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Language-related hand gestures in criminal psychopaths Gillstrom, Brenda Jean 1987

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LANGUAGE-RELATED HAND GESTURES IN CRIMINAL PSYCHOPATHS By BRENDA JEAN GILLSTROM A., The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1984 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Psychology) We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August, 1987 © Brenda Jean G i l l s t r o m , 1987 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Psychology The University of British Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date December 4, 1987 DE-6(3/81) i i ABSTRACT Hand gestures were coded from videotaped i n t e r v i e w s of male p r i s o n inmates d i v i d e d i n t o high (P), medium (M) and low (NP) groups based on the Psychopathy C h e c k l i s t (Hare, 1980). Compared with other groups, psychopaths were found to make more beats (a type of n o n r e f e r e n t i a l language-r e l a t e d gesture) when speaking about t h e i r f a m i l y background but not when speaking about t h e i r c r i m i n a l h i s t o r y . There were no group d i f f e r e n c e s i n the use of other language gestures or nonlanguage g e s t u r e s . The r e s u l t s are d i s c u s s e d i n terms of speech encoding d i f f i c u l t i e s that psychopaths may experience i n r e l a t i o n to content that i n v o l v e s concepts or words that are a b s t r a c t or emotion-laden. The r e s u l t s are c o n s i s t e n t with language r e s e a r c h , and suggest that psychopaths d i f f e r from others i n the p r o c e s s i n g and use of language. i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS A b s t r a c t i i . L i s t of Tables v i . L i s t of F i g u r e s v i i . Acknowledgements v i i i . I. I n t r o d u c t i o n 1 I I . Psychopathy and Language A. Language and the search f o r the cause of psychopathy 5 B. C l i n i c a l o b s e r v a t i o n s 7 C. E m p i r i c a l s t u d i e s 8 D. Summary 11 I I I . Hand Gestures and Language P r o c e s s i n g 12 A. O p e r a t i o n a l d e f i n i t i o n of hand gesture 12 B. The l i n k between gesture and language 13 1. Gestures and communication 14 2. Gestures and l a t e r a l i t y of language f u n c t i o n 16 3. Gestures and aphasia 19 4. Gestures and speech p l a n n i n g and encoding 23 i . H e s i t a t i o n phenomena 23 i i . Encoding d i f f i c u l t i e s 24 i i i . Encoding steps 26 i v . C o g n i t i v e content and demands.... 27 iv C. The f u n c t i o n of gestures i n speech p r o c e s s i n g 28 1. The e f f e c t of e l i m i n a t i n g gestures ... 28 2. Gestures and an o r g a n i z a t i o n a l r o l e . . . 29 3. Gestures and the meaning of speech.... 31 D. Gestures and i n t r a p e r s o n s t a t e s and t r a i t s 33 1 . Gestures and a n x i e t y 34 2. Gestures and c o g n i t i v e s t y l e 35 3. Gestures and negative content and a f f e c t 35 4. Summary 37 E. O v e r a l l summary 38 IV. Gestures and Speech P r o c e s s i n g i n Psychopaths .. 39 V. Purpose of the Present Study 43 VI. Method A. Subjects 44 B. Procedure 45 V I I . R e s u l t s A. I n t e r - r a t e r r e l i a b i l i t y f o r g e s t u r a l c a t e g o r i e s 52 B. G e s t u r a l use by the e n t i r e sample 52 C. R e s u l t s of s t a t i s t i c a l a n a l y s es 55 1 . Beats 55 2. Designators 58 3. Iconix 59 4. Nonlanguage gestures 61 5. L a t e r a l i t y e f f e c t s 62 6. V e r b a l output 62 V D. Normative comparisons 63 V I I I . Summary and D i s c u s s i o n A. Hand pr e f e r e n c e f o r g e s t u r i n g 66 B. Segment e f f e c t s f o r i c o n i x and d e s i g n a t o r s 67 C. Psychopathy and use of beats 68 D. D i r e c t i o n s f o r research 77 References 79 v i . LIST OF TABLES Table I. Summary of gestures used by the e n t i r e sample 53 Table I I . C o r r e l a t i o n s between gesture . c a t e g o r i e s 54 Table I I I . Mean number of beats used by each group. . 