UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

The syllable structure of Japanese Paradis, Johanne Catherine 1988

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata


831-UBC_1988_A8 P36.pdf [ 5.56MB ]
JSON: 831-1.0097764.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0097764-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0097764-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0097764-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0097764-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0097764-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0097764-source.json
Full Text

Full Text

THE  SYLLABLE  STRUCTURE  OF  JAPANESE  By JOHANNE B.A.,  The  A THESIS THE  CATHERINE  University SUBMITTED  of  FARADIS  British  Columbia,  1986 OF  IN  PARTIAL  FULFILLMENT  REQUIREMENTS  FOR THE  DEGREE  MASTER  OF  OF  ARTS  i n T H E F A C U L T Y OF GRADUATE S T U D I E S (Department of Linguistics)  We a c c e p t to  THE  this  the  thesis  required  UNIVERSITY  Johanne  Catherine  conforming  standard  OF B R I T I S H  August @  as  COLUMBIA  1988 Paradis  1988  In  presenting  degree freely  at  this  the  available  copying  of  department publication  thesis  in  partial  fulfilment  University  of  British  Columbia,  for  this or of  reference  thesis by  this  for  his thesis  and  study.  scholarly  or for  her  financial  The 1956  University Main  Vancouver, V6T  DE-6G/81)  1Y3  C\ Q y - C s V ~ " v  of of  Mall Canada  British  Columbia  I  further  purposes  gain  the  shall  requirements  agree  that  agree  may  representatives.  permission.  Department  I  of  It not  be is  that  the  Library  permission  granted  by  understood be  for  allowed  an  advanced  shall for  the that  without  head  make  it  extensive of  my  copying  or  my  written  THE  SYLLABLE  STRUCTURE  OF  JAPANESE  ABSTRACT  The  question  current Two  current  model  Vergnaud  represent  interest  (Kaye  and  and  Levin  1387 and  consists  of  a  adequacy  of  these  Japanese  can  the  to  theories/models  1985,. McCarthy  in  how  theoretical  onset/rime and  of  Prince  detailed  be  two  of  three  representation  1985)  1986  an  linguistic  1982,  and  and  the  Hayes  investigation theories  structure  dimensional  Lowenstamm  considered  indigenous  in  prosodic  for  of  the  the  mora is  Lowenstamm (Hyman  This  thesis  descriptive  Japanese  it  the  model  1988).  archetypal tradition  mora  of  phonology.  are  Kaye  is  language.  language analysed  since into  moras. The stated  version in  a  of  set  syllabification assumptions:  each of  model  universal  algorithm  is  which  I  am a d o p t i n g  is  e x p l i c i t l y  syllabification  rules.  compatible  the  with  This  following  C1)  a.  No  predictable  the of  b.  underlying glides  Prosodic  determined  by  and  a  Furthermore, a  not  designed mora  not  the  paramaterized include to  theory.  a  most  around  by  model  nucleus  account  cases  syllabic  the  of  is  the  a.  Type  I  (ii)  rule  and  which  is  is of  model  unmarked  setting  This  from  both  o n s e t / r i me (i)  in  distribution  onset/rime  below.  (2)  The  sonority  onset/rime  distinctions  structures  present  segments  [ s y l l a b i c 3.  the  weight  by  peak  relative  where  is  predictable.  built  constituent.  for  Sample  a  is  feature  version  structure  representation.  structure  erected  is  in  prosodic  Type  II  as  well  theories  I  propose does model as  are  is  the given  i v  b.  mora or / u p /  I  zi  I  cici  A syllabification the  general  algorithm  phonology  of  structure  can  underlying with  no  the  Japanese. be  feature  mora  language.  it  a  that  generated  by  rule,  in  between  is  model  shown  concluded are  adapted of  the  Japanese  either  glides  not  within the  Type  is  for power  the  the  only I  that  adequate  conclusion  a  descriptive  i.nto  is  model  distinctions necessary  fitted  Japanese  It  is  This  is  for  from lexical  prosodic  model,  with  and  high  vowels,  the  onset/rime  no  and  Csyllabic3.  parameterization Japanese  and  distinctions  Therefore, and  algorithm  for  depends  onset/rime which  mora  model model.  on  model.  represents,  onset/rime the  describing  crucially  language  model  with  both  to  Japanese  the Because  employs the  the  model  the  weight  parameterization  remain  equal  in  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS  Abst r act Tab1e  o f  Con t e n t s  Ac k n o w l e d q e m e n t  Introduct  Chapter  ion  1  Syllable  Theory  1.0  I n t r.oduc t i on  1. 1  Bac k g r o u n d  1.2  Towards  a  Universal  Syllabi city  and  1.3  The  Mora  1.4  The  Onset/Rime  1.5  Summary  Theory  Syllabification  Theory Theory  Notes  Chapter  2  Japanese  Lexicon  Under l y i n g  2.0 2.1  and  R e p r e s e n t a t i on  Introduction L e xi c a 1  of  Phono1og y  vi  2.2  Japanese  Lexicon  2.3  Japanese  Phonetic  Inventory  2.4  Japanese  Phonemic  Inventory  2.5  Summary Notes  -iapter  3  Japanese  S y 11 ab 1 e  3.0  I n t r oduc t i on  3.1  Syllable  3.2  Evidence  3.3  Glides  3.4  Syllabification Notes  one 1 u s i o n  eferences  Structure  Inventory for  and  Type  I  Vowels Algorithm  vi i  ACKNOWLEDGEMENT  First of a l l , I w o u l d l i k e t o t h a n k my s u p e r v i s o r , Patricia A. Shaw, f o r her encouragement and t h o u g h t f u l insights. Her g u i d a n c e has been e s s e n t i a l not o n l y t o t h i s t h e s i s , but also t o a l l my g r a d u a t e w o r k . I would also l i k e t o acknowledge the h e l p o f t h e o t h e r m e m b e r s o f my c o m m i t t e e , D a v i d I n g r a m a n d Bernard St. Jacques. I w o u l d l i k e t o t h a n k my f e l l o w s t u d e n t s , K a t h y H u n t , Henry D a v i s , B r u c e B a g e m i h l , N i c o l a B e s s e l 1 , Daphne Remnant, and the department secretary, Carmen, for t h e i r s u p p o r t and friendship. In p a r t i c u l a r , I would l i k e t o t h a n k K a t h y Hunt f o r b e i n g so d e l i g h t f u l l y sane and Bruce Bagemihl for being so delightfully insane.  1  INTRODUCTION  The  question  of  how  to  of  current  syllabicity  is  dimensional  phonology.  representation Keyser  1983),  (2)  1982  and  Kaye,  and  (3)  the  and  Hayes  prosodic  There that  1earnabi1ity,  for  CV m o d e l  in  of  the  such  as  is  a  onset/rime  theories  example),  onset/rime Japanese  date  but  with  few  (Clements  and  and  Levin  1985)  1985,  McCarthy  and  Prince  it  not  the  form  is  which  just  commands  that  can  meets in  I  comparisons CV t h e o r y  comparisons  of  of  and be  seen the  (see  the  fit  of  not  We h a v e  concern into  Chomsky  model  will  of  of a  conditions  investigation  in  on  (1981). the the  mora  including  and  authors  theory  above,  with  theory. can  be  regarded  as  an  archetypal  mora  the  the  mora  the  mora  198S  current  theoretical  onset/rime  the  of  1987,  language.  several  models  Vergnaud  investigation.  to  three  Lowenstamm  discussed  the  or  CV m o d e l  representation  detailed  in  and  phonology,  of  theories  the  deeper  those  Japanese  this  the  interest  and  (Kaye  i t s e l f  prosodic  literature  for  and  structure  model  (Hyman  also  adequacy  the  (1)  Furthermore,  the  following  descriptive model  model  i,s  model  major  onset/rime  representation  universal  The  Three  Lowenstamm  mora  prosodic  theoretical  emerged,  the  1988).  interest. ensuring  have  represent  language  the  since into  in  moras  equally is  the  the  indigenous  ('mora'  well  then  of  theory  the  with  (Hayes  superiority that  the  The  of  mora  evidence  Therefore,  the  with  an  the  tradition  word).  two  mora  and  1983.3). the  mora  model  is  CV  theory  and  Therefore, model also  Japanese  onset/rime  over  shows model  CV  to  this  them  cannot  be  If  this  or  less,  the  CV  'segmental  for  the  Hayes  implies  onset/rime is  be  (1988)  model,  the  that  more  equates  arguing  the  superior  he  calls  in  analysed  Japanese  are,  Hayes's  theories,  is  analysis?  theories in  it  Could  onset/rime  Furthermore,  onset/rime  from  the  Japanese  perhaps  variants.  comparasion  models'  a  described  case,  notational  is  linguistic  not  the  equivalent  model. case.  to  the  CV  model. This  thesis  is  divided  One,  general  aspects  mora  and  onset/rime  Chapter  the Two  Japanese, Chapter Japanese  1  is  and  Three. is  SYLLABLE  of  into  syllable  In  THEORY  theory  are  are  examined  with  the  lexical  a  background  Chapter  analysed  chapters.  model  concerned provides  three  using  Three, both  the  for  in  of  and  the  detail.  phonology  the  Chapter  discussed  of  discussion  syllable  models  In  structure  prosodic  in of  structure.  1.0  First,  and  give  certain and in  in  some  1.1,  we  background  assumptions  question.  In  for  and  mora  we  are  are  1.1  assuming  Both  leveled  of  models.  compare  onset/rime for  the in  In  theory  maintained  we  presented  syllables a  the  timing  and  in  1.2  of  for  we  both  models  general outline  syllabicity  current  versions  the  models  proposals  in  the  respectively.  of  both  are  part  theories  1.5.  comprised segments  of  which  criterion  of  Sonority  is  language  can  sonority.  sonority  a  be  are  around  a  a  which  are  is  usually is  n-ary,  the  which  is  most  of and  by  in  of obstruents  group  of  decrescendo  sonorant  a  sonority. Sounds  and a  The  not  proportion  crescendo  syllable  matrix.  sonorant  multi-  usually  binary.  comprised  the  The  relative  not  a  includes  together  of  their  most  normally  left-to-right  peak,  feature  grouped  to  is  of  melody  feet.  which  criterion  according  A syllable a  by  like  or  the  Prosody  level  segment  syllable  scaled  form  prosody.  prosodic  but  including  categories  one  property  Vowels  which  the  than  form  am c o n s i d e r i n g  and  order  number, a  least.  units,  on  more  I  representation  higher  constituent  sounds  models  phonological  (features),  the  structure  Bac k g r o u n d  1.1.1  is  are  and  algorithms  two  universal  1.4  Syllabification  syllable  the  a  which  1.3  the  on  about  syllabification,  literature  discuss  segment  of in  a  4  the  group.  This  (i}  This  or / / \ // \ x x x x  description  corresponds "In  any  peak,  description  to  segments  is  of  / x  \  a  relations  Sonority  is  a  and/or  a  followed  discussion  by  a  a  sonority-  sequence  sonority of  syllable  Generalization:  constituting  decreasing  further  within  Sequencing  segment  progressively For  below.  prosodic tier timing tier melodic tier (son or i t y levels)  x  sonority  there  illustrated  / I \ \ x  x  preceded  with  (1984.116).  / x  or. \  Selkirk's  syllable  that  /  is  of  values"  sonority,  see  section  1.2.1. The is and  syllable  these the  smaller mora  phonological  deleted  subdivided  is  a  process.  moved.  constituents. reflect  the  discu'jss  evidence  empirical  Representative  of  For  for  which  can  be  copied  evidence  the  divisions  are  which a in  for  should  segment  model  in  and  not  t r i v i a l .  together  only a  can  act  model  in  can  should  in  and  1.4.  in  (2).  given  be  on  We  are  a  be  groupings. 1.3  it  onset/rime  reduplication,  structure?  each  act  constituent  structure for  constituent  structures  in  processes  constituent  constituents  differ  elements example,  Ideally,  Thus,  smaller  Constituent  group  extrametrical, or  into  constituents  theories.  A constituent  marked  is  will  5  (. 2 ) a.  mora cr I \ u u  / /  prosodic  syllable mora  tier  I I  7  C  cr = y =  .  3  C 3C  3  melodic  tieer  onset/rime. or /I / R / j \ • N C II I I I I  In  (2a),  mora. is  a  The  x  x  C ' 3  C ' it  the  property  example, others  is  .  syllable This  t i c Caw l e y ,  short number  of  equivalent All  which  syllable  in  syllables  a  in "A  long  consists  segments  other  which  of  than  syllable  is  are  can  be  syllable  the  each  weight.  upon  stress  mora  may  for  heavy  at  least  one  mora.  For  and  in  of  imprecisely two  Although vary,  and  as  a  the  each  weight. have  the  systems.  described  consists  is  Weight  structures;  one'"(1968.58).  comprising  syllable  considered  called  particular, mora  = syllable = r ime = onset = nucleus = coda  indicates  structures  distinction  According  of  tier  distinguishes  processes,  'something  melodic  element  phonological to  tier  3  an  tier  skeletal  constituent  which  certain  light  x  only  mora  prosodic  or R 0 N C  heuristic  mora  is  6  reasons, of  a  let  us  syllable  McCarthy  and  is  consonant  vowel  or  a  long  by  a  j.i'  is  the  in the  of  a  are  representation  is  that  to  the  to  the  Hayes's  innovation  onset/rime a  long  closed  syllable  (in  a  language  constitute  a  definition, have  one.  light,  In their  In  the  language  heavy  specific  (2b),  the  everything  member  above  mora  the of  in  (2a)  rationale  for  dominated  'rhyme-internal  or  a  where  Thus, have  where  consonant  to  is  the  weight.  the  that  (1988),  'segment  the  the  short  Hayes  Hayes's  brings  outside  syllables  syllable  to  of  a  first  and  segment' theory  is  heavy closed  the  to  diphthong, syllables  primary  moras  and  syllables  linked  to  the  count  a as  McCawley's  light  closed  is  mora  recapitulate  two  or  are  syllables considered  primary  mora  by  rule.  relationship  precede  mora.  language  margin  relationship which  a  vowel  segments  second  with  given  of  (1985)  consists  the  mora  theory.  has  those  of  primary  Hyman  In  is  domain  domain  syllable  then  or  adopting.  a  heavy),  vowel.  vowel  the  In  mora  representation  we  The  together  long  short  one  Thus  primary  a  of  mora.  ways.  member  latter  equivalent  two  cluster  The  (1988.10).  If  first  primary  consonant  vowel.  is  closer  or  consists  it  the  (1985),  mora  because such  the  this  represented  Prince  first  primary  call  peak.  follows  divided sonority  The  onset  The  rime  it.  The  into peak,  constituents and  consists consists  nucleus  not of  of  marks  on  the  on  their  those the  based  segments  peak peak  and and  a  the  coda  consists  second  half  but  a  by  I  which  margin,  use  the  primary  not  long  syllable  vowel  the  any  margin  to  Although  without  can  be  branching  rime  distinction,  1.1.2  this  section  different three  representation  to  the  Hayes  for  a  Let  scope  history us  In the  such  on  Most  of  presented  Hayes' onset  (1981)  and  the  like  the  that  the  to  a  Keyser  is'a  this  mo d e 1 /light  branching/non (1981).  examine  why  structure  I  post-  heavy  there  within  the, development  so  and  in  as  mora.  margin  the  Hayes  in  The  to  primary  d i v i s i ons  in  structure  and  element.  referred  weight,  syllable  coda  post-nuclear  from  shown  section,  be  The  general  of  are  the the  would  will  refer  the  C1983),  and  Levin  be reader (1935)  developments.  the  constituent  question. be  Clements  of  focus  this  as  a  peak  following both  nucleus.  by  a  also  claiming  Tracing  prosodic of  (. 1 9 8 1 ' ) ,  internal  will  of  can  derived  of  model.  is  indicate  would  representations  dimensional  beyond  I  it  c onst.it uent to  the  dominated  because  describe  the  following  not  nucleus  directly  distinction  In  is  consonants  consonants  designed  segments  nucleus,  can  term  mora  the  follow  as  con s t i t u e n t . are  a  branching  segments the  of  of  development structures  the more  models  the Two  the  found  in  mentioned  e x p l i c i t l y  model, rime.  of  in  reasons  the in  1.3  syllable  different two  this  and  has  which  two  syllable-  theories  in  discussion  1.4. constituents,  Hayes  gives  for  tw  8  this  split  are:  the  segments  and  fo11owing  consonants, primarily  "(1)  of  a  which  within  sensitive  not  the  to  the  the  the  for  language  to  that  such  (2)  Hayes  a  rime  pig  vowe1s  of  He  possible  state  on  vowels  p r ec e d i n g  are  segments  does  constituent. as  and  rules  constituent,  latin  between  restrictions  Accent  (1981.12!)..  restrictions  stringent  between  number  onset  game  more  the  for  the  than  rime;  only  cooccurrence  are  suggests  onset"  evidence  evidence  syllable  consonants  always in  Generally,  apply almost  in  the  that,  rime,  compared  there  is  cites  spoonerisms  evidence  less  for  and  the  onset. Thus, heavy  in  Hay€?s"  syllables  branching  and  Subsequent and  Levin  model,  is  the  models  distinction  represented  branching  rimes  developments,  (1985),  within  the  by  as  models  Kaye with  syllable,  the  nucleus  and  also  replaced  the  CV t i e r  with  timing  tier.  Note  within  the  branching syllable This  rime =  the  can  be  branching  disjunction  different (1985)  rime,  that  is  with  captured  one  or  unit  model,  and  and  between  a  nucleus  non-  by  structure, is  constituents for  and  example.  coda  captured  only  (1982!)  These  prosody-independent  a  branching  which  Lowenstamm  more  coda,  motivation  syllable-internal  weight  a  generalization  rime  distinction  light  respectively.  such  produced  the  between  distinction  by  branching/non-  disjunction:  heavy  nucleus.  for  the  for  proposal  example,  essentially  a  of  a  Hyman's  mora  model.  9  As  mentioned  in  representation An o t h e r  of  (1986)  estimation, to  count  for  lack  of  of  mora  a  that is  I  the  an  and of  addition,  (1381), and  that  they  thus an  is  straightforward  feet,  independent  not  No  not  proponents  timing  tier  in  is  their seem  segments. segments  although  tier  and  and  only  individual  timing  t he  In  they  individual of  is  i s  McCarthy  However,  tier  model  items,  McCarthy  timing  mo r a  superfluous.  "count"  redundant.  a  a  tier.  representation  include  the  cited  Prince  as  use,  the  i n t r i n s i c a l l y of  the  their  mora  part  theory  models,  but  McCarthy is  that  and  slim  its  Prince  point  evidence  for  loss  in  the  out, an  mora  as  did  (1988)  onset/rime again  concludes syllable framework  advocates  model.  raises  the  that  it  onset  model  Hayes  constituent  is  of  no  consequence. Hayes  a  possible.  there  argue  tier  to  or  representation. of  timing  this  need  independent  know  offers  alternative  representation  conceptually In  the  that  rules  model  weight.  syllables  s u p e r f 3. u o u s n e s s  mora  independent  independent  unnecessary  reason  for  reason  moras,  the  syllable  the  when  Therefore, is  of  mo t i v a t i o n  elimination Prince  .1.1.1,  In  weight,  and  (1938.11).  mora  arguing  issue  these  the  of  for  this  therefore 1.4,  can I  are be  instead  of  the  representation,  cooccurrence  restrictions  In  model  restrictions usually stated  propose  a  and  related in  model  the of  he  to mora  the  10  onset/rime accounts  theory,  for  weight  Concerning i.e.  the  the  timing  to  support  argue  in  favour  Ho we v e r ,  t hi e  evidence  that  other  and  the of  the  a  onset  as  proposal,  well  as  between  the the  constituent,  necessity  the  two  i f  existence  onset/rime  model  as  a. n q u a g e ,  well  Universal  i n  my  theory  as  the  Theory  the 1  mode1s,  that  more  y s i s,  describes  mora  of  ana  theory.  evidence  their  1  which  mora  of  onset/rime  equally  Toward  Hayes'(1931)  di fferences  J apanes e  distinctions  to  .d i s t i n e t i o n s  tier  found  1.2  akin  on  b&  can would  superior. 1  y  o f f er s  weight  theory.  Syllabicity  and  Syllabification  1.2.1 the  The  following  representation  structure  is  a  aim  here  and  is  representation In  the  of  thus  to of  linear  sketch  level  this  model  [ s y l l a b i c ] .  liquids  may  in  a  a  body  I  maintain  the  of  assumptions that  about  syllable  phonological  is  maximally  a  universal  property.  non-redundant  property. of  SF'E, syllabicity  Vowels  [+sy11abicJ  [-syllabic].  Therefore,  distinguished  by  this  of  s y l l a b i c i t y  propose  feature  be  a  syllabicity.  universal  representation The  is  are and  is  [-(-syllabic], all  the  nasals  other  high  vowels  and  feature  alone?.  In  indicated  major  glides a  model  by  the  and classes  are which  are  1 1  includes  a  hierarchical  representation,  like  syllabicity  is  position  the  the  in  melodic  syllable  more  syllable  tier.  and  both  So,  c an  be  this  melodically  indistinct, a  There  is  also  redundant  usually assume our  But,  that  the an  syllable  derived in  apparent  or  an  a  inherent be  glides in  and  in  syllable  the  structure  specified  idiosyncratic is  is of  in  many  erected  rule;  from  structure,  has  no  segments  is  and  it  is in  the  is  alone.  has  syllable  tree.  cases  component  by  the  of  structure  information  are  the  features,  this  on  question in  syllable  since  vowels  form  the  becomes  the  either  to  combinations  of  on  from  [syllabic]  redundancy  related  feature  derived  A by-p roduc t  that  phonological  segment's  representation  We  therefore,  syllabicity syllable  UR.  the  syllable  nucleus  of  the  considering,  feature  position  structure  are  would  appear  CUR),  in  non-redundant  the  knowing  erecting  the  fully  for  not  the  potential  representation  reserved  structure  their  syllable  on  have  maximally  being  of  Since  to  underlying  and  another  based  and  is  we  function  syllabicity  representation  syllabicity. predictable  tree,  feature  result  phonological  a  e I i m i n at ed.  of  as  structure  models  therefore,  elimination  surface  the  properly  structure;  r e d un dan t  syllable  syllabicity structure.  peak  paradox:  of  of  the  It  is  necessary  sonority  of  the  If  'syllabicity  is  for  syllable. derived  required  for  determining Thus from  we  have  syllable  structure,  how  erect  structure?  