 53 Source: Canada. Employment and Immigration. " Foreign Domestic Movement: A S t a t i s t i c a l Highlight Report." (unpublished data). 1987 p.4. Reprinted by permission of Canada Employment and Immigration. 125 Table 12: Foreign Domestic Movement: Issuance of Employment Authorizations 1982-1987 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 New 4,327 3,569 4,390 5,021 6,875 8,175 Documents Renewals 9,965 12,138 11,375 9,237 9,177 12,171 Total 14,292 15,707 15,765 14,258 16,052 20,346 Source: Canada. Employment and Immigration. "Foreign Domestic Movement: A S t a t i s t i c a l Highlight Report." (unpublished data). 1987 p . l . Reprinted by permission of Canada Employment and Immigration. Table 13: Foreign Domestic Movement Validations Issued by the Foreign Workers Unit i n Vancouver Month Year F.D.M. Validations Issued Oct. 1985 147 Nov. 1985 154 Dec. 1985 123 Jan. 1986 175 Feb. 1986 140 Mar. 1986 173 Apr. 1986 214 May. 1986 218 Jun. 1986 187 J u l . 1986 212 Aug. 1986 205 Sep. 1986 240 Oct. 1986 125 Nov. 1986 245 Dec. 1986 277 Jan. 1987 280 Feb. 1987 352 Mar. 1987 311 Apr. 1987 318 May. 1987 314 Jun. 1987 297 J u l . 1987 340 Aug. 1987 309 Sep. 1987 339 Oct. 1987 394 Nov. 1987 332 Dec. 1987 297 Jan. 1988 311 Feb. 1988 360 Mar. 1988 440 Apr. 1988 348 (417) * May. 1988 357 (428) Jun. 1988 349 (419) J u l . 1988 310 (372) Aug. 1988 301 (361) Sep. 1988 371 (445) Source: Canada Employment and Immigration (unpublished data). Reprinted by permission of the Foreign Worker's Unit. •Figures a f t e r A p r i l 1988 do not include v i s a renewals. Bracketed figures are adjusted by 20% to include renewals. Table 14: Employment Authorizations i n 1987 By Top Ten Source Countries: New Entrants and Renewals Source Country New Entrants and Renewals Rank Philippines 9,809 1 England 1,774 2 Germany 908 3 France 652 4 Jamaica 588 5 Sweden 398 6 Scotland 396 7 A u s t r a l i a 365 8 I r i s h Republic 362 9 Switzerland 322 10 Total 15,574 Other Countries 4,772 Grand Total 20,346 Source: Canada Employment and Immigration Foreign Domestic Movement S t a t i s t i c a l Highlight Report 1987 (unpublished data), p.2. Reprinted by permission of Canada Employment and Immigration. APPENDIX B Domestic F o r e i g n Worker\ Employer Agreement 128 Efiiuiovmoni ; inii Qinploi ul immigraiion Canada Immigration Canada PART I X* tha Foreign Domestic Worker related to tha employer? I f YES, please spacify y/«l«tionihipi Humbar of persons l i v p i g i n tha householdi ' SALARY BEFORE DEDUCTIONS S par month/ROOM i BOARD DEDUCTIONS t par month 1. HOURS OF W O R K i Normal hours of work w i l l not exceed 40 hours par weak, baaed on a S day work week. Employer agrees to provida two waaks paid annual vacation or 4% of tha annual salary, aa wall as tima o f f with pay for a l l statutory holidays. Any work i n tha excess of 40 hours waakly w i l l be paid aa overtime. 2. TRAINING ALLOWANCEi Eaployars w i l l ba raquirad tot a) allow tha foreign workar at laaat 3 hours par waek, at a tima that i a mutually convenient, i n addition to normal daya of ras t . This w i l l enable domastic to follow a t r a i n i n g program of salf-lmprovaaant leading to a a l f ^ o f f l c i e n t y i n panada.  b) tha amployar agrees to contrlbuta, i n addition to regular r a n u — r a t i o n . S 20.0.0 a month or tHa coat of t r a i n i n g , whichever Is tha la s s a r . to help dafray tha Test of such irTCning. ' • 3. DUTIESi a) COOK I KG i (ploaoo u n d e r l i n e c o m p u l s o r y <luticu and add any othoro) Proparation of l i r o a k f a a t , lunch - , d l n n u r No c o o k i n g wash d l a h o a K l t R h a n c l o n n-up Spnclal d i e t . i r y r e q u i r o n i o n t a Aaalatlnq In citacln<j/»orvln<j for In-liomc a u c U l lunctlnnn H|xiclfy othoro: b) Clltl.nCARE: L i s t ages of c i n i d r o m 110 rs CURLS Tha employoo w i l l ba roqulr.