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Giovanni Bellini's "The Blood of the Redeemer" : a public image for a private patron Kristiansen, Anne James 1988

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GIOVANNI BELLINI'S "THE BLOOD OF THE REDEEMER A PUBLIC IMAGE FOR A PRIVATE PATRON By ANNE JAMES KRISTIANSEN B.A., The U n i v e r s i t y o-f Toronto, 1979 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (The Department o-f Fi n e Arts) Me accept t h i s t h e s i s as con-Forming to the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October 1988 (c^Anne James K r i s t i a n s e n , 1988 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of FINE ARTS The University of British Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date OCTOBER, 1988 DE-6(3/81) i i A B S T R A C T Giovanni B e l l i n i ' s Ihe_Bl_ogd_of_the_Redeemer has been t r a d i t i o n a l l y approached in terms of i t s s ty l e and iconography. The two separate l i n e s of inves t iga t ion have shown the paint ing to be a complex image that p a r t i c i p a t e s in the t r a d i t i o n s of both pr ivate and publ ic Chr i s t imagery*. This thes is w i l l focus on the paint ing with regard to both the function that i t served and the Venetian context in which i t was produced. The purpose of the study w i l l be to show the work as a pr ivate devotional paint ing in which the publ ic Chr i s t type has been adapted to f u l f i l l the needs of contemporary Venetian meditations. Chapter One w i l l deal with the two d i s t i n c t ways in which the work has been discussed and the p a r t i c u l a r problems that ex is t in approaching suf fer ing Chr i s t imagery in terms of context. Chapter Two w i l l focus on the development and function of the f u l l - l e n g t h bleeding Chr i s t in the pr ivate and publ ic spheres within the context of C h r i s t - c e n t r e d piety in the f i f t e en th century. Chapter Three w i l l discuss Venetian devotions to Chr i s t with p a r t i c u l a r regard to the impact of h i s t o r i c a l events. Chapter Four w i l l focus on the adaptation of the publ ic Chr i s t type in I!lt_lL99d_2f_the_Redeemer. The appropriat ion w i l l be discussed in terms i i i of the l i t u r g i c a l resonances that are brought to the image and with regard to the use of publ ic types in B e l l i n i ' s other pr ivate Chr i s t images. In a d d i t i o n , the importance of northern graphics w i l l be examined as well as the c i v i c assoc iat ions with which the Chr i s t type had become imbued in northern I t a l y . The locat ion of the image within a p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l s t r a t a w i l l be effected through considering the way in which i t addresses contemporary i n t e l l e c t u a l issues in Venice. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would l i k e to thank my husband Torben -for his respect , my mother Helen James for her loving support and my daughters Sara, who was with me from the beginning, and Merete and Sonja whose a r r i v a l s brought joy along the way. I am grate fu l to Norma Audain, Joanne N i s s i and Carole Doerksen without whose compassionate c h i l d - c a r e th i s thes i s would not have been poss ib l e . Special thanks to my adviser Dr. Debra Pincus for i g n i t i n g the flame, providing expert guidance and caring for both the scholarship and the scho lar . Thanks to Dr. Rose Marie San Juan for her c r i t i c a l ins ight s and perseverance and to Gai l Kirk for the f r i e n d s h i p , the shoulder and the books through the window. V TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iv LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS vi Chapter 1. THE CREATION OF AN IMAGE IN THE LITERATURE 1 Descr ipt ion of the Paint ing History of the L i t e r a t u r e : The T r a d i t i o n s of Sty le and Iconography The Problem of Context Method of Approach 2. CHRIST'S SACRIFICE IN THE CONTEXT OF FIFTEENTH CENTURY PRIVATE AND PUBLIC DEVOTIONS 32 The Suffer ing of Chr i s t in the Frame of Pr ivate Meditat ion and Theological D e f i n i t i o n The Pr iva te Devotional Image The L i t u r g i c a l Image The F u l l - L e n g t h Bleeding Chr i s t and Sacred Containment and Display 3. CHRIST-CENTRED PIETY IN VENICE AFTER MID-CENTURY 92 4. GIOVANNI BELLINI'S "THE BLOOD OF THE REDEEMER" A PUBLIC IMAGE FOR A PRIVATE PATRON I l l The Function of the L i t u r g i c a l Chr i s t Type in B e l l i n i ' s Meditat ive Paint ing The Northern Graphic Component The C i v i c Aspect The Category of Patron The Meditat ive Vis ion ILLUSTRATIONS 149 BIBLIOGRAPHY 188 vi LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Figure Page 1. Giovanni B e l l i n i , The Blood of the Redeemer (after c l ean ing) , London, National Gal l ery of A r t , c. 1480 149 2. Giovanni B e l l i n i , The Blood of the Redeemer (before c l ean ing) , London, National Gal l ery of A r t , c. 1480 149 3. V i t t o r e Carpaccio , The Dream of St . Ursula , Venice, Accademia, 1495 (?) . . . '. 150 4. Master of Moulins, Annunciation ( d e t a i l ) , Chicago, Art I n s t i t u t e , f i f t e en th century 150 5. A l tar with Diptych ( d e t a i l ) , Coronation Book of Charles V of France, London, B r i t i s h Museum, MS. Cotton T i b . B.8 , f o l . 64 r . , fourteenth century 151 b. The Wounds of Chr i s t with the Symbols of the Passion, South German(?), c. 1490 (s.IX.1795a) 151 7. Chr i s t as the Man of Sorrows, South German or A u s t r i a n ( ? ) , c. 1430-40 (5. IX.860a) '. . 152 8. Arma C h r i s t i , Brusse l s , Bibl iotheque Royale, MS. 4459-70, f o l . 150 v and 152 v, 1320 152 9. Arma C h r i s t i , Prague, Un ivers i ty L i b r a r y , MS. 14 A 17, f o l . 10 r , c. 1320 153 10. Fons P i e t a t i s , German, Munich, Graphische Sammlung, f i f t e e n t h century 153 11. D.V. Coonrbeert, Fons P i e t a t i s , s ixteenth century 154 12. F u l l - L e n g t h Bleeding Chr i s t (seated), Augsburg or Nuremberg, 1507 (S.90Bbb) 154 v i i Figure Page 13. Half-Length V i r g i n and C h r i s t , Netherlandish (Flemish?), c. 1500, (S.IX.913d) 155 14. Half-Length Bleeding C h r i s t , Flemish, London, B r i t i s h Museum, 1460-70, (S.864) '. '. 155 15. Half-Length Bleeding C h r i s t , (Jim, New York, Metropol i tan Museum of A r t , c. 1465-70 156 16. Half-Length Bleeding C h r i s t , South German, Chicago, Art I n s t i t u t e , 1460-70 156 17. F u l l - L e n g t h Bleeding Chr i s t (seated), Netherlandish c. 1500, (var ia t ion on S.909a) 157 18. F u l l - L e n g t h Bleeding Chr i s t (seated), Netherlandish, c. 1500, <S.908a) '. 157 19. Jesus A t t r a c t i n g the F a i t h f u l Heart, Ulm, 1480-90, (S. 1838) 15B 20. The F u l l - L e n g t h Bleeding Chr i s t with Angel and Donor, Flemish, e x - c o l l e c t i o n of Emile Renders, c.!420-40(?) . . . 159 21. Carlo C r i v e l l i , The Fu l l -Length Bleeding Chr i s t with St . F r a n c i s , Mi lan , Museo P o l d i - P e z z o l i , c. 1460(?) 159 22. The Mass of St . Gregory, P a r i s , Bibl iotheque de 1 'Arsenal , MS. 639 f o l . 99, f i f t eenth century 160 23. The Mass of St . Gregory, Lubeck, Cathedral , 1496 160 24. Master of the Girard de R o u s s i l l o n , The Fu l l -Length Chr i s t appearing to Margaret of York, London, B r i t i s h Museum, Add. MS. 7970 f o l . 4, f i f t e en th century 161 25. Seven Sacraments, German, c. 1490 161 26. F u l l - L e n g t h Bleeding C h r i s t , P a r i s , Cabinet des Estampes, f i f t e en th century 162 27. Petrus C h r i s t u s , Half-Length Bleeding C h r i s t , Birmingham, Ci ty Museum and Art G a l l e r y , f i f t e en th century 162 v i i i Figure Page 28. HaH-Length Bleeding Chris t with a Franc i scan , 1490-1500) (S.916b) 163 29. Fu l l -Length Bleeding C h r i s t , German, 1480-1500, (S.886c) . . 163 30. At tr ibuted to Mariotto di Cr i s to fano , The Fu l l -Length Bleeding Chr i s t between the V i r g i n and St. Lucy, San Giovanni Valdarno, Church o-f the M i s e r i c o r d i a , c. 1420-30 164 31. Fu l l -Length Bleeding C h r i s t , Pesc ia , B i b l i o t e c a C a p i t o l a r e , ear ly -Fifteenth century 164 32. Fu l l -Length Bleeding C h r i s t , I B o r t e l l o , F lorence , Badia, c. 1439 165 33. Neri d. B i c c i , Fu l l -Length Bleeding C h r i s t , sp .orte l lo , Taverne l l e , Val di Pesa, San Domenico a Morocco, 1471 . . . 165 34. F u l l - L e n g t h Bleeding C h r i s t , s g g r t e H g , Florence , San Martino a Mensola, c. 1450 166 35. F i l a r e t e , Fu l l -Length Bleeding C h r i s t , s j o r t e l l g , Vienna, Museum, f i f t e en th century 166 36. Cosmati Workshop, Sacrament Tabernacle, Rome, th ir teenth century 167 37. Donate l la , Sacrament Tabernacle, Rome, San Pie tro in Vaticano, 1432-33 167 38. De l ia Robbia School, Sacrament Tabernacle, Sansepulcro, Duomo, mid- f i f teenth century 168 39. Giovanni d e l l a Robbia, A l tar of the Sacrament, F lorence , SS. A p o s t o l i , l a t er f i f t e en th century 168 40. Luca d e l l a Robbia, Sacrament Tabernacle, F lorence , Sta . Maria at Pere to la , 1441-43 169 41. Bernardo R o s s e l l i n o , Sacrament Tabernacle, F lorence , San Egidio (Sta. Maria Nuova), 1449-50 169 i x F i g u r e Page 42. Desiderio da Settignano, Sacrament Tabernacle, F lorence , San Lorenzo, 1461 170 43. Desiderio da Settignano, Ciborium, Washington, National 6 a l l e r y ( ? ) , 1460's 170 44. Drawing -for an A l t a r of the Sacrament, F l o r e n t i n e , F lorence , U f f i z i , la te f i f t e en th century 171 45. Mino del Reame, Sacrament Tabernacle , Rome, S. Maria in Trastevere , c. 1460's-70's 171 46. De l ia Robbia School , Ciborium, Galatrona, S. Giovanni Evange l i s ta , l a t er f i f t e en th century 172 47. Vecch ie t ta , Ciborium, Siena, Duomo, 1467-71 172 48. Benedetto da Maiano, Ciborium, Siena, S. Domenico, mid-1470's i '. 173 49. Montorso l i , A l t a r Tabernacle, Bologna, S. Maria dei S e r v i , 1558-61 '. 173 50. Giovanni B e l l i n i , Half-Length Chr i s t with Two Angels, Venice, Museo C i v i c o Correr , 1460'sC?) 174 51. Donatel lo , Half-Length Chr i s t with Two Angels, High A l t a r , Padua, San Antonio, 1449 174 52. Image of P i t y , Rome, Sta. Croce in Gerusalemme, th ir teenth century 175 53. Giovanni B e l l i n i , Half-Length C h r i s t , Mi lan , Museo P o l d i - P e z z o l i , 1460's(?) 175 54. Antonio V i v a r i n i , A l t a r p i e c e , Mailand, Brera , c. 1448 176 55. Giovanni B e l l i n i , Half-Length Chr i s t with the V i r g i n and St. John, Mailand, Brera , 1470<?) 176 56. Giovanni B e l l i n i , Half-Length Chr i s t with the V i r g i n and St . John, Bergamo, Accademia C a r r a r a , mid-1450's(?) 177 X Figure Page 57. Giovanni B e l l i n i , Half-Length Chr i s t with Two Angels, St . Vincent Ferrer Polyptych, Venice, SS. Giovanni e Paolo, 1470's(?> '. . . . 177 58. Giovanni B e l l i n i , HaH-Length Chr i s t with Angels, London, National G a l l e r y , 1470's-eO 's '. 178 59. Antonel lo da Messina, Half-Length Chr i s t with Angel, Madrid, Prado, 1475 178 60. Antonio V i v a r i n i and Giovanni d'Alemagna, Half-Length Bleeding C h r i s t , d e t a i l , Polyptych, Venice, S. Z a c c a r i a , 1444 179 61. Antonio V i v a r i n i and Giovanni d'Alemagna, Polyptch of the Resurrect ion , Venice, San Zaccar ia , 1444 179 62. Donatel lo , High A l t a r , r econs truc t ion , Padua, San Antonio, 1449 180 63. P ie tro and T u l l i o Lombardo, Sacrament Tabernacle, Venice, S. Maria dei M i r a c a l i , l a ter f i f t eenth century 180 64. a t t r . Alessandro Leopardi , Tabernacle of the Holy Blood, S. Venice, S. Maria dei F r a r i , l a t er f i f t e en th century 181 65. T u l l i o Lombardo, Sacrament Tabernacle, Venice, Seminario, la ter f i f t e en th century 181 66. Jacopo Sansovino, Sacrament Tabernacle, Venice, S. Marco, ear ly s ixteenth century 182 67. Jacopo Sansovino, Fu l l -Length Chr i s t with the Cross and Cha l i ce , s g g r t e l l g , Venice, S. Marco, early s ixteenth century 182 68. Moretto, F u l l - L e n g t h Bleeding Chr i s t with Moses and David, B r e s c i a , SS. Nazaro e Celso , 1541-43 183 69. V i t t o r e Carpaccio , Fu l l -Length Bleeding C h r i s t , Udine, Duomo, 1496 183 x i Figure Page 70. Sacrament Tabernacle, Vicenza, Museo C i v i c o , 1427 184 71. Fu l l -Length Bleeding C h r i s t , Mantua, Accademia V i r g i l i a n a , l a t t e r half of the f i f t e en th century 184 72. Q u i r i z i o da Murano, Chr i s t Administering Communion to a Nun, Venice, Accademia, l a t e r f i f t e en th century 185 73. Donate l la , Entombment, High A l t a r , Padua, S. Antonio, 1449 . . . 185 74. Half-Length Chr i s t with the V i r g i n and St . John, B r e s c i a , Museo C i v i c i d 'Arte e S t o r i a , l a t e r f i f t e en th century . . . 186 75. C i r c l e of Mantegna, Entombment, Vienna, 1480's 186 76. Roman Imperial Medals, B e r l i n , Antiquarium, f i r s t to fourth century 187 CHAPTER ONE THE CREATION OF AN IMAGE IN THE LITERATURE Since i t s a c q u i s i t i o n by the National Gal lery in the la te nineteenth century, Ihe_Blggd_of_the_Redeemer has been included in a wide range of art h i s t o r i c a l s tudies (F ig . 1). Rarely the centra l focus of research, the image has been treated in a var ie ty of contexts marked by diverse aims and d i f f erent approaches. Our received impression of the paint ing is a fragmentary compilat ion of d e t a i l s that have been gleaned from disparate sources. Though the complexity of the image i s suggested in the l i t e r a t u r e , i t s h i s t o r i c a l context remains undefined. It has yet to be considered as an image that functioned in Venetian C h r i s t - c e n t r e d devotions of the l a t t e r half of the f i f t eenth century. 5 § § £ r i p t i g n _ g f _ t h e _ P a i n t i n g I l 3§_ i l99^_° f_ the_Redeemer was acquired by the National Gal l ery in London in 1887. It had been l i s t e d at auction that year as a V i v a r i n i , purchased by a c o l l e c t o r and then sold to the National Ga l l ery where i t was i d e n t i f i e d as a work by Giovanni B e l l i n i . * The paint ing measures 47 x 34 cm. and i s painted in egg tempera on a poplar panel . The back of the panel , which has been planed down, leaves no clue as to the o r i g i n a l s e t t i n g . The funct ion of a heavy wooden construct ion that was removed 2 from the back in 1948 remains unresolved. In sp i te of some damage in 1 2 the sky and s l i g h t d e t e r i o r a t i o n of the pavement and landscape, the painted surface i s we l l -preserved .^ The main subject of the image i s the f u l l - l e n g t h bleeding C h r i s t . The f igure stands at the centre of the paint ing on a paved f loor bounded by a parapet. Haloed and emaciated, Chr i s t i s naked except for a l o i n c l o t h . With mouth agape and eyes downcast, he gently bows his head in a gesture of h u m i l i t y . Chr i s t holds the instruments of his immolation - - the cross and the crown of thorns — in the crook of his l e f t arm. The l e f t hand, with the wound c l e a r l y v i s i b l e , squeezes a stream of blood from the side-wound. The r ight hand, with the wound conspicuously d i sp layed , i s extended out from the body in what can be i d e n t i f i e d as a gesture of o f f e r i n g . The ha l f -knee l ing angel posi t ioned to the f i g u r e ' s r ight holds a cha l i ce a lo f t to catch the flow of blood and looks adoringly up at the f igure of C h r i s t . The pavement on which the angel and Chr i s t stand i s a perspect ive ly-rendered platform patterned l i k e a checkerboard with a l t e r n a t i n g squares of white and brown. One of the two parapet panels that enclose the pavement space i s posi t ioned d i r e c t l y behind the angel 's head. It i s in s p e c i f i c alignment with the extended r ight hand of C h r i s t . The panel i s decorated by a c l a s s i c a l r e l i e f scene that depicts three f igures who surround a burning a l t a r . The a l t a r bears the incomplete i n s c r i p t i o n D U V D S HANIB(VS)/AVRELIVS/<. . . )T(?) I. The f igure at the r i g h t , who holds a patera over the a l t a r , performs the act of l i b a t i o n . A nude f igure stands holding a s t i ck behind the a l t a r and, at the l e f t , a satyr plays the double f l u t e . In the panel to the r i g h t , a f igure clothed in 3 Roman armour places a hand over what appears to he an incense burner or 4 "thymiaterion. " The gesture appears to be occurring under the author i ty of an enthroned f igure who holds a caduceus. A naked youth stands to the l e f t and observes the event with arms fo lded . The darker colour of the pavement t i l e s i s extended into the landscape. It e f fec t s a cont inu i ty that draws the viewer's eye through the parapet opening behind Chr i s t and into the background. In the l e f t background i s a contemporary c i t y which, bathed in a warm l i g h t , provides a contrast to the shadowed pagan ruins to the r i g h t . The r u i n s , comprised of a triumphal arch and a crumbled column, stand before a h i l l that i s graced by a s ing le dead tree . In the far centra l background, another c i t y i s v i s i b l e that i s i l luminated by the l i g h t of the sky at dawn. In front of the r u i n s , d i r e c t l y behind the r ight r e l i e f , two f igures appear to be walking toward the c i t y . The larger f igure in blue i s followed by a smaller f igure dressed in black. A cleaning in 1978 revealed important technica l information about the o r i g i n a l s tate of Ihe_Blogd_gf_the_Redeemer and B e l l i n i ' s i n i t i a l s t y l i s t i c conception (Figs . 1 and 2). With the removal of layers of d i r t and varn i sh , de l i ca te pink hues have emerged in the sky that confirm a subtle handling of c o l o u r . u At the same time, the treatment of the nude f igure of Chr i s t shows a f l e x i b i l i t y , e s p e c i a l l y in the hands and feet , that places the pa int ing f i rmly la ter in date than B e l l i n i ' s Aggny_iQ_the_Garden of the ear ly 1460's.^ Moreover, the perspect ive s tructure of the plat form, which before cleaning found an awkward reso lu t ion at the edge of the parapet, was revealed to be heavi ly overpainted and not part of B e l l i n i ' s o r i g i n a l conception.^ 4 The recogni t ion of large areas of overpaint ing on the platform led to a number of important d i s cover i e s . The overpaint , appl ied in brown to the darker t i l e s , was found to be markedly d i f f erent from B e l l i n i ' s o r i g i n a l paint which was found to have been green. The o r i g i n a l compound, a copper carbonate, had discoloured toward brown before the g overpaint was app l i ed . The o r i g i n a l green, traces of which were also found in the landscape, would have s trongly underscored the v i sua l cont inu i ty between platform and landscape — a cont inu i ty that i s less v i v i d l y evident today. Removal of the overpaint also revealed that the pa int ing contains an even greater iconographic complexity than previous ly known. In i t s o r i g i n a l form, the paint ing contained images of cherubim and seraphim hovering within three or four clouds around C h r i s t ' s feet . The images had at some point been scraped away and painted over. Traces of red and 9 blue paint are s t i l l evident as well as parts of the underdrawing. The underdrawing i t s e l f reveals that the many iconographic elements were meticulously set in place before the paint was app l i ed . C a r e f u l l y de ta i l ed on a gesso ground, the underdrawing shows an i n t r i c a c y that extends to the hatched fo lds of both C h r i s t ' s l o i n c l o t h and the angel 's gown.^ The d e t a i l of the drawing suggests that each of the p i c t o r i a l components was s p e c i f i c a l l y prescribed before execution and const i tuted a s i g n i f i c a n t aspect of the composition as a whole. Ihf_iIood_of_the_Redeemer i s a v i s u a l l y complex image in i t s extensive iconographic d e t a i l , d iv ided s p a t i a l areas and varied cast of heavenly, earth ly and r e l i e f f i gures . R e l a t i v e l y small in s i z e , i t contains a compact p i c t o r i a l density that i s compositional1y integrated 5 through the ca l cu la ted use of colour and gesture. Hj.story__of _the_Literature^_The_Tradi ti on Since T_he_Blgod_gf_the_Redeemer f i r s t entered the l i t e r a t u r e in 1898, i t has been considered within the context of two t r a d i t i o n a l art h i s t o r i c a l approaches. Iconography and s t y l e have provided the essent ia l means through which the paint ing has come to be understood. Following i n d i v i d u a l agendas, the two l i n e s of inves t i ga t ion have remained mutually exc lus ive . In consequence, The_Bl.ggd_gf_the Redeemer has been constructed in two separate ways. Iconographic study of Ihe_Bl_ggd_gf_the_Redeemer was i n i t i a t e d in the ear ly twentieth century in Germany. The paint ing was studied by a number of German scholars of the period who were attempting to typolog ica l1y c l a s s i f y the many versions of what they termed the "Schmersensmann" or "Man of Sorrows." As an image of the suf fer ing C h r i s t , T_he_Blggd_gf_the_Redeemer was a work that , because of i t s subject , became an object to be examined and c l a s s i f i e d . Though a var ie ty of s t ra teg ie s marked by i n d i v i d u a l aims were used for i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , in a general sense the pa int ing became camprehendable in r e l a t i o n to l i k e types. Erwin Panofsky provided the f i r s t d e f i n i t i v e thematic assessment ° f I!]i_il99^_2f_the_Redeemer in his "Imago P i e t a t i s " a r t i c l e of 1927. The a r t i c l e belongs to the period in Panofsky's scholarship before his immigration to the United States . In t h i s per iod , his method focussed on r e l a t i n g changes in the representat ion of themes to corresponding changes in the a t t i tudes of society."** Textual sources were examined 6 as the i n d i c a t o r s of change and art was considered the manifestat ion. The "Imago P i e t a t i s " a r t i c l e fol lows the model of r e l a t i n g changes in representat ion to l i t e r a r y texts . In p a r t i c u l a r , the "Speculum humanae s a l v a t i o n i s , " a Lat in text that emphasizes the intercessory ro le of C h r i s t , was c i t ed as i n d i c a t i v e of changing a t t i t u d e s . Placed near the end of the d i scuss ion , Jhe_Blogd_gf_the_Redeemer was i d e n t i f i e d as an adaptation of the German "Man of Sorrows" type that was d i f f e r e n t in 12 view of i t s Apol lonian physique. In Panofsky's construct , the form of B e l l i n i ' s Chr i s t i s a manifestation of soc i e ta l a t t i tudes as they were exc lus ive ly expressed through the mediums of high c u l t u r e . The v i s i o n of the paint ing as a component in a broader typo log ica l category was re inforced through the 1920's and 30's in the work of other German scho lars . Hubert Schrade, for example, discussed the work in his a r t i c l e on suf fer ing Chr i s t imagery providing an extended i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the meaning of the image. In p a r t i c u l a r , he interpreted the kneeling angel as a depic t ion of the "angelus missae," the angel who functions in the Mass to transport the Eucharist to h e a v e n . ^ Schrade's work provided the foundations for la ter scholars to see B e l l i n i ' s paint ing as an i conograph ica l1y -r i ch image that i s laden with symbolic d e t a i l . Another German scholar of the period focussed on a d i f f e r e n t iconographic aspect of the p a i n t i n g . In his study of pagan s a c r i f i c e scenes in the Renaissance a r t , F r i t z Saxl drew attent ion to the antique r e l i e f s on the parapet. Like Panofsky, Sax l ' s approach consisted of t rac ing the representat ion of themes over time. Saxl , however, as a student of the Warburg school , attempted to reconstruct the c u l t u r a l a t t i tudes that informed the imagery through reference to the expressions 7 of low c u l t u r e . In Sax l ' s view, the presence of the s a c r i f i c e scenes i s connected with contemporary in teres t in the c l a s s i c a l past . In p a r t i c u l a r , he l inked the representat ion of pagan s a c r i f i c e with the emphasis on the theme in manuscripts, both Lat in and vernacular , and in popular stage 14 p lays . In a d d i t i o n , he re la ted the s a c r i f i c i a l content of the r e l i e f s and the graphic depic t ion of C h r i s t ' s su f fer ing with popular fa sc ina t ion in the de ta i l ed aspects of C h r i s t ' s i m m o l a t i o n . ^ Saxl also drew at tent ion to the landscape and background f igures as s i g n i f i c a n t elements in the image. In a note, he suggested a symbolic i n t e r p r e t a t i o n for the f igures who walk away from the c l a s s i c a l ruins at the r i g h t . He described them as turning away from paganism, toward the town with a church on the l e f t . ^ In 1945, M i l l a r d Meiss elaborated on the meaning of the landscape in an a r t i c l e that dealt with the symbolic impl ica t ions of l i g h t in f i f t eenth century pa in t ings . Like Panofsky and Saxl , he placed The § I ° 5 d _ 9 f _ t h e _ R e d e e m e r among a ser ies of images with a shared theme, but th i s time the common l ink between the works was the a l l u s i v e use of l i g h t . Meiss b u i l t on Sax l ' s observation that the landscape in B e l l i n i ' s paint ing cons is t s of two contrast ing parts . He suggested that the darkness of the pagan landscape on the r ight represents pre-C h r i s t i a n ignorance while the warmly- l i t c i t y at l e f t re fers to the world that has achieved sa lvat ion through C h r i s t ' s d e a t h . ^ Meiss's d i scuss ion not only deepened the iconographic l i n e of i n v e s t i g a t i o n , but stands as testimony to the increas ing ly diverse c r i t i c a l contexts in which B e l l i n i ' s image began to be placed. 8 During the 1960's, T_he_81 ggd_gf_the_Redeemer was included in a number of s tudies that b u i l t on the ear ly iconographic research and began to expand the es tabl i shed i n t e r p r e t i v e l i n e s . The new wave of iconographic studies introduced a s p e c i f i c i t y that l inked the Chr i s t type with s p e c i f i c regional expressions. In 1962, U l r i c h Middeldorf published an a r t i c l e cataloguing the many examples of the suf fer ing Chr i s t with blood flowing into a cha l i ce that appear on f i f t e en th century sacrament tabernacle doors. Focussing on a s ing le image in the Badia in Florence , Middeldorf drew on Panofsky's method of comparing various representat ions of the "Man of Sorrows" theme. For the f i r s t time, however, the inves t iga t ion was honed down to focus on images that functioned in a p a r t i c u l a r context - -as decoration for the doors of receptac les that contained the consecrated Euchar i s t . Unlike Panofsky, Middeldorf did not attempt to in terpre t the meaning of the images, but instead concentrated on a deta i l ed discuss ion of regional v a r i a t i o n s in form and placement of the works. He also provided a general survey of the ir d i s t r i b u t i o n over I t a l y . Though I!l§_ii22y[_Qf_t!l§_5§deemer was not ascribed a s p e c i f i c tabernacle l o c a t i o n , Midde ldorf ' s placement of the paint ing among s g g r t e l l g images l a i d the groundwork for future suggestions that i t functioned in the tabernacle context. Middeldorf also es tabl i shed the idea of an I t a l i a n source for the p i c t o r i a l type through a deta i l ed ana lys i s of the path of typo log ica l d i f f u s i o n from Tuscany to Rome and the north that the tabernacle version 18 had fol lowed. Panofsky's suggestion that B e l l i n i ' s image was derived 9 •from the German devotional type was now countered by the idea that the s p e c i f i c p i c t o r i a l type or ig inated in I ta ly within the context of the tabernacle . Marita Hors ter ' s a r t i c l e of 1963, which dealt with a Mantuan r e l i e f of the "Man of Borrows," was founded in part on the ear ly iconographic method of comparing themes of the suf fer ing Chr i s t that had been explored by Panofsky and others . Horster , however, l imi ted inves t i ga t ion to a s p e c i f i c geographical area. She dealt f i r s t , l i k e Middeldorf , with Tuscan o r i g i n and dissemination and then with examples of the p i c t o r i a l type in northern I t a l y . I h § _ i l g o d _ g f _ t h e _ R e d e e m e r was placed at the beginning of a ser ies of bleeding Chr i s t images in Venice, prompting Horster to out l ine the need to determine the cause of 20 transmission from Tuscany to the north. Horster also added a new dimension to the iconographic l i n e of d i scuss ion by seeing the meaning of s p e c i f i c examples of the type in northern I ta ly in r e l a t i o n to c e r t a i n h i s t o r i c a l events. Use of the type in Mantua was seen in connection with the cu l t of the Holy Blood which reached a highpoint in the second half of the f i f t e en th century and was st imulated by Pope Pius 11 * s e f f o r t s to organize a crusade 21 against the Turks at the Mantuan Congress. Hors ter ' s a r t i c l e introduced the idea that the blood of Chr i s t was of major importance in northern I ta ly at t h i s moment both as a c i v i c and p o l i t i c a l symbol and as an issue of heated theo log ica l debate. The appearance of bleeding Chr i s t images l i k e Ihe_Blggd_gf_the_Redeemer was seen as s i g n i f i c a n t with regard to a dispute between the Dominican and Franciscan orders that focussed on the nature of the blood shed by Chr i s t at the 10 22 Crucif i ; - : ion. Hors ter ' s research into the impact of h i s t o r i c a l events in northern I ta ly on the development of a p i c t o r i a l type w i l l provide an important basis for t h i s study. Col in E i s l e r ' s a r t i c l e of 1969, which focussed on a "Man of Sorrows" r e l i q u a r y in Cortona, added yet another dimension to the iconographic l i n e of d i scuss ion . Rooted in the method of thematic comparison, E i s l e r ' s study placed Ihe_Blgod_gf_the_Redeemer among a number of examples of the p i c t o r i a l type that are iconographical1y re la ted to the su f fer ing Chr i s t of the r e l i q u a r y . The study revived ear ly twentieth century German scholarship that saw northern Europe as an important source for the p i c t o r i a l type in I t a l y . E i s l e r , however, enriched the concept of northern inf luence by o u t l i n i n g the means through which transmission to the south may have occurred. In p a r t i c u l a r , he stressed the importance of a r t i s t i c i n t e r a c t i o n that had occurred between I ta ly and the north in the f i e l d 23 of the minor a r t s . J In a d d i t i o n , he introduced new information that had impl i ca t ions with regard to the s ty l e of the p i c t o r i a l type both in the north and in I t a l y . The s ty le of mid- f i f teenth century p i e t i s t i c imagery in the north was shown to have been based on that of the Internat ional Sty le of the late fourteenth and ear ly f i f t e e n t h 24 centur ie s . Though the meaning of the adoption of an a r c h a i s t i c s ty l e was not f u l l y explored, i t opens up the p o s s i b i l i t y that cer ta in p i c t o r i a l types may have been informed by p a r t i c u l a r s t y l i s t i c concerns. The idea of s t y l e serving in the funct ion of an image w i l l be an important part of t h i s study. Following Midde ldorf ' s lead, E i s l e r s p e c i f i c a l l y placed The 11 i l ° 2 d _ o f _ t h e _ R e d e e m e r in a l i t u r g i c a l s e t t i n g . He suggested that i t e i ther -functioned as a sp.ortel_l.o on a sacrament tabernacle or as a prede l la panel o-f an a l t a r p i e c e behind which the Eucharis t would have 25 been kept.*' He also developed Sax l ' s idea o-f s a c r i f i c i a l content to include an a l l u s i o n to the ro le of the p r i e s t in the s a c r i f i c e of the Mass. Seeing the Chr i s t f igure as assuming the ro le of the Hebrew high p r i e s t of the Old Testament, E i s l e r argued that the act ion of squeezing 26 the side-wound re fers to the p r i e s t l y act of s a c r i f i c e . E i s l e r located Panofsky's general charac ter i za t ion of the Chr i s t f igure as both "the Offer ing and the One who Offers" as a concept that would have been meaningful within the church s e t t i n g . Iconographic studies in general have e lucidated the many components of Ihe_Bl_ogd_of_the_Redeemer that need to be explored. They have brought up the issue of locat ion and the importance of h i s t o r i c a l events and i n t e r a c t i o n with northern Europe in r e l a t i o n to developing p i c t o r i a l types. By v i r tue of the thematic focus, however, iconographic research has not s u f f i c i e n t l y i so la ted publ ic and pr ivate types of the f u l l - l e n g t h bleeding C h r i s t . The d i s t i n c t i v e funct ions of the types must be considered with regard to the two locat ions in order to understand the d i f ferences among the themes. While iconographic studies focussed on the image as a thematic type, s t y l i s t i c s tudies aimed at e s tab l i sh ing the p a i n t i n g ' s date. The emphasis on the formal aspects of the work i s rooted in a t r a d i t i o n that has focussed on construct ing an a r t i s t ' s oeuvre as a s t y l i s t i c progress ion. In B e l l i n i s cho larsh ip , s t y l e has taken on a p a r t i c u l a r importance in view of the fact that l i t t l e documentation ex i s t s in 12 connection with the a r t i s t ' s work. In many cases, s t y l e has remained the sole means -for determining date. In t h i s respect , Ihe_Blggd_of t h e _ R e d § e m e r has been placed ear ly in the evolut ionary framework. In general , i t s decidedly northern character has not allowed placement among the paint ings that show a greater Tuscan inf luence . Jean-Paul R i c h t e r ' s d iscuss ion of the paint ing in his "Lectures on the National Gal lery" represents the f i r s t attempt to date the work on the basis of s t y l e . Formal elements such as the attenuated length and sharp out l ine of the Chr i s t f igure were c i ted as evidence for a placement among the a r t i s t ' s ear ly works. The paint ing was placed la ter than establ i shed works such as the Correr Iransf igyration and Davis Madonna, however, where Richter considered that the out l ine i s even harder, the colour l i g h t e r and the f igures and landscape less 27 developed. A more s p e c i f i c date was sought through a combination of what have come to be c a l l e d More l l ian connoisseurship and the cons iderat ion of a r t i s t i c i n t e r a c t i o n . F i r s t , a s i m i l a r i t y was noted between the hands of a group of sa ints in a drawing at Chatsworth and those of Chr i s t in T_he_Bl ogd_gf _the_Redeemer - - in p a r t i c u l a r the "pecu l iar ly formed thumb." The proport ions of the f igures were judged as s i m i l a r and the head of the second Chatsworth Apostle l ikened to that °* I!l§_5§d§§!!llX' 5 C h r i s t , prompting Richter to see the images as bearing 2 8 the same date."1" The year 1451 was arr ived at through a comparison of both the Chatsworth drawing and Ihe_Blogd_gf_the_Redeemer with Mantegna's San Zeno a l t a r p i e c e . The drawing was viewed as B e l l i n i ' s sketch for the l e f t wing of the a l t a r p i e c e that was executed in 1459. As a preparatory sketch, the drawing was placed e a r l i e r than the 13 a l t a r p i e c e and given the date of 1451. Consequently, Ihe_Blggd_gf_the 29 Redeemer was placed at the same date. G i l e s Robertson's monograph on B e l l i n i of 1968 continued the l i n e of research that focussed on s ty l e as a means of determining date. Though Robertson attempted to bring together the various l i n e s of research to date, i t was the s ty le of the image and the quest for date that remained the informing components. The book i s s tructured on the general thes i s that B e l l i n i ' s work represented a synthesis of the Tuscan t r a d i t i o n of space construct ion and the Flemish t r a d i t i o n of l i g h t . 3 0 Robertson presented the a r t i s t ' s oeuvre as a l inear sequence of works that were arranged chrono log i ca l l y on the basis of an evolving s t y l e . Ib.i_il22d_9i_the_Redeemer was placed in the ear ly phase of the sequence. Placement was made on the basis that the paint ing combines the Tuscan-insp ired perspect ive and c l a s s i c i z i n g r e l i e f s of fiantegna with the l inear pathos of Rogier van der Weyden, but s t i l l lacks the perfect fusion of s t y l e that i s achieved in the Pieta in B r e r a . j i Within the framework of s t y l i s t i c synthes is , Jhe_Blggd_gf_the_Redeemer was presented as an imperfect image that contr ibutes to a predetermined future p e r f e c t i o n . Its existence was measured by a ser i e s of achievements that become subsumed by future phases and are comprehendab1e only in r e l a t i o n to a l a t er representat ion . C r i t i c i s m was l e v e l l e d against Robertson's l i n e a r synthet ic approach on a number of d i f f erent f r o n t s . David Rosand and John Steer attacked Robertson's disregard for an ex i s t ing Venetian a r t i s t i c t r a d i t i o n , in p a r t i c u l a r the Byzantine presence and the input of Jacopo 32 B e l l i n i . Rosand further c r i t i c i z e d the narrowness of Robertson's 14 •focus on a s t y l i s t i c a l l y - d e t e r m i n e d l inear sequence where ent i re dimensions of B e l l i n i ' s development were s a c r i f i c e d to chronology. B e l l i n i ' s renewed in teres t in Mantegna in the 1470's, for example, should he seen according to Rosand, as the a r t i s t ' s recogni t ion of "the dramatic and pathet ic potent ia l of c er ta in formal m e a n s . H e was suggesting that for B e l l i n i , s t y l e , in cer ta in cases, may have been a vehic le for conveying meaning rather than simply an evolut ionary progression toward a synthet ic end. Rosand also pointed out Robertson's v i r t u a l neglect of iconography, observing that the tyranny of adhering to a s t y l i s t i c chronology had resul ted in the iconographic treatment of only s e l e c t i v e examples of B e l l i n i ' s work. He noted that d iscuss ion of content was l imi ted to much discussed paint ings such as Sacred_Al 1 eggry_ and Ihe_Feast_gf_the_Ggds while works with an equal ly r i c h iconography l i k e the Madgnna_gf_the_Meadgw were e s s e n t i a l l y n e g l e c t e d . ^ The problems that were recognized in Robertson's monograph can be seen as a product of the state of the B e l l i n i l i t e r a t u r e at the end of the 1960's. As B e l l i n i chronologis ts had focussed on s t y l e as a means of dating the a r t i s t ' s works, iconographers had focussed only on the paint ings that were p a r t i c u l a r l y we l l - su i ted to the method. Robertson, as a B e l l i n i scho lar , was s t i l l attempting to reconc i l e the problem of chronologica l development based on the t r a d i t i o n a l model of s t y l i s t i c evolut ion while at the same time incorporat ing the f indings of a cumulative but sporadic iconographic research. The synthesis that Robertson was t r y i n g to achieve was not only between geographical ly disparate s t y l e s , but also between t r a d i t i o n a l l y separate l i n e s of research. 15 The uneasy marriage between s ty l e and iconography i s w e l l -i l l u s t r a t e d in Robertson's treatment o-f Ihe_Bl_ood_gf_the_Redeemer. He extracted the various f indings of the thematic d iscuss ions by Saxl , Meiss, Middeldorf and Horster and drew them together in order to present a cohesive d iscuss ion of the content of the image. He noted Sax l ' s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the r e l i e f s , Meiss's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the l i g h t and landscape as well as the s g g r t e l l g d iscuss ions of Middeldorf and Horster . The l a t t e r prompted Robertson to place the pa int ing in a sacrament tabernacle contex t . 