that  element the  of  each  group,  peak  and  from  wi t h out  can  the  t o  we? h a v e  our  Steriade  (1982),  Therefore,  than  segments  are  so  on.  Using  identified structure The  and  and  by can  the  sonority being  is  feature  in a  matrices we  h ave  a  features  in  built  more  stated  and  peaks  of  above  can  be  syllable  (2)  There  is  no  distinction  between  the  UR.  sonority  of  in  and  more  [-high,-cons  segments, can  thus  and  be  syllable  the  summarised structure  high  syllabicity  neighbouring  segments  are  this.  predictable  property  [+cons.l.  sonority  composition  sonorant  and  -cons]  1979)  (  their  more  glides)  [+high,  various  hierarchy  of  than  (consonants),  no  The  is  sonorant  (vowels  around  terms  [--high]  by  •Ki pars ky  Steriade's  than  feature  ( 1974),  (1984).  hierarchy,  their  been  Ai s s en  segments  sonorant  this  of  peak  determining  proposed  is  position  for  or  to  segment  has  There  the  sonorant  t hen  (1)  •relative  syllabic  method the  order  present,  instance,  segments  [+cons]  be  of  [-cons]  more  and  Selkirk  For  and  assumptions  (3)  the  most  of  hierarchy  groups  [-cons]  sonorant  be  Ha n k a me r  sonority.  [+high],  consider  in  p r o b 1 e m.  not ab 1 y,  than  beforehand  systematic  s t r uc t u r e  a ut hor s,  relative  we to  a  sonority  features  determined  If  relative  A universal  l i s t s  be  syllable  syllable  s o 1 u t i on  it  is  feature  syllable  vowels  as  in  the  and  derivable matrices, tree.  follows: UR . 1  glides from  the  or  from  in  These  assumptions  are  considered  and  mora  1.2.2  universal words, of  the  certain  the  models  on.  after  must Both  whether  I  aspects  syllable  a  be also  of  both  to  the  as  sonority  some  languages,  as  peaks.  of  the  vowels  But be  of  even  some  relationships  select The  theory, with  a  The  are  liquids  the  to  sense  parametric  theory  not  be  and of  model,  language is  as  well  as  and  parameters  such  or  rules  will qualifie  vowels  For  In  can  the  act  levels  example,  not  a  select  comprise  are  s t i l l  rules  in  sufficiently  as,  before  what  and  the  (.13QX').  Chomsky there  principle  nucleus,  between  peaks  specific  other  variation.  imp1icational.  universalis in  the  Even  parametric  the  idiosyncratic,  phonology.  to  a  consonant  syllabification  Furthermore,  hierarchy  or  clusters  selected.  for  incorporated  variation,  nasals  well.  the  subject  or  In  be  from  and  cannot  as  parameter  is  onset/rime  universal  must  liquids  sonority  language  core  peak  parametric  The  according  structure.  sonority  margins,  vary  the  proposals  margins,  permits sonority.  are  onsets  before  for  of  both  constitute  example,  peak  a  for  syllable  decreasing  allow  hold  syllable'structure  representation.  structure of  and  am c o n s i d e r i n g  of  for  language  the  which  prosodic  representation  clusters so  of  s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n ,  into  syllabicity  universale  models  Both  about  going the  advanced  to  to  14  eliminate language  these  yet.  speci f i c  contravene 1 anguage  a  Following  ru1es  principle  spec i f i c  in  r u .1 e  vowels  could  act  What  would  constitute  language  as  speci fic  Japanese.  I  in  single  consonants, Would  a  fact  the  a  margin  could are  be  the  could  next  view  mov i n g  basis  [nasals  of a  and  margins scale  e x c 1 u d i ng  of  should nasals  and  no  nas a 1s "bu t  no t  or  not  nasals  a  to  i.e.  to  appear  the  nasals  nasals  glides.  being  not  only  selection  C - mar g i n 1 , the  margins,  [nasals,  input),  liquids  relationships  the  scale  for  select  to  So  and  possible as  we  binary made  by 1  ,  also  [nasals],  would  stops  liquids  [ + in a r g i n  but  first  the  a  in  and  and  and  (the  as  an  vowels  as  a  language all  only  to  from  Of  Allowing  possible  1i qui ds.  opposed  examples  or  factors,  to  as  cross-linguistically,  s e1t i ng ,  able  that  (e.g.  parameter,  in  be  some  allows  existing  yith  not  at  [-margin]  then  can n o t  parameter.  Japanese?  parameter  Ideally, as  a  only  segments  liquids],  imp1icational,  is  selection  u n ma r k e d  t hey  grammar  that  whether  possible  or  assume  selection  look  that  sonority  C+margin]  example.  language  to  margin  f r om t he  including  for  of  about  sonorant  the  us  above  a  the  st i pu 1 at e  parameter Let  be  of  I  peaks).  Japanese  common  related  selection  the  is  a  (1988),  con s t r a i n t :  core  syllable  this  idiosyncratic  the  syllabic  mentioned  margins  on e  c o u 1d  rule?  allows  margins.  obey  F'iggott  then  obstruents], be  peaks,  so  margins,  a  on  15  Another glides  Cw3  vowels. before 1.1.1  the  then  only  I  so  as  a  common  glides.  broad  like  It  exhibiting  the I  combinations  of  vowels  in  would  the  be  evidence.  Indirect  negative was  these  evidence  not  appeal  for  and  negative means  possible  to For  the  these  because  he  or  would  this the  for  the  would  those  the  be  of  Japanese. of would  indirect  means  learner she  at  vowel/glide  parameters or  a  sonority  models  evidence the  Is  example,  property  direct  that  they  a  However,  in  setting  not  t h at  above  difference.  for  non-  restricted,  moreover,  combinations  set  assign  so  in  underlying  margins?  listed  specific  evidence  Direct  and  restrictions  be  evidence  for  parameter.  language  The  negative  structure  a  positive  a  sonority  parameters  syllabification? ideally  such  of  imp1icational  above  to  set  no  to  a  the?  appears  propose  first  vowels  glide/vowel  consider be  the  are  have  to  an  that  mentioned  pos i t i o n s  with  of  there  feasible  possible  greatest  to  be  only  already  will  certain  phenomenon,  be  of  rules  in it  where  described  formulate  class  point,  model  is  restricted Cyll  have  appear  consist  might  restricted  a  one  I  a  and  can  class  the  Japanese?  to  a  structure  with  Call,  Cu,o,a].  cross-linguistic  hierarchy  before  Would  glides  class  How  appears  appear  h i gh .voweIs  restricted  this  only  vowels,  where  hierarchy  can  syllable  syllabification  t q  more  Japanese  am a s s u m i n g  the  s t at us  parameter  Cy3  back  that  surface  about  and  Cwl  glides, p ea k  fact  had  correction. would' never  assume heaird  IS  i t .  Positive  that  a  structure  According p r ob a b 1 e  to  At  this  as  a  Chomsky  that  point,  that  syllable marked onset  structure,  complex  positive  on  that  complex  structure  permit  example, and  the  more  i nd i r e c t  the to  being  complex  grounds the  if  for  would  first  such  complex negat ive  a  open  for  out  evidence? out  not  represents, would  structure ev i d ence.  and  be  lack  of  a  no allowing  all  the  would of  evidence  we or have  For structure  that  the?  distinctions  constitute any  above  would  role.  the? g r o u n d s  of  marke?d  we  complex  the least  with  the? m o s t  lack  or  If  a  the  about  example).  with  what  could  the  play  require  we  (see  to  role.  evidence?  the? b a s i s  that,  d oe s a  parameters  from  on  makes  input  with  he  positive  on  an  most  play  syllable  The  it.  the  canonical  selecte?d  structure  does  shift  the  retreated  started  simplier  structure  be  is  Therefore,  CV.CV.  started and  learner  an  hear  could  only  environmental  negative  learned  be  assume  h oweve r,  learner  is  parameter  learner  a  consider  language  the  evidence  evidence  the  would  she? d i d  selection.  would  margin  indirect  shifted  language  the  to  vowels:  from  the  assumed  to  the  or  salec t i on;  hypothesis  structures  he  negative  like  learner  positive  parameter  of  the  because  par ameter  long  evidence,  discussion  for  which  or  that  (1981),  first  structure  clusters  exist  would  for  the  means  indirect  I  criterion  assume  did  c r i t er ion  acknowledge  more  evidence  the?  evidence? constitutes  for  17  1.3  The  1.3  In  Mora  the  structure, McCarthy adopt  Recall skeleton and  I  will  and  be  (1383.)  discussion refering  Prince  of  (1986) as. the  of  to  and  the  the  mora  work  Hayes  model  of  of  Hyman  (1988)..  I  representative  mora  model  no  syllabi  (1985),  intend  theory  to  in  my  Japanese.  that  in  and  minimal  adapted are  following  Hayes  analysis  Theory  the  mora  syllable prosodic  from  Hayes'  there  constituents. units.  model,  is  Moras  A sample is  given  separation function  inventory  below  in  of  (3).  of  as  timing  structures The  data  ficticious.  (3)  a.  cr  b.  <r  i  7  a  =  d.  [a]  t  c.  !  ' 1 1 ' ! '  a  =  Eta]  e.  IT  i I  . '  / Ii \  U JJ  a  [trail  /  / Ctaa]  !x <r  cr  "  / I / t  -•  t a p = C t a p II c l o s e d a' i s light g.  cr  /  a  /| / JJ  t a p = [tap] c l o s e d tr i s h e a v y f.  tr cr  /|\ / u p /  o"  t  / Ii \  JJ u  I a t  1/  /  / Ii  u  I a  =  Ctattal  h.  tr /  / j \ \ JJ y  u  /  McCa r t h y "super  t  a n d  a nd  Prince  heavy "  vowel  and  a  weighted  have  linked  the  Hyman unit  consonant  to  attach  the  attaching  this  creates  de  by  a  a  mora.  Cx3  of  of  a  mora.  rime  there  pre-vocalic  node,  not  common  the  Hyman not  having  process only a  mora ( 1 9 8 5 )  example  eliminated  of  the this.  the  is  a  Kaye,  to  syllable  s t i l l  This  no  this  Prince  the  primary  node,  a  mora.  Hayes  dominated  constituent, the  innovation  in  Hayes'  this  Lowenstamm  closer of  model  together. some  He  it  languages  in  will  uses  Vergnaud  altogether  s y 1 1 ab1e  phonological  category,  and  ' E<y  ( 1 9 8 8 : )  to  no  weight  ( 1 9 8 6 )  everything  onset  has  are  pre-vocalic  and  representation.  syllable  segments i n f o r m e d .  calls  possibility  a  1 onq  a11ach  language to  is  the  i.e.  theories  the  access  prosodic  category  attaches  a  of  r e s t r i c t i o n .  extra  C3i) and  CJJ3  e.g.  this  Any  why  consonants  for If  requires  in  the  possi b i 1 i t y  mor a s ,  McCarthy  onset/rime  allows  of  He  node.  syllables.  which  moras  and  is  • == C t . a a p 3  p  accept  constituent,  multiple  brings  the  consonant  to  since  a  ou t  moras.  mora.  consonant  a  I  This  pre-vocalic  However,  to  two  t  t.hr ee  and  instead  primary  facto  wi t h  mora.  uses  the  one  maximum  instead  r u1e  margin,,  second  ( 1 9 8 5 )  (WU)  also  a  Ctand3  ( 1 9 8 6 )  syllable,  Syllables to  =  Gokana  ( 1 9 8 7 )  their  have as  have  version  19  of  the But,  onset/rime with  the  mora  representation case  for  the  (the  data  are  (4)  a.  model. model,  without  syllable  onset/rime from  0"  k  C .  ambiguity  Examine  which  the  I I  I  X  X  a  e  CT  0"  b.  syllables are is  and  d  I  e  "maple"  and  difference this it  k  a  not at  t  o  n  or  /1  |  0  R  x  X  d  e  (4b) only  both  (4d)  between  be  the  According  e  and  distinction  may  least  v: • v:  at  have two.  three At  has  two  these  is  of  two  necessary  lexical Hyman,  to  mora  (4c)  (4c) each.  words  the below  only  to  represent  Or  /I  R  0  R  |  X  X  X  X  t  o  n  d  a  but  (4a)  level  is  the  and  clearly  a  However,  surface the  two  three words  distinction  rimes  spoken.  in  has  these  (4d)  three  the it  "flew"  X  There when  a  c  and  has  d  k  moras,  the  In  levels,  necessary  to  not  tr  Or  prosodical1y.  represented  syllables  v:  (4b)  indistinct  is  X  /I  R R 0  (4a)  the  structures  |\  Both  in  Japanese).  0"  / ! •  is  groupings  model.  (T  / I I  there  three timing if  phonetics,  phonology,  at  level. if  the  category  syllable  is  needed  for  a  phonological•process, phonology with  of  syllables  language. just  do  need  that  access  stress Weri,  not  exist  in  languages  parameter  (1985!)  with  the in  for  the  the  then  of  redundant will  a  I  is  Hyman's  will  consider Moreover,  that  a  to  pre-vocalic  constituent.cannot look  at  how  be  o f  not  no  they  input  as  not  insensitive  of  in  and and  Prince's Kaingang.  in  every  positive  incompatible  the  in  with  be' a I  possible,  standard  assumption  category  in  the  to  languages,  theoretically  to  any  the  syllable  of  (1988)  War a o ,  representation  However,  Hayes'  which  Maran u ng k u ,  a  number  to  processes  needed  basis  is  consonant  of  that  exist,  quantity  showing  more  am a d o p t i n g  syllable  us  a  is  for  Oykangand  1.2.  universal  the  let  in  is  not  the  parameter  McCarthy  long  the  parameter  attaches  Now  and  significant  adhere  I  on  the  in  reduplication  are  as  analysis  a  this  syllable  since  and  proposal  convincing  s t i l l  the  syllables  expressed  in  and  Orokaiva,  selectable  category  concede  as  are  ana1ys i s  Mokilese  phonology,  assumptions  absence  of  do  Examples  Garawa,  present  learner  there  syllable  Ilokano,  long  syllables  evidence,  and  the  where  be  words,  syllables  Hayes' . <1981)  of  by  setting.  analysis  as  that  would  other  selected  category  F'aiute  analysis  language  but  is  to  Therefore,  In  it  Southern  (1986)  language. be  s ys tems  Levin's  syllables  would  . So,  not  trigger  of  that  then  the  mora  model,  syllable  and model.  which  node,  the  absent.  syllables  are  formed  in  both  Hyman's  (1985) not  and  deal  In  Hayes'  with  i n i t i a l  Hyman's  (1985)  und er 1y i ng 1 y . are  In  discarded  prosodic  (1988)  model,  onset  (5)  c our se  The  creation  x  the  •CR  case  primary  mora  secondary  (' 6 >  J  /o For  x  l  a  a  preceeding (7).  (OCR)  have  other of  a  do  WU  WUs  to  some  create  syllabification  illustrated  n  The  x  x  where  in  WUs a  is  the  WUs,  the  (5).  consonant,  word  x  x  o n  on»<5  x  r  and  melody  (MCR)  that  This  x  as  a  a  is  x  !1  are  which  aJ light,  Hyman  eliminates  consonant  syllabification  into  remains  Co n  syllables  two  "woman".  -X  a  rule  the WU  1985.15)  have  syllable.  !  closed  creation  This  second  preceeding  DuR:  which  incorporates  Japanese  a/  margin  (Hyman  consonants,  and  I , n-r  /  WU.  rule  vowel.  the  the  x  margin  onto rule  1986  s y 1.1 a b i f i c a t i o n ,  C-consl  WU, a  in  languages  invokes from  with  for  x  dock  first  geminate  one  mora  illustrated  in  of  eliminates  the  Prince  rules).  segments of  and  x  C+cons]  In  all  segments  structure.  universal  (lie: C a r t h y  syllabification  t he  and  model  process  docks is  onto  the  WU  the  demonstrated  OCR  X  a  p  X  X  MCR  no  MCR  t a p as above  same P  (adapted  Note  that  margin this  is  the  a  Hayes'  After or der  since  no  .learner  would  then  margins  OCR a n d like  (1988.) not  language  that  are  that  rule  is  a  The  in  weighted  needed  select  weightless  distinction.  all  has  MCR,  the a  to  derive  MCR  i f  process  converse  is  the  case  segments long  geminates  or  (c)  segments  will  by  " If  of  high  have (d)  WU c a n  syllabification  no  distribution  the  be  organised  into  higher  syllables.  (a)  rule.  appears  1985)  model.  un i t s  because  no  The  it  case,  heavy/light  the  Hayes'  system  unmarked  evidence  involving  (b)  Hyman's  structure.  given  for  in  f r o m Hyman  have  not.  or  syllabic  vowels  moras  does  moras  vowels no  model  and  long  syllabic  nasals,  glides  and  from  u n d e r 1 y i n g .1 y .  under 1 y i n g l y . hold,  differs  is  If  are  a  consonants, (d)  the-  predictable,  They  some  and  Hyman's  all  underlying  then  assigned glides  no  ex i s t ,  t hen  vowels  are  1ong by  t hose  dominated  vowe1s  two  or  moras  syllabic  the a  the  underlying  system  (d)  is  etc.,  setting  an  will The  for  are  one  that  d.  u  which  or  mora any  spec i f i c  can  predictabl  be  v a r i a t i on  incorporated  For  instance,  let  one  where  answer  Thus  that  in  the  the the  input  length the  to  is  for  the  i  glides  and  placement  in  marked (8).  u  g.  =  Cii 3  =c11:  Ii  n  'CnD l  from  Hayes  p u j / n =[nn3 » I (adapted  n  are.  Cy3  nil  th  (a) has  most  presented  int  setting  that  appropriate  i n  consider  differences  representation inventory  us  unmarked  I / .  i  are  ciomi n a t e d  a. Ct.1  h i gh  there  geminates  by  so  1anguage  trigger  underlying  If  these  are  and  rule.  the  or  there  designed  Evidence  contrast,  moras.  (8 >  dominated  affirmative.  underlying of  are  by  is  under 1 y i n g l y .  contrastive,  if  model.  setting  under 1 y i n g l y .  consonants,  representation,  is  vowels  mora  under 1yi ngIy  and  a-11 o w s  setting  unmarked  moras  these  assigned  s y s t em a i s o  through  high  This is  parameter  one  mor a - 1 e s s  s y 1 1 ab i c  long  consonants  information  tay  ar e  under l y i n g l y  under!yingly.  Th i s  g1i des  1988)  of  Hayes'  syllabification  rules  assigning  to  begin  by  which  would  underlying language a  usually  mean  inventory  where  syllable  Hayes  moras  does  not  like  is  assigned  e 1ab o r a t e  mu s t  i nc1ude  assignment  of  syllable  to  the  mora  processes syllable of the  the  a  dominating  involve node,  OCR a n d  (9)  MCR,  a  this,  and  I  but  mechanism node  to  of  last have  UCR  of  a  consonant.  processes  chosen  to  t hat  preven ts  consonants  two  by  label  The  the  are  moras. s y 1 i ab 1 e  the  long  vowel  next  to  final  as  or  two the  mora  analogous  them  a  Next,  consonants to  an  in  contrast.  assu.me  pre-vocalic  with  vowels  dominated  moras  segments,  language all  not  which  both  geminate  I  a  to  do  They  sonorant  in  or  segments  post-vocalic These  (8),  glides  to  adjunction  and  syllable.  a  informally.  vowels  in  and  on  stated  appropriate  that  vowels  a s s i g n men t  the  non-high  high  node  are  to  such.  tr  / I /  I i  P  /  Ii  /  t  a  a  a  v  JJ  i  ! /  a  MCR  cr  i a  t  a  t  a  a  nt  (Hayes  n t  1988.7)  As  for  geminate?  already  has  a  becomes  doubly  mora  gets  formally  nor  p r oc e s s  to  informally  incorporation  hence  the  how  the  this  rules  a  the  mora  a  in  rule  the  but I  section  after  so  it  dominating  syllable,  is  segment  geminate  occurs.  which  presented  several  but  underlyingly,  receives  that  i n c o r p or a t i on ,  applies  it  preceding  state  algorithms  OCR a p p l i e s ,  with  assumes  attached  syllabification  the  and  Hayes  s y 11 a b I e  the  associated  linked,  interpretation. geminate  consonants,  the  does  call  i n  not  this  t h e? g e n e r a 1  1.5.  £ifter  Syllable? the  OCR  algorithm.  (10:  <r  i  i  P  JJ  m a i;  a  J--  1  / "  OCR:  m  tr  1  JJ  JJ  a  t  /  / '  JJ  / l \  / /  syll  Notice  that  geminates, (19SS.7) appear being  they  notes,  with turned  algorithm  short  in  an  are  syllabic  incorp:  dominated  because adjacent  these vowel,  into  onsets.  1.5,  these  m  consonants  In  by  a  single  there fact,  consonants  is in  are  JJ  /  JJ  I K  I  a t  a  are  consonants  / I  V  represented  mora.  As  normally no  the  danger  like  Hayes  do  not  of  them  syllabification  assigned  their  own  in  syllable  before  Between a  the  the  OCR  application  we i g h t - b y - p o s i t i o n  where  closed Note  because?  second  its  or  introduced  applies like  that  after  the  r u1e  are  0CR,  Note?  not  The  (11)  cr  <r  \i  Hayes i n  that  will  because  WP r u l e  wi11 is  where  presented bleed  the  attach  to.  this  not  given  stipulation  follow  from  "where  the  syllable  universal  prohibition  on  only  the  onset  below.  <r d o m i n a t e s  dominates  MCR  rule  become  CHayes  The  introduce  1 a n a u aa e s  is  absolutely  margins  u JJ I I a \i  >  rule  consonants  wei g h t e d  consonants.  MCR,  oper at es  This  also  geminate  JJ I a  wh i c h  do  margin  mora.  OCR a n d  heavy.  effects  third  the  of  <.W P )  syllables  below.  newly  applies.  only  u  1988.8:)  mora"  should  super-heavy  syllables. Note  that  in  Hyman's  underlyingly  and  are  of  For  a  the  employ the  MCR.  indirect  necessity  Hayes's evidence  needed  only  weight  the to  rule  margins  rendered  learner  negative  to  model,  model,  to  to  acquire  margin.  weighted  weightless  acquire  evidence, the  are  by  the  MCR,  Cs)he  a  lack  of  i.e. On  the  acquired  is  the  it  would  positive  must  evidence  other  be  be  application  hand,  WP.  in  The  evidence;  fo  evidence  that  the  learnability Before  represented  in  syllabicity  their peak  as  I  in  Hyman's  1.2.1,  In I  In  will  step  vowels  WP a n d vowel  mora  sequence the  this in  a  the  ar e  vowels  are  and  tier. the  and  representation  then  the  any  as  a  of  moras  nodes  unassigned  emerge?  b y  the  are  a  stated as  proceeds assigned  in  a  high  as  an  in  a  to  by  vowels.  tw  all  the  Then  the  vowel/non—high  glide/non-high  syllabified  as  glides.  followed  C + h i Ii  that  are  issue.  OCR a p p l i e s ,  ensures  is  this vowel  syllable  in  glides  generalization  with of  distinction  vowels  marks  not  assigning  of  di st i n g ui shed  high  Hyman  Hyman's  deal  view  elsewhere.  representation  vowel  glides  appearing  unmarked  to  how  melodic  Th ey  glides  preserve  This  will  high  syllable  glide  first,  our  preferrable.  examine  no  appearing  melody  Moras  MCR a p p l y .  because  What  the  is  with  is  tree,  consider  does  of  there  model,  the  model,  assignment  the  for  process.  [-hi]  glides  to  us  1.2.1,  syllable  not  (1988)  our  in  the  the  model  Considering  model.  h i g Pi v o w e 3. s .  on  weight.  let  and  order  possibility Hayes  mora  (1985)  distinguished C+consH.  section,  stated  position.and  In  have  Hayes's  am a d o p t i n g ,  g1ides  place  this  the  that,  b e t we e n  does  assumptions,  closing  Recall  margin  vowel  onset,  sequence  linked  to  appearance  of  node. system  does  sequence  of  not two  account high  for  vowels,  is  the  since  both  will  have  2 a  moras.  