57 Table IV. Mean number of d e s i g n a t o r s used by each group 58 Table V. Mean number of i c o n i x used by each group 59 Table VI. Mean number of nonlanguage gestures used by each group 61 v i i . LIST OF FIGURES Fi g u r e 1. Group by segment i n t e r a t i o n f o r beats 56 Fi g u r e 2. Hand by segment i n t e r a c t i o n f o r i c o n i x 60 v i i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would l i k e to acknowledge those who d i r e c t l y and i n d i r e c t l y a ided in the completion of t h i s p r o j e c t . F i r s t l y , I thank those outside UBC, my pa r e n t s , b r o t h e r s and f r i e n d s who have o f f e r e d support and encouragement i n a l l my academic endeavors. Secondly, I would l i k e to thank those who c o n t r i b u t e d to t h i s study: my committee members, Dr. Demetrios Papageorgis and Dr. Janet Werker, who showed i n t e r e s t i n my resea r c h and o f f e r e d h e l p f u l a d v i c e ; L e s l i e McPherson, who planted the o r i g i n a l seed; Karen H a r l o s , f o r her p a t i e n c e and s k i l l in coding the gest u r e s ; a l l those who aide d i n c o l l e c t i n g the videotapes; A d e l l e F o r t h , who was always w i l l i n g to give me a s s i s t a n c e ; and Dr. John Y u i l l e who has encouraged me through h i s i n t e r e s t i n my ide a s . L a s t l y , and most importantly, I would l i k e to gi v e s p e c i a l mention to my a d v i s o r , Dr. Robert Hare. I would l i k e to thank him f o r h i s long term devot i o n to the area of psychopathy which i n i t s e l f has been a source of i n s p i r a t i o n f o r me and f o r h i s many c o n t r i b u t i o n s i n t h i s area, which make my r e s e a r c h p o s s i b l e . I would a l s o l i k e to thank him fo r h i s c o n t i n u a l support, encouragement and guidance with my r e s e a r c h and my graduate t r a i n i n g . 1 I. INTRODUCTION "... we are d e a l i n g here not with a complete man at a l l but with something that suggests a s u b t l y c o n s t r u c t e d r e f l e x machine that can mimic the human p e r s o n a l i t y p e r f e c t l y . " ( C l e c k l e y , 1976). There appears to e x i s t among us a type of person who i s devoid of the a b i l i t y to f e e l love and concern f o r others and who a c t s without regard f o r s o c i e t a l r u l e s and the r i g h t s of other human beings; t h i s type of person i s known as a psychopath. As C l e c k l e y p o i n t s out i n the above q u o t a t i o n , the psychopath mimics the human p e r s o n a l i t y but yet i s incomplete. He l a c k s elements that many of us f e e l make humankind so s p e c i a l , the elements through which most of us achieve f u l f i l l m e n t and happiness i n l i f e . Probably the most important of these elements i s the a b i l i t y t o give and r e c e i v e l o v e . Undoubtedly, i t i s the common possession of such human " t r a i t s " that c r e a t e s k i n s h i p and t r u s t i n s o c i e t y ; i t i s a l s o the p e r c e i v e d lac k of such " t r a i t s " i n the psychopath's c h a r a c t e r that makes him so a l i e n and t e r r i f y i n g to o t h e r s . The psychopath, although somewhat alarming by c h a r a c t e r , does present as a f a s c i n a t i n g c l i n i c a l phenomenon and a growing body of resea r c h has been accumulating on the d i s o r d e r . As a r e s u l t of such r e s e a r c h , there now e x i s t s a good d e s c r i p t i v e understanding of psychopathy and a l s o r e l i a b l e means of a s s e s s i n g the d i s o r d e r . However, although there has been great advancement i n d e s c r i p t i v e and 2 d i a g n o s t i c areas, the e t i o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s u n d e r l y i n g the d i s o r d e r continue to elude both r e s e a r c h e r s and c l i n i c i a n s . Most would agree t h a t the psychopath d i f f e r s from other humans i n a profound way. A f t e r encountering a number of psychopaths i n h i s c l i n i c a l work, Hervey C l e c k l e y (1976) s t a t e s , "I f i n d i t necessary f i r s t of a l l to p o s t u l a t e that the psychopath has a genuine and very s e r i o u s d i s a b i l i t y , d i s o r d e r , d e f e c t or d e v i a t i o n " . R ichard L. Jenkins ( c i t e d in C l e c k l e y , 1976) f e e l s "the d e f e c t r e l a t e s to the most c e n t r a l element of the human p e r s o n a l i t y : i t s s o c i a l nature. The psychopath i s simply a b a s i c a l l y a s o c i a l " or a n t i s o c i a l i n d i v i d u a l who has never developed the nature of homo domesticus". However, although the s e r i o u s n e s s of the d e f e c t i s r e a l i z e d , the c a u s a l mechanisms behind t h i s d i s o r d e r s t i l l remain a mystery. What f a c t o r s , e i t h e r inborn or encountered, serve to c r e a t e such a p e r s o n a l i t y ? One of the reasons why the e