3 ^ He also explored the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the Holy Blood Controversy but u l t imate ly rejected the dispute as a determining factor with regard to e i ther date or meaning of the i m a g e . ° ^ In the end, i t was the s ty l e of the pa int ing as i t r e la t e s to other works in B e l l i n i ' s oeuvre that was of prime importance to Robertson. Iconographic information remained an amalgamation of diverse opinions , whereas s ty l e const i tuted the connecting thread and the ult imate author i ty with regard to date and, by v i r tue of Robertson's construct , s i g n i f i c a n c e of the image. S t y l i s t i c a l l y , the paint ing was l inked through i t s incorporat ion of Mantegnesque elements to It>e_Aggny__^n the_Barden, which i s dated before 1 4 6 5 . ^ It was placed la ter than The_Aggny, however, due to B e l l i n i ' s use of Flemish sources, but before the Brera Pi.eta of 1470 where, in Robertson's view, "a l l the diverse elements of Giovanni ' s ear ly s ty l e are drawn into a perfect 38 synthesis.""' Iconography became only an addendum to the search for a chronology of s t y l e . Norbert Huse's "Studien zu Giovanni B e l l i n i " represented a departure from the t r a d i t i o n a l s t y l i s t i c framework of B e l l i n i 16 chrono log i s t s . Drawing on the thematic approaches of ear ly twentieth century German iconographers, Huse constructed a framework for B e l l i n i ' s oeuvre that was organized in terms of themes. Categories of works such as Madonnas, Chr i s t representat ions and a l tarp i ece s were explored as a means of narrowing the points of reference. As Robertson observed in h is review of the book, . . . v a r i a t i o n s in s ty l e in Giovanni ' s work are l inked to d i f ferences in the theme of his subject f a t t e r rather than to fac tors of chronologica l development . . . " Thus, unl ike Robertson, who focussed on s t y l i s t i c change as a means of determining chronologica l sequence, Huse conceived of s t y l i s t i c change in r e l a t i o n to the varying expressive requirements of d i f f e r e n t themes. Ibi_il92d_gf_the_Redeemer was placed in the f i r s t chapter where Huse emphasized at the outset that during the 1450's and 60's, the representat ion of Chr i s t was of centra l in teres t for B e l l i n i and that 40 the paint ings of Chr i s t from t h i s period are highly s i g n i f i c a n t . For the f i r s t time, Ihe_Blgod_gf_the_Redeemer was placed among a group of s i m i l a r images within the context of a study that spanned the a r t i s t ' s en t i re career . On c loser examination, however, the union of s ty l e and iconography was only s u p e r f i c i a l l y achieved with regard to Jhe_Blogd_gf_the Redeemer. Though the study of themes worked well for B e l l i n i ' s la ter images where the impl ica t ions with regard to s ty l e were s i g n i f i c a n t l y explored, Huse's c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of Ib § _ i l 9 9 d _ g f _ t h e _ R e d e e m e r as an "early work" ec l ipsed the p a i n t i n g ' s importance as a Chr i s t image. The paint ing was placed in the f i r s t major group of images produced after the works of the a r t i s t ' s youth. The images represented an assortment 17 of themes — a Madonna, the Transfiguration and Jhe_Aggny_in_the i§C^§D ~~ a ° d were united by the t r a d i t i o n a l formula of a s t y l i s t i c 41 r e l a t i o n s h i p to Mantegna. Again, the f indings of diverse iconographic s tudies were noted with regard to the meaning of the Chr i s t type, the 42 parapet r e l i e f s and the landscape, but Ihe_Blgod_gf_the_Redeemer was u l t imate ly made comprehendab1e in terms of i t s Mantegnesque s t y l e . In sp i te of the e s s e n t i a l l y conventional treatment of Ihe_Blggd Qf_the_Redeemer, Huse's book had important impl i ca t ions for the way in which art h i s t o r i a n s began to see B e l l i n i ' s work. Though c r i t i c i s m was brought against both Huse's neglect of chronology and disregard for outside i n f l uences, the approach to the a r t i s t ' s work in terms of p a r t i c u l a r themes became an important aspect of research. Scholars l i k e Rona Goffen and Hans Be l t ing have given the ir at tent ion to i n d i v i d u a l themes within B e l l i n i ' s work such as the V i r g i n and the su f fer ing C h r i s t . Unlike Huse, however, the thematic studies of both scholars have focussed p r i m a r i l y on the imagery as a product of h i s t o r i c a l f a c t o r s . S t y l i s t i c change has been considered in connection with both the funct ion of the images and the requirements of the Venetian s i t u a t i o n in which they were produced. Bui ld ing on Sixten Ringbom's pioneering study of the development of pr iva te devotional imagery, Goffen considered B e l l i n i ' s ha l f - l ength Madonna images in r e l a t i o n to currents that were operating in Venice in 43 the f i f t e e n t h century. In p a r t i c u l a r , she l inked the meaning of cer ta in s ty l e s and motifs in the imagery to the impact of an emerging Byzantine presence in the c i t y . Goffen's research has brought to l i g h t the importance of s o c i a l , r e l i g i o u s and p o l i t i c a l circumstances as 18 informing agents in the production of B e l l i n i ' s imagery. Changes in form and content are seen as a response to the demands of the Venetian s i tuat i on. B e l t i n g ' s research, which focussed s p e c i f i c a l l y on the Pi.eta in the Brera , has given emphasis to the s i g n i f i c a n c e of l o c a l a r t i s t i c t r a d i t i o n s and i n t e l l e c t u a l currents in the development of B e l l i n i ' s 44 su f fer ing Chr i s t imagery. S p e c i f i c a l l y , the Byzantine icon and Venetian a l t a r p i e c e t r a d i t i o n s were h ighl ighted as important sources for B e l l i n i ' s Chr i s t images. At the same time, Be l t ing placed the a r t i s t within the context of a r t i s t i c developments in Venice where compositional formulas that were drawn from the icon and a l t a r p i e c e t r a d i t i o n s were t r a v e l l i n g between publ ic and pr ivate spheres. The recept ion of A lber t ian theory and i t s a p p l i c a t i o n in northern I t a l i a n imagery further es tabl i shed the changing forms of B e l l i n i ' s Chr i s t representat ions as part of a larger Venetian response. I!]§_IlQ9d_gf_the_Redeemer, however, has not been dealt with to any s i g n i f i c a n t degree in the most recent analyses of B e l l i n i . As a unique v a r i a t i o n on B e l l i n i ' s t y p i c a l "Man of Sorrow" images that i s locked in the problematic ear ly phase of his work, the paint ing has not been considered among the a r t i s t ' s more mainstream Chr i s t images. Research has continued to focus e i ther on the extension of iconographic i n t e r p r e t a t i o n or the in ser t ion of the image into ever more diverse research pockets. A l l a n Braham, for example, has elaborated on the symbolic i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the iconography of the Chr i s t f i g u r e , the parapet r e l i e f s and the landscape without l oca t ing the image in the Venetian 19 devotional s i t u a t i o n to which the symbolism could have been addressed. Though he suggested a learned theologian as patron -for the work, a r i c h context -for the commission that takes into account the complex o-f 45 currents that were operating in Venice remains to be explored. The impression that now p r e v a i l s of T_he_Blood_of_the_Redeemer i s a piecemeal compilat ion of s t y l i s t i c and iconographic information. Contextual fac tors that informed the image have been mentioned in i so la ted instances but remain to be drawn together to present a comprehensive h i s t o r i c a l s i t u a t i o n . Rona Goffen's treatment of the paint ing in her forthcoming monograph both ind icates the need for an extensive contextual considerat ion and e luc idates the problem that such 46 a cons iderat ion e n t a i l s . Goffen's placement of the image in a sacrament tabernacle context, in accordance with the c u r r e n t l y accepted view of l o c a t i o n , i s tempered with an acute recogni t ion of the p a i n t i n g ' s meditat ional q u a l i t i e s . In sp i t e of the "sporte l lo" placement, her e x p l i c a t i o n of the image i s effected through i t s comparison to a pr ivate devotional work of the BIess ing_Chris t . Both paint ings are shown to function appropr ia te ly within the context of wound venerat ion. Goffen's d iscuss ion places the paint ing simultaneously in two spheres, that of the p u b l i c , l i t u r g i c a l image and that of the p r i v a t e , meditat ional image. The dual placement e f f e c t i v e l y h i g h l i g h t s what ex i s t s as a fundamental problem in approaching the p a i n t i n g . I_he_Bl_ggd_gf_the_Redeeroer partakes of both the publ ic and pr ivate t r a d i t i o n s of suf fer ing Chr i s t imagery. 20 Xb.e_Pr ob l_em_of _Contex t The question o-f context, while problematic for B e l l i n i ' s l arge ly undocumented oeuvre as a whole, presents a p a r t i c u l a r d i f f i c u l t y with regard to Ihe_|lood_of_the_Redeemer. Not only are date, patron and s p e c i f i c locat ion unknown, but also the purpose of the image and the general se t t ing in which i t funct ioned. Whereas a l t a r p i e c e s are at least understood in the context of the e c c l e s i a s t i c a l s e t t ing and domestic Madonnas as pr ivate devotional pieces in the home, placement of Ih§_!L2Qd__o£_the_Redeemer remains at the l eve l of specu la t ion . The l i t e r a t u r e has discussed the paint ing var ious ly as an image connected with pr ivate devotional works as well as sacrament tabernacle imagery in the church s e t t i n g . Panofsky discussed the image in r e l a t i o n to in tercessory images that responded to a more intimate and pr ivate p i e t i s t i c experience. Saxl l inked i t with the cu l t image that supplied the viewer with the graphic d e t a i l s of s u f f e r i n g . Conversely, Robertson, E i s l e r and Braham suggest a tabernacle loca t ion where the s a c r i f i c i a l content of the work becomes meaningful in the context of the s a c r i f i c e of the Mass. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , none of the d iscuss ions of the meaning of the image remain f i rmly rooted in e i ther camp. Panofsky and Saxl both mention the e u c h a r i s t i c content. The tabernacle d iscuss ions are e laborate ly supplemented with d e t a i l s of the way in which the image responds to the emerging p i e t i s t i c emphasis of the pr ivate sphere. Further , in sp i te of an e c c l e s i a s t i c a l placement, scholars such as Robertson compare the paint ing in s t y l i s t i c terms almost exc lus ive ly to other Chr i s t representat ions by B e l l i n i that were c l e a r l y intended for the pr ivate 21 env ironment .^ What i s needed i s c l a r i f i c a t i o n of the whole issue of context. In a basic sense, as the l i t e r a t u r e revea l s , Ihe_Blogd_gf_the_Redeefner seems to p a r t i c i p a t e in aspects of both locat ions — the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d environment of the church se t t ing and the more intimate loca le of the domestic sphere. U n t i l r ecent ly , the whole idea of t h i s kind of dual p a r t i c i p a t i o n has been clouded by the t r a d i t i o n a l framework that was set up for thinking about r e l i g i o u s imagery by scholars of the ear ly twentieth century. Sixten Ringbom, in his book on the ha l f - l eng th image in the f i f t eenth century, has begun to unravel the confusing accumulation of terminology that has defined and segregated publ ic and pr ivate images. In so doing, he has provided a framework for understanding images l i k e Ihe_Bl.ogd_gf_the_Redeemer in less conf ining terms. Ringbom c i t e s Panofsky's landmark a r t i c l e of 1929 as providing the i n i t i a l set of terms for d i s t i n g u i s h i n g between the devotional image and 48 publ ic a r t . In his d iscuss ion of the "Imago P i e t a t i s " motif , Panofsky extended the concept of " Andachtsbi1d" — a term formerly applied only to sculpture — to the arena of p a i n t i n g . The "Andachtsbi1d, " in Panofsky's view, i s an image that acts as a v i sua l st imulus to the experience of contemplative absorption on the part of the viewer. It i s described as d i f f e r i n g from the "scenic h is tory" or narra t ive on the one 49 hand and the "cult image" on the other hand. Successive c r i t i c s pointed out, however, that Panofsky's d e f i n i t i o n i s based on two d i f f erent c r i t e r i a , a s i t u a t i o n that makes ca tegor ica l comparisons problematic . Hans Aurenhammer observed that the "narrative" i s a formal and iconographic concept while the term "cult image" i s a funct ional d e f i n i t i o n that describes the purpose of the image. At the same time, "Andachtsbi1d" i s both an iconographical and funct ional term that re fers in iconographic terms to a f igure or group that i s i so la ted from a narrat ive context and appl ies f u n c t i o n a l l y as a descr ip t ion of a v i sua l aid to contemplation.*^ Moreover, Rudolf Ber l iner observed that a r i g i d funct iona l d i s t i n c t i o n between the narra t ive and "AndachtsbiId" i s not even r e a l l y poss ib l e . He noted that the narrat ive could be used not only as an aid to contemplation, but also as a rece iver of prayers in the same manner as the cu l t i m a g e . A n d f i n a l l y , as Ringbom has observed, the "AndachtsbiId" i t s e l f , when considered in the iconographical sense, could be used for purposes other than v i sua l incitement to contemplation. A t y p i c a l theme of the "AndachtsbiId" such as the "Arma C h r i s t i " or the Gregorian "Man of Sorrows" functioned also 59 in the capaci ty of an indulgence image as the r e c i p i e n t of prayers . At the other extreme, as Ringbom notes, the C r u c i f i x was developed to highly emotive ends in the charged devotional images of Chr i s t on the Cross and yet always maintained i t s l i t u r g i c a l and decorative function in the church b u i l d i n g . ^ Ringbom's d iscuss ion of the dialogue surrounding terminology brings forth a number of important ideas that must be considered when examining T_he_Blood_gf_the_Redeegier. in the f i r s t p lace , i t reveals the i n c r e d i b l e ease with which cer ta in p i c t o r i a l concepts could flow back and forth between the pr ivate and publ ic realms. It i l luminates an amazing f l e x i b i l i t y where p a r t i c u l a r themes could simultaneously serve a number of d i f f e r e n t funct ions . By extension, i t sets up the p o s s i b i l i t y 23 that the mult ip le assoc iat ions that inform a motif could be brought into new and d i f f e r e n t contexts. In addi t ion to a f l e x i b i l i t y in locat ion and funct ion , c e r t a i n p i c t o r i a l types have been shown to have been character ized by a d i s t i n c t typo log i ca l mutabi l i ty in the f i f t e en th century. In his "Imago P i e t a t i s , " Panofsky introduced the idea of the variegated forms of the "Man of Sorrows." Later , in his a r t i c l e on Jean Hey's §cce_Hgmg, he observed the phenomenon of composite motifs where elements could be 54 taken from e x i s t i n g p i c t o r i a l types and combined to form a new motif . S i m i l a r l y , Gerhard Schmidt examined the emergence of the composite type as a means of i l l u s t r a t i n g abstract theo log ica l concepts. In p a r t i c u l a r , an image such as the f igure of Chr i s t shedding blood into a c h a l i c e brings the motif of the cha l i ce into the standard "Man of Sorrows" type to produce a v i sua l i l l u s t r a t i o n of the "Holy Blood and Body," a t i t l e that became increas ing ly used for the consecration of 55 churches. At the same time, the standard "Man of Sorrows" could be supplemented with the accessories of C h r i s t ' s martyrdom to evoke an "Arma C h r i s t i " reference or, as in the case of Panofsky's famous example, imbued with "Salvator Mundi" references to produce an image l i k e the "Christ Crowned with Thorns." Ringbom's research has brought to l i g h t the p a r t i c u l a r complexity involved in considering the various contexts in which su f fer ing Chris t imagery operated in the f i f t eenth century. His d iscuss ion of the m a l l e a b i l i t y of the theme as well as i t s t r a n s f e r a b i l i t y between publ ic and pr ivate spheres provides an important basis from which to approach I!li_lL92d_gf_the_Redeemer. What remains to be explored are the the 24 contexts themselves. Publ ic and pr ivate images of the suf fer ing Chr i s t must be considered in terms of the various forces that defined devotions to Chr i s t in the f i f t e en th century. In turn , Ihe_Blggd_of_the Redeemer must be examined with regard to the s p e c i f i c Venetian s i tuat i on. Mfl£h_gcl_g£ _Ap.gr oach The fo l lowing study w i l l approach T_he_Bl_ggd_gf_the_Redeemer from the basic premise that the paint ing was a pr ivate devotional image. A number of fac tors support the idea of a pr ivate l o c a t i o n , not the least of which i s the i n t r i c a t e d e t a i l of the p a i n t i n g . The s p g r t e l l g was meant to be seen from a dis tance . Tiny d e t a i l s in B e l l i n i ' s image such as the i n s c r i p t i o n on the r e l i e f scene a l t a r simply would not have been evident to the congregation. S p g r t e l l i were general ly very simple in composition cons i s t ing p r i m a r i l y of the Chr i s t f igure depicted within a space. The d e t a i l of the landscape with f igures and arch i t ec ture as well as the subt le nuances of emotion on C h r i s t ' s face would have required a close-up and intimate encounter with the p a i n t i n g . S i g n i f i c a n t l y , even scholars who are adamant about a l i t u r g i c a l l oca t ion recognize the meditational q u a l i t i e s in the image. In addi t ion to Goffen, Al lan Braham has noted that "the complexity of the s t i l l unexplained subject matter would no doubt have seemed . . . more su i tab le for pr iva te than publ ic c o n t e m p l a t i o n . " ^ The observation has even prompted Braham to consider a completely new l i t u r g i c a l placement for the pa int ing - - on the ins ide of the tabernacle door. In Braham's view, the i n t e r i o r placement would have allowed for 25 contemplation of the image by the highest c l ergy . While i n t e r e s t i n g , the placement i s both unprecedented and untenable in view of the Mass s i t u a t i o n . The l i t u r g i c a l r i t e made no prov i s ion for pr ivate meditat ions. The r i t e was an ongoing a c t i v i t y that culminated in the e u c h a r i s t i c s a c r i f i c e . The p r i e s t ' s ro le was one of mediation between God and the congregation. He stood at the centre of an i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d framework for worship that was the a n t i t h e s i s of the intimate meditative s i t u a t i o n . I ! ] § _ § l 9 2 c i _ g f _ t h e _ R e d e e m e r i s more appropr ia te ly considered as a devotional image that functioned in the pr ivate sphere. The aim of t h i s thes i s w i l l be to e luc idate the appropr iat ion of the publ ic Chr i s t type that occurs in Ihe_Blggd_gf_the_Redeemer and to place the paint ing within the context of l a t er f i f t e en th century Venetian pr ivate p i e ty . Chapter Two w i l l focus on the development of the two f u l l - l e n g t h bleeding Chr i s t types — both publ ic and pr ivate - -within the context of devotions to Chr i s t in both spheres in the f i f t e en th century. It w i l l emphasize the way in which the types functioned in the ir respect ive contexts and provide the foundations for approaching the use of the publ ic type in B e l l i n i ' s p a i n t i n g . Chapter Three w i l l deal with devotions to C h r i s t in Venice. In p a r t i c u l a r , the c i v i c aspect of p i e ty , the impact of the p r i n t i n g press and the issue of C h r i s t ' s s a c r i f i c e in i n t e l l e c t u a l inquiry w i l l be discussed. Bui ld ing on the research of Marita Horster , the importance of h i s t o r i c a l events in shaping the perception of C h r i s t ' s s a c r i f i c e in northern I ta ly w i l l be considered. Chapter Four w i l l focus on Ine_Blggd_gf_the_Redeemer as a pr ivate devotional paint ing that responds to the demands of Venetian 26 meditations in the second half of the f i f t eenth century. I n i t i a l l y , i t w i l l be placed within the context of Venetian pr ivate Chr i s t images with p a r t i c u l a r emphasis on the importance of northern p r i n t s with regard to the s p e c i f i c p i c t o r i a l form. Secondly, the use of the publ ic Chr i s t type w i l l be considered in terms of i t s l i t u r g i c a l a s soc ia t ions . This sect ion w i l l b u i l d on Hans B e l t i n g ' s research into B e l l i n i ' s t r a n s l a t i o n of publ ic images into pr ivate devotional works. Further , the publ ic Chr i s t type w i l l be considered with regard to i t s extended c i v i c meaning in northern I ta ly and the impl i ca t ions for B e l l i n i ' s image. F i n a l l y , the category of patron w i l l be discussed. The unusual pr ivate subject of Chr i s t with the cha l i c e w i l l be considered with regard to the p a r t i c u l a r in teres t s to which i t would have responded at the moment. In a d d i t i o n , the presence of the s a c r i f i c e r e l i e f s w i l l be examined as a component that would have addressed the demands of a cer ta in type of patron. NOTES 1. Martin Davies, Nat ional_Gal lery_Cata lggues i_Jhe_Ear1ier II§Ii§D_§Eb9°Ii (London: Printed -for the Trustees , 1951), 48, n. 6. 2. Martin Wyld, "The Cleaning and Restoration o-f B e l l i n i ' s 'The Blood of the Redeemer'," N a t i o n a l _ G a l 1 § r y _ T e c h n i c a l _ B u l 1 e t i n 2 (1978): 17. 3. A l lan Braham, "The Transformation of B e l l i n i ' s 'The Blood of the Redeemer'," Nat ional_Gal1ery_Technical_Bul1et in 2 (1978): 11. 4. G i l e s Robertson f i r s t i d e n t i f i e d the object as a "thymiaterion. " G i l e s Robertson, G^gvanni__Beinni. (Oxford: Oxford Univers i ty Press, 1968; r e p r . , New York: Hacker Art Books, (1981), 35. 5. Braham, 11. 6. I b i d . , 12. 7. Martin Wyld notes that "the t r a n s i t i o n between the pavement and the landscape was vague and unconvincing" and that "the extension downwards of the ins ide edges of the r e l i e f s had formed a shape of odd proport ions between them." Wyld, 22. 8. Joyce P l e s t e r s , "A Note on the M a t e r i a l s , Technique and Condit ion of B e l l i n i ' s 'The Blood of the Redeemer'," National Ga l l ery I § E O Q i c a l _ § u l l e t i n 2 (1978): 23. 9. Wyld, 20. 10. P l e s t e r s , 22. 11. Erwin Panofsky, "'Imago P i e t a t i s ' : Ein Beitrag zur Typengeschichte des 'Schmerzensmann' und der 'Maria M e d i a t r i x ' , " E i i t s c h r i.f t_f ur_Max_J^_FrLidL§Qd§C_iU01_4Qi_§i°!i r.tstag ( L e i p z i g : E. A. Seemann, 1927), 261-308. Panofsky's method, which i s a v a r i a t i o n on Warburg's i c o n o l o g i c a l approach, i s applied d i f f e r e n t l y in h is German 27 28 wri t ings that i t i s in his American work. He sys temat ica l ly l a i d out h is i c o n o l o g i c a l method in 1939 in Studies_in_Icgnology (New York: Oxford Univers i ty Press ) . The method was designed as a means for apprehending and i n t e r p r e t i n g what Panofsky saw as the symbolic values of art which he bel ieved to have been unknown to the a r t i s t . His ear ly wr i t ings , unconsciously produced symbolic values. With the p u b l i c a t i o n ° f i £ i l l Y _ W e t h e r ] . a n d i s h _ P a i n t i n g (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Un ivers i ty Press, 1953) after his a r r i v a l in the United States , Panofsky a l tered his i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the a r t i s t i c expression of symbolic values with the assert ion that Jan van Eyck had proceeded from a preconceived programme aimed at imbuing painted objects with symbolic meanings. In contrast to the premise l a i d out in his e a r l i e r work, Panofsky now saw the a r t i s t as consciously expressing the symbolic values of a cu l ture through the use of "disguised symbolism." For a d iscuss ion of •Panofsky's i c o n o l o g i c a l method, see Michael Ann H o l l y , P § n o f s k y _ a n d i b § _ E 9 y D ^ i i i Q Q § _ 9 f _ 0 C i _ y i § t 9 C Y (Ithaca, N . Y . : Cornel l Un ivers i ty Press, 1984K 12. Panofsky, "Imago P i e t a t i s , " 194. 13. Hubert Schrade, "Beitrage zur Erklarung des Schmerzens-mannbi 1 des, " Deutschkundl i.ches:__Fri.edr L £ h _ P a n z e r _ z u m _ 6 0 i _ G e b u r t s t a g e ! i k i C C S L £ ! l t _ v g n _ h e i d e l b e r ger Fachgenossen (Heidelberg: Carl Winters, 1930)", 164-1B3. ~ 14. F r i t z Sax l , "Pagan S a c r i f i c e in the I t a l i a n Renaissance," J 9 y ! I D § I _ 9 f _ t h e _ W a r b u r g _ a n d _ C g u r t ^ 2 (1939), 347-48. 15. I b i d . , 348-52. 16. I b i d . , 352, n. 1. 17. M i l l a r d Meiss, "Light as form and symbol in some f i f t eenth century pa in t ings ," A r t _ B u l l e t i n 27 (1945): 175-76. 18. U l r i c h Middeldorf , "Un rame i n c i s o del quattrocento," S c r i t t i 9 " i _ l t g r i a _ d e l H a r t e _ i Q _ g n g r e _ d i _ M § r i g _ S a l m i (Rome: De Luca, 1962), 2:282. 19. Midde ldorf ' s inquiry was supplemented in 1964 by Hans Caspary's extensive research into the h i s tory and development of the sacrament tabernacle in I t a l y . Caspary de ta i l ed the meaning of various aspects of the s t ruc ture inc lud ing that of the p i c t o r i a l imagery that had become associated with the tabernacle . Ihe_Blggd_gf_the_Redeemer was mentioned in a sect ion e n t i t l e d "Sanguis C h r i s t i " that dealt with the meaning of tabernacle images of the f igure of Chr i s t shedding blood into a c h a l i c e . Caspary's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s focused p r i m a r i l y on the e u c h a r i s t i c content of the imagery. Hans Caspary, Das_Sakramentstabernakel_in_Ital ien_bis zum_Kgnzil_ygn_Jrient (Ph.D. d i s s . , Ludwig-Maximi 1ian U n i v e r s i t y , Munich~~1964T~~105-67 29 20. Marita Hortser , "Mantuae Sanguis Prec iosus ," Wal lraf_Richartz J§b_bu_b 2 5 < 1963): 156. 21. I b i d . , 162-67. 22. I b i d . , 163-64. 23. Col in E i s l e r , "The Golden C h r i s t of Cortona and the Man of Sorrows in I t a l y , Part 1," A r t _ B u l l e t i Q 51 (June 1969): 112-16. Other s tudies have extended the ear ly twentieth century German iconographic l i n e by focusing on "Man of Sorrows" types with p a r t i c u l a r emphasis on t h e i r pervasive use in the imagery of the minor a r t s . M a j - B r i t Wadell 's survey of the "Fons P i e t a t i s " theme included B e l l i n i ' s Ihe_Bl^god_of the_Redeemer among a ser ies of images depict ing Chr i s t as the " L i f e s p r i n g . " Wadell provided a thorough discuss ion of the p i c t o r i a l type as i t appears in contemporary pr inted images and elaborated on the symbolic assoc ia t ions of C h r i s t ' s blood inc luding references to baptism and re s surec t ion . M a j - B r i t Wadell, "Fgns_Pietat i s" i_Eine I !<9Q99C a Ebi§£Q§_Studie (Goteborg: Rosenthal and Thiberg , 1969). 24. E i s l e r , 112. 25. Co l in E i s l e r , "The Golden Chr i s t of Cortona and the Man of Sorrows in I t a l y , Part 2," A r t _ B u l l e t i n 51 (September 1969): 236. 26. I b i d . , 235. 27. Jean Paul R ichter , Lec tur es_gn_the_Nat i.90.al _§al l_ ery (London: Longmans, Green, 1898), 31-32. 28. I b i d . , 32. It was Richter who f i r s t a t t r ibuted the drawing to B e l l i n i . It was o r i g i n a l l y catalogued under the name of P i er ino da Vaga. 29. Ib id . R i c h t e r ' s argument i s based on the assumption that B e l l i n i was born af ter Mantegna and no la ter than 1428. In t h i s way, B e l l i n i i s assumed to have been older than Mantegna. B e l l i n i ' s b i r thdate , however, i s now placed in the mid-1430's, making Mantegna the older a r t i s t . In t h i s case, the Chatsworth drawing was probably done after the San Zeno a l t a r p i e c e was completed and B e l l i n i may have been copying the image in order to learn new techniques from the older a r t i s t . 30. G i l e s Robertson sums up B e l l i n i ' s personal achievement as: "the perfect synthesis of two complementary streams of development which character ize European paint ing in the f i f t eenth century: that of the mathematical reconstruct ion of three-dimensional space through the s c i e n t i f i c study of l inear perspect ive , which was centred on Florence , and that which was centred on the Low Countries and which rendered space in terms of absolute ly just empir ical observation of the circumambience of l i g h t . " Robertson, 2. 30 31. I b i d . , 33-36. 32. David Rosand, review of 6_gy__n__Be_ 1 i.n_, by Gi l e s Robertson, ftrt.QuarterLy. 33, n . l (1970): 73 and John Steer, "Giles Robertson's B e l l i n i , " review of G_gy_nn__B___ i_n i_, by Gi l e s Robertson, Burl__gtgn Magazine 112 (1970):"I16? 33. Rosand, 74. 34. I b i d . , 73. 35. Robertson, 34. n. 1 and 35. 36. Robertson's d iscuss ion of the Holy Blood Controversy began in an a r t i c l e on B e l l i n i ' s ear ly work published in 1960. (It i s i n t e r e s t i n g that he gives c r e d i t to Johannes Wilde, a scholar of the German iconographic t r a d i t i o n , for point ing out the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the d ispute . ) In the a r t i c l e , Robertson posited a l ink between the date of the paint ing and a bu l l put forth by Pius II in 1464. The bu l l " i n e f f a b i 1 i s , " which was aimed at stopping the dispute , forbade further d iscuss ion on the topic of the nature of C h r i s t ' s shed blood. Robertson reasoned that , in view of the strong blood references in B e l l i n i ' s image, the paint ing could not be dated after the year of the b u l l ' s p u b l i c a t i o n . G i l e s Robertson, "The E a r l i e r Work of Giovanni B e l l i n i , " J°!iCQiI_oi_ttlg_Warburg_and_Courtau 23 (1960): 46. In the monograph, however, Robertson discarded the bu l l as a means of dating Ib§_?Iood_of_t_e_Redee__r noting that "its e f fect was not to discountenance the devotion (to the Holy Blood) . . . but to freeze the 'status quo,' which implied i t s continuance." Robertson, B e l l i n i , 33. 37. Robertson compared B e l l i n i ' s ftgony_in__he__arden s t y l i s t i c a l l y with liantegna's San Zeno prede l la panel of the same subject dated between 1456 and 1459. He dated B e l l i n i ' s work in the 1460's because of what he saw as a more sophis t i ca ted use of l i g h t that gives the paint ing a "formal and s p i r i t u a l " coherence. By extension, he saw T_he_Bl_ggd_gf the_Redeemer as s l i g h t l y l a t er than B e l l i n i ' s Agony because of "the somewhat softer treatment of the forms of the landscape." Robertson, Be_l__i . , 33. 38. I b i d . , 58. 39. G i l e s Robertson, review of Stud_e__zu_Gigy___i._Be_ 1 i n i , by Norbert Huse, Bur 1ingtgn___ga_ine 188 (19767: 33. 40. Norbert Huse, Studi.en_zu_Gi.gyanni._Ben i ni. ( B e r l i n : De Gruyter , 1972), i . 41. I b i d . , 13. 42. I b i d . , 4. 31 43. Rona Goffen, "Icon and V i s i o n : Giovanni B e l l i n i ' s Half-Length Madonnas," Art_Bul_letin 57 (1975): 487-518. 44. Hans B e l t i n g , Gi oyanni._BeH i.ni._Pi eta^_I kone_und_BU der zah^ung L D . _ d e r _ y e n e z i a n i § c h e n _ M a l e r e i (Frankfurt: Fischer Taschenbuch, 1985). 45. Braham, 11-12. The wide var i e ty of research contexts in which The_Blogd_gf_the_Redeemer has appeared was even further extended in 1984 when Richard Wollheim included the image in his d iscuss ion of the a r t i s t i c attainment of the concept of c o r p o r e a l i t y . Richard Wollheim, "Painting as an A r t , " The A.W. Mellon Lectures in the Fine Arts § 9 l I i Q 9 § Q _ S e r i e s 25, 33, (1984): 331-32. 46. Rona Goffen, Gi_ovanni__Ben i.ni_, in press , scheduled for pub l i ca t ion in 1989, 83-85. I am grate fu l to Professor Goffen for supplying me with a copy of the sect ion that deals with Ihe_Blogd 9f_th§_R§deemer. 47. Robertson compares T_he_Blgod_of_the_Redeemer s t y l i s t i c a l l y to pr ivate images such as the Correr P i e t a , the Bergamo Pi .§ ta and the P o l d i - P e z z o l i P i e t a . Robertson, B e l l i n i , 35-36. 48. The fo l lowing discuss ion r e l i e s on Sixten Ringbom, Frgm_Icgn t°_b!§!IC§ti y § i _ T h e _ R i s e _ g f _tne_Dr 5 § y g t i g n a l _ P a i n t i n g s , 2nd ed. (Beukenlaan: Davaco, 1984), 52-58. 49. Panofsky, "Imago P i e t a t i s , " 264. 50. Hans Aurenhammer, DL§_p§CL§QQQ§.c(inbUder_Wi.ens_und N . L l d § L 3 § t e r r e i c h s _ i n _ d e r _ B a r < i c k z e i ^ t (Vienna, 1956, 7, c i t e d in Ringbom, 55. 51. Rudolf B e r l i n e r , "Bemerkungen zu e in igren Darste l lung der Er lbser s a l s Schmerzensmann," Das_Munster 9 (1956): 97 f f . , n. 13, c i t ed in Ib id . 52. I b i d . , 56. 53. Ib id . 54. Erwin Panofsky, "Jean Hey's 'Ecce Homo'," Musee_Rgyaux_des i i § y x z A r t s _ B u l l e t i n 5 (1956): 111. 55. Gerhard Schmidt, "Patrozinium und Andachtsbi 1 d, " Mi.t.tei.l.ungen d § i _ i D § t i t u t s _ f u r _ O s t e r r e i c h i 64 (1956?: 277-90. 56. Braham, 11. CHAPTER TWO CHRIST 'S SACRIFICE IN THE CONTEXT OF FIFTEENTH CENTURY PRIVATE AND PUBLIC DEVOTIONS I _ § _ S _ i f e r i n _ _ o f _ C h r _ s t _ i n _ _ h e _ F M§^Lt§tL2Q_iQ__I_i_L__L_§L_Q_iLQltL9Q One o-f the fundamental aspects of r e l i g i o u s p iety in the f i f t e e n t h century was the esca la t ion that occurred in devotion to the suf fer ing C h r i s t . Changes in the sphere of pr iva te meditations combined with developments in theo log ica l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and l i t u r g i c a l prac t i ce to produce an almost obsessive emphasis on the knowabil ity of C h r i s t . By the second half of the century, C h r i s t - c e n t r e d piety had become a m u l t i -faceted phenomenon focussed on d e f i n i n g , d i s sec t ing and expla ining the mystery of C h r i s t . A var ie ty of dimensions of human experience — p h y s i c a l , emotional and i n t e l l e c t u a l - - were u t i l i z e d as the medium for apprehending the Div ine . The prac t i ce of pr ivate devotion, where the i n d i v i d u a l seeks an intimate r e l i g i o u s experience through the act of meditat ion, underwent s i g n i f i c a n t changes in the f i f t e en th century through i t s expansion beyond the monastic realm to the sphere of lay devotions. Widespread lay adoption of meditative p r a c t i c e , which has been l inked to the al tered needs of Europe's emerging mercanti le soc ie ty , contributed to a s h i f t in both the i n t e n s i t y and focus of C h r i s t - c e n t r e d devotions. The urban mendicant orders , who had played a p ivo ta l ro l e in bringing meditation out of the monasteries and into the c i t i e s , provided the framework for lay meditations through the p a r t i c u l a r form and emphases of the i r p i e ty . By the f i f t e en th century, the mendicant orders themselves had become important components in the i n s t i t u t i o n a l s t ructure of the Church. The o r i g i n a l emphases of the i r p i e ty , however, which had been developed within the context of th ir teenth century reform e f f o r t s , provided important foundations for f i f t e e n t h century meditat ions. Mendicant devotional l i t e r a t u r e of the preceding two centur ies served as important guides and aids in pr ivate devotions of the per iod . In p a r t i c u l a r , Franciscan s p i r i t u a l i t y provided the urban f a i t h f u l with a piety that was both comprehendable and access ib le to the non-monastic devout. Largely responsible for the systematizat ion of pr ivate devotions, the Franciscans offered a programmatic approach to meditation in the form of manuals and exercises 2 that gave s p e c i f i c guide l ines and incent ives to the reader. Devotional l i t e r a t u r e such as Pseudo-Bonaventure's "Meditationes v i tae C h r i s t i , " which was widely popular in the f i f t eenth century, provided a down-to-earth narra t ive presentat ion of the l i f e of C h r i s t . N o n - i n t e l l e c t u a l in emphasis, Franciscan l i t e r a t u r e stressed the personal experience of Chr i s t in immediate and empathic terms. As a reform movement, the devotional themes of Franciscan l i t e r a t u r e had o r i g i n a l l y operated outside of the t r a d i t i o n a l l i t u r g i c a l 34 focus of the C h u r c h . J In accordance with the i n i t i a l example of the order ' s founder, St . F r a n c i s , Franciscan piety focussed on devotion to Chr i s t as an act of i n d i v i d u a l emulation. The concept of " imi tat io c h r i s t i , " which had been establ ished as the es sent ia l Franciscan s p i r i t u a l base, was trans lated in the pr ivate devotional context into a meditative emphasis on the ideas of humi l i ty , suf fer ing and renunc ia t ion . In addi t ion to the a f f e c t i v e and c h r i s t o c e n t r i c emphases of Franciscan devotion, the s trongly moral and ascet ic dimension of the 4 F r i a r s ' s p i r i t u a l i t y informed the i n i t i a l focus of lay devotions. Developments in the sphere of Dominican devotions had not only contributed add i t i ona l dimensions to the themes of devotion, but were to have profound e f fec t s for the dissemination of devotional l i t e r a t u r e as a whole. The German mystic movement, which was l arge ly a Dominican phenomenon, brought a highly emotional element to meditation that transformed i t at times into a passionate and v i s ionary experience. The movement was given impetus by the need to make theo log ica l abstracts i n t e l l i g i b l e to an unschooled group of people. It had i t s roots in a p a r t i c u l a r problem that had developed within the order with regard to conventual admin i s t ra t ion . German nuns of the fourteenth century, l i v i n g in overcrowded convents under the pastoral care of Dominican f r i a r s , were the intended readers of a large number of devotional works. The texts were written by the monks as a means of keeping the nuns occupied through meditat ion. The l i t e r a t u r e was highly evocative in content, providing compelling descr ip t ions of C h r i s t ' s l i f e and torments that encouraged a compassionate devotional response.