For  / i u /  / u i /  or  example, appear  respectively?  I  in  of  my  with  analysis the  above, An  and  is  as  Cyu]  intend  to  Japanese  rules  proposals Japanese  explicit  theory  gliding  representation  syllabification adequate  if  for  of  for  of  provided  in  CiwH,  propose in  Cwi3  or  to  Chapter  Three,  I  so  at  theory, in  no  the  a  sequence  this  question  CuyH  answer  either  has  would  an  all  do  in  since  not  deal  the there  literature  are  I  have  the  mora  diphthongs.  syllabification 1.5.  place,  diphthongs  doing  i t s e l f  list  or  takes  rules  for  no cited  1.4  The  Onset/Rime  1.4  The  onset/rime  one.  We a r e  Japanese. ( 1985 >, and  and  In  V'ergnaud  the  head.  (1987).  this  a  dominated syllabic  by  a  one  i l l u s t r a t i o n  refer  look  version  of  X-bar  nucleus  rime as  x-slot is  and  tier,  dominated  syllable  •  N" //I / / N' / / j \ \ / / N \ \ / / | \ \  the  our  her of  so  each  by  structure  two in  (1985). mode-?! the  that  timing  vowel,  segments. Levin's  from  segment  long  of  syllable,  models,  single  geminate,  I...owenst amm  projected  onset/rime  of  Levin  Levin  head are  of  Kaye,  in  articulated  analysis  work  and at  fully  is  is or  long  An  (1985)  model  below.  C12)  X  X  X  X  X  (Levin  Notice (N'),  a  for  theory  is  each  of  first  all  is  the  syllable  with  and  to  <19S6)  us  The  (2b)  version  Guerssel'  separate  consonant  I  in  Let  model,  by  simpler  ( 1 9 8 5 •) ,  constituents In  a  shown  section  structure.  represented  given  this  employs  syllable  model  adopting  Gr i g n o n  Levin  Theory  and  that the  in  this  syllable  model, (N")  only are  the  1985)  nucleus  constituents.  (N),  the  There  is  rime no  is  30  onset  or  nuclear but  coda  consonants  instead  they  r espect i ve1y. there  is  and / or then model  the  This  syllable sorts 1987  structure is  with no  of  ma y  The  (13)  ba  .onset  to a  a  constituent  the  IM" a n d  t r i v i a1  eviderice do  a •:: t  and/'or  the  questions  prompted  hereafter)  certain or  these  Examples data  to  of  their,  own,  N' ,  the  t oqet her ought  coda  i n to  If  pre-nuclear p r oc e s s e s ,  be  part  are  model  absent.  structures  and in  of  a  =  0  R N  their  model,  They  argue  that  they  are  their  are  itl  r.tal  Hal  e.  .A  X  t  r  a  0  R  =  Ct r a1  =  [taa]  ! N  \  p  =  given  •  A  Ctap]  no  thus  model  x a  syllable  In  N  a  of  and  f i c t i t i o u s .  •  N  a  Lowenstamm  constituent.  constituents of  Kaye,  posit  constituents  R  t  post-  c ons i d er a t i o n . that  coda  and  structure.  sample  a.  not  consonant s  syllable  unjustified.  pre~nuc1 ear  comprise  empirical  (KLV,  accesses  multiple  directly  constituents  of  process  not  link  substantial  Vergnaud  (13).  do  p o s t -- n u c 1 e a r  These  there  constituent;  x  in  f.  OR  0  R  D R I \ N \  g.  |\  N  N " X  X  X  X  I  Ctatta]  *U  1 1  t  a  n  J,  Ctand]  d  R N  So,  in  this  constituent not  form  a  model,  the  is  rime  either.  of  a  super  KLV  and do  heavy a  not  represented.  margins  to  the  perhaps  second  points  or  out  impermissible  if  I  node  that the  so  margin  this  have  in  form  a  the  both  would  question  would  were  the a  (13h)  structure linking  is like  both  of  stricture  conjectured are  a  rime  disallow  that  consonants  representation  syllable  the  with  how  violate I  in  not  therefore,  am a s s u m i n g  syllables,  third  one  state  would  do  KLV  rime,  e x p l i c i t l y  be  rime  syllable,  branching  to  that  extrametrical. be word  internal  communication).  A slightly Guerssei  the  together  nucleus  (personal  and  constituent  super-heavy  by  onset  consonants  against  Shaw  the  Multiple  ill-formed. (13g)  Ctaap 1  P  together.  possibility branching  i  a  i  different (1986)  for  model  of  Berber,  syllable and  structure  Grignon  (1985)  is for  utilized -  Japanese. there  In  is  no  b r a n ch i ng that  from  this  Gr i g n o n like in  r i me,  I  1981  Most  languages  syllable with  node the  between  is  an  likely they  to  are  nucleus  branching  with  KLV,  modeI  model,  of  these  model  extra  eliminating  representation  in  we  sample  the  o f  KLV  (r ec a l l a  mora  segment  nor  s t r u c t ur e s  adopting  problem  a  Guerssel  Therefore, are  and  do  not  (14q) in  to  =  a  Eta]  R  out  model * .  0  / I k  A  A  X  X  .A  Ii  O R X  A  Cta3  t  r  •  / 1 R  t  a  a  :tra3  X  i /  r a p  [tap 3  is  the  pointed  / I  exist  1.5.  ( 14) 0  so  structures  structures  margin the  not  neither  considering.  the  nucleus  r ep r es e n t a t i o n  because  the  constituent,  Ha y e s ' ( 1 9 8 1 )  inventory  t hi e  are  a  no  onset/rime?  As  about  adjoining we  an  (14).  according  Note- t h a t , by  Shaw  in  is  pa r a l l e l s  model  e xp 1i c i t  represented  there  compiled  model  (14g).  the  wh i c h  have  i s  model,  distinction  Hayes'  model).  this  [taa]  by  cr / i OR  or / I 0 R  q. •".  cr , |\ OR \ /  \  X  X  X  X  X  Ill  I.  *0 I  R 'IV  1I 1 I /  t  Note?  that  ambiguity margin  a  is  natural  where  the  a  .  p  =  Ctaap]  of  nucleus  prosodic are  dominated if  class.  would  This  needs  distinction  from  section  this  ambiguity  to  l  1  Both by  a  a  these be  access  where  1.1.2 -. t h a t is  '  a  constituent  tier.  advantageous  process  syllable  Ctattall  X  X -.'  n  d  -  Ctand!  I  I  a  .=  X  \  lack  sequences  ambiguity as  this  on  X  a  long, vowel  branching  sequences  the  case  heavy  for  and  .  vowelThis  act  together  any  language  'syllable/light  syllable  the. b e h a v i o r  an  rime.  two  closed  the. m o t i v a t i o n  creates  of  is  heavy.  s t r e s s : wi t h  behind  Hayes'  Recall  respect  to  (1981)  proposal. Which are  of  the  redundant  mentioned There  is  because  that  three,  is  syllable,  constituents the  evidence it  the  referred  the to  coda,  universally?  syllable that  the  is  not  syllable in  a  I. h a v e  redundant is  and  a  phonological  the  nucleus,  already constituent.  necessary processes  category like  34  stress  assignment  models  I  and  reduplication  am c o n s i d e r i n g  find  no  evidence  that  constituent  to  include  support  a  its  universally.  (cf.  coda  1.3).  constituent,  existence, This  None  so  leaves  let  the  of  the?  and  us  I  can  eliminate  nucleus  const i tuent. As  mentioned  constituent  in  1.1.2,  creates  a  the  disjunction  heavy  syllables  branching  Hayes  (1981.45)  acknowledges  syllables some  fall  cases  nucleus  the  node-,  may  i t  possible  but  a  be  long  long whose  rule, is  under  a  vowel  by  (1988).  Therefore,  act  as  both  this, not  I  in  Mc C a r t h y  a  suggest all  language  opposition structure  closed for  if  within assumed  the by  could  be  It  and  and  is  in  in  a  learner  process. is  the  tree.  Also,  as  t o  heavy,  Hayes  sequences To  does  the  can  account exist,  by  for but  the  aforementioned  Thus, one  stress  Hebrew,  chosen  exihibits  the  as  opposition.  in  a  count  vowel-margin  constituent  that  by  according  parameter,  1anguage  rime the  a  Tiberian  While  and  syllable not  a  heavy  heavy  by-passed  Lar d i 1 ,  vowels  of  concedes  does  of  nucleus.  as  the  syllable  or  description  he  count  to  nucleus  majority  not  the? n u c l e u s  the  the  example,  class  languages.  the  the  branching  addition  long  that  learner  does  (1979),  natural  or  that  branching  a  in  of  description,  vowel  does,  an a 1ysed  rime  this  necessary that  existence  the  without  i n i t i a l the  nucleus. In  short,  our  onset/rime  model  includes  two  parameters  for  the  internal  structure  nuc1eus  and  the  latter,  and  I  E x a mp 1 es  ar e  (15)  a,  o t her  call  it  g i ven  the  rime.  does  not.  Type  I.  One  The The  unmar ked  former  is  Type  II  I  R  t a p  0  R  X  X X I /  t  0  (1988.4)  because  it  differences examples. CVv*  is  only  in In  heavy  assigning to  a  Latin, and  in  accounted  Type.I/Type.! I  X  with  heavy).  Lardil is  is  CW  a  structure CVC  heavy  in  Hayes  in  t he  I I .  an  to  1  a  p  CW  II is  is  be  CVC  the  Type  heavy  language heavy).  (so  where Thus,  superior  Lard.il  and  in  in- L a t i n ,  receive  this with  I  a  Lardil, by but  theory  difference a  language  CW  as  a-  onset/rime  theory a  a  represented  However,  is  t  X  and  heavy  would  that  X  language-specific  Latin  and  X  is  of  can  Lardil  • Latin  I  theory  onset/rime  is  CW  1  uses  difference.  Type  N i\ X  CVC a r e  claims  rime  (so  He  This  branching a  mora  and  light.  this  for  the  weight.  distinction.  syllable  i s  f i  \  representation  both  structure.  can  nucleus  CVC  for  a  R  I  a  the  Lardil.  account  Type  0  I  that  syllable  cannot be  for  bi morale  CW  monomoraic  argues  allows  has  par amet er  R |\ N \  f t Hayes  parameter  b e 1 o w.  Type 0  of  and  CVC  where are  branching  neither  t h e o r y ..  a  accounts  for  this  Furthermore,, accent  in  internal without  she  language  She  that  without in  our  classification  of  also  within  nucleus.  system  in  a  Zubi n a r e t t a ' s  structures  structure I  in  Japanese,  a  accent  difference  (1982!)  proposes  syllable  argues  Japanese a  superior  model.  In  Japanese,  with  which  two  a  I  of  one  from  make  and  the  one  pitch  rime  Japanese?  argue  evidence  r i me-  with  branching  also  pitch  different  evidence  would  3.2 using  discussion  theory,  requires  nucleus,  manner.  for  from  a  Type  this  other  processes. Notice  that  parameter position  for  this  margin a  of  such  a  that  but  but  as  and  need  if  the  not  be  syllable.  I  a  a  not  both  of  a  natural  is  do  dichotomy  in  elsewhere.  will  II  in  they  class  others. be  Thus,  same  in  where we  must  not  same  but  that  vowel-  opposition  act  must  weaken  act  both  both  domains,  example,  we  or  as  If  they  certain For  a  the  possible,  language.  then  in  the  that  claims  either  the  for  universally.  parameter act  hold  concede  category  class,  must  I  possibility  theoretically  language  that  natural  they  theory,  the  I/Type  propose  as  the  sequences  discovered  irrelevant that  Type  class,  and  considered  mora  retain  vowel  We c o u l d  opposition  claim  will  the  the  parameter  long  is  opposition claim.  I  yet  constituent with  and  evidence  not  as  natural  is  the  point  Notice  have  here  existence at  I  in  our  in but  it  could  preserved  in  stress  systems,  evidence  of  opposition  in  the II  stress  system  parameter.  long  vowels  Note be  in  equivalent  rule,  all  language  vowel the  to  a  margin  syllables  trigger  Japanese  and  that  would  with  i t s e l f  margins  mora  model,  Type  I  without  a  learner  shows  behaving a  vowels WP r u l e  ar e are  as  a  language In  t o  a  the  a  of  class.  WP r u l e  would  without  l i C R,  so  Therefore,  equivalent  Type  evidence  natural  with  bimoraic. be  select  languages  s u b.j e c t  would  to  consistent  language.  c ons onant s  long  the  to  a  a  WP  on1y  a Type  II  language. How have  are  considered,  general The  Levin  rule  of  designates  nuclei peaks  syllables (1985)  syllabification first  which  rule  onset/rime  are in  is  offers  certain to  the  unmarked  given  below.  the  most  the  models  explicit  set  we of  segments  positions case  for  is  as  N-placement  nuclei.  which  that  the  can  Typically,  serve  language.  rule,  as  The  syllabic N-placement  Cxf.1  I x  ... I -  ,  x  (Levin  variable  of  N-placement Cafl  The  Out  rules.  syllabification  assigned  CIS."'  erected?  melody  specification,  1985.79)  Cotf],  indicates  that  what  33  can  act  as  After  a  the  syllabic  peak  application  of  syllabification  apply.  pr o jec t i o n .  pr o j e c t i on  the  ma x i m a 1 n o d e ,  segment  to  projection it a to  N"  are rime the  these coda  is  those node  a  and  projection  (.17')  rime, I  rules  a.  N "  margins.  the  have are  and  t. X ': ' ) )  which rule,  picks  do in  up  the  do  not  form  earlier.  in  coda  The  select  N"  for  creates segmen  Because an  incorporate or  N'  adjacent  they  onset  e r ec t s  essence,  and  no  N'  a d j a •:: e n t  not  rime.  they  of  syllable.  the  onset  into  constituents and  N  ?  (.17).  N" / I / N >  <. X .)  I X  x'  =  or  the  on  . . ( X  the  t he  of  N  . . . , . . !  up  rules  which  part  are  t i  into  language.  and  as  stated  o jec  to  other  r u1e  pic ks  This  IM" a n d  given  the  uni ver sa1  segments  there  language  projection  Languages  nucleus  pr  a  N"  nucleus  iterative,  over  as  the  N and  the  are  category  is  parameter.  of  are  syliable,  of  between  rules  model,  left  from  N--pl a c e r n e n t ,  These  t hi e  without  right  syllable this  the  varies  unsy11abified  in  b.  N'  projection  N"  N"  I N' N  N  \  (Levin  Turning Levin  back  allows  rules,  to  for  underlying rule  after  high  kinds  to  divided  position.  into Thus  the  the  phonological  high  vowels  which  this  use  of  the  analysis  of  glides  are  high  not  redundancy in  formation  rules:  of  rule  other  allows  the  syllabic  rules  will  such  vowels  will  surface  already  Berber  (based  on  apply  the  non-  to  the  An  rules  relevant  glides.  nuclei  Guerssel  of  will  as  syllabified.  phonological  and  nuclei  in  assign  to  nuclei  rules  vowel  and  from  rules  high  assign  high  apply  Th i s  syllabification  as  any  and  redundancy  corresponds  the  groups  that  glides  N-placement  syllabification  rules  mention  after  two  syllable  these  N-placement  the  system  must  1ex i c a 1 N-p 1acemen t .  and  into  I  redundancy  redundancy then  rule,  Phonological  rules  this  The  to  The  (16).  that  vowels,  incorporate  the  in  be  vowels.  non-high  vowels.  of  and  relevant  redundancy  Note  language  Then,  three  is  given  the  rules.  high  N--p 1 a c e m e n t  phono 1 o g i c a 1 r u 1e s ,  classification  the  the  1985.133,141)  to  example is  1986;  all of  Levin's orig.  a  40  ins.  1984) .  Finally,  i d iosync r at i c opposed r u 1es t hi s  to  a  and i s  lexical  cases  where  glide,  is  ther ef ore  certain  cases  t he  not  mLIst in  N-placement pr esenc e  of  predictable  be  mar k e d  Berber,  i n  as  refers a  by  to  high  vowe1,  as  syllabification  the  UF:„  analysed  An by  examp 1e  of  Gue r s s e 1  (1986). Thus,  in  Levin's  structure  consists  c ont r ast  wi t h  The  of  set  model  we  adopt  two  the  are  vowels  ah  generate  glides.  is  they  In  surface  because deleted, results 0ur  her  later  it  two  as  model  to  glide  model,  peak  from  glides.  I  when  doing  d i f f er s  it  in  the  status  to is  is  vowels  our  model,  we  vowels  to  consonants.  rule  maximalize  is  high in  onsets  used  by  Grignon  assigned  to  all  in  environments this  structure  possible  to  vowels where  is  the  later same  so.  f r om L e v i n  (1985)  in  t wo  and  approach  which  obtain  we  syllabify  before  creation  adopting  erect  In  onset/rime  post-vocalic  onset  serve  am n o t  which  the  First,  non-high  the  for  1.5.  generation  high  redundant  especially out  of  to  conventions  removed  seems  with  status  vowels  rules  approach.  before  prosodic:  c onsonants.  presented  Levin's  peak  approach  (1985). and  of  is  present  high  syllabification  application  These  marking  syl1ab i c  consonants  between.  Another  and  assuming,  assign  with  under l y i n g l y  nuclei  general  aspects  we  of  g1i des,  pre-vocalic  Second,  model,  aspects:  the  41  nucleus model,  parameter all  languages  primary  element  element  assigned  model,  and  in  of  the have  the  in  onset a  nucleus  syllable  the  unmarked  language,  element.  In  a  language?  element.  Different  languages  which  languages  with  existence  of  syllables. primary Levin  different  nuclei  nuclei, in  also all  a  have  Type  II  does  not  have  an  vocalic  consonants,  the  node  (N*).  existing  structure  there  an  the N'  be  onset linked  syllable or  rime  rime  are  onset  consonants  to  which  the  is  primary  apply  elements. so  have  our  primary  the  algorithms  to  Note  regardless  rimes, the  the  first In  the is  is  that  of  onsets,  rime  is  the and  not  the  element.  pre-vocalic  have  is  nucleus  language,  Because  is  rime  rimes,  languages  consonants  rime  it  Levin-'s  process.  primary  vocalic  the  the  syllabification  have  But  because  the  In  constituent  syllabification  an  marked  constituent.  node  is  directly are  syllable  Therefore, between  directly is  not is  only  N'  to  to  Therefore, the  is  N".  (N")  is  In  our  erected  necessary. relevant  to  Type  II  model,  node.  the  (Mote  into  rime  that  prenode. postbefore  an  already  because  consonants  syllable before  be?fore erected  inserted  pre-vocalic the  syllable  syllabified  node  N and  constituent,  insertion  insertion  linked  constituent.  do  not  Therefore node.  the  So  question  languages).  no of  1.b  Summar y  1-5  Presented  models using The  of in  the my  mora  and  strategy,  so  dstai is  given.  formation,  For  peak  which  specifications because  this  the  rules  not  all  Recall  in  1.2  the  creating  a  example,  Lyul  a  proposal A summary  the  to  I  of  the  the  which  do  not  I  will  be  not  is  be  a  is  two of  feature  left  blank  Note  parameter,  a  in  glide  other  that since  prosodic  Japanese  a  tier  has.none  one  either.  mechanism high  and  Note  for  vowels,  Japanese  the  for  will  include  case.  is  presented  underlying  to  [ h i g h I!  language.  include  this  any  consider  from  of  ensure  included  My a n a l y s i s  theory  intended  melody  rules  to  since  not  with  mora  to  comprise  sequence  / i u / .  is  assignment  do  are  certain  language  theory  theory  representative  s y11 ab i f i c at i o n  However,  diphthongs,  dealing  the  specification  rules  margins  systems  from  onset/rime  represented  from  glide-vowel  for  the  have  mora  rule  are  that  authors  these  cases  peak  both  u n i v e r sa1  margins.  for  of  theories  for  permit  representation the  a  universal.  vary  languages  of  or  some  pertaining  from  algorithms  assignment  for  summary  Japanese-  example,  is  can  brief  onset/rime  s c h e ma s ,  only  syllabic  a  of  syllabification r uI s  that  is  analysis  u n i v e r sa1  the  below  presented in  inventory  (19). of  in  (IS)  In  Japanese,  and  (13a)  I  one have  because  in  of  the is  mora  subject  which the  theory  are  to  we  in  given  1 an g u a q e s .  the  assuming,  language in  underlying  since,  are  specific  1.3.  onset/rime t hat  in  of  model,  (')  underlying  variation,  However,  representations  Not e  the  the  (13a),  all  s i qni fi es  I  types  these  do  the  representation details  have  of  not  of  included  segments,  vary  s e g me n t  between is  unsy11abified.  (18)  Mora a.  theory underlying  representation  (i )  (i i ) t  =  (.111.)  jj  Ct 3  JJ  =  structural cr  (.11  .)  ! t  /,\ / /  t  Cttl  (.11  /'  /  Cal  =  cr  /  = cr  JJ  inventory  JJ  a  [i ]  i t  Cii3  1  (i v)  =  (. 1 v.)  i / i  < i  i  JJ  \  a  / / f /  =  CtaH (v)  tr  /  t  IJ  \  a  =  Ctra.3  or  /, /  J  a p = Ctap3 l o s e d o- i s h e a v y  Z/  IT  1  JJ JJ |  i .)  JJ |\  a p closed  = C t a p l cr i s liqht  (. v i )  cr  f. v i i )  cr  / | \ JJ  /  /  JJ  i t  '  a  (. v i i i . )  =  [taal  o"  / t  t  a  u,  /u  iI i | \  .  a n d  /  =• E t a n d J  t  JJ -  assign  i: - h i 3  (JJ  1  -  =  CtattaD  *tr / | \ \  JJ  jj J  /  j'  a  ( i x')  g e n e r a 1 s y l l a b i f i c: a t i o n (i)  JJ  I  t  / j \ /  jj  1/ i  a  •  JJ JJ  Ii  p  =  Ctaap 3  a 1 gor i t hm 1')  > C -h' i 3  In languages where segments other t h a n vowels can a c t as s o n o r i t y peaks, t h e m e l o d y s p e c i f i c a t i o n w o u l d i nc: 1 u d e other f e a t u r e s , s u c h a s , C n a s a l 3.  (. i i !)  e r ec t  syllabi e  (. cr)  (.a')  r  -  1  [-cons.!  r  1  L—cons3  I n 1 a n g u a g e s wi t h s y 1 1 a b i c c o n s o n a n t s , t h e mel o d y -spec i f i c a t i on w o u l d include other f e a t u r e s , such as, [nasal]. Ci i i )  onset  C|3]'  c r ea t i o n  C«]  -->  r u1e  Cf33 Ca3  C 0 C R)  45  T h e s p e c i f i c a t i o n s o f ' « , (3, a n d S, in t h i s a n d t h e f o 1.1 o w i n g r u 1 e s , w o u 1 d vary according to individual language? Civ)  JJ •- 2  assign  <.'JJ  ••- 2 ) P  II - c o n s ] Repeat (. v )  weigh t  Ci i ) by  and  >  Lai  c r e a t i on (T  I i  i  >  s y 11 ab 1 e  P |\ • Iv.lLSl  i nc o r p o r a t i on tr  P' I  P j  P I  theory  underlying x I i  representation Ci i )  =  ( MCR)  i  P I  Ci )  r u .1 e  0"  tr  a.  P  C«][tf]  mar g i n  0nsat/Rime  P  LSI'  P I C«3CJ3'  (. 1 9 )  (W P )  i  i  (. v i i i )  Ci i i ) .  pos i t i on  P  (v i i )  ii — c o n s ]  >  II11  x I i  =  Ci ]  Co  -  -  i )  46  <: i v :>  (.ill )  Ctt ]  Hi i :  (v)  N or  R  (vi)  R  N or  n  (vi i )  N  =  En 3  R  I  X i  Or"  J  i  i  i  n  n  ( v i i i )  I  x  x inn]  •  I  X i i  i  =  ,.  X i )  ,  / i /  i  ,  =  ,  /y/  ( v i i ) a n d ( v i i i ) a r e r e p r e s e n t ait i o n s for idiosyncratic cases only, where the t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f t h e g l i d e or vowel c a n n o t be g e n e r a t e d by r u l e .  b.  structural Type  I  (i >  cr  inventory  (i i )  cr  ( i i i ) /  I  I I  I  I  X  X  j a ( i v)  =  X  t a p  X  X  =  I I  I  X  X  j j I t r a  Ctal  =  Ct r a3  (v)  cr / I 0 R X  I  I I t a  Ctal  0 I\  0 X  / I R  y% x =  Etapl  t  a  x =  Etaa3  47  C v i i :>  0"  /I  /I  0  0  a  /  R  •  t  |\ R \ X  .'i  1  1  v.  i • A  Cbatta.3  t  a n d  C t an  C i x)  / I #0  R  i  i  t Type  i  a  P  C t aap  3  II  (. i )  C i i :>  tr  cr  (.111.)  0"  /  /  0  I  'R  O  I  N.  N  N X  a  ( i v')  =  C  A  3  t a  I \  t  C T A 3  (. V .)  <r  N  =  \  X  X  a  p  t r a  X = C T R A 3  0"  •'A A X  = C T A P 3  ."A  X  i  1/  t  a  X C T A A 3  48  < v I .)  Cv i i )  • <r  o'A  •  N  t  0  \  N  a  a  t. v I i I )  =  CtattaD  t  R  \  N I  \  a  \ \  \  n  d  =  or  /I  c.  *0  R  x  x  A| \ \  \ x yc  I I /  i  t  p  a  =  syllabification  Type  I  Ci)  assign  R -  CtaapD  algorithm  1  (R  -  1)  R I t X  C-hi 1  C-hi 1  In languages where segments other t h a n v o w e l s can a c t as s o n o r i t y peaks, the melody s p e c i f i c a t i o n s would include other f e a t u r e s , such as [ n a s a l 1. (ii)  onset  creation  R  ( i i i )  assign  0  R -  rule  (OCR).  R  2  CR -  2)  Ctand]  49  i  r  I  -. - I  L-consJ  L-consj  r epeat Civ)  erect  (ii)  syllable  (<r)  R  !v)  rime  -  incorporation  CR -  i)  R l\  i  (vi)  syllable  incorporation  (<r  -  i)  / i  • (vii)  R  >  extra  Type  I I  (i)  a s s i gn  0  segment  N -  1  (N  N  C-h i  3  R  C i  3  adjunction  -  1)  Cesa)  50  In languages where segments other t h a n v o w e l s can a c t as s o n o r i t y peaks, the melody s p e c i f i c a t i o n s would include other features, such as Cnasal 3 . Ci i )  onset  c r e a t i on  N I x  COCR)  O N I I  ,  ( i i i )  r u1 e  •,  assign  M -  2  CN -  2)  1M  [-cons]  [-cons]  repeat Civ)  erect  Ci i )  rime  CR)  R N  Cv)  erect  R  Cvi)  syllable  >  rime R I N  •  ill  i  Cor)  cr I R  incorporation R |\ N \  —> i  \  CR-  i)  51  i i )  s y 1 1 ab 1 e  i nc o r p o r a t i o n  <.' cr -  i ')  / I •  iii')  R  0  extra  R  segment  adjunction  P.  R  |\  |\  \ \  (esa)  NOTES  FOR  CHAPTER  ONE  There are two kinds of u n p r e d i c t a b l e s y l l a b l e structure w h i c h c a n b e p r e s e n t i n t h e UR. The f i r s t kin'd a r e prosodic r e p r e s e n t a t i ons whi ch c a n n o t be g e n e r a t ed b y t h e s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n r u l e s of the language, for example, certain g l i d e p o s i t i o n s in Berber (see Guerssel 1986). They must-be p r e s p e c i f i e d a s s y 1 1 a b i c. p e a k s i n o r d e r t o o v e r r i d e t h e syllabification rules. The s e c o n d k i n d a r e m o r p h o l o g i c a l prosi templates, f o r e x a rn p 1 e , a r e d u p 1 i c a t i o n t e m p 1 a t e i s e e S h a w 1 9 8 5 a n d Mc C a r t h y a n d P r i n c e 1986). 1  However, one of t h e consequences of t h i s approach i s t h e s y l l a b l e can be t e r n a r y b r a n c h i n g . Without this c o n f i g u r a t i o n the inventory of possible syllable? trees i maximally binary. Therefore, t h i s a p p r o a c h may n o t be compatible with a t i g h t l y constrained onset/rime theory only allows a constituent t o be b i n a r y branching. I cannot o f f e r a s o l u t i o n t o t h i s d i l e m m a b a s e d on J a p a n e s e b e c a u s e J a p a n e s e has no s y l l a b l e s o f t h i s t y p e . some r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f t h e s e s y l l a b l e s must be o f f e r e d t complete the paradigm. Therefore, I adopt t h i s approach the extrametical approach, f u l l y acknowledging that the is arbitrary.  that  2  s which  But, o over choice  2  JAPANESE  LEXICON  2. 0  I n t r od uc t i o n  2.0  The  the  purpose  discussion  lexical those the  of  in  following  this  Chapter  phonology  allophonic  AND U N D E R L Y I N G  of  rules.  definitive  analysis  is  Three.  I  which  chapter  of  Japanese a  intended  to  be  for  analysis  of  syllable  2.1  is  phonology of  the  2.3  with  brief and  with  which the  a  summary  given.  of  the  phonemic and  diagram  the  the  some of  the  of  an  the not  overview  theory 2.2 the  the  of  lexical  th  and to  in  underspecified  UR  and  to  be  phonology,  but  to  provide  a  of  lexical  gives  an  Japanese and  a is context  account 1e x i c o n .  the  inventory.  allophonic 2.4  underspecified  morphophonemic  fo  referred  intended  system  framework  inventory,  processes  inventory  phonemic  inventory,  present  a  structure.  c o mp o n e n t  phonetic  provide  lexical  underspecification.  isolate  representation  is  to  segmental  on  working  overview  m r pho 1og i c a I  deals  rules  a  bear  This  instead the  the  morphophonemic  chapter  redundancy  chapter  Japanese,  and  REPRESENTATION  processes.  phonology  of  deals underlying In  Japanese  2.5, is  54  2. i  L e x i c a 1 Ph o n o 1 o q y  2.1  This  Mohan an  model,  (.1982),  components are  of  divided  require  first  organizes  the  up.  Those  reference  idiosyncratic  are  exceptionless, apply  component  to  require  called  post-lexical  lexicon,  lexical  speaking,  from  to  top  interface  between  components,  so  morphological items  move  component The  from at  is  How  it  is one  called  lexical  items  levels.  Each  Those  or  which  rules.  The  lexical the  latter  is  phonological  rules  at  each  morphological  level  before  internal varies  CBEC)  boundaries with  directional1y comprises  an  morphological can  to  apply  to  Therefore,  the  moving  Convention  move  level.. to  levels.  level  select  applies  the  into  and  all  boundaries  information,  containing  phonological  the  rules and  rules.  post-lexical  s t r a t i f i e d  the  lower  Erasure  that  lexical  or  idiosyncratic  former the  phonological  categories  are  phonological  exceptional  the  each  EEC m e a n s  highly  and  and  component.  structures  Bracket  often  the  The  are  less  and  component  Conceptually the  are  "across-the-board",  or  (1982:)  morphological  information;,  the  K'i p a r s k y  together.  which  component,  The  in  morphological  containing  the  the  grammar  any  which  presented  select lexical  phonological the  next  applies of  different  a  at  word  level  down.  each  level.  are  versions  erased. of  this  theory.  But,  the  BEC  applies  level,  so  the  phonological  access  to  the  internal  intent  of  this  that  would  accessed. the  The  number  also  diagram  vary  with  representing  of  is  apply of  to  if  lexical  different the  block  the  at  the  morphological  morphological/phonological  which  least  rules  convention  otherwise  at  next  the  level  versions  do  the  are  of  am u s i n g  is  not  hav> The  of  rule  could  be  directions  of  two  this  each  items.  structure  and  interfaces  of  of  application  internal  I  end  structure  levels  version  the  features  theory, given  A  below  in  56  ( 20 ) LEXICON  -UR v-  morphologi cal r ul es  phonological r ul es  morphologi cal r ul es  p h o n o .1 o g i c a 1 rules  morphologi cal rules  phonological r ul es  level  1  level  level  2  3  V  other components thee g r a m m a r  of  v  POST-LEXICAL COMPONENT  (Based  One  other  Elsewhere  (21)  aspect  of  lexical  Condition  (EC).  Elsewhere  Condition  on  Kaisse  phonology  to  R u l e s A, B i n t h e same c o m p o n e n t d i s j u n c t i v'e 1 y t o a f o r m 5 i f f :  and  Shaw  mention  apply  is  1385)  the  57  (i )  The s t r u c t u r a l d e s c r i p t i o n of A (the special rule) properly includes the structural d esc r i p t i on o f B ( t h e general r u 1 e) . (ii) The r e s u l t of applying A to 5 i s distinct f r o m a p p l y i n g B t o 2. In t h a t case A i s a p p l i e d f i r s t , takes effect, B i s not applied.  and  (Kipar sky  This before the  condition a  more  prohibits  particular  (1982b.46)  that  lexical  have  previously  rules  Condition  (Kiparsky  it  for apply  to  part  1982a.136)  application if  the  of  assuming  generally  as  of  domain  is  a  of  general  rule  application  (1982b),  based  The on  that  forms.  is  prcedictable  values for  for a  In  features  feature  will  which  Strict  to  Kaisse  Cycle and  entailment  Shaw  holds  Structure—bui1ding  rules-  rules  can  be  rules. phonology  of  an  entails  phonological  the  this  underlying  Archangeli  (1386,1387).  or  forms  Syllabification  lexical of  Condition  only,  According  rules.  theory  Pu11eyb1 ank  forms  EC e n t a i l s  accepted  a  Elsewhere  morphological  structure-building  model.  specification  the  derived  the  under s p e c i f i c a t i o n the  that  1982b.46).  non-derived  Kiparsky  includes  words,  a  structure—changing  classifired In  other  is  1  to  undergone  In  (1985),  argues  apply  process.  can  one,  it  same.  Kiparsky  only  the  if  representation feature  matrices  underspecification  (1384,1988)  and  I  am  Archangel!  underspeci f ied  UR,  all  are  eliminated  and  every  one  either  be  value,  as  L+l  and  or  58  C-], Not  but all  the  both  segments  feature cases  not  have  doing  UP.  to so  For  vowels,  in  UP  rules.  categorize  redundancy  Default  universal  opposite assumed  the  that  a  automatic  complement  and  I  rules  adopt  the  these rules  propose  a  the  value  and  for  for  can  apply  are  a  unless  necessity  (1988)  has  segments  will  by  or  default  considered rule  value. would  It  Chighl,  be the  is  be  the from  assigning  proposed  to  assigns  evidence of  thee  C19S6)  is  feature  is  obstruents.  complement  marked  for  is  is  supplied  which  in  voicing  C-i-voiceli  complement  features,  rules  phonology.  a  the  the  vowel  voicing  voiced  some  present  of  Pulleyblank  learner  show  be  In  predictable  C+voicel  only  either  value,  principle  all  a  is  though  features  a  Archangel!  for  post-lexical  (1986)  of  not  as  value  processes  value.  Redundancy and  default  even  and  value  default  selection  phonological  default  unmarked  of  the  assign  to  unpredictable  only  [voice!,  rules  values  voicing  of  feature.  The  value,  of  that  value  lack  Archangeli  rules  UP. f o r  1.986.8).  However,  So,  for  values  redundancy  the  the  liquids.  the  P u l I e y b 1an k  non-redundant  Japanese,  underlying in  and  predictable  obstruents.  redundant  rules.  at  allow in  the  obstruents.  voiced  specified The  marked  and  for  non-redundant be  be  might  nasals  Archangel!  containing  example,  predictable that  Ccf.  a  the  set  Cbackl  of  and  Clow],  Japanese. at  various  Archangeli governing  stages and  when  of  the  lexical  Pulleyblank  redundancy  rules  app1y.  (22)  Redundancy  Rule  Ordering  Constraint  (RRuC)  A default or complement r u l e a s s i g n i n g Corf] where i s " + "' o r is automatically a s s i gned t o t h e f i r s t compo n e n t i n w h i c h r e f e r e n c e i s made t o Ccxf]. (Archangeli  Therefore, redundancy apply  at  Master with in  would my  an  beyond  the  the  (1985),  Ross  advantages  Japanese.  In  present  analysis  an  components  of  the  phonology.  of  the  the  of  that  the  assignment  be  Japanese,  is  to  this  of  a  the  and  lexical  and  lexical on  them  this  these  as  will  To  RROC  would it  Japanese.  In  the to  Master  and  I  presumably  phonology of  the  than  require  sections  drawing  to  [voice] and  system.  my  ordered  Ito  2.4  in  because  are  Japanese  feature in  and  compatible  analysis,  languages  rules  UR,  the  principle  more  not  must Ito  their  applicable  (1985)  However,  discussed  thesis,  the  feature  is  of  1986.15)  feature,  that  RROC  adopt  universal  following of  of  out  redundancy  processes  certain  value  intend  of  a  the  investigating  phonological  the  I  Pul1eyta1 ank  in  RROC t o  scope  the  to  relationship  alternative  analysis  shown  of  Since  entail  Grignon  point  (This  consider  suggest  level  analysis  5).  refers  f i l l i n g  (1986.70)  their  rule  same  Japanese.  not  a  rule  the  footnote  be  i f  and  be  ordered.  (1986)  have  analysis Chapter,  of I  post-lexical  previous  works.  so  2. 2  ,J a p a n e s e  2.2  According  Ls x i co n  to  Japanese  lexicon  section,  we  Grignon can  discuss  be the  (1985)  and  divided  Ross  into  (1985),  three  morphological  the  levels.  component  In  of  this  these  levels. I of  am a d o p t i n g the  verbal  forms.  Below  morphological  Grignon's  forms in  and  (23)  Ross's  is  processes  (1985)  analysis  (1985)  of  the  analysis  an  ordered  list  and  affixes  in  of  organization  of  the  the key  Japanese.  (23) Level  I  verbal compounds: nominal compounds!  Level  II  verbal compounds: v e r b a l / a d j e c t i val  Vt-Vaspec t i nf1ecti onsi:  h o n o r i f i c a t i on p a s s i ve c ausat i ve d e s i der at i ve verbali zer± potent i al  ii o C ^ . . . .1 n i n a r j ( r ) a r s J 3(s)ase ] vita*] Algar-y] 3(r)ar e 3 /  nominal 'method  5  Vi-Vi  v  v  v  v  u  compounds^ affix: 3katai>i3 v  v  v  3  nominal  Level  I I I  v e r b a 1 / a d j e c t i va1  i n f1ec t i o n s : a  negative non-past pastgerund cond i t i onal enumer at i v e provi sional cohor t at i ve/ tentat ive verbalizer connect i ve  3 tav 3 v 31ey3 3tara 3 v3tar i 3 ] (r)eba ] 3Cy ) o o ] v  v  v  v  v  u  v  a  v  A  A  A  First,  I  would  verbalizeri, in  II  of or  take and  can  these I I I  take  conjunction  at  or  adjective An  end  attaching  7  at  gr oups: and no  level  I I .  i- final,  consonant o-final  or  e - f i n a1  final, a-final  u-final  the  verbs  r oot s  verb  added  any  can  to  attach level  only ' t a r a ' ,  the  sentence  also  added  to  in  a-  to  an  an  reba'.  explain  Japanese  take  ' t a ' ,  non-final  'ke'  first  'kar'  added  before  forms  +  is  adjective  to  can  is  'be'.  like  a  is  Adjectives  must  It  attaching  would  but  'gar'  'ku'  the  affixes.  sentences.  before  I  +  of  specifically  of  adjective  Also,  function  adjective  form  the  more  v  connective  inflections,  is  two  the  v  v  inflections,  connective  it  of  An  I I I  The  when  and  inflection.  level  ' t a r i ' .  adjective  explain  verbal  affixes  verbal  other  to  verbal isera  Japanese  one  like  3 kar 3 3 ku 3 3ke 3  or  are  of  divided  two  into  potential two  k a m i i c h i d a n / k am i n i d a n  roots  roots  existence  in  or  yodan  roots.  Japanese.  I  will  r oot s,  There refer  are to  the  former  verbs .  as  The  1  vowel vowel  potential  and  alternate  their  attached Now, verbal  to.  let  us  forms  compounds  (24)  and  a.  final  verbs  final  the  yodan  form  verbs verbs  discuss into  three  Level  take  II  on  these  the  to  take  depending  Ule d i s c u s s  and  the  latter  the  'rare'  ' e ' .  Other  the  verb  levels.  for  Examples  V -Vaspect  in  yodan of  the  inflections they  are  2.4.  separating  the  of  Vi-V  compounds  x  form  group  alternations  motivations  as  Level are  I.  given  2  below  Vi-Va  b.  nom— drink  arukwalk  >  buth i t '••  korosk i l l  nom -i-aruk-u drink-i-walk-np "barhop" >  but-i-koros-u h i t - i - k i l l -np "punch t o death"  V i "-Vaspec t kakwrite  kakwrite  hadimebegin  owarfinish  >  >  kak -i-hadime-ru write-i-begin -np "begin writing"  kak -i-owar -u write-i-finish-np "finish writing"  'np' stands for non-past. T h e v o w e l Lil in the compounds has no m e a n i n g , i t i s added t o all yodan ( c o n s o n a n t - f i n a l ) verbs before compounding  Grignon two  (1985)  compounds  points  lies  in  out  the  that  a b i l i t y  the to  d i f f e r e n c e between take  level  11  the  inflections, compounds, suggests  like  either  that  compounds  before  hand,  the  or d e r i n g  the or  Vi-v  inflections  member  there  and  place  passive  2  is  or  causative.  can  take-these  no  inflections,  after  the  compounds  after  ordering  can  compounding,  r e1 a t i o n s h i p.  These  the  Vi--Vaspect  inflections,  relationship  i.e.  affixes  In  the are  only  beet w e e n  compounding  attached.  take  which  which  the  level  suggests  obser vat i ons  On  can  take  the  other,  II  that  ar e  these  there?  is  i11ustratsd  an i n  (25) .  (25)  b.  nom-i -hadime-sase-ru dr i n k - i - b e g i n - c a u s - n p  "make  nom -ase -hadime-ru dr i n k - c a u s - b e g i n ~np  "begin  nom -i-aruk-ase -ru dr i nk — i — w a l k - c a u s - n p  "make  barhop"  "make  barhop"?  *nom -ase -aruk-u dri nk-caus-walk-np  begin  to  Sr i g n o n Furthermore, Vi-Vaspect  (26)  compound  a.  b.  Level  II  Vi-Vs*  compounds cannot  can  compound  take with  nom -i-aruk-i-hadime-ru d r i n k - i -wa.1 k - i - b e g i n -np *nom -i-hadime-aruk-u d r i n k •- i - b e g i n •- w a 1 k - n p  verbal  inflections  must  be  a  to  drink"  make  drink"  (1985.237)  Vaspect, another  but  a  verb.  "begin  to  barhop"  "begin  to  barhop"'  affixed  before  level  I I I  64  ones.  Showing  inflections set.  For  the  in  ordering  both  levels of  relationships would  the  sake  brevity,  a.  yom - a r e -ta read-pass-past  yield  I  will  a  for  all  rather  only  the  large  list  a  data  few  examples.  (27)  'has  *yom - t a -rare-ru r ead-past-pass-np b.  same  kak -ase -reba wr i t e ~ c a u s - p r o v  same  nom -i-aruk-i-hadi me-tara dr i n k — i - w a l k - i - b e g i n - c ond  into is  level  divided  and  I  justify and  into  non-native  morphemes were The  us  are  borrowed  level two  or  there  clusters,  in  the  Yamato  types  the  First of  words  are  forms  between do  the  of  a l l ,  5th  Also,  nominal the  some  morphemes there  is  above  compounds  Yamato  from  Sth  unique  as  lexicon words  Si n o - J a p a n e s e  words  i.e.  above  Japanese  or  The  and  as  same  native  loan  onsets,  Si n o - J a p a n e s e  morphemes.  the  words.  of  have  complex  of  words:  Si n o - J a p a n e s e  mainly  Si no-Japanese  division  I I .  Japanized  instance,  in  the  above  " i f (someone) has begun t o barhop"  *nom - i - a r u k ~ i - t a r a - h a d i me--r u dr i nk — i - w a l k - i - c o n d - b e g i n - n p  let  as  read"  "provided that ( s o m e o n e .> ' ma k e s (someone) write"  *kak -eba -sase-ru wr i t e - p r o v - c a u s - n p  Now  been  Chinese  centuries properties.  which  A.D.. For  consonant-yod which a  rule  do of  not high  appear vowel  syncopation a  voicing  which  rule,  applies  called  only  to  rendaku,  Si no-Japanese  which  applies  compounds,  only  to  and  Yamato  c ompounds. • f  the  Sin o- J ap ane se  high  vowel  not.  The  at  level  c o rn p o u n r J s ,  syncopation former  I  and  s y nc op a t i o n voiceless  group  the  of  latter  apply,  and  nominal is  at  i s  one  one  to  compounds  level  in  o f  a  high  consonants  at  a  morpheme  boundary.  is  below.  of  High x I C+hiD  the?  rule  vowel >  0  vowe1  I I ,  given  fa^.ke not  the  two  after  identical,  the  remaining o f  level  I  it  the  one  wh i c h does listed  High  b e t ween Ross's  vowel  t wo (1985)  syncopation /  voiceless  geminate  t o  which  (23).  de1et i ng  N-1  C C+sinol C-vcdl!  C C+sinol E-vcdj (Ross  If  gr oup  is  c on s i s t s  formalization  (28)  does  t her e  the  consonants deletion  left-most  consonant  spreads  n o mi n a1  comp o u n d s  are of  to  form  ar e  identical,  the  consonant a  1985.20)  vowel. deletes,  true  p r e s e n t ed  they If  they  and  geminate. i n  (29).  form  a  are  the Examples  66  (29)  t e k i + koku r o ku + k a i t i + t oo butu t a i i t i sen J. U i  ~  butu  tek-koku r o k- k a i t —too but-tai ik-ki bus-si  K J.  +  situ  "enemy c o u n t r y'' "sixth lesson", "first class" "solid object" "one t h o u s a n d " "first period" "substance"  tu  (Ross  Examples  of  environment does  not,  (30)  Thus,  to  i s  II  which  compounds  high  vowel  + hai-tatu  presented  syncopation  >  sya-zitu  +  ha  >  z i ~r y o ku  +  kei  >  the  are  in  would  (30).  The  apply,  and  under I i ned .  betu  compounds 1  level  1985.22-23)  rule  into  of  two  high  vowel  groups,  betu-hai-tatu " s p e c i a l d e l i ver y" sya-nitu-ha "r e a l i st movement" z i - r y oku- ke i "magnetometer  syncopation  each  at  a  divides  different  the  level  nominal  of  the  e xi con .  2.3  Japanese  2.3.1  In  Japanese, the  Phonetic  this and  phonemic  section in  2.3.2,  inventory  Inventory  we  discuss  the  wee d i s c u s s can  be  phonetic  the  derived.  inventory  allophonic The  rules  segmental  of from  whi  inventory  of  (3.1. )  Japanese  F'h o n e t i c  bilabial stops  is  given  affric.  (31),  i n v e n t or y  alveolar  p b  in  alveo-pal  palatal  velar  laryngeal  t  k  d  g  ts  fric.  5  s  nasals  m  n  1 i qui ds  ts  s  c  h  3 1*  glides  w  y  vowels i  Lq* e  o a  *  £11  We a r e melody  is  tier.  See  and  geometric  a  feature  Grignon  phonemic  features  not  consist  are of  a  geometric  (1985)  for  In  a  of  representation an  analysis  Japanese  geometric  organized  hierarchically  bundle  unordered  hierarchies and  unrounded.  inventories  representation.  the  Archangel!  CLU, 1 i s  tap.  assuming  phonetic  feature  a  are  of  proposed  Pulleyblank  in  using  so  Clements and  both a  the the  non-  representation each  features.  (1986,1387)  of  of  segment  doe  Various (1985,  Sagey  1987),  (1986).  The  68  particular Piggott  feature  (1988b.'>,  (32)  geometry  which  is  adopting  is  that  i.e.  x  root /  /  v oc  |  category,  I  \  \  i  \  con s  r  =L N  g1ot t al features  supralar yngeal / \ / \ manner \ features place  =SLN  features  /  Lab=  =PN  \  labial  \ dorsal  L: o r =  r nd  c o /r o n a 1 ant distr  (1938a)  discuss claims  some  that  aspects  only  one  [ c o n s o n a n t a l 3 and  [vocalic],  features  indicate  peaks. be  serve For  peaks,  For  languages  i.e.  distinctive  i.e.'  vowels,  class  languages  peaks,  to  of of  liquids  vowels,  allow only  only  model.  major  and  all  a  First,  features,  act  C+vocalic]  as  [—consonantal]  is  These syllabic  segments  [vocalic]  [consonantal]  is  Pi ggo11  language.  can  nasals,  Cconsonanta.il  1988b.7)  class  in  segments  allow  feature.and  which  the  functions  what  which  this  =Dor  h I b aI c k1 o  (Piggott  us  or JJ  =RN \  1a r y n qea I \  Let  of  below.  prosodic  'IT  /  nas  are  \  tone /  we  presented  TT  /  model  not  is  the  present.  segments  present.  to  to  be  Japanese  falls  into  only  the  major  Notice  class  that  a r t i c u l arbor in  Sagey  latter  a  So,  •C C - l a b i a l ] ,  tiers  present  in  the  defined  as  those  articulator  phonetic  it  [labial] is  For is  in  the  as,  are  roundedness, appears  not  a  are  or  one  of  a  is  simplex  not  marked  the  to  are  not  segments  can  be  more  [kw3.  