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Neo-orientalism : ugly women and the Parisian avant-garde, 1905-1908 Kirk, Elizabeth Gail 1988

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NEO-ORIENTALISMs UGLY WOMEN AND THE P A R I S I A N AVANT-GARDE, 1905 - 1908 By ELIZABETH GAIL KIRK B . F . A . , U n i v e r s i t y o f M a n i t o b a , 1982 B . A . , U n i v e r s i t y o f M a n i t o b a , 1983 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS I N THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Depar tment o f F i n e A r t s ) We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s as c o n f o r m i n g t o the r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA . O c t o b e r 1988 <£> E l i z a b e t h G a i l K i r k , 1988 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of F i n e A r t s The University of British Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date O c t o b e r , 1988 DE-6(3/81) ABSTRACT The Neo-Oriental ism of Matisse 's The Blue Nude (Souvenir  of B i s k r a ) , and Picasso 's Les Demoiselles d'Avignon, both of 1907, ex i s t s in the s i m i l a r i t y of the extreme d i s t o r t i o n of the female form and defines the d i f f e r e n t meanings attached to these "ugly" women r e l a t i v e to d i s t i n c t i v e notions of e r o t i c and exot ic imagery. To understand Neo-Oriental ism, that i s , 19th century O r i e n t a l i s t concepts which were f i l t e r e d through P r i m i t i v i s m in the 20th century, the r a c i a l , sexual and c lass antagonisms of the per iod , which not only influenced at t i tudes towards e r o t i c and exot ic imagery, but a lso defined and categorized humanity, must be considered in t h e i r h i s t o r i c a l context. v My introduct ion is an inves t igat ion of current ar t h i s t o r i c a l scholarship which has l inked the manipulation of form by Matisse and Picasso and s h i f t i n g avant-garde pract ice in Par i s in the years 1905 - 1908, when Cubism displaced Fauvism, to the concepts of Or ienta l i sm and P r i m i t i v i s m . The problem of the ideo log i ca l content of images of women, which I undertake to address, ar i se s from these studies which r e l y upon the assumed metaphysical fa sc inat ion with the exot ic or the i n t u i t i v e , personal concern for e r o t i c symbolism by the a r t i s t s as a so lu t ion to meaning. The absence of a r i c h c r i t i c a l discourse surrounding the paint ings encourages my approach to the problem of meaning whereby in Chapter One I examine images of women produced in Par is in the s p e c i f i c discourses of popular and o f f i c i a l cul ture in 1906. These representations of the female are Ident i f i ed as Ideological construct ions which functioned in r e l a t i o n to the important and broader issues of the moment a f f ec t ing the dominance of French c u l t u r e : c lass struggle and neo-co lonia l i sm. In Chapter Two the "ugly" women of Matisse 's The Blue  Nude (Souvenir of Biskra) and Picasso 's Les Demoiselles  d'Avignon are analysed as intended avant-garde transforma-t ions of images of female pros t i tu tes and compared with the Images of women In popular and o f f i c i a l cu l ture and with each other, In recogni t ion of t h e i r funct ion within the h i s t o r i c a l context of the i r production. In conclusion I suggest that the di f ference in meaning between these paint ings by Matisse and Picasso was Ideo log ica l , operating within the context of c lass struggle and neo-co lonia l i sm, and defined by the i r d i s t i n c t i v e conscious and unconscious use of P r i m i t i v i s m . i l l TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT . . i i LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS v ACKNOWLEDGMENTS v i INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . 1 CHAPTER I ILLUSIONS OF POWER AND POWERFUL DELUSIONS 27 CHAPTER 2 UGLY INTENTIONS 91 CONCLUSION 136 BIBLIOGRAPHY 140 ILLUSTRATIONS . . 148 IV LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Figure Page 1. Henri Matisse , The Blue Nude (Souvenir of B i s k r a ) , 1907 148 2. Pablo Picasso , Les Demoiselles d'Avignon, 1907 149 3. Georges Rochegrosse, La Jole Rouge, 1906 150 4. Radlguet. L ' E t a t Depravateur, 1906 . . 151 5. Radiguet. Le Couturier Pornoqraphe, 1906 152 6. Radiguet. Pour les Berenqferes, 1906. . 153 7. Divers . La L l b e r t e , 1906 154 8. Grandjouan. l e r mal, 1906 155 J 9. Henri Matisse. The Rec l in ing Nude I , 1907 156 10. Pablo Picasso . The Harem, 1906 . . . . 157 v ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to thank Dr. Serge Guilbaut for sharing his c r i t i c a l , h i s t o r i c a l approach to a r t h i s t o r y with me and for his s i g n i f i c a n t contr ibut ion as advisor and c r i t i c throughout the process of production of my t h e s i s . I am, as w e l l , gra te fu l to Dr. Maureen Ryan for her assistance and her encouragement during the f i n a l stage of th i s process. I wish to thank my colleagues and f r i ends , Andrea Thornsett, Anne K r l s t i a n s e n , Michael Mao and Lee Horvath for t h e i r invaluable and unflagging personal support and f r i endsh ip . I am e s p e c i a l l y apprec iat ive to John, Kathryn, Susan and David for the i r love and understanding. INTRODUCTION Along with a l l other peoples var ious ly designated as backward, degenerate, u n c i v i l i z e d , and retarded, the Orienta l s were viewed in a framework constructed out of b i o l o g i c a l determinism and moral-p o l i t i c a l admonishment. The O r i e n t a l was l inked thus to elements in Western soc ie ty (delinquents, the insane, women, the poor) having in common an i d e n t i t y best described as lamentably a l i e n . 1 Edward Sa id , 1978. . . . indeed the key notion of Or ienta l i sm itself—-cannot be confronted without a c r i t i c a l analys i s of the p a r t i c u l a r power s tructure In which these works came.into being. 2 Linda Nochl in , 1983. Dans l ' h i s t o l r e et dans le present , l a question du pouvoir est au coeur des rapports des hommes et des femmes. 3 Michel le Perrot , 1984. 1 Matisse's The Blue Nude (Souvenir of Biskra) of 1907, ( F i g . 1) and Picasso's Les Demoiselles d'Avignon of 1907, ( F i g . 2) are Neo-Or ienta l i s t paint ings of female p r o s t i t u t e s . Their Neo-Oriental ism is expressed through the p r i m i t i v i z e d form of t h e i r "ugly" female subjects which d i f f e r e n t i a t e s them from t r a d i t i o n a l e r o t i c and exot ic 19th century O r i e n t a l i s t paint ings of women. . I suggest that these two paint ings by Matisse and Picasso are avant-garde products which d i f f e r s i g n i f i c a n t l y in the meanings they produce. My thes is is an Invest igat ion of th i s d i f ference in meaning in r e l a t i o n to the p a r t i c u l a r funct ion of these images as i d e o l o g i c a l construct ions of avant-garde pract i ce that manipulate both Orienta l i sm and Pr imi t i v i sm in a s p e c i f i c h i s t o r i c a l context . The f a i l u r e of contemporary scholarship to address the d i f f e r e n t meanings of The Blue Nude (Souvenir of Biskra) and Les Demoiselles d'Avignon i n h i s t o r i c a l and c r i t i c a l terms is evident in the lack of understanding of the relevance and complexity of the concepts of Orienta l i sm and P r i m i t i v i s m . Art h i s tor ians who have used "Orientalism" or "Primit ivism" as categories for examining Matisse and Picasso have refused to recognize the serious negative and h ighly p o l i t i c a l use of the concepts of Orienta l i sm and P r i m i t i v i s m for r a c i a l , sexual and c lass domination. Both "Orienta l i s t s" (authors of studies which focus upon 19th century O r i e n t a l i s t paint ing) and " P r i m i t i v i s t s " (authors of studies which focus 2 upon the r e l a t i o n s h i p between 20th century modern a r t and pr imi t ive art ) look upon Matisse 's imaginative use of colour and manipulation of form as a modern 20th century negation of both the rea l i sm of 19th century O r i e n t a l i s t pa int ing a n d o f ethnocentric P r i m i t i v i s m . Ignored by the O r i e n t a l i s t s , P icasso 's formal d i s t o r t i o n s serve as primary mater ia l for the P r i m l t l v l s t s who consider them as a f f i r m a t i v e , romantic equivalents to pr imi t ive form--proof of an a f f i l i a t i o n between pr imi t ive and modern a r t i s t i c "genius." Donald Rosenthal, in his e x h i b i t i o n catalogue, Or ienta l i sm: The Near East in French P a i n t i n g , 1800-1880, of 1982, projects the predominant contemporary O r i e n t a l i s t a t t i t u d e . His text includes a d i scuss ion which spans centuries of a r t from G e n t i l l e B e l l i n i in the 15th century to Matisse in the 20th century. According to Rosenthal, the currency of O r i e n t a l i s t p a i n t i n g , and thus his s c h o l a r l y concern, was a response to the new interes t of the a r t market 4 in r e a l i s t i c pa int ings . Although he admitted an awareness of Edward Said's thes i s , Or ienta l i sm of 1978, which assesses Orienta l i sm as an ideo log i ca l construct of Western domination in North A f r i c a , Rosenthal chose to re jec t Said's viewpoint because of i t s "negative" s ign i f i cance and thus f e l t he had absolved himself of any responsible c r i t i q u e of the issues 5 ra i sed by Sa id . Rosenthal's choice , to dismiss the complex problem of the c o l o n i a l connection as merely i n e v i t a b l e , neutra l ized the p o l i t i c a l Implications of O r i e n t a l i s t 3 Imagery. Thus, Rosenthal r a t i o n a l i z e d the ethnocentric a t t i tude of O r i e n t a l i s t painters by his statement that they ". . . s i n c e r e l y admired the peoples of the Near East , even 6 i f for the wrong reasons." Rosenthal f a i l e d to r e f l e c t upon t h e p o s s i b i l i t y of p o l i t i c a l content in the paint ings themselves. He dec lared: In th i s study, French O r i e n t a l i s t pa int ing w i l l be discussed in terms of i t s aes thet ic q u a l i t y and h i s t o r i c a l i n t e r e s t , and no attempt w i l l be made at a re -eva luat ion of i t s p o l i t i c a l uses. 7 I r o n i c a l l y , he used as a source for his catalogue, Jean Alazard ' s catalogue text of 1930, which was e n t i t l e d L 1 O r l e n t et l a peinture francaise au XIXe s i e c l e d'Euqene Delacroix a August Renoir , which he knew had been " . . . published in conjunction with the centennial of the French conquest of 8 A l g e r i a . " Rosenthal's concluding statement i s a den ia l of h i s t o r y i t s e l f : Today, when the Islamic world is less a picturesque t o u r i s t haven than a camp of powerful ideo logies , the exot ic ism of some nineteenth-century O r i e n t a l i s t canvases seems meretricious and f a l s e . S t i l l , as long as the des ire to know the whole world, and not just our f a m i l i a r corner, remains a powerful one, the search for the exot ic of an e a r l i e r century and i t s b r i l l i a n t manifestation in a r t w i l l r e t a i n t h e i r hold on our imagination. 9 This statement represents the genre of romanticized scholarship which I wish to avo id . Said refuted t h i s type of u n c r i t i c a l a t t i tude by expla in ing how Orienta l i sm operates as fo l lows: 4 o r i e n t a l i s m , . . . Is not an a i r y European fantasy about the Or ient , but a created body of theory and pract i ce in which, for many generations, there has been a considerable mater ia l investment. Continued investment made Or ienta l i sm, as a system of knowledge about the Or ient , an accepted g r i d for f i l t e r i n g through the Orient into Western consciousness, just as that same investment mul t ip l i ed—indeed , made t r u l y productive— the statements p r o l i f e r a t i n g out from Orienta l i sm into the general c u l t u r e . 10 Said's thes is informed Linda Nochl in 's powerful response to Rosenthal's u n c r i t i c a l , complacent and unquestioning approach. Nochl in 's vehement at tack, "The Imaginary O r i e n t , " of 1983, was tr iggered by Rosenthal's view and his acceptance of 19th century O r i e n t a l i s t paintings as authentic documents in sp i te of t h e i r p o l i t i c a l content in r e l a t i o n to c o l o n i a l i s m . Instead, Nochlin ins i s t ed on an examination of the s tructures of power in r e l a t i o n to these images. She demanded a c l a r i f i c a t i o n of the issues by asking s p e c i f i c a l l y , "whose r e a l i t y " (or imagination) was being defined by such pa in t ing , and she accused Rosenthal of avoiding a confrontat ion with the "Important" issues as 11 revealed by both Said's text and by h i s t o r i c a l f a c t . By deconstructing the r e a l and imagined imagery of 19th century O r i e n t a l i s t pa in t ing , to show how meaning is produced, Nochlin def lated notions of presumed a u t h e n t i c i t y of the r e a l and the innocence of romanticized v i s i o n . Centra l to Nochl in 's a r t i c l e i s Said's contention that Or ienta l i sm div ided the East and West into two c u l t u r a l e n t i t i t i e s in which white, Western male s u p e r i o r i t y played a 5 12 major r o l e . Nochl in's feminist perspective Included a c r i t i q u e of the s trateg ies of domination i m p l i c i t in c e r t a i n O r i e n t a l i s t pa int ings , s trateg ies which re la ted to the contemporary French male's a t t i tudes towards women, who were 13 considered to be i n f e r i o r and thus powerless. It i s important to note that Nochl in 's d i s s ec t i on of the power re la t ionsh ips revealed in O r i e n t a l i s t . p a i n t i n g d i f f e r s from Said's thes is of Western male c u l t u r a l hegemony implied in exot ic and e r o t i c representat ions . She showed how the d i f ference of c lass entered Into the notions of the 14 e r o t i c i z e d female as an exot ic subject . This notion has relevance in the production of meaning inscr ibed in imaginative O r i e n t a l i s t imagery. For instance, she suggested that these Images of the female nude revealed contemporary Frenchmen's power over women, a power contro l l ed and mediated by the ideology of the e r o t i c in De lacro ix ' s time . . . shared by men of De lacro ix ' s c lass and time, . . . 15 Nochlin recognized the c lass basis of antagonis t ic a t t i tudes between the sexes in French soc ie ty which operated within O r i e n t a l i s t p a i n t i n g . Maryanne Stevens' e x h i b i t i o n catalogue of 1984, The O r i e n t a l i s t s ; Delacroix to Matisse is a more s c h o l a r l y e f f o r t to present O r i e n t a l i s t pa int ing in Its h i s t o r i c a l context . However, the s ign i f i cance of the power re la t ionsh ips i m p l i c i t in O r i e n t a l i s t pa int ing s trateg ies is not adequately addressed. Stevens condemned Said's c r i t i c a l 6 l i t e r a r y analys i s as being " . . . too s i m p l i s t i c an in t erpre ta t ion of both western v i s i t o r s ' intentions and the ir 16 a r t i s t i c work." Her more t r a d i t i o n a l i s t approach leads her to .view•mid-19th century O r i e n t a l i s t pa int ing under the influence of Realism to be the . t r u t h f u l representat ion of the external world, based upon object ive observation, (which) set an aesthet ic standard for a r t i s t s and patrons a l i k e . 17 Stevens' b e l i e f in the p o s s i b i l i t y of an object ive viewpoint clouds the v a l i d i t y of her a n a l y s i s . Said's thes is provides the correc t ive to any notion of o b j e c t i v i t y in Orienta l i sm which, Said i n s i s t s , must be understood . . . as a Western s ty l e for dominating, r e s t r u c t u r i n g , and having author i ty over the Orient . . . t h e Orient was not (and is not) a free subject of thought or a c t i o n . 18 Stevens' f a i l u r e i s a r e s u l t of her mistaken re l iance on aesthet ic value judgments as her inves t igat ive c r i t e r i a . For her purposes, personal fasc inat ion with North A f r i c a is an accepted and unquestioned explanation for the popular taste 19 for O r i e n t a l i s t pa int ing in the per iod . An absence of serious c r i t i c a l r e f l e c t i o n leads her to conclude that i . . . almost a l l the paintings which emerged -from th i s encounter between two cul tures speak of an enthusiasm for these foreign lands, witnesses to t h e i r splendour, t h e i r enchantment and t h e i r powerful f a s c i n a t i o n . 20 Included in the catalogue is Matisse's The Blue Nude, which is described in the formal language of t r a d i t i o n a l a r t h i s t o r y 21 without the necessary concern for content. 7 The texts by Rosenthal and Stevens are representat ive o£ the t r a d i t i o n a l , u n c r i t i c a l a r t h i s t o r i c a l method wherein aesthet ic and formal concerns are separated from the complex h i s t o r i c a l context in which these images were produced. Rosenthal and Stevens are only two examples; they are not 22 alone. The involvement of the French state in supporting and purchasing O r i e n t a l i s t a r t at the time of French c o l o n i a l enterprise in North A f r i c a has been documented but lacks an analys i s of the reasons for the production and meaning of th i s a r t . The r e s u l t i s a l imi t ed and misleading viewpoint which does not question or attempt to understand the impact of ideology upon "personal fasc inat ion" which re su l t s in the conscious or unconscious production of s p e c i f i c representa-t i o n s . This same concern with personal fasc inat ion is the focus of the P r i m l t l v l s t s who are the contr ibut ing authors to the massive, two-volume MoMA e x h i b i t i o n catalogue, "Primit ivism"  in 20th Century A r t , 1984. This t r a d i t i o n a l methodology erodes the c r i t i c a l value of th i s catalogue's content and leaves important questions unresolved with respect to the s p e c i f i c s of avant-garde p r a c t i c e . This catalogue, instead of providing a c r i t i c a l a r t h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y s i s , becomes a eulogy to MoMA, i t s patrons and i t s curators for what is constructed to be t h e i r perceptive recogn i t ion , throughout years of c o l l e c t i n g , of the a f f i n i t y between the pr imi t ive and the modern. Wi l l iam Rubin, edi tor and chie f contr ibutor 8 to the Primivism catalogue wrote: That many today consider t r i b a l sculpture to represent a major aspect of world a r t , that Fine Arts museums are increas ing ly devoting g a l l e r i e s , even ent i re wings to i t , is a funct ion of the triumph of vanguard a r t i t s e l f . (29) 23 It Is footnote 29 which j u s t i f i e s and reveals the ra t iona le behind the production of the exh ib i t I t s e l f . It reads: The Michael C. Rockefe l ler wing of the Metropol i tan Museum is the c l a s s i c instance of t h i s . I t depended d i r e c t l y upon Nelson Rockefe l l er ' s passion for t r i b a l a r t , which has led to his e a r l i e r founding of the Museum of P r i m i t i v e A r t . This in turn depended on and followed from his taste for and involvement with twentieth-century a r t and his knowledge of the importance of t r i b a l a r t for many modern a r t i s t s . 24 Rubin's reference to c a p i t a l i s m , t r i b a l ar t and modern a r t ra i ses questions which he does not answer and which require an explanation by a contextual , h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y s i s . As w e l l , the casual observer of the catalogue is c l e v e r l y misled to bel ieve that t r i b a l objects were d i r e c t models for the P a r i s i a n avant-garde. Although t r i b a l objects were c e r t a i n l y known in P a r i s i a n avant-garde c i r c l e s , the complexity of t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to a r t i s t i c pract i ce requires c r i t c a l r e -assessment, not just an account of which a r t i s t saw what when. The i l l u s t r a t i o n s in the catalogue v i s u a l l y juxtapose t r i b a l and modern a r t in a manner which a r t i f i c i a l l y constructs a fa lse i l l u s i o n of d i r e c t Influence, p a r t i c u l a r l y in the period under d i scuss ion . In a footnote, however, Rubin d id admit that 9 There i s no drawing or paint ing by Picasso that is d i r e c t l y copied from any t r i b a l object . 25 This statement f a i l s to counteract the constructed v i s u a l i l l u s i o n s of d i r e c t influence presented in the catalogue. Furthermore, Rubin took great care to dismiss t he pejorat ive connotation of P r i m i t i v i s m . Instead, he repeatedly emphasized i t s positve character in terms of formal representat ion and personal f a s c i n a t i o n . His d i scuss ion of the di f ferences between 19th and 20th century P r i m i t i v i s m is in terms of bourgeois ar t apprec ia t ion . He s tated: For the bourgeois publ ic of the nineteenth century, however, i f not for the ar t lovers of the twentieth, the adject ive "primit ive" c e r t a i n l y had pejorat ive meaning. Indeed, that publ ic considered any cul ture outside Europe, or any a r t outside the parameters of Beaux-Arts and salon styles—which meant a l l non-Western and some Western a r t - - i n h e r e n t l y i n f e r i o r . 26 Gauguin was credi ted with promoting the "aff irmative at t i tude" of the "'myth of the p r i m i t i v e ' " as an idea l i zed 27 " l i t e r a r y and ph i losophica l concept," of s o c i a l c r i t i c i s m . . However, instead of questioning the broader i d e o l o g i c a l impl ica t ion of P r i m i t i v i s m , Rubin amazingly s tated: I t mattered l i t t l e , however, that the a f f i rmat ive view of the Pr imi t ive we have been descr ib ing had almost as l i t t l e r e l a t i o n to r e a l i t y as the negative one. 28 Rubin suggested that the movement of P r i m i t i v i s m in i t s a f f i rmat ive and c r i t i c a l form to be the basis for 20th century avant-garde Interest in the Pr imi t ive was a 10 progressive movement from an apprec iat ion of "Primit ive l i f e " 29 to an apprec iat ion of "Primit ive a r t . " Thus, the modern a r t i s t ' s in teres t in pr imi t ive a r t " . . . could only by taken 30 by bourgeois cul ture as an attack upon i t s values ." Yet, th i s i s a pecul iar twist which contradicts h i s t o r i c a l r e a l i t y . As Rubin himself explained, i t was th i s same bourgeois cu l ture which introduced A f r i c a n t r i b a l a r t into Western c u l t u r e . He wrote: We owe to the voyagers, c o l o n i a l s , and ethnologists the a r r i v a l of these objects in the West. But we owe p r i m a r i l y to the convict ions of the pioneer modern a r t i s t s the i r promotion from the rank of c u r i o s i t i e s and a r t i f a c t s to that of major a r t , indeed, to the status of ar t at a l l . 31 The question remains as to how and why the avant-garde chose a r e l a t i v e l y t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t object , the female form, and transformed i t into another form of c u l t object of modern a r t . While personal fasc inat ion is no doubt a factor for the i n d i v i d u a l a r t i s t s , Matisse and Picasso responded d i f f e r e n t l y to P r i m i t i v i s m . To f u l l y comprehend these i n d i v i d u a l responses, the complexity of avant-garde ideology must be considered in e x t r a - a r t i s t i c terms. A re l iance on the a r t i s t ' s personal taste for the aesthet ic form of P r i m i t i v i s m provides only a p a r t i a l and inadequate explanation for the incorporat ion of a pr imi t ive vocabulary in v i s u a l i z a t i o n s of women, and s p e c i f i c a l l y female p r o s t i t u t e s , in the e a r l y 20th century. Fol lowing Rubin's lead, his ar t h i s t o r i a n col leagues , 11 Kirk varnedoe and Jack Flam present s i m i l a r evaluations of Gauguin and Matisse in t h e i r contr ibut ion to the P r i m i t i v i s m catalogue. These second-generation MoMA scholars exemplify A l f r e d B a r r * s - m e t h o d s where f o r m a l ' d e s c r i p t i o n - , biography and c r i t i c i s m are devoid of c r i t i c a l analys i s and an awareness of changing h i s t o r i c a l processes. Although content is s c r u t i n i z e d in terms of t r a d i t i o n , reference to the r e a l p o l i t i c a l and h i s t o r i c a l issues as they re la te to a r t i s t i c pract ice is avoided. As a r e s u l t the success of t h e i r ostensible o b j e c t i v i t y is quest ionable . While in the P r i m i t i v i s m catalogue a t tent ion to the c o l o n i a l factor is appended in accompanying a r t i c l e s , such analys i s is c a r e f u l l y separated from the apprec iat ion of avant-garde a r t where only the p o s i t i v e , up-beat viewpoint of the c o l l e c t i n g , accumulation and apprec iat ion of non^Western objects i s promoted. Flam's a r t i c l e , "Matisse and the Fauves," a l so projected the pos i t i ve aspect of P r i m i t i v i s m . Flam proposed that A f r i c a n a r t a t t rac ted the a t tent ion of the avant-garde through i t s symbolic content because i t offered "a new beginning" to the a r t i s t s as " . . . i t s iconographic content 32 and i t s h i s t o r y were unknown, . . ." This d e f i n i t i o n of P r i m i t i v i s m ' s a t t r a c t i o n for the P a r i s i a n avant-garde by Flam agreed with Rubin's in terpre ta t ion of Picasso 's P r i m i t i v i s m in Les Demoiselles d'Avignon as the consequence of the a r t i s t ' s " . . . search into the o r i g i n of man's p i c t u r i n g 12 33 himself ." These authors f a i l to see the s ign i f i cance of the p r i m i t i v i z e d female image. While Rubin and Flam acknowledged the importance of A f r i c a n t r i b a l objects for the avant-garde they distanced themselves from the negative r e a l i t y of French in trus ion upon A f r i c a n cul ture and t e r r i t o r y , which by the e a r l y 20th century was an intense and v io l en t form of Western domination and accounted for the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of A f r i c a n objects in French soc i e ty . As we l l , they do not r e f l e c t upon the condit ions in French soc ie ty which would reveal the power re la t ionsh ips inf luencing c u l t u r a l preferences in r e l a t i o n to the contemporary issue of c lass s trugg le . Matisse 's p r i m i t i v i s i n g of the female form in The Blue Nude, was understood by Flam in terms of personal symbolism. According to Flam, the image evolved from " . . . memory and imagination, which gave Matisse greater freedom in his 34 r e s t r u c t u r i n g of the human body." What Flam does not confront i s the fact that Matisse 's "freedom" of imaginative expression is i d e o l o g i c a l l y condit ioned and not free at a l l . The dynamics of a r t i s t i c pract i ce and ideology are revealed by a d i f ference of opinion over the e f fect Matisse's t r i p to North A f r i c a in 1906 had upon his a r t . Flam dated Matisse 's t r i p to Biskra from March of 1906, in accordance 35 with A l f r e d Barr ' s o r i g i n a l research. P ierre Schneider's monograph Matisse of 1984, revised the date of the two-week 36 t r i p by Matisse to North A f r i c a to May 10, 1906. Flam described th i s t r i p as having had a pos i t ive influence on 13 M a t i s s e ' s a r t w h i c h r e s u l t e d i n a f u s i n g o f a " N o r t h A f r i c a n subject" with a "Black A f r i c a n form" derived from A f r i c a n 37 scu lpture . The Blue Nude was described in the fo l lowing terms. The p ic ture i s not a l i t e r a l memory of anything that Matisse had seen, but rather a symbolic image of the powerful e f fect that his experience of A f r i c a had had upon his imagination. 38 Schneider, in his monograph on Matisse , saw the e f fect of Matisse 's t r i p d i f f e r e n t l y . He pointed out the f u t i l i t y of the t r i p for Matisse in terms of ar t because The Blue Nude retained only an "unspecif ic memory" of the Orient which was 39 represented by the palm leaves in the p a i n t i n g . In formal terms, Schneider a t t r i b u t e d Matisse 's f a i l u r e to Matisse 's i n a b i l i t y to p ic ture the Orient other than as i l l u s i o n . From the standpoint of a r t — e s p e c i a l l y from Matisse onward--Orientalism was to appear as the negation of the Or ien t . 40 Schneider re la ted th i s f a i l u r e to Matisse 's p o s i t i o n in North. A f r i c a as a fore ign outs ider . Matisse had expressed his 41 a l ienated f ee l ing in a l e t t e r to a f e l l o w - a r t i s t . This concept of d e n i a l , according to Said's the s i s , i s Orienta l i sm at work, a s trategy of power which div ides human cul tures 42 into "'us'" and "' they . '" This p o l a r i z a t i o n of East and 43 West is c e n t r a l to the theory and pract ice of Or ienta l i sm. However, The Blue Nude Is not only a pa int ing of an O r i e n t a l subject , i t i s a representat ion of a female 44 p r o s t i t u t e . Flam's monograph, Matisse . The Man and His  A r t , 1869-1918, of 1986, contains the fol lowing d e s c r i p t i o n : 14 The woman is symbolic of the pr imi t ive i n t e n s i t y and violence of the land that Matisse perceived in A f r i c a , a convincing metaphor for dynamic growth, a kind of modern Venus. 45 While Flam described the subject as a c u l t image, that is both as a p r i m i t i v e f e r t i l i t y symbol and a Western goddess he d id not expla in how the pa int ing ' s funct ion as an avant-garde image of the female as f e r t i l i t y symbol has s ign i f i cance within the i d e o l o g i c a l framework of Neo-Oriental ism in the e a r l y 20th century. According to Sa id , the r e l a t i o n s h i p between a g r i c u l t u r e , reproduction and c o l o n i a l i s m had been es tabl i shed as the subjugation of the weaker "other"--the 46 Or ien t . In Said's words . . . t h e Orient was viewed as something i n v i t i n g French i n t e r e s t , penetrat ion, inseminat ion- - in short , c o l o n i z a t i o n . 47 Edward Said's the s i s , Orienta l i sm of 1978, is fundamental to my study of the paint ings and to an understanding of a r t i s t i c in tent ion , the production of meaning and the complex function of Neo-Or ienta l i s t imagery within the P a r i s i a n avant-garde. Said's c r i t i c a l a n a l y s i s , in the f i e l d of l i t e r a t u r e , is an admittedly subject ive view of Western c u l t u r a l hegemony which refutes the suggestion that fasc inat ion with the Or ient , and s p e c i f i c a l l y with the Islamic Or ient , i s innocent of s tructures of power. His analys i s of the major Western powers, in p a r t i c u l a r , French, B r i t i s h and American, focused upon t h e i r " i n t e l l e c t u a l authori ty" over the Orient within 15 48 Western c u l t u r e . " said wrote: There is nothing mysterious or natural about au thor i ty . It i s formed, i r r a d i a t e d , disseminated; i t i s instrumental , i t is persuasive; i t has s ta tus , i t es tabl ishes canons of taste and value; i t i s v i r u t a l l y ind i s t inguishable from c e r t a i n ideas i t d i g n i f i e s as t rue , and from t r a d i t i o n s , perceptions, and judgments i t forms, transmits , reproduces. 49 Most importantly, Said re f l ec ted upon his p o s i t i o n as an - "Oriental subject" who was ra i sed in the B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l t e r r i t o r i e s of Egypt and Palest ine as an Islamic Or ienta l .50 Said's personal experience as an a l ienated P a l e s t i n i a n Arab scholar in the United States prompted him to write his book. It was in America where he f e l t the brunt of r a c i a l prejudice towards the Arabs and Muslims which he suggested was the r e s u l t of the ". . . l i b e r a l American i d e n t i f i c a t i o n i 51 with Z ion i sm, . . ." He frankly stated that The web of racism, c u l t u r a l stereotypes, p o l i t i c a l imperial ism, dehumanizing ideology holding in the Arab or the Muslim is very strong indeed, and" i t is th i s web which every P a l e s t i n i a n has come to f ee l as his uniquely punishing des t iny . 