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Geographies of the lower Skeena, 1830-1920 Clayton, Daniel Wright 1989

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GEOGRAPHIES OF THE LOWER SKEENA, 1830-1920 By D a n i e l Wright C l a y t o n B.A., The U n i v e r s i t y of Cambridge, 1986 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Geography) We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October 1989 © D a n i e l Wright C l a y t o n , 1989 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of ££o<3 g A f-H/ The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date QcJ-^,^ fx, If?^-DE-6 (2/88) ABSTRACT T h i s study generates a number of g e o g r a p h i c a l ideas and methods f o r a n a l y s i n g north c o a s t a l B r i t i s h Columbia, attempting to show how and why h i s t o r i c a l geography i s a v a l u a b l e mode of i n q u i r y . During the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y the human geography of the lower Skeena r e g i o n was a l t e r e d by three i n f l u e n t i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s : the Hudson's Bay Company (HBC), the C h r i s t i a n Church, and the government. Three s e t t l e m e n t s were c r e a t e d , w i t h i n easy access of one another by water. The HBC e s t a b l i s h e d a fur trade post ( F o r t Simpson), the A n g l i c a n Church c r e a t e d a m i s s i o n a r y s i t e ( M e t l a k a t l a ) , and government laws and o f f i c i a l s r e g u l a t e d a salmon canning town (Port E s s i n g t o n ) . A l l three s e t t l e m e n t s brought the Coast Tsimshian i n t o s u s t a i n e d c o n t a c t with 'whites'; HBC t r a d e r s , m i s s i o n a r i e s , and government o f f i c e r s had important impacts on a b o r i g i n a l economies and s o c i e t i e s . These i n s t i t u t i o n s comprised a d i s c u r s i v e t r i a d t h a t r o t a t e d around commercial monopoly, e v a n g e l i c a l - h u m a n i t a r i a n i s m , and p r o p e r t y - c o n t r a c t laws. However, the three s e t t l e m e n t s d i d not simply r e f l e c t these i n s t i t u t i o n s , but i n p a r t they c o n s t i t u t e d t h e i r underpinning d i s c o u r s e s . P o r t E s s i n g t o n , the most complex of these s e t t l e m e n t s , was e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1871 as a trade s e t t l e m e n t , but from the 1880s i t s economy was dominated by the salmon canning i n d u s t r y . Two c a n n e r i e s were b u i l t i n the town 1883; another i n 1899. From the 1880s u n t i l the 1920s, Port E s s i n g t o n was the canning c e n t r e of the lower Skeena, and was the c h i e f p o r t and commercial c e n t r e i n the r e g i o n . U n t i l the 1890s, V i c t o r i a merchants extended c r e d i t to Port E s s i n g t o n ' s canners and t r a d e r s . But by 1902, the town's three c a n n e r i e s were owned and run by Vancouver-based companies. Port E s s i n g t o n ' s c a n n e r i e s produced f o r an i n t e r n a t i o n a l salmon market and were i m p l i c a t e d i n i n t e r n a t i o n a l c i r c u i t s of f i n a n c i a l and i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l . The c a n n e r i e s brought Chinese, Japanese, 'whites', and Coast Tsimshian to Port E s s i n g t o n , g i v i n g the town the l a r g e s t and most d i v e r s e p o p u l a t i o n i n the r e g i o n . P o r t E s s i n g t o n harboured many forms of c u l t u r a l e x p r e s s i o n . From 1893, p r o v i n c i a l p o l i c e c o n s t a b l e s monitored s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s w i t h i n and between these c u l t u r a l groups, and c o l l e c t e d taxes. I t i s claimed t h a t P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s changing economic, c u l t u r a l , and p o l i t i c a l make-up c h a r a c t e r i s e the making of modern B r i t i s h Columbia. i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT i i TABLE OF CONTENTS i v LIST OF TABLES v i LIST OF FIGURES v i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENT v i i i INTRODUCTION . 1 PART I: ON THE MAKING OF PLACES: COMPANY, CHURCH AND GOVERNMENT IN THE LOWER SKEENA REGION DURING THE NINETEENTH CENTURY I n t r o d u c t i o n 6 F o r t Simpson: Company Monopoly on the c o a s t . . . . 7 M e t l a k a t l a : C h r i s t i a n i t y and the humanitarian n a r r a t i v e 25 Port E s s i n g t o n : p r o p e r t y , commerce, and government 48 End remarks on the Skeena r e g i o n 66 PART I I : PORT ESSINGTON, 1871-1920: A MINIATURE BRITISH COLUMBIA I n t r o d u c t i o n 71 1. Robert Cunningham and the V i c t o r i a business community 72 2. Port E s s i n g t o n and the salmon canning i n d u s t r y . 89 3. Diagramming a salmon canning town 137 Co n c l u s i o n 173 CONCLUSION: PORT ESSINGTON AS HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY 175 NOTES AND REFERENCES 180 BIBLIOGRAPHY 220 Appendix 1 228 Appendix 2 233 i v Appendix 3 235 Appendix 4 . . . . . . 243 Appendix 5 253 Appendix 6 256 Map 1 260 Map 2 261 Map 3 262 Map 4 264 v LIST OP TABLES TABLE 1 • . 80 (a) T o t a l C r e d i t s and Debits ($), Cunningham and Hankin Account, J u l y 1871 - Sept. 1874. (b) Itemised C r e d i t s and Debits ($), Cunningham Account, 1878 and 1879. (c) Itemised C r e d i t s and Debits ($), Hankin Account, March - Oct. 1878, March - Nov. 1879. TABLE 2 83 Proceeds ($) from the exchange and s a l e of f u r s and gold dust, Jan. 1872 - Sept. 1874, 1878 and 1879. v i LIST OF FIGURES Appendix 1: Port E s s i n g t o n : P o p u l a t i o n Estimates 1881-1920 228 Appendix 2: Goods with a t o t a l value of over $1,000 purchased by Robert Cunningham and Thomas Hankin from merchants i n V i c t o r i a , Jan. 1, 1872 -Aug. 31, 1874 233 Appendix 3: Summary of C a p i t a l and Shares of B.C. Packers A s s o c i a t i o n , 12 Sept., 1904. . 235 Appendix 4: Estimates of the aggregate d i s t r i b u t i o n of B r i t i s h Columbia's salmon pack by number of cases 243 Appendix 5: T o t a l pack of sockeye and other s p e c i e s of salmon by number of cases f o r the Skeena r i v e r , 1900-1920 253 Appendix 6: Canning s t a t i s t i c s f o r the B.A. Cannery Port E s s i n g t o n , 1906-1920 256 Map 1: HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY FORTS: 1825-1850 . . . 260 Map 2: PRE-EMPTIONS AND "INDIAN RESERVES" IN THE LOWER SKEENA REGION, ca. 1900 261 Map 3: LOCATION OF CANNERIES IN THE LOWER SKEENA REGION 262 Map 4: PORT ESSINGTON, c a. 1915 264 v i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I would l i k e to thank Ken Campbell, Becky E l m h i r s t , Bob G a l o i s , Ed Higginbottom, Richard Mackie, Andrew and Janine Stevenson f o r h e l p i n g me with t h i s study. I wish to express profound g r a t i t u d e to Derek Gregory and Cole H a r r i s , who have taught me the p o l i t i c a l and p r a c t i c a l purpose of a g e o g r a p h i c a l i m a g i n a t i o n . v i i i INTRODUCTION T h i s two-part study c o n s i d e r s the n i n e t e e n t h and e a r l y t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y human geography o£ the lower Skeena r e g i o n -the i n t r i c a t e c o a s t a l area from the mouth of the Skeena to the Nass r i v e r . I t i s , c o n c u r r e n t l y , e m p i r i c a l , m e t h o d o l o g i c a l and t h e o r e t i c a l . P a r t I a nalyses the i d e o l o g i c a l topographies of the r e g i o n ' s three l a r g e s t n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y s e t t l e m e n t s - F o r t Simpson, M e t l a k a t l a , and P o r t E s s i n g t o n . I t d i s c u s s e s how and why they were e s t a b l i s h e d , and the s e r i e s of c u l t u r a l d i s c o u r s e s a s s o c i a t e d with them. They were e i t h e r c r e a t e d or supported by B r i t i s h Columbia's most important n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y i n s t i t u t i o n s : the Hudson's Bay Company (HBC), the C h r i s t i a n church, and the government. They each brought the Coast Tsimshian (the r e g i o n ' s a b o r i g i n a l p o p u l a t i o n ) i n t o d a i l y c o n t a c t with n o n - a b o r i g i n a l groups, and each presented a d i f f e r e n t face of modernisation. Part II focuses on P o r t E s s i n g t o n - the most complex of the three s e t t l e m e n t s . I t was e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1871 by the I r i s h t r a d e r , Robert Cunningham, on a narrow s t r i p of land around a rocky p o i n t t h a t had p r e v i o u s l y been an autumn camping ground f o r Coast Tsimshian groups. From 1883 i t was a salmon canning town. By 1900 i t had the l a r g e s t and most d i v e r s e p o p u l a t i o n i n the r e g i o n . During the summer, Chinese, Japanese, "white," and a b o r i g i n a l peoples congregated to work in the town's three c a n n e r i e s , and d u r i n g the winter there was 1 a r e s i d e n t "white" and Coast Tsimshian p o p u l a t i o n of over 2 0 0 . In p a r t I, P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s i n s t i t u t i o n a l complexion i s c o n t r a s t e d with t h a t of F o r t Simpson and M e t l a k a t l a , and i n p a r t II the town's changing economic and s o c i a l make-up i s c o n s i d e r e d i n r e l a t i o n to the c o a s t a l economy of the lower Skeena r i v e r and B r i t i s h Columbia. P a r t s I and II deploy d i f f e r e n t t e x t u a l s t r a t e g i e s . P a r t II i s more e m p i r i c a l l y i n t r o s p e c t i v e than p a r t I; p a r t I i s w r i t t e n with a more n a r r a t i v e s t y l e than p a r t I I . Both approaches are, i n p a r t , responses to s e r i o u s m ethodological problems. One of the o r i g i n a l aims of t h i s study was to d e s c r i b e Coast Tsimshian r e a c t i o n s to these n o n - a b o r i g i n a l groups, and Chinese and Japanese p e r c e p t i o n s of each other, t h e i r "white" and a b o r i g i n a l neighbours, and the North Coast. A l l Northwest Coast a b o r i g i n a l groups had o r a l c u l t u r e s and the Coast Tsimshian l e f t no w r i t t e n n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y accounts. T h e i r c o n t a c t experiences have always been r e c o n s t i t u t e d by o t h e r s : i n f u r trade j o u r n a l s , m i s s i o n a r y t e x t s , and the r e p o r t s of government o f f i c i a l s . These documents d i s c u s s a b o r i g i n a l s o c i e t i e s , but cannot be t r e a t e d at face v a l u e . They do not r e c o r d " f a c t s " so much as a s e r i e s of c u l t u r a l codes t h a t themselves have to be i n t e r p r e t e d before the Coast Tsimshian can be approached. I t i s e q u a l l y d i f f i c u l t to a p p r a i s e the Chinese and Japanese cannery workers, who l e f t few w r i t t e n r e c o r d s , and those few i n Chinese of Japanese. 2 There i s remarkably l i t t l e i n f o r m a t i o n , of any k i n d , about Por t E s s i n g t o n i t s e l f . The town had s t o r e s , bars, r e s t a u r a n t s , churches, s c h o o l s , and an a c t i v e s e t of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l c l u b s . D i a r i e s , l e d g e r s , and account books were no doubt kept, but no longer e x i s t . L i k e many towns i n B r i t i s h Columbia, Por t E s s i n g t o n was swept, p e r i o d i c a l l y , by f i r e s . The two l a r g e s t - i n 1899 and 1909 - destroyed n e a r l y the whole town, and most of i t s w r i t t e n r e c o r d s . There i s an abundance of aggregate canning data, but v e r y l i t t l e t h a t p e r t a i n s to Port E s s i n g t o n ' s three c a n n e r i e s . Government re c o r d c o l l e c t i o n s y i e l d v a l u a b l e i n f o r m a t i o n about p l a c e s l i k e P o r t E s s i n g t o n , but u s u a l l y c o n t a i n o n l y the l e t t e r s r e c e i v e d by o f f i c i a l s i n V i c t o r i a , making i t e x c e e d i n g l y d i f f i c u l t to work out when, how, or i f government p o l i c i e s were implemented. The s o c i a l world of P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s "white" business e l i t e can be p a r t i a l l y d i s c e r n e d from the town newspapers p u b l i s h e d i n t e r m i t t e n t l y from 1904 to 1909, but i t i s d i f f i c u l t to a s c e r t a i n t h e i r a t t i t u d e s towards the other groups i n the town. The Sun f one of P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s newspapers, d i d not welcome the Japanese, but i t i s d i f f i c u l t to t e l l whether t h i s was the p e r s o n a l view of i t s e d i t o r or the g e n e r a l f e e l i n g of the "white" p o p u l a t i o n ; the town's a b o r i g i n a l s and Chinese were seldom d i s c u s s e d by any newspaper. No people who l i v e d and worked i n the town before World War I are s t i l l a l i v e to i n t e r v i e w . Such problems are not c o n f i n e d to Port E s s i n g t o n and the 3 lower Skeena r e g i o n , but a p p l y to much of n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y B r i t i s h Columbia. The p r o v i n c e ' s past i s known i n o u t l i n e , but most s c h o l a r l y work remains e m p i r i c a l l y c a u t i o u s and c i r c u m s c r i b e d by the d e f i c i e n c i e s i n the h i s t o r i c a l r e c o r d . T h i s study should be read with the above problems and those of the lower Skeena r e g i o n i n mind. L i t t l e has been w r i t t e n about the r e g i o n while Port E s s i n g t o n has not been analysed b e f o r e . Yet town and r e g i o n were p a r t s of a modernising world, and may be i n t e r p r e t e d as such. The methodological arguments i n t h i s study, then, attempt to take-stock of some of the ideas i n European s o c i a l and c r i t i c a l t h e o r i e s of modernisation, to develop them from a g e o g r a p h i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e , and to tease out t h e i r i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the study of the lower Skeena r e g i o n and, more g e n e r a l l y , n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y B r i t i s h Columbia. Part I does not analyse Coast Tsimshian groups per se, but c o n s i d e r s the ways they were c o n s t i t u t e d as o b j e c t s of knowledge. I t develops a methodology f o r r e c o n s t r u c t i n g the past by working from w i t h i n h i s t o r i c a l documents to d e l i n e a t e the geographies t h a t t h e i r composers were p a r t of, and to show how these geographies shaped the ideas t h a t the documents expressed. I t attempts to show t h a t F o r t Simpson, M e t l a k a t l a and Port E s s i n g t o n d i d not simply r e f l e c t the ideas t h a t c r e a t e d them, but played a c o n s t i t u t i v e r o l e i n the way such ideas were fa s h i o n e d . Because Port E s s i n g t o n ' s i n t e r n a l geography i s d i f f i c u l t 4 to r e c o n s t r u c t , p a r t II mostly d i s c u s s e s the s e t s of r e l a t i o n s t h a t r e v o l v e d around the town. But one of the main p o i n t s i s to show how the seemingly impenetrable t r a c e s of B r i t i s h Columbia's past can be i l l u m i n a t e d from a g e o g r a p h i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e . P o r t E s s i n g t o n has been r e c o n s t r u c t e d at a number of g e o g r a p h i c a l s c a l e s . T h i s methodology i s used to show t h a t p l a c e s l i k e P o r t E s s i n g t o n were not "marginal" to " c e n t r e s " of economic and p o l i t i c a l power, but were i n t r i n s i c p a r t s of t h e i r make-up. P a r t s I and II are l i n k e d by the t h e o r e t i c a l premise t h a t human a c t i v i t y cannot be s t u d i e d a p a r t from the s e r i e s of geographies t h a t I t c r e a t e s and w i t h i n which i t u n f o l d s , and the methodological premise t h a t h i s t o r i c a l geography can be conceived i n a v a r i e t y of ways. The s u b s t a n t i v e theme u n i t i n g t h i s study i s that Port E s s i n g t o n ' s d i f f e r e n t geographies c h a r a c t e r i s e the making of many aspects of B r i t i s h Columbia's t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y economy and s o c i e t y . 5 PART I ON THE MAKING OF PLACES: COMPANY, CHURCH, AND GOVERNMENT IN THE LOWER SKEENA REGION DURING THE NINETEENTH CENTURY I n t r o d u c t i o n . In t h i s chapter I seek to d e s c r i b e how the human geography of the lower Skeena r e g i o n d u r i n g the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y was shaped by a s e r i e s of i n s t i t u t i o n s and t h e i r a s s o c i a t e d d i s c o u r s e s . In 1900, the r e g i o n ' s p o p u l a t i o n comprised B r i t i s h Columbian, Canadian, Chinese, European, Japanese, Tsimshian, and other a b o r i g i n a l peoples. (1) Most networks of i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h i n and between these groups were touched by some combination of the HBC - through i t s t r a d e r s and o f f i c i a l s ; the C h r i s t i a n church - through the dramatis personae of i t s v a r i o u s denominations; and c o l o n i a l , and l a t e r p r o v i n c i a l and dominion governments - through t h e i r laws, and law e n f o r c e r s . The p r a c t i c e s marking these i n s t i t u t i o n s fed i n t o - and i n p a r t c o n s t i t u t e d - a d i s c u r s i v e t r i a d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of B r i t i s h dominion i n the c o r d i l l e r a d u r i n g the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . The axes of t h i s t r i a d , I w i l l suggest, r o t a t e d around commercial monopoly, e v a n g e l i c a l - h u m a n i t a r i a n i s m , and p r o p e r t y and c o n t r a c t laws. In B r i t i s h Columbia, these i n s t i t u t i o n s and d i s c o u r s e s were composed i n - and i n p a r t d e f i n e d by - a s e r i e s of geographies. These c o u l d be d e s c r i b e d i n a number of d i f f e r e n t ways. Here I w i l l focus on j u s t one mode of 6 c o m p o s i t i o n / d e f i n i t i o n : how the three l a r g e s t s e t t l e m e n t s i n the lower Skeena r e g i o n - F o r t Simpson, M e t l a k a t l a and P o r t E s s i n g t o n - represented the Company, church, and s t a t e , and the ways i n which these s e t t l e m e n t s were c o n s t i t u t e d as s e t t i n g s f o r t r a d e , o b s e r v a t i o n , and moral and p o l i t i c a l s u p e r v i s i o n . At another l e v e l i s the q u e s t i o n of the p l a c e , a c t u a l or p e r c e i v e d , of d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r a l and n a t i o n a l groups i n the geographies I seek to d e s c r i b e . How d i d they r e a c t t o , accommodate or r e s i s t the p r e v a i l i n g d i s c o u r s e s i n the lower Skeena reg i o n ? How d i d they handle a l i e n m a t e r i a l s and symbols i n t h e i r own c u l t u r a l ways? These matters are e x c e e d i n g l y d i f f i c u l t to r e c o n s t r u c t , and i n l i g h t of the methodological problems r a i s e d i n the i n t r o d u c t i o n , a l l I o f f e r here i s a s e t of s p e c u l a t i v e remarks, o f t e n i n the i n t e r s t i c e s of the argument. F o r t Simpson: Company monopoly on the c o a s t . Upon i t s merger with the North-West Company in 1821, the HBC was granted a trade monopoly west of the Rockies. Yet i t was not without c o m p e t i t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y on the c o a s t . American (mainly Boston) and Russian merchants had traded with a b o r i g i n a l groups f o r sea o t t e r p e l t s from the l a t e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y , and as such p e l t s became expensive and s c a r c e i n the e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h they a l s o traded f o r land-based f u r s . Coast Tsimshian groups b a r t e r e d American and Russian trade goods f o r 7 f u r s h u n t e d b y i n t e r i o r b a n d s , a n d b r o u g h t t h e m d o w n t h e S k e e n a a n d N a s s r i v e r s t o A m e r i c a n v e s s e l s o n t h e c o a s t a n d t r a d e p o s t s i n R u s s i a n A m e r i c a ( n o w A l a s k a ) . ( 2 ) I n a n a t t e m p t t o e l i m i n a t e t h i s c o m p e t i t i o n , a n d t o m o n i t o r t h e R u s s i a n - B r i t i s h b o r d e r i n t h e n o r t h , t h e H B C e s t a b l i s h e d F o r t S i m p s o n a t t h e m o u t h o f P o r t l a n d C a n a l i n 1 8 3 4 ( m a p 1 ) . G e o r g e S i m p s o n a n d J o h n M c L o u g h l i n - t h e H B C ' s t w o m o s t s e n i o r o f f i c i a l s o n t h e P a c i f i c c o a s t - t h o u g h t t h e n e w s i t e w o u l d e n t i c e a b o r i g i n a l f u r t r a d e r s a w a y f r o m A m e r i c a n v e s s e l s . T h e y a l s o w i s h e d t o s u p p l e m e n t t h e H B C ' s r o u t e t o t h e c o a s t v i a t h e C o l u m b i a r i v e r b y d e v e l o p i n g a c o m m u n i c a t i o n l i n e f r o m t h e f o r t , u p t h e N a s s r i v e r , t o t h e i n t e r i o r . F o r t S i m p s o n , a n d t h e t w o o t h e r f o r t s e s t a b l i s h e d a s p a r t o f t h i s c o a s t a l p l a n - F o r t L a n g l e y o n t h e l o w e r F r a s e r r i v e r ( 1 8 2 7 ) a n d F o r t M c L o u g h l i n o n M i l b a n k S o u n d ( 1 8 3 3 ) - w e r e i n i t i a l l y s u p p l i e d b y t h e H B C s c h o o n e r Cadboro, a c q u i r e d i n 1 8 2 7 , a n d a f t e r 1 8 3 5 b y i t s s t e a m s h i p B e a v e r . T h e s e v e s s e l s w e r e a l s o f l o a t i n g t r a d e s t a t i o n s , b e i n g d i s p a t c h e d w i t h a r m s , a l c o h o l a n d o t h e r g o o d s t o a r e a s w h e r e A m e r i c a n s h i p s h a d b e e n s i g h t e d . (3) C o n t e m p o r a r y c r i t i c s a n d l a t t e r f u r t r a d e s c h o l a r s c l a i m t h a t b y t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y m o s t a b o r i g i n a l g r o u p s e n g a g e d i n t h e f u r t r a d e a c r o s s C a n a d a h a d b e c o m e d e p e n d e n t o n t h e H B C t r a d e a n d i t s g o o d s . (4) T h e s e g e n e r a l i s a t i o n s p e r h a p s a d e q u a t e l y d e s c r i b e t h e f u r t r a d e e a s t o f t h e R o c k i e s , b u t t h e H B C ' s t r a d e i n New C a l e d o n i a - t h e i r v a g u e l y d e f i n e d 8 department west of the Rockies, r o u g h l y 51-57 degrees north -and e s p e c i a l l y t h e i r c o a s t a l t r a d e , was an e x c e p t i o n . During the 1830s, a b o r i g i n a l groups t r a d i n g a t F o r t s Simpson, Langley and McLoughlin were not e n t i r e l y dependent on HBC trade or goods. American s h i p s continued to a f f e c t the HBC's trade as f a r south as F o r t Langley u n t i l the 1840s, g a t h e r i n g f u r s from c o a s t a l a b o r i g i n a l groups, and a t F o r t Simpson the Coast Tsimshian would not trade with the HBC u n t i l s a t i s f i e d t h a t i t s p r i c e s were unmatched by the Russians to the north, and the American v e s s e l s o p e r a t i n g a few miles away at K a i g a n i Harbour. (5) McLoughlin responded to t h i s c o m p e t i t i o n by r a i s i n g the p r i c e o f f e r e d by the HBC f o r f u r s along the c o a s t . His p o l i c y was o n l y a p a r t i a l s u c c e s s . When the HBC d i d achieve a monopoly trade with the F o r t Simpson Tsimshian i n the 1840s, the economic r e l a t i o n s h i p between the two groups remained r e c i p r o c a l and f r a g i l e . HBC c o m p e t i t i o n with Russian and American t r a d e r s was more s i g n i f i c a n t l y a l t e r e d by changes i n p r o v i s i o n i n g . Russian t r a d e r s had always depended on e x t e r n a l supply l i n e s f o r t h e i r s u b s i s t e n c e p r o v i s i o n s and trade goods. In the e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y they exchanged f o o d s t u f f s f o r f u r s with independent American t r a d e r s who thereby gained a d i v e r s i f i e d commercial f o o t h o l d i n Russian America a t a time when i t was becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y d i f f i c u l t to make a p r o f i t a b l e t r i p from the e a s t e r n seaboard s o l e l y to trade sea o t t e r p e l t s . The Americans' c o m p e t i t i v e edge over t h e i r 9 Russian c o u n t e r p a r t s was enhanced by t h e i r use of arras, ammunition and a l c o h o l as trade goods with a b o r i g i n a l groups. The Russians seldom traded these items, and with a s t r o n g demand f o r them by Coast Tsimshian, T l i n g i t and Haida groups, Russian t r a d e r s were o f t e n ignored. (6) Russian dependence upon American s u p p l i e s continued u n t i l the HBC reached an agreement with the Russian-American Company i n Hamburg i n 1839 to p r o v i s i o n Russian p o s t s . T h i s t r e a t y e f f e c t i v e l y ended l a r g e - s c a l e independent American f u r t r a d i n g on the c o a s t (although i t d i d not completely disappear) because the Americans were "deprived of the one s t a b l e source of business remaining f o r them on the Northwest Coast." (7) Trade became p a r t i t i o n e d i n Russian and B r i t i s h trade and p r o v i s i o n i n g monopolies. R u s s i a n - B r i t i s h c o m p e t i t i o n f o r f u r s continued under these new c o n d i t i o n s , but Russian o p e r a t i o n s were s c a l e d down du r i n g the 1840s. With land l e a s e d to them by the Russians under the 1839 agreement, the HBC opened two s h o r t - l i v e d posts along the Alaskan Panhandle - F o r t s Durham (1839) and S t i k i n e (1840) (map 1). But these were never as important as F o r t Simpson which, even d u r i n g t h e i r presence, had become the focus of the HBC's c o a s t a l f ur trade north of Vancouver I s l a n d . In a l e t t e r to HBC o f f i c i a l s i n London i n 1841, Simpson d e c l a r e d t h a t " F o r t Simpson alone, with the Beaver steamer, w i l l answer every necessary and u s e f u l purpose i n watching and c o l l e c t i n g the trade of the whole of t h a t l i n e of c o a s t . " (8) Coast Tsimshian trade at F o r t Simpson was i n c o r p o r a t e d i n a t r a d i t i o n a l c y c l e of economic a c t i v i t y . (9) Recent a r c h a e o l o g i c a l evidence suggests t h a t on c o n t a c t with Europeans, there were perhaps 10-12,000 Tsimshian l i v i n g on and around the Skeena and Nass R i v e r s i n three l i n g u i s t i c and c u l t u r a l groups: Coast Tsimshian, G i t k s a n , and N i s k a . Coast Tsimshian s e t t l e m e n t s were s c a t t e r e d along and between the lower and middle Skeena and Nass. (10) Winter hunting and g a t h e r i n g a c t i v i t i e s proceeded from winter v i l l a g e s c l u s t e r e d around what i s now P r i n c e Rupert harbour. Other s i t e s were used i n the summer only, as s t a t i o n s , f o r the h a r v e s t i n g and d r y i n g of salmon (on the Skeena predominantly) and eulachon (at the mouth of the Nass, always i n e a r l y s p r i n g ) . C o a s t a l s i t e s , then, were s e t t l e d as p a r t of an annual m i g r a t o r y c y c l e of a c t i v i t y as Coast Tsimshian groups sought s p e c i f i c r e s o u r c e s at d i f f e r e n t times of the year. The Coast Tsimshian a l s o traded f o r f u r s over long d i s t a n c e s . They mainly used such f u r s to c l o t h e themselves i n winter, but they were a l s o used f o r trade with other c o a s t a l a b o r i g i n a l groups. (11) HBC o f f i c i a l s knew t h a t F o r t Simpson was a prime l o c a t i o n f o r t r a d e . A f t e r h i s tour of the Company's pos s e s s i o n s i n 1824, Simpson d e s c r i b e d the lower Nass as "a grand mart" f o r f u r s , and James Douglas - then one of the HBC's c h i e f t r a d e r s i n the south - gave a more d e t a i l e d commentary on the convergence of HBC and Coast Tsimshian i n t e r e s t s a t t h i s 11 p o i n t : The Chimsyans on t h e i r route from P e a r l Harbor, Skeena, and other p l a c e s south of there to Nass R i v e r reach the f o r t e a r l y i n February, and g e n e r a l l y s t a y there u n t i l the beginning of March, when the oolaghans enter the r i v e r . A f t e r the f i s h i n g i s over, they r e t u r n with the f i s h and o i l they have procured, which forms p a r t of the ensuing w i n t e r ' s p r o v i s i o n s , about the l a t t e r p a r t of May, and make another s o j o u r n a t the f o r t u n t i l J u l y , when they d i s p e r s e , some f o r the Skeena, others go as fa r as Gard i n e r ' s Canal, where they are c o n s t a n t l y employed about the s a l m o n - f i s h e r i e s d u r i n g the summer. They l i k e w i s e hunt and trade with the n a t i v e s i n the i n t e r i o r c a n a l s , and procure q u a n t i t i e s of h e r r i n g spawn from the people of Milbank Sound, and do not v i s i t the f o r t i n a body u n t i l the f o l l o w i n g February; so t h a t June and February are the onl y months when there are l a r g e assemblies of Indians a t the f o r t . (12) The Nass r e g i o n was i n Niska t e r r i t o r y , but the Niska shared f i s h i n g r i g h t s on the Nass r i v e r , mainly with the Coast Tsimshian. The Coast Tsimshian were advantaged by t h i s arrangement. With f i s h i n g r i g h t s a t the mouth of the r i v e r , they were the f i r s t to r e c e i v e the eulachon, and the grease e x t r a c t e d from the f i s h formed a b a s i c p a r t of t h e i r winter d i e t . They a l s o traded eulachon grease f o r Haida canoes. In the winter of 1834, nine Coast Tsimshian t r i b e s r e -l o c a t e d t h e i r winter v i l l a g e s around F o r t Simpson. (13) In the summer of 1835, W i l l i a m F r a s e r Tolmie - a HBC t r a d e r and p h y s i c i a n - noted the j u x t a p o s i t i o n of the HBC f o r t , Coast Tsimshian s e t t l e m e n t and wil d e r n e s s a t F o r t Simpson: F o r t Simpson i s s i t u a t e d on a rocky p o i n t , on the e a s t e r n shore of the [Nass] channel - exposed to a l l the f u r y of the N.E. g a l e s so p r e v a l e n t i n w i n t e r . . . [ w i t h ] high mountains on each s i d e of the channel [which] are rugged and p r e c i p i t o u s . . . The b u i l d i n g s are placed i n the ce n t r e of a f l a t of about 2 or 3 acres i n exten t , which e l e v a t e d about 40 f e e t above highwater mark, present a breastwork of bold rocks on the sea... S e v e r a l lodges of 12 the Nasse t r i b e are s c a t t e r e d around the f o r t . An e x c e l l e n t path leads from the l a n d i n g p l a c e to the F o r t Gate. Within, e v e r y t h i n g i s n i c e l y arranged - c o u r t macadamized - pathways of cedar logs formed & over the c e n t r a l one...a broad awning i s spread - houses whitewashed o u t s i d e . (14) The nine Coast Tsimshian t r i b e s e s t a b l i s h e d a trade monopoly with the HBC, and enforced t r i b u t e payments on other a b o r i g i n a l groups t r a d i n g a t F o r t Simpson. When t h i s system was c h a l l e n g e d , c o n f l i c t and sometimes v i o l e n c e ensued between the d i f f e r e n t a b o r i g i n a l groups u n t i l a n e g o t i a t e d s e t t l e m e n t was reached - sometimes with the i n t e r v e n t i o n of HBC t r a d e r s and t h e i r i n t e r p r e t e r s . (15) These nine t r i b e s a l s o strengthened t h e i r f u r t r a d i n g p o s i t i o n with i n t e r i o r a b o r i g i n a l groups. Longer t r i p s were made up the Skeena, and they undercut G i t k s a n f u r t r a d i n g with C a r r i e r hunters i n the B u l k l e y and Babine v a l l e y s by o f f e r i n g more and cheaper HBC goods. (16) The r e - l o c a t i o n of these Coast Tsimshian t r i b e s was accompanied by more frequent p o t l a t c h i n g . (17) The p o t l a t c h (or f e a s t system) was the key i n s t i t u t i o n a l means of s o c i e t a l r e p r o d u c t i o n i n a l l northwest coast a b o r i g i n a l s o c i e t i e s . I t served p u b l i c l y to d e c l a r e and l e g i t i m a t e a l l changes i n s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s - mainly i n the form of l i n e a g e i n h e r i t a n c e and s u c c e s s i o n , marriage a l l i a n c e s , and wider economic and p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s - through p r o p e r t y d i s t r i b u t i o n s , g i f t g i v i n g , and f e a s t i n g . (18) In 1834, the f e a s t system was drawn upon to r e - d e f i n e t e r r i t o r i a l and s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s between the d i f f e r e n t Coast Tsimshian l i n e a g e s now juxtaposed a t F o r t 13 Simpson. Then i t heightened again i n 1837 as f a m i l i e s and l i n e a g e s s t r o v e to f i l l vacant s t a t u s p o s i t i o n s w i t h i n t h e i r houses a f t e r a t h i r d (and perhaps more) of the Coast Tsimshian p o p u l a t i o n a t F o r t Simpson had d i e d as a r e s u l t of measles and smallpox epidemics on the North Coast i n 1836. (19) The h i s t o r i a n Robin F i s h e r suggests t h a t the nature of the Coast Tsimshian p o t l a t c h changed between 1800 and 1840. The wealth d e r i v e d from the fur trade became conc e n t r a t e d i n the hands of a few powerful c h i e f s , such as L e g a l e , and the almost k i n g - l i k e s t a t u s of these c h i e f s a t F o r t Simpson, he argues, a t t e s t s to the emergence of new forms of s o c i a l m o b i l i t y based on wealth as a prime source of s o c i a l power i n Coast Tsimshian s o c i e t y . (20) C e r t a i n l y , F o r t Simpson's Coast Tsimshian c h i e f s were among the w e a l t h i e s t and most powerful on the northwest c o a s t . The HBC depended on them f o r i t s supply of f u r s and undoubtedly b e n e f i t e d more than i t s competitors by t h e i r e x t e n s i v e t r a d i n g a c t i v i t i e s . F o r t t r a d e r s a l s o r e l i e d on t h e i r a b o r i g i n a l s u p p l i e r s f o r f o o d s t u f f s . Simpson d e c l a r e d t h a t the HBC's f i r s t p r i n c i p l e of p r o f i t maximisation should be c o s t m i n i m i s a t i o n . He thought t h a t f r u g a l i t y and f o r t s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y were the most e f f e c t i v e means of m i n i m i s i n g the c o s t of s u p p l y i n g the HBC's i s o l a t e d f o r t s . A f t e r 1825, HBC o f f i c i a l s i n the Columbia and New C a l e d o n i a d i s t r i c t s d i v e r s i f i e d t h e i r p r o d u c t i o n and t r a d e , and developed new markets. (21) The commodities produced at HBC posts on the c o a s t were, to 14 v a r y i n g d e g r e e s , d i s t r i b u t e d t h r o u g h t h r e e o v e r l a p p i n g t r a d e n e t w o r k s : one t h a t s e n t f u r s f r o m t h e c o a s t t o L o n d o n on a n i n e m o n t h c y c l e ; a n o t h e r t h a t e x p o r t e d s a l m o n , l u m b e r , c o a l , a n d f o o d s t u f f s t o t h e S a n d w i c h I s l a n d s a n d C a l i f o r n i a ; a n d a t h i r d i n ' c o u n t r y p r o d u c e ' , o r e s s e n t i a l p r o v i s i o n s , t h a t w e r e c i r c u l a t e d t o a n d f r o m p o s t s up a n d down t h e c o a s t . (22) Of a l l t h e HBC p o s t s a l o n g t h e c o a s t , F o r t S i m p s o n was t h e l e a s t s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t , a n d t h e one m o s t g e a r e d t o t h e f u r t r a d e n e t w o r k . (23) S i m p s o n ' s a p p e a l t o HBC f a c t o r s t o d e v e l o p g a r d e n s t o p r o d u c e p o t a t o e s , f r u i t , a n d v e g e t a b l e s was n e v e r a p r a c t i c a l p o s s i b i l i t y a t F o r t S i m p s o n . B u i l t on a r o c k y c o a s t l i n e w i t h o n l y a t h i n l a y e r o f s o i l , t h e F o r t ' s g a r d e n s y i e l d e d m e a g r e a n d i n c o n s i s t e n t s u p p l i e s o f f r e s h f o o d ; f r o m i t s i n c e p t i o n f a c t o r s r e l i e d h e a v i l y on p r o d u c e t r a d e d b y a b o r i g i n a l g r o u p s . The r e g u l a r s u p p l y o f f o o d was a m a j o r c o n c e r n o f a l l F o r t S i m p s o n f a c t o r s a n d a p p e a r s p r o m i n e n t l y i n t h e F o r t S i m p s o n J o u r n a l s f r o m t h e 1 8 3 0 s t o t h e 1 8 6 0 s . (24) The C o a s t T s i m s h i a n r e c o g n i s e d t h i s , b u t w e r e n e v e r g r e a t h u n t e r s t h e m s e l v e s . P r o b a b l y i n a n a t t e m p t t o s e c u r e t h e i r l o n g e r t e r m f u r t r a d i n g p r o s p e c t s a t F o r t S i m p s o n , t h e C o a s t T s i m s h i a n p e r m i t t e d n o n - T s i m s h i a n g r o u p s t o t r a d e f o o d s t u f f s w i t h t h e H B C , a l t h o u g h t r i b u t e p a y m e n t s w e r e s t i l l s o u g h t . F r o m t h e l a t e 1 8 3 0 s , p o t a t o e s a n d p o u l t r y p r o d u c t s w e r e s u p p l i e d b y H a i d a g r o u p s f r o m t h e Q u e e n C h a r l o t t e I s l a n d s , s o u t h e r n T l i n g i t g r o u p s s u p p l i e d d e e r a n d o t h e r g a m e , a n d C o a s t T s i m s h i a n g r o u p s s u p p l i e d a v a r i e t y o f s e a p r o d u c e , 15 i n c l u d i n g salmon and h e r r i n g . (25) F o r t Simpson's employees were at f i r s t unsure when such p r o v i s i o n s would a r r i v e as the r e g u l a r i t y of su p p l y o f t e n depended on r e l a t i o n s between these a b o r i g i n a l groups. From the 1840s onwards, however, a r e g u l a r p a t t e r n of trade developed with d i f f e r e n t types of food being brought i n d i f f e r e n t seasons. (26) HBC procurement s t r a t e g i e s were premised on two exchange systems - one l o c a l , and the other c o n t i n e n t a l and t r a n s a t l a n t i c . F o o d s t u f f s and f u r s were exchanged with a b o r i g i n a l groups f o r l i s t e d HBC trade items on a b a r t e r b a s i s . L i t t l e i s known about how exchange r a t e s were f i x e d , but they seem to have been r e l a t e d to d i f f e r e n t f a c t o r s i n d i f f e r e n t trade s e t t i n g s . (27) F a c t o r s a t F o r t Simpson claimed t h a t the main v a r i a b l e s determining the p r i c e of f u r s f i x e d by b a r t e r a t F o r t Simpson between the 1830s and the 1860s were the extent of Coast Tsimshian supply and an upper HBC p r i c e f o r f u r s t h a t HBC t r a d e r s were i n s t r u c t e d not to surpass. (28) Changes i n one, the other, or both v a r i a b l e s , they thought, always a f f e c t e d the number of f u r s o f f e r e d by the Coast Tsimshian. Douglas used such reasoning when r e p o r t i n g to London i n 1849 about the f u r trade at F o r t Simpson: I am s o r r y to say t h a t the trade of t h a t Post i s l e s s V a l u a b l e than u s u a l . . . T h i s i s not supposed to a r i s e from the s c a r c i t y of fur be a r i n g animals, which with the ex c e p t i o n of Martens are as numerous as ever, but i s r a t h e r an e f f e c t of the r e d u c t i o n made i n the p r i c e of Beaver, i n consequence of i t s reduced value i n England, which has n a t u r a l l y enough produced much d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n , and d e t e r r e d the Indians from hunting f u r s . (29) 16 The s t a t u s of such E u r o c e n t r i c assumptions remain u n c l e a r , however, f o r on other o c c a s i o n s HBC t r a d e r s were f r u s t r a t e d by t h e i r l i m i t e d understanding of the m o t i v a t i o n s of t h e i r s u p p l i e r s , and ventured o n l y t e n t a t i v e e x p l a n a t i o n s about the abundance or s c a r c i t y of f u r s . (30) Moreover, Coast Tsimshian 'economies' d i d not r e p r e s e n t autonomous spheres of a c t i v i t y but were bound up with wider s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s t h a t c o u l d as e a s i l y have a f f e c t e d t h e i r w i l l i n g n e s s to trade f u r s . Thus, any attempt to e s s e n t i a l i s e the nature of b a r t e r - i n E u r o c e n t r i c or other ways - would be misguided. T r a d i n g r e l a t i o n s between the HBC and Coast Tsimshian remained f r a g i l e , and were c o n s t a n t l y monitored by F o r t Simpson t r a d e r s . (31) Tobacco and b l a n k e t s were sometimes d i s t r i b u t e d to the Coast Tsimshian as g i f t s , i n the hope of s t a b i l i s i n g an upset t r a d i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p - o f t e n caused by some mutual misunderstanding. During the mid-1830s, the HBC a l s o s o l d rum to the Coast Tsimshian to l u r e them from American v e s s e l s , but when i n e b r i a t e d some Coast Tsimshian were v i o l e n t towards f o r t t r a d e r s . In August of 1835, f o r example, Tolmie noted t h a t Rum had been s o l d to the Indians & some of them g e t t i n g i n t o x i c a t e d were very t u r b u l e n t . . . T h e y attempted f r e q u e n t l y to burn down the s l i g h t b a r r i c a d e r a i s e d on the s i t e of the b a s t i o n s , but were d e t e r r e d on s e e i n g us ready with f i r e a r m s to send a v o l l e y among the i n t r u d e r s . About a dozen or twenty Indians with muskets were posted on a h i l l immediately behind whence they c o u l d f i r e with deadly e f f e c t i n t o the F o r t a t any p a r t . Outside the p i c k e t s they were numerous & armed with guns, boarding pikes & knives & endeavouring by t h e i r savage whoops and y e l l s to i n t i m i d a t e us. (32) 17 In t h i s i n s t a n c e the Coast Tsimshian were demanding more rum, but v i o l e n c e was a l s o sparked by d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n over the p r i c e o f f e r e d by the HBC f o r f u r s , and by the presence of non-Tsimshian a b o r i g i n a l groups at F o r t Simpson. With the gradual e l i m i n a t i o n of American c o m p e t i t i o n , however, and by agreement with Russian t r a d e r s , the HBC stopped s e l l i n g l i q u o r i n 1839. Fur p r i c e s and other t a r i f f s were o f t e n s t a n d a r d i s e d f o r a year or two at a time, but from the l a t e 1830s f l u c t u a t e d a long an i n f l a t i o n a r y curve. Beaver f u r s r e p l a c e d sea o t t e r p e l t s a t the top of F o r t Simpson's trade l i s t s a f t e r 1834, but by the 1850s they too were becoming more expensive and s c a r c e , and were supplemented by marten and black bear f u r s , and s q u i r r e l s k i n s . (33) C h i e f s - from whichever group - were u s u a l l y admitted i n t o the stockade to trade with HBC o f f i c i a l s , the b a r g a i n i n g process, a c c o r d i n g to the l o c a l h i s t o r i a n Helen M e l l l e u r , being q u i t e " u n l i k e the a c t i v e , v o c i f e r o u s b a r g a i n i n g that we a s s o c i a t e with marketplaces the world over. I t c o n s i s t e d c h i e f l y of supercharged s i l e n c e s . " (34) On the other hand, the HBC s u p p l i e d i t s f o r t s through a c e n t r a l i s e d d ouble-accounting system. During the f i r s t h a l f of the n i n e t e e n t h century, most of the accounts of the HBC's C o r d i l l e r a n posts were s c r u t i n i s e d by o f f i c i a l s from the Northern Department s t a t i o n e d i n Lachine and York F a c t o r y ; and each year a l l HBC accounts were overseen by h i g h - r a n k i n g HBC o f f i c i a l s i n London who then made suggestions about how to 18 supply f o r t s more e f f i c i e n t l y and p r o f i t a b l y . F o r t Simpson r e c e i v e d most of i t s trade goods - b l a n k e t s , tobacco, and l a t e r c o t t o n and r i c e being the most important - from v e s s e l s owned or c h a r t e r e d by the Company. F o r t Vancouver on the Columbia r i v e r , and a f t e r 1846 F o r t V i c t o r i a , were the main s u p p l y depots f o r trade goods sent from B r i t a i n on a y e a r l y s u p p l y s h i p (although sometimes more f r e q u e n t l y ) . From F o r t s Vancouver or V i c t o r i a , trade goods, other e s s e n t i a l f o r t s u p p l i e s , and f o o d s t u f f s produced on the HBC's c o a s t a l farms were sent to F o r t Simpson every two or three months, the s h i p s then r e t u r n i n g south with pressed f u r s and any other export. F o r t s Vancouver, Langley, and V i c t o r i a were not o n l y e s t a b l i s h e d as f u r t r a d i n g and d i s t r i b u t i o n nodes but a l s o as s e l f s u f f i c i e n t p r o v i s i o n i n g p o s t s , and throughout t h e i r e x i s t e n c e s u p p l i e d q u a n t i t i e s of s a l t ( t r a n s s h i p p e d from HBC v e s s e l s b r i n g i n g i t u s u a l l y as b a l l a s t from the Sandwich Is l a n d s and L i v e r p o o l ) , cured meats, and g r a i n s to HBC employees i n o u t l y i n g a r e a s . (35) HBC employees at F o r t Simpson were dependent on both Company and a b o r i g i n a l s u p p l i e s , but a range of commodities was produced at the F o r t . From the 1850s a forge and munitions works produced ammunition and metal implements, and d u r i n g the 1860s l a r g e numbers of eulachon were traded, t h e i r o i l e x t r a c t e d and b a r r e l l e d at the F o r t , and exported south to V i c t o r i a , Nanaimo and F o r t Rupert. (36) << >> 19 The establishment o£ c o a s t a l t r a d i n g p o s t s , such as F o r t Simpson, brought a b o r i g i n a l groups and fur t r a d e r s together on a more c o n s i s t e n t b a s i s than d u r i n g the era of the maritime fur t r a d e . Contacts between the two became f a r l e s s ephemeral. Yet the Company's ambition to achieve a monopoly trade was o n l y p a r t i a l l y a c h i e v e d . With the e c l i p s e of American and Russian trade along the c o a s t , F o r t Simpson f a c t o r s forged a v o l a t i l e monopoly trade with the Coast Tsimshian. But to the south - and e s p e c i a l l y on Vancouver I s l a n d - the commercial hegemony gained d u r i n g the 1840s was soon c h a l l e n g e d . In 1849, independent entrepreneurs were allowed to trade with a b o r i g i n a l groups and Europeans i n the HBC's " P r o p r i e t a r y Colony." The HBC r e t a i n e d c o n t r o l of the fur t r a d e , but these " p e t t y t r a d e r s " - as the Company c a l l e d them - competed i n the s a l e of goods to a b o r i g i n a l groups, and sponsored much of the new s e t t l e m e n t on mainland B r i t i s h Columbia prompted by the gold rush of 1858. (37) The c o a s t a l f u r trade of the HBC was c h a r a c t e r i s e d by a patchwork geography of i s o l a t e d f o r t s t h a t were g r a f t e d onto p r e - e x i s t i n g a b o r i g i n a l space-economies. O p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r trade were t i e d to l o c a l t r a d i n g r e l a t i o n s between the HBC and the dominant a b o r i g i n a l group near each f o r t . In t h i s r e s p e c t , trade a t F o r t Simpson between the HBC and Coast Tsimshian was no d i f f e r e n t than t h a t between the HBC and Kwagulth at F o r t Rupert, and other twinned t r a d i n g r e l a t i o n s a long the c o a s t . The l i v i n g and t r a d i n g q u a r t e r s of HBC employees at p o s t s , i n c l u d i n g F o r t Simpson, were s i t u a t e d i n s i d e l a r g e stockades and b a s t i o n s . HBC f o r t s were designed to be s e l f c o n t a i n e d , and t h e i r i n t e r n a l geography r e f l e c t e d the HBC's trade h i e r a r c h y . F a c t o r s , c h i e f t r a d e r s and v i s i t i n g d i g n i t a r i e s had the l a r g e s t and best f u r n i s h e d accommodation, and the "men" - f o r t employees engaged i n m a i n t a i n i n g the f o r t , p r e p a r i n g f u r s f o r shipment south, and working a f o r t ' s s m a l l i n d u s t r i e s - u s u a l l y l i v e d i n s p a r t a n b a r r a c k s . F o r t accommodation was s c a t t e r e d among blacksmith's shops, f u r p r e s s e s , and s upply s t o r e s . Coast Tsimshian and HBC t r a d e r s met i n a l a r g e h a l l i n s i d e the f o r t . A b o r i g i n a l groups used the space around f o r t s very d i f f e r e n t l y . At F o r t Simpson, l a r g e winter houses were er e c t e d i n a haphazard arrangement along the foreshore on e i t h e r s i d e of the f o r t . A b o r i g i n a l monopolies of trade a t HBC f o r t s were j e a l o u s l y guarded, and i n t e r r u p t i o n s i n them o f t e n e n t a i l e d warfare and s l a v e - t a k i n g between d i f f e r e n t groups. With t h e i r winter houses very c l o s e to the f o r t gates, a b o r i g i n a l groups c o u l d e f f e c t i v e l y monitor the HBC's t r a d i n g r e l a t i o n s . (38) The f r i c t i o n s of d i s t a n c e e n t a i l e d i n the HBC's geography of procurement were p a r t l y overcome by the deployment of t r a d i n g v e s s e l s such as the Beaver. They c a r r i e d a v a r i e t y of trade goods and produce, and acted as f l o a t i n g trade posts up and down the c o a s t . The HBC's more experienced HBC t r a d e r s , 21 such as W i l l i a m M c N i e l l from F o r t Simpson, u s u a l l y operated t h i s trade network. T h i s s a i d , trade and s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n between HBC employees and a b o r i g i n a l groups a t c o a s t a l f o r t s -i n c l u d i n g t h a t a t F o r t Simpson - r a r e l y s t r e t c h e d f a r beyond the f o r t . A b o r i g i n a l groups, of course, t r a v e r s e d much wider spheres of i n t e r a c t i o n and exchange. F o r t Simpson and the HBC's other c o a s t a l posts were t i e d to systems of commodity exchange that brought f u r s to the coast from d i s t a n t p a r t s of New Caledonia and then sent f u r s and other goods to overseas markets. The HBC knew l i t t l e about the former p a r t of t h i s economic system. A b o r i g i n a l groups knew l i t t l e about the geography of the l a t t e r , but the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t Michael Harkin suggests t h a t a b o r i g i n a l s a s s o c i a t e d Europeans with d i s t a n t p l a c e s and p e r c e i v e d both i n c o s m o l o g i c a l terms t h a t were s t r o n g l y temporal r a t h e r than s p a t i a l . (39) A s e r i e s of marriage a l l i a n c e s between HBC o f f i c i a l s and hi g h - r a n k i n g a b o r i g i n a l women probably nurtured new modes of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n ; i t i s not known i f or how these emotional and c o n t r a c t u a l t i e s b e n e f i t e d the HBC's trade i n B r i t i s h Columbia. (40) In c o a s t a l f o r t j o u r n a l s , a b o r i g i n a l groups were u s u a l l y r e c o g n i s e d as accomplished t r a d e r s . Simpson d e s c r i b e d them as being "tiresome i n t h e i r b a r g a i n i n g . " (42) F a c t o r s at F o r t Simpson acknowledged t h a t the f u r s gathered by the Coast Tsimshian r e f l e c t e d an e c o l o g i c a l and g e o g r a p h i c a l e x p e r t i s e o n l y p a r t i a l l y r e v e a l e d by European modes of d i s c o v e r y and o b s e r v a t i o n . Yet warfare, i n t e r n e c i n e s t r i f e , and drunkenness were p e r c e i v e d as products of " m o r a l l y d e f i c i e n t " s o c i a l p r a c t i c e s i n c o n s i s t e n t with a w i l l to b a r g a i n and t r a d e . Such " d e f i c i e n c i e s " were u s u a l l y r e p o r t e d i n f o r t j o u r n a l s i n a post f a c t o way t h a t r a r e l y grappled with the economic and s o c i a l motives behind p a r t i c u l a r a b o r i g i n a l a c t i o n s , and exudes moral s e l f - r i g h t e o u s n e s s . During the 1840s, f o r example, s l a v e s were traded or rescued by f a c t o r s at F o r t Simpson from a g g r e s s i v e a b o r i g i n a l groups "because" they would otherwise be t r a d e d , abused, or k i l l e d . And when, i n 1858, "a l a r g e muster of Tsimshians" appeared at the Front gate demanding t h a t "Haidas [ p r o t e c t e d by the HBC] be d e l i v e r e d up to them - of course t h i s was r e f u s e d . " (43) There was l i t t l e u nderstanding of the a b o r i g i n a l use of s l a v e s as b a r g a i n i n g pawns to s e t t l e i n t e r - t r i b a l disagreements, even though the HBC sometimes harboured Coast Tsimshian enemies as pawns i n t h e i r own t r a d i n g games. Nor was there much understanding of the place of v i o l e n t revenge i n t r a d i t i o n a l Coast Tsimshian l i f e . In t h e i r j o u r n a l s , F o r t Simpson f a c t o r s wrote t h a t they and the HBC's other f o r t employees were detached from Coast Tsimshian a f f a i r s , and t h a t measured diplomacy and c a u t i o n was always used to c o n t r o l the f u r t r a d e . (44) What t h e i r w r i t i n g l i k e l y obscured was t h a t a t p l a c e s l i k e F o r t Simpson, HBC employees were surrounded by a s e r i e s of economic and s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s t h a t they n e i t h e r p r o p e r l y understood nor were much i n t e r e s t e d i n unless trade was d i r e c t l y a f f e c t e d . Outnumbered and sometimes outgunned by a b o r i g i n a l groups, and dependent on t h e i r w i l l to trade i n f u r s and other goods, HBC f a c t o r s and t r a d e r s b a r r i c a d e d themselves i n s i d e s y m m e t r i c a l l y arranged wooden p i c k e t s , and d e a l t with t h e i r t r a d i n g p a r t n e r s through t i n y g ates. The HBC's geography of procurement was premised on the idea of monopoly trade with s p e c i f i c a b o r i g i n a l groups. These groups were v i t a l economic a c t o r s i n a t r a d i n g network t h a t s t r e t c h e d a c r o s s two oceans; with t h e i r a s s i s t a n c e , B r i t i s h commercial i n f l u e n c e west of the Rockies was c o n s i d e r a b l y extended. The northwest c o a s t represented one of the f a r outreaches of B r i t i s h m e r c a n t i l e c a p i t a l i s m . The r e - l o c a t i o n of nine Coast Tsimshian t r i b e s around F o r t Simpson, and t h e i r acceptance of HBC trade as a new source of income and p r e s t i g e , b i a s e d t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l c y c l e of resource procurement towards the c o l l e c t i o n of f u r s , and perhaps s e t the grounds f o r changes i n the f e a s t system. The i n t r o d u c t i o n of a l c o h o l and European d i s e a s e s probably had important impacts on the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s of a l l a b o r i g i n a l groups. In the main, however, these changes i n Coast Tsimshian economy and s o c i e t y - and s i m i l a r changes t h a t occurred among other a b o r i g i n a l groups -were u n a n t i c i p a t e d and o n l y p a r t i a l l y p e r c e i v e d by HBC t r a d e r s . Moreover, HBC o f f i c i a l s never e n t e r t a i n e d any grand s o c i a l designs about the way t h e i r t r a d i n g p a r t n e r s should l i v e : they intended to produce a geography of t r a d e , and l i t t l e more. M e t l a k a t l a : C h r i s t i a n i t y and the humanitarian n a r r a t i v e . During the 1860s and 70s these r e l a t i o n s i n and around F o r t Simpson were d i s r u p t e d by a new s e t of i n s t i t u t i o n a l p r a c t i c e s , a more d i r e c t e d form of moral d i s c o u r s e , and a new g e o g r a p h i c a l c o n f i g u r a t i o n . In the 1860s a number of independently operated schooners traded rum and l a t e r whiskey with a b o r i g i n a l groups on the North Coast. The s a l e of a l c o h o l to a b o r i g i n a l groups had been banned by James