under  the  the  and  high  it  than  Note? at  one  that  this  least  triggers  at'  means  the  be f or e  and  Eb3  not  C+round],  but  the  labial  can  independent  [round]  is  functions  no as  in  feature a  exist the  A1 s o , they  phonology.  Eround].  privative?  The  feature;  [round]  Cm. ]  t he are  In  is of  and  node-?,  Japanese,  process  E5]  node?  in  vowel a  feature  articulator  feature  b e c ome?s are  the  labial  back  Elu\ 3 .  that  Eh3  there  attached  introduced  only  because  segments,  notice  distinctive  example,  E+labial]  feature  >,  employ  complex  first  C+anterior3  Complex  Ckp]  is  three  representation  [-back]  which  into  <1986.65),  marked  representation.  vowels  the  level.  Concerning  is.  Sagey  features  segments  divided  division  to  [-high],  such  are  This  segment  these  tier,  rounded  features  present  simplex  [consonantal 3 is  2  According is  therefore  present .  nodes.  [-low],  articulator  [round]  or  (1986).  sound.  not  place-?  tiers  tier  that  feature  the  articulator  category,  but  not  [labial]  [Ground]  yet  labialisation.  c onsonan t s  Em 3 ,  C+labial ] .  Ep 3  Therefore,  of  the? p r e s e n c e  my  analysis  of  labial  articulator  ei.ther  present  or  of  the  Japanese, node absent.  70  Segment s  ar e  Moving  on.to  J a p an e s s  wi t h  f eatur es.  these  also  would  inaccurate  and  as  possibility  ad  hoc  feature  segment this  at  (personal  CD-3  Among  the  Japanese-;,  [tap],  (33).  chart  is  be  segment  section  1.  UR,  order  only the  solely and  under  Cz3. the  [voice] features  is I  the  to  manner only  Cvoice3  be  [high],  phonetic  have  ruled of  an the  distinctive  1a r y n g e a l  in  tier.  describe-?  [voice],  of  out  node.  to  [ b a c k 3,  of  [continuant],  is  the  using  inventory  phonetically  distinguish with  on  CzJ.  suggestion  features  pre;stent will  a  I  introduce  [consonantal],  [anterior],  which  Together  features,  [nasal],  for  in  be  from  but  representation  Following will  Ed],  inaccurate,  again  equipollent  from  bee  indistinguishable  an  in  di st i nct i v e  to  phonetically  Ctap3 Cd3  CI3  C-anterior 3 would impose  problem  E-cont i nuant 3 ,  Considering  only  a  indistinguishable  I  C l a b i a l 3,  feature in  are;  it  is  C1.1 w i t h  communication),  glottal  so  there  -C C + v o i c s 1 ,  underspecified  in  hangs  Therefore, Japanese  the  from  feature  be  would  feature  Shaw  this  C'l 3 t o  this a  i s  not  C01 a b i a 1 3 .  seg me n t  features.  render  Considering  t he  segment  or  features,  Therefore,  C+continuant3 would  manner  i so1 at i ng  }.  only  C +1 a b i a 1 1  the  Thi s  C+anterior] given  either  and  [continuant], Clow 3.  Japanese  is  A shown  it  71  cons  p +  t ts -1- +  ts -I-  k b •*• +  d +  vol cont  — —  — —  — —/+  •—/+  — —  + --  +  +  —  1 ab ant h i bck  • +  g 5 s -1- + f  of  distribution phonemic  and  allophonic  -board",  they  —  —  —  +  +  +  +  +  +  +  +  +  +  +  +  +  — — — — +  +  +  +  +  +  +  +  +  -i-  —  — ••-- + +  + +  +  -  + -•• -- +  listed are  this  not  part  section  I  are of  predictable  rules  are  exceptionless in  the  the  I  consider  all  of  have  by  component,  all  the  the  + —  + -  in  underlying the  allophonic  distributions. and  "across-*he  post-lexical  because this  + +  predictable  present  these  placed  +  + +  above  Furthermore, applied  + +  -I-  for  be  component.  redundancy  segments  are  rules fully  spec i f i e d . .Affrication/pal a t a l i 2 ation segmental  notation.  L.U|  —  In  would  o  +  therefore  account  a -  •-  segments  +  a  +  + ••!-  inventory.  which  Because  the  +  i  — + +  +  +  2. w y -i- -I- - -  Q  —/-I-  +  Many  s 5 h 2 rn n -I- + - i - ••-! + "I-  -1-  +  2.3.2  rules  + —  riX -1-  processes  are  given  below  in  to  (34.')  A f f r i c a t i o n / p a l a t a l i z a t i on h z  —  s  >  c  >  at  >  s  •Ct,dJ  These  CdJ"  these  however,  for  altered  be  both  the  C+hi.1  Cel.  tangential  also  palatalization  Cul.  and  that  and  the  no  C-antl,  we  be  have  no  problem of  as  this a  the  is  an  ought  to  dorsal  for  of  C-ant.1,  be  and  are  tier.  anteriority.  them  from  thoroughly thesis,  feature  If  alveo-palatals  distinguish  this  but  phonology.  are  considered  could  expressed  because  processes  sounds  Cull,  elegantly;  Palatalization  they  concern  just  i di osyncrac i es  dimensional  and  Cz]  before  form^lize  specifications  resolving  central  must  to  three  somewhat  Cs.1  formalize  assimilation in  but  inherent  geometry.  because  have  model  These to  instance,  affricates  al veo-pal at al  height  For  Ci D,  CtJ  d i f f i c u l t  spreading  However, to  Also,  feature  vowels  we  like  by  before  d i f f i c u l t  process  recall  Likewise,  C i Ii.  before  the  i  idiosyncratic.  palatalizes  are  /  uj,  /  are  before  of  marked  U-\  processes  represented  not  /  z  assimilation  However,  dz"}  >  they  structure  its,  d  spirantizes  make  i  > ts  palatalizes  i  /  >  and  i /  t  processes  affricates  /  so  palatals  would for  changing  to  be  now, rule  70 where a  [-ant ]  is  shortcoming  three the  substituted  of  this  dimensional  rule  (35)  model.  notation  formulations  compatible  with  a.  for  is  either  h  -  / C-i-cons3  ->  [+ant3.  The  in  the  (35). root  a  mora  or  c  /  i  (34)  highest so  these  onset/rime  1  L - c on?  C - lL N N  PN  PN  Dor  ~ "Dor / \ [+hi3 [-bck3  ft  b.  J*  /  RN \  RN / \ [-cons] SLN  SLN / \ PN MN  PN \  Dor / \ [+hi3 C-bck3  C -:-c: o n t 3 ••nt 3 [-ant 3  L-or [+ant3  /  RN  RN \  LN  SLN  SLN  I [+voi3  PN Cor  [+ant3  MN [+cont3  [-ant 3  :  'N  Dor / \ [+hi 3 [~bck3  are  this  to  given  node rules  model.  RN SLN  LN I C+voil  consider  in  The  node,  RN \  [ + Io3  /  rules  I  given are  be in in  74  f  1-  ri  1.  RIM  RN I  SLN  SLN /  PN | Cor  MN  /  'C-tapDA  +\  E+ant3  ont 3  C  t •-  LN I j E-vof.3  \  ' ~ MN PN j I E+cont3 Dor /  \  E+hi3  E-antl  e=  \  /  \"~  /  C-tack3  LU  RN  RN  SLN / \ PN MN  SLN  ii  Cor  C-Cont 3  C+ant3  / \ " MN PN | I C+cont3 Dor / \ E+hi3 E+bck3  LU  RN /  LN  RN i SLN  L  SLN_ /  \  MN PN PN MN Ii I j / \ Cor E — t a p ] \ E+cohtj Dor I E-cont3 / \ E+hi3 E+bck3 E+ant 3  C+voi]  The in  labialization  (36).  process  mentioned  in  2.3.1  is  formulated  ( 36)  L a b i a l i z at i on h  >  5  LL\  /  RN  RN  C+cons]  SLN  SLN  I PN  FN t  ~ - - '  Dor  Lab  Dor C+hi ]  The  above  rules  forms  except  nasal  appears  of  place  are  be  as  part  to  the  of  for  by  Phonemic  rules  phonemic  the in  all  Lql  velar  sound,  deal  the  rule  for  Zwl.  I  Similarly,  Eliminating  post-lexical to  adjacent  Three.  ,J a p a n e s e  2.4.1  and  3  accounted  2.4  Cy3  accounted  assimilation .  assimilation Chapter  [nil,  have  in  non-underlying  surfaces  with  thus  this  discussion the  the  of  surface  Chapter  when  Lr^l  is  process the  a  margin a  of  margin  positions  of  product place nasal the  in  glidei  Three.  I n v e n t or y  segments 2.3.2,  inventory  which  are  we  can  of  Japanese.  generated  consider  the  set  by in  the (37)  (37)  Ph o n e m i c  \  In ven t o r y bilabial  stops  alveolar  p b  velar  t d  f r i c a t i ves  .laryngeal  k g  s  nasals  m  h  n  liquids  r*  vowels i  u* e  o a  * I am u s i n g t h e s e s y m b o l s f o r t y p og r ap h i c a1 c on v e n i e n c e .  As  mentioned  representations u t i l i z i n g  a  in  2.1,  these  segments  system  which  Archangel!  as  ?  underspecification'  five  a  vowel  basis  chart  of  of  universal  of the  values  sound  opposed  which  I  for  the  patterning  underspeci fieri  UR  and  that  are  to  Steriade  unmarked  inventory,  u n d e r spec i f i ed the  am a s s u m i n g  of  underspecification ,  proposes  I  CO.]  CLU, ]  the  underlying  underspecified.  (1988) the  calls  is  processes given  in'  have in  (38).  for  a  The  been the  (1988)  system  Japanese.  consonants in  am  'radical  Archangel!  underspecification for  I  'contrastive  (1987).  adopt  for  chosen  language.  on' A  (38)  U n d e r s p e c i f i eel p  t  b  k  UR  d  g  m n  z  s  h  r  i  e  cons  dorsal. Cull  and  tier. the  + +  a  the  +  the  articulator  With  the  exception  segments in  rules  tier  interest  of  only is  f i l l  >  in  C-hiD  segment  the  coronal  one,  which  articulator apply  relevant  place  tier  for  specified  The are  segments  En 3 ,  redundancy order  of  Cr3,  rules  an not  tier it  and  propose  application.  only  one  preservation,  features  apply  any  on  contain  to  the tier  this  the  feature.  first  automatically in  the  the  hierarchy.  articulator  present,  will  of  articulator  segment's  not  that' feature  wi t hout Ck3  I  to  has  and  representation  for  that  will  does  coronal  structure  values  present  can  in  in  this  hierarchy.  surface  the  because  no  labial,  possess  C+contJ"  has  are  Japanese  which  C39>,  the  +  +  in  which  like  tiers  of  rule  The  + +  segment  feature  +  Cs3,  present,  +  +  that  rule  + +  +  articulator  If  +  + +  Col,  segment  +  + +  Therefore,  a  u  + +  redundancy  So,  o  „ _ _ . _ _  nas vo.i cont tap 1 ata ant h :i. bck 1o  Recall  a  place  create  segment' s  a r t i c u1 a t or  tier  Eg 3 . for In  Japanese  the  limited  are  given  number  of  in  7b  processes for  the  levels  I  am  1ooking  application in  (39)  the  of  level ]  [  3  r. 3  in  Japanese,  many  lexical  Redundancy  r  at  of  component.  rules  I [+cons] )  [-nas] [-tap]  -  +cons -nas -tap  C-voi]  +1 o —c c m s  -hi +bck  —nas -tap  [ +h i ]  [-cons] 1evel  the  •  [-bck]  III C+voi3  post-Iexi  cal  i [ + t a p Ii i I [-cons] !  - • •••->  C+bck3  >  !  i  +nas - 1 ab  ]  [+lab]  [+ant]  E+tap]  [  [+voi]  [+ant]  —  C +c o r i s ]  [-lo] — >  C+bck]  I  have  found  redundancy  rules  evidence at  variou;  7 9  [-hi 3  r.+io] [ -c oris 3 [  2.4.2 I)  [-cont1  ]  First,  let  app 1 i c a t i on The  some  and  examined  earlier  formalized  of  of  is  this  character  rule,  the  onset/rime  model  the  mora  this  the  model  case i f  deletes. writing  (40)  it  of  dominates I  a  High  the  E+hi 3  in  (40.)  in  /  category.  In  or  deletes  Otherwise,  rule  have  along  the  the  skeletal  mora  convention  (28),  chapter,  1  a  just in  for  the the  order each  Casino3 C-vcd 3  case  to  of  slot.  syllable  in  C  [ + s i no 3 r _v c d 3  we  system.  this  a  Chapter  The  from  indicate a  each  next  process  syncopation  0  a.  of  the  [IT3 o n l y  this  the  Syncopation.  either  vowel.  versions  vowel  would be  (level  [+consonantal3,  feature  prosodic  am e m p l o y i n g  separate  below  rules  deletion,  by  Vowel  the  could  early  the  in  inserting  our  this  the  by  presented  using  for  for  r equi red  are  High  all  [TT3 s t a n d s  is  motivated  repeated  and  reasons  r u1 es.  rules  is  called  rule  t he  C-hi 3  the  [-voice!  the  which  reformalization  a  model  o f  rules,  application  [+high3,  In  discuss  speci ficat ion  The  In  us  of  syllabification  with  C+cont3  In node.  mora root  node  avoid  model.  b .  0  TT  /  [ C tr  13  [  RN  M  TT  3 o, 3  RN  I I  Dor  LN  LN  I I  E+hi 3  [—voi 3  [-voi 3  = The in  phonology  order  to  mentioned  apply  in  have  this  <40b).  specification; fully  must  rule.  It  order  apply.  This  to  [-nasal]  specifications.  specification  of  not  the  the  above  that  the also  feature  values  C+consonantal3  necessary  feature  for is  to  Note  the  in  E~~voice3  the  is  however,  specified  access  Si no--Japanese  because  of  is  the  voice  [ c o n s o n a n t a l 3 must  redundancy  rule  the  for  reason  We w i l l  justify  the  feature  [voice]  later  not  be?  marking the  E-tap3  peculiar on  and  split  in  in  this  sec t i o n . Other  rules  application  which  are  applies  II  only.  II)  or  I I I  cases,  at  but  ' t a  not  all  • When  concatenated  desiderative  ?  ,  the  a l l ,  consonant  I  where  that  case  of it  applies  the  vowel  this  to  the  verbs  redundancy and  other  are  affix  [i3  inserted  vowel  is  functions  clusters.  s-final  two  apply  break  There  is  only  applies  at  level  only.  at  or  ?  and  ilevel  (level  'kata ,  to  verbs  rule  s-deletion.  compounded  method  i-epenthesis to  the  r-deletion  levels,  yodan  with  impermissible am a w a r e  relevant  i-epenthesis,  epenthesis and  are  in  I  or  the  most  up one  instance  I I I ,  Because  we  and  in  will  Si  be  dealing  in  chapter  three  where  i-epenthesis  applies,  finai  verbs  Data  epenthesis  (41)  here. are  a.  b.  focus  for  include  in  level  I  and  II  of  paradigm the  s-  i l l u s t r a t i n g  i-  (41).  "begin writing" "begi n eat i ng" " f i n i s h wr i t i ng " " f i n i s h e a t i no "  ak-i-dasabe-dasak-i-owarabe-owar-  Method  verbal  data  k t k t  affix ta t a a a  "method "method "method "met hod  of of of of  wri rea eat tea  ting" ding" ing" ching"  "de "de "de "de  to to to to  write" read" eat" teach"  Desiderative  rule  feature  not  "bar hop" "eat while  kak-i-tayom-i-t a tabe-taosi e-t a-  the  I  do  I I I  nom-i-arukt abe-ar uk-  c.  formal  level  compounds  kak-i-ka yom-i-ka t abe-kat os i e—kat  A  the  from  gi-v&o—below  Verbal  with  for  C-backl  this  rule.  s s s s  i-epenthesis is  also  i i i i  r r r r  e e e e  is  given  necessary  to  below. single  Note out  the  that  82  i-epenthesis  (subsequent  0  /  >  Tf rr  v,  x  revision C*  1  in  59)  e  =  v  kata ta  AN 1  i  yodan  Dor  -ni -bck  Note level  that I I ,  the  are  passive  listed  segments  which  randomly  optional.  vowel  final  verbs, to  in  I  '(s)ase'.  indicated  as  optional  are  not  and  do  f or m a l i n e d  (43)  i n  consonants not  appear  'tabe-rare' "be  suggest  with  that  written"/ these The  yodan  "be  appear when  possess are  A.  P. i  ;  MN  [itap] C + c o n t .1  0  /  r/s-deletion  v  u  =  preceded by  yodan  by  yodan  to  "made write".  i n i t i a l  deleted  r/s-deletion >  actually  "made the  at  The  'tabe-sase'  'kak-ase'  forms  An  preceded  eaten"/  consonants  verbs.  when  (43).  TT  apply  and  consonants'under 1yingly. concatenation  which  '(r)are'  'kak-are'  Therefore,  affixes,  as  example,  and  causative  (23)  These  verbs  for  eat"  are  and  rule  after is  •  Note  that  r-deletion  non-past  suffix  example,  ' tabe-ru'  and  'kak-u'  A rule  is  also  This  segment  verb.  For  in  and  I I I  level when  Hal  a  vowel  by  "not  eat"  and  'kak-ana-'  in  ( 4 4 >:  a.  in  7  the  final  "pr o v i ded  the  verb. write".  (an  a and  0  TT  TT  \/  RN E— c o n s I I  PN  PN  Dor C+hi H  b.  +bck -hi  a — d e l e t i on TT  RN  0  /  eat  write",  [ i 3 'yoo'.  'kak—oo' 'ana'  two  i - d e 1 e t i on TT  s.o.  example,  These  s. o.  yodan  suffix  For  the  For  suffix  by  eat"  negative  to  that  that  Cy3  preceded " l e t ' s  I I I ,  'reba'.  cohortative  is  "not  level  "provided  delete  it  'tabe-yoo  preceded  (44'}  'kak-eba'  the  the  at  ' tabe-reba'  to  example,  also  provisional  necessary  when  g i ven  the  1  deletes  Also,  and  " e a t ' /'  "write"  underlyingly)  write"'*.  ' r u ' ,  applies  "let'  deletes 'tabe-na-'  rules  are  =  Now  let  us  obstruents  discuss  are  the  under 1 y i n g l y . voice]  t h e v o i c i ng  only  specification  segments  must  be  to  syncopation.  Another  specification  to  are  for  specified  separ at e motivated 11 o  and  a  rendaku.  second  member  obstruent Yamato given  becomes  (1986).  (45). This  at  for of  In  member  two  with  voiced. only.  The  I I I  a  of  a  voi ce  nominal  vowel  a  C + v o i c: e 3 and  liquids  level.  The  1i qui ds  i s  compounds, obstruent,  process  of  of  are  compiled  from  takes  these  a s s i mi 1a t i o n  examples  compounding  and  C-  assimilation.  Some  data  high  vowels  vowels  a  because  supplies and  voiceless This  supplies  post-lexical  nasals,  analyse  voicing  I  rule  rule  the  voice  level  the  level  (.1336:)  begins  morphemes in  at  C+voice]  process  called  for  for  obstruents,  redundancy  nasals  Me s t e r  at  voiceless  spec i f i c at i ons by  marked  rule  identified  final  s p e c i f ii c a t i o n s  segments  A redundancy  yodan vowel  place  at  if  Ito  level  the  that  rendaku  this  pr o cess  applies  process and I,  t  are  Mester in  our  model.  (45)  a.  Yamato i r o •+• k a m i yo + sakura e + t ako i ke + n a n a  i r o—gami yo-zakura e-daku i ke-ban a*  "co1oured paper" "blossoms at night "picture kite" " f .1 o w e r a r r a n g i n g "  85  b.  bino - Japanese han  +  tai  san  •+• p o o  >  han-tai *han-dai-  >  sam-poo *sam—boo  "opposition"  " s t r o l l "  *Note that v o i c e d Chi s u r f a c e s as C b l . W h e n Eh II is geminated, it s u r f a c e s a s C pp 3. See Qrignon C1985.178-1SCO f o r an a n a l y s i s o f t h e s e phenomena,  Rendaku  does  not  obstruent  in  law.  For  instance,  kaze'  not  Ito  and  following for  Mester  at  the  between  the  the  These  +  kazeH  and  level of  is  only  rendaku  the  is  already  This  is  "divine  consonant are  for  a  voiced  known wind  a  as  Lyman's  becomes  the  onto second  presented  by  'kami-  the A the?  in  are model.  feature of  of  C+voice] rightward  adjacent  member  below.  their  rule  the  u n d e r 1 y i n g .1 y  obstruents  applies, of  facts  specified  voiced  compound.  feature of  these  only  insertion  in  this  processes  account  Voicing  morphemes  spreads  first two  (1986)  obstruents,  consists  is  there  morpheme.  Ckami  analysis:  Rendaku  spreading  second  i f  *'kami-gaze'.  voiced  specified  the  apply  segment  the  which  compound.  ( 4  FA)  A  .  RE  N  dA  K U  I N S E R T  C + V O I  3  /  .1  C  Ii b .  VO  I C I N  C + V O I  g  S  p  R E A D  3  I~ i  ^  I  X  X ( F R O M  S I N C E  L E V E L ,  T H A T  O N L Y  O N L Y  V O I C E D  T H E Y  L Y M A N ' S  P R O H I B I T I O N  C + V O I C E 3  S P R E A D  L A W  S P E C I F I C A T I O N S  O B S T R U E N T S  A C T S  F OR  S E R V E S  F E A T U R E  I F  A R E  A  I T O  W I T H I N  B L O C K  T H E  I S  M E S T E R  A N D  P R O H I B I T I O N  V O I C I N G  T H E R E  A N D  M A R K E D  V O I C I N G .  A S  T O  I T O  O N E  M E S T E R  A  T H E  5 8 )  A T  T H I S  A S S U M E  T W O  MOR PHERNE,  O F  . 5 7 ' ,  [ V O I C E ]  A G A I N S T  S P R E A D  A L R E A D Y  FOR  1 9 8 6  S O  OR  M O R E  T H I  S  I N S E R T E D  V O I C E D  O B S T R U E N T  I N  T H E  M O R P H E M E .  T O  M U S T  I N C O R P O R A T E  M O D I F Y  R E N D A K U  FOR  T H E  A  L E V E L  RR  I  RN  C + V O I ]  S P R E A D  I ,  T H E  I N T O  O U R  R U L E  B E C A U S E  V O I C E L E S S  R E F O R I M . I L I :•: A T I O N  V O I C I N G  C  A N A L Y S I S  V O I C I N G  A P P L I E S ,  C V O I C E L .  ( 4 / )  T H I S  ]  O F  T H I S  S P R E A D  Tr  A  ]  I  RN  C - V O I ]  «  =  Y A M A T O  L E X I C A L  A T  C O M P O N E N T ,  T H E  O B S T R U E N T S  R U L E  I S  L E V E L  A R E  G I V E N  WE  W H E R E  M A R K E D  I N  ( 4 7 ) .  37  I  assume?  that  Lyman's  specifications  on  law  applies  a  and  Pulleyblank  all  levels  as  of  (48)  the  the  I I I  C + v o i cell-  morpheme.  constraint,  as  constraint  is  in  Lyman's  Archangeli  operative  at  phonology.  rr « J  a  —  Yamato  LN I  C+voi 3  another  suffix.  one  more  RN  E+voi3  a  in  or  1  |1N  voice  two  1 aw  TT . . .  i  Nasals  tier  This  lexical  I"  i s  Laryngeal  <1986.25).  RN  Ther e  prohibits  configurationai  Lyman's •*[  law  process  following  (In  of  Et3  voice when  monomorphemic  margin  nasal-obstruent,  the  cannot  generate  rule  this  by  spreading  in  concatenated  words  with  obstruent because  is  a  with  a  sequence  always  these;  Japanese.  are  level of  voiced, not  but  derived  forms). Examples  (43)  of  voicing  "die sinsins i n-de si n-dar  are  given  in  (49).  1  Therefore. C+voice3  nasal  to  I  have  nasals  past g e r unci c ond i t i o n a I  placed at  level  the  redundancy  I I I .  Notice  "wait" mat — mat-ta mat-te mat-tar<  rule in  assigning  (45b)  that  the  we  ss nasal  does  So  nasal  t o  Yamat o  lexical  voice  voicing  forms  voicing nasals  is  as at  only  well  as  So,  I  following an  as  the?  Ther e f or e rule?  well,  we  rendaku because  voicing'  [p]  in  ' sampoo'  "across-the-board"  o n .1 y .  Si nee  level  I.  the not  mor p h e m e s  rule.  Yamato  1evel  not  of can  use  nasals  it  applies  is  not  be  spread to  It  are  rule,  c annot  voicing  voicing.  spread  i t  "stroll",. it a  post -  applies  account not  applies  to  for  nasal  triggered  marked  for  throughout  the  by  [voice]  at  lexical  component. Vowel s  and  1i quids  specifications  are  voicing  no  spread  2.5  Summar y  2.5  Below  in  this  Japanese we  have  is  a  added  all  discussed  It the  is  trigger  at  longer  diagram  chapter. with  never  the  voicing  post-lexical  so  their  component  voi c e where  applies . 3  which a  summarizes  model  of  the  morphological  listed  and  in  order  of  what  lexical  and  we  have  discussed  phonology  phonological  application.  of  processes  89  UNDERLYING t  nas voi cent t ap 1 ab ant hi bck 1o  k  b  d  q  +  +  +  R E P R E S E N T A T I ON m n  +  s  2  h  +  + +  +  r  i  e  a  o  u  +  +  +  + +  + +  + +  +  +,  •  +  +  90  L E X I C O N  MORPHOLOGY L E V E L  I  v i  n o  v  PHONOLOGY  2  m i n a .1 c o m p o u n d s  x  C 3 —— > C+cons] C 3 --> [-nasi C 3 —- . - > [-tap 3 + COHS -tap > [ - v o i 3 -nas +1 o —•-> j - h i 1 —c o n s ! - i - b >"!•:• )  1  —n a s j . i > O h 13 -tap i > [-bck3 i. - c o n s 3 high v .j w e l — s y n c o p a t i on ( 40b > rendaku (46a) v o i c i ng s p r e a d (47) i-epenthesi s (42) onstrai ntsi Lyman's law c:  L E V E L  I I  Vi-Vaspect C o [ . . . 