52 As the f i r s t Arab scholar in the West to courageously examine the dynamics of Or ienta l i sm through a c r i t i q u e of Western l i t e r a t u r e , he recognized that he was a lso " . . . wr i t ing the h i s t o r y of a strange, secret sharer of Western a n t i -Semitism." whose roots were i r o n i c a l l y to be found in the 53 same c u l t u r a l prejudices which he encountered. Said's book, wri t ten as a response to the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of h i s t o r i c a l l y constructed r a c i a l stereotypes which functioned 16 as the basis for foreign p o l i c y , is an e s sent ia l source for studying modernist representations of Or ienta l i sm and P r i m i t i v i s m . Yet, because of i t s controvers ia l nature, his ins istence on the pervasiveness of Orienta l i sm in Western hegemony has been re jec ted , ignored or de-emphasized by many scho lars . This has resu l ted in an incomplete p ic ture of the h i s t o r i c a l process as i t a f fects the production of meaning in modern v i s u a l imagery. In his l i t e r a r y d i scuss ion of modern Orienta l i sm as a doctr ine of domination, Said pointed out the s ign i f i cance of 19th century r a c i a l theory which promoted P r i m i t i v i s m as a 54 negative c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of human d i f f erence . Linda Nochl in 's a r t i c l e , "The Imaginary Orient" of 1983 extended Said's c r i t i q u e of l i t e r a t u r e to include 19th century O r i e n t a l i s t pa int ing and a feminist perspect ive . Or ienta l i sm, through the concept of human di f ference defined by the r a c i a l theory of P r i m i t i v i s m , not only supported r a c i a l and sexual s u p e r i o r i t y but a lso notions of c lass 55 s u p e r i o r i t y within Western soc ie ty i t s e l f . My thesis w i l l address th i s analys i s of the s tructures of power, as exemplif ied by the work of Said and Nochl in , which has been missing from the s c h o l a r l y discuss ions surrounding Matisse 's The Blue Nude (Souvenir of Biskra) and Picasso 's Les  Demoiselles d'Avignon as examples of Orienta l i sm and P r i m i t i v i s m in t r a d i t i o n a l a r t h i s t o r i c a l t exts . While the studies by Rubin and Flam are va luable , they 17 do not a d d r e s s the i s s u e o£ t h e p r i m i t i v i z e d form of the female pros t i tu te in avant-garde pract ice at the s p e c i f i c moment of product ion. The fact that these representations of women have been transformed d i f f e r e n t l y by Matisse and Picasso must be addressed in r e l a t i o n to French neo-c o l o n i a l i s m and to the issue of c lass struggle in the e a r l y 20th century. The "ugly" subjects of the paint ings are female pros t i tu te s — in French soc ie ty , the image of the pros t i tu te was i t s e l f an i d e o l o g i c a l construct r e l a t i v e to both neo-co lonia l l sm and to c lass s truggle . I intend to invest igate the The Blue Nude and Les  Demoiselles d'Avignon as Neo-Or ienta l i s t paint ings and uncover the dynamics of the power re la t ionsh ips which are concealed in the manipulation of the female form. My study w i l l begin with the assumption that The Blue Nude, and Les  Demoiselles d 1 Avignon as N e o - O r i e n t l i s t paint ings of "ugly" female pros t i tu te s produce meanings which are not merely r e f l e c t i o n s of the a r t i s t s 1 in teres t in the A f r i c a n aesthet ic as personal symbols> but are i d e o l o g i c a l construct ions with d i f f e r e n t s ign i f i cance within avant-garde p r a c t i c e . I propose to search for t h e i r d i f f e r e n t meanings as avant-garde images of females by f i r s t examining two seemingly disparate discourses in which the female was represented at the same h i s t o r i c a l moment, that i s , in both the popular and o f f i c i a l c u l t u r e . My f i r s t chapter w i l l embody a d i scuss ion of c lass struggle and w i l l focus on Images of women in an i l l u s t r a t e d 18 journal of the French l e f t which are relevant to the issue of human inequity expressed by th i s discourse of opposit ion to the dominant French c u l t u r e . The dominance of French o f f i c i a l c u l t u r e , which supported bourgeois values and neo-c o l o n i a l i s m , w i l l be discussed in r e l a t i o n to one paint ing by Georges Rochegrosse, h ighly valued by the o f f i c i a l French Salon in 1906. The Images in these two discourses produce meanings which re la te to the power s trateg ies Inherent in Orienta l i sm and P r i m i t i v i s m and, in p a r t i c u l a r , to the way women were valued i n d i f f e r e n t fact ions of French soc i e ty . My second chapter w i l l explain how The Blue Nude and Les Demoiselles d'Avignon were intended to function as avant-garde images in r e l a t i o n to the popular and o f f i c i a l cu l ture through the meanings imparted by the i r "ugly" subjects . The paint ings w i l l be c r i t i c a l l y analyzed in terms of Neo-Orienta l i sm, which embodied d i f f e r e n t c lass a t t i tudes towards the p r i m i t i v l z e d female form. It w i l l be shown that Matisse explo i ted the sexual P r i m i t i v i s m of the exot ic female pros t i tu te yet retained the t r a d i t i o n a l Western idea l of beauty and thus upheld the values and the dominance of French o f f i c i a l cu l ture and neo-co lonia l i sm. Conversely, Picasso chose to oppose the idea l of beauty and these values by attempting to inser t his awareness of the issue of c lass struggle through his use of the form and content of P r i m i t i v i s m , consciously aware of the inequi t i e s in Western c i v i l i z a t i o n . In conclus ion , i t is suggested that Picasso's 19 paint ing f a i l e d t o s i g n i f y his I n t e n t i o n to def late the p o s s i b i l i t y of Western bourgeois male dominance through enjoyment of pr imi t ive s exua l i ty by his choice of the sexual ly aggressive Image of the bruta l i z ed contemporary female p r o s t i t u t e . Instead, his agress ive , p r l m l t i v i z e d pros t i tu tes manipulated the Western bourgeois male's need to dominate. Thus, Picasso's P r i m i t i v i s m was r a p i d l y absorbed as a reference to A f r i c a n a r t , which was the new aesthet ic commodity promoted by the Western bourgeois male-dominated cul ture to re inforce i t s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of s u p e r i o r i t y of race, sex and c l a s s . Therefore, the ambiguity of Picasso 's p r i m i t i v i z e d females could be used by the most " c i v i l i z e d " element of French soc ie ty as j u s t i f i c a t i o n for i t s v i o l e n t p o l i c i e s of aggression and repress ion at a moment of domestic and foreign cr i s e s when French neo-nationalism and neo-co lon ia l i sm were threatened by s o c i a l i s m . Thus, the intended di f ference in meaning between the paint ings can be c l a r i f i e d by the h i s t o r i c a l context where the pa int ings , as i n d i v i d u a l expression, connected with each other and with these larger i ssues . The s ign i f i cance of the appearance of the "ugly" representat ion of the female pros t i tu te as a dominated or poss ib ly dominating subject of P a r i s i a n avant-garde pa int ing at a time of s o c i a l c r i s i s in France can no longer be ignored. These paint ings were produced in P a r i s , the a r t c a p i t a l of the world and the centre of French Imperialism where the o f f i c i a l cu l ture 20 promoted the production of e r o t i c and exot ic Images of women at the moment when French soc ie ty was threatened, not only by a domestic s o c i a l c r i s i s expressed through the issue of c lass s truggle , but when France, as a nat ion, was threatened by the p o s s i b i l i t y of war with Germany over possession of the North A f r i c a n t e r r i t o r y of Morocco. 21 NOTES 1 Edward Sa id , Orienta l i sm (New York: Pantheon Books, 1978), 207. 2 • * • Linda Nochl in , "The Imaginary O r i e n t , " Art i n America, 7 (May 1983), 119. 3 Michel le Perrot , e d . , Une H i s t o l r e des Femmes e s t - e l l e  Possible? (Par i s : Ed i t ions Rivages, 1984), 220. 4 Donald A. Rosenthal, Or ienta l i sm: The Near East in  French Pa int ing 1800-1880 (Rochester, New York: Memorial Art G a l l e r y of the U n i v e r s i t y of Rochester, 1982), 8. 5 I b i d . , 156 note 2. 6 I b i d . , 9. • 7 I b i d . 8 I b i d . , 10. See also 156 note 10. 9 I b i d . , 155. 10 Sa id , Or ienta l i sm, 6. 11 Nochl in , "The Imaginary O r i e n t , " 119. 12 I b i d . 13 I b i d . , 123. 14 I b i d . , 124. 15 I b i d . 22 16 Maryanne Stevens, e d . , The O r i e n t a l i s t s : Delacroix  to Matisse: European Painters In North A f r i c a and the Near  East , (London: Royal Academy of A r t s , 1984), 19. See a lso 23 note 42. < 17 I b i d . , 20-21. 18 Sa id , Or ienta l i sm, 3. 19 Stevens, The O r i e n t a l i s t s , 22. Stevens de-emphasized the violence and the horror of co lon ia l i sm and ignored i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p to the c u l t i v a t i o n of taste for O r i e n t a l i s t p a i n t i n g . Stevens views Orienta l i sm as a benign concept. With respect to Nochl in's feminist perspect ive , Stevens, I b i d . , 23 note 59, dismissed i t s relevance as fo l lows: "It has been suggested that O r i e n t a l i s t pa int ing contr ived to make ava i lab l e experiences forbidden to the prur ient West . . . As we l l , Stevens, I b i d . , e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y defended c o l l e c t o r s of O r i e n t a l i s t pa int ing against Said's t h e s i s . She stated that Said's book ". . . implies that the ownership of O r i e n t a l i s t pa int ing denotes the des ire of the West both to dominate the Near East and to re in force the West's own sense of c u l t u r a l s u p e r i o r i t y . " Stevens does not consider the h i s t o r i c a l s i gn i f i cance of the production of O r i e n t a l i s t images. However, a contr ibut ing author to th i s catalogue, Malcolm Warner, "The Question of F a i t h : Or ienta l i sm, C h r i s t i a n i t y and Islam," I b i d . , 37 and 39, notes 20-21, revealed an ins ight into the issues ra i sed - , by Said and Nochl in . 20 I b i d . 21 I b i d . , 210-211. 22 Lynne Thornton is a p r o l i f i c producer of O r i e n t a l i s t pa int ing e x h i b i t i o n catalogues from a t r a d i t i o n a l , u n c r i t i c a l point of view. Two examples are: Lynne Thornton and F e l i x Marci lhac L ' A r t en Marge des Grands Mouvements: 2, Salons et  O r i e n t a l i t e s de 1850-1950, V o l . 2, (Par i s : Hdtel Drouot, 1974), and Lynne Thornton, Les O r i e n t a l i s t e s Pelntres  voyageurs, 1828-1908 (Par i s : ACR E d i t i o n Internat ionale , 1983). Thornton, Les O r i e n t a l i s t e s , 22, admittedly r e l i e d . upon the work of Jean Alazard for her model because of his "exactitude" which she re la ted to his p o s i t i o n as the f i r s t curator of the National Museum of Beaux-Arts of A l g e r i a . 23 23 Wi l l iam Rubin, e d . , "Primit ivism" In 20th Century_Art V o l . I , (New York: Museum of Modern A r t , 1984), 7. 24 I b i d . , 75 note 29. 25 I b i d . , 337 note 94. See a l so : Cynthia Nadelman, "Broken Premises: ' P r i m i t i v i s m 1 at MoMA," Art News, (February, 1985), 88-95. 26 I b i d . , 6. 27 I b i d . 28 I b i d . 29 I b i d . 30 I b i d . , 7. 31 I b i d . 32 I b i d . , 212. 33 I b i d . , 73. 34 I b i d . , 225. 35 I b i d . , 216. 36 P i erre Schneider, Matisse (New York: R i z z o l i , 1984), 158. 37 Rubin, "Primit iv ism", 226. 24 38 I b i d . 39 Schneider, Matisse , 158. I b i d . 41 I b i d . 42 Sa id , Or ienta l i sm, 45. Said's reference I b i d . , is to Westerners and Islamic O r i e n t a l s , r e s p e c t i v e l y . 43 I b i d . , 46. 44 Andrea Thomsett, The Blue Nude (unpublished paper, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1981). This paper revealed the p o l i t i c a l impl icat ions of the paint ing by i d e n t i f y i n g the female subject as a pros t i tu te and point ing out the s ign i f i cance of i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p to French c o l o n i a l i s m in North A f r i c a in the h i s t o r i c context of 1907. 45 Jack Flam, Matisse , The Man and His Art 1869-1918 (Ithaca, New York: Corne l l U n i v e r s i t y Press , 1986), 195. 46 Said , Or ienta l i sm, 219. 47 I b i d . 48 I b i d . , 19. 49 I b i d . , 19-20. 50 I b i d . , 25. 51 I b i d . , 27 52 I b i d . 25 53 I b i d . 54 I b i d . , 232. 55 Nochl in , "The Imaginary O r i e n t , " 124. 26 CHAPTER I ILLUSIONS OF POWER AND POWERFUL DELUSIONS "Chair A t r a v a i l . . . chair A p l a l s l r ! " 1 Paule Mink, 1883. The d i s t o r t e d form of the "ugly" female subject which emerged in the P a r i s i a n avant-garde in the years 1905 - 1908 is re la ted to a moment in French h i s t o r y when the issue of c lass struggle intersected with neo-co lonia l i sm revea l ing i d e o l o g i c a l d i f ferences between the r i g h t and the l e f t . Matisse 's seductive female, The Blue Nude of 1907 d i f f e r s from Picasso 's outrageous females of Les Demoiselles  d'Avignon, of 1907, yet , each produces s p e c i f i c meanings which connect with each other and with these broader issues through the contemporaneous notions of P r i m i t i v i s m . These images operated within categories of constructed human di f ference defined by a t t i tudes towards P r i m i t i v i s m . While the female f igure was a prevalent subject In the h i s t o r y of t r a d i t i o n a l and avant-garde French a r t , the female subjects in these paint ings by Matisse and Picasso are - d i s t inguished by t h e i r over t ly d i s tor ted and p r i m i t i v i z e d forms. It is these extreme formal transformations to the female f igure which ra i se questions with respect to content r e l a t i v e to t h e i r funct ion in the s p e c i f i c h i s t o r i c context of the i r appearance as avant-garde products. The subject of Matisse 's pa int ing is a s ingle 27 r e c l i n i n g nude, her e r o t l c a l l y p r l m l t i v i z e d form is posited h o r i z o n t a l l y in an exot ic background to produce the a l l u r i n g e f fect of an ava i lab le a l i e n p r o s t i t u t e . She appears to dominate an imaginative landscape. Matisse 's s ty l e of exaggerated arabesque form and Fauve colour d i f f e r s from more t r a d i t i o n a l representations of r e c l i n i n g nudes by the obvious accentuation of the subject ' s seemingly "primit ive" female s exua l i ty and her non-Western or ig ins to s i g n i f y a passive subjugated female. However, Matisse 's nude re ta ins a l lu s ions to the Western idea l of female beauty through her nudity and pose which reveal her feminine gender. Conversely, Les  Demoiselles d'Avignon contains a group of f ive defeminized females v e r t i c a l l y posi t ioned in an ambiguously defined space which d i f f e r s from t r a d i t i o n a l Images of e r o t i c and exotic females and contrasts with Matisse 's emphasis on pass ive , pr imi t ive s e x u a l i t y . In place of the overblown curves of The  Blue Nude, Picasso exploi ted angular forms and used harsh l i g h t and natural colour to s tress the aggressivenss of his "ugly" female pros t i tu tes and to distance his subjects from t r a d i t i o n a l notions of female beauty in Western soc i e ty . The aggressive mood of P icacco's f igures is re inforced by a de l iberate confusion and displacement of e a s i l y recognizable signs of female gender I d e n t i f i c a t i o n which are instead symbolized by the f r u i t . To explain the di f ference in meaning between these two paintings in terms of the "ugly" female subject as a passive 28 v i c t i m or as a w i l l f u l aggressor, i t is e s sent ia l to examine the r e l a t i o n s h i p which existed between p o l i t i c s and c u l t u r e , and as w e l l , to examine the pos i t i on of the avant-garde in r e l a t i o n to representations of the female subject in popular cul ture and o f f i c i a l Salon pract i ce at the same moment. As the avant-garde used both high and low cul ture as i t s m a t e r i a l , a study of these opposing discourses can provide a key to the complex s tructure wherein the issues surrounding neo-co lonia l l sm and c lass struggle were connected through contemporaneous concepts of Or ienta l i sm and P r i m i t i v i s m . In terms of the avant-garde, and s p e c i f i c a l l y in the case of Matisse and Picasso , images of "ugly" women are O r i e n t a l i s t through t h e i r reference or response to the t r a d i t i o n a l representat ion of the e r o t i c and exot ic female as a sexual object . However, as Neo-Or ienta l i s t images which exp lo i t P r i m i t i v i s m , the di f ference in t h e i r meaning is evident when compared with popular and o f f i c i a l v i s u a l i z a t i o n s of the female subject . In formal terms the paintings by Matisse and Picasso are s i m i l a r through t h e i r extensive d i s t o r t i o n of the female f igure and therefore seem to be at variance with popular and o f f i c i a l representations of women. For example, i t was in the French popular press , in an i l l u s t r a t e d p e r i o d i c a l l i k e L ' A s s l e t t e au Beurre, where the question of the image of the "pr imi t iv ized" female subject as v i c t i m was viewed in r e l a t i o n to c lass d i f f erence . As w i l l 29 be shown at- a l a t er point , in th i s same discourse the powerful female was presented in r e l a t i o n to c lass struggle through the appropriat ion of the o f f i c i a l view of c l a s s i c a l beauty and not formally d i s t o r t e d as an "ugly" symbol of the working c l a s s . In the o f f i c i a l bourgeois ar t world of the Salon, the t r a d i t i o n a l portrayals of the subjected female at the mercy of the male aggressor continued to emphasize her p r i m i t i v e , less than human, female nature, a lso without formal d i s t o r t i o n . L a . J o i e Rouge, ( F i g . 3), by Georges Rochegrosse, is a pa int ing of 1906 which exhib i t s these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the c l a s s i c a l beauty of the female nude which were prevalent in the sphere of o f f i c i a l Salon a r t . Although for d i f f e r e n t reasons, as w i l l be demonstrated,, in both popular and o f f i c i a l d iscourses , the female image retained a r e l a t i o n s h i p with c l a s s i c a l notions of beauty. It was in the realm of o f f i c i a l cu l ture where the fa l se delus ion of Western bourgeois male s u p e r i o r i t y was nurtured by what may be termed a negative concept of P r i m i t i v i s m . How th i s negative concept of P r i m i t i v i s m , which was an e s sent ia l component of Orienta l i sm's Ideologica l author i ty and i t s importance to French neo-colonia l i sm in the e a r l y 20th century, was developed w i l l be explained by reference to c e r t a i n theories of P r i m i t i v i s m . As w i l l be seen, these theories focused on human di f ference as a means to categorize those who were "different" and were used to define race , sex and c l a s s . To counter th i s negative i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of 30 P r i m i t i v i s m with the non-Western peoples, women and the working c l a s s , segments of the popular press exposed the s o c i a l condi t ion of these marginalized s o c i a l groups in r e l a t i o n to c lass d i f f erence . As proponents of human emancipation and c r i t i c s of au thor i ty , the French popular press , exemplif ied by a p e r i o d i c a l such as L ' A s s l e t t e au Beurre, was conscious of the inhuman condi t ion of those groups affected by the negative connotation of P r i m i t i v i s m as i t was used as an instrument of domination. At the same time, i t was the French Marxist s o c i a l i s t s who used a 19th century concept, which suggested that women had been.powerful in ancient "primit ive" matr iarchal soc i e ty , to promote the cause of French working c lass women at the turn-o f - the -century . Of s ign i f i cance in the e a r l y 20th century is the choice of the French s o c i a l i s t feminists to confront bourgeois feminists over the issue of c lass when th i s issue was basic to French s o c i a l i s t debates over i d e n t i t y of the working c lass in the c lass s truggle . The h i s t o r y of the French s o c i a l i s t struggle is re lated to the changing c lass s tructure in France fol lowing the 2 bourgeois Revolution of the late 18th century. By the 19th century, the new dominant middle c l a s s , the bourgeois ie , had promised a new s o c i a l order founded on the revo lut ionary 3 p r i n c i c p l e s of " ' L i b e r t y , E q u a l i t y and F r a t e r n i t y . ' " In p r a c t i c e , however, the bourgeois philosophy of l i b e r a l i s m , which promoted the r ights of the Individual , .was appl icable 31 4 only to members of a c e r t a i n group. The r u l i n g middle c lass f i n a l l y es tabl i shed the Third French Republic in the 1870's and enjoyed s p e c i a l p r i v i l e g e s based on ownership of private 5 property . This value system, which afforded the French middle, white, masculine-dominated c lass i t s power and superior s tatus , denied these same r ight s to colonized peoples, women and the.working c l a s s , those who were "d i f ferent ," who were viewed as i n f e r i o r , through the author i ty of Orientabl i sm and the theory of P r i m i t i v i s m . Orienta l i sm's supporting concept, P r i m i t i v i s m , embodied the r a c i a l theories which supported the notions of r a c i a l , sexual 6 . ' .and c lass d i f f erence . The negative concept of P r i m i t i v i s m was a useful t o o l of domination in the economic, s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n in France at the end of the 19th century. As France's forest and a g r i c u l t u r a l economy was slowly eroded by modern forms of industry and transformed under the bourgeois economic system of c a p i t a l i s m , the r u r a l population was forced to f ind new 7 methods for s u r v i v a l . At the same moment that French Imperialism Intens i f ied and exerted new pressures upon non-Western c u l t u r e s , changes in land use patterns and t r a d i t i o n a l r u r a l labour p r a c t i c e s , which or ig inated in the mld-19th century, acce lerated , d i s p l a c i n g segments of the r u r a l population who were forced to seek work in the new Industries in the urban environment. 32 French Imperialism and the re s t ruc tur ing of French soc ie ty at i t s roots had a negative e f fect upon c o l o n i a l subjects , women and the working c l a s s , those designated as i n f e r i o r by the r u l i n g c l a s s , and who were dr iven to take steps to counteract t h e i r displacement in the s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l order . At c e r t a i n moments, the working c lass united with s o c i a l i s t supporters in a c lass struggle against the bourgeois oppressors. This movement was complex and by no means a progressive h i s t o r i c a l process without repress ive setbacks, yet a moment of uni ty occurred in the period of 1905-1908 when s o c i a l i s t concerns for s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l equa l i ty supported the cause of the c o l o n i a l subjects , women and the working c lass and 8 coalesced into a v i v i d expression of c lass s trugg le . The r e s u l t was the p o l a r i z a t i o n of the classes which d iv ided soc ie ty into two main opposing fac t ions; the bourgeois, who were in fear of and threatened by soc ia l i sm as a p o l i t i c a l force because of i t s support of c o l o n i a l peoples, women and the working c lass and i t s aim to abo l i sh pr ivate property; and the s o c i a l i s t s , who were faced with "embourgoisement" of the working c lass due to a p o l i t i c a l reformist trade-union organizations which weakened t h e i r cause based on c lass 9 s trugg le . This i d e o l o g i c a l polemic between the two fact ions was, of course, confused by the d i f f e r i n g notions of race, sex and c lass which were at issue in the period 1905 -10 1908. Simultaneously, a s h i f t in foreign p o l i c y and 33 c o l o n i a l pract i ce from a c q u i s i t i o n of land and peoples to the e x p l i c i t economic e x p l o i t a t i o n of French Imperialism, had dangerous nat ional and Internat ional impl i ca t ions . The p o s s i b i l i t y of war with Germany over Morocco dramat ica l ly 11 increased from 1905 - 1907. This factor provided the necessary impetus to the emerging neo-nat iona l i s t movement of the extreme r i g h t which clashed with s o c i a l i s t in ternat lona-12 l i s t i d e a l s . Economic competition due to c o l o n i a l development led to a c r i s i s in the south of France in the summer of 1907. The u p r i s i n g s , caused by problems in the wine markets, verged on c i v i l war s i g n a l l i n g a new unrest in 13 r u r a l French soc i e ty . The i l l u s t r a t e d p e r i o d i c a l , L ' A s s i e t t e au Beurre, which appeared weekly from the spr ing of 1901 u n t i l the f a l l of 1912, i s one source of v i s u a l mater ia l of French popular 14 c u l t u r e . A s a t i r i c c r i t i q u e of o f f i c i a l Republican soc ie ty , th i s p e r i o d i c a l promoted the s o c i a l and economic emancipation of the working c l a s s . The concerns and the d i s t r i b u t i o n of L ' A s s i e t t e au Beurre Were nat ional and in ternat iona l and the*general e d i t o r i a l p o l i c y was character ized by an entrenched opposit ion to a l l i n s t i t u t i o n s of a u t h o r i t y . This s a t i r i c c r i t i q u e of French soc ie ty often included images of women and these offer clues to the way in which women were valued in a s p e c i f i c counter -cu l ture . The meaning and function of these images a lso reveals issues of c lass c o n f l i c t . 34 A3 w i l l be demonstrated, many o£ the a r t i s t s were influenced by the doctr ine of Revolutionary Syndical ism, a m i l i t a n t working c lass notion of worker ac t iv i sm d irec ted against the bourgeois state and i t s economic system of 15 c a p i t a l i s m . Revolutionary Syndical ism d i f f e r e d from the p o l i t i c a l aims and methods of the e lected s o c i a l i s t s who looked upon the economic organizat ion of the working c lass as 16 one stage of the c lass s trugg le . The di f ference in focus was part of a major ideo log i ca l c lash which d iv ided the French l e f t , and which had i t s roots in the mid-19th century debate between Proudhon and Marx concerning the s ign i f i cance 17 of c lass s trugg le . I t was Proudhon who f i r s t recognized the working c lass as a d i s t i n c t s o c i a l group defined by the i r common p o s i t i o n as wage labourers . Proudhon's concept of syndica l i sm was based on an a p o l i t i c a l organizat ion of the working c lass who were to be united through t h e i r s i m i l a r 18 interests for mutual s o c i a l and economic benef i t . By 1902, syndica l i sm had taken a new form and working c lass syndicates were i n f i l t r a t e d by m i l i t a n t anarchists many of whom had adopted new and v i o l e n t methods which brought repressive ac t ion from the dominant a u t h o r i t i e s . Their methods were at odds with both the exis tant bourgeois syndicates and reformist working c lass syndicates and as well opened debate on the revo lut ionary l e f t ' with the elected 19 Marxist s o c i a l i s t s . Within th i s context, L ' A s s i e t t e au  Beurre stands as an important document of the working c lass 35 ( s t r u g g l e and o c c u p i e s a space on the ext reme l e f t i n opposit ion to the dominant c u l t u r e . Indeed, a controversy which centered upon L ' A s s i e t t e au Beurre erupted in the f a l l of 1905 as a r e s u l t of the v i s u a l expression of c lass di f ference and working c lass condi t ions . The issue of September 30th, 1905 of L ' A s s i e t t e au Beurre was removed from 20 c i r c u l a t i o n at i t s P a r i s i a n o u t l e t s . An ensuing debate over freedom of expression confirmed the mood of fear in the conservative element of bourgeois soc ie ty which f e l t threatened by the v i s i b i l i t y and increased organizat ion of 21 the working c l a s s . However, in sp i te of i t s f r a g i l e e x i s t e n c e L ' A s s i e t t e au Beurre continued to be publ ished. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , the representat ion of the female as a v i c t i m of r a c i a l , sexual and c lass e x p l o i t a t i o n was the subject of a ser ies of i l l u s t r a t e d cartoons by Radiguet in the March 17th, 1906 issue of L"Assiette au Beurre, e n t i t l e d "Images Morales ." For example, L ' E t a t Depravateur ( F i g . 4) i s a dep ic t ion of the state-supported Ecole des Beaux-Arts which has been re-named " l 'ecble de pornographie." Radiguet attacked the bourgeois t r a d i t i o n which supported the"use of l i v e , nude models as subjects for paintings for which honour and gold medals were offered as reward. He p ic tured the "maitres pornographes" . . . en compagnie de nymphes denudees. Et i l s reproduiront a. l ' i n f i n i les formes provocantes, voluptuees, de ces impudiques creatures . E t , ce fa i sant , i l s acquerront g l o i r e et fortune. 22 36 Most object ionable to him was the pos i t ion of these older a r t i s t s at L 'Eco l e des Beaux-Arts as teachers of the younger generation of men and women of the bourgeois c lass in " . . . 23 1'etude abhoree du nu." This p r a c t i c e , which assured the cont inu i ty of bourgeois morals, was not condemned by the guardians of publ ic moral i ty such as Senator Rene Berenger, the senator responsible for the censorship .laws. In fac t , i t was noted in the accompanying text that: " . . . M. Berenger 24 ne d i t r i e n . " Le Couturier Pornographe ( F i g . 5) in the same issue, described the world of the couturier sa lon , the bast ion of the fashion industry so important to bourgeois c a p i t a l i s m , - as a torture chamber where the female model was v i c t i m i z e d . The couturier is shown e r o t i c i z i n g the model's natural form by squeezing her into a corset which accentuates her breasts and h ips . The caption explains that "Cet a r t i s t e est un infame 25 deformateur de la beaute feminine. C'est erotomane . . . " In comparison, the statue of the Venus de Milo i s p ic tured as r e s i s t i n g th i s unnatural conformity to the e r o t i c needs of the bourgeois male through her untransformed, natural nudity . La frequentation des oeuvres d ' a r t l u i a demontre combien le nu est peu exci tant . . . Combien peu l a chair est emue devant l a Venus de M i l o , par exemple. Et son e s p r i t satanique s 'est acharne a mettre en valeur tout ce q u i , dans l a femme, peut exc i ter l a concupiscence. 26 The natural form of the female v i c t i m has been re-formed and deformed by the male creat ive genius, the c o u t u r i e r , Into the 37 desired image of a female, degraded to s u i t the bourgeois male's need for her as the object of his sexual pleasure to ensure his i d e n t i t y with power, mascul in i ty , potency--his 27 v i r i l i t y . Pour les Berengeres ( F i g . 