-.i to escort c h i l d r e n to school, nodical appolntaants, lasaons, ate. YES NO Are thero behavioral or health problem* in the hounchold7 YES If YES, ploaao a p o c l t y i NO The employee w i l l bo required to nupervieo children'a homowork? YES NO •• PLRAS1 P«INT CXKAHLY. f a i l u r e to f u l l y co-ploto r h l a form w i l l delay your Application. ota/7 3. c) TRAVEL: Til* employe* w i l l b« required to travel? YES _____ NO H i l l the employee be required to take charge of the household while eaployer i s t r a v e l l i n g away from home? YES NO (Please note: A domeatic worker i a conaidered to be working i f required to /ibe on the preaiaea). "Any hour* i n excess of 40 hour* weekly w i l l be paid aa / / overtime). / / 4. HOUSEKEEPING: (pleaae underline compulaory d u t i a * and add any othara) a) The employee w i l l be responsible f o r : laundry sweeping ironing bed making vacuuming dusting washing f l o o r s , walls, windows bathroom clean-up general t i d y i n g picking up toys please specify others: __________________________________________________ Is t h i s a shared r e s p o n s i b i l i t y ? YES N O with Whom? b) Underline major appliances to be used by the employee: stove r e f r i d g e r a t o r freeser trash compactor dishwaaher garburator vacuum microwave oven washer/dryer other: ' Description of the apartment or house which i s to be maintained: approximate aquare footage ______________ 2E •°.u*r* aatrea . Number of bedrooms ' T o t a l number of rooms Please describe the employee's accommodation: 5. ELDERLY OR HANDICAPPED CARE: Is there a disabled person i n the household? YES _____ NO If YES, please specify what family member and the d i s a b i l i t y : Please underline compulsory duties: bathing; dressing; l i f t i n g ; wheelchair assistance; incontinance; specify others: Is the employee required to give medication? YES _____ NO _____ If YES, please s p e c i f y : 6. MISCELLANEOUS 1 a) Is the employee responsible for grocery shopping? YES NO b) Is the employe* required to have or obtain a d r i v e r ' s license? YES NO c) Are £oth parenta working outside the home? YES _____ NO d) Is t h i s a ainele parent household: YES NO If YES, i s the parent Male remale e) Is the employee required to care for peta? YES _____ NO If YES. please specify the number and kind of peta and the duties involved I c e r t i f y that the shove information Is accurate. I understand that the foreign domestic workor i have chosen i s rcauircd to: 1. no well c *|>cr ioncort .13 J <ii>m<-:;t i c worker (onti I ilo of lu;r own hoinc). 2. M v i v f n u i i a t i l o i r ' f c r r n r c n , 3. I I A V I - r c ^ i M o n . i l i l c Mucni-y in IT I t. lit: i- u l c . m . i ' M ' :i u l l i r u l I n i H i u n n i : ! * . S1CMATTJHK o r TI IK K H P I ^ I T K I I I IATK PAHT l i t : To U i «:»—|>lnli-tl Ity I lit- Vm\\\\tt^f( f _ I have rciiil the joh o f f e r ami Llio jn)r/r<l"iifr i |,L i nn \w _a*i:o|.r Mm i r r m n on«J enmi 11 ionn an out 11 noil. 8 I C M A T U R K O P T U N R M P I - I Y K K O A T K . PART IV: for o f f i c i i 5ao only I have oxaminud t h i a foreign wor stent oppor rforol<jn w o r f c r ^ - h i i O H t ami hnvf dotorra><U)U that tlio omploy-ont of under yfd CMd ^ X d n * stated above wi>T not adversely a f f e c t omploy-for Canadian d j t i t a i * or Permanent Jfesidentu in Canada. _ aiCHATURK J#P KMPIATMiOrr QVTft*m**i \ _X DATK Rgalement diaponlblo * t r -•• I'ranuCli 1 u Cent_^S'»mplol du Canada ?0 OTA/8 

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
http://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0097770/manifest

Comment

Related Items