3ni n a r ] ^ 3 r ar e 3 3sasev3 v3ta ] 3gar^3 v 3 r a r E v 3 / v 3 Sv 3 n o m i n a l c o rn p o u n c i s v3 k a t a M J v  w  v  (43)  voicing spread (47) i—epenthesis (42) r / s - d e1e t i on (43)  v  A  A  L E V E L  I I I  3 ana,*, 3 3ruv] A J 1 A 3 3 1; a u 3 v 31 e 3 <j 3 t a r a v . j 3 t a r i y ] ]reba 3 v  v  v  i' :  onstraints: Lyman's law  (48)  C+nas3 > C+voi3 v o i c i m: i s p r e a d (47) i-epent hesi s (42) rV s - d e l e t i o n (43) a - d e l e t i on" ( 4 4 . b ) i-deletion (44.a)  v  v  A  A  A  v  •I: o n s t r a i n t s : L y m a n ' -.± l a w (48)  3kar 3 3 ku 3 3ke 3 v  v  v  --  POST  IC+tap]  >  —  +nas -lab C+tap] C  3  — >  [ + C O N S 3  >  3  C + L A B ]  E + A N T ]  >  C + A N T 3  C - L O J  - >  C + B C K 3  C - H I 3  - >  C - C O N S 3  3  C + V O I  >  C + L O ]  C  COMPONENT  |  I C - c O R I S 3 J I I  L+bckj  LEXICAL  >  allophoni c  C - C  C + C O N T 3  O N T  R U L E S  3  O S ) ,  C 3 £ >  NOTES  FOR C H A P T E R  TWO  I n othe?r a n a l y s e s , ( f o r example, McCawley 1368, Fukui 1386 and Poser 1 9 8 6 ) , u - f i n a l v e r b s a r e c o n s i d e r e d w - f i n a l verbs. T h e o n l y s u r f a c e a p p e a r a n c e o f C u ] i n t h e s e v e r b s i s Cw.J. Cu] a p p e a r s a s Cw3 b e f o r e ? C a l a n d i n a l l other environments Cu] deletes. (This deletion process is discussed in Chapter Three). Therefore, it i s not only a d e f e n s i b l e p o s i t i o n to consider these forms w - f i n a l , but i t is also a position which conforms t o the n o t i o n of minimizing o p a c i t y . In other w o r d s , how c a n we p o s i t Cu] a s t h e u n d e r l y i n g f o r m when Cu] n ever sur f aces ? C o n t r a r y t o t h e m o d e l s a s s u m e d b y the? a u t h o r s a b o v e , it is a universal p r i n c i p l e i n o u r m o d e l t h a t s u r f a c e ? Cw.1 d e r i v e s f r o m u n d e r l y i n g C u ] , w i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n o f a few idiosyncratic cases. Therefore, i n our model i t follows that these verbs are u - f i n a l , not w-final. The c o n s o n a n t s and t h e v o w e l Cu] do n o t f o r m a n a t u r a l c l a s s , b u t n e i t h e r do t h e c o n s o n a n t s and t h e g l i d e Cw]. Cw] is [-consonantal], as i s Cu]. So, i n e i t h e r a n a l y s i s , it r e m a i n s an i d i o s y n c r a t i c f a c t o f Japanese t h a t t h e yodan verbsdo not c o n s i s t o f a n a t u r a l class. 1  * The m a r g i n n a s a l i n Japanese i s o f t e n r e f e r r e d t o as a syllabic nasal. T h i s segment does bear weight but i t does not in fact form t h e peak o f a s y l l a b l e . A detailed analysis of the margin nasal i s presented in chapter 3. In the Tokyo area d i a l e c t t h e r e i s a v e l a r nasal which is not formed through a s s i m i l a t i o n t o a f o l l o w i n g s t o p . It is f o u n d i n t h e p l a c e o f Cg] i n words' l i k e t h e n o m i n a t i v e marker ga', eigo' "English", 'eiga' "movie". I do not provide an a c c o u n t o f t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f t h i s v e l a r n a s a l in this thesis,. 3  7  ?  "* A n o t h e r inserted to not part of  possible analysis of t h i s process i s that b r e a k t h e h i a t u s b e t w e e n t h e three? v o w e l s the underlying form of t h i s morpheme.  Cy] and  is is  T h e RROC ( A r c h a n g e l i a n d P u l l e y b l a n k 1986.15) requires that a redundancy r u l e assigning a p a r t i c u l a r value of a feature, Corf], must a p p l y a t t h e f i r s t l e v e l w h e r e Corf] is referred to in a phonological rule. This i s not compatible w i t h our a n a l y s i s of v o i c i n g spread i n Japanese. This rule a p p l i e s at l e v e l I and r e f e r s t o t h e f e a t u r e C + v o i c e l . But, t h e r e d u n d a n c y r u l e s w h i c h a s s i g n C+voi.ce] t o n a s a l s and v o w e l s and l i q u i d s do n o t a p p l y u n t i l level I I and t h e postlexical level respectively. =  93  3  JAPANESE  SYLLABLE  3.0  I n t r o d u c t i on  3.0  Now  that  we  Ch a p t e r  One  and  Two,  can  go  As  we  considered  an  because  the  in  analysed  because first is  mora  broken  background  ba ck g r oun d  in  to  the  discuss  earlier  in  the  unit  moras;,  onset of  mora  that  down  consonant-vowel  weight of  syllable.  into  moras,  pairings  one,  theory  ph on o1og y  syllable  linguistic  consonant  syllable  This  tradition  traditional  units  used  For  example,  the  writing  one  mora,  which  form  =  light  included  single  grapheme  each;  whereas,  member  long  vowel,  a  nasal  and  geminate In  Chapter  designed are  are  to  as  One,  we  also  represent  relevant  system,  represented  in  by  by  separate  mentioned  weight  Japanese;  analysed  margin  for  the  distinctions.  McCawley  (1968)  the  system all  the  are  the  second  first  member  of  graphemes.  that  example,  the  in  so  syllables  a  a  (1985)  is  grapheme  is  moras  syllable  by  a  language  Hyman  represented of  chiefly  a  one  Japanese.  often  the  These  in  of  is  is  from  f r om Ch a p t e r  structure  Japanese  language.  'mora'. or  in  ,J a p a n e s e  chapter  indigenous  the  the  a  a  archetypal  with  correspond  have  on  mentioned  STRUCTURE  mora These  model  is  distinctions  the  pitch  accent  and  Zubizaretta  (1982),  refers  to  weight  onset/rime  model.  adequat e1y  as  evidence equally s y 11 a b 1 e Th i s  propose mora  of  thi s  described  by  a  or  an  mora  that  weight  I  the  type  distinctions  c h a p t er  type  i s  or gan i z e d  supporting  In  3.4  syllabification presented  3.1  Syllable  3.1  Japanese  we  a  show  language  onset/rime  and  is  model  of  has  on  can  geminate  consonant.  in  forms  type  of  in  I  glides  along  3.1  dea3. s  Japanese.  with  in  Japanese  for  wi t h  3.2  representation  algorithms  both  A margin  either  f o.11 o w s s  Japanese,  deals  for  is  t he with  Japanese,  discussed. in  both  derivations.  Inventory  restrictions  diphthongs  a  distribution  are  as  structures  the  vowels  In a  3.3  be  mode1.  for  indeed  In  can  accounts  is  syllable  evidence  are  am c l a i m i n g  Japanese  chap t er  models,  I  s t r u e t u r e.  inventory the  I  t he  that well  distinctions-  either  a  long  open  long  vowel  or  a  In  (50),  some  syllables,  segments  can  hold  be  nasal  the  first  a  Among or  so  closed  or  open  short  separate  data  closed  what  Japanese, two  and  a  vowel. sequence  syllables.  syllable  are  syllables,  margin member  the  There two  An  open  which  there position.  of  a  syllabic  are  of  constitutes  presented  a  but  no  peak  true  non-identical  a  syllable heavy  illustrates  with  a  syllable. the  syllable both  a  inventory  mora  onset/rime Ty p e  and  of  an  Type  Japanese-  onset/rime  1 model  1 I a n q uag e.  I  pr ovid e  i > i i ) i i i ) i v) v) vi ) v i i ')  b.  mora  since  The  are I  I  Japanese  consider f or  am  this  using  claim  /  / u  u  /  I / a m  k  I  /  I  <r  1 / JJ  ! JJ  Z  1  k (.111.)  (T  0"  'I / JJ  I JJ  Ci  i n  sec t i on  a  {  or  <r / |  /  tr /  j!>  a  k  i  r  // !  / i  JJ  |  / /  h  i  u u | j  ! i  (v i >  o  n  0-  0"  !i  / iI \  o  ( v i i ') / /  / j \  P  l /  h  /  hi  / |\ / j!« p  :J  o  IT  / k  1  a  v.')  a  /  k  / b  P P a  the be  model <r  in  to  "god" " face" "shel1" "book" "certainly" "grandmother "one hundred  (i i )  <: v  structured  framework.  suppor t  kami kao kai hon hakki r i obaa h yak u  data  a  > : n s e t / r i me >. 1 >  (t ype  0"  0"  1> (T  0"  _' 1  1  (], i )  U h: 0 K iI lI l I ! I  -  ,1  ' 1  U K K iI Ii iI  i  i a  i .1i I m I  ! Ii k a  ,11  K  U n  in o d e 1  .)  or  cr i  /I  (. v.)  •  R  •  i  It:  i  i  X  X  ?A  X  X  k  a  I  h  o  I  tr  R  M  cr /j  '  R  cr 0  c. i v )  0  X  y  X'  X  X  h  a  k  1 i  cr  R  0  i I o  I  (vi )  R  I  n  cr  cr  R •  R  i  I  I  I  I  I  I  X  X  X  X  X  X'  X  i  o  b  a  I I I i  II  r  X  X  \  /  ( v i i :> •  /  k  I  / Ii  Ii  / j 0 R i I II  i | I h i  i i a  I i k  j  3.2  Evidence  3.2.0  In  included is  the  for  chapter two  or  one  I  we  parameters  unmarked  branching  Type  form  | I u  and  presented labelled  Type  contains  non-branching  rime  an  no  onset/rime  model  I  I I .  and  nucleus  corresponds  Type  which Type  constituent to  the  so  I a  distinction  between  a  heavy  expressing t o  t he  weight  mo r a  and  Japanese  from  inventory,  light  the  Japanese  consists  of  process  a  complementary  only.  and  meant  to  adequately  represent  3.2.1  margin  which  supports  A nasal manner  of  consonant consonant, manner (52)  of  I  in  terms  model-  is  in  is  a  nasal  of  equivalent  accent  section I  a  a  This  is  imply  that  the.  data.  nasal, Type  margin  I  or  a  is  If  the  by  nothing,  articulation  i l l u s t r a t e  this  the  syllable  of  C-cont].  for  mora  position  of  the  process.  are  offering  structural  provide The and  further evidence  one  of  represented  sake  mora  of  model  nasal,  for  assimilates  to  could  preceding  to  the  vowel.  only,  not  a  the  followed  assimilates  the  process  Japanese.  consonant,  is  in  brevity  undergoes  analysis  nasal  syllable  lengthening.  the  following  it  I  and  language.  data  a  constituent,  assimilation  the  articulation  or  pitch  Type  propose  nucleus  this  analyses,  model  The  Type  gemination/compensatory  following  not  Thus,  (1985)  a  of  In  of  onset/rime is  without  respectively.  that  the  a  Grignon  assignment  evidence  In  syllable.  distinctions,  (1982)  for  evidence  a  mo d e I .  Zubizaretta structure  and  place if  by  that a  C+cont]  place The  and  and  data  in  98  sen too kendoo sampoo sarnb a SPrjknn marjga semmee t en no s e n r ee  "public baths" "fenc i ng" "strol1" "mi d w i f e " " s t i c k of incense? "comic book" "c1 earness" "emperor" "baptism"  seesei hoc  "teacher" "book" Srignon  Note e.g.  that  this  'sentoo  and  7  exceptionless for  process  is  independent  'kendoo'.  process  In  that  even  fact,  of  voicing  nasal  occurs  (13 a 5 . I S 4)  spread,  assimilation  across  word  is  an  boundaries,  example,  (53)  hog boo ks nom  Therefore,  I  ga aru. nom exi s t  =  "I here  are  books."  nominative  consider  nasal  assimilation  to  be  a  post-lexical  process. If  we  assume  spreading  is  Type  II  Type  about  structure  accompanied  I  riqhtward  generalization a  a  by  a  prosodic or  the; then  change  structure,  leftward target: the?  in  we  can  branching  leftward  prosodic  then  whether  maintain rime.  spreading structure.  the  a If  we  must  be  assume  (. 54')  Nasa.1  a.  a s s i mi 1 a t i o n  iype  I R i  1.1 ,'  1  \  a;/ L+nas]  SL  "RN SLN MN C-contD  (i i >  R I  \  i  x  x  RN  RN  / [+nas]  b.  Type < i .')  fc)  \  RN /  [+nas]  4-  SLN  0  or  RN  I C+cont3  R \  =  MN  4SLN  II  N i  8  RN i SLN MN C-cont1  100  R  R  I N  l\ N \ i  \  i '  o R N  R N  /  Further mors, in  a  type  about one  I  between  can  the  the  J  S L N  we  rimes:  R N '  C + N A S 3  margin  framework  branching  mapping  because  R N  f  L + N A S J  \  nasals make  second  melody  and  a  undergo  this  process,  generalisation  member the  must  have  a  many-t>  skeleton.  < 5 5 :> / J O  / I  R  h  O  a  R  O  k  CR / O  J  R  R  /  0  R  I T  D .  X  X  i  I  i  iI  /  0  R  X  generalization  because  a  branch:, nq  is  I R  i X  X  \  iX X  I  s a m b a  This  not  rime  is  available distinct  R  CR  I  M  X  / I  0  y% x x x i l l / o b a  i  CR  I  I  r  I  / I  in  X  K l  h  o  a  type  from  a  n  II  framework  branching  nucleus.  101  3-2.2  The  Japanese This  second  is  a  paradigm  set  Type  I  of  which  language?  consists  i n i t i a 1 su f f i xes;  data  of  ' t a •' ,  is  yodan  ' t e" ,  a  ' t ar a' .  produces  a  to  on  alternations  p r osodie r u1 es  f or  exemplifying  in  the  case  between  the  two  Kansai  those  s t r u c t u r e.  a c c ou n t i n g  Data that  only  (south  (56)  a.  of  series  of  the  dat a.  the  alternations  dialect  I I I  verbal  groups:  an d  Th i s  ' t ar i ' .  are  f or  is  a  to  c o mp 1 e t e  s e? t  in  (56)..  alternations  Kanto  (north  Kanto  mat—ta nar-ta kau-ta omou-ta kuu-ta tob-ta yom-ta sin-ta kak-ta kag-ta k a s -~ t a Kansai kau-ta omou-ta kuu-ta  gl oss > —.-> -----> > > > > > > >  mat t a nat t a katta omott a kut t a t on da yon da s i nd a kai t a kai da kasita  (only the > > >  "wai  t"  " bfc'i. u i T i e  '  "buy" "think" "eat " " fly" "read" "die" " wr i t e " "bite" "lend"  f o r m s wh i c h  k L a omoot a k u u. t a  going  relevant  given  the  t —  We a r e  west).  root-past  paradigm. with  (1936)  roots,  that  concatenated  which  Pa r a d i s  u-final  evidence  alternations.  Se e  the  major  level  verbs  concatenation focus  provides  d i f f er  east)  o f  Note differand  There  are  earlier.  processes  The  epehthesis. it  would  form In  apply  altered  in  account  for  across  all  of  but  as  details,  this  as  rule  this  level.  level  at  as  I I I  Cr]  and  d e s c r i p t i on Nasal  to  it  is  I I I  and  and  the  of  v o i c i ng  of  epenthesis  I d o  the  in  I  for.  (47),  spreading  analyse  for  work.  applies  nasals  to  trigger  are  marked  C+voieel  are  not  marked  for  not  meet  the  this  (198S)  present  The  no t  voice  Par ad i s  of  which  a  (5 3) .  See  be  rules  and  i-  at  voice  at  structural  spr ead.  assimilation,  'tonda',  must  of (42) , •  they  vowels do  in  i n  'kaida'.  because  it  insertion.  scope  output  present  deletion  of  the  the  I  formalized  consequently  place  applied  domain  discussed  formalized  after  examples  the  have  Thus  forms.  consonant  'sinda',  level  ordered  i - ep e n t h e s i s  beyond  we  is  above.  vocalization.  is  'yonda',  this  of  the  velar  spread,,  forms  '.kaida'  be  which  be . c o n s i d e r e d  s-final  apparent  would  can  and  the  data  i-epenthesis  the  and  alternation  'tonda',  all  ve r s i on  the  what  Voicing  as  formalization  ' kaita'  reasons  these  'kasita'  fact, to  r e f o r m a .1 i :•: e d consider  in  which  'yonda',  and  we  discussed  'sinda'  at  in  the  3.2.1,  has  post-lexical  1evel. During saw  that  and  if  the  after  the  cluster.  discussion this  rule  consonants In  this  of  case  high  vowel  applies,  are the  a  syncopation  consonant  non-identical leftmost  it  is  consonant  in  cluster an  2.2,  we  results  impermissible  deletes  and  the  rightmost process  one  is  spreads  similar  Concatenation i n i t i a l  suffix  deletion roots  does  with  clusters u-final even  a  the  a  nasal  does not  not  with  no  we  a  the one  slot  or  an  suffix  of  c 1us t er this  with  a  t-  cluster  r-final  and  and  b-final  impermissible  However,  suffix  This  (56). root  create  occur.  attribute  29).  impermissible  does  t - i n i t i a l  in  t-final  Concatenation  does  (of.  illustrated  final  i mp e r r n i s s i b l e  cannot  empty  create  occur.  deletion  roots  Therefore  to  t-init.ial  and  t hough  of  onto  concatenation  also has  triggers  been  deletion  of  deletion  cr eat ed .  process  solely  to  phonotactics. Furthermore,  even  consideration, data  is  s t i l l  clusters  triggers  an  we  eliminate  particular explained  Why  output  gemination  do  Cr]  with in  repair  by  the  and  less  some  the  strategy  creation  Cb.l  not  marked  cases  u-final  and  from  exhibited  of  in  the  impermissible  delete  syllable  cases  completely, structure?  compensatory  What  lengthening  others? Leaving  all  the  aside  in  one.  This  model. not  the  remaining  thing  is  not  alone.  producing  in  the  if  common: is  Let an  processes,  us  forms the  suffixed  suppose  is  and  above,  represented  accidental but  s-final  by  that  result  instead  velar in  of  forms,  dialects,  final  branching  this  the  both  root's a  final  branching  the  for  in  rime  deletion  trigger  have  syllable  rime  and  them.  note  a  that  one  is Type  a  heavy I  generalization spreading  Throughout structure  this  is  built'  combinations structure  In  exists  I  would  called  former  that  the  data  f or m a rime  over  be  one,  of  a  Crl,  also does  can  be is  the  as  part  a  and  case  I I  of  rime  attached. mor p h e m e . Cul  and  explains not  occur,  Furthermore,  the  why why Type  a  a  to  surface?  structure  case argue  of here  assigned  to  the  roots  when  a  and of  the a  their The  r oot.  suffix  b r a n ch i n g  violates  compiete  I  i t  latter.  presence  the  bee'ause  morpheme.  that  non-velar  strategy.  of  correct  like  template  therefore  repair  of  would  roots  rule.  types  prosodic  argue  the  The  final  the  template, is  The  by  syllabification  melody  3.3.2,  another  the  where  In  prosodic  p r e s p e c i f i ed where  what  the  cases.  discussed  non-continuant,  Eb3,  a  most  syllable  words,  assigned  is  the  are  is  Another  branching  is  we  from  Japanese,  all  in  instance  differs  conditions  segment  p r eserveci.  predictable  (56)  of  suffix  rime  from  template.  considered  branching f i naI  in  that  the  follows  information  that  other  assumption  One  in  In  the  structure  di scontinuous  formedness can  1  syllable  t - i n i t i a l  a  melody.  been  dat ermi ns  generate.  exists  propose  final  sy 1lab 1 e  has  matrices  footnote  independently  is  the  One,  structure  algorithm  This  is  assumption  the  predictable  predictable.  prosodic  our  from  This  structure  wher e  not  up  feature  that  Chapter  cases is  of  above.  assumption Syllable  theSi s  well-  subsequent presence deletion f inal  s t r u c t ur e  o f  deletion of  of  the the  posi t ion the  i s  t emp1 a t e  105  serves  to  uni fy  employed,  the  Kansai  two  would  dialects. need.two  If  for  the  consonant  final  template  for  the  LuJ-final  roots.  template  in  Kaye  their  (198fa)  analysis  gemination/compensatory Hebrew. these  As  two  Lowenstamm  is  in  whether  or  compensatory  the  place?,  grammar  Lowenstamm between  and and  the  c ompensal-u'ry c annot .  Note, t h a t in  ci i f f e r s root  We m u s t  i n  and  node  is  supr al ar y n g e a i  node;  gemination  occur  del.eted  can  because  the  in  rime  no  oc c u r s  a  template  can  gemination  principle-?  of  to  relationship  exists  is  that  i n d i v i d ua 1 grammar s  occur. occurs  assume  the  that  In  Ka n t e ,  Kansai,  deleted.  for  the?  u-final process  everything  below  everything  where  with  d e l e t i on  Therefore,  cases node  is  template  c ase? g e m i n a t i o n  lengthening  target  the  relationship  i n of  2  According  p r i o r i t y .just  a  unifies  constituent .  once  to  p r i o r i t y  c ond i t i on s  the  r i me  Tiberian  nucleus  attribute?d  The  In  is  in  deletion  Ka n s a i .  deleted.  ng  after  gemination  Kansai.  nucleus  process  (1986.125),.  compensatory  branching  that  processes.  Ka n t o  is  stipulated.  whether  a  faranchi  branching  need  1e n g t h e n i ng  rime  argue  be  were  branching  process  is  not  structure  a  Kaye  We? 11 — f o r m e d n e s s  determine  only  the  a  II  complementary  there  and  and  lengthening  Kaye  two  a  the  because  Furthermore,  use  lengthening  w i t hi J a p a n e s e ,  processes  roots  also  of  Type  templates,  template  L . o w e n s t amm a n d  a  below in  Cr 3 a n d  forms  t he  the  Kansai, Cb3  spreading  is  are specified  106  C + c o n s J ,. already occur  In  the  specified  because  either have  case  can  been  a  of  as  u—final  C-consl,  consonant  occur  so  cannot  because  deleted.  forms,  the  Since  the  target  compensatory spread  gemination  has  is  lengthening  onto  consonantali ty  node  i t .  In  must  Kanto,  specifications  p r i o r i t y ,  gemination  occurs. The  template  i n i t i a l some  is  suffix.  In  redundancy  component  in  Therefore,  order  rules  2.5  the  assigned  must  to  which be  template  is  because  cannot  be  until  after  Recall  that  the  lexical  1exi ca1 the  in  i t e rn s  mo v e  phonological  redundancy  (5 7)  rules  a.  the  isolate are  the  not  rule's  in at  the  the  at  m o r p h o 3. o g i c a I  component.  The  template  in  are  presented  question  Red un d a nc y  r uI e s  C - c on s 1 r 3 — > r+bck: +nas I -lab! C+tapi  > C +c o n t Ii rr-cont: > C+IabU  —  > ->  we  C+ant 3 C + a n t Ii  same  time  as-  description have  are  applied.  using,  c o rn p o n e n t  assignment in  t-  environment,  structural  model  the  I I I .  the  rules  of  post-lexical  level  redundancy  phonology  t h r o ugh  the  assigned  template's the  concatenation  placed  repositioned  con c a t e n a t i o n met  after  (57).  and  the be f or e the  Deletion The  and  r-'N  tap] ! [-co  tor  compensatory  compensatory  i 11 u s t r a t e  MN  t he  spreading  d i f f e r en t  spreading rule  of•Lowenstamm  rules  less  stated; be  be  "spread  determined  (58)  a.  by  RN",  and  the  principles  Yodan  and  explicit.  d e 1 e t i on  Kaye  correct the  Un d e r  the  RN a n d grammar.  given  three  (1986)  Perhaps  of  are  consists, of  e n v i r o n me n t s .  interpretation could  rules  a  rules  (58). which  s t r on g  the  rule  in  spreading could  target  be  site  would  103  (i i )  Kansai R  I  RN SLN  b .  [--nas]  Co mp e n s a t o r y (i )  s p r ea d i n g  R  (i i )  R  "RN  RN L  ( i i i )  i'N  RN j  RN j  C-cons3  geminate permit  that,  Cddli,  voiced  point  out  place  of  that a  argue  that  derived to  adopt  the is  obstruent  wo u 1 d - b e  rnor p h o l o g i c a l  in  the;re  this  1  L +c o nsJ  \  i  note  i + c o fi s 3  R i  AIso,  ~~RN  a  [+cons]  form  'tonda,'  CndJ  sequence.  geminates.  result  of  vo i c ed  geminat e  gemi n a t i on  a  c a 11 e d  Ito  nasal  C+nasal3  specification  voiced  geminate  is  this  analysis.  repair  and  of  a  in  strategy,  not  (1986.59)  sequence an o t h e r  i n f i x a t i on . the  voiced  does  Mester  consonant  intense  of  -Japanese  happens  the  a  instead  first and  cas e o f  They member  I  in  would  of  a  like  109  Presented at  1e v e I  (59)  below  is  the  version  of  i-epenthesis  which  a p p l ie.s  I I I .  