6) i s a s a t i r i c analys i s of the s ta te ' s attempt to regulate p r o s t i t u t i o n , an i n s t i t u t i o n which revealed the power re la t ionsh ips of race , sex and c l a s s . The v i s i b i l i t y of p r o s t i t u t i o n was a threat to bourgeois morals and order according to Senator Berenger, who was a lso the head of the extra-parl iamentary committee set up to invest igate and contro l the White Slave Trade, which was the g lobal market for p r o s t i t u t i o n . The pros t i tu te was seen as a necessary commodity by the bourgeois but, i f too 28 v i s i b l e , as a dangerous example to honest bourgeois women. The image of the pros t i tu te presented in L ' A s s i e t t e au  Beurre during th i s period was that of a powerless v i c t i m , demoralized and diseased. Radiguet's text and i l l u s t r a t i o n s showed the process by which young g i r l s a r r i v e d in Par i s from the provinces to be lured into clandestine p r o s t i t u t i o n under the guise of c h a r i t y . They are greeted at the t r a i n s tat ions by "saintes femmes" and placed as servants in the homes of the bourgeois where they become the objects of seduct ion. Young c i t y g i r l s , "midinettes" who p l i e d t h e i r trade in the s t r e e t s , were i d e n t i f i e d and reprimanded, while the most debauched of a l l , "les courtisanes les plus huppees," of the b r o t h e l , "la maison de passe" were encouraged to reform by 38 29 "l'exemple du t r a v a i l et de l a ver tu ." Radiguet thus uncovered, the r e a l c lass hypocrisy in the a t t i tude of the bourgeois towards the growth of c landest ine p r o s t i t u t i o n . The placement of young r u r a l g i r l s in questionably safe environments, that is the homes of the bourgeois, contradicted o f f i c i a l e f for t s to contro l the in t erna t iona l 30 t r a f f i c in p r o s t i t u t e s , The White Slave Trade. The bourgeois d id not consider p r o s t i t u t i o n to have value as work and viewed a l l pros t i tu tes as lazy and n a t u r a l l y 31 degenerate. In fac t , studies have shown that pros t i tu tes were mainly recru i t ed from the lower c lasses , that is women who were d isplaced from t h e i r r u r a l or ig ins t r y i n g to survive in the increas ing ly i n d u s t r i a l i z e d soc ie ty as members of the urban p r o l e t a r i a t . These "lower working class" women were drawn into c landest ine a c t i v i t y in Par i s or into the White Slave Trade where they were treated l i k e exotic commodities 32 for export to world markets. Radiguet was e x p l i c i t l y commenting on the fate of r u r a l working c lass women as v ict ims of p r o s t i t u t i o n in Par is who were forced into p r o s t i t u t i o n for s u r v i v a l at the service of the bourgeois and who suffered degredation and condemnation at the hands of the bourgeois. It i s important to note that the image of the pros t i tu te as a degenerate was entrenched in,Proudhon's p a r t i c u l a r brand of soc ia l i sm in the mid-nineteenth century. In his wr i t ings , he projected the image of the pros t i tu te as one who was both 39 33 unnatural and ugly . He viewed a l l women who were Involved in re la t ionsh ips outside a mutual, devoted form of marriage as leaving themselves open to the r i s k of acquir ing the degenerate c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the p r o s t i t u t e . This viewpoint was s i m i l a r to the bourgeois v i s i o n of the pros t i tu te as degenerate and subhuman. In contrast , French Marxist s o c i a l i s t s agreed with Marx and Engels that the i n s t i t u t i o n of bourgeois marriage was in i t s e l f a form of p r o s t i t u t i o n and the cause of d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n s producing the necess i ty for 34 commercialized p r o s t i t u t i o n . Paule Mink, a s o c i a l i s t feminist ac t ive in the 1880's, blamed the condi t ion of poverty imposed on women workers as the cause of p r o s t i t u t i o n by forc ing them to supplement t h e i r inadequate wages--the same inadequate wages which were paid to t h e i r male 35 counterparts . Thus, as ear ly as 1883 she considered. c a p i t a l i s m to be the cause of the female worker's misery which resul ted In her state of double oppression as producer and sexual objec t—"'Chair a t r a v a i l , . . . chair a 36 p l a i s i r ! ' " Paul Lafargue, a French Marxist s o c i a l i s t a c t i v e l y wr i t ing around the turn-of - the -century , i d e n t i f i e d the bourgeois male's greed for sexual g r a t i f i c a t i o n through p r o s t i t u t i o n as an e s p e c i a l l y destruct ive force to that c lass because of the r i s k of venereal disease. Lafargue trans ferred the image of v i c t i m i z a t i o n and degeneration from the female pros t i tu te to the bourgeois male consumer, who, through his greed for power, guaranteed his s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n 40 37 as a v i c t i m of the powerfully dangerous female. Within th i s t r a d i t i o n , L ' A s s i e t t e au Beurre, d id not project the pros t i tu te as a powerful and dangerous force , but as a powerless v i c t i m at the mercy of the a u t h o r i t a r i a n 38 bourgeois. The representat ion of the female nude in L ' A s s i e t t e au Beurre a lso functioned in r e l a t i o n to the l i b e r t a r i a n cause of the Revolut ionary S y n d i c a l i s t s . I l l u s t r a t e d on the cover of the issue of A p r i l 14th, 1906, stood a female nude under the t i t l e of La L i b e r t e , ( F i g . 7) . Her personi f i ed form in the context of th i s issue, which was a c r i t i q u e of repress ive , a u t h o r i t a r i a n governments, is an obvious a l l u s i o n to De lacro ix ' s v i c t o r i o u s L i b e r t y Leading the People of 1830. However, La L i b e r t e i s a s a t i r i c comment upon the repress ive p o l i c i e s of the r a d i c a l government of The Third French 39 Republic in the e l e c t o r a l year of 1906. Although, as Theodore Ze ld in has s tated , "Liberty was the r e p u b l i c ' s f i r s t 40 p r i n c i p l e . " the Republ ic , in 1906, was using m i l i t a r y force to contro l domestic s t r i f e caused by the s t r i k e and a n t i -m i l i t a r y a c t i v i t i e s of m i l i t a n t t rade -un ion i s t s , the 41 Revolutionary S y n d i c a l i s t s . Thus, in 1906, the s o l i t a r y , dejected f igure of La  L i b e r t e p ic tured on the cover of L ' A s s i e t t e au Beurre, stands on the stone parapet of a p r i s o n . This woman ra ises her arms in a symbolic gesture of r e a l anguish projec t ing an image of d i s i l lus ionment instead of the v i c tor ious pose of De lacro ix ' s 41 female. The female portrayed as La L iber te in L ' A s s i e t t e au Beurre has a f f i n i t i e s with c l a s s i c a l representations of feminine beauty in the academic t r a d i t i o n through her nudity and the e r o t i c emphasis on the l ine of her breast , torso and hip effected by the upward movement of her arms. However, t r a d i t i o n a l academic s trateg ies are disrupted by the absence of c l a s s i c a l i l l u s i o n , the expected hor izonta l pose and the long, f a i r flowing hair of academia. She is not an object for a bourgeois male power fantasy, nor i s she a p r o s t i t u t e , but she is a symbol of anguish in r e l a t i o n to c lass s truggle . Serving as a symbol for the l i b e r t a r i a n cause of the Revolutionary S y n d i c a l i s t s , La L iber te is flanked on her l e f t by two l i s t s of names which are h ighl ighted by a background s t r i p of br ight orange. Heading the l i s t are the names of the a r t i s t s ' i m p r i s o n e d col leagues , most of whom were known to 4 2 be e i ther Revolutionary Synd ica l i s t s or the i r sympathizers. Below are l i s t e d the names of the a r t i s t s who were "free." The issue, for which th i s i l l u s t r a t i o n acted as a frontespiece , was dedicated to imprisoned l e f t i n t e l l e c t u a l s who had themselves contributed to some of the contents from t h e i r pr ison c e l l s . Of the many comments within the issue i t s e l f was a b i t t e r statement by one of the a c t i v i s t s , Laporte , interned at La Sante. He mocked the Republican concept of l i b e r t y in 1906 with the fol lowing statement: Laporte wrote: 4 2 La l i b e r t e ! P r i v i l e g e des a i g r e f i n s , des agioteurs et des a r r i v i s t e s ; seuls , les imbeciles ont f o i en ce mot en regime c a p i t a l i s t e . 43 Thus, the dejected female f igure of La L i b e r t e , when juxtaposed to the l i s t s of the names of male a c t i v i s t s , acted in r e l a t i o n to the l i b e r t a r i a n aspect of c lass s truggle . This image's r e l a t i o n s h i p with Delacro ix ' s representat ion of L i b e r t y Leading the People was s a t i r i c , e s p e c i a l l y as the revo lut ion of 1830 was a v i c t o r y for the "upper middle 44 c l a s s . " In terms of France's revo lut ionary past . La L iber te functioned as the symbol of the f a i l u r e of Republican promises of freedom and of the d i s i l lus ionment on the l e f t . This emphasis upon freedom by the m i l i t a n t l e f t was d i f f e r e n t from the emphasis upon equa l i ty promoted by the Marxist s o c i a l i s t s . Also of great s ign i f i cance to the representat ion of women in a close r e l a t i o n s h i p with c lass struggle was the a r t i s t , Grandjuoan's cover i l l u s t r a t i o n , l e r mai ( F i g . 8), for the A p r i l 28th, 1906 issue of L ' A s s i e t t e au-Beurre. C l e a r l y intended as propoganda for the new strategy of d i r e c t ac t ion c a l l e d for by the Confederation Generale du T r a v a i l , ( C . G . T . ) , the organized vehic le for the doctr ine of Revolutionary Syndical ism, th i s representat ion of women functioned as a force fu l symbol of the power of women in the context of c lass struggle and s p e c i f i c a l l y in r e l a t i o n to the 45 c a l l for a general s t r i k e of 1906. 43 Grandjouan chose the Image of three females to personify the d i f f e r e n t 8-hour periods of a 24-hour day, in turn , to s i g n i f y the eight hours of work, eight hours of l e i sure and eight hours of sleep demanded by the working c l a s s . Although transformed to serve the needs of the organized working c l a s s , the three females represented s a t i r i c a l l y a l lude to the Three Graces of c l a s s i c a l myth and to the c l a s s i c a l t r a d i t i o n of the French academy. The nude or semi-nude females are not degraded but are subt ly e r o t i c i z e d by the placement of the garlands of flowers which surround the numeric "8" designated to each f igure and which conceal and c a l l a t t ent ion to the gen i ta l area . These garlands functioned to connect these f igures to the t r a d i t i o n a l seasonal f e r t i l i t y f e s t i v a l s which had the i r roots in ancient c l a s s i c a l soc ie ty and which were of s ign i f i cance in the May ce lebrat ions of the French peasant cul ture and In the contemporary organizat ion of the r u r a l workers in the c lass 46 s truggle . Thus, in th i s image the female worker/reproducer was c l e v e r l y l inked as a new c u l t f igure through her described feminine "nature" and powerful status as goddess to both the c lass struggle of the i n d u s t r i a l i z e d p r o l e t a r i a t and to r u r a l labour. It was known In the 19th century, that while females dominated under matr iarchal s o c i a l systems in a n t i q u i t y , by the c l a s s i c a l per iod , p a t r i a r c h a l soc ie ty superceded matr iarchal soc i e ty . Subsequently enslaved as a sexual object the. female's power was re la ted to the Western 44 idea l of beauty and reproductive c a p a b i l i t y , with women no longer being viewed as dominant e i ther i n t e l l e c t u a l l y or 47 i n s p i r a t i o n a l l y . In his e f f o r t to promote the cause of c lass s truggle , in 1906, Grandjouan produced an i l l u s i o n of female power by transforming the goddesses of c l a s s i c a l myth into representations that re ferred to the working c lass in the period of monopoly c a p i t a l i s m . Grandjouan chose to e f fect th i s transformation by changing the d e t a i l s of the head and face of the f igure on the l e f t of the i l l u s t r a t i o n to depict a female worker representing the 8 hours of "work." Although she is armed with a pick-axe to represent labour th i s image produces an i l l u s i o n to the r e a l s i t u a t i o n . o f working women and phys ica l labour. The pos i t i on of women workers in France in r e l a t i o n to both phys ica l labour and to the syndicates was somewhat problematic . While the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of women in various sectors of industry was Increasing, as was t h e i r presence in the syndicates , women were not h ighly v i s i b l e in occupations requ ir ing hard, 44 phys ica l labour, nor in s t r i k e a c t i v i t y . Grandjouan's por traya l of "leisure" in the l e r mai i l l u s t r a t i o n is c loser to the t r a d i t i o n a l c l a s s i c nude. The gaze of th i s f igure is i n d i r e c t , her f a i r h a i r , long and flowing and her f a i r , smooth sk in and youthful a t tract iveness add to the i l l u s i o n of l e i s u r e . She functions as the symbol of the l e i sure time which the working c lass were denied. 45 while th i s f i gure , as an Image o£ female beauty Is seductive, the element of bourgeois enjoyment of her body as a male power fantasy is e f f e c t i v e l y blocked by the content of c lass struggle which th i s i l l u s t r a t i o n projects in the changed form of the c l a s s i c a l goddesses into symbols of c lass s trugg le . The most r e a l i s t i c f igure of the t r i o is the dark-haired image of "Sleep" whose deeply shadowed face is the least "beautiful" and whose p a r t i a l l y draped f igure is the l eas t e r o t i c . She functions more as a f o i l for the stereotype of l e i sure at center . These feminine forms, the pink blossoming garlands and blooms of the background tree almost o b l i t e r a t e the crowd of working c lass mi l i t an t s whose faces are represented as "ugly" which appear from behind the t r i o of females in co lour less and mask-like form. Grandjouan has s a t i r i c a l l y replaced the image of the lower c lass women as "ugly" with c l a s s i c a l beauties who function as act ive and i n s p i r a t i o n a l leaders for the economic struggle of the French working c l a s s . Although the Revolutionary Synd ica l i s t s promoted the economic emancipation of women and were c loser to the economic p o l i c i e s of the Marxist s o c i a l i s t s in 1906, i t was the reformist element that retained Proudhon's a n t i -feminist tendancies. Proudhon's influence was s t i l l f e l t by those male workers who saw female workers as a threat to male employment in the ear ly 20th century. It was the Marxist s o c i a l i s t s who were the advocates of the emancipation of women as sexual , economic and p o l i t i c a l equals . In fac t , 46 s o c i a l i s t feminists separated t h e i r cause from that of the bourgeois feminists at the beginning of the 20th century over the issue of c lass d i f f erence . S o c i a l i s t feminists promoted t h e i r struggle for equa l i ty within the s tructure of the s o c i a l i s t party where p o l i t i c a l , as well as sexual and 49 economic equa l i ty was a p o s s i b i l i t y . The images of women in L ' A s s l e t t e au Beurre, as sexual v ict ims of bourgeois i n s t i t u t i o n s were counterposed to the i l l u s i o n of power projected through the i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to c lass struggle as members of the working c l a s s . This attempt to elevate the pos i t i on of working c lass women pictured in the s o c i a l i s t popular press clashed with the female images in the dominant o f f i c i a l cu l ture where she was presented as a powerless object of bourgeois male power fantasy. However, in L ' A s s i e t t e au Beurre female power functioned in r e l a t i o n to c lass struggle and working c lass females were neither s t r i c t l y c u l t f igures of goddesses nor were they "ugly" women. Louis Cheval ier has shown how the popular c lasses in France acquired the charac ter i za t ion of "ugly" in the 19th century and were described as i n f e r i o r r a c i a l l y . This image of ugl iness evolved from the need of the bourgeois to protect 50 t h e i r p r i v i l e g e d i d e n t i t y as " c i v i l i z e d . " In the 19th century, the labouring c lass was considered in the same 51 context as the cr imina l element by the bourgeois. As we l l , Cheval ier explained that the lower classes were character ized 47 by the bourgeois as Infer ior with r a c i s t language such as the 52 terms: ". . . ' b a r b a r e s ' , 'sauvages', 'nomades',. . ." The labouring c lass in the 19th century were i d e n t i f i e d as "ugly" and menacing through assoc iat ions with people who were d i f f e r e n t and therefore of i n f e r i o r r a c i a l o r i g i n s . Cheval ier es tabl i shed that in the context of the e a r l y 19th century, although the imagery of popular cul ture appeared to refute th i s r a c i s t image, "Cette re fu ta t ion est une 53 acceptat ion ." Therefore, the lower classes began to i d e n t i f y with the r a c i s t image of i n f e r i o r i t y fo i s ted upon 54 them by the bourgeois. The representat ion of working c lass women in the popular press , exemplif ied by L ' A s s i e t t e au Beurre, in the e a r l y 20th century, refused the i d e n t i t y of "ugly" and u n c i v i l i z e d to express c lass d i f f erence . Instead, Grandjuoan s a t i r i c a l l y appropriated and transformed the dominant Western idea l of female beauty. In contrast , an o f f i c i a l Salon work of a r t l i k e the O r i e n t a l i s t image of La Joie Rouge, 1906, which operated within the c l a s s i c a l t r a d i t i o n , retained th i s idea l of female beauty to exp lo i t the concept of human d i f f erence . The dominant view of the female as a powerless object was rejected by L ' A s s i e t t e au Beurre in r e l a t i o n to c lass s truggle , whi le , as w i l l be shown, in Rochegrosse's O r i e n t a l i s t p o r t r a y a l , the female was p ic tured as r a c i a l l y p r i m i t i v e and humanly d i f f e r e n t . 48 The images produced by Matisse and Picasso in 1907, operated within these categories of constructed human d i f f erence . Matisse 's The Blue Nude functioned as the t r a d i t i o n a l powerless female v i c t i m of O r i e n t a l i s t imagery whose r a c i a l and sexual d i f ference was emphasized with d i s t o r t e d form, yet recognizably symbolic of the Western idea l of female beauty. Picasso 's Les Demoiselles d'Avignon, refused th i s t r a d i t i o n a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the Western idea l of female beauty and p a s s i v i t y and were transformed through t h e i r d i s tor ted form into f igures of aggression and power and appear to function in r e l a t i o n to c lass s t rugg le . The "ugly" subjects produced by Matisse and Picasso are consciously or unconsciously transformed through the d i f f e r e n t a t t i tude each a r t i s t had towards the concept of P r i m i t i v i s m and the dominant idea l of female beauty. It is within the t r a d i t i o n of P r i m i t i v i s m , as an i d e o l o g i c a l construct ion based on at t i tudes towards human di f ference that Neo-Or ienta l i s t paintings of female pros t i tu tes must be s tudied . The notion of human di f ference is centra l to Said's argument that the "main i n t e l l e c t u a l issue" of Orienta l i sm is i t s e l f the concept of the d i v i s i o n of humanity into categories of i n f e r i o r and superior which are the very ideologies which support the re la t ionsh ips of power. Said's analys i s of the power s tructures inherent in Orienta l i sm pointed to the importance of categor iz ing humans into 49 d i v i s i o n s of race , sex and c l a s s . He wrote: For such d i v i s i o n s are genera l i t i e s whose use h i s t o r i c a l l y and a c t u a l l y has been to press the importance of the d i s t i n c t i o n between some men and some other men, usua l ly towards not e s p e c i a l l y admirable ends. 55 Linda Nochlin used Said's thes is to deconstruct 19th century O r i e n t a l i s t paintings to unve i l the power s tructures i m p l i c i t in these paint ings by s p e c i f i c a l l y examining the way in which images of women functioned. She considered the paintings to be s i g n i f i c a n t " . . . a s p o l i t i c a l documents at a time of p a r t i c u l a r l y act ive m i l i t a r y intervent ion in North 56 A f r i c a . " Nochl in 's study re f l ec ted upon the conquest of A l g e r i a by the French in the 19th century and the r e l a t i o n s h i p of p o l i t i c s to cu l ture in accordance with h i s t o r i c a l f ac t . She stated that: . . . "Orientalism" I t s e l f in the v i s u a l ar t s is simply a category of obfuscation, masking important d i s t i n c t i o n s under the r u b r i c of the picturesque, supported by the i l l u s i o n of the r e a l . 57 At the turn-of - the -century , the Co lon ia l M i n i s t r y had made an o f f i c i a l attempt to revive O r i e n t a l i s t pa int ing through publ ic exhib i t ions of O r i e n t a l i s t paint ings from the 58 19th century. In 1903, Camille Maucla ir , a conservative c r i t i c , when confronted with the number of O r i e n t a l i s t paint ings from the 19th century, lamented the lack of 59 contemporary O r i e n t a l i s t pa int ings . However, he d id mention one contemporary a r t i s t with t i e s to both France's 50 O r i e n t a l i s t pa int ing t r a d i t i o n and to French cul ture in North A f r i c a , Georges Rochegrosse. Mauclair suggested that I n d i r e c t l y M. Rochegrosse may be connected with or i en ta l i sm. Although he is only concerned with i t from the point of view of h i s t o r y , he has placed many of his compositions into r e a l Alger ian landscapes. His beaut i fu l and. learned i l l u s t r a t i o n to "Salammbo," among others, has been f a i t h f u l l y reconstructed on the very spots where the war of the Mercenaries took place , and the a r t i s t has brought back from his annual v i s i t s to A lg i er s a number of v i b r a t i n g studies which might take a place among the best of th i s epoch. 60 Maucla ir , an avid supporter of the Impressionists as French t r a d i t i o n a l i s t s who had a c l a s s i c a l respect for the human f igure and c o l o u r f u l landscape, appreciated 19th century O r i e n t a l i s t pa int ing for the same reasons. In a d d i t i o n , he praised Rochegrosse for his love of the Orient and considered him to be a c r u c i a l f igure in the r e v i v a l of O r i e n t a l i s t pa int ing with i t s c o l o n i a l content which, in the context of the 20th century, i n d i r e c t l y supported neo-co lonia l i sm. He stressed the importance of th i s a r t i s t who pic tured France's c o l o n i a l t e r r i t o r y in North A f r i c a in the form of h i s t o r y p a i n t i n g , . t h e highest category of the French academic t r a d i t i o n . Rochegrosse's a b i l i t y to fuse O r i e n t a l i s t and h i s t o r y pa int ing prompted Mauclair to describe Rochegrosse as an important representat ive of a forsaken branch of pa in t ing , which he rev ives , infus ing into i t a strange v i t a l i t y enamoured of luxury and blood. 61 La Jole Rouge, the pa int ing by Georges Rochegrosse, made a dramatic impact at the 1906 spr ing Salon des A r t i s t e s 51 Franca l s . The subject o£ the pa in t ing , the c l a s s i c a l theme of rape, was presented in an O r i e n t a l i s t s t y l e . Under the guise of a h i s t o r y pa in t ing , La Joie Rouge functioned in r e l a t i o n to French neo-co lonia l i sm in the ear ly 20th century. This r e l a t i o n s h i p can be c l a r i f i e d by deconstructing the s trateg ies of Western bourgeois male power inherent in 19th century O r i e n t a l i s t pa in t ing , which centered on the image of the nude female in the context of the ear ly 20th century. It was J . P. C r e s p e l l e , who, in 1966 commented upon Rochegrosse's a f f i n i t y with the 19th century French O r i e n t a l i s t t r a d i t i o n and his connection with North A f r i c a . S i tua t ing the a r t i s t in th i s .context, Crespel le noted that Rochegrosse 1s s p e c i a l t y was "le nu sensuel" and that he followed Delacro ix ' s lead in the imaginative presentation of a "rahat-lokoum." Crespel le p ictured Rochegrosse as "un manlaque de l a recons t l tu t ion h l s t o r l q u e . " who, as Gerome 62 before him, had t r a v e l l e d in North A f r i c a . In her study, Nochlin found Gerome's rea l i sm as a v i s u a l in t erpre ta t ion wherein " . . . the Near East existed as an actua l place to be 63 myst i f ied with ef fects of realness . . . " On the other hand she explained Delacro ix ' s Romantic Or ienta l i sm as a dep ic t ion of the Near East ' s existence as a project of the imagination, a fantasy space or screen onto which strong d e s i r e s — e r o t i c , s a d i s t i c or both--could be projected with impunity. 64 Nochlin suggested that i t was these fantasies " . . . of forbidden passions--the a r t i s t ' s own fantasies . . ." which 52 revealed " . . . the contemporary Frenchmen's power over women. . . " This power, according to Nochl in , was " . . . both contro l l ed and mediated by the ideology of the e r o t i c in 65 De lacro ix ' s t ime." A power by which by which the enjoyment of the female body was produced through the i r very des truc t ion , which Nochlin suggested was the funct ion of 66 " De lacro ix ' s Death of Sardanapalus, 1827-1828. Nochlin connected th i s Western male power fantasy, in which the a r t i s t ' s sexual access to his model's body was re la ted to 67 male v io lence , to c lass values . La Jole Rouge is a graphic v i s i o n of a male power fantasy in the form of an academic h i s t o r y pa int ing which functioned in r e l a t i o n to the dominant cul ture in France in 1906. The subject is a v i o l e n t , murderous rape yet , through i t s c l a s s i c a l references and O r i e n t a l i s t s ty l e the pa int ing avoids e x p l i c i t a l l u s i o n to the issues of French domestic and foreign p o l i c y , such as c lass struggle and neo-co lonia l i sm, the message of r a c i a l , sexual and c lass dominance is concealed within i t s form and content. Rochgrosse's subject , of v i o l e n t male enjoyment of female f lesh made s p e c i f i c references to t r a d i t i o n a l representations of women. The portraya l of th i s subject promoted French c l a s s i c i s m ' s debt to Poussin, r e c a l l i n g Poussin's p a i n t i n g , The Rape of the Sabine Women, c. 1636. The voluptuous r e c l i n i n g nude in the lower r i g h t corner of La Joie Rouge r e c a l l s T i t i a n ' s nude in his p a i n t i n g , 53 Bacchanal, c.1518, and evokes French c l a s s i c i s m ' s debt to the 16th century I t a l i a n Renaissance t r a d i t i o n of paintings of female nudes for wealthy, powerful male patrons. At the same time, Rochegrosse's s ty l e i s O r i e n t a l i s t and implies an i n d i r e c t reference to North A f r i c a . In Rochegrosse's pa in t ing , a group of males mounted on horseback, v i o l e n t l y overpower a group of nude women. The males are themselves clothed in Roman bat t l e a t t i r e in contrast to the females who are e n t i r e l y nude. The s ing le t r a d i t i o n a l r e c l i n i n g nude is sprawled suggest ively in the lower r i g h t corner of the canvas where her ent ire form can e a s i l y be enjoyed by the spectator . The males wear grins of pleasure as the women's blood flows from the v i o l e n t struggle and mingles with the profusion of exot ic blossoms. As Nochlin has explained, th i s " . . . d i s p l a y of naked, powerless women to c lothed, powerful men— in a v a r i e t y of g u i s e s , . . . " was a t y p i c a l 19th century O r i e n t a l i s t pa int ing strategy symbolic of male power of which the ult imate in male domination was the fantasy of "sexual 6 8 pleasure and murder." Rochegrosse, applying these s t ra teg i e s , has emphasized female i n f e r i o r i t y through the d i s p l a y of female nudity without d i r e c t l y d i s t o r t i n g the f l esh of his l i v e models. These women are intended to be viewed as passive vict ims whose sexual d i f ference is understood in terms of t h e i r r a c i a l primit iveness constructed as an a f f i n i t y with the lush , natural forms of the landscape. While overt references to class , struggle and neo-co lonia l i sm 54 are absent from the paint ing they are concealed in the expression of the Roman m i l i t a r y power of the males who represent the epitome of Western c i v i l i z a t i o n , dominated by white, bourgeois heterosexual males. Their dominant pos i t i on is re inforced by the inference of the natural i n f e r i o r i t y of the female who was both r a c i a l l y and sexual ly d i f f e r e n t . The Orienta l i sm of La Joie Rouge, in sp i te of the avoidance of d i r e c t reference to North A f r i c a , can be understood through Said's t h e s i s . Said has e f f e c t i v e l y explained how "subst i tut ion and displacement" work as O r i e n t a l i s t s trateg ies and . in discuss ions of the Or ient , the Orient is a l l absence, whereas one feels the O r i e n t a l i s t and what he says as presence; yet we must not forget that the O r i e n t a l i s t ' s presence is enabled by the Or ien t ' s e f f ec t ive absence. 69 Therefore, Rochegrosse's choice of a c l a s s i c a l subject and O r i e n t a l i s t s ty l e acts to disguise the contemporary meaning of the paint ing and i t s function in r e l a t i o n to French neo-co lonia l i sm. As w e l l , Nochlin has shown how these s trateg ies of absence are inherent in 19th Century 70 O r i e n t a l i s t p a i n t i n g . In p a r t i c u l a r , i t is through the representat ion of the female as p r i m i t i v e l y sexual , powerless v ict ims which enhanced Western bourgeois male s u p e r i o r i t y . The audiences receptive to La Joie Rouge in 1906 can be e a s i l y i d e n t i f i e d . S p e c i f i c a l l y , the pa int ing a t trac ted the a t tent ion and the approval of p r o - c o l o n i a l i s t , n a t i o n a l i s t , commercial and o f f i c i a l c i r c l e s of French c u l t u r e . As was 55 Its usual p r a c t i c e , the P a r i s i a n newspaper, L ' i l l u s t r a t i o n presented the spr ing Salon of the Societe des A r t i s t e s Francais with an extensive photographic d i sp lay in the A p r i l 28, 1906 i ssue . This pub l i ca t ion coincided with Grandjuoan's l er mal s t r i k e manifesto in L ' A s s i e t t e au Beurre. L ' I l l u s t r a t i o n , reproduced La Joie Rouge in a double-paged, black and white photograph which would reach i t s 71 Internat ional audience. In contrast to L ' A s s i e t t e au Beurre's s a t i r i c attack on French Republican values , and dominant, a u t h o r i t a r i a n soc i e t i e s worldwide, L ' I l l u s t r a t i o n appealed to those values by providing the bourgeois and upper classes with up-to-date information on high soc ie ty , fashion, and p o l i t i c s on a g lobal s c a l e . Evident in numerous photographs and accompanying texts was the journa l ' s pro-c o l o n i a l point of view which emphasized the a v a i l a b i l i t y of r i c h resources and the potent ia l markets which could be found in A f r i c a . Proposals for the continued penetration of A f r i c a n t e r r i t o r i e s and assurances of the success of government p o l i c i e s for native p a c i f i c a t i o n were elementary to i t s p r o - c o l o n i a l thrus t . To reassure i t s audience that the natives were in fact benef i t ing from neo-co lon ia l enterprises photographic depict ions of r i t u a l , native t r i b a l dances were used as proof that dancing natives were indeed happy nat ives! In th i s same way.and in the same year, La  Joie Rouge could serve to j u s t i f y male chauvinism as a noble enterprise expressed in terms of a h i s t o r y pa int ing which 56 masked i t s r e a l contemporary message. This delus ion of power, through the strategy of male fantasy would appeal to th i s readership as a counter-image to the i l l u s i o n s of female working c lass power depicted in the the s o c i a l i s t popular press . Le Matin , a major n a t i o n a l i s t P a r i s i a n d a i l y , a lso played up the importance of La Joie Rouge. The review of the Salon was accompanied with a lphabet ica l l i s t i n g s and a de ta i l ed map of the Salon to guide the viewing publ ic to the exact locat ions of the e x h i b i t s . Thus, the p u b l i c ' s e f for t s to f ind the paint ing were s i m p l i f i e d - - a s i m p l i f i c a t i o n which was necess i tated by the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of ar t objects in th i s per iod . La Joie Rouge, was number 1,434 and i t s pos i t i on in Room "33" was noted with de l iberate care by the c r i t i c , V ic tor de Swarte. The pa int ing of the bloody rape, p a r t i c u l a r l y the v io lence , excited th i s c r i t i c and inspired him with i t s "powerful" imagery. He saw harmony in i t s composition where . . une chaude lumiere aux r e f l e t s puissants f a i t v ibrer les personnages qui occupent le haut de l a t o i l e ; mouvements bien rythmes, harmonie soutenue dans cette sanglante chevauchee, bravo Rochegrosse! 