^ The graphic aspect of the l i t e r a t u r e was further enhanced by the 35 increas ing use of the vernacular as the language of meditat ion. Lat in texts , which were extensively trans lated into the vernacular for use by the nuns, were often embellished with more a f fec t ing d e t a i l . ^ S i m i l a r l y , the most v i v i d l y d e s c r i p t i v e passages of various th ir teenth g century works were commonly excerpted and combined as composite texts . At the same time, a large number of new texts came into existence as vernacular usage opened the doors to a new range of w r i t e r s . Anonymous texts appeared, such as the " C h r i s t i Leiden in einer v i s i o n geschaut" that dispensed with theo log ica l exposi t ion a l l together in favour of the 9 deta i l ed presentat ion of a "frenzied, s a d i s t i c n a r r a t i v e . " The increas ing ly a f f e c t i v e nature of devotional texts was complemented in the convents and monasteries by meditations that were often ec s ta t i c emotional experiences. In addi t ion to such v i v i d expressions as Henry Suso's acts of s e l f - m o r t i f i c a t i o n , nuns were often brought to tears or unconciousness through the ir d e v o t i o n s . ^ The mystic movement placed the prac t i ce of pr ivate devotion in a more act ive context where meditation was not simply aimed at the achievement of mental absorpt ion , but could also e f fect supernatural occurrences. Bodi ly wounds could be incurred and ecs tas ies were a spec ia l goal of the meditative act . The v i s i o n , in which a d iv ine manifestation occurs not in the mind but mys t i ca l ly in r e a l i t y , was a c t i v e l y sought and h i g h l y -p r i z e d . The vernacular t r a n s l a t i o n of devotional l i t e r a t u r e and the m u l t i p l i c a t i o n of meditat ional texts made pr ivate devotions increas ing ly access ib le to the non-monastic reader. The "Devotio Moderna" movement, which was l a r g e l y based in Flanders , vas t ly extended vernacular 36 p u b l i c a t i o n and broadened the scope of lay meditat ions. Though the movement was i n i t i a l l y centred around two communal r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s , i t s devotional prac t i ce s were extens ive ly imitated and 12 adopted by lay groups and i n d i v i d u a l s in many parts of Europe. Profoundly c h r i s t o c e n t r i c in emphasis, Devot ional i s t p iety focussed on the concrete and empathic experience of C h r i s t ' s s u f f e r i n g s . ^ The v i v i d l y d e s c r i p t i v e Passion t rac t s of the vernacular mystic l i t e r a t u r e were eagerly read by Devot iona l i s t s , t rans lated and supplemented with ever greater narra t ive d e t a i l . The Passion tract became the most s i g n i f i c a n t devotional text and i t was character ized by a plethora of de scr ip t ion and anecdote focussed on the brutal anguish of C h r i s t ' s , , 14 s u f f e r l n g . The invention of the p r i n t i n g press at mid-century was a technologica l innovation that was to have a profound ef fect on the development of lay meditat ions. It f a c i l i t a t e d the dissemination of vernacular l i t e r a t u r e on a massive scale providing l i t e r a r y aids to an expanded audience. Devotional texts from German presses reached lay audiences a l l over Europe and by the l a t t e r part of the century pr in t operations were es tabl i shed in many European c e n t r e s . ^ With the d i f f u s i o n of inexpensive and comprehendable l i t e r a r y s t i m u l i , meditation became a widely es tabl i shed prac t i ce that was a v a i l a b l e to a large spectrum of r e a d e r s . ^ As readership expanded to the lay p u b l i c , the character of pr iva te devotional l i t e r a t u r e began to s h i f t away from the austere moral emphasis that had been c u l t i v a t e d within the monastic context toward a more penetrat ing focus on the heightened graphic and a f f e c t i v e aspects 37 of C h r i s t ' s immolation. Lay piety e s s e n t i a l l y b u i l t on the monastic foundations, embracing a c h r i s t o c e n t r i c , empathic meditation centred on the concept of s u f f e r i n g . The a f f e c t i v e s t r a i n was extended, however, to focus with f e r v i d fasc inat ion on the s p e c i f i c , de ta i l ed aspects of C h r i s t ' s human anguish as they were presented in the widely a v a i l a b l e vernacular texts . The narrat ive element became increas ing ly important in devotional l i t e r a t u r e as devotions focussed more i n t e n t l y on the tangible d e t a i l s of C h r i s t ' s l i f e and death. The Passion t rac t became an even more v i v i d compilat ion of e x p l i c i t , often grotesque, descr ip t ions of C h r i s t ' s torments that were gleaned from a var ie ty of diverse sources as new t r a n s l a t i o n s appeared and new texts were w r i t t e n . ^ Readers were taken on a step by step journey through the stages of tor ture and urged to 18 imagine each event and to dwell on the i n d i v i d u a l horrors . Completely new events were added in the form of inventions such as the "Secret Passion" that included accounts of C h r i s t ' s torments not recorded in the gospels. The inventions were highly pathet ic in content and contributed 19 to the growing fasc ina t ion for a f f ec t ing d e t a i l . As meditations focussed more often on the p a r t i c u l a r s of s u f f e r i n g , s p e c i f i c aspects of C h r i s t ' s body and phys ica l immolation 20 became devotional focuses in themselves. Prayers were devised, for example, to the limbs of C h r i s t . Though St . Bernard was general ly acknowledged as the e a r l i e s t author of a prayer to the s ing le l imbs, more complex versions appeared in the f i f t e en th century that show an 21 increas ing in teres t in the minute d e t a i l s of C h r i s t ' s body. Thomas a Kempis, who was one of the most widely read authors among lay 38 p r a c t i t i o n e r s o-f the per iod , wrote -fourteen d i f f erent prayers d irected 22 s p e c i f i c a l l y at the limbs of C h r i s t . S i m i l a r l y , the wounds of Chr i s t became an important devotional focus. The f ive wounds had been i so la ted as objects of meditation as ear ly as the twelfth century when Bernard of Clairvaux l a b e l l e d them i n d i v i d u a l l y as the source of compassion, wisdom, grace, love and l i f e . i 3 In the f i f t e e n t h century, wound veneration was given spec ia l impetus through Franciscan l i t e r a t u r e which emphasized the wounds as part of i t s " imi tat io c h r i s t i " focus in keeping with the spec ia l 24 importance of the stigmata received by St. F r a n c i s . The side-wound in p a r t i c u l a r was h ighl ighted as a powerful focus for meditat ions. The wri t ings of mystics such as Angela of Fol igno and Catharine of Siena provided graphic guide l ines for the devotional experience of the side-wound. Angela of Fol igno wrote of dr inking the blood which she described as fresh and warm. Catharine of Siena claimed both to have 25 become drunk by the blood and to have bathed in i t . ^ The blood i t s e l f became an object of obsessive fa sc ina t ion as i t was described in increas ing ly l u c i d terms in meditat ional texts . Though re la ted to a devotion l i k e that of the f ive wounds, blood piety involved a heightened mystical dimension by v i r tue of the perceived e f f i cacy of C h r i s t ' s blood in the sa lva t ion of mankind. So great was the power a t t r ibuted to the blood, that St . Bernard had proclaimed that one drop was s u f f i c i e n t to save a l l the souls in H e l l . ^ Meditations on the blood took the form of act ive i n t e r a c t i o n in which the blood u l t imate ly conveyed a spec ia l p u r i f i c a t o r y power. The physical involvement recounted by Angela and Catharine, for example, was bel ieved to have resul ted in the c leansing of sins.*' Fasc inat ion with the narrat ive d e t a i l s o-f C h r i s t ' s su f f er ing and the phys ica l s p e c i f i c s of immolation was st imulated in the f i f t eenth century outside of the meditational sphere within the context of i n s t i t u t i o n a l worship. The Mass i t s e l f was presented as a narrat ion of the Passion in which the p r i e s t s and deacons played the ac t ive r o l e s . The s p e c i f i c events leading up to the c r u c i f i x i o n on Calvary were r i t u a l i s t i c a l 1 y re-enacted in the Mass in a ceremonial narra t ive that 28 culminated in the s a c r i f i c e of the Euchar i s t . S i m i l a r l y , the Church encouraged a focussing on the bodi ly parts of C h r i s t . Indulgences, which were understood as guarantees of remission from s in as well as penitence, promised as much as 4,500 days for praying to the s ing le 29 limbs of C h r i s t . In honour of the wounds, a Feast and Mass were celebrated annually that focussed s p e c i f i c a l l y on wound venerat ion. The prac t i ce of r e l i c veneration also served to create a framework for focussing on i n d i v i d u a l aspects of C h r i s t ' s s u f f e r i n g . Chr i s t r e l i c s , which had large ly arr ived from the East with the crusaders, had by the f i f t eenth century become widely incorporated into the ceremonial l i f e of Western churches.""'* Passion r e l i c s from the Column of F l a g e l l a t i o n , the Crown of Thorns and the Cross provided tangible evidence of C h r i s t ' s martyrdom and concrete focusses for c u l t i c venerat ion. They were centred out at spec ia l feast days, displayed on a l t a r s and paraded through the s t r e e t s . Re l i c s were used as i so la ted focuses of veneration or grouped together in narra t ive form as y ° emblematic composites of the events of the Passion.'""^ In p a r t i c u l a r , r e l i c s of C h r i s t ' s blood were imbued with a spec ia l 40 s i g n i f i c a n c e as the only physical remnants of C h r i s t ' s martyred remains and because of the perceived nature of the blood as a powerful, mystical e n t i t y . They were, in very l i t e r a l terms, the "one drop" of which Bernard had spoken. The spec ia l power of the blood r e l i c was s trongly underscored through i t s assoc iat ion with the c h a l i c e . Since the th i r t eenth century, the wine of the cha l i ce had been f i rmly understood as miraculously transforming into the actual blood of Chr i s t during the e u c h a r i s t i c r i t e . Theologians had establ ished a s p e c i f i c r e l a t i o n s h i p between the blood of the cha l i ce and that of the side-wound, and both forms were understood as a mixture of blood and water that was capable of c leansing s i n s . ' " ' ° The cha l i ce blood, which was repeatedly before the worshipper in the e u c h a r i s t i c r i t e , was l i t e r a l l y drunk by the pr i e s t at communion in an act ion directed s p e c i f i c a l l y at the p u r i f i c a t i o n of s in s . The mystery and perceived power of both forms of blood was heightened by t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r i n a c c e s s i b i l i t y . The blood r e l i c , though concrete and tangible in form, was completely inacces s ib l e to the worshipper. Though i t could be seen, suppl icated to and become a 34 s p e c i f i c object of p i lgr image, i t could not be touched or drunk. S i m i l a r l y , though the cha l i ce could be seen, the transformation "observed" and the p r i e s t ' s consumption viewed, the blood of the cha l i ce remained unavai lable to the worshipper. Lay p a r t i c i p a t i o n in communion was prohib i ted in most areas through the century and unequivocal ly banned in 1462 by Pope Pius I I . ^ For a l l i t s t a n g i b i l i t y , blood and i t s attendant mystery and power remained f i rmly out of the lay worshipper's phys ica l grasp. 41 As Maj -Br i t Wadell notes, i t was the p a r t i c u l a r i n a c c e s s i b i l i t y o-f C h r i s t ' s blood, tempered by i t s paradox ica l ly constant a v a i l a b i l i t y , that made i t such an intense focus of devotional des i re . In Wadell 's words, Die e inzige Mogl ichke i t , mit dem Unerreichbaren in BerDhrung zu kommen, war danach die V i s i o n , die W i r k l i c h k e i t gewordene Traum. (The only p o s s i b i l i t y for coming in contact with the unattainable was through the v i s i o n , r e a l i t y having become dream.)"" Pr ivate devotions, and in p a r t i c u l a r the meditative v i s i o n , provided the lay worshipper with the means for experiencing the blood and i t s p u r i f i c a t o r y e f f ec t s . In addi t ion to Passion r e l i c s and r e l i c s of C h r i s t ' s blood, the Host, as the supreme Chr i s t r e l i c , provided a tangible focus that provoked and responded to fa sc ina t ion with the s a c r i f i c e of C h r i s t . In contrast to other c h r i s t o l o g i c a l r e l i c s , the Host was a " l i v i n g " r e l i c in which Chr i s t became myst i ca l ly manifest through a process of transformation. It could be l i t e r a l l y venerated as the concrete embodiment of C h r i s t ' s d iv ine presence on earth . The transformation of the Host and cha l i ce functioned as the v i sual focus in the l i t u r g i c a l enactment of the central doctr ine of C h r i s t i a n theology - - the mystery of the Euchar i s t . The euchar i s t i c mystery provided the essent ia l means through which Bod became manifest on earth . Through the act ions of a p r i e s t at the a l t a r , Chr i s t was bel ieved to become l i t e r a l l y present in the sacramental bread and wine by a process known as t ransubs tant ia t ion . It was also the means through which roan could communicate with God and receive his d iv ine grace. The of fer ing of the Eucharis t in s a c r i f i c e to God was bel ieved to resu l t in 42 the dispensation of grace through the pr i e s t to the l a i t y . The impl i ca t ions of the euchar i s t i c mystery were enormous. Not only did the sacramental r i t e cons t i tu te the occurrence of a contemporary mirac le , and on a repeat basis no l e s s , but the miracle produced a power that conveyed a redemptive e f fec t iveness . In many regions of Europe church attendance was s l i p p i n g as l i t u r g i c a l complexit ies distanced the congregation and a l ternate devotional approaches emerged. The Euchar i s t , however, remained and became more prominent as an object of f a s c i n a t i o n , wonder and awe.'J^ The esca la t ing prominence of the Eucharis t in the f i f t e en th century was given s p e c i f i c impetus by the Church which f a c i l i t a t e d the widespread propoundment of the e u c h a r i s t i c message. The basic theo log ica l doctr ines and l i t u r g i c a l prac t i ces connected with the Eucharist had been set in place in the th ir teenth and fourteenth •38 centuries."' C h r i s t ' s presence was both l o c a l i z e d in the bread and wine and es tabl i shed as a tangible r e a l i t y that became myst i ca l ly manifest 39 through the process of t r a n s u b s t a n t i a t i o n . During the f i f t e en th century, the mystery of the Eucharist and i t s immense s i g n i f i c a n c e and power was f o r c e f u l l y conveyed to the l a i t y in terms that were both comprehendable and c a p t i v a t i n g . The d o c t r i n a l abstract became a concrete r e a l i t y that was dramat ica l ly operative in the present. L i t u r g i c a l r i t u a l s such as the Corpus C h r i s t i process ion, which had been celebrated s p o r a d i c a l l y by pr ivate organizat ions s ince the th ir teenth century, became systematized, accelerated and elaborated 40 under Church c o n t r o l . The procession was given great impetus by 41 indulgences attached to i t in 1429 by Martin V. Eugene IV la ter 43 increased the indulgences and expanded the ceremony to include c i v i c involvement, e s tab l i sh ing the procession as a repeated presentat ion o-f 42 the Host by the j o i n t power o-f Church and State . The procession became a vibrant spectacle in which the mystery was propagated in v i v i d and e n t h r a l l i n g terms. fit Viterbo in 1462, for example, the Host was paraded amid elaborate r e l i g i o u s tableaux-vivants as well as a cascading fountain of blood. These were enter ta in ing images that gave v i sua l 43 d e f i n i t i o n to the mystery. At the same time, fa sc ina t ion was fostered through the d i sp lay of the reserved Sacrament where the body and blood of Chr i s t was presented 44 as an object of c u l t . Interest became so extreme that even the unconsecrated Host became a focus for devotions. Churches, chapels and a l t a r s were increas ing ly dedicated to the Sacrament, br inging the Eucharis t into ever more conspicuous prominence, and lay c o n f r a t e r n i t i e s 45 emerged in large numbers in honour of the Corpus C h r i s t i . Within the Church, the l i t u r g y of the Mass gave increas ing emphasis to the r e a l i t y of both the miraculous transformation and the e u c h a r i s t i c s a c r i f i c e . Concepts that had o r i g i n a l l y formed a s i g n i f i c a n t part of the euchar i s t i c message — the idea of thanksgiving, communion and the commemoration of Calvary — were ec l ipsed in the l i t u r g y by an emphasis on mystery and s a c r i f i c e . ^ Transubstant iat ion was the moment to which a l l aspects of the Mass were d i r e c t e d , a culminating point that was s ingled out through the act of e levat ion by the p r i e s t . The s a c r i f i c e of the Eucharis t was not simply a symbolic h i s t o r i c a l reference, but an actual occurrence that was effected in the present. The p r i e s t was understood as the intermediary between Sod and 44 the congregation, the p r i v i l e g e d mortal who l i t e r a l l y o-ffered the body of Chr i s t in s a c r i f i c e to Bod and who a c t i v e l y bestowed Bod's grace on 47 the observing f a i t h f u l . The r e a l i t y of the euchar i s t i c r i t e as the actual s a c r i f i c e of C h r i s t ' s blood and body, which found increas ing ly v i v i d emphasis through the f i f t e en th century, was dramatized by the theo log ica l concept of the "altare duplex" or double a l t a r . The "altare duple;:" was an idea that had been developed by theologians between the ninth and twelfth centuries and retained a spec ia l currency through the f i f t e en th 48 century. The basic premise of the conception was that as the e u c h a r i s t i c s a c r i f i c e was being performed on earth , a simultaneous s a c r i f i c e of C h r i s t ' s body and blood was occurring on the c e l e s t i a l 49 a l t a r in heaven. In theo log ica l terms, the concept provided an important complement to the E u c h a r i s t ' s r e l a t i o n to C h r i s t ' s s a c r i f i c e at Calvary. It extended the meaning of the s a c r i f i c i a l r i t e to include references to C h r i s t ' s r e s u r r e c t i on, ascension and triumph over death. At the same time, however, i t provided a theo log ica l basis for the idea of the e u c h a r i s t i c r i t u a l as an actual s a c r i f i c e of Chr i s t that was occurring in the present. L i t u r g i c a l r i t u a l stressed the concept of the double a l t a r through the act ions of the deacons, who waved c loths in front of the a l t a r in emulation of the wings of adminis trat ing angels at the c e l e s t i a l Mass above. S i m i l a r l y , the act of e levat ion was underlined as both a gesture of d i sp lay and as a transport ing act ion that would be mys t i ca l l y continued by an angel that would bring the Eucharist to the heavenly altar.""* The double a l t a r concept conveyed a powerful contemporaneity upon the e u c h a r i s t i c s a c r i f i c e that was in turn 45 ampli f ied by the concerted propoundment of the power and r e a l i t y of C h r i s t ' s presence. In conjunction with the i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of in teres t in the many aspects of C h r i s t ' s suf fer ing and the push toward understanding the s a c r i f i c e in comprehendable terms, i n t e l l e c t u a l inquiry focussed increas ing ly on expla ining and def ining the mystery of C h r i s t . As the sequence of martyrdom became ref ined and the myriad of C h r i s t ' s bodyparts catalogued, theologians attempted to provide an i n t e l l e c t u a l r a t i o n a l e for minute components of the mystery. Small points of disagreement erupted into heated disputes as the f iner aspects of C h r i s t ' s human existence and death were examined with microscopic i n t e n s i t y . The mendicant orders , who were vying for pos i t ion within the i n t e l l e c t u a l , r e l i g i o u s and c i v i c mi l i eus , were powerful players in the theo log ica l battleground of the f i f t eenth century. In p a r t i c u l a r , the topic of C h r i s t ' s blood became a prominent issue in the per iod . While the i n t r i c a c i e s of transformation were explored in debates such as that of the Immaculate Conception, the question of the nature of C h r i s t ' s blood received h a i r - s p l i t t i n g 52 examination through the Holy Blood Controversy. A The question of the nature of the blood that was shed at the C r u c i f i x i o n was the subject of an old debate between the Dominican and Franciscan Orders. Under the reign of Pope Clement VI , the Franciscans had challenged the standard view that the shed blood had remained d iv ine through the three days before the Resurrec t ion . They maintained that i t had not, in f a c t , remained hypostat ica l1y united with the Bodhead. Though the Dominicans, who took up the argument for d i v i n i t y , were v i c t o r i o u s in the d e c i s i o n , 46 intens ive d iscuss ion continued in the u n i v e r s i t i e s and the Franciscan view was approved in the 1440's by a commission of theologians." 1 , 1 Smoldering unresolved, a fu l l -b lown dispute was sparked by a publ ic confrontat ion between a Franciscan and Dominican preacher in Bresc ia in 1462. So vehement was the c la sh , that the dispute was re ferred to Rome where a debate was held before the Pope who, not wishing to offend e i ther order over such a s ens i t i ve t o p i c , avoided a s p e c i f i c dec is ion s ta t ing simply that the Franciscan view was not h e r e t i c a l and that a l l d i scuss ion was to cease. The Holy Blood Controversy brought a number of the dimensions of the meaning of C h r i s t ' s s a c r i f i c e into view, prompting an i n t e l l e c t u a l c l a r i f i c a t i o n of the way in which the var ie ty of aspects re la ted as a whole. The question of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the cha l i c e and the shed blood was s p e c i f i c a l l y addressed and by general consensus the two were seen as the same e n t i t y . ^ At the same time, blood r e l i c s were establ i shed as serving an important function in the enticement of worshippers to the attainment of e u c h a r i s t i c grace. The Holy Blood Controversy gathered together the many facets of s a c r i f i c e as they had become tangibly expressed and provided a composite theo log ica l r a t i o n a l e for the i r existence. I n t e l l e c t u a l explorat ion of the many dimensions of C h r i s t ' s s a c r i f i c e and the dr ive to make the meaning of the s a c r i f i c e comprehendable in human terms was further extended through the humanist movement. Humanists of the period focussed on the study of pagan philosophy, the judaic Kabbala and Egyptian r e l i g i o u s t r a d i t i o n s as a means of chart ing the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between r e l i g i o n s that were a l l 47 bel ieved to reveal a great t r u t h . C h r i s t ' s s a c r i f i c e was seen as the one, true s a c r i f i c e to which the universa l truths inherent in a l l r e l i g i o n s were u l t imate ly r e l a t e d . Events of the pagan past and the ideas of non-Chr i s t ian philosophy and r e l i g i o n provided extended means for understanding the meaning of the s a c r i f i c e and the impl i ca t ions of C h r i s t ' s martyrdom and s u f f e r i n g . Through the f i f t e en th century, devotion to the su f fer ing Chr i s t was informed by an increas ing ly complex set of a s soc ia t ions . Explorat ions into the many dimensions of the s a c r i f i c e of Chr i s t that were developing within the complex of r e l i g i o u s and i n t e l l e c t u a l currents produced an expanding conception with extended meanings and i m p l i c a t i o n s . The mult ip le aspects of s a c r i f i c e that emerged in the period in turn found expression in imagery that was designed to function in the context of devotions to C h r i s t . Images in the sphere of both pr ivate and publ ic devotions responded in p a r t i c u l a r terms to the expanding emphases of p i e ty . I___PC_Y.§_e_Deyot _ona__Image During the f i f t e en th century, a wide var ie ty of images deal ing with the theme of C h r i s t ' s su f fer ing emerged in response to the needs of an expanding pr ivate p ie ty . Through the century, changes occurred in both the form and content of devotional imagery that al igned with the s h i f t i n g emphasis of meditative piety as i t was expressed and c u l t i v a t e d in devotional l i t e r a t u r e . The motif of the "Man of Borrows," the central meditative type of the per iod , was subjected to a number of 48 modif icat ions and adaptations that expanded the meaning of the type and brought i t into a number of new contexts. Though the o r i g i n s of meditative p r a c t i c e , which were rooted in the theology of St . Bernard, had stressed meditation as an "imageless devot ion," by the f i f t eenth century the image had become establ i shed as an in tegra l part of pr ivate d e v o t i o n s . ^ On the one hand, the mystic movement had recognized images as playing a formative ro l e in the evocation of v i s i o n s . With the d i f f u s i o n of mysticism into lay c i r c l e s , the image was accepted as serving a leg i t imate function in the lowest 58 step in the process toward imageless contemplation. On the other hand, as Sixten Ringbom has observed, a b l u r r i n g of boundaries had occurred between Augustine's t r a d i t i o n a l model of three modes of s ight 59 — corporea l , s p i r i t u a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l . D i s t i n c t i o n s between ,> corporeal s i g h t , where the image was seen by the eye, and s p i r i t u a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l s ight , where the image was seen in the mind, became increas ing ly ambiguous in the s p i r i t u a l guide l ines of the f i f t eenth century. Thomas a Kempis, for example, urged the reader to focus prayers on an "image" of the Lord without s p e c i f i c a t i o n as to whether the image was rea l or imagined. S i m i l a r l y , prayer books and Books of Hours encouraged the reader to pray to an image of the V i r g i n or C h r i s t , again with no d i s t i n c t i o n between mental and physical i m a g e r y . ^ The devotional image came to function increas ing ly as a r e c i p i e n t of prayers , as an incitement to devotion and as a model for the in terna l contemplative v i s i o n . The devotional image functioned within the context of pr iva te piety as an empathic stimulus to meditat ion. Used in conjunction with 49 devotional l i t e r a t u r e , the image was intended as a v i sua l incitement to devotion that could bring the meditating i n d i v i d u a l toward the desired goal of contemplation, an elevated state of mind where images were no longer n e c e s s a r y . ^ Devotional images took a var ie ty of forms in the f i f t e en th century and were used in a number of s i t u a t i o n s . Printed meditative images often formed an accompaniment to the devotional book, appearing in conjunction with graphic descr ipt ions of the Passion or with meditative guides in the contemplation of s p e c i f i c aspects of C h r i s t ' s immolation. They were often acquired i n d i v i d u a l l y as pi lgrimage souvenirs or as images re la ted to a p a r t i c u l a r indulgence. The more expensive painted panels, which in some workshops became e f f e c t i v e l y "mass-produced," were often hung in the bed area or on the wall of the bedroom (Figs . 3 and 4 ) . Wealthier homes often contained a separate room or chapel where the images could e i ther be placed on the 6^  wall or on a domestic a l t a r " (F ig . 5). Pr ivate imagery that was designed to function in meditations on the suf fer ing of Chr i s t responded to the emphases of p iety that developed through the century. In p a r t i c u l a r , the p i c t o r i a l type of the "Man of Sorrows" was modified and recast in a number of ro les that appealed to the expanding dimensions and changing needs of pr ivate devotion. Of Byzantine o r i g i n , the "Man of Sorrows" had come to the West in the th ir teenth century and through the fo l lowing century became widely disseminated throughout E u r o p e . ^ J By the f i f t e en th century, i t was an es tabl i shed p i c t o r i a l type that was used extens ive ly in the r e l i g i o u s imagery of both I ta ly and northern Europe. The e a r l i e s t Western examples of the type follow the format of Byzantine icons, 50 showing Chr i s t h a l f - l e n g t h , as i f on the cross or l a i d out for bur ia l (F ig . 52). Naked and emaciated, with the arms folded across the body, the pose allowed the wounds in the hands and s ide to be c l e a r l y v i s i b l e . Removed from the h i s t o r i c a l context of the Passion, the "Man of Sorrows" presented the theme of C h r i s t ' s su f fer ing as an object of devotion. Both the p i c t o r i a l formula and the thematic content of the "Man of Sorrows" was p a r t i c u l a r l y appropriate for the f i f t eenth century pr ivate devotional context. The "close-up" format of the image was we l l - su i t ed to a meditat ional s i t u a t i o n where a highly i n d i v i d u a l encounter with the d iv ine was the intended goal . As Sixten Ringbom observes, Its character of a "close-up" gave to meditation the immediacy of a quiet conversat ion; i t had the "nearness" so dear to the Bod-seeking devout." The closeness of the f igure of C h r i s t , unmediated by p i c t o r i a l space or extraneous d e t a i l , supplied a framework for empathic i n t e r a c t i o n . Unencumbered by the act ion and i n t e r a c t i o n of a narrat ive scene, the f igure could funct ion in an intimate r e l a t i o n s h i p with the viewer. Action was subsumed by expression, g iv ing emphasis to the emotional aspect of the image and the viewer was encouraged to react empathical ly to the f igure of C h r i s t . ^ At the same time, the thematic emphasis of the image on the suf fer ing and humi l i ty of Chr i s t appealed to the ascet ic and renunciatory s t r a i n of devotions that was rooted in a mendicant s p i r i t u a l i t y . The pervasiveness of these themes as an informing agent in devotional subjects of the period is witnessed by the extreme popu lar i ty , not only of the "Man of Sorrows," but also of images of ascet ic sa int s such as the Magdalen, John the Baptis t and St . Jerome. 51 The sa ints were commonly represented in meditational imagery as the " imitat io c h r i s t i " in the form of penitents and hermits who emulated the human suf fer ing of C h r i s t . As narrat ive d e t a i l and the i n t r i c a t e aspects of physical su f fer ing became increas ing ly important devotional components in C h r i s t -centred meditat ions, the p i c t o r i a l type of the "Man of Sorrows" underwent a var i e ty of modi f icat ions . In some cases, the ha l f - l ength framework was retained and a l tered i n t e r n a l l y to meet s h i f t i n g meditat ional demands. Since the ear ly f i f t eenth century, the "Man of Sorrows" type as used in the West had often included accompanying f igures such as the V i r g i n , angels and the V i r g i n and St . John. The V i r g i n was often paired with the "Man of Sorrows" in a d ip tych , which would then funct ion as a r e c i p i e n t for "Aves" and "Pater N o s t e r s . " ^ The use of angels c a r r i e d a l l u s i o n s to b u r i a l as seen on the Byzantine l i t u r g i c a l coverings known as "epi taphio l" , one of the prototypes for the i m a g e . ^ The angels began to funct ion a c t i v e l y in presenting the body to the viewer and as intermediar ies who could offer to God the prayers that were received by the image. The V i r g i n and St. John made reference to the h i s t o r i c a l C r u c i f i x i o n . Through the century, the V i r g i n was increas ing ly developed as the sorrowing mother to whom the viewer could r e l a t e as a model. Further , the V i r g i n and St . John became despondent mourners whose expression of gr i e f encouraged an empathic 68 response. The Chr i s t i t s e l f was developed as a f igure of human 69 despair whose physiognomy expressed a range of emotions. The "Man of Sorrows" type also allowed for adaptation in order to s tress s p e c i f i c d e t a i l s of phys ica l immolation that had become a focus 52 of devot ion. With the wounds emphasized, the image could be used as a stimulus to the veneration o-f the wounds. Like the popular devotional p r i n t s known as the "FunfwundenbiId," the "Man of Sorrows" offered the wounds as a p i e t i s t i c d isplay that was removed from the h i s t o r i c a l c o n t e x t ^ (F ig . 6) . At the same time, the image could be embellished with the instruments of martyrdom to become the "Arma C h r i s t i , " where the implements of torment would funct ion as memory images that could take the viewer through the i n d i v i d u a l steps of the Passion (F ig . 7). The standard "Arma C h r i s t i " image, where the instruments are l a i d out in a diagrammatic d i s p l a y , provided the viewer with an emblematic conf igurat ion on which to meditate (F ig . 8) . Through combining the "Man of Sorrows" with the martyr ia l d i sp lay , the image would be transformed into a more empathic stimulus to devotion. In other instances , the "Man of Sorrows" could be shown f u l l -length as an appropriate rec ip i en t of devotions to the s ing le limbs of C h r i s t . The f u l l - l e n g t h image could then be inserted in an "Arma C h r i s t i " image to provide an expanded p i e t i s t i c package (F ig . 9). The type was also at times reformulated to focus s p e c i f i c a l l y on C h r i s t ' s blood. The "Fons P i e t a t i s , " for example, shows the "Man of Sorrows" pos i t ioned in front of a b l o o d - f i l l e d tomb pressing blood from the wound in his s ide (F ig . 10). The motif could s i m i l a r l y be transformed into an "Ecce Homo" or, with the addi t ion of a supporting God the Father, into an image of the " T r i n i t y . " In addi t ion to an increas ing thematic complexity and a d a p t a b i l i t y , the devotional "Man of Sorrows" became imbued with a spec ia l power through the l a t t e r half of the century. The form in which the "Man of 53 Sorrows" was introduced in the West was s p e c i f i c a l l y based on an icon in Rome to which Pope Gregory the Great had attached an indulgence (F ig . 52). Legend held that , after seeing a v i s ion of Chr i s t while ce lebrat ing Mass, Gregory had commissioned an image to which indulgence 72 was promised to a l l those who prayed before i t . With the esca lat ion of the indulgence market and the increas ing equation of the indulgence with the "remission from s in" , the Gregorian "Man of Sorrows" type was understood as an e f f ec t ive indulgence image by the second half of the century.''"' S i m i l a r l y , as Sixten Ringbom has observed, v a r i a t i o n s on the Gregorian "Man of Sorrows" were understood as equal ly e f f e c t i v e 74 r e c i p i e n t s of the indulgence prayers . Moreover, the new combinations in which the "Man of Sorrows" was placed could in some cases amplify the indulgence potent ia l of the image when two indulgence concepts were merged in a s ing le image. For example, the "Arma C h r i s t i , " which also had an indulgence attached to i t , when joined with the "Man of Sorrows" became a dual-powered r e c i p i e n t of indulgence prayers that could convey a considerable indulgence ef fect ( F i g . 7 ) . ^ Graphic images, which along with devotional l i t e r a t u r e reached an expanded market through the p r i n t i n g press, were important in both the dissemination of indulgences and the increas ing m a l l e a b i l i t y of the "Man of Sorrows" type. Printed imagery, which was widely produced and disseminated from northern centres in Germany and Flanders , represented the "Man of Sorrows" in an amazing array of combinations that responded in highly s p e c i f i c terms to p a r t i c u l a r devotional needs. Fasc inat ion with the wounds, blood and limbs could be serviced cheaply and 54 emphatical ly through the devotional p r i n t , using the "Man of Sorrows" in a var ie ty of guises as the p i c t o r i a l base. An i n d i v i d u a l could own several d i f f e r e n t types of images that could be used for d i f f erent purposes. Indulgence images could begin with the "Man of Sorrows" and be a l tered or expanded to more s p e c i f i c a l l y v i s u a l i z e the indulgence concept. S h o r t - l i v e d trends that would not have been addressed in the paint ing market could f ind expression in the p r i n t which did not require the long-term cons iderat ions of the more expensive pr ivate panel . S t y l i s t i c a l l y , the p r i n t medium responded to the increas ing ly a f f e c t i v e emphasis of la ter f i f t eenth century piety by providing an immediate and v i v i d l y graphic depic t ion of the suf fer ing C h r i s t . The l i n e a r i t y of the medium, which in the wood-block became an angular and aggressive de l ineat ion of the f i g u r e , was i d e a l l y suited for the presentat ion of a b r u t a l l y anguished image of the "Man of Sorrows" type emphasizing the horror of C h r i s t ' s phys ica l immolation (F ig . 12). The agony of the f i g u r e , s t a r k l y presented in black and white, was occas iona l ly h ighl ighted by the addi t ion of a vibrant red to the wounds or blood that v i s u a l l y heightened the compelling qua l i ty of the images 7 6 (F ig . 10). At the same time, the l inear aspect of the pr in t could funct ion to r e i n f o r c e the sacred and ine f fab le qua l i ty of the d iv ine f i g u r e . In a pr in t of Chr i s t and the V i r g i n , for example, l i n e serves to e s tab l i sh the f igures as abstract forms, r e c a l l i n g the s ty l e of the Byzantine icon . For a l l t h e i r suf fer ing and compassion, the f igures remain l i k e the personnage of the icon as d i s t i n c t l y sacred e n t i t i e s who do not exis t in the viewer's r e a l i t y (F ig . 13). 55 The pr in t was also a vehic le for the transmission of s p e c i f i c formal modes of representat ion from one region to another. Developments in Flemish representat ions of the suf fer ing C h r i s t , for example, were immediately adopted in the p r i n t i n g centres of Flanders where they became disseminated to other regions of Europe. The turn of the Chr i s t f igure at the waist, which was developed in the work of Rogier van der Weyden and his school , can be c i ted as one example that was broadly a d o p t e d . 7 7 I n i t i a l l y , the turn of the body was incorporated into Flemish p r i n t s of the suf fer ing Chr i s t (F ig . 14). It contr ibuted a p a r t i c u l a r poignancy to the Chr i s t f igure and extended the human aspect of C h r i s t ' s s a c r i f i c e beyond the concept of brute horror . The turn of the waist allowed the body of Chr i s t to be bent gently in a curve to convey the add i t iona l idea of a humble and passive acceptance of s u f f e r i n g . From Flanders , the Rogerian motif quickly spread v ia the pr in t to Germany where, in the pr in t centres to the south, i t became incorporated into graphic images of the "Man of Borrows." In addi t ion to the de l i ca te curve of the waist, the f a c i a l features of Chr i s t showed an increas ing ly carefu l de l ineat ion reminiscent of both Flemish pr in t s 78 and the school of Rogier (Figs . 15 and 16). Aspects of Flemish s t y l e , which reached t h e i r peak of inf luence in south German p r i n t s during the 79 1460's and 70's , served both to expand the s t y l i s t i c vocabulary of the p r i n t medium and to imbue p a r t i c u l a r images of the "Man of Sorrows" with an extended empathic appeal . The character of the "Man of Sorrows" as a v i sua l compilat ion of devotional s t i m u l i , which found p a r t i c u l a r expression in the pr in t medium in the l a t t e r half of the century, re la te s to the developments 56 that have been discussed with regard to devotional l i t e r a t u r e . The crea t ive composite of suf fer ing that appears in devotional texts of the period f inds a v i sua l complement in the increas ing ly complex and a f f e c t i v e "Man of Sorrows" images that were emerging at the same time. The "process of aggregation and amalgamation" that was occurr ing in the l i t e r a t u r e of meditation was given a p i c t o r i a l equivalent in the v i sua l excerpt ing , embellishment and reformulat ion of the "Man of Sorrows" 80 type. In th i s sense, devotional s t i m u l i , both textual and v i s u a l , would have functioned together to provide a compelling incitement to med i tat i on.^ * S i m i l a r l y , as the narrat ive element of the Passion t r a c t became increas ing ly de ta i l ed and s p e c i f i c about the p a r t i c u l a r locat ions of C h r i s t ' s torments, the "Man of Sorrows" began to be placed in d i s t i n c t and i d e n t i f i a b l e s e t t ings . Not unexpectedly, the v e r s a t i l e "Man of Sorrows," as the p i c t o r i a l epitome of C h r i s t ' s s u f f e r i n g , was often 82 adapted to be incorporated into a s ta t ion of the Passion. Conversely, the a h i s t o r i c a l "Man of Sorrows" began to appear in devotional images 83 within a landscape s e t t i n g . Landscape served to make the "Man of Sorrows" more humanly r e l a t a b l e as an object of meditat ion. On the one hand, the f igure remained removed from the h i s t o r i c a l context of the Passion in that a s p e c i f i c s ta t ion was not represented (Figs . 