Douglas, the C o l o n i a l Governor, but even with the o c c a s i o n a l presence of navy gunboats the law was extremely d i f f i c u l t to enforce along an i n t r i c a t e c o a s t l i n e where i t was n e a r l y impossible to monitor the movements of widely d i s p e r s e d peoples. The HBC, which had c u r t a i l e d i t s t r a f f i c i n l i q u o r , was p l a c e d at a t r a d i n g disadvantage. The exchange of a l c o h o l f o r f u r s on independent boats moored at sma l l bays around P o r t l a n d I n l e t d i s r u p t e d the HBC's trade with Coast Tsimshian groups b r i n g i n g f u r s from the Nass. From the l a t e 1850s, some Coast Tsimshian a l s o bypassed F o r t Simpson and took t h e i r f u r s d i r e c t l y to F o r t V i c t o r i a where they f e t c h e d a higher p r i c e and c o u l d be exchanged f o r a wider v a r i e t y of goods. (45) Less concerned with the harm such trade was doing to the HBC than with the " d e m o r a l i s i n g " e f f e c t t h a t a l c o h o l and p r o s t i t u t i o n were having on the 2,300 Tsimshian at F o r t 25 Simpson, James Prevost - a r e l i g i o u s l y - m i n d e d Royal Navy commander - appealed to the Church M i s s i o n a r y S o c i e t y (CMS) -an A n g l i c a n m i s s i o n a r y s o c i e t y based i n London - to d i s p a t c h a f u l l - t i m e m i s s i o n a r y to serve the Coast Tsimshian. As a r e s u l t of h i s a p p e a l , W i l l i a m Duncan a r r i v e d at F o r t Simpson i n 1857. Duncan and the many A n g l i c a n and Methodist m i s s i o n a r i e s who f o l l o w e d him to the lower Skeena were r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of B r i t i s h (or i n some cases, Canadian) e v a n g e l i c a l movements th a t supported m i s s i o n a r i e s i n A f r i c a , A u s t r a l i a , China and I n d i a . M i s s i o n a r i e s were sent to remote p l a c e s with the support of p r i v a t e donations, u s u a l l y from the B r i t i s h middle c l a s s . M i d - V i c t o r i a n B r i t a i n has been d e s c r i b e d as "the age of r e l i g i o n , " and " f o r the middle c l a s s e s , " argues the h i s t o r i a n J.F.C. H a r r i s o n , e v a n g e l i c a l f e r v o u r c o u l d f i n d an o u t l e t e i t h e r i n a p h i l a n t h r o p y c a l c u l a t e d to m i t i g a t e , without changing the s o c i a l b a s i s of the e v i l s of i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y , or i n schemes f o r r a d i c a l reform." (46) B r i t i s h m i s s i o n a r y s o c i e t i e s s o l i c i t e d the support of t h e i r middle c l a s s b e n e f a c t o r s by means of monthly compendlums t h a t p u b l i s h e d case s t u d i e s and r e p o r t s w r i t t e n by t h e i r m i s s i o n a r i e s around the world. (47) The main purpose of such w r i t i n g was to render the l i v e s of d i s t a n t peoples i n a way t h a t roused r e a d e r s 1 s e n s i b i l i t i e s , c r e a t e d sympathy and compassion f o r the p l i g h t of o t h e r s , and secured d o n a t i o n s . Northwest Coast m i s s i o n a r i e s were p a r t of a wider modern e n t e r p r i s e which, i n the words of the c u l t u r a l h i s t o r i a n Thomas Laqueur, produced a s e r i e s of "humanitarian n a r r a t i v e s [ t h a t ] c r e a t e d 'sympathetic p a s s i o n s ' - b r i d g t i n g ] the g u l f between f a c t s , compassion, and a c t i o n - i n a wide v a r i e t y of pl a c e s and ci r c u m s t a n c e s . " (48) M i s s i o n a r y t e x t s were v a r i a n t s of a s e r i e s of humanitarian n a r r a t i v e s t h a t Laqueur c o n s i d e r s to be e x e m p l i f i e d i n n o v e l s , l e g a l and medical case h i s t o r i e s , and p a r l i a m e n t a r y i n q u i r i e s , and t h a t he deems to have operated along l i n e s suggested by Hume. Hume p o s i t e d t h a t g e o g r a p h i c a l l y d i s t a n t s o c i a l and moral phenomena o n l y become meaningful to the detached i m a g i n a t i o n i f they can be pe r c e i v e d through a s e r i e s of a s s o c i a t i o n s and connections t h a t c r e a t e an emotional framework f o r engagement. Laqueur argues t h a t humanitarian n a r r a t i v e s developed Hume's n o t i o n by c r e a t i n g of "a sense of p r o p e r t y i n t h e t i r ] o b j e c t s of compassion..." (49) M i s s i o n a r i e s on the Northwest Coast evoked t h i s "sense of p r o p e r t y " i n a number of ways, but always as a means of c a p t u r i n g the " s u f f e r i n g " of others "as i f the pa i n were one's own or th a t of someone near." (50) Would-be be n e f a c t o r s read about the " s u f f e r i n g " of others i n m i s s i o n a r y j o u r n a l s , and co u l d assuage t h e i r humanitarian" c o n s c i e n c e s by donating money through i t s s u b s c r i p t i o n pages. The m i s s i o n a r y ' s " o b j e c t of compassion" was the body and s o u l of the i n d i v i d u a l "heathen Indian" who was s u f f e r i n g from "a f e e b l e and q u i t e i n d e f i n i t e p o l y t h e i s m " t h a t had y i e l d e d " d e l u s o r y forms of b e l i e f and behaviour." (51) Added to such heathen d e l u s i o n s , the m i s s i o n a r y p o r t r a y e d the " I n d i a n ' s " involvement with "white" t r a d e r s as a hapless encounter t h a t had l e f t them the h e l p l e s s v i c t i m s of d r i n k , v i o l e n c e and debauchery. (52) M i s s i o n a r i e s argued that d i s e a s e and bad h e a l t h were caused by " u n s a n i t a r y " l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s , "a poor d i e t , " and the t r a n s m i s s i o n of d i s e a s e by "whites." S u f f e r i n g , however, was viewed as a more g e n e r a l " c o n d i t i o n " of a b o r i g i n a l s o c i e t y . " G r i e f was u n i v e r s a l , " d e c l a r e d the Methodist Thomas Crosby, and t h i s c o n d i t i o n was exposed by m i s s i o n a r i e s through a s e r i e s of moral and s o c i a l a s c r i p t i o n s premised on an imperious d i s t i n c t i o n between "Savagism" and " C i v i l i s a t i o n " assumed by author and donator a l i k e . (53) In m i s s i o n a r y n a r r a t i v e s , "drunkenness, debauchery, and heathen s u p e r s t i t i o n " were not the products of a chosen way of l i f e or p a r t of an agreeable s o c i a l system; nor had they simply emerged as a s e t of c o n t i n g e n c i e s surrounding the meeting of "whites" and " I n d i a n s . " Instead, m i s s i o n a r i e s argued, they had " a r i s e n " because these " u n f o r t u n a t e " i n d i v i d u a l s " l a c k e d " European mores of d i s c i p l i n e , self-improvement, law, C h r i s t i a n r e l i g i o n and s e c u l a r r e a s o n i n g , and had been s e t bad examples by u n r u l y white t r a d e r s . (54) B u i l t i n t o the l o g i c of t h i s e x p o s i t i o n of g r i e f was a p r e s u p p o s i t i o n of i t s r e l i e f - the a m e l i o r a t i v e path from "Savagism" to " C i v i l i s a t i o n . " More, s i n c e the cause of s u f f e r i n g was o n l y d i s c e r n e d by the reader and h i s or her m i s s i o n a r y , the m i s s i o n a r y was then the o n l y person who c o u l d guide the "Indian" to a v o i d g r i e f . In m i s s i o n a r y accounts 28 from the Skeena r e g i o n i t i s the " f a l l e n I n dian" who comes to the m i s s i o n a r y " c r y i n g out" f o r guidance f o r h i s or her people. M i s s i o n a r i e s ( n e a r l y a l l of them male) were c o n d i t i o n e d by a moral imperative to a c t on b e h a l f of t h e i r s u f f e r e r s (and those s u f f e r i n g by a s s o c i a t i o n at home), and had an o b l i g a t i o n to r e p o r t home on the "pr o g r e s s " of t h e i r r e l i e f work. The "sense of p r o p e r t y " developed by m i s s i o n a r i e s i n the lower Skeena r e g i o n was manifested i n the set t l e m e n t of t h e i r "moral i n f a n t s " i n " C h r i s t i a n v i l l a g e s " away from c e n t r e s of t r a d e , where "I n d i a n s " c o u l d be harboured from the "temptations of c i v i l i s a t i o n " and " t h e i r progress towards i t s b e n e f i t s " c o u l d be planned, monitored, and impressed upon o t h e r s . In 1862, a f t e r f i v e d i f f i c u l t years among the Coast Tsimshian a t F o r t Simpson, Duncan and 70 of h i s converts e s t a b l i s h e d a se t t l e m e n t under h i s g u a r d i a n s h i p a t the t r a d i t i o n a l Tsimshian v i l l a g e s i t e of M e t l a k a t l a , 20 miles south of the HBC post; f i v e years l a t e r n e a r l y 800 people, with r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s from n e a r l y every Coast Tsimshian t r i b e i n the Skeena r e g i o n , were l i v i n g with him. (55) M e t l a k a t l a was e s t a b l i s h e d with a system of " c i v i l laws" and " r u l e s " t h a t forbade the s o c i a l and moral d e f i c i e n c i e s t h a t Duncan, and other m i s s i o n a r i e s , thought c h a r a c t e r i s e d Coast Tsimshian l i f e . (56) Duncan claimed t h a t d i s t i n c t i o n s of s t a t u s and p r i v i l e g e between d i f f e r e n t Coast Tsimshian t r i b e s were dropped when they entered h i s "model C h r i s t i a n v i l l a g e . " 29 " [ T i n e customs from which the very foundations of Indian government come, and [which] l i e nearest to the Indians h e a r t , " he announced, "have been gi v e n up." (57) M e t l a k a t l a was acclaimed by c o l o n i a l and p r o v i n c i a l o f f i c i a l s as "the Indian success s t o r y , " and through books such as Nelson's M e t l a k a t l a : Ten Years Work... (1869), and Wellcome's The S t o r y  of M e t l a k a t l a (1887), the B r i t i s h and North American r e a d i n g p u b l i c came to know more about M e t l a k a t l a and the Coast Tsimshian than any other a b o r i g i n a l people and p l a c e i n B r i t i s h Columbia. In i t s n a r r a t i v e form and i n s t i t u t i o n a l f e a t u r e s , however, B r i t i s h humanitarianism never simply produced a "seri e s of detached, moral s e n s i b i l i t i e s , f o r many of i t s themes were i n t i m a t e l y connected to n o t i o n s underpinning n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y c a p i t a l i s m . "The market," as w e l l as the middle c l a s s c o n s c i e n c e , argues Laqueur, "happented] to be the f o r c e t h a t induced c a r i n g f o r a wide v a r i e t y of u n f o r t u n a t e s . " (58) For m i s s i o n a r i e s and t h e i r funding p u b l i c , honest trade achieved by s e l f - h e l p and hard work were f u r t h e r s i g n s of a " c i v i l i s e d world." M a t e r i a l p r o s p e r i t y and p r o p e r t y ownership were s i g n s of " p r o g r e s s " towards the b e n e f i t s of c i v i l i s a t i o n . M i s s i o n a r i e s i n the Skeena r e g i o n thought the Coast Tsimshian Were " a c q u i s i t i v e . " In t h e i r d e a l i n g s with the HBC they had a l s o shown themselves to be accomplished t r a d e r s . In t h e i r " m o r a l l y i n f a n t i l e s t a t e , " however, they were not " p r e d i s p o s e d " to enjoy the c i v i l i z e d b e n e f i t s of m a t e r i a l p r o s p e r i t y . Thus, i t was the m i s s i o n a r y ' s job to guide these " u n f o r t u n a t e s " u n t i l they c o u l d run t h e i r own businesses without - i n the words of the A n g l i c a n Bishop, W i l l i a m R i d l e y "at the same time s e l l t i n g ] themselves to p e r d i t i o n . " (59) M i s s i o n a r y i d e a l s were steeped i n the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y humanitarian b e l i e f t h a t "both economic d e s i r e s and moral s e n s i b i l i t y are p e r v e r t e d by the same s o c i a l p a t h o l o g i e s , the same backwardness i n c u l t u r a l e v o l u t i o n . " (60) The " p a t h o l o g i e s " that had c r e a t e d the " o r g i a s t i c " p o t l a t c h (based on the "wanton" p r i n c i p l e of l o s s , and not gain) had a l s o c r e a t e d the Coast Tsimshian "nomadic" way of l i f e . For the m i s s i o n a r y - and l a t e r the Indian Agent - these " p a t h o l o g i e s " c o u l d be overcome by a sedentary l i f e , the development of a g r i c u l t u r e , and s e c u l a r as w e l l as r e l i g i o u s e d u c a t i o n . More than simply d i r e c t i n g an e v a n g e l i c a l movement, Henry Venn, the CMS's g e n e r a l s e c r e t a r y from 1840 to 1 8 7 0 , i n s t r u c t e d h i s m i s s i o n a r i e s to b r i n g the commercial techniques behind the a g r i c u l t u r a l and i n d u s t r i a l r e v o l u t i o n s i n Europe to a b o r i g i n a l p o p u l a t i o n s around the world. "Commerce, C i v i l i s a t i o n and C h r i s t i a n i t y , " says the h i s t o r i a n W i l b e r t Shenk, was "the t h r e e - f o l d slogan f o r [ B r i t i s h ] missions i n the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . " (61) Duncan hoped to develop I n d u s t r i a l and a g r i c u l t u r a l " a r t s " as w e l l as r e l i g i o u s - m o r a l s e n s i b i l i t i e s among the Coast Tsimshian, but was confounded a t F o r t Simpson. He wrote i n h i s j o u r n a l : " F o r t Simpson won't do. There i s no land to 31 c u l t i v a t e without v e r y much expense... There i s no room to i n t r o d u c e any measures f o r t h e i r s o c i a l improvement." (62) He a l s o r e a l i s e d t h a t F o r t Simpson was d w i n d l i n g as the c e n t r e of t r a d e on the North Coast. By 1860 many Coast Tsimshian took t h e i r f u r s to V i c t o r i a and fewer non-Tsimshian groups came to t r a d e a t F o r t Simpson. In a d d i t i o n , with mining s p e c u l a t i o n s up the Skeena and around the Queen C h a r l o t t e I s l a n d s , Duncan expected F o r t Simpson to be deluged with p r o f l i g a t e miners, [who] having nothing e l s e to do w i l l spend t h e i r time i n the g r o s s e s t i m m o r a l i t i e s - so t h a t i f I don't go, I may have to witness much of my work overthrown, e s p e c i a l l y among the young." (63) Duncan's move was not welcomed by HBC o f f i c i a l s . They had supported m i s s i o n a r y temperance work among the a b o r i g i n a l groups camped around V i c t o r i a d u r i n g the l a t e 1850s, but were a n t a g o n i s t i c towards m i s s i o n a r y a c t i v i t y a t t h e i r o u t l y i n g p o s t s . Douglas thought that m i s s i o n a r i e s might d i s r u p t the HBC's d e l i c a t e t r a d i n g r e l a t i o n s along the c o a s t , and s t r o n g l y urged Duncan to s t a y near V i c t o r i a . (64) Venn had p r e v i o u s l y t o l d h i s workers t h a t while " I t i s impossible f o r the m i s s i o n a r y to ignore or remain a l o o f from s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s . . . T h e m i s s i o n a r y must not i n v o l v e h i m s e l f i n p o l i t i c s . " (65) Duncan, however, thought t h a t Venn's dictum i n t h i s case compromised the CMS's e v a n g e l i c a l g o a l s , and wrote to him: The more I see of the Company's ser v a n t s the l e s s c o n f i d e n c e do I p l a c e i n t h e i r judgement. I see them ac t u a t e d by one f e e l i n g . They care not a straw f o r the bodies and s o u l s of the Indians, i t i s the f u r s they want... (66) 32 Duncan's work at M e t l a k a t l a was based on the c o n v i c t i o n t h a t h i s Tsimshian " c h i l d r e n " should shy away from t h e i r annual t r a d i n g t r i p s to " d e m o r a l i s i n g " V i c t o r i a ; away, i n f a c t , from a l l white t r a d e r s , f o r the temptations of c i v i l i s a t i o n are "too f a s c i n a t i n g f o r the Indian i n h i s present m o r a l l y i n f a n t i l e c o n d i t i o n to w i t h s t a n d . " (67) Duncan a l s o r e c o g n i s e d t h a t i n an i s o l a t e d s e t t l e m e n t the i n f l u e n c e of h i s r e l i g i o u s work would not be s u s t a i n e d without an autonomous and d i v e r s i f i e d commercial base. His b r e t h r e n needed a secure, a l t e r n a t i v e source of income, and M e t l a k a t l a would have to become commercially s u c c e s s f u l . Otherwise, h i s M e t l a k a t l a n s would r e t u r n to F o r t Simpson where, s a i d Duncan, they would "become more and more demoralized - v i c t i m s of every low v i c e , and c l o g s to c i v i l i z a t i o n and the progress of the c o l o n y . " (68) In p u r s u i t of these o b j e c t i v e s , Duncan d e v i s e d and s u p e r v i s e d economic and s o c i a l programmes. He q u i c k l y e s t a b l i s h e d a t r a d i n g s t o r e . (69) In 1864 he bought a t r a d i n g schooner, the Carolina. In 1867 he c o n s t r u c t e d a sawmill, and i n the f o l l o w i n g few years e s t a b l i s h e d a sash f a c t o r y , and c o o p e r i n g , c a r p e n t r y , and b l a c k s m i t h shops. A salmon cannery, b u i l t i n 1882, packed salmon f o r four seasons. These economic p r o j e c t s were launched with CMS funds and loans from the C o l o n i a l Government. Duncan a l s o formed a number of M e t l a k a t l a n companies to sponsor the l a r g e r p r o j e c t s . His sawmill and canning companies were c a p i t a l i s e d by the s a l e of shares to M e t l a k a t l a n s , some of which were bought with the cash t h a t they had earned working on v a r i o u s p r o j e c t s i n the se t t l e m e n t . When they d i d not have s u f f i c i e n t funds, Duncan l e n t money at ten per cent i n t e r e s t . In the s t o r e , a v a r i e t y of goods were exchanged f o r f u r s , f o o d s t u f f s and other commodities a t p r i c e s t h a t undercut the HBC s t o r e a t F o r t Simpson and were c o m p e t i t i v e with p r i c e s i n V i c t o r i a . Many s t o r e goods were s u p p l i e d on c r e d i t by V i c t o r i a merchants, brought to M e t l a k a t l a on the Carolina, and pa i d f o r with CMS donations and loan s , and the p r o f i t s from M e t l a k a t l a ' s b u s i n e s s e s . I n c r e a s i n g l y i n the 1860s and 70s, commodities ( i n c l u d i n g f u r s ) from a b o r i g i n a l groups on the Nass and the Queen C h a r l o t t e I s l a n d s were brought to M e t l a k a t l a r a t h e r than F o r t Simpson. With much Tsimshian f u r t r a d i n g e x p e r t i s e on board, the Carolina made many s u c c e s s f u l f u r c o l l e c t i n g t r i p s to the Nass, enhancing M e t l a k a t l a ' s commercial autonomy. The f u r s traded were pressed and p o l i s h e d at M e t l a k a t l a and were shipped to V i c t o r i a along with b a r r e l s of eulachon o i l , s a l t e d salmon and eulachon, d r i e d b e r r i e s , cedar timber and s h i n g l e s , and M e t l a k a t l a n h a n d i c r a f t s . In 1863, the HBC's c h i e f t r a d e r a t F o r t Simpson, Hamilton M o f f a t t , d e c l a r e d t h a t "Mr Duncan i s doing us a great d e a l of harm and I fear h i s o p p o s i t i o n more than the schooners'. In f a c t i f he continues the trade much longer I see no a l t e r n a t i v e but f o r us to shut up our shop." (70) In 1878 the A n g l i c a n Bishop Bompas reckoned t h a t Duncan's t r a d i n g o p e r a t i o n s had "swallowed up f u l l y h a l f of the Company's business on t h i s c o a s t . " (71) Duncan's economic p r o j e c t was i n e x t r i c a b l y l i n k e d to a wider s o c i a l programme. The p r o f i t s from M e t l a k a t l a ' s s t o r e and s m a l l i n d u s t r i e s provided over h a l f of the funds for Duncan's v a r i o u s s e t t l e m e n t schemes. He a l s o c o n s i d e r e d the s t o r e an agent of c u l t u r a l change. I t was stocked with the goods he thought "necessary f o r the c i v i l i z e d l i f e and t e n d i n g to e l e v a t e the t a s t e s and improve the appearance" of h i s b r e t h r e n - E uropean-style c l o t h i n g , c u t l e r y , and household f u r n i t u r e . (72) M e t l a k a t l a n s not o n l y worked for Duncan's bu s i n e s s e s , but were a l s o i n v o l v e d i n t h e i r f i n a n c i n g so they c o u l d grasp the l i n k s between hard work, the deferment of g r a t i f i c a t i o n , and i t s e v e n t u a l m a t e r i a l rewards. Although Duncan accepted government donations to e s t a b l i s h and support p u b l i c p r o j e c t s , he s t r o n g l y opposed the g i v i n g of g i f t s d i r e c t l y to a b o r i g i n a l s . "The p o l i c y of d e a l i n g out g i f t s to i n d i v i d u a l I n d i a n s . . . i s both degrading and d e m o r a l i z i n g , " he wrote to Department of Indian A f f a i r s o f f i c i a l s i n Ottawa: To t r e a t Indians as paupers i s to perpetuate t h e i r baby-hood and burdensomeness. To t r e a t them as savages, whom we f e a r and who must be tamed and kept i n good order, w i l l perpetuate t h e i r barbarism and i n c r e a s e t h e i r i n s o l e n c e . (73) Duncan b e l i e v e d t h a t a " c i v i l i s e d mind" was an educated mind; t h a t law and order were the b a s i s of a " c i v i l i s e d community;" t h a t the u n i t y of the f a m i l y was the b a s i s of a h e a l t h y s o u l . Yet to h i s mind - and t h a t of h i s funding p u b l i c - these f a c e t s of c i v i l i s a t i o n formed d i f f e r e n t spheres 35 of s o c i e t y , and were to be demarcated as such i n the s e t t l e m e n t . (74) R e l i g i o u s and s e c u l a r e d u c a t i o n , and law and order were the crux of the p u b l i c sphere. A s c h o o l , courtroom, p r i s o n , and church, the most prominent c o n s t r u c t i o n s i n the. s e t t l e m e n t , were b u i l t a t M e t l a k a t l a between 1862 and 1870 to house these p u b l i c f u n c t i o n s . The Coast Tsimshian f a m i l y formed the core of M e t l a k a t l a ' s p r i v a t e sphere, and the s i n g l e f a m i l y d w e l l i n g was to be the s i t e of p e r s o n a l prayer and f a m i l y l i f e . Duncan r e f e r r e d to M e t l a k a t l a as "God's V i l l a g e , " and d u r i n g the 1870s he planned rows of i d e n t i c a l , detached houses, each with a s m a l l garden, to r e f l e c t h i s brethren's e q u a l i t y before God. The e x t e r i o r s of these model homes had doors, g l a s s windows, and sash c u r t a i n s . Every i n t e r i o r was f i t t e d with t a b l e s , f u r n i t u r e , beds, and a c l o c k . Duncan hoped t h a t h i s f o l l o w e r s would l i v e i n n u c l e a r f a m i l i e s , but conceded that communal l i v i n g was an important b a s i s of s o c i a l cohesion and c o n t r o l i n Coast Tsimshian s o c i e t y and t a i l o r e d h i s housing plans a c c o r d i n g l y . Large f a m i l i e s were s p l i t up i n t o s m a l l two-storey b u i l d i n g s t h i r t y f e e t a p a r t , but they were connected by walk-ways t h a t f a c i l i t a t e d extended f a m i l y s o c i a l i s a t i o n . During the 1880s, photographs of M e t l a k a t l a and i t s Coast Tsimshian i n h a b i t a n t s were p u b l i s h e d i n A n g l i c a n m i s s i o n a r y j o u r n a l s to i l l u s t r a t e the "pr o g r e s s " made a t the s e t t l e m e n t . The s i g h t of elegant and s y m m e t r i c a l l y arranged wooden s t r u c t u r e s backed by w i l d e r n e s s allowed Duncan's l e t t e r s to be 36 put i n s t a r k v i s u a l r e l i e f . In many ways too, these photographs capture Duncan's concern with order and r e g u l a r i t y more v i v i d l y than h i s l e t t e r s . Venn i n s t r u c t e d h i s m i s s i o n a r i e s to l e a r n to speak the language of t h e i r a b o r i g i n a l b r e t h r e n , t r a n s l a t e the B i b l e whenever p o s s i b l e , teach a b o r i g i n a l groups to read and w r i t e E n g l i s h as w e l l as t h e i r own tongue, and encourage and t r a i n a b o r i g i n a l t e a c h e r s . Duncan lea r n e d Tsimshian and t r a n s l a t e d some of the Gospels while a t F o r t Simpson, but Venn's other i n s t r u c t i o n s were not f u l l y c a r r i e d out. During the 1860s and 1870s much of Duncan's t e a c h i n g time was spent a s s i s t i n g h i s c o n v e r t s with E n g l i s h . He employed Tsimshian t e a c h i n g a s s i s t a n t s , but d i d most of the t e a c h i n g i n s e c u l a r s u b j e c t s such as n a t u r a l h i s t o r y and p h i l o s o p h y h i m s e l f . Duncan d i d , however, attempt to develop Venn's p r i n c i p l e of a b o r i g i n a l " s e l f - r e l i a n c e r a t h e r than dependence" by promoting Coast Tsimshian self-government and autonomy i n r e l i g i o u s and s e c u l a r a f f a i r s a t M e t l a k a t l a . (75) "For the promotion of good government and d i s c i p l i n e i n the s e t t l e m e n t , " he t o l d B r i t i s h Columbia's superintendent of Indian A f f a i r s , "I have d i v i d e d the men, by l o t s i n t o ten companies...Each company has a c h i e f or headman; [and twenty other men) with something to do f o r the common weal." (76) These ten companies were gi v e n e i g h t e e n d i r e c t i v e s , the two most important perhaps being to care f o r t h e i r own s i c k and to d i s c o u r a g e company members from t a k i n g work o u t s i d e M e t l a k a t l a . Each held weekly meetings f o r " u n i t e d counsel and a c t i o n , f o r r e a d i n g the S c r i p t u r e s . . . a n d f o r making c o n t r i b u t i o n s to the Church Fund." (77) Headmen - a f t e r 1870 u s u a l l y Coast Tsimshian c h i e f s - a l s o made monthly r e p o r t s to Duncan on the moral and r e l i g i o u s progress of t h e i r companies. Women i n the community were s i m i l a r l y d i v i d e d , and t h e i r ten companies performed the same f u n c t i o n of s u p e r v i s i n g Duncan's c i v i l laws and encouraging prayer i n the home. From t h e i r i n c e p t i o n , these companies were a l s o i n v o l v e d i n the government of M e t l a k a t l a . A f t e r 1870, three r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s from each of the male companies s a t on the V i l l a g e C o u n c i l ; two more were dressed i n m i l i t a r y - s t y l e uniforms and made community p o l i c e c o n s t a b l e s ; and a l l male and female companies vo l u n t e e r e d two t e a c h e r s . Duncan s u p e r v i s e d t h i s company system and a l l s o c i a l programmes i n M e t l a k a t l a . Douglas appointed Duncan as l o c a l m a g i s t r a t e f o r the lower Skeena. Then, as a l o c a l o f f i c i a l , Duncan suggested to the P r o v i n c i a l Government i n 1872 t h a t i t appoint Robert Brown as c o n s t a b l e f o r the Skeena, and base him a t P o r t E s s i n g t o n to r e p o r t on Cunningham's s a l e s of l i q u o r to a b o r i g i n a l groups. But Duncan r e f u s e d to have p r o v i n c i a l p o l i c e a t M e t l a k a t l a . In 1875 he wrote a f o r c e f u l l e t t e r to a V i c t o r i a judge defending h i s use of "Indian c o n s t a b l e s " to uphold government laws i n M e t l a k a t l a : The r e s u l t s may not be as s a t i s f a c t o r y a t f i r s t but such an o f f i c e i s good t r a i n i n g f o r the n a t i v e s - tends to e n l i s t t h e i r sympathies on the s i d e of the law - i s l e s s expensive to the Government, and u l t i m a t e l y w i l l a f f o r d a 38 b e t t e r guarantee of the p r e s e r v a t i o n of the peace than i f h e l d by white men i n t h e i r midst. (78) Duncan's economic programme c r e a t e d a neat, s y m m e t r i c a l l y landscaped, e c o n o m i c a l l y autonomous settlement on the i s o l a t e d c oast of northern B r i t i s h Columbia. In areas of s o c i a l p l a n n i n g he a l s o fashioned what Crosby termed a system of "mosaic r u l e : " For many years before any J u s t i c e of the Peace, Indian Agent, or other o f f i c e r of the law was sent to t h a t p a r t of the country [the Skeena r e g i o n ] , these people were governing themselves under the d i r e c t i o n of t h e i r m i ssionary...(79) He allowed a degree of " n a t i v e autonomy" i n the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s of the s e t t l e m e n t , but as the s e l f - d i s c l o s e d moral and s p i r i t u a l shepherd of a people he s t i l l thought needed p r o t e c t i n g , Duncan's a u t h o r i t a r i a n r u l e over M e t l a k a t l a n s r a r e l y s o f t e n e d . In the eyes of h i s B r i t i s h middle c l a s s s u p p o r t e r s he had brought " r e l i e f " to a "demoralised" people, and through the pages of CMS books and j o u r n a l s , they came to know the new h a b i t s , a p t i t u d e s , and a c t i o n s of Duncan's C h r i s t i a n f o l l o w e r s i n c o n s i d e r a b l e d e t a i l . Duncan's system of economic and s p i r i t u a l i s o l a t i o n remained secure d u r i n g the 1870s, but was c h a l l e n g e d i n the 1880s. Duncan became i n v o l v e d i n an e c c l e s i a s t i c a l squabble with the CMS c e n t r a l committee, and W i l l i a m R i d l e y -Archbishop of the newly c r e a t e d Diocese of C a l e d o n i a . CMS i n s t r u c t i o n s became l e s s f l e x i b l e a f t e r Venn had d i e d . I t s c e n t r a l committee now i n s i s t e d t h a t m i s s i o n a r i e s were 39 p r i m a r i l y e v a n g e l i s t s and t h a t a b o r i g i n a l groups should be taught by ordained p r i e s t s . Duncan, who had never been orda i n e d , had been unable to keep CMS h e l p e r s sent from England, r e f u s e d to a l l o w Holy Communion at M e t l a k a t l a , and had supported Bishop C r i d g e ' s departure from the A n g l i c a n church i n V i c t o r i a a f t e r an e c c l e s i a s t i c a l d i s p u t e with Bishop H i l l s . (80) He was a l s o d i s c r e d i t e d i n the Church M i s s i o n a r y  I n t e l l i g e n c e r , and accused by R i d l e y of sexual misconduct. With the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of P o r t E s s i n g t o n i n 1871 and the development of the salmon canning i n d u s t r y on the lower Skeena from 1876, M e t l a k a t l a ' s economic autonomy was a l s o c h a l l e n g e d . Duncan found i t i n c r e a s i n g l y d i f f i c u l t to keep h i s b r e t h r e n at M e t l a k a t l a a l l year round, and when he opposed t h e i r summer departures to other c a n n e r i e s M e t l a k a t l a n c h i e f s c r i t i c i s e d him. Duncan became estranged from h i s church, and from Dominion o f f i c i a l s by speaking a g a i n s t t h e i r a b o r i g i n a l land p o l i c y . In 1887 he l e f t the Skeena r e g i o n with 600 f o l l o w e r s to e s t a b l i s h "new M e t l a k a t l a " i n A l a s k a . By the time he l e f t , more A n g l i c a n and Methodist m i s s i o n a r i e s were e s t a b l i s h e d at s e t t l e m e n t s on and around the Skeena. From the 1880s the s t y l e of m i s s i o n a r y n a r r a t i v e s changed. T h e i r " o b j e c t s of compassion" now i n c l u d e d groups of Chinese, Japanese and European peoples l i v i n g and working i n the a r e a . M i s s i o n a r y work with these groups was sponsored by the S o c i e t y f o r the Propagation of the Gospel (SPG) and a v a r i e t y of other 40 A n g l i c a n and Methodist m i s s i o n a r y s o c i e t i e s as w e l l as the CMS. T h i s work was now c o o r d i n a t e d by the church i n s t i t u t i o n s i n B r i t i s h Columbia as w e l l as the c e n t r a l committees of m i s s i o n a r y s o c i e t i e s i n London and Toronto. The "sense of p r o p e r t y " was s t i l l manifested i n m i s s i o n a r y work with a b o r i g i n a l groups i n i s o l a t e d s e t t i n g s , but m i s s i o n a r i e s s t a r t e d t o recount i n d i v i d u a l c o n v e r s i o n s t o r i e s and the spread of the C h r i s t i a n message through the work of "good n a t i v e C h r i s t i a n s , " r a t h e r than the c o n d i t i o n s of " p r o g r e s s " among whole groups as Duncan's l e t t e r s had done. S t i l l , many of the n a r r a t i v e ' s formal procedures continued to be invoked: the e x p o s i t i o n of s u f f e r i n g and r e l i e f remained much the same i n t o the t w e n t i e t h century, and the imperious d i s t i n c t i o n s between "heathenism" and " c i v i l i t y " were never s o f t e n e d . Schools and h o s p i t a l s i n i t i a l l y e s t a b l i s h e d and funded by m i s s i o n a r y s o c i e t i e s , and under the i n s t r u c t i o n and s u p e r v i s i o n of m i s s i o n a r i e s , were i n c r e a s i n g l y overrun by government funding and government appointed ( i f r e l i g i o u s l y -minded) teach e r s and d o c t o r s . (81) Venn's dictum of " n a t i v e agency and s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y " had a l s o been supplemented by (the American Methodist) J.R. Mott's more i m p e r i a l slogan "The E v a n g e l i z a t i o n of the World i n t h i s G e n e r a t i o n , " and i n the Skeena r e g i o n A n g l i c a n and Methodist m i s s i o n a r y movements pursued a p o l i c y of i t i n e r a n t evangelism. (82) The presence of both Methodist and A n g l i c a n m i s s i o n a r i e s i n the Skeena r e g i o n c r e a t e d denominational r i v a l r i e s , e s p e c i a l l y i n s e t t l e m e n t s 41 such as P o r t E s s i n g t o n where, from the 1880s, there was a r e s i d e n t r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of both churches. << >> Nineteenth c e n t u r y B r i t i s h humanitarianism was p a r t l y d e f i n e d by a number of geographies, one of which i m p l i c a t e d m i s s i o n a r i e s ' middle c l a s s sponsors i n B r i t a i n i n the p r o d u c t i o n of m i s s i o n a r y t e x t s abroad. M i s s i o n a r i e s e s t a b l i s h e d e c o n o m i c a l l y autonomous, s p a t i a l l y i s o l a t e d s e t t l e m e n t s as s e t t i n g s f o r moral i n s t r u c t i o n and s u p e r v i s i o n . M e t l a k a t l a was one such s e t t l e m e n t i n a c h a i n t h a t s t r e t c h e d a c r o s s A f r i c a , North America, and A s i a . In m i s s i o n a r y t e x t s , these p l a c e s appear as i d e a l i s e d Utopias of C h r i s t i a n l i g h t , hope, and p u r i t y , and were c o n t r a s t e d with surrounding p l a c e s of darkness and s i n . (83) The readers of the church M i s s i o n a r y  I n t e l l i g e n c e r were t o l d t h a t M e t l a k a t l a was an attempt to b u i l d "a model C h r i s t i a n v i l l a g e r e f l e c t i n g l i g h t and r a d i a t i n g heat to a l l the s p i r i t u a l l y dark and dead masses of humanity around us." (84) Duncan b e l i e v e d the establishment of h i s community to be a triumph f o r c i v i l i s a t i o n , and urged Bishop Cridge i n V i c t o r i a to "Place our...model Indian v i l l a g e before the numerous Indian T r i b e s around here, shewing them the proper road to improvement, wealth and happiness." (85) Duncan engaged h i s r e a d e r s ' s e n s i b i l i t i e s by r e n d e r i n g the Tsimshian as h i s " c h i l d r e n . " They had not known good from e v i l u n t i l he showed them the d i s t i n c t i o n . With h i s move, good and e v i l became l o c a t e d i n d i f f e r e n t p l a c e s : M e t l a k a t l a 42 and F o r t Simpson, r e s p e c t i v e l y . To h i s n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y r e a d e r s , Duncan not o n l y brought c i v i l i s e d ways to h i s "heathen c h i l d r e n , " but a l s o masterminded t h e i r "improvement." To secure the donations t h a t supported h i s work for the CMS, Duncan - and many other B r i t i s h m i s s i o n a r i e s around the world - d i d not j u s t w r i t e to rouse compassion but a l s o r e p o r t e d p r o g r e s s . P l a c e s l i k e M e t l a k a t l a were o n l y imagined by the B r i t i s h middle c l a s s through m i s s i o n a r y j o u r n a l s , but e v a n g e l i c a l - h u m a n i t a r i a n i s m was i n p a r t c o n s t i t u t e d by the donation system t h a t sponsored m i s s i o n a r y s e t t l e m e n t s . M i s s i o n a r y s e t t l e m e n t s were i d e o l o g i c a l spaces. In a manifest way, however, p l a c e s l i k e M e t l a k a t l a s i g n i f i c a n t l y a l t e r e d the human geography of t h e i r r e g i o n s . M e t l a k a t l a drew many people away from neighbouring F o r t Simpson, and by c a p t u r i n g much of i t s trade probably d i d more to harm HBC o p e r a t i o n s i n northern B r i t i s h Columbia than e i t h e r American or Russian fur t r a d e r s had ever done. Duncan was the f i r s t independent t r a d e r i n the Skeena r e g i o n to draw upon the c r e d i t a c c o u n t i n g system of V i c t o r i a ' s independent merchants to stock h i s s t o r e with goods. And with t h i s new means of supply many types of goods p r e v i o u s l y u n a v a i l a b l e i n the r e g i o n were s o l d to a b o r i g i n a l groups: European c l o t h i n g and household items, f o r example. The e m p i r i c a l s t a t u s of m i s s i o n a r y t e x t s i s open to q u e s t i o n . I t i s d i f f i c u l t to judge t h e i r e x p l a n a t i o n s of why a b o r i g i n a l people groups embraced and a p p a r e n t l y adhered to the r e l i g i o u s and s e c u l a r d o c t r i n e s of C h r i s t i a n i t y . A b o r i g i n a l groups l e f t no w r i t t e n r e c o r d s d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d a g a i n s t which the bold a s s e r t i o n s of m i s s i o n a r i e s might by assessed. The a b o r i g i n a l v o i c e quoted i n m i s s i o n a r y t e x t s i s the m i s s i o n a r y ' s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of what was heard. B r i t i s h m i s s i o n a r i e s i n B r i t i s h Columbia, i n c l u d i n g Duncan a t M e t l a k a t l a , were ni n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of an enduring form of i d e o l o g i c a l power: C h r i s t i a n i t y . The s u b j e c t s of m i s s i o n a r y d i s c o u r s e - a b o r i g i n a l peoples - were o b j e c t i f i e d by a s e t of moral c a t e g o r i e s , and t h e i r p o i n t s of view were thus d i s m i s s e d from m i s s i o n a r y accounts ex ante. They were not w r i t t e n of, but w r i t t e n about. The modes of reasoning employed by m i s s i o n a r i e s a l s o u n d e r l i e the way m i s s i o n a r y t e x t s have been t r e a t e d by h i s t o r i a n s attempting to r e c o n s t r u c t a course of events out of a u n i t a r y s e t of r e c o r d s . The h i s t o r i a n Peter Murray, f o r example, claims t h a t when Duncan a r r i v e d on the coast i n 1857 "the d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of Indian s o c i e t y was w e l l under way," and th a t m i s s i o n a r i e s a l l over B r i t i s h Columbia brought "a new s e t of va l u e s and b e l i e f s to a demoralized r a c e . " (86) The Coast Tsimshian a t F o r t Simpson, Murray says, l i v e d i n "a demoralized, s q u a b b l i n g and o f t e n v i o l e n t community," and he takes the Coast Tsimshian move to M e t l a k a t l a , and t h e i r apparent acceptance of Duncan, as evidence t h a t a b o r i g i n a l groups were no longer a b l e to d e a l with European s e t t l e m e n t along the coa s t i n t r a d i t i o n a l ways and looked to Duncan f o r 44 sanctuary. (87) Such arguments r e i t e r a t e m i s s i o n a r y d i s c o u r s e s , but cannot be used to e x p l a i n Coast Tsimshian motives f o r moving to M e t l a k a t l a . T h e i r motives are e x c e e d i n g l y d i f f i c u l t to r e c o n s t r u c t , e s p e c i a l l y as Duncan's f o l l o w e r s probably l e f t F o r t Simpson f o r a v a r i e t y of reasons. Some perhaps had become d i s h e a r t e n e d by i n t e r - l i n e a g e s q u a b b l i n g and drunkenness a t F o r t Simpson. Many who f l e d with Duncan may have feared t h a t the smallpox epidemic t h a t had taken Tsimshian l i v e s i n V i c t o r i a i n the summer of 1862 would spread to F o r t Simpson with the r e t u r n i n g canoe p a r t y . HBC t r a d e r s claimed t h a t others decided to leave a f t e r the epidemic reached F o r t Simpson i n the autumn of 1862 (although many i n t h i s group went t o M e t l a k a t l a to be i n o c u l a t e d a g a i n s t smallpox by Duncan and then r e t u r n e d to F o r t Simpson). Probably most of Duncan's f o l l o w e r s had no compunction about abandoning t h e i r t i e s with the HBC i f t h e i r m a t e r i a l needs c o u l d be s a t i s f i e d as e a s i l y elsewhere. At p u b l i c meetings i n F o r t Simpson, Duncan had informed the Coast Tsimshian about the type of settlement he wished to c r e a t e , and the r u l e s they would have to obey i f they l e f t with him. T r a v e l l e r s and government o f f i c i a l s who v i s i t e d M e t l a k a t l a suggested t h a t i t s Coast Tsimshian p o p u l a t i o n were p e a c e f u l , law a b i d i n g and i n d u s t r i o u s . V i s i t o r s spoke with Duncan's b r e t h r e n on many o c c a s i o n s , and re p o r t e d t h a t most of them were g r a t e f u l to Duncan f o r h i s work with them. (88) Duncan t o l d the same s t o r y to the readers of m i s s i o n a r y j o u r n a l s . S t i l l , the s t a t u s of these remarks i s u n c l e a r . Had a C h r i s t i a n s t a t e of mind emerged among the M e t l a k a t l a n Tsimshian? What were these M e t l a k a t l a n s g r a t e f u l f o r ? The h i s t o r i a n Jean Usher argues t h a t Duncan's m i l i t a r y -s t y l e company system i n a d v e r t a n t l y r e p l a c e d the f u n c t i o n s that had been i n f o r m a l l y served by the t r i b a l and c r e s t o r g a n i s a t i o n . . . [ a n d ] that the s i m i l a r i t y i n f u n c t i o n . . . a c c o u n t s i n l a r g e measure f o r the comprehensiveness of h i s goals and [the M e t l a k a t l a n Tsimshian] ready acceptance of h i s s o c i a l o r g a n i s a t i o n . (89) Duncan i n s i s t e d t h a t h i s t h i r t e e n "Laws of M e t l a k a t l a " were s t r i c t l y adhered t o , but i n areas of p r a c t i c a l s o c i a l p l a n n i n g , l i k e the company system, t h i s " s i m i l a r i t y of f u n c t i o n " may not have been c o i n c i d e n t a l . The CMS was e q u i v o c a l about the p o s i t i o n t h a t a b o r i g i n a l c h i e f s , as the t r a d i t i o n a l source of s o c i a l power i n a b o r i g i n a l s o c i e t i e s , should take i n a C h r i s t i a n s e t t l e m e n t . Venn ad v i s e d h i s m i s s i o n a r i e s to t r e a t them with r e s p e c t . But as Usher p o i n t s out, c h i e f s c o u l d a l s o be used to maintain s o c i a l c o n t r o l among a b o r i g i n a l groups "deprived of the rewards of t r i b a l l i f e , such as the sense of cohesion, [and] the network of people who c o u l d be depended upon for a i d . " (90) Moreover, Duncan thought t h a t they were important examples of h i s r e l i g i o u s and s e c u l a r t e a c h i n g . In s p i t e of the proclamation made to h i s funding p u b l i c i n 1862 t h a t he had e s t a b l i s h e d a C h r i s t i a n s e t t l e m e n t with no t r i b a l d i s t i n c t i o n s , Duncan d i d a l l o w F o r t Simpson c h i e f s to r e t a i n some of t h e i r p r i v i l e g e s of rank and s t a t u s at M e t l a k a t l a . The c h i e f s were i n c o r p o r a t e d by Duncan i n t o the h i e r a r c h y of M e t l a k a t l a n government, and shared 50 per cent of the annual v i l l a g e tax. Usher gathered t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n from Duncan's pe r s o n a l d i a r i e s which present a d i f f e r e n t p i c t u r e from the one i n h i s l e t t e r s p u b l i s h e d i n m i s s i o n a r y j o u r n a l s . Duncan, i t seems, compromised more than a few of h i s i d e a l s about the o p e r a t i o n of h i s C h r i s t i a n v i l l a g e . His c i v i l "laws" may have been obeyed, but important elements of the t r a d i t i o n a l Coast Tsimshian system of s o c i a l o r g a n i s a t i o n based on the acknowledgement of rank and s t a t u s remained i n t a c t . Usher's a n a l y s i s i s more s o p h i s t i c a t e d than Murray's, but she makes cl a i m s about s o c i a l change i n Coast Tsimshian s o c i e t y t h a t are e q u a l l y d i f f i c u l t to s u b s t a n t i a t e . Usher concludes t h a t a ' C h r i s t i a n mind' had emerged at M e t l a k a t l a , but does so mainly because the o r i g i n a l aim of her study was to show t h a t the Coast Tsimshian "were w e l l able to i n t e g r a t e elements of other c u l t u r e s i n t o t h e i r own l i f e . . . [ a n d t h a t ] t h e i r wealth and a c q u i s i t i v e n e s s a l s o predisposed the[m]...to accept the type of s o c i e t y o f f e r e d a t M e t l a k a t l a . " (91) The purpose of her study i s to show how I n t e g r a t i o n was a c h i e v e d . I n t e g r a t i o n may have been achieved, but the q u e s t i o n then a r i s e s : 'Why had i n t e g r a t i o n remained unaccomplished at F o r t Simpson?' Because HBC o f f i c i a l s a t F o r t Simpson were a p p a r e n t l y not i n t e r e s t e d i n a c c u l t u r a t i n g t h e i r trade p a r t n e r s , Usher assumes t h a t the development of t h i s 47 " p r e d i s p o s i t i o n " among the Coast Tsimshian was Duncan's achievement, and t h i s i s a t t r i b u t e d "to h i s in t i m a t e knowledge of the Tsimshian language, c u l t u r e and behaviour, and to h i s w i l l i n g n e s s to adapt many of h i s ideas to the t r a d i t i o n a l needs and valu e s of the Tsimshian people." (92) In Usher's t e x t , then, Duncan maintains h i s s e l f - d i s c l o s e d p o s i t i o n as the o n l y p o s s i b l e d i r e c t o r of change, and tu r n s Coast Tsimshian " a c q u i s i t i v e n e s s " to good use i n a " C h r i s t i a n U t o p i a . " Usher t r a p s h e r s e l f i n a hermeneutical c i r c l e and w r i t e s of Duncan as i f r e f l e c t i n g on what he had j u s t w r i t t e n i n a n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y l i v i n g room i n London. I t i s impossible to d i s c u s s s o c i a l change among the M e t l a k a t l a n Tsimshian from m i s s i o n a r y n a r r a t i v e s without a t the same time d i s c u s s i n g how m i s s i o n a r i e s authored t h e i r t e x t s . I have t r i e d to do t h i s by showing how m i s s i o n a r y a c t i v i t y i n 'remote' p l a c e s was wrapped up with a B r i t i s h p h i l a n t h r o p i c d i s c o u r s e , and how the one produced and reproduced the ot h e r . The geographies t h a t h e l d the two together were the means by which the c u l t u r a l face of modernising B r i t a i n reached north c o a s t a l B r i t i s h Columbia. The geographies underpinning m i s s i o n a r y t e x t s have a l s o had a l a s t i n g impact on the way t h i s aspect of n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y B r i t i s h Columbia has been s t u d i e d . Port E s s i n g t o n : p r o p e r t y , commerce, and government. U n l i k e e i t h e r F o r t Simpson or M e t l a k a t l a , P o r t E s s i n g t o n 48 was conceived w i t h i n the purview of the P r o v i n c i a l Government. The HBC's l e g a l t i t l e to the land around F o r t Simpson o n l y became c l e a r l y d e f i n e d i n 1861 when the C o l o n i a l Government (without any n e g o t i a t e d t r e a t y with the Tsimshian) s e t the t e r r i t o r i a l l i m i t of i t s "ownership" at 100 a c r e s . (93) The t e r r i t o r i a l extent of M e t l a k a t l a ' s "reserved Indian l a n d " under the stewardship of Duncan and the CMS remained obscure u n t i l f i x e d by Dominion r e s e r v e commissioners i n the 1870s. (94) P o r t E s s i n g t o n , on the other hand, was pre-empted by Robert Cunningham, and h i s a p p l i c a t i o n f o r ownership of the townsite was immediately r e g u l a t e d by the P r o v i n c i a l Land Ordinance Act of 1870. (95) C o l o n i a l and then p r o v i n c i a l governments claimed l e g a l t i t l e to a l l unsold land i n B r i t i s h Columbia (except a 40 mile s t r i p of land along the t r a c k s of the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway (CPR) granted to the Dominion Government as a c o n d i t i o n of C o n f e d e r a t i o n ) . Ownership of Government land was conveyed to i n d i v i d u a l s by Crown Grants upon the s a t i s f a c t i o n of a s e r i e s of c l a u s e s . These c l a u s e s v a r i e d between 1860 and 1913, but a f t e r the Land Act of 1870, i n c l u d e d the f o l l o w i n g . Land a l r e a d y surveyed by the C o l o n i a l Government co u l d be purchased, and l e g a l t i t l e t r a n s f e r r e d by a Deed of Conveyance. Unsurveyed lands c o u l d be claimed by pre-emption - c l a i m i n g , s e t t l i n g , and improving ungranted land before buying i t . Pre-emptions had to be recorded by l e t t e r with the C h i e f Commissioner of Lands and Works i n V i c t o r i a , and pre-t 49 emption l e t t e r s had to c o n t a i n a w r i t t e n d e s c r i p t i o n and map of the c l a i m . Pre-emptions c o u l d o n l y be made by B r i t i s h male s u b j e c t s and " a l i e n s " who had taken the Oath of A l l e g i a n c e . West of the Cascades, pre-emptions were r e s t r i c t e d to 160 a c r e s , and no two claims c o u l d be h e l d s i m u l t a n e o u s l y . Then, with proof from a t h i r d p a r t y t h a t the claimed land had been improved by $2.50 per acre and that i t had been c o n t i n u o u s l y s e t t l e d by the pre-emptor f o r two y e a r s , a C e r t i f i c a t e of Improvement was issued and t i t l e to the land c o u l d change hands. ( I n d i v i d u a l s with new c l a i m s on a l r e a d y pre-empted land were a l s o s u b j e c t to the above procedures.) However, before ownership r i g h t s were conveyed, pre-emptors had to have t h e i r c l a i m surveyed by a Government o f f i c i a l and pay the Government a d o l l a r per acre i n up to four i n s t a l l m e n t s . Even then, the Government r e t a i n e d r i g h t s to repossess p a r t s of any conveyed land f o r p u b l i c purposes - to b u i l d roads, g a o l s , s c h o o l s and other government o f f i c e s . (96) Robert Cunningham pre-empted Port E s s i n g t o n i n September of 1871, was i s s u e d with a C e r t i f i c a t e of Improvement i n J u l y of 1873, had the land surveyed i n J u l y of 1890, and r e c e i v e d a Crown Grant s h o r t l y a f t e r . (97) Pre-emption laws - and other s i m i l a r procedures f o r s t a k i n g m i n e r a l and resource c l a i m s - were i n s t r u m e n t a l : a t t a c h e d to the s e t t l e m e n t process because of p o l i t i c a l expediency and not because the C o l o n i a l Government b e l i e v e d t h a t the nature of p r o p e r t y ownership was of i n t r i n s i c 50 s i g n i f i c a n c e to the type the s e t t l e r s o c i e t y that might have been c r e a t e d i n B r i t i s h Columbia. The 1860 Pre-emption Act was introduced to y i e l d revenue for the Government and to r e g u l a t e c o m p e t i t i o n f o r land along the lower and c e n t r a l F r a s e r as t r a d e r s and s e t t l e r s sought land i n the hope of s u p p l y i n g the gold rush. On the eve of the F r a s e r r i v e r gold rush, a l l Crown land had to be surveyed before i t c o u l d be bought, and s u r v e y i n g p a r t i e s from the Royal Engineers were di s p a t c h e d to the r e g i o n so i t might immediately be opened up f o r s e t t l e m e n t . Government surveys were a l s o an important source of i n f o r m a t i o n about the a g r i c u l t u r a l p o t e n t i a l of the l a n d , and i t s r e s o u r c e s . During t h i s p e r i o d , however, government surveys never kept pace with the demand for land, and to prevent s q u a t t i n g and unlawful occupance Governor Douglas was compelled to a l l o w the pre-emption of unsurveyed land f o r a g r i c u l t u r a l purposes f o r a subsequent p r i c e of ten s h i l l i n g s per a c r e . Government s u p e r v i s i o n of land and resource s u r v e y i n g was a l s o loosened a f t e r 1875, when pre-emptors c o u l d h i r e t h e i r own s u r v e y o r s . (98) The C o l o n i a l Government c r e a t e d separate land p o l i c i e s f o r a b o r i g i n a l groups. From 1858, non-HBC s e t t l e r s and a b o r i g i n a l groups were segregated by a s e r i e s of l e g a l s a n c t i o n s - f i r s t around V i c t o r i a , and then along the F r a s e r . (99) The C o l o n i a l Government granted a b o r i g i n a l groups land r e s e r v e s f o r t h e i r s o l e management and s e t t l e m e n t , i n the 1860s 10 a c r e s per f a m i l y , although t h i s amount would vary. 51 S e t t l e r s c o u l d not pre-empt any p a r t of the r e s e r v e s , and a b o r i g i n a l groups were a l s o denied the r i g h t to pre-empt r e s e r v e or any other land. The Government claimed l e g a l t i t l e to a l l r e s e r v e d l a n d . I f any p a r t of a r e s e r v e was abandoned i t immediately r e v e r t e d to the Government. A b o r i g i n a l groups were a l s o f o r b i d d e n to s e l l r e s e r v e land - although t h e i r land h o l d i n g r i g h t s were undefined by the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e . A f t e r C o n f e d e r a t i o n , a b o r i g i n a l a f f a i r s were a d m i n i s t e r e d by Dominion r a t h e r than P r o v i n c i a l o f f i c i a l s , and r e s e r v e s were l a i d out more s y s t e m a t i c a l l y than h i t h e r t o had been the case. A b o r i g i n a l r e s e r v e s were a l s o grouped i n t o "agencies," and "Indian agents" were appointed to a d m i n i s t e r and s u p e r v i s e the p r o p e r t y laws d e v i s e d by Douglas and Bulwar L y t t o n , the C o l o n i a l S e c r e t a r y . (100) C o l o n i a l o f f i c i a l s claimed t h a t the r e s e r v e system was the best way of p r e v e n t i n g the a b o r i g i n a l groups camped around V i c t o r i a from being "arrayed i n v i n d i c a t i v e warfare a g a i n s t the white s e t t l e m e n t . " (101) C o l o n i a l and l a t e r Dominion o f f i c i a l s l e g i t i m a t e d such p o l i c i e s on s o c i a l and moral grounds s i m i l a r to those expounded by B r i t i s h m i s s i o n a r i e s . A b o r i g i n a l groups were, by decree, wards of the Government. In c r e a t i n g r e s e r v e s under wardship, both Duncan and Douglas thought they were " p r o t e c t i n g " a b o r i g i n a l groups from covetous white t r a d e r s . Duncan a l s o supported the Government's d e n i a l of an a b o r i g i n a l group's l e g a l t i t l e to t h e i r l a n d . In a l e t t e r to the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e i n 1860, he t o l d the B r i t i s h 52 Government t h a t Douglas's p o l i c y was the most " j u s t " and "humane" way of " d e a l i n g " with a b o r i g i n a l groups as they are yet so ignorant and improvident t h a t they cannot s a f e l y be t r u s t e d with the management or c o n t r o l of landed e s t a t e , which i f f u l l y conveyed to them, would soon pass i n t o other hands. (102) T h i s t w o - t i e r e d system of l e g a l s a n c t i o n s introduced new modes of demarcation and