Level  I I I  &  >  i-epenthesis ir  /  J  IT  i  _  I  R N  T. rr  ~"  I R N  |I:N  /  I Dor  C+consl  \ '  j  MN  C+cons3  |  I  +h i i -bckl  i: +c o n t 3  i  The with  rules the  (60)  we  other  Level  have  discussed  rules  I I I  from  in  level  this I I I ,  phonological  section in  component  C+nas] > C+voi 3 C-cons3 > C+cont 3 C 3 > C-cont] C+bckJ > C+lab3 J +nas j |-1ab j > C+ant 3 C +1 a p J > C +ant 3 voicing spread (47) r/s-deletion (43) a-deletion (44.b) i-deletion (44.a) h e a v y s y 1 1 ab1e t empI a t e yodan d e l e t i o n (53.a) comp-spreading (58.b) i-epenthesis (59) :  co ns t r a i nt s:  G l i des and  Vowels  L. y m a n s ?  order  (57.b)  1 aw  (48)  are of  presented application.  3.3.0 is  Before  necessary  the  presenting to  appearance  v o we 1 - v o we I ,  discuss of  the some  glides.  v o we I  gI i de  syllabification language  In -this and  rules  particular  section  we  c o n s o n a n t -•• g 1 i d e  in  3.4  aspects  examine  the  sequences  in  Japanese.  3.3.1 can data  According  occur  in  all  which  (61)  a.  •  Hinds  Japanese.  revealing  pairings,  to  i s  the  (1986),  He  supports  possible  q i ven  any  below  combination  this  claim  non-identical in  of  with short  (61).  akai. kau aenai kao.  "red" "buy" "cannot "face"  b.  ki atu yomiuri mienai si_o  "atmospheric pressure" n ame o f a n e w s p a p e r "c a n n o t see" "salt"  c.  fuan fuirumu k u t i bye. s i :•: u o k a  " i l l at ease" "film" "whistle" p 1 ac s name  d.  pea Sli bideo  "pear" "zealously" "video"  e.  kooan koi omou koe  "riddle" "love" "think"  meet"  f r om H i n d s  (1986.404)  vowe a  l i s  vowel  Hinds  (1986)  is we  concerned  string.  When  take  internal  morphological  v o we 1 c omb i n a t i o n s First,  notice  before  other  If  sequence  the?  high  vowe1  which as  a  is  that  is  cannot  account  the  linear  syllable we  see  phonetic  groupings  that  not  all  and vowel-  p os s i b 1 e.  in  the  the  cases  where  sequence  preceded  by  with  structure,  aIways  preceded  glide-vowel  into  ar e  vowels,  only  by  is  another  sequence,  vowel,  if  vowel,  A high  the  or  Ci1  and  preceded  another  appear.  [u]  appear  by  a  consonant.  or  nothing,  vowe1-vowel  nothing,  glide-vowel  will  the  sequence surface  combination  is  wel1-formed. The Cyj  restrictions  can  appear  only  glide-vowel  (62)  Thus  than  the  the  appearance?  with  C+back]  list  of  the  combinations  is  given  A  #yi *ye yu yo ya  the  generated  appear  Lai.  with  on  ones  rule,  vowels  glides  is  and  Cwl  permissible  and  in  as  can  follows: only  impermissible  (62).  *wi *we *wu *wo wa  appearance by  of  of  glides  although  out 1i ned  i n  is  those  1.3.3,  predictable rules  du e  to  will t hese  and  be  ought  more  complex  c o oc'c u r r e n c e  r estr i ct ions. When  a  h i gh  vowel-vowe?I  sequenc e  would  to  produce  an  i l l -  be-?  112  formed a  glide-vowel  syllabic  vowel  in  peak.  this  Hinds  of  'kau'  Actually,  Cr]  where  Cu]  one  In  a  (63),  block  is  of  the  rule  u-deletion  are  non-u-final A derivation  of  Let  us  the  internal  of  c i t es Euls  i s  to  other  is  to  Level below  is  II  FN  ii  Dor / \ C+hi] C-i-bck]  /  ]  l i s t s  the  an  / kau in a  r u / , .a n d  any  the  Cu]  Note only,  deletes.  that  I I I .  (64)  using  suffixes  given  in  (64)  given  in  (65).  tr  [-cons]  for  the  this  adjectival  previously  case  morpheme  Level  have  the  non-past  and  u-deletion 0  at  Call,  is  cases.  Caul.  fact,  suffixes  which  high  these  he  so  formalized.  in  we  also  "meet"  not  verbal  'ana',  is  In  vowels  is  the  sequence  verb,  as  morphological  under 1 y i ng I y  vowel  processes verb  the  deletes.  two  examine  instance,  this  both  'au'  where  root  presented  yodan  cases  of  apply  at  are  For  u-de.let.ion  phonological  (63)  the  application occurs  remains  example  following  u-deletion  other  CGI).  an  to  vowel  there  between  specified  its  in  the  of  high  consider  ( 1386 )  appears and  not  as  the  deletes.  data  Hind s  and  is  the  /kau-/  boundary  rule  does  "buy",  f or m wh i c h the  However,  position  ( 198S)  structure form  sequence  is  to  suffix,  Examples  of  and  discussed. comparison.  A  113  (.64')  au-  "meet"  au-i-ta-i > aitai au-Ra re~ Ru > awareru au-sase-ru > awaseru & u•- e — r u > aer u au-ru > au a u- R eba > aeb a au- ana - i > a wa n a i a u — i oo > aoo b„  kau-  "buy"  kau-i-ta-i > kaitai k au—r aR e-R u > kawareru kau- sas e- r u > k a wa s e R u k au—e—R u > k a. e R u kau-ru > kau kau-reba > kaefaa k au-an a—i > kawana i k au—i o o > kao o •yom'-  "read  yom-i-t a-i yom—rare—ru yom—sase-ru yom-e-ru — yom-ru .' yom—reba -•• yom—ana—i yom—ioo  (65)  Derivation  t— tr v c_ x  1  i-epen r/s del u-del  of  1  — >  yomitai > yomareru > yomaseru vomer u yomu yomeba ••> yomanai y o m i.'J o :  :  'au'  .l  /au-ta-/ a u - i - t a a0-i-ta-i Cai ta.--]  a u—r a R e—/  .-if!  a u - t f a r e-  au  C awar e - ]  —  >~ J=l <=. P^s -  /au—e—/  0asea0-e-  . awase-  Cae-1  114  Level  I I I  r/s del i-del u-del Cau.3  Consider  the  Haeba]  rule  of  Cawanai1  u-deletion  ,in  light  of  the  following  data.  (66.)  i u -  "say"  l u-r u i u-r eba iu—ana—i  The the  forms  but  the  'yu'.  The EuuJ"  of  less  than  sequence  a  consist  syllable.  There  the  "tooth", this  Kansai 'me'  minimum  But  of are  and  "eye" word  Zyl  to  is  not.  not  are  'yuu'  the  expected  before  Cu3  is  expected  content  word  having  a  content  word  must  counter  the  or  such  "picture". that  form.  examples  dialects;  so  be  a  syllables  template  would  against  light  'e'  output  that  two  it  of  predictable,  claim  words,  and  output  this  other  Kanto  given  to  In  some  outputs,  not  applied  (1986.2:)  expected  is  The  prohibition  moras.  minimally  both  has  Prince  has  two  'iwanai'  [ i 3 gliding  and  Japanese  and  above.  u-deletion  McCarthy  lwanai  'ieba'  derivation  / i u - r u / .  yuu i eba  Kansai  one  dialect  heavy  to  this  claim  as,  'te'  "hand",  However, applies  to  if  we  in 'ha'  qualify  heteromorphemic I  know  word one  of.  heavy  in  in  (1986.25),  formedness  are  no  assume  counterexamples  that  consisting  minimum  constraint,  ' Ac c o r d i n g  rules  whose  conditions word  of  there  two  block  the  u/  (the  is  generated.  * C  one  application after  M i n i mum w o r d a._  expressed  of  JJ  a  is  a  that  minimum  light  syllables  to  a  the  heteromorphemic  by  that  light of  law  A r c hi a n g e 1. i  are  which and  o  is  P u 11 e y b I a n k to  contravene  the  a  be  functions  block  the  th  well-  constraint.  formalized  in  (67).  It  is  heteromorphemic  syllable.  u-deletion  r/s-deletion),  This  to  and  the the  a  word  constraint structure  correct  /iu  output  template  l  «  Actually,  Lyman's  constraint  indicating  only  structure  t o  template  outputs  template.is  constraint  consist  word  like  con f i gur at i onal of  A minimum  (67)  the  <48) .  a  application  will  us  Japanese  consider  presented  cannot  let  there  syllable.  configurational  negative  then  Therefore,  template  We c a n  forms,  specification forms  is  = h e t e r o rn o r p h e m i c w o r d  that  redundant  this if  we  template assume  applies that  to  116  c on f i g u r a t i o n a i C o n d i t i on Fukui  deletes  This  and  the is  analyses  one  of  melody  f i l l e d  process  is  the?  the  spreading  x  x  /1  W  +  about  x  +  W  Ll  X  X  ** (• X  is  deleted  behind. a  mora  timing  is  cannot  (cf.64)  Note  that  framework, tier  and  x-slot.  The?  the  remaining  empty  vowel.  below.  for  the  appearance  of  Cy]  instead  of  form.  underlyingly  w-deletion  w - d e 1 e t i on  empty  of  wi-  Ll  not  distribution  of  o f  rule  I i  1  surface  r u1e  a  x  account  analys i s  the  appears  not  an  Hi s  using  Ll /  1  F u ku i ' s  Cycle?  ' /  !  x  left spr ead  the  Strict  x  I X ) i  in  the  "say"  spread.  leaving  illustrated  w-del  Cil  to  ' yuu'  only,  J  does  subject  form  1 e f t war d  by  (68)  Fukui  are  2.1!>.  C 1986)  d e .1 e t i o n  x-slot  (c f  constraints  or  of  glides.  before  Cu],  to  the  because?  in  these  rule  because is  not  such there  with  In  apply  a  Cw]  c omp a t i b 1 e  as is  our  ou r  assump t i o n s  model,  Furthermore,  other  cases  cases  no  w-deletion no  dominated  Cw]  never  Fukui's  where x-slot could  Cw] is not  rule or left  fit  prosody-independent by  a  mora.  Cu]  in  117  Poser  (1986,1988)  his  analysis,  Cw]  and  argues  t he  'yuu' Cr ]  that  also is  lengthening  preserve  mora of  f o 11 o w s :  Th e  position,  thus  Ci]  is  then  d i f f i c u l t model  count  this  since  o f  by  how  onset  he  the  word.  The  analysis  positions  empty  is  is of  the  a  need  to  no  an  onse t  by  It  compatible  as  e mp t y  vacated  Cu].  melodic  and  described  t o  position of  to  the  Poser  formation  offers  1 e f t wa r d  spreading  this  glide  Poser  In of  f o r in / i u / .  process  rn o v e s  Cyj.  the  of  'yuu'.  Deletion  attributes  The  Ci ]  of  /iw-ru/.  process  which  generating  see  a  of  analysis  i n t er inedi a t e  process.  m e 1 od y  f i l l e d  to  thie  undergoes  compensatory  i l l u s t r a t i o n  an  underlyingly  pr oduces  / i u /  the  provides  the  is  with  content  a  mora  are  non-  ex i s t e n t . Poser's same  as  in  surface the  motivation our  form  to  deleted  by  extra  block  by  rule  the to  by  deletion  turn  Ci]  into  clusters  which  do  subsequent  the of  we  not  the  second  Cy],  of  'yuu'  Cy]  the  preserving  Cu].  is  the  We a c h i e v e  (The  the  Cr]  Furthermore, The  is  produce  spreading.  motivation,  r-deletion).  we  mora  is need  generated  by  no the  al qor i thm.  Consonant-glide  Si no—Japanese  and  using  of  exceptionality  However,  deletion  rule  s y l ' l a b i f i c a t i on  3.3.2  the  analysis.  same' r e s u l t s  count,  for  or  morphemes appear  in  consonant-yod  only.  They  Japanese.  clusters  are- t h e All  only  are  found  in  onset-  consonants  except  Cd]  1 IS  appear  in  face  the  Cy.1:  they  these same  (S3)  however,  cooccurrence  only  i 11 u s t r a t i n g  clusters;  appear  t hes e  consonant-yod  restrictions  before  f ac t s  the  ar e  C+back] gi ven  as  the  vowels.  i n  a.  happyaku pyuut o pyonpyon  eight hundred" whizzinq" hop"  b.  byakuren byuuken byook i  white lotus" fallacy" sickness"  c.  myakudoo myuudikaru myooban  pulsat i on" musi c a l " t omor r ow"  d.  tyansu tyuumon t yo'ot yo  chance" order " butter fly"  e.  syabondama syuukan syoogun  bubble" custom" military  f.  zyarimiti z yuutan zyoodan  gravel rug " joke"  g.  ryakusetu r yuukoo ryokan .  brief explanation" fashion"  h.  riya.nnya. nyuumon nyoobo  leader" road"  Japanese-style  inn  kitty"  i.  kyanpasu kyuusyuu kyooiku  i nt r oduc t i o n " wi f e " c ampus" p l a c e name educ at i o n "  j .  gyangu gyuunyuu Q V O Q v' o o  gang" mi 1 k" fishing  independent Data  ( S3 ) .  industry"  clusters  113  k.  hyaku hyuuz u hyooban  "one hundred" "fuse" "r eput at i on" f r om H i n d s  The as  alveolar  they  are  Given high  Zil.  by  c o a 1 e s •:: e n c e ,  ( 70)  obstruents  a s s h o wn  the  underlyingly. that  same  cooccurrence  In  the  the  the  model  as  and  these the  Thus  Recall  the  way  is  in  a  inventory as  in  is  a  us  forms  derived  from  must  Ci 3  the  (50),  of  is  now  that  Cy],  kind  of  in  syllable  the  Cy]  discuss  is  by  the  to  the  Cy] Ci]  the in  and  it  does.  onset/rime the  mora  expressed  whether  forms.  (61):  underlying  consonant-yod  onsets  these  from  subject  independent  the  the of  be  supported  processes  status  Let  are  complex  representing  following  palatalization  further  as  members  non-peak  of  the  cluster  palatalization  mora-less  by  clusters  conclusion  representations.  optimal  these  represented  the  glides  restrictions  syllable are  in  that  appearing  same  sequences  model.  Cy]  this  palatalized  c u umo n suukan d z uu t an caku  >  This  fact  triggers  > > >  Cy]  are  be 1 ow.  assumption  vowels,  Ch]  However,  t y u u mon syuukan z y u u t an hyaku  our  and  ( 1 3 8 6 . 3'35)  this  by is  120  (71 )  If  we  name  yomiuri k i a t Li s i o  ii  represent  c o n s o n a n t •- Ci .1 ,  not  know  t he  c ons onant - y od  undi f f er ent i a t e d  which  consonant-yod The  f or m 'k ia t u '  and  Ca3,  so  we  can  not  not.  to  is  to  rules  to  solve  those  syllabification to  as  divided  form  is  problem.  clusters  from  of  which  those  them  different  on  the  melody  or  tier,  the  disadvantages consonant-yod  dominated  by  the  of  x-slot,  a. k  i  a  t  u  b . /  \  these  sequences  same  I  i  i  I  I  I  I  I  i  I  a  n  p  a  s u  timing  as  two  weigh  we  are  which  represent  LIS  Ci 3  Therefore,  ways:  Let  the  the  two  structure.  into  monomerphemic,  in  prosodic  the  consonant-Ci3. between  'sio'  as  algorithm  make  application  this  from  this  and  k  t i er  consonant-,' i 3 c l u s t e r s  consonant-yod do  u. n d e r 1 y i n g 1 y  mel o d y  Ieave  morp h o I o g i c a11y  cyclic  advantages  (72)  t o  the  some  being  whi ch  appeal  prespecify  Perhaps  and  the  We c o u l d  the  the  but  be  structurally  (71),  c 1u s t e r s  c on son an t - C i 3 s e q u e n c e s  differentiate  destined  on  Cki-atu3,  syllabification must  in  c1usters  e.g.  newsp aper pressure"  salt  c o n s o n a n t - C i I! s e q u e n c e s will  of  it a t m o s p h e r i c  are  as  being  or  the  ap;preaches.  could  be  represented  illustrated  in  (72).  as  121  The  advantage  s t r u >:: t u r a 1 1 y assign  peak  of  this  d i st i nc t , status  disadvantages  of  to  and the  this  i n  (7 2 > be  there  no  i ndependent  of  conjoined  serve-;  that  root  function timing  of  model  the  mora  another  The to  it  underlying include  there  are  be  a  not  model  Ci]  forms  for  could  part  not  the  rule  of  an  onset  analysis in  posi t i oned  f or  the  in  a  fares  such of  there  the inventory. be  expanded  stands  the  in  number  (37.'), of  constitute structures  a  the  is  a could  lexical rule  wo u 1d  forms  And  b e;  where  again,  the  Ci] mora  rule. better  UR e i t h e r a  is  the  cluster.  such  between  The  to  disadvantage  But,  to  it  would  inventory.  environment  accommodate  sped fying i s  which  t h e; e n v i r o n rn ee n t from  as  possibility nodes,  a  that  have  would  defacto  more  Furthermore,  restructuring  a  segmental  whereas,  only.  root  t he n  s i nc e  the  analysis.  would  how  t he or y,  creating  the  c an The  First,  is  are  'k i at u ' .  the  and  forms  r u1es  reject  this  inventory  the  a  to  analysis  of  by  I  this  expansion  be;come  which  of  create;  like  al lowing  eleven,  be c a use  entai Is  tier?  structures;  A p r e s p e c i f i c a t i on It  this  two  t h e mo r a  in  is  indistinguishable does  to  is  the  twofold.  However,  segmental  created  p hono1 ogy  are  structures  significant  forms  amount  it  would  simplex  additional  not  than  complex  in  because  tier.  that  s y 11 a b i f i c a t i o n  timing  would  disadvantage  complications  Ci]  is  r e; p r e s e n t e d  nodsr.  independent  the  approach  t hi e d a t a is  approach  a  than  rime  consonant  the  or  and  a a  one mora  back  above;. over vowel  an  122  and  does  not  (73)  a.  become  b,,  non-peak and  weighed One  more  for  the  rules  x  x  x  I  I  I  I  I  n  p  a  s  u  (73b), as  the  part  such  that I  an  are  a  remains  apply  to  deletion  rule  following  t  u  /  i  a  of to  and  to  presented,  analysis  rules  post-lexical  u  /  the  assign  Both  of  is  that  is i n  to  to  (70).  forms,  is  so  The what  ordered  component.  respect  present  In  mora  a  A  rendered  prespecification with  CiJ  an  has  Berber.  disadvantage  done  the  such  analysis  inventory  this  and  s  rules  handle  palatalization.  is  a  cluster.  be  these  p  .  onset  proc ess  yod-deletion  n  /  syllable  advantages  (35)  k  equipped  consider  p a l a t a l i 2 a t i on  /  (1986)  the  clusters  a  prespecification  Guerssel's is  k  syllabification  of  theories  thing  the  x  I  in  in  x  a  the  consonant-yod  u  I  however, by  x  p i i  '/  1  l  Also, in  1  x  like  disadvantage complex;  example;  /  k  onset/rime  precedent  For  . ,1  status  analysis.  a 1t  1  i  x /  cases  Ey3.  R | x x x x x / • ki  In  a  a  be  out-  approach. to  the  rule  to  p a 1 a t a 1 i zat is  needed  (74),  after  more  a  the  is  rule  account i on a of  al lophonic:  (74)  Y o d - d e l e t i on  /I  A  3.4  S y 1 1 atai f i c a t i ci n  3.4.1  In  3.4.2  Japanese. discuss  how  the It  a  of  as  a  group,  between  applies II  and  in  The  rules at  Level  algorithm  algorithm  rules f i t s  t o  r u .1 e s ,  other  let  into  for  us  our  a3. g o r i t h m  i s  of  I I I  and-at  the  application model,  melody f or  the tier  rules  ordered  end  the  of  lexical  component  in  of  the  Level  I  always  rules  di r ec11 y  phonological end  which  phonological  the  mora  for  set  phonological  the  the  no  a  the  early  above  is  in  The  structure i nput  spec i f i c  algorithm  therefore  them.  again  component. because,  syllabification  Japanese.  redundancy  Level  a  syllabification  syllabification  applies apply  present  Before'examining.the  phonology The  I  A1 g o r i t h m  of  can  after Level  components  I. of  post-lexical is  necessary  prosodic  structure  is  the  and  structure  is  needed  e x a m p .1 e ,  this  h i gh  v o w e 1 s y n c op a t i o n .  only  124  Because  sy11 a t a i f i c a t i o n  structure means  changi ng ,  they  stipulate  can  apply  to  that  bound  roots  concatenation.  heavy  syllable  already  syllable  template su f f i xa s  Presented from  all  The  template  override  updated  the y  can  until  i ni t ia1  r u1es  below the  one  and  a  for  after  given  in  not  f o r ms.  I  would  not  want  structure.  this The with  s y l l a b i f i c a t i on of  2,5.  the  lexical  h ot Th i s  like  to  syllabified  stipulation  concatenation  t he  diagram  are  this  We d o  bui1din q,  un d e r i v e d  However,  affixes  syllable  be fo r e  structure t o  forms.  (57b).  applies  is  a p p 1y  reason  exising  and  are  is  the  rule  to  heavy the  t-  a 1 g o r i t h m.  phonology,  MORPHOLOGY LEVEL  I c o mp o undi  n oiTiinal  PHONOLOGY [ [. [  3 C+CORS] 3 [•-nas] 3 [-tap] +c c m s - t ap -nas > [--voi J + lo -hi - c cms +bc k -nas -tap > C-i-hil C - c cm s 3 > [ - bc k3 s y l 1 ~a.l g o C 7 7 ) , < 7 8 ) high vowels y n c o p a t i on (40b) rendaku C46a) v o i c i n q s p r e a d (. 47) i - e p e n t h e s i s (. 4 2 ) constraints: L y m a n ' s 1 aw (43) min word temp (67)  LEVEL  II  V^-Vaspect C o [ . .- 3 n i n a r v 3 3 r a r e 3 , v  v  v  ] t a ] 3gar ] ^ 3 r ar e 3 / 3 ev 3 n o mi n a 1 c o mp o u n d s a v 3 k a t a IM 3  w  A  A  v o i c i n g s p r e ad (4 7) i-epent hesi s (42) r/s-deletion (43) u-deletion (63) sylI-algo (77),(78)  v  v  v  constrai nts: Lyman's law (48) m i n w o r d t emp (67)  1 .ll. <~J  LEVEL  I I I  v 3anaA 3  C+nas3 > C+voi3 C-cons3 > C +cont 3 C 3 — > C-cont3 C+bck3. > C+lab 3 •nas •lab > C+ant3 C+tapj > C+ant] voicing.spread (47) r/s-deletion (43) a-delet ion (44b) i - d e l ei on (44, h e a v y s y 1.1 t e r n p ( 5 7 b ) y o d a n d e l e t i on (58a) c o mp - s p r e a d ( 5 8 b ) i-epenthesis (53) Lt-del e t i on (S3) syl1-algo (77),(78)  v3ru 3 A ! i ^3 v  3te 3 3t ar i v 3 v 3 r eb av3 v 3i oov3 ]kar D ^ J k u v 3 A -i r-. t-' v -i v 3 1 a r a.v 3 v  v  v  A  v  const r ai nt s: Lyman's law (48) ntin w o r d t e m p (67)  POST C+tap3  COMPONENT  I  C-cons3J  >  C+l o l C 3  LEXICAL  > >  C+cons]  C+voi3  C-hi3 C-lo3 >  C+bck3  allophonic rules (35), (36) y o d d e l e t i on (74) nasal a s s i m i l a t i o n (54) syl1abi f i cat i o n . a l g o r i t h m (77),  3=4.2 and  The  (78)  is  syllabification a  language  algorithm  specific  (78)  presented  version  of  the  below one  in  in  (77) 1.3.3.  The  syllabic  that  in  peak  1.3.3  glide-vowel f act,  the  in  assignment order  cooccurrence,  s y 11 a b i f i c a t i o n  formedness  conditions  structural  inventory  . In  the  rules,  matrices This  is  the  instead for  assuming  to  the  that  on  consonant-yod  of  the  be  ar e  structure from  the  arranged  convenience  features  listed  a  of  clusters.  so  t hat  and  t he  In w e 11  the  tier  are  feature  listed  in  hierarchy.  exposition.  are  on  them.  melody in  than  restrictions  d e s i g n ed  derived on  the  complex  and  r u .1 e s  being  more?  for  syllable  can  sake  OCR a r e  account  features  of  the  and  I  am  organized  h i e r a r c h i c a 11 y . Let rules  us  discuss  and  Chapter  the  One  structure  question  that  must  We e x p l a i n e d prosodic  briefly  a  mode?!  this  must  as  syllables  The for  a  liquids  general  and  has  universal  a  in  the  have? nasals  unmarked,  specific  certain  principles  onsets,  and  that  can  the? on  of  set  of  in  prosodic  parameters the  or  act  basis  domain whether  as  in  constant,  such  within  of  are  such  vowels  is  a  strategy.  algorithm,  underlying  things or  peaks.  1.3.3  as  such  positive  only  syllabic  algorithm  from  mentioned  model  s y l l a b i ficat ion  glides  this  1 earnabi1ity.  prosodic  margins  between I  syllabification  remain  generating  of  selectable  syllabification  universal,  language  1earnabi1ity.  means  be  Parameters  vowels,  relationship  conditions  evidence. whether  of  proposed  meet  that  the  proposa Each  but  maximizing high  vowels.  These are  principles  formalized  ordered rules t he  before  deal  organized.  the  MCR,  with  0 CR o r d e r e d  Creation As  I  is  claims  in  Furthermore,  to  portion In  the  any  used  claims  language's  principles,  learned  through  positive  those  (7£b)  the  building  OCP o p e r a t e s  from  those  in  rime  vowels,  of to  I  do  of  learn  the  Margin  the  is  parameters that  makes  but any  them. 1 earnabi1ity in  its  composed  strategy,  the  and  language  parameter  evidence. syllable  generate  (7Sa).  