17 and 18). The Chr i s t f igure was maintained as a mystical image of the " l i v i n g " Chr i s t after his death — an intercessory f igure who existed in the present. The landscape was usual ly modelled after l oca l scenery and often included a 57 conteinporary c i t y in the background. The contemporary nature o-f the se t t ing made the f igure of Chr i s t more access ib le to the meditating 84 viewer through the commonality of a shared environment. The image appropriated the narrat ive effect of the Passion image without compromising the a h i s t o r i c a l qua l i ty of the "Man of Sorrows." The p i c t o r i a l type of the f u l l - l e n g t h bleeding Chr i s t with the instruments of martyrdom existed in the pr ivate devotional context of the second half the f i f t eenth century as a complex and powerful meditative motif . The product of aggregation and c r o s s - f e r t i l i z a t i o n , the type was a p i e t i s t i c pastiche of a f f ec t ing devotional cues that responded to the increas ing ly intense and passionate form of l a t er f i f t e en th century C h r i s t - c e n t r e d meditat ions. Developed in the monastic realm, and la ter in the lay sector as a v i s ionary prototype, the type brought to the devotional image a p a r t i c u l a r potency that heightened both the immediacy and the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of the meditative experience. The motif of the f u l l - l e n g t h bleeding Chr i s t had i n i t i a l l y been embraced by the r e l i g i o u s orders as an appropriate r e c i p i e n t for the ir 85 devotions. The dynamics of the monastic r e l a t i o n s h i p with the image type i s wel1-i11ustrated in a la ter f i f t eenth century wood-cut of Jesus a t t rac t ing_the_Fa i th fu l_Hear t (F ig . 19). The tonsured monk in the image i s presented with a choice between Chr i s t and the dev i l while an angel holds up a banderole reminding the monk of the Last Judgement. The d e v i l ' s of fer of money i s countered by C h r i s t ' s example as the "Man of Sorrows" which the monk, in the ro le of humble a s c e t i c , has chosen to fo l low. The image underl ines both the t a n g i b i l i t y of the monastic devotional encounter, where the c l e r i c i s l i t e r a l l y pul led toward Chris t 58 by a rope, and the concept of " imi tat io c h r i s t i , " which was an inherent part of monastic s p i r i t u a l i t y . In t h i s sense, the bleeding Chr i s t with the instruments of martyrdom was both an empathic image and an appropriate representat ion of the monastic idea l s of s u f f e r i n g , humi l i ty and renunc ia t ion . The popular i ty of the type among monastics i s suggested by the large number of images that survive where the Chr is t type i s represented in the presence of a monk or nun. The type appears for example in a manuscript in Brussels in the presence of two nuns, in a German diptych before a monk, in a Flemish panel in the company of both an angel and a monk and, in a paint ing by Carlo C r i v e l l i , with the f igure of St . 86 Franc i s himself (Figs . 20 and 21). Both the Flemish panel , which was o r i g i n a l l y in the Renders c o l l e c t i o n , and the paint ing by C r i v e l l i give spec ia l emphasis to the blood that flows from C h r i s t ' s side-wound. In the Renders image, Chr i s t a c t i v e l y squeezes the blood from the wound and in the C r i v e l l i image, i t i s l i t e r a l l y caught in the cha l i ce held by St . Franc i s. The idea of the meditative s i t u a t i o n i s emphasized as an important aspect of both works. In the Renders panel , the monk i s presented in the act of meditation with the prayerbook open on his lap . The f igure of C h r i s t , as well as the angel carry ing the Column of F l a g e l l a t i o n , i s to be understood as funct ioning as an in tegra l part of the meditat ions. In C r i v e l l i ' s p a i n t i n g , St . Franc is i s sharing an intimate moment with the Chr is t f igure in keeping with the idea of meditation as a very pr ivate devotional experience. Neither the Chr i s t f igure nor St. 59 Franc i s extend the i n t e r a c t i o n to the viewer, but rather contain the 87 encounter between themselves. The p i c t o r i a l type o-f the f u l l - l e n g t h bleeding Chr i s t also became imbued in the monastic context with d i s t i n c t l y v i s ionary as soc ia t ions . In the Renders panel , the Chr i s t f igure i s presented as a v i s i o n that has ev ident ly been conjured through the meditations of the monk. The v i s ionary qua l i ty of the Chr i s t f igure i s stressed by the rays of l i g h t that emanate from the body and penetrate the s t a r r y darkness. The g lassy , disconnected stare of the monk confirms the character of the Chr i s t f igure as a meditative v i s i o n . The monk i s not s tar ing in earthly terms at the f igure of C h r i s t , but rather sees the v i s ion in his 88 mind's eye as a product of the contemplative process. The pervasiveness of the type as a v i s ionary prototype probably re la te s to i t s popular i ty in northern Europe as a p i c t o r i a l type for the v i s ion of St . Gregory the Great. In pa int ings , p r i n t s , manuscripts and metal r e l i e f s , the type was used extens ive ly to i l l u s t r a t e the d iv ine manifestation that appeared before Gregory in the course of h is famous Mass (Figs . 22 and 23) The s i g n i f i c a n c e of the type as the v i s ion- form of a renowned h i s t o r i c a l appearance may have given i t a heightened importance and appeal . As Craig Harbison has noted, i t was a popular prac t i ce in the f i f t e en th century to co-opt the v i s ions of famous people. Large numbers of images from the period show patrons experiencing the v i s i ons of sa ints such as St . Catherine , St . Franc is 89 and Augustus and the S iby l as well as St . Gregory. The rewards of t h i s kind of s e l f - i d e n t i f i c a t i o n ranged from an elevated s e l f -percept ion in terms of status and sanc t i ty to the p o s s i b i l i t y of a c t u a l l y 60 90 experiencing the desired v i s i o n . The type also appears in a s l i g h t l y a l tered -form in another famous v i s ion context. As a lay v i s i o n , i t appears to the Duchess Margaret of York in a manuscript of the period (F ig . 24). In t h i s instance, the s u b s t i t u t i o n of the cross of the re surrec t ion for that of the c r u c i f i x i o n transforms the suf fer ing C h r i s t , who s t i l l d i sp lays his wounds to Margaret, into an image of the r i s en C h r i s t . Consequently, Margaret takes the ro le of the V i r g i n , to 91 whom the appar i t ion o r i g i n a l l y appeared. The v i s ionary aspect of the type can be l inked to the frequent appearance of the f u l l - l e n g t h bleeding Chr i s t as a manifestation in monastic v i s i o n s . J u l i a n of Norwich, for example, recorded in her "Sixteen Revelations" that the f igure appeared to her and continued to 92 be present throughout her r e v e l a t i o n s . S i m i l a r l y , Catherine of Genoa, in her conversion of 1473, spoke of the appearance of Chr i s t "with the cross on His shoulder and covered with streams of blood that seems to 93 flow out into the room." The prevalence of the f igure in v i s ions may well have contributed to the popular i ty of the p i c t o r i a l type in devotional imagery. The type would have been imbued with a heightened mystical charge through i t s assoc iat ion with the v i s i o n . Conversely, the p i c t o r i a l type may ac tua l ly have been understood as a prototype for v i s ions - - a v i sua l model for a desired manifestat ion. In his a r t i c l e on the connection between art and pr ivate devotions, Sixten Ringbom has explored the idea that meditat ional images contributed to the form of miraculous v i s i o n s . In p a r t i c u l a r , Ringbom l i n k s the v i s ions of J u l i a n of Norwich and Catherine of Genoa to s p e c i f i c images in the ir possession. In the case of Catherine , he notes 61 the s i m i l a r i t y between a "Man of Sorrows" image that she owned and her v i s ion of the bleeding C h r i s t . Further , he observes that the image form may have given impetus to the transformation of the Chr i s t f igure to a C r u c i f i x that she recorded as having occurred in her v i s i o n . Ringbom suggests that the p a r t i c u l a r nature of the "Man of Sorrows" as a transformable motif may have contributed to the funct ion of the image as a v i s i o n prototype. By v i r tue of i t s m a l l e a b i l i t y and composite character , the "Man of Sorrows" could serve as a model throughout the 94 transformati ons. By the l a t t e r half of the century, the p i c t o r i a l type of the f u l l -length bleeding Chr i s t had become establ i shed as an evocative motif o f f er ing a range of meditative s t imul i that could be varied to su i t p a r t i c u l a r demands. It could be inserted into new se t t ings and into a var ie ty of r e l a t i o n s h i p s with accompanying f igures to convey extended ideas. At the same time, as a v i s ionary prototype, i t could serve the meditating viewer's quest for a miraculous v i s i o n . Ib§_Li£urgical_Image The p i c t o r i a l type of the f u l l - l e n g t h bleeding C h r i s t f i r s t appeared in the church se t t ing in a group of Tuscan images in the early 95 f i f t e en th century. The type had appeared e a r l i e r at Viterbo in conjunction with an image of the V i r g i n and in a modified form in Masolino's work in San Stefano at Empoli . What was to become the standard Tuscan conception i s f i r s t evidenced in a paint ing a t t r ibuted to Mariotto di Cr is to fano (1393-1457) for the high a l t a r of Sta . Lucia 62 in San Giovanni Valdarno (F ig . 30). The Sta . Lucia image, which shows the cross -hear ing Chr i s t between St. Lucy and the V i r g i n , has been acknowledged as the essent ia l prototype -for la ter Tuscan versions in view o-f i t s prominent locat ion in the church and in a c e n t r a l l y - s i t u a t e d 96 c i t y in the Arno v a l l e y . The -formal aspects of the Chr i s t f i g u r e , which were to become standard features of the Tuscan type, are the f ronta l pose, the t i l t of the head to the r ight and the downward glance. In a d d i t i o n , the c h a l i c e on the f loor i s introduced as a receptacle for the stream of blood from the side-wound. Most important ly , the sweeping gesture of the r ight arm, character ized as the " l iba t ion" pose by Panofsky, appears in response to the mot i f ' s function in the church 97 s e t t i n g . The open gesture represents a departure from the Byzantine "Man of Sorrows" icon and i t s var iants in that i t s p e c i f i c a l l y addresses the publ ic s i t u a t i o n of the type. It extends the o f f er ing of Chr i s t to the community of worshippers in the church in accordance with the i n s t i t u t i o n a l s t ructure of c o l l e c t i v e devotion. The p i c t o r i a l formula, which continued to be used in a l tar imagery, began to be represented without attendant f igures in works such as a paint ing for an a l t a r - t a b l e at Pescia (F ig . 31). At the same time, the type became increas ing ly associated with the Eucharis t and by the 1430's was used to adorn the door to the euchar i s t i c storage compartment in the sacrament tabernacle . The f i r s t extant example of the type, which dates from the late 1430's, i s found on a tabernacle door in the 9 8 Badia in Florence (F ig . 32). Though cer ta in painted examples e x i s t , most notably at Val di Pesa and San Martino a Mensola (Figs . 33 and 34), the r e l i e f medium of the Badia s g g r t e l l g became the most popular means 63 of representat ion . The Badia r e l i e f shows the same essent ia l formula as the a l t a r images - - the cross-bearing Chr i s t with arm extended, shedding blood into a c h a l i c e . Within the s p g r t e l l g framework, however, the C h r i s t f igure had become a highly compacted image, occupying almost the en t i re p i c ture plane as a concentrated and powerful presence. By mid-century, the C h r i s t type had become an establ i shed l B 9 C t e l l o motif that , along with the F lorent ine tabernacle as a whole, had become widely disseminated throughout I t a l y . The basic form of the Tuscan Chr i s t was maintained through the d i f f u s i o n and the s p g r t e l l g Chr i s t became a stock tabernacle image (F ig . 35). Visual assoc iat ions between the suf fer ing Chr i s t and the Euchar i s t , given impetus in 1330 by an indulgence to imagine the "Man of Sorrows" at the r i t e of e l eva t ion , had become strongly ac tua l i zed by the 99 f i f t e en th century. Images of the "Man of Sorrows" often accompanied f i f t eenth century manuscripts that focussed on the Euchar i s t , while metal -sculptures of Chr i s t were r i t u a l i s t i c a l 1 y "buried" with the Host in cer ta in ceremonies.**^ The bleeding Chr i s t with cha l i c e existed as a "Man of Sorrows" variant that provided an ideal v i s u a l i z a t i o n of the two elements of the Sacrament, the body and blood of C h r i s t . Further , i t supplied a s p e c i f i c reference to the idea of s a c r i f i c e as the essent ia l a c t i v i t y of the e u c h a r i s t i c r i t e . More s p e c i f i c a l l y , the locat ion of the bleeding Chr i s t on the § B 9 C t e l l g represented a v i v i d and d i rec t i l l u s t r a t i o n of e u c h a r i s t i c theology. Posi t ioned at the centre of the sacrament tabernacle , the s g g r t e l l g image of Chr i s t shedding blood into a cha l i ce existed as an immediate confirmation of the e u c h a r i s t i c mystery. More than a symbol, 64 the image was a c l ear and emphatic asser t ion that t ransubstant ia t ion had occurred - - Chr i s t was a c t u a l l y present in the elements. They had mys t i ca l ly trans-formed into his body and blood. Placed d i r e c t l y in front of the receptac le at the centre of the tabernacle , the s p o r t e l l o became v i s u a l l y ac t ive at the moment of consecrat ion . Focal in p o s i t i o n , c lear and compelling in message, the s_grte_lo made the supreme d o c t r i n a l abstract — the mystery of the Eucharis t - - both access ib le and comprehendable. At the same time, the s a c r i f i c i a l aspect of the image served as a p a r t i c u l a r l y v i v i d assert ion of the i n s t i t u t i o n a l power of the Church. As Craig Harbison has observed, by the f i f t e en th century, the process of t ransubs tant ia t ion had accumulated such mystical force that the Church would have l i k e to "harness the power" of devotion to the actual presence.*^* The s_grte_L9 image of the suf fer ing C h r i s t , in the s p e c i f i c act of s a c r i f i c e , provided the v i sual equivalent not of the s a c r i f i c e at Calvary , but of the e u c h a r i s t i c s a c r i f i c e performed by the 102 p r i e s t d i r e c t l y in front of the image. The s a c r i f i c i a l emphasis stressed the importance of the ro le of the pr i e s t in the mystical process in that , with lay p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r o h i b i t e d , the r e a l i z a t i o n of the mystery depended so le ly upon the p r i e s t . The image of the f u l l -length bleeding Chr i s t would have offered a strong reminder that i t i s the p r i e s t l y act of s a c r i f i c e that both e f fec t s the transformation and provides the means for dispensation of God's grace to the l a i t y . The impact of the § _ g r t e l l o image as a v i sual conveyor of the message of transformation and s a c r i f i c e was heightened by the s i g n i f i c a n t ro le that v i s ion played in e u c h a r i s t i c devotion. With lay 65 involvement constra ined, v i s i on was increas ing ly developed as a key component o-f devotion. In the absence of physical contact , v i s i o n was the means through which the l a i t y experienced the Euchar i s t . They saw the Sacrament at c a r e f u l l y orchestrated moments and in very p a r t i c u l a r contexts . The Host was raised into view at the moment of consecration when the mystical change was bel ieved to occur. The act ion simultaneously h ighl ighted and confirmed transubstant ia t ion in v i sual 103 terms and allowed a type of p a r t i c i p a t i o n through s igh t . Display of the Reserved Sacrament on the a l t a r placed the Eucharist in a devotional context that l inked i t with an emerging p i e t i s t i c s i t u a t i o n that sought v i s ionary experiences through the contemplation of v i sual objects . Fasc inat ion with the Eucharis t as an object of intense v i sua l contemplation i s marked by the many accounts of bleeding Hosts and Hosts 104 that transformed into the f igure of C h r i s t . The Eucharis t was e s s e n t i a l l y a loaded v i sua l stimulus that could prod and provoke the meditative imagination. By the f i f t e en th century, s ight was also the means through which the act ive power of the Sacrament could be conveyed. At the annual Corpus C h r i s t i process ion, for example, a mere glimpse of the passing Host was bel ieved to supply protect ion for the viewer-r e c i p i e n t from sickness or death for up to a year.*^" 1 The spec ia l ro le of v i s i on in e u c h a r i s t i c devotion was also important with regard to the equipment that was used to store and d isp lay the Sacrament. In general terms, opulent monstrances and bejewelled cha l i ce s served to draw at tent ion to the elements and to underl ine the i r extreme sacredness. In a d d i t i o n , however, e u c h a r i s t i c equipment functioned as a powerful medium for e luc ida t ing and 66 r e i n f o r c i n g theo log ica l concepts. T r a d i t i o n a l l y , the pyx, which was the early receptacle for the Host, was understood as the v i sual equivalent to the Ark of the Covenant that had contained, among other things , the manna from Heaven**"'^  More than just an a t t r a c t i v e box for storage, the pyx provided a tangib le manifestation of an Old Testament miracle that could both complement and re in force the contemporary mystery. With the in troduct ion of the euchar i s t i c dove in the l a ter Middle Ages, a more pointed v i sual message emerged. The dove, which was a v a r i a t i o n on the standard pyx, provided s p e c i f i c confirmation of the mystery of t r a n s u b s t a n t i a t i o n . As an image of the Holy S p i r i t that surrounded the "flesh" of C h r i s t , i t v i s u a l i z e d the Western T r i n i t a r i a n concept that the Holy S p i r i t issues forth not only from Bod, as was maintained in the East , but also from C h r i s t . In th i s sense, C h r i s t ' s actual presence in the Eucharist contained within the dove was confirmed in v i sual terms. As Heidi Roehrig-Kaufmann has pointed out, the appearance of euchar i s t i c dove receptacle co inc ides with the Church's adoption of a pos i t ion that favoured the idea of actual presence. The receptac les , therefore , must be read as a f irm statement of the Church's pos i t ion in the face of 107 ongoing disputes . The sacrament tabernacle , which f i r s t appeared in the th ir teenth century, continued the idea of v i sua l propagation and expanded the scope of the message. Introduced in d i rec t response to the Lateran C o u n c i l ' s demand for secure storage of the Sacrament, the immovable wall tabernacle offered a safe and su i tab ly honor i f i c method of storage for 108 the body of Chr i s t on earth (F ig . 36). The temple design gave an impression of v a u l t - l i k e impenetrab i l i ty while at the same time 67 conveying a sense of d ign i ty that was su i tab le for i t s sacred contents. The s p e c i f i c Temple o-f Solomon a l l u s i o n , made c lear through the inc lus ion of s p i r a l l e d columns, served to underscore the r e a l i t y of the 109 mystical transformation. As an e d i f i c e that was described in s c r i p t u r e by the "word of God," the Temple of Solomon was t r a d i t i o n a l l y understood by theologians as a d i v i n e l y ordered s tructure a manifestation of God's p r i n c i p l e s of universal order. The c losest man-made equivalent to a d iv ine s t ruc ture , the Solomaic tabernacle provided an appropriate abode for C h r i s t ' s body on earth and thus confirmed the idea of actual p r e s e n c e . * ^ Other components were added such as the triumphal arch which stressed C h r i s t ' s v i c t o r y over death and underlined the idea that i t was the " l i v ing" Eucharis t that dwelled wi th in . The here-and-now emphasis was further bolstered by perceptions of the tabernacle as the "novum sepulcrum," a concept that stressed the e u c h a r i s t i c s a c r i f i c e as a powerful r e a l i t y that was independent of the hi s t o r i cal event.* * * As the f i f t e en th century progressed, v i sual expression of more remote theo log ica l concepts through the tabernacle was increas ing ly supplemented by more d i rec t and dramatic confirmation of the mystery. Imagery such as attendant angels, poised in rapt a n t i c i p a t i o n of the mystery, conveyed the message of transformation with capt iva t ing immediacy (F ig . 37). Images of half-drawn curta ins and v e i l s increased the sense of pending reve la t ion while representat ions of God the Father, arm ra ised in benedict ion , stood ready to act ivate the miracle (Figs . 38 and 39). In some cases, the tabernacle became a tangible v i s u a l i z a t i o n of the "double a l t a r . " With an a l t a r table before i t , an addi t ion that 68 was common after mid-century, Luca d e l l a Robbia's tabernacle gives dramatic form to the dual s a c r i f i c e (F ig , 40). As the p r i e s t ra ised the Host on the earth ly a l t a r below, carved angels in the upper reg i s t er of the s tructure elevated the body of the suf fer ing C h r i s t . At the moment of e l eva t ion , the c e l e s t i a l s a c r i f i c e would have become a v i v i d v i sua l 112 r e a l i t y . The closed facade of the tabernacle i t s e l f was opened up into a n i c h e - l i k e space, drawing the p i c t o r i a l elements together into an orchestrated proclamation of mystery and reve la t ion (F ig . 42). At the centre of th i s e u c h a r i s t i c b i l l b o a r d , the s p g r t e l l g image, to which a l l components were d i r e c t e d , stood as the f i n a l step to the mystery. As a door, i t s imultaneously denied and promised entry; i t s graphic i n t e n s i t y both confirming and piquing des ire for the d iv ine presence wi th in . The s i g n i f i c a n c e of the sp_grteHg Chr i s t as the charged focus of the tabernacle was given further impetus by developments that gave the e u c h a r i s t i c storage compartment an even greater prominence in the church. With the function of the tabernacle increas ing ly transformed from simple storage receptacle to v i sua l propagator of the mystery, the r i t e became performed more often d i r e c t l y in front of the s tructure through the addi t ion of an a l t a r tab le . By mid-century, however, the wall tabernacle s i t u a t i o n was seen as lacking appropriate space for devotion and in i t s locat ion as not according due honour to the body and blood of C h r i s t . As a r e s u l t , so lu t ions were sought through which storage f a c i l i t i e s for the Sacrament could be integrated with the high a l t a r . * * 3 In t h i s sense, the s & g r t e H g image became not only the l i t u r g i c a l centre as the culminating focus of the Mass s e r v i c e , but also the o p t i c a l centre of the bu i ld ing on which a l l eyes converged. 69 In response to the new demands o-f devotion, the a l t a r tabernacle was introduced in a var ie ty o-f forms that sought an in tegrat ion of 114 storage space and a l t a r p i e c e . At one extreme, the free-s tanding tabernacle a c t u a l l y took the place of the a l t a r p i e c e as the main feature of the a l t a r (F ig . 43). Later , attempts were made to combine the f ree -standing type with the carved a l t a r p i e c e . The tabernacle was placed var ious ly on top, in front of and within a painted a l t a r p i e c e ( F i g . 44). At times, the painted or carved a l t a r p i e c e was adapted to include a compartment in which the Eucharis t was stored (Figs . 61). The new storage so lut ions represent a conceptual fragmentation of the t r a d i t i o n a l tabernacle s t r u c t u r e . The form was e s s e n t i a l l y dismantled and reassembled in the a l t a r context and the i n d i v i d u a l components came to be seen in i s o l a t i o n as meaningful elements in themselves. Both a r c h i t e c t u r a l elements, such as the temple s tructure and triumphal arch, and p i c t o r i a l components such as the attendant angels and __grte_lg C h r i s t , could be extracted and reappl ied to a new s i t u a t i o n . Placement of the f u l l - l e n g t h bleeding Chr i s t in new locat ions both extended the s i t u a t i o n a l app l i ca t ion of the type and produced an expanded set of assoc iat ions that enriched the meaning of the motif . The process of r e loca t ing the Chr i s t type in extended contexts had a c t u a l l y begun in the tabernacle in the course of i t s wide d i f f u s i o n . After mid-century in Tuscany, the image was often placed in a niche beside the s g g r t e l l g or in some cases on top of the tabernacle . In Rome, the type was used both in the o r i g i n a l pos i t ion on the s g g r t e l l g and in a new locat ion in the lunette above the a r c h i v o i t (F ig . 45). Placement of the f igure in the upper reg i s t er provided an a l l u s i o n to 70 the p r i e s t l y act of e l eva t ion . The f u l l - l e n g t h bleeding Chr i s t was placed in the more dynamic context of the double a l t a r where i t replaced the Angel -Pieta as the v i s u a l i s a t i o n of the c e l e s t i a l s a c r i f i c e . S i m i l a r l y , pos i t ioned in the triumphal arch, the s a c r i f i c i a l aspect of the type was extended to include reference to the re surrec t ion and 116 ascension. With the disassemb1ement of the tabernacle form for the purpose of a l t a r i n t e g r a t i o n , the Chr i s t type was thrust into ever more diverse l o c a t i o n s . The type continued to appear on storage compartment doors within the a l t a r but also appeared in new contexts . On the f r e e -standing tabernacle , i t was placed on the panel that faced the congregation while three-dimensional angels stand on pedestals to the side (F ig . 46). Posit ioned on top of the s t ruc ture , the sculpted s p o r t e l l g f igure was placed in the ro l e of the resurrected Chr i s t in Vecch ie t ta ' s ciborium (Fig . 47). The re surrec t ion i d e n t i f i c a t i o n was f u l l y ac tua l ized in Benedetto da Maiano's s tructure where the f igure l i t e r a l l y holds the v i c t o r y banner**'7 (F ig . 48). U l t imate ly , by the s ixteenth century, the combination s a c r i f i c i a l I v i s e n Chr i s t was enlarged in Bologna to form the scu lp tura l centre of the carved a l t a r p i e c e i t s e l f , standing d i r e c t l y above the t iny euchar i s t i c compartment (F ig . 49) . By the second half of the f i f t e en th century, the f u l l - l e n g t h bleeding Chr i s t had been developed in the church se t t ing as a reverberant and adaptible motif . It had been imbued with a var ie ty of resonances that brought expanded meanings to new s i t u a t i o n s . 71 I b § _ E y l l l L § D 9 l h _ i l § § d i n g _ C h r i s t _ § n d §§£!I§__C9D_§iD!D§D__§D__Pi§Bl§Y By the same per iod , the motif of the f u l l - l e n g t h bleeding Chr i s t had become v i s u a l l y es tabl i shed as a f igure that occupied a d iv ine zone of space. In both the tabernacle context and in meditative imagery the v i s u a l i z a t i o n of the Chr i s t type within a sacred area was developed as a means of conveying p a r t i c u l a r ideas. In the church s e t t i n g , the motif of the f u l l - l e n g t h bleeding Chr i s t was developed in the ear ly f i f t eenth century Tuscan a l t a r images as a f igure that occupied a sacred area. In the paint ing at Pesc ia , for example, the C h r i s t f igure i s depicted on a t i l e d f loor that r e c a l l s the incrusted f l o o r s of church i n t e r i o r s (F ig . 31). The i n c r u s t a t i o n a l l u s i o n confirms the pavement space as a sacred zone. The sacral reference i s further heightened by the unconvincing pos i t ion of the Chr i s t f igure in r e l a t i o n to the perspect ive f l o o r , suggesting that the 118 space i s unearthly and not informed by mortal laws. The function of the sacred, non-rat ional representat ion of space is to e s tab l i sh to the congregation that the immolated Chr i s t f igure is a mys t i ca l , d iv ine enti ty . With the use of the type on the s__r_el__, the sacral aspect of the area was emphasized in ways that conferred a p a r t i c u l a r meaning on the tabernacle . In the painted example at Val di Pesa, the Chr i s t f igure i s depicted as standing on a marble slab (F ig . 33). The a l l u s i o n to a l t a r , tomb and stone of unction that the slab conveys both es tabl i shes the area as sacred and makes v i sual reference to the function of the tabernacle as the "tomb" of C h r i s t . Even more s i g n i f i c a n t i s the reference to containment that the Val di Pesa image conveys. The Chr i s t f igure stands i 1 1 u s i o n i s t i c a l 1 y on the slab as i f the image i s providing a r e f l e c t i o n of the form of the cabinet wi th in . The effect i s that the image of the bleeding Chr i s t contained within a r e c e p t a c l e - l i k e space confirms that the elements within have a c t u a l l y transformed into the body and blood of C h r i s t . In the m e t a l - r e l i e f s g g r t e l l i , such as the work in the Badia and that of F i l a r e t e , the reference to containment i s continued through the i n c l u s i o n of a horizon l i n e that d i s sec t s the p ic ture plane (Figs . 32 and 35). By the 1430's, the use of i 1 1 u s i o n i s t i c space had been extended to the tabernacle i t s e l f . In 1439, Bernardo Rosse l l ino used l inear perspect ive to transform the two-dimensional temple facade of the tabernacle into a n i c h e - l i k e i 1 1 u s i o n i s t i c space (F ig . 41). Twenty years l a t e r , Desiderio da Settignano used perspect ive in his San Lorenzo tabernacle in a force fu l dec larat ion of containment space where the sp_grteng, at the centre , was e f f e c t i v e l y enclosed within the s p a t i a l i l l u s i o n (F ig . 42). Perspect ive , as a mathematical construct that was t h e o l o g i c a l l y viewed as an expression of the universal p r i n c i p l e s of d iv ine order, conferred an increased sanct i ty upon the containment space. It re in forced the Solomaic a l l u s i o n that es tabl i shed the tabernacle as a d iv ine a r c h i t e c t u r a l s tructure by v i s u a l l y d e t a i l i n g the 119 sacred ordering p r i n c i p l e s . In a d d i t i o n , i t may have functioned more a c t i v e l y as a v i sua l conveyor of the mystical process i t s e l f . In Jack Fre iberg ' s view, perspect ive served as the v i sual equivalent to the mystery of t ransubs tant ia t i on , depict ing a paradoxical r e a l i t y that i s 73 120 both "sensuously present and mater ia l ly absent." With the incorporat ion of the e u c h a r i s t i c storage container in the a l t a r , the powerful s i g n i f i c a n c e of perspect ive in r e l a t i o n to the f u l l -length bleeding Chr i s t was further increased. The perspect ive s tructure was often sh i f ted to the a l t a r locat ion along with the s _ g r t e l l g , e f f ec t ing the v i sua l completion of an already establ i shed framework of worship. The l i n e s of s ight that began in the nave with the f a i t h f u l found the ir natural conclusion in the vanishing point of the receptac le . The perspect ive l i n e s served to echo and re in force the o p t i c a l focussing of devotion by f i rmly guiding the viewer's g l a n c e . ^ * The concept of a sacred space that was occupied by the f u l l - l e n g t h 122 bleeding Chr i s t was also developed in pr ivate imagery. The idea of r e l i g i o u s f igures ex i s t ing in a d iv ine zone that was separate from earth ly space was a necessary component of the meditative s i t u a t i o n . As an intercessory f i g u r e , the r e l i g i o u s personnage had to be close enough for intimate contact and yet posi t ioned in a d iv ine space. S i tuat ion in a sacred area that was removed from that of the viewer confirmed that the intercessory f igure could indeed mediate on the viewer's behalf in the non-mortal realm. A number of devices were used in pr ivate devotional imagery as a means of separating earthly and sacred space. Crev ices , streams and rocky c l e f t s were common i n c l u s i o n s , for example, in Flemish paint ings where they es tabl i shed the d i v i s i o n through placement at the bottom of 123 the p ic ture plane. In ha l f - l ength "Man of Sorrows" images, the tomb could serve the same funct ion (F ig . 53). S i m i l a r l y , the parapet could be used as a b a r r i e r between sacred and earthly areas ( F i g . 56). In 74 some instances , the Chr i s t f igure could be placed on the parapet, breaking the d i v i s i o n in a way that pointedly enhanced the intimacy and yet maintained the existence of two separate realms (F ig . 58). The f u l l - l e n g t h bleeding Chr i s t type as a f igure that needed to be seen in i t s e n t i r e t y was often placed on a perspect ive platform (F ig . 20). Like in the Pescia a l t a r tab le , the a l l u s i o n to the incrusted f loor es tabl i shed the d iv ine and separate nature of the space (F ig . 31). The addi t ion of a parapet that enclosed the area from behind gave further emphasis to the d iv ine zone as a s p e c i f i c area removed from earthly space. In some cases, the idea of the sacred enclosure was used, l i k e in the tabernacle , to s tress the concept of sacred containment of the Euchar i s t . In a la ter f i f t e en th century German pr in t of the Seven Sacraments, for example, the bleeding Chr i s t stands in a perspect iva l1y rendered containment space in the upper centre of the image (F ig . 25). The Chr i s t f i g u r e , who i s placed above an image of the monstrance bearing the Host, i s surrounded on each s ide by representat ions of the other six Sacraments. The image i s united by the streams of blood that are squeezed from the side-wound, r a d i a t i n g out from the f igure of Chr i s t to enter each of the Sacrament i l l u s t r a t i o n s . Perspect ive funct ions both to del ineate the sacred containment space that the Chr i s t f igure occupies and as a means of v i s u a l l y r e i n f o r c i n g the emanating act ion of the blood. Here, Chr i s t i s the v i sual and sacred epicentre of the image and the mystical source of the Sacraments themselves. The sacred space of the f u l l - l e n g t h bleeding Chr i s t type was also developed through the f i f t eenth century as a medium for exh ib i t i on and 75 d i s p l a y . In the tabernacle , the d i sp lay aspect re la te s to the increas ing emphasis in euchar i s t i c devotions on the Sacrament as a dramatic presentat ion . Through the century, the worshipper's encounter with the Eucharist was increas ing ly es tabl i shed as a cinematic experience. During the Mass, the mystery was revealed in a s i n g l e , powerful moment at the act o-f e levat ion and in the Corpus C h r i s t i procession a f l e e t i n g glimpse was offered amid a spectacle of costume and fanfare . V e i l s and curta ins were used to r i t u a l i s t i c a l 1 y conceal and present the Sacrament with dramatic f l o u r i s h . The t h e a t r i c a l aspect of e u c h a r i s t i c devotion served to define the mystery as an impending reve la t ion that could be experienced in immediate and awe- inspir ing 124 terms. The drama of devotion establ i shed the function of the containment space as a stage on which the mystery would unfold . The Easter Sepulchre, for example, as the symbolic tomb in which the Eucharis t was "buried" during Holy Week observances, was f i t t e d with curta ins that 125 dramat ica l ly revealed the Eucharist on a sacred stage. k i~ S i m i l a r l y , on the sacrament tabernacle , sculpted curta ins and carved v e i l s were ra i sed up by angels to present the e u c h a r i s t i c compartment (F ig . 38 and 39) which, by the second half of the f i f t e en th century, was increas ing ly represented as a perspect ive stage ( F i g . 42). Use of the perspect iva l construct ion in the tabernacle in fact co incides with i t s emergence in 126 Renaissance theatre as an important aspect of set designs. The stage ef fect was enhanced in the tabernacle through the inc lus ion of angels in the perspect ive space. The ro le of angels as presentors of the Eucharist had been developed in other contexts where 76 they were incorporated into the monstrance design. On the monstrance, angels drew at tent ion to the Eucharis t as a d iv ine and mystical substance. They also enhanced the idea o-f reve la t ion and suggested the l i t u r g i c a l concepts of e levat ion and d i s p l a y . The f u l l - l e n g t h bleeding C h r i s t , placed at centre stage on the door to the compartment, was in ef fect posi t ioned as a euchar i s t i c presentat ion — a v i s u a l i z a t i o n of the mystical r e v e l a t i o n . On the two-dimensional tabernacle facade, they were often depicted as i f r a i s i n g the s p g r t e l l g in an act of e l eva t ion , bringing the Eucharis t to the heavenly a l t a r above. In the perspect ive space of the tabernacle , angels were depicted as i f they were rushing in from the "wings" of the i 1 1 u s i o n i s t i c stage (F ig . 42). They both draw attent ion to the s g g r t e l l g and underl ine the idea of impending reve la t ion as they seem to ant i c ipa te the sacred appearance. In pr ivate imagery, the d iv ine zone was also developed as an area of dramatic d i s p l a y . As in the two-dimensional tabernacle facade and in the monstrance, angels were used to exhib i t the body of C h r i s t . Whereas in the tabernacle , the d i sp lay act ion functioned to v i s u a l i z e the p r i e s t ' s act of e l eva t ion , in the pr ivate image i t served as a means of d i sp lay ing the Chr i s t f igure to the meditating viewer (F ig . 58). At the same time, the pr ivate Chr i s t began to be presented with a dramatic f l o u r i s h . In a pr in t of Chr i s t d i sp lay ing his wounds, the f igure emerges from a s t a g e - l i k e enclosure and descends down a s ta i rcase toward the viewer ( F i g . 26). In a pa int ing by Petrus C h r i s t u s , angels draw the cur ta ins back to reveal the bleeding Chris t behind a parapet (F ig . 27). The meditative C h r i s t , l i k e the Euchar i s t , becomes a 127 dramatic and mystical r e v e l a t i o n . 77 By the second half of the century, the f u l l - l e n g t h bleeding Chr i s t type had been developed in both publ ic and pr ivate contexts as a f igure that occupies a charged zone of space. In the l i t u r g i c a l context, the sacred area was used as a force fu l transmitter of the r e a l i t y and drama of the e u c h a r i s t i c mystery. In the pr ivate image, the d iv ine zone functioned to heighten and dramatize the meditating viewer's encounter with the intercessory C h r i s t . NOTES 1. Carlo Ginzburg, "Fo lk lore , magia, r e l i g i o n , " in S t g r i a d l l t a l i a (Torino: G i u l i o E i n a u d i , 1972), 619-42. 2. James H. Marrow, Pas_i.gn_I_gnggra_h_in_Ngrthern_Eurgp_ean__rt of_the_Late___ddle__ges_and_Ear (Belgium: Van Gemmert, 19797, 10. 3. For a d iscuss ion of the s i g n i f i c a n c e of mendicant reforms, see Barbara H. Rosenwein and Lester K. L i t t l e , "Social Meaning in the Monastic and Mendicant S p i r i t u a l i t i e s , " P a s t _ § n d _ P r e s e n t 63 (May 1974), 16-32. 4. Marrow observes, for example, that the two dimensions of Franciscan p i e ty , the empathic and moral aspects, were an important component in the wri t ings of Bonaventure. Prayer and meditation "must st imulate the s p i r i t u a l emotions of love and compassion and they must i n s p i r e moral thought and act ion before union with God, the contemplative s ta te , w i l l ensue." Marrow, 10. 