domination between s e t t l e r s and a b o r i g i n a l groups. The m i s s i o n a r i e s ' c o n c e p t i o n of moral and s o c i a l d e f i c i e n c y had become i n s t i t u t i o n a l i s e d . P l a c e s were now c h a r a c t e r i s e d by t h e i r p o s i t i o n w i t h i n a l e g a l apparatus t h a t favoured some groups while c o n s t r a i n i n g o t h e r s . T h i s l e g a l apparatus was a l s o r e f i n e d , r e d e f i n e d , and reproduced through the landscapes of enablement and c o n s t r a i n t t h a t i t c r e a t e d and supported throughout B r i t i s h Columbia. Skeena r i v e r s e t t l e m e n t s were s l o w l y brought w i t h i n t h i s governmental apparatus. B r i t i s h Columbia's "Superintendent of Indian A f f a i r s , " I.W. Powell, d i d not v i s i t the north coast u n t i l 1879. Most r e s e r v e s on the Skeena and Nass were not c r e a t e d u n t i l the mid-1880s, and the "Northwest Coast Indian Agency" under the s u p e r v i s i o n of C h a r l e s Todd was not c r e a t e d u n t i l 1888. (103) When Cunningham and Henry Soar (a saddlemaker and ex-Royal Engineer from New Westminster) pre-empted adjacent l o t s on the north arm of the Skeena e a r l y i n 1870, there was s t i l l c o n f u s i o n about whether or not the land had been re s e r v e d f o r the Coast Tsimshian. The C h i e f Commissioner of Lands and Works gave Soar p e r m i s s i o n to s e t t l e the land, but o n l y on the c o n d i t i o n that i t was immediately 53 surveyed and t h a t i t "be found not to i n c l u d e any p o r t i o n of any land h e l d a t an Indian s e t t l e m e n t p r e v i o u s to t h i s ] date [of pre-emption]." (104) Edgar Dewdney surveyed Soar's pre-emption i n September of 1871 while on a s u r v e y i n g t r i p up the Skeena f o r the Department of Lands and Works. (105) But he missed Cunningham's s e t t l e m e n t , and i t was not surveyed u n t i l a Government s u r v e y i n g p a r t y l e d by A.L. P o u d r i e r r e t u r n e d to the Skeena i n 1890. (106) By 1900, however, the s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n of the Skeena r e g i o n was f u l l y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of both of these land p o l i c i e s . There were 40-60 pre-empted and Crown granted l o t s around the mouth of the Skeena R i v e r - i t i s d i f f i c u l t to know p r e c i s e l y how many. (107) Many pre-emptions were c l u s t e r e d around salmon canning s i t e s such as Port E s s i n g t o n (map 2). Other l o t s were not s e t t l e d but used as f i s h i n g s t a t i o n s . Some l o t s on the i s l a n d s c i r c u m s c r i b i n g the Skeena r i v e r were used as bases f o r mining s p e c u l a t i o n . Only a few of them were used f o r farming. Most Tsimshian r e s e r v e s were c l u s t e r e d along the banks of the middle Skeena and lower Nass, and t h e i r t r i b u t a r y r i v e r s . There were few r e s e r v e s around the mouth of the Skeena (map 2). (108) As elsewhere, these Tsimshian r e s e r v e s and pre-empted or Crown granted s e t t l e m e n t s came under the j u r i d i c a l a u s p i c e s of d i f f e r e n t Government bodies. The former were the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of "Indian Agent" Todd and a number of s p e c i a l c o n s t a b l e s ; the laws r e g u l a t i n g the l a t t e r were overseen by p r o v i n c i a l l y appointed m a g i s t r a t e s , J.P.s, and p o l i c e c o n s t a b l e s . (109) The a n t h r o p o l o g i s t James McDonald argues t h a t these land p o l i c i e s supported forms of s e t t l e m e n t t h a t fundamentally a l t e r e d the t r a d i t i o n a l economy and s o c i e t y of the Coast Tsimshian groups l i v i n g a l o n g the lower and middle Skeena. (110) The emergence of the salmon canning i n d u s t r y at the mouth of the Skeena from 1876 onwards, he argues, transformed Coast Tsimshian space-economies i n t o a mere s e c t o r of a p p r o p r i a t i o n i n a much l a r g e r exchange economy. Salmon canners e i t h e r owned or c o n t r o l l e d the best f i s h i n g and timber s i t e s i n the r e g i o n , and Coast Tsimshian labour and technology was d i v e r t e d from " t r a d i t i o n a l p r o d u c t i o n " (the c y c l e of hunting, f i s h i n g , and g a t h e r i n g ) i n t o a "modern economy" of wage labour and m a t e r i a l consumption. ( I l l ) Coast Tsimshian groups were i n c r e a s i n g l y drawn from the Nass, F o r t Simpson, and M e t l a k a t l a , to work on f i s h i n g and canning c o n t r a c t s i n the Skeena c a n n e r i e s . These bold c l a i m s may be defended i n schematic ways. However, the t i m i n g , nature, and sequence of change i n Coast Tsimshian economy and s o c i e t y remain f a r from c l e a r . Salmon canners not o n l y employed Tsimshian fishermen, but u n t i l the 1890s a l s o depended on them f o r t h e i r supply of f i s h (with the employment of Chinese cannery workers, Tsimshian women performing p r o c e s s i n g t a s k s on the cannery f l o o r s were perhaps r e l i e d upon to a l e s s e r d e gree). A l l cannery employees were 5 5 paid money wages, and canners o f t e n i n s t i g a t e d a truck system by paying wages once every few weeks so t h a t t h e i r workers would have to s u b s i s t on goods s o l d i n cannery s t o r e s at i n f l a t e d p r i c e s . (112) Tsimshian f i s h i n g s i t e s on the middle Skeena were j e o p a r d i s e d as l a r g e numbers of f i s h were trapped by net a t the mouth of the r i v e r . Yet McDonald's n o t i o n of " a p p r o p r i a t i o n " i m p l i e s submission, and i s probably too s t r o n g a term. From the i n c e p t i o n of canning o p e r a t i o n s on the Skeena, Tsimshian groups c o n t e s t e d the a l i e n a t i o n and impoverishment of t h e i r f i s h i n g grounds, and I n t e r f e r e d with cannery o p e r a t i o n s . In 1878, the manager of the Windsor cannery, W.H. Dempster, had to pay a K i t k a t l a c h i e f $100 f o r the r i g h t to f i s h i n a s m a l l stream i n P e t r e l Channel (near K i t k a t l a v i l l a g e ) without i n t e r f e r e n c e , and the fishermen were then prevented from f i s h i n g i f t h e i r c a t c h exceeded what the K l t a k a t l a thought a f a i r r e t u r n . In 1879, Dempster, J.W. McKay (manager of Inverness cannery) and Henry C r o a s d a i l e (from a Nass cannery) wrote to the A t t o r n e y General: We are too weak to hold our own [ a g a i n s t the Tsimshian] and unless we are p r o t e c t e d we w i l l be o b l i g e d to abandon our e n t e r p r i z e s [ s i c ] as under present d i s a b i l i t i e s they are not remunerative. (113) The wages o f f e r e d by canners were r a r e l y accepted without complaint, and s t r i k e s o f t e n threatened a cannery's seasonal p r o f i t s . In a d d i t i o n , Tsimshian men and women were o n l y employed by the c a n n e r i e s d u r i n g the summer months and there was nothing to s t o p them from c o l l e c t i n g and d r y i n g f i s h f o r t h e i r winter consumption. When the summer salmon runs were 56 poor, o p p o r t u n i s t i c groups would t r a v e l south to work the hop f i e l d s around Puget Sound. (114) B r i t i s h Columbian r e s e r v e commissioners were the most n i g g a r d l y a l l o c a t o r s of a b o r i g i n a l land i n Canada, but i t i s u n l i k e l y t h a t the Coast Tsimshian s u b s i s t e n c e base had immediately been reduced to the p o i n t that they were dependent on a pure money economy. Instead, a t w o - t i e r e d settlement p a t t e r n probably produced a d i a l e c t i c of c o n s t r a i n t and o p p o r t u n i t y . Coast Tsimshian groups d e v i s e d ever more e l a b o r a t e and e x t e n s i v e - i f commodified - wealth c r e a t i o n s t r a t e g i e s , and from the 1880s used them s e l e c t i v e l y to r e d r e s s the e f f e c t of Government a b o r i g i n a l land p o l i c i e s . The system of Tsimshian p r o p e r t y r i g h t s t r a d i t i o n a l l y d e f i n e d by the p r i n c i p l e of u s u f r u c t was undoubtedly d i s t o r t e d by the r e s e r v e system, and with the banning of the p o t l a t c h i n 1884 the P r o v i n c i a l Government made a d i r e c t a s s a u l t on the i n s t i t u t i o n a l means f o r the s u r v i v a l of t r a d i t i o n a l a b o r i g i n a l economies. S t i l l , the Coast Tsimshian probably remained the most opulent a b o r i g i n a l group along the c o a s t , and were quick to s e i z e the economic o p p o r t u n i t i e s a s s o c i a t e d with f i s h i n g , canning and f r e i g h t i n g around the lower Skeena. By 1890, Port E s s i n g t o n was the most important node in t h i s non-HBC commercial economy, and the most enduring forms of s e t t l e r - C o a s t Tsimshian i n t e r a c t i o n focussed t h e r e . During the 1870s many members of the Kitsumkalum and K i t s e l a s bands from the middle Skeena moved t h e i r winter bases to Port 57 E s s i n g t o n . Many more came down r i v e r f o r the summer months. In the e a r l y 1870s they operated Cunningham's f r e i g h t i n g and t r a d i n g canoes along the Skeena, and from 1883 u n t i l the mid-18903 formed the backbone of h i s cannery work f o r c e . Salmon canners employed f i s h e r s and cannery workers on labour c o n t r a c t s . C o n t r a c t u a l r e l a t i o n s s t r e t c h e d f a r beyond these modes of economic i n t e r a c t i o n , however. They were deeply embedded i n the system of p r o p e r t y r i g h t s d e p i c t e d above. Cunningham forged a c o n t r a c t u a l r e l a t i o n s h i p with the K i t s e l a s and Kitsumkalum. With the help of h i s K i t s e l a s a s s i s t a n t James Robinson, he signed a fideicommissum with the K i t s e l a s i n 1880 f o r three acres on the westward f a c i n g shore of the s e t t l e m e n t . The l o t of land was handed over to the K i t s e l a s f o r $1 f o r " t h e i r own use f o r b u i l d i n g purposes," although under the terms of the agreement the Kitsumkalum were a l s o p ermitted to s e t t l e t h e r e . (115) In November 1881, the census enumerator recorded 113 Kitsumkalum and K i t s e l a s people l i v i n g i n P o r t E s s i n g t o n ; Cunningham's " p r i v a t e r e s e r v e " had become a winter v i l l a g e as w e l l as a r e s i d e n c e f o r summer workers. (116) Land c o n t r a c t s i n P o r t E s s i n g t o n were not r e s t r i c t e d to those with the Kitsumkalum and K i t s e l a s . Churches and entrepreneurs had to go through Cunningham to e i t h e r lease or buy land i n P o r t E s s i n g t o n . Methodist m i s s i o n a r i e s began working among the Tsimshian a t P o r t E s s i n g t o n i n 1876, and the CMS and SPG appointed a f u l l - t i m e A n g l i c a n preacher to work 58 among the town's Tsimshian, European, and Chinese groups i n 1884. (117) Cunningham granted both m i s s i o n a r y o r g a n i s a t i o n s s m a l l p a r c e l s of land upon which to b u i l d churches by deed of g i f t i n v o l v i n g a nominal l e g a l t r a n s a c t i o n of $1. (118) Under the system of p r o p e r t y r i g h t s a s s o c i a t e d with the pre-emption laws, Cunningham was i n a s t r o n g p o s i t i o n to shape the commercial development of Port E s s i n g t o n . The 1881 census l i s t e d o n l y seven "whites" i n the town, f i v e of whom were members of the Cunningham f a m i l y . However, d u r i n g 1880s Cunningham promoted s e t t l e m e n t and business i n h i s town by l e a s i n g and s e l l i n g p r o p e r t y , and by 1991 Port E s s i n g t o n ' s sedentary p o p u l a t i o n was made up of 22 Chinese and 5 Japanese, 133 Coast Tsimshian, and 38 "white" s e t t l e r s (appendix 1). (119) The Chinese and Japanese i n Port E s s i n g t o n worked i n Cunningham's cannery and the B r i t i s h American Packing Company's "Boston" cannery - b u i l t i n 1883, the land being s o l d to i t s American o p e r a t o r s i n 1891 when Cunningham had been Crown granted the Port E s s i n g t o n townsite. (120) The 38 European, American and Canadian s e t t l e r s i n c l u d e d cannery foremen, c l e r k s , accountants and fishermen, but a l s o a number of independent merchants - coopers, b l a c k s m i t h s , boat b u i l d e r s , s t o r e and h o t e l p r o p r i e t o r s , and a handful of farmers. Cunningham d i e d i n 1905, but by 1912 h i s company - R. Cunningham & Son, L t d . , now run by h i s son George - had developed a l a r g e r e a l e s t a t e business worth n e a r l y $50,000. 59 (121) Robert Cunningham owned a bar, h o t e l and r e s t a u r a n t , and supported the town's commercial growth by encouraging the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of other b u s i n e s s e s , shops and h o t e l s . By 1900 Po r t E s s i n g t o n was not o n l y an important salmon canning town, but a l s o the c h i e f p r o v i s i o n i n g and d i s t r i b u t i o n c e n t r e f o r Coast Tsimshian s e t t l e m e n t s and c a n n e r i e s along the lower Skeena. I t s sedentary p o p u l a t i o n never rose much above 500, but around the t u r n of the c e n t u r y d u r i n g the height of the summer salmon runs the town swe l l e d to over 5,000 people - the l a r g e s t p o p u l a t i o n of any s e t t l e m e n t along the mainland coast of B r i t i s h Columbia north of Vancouver. C o n t r a c t u a l r e l a t i o n s i n the town were not always harmonious. In 1886 Cunningham denounced h i s agreement with the K i t s e l a s and t r i e d to r e g a i n the " p r i v a t e r e s e r v e " land ( i t i s not known why). Both the K i t s e l a s and Kitsumkalum appealed to Indian Agent Todd to f i g h t Cunningham's c l a i m on t h e i r b e h a l f , but as t h e i r land was never a Dominion Government re s e r v e Todd c o u l d do l i t t l e ; the matter passed to P r o v i n c i a l c o u r t s . With community funds, the Port E s s i n g t o n K i t s e l a s employed a lawyer to f i g h t t h e i r case a g a i n s t Cunningham i n the Supreme Court i n V i c t o r i a . Cunningham l o s t the case and the land was r e t a i n e d . The d e t a i l s of the d e c i s i o n no longer e x i s t , but the three acre l o t was probably r e t u r n e d to the two bands under a r u l i n g t h a t s p e c i f i e d a breach of c o n t r a c t , even though the K i t s e l a s ' s c l a i m to l e g a l t i t l e of the land was denied. (122) 60 Then, i n 1902, the A n g l i c a n church was drawn i n t o a l e g a l and p o l i t i c a l b a t t l e between Cunningham and h i s main commercial competitor i n P o r t E s s i n g t o n , Peter Herman. Herman had purchased l o t s or land from Cunningham on the Port E s s i n g t o n water f r o n t i n 1898 to b u i l d a salmon cannery. As Herman expanded h i s cannery work f o r c e i n the f o l l o w i n g few y e a r s , he r e q u i r e d more land to c o n s t r u c t housing f o r h i s Tsimshian, Chinese, and Japanese employees. Cunningham r e f u s e d to s e l l or lease any more land, and Herman appealed to the A n g l i c a n church, which occupied the adjacent l o t , to e i t h e r l e a s e or s e l l t h e i r now unoccupied land to him. P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s A n g l i c a n p r i e s t , Benjamin Appleyard, sympathised with Herman and supported the intended t r a n s a c t i o n , w r i t i n g to h i s Bishop that he f e l t a s t r o n g p r e d i s p o s i t i o n i n favour of Herman, ...[who], guided by i n t e r e s t e d motives, employed married people as much as p o s s i b l e . . . [ w h i c h ] l e d to an improvement i n the s o c i a l and r e l i g i o u s l i f e of E s s i n g t o n , [ i n comparison with Cunningham, who]...employed men who were l i k e l y to spend t h e i r earnings i n d r i n k . (123) Upon Appleyard's a d v i c e , the Bishop leased the land to Herman for $125 per annum, but the indenture was blocked by Cunningham who argued t h a t the lease was l e g a l l y d i s p u t a b l e . The lands i n q u e s t i o n had been leased to a commercial r i v a l , and by 1900 were among the most v a l u a b l e i n the town. (124) Cunningham fought h i s case a g a i n s t the church on the grounds t h a t under h i s deed of g i f t the land had been gi v e n " f o r the use of the Church of England f o r ever, and f o r no other purpose whatsoever." (125) And the Diocese fought the i n j u n c t i o n on the b a s i s of the f i r s t h a l f of t h i s c l a u s e : namely, t h a t i f the church had been gi v e n the land " f o r ever" then i t c o u l d no longer be Cunningham's. The church won the b a t t l e , l eased the land to Herman, and the t h e r e t o f o r e approximate boundaries of t h e i r p r o p e r t y were f i n a l l y f i x e d by a Government approved survey. The i n c i d e n t r e f l e c t e d u nfavourably on the A n g l i c a n church, and s h o r t l y a f t e r Appleyard r e s i g n e d and r e t u r n e d to England. Once back i n England, Appleyard expressed h i s resentment a t Cunningham's ove r b e a r i n g s t a t u s i n the s e t t l e m e n t , w r i t i n g to h i s Bishop t h a t Cunningham owned a l l the p r o p e r t y at E s s i n g t o n and a l l who l i v e d at the p l a c e were more or l e s s under h i s i n f l u e n c e . Herein was the c h i e f d i f f i c u l t y as f a r as I was concerned: men feared him and h i s w i l l was law ...land] the l i f e Cunningham l e d and the t h i n g s he encouraged were, and I s t i l l b e l i e v e a r e , the g r e a t e s t d i f f i c u l t i e s i n the s p i r i t u a l advancement of the Church people a t E s s i n g t o n . (126) P r o p e r t y and labour c o n t r a c t disagreements d i d not a u t o m a t i c a l l y go through the Supreme Court i n V i c t o r i a . The spread of s e t t l e m e n t i n p o s t - C o n f e d e r a t i o n B r i t i s h Columbia was coterminous with the expansion of the P r o v i n c i a l j u r i d i c a l apparatus. I n d i v i d u a l s and groups c o u l d have t h e i r complaints heard and a d j u d i c a t e d by s t i p e n d i a r y m a g i s t r a t e s and J.P.s., employed by the P r o v i n c i a l Government f o r between two and twelve months a year. S t i p e n d i a r y m a g i s t r a t e s i n the Skeena r e g i o n r e s i d e d a t e i t h e r M e t l a k a t l a or F o r t Simpson, but from the l a t e 1880s made t r i p s to Port E s s i n g t o n a t l e a s t three times a month. By 1906, Skeena r i v e r s e t t l e r s c o u l d draw upon 62 a County Court system, based in the new town of Prince Rupert. O f f i c i a l s of canning and lumber companies - and between 1908 and 1914, the contractors of the Grand Trunk P a c i f i c Railway -were brought to County Court by groups of (espec ia l ly ) Chinese and Japanese workers for non-payment of wages; in nine cases out of ten the cour t ' s dec i s ion favoured the workers rather than the employer. (127) These examples of c o n f l i c t between Cunningham and the K i t s e l a s , Cunningham and the Anglican church, and of the reso lu t ion of worker wage grievances, indicate that in late nineteenth century settlements such as Port Ess ington, a l l i a n c e s and disagreements between d i f f e r e n t i n d i v i d u a l s , groups, and i n s t i t u t i o n s were increas ing ly mediated by the lega l apparatus of the government. (128) Disagreements between the HBC and Tsimshian in Fort Simpson had been resolved by on-the-spot negot iat ion and c o n c i l i a t i o n . C o n f l i c t at Metlakat la was always resolved through Duncan's system of c i v i l rules and laws. But in Port Essington - and many other new settlements in B r i t i s h Columbia - people increas ing ly drew upon the nascent resources of the j u r i d i c a l process to resolve d i f f i c u l t i e s , and i t was by the i r act ions and su i t s that the P r o v i n c i a l and Dominion governments came to define more c l e a r l y i t s range of contract and property laws. As soon as people entered Port Essington and numerous other pre-empted sett lements, they became bound up in a world of contracts and l ega l sanct ions: these new s e t t l e r communities were being 6 3 produced and reproduced by an i n c r e a s i n g l y s h a r p l y d e f i n e d system of l e g a l - c o n t r a c t u a l o b l i g a t i o n s . << >> E a r l i e r geographies of trade and r e l i g i o n were r e d e f i n e d i n t h i s l a t e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y i n s t i t u t i o n a l c o n f i g u r a t i o n . The h i s t o r i a n C larence B o l t argues t h a t the F o r t Simpson Tsimshian - now l i v i n g i n s i n g l e f a m i l y d w e l l i n g s i n a town th a t i n i t s m o r p h o l o g i c a l s t r u c t u r e bore many resemblances to Po r t E s s i n g t o n - a l l i e d with Crosby r a t h e r than the HBC i n the hope t h a t he might i n f l u e n c e the Dominion r e s e r v e commissioners i n t h e i r favour. (129) When Todd a r r i v e d i n the Skeena r e g i o n to take charge of the Northwest Coast Agency he d e c l a r e d t h a t he was very w e l l r e c e i v e d and welcomed by both Indians and white s e t t l e r s , with the e x c e p t i o n of the F o r t Simpson Indians and such of the Nass R i v e r Indians as are under the t e a c h i n g and i n f l u e n c e of Messrs. Crosby and Green. (130) "One of the main reasons why the [ F o r t Simpson Tsimshian] had converted [to C h r i s t i a n i t y ] , " argues B o l t , "was t h e i r hope t h a t by f o r s a k i n g t h e i r past they would a c q u i r e f u l l Canadian c i t i z e n s h i p along with i t s m a t e r i a l , p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l r i g h t s . " (131) Crosby was, however, l a r g e l y powerless i n government c i r c l e s , and when t h i s became r e c o g n i s e d by h i s Tsimshian f o l l o w e r s h i s a c t i o n s on t h e i r b e h a l f were deemed p e j o r a t i v e , and h i s form of "mosaic r u l e " weakened. Duncan a l s o t r i e d to defend Tsimshian lands from the encroachment of s e t t l e m e n t , f o r Tsimshian procurement grounds 64 formed the commercial b a s i s of h i s community's economic autonomy. But d u r i n g the 1880s he c o u l d do l i t t l e to i n f l u e n c e the two a r c h i t e c t s of P r o v i n c i a l and Dominion a b o r i g i n a l land p o l i c i e s , Joseph T r u t c h and Dr. John Helmcken. He a l s o found i t i n c r e a s i n g l y d i f f i c u l t to prevent h i s c o n v e r t s from working and t r a d i n g i n the "contemptible" salmon c a n n e r i e s around the Skeena, and the C h i e f s on h i s V i l l a g e C o u n c i l t r i e d to s h o r t c i r c u i t Duncan's a u t h o r i t a t i v e s t r u c t u r e s by themselves making d i r e c t appeals to the new "white C h i e f s " from the reserve commission. In Po r t E s s i n g t o n , the m i s s i o n a r y i d e a l of i n c r e a s i n g and g u i d i n g a b o r i g i n a l autonomy was never e f f e c t e d . P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s f i r s t f u l l time Methodist m i s s i o n a r y , W.H. P i e r c e , le d a K i t s e l a s c o u n c i l of e l d e r s i n the town, and formulated a systems of by-laws s i m i l a r to those fashioned a t F o r t Simpson by Crosby, f o r the self-government of the K i t s e l a s p r i v a t e r e s e r v e . (132) T h i s system probably worked f o r a s h o r t p e r i o d d u r i n g the l a t e 1870s, but became weaker as the settlement grew. A n g l i c a n as w e l l as Methodist m i s s i o n a r i e s c o u l d do l i t t l e to prevent t h e i r b r e t h r e n from working i n the two c a n n e r i e s on the Sabbath, or from l e a v i n g the s e t t l e m e n t whenever they p l e a s e d . P o r t E s s i n g t o n was e s t a b l i s h e d as a s e c u l a r community, where s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic r e l a t i o n s were i m p l i c a t e d i n much wider s t r u c t u r e s of power, and i n much more e x t e n s i v e modes of exchange. Coast Tsimshian, European, Chinese, and Japanese groups a l l - i n 65 v a r y i n g numbers - attended church on a Sunday and sometimes i n the week, but f o r most of the time the m a j o r i t y of them were e i t h e r engaged i n business p u r s u i t s or worked as wage lab o u r e r s on c o n t r a c t s . Church l i f e was one form of s o c i a l i s a t i o n among o t h e r s . Government r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s - i n the form of c o n s t a b l e s , and m a g i s t r a t e s - were u s u a l l y welcomed by Port E s s i n g t o n ' s e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l community. In f a c t , a few of them became s a l a r i e d o f f i c i a l s who c a r r i e d on t h e i r d u t i e s i n c o n j u n c t i o n with t h e i r business p u r s u i t s . I t i s d i f f i c u l t to measure the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of law enforcement i n Port E s s i n g t o n , but the means of law enforcement were c e r t a i n l y c l o s e to hand, and so e l i m i n a t e d the need to r e p o r t i n c i d e n t s and f i l e complaints v i a the time consuming mail system along the c o a s t . In c o n t r a s t , the A n g l i c a n and Methodist churches, which had few means at t h e i r d i s p o s a l with which to uphold t h e i r own precepts about what c o n s t i t u t e d a " l a w f u l " or " p e a c e f u l " community, would e i t h e r bemoan the lack of e f f e c t i v e means to enforce the law a t Port E s s i n g t o n , or charge r e s i d e n t o f f i c i a l s and the government with i n e f f i c i e n c y . (133) End remarks on the Skeena r e g i o n . A f t e r these d e s c r i p t i o n s of three v e r y d i f f e r e n t s e t t l e m e n t s some might argue t h a t the n o t i o n of a lower Skeena r e g i o n i s a r b i t r a r y . Company, church and government i n B r i t i s h Columbia have u s u a l l y been s t u d i e d s e p a r a t e l y , and the 66 s e t t l e m e n t s that each e i t h e r c r e a t e d or supported i n the Skeena r e g i o n might simply be taken as North Coast examples of widespread ideas and p r a c t i c e s . What, however, 'makes' the Skeena a ' r e g i o n ' , and not s e v e r a l exemplars, i s t h a t i n t h e i r d i f f e r i n g ways, through d i f f e r e n t means, and f o r d i f f e r e n t purposes, d i f f e r e n t i n s t i t u t i o n s brought n o n - a b o r i g i n a l t r a d e r s , church people, and s e t t l e r s i n t o c o n t a c t with the Coast Tsimshian. F o r t Simpson, M e t l a k a t l a , and P o r t E s s i n g t o n were a l s o w i t h i n easy access of one another by water. The Skeena r e g i o n was a Coast Tsimshian i n v e n t i o n , not mine. I t was r e - i n v e n t e d a t l e a s t three times d u r i n g the n i n e t e e n t h ce n t u r y , and t h i s study aims to r e v e r s e the c e n t r i f u g a l momentum of those r e - i n v e n t i o n s . I have attempted to show how seemingly i s o l a t e d and d i s c o n n e c t e d p a r t s of the world - such as the North Coast of B r i t i s h Columbia - are i m p l i c a t e d i n a s e r i e s of s o c i a l p rocesses, i d e o l o g i e s , and o r g a n i s a t i o n a l networks that t i e them to other r e g i o n s and other p a r t s of the world. Regions, as much as s o c i e t i e s , are not bounded t o t a l i t i e s . Nor do they develop f r e e l y with a momentum and c h a r a c t e r e n t i r e l y t h e i r own. They are made up of m u l t i p l e h i s t o r i c a l geographies. I have attempted to d e l i n e a t e o n l y three of those geographies here, by documenting how and why Company, church and government c o n s t i t u t e d Coast Tsimshian groups as o b j e c t s and s u b j e c t s of knowledge and power. More p r o b l e m a t i c a l l y , I have attempted to s k e t c h i n some of the forms of i n t e r a c t i o n , 67 a l l i a n c e , and o p p o s i t i o n t h a t these c o n s t r u c t i o n s e n t a i l e d . F o r t Simpson, M e t l a k a t l a , and Port E s s i n g t o n have been c o n t r a s t e d more than compared to i l l u s t r a t e how d i f f e r e n t the h i s t o r i c a l geographies of one r e g i o n can be. To show how, i n the words of M i c h e l F o u c a u l t , "we l i v e i n s i d e a s e t of r e l a t i o n s t h a t d e l i n e a t e s s i t e s which are i r r e d u c i b l e to one another and a b s o l u t e l y not superimposable on one another." (134) The d i s c o u r s e s by which these s e t t l e m e n t s have been c h a r a c t e r i s e d c o u l d never be "superimposable" because they can o n l y ever be seen - and, more i m p o r t a n t l y , be d i s t i n g u i s h e d -through the geographies t h a t they c r e a t e . D i s c o u r s e s and i n s t i t u t i o n s are not o n l y represented in. space, but are a l s o c o n s t i t u t e d through the geographies t h a t they c o n c e i v e . The d i s c o u r s e of commercial monopoly was not simply d i s t i n g u i s h e d by a s e t of t r a d i n g p r a c t i c e s and a s s o c i a t e d vocabulary, but was a l s o produced by a geography of procurement. There was a HBC d i s c o u r s e of commercial monopoly without F o r t Simpson; but without the many HBC posts of which F o r t Simpson was a p a r t , there was not. M i s s i o n a r i e s such as Duncan were not simply products of a B r i t i s h Imperial age, f o r t h e i r accounts of d i s t a n t p l a c e s and the people who i n h a b i t e d them d e f i n e d some of the ideas by which that "age" can be and has been d i s t i n g u i s h e d , and the forms of knowledge and power that i t generated. There was a d i s c o u r s e of e v a n g e l i c a l -humanitarianism without M e t l a k a t l a ; but without the many other m i s s i o n a r y s e t t l e m e n t s l i k e M e t l a k a t l a around the world, there 68 was not. P r o p e r t y and c o n t r a c t laws are two of the d i s t i n g u i s h i n g f e a t u r e s of modern, s e c u l a r s o c i e t i e s . In B r i t i s h Columbia they became e l a b o r a t e d by c o l o n i a l , p r o v i n c i a l , and dominion governments i n c o n j u n c t i o n with the spread of s e t t l e m e n t , c o m p e t i t i o n f o r land, and the i n t r o d u c t i o n of new modes of employment. To say t h a t these governments 'needed' laws to r e g u l a t e the spread of s e t t l e m e n t has some dangerous t h e o r e t i c a l and p o l i t i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s . F u n c t i o n a l i s t modes of reasoning conceal the r e l a t i o n s of domination upon which the l o g i c of t h e i r arguments r e s t . However, the s e t t l e r geographies through which these p o l i c i e s became c l a r i f i e d were a l s o used by government o f f i c i a l s to j u s t i f y the placement of a b o r i g i n a l groups on r e s e r v e s . Government d i s c o u r s e s on a b o r i g i n a l peoples i n B r i t i s h Columbia were not j u s t the c r e a t i o n of p o l i t i c i a n s i n Ottawa and V i c t o r i a ; they were a l s o c o n s t i t u t e d by a s e r i e s of s p a t i a l p r a c t i c e s . The p r i n c i p l e of a b o r i g i n a l r e s e r v e s was c r e a t e d before Robert Cunningham pre-empted Port E s s i n g t o n and salmon canners took the salmon running up the Skeena away from Coast Tsimshian groups; but Skeena r i v e r r e s e r v e s were not c r e a t e d u n t i l the Skeena r e g i o n had f i r s t been s e t t l e d by people l i k e Cunningham. A l l knowledge has v i s i b l e and a r t i c u l a b l e elements. The former might be c a l l e d geographies; the l a t t e r d i s c o u r s e s . They suspend each other i n language, and i n r e l a t i o n to t h i s study, i n h i s t o r i c a l documents. A l l language i s shot through 69 with r e l a t i o n s of power. A l l power r e l a t i o n s are conceived i n space. The r e l a t i o n s h i p s between power and knowledge cannot do without t h e i r geographies. 70 PART II PORT ESSINGTON, 1871-1920: A MINIATURE BRITISH COLUMBIA. I n t r o d u c t i o n . On a tour of the lower Skeena R i v e r s e t t l e m e n t s d u r i n g the summer of 1907, the d i s t r i c t ' s M.P., W i l l i a m Sloan, d e s c r i b e d P o r t E s s i n g t o n as "a m i n i a t u r e B r i t i s h Columbia." (1) Indeed, Cunningham's sett l e m e n t bore many of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of B r i t i s h Columbia's f i n de siecle economy and s o c i e t y . I t was an important commercial c e n t r e , d i s t r i b u t i o n p o i n t and salmon canning s i t e i n a B r i t i s h Columbian space-economy t h a t was no longer dominated by the c o l l e c t i o n and d i s t r i b u t i o n of f u r s through HBC f o r t s , but now hinged on the e x t r a c t i o n and p r o c e s s i n g of primary r e s o u r c e s -mainly f i s h , lumber, and m i n e r a l s . Changes i n the economic s t r u c t u r e of the town between 1871 and 1920 a l s o a t t e s t to the emergence of Vancouver as the main centre of commercial and f i n a n c i a l o r g a n i s a t i o n i n the p r o v i n c e . The salmon c a n n e r i e s t h a t dominated Port E s s i n g t o n from the 1880s brought together peoples of widely d i f f e r i n g n a t i o n a l c u l t u r a l backgrounds. Many of the c u l t u r a l cleavages and t e n s i o n s i n B r i t i s h Columbia's l a t e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y m u l t i c u l t u r a l s o c i e t y have t h e i r r o o t s i n p l a c e s l i k e P o r t E s s i n g t o n . T h i s chapter i s d i v i d e d i n t o three main s e c t i o n s . The f i r s t d e a l s with the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of P o r t E s s i n g t o n , i t s pre-salmon canning space-economy, and the HBC's i n t e r e s t i n the lower Skeena. The second d i s c u s s e s the r e o r g a n i s a t i o n of the 71 lower Skeena space-economy around the salmon canning i n d u s t r y , r o u g h l y between 1880 and 1920, and h i g h l i g h t s some of the r e g i o n a l , i n t e r n a t i o n a l and l o c a l r e l a t i o n s t h a t r e v o l v e d around the three c a n n e r i e s i n Port E s s i n g t o n . The t h i r d c o n s i d e r s the forms of economic and s o c i a l l i f e t h a t were hedged around Port E s s i n g t o n ' s c a n n e r i e s , and how p r o v i n c i a l p o l i c e c o n s t a b l e s monitored the s o c i a l and seasonal l i f e of the town. 1. Robert Cunningham and the V i c t o r i a business community. "Ho! For the Skeena." T h i s was the h e a d l i n e i n the B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t f o r February 21, 1871, as the HBC s h i p O t t e r s a i l e d f o r the Skeena r e g i o n with trade s u p p l i e s , and gold mining p r o s p e c t o r s bound for the i n t e r i o r . E a r l y i n 1869, F o r t Simpson f ur t r a d e r s heard of a major gold s t r i k e by a Norwegian pr o s p e c t o r i n the Omineca r e g i o n (northwest of the C a r i b o o ) , and others d i s c o v e r i e s i n the same area soon f o l l o w e d . Most of those bound f o r the Omineca from the south t r a v e l l e d v i a the F r a s e r r i v e r , but many came up the coast to the Skeena, navigable when the i c e melted In s p r i n g . (2) Cunningham was then employed by the,HBC, and requested h i s s u p e r i o r s a t F o r t V i c t o r i a to e s t a b l i s h a HBC s t o r e a t the mouth of the Skeena to equip the p r o s p e c t o r s . (3) His su g g e s t i o n was d i s m i s s e d , and a f t e r being r e f u s e d a pay r i s e -but a l s o with h i s own commercial ideas now i n mind - he l e f t 72 the HBC i n November of 1870. (4) He had p r e v i o u s l y w r i t t e n to the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e to pre-empt land on the north Skeena passage (now Inverness Passage), but h i s a p p l i c a t i o n was w i t h h e l d u n t i l the government had obtained "more exact i n f o r m a t i o n as to the l o c a l i t y . " (5) Meanwhile, Henry Soar was permitted to e s t a b l i s h a s e t t l e m e n t on the same s i t e under a M i l i t a r y Grant from the Government, and employed W.H. Woodcock, a prospector from C a l i f o r n i a , to run a s t o r e . Many of the p r o s p e c t o r s who came up the coast i n the winter of 1870 stayed a t "Woodcock's Landing" i n s t e a d of F o r t Simpson, and Woodcock s o l d most of h i s s t o c k . (6) Cunningham pursued h i s pre-emption c l a i m i n p a r t n e r s h i p with Thomas Hankin (another former HBC employee), and was permitted to occupy a s i t e a d jacent to "Woodcock's Landing" i n December of 1870. (7) Cunningham and Hankin brought goods from V i c t o r i a on the O t t e r , bought four canoes from the Coast Tsimshian, and e s t a b l i s h e d an o u t f i t t i n g s t o r e on the s i t e . In the winter of 1870-1 they s u p p l i e d 20 or so p r o s p e c t o r s with mining equipment and c l o t h e s , and i n A p r i l took them up the Skeena i n t h e i r canoes. (8) The canoes c a r r i e d two tons of f r e i g h t each and were operated by Tsimshian guides who charged $1 a day p l u s food f o r t h e i r s e r v i c e s . (9) Much l i k e F o r t Simpson - although on a much s m a l l e r s c a l e - Cunningham and Hankin's "Skeenamouth" s i t e depended on the s u p p l y of f r e s h food from Coast Tsimshian groups. During the winter, some Coast Tsimshian (how many i s not known) congregated around the 73 s t o r e hoping to g a i n employment as canoe o p e r a t o r s , but many more came o f f e r i n g f r e s h deer at $1-$1.50, and h a l i b u t a t 75 cents each. (10). W r i t i n g to h i s C h i e f Commissioner i n the summer of 1871, the Department of Land and Works' surveyor on the Skeena, Edgar Dewdney, enthused about d e v e l o p i n g the Skeena route to the i n t e r i o r . "Should the Omineca D i s t r i c t t u r n out as r i c h and e x t e n s i v e as i t promises," he wrote, p r i v a t e e n t e r p r i s e w i l l no doubt stock the l i n e with steamers, [and] both e m i g r a t i o n and s u p p l i e s must i n e v i t a b l y f o l l o w t h a t l i n e , the land t r a v e l on the Skeena r o u t e , to the same p o i n t on the F r a s e r R i v e r Route, being 60 miles a g a i n s t 464. (11) E a r l i e r t h a t year, the Department of Lands and Works had awarded Cunningham and Hankin the c o n t r a c t (and Woodcock the c o n s t r u c t i o n work) to cut Dewdney's 60 mile t r a i l between Hazelton and Babine Lake. (12) I f e x c i t e d by the new Skeena ro u t e , Dewdney was more e q u i v o c a l about Cunningham and Hankin's immediate prospects f o r t r a d e , i n f o r m i n g h i s employers t h a t "Many merchants [meaning Cunningham, Hankin, and Woodcock] are w a i t i n g to see what chances there w i l l be of forwarding goods by t h i s route before sending t h e i r orders below f o r t h e i r winter s t o c k s . . . " (13) A number of s h i p s brought p r o s p e c t o r s north again i n the summer of 1871, but they anchored a t the confluence of the Skeena and E c s t a l l r i v e r on the southern banks of the Skeena's mouth - a t a rocky p o i n t named by C a p t a i n Vancouver "Port E s s i n g t o n " - t a k i n g trade away from Cunningham's and Woodcock's s t o r e s . (14) 74 Cunningham and two a s s o c i a t e s - c a p t a i n Lewis of the O t t e r , and Mr. Bacon - were prompted to undertake a survey of the lower Skeena R i v e r i n search of a more a c c e s s i b l e s e t t l e m e n t , and they soon decided on Port E s s i n g t o n . (15) Under the circumstances, a move to Port E s s i n g t o n c o u l d o n l y improve Cunningham's t r a d i n g p r o s p e c t s , and i n J u l y of 1871 he pre-empted a 160 acre l o t around the p o i n t and moved h i s s t o r e . Dewdney d i d not t h i n k much of the d e c i s i o n . "I am unable to see t h a t [Port E s s i n g t o n ] had any advantage over the other [ p l a c e ] , " he r e p o r t e d , "as i t i s exposed to south west g a l e s and r e p o r t says c l o s e d by i c e i n the w i n t e r . " (16) The Canadian P a c i f i c Railway's surveyor i n northern B r i t i s h Columbia, C h a r l e s Horetzky, d e s c r i b e d P o r t E s s i n g t o n as "a miserable swamp, backed by p r e c i p i t o u s mountains, and having a s h o a l and poor harbour..." (17) Whatever the m e r i t s of Dewdney and Horetzky's case, Cunningham was now away from the commercial i n f l u e n c e of "Woodcock's Landing," and developed a f r e i g h t and p r o v i s i o n i n g trade c o n n e c t i n g h i s new s e t t l e m e n t with the newly-constructed Cunningham and Hankin s t o r e i n Hazelton. Lumber had been landed a t P o r t E s s i n g t o n i n June, and l a r g e s t o c k s of trade s u p p l i e s ( i n c l u d i n g mining equipment) were brought from V i c t o r i a on the O t t e r soon a f t e r . (18) Cunningham's K i t s e l a s a s s i s t a n t , James Robinson, e r e c t e d a s t o r e on the new s i t e , and with Tsimshian crews ready and w i l l i n g to operate h i s canoes Cunningham a d v e r t i s e d h i s new " f a c i l i t i e s " i n 75 V i c t o r i a . On three t r i p s between September and November of 1871, the O t t e r brought 330 gold p r o s p e c t o r s to P o r t E s s i n g t o n while o n l y 160 disembarked at "Woodcock's Landing," and of the 81 people t r a v e l l i n g north the f o l l o w i n g A p r i l , 60 stayed at P o r t E s s i n g t o n - now with a r e s t a u r a n t and bar. (19) To compete with Cunningham, the HBC renewed i t s i n t e r e s t i n the Skeena a f t e r a three year quiescence i n the a r e a . F o r t Simpson's C h i e f Trader, W i l l i a m Manson, had e s t a b l i s h e d a post at Hagwilget ( H a z e l t o n ) , and one on the Nass, i n September of 1866. The HBC hoped to i n t e r c e p t f u r s being brought down the two r i v e r s by Coast Tsimshian t r a d e r s to the whiskey t r a d e r s on the c o a s t , and to supply the HBC's i n t e r i o r posts from Hazelton. (20) Cunningham managed the Nass post, and Hankin the one a t Hazelton. (21) Both posts proved u n p r o f i t a b l e and Cunningham and Hankin were r e c a l l e d to F o r t Simpson e a r l y i n 1869. (22) Yet almost immediately upon Cunningham's pre-emption of Port E s s i n g t o n , James Grahame - the C h i e f F a c t o r of the HBC's Western Department with headquarters a t V i c t o r i a -a c q u i r e d land from h i s ex-employee to e s t a b l i s h a trade post. He e x p l a i n e d why i n a r e p o r t to W i l l i a m Armit i n Montreal i n September of 1871: From B e l l a B e l l a we proceeded on to the mouth of the Skeena R i v e r , where there i s a l a r g e assemblage of Indians who have t h i s season r e c e i v e d q u i t e an amount of money from p a r t i e s employing them to navigate t h a t R i v e r . These Indians p r o p e r l y belong to F o r t Simpson but the i n f l u x of white men, r e a c h i n g to the mines, has drawn them to the Skeena R i v e r , and two r i v a l towns are l a i d out there around which the Indians congregate [Port E s s i n g t o n and "Woodcock's Land i n g " ] , and the t r a d i n g p l a c e s t h a t have been opened have been making l a r g e 76 s a l e s to them f o r money, and a l s o r e c e i v i n g what f u r s they have. I found P o r t E s s i n g t o n the most e l i g i b l e of the two p l a c e s f o r b u s i n e s s , and o b t a i n i n g from the p a r t i e s who pre-empted the land t h e r e , a w r i t t e n engagement to c o n f i r m to the Company, as soon as the Government granted a t i t l e to the l a n d , three c o n s e r v a t i v e l o t s of 60 x 120 f e e t each, i n c o n s i d e r a t i o n of our opening a s t o r e t h e r e . I made arrangements to put up a s m a l l stock of goods, which I f u l l y expect w i l l be turned to good account, and save f o r us a p o r t i o n of the business t h a t has l e f t F o r t Simpson. (23) Grahame hoped t h a t the new HBC s t o r e under Matthew Feak would s u c c e s s f u l l y compete with Cunningham, and earn them an easy p r o f i t , f o r "The business t h a t has so f a r sprung up t h e r e , " he claimed, i s c r e a t e d , not by the f a c t t h a t v a l u a b l e gold f i e l d s have been d i s c o v e r e d a t Omineca, but because r e p o r t has taken so many men there i n hopes of f i n d i n g g o l d , t h a t the wants of these men alone make bu s i n e s s . (24) In the longer term, and "provided the mines t u r n out to be r i c h , " Grahame t e n t a t i v e l y regarded Port E s s i n g t o n as a base from which to r e - e s t a b l i s h a HBC trade network up the Skeena and a supply route to the i n t e r i o r . He estimated t h a t while s u p p l y i n g the Omineca v i a the F r a s e r c o s t the Company 40 cents per pound, the route v i a the Skeena would on l y c o s t them 17 c e n t s , and s t r o n g l y urged Armit to put "at l e a s t one" steamer on the lower Skeena to connect with the O t t e r . (25) The Omineca gold rush waned i n the mid-1870s, and Grahame's recommendations were not acted upon. Woodcock's s t o r e c l o s e d i n 1873 and the land changed hands. (26) By the l a t e 1870s, the stream of p r o s p e c t o r s t h a t had stayed a t P o r t E s s i n g t o n was reduced to a t r i c k l e of miners p a s s i n g through 77 the town on t h e i r way back to V i c t o r i a . (27) In 1877, Ch i e f F a c t o r C h a r l e s withdrew Feak, and t r a n s f e r r e d the HBC's remaining goods to F o r t Simpson. (28) During the 1870s, the HBC d i d supply i t s northern i n t e r i o r posts v i a the Skeena. But i n 1872 a h o s t i l e K i t s e l a s group blocked the passage of HBC t r a d e r s and goods through the middle Skeena, and by the time goods were advanced by t h i s route a g a i n , i n 1875, HBC o f f i c i a l s i n V i c t o r i a estimated t h a t t h e i r e s t a b l i s h e d F r a s e r r i v e r route v i a Yale was the l e a s t expensive. (29) The HBC d i d make some money a t Port E s s i n g t o n by ch a r g i n g Cunningham i n f l a t e d f r e i g h t r a t e s f o r b r i n g i n g h i s goods from V i c t o r i a on the O t t e r . But i t s s m a l l s t o r e probably c o u l d not compete with Cunningham's d i v e r s e a r r a y of goods, and many of the f u r s brought down the Skeena were being taken past P o r t E s s i n g t o n d i r e c t l y to V i c t o r i a . (30) C r e d i t l i n e s to the no r t h . On a tour of the lower Skeena i n the summer of 1874, the A n g l i c a n m i s s i o n a r y , Robert Tomlinson, d e s c r i b e d Port E s s i n g t o n as "one of those mushroom towns s t a r t e d at the time of the gold excitement some three years ago, and now almost d e s e r t e d except f o r a few t r a d e r s . " (31) Although Cunningham was granted a C e r t i f i c a t e of Improvement i n 1873, very l i t t l e of the s i t e was c l e a r e d i n the 1870s and the "few t r a d e r s " r e f e r r e d to by Tomlinson were n e a r l y a l l Cunningham's f a m i l y . Trade i n Cunningham's Port E s s i n g t o n s t o r e d e c l i n e d d u r i n g the 78 1870s (see below), but Cunningham continued to trade and b u i l t a sawmill a t the south end of the town i n the l a t e 1870s. (32) With Feak's d e p a r t u r e , Cunningham was the main European,trader on the lower Skeena, and Port E s s i n g t o n became the c h i e f e n t r e p o t f o r non-HBC merchandise t r a v e l l i n g from the coast to Hazelton and the i n t e r i o r . Cunningham's trade was underpinned by a s e t of economic r e l a t i o n s s i m i l a r to the ones drawn upon by Duncan a t M e t l a k a t l a , but q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from those s u p p o r t i n g the HBC's c o a s t a l t r a d e . During the 1850s the HBC's trade monopoly on Vancouver I s l a n d had become f r a g i l e . Independent entrepreneurs and companies based i n V i c t o r i a (and some i n New Westminster) r e c e i v e d goods from the west coast of North America and HBC supply s h i p s from Great B r i t a i n , and competed with the Company to p r o v i s i o n a b o r i g i n a l groups and s e t t l e r s . The spread of settl e m e n t i n t o the i n t e r i o r and up the coast d u r i n g the 1860s and 1870s was f a c i l i t a t e d by an expanding network of commission accounts and non-HBC s u p p l i e r s . Farmsteaders, ranchers and s e t t l e r s r e l i e d on the c r e d i t o f f e r e d by commission merchants i n V i c t o r i a to s t a r t b u s i n e s s e s , buy s u p p l i e s , and i n v e s t i n machinery and b u i l d i n g s . (33) Cunningham and Hankin r e c e i v e d goods on c r e d i t from over 30 merchants, d e a l e r s , and commission agents i n V i c t o r i a ( f o r a s e l e c t c i t a t i o n , see appendix 2). T h e i r p a r t n e r s h i p ended around 1876, but throughout the 1870s they both h e l d a bank-cum-credit account with one of V i c t o r i a ' s l a r g e s t merchants, 79 R.P. R i t h e t . (34) TABLE 1 (a) T o t a l C r e d i t s and Debits ($), Cunningham and Hankin Account, J u l y 1871 - Sept. 1874. (35) C r e d i t s Debits 1871 ( J u l y - Dec.) 380 1,456 1872 17,087 17,863 1873 19,660 21,207 1874 11,279 13,015 (b) Itemised C r e d i t s and Debits ($), Cunningham Account, 1878 and 1879. (36) C r e d i t s Debits 1878 5,809 7,675 1879 8,363 8,416 (c) Itemised C r e d i t s and Debits ($), Hankin Account, March -Oct. 1878, March - Nov. 1879. (37) C r e d i t s Debits 1878 1,271 1,609 1879 810 2,457 I t can be seen from Table 1 t h a t Cunningham and Hankin's d e b i t s always o u t s t r i p p e d t h e i r bank d e p o s i t s ( c r e d i t s ) . T h e i r trade at "Skeenamouth," Port E s s i n g t o n , and Hazelton r e l i e d on the monetary c r e d i t o f f e r e d by R i t h e t and other V i c t o r i a merchants. The itemised e n t r i e s i n R i t h e t ' s "Cash Books" i l l u s t r a t e how t h i s c r e d i t system worked. The goods taken on c r e d i t by Cunningham and Hankin were paid f o r e i t h e r by cash (from t h e i r a ccount(s) with R i t h e t ) or, more u s u a l l y , by p e r s o n a l cheques and money o r d e r s . With an u n r e l i a b l e p o s t a l s e r v i c e , and no t e l e g r a p h or sub-banking system co n n e c t i n g V i c t o r i a and the Skeena, they had to make t r i p s to 80 V i c t o r i a e v e r y 2 - 3 m o n t h s t o r e n e w m e r c h a n d i s i n g o r d e r s , d e p o s i t t h e e x t e n t o f t h e i r P o r t E s s i n g t o n a n d H a z e l t o n e a r n i n g s i n t h e i r a c c o u n t ( s ) , a n d p a y o f f p a r t s o f t h e i r c r e d i t b i l l s . C u n n i n g h a m a n d H a n k i n n e a r l y a l w a y s p a i d o f f c r e d i t b i l l s i n b l o c k s o f 1 0 - 1 5 s e p a r a t e a m o u n t s , 4 o r 5 t i m e s a y e a r . T h i s c y c l e o f b l o c k p a y m e n t s m i g h t s u g g e s t t h a t t h e y w e r e b o u n d b y a g r e e m e n t s w i t h g r o u p s o f c r e d i t o r s t o p a y b a c k a c e r t a i n p e r c e n t a g e o f t h e i r d e b t a t f i x e d t i m e s o f t h e y e a r . I t i s n o t known w h e t h e r a n y a g r e e m e n t s w e r e e v e r s i g n e d , b u t on a c l o s e i n s p e c t i o n o f t h e " C a s h B o o k s " t h i s s e e m s u n l i k e l y . A l t h o u g h c a s h a n d c h e q u e p a y m e n t s w e r e made on a r e g u l a r b a s i s , C u n n i n g h a m a n d H a n k i n o n l y made t h e m i f t h e y h a d b e e n p r e c e d e d b y a c o v e r i n g d e p o s i t two o r t h r e e d a y s b e f o r e . The " C a s h B o o k s " do n o t r e v e a l how much C u n n i n g h a m a n d H a n k i n owed t o t h e i r 30 o r s o s u p p l i e r s a t a n y one t i m e , b u t i t a p p e a r s t h a t w h i l e R i t h e t a l l o w e d t h e m t o r u n a $ l , 0 0 0 - p l u s o v e r a l l a c c o u n t d e b t ( a n d i n t h e l a t e 1 8 7 0 s l a r g e r i n d i v i d u a l d e b t s ) , he i n s i s t e d t h a t d e p o s i t s a n d p a y m e n t s w e r e made i n t a n d e m . T h e i r m e r c h a n d i s i n g c r e d i t o r s , h o w e v e r , s e e m e d more f l e x i b l e . The b a l a n c e f o r 1 8 7 8 - 9 i n d i c a t e s t h a t C u n n i n g h a m c o u l d a l m o s t c o v e r h i s d e b t s on a y e a r l y b a s i s ; b y 1879 H a n k i n p r o b a b l y c o u l d n o t a n d r e l i e d on t h e l e n i e n c y o f h i s c r e d i t o r s . (38) T h i s c r e d i t s y s t e m a f f o r d e d C u n n i n g h a m a n d H a n k i n some l e e w a y i n o v e r c o m i n g t h e c o m m e r c i a l r i s k s i n v o l v e d w i t h t h e i s o l a t e d , s e a s o n a l , a n d s o m e t i m e s u n p r e d i c t a b l e c y c l e s o f 81 trade on the Skeena. With assured c r e d i t in V i c t o r i a , Cunningham could guarantee a regular supply of commodities in his Port Essington s tore , and could make the most of trading opportunit ies on the Skeena whenever they appeared. The termination of Cunningham and Hankin's c r e d i t accounts would have made l i t t l e o v e r a l l d i f ference to the p r o f i t margins of the i r V i c t o r i a s u p p l i e r s . Nevertheless, the economic success of these merchants depended on people l i k e Cunningham in the s t r ings of new settlements throughout B r i t i s h Columbia. There have been few studies of how, or i f , these c r e d i t l ines changed the nature of commercial cap i ta l i sm in B r i t i s h Columbia, but Cunningham and Hankin's dealings in V i c t o r i a c e r t a i n l y a t tes t to i t s changing geography. Schematical ly , th i s seemed to happen. As the number of commission merchants and dealers in V i c t o r i a increased p r o p o r t i o n a l l y more qu ick ly than the s e t t l e r population of Vancouver Is land, there was a tendency for i n d i v i d u a l p r o f i t rates to f a l l (assuming that s e t t l e r incomes stayed the same). To f o r e s t a l l th i s tendency - and thereby to reproduce the ir independent c i r c u i t s of commodity exchange - V i c t o r i a merchants sought new c l i e n t s on the mainland. Mainland trade was dispersed and sometimes seasonal, however, and merchants could only susta in the ir new markets by widening and deepening c i r c u i t s of c r e d i t and indebtedness. Whatever the reasons why V i c t o r i a ' s merchants extended l ines of c r e d i t , what might be conceived as a fortunate ser ies of business t i e s 8 2 b u i l t up by Cunningham, perhaps through p e r s o n a l c o n n e c t i o n s , were pa r t of the r e p r o d u c t i o n of a much wider system of c a p i t a l accumulation. Port E s s i n g t o n was produced and s u s t a i n e d by these nascent c i r c u i t s of non-HBC commodity exchange s p i n n i n g away from V i c t o r i a i n an ever widening arch as much as by an entrepreneur who r e - o r i e n t e d economic a c t i v i t y on the lower Skeena r i v e r . While the goods Cunningham r e c e i v e d on c r e d i t i n V i c t o r i a were always paid f o r with money, a t Port E s s i n g t o n he exchanged many goods f o r go l d dust, and a t the end of the TABLE 2 Proceeds ($) from the exchange and s a l e of f u r s and gold dust ( i n c l u d i n g m i n e r a l s ) , Jan. 1872 - Sept. 1874 (Cunningham and Hankin), 1878 and 1879 (Cunningham). (39) (a) Gold Dust 1872: 121 81 1,227 2. 