not  with  a1so  parameters,  algorithm  universal  claiming  that  not  about  syllabification  the  is  cooccurrence  to  universal  of  C+highli  algorithm  am o n l y  assuming in  be  syllabification a  1.3.3  assign  existence  likely  I  course  the  OCR  a1g or i t h m  Therefore,  not  a  then  glide-vowel  most  I  facts. is  the  must  specific  and  in  selection.  are  make  rules the  mora  general  instance,  attributes.  do  the  instance,  vowels,  evidence  incorporating specific  Japanese  way  assign  The  1.2.2,  Presumably  according  E-highH  for  the  For  what  language  entirety.  in  the  parameter  in  specific  about  and  b e t we e n.  a  mentioned  restrictions  a  i n  parameters: Rule  language  reflected  and  first  expresses  of  are  structure structures  I  am like  129  (76 >  a.  <r <r  b.  <r  J-' JI / E — c ci n s l  J-' JJ | / E —c on s 3  1  R R  R  i  i  E- cons 3  Consider syllable.  the  However,  mor p h o 1 o g i c a1 therefore do.  verb  form.  fake  real  prosodic  not  address  the  phonology  applies  places  applies  the  before  algorithm  in  to  the  the  (1986)  which  not  are  the rules  argues  that  a  on  the  positioned  form  geminate  will final  is  assume  generated.  of  whesn  not  tier  that in  conflation it  either.  application  of  the the  ons  by  and in  (76)  render  'yuu'  process same  a  of  tier  and  morpheme  after  tier-  'yuu.',  McCarthy  component,  formed  across  address  post-lexical  of  1inked  would  morphemes  real  is  structures  I  a  consists  doub1y  geminates.  question I  i s  form  sequence  OCR a s  separate  output  and  Euu3  it  the  McCarthy  into  conflation  the  This  syllabification  geminates,  boundaries,  correct  invoke  the  conflation  fuses  "say".  because  not  Therefore,  tier  Eiu-u3  concatenation,  does  disyllabic  E - cons3  the  (1986)  does  applies As  long  in as  syllabification correct  output  generated. In i.s  (77)  and  presented  (78), in  the  a  s y 1 1 a b i f i c a t i on  mora  and  a 1 g o r i t hm  onset/rime  it  models  f or  Japanese  respectively.  is  1 3 0  ">  Syllabification  algorithm  a.  -  assign  mora  1  e r ec t  Japanese  sy l i a b l e  [  Ii  —  7  Lin s y l 1 a b i f i e r i  (. tr )  C-c cms 3  [-cons 3  onset  rule  creation  Cinora)  Cu-1)  [-hi 3  [-•hi J  b .  for  (OCR)  Ci ) tr  <r  /  / C+bck3  -cons -bck  >  -c ons -bck  '  i  i  P  • I C+bck3  (i i >  / ji  1  i-cons i'  : on« #  i+bck  /  C+lo3 +bck  1  u ii  / 1  C —c o n s 3  I L+lo3  /  C +c o n s 3  Ii  C + c o n s II C - c o n s 3  1 3 . 1  d„  assiqn  mora  JJ  -i~  i -cons I -i-bck  ons  repeat r ep e a t  Cb> (c )  ass.i qn  mor a  ( M~>J>  -c o n s -bck  -c o n s -bck  repeat repeat  <b!> Cc >  weight  by  position  tr  cr  J-'  JJ  Coc3  Z61>  —  (WP)  Z+nas  JJ  zii  c«3  \  3  /  S  syllable  incorporation  JJ i Co: 3 c i . syllable  >  (<r—i — I )  Jj  1  CcLlci J  incorporation  -  2  Csr-i-2  cr  CI 3>  / JJ / j C (3 3 Z « 1  /'/ i // I' // I C53 C[3 3 Ccx3  —c o n : +hi -bck  132  (78)  Syllabification  assign  algorithm  rime  ••- 1  f! - h i J  onset  for  Japanese  ( o n s e t / r i me!)  (R--l!>  C -h i 3  creation  rule  (uCR!>  ( i !) R i •c o n s -bck  R  0 •  C+bckJ!  ! C!+bck.l  -c o n s -bck  ( i i !) R  -c ons1  -c ons +bck  #  E!+LO3  ( i i i !> R  C+consl  '  0  [+cons]  •  —  -cons +bck  >J.o3  assiqn  rime  <R-2:>  —c o n s +bck  - c oni +bck  repeac  c.b)  assiqn  rime  <R-3)  -cons -bck repeat erect  -c o n s -bck Cb) syllable  (cr)  cr 1  r i me R  i nc o r p o r a t i o n  (.R-i)  R C+na \  134  g.  onset  incorporation  0 I  0  /i  1  x i  —  1 i ->:: o n s -bck +hi  i  -c ons -bck +hi  h»  s y 11 a b 1 e  j R  0  (0-i)  i nc or por at i on  / >  Ccr - i )  I R  0  Now l e t u s l o o k a t s o m e d e r i v a t i o n s i l l u s t r a t i n g these rules. In t h e f i r s t s e t o f d e r i v a t i o n s i n (79.), t h e d a t a from (50). These w o r d s show t h e r a n g e o f bimoraic s y l 1 a b l e s / b r a n c h i ng r i mes.  (79)  a.  kai hen hakkiri obaa  b.  mora  "shell" "book" "certainly" "grandmother"  model J-  / k  a  i /'  / h  n/  / h  a  ! k  JJ  JJ  JJ  J-  I , i k a  I i o  I I a  i k  ,i  h  tr  cr  I  I  JJ  cr  o  ik  1  a  J-  i•  >h  1  n  h  i  r  i /'  JJ  . i  r  .i  b  J-  vh  1  a  P  JJ  I  k  i  r  i  P  1  cr  I P  JJ  '/ a /  1 1 / i i o b a cr  I n  / o  1  tr  1  o  I  JJ  1  l J-  1  Io , b I a  X  JJ  are  1 -~i cr  or  or  / I  OCR  /  M  k  a  7  /  or  / I  /  i  /  j  o  n  h  ! p  I a  7  /  u  1  k  a  i  r  i  p / p p i / i/  a  k  i  r  I  k  i  r  I  or  / j J / p V  [  I k  p p p  h or  0"  !  // I p  P  h  or  /  P  h  1  a  l  (T  or  or  / p p / p { h  OCR  y  i a  i i  k  / p i .i  7  r  or  /I  / p p WP  h  o  n  Or  c /  h  o  /1  // •|J  / •' p p // ' P  / JJ p o—i - 1  or  0" / i  i \  1  I a  n  K k  i i  J .i  7  r  o r - l  0"  or  or  Or  / I \  / p p /' p  / p |J . / •I  '  '  .k  a  I ]  T  Ch  I  I  o  nl  llh  a  k  I  / p  JJ  /  p p  7  •i 3  Co b  a.1  1 3 6  onset/rime  X  j  X 1  !  /k  X  <  a w  model  X  X  j  !  /h  o  R x  k •  x  a i R  n •  X  l  X  X  r  I  i /  I i  i  i /  x i  a k. 0 R  x  n  a /o  X  X  I I a  k  b  a/ R  l  i  o b a R 0 R  l  x r  y  X  X  k  X  X  x i  X  I l i  l  i \  x  I i  h  j  X  x  I!  i  X  i  h  X  X  R  o n R  o  X  R  .Ml  h  k  y% x  X  X  y iii,  x  M  a  a  X  x  i i  k  /h  M l  ) I IDL.R  n/  1  X  x  i t X  j  x  M X  y  X  I x  M l  r-.-l  X  R  ! x  X  r  l  X  X  X  I  r  X  l  l  /  I IN f i t X  I j  o  x  b  X  \  /  a  R-2  0 R R  0 R  MM  X P  .  K-o  '  X  M  X  a  X  X  X  h  a  k  I  I I I  I  I M I  I  I  I.  I  X  X  X  X  k  M  i  0  A  0 R 0  X  X  X  h  a  I I I /  OCR  I  0 R 0 R I I I I  OR  0"  X'  \\ y  J i i  k  R  (T  I I I  I: A A  0 R R  O R  o  X  X  X  .<  X  X  X  X  X* X  X  X  X  k  a  i  h  o  n  h  a  k  i  r  l  b  a  137  (T  0"  0  A A A  D  0  0  X X X I I I / R-i  h  o  Ai  n h  i  r  i  0-i  (T  AA  •  o—i  0"  A  / 0  o  I l y;  X  X  k  h  O  n  i  1 X  the  X X X  X X X  r u l e s and high  vowels.  vowels:  another  t o  Ch  o  p a r t i a l  M  r u l e s  The  d i s p l a y  prosodic  s y l l a b i c  peak.  Even  t h e  data  are  the  s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n  the  at  process  some  O  in  b  a  onset  the  same  of  for  /R1 N  i s  of  each  how  c r e a t i o n  a  of  g l i d e s for  consonant  has  the  and  an  marked  bimorphemic l e v e l s  0  p o s i t i o n s  " s a l t " i t  or  i l l u s t r a t e s  between  Ci3:  X  11 l X 1 | C o t\ a:  d i s t r i b u t i o n  range  for  the  o  ft  l .  (30)  the  d i f f e r e n t i s  r  I  ' s i o '  of  X  0"  II  k  and  form  X  x  l 0"  II  a  a  X  A A A1  c o r r e c t  s p e c i f i c a t i o n  concatenated  X  r  I  and  i n t e r v o c a l i c ,  though  X  M l  0  X  Ch  the  that  X  X X X X X X X  generate  Note  X  d e r i v a t i o n s  data  i i i  R  or  0  n J  assignment  i n i t i a l ,  vowel.  u n d e r l y i n g  J  I  of  peak  i n t e r a c t  high  a  X  0  7  k  or  A  ll  set  s y l l a b i c  0  M l Ck  next  0"  AA  0  This  or  Ac/A  1  M M X  a  7  R  S  J i .1 h  (T  0  \ \ X  i  7  O R  X  X X X a  7  as  words  a in  l e x i c o n ,  l e v e l .  None  1 3 8  of  them  have  consist  undergone  (SCO  of  morphemes  any  phonological  a.  sio syoogun oya yuki fuan wadai iwanai  b.  mora  are  changes  already after  P  i  1  o/  JJ  P  / s  i  o  JJ  \  /  g  u  n/  / o  s i  i . I tr  i I s  l  P  tr X  P  I Io  i  s  I  i  P  7  o  i  tr  I I  g  u  n  I  o  P  7  (. i .)  OCR  ( i i :>  s i  cr <r  / 'p  M  7  OCR  (.ni.)  s  1  JJ  i  o  p  tr  cr l  p  V o  Ia  l  / i  /  a  P  <r  OUR  / i  P  o  tr  P  a/  P  o  IT  i  p  I g u n  o  /  /  l  u  I  7  i  or  concatenation.  model  1 ! p-l  syllabified  "salt" military leader "parent" "snow" " i l l at ease" "topic" "say (neq)"  P  / s  which  a  u  k  i /  . 1 3 9  or  /  p  JJ  JJ  i  /  s  p-2  i  q  u  i  n  u  k  i  k  i  <r  / j /  JJ  /  s i  JJ  J-  1  1 /  o  i  i  JJ  i  q .u n  u  tr  /  OCR  C i :>  OCR  C i i :>  u  / p p /  OCR  < i i i :>  s i  |/ o  q  | u  /  OCR  (i i)  k  l  P  u  cr  <r  // Ip  pI  I  u < i ')  i  n  /  OCR  k  / p /  / i  p-3  P  k  l  140  or //  OCR  i  /f  u a n/  f u a n  jj-1  /u a d a i /  u a d a i cr  iI  i u a n a i tr I  i  i  JJ  JJ  M M  u a d a l  JJ  i u a n a i  Ci)  /  OCR C i i )  tr  tr  JJ  JJ  / i /  OCR ( i i i ! )  Ll  JJ  f  P  I I  f u a n  tr  a d a i  LI  /  M~2  JJ  i  i  I  P  f u a n  JJ  LI  / i  JJ  I  i  /  a d  I  a i  a n a i  !  / ,J  /  . l  '  u  I  /  JJ  I  7  an  U  I  / /  a l  J 'J  M  u k  / i u a n a i /  cr  I  OCR  ' JJ  M  (iii!)  or  1  1 4 . 1  (T  0"  Ii  Ii  JJ  t  J-  i  I  u  a  1  N  OCR C i ) OCR <: i i :> 0"  0"  / I I / JJ JJ OCR  Ci i i )  / f  j u  i a  n (T  (T  /I /  JJ  C i i :>  OCR  Ci i i >  c.  onset/rime  x  .A  x  . I I I , /s  i  o/  p  I  I /  I /  I  / p  / pp  i  a d  a i  I U  a n  or  <r o"  cr  o"  / Ip pI pI // Ip I ' I I . J I  P  a d  a i  i u  I  I a i  ( T O  /  /  u  OCR  JJ JJ  u  /  C i :>  /[  I  7  /  /i  /  /I  OCR  /  or  0"  /[  7  a n  -  // Ip p! I J a i  model  x  y» y- yc y; x  I I K /s  i  o  I I I q  LI  n/  y* x  x  I I I /o  l  a/  x x x x  ,1I I J /i  u  k  1/  142  R R R-l  •CR •CR  1  o  U  s  i s  < i :>  R  K X  X  i  X  K  X  o  0i  R  f  I  X  X  X  X  X  M  i  R  q u n  R  i\  1i 1 i / o  1  X • X  X  I I I  I  I  0  R  X  I  q u n  i i i o i <a  Ci i )  0  R R  X X X  OCR  s  1  o  Ci i i)  R  0  R  \  X X X X X X X  U K  R -  s  i o  LI  0  R  X  X  1  OR I  U  ( i i i )  i  i  OCR (i) OCR <: i i :>  OCR  I I I  a u n  s  i  I\  K  o  OR I I  I I I q  LI  n  k  i  X  X  i j Ll  i  k. X  143  • R  R-3  i  u k i  OCR (i > : OCR C i i > 0 R 0 R  M l ! X  M  OCR C i i i >  X  A  /t  ! 1  X  X  X  LI  a n/  X X X X X /LI  a  ci a  I /  X  X  /l  X  X  i i i i f u a n  R-l  I  LI  i  I  I  J  a d a i  X  X  X  iI  iI  iI  l  X  u a n a i / R  X X X X X  X  R X  X  X  i1 iI  jI  u a n a i  OCR <:i) 0 R X  OCR  X  M  <: i i > :  0 R X  M  X  X  ]  1  u a d a i 0 R 0 R  C i i i :>  I  I  I  I  i  I I I I I u a n a i  0 R 0 R  X X X X X •CR  X X .X X X X  J  u a d a i  II 1 I iI  iI jI u a n a l  X  i  X  M LI  X  k i  144  P. R  I I  X X X X  M i l R-2  t  OCR  Ci  OCR  Cii >  u  a  n  0 R R  1 j I X X X X  I I I I OCR  Ci i i >  T u  a  n  0 R 0 R R  R  0 P O R R  X X X X X  X  X  u. a OCR  Ci)  OCR  Ci i)  OCR  Ci i i)  d  a  i  II  X  M  X  X  i u a n a i  X  M  145  NOTES  FOR C H A P T E R  THREE  Note that in the f o r m a l i z a t i o n of t h i s process, the s u p r a l a r y n g e a l node of t h e margin nasal i s d e l e t e d so t h a t the manner and p l a c e s p e c i f i c a t i o n s a r e d e r i v e d f r o m t h e adjacent segment. The n a s a l a l s o d e r i v e s i t s consonantality specifications from the adjacent segment. But, the feature [consonantal 1 i s not a daughter of the supralaryngeal node. Therefore, the rule should delete t h i s f e a t u r e as w e l l . Becaiuse [ c o n s o n a n t a l 1 i s g r o u p i n g w i t h t h e p l a c e and manner features, t h i s process argues that,perhaps they ought to form a constituent in the feature hierarchy. 1  In Lowenstamm and Kaye ( 1 9 8 S ) ' s p r o s o d i c m o d e l , a n u c l e u s and a coda c o n s t i t u e n t do e x i s t . In the template, the second member o f a b r a n c h i n g r i m e i s u n s p e c i f i e d , b u t i t is later s p e c i f i e d by t h e s p r e a d i n g p r o c e s s e s . Gemination produces a coda and c o m p e n s a t o r y l e n g t h e n i n g p r o d u c e s a n u c l e u s . I r e j e c t t h i s approach because a r i m e node d o m i n a t i n g two nucleus nodes i s i l l - f o r m e d . A l o n g vowel i s d o m i n a t e d by a branching nucleus, not a branching rime. If the analysis were a l t e r e d so t h a t c o m p e n s a t o r y l e n g t h e n i n g i s a c c o m p a n i e d by a change in the prosodic t r e e , t h i s would undermine the claim that the branching rime template unfies the processes of g e m i n a t i o n and c o m p e n s a t o r y lengthening. 3 1  146  CONCLUSION  There first  are  area  structure  three of  main  concern  and  areas is  of  the  syllabicity.  concern  this  thesis.  of  prosodic  representation We h a v e  proposed  a  strategy  which  universal,  unmarked  syllabification  compatible  with  following  the  in  model  The  for  a  is  assumptions:  (SI)  The  a.  No p r e d i c t a b l e p r o s o d i c s t r u c t u r e i s p r e s e n t in the underlying representation. The distribution o f g l i d e s i n most c a s e s i s predictable.  b.  P r o s o d i c s t r u c t u r e i s b u i l t by e r e c t e d around a s y l l a b i c peak d e t e r m i n e d by t h e r e l a t i v e s o n and not by a f e a t u r e [syllabic  second  area  of  syllable  structure,  The  theory  mora  distinctions, proposed which model: is  a  the  type to  heavy  for I  mora  chiefly  which  accounts  and  the  are  parameter  adequate  light  is  concern  syllables.  and  the  to  the  in  onset/rime  model.  language Other  of  as  for  models  of  model.  weight  languages.  We  have  representation well  as  Therefore, which  two  onset/rime  account  employed  distinctions  onset/rime a  comparison  model  widely  weight  a  designed  within  describe  is  r u l e and is which is ority of segments ].  the  either  distinguishes  differences  between  mora model between the  two  147  models  such  as  constituent, ev i denc e The  language  area  for  a  processes  and  language's we  dependent  t heor y.  considered  as on  we  on  have  and  the  a d eq ua c y  onset of  decisive  proposed  universal  is  the  mora  of only  is  be; a n  provides  o f  t he  a  a  ideal good  o n s e t / r i me  the  testing m o d e .1 .  phonological  syllabification  sy11abification  represent  the  the  the  strategy  processes  algorithms  the  onset/rime empirical  model.  adoption  distinction  worthy  that  capturing  the  to  of  can  in  in the  generate  the  structure.  shown  the  can  structure  it  analysed  syllabification  of  syllable  representation,  both  parameterization a  an lack  is  models  have  means  remain  the  Japanese  Both  parameterization  syllable  to  the  prosodic  capable  no  due  of  is  des cr i pt i ve  based  phonology  by  absence  concern  Japanese  one.  Japanese  of  models,  of  algorithm,  Thus,  or  addressed  mora  t he  both  chapter  not  Because  f or  Using  presence  f r om J a p a n e s e .  Japanese.  well  is  third  gr ound  the  of  This  the  language  represented necessary  competitor  of  I/Type  model.  which by  for  the  the  mora  equally  Type  the I  crucially  Japanese  in  is  light/heavy  model,  onset/rime model  is  of  II  Since  employs a  is  generalizations  conclusion  Type  onset/rime  model  this  model  to  phonological  148  REFERENCES Archangeli,  Diana (1984) U n d e r s p e c i f i c a t i o n in Yawelmani P h o n o 1 oq y a n d Mo r p h o 1 o q y , unputa 1 i s h e d d o c t o r a 1 dissertation, MIT.  Archangel!,  Diana (1988) T h e o r y " , ms,  Archangel!,  D i a n a and D o u g l a s P u l l e y b l a n k and S t r u c t u r e of P h o n o l o g i c a l ms, U n i v e r s i t y o f A r i z o n a and  Archangel!,  D i a n a and Harmony",  Chomsky,  "Aspects of Underspend f i c a t University of Arizona.  (1986) "The Content Representations", USC.  Douglas Pulleyblank (1987) "Yoruba ms, U n i v e r s i t y o f A r i z o n a a n d USC.  N o a m ( 1 9 8 1 ) L e c t u r e s o n C o v e r n men t P u b 1 i c a t i o n s : Dor d r ec h t .  Clements,  ion  and  Vowel  Binding,  G.N. (1985) "The Geometry of P h o n o l o g i c a l Phono1oqy Year book 2, 225-252.  For i s  Features",  (1987) "Phonological Feature Representation and t h e D e s c r i p t i o n o f I n t r u s i v e S t o p s " , i n Anna Bosch, B a r b a r a Need and E r i c S c h i l l e r , eds., Papers from the 23rd Annual Regional Meeting of the Chicago L i n g u i s t i c S o c i e t y , P a r t Two : P a r a s e s s i o n on A u t o s e q m e n t a l and M e t r i c a l Phonology.  Clements,  Fukui,  MIT  Naoki (1986) "Leftward Spread; Compensatory Lengthening a n d G e m i n a t i o n i n J a p a n e s e " , L_I_ 1 7 , 359-363.  Grignon,  Guerssel,  Hankamer  Hayes,  G.N. and Samuel Keyser ( 1 9 8 3 ) - CV P h o n o l o g y , Press, Cambridge, Mass.  A n n e - M a r i e (1985) P h o n o l o g i e Lex i c a l e Tr i P i m e n s i o n e l 1 e d u J a p o n a i s , u n p u b l i s h e d d o c t o r a .1 dissertation, U n i v e r s i t e de M o n t r e a l . Mohamed ( 1 9 8 6 ) L I 17, 1-12.  "Glides  in  Berber  and  Syllabicity",  I and A i s s e n (1974) "The S o n o r i t y H i e r a r c h y " , from Chicago L i n g u i s t i c s Society Conference P a r a s e s s i o n on N a t u r a l Phonolgy.  Bruce (1987) "Compensatory Lengthening Phonology", original ms, UCLA.  in  in  Moraic  Papers  149  C198S) " C o m p e n s a t o r y Ph o n o l o g y " , m s , U C L A . Hinds,  John  Hyman,  Larry (1985) A The or y o f Publications. Dor d r ec h t .  Ito,  (1986)  Japanese,  Croom  Lengthening  Helm:  in  Morale  London.  Ph o n o 1 o q i c a1  Wei q h t ,  For i s  J u n k o and R.A. Mester (1986) "The Phonology o f V o i c i n g Japanese, T h e o r e t i c a l Consequences of Morphological Accessibility", LJ 17, 4 9 - 7 3 . ,  Kaisse,  E l l e n M. a n d P a t r i c i a A . S h a w L e x i c a 1 P h o n o 1 o g y " , Phono.1 oq y  (1985) "Dn t h e T h e o r y Year boo k 2, 1-30.  in  of  Kaye,  J o n a t h a n D. a n d J e a n L o w e n s t a m m ( 1 9 8 2 ) "Syllable S t r u c t u r e and Markedness T h e o r y " , in B e l l e t t i , Brandi and R i z z i , e d s . , T h e o r y o f Markedness i n Generative G r a m m a r , P r o c e e d i n g s o f t h e 1 9 7 9 GLOW c o n f e r e n c e , Scuola Normale Superiore, Pisa.  Kaye,  J o n a t h a n D., Jean Lowenstamm and Jean-Roger Vergnaud (1937) " C o n s t i t u e n t S t r u c t u r e and Government in P h o n o l o g y " , , ms, U n i v e r s i t e du Quebec a M o n t r e a l .  Kiparsky,  Paul (1979) "Metrical Structure Cyclic", LJ. 1 0 , 421-442.  Assignment  is  — : —  ' (1982a) "From C y c l i c Phonology t o lexical Phonology", i n Van d e r H u l s t and S m i t h , eds., The S t r u c t u r e o f P h o n o l o g i c a l Representations, . vol 1, F o r i s P u b l i c a t i o n s : Dordrecht. (1982b) " L e x i c a1 Mor p h o l o g y a n d Ph o n o l o g y " , I.S. Yang, e d . , L i n g u i s t i c s i n the Morning Calm, Hanshin Seoul, 3—91.  Levin,  J u 1 1 i e 11 e ( 1 9 8 5 ) A M e t r i c a l T h e o r y unpublished doctoral dissertation,  Lowenstamm,  McCarthy,  in  of Syllabicity, MIT.  J e a n a n d J o n a t h a n D. K a y e ( 1 9 8 6 ) "Compensatory Lengthening i n T i b e r i a n Hebrew: Theoretical Implications", i n W e t z e l s and S e z e r , eds., S t u d i e s i n Compensatory L e n g t h e n i n g , For i s Publications: Dordrecht.  John (1979) Mor p h o l o g y ,  Formal Problems in Semitic Phonology and unpublished doctoral dissertation, MIT.  150  (1986) "0CP A n t i gerni n a t i on " ,  Effeets: Gemination L_I_ 1 7 , 207-263.  and  McCarthy,  John and A l a n P r i n c e ( 1 9 8 6 ) , "Prosodic Morphology", ms, U n i v e r s i t y o f M a s s a c h u s e t t s and B r a n d e i s University.  McCawley,  J a m e s D. ( 1 9 6 8 ) The P h o n o 1 o q i c a 1 Component a Grammar o f J a p a n e s e , M o u t o n , t h e H a g u e .  Mohan a n ,  Nakata,  K.P. ( 1 9 8 2 ) L e xic a1 d i s ser t at i on , MIT. Masahiko master's  Ph o n o I o q v ,  (1986) "Verbal thesis, UBC.  unpublished  Compounds  in  of  d oc t o r a1  Japanese",  Paradis,  Johanne (1986) Lengthening in T e m p l a t e " , ms,  " G e m i n a t i o n and Compensatory Japanese: Evidence for a Prosodic UBC.  Paradis,  Johanne  "Glides  Piggott,  G.L. (1988a) presented at  McGill Poser,  (1987)  Sagey,  Japanese",  "On t h e R e p r e s e n t a t i o n N o r t h West L i n g u i s t i c s  (1988b) "The University.  Parameters  of  ms,  UBC.  of Voicing", paper Conference, UBC.  Nasalization",  W i l l i a m (1986) " J a p a n e s e E v i d e n c e B e a r i n g on t h e Compensatory Lengthening Controversy", in Wetzels Sezer, eds., Studies in Compensatory Lengthening, Publications: Dordrecht. (1988) Lengthening in  Ross,  in  ms,  and Foris  " G l i d e F o r m a t i o n and Compensatory J a p a n e s e " , L_I_ 1 9 , 494-503.  M a r t i n John E l r o y (1985) "Japanese Morphology", master's thesis, UBC.  Lexical  Phonology  and  Elizabeth (1986) The R e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f F e a t u r e s and R e l a t i ons i n N o n - 1 i near P h o n o l o q y , u n p u b 1 i shed doc t or a l dissertation, MIT.  Shaw,  P a t r i c i a A. (1985) "The Role of Prosodic S t r u c t u r e R e d u p l i c a t i o n " , p a p e r p r e s e n t e d . a t CLA c o n f e r e n c e .  in  Soga,  M a t s u o a n d N o r i k o Mat s u m o t o ( 1 9 7 8 ) F o u n d a t i o n s o f Jap a nese Lang uaq e, T a i s h u k a n P u b l i s h i n g c o . , T o k y o . .  151  Ster i ade,  Done a (.1982) G r e e k P r o s o d i e s a n d t h e N a t u r e of S y l 1 a b i f i c a t i on Proc e s s e s , u n p u b l i s h e d doctoral dissertation, MIT.  Steriade,  Donea (1387) "Redundant Values", i n Anna Bosch, B a r b a r a Need and E r i c S c h i l l e r , in Papers from the 23rd Annual Regional Meeting of the Chicago L i n g u i s t i c S o c i e t y P a r t Two: P a r a s e s s i o n on A u t o s e q m e n t a l and M e t r i c a l Phonology.  Zubizaretta,  Maria (1382) "The Formal Interaction of Harmony and A c c e n t : The Tone P a t t e r n of. J a p a n e s e " , in H a r r y van der H u l s t and N e r v a l Smith e d s . , The S t r u c t u r e of Phonological Representations, Part II, For i s P u b 1 i c a t i ons: Dordrecht.  


Citation Scheme:


Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics



Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            async >
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:


Related Items