5. James M. C l a r k , I h e _ G r § a t _ 6 e r _an_My_sti.cs:__Eckhardt__Tau_er_and Susg (Oxford: B a s i l Blackwe7f, 1949), 3-6. c7ark a7so makes the point that although c e r t a i n offshoots of the German mystic movement were reform groups, the o r i g i n a l movement was not a protest against i n s t i t u t i o n a l r e l i g i o n . 6. Marrow notes that: "Chronicles of the Dominican convents abound in the reports of ardent meditation upon the passion as pract iced by the nuns: overflowing tears are commonplace; s i s t e r s cry out or f a l l fa in t and powerless from the e f f o r t s of compassion; i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with C h r i s t ' s su f fer ing wounds them b o d i l y . " Marrow, 14. 7. Marrow notes that in the fourteenth century " v i r t u a l l y a l l of the important devotional writ ings of the preceding century and a half were . . . rendered into the vernacular ." I b i d . , 13-14. 8. "The vernacular passion t rac t s created at th i s time reveal the i r debt to the a c t i v i t y of t r a n s l a t o r s in the ir composite character; the texts of the th ir teenth century, in p a r t i c u l a r , were f r e e l y drawn upon and synthesized in the new e f f o r t s . " I b i d . , 14. 9. I b i d . , 17-18. 78 79 10. As Marrow observes the centra l contr ibut ion of the movement to l a t er meditations was the use of the vernacular and the p a r t i c u l a r "temperament that i t cu l t i va ted" - - as evidenced in the passionate and excessive meditations of both mystics l i k e Buso and meditating nuns. I b i d . , 14. 11. I b i d . , 14-15. 12. I b i d . , 20. 13. "The Devot iona l i s t s were noted for the i r p r a c t i c a l approach to p i e ty . Shunning the abstract and speculat ive theology of the mystics , they adopted a s t r i c t and down-to-earth program of 'asces i s ' that combined strenuous manual labor . . . with methodical meditation aimed at self-improvement and the prac t i ce of v i r t u e . " I b i d . , 20. 14. I b i d . , 20-24. In sp i te of the ascet ic emphasis of p ie ty , the Devot ional i s t movement contained a highly a f f ec t ive s t r a i n that , l i k e in Germany, found p a r t i c u l a r l y v i v i d expression in the convents. 15. On the s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l e f fects of the new industry , see E l i zabeth L . E i s e n s t e i n , Ihe_Printing_Reyolutign_in_Ear1y_Mgdern_Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge Univers i ty Press, 1983). Also useful i s Rudolf H ir sch , Printingi_SeHLQa_iQd_Readi.ngj._l450-1550 (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz , 1967) and for a general overview, Co l in C l a i r , A_Histgry °f_ iyC9B§#Q_E_iDti09 (London: Academic Press, 1976). 16. S .H. Steinberg makes the important observation that by 1450 there were great numbers of profess ional scr ibes in Europe and thus Gutenberg's invention was made in response to an already ex i s t ing demand. S .H. Ste inberg, Fiye_Hundred_Years_gf_Printing 3rd ed. (Harmondsworth, Eng . : Penguin Books, 1974), 25. 17. Marrow notes, for example, the existence of a f i f t eenth century Netherlandish Passion tract ca l l ed the 'Van den seven Ghetijden der Passien onses Heren" that i s e s s e n t i a l l y "a patchwork of se l ec t ions from Pseudo-Bede, the Pseudo-Anselm 'Dialogus' and Ludolph's ' V i t a C h r i s t i ' . " Marrow, 23. IB. The idea of a step by step journey through the suf fer ings of Chr i s t had been p a r t i c u l a r l y developed by Henry Suso whose work was highly i n f l u e n t i a l in the l a t er devotional p r a c t i c e s . Clark points in p a r t i c u l a r to "The L i t t l e Book of Eternal Wisdom" where a sect ion cons i s t ing of one hundred Meditations describes each stage of C h r i s t ' s suf fer ing and death. C lark , 62-63. 19. Marrow, 24. 20. Ringbom, 48-50. 21. I b i d . , 49. 80 22. Thomas a Kempis, "Orationes ad membra C h r i s t i , " OBera_g_nia 5, 204-8, c i t ed in Ringbom, 49, note 54. 23. Wadell sees Bernard's descr ip t ion of the meaning of the wounds as an important st imulus to the prac t i ce of wound venerat ion. Wadell , 21. 24. Ib id . 25. Angela of Fol igno f i r s t began to experience her v i s ions in 1291 and communicated them to her cousin Brother Arnaldo who recorded them in a book that came to be known as "The Book of Vis ions and Ins truc t ions ." John Moorman, A_His_gry_gf__he_Franciscan_0rder (Oxford; Oxford Univers i ty Press, 1968!, 222-23, 263-64 and Wadell , 23. Catharine of Siena's mystical experience of the side-wound was prompted by the wri t ings of Bonaventure. The kind of tangible emphasis that Bonaventure'5 l i t e r a t u r e provided i s i l l u s t r a t e d , for example, in his "Letter to a Poor Clare" where the Franciscan urges: " . . . be not content, as the blessed apostle Thomas was, merely to see in his hands the p r i n t of the n a i l s or to thrust your hand into his s ide; but rather go r ight i n , through the opening in h is s ide , to the very heart of Jesus . . . " The passage i s from Bonaventure's "Opera Omnia," Quaracchi 8, 120, quoted and trans la ted in Moorman, 260. F r i t z Saxl notes that Catharine re ferred to the side-wound in highly graphic terms as the "bar i le di vino" and the "bottega del sangue." Saxl , 348. 26. Wadell , 31. 27. The idea of the blood as an agent of p u r i f i c a t i o n stemmed from the b e l i e f that the stream flowing from C h r i s t ' s side-wound consisted of a mixture of blood and water. As ear ly as the fourth century, the Church Fathers had l inked the blood of the side-wound with the idea of baptism, drawing on the s c r i p t u r a l account at John 19:34: "But one of the s o l d i e r s with a spear pierced his s ide , and forthwith came there out blood and water." Wadell , 14-15. 28. O.B. Hardison, Chr i s t ian_Ri te_and_Chri s t ian_Dr Wi^dle_Ages (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1965), "The Mass as a Sacred Drama," 35-79. 29. Ringbom notes the existence of a f i f t eenth century prayer connected with an indulgence of three hundred days for each limb — the head, face, eyes, mouth, ears, neck, hands, chest, sou l , heart , knees, feet , body, blood and veins , and bones - - for a sum to ta l of 4,500 days. Ringbom, 49, n. 53. 30. The Feast and Mass had been introduced in the fourteenth century and the Mass was connected with indulgences put forth by John XXII and Innocent VI. I b i d . , 50, n.5B. 31. One of the most famous examples i s the crown of thorns which 81 King Louis of France acquired and subsequently b u i l t the sumptuous e d i f i c e of Ste. Chapelle in which i t was housed. Patr ick Geary suggests that Chr i s t r e l i c s were i n i t i a l l y wel1-received and in great demand in view of the strong importance of the cu l t of Chr i s t in lay devotion by the twelfth century. Patr ick Geary, Furta__acra__Thef t s_g f_Re i i c s_ i JV the_Central__iddla_Ages (Princeton: Princeton Univers i ty Press , 1978), 28. Debra Pincus notes that the many r e l i c s of the True Cross that existed in the West had achieved an i n i t i a l popular i ty as the centra l r e l i c of the Crusades. Debra Pincus, "Chr i s t ian Re l i c s and the Body P o l i t i c : A Thirteenth Century Re l i e f Plaque in the Church of San Marco," iQter_reta__gne_yene__ane__Stud^ _!!__L____C_t_ (Venice: Arsenale , 1984), 46. Jonathan Sumption observes that b e l i e f in the bodi ly r e l i c s of Chr i s t was understood as a form of e u c h a r i s t i c p i e ty . Johnathan Sumption, Pi 1grim_ge__An_I_age_of ___L§__L___L i g i on (London: Faber and Faber, 1975), 48. 32. A l tar d i sp lays of Chr i s t r e l i c s , for example, provided an emblematic amalgam of the events of C h r i s t ' s Passion. The custom of d i sp lay ing r e l i c s on the a l t a r rather than e levat ing them only on spec ia l feast days emerged in the western Church after the eighth century. Sumption, 154. 33. Wadell observes that a f irm l ink between the wine of the cha l i c e and the blood of the side-wound was forged in the ninth century by the thes i s of Radbertus where the two forms were es tabl i shed as i d e n t i c a l . Wadell , 20. 34. Peter Brown suggests that the p a r t i c u l a r dynamics of r e l i c venerat ion, where a tension between distance and proximity was created, served to st imulate yearning and des ire for r e l i c s . Located in a s p e c i f i c place (the shrine or church) , the r e l i c became an immediate des t inat ion that would draw the worshipper, as p i l g r i m , c loser and c l o s e r . In Brown's view, the pi lgrimage journey would have produced the ef fect of "inverted magnitudes" where, as the distance between the p i l g r i m and the object of des ire became smal ler , yearning for the r e l i c increased. S i m i l a r l y , as Brown notes, once the desired object wass reached, "the long delays of pi lgrimage (were) played out in miniature ." Brown speaks of the ear ly shrines of sa ints where maze-like c o r r i d o r s i n i t i a l l y complicated access and the r e l i c was glimpsed in the end only through narrow apertures and opaque surfaces . In the same way, the r e l i q u a r y , which was seen f l e e t i n g l y in procession or at a prescribed d i sp lay d is tance , allowed only a vague view of the r e l i c through a small opening or hazy c r y s t a l . Peter Brown, Jhe_Cult_gf_the_Saint_ i_I ts _L_________D__L_Q_LD_Latin_Christ iani ty (Chicago: Univers i ty Press of Chicago, 1981), 87. 35. Ludwig Pastor, Ihe_H_stgry_gf_the_Pgp_es_frg__the_C_gse_gf_the MLd._Li_B.ges (London: K. PauF, Trench, frubner and Co. L t d . , 190o7, 3:213-39. 36 Wadell, 23. (My t r a n s l a t i o n ) . Wadell suggests that the preponderance of female mystics may be accounted for by the fact that women, who were not allowed to become p r i e s t s , had absolute ly no opportunity for experiencing the c h a l i c e . 37. The extensive research by Jacques Toussaert focussing on church attendance and sacramental consumption in Flanders , for example, has revealed that mass attendance was extremely low in the f i f t eenth century and that the Sacrament was general ly consumed only at Easter . Jacques Toussaert , Le_sent _ment _ r e H g_eux_a__a_n (Par i s : Pion, 1963, 122-2047 As Craig Harbison has pointed out, however, though "orthodox church piety" may have been lacking in Flanders , lay devotion to the consecrated Host was at a dramatic high. In Harbison's words: "This was a time when people clamored for a sudden and dramatic reve la t ion of the host after the miracle of t ransubs tant ia t ion had taken place . To some extent t h i s development does have a f e e l i n g of pagan s u p e r s t i t i o n about i t . Yet i t c l e a r l y also shows a sense of the holy, a sense of wonder and devotion in the face of a miracle which transcends the pett iness of one's own l i f e and immediate or engendering f a i t h . " Craig Harbison, review of Ihe_Altar_and__he Al tar p_i § c e _ _ S a c r amental _Themes_i j]_E by Barbara Lane, in Simiolus 15 no.3/4 Q9B57: 222. Peter Browe s p e c i f i c a l l y d e t a i l s the attempts of theologians to come to i n t e l l e c t u a l terms with the miracle of transformation in "Die scholas t i sche Theorie der eucharis t i schen Verwandlungswunder," Iheg_ogical_Quarter Iy 60 (1929), 305-332. For the ro le of women in the veneration of the Host in the l a t er Middle Ages, see Carol ine Walker Bynum, "Woman mystics and e u c h a r i s t i c devotion in the 13th century," Women_s_Studies II (1984): 179-214 and "Fast, feast and f l e sh : the r e l i g i o u s s i g n i f i c a n c e of food to medieval women," Re_resentatigns II (1985): 1-25. 38. Franc is Clark has observed that between the th ir teenth and s ixteenth centur ies , no essent ia l changes occurred in Church doctr ine concerning the E u c h a r i s t . Franc is C l a r k , Eucharist_c_Sacr_f_ce_and _ b § _ B § f S C S a t i o n (Westminster, Md.: Newman Press, 1960), 115. S i m i l a r l y , Joseph Jungmann notes: "New forms, new inferences are c o n t i n u a l l y being developed. But the inferences are developed from what is already at hand. There i s no cut t ing back to the l i v i n g roots , no springing forth of new, healthy growths." Joseph Jungmann, Ihe_Mass_gf_the_Roj5an Rite___t__Origins_and_Deyel9pment__Missarum_Sgllemni§2 (New York: Benziger Brothers , 19sl) , 1:128. 39. The doctr ine of t ransubstant ia t ion had been introduced at the Fourth Lateran Counci l of 1215. It stated that the bread and wine change into the body and blood of Chr i s t in substance, or t ransubstant ia te , while the accidents of the bread and wine remain the same. Heidi Roehrig Kaufmann, EucharL§_L__y_§§=>§L§_9f_£h§_M_ddle_Ages, catalog of exhib i t held at the Busch-Reisinger Museum (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univers i ty Press, 1975), 8. 83 40. Hans Caspar-/, "Kult und Aufbewahrung der E u c h a r i s t i e in I t a l i e n vor dera Trident ium," Archi.v_f__r_Li.turg__WL_§_!l__!2_f _ ' (1965), 106-9. 41. I b i d . , 109-10. 42. Ib id . 43. For a v i v i d descr ip t ion of the evocative imagery at V i t erbo , see Pius II ' s own eye-witness account in Memgirs_gf_a_Renaissance _ , 9 B § l_Ib§ _ C o m m e n t a r _ e s _ g f __ iu__II , An Abridgement, ed. L . C . Gabel, t rans . F . Gragg (New York: G.P. Putnam's and Sons, 1959), 264-69. 44. Yngve B r i l i o t h notes that the doctr ine of t ransubs tant ia t ion provided the i n i t i a l stimulus for the Cult of the Reserved Sacrament in that i t encouraged an understanding of the Host as "the abode of Divine presence." In t h i s sense, worship was not necessar i ly l imi ted to the Mass s erv i ce . Yngve B r i l i o t h , EucharL___c_F__th_and_Pract_ce_ i _ 2 Q 9 i I i _ § I _ § D _ _ _ § _ h g I i c (London: S . P . C . K . , 1953?, 87. 45. For a d iscuss ion of the emergence of churches, chapels and a l t a r s to the Sacrament, see Caspary, "Kult und Aufbewahrung," 105. As Col in E i s l e r notes, the Dominican order was p r i m a r i l y respons ible for the i n i t i a l dissemination of c o n f r a t e r n i t i e s dedicated to the Holy Sacrament which began to appear in northern Europe in the fourteenth century and in large numbers in I ta ly during the f i f t e en th century. E i s l e r , Part II , 246, n. 142. 46. Yngve B r i l i o t h provides an extensive discuss ion of the way in which the concepts of thanksgiving, communion and commemoration were increas ing ly suppressed in the l i t u r g y through the Middle Ages, while the ideas of s a c r i f i c e and mystery became of centra l importance in the Mass. B r i l i o t h observes that thanksgiving was evident only at the high Masses where i t was conveyed through the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the c h o i r , sacred ministers and the congregation. At low Masses, however, the concept of thanksgiving was completely replaced by the concept of s a c r i f i c e . S i m i l a r l y , communion was required only once a year and thus the s a c r i f i c e became the culminating moment of the Mass. Though the h i s t o r i c a l Passion was commemorated through the events of the l i t u r g i c a l year and a l l e g o r i c a l explanations of various stages of the r i t e , B r i l i o t h notes that the words of i n s t i t u t i o n had become a l i t u r g i c a l formula that "obscured the ir witness to h i s t o r i c a l f a c t . " In a d d i t i o n , B r i l i o t h points out that the "Anamnesis" was whispered and not heard by the people while the l e c t i ons presented in L a t i n , were u n i n t e l l i g i b l e to the l a i t y . B r i l i o t h also notes that by the f i f t eenth century, the concepts of s a c r i f i c e and mystery were not only primary in the Mass, but had become s p e c i f i c a l l y d i s t i n c t from one another. The s a c r i f i c e , for example, was understood as the s p e c i f i c oblat ion of the Euchar i s t . The mystery, however, transcended the moment of s a c r i f i c e in that C h r i s t ' s presence in the Sacrament was bel ieved to exis t beyond the moment. It continued within the elements both "ante" and "post usum." B r i l i o t h , 78-90. 84 47. Franc i s Clark discusses f i f t eenth century Catholocisfn as "a theology of mediation and p a r t i c i p a t i o n " where the e u c h a r i s t i c s a c r i f i c e "provides for a created r e a l i t y to mediate to men Bod's sa lutary a c t i o n . " Clark observes that i t i s the pr i e s t who is the earthly l ink in the hierarchy of mediation and notes that the s a c r i f i c e "allows for an act ive sharing by men in the dispensat ion of God's grace." C l a r k , 105-6. As Clark points out, i t was the s a c r i f i c i a l nature of the Mass that was most vehemently attacked by the Reformers because of the enormous power that i t placed in the hands of the c l ergy . I b i d . , 99-115. 48. I b i d . , 285-89. 49. For a d iscuss ion of the o r i g i n s and development of the concept of the double a l t a r , see Jean Danielou, Les_Anges_et_leur.Miss ion d^apres_3.es_Peres_de_l^Eg 1 ise (Belgium: Desclee, 1953), "Les Anges et les Sacraments," 76-91. 50. Franc is C l a r k , 285-89. 51. Danielou stresses the idea that angels were understood as funct ioning at d i f f e r e n t moments in the s a c r i f i c e . Transport ing angels were bel ieved to bring the oblat ion to the c e l e s t i a l a l t a r "pour le p a r f a i t achevement de l a Pass ion." Danielou, 86-87. 52. For Pius II 's own account of the events of the Holy Blood Controversy, see "The Commentaries of Pius II ," i n t r o . L . C . Gabel, t rans . Florence Gragg, Snuth _CgH ege_Studi es_i n_Hi.story 22 (Oct. 1936-Jan. 1937), 703-729. 53. Henry Charles Lea, A_H^stgry_gf_the_Ingui.siti.on_gf_the Mi.ddl.e_Ages, 3rd ed. (New York: Russeff and RusselF, 1958), 2: 171. 54. Pius stated in his "Commentaries" that he and the card ina l s were a c t u a l l y in agreement with the Dominicans" but i t did not seem best to issue an o f f i c i a l statement at the time for fear of offending the great body of M i n o r i t i e s , whose preaching against the Turks was needed." "The Commentaries of Pius I I ," 729. 55. The question of the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the cha l i c e to the shed blood as i t was discussed in the debate i s examined in Chapter Three. 56. Dieter Blume, "Antike und Christentum," in Natur_und_Antike __t_B§Q_____Q£§) e d - Herbert Beck and Peter C. Bo l , exh ib i t held at Liebieghaus Museum a l t e r P l a s t i k , Frankfurt am Main (Frankfurt: Druckerei Hugo Hassmuller, 1985), 85. 57. Ringbom observes that though Bernard acknowledged mental images as a d iv ine g i f t , he saw them as "a deplorable necessity," to be dispensed with, whenever poss ib le , by the true mystic ." I b i d . , 116. 58. I b i d . , 17-19. 85 59. Augustine's t r i p a r t i t i o n remained the cornerstone of the medieval psychology of prayer and devotion and was adapted in various ways by theologians such as St . Bernard and Thomas Aquinas. I b i d . , 15-17. 60. I b i d . , 19-22. 61. I b i d . , 13. 62. Ib id . 63. The e a r l i e s t i d e n t i f i e d ha l f - l eng th types in the West occur in a miniature in a French Psalterium in Munich, Bayer. S taa t sb ib l i o thek , Cim. 23094 and in the Codex Pluteo XXV, No. 3 in the Laurenziana in F lorence . Schrade, 165. Erwin Panofsky discusses a ha l f - l eng th image at the Casa Home in Florence as the f i r s t example in a comprehensive h i s tory of the type in the West. M i l l a r d Meiss, however, has s ince suggested that the image i s a la ter d e r i v a t i v e work. Panofsky, "Imago P i e t a t i s , " 261-2 and M i l l a r d Meiss, Painting_in_Florence_and_S_ena after_the_Black_Death (Princeton; Princeton Univers i ty Press, 1951), 1247 n7 757 64. Ringbom, 48. 65. Ib id . 66. I b i d . , 67. 67. The "ep i taph io i ," which imaged the dead Chr i s t r e c l i n i n g on the stone of unction between angels, were being produced in the East by the eighth century. Panofsky, "Imago P i e t a t i s , " 295-6; Schrade, 165-6. Staale Sinding-Larsen notes that in the West, the funct ion of the c loths was adapted to the Western r i t e where, for example, the "epitaphion" could be used as i t was in San Marco in Venice as a cover for the Sepulchre in which the Host was placed during the Good Friday ceremony. 103. Staale S inding-Larsen , C h r i s t _ i n _ t h e _ C g u n c i l _ H a l 1 i _ S t u d i e § _ i n _ t h e 0 i I i 9 i 2 y § _ l £ 2 D 9 9 C § _ h y _ g f _ t h e _ V e n e t i a n _ R e _ u b l i c (Rome: L'Erma, 1974), 1037 " ' 68. Ringbom, 68. 69. As Ringbom observes of the h a l f - l e n g t h : "A form of composition which i s l imi t ed to the most expressive parts of the human body, i . e . the face, head, provides excel lent opportuni t i es for e laborat ing physiognomical d e t a i l s and rendering the f iner shades of emotion." I b i d . , 50. 70. Ringbom sees the "Funfwundenbi1d" as an i l l u s t r a t i o n of the way in which "the intense preoccupation with i so la ted d e t a i l s of the bodi ly appearance of holy persons could c r y s t a l l i z e into an image." Ib id . 86 71. The o r i g i n a l indulgence conveyed a promise o-f 14,000 years and was la ter ra ised to as much as 224,000 years. I b i d . , 25. The Gregorian icon is known to have existed in Sta. Croce at the end of the f i f t e en th century. There i s some doubt as to whether the th ir teenth century mosaic of the suf fer ing Chr i s t that i s s t i l l extant in the church is the o r i g i n a l image, however i t i s acknowledged that the mosaic "acted as an immediate model for copies of the 'Imago P i e t a t i s ' as ear ly as the f i r s t half of the f i f t eenth century." I b i d . , 66. For a d iscuss ion of the Sta . Croce mosaic, see Carlo B e r t e l l i , "The 'Image of P i t y ' in Santa Croce in Gerusal emme, " Essays_in_the__i_tory_of_Art_Presented_to Rudolf_Wittkower, (London: Phaidon Press: 1967), 1:40-55. 72. The v i s i o n of the suf fer ing Chr i s t "In specie pas tor ia sub e f f i g i e P i e t a t i s " was said to have appeared at the moment of consecration and to have convinced a doubting acolyte who was a s s i s t i n g Gregory of the mystery of t r a n s u b s t a n t i a t i o n . For a d iscuss ion of the Mass of St . Gregory and i t s representat ion in a r t , see Maurice Vloberg, L ! i y _ h a r i s t i e _ d a n s _ _ _ _ r t (Grenoble, P a r i s : B. Arthaud, 1946), 1:199-208. 73. Emile Mile f i r s t noted that the indulgence attached to the Gregorian image was a fundamental factor in the vast dissemination of the "Man of Sorrows" motif . Emile Male, L_art_rel_g^eux_de__a_fin_du fD9¥§Q_§Q_E!ian_e (Par i s : Armand C o l i n , 1949), 100. Ringbom observes that the popular i ty of the Gregorian "Man of Sorrows" as an indulgence image in the period was second only to that of the holy "Veronica." Ringbom, 25. 74. I b i d . , 25-26. 75. Ringbom notes that "Arma C h r i s t i " indulgences ranged from 6,666 days to 14,000 years. In cer ta in instances , only three "Pater Masters" and three "Aves" were required for the attainment of indulgence. I b i d . , 16. 76. The evocative use of colour in devotional imagery i s noted by F r i t z Saxl who observes: "devotional manuscripts survive written on flaming red paper, intended to s t i r up the imagination of the worshipper and to remind him that through the blood of the v ic t im mankind has been redeemed." Sax l , 349. 77. Martin Weinberger, "An Ear ly Woodcut of the 'Man of Sorrows' at the Art Ins t i tu te of Chicago," Gazette_des_Beau__A_ts, 6th s e r . , 29 (1945): 349-50. 78. I b i d . , 349. 79. I b i d . , 348. 80. Marrow, 23. 81. I b i d . , 24. 87 82. For a d iscuss ion of the connection between the "Man of Sorrows" and the Stat ions of the Passion, see B e r l i n e r , 108 f f . 83. Richard F i e l d notes that as ear ly as 1430-40 landscape and a r c h i t e c t u r a l se t t ings were being included in woodcut images and the imagery i t s e l f was showing a marked tendency toward narra t ive content. Richard S. F i e l d , Fifteenth_Century_Wgodcuts_and_Me _ _ _ _ _ n _ _ _ _ _ L L _ L _ _ _ i _ _ C (Washington, D . C . : Pub l i ca t ions Department of the National Ba l l e ry of A r t , 1965), Foreward, n .p . 84. Craig Harbison observes that in Flemish painted devotional imagery, where the use of landscape was developed to s i m i l a r ends, the idea of a shared environment between viewer and image was so strong that cer ta in p i c t o r i a l devices were included as a means of e s tab l i sh ing the image space as s a n c t i f i e d . Crev ices , for example, placed in the foreground of many scenes served to d iv ide the real and p i c t o r i a l spaces but not to disconnect them. Craig Harbison, "Visions and Meditations in Ear ly Flemish P a i n t i n g , " Simidys 15 no. 2 (1985): 110-11. 85. E i s l e r , Part II , 114. 86. E i s l e r draws at tent ion to the use of the type in the Brussels manuscript and the German d iptych . I b i d . , 114, n.45. 87. Though the C r i v e l l i i s often ascribed a publ ic and l i t u r g i c a l l oca t ion as a p r e d e l l a panel on an a l t a r p i e c e , the image i s f i rmly rooted in the monastic meditative image t r a d i t i o n . For the prede l la placement, see Ann Bovero, ed. Tutta la P i t tura_de l C r i v e l l i (Milan: R i z z o i i , 1961), 75. 88. For a d iscuss ion of the meditative stare as i t i s v i s u a l i s e d in Flemish p a i n t i n g , see Harbison, "Visions and Meditat ions ," 100-101. 89. I b i d . , 91-95. 90. I b i d . , 93. 91. Ib id . 92. Sixten Ringbom, "Devotional Images and Imaginative Devotions: Notes on the Place of Art in Late Medieval Pr ivate P i e t y , " Gazette _ § § _ B e a u x _ A r t s , 6th s e r . , 73 (1969): 163-64. Ringbom's book EC2S_I__Q__9__iCCi_i.ye l arge ly bui lds on the ideas that were developed in th i s a r t i c l e . Certa in aspects, however, such as the v i s ions of J u l i a n of Norwich and Catharine of Genoa receive reduced treatment. 93. I b i d . , 162. Though Catherine of Genoa was not in fact a nun, she followed the l i f e s t y l e of the ascet ic r e l i g i o u s by wearing a p e n i t e n t i a l hair s h i r t , s leeping on a bed of thorns, praying for six hours a day, fa s t ing and, in sp i te of a husband, becoming a c e l i b a t e . 88 Hi lda Graef, I h e _ S t g r y _ g £ _ M y s t i c i s m (New York: Doubleday and C o . , Inc . , 1965!, 222-257 94. Ringbom, "Devotional Images," 161-64. 95. Marita Horster provides an extensive discuss ion of the ear ly f i f t eenth century Tuscan iconographic nucleus. Horster , 151-56. 96. I b i d . , 155. 97. Panofsky, "Imago P i e t a t i s , " 294. 98. U l r i c h Middeldorf dates the r e l i e f at 1439. Middeldorf , 288. 99. The "Anima C h r i s t i " was promulgated by John XXII in 1330 at Avignon and c a l l e d for an evocation of the "Man of Sorrows" during the Elevat ion of Offer ings and before Communion. Col in E i s l e r has suggested that the indulgence, which e s s e n t i a l l y required a re-enactment of the Gregorian Mass, was the o r i g i n of the v i sua l assoc iat ion of the "Man of Sorrows" with "a s p e c i f i c a l l y euchar i s t i c content." E i s l e r , Part II , 237. 100. I b i d . , 238. 101. Harbison maintains that , at least in Flanders , the focussing of devotional zeal "seems to have remained somewhat outside of the c l e r g y ' s grasp since i t was not trans lated into f a i t h f u l attendance at mass." Harbison, review of Ihe_Altar_and_the_Altarpiece , 222. Harbison's d iscuss ion stressed the idea that church imagery was focussed on the v i v i d and comprehendab1e v i s u a l i z a t i o n of Church dogma as opposed to the complex symbolism of abstract theo log ica l concepts. Harbison's work jo ins that of James Marrow in a movement toward the recons iderat ion of northern imagery, which has t r a d i t i o n a l l y been considered a f r u i t f u l . f i e l d for elaborate symbolic i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s , in terms of the r e a l i t i e s of contemporary devotion. See James H. Marrow, "Symbol and Meaning in Northern European Art of the Late Middle Ages and the Ear ly Renaissance," Simiglus 16 no. 2/3 (1985): 150-69 and Craig Harbison, "Response to James Marrow," Si.mi.glus 16 no. 2/3 (1985): 170-72. 102. Franc i s Clark discusses f i f t e e n t h century Cathol ic i sm as "a theology of mediation and p a r t i c i p a t i o n " where the e u c h a r i s t i c s a c r i f i c e "provides for a created r e a l i t y to mediate to men God's sa lutary act ion" and "allows for an act ive sharing by men in the dispensation of God's grace." Franc is C l a r k , 105-6. As Clark points out, i t was the s a c r i f i c i a l nature of the Mass that wass most vehemently attacked in the Reformation because of the enormous power that i t placed in the hands of the c l ergy . I b i d . , 99-115. 103. Joseph Jungmann notes that "to look at the sacred Host at the e levat ion became for many in the la ter Middle Ages the b e - a l l and end-a l l of Mass devot ion." Jungmann c i t e s records of lawsuits that were 89 i n i t i a t e d in order to obtain a better view o-f the a l t a r as well as the common prac t i ce of running from church to church to see the e levat ion of the Host as many times as poss ib le . Jungmann, 1: 120-21. 104. Yngve B r i l i o t h notes that the doctr ine of t ransubs tant ia t ion provided the e s sent ia l stimulus for the Cult of the Reserved Sacrament in that i t encouraged an understanding of the Host as "the abode of Divine presence." In th i s sense, worship was not neces sar i ly l imi ted to the Mass s e r v i c e . B r i l i o t h , 87. For a discuss ion of miracle Hosts, see Jungmann, 1:119. 105. Roehrig Kaufmann, 100. 106. Hans Caspary notes that i t was Durandus von Mende who described the pyx as an "imitat io" of the Ark of the Covenant. Caspary, 5 § § _ S a k r a _ e n t s t a b e r n a k e l . , 96. 107. Roehrig Kaufmann, 9, 88-89. 108. Innocent III decreed in 1215 that the consecrated Host be kept under lock and key "ne poss i t ad i l i a temeraria manus extendi ad a l iqua h o r r i b i l i a et n e f a r i a exercenda." Honorius III (1215-1227) demanded that storage be "in loco s i n g u l a r i , mundo et s ignato, semper honor i f i ce c o l l a c a t a , devote et f i d e l i t e r . " Quoted in Caspary, "Kult und Aufbewahrung," 113. 109. For a d iscuss ion of the Temple of Solomon a l l u s i o n , see Caspary, Das_Sakramenstabernakel, 96. 110. Jack Fre iberg discusses the Solomaic form of the tabernacle as a v i s u a l i z a t i o n of the concept of "tabernaculum dei" or God's sanctuary on earth . Jack F r e i b e r g , T_he_Hguse_gf__he_LgrdL_Ma_acc_g_s_"Trin_ty" and_Tabe.rnacle.s_gf_th______ament, unpublished paper presented as part of the F r i c k Symposium, 1975. F r e i b e r g ' s idea i s supported by the research of Samuel Edgerton which focuses on the v i sua l representat ion of a r t i f i c i a l e d i f i c e s that are described in S c r i p t u r e . In his a r t i c l e on the Annunciat ion, Edgerton discusses the Temple of Ezekie l and the fa sc ina t ion that i t and s i m i l a r B i b l i c a l s tructures held for both the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. Samuel Edgerton, "'Mensurare temporalia f a c i t Geometria s p i r i t u a l i s ' : Some Fi f teenth Century I t a l i a n Notions about Where and When the Annunciation Happened," in Studies i D _ L § t § _ M e d i e v a l _ a n d _ R e n a i s s a n c ed. I. Lavin and J . Plummer (New York: New York Univers i ty Press, 1977), 115-30. 111. Caspary, Das_Sakramentstabernakel., 97-101. 112. Staale Sinding-Larsen describes the De l ia Robbia tabernacle in Santa Maria at Pereto la as an example of the c e l e s t i a l a l t a r being represented as the dead C h r i s t . S inding-Larsen sees the Angel -Pieta as funct ioning with the image of God the Father and that of the Holy S p i r i t 90 as a T r i n i t y which cons t i tu tes the c e l e s t i a l scene. In i t s l oca t ion on the " s p o r t e l l o , " the cross-bearing Chr i s t shedding blood into a cha l i ce does not play a part in the heavenly s a c r i f i c e . S inding-Larsen , 102, n. 3. 113. Maurice Cope notes that although the movement toward re loca t ion of the e u c h a r i s t i c storage compartment was given spec ia l impetus in the s ixteenth century, so lu t ions were being sought in Florence and Venice even before the middle of the f i f t eenth century. Maurice Cope, "The Venetian Chapel of the Sacrament in the Sixteenth Century: A Study in the Iconography of the Ear ly Counter-Reformation" (Ph. D. d i s s . , Un ivers i ty of Chicago, 1965), 18. 114. I b i d . , 18-25. 115. Middeldorf , 279-80. ll ib. For a d iscuss ion of the increas ing assoc ia t ion of the s a c r i f i c i a l Chr i s t with the idea of v i c t o r y over death in the f i f t eenth century, see Caspary, Das_Sakramentstabernakel, 99-101. 117. Cope observes that after mid-century in I ta ly the p i c t o r i a l types of the bleeding Chr i s t and the r i sen Chr i s t were seen in c lose assoc ia t ion and that "it i s d i f f i c u l t to draw a c lear l i n e of separat ion ." He notes: "When Vecchiet ta made a Risen Chr i s t for his own tomb in S. Maria d e l l a Sca la , he copied his own Chris t with the Cross in the Duomo, repeating the f igure exact ly except that he placed under His feet the serpent with Chr i s t conquered. And when Benedetto da Maiano carved his tabernacle of the Sacrament for S. Domenico in Siena in the mid-14703, he modelled the s tructure on Vecch ie t ta ' s inc lud ing the f igure of Chr i s t at the top, but he changed the Chr i s t into the Risen C h r i s t , carry ing his banner." Cope, 78. 118. Marita Horster has observed that the juxtapos i t ion of the Chr i s t f igure against the r i c h l y patterned f loor suggests the idea of "den i s o l i e r t e n Gottmenschen." Horster , 155. 119. F r e i b e r g , Ihe_Hguse_of_the_Lord. 120. Ib id . 121. Judging from the published abs trac t , Co l in E i s l e r ' s ta lk at the C . A . A . in 1980 dealt with the idea that devotional p r a c t i c e s , which produced an increas ing focusing on the Host, may be re la ted to the advent of one-point perspect ive . Co l in E i s l e r , Perspectiye_gn_the i y _ b § t _ _ _ _ _ ! _ _ Q _ _ _ _ _ _ b _ _ _ Q _ _ _ b paper presented as part o f . the College Art Assoc iat ion Conference, New Orleans, 1980. 122. The p a r t i c u l a r power of perspect ive as a conveyor of sacred meaning had been developing in other contexts in the f i f t e en th century. Research has pointed to Domenico Veneziano's St . Lucy a l t a r p i e c e , for 91 example, where the perspect ive s tructure was s p e c i f i c a l l y a l tered in order to focus on the V i r g i n ' s womb as the es sent ia l point from which a l l else emanates. Samuel Edgerton also discusses the perspect ive in the St. Lucy Annunciation as funct ioning in a s i g n i f i c a n t way by focussing the viewer's glance on the symbolic "porta clausa" in the background. Edgerton, "Mensurare temporal ia ," Fre iberg sees the potent devotional charge that i s effected in the perspective of Masaccio's T r i n i t y as a centra l reason for the adoption of the technique by tabernacle s c u l p t o r s . Fre iberg , House_of_the_Lord. 123. Harbison, "Visions and Meditat ions ," 110-11. 124. The Mass i t s e l f had been understood since the Middle Ages as an enactment of the "sacred drama" of C h r i s t ' s Passion. Danielou, 127-47 and Hardison, 35-79. 125. George Kernodle, From_Art_to_Theatre__For__and_Cgnyent_on L D . _ t i l i_RiQai55ance (Chicago: Univers i ty of Chicago Press, 1944), 24. 126. Ib id . 127. Ringbom places the Petrus Chris tus image within the t r a d i t i o n of dynastic p o r t r a i t u r e in that the curtained aperture resembles a royal box. Ringbom, Icgn_tg__arrati_ve_ 52. CHAPTER THREE CHRIST-CENTRED PIETY IN VENICE AFTER MID-CENTURY By the second half of the f i f t e en th century, C h r i s t ' s s a c r i f i c e , and immolation was a centra l focus of Venetian p i e ty . The many elements of physical su f fer ing as well as the mystical dimensions of s a c r i f i c e had become important emphases in r e l i g i o u s devotion. The d e t a i l s of C h r i s t ' s martyrdom and the mystery of his dual nature existed by th i s period as p i e t i s t i c in teres t s that contained a strong contemporary relevance. Their s i g n i f i c a n c e transcended the r e l i g i o u s sphere and permeated many aspects of Venetian l i f e . Through the course of the second half of the century, p a r t i c u l a r events in northern I ta ly pushed the components of C h r i s t ' s s a c r i f i c e into a pos i t ion of even greater prominence within both the pr ivate and publ ic realms. The i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n produced both a heightened awareness of the aspects of s a c r i f i c e and an increased in teres t in exploring and def in ing i t s many dimensions. Venetian in teres t in the tangible and mystical aspects of C h r i s t ' s s a c r i f i c e i s evidenced by the ear ly and pervasive establishment in the c i t y of devotion to the Euchar i s t . The i n i t i a t i o n in Venice of the Corpus C h r i s t i f e s t i v a l in 1295, the founding of a church in honour 92 o-f the Sacrament in 1366 and the in troduct ion o-f the s t a t e - d i r e c t e d Corpus C h r i s t i procession in 1407 with annual state regulat ion by 1440 represent some o-f the e a r l i e s t instances of organised devotion to the Eucharis t in I t a l y . * By the mid- f i f teenth century, devotion to the Sacrament had been systematized and expanded to inc lude . e laborate r i t u a l and ceremony that was guided by the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of both Church and State . The complexity that had become embedded within the euchar i s t i c r i t u a l i s evidenced in S inding-Larsen ' s account of the Bood Friday ceremonies at San Marco, one day in the complicated r i t u a l i s t i c spectacle of Holy Week. They begin in the morning with the adoration of the cross on the part of the doge, the ambassadors "et t u t t i " present in the presbytery, whereupon everyone s t a r t i n g with the doge, k iss the r e l i c of the Holy Thorn. In the afternoon, San Marco i s the scene of the Bur ia l r i t e s . THe f ive most important scuole next to that of San M a r c o . . . assemble in the porch just outside the Porta media. Chanting and with burning candles they wait here for the a r r i v a l of the Holy Sacrament. After a stop "ante januam s a c r a r i i " (the Tesoro) , i t i s brought upon a ' f e r e t r o ' by the c l ergy , the government and Scuola di San Marco. A black canopy has been raised over the Sacrament, and the procession moves out into the Piazza through the Porta d e l l a c a r t a . After three ha l t s in the Piazza , the procession re-enters the church through the central west door. The f ive f irs t -ment ioned scuole remain standing just outside the in terna l main door, while the rest proceed towards the cross ing with the Sacrament. Having arr ived at t h i s point , they make a halt and turn so as to face the Chapel of St . Is idore in the north transept . In the meantime, the "Sepulchre", a g i l t and box- l ike s t ruc ture , has been placed in the wall niche to the r ight of the a l t a r of St . I s i d o r e . . . . To the chanting of the 'Flectuamus genua' and the 'Cum autem venisset ad locum', a pr i e s t l i f t s the Sacrament from the b i e r , blesses those standing by with i t and then c a r r i e s i t into the chapel and places i t in the sepulchre. Mow fol lows a remarkable ceremony. The c a n c e l l i e r grande removes the signet r ing from the doge's f inger and hands i t to the p r i e s t , who has returned to the group waiting in the cros s ing . The p r i e s t again enters the chapel and seals the closed Sepulchre with the r i n g ; t h i s bears the i n s c r i p t i o n 'Voluntas ducis ' C h r i s t ' s tomb i s thus o f f i c i a l l y authent icated. F i n a l l y , the Sepulchre is covered with the "cloth with the dead^Christ upon i t " , that i s to say, with the Byzantine e p i t a p h i o n . . 