069 3.498 ( t o t a l ) 1873: 1,008 2.903 3.911 ( t o t a l ) 1874: 1,280 116 / s i l v e r 1.396 ( t o t a l ) 1878: 368 126 9 }quartz 229 1,300 178 2.210 ( t o t a l ) 1879: 88 115 } s i l v e r 203 ( t o t a l ) (b) Furs 1872: 100 }marten s k i n s 1872-4: 9,000 ? (40) 1879: 419 }From L & J -75 }-Boscowitz 340 }seal f u r s 283 }From HBC 1,766 }From Boscowitz 2.883 ( t o t a l ) 83 decade, f o r f u r s . I f Tables 1 and 2 are compared, i t can be i seen t h a t d u r i n g the 1870s few commodities were bought at Port E s s i n g t o n with cash. In 1872 and 1873, over 20 per cent of Cunningham and Hankin's t o t a l r e c e i p t s came from the proceeds of gold dust s o l d to the Bank of B r i t i s h Columbia i n V i c t o r i a . (41) And i n 1879, n e a r l y 35 per cent of Cunningham's t o t a l r e c e i p t s came from the s a l e of f u r s t h a t had e i t h e r been exchanged f o r commodities or bought with cash (as Grahame suggests) i n h i s P o r t E s s i n g t o n s t o r e . For any recorded year d u r i n g the 1870s, cash made up l e s s than 10 per cent of Cunningham's t o t a l d e p o s i t s i n h i s account with R i t h e t . Of course, he may have simply kept the cash proceeds of h i s s a l e s i n P o r t E s s i n g t o n and used them to buy other commodities. I t seems as l i k e l y t h a t Cunningham operated a t w o - t i e r e d t r a d e , paying f o r goods brought from V i c t o r i a with d o l l a r s , and a s s e s s i n g the p r i c e of these goods i n h i s s t o r e i n ounces of g o l d and numbers of p e l t s . As n e i t h e r Cunningham nor Hankin owned any s i z e a b l e g o l d c l a i m i n the i n t e r i o r , most of t h e i r g o ld dust came from t r a v e l l i n g p r o s p e c t o r s and miners heading south with t h e i r e a r n i n g s . The d e t a i l s of Cunningham's fur t r a n s a c t i o n s are u n c l e a r , but i t i s probable t h a t the Coast Tsimshian t r a d i n g or l i v i n g at Port E s s i n g t o n s t i l l b a r t e r e d f u r s f o r European goods. The f i g u r e s i n Table 2(a) show t h a t r e c e i p t s from gold dust f e l l between 1874 and 1878 as the gold rush faded, but do not r e v e a l e i t h e r how much go l d and how many f u r s were 84 accumulated s e p a r a t e l y by Cunningham and Hankin, or how Cunningham and Hankin experienced t h i s d e c l i n e i n t h e i r separate l o c a t i o n s . Table 1 and R i t h e t ' s "Cash Books" give a b e t t e r impression. A f t e r t h e i r p a r t n e r s h i p ended, Cunningham's Port E s s i n g t o n s t o r e c l e a r l y outshone Hankin's Hazelton o p e r a t i o n s i n terms of t r a d i n g r e c e i p t s . The dates of d e p o s i t i n Hankin's independent account i n 1878-9 (roughly, March-September) suggest that trade around h i s Hazelton shop was always f a r more seasonal than i n Cunningham's r i v e r mouth l o c a t i o n . In December and January few s h i p s c o u l d reach Port E s s i n g t o n because of i c e flows on the r i v e r , but Hazelton was cut o f f from the c o a s t f o r over 5 months a year. I t i s l i k e l y , t h e r e f o r e , t h a t even from the i n c e p t i o n of t h e i r p a r t n e r s h i p , Cunningham was doing more trade - from miners and otherwise - than Hankin. H y p o t h e t i c a l l y at l e a s t , i t can be argued t h a t between 1872 and 1879 trade i n Hazelton d e c l i n e d by 70 per cent while t h a t i n P o r t E s s i n g t o n d e c l i n e d by o n l y 50 per c e n t . (42) Because Hazelton was more i s o l a t e d than P o r t E s s i n g t o n , Hankin was h i t harder than Cunningham by the d e c l i n e i n trade i n the 1870s. T h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n may a l s o be supported by a n a l y s i n g the composition of trade i n the "Cash Books." By the l a t e 1870s, g o l d dust c o n s t i t u t e d l e s s than 20 per cent of Cunningham's t o t a l e a r n i n g s . He now had a s a w m i l l , and d e a l t i n a wide v a r i e t y of commodities, i n c l u d i n g Tsimshian a r t e f a c t s as w e l l as f u r s . (43) Hankin, on the other hand, had not d i v e r s i f i e d h i s trade - whether t h i s had been 85 p o s s i b l e or not - and h i s 1878 gold dust s a l e s of $1,146 c o n s t i t u t e d over 90 per cent of h i s t o t a l e a r n i n g s . (44) R i t h e t ' s f i g u r e s end i n 1879, but the economic f o r t u n e s of Cunningham and Hankin moved even f u r t h e r a p a r t d u r i n g the 1880s. Hankin l o s t trade around Hazelton as more entrepreneurs ( i n c l u d i n g the HBC), e s t a b l i s h e d new s t o r e s t h e r e . (45) Cunningham's s t o r e , on the other hand, continued to dominate the commerce of Po r t E s s i n g t o n , and with the c o n s t r u c t i o n of two salmon c a n n e r i e s i n the town i n 1883 and the development of a s h i p p i n g b u s i n e s s , Cunningham's earnings grew c o n s i d e r a b l y . << >> Knowing Cunningham's trade network, the space-economy of the lower Skeena between 1834 and 1880 can be more s h a r p l y d e f i n e d . P a t t e r n s of trade were c h a r a c t e r i s e d by three space-economies. The f i r s t - and the l e a s t understood - r e v o l v e d around the s u b s i s t e n c e and trade p r a c t i c e s of north c o a s t a l a b o r i g i n a l groups. The Coast Tsimshian traded f u r s at F o r t Simpson, Port E s s i n g t o n , and M e t l a k a t l a . They, along with other a b o r i g i n a l groups, a l s o traded f o o d s t u f f s at these p l a c e s , and from the l a t e 1860s operated canoes t a k i n g goods and people up the Skeena. (46) At the same time, the Coast Tsimshian traded with Europeans and other a b o r i g i n a l groups al o n g the mainland coast as f a r south as Washington, and t h e r e f o r e were not wholly dependent on trade i n these northern 86 s e t t l e m e n t s . (47) The second r e v o l v e d around the f u r trade of the HBC. The Company operated three i n t e r c o n n e c t e d exchange and marketing networks along the B r i t i s h Columbia co a s t , but of a l l i t s c o a s t a l p o s t s , F o r t Simpson was the one most geared to the export of f u r s to London. The f u r s c o l l e c t e d by the Coast Tsimshian were n e a r l y always exchanged at the f o r t s i t e and were b a r t e r e d f o r HBC trade goods. Trade goods were brought from B r i t a i n to the southern B r i t i s h Columbian coast and then shipped north along with produce from the HBC's c o a s t a l farms. F o r t Simpson's trade was s u p e r v i s e d by C h i e f F a c t o r s a t F o r t Vancouver and then a t F o r t V i c t o r i a . I t s fur exports were giv e n a monetary value by HBC o f f i c i a l s i n E a s t e r n Canada and London. The Coast Tsimshian c o l l e c t e d f u r s over h a l f of northern B r i t i s h Columbia and brought them to F o r t Simpson. The HBC accrued an average y e a r l y p r o f i t of 300 pounds from F o r t Simpson; an amount equal to the y e a r l y d i v i d e n d payments made to the HBC's l a r g e r s h a r e h o l d e r s i n London. (48) The t h i r d was a s s o c i a t e d with Cunningham and Duncan, and operated independently of the HBC. As with the fur trade at F o r t Simpson, the goods exchanged at Port E s s i n g t o n and M e t l a k a t l a u s u a l l y o r i g i n a t e d beyond the c o a s t a l area ( e s p e c i a l l y a t P o r t E s s i n g t o n ) . As independent o p e r a t o r s , the wealth they c r e a t e d was not siphoned o f f to f o r e i g n s h a r e h o l d e r s but was used to improve t h e i r means of t r a d e , and to up-grade the f a c i l i t i e s of t h e i r new s e t t l e m e n t s . Duncan 87 was probably the f i r s t European t r a d e r i n the r e g i o n to use money as a form of payment. Cunningham, Hankin, and Woodcock, who employed f a r fewer Coast Tsimshian than Duncan at t h i s time, a l s o began to use money as a medium of exchange. Yet money was o n l y one form of exchange among others on the lower Skeena, and Cunningham (at l e a s t ) exchanged many goods fo r gold and f u r s . T h i s l o c a l trade network was underpinned by a s e r i e s of exchange r e l a t i o n s with independent merchants. The m a j o r i t y of trade goods exchanged i n Cunningham's s t o r e , and many of those s o l d i n M e t l a k a t l a , were r e c e i v e d on c r e d i t from V i c t o r i a . Traders at F o r t Simpson a l s o ran a s t o r e , but Cunningham and Duncan took much of t h e i r t r a d e . With l a r g e and d i v e r s e s t o c k s of European goods, Duncan c o u l d meet the m a t e r i a l needs and wants of the M e t l a k a t l a n Tsimshian, and Cunningham was w e l l l o c a t e d t o trade with a b o r i g i n a l groups and p a s s i n g miners. His c r e d i t o r s u s u a l l y demanded cash payments and so he had to s e l l h i s gold dust to banks i n V i c t o r i a and h i s f u r s to d e a l e r s . From the l a t e 1870s a f o u r t h space-economy, a s s o c i a t e d with salmon canning, emerged on the lower Skeena. I t bore some of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the HBC's o p e r a t i o n s , being to a degree e x p l o i t a t i v e , and premised on the procurement of a s t a p l e product. In others ways i t broadened Cunningham and Duncan's economic s t r a t e g y : most salmon c a n n e r i e s were e s t a b l i s h e d with funds from V i c t o r i a and, l a t e r , from o u t s i d e the p r o v i n c e , and they ushered i n a thoroughly modern economy 88 of wage labour and money c o n t r a c t s . 2. Port E s s i n g t o n and the salmon canning i n d u s t r y . B r i t i s h Columbia's e a r l y salmon canning i n d u s t r y i s very p a r t i a l l y understood. (50) L i t t l e i s known about some of i t s most important f e a t u r e s - the ways ca n n e r i e s were f i n a n c e d and managed, and the nature of t h e i r markets. P a r t i c u l a r c a n n e r i e s , such as those a t P o r t E s s i n g t o n , cannot be analysed a p a r t from some of the g e n e r a l f e a t u r e s of the i n d u s t r y . Yet the w r i t t e n r e c o r d of the canning i n d u s t r y at Port E s s i n g t o n i s s parse. There i s an abundance of aggregate data on salmon canning, but v e r y l i t t l e on i n d i v i d u a l c a n n e r i e s , and even l e s s about the people they employed. S t i l l , some comment i s p o s s i b l e ; here I wish to focus on three s e t s of g e o g r a p h i c a l ( r a t h e r than p u r e l y i n d u s t r i a l ) r e l a t i o n s t h a t seem most p e r t i n e n t to the changing economic s t r u c t u r e of P o r t E s s i n g t o n and the lower Skeena between about 1880 and 1920. V i c t o r i a . Vancouver, and the economic management of Po r t E s s i n g t o n . Between 1876 and 1883, s i x salmon c a n n e r i e s were c o n s t r u c t e d on the lower Skeena r i v e r (map 3). Cunningham and Duncan opened two of them - a t P o r t E s s i n g t o n (1883) and M e t l a k a t l a (1882) - and the other four were owned and managed by i n d i v i d u a l s or s m a l l companies. (50) L i k e Cunningham e a r l i e r i n the decade, independent salmon canners on the 89 Skeena - such as George Dempster at Aberdeen - and those on the F r a s e r , r e l i e d on the c r e d i t o f f e r e d by commission agents and merchants, i n V i c t o r i a . Due to the v a r i a b l e and s h o r t d u r a t i o n of summer salmon runs (between 2 and 12 weeks, depending on the r i v e r and the y e a r ) , salmon canning o p e r a t i o n s were a c u t e l y s e a s o n a l . The season u s u a l l y s t a r t e d i n mid-June and was u s u a l l y over by the end of August. Canners such as Dempster needed funds f o r the c a p i t a l and labour c o s t s of the ensuing season's pack before i t had been produced. A cannery needed to mend i t s nets, make the salmon cans before the season s t a r t e d , I n s t a l l new or r e p a i r o l d canning equipment, and pay a c o n t r a c t fee f o r i t s Chinese workers before they were brought north. Canners gauged t h e i r p l a n t ' s s upply and pack c o s t s w e l l before the summer season, and with the s e c u r i t y u s u a l l y of a c h a t t e l mortgage commission agents advanced the necessary c a p i t a l . But agents c o u l d o n l y recover t h e i r loans when t h e i r c l i e n t ' s s e asonal pack had been s o l d , and so u s u a l l y sought c o n t r o l of the marketing to assure themselves of payment. They e i t h e r owned or c h a r t e r e d the sh i p s t h a t brought the canned salmon from the f i s h i n g grounds to Steveston and V i c t o r i a , marketed and s o l d the canner's product, and f o r t h e i r time and investment charged commission r a t e s on a l l t h e i r funding and d i s t r i b u t i o n s e r v i c e s . T h i s process of shipment and eventual s a l e would sometimes take e i g h t e e n t h months, by which time the canner had had another s e r i e s of seasonal c o s t s to meet. Thus, the c y c l e of c r e d i t and indebtedness was o f t e n perpetuated. (51) Of course the nature of commission merchants' involvement i n the salmon canning i n d u s t r y v a r i e d . Some - such as R i t h e t ; Turner, Beeton and Co.; and F i n d l a y , Durham and Brodie - took an a c t i v e p a r t i n the bus i n e s s , forming companies, d i r e c t i n g and c o n t r o l l i n g a number of c a n n e r i e s , and i n s t i g a t i n g c y c l e s of indebtedness, but others o f f e r e d the a p p r o p r i a t e c r e d i t while s t a y i n g l a r g e l y a l o o f from p a r t i c u l a r canning o p e r a t i o n s . In comparison with resource e x t r a c t i o n i n d u s t r i e s such as hard rock mining, i t co s t l i t t l e to s t a r t a cannery, and i n the formative years of the canning i n d u s t r y i n B r i t i s h Columbia (roughly 1870-1901) many entrepreneurs - whether under the s t r i c t f i n a n c i a l c o n t r o l of V i c t o r i a or not -crowded around ( e s p e c i a l l y ) the mouth of the F r a s e r r i v e r to r e a l i s e the quick p r o f i t s t h a t could accrue from the ex t e n s i o n of s m a l l loans. (52) V i c t o r i a merchants were perhaps l e s s f l e x i b l e with independent salmon canners than i n t h e i r d e a l i n g s with t r a d e r s such as Cunningham. A cannery's v i a b i l i t y was determined by many f a c t o r s , but commission merchants played an important r o l e . T h e i r d e c i s i o n to extend c r e d i t was u s u a l l y based on assessments of the present c o n d i t i o n of the salmon market and the probable s i z e of the ensuing season's run. When p r i c e s were low, funds would be with h e l d (or advanced a t higher r a t e s of i n t e r e s t ) , and loans r e c a l l e d . When the market was s t r o n g , funds would be advanced to most of those wishing to take the r i s k . (53) 91 The p r i c e of B r i t i s h Columbian canned salmon f l u c t u a t e d d u r i n g the 1880s, and i n the lowest years (1885 and 1886) the Aberdeen and Balmoral Canneries, which both depended on c r e d i t from V i c t o r i a merchants, were c l o s e d . But not a l l of the Skeena c a n n e r i e s were dominated by V i c t o r i a agents. As the geographer W i l l i a m Ross argues: While o u t s i d e c a p i t a l was e s s e n t i a l to most c a n n e r i e s the a v a i l a b i l i t y of c a p i t a l w i t h i n the [Skeena] r e g i o n meant th a t some s m a l l c a n n e r i e s were e s t a b l i s h e d . These c a n n e r i e s were not the o n l y source of income f o r t h e i r o p e r a t o r s . Consequently, d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d when the markets f o r canned salmon were poor these c a n n e r i e s continued to operate. (54) The c a n n e r i e s owned by companies (Turner, Beeton and Co.'s, Inverness) remained open, as d i d Cunningham's cannery and the B r i t i s h America (B.A.) Cannery a t Port E s s i n g t o n , which was c o n t r o l l e d by i n t e r e s t s i n the United S t a t e s (U.S.). (55) T h i s v o l a t i l e s t r u c t u r e of f i n a n c i n g and indebtedness was p a r t i a l l y s t a b i l i s e d between 1889 and 1891, and then more f u l l y i n 1902, as many of the independent c a n n e r i e s were absorbed by four l i m i t e d l i a b i l i t y companies. In 1889, the V i c t o r i a based (through F i n d l a y , Durham and B r o d i e ) , but B r i t i s h backed, B.C. Canning Company purchased f i v e c a n n e r i e s ( i n c l u d i n g the Aberdeen Cannery on the Skeena), and i n 1890 R.P. R i t h e t formed the V i c t o r i a Canning Company with mainly V i c t o r i a c a p i t a l and bought four c a n n e r i e s ( i n c l u d i n g the Standard Cannery on the Skeena). These companies were smal l i n comparison with the two l a r g e s t l i m i t e d l i a b i l i t y companies, both run from o u t s i d e of V i c t o r i a and both promoted 92 with money from o u t s i d e of the p r o v i n c e : the A n g l o - B r i t i s h Columbia Packing Company, formed i n 1891, and the B r i t i s h Columbia Packers A s s o c i a t i o n , forged i n 1902. (56) The former was c r e a t e d with predominantly E n g l i s h c a p i t a l , the l a t t e r with funds from e a s t e r n Canada and the e a s t e r n U.S. With head o f f i c e s i n Vancouver r a t h e r than V i c t o r i a , both companies a t t e s t to the emergence of Vancouver as the p r i n c i p a l t r a d i n g , d i s t r i b u t i o n , and business c e n t r e i n the p r o v i n c e . Both companies operated a cannery i n P o r t E s s i n g t o n . (57) In September of 1890, Henry B e l l - I r v i n g , of S c o t t i s h o r i g i n , as were many B r i t i s h Columbia salmon canners, secured options on a number of c a n n e r i e s i n B r i t i s h Columbia, and with E n g l i s h c a p i t a l r a i s e d through h i s un c l e , John B e l l - I r v i n g , promoted the London r e g i s t e r e d ABC Packing Company. (58) Henry B e l l - I r v i n g and R. Paterson (who ran an import-export business together i n Vancouver) became the Company's managers and s e l l i n g agents i n B r i t i s h Columbia, and i n 1895 B e l l - I r v i n g • s own company became the s o l e c a r r i e r of these r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . (59) By A p r i l of 1891, B e l l - I r v i n g had bought nine salmon c a n n e r i e s (seven on the F r a s e r and two on the Skeena), ab s o r b i n g n e a r l y a l l U.S. i n t e r e s t s i n the B r i t i s h Columbia salmon canning i n d u s t r y ; i n i t s f i r s t season of o p e r a t i o n s h i s Company c o n t r o l l e d n e a r l y one quarter of the p r o v i n c e ' s pack. (60) B e l l - I r v i n g r e q u i r e d some $465,000 to buy, i n s u r e , and operate the nine c a n n e r i e s (with $15,000 of working c a p i t a l each). (61) The money was r a i s e d through the s a l e of 100,000 93 pounds of p r e f e r e n c e stock with a d i v i d e n d premium of 8 per cent per year, and 100,000 pounds of o r d i n a r y stock with these s h a r e h o l d e r s being e n t i t l e d to a l l of the Company's s u r p l u s net p r o f i t s . (62) Most of these p r e f e r e n c e s h a r e h o l d e r s , and many of the o r d i n a r y s t o c k h o l d e r s , were E n g l i s h , but the p r e v i o u s owners of B e l l - I r v i n g 1 s nine c a n n e r i e s took 8.5 per cent of the f i r s t stock i s s u e , the shares being paid f o r by cash and/or by t r a n s f e r of ownership of t h e i r c a n n e r i e s . I t i s not known how many shares B e l l - I r v i n g i n i t i a l l y h eld i n the Company, but by 1911 the B e l l - I r v i n g f a m i l y c o n t r o l l e d almost 20 per cent of the o r d i n a r y s t o c k , and over 6 per cent of the p r e f e r e n c e s t o c k . (63) The Company had 3 d i r e c t o r s i n London and a l o c a l a d v i s o r y board i n Vancouver headed by B e l l - I r v i n g . Every year the Vancouver board r e p o r t e d to i t s E n g l i s h d i r e c t o r s and s h a r e h o l d e r s on the Company's for t u n e s i n B r i t i s h Columbia. (64) Shareholders could vote on Company p o l i c y at annual g e n e r a l meetings, but under a system of "By-Laws" i t seems that B e l l - I r v i n g was granted f u l l c o n t r o l of the Company's d e c i s i o n making processes, and i t s salmon canning p r o d u c t i o n and d i s t r i b u t i o n c y c l e i n B r i t i s h Columbia. (65) He a l s o handled the Company's insurance p o l i c i e s on f i x e d and mobile c a p i t a l , r e c e i v e d a 2.5 per cent commission on a l l Company purchases, and kept 5 per cent of a l l monies r e c e i v e d from pack s a l e s . (66) The accounts of the ABC Packing Company's nine c a n n e r i e s 94 were s u p e r v i s e d i n Vancouver by B e l l - I r v i n g . Each cannery kept 26 separate i n v e n t o r i e s of t h e i r s t o c k s of goods and salmon, and t h e i r supply needs. They were s c r u t i n i s e d i n the Vancouver o f f i c e i n c o n j u n c t i o n with the Company's aggregate f i n a n c i n g , p r o v i s i o n i n g , marketing, and s a l e s accounts, and summarised i n t h i r t e e n " S u b s i d i a r y Books." (67) T h i s c e n t r a l i s e d a c c o u n t i n g system helped B e l l - I r v i n g estimate the pack c o s t s and p r o f i t a b i l i t y of h i s c a n n e r i e s , and i t was supported by a wider system of economic s u r v e i l l a n c e . From Vancouver, B e l l - I r v i n g went north and south along the P a c i f i c c o a s t every year, r e c o r d i n g the c a p i t a l s t r u c t u r e and the s t a t e of technology i n h i s and o t h e r s ' c a n n e r i e s and n o t i n g the i n v e n t i o n and d i f f u s i o n of new equipment. He v i s i t e d Great B r i t a i n ( v i a the e a s t e r n U.S.) on average once every two years to d i s c u s s Company p o l i c i e s with the London board and to assess the s t a t e of the i n t e r n a t i o n a l salmon market. In B r i t i s h Columbia, however, most of h i s i n f o r m a t i o n was gathered by h i s cannery managers and agents s t a t i o n e d on the main c o a s t a l r i v e r s , and forwarded by t e l e g r a p h - and from 1894, by telephone - to Vancouver. In 1891 B e l l - I r v i n g bought the B.A. Cannery a t Port E s s i n g t o n from The B r i t i s h America Packing Company f o r approximately $40,000, and i n 1894 ownership of the nine acre s i t e was t r a n s f e r r e d to the ABC Packing Company. (68) A f t e r the s a l e , the Cannery's American o p e r a t o r s , Ben Young and Gus Holmes, became two of B e l l - I r v i n g ' s most important informants 95 n and c o n s u l t a n t s . They s u p e r v i s e d h i s two c a n n e r i e s on the Skeena (the North P a c i f i c as w e l l as the B.A. Cannery), and were two of the p r i n c i p a l mediators of Port E s s i n g t o n ' s burgeoning t i e s with Vancouver. B e l l - I r v i n g ' s "Notebooks" suggest t h a t Young was of s p e c i a l importance. U n t i l about 1910 he was B e l l - I r v i n g ' s c h i e f correspondent f o r the B r i t i s h Columbia c o a s t , helped B e l l - I r v i n g f i n a l i s e a l l f i s h i n g and labour c o n t r a c t s , and when the canning season was under way made weekly r e p o r t s to the Vancouver o f f i c e on how much was being packed a t c a n n e r i e s on d i f f e r e n t p a r t s of the c o a s t . B e l l - I r v i n g ' s new management techniques were one of the main reasons f o r the Company's success, and by 1925 over $2,000,000 i n d i v i d e n d s had been paid out to s h a r e h o l d e r s (about four times t h e i r i n i t i a l s u b s c r i b e d c a p i t a l ) . (69) The Company b u i l t new c a n n e r i e s i n Puget Sound and Alaska i n the 1890s, and with the other two l i m i t e d l i a b i l i t y companies d i d much to d i m i n i s h problems of o v e r p r o d u c t i o n and o v e r c a p a c i t y i n the B r i t i s h Columbia i n d u s t r y . Port E s s i n g t o n ' s t i e s with t h i s Vancouver-based salmon canning economy were entrenched i n 1902 with the formation of B.C. Packers. During the 1890s many smal l and f i n a n c i a l l y weak canning f i r m s remained on the F r a s e r and Skeena. Canning was s t i l l o r ganised around manual, s i n g l e l i n e p l a n t s , and with low o p e r a t i n g c o s t s i n d i v i d u a l entrepreneurs - now borrowing money from banks as w e l l as commission merchants -were s t i l l a t t r a c t e d to the i n d u s t r y . (70) With l a r g e bank 96 loans, n e a r l y 50 canners prepared to pack salmon on the F r a s e r i n 1901. The salmon run was good, but p r o f i t s were n e g l i g i b l e . Canners packed n e a r l y a m i l l i o n cases of salmon, but the i n t e r n a t i o n a l salmon market was flooded and over 180,000 cases remained unsold a t docks i n Vancouver (appendix 4 ( a ) ) . (71) In the winter of 1901 b a n k r u p t c i e s on the F r a s e r were widespread, and two businessmen from C a l i f o r n i a and Toronto, Henry Doyle and Amelius J a r v i s , proposed to r a t i o n a l i s e the i n d u s t r y once more. B.C. Packers was formed under the g e n e r a l management of Doyle with a nominal c a p i t a l of $4,000,000 i n $100 shares (15,000 preference and 25,000 o r d i n a r y s h a r e s ) , and $2.5 m i l l i o n i n debenture bonds to a c q u i r e p l a n t s and provide working c a p i t a l . (72) The money was s y n d i c a t e d through J a r v i s ' s investment banking and brokerage f i r m i n Toronto, and by 1904 over 60 per cent of the 27,000 or so shares taken up were he l d by i n v e s t o r s - many of them bankers and brokers - i n e a s t e r n Canada and the e a s t e r n U.S. (appendix 3 ( a ) ) . Doyle sought c o n t r o l of as many c a n n e r i e s as p o s s i b l e , and then hoped to r a t i o n a l i s e canning o p e r a t i o n s by r e d u c i n g the number of working c a n n e r i e s and c r e a t i n g a number of m u l t i - l i n e p l a n t s . L i k e B e l l - I r v i n g , Doyle's proposed amalgamation i n v o l v e d the d i s t r i b u t i o n of shares to canners a g r e e i n g to j o i n the A s s o c i a t i o n (see appendix 3(b)) (73) As the h i s t o r i c a l geographer Edward Higginbottom notes: Each cannery purchased would be paid f o r on a o n e - t h i r d cash, t w o - t h i r d s stock b a s i s , with a l l s u p p l i e s and 97 m a t e r i a l on hand being paid f o r i n cash. In t h i s manner each canner would have s u f f i c i e n t cash to pay o f f debts, and, as s t o c k h o l d e r s of the new company, would have i t s best i n t e r e s t s i n mind. (74) With t h i s cash-stock arrangement, B.C. Packers a c q u i r e d 44 of the 73 c a n n e r i e s o p e r a t i n g i n 1902, i n c l u d i n g 29 of the 49 c a n n e r i e s o p e r a t i n g on the F r a s e r . Under t h e i r r a t i o n a l i s a t i o n p l a n , n e a r l y h a l f of those c a n n e r i e s a c q u i r e d i n 1901-2 - most of them s m a l l , u n p r o f i t a b l e o p e r a t i o n s on the F r a s e r - had been c l o s e d by the end of 1905, but i n i t s f i r s t two seasons of o p e r a t i o n , B.C. Packers s t i l l c o n t r o l l e d over 40 per cent of B r i t i s h Columbia's t o t a l pack. (75) By 1904, almost 25 per cent of the B.C. Packers stock had been assig n e d by agreement or share i s s u e s to B r i t i s h Columbia salmon canners, and a p a r t from the 1,525 shares held by the V i c t o r i a Canning Company, the m a j o r i t y of them were c o n t r o l l e d by canners based i n e i t h e r Vancouver or New Westminster (see appendix 3(a) summary of d i s t r i b u t i o n ) . B.C. Packers a c q u i r e d the Balmoral, Standard and Cunningham Canneries on the Skeena, but none of them was c l o s e d . A l l three were obtained on the b a s i s of the cash-stock agreement, and Cunningham was i s s u e d with 375 shares. (76) I t i s not c l e a r why Cunningham was a t t r a c t e d to the merger d e a l , but i n l i g h t of the ABC Packing Company's success at Port E s s i n g t o n and North P a c i f i c , he probably thought that i t would enhance the p r o f i t s d e r i v e d from h i s canning b u s i n e s s . In a d d i t i o n , a f i r e at P o r t E s s i n g t o n i n November of 1899 had destroyed 23 of h i s cannery b u i l d i n g s , and so the 98 merger with B.C. Packers probably presented an o p p o r t u n i t y to redevelop h i s s i t e without having to borrow h e a v i l y . (77) A f t e r the merger, Doyle put forward a s e t of g u i d e l i n e s f o r managing the conglomerate that were s i m i l a r to B e l l -I r v i n g ' s . With a more complicated s e t of "By laws" and l i t t l e e x perience of how to run a l a r g e salmon canning concern, however, Doyle a p p a r e n t l y d i d not achieve the same degree of c o n t r o l over d e c i s i o n making t h a t B e l l - I r v i n g had done. The B.C. Packers "By-laws" e s t a b l i s h e d a h i e r a r c h i c a l system of economic power. (78) Doyle r e l i e d on " p r a c t i c a l experienced men" to operate the A s s o c i a t i o n ' s c a n n e r i e s . (79) Many of h i s cannery managers ran the c a n n e r i e s they had p r e v i o u s l y owned, but on a number of occasions the e x i s t i n g management was r e p l a c e d . On h i s i n s p e c t i o n of Cunningham's cannery, f o r i n s t a n c e , Doyle noted t h a t "The o l d hands l e f t by Cunningham [McTavish] are too much i n a groove f o r the A s s o c i a t i o n ' s good, and I would recommend r e p l a c i n g them another season with more a c t i v e and up to date men." (80) Some of the more experienced salmon canners - such as Alex Ewen -were e l e c t e d to the board of d i r e c t o r s , and c o u l d v o i c e the o p i n i o n s of t h e i r canning c o l l e a g u e s through the board's q u a r t e r l y r e p o r t to the s h a r e h o l d e r s . A l l of the A s s o c i a t i o n ' s salmon canners, however, were under the decision-making a u t h o r i t y of the four c h i e f members of the board: the P r e s i d e n t (or g e n e r a l manager) and Vic e P r e s i d e n t , and i n t h e i r absence, the S e c r e t a r y and T r e a s u r e r . Canners 99 c o u l d r a i s e motions and vote to change A s s o c i a t i o n p o l i c y at the q u a r t e r l y meeting h e l d i n Vancouver and the annual g e n e r a l meeting f o r a l l s h a r e h o l d e r s h e l d i n J e r s e y C i t y every January. But, under the c o n d i t i o n s of i n c o r p o r a t i o n , t h e i r s u g g e s t i o n s c o u l d be blocked by the board at the l o c a l l e v e l . The board was e l e c t e d by the sh a r e h o l d e r s at the annual meeting, and under the c o n d i t i o n s of i n c o r p o r a t i o n was granted power to borrow or r a i s e money, buy or s e l l canning i n t e r e s t s , and c o n t r o l the d i s t r i b u t i o n and marketing of the pack. I t co u l d a l s o form i t s own management committees, and make, amend, or r e p e a l A s s o c i a t i o n "By-laws" without the assent or vote of the s h a r e h o l d e r s . Yet i n an o v e r r i d i n g c l a u s e , the sha r e h o l d e r s c o u l d hold a " s p e c i a l meeting" to vote on any board d e c i s i o n and r e p e a l i t with a two - t h i r d s m a j o r i t y , a l l board d e c i s i o n s being judged i n terms of the undefined " i n t e r e s t s of the A s s o c i a t i o n . " I t i s d i f f i c u l t to weigh the de facto economic power of the A s s o c i a t i o n ' s board of d i r e c t o r s and salmon canners, but i t seems t h a t the A s s o c i a t i o n ' s e a s t e r n s h a r e h o l d e r s and board members had c o n s i d e r a b l y more c o n t r o l over the economic fo r t u n e s of B.C. Packers than the ABC Packing Company's E n g l i s h s h a r e h o l d e r s had over B e l l - I r v i n g ' s o p e r a t i o n s . With John B e l l - I r v i n g as chairman of i t s London board and the l a r g e s t s h a r e h o l d e r , the ABC Packing Company was very much a f a m i l y b u s i n e s s . But many of B.C. Packers' l a r g e s h a r e h o l d e r s , and two members of the board, were from the 100 banking world. Company f i l e s r e v e a l that between 1904 and 1912 few shares changed hands, but i n t h i s v o l a t i l e i n d u s t r y , where p r o f i t s c o u l d vary widely, a t t i t u d e s to investment and management s t r a t e g i e s c o u l d be q u i c k l y r e v e r s e d . Many of the A s s o c i a t i o n ' s s h a r e h o l d e r s l i v i n g i n e a s t e r n Canada and the U.S. had l i t t l e i n t e r e s t i n the running of salmon c a n n e r i e s . The m a j o r i t y of them had never been to B r i t i s h Columbia. A l l they hoped f o r was a steady r e t u r n on investment, and i f f a c u l t i e s on the board of d i r e c t o r s a d v i s e d them t h a t t h i s income was being j e o p a r d i s e d by managers and agents i n the west, then they would thi n k twice before endorsing new investment and management p o l i c i e s . R e f l e c t i n g on h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p with h i s board and s h a r e h o l d e r s , Doyle argued t h a t while the management of the A s s o c i a t i o n should f u n c t i o n through i t s board of d i r e c t o r s without i n t e r f e r e n c e from the e a s t e r n bond holders or s h a r e h o l d e r s [as w r i t t e n down i n the C e r t i f i c a t e of I n c o r p o r a t i o n ] , [ e l v e r y one of these solemn o b l i g a t i o n s - both e a s t e r n and western - were v i o l a t e d and ignored from the very commencement. (81) He continued, t h a t "through the connivance of our b a n k e r s / d i r e c t o r s , p o s i t i o n s which had been promised s h a r e h o l d e r s were gi v e n non s t o c k - h o l d e r s . . . w h i l e s h a r e h o l d e r s e n t i t l e d to employment were completely ignored." In 1904 Doyle r e s i g n e d from h i s post as g e n e r a l manager. (82) The p r e c i s e management r e l a t i o n s t y i n g the Cunningham and B.A. Canneries to these two companies and t h e i r s h a r e h o l d e r s are impossible to r e c o n s t r u c t from canning r e c o r d s . I t i s , however, c l e a r t h a t by 1902 P o r t E s s i n g t o n was i m p l i c a t e d i n 101 an i n t e r n a t i o n a l system of i n d u s t r i a l f i n a n c e , and t h a t wherever decision-making power l a y , the space-economy of the lower Skeena was i n c r e a s i n g l y o r c h e s t r a t e d through Vancouver r a t h e r than V i c t o r i a . The lower Skeena experienced l e s s r e o r g a n i s a t i o n than the F r a s e r as a r e s u l t of the mergers -because the two new companies had fewer and more d i s p e r s e d c a n n e r i e s i n the north, and the r e t u r n s to c a n n e r i e s on the Skeena had been more s t a b l e than those on the F r a s e r . When r e o r g a n i s a t i o n on the Skeena d i d come, between about 1905 and 1923, i t had more to do with r e s t r i c t i n g the number of boats f i s h i n g out of each cannery than with r a t i o n a l i s i n g the number and c a p a c i t y of o p e r a t i n g c a n n e r i e s . (83) V i c t o r i a ' s i n f l u e n c e i n Port E s s i n g t o n was not e n t i r e l y d i s p l a c e d . In 1898 Herman a c q u i r e d land from Cunningham along the Port E s s i n g t o n foreshore to c o n s t r u c t a o n e - l i n e cannery, and was backed by the Simon L e i s e r Company of V i c t o r i a . Herman's cannery was s m a l l e r and l e s s p r o f i t a b l e ( i n terms of c o s t per case) than the other two Port E s s i n g t o n c a n n e r i e s , and Doyle d e s c r i b e d i t as "an apology f o r a cannery...hampered by i t s lack of space and the p r e c a r i o u s f i n a n c i a l c o n d i t i o n of i t s p r o p r i e t o r s . " (84) Between 1899 and 1903 Herman packed salmon under a v a r i e t y of company names, and i n 1900 and 1901 "custom" packed f o r other companies. However, the Simon L e i s e r Company withdrew i t s f i n a n c i a l support i n 1904, and Herman's cannery was taken over by Doyle and R.V. Winch's Vancouver-based, and bank f i n a n c e d , Skeena R i v e r Commercial 102 Company. (85) By 1905, the op e r a t i o n s of Port E s s i n g t o n ' s c a n n e r i e s had been overhauled by the s o p h i s t i c a t e d management s t r u c t u r e s of three Vancouver-based companies, and were being supported with funds l a r g e l y from beyond the p r o v i n c e . (86) They c h a r a c t e r i s e the e c l i p s e of V i c t o r i a as the c h i e f f i n a n c i a l c e n t r e i n the prov i n c e and the d e c l i n e of the l o c a l brokerage and commission system of c r e d i t i n B r i t i s h Columbia as the p r i n c i p a l mode of c o o r d i n a t i n g economic a c t i v i t y . Port E s s i n g t o n and the i n t e r n a t i o n a l salmon market. Between 1870 and 1900, salmon canning was B r i t i s h Columbia's f a s t e s t growing export i n d u s t r y . (87) The l a r g e s t export market was i n Great B r i t a i n , but u n l i k e the expensive f u r s t a p l e t h a t was d e s t i n e d f o r the shoulders of the wealthy, canned salmon was consumed mainly by middle and working c l a s s people. (88) Accor d i n g to canners' e s t i m a t e s , an average of 69 per cent of B r i t i s h Columbia's t o t a l pack was exported to Great B r i t a i n between 1886 and 1905. An average of 17 per cent was sent to e a s t e r n Canada, 4 per cent to A u s t r a l i a and New Zealand, and i n any one of these years l e s s than 5 per cent was disposed of through l o c a l s a l e s (appendix 4(a) summary c a l c u l a t i o n s ) . Commission merchants along the P a c i f i c c o a s t acted as buying agents f o r f o r e i g n d i s t r i b u t i n g houses, and a f t e r 1890 agents of the l a r g e l i m i t e d l i a b i l i t y companies made pe r s o n a l 103 t r i p s to marketing c e n t r e s such as L i v e r p o o l and Montreal to secure purchasing orders from r e t a i l and wholesale d e a l e r s . U n t i l about 1900, orders f o r the ensuing season's pack were taken from d i f f e r e n t canning companies i n January a f t e r f o r e i g n d e a l e r s had done t h e i r annual stock t a k i n g . Advanced s a l e s a s s i s t e d canners i n f i n a n c i n g t h e i r pre-season c o s t s , and were u s u a l l y a c o n d i t i o n of r e c e i v i n g loans from commission agents. (89) By the 1890s canned salmon was marketed i n s i x d i f f e r e n t cuts - 1 l b and 1/2 l b f l a t s , t a i l s , and o v a l s - and c o n t r a c t p r i c e s were f i x e d by a b i d d i n g process t h a t weighed up the estimated consumer demand f o r salmon and the probable extent of supply based on i n f o r m a t i o n provided by company agents. (90) Most of the salmon produced by the l a r g e companies was marketed under t h e i r d i f f e r e n t brand names, but some of the cans marketed f o r i n d i v i d u a l o p e r a t o r s by agents i n V i c t o r i a and Vancouver c a r r i e d a g e n e r a l " B r i t i s h Columbia Salmon" l a b e l . (91) From August to December, the cans were t r a n s p o r t e d on s h i p s e i t h e r owned or commissioned by canning companies from canning storerooms to l a r g e transhipment p o i n t s : f i r s t i n V i c t o r i a and Steveston, and then predominantly a f t e r 1890 to the CPR wharf i n Vancouver. From t h e r e , the m a j o r i t y of the salmon d e s t i n e d f o r Great B r i t a i n and A u s t r a l a s i a was taken on commissioned steamers t h a t c a r r i e d 25-50,000 cases a t a time and s a i l e d e i t h e r d i r e c t l y to London, L i v e r p o o l , Melbourne and Auckland, or v i a San F r a n c i s c o i n C a l i f o r n i a and V a l p a r a i s o i n 104 C h i l e . (92) The m a j o r i t y of salmon d e s t i n e d f o r e a s t e r n Canada (and a s m a l l percentage of t h a t exported to Great B r i t a i n ) was t r a n s p o r t e d by r a i l . (93) The t r i p to Great B r i t a i n took between 4 and 20 weeks, depending on whether the salmon was trans h i p p e d from r a i l c o n t a i n e r s i n the Maritimes or taken around Cape Horn. Canned salmon was consumed i n Great B r i t a i n mainly between June and September. (94) Great B r i t a i n imported n e a r l y a l l of i t s canned salmon from the west co a s t of North America, and i n the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y the c y c l e of i t s imports r e f l e c t e d the peaks and troughs i n P a c i f i c salmon p r o d u c t i o n . (95) U n t i l 1902, B r i t i s h Board of Trade o f f i c i a l s t a b u l a t e d imports of canned salmon with every other f i s h product (other s p e c i e s ; p i c k l e d , smoked, f r e s h , e t c . ) . But between 1902 and 1914, B r i t i s h Columbia canned salmon c o n s t i t u t e d between 30 and 50 per cent of B r i t a i n ' s canned salmon imports (appendix 3(c) and Doyle's f i g u r e s i n 3(a) summary(2.)). T h i s B r i t i s h market was by f a r the most l u c r a t i v e one f o r B r i t i s h Columbia's salmon canners. I t i s not known whether canned salmon f e t c h e d more i n L i v e r p o o l and London than elsewhere, but f o r every year between 1891 and 1914 B e l l - I r v i n g r e p o r t e d a p r o f i t on h i s B r i t i s h s a l e s while ( i n many of those years) a c c r u i n g l o s e s on h i s s a l e s elsewhere. (96) S t i l l , B e l l - I r v i n g argued t h a t B r i t a i n had a consumption c e i l i n g t h a t was d i f f i c u l t to surpass. He estimated t h a t B r i t a i n s would consume an average of about a m i l l i o n cases of salmon per year, but with keen 105 c o m p e t i t i o n from producers i n A l a s k a , Oregon, and Washington, B r i t i s h d e a l e r s would u s u a l l y purchase no more than h a l f a m i l l i o n cases per year from B r i t i s h Columbia. (97) I t i s d i f f i c u l t to determine the accuracy of B e l l - I r v i n g ' s e s t i m a t e . In some years Great B r i t a i n imported c o n s i d e r a b l y more than a m i l l i o n cases. In o t h e r s , c o n s i d e r a b l y l e s s . The extent of B r i t i s h imports depended on many f a c t o r s , the two most important perhaps being the extent of s u p p l i e s from the P a c i f i c , and the p r i c e salmon fetched i n L i v e r p o o l and London. With much s m a l l e r markets - and probably lower consumption c e i l i n g s - i n e a s t e r n Canada and A u s t r a l a s i a , years of high p r o d u c t i o n were o f t e n accompanied by l a r g e r numbers of cases l e f t "on hand," or unsold (appendix 3 ( a ) ) . The g r e a t e s t p e r t u r b a t i o n i n the c y c l e of B r i t i s h Columbia's salmon exports to Great B r i t a i n came between 1902 and 1904, and stemmed from B r i t i s h Columbia's r e c o r d p r o d u c t i o n of salmon i n 1901. Great B r i t a i n took 770,000 or 850,000 cases of B r i t i s h Columbia's 1901 pack (depending on whether the estimates i n appendix 3(a) or (c) are used), but purchased over a m i l l i o n cases (over h a l f of i t s 1902 salmon imports) from the U.S (appendix 3 ( c ) ) . With peak p r o d u c t i o n f i g u r e s and a lower s a l e p r i c e because of i n c r e a s e d c o m p e t i t i o n , B r i t i s h wholesale d e a l e r s rushed to secure l a r g e r than usual o r d e r s , but they had probably overstepped the consumption c e i l i n g of the B r i t i s h market and i n 1904 were s t i l l t r y i n g to c l e a r t h e i r unsold 1902 s t o c k . (98) Salmon was s t i l l taken i n l a r g e q u a n t i t i e s from B r i t i s h 106 Columbia a f t e r 1901. For the few years a f t e r 1901, however, d e a l e r s s t a r t e d to purchase salmon "on the spot" (whenever a need arose) r a t h e r than through f i x e d purchasing c o n t r a c t s made before the canning season, and B r i t i s h Columbia canners were f o r c e d to c a r r y higher s t o c k s a t Vancouver docks. (99) The s t a t e of the i n t e r n a t i o n a l salmon market was probably as great an i n f l u e n c e on the number of c a n n e r i e s i n B r i t i s h Columbia as was the mode of t h e i r f i n a n c i n g . In 1892, B e l l -I r v i n g cut the aggregate c a p a c i t y of h i s F r a s e r c a n n e r i e s by 50 per cent, and t h a t of h i s Skeena c a n n e r i e s by 25 per cent. When int e r v i e w e d by Dominion f i s h e r i e s o f f i c i a l s , he s a i d he had done t h i s because "we cannot get enough boats to supply a l l tour] c a n n e r i e s , " but when recorded i n h i s "Notebooks" the d e c i s i o n seemingly had more to do with h i s estimate of B r i t a i n ' s consumption c e i l i n g . (100) The bankruptcy of many of the s m a l l c a n n e r i e s s o l d to B.C. Packers i n 1902 was caused by t h e i r i n a b i l i t y to s e l l much of t h e i r 1901 packs. B e l l - I r v i n g ' s "Notebooks" suggest t h a t canning companies had d i v e r s e export s t r a t e g i e s . F i n d l a y , Durham and Brodie, Turner, Beeton and Co., and R.P. Ward, s o l d most of t h e i r pack to d e a l e r s i n L i v e r p o o l and London, and the packs of other i n d i v i d u a l canners were o f t e n t i e d to s p e c i f i c d e a l e r s i n Great B r i t a i n , A u s t r a l a s i a , and e a s t e r n Canada. The d i s t r i b u t i o n of the ABC Packing Company's canned salmon between 1891 and 1905 was r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the averages presented i n appendix 3, although i n the 1890s they held a 107 l a r g e r percentage share of the e a s t e r n Canadian market (between 12 and 18 per c e n t ) . (101) Packs from the ABC Packing Company's c a n n e r i e s - and presumably those w i t h i n B.C. Packers - were t a r g e t e d to d i f f e r e n t markets i n d i f f e r e n t y e a r s . Before 1891, the B.A. Cannery exported salmon to e a s t e r n Canada, A u s t r a l i a , England and the East I n d i e s . (102) In 1894, however, the e n t i r e pack of the B.A. and North P a c i f i c Canneries was exported to e a s t e r n Canada and A u s t r a l i a , while over 90 per cent of the salmon produced by B e l l - I r v i n g ' s F r a s e r R i v e r c a n n e r i e s was exported to Great B r i t a i n . (103) I t i s d i f f i c u l t to t r a c e the exact movements of d i f f e r e n t brand names from d i f f e r e n t c a n n e r i e s to d i f f e r e n t markets because companies u s u a l l y kept o n l y aggregate export r e c o r d s , and the brand name e n t r i e s i n B e l l - I r v i n g ' s "Notebooks" mostly end i n 1894. But from the l i t t l e i n f o r m a t i o n t h a t there i s , i t seems t h a t u n t i l 1900 B e l l - I r v i n g ' s F r a s e r c a n n e r i e s were geared to export sockeye salmon mostly to Great B r i t a i n - and to two l a r g e salmon d e a l e r s i n p a r t i c u l a r : Simpson, Roberts and Co. i n L i v e r p o o l and Henry Peabody and Co. i n London - while the salmon from h i s Skeena c a n n e r i e s was d i s t r i b u t e d much more widely. (104) U n t i l a second canning l i n e was introduced i n 1904, the B.A. Cannery produced 1 l b t a i l s , and d u r i n g the 1890s exported to London, L i v e r p o o l , Melbourne and Kingston O n t a r i o , predominantly. (105) Salmon from a l l of the P o r t E s s i n g t o n c a n n e r i e s was shipped south on the Barbara Boscovltz and the 108 Canadian P a c i f i c N a v i g a t i o n Company (CPN) s h i p s Princess Louise and the Danube. The salmon d e s t i n e d f o r Great B r i t a i n and e a s t e r n Canada was taken to Vancouver, and most d e s t i n e d f o r A u s t r a l i a was taken to V i c t o r i a u n t i l 1893 and to Vancouver t h e r e a f t e r . (106) U n t i l about 1905, most of the B.A. Cannery's B r i t i s h orders were taken on two of the l a r g e s t salmon steamers, the T i t a n i a and the Clan Robertson, and those f o r O n t a r i o were taken on e i t h e r the CPR or by r a i l through the n o r t h e r n U.S. (107) There are no f i g u r e s documenting where e i t h e r Cunningham's or Herman's packs were sent to d u r i n g the 1890s, but as company p l a n t s i n the 1900s i t i s very l i k e l y t h a t t h e i r packs were p a r t of a s e t of much l a r g e r export s t r a t e g i e s t h at roughly conform to the o v e r a l l p a t t e r n s i n appendix 3. Although canning companies kept few export f i g u r e s f o r i n d i v i d u a l c a n n e r i e s , i t i s c l e a r t h a t canning s e t t l e m e n t s such as Port E s s i n g t o n were not j u s t o r c h e s t r a t e d by commission agents i n V i c t o r i a and then by company agents i n Vancouver, but were a l s o v i t a l p r o d u c t i o n c e n t r e s i n an export i n d u s t r y t h a t was g l o b a l i n scope. Port E s s i n g t o n was no longer an i s o l a t e d t r a d i n g settlement but now a canning town with an i n d u s t r i a l rhythm. I t was i m p l i c a t e d i n (and a f t e r the t e l e g r a p h and telephones reached the area i n the e a r l y 1900s, wired i n t o ) a world economy based on the shipment of commodities. I t s canning economy was c r e a t e d by i n d u s t r i a l and f i n a n c i a l ( r a t h e r than commercial) c a p i t a l , and was a cog 109 i n a worldwide geography of s t a p l e exports that c o n t r i b u t e d to the space-economies of c o u n t r i e s such as Great B r i t a i n . To capture some the m u l t i f a r i o u s geographies t h a t made up n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y c a p i t a l i s m one might s t a r t by a r t i c u l a t i n g •the l o c a l 1 with 'the g l o b a l ' . Port E s s i n g t o n and the Skeena r i v e r canning i n d u s t r y . The i n t e r n a t i o n a l salmon market d i d not determine the p r e c i s e l o c a t i o n of c a n n e r i e s . To operate e f f i c i e n t l y , a cannery had to meet p a r t i c u l a r p h y s i c a l and b i o l o g i c a l requirements. Because f r e s h salmon i s h i g h l y p e r i s h a b l e (there were no c o l d storage f a c i l i t i e s u n t i l the l a t e 1890s), the s i t e had to be c l o s e to a salmon-bearing r i v e r or e s t u a r y . It had to have a g e n t l y s l o p i n g foreshore - c a n n e r i e s were b u i l t out i n t o the r i v e r or e s t u a r y on wooden p i l i n g s so t h a t the salmon could be handed from f i s h i n g boats to the cannery f l o o r as q u i c k l y as p o s s i b l e . Canning s i t e s had to have a harbour deep enough to a l l o w l a r g e steamers to dock nearby. And a cannery had to have an adequate supply of f r e s h water for domestic use and f o r c l e a n i n g the salmon before canning. (108) Few - i f any - cannery s i t e s met a l l of these c r i t e r i a , and i n h i s 1902 r e p o r t f o r B.C. Packers Doyle noted that good canning s i t e s on the Skeena were s c a r c e . The c o a s t l i n e was rocky with l i t t l e f o r e s h o r e . Fresh water was s c a r c e , and f i s h i n g on the Skeena was c o n f i n e d to the r i v e r ' s narrow 110 channels. (109) Port E s s i n g t o n was one of the best s i t e s along the c o a s t . I t i s l o c a t e d opposite Carthew P o i n t where the Skeena narrows as i t flows between two l a r g e mud f l a t s and the salmon c o u l d be e a s i l y caught i n l a r g e numbers and q u i c k l y d e l i v e r e d to the c a n n e r i e s f o r p r o c e s s i n g . The Cunningham, B.A., and Herman Canneries j u t t e d out i n t o the Skeena e s t u a r y on wooden p i l i n g s . With a t i d a l foreshore over 50ft long, f i s h i n g boats c o u l d e a s i l y moor at t h e i r s i d e when the t i d e was h i g h . But with v i o l e n t eddy c u r r e n t s , i c e flows between December and February, and e x t e n s i v e snag-covered mud-flats exposed at low t i d e , Horetzy commented c o r r e c t l y t h a t Port E s s i n g t o n had a poor harbour. (110) Yet t h i s was l e s s i n convenient than he estimated; between March and November the r i v e r c o u l d be s u c c e s s f u l l y n e g o t i a t e d to Port E s s i n g t o n with n a u t i c a l c h a r t s and guides. The Port E s s i n g t o n c a n n e r i e s were s u p p l i e d with f r e s h water from Cunningham lake and a l a r g e creek behind the s e t t l e m e n t by a s e r i e s of overhead flumes. (111) In the ABC Packing Company's "Prospectus," B e l l - I r v i n g t o l d h i s E n g l i s h s h a r e h o l d e r s t h a t the B.A. Cannery was " f a v o u r a b l y l o c a t e d on the south shore" of the Skeena, and Doyle c o n s i d e r e d the Cunningham Cannery to be w e l l l o c a t e d , although he thought the cannery b u i l d i n g s were o l d and too s m a l l . (112) P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s c a n n e r i e s processed salmon caught with shallow nets i n the r i s i n g t i d e around Carthew P o i n t , and needed p l a n t s l a r g e enough to handle great numbers of f i s h 111 q u i c k l y . Those p l a n t s f u r t h e r downstream t h a t r e c e i v e d salmon caught from deeper p a r t s of the e s t u a r y o u t s i d e the Skeena's mouth - such as the Cl a x t o n and Standard Canneries - d i d not need as l a r g e a c a p a c i t y because the f i s h d i d not bunch as much and co u l d be d e l i v e r e d to the cannery i n more even numbers d u r i n g the day (see map 3). (113) Aggregate f i s h d e l i v e r i e s to those c a n n e r i e s o p e r a t i n g boats i n s i d e the mouth of the Skeena would o f t e n be higher than to those c a n n e r i e s r e c e i v i n g f i s h from the " o u t s i d e " f i s h i n g grounds, and f o r t h i s reason c a n n e r i e s tended to l o c a t e i n s i d e the mouth of the Skeena. With g r e a t e r f l u c t u a t i o n s i n the d a i l y d e l i v e r y of f i s h and a canning work f o r c e t h a t had a l r e a d y been paid f o r , however, those canners r e l y i n g on " I n s i d e " f i s h i n g a l s o had to c a r r y the economic burden of cannery equipment and labour t h a t was i d l e f o r sometimes many hours of the canning day. To overcome t h i s problem, c a n n e r i e s o f t e n f i s h e d both s e c t i o n s of the r i v e r mouth. U n t i l round-bottom boats were in t r o d u c e d i n 1897, however, f i s h i n g was mainly c o n f i n e d to the s i d e channels around the r i v e r mouth. "Outside" f i s h i n g always became l e s s p r o f i t a b l e than " i n s i d e " f i s h i n g a f t e r the f i r s t few weeks of the season, and f o r t h i s reason f i s h i n g s t r e t c h e d up the Skeena r a t h e r than out i n t o the ocean. (114) A f t e r 1897, fishermen "advanced f u r t h e r out to meet the incoming f i s h " and the area f i s h e d g r e a t l y i n c r e a s e d . (115) With these more sea-worthy boats, more f i s h were d e l i v e r e d to those c a n n e r i e s 112 l o c a t e d j u s t o u t s i d e the r i v e r mouth, and by 1914 cannery d i s t r i b u t i o n on the Skeena had been s i g n i f i c a n t l y a l t e r e d -now appearing as "a t r i a n g l e with v e r t i c e s at Inverness and Cl a x t o n c a n n e r i e s and the apex at Port E s s i n g t o n " (see map 3). (116) The nature of the f i s h i n g grounds was an important c o n s i d e r