72 Rochegrosse was awarded the Medal of Honour by the Salon and his o f f i c i a l success and f i n a n c i a l reward were s o l i d i f i e d 73 by the purchase of the pa int ing by the s ta te . The v i c t o r y of both the a r t i s t and the pa int ing i t s e l f continued to be celebrated months la ter In Le Journal des A r t s , the 57 p u b l i c a t i o n o£ the c o m m e r c i a l a r t d e a l e r , D r o u o t . P u b l i s h e d reviews.by two d i f f e r e n t c r i t i c s appeared June 9th and 13th. The i n i t i a l a r t i c l e stressed the importance of the a r t i s t , Rochegrosse himself , in r e l a t i o n to the growing French c u l t u r a l enterprises in A l g e r i a . On June 9th, "L'Ecole Francaise d ' A l g e r , " an a r t i c l e by Yvanhoe Rambosson, expressed the view that Rochegrosse's value as a French a r t i s t was imparted by his ro le as a teacher- -a ro le which was v i t a l to the promotion and r e v i v a l of O r i e n t a l i s t pa int ing at that moment coincident to the n e o - c o l o n i a l i s t interests of the French s ta te . Rambosson concentrated on the character of the a r t i s t which was constructed as "noble" and he a lso emphasized Rochegrosse 1s contr ibut ion as an ". . . educateur ardent et des interesse ." to the establishment of a new French Academy 74 which competed with the Ecole' des Beaux-Arts d ' A l g e r . The new school had a high enrollment of more than t h i r t y students, most of whom were subsidized or only paid a small amount of the cos ts . This was compared with the more e l i t i s t Beaux-Arts which cost the French government 50,000 francs for only hal f a dozen students. The funct ion of the new French school in A l g e r i a was . d ' e t a b l i r sur le t e r r l t o i r e de notre be l l e colonie une sorte de V i l l a Medicis a lger ienne, dont le sejour s e r a i t des plus envies . C'est vers ce but gue marchent les fondateurs de l 'oeuvre et M. Jonnart , gouveneur de 1 'Alger i e , semble dispose a entrer dans leurs idees et a acquerir une 58 V i l l a ou seraient admis les a r t i s t e s desireux de se perfect ionner hors de Paris et a i l l e u r s qu'a Rome. 75 Moreover, the benefit of a teacher such as Rochegrosse was re la ted to his use of "le modele vivant" and his in teres t in the landscape. This reform of French pa int ing toward the use of the l i v e model and the r e a l landscape to produce a new generation of O r i e n t a l i s t painters was known to be ". . . chere a M. Dujardin-Beaumetz, notre sous-secreta ire d 'Etat 76 . . ." The new school founded by the a r t i s t , M. Druet, could , with state support, transform the Alger ian c a p i t a l into " . . . une sorte de Florence moderne." The school represented ". . . le r £ v e des jeunes o r i e n t a l i s t e s . . ." such as Rochegrosse and was intended to encourage O r i e n t a l i s t 77 imagery. Thus, Rochegrosse's in teres t in the female nude and the Alger ian landscape su i ted the c u l t u r a l p o l i c i e s of the French s ta te ' s n e o - c o l o n i a l i s t e f f o r t . The r e a l s ign i f i cance of the paint ing i t s e l f was not mentioned in Le Journal des Arts u n t i l June 13th, in an a r t i c l e by Leopold Honore, and then only in conjunction with Rochegrosse's personal biography which described his t i e s to 19th century O r i e n t a l i s t p a i n t i n g , his academic rewards and his s i gn i f i cance to the French t e r r i t o r y of A l g e r i a . Written under the t i t l e which contained only the name of the a r t i s t , "Rochegrosse," without reference to the pa int ing i t s e l f , Honore praised the paint ing with his v i v i d d e s c r i p t i o n of i t s imaginative rendering of 59 une horde de cava l i er s qui passe furibonde, une horde grisee de sang, de carnage et se ruant frenetiquement, avec volupt6, pour le seul p l a i s i r de vo i r rouge et d 'etre 1 'avant-courrier du neant. Cette chevauchee est tragique , et Mars, tout en haut du groiipe, en est le metteur en scene. Des lueurs d' incendie i l luminent l a nature en emoi, la trombe humaine passe, de 1' ivresse est dans le regard de tous ces cava l i er s fantast iques , de tous ces demons qui haletent et qui hur lent . Les chevaux se cabrent, hennissent, chevauchent dans les chairs palpi tantes des femmes angoissees, eperdues dans le sang qui a f l o t s , coule , parmi les f l eurs toutes de pourpre epanouies. 78 Honore was impressed by the large s ize of the pa int ing and the imaginative freedom of the presentation of the subject as an h i s t o r i c a l reconstruct ion but avoided the contemporary s ign i f i cance of i t s Roman m i l i t a r y analogy. His focus was centered upon Rochegrosse and the a r t i s t ' s s ign i f i cance to French cu l ture as an important l ink to the 19th century 79 O r i e n t a l i s t painters who were his teachers. This author del ineated Rochegrosse's successful debut at the Salon of 1882, his subsequent rece ipt of many awards and medals, and the fact that many of his h i s t o r y paintings decorated numerous publ ic bui ld ings in the provinces and in P a r i s . By 1906, as Honore pointed out, Rochegrosse had gained membership on the jury of the Societee des A r t i s t e s Francais and spent his winters at his own Alger ian residence outside the c o l o n i a l c a p i t a l , at Djenan-Meriem at E l B i a r . Honore accorded th i s a r t i s t ' s success to the fact that his b r i l l i a n c e drove him onto " . . . un idea l a r t i s t l q u e encore 60 plus beau," which contributed to his t echn ica l a b i l i t i e s as "un v ir tuose de l a couleur ," and was enhanced by his imagina-80 t i v e and compositional s k i l l s . Rochegrosse was described by Honore as the archetype of the male creat ive genius for whom the expression of beauty was the primary impetus for his c r e a t i v i t y . This success d id not surpr ise Louis Vauxcel les , a c r i t i c who is better known for the a t tent ion he paid to the avant-garde at th i s time. However, Vauxcelles a lso devoted himself to f u l l coverage of the t r a d i t i o n a l Salons and published f u l l - l e n g t h i l l u s t r a t e d books on the subject . He perceived that even in the P a r i s i a n mi l i eu of a r t i s t i c overproduction ". . . i l e t a i t normal, qu'un a r t i s t e du merite de M. Rochegrosse . . ." would be awarded the Medal of Honour at th i s Salon. Vauxcelles admired his technique but d id not approve of the v io l ent Roman analogy of male power. Vauxcelles d id approve of the dep ic t ion of the female nudes. He wrote: Son tableau, vaut par des qual i tes except ionnel les , et souffre de defauts 6tonnants; l 'oeuvre est confuse, denuee d 'un i t e , mais les morceaux y sont extraordinaires . . . c 'est 1 ' i r r u p t i o n de 1 1 Idee de meurtre et de v i o l dans l ' i d e e de volupte p a i s i b l e et amol l i e . 81 Instead of descr ib ing the pa int ing himself , Vauxcelles quoted a negative d e s c r i p t i o n by a "M. Ravaisson" who had sa id that " . . . l a Joie rouge, l a jo ie du crime et de l 'horreur . . . un magnifique pretexte imaginati f pour un homme qui a voulu peindre des femmes nues . . . " 82 61 Despite th i s c r i t i c ' s c la ims, there is more at stake in th i s pa int ing than the excuse to paint nude females. Of importance is how these nude females are degraded and presented as v ict ims of male violence and pleasure through the male enjoyment of t h e i r f l esh and blood. As a h i s t o r y paint ing La Joie Rouge functioned to r e c a l l the ideals of order and c l a r i t y , the basis of French c l a s s i c i s m adopted by the academic t r a d i t i o n , through i t s references to Poussin's v io l en t vers ion of the legendary rape of the Sabine women by the Romans. Rochegrosse, however, d id not l i m i t his references to the v io l en t act ions of the males toward the females, pos.ed here as a type of subhuman species , but h ighl ighted the male warr iors ' enjoyment and pleasure in the v i o l e n t sexual subjugation of the female nudes. This expression of enjoyment on the faces of the male aggressors could be shared by the male viewer and enhance his delusion of r a c i a l , sexual and c lass s u p e r i o r i t y . While Rochegrosse has not made his females "ugly" in the manner in which Matisse and Picasso would, La Joie Rouge functioned in r e l a t i o n to the assumptions of human di f ference and Western bourgeois male dominance c r i t i c a l to the preservat ion of the values of the French Republic at the moment of domestic s o c i a l unrest and n a t i o n a l i s t c r i s i s . This concept of human di f ference was c r u c i a l to French hegemony in North A f r i c a and to domestic contro l of s o c i a l unrest in the period 1905-1908. Although A l g e r i a was f i rmly 62 under the contro l o£ the Third French Republic in 1906, French domination of North A f r i c a had i t s or ig ins in the 83 1830's when A l g e r i a was occupied by French forces . By the ear ly 20th century, A l g e r i a was considered to be an extension 84 of France i t s e l f . The emergence of French neo-nationalism on the extreme r i g h t at th i s time was a d i r e c t response to Germany's l a t e s t aggressive challenge to French Imper ia l i s t 85 schemes of expansion into A f r i c a . In p a r t i c u l a r , Germany's Intention to thwart French domination in North A f r i c a by intervening in French plans to annex Morocco to i t s North Afr i can t e r r i t o r y , fue l l ed French neo-national1st f e e l i n g . The French intent ion of annexation of Morocco was c r u c i a l to French plans to penetrate into A f r i c a and to unify t h e i r North A f r i c a n t e r r i t o r y with West and Central A f r i c a . Global competition for access to resource materials and markets put 86 pressure on i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of French hegemony in A f r i c a . The French Imper ia l i s t e f for t in North A f r i c a , promoted through the c o l o n i a l lobby, had the f u l l support of the 87 French m i l i t a r y . However, the tensions between France and Germany were further inflamed when the French succeeded in 88 i n s t i t u t i n g a protectorate in Morocco in 1906. Yet in France, neo-nat iona l i s t p o l i c i e s , which proposed increases in the use of m i l i t a r y force in French c o l o n i a l t e r r i t o r i e s , were challenged by s o c i a l i s t deputies in open debates in the 89 French parl iament. 63 The construct ion of categories of human di f ference played a ro le in domestic r e la t ions as w e l l . The French Republic was faced with the p o s s i b i l i t y of c i v i l war in the spr ing of 1907 when a spontaneous upr i s ing of small land propr ie ters and the a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o l e t a r i a t were joined by representatives of a l l segments of the population in the Midi who opposed the c a p i t a l i s t monopoly which had produced a 90 serious economic c r i s i s in the wine industry . S o c i a l i s t support for the upr i s ing c o n f l i c t e d with o f f i c i a l p o l i c i e s of repress ion . At the same moment when the French were employing bruta l m i l i t a r y means to contro l the indigenous upris ings in various regions of A f r i c a these same forces par t i c ipa ted in bloody massacres of French c i t i z e n s in the 91 south of France in the summer of 1907. R a t i o n a l i z a t i o n for the French Republican measures of repress ion to contro l the s o c i a l upris ings in France and c o l o n i a l unrest can be found in the r a c i a l theories of Gustave Le Bon. Le Bon's theories were founded on the premise of human di f ference and Said has s u c c i n c t l y described the importance of Le Bon's theories as fol lows: Since the Or ien ta l was a member of a subject race, he had to be sujected: i t was that s imple. The locus c las s i cus for such judgment and act ion is to be found in Gustave Le Bon's Les Lois psycholoqiques de  l ' e v o l u t i o n des peuples (1894). 92 Le Bon's ear ly theories of human dif ference were based on anatomical studies of human s k u l l s which led him to conclude that: 64 ". . . what d i s t inguishes i n f e r i o r from superior races is not the s l i g h t var ia t ions in the average capaci ty of the i r s k u l l s , . the superior race contains a c e r t a i n number of ind iv idua l s whose bra in is h ighly developed, whereas the i n f e r i o r race contains no such ind iv idua l s . . . as a race grows c i v i l i z e d , the s k u l l s . . *. become more and more d i f f e r e n t i a t e d ; . c i v i l i s a t i o n conduces not to i n t e l l e c t u a l e q u a l i t y , but to an inequa l i ty that is always growing more pronounced . . . Among i n f e r i o r peoples or the i n f e r i o r c lasses of superior peoples the man and the woman are i n t e l l e c t u a l l y on much the same l e v e l . . . in proport ion as peoples grow c i v i l i s e d the di f ference between the sexes is accentuated." 9 3 According to Le Bon, the most c i v i l i z e d soc i e t i e s exhibi ted the greatest degrees of r a c i a l , sexual and c lass d i f f erence . Therefore, for Le Bon P a r i s i a n soc ie ty exemplif ied the most c i v i l i z e d soc ie ty and the female P a r i s i a n was described in the most barbaric terms. "Whereas the average volume of the s k u l l s of male Par i s ians is such as to range them among the largest known s k u l l s , the average of the s k u l l s of female Par i s ians classes them among the smallest s k u l l s . . . on a l e v e l with the s k u l l s of Chinese women, and scarce ly above the feminine s k u l l s of New Caledonia . 1" 94 S i g n i f i c a n t l y Le Bon compared the high degree of c i v i l i z a t i o n among the French, s p e c i f i c a l l y the P a r i s i a n French with that of Roman c i v i l i z a t i o n before i t s decl ine 95 when attacked by barbarous peoples. This comparison between Roman and French c i v i l i z a t i o n is centra l to an understanding of Rochegrosse's La Joie Rouge where male chauvinism can be re la ted to French n e o - c o l o n i a l i s t p o l i c i e s 65 in A f r i c a and to the way in which women were valued in contemporary French c u l t u r e . Said has explained that: Race theory, ideas about pr imi t ive or ig ins and pr imi t ive c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s , modern decadence,.the progress of c i v i l i z a t i o n , the dest iny of the white (or Aryan) races , the need for c o l o n i a l t e r r i t o r i e s — a l l these were elements in the pecul iar amalgam of sc ience , p o l i t i c s , and cul ture whose d r i f t , almost without exception, was always to ra i se a European race to dominion over non-European portions of mankind. 96 Le Bon's add i t ion of his psychological theories to the e a r l i e r phys ica l dimension as a means of d i v i d i n g humanity, supported the notion of s u p e r i o r i t y of the French nation so necessary to French neo-co lonia l i sm. He bel ieved that: By the a id of c l e a r l y defined anatomical-c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , such .as the colour of the s k i n , and the shape and volume of the s k u l l , i t has been possible to e s tab l i sh that the human race comprises several species which are quite d i s t i n c t and probably of very d i f f e r e n t o r i g i n . . . observation proves that the majority of the ind iv idua l s of a given race always possess a c e r t a i n number of common psychological c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , which are as s table as the anatomical c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . . . are r e g u l a r l y and constant ly reproduced by heredi tary the nat ional character . .9 7 As we l l , It was Le Bon who used his dehumanizing r a c i a l theories to s p e c i f i c a l l y argue against the s o c i a l i s t s des ire for human e q u a l i t y . He suggested that: Soc ia l i sm . . . proposes equa l i ty of cond i t ion , without dreaming that s o c i a l inequa l i t i e s are born of those natural i n e q u a l i t i e s that man has always been powerless to change. 98 66 Le Bon r a t i o n a l i z e d the Ideology o£ the r a c i a l s u p e r i o r i t y o£ the French nation through the masculine members of i t s p r i v i l e g e d c lass who, l i k e the Romans before them, were superior to other races , to women of the i r own c lass and to both sexes of the lower c l a s s . Le Bon i d e n t i f i e d th i s group with the Romans at the height of the i r power and warned of the threat from the "barbarians" in the guise of s o c i a l i s t s who argued for human equa l i ty and respect for human d i f f erence . Such arguments for human di f ference were i n t e g r a l to Orienta l i sm which operated as an " i n t e l l e c t u a l doctrine" in support of r a c i s t pract ice through the construct of P r i m i t i v i s m as a negative c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of r a c i a l , sexual and c lass i n f e r i o r i t y . It i s terms of human di f ference that Or ienta l i sm and P r i m i t i v i s m have s i g n i f i c a t i o n to an analys i s of the ways in which the female was envisioned in the discourses of popular and o f f i c i a l c u l t u r e . For example, in L ' A s s i e t t e au Beurre, when the female was imaged in r e l a t i o n to the dominant cul ture she was an i n f e r i o r human, oppressed, anguished or deformed to s u i t the bourgeois male's needs. When imaged in r e l a t i o n to the struggle of the working c lass she was humanized on the l e v e l of c lass as an i l l u s i o n r e l a t i n g to c l a s s i c a l notions of beauty. Grandjouan's l er  mai, was a s a t i r i c i l l u s i o n constructed to d i srupt the h i s t o r i c por traya l of the working c lass female as "ugly" and r e j e c t the negative connotation of P r i m i t i v i s m associated 67 with women and with the working c l a s s . This in ser t i on o£ the content of c lass struggle removed the p o s s i b l i t y of bourgeois male enjoyment in sp i te of the appropriat ion of the Western idea l of female beauty. Rochegrosse•s por traya l of p r i m i t i v i z e d females projected the image of the v i c t imized female in r e l a t i o n to the dominant cul ture as suggested in the popular press , but unl ike L ' A s s i e t t e au Beurre, Rochegrosse avoided overt reference to c lass d i f ference and c lass s trugg le . La Joie  Rouge portrayed women as powerless sex objects whose nude forms were subjected to the violence of male pleasure. This delusion of Western bourgeois male power was re inforced through the degradation the females by juxtaposing the i r nudity to the group of males dressed as warriors of legendary Rome. This delus ion of r a c i a l , sexual and c lass s u p e r i o r i t y was i d e o l o g i c a l l y important to the author i ty of the French Republic in i t s promotion of neo-colonia l i sm and i t s opposit ion to s o c i a l i s t pressure for human emancipation. The way in which the female was pictured as an "ugly" v i c t i m of bourgeois male power, or as a beaut i fu l i l l u s i o n of female power in r e l a t i o n to c lass struggle in the popular press d i f f e r e d from the delus ion of bourgeois male power presented in o f f i c i a l c u l t u r e . In turn th i s reveals the d i f f e r e n t ideologies from which an image of woman was constructed in the ear ly 20th century. The question which remains to be answered is how the Neo-Or lenta l1st paintings 68 by the P a r i s i a n avant-garde a r t i s t s , Matisse and Picasso— images in which the female f igure is over t ly d i s t o r t e d through the concept of P r i m i t i v i s m - - could function in r e l a t i o n to the issues of c lass struggle and neo-co lonia l i sm as expressed by popular and o f f i c i a l c u l t u r e . At a moment when at t i tudes towards neo-co lonia l i sm and c lass struggle were increas ing ly defined by c lass d i f ference inf luencing French foreign and domestic p o l i c y , c lass d i f ference over the issue of nat ional i sm, had div ided the French feminist movement i t s e l f . The intended meaning of the "ugly" female pros t i tu tes of The Blue Nude and Les Demoiselles d'Avignon must be c l a r i f i e d in recognizt ion of the fact that the representat ion of the pros t i tu te as "pr imit ive ly" seductive and dominated or aggressive and res i s tant to domination was i d e o l o g i c a l l y constructed. The "ugly" women are symbolic of d i f f e r e n t a t t i tudes towards the concept of P r i m i t i v i s m and are therefore of s o c i a l s ign i f i cance both to c lass struggle and neo-colonia l i sm at a moment of nat ional and in ternat iona l c r i s i s in French h i s t o r y . 69 NOTES 1 Mari lyn J . Boxer and Jean H, Quataert, eds. S o c i a l i s t  Women: European S o c i a l i s t Feminism in the Nineteenth and  E a r l y Twentieth Centuries (New York: E l s e v i e r , 1978), 84. See a lso I b i d . , 110, note 21. 2 R.D. Anderson, France 1870-1914: P o l i t i c s and Society (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul , 1977), 1-3. 3 Edward McNall Burns, Western C i v i l i z a t i o n s : Their  His tory and Their Cul ture , 8th e d . , (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, I n c . , 1973), 571. 4 I b i d . , 557. 5 R.D. Anderson, France 1870-1914, 96-97. 6 Edward Said , Orienta l i sm (New York: Pantheon Books, 1978), 207. 7 Annie K r i e g e l , Le Pain et les Roses (Par is : Presses U n i v e r s i t a i r e s de France, 1968), 51-53. See a l so : Paul Loui s , Les Etapes du Social isme, (Par i s : Bibliothfeque Charpentier , 1903), 328-331. 8 Jean-Marie Mayeur and Madeleine R6berioux, eds . , The  Third Republic from i t s Orig ins to the Great War, 1871-1914, trans . J . R . Foster (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press , 1984), 248-249, explained how the general s t r i k e of May 1, 1906, had both nat ional and in ternat iona l impl i ca t ions , v i v i d l y i n d i c a t i n g the s i t u a t i o n of widespread s o c i a l unrest in France. Although the d r i v i n g force behind the working c lass ac t ion was the CGT (Confederation Generale du T r a v a i l ) , an a p o l i t i c a l working c lass movement organized on a nat ional s tructure of federat ions , there was support from the S . F . 1 . 0 . (Section Francaise de 1'Internationale Ouvriere) the avant-garde French s o c i a l i s t movement, which was a p o l i t i c a l party connected to the i n t e r n a t i o n a l i s t s o c i a l i s t cause. This ac t ion on the part of the i n d u s t r i a l working c lass in support of an eight-hour work day was an important expression of working c lass a c t i o n . Georges Lefrance, Le Mouvement  Syndical sous l a Troisieme Republique (Par i s : Payot, 1967), 145, stated that the e lect ions for members to the Chamber of Deputies in the French parliament of May 6th and 20th, 1906 70 increased s o c i a l i s t representat ion dramat ica l ly . R. D, Anderson, France_l870-1914, 134, stated that the repressive and v i o l e n t measures taken by the French government in using French m i l i t a r y troops against the s t r i k e r s influenced the vote in the 1906 e lect ions in which the S . F . I . O . had "877,000 votes and f i f t y - f o u r seats;" in the e l e c t i o n of 1906. 9 I b i d . , 121. 10 Mayeur and Reberioux, The Third Republic , 306-307. 11 I b i d . , 267. 12 R.D. Anderson, France 1870-1914, 114-115. 13 Mayeur and Reberioux, The Third Republ ic , 251-252, have described how the disorder in the Midi region in the south of France, from March to June 1907, engaged "the a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o l e t a r i a t " in a revo l t of spontaneous act ion against the large i n d u s t r i a l i z e d winegrowers. The involvement of the r u r a l p r o l e t a r i a t in th i s spontaneous upr i s ing was supported by the CGT and the S . F . I . O . The region r e l i e d on the economy of the wine industry , an economy which was being threatened not only by large monopoly industr ies but a lso by competition from the increased production of the Alger ian wine industry . Thus n e o - c o l o n i a l i s t enterprises had a d i r e c t e f fec t on the s t a b i l i t y of the French r u r a l population in the south of France, whose involvement in the upr i s ing was counteracted by French m i l i t a r y force and bloodshed. 14 E l i s a b e t h and Michel Dixmier, L ' A s s i e t t e au Beurre:  Revue s a t i r i q u e i l l u s t r e e 1901-1912 (Par is : L i b r a i r i e Francois Maspero, 1974), 9. 15 I b i d . , 106-108. 16 Lefranc , Le Mouvement Syndicale , 98. 17 Paul L o u i s , H i s t o i r e du Socialisme en France de l a  Revolution a nos Jours, (Par i s : L i b r a i r i e des Sciences P o l i t i q u e s et Soc ia les , 1925), 146-147 explained how Proudhon's recogni t ion of the working c lass as a d i s t i n c t s o c i a l group was basic to his concept of syndical i sm in which 71 the syndicate was formed by a group of workers who were united for mutual s o c i a l and economic benef i t . The organizat ion was dependant upon i n d i v i d u a l i n i t i a t i v e and not upon p o l i t i c a l a l l e g i a n c e . Proudhon's concept of c lass struggle as an economic struggle was d irec ted towards manual labourers and ran counter to subsequent orthodox Marxist doc tr ine ' s method of c o l l e c t i v e ac t ion and i t s ultimate aim of p o l i t i c a l organizat ion of the working c lass which was not confined to manual workers. Louis S. Feuer (ed. ) , Marx & Engels: Basic Writings  on P o l i t i c s and Philosophy (Garden C i t y , New York: Anchor Books, Doubleday & Company, I n c . , 1959), 35-36 re ferred to the o r i g i n a l writ ings of Marx and Engels wherein they d i f f e r e n t i a t e d t h e i r theory of soc ia l i sm and communism from that of Proudhon. Proudhon's soc ia l i sm was condemned by them as "conservative bourgeois soc ia l i sm" in The Communist  Manifesto of 1848. Feuer, I b i d . , quoted from the Manifesto as fol lows: " 'A part of the bourgeoisie is desirous of redress ing s o c i a l grievances, in order to secure the continued existence of bourgeois soc ie ty . . . To th i s sect ion belong economists, p h i l a n t h r o p i s t s , humanitarians, improvers of the condit ion of the working c l a s s , organisers of c h a r i t y , members of soc i e t i e s for the prevention of c r u e l t y to animals, temperance fanat i c s , hole-and-corner reformers . . . We may c i t e Proudhon's Phi losophie de la  Misere . . . as an example of th i s form . . . The soc ia l i sm of the bourgoisie simply consists of the asser t ion that the bourgeois are bourgeois - - for the benefit of the working c l a s s . ' " Paul Lou i s , Les- Etapes du Social isme, 221, who was moved to write on th i s subject more than f i f t y year l a t e r , perceived that t h e ' h i s t o r i c polemic between Marx and Proudhon continued to be problematic for the uni ty of the French l e f t . Louis wrote: "Proudhon se c lasse entre les s o c i a l i s t e s , par les notions q u ' i l a apportees au corps de doctrines du XIXe s i e c l e ; dans le domaine pract ique , i l demeure un i n d i v i d u a l i s t e , un conservateur p e t i t bourgeo i s . - -En v e r i t e Marx ava i t r a i s o n . " 18 L o u i s , H i s t o i r e du Social isme, 148-149. Lou i s , I b i d . , 149 quoted from Proudhon's Capacite des c lasses ouvrieres: "* . . . L a r e v o l u t i o n , qui reste a f a i r e , consiste a subst i tuer le regime economique ou i n d u s t r i e l au regime gouvernemental, feodal ou m i l i t a i r e . Par regime i n d u s t r i e l , nous entendons non pas une forme de gouvernement ou les hommes adonnes aux travaux de 1 'agr icu l ture et de l ' i n d u s t r i e deviendraient a leur tour caste dominante, mais une c o n s t i t u t i o n de l a societee ayant pour base, a l a place de ,1a h ierarch ie des pouvoirs p o l i t i q u e s , 1 'organizat ion des pouvoirs economiques . . . *" This c o n f l i c t affected the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the CGT and the S . F . I . O . because of the 72 d i v i s i o n s over aim and method. Lefranc , Le_Mouvement  Syndicale , 138, has described the s i t u a t i o n at the Congress of Amiens, held by the CGT from October 8-14, 1906. The r e s u l t of the Congress was a c lear mandate supporting the autonomy and a p o l i t i c a l status of the syndicates . Thus recorded in the published t r a n s c r i p t of the minutes of the S . F . I . O . Third National Congress, at Limoges, November 1st to 4th, 1906, 201-202, is the fact that the motion to acknowledge the autonomous a p o l i t i c a l organizat ion of the working c lass in the CGT was passed by the S . F . I . O . af ter much opposit ion from the Guesdists . (The Guesdists were the followers of the French Marxist s o c i a l i s t Jules Guesde.) The acceptance of the Amiens motion fol lowing an intense ser ies of debates was the r e s u l t of majority support for the concept of "double-action" on the economic and p o l i t i c a l fronts as an e s sent ia l compromise for cooperation between the two groups. Jean Maitron, H i s t o i r e du Mouvement Anarchiste en France  1880-1914 (Par i s : Societe U n i v e r s i t a l r e D'Edi t ions et de L i b r a i r i e , 1955), 310, out l ined the importance of the Amiens congress for the Revolutionary S y n d i c a l i s t movement. Jean Maitron, Ravachol et les Anarchistes (Par i s : C o l l e c t i o n arch ives , J u l l i a r d , 1964), 14-18 provided the reasons for and described the process by which the anarchists entered the syndicates af ter the years, 1890-1894 when the bombings by i n d i v i d u a l anarchist extremists f a i l e d to e f fect s o c i a l change. Maitron indicated that the adoption of Bakunin's method of "direct act ion" was contrary to s o c i a l i s t parl iamentarism. Maitron, I b i d . , 19, explained how the economic, a p o l i t i c a l corporate s tructure of the syndicates was considered to be the idea l vehic le for the new method of c o l l e c t i v e ac t ion by the m i l i t a n t anarch i s t s . Annie K r i ege l Les Internationales Ouvrieres (Par i s : Presses U n i v e r s i t a i r e s de France, 1964), 26-27, explained how Marx had won the bat t le againt Bakunin's l i b e r t a r i a n , a n t i -a u t h o r i t a r i a n notion of autonomous worker federations at the l e v e l of the Internat ional Workingmen's Assoc iat ion before i t s demise in the post-Commune repress ion . I n s i s t i n g on a c e n t r a l i z e d p o l i t i c a l party author i ty , . Marx refuted Bakunin's r e v i s i o n of Proudhon's non-violent a n t i - s t a t i s m into a method of v io l en t ac t ion and secret organizat ion . This was counter to the economic and p o l i t i c a l organizat ion of the p r o l e t a r i a t in Marxist terms. Bakunin's death in 1874 d id not deter the m i l i t a n t revo lut ionary s y n d i c a l i s t s from adopting his methods as a means of s o c i a l revo lut ion and to view s o c i a l i s t p o l i t i c i a n s as co l laborators of the elected bourgeois r a d i c a l s at the turn-of - the -century . Claude W i l l a r d , Les Guesdistes: Le Mouvement  S o c i a l i s t e en France (1893-1905) (Par is : Edi t ions Soc ia le , 1965), 12 and 17. W i l l a r d , I b i d . , 12, documented how Marxist doctr ine was introduced into France by Jules Guesde and 73 Paul Lafargue through the i r knowledge of The Communist  Manifesto and C a p i t a l . The Communist Manifesto by Marx and Engels , 1848, was trans lated into French by Laura Lafargue and published in L ' E g a l i t e , 1882. Alexandre Zevaes, De  L ' Introduct ion du Marxisme en France (Par is : L i b r a i r i e Marcel R iv i ere et C i e , 1947), 38, described how Marx's C a p i t a l was trans la ted into French by Joseph Roy in 1872 and published in booklets which sold for 10 centimes by 1875. Lou i s , H i s t o i r e du Social isme, 252, has indicated that the influence of the French s o c i a l i s t s can be discerned in the nat ional worker federations of 1876, 1878 and 1879. The Par is Congress of 1876 was the f i r s t meeting of the working c lass where the French p r o l e t a r i a t were organized on the basis of a separate c lass with d i s t i n c t p o l i t i c a l concerns. See a l so : W i l l a r d , Les Guesdistes, 12 and Georges Lefranc , le mouvement s o c i a l i s t e sous l a troisieme republ ique, Vo1. I , (Par is : pet i te bibl iotheque payot, 1977), 29. Lou i s , H i s t o i r e du Social isme, 254, out l ined the fact that the Congress of Marse i l l e s in October, 1879 adopted a motion supporting c lass s trugg le . Boxer and Quataert, S o c i a l i s t  Women, 77-78 explained that at th i s founding meeting of the P a r t i ouvrier francais ( P . O . F . ) , and included in the p o l i c y of Jules Guesde and Paul Lafargue, who had co l laborated d i r e c t l y with Marx and Engels , there was a c a l l for economic and sexual equa l i ty for a l l workers. See a lso Lefranc: le  mouvement s o c i a l i s t e , 39-41, and W i l l a r d , Les Guesdistes, 18. Maitron, Ravachol et les Anarchis tes , 12, has out l ined how the s o c i a l i s t s had separated themselves from the anarchistes as ear ly as 1881. 