94 Binding-Larsen ' s descr ip t ion h i g h l i g h t s the Venetian experience of the Eucharist as a p i e t i s t i c composite. Tangible remnants of C h r i s t ' s Passion were used to convey the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the Sacrament with v i v i d immediacy. The Holy Thorn, the Sepulchre and the Bur ia l Cloth not only provided emblematic touchstones for the events of the h i s t o r i c a l Passion, but existed as important foc i for the theme of su f fer ing and s a c r i f i c e . Further , the descr ip t ion reveals the al1-encompass!ng nature of e u c h a r i s t i c p iety in Venice where every facet of organized soc iety played a r o l e . The Church, the State and the pr ivate scuol.e were a l l s i g n i f i c a n t p a r t i c i p a n t s in the sacramental r i t u a l . The Euchar i s t , ceremoniously brought through the domains of state church and publ ic p iazza , was connected to a l l realms of soc ie ty . The spec ia l ro le of the doge in the ceremonies suggests that the Eucharis t had more than a r e l i g i o u s s i g n i f i c a n c e within Venetian cul ture of the per iod . In p a r t i c u l a r , the v a l i d a t i o n of the mystery through the r i t u a l of the signet r ing provided a s p e c i f i c alignment with the s tate . Further , the doge was l inked with C h r i s t ' s s a c r i f i c e in other contexts through the medium of c i v i c r i t u a l . At Easter , the doge impersonated Chr i s t in the dramatization of the stages of the Pass ion ." Both the s a c r i f i c e of Chr i s t and i t s mystical r e p e t i t i o n were s trongly associated with the Venetian s ta te . Devotion to the Sacrament, through i t s powerful ducal a s soc ia t ions , was imbued with a strong contemporary relevance that transcended the r e l i g i o u s sphere. In Venice in the second half of the f i f t e en th century, the l i t u r g i c a l experience of the Sacrament was also the experience of community. 95 At the same time, Venice was highly recept ive to the new currents of p iety that were emerging within the context of pr iva te devotions. T r a d i t i o n a l l y , the c i t y had maintained a measured independence in r e l a t i o n to the papacy that was marked by a cool but diplomatic respect . Since the f a l l of Constantinople in 1204, Venice had fostered a p a r t i c u l a r self- image as the true heir to the C h r i s t i a n Empire. Byzantine treasures incorporated into c i v i c and r e l i g i o u s l i f e 4 confirmed the claims to Venetian c i t i z e n s . S i m i l a r l y , Venice 's equa l i ty to the papacy was stressed in the new "his tor ies" of the c i t y that began to emerge. Events such as the Doge's mediation between the Emperor and the Pope were g l o r i f i e d in o f f i c i a l l i t e r a t u r e and art and touted as proof of Venice's equal i ty to Rome.^ Through the f i f t e en th century, tensions increased in Venice 's r e l a t i o n s with Rome. The Venetian government demanded f u l l control over churches in Venice, r e j e c t i n g papal interference in c o l l e c t i n g church taxes and appointing c l ergy . In the l a t t e r part of the century, Venice was in d i r e c t c o n f l i c t with the papal s tates over the c i t y ' s po l i cy of annexing t e r r i t o r y on the mainland. At the same time, the c i t y was in competition with the papal port of Ancona over commercial trade in the A d r i a t i c . ^ Venice's h i s t o r i c a l independence from papal control was strengthened by the se l f - conta ined nature of her i n s t i t u t i o n a l framework. The scuole and c o n f r a t e r n i t i e s , organizat ions that provided important r e l i g i o u s and soc ia l d i r e c t i v e s , had been es tabl i shed in Venice at an ear ly date. Through the second half of the f i f t e en th century they gained in both number and i n f l u e n c e . 7 At the same time, the i n s t i t u t i o n of the state existed as the c i v i c author i ty that brought 96 the important events o-f the r e l i g i o u s calendar to the populous through the medium o-f s tate ceremony and r i t u a l . The r e l i g i o u s devotions of Venetian c i t i z e n s not only operated at arm's length from papal d i c t a t e s , but were i n t r i c a t e l y shaped by the i n s t i t u t i o n a l weave of Venetian soc i e ty . In the f i f t e en th century, the mendicant orders had become strongly es tabl i shed in Venice, adapting the ir pos i t ion well to the i n s t i t u t i o n a l organizat ion of Venetian l i f e . In many respects , they had become i n t e g r a l l y l inked with the s tate . They performed o f f i c i a l funct ions within Venice and acted as state representat ives in r e l a t i o n s with other 9 governments. Acceptance.of the mendicants as important components in the Venetian system suggests a recogni t ion of the i r l eg i t imacy . Further , i t implies a sanct ioning of the mendicant type of s p i r i t u a l i t y in a r e l i g i o u s c l imate that was already removed from the d ic ta tes of papal c o n t r o l . The environment provided both firm foundations and a recept ive atmosphere for the emerging pr ivate p ie ty . The d i f f u s i o n of Venetian pr ivate meditative prac t i ce was given impetus by the wide a v a i l a b i l i t y of devotional l i t e r a t u r e within the c i t y . After mid-century, with the development of the p r i n t i n g press in Germany, large numbers of devotional books found the ir way into nearby Venice. A s trongly establ ished German community in the c i t y provided an immediate market for the works. Further , commercial i n t e r a c t i o n s between Venice and the north had i n t e n s i f i e d with the s h i f t in Venetian p o l i t i c a l and economic in teres t toward the Terraf irma. Esca la t ing trade contributed to an increas ing a c c e s s i b i l i t y to the pr inted mater ia l . With the expansion of firm trade r e l a t i o n s to Flanders , an even wider 97 var i e ty of devotional l i t e r a t u r e became a v a i l a b l e to Venetians. **"' By 1460, the p r i n t i n g industry had begun to funct ion in Venice i t s e l f . * * In addi t ion to a recept ive German presence, Venice offered the foreign p r i n t e r a secure government, port f a c i l i t i e s for 12 d i s t r i b u t i o n , cheap eastern paper and inexpensive sea c a r r i a g e . i larcantonio S a b e l l i c o stated in his h i s tory of Venice that p r i n t i n g began in I ta ly during the reign of Malpiero between 1457 and 1462. He s ingled out Nicholas Jenson, a German-trained Frenchman, as one of the e a r l i e s t p r i n t e r s in V e n i c e . * J While the dates of the e a r l i e s t pub l i ca t ions remain under question, Jenson i s known to have published a 14 ser ies of devotional works at least by 1471. The types of devotional works that were published in the c i t y in the period suggest that Chr i s t was a centra l focus of Venetian meditat ions. Further , the emphasis seems to have been on the empathic and a f f e c t i v e experience of devotion. Leonardas G e r u l a i t i s has observed that the majority of authors "were representat ives of C h r i s t i a n mysticism." The most popular works were those of Thomas a Kempis, St . Bernard, St . Bonaventure and Henry Suso.*^ Kempis' "Imitatio C h r i s t i " was the most frequent ly published work. It appeared often in both Lat in and I t a l i a n , suggesting an in teres t on the part of both c l e r i c a l and lay groups a l i k e . * ^ In addi t ion to the "Imitatio C h r i s t i , " Bonaventure's "Meditatione v i tae C h r i s t i " responded to a c h r i s t o c e n t r i c piety in which the tangib le aspects of C h r i s t ' s su f f er ing and an empathic involvement are emphasized. The presence of Suso, the only German mystic whose devotions focussed almost exc lus ive ly on C h r i s t , suggests the existence of a highly emotional dimension. There was a demand for the a f f e c t i v e 98 and v i s ionary encounter with C h r i s t . Passion t r a c t s gained an enormous popular i ty through the course of the second part of the century. As discussed in Chapter Two, they had become compelling and graphic accounts of C h r i s t ' s torments by t h i s per iod . Works such as Domenico Cavalca 's "Zardino de O r a t i o n , " published in Venice l a t er in the century, provide an i n d i c a t i o n of the type of i n t r i c a t e and emotional meditative experience that was sought by many Venetian devotees. Calvaca f i r s t urges the reader to imagine in d e t a i l the s p e c i f i c locat ions of the Passion inc luding the c i t y and the various places where the events took place . Next, the reader i s to v i s u a l i z e the i n d i v i d u a l p a r t i c i p a n t s in the event and f i n a l l y , When you have done a l l t h i s , putt ing a l l your imagination into i t , then go into your chamber. Alone and s o l i t a r y , excluding every external thought from your mind, s tar t th inking of the beginning of the Passion, s t a r t i n g with how Jesus entered Jerusalem on the ass. Moving slowly from episode to episode, meditate on each one, dwell ing on each s ing le stage and step of the s tory . And i f at any point you feel a sensation of p i e t y , stop^ do not pass on as long as that sweet and devout sentiment l a s t s . . . The character of devotional l i t e r a t u r e that was present in Venice in the period suggests that Venetian meditations on Chr i s t were highly empathic in nature, a f f ec t ing and at times encouraging to v i s i o n s . Pr ivate devotions focussed on the minute d e t a i l s of suf fer ing that were often presented with magnified in tens i ty through the medium of graphic descr i pt i on. Of the many aspects of C h r i s t ' s s a c r i f i c e and suf fer ing that found expression in Venetian piety in the per iod , i t was the blood of Chr i s t that came to exis t as one of the most powerful and obsessive devotional focuses. C h r i s t ' s blood had t r a d i t i o n a l l y held a pos i t ion of profound 99 importance in both the r e l i g i o u s and p o l i t i c a l l i f e o-f Venice. The idea o-f blood in general had strong impl i ca t ions in Venetian soc iety where heredi ty , or b lood l ines , remained the determining -factor for status and p o s i t i o n . Physical s a c r i f i c e - or the act of shedding blood - was a very real aspect of l i f e in a republ ic whose vast trade routes and land holdings had to be constantly defended. Since the th ir teenth century, the blood of Chr i s t had occupied a prime devotional pos i t ion in Venice. Blood r e l i c s , along with a host of c h r i s t o l o g i c a l r e l i c s from Byzantium, had been acquired in great numbers by Venetian churches due to the c i t y ' s l oca t ion as point of entry from 18 the east. Veneration of Chr i s t r e l i c s in general contr ibuted to an increas ing focus of piety on the s p e c i f i c tangible facts of C h r i s t ' s martyrdom, feeding the growing fa sc ina t ion in the graphic d e t a i l s of s u f f e r i n g . The blood, as a rare r e l i c of C h r i s t ' s phys ica l remains and as the concrete embodiment of the mystical aspects associated with 19 C h r i s t ' s blood, was an e s p e c i a l l y revered a r t i c l e of f a i t h . ' In San Marco, the blood r e l i c was given a pos i t ion of spec ia l devotional prominence. From the th ir teenth century, when i t was given miraculous s tatus , the blood was placed in a r a i s e d , central pos i t ion in the a l tar d i sp lay of r e l i c s . The elevated devotional s tature was maintained through the f i f t e en th century in the state church and continued for at least two hundred years m o r e . ^ Like other eastern r e l i c s , blood r e l i c s served to enhance Venice's claims as the heir to the C h r i s t i a n Imperial Empire by providing tangible connections to the east. The blood, however, was more s p e c i f i c a l l y l inked with the temporal powers of Venice and became 100 s trongly imbued with c i v i c a s soc ia t ions . As ear ly as the th ir teenth century, the blood's p ivo ta l pos i t ion in the San Marco a l t a r d i sp lay was v i s u a l l y reproduced in a r e l i e f plaque. The plaque image brought the assemblage out of the church where i t was converted into a force fu l propagation of Venetian state power. In Debra Pincus' words, the plaque conveyed the message of "a Venice f o r t i f i e d by C h r i s t o l o g i c a l and 21 Imperial r e l i c s . " In th i s case, C h r i s t ' s blood both bolstered Venetian might and became f i rmly l inked to the s tate . Alignment to the state was perfected in a more d i rec t form, however, through the spectacle of state r i t u a l where an assoc ia t ion was forged with no less a personnage than the doge. At cer ta in Holy Week serv ices , the doge l i t e r a l l y "clothed" himself in C h r i s t ' s blood by donning the "corrucc io ," a red garment symbolic of the blood shed at the 22 C r u c i f i x i o n . The extreme s i g n i f i c a n c e of C h r i s t ' s blood in Venice, where sacred and p o l i t i c a l powers intertwined, had by the f i f t eenth century become ingrained in Venetian cu l ture through the systematic r e p e t i t i o n of r i t u a l and d i s p l a y . It was in the second half of the century, however, as a re su l t of events focussed in Mantua, that the t r a d i t i o n a l concept of blood received a renewed vigour and expanded meaning. In northern I t a l y , in teres t in the blood of Chr i s t reached a highpoint during the 14_0's. The blood achieved both an elevated p r o f i l e and a dynamic contemporary s i g n i f i c a n c e . The heightened prominence of C h r i s t ' s blood was in large part the re su l t of s t ra teg i c papal maneuvers focussed on the reasser t ion of the papacy's power and the organizat ion of a massive western offensive against the Turks. The 101 e f f o r t s of Pius II , the "Euchar is t i c Pope," centred p r i m a r i l y in Mantua at th i s moment, thrust the blood of Chr i s t into the areas of contemporary power s truggles . Hi s tor ians have long noted that the key motivating factor behind the Mantuan Congress and the proposed Turkish Crusade was Pius II ' s des ire to reassert the authori ty of the pope that had been softened by the e a r l i e r c o n c i l i a r movements. Gathering the western powers under the leadership of the Pope against the ult imate r e l i g i o u s enemy would cons t i tu te the supreme statement of the absolute author i ty of the 23 papacy." At the same time, h a r d - l i n e t a c t i c s against heresy and potent ia l schisms became an important part of Pius ' in terna l of fensive focussed on the a f f i rmat ion of papal supremacy. In both cases, the blood of Chr i s t was a focal component that functioned in the serv ice of P ius ' aims. At Mantua, where the r u l e r s of Europe were to assemble for the Congress in 1459, the c i t y ' s renowned blood r e l i c was centred cut by the Pope for force fu l recogn i t ion . In 1459, the r e l i c was displayed in an elaborate Ascension Day procession by d i r e c t order of the Pope. In the same year Pius made a pi lgrimage to Gradaro, the al leged martyr place of 24 Longinus who was bel ieved to have brought the r e l i c to the c i t y . The fo l lowing year, under Pius ' i n s t r u c t i o n s , the head of Andrew, a key f igure in the eleventh century recovery of the blood r e l i c , was brought 25 to the West from Patras ." Papal in teres t in the r e l i c and the components of i t s mythology seems to have been a s p e c i f i c propagandist ic focus in view of the impending Congress at Mantua. The Mantuan r e l i c that was dramat ica l ly 102 d i s t inguished by the papacy had a long t r a d i t i o n of r u l e r veneration 26 among Europe's leading powers. It was also of strong c i v i c importance in Mantua where the r u l i n g Gonzaga associated themselves with the blood 27 and i t s attendant power. *" Pius ' act ions in effect pos i t ioned the papacy in the ro l e of venerating r u l e r , an assoc iat ion that placed the Pope's power in the temporal league. Papal focus on the blood did not, however, stop at the blood r e l i c . In 1462, Pius overturned an e a r l i e r c o n c i l i a r dec i s ion that allowed lay d i s t r i b u t i o n of the c h a l i c e in cer ta in regions and forbade 28 lay contact with the blood through a l l of Christendom. The act ion served both as a r e j e c t i o n of c o n c i l i a r authori ty and as an assert ion of the profound sacredness of the cha l i c e and the blood of C h r i s t . In the same year, Catharine of Siena, one of the most renowned blood mystics , was ra ised to the l eve l of sainthood and, in a spectacular Corpus C h r i s t i procession at V i terbo , over which Pius pres ided, the theme of 29 C h r i s t ' s blood formed one of the most s i g n i f i c a n t emphases. P ius ' a t tent ion to the blood of Chr i s t and his assert ion of i t s s i g n i f i c a n c e served to in t ens i fy an already awakened in teres t in northern I ta ly that escalated into an almost obsessive f a s c i n a t i o n . Reactivated through i t s placement in a dynamic context of contemporary events, the blood became a focus whose sanct i ty and mystery had a powerful existence in the present. In Venice, where the blood had a t r a d i t i o n a l l y strong importance, the new wave of o f f i c i a l l y sanctioned blood fa sc ina t ion gave a dramatic boost to an already complex devotion that combined sacred and c i v i c forces . The heightening of in teres t in the blood of Chr i s t produced a 103 highly s ens i t i zed cl imate that in some sectors was p o t e n t i a l l y explos ive . The i n i t i a t i o n of the Holy Blood dispute at Bresc ia in 1462 appears to have been the resu l t of a ca lcu la ted move. Bresc ia , a northern I t a l i a n c i t y in the midst of post-Congress blood fasc ina t ion and the seat of the Dominican I n q u i s i t o r , was a loca t ion that assured a vehement react ion to a Franciscan r e v i v a l of the touchy question of the d i v i n i t y of C h r i s t ' s blood. In f a c t , the Franciscan challenge sparked a b i t t e r confrontat ion that resul ted in phys ica l i n j u r i e s and near death for the Inquisi t o r . J * In Venice, where the f i rmly es tabl i shed mendicants vied for power in close quarters , the blood dispute produced an outpouring of t r e a t i s e s and sermons on the subject . They both h ighl ighted and gave expanded d e f i n i t i o n to the many aspects of C h r i s t ' s sacr i f i c e . As impassioned preachers focussed Venetian in teres t on the s i g n i f i c a n t components of C h r i s t ' s s a c r i f i c e , mendicant theologians attempted to come to i n t e l l e c t u a l terms with the f iner aspects of blood theology. At Udine, the issue was explored by the Dominican pr ior Leonardo Mattei da Udine (d. 1469) in his t r e a t i s e e n t i t l e d "Tractatus 32 M i r a b i l i s De Sanguine C h r i s t i In Triduo Mortis Ef fuso ." Domenico Domenichi, the bishop of T o r c e l l o and Murano who had been the prime Dominican p a r t i c i p a n t in the debate in Rome, both wrote on the subject and preached extens ive ly throughout the c i t y of V e n i c e . ^ Domenichi's propos i t ions , which were strongly rooted in the Dominican defense, served to underscore the d i v i n i t y of C h r i s t ' s shed blood through i t s 34 alignment with the sacred transubstant iated blood of the c h a l i c e . The e u c h a r i s t i c connection had also been put for th at Mantua where the 104 Carmelite P ie tro de Nuvolaria had equated the -function of the blood r e l i c with an enticement toward e u c h a r i s t i c grace. In his t r e a t i s e , "de sanguine Jesu c h r i s t i qui est Mantuae", the monk dec lared, Accedi te , ergo f iddes , accedite ad earn: et emundamini: accedite et fecundamini consequenter: accedite et i n e b r i a m i n i . Ut autem inebriamini vere sgnguinem meracissiumum da c e l l a carnis sue idem Chris tus effudit ."' The ef fect of the Holy Blood Controversy in Venice was to further accentuate the s p e c i f i c aspects of C h r i s t ' s s a c r i f i c e , making them focal and prominent i s sues . Further , i t extended the l i n e of quest ioning, r e f i n i n g minute aspects and adding i n t e l l e c t u a l dimensions that provided a f u l l e r understanding of the meaning of C h r i s t ' s death. The re su l t of the process of i n t e l 1 e c t u a l i z a t i o n was to forge a l ink between the Eucharis t and the blood that had at times been unclear . Both the blood of Chr i s t and the Sacrament came to be understood as a sacred composite that through mutual support served to explain C h r i s t ' s s a c r i f i c e and underl ine i t s profound s i g n i f i c a n c e . As theologians wrestled with the issue of C h r i s t ' s blood, inquiry into C h r i s t ' s s a c r i f i c e was taken in d i f f e r e n t d i r e c t i o n s by other i n t e l l e c t u a l s . During the second half of the f i f t eenth century, Venice became establ i shed as one of the major European centres for humanistic textual scholarship and h e l l e n i s t i c s t u d i e s . ^ The esca la t ion of humanistic a c t i v i t y in Venice was given strong impetus by the establishment of the p r i n t i n g press in the c i t y which offered high typographical standards combined with informed textual s e l ec t ion by p r i n t e r s who were often d i s t inguished scholars t h e m s e l v e s . ^ Scholarship was further enhanced by the large presence of Cretan 105 scholars who could t rans la te and advise . It was given further impetus through Venice 's c lose connection with the u n i v e r s i t y town of Padua which was an i n t e l l e c t u a l centre that was renowned through Europe. Cardinal Bessar ion's bequeath of an extensive c o l l e c t i o n of Greek codices in 1468 functioned both as an important research base for 38 Venetian scholars and a drawing card for foreign inte l lec tuals ."" One of the most important avenues of humanistic inves t i ga t ion in Venice was the l i n k i n g of ideas inherent in c l a s s i c a l l i t e r a t u r e with 39 concepts in contemporary C h r i s t i a n rel igion."" The f igure of C h r i s t , and in p a r t i c u l a r his s a c r i f i c e , was an important focus for Venetian humanists who saw the study of a n t i q u i t y and the apprehension of comparable truths in d i f f erent r e l i g i o n s as a means of g iv ing universa l v e r i t y to the message of C h r i s t . In the words of Ermolao Barbaro, one of Venice 's most d i s t inguished humanist scho lars , "duos agnosco dominos, 40 Christum et l i t t e r a s " . Within the context of a r i s i n g in teres t in knowing, expla ining and experiencing C h r i s t ' s s a c r i f i c e in a l l of i t s many aspects, Venetian humanism of the second half of the f i f t e en th century contributed an i n t e l l e c t u a l component that presented the s a c r i f i c e from yet another angle. Antique pre f igurat ions and p a r a l l e l s to the C h r i s t i a n s a c r i f i c e es tabl i shed C h r i s t ' s death as the one, true s a c r i f i c e to which the essent ia l truths of a l l previous cu l tures were u l t imate ly l i n k e d . The humanist movement, which took hold so dramat ica l ly in Venice in the l a t t e r half of the century, provided an i n t e l l e c t u a l extension of the meaning of C h r i s t ' s s a c r i f i c e that expanded and enriched an already complex Venetian conception. NOTES 1. Caspary, "Kult und Aufbewahrung," n. 5, 105, 108. 2. S ind ing-Larsen , 214-16. 3. Edward Muir also observes that the feasts of the r e l i g i o u s calendar were celebrated throughout the year through the medium of c i v i c ceremony. Edward Muir, Ci_yi _________________ 5sance__e__ce (Princeton: Princeton Univers i ty Press, 19Bn, 212-219. 4. Otto Demus discusses the incorporat ion of Byzantine imperial and e c c l e s i a s t i c a l "spolia" into the decoration of the state church of San Marco as an informed and s e l e c t i v e process designed to e s tab l i sh Venice 's C h r i s t i a n Imperial l ineage. Otto Demus, Ihe_Church_gf_San ____9__Q_V_Q___ (Washington, D . C . : Dumbarton Oaks, 1960), 6-8. Hugo Buchtal sums up the aim of the Venetians in the decoration of San Marco in s i m i l a r terms: " . . . to arrogate themselves the p r i v i l e g e s derived from the ir se l f -appointed ro le as the d i v i n e l y proclaimed guardians of the Apost le ' s r e l i c s and as the successors of the Eastern Empire whose miserable remains they had just succeeded in e l iminat ing from the map." Hugo Buchtal , Histgria__rgia_a__St_dies_in_the_Histgry_gf_________ ________II__§_r.__i9n. (London: Warburg I n s i t i t u t e , 1971), 58. 5. For a discuss ion on the use of art in Venice as a means of v i s u a l l y confirming the myth, see P a t r i c i a F o r t i n i Brown, "Painting and History in Renaissance Venice," Ar__H__tgry 7 (Sept. 1984): 263-94. With regard to the Alexandrian cyc l e s , see I b i d . , 263-77. 6. Sarah Wilk, The___u__ture_gf _T_u__ Lg_Lgmbardg__S_ud__s__n Sguc_____n____ani.ng (New York: Garland, 1978)", 109-10. 7. The scug_e in Venice were both more act ive and wealthier than other such organizat ions elsewhere in I t a l y . S i g n i f i c a n t l y , the Companies of the Sacrament, which were mult ip le organizat ions rather than a s ing le scug_a, rose dramat ica l ly in number in the la ter f i f t eenth century providing an increas ing ly "c iv i c" existence for the Eucharis t outwside of the bounds of the Church. For a discuss ion of Companies of the Sacrament in Venice, see Cope, 270-73. 8. Maurice Cope notes that the Venetian state performed a number of t r a d i t i o n a l l y e c c l e s i a s t i c a l funct ions inc luding nominating bishops, taxing and t r y i n g c l e r i c s and rece iv ing t i t h e s . Furthermore, the state 106 107 also c o n t r o l l e d the three i n q u i s i t o r s in the c i t y with complete independence -from Rome. I b i d . , 267-68. 9. Dominicans were large ly responsible for the arrangement of funeral ceremonies for the doge and other important o f f i c i a l s of the Dominican church of BS. Giovanni e Paolo. Though i t was a common prac t i ce for the c i t y - s t a t e s to use both Franciscans and Dominicans in an o f f i c i a l capacity in conducting r e l a t i o n s with other governments, Otto Demus stresses exclus ive Dominican state involvement at an ear ly date in Venice. Demus, 13-18. 10. Ol iver Logan observes that native Venetian merchants conducted extensive trade operations with Flanders that were based on "well developed commercial and diplomatic r e l a t i o n s . " According to Logan, Venetian trade with Germany was l arge ly conducted through the German merchant community in Venice. Ol iver Logan, Culture_and_Sgc_ety_in Venice , H70_90 (London: B . T . Bats ford , L t d . , 1972)",~72T 11. For a d iscuss ion of p r i n t i n g in Venice, see Leonardas V. G e r u l a i t i s , Pr int ing_and_Publ ishing_in_Fif teenth_CenturY_Venice (Chicago: American L i b r a r y Assoc ia t ion , 1976) and Horatio F. Brown, I!l__Vene__an_Pr _nt_ng_Pre5s_ Dgcuments_for_the__gst_Part_H_therto_y__u (New York: 6.P. Putnams, 1891)". 12. Horatio Brown, 11. 13. Horatio Brown notes that the Venetian c h r o n i c l e r Marin Sanudo also described Jenson as the e a r l i e s t p r i n t e r in Venice. I b i d . , 5. 14. I b i d . , 13-15. The year 1465 i s general ly c i t ed as the e a r l i e s t date of p r i n t i n g on a press in I t a l y . Horatio Brown, however, suggests that the "Decor Puellarum," a book of i n s t r u c t i o n for young g i r l s , was published in Venice by Jenson as ear ly as 1461. (1-2). 15. G e r u l a i t i s , 104. 16. Ib id . 17. From an ed i t i on pr inted in Venice in 1494, t rans la ted and quoted in Michael Baxandal l , Paint i_g_and_Ex_erience_in_Fif teenth £ § n t u r y _ I t a l y (Oxford: Oxford Univers i ty Press, 1972), 46. 18. The Treasury of San Marco contained large numbers of eastern r e l i c s and r e l i q u a r i e s . The Treasury c o l l e c t i o n was i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y renowned and drew v i s i t o r s from a i l over Europe. Venice 's easy a c c e s s i b i l i t y to the eastern r e l i c s i s emphasized by Otto Demus' observation that c e r t a i n highly important r e l i c s were a c t u a l l y turned down by the church which did not f i t appropr ia te ly into the program of the c o l l e c t i o n . Demus, 8. 108 19. Blood r e l i c s continued to be acquired by Venetian churches in the -fifteenth century which suggests that they were an important a r t i c l e of f a i t h in the per iod . In 1479, for example, an important blood r e l i c from St. Cather ine ' s in Constantinople was brought back to Venice by Melchiore Trev i san , the commander of the Venetian f l e e t . It was given by Trevisan to the Franciscan church of Sta . Maria dei F r a r i and has remained an important focus of ceremony and process ion. G i u l i o L o r e n z e t t i , Ven_ce_and_Its_Laggon (Tr i e s t e : 1975), 593. 20. The r a i s e d , centra l pos i t ion of the blood r e l i c in the a l t a r d i sp lay i s imaged both in a th ir teenth century r e l i e f plaque on the wall of the Treasury and in a seventeenth century f r o n t i s p i e c e from G.C. Vergaro's "Racconto d e l l ' Apparato et so lenni ta f a t t a n e l l a ducal chiesa di San Marco di Venet ia ." Pincus, 44-46, 49. 21. I b i d . , 49. 22. I b i d . , 46. 23. Ludwig Pastor deals with the issue of opposit ion to papal author i ty in France and Germany. Pastor, 3:249-50. P ius ' issued the bu l l "Execrabi1ia" in 1460 which declared the absolute author i ty of the pope. C.M.D. Crowder, Unity__Her§sy_and_Reform__1378-1460__The _ Q D _ i I i § _ _ _ § § B 9 Q § i _ _ 9 _ _ b i _ _ ! I § § _ _ i _ ! ] i § _ (London: Edward Arnold , 1977), 179-8lT"~Pius aIso~published~the b u l l "Retractabi1 is" in 1463 which re tracted his pre-papal claims that the Counci ls had supremacy over the pope. Pastor, 3:283-5. 24. Horster , 163. 25. I b i d . , 164-66. Kenneth Setton observes that: "The ceremonies attending the r e l i c doubtless appealed to him (Pius) as e f f ec t ive propaganda for the crusade which had been proclaimed at Mantua." Kenneth Setton, Ihe_Papacy_and_the_Leyant_jl204_157i_ (Ph i lade lph ia : American Phi losophica l Society , 1978), 2:229. For a d iscuss ion of the episode, see also Pastor, 3:249-50 and Gabel and Gragg, "Memoirs," 185-86, 241-59. 26. Debra Pincus notes in p a r t i c u l a r that Henry III brought a port ion of the r e l i c back with him to Bohemia. Pincus, 44, n.40. 27. Ludovico Gonzaga's medal of 1475 shows a s p e c i f i c assoc ia t ion in i t s i n s c r i p t i o n which reads "Ludovicus Secondus Marchio Mantuae quam precious C h r i s t i Sanguis i l l u s t r a t . " (Ludovico, second marquis of Mantua, rendered famous by the Precious Blood of C h r i s t ) . Horster , 170-71. 28. Pastor, 3:213-39. The dec is ion became o f f i c i a l on June 16, 1464 in the bu l l "Profecturos adversus (sacrosancte r e l i g i o n e hostes) ." Kenneth Setton describes i t s contents as fo l lows: " . . . i t would be d i f f i c u l t to f ight success fu l ly the enemies of the f a i t h on the outside 109 ("foris") while being attacked by those on the ins ide ("intus"). Heresy, which bred schisms, was not less per i lous and detestable than the damnable perf idy of the Turks. The l a t t e r could only slay bodies; the here t i c s destroyed souls ." Betton, 2:294. 29. With regard to the canonisat ion of St . Catharine , see Pastor, 3:290-93. For Pius ' descr ip t ion of the Viterbo feast and process ion, see Gabel and Gragg, "Memoirs," 264-69. 30. Lea, 2:171. 31. The dispute was i n i t i a t e d by Jacopo d e l l a Marca (1416-1476), a Franciscan Observant preacher whose pronouncement in a sermon that the blood shed at the C r u c i f i x i o n was not d iv ine was challeneged by a Dominican f r i a r named Bapt i s ta . The inc ident was reported to the Dominican I n q u i s i t o r , Giacomo da B r e s c i a , who demanded a d i sc la imer but Jacopo rejected the request and was formal ly charged with heresy. In the b i t t e r publ ic confrontat ion that fol lowed, a number of people were injured and the Inqui s i tor stated l a t e r that he was lucky to escape with his l i f e . The Bishop of Bresc ia , who was forced to intervene in an e f for t to restore order, obtained a withdrawal of the summons and referred the subject to P ius ' in Rome. Lea, 2:172-73. 32. Noted by Horster , 161. 33. I b i d . , 1.64. Domenichi's ro le in the debate requires c l a r i f i c a t i o n . As one of the six p a r t i c i p a n t s in the debate at Rome, the Venetian bishop was a vehement defender of the Dominican pos i t ion and the p r i n c i p a l f igure in the construct ion of the Dominican argument. Pius himself noted that the "outstanding contest" in the verbal exchanges was between Domenichi and the Franciscan Bishop of F e r r a r a . "The Commentaries of Pius II ," i n t r o . L . C . Gabel, t rans . Florence Gragg, § _ i ! ! l _ Q 9 i I § 9 § _ S t u d i e s _ i n _ 22 (Oct. 1936-Jan. 1937), 729. As Hubert Jedin has noted, the sharpness of the exchange and the i n t e n s i t y of Domenichi's stand was p a r t i c u l a r l y pronounced in view of the fact that Domenichi had at f i r s t been an adherent of the Franciscan view but had chosen to abandon the pos i t ion in favour of a Dominican stance. Hubert Jed in , "Studien Liber Domenico de' Domenichi," Akadem_e_der y i l § § 0 § _ b # £ t e n _ u n d _ d e r _ L i t e r a t u r 5 (1957), 189. In t h i s written t r e a t i s e submitted to Pius at the end of the debate, however, Domenichi had to hold back his own opinion in favour of an expos i t ion of both s ides of the issue and, in Jed in ' s words, "sich um eine moglichst a l l s e i t i g e Beleuchtung der Frage bemuhte." Ib id . 34. Pius ' record of the event shows that the Dominicans made repeated connections between the shed blood and the blood of the c h a l i c e . For example, they stated with regard to C h r i s t ' s dec larat ion regarding the cha l i c e that "This i s t r u l y my blood": "He did not add 'when shut in my body' but simply says, 'my blood' thus having reference to any time when His blood might be received in the sacrament." S i m i l a r l y , with regard to the issue of separat ion , they s tated: "Our 110 Lord i n s t i t u t e d the sacrament of the a l t a r at His Last Supper, that there should be an ever las t ing memorial of His Passion and taught that the blood apart from His body was to be used since during the three days of His Passion His bood was separated from His body. If i t had then been deprived of d i v i n i t y i t would not have been worthy to be offered in the sacrament at the a l t a r because i t would have been meaner than that which symbolises i t . " And f i n a l l y , with regard to the i n s t i t u t i o n of the Mass, they argued: "What i f the Apostle James, who i s said to have i n s t i t u t e d the mass, had celebrated i t during the three days of the Passion? Would he have been using the pure blood of man and not of Sod? Our adversaries w i l l say that the blood in the cup is without God since without God i t lay on the ground. But t h i s opinion does not square with the Gospel in which C h r i s t , speaking as God and man, speaks of 'His b l o o d ' . It was not His i f i t was not God's ." "Commentaries," 707-8, 710. 35. Cited in Horster , 164. 36. The i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y renowned u n i v e r s i t y at Padua provided an important foundation ear ly in the century for the i n t e l l e c t u a l l i f e of Venice and continued to be i n f l u e n t i a l to Venetian humanists well into the s ixteenth century. The R i a l t o school of philosophy, which almost achieved u n i v e r s i t y status at mid-century, was in operation by 1408 while the humanities school of St . Mark appeared in 1450. In addi t ion to the two publ ic schools , numerous pr ivate schools existed in Venice where grammar and r h e t o r i c were taught while cenacgl i or groups of scholars and men of l e t t e r focussed on the study of antique l i t e r a t u r e and philosophy. Logan, 69-71. 37. The most notable example of the s c h o l a r - p r i n t e r i s Aldus Manutius who studied Lat in in Rome and Greek at the Ferrarese humanities school and la ter came to Venice "probably a t tracted in part by the presence of Bessar ion's l i b r a r y . " Other learned publ i shers in the c i t y included the Cretan Zacharia Calerg i and Aldus' son Paolo. I b i d . , 75-75. 38. I b i d . , 73-75. 39. Ermolao Barbaro who, along with Bernado Bembo and Serolamo Donata stood at the centre of la ter f i f t e en th century Venetian humanism, bel ieved "that the s u p e r i o r i t y of the moderns over the ancients was due s o l e l y to the new wisdom preached by Chr i s t" and sought a synthesis of A r i s t o t e l i a n r a t i o n a l i s m , P latonic s p i r i t u a l i t y and the message of the Gospels. V i t t o r e Branca, "Ermolao Barbaro and Late Quattrocento Venetian Humanism," in ed. J . R . Hale, Renaissance_Ven_ce (Totowa, N . J . : 1973), 130-31. 40. "I acknowledge two gods, Chr i s t and l i t e r a t u r e . " (My t r a n s l a t i o n ) . I b i d . , 230. CHAPTER FOUR BIOVANNI B E L L I N I ' S "THE BLOOD OF THE REDEEMER" A PUBLIC IMABE FOR A PRIVATE PATRON In lQ§_§i°9^_9£_tQ§_B§S"§§!D§!I? t n e l i t u r g i c a l image of the f u l l -length bleeding C h r i s t has been transformed into a powerful focus for pr ivate meditations ( F i g . 1). The adaptation of the publ ic Chr i s t type to the pr ivate pa int ing addresses the themes and issues that informed Venetian piety of the per iod . It also brings a new set of assoc ia t ions to the meditative s i t u a t i o n that would have enriched the devotional encounter of the Venetian viewer. I b § _ E y Q _ t i g n _ o f _ t h e _ L i t u r g i c a _ _ ^ l§IIiQil§_y§dit§tiye_Painting The l i t u r g i c a l Chr i s t type responds in both theme and form to the demands of Venetian meditations in the l a t t e r half of the century. As an image of the su f fer ing C h r i s t , i t addresses the c h r i s t o c e n t r i c , empathic and a f f ec t ing focus of devotions that , as out l ined in Chapter Three, found emphasis in devotional l i t e r a t u r e in Venice. The paint ing represents part of a large Venetian t r a d i t i o n of pr ivate devotional images that present the f igure of the immolated C h r i s t as a v i sua l focus for meditations. Ihe_Blogd_gf_the_Redeemer i s thematical1y l inked with B e l l i n i ' s other pr ivate Chr is t images now in the Brera , Bergamo, P o l d i -Pezzol i and Correr as well as works such as the Hal f -Length_Chris t 111 112 with__n__nqel by Antonel lo da Messina (Figs . 50, 53, 55, 56 and 59). Gaunt, naked and bleeding, the l i t u r g i c a l Chr i s t type o-f B e l l i n i ' s image would have provided a compelling st imulus to C h r i s t - c e n t r e d devotions. The s p e c i f i c form of the l i t u r g i c a l Chr i s t i s also we l l - su i t ed for pr ivate meditations of the per iod . Like other pr ivate Chr i s t representat ions , the f igure is f r o n t a l , c e n t r a l i z e d and pushed to the foreground in a close-up presentat ion appropriate for intimate contemplation. The gesture of the extended r ight arm provides an open f igure of Chr i s t that v i s u a l l y encourages i n t e r a c t i o n and suppl ies a means for d i sp lay ing the wound. Certain basic modif icat ions have been made to adapt the l i t u r g i c a l Chr i s t type more s p e c i f i c a l l y to the meditative context. The v i v i f i c a t i o n in paint of what was t r a d i t i o n a l l y a metal r e l i e f f igure would have given the f igure a heightened r e a l i t y (Figs . 