a t i o n when the l i m i t e d l i a b i l i t y companies sought to buy or b u i l d c a n n e r i e s on the Skeena. On h i s tour of the coast i n the summer of 1891, B e l l - I r v i n g was keen to l e a r n about the d a i l y f i s h r e t u r n s to the Skeena c a n n e r i e s , and Doyle assessed the d a i l y r e t u r n of salmon to the Herman Cannery between 1901 and 1904 i n minute d e t a i l before buying the cannery. (117) A f t e r 1900, the ABC Packing Company f i s h e d both areas of the r i v e r . The boats attached to North P a c i f i c Cannery f i s h e d mainly the " o u t s i d e " waters, and those a t t a c h e d to the B.A. Cannery f i s h e d the grounds c l o s e to Port E s s i n g t o n . In 1909, B.C. Packers a c q u i r e d the Dominion Cannery to r e c e i v e f i s h from " o u t s i d e " waters while the boats a t t a c h e d to i t s Balmoral Cannery f i s h e d a f i v e mile r a d i u s around Por t E s s i n g t o n . (118) By 1910 the Skeena had 12 o p e r a t i n g c a n n e r i e s , and with i n c r e a s e d c o m p e t i t i o n f o r sockeye salmon on the r i v e r , canning companies s t a r t e d to t a r g e t and can more s p r i n g , chum, cohoe, humpback or pink, and s t e e l h e a d salmon (appendix 5 ( a ) ) . I t i s d i f f i c u l t to determine whether those c a n n e r i e s i n s i d e the r i v e r mouth s t a r t e d to pack more of these s p e c i e s because 113 competing c a n n e r i e s l o c a t e d o u t s i d e the r i v e r were c a t c h i n g most of the sockeye. P r o v i n c i a l Government canning f i g u r e s f o r t h i s p e r i o d show that c a n n e r i e s f i s h i n g " o u t s i d e " waters, such as C l a x t o n ( e s t a b l i s h e d 1898), C a r l i s l e (1895) and Oceanic (1903), o f t e n produced the l a r g e s t sockeye packs, but they produced l a r g e packs of the other s p e c i e s too. There seems to have been a g e n e r a l move to packing more s p e c i e s of salmon, a s h i f t probably r e l a t e d to s e v e r a l i n t e r c o n n e c t e d f a c t o r s : the market demand f o r other s p e c i e s , the p r i c e they f e t c h e d r e l a t i v e to sockeye, the p r i c e o f f e r e d to fishermen for the d i f f e r e n t s p e c i e s , and the number of boats f i s h i n g out of each cannery. C e r t a i n l y , pack records of P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s B.A. and Skeena River Commercial Canneries r e f l e c t t h i s p r o d u c t i o n s h i f t ; by 1915 both were packing f a r fewer cases of sockeye than of other s p e c i e s (appendix 5 ( b ) ) . The d i f f e r e n t s p e c i e s of salmon d i d not run at the same time. At the Skeena River Commercial cannery between 1908 and 1918, most of the sockeye was d e l i v e r e d between the end of June and the end of August, most of the red and pink s p r i n g between the s t a r t of J u l y and the middle of August, most of the cohoe and humpback salmon between the middle of J u l y to the s t a r t of September, most of the white s p r i n g i n J u l y , and most Steelhead salmon i n August. (119) Such d e t a i l e d i n f o r m a t i o n i s not a v a i l a b l e f o r the other P o r t E s s i n g t o n c a n n e r i e s , but as t h e i r boats f i s h e d i n the same waters -mainly i n the town's v i c i n i t y - i t i s l i k e l y t h a t t h e i r t i m i n g 114 of f i s h d e l i v e r i e s was s i m i l a r . The number of f i s h r e q u i r e d to pack a 48 l b case v a r i e d too. At the B.A. Cannery between 1906 and 1920, i t took an average of 12.5 sockeye to pack a case of 1 l b cans, about 17.5 humpback salmon per case, between 4 and 6 s p r i n g or chum salmon, and about 9.5 cohoe. S l i g h t l y more of each of each s p e c i e s was r e q u i r e d to pack a case of 1/2 l b cans. (120) In one l i n e c a n n e r i e s , such as Cunningham's and the Skeena River Commercial, canning l i n e s were probably not managed d i f f e r e n t l y because of the g r e a t e r v a r i e t y of f i s h being d e l i v e r e d . D a i l y and weekly p r o d u c t i o n s t i l l a l t e r n a t e d between the output of 1 l b and 1/2 l b cans of the d i f f e r e n t s p e c i e s . A f t e r 1904, the B.A. Cannery had two canning l i n e s . Both l i n e s were probably geared to process 1 l b and 1/2 l b cans, but i n some seasons one l i n e processed t a i l s and the other f l a t s . (121) U n t i l 1910, the p r o d u c t i o n of 1 l b cans a t the B.A. Cannery f a r o u t s t r i p p e d t h a t of 1/2 l b cans; o n l y sockeye was packed i n 1/2 l b cans. T h e r e a f t e r , the other s p e c i e s s t a r t e d to be packed as 1/2 l b f l a t s and p r o d u c t i o n of the d i f f e r e n t s i z e d cans was more even. (122) In 1904 the Port E s s i n g t o n c a n n e r i e s put up n e a r l y 30 per cent of the r e g i o n ' s t o t a l pack, and produced about the same share i n 1920, although the number of c a n n e r i e s o p e r a t i n g i n the r e g i o n had i n c r e a s e d from 12 to 15. (123) T h i s perhaps suggests t h a t Port E s s i n g t o n ' s c a n n e r i e s were not harmed by the changing geography of canning on the Skeena. One of the 115 main reasons why Port E s s i n g t o n ' s c a n n e r i e s remained v i a b l e was t h a t the town had a l a r g e labour supply. U n t i l the e a r l y 1890s, Skeena r i v e r canners were n e a r l y wholly dependent upon a b o r i g i n a l fishermen. Most of these fishermen were Coast Tsimshian. Only a handful of European, B r i t i s h Columbian and Canadian fishermen worked f o r the Skeena c a n n e r i e s . Some of these crews were s e t t l e r s i n the r e g i o n , but most came on steamers from V i c t o r i a and Vancouver j u s t f o r the summer. Port E s s i n g t o n and M e t l a k a t l a had the l a r g e s t Coast Tsimshian p o p u l a t i o n s south of F o r t Simpson, and probably the g r e a t e s t number of a b o r i g i n a l fishermen and cannery employees. At t h i s time, the other c a n n e r i e s on the Skeena drew t h e i r Coast Tsimshian employees from a l a r g e r c o a s t a l area (roughly from Alaska to K i t i m a t ) . (124) According to the 1881 census, there were over 100 Coast Tsimshian r e s i d e n t i n Port E s s i n g t o n , and about the same i n 1891 (appendix 1). But a f t e r the c o n s t r u c t i o n of the two can n e r i e s i n P o r t E s s i n g t o n i n 1883, the town's Coast Tsimshian p o p u l a t i o n s w e l l e d c o n s i d e r a b l y d u r i n g the summer. Boas reckoned t h a t i n the summer of 1888 there were over 600 Tsimshian f i s h i n g f o r and working i n Port E s s i n g t o n ' s two c a n n e r i e s , and Henderson's D i r e c t o r y f o r 1890 cl a i m s t h a t d u r i n g the summer Port E s s i n g t o n ' s p o p u l a t i o n was over a thousand (appendix 1 ) . For the K i t s e l a s and Kitsumkalum at Port E s s i n g t o n , salmon f i s h i n g continued to be pa r t of t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l c y c l e of seasonal m i g r a t o r y labour. Many of them, 116 however, soon adopted the techniques of the modern salmon f i s h e r y , and f i s h e d f o r the Port E s s i n g t o n c a n n e r i e s , e i t h e r f u l l time (during the f i s h i n g season) or i n c o n j u n c t i o n with t h e i r s u b s i s t e n c e a c t i v i t i e s . (125) Coast Tsimshian groups t r a d i t i o n a l l y caught the l e s s o i l y s p e c i e s of salmon (chum and s p r i n g ) to be d r i e d and smoked f o r t h e i r winter food, and the h i s t o r i a n Duncan Stacey argues t h a t the commercial f i s h e r y d i d not i n t e r f e r e with t h i s t r a d i t i o n a l a c t i v i t y u n t i l canners d i v e r s i f i e d t h e i r commercial salmon f i s h i n g a f t e r 1900. (126) Tugs towed f i s h i n g boats to and from the f i s h i n g grounds and u n t i l the 1920s on l y g i l l nets were used to c a t c h the salmon on the r i v e r . Fishermen d e l i v e r e d t h e i r c a t c h e i t h e r d i r e c t l y to the cannery or to scows (barges) based at f i s h i n g s t a t i o n s along the r i v e r , which were towed to the cannery by tug boats when f u l l . (127) F i s h i n g was done i n twos; the f i r s t f i s h i n g boats (powered by s a i l and/or oar) on the Skeena were ad a p t a t i o n s of the long boats used by the HBC. (128) The l o c a l h i s t o r i a n Walter Wicks c l a i m s t h a t i n e a r l y June cannery tugs were sent to the s c a t t e r e d v i l l a g e s of the Skeena r e g i o n to tow Coast Tsimshian boats and t h e i r f a m i l i e s to canning s i t e s , and t h a t up r i v e r groups t r a v e l l e d down the Skeena i n t h e i r cottonwood canoes. (129) I t i s d i f f i c u l t to t e l l whether these boats were then used i n the e a r l y commercial f i s h e r y on the Skeena. C e r t a i n l y , some were used to f r e i g h t people and goods up the Skeena, even a f t e r steamers were put on the r i v e r i n the 1890s, but the 1917 Report of the S p e c i a l F i s h e r y 117 CommissIon s t a t e s t h a t u n t i l the 1920s n e a r l y a l l the boats and f i s h i n g nets on the Skeena were owned by the c a n n e r i e s . (130) Commercial f i s h i n g boats and nets became more s o p h i s t i c a t e d with time, and the Report argues t h a t canners needed to buy and re n t them because most fishermen c o u l d not a f f o r d t o buy t h e i r own. For those f i s h i n g f o r o n l y p a r t of the season, r e n t i n g made more sense than buying gear that would be i d l e f o r most of the year. Canners s u p p l i e d or rented f i s h i n g boats and gear f o r a month or season as a way of a t t a c h i n g fishermen to p a r t i c u l a r c a n n e r i e s and a s s u r i n g themselves of a f i s h supply. Fishermen were renumerated i n d i f f e r e n t ways t h a t were u s u a l l y connected to cannery r e n t a l schemes. Stacey argues that u n t i l the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y Skeena canners operated a "shares" system of r e n t i n g . (131) In t h i s system, fishermen were quoted a p r i c e per f i s h a t the s t a r t of the season, r e t u r n e d a l l of t h e i r f i s h to a s p e c i f i c cannery, and were paid f o r t h e i r t a l l y of f i s h a t the end of the season, with the cannery t a k i n g a share of the t o t a l earnings ( u s u a l l y a t h i r d ) as a r e n t a l f e e . The "shares" system i n t r o d u c e d a measure of c o n t r o l i n a c o m p e t i t i v e i n d u s t r y where the supply of the raw m a t e r i a l was l a r g e l y u n c o n t r o l l a b l e . There are no r e c o r d s to i n d i c a t e how e x t e n s i v e t h i s share system was on the Skeena, but other wage and r e n t a l systems were c e r t a i n l y used, the mixture of schemes employed at any one time probably depending on the nature of the l o c a l labour 118 s u p p l y . In 1917, the Dominion f i s h e r y commissioner S t a n f o r d Evans argued t h a t When c a n n e r i e s were f i r s t e s t a b l i s h e d i n the n o r t h , and fo r many years a f t e r w a r d s , there was no p o p u l a t i o n along the n o r t h e r n c o a s t , with the e x c e p t i o n of the I n d i a n s . . . I t was necessary f o r the canners to engage, where they c o u l d , such labour as they r e q u i r e d to supplement the l o c a l Indian labour, and take men north with them at the opening of each season a t an agreed r a t e of monthly wages or p a r t l y at an agreed r a t e of monthly wages and p a r t l y a t an agreed p r i c e per f i s h caught, and provide boats and nets f o r t h e i r use. (132) He does not say how many a b o r i g i n a l f i s h i n g crews were employed, crews t h a t i n the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y were c e r t a i n l y engaged on wage c o n t r a c t s . I t a l s o i s d i f f i c u l t to t e l l how many boats f i s h e d on the Skeena i n the 1880s, but when B e l l -I r v i n g v i s i t e d the Skeena i n 1891 he r e p o r t e d t h a t the Cunningham Cannery was f i s h i n g 31 "Indian boats" and the B.A. Cannery 34. (133) In 1894 the B.A. Cannery f i s h e d 30 " I n d i a n " and 5 "white" boats. (134) There i s no other concrete i n f o r m a t i o n about the s i z e of P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s f i s h i n g f l e e t u n t i l a f t e r 1900. Increases i n the number of c a n n e r i e s on the Skeena d u r i n g the 1890s, however, e n t a i l e d an i n c r e a s e i n the aggregate number of boats f i s h i n g . B e l l - I r v i n g estimated that by 1899 there were 458 boats f i s h i n g f o r the Skeena's 10 c a n n e r i e s and the numbers continued to i n c r e a s e f o r a few years a f t e r . (135) From the e a r l y 1890s, Japanese fishermen were brought to the Skeena from Vancouver and V i c t o r i a . Many of Po r t E s s i n g t o n ' s Japanese fishermen r e t u r n e d south a f t e r the canning season to work i n the sawmills and l o g g i n g camps 119 around Vancouver. I t i s a l s o l i k e l y t h a t many of the Japanese employees of the Grand Trunk P a c i f i c Railway (GTP) combined c o n s t r u c t i o n work on the northern banks of the Skeena with commercial f i s h i n g . Some of these fishermen were h i r e d through Japanese merchants i n Vancouver and V i c t o r i a . T h e i r passage north was u s u a l l y paid f o r by the cannery, and on the r i v e r t h e i r work was s u p e r v i s e d f o r the canning company by Japanese " f i s h i n g bosses." (136) Most of these crews f i s h e d with cannery boats and gear; payment schemes v a r i e d from year to year. The B.A. 'Cannery had no Japanese crews i n 1894 (although the North P a c i f i c d i d ) , but a f t e r 1910 they made up by f a r the l a r g e s t percentage of i t s fishermen (appendix 6). A f t e r 1906, the B.A. Cannery's Japanese fishermen were u s u a l l y employed under the share system, but i n some years were a l s o engaged i n c o n t r a c t work (appendix 6). Under a f i s h i n g c o n t r a c t , a cannery e i t h e r provided boats and gear f r e e of charge or rented them out. In r e t u r n , fishermen agreed to s e l l t h e i r c a t c h to the cannery. The p r i c e o f f e r e d by canners f o r the d i f f e r e n t s p e c i e s of salmon v a r i e d . (137) S p r i n g salmon always f e t c h e d the most; humpback salmon the l e a s t ; and sockeye u s u a l l y more than cohoe (eg, appendix 6). For a l l of these s p e c i e s , c o n t r a c t p r i c e s were always higher than those o f f e r e d to share fishermen, and i n the years they were o f f e r e d they were probably taken. I t i s d o u b t f u l t h a t the c a n n e r i e s were s h o r t of f i s h i n g l abour, as Evans suggests, d u r i n g the f i r s t few years t h a t 120 Japanese fishermen were brought n o r t h . Ross argues that with o n l y s i n g l e l i n e s and manual p r o c e s s i n g around 1890, the packing c a p a c i t y of a l l Skeena c a n n e r i e s was l i m i t e d to about 600 cases per day, and t h a t 20 boats were s u f f i c i e n t to keep a cannery working a t f u l l c a p a c i t y d u r i n g the peak of the run. (138) The B.A. Cannery and probably most others on the Skeena at t h i s time had f a r more than 20 boats each, and the number continued to i n c r e a s e i n the 1890s, for two reasons not mentioned by Evans. F i r s t , most canners p r e f e r r e d Japanese to a b o r i g i n a l fishermen, "because they work steady and i n a l l weather and on average d e l i v e r twice as many sockeyes as the whites and n e a r l y three times as many as the I n d i a n s . " (139) By 1900 the Japanese began to dominate the f i s h i n g work f o r c e on the Skeena. Doyle notes t h a t f o r the 1916 and 1917 seasons a t the Skeena R i v e r Commercial Cannery Japanese crews d e l i v e r e d an average of 40 per cent more sockeye per boat than a b o r i g i n a l crews and twice t h a t of the Cannery's 4 "white" boats. (140) B e l l - I r v i n g harboured r a c i s t views about the Japanese. In 1902 he t o l d Dominion immigration commissioners t h a t they were "not very r e l i a b l e " fishermen, but i n the same breath admitted t h a t they " f a v o u r a b l y compare with the whites, because they work hard when the f i s h are s c a r c e . " (141) In 1912 B.C. Packers were paying "white" and Japanese fishermen a monthly wage of S45, and the ABC Packing Company were paying $60. (142) 121 Second, f i s h i n g c o n t r a c t s were by no means r e s t r i c t e d to the Japanese. They were perhaps of g r e a t e r importance f o r a t t r a c t i n g a b o r i g i n a l crews. Such crews were o f t e n the l e a s t p r o d u c t i v e but even i f the cannery had enough boats to sup p l y the cannery, they were s t i l l employed because most a b o r i g i n a l fishermen brought t h e i r wives and f a m i l i e s with them, and a b o r i g i n a l women c o n s t i t u t e d over h a l f of the cannery work f o r c e . "The d e s i r a b i l i t y of a p a r t i c u l a r I n d i a n , " claimed B r i t i s h Columbia's F i s h e r i e s Commissioner, " i s measured by the number of women h i s household w i l l produce f o r the ca n n e r i e s as f i s h c l e a n e r s and can f i l l e r s . " (143) For t h i s reason, a b o r i g i n a l c o n t r a c t s were l i k e l y used i n c o n j u n c t i o n with the shares system from the 1880s, and they p r o b a b l y became even more widespread a f t e r 1900. In 1910 a p r o v i n c i a l f i s h e r y i n s p e c t o r r e p o r t e d t h a t [Llabour c o n d i t i o n s [on the Skeena] have b a s i c a l l y changed. The c o n s t r u c t i o n s of the Grand Trunk R a i l r o a d has c r e a t e d a demand f o r labour t h a t has s e r i o u s l y a f f e c t e d the canners. The Indians f i n d i n g a demand f o r t h e i r s e r v i c e s nearer home w i l l not come down to the ca n n e r i e s - and th a t means a l o s s of not o n l y fishermen but of t h e i r wives whose s e r v i c e s i n c l e a n i n g and packing are even more e s s e n t i a l than the fishermen, f o r the l a t t e r can be r e p l a c e d by Japanese. (144) Port E s s i n g t o n ' s c a n n e r i e s were probably a f f e c t e d l e s s by these changing labour c o n d i t i o n s than other c a n n e r i e s because the town had a l a r g e r e s i d e n t K i t s e l a s and Kitsumkalum p o p u l a t i o n . T h i s i s perhaps one reason why t h e i r p r o p o r t i o n of the t o t a l Skeena r i v e r pack i n c r e a s e d s l i g h t l y between 1902 and 1920. But the town's r e s i d e n t a b o r i g i n a l p o p u l a t i o n by no 122 means l a r g e enough to f i l l cannery f l o o r s and a f t e r 1906 the B.A. Cannery s t i l l o f f e r e d f i s h i n g c o n t r a c t s to a b o r i g i n a l crews from beyond the town i n the hope t h a t they would b r i n g t h e i r wives with them (appendix 6). A f t e r 1900, these r e n t a l and wage schemes were a f f e c t e d by Dominion and P r o v i n c i a l government attempts to r e g u l a t e the Skeena salmon f i s h e r y . From 1882, government o f f i c i a l s had t r i e d to monitor the number of fishermen on each r i v e r by making canners a p p l y f o r l i c e n s e s f o r each of t h e i r a t t a c h e d fishermen. (145) Superimposed on the l i c e n s i n g system was an i n c r e a s i n g concern by canners as w e l l as governments about the d e p l e t i o n of salmon s t o c k s caused by over f i s h i n g . As c o m p e t i t i o n f o r the l i m i t e d salmon resource i n c r e a s e d , the p r o d u c t i v i t y of i n d i v i d u a l boats dropped, and the Skeena canners agreed to r e s t r i c t the number of boats f i s h i n g . Under these "boat r a t i n g " schemes ( f i r s t by mutual agreement i n 1903 and 1904), a company's f i s h i n g f l e e t was dependent upon the number of c a n n e r i e s i t owned. The t o t a l number of boats allowed i n 1904 was f i x e d at 750, the B.A. and Cunningham Canneries being a l l o t e d 90 and 70 boats, r e s p e c t i v e l y , and the Skeena R i v e r Commercial Company 38. (146) There was another mutual agreement i n 1908, but the number of l i c e n s e s issued o f t e n exceeded allowed t o t a l s , and the schemes broke down. In 1910, canners asked the Dominion Government to i n t e r v e n e . A "Boat R a t i n g Commission" was e s t a b l i s h e d t o i n v e s t i g a t e f i s h i n g on the Skeena, and i n the 1911 season the numbers of 123 boats a t t a c h e d to the Skeena c a n n e r i e s was f i x e d a t 850 -i n c l u d i n g 89 f o r the B.A. Cannery, 60 f o r the Cunningham Cannery, and 55 f o r the Skeena R i v e r Commercial Company. (147) However many boats were pe r m i t t e d , Skeena canners always sought to keep the p r i c e p a i d f o r f i s h as low as p o s s i b l e . F i s h p r i c e s on the Skeena were always c o n s i d e r a b l y lower than those p a i d by canners on the F r a s e r ( i n 1900 a h a l f ) , and were o f t e n c o n t e s t e d by fishermen. At the s t a r t of the 1894 season there was a f i s h i n g s t r i k e a t Standard and C l a x t o n a g a i n s t a r e d u c t i o n (from 9 to 8 c e n t s ) i n the amount canners o f f e r e d fishermen f o r sockeye. Before the s t r i k e spread, a l l of the Skeena canners met a t P o r t E s s i n g t o n , decided to hold f i r m on t h e i r o f f e r , and agreed on a $50 reward f o r anyone r e p o r t i n g a canner buying f i s h f o r more than 9 c e n t s . With t h i s c o l l e c t i v e agreement, the s t r i k e soon ended. (148) Another s t r i k e i n 1896 over a f u r t h e r r e d u c t i o n i n the sockeye p r i c e to 7 cents was a p p a r e n t l y r e s o l v e d before the canners implemented a c o l l e c t i v e s t r a t e g y . (149) There was a s i m i l a r s t r i k e i n 1897, but the l a r g e s t , and perhaps most s e r i o u s s t r i k e , came i n 1904. At the s t a r t of the 1904 season fishermen were o f f e r e d 7 cents per sockeye, but a b o r i g i n a l and (the few) "white" crews working f o r the Skeena c a n n e r i e s r e f u s e d to work f o r any l e s s than 10 cents (Japanese crews n e a r l y always accepted the p r i c e o f f e r e d ) . (150) Skeena canners and fishermen met a t P o r t E s s i n g t o n i n June to d i s c u s s the s i t u a t i o n . The fishermen claimed t h a t 7 cents was not 124 enough to make a " l i v i n g wage," and i f the canners d i d not r a i s e t h e i r p r i c e they would be f o r c e d to leave to f i s h on the F r a s e r or take other employment. Canners claimed t h a t 7 cents was a l l they c o u l d a f f o r d on account of the high c o s t of s u p p l y i n g and r e p a i r i n g f i s h i n g gear g i v e n the p e c u l i a r d e s t r u c t i v e n e s s of the Skeena waters, and heavy company l o s s e s i n the p r e v i o u s two seasons. (151) The fishermen d i d not accept t h i s e x p l a n a t i o n . "More s e r i o u s than a n y t h i n g , " , r e p o r t e d the Skeena D i s t r i c t News r was t h a t canners "had s o l d (the 1904] season's pack i n advance at p r i c e s based upon the p r i c e of f i s h [8c] h e r e t o f o r e p a i d to fishermen," and c o u l d t h e r e f o r e be seen to be p r o f i t i n g by t h e i r lower o f f e r . (152) The fishermen formed a s t r i k e committee c h a i r e d by Port E s s i n g t o n ' s K i t s e l a s c h i e f , A l f r e d Wedildahld, and moved to t i e up as many cannery boats as p o s s i b l e . More i m p o r t a n t l y , the a b o r i g i n a l women working i n the Skeena c a n n e r i e s supported t h e i r f i s h i n g husbands and r e f u s e d to work i n the c a n n e r i e s (how many i s not c e r t a i n ) . The canners seemed powerless to prevent an enormous l o s s of p r o d u c t i o n , the Skeena D i s t r i c t  News r e p o r t i n g " I t i s a t h i n g p r e t t y w e l l known on the Skeena th a t there i s no d e a r t h of a c t u a l fishermen, the t r o u b l e , i t appears, being i n g e t t i n g labour to f i l l the cans." (153) The Skeena canners c o u l d perhaps have s u r v i v e d the 1904 season without a b o r i g i n a l boats, but with over h a l f of t h e i r cannery work f o r c e on s t r i k e , they were f o r c e d to compromise. By the s t a r t of J u l y canners and fishermen had s e t t l e d on 8.5 cents 125 per sockeye and the a b o r i g i n a l women re t u r n e d to the canner i e s . The c o s t of f i s h , boats and nets was l e s s than h a l f of a cannery's o p e r a t i n g c o s t s . Cannery s u p p l i e s and labour were the other g r e a t expense. From the s t a r t of canning o p e r a t i o n s on the Skeena, a b o r i g i n a l women and c h i l d r e n worked on the cannery f l o o r a long s i d e Chinese men (most of them unmarried) brought n o r t h from Vancouver and V i c t o r i a f o r the canning season. A c c o r d i n g to the 1881 census, the Aberdeen Cannery had a Chinese cannery crew of 31, and the Inverness Cannery a crew of 42. (154) Mr. Huang Tsun Hsien - the Consul-General f o r China - t o l d the 1885 Roval Commission on Chinese Immigration t h a t there were 330 " f i s h e r y hands" employed on the Skeena (an average of 55 Chinese workers at each of the 6 c a n n e r i e s ) . (155) I t i s d i f f i c u l t to determine the t o t a l s i z e of the cannery work f o r c e i n any of Port E s s i n g t o n ' s c a n n e r i e s u n t i l the e a r l y 1900s, but i n 1891 the census enumerator recorded .a Chinese crew of 22 working i n the Cunningham Cannery (see appendix 1 ) . The t o t a l s i z e of cannery crews v a r i e d , u s u a l l y a c c o r d i n g to the number of cannery l i n e s , the expected s i z e of the salmon run, and the l e v e l of mechanisation. The r e l a t i v e s i z e of Chinese and a b o r i g i n a l crews were u s u a l l y determined by r e l a t i v e employment c o s t s and the s i z e of the l o c a l labour f o r c e . In 1902 B e l l - I r v i n g t o l d Dominion immigration commissioners t h a t he employed fewer Chinese and f a r more a b o r i g i n a l women on the Skeena than on the F r a s e r , and s a i d he had "about s e v e n t y - f i v e Chinamen i n each [Skeena] cannery...and s e v e n t y - f i v e Indians, male and female." (156) Skeena canners employed "whites" as managers, accountants, s t o r e k e e p e r s , e n g i n e e r s , machinery overseers and f l o o r s u p e r v i s o r s . They were always the s m a l l e s t group of employees: B e l l - I r v i n g employed an average of 15 "whites" a t h i s two Skeena c a n n e r i e s . (157) In c a n n e r i e s with an equal number of a b o r i g i n a l and Chinese employees - Aberdeen Cannery i n 1891, and the B.A. Cannery i n 1901, f o r example - there was u s u a l l y a s e t d i v i s i o n of labour. A b o r i g i n a l women and c h i l d r e n made and mended nets before the s t a r t of the season, and d u r i n g the canning season cleaned the f i s h , c a r r i e d them to f i l l i n g t a b l e s with the empty cans, and f i l l e d the cans. Chinese crews made the cans before the season, unloaded the f i s h from the boats, butchered them, s o l d e r e d the f i l l e d cans and cooked them, l a b e l l e d them once they were c o o l , and packed the cans i n boxes. (158) The tasks performed by these d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r a l groups sometimes v a r i e d , e s p e c i a l l y i f there were many more of one group than of the ot h e r . Cannery workers were n e a r l y always employed and pa i d on c o n t r a c t , and most c o n t r a c t s were s i m i l a r l y s t r u c t u r e d . Dominion immigration commissioners g i v e the f o l l o w i n g d e s c r i p t i o n of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Chinese workers and t h e i r c o n t r a c t o r s : 127 The c o n t r a c t s are made with boss Chinamen who h i r e t h e i r own help i n t h e i r own way...The c o n t r a c t o r makes an advance to of from $30 to $40 to each Chinaman at the opening of the season to induce him to come. The c o n t r a c t o r f u r n i s h e s the p r o v i s i o n s , where c h i e f l y h i s p r o f i t s are made. At the end of each month what he has i s made up and charged pro r a t a to the men i n h i s employ. At the end of the season, i f the run i s s h o r t , the c o n t r a c t o r may l o s e money on h i s c o n t r a c t which, however, i s p a r t l y covered by h i s p r o f i t s on the p r o v i s i o n s . I f the p r o v i s i o n s f u r n i s h e d to the Chinaman and the advances made to them exceed the amount of t h e i r wages at the end of the season the l o s s f a l l s on the c o n t r a c t o r and not on h i s employer. (159) The c o n t r a c t r e l a t i o n s h i p between canning companies and c o n t r a c t o r s was o f t e n more i n t r i c a t e . For example, a l l B.C. Packers's Chinese c o n t r a c t s i n the e a r l y t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y had the f o l l o w i n g d e t a i l s . Cannery managers p a i d a p o r t i o n of the c o n t r a c t to the c o n t r a c t o r when the can-making had been completed, a f u r t h e r p o r t i o n on the number of cases packed up to a s p e c i f i e d t o t a l , and the balance on the cannery's t o t a l p r o d u c t i o n one month a f t e r a l l of the season's pack had been shipped from the cannery. C o n t r a c t o r s , who were r e s p o n s i b l e f o r paying t h e i r workers out of t h e i r c o n t r a c t fee however they chose, had to ensure that t h e i r workers performed the jobs d e s c r i b e d i n the c o n t r a c t as e f f i c i e n t l y as p o s s i b l e , and that they pack a s p e c i f i e d number of cases per day when the cannery was f u l l y o p e r a t i o n a l . I f the canner had any complaint about a member of the crew i t was the c o n t r a c t o r ' s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y t o f i n d a replacement, and i f more than a s p e c i f i e d number of cases ( o f t e n 3) per thousand were found to be f a u l t y i n any way the c o n t r a c t o r had to reimburse the canner the market value of the same number of cases p r o p e r l y 128 packed. (160) T h i s c o n t r a c t system, argued Dominion immigration commissioners, r e l i e v e d canners from f i n d i n g and p r o v i s i o n i n g l a b o u r , and allowed them to estimate the c o s t of an important p a r t of t h e i r labour f o r c e before the season s t a r t e d . S p e c i f i c a t i o n s and p r i c e s v a r i e d over the y e a r s , and v a r i e d between companies, but B e l l - I r v i n g r e p o r t e d t h a t around 1900 most of h i s Chinese employees earned $35-40 per month. (161) Chinese c o n t r a c t o r s p a i d t h e i r workers d i f f e r e n t amounts, u s u a l l y depending on the s k i l l r e q u i r e d to do a p a r t i c u l a r job. At the B.A. Cannery from 1906 onwards, Chinese butchers and canners of 1/2 l b f l a t s always earned f a r more than those p r o c e s s i n g 1 l b t a i l s and f l a t s (appendix 6). I f a p a r t i c u l a r Chinese c o n t r a c t o r had been t r i e d and was t r u s t e d , a canner might employ him each year. B e l l - I r v i n g employed Mak Noey at the B.A. Cannery, and Dan Nook Tory a t the North P a c i f i c , f o r most years d u r i n g the 1890s. (162) Otherwise, canners would seek the best ( u s u a l l y meaning the cheapest) tender o f f e r e d . I t i s not known whether Chinese c o n t r a c t o r s competed with one another i n the tender of c o n t r a c t s . A b o r i g i n a l women were u s u a l l y paid p i e c e r a t e s on the number of f i s h washed and the number of cans f i l l e d per day. At B e l l - I r v i n g 1 s Skeena c a n n e r i e s i n 1891, f i l l e r s were p a i d 6 cents per case, and wipers 11 cents per hour. By 1907, wipers were being p a i d 20 cents per hour, but a f i l l e r s ' wage had o n l y i n c r e a s e d to 8 cents per case. (163) Around 1900, wipers 129 and f i l l e r s earned $1-1.25 a day. (164) L i t t l e i s known about how the cannery employed a b o r i g i n a l women, but B e l l - I r v i n g c l a i m s they were employed and p a i d by Chinese c o n t r a c t o r s . B e l l - I r v i n g r e c o r d s t h a t "seventeen per cent [of h i s t o t a l pack c o s t s f o r 1897] r e p r e s e n t s the amount p a i d to the Chinese labour c o n t r a c t o r , and...5 per cent of the 17 per cent r e p r e s e n t s the payment by the Chinese to t h e i r Indian employees." (165) When Franz Boas v i s i t e d P o r t E s s i n g t o n i n 1888, however, he noted t h a t Cunningham not o n l y employed and p a i d h i s own a b o r i g i n a l cannery workers, but p a i d them with p e r s o n a l i s e d stamps "so t h a t the c a p i t a l needed f o r t r a d i n g i s d i m i n i s h e d and a t the same time the Indians are f o r c e d to buy i n one s t o r e . " (166) While Chinese workers were e x c l u s i v e l y engaged by c o n t r a c t o r s , i t seems l i k e l y t h a t a b o r i g i n a l women were sometimes employed d i r e c t l y by the cannery. The B.A. and Skeena R i v e r Commercial Canneries both had g e n e r a l s t o r e s too, and B e l l - I r v i n g and Doyle recorded p r o f i t s of $2-6,000 a season (25-50 per cent on the goods exchanged) and s t o r e t u r n o v e r s of $20-30,000. (167) They may, of course, have had p r o v i s i o n i n g arrangements with Chinese c o n t r a c t o r s , and used a stamp system l i k e Cunningham's to f o r c e cannery workers and fishermen to buy goods on c r e d i t a t i n f l a t e d p r i c e s . Such matters remain u n c l e a r , but i t i s c e r t a i n t h a t both canners and c o n t r a c t o r s c o u l d make q u i t e l a r g e sums by these p r o v i s i o n i n g r e l a t i o n s . P o r t E s s i n g t o n was f a r l a r g e r than a l l of the other Skeena canning s e t t l e m e n t s and had a 130 v a r i e t y of shops, r e s t a u r a n t s and bars. With the money they d i d have (and how and whenever i t was p a i d ) , cannery employees a t P o r t E s s i n g t o n probably had a g r e a t e r range of goods to choose from than workers i n other Skeena c a n n e r i e s . '•White1' workers were always h i r e d d i r e c t l y by the cannery, and were u s u a l l y p a i d more than the other groups of workers. In the 1890s, the manager of the B.A. Cannery was pa i d $120 per month. By 1918, the 14 "white" employees a t the Skeena R i v e r Commercial Cannery were e i t h e r p a i d per month -net menders r e c e i v i n g the lowest s a l a r y of $65, and engineers the h i g h e s t of $110 - or a t the end of the canning season -netmen r e c e i v i n g $1,000 a season with board i n c l u d e d , and cannery foremen and the manager $1,200 plus per season with board. (168) The p r o d u c t i o n process i n a l l Skeena c a n n e r i e s remained b a s i c a l l y the same u n t i l the 1900s. In h i s d i a r y , Boas d e s c r i b e d the work process at the Cunningham Cannery f o r June 1888: Work s t a r t s i n the cannery a t 7 A.M. Two hundred Indians are used f o r p r o c e s s i n g the salmon, and Chinese s o l d e r the cans. I t i s q u i t e i n t e r e s t i n g to watch the p r o c e s s i n g of the salmon. At the f i r s t t a b l e women cut them open; a t the next t a b l e heads and t a i l s are removed. Then they are drawn and thrown i n t o a bath where they are washed. They are then put i n t o a machine which c u t s them i n t o seven p a r t s and throws them i n t o a trough from which they are d i s t r i b u t e d to be s t u f f e d i n t o cans. The l i d s are p l a c e d on top a t another t a b l e and then they are placed i n a s o l d e r i n g machine which f a s t e n s the l i d s . They are then placed on a l a r g e i r o n frame. The s o l d e r i n g i s not checked i n any way. The e n t i r e frame i s then placed i n t o b o i l i n g water f o r twenty minutes-and then c o o l e d . F i n a l l y the cans are packed i n t o boxes. (169) The machine t h a t cut the f i s h was a gang k n i f e , and was operated by a hand l e v e r . On manual canning l i n e s , the pace of p r o d u c t i o n was determined by the speed a t which b u t c h e r i n g , f i l l i n g , and s o l d e r i n g c o u l d be performed. To i n c r e a s e p r o d u c t i o n , canners had e i t h e r to add more l i n e s (and t h e r e f o r e more workers), or i n t r o d u c e machinery t h a t speeded the completion of a t a s k . A p i e c e of machinery t h a t speeded one p a r t of the p r o d u c t i o n process was, however, u s e l e s s u n l e s s the other p a r t s were speeded at the same time. (170) S o l d e r i n g machines (and l a t e r steam r e t o r t s - l a r g e pressure cookers) were o f t e n i n s t a l l e d a long with implements such as gang knives so t h a t than i n c r e a s e i n the pace of b u t c h e r i n g d i d not c r e a t e b o t t l e n e c k s elsewhere. These were n e a r l y the o n l y mechanical implements i n a p r o d u c t i o n process t h a t remained e s s e n t i a l l y manual i n a l l Skeena c a n n e r i e s u n t i l a f t e r 1910. (171) Other p i e c e s of machinery were i n t r o d u c e d i n t o the P o r t E s s i n g t o n c a n n e r i e s between 1890 and 1910, but they were mostly a i d s to manual c u t t i n g and f i l l i n g , and some of them were t r i e d and d i s c a r d e d . The B.A. Cannery i n s t a l l e d a r e v o l v i n g k n i f e f o r the 1895 season, but when B e l l - I r v i n g v i s i t e d the Cannery i n June he found i t "smashing up s l i c e s f o r o v a l s , " and "Stopped i t a t once and r e t u r n e d to c u t t i n g by hand." By 1900 the B.A. Cannery had f i s h t opping and wiping machines, machines f o r crimping the tops onto cans, and more s o p h i s t i c a t e d s o l d e r i n g machines than the one mentioned by 132 Boas. (172) In h i s "Notebooks," B e l l - I r v i n g d i s c u s s e d the m e r i t s of u s i n g new p i e c e s of machinery when they appeared on the market, but there was u s u a l l y a gap of a few years before any of them were i n t r o d u c e d i n t o any of h i s c a n n e r i e s . In 1899 the B.A. Cannery had a Chinese crew of 57, and i t employed about the same number u n t i l a f t e r 1912 (appendix 6). (173) Machinery t h a t d i s p l a c e d many workers was not i n t r o d u c e d i n t o c a n n e r i e s u n t i l about t h i s time. By 1907, E.A. Smith's automatic b u t c h e r i n g machines - or s o - c a l l e d "Iron Chinks" -had been t r i e d and approved by canners i n the U.S. They took up very l i t t l e space, produced c o n s i s t e n t l y high q u a l i t y c u t s of salmon, were estimated to save about h a l f a f i s h per case over manual b u t c h e r i n g , and c o u l d process as much f i s h i n a ten hour day as 18 Chinese b u t c h e r s . (174) A f t e r 1900, s k i l l e d Chinese labour became more expensive on the F r a s e r , and c a n n e r i e s began i n s t a l l i n g the new b u t c h e r i n g machines (the p r e c i s e t i m i n g and extent of i n s t a l l a t i o n i s d i f f i c u l t to e s t i m a t e ) . (175) There i s l i t t l e s u g g e s t i o n t h a t s k i l l e d Chinese labour had become any more expensive a t the B.A. Cannery. Chinese c o n t r a c t p r i c e s remained roughl y the same between 1895 and 1912. (176) Doyle suggests t h a t canners i n the north began to use "Iron Chinks" a f t e r they had s t a r t e d to pack l a t e r runs of humpback and chum salmon because they d i d the work " t h a t i t i s Impossible to get [Chinese] labor to do on account of the t e r r i b l e [autumn] weather i n the North." (177) B e l l - I r v i n g i m p l i e s t h a t the B.A. Cannery at Port 133 E s s i n g t o n had an automatic b u t c h e r i n g machine i n 1912, but i t c e r t a i n l y had one by 1915 when h i s number of Chinese employees dropped by over 10 (see appendix 6 ) . (178) By 1923, a l l of Port E s s i n g t o n ' s c a n n e r i e s had the new b u t c h e r i n g machines. (179) S a n i t a r y cans speeded the other end of the canning l i n e . They r e q u i r e d the i n s t a l l a t i o n of expensive machinery -exhaust boxes and double seamers - but removed the need f o r machines t h a t topped the f i l l e d cans, and Chinese can s o l d e r e r s . Exhaust boxes e l i m i n a t e d the need f o r a f i r s t cook i n the r e t o r t , and reduced time of the second cook from two hours to about 30 minutes. T h i s s o l d e r i n g and cooking system a l s o reduced the number of "do-over" or l e a k y cans produced. (180) B e l l - I r v i n g and the B.C. Canning Company i n t r o d u c e d s a n i t a r y cans on the F r a s e r f o r the 1913 season. Doyle used them at h i s M i l l Bay Cannery on the Nass i n the same year, and at the end of the season estimated t h a t they had saved him $11,000 -"more than enough," notes Higginbottom, "to cover the c o s t of i n s t a l l i n g a l l the new equipment." (181) B e l l - I r v i n g used s a n i t a r y r a t h e r than s o l d e r e d cans a t the B.A. Cannery f o r the f i r s t time i n 1915. The average number of "do-over" cases were subsequently reduced from an average of over 200 per season to under 15. (182) By 1923, a l l three of P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s c a n n e r i e s were u s i n g exhaust boxes, double seamers, and s a n i t a r y cans; there i s no i n f o r m a t i o n about how many Chinese workers were d i s p l a c e d as a r e s u l t . (183) The pace of t e c h n o l o g i c a l change i n the Skeena c a n n e r i e s was g e n e r a l l y slower than i n those on the F r a s e r . (184) Apart from the r i s i n g c o s t of Chinese labour on the F r a s e r , the ado p t i o n of g a s o l i n e powered boats a f t e r 1907 i n c r e a s e d the speed a t which f i s h c o u l d be d e l i v e r e d to the c a n n e r i e s and f u r t h e r encouraged F r a s e r canners t o speed up t h e i r canning l i n e s . Salmon runs through the season were more even on the Skeena (than on the F r a s e r ) , and p a r t l y manual cannery l i n e s c o u l d handle a l l of the f i s h d e l i v e r e d i n a day. Canners i n the n o r t h owned f a r more boats than those on the F r a s e r , and were l e s s prepared to encourage the use of motor powered boats because of the c a p i t a l needed to b u i l d and ma i n t a i n them. (185) G a s o l i n e engines were not in t r o d u c e d i n t o n o r t h e r n f i s h i n g f l e e t s u n t i l the 1920s. When g r e a t e r numbers of Japanese fishermen appeared i n f i s h i n g f l e e t s i n the 1890s, more a b o r i g i n a l fishermen were r e t a i n e d by Skeena canners than by those on the F r a s e r because t h e i r f a m i l i e s came with them to work i n the c a n n e r i e s . Because a b o r i g i n a l women accepted lower wages than other groups, manual l i n e s were cheaper to run i n the nort h than on the F r a s e r where more Chinese workers were employed. Mechanisation i n c r e a s e d the pace of p r o d u c t i o n , but, as Higginbottom notes, mechanised l i n e s r e q u i r e d more f i s h to be p r o f i t a b l e . (186) With s m a l l e r sockeye runs on the Skeena than on the F r a s e r , automatic b u t c h e r i n g machines and the s a n i t a r y can process o n l y became p r o f i t a b l e when the t o t a l number of f i s h being r e t u r n e d to the c a n n e r i e s had been i n c r e a s e d and the canning season lengthened by the t a r g e t i n g of the other s p e c i e s of salmon a f t e r 1900. With lower f i s h and labour c o s t s on the Skeena than the F r a s e r , B e l l - I r v i n g 1 s manual canning l i n e s remained p r o f i t a b l e f o r lo n g e r . Between 1891 and 1902, h i s average c o s t per case on the F r a s e r was $4.3 while t h a t f o r h i s 2 Skeena c a n n e r i e s was o n l y $3.55. (187) Accord i n g to B e l l - I r v i n g ' s "Notebooks," the B.A. Cannery a t Po r t E s s i n g t o n was i n many years h i s Company's most p r o f i t a b l e i n B r i t i s h Columbia. << >> Some salmon can l a b e l s from t h i s p e r i o d d e p i c t n a t i v e North Americans s p e a r i n g f i s h from canoes as they d r i f t i n t o a b r i l l i a n t sunset, and ot h e r s bagpipe p l a y e r s charming s p r i n g and sockeye salmon from g l i t t e r i n g streams. Consumers of canned salmon a l l over the world probably had l i t t l e idea that the f i s h was caught i n nets i n a l a r g e , c o l d , t u r b u l e n t , murky r i v e r . (188) Probably o n l y a few r e a l i s e d t h a t salmon was processed by the i n d u s t r i a l methods developed i n European f a c t o r i e s : assembly l i n e s , and a d i v i s i o n of labour c h a r a c t e r i s e d by the h o u r l y and d a i l y r e p e t i t i o n of tasks a i d e d by machinery. Salmon canning brought new types of work and payment to the Skeena. Port E s s i n g t o n ' s s e a s o n a l , f i s h i n g and canning work f o r c e were wrapped up i n a s e r i e s of modern economic r e l a t i o n s and s t r u g g l e s . By 1900, Coast Tsimshian were no 136 longer b a r t e r i n g with f u r s but r e c e i v i n g money wages and sometimes s t r i k i n g f o r i n c r e a s e s i n wages and f i s h p r i c e s . Money - however i t was p a i d - had become the dominant medium of exchange. C l o t h e s were more o f t e n bought than made. Homes and boats were not so o f t e n b u i l t as r e n t e d . With a permanent Coast Tsimshian p o p u l a t i o n of over 100 and a summer a b o r i g i n a l p o p u l a t i o n over a thousand, Port E s s i n g t o n was the nexus of many of these changes. The c a n n e r i e s a l s o brought together peoples of w i d e l y d i f f e r i n g n a t i o n a l c u l t u r e s . "Each cannery," wrote the Methodist m i s s i o n a r y B.C. Freeman, "has a l i t t l e community by i t s e l f , cosmopolitan i n the extreme with i t s quota of Indians, Chinese, Japanese, and whites from almost every c o u n t r y i n Europe and America." (189) Although Port E s s i n g t o n does not f i t h i s c a r i c a t u r e of cannery l i f e , by 1900 i t s p o p u l a t i o n was the l a r g e s t and most d i v e r s e i n the r e g i o n . 3. Diagramming a salmon canning town. The expansion of salmon canning on the lower Skeena i n the e a r l y 1880s c o i n c i d e d with development of s h i p p i n g bu s i n e s s e s along the mainland c o a s t and i n P o r t E s s i n g t o n . Canneries were more than the sum of t h e i r boats, b u i l d i n g s , and machinery. They r e l i e d on the s u p p l y of p l a n t m a t e r i a l s before and through the season, needed to p r o v i d e t h e i r Chinese and Japanese workers' passage n o r t h and back a g a i n , and had to send t h e i r pack south f o r e x p o r t . Before the GTP was f i n i s h e d i n 1914, a l l c a n n e r i e s were a c c e s s i b l e o n l y by water and Port E s s i n g t o n was the c h i e f break of bulk p o i n t on the lower Skeena. U n t i l the mid-1870s most goods were shipped around the Skeena r e g i o n on the HBC's O t t e r . By the 1880s Robert and George Cunningham had developed t h e i r own f r e i g h t i n g b u s i n e s s . T h e i r twin-masted schooner, Skeena, was b u i l t i n P o r t E s s i n g t o n i n 1883 and used to take s u p p l i e s , lumber, equipment, and passengers to Skeena c a n n e r i e s . (190) The Skeena sank i n 1888 and was r e p l a c e d i n 1889 by the steam tug M u r i e l , which was used t o s u p p l y c a n n e r i e s f o r a year and then used e x c l u s i v e l y between Port E s s i n g t o n and Cunningham's other cannery a t Lowe I n l e t . (191) In 1891, the Chieftain resumed g e n e r a l s u p p l y s e r v i c e s between Port E s s i n g t o n and the Skeena c a n n e r i e s , although i t was mainly used t o supply Cunningham's businesses i n Port E s s i n g t o n and h i s d o g f i s h o i l r e f i n e r y a t Refuge Bay on Porcher I s l a n d . (192) I t a l s o made r e g u l a r t r i p s to the Nass and Lowe I n l e t . About a q u a r t e r of the time i t was commissioned t o tow and c a r r y lumber, box lumber, and other s u p p l i e s to the Skeena c a n n e r i e s , and e s p e c i a l l y R i t h e t ' s Standard Cannery. Much of t h i s lumber was from Cunningham's sa w m i l l , but It c a r r i e d orders from other sawmills as w e l l . I t s peak months of o p e r a t i o n were always at the s t a r t and end of the canning season. From 1892 to 1899, Peter Herman a l s o operated a steamship, the Minnie, which c a r r i e d on many of these g e n e r a l s e r v i c e s when the C h i e f t a i n 138 was busy, and was sometimes commissioned by Cunningham. (193) During the 1890s, Port E s s i n g t o n was a r e g u l a r port of c a l l f o r more than 10 other steamships c a r r y i n g f r e i g h t , passengers and mail on scheduled t r i p s up and down the c o a s t . The Barbara Boscovitz, and the CPN steamships Danube and P r i n c e s s L o u i s e were the most r e g u l a r , coming every f o r t n i g h t . (194) On t h e i r way to P o r t E s s i n g t o n , these s h i p s d e l i v e r e d s u p p l i e s t o R i v e r s I n l e t and Lowe I n l e t . They sometimes stopped a t i n d i v i d u a l c a n n e r i e s on the Skeena, but t h e i r cargo of t i n p l a t e , l e a d , l a c q u e r , s a l t and machinery f o r the c a n n e r i e s and other d e s t i n a t i o n s up the Skeena was u s u a l l y unloaded a t P o r t E s s i n g t o n and d e l i v e r e d on s m a l l e r s h i p s . Ships c o u l d reach P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s cannery wharves o n l y a t high t i d e . Those a r r i v i n g when the t i d e was out had to anchor w e l l o f f s h o r e and unload i n t o boats and scows. Sometimes they unloaded o n l y a s m a l l p a r t of t h e i r f r e i g h t , and d e l i v e r e d the r e s t on t h e i r r e t u r n . From Port E s s i n g t o n they proceeded up the c o a s t as f a r as southern Alaska and west to the Queen C h a r l o t t e I s l a n d s , and when they r e t u r n e d to Port E s s i n g t o n took passengers, f r e i g h t , m a i l and salmon exports south. The volume of t r a f f i c f e l l o f f between December when the l a s t shipments of salmon had been taken south, and February, when canners s t a r t e d to prepare f o r the f o l l o w i n g season. Ice flows on the lower reaches of the Skeena i n December and January sometimes made passage to Port E s s i n g t o n i m p o s s i b l e . Even i n the 1890s, however, there were enough permanent 139 s e t t l e r s s c a t t e r e d along the mainland c o a s t to warrant scheduled t r i p s up the c o a s t a l l year. (195) The Chieftain and the M u r i e l operated around the Skeena, but i n 1892 Cunningham entered the c o a s t a l s h i p p i n g business i n p a r t n e r s h i p with George Dempster of Aberdeen and two V i c t o r i a merchants. They bought the steamship Cariboo & Fly. (196) U n t i l beached a t Port E s s i n g t o n i n 1895 i t was mainly used to take salmon exports and passengers to V i c t o r i a and to r e t u r n with s u p p l i e s f o r Cunningham's s t o r e and b u s i n e s s e s . R i t h e t remained Cunningham's f i n a n c i a l agent and c o n s u l t a n t u n t i l 1902. He was the s a l e s agent f o r Cunningham's Lowe I n l e t Cannery (and maybe h i s P o r t E s s i n g t o n cannery - although there i s no r e c o r d of t h i s ) , and provided him with a $60,000 mortgage t o buy the C h i e f t a i n . (197) P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s e x c l u s i v e s h i p p i n g t i e s with V i c t o r i a were maintained u n t i l 1897 when the Vancouver-based Union Steamship Company ( U S S C ) put the steamship Coguitlam on the north c o a s t a l run. The U S S C expanded i t s n o r t h e r n f l e e t s h o r t l y a f t e r 1900 with the i n t r o d u c t i o n of the Capilano and the f a r more frequent v i s i t o r to P o r t E s s i n g t o n , the Camosum. (198) Water t r a n s p o r t d i d not end a t P o r t E s s i n g t o n . During the 1880s the HBC p a i d Coast Tsimshian groups to operate about 40 canoes up the Skeena. In 1891, however, i t undercut i t s Coast Tsimshian employees by i n t r o d u c i n g a sternwheeler, the Caledonia, to run between Port E s s i n g t o n and Hazelton. (199) A second Caledonia r e p l a c e d i t i n 1898, and i n 1902 the HBC 140 added the Mount Royal to i t s Skeena f l e e t . (200) I t i s u n l i k e l y , however, t h a t the HBC's steamers e n t i r e l y d i s p l a c e d the canoes u n t i l the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y . Cunningham opened a branch s t o r e i n Hazelton from 1889 and d u r i n g the 1890s used f r e i g h t canoes to b r i n g f u r s down r i v e r . (201) He a l s o owned land i n and around the s e t t l e m e n t ( i n 1904, 400 a c r e s ) , and l a t e r moved i n t o the Skeena s h i p p i n g b u s i n e s s to compete with the HBC f o r passengers and f r e i g h t . (202) In 1900 he put the Monte C r i s t o on the Skeena, and i n 1901 the Hazelton. (203) In the e a r l y 1900s there was a g r e a t d e a l of land s p e c u l a t i o n i n Hazelton i n a n t i c i p a t i o n of the GTP, and Cunningham was reputed to be s e l l i n g l o t s f o r $300. (204) The HBC and i t s ex-employee competed on the Skeena u n t i l Cunningham p u l l e d h i s s h i p s o f f the r i v e r i n 1904 a f t e r a c c e p t i n g an o f f e r of $7,500 from the HBC to keep h i s s h i p s t i e d up f o r 3 y e a r s . The HBC a l s o agreed to t r a n s p o r t a l l of h i s f r e i g h t between Port E s s i n g t o n and Hazelton f r e e of charge. When the agreement e x p i r e d i n 1907 the HBC bought the Hazelton to r e p l a c e i t s wrecked Mount Royal. The GTP a l s o ran a number of tugs on the r i v e r from 1908, but a l l steamship s e r v i c e s on the Skeena ended i n 1912 when the GTP s t a r t e d passenger t r a i n s e r v i c e s down the n o r t h bank of the r i v e r . (205) Skeena r i v e r f a r e s were p r o p o r t i o n a l to the d i s t a n c e t r a v e l l e d . By 1909, the t r i p t o H a z e l t o n c o a s t $17. (206) Yet the r i v e r was n a v i g a b l e f o r no more than 5 months a year, the treacherous waters at K i t s e l a s Canyon (midway to Hazelton) wrecked many s h i p s , and i t i s d o u b t f u l t h a t any of the above p a r t i e s made much p r o f i t from t h e i r Skeena steamship s e r v i c e s . The names of the s h i p s p a s s i n g i n and out of P o r t E s s i n g t o n changed over the y e a r s . Most were operated f o r l e s s than 15 years before being r e p l a c e d . The volume of t r a f f i c a l s o i n c r e a s e d between 1890 and 1915. T h i s i n t e r c o n n e c t e d l o c a l and c o a s t a l s h i p p i n g network f o c u s s i n g on P o r t E s s i n g t o n was an important p r e c o n d i t i o n f o r the p u r s u i t of salmon canning i n the n o r t h . By the time the ABC Packing Company moved i n t o the Skeena i t was l a r g e l y i n p l a c e , although B e l l -I r v i n g i n t r o d u c e d h i s own steam tug, W i n i f r e d , i n 1891 to s e r v i c e h i s two Skeena c a n n e r i e s . I t was a l s o i n e x t r i c a b l y l i n k e d t o the commercial