20 "Pornographie," Supplement, L ' A s s i e t t e au Beurre, October 28, 1905, No. 239. The execution of th i s ban was made poss ible through the sanction of o f f i c i a l author i ty bestowed upon Senator Rene Berenger, the d i r e c t o r of the state-sponsored League for the Repression of Street Licences . J u s t i f i c a t i o n for th i s act of censorship was encoded in the law of 1898 which defined as pornographic " . . . une pub l i ca t ion obscene ou contra ire aux bonnes moeurs." Under th i s law, the penalty for e i ther the production or sale of material defined as pornographic was a fine of 5,000 francs and two years imprisonment. The a r t i s t s defended the i r r i g h t to publ ish i l l u s t r a t i o n s such as the banned image by Poulbot, La Graine du Boi du L i t in th i s s p e c i a l supplement of October 28th, 1905. They ins i s t ed that Poulbot's image, of a couple who were engaged in sexual intercourse while completely concealed by bedclothes, was meant as a humourous portraya l of the guaranteed misery into which a working c lass c h i l d would be born. The image showed another young c h i l d in the grey, c o l o u r l e s s , crowded room which appears to symbolize the co lourless world of working c lass r e a l i t y . The a r t i s t s 74 protested the l abe l of pornography for the depic t ion of c lass d i f ference and accused the censors of hypocrisy for the i r claims of moral i ty when the censors own bourgeois values permitted the portraya l of violence and drunkenness without censorship. The a r t i s t s protested the i r i d e n t i t y with the c r i m i n a l element in soc ie ty due to the s ever i ty of punishment for the i r attempts at free expression. The a r t i s t s of L ' A s s i e t t e au Beurre bel ieved that Poulbot's image was censored s t r i c t l y because i t showed the existent s o c i a l inequi t ies and gave v i s i b l e recogni t ion to the increasing numbers of the working c l a s s - - a n image that threatened the status quo of the bourgeois. Louis Cheva l i er , Classes  Laborieuses et Classes dangereuses a P a r i s , pendant l a  premiere m o i t i £ du XIXe s i e c l e . (Par i s : L i b r a i r i e Generate Francaise , 1978), 604-606, has documented the process by which the French p r o l e t a r i a t shared an i d e n t i t y with the c r i m i n a l element of soc ie ty as sub-human, an image expressed through the cul ture of the bourgeoisie which saw i t s e l f as super ior . Jean Rabaut, H i s t o i r e des feminismes francais (Par i s : Stock, 1978), 256-257, has shown that the leading s o c i a l i s t p o l i t i c i a n s , unl ike many anarch i s t s , were not in favour of neo-Malthusian e f for t s toward contraception as a method of population c o n t r o l - - c o n t r o l aimed at the lower c las ses . Michel Foucault , The His tory of Sexual i ty (New York: Pantheon Books, 1978), 128, has made a study of the power re la t ionsh ips inherent in human sexua l i ty . His analys i s of the c lass s tructure of s exua l i ty reveals the hegemony of the bourgeoisie in the regulat ion of sexual behaviour by i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z i n g di f ferences in sexual pract i ce in r e l a t i o n to systems of law and taboos. "Les Masques de L ' A s s i e t t e au Beurre," Supplement, L ' A s s i e t t e au Beure, February 17, 1906, (No. 255), 3, is an a r t i c l e which c l e a r l y indicates how the repress ive p o l i c i e s of the censors had forced the a r t i s t s into an organizat ion based on the s trategy of c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n . The formation of the League for the L i b e r t y of Art was announced and os tens ib ly i t was reported to have a membership of 500 a r t i s t s , wri ters and i n t e l l e c t u a l s . It is important to note that the d e f i n i t i o n of c lass was problematic for the l e f t and took two d e f i n i t i v e d i rec t ions in 1907. For example, Hubert Lagarde l l e , "Les I n t e l l e c t u e l s et le Socialisme O u v r i e r , " Le  Mouvement S o c i a l i s t e , 1907, (January - June, 1907), 112, stated that : "Une classe est une categorie d'hommes places sur le meme plan economiques et unis par des in terets materiels et moraux homogenes." In contrast , the Marxist Jules Guesde, as recorded in the minutes of the 4th National Congress of the S . F . I . O . , at Nancy, August 11th-14th, 1907, 496, ins i s t ed that: ". . . l e p r o l e t a r i a t n'est pas l i m i t e a ce que vous pretendez, c 'est q u ' i l embrasse toutes les a c t i v i t e s , les plus cerebrales comme les plus musculaires , ingenieurs, chimistes , savants de toute nature 75 de venus eux aussl de l a chair A p r o f i t s , et en mesure d'assurer le fonctionnement de l a production superieure demain . . . Ouvert de d r o i t a tous ceux qui t r a v a i l l e n t du bras ou du cerveau, le P a r t i S o c i a l i s t e est essentiel lement un p a r t i de c las se , plus complet que ne peut l ' S t r e le Syndicat lui-meme." 21 R.D. Anderson, France 1870-1914, 3. 22 "Images Morales ," L ' A s s i e t t e au Beurre, March 17, 1906. 23 I b i d . 24 I b i d . 25 I b i d . 26 I b i d . 27 I b i d . 28 A l a i n Corbin , Les f l l l e s de noce: misere sexuel le et  p r o s t i t u t i o n (19e et 20e s i ec l e s ) (Par i s : Aubier Montagne, 1978), 436 and 465-468. Berenger was a conservative member of the senate who was implicated in the passing of laws of repress ion with respect to publ ic moral i ty and the punishment of offenders. He was a favourite target of the popular press due to his p o s i t i o n as a publ ic a u t h o r i t a r i a n f i g u r e . The regulat ion of the v i s i b i l i t y of publ ic p r o s t i t u t i o n was his main concern and he was not interested in the erad ica t ion of the i n s t i t u t i o n of p r o s t i t u t i o n i t s e l f . "Les Masques de L ' A s s i e t t e au Beurre," Supplement, L ' A s s i e t t e au Beurre, February 17, 1906, 3, described Senator Berenger as " l 'anc ien procurer i m p e r i a l . " 29 "Images Morales ," L ' A s s i e t t e au Beurre, March 17, 1906. 30 Corbin , Les f l l l e s de noce:, 420-421. 31 I b i d . , 353. Corbin , I b i d , 354, has explained how the bourgeois image of the pros t i tu te was that of a woman of 76 l e i sure and p r o s t i t u t i o n was not considered to.be work by the bourgeois. 32 Abraham Flexner , P r o s t i t u t i o n In Europe (New York: The Century C o . , 1914), 63. The majority of P a r i s i a n pros t i tu tes - were from r u r a l France or from other countr ies . I b i d . , 73. P ierre L . Horn and Mary B'eth Pr ing le , eds . , The Image of  the Pros t i tu te in Modern L i t e r a t u r e (New York: Frederick Ungar Publ i sh ing C o . , 1984), 24, have discussed the ways in which pros t i tu tes transformed t h e i r image and often assumed the disguise of respectable working c lass women to entice and arouse the bourgeois male c l i e n t who hoped to escape the diseased profess ional and enjoy a male power fantasy. Corbin , Les f i l l e s de noce, 417, described the importance of Par i s t r a i n s tat ions as recruitment areas for young r u r a l g i r l s into p r o s t i t u t i o n , and The White Slave Trade. 33 I b i d . , 345, note 92. Corbin , I b i d . , c i t e d from Pierre Joseph Proudhon's Oeuvres Completes, "La pornocrat ie ," 372-374. Lou i s , H i s t o i r e du Social isme, 66-67, has pointed out the ro le of the Utopian s o c i a l i s t s in the recogni t ion of the i n f e r i o r pos i t i on of the labouring classes and women in the new s o c i a l order of the 19th century. Saint-Simon i d e n t i f i e d the s o c i a l r e la t i ons produced by i n d u s t r i a l progress and p r i v i l e g e s . o f property as the basic causes of s o c i a l i n e q u i t i e s . Boxer and Quataert, S o c i a l i s t Women, 8, have explained that recogni t ion of the need to elevate the pos i t ion of women in soc ie ty was basic to Saint Simon's s o c i a l c r i t i q u e . Albert Brimo, les femmes francaises  face au pouvoir p o l i t i q u e (Par i s : Edi t ions Montchrestien, 1975), 16, stated that i t was Fourier who coined the term "feminism" to advocate the s p e c i a l status of women and the ir need for emancipation from t h e i r oppressed s ta te . S. Debout, Charles F o u r i e r : Theorie des Quatre Mouvements et des  Destinees Geneerales (Par i s : Jean-Jacques Pauvert, E d i t e u r , 1967) 157, recorded F o u r i e r ' s plans (which were u l t imate ly impract ica l ) for s o c i a l harmony. As Pauvert shows here, Fourier had blamed the i n f e r i o r pos i t ion of "le sexe fa ib le" on the sexual r e s t r a i n t s imposed by the threat of venereal disease, the Catho l i c r e l i g i o n and the i l l u s i o n which made t h e i r status seem favourable when compared with the degradation afforded to barbarian women. An i l l u s i o n which produced a ". . . t e inte de bonheur sur l a condi t ion moins deplorable des femmes c i v i l i s e e s . " Thus, F o u r i e r ' s w e l l -known claim,. I b i d . , 147, that " . . . 1'extension des p r i v i l e g e s des femmes est le pr inc ipe general de tous progres sociaux." Brimo, les femmes, 20, discussed Proudhon's a n t i -feminist p o s i t i o n which confined women to the i r domestic ro le within marriage and fami ly - -a bourgeois viewpoint. As w e l l , 77 Brimo pointed out, I b i d . , 46-47, that Proudhon not only-denied women the opportunity for economic independance but denied them the ir r ight to p o l i t i c a l e q u a l i t y . He saw the p o s s i b l i t y of t h e i r p o l i t i c a l independance as a threat to bourgeois marriage and to t h e i r husband's v i r i l i t y . 34 Feuer, Marx & Engels , 25-26. Marx and Engels , I b i d . , defined the e x p l o i t a t i o n of women as publ ic and private pros t i tu tes was the r e s u l t of bourgeois marriage which was based on the preservat ion of the system of pr ivate property and inheritance and encouraged adulterous r e l a t i o n s . Eleanor Burke Leacock, e d . , The O r i g i n of the Family, Pr ivate  Property and the State by Frederick Engels , 2nd e d . , (New York: Internat ional Publ i shers , 1973), 137, quoted Engels' view of p a t r i a r c h a l monogamous family s tructures as ". . . the open or concealed domestic s lavery of the wife, . . ." ensured by her economic dependance. 35 Boxer and Quataert, S o c i a l i s t Women, 84. 3 6 Mink as quoted by Boxer and Quataert, S o c i a l i s t Women, 84. The ent ire quote read as fol lows: " 'Explo i ted as labor , just as her male companion in misery, instrumental in the reduction of men's wages--for the leader's of industry t e l l her c r u e l l y that she can use her sex to complement her notor ious ly inadequate wages--the working woman is a lso exposed to. every kind of obsession and tyranny. 'Chair a t r a v a i l , 'she is a lso ' cha ir a p l a i s i r ! ^ " Lou i s , H i s t o i r e du Social isme, 262, explained that from i t s inception the P . O . F . , under the d i r e c t i o n of the Marxist s o c i a l i s t s Jules Guesde and Paul Lafargue, had included the economic and sexual equa l i ty of a l l workers in the party program of 1880. 37 Jacques G i r a u l t , e d . , Paul Lafargue: Textes Chois i s (Par i s : Ed i t ions Soc ia les , 1970), 124-125. According to G i r a u l t , Lafargue wrote in the s ty l e of the pamphleteer and his Le d r o i t a paresse was published in Guesde's L ' E g a l i t e in 1880 and has since been continuously republ ished. It is a Marxist c r i t i q u e of c a p i t a l i s m in which Lafargue explored the negative e f fect of work and abstinence as des truct ive forces ac t ing upon the "flesh" of the working c l a s s . As w e l l , he p ic tured the bourgeois male as increas ing ly v i c t imized by the need to consume the products for which he had dr iven the working c lass to overproduce. In G i r a u l t ' s pub l i ca t ion of the a r t i c l e in Paul Lafargue, 124-125, Lafargue w i t t i l y showed how "Aujourd'hui i l n'est f i l s de parvenu qui ne se c r o i t tenu de developper l a p r o s t i t u t i o n and de mercur la l i ser 78 son corps pour dormer un but au labeur que s'imposent les ouvrlers des mines de mercure;. . ." Feuer, Marx_&_Engels, 13, quoted The Communist Manifesto in which th i s process of s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n is c l e a r l y out l ined: " . . . not only has the bourgoisie forged the weapons that br ing death to i t s e l f ; i t has a lso c a l l e d into existence the men who are to wield those weapons—the modern working class—the p r o l e t a r i a n s . " 38 E l i s e e Reclus, L ' E v o l u t i o n , La Revolution et L ' I d e a l  Anarchique (Par i s : P . - V . Stock, E d i t e u r , 1902), 12-13. Reclus I b i d . , wrote: "Ainsi quand nous voyons une femme pure de sentiments, noble de caractfere, intacte de tout scandale devant 1 'opinion, descendre vers l a prost i tutee et l u i d i r e : 'Tu es ma soeur; je viens m ' a l l i e r avec t o i pour l u t t e r contre 1'agent des moeurs qui t ' i n s u l t e et met l a main sur ton corps, contre le medecin de l a po l i ce qui te f a i t apprehender par des argousins et te v i o l e par sa v i s i t e , contre l a societe toute ent iere qui te m^prise et te foule aux p i e d s ' . . . " 39 Theodore Z e l d i n , France 1848-1945: P o l i t i c s and Anger (Oxford: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press , 1979), 334. 40 I b i d . , 209. 41 R.D. Anderson, France 1870'-1914, 25-26. 42 "La L i b e r t e , " L ' A s s i e t t e au Beurre, A p r i l 14, 1906. Georges Lefranc , Le Syndicalisme en France (Par i s : Presses U n i v e r s i t a i r e de France, 1966), 130-131 has explained that: "En decembre (1905), 22 a n t i - m i l i t a r i s t e s , dont les synd ica l i s t e s Bousquet et Pataud, sont condamnes a des peins var iant de 4 a 6 mois de pr ison pour avoir signe une af f iche aux c o n s c r i t s . En Janvier 1906, lorsque se reuni t l a conference d ' A l g e s i r a s , l a C . G . T . f a i t apposer une a f f i c h e : Guerre a l a guerre": e l l e publie en f evr i er un numero spec ia l de l a Voix du peuple sur les Consei ls de r e v i s i o n t i r e a 30,000 exemplaires; i l est s a i s i a l ' imprimerie et entraine un debut de poursuite : contre Gri f fue lhes et Pouget, a i n s i que contre le dessinateur Grandjouan; l a po l i ce a s a i s i les bandes abonnees; de mars a aout, Yvetot est incarcere ." 43 E . Laporte , L ' A s s i e t t e au Beurre, A p r i l 14, 1906. 44 R.D. . Anderson, France 1870-1914, 1. 79 45 l e r mai, L ' A s s i e t t e au Beurre, A p r i l 28, 19 06. Lefranc , Le Syndicalisme, 20-21, explained that the concept of the general s t r i k e as a means of "direct act ion" was f i r s t proposed at the workers' Congress of the Federation of the Syndicates in February, 1888, in sp i te of the fact that there was a large fac t ion of Guesdistes in attendance who were fundamentally opposed to the s t r i k e as a method for s o c i a l r e v o l u t i o n . Maitron, Ravachol et l e s A n a r c h i s t e s , 121, wrote that the s t r i k e was propogated as a t a c t i c of d i r e c t ac t ion by the m i l i t a n t woodcutter, T o r t e l i e r . Maitron a lso es tab l i shed , I b i d . , 127, that T o r t e l i e r was a member of the Woodworkers Syndicate. Lefranc , Le Syndicalisme, 20-21, concluded that Guesde did not approve of the general s t r i k e as a r e a l i s t i c method for s o c i a l r e v o l u t i o n . According to Lefrance, Guesde considered i t s effect iveness in th i s respect as "'un mirage trompeur.'" However, as Lou i s , H i s t o i r e du -Soeialisme, 274, has shown, the s t r i k e was adopted as a method of in t erna t iona l act ion by the working c lass at the Marxist Internat ional S o c i a l i s t Congress at Par i s in 1889, with the support of the French Marxis t s , who helped to draf t the text . The purpose of the s t r i k e was to reduce the working day to 8 hours and was copied from the American Federation of Labor who had agreed on the date of May 1st, 1890. Louis further s tated, I b i d . , 275, that in France, the s t r i k e s of 1890 and 1891 had resul ted in acts of v io l en t repress ion on the part of the author i t i e s and arres t s and deaths of the s t r i k e r s and of small c h i l d r e n were abhorrent to the non-violent Marxist s o c i a l i s t s . In contrast , by l ega l e l e c t i ons , there were f i f t y s o c i a l i s t s e lected to the French parliament by 1893. 46 Jolyon Howorth, Edouard V a l l l a i n t : La Creat ion de  l ' u n l t e S o c i a l i s t e en France (Par i s : ed i /Syros , 1982) 198, commented upon the s ign i f i cance of regional popular f e s t i v a l s for the ult imate u n i f i c a t i o n and p o l i t i c a l organizat ion of the French urban and r u r a l c lass in r e l a t i o n to the 1890 and 1891 Internat ional s tructure of the May 1st s t r i k e date. 47 Paul Lafargue, The Right to be Lazy and other studies Trans, by Charles H. Kerr , (Chicago: Charles H. Kerr & Company co-operat ive , 1907), 128-131 argued "On The Woman Question," that the female's i n f e r i o r s o c i a l pos i t i on began under the c l a s s i c a l system of patr iarchy where she was deprived of the opportunity for her i n t e l l e c t u a l development—the q u a l i t y for which she had been admired under ancient matr iarchal soc ie ty . 80 48 I b i d . , 134-136. Lafargue blamed the introduct ion of c a p i t a l i s m , the economic system of the bourgeois, for the d i f f i c u l t s o c i a l and economic condit ions under which the contemporary working c lass female worked as producer and reproducer. Madeleine G u i l b e r t , Les Femmes et 1'Organisation  Syndicale avant 1914 (Par is : Ed i t ions du Centre Nat ional de l a Recherche S c i e n t i f i q u e , 1966), 12-13, studied the r e l a t i o n s h i p of working women and the syndicates in France based on s t a t i s t i c s from 1866-1911. Women continued to dominate the industr ies t r a d i t i o n a l l y open to female labour, the t e x t i l e and f a b r i c i n d u s t r i e s , the i r numbers increased due to the mechanization achieved by the 20th century. In 1906, 55 per cent of the labour in the t e x t i l e industry and 88 per cent in the fabr i c industry was provided by women. Industries where they par t i c ipa ted the least were those requ ir ing the most phys ica l exert ion , the cons truct ion , metallurgy and mining i n d u s t r i e s . There were large numbers of women employed as domestic servants . G u i l b e r t , I b i d . , 15, a lso establ i shed that women were increas ing ly act ive in profess ions , commercial enterprises and profess ional i n d u s t r i e s . S p e c i f i c a l l y , the number of women working in the fol lowing industr ies t r i p l e d from 1866-1911: rubber, paper and cardboard, metals and chemicals. The food industry was an increas ing ly large employer of female workers. G u i l b e r t ' s study, I b i d . , 18, documented the fact that women's wages were as much as one-half to one- th ird lower than the i r male counterparts . According to G u i l b e r t , I b i d . , 20, t h e i r lower wages and t h e i r a b i l i t y to perform mechanized tasks favoured t h e i r employment and in some cases they replaced male workes. Female workers were preferred in small industr ies such as f a b r i c and food, e s p e c i a l l y in the Par i s area . Where phys ica l strength and knowledge of machinery was important such as metal lurgy, male workers were given preference. G u i l b e r t , I b i d . , 25, pointed out that female unemployment was less problematic than male unemployment where the highest unemployment was in the fol lowing male-dominated areas: cons truct ion , stonework, metalwork, wood i n d u s t r i e s , leather and sk ins , followed by the female-dominated fabr i c and food i n d u s t r i e s . By 1906, while mechanization had changed the condit ions of the labour s tructure in favour of the employment of women in industr ies prev ious ly dominated by men, the s a l a r i e s of female workers were very much lower. As G u i l b e r t ' s study shows, I b i d . , 432-433, there were male workers who organized to r e s i s t the inroads made by female workers in t r a d i t i o n a l l y male-dominated i n d u s t r i e s . Str ikes by male s y n d i c a l i s t s against the employment of women lessened as women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the syndicates increased. Female membership in the syndicates t r i p l e d 81 between 1900-1914 i n s p i t e o£ male o p p o s i t i o n In c e r t a i n a r e a s . There were few women a c t i v i s t s i n the s t r i k e s and the problems of women workers were not co n s i d e r e d important and were r a r e l y i n c l u d e d i n the agenda of the many congresses which were dominated by R e v o l u t i o n a r y S y n d i c a l i s t s . G u i l b e r t does suggest, I b i d . 406, t h a t s e v e r a l of the m i l i t a n t l e a d e r s were i n t e r e s t e d i n the economic emancipation of women workers and spoke out as i n d i v i d u a l s . 49 Boxer and Quataert, S o c i a l i s t Women, 95, e x p l a i n e d how S o c i a l i s t u n i t y had an e f f e c t upon the f e m i n i s t movement which was d i v i d e d by the issue of c l a s s . S o c i a l i s t f e m i n i s t s viewed bourgeois f e m i n i s t s as e x p l o i t e r s of working c l a s s women--they " e x p l o i t e d t h e i r maids." Boxer and Quataert, I b i d . , 96-97, d i s c u s s how these d i f f e r e n c e s took on a p u b l i c character, i n 1902 when bourgeois f e m i n i s t s " . . . sponsored by a c l e r i c a l , n a t i o n a l i s t p a r t y , announced t h e i r forthcoming p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n an e l e c t o r a l campaign, . . . " S o c i a l i s t f e m i n i s t s responded with a request f o r a p u b l i c debate on the issue of c l a s s d i f f e r e n c e w i t h i n the f e m i n i s t movement as f o l l o w s : '"Members of the bourgeois c l a s s and thus b e n e f i c i a r i e s of the present s o c i a l order which guarantees your p r i v i l e g e s . . . you have come f o r t h to defend the r i g h t to p a r a s i t i s m which s o c i e t y a f f o r d s you .. . . " The bourgeois f e m i n i s t s r e f u s e d the debate. S o c i a l i s t f e m i n i s t s , unable to j o i n the newly formed S.F.I.O. as an autonomous group i n 1905, were subsumed w i t h i n the p a r t y i t s e l f . Although women d i d not have the vote t h i s was a major step f o r the S o c i a l i s t f e m i n i s t s who now had the o p p o r t u n i t y to e f f e c t emancipation i n p o l i t i c a l terms and the com p e t i t i o n between the sexes became secondary to c l a s s antagonism. Paul Lafargue's t e x t "On the Woman Question" of 1904, condensed and p u b l i s h e d under the t i t l e "La Femme" i n L'Humanite on August 14th, 1906, was a p l e a f o r female emancipation i n r e c o g n i t i o n of c l a s s s t r u g g l e . His c r i t i q u e provided a d e f i n i t i o n of c l a s s d i f f e r e n c e and the double o p p r e s s i o n of p e t i t bourgeois and working c l a s s women. C a l l i n g f o r co o p e r a t i o n between the sexes he b e l i e v e d t h a t ". . . l a f i n de l a s e r v i t u d e feminine, qui commence avec l a c o n s t i t u t i o n de l a p r o p r i e t y p r i v e e et qui ne peut prendre f i n qu'avec son a b o l i t i o n . " As s t a t e d i n the minutes of the 3rd N a t i o n a l Congress  of the S.F.I.O. a t Limoges, November 1st - 4th, 1906, 150-151, Madeleine P e l l e t i e r , a prominent 20th c e n t u r y f e m i n i s t was thus able to introduce the f o l l o w i n g r e s o l u t i o n : "Considerant que d e j a en 1891 l e C o n s e i l i n t e r n a t i o n a l de B r u x e l l e s i n v i t a i t l e s s o c i a l i s t e s de tous l e s pays a a f f i r m e r energiquement, dans l e u r programme, l ' e g a l i t e complete des deux sexes et a abroger l e s l o i s qui mettent l a femme en dehors du d r o i t commun e t p u b l i c ; Considerant que, depuis, l e P a r t i s o c i a l i s t e s ' e s t t o u j o u r s , dans l a q u e s t i o n 82 des sexes, prononce dans ce sens; Le Congres nat ional declare legit ime et urgente 1'extension du suffrage universe l aux femmes et charges les elus du p a r t i de presenter dans ce sens, autant que possible cette annee, un projet l o i a la Chambre." Thus, recorded in the minutes of the 4th National Congress of the S . F . I . O . at Nancy, August 11th - 14th, 1907, 536, is the acceptance of the above re so lu t ion and i t s o f f i c i a l adoption by the party upon motion. The question of c lass was an issue in the Internat ional Suffragate movement as w e l l . The conservative P a r i s i a n Le  Temps used the suffragate movement as an opportunity to c r i t i c i z e s o c i a l i s m . Point ing to the fact that female suffragates were from the noble, bourgeois and working c lass i t was suggested oh June 15, 1906 that: "Ce simple f a i t ne m o n t r e - t - i l pas 1 1 insuf f i sance de l a conception mater ia l i s t e de l ' h i s t o r e d'ou decoule l a doctrine s o c i a l i s t e ? " On the other hand Jean Longuet's a r t i c l e "Feminisme et Social isme," in the L'Humanite of June 19, 1907, explained the necess i ty of working c lass feminist a c t i o n . He quoted an Engl i sh suffragate who had spoken to a Par i s audience as a woman of the p r o l e t a r i a t as fol lows: "'Pour nous, i l n'y a pas lu t te  de sexe, ma is lu t te des c lasses . C'est pour et par le social isme qu'avec des m i l l i e r s d'ouvrieres anglaises nous luttons pour les dro i t s po l i t iques des femmes." Longuet, indicated his t o t a l agreement, and concluded that "Cette penetration du mouvement feministe parmi les femmes du p r o l e t a r i a t . . . " was e s s e n t i a l . G u i l b e r t , Les Femmes et L'Organisat ion Syndicale , 435, revealed the ways in which female workers threatened male workers in s i tua t ions where they were performing the same jobs and where machine-assisted labour negated the need for some s p e c i a l i z e d q u a l i f i c a t i o n s . This s i t u a t i o n was sector s p e c i f i c and was more prevalent in ". . . l a typographic dans certaines professions des metaux, dans les cu i r s et peaux, voire meme dans certa ins secteurs de 1 1 a l imentat ion ." G u i l b e r t , I b i d . , 228, explained that i t was the male-dominated reformist syndicate in the book industry , which was influenced by Proudhon's ant i - feminism and was re s i s t en t to female workers. As we l l , Gui lber t quoted s t a t i s t i c s from the Off ice du T r a v a i l of 1890-1908 to show that: "Le nombre t o t a l des greves d'hommes demandant le renvoi d'ouvrieres s 'e leve , au cours de ces d i x - h u i t annees, a 56 dont 6 en 1907 et 3 en 1908." G u i l b e r t ' s study, I b i d . , 174, revealed that i t was the anarchis t press which was a n t i - f e m i n i s t in terms of female p o l i t i c a l emancipation. The anarchists saw the women's struggle for the i r r i g h t to vote as t y p i c a l of i n t e l l e c t u a l s and of the bourgeois. Therefore, i t can be shown that although the anarchists promoted the concept of the benefit of education for women for economic independance, they placed i d e o l o g i c a l l i m i t s on complete female emancipation. See also Madeleine Reberioux's a r t i c l e "L'Ouvr iere ," in 83 Jean-Paul Aron, Miserable et g lorleuse l a femme du XIXe  s i e c l e (Par i s : L i b r a i r i e Artheme Fayard, 1980), 77, where she argued that the unequal condit ions which faced women workers made i t d i f f i c u l t for them to p a r t i c i p a t e in the s t r i k e s and that " . . . feminisme ouvrier—en France i l n 'existe pas. . . " Lefranc , Le Mouvement Syndicale , 138, stated that the t e x t i l e industry was under the influence of the Guesdists . Mayeur and Reberioux, The Third Republ ic , 249, concluded that the workers of the t e x t i l e industry (which was dominated by female labour) d id not p a r t i c i p a t e in the s t r i k e of May 1, 1906. 50 Louis Cheva l i er , Classes laborleuses et Classes  danqereuses. 680. 51 I b i d . , 647. 52 I b i d . , 613. 53 I b i d . , 650. 54 I b i d . , 685. 55 Sa id , Or ienta l i sm, 45. 56 Linda Nochl in , "The Imaginary O r i e n t , " Art in America, 7 (May 1983): 189. 57 I b i d . 58 Camille Maucla ir , The Great French Painters (London: Duckworth and C o . , 1903), 98. Thornton, Les O r i e n t a l i s t e s  Peintres Voyaqeurs, 21, noted that while O r i e n t a l i s t pa int ing had decl ined i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y , the French Society of O r i e n t a l i s t Painters was establ i shed in 1893 when France was becoming increas ing ly interested in A l g e r i a . O r i e n t a l i s t pa int ing a lso continued to f l o u r i s h in Belgium in r e l a t i o n to Belgium's c o l o n i a l i s t interests in the A f r i c a n Congo. 59 . Maucla ir , The Great French Pa inters , 85. 84 60 I b i d . 61 I b i d . , 98. 62 J . - P . Crespe l l e , les maltres de l a be l l e epoque (Par i s : L i b r a i r i e Hachette, 1966), 65. 63 Nochl in , "The Imaginary Orient", 123. 64 I b i d . 65 I b i d . , 123-124. 66 I b i d . , 124. 67 I b i d . 68 I b i d . , 125. 69 Sa id , Or ienta l i sm, 208-209. See a l so : Gustave Le Bon, The Psychology of Peoples (London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1899), 70, wherein Le Bon expressed his b e l i e f that the Romans were the most c i v i l i z e d race before being destroyed by the barbarians . Le Bon, I b i d . , 48-49, a lso considered cross -breeding between men and women unsuccessful unless i t was between f a i r l y s i m i l a r species (In th i s argument, human beings were posed as not a l l being of the same spec ies ) . Le Bon further argued that humanity was categorized and graded according to the degree of c i v i l i z a t i o n of the d i f f e r e n t species . S i g n i f i c a n t l y , in th i s construct , women were not viewed as being of the same species as men. Therefore, according to th i s theory, Rochegrosse 1s women can be understood as both r a c i a l l y and sexual ly i n f e r i o r to the " c i v i l i z e d " male. 70 Nochl in , "The Imaginary Orient", 122. 71 "Societe des A r t i s t e s F r a n c a i s , " L ' I l l u s t r a t i o n , A p r i l 28, 1906. This ent ire issue was devoted to a photographic d i sp lay of the 1906 Salon. 85 • 72 V i c t o r de Swarte, "Salon des A r t i s t e s F r a n c a i s , " Le Matin, A p r i l 30, 1906, 4. 73 Louis Vauxcel les , Salons de 1906 (Par is : Manzi, Joyant et C i e , 1906), 45 and 83. 74 Yvanhoe Rambosson, "L'Ecole Francaise d ' A l g e r , " Le  Journal des A r t s , June 9, 1906, No. 45, p. 1. This pub l i ca t ion was the e x p l i c i t y l a b e l l e d the "Chronique de l ' H S t e l Drouot" and re ferred to the sales and exhib i t s of a h ighly commercial a r t i s t i c enterprise serving the French a r t market. 75 Yvanhoe Rambosson, "L'Ecole Francaise d ' A l g e r , " , p. 1. 76 I b i d . 77 I b i d . 78 Leopold Honore, "Rochegrosse," Le Journal des A r t s , June 13, 1906, No. 46, p. 1. 79 I b i d . 80 I b i d . 81 Vauxcel les , Salons de 1906, 46-47. A black and white p r i n t reproduction of Rochegrosse's pa in t ing , La Joie Rouge appeared in the 1906 e d i t i o n of th i s pub l i ca t ion inserted between pages 45 and 46. Thornton, Les O r i e n t a l i s t e s  Peintres Voyageurs, 20, mentioned that popular O r i e n t a l i s t paintings were reproduced to reach a wider market. Michel Lac lo t te and Genevieve Lacambre, Le Musee du Luxembourg  en 1874 (Par i s : Editions, des Musees Nationaux, 1974), 11, explained the careless manner in which paintings bought by the state were improperly documented and sent off to p r o v i n c i a l museums or put into storage. Lacambre, I b i d . , 11, a lso made reference to the c r i t i c , Charles Morice's statement that the Luxembourg, which was f i l l e d with e r o t i c and exotic paint ings of women purchased by the s tate , should be c a l l e d "'une maison de passe. '" 86 82 Vauxcel les , Salons_de_19 06, 46-47. 83 Vincent Confer, France and A l g e r i a : The Problem of  C i v i l and P o l i t i c a l Reform, 1870-1920 (Syracuse, New York: Syracuse U n i v e r s i t y Press , 1966), 6-7, discussed French hegemony in A l g e r i a which was under French contro l by the 1840's. Confer, I b i d . , 7, suggested that in the 1870's the government of the Third Republic i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d the c u l t u r a l d i v i s i o n s which produced r a c i a l tens ion . While Alger ian-born Jews were considered to be French c i t i z e n s the Moslem Arabs, who comprised the major population group were denied these same r ights u n t i l the decree which " . . . embodied an e l ec t ive p r i n c i p l e for Arab and Berber representat ion . . . " was put into pract ice in 1908. According to Confer, pr ior to that time, the Moslems had no r ight s as French c i t i z e n s . Confer, I b i d . , 38, explained how the fact that Alger ian Jews were considered to be French c i t i z e n s produced intense a n t i - s e m i t i c f ee l ing amdist the French A lger ians . 84 Mayeur and Reberioux, The Third Republ ic , 273. 85 R.D. Anderson, France 1870-1914, 118. 86 Stuart Michael P e r s e l l , The French Co lon ia l Lobby 1889- 1938 (Stanford, C a l i f o r n i a : Hoover I n s t i t u t i o n Press , 1983), 18, documented the ambitious program of French Imper ia l i s t s from the 1890's. P e r s e l l , I b i d . , quoted from a provocative speech by a French explorer who had received pr ivate f inancing for expeditions into A f r i c a and which had been published in the o f f i c i a l journal of the Comite de l ' A f r i q u e Francaise , L ' A f r i q u e franca i se , 1891. The content of his statement is evidence of the g lobal competition for contro l in A f r i c a . The explorer proposed that "'France has a duty to expand in A f r i c a . It must e s tab l i sh a base of ac t ion for future expansion . . . Our duty is to r e a l i z e the union of West, C e n t r a l , and North A f r i c a . . . We must do th i s to beat the Germans and Engl i sh in e s tab l i sh ing ourselves in the a r e a . ' " P e r s e l l , I b i d . , 181, note 52 re ferred to his source for the above quote as the BCAF, January, 1891. 