t i o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s may be so d i f f i c u l t to uncover i s the complexity of the d i s o r d e r . C l e a r l y , psychopathy i s not a simple d i s e a s e phenomenon which can be e a s i l y i s o l a t e d and examined. As Jenkins p o i n t s out, i t i n v o l v e s the s o c i a l nature of the I n d i v i d u a l , c l e a r l y a complicated area f o r study. The psychopath's s o c i a l nature i n v o l v e s a c l u s t e r of p e r s o n a l i t y and b e h a v i o r a l f e a t u r e s , many of which ho l d t h e i r own m y s t e r i e s . The c h a r a c t e r o l o g i c a l d e f i c i t s i n v o l v e such phenomena as a f f e c t , c o n s c i e n c e , and s o c i a l i z a t i o n , and at present our understanding of these i s at best sketchy. Most would agree 3 that these phenomena are extremely complex, with a number of possible variables influencing and contributing to their development and maintanence. In addition, a l l of these variables bring with them multiple hypothetical models concerning how they operate and influence. Taken together, they form a rather large reservoir of possible e t i o l o g i c a l foundations for t h i s disorder. Therefore, in investigating the etiology, there are a variety of aspects of the disorder that a researcher could focus on, as well as a variety of approaches that could be taken in focusing on any given area. One may also question the f r u i t f u l n e s s of a search for the root of psychopathy. With so many possible influencing factors, there may be an " i n f i n i t e " number of causal routes that result in th i s type of personality, that i s , multiple causation. However, although each psychopath displays his own idiosyncratic personality, the core personality features that have earned him th i s label are very consistent across a l l psychopaths. This does at least suggest the p o s s i b i l i t y of a commom genesis. The search may also be considered hopeless simply because of the complexities that are involved. However, although the 'defects' stem from the deeper aspects of man's nature, and, although there are many aspects that can be explored, t h i s does not mean that the actual cause must be as complex as i t s e f f e c t . The symptom cluster may stem from a simple causal factor that has been thus far masked by our lack of understanding of the human mind. I t would a l s o seem t h a t the b e n e f i t s of new d i s c o v e r i e s i n t h i s a r e a make the e f f o r t i n v o l v e d i n f i n d i n g the e t i o l o g y w o r t h w h i l e . Given e s t i m a t e s t h a t as many as 15-20% of the inmates i n our p r i s o n s a r e psychopaths (Hare, 1986), i t i s c l e a r t h a t t h e s e i n d i v i d u a l s pose a t h r e a t t o the s a f e t y of o t h e r s and a l s o a r e a c o n s i d e r a b l e f i n a n c i a l burden t o s o c i e t y . Any f i n d i n g s w i l l h e l p us t o have a b e t t e r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the psychopath and p o s s i b l y p o i n t t o ways t o d e a l w i t h , t r e a t , or p r e v e n t t h i s d i s o r d e r . Any d i s c o v e r i e s may a l s o have the added b e n e f i t of i n c r e a s i n g our u n d e r s t a n d i n g of many o t h e r s o c i a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l phenomena ( e . g . , emotion, c o n s i e n c e , and g u i l t ) . I t would appear t h a t the bes t or perhaps o n l y way t o o b t a i n i n f o r m a t i o n c o n c e r n i n g the c a u s a l mechanisms i n v o l v e d w i t h t h i s d i s o r d e r i s t o c o n t i n u e c o l l e c t i n g p i e c e s of i n f o r m a t i o n which w i l l h o p e f u l l y f i t t o g e t h e r t o s o l v e the e t i o l o g i c a l p u z z l e . T h i s study a t t e m p t s t o e x p l o r e language f u n c t i o n i n psychopaths t h r o u g h an a n a l y s i s of language-r e l a t e d hand g e s t u r e s . I t i s hoped t h a t the r e s u l t s w i l l p r o v i d e one of the p i e c e s t o t h i s p u z z l e . 