development of P o r t E s s i n g t o n . U n t i l 1900, P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s permanent s e t t l e r s were mainly employed by the town's three c a n n e r i e s - as fishermen, foremen, steamship engineers and c a p t a i n s , and boat b u i l d e r s . (207) In 1900 t h e r e were 5 g e n e r a l s t o r e s ( i n c l u d i n g the three run by the c a n n e r i e s ) , Cunningham's h o t e l , a c a r p e n t e r , brewer, copper, and watchmaker. In the next few years the town grew c o n s i d e r a b l y . In August, 1907, the e d i t o r of the P o r t E s s i n g t o n newspaper, The Sun r r e p o r t e d the a t t r a c t i o n s and a m e n i t i e s of P o r t E s s i n g t o n i n the hope of a t t r a c t i n g new investment to the town. "The p o s s i b i l i t i e s are i l l i m i t a b l e , " he wrote; The present p o p u l a t i o n i s 3,500, with a l i v e bank, 2 h o t e l s , 1 up-to-date r e s t a u r a n t , 1 good s c h o o l , 2 d o c t o r s , no lawyers, s e v e r a l c i g a r s t o r e s , 1 butcher shop and p r o v i s i o n house, 1 t i n shop, seven l a r g e g e n e r a l 142 s t o r e s , three churches, the headquarters f o r the f i s h e r i e s f o r the d i s t r i c t , Indian Department headquarters, 4 l a r g e and 2 l e s s e r c a n n e r i e s . The pay r o l l , i n c l u s i v e of c a n n e r i e s and sawmills t r i b u t a r y to E s s i n g t o n , d u r i n g the summer, i s between $15,000 and $20,000 a day. E s s i n g t o n i s the t r a n s h i p p i n g p o i n t f o r the g r e a t i n t e r i o r p l a t e a u , and d u r i n g the now s t a r t e d G.T.P. work on the upper reaches w i l l be the best c i t y on the north c o a s t . (208) Around 1900 a f o u r t h wharf was b u i l t between the Cunningham and Herman Can n e r i e s . I t was used to load and unload g e n e r a l s u p p l i e s f o r P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s business community and f o r a few years housed L. Morrow and George F r i z z e l l ' s butcher shop and a b a t t o i r . A f t e r 1900, wholesale d e a l e r s from Vancouver made r e g u l a r t r i p s to the town to take merchandising o r d e r s and to see i f i t was p r o f i t a b l e to open branch s t o r e s of t h e i r Vancouver busi n e s s e s i n the town. (209) Goods were s t i l l exchanged i n a v a r i e t y of ways. Cash was the dominant medium of exchange, and with the expansion of banking i n the p r o v i n c e (and the opening of a branch of the Royal Bank i n Po r t E s s i n g t o n i n 1907) many s t a r t e d to use cheques. Around the same time t h a t P o r t E s s i n g t o n s t o r e owners s t a r t e d to complain about r e t u r n e d bank cheques, however, The Sun Informed i t s "Indian s u b s c r i b e r s " t h a t i t would no longer take beaver s k i n s as payment f o r s u b s c r i p t i o n s . (210) I t i s d i f f i c u l t t o assess how much of t h i s development depended on Port E s s i n g t o n ' s c a n n e r i e s . As I argued above, P o r t E s s i n g t o n canners i n s t i g a t e d c y c l e s of indebtedness by paying wages at i r r e g u l a r i n t e r v a l s or a t the end of the season and i s s u i n g c r e d i t vouchers exchangeable o n l y i n t h e i r 143 g e n e r a l s t o r e s . How much was spent i n the town's other s t o r e s i s u n c l e a r . The newspapers suggest t h a t business boomed d u r i n g the summer months, and was most b r i s k a t the end of the canning season when the cannery workers had been p a i d . On August 22, 1904, the Skeena D i s t r i c t News r e p o r t e d t h a t the f i s h i n g season had c l o s e d and "The s t r e e t s are gay a t present with the b r i g h t garments of the Indian l a d i e s who are busy shopping." There was a l s o a g e n e r a l week of d r i n k i n g i n Port E s s i n g t o n ' s two h o t e l bars when the season f i n i s h e d , and the town's p o l i c e c o n s t a b l e s u s u a l l y made more a r r e s t s f o r drunkenness a t t h i s time than d u r i n g the p r e v i o u s s i x months. (211) Yet h o t e l p r o p r i e t o r s and c l o t h i n g s t o r e s c o u l d not s u r v i v e on the l a t e summer trade a l o n e . There were over 200 s e t t l e r s i n the town a f t e r 1900, most of whom e i t h e r ran t h e i r own busin e s s e s or were wage and s a l a r y e a r n e r s . P o r t E s s i n g t o n r e s i d e n t s were always encouraged to s t a y i n the town when they had money to spend. A m i l l i n e r y and dr e s s shop was e s t a b l i s h e d by Mrs. F r i z z e l l i n 1909 so t h a t " E s s i n g t o n ' s l a d i e s , " a c c o r d i n g to the advertisement, "can have the advantages of c i t y shopping without the attenda n t d e l a y and expense of going to Vancouver." (212) Moreover, because Port E s s i n g t o n was the commercial c e n t r e f o r the lower Skeena, and had the g r e a t e s t v a r i e t y of goods i n the r e g i o n , s e t t l e r s and workers from other s e t t l e m e n t s v i s i t e d the town t o shop -o f t e n on the weekend when the c a n n e r i e s were c l o s e d . I f Port 144 E s s i n g t o n ' s i n i t i a l b u siness development depended on the c a n n e r i e s i t soon was a more g e n e r a l r e f l e c t i o n of the town's s t a t u s as the main p o r t i n the r e g i o n . The steamer c o n n e c t i o n between P o r t E s s i n g t o n and Hazelton generated another important source of income. The e d i t o r of The P o r t  E s s i n g t o n L o y a l i s t ( h e r e a f t e r , L o y a l i s t ) a d v e r t i s e d P o r t E s s i n g t o n as a p l a c e where more a c t u a l b u s i n e s s i s t r a n s a c t e d than a t any other p o i n t between Vancouver and S i t k a . Her r i v e r t r a d e d u r i n g the open season f u r n i s h e s b u s i n e s s f o r the l a r g e f l e e t of steamers p l y i n g between t h i s p o r t and H a z e l t o n . T h i s i s but the n a t u r a l r e s u l t of her l o c a t i o n , and from which she has earned the t i t l e of "Gateway to Skeena Trade." (213) Much of t h i s business was from passengers on t h e i r way to Hazelton and the i n t e r i o r . Many of the p r o s p e c t i v e s e t t l e r s bound f o r the B u l k l e y V a l l e y d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d were brought to P o r t E s s i n g t o n and s t a y e d i n the E s s i n g t o n and C a l e d o n i a H o t e l s f o r a few days before a steamer a r r i v e d to take them to Hazelton. These h o t e l s were f u l l y f u r n i s h e d , with " g r i l l rooms," l i c e n s e d bars over 40 f e e t long, and 175 rooms between them. (214) Mining p r o s p e c t o r s heading f o r the Klondike around the t u r n of the c e n t u r y a l s o stayed a t P o r t E s s i n g t o n . They were a l l encouraged to buy before they l e f t . The town's business community placed a c o l l e c t i v e advertisement i n the Skeena D i s t r i c t New3 on March 11, 1904, before the steamers s t a r t e d t o run f o r the season: We may remind p r o s p e c t o r s , land s e e k e r s , timber c r u i s e r s , e t c , t h a t they w i l l f i n d i t more p r o f i t a b l e to d e l a y buying t h e i r s u p p l i e s and g e n e r a l o u t f i t t i l l they reach P o r t E s s i n g t o n . Here they w i l l f i n d s e v e r a l l a r g e 145 g e n e r a l s t o r e s c a r r y i n g l a r g e s t o c k s of goods embracing e v e r y t h i n g necessary f o r a s o j o u r n through t h i s c o u n t r y and a t p r i c e s lower than c o u l d be o b t a i n e d , with f r e i g h t added, from the c o a s t c i t i e s . Four d i f f e r e n t newspapers were p u b l i s h e d i n P o r t E s s i n g t o n between 1904 and 1909. Each l a s t e d l e s s than a year, but were the o n l y ones i n nort h c o a s t a l B r i t i s h Columbia before P r i n c e Rupert's Evening Empire and The Queen C h a r l o t t e News. They a t t e s t t o P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s s t a t u s as the commercial hub of the lower Skeena and pro v i d e d v e h i c l e s f o r the l o c a l booster ism t h a t was widespread i n B r i t i s h Columbia at t h i s time. U n t i l about 1900, Cunningham had been the main promoter of se t t l e m e n t and business i n the town. When he d i e d i n 1905, P o r t E s s i n g t o n had a d i v e r s i f i e d commercial base, and the town's busi n e s s people s t a r t e d t o promote t h e i r own i n t e r e s t s . In 1908, 30 town business people c h a r t e r e d a merchants' a s s o c i a t i o n and a board of t r a d e . (215) Canners, lumber merchants, and s t o r e owners from around the lower Skeena r e g i o n always met i n P o r t E s s i n g t o n f o r p r i v a t e business meetings. But the newspapers were the commercial mouthpiece of the town. The L o y a l i s t was d e d i c a t e d to "Es s i n g t o n and i t s business community." They were a l l p u b l i s h e d on Saturdays when the most people from around the lower Skeena were l i k e l y to be i n the town. They c i r c u l a t e d around the lower Skeena, and many t r a v e l l e r s and v i s i t i n g merchants pr o b a b l y read them too, and some may have taken them back to V i c t o r i a and Vancouver. Much of t h i s l o c a l promotion focused on the p r o s p e c t i v e 146 b e n e f i t s of the GTP. In 1904 there were high hopes t h a t the r a i l w a y would terminate a t P o r t E s s i n g t o n . GTP o f f i c i a l s c o n s i d e r e d P o r t Simpson as an a l t e r n a t i v e , but i t was r u l e d out as the U.S. had j u s t been awarded i s l a n d s a t the entrance to P o r t l a n d Canal and the government deemed the area to be s t r a t e g i c a l l y unsafe. (216) Many new b u s i n e s s e s were s t a r t e d i n a n t i c i p a t i o n of GTP s u r v e y o r s , c o n t r a c t o r s , and l a b o u r e r s working i n and around the town. In 1905, GTP o f f i c i a l s d e c i d e d to take the r a i l w a y along the north s i d e of the Skeena and b u i l d a new terminus town - P r i n c e Rupert. Even so, on a tour of the Skeena i n 1907 Senator Cox - head of the Bank of Commerce - assured the town's business community t h a t P o r t E s s i n g t o n would not l o s e out a l t o g e t h e r , s i n c e "The h e a v i e s t work on the e n t i r e l i n e would draw i t s b a s i c s u p p l i e s from the town, and t h i s alone should make i t an a c t i v e p l a c e . " (217) And two months l a t e r , the e d i t o r of The Sun t o l d h i s readers not to t h i n k of the d e c i s i o n as "the e n d - a l l to E s s i n g t o n and e v e r y t h i n g on the southern shore." He c o n t i n u e d : T h i s would be c a p i t a l r e a s o n i n g p r o v i d i n g the o l d order of t h i n g s were to o b t a i n i n the North. But they w i l l n o t...with t h i s work (on the n o r t h shore! I n i t i a t e d , the face and f u t u r e of the p o t e n t i a l r i v e r and c o a s t d i s t r i c t undergoes the i d e n t i c a l change wrought by the CPR i n the F r a s e r r i v e r v a l l e y 20 years ago. There w i l l be more p o p u l a t i o n ; there w i l l be more i n d u s t r i e s and more manufactories to f i n d employment f o r those who w i l l come. E s s i n g t o n , i n s t e a d of being a summer v i l l a g e , where fishermen journey to f o r three months out of the twelve, w i l l take on the permanent i n d u s t r i a l a spect to which she i s e n t i t l e d by v i r t u e of her admirable s i t u a t i o n . (218) Economic optimism dominated B r i t i s h Columbia a t t h i s time, and P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s b u s i n e s s community was no e x c e p t i o n . 147 "Nowhere on the western hemisphere," d e c l a r e d the L o y a l i s t , "are o p p o r t u n i t i e s so r i p e f o r men with s m a l l c a p i t a l to a t t a i n a p o s i t i o n of independence, i f not a f f l u e n c e , as they are r i g h t here i n t h i s immediate s e c t i o n . " (219) In the same mood, Sloan d e s c r i b e d P o r t E s s i n g t o n as "a m i n i a t u r e B r i t i s h Columbia." In the f o l l o w i n g few y e a r s , most of these hopes were dashed. When work began on the Skeena l e g of the GTP i n 1907 c o n t r a c t o r s drew on P o r t E s s i n g t o n f o r t h e i r s u p p l i e s , and t h e i r workers o f t e n s t a y e d i n the town on t h e i r way to and from the c o n s t r u c t i o n camps up r i v e r . But t h e r e was always f a r more i n t e r e s t i n P r i n c e Rupert. P o r t E s s i n g t o n r e t a i n e d many of i t s s t o r e s , but most new b u s i n e s s e s s t a r t e d i n the r e g i o n a f t e r 1910 were i n P r i n c e Rupert, and some of Po r t E s s i n g t o n ' s business people, such as Morrow and F r i z z e l l opened branch s t o r e s t h e r e . (220) When a t h i r d of P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s commercial e s t a b l i s h m e n t s were des t r o y e d by f i r e i n 1909, many of them were not r e b u i l t (map 4b). Homes and c l u b s , bunkhouses and gambling dens. In a l l canning d i s t r i c t s , canners needed to house t h e i r s e a s o n a l workers. On n e a r l y a l l canning s i t e s , d i f f e r e n t groups of workers were r e s i d e n t i a l l y s egregated. A b o r i g i n a l f a m i l i e s were g e n e r a l l y p l a c e d i n huts, crews of Chinese men * i n l a r g e r bunkhouses t h a t housed up to 50, Japanese workers i n bunkhouses or s i n g l e huts ( i f they had f a m i l i e s with them), and "white" fishermen and workers i n one-room c a b i n s s l i g h t l y 148 l a r g e r than the huts. They were never housed t o g e t h e r . D e t a i l s of l a y o u t s v e r y much depended on l o c a l topography. Most Skeena c a n n e r i e s were backed by steep mountains, and cannery housing was s t r e t c h e d a l o n g the r i v e r bank, with "a Chinahouse a t each e x t r e m i t y of t h e i r v i l l a g e . " (221) Fishermen and cannery workers a t Port E s s i n g t o n were housed i n the same way, but the huts, bunkhouses, and c a b i n s were p a r t of a more complex s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n (map 4b). Cunningham's a b o r i g i n a l employees l i v e d i n a row of huts a d j a c e n t to h i s cannery, or i n another behind h i s h o t e l . His Chinese and Japanese workers l i v e d i n bunkhouses. A l l other cannery housing was i n the north end of the town. A b o r i g i n a l workers were housed i n rows of huts immediately behind the B.A. and Skeena R i v e r Commercial C a n n e r i e s . T h e i r Chinese workers a l s o l i v e d i n bunkhouses. The Skeena R i v e r Commercial Cannery housed i t Japanese workers i n bunkhouses. A few of the B.A. Cannery's Japanese fishermen had t h e i r f a m i l i e s with them, and they, too, were put up i n bunkhouses or huts ( i n 1904 the f i r s t Japanese c h i l d was born i n P o r t E s s i n g t o n ) . (222) Most of P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s businesses were huddled around D u f f e r l n S t r e e t from Cunningham's H a l l to the C a l e d o n i a h o t e l . Many busi n e s s people l i v e d above t h e i r s t o r e s . "Port E s s i n g t o n , " noted Appleyard, stands upon the edge of a few low f o o t h i l l s , which extend over a space of about h a l f a square mile...The s t r e e t s are narrow because the l e v e l ground must be used with g r e a t economy. As I walk down the c e n t r e of the o n l y 149 street we can boast with buildings on both sides, I can hi t every door as I pass with a walking s t i c k ; in fact, the street proper is composed of a few rough planks... forming a walk about a yard wide. This i s used for a l l purposes. (223) A few of the wealthier merchants, and Port Essington's cannery managers, l i v e d in large two-storey houses surrounded by white fences on "the beginnings of streets s t r u g g l l i n g ] up the f o o t h i l l s . " (224) They were afforded a good view of the Skeena and were high enough to avoid the reek of f i s h and o f f a l from the canneries. Port Essington's other "white" residents were scattered. And there were about 30 Kitsumkalum and K i t s e l a s houses on Cunningham's reserve in the south east part of the town (see map 4b and 4c). This townscape embodied a serie s of c u l t u r a l d i s t i n c t i o n s and perhaps concealed many s o c i a l nuances. Cul t u r a l groups mixed in the i r d a i l y work a c t i v i t i e s , but they l i v e d in d i f f e r e n t settings, and in the evenings and at weekends s o c i a l i s e d separately. Most of the town's prominent "whites" were men, married with fa m i l i e s . For many of these f a m i l i e s , Port Essington was not a seasonal canning town but the i r chosen year-round home. Their houses were the focus of family l i f e , but there was a strong - i f exclusive - community l i f e in the town. In 1904, Cunningham b u i l t a large h a l l for the town's "white" residents, and i t immediately became the foc a l point of a l l s o c i a l gatherings. Previously they had met in the Essington Hotel. (225) The "Port Essington Social Club" was formed in 150 1904. I t had a committee of 14 ( a l l men) which organ i s e d monthly dances and d i n n e r s , and weekend ou t i n g s d u r i n g the summer. (226) An average of about 50 people attended these f u n c t i o n s . Most of them were married couples from the town, although some of the town's s i n g l e men were i n v i t e d (separate "bachelor n i g h t s " were a l s o h e l d o c c a s i o n a l l y ) . But cannery managers, accountants, and business people from around the Skeena were a l s o i n v i t e d - from as f a r away as Hazelton and Port Simpson. S p e c i a l d i n n e r s were a l s o put on by the c l u b when d i g n i t a r i e s v i s i t e d the town. The proceeds of most events went i n t o town funds - to the v o l u n t e e r " f i r e r e l i e f s e r v i c e " or the s c h o o l . P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s newspaper e d i t o r s were e s s e n t i a l p a r t i c i p a n t s i n t h i s s o c i a l c l u b . They announced forthcoming g a t h e r i n g s and r e p o r t e d on the success of and attendance a t pre v i o u s meetings. One popular event was termed a "basket s o c i a l , " where "the l a d i e s [ s i c ] p r o v i d e the entertainment." Women a t t e n d i n g the g a t h e r i n g brought a basket of food. T h e i r names were kept with the committee and the men i n the h a l l b i d fo r the baskets. The proceeds went to a town fund, and the t r a n s a c t i o n i n c l u d e d not o n l y the basket but a l s o the woman who went with i t as a dancing partner f o r the evening. (227) Events l i k e these i l l u s t r a t e how n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y European s o c i a l mores and gender r e l a t i o n s remained l a r g e l y i n t a c t i n c o a s t a l B r i t i s h Columbia. There were s e v e r a l s o c i a l and r e c r e a t i o n a l c l u b s : the "Young men of Po r t E s s i n g t o n , " the 151 "Port E s s i n g t o n Gun Club," the "Boat Club," and the "Bachelor's Bridge Club." (228) T h e a t r i c a l performances were giv e n i n the E s s i n g t o n H o t e l and by 1909 the town planned to get a "moving p i c t u r e show." (229) P o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y was a form of s o c i a l i s a t i o n f o r the "white" e l i t e . P o r t E s s i n g t o n was never an i n c o r p o r a t e d town, but a f t e r 1900 i t e l e c t e d i t s own m u n i c i p a l c o u n c i l i n mock e l e c t i o n s . During the e a r l y 1900s, F r i z z e l l (the butcher) was the town's u n o f f i c i a l major. I t i s not c e r t a i n what i n f l u e n c e the m u n i c i p a l c o u n c i l had i n the town, but i t d i d c o o r d i n a t e v o l u n t e e r s e r v i c e s l i k e the f i r e b r i g a d e , and i t s o f f i c i a l s were t r u s t e e s of P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s "white" s c h o o l . (230) More s i g n i f i c a n t l y , perhaps, by 1904 ( i f not b e f o r e ) P o r t E s s i n g t o n had i t s own branches of n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , both e x c l u s i v e l y "white" and male. Herman, F r i z z e l l , and Frank I n r i g (manager of the Skeena R i v e r Commercial Cannery) were the most a c t i v e members of the l o c a l L i b e r a l P a r t y . (231) George Cunningham and W.R. Lord (manager of the B.A. Cannery) l e d the town's l o c a l C o n s e r v a t i v e s . (232) These p o l i t i c a l groups were pa r t of the s e c u l a r s o c i e t y d i s c u s s e d i n p a r t 1. P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s "white" p o p u l a t i o n were " c i t i z e n s . " They voted f o r P r o v i n c i a l and Dominion r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s f o r t h e i r a r e a , and had the r i g h t t o lobby. In r e t u r n , p o l i c e c o n s t a b l e s c o l l e c t e d p r o p e r t y taxes ($0.45 - $2 per l o t per year i n P o r t E s s i n g t o n In 1911) and cannery l i c e n c e f e e s , and c o n t r a c t o r s f o r the Department of Lands and Works e r e c t e d and 152 mended board walks. (233) People i n P o r t E s s i n g t o n knew a g r e a t d e a l about the world around them. T h e i r newspapers p u b l i s h e d i n t e r n a t i o n a l news r e c e i v e d i n V i c t o r i a by t e l e g r a p h , and each Saturday town people c o u l d read about e v e r y t h i n g from the i n s t a l l a t i o n of a new f i r e b e l l t o Joseph Chamberlain's B r i t i s h I m p e r i a l P o l i c y . T h e i r e d i t o r i a l s u s u a l l y d i s c u s s e d debates i n V i c t o r i a and Ottawa. T h e i r tenor depended on the p o l i t i c a l c o n v i c t i o n s of the e d i t o r . The e d i t o r s of the L o v a l i s t and The Sun were C o n s e r v a t i v e . The e d i t o r of the Skeena D i s t r i c t News was a staunch L i b e r a l . In 1908, Port E s s i n g t o n ' s Methodist m i n i s t e r , B.C. Freeman, e s t a b l i s h e d The Star as an "independent" paper. " I t must be a community paper," he argued, "not a one-man or one-party organ." (234) I r o n i c a l l y , i t l a s t e d the s h o r t e s t time. Por t E s s i n g t o n ' s " c i t i z e n s " u s u a l l y l o b b i e d government o f f i c i a l s by p e t i t i o n , but the newspapers were an important mechanism f o r r a i s i n g support and of i n f o r m i n g people about many i s s u e s before they attended meetings i n the town. L o c a l p o l i t i c s were i n e x t r i c a b l y l i n k e d to l o c a l promotional schemes. P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s v o t e r s always t r i e d to r e t u r n p o l i t i c a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s to V i c t o r i a and Ottawa who would put t h e i r s p e c i f i c i n t e r e s t s f i r s t . Herman stood f o r the Skeena r e g i o n as a L i b e r a l c a n d i d a t e i n P r o v i n c i a l Government e l e c t i o n s i n 1903, but was not e l e c t e d . (235) In 1907 the e d i t o r of The Sun t r i e d to encourage town people to 153 a t t e n d a C o n s e r v a t i v e p o l i t i c a l r a l l y t o promote a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e from the Skeena f o r the Dominion Government. He argued t h a t the Skeena was s o r e l y i n need of advocates who w i l l b r i n g the wants of t h i s much n e g l e c t e d s e c t i o n of promising c o u n t r y before the a t t e n t i o n of l e g i s l a t o r s and the governments - both P r o v i n c i a l and Dominion. The o l d Hudson's Bay preserve i s p a s s i n g through an e v o l u t i o n a r y stage which demands c o n s i d e r a t i o n and treatment commensurate with the new order of t h i n g s t h a t i s t a k i n g p l a c e on a l l s i d e s of t h i s " miniature B r i t i s h Columbia"...Northern B r i t i s h Columbia has too long been r e p r e s e n t e d by proxy. Speak out! (236) In the e a r l y 1900s, the town's business community l o b b i e d f o r improvements i n the t e l e g r a p h and m a i l system on the Skeena. M a i l d e l i v e r e d to P o r t E s s i n g t o n once a week i n CPR boats was s u f f i c i e n t d u r i n g the w i n t e r , but the b u s i n e s s community claimed t h a t more frequent d e l i v e r i e s were r e q u i r e d i n summer. Resi d e n t s wrote t o The Sun a r g u i n g t h a t "For the volume of business t r a n s a c t e d i n the m e t r o p o l i s of the North Coast, the m a i l f a c i l i t i e s a f f o r d e d are i n s u f f i c i e n t , " and the government was asked to make the system "more e l a s t i c d u r i n g p e r i o d s of i n c r e a s e d b u s i n e s s a c t i v i t y " by p e r m i t t i n g the Camosum to c a r r y m a i l as w e l l . (237) Moreover, mail was o n l y c a r r i e d between P o r t E s s i n g t o n and V i c t o r i a . "Under the present inadequate arrangements," argued the Skeena D i s t r i c t News, p o i n t s w i t h i n our own d i s t r i c t cannot be reached with a n y t h i n g l i k e the frequency t h a t o u t s i d e p o i n t s can be reached... the s h o r t e s t time i n which a l e t t e r can be d i s p a t c h e d from E s s i n g t o n and r e c e i v e d a r e p l y by m a i l from B e l l a Coola i s s i x weeks. You can post a l e t t e r from here to London, England, and r e c e i v e an e q u a l l y e a r l y r e p l y . (238) As p o l i t i c a l " c i t i z e n s , " P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s "white" community 154 demanded as much as they c o u l d . In 1900 a t e l e g r a p h l i n e connected the lower Skeena with Vancouver, and r a d i c a l l y a l t e r e d the way b u s i n e s s e s i n the r e g i o n c o u l d be run. Merchandising orders c o u l d be sent to Vancouver and the goods d e l i v e r e d on the next s h i p n o r t h . During the 1904 cannery s t r i k e s , Skeena cannery managers ca b l e d t h e i r company bosses i n Vancouver to seek a d v i c e and, e v e n t u a l l y , a p p r o v a l of t h e i r 8.5 cent o f f e r . Without i t they would have had to r e t u r n to Vancouver by s h i p and the s t r i k e p r obably would have l a s t e d another two weeks. The Skeena c a b l e was b u i l t a l o n g the northern bank of the Skeena to Aberdeen, however. P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s " c i t i z e n s " complained very b i t t e r l y to Sloan t h a t Under the present system of a d a i l y d e l i v e r y of telegrams and c o l l e c t i o n of the same by a messenger from Aberdeen by row boat, c o n s i d e r a b l e d e l a y , expense and l o s s are occasioned and we t h i n k t h a t such a s e r v i c e i s not worthy of a p r o g r e s s i v e c o u n t r y l i k e Canada, and more e s p e c i a l l y of a p o i n t of importance l i k e the Skeena R i v e r . (239) The m a i l s e r v i c e was improved a l i t t l e a f t e r many p e t i t i o n s ; the t e l e g r a p h was never extended a c r o s s the Skeena. The home, the c l u b , and the d e s i r e f o r b e t t e r t e l e g r a p h and m a i l s e r v i c e s were a l l p a r t of an e x c l u s i v e s o c i a l world. As c i t i z e n s of the s t a t e w i t h f u l l p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s , P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s "white" p o p u l a t i o n had c e r t a i n p o l i t i c a l e x p e c t a t i o n s : t h a t t h e i r i n t e r e s t s would be heard and r e p r e s e n t e d . S o c i a l c l u b s , merchants' a s s o c i a t i o n s , and p e t i t i o n s t o the government a l l brought Por t E s s i n g t o n ' s 155 "white" p o p u l a t i o n out of t h e i r homes and forged e x c l u s i v e bonds. Port E s s i n g t o n ' s Chinese and Japanese i n h a b i t e d a d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l world. The Chinese worked long hours i n the three c a n n e r i e s , t h e i r work always s u p e r v i s e d by foremen and "China bosses." Most were men and few had wives with them. Very few c o u l d read or speak E n g l i s h . They l i v e d i n cramped, sometimes u n s a n i t a r y c o n d i t i o n s and f o r two or three months per year, never e s c a p i n g the stench of f i s h . An e a r l y t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y r e s i d e n t of P o r t E s s i n g t o n d e s c r i b e d t h i s group as "almost monastic." (240) Appleyard g i v e s the f o l l o w i n g d e s c r i p t i o n of what he c o n s i d e r e d to be P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s "Chinese C l a s s : " Every cannery has i t s "China House," which i s a l a r g e c h e a p - l o o k i n g wooden b u i l d i n g , designed to hold 40 or 50 Chinamen employed. I t i s d i s t i n g u i s h e d by the red dragon f l a g of China f l o a t i n g from a pole a t t a c h e d to the r o o f . The i n t e r i o r arrangements are a long narrow h a l l with c u b i c l e s opening i n t o i t from each s i d e . The roof covers a b i t of China, loped o f f & t r a n s p l a n t e d on Western s o i l . Charms & P r a y e r s , made i n China, decorate the smoke begrimed w a l l s ; odours, the p r o d u c t i o n too of China, occupy every square i n c h of space; low t a b l e s & benches are p l a c e d about the room, & the Chinese, s q u a t t i n g on the benches, reach the l e v e l of t h e i r food, which with c h o p s t i c k s they sweep i n t o t h e i r mouths; gambling & opium smoking occupy the time not devoted to work, e a t i n g or s l e e p i n g . . . Here we are i n t r a n s p l a n t e d China, eyes, e a r s , & nose bear evidence to the f a c t , the a i r bears a burden of odours a n y t h i n g but p l e a s a n t , i t i s a mixture of s t a l e cabbage, r i c e , & opium, together with odours emanating from grease, steam, f i s h and p e r s p i r a t i o n with which the c l o t h e s of the Chinaman i s s a t u r a t e d . (241) L i t t l e i s known about the l i v i n g arrangements of P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s Japanese fishermen. Many of them l i v e d i n 156 bunkhouses too, but i t i s ve r y u n l i k e l y t h a t t h e i r l i f e i n s i d e them resembled the above d e s c r i p t i o n . Appleyard claimed t h a t the two communities were l a r g e l y autonomous, and " l i k e Jews and Samaritans they ha[d] no d e a l i n g s with each o t h e r . " He claimed t h a t while the Chinese p r e f e r r e d to " s l e e p , e a t , and gamble," the Japanese "get drunk and f i g h t . " (242) Coast Tsimshian groups made up the l a r g e s t percentage of Po r t E s s i n g t o n ' s summer p o p u l a t i o n . Most of them were a s s o c i a t e d the canning i n d u s t r y , but t h e i r communities were probably q u i t e d i v e r s e . Many of the town's r e s i d e n t K i t s e l a s and Kitsumkalum f o l l o w e d the t e a c h i n g of Freemen, P i e r c e and other Methodist m i s s i o n a r i e s . Others on Cunningham's p r i v a t e r e s e r v e were a t t a c h e d to the S a l v a t i o n Army which, a f t e r 1900, had i t s n o r t h e r n headquarters i n the town. Many of these P o r t E s s i n g t o n Tsimshian l i v e d i n houses, attended church twice a week, and d i d not d r i n k . Those who came f o r the summer l i v e d i n huts around the c a n n e r i e s , or, sometimes, i n t e n t s on the shore. In 1888, Boas thought these huts were rented and t h a t " I n d i a n s . . . c o u l d l i v e q u i t e w e l l i n them." "According to our st a n d a r d s , " he co n t i n u e d , ty they are d i r t y i n s i d e , but a c c o r d i n g t o the Indians, n i c e and elegant...The f i r e p l a c e i s i n the middle. Salmon hang d r y over i t to dry; f o o d s t u f f s , cans, or r a t h e r boxes of f a t , and c l o t h e s are s c a t t e r e d a l l over; i n s h o r t i t i s not e x a c t l y a t t r a c t i v e . Others l i v e i n t e n t s on the beaches. (243) I t i s d i f f i c u l t t o know whether t e n t s were used i n t o the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y ; c e r t a i n l y many m i g r a t o r y Coast Tsimshian groups s t i l l l i v e d i n wooden huts. 157 Most of the above remarks about these "other" groups are based on descriptions written through p a r t i c u l a r c u l t u r a l lenses. Remarkably l i t t l e i s s t i l l known about these groups during t h e i r summers in Port Essington. C e r t a i n l y they were a l l excluded from the gatherings that bound the town's "white" society together, but perhaps most of them did not wish to be part of t h i s society. Chinese and Japanese groups had th e i r own c u l t u r a l codes, their own forms of association and s o c i a l i s a t i o n , and few could speak the other's language. Many of them would be in the town for one summer, and were there to earn money that often was sent back to China and Japan to support fa m i l i e s . Most probably expected to return to the i r homeland a f t e r a few years. The c u l t u r a l d i s t i n c t i o n s in Port Essington's townscape are r e f l e c t e d in the town's newspapers. The Chinese, Japanese and "Indians" of Port Essington were usually discussed as autonomous c u l t u r a l groups. The opinions expressed about each vary between newspapers and apparently depend on the personal views of the editor, and the pa r t i c u l a r issue of the day. The L o y a l i s t never spoke of the town's Chinese and Japanese, but often reported on the state of aboriginal a f f a i r s i n northern B r i t i s h Columbia. There i s a long report on the meeting between A.W. Vowell ("Indian" superintendent for B r i t i s h Columbia) and "about 200 Indians and 13 Chiefs" in the Band Workers Hall in Port Essington in July 1909 to discuss the issue of reserves. "If you do get your land back," 158 a r e p o r t e r asked C h i e f L e g a i c , " w i l l you go back to o l d t r i b a l ways?" L e g a i c ' s r e p l y was a l s o p u b l i s h e d : C e r t a i n l y not, we are not heathens, we are an educated people. N e i t h e r do we want the white people to c l e a r out, but want them to pay f o r the land they have taken and are t a k i n g from use r i g h t a l o n g . But the e d i t o r always passed comment on such statements, i n t h i s case adding t h a t "the k i c k " f o r the unrest "seems to come from a few C h i e f s and P r i n c e s who have not been accustomed to working f o r themselves, but have to do so now white men are i n p o s s e s s i o n . " (244) In 1904, some Skeena canners went to Vancouver to t e s t i f y f o r the Rova! Commission on Chinese and Japanese Immigration. They were asked whether the head tax on Chinese workers e n t e r i n g B r i t i s h Columbia should be i n c r e a s e d . The e d i t o r of the Skeena D i s t r i c t News added h i s comments "on b e h a l f " of the town's business community: That the Chinese are shrewd people i s not to be doubted by anyone who has come i n t o c o n t a c t with them. They w i l l labour f o r j u s t as low wages as i t i s necessary to labour f o r i n order to o b t a i n employment, but not f o r a cent lower. He claimed t h a t i f the Government h a l t e d Chinese immigration i t would " a i d the Chinese community as w e l l as the white p o p u l a t i o n . " Both c o u l d demand higher wages f o r t h e i r l a b o u r , but he a l s o thought the whole episode was q u i t e b i z a r r e s i n c e the " s e l f - g o v e r n i n g c o l o n i e s of the B r i t i s h Empire are g e t t i n g r i d of the 'yellow p e s t ' a t the same time when i n one i t r u l e s - T r a n s v a a l - the B r i t i s h are d i r e c t l y i n t r o d u c i n g cheap Chinese l a b o u r . " (245) 159 Both s e t s of e d i t o r i a l statements are e q u i v o c a l . So too, probably, were the o p i n i o n s of other "white" people i n the town. The Chinese, Japanese and a b o r i g i n a l groups i n P o r t E s s i n g t o n were undoubtedly viewed as " o t h e r s , " but o p i n i o n s about them pr o b a b l y v a r i e d . They were v i t a l to the economic s t a b i l i t y of the town, and t h e r e were some "white-Indian" marriages. (246) The e d i t o r of The Sun,, however, was always f o r t h r i g h t with h i s views of P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s Chinese and Japanese. " E s s i n g t o n would be one of the best towns i n B r i t i s h Columbia," he c l a i m e d , i f the Japanese were excluded from f i s h i n g on the Skeena r i v e r , and the Chinese i n the c a n n e r i e s r e p l a c e d by Indians and w h i t e s . . . w i l l the canner's a s s o c i a t i o n r e a l i s e t h a t the mongol i s t r e a d i n g on i t s t o e s . T h i s i s no dream. I t i s a s t e r n r e a l i t y . (247) The e d i t o r was echoing a d i s c o u r s e on Chinese and Japanese people t h a t was widespread a t t h i s time: t h a t they were "an i n f e r i o r o r i e n t a l r a c e " and " t h a t a l l these immigration (and e m i g r a t i o n ) problems a r e , a t bottom, economic." (248) There are few ways of knowing i f h i s views were shared by the m a j o r i t y of the town's e l i t e . B e l l - I r v i n g had s i m i l a r views about the Japanese, but a l l of P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s canners continued to employ l a r g e numbers of Japanese fishermen u n t i l the Dominion Government s t a r t e d to r e s t r i c t Japanese f i s h i n g l i c e n s e s i n the 1920s. A l a r g e Chinese crew was employed a t the B.A. Cannery u n t i l i t burned down i n 1923, and i t i s more l i k e l y t h a t "Iron Chinks" were i n t r o d u c e d because they lowered p r o d u c t i o n c o s t s r a t h e r than because canners wished to exclude Chinese people. C e r t a i n l y there were f i g h t s between a b o r i g i n a l and Japanese fishermen i n P o r t E s s i n g t o n , and around 1915 Port E s s i n g t o n ' s Methodist m i s s i o n a r y W.H. P i e r c e o r g a n i s e d a " n a t i v e fishermen's a s s o c i a t i o n " t o g i v e "the Indians a b e t t e r chance" of competing with the Japanese f o r canners' boats and n e t s . (249) I t would, however, be wrong t o speak of a s i n g l e "white" or a b o r i g i n a l view about the Chinese and Japanese. There were, of course, s o c i a l d i f f e r e n c e s w i t h i n c u l t u r a l groups. By 1920 (and probably before) Japanese merchants had 3 g e n e r a l s t o r e s and competed with "white" s t o r e k e e p e r s . (250) There were a l s o Chinese r e s t a u r a n t s i n the town a t v a r i o u s times. (251) From the e a r l y 1900s to 1915 th e r e were f i v e p ool rooms with Japanese p r o p r i e t o r s . "These were a gr e a t snare to the young people," argued P i e r c e , and "Whites, Japanese and Indians a l l congregated there a t times and wasted t h e i r money." (252) When d i s c u s s i n g the progress of h i s m i s s i o n a r y work a t P o r t E s s i n g t o n , P i e r c e a l s o drew sharp d i s t i n c t i o n s between the "sober and r e s p e c t a b l e " K i t s e l a s and Kitsumkalum group on the r e s e r v e and the "whiskey d r i n k i n g I n d i a n s " who came to town j u s t f o r the canning season. (253) Po r t E s s i n g t o n ' s "whites" had o r i g i n a t i n g from d i f f e r e n t p a r t s of Europe and North America. Few of them were born i n B r i t i s h Columbia. The members of the town's s o c i a l c l u b s were mostly from the town's bus i n e s s e l i t e , but the bonds and a s s o c i a t i o n s c o n s t i t u t i n g t h i s e l i t e were not s t a b l e . During 161 World War 1, f o r example, the 75 or so Germans and A u s t r i a n s l i v i n g and working on the lower Skeena were c a l l e d " A l i e n Enemies" and had to r e p o r t f o r t n i g h t l y to the p o l i c e s t a t i o n i n P r i n c e Rupert or P o r t E s s i n g t o n . Over 30 of the " A l i e n Enemies" i n the r e g i o n ( i n c l u d e d a few l i v i n g i n P o r t E s s i n g t o n ) were merchants and i n d u s t r i a l i s t s . They were shunned by t h e i r business a s s o c i a t e s and r e p o r t e d to the p o l i c e s t a t i o n l i k e o t h e r s . (254) The town's s e a s o n a l "white" l a b o u r e r s and fishermen were not p a r t of the e l i t e e i t h e r . Nor were the t r a v e l l e r s and miners who passed through the town, and the GTP l a b o u r e r s who v i s i t e d e very weekend when r a i l w a y c o n s t r u c t i o n was under way. They drank i n the h o t e l s a l o o n s , sometimes got i n f i g h t s , and o f t e n ended up gambling i n the back rooms of the E s s i n g t o n and C a l e d o n i a H o t e l s , and i n the Chinese bunkhouses. I n d i v i d u a l s from a l l groups were i n v o l v e d with the gambling r a c k e t s i n the town. As the 1907 canning season neared i t s end, The Sun r e p o r t e d t h a t "Gambling has...been on the i n c r e a s e , and at every corner can be seen l a n t e r n s hanging out to guide the v i c t i m t o h i s l u r e . " (255) The e d i t o r sent a r e p o r t e r to i n v e s t i g a t e more f u l l y one n i g h t and he found gambling games under way i n the back rooms of many s t o r e s . (256) The d i s t i n c t i o n s and i n t e r r e l a t i o n s between these d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r a l groups were mediated, i n p a r t , by P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s p o l i c e c o n s t a b l e s . Gambling was " i l l e g a l , " but The Sun r e p o r t e r had no way of c l o s i n g down the back rooms. 162 He p r o b a b l y asked the town's p o l i c e c o n s t a b l e to look i n t o the matter. P o l i c e c o n s t a b l e s e n f o r c e d government l i q u o r laws. The town's two bars c o u l d o n l y open between 8 a.m and 11 p.m., and had to s t a y c l o s e d a l l day on Sundays. Under the Indian A c t , a b o r i g i n a l people were f o r b i d d e n to d r i n k a l c o h o l , and i n P o r t E s s i n g t o n the Department of Indian A f f a i r s n e a r l y always r e l i e d on c o n s t a b l e s appointed by the P r o v i n c i a l Government t o p o l i c e " i t s " a b o r i g i n a l p o p u l a t i o n , although " s p e c i a l Indian p o l i c e c o n s t a b l e s " - s a l a r i e d by the Dominion Government -were sometimes s t a t i o n e d i n the town. (257) P o r t E s s i n g t o n had a f u l l time c o n s t a b l e from 1893, and a f t e r the Skeena P o l i c e D i s t r i c t - with headquarters a t P r i n c e Rupert - was c r e a t e d i n 1909, " s p e c i a l s " ( e x t r a c o n s t a b l e s ) were added i n the summer. (258) I n d i v i d u a l s from a l l of the town's c u l t u r a l groups were a r r e s t e d . In over 90 per cent of cases they were men. T h e i r crimes v a r i e d w i d e l y , but the four commonest o f f e n s e s were "drunk and d i s o r d e r l y , " conduct being "drunk and i n c a p a b l e , " " s u p p l y i n g [ a l c o h o l to a b o r i g i n a l s ) , " and "gambling." (259) Between 1908 and 1912, about h a l f of the cases of drunkenness i n v o l v e d "whites," and almost never any of the town's e l i t e . Most of the o t h e r s were a s s o c i a t e d with the town's a b o r i g i n a l p o p u l a t i o n , and a h a n d f u l with the Japanese. N e a r l y a l l of the " s u p p l y i n g " charges were a s s o c i a t e d with the Chinese, and "gambling" charges with "whites" and the Chinese. There were on average about 10 a r r e s t s per month between October and 163 A p r i l , and i n the summer t h i s f i g u r e t r i p l e d - the h i g h e s t number of monthly a r r e s t s (between 40 and 60) always coming i n June and August. (260) Defendants were locked up i n the P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s f o u r - c e l l j a i l u n t i l a s t i p e n d i a r y m a g i s t r a t e or J.P. v i s i t e d the town. Most p e n a l t i e s were f i n e s , r anging from $5-20 plus c o u r t c o s t s f o r drunkenness, to $50-100 f o r gambling or s u p p l y i n g . Most Chinese and "white" defendants p a i d t h e i r f i n e s immediately, but many a b o r i g i n a l defendants c o u l d not, and i n s t e a d served a month's hard labour - u s u a l l y they swept out the p o l i c e o f f i c e every day, mended the P o r t E s s i n g t o n board walks, and c l e a r e d snow i n the winter. (261) Defendants accused of the more ' s e r i o u s n e s s ' crimes - murder or smuggling - were taken to P o r t Simpson (and a f t e r 1906, P r i n c e Rupert) f o r t r i a l . P o l i c e c o n s t a b l e s served, i n p a r t , the i n t e r e s t s of the town's "white" e l i t e . C o n t r a c t , p r o p e r t y , and l i q u o r laws were not p o s t u l a t e d by pre-emptors and cannery managers, but d e v i s e d , a d m i n i s t e r e d , and e n f o r c e d by government o f f i c i a l s on t h e i r b e h a l f . "White" s e t t l e r s d i d not possess the means of l e g a l s a n c t i o n - although a f t e r 1900 the government appointed many J.P.s from the r e g i o n . Instead, they had to p e t i t i o n the P r o v i n c i a l Government to a p p o i n t and d i s p a t c h c o n s t a b l e s , g o l d commissioners, s t i p e n d i a r y m a g i s t r a t e s , and Government Agents from V i c t o r i a . C o n s t a b l e s were i n Po r t E s s i n g t o n , In p a r t , to keep the peace and ensure t h a t canners had a sober work f o r c e each morning. In 1879, the managers of the Aberdeen, Inverness, and Nass River F i s h Company Canneries p e t i t i o n e d the government t o send a commissioner of the peace to the Skeena to d e f i n e a b o r i g i n a l f i s h i n g r i g h t s before the season s t a r t e d and to ensure t h a t t h e i r cannery equipment and boats would not be tampered with. (262) In the summer of 1893, the Skeena's cannery managers met a t M e t l a k a t l a and p e t i t i o n e d the P r o v i n c i a l Government to appoint a f u l l - t i m e c o n s t a b l e a t Port E s s i n g t o n "as t h a t p l a c e was headquarters f o r a l l the rough necks from a l l p a r t s of the c o u n t r y . " (263) James K i r b y was immediately appointed, and h i s p o l i c e manual p r i m a r i l y i n s t r u c t e d him to a c t " i n the defence of l i f e and p r o p e r t y . " (264) T h i s system of p o l i c i n g d i d not work smoothly along the lower Skeena. Constables c o u l d not e f f e c t i v e l y e n f o r c e laws and a r r e s t ' o f f e n d e r s ' without a j u r i d i c a l system t o back them up. K i r b y was pro v i d e d with a lock-up, but i t c o u l d o n l y hold a few p r i s o n e r s and Port E s s i n g t o n had no r e s i d e n t judge to t r y c a s es. During the canning season, the Government employed four or f i v e m a g i s t r a t e s to t r a v e l around the lower Skeena and hold c o u r t s a t d i f f e r e n t p l a c e s on s e t days of the week or month. But d u r i n g the w i n t e r , the Skeena's three f u l l time m a g i s t r a t e s were not r e q u i r e d to leave d i s t r i c t headquarters at P o r t Simpson. In the winter of 1898, K i r b y complained to the Superintendent of P r o v i n c i a l P o l i c e i n V i c t o r i a t h a t , as much as a n y t h i n g e l s e , i t was c o s t i n g the Government a l o t of money to e i t h e r send p r i s o n e r s f o r t r i a l i n Port Simpson or 165 b r i n g m a g i s t r a t e s from Por t Simpson to h o l d a c o u r t i n Port E s s i n g t o n . (265) Over 10 years l a t e r , the e d i t o r of the L o y a l i s t was s t i l l a s k i n g f o r a m a g i s t r a t e : "We have a good p o l i c e f o r c e but we have no c o u r t , and i t seems to use t h a t one i s e s s e n t i a l t o the o t h e r . . . A l l other d i s t r i c t s i n t h i s p r o v i n c e r e c e i v e f u l l m a g i s t e r i a l a t t e n t i o n - why not E s s i n g t o n ? " (266) I f P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s p o l i c e served and p r o t e c t e d p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t s , then P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s "white" e l i t e thought of themselves l e s s as a " c l a s s " than as members of a s e c u l a r s o c i e t y . P o r t E s s i n g t o n d i d not r e p r e s e n t a new s e t of " c l a s s " i n t e r e s t s as much as a new type of community. In the 1870s Duncan was the o n l y J.P. i n the r e g i o n , and appeals f o r new government-appointed m a g i s t r a t e s were a way of s e v e r i n g h i s i n f l u e n c e i n P o r t E s s i n g t o n and "Woodcock's Landing." In 1872, 29 "white" s e t t l e r s i n the Skeena r e g i o n ( i n c l u d i n g Cunningham) wrote to T r u t c h - then the Li e u t e n a n t Governor of B r i t i s h Columbia - a s k i n g f o r a "commissioner of the peace" f o r the lower Skeena. "During the f r e i g h t i n g season," they argued, " i t i s an everyday occurrence f o r misunderstandings to a r i s e between the whites and t h e i r Indian crews & i t i s a b s o l u t e l y necessary t o s e t t l e such cases on the sp o t . " They complained about the "inconvenience and i n j u s t i c e " of t a k i n g cases t o M e t l a k a t l a and argued "That from the v e r y circumstance of Mr. Duncan being a M i s s i o n a r y , he views cases coming before him from a d i f f e r e n t p o i n t to any 166 other person." (267) In 1898, K i r b y ended h i s l e t t e r t o Superintendent Hussey by s u g g e s t i n g t h a t A. H a r r i s be appointed as m a g i s t r a t e f o r the town, adding t h a t "parsons are not the r i g h t persons t o make J u s t i c e s , as they as a r u l e have j u s t i c e too much one-sided." (268) However d i f f e r e n t l y motivated these appeals were, both attempted to o s t r a c i s e m i s s i o n a r i e s from the government of P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s s e c u l a r community. Cunningham and Duncan had ve r y d i f f e r e n t views about a b o r i g i n a l s o c i e t y . For Duncan, Cunningham was one the " r a p a c i o u s " white t r a d e r s from whom h i s Tsimshian needed to be p r o t e c t e d . A p p a r e n t l y c o n s t a b l e Brown was s t a t i o n e d i n P o r t E s s i n g t o n - upon Duncan's s u g g e s t i o n to the A t t o r n e y General - to ensure t h a t Cunningham and Hankin were not s e l l i n g l i q u o r t o the Skeena Tsimshian. (269) When he was withdrawn i n 1875, Duncan wrote that " I t was the sudden i n f l u x of white men around P o r t E s s i n g t o n which c a l l e d f o r the s e r v i c e s of a white c o n s t a b l e . " (270) Cunningham a p p a r e n t l y had no i n t e n t i o n of c u r t a i l i n g h i s l i q u o r s a l e s , and must have thought t h a t Duncan was i n t e r f e r i n g . K i r b y probably had other reasons. He appears i n h i s memoirs as an e g o i s t , and m i s s i o n a r i e s were o f t e n the f i r s t t o charge c o n s t a b l e s with incompetence. As J.P.s they were probably more l i k e l y t o do so. K i r b y was t r a n s f e r r e d to Hazelton i n 1900, but r e l a t i o n s between the church, the p o l i c e , and the town's "white" p o p u l a t i o n remained f r a g i l e . In December, 1905, P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s three m i s s i o n a r i e s - Freeman, J . G o s l i n g , and W.F. Rushbrook - wrote to the A t t o r n e y General a s k i n g f o r the d i s m i s s a l of c o n s t a b l e C o l l i n s f o r not a c t i n g upon a number of complaints r e p o r t e d by town r e s i d e n t s . (271) The f o l l o w i n g February, 83 of P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s " c i t i z e n s " (almost a l l the town's e l i t e i n c l u d i n g the town's three cannery managers) si g n e d a l e t t e r s u p p o r t i n g C o l l i n s and r e b u t t i n g the m i s s i o n a r i e s : We have known Mr C o l l i n s as a S p e c i a l and P r o v i n c i a l C o nstables f o r the past few y e a r s , and are pleased to say t h a t he has g i v e n us e n t i r e s a t i s f a c t i o n i n the e x e c u t i o n of h i s duty...We may f u r t h e r s t a t e , we have been a d v i s e d t h a t , the contents of the P e t i t i o n i n mention i s the g e n e r a l f e e l i n g of the p u b l i c of the D i s t r i c t , t h e r e f o r e permit us to c o r r e c t such e r r o r by s t a t i n g t h a t the e x i s t e n c e of the P e t i t i o n was not known by the P u b l i c u n t i l a v e r y r e c e n t date, "but c o n f i n e d to the knowledge of three persons o n l y , " whom we may add, are r e s i d e n t s of v e r y s h o r t s t a n d i n g i n P o r t E s s i n g t o n . (272) On t h i s o c c a s i o n , P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s " c i t i z e n s " supported t h e i r c o n s t a b l e ; a t other times the p o l i c e were probably resented f o r some of the laws they attempted to e n f o r c e . P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s h o t e l p r o p r i e t o r s needed a l e t t e r of recommendation from the c o n s t a b l e each year b e f o r e t h e i r l i q u o r l i c e n s e s were renewed, and K i r b y o f t e n found Cunningham d r i n k i n g i n h i s s a l o o n on Sundays and shut the p l a c e down. (273) P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s c o n s t a b l e s were i m p l i c a t e d i n a l l the networks of a s s o c i a t i o n o u t l i n e d above. They r o u t i n e l y monitored d i f f e r e n t areas of the town, wandering around the c a n n e r i e s and town s t o r e s d u r i n g the day and the town's bars, c l u b s , r e s t a u r a n t s and bunkhouses i n the evening. They were, 168 no doubt, the o b j e c t s of t r u s t as v e i l as resentment, and i n many ways were a group a p a r t . P o l i c e c o n s t a b l e s were c e n t r a l f i g u r e s i n the expansion of the governmental apparatus i n B r i t i s h Columbia between 1890 and 1920. Besides 'keeping the peace', they played two c r u c i a l r o l e s f o r the government. F i r s t , they served a v i t a l b u r e a u c r a t i c f u n c t i o n . By 1910, many asp e c t s of l i f e and work i n B r i t i s h Columbia were taxed, and p o l i c e c o n s t a b l e s were the government's c h i e f revenue c o l l e c t o r s . Before the Skeena canners p e t i t i o n e d the government to appoint a c o n s t a b l e a t Port E s s i n g t o n , the r e g i o n ' s o n l y other c o n s t a b l e , John F l e w i n ( s t a t i o n e d a t Port Simpson), had made a s i m i l a r a p p e a l , but on the grounds t h a t " i t i s an i m p o s s i b i l i t y f o r me to at t e n d t o the p o l i c e requirements of t h a t p l a c e and a l s o to do j u s t i c e t o the Finance Department of the Pr o v i n c e i n the c o l l e c t i o n of revenue." (274) K i r b y and Port E s s i n g t o n ' s other c o n s t a b l e s c o l l e c t e d p r o p e r t y and revenue taxes f o r the Government Agent, f i n e s from c o u r t c a s e s , and cannery, f i s h i n g , s h i p , l i q u o r , t r a d i n g , and f i r e a r m s l i c e n c e f e e s . They were not simply p o l i c e c o n s t a b l e s , but a l s o f i s h e r y o v e r s e e r s , s a n i t a t i o n and h o t e l i n s p e c t o r s , and game wardens. (275) They re p r e s e n t e d the a u t h o r