87 P e r s e l l , The French C o l o n i a l Lobby, 24. P e r s e l l re ferred to the importance of the French Foreign Legion to the Imper ia l i s t enterprises and i t s function to ensure French effect iveness in c o n t r o l l i n g indigenous ,upr is ings . A l l au thor i ty was placed in the hands of French o f f i c e r s . 87 P e r s e l l , I b i d . , 8, explained that from 1889 French Imper ia l i s t concepts were disseminated through the c o l o n i a l lobby which sponsored a ser ies of nat ional c o l o n i a l congresses. P e r s e l l , I b i d . , 33, used as an example a reference to "L'Expos i t ion Colonia le au Bois de Vincennes," in an a r t i c l e of May 18, 1907 in L ' I l l u s t r a t i o n , which described the native v i l l a g e s which were set up to depict "la vie indigene." (This was French Imper ia l i s t propoganda at work, through i t s ideology which counted on the a l l u r e of e r o t i c and exot ic s c a n t i l y c lad natives to exci te the p u b l i c . ) P e r s e l l , I b i d . , 17, has suggested that in fac t , the as soc ia t ion of the Comite de l"Afrique with French Imper ia l i s t acqu i s i t i ons in North and West A f r i c a was so close that the Comite ". . . seemed to almost lead the government." P e r s e l l , I b i d . , 35, has out l ined how C o l o n i a l i s t l ec tures , a s soc ia t ions , newspapers, congresses and exposit ions p r o l i f e r a t e d and stated: "Possibly the most i n f l u e n t i a l gathering of c o l o n i a l i s t s during the Third Republic was associated with the 1906 Marse i l l e Expos i t i on , the Congres c o l o n i a l de M a r s e i l l e . " P e r s e l l , I b i d . , reported that par t i c ipant s included deputies , sentators , min i s ters , mayors, presidents of chamber of commerce, businessmen and academics as well as ". . . representat ives of more than t h i r t y c o l o n i a l soc i e t i e s and newspapers . . . " Confer, France and A l g e r i a , 38-39, documented the process by which new c o l o n i a l p o l i c i e s were implemented in North A f r i c a and the i r e f fect on the indigenous peoples. A Moslem upr i s ing known as the "Marguerite A f f a i r " of 1901 occurred in the Department of Oran which shared a border with northwestern Morocco. French m i l i t a r y intervent ion was j u s t i f i e d when f ive European s e t t l e r s and a policemen los t the i r l i v e s as a r e s u l t of the event. Arab survivors were t r i e d in a French court (where they had no r ight s as French c i t i z e n s ) in the south of France. Debate over the issue of a s s i m i l a t i o n or assoc ia t ion resul ted in the separation of the native Arabs and Berbers from the Europeans to c l e a r l y d i s t i n g u i s h and ensure the s u p e r i o r i t y of the Europeans. A French Republican a n t i - s e m i t i c element blamed the upr i s ing on the Jews. Confer, I b i d . , 40-41, described the conclusion to the incident—the French co lon i s t s were given more "protection" and the natives more government r e s t r i c t i o n s . The s o c i a l i s t s sympathized with the natives and there were some Republicans who c a l l e d for equal treatment. However, the Governor-General of A l g e r i a , Jonnart, blamed the problems in A lger ia on economic losses from reduced sales of Alger ian wine to France and the fanat ic ism of r e l i g i o u s Moslems,. Confer, I b i d . , 46, has shown that by 1903 p o l i c i e s which i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d human di f ference were in e f fect in A l g e r i a and a s s i m i l a t i o n was rejected in favour of a s s o c i a t i o n . The debate surrounding the problem of so lut ions to c o n t r o l l i n g the North A f r i c a n population had included suggestions of "el imination or extermination" of nat ives . 88 They were rejected as inappropriate for c i v i l i s e d Frenchmen but th i s type of Inhuman behaviour was seen as a possible "* . . . p o l i c y of the Moslems themselves i f they should gain contro l of North A f r i c a from the F r e n c h . ' " According to Confer, I b i d . , these views were expressed by Paul Azan, a career s o l d i e r in the French Alger ian m i l i t a r y who " . . . l a ter became General Azan, writer on Alger ian h i s t o r y and head of the Service h i s tor ique de l'Armee . . . " 88 P e r s e l l , The French C o l o n i a l Lobby, 48-49,. explained the process whereby French expansion into Morocco " . . . was a c l a s s i c i m p e r i a l i s t venture." In 1904 The Comite du Maroc was establ i shed by members of the Comite de l ' A f r i q u e francaise to educate and influence French publ i c opinion under the leadership of Eugene Etienne, the Alger ian deputy in the French parliament. P e r s e l l , I b i d . , 51, explained that access to a g r i c u l t u r a l resources and markets were promised to French c o l o n i a l i s t s who were encouraged to s e t t l e in oases on the border between A l g e r i a and Morocco. P e r s e l l , I b i d . , 51-52, concluded that Et ienne's n e o - c o l o n i a l i s t p o l i c i e s dominated French foreign p o l i c y . Jack D. E l l i s , The French S o c i a l i s t s and the Problem of  the Peace 1904-1914 (Chicago: Loyola U n i v e r s i t y Press , 1967), 57, documented the s ign i f i cance of French foreign p o l i c y and French Imperialism in r e l a t i o n to the German challenge to French hegemony in A f r i c a when Kaiser Wilhelm II landed at the port of Tangier on March 31, 1905. E l l i s , I b i d . , 59-60, explained that in order to diminish the tension between Germany and France, an Internat ional Conference was held at A l g e c i r a s , January to A p r i l , 1906. French and Spanish interests were upheld and they won the r i g h t to po l ice the port s . This outcome increased the tensions between Germany and France and inflamed the neo-nationalism of the extreme r i g h t in France. 89 I b i d . , 60-61. E l l i s I b i d . , described how l o c a l r i o t s brought French ships to the port of Tangier and quel led the r i o t with the use of m i l i t a r y force . By 1907 French s o c i a l i s t s were openly chal lenging the use of m i l i t a r y means to contro l native populations in c o l o n i a l t e r r i t o r i e s in parl iament. 90 As stated in note 13 above, the Midi upris ings from March to June, 1907 were the r e s u l t of a depressed wine market which suffered from the promotion of Alger ian wine by the French Imper ia l i s t s and the growth of large i n d u s t r i a l i z e d interests in southern France. The competition for the wine market squeezed out the small landowners and caused r e a l hardship for them and the r u r a l labourers . F61ix 89 Napo, 1907: La Revolte des Vignerons (Toulouse: Domaine Occ i tan , 1971), 53, has c a r e f u l l y documented how th i s movement against the French government took on alarming proportions when Spanish and Alger ian workers joined the struggle of the small land owners and large segments of the taxpayers in the M i d i . Numbering 600,000, the protestors refused to pay taxes. The movement was so massive that s o c i a l i s t s were opt imis t i c about the outcome. However, th i s optimism became a lament when massacres of protestors fol lowed. An a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "La Crise V i t i c o l e : On demissione en masse et les Troupes se mutinent," L'Humanite, of June 12, 1907, p. 1, reported on the fact that the troops who were recru i t ed l o c a l l y refused to take measures against the people from t h e i r own region and in fact mutineed. See also "L'Eta t de Siege dans le M i d i , " L 1 Humanite, of June 20, 1907, p. 1. On June 19th the government sent more troops to q u e l l .the unrest with force and the June 22, 1907 headline in L'Humanite read "Apres des Massacres." p. 1. 91 Mayeur and Reberioux, The Third Republ ic , 250-252. 92 Sa id , Or ienta l i sm, 208. 93 Le Bon, The Psychology of Peoples, 48-49 94 I b i d . , p. 70. 95 I b i d . 96 Sa id , Or ienta l i sm, 232. 97 L e B o n The Psychology of Peoples, 4-6. 9 8 A l i c e Widener, e d . , Gustave Le Bon: The Man and His  Works (Indianapol is : L i b e r t y Press , 1979), 108. Paul Lafargue, The Right to be Lazy and other Studies , 137-138, argued against such theories in his a r t i c l e "On the Woman Question" and proposed that the loss of superior status and the "brutal subjugation of women" in contemorary soc ie ty was a resu l t ' of a soc ie ty based on pr ivate property . He suggested that the r e - i n s t i t u t i o n of common property would assure " . . . the sexual r e la t ions of free and equal women and men who w i l l not be united nor separated by sordid mater ia l interests . . . " 90 CHAPTER II UGLY INTENTIONS Demetrios throws upon the table the lump of damp c lay which he has brought there . He presses i t , he kneads i t , he draws i t out according to the human form; a sort of barbarous monster i s born of h is ardent f ingers; he looks. 1 Pierre Louys, 1896. II existe deux sortes d'hommes en bo l s , Les tetes precieusement t r a v a i l l e e s , Receptacles de doctrines admirables, Et les brutes , j 'entends non faconnees, Eh! s i , les brutes et les buches. 2 Alfred J a r r y , c . 1906. Le forfit n'est pas qu'un monde vegeta l . C'est auss i un monde humain . . . l a soc iete des hommes des bois fut l 'une des socieetes les plus anciennement s tructurees . 3 Annie K r i e g e l , 1968. The Blue Nude (Souvenir of B i s k r a ) , by Matisse and Les Demoiselles d'Avignon, by Picasso were conceived in 1906. While i t can be shown that Matisse completed his p r i m i t i v i z e d image by the spr ing of 1907, there is s t i l l some controversy over the completion date of Picasso 's pa int ing in i t s present s ta te . However, the pr imi t ive reference in the l a t t e r was 4 achieved by the late summer of 1907. In these Neo-O r i e n t a l i s t pa int ings , the P r i m i t i v i s m which character izes the female subjects as "ugly" is expressed through extreme 91 formal d i s t o r t i o n . When placed in the general ized context of academic and avant-garde t r a d i t i o n s of the painted female nude as e r o t i c and/or exo t i c , i t is the extreme formal d i s t o r t i o n s produced by Matisse and Picasso which seems to d i f f e r e n t i a t e t h e i r paint ings from e i ther t r a d i t i o n . The European t r a d i t i o n of the painted female nude as an object of sexual pleasure dates from the I t a l i a n Renaissance. From the time of B o t t i c e l l i in the 15th century and Giorgione and T i t i a n in the 16th century, a c l a s s i c a l context was used to distance the viewer from r e a l i t y . By the 18th century, there were important challenges to the por traya l of such subject matter which departed from th i s c l a s s i c a l t r a d i t i o n ; for example, Goya's e r o t i c and exot ic pa int ings , the Majas 1797-1798. Here, the female subject is contemporized without a l l u s i o n to c l a s s i c a l myth. Through the 19th century, Ingres and Cabanel chose the c l a s s i c a l t r a d i t i o n of mythological reference to mask the ero t i c i sm of t h e i r female nudes. However, i t was Ingres who subt ly d i s t o r t e d his female nudes to heighten t h e i r ero t i c i sm and often placed them in p s e u d o - r e a l i s t i c O r i e n t a l set t ings to achieve an exot ic e f f e c t . In contrast , De lacro ix ' s Or ienta l i sm, as manipulated in paintings such as The Death of Sardanapalalus, 1827-8, presented female nudes as objects of male violence under the guise of imaginary v i s i o n s . Manet's modernist approach to the female nude as pros t i tu te in the 19th century was an avant-garde negation of c l a s s i c a l and imaginary 92 reference in the t r a d i t i o n a l sense of the e r o t i c and exo t i c . By the late 19th century, Gauguin's in teres t in the non-western female subject as a source for e r o t i c and exot ic replaced c l a s s i c a l myth with the myth of the pr imi t ive T a h i t i a n soc i e ty . Cezanne's ear ly paint ings of nude females were obvious imaginary bourgeois v i s ions of the e r o t i c and e x o t i c . His la te bathing compositions, which integrated abstract and d i s tor ted female nudes into wooded landscape, were scenes of r u r a l French p r i m i t i v i s m . In the s p e c i f i c context of t h e i r production in 1906 and 1907 as P a r i s i a n avant-garde representations of the female, i t is the emphasis on P r i m i t i v i s m of form which appears to d i f f e r e n t i a t e the paintings by Matisse and Picasso from the female subjects p ictured in contemporaneous o f f i c i a l and popular c u l t u r e . Placed in the context of avant-garde responses to academic t r a d i t i o n , The Blue Nude and Les Demoiselles  d'Avignon, form a dialogue with the new taste in the 20th century for the e r o t i c and exot ic as symbolized by the r e v i v a l of 19th Century O r i e n t a l i s t pa int ing and the debates at that time over the cont inuat ion of the French t r a d i t i o n in p a i n t i n g . Ingres The Turkish Bath, c. 1852, was cen tra l to a re trospect ive which he shared with Manet at the 1905 Society du Salon d'Automne. As w e l l , exot ic and e r o t i c female nudes by Gauguin and Cezanne and Cezanne's abs trac t , d i s tor ted bathers were increas ing ly v i s i b l e at the Salon d'Automne by 93 1905 and 1906 in P a r i s . The question to be answered however, i s how the notions of Or ienta l i sm and P r i m i t i v i s m influenced the e r o t i c and exot ic avant-garde paintings of women by Matisse and Picasso . These pa int ings , which were not reproduced from l i v e models, operated d i f f e r e n t l y within the context of Or ienta l i sm and P r i m i t i v i s m in r e l a t i o n to the issue of c lass s trugg le , as p ictured in the French popular press , and the world of o f f i c i a l a r t where the r e v i v a l of O r i e n t a l i s t p a i n t i n g coincided with neo-co lonia l i sm. The two pa int ings , The Blue Nude (Souvenir of Biskra) and Les Demoiselles d'Avignon are l inked, through the subject 5 of the "ugly" female as p r o s t i t u t e . Matisse's The_ Blue Nude, is i d e n t i f i e d as a pros t i tu te through the known codes of academic prac t i ce wherein the pros t i tu te was s i g n i f i e d by 6 her hor i zonta l pose and her nudity . the Blue Nude, however, projects a new v i s i o n of pr imi t ive sexua l i ty through her d i s tor ted form, which is not t y p i c a l of e i ther O r i e n t a l i s t pa int ing or of Ingres more subt ly Ideal ized odal isques . She is d i f f e r e n t and Matisse has emphasized her d i f ference by s t re s s ing the awkward contours of her form and by applying dashes of raw Fauve co lour . There are a l l u s i o n s to the Western idea l of female beauty in the paint ing such as the hor i zonta l pose I t s e l f , the female nudity , and the i n d i r e c t gaze, however, the pa int ing lacks the f i n i s h of t r a d i t i o n a l Salon p a i n t i n g . 94 The e r o t i c e f fec t of The_Blue_Nude 1s pr imi t ive sexua l i ty i s accomplished through the gross exaggeration of her female anatomy and enhanced by the exot ic s e t t i n g . While she is a l m o s t - l i f e - s i z e d , which produces an i l l u s i o n of her dominance in the landscape, her inhumanity is accentuated by the humanly impossible pose and the abrupt i n t r u s i o n of the canvas edge which cuts off part of her l e f t arm. Her sk in is d i f f e r e n t , i t i s t inged with blue which separates her from the creamy-pink nudes of the Western academic and Salon t r a d i t i o n . The Blue Nude has the status of a subjected, French possession whose grotesquely s ized body and large feet are a tangible contrast to the Western idea l of female beauty and re inforce her u n c i v i l i z e d nature. Her head appears to be too small and youthful to f i t the overblown maturity of her form. The overt s exua l i ty of her immense, twisted torso is emphasized by her ra i sed shoulders which thrust her massive breasts outwards and dwarf her almost superfluous head and neck. Matisse has replaced the academic convention of the c l a s s i c a l nude with long, flowing f a i r locks with a female whose hair i s short , black and d u l l . Matisse has exploi ted the curve of the hip of The Blue  Nude in the same way that Rochegrosse had pic tured his s ing le nude in the lower r i g h t corner of La Joie Rouge, a convention that goes back to T i t i a n ' s nudes. However, in Matisse 's pa int ing the l e f t leg of The Blue Nude i s inhumanly flung across her body to expose massive amounts of f leshy thigh and 95 ( to completely obscure, and thereby focus upon, her gen i ta l area . There is an unnatural angle to her buttock which contrasts with the curves of her f leshy breasts and th igh . These v i b r a t i n g curves are reproduced in the r e p e t i t i v e blue forms of her breast and i n the dark depths of the mysterious shadow behind her torso and again echoed by a palm frond. S imi lar to the models i n the couturier Salons of L ' A s s i e t t e  au Beurre, discussed in the previous chapter, The Blue Nude has been deformed to Increase the s ize of her breasts and her buttocks. Reminiscent of Rochegrosse's exot ic landscape i n La Joie Rouge, crimson flowers decorate the l e f t s ide of the canvas in a lush profusion of symbolic f e r t i l i t y . Their rea l i sm c o l l i d e s with the a r t i f i c e and p l a s t i c u n r e a l i t y of the s trangely-coloured palm fronds. However, while The  Blue Nude functions as a sexual object in the same manner as Rochegrosse's powerless nudes, she i s not just a reproductive symbol but a symbol of exot ic p r o s t i t u t i o n . Her pr imi t ive s exua l i ty marks her as an a l i e n sub-human species—an "ugly" woman subjugated by and subject to the demands of Western c i v i l i z a t i o n . Thus, while the pa int ing is of a d i s t o r t e d female nude with pr imi t ive c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , o f f er ing a contrast to Roehdegrosse's c l a s s i c a l beauties , as a female subject The Blue Nude s t i l l remains close to the French t r a d i t i o n of c l a s s i c a l l y posed r e c l i n i n g nudes. The decorative features of t y p i c a l O r i e n t a l i s t pa int ing of 96 powerless women In imaginary exot ic landscape do not negate th i s t r a d i t i o n . In contras t , Picasso's image is both a n t i - c l a s s i c and non-decorative and breaks with the t r a d i t i o n of, r e c l i n i n g nudes and decorative landscapes which are found in the paintings of Rochegrosse and Matisse . Instead, Picasso 's pa int ing of f ive females seems to form a c loser r e l a t i o n s h i p with the i l l u s i o n s of female power produced in the discourse of the popular press , for example, the images of female workers in L ' A s s i e t t e au Beurre who function in connection with the c lass s truggle . However, Picasso has exploi ted d i s t o r t e d form and rejected c l a s s i c a l notions of beauty. Picasso 's composition is more complex than The Blue Nude and in place of a s ingle f igure there is a group of f ive nearly l i f e - s i z e d female f igures of which four are standing and one is seated. In comparison with Matisse 's pa in t ing , Picasso has a lso increased the e f fect of compressed space through the use of abstract s p a t i a l i l l u s i o n and i n t e n s i f i e d the formal d i s t o r t i o n of his subjects . In contrast to Matisse's s ing le nude, which sprawls l a z i l y in a confined landscape, g iv ing the appearance she i s i n a dominant p o s i t i o n , Picasso has arranged his f igures in three d i s t i n c t i v e groups; a s ing le f igure at l e f t and two groups of two, one of which is in the middle port ion of the canvas and the other on the far r i g h t . At l e f t , stands a s o l i t a r y f igure in p r o f i l e , breastplate in place of curving breasts 97 and she is draped. At centre , the pair of f ronta l ly -posed females are u n i f i e d by t h e i r i d e n t i c a l f a c i a l features which are at the same time p r o f i l e s and f r o n t a l views; the i r legs of s i m i l a r shape and colour do not a l i g n with t h e i r bodies. These f igures a lso d i f f e r from the others through t h e i r apparel ; one is i n a u t i l i t a r i a n undershirt and the other p a r t i a l l y draped in f a b r i c . The feminine form of both f igures , while e x p l i c i t , i s de-emphasized by the use of angles in place of curves as a means to h igh l igh t the feminine body. The two f igures on the r i g h t have been transformed into sub-human forms with mask-faces and are d i f f e r e n t i a t e d by t h e i r poses and the degree to which each is p r i m i t i v i z e d . The background f igure ' s nude torso has square patches, which in colour and form, resemble areas of t i l l e d land yet are placed to indicate breasts: the lower port ion of her body is p a r t i a l l y blocked by the seated f igure . The pr imi t ive e f fect of th i s seated f igure is achieved through the lack of d e f i n i t i o n in the hands, the increased asymmetry of the mask-face and body, and the ambiguity and aggression of the open-legged pose. Some portions of th i s f igure are obscured from view, s i m i l a r to the way in which Matisse had cut off the arm of The Blue Nude at the canvas edge. The most d i s turb ing aspects of Picasso 's seated f igure are her pr imi t ive features , her aggressive pose and the d i s r u p t i o n of immediate gender i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . The 98 d e l i b e r a t e l a c k of. d e t a i l , such as t he absence of b r e a s t s and d e f i n i t i o n of female g e n i t a l i a , increases the e f fec t of gender confusion and problematizes her i d e n t i t y as female. Female i d e n t i f i c a t i o n has been sh i f t ed to the s t i l l - l i f e of f r u i t where d isplaced sexual c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are found i n t h e i r symbolic forms. In f a c t , a s t i l l - l i f e is formed within the pa int ing i t s e l f by a white-clothed table laden with th i s f r u i t which t i l t s and juts into the p ic ture space cut t ing through the f r o n t a l plane near the centre of the p a i n t i n g . The seated f igure is ac t ivated by a gesture which suggests the eat ing of a piece of the f lesh-coloured melon. This devouring motion is l inked to the table by the empty r i n d of the melon wedge. An i l l u s i o n of sexual aggressiveness i s produced by the devouring motion and the open-legged pose of the most p r i m i t i v i z e d f i g u r e . P icasso 's Demoiselles d i f f e r from the c l a s s i c a l notion of beauty exhibited by the powerful nudes of the popular press , from both the t r a d i t i o n a l powerless nudes manipulated by Rochegrosse and Matisse's a l l u s i o n to th i s same t r a d i t i o n . . Instead, Picasso has taken Matisse 's suggestions of p r i m i t i v e form in The Blue Nude to a new extreme. That i s , whereas Matisse's d i s t o r t e d nude becomes an increas ing ly powerless object through his conception of P r i m i t i v i s m , Picasso 's d i s t o r t e d nudes acquire powerful and threatening personas through his manipulation of P r i m i t i v i s m . Space in the Les Demoiselles d 1 Avignon i s compressed, 99 fragmented and shallow and defined by patches of sky-blue and natural earth tones of r u r a l landscape. The flowing curves of the c u r t a i n at the upper l e f t tend to become t e x t u r a l l y b r i t t l e and jagged. While Matisse had stressed the exot ic and decorative q u a l i t y of imaginary landscape, Picasso disrupted th i s e f fect with d i s c o n t i n u i t i e s of form, space and co lour . P icasso 's s p a t i a l fragmentation is i n t e n s i f i e d by the d i s j o i n t e d bodies and inconsis tent fleshtones which are l i t by a harsh, even l i g h t . References to landscape and curta ins in the compressed space produce an ambiguous i n t e r i o r / e x t e r i o r environment. The s tr idency of Picasso 's f igures act to de-emphasize, d isplace and transform any construct ion of passive feminity through gender i d e n t i t y , which, in the case of the seated nude, i s symbolized in the environment of the s t i l l - l l f e . Picasso has not only reversed Matisse 's s trategy of e x p l o i t i n g the t r a d i t i o n of the overblown arabesque form of The Blue Nude but explo i ted Matisse's angular deformations to defeminize and p r i m i t i v i s e the f igures . P icasso 's f igures d i f f e r from popular and o f f i c i a l images of the nude s p e c i f i c a l l y through t h e i r r e j e c t i o n of the Western idea l of female beauty. His aggressive use of P r i m i t i v i s m a lso contrasts with Matisse 's concern for the p r i m i t i v e s exua l i ty of the submissive North A f r i c a n female. Thus, while the female nudes in Grandjouan's popular images are presented as powerful in r e l a t i o n to working c lass 100 i ssues , and produce an i l l u s i o n which re jec t s t h e i r i d e n t i t y as "ugly" women, through the appropriat ion of the Western idea l of female beauty, the nudes, as has already been discussed, are threatening in r e l a t i o n to c lass s trugg le . Rochegrosse's nudes inhabit the world of o f f i c i a l a r t and appeal d i r e c t l y to the male-dominated bourgeois c lass through t h e i r expression of the e r o t i c and exot ic without threat to French c u l t u r a l dominance or to Western male dominance i n terms of race , sex or c l a s s . Matisse 's presentat ion of h is seductive p r i m i t i v e l y Infer ior female nude supported the same viewpoint as Rochegrosse. At the same time, in sp i te of the formal presentation of The Blue  Nude as a dominant f igure , Matisse 's pr imi t ivzed nude exhib i t s a greater degree of i n f e r i o r i t y and domination. Picasso , on the other hand, transformed his female subjects into f igures of power and aggression. The two most p r i m i t i v i z e d f igures on the far r i g h t appear to embody the image of the working c lass pros t i tu te and act to d i srupt the t r a d i t i o n a l construct ion of the powerless, nude female p ic tured for the enjoyment of the Western, bourgeois male. P icasso 's reference to the working c lass through the subject of the pros t i tu te exhbits an awareness of c lass struggle which is absent from Mat isse 1 s p a i n t i n g . This d i f ference in viewpoint between Matisse and Picasso can be i l l u s t r a t e d by t h e i r a r t i s t i c pract i ce in r e l a t i o n to the production of The Blue Nude and Les Demoiselles d'Avignon 101 in 1906 and 1907. Although both a r t i s t s were part of the same avant-garde c i r c l e in Par i s t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p with the a r t i s t i c world was not the same. Eager to p a r t i c i p a t e In the system, Matisse had exhibi ted his ar t in both t r a d i t i o n a l and 7 progressive Salons. Picasso , on the contrary , was-not showing in a r t Salons at th i s time; Instead, his work was known in the shops of a few small dealers and by the v i s i t o r s who had access to the pr ivacy of his s tudio , which a lso 8 functioned as his home. Consistent with Matisse 's p r a c t i c e , The Blue Nude was exhibited at the spr ing Salon des 9 Independants of 1907 under the t i t l e Tableau I I I . By showing at the Independants, Matisse was able to bypass a j u r y , d i r e c t l y address the bourgeois publ ic and i n v i t e i t s attendant c r i t i c a l intervent ion as well as i t s patronage. Picasso , in contras t , chose to bypass the Salon system e n t i r e l y , and to ignore the bourgeois p u b l i c , i t s c r i t i c a l in tervent ion and i t s patronage. Instead, he kept his pa int ing in his studio where i t was seen by a se l ec t audience 10 of f r i ends , a r t i s t s , dealers and patrons. Matisse succeeded in l u r i n g a buyer immediately and his pa int ing was purchased by Leo S te in , a pr ivate American c o l l e c t o r then 11 l i v i n g in P a r i s . Yet, except for two photographs from 1907 and 1908, P icasso 's pa int ing was known in th i s period only 12 through anecdote and memoir. Although, no known documented c r i t i c i s m of Picasso 's pa int ing ex i s t s from 1907, there are three known published 102 c r i t i c i s m s of Matisse 's pa in t ing , each from a d i f f e r e n t c r i t i c a l perspect ive . Louis Vauxcel les , was the f i r s t to describe the paint ing in his review of the Salon for the l i b e r a l P a r i s i a n d a i l y , G i l B i a s . His view from the anarchis t l e f t provides a v i v i d d e s c r i p t i o n of Matisse 's nude as an "ugly" woman. J'avoue ne pas comprendre. Une femme nue, l a i d e , etendue dans 1'herbe d'un bleu opaque, sous des palmiers . Je ne voudrais , en quoi que ce fu t , f ro i s s er un a r t i s t e dont je sa i s l ' a r d e u r , l a conv ic t ion; mais le dess in i c i m'apparait rudimentaire et le c o l o r i s c r u e l ; le bras d r o i t de l a nymphe homasse est p la t et pesant; le hanchement du corps deforme determine une arabesque de f e u i l l a g e a moins que ce ne s o i t 1 ' incurvat ion du f eu i l l age qui motive l a courbe de l a femme. II y a l a un e f f o r t d ' a r t tendant vers l ' a b s t r a i t , qui m'echappe totalement. 13 Vauxcelles d i s l i k e d the "ugly" abs trac t ion of the female form and revealed his preference for a r e a l i s t i c , less imaginative d i s t o r t i o n of feminini ty which he f e l t had been s a c r i f i c e d to Matisse's decorative "arabesques." In the same review, Vauxcelles took s p e c i a l care to note that the "Fauves" had by now received o f f i c i a l approval and could no longer be 14 considered as avant-garde by the spr ing of 1907. A c r i t i q u e from the r i g h t by Georges Desva l l i eres re f l ec ted a conservative viewpoint in praise of Matisse and explains the connection between decorative form and o f f i c i a l acceptance. Desva l l i eres commented on The Blue Nude in the Grande Revue', on A p r i l 10, 1907: 103 "Deormations voulues, un peu trop premeditees peut-e tre , surtout dans l a grande f i g u r e . Grand e f f o r t a regarder serieusement, attentivement, respecteusement." 15 Desva l l i eres d id not object to the p r i m i t i v i z e d form of the nude but to the overtness of Matisse 's formal d i s t o r t i o n . Unlike Vauxcel les , Desval l i eres approved of the decorative form which Vauxcelles had found d i sconcer t ing . Charles Morice, c r i t i c for the Mercure and known for his sympathetic approach to the P a r i s i a n avant-garde, wrote his remarks under the t i t l e "Art Moderne," in the A p r i l 15th, 1907 issue. His disapproval re la ted to both the form and the content of Matisse 's pa int ing and was expressed in his d i s l i k e of th i s "academie dis loquee: Tableau No. I l l ; Inquietante: pretent ieuse , qui ne s i g n i f i e r i e n ou ce p a r f a i t contentment de so i dont les v r a i s mattres n'ont jamais connu que le des ir . . . II s 'y obst ine; et i l y est s u i v i . F a u t - i l done regarder de plus pres . . . ce Tableau No. I l l , et tristement y vo i r le temoignage deplorable d'une impuissance aggravee de vanite? II n'y a, 1&, n i composit ion,--malgre l a s i m p l i c i t y balbutlante du dess in , on cherche 1'unite du ' T a b l e a u , ' e l l e se perd dans les plans qui s 'entreheurtent , dans les couleurs qui refusent de s 'accorder , n i decorat ion, n i expression, n i s t y l e . " 16 It was the lack of meaning—the emptiness of the content iwhich resul ted from the absence of formal cohesiveness and ah o v e r a l l harmony which disturbed the Symbolist c r i t i c , Morice. Vauxcelles was the only c r i t i c to acknowledge the subject of Matisse 's pa int ing as a female. Indeed, i t was Matisse 's p r l m i t l v i z a t i o n for the sake of decorat ion which 104 Vauxcelles read as mascu l in iz ing , commenting p a r t i c u l a r l y upon the deformed r i g h t arm of The Blue Nude. Vauxcelles c a l l e d her an "ugly" and "masculine nymph" whose deformed curves form an unnatural , abstract presentat ion merely for the sake of decorat ion . I r o n i c a l l y , i t was t h i s very manner of decorative deformation of the f igure which a t trac ted Desva l l i eres and for which he gave Matisse c r e d i t for his c lose observat ion--as i f Matisse had been looking at a l i v e model. Desval l ieeres only concern was the obviousness of th i s device , not that Matisse had p r i m i t i v i z e d the form of his model. In contrast , Morice saw The Blue Nude as a f a i l e d avant-garde response to the academic t r a d i t i o n of the female nude which he blamed on Matisse 's f a i l u r e to invest the forms with s i g n i f i c a n t meaning. To Morice, the pa int ing was nothing more than an empty symbol of the a r t i s t ' s s e l f -17 conce i t . A year l a t e r , in the spr ing of 1908, P icasso 's "ugly" women were considered to be the u g l i e s t . V i s i t e d in his studio by the American a r t i s t / c r i t i c , Gelet t Burgess, Picasso was interviewed and the pa in t ing , Study by Picasso , was photographed. This a r t i c l e by Burgess, which was not published u n t i l 1910 in the United States , described the c r i t i c ' s experience in the world of the P a r i s i a n avant-garde to his American audience as an i n i t i a t i o n into . . . a 18 universe of ug l iness ." In p a r t i c u l a r , i t was Picasso 's paint ings which the American c r i t i c found most "primit ive" 105 and thus the most "ugly." He wrote: Monstrous monolithic women, creatures l i k e Alaskan totem po l e s , hacked out of s o l i d , b r u t a l c o l o r s , f r i g h t f u l , a p p a l l i n g ! . . . h is pyramidal women, his sub-Afr ican c a r i c a t u r e s , f igures with eyes askew, with contorted legs , and—things unmentionably worse, . . . Where has he found his o g r i l l l o n s ? . . . Only the very joy of l i f e could reve l i n such b r u t a l i t i e s . 