32 and 35). Rendered in minute d e t a i l , the f igures and objects would have encouraged microscopic examination by the meditating viewer. S i m i l a r l y , the projec t ion of C h r i s t ' s col larbone would have compensated for the p a i n t i n g ' s pos i t ion high on the w a l l . * In addi t ion to a heightened int imacy, the l i t u r g i c a l Chr i s t type would have brought a new set of assoc ia t ions to the meditative s i t u a t i o n . In p a r t i c u l a r , the s_grte__g a l l u s i o n would have contributed a powerful, mystical charge. The a l l u s i o n i s made c l e a r , not only through the form of the Chr i s t f igure and the i n c l u s i o n of the c h a l i c e , but through the s i ze and dimensions of the p a i n t i n g . Both the subject and the panel combine to form a s t r i k i n g reference to the t r a d i t i o n a l sacrament tabernacle door. 113 The adaptation brings the concentrated nucleus o-f the tabernacle outside o-f the e u c h a r i s t i c receptacle and presents i t for intimate inspect ion in a pr iva te s e t t i n g . As discussed in Chapter Two, the Chr i s t f igure on the tabernacle door was the image on which a l l aspects of the Mass and the church s tructure i t s e l f were centred. Situated within a h a i r ' s breadth of the Sacrament, the s__rtel_g was the object on which a l l eyes converged. Designed to function in conjunction with the Mass, i t was viewed within the d ic ta te s of space and time. The s g o r t e l l g was seen from a su i tab l e distance and s ingled out as the moment of consecration approached. In B e l l i n i ' s image, the meditating viewer i s offered a one-on-one encounter with the s g o r t e l l g . A l l of i t s attendant mystery i s made access ib le within the intimate context of pr ivate meditat ions. The use of the l i t u r g i c a l Chr i s t type in Ihe_B_ggd_gf_the Rfdeemer would also have served to v i s u a l l y underl ine the sacred drama of presentat ion . As discussed in Chapter Two, the f u l l - l e n g t h bleeding Chr i s t was developed in both pr ivate and l i t u r g i c a l imagery as occupying a d iv ine zone of space. B e l l i n i ' s placement of Chr i s t on a sacred platform fol lows t r a d i t i o n a l representat ions of the pr ivate Chr i s t type and funct ions in the same way. Like the platform of the Renders C h r i s t , B e l l i n i ' s pavement i s establ ished as a d iv ine area through i t s depic t ion as the sacred incrus ta t ion of the church f loor (Fig.20 ) . Enclosed by a parapet, the d iv ine zone funct ions as an area for d i sp lay ing the Chr i s t as an object of contemplation. S i m i l a r l y , l i k e the devotional Chr i s t of the p r i n t , B e l l i n i ' s f igure i s just ins ide the parapet entrance making his appearance with dramatic f l o u r i s h (F ig . 26). The d iv ine area 114 funct ions both to e s tab l i sh the Chr i s t as an intercessor and to enhance the meditative encounter through the dramatic d i sp lay and presentation of the f i g u r e . At the same time, the juxtapos i t ion of the s p e c i f i c l i t u r g i c a l Chr i s t type and the i 1 1 u s i o n i s t i c space brings added assoc ia t ions that heighten the e f f ec t . As discussed in Chapter Two, the combination of perspect ive space and the s g g r t e l l g Chr i s t had been developed as a means of s tress ing the r e a l i t y of C h r i s t ' s presence in the Eucharist through the v i s u a l i z a t i o n of the sacred containment, d i sp lay and reve la t ion of the hidden elements. In B e l l i n i ' s p a i n t i n g , the publ ic combination of Chr i s t type and d iv ine zone jo ins with the pr ivate formula to provide a charged presentation of the mystical C h r i s t . S i m i l a r l y , the angel in B e l l i n i ' s paint ing partakes of both the publ ic and pr ivate spheres. Like the angel of the Renders panel , i t accompanies the Chr i s t f igure confirming his d i v i n i t y and e s t a b l i s h i n g his presence as a sacred manifestat ion. B e l l i n i ' s angel i s s t r i k i n g l y s i m i l a r to the Renders angel in that i t i s smal l , de l i ca te and c a r e f u l l y d e t a i l e d . It i s a s i m i l a r i t y that further places Ihe_Blggd_gf_the Redeemer within the p i c t o r i a l t r a d i t i o n of the pr ivate Chr i s t type and l i n k s i t in p a r t i c u l a r to northern representat ions of the type. In contrast to the Renders angel , however, B e l l i n i ' s creature i s an ac t ive p a r t i c i p a n t in the mystery as i t unfolds . Where the Renders f igure bows pass ive ly in adoration of the suf fer ing C h r i s t , B e l l i n i ' s angel funct ions l i k e the attendant angels around the s g g r t e H g to draw attent ion to Chr i s t and the mystery of his existence. More s p e c i f i c a l l y , l i k e the presentor angels of the monstrance, B e l l i n i ' s 115 angel d i r e c t s the viewer's glance toward the object of devotion and p a r t i c i p a t e s in the presentation of Chr i s t by r a i s i n g the b l o o d - f i l l e d c h a l i c e . Where the monstrance angels reveal the Chr i s t of the Eucharist to the l a i t y , the angel in B e l l i n i ' s panel presents the intercessory Chr i s t for pr ivate contemplation. Ib§_Py9li__B^§Bi§ti9Q_iD_tb§_Q9Di§_t_9f i§IliDii§_E_iy§t§_Qb_i§t_i!0§9§ry The adaptation of a publ ic type to the pr ivate image was a prac t i ce that informed a large part of B e l l i n i ' s pr iva te devotional oeuvre. Rona Goffen has already h ighl ighted the importance of sacred Venetian icons of the V i r g i n in the formulation of B e l l i n i ' s pr iva te Madonna images. She has discussed the Byzantine s t y l i s t i c resonances in the Madonna paint ings as an appropriat ion that would have conferred an 2 increased sanc t i ty and ef fect iveness on the images. S i m i l a r l y , many of B e l l i n i ' s pr iva te devotional paint ings of the suf fer ing Chr i s t r e l i e d on publ ic images as prototypes. The prototypes are taken not only from icons and a l t a r p i e c e s , but also from images used to adorn euchar i s t i c storage compartments. In a l l cases, the publ ic image i s transformed in p a r t i c u l a r ways to address the requirements of pr ivate devotions. The adaptation of the s g g r t e l l g image to the pr ivate devotional paint ing f inds s p e c i f i c precedent in B e l l i n i ' s work in the Correr (F ig . 50) . The H a l f _ L § n g t h _ C h r _ § t _ w _ t h _ _ n g e l s has long been l inked with Donate l lo ' s r e l i e f of the same subject on the Santo a l t a r p i e c e ( F i g . 51) ."* The Correr C h r i s t , haloed, with the head t i l t e d and eyes downcast, r e c a l l s Donate l lo ' s f igure in a l l aspects except the folded 116 hands. In p a r t i c u l a r , the d e t a i l of the r i b s and stomach shows a meticulous adherence to the Paduan work. B e l l i n i ' s angels show a marked s i m i l a r i t y to those of Donatel lo . Pudgy c h i l d - a n g e l s , they wear the same knee-length dresses and greet C h r i s t ' s su f fer ing with expressions of sorrow and despair . Donate l lo 's angels, however, hold back the c loth of honour as a means of reveal ing the Chr i s t of the Eucharis t to the congregation. In B e l l i n i ' s p a i n t i n g , the angels have been transformed into supporting f igures who display Chr i s t to the pr ivate viewer in a tender act of presentat ion . B e l l i n i ' s adaptation of Donate l lo ' s image i s of p a r t i c u l a r in teres t in view of the locat ion of the r e l i e f . Donate l lo ' s r e l i e f was not, in f a c t , the door to the storage compartment. The receptacle was a c t u a l l y access ib le only from behind the prede l la where a r e l i e f of Chr i s t s i t t i n g on the tomb decorated the door. Though not t e c h n i c a l l y the s g g r t e l l g , Donate l lo ' s r e l i e f would have been read as such in that i t was the panel of the receptacle that was viewed by the congregation <Fig. 62). The image of the "public" door to the Eucharis t has been s p e c i f i c a l l y chosen for adaptation to the pr ivate devotional p a i n t i n g . Hans Be l t ing has drawn attent ion to the r e l a t i o n s h i p between B e l l i n i ' s paint ing of the entombed ha l f - l eng th Chr i s t in the P o l d i -Pezzol i and the publ ic icon f igure of the Gregorian "Man of Borrows" 4 ( F i g . 52 and 53). The suf fer ing Chr i s t in the P o l d i - P e z z o l i fol lows the same basic form of the Chr i s t of the i con . The f igure i s pushed far into the foreground and centred in a f ronta l presentat ion . The arms are folded against the body, the eyes are closed and the head i s t i l t e d to the r i g h t . However, B e l l i n i has adapted the f igure in p a r t i c u l a r ways 117 to the pr ivate devotional context. The s t y l i s e d f igure of the icon has been transformed into a highly tangible image of s u f f e r i n g . The body has been s o f t l y modulated and the f igure set before a landscape. C h r i s t ' s su f fer ing i s presented as a concrete, human experience and made access ib le within f a m i l i a r , earthly t e r r a i n . It i s also s i g n i f i c a n t that the p i c t o r i a l type of the entombed ha l f - l eng th Chr i s t was an important t r a d i t i o n a l motif in Venetian e u c h a r i s t i c storage conta iners . In an ear ly f i f t e en th century Gothic tabernacle at Vicenza, for example, i t appears above the sacrament tabernacle door ( F i g . 70). S i m i l a r l y , in an a l t a r p i e c e by Antonio V i v a r i n i and Giovanni d'Alemagna, i t i s used on the door to the e u c h a r i s t i c compartment in the a l t a r p i e c e ( F i g . 61). What i s s i g n i f i c a n t about the receptacle images i s that , unl ike the t r a d i t i o n a l i con , the actual tomb in which Chr i s t stands i s depicted as an in tegra l part of the formula. It i s an important component in the context of e u c h a r i s t i c storage as a d i rec t reference to the funct ion of the receptacle as the "novum sepulcrum." In B e l l i n i ' s image, the tomb i s s p e c i f i c a l l y inc luded, suggesting the pro to typ ica l importance of l oca l publ ic examples of the type - - and the euchar i s t i c receptacle in p a r t i c u l a r . Bel 1 i n i ' s pr iva te devotional paint ings also draw on the imagery of a l t a r p i e c e s as an important source. Antonio V i v a r i n i ' s a l tarp i ece s seem to have been of p a r t i c u l a r s i g n i f i c a n c e for h is pr iva te paint ings of the suf fer ing C h r i s t . Hans Be l t ing has drawn at tent ion to a h a l f -length image of C h r i s t , the V i r g i n and St . John in V i v a r i n i ' s Benedictine a l t a r p i e c e of 1448 as a prototype for the pa int ing in the 118 Brera (F ig . 54 and 55)."* In both works, the V i r g i n draws close to C h r i s t ' s head in a gesture of maternal compassion and sorrow. St. John simultaneously holds C h r i s t ' s body and turns away in sadness. The V i r g i n holds C h r i s t ' s r ight arm while the l e f t arm droops over the parapet. In B e l l i n i ' s image, however, C h r i s t ' s r ight hand i s placed s p e c i f i c a l l y in the V i r g i n ' s grasp, r e s u l t i n g in a more e x p l i c i t c lo se -up d i sp lay of the wounds in the hand and s ide . S i m i l a r l y , the drooping l e f t arm of the Brera Chr i s t i s turned inward, d i sp lay ing the hand-wound more prominently to the viewer. Again, the scene i s placed against an earth ly background of sky and landscape. Like the Chr i s t of Ihe_B_ood ° f _ t h e _ R e d e e m e r , the Brera Chr i s t i s transformed from a l i t u r g i c a l image that funct ions at a distance in the Mass into an intimate r e c i p i e n t of personal devotions. V i v a r i n i ' s a l t a r p i e c e imagery also provided an important source for Ihe_Blggd_gf_the__edeemer. Though no s p g r t e l l g images of the bleeding Chr i s t are extant in Venice before the s ixteenth century, the type appears on V i v a r i n i ' s San Zaccaria a l t a r p i e c e of 1444 (F ig . 6 0 ) . 6 Like B e l l i n i ' s f i g u r e , the V i v a r i n i Chr i s t sheds blood into an angel-held cha l i ce — a v a r i a t i o n on the standard s p g r t e l l g motif . Again, the type i s used on the door to a storage compartment. This time, however, i t i s on the back of the a l tarp i ece over a receptacle containing a r e l i c of the Holy Blood. What i s s i g n i f i c a n t i s that V i v a r i n i has used the l i t u r g i c a l bleeding Chr i s t type in what i s e s s e n t i a l l y a meditative context. The assoc iat ion with the l i t u r g i c a l type i s c l e a r . Not only does the Chr i s t f igure shed blood into the c h a l i c e , but the hallmark of the type — the 119 extended r ight arm — i s s p e c i f i c a l l y inc luded. The gesture i s at once an o f f er ing and a benedict ion , act ions that are appropriate for the church s e t t i n g . At the same time, the paint ing i s presented as an image for close-up contemplation. Chr i s t i s displayed in meticulous d e t a i l , as are the angels who adore him. The parapet placed in front of Chr i s t transforms the f igure into a h a l f - l e n g t h , a standard form for pr ivate devotions. Even the wri t ing on the parapet, presented in a t iny s c r i p t , demands an intimate encounter with the p a i n t i n g . The meditative qua l i ty of V i v a r i n i ' s pa int ing i s probably a product of i t s l o c a t i o n . On the back of the a l t a r p i e c e , i t would not have been intended to address the publ ic s i t u a t i o n of the Mass. Instead, i t was l i k e l y viewed by a c lus ter of the highest c lergy outside of the context of the l i t u r g i c a l enactment of the Mass. In t h i s sense, i t would have functioned as an image for intimate viewing while i t s l i t u r g i c a l form would have been we l l - su i t ed to the i n s t i t u t i o n a l s e t t i n g . B e l l i n i ' s use of the l i t u r g i c a l Chr i s t type in a new context was made poss ib le by the increas ing a d a p t a b i l i t y of Venetian tabernacle imagery in general . As deta i l ed in Chapter Two, the search for new so lut ions to e u c h a r i s t i c storage in the period had resul ted in a f r a c t u r i n g of the standard F lorent ine tabernacle type. P i c t o r i a l and a r c h i t e c t u r a l elements were seen as components that could be extracted and used in new l o c a t i o n s . In Venice, the F lorent ine tabernacle was received as a h ighly malleable type. In T u l l i o Lombardo's tabernacle in Sta . Maria dei M i r a c o l i , for example, the basic temple design was appropriated along with the component of perspect ive space (F ig . 63). 120 Here, however, the perspect ive s tructure was extracted without any o-f the attendant angel imagery that t r a d i t i o n a l l y inhabited the area. Space i t s e l f , as a v i s u a l i z a t i o n of the d iv ine containment area, had become the powerful v i sua l image. 7 In a tabernacle in Sta . Maria dei F r a r i , containment i s again accentuated in a rearrangement of the F lorent ine design where a now miniaturized temple i s l i t e r a l l y engulfed by a vaulted space (Fig 64). S i m i l a r l y , in the Seminario, a t iny and complete temple i s contained within a box- l ike space that mirrors the i n t e r i o r cupboard (F ig . 65). It i s es tabl i shed as a sacred area by the i n c l u s i o n of both d iv ine attendant f igures and the dove of the Holy S p i r i t . In San Marco, Jacopo Sansovino enlarged the F lorent ine design, recombined the elements and applied them to an a l tar s i t u a t i o n (F ig . 66). With the pediment removed, the temple components of an entablature and six columns were placed so as to a c t u a l l y enclose the a l t a r . A perspect ive niche with adoring angels was s i tuated at the centre of the re table where a now modified form of the F lorent ine i B o r t e l l g Chr i s t was imaged on the tabernacle door ( F i g . 67). The use of the F lorent ine 5 _ g r t e l _ g Chr i s t type in Sansovino's s ixteenth century s tructure appears to be the f i r s t incidence of i t s a p p l i c a t i o n to a Venetian tabernacle door. Before the s ixteenth century, though a r c h i t e c t u r a l components and perspect ive space of the F lorent ine design were incorporated into Venetian storage s o l u t i o n s , p i c t o r i a l motifs continued to be based on t r a d i t i o n a l Venetian tabernacle imagery. In p a r t i c u l a r , the motif of the ha l f - l eng th entombed Chr i s t remained a constant in e u c h a r i s t i c storage s t ruc tures . As noted above, i t was t r a d i t i o n a l l y placed at the top of the storage 121 compartment in Venetian Gothic tabernacles in a pos i t ion that i t retained in many instances through to the end of the century ( F i g . 70). In the carved a l t a r p i e c e by V i v a r i n i and d'Alemagna in San Z a c c a r i a , the p i c t o r i a l type was appropriated and placed d i r e c t l y on the storage compartment door ( F i g . 61). The a l t a r p i e c e , executed in 1444, represents one of the e a r l i e s t instances in I ta ly where the euchar i s t i c 9 receptac le was incorporated into the a l t a r p i e c e . The concept appears to have been borrowed from northern Europe where Giovanni d'Alemagna would have been f a m i l i a r with examples of the method in h is native Germany. In the San Zaccaria work, the same basic p r i n c i p l e of the extract ion and re in tegra t ion of tabernacle components appears to be at work. S i m i l a r l y , Donate l lo ' s image of the entombed Chr i s t with angels on the Santo a l t a r p i e c e of 1449 was adopted for use in new storage so lut ions (F ig . 51). The p i c t o r i a l type of Chr i s t supported by angels was a c t u a l l y es tabl i shed by Donatello as a e u c h a r i s t i c storage type. The Santo a l t a r p i e c e i s , l i k e the San Zaccaria work, an ear ly example of the incorporat ion of the euchar i s t i c receptacle in the a l t a r p i e c e , and may well r e l y on northern precedents (F ig . 6 2 ) . D o n a t e l l o ' s placement of the f igure of Chr i s t with angels at the centre of the prede l la in fact mirrors the t r a d i t i o n a l placement of the motif on many F lorent ine a l t a r p i e c e s . In the Santo work, however, i t adorns the e u c h a r i s t i c storage compartment in a new pos i t ion on the p r e d e l l a . The s p e c i f i c alignment of the image with the e u c h a r i s t i c receptacle es tabl i shed the type as a s i g n i f i c a n t storage motif . In the l a t t e r half of the century, i t appears on the F r a r i tabernacle - - in a new locat ion above the 122 entablature — and continues to be used through the s ixteenth century on a l t a r s g g r t e l l i , inc luding one by Al iense in S. Chiara (F ig .64) . Both the s e l e c t i v e adoption of F lorent ine tabernacle components and the search for new euchar i s t i c storage methods establ i shed a • s i t u a t i o n in Venice where the tabernacle image could be seen as a s e l f -contained u n i t . S p e c i f i c motifs could be removed from one locat ion and trans ferred to another, bringing previous assoc iat ions to a new context. The mobi l i ty of tabernacle types within the church se t t ing would have provided B e l l i n i and his patrons with the basis for seeing the l i t u r g i c a l image as d i s t i n c t from a s p e c i f i c l o c a t i o n . Itli_NQLt!liCQ_ica_h_c_Cg__gnent The inf lux of northern devotional p r i n t s into Venice after mid-century appears to have been important with regard to both the form and conception of Ihe_B_ggd_gf_the_Redeemer. Though the inf luence of northern art has been noted by a number of scho lars , research has focussed on f ind ing l i n k s between B e l l i n i ' s image and northern pa int ings . B i l e s Robertson has observed that the l i n e a r i t y of the f i g u r a l group and the f a c i a l type of Chr i s t r e c a l l s the work of Rogier van der Weyden. His pos i t s Flemish contact through an Eyckian p o r t r a i t that may have been in Venice after 1450 or the p o s s i b i l i t y that Flemish paint ings recorded by Marcantonio Michie l were in the c i t y by mid-century. In a d d i t i o n , he suggests that Rogier 's t r i p t y c h in Ferrara may have been seen by B e l l i n i though there i s no evidence that he ever t r a v e l l e d to the c i t y . * * The devotional p r i n t , however, was both a more immediate and pervasive northern source and an important medium in the development of the pr ivate f u l l - l e n g t h bleeding Chr i s t type. B e l l i n i ' s image draws in p a r t i c u l a r ways on the northern p r i n t . Components of graphic imagery-have been adopted and manipulated for use in the devotional pa int ing as a means of enhancing the funct ion of the image. It i s an appropr iat ion that transforms the l i t u r g i c a l Chr i s t type into a mult i -dimensional focus for meditat ions. In Venice, even before mid-century, printed devotional images were f looding into the c i t y in response to a burgeoning pr ivate market. Douglas Percy B l i s s has noted that the inf lux was so great that by 1441 Venetian woodcutters lodged a complaint with the government aimed at c u r t a i l i n g the foreign competit ion, . . . Venetian woodcutters appeal to the S ignor ia to forb id the importation of "carte e f i gura stampida" (playing cards and printed f i g u r e s , doubtless of s a i n t s ) , for these, ^ t seems, were sent out from Ulm and other Berman towns in bales . D i s t r i b u t i o n of the p r i n t s further accelerated after 1450 with the invention of the p r i n t i n g press. As greater numbers of devotional books began to be published and disseminated, demand for accompanying wood-block i l l u s t r a t i o n s sharply increased. By the 1460's, when Berman p r i n t e r s were becoming establ ished in Venice, the northern devotional p r i n t was both widely a v a i l a b l e and f i rmly entrenched in the Venetian sphere. The northern p r i n t s were e a s i l y accommodated into Venetian l i f e due to the c i t y ' s es tabl i shed i n t e r a c t i o n s with northern Europe and an immediate market was a v a i l a b l e in Venice 's large Berman community. Venetians in general appear to have been highly recept ive to northern a r t i s t i c ideas. On a grand sca le , a r t i s t i c i n t e r a c t i o n between Venice 124 and the north occurred in works destined -for locat ions as s i g n i f i c a n t as the state Church of San Marco. The set of ear ly f i f t e en th century tapes tr i e s depic t ing the "Noli me tangere" are a product of Venetian design and Flemish execution — a c o l l a b o r a t i o n that in Co l in E i s l e r ' s words confirms "an i n t e r a c t i o n between northern European and I t a l i a n art and r e l i g i o u s thought."*"' On a loca l l e v e l , Venetian in teres t in northern art i s indicated by the presence of German a r t i s t s such as Giovanni d'Alemagna who incorporated northern conceptions into l oca l 14 commissions. S i m i l a r l y , Venetian a r t i s t s often worked in Germany and brought back northern ideas which they used in the i r Venetian work. Metalworkers, for example, at times took apprenticeships in the north and returned with northern s t y l i s t i c and technica l concepts. Venetian s i lverwork from the per iod , inc luding the s i l v e r a l t a r from San Salvatore , reveals the considerable inf luence of the nor th .*^ Moreover, the large inf lux into Venice of portable p i e t i s t i c objects other, than p r i n t s , such as metal sculpture and manuscripts, a t tes t s to a pervasive Venetian in teres t in northern a r t i s t i c ideas. B e l l i n i ' s pa int ing e f f e c t i v e l y draws on the pr inted image in a var ie ty of s i g n i f i c a n t ways. In one sense, the composite nature of the Chr i s t f igure was c l e a r l y predicated by the f l e x i b l e treatment of the type in the p r i n t medium. Like the elaborated Chr i s t f igures of the p r i n t , B e l l i n i ' s Chr i s t i s a v i sua l compilat ion of a f f ec t ing devotional f o c i . The f u l l - l e n g t h f igure combines with the conspicuous d i sp lay of wounds and blood to form an evocative complex of s t imul i (Figs . 12, 17 and 26). S i m i l a r l y , the instruments of martyrdom, in B e l l i n i ' s paint ing the cross and crown of thorns, provide addi t iona l incitements to 125 meditation serving as memory images that would r e c a l l the events of the Passion (Figs . 9, 12 and 29). Even the face, at once meticulously de ta i l ed and tenderly express ive , would have s a t i s f i e d an in teres t in C h r i s t ' s physiognomy and encouraged an empathic r e a c t i o n . Where the p r i n t functions to convey i t s message in immediate and d i r e c t terms, however, B e l l i n i ' s image conveys a more subtly integrated expression of s u f f e r i n g . In the pr inted image of the f u l l - l e n g t h Chr i s t d i sp lay ing the wounds and blood, the message i s c l e a r . The wounds are p l e n t i f u l and v i v i d l y coloured in red . In Ihe_Blggd_gf_the_Redeemer, the gesture of d i sp lay with the r ight hand can be read simultaneously as the gesture of o f f e r i n g . S i m i l a r l y , the instruments of martyrdom are not over t ly exhibi ted as the h o r r i f i c tools of torment as they are in the p r i n t . Rather the cross with the crown of thorns rests e a s i l y and unobtrusive ly in C h r i s t ' s arm. They are there to be contemplated at a p a r t i c u l a r step in meditations and yet are an in tegra l part of the image of su f fer ing as a whole. In contrast to the pr inted images of the composite C h r i s t , B e l l i n i ' s paint ing of fers a range of s t imul i that can be absorbed in various ways and on d i f f erent l e v e l s . Where the p r i n t would serve to d i r e c t l y address the viewer in immediate terms, B e l l i n i ' s paint ing would funct ion cont inua l ly as a r i c h source of s t imulat ion throughout meditat ions. I t l i _ l L 2 _ _ _ ° f _ _ b § _ _ § d e e m e r also draws in s p e c i f i c ways on p a r t i c u l a r themes that were f inding wide expression in northern p r i n t s . C h r i s t ' s act ion of pressing the side-wound, for example, i s a gesture that was developed in suf fer ing Chr i s t imagery in the north (F ig . B). The pressing gesture referred to the theme of Chr i s t in the winepress, 126 an idea that emphasized the act ive nature of s a c r i f i c e and brought i t 16 down to a r e l a t a b l e l e v e l . The winepress, as a machine that was f a m i l i a r to the Serman p u b l i c , provided a v i s u a l i z a t i o n of C h r i s t ' s s a c r i f i c e that was concrete, evocative and comprehendable. The pressing gesture in turn brought the winepress a l l u s i o n to themes such as the "Pons P i e t a t i s " where C h r i s t ' s blood i s the important focus of the image (F ig . 10). Here, the gesture draws at tent ion to the blood which, in t h i s context, i s ' t o be understood as a mys t i ca l ly powerful agent of p u r i f i c a t i o n . The pressing gesture of B e l l i n i ' s Chr i s t serves the same funct ion in drawing at tent ion to the blood. Moreover, to the viewer acquainted with the act ion in "Fans P i e t a t i s " imagery, the pressing gesture would have undoubtedly given an expanded meaning to the blood. Mot only would the blood have been understood in r e l a t i o n to C h r i s t ' s s u f f e r i n g , but also with regard to i t s e f fect iveness in c leansing s ins . The northern pressing gesture, as an a l l u s i o n to p u r i f i c a t i o n , works in conjunction with the presence of the cha l i c e to underl ine the redemptive ef fect of the blood. The i n c l u s i o n of the instruments of martyrdom with the f igure of the suf fer ing Chr i s t provides a c lear a l l u s i o n to the "Arma C h r i s t i " theme as i t was often v i s u a l i z e d in p r i n t s (F ig . 7). The function of the "Arma C h r i s t i " p r i n t s as devotional images that conveyed indulgence may have imbued B e l l i n i ' s paint ing with a spec ia l power. In p r i n c i p l e , as an "Arma C h r i s t i " image, the paint ing could have functioned e f f e c t i v e l y as the r e c i p i e n t of indulgence prayers . The indulgence potent ia l of the paint ing i s further supplemented through i t s reference to the Gregorian image. In Venice, the Gregorian indulgence 127 was well known and a c t i v e l y sought by many c i t i z e n s . It appears in one of Nicholas Jensen's e a r l i e s t p u b l i c a t i o n s , the "Decor Puellarum" of 1471, where the reader is offered a guide l ine to the prayers s t ipu la ted for the attainment of the indulgence. Item molte a l t r e oratione s i ritrouamo esser molto grate al signor dio dicendole deuotamente t ra lequale s i r i t r o u a s c r i p t o a roma in una cape l la de san Piero come per san Gregorio: & per a l t r i papa s ie sta dato indulgent ia de cinque m i l i a anni per uno zescaduna persona che c o n t r i t a & confessa: & senza peccato mortale d i r a ogni zorno deuotamente dauanti de uno c h r i s t o passo cum l i m i s t e r i i de l a passione cinque pater n o s t r i : ?< aue maria cum queste cinque i n f r a s c r i p t e _ o r a t i o n e in zenochioni: & l a prima s i e , 0 domine iesu chr i ste . . . As a var ia t ion on the Gregorian type, Ihe_B_ogd_of_the_Redeemer would also have been an appropriate r e c i p i e n t of Gregorian indulgence 18 prayers . In addit ion to supplying a source for the thematic complexity of B e l l i n i ' s C h r i s t , northern graphics also seem to have been an important source for the s ty le of B e l l i n i ' s Chr i s t f i g u r e . In general terms, the t h i n , attenuated body i s reminiscent of northern versions of the f u l l -length bleeding Chr i s t type. The f igure bears a greater a f f i n i t y to the gaunt Chr is t of the Renders panel for example than to C r i v e l l i ' s robust f igure in the company of St . Francis (Figs . 20 and 21). Printed images that continue the long, emaciated form would have made the type widely ava i lab le to B e l l i n i and his patrons in Venice. In p a r t i c u l a r , the d i s t i n c t out l ine around B e l l i n i ' s Chr i s t f igure r e c a l l s the graphic technique. The presence of the out l ine has often been c i ted as an archaism proving the work's ear ly date. In fact the out l ine funct ions to convey a p a r t i c u l a r expressive e f f ec t . The sense cf anguish that the angular use of l i n e brought to the pr inted images of 128 the f u l l - l e n g t h bleeding Chr i s t i s used in B e l l i n i ' s pa int ing to s i m i l a r ends. The angled pos i t ion of the arms i s emphasized through the use of l i n e . As in the pr inted image, the black l i n e provides a s t r i k i n g contrast to the white body. The ef fect i s to emphasize the death- l ike pa l lour of the suf fer ing C h r i s t . Unlike the v i t a l pink f leshtones of C r i v e l l i ' 5 f i g u r e , the body of B e l l i n i ' s Chr i s t confirms the immolation and death. More s p e c i f i c a l l y , the Chr i s t f igure shows a d i s t i n c t appropr iat ion of aspects of Flemish s ty l e that had been incorporated into pr inted imagery of the suf fer ing C h r i s t . As discussed in Chapter Two, i t was in the south German p r i n t centres that the s t y l i s t i c elements of Rogier van der Weyden's Chr i s t f igures were more markedly adopted. These were also the centres that were c losest to Venice and provided the c i t y with i t s major source for devotional p r i n t s . The extremely tender f a c i a l expression of B e l l i n i ' s Chr i s t i s the re su l t of a carefu l de l ineat ion of the f a c i a l features . As noted e a r l i e r , i t i s a lso one of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Flemish s ty l e that had been incorporated into south German p r i n t s (F ig . 15). De l icate eyebrows frame sunken, downcast eyes that at once reveal an expression of deep sorrow and humi l i t y . As in the woodcut from Ulm, the brutal anguish of C h r i s t ' s phys ica l torment has now been transformed into a more profound image of pathos. S i m i l a r l y , the turn of the waist, again emphasized in the Ulm work, imbues B e l l i n i ' s Chr i s t with what can be termed a t rag i c eloquence. The pose allows the f igure to bend gently to the r ight underscoring the gesture of o f f er ing and d i s p l a y . C h r i s t ' s body i s not 129 contorted in anguish but maintains a subtle d ign i ty and elegance. The landscape in B e l l i n i ' s image also shows an important l i n k with the northern p r i n t . As discussed in Chapter Two, by the l a t t e r half of the century the "Man of Sorrows" was being increas ing ly represented in devotional p r i n t s within a landscape s e t t i n g . The juxtapos i t ion of the a h i s t o r i c a l Chr i s t and the landscape background was appearing in northern I ta ly in both painted and printed images of the per iod . Though the landscape s e t t ing was an important component of B e l l i n i ' s own suf fer ing Chr i s t idiom, i t was in the pr inted image that the s p e c i f i c formula for landscape in conjunction with the f u l l - l e n g t h bleeding c h r i s t was developed. In a general sense, B e l l i n i ' s use of landscape in Ihe_B_ggd_gf the__edeemer i s part of a larger development in pr ivate devotional paint ings in northern I t a l y . The a r t i s t ' s other pr ivate images often show the suf fer ing Chr i s t in front of a verdant v i s t a of mountains, va l l eys and winding streams. In the paint ings in the Correr and P o l d i -P e z z o l i , the landscape background behind the ha l f - l ength Chr i s t provides an earthly se t t ing that would have made the f igure more access ib le in human terms (Figs . 50 and 53). S i m i l a r l y , Antonello da Messina's image of Chr i s t with an angel of fers the viewer an image of the suf fer ing Chr i s t who occupies f a m i l i a r and r e l a t a b l e t e r r a i n (F ig . 59). Both the Correr paint ing and the work by Antonello contain contemporary c i t i e s that can be viewed in the d is tance . In I h § _ B l g g d _ g f _ t h e _ R e d e e m e r , the mountainous landscape and contemporary c i t y would have encouraged a 20 s i m i l a r kind of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . The suf fer ing Chr i s t f igure would have been more humanly access ib le in terms that were relevant and 130 comprehendable. If I ! l § _ i L _ _ d _ Q i _ t t l § _ B _ d _ e _ e r , however, i t i s the - ful l - length bleeding Chr i s t that i s presented be-fore a landscape. B e l l i n i ' s placement of the Chr i s t type before a landscape se t t ing re la te s d i r e c t l y to the developments that had been occurr ing in printed imagery. The composition of the paint ing i s s i m i l a r , for example, to that of the woodcut of Chr i s t seated amid the instruments of the Passion (F ig . 17). The f u l l - l e n g t h bleeding Chr i s t i s placed in the foreground while in the background i s a landscape with a contemporary c i t y . S i g n i f i c a n t l y , both the c i t y in B e l l i n i ' s work and that of the p r i n t appear to be northern European with the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c church tower as the focal component. B e l l i n i ' s Chr i s t i s kept f i rmly separate from the landscape through the use of the parapet. In the p r i n t , the separation i s effected through the hor izonta l arm of the cross . In both works, Chr i s t i s es tabl i shed through the separation as a f igure that i s not funct ioning in a narra t ive sense within the landscape. In sp i te of the f u l l - l e n g t h format, Chr i s t i s not p a r t i c i p a t i n g in an event of the Passion. The f igure i s an image of s u f f e r i n g , mys t i ca l ly a l i v e after death and presented to the meditating viewer as an object of devotion. The connection between B e l l i n i ' s landscape and that of the graphic imagery is even more s t r i k i n g l y i l l u s t r a t e d in another pr in t of the subject (F ig . 18). Again, the f u l l - l e n g t h bleeding Chr i s t i s kept separate from the landscape by the angled cross . In t h i s image, however, the landscape i s divided into two parts . The contemporary northern European c i t y i s placed on the l e f t while on the r i g h t , a group of antique ruins are depicted in front of a h i l l . The divided landscape 131 with Chr i s t at the centre and a c i t y and ruins on e i ther side i s the exact combination that i s represented in B e l l i n i ' s work. The s i m i l a r i t y suggests that there may have been d i s t i n c t p i c t o r i a l formulas on which lili-SLood_gf__the_Redeemer r e l i e s for representing the Chr i s t type in a 1andscape. In B e l l i n i ' s p a i n t i n g , the separation between landscape space and the space of Chr i s t r e l i e s in p r i n c i p l e on the formula as i t was expressed in the p r i n t . As noted above, the separation ensured a non-narra t ive reading of the f i g u r e . In Ihe_Blogd_gf__he_Redeemer, however, the foreground space i s further developed to e s tab l i sh the zone that Chr i s t occupies as a d i s t i n c t l y sacred area. Like the patterned pavement of the Renders panel , C h r i s t ' s platform in B e l l i n i ' s image i s confirmed as a holy area through the a l l u s i o n to sacred i n c r u s t a t i o n . The parapet in both works serves to confine the sacred area. In the B e l l i n i , i t funct ions to v i s u a l l y arres t the viewer's glance into the background and focus on the scene as i t unfolds on the platform. B e l l i n i has combined the two t r a d i t i o n a l se t t ings for the Chr i s t type - -the landscape and the sacred platform — and fused them into one. The_C_y_c_Aspect By the second half of the f i f t e en th century, the l i t u r g i c a l type of the f u l l - l e n g t h bleeding Chr i s t had taken on strong c i v i c overtones in northern I t a l y . In Mantua, where, as discussed in Chapter Three, C h r i s t ' s su f fer ing had achieved a p o l i t i c a l dimension, the stock s g g r t e H g type was brought into a new and dynamic prominence. B e l l i n i ' s 132 Chr i s t emerged within the context of the developing north I t a l i a n type where the l i t u r g i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e of the publ ic Chr i s t type was supplemented by powerful c i v i c resonances. The culminating tab 1eaux-vivants in the Corpus C h r i s t i procession of 1462 was an actual man, dressed in a l o i n c l o t h and holding the cross . As Pius performed the Mass before thousands of worshippers, the l i v i n g 21 s g g r t e l l g f igure spewed streams of "blood" from the wound in his s ide . The v i v i f i c a t i o n of the l i t u r g i c a l Chr i s t type at Viterbo corresponds with the increas ing prominence that the type was rece iv ing in the church s e t t i n g . As de ta i l ed in Chapter Two, the Chr i s t type was being brought out of the tabernacle , enlarged and posi t ioned conspicuously at the top of a l tarp i ece s and ciboriums. P ius ' act ions imbued the already important l i t u r g i c a l type with a heightened a c t u a l i t y . At the same time, the Viterbo ceremony brought an o f f i c i a l splendour to the p i c t o r i a l type. Within the context of the elaborate papal Mass, the s g g r t e H g type was the key image in r e l a t i o n to Pius ' performance of the r i t e . It i s also at t h i s time that the Chr i s t f igure begins to appear in connection with papal maneuvers that contain important p o l i t i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s . At Narni , for example, a marble r e l i e f of the bleeding Chr i s t type was executed in conjunction with the 22 a r r i v a l of Andrew's head from Patras . As noted in Chapter Three, the r e t r i e v a l of Andrew's head const i tuted a s i g n i f i c a n t move in the propagation of P ius ' Crusade. The papacy's o f f i c i a l presentat ion was trans la ted in northern I ta ly into an important c i v i c image. The r e v i t a l i s e d s g g r t e l l g formula began to appear in large numbers at t h i s time both in conjunction with 133 e u c h a r i s t i c storage and in other contexts as we l l . As Marita Horster has observed, the appearance o-f the type coincides with the height o-f 23 Mantua's c i v i c - o r i e n t e d blood venerat ion. In trac ing the development o-f the Mantuan type, she notes that the l i t u r g i c a l Chr i s t was o-ften placed in the company of Sts . Andrew and Longinus, through whose act ions the r e l i c had come to Mantua. S i m i l a r l y , the type was placed in conjunction with scenes of the r e l i c ' s r e t r i e v a l . The images were most often executed under o f f i c i a l Gonzaga d i r e c t i o n by a r t i s t s of the 24 Mantuan court . The l i t u r g i c a l Chr i s t type was f i r s t developed in northern I ta ly as an important p o l i t i c a l expression of c i v i c i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the blood of C h r i s t . In the three - f igure r e l i e f in the Accademia V i r g i l i a n a , the type i s represented between two f igures that Horster has i d e n t i f i e d as Andrew 25 and Longinus (F ig . 