i t y of government on the lower Skeena and i n l a r g e measure were i t s bureaucracy too. E a r l y i n the t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y , P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s p o l i c e f o r c e grew not because there were more "rough necks" i n the town, but so t h a t one c o n s t a b l e c o u l d t r a v e l around the Skeena c o l l e c t i n g cannery and f i s h i n g 169 l i c e n c e f e e s , while others monitored the town. (276) P o l i c e c o n s t a b l e s were a l s o agents of s u r v e i l l a n c e . They were sent t o p l a c e s l i k e P o r t E s s i n g t o n to monitor the a c t i v i t i e s of " o r d i n a r y " people. They wrote d a l l y summaries, not j u s t about t h e i r a r r e s t s , but many other a s p e c t s of l i f e around t h e i r s t a t i o n too - gambling, f i s h i n g and cannery s t r i k e s , and the "mood" of the Skeena Tsimshian. (277) They submitted t h e i r f i n d i n g s to t h e i r s u p e r i n t e n d e n t i n V i c t o r i a i n a monthly r e p o r t . (278) They d i d not d i s c u s s c h a r a c t e r s , but drew up l i s t s of names and ch a r t e d a t t i t u d e s . They were supposed to remain a l o o f from the communities they p o l i c e d , and were to a b s t a i n from e x p r e s s i n g r e l i g i o u s or p o l i t i c a l o p i n i o n s . (279) Nor were they supposed to s t a y i n one pl a c e f o r l o n g . "Constables s h a l l be a u x i l i a r y to each o t h e r , " deemed the P r o v i n c i a l S e c r e t a r y , "and s h a l l be s u b j e c t to removal from p l a c e t o pl a c e as the n e c e s s i t i e s of the s e r v i c e r e q u i r e . " (280) K i r b y , i n Port E s s i n g t o n between 1893 and 1900, was the town's l o n g e s t s e r v i n g c o n s t a b l e . Constables were is s u e d with a badge, uniform, and p i s t o l or r i f l e , and once s t a t i o n e d were "to devote [ t h e i r ] whole time and a t t e n t i o n to the p o l i c e s e r v i c e , and s h a l l f o l l o w no other o c c u p a t i o n or c a l l i n g . " (281) They were the l i n c h p i n i n a system of s u r v e i l l a n c e t h a t s t r e t c h e d from town p o l i c e s t a t i o n s , through c h i e f c o n s t a b l e s and the su p e r i n t e n d e n t of p r o v i n c i a l p o l i c e to c a b i n e t m i n i s t e r s . In the Skeena r e g i o n , "roaming v i l l a i n s " were s t i l l chased by s p e c i a l p o l i c e squads - such as the P i n k e r t o n s - but P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s p o l i c e s t a t i o n door now c a r r i e d the faces of c r i m i n a l s on "wanted" p o s t e r s from as f a r away as A r i z o n a . (282) T h i s account i s i d e a l i s e d , f o r these p o l i c i n g f u n c t i o n s developed o n l y s l o w l y i n P o r t E s s i n g t o n . The town's c o n s t a b l e s were not t r a i n e d s u r v e i l l a n c e e x p e r t s , and they were u s u a l l y unsure about how and when to c o l l e c t revenue, and to whom i t should be s e n t . They were o f t e n j u s t g i v e n a handbook of r e g u l a t i o n s , a copy of the " c r i m i n a l code," a badge and r i f l e , and t o l d to s t a r t work the f o l l o w i n g week i n a p l a c e they had not heard of b e f o r e . K i r b y thought t h a t he was e n t i t l e d to h a l f of the f i n e s p a i d by order of m a g i s t r a t e s and was promptly t o l d by h i s sup e r i n t e n d e n t t h a t he should not r e c e i v e any. (283) He was a l s o without d a i l y and monthly r e p o r t forms u n t i l he had been i n the town over a year. (284) And d u r i n g the winter of 1915, c o n s t a b l e B i r c h a l l claimed to have r e c e i v e d over 200 a p p l i c a t i o n s f o r f i r e arms l i c e n s e s a t the Po r t E s s i n g t o n p o l i c e s t a t i o n , but c o u l d not is s u e any because he had not r e c e i v e d a l i c e n c e r e c e i p t book. (285) Constables were sometimes not sure of the law. For a week i n May of 1911, " s p e c i a l c o n s t a b l e " Godson monitored Por t E s s i n g t o n while c o n s t a b l e F o r s y t h was away c o l l e c t i n g cannery l i c e n c e f e e s . When F o r s y t h r e t u r n e d , he d i s c o v e r e d t h a t P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s bars had remained open a l l day and n i g h t , and r e p o r t e d Godson to the c h i e f c o n s t a b l e f o r misconduct. Godson was d i s m i s s e d , but when he r e p l i e d to h i s c h i e f c o n s t a b l e ' s charges he c l a i m e d , q u i t e simply, t h a t he d i d not know th a t the h o t e l s were supposed to c l o s e a t l l p . m i n the week, and a l l day on Sundays. (286) A l l c o n s t a b l e s worked by a p r o f e s s i o n a l code of conduct s p e l l e d out i n t h e i r book of r e g u l a t i o n s . Among other t h i n g s , they were not allowed to smoke i n p u b l i c or d r i n k when on duty, and c o u l d "upon no o c c a s i o n . . . a c c e p t any g r a t u i t y , present or award from any person f o r s e r v i c e s rendered i n the d i s c h a r g e of h i s d u t i e s . " (287) K i r b y seemed proud to r e p r e s e n t the Government and never v i o l a t e d any of the conduct codes. Others d i d , and were u s u a l l y d i s m i s s e d . When, i n June of 1910, the deputy commissioner of f i s h e r i e s , J . Babcock, a r r i v e d i n P o r t E s s i n g t o n to f i n d out how many f i s h i n g l i c e n s e s had been i s s u e d , he found both of P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s c o n s t a b l e s drunk on duty. He f i l e d a complaint to c h i e f c o n s t a b l e Wynn i n P r i n c e Rupert, and both were f i r e d . (288) The f o l l o w i n g year, F o r s y t h d i s m i s s e d one of h i s " s p e c i a l s , " John Gay, f o r r e c e i v i n g money to keep the E s s i n g t o n h o t e l open and from a Japanese pool room owner f o r a l l o w i n g gambling games on h i s premises. (289) The town's h o t e l p r o p r i e t o r s and business people o b v i o u s l y d i d not complain If t h e i r bars were l e f t open and t h e i r t r a d i n g l i c e n c e fees were not c o l l e c t e d , but the p o l i c e department had a s t r i c t s e t of "misconduct" codes. (290) The p e t i t i o n by the m i s s i o n a r i e s was r a r e because i f t h e r e were even a s l i g h t s u g g e s t i o n of misconduct the c h i e f c o n s t a b l e u s u a l l y a c t e d upon and r e s o l v e d the charge without i n t e r v e n t i o n from the A t t o r n e y G e n e r a l . The town j a i l housed one o f f i c e r and " s p e c i a l c o n s t a b l e s " had to ren t accommodation. In 1910, Port E s s i n g t o n ' s c o n s t a b l e s were p a i d $70-85 a month, and they complained about how l i t t l e they had to l i v e on a f t e r paying room and board. For most of them, p o l i c i n g was probably a m i s e r a b l e job t h a t o f f e r e d few rewards. They indulged themselves as much as p o s s i b l e , but always under the w a t c h f u l eyes of the c i t i z e n s they r e p r e s e n t e d . I t would, however, be wrong to overemphasise the f i t f u l n e s s of law enforcement i n Port E s s i n g t o n . P o l i c e c o n s t a b l e s were not j u s t symbols of government i n o u t l y i n g areas of B r i t i s h Columbia, but v i t a l l i n k s i n an expanding network of a u t h o r i t y t h a t from the end of the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y brought government i n t o the l i v e s of " o r d i n a r y " people. C o n c l u s i o n . The s e c u l a r communities of p l a c e s l i k e P o r t E s s i n g t o n were mediated not j u s t by l e g a l - c o n t r a c t u a l I n s t i t u t i o n s but a l s o by new economic and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e systems. By 1900, the b a r t e r r e l a t i o n s and supply system c h a r a c t e r i s i n g the f u r trade of the HBC along the B r i t i s h Columbian co a s t had been r e p l a c e d by a new forms of su p p l y and exchange premised on the a v a i l a b i l i t y of c r e d i t and, i n c r e a s i n g l y , the c i r c u l a t i o n of money. The people who entered P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s s t o r e s were not trade p a r t n e r s , but 173 consumers. They were not b a r g a i n i n g f o r trade goods, but p u r c h a s i n g commodities. Many of them were cannery employees working on c o n t r a c t s f o r money wages. They were p a r t of a system of i n d u s t r i a l p r o d u c t i o n based on a d i v i s i o n of labour and the r e p e t i t i o n of t a s k s . These economic developments were t i e d to new forms of s u p e r v i s i o n and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s canners and h o t e l s p r o p r i e t o r s c o u l d not operate when and as they p l e a s e d , but were s u b j e c t to a number of r e g u l a t i o n s . Some of these were requested and others imposed, but they were a l l s u p e r v i s e d by p o l i c e c o n s t a b l e s who c o l l e c t e d revenue, and monitored r e l a t i o n s between the d i f f e r e n t groups i n the town. Yet P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s "white" p o p u l a t i o n were not j u s t the c l i e n t s of government, but a l s o c i t i z e n s . They were p a r t of a l a r g e r p o l i t i c a l community, and p e t i t i o n e d p r o v i n c i a l and dominion governments f o r s e r v i c e s t h a t they thought b e f i t t e d t h e i r c i t i z e n s h i p . 174 CONCLUSION: PORT ESSINGTON AS HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY. Por t E s s i n g t o n , l i k e most s e t t l e m e n t s i n l a t e n i n e t e e n t h and e a r l y t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y B r i t i s h Columbia, was e n c l o s e d by w i l d e r n e s s and superimposed on an a b o r i g i n a l world. I t faced a treacherous r i v e r mouth and was backed by thundering mountains; u n t i l the 20th c e n t u r y the Coast Tsimshian f a r outnumbered other groups throughout the lower Skeena r e g i o n . P o r t E s s i n g t o n i n i t i a l l y p r o v i s i o n e d p a s s i n g gold p r o s p e c t o r s , and d u r i n g the 1870s remained an i s o l a t e d t r a d i n g s e t t l e m e n t with o n l y a h a n d f u l of people. The town was transformed by a " s t a p l e " i n d u s t r y . Two c a n n e r i e s were b u i l t a t P o r t E s s i n g t o n i n 1883; another i n 1898. They brought Chinese, Japanese, and "white" people to the town every summer to f i s h and process salmon, and employed many Coast Tsimshian. They a l s o brought l a t e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y techniques of i n d u s t r i a l p r o d u c t i o n and o r g a n i s a t i o n . P o r t E s s i n g t o n became a s e a s o n a l , m u l t i -c u l t u r a l , i n d u s t r i a l town. The town's c u l t u r a l groups were pressed together along a narrow s t r i p of land, yet s e t a p a r t i n d i f f e r e n t abodes. They d i d not f i n d a s e t t l e m e n t matted with custom, but a migrant space concocted from a mixture of commercial and i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l t h a t harboured many forms of c u l t u r a l e x p r e s s i o n . There was probably a good d e a l of c r o s s - c u l t u r a l i n t e r a c t i o n , but few from any group c o u l d speak any other tongue, and d i s c o n n e c t e d networks of a s s o c i a t i o n were forged around 175 language and a group's type and p l a c e of r e s i d e n c e . P a r t s of c u l t u r e s from d i f f e r e n t p a r t s of the world were juxtaposed; complete c u l t u r e s were not reproduced. P o r t E s s i n g t o n was home f o r some, o f f e r i n g a permanent means of income and the chance to b u i l d a new community. For o t h e r s , i t was a s t o p p i n g o f f p o i n t , but f o r most i t was simply a summer work p l a c e . F l e e t i n g s o c i a l attachments i n the town were c o n d i t i o n e d by the e x i g e n c i e s of a resource i n d u s t r y and the needs of s t r a n g e r s . From 1883 to World War I, P o r t E s s i n g t o n was the canning and commercial c e n t r e on the lower Skeena, a c h i e f p o r t of c a l l f o r a l l c o a s t a l steamers on n o r t h c o a s t passenger and f r e i g h t runs, and the main transshipment p o i n t f o r s u p p l i e s d e s t i n e d f o r Skeena c a n n e r i e s . S t o r e s , b u s i n e s s e s , r e s t a u r a n t s , and h o t e l s grew on the back of t h i s busy port and r e l i e d on the c a n n e r i e s to boost t h e i r c l i e n t e l e each summer. A f t e r 1910, commercial development i n the r e g i o n focused on the GTP's r a i l terminus a t P r i n c e Rupert, and business and b u s i n e s s e s s t a r t e d to leave P o r t E s s i n g t o n . In newly-created, o p p o r t u n i s t i c p l a c e s l i k e P o r t E s s i n g t o n , economic and s o c i a l t i e s were e a s i l y s e vered. P o r t E s s i n g t o n encapsulated many of the changes i n B r i t i s h Columbia's c o a s t a l economy. I t drew Coast Tsimshian people and f u r s away from F o r t Simpson and r e p r e s e n t e d a new era of s e t t l e m e n t i n B r i t i s h Columbia. By the l a t e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , resource e x t r a c t i o n and p r o c e s s i n g (and a s s o c i a t e d 176 l o c a l commercial economies) had r e p l a c e d the f u r trade as the dominant economic a c t i v i t y i n the p r o v i n c e . P o r t E s s i n g t o n r e f l e c t e d the spread of such a c t i v i t y up the c o a s t , and was i m p l i c a t e d i n the changing geography of f i n a n c e and management t h a t supported i t . U n t i l the 1890s, commercial and i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t y i n and around the town was supported by V i c t o r i a merchants. They extended c r e d i t to Cunningham and f i n a n c e d many of the r e g i o n ' s c a n n e r i e s . By 1905, P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s t h r e e c a n n e r i e s - and many ot h e r s on the lower Skeena - were being managed by Vancouver-based companies f i n a n c e d by banks and s h a r e h o l d e r s from beyond the p r o v i n c e . B r i t i s h Columbia's canning i n d u s t r y depended on an i n t e r n a t i o n a l market and was p a r t of a g l o b a l economy operated by the movement of commodities by s h i p and t r a i n . Canned salmon from Por t E s s i n g t o n was sent to Great B r i t a i n , e a s t e r n Canada, A u s t r a l a s i a , the East I n d i e s , and probably many other d e s t i n a t i o n s too. P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s canning economy was c o n d i t i o n e d by i n t e r n a t i o n a l economic f o r c e s . By the mid-19303 a l l of the town's c a n n e r i e s had been c l o s e d , and few people remained. P o r t E s s i n g t o n r e p r e s e n t e d a new kind of s e t t l e m e n t i n B r i t i s h Columbia. M i s s i o n a r i e s and fur t r a d e r s were i n s t r u c t e d t o a c t i n c e r t a i n ways, but the i n s t i t u t i o n s and d i s c o u r s e s t h a t shaped t h e i r conduct d i d not c o n t a i n d e t a i l e d r u l e s f o r d e a l i n g with a b o r i g i n a l groups and r e s o l v i n g c o n f l i c t . At P o r t E s s i n g t o n , on the other hand, economic and 177 s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s were c i r c u m s c r i b e d by government laws monitored by p r o v i n c i a l p o l i c e c o n s t a b l e s . Land laws d e f i n e d who c o u l d or c o u l d not own land and how i t c o u l d be gained. C o n t r a c t laws d e f i n e d the economic r e l a t i o n between worker and employer, and disagreements were s e t t l e d i n c o u r t . C r i m i n a l codes d i s t i n g u i s h e d inadmissable from a c c e p t a b l e behaviour. By 1900, p r o p e r t y , and most forms of economic a c t i v i t y , were i n some way taxed. P o r t E s s i n g t o n was p a r t of a modern, s e c u l a r s o c i e t y based on a new system of economic r e g u l a t i o n and p o l i t i c a l s u p e r v i s i o n . P o l i c e c o n s t a b l e s were the t a n g i b l e elements of government i n p l a c e s l i k e P o r t E s s i n g t o n , and performed many f u n c t i o n s l a t e r undertaken by c e n t r a l i s e d government b u r e a u c r a c i e s . Port E s s i n g t o n was not o n l y "a m i n i a t u r e B r i t i s h Columbia," but a l s o a p r o g e n i t o r of modern B r i t i s h Columbia. By r e c o g n i s i n g themselves as c i t i z e n s , by making s u i t s and p e t i t i o n i n g the government, Port E s s i n g t o n ' s "white" r e s i d e n t s a c t i v e l y reproduced t h i s s e c u l a r s o c i e t y . P o r t E s s i n g t o n and the lower Skeena r e g i o n was p a r t of a modernising world t h a t , i n F o u c a u l t ' s words, was composed of "the near and f a r , of the s i d e - b y - s i d e , of the d i s p e r s e d . " The r e g i o n ' s three l a r g e s t s e t t l e m e n t s juxtaposed d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r e s , and d i s c o u r s e s formed through them. A system of i n d u s t r i a l p r o d u c t i o n was superimposed on a b o r i g i n a l economies and forms of t e c h n o l o g y t h a t had gone l a r g e l y unchanged f o r c e n t u r i e s . Money r e p l a c e d b a r t e r as the c h i e f form of exchange. F o r t Simpson and P o r t E s s i n g t o n were p a r t of an 178 i n t e r n a t i o n a l c i r c u i t of f i n a n c e and commodity exchange. M e t l a k a t l a was an i n t r i n s i c p a r t of a B r i t i s h p h i l a n t h r o p i c movement t h a t sent "modernisers" and " c i v i l i s e r s " a l l over the globe. M o d e r n i s a t i o n processes were composed of m u l t i p l e h i s t o r i c a l geographies. T h i s study has d e s c r i b e d some of these geographies. H i s t o r i c a l geography can be w r i t t e n as a mode of c r i t i q u e as w e l l as r e c o n s t r u c t i o n . . . 179 NOTES AND REFERENCES ABBREVIATIONS. DIA. Department of Indian A f f a i r s . DCR-PR Diocese of C a l e d o n i a Records, P r i n c e Rupert. PAC. P u b l i c A r c h i v e s of Canada. PABC P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s of B r i t i s h Columbia. PAM-HBCA...Provincial A r c h i v e s of Manitoba - Hudson's Bay Company A r c h i v e s . UBC-MCR....University of B r i t i s h Columbia - Microforms. UBC-SC U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia - S p e c i a l C o l l e c t i o n s D i v i s i o n . VCA Vancouver C i t y A r c h i v e s . PART I. (1) Most of the t r a d e r s , e n t r e p r e n e u r s , and m i s s i o n a r i e s on the North Coast were B r i t i s h by o r i g i n , but there were a l s o many Norwegians, Germans, and A u s t r i a n s i n the r e g i o n , so the term 'Europeans' has been p r e f e r r e d t o simply ' B r i t i s h ' . See, Canada, Census Returns, 1881, BC, 187-New Westminster, D3, s.d.-Coast of Mainland, Lower Skeena; and i b i d . , 1891, BC, 2-New Westminster, A18, UBC-MCR, AW1 R6453, C-13284 and T-6290. For an assessment of the number of German and A u s t r i a n people on the lower Skeena and how long they had been t h e r e , see, BC P r o v i n c i a l P o l i c e , " A l i e n Enemies, 1914-1918: Form A," by P o l i c e D i s t r i c t : P r i n c e Rupert, PABC, GR57, Vol.18. F o l l o w i n g A r j u n Appadurai, " P u t t i n g H i e r a r c h y i n i t s P l a c e , " C u l t u r a l Anthropology. Vol.3, No.l, (1988) pp.36-49, the term ' a b o r i g i n a l ' (meaning o r i g i n a l owner or s e t t l e r ) was chosen i n s t e a d of the more " e c o l o g i c a l l y and i d e o l o g i c a l l y r e s t r i c t i v e " term ' n a t i v e ' , and the E u r o c e n t r i c term 'Indian* when t a l k i n g g e n e r a l l y about a number of c u l t u r a l l y and p o l i t i c a l l y d i s t i n c t a b o r i g i n a l groups. (2) On the maritime fur trade era see, James Gibson, "Old Ru s s i a i n the New World: a d v e r s a r i e s and a d v e r s i t i e s In Russian America," i n J . Gibson ( e d . ) , European Settlement and Development i n North America: Essavs on G e o g r a p h i c a l Change i n Honour and Memory of Andrew H i l l C l a r k (Toronto: Toronto U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s ; 1978) pp.46-68; S h e i l a Robinson, "Men and Resources on the Northern Northwest Coast of North America, 1785-1840: A G e o g r a p h i c a l Approach to the Maritime Fur Trade," 2 V o l s . , Ph.D. T h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y C o l l e g e London, 1984. For an assessment of the number of American, Russian, B r i t i s h and other t r a d i n g v e s s e l s on the f a r northwest c o a s t between 1783 and 1825, see Robert G a l o i s , S h e i l a Robinson, " P l a t e 66: New C a l e d o n i a and Columbia I fur t r a d e s ) , " i n R. Cole H a r r i s ( e d . ) , H i s t o r i c a l A t l a s of Canada. V o l . 1 : From the Beginning to 1800 (Toronto: Toronto U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s ; 1987). 180 (3) See, E.E. R i c h , The Fur Trade and the Northwest to 1857 (Toronto: M c C l e l l a n d & Stewart; 1967) Ch. 14, "The F u r - T r a d e r s and the P a c i f i c S lope," esp., pp.275-277. F o r t Simpson was o r i g i n a l l y c o n s t r u c t e d 20 m i l e s up the Nass r i v e r i n 1831, but was moved because the new s i t e was more a c c e s s i b l e by s h i p . M c l o u g h l i n had a l s o c o n s i d e r e d e s t a b l i s h i n g a post on the lower Skeena. In 1832 he wrote to P.S. Ogden at F o r t Simpson t h a t " I t i s important to the Company to f i n d a R i v e r communicating with the R i v e r North of P o r t l a n d Canal so as to extend the Trade i n t h a t p a r t of the Country North of New C a l e d o n i a , and another E s t a b l i s h m e n t i n the v i c i n i t y of P o r t E s s i n g t o n or M i l l Bank Sound would enable them to c a r r y on the b u s i n e s s with fewer v e s s e l s , " and the HBC t r a d e r W i l l i a m Manson was sent on the HBC schooner Cadboro " f o r the purpose of examining the Skina R i v e r otherwise P o r t E s s i n g t o n . " Manson r e t u r n e d to F o r t Simpson from the Skeena i n November 1832 d i s a p p o i n t e d t h a t he had o n l y found "one s o l i t a r y s p o t . . . s u i t a b l e f o r an E s t a b l i s h m e n t " and t h i s o p t i o n was dropped. PAM-HBCA, B.223/b/8, fo.19; B.201/a/2. H.H. B a n c r o f t argues t h a t "In 1835 a p a r t y s e t out from F o r t Simpson, and proceeding to the mouth of Skeena R i v e r they there e r e c t e d an e s t a b l i s h m e n t which they c a l l e d P o r t E s s i n g t o n . " He does not acknowledge where he obtained t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n from, and i n l i g h t of the above evidence he was probably wrong. H.H. B a n c r o f t , H i s t o r y of The Northwest  Coast. V o l . I I r 1800-46 (San F r a n c i s c o : B a n c r o f t and Company; 1884) p. 635. (4) For a range of contemporary B r i t i s h views see, "The Hudson's Bay Q u e s t i o n , " i n the C o l o n i a l I n t e l l i g e n c e r (London: 1857). The idea of monopoly was, of course, v e r y much out of vogue i n B r i t a i n a t t h i s time. As such, many merely assumed th a t the HBC was a d e r o g a t o r y i n f l u e n c e on the " p r i m i t i v e p e o ples" of North America. For more r e c e n t a n a l y s e s of a b o r i g i n a l dependency on the fur trade see, E.E. R i c h , "Trade Habits and Economic M o t i v a t i o n s among the Indians of North America," Canadian J o u r n a l of Economics and P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e . Vol.26, No.1 (1960), pp.35-53; Arthur Ray, Indians i n the Fur Trade (Toronto: Toronto U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s ; 1974) Ch. 8. (5) The n o t i o n of a b o r i g i n a l dependency on the HBC's New Caledonian land-based f u r trade has been c h a l l e n g e d by Robin F i s h e r , Contact and C o n f l i c t : Indian-European R e l a t i o n s i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1774-1890 (Vancouver: UBC P r e s s ; 1977) Ch.2. (6) See Gibson, o p . c i t . ; and h i s "Bostonians and Muscovites on the Northwest Coast, 1788-1841," i n R. McDonald and P. Ward ( e d s . ) , B r i t i s h Columbia: H i s t o r i c a l Readings (Vancouver: Douglas & M c l n t y r e ; 1981) pp.66-96. 181 (7) Robinson, o p . c i t . . p.228. (8) George Simpson to the Governor, Deputy Governor and Committee of the Hudson's Bay Company, Nov. 25, 1841, i n Glyndwr W i l l i a m s ( e d . ) , London Correspondence Inward from S i r  George Simpson, 1841-42 (London: Hudson's Bay Company Record S o c i e t y ; 1973) p.67. (9) M. H a l p i n , "The Tsimshian C r e s t System," Ph.D. T h e s i s , UBC, Department of Anthropology, 1973, p.44. (10) See George McDonald, " P l a t e 13: The Coast Tsimshian c a . 1750," i n H a r r i s , o p . c i t . (11) For good g e n e r a l accounts of the t r a d i t i o n a l economy and s o c i e t y of the Tsimshian, see V i o l a G a r f i e l d , "The Tsimshian and T h e i r Neighbors," i n V. G a r f i e l d and P. Wingert ( e d s . ) , The Tsimshian Indians and t h e i r A r t s . ( S e a t t l e : U n i v e r s i t y of Washington P r e s s ; 1951); P h i l i p Drucker, Indians of the Northwest Coast (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company; 1955). For a b r i l l i a n t r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of the annual round of the Coast Tsimshian group K i t k a t l a i n 1835 from European r e c o r d s , see Donald M i t c h e l l , "Sebassa's men," i n D.N. Abbott ( e d . ) , The World i s as Sharp as a K n i f e : an Anthology i n Honour of  Wilson Duff ( V i c t o r i a : BC P r o v i n c i a l Museum; 1981). (12) George Simpson t o W i l l i a m Smith, Nov. 1828, i n F r e d e r i c k Merk (e d . ) , Fur Trade and Empire: George Simpson's J o u r n a l . Remarks Connected with the Fur Trade i n the Course of a Voyage from York F a c t o r y to F o r t George and back to York 1824-1825 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s ; 1931) p.300 and passim; S i r James Douglas, P r i v a t e Papers, MS 2d. s e r . , 59, quoted i n B a n c r o f t , o p . c i t . , p. 635. (13) For the Tsimshian house names t h a t moved to F o r t Simpson, and where around the f o r t they moved to see, Homer Bar n e t t , "Tsimshian I n d i a n s , " i n Barnett C o l l e c t i o n , box 1, f i l e 9, notebook 3, pp.1-12, UBC-SC. (14) Sunday June 15, The J o u r n a l s of W i l l i a m F r a s e r Tolmie:  Fur Trader and P h y s i c i a n (Vancouver: M i t c h e l l P r e s s ; 1963) pp.282-283. (15) F i s h e r , o p . c i t . , pp.29-31. Numerous s k i r m i s h e s and "wars" o u t s i d e the f o r t w a l l s were r e p o r t e d i n the F o r t Simpson J o u r n a l i n the 1830s. Although HBC employees understood l i t t l e about them, most of them were probably r e l a t e d to the Coast Tsimshian attempt e s t a b l i s h dominion over t r a d e with the HBC f o r t . See, Marlus Barbeau, "Old Por t Simpson," The Beaver, o u t f i t 271 (1940), pp.20-23; " F o r t Simpson: Post J o u r n a l s , 1832-1866," PAM-HBCA B201/a/l-3 (Reel IM141). John Work - C h i e f Trader between 1837 and 1846 -182 g i v e s many s n i p p e t s of i n f o r m a t i o n . (16) F i s h e r , o p . c i t . f p. 31. (17) I b i d . r pp.46-47. (18) The zaison d'etre of p o t l a t c h i n g v a r i e d between groups, but a l l p o t l a t c h systems i n v o l v e d processes of s t a t u s assumption and s t a t u s c o n f i r m a t i o n . T l i n g i t , Haida and Tsimshian p o t l a t c h e s were more concerned with s t a t u s assumption than were the kwagulth, Nootka and Coast S a l i s h with t h e i r g r e a t e r emphasis on s t a t u s c o n f i r m a t i o n . Tsimshian p o t l a t c h e s u s u a l l y i n v o l v e d a c y c l e that began with the death of a c h i e f , and culminated (sometimes a f t e r a p e r i o d of weeks) i n the i n s t a l l a t i o n of an h e i r . Attendant upon t h i s c y c l e would be a s e r i e s of memorials, the b u i l d i n g of a new house, the e r e c t i o n of a totem p o l e , and a f i n a l f e a s t . A l l of t h i s would happen i n the presence of i n v i t e d guests with whom p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s were maintained ( e i t h e r l o c a l l y or e x t r a -l o c a l l y ) , and through whom the p r e s t i g e and c o n t i n u i t y of the economic and p o l i t i c a l power of a l o c a l l i n e a g e was r e -a f f i r m e d or c h a l l e n g e d . For a s t r u c t u r a l i s t account of Northwest Coast p o t l a t c h i n g see, A. Rosman and P. Rubel, F e a s t i n g With Mine Enemv: Rank and Exchange Among Northwest Coast S o c i e t i e s (New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s ; 1971). For a "symbolic" i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Tsimshian p o t l a t c h i n g see, Margaret Seguin, "Understanding Tsimshian ' P o t l a t c h ' , " i n B. Mor r i s o n , R. Wilson ( e d s . ) , N a t i v e Peoples: The Canadian Experience (Toronto: McCelland and Stewart; 1986) pp.473-501. (19) Wilson Duff, The Indian H i s t o r y of B r i t i s h Columbia: V o l . l f The Impact of the White Man ( V i c t o r i a : P r o v i n c i a l Museum; 1964) p.39. HBC o f f i c i a l s e stimated t h a t the smallpox t h a t came from the no r t h , and d i d not spread any f u r t h e r south than F o r t Simpson. (20) F i s h e r , o p . c i t . , pp.45-48; c f , Joyce Wike, "The E f f e c t s of the Maritime Fur Trade on Northwest Coast Indian S o c i e t y , " Ph.D. T h e s i s , Columbia U n i v e r s i t y , New York, Department of Anthropology, 1947, pp.96-103. (21) See, Harold I n n i s , The Fur Trade In Canada: An I n t r o d u c t i o n t o Canadian Economic H i s t o r y (Revised E d i t i o n , Toronto: Toronto U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s ; 1956) Ch.10, "From Hudson Bay t o the P a c i f i c Coast, 1821-69;" Margaret Ormsby, B r i t i s h  Columbia: a H i s t o r y (Toronto: Macmillan; 1971) Ch.3, "Outpost of Commercial Empire;" R i c h a r d Mackie, "The Company Transformed: The New Fur Trade on the West Coast, 1821-1858," Paper presented t o the F i f t h BC S t u d i e s Conference, Simon F r a s e r U n i v e r s i t y , 1988, esp. pp.4-25. 183 (22) The term 'country produce* was a contemporary phrase conn o t i n g the i n t e r n a l or p r o v i s i o n i n g r e l a t i o n s between d i f f e r e n t HBC posts throughout Canada. See, Mackie, o p . c i t . . (23) T h i s statement r e l i e s on the i n f o r m a t i o n of Lome Hammond, "'Any O r d i n a r y Degree of System': The Columbia Department of the Hudson's Bay Company and the H a r v e s t i n g of W i l d l i f e , 1825-1849," M.A. T h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y of V i c t o r i a , Department of H i s t o r y , 1985, c i t e d i n Mackie, o p . c i t . , p.28. Between 1834 and 1849 F o r t Simpson pr o b a b l y produced over h a l f of the Columbia Department's f u r s exported to London. (24) See, Helen M e i l l e u r , A Pour of Rain: S t o r i e s from a West Coast F o r t ( V i c t o r i a : Sono Nis P r e s s ; 1980) Ch.12, "Rations and Regales." (25) Simpson the Governor e t c , Nov. 25, 1841, o p . c i t . , pp.61-62; M e i l l e u r , o o . c i t . . pp.75-79. (26) M e i l l e u r , i b i d . These items were recorded i n the F o r t J o u r n a l every Sunday. (27) See Ray, o p . c i t . f Ch.3 f o r a d i s c u s s i o n of the b a r t e r and market elements i n seventeenth and e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y f u r t r a d i n g p r a c t i c e s i n c e n t r a l Canada. (28) For c i t a t i o n s from the F o r t Simpson J o u r n a l see, M e i l l e u r , o p . c i t . r Ch.16, " B a r t e r . " On the n a t u r a l c y c l e s of s c a r c i t y and abundance amongst f u r - b e a r i n g animals i n the c o r d i l l e r a see, I.T. Cowan, "The Fur Trade and the Fur C y c l e , 1825-1857," B r i t i s h Columbia H i s t o r i c a l Q u a r t e r l y . Vol.11, No.l (1938), pp.19-30. (29) James Douglas to the Governor, Deputy Governor and Committee of the Hudson's Bay Company, Oct. 27, 1849, i n H a r t w e l l Boswell ( e d . ) , F o r t V i c t o r i a L e t t e r s 1846-1851 (Winnipeg: Hudson's Bay Record S o c i e t y ; 1979) p.61. (30) See R i c h , "Trade Habits and Economic M o t i v a t i o n s . " (31) One of the main problems f o r F o r t Simpson t r a d e r s d u r i n g the 1840s and 1850s was the appearance of Haida t r a d e r s i n the s e t t l e m e n t . The HBC wished to trade with them d i r e c t l y -e s p e c i a l l y f o r f o o d s t u f f s - but t h i s undermined Coast Tsimshian monopoly p r i v i l e g e s . The nature of t h i s monopoly was not f u l l y understand by HBC t r a d e r s and c r e a t e d t e n s i o n s i n t h e i r t r a d i n g r e l a t i o n s . See M e i l l e u r , o p . c i t . . pp.89-90, 110. (32) Tolmie, o p . c i t . f p.290. (33) M e i l l e u r , o p . c i t . r Ch.16, " B a r t e r . " 184 (34) I b i d . . p.105. (35) See, Mackie, o p . c i t . , pp.25-47. (36) M e i l l e u r , o p . c i t . f p.79 and 85. (37) See Mackie, "Colonia l Land, Indian Labour, and Company C a p i t a l : The economy of Vancouver I s land , 1849-1858," MA Thes i s , U n i v e r s i t y of V i c t o r i a , Department of Hi s tory , 1984, pp.215-226. (38) See Drucker, o p . c i t . P pp.134-139, for a s t i l l useful account of economic and p o l i t i c a l change among the Tsimshian at Port Simpson and the Kvagukth at Port Rupert during the 1840s and 50s. (39) See, Michael Harkin , "History, N a r r a t i v e , and Temporal i ty: Examples from the Northwest Coast ," Ethnohi s tory r V o l . 35, No.2 (Spring, 1988) pp.99-129. (40) For an ana lys i s of abor ig inal -HBC marriage t i e s in HBC forts east of the Rockies see, S y l v i a Van K i r k , "Many Tender T i e s : " women in the fur trade soc ie ty in Western Canada 1670- 1870 (Winnipeg: Watson and Dwyer Publ i sh ing L t d . ; 1980); for d e t a i l s on some of the HBC traders who took a b o r i g i n a l wives see John Walbran's short biographies of W.H. M c N e i l l , J . F . Kennedy, and G. Blenkinsop in h i s , B r i t i s h Columbia Coast  Names 1592-1906: Their O r i g i n and His tory (Vancouver: J . Douglas L t d ; 1971), pp.55, 391-2 ( o r i g i n a l l y published by the Government P r i n t i n g Bureau, Ottawa, 1909). (42) George Simpson, 1841/2, c i t e d in F i s h e r , O P . c i t . . p.26. (43) HBC factor W. M c N e i l l , c i t e d in M e i l l e u r , o p . c i t . , p.180 (my emphasis). (44) John Work's journals of the 1830s are notable in t h i s respect . For se l ec t c i t a t i o n s from him on HBC-Tsimshian r e l a t i o n s , see M e i l l e u r , o p . c i t . , Ch.23, "The Factor and Indian-Fort Re la t ions ." (45) Remarkably l i t t l e i s known about the a lcohol trade along the B r i t i s h Columbian coast . For d e t a i l s of the presence of "rum boats" and "whiskey schooners" in the lower Skeena reg ion , see M e i l l e u r , o p . c i t . f Ch.17, "In Spite of Opponents;" Peter Murray, The Devi l and Mr. Duncan: A His tory of the Two Metlakat las ( V i c t o r i a : Sono Nis Press; 1985) esp. Ch.8 , "Tightening the Reins ." For an account of the ways in which the C o l o n i a l Government responded to th i s i l l i c i t t r a f f i c by d ispatching Royal Navy gunboats to the mouths of the Skeena and Nass see, 185 B a r r y G o u g h , G u n b o a t F r o n t i e r : B r i t i s h M a r i t i m e A u t h o r i t y a n d  N o r t h w e s t C o a s t I n d i a n s , 1 8 4 6 - 9 0 ( V a n c o u v e r : U B C P r e s s ; 1 9 8 4 ) C h . 1 3 , " N e w Z o n e s o f I n f l u e n c e . " (46) J . F . C . H a r r i s o n , E a r l y V i c t o r i a n B r i t a i n . 1 8 3 2 - 5 1 ( G l a s g o w : F o n t a n a e d i t i o n ; 1 9 7 9 ) p . 1 6 1 . (47) D u r i n g t h e l a t e n i n e t e e n t h a n d e a r l y t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r i e s , A n g l i c a n m i s s i o n a r i e s i n t h e l o w e r S k e e n a r e g i o n p u b l i s h e d t h e i r h o m e b o u n d l e t t e r s , r e p o r t s a n d v i g n e t t e s i n t h e C h u r c h M i s s i o n a r y I n t e l l i g e n c e r . T h e M i s s i o n F i e l d , a n d T h e C h u r c h M i s s i o n a r y G l e a n e r ( p u b l i s h e d i n L o n d o n t h r o u g h t h e CMS a n d t h e S o c i e t y f o r t h e P r o p a g a t i o n o f t h e G o s p e l ) ; M e t h o d i s t m i s s i o n a r i e s p u b l i s h e d i n t h e M i s s i o n a r y B u l l e t i n , a n d T h e M i s s i o n a r y O u t l o o k ( p u b l i s h e d i n L o n d o n a n d T o r o n t o ) . M a n y o f t h e m i s s i o n a r y l e t t e r s i n t h e s e j o u r n a l s w e r e c o l l e c t e d i n b o o k s p u b l i s h e d b y m i s s i o n a r y s o c i e t i e s . (48) T h o m a s L a q u e u r , " B o d i e s , D e t a i l s , a n d t h e H u m a n i t a r i a n N a r r a t i v e , " i n L y n n H u n t ( e d . ) , T h e New C u l t u r a l H i s t o r y ( B e r k e l e y a n d L o s A n g e l e s : U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s ; 1 9 8 9 ) p p . 1 7 6 - 2 0 5 , q u o t e , p . 1 7 9 . (49) I b i d . ( 5 0 ) I b i d . r p . 1 8 0 . (51) T h o m a s C r o s b y , U p a n d D o w n t h e N o r t h P a c i f i c b y C a n o e  a n d M i s s i o n S h i p ( T o r o n t o : T h e M i s s i o n a r y S o c i e t y o f t h e M e t h o d i s t C h u r c h ; 1 9 1 4 ) p . 9 9 . (52) S e e A l i c e J a n v r i n ' s i n t r o d u c t i o n t o W. R i d l e y , S n a p s h o t s  f r o m t h e N o r t h P a c i f i c ( L o n d o n : C h u r c h M i s s i o n a r y S o c i e t y ; 1 9 0 4 ) p p . 1 - 7 . (53) C r o s b y , O P • c i t . , p . 2 8 9 ; a l s o s e e , " A n A p p e a l F r o m B i s h o p R i d l e y , " T h e C h u r c h M i s s i o n a r y G l e a n e r , V o l . V I , N o . 6 9 ( 1 8 7 9 ) -i n a l o n g l e t t e r t o h i s B r i t i s h f u n d i n g p u b l i c , R i d l e y c o m p r e s s e s m a n y o f t h e s e n o t i o n s i n o n e p a r a g r a p h : " C i v i l i z a t i o n t h r e a t e n s t o b l o t o u t t h e s e i n f e r i o r r a c e s , b u t o n i t t h e i r d i s a p p e a r a n c e l e a v e s a b l o t a n d a c r i m e . I t s p i o n e e r s - d r i n k , v i o l e n c e a n d d e b a u c h e r y - d e s t r o y t h e i r f e w v i r t u e s , l e a v i n g t h e m m o r e w i c k e d t h a n b e f o r e , a n d o n l y l e s s d a n g e r o u s b e c a u s e l e s s v i g o r o u s . " (54) T h e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f t h e s e s o c i a l a n d m o r a l n e g a t i v e s t o d e p i c t a b o r i g i n a l l i f e w a s n o t r e s t r i c t e d t o t h e m i s s i o n a r i e s , o f c o u r s e , f o r b o t h H B C a n d c o l o n i a l o f f i c i a l s i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a h a r b o u r e d s i m i l a r v i e w s . N e v e r t h e l e s s , i t i s o f t e n i n m i s s i o n a r y a c c o u n t s t h a t s u c h c o n s t r u c t i o n s a r e g i v e n t h e i r m o s t o v e r t e x p r e s s i o n . O n t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f s u c h n o t i o n s a s a g e n e r i c f e a t u r e 186 of B r i t i s h r e l a t i o n s with a b o r i g i n a l peoples i n North America, see, C o l i n Calloway, Crown and Calumet: B r i t i s h - I n d i a n  R e l a t i o n s . 1783-1815 (Norman and London: U n i v e r s i t y of Oklahoma Press; 1987) P t . l l , "The Meeting of C u l t u r e s . " For a v e r y accomplished argument about these, and a much wider s e t of c u l t u r a l c o n s t r u c t i o n s t h a t developed from the meeting of European and a b o r i g i n a l c u l t u r e s around the world from the f i f t e e n t h to the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y see, Mary Helms, U l y s s e s ' S a i l : An Ethnographic Odyssev of Power. Knowledge and  Geographical Distance ( P r i n c e t o n : P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s ; 1988) . (55) T h i s was f o l l o w e d by the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of the K i n c o l i t h m i s s i o n on the Nass R i v e r i n 1866. See, Palmer P a t t e r s o n I I , M i s s i o n on the Nass (Waterloo: Eulachon P r e s s ; 1982). (56) Duncan l a i d down 15 r u l e s which a l l the M e t l a k a t l a n Tsimshian had to obey: they had to give up, "the Demoniacal R i t e s c a l l e d A h l i e d or Medicine Work; C o n j u r i n g and a l l the heathen p r a c t i c e s over the s i c k ; Use of i n t o x i c a t i n g l i q u o r ; Gambling; P a i n t i n g Faces; G i v i n g away p r o p e r t y f o r d i s p l a y ; [and! t e a r i n g up p r o p e r t y i n anger or to wipe out d i s g r a c e , " and had t o , r e s t on Sundays, at t e n d church, send t h e i r c h i l d r e n to s c h o o l , be c l e a n l y , p e a c e f u l and o r d e r l y , work hard, be honest i n t r a d e , b u i l d neat houses, and pay the v i l l a g e tax of one blanket or $2.50 f o r each a d u l t male. Disobedience to these r u l e s was punishable by f i n e s or banishment. W i l l i a m Duncan, Oct. 1862, Laws of M e t l a k a t l a , "Notebooks," UBC-MCR C2158. (57) Duncan, Oct. 1862, c i t e d i n J . Nelson, M e t l a k a t l a : Ten Years Work Among the Tsimshian Indians (London: Church M i s s i o n a r y S o c i e t y ; 1869) p.95. (58) Laqueur, o p f c i t . f p.201. (59) R i d l e y , "Appeal..." To quote i n f u l l , " T h e i r ignorance of the b e n e f i t s of c i v i l i z a t i o n i s a g r e a t e r good than a knowledge of them, u n t i l they are f o r t i f i e d m o r a l l y and s p i r i t u a l l y by the Gospel a g a i n s t i t s e v i l s . The e n t e r p r i s e of commerce, which we s h a l l be g l a d of then, i s beforehand with us now i n b r i d g i n g over the broadest channels, so t h a t the plague i s begun. We must enable the m i s s i o n a r y a t once to emulate the merchant. The v e r y n o b l e s t Indians must be e n r i c h e d with the p e a r l of g r e a t p r i c e , or they w i l l s e l l themselves to p e r d i t i o n while we t a r r y . " (60) Laqueur, o p . c i t . , p.202. (61) W i l b e r t Shenk, "Henry Venn's I n s t r u c t i o n s to M i s s i o n a r i e s , " M i s s i o l o g v . Vol.V, No.4 (1977), pp.467-485, quote, p.472. 187 (62) Duncan, C2155. Sept., 1860, " J o u r n a l s , 1859-1896," UBC-MCR (63) Duncan to CMS, Apr. 1862, c i t e d i n Jean Usher, W i l l i a m  Duncan of M e t l a k a t l a : A V i c t o r i a n M i s s i o n a r y i n B r i t i s h  Columbia (Ottawa: N a t i o n a l Museums of Canada; 1974) p.59. (64) F i s h e r , O P . c i t . f p.120 and Ch.6, passim. Douglas had p r e v i o u s l y allowed Roman C a t h o l i c Oblates to work on Vancouver I s l a n d and the lower mainland i n the 1840s and 50s. Perhaps he c o n s i d e r e d t r a d i n g r e l a t i o n s a t F o r t Simpson more d e l i c a t e than those around HBC posts on Vancouver I s l a n d . N e v e r t h e l e s s , antagonism between the HBC and m i s s i o n a r i e s was by no means r e s t r i c t e d to B r i t i s h Columbia. See, f o r example, Robert Jarvenpa, "The Hudson's Bay Company, the Roman C a t h o l i c Church, and the Chipewayan i n the Late Fur Trade P e r i o d , " i n B. T r i g g e r , T. Morantz, L. Dechene ( e d s . ) , Le Castor F a i t Tout; S e l e c t e d Papers of the 5th North American Fur Trade Conference,. 1985 (Lake S t . L o u i s H i s t o r i c a l S o c i e t y ; 1987) pp.485-518. (65) C i t e d i n Shenk, o p . c i t . , p.475. (66) Duncan to Venn, 1857, c i t e d i n Murray, o p . c i t . , p.31-2. (67) Duncan to S i r James Douglas, 1863, c i t e d i n Usher, o p . c i t . , p.66. (68) Duncan to W. Young, c i t e d i n Usher, i b i d . (69) For a f u l l account of the f o l l o w i n g d e t a i l s about the commercial development of M e t l a k a t l a , see, Murray, o p . c i t . , Chs. 7 and 8, passim: Usher, o p . c i t . . Ch.V, "The M e t l a k a t l a System." (70) M e i l l e u r , o p . c i t . r p l l 9 . By "shop," M o f f a t t was r e f e r r i n g to the HBC's r e t a i l o u t l e t a t F o r t Simpson. I t probably became a part of the F o r t ' s t r a d i n g o p e r a t i o n s i n the mid-1850s. I t a l s o a t t e s t s to the HBC's on-going commercial d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia. (71) C i t e d i n Usher, o p . c i t . f p.67. (72) Duncan, J u l y 1866, " J o u r n a l s , " l o c . c i t . (73) C i t e d i n Murray, o p . c i t . , p.117. (74) A d i s c u s s i o n of Duncan's s o c i a l programmes, with e x t e n s i v e q u o t a t i o n s , may be found i n Usher, o p . c i t . , Ch.V. 188 (75) Shenk, I b i d (76) Duncan to C o l . Powell (Supt. of Indian A f f a i r s , V i c t o r i a , BC), Aug. 1881, DIA, "Annual Report of the Department of Indian A f f a i r s f o r 1881," Canada, S e s s i o n a l  Papers. 1882, Vol.XV, No.6, p.147. (77) Church M i s s i o n a r y I n t e l l i g e n c e r . Vol.XIV (1863), No.5., p.162. (78) C i t e d i n Usher, O P . c i t • . p.82. (79) Crosby, o p . c i t . , p.66. (80) On Duncan's d i f f i c u l t i e s a t M e t l a k a t l a i n the 1880s, see, Murray, o p . c i t . f Chs. 10-15; Usher, o p . c i t . F Ch.VI. (81) By the mid-1870s, the Dominion and P r o v i n c i a l Government was s u p p o r t i n g the A n g l i c a n s c h o o l a t M e t l a k a t l a and the Methodist s c h o o l a t F o r t Simpson. See, DIA, Annual Reports (Ottawa; 1875, a b s t r a c t s from Dominion S e s s i o n a l Papers) p.48. Port E s s i n g t o n ' s "white" s c h o o l was opened i n 1889, supported by four l o c a l b u s i n e s s , and funded by the P r o v i n c i a l Government r a t h e r than m i s s i o n a r y s o c i e t i e s . See, Department of E d u c a t i o n , Correspondence Outward, F.455/89, PABC GR 450. On the t e n s i o n s c r e a t e d between m i s s i o n a r y o r g a n i s a t i o n s and c o l o n i a l governments by the expansion of c o l o n i a l s e t t l e m e n t and the spread of s e c u l a r i n s t i t u t i o n s i n to areas p r e v i o u s l y under the s o l i t a r y sway of the m i s s i o n a r y ' s "mosaic r u l e " i n d i f f e r e n t p a r t s of the world see, S. N e i l l , A H i s t o r y of C h r i s t i a n M i s s i o n s 2nd Ed., (Harmondsworth: Penguin; 1984) "The heyday of C o l o n i a l i s m , 1858-1914." The subsumption of the m i s s i o n a r y ' s e d u c a t i o n a l f u n c t i o n by governments i n d i f f e r e n t p a r t s of the world (and i n c l u d i n g B r i t i s h Columbia: R i d l e y gave testimony i n t h i s r e g a r d ) , i s n i c e l y s t a t e d i n the P r o t e s t a n t World M i s s i o n a r y Conference. 1910: Report of Commission V - The T r a i n i n g of M i s s i o n a r i e s (Edinburgh: O i l p l a n t , Anderson & F a r r i e r ; 1911), p.7, where the chairman asks, "In the midst of the vast surge of these races towards a u n i v e r s a l e d u c a t i o n , what place does the m i s s i o n a r y movement occupy? . . . M i s s i o n a r y S o c i e t i e s now see t h i s task undertaken by Governments on a s c a l e f a r beyond that of the m i s s i o n a r y s c h o o l s of the p a s t . " (82) A f t e r 1886, A n g l i c a n m i s s i o n a r i e s i n the Skeena r e g i o n d e v i s e d a new p l a n of f o l l o w i n g a b o r i g i n a l groups from t h e i r summer work p l a c e s - mainly i n the salmon c a n n e r i e s on the lower Skeena - to t h e i r winter v i l l a g e s (many of them up the Skeena R i v e r ) , i n s t e a d of remaining i n p l a c e s such as Port E s s i n g t o n to m i n i s t e r j u s t a handful of people. R i d l e y , o p . c i t . , p.45, 82, t o l d the CMS and h i s m i s s i o n a r i e s t h a t "There i s a round of work t h a t brooks no i n t e r m i s s i o n , " and 189 with t h i s new p l a n "the whole year i s economised...[in] continuous l a b o u r . " Methodist m i s s i o n a r i e s pursued a s i m i l a r p o l i c y . Crosby, o p . c i t . , p.129, argued t h a t the need f o r f o o t l o o s e m i s s i o n a r i e s had a r i s e n " i n answer of the c a l l s which poured i n from o u t l y i n g t r i b e s , " and upon t h e i r s p i r i t u a l c a l l i n g to "go i n t o a l l the world." D (83) See, f o r example, W i l l i a m Duncan, "A c o n t r a s t , " The  Church M i s s i o n a r y I n t e l l i g e n c e r , V o l . XIV (1863), where he d i s t i n g u i s h e s between the " d e m o r a l i z a t i o n " of the Coast Tsimshian a t F o r t Simpson and the " v i r t u o u s " M e t l a k a t l a n Tsimshian obeying h i s 15 r u l e s . (84) "Recent I n t e l l i g e n c e , " ChUKgh Missionary Intelligencer, V o l . X I I I (1862). (85) Duncan to C r i d g e , Apr.1862, c i t e d i n Usher, o p . c i t , p.60. (86) Murray, o p . c i t . , p.10. (87) I b i d . (88) See, f o r example, I.W. Powell's r e p o r t on h i s t r i p to M e t l a k a t l a i n 1881. I.W.Powell to Superintendent-General of Indian A f f a i r s , Nov. 1881, DIA, "Annual Reports of Superintendents and Agents," Canada, S e s s i o n a l Papers, 1882, Vol.XV, No.6, p.144. (89) Usher. o p . c i t . , p. 78. (90) I b i d . (91) I b i d . , p . v i i i , my emphasis. (92) I b i d , (93) Even then, a deed of conveyance was never granted, and as Methodist m i s s i o n a r i e s came to F o r t Simpson i n 1873 and s t a r t e d to e r e c t houses and s t r e e t s , the HBC were s t i l l unsure of the l e g a l b a s i s of t h e i r land t i t l e around the f o r t , and about which p a r t s of the settlement were intended as reserved Tsimshian l a n d . See, A. Munro to The Board of Commissioners on Indian Land Claims and Reserves i n B r i t i s h Columbia, Oct. 1876, DIA, "Black S e r i e s , " RG10, V o l . 3776, f i l e 37373-1, UBC-MCR, AW1 R6402:39. (94) On the l e g a l b a s i s of the CMS e s t a b l i s h m e n t a t M e t l a k a t l a , see, Murray, o p . c i t . , p . 5 7 f f . (95) In 1861, Governor Douglas signed the f i r s t Ordinance r e g u l a t i n g land pre-emptions on both Vancouver I s l a n d and the 190 mainland c o l o n y of B r i t i s h Columbia. The 1870 Land Act was an e x t e n s i o n of t h i s e a r l i e r Ordinance. On the development of land p o l i c i e s before and a f t e r C o n f e d e r a t i o n see, Robert C a i l , Land. Man, and the Law (Vancouver: UBC Pr e s s ; 1974). (96) I b i d . . pp.15-20. (97) P.H.2, Lots 45,46,47,48, Range 5, Coast d i s t r i c t (Skeena R i v e r ) surveyed by J.A. Mahood, March 27, 1890 (Manuscripts, M i n i s t r y of Lands and Works, V i c t o r i a ) . Cunningham's 160 acre t r a c t of land was Lot 45. (98) See C a i l , o p . c i t . , pp.59-61. "The problem Douglas f a c e d , " he argues ( p . l ) , "was the need to provide f o r the s y s t e m a t i c a l i e n a t i o n of p u b l i c land i n an uncharted w i l d e r n e s s of unknown area and unsuspected r e s o u r c e s , i n h a b i t e d by thousands of Indians and a few thousand t r a n s i e n t miners." (99) On the attempt to separate the s e t t l e r and a b o r i g i n a l p o p u l a t i o n around F o r t V i c t o r i a , see, Wilson Duff, "The F o r t V i c t o r i a T r e a t i e s . " BC S t u d i e s . 3 (1969), pp.3-57. (100) C a i l , o p . c i t . , Chs. 2 and 11. (101) L y t t o n to Douglas, 1858, c i t e d i n C a i l , o p . c i t . f p.174. (102) Duncan, c i t e d i n Murray, o p . c i t . r p.59. (103) See, DIA, "Annual Reports..." 1879-1889, Canada, S e s s i o n a l P a p e r s f V o l s . I I I - X I I I . (104) C h i e f commissioner of lands and works to Henry Soar, November 10, 1870, C o l o n i a l Correspondence, fl617A, PABC ( R o l l B-1364). (105) "1871- Skeena Route: I n s t r u c t i o n s to E.W. Dewdney and h i s Reports," Herald S t r e e t C o l l e c t i o n , Box 38, 1-201, PABC. (106) See A.L. P o u d r i e r , " E x p l o r a t i o n Survey of New C a l e d o n i a , " B r i t i s h Columbia, S e s s i o n a l Papers, 1892. (107) I t i s d i f f i c u l t to determine the p r e c i s e extent of pre-emption i n the Skeena r e g i o n a t any one time, because the some pre-empted and surveyed s i t e s were never s e t t l e d while many of those t h a t were s e t t l e d e i t h e r changed hands q u i c k l y or were abandoned. The lower Skeena was a l s o p a r t of the much l a r g e r C a s s i a r d i s t r i c t and the Department od Lands and Works o n l y p u b l i s h e d aggregate f i g u r e s . See, "Annual Report of the C h i e f Commissioner of Lands and Works," B r i t i s h Columbia, S e s s i o n a l P a p e r s r from 1873 onwards. Pre-emptions and Crown Grants i n the Skeena are a l s o recorded i n the B r i t i s h Columbia Gazette. 191 (108) Sketches and maps of the Tsimshian r e s e r v e s may be found amongst the voluminous f i e l d notes and r e p o r t s of reserve commissioners, DIA surveyors and Indian Agents i n the DIA "Black S e r i e s . " A l l the r e s e r v e s inaugurated up to 1916 may be found on an accompanying sheet to the Report of the Roval Commission on Indian A f f a i r s f o r the P r o v i n c e of B r i t i s h Columbia, 4 v o l s . , ( V i c t o r i a ; 1919) Vol.3, "Nass Agency." (109) The r o l e of p o l i c e c o n s t a b l e s i s d i s c u s s e d more f u l l y i n the next chapter. (110) James McDonald, " T r y i n g to Make a L i f e : the H i s t o r i c a l P o l i t i c a l Economy of Kitsumkalum," Ph.D. T h e s i s , UBC, Department of Anthropology and S o c i o l o g y , 1985. (111) I b i d . . C h . l . (112) L a r r y Gringas, "The Tokens of Robert Cunningham." Vancouver Numismatic S o c i e t y . Vol.4, No.3 (1964), pp.19-20; Henry Doyle, "Notebooks," Vol.21., Henry Doyle Papers, UBC-SC; Henry B e l l - I r v i n g , "Notebooks," Vol.5, J u l y 22, 1891, Vol.13, 189 4, n.d., VCA Add. MSS. 1. (113) Dempster, McKay and C r o a s d a i l e to G.A.B. Walken, A t t o r n e y General and C h i e f Commissioner Lands and Works, Jan. 14, 1879, Department of Lands and Works, PABC GR 868 Box 3, fo.27, 81/79. (114) See, DIA, "Annual Reports..." 1885 and 1891, Canada, S e s s i o n a l Papers. 