19 Burgess was therefore the f i r s t to suggest the "African" and p r i m i t i v e context of Picasso's Les Demoiselles d'Avignon, at a time when p r i m i t i v e a r t was becoming both commercialized 20 and prized by c o l l e c t o r s . Burgess a lso noted that i t was Matisse who was the leader of the v i s i o n of ugl iness which Burgess found to be the predominant c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the 21 P a r i s i a n avant-garde. According to Burgess, the production of "ugly" women by "The Wild Men of P a r i s , " who followed Matisse 's l ead , was not only a s ign of youthful r e b e l l i o n but 22 was the outward manifestation of t h e i r v i r i l i t y . This c o n f l a t i o n of P r i m i t i v i s m and male power in r e l a t i o n to the P a r i s i a n avant-garde, and to Matisse and Picasso in p a r t i c u l a r , i s woven into the a r t h i s t o r i c a l t r a d i t i o n which surrounds the s h i f t i n g s ty les of Fauvism and Cubism. The scholarsh ip of A l f r e d Barr , J r . , continues to provide basic resource mater ia l for the study of Matisse and Picasso . In his a r t i c l e , "Matisse, Picasso , and the C r i s i s of 1907," Barr establ ished the importance of Matisse 's a r t as an influence on Picasso and the subsequent s h i f t in avant-garde leadership . Barr ' s study rested on the premise of the 106 c r e a t i v e male a r t i s t i c geniu3 and h i s b e l i e f t h a t t h e s e a r t i s t s , d i f f e r e n t in persona l i ty , were both geniuses. He commented upon t h e i r opposite q u a l i t i e s i n r e l a t i o n to t h e i r age, experience and persona l i ty to show that Matisse was the natural leader due to his maturity , i n t e l l i g e n c e , seriousness 23 and t a l e n t . In contras t , Barr argued, Picasso was the youthfu l , Spanish prodigy who worked alone and chose to 24 remain a loof from the Salons. Barr compared Matisse 's Bonheur de v lvre of the spr ing of 1906 with Picasso 's Les Demoiselles d'Avlgnon i n terms of a common s t y l i s t i c source which could be found in Cezanne's bather compositions. While acknowledging that both a r t i s t s borrowed f r e e l y from Western and non-western t r a d i t i o n s , Barr suggested that there was a d i f ference in s p a t i a l forms. Barr concluded, however, that t h e i r r e a l d i f ference lay in t h e i r "effect" with Matisse 's pa int ing an obvious expression of "enjoyment of the good l i f e " and Picasso 's being "forbidding , formidable, even 25 f r i g h t e n i n g . " Although he mentioned the appearance of the "formidable" Blue Nude in 1907, he d id not discuss the pa int ing nor question other e x t r a - a r t i s t i c factors which might influence the d i f f e r e n t "effect" of the content of 26 Matisse and Picasso 's production at th i s time. Matisse's Bonheur de v lvre appeared at the same moment as Rochegrosse 1s La Joie Rouge and Grandjouan's l e r mal. As an expression of Matisse 's l i b e r a l b e l i e f in human freedom and the enjoyment 107 of sexual pleasure and l e i s u r e i t functioned as a symbol of 27 bourgeois values . The issues of P r i m i t i v i s m and male power were cen tra l to the c r i t i c a l debates which arose in r e l a t i o n to the promotion for and the c r i t i c i s m of the Salon d'Automne of 1905. From i t s Inception in 1903, the Salon d'Automne was intended to be a progress ive , j u r i e d Salon for the e x h i b i t i o n and sale of a r t produced by i t s members and as an a l t e r n a t i v e to both the h ierarchy of t r a d i t i o n a l Salons and to the unjur i ed , open 28 disorder of the Salon des Independants According to E l i e Faure, in his in troduct ion to the 1905 catalogue, the Salon d'Automne's pride was in the suppression of t r a d i t i o n a l categories , open to a l l the a r t s , and as Faure phrased i t , th i s newest Salon represented " . . . l ' o r d r e confus de l a 29 v i e . " In reference to the 1905 retrospect ive show of works by Ingres and Manet at the Salon d'Automne, Faure suggested that i t was through th i s type of re trospect ive and the Salons's openness to the avant-garde that the c o n t i n u i t y of the French t r a d i t i o n through "son patrlmolne hered i ta ire" was assured and the danger of "1 'a l lure revolut ionnaire" on the 30 part of the younger a r t i s t s would be d i s s i p a t e d . This re trospect ive would play a d i s t i n c t i v e ro le in the encouragement of the avant-garde in the ear ly 20th century to 31 paint e r o t i c and exot ic female subjects . Furthermore, Faure's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of M l a renaissance de l ' E c o l e francaise" was not just an expression of male domination but 108 32 a l so cast In the language of French nat ional i sm. For instance, Faure's Utopian ideal i sm embodied the b e l i e f that the new generation inher i ted through "notre sang" and "l'dme francaise" the a b i l i t y to invent "un langage nouveau" from the 17th century precedent of a Poussin to the 20th century 33 precedents of Gauguin and Cezanne. Faure denounced s c i e n t i f i c p o s i t i v i s m to promote the importance of i n t u i t i o n as the new language of the avant-garde, a language which was 34 ". . . l a trace i n t e l l e c t u e l l e des generations d isparues ." Faure viewed the influence of the P r i m i t i v i s m of Gauguin or Cezanne on avant-garde a r t as pos i t ive through i t s rejuvenation of the un i ty , s u p e r i o r i t y and v i r i l i t y of the French t r a d i t i o n . Faure bel ieved that th i s pos i t i ve inf luence , which flowed from French c l a s s i c i s m , was embodied in the funct ion of the Salon d'Automne as both a showplace and marketplace for French avant-garde a r t . In opposi t ion to such a view, a conservative c r i t i c l i k e Camil le Mauc la ir , c r i t i c i z e d the 1905 Salon d'Automne for i t s 35 indiscr iminate promotion of the avant-garde. Maucla ir , an ardent promoter of Impressionism, was the most v i o l e n t c r i t i c of what he termed Cezanne's "pr imi t iv i sm." He d id not hes i tate to chast ize Cezanne's fol lowers who showed at the Salon d'Automne. However, Mauclair viewed the 1905 retrospect ive showing of Ingres and Manet in a d i f f e r e n t l i g h t . For Maucla ir , who measured the success of a work of a r t by p o s i v i t i s t c r i t e r i a , Ingres and Manet were the 109 exemplary upholders of the true forms of beauty: Ingres for 36 his s k i l l e d draftsmanship and Manet for his use of sc ience . Mauclair chose Cezanne as the main target of his c r i t i c a l view of the new generation of avant-garde pa in ters . Under Mauc la i r ' s pen, Cezanne acquired the i n f e r i o r persona of the r u r a l French peasant who was uncultured and u n c i v i l i z e d . Regarder les tableaux de M. Cezanne aupres d'un Monet ou d'un Renoir, ce la equivaut a comparer une danse de paysans en sabots et une danse' d'Isadora Duncan. 37 Mauclair saw Cezanne's influence on contemporary modern a r t as detrimental and i d e n t i f i e d P r i m i t i v i s m with both the peasant c lass and with A f r i c a n cul ture as a form of c u l t u r a l regress ion . To prove his po in t , he compared the methods and subjects chosen by Ingres and Cezanne in r e l a t i o n to the d i f ference between what he considered to be high and low c u l t u r a l forms. Thus, while the paint ings of Ingres were reminiscent of sophis t icated opera, Cezanne's paint ings were only sui ted to a comparison with "les tams-tams des palabres 38 a f r i c a i n e s . " Mauclair f e l t threatened by P r i m i t i v i s m which he viewed as a s ign of degeneration of the s u p e r i o r i t y of the French c l a s s i c a l t r a d i t i o n . This t r a d i t i o n of academic technique and aesthet ic standard which, according to Maucla ir , had been upheld by the Impressionists , was now in jeopardy. His fear of P r i m i t i v i s m was re la ted to v i r i l i t y in his d e s c r i p t i o n of the P a r i s i a n avant-garde at the 1905 Salon as a new generation of ". . . des neutres, incapables 110 39 d'enrayer un mouvement, lncapables d'en creer un." Therefore, while the l i b e r a l , a n t i - p o s i t i v i s t ideology of the Salon d'Automne projected the avant-garde's in teres t in P r i m i t i v i s m as a masculine symbol of power and potency, to regenerate French c i v i l i z a t i o n , Mauc la ir ' s conservat ive , p o s i t i v i s m defended the same dominant interests of race , sex and c lass by envis ioning avant-garde P r i m i t i v i s m as a symptom of degeneracy and by c a l l i n g the a r t i s t s impotent, powerless eunuchs, dangerous to French c u l t u r a l dominance. Mauclair was confident that the popular i ty of the c u l t of Cezanne would be ephemeral in the sphere of publ ic taste which would not accept "ugly" female subjects . He wrote: II (the publ ic ) aime les femmes en savon rose, parce que "c'est j o l l " , mais i l ne t o l e r e r a pas l e s femmes equarrles a coups de serpe et les barboul l lages congola is , parce que ce n'est pas j o l i " . 40 The l i b e r a l view of the Salon d'Automne looked with approval upon the production of "ugly" female subjects of lower c lass pros t i tu tes and female peasants as rejuvenating French a r t , while these same "ugly" female images threatened Mauc la i r ' s conservative concern for protect ion of the status quo. As has been discussed in Chapter One, although these a t t i tudes towards P r i m i t i v i s m were d i f f e r e n t , they were supported by Le Bon's r a c i a l theor ies , of the s u p e r i o r i t y of French c i v i l i z a t i o n through the male bourgeois c l a s s , and were in turn> supportive of French neo-colonia l i sm and of relevance in the atmosphere of increased p o l a r i z a t i o n of the classes in 111 France. In 1906 and 1907 c lass consciousness had permeated not only the i n d u s t r i a l i z e d working c lass but a lso the feminist movement and the r u r a l populat ions, groups which challenged the status quo of bourgeois c a p i t a l i s t soc ie ty . At the same time, the A f r i c a n natives were r e s i s t i n g easy subjugation. As the preceding analys i s demonstrates, the P r i m i t i v i s m of the "ugly" exot ic and e r o t i c nude in Matisse 's Neo-O r i e n t a l i s t pa int ing The Blue Nude d i f f e r e d from the P r i m i t i v i s m expressed by Picasso 's "ugly" women of Les Demoiselles d*Avignon. Matisse 's pa int ing functioned in support of the new taste for e r o t i c and exot ic imagery and i n d i r e c t l y upheld the delus ion of Western bourgeois male s u p e r i o r i t y . Not reproduced d i r e c t l y from a model but from a damaged, hand-sculpted c l a y model of a decorative scu lpture , s i m i l i a r to the subsequent Rec l in ing Nude ( F i g . 9) , Matisse 's seductive pa int ing was the r e s u l t of an Alger ian vacation in 41 May of 1906. Matisse had spent some time at the oasis of Biskra which was well-known as a haven for wealthy Europeans seeking a warm, dry cl imate and exot ic sexual experiences. Its a l l u r i n g reputat ion was promoted in the l i t e r a r y works of P ierre Louys and Andre Gide. The novels of Louys, which were writ ten for a French, bourgeois heterosexual male audience, are p a r t i c u l a r l y s l g n i f i c n t as precedents for the 42 e r o t i c and exot ic ideologies of Matisse 's The Blue Nude. B i s k r a ' s c r u c i a l importance-to French c u l t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l 112 hegemony i n A f r i c a was i t s p o s i t i o n as the s o u t h e r n - m o s t point on the French-Alger ian ra i lway . The a v a i l a b i l i t y of exot ic sexual pleasure offered by the services of l o c a l pros t i tu tes who belonged to the French dominated cul ture of A l g e r i a , was an added feature ind ica t ive of French contro l in North A f r i c a . North A f r i c a n women were not only enjoyed by t o u r i s t s they were used to provide sexual services for the 4 3 French m i l i t a r y . As pointed out in Chapter one, the m i l i t a r y were a v i t a l factor in the process of French neo-co lon ia l i sm in North A f r i c a . The promotion of A f r i c a n e r o t i c a in French novels , pseudo-anthropological magazines, c o l o n i a l exposit ions and a r t coincided with the changing s tructure of p r o s t i t u t i o n within France i t s e l f . P r o s t i t u t i o n i n Par i s in the ear ly 20th century became the focus of pressure groups; by those who as a b o l i t i o n i s t s wanted a l l regulat ion e l iminated , and by those who were concerned that the p r o s t i t u t e , l i k e the 4 4 c r i m i n a l , required surve i l l ance by state a u t h o r i t i e s . Between 1904 and 1908 s t r i c t regulat ion of t r a d i t i o n a l brothels (maison de passe, maison de to lerance , maison close) was l i b e r a l i z e d and a new form of s p e c i f i c a l l y bourgeois brothe l emerged, the malson-de-rendez-vous,, no doubt to offer 45 less r i s k to the health of bourgeois c l i e n t e l e . The malson-de-rendez-vous increas ing ly replaced the maisons de tolerance which at the close of the 19th century had been viewed as "temples des pervers ions ." The maisons 113 de tolerance functioned as e r o t i c and exot ic a t t rac t ions for t o u r i s t s and wealthy c l i e n t e l e . Their exot ic decoration had provocat ive ly enhanced the profusion of nudes who openly displayed t h e i r bodies in a v a r i e t y of lewd poses. To respond to the increasing demand for exot ic sexual pleasure, pros t i tu tes were r e c r u i t e d , as mentioned, from other cul tures through the White Slave Trade. The bourgeois male voyeur could sa fe ly observe th i s "tableau vivant" and various sexual spectacles from private enclosures where they were secreted 46 and t h e i r i d e n t i t y protected. The inhabitants of these brothels were often e x o t i c a l l y costumed to match the decor and offered a wide v a r i e t y of services to s u i t a l l sexual tastes and preferences. This type of brothel was an important commercial industry in Par i s at the t u r n - o f - t h e -47 century. The maison-de-rendez-vous functioned d i f f e r e n t l y by o f f er ing a more d i s cr iminat ing atmosphere of bourgeois r e s p e c t a b i l i t y and d i s c r e t i o n . The pros t i tu te was chosen from photographs in a mi l i eu which d i f f e r e d s i g n i c i c a n t l y from that of the malsbn de to lerance . The malson-de-rendez-vous had been notable for i t s e x o t i c a l l y decorated exter iors and i n t e r i o r s and s i m i l a r l y costumed p r o s t i t u t e s . It was through i t s exot ic ex ter ior that i t advert ised i t s function 48 as a b r o t h e l . In the atmosphere of reform, the bourgeois need for e r o t i c and exot ic sexual s t imulat ion was disrupted and new venues were c a l l e d for such as the theatre , the cafe-114 c o n c e r t s , t he t r a d i t i o n a l p r o g r e s s i v e a r t s a l o n s and the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of photographs which could be found in numerous publ icat ions p i c t u r i n g nude or semi-nude females e r o t i c a l l y 49 and e x o t i c a l l y posed. Matisse 's small c lay sculptures of th i s period were a lso a response to the taste for exot ic and e r o t i c images. Pseudo-anthroploglcal magazines were a r i c h source of e r o t i c and exot ic imagery and i t is known that Matisse r e l i e d on such a p u b l i c a t i o n for the pose of his decorative scu lpture , Two Negresses, 1908, his source being a photograph published in L'Humanite Feminine: Femmes d ' A f r i q u e , issue of January 5, 1907. Such photographs provided the " c i v i l i z e d " Western bourgeois male with proof of his powerful status thereby protect ing his imagined r a c i a l , sexual and c lass s u p e r i o r i t y . The d i s tor ted female of Matisse 's The Blue Nude functioned in a s i m i l a r fashion to these photographs of A f r i c a n women, to Rochegrosse's La Joie Rouge, and to Louys' novel and musical , Aphrodite . Said has described th i s delusion of power as Or ienta l i sm, a b e l i e f whereby . . . women are usua l ly the creatures of a male power-fantasy. They express unl imited sensua l i ty , they are more or less s t u p i d , and above a l l they are w i l l i n g . 51 This delus ion was e s sent ia l for maintaining the power s tructure of the male-dominated French bourgeois c lass in r e l a t i o n to both i t s contro l in A f r i c a and in French soc ie ty I t s e l f . S i g n i f i c a n t l y , the v i o l e n t , rapacious males of La Joie Rouge are absent from Matisse 's p a i n t i n g . In l i e u of 115 the viewer's i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the depic t ion of Roman male power, the bourgeois male i s d i r e c t l y implicated through the construct ion of an e r o t i c and exot ic male power fantasy in r e l a t i o n to a North A f r i c a n subject . While Rochegrosse's pa int ing and Lou i s ' novel r e t a i n a l l u s i o n s to the c l a s s i c a l concept of female beauty, Matisse 's The Blue Nude, l i k e the more popularized images in the pseudo-anthropoligcal magazine, is more obviously infused with the new taste for the exot ic and e r o t i c pr imi t ive s exua l i ty of A f r i c a n women r e l a t i v e to c l a s s i c a l forms of the exot ic and e r o t i c . Matisse 's p r i m i t i v i z e d f igure is Neo-Oriental ism at work. The avant-garde c r i t i c A p o l l i n a i r e recognized th i s process in Matisse's a r t in his c r i t i q u e of December, 1907. A p o l l i n a i r e was convinced that Matisse r e l i e d on the concept of beauty of Western t r a d i t i o n in sp i te of his fasc inat ion with other c u l t u r e s . But although he is eager to know the a r t i s t i c countenance of a l l human races , Henri Matisse remains devoted above a l l to the beauty of Europe. 52 The sensual creature of Matisse 's imagination inhabits the t e r r a i n of a lush North A f r i c a n oas i s , unprotected by harem or ve i l—her subjected pose proof of the c u l t u r a l breakdown for which she is a symbol. While Rochegrosse's image re la ted to the phys ica l abduction of women for male pleasure and procreat ion they are not obviously p ic tured as p r i m i t i v e , t h e i r i n f e r i o r i t y i s r e l a t i v e to t h e i r i d e n t i f i c a -t i o n as female. In contrast , Matisse's nude is p ic tured as 116 d i f f e r e n t , an a l i e n who has been c o l o u r f u l l y d e c o r a t e d as a French subject to denote her c u l t u r a l subjugation. Her funct ion as a pros t i tu te is re inforced by the pos i t i on of the f leshy thigh which h igh l ights her gen i ta l area in an i n v i t i n g l y seductive fashion which Intens i f ied her appeal as 53 e r o t i c and e x o t i c . The most t e r r i f y i n g image to a bourgeois male heterosexual was that of the eunuch, the castrated male who was rendered impotent. While vacat ioning at Gosol , Spain in the summer of 1906, Picasso painted the image of a eunuch in The Harem, (F ig .10 ) . The sexual ly impotent male slave i s placed in the far r i g h t foreground of the pa int ing where he functions as the guard of the harem, a f igure of power and author i ty over the female Inhabitants i n sp i te of h is emasculation. The eunuch's head is small and h a i r l e s s , dwarfed by his f leshy form, a form which lacks the muscular tension of masculine phys ica l power. Seated on the ground, he lazes against the wall forming a b a r r i e r between the viewer and the women within the harem. There are f ive female f igures in the i n t e r i o r , four young slave g i r l s in c l a s s i c a l poses who are at various stages of preparing the i r t o i l e t - -bathing and combing the i r h a i r . An old servant is hunched in the far r i g h t corner of the harem, obviously past her prime as a sexual object . Her f igure provides a f o i l for the youthful nude beauties . The soft ochre colour of the i n t e r i o r and the abundance of pink f l esh tones exudes an 117 e r o t i c and exot ic ambiance but there i s an absence of expressed sexual tension between the young nude females and the eunuch. The nude bodies and e r o t i c i z e d poses barely arouse the eunuch's c u r i o s i t y and he continues with his meal. The only symbol of male potency is in the spout of the wine 54 ves se l , the "porron" which rests on the ground and is f i r m l y grasped by the l e f t hand of the eunuch. The male viewer is spared sexual i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the eunuch and his v i r i l i t y i s not threatened on any l e v e l . The young female s laves , symbols of the world market in female p r o s t i t u t i o n , The White Slave Trade, are not p r i m i t i v i z e d and are made to appear as comfortable with the i r enslaved state as Matisse 's The Blue Nude of 1907. In Les Demoiselles d'Avignon, Picasso transformed the harem motif to include a European lower c lass brothel and the mood, is no longer warmly e r o t i c and exotic l i k e that of The Harem, in sp i te of the predominance of pinky f l e sh tones. P icasso 's most p r i m i t i v i z e d pros t i tu tes could funct ion as symbols of contemporary female s lavery in r e l a t i o n to working c lass pros t i tu tes who were seen by the l e f t as slaves in the 55 "'Harem of the C a p i t a l i s t s . ' " However, while Picasso 's paint ing appears to re la te to the issue of c lass struggle through his images of powerful females in a manner s i m i l a r to female power i l l u s t r a t e d in L ' A s s i e t t e au Beurre, his f igures are p r i m i t i v i z e d l i k e the women in L ' A s s i e t t e au  Beurre who were shown as v ict ims of bourgeois values . As 118 w e l l , he has rejected Grandjouan's image o£ c l a s s i c a l beauty 56 and instead emphasized power as bruta l aggress ion. Les Demoiselles d'Avignon projects an ambiguous image which has the i l l u s i o n o£ female power and v i c t i m i z a t i o n through 57 p r i m i t i v i z e d , defeminized form. Picasso a lso avoided the decorative aspects of The Blue Nude to deny the p o s s i b i l i t y of a bourgeois male power fantasy associated with the e r o t i c 58 and exo t i c . Picasso has reversed Grandjouan's pro jec t ion of female power through the c l a s s i c a l image of the female and his subject i s not a d i r e c t reference to c lass struggle but the issue of p r o s t i t u t i o n which re la ted more d i r e c t l y to male/female power re la t ionsh ips and which was i t s e l f a 59 complex i d e o l o g i c a l issue at that moment. P icasso , l i k e Matisse , chose the form of a t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t image of the pros t i tu te for his pa int ing but his transformations d i f f e r from Matisse 's The Blue Nude in form and content. In Picasso 's pa int ing of Les Demoiselles, the c u l t image of a powerful female pros t i tu te i s produced through the transformation of the Roman love goddess of the Venus de Milo to a pr imi t ive form through the add i t ion of a wooden head reminiscent of the more ancient and powerful 60 f igure of Aphrodite . He has reversed the process of p r i m l t l v i z a t l o n of the female as v i c t i m of bourgeois taste for the exot ic and e r o t i c depicted in L ' A s s i e t t e au Beurre, and removed references to the c l a s s i c a l goddesses as f e r t i l i t y symbols. In contras t , the power of t h i s female c u l t 119 image was effected through the e x p l o i t a t i o n of angular form, the powerful gesture of the arm and the embodiment of the bisexual form of a hermaphrodite which preceded the Roman 61 c u l t f igure of the enslaved female Venus. It is the cen tra l f igures which symbolize the enslaved courtesans of Roman times, for which Iberian sculpture could provide a 62 l o g i c a l a l l u s i o n in terms of form and content. Rubin has already suggested the resemblance between the l e f t c en tra l 63 f igure and Michelangelo's The Captive Slave, which was housed in the Louvre with the statue of Venus de M i l o , which e f f e c t i v e l y provides another image of enslavement. Picasso's two c u l t f igures of enslaved females p e r f e c t l y describe the s i t u a t i o n of the female under patr iarchy where her usefulness as a pros t i tu te was her subjugation to male power and as a female, as reproducer. At r i g h t , the two most defeminized and pr imi tv ized f igures could funct ion as the modern c u l t image of the female working c lass pros t i tu te whose existence was a 64 double-edged necess i ty and danger to bourgeois dominance. These nudes of fer an important i n d i c a t i o n of the s o c i a l s i gn i f i cance of Picasso's u t i l i z a t i o n of "ugly" pr imi t ive form, derived from his own experiments with wood sculpture to res tructure his image of the working c lass pros t i tu te in 65 a n t i - c l a s s i c a l form. These defeminized females r e s i s t bourgeois male consumption as f e r t i l i t y symbols by denying immediate gender i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , d i s rupt ing the c l a s s i c a l idea l of beauty and r e s i s t i n g the seductive element of e r o t i c 120 and exot ic decorative imagery. Their pr imi t ive form is aggressive and could serve to i d e n t i f y t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to the "new barbarians" of which Le Bon, the theor i s t of r a c i s t doc tr ine , recognized as the greatest challenge to the 66 strength of the French nat ion . This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y s i g n i f i c a n t at a moment when the dominance of French cul ture and of the French nation was threatened. Picasso was not a p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i s t at th i s moment but through his own experiences in Spanish soc ie ty and as an a l i e n , i so la ted a r t i s t in P a r i s , his Ident i ty was as a young Bohemian. His empathy with the oppressed is evident in his a r t during th i s period both in his new concern for a n t i -c l a s s i c a l f igure compositions and his non-decorative s t i l l -l i f e pa int ings . The question remains, however, why his pros t i tu tes are "ugly" aggressors. A l f r e d J a r r y ' s l i t e r a r y and t h e a t r i c a l avant-gardism offers a model which may have provided the impetus to Picasso's attempt express his d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the image of the working c lass as passive v i c t i m s . J a r r y , a prominent f igure among P a r i s i a n Bohemia, produced a late work which indic tes his awareness of the change r e s u l t i n g from the p o l a r i z a t i o n of c lasses in French soc ie ty and the new mood of aggression on the part of the m i l i t a n t lower c lasses , p a r t i c u l a r l y the r u r a l p r o l e t a r i a t . J a r r y ' s Ubu sur l a Butte was o r i g i n a l l y performed with characters who were played by s67 wooden puppets at the comic opera in Par i s in 1901. In 121 1906, J a r r y inserted a prologue into the published text of Ubu sur l a Butte which was not part of the o r i g i n a l 68 v e r s i o n . The s ign i f i cance of th i s prologue is the fact that J a r r y , who recognized the increasing d i v i s i o n of soc ie ty into two opposing c lasses , chose to i d e n t i f y with the "brutes" and character ized his p r o v i n c i a l wooden puppets as symbols of the m i l i t a n t r u r a l p r o l e t a r i a t . While projec t ing t h e i r image as "ugly" and unfortunate members of French soc ie ty , b r u t a l i z e d by the dominant c lass and l e f t to console themselves with excessive a lcoho l consumption, in 1906, J a r r y chose to depict h is wooden-headed "brutes" no longer as passive v ict ims but as b r u t a l l y aggressive and dangerous. Thus, J a r r y ' s characters not only functioned in r e l a t i o n to the r u r a l p r o l e t a r i a t but a lso to the most "primit ive" aggressive, dangerous group, the bucherons. I t i s t h i s new aggressive form and content of the female pros t i tu tes i n Picasso's Neo-Or ienta l i s t Les Demoiselles  d'Avignon which d i f f e r s s i g n i f i c a n t l y from the form and content of the powerless female pros t i tu te of Matisse 's Neo-O r i e n t a l i s t The Blue Nude. Although both a r t i s t s are using P r i m i t i v i s m , Picasso's pa int ing is a r e j e c t i o n of the O r i e n t a l i s t t r a d i t i o n of the exot ic and e r o t i c female as passive which i s , in sp i te of the changed form of Matisse 's nude, s t i l l very much present in the P r i m i t i v i s m of Matisse 's form and content. 122 NOTES 1 P i erre Louys Aphrodite , Trans, by W i l l i s L . Parker (New York: Hartsdale House, 1932), 240. See a l so Theodore Z e l d i n , France, 1848-1945 Ambition, Love and P o l i t i e s , Volume I , (Oxford: Clarendon Press , 1973), 305-306, in which Ze ld in appraised th i s book as fol lows: "Pierre L o u i s ' s Aphrodite was looked upon as a brev iary in praise of p r o s t i t u t i o n . Published in 1896, i t had by 1904 so ld 125,000 copies and insp ired three plays and four opera l i b r e t t i , and since then has been r e g u l a r l y r e p r i n t e d . " 2 Maurice S a i l l e t , A l f r e d J a r r y : Tout Ubu (Par i s : L i b r a i r i e Generale Francaise , 1962), 457. It can be ascertained from his wri t ings that J a r r y i d e n t i f i e d with the "brutes" and the s o c i a l l y marginalized groups i n French soc ie ty . 3 Annie K r i e g e l , Le Pain et les Roses (Par i s : Presses U n i v e r s i t a i r e s de France, 1968), 51. According to K r i e g e l , I b i d . , 53, the "bucherons" represented one of the most important fact ions of French soc ie ty in the organizat ion of the r u r a l p r o l e t a r i a t at the turn-o f - the -century . As the pattern of the French economy changed under i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , and new sources of energy were found, the bucherons re l i ance on the forest for sustenance was threatened. K r i e g e l , I b i d . , 54, wrote that economic misery resul ted in a spontaneous s t r i k e in r u r a l France by the bucherons of the Cher region in the 1890's and produced the f i r s t evidence of serious unrest in the r u r a l labouring c l a s s . I b i d . , 54. Robert Forster and Orest Ranum, eds . , Rural Society in France: Select ions from the Annales (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins U n i v e r s i t y Press , 1977), 137-138 discuss the pract ices of the woodworkers as seasonal workers, who worked in the forests in the winter and in t h e i r o f f -season turned to a g r i c u l t u r a l labour In the f i e l d s and vineyards , thus were mediators between the two most ancient economic systems in France. Jolyon Howorth, Edouard  V a l l l a n t : La Creat ion de !•'unite S o c i a l l s t e en France (Par i s : e d i / S y r o s , 1982), 206, note 7, described the involvement of the s o c i a l i s t , V a i l l a n t , in the organizat ion of the s t r i k e of the bucherons in the Cher in 1891, but sa id the h i s t o r y of th i s s t r i k e has not yet been wr i t t en . 4 B r i t t a Martensen-^Larsen, "When d id Picasso complete 'Les Demoiselles d 'Avignon'? ," Kunstgesch 48, No. 2, 19 85, 264, suggested that the pa int ing was retouched a f ter Burgess had photographed i t in 1908. However, Wi l l iam Rubin, e d . , 123 Primit iv i sm" in 20th Century A r t , V o l . I , (New York: Museum of Modern A r t , 1984), 251, suggested the completion date of late June or e a r l y J u l y , 1907. 