71). The work i s not a s p o r t e l l g but rather a marble r e l i e f destined for publ ic viewing. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , the gesture of C h r i s t ' s extended r ight arm is maintained. Where in the l i t u r g i c a l context the act ion would have addressed the congregation, i t serves here to address the community as a whole. It i s a publ ic c a l l through which the Holy Blood i s offered to the community. The gesture v i s u a l l y confirms the assoc ia t ion between the c i t y and C h r i s t ' s blood. B e l l i n i ' s l i t u r g i c a l Chr i s t must be considered in the context of the extended meaning of the type in northern I t a l y . As a c i v i c expression of the assoc ia t ion between the community and C h r i s t ' s blood, the type would have brought an added dimension to T_h__B_ogd_gf_the Redeemer. For the pr ivate viewer, the image would have provided not only the l i t u r g i c a l but also the c i v i c experience of C h r i s t ' s s a c r i f i c e . 134 Rona Goffen's work on B e l l i n i ' s proto typ ica l use o-f sacred icons h i g h l i g h t s the importance o-f the c i v i c component in other Venetian devotional pa in t ings . As revered icons o-f the s tate , the V i r g i n icons partook in a publ ic au thor i ty . B e l l i n i ' s Madonnas would have brought not only the sacred resonances but also the c i v i c author i ty into the 26 home. As discussed in Chapter Three, the Venetian experience of r e l i g i o n , and in p a r t i c u l a r of the s a c r i f i c e of C h r i s t , was a c i v i c a c t i v i t y that was defined by an alignment with the s ta te . The blood of C h r i s t was associated with the Venetian state through the personnage of the doge, had p o l i t i c a l impl ica t ions and a strong contemporary relevance in the c i t y ' s l i f e . The c i v i c Chr i s t of B e l l i n i ' s pa int ing would have responded to the Venetian conception of the blood in r e l a t i o n to the communi ty . At the same time, the c i v i c reference would have worked in conjunction with the l i t u r g i c a l assoc iat ions of the image. In Venice, where devotions to the Eucharist were int imate ly bound with s ta te -i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and r i t u a l , the l i t u r g i c a l reference would also have had meaning in terms of the publ ic l i f e of the c i t y . For the pr ivate viewer, the publ ic aspect of the C h r i s t type, both c i v i c and l i t u r g i c a l , would address the Venetian experience of C h r i s t ' s s a c r i f i c e , su f fer ing and mystery. Ibt - Q a t e q o r _ _ o f _ P a t r o n The use of the publ ic Chr i s t type in Ihe_Blood_gf_the_Redeemer, with i t s l i t u r g i c a l and c i v i c resonances, suggests a p a r t i c u l a r kind of patron for the p a i n t i n g . The publ ic aspect of the image would have 135 required a patron who was both interes ted in bringing the publ ic type to the pr ivate image and responsive to i t s impl ica t ions in pr iva te devotions. Furthermore, as a composite o-f devotional s t imul i that could be absorbed in various ways, the paint ing would have addressed the needs of a patron who sought incitement on many l e v e l s . In p a r t i c u l a r , the image of the bleeding Chr i s t with a c h a l i c e would have been a s i g n i f i c a n t focus for an i n t e l l e c t u a l patron in view of contemporary events. As discussed in Chapter Three, the Holy Blood Controversy had made C h r i s t ' s blood a focal topic in Venice. T_he_Blgod_of_the Redeemer appears to address in s p e c i f i c terms the issues that had been raised within the context of theo log ica l i n q u i r y . The Holy Blood Controversy produced an immediate a r t i s t i c ef fect 27 in Venice.'" Though Pius had forbidden discuss ion of the topic under penalty of excommunication, the p r o h i b i t i o n had in no way dampened in teres t in C h r i s t ' s blood. Furthermore, i t had not a c u r t a i l e d the production of blood images. In p a r t i c u l a r , the popular printed images that were disseminated from the north showed an increas ing exaggeration 28 of the flow of blood.'" The "Fons P i e t a t i s " was developed into a v i r t u a l geyser spewing from the side-wound (F ig . 11). In other images the lacera t ions on the f u l l - l e n g t h Chr i s t m u l t i p l i e d dramat ica l ly and were coloured in v ibrant red (Figs . 12 and 17). Devotional panels, such as Q u i r i z i o da Murano's mystical paint ing for the nuns of S. Ch iara , gave the blood an important and s p e c i f i c emphasis (F ig . 72). In the S. Chiara image, though i t i s the Host that Chr i s t administers to the nun, the strengthened blood i s given equal emphasis. The banderole above proclaims: "Venite D i l e c t i s s i m i Mei In Cellulam Vinarium Banguineque Meo 136 Imbriate Vos; Venite Vos Amici Mei A Mei Tantum D i l e c t i Carnemque Meam 29 Comedite." Blood imagery both responded to and encouraged the esca la t ing f a s c i n a t i o n . B e l l i n i ' s image functions within the general context of imagery that appeared in Venice at t h i s time containing a s p e c i f i c blood focus. It i s not only the stream of blood, however, that confirms the focus. In contrast to the l i t u r g i c a l type, Chr i s t squeezes the blood into the c h a l i c e , drawing immediate at tent ion to the flow. S i m i l a r l y , the rece iv ing act ion of the angel h i g h l i g h t s the importance of the blood. In B e l l i n i ' s p a i n t i n g , the blood i s s p e c i f i c a l l y s ingled out as a s i g n i f i c a n t e n t i t y . More p a r t i c u l a r l y , B e l l i n i ' s image v i s u a l i z e s a perception of the blood that had become c l a r i f i e d through i n t e l l e c t u a l inquiry into the i ssue . Theologians such as Domenico Domenichi and P ie tro da Nuvolaria had provided s p e c i f i c theo log ica l foundations for l i n k i n g the blood to the experience of the euchar i s t i c mystery. Like D u i r i z i o da Murano's image, where the blood i s placed within the larger context of e u c h a r i s t i c devotion, ^ Ii }§_Blgod_of _the_Redeemer combines the concept of C h r i s t ' s shed blood with the message of the Euchar i s t . The sacramental c h a l i c e , which l i t e r a l l y catches the stream of blood from the actual wound, makes the euchar i s t i c connection s p e c i f i c . Other images produced in Venice at the time refer in s i m i l a r terms to the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between the shed blood and the E u c h a r i s t . C r i v e l l i ' s p a i n t i n g , for example, where the rece iv ing angel of B e l l i n i ' s image i s replaced by the Franciscan sa in t , i s a s p e c i f i c mendicant expression of the idea (F ig . 21). It encompasses the extended dual 137 conception o-f blood and the Euchar i s t . In the Franciscan work, as in B e l l i n i ' s image, both the blood and the cha l i ce are d i s t i n c t l y emphasi zed. Both the appearance o-f the subject at th i s time and the unusual i n c l u s i o n of the cha l i c e in the meditative type suggests that the image was painted for a patron who was aware of the i m p l i c a t i o n s . In Venice, where every noble family had a son in one of the pres t ig ious orders , the issue of the blood would have been t o p i c a l among the p a t r i c i a t e . The patron may not have had a personal vested in teres t at stake in the debate. However, the i n c l u s i o n of the heated i n t e l l e c t u a l issue in a meditative image would have confirmed the owner's awareness, i n t e l l i g e n c e and even p ie ty . The antique r e l i e f s in J_he_Blgod_gf_the_Redeemer are also s i g n i f i c a n t components for e s tab l i sh ing the s o c i a l context in which the pa int ing funct ioned. Though the paint ing f inds i t s roots in the p i c t o r i a l t r a d i t i o n s of monastic imagery, a monastic patron seems u n l i k e l y in view of the presence of the r e l i e f s . The incorporat ion of elements of c l a s s i c a l art must be seen in the context of an increas ing in teres t in an t iqu i ty in the upper echelons of Venetian soc ie ty . As discussed in Chapter Three humanistic scholarship was focussing on the antique as a means of understanding the C h r i s t i a n mysteries . At the same time, wealthy Venetians were c u l t i v a t i n g a taste for the antique through study and c o l l e c t i o n of c l a s s i c a l a r t . Furthermore, as Venice's imperial s e l f - i d e n t i f i c a t i o n began to focus more i n t e n t l y on Rome, the legacy of ancient Rome became a prominent in teres t in c i v i c l i f e and a r t . d * The mystery of C h r i s t ' s s a c r i f i c e began to be expl icated in 138 v i sua l terms through reference to the art of a n t i q u i t y . The subject of the r e l i e f s has eluded s p e c i f i c d e f i n i t i o n to t h i s day, however, Sax l ' s general i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the scenes as inc idents of pagan s a c r i f i c e i s f i rmly accepted. The r e l i e f on the l e f t i s undoubtedly a s a c r i f i c e to the dead which i s performed by the pagan pr i e s t who holds the patera over a flaming a l t a r . The r e l i e f on the r ight was i d e n t i f i e d by Saxl as the story of Mucius Scaevola, the Roman Stoic who burned his hands before the enemy in order to save his c o u n t r y . J i Though the Mucius Scaevola i n t e r p r e t a t i o n has been large ly rejected by la ter scho lars , the popular i ty of the theme in northern I ta ly in the period may help to confirm Saxl ' s o r i g i n a l suggest!on In one sense, as Saxl f i r s t noted, the parapet scenes serve as a p o s i t i v e analogue to the s a c r i f i c e of C h r i s t . The p o s i t i v e juxtapos i t ion i s in contrast to Mantegna's use of antique r e l i e f s i n , for example, the Eremitani frescoes . In the frescoes , the c l a s s i c a l s a c r i f i c e scene i s used as a negative comment on the ro le of pagans in 34 the persecution of C h r i s t i a n martyrs. B e l l i n i ' s usage jo ins l a t er s a c r i f i c i a l Chr i s t representat ions such as a l a t er f i f t e en th century r e l i e f in Padua as well as an Entombment r e l i e f from the 1480's (Figs . 74 and 75). In both B e l l i n i ' s paint ing and the two r e l i e f s , pagan s a c r i f i c e scenes h igh l ight the idea of C h r i s t ' s death as a s a c r i f i c e and extend the importance of the s a c r i f i c e to a l l of mankind. It i s an analogy that , as Co l in E i s l e r has pointed out, transcends the notion of Old Testament pre f igura t ion to provide a more universal statement of the power and s i g n i f i c a n c e of C h r i s t ' s d e a t h . ^ It i s also a statement that would have been well received la ter in the century in Venice when 139 humanistic scholarship was we l l - e s tab l i shed and Roman imperial assoc ia t ions had come to form an important aspect of the c i t y ' s i d e n t i t y . 3 ^ In contrast to the Paduan r e l i e f , where the entombed "Man of Borrows" makes no contact with the pagan scene on the tomb, B e l l i n i ' s Chr i s t p h y s i c a l l y in terac t s with the s a c r i f i c e imagery. Martin Davies has suggested that C h r i s t ' s hand may have been pos i t ioned so as to cancel out the act of s a c r i f i c e in the r e l i e f at the l e f t . However, the ca lcu la ted placement of the hand over the r e l i e f a l t a r suggests a more i n t r i c a t e r e l a t i o n s h i p . 3 ^ The gesture toward the a l t a r in ef fect recreates the " l i b a t i o n " pose of the Roman Emperor as i t was imaged on Roman medals. The medals were of spec ia l in teres t in Venice along with other a n t i q u i t i e s in the c i t y ' s assoc ia t ion with Roman t r a d i t i o n (F ig . 3 8 76). In th i s sense, the gesture does not simply erase the pagan s a c r i f i c e , but rather extends in v i s u a l l y s p e c i f i c terms the power of C h r i s t ' s s a c r i f i c e . In the Entombment r e l i e f , a s i m i l a r i n t e r a c t i o n occurs where the hand of the immolated Chr i s t makes pointed contact with the s a c r i f i c e scene, forging a p o s i t i v e l ink between the C h r i s t i a n s a c r i f i c e and p r e - C h r i s t i a n observance. The emphasis on the hand of Chr i s t that i s brought to the image through the l e f t r e l i e f gives spec ia l recogni t ion to the " l iba t ion" pose — the open gesture that i s the d i s t i n c t i v e feature of the s p g r t e l l g Chr i s t which B e l l i n i has co-opted. The r e l i e f s also function to enhance the meditative e f fect iveness of the Chr i s t f i gure as an object of devotions. Depicted as s t a t i c carv ings , the r e l i e f scenes are imminently less "real" than the f l esh 140 and blood f igure of Chr i s t that hovers in the foreground. The a f f ec t ive " l i v i n g " qua l i ty of the Chr i s t i s underscored through the j u x t a p o s i t i o n . The Chr i s t i s also expanded as a multi-1evel1ed object of empathic meditations through the use of c l a s s i c a l s ty l e in the f igure i t s e l f . Posed in "contrapposto, " Chr i s t reveals what Robertson terms a "c lass ic 39 elegance and s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y . " . The f igure i t s e l f i s not a d i rec t imi ta t ion of an antique example, but rather the re su l t of the infus ion of c l a s s i c a l expressive e f fects into a C h r i s t i a n subject . B e l l i n i ' s process of extrapolat ion and re-express ion re la te s to the approach of Donatel lo and liantegna who in the ir Entombment images apply c l a s s i c a l 40 ideas in the serv ice of the Alber t ian " i s t o r i a . " (Figs . 73). In contrast to the anguished, almost b r u t a l , real ism of northern versions of the immolated C h r i s t , the c l a s s i c a l refinement of B e l l i n i ' s f igure transforms the suf fer ing Chr i s t into an image of t r a g i c beauty and profound h u m i l i t y . Even the deep pathos conveyed through the Rogerian aspect of the f igure i s expanded to include a noble and se l f -assured d i g n i t y . Like the Brera P i e t a , which Be l t ing describes as a Venetian version of the " i s t o r i a " , the cross -bear ing Chr i s t i t s e l f - at once c l a s s i c a l , Berman and Flemish - becomes an emotional complex that to the 41 meditating viewer would e l i c i t a deep empathic appeal (F ig . 55). The c l a s s i c i s m of B e l l i n i ' s C h r i s t , in e f f e c t , completes the emotional spectrum providing an i n t r i c a t e e x p l i c a t i o n of the range of human f e e l i n g . 141 The Meditat ive Vi s ion The publ ic Chr i s t type of Ihe_Blgod_of_the_Redee_er has been adapted not only as a focus for intimate devotions but also in more mystical terms as a meditative v i s i o n . As in the Renders panel , the sacred platform on which the Chr i s t f igure stands i s the d iv ine area in which the v i s ion occurs (F ig . 20). The r a d i a t i n g streams of l i g h t that emanate from the Renders Chr i s t are replaced in B e l l i n i ' s paint ing by clouds of cherubim and seraphim. Hovering around C h r i s t ' s feet , the clouds and angels appear to gently elevate the already weightless f igure above the pavement. The effect i s enhanced by the pos i t i on of the cross that hides the weight-bearing foot . S i m i l a r l y , the out l ine around the other foot serves to detach the f igure from the perspect ive f l o o r . No shadows are cast to ground the d iv ine f i g u r e . . Chr i s t appears to have miraculously mater ia l i zed as a d iv ine manifestat ion. As discussed in Chapter Two, the f u l l - l e n g t h bleeding Chr i s t had been developed in the context of both monastic and lay meditations as a t r a d i t i o n a l form for mystical v i s i o n s . The assoc ia t ion between the image of the Chr i s t type and the v i s i o n i t s e l f was twofold. On the one hand, the type i s depicted in representat ions of the occurrence of a v i s i o n , inc luding images such as the Renders panel and the Mass of St . Bregory. On the other hand, the Chr i s t image played a formative ro le in the evocation of v i s ions as in the case of J u l i a n of Norwich as mentioned above. B e l l i n i ' s depic t ion of the f u l l - l e n g t h bleeding Chr i s t as a v i s ion partakes of the p i c t o r i a l t r a d i t i o n of representing the type as a d iv ine manifestat ion. At the same time, i t may have functioned in a more act ive sense in meditations as a prototype f o r the desired 142 vi s i on. B e l l i n i ' s v i s ionary Chr i s t r e l i e s in p a r t i c u l a r ways on northern images of the v i s ion of St. Gregory. Both the instruments of martyrdom and the act ion of squeezing the side-wound were elements that were commonly included with the Gregorian v i s ion of the f u l l - l e n g t h bleeding Chr i s t (F igs . 22 and 23). In p a r t i c u l a r , the act ive gesture of squeezing the blood into the cha l i c e stands in d i r e c t contrast to s_orte l_g representat ions of the type where Chr i s t remains passive as the blood flows from the hand-wound (Figs . 32 and 35). At the same time, however, the Gregorian Chr i s t does extend the arm in a gesture of o f f e r i n g . Like the s p g r t e l l g C h r i s t , the Gregorian v i s i o n i s a l i t u r g i c a l Chr i s t that i s depicted as appearing in the church se t t ing during the Mass. Thus, the f r o n t a l and close-up Chr i s t type of the 5 _ g r t e l l g has been enhanced as a meditative image in B e l l i n i ' s paint ing through reference to another more v i s ionary l i t u r g i c a l type. Unlike t r a d i t i o n a l representat ions of the Chr i s t type as a v i s i o n , B e l l i n i ' s f igure i s not represented in the company of mortal viewers who are experiencing the event. The Renders Chr i s t appears before a monk and the Gregorian v i s i o n before the Pope and c l ergy . S i m i l a r l y , the Chr i s t in the manuscript of Margaret of York appears to the duchess (F ig . 24). B e l l i n i ' s Chr i s t i s alone on the sacred platform with the accompanying angel . The f igures in the r ight background are the only potent ia l witnesses to the event. They are not, however, experiencing the v i s i o n but rather are engaged in the process of walking toward the town. As in B e l l i n i ' s other Chr i s t images, the background f igures set within the landscape would have functioned to e s tab l i sh a human and 143 earth ly relevance for the meditating viewer. They also serve to confirm that the v i s ion i s not being seen by the inhabitants of the landscape, but rather remains the exclus ive v i s i o n of the meditating viewer. Where the Chr i s t of the Margaret of York manuscript d i sp lays the wound of the hand to the duchess, B e l l i n i ' s f igure exh ib i t s i t d i r e c t l y to the viewer. S i m i l a r l y , the Gregorian Chr i s t extends his arm in s e l f -o f f er ing to the gathering of c l ergy , while B e l l i n i ' s C h r i s t extends the gesture to the meditating observer. Even the Renders C h r i s t , who faces the viewer and gestures toward the wound, remains disengaged from the process of i n t e r a c t i o n . The arm, enclosed around the body, e s t a b l i s h the f igure as a passive focus for devotions. B e l l i n i ' s C h r i s t , appearing d i r e c t l y before the viewer with arm extended, presents himself as the personal v i s i o n of the meditating viewer. It i s the p a r t i c u l a r form of the l i t u r g i c a l Chr i s t type that provides for the one-on-one encounter with the meditative v i s i o n . F u l l -length, f r o n t a l , with the arm extended for the viewer, the Chr i s t type has been adapted to v i s u a l i z e and e l i c i t in immediate terms the supreme goal of meditat ions. In Ihe_B_ood_of_the_Redeemer, the publ ic Chr i s t type becomes the ca ta lys t to the most personal meditative experience - -the pr ivate manifestation of Chr i s t himself . NOTES 1. Pr ivate devotional imagery in general was s i tuated very high on the wall as i l l u s t r a t e d -for example in F i g s . 1 and 2. 2. Goffen, "Icon and V i s i o n , " 498-99. 3. B e l t i n g , 19-22. B e l t i n g ' s focus on the way in which B e l l i n i borrowed from icon and a l t a r t r a d i t i o n s in his "Man of Sorrows" images i s extended in t h i s thes i s to consider the reasons why the t ranspos i t i on occurred and the funct ion that i t may have f u l f i l l e d with regard to a s ing le image, Ihe_B_ggd_of_the_Redeemer. 4. I b i d . , 17-18. 5. I b i d . , 23-24. 6. In the church s e t t i n g , the l i t u r g i c a l Chr i s t type was developed in p a r t i c u l a r ways in Venice. In Sansovino's s p g r t e l l g , clouds and angels have been incorporated to produce an image of the double a l t a r . Two angels ra i se the cross and cha l i c e in the act of e levat ion while the Chr i s t of the Eucharis t i s ra ised in the clouds by angels. The idea of c e l e t i a l e levat ion and s a c r i f i c e , which would have been mirrored in the act ions of the p r i e s t , i s expanded in l a ter representat ions . In Moretto's a l t a r pa int ing in B r e s c i a , the l i t u r g i c a l Chr i s t i s ra ised high a lo f t on the cloud of e levat ing angels (F ig . 68). It i s a dramatization of the heavenly r i t e that i s s i m i l a r in conception to B e l l i n i ' s image of C h r i s t supported by angels at the top of the St. Vincent Ferrer polyptych (F ig . 57). At the height of the Mass, B e l l i n i ' s image would have become act ivated as a v i s u a l i z a t i o n of the earthly p r i e s t ' s act of e l eva t ion . In Carpacc io ' s a l t a r paint ing at Udine, the s g g r t e l l g Chr i s t has been enlarged as in Moretto's image and placed on the wall behind the a l t a r (F ig . 69). Carpacc io ' s C h r i s t , however, i s not v i v i f i e d as an image of the c e l e s t r a l s a c r i f i c e . Rather, the f igure i s placed on a platform within an earth ly landscape. The f igure i s a mystical C h r i s t , l i k e that of the meditative image, who funct ions in the l i t u r g i c a l se t t ing to dramatize the e u c h a r i s t i c mystery and confirm the r e a l i t y of C h r i s t ' s presence. 7. The spec ia l power of perspect ive as an expressive force and as a conveyor of r e l i g i o u s meaning was recognized and appl ied in other contexts by Venetian a r t i s t s of the per iod . In p a r t i c u l a r , as Wendy Stedman Sheard has observed, the expressive use of perspect ive was 144 ) 145 appl ied by T u l l i o in the facade of the Scuola di San Marco. Sheard notes that the perspect ive of the r e l i f on the "tempio" wing suggests a kind of s p i r i t u a l energy that emanates from within - - an outpouring of force that confirms in th i s case the char i tab l e a c t i v i t i e s of the c o n f r a t e r n i t y members in the outside community. Wendy Stedman Sheard, "The B i r t h of Monumental C l a s s i c i z i n g Rel ie f in Venice on the Facade of the Scuola di San Marco," in Interpre_azigni_yenezianei_Studi_di § t g r i a _ d e l l _ a r _ e _ i n _ o n o r e _ d i _ M i c h e l (Venice: Arsenale , 1984), 155. In a d d i t i o n , B e l l i n i ' s father Jacopo may have been aware of the potent ia l of perspect ive as a conveyor of r e l i g i o u s meaning. As C h r i s t i n e Joost-Gaugier has observed, Jacopo seems to have used perspect ive in a devotional sense in cer ta in images as a means of focussing on the f igure of C h r i s t . C h r i s t i n e Joost -Baugier , "Jacopo B e l l i n i ' s Interest in Perspect ive and Its Iconographical S i g n i f i c a n c e , " I § i _ § c h r i f t _ f u r _ _ u n s t g e s c h i c h t e 38 (1975), 13. 8. Hans Caspary points out that the Bothic tabernacle i t s e l f remained a standard in Venice long after the Renaissance tabernacle , along with i t s p i c t o r i a l elements, had become disseminated from Florence through Tuscany, Rome and elsewhere. It was not u n t i l the Lombardi were working in Venice after the t h i r d quarter of the f i f t e e n t h century that the Renaissance type became popular in the c i t y . In a d d i t i o n , the Bothic type continued to be produced concurrent ly with that of the Renaissance form. Caspary, Das Sakramentstabernakel, 44-45. Caspary also observes that with the Venetian advance into the "terra f i rma ," the Gothic tabernacle became an establ i shed type in the Venetian t e r r i t o r i e s on the mainland. In l i g h t of t h i s , perhaps the cont inuat ion of the Gothic s ty l e in the tabernacle can be seen as a type of Venetian stamp that confirmed through a r t i s t i c means the idea of Venice 's ownership of the newly-conquered lands. The Venetian Gothic tabernacle , appearing in the many small churches in Venetian-dominated t e r r i t o r y , would exist in sharp contrast to those in Tuscan and papal t e r r i t o r i e s and would provide a constant v i sua l reminder of the Venetian hold . 9. Cope, 18. The idea of i n s e r t i n g a compartment for the Eucharis t within an a l t a r p i e c e is a concept that had been developing for decades in northern Europe. The presence of the Eucharis t in the high a l t a r of the north was both p r a c t i c a l for the ce l ebrat ion of the Mass and e f f ec t ive as a means of conveying honour upon the elements. 10. I b i d . , 18. 11. Robertson, § _ g v a n n L _ B e _ _ _ n _ , 9, 33. 12. Douglas Percy B l i s s , A_H_stgry_gf_Wggdengraying (London: Spring Books, 1964), 16. 13. E i s l e r , Part I, 115-116. 14. As already noted, for example in the San Taras io polyptych where the e u c h a r i s t i c compartment i s incorporated in the carved 146 a l t a r p i ece. 15. I b i d . , 114. 16. Maurice Vloberg discusses the concept of the mystical winepress in conjunction with the re la ted notion of the m i l l . According to Vloberg, both ideas made reference to the Eucharist - - the mi l l being an a l l u s i o n to the bread of the Host and the winepress to the sacred blood of the c h a l i c e . Vloberg, 172-183. 17. Cited in Ringbom, 25 n. IB. 18. G e r u l a i t i s has observed that the popular i ty in Venice of the wri t ings of St . Gregory was second only to that of works by St. Jerome. In addi t ion to exeget ical works, Gregory's "Dialogi de v i t a et miracu l i s patrum Ital icorum" appears in Venice in the second half of the f i f t eenth century, focussing on the miraculous, prophetic and v i s ionary experiences of the I t a l i a n s . It i s a work that , in B e r u l a i t i s ' words, "sa t i s f i ed a des ire for the miraculous ' ." B e r u l a i t i s , p. 96. 19. In addi t ion to the s t y l i s t i c inf luence of the p r i n t , the s ty l e of northern p i e t i s t i c metal sculpture was emulated by many Venetian a r t i s t s . In p a r t i c u l a r , as Col in E i s l e r notes, the Internat ional Sty le continued to be imitated and absorbed by many I t a l i a n workers in precious metals well into the f i f t e en th century. E i s l e r , Part II , 114. It would appear that the elongated, l inear forms of the e a r l i e r s ty l e continued to be used because of the i r p a r t i c u l a r expressive qua l i ty which was appropriate in the contemporary p i e t i s t i c s i t u a t i o n . 20. The importance of the v i s u a l i z a t i o n of contemporary c i t i e s in Venetian mediations i s stressed in devotional l i t e r a t u r e of the per iod . A passage from Cavalca 's "Zardino de O r a t i o n , " for example, reads: "The better to impress the story of the Passion on your mind, and to memorise each act ion of i t more e a s i l y , i t i s he lpful and necessary to f ix the places and people in your mind: a c i t y , for example, which w i l l be the c i t y of Jerusalem — taking for t h i s purpose a c i t y that i s well known to you." Translated and quoted in Baxandal l , 46. 21. Gragg and Gabel, "Memoirs," 264-69. 22. Horster , 166. The r e l i e f represents the bleeding Chr i s t between angels and seraphim. 23. I b i d . , 166-70. 24. I b i d . , 164. 25. Ib id . 26. Goffen, "Icon and V i s i o n , " 498-99. 147 27. Horster , 164. 28. Wadell , 31-32. 29. Horster notes the equal emphasis assigned to blood and body and suggests that i t was the d i r e c t r e su l t o-f the questions that were pushed into prominence through the theo log ica l quarrel and enflamed through the Mantuan Congress. Horster , 164. 30. Col in E i s l e r , in f a c t , notes that after the Controversy, the bleeding "Man of Sorrows" type began to be placed increas ing ly in e u c h a r i s t i c contexts . E i s l e r pos i t s that the dispute may have been responsible for a s h i f t away from an assoc iat ion of the type with blood veneration to a broader e u c h a r i s t i c reference. E i s l e r , Part II , 235. More s p e c i f i c a l l y , however, i t would seem that though the type became increas ing ly meaningful in connection with the Euchar i s t , i t did not lose i t s blood references . On the contrary , the message appears to have been a combined b lood/Euchar i s t statement which gave extended and powerful d e f i n i t i o n to the mystery of C h r i s t ' s s a c r i f i c e . 31. D.S. Chambers has discussed the adoption of "neo-Roman" imagery in Venice in the f i f t e e n t h century in conjunction with the s h i f t in Venetian in tere s t s toward the Terraf irma. As Venice increas ing ly appropriated mainland t e r r i t o r i es, ideas associated with imperial Rome became important components of the Venetian myth and found s i g n i f i c a n t expression in the art of the Republ ic . As Chambers observes, the alignment with Rome served to va l ida te the i m p e r i a l i s t i c encroachments of Venice on mainland t e r r i t o r i e s in heroic terms through an emphasis on the Roman idea l s of c i v i c j u s t i c e and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y on the horaefront and the preservat ion of l i b e r t y and peace abroad. D.S. Chambers, Itli_IlfigCL_ l_Age_of_Ven_ce__ l380 -1580 (London: Thames and Hudson, 1970), 12. 32. Saxl , 351. 33. Horster has drawn at tent ion to a large number of representat ions of the theme in northern I ta ly and within B e l l i n i ' s own c i r c l e . The theme was represented for example by B e l l i n i ' s b r o t h e r - i n -law Mantegna and in the c i r c l e of B e l l i n i ' s brother G e n t i l e . Horster , 174-77. In Venice, the theme would have c e r t a i n l y had a current appeal within the context of growing Roman Imperial a s soc ia t ions . The theme, in f a c t , expresses the s p e c i f i c idea l s that the Republic was propagating — a c i v i c duty and a l l eg iance , and the defense of l i b e r t y and preservat ion of peace. Moreover, the pecu l iar a l t a r in Mantegna's image, and more p a r t i c u l a r l y in the Gent i l e B e l l i n i work, i s extremely s i m i l a r to the one in the r ight r e l i e f of Ihe_Blood_gf_the_Redeemer in i t s strange, attenuated shape. 34. Saxl , 350 n. 2. 35. E i s l e r , Part II , 236. 148 36.. Joan Richardson notes that: "Although there was a proto-humanism in th ir teenth century Venice . . . i t was not u n t i l centres o-f humanist learning and areas containing Roman ruins were annexed by Venice that Venetians developed a broad in teres t in a n t i q u i t y . " Richardson, "Hodegetria and Venetia Virgo" (M.A. thes i s , Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1979), 110. 37. Davies, 61. 38. The Roman Imperial connotations are continued in the r e l i e f which, in view of the i n s c r i p t i o n on the a l t a r , appears to refer to the Emperor Marcus A u r e l i u s . 39. Robertson, G i o y a n n i _ B e l l i n i , 34. 40. B e l t i n g , 31-48. 41. Be l t ing sees three d i f f e r e n t conceptions of the " i s t o r i a " ex i s t ing in Venice in the period - - the a f f e c t i v e , charged icon (the Brera P__t_), the dramatic " i s t o r i a " in the manner of A l b e r t i (Mantegna*s Entombment) and the narra t ive c l i p p i n g (Mantegna's and B e l l i n i ' s Present at_gn__n_the_Temp_e. Be l t ing sees B e l l i n i as achieving a re so lu t ion between icon and p i c t o r i a l drama in his imagery of the 1490's. I b i d . , 45-48. Though the Brera Pieta (as well as Ihe_Blgod °f_t!li_B§_§§_§C* lacks the dramatic act ion prescribed by the Alber t ian thes i s , i t contains what Bel t ing terms the high p i tch of r h e t o r i c . I b i d . , 43. S i m i l a r l y , the profound emotions that have been cons i s t en t ly recognised in the Redeemer Chr i s t convey a re la ted a f f e c t i v e complexity. F i g . 1. Giovanni B e l l i n i , The Blood of the Redeemer (after c l ean ing) , London, National Gal lery of A r t , c. 1480. F i g . 2. Giovanni B e l l i n i , The Blood of the Redeemer (before c l ean ing) , London, National G a l l e r y of Art , c. 1480. o F i g . 3. V i t t o r e Carpacc io , The Dream of St . Ursu la , Venice, Accademia, 1495(7). F i g . 4. Master of ( d e t a i l ) , Chicago, century. Moulins, Annunciation Art I n s t i t u t e , f i f t e e n t h F i g . 6. The Wounds of Chr i s t with the Symbols of the Passion, South German(?), c. 1490 (s .IX.1795a) . r c m f l r i i t t t f . t m n » __ <• -1 kldhr4 ft wan Grill W *-C TDU-lSl t CUXUICiugiii LU^atuXun rotpdiuc; mo ilnuo p dJiti - 4: qaucauuii mikctfr . "*ui:i*v. Inn ._r .'7 a. tela! in cfPcrh ^ -tuliui^  UfaQ—sic ; mr ttma* nllta /nMc not*- pHl ^ / 3 u c iilu< jnhitc aikt ' count \roeau lcrt« Ocrt cnpuU-^ 1 -• J kn> pet' «M» • Ire ,\ rrsT him km jyinfrgfl, M L "line, UIw.Va at 9%ttM_i .Hi.mifcH ... )MSW< j - , , , jj > i e i i m w l - \ | . frftM • ;"(t-n «mi rotiM*: Anu» tik<MIMKV i^K>Vr* |tS '^> tirulU o_*tT'-.V Vciic\»cu>n* Af.-~ rum WM1*^.*'-* il'*u vjj» r-**.* _rV\<\ jtv.^ intil ani M*l>t fee -*innv.>»rr ci.Ui rtj >i«bU'. ... *»« * ***** •i,"" o ,\>*~i nx. -fS ft. 3«m-4H CM F i g . 8. Arma C h r i s t i , Brusse l s , B ib l io theque Royale, MS. 4459-70, f o l . 150 v and 152 v, 1320. F i g . 9. Arma C h r i s t i , Prague, U n i v e r s i t y L i b r a r y , MS. 14 A 17, f o l . 10 r , c . 1320. F i g . 10. Fons P i e t a t i s , German, Munich, Graphische Sammlung, f i f t eenth century. Sol A HOPS MKMB t.mmiro • '•Ml>r WMVS l-.fr>V purplr,„n.>|Jrm1,lr be~_Jri«t TolUT «T *TMNI n.ARA r*OPH«A Ml AuGu-drChnfipurcntarfi.i)rtlouDrmr F i g . I i . D.V. Coonrbeert, Fens P i e t a t i s , s ixteenth century. F i g . 12. Fu l l -Length Bleeding C h r i s t (seated) , Augsburg or Nuremberg, 1507 (S.90Bbb). F i g . 13. Half -Length V i r g i n and C h r i s t , Netherlandish (Flemish?) , c. 1500, (S . IX.913d) . F i g . 17. F u l l - L e n g t h Bleeding Chris t (seated), Netherlandish c. 1500, (var ia t ion on S.909a). F i g . IB. Fu l l -Length Bleeding C h r i s t (seated) , Netherlandish, c. 1500, (S.908a). F i g . 19. Jesus A t t r a c t i n g the F a i t h f u l Heart, Ulra, 1480-90, (S.1838). F i g . 20. The F u l l - L e n g t h Bleeding C h r i s t with Angel and Donor, Flemish, e x - c o l l e c t i o n o-f Emile Renders, c.1420-40 (?) . F i g . 21. Carlo C r i v e l l i , The F u l l - L e n g t h Bleeding C h r i s t with St. F r a n c i s , M i l a n , Museo P o l d i - P e z z o l i , c. 1460(7). F i g , 22. The Mass o-f St . Gregory, P a r i s , Bibl iotheque de ' ' A r s e n a l , MS. 639 f o l . 99 f i f t e en th century. F i g . 23. The Mass of St. Gregory, Lubeck, Cathedral , 1496. F i g . 24. Master o-f the G i r a r d de R o u s s i l l o n , The F u l l - L e n g t h Chr i s t appearing to Margaret o-f York, London, B r i t i s h Museum, Add. MS. 7970 -fol. 4, f i f t e en th century. F i g . 25. Seven Sacraments, German, C. 1490. F i g . 26. F u l l - L e n g t h Bleeding C h r i s t , P a r i s , Cabinet des Estampes, -fifteenth century. F i g . 27. Petrus C h r i s t u s , Half -Length Bleeding C h r i s t , Birmingham, Ci ty Museum and Art G a l l e r y , f i f t e en th century. F i g . 28. HaH-Length Bleedinq Chr i s t with a Franc iscan , 1490-1500) (B.9 l6b) . F i g . 30. A t t r i b u t e d to Mariotto di C r i s t o f a n c , The Fu l l -Length Bleeding Chr i s t between the V i r g i n and St . Lucy, San Giovanni Valdarno, Church of the Miser1 c o r d i a , c. 1420-30. F i g . 31. Fu l l -Length Bleeding C h r i s t , P e s c i a , B i b l i o t e c a C a p i t o l a r e , ear ly f i f t e e n t h century. F i g . 32. F u l l - L e n g t h Bleeding C h r i s t , s g o r t e l l g , F lorence , Badia , c. 1439. F i g . 33. Neri d. B i c c i , F u l l - L e n g t h Bleeding C h r i s t , s g g r t e l l g , Taverne l l e , Val di Pesa, San Domenico a Morocco, 1471. F i g . 34. F u l l - L e n g t h Bleeding C h r i s t , s f jgrte l lg , F lorence , San Martina a Mensola, c. 1450. F i g . 35. F i l a r e t e , F u l l - L e n g t h Bleeding C h r i s t , I_5r._el.lg, Vienna, Museum, -fifteenth century. F i g . 36. Cosmati Workshop, Sacrament Tabernacle , Rome, th i r t een th century. F i g . 37. Donatel lo , Sacrament Tabernacle , Rome, San P ie tro in Vaticano, 1432-33. F i g . 38. De l ia Robbia School , Sacrament Tabernacle, Sansepulcro, Duomo, mid- f i f t eenth century. F i g . 39. Giovanni d e l l a Robbia, A l t a r of the Sacrament, Florence, SS. A p o s t o l i , l a t e r f i f t e e n t h century. F i g . 40. Luca d e l l a Robbia, Sacrament Tabernacle , F lorence , Sta. Maria at P e r e t o l a , 1441-43. F i g . 41. Bernardo R o s s e l l i n o , Sacrament Tabernacle , Florence , San Egid io (Sta. Maria Nuova), 1449-50. F i g . 42. Des iderio da Sett ignano, Tabernacle , F lorence , San Lorenzo, Sacrament 1461. F i g . 43. Desiderio da Sett ignano, Ciborium, Washington, National G a l l e r y ( ? ) , 1460's. F i g . 45. Rome, S. Mino del Reame, Sacrament Tabernacle , Maria in Trastevere , c. 1460's-70's . F i g . 46. De l la Robbia School , Ciboriuui, Galatrona, S. Giovanni Evange l i s ta , l a t e r f i f t eenth century. F i g . 48. Benedetto da Maiano, Ciborium, Siena, S. Domenico, mid-1470 7 - . F i g . 49. S. Maria Montorso l i , A l tar Tabernacle , Bologna, dei S e r v i , 1558-61. F i g . 52. Image of P i t y , Rome, Sta . Croce in Gerusalemme, th i r t eenth century. F i g . 53. Giovanni B e l l i n i , Hal f -Length C h r i s t , Mi lan , Museo P o l d i - P e z z o l i , 1460's(?) . F i g . 54. Antonio V i v a r i n i , A l t a r p i e c e , Mailand, Brera, c. 1448. F i g . 55. Giovanni B e l l i n i , Hal f -Length C h r i s t with the V i r g i n and St. John, Mai land, Brera , 1470 (?) . F i g . 56. Giovanni B e l l i n i , Half -Length C h r i s t with the v i r g i n and St . John, Bergamo, Accademia Carrara , mid-1450's(?) . F i g . 57. Giovanni B e l l i n i , HaH-Length C h r i s t with Two Angels, St . Vincent Ferrer Po lyptych , Venice, SS. Giovanni e Paolo, 1470's(?) . F i g . 58. Giovanni B e l l i n i , Half-Length C h r i s t with Angels, London, National G a l l e r y , 1470's-80's. F i g . 59. Antonello da Messina, Hal f -Length Chr i s t with Angel, Madrid, Prado, 1475. F i g . 60. Antonio V i v a r i n i and Giovanni d'Alemagna, Half -Length Bleeding C h r i s t , Polyptych, Venice, S. Z a c c a r i a , 1444. d e t a i l . F i g . 62, Donate l lo , High A l t a r , r e c o n s t r u c t i o n , F i g . 63. P ie tro and T u l l i o Lombardo, Sacrament Padua, San Antonio, 1449. Tabernacle , Venice, S. Maria dei M i r a c o l i , l a t er f i f t e e n t h century. F i g . 64. a t t r . Alessandro Leapard i , Tabernacle of the Holy Blood, S. Venice, S. Maria dei F r a r i , l a ter f i f t e e n t h century. F i g . 65. T u l l i o Lombardo, Sacrament Tabernacle Venice, Seminario, l a t er f i f t e e n t h century . F i g . 6 6 . J a c o p o S a n s o v i n o , Sacrament T a b e r n a c l e , V e n i c e , S. M a r c o , e a r l y s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r y . F i g . 6 7 . 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