1886, Vol.XIX, No.4, p.117; 1892, V o l . XXV, No.14, p.169. (115) "Memorandum of Agreement between Robert Cunningham and the k i t s e l a s I n d i a n s , " P o r t E s s i n g t o n , Feb. 1880, DIA, "Black S e r i e s , " l o c . c l t . (116) Canada, Census Returns, 1881, l o c . c l t . , pp.1-7. (117) For an account of the s t a r t of the Methodist m i s s i o n i n Port E s s i n g t o n on Cunningham's p r i v a t e r e s e r v e see, J.P. Hicks ( e d . ) , From P o t l a t c h to P u l p i t : The Autobiography of W.H. P i e r c e (Vancouver; 1933) p . l 8 f f ; C. L i l l a r d (ed.) [W.H. C o l l l s o n ] In the Wake of the War Canoe ( V i c t o r i a : Sono Nis P r e s s ; 1981), p.203. C o l l i s o n conducted a s e r v i c e among European s e t t l e r s and Coast Tsimshian groups i n Port E s s i n g t o n i n 1875 (p.202). On the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of the A n g l i c a n church i n P o r t E s s i n g t o n see, J.H. Keen's 1932 " H i s t o r y of the Diocese of C a l e d o n i a to the Year 1913," p.13, DCR-PR; SPG "Records," PAC, MG17, B l , Vol.28, D70-Caledonia, pp.542-562. (118) Cunningham's deed of g i f t to the Methodist church i n 192 1877 i s mentioned i n p a s s i n g by P i e r c e , i b i d . On the deed of g i f t t o the A n g l i c a n church see, Archbishop Du Vernet, "Notebook," 1904ff, DCR-PR, Box 203. (119) Canada, Census Returns, 1891, l o c . c i t . (120) The l e g a l h i s t o r y of the B.A. Cannery i s recorded i n the A n g l o - B r i t i s h Columbia Packing Company's "Records" ( h e r e a f t e r , ABCPC r e c o r d s ) , VCA Add. MSS. 870, Vol.5, f i l e 2. (121) Robert Cunningham and Sons, L t d , "Summary of C a p i t a l and Shares," Sept. 1912, PABC, company f i l e s . (122) On the K i t s e l a s and Kitsumkalum appeal to Todd see, DIA "Black S e r i e s , " l o c . c i t . P Oct. 24, 1887. For the K i t s e l a s e x p l a n a t i o n of the circumstances surrounding the case see, Report of the Roval Commission Nass Agency, "Evidence, Port E s s i n g t o n , " pp.18-19, UBC-MCR, AW5 B7 55915. (123) Benjamin Appleyard to the Bishop of C a l e d o n i a , Oct. 1904, DCR-PR, Misc. f i l e . (124) Appleyard to the Bishop of C a l e d o n i a , 1905, p.9, DCR-PR, Misc. f i l e . The indenture agreements between Bishop R i d l e y and Peter Herman (dated Aug. 4, 1902) and the i n j u n c t i o n drawn by Cunningham on R i d l e y are a l s o i n c l u d e d with Appleyard's l e t t e r . (125) I b i d . . p.8. (126) I b i d . r p. 9. (127) The d e t a i l s of labour d i s p u t e s heard i n P o r t E s s i n g t o n between 1906 and 1914, along with t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l c o u r t judgments, are l i s t e d i n , P r i n c e Rupert, County Court, P l a i n t s and Procedure Books: Vol.1, p . l (May 1906) - Vol.2, p.690 (Feb. 1914), PABC GR 1629 ( R o l l B7377). In 1908, f o r example, s i x p l a i n t s were brought by European workers a g a i n s t the Grand Trunk P a c i f i c f o r non-payment of wages, and twenty p l a i n t s were brought by Japanese workers a g a i n s t the B.C. T i e and Timber Company for non-payment. In these i n s t a n c e s , a l l of the c o u r t ' s d e c i s i o n s went i n favour of the workers, and the f o l l o w i n g year the B.C. T i e and Timber Company went i n t o l i q u i d a t i o n and was bought out by a consortium of l o c a l business men o r g a n i s e d by Robert Cunningham's son George. (128) In supplementing the o p e r a t i o n s of the County Courts, many d i s p u t e s between p r i v a t e l e g a l i n d i v i d u a l s ( e s p e c i a l l y when they i n v o l v e d sums of money) were fed through the B.C. Supreme Court i n V i c t o r i a , and are recorded i n e i t h e r the "Judgement Books" or the "Cause Books." (Court records f o r a l l j u r i d i c a l l e v e l s and f o r the d i f f e r e n t j u r i d i c a l r e g i o n s i n 193 B.C. are now indexed together i n the PABC's enormous GR 1590 c o l l e c t i o n ) . Supreme Court judgments i n v o l v i n g people from P o r t E s s i n g t o n s t a r t i n the 1890s. Between 1895 and 1905, Cunningham brought p l a i n t s and w r i t s of summons a g a i n s t over 15 i n d i v i d u a l s (mainly other P o r t E s s i n g t o n merchants) to recover sums of money of between $50 and $6,000. The d i s p u t e between Cunningham and Appleyard was a l s o heard i n the Supreme Court (see Cause Books, Vol.2, p.22) (129) Clarence B o l t , "The Conversion of the P o r t Simpson Tsimshian: Indian C o n t r o l or M i s s i o n a r y M a n i p u l a t i o n , " BC  S t u d i e s , No.57 (1983), pp.38-56. (130) C h a r l e s Todd, "Annual Report f o r the North-West Coast Agency," Nov. 1888, Canada, S e s s i o n a l Papers, 1889, Vol.12, No.16, p.201. (131) B o l t , o p . c i t . , p.39. (132) Hicks, O P . c i t . r pp.19-20. (133) See, f o r example, B.C. Freeman ( M e t h o d i s t ) , J . G o s l i n g ( S a l v a t i o n Army), W.F. Rushbrook (Anglican) t o The A t t o r n e y General, Dec. 5, 1905, Attorney General Correspondence, PABC GR429, Box 13, F i l e 1, 21/06. (134) M i c h e l F o u c a u l t , "Of Other Spaces," d i a c r i t i c s . Vol.16, No.l (1984), pp.22-27, quote, p.23. (This was the b a s i s of a l e c t u r e g i v e n by Foucault i n 1967.) PART I I . (1) Port E s s i n g t o n , The Sun, May 18, 1907. (2) F o l l o w i n g an e x p l o r a t o r y t r i p f o r the HBC with W i l l i a m Manson from the mouth of the S t i k i n e R i v e r to Dease's Lake i n 1869, Cunningham a l s o r e p o r t e d that the g r a v e l around Dease Creek contained g o l d . R. Cunningham, r e p o r t to J.A. Grahame, J u l y 26, 1870, PAM-HBCA, A.11/85, fo.446-7. Cunningham had not been sent to the S t i k i n e s t r i c t l y i n search of g o l d , but d u r i n g the 1850s the HBC had conducted a number of u n s u c c e s s f u l surveys f o r t h i s , and other m i n e r a l s , around the Skeena, Nass, and Queen C h a r l o t t e I s l a n d s . See, M e i l l e u r , O P . c i t . . PP.152-157. (3) In two f u r t h e r a r t i c l e s p u b l i s h e d i n the B r i t i s h C o l o n i s t ( h e r e a f t e r , the C o l o n i s t ) i n December of 1870, a correspondent for the nor t h c o a s t r e p o r t e d that " s e t t l e r s a long the c o a s t are w i l d with excitement over the news" of a gold s t r i k e i n the Omineca "and a stampede w i l l occur e a r l y i n the S p r i n g " 194 (Dec. 15); the Government Agent f o r the Omineca wrote to the newspaper t h a t a f t e r a h e c t i c summer season of p r o s p e c t i n g "The m a j o r i t y of the miners intend going down the Skeena River route to pass the winter a t V i c t o r i a or F o r t Simpson." (Dec. 4) For a much l e n g t h i e r account of the events on the lower Skeena around 1870, and a wholly o r i g i n a l study of Cunningham's t i e s with the CMS and the HBC see, Ken Campbell, "Port E s s i n g t o n , " unpublished manuscript, P r i n c e Rupert, 1987. A l s o see, J.B. K e r r ' s e x c e l l e n t l i t t l e biography of Robert Cunningham i n h i s B i o g r a p h i c a l D i c t i o n a r y of Famous B r i t i s h  Columbians (Vancouver: Kerr & Begg; 1890) pp.135-6. (4) Grahame t o l d Cunningham t h a t "The e s t a b l i s h i n g of a s t o r e on Skeena R i v e r w i l l depend on the f u t u r e ; our l a s t e f f o r t i n that q u a r t e r was, you are aware, a f a i l u r e , while our l a t e r agent there (Hankin) seems to t h r i v e b e t t e r on h i s own account." (Cf. below) J.A. Grahame to R. Cunningham, Nov. 11, 1869. " F o r t V i c t o r i a Correspondence Outward, 1868-1872," PAM-HBCA B.226/b/44, fo.695. (5) The c h i e f commissioner of Land and Works t o l d Cunningham t h a t h i s a p p l i c a t i o n contravened c l a u s e s 3 and 6 of the 1870 Land Ordinance Act. A l l of Cunningham's pre-emption correspondence f o r 1870 can be found i n the C o l o n i a l Correspondence, F407(9)-f424, f i l e 415-Robert Cunningham, PABC ( R o l l B-1323). (6) L i t t l e i s known about the s t a t u s of Soar's M i l i t a r y Grant and whether or not i t over r u l e d the Tsimshian land d e c i s i o n , but on Woodcock's townsite see, Edgar Dewdney to B. Pearse (C.C. Land and Works), Sept. 8, 1871. The townsite i s a l s o recorded - along with Cunningham's "new town" a t Port E s s i n g t o n - on Edgar Dewdney's "Sketch survey of Skeena r i v e r and i t s t r i b u t a r i e s " f o r the Department of Land and Works, Sept 1871, PABC Map D i v i s i o n , CM/A307. (7) T h i s s a i d , Cunningham and Hankin's pre-emption matters remain u n c l e a r . Although Cunningham made the i n i t i a l pre-emption a p p l i c a t i o n , i n December of 1870, i t was Hankin who a p p l i e d f o r the 160 acre l o t adjacent to Woodcock's c l a i m , and Cunningham pre-empted land a t Hazelton (the Forks of the Skeena). Then, i n January of 1871, they were given p e r m i s s i o n to r e v e r s e the land award d e c i s i o n ( i . e . Cunningham would now take the land at the mouth of the Skeena, and Hankin the l o t at H a z e l t o n ) . However, because of the d e c i s i o n to withhold the i n i t i a l pre-emption Cunningham r e - a p p l i e d f o r land on the op p o s i t e s i d e of the northern entrance to the Skeena (probably the n o r t h end of Smith Island) where he would not v i o l a t e c l a u s e 6 of the Land Act. Permission f o r pre-emption was granted i n May of 1871. But the c h i e f commissioner had i n the meantime allowed Cunningham to occupy h i s i n i t i a l pre-emption 195 s i t e (now i n Hankin's name) u n t i l t h a t land had been p r o p e r l y surveyed and f i x e d as a Tsimshian r e s e r v e by r e s e r v e commissioner O ' R e i l l y . While the l e g a l b a s i s of Cunningham's i n i t i a l pre-emption a p p l i c a t i o n remained undecided i n the winter of 1870-1, he must have c o n s t r u c t e d h i s s t o r e on the s i t e next to Woodcock's as by May of 1871 the miners t h a t had stayed and bought goods from the s t o r e had a l l l e f t . C o l o n i a l Correspondence, l o c . c l t . . and F661-731A, f i l e 708-Thomas Hankin ( R o l l B-1332). (8) R.G. Large, Skeena: R i v e r of D e s t i n y (Vancouver: M i t c h e l l Press-Museum of Northern B r i t i s h Columbia E d i t i o n ; 1981) p.30; c f . the C o l o n i s t . March 10, 1871. (9) Campbell, o p . c i t . . p.12. (10) Ibid, (11) Dewdney to Pearse, Sept. 8, 1871, l o c . c i t . (12) "Woodcock's Skeena T r a i l , " Herald S t r e e t C o l l e c t i o n , Box 38, 1-208. Cf. Cunningham to Pearse, February 6, 1871, C o l o n i a l Correspondence, F415d(5). (13) Dewdney to Pearse, J u l y 17, 1871, "1871 - Skeena Route..." (14) Campbell, i b i d . On the naming of Port E s s i n g t o n by Capt. Vancouver, see, Walbran, o p . c i t . , p.172. (15) T h i s t r i p i s noted i n the C o l o n i s t f June 7, 1871. (16) Dewdney to Pearse, Sept. 8, 1871, l o c . c l t . (17) C h a r l e s Horetzky, Canada on the P a c i f i c (Montreal: Dawson Bros.; 1874) p.113. (18) The C o l o n i s t . J u l y 5, 1871. (19) Campbell, o p . c i t . , pp.14-17. (20) See, Roderick F i n l a y s o n to W i l l i a m Manson, V i c t o r i a , June 7, 1866, PAM-HBCA, "Skeena R i v e r P o s t s , " pp.2-3. (21) I b i d . . pp.3-4. (22) The f u r s c o l l e c t e d by Cunningham and Hankin were a p p a r e n t l y as expensive as those on the co a s t (and of an i n f e r i o r q u a l i t y ) , and the c o s t of t r a n s p o r t i n g s u p p l i e s up the Skeena R i v e r i n canoes operated by Tsimshian crews was 196 much more expensive than a n t i c i p a t e d . I b i d . . pp.3-5. (23) J . Grahame to W i l l i a m Armit, September 5, 1871 (ack. Oct. 7, 1872), " F o r t V i c t o r i a Correspondence Outward, 1868-1872," PAM-HBCA, B.226/b/45, fos.178-184, quote, fo.179. (24) Ibid., fo.180. (25) I b i d . f fo.181. (26) Walbran, o p . c i t . r "Woodcock Landing," p.533-4. (27) Large, O P . c i t . . p.33. (28) PAM-HBCA, "Skeena R i v e r P o s t s , " pp.6-8. The withdrawal of Feak ended the HBC's 40 year o l d contemplation of s u p p l y i n g the i n t e r i o r from the mouth of the Skeena - although they d i d r e - e s t a b l i s h a t r a d i n g s t o r e a t Hazelton i n 1880. (29) I b i d . (30) I b i d . (31) Robert Tomlinson, " J o u r n a l of a Tour on the Nass and Skeena R i v e r s , " Church M i s s i o n a r y I n t e l l i g e n c e r , Vol.XI (1875), New S e r i e s , Aug., i n two p a r t s - pp.251-6, 281-88, quote, p.252. (32) See, Campbell, O P . c i t . , pp.17-8. (33) For a c l a s s i c example of t h i s p rocess, see, J.M.S. C a r e l e s s * s "The Lowe B r o t h e r s , 1852-70: A Study i n Business H i s t o r y , " (1969), r e p r i n t e d i n R. McDonald, P. Ward ( e d s . ) , o p . c i t • f pp.277-296. In f a c t , C a r e l e s s ' s account i s p a r t i a l l y m i s l e a d i n g . For him, the Lowe br o t h e r s - and t h e i r many m e r c a n t i l e a s s o c i a t e s - were f l a g - b e a r e r s of an autonomous sphere of economic a c t i v i t y from 1850. However, u n t i l 1860 they were i n v o l v e d i n a complex s e t of economic r e l a t i o n s with HBC t r a d e r s i n V i c t o r i a and C o l o n i a l a u t h o r i t i e s i n London. As a c o n d i t i o n of the HBC being granted Vancouver I s l a n d as a B r i t i s h " P r o p r i e t a r y Colony" i n 1849, i t had to b r i n g s e t t l e r s to the I s l a n d . Few s e t t l e r s appeared u n t i l a f t e r the 1858 F r a s e r r i v e r g old rush, but C o l o n i a l o f f i c i a l s a l s o granted p e r m i s s i o n f o r independent B r i t i s h merchants to operate on the I s l a n d . The HBC c a l l e d these independent merchants " p e t t y t r a d e r s , " and some of them (such as A l l a n , Lowe, Mckinlay, and Hugh Mckay) had f o r m e r l y been with the Company. By 1850, the HBC had opened r e t a i l s t o r e s a t F o r t s Vancouver, V i c t o r i a , and N i s q u i l l y , s e l l i n g goods to newly a r r i v e d s e t t l e r s and a b o r i g i n a l groups, and r e c e i v i n g a new range of commodities on t h e i r annual s h i p s from London and the Sandwich I s l a n d s . Many 197 of these goods were "consigned" to independent commission merchants, who thereby obtained the goods they r e q u i r e d through extant supply l i n e s , but a t a commission of roughly 10 per cent to the Company. I t i s o n l y with the opening up of mainland B r i t i s h Columbia as a Crown Colony i n 1858 that these commission merchants' t i e s to HBC su p p l y routes were loosened as non-HBC r e q u i s i t i o n e d commodities and B r i t i s h f i n a n c e c a p i t a l and technology entered the p r o v i n c e . Thus, i t i s o n l y from the 1860s t h a t we can perhaps p r o p e r l y t a l k of a d i s t i n c t sphere of independent m e r c a n t i l e a c t i v i t y - with the v a s t m a j o r i t y of merchants s t i l l based in, V i c t o r i a . On some of the commercial r e l a t i o n s between the HBC and independent commission merchants (such as A l l a n and Lowe) d u r i n g the 1850s, see, Mackie, " C o l o n i a l Land...," pp.280-286. (34) The f o l l o w i n g account and t a b u l a t i o n i s d e r i v e d from the s c a t t e r e d e n t r i e s of Cunningham and Hankin's commercial d e a l i n g s from Sept. 1871 to Sept. 1874, and Cunningham's and Hankin's separate d e a l i n g s from Jan. 1878 to Dec. 1879, cont a i n e d w i t h i n volumes 5-9 of the R i t h e t Papers, PABC Add. MSS. 504. There i s h a r d l y any t r a c e of Cunningham's f i n a n c i a l arrangements a f t e r 1879, but p o l i c e records r e v e a l t h a t Cunningham s t i l l h eld commission and banking accounts with R i t h e t i n 1900. See, C o l i n Campbell to F.S. Hussey ( c h i e f of p o l i c e , V i c t o r i a ) , Sept. 6, 1900, B.C. P r o v i n c i a l P o l i c e , Superintendent Correspondence Inward, PABC GR 55, box 13. P o r t E s s i n g t o n ' s p o l i c e c o n s t a b l e r e p o r t e d t h a t a l e t t e r from Cunningham to R i t h e t c o n t a i n i n g 9 cheques and 3 bank orders f o r d e p o s i t i n V i c t o r i a had been s t o l e n . (35) Tabulated from R i t h e t Papers, Vol.8, "Ledger," p.667; Vol.9, "Ledger," pp.389-90, 407-8. F i g u r e s may a l s o d e r i v e d from V o l s . 5, 6 and 7, "Cash Books," but these e n t r i e s are not a r e c o r d of t o t a l t r a n s a c t i o n s . In R i t h e t ' s "Ledger," Cunningham and Hankin's o v e r a l l account balance was drawn up every September, and read t h i s way t h e i r balance at the end of R i t h e t ' s f i s c a l year was always s l i g h t l y i n the b l a c k . However, R i t h e t ' s balance c a l c u l a t i o n s were u s u a l l y preceded by a l a r g e summer d e p o s i t which c o n c eals the cumulative extent of Cunningham and Hankin's debt. For t h i s reason I have c a l c u l a t e d the balance on a calendar year b a s i s . (36) R i t h e t Papers, V o l . 5, "Cash Book," pp. 86, 98; V o l . 7, "Cash Book," e n t r i e s s c a t t e r e d , pp.42-570. (37) R i t h e t Papers, V o l . 7, "Cash Books," e n t r i e s s c a t t e r e d , pp.42-698. (38) Although t h i s i s d i f f i c u l t to prove as the "Cash Books" do not r e v e a l how much Hankin had i n h i s account before 1878. However, i n 1878 and 79 the "Cash Books" ( V o l . 7, p.689) 198 records that Hankin was o n l y paying o f f 15 per cent of h i s c r e d i t account charges, s u g g e s t i n g t h a t he was i n s e r i o u s f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t y . (39) R i t h e t Papers, "Cash Books," e n t r i e s s c a t t e r e d . (40) In a s e r i e s of unitemised payments recorded i n the "Ledger Books" between 1871 and 1874, Cunningham and Hankin r e c e i v e d over $8,000 from L & J Boscowitz who, by the 1870s, had moved i n t o the north coast f u r trade (see, the f o u r t h e d i t i o n of The F i r s t V i c t o r i a D i r e c t o r y ( V i c t o r i a ; 1871)). Cunningham and Hankin c o u l d have been t r a d i n g i n f u r s d u r i n g the early-1870s and s e l l i n g them to the Boscowitz's, but there i s no sure way of knowing because the Boscowitz f i r m a l s o operated a number of s e a l i n g schooners from the north c o a s t and c o u l d c o n c e i v a b l y have entered i n t o some kind of p r o v i s i o n i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p with Cunningham and Hankin. The Boscowitz s e a l i n g schooners are d e a l t with by Peter Murray i n h i s , The Vagabond F l e e t : A H i s t o r y of the West Coast S e a l i n g  Schooners ( V i c t o r i a : Sono N i s ; 1988) but he makes no mention of any t r a d i n g or p r o v i s i o n i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p with Cunningham. Over $1,000 i n cash and cheques was a l s o paid i n t o Cunningham and Hankin's bank account from the c a p t a i n s of the HBC's steamship " O t t e r , " and a f u r t h e r $1,000 was paid to Cunningham and Hankin from the HBC. The HBC c o u l d a l s o have been buying f u r s from Cunningham, but t h i s cannot be c o r r o b o r a t e d . I t i s l i k e l y that t h i s $1,000 was money that Cunningham had t r u s t e d to the " O t t e r " s t a f f to d e p o s i t i n V i c t o r i a f o r him. Thus, the f i g u r e of $9,000 ($8,000 from Boscowitz and $1,000 from the HBC) should be t r e a t e d as a very upper l i m i t of the extent of Cunningham and Hankin's fur d e a l i n g s i n t h i s per i o d . (41) Between 1872 and 1874 the Bank's exchange r a t e i n c r e a s e d from $16.40 per ounce to $16.90, and then f e l l o f f to $16.70 i n the late-1870s. (42) By comparing c r e d i t and d e b i t f i g u r e s f o r the 1872-1873, and 1878-1879, i t i s p o s s i b l e to hypothesise t h a t d u r i n g the Cunningham-Hank i n p a r t n e r s h i p w e l l over three q u a r t e r s of the t o t a l c r e d i t s and d e b i t s were d e r i v e d from the trade around Port E s s i n g t o n . The average of Cunningham's 1878-1879 c r e d i t and d e b i t t o t a l s c o n s t i t u t e 40 per cent of the 1872-1873 p a r t n e r s h i p t o t a l . The average of Hankin's 1878-1879 t o t a l s , on the other hand, onl y c o n s t i t u t e 7 per cent of t h e i r 1872-1873 t o t a l ( i n terms of c r e d i t s i t i s l e s s than 5 per c e n t ) . Assuming t h a t the s e a s o n a l i t y of trade at P o r t E s s i n g t o n and Hazelton remained unchanged through the 1870s, and thereby assuming t h a t t h i s percentage d i v i s i o n of trade on the Skeena remained the same, then the p r o j e c t i o n of Cunningham's average of 40 per cent and Hankin's average of 7 per cent back to the 199 o v e r a l l d e b i t and c r e d i t balance f o r 1872 and 1873 suggests that trade i n Cunningham's s t o r e accounted f o r over 80 per cent of the t o t a l d e b i t s and c r e d i t s i n the e a r l y 1870s, and trade i n Hankin's s t o r e o n l y 20 per c e n t . C e t e r i s p a r i b u s f Cunningham's Port E s s i n g t o n s t o r e would have accounted f o r rough l y $29,000 of the $36,750 pa i d i n t o the Cunningham-Hank i n bank account, and between 1872-3 and 1878-9 h i s trade r e c e i p t s had d e c l i n e d by 50 per cent to $14,175. And, c e t e r i s p a r i b u s , i f Hankin had c o n t r i b u t e d 20 per cent to o v e r a l l r e c e i p t s i n 1872-3, then by 1878-9 h i s earnings had d e c l i n e d by over 70 per cent from $7,350 to $2,081. (43) Campbell, o p . c i t . . pp.12-4. On Cunningham's Haida and Tsimshian a r t e f a c t c o l l e c t i o n s and h i s s t a t u s as a purchasing agent f o r museum c o l l e c t o r s and a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s on the northwest c o a s t , such as Jacobsen, Dorsey and Boas, see, Douglas Cole, Captured H e r i t a g e : The Scramble f o r Northwest Coast A r t i f a c t s (Vancouver: Douglas & M c l n t y r e ; 1985) pp. 61, 124, and 173. Cf. Barbeau F i l e s , PAC 174.8, 174.42, and the Cunningham C o l l e c t i o n of Tsimshian a r t e f a c t s i n the P r i n c e Rupert Museum. (44) And i n 1879 gold dust c o n s t i t u t e d over h a l f of h i s y e a r l y proceeds. R i t h e t Papers, V o l . 7, "Cash Books," pp.42-225, 416-698. (45) See, Large, O P . c i t . . p . 4 4 f f . (46) L i t t l e i s known about Tsimshian f r e i g h t i n g p r a c t i c e s a long the Skeena, but f o r some c u r s o r y remarks, see, Large, o p . c i t . , pp.24-30; and Walter Wicks, Memories of the Skeena ( S e a t t l e : Hancock House; 1976) p.44-47. (47) See, James McDonald, "Images of the Nineteenth Century Economy of the Tsimshian," i n Margaret Seguin (ed.), The Tsimshian: Images of the Past. Views f o r the Present (Vancouver: UBC P r e s s ; 1984) pp.40-57. His focus on the Tsimshian i n f a c t serves as a thematic cover f o r a l a r g e r c r i t i q u e of northwest c o a s t ethnography, and he says remarkably l i t t l e about the s p a t i a l i t y of Tsimshian economic p r a c t i c e s . Cf.. M i t c h e l l , op. c i t . , f o r a f a r more poignant account of the s p a t i a l impress of K i t k a t l a t r a d i n g a c t i v i t y i n 1835. (48) I am indebted to R i c h a r d Mackie f o r b r i n g i n g t h i s s t a t i s t i c t o my a t t e n t i o n . (49) U n t i l r e c e n t l y , most s t u d i e s of the salmon canning i n d u s t r y i n B r i t i s h Columbia have focussed s o l e l y on the F r a s e r r i v e r . Moreover, most of those who have t r e a t e d the i n d u s t r y as an aspect of a l a r g e r s e t of i n d u s t r i a l r e l a t i o n s ( u n i o n i s a t i o n , s t r i k e s , c a p i t a l formation, e n t r e p r e n e u r s h i p , 200 e t c . ) take the F r a s e r r i v e r c a n n e r i e s as a synonym for the whole i n d u s t r y . Yet, by 1900, salmon c a n n e r i e s were wi d e l y d i s t r i b u t e d along the mainland co a s t and on Vancouver I s l a n d , and the f i s h i n g and canning r e l a t i o n s underpinning o p e r a t i o n s i n these areas d i f f e r e d . On the changing geography of the i n d u s t r y between 1870 and 1930 see, Edward Higginbottom, "The Changing Geography of Salmon Canning i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1870-1931," MA T h e s i s , Simon F r a s e r U n i v e r s i t y , Department of Geography, 1988. (50) The c h r o n o l o g i c a l l i s t of cannery c o n s t r u c t i o n i s as f o l l o w s : Inverness, 1876 - North Western Commercial Company and from 1880, Turner, Beeton, and Co.; Windsor (or Aberdeen), 1878 -Windsor Canning Company; M e t l a k a t l a , 1882 - M e t l a k a t l a Packing Company; Balmoral, 1883 - Cuthbert and Byrnes; B r i t i s h American, 1883 - Gus Holmes et a l . ; and Cunningham (or Skeena), 1883 -Robert Cunningham. From, W i l l i a m Ross, "Salmon Cannery D i s t r i b u t i o n on the Nass and Skeena R i v e r s of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1877-1926," BA Graduating Essay, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, Department of Geography, 1967, "Appendix B: o p e r a t i n g c a n n e r i e s on the Skeena R i v e r . " (51) L i t t l e work has been done on the e a r l y f i n a n c i n g of the salmon canning i n d u s t r y i n B r i t i s h Columbia, but f o r some c u r s o r y remarks, see, A l i c j a Muszynskl, "Major Pro c e s s o r s to 1940 and E a r l y Labour F o r c e : H i s t o r i c a l Notes," i n P. Marchak, N. Guppy, J . McMuhan (e d s . ) , Uncommon Pro p e r t y : The F i s h i n g and F i s h - P r o c e s s i n g I n d u s t r i e s i n B r i t i s h Columbia ( O n t a r i o : Methuen; 1987) pp.46-65. (52) From work with h i s t o r i c a l m a t e r i a l s and a i r photos, Higginbottom estimates t h a t between 1870 and 1901 at l e a s t 96 separate canning s i t e s were developed, and of these 77 were o p e r a t i n g i n 1901. Higginbottom, O P . c i t . . p.3, 19. (53) I b i d . r p.17. (54) Ross, o p . c i t . r pp.39-40. (55) I b i d . r pp.36-8. The B r i t i s h American Cannery was c l o s e d f o r the 1885 season, but t h i s was a s s o c i a t e d with lower pack c o s t s on the Columbia River at the time r a t h e r than with B r i t i s h Columbia salmon p r i c e s . (56) H e r e a f t e r , they w i l l be r e f e r r e d to as the ABC Packing Company, and B.C. Packers. (57) For two of the best surveys of the r e o r g a n i s a t i o n of B r i t i s h Columbia's space-economy around Vancouver between 1890 and 1910, see, Robert McDonald, " V i c t o r i a , Vancouver, and the economic development of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1886-1914," i n R. 201 Mcdonald and P. Ward ( e d s . ) , o p . c i t . r pp.369-396; Cole H a r r i s , "Moving Amid the Mountains," BC S t u d i e s , No.58 (1983), pp.3-39. (58) B e l l - I r v i n g , "Notebooks," Vol.3, Dec. 22, 1890. (59) " H i s t o r y of the A.B.C. Packing Company," ABCPC r e c o r d s , V o l . 1 , f i l e 2. (60) In 1881 U.S. companies c o n t r o l l e d between 20 and 34 per cent of a l l the c a p i t a l investments i n B.C.'s salmon canning i n d u s t r y . Higginbottom, o p . c i t . , p.4. The ABC Packing Company's a c q u i s i t i o n of U.S. i n t e r e s t s i n 1891 was i n good measure prompted by the bankruptcy three years e a r l i e r of W.T. Coleman and Company, which had been the f i n a n c i a l broker f o r a l l U.S. canning entrepreneurs o p e r a t i n g i n B r i t i s h Columbia. See, K i e t h R a l s t o n , " P a t t e r n s of Trade and Investment on the P a c i f i c Coast, 1867-1892: The Case of the B r i t i s h Columbia Salmon Canning I n d u s t r y , " i n R. McDonald, P. Ward ( e d s . ) , o p . c i t . f pp.296-305 ( o r i g i n a l l y p u b l i s h e d i n 1969), p.301. (61) B e l l - I r v i n g , "Notebooks," V o l . 3, Nov. 21 - Dec. 22, 1890, n.d. (62) "Prospectus," ABCPC r e c o r d s , V o l . 1, f i l e 1. The prospectus was p u b l i s h e d i n London by the News A d v e r t i s e r . (63) B e l l - I r v i n g , "Notebooks," V o l . 48, J u l y 19, 1911. (64) " D i r e c t o r s ' Annual Reports," 1891 onwards, ABCPC r e c o r d s , V ol.1, f i l e 1. The board of d i r e c t o r s i n London were made up of the f o l l o w i n g : J . W h i t t a l l , John B e l l - I r v i n g , and A.P. McEwan. John B e l l - I r v i n g became chairman of the board i n 1894 and was Henry B e l l - I r v i n g ' s main a d v i s o r i n salmon canning matters and most of Henry's other business p u r s u i t s . (65) "Memorandum and A r t i c l e s of A s s o c i a t i o n , " London, A p r i l 13, 1891;" "Proceedings of the Annual General Meetings," 1891 onwards, ABCPC Records, Vol.1, f i l e 1. (66) " A n g l o - B r i t i s h Columbia Packing Co.," Henry Doyle Papers, box 6, f i l e 1. (67) The headings of accounts kept a t canning s i t e s were as f o l l o w s : " A c i d , Advances, Boxes, Boats, Copper, China Labour, Cash, Expense a/c, F u e l , F i s h , L a b e l s , Lacquer, Mess Ho., Merchandise, Machinery and T o o l s , N a i l s , Nets, O f f i c e expenses, Lead, T i n , Repairs and Renewals, S o l d e r , S a l t , T l n p l a t e , White Labour, and Z i n c . " The headings of accounts kept In the Vancouver o f f i c e were as f o l l o w s : "London O f f i c e , Cash, B i l l Payments, B i l l s 202 Received, Exchange, I n t e r e s t , D e p o s i t s , M a t e r i a l , Labour, Merchandise, Repairs and Renewals, General S t o r e s , P e t t y Cash, B u i l d i n g s and Land, Machinery and P l a n t s , Boats, General Charges, Commission P e t t y Expenditure, Insurance P o l i c i e s , Cable A u d i t s , S u b s c r i p t i o n s , F i s h a/c, Salmon S a l e s , and o v e r a l l a/c." B e l l - I r v i n g , "Notebooks," V o l . 5, June 24, 1891. The ABC Packing Company's t h i r t e e n " S u b s i d i a r y Books" were as f o l l o w s : " B i l l s of Lading Book, L a b e l Book, Manifest Book, Shipments and Stock a t CPR Wharf, Salmon Accounts a t Canneries, Salmon Sales - c o n t r a c t s and summary, Insurance Book, Salmon Orders, Salmon Pack - c o s t and d i s t r i b u t i o n , Audited Accounts to London, Stores and Sundries, Advice Book -cannery d r a f t s . " I b i d . r V o l . 14, Oct. 29, 1896. These " S u b s i d i a r y Books" are not p u b l i c l y a v a i l a b l e , but many of t h e i r summary d e t a i l s can be found s c a t t e r e d among B e l l - I r v i n g ' s "Notebooks." (68) B e l l - I r v i n g , "Notebooks," V o l . 4, Nov. 21, 1891; V o l . 11, June 17, 1894. (69) " A n g l o - B r i t i s h Columbia Packing Co." In 1920, the ABC Packing Company r e l e a s e d the f o l l o w i n g p r o f i t f i g u r e s f o r the mid-1890s: 1892: $10,000 1893: $110,000 1894: $64,000 1895: $100,000 1896: $7,000 (70) Henry Doyle, "Report on the B r i t i s h Columbia Salmon I n d u s t r y , " Dec. 5, 1901, Henry Doyle Papers, box 5, f i l e 7. The reasons behind the r e t e n t i o n of s m a l l s c a l e , s i n g l e l i n e p l a n t s are complex, but Higginbottom has d i s t i l l e d a range of i n t e r c o n n e c t e d f a c t o r s i n t o three broad s e t s of economic i s s u e s . F i r s t , with predominantly manual forms of technology i n canning p l a n t s , the speed of the o v e r a l l p r o d u c t i o n process was l a r g e l y determined by the pace at which the salmon c o u l d be prepared f o r cooking and canning. Thus, any i n c r e a s e i n p l a n t canning c a p a c i t y was premised on a d d i t i o n s i n the salmon p r e p a r a t i o n labour f o r c e . But second, h i g h l y s k i l l e d salmon "butchers" r e q u i r e d to perform these tasks were becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y s c a r c e and expensive to employ, and so the a d d i t i o n of more canning l i n e s n e c e s s i t a t e d sharp c o s t i n c r e a s e s . And t h i r d , because of wide d a i l y and s e a s o n a l f l u c t u a t i o n s i n the numbers of f i s h r e t u r n e d to c a n n e r i e s , the i n c r e a s i n g c o m p e t i t i v e n e s s f o r f i s h i n r i v e r mouth l o c a t i o n s c r e a t e d by the presence of l a r g e numbers of c a n n e r i e s , and the i n a b i l i t y of s u p p l y i n g salmon c a n n e r i e s over long d i s t a n c e s due to the high p e r i s h a b i l i t y of f r e s h salmon, m u l t i - l i n e p l a n t s would r e a l i s e few economies of s c a l e . "The i d e a l p l a n t , " concludes Higginbottom, o p . c i t . r 203 p.18, "was one l a r g e enough to handle the good runs, but sma l l enough to minimize the excess packing c a p a c i t y l y i n g i d l e d u r i n g o f f y e a r s . S i n g l e l i n e c a n n e r i e s remained the most e f f i c i e n t , f l e x i b l e , and p r a c t i c a l p r o d u c t i o n u n i t . " (71) Higginbottom, o p . c i t . f pp.19-21. (72) "B.C. Packers A s s o c i a t i o n of New J e r s e y : C e r t i f i c a t e of I n c o r p o r a t i o n . " A p r i l 7, 1902, PABC Companies f i l e 202 ( s t i l l a c t i v e ) . (73) Henry Doyle, "Report on the B r i t i s h Columbia Salmon I n d u s t r y . " B e l l - I r v i n g a l s o r a t i o n a l i s e d h i s canning l i n e s immediately a f t e r the ABC Packing Company merger. He packed at o n l y one cannery on the F r a s e r i n 1891, and i n 1892 aimed to reduce the canning c a p a c i t y of h i s c a n n e r i e s on the F r a s e r by 50% and h i s two on the Skeena by 25%, a l l o w i n g the ABC Packing Company to produce a t o t a l of 90,000 cases per season. Thus, i t seems l i k e l y t h a t while the B.A. and North P a c i f i c Canneries produced 8,000 cases l e s s i n 1893 than i n 1891, t h i s was p a r t of a conscious p o l i c y by B e l l - I r v i n g to prevent o v e r p r o d u c t i o n i n the Company. B e l l - I r v i n g , "Notebooks," V o l . 6, Dec. 29, 1891; V o l . 7, 1892, n.d. (74) Higginbottom, o p . c i t . , p.22. His statement i s d e r i v e d from Henry Doyle's "Prospectus to the Salmon Canners of B r i t i s h Columbia," Henry Doyle Papers, box 11, f i l e 13. Doyle's p r o p o s a l s were, i n the main, c a r r i e d through, but as i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n appendix 4(b) a few of the c a n n e r i e s a c q u i r e d by B.C. Packers were bought o u t r i g h t i n cash. (75) "B.C. Packers A s s o c i a t i o n , " Henry Doyle Papers, box 11, f i l e 12. (76) See appendix 4. In 1901 the Balmoral Cannery was owned by Turner Beeton & Co., and the Standard Cannery by the V i c t o r i a Canning Co. (Ross, o p . c i t . f b i b l i o g r a p h y ) . Because these two companies owned more than one cannery at the time, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to determine the s p e c i f i c share amounts i n v o l v e d i n the t r a n s a c t i o n with B.C. Packers, but Doyle does provide v a l u a t i o n s of the B.C. Packers c a n n e r i e s on the Skeena: Balmoral: t o t a l value ( p l a n t b u i l d i n g s , machinery and l a b o u r ) , $27,000; o p t i o n ( t o t a l value plus stock on hand and s u p p l i e s ) , $33,000. Cunningham: t o t a l v a l u e , $36,000; o p t i o n $45,000. Standard: t o t a l v a l u e , $32,000; o p t i o n , $40,000. "B.C. Packers Canneries Report, Nov. 1902: Skeena River Notes," p.3, Henry Doyle Papers, box 11, f i l e 12. (77) T h i s f i r e a t Port E s s i n g t o n Is mentioned i n a l e t t e r from John Flewin (Government Agent f o r the Skeena region) to 204 the A t t o r n e y General, Jan. 30 1900, misc. f i l e , PABC GR110. Although B.C. Packers c o n t r o l l e d Cunningham's pack from 1902, t h e r e was a good d e a l of c o n f u s i o n surrounding the cannery p r o p e r t y . In 1904, the s e c r e t a r y - t r e a s u r e r of B.C. Packers wrote to Cunningham t h a t , "Our s o l i c i t o r s have c a l l e d to our a t t e n t i o n that t r a n s f e r of the Cunningham cannery to t h i s company has never been completed," and the "conveyance i n fe e " r e q u i r e d to t r a n s f e r Cunningham's cannery and i t s 1.4 acre s i t e to B.C. Packers was not completed u n t i l one year a f t e r Cunningham's death - i n 1906. See, Gladys B l y t h , "Skeena Cannery," unpublished manuscript, Port Edward, n.d. (78) The f o l l o w i n g account i s d e r i v e d from the B.C. Packers " C e r t i f i c a t e of I n c o r p o r a t i o n , " and "By-Laws of The B.C. Packers A s s o c i a t i o n of New J e r s e y , " May 22, 1902, PABC companies f i l e s . (79) Henry Doyle, "Report on the B r i t i s h Columbia Salmon In d u s t r y , " p.3. (80) Henry Doyle, "B.C. Packers Canneries Report 1902: Skeena River Notes." (81) Henry Doyle, "Plan f o r B.C. Canneries," Henry Doyle Papers, box 1, f i l e 1. The complaint was sparked by the c o n t r o l of A s s o c i a t i o n insurance p o l i c i e s i n the e a s t . Doyle c o u l d probably have a n t i c i p a t e d the type of economic power he bemoaned from an e a r l y l e t t e r w r i t t e n from Toronto. A f t e r h i s fund r a i s i n g t r i p around e a s t e r n Canada and the U.S., J a r v i s wrote to Doyle i n Vancouver i n February of 1902 l i s t i n g the names of the u n d e r w r i t e r s who had agreed to take the s t o c k , but a l s o asked him "not to make these p u b l i c , because there i s nothing t h a t c a p i t a l i s t s o b j e c t to more than to have t h e i r names used or p u b l i c . " Instead of naming the A s s o c i a t i o n ' s l a r g e s t c r e d i t o r s , J a r v i s suggested that Doyle simply r e f e r to them as "a s y n d i c a t e " i n a l l A s s o c i a t i o n o f f i c i a l correspondence. For the correspondence between Doyle and J a r v i s , see, Henry Doyle Papers, box 1, f i l e 9. (82) Henry Doyle, "Plan f o r B.C. Canneries." (83) Dominion and P r o v i n c i a l f i s h e r i e s o f f i c i a l s sought to r e g u l a t e the lower Skeena f i s h i n g grounds by l i m i t i n g the number of boats that c o u l d f i s h out of i n d i v i d u a l c a n n e r i e s . The d e t a i l e d i n f o r m a t i o n c o n t a i n e d i n Dominion f i s h e r i e s r e p o r t s and the d i f f e r e n t "boat r a t i n g " commissions m e r i t s s e r i o u s c o n s i d e r a t i o n i n i t s own r i g h t , but f o r a u s e f u l account of the geography of r e g u l a t i o n on the lower Skeena see, Ross, o p . c i t . f p . 7 1 f f . (84) Henry Doyle, "B.C. Packers Canneries Report 1902: Skeena 205 River Notes." (85) In 1899 the cannery was c a l l e d the A n g l o - A l l i a n c e , and as manager of the Cannery Herman packed f o r the A n g l o - A l l i a n c e Canning Company and the Globe and M a i l Canning Company. In 1900 the p r o p e r t y was l i s t e d as being owned by Peter Herman, and i n 1901 and 1902 Herman's company agai n produced a double pack - one f o r h i m s e l f and the other f o r Peter T u r n b a l l . Herman's cannery was expanded i n 1902 with money from the Simon L e i s e r Company ( c f . c h . l ) , but i n 1903 they f o r e c l o s e d the mortgage on Herman's company. Then, i n 1904, a group of Vancouver-based s h a r e h o l d e r s i n c l u d i n g R.V. Winch and Henry Doyle took c o n t r o l of Herman's Company, bought Herman's cannery f o r $25,000, and appointed the Vancouver canner, W.A. Wadhams, as cannery manager. The Cannery produced salmon under the Skeena R i v e r Commercial Company u n t i l i t was amalgamated with Winch and Doyle's Northern B.C. F i s h e r i e s i n 1916. Ross, o p . c i t . r "Operating c a n n e r i e s on the Skeena R i v e r ; " Henry Doyle, "Plan f o r B.C. C a n n e r i e s ; " Henry Doyle, "Notebooks," nos. 21 and 28, Henry Doyle Papers. (86) B.C. Packers was finan c e d by a number of e a s t e r n banks with branches i n Vancouver, and the ABC Packing Company was fi n a n c e d from London by the Bank of Hong Kong and Shanghai, and i n Vancouver by the Bank of B r i t i s h Columbia. "Prospectus," ABCPC r e c o r d s . (87) See R. McDonald, o p . c i t . , p.371. (88) A remark made by one of the B.C. Packers agents i n England i n 1904 i m p l i e s t h a t B r i t i s h Columbia salmon and i t s main competitor i n England, Alaskan Red salmon, were aimed at d i f f e r e n t s e c t i o n s of the p o p u l a t i o n : " d e a l e r s , " he s a i d , " c o n s i d e r the demand f o r good B r i t i s h Columbia salmon q u i t e s a t i s f a c t o r y . On the other hand they c l a i m t h a t the demand for Alaska salmon i s s m a l l e r than usual owing p r i n c i p a l l y to the d e p r e s s i o n i n the c o t t o n i n d u s t r y , and trade i n g e n e r a l . " E.E. Evans to D i r e c t o r s of B.C. Packers, May 5, 1904, Henry Doyle Papers, box 11, f i l e 12. However, the summary c a l c u l a t i o n s from appendix 3 show t h a t an average of n e a r l y 70% of B.C. salmon exports to Great B r i t a i n were d e s t i n e d f o r L i v e r p o o l , and so i t i s l i k e l y t h a t canned salmon from B r i t i s h Columbia was a l s o d i s t r i b u t e d from there to the c o t t o n s p i n n i n g towns of Lancashire and north west England. (89) Canada, Report of S p e c i a l F i s h e r y Commission (Ottawa; 1917) preamble. (90) See, Henry Peabody & Company, "Annual Report of the Salmon Market of Great B r i t a i n f o r the Year 1911," B e l l -I r v i n g C o l l e c t i o n , V o l . 1, f i l e 3, VCA Add. MSS. 485; E.E. 206 Evans to the D i r e c t o r s of B.C. Packers. (91) Peabody & Company, i b i d . (92) Between 1890 and 1910, 5-15 steamers t r a v e l l e d to the U.K. each year. They would u s u a l l y c a r r y the salmon of a v a r i e t y of canning companies and were very r a r e l y commissioned s o l e l y by one canner or one company. See, Henry B e l l - I r v i n g , "Notebooks," Vols.1-28, e n t r i e s s c a t t e r e d . Larger shipments of salmon were t r a n s p o r t e d v i a San F r a n c i s c o i n the 1890s and V a l p a r a i s o become of g r e a t e r importance a f t e r 1896. (93) B.C. Packers' h i s t o r i a n C i c e l y Lyons argues t h a t while the r a i l w a y enhanced salmon canners' attempts to penetrate the e a s t e r n Canadian market, they were i n i t i a l l y d i s couraged from s e l l i n g salmon i n the e a s t : B r i t i s h Columbia canners, she says, "were competing with known brands which, by that time having a 20 year s t a r t , had become w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d through brokers h a n d l i n g the products of American salmon packers, whose goods were f r e i g h t e d a c r o s s the c o n t i n e n t by U.S. r a i l w a y s and then t r a n s h i p p e d i n to e a s t e r n Canada." The l a r g e l i m i t e d l i a b i l i t y companies d i d e v e n t u a l l y b u i l d up a network of d e a l e r c o n t a c t s i n e a s t e r n Canada, but without c o n s u l t i n g canning r e c o r d s from the U.S. i t i s not p o s s i b l e to even guess what share of the market they had. C i c e l y Lyons, Salmon: Our H e r i t a g e - The S t o r v of a Provin c e and an I n d u s t r y (Vancouver: M i t c h e l l P r e s s ; 1969) p.186. (94) E.E. Evans to the D i r e c t o r s of B.C. Packers. (95) See, Homer Gregory and Kathleen Barnes, North P a c i f i c  F i s h e r i e s : with s p e c i a l r e f e r e n c e to Alaska salmon (San F r a n c i s c o : American C o u n c i l I n s t i t u t e of P a c i f i c R e l a t i o n s ; 1939) ch.X. (96) " D i r e c t o r s ' Annual Reports," ABCPC r e c o r d s . (97) Henry B e l l - I r v i n g , "Notebooks," Vol.6, Feb. 1892. (98) E.E. Evans to the D i r e c t o r s of B.C. Packers. (99) I b i d . Evans wrote from London to B.C. Packers that "The c h a r a c t e r of the salmon business i n the United Kingdom d u r i n g the l a s t few years or so has m a t e r i a l l y changed. Up u n t i l about [ 1 9 0 1 1 . . . B r i t i s h Columbia packers had no d i f f i c u l t y whatsoever i n s e l l i n g t h e i r salmon abroad, and i n good round q u a n t i t i e s . During the l a s t few y e a r s , however, d i s t r i b u t o r s have been adopting a hand to mouth p o l i c y , buying p r a c t i c a l l y i n r e t a i l q u a n t i t i e s , on the spot, and f o r c i n g canners to c a r r y the s t o c k s , i n s t e a d of themselves...[T1hese remarks do not a p p l y o n l y to the salmon t r a d e , but a l s o to the g r a i n and 207 many other t r a d e s . . . " At the time t h i s was w r i t t e n B.C. Packers were s t i l l t r y i n g to s e l l salmon i n the U.K. from t h e i r 1901 pack. Evans g i v e s the f o l l o w i n g f i g u r e s f o r unsold s t o c k s of B r i t i s h Columbia salmon i n the U.K.: 1901 pack - 5,855 cases; 1902 pack - 18,968 cases; 1903 pack - 48,709 cases. (100) Canada, S e s s i o n a l P a p e r s r Vol.26 (1893), 10c, p.330; B e l l - I r v i n g , "Notebooks," Vol.7, A p r i l 1892. (101) On the extent of B e l l - I r v i n g ' s s a l e s i n e a s t e r n Canada, see h i s "Notebooks," Vol.12, Dec. 31 1894; and Vol.21, Aug.7, 1899. His g r e a t e s t number of s a l e s were n e a r l y always i n Montreal, Hamilton, and Toronto. In Vol.6, Nov. 1891 - March 1892, B e l l - I r v i n g l i s t s the number and l o c a t i o n of h i s e a s t e r n Canadian buyers: Montreal - 7 buyers; Hamilton - 5; London, O n t a r i o - 5; Toronto - 4; St John - 5; Quebec - 4; Winnipeg -2; Ottawa - 1; and B r o c k v i l l e - 1. And two years l a t e r he had f u r t h e r orders from d e a l e r s i n Kingston and H a l i f a x . (102) "Prospectus," ABCPC r e c o r d s ; (103) B e l l - I r v i n g , "Notebooks," Vol.12, Dec.31, 1894; Vol.32, A p r i l 19, 1907. (104) B e l l - I r v i n g , "Notebooks," V o l s . 6-12: "Salmon o r d e r s . " The B.A. Cannery o n l y seems to s t a r t e x p o r t i n g to the U.K. i n c o n s i s t e n t l y g r e a t e r q u a n t i t i e s a f t e r 1904, perhaps because the demand f o r 1/2 l b f l a t s i n the U.K. was g r e a t e r than f o r the other c u t s , and then because the B.A. cannery o n l y s t a r t e d to produce t h i s cut e f f i c i e n t l y a f t e r the c o n s t r u c t i o n of t h e i r second canning l i n e i n 1904. L o c . c i t . f Vol.29, March 1905. Peabody & Company's "Annual Report" f o r 1911 i l l u m i n a t e s the d i f f e r e n t p r i c i n g s t r u c t u r e s i n the markets f o r 1 l b t a i l s and 1/2 l b f l a t s . (105) B e l l - I r v i n g g i v e s the f o l l o w i n g f i g u r e s f o r the B.A. cannery on the Skeena: 1891 pack - 4,486 cases to London on the " T l t a n i a ; " 1892 pack - 1,000 cases to Melbourne; 1893 pack - 1,050 cases to Kingston and 350 cases to St. C a t h e r i n e s , O n t a r i o . B e l l - I r v i n g , "Notebooks," V o l s . 6-9, "Salmon o r d e r s . " (106) I b i d . r Vol.8, Jan. 12, 1893. (107) Between 1891 and 1894 B e l l - I r v i n g accumulated over $10,000 i n f r e i g h t charges from Boscowitz & Co., and n e a r l y $9,000 from the Canadian P a c i f i c N a v i g a t i o n Company. I b i d . , Vol.12, Jan. 1895. (108) See, Ross, o p . c i t . , pp.15-30, 40-45; Henry Doyle, "The Process of Canning Salmon," Sept. 15, 1921, Doyle Papers, box 208 5, f i l e 6. (109) Henry Doyle, "B.C. Packers Canneries Report, 1902: Skeena R i v e r Notes." (110) For an e x c e l l e n t d e s c r i p t i o n of the Skeena f i s h i n g grounds see, "The Skeena R i v e r D i v i s i o n , " 1910, B r i t i s h Columbia, Department of F i s h e r i e s , PABC GR 435, box 70, f i l e 657, pp.2-5. (111) The a v a i l a b i l i t y of f r e s h water was an important c o n s i d e r a t i o n when l o c a t i n g a cannery. Around the t u r n of the ce n t u r y Peter Herman operated a cannery on E c s t a l l I s l a n d , a djacent to Port E s s i n g t o n , but t h i s was c l o s e d a f t e r o n l y a few seasons i n good measure because he c o u l d not secure an adequate s u p p l y of f r e s h water and had to r e l y on e i t h e r r a i n f a l l or l a r g e tanks of water brought from Port E s s i n g t o n . Ross, O P . c i t . . p.20. (112) "Prospectus," ABCPC r e c o r d s ; Henry Doyle, "B.C. Packers Canneries Report, 1902: Skeena R i v e r Notes." (113) Ross, o p . c i t . , p.29. (114) "The Skeena R i v e r D i v i s i o n , " pp.3-4. (115) "The Skeena R i v e r D i v i s i o n , " p.3. (116) Ross, o p . c i t . f p.58. (117) B e l l - I r v i n g , "Notebooks," Vol.5, J u l y 1891; Henry Doyle, "Notebooks," Vol.28, Henry Doyle Papers. Doyle c a l c u l a t e d t hat d u r i n g the peak of the canning season a t Herman's cannery, the average weekly r e t u r n of f i s h c o u l d v a r y by 500%, and th a t the average d a i l y r e t u r n c o u l d vary between 50 and 1,700 f i s h . (118) Ross, o p . c i t . r p.30 (119) "Skeena R i v e r Commercial Y e a r l y Pack," by day 1908 -1918, Henry Doyle Papers, box 6, f i l e 16. (120) "ABC Packing Company: F i n a l Cannery Returns, B.A. Cannery, Port E s s i n g t o n , " 1906-1923, B e l l - I r v i n g C o l l e c t i o n , Vol.5. (121) B e l l - I r v i n g , "Notebooks," Vol.31, J u l y 1906; Vol.33, J u l y 1907. (122) "ABC Packing Company: F i n a l Cannery Returns, B.A. Cannery P o r t E s s i n g t o n . " 209 (123) Ross, o p . c i t . f "Number of F o r t y - E i g h t Pound Cases Canned, Skeena R i v e r , 1877-1958." (124) Dempster, Mckay and C r o a s d a i l e to G.A.B. Walken, 1 o c . c i t . ; a l s o see Duncan Stacey, "North P a c i f i c Cannery," Paper Prepared f o r the H i s t o r i c S i t e s and Monuments Board of Canada, n.d. (125) See James McDonald, "Try to Make a L i f e , " Ch.5, "The A b o r i g i n a l Economy." (126) Stacey, o p . c i t . . p . l . (127) "The Skeena R i v e r D i v i s i o n , " p.4. The B r i t i s h American Packing Company had 4 f i s h i n g s t a t i o n s s c a t t e r e d around the mouth of the Skeena (map 2). (128) Wicks, o p . c i t . f p.15. (129) I b i d . , P-14. (130) see, Report of the Special Fishery commission/ q u e s t i o n s 2 and 3. (131) Stacey, o p . c i t . f p.2. (132) Report of the S p e c i a l F i s h e r y Commission, q u e s t i o n 3. (133) B e l l - I r v i n g , "Notebooks," Vol.5, June 1891. (134) I b i d . . Vol.11, June 17, 1894. (135) I b i d . . Vol.20, June 18, 1899. (136) See, Japanese fishermens' bosses to F r a s e r R i v e r Canners A s s o c i a t i o n , May 1904, Henry Doyle Papers, box 1, f i l e 8. (137) See, Higginbottom, o p . c i t . f pp.60-61. (138) Ross, o p . c i t . r p.46. (139) B.C. Canners' A s s o c i a t i o n Minute Book, 1914, c i t e d i n Higginbottom, o p . c i t . , p.56. (140) "Skeena River Commercial Company, summary of f i s h caught," 1916 and 1917, Henry Doyle Papers, box 6, f i l e 16. (141) Canada, S e s s i o n a l Papers. Vol.36 (1902), 54, "Report of the Royal Commission on Chinese and Japanese Immigration," Henry B e l l - I r v i n g , "Evidence," p.340. 210 (142) B e l l - I r v i n g , "Notebooks," Vol.40, Jan. 1912. (143) B r i t i s h Columbia, Department of Marine and F i s h e r i e s , Report of the F i s h e r i e s Commissioner f o r 1902 r G29. (144) "The Skeena River D i v i s i o n , " p.11. (145) See, Canada, S e s s i o n a l Papers, Vol.16 (1883), 7, "Annual Report of the Department of F i s h e r i e s , " p.190. (146) "Skeena R i v e r , " B r i t i s h Columbia, Department of F i s h e r i e s , box 70, f i l e 657. (147) I b i d . The B r i t i s h Columbia Department of F i s h e r i e s recorded the f o l l o w i n g number of boats a c t u a l l y l i c e n s e d : 1900-448, 1901-581, 1902-644, 1903-819, 1904-705, 1905-781, 1906-870, 1907-700, 1908-863, 1909-800. "The Skeena R i v e r D i v i s i o n , " p.10. (148) B e l l - I r v i n g , "Notebooks," Vol.11, June 1894. (149) I b i d . . Vol.15, June 1896. (150) I b i d . . Vol.28, J u n e - J u l y 1904. (151) Skeena D i s t r i c t News. June 20 and 27, 1904. (152) I b i d . . no.24, J u l y 4 1904. (153) I b i d . (154) Canada, Census Return, 1881, l o c . c i t . (155) Canada, S e s s i o n a l Papers, Vol.18 (1885), 54a, "Report of the Royal Commission on Chinese Immigration," appendix c, p.36 5. (156) "Report of the Royal Commission on Chinese and Japanese Immigration," B e l l - I r v i n g , "Evidence," p.143. (157) I b i d . Cf. appendix 6. (158) See Stacey, o p . c i t . f p.12. (159) "Report of the Royal Commission on Chinese and Japanese Immigration," Ch.15, "The Canning I n d u s t r y , " p.135. (160) "Chinese c o n t r a c t , " Henry Doyle Papers, box 11, f i l e 12. (161) "Report of the Royal Commission on Chinese and Japanese Immigration," B e l l - I r v i n g , "Evidence," i b i d . 211 (162) S e e , B e l l - I r v i n g , " N o t e b o o k s , " V o l s . 2 - 2 2 , e n t r i e s s c a t t e r e d . (163) I b i d . . V o l . 5 , J u l y 1891; V o l . 3 3 , J u l y 1 9 0 7 . (164) " R e p o r t o f t h e R o y a l C o m m i s s i o n o n C h i n e s e a n d J a p a n e s e I m m i g r a t i o n , " B e l l - I r v i n g , " E v i d e n c e , " i b i d . (165) Ibid, (166) R o n a l d R o h n e r ( e d . ) , T h e E t h n o g r a p h y o f F r a n z B o a s : L e t t e r s a n d D i a r i e s o f F r a n z B o a s W r i t t e n o n t h e N o r t h w e s t C o a s t F r o m 1 8 6 6 t o 1 9 3 1 ( C h i c a g o : C h i c a g o U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s ) p . 9 4 . (167) S e e , B e l l - I r v i n g , " N o t e b o o k s , " V o l . 5 , S e p t e m b e r 1 8 9 1 ; V o l . 1 3 , S e p t e m b e r 1 8 9 4 ; V o l . 3 8 , J u l y 1 9 1 1 . H e n r y D o y l e , " N o t e b o o k s , " V o l . 2 1 , " S k e e n a R i v e r C o m m e r c i a l C a n n e r y , " 1 9 0 2 -1 9 1 6 . (168) B e l l - I r v i n g , " N o t e b o o k s , " V o l . 5 a n d 1 3 , i b i d . ; H e n r y D o y l e , l o c . c i t • , " P o r t E s s i n g t o n E m p l o y e e s , 1 9 1 8 . (169) R o h n e r , i b i d . (170) S e e S t a c e y , S o c k e v e & T i n p l a t e : T e c h n o l o g i c a l C h a n g e i n t h e F r a s e r R i v e r C a n n i n g I n d u s t r y , 1 8 7 1 - 1 9 1 2 ( B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a P r o v i n c i a l M u s e u m , H e r i t a g e R e c o r d N o . 1 5 ; 1 9 8 2 ) p p . 4 - 1 1 . (171) S e e , H i g g i n b o t t o m , o p . c i t . r C h . 3 . (172) B e l l - I r v i n g , " N o t e b o o k s , " V o l . 1 3 , J u n e 1 8 9 5 ; V o l . 2 4 , O c t . 1 9 0 0 . (173) I b i d . r V o l . 2 0 , J u n e 1 8 9 9 . (174) S e e , H i g g i n b o t t o m , i b i d . ; S t a c e y , S o c k e y e & T i n p l a t e , p p . 2 0 - 2 5 . (175) I b i d . A l s o s e e A l e x a n d e r E v e n ' s " E v i d e n c e " t o t h e 1 9 0 2 " R o y a l C o m m i s s i o n o n C h i n e s e a n d J a p a n e s e I m m i g r a t i o n , " p p . 1 3 5 - 1 3 9 . (176) B e l l - I r v i n g , " N o t e b o o k s , " V o l . 1 3 ; a p p e n d i x 6 . (177) H e n r y D o y l e , " I r o n C h i n k M a c h i n e , " H e n r y D o y l e P a p e r s , b o x 5 , f i l e 7 . (178) B e l l - I r v i n g , " N o t e b o o k s , " V o l . 4 6 , J u l y 1 2 , 1 9 1 5 : " B . A . C a n n e r y h a s 2 l i n e s , 3 r e t o r t s , o n e I r o n C h i n k . " 212 (179) B r i t i s h Columbia F i r e Underwriters A s s o c i a t i o n , Plans  of Salmon Canneries i n B r i t i s h Columbia Together With  I n s p e c t i o n Reports On Each (1924), Cannery No.50 - B r i t i s h America, No.50A - Cunningham, NO.50B - Port E s s i n g t o n [Skeena R i v e r Commercial]. (180) See, Higginbottom, i b i d . : Stacey, Sockeye & T i n p l a t e , i b i d . (182) " A n g l o - B r i t i s h Columbia Packing Company: F i n a l Cannery Returns, B.A. Cannery, P o r t E s s i n g t o n , " 1915-1923. (183) B r i t i s h Columbia F i r e Underwriters A s s o c i a t i o n , i b i d . (184) Stacey, "North P a c i f i c Cannery," p.8. (185) See, Report of the S p e c i a l F i s h e r y Commission, q u e s t i o n 2. (186) Higginbottom, o p . c i t . , pp.58-60. (187) B e l l - I r v i n g , "Notebooks," Vol.27, Oct. 1903. (188) A c o l l e c t i o n of salmon can l a b e l s can be found i n the " B e l l - I r v i n g C o l l e c t i o n . " (189) B.C. Freeman, "Port E s s i n g t o n , Feb. 13, 1906," M i s s i o n a r y B u l l e t i n . V o l . I l l (1905-1907), pp.235-244, quote p.237. (190) Canada, Marine Branch, Shipping R e g i s t e r s f o r V i c t o r i a , PABC GR1333 ( R o l l B2527, f . 3 5 ) . For d e s c r i p t i o n s of Cunningham's s h i p s i n the e a r l y 1890s see E.W. Wright (ed.) Lewis and Dryden's Marine H i s t o r y of the  P a c i f i c Northwest ( S e a t t l e : S u perior P u b l i s h i n g Co.; 1967), p.377 n.29. ( F i r s t p u b l i s h e d i n 1895 by Lewis & Dryden P r i n t i n g Co.). (191) Canada, Marine Branch, L i s t of S hipping f o r Shipping, l o c . c i t . . f.76. (192) Between 1890 and 1916 Robert and George Cunningham kept a r e g i