5 For example, the subjects of P icasso 's Les Desmolselles  d'Avignon have been described as pros t i tu tes by: Leo Ste inberg, "The Ph i lo soph ica l B r o t h e l , Part 1," Art News, (September, 1972), pp. 22-29 and "The Ph i lo soph ica l B r o t h e l , " Part 2, Art News (October, 1972), pp. 38-47; Michael L e j a , "*Le Vieux Marcheur* and 4 Les Deux Risques ' : P icasso , P r o s t i t u t i o n , Venereal Disease, and Maternity , 1899-1907," Art H i s t o r y , V o l . 8, No. 1, (March, 1985), pp. 66-81. For example, the subject of Mat i s se ' s , The Blue Nude has been described as a pros t i tu te by Andrea Thomsett, The Blue Nude, unpublished paper, Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia, 1981.' 6 Timothy J . C l a r k , "Prel iminaries to a Poss ible Treatment of 'Olympia' in 1865," Screen, V. 21, (Spring, 1980), 23-24 has described the conjunction of the female nude in western t r a d i t i o n with the h i s t o r i c a l l y s p e c i f i c and ideo log i ca l image of the pros t i tu te in avant-garde French a r t . 7 Roger Benjamin, Matisse 's "Notes of a Painter"  C r i t i c i s m , Theory, and Context; 1891-1908 (Ann Arbor, Michigan: U . M . I . Research Press , 1987). Benjamin presents a lengthy and de ta i l ed study of Matisse 's e a r l y period which meticulously describes his e x h i b i t i o n p r a c t i c e . 8 A l f r e d H. Barr , J r . , Picasso: F i f t y Years of His A r t , (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1946), 43. 9 Louis Vauxcel les , "Le Salon des Independants", G i l  B ias , March 20, 1907, p. 1. 10 P i erre Dalx, Georges Bouda i l l e , and Joan Rosselet Picasso 1900-1906, Catalogue raisonne (Neuchcttel, Swi tz . : Ed i t i ons Ides et Calendes, 1966, 62-63. 11 A l f r e d H. Barr , J r . , Matisse: His Art and His P u b l i c , (New York: Museum of Modern A r t , 1951), 94-95. 124 12 Michel Hoog, "Les_Demolselles_d'Avignon et l a peinture Par i s en 1907-1908, 1 1 Gazette des Beaux-Arts. V. 82 (1973), 212, f i g . 5. Gelet t Burgess, "The Wild Men of P a r i s , " A r c h i t e c t u r a l Record , , (May, 1910), 409. Michel Hoog, "Les  Demoiselles d'Avignon et l a peinture P a r i s , " 214-215 stressed the importance of the P a r i s i a n context of P icasso 's pa int ing and Matisse 's The Blue Nude. He pointed out the c lose r e l a t i o n s h i p between these paintings rather than the t r a d i t i o n a l view which l i n k e d Les Demoiselles d'Avignon and Matisse 's Jo ie de Vivre of 1906, noting that Matisse 's work was h ighly v i s i b l e by March of 1907. 13 Louis Vauxcel les , "Le Salon des Independants," G i l B ias , March 20, 1907. 14 I b i d . 15 Benjamin, Matisse 's "Notes of a Painter", 304> note 93. Benjamin, I b i d . , 305, note 94, explained that he had reversed B a r r ' s e a r l i e r negative reading to a pos i t ive i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . 16 I b i d . , 295, notes 246-247. 17 Timothy J . C l a r k , "Prel iminaries . . . , " 27, described th i s lack of meaning as ". . . the moment at which negation and re fu ta t ion becomes simply too complete; they erase what they are meant to negate, and therefore no negation takes p l a c e ; . . . " 18 Burgess, "The Wild Men of P a r i s , " 401. Edward F . F r y , "Cubism 1907-1908: An E a r l y Eyewitness Account," The  Art B u l l e t i n , 43, (March, 1966), 70-73, was one of the f i r s t to analyze the Burgess a r t i c l e . F r y , I b i d . , 73, pointed out that the pr imi t ive f igures in Picasso 's s tudio were from the French colony of New Caledonia. See a lso E l l e n Oppler, Fauvlsm Reexamined (New York: Garland Publ i sh ing I n c . , 1976), 161, for a l o g i c a l re -dat ing of the interview by Burgess to the spr ing of 1908 based on his d e s c r i p t i o n of the spr ing weather in P a r i s . 19 Burgess, "The Wild Men of P a r i s , " 408. 20 Sandra E . Leonard, Henri Rousseau and Max Weber 125 (New.York: Richard L . Feigen & C o . , 1970), 36, demonstrated how by 1908 the avant-garde paint ings of Henry Rousseau were used as "African" background by a commercial dealer in A f r i c a n objects in P a r i s . 21 Burgess, "The Wild Men of P a r i s , " 402. 22 I b i d . , 404. Burgess, I b i d . , wrote, " A l l young, a l l v i r i l e , a l l en thus ias t i c , . . . " 23 A l f r e d H. Barr , J r . "Matisse, P icasso , and the C r i s i s of 1907," Magazine of A r t . 44, (May, 1951), 163. 24 I b i d . , 166. Barr r e l i e d on Leo Ste in ' s memoirs, Apprec ia t ion , 1947, for his comparison of the persona l i t i e s of Matisse and Picasso . 25 I b i d . , 168. 26 I b i d . , 166. 27 Caro l Duncan, " V i r i l i t y and Domination in E a r l y 20th-century Vanguard Paint ing ,"Artforum, 12 (1973/74), p. 35, had praised Matisse for his concept of "human freedom" in The Joy  of L i v i n g , and suggested that i t ". . . remains a v i s i o n of s o c i a l order without domination, a dream in which sensual beauty may be enjoyed without fear ." Duncan d id not see th i s dep ic t ion of l e i s u r e as a contrad ic t ion in the h i s t o r i c a l context of i t s production and instead considered Matisse to be the one a r t i s t who ". . . attempted to transcend the asser t ion of v i r i l i t y . . . " 28 For example, the Catalogue for the Societe des A r t i s t e s  Independants, of the spr ing of 1906, p. 1, defined i t s purpose as follows "La Societe des ' A r t i s t e s Independants' basee sur l a suppression des Jurys d'admission, a pour but de permettre aux A r t i s t e s de presenter librement leurs oeuvres au jugement du P u b l i c . " In contras t , the 1905 Catalogue du Societe du Salon d'Automne (Par i s : Cie Francaise des Papiers -Monnaie, 1905), 199, stated that t h i s Salon was to promote a l l the "Beaux-Arts" not only with an annual, f a l l e x h i b i t i o n but by helping i t s members in every way poss ib l e . As w e l l , I b i d . , 202-203, there was a complex adminis trat ive h ierarchy i n place with rules and regu la t ions , and t h i s Salon returned 126 to the Jury system. A r t i c l e 21, i b i d . , 205, stated that: "Les discuss ions po l l t iques ou re l lg l euses sont formellement in t erd i t e s dans l a Societe ." i 29 E l i e Faure, Catalogue of the Societe du Salon  d'Automne, 1905, p. 18. 30 I b i d . , 19. 31 J - . - C . H o l l , "Le Salon d'Automne," Les Cahiers d ' A r t , I I , P a r i s , (October 1905), 73-74, commented on the "Ingres et Manet," re trospect ive as pecul iar and i n t r i g u i n g . In p a r t i -c u l a r , ". . . le rapprochement lnattendu n ' e t a l t peut-etre pas opportun a cette heure. Ce fu t , en e f f e t , un etonnement general de v o i r Ingres f igurer a cote de Manet, . . . je ne vois qu'une e x p l i c a t i o n p l a u s i b l e , l a presence du Bain T u r c . " H o l l d i s t inguished between Ingres concern with the "contours de l a forme" and his "science de l a composition" of the Bain Turc and Manet's concern with colour to revive the old bat t l e between Ingres and De lacro ix . H o l l described the jux tapos i t in of Ingres and Manet as a confrontat ion of " . . . deux mondes opposes, l ' u n vivant dans les penombres i n t e l l e c t u e l l e s , l ' a u t r e dresse en pleine lumiere." H o l l concluded that Ingres was out of place at th i s Salon while Manet exemplif ied an avant-garde a r t i s t misunderstood in his own time. Louis Vauxcel les ' "A Propos d'Une Retrospect ive ," appeared in his column, "La Vie A r t i s t i q u e , " G i l B ias , of September 10, 1905, p. 1, had also concentrated on the example of Manet for the younger a r t i s t s who were "si assoi fes de g l o i r e immediate." In his review of Manet's d i f f i c u l t s truggle against the c r i t i c s of his time, Vauxcelles described him as "Ce martyre d'un a r t i s t e do i t etre un theme de meditations graves pour les a r t i s t e s . " Of s ign i f i cance was the way in which Vauxcelles revived a l l the old c r i t i c i s m of Manet in r e l a t i o n to his lack of i d e a l i z a t i o n of the female nudes in Dejeuner sur l 'herbe and Olympla, by concentrating on t h e i r subject . He revived the issue of Olympla shocking the publ ic because of her status as "la pauvre eourtisane" and the nudes in Dejeuner sur l 'herbe who disturbed the jury and the bourgeois because of the ir state of undress while in the company of c lothed males. However, according to information provided in the catalogue by Francoise Cachin, Charles S. Moffet t , and Michel Melot, Manet 1832-1883 (New York: Museum of Modern A r t , 1983), 347-348, neither of these paintings were shown at the retrospect ive and the only "horizontal" was a f u l l - p o r t r a i t by Manet e n t i t l e d Lady with Fans, P o r t r a i t Nina de C a l l i a s . This r e c l i n i n g nude is posed lounging on a chaise- lounge, in 127 an exot i c , p r i m a r i l y b lack, f i lmy " ' A l g e r i a n ' costume in which she l i k e d to rece ive ." v i s i t o r s to P a r i s i a n sa lon . 32 Faure, Catalogue, Societe du Salon d'Automne, 1905, 20. Faure claimed, I b i d . , 19, that "Le Salon d'Automne a entrepr i s de demontrer, par ces exposit ions re trospec t ives , l a l e g i t i m i t e constante de l 1 ' e f for t revo lut ionnaire pour rejo indre l a t r a d i t i o n . La t r a d i t i o n d'un people consiste a f a i r e germer dans l ' i n t i m l t e de sa nature le f r u i t de ses decouvertes nouvelles sur le t e r r a i n des acqu i s i t i ons qui const i tuent son patrimoine h e r e d i t a i r e . . . " 33 I b i d . , 21. 34 I b i d . , 24. 35 Camil le Maucla ir , "La Cr i se de l a Laideur en Pe inture ," Tro i s Cr ises de l ' A r t Actuel (Par i s : Imprimerie Des l i s Freres , 1906), 286-287. Published as one chapter of th i s book, of June, 1906, "La Cr i se de l a Laideur en Peinture" was an argument d irec ted against the salon which functioned with a jury system, unl ike the Independants or pr ivate g a l l e r i e s , and therefore had the power to be s e l e c t i v e . In support of his disgust with the paint ings " . . . qu'on n 'aura i t pas t r o l s jours sur son mur sans le retourner avec c o l e r e , . . . " Mauclair then quoted from Remy de Gourmont's remarks on the Salon des Independants of the spr ing of 1906, (published in the Mercure de France, A p r i l , 1906), wherein the avant-garde were attacked for t h e i r choice of subjects . According to Maucla ir , I b i d . , 289-291, Gourmont had asked "'Qui done voudrait se mettre quotidiennement sous les yeux ces femmes d ' h o p i t a l ou de lupanar? . . . i l s s 'entetent a dishonorer leur ta lent par le choix des suje t s , non les plus sa les , mais les plus betes . . . L'oeuvre seule existe et tout son charme est dans l a beaute. Qui a trompe les peintres en leur fa isant c r o i r e que le sujet n'a pas d'importance . . . mais Manet a f a i t une autre oeuvre tout de meme avec Olympla qu'avec une pioche et un panier de prunes." Gourmont's greatest worry.was that the "bourgeois" might turn with-new apprec ia t ion toward "les Cabanel et les Bouguereau." Mauclair p a r t i c u l a r l y emphasized Gourmont's objections to the lack of concern for beaut i fu l subjects in the 1906 Salon des Independants. The catalogue of the Salon des Independants of 1906, pp. 280-281, l i s t e d eight works by Klees Van Dongen, whose f i g u r a t i v e subjects were known for the i r vulgar presentat ion of p r o s t i t u t i o n and lower c lass en ter ta iners . (Note a l so : Matisse 's Joie de v lvre was exhibi ted at th i s Salon.) 128 Maucla ir , Tro l s Crises de l ' A r t A c t u e l , "La Crise de l a Laideur en Pe inture ," 296-297 c i t e d the reasons for the avant-garde's f a i l u r e to produce nothing but bad paint ing as t h e i r neglect of f i n i s h and t h e i r "goQt de l a l a i d e u r , " p a r t i c u l a r l y in the nude female subject . Mauclair wrote: "Beaucoup de femmes nues f igura ient l a : toutes etaient la ides et v i l e s de formes et t o n a l i t e s , presentees avec une misogynie etrange . . . qu'on voyait en ces ga ler i e s des femmes sortant du tub plus malpropres qu'avant d'y § t r e entrees . . . On r e s t a i t s tupefa i t devant l ' ignomie methodique des chairs et des formes . . . Ce que certa ins exposants avaient peint en regardant le modele nu e t a i t inimaginable de la ideur et d ' a b e r r a t i o n . " 36 I b i d . , 300. Mauclair concentrated on the formal issues in r e l a t i o n to Manet and Ingres and not the subject of the i r paintings which H o l l (see note 31 above) had chosen as the focus of h is c r i t i q u e . Instead, Mauclair used Gourmont's c r i t i q u e of the diseased and lower c lass pros t i tu te as an "ugly" subject of avant-garde pa int ings . See a lso note 35 above. 37 Maucla ir , Tro l s Cr ises de l ' A r t A c t u e l , 305. 38 I b i d . , 308. 39 I b i d . , 312. 40 I b i d . , 314-315. 41 Michael P. Mezzatesta, Henri Matisse , S c u l p t o r / P a i n t e r , (Fort Worth, Texas: Kimball Art Museum, 1984), 61. 42 H. P. C I i v e , P ierre Louys (1870-1925), A Biography, (Oxford: Clarendon Press , 1978), 103-104, explained that while both Louys and Gide had v i s i t e d Biskra and described i t s e r o t i c and exot ic pleasures in l i t e r a r y form (for example, Louys' Les Chansons de B i l i t i s of 189 4 and Gide's Les Nourritures t erres tres of 1896), i t was Louys who wrote pornographic l i t e r a t u r e for the bourgeois male heterosexual which preserved his v i r i l e and superior s ta tus . C l i v e , P ierre  Louys, 105-106, documented the fact that both men had been sexual ly involved with the same young Alger ian g i r l of the Ouled N a i l t r i b e - - g i r l s from th i s t r i b e were known for the i r exot ic and e r o t i c dancing and t h e i r "will ingness" to 129 pros t i tu te themselves to ra i se funds for t h e i r dowry. F i r s t published in 1896, Louys novel , Aphrodite , (New York: 1932), centred on th i s c l a s s i c a l c u l t f igure of p r o s t i t u t i o n which acted to conceal his more overt reference to the contemporary issue and his promotion of the i n s t i t u t i o n in r e l a t i o n to male power. His text preserved the v i r i l e image of the creat ive genius of the a r t i s t / h e r o who immortalized the l i f e l e s s form of a lower c l a s s , fore ign-born courtesan as a v i c t i m of heterosexual male power. C l i v e , P i erre Louys, 186-187, stated that Aphrodite was presented as a musical on the stage of the Par i s Comic Opera in March of 1906. Spec ia l l i g h t i n g techniques were used to h igh l igh t the feminine forms of the dancers under the wisps of drapery which they were obl iged to wear because they were prohib i ted from performing t h e i r ro le as dancing pros t i tu te s in the nude. L 1 I l l u s t r a t i o n published i t s review of the performance on March 31st, p. 193, and suggested that i t s readers compare the photos of the e r o t i c dancers in Aphrodite with the exot ic Javanese dancers p ic tured on the fo l lowing two pages. The a r t i c l e made e x p l i c i t reference to the s i m i l a r i t y of costume which exposed the dancers' forms and suggestive movements. I m p l i c i t in the review was the l ink between the r e a l a v a i l a b i l i t y of the stage performers as objects of male power and the v i s u a l s t imulat ion provided by the Javanese harem g i r l s who were the property of one man, the Su l tan . E l i s a b e t h Hausser, Par i s au Jour le Jour, Les Evenements vus  par l a presse. P a r i s , 1900-1919 (Par i s : Les Ed i t ions de Minui t , 1968), 228, quoted an a r t i c l e wri t ten by G. Faure, Le  F i g a r o , A p r i l 27, 1906, as fol lows: " ' . . . Mary Garden en courtisane grecque est 'on ne peut plus b e l l e , n i plus seduisante, n i plus touchante* et les invocations a l'amour de l a premiere danseuse ' rappe l l ent a s 'y meprendre les esquises pantomimes de M a t a - H a r i . ' " Obviously, therefore , the performance of Mary Garden in Aphrodite was d e l i b e r a t e l y compared with that of Mata-Hari , a well-known courtesan who s p e c i a l i z e d in exot ic Javanese dancing. 43 Andrea Thomsett, The Blue Nude, 6, supported t h i s point of view in her d i scuss ion of the r e l a t i o n s h i p of p r o s t i t u t i o n with the French m i l i t a r y and u l t imate ly with the pa in t ing , The Blue Nude i t s e l f . 44 Abraham Flexner , P r o s t i t u t i o n in Europe (New York: The Century C o . , 1914), 327. 45 A l a i n Corbin , Les f l l l e s de noce: mlsere s e x u e l l e e t  p r o s t i t u t i o n (19e et 20e s l ec l e s ) (Par i s : Aubier Montagne, 1978), 470-471. 130 46 I b i d . , 182-183. 47 I b i d . , 185-186. 48 I b i d . , 258-259. 49 The t r a d i t i o n a l and progressive Salons were a lso covered by Le R i r e , a s a t i r i c P a r i s i a n i l l u s t r a t e d p e r i o d i c a l which kept a close watch on the a r t i s t i c and p o l i t i c a l communities. It attacked a r t i s t i c , s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l issues with i t s humour d irec ted toward the anarchists and the bourgeois. The 4th of May issue of 1907 of Le R i r e , p. 2, contained a drawing by Guillaume of an older couple looking at a r e c l i n i n g nude at the sa lon . The capt ion , "Au Salon de La Nationale" was accompanied by the bourgeois male's warning to his wife: "Ne reste done pas comme ca devant ce tableau, Hermance...On d i t que e'est l 1 habi tude des modeles qui ont pose pour le p e i n t r e . . . " Fantas io , a popular pub l i ca t ion of the time, was f i l l e d with photographs of female enter ta iners , e i ther nude or in suggestive costumes. As w e l l , performances such as Aphrodite , and Mata H a r i ' s e r o t i c and exot ic dances p r o l i f e r a t e d on the Par is stage. 50 Albert E . E l s e n , The Sculpture of Henri Matisse (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1972), 219, note 59. Elsen had i d e n t i f i e d the photograph as the source for Matisse 's sculpture but he d id not i d e n t i f y the p u b l i c a t i o n from which i t was taken. The photograph appeared in the context of A. Vignola ' s p e r i o d i c a l p u b l i c a t i o n , L'Humanite Feminine (Par i s : L i b r a i r i e Documentaire, January 5, 1907), in the context of an a r t i c l e from th i s i l l u s t r a t e d ser ies e n t i t l e d , "Femmes d 'Afr ique : Sud-Algerien et T u n i s i e , " H i e s e r i e , p. 40. The photograph was t i t l e d , "Jeunes f i l l e s t a r g u i . " This p u b l i c a t i o n or ig inated on December 1, 1906, and the f i r s t issue contained a ser ies of a r t i c l e s and photographs of "Arabes et Mauresques, Etudes de nus, de costumes, de moeurs," on December 15, 1906, "Bedouins et Berberes'" and on December 29, 1906,"Negresses, Dahom6ennes et Congolaises ." From i t s f i r s t i ssue, L'Humanite Feminine, "Femmes d 'Afr ique : Arabes et Mauresques," of December 1, 1906, and i t s subsequent formats, i t is apparent that the popu lar i ty of t h i s p e r i o d i c a l would rest upon i t s presentation of women from various A f r i c a n cul tures as e r o t i c i z e d objects of c u r i o s i t y . Their poses were obviously manipulated by profess ional photographers to appeal to the western male through the emphasis on t h e i r exot ic costumes and se t t ing or t h e i r "primit ive" nudity . While t h e i r c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y was 131 emphasized i t was recast within the framework of the Western male's power fantasy. (Afr ican women were described in the Western constructs of "Eves" and "Venuses".) An i d e o l o g i c a l l y constructed viewpoint was thus imposed upon the A f r i c a n female to emphasize her phys ica l e r o t i c i s m and her exot ic o r i g i n s . Measured against Western standards of c l a s s i c a l beauty, the s ize of her breasts , thighs and feet as wel l as her f a c i a l conf igurat ions and sk in colour the A f r i c a n woman was defined in r e l a t i o n to Western c u l t u r e . A. V igno la , L 1Humanite Feminine, "Femmes d ' A f r i q u e : Arabes et Mauresques," 3-5, imposed a form of h i s t o r i c a l r e a l i t y upon th i s p u b l i c a t i o n ' s content by d iscuss ing the or ig ins of North A f r i c a n cul ture in r e l a t i o n to C h r i s t i a n i t y . Islamic Arabs and North A f r i c a n Jews were described in terms of common o r i g i n through reference to b i b l i c a l s t o r i e s . For example i t was suggested that "Cette legende qui donne aux compatriotes de Mahomet et aux I s r a e l i t e s une or ig ine commune, ne'est que le r e f l e c t de l a v e r i t e h i s t o r i q u e . " Explanation for the current impurity of the Arab race and thus i t s degradation was re la ted d i r e c t l y to Le Bon's theories through the b e l i e f that the cause was the mixing of the races which resu l ted from the r a c i a l l y d i f f e r e n t A f r i c a n women taken as slaves in Moslem harems. Western r a c i s t theory was thus re la ted to and responsible for the erec t ion of a r t i f i c i a l b a r r i e r s which d iv ided North A f r i c a n cul tures and eased French dominance. 51 Edward Sa id , Or ienta l i sm (New York: Pantheon Books, 1978) 207. 52 Leroy C. Breunig, ed. A p o l l l n a i r e on A r t : Essays and  Reviews 1902-1918, Trans. Susan Suleiman, (New York: The Vik ing Press , 1972), 38. 52 Louys, Aphrodite , 11, commented upon the r e l a t i o n s h i p between v i r i l i t y and c r e a t i v i t y in his preface to Aphrodite as fol lows: "It is because sensua l i ty is a cond i t ion , mysterious but necessary and c r e a t i v e , of i n t e l l e c t u a l development. Those who have not f e l t to t h e i r l i m i t the strongest demands of the f l e s h , whether as a b less ing or as a curse , are incapable of understanding f u l l y the demands of the s p i r i t . Just as the beauty of the soul i l lumines the features , so only the v i r i l i t y of the body nourishes the b r a i n . The worst i n s u l t that Delacroix could address to men— that which he threw i n d i s c r i m i n a t e l y at the r a l l e r s of Rubens and at the detractors of Ingres—was th i s t e r r i b l e word: 'Eunuchs t'" 132 54 Steinberg, "The Ph i lo soph ica l Bro the l , Part I , " 27, mentioned the sexual p o s s i b i l i t i e s of the "porron" as a p h a l l i c symbol. However, he rejected the notion that th i s f igure was a eunuch because of the nude form—an i n t e r -pretat ion with which I do not agree. 55 Corbin , Les f i l l e s de noce, 344, c i t e d C. Andler 's Le manifeste communiste de K a r l Marx et F . Engels , 151. Corbin , Les f i l l e s de noce, 349-350, also suggested that the s o c i a l i s t s were s i l e n t on the issue of regulatory change in c o n t r o l l i n g p r o s t i t u t i o n , be l i ev ing that bourgeois cul ture was responsible for the i n s t i t u t i o n of p r o s t i t u t i o n . 56 Carol Duncan, " V i r i l i t y and Domination in E a r l y 20th-century Vanguard P a i n t i n g , "Artforum, 12 (1973/4), 35-36 described Picasso 's pa int ing as a j u s t i f i c a t i o n to ". . . celebrate the domination of woman by man." Duncan ignored the s p e c i f i c i t y of the moment and ideo log ica l d i f ferences in avant-garde p r a c t i c e . 57 Ronald Johnson, "Primit iv i sm in the E a r l y Sculpture of P icasso ," Arts Magazine, 49 (June, 1975), 64-68 is an important d i scuss ion of P icasso 's wooden scu lptures . However, he continues the t r a d i t i o n a l assumption of t h e i r close re lat ionship , to pr imi t ive a r t . Johnson, "Picasso's Demoiselles d'Avignon and the Theatre of the Absurd," Arts Magazine, 55, no. 2, (October, 1980), 102-113 discussed the s ign i f i cance of Picasso 's formal P r i m i t i v i s m in r e l a t i o n to the a r t i s t s s u b j e c t i v i t y . Johnson, I b i d . , 106, noted ". . . the increas ing pr imi t iv i sm from l e f t to r i g h t . . . " His formal analys i s of the pa int ing not only supports the fact that Picasso 's f igures seem to be " . . . hacked and cut out of wood . . . (but that) . . . the drapery and curta ins . . . (are) rough and unsensual." While Johnson, I b i d . , 109, recognized Picasso 's "de-feminization" as a poss ible symbol of i n f e r t i l i t y , he d id not connect th i s to the i d e o l o g i c a l complexity of the h i s t o r i c moment. 57 Michael L e j a , " % Le Vleux Marcheur* and 'Les Deux Risques ' : Picasso , P r o s t i t u t i o n , Venereal Disease, and Maternity , 1899-1907," Art Hi s tory , V o l . 8, No. 1, (March, 1985), 78-79 recognized the importance of the s o c i a l context of p r o s t i t u t i o n as a subject but saw Picasso's pa int ing as a f a i l u r e . Leja redefined the funct ion of the pa int ing as a f a i l e d expression of a sexual dllemna In which.Picasso f a i l e d in his in tent ion " . . . t o make the viewer recognize simultaneously the twin i n e v i t a b i l i t i e s of submission and 133 subsequent harm . . . " Leja does not explore the p o s s i b i l i t y of Picasso 's poss ible intent ion to remove the seductive content. 59 L e j a , " l L e Vieux Marcheur' ," 68-69 out l ined the complexity of the ideo log i ca l debate surrounding p r o s t i t u t i o n in the ear ly 20th century in r e l a t i o n to Picasso 's subjects . 60 Johnson, "Picasso's "Demoiselles. . . , 105, noted the production of Picasso 's wooden sculptures in r e l a t i o n to the evolut ion of the paint ing and began to question the d i r e c t influence of pr imi t ive a r t upon Picasso's expermiments. 61 Picasso 's accentuation of th i s f i gure ' s knee appears to s a t i r i z e the "perfect knees" of c l a s s i c a l s cu lp ture . See a lso Hugh Honour, Neo-Class ic lsm (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books L t d . , 1977), 117, where he described the "perfect knees" which were admired by academics and bel ieved to be found only in antique scu lpture . 62 Barr , P icasso , 1946, 51. 63 Rubin, "Primit iv i sm". 245. 64 Corbin , Les f i l l e s de noce, 482, suggested that the issue of p r o s t i t u t i o n , which was surrounded by contradic tory viewpoints, would, at a time of nat ional threat take on a greater s i g n i f i c a n c e . Thus, the pros t i tu te presented a problem for the French nation in the double ro le of e s sent ia l product but dangerous through the r i s k of d isease . Corbin , I b i d . , 478-479, documented the fact that the young r u r a l pros t i tu tes were in fact r e s i s t a n t to measures of regulat ion and c o n t r o l . 65 P i erre Daix, "II n'y a pas "D'Art negre dans Les  Demoiselles d'Avignon," Gazette des Beaux-Arts, 11, 1970, 263 argued against the imi ta t ion of pr imi t ive a r t by Picasso and explained that Picasso 's use of "hachures" as a means "pour s i g n i f i e r le r e l i e f " was to produce a "code f i g u r a t i f " unrelated to a l i v e model or to a pr imi t ive mask. Therefore, Daix suggested that Picasso 's formal experiments could have a s o c i a l s i gn i f i cance not d i r e c t l y re la ted to A f r i c a n a r t . In fac t , P icasso 's search for a "primit ive" form with which to express his content can be found in his experiments at Gosol , Spain. On d i s p l a y at the Musee P i c a s s o , P a r i s , in June, 134 19 86, was a tree branch upon which Picasso had inc ised the f igure of a female nude In a c l a s s i c a l pose in the summer of 1906, at Gosol , which I suggest was an ear ly attempt by Picasso to f ind a vehic le for a n t i - c l a s s i c a l form r e l a t i v e to "primit ive" r u r a l c u l t u r e . 66 Widener, Gustave Le Bon, 135. Jules Guesde, Le  Socialisme au Jour le Jour, P a r i s , 1899, 473, re ferred to the des truct ive force of the "Nana's" of the world through the threat they posed for the i r c l i e n t s , the bourgeois male and that they should not be viewed as v ict ims in the context of the h i s t o r i c s trugg le . See a lso Susan H o l l l s Clayson, D i s ser ta t ion ( U . C . L . A . , 1984) Representations of P r o s t i t u t i o n  in E a r l y Third Republic France (Ann Arbor, Michigan: UMI, 1985), for her important d i scuss ion of the s o c i a l s i gn i f i cance of the l i t e r a r y and a r t i s t i c renderings of the stereotype of Nana. Michel Foucault , The His tory of  Sexual i ty (New York: Pantheon Books, 1978), 127, argued that the funct ion of the c lass ideology of the bourgeois, which saw the need to reproduce i t s e l f , was important to th i s c l a s s ' s attempt to r e t a i n i t s superior and p r i v i l e g e d s tatus . He proposed that " . . . the bourgoisie endowed i t s e l f , in an arrogant p o l i t i c a l a f f i r m a t i o n , with a garulous sexua l i ty which the p r o l e t a r i a t long refused to accept, s ince i t was fo i s ted on them for the purpose of subjugation . . . and we must say that there is a bourgeois s exua l i ty , and that there are c lass s e x u a l i t i e s . " 67 S a l l l e t , A l f r e d J a r r y : Tout Ubu, 15. See a l so Kei th Beaumont, A l f r e d J a r r y : A C r i t i c a l and Biographica l Study (New York: St . Mart in ' s Press , 1984) 143. 68 S a i l l e t , A l f r e d J a r r y : Tout Ubu, 457-459. See a l so Kei th Beaumont, A l f r e d J a r r y , 143. 135 CONCLUSION L'homme est un temoin de sa propre existence et de l ' u n i v e r s qui i ' en toure . L ' A r t est le temoinage q u ' i l l a l s s e , . . . 1 Gustave Geffroy, 1905. Related through t h e i r "ugly" female subjects , Matisse 's The Blue Nude (Souvenir of Biskra) and Picasso 's Les  Demoiselles d'Avignon are Neo-Or ienta l i s t paint ings of pros t i tu tes whlqh d i f f e r in meaning through t h e i r a p p l i c a t i o n of P r i m i t i v i s m . In Matisse 's pa in t ing , the "ugly" woman functioned as a symbol of r a c i a l , sexual and c lass i n f e r i o r i t y by which the Western bourgeois male-dominated French cul ture could r e t a i n delusions of power. The v io l en t re s t ruc tur ing of her form to emphasize her primit iveness had relevance within the context of the o f f i c i a l sphere of French cul ture which promoted the taste for e r o t i c and exot ic female imagery. The Blue Nude, as a passive , lazy and "wi l l ing" North A f r i c a n p r o s t i t u t e , functioned as a v i t a l commodity within the s tructure of French neo-co lonia l i sm. Picasso 's "ugly" women are portrayed as pros t i tu tes transformed through P r i m i t i v i s m to symbolize the changing h i s t o r i c a l process of power r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Picasso rejected t r a d i t i o n a l references to French c l a s s i c i s m and the e r o t i c 136 and exot ic decorative content of O r i e n t a l i s t pa int ing to exp lo i t i t s v io l ence . His pros t i tu tes refuse the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the female pros t i tu te as pass ive , w i l l i n g v ict ims and are instead symbols of aggression responding to the complexity of the debates over r a c i a l , sexual and c lass i d e n t i t y . Matisse 's well-known statement, published in 1908 reveals h is a f f i n i t y with bourgeois values . Matisse wrote: Ce que je reve, c 'est un a r t d ' e q u i l i b r e , de purete, de t r a n q u i l l i t e , sans sujet inquietant ou preoccupant, qui s o i t , pour tout t r a v a i l l e u r c e r e b r a l , pour l'homme d ' a f f a i r e s auss i bien que pour l ' a r t i s t e des l e t t r e s , par exemple, un l e n i f i a n t , un calmant c e r e b r a l , quelque chose d'analogue a un bon f a u t e u i l qui le delasse des ses fatigues physiques. 2 The Blue Nude was the perfect subject for fantasies of bourgeois power. Picasso's pa int ing of v i o l e n t and aggressive females was intended to function d i f f e r e n t l y from Matisse 's The Blue Nude, however, through i t s v i o l e n t , yet ambiguous content, Le Demoiselles d'Avignon could s t i l l provide pleasure to the Western bourgeois male. The appearance of the "ugly" women in the bat t l e over avant-garde leadership in Par i s in 1907 i s re la ted to French neo-co lonia l l sm and c lass p o l a r i z a t i o n . P r i m i t i v i s m , as a too l of c l a s s , sexual and r a c i a l domination was viewed in d i s t i n c t i v e ways by the popular and o f f i c i a l c i r c l e s of c u l t u r e . Incorporation of the image of the female pros t i tu te as a p r i m i t i v i z e d subject in avant garde-paint ing was 137 influenced by c lass ideologies , i n the v io l en t atmosphere of s o c i a l and c o l o n i a l unrest to which the increas ing ly n a t i o n a l i s t French Republic responded with b r u t a l repress ion and Germany threatened French Imper ia l i s t hegemony in A f r i c a , the appearance of the "ugly" women in the P a r i s i a n avant-garde should not be s u r p r i s i n g . 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