5 I I . PSYCHOPATHY AND LANGUAGE A. Language and the Search, f o r the Cause of  Psychopathy Dubrul ( c i t e d i n Massagatani, 1973) c a l l s language man's i n t e g r a t e d m o dality. Undoubtedly language i n v o l v e s the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of a number of systems i n the human b r a i n . Wundt ( c i t e d in Bluhmenthal, 1973) f e l t that the study of human language was the most e f f i c i e n t route to knowledge concerning the human mind. I f language anomalies do e x i s t i n psychopaths (as i s suggested by c l i n i c a l and e m p i r i c a l f i n d i n g s d i s c u s s e d below), a c l e a r understanding of t h i s phenomenon may pr o v i d e c l u e s , e i t h e r d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y , about the c a u s a l f a c t o r s u n d e r l y i n g psychopathy. Whether the area of language f u n c t i o n i n g w i l l p r o vide d i r e c t or i n d i r e c t c l u e s r e g a r d i n g e t i o l o g y i s dependent on the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the language anomalies and psychopathy. There are three p o s s i b l e l i n k s between abnormal language behavior and psychopathy, each of which c o u l d p o t e n t i a l l y o f f e r new i n s i g h t s about e t i o l o g y . . The f i r s t p o s s i b l i t y i s that language a b n o r m a l i t i e s are e i t h e r d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y the cause of psychopathy. A h y p o t h e t i c a l example of i n d i r e c t c a u s a t i o n would be that d i f f e r e n c e s i n the c e r e b r a l o r g a n i z a t i o n of language i n psychopaths (as demonstrated i n e m p i r i c a l s t u d i e s ) may somehow prevent the normal development of other more 6 emotion-laden f a c i l i t i e s . In a more d i r e c t way, i f language somehow guides thought and/or behavior, a f a u l t y language system c o u l d be d i r e c t l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the problems i n p s y c h o l o g i c a l and s o c i a l f u n c t i o n i n g evidenced by psychopaths. The second p o s s i b l e l i n k i s that language d i f f e r e n c e s are " s i s t e r " symptoms to the d i s o r d e r . In t h i s case, language problems would not be d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to psychopathy but would stem from the same u n d e r l y i n g "problem", that i s , a t h i r d v a r i a b l e . In t h i s case, knowledge about language p r o c e s s i n g c o u l d provide another route to access t h i s more general c a u s a l f a c t o r . F i n a l l y , i t may be that the language a b n o r m a l i t i e s are the r e s u l t of psychopathy, that i s , a symptom of the " d i s e a s e " . T h i s would mean that s p e c i f i c d e f i c i t s i n v o l v e d with psychopathy have i n t e r f e r e d with or changed e i t h e r the development and/or f u n c t i o n of the language system. A h y p o t h e t i c a l example of how t h i s would operate i s that because of d e f e c t s i n the a f f e c t i v e system l e a r n i n g of language or p r o c e s s i n g was/is not c a r r i e d out i n the "normal" way. ;, • • The f i r s t s tep i n i n v e s t i g a t i n g language f u n c t i o n i n psychopaths i s to a s c e r t a i n i f language d i f f e r e n c e s do in f a c t e x i s t . As w i l l be d i s c u s s e d below, t h i s step i s a l r e a d y underway and s t u d i e s are r e v e a l i n g that anomalies do e x i s t i n the language f u n c t i o n of psychopaths. With more re s e a r c h , a good understanding of e x a c t l y what these 7 d i f f e r e n c e s i n v o l v e should be o b t a i n a b l e . The second step would be to t r y and i n t e g r a t e these f i n d i n g s with both the phenomenology of psychopathy and our knowledge concerning the aspects of language f u n c t i o n that are found to be a f f e c t e d i n psychopaths. T h i s i n f o r m a t i o n c o u l d then be used to d i s c o v e r what mechanisms are c o n t r i b u t i n g to the observed d i f f e r e n c e s and a l s o which of the above three p o s s i b i l e language/psychopathy r e l a t i o n s h i p s e x i s t . B. C l i n i c a l Observations The c l i n i c a l l i t e r a t u r e i s f u l l of d e s c r i p t i o n s about how the psychopath uses language to manipulate, to l i e , to boast and to make promises he never keeps. Most of these d e s c r i p t i o n s p r o j e c t an image of the psychopath as somewhat of a master of words, s p i n n i n g yarns and c r e a t i v e l y c o v e r i n g h i s t r a c k s ' w i t h c l e v e r responses; however, i t i s t h i s author's experience that although the psychopath i s o f t e n l o q u a c i o u s , h i s speech i s p r o b l e m a t i c . The psychopath does demonstrate f l u e n c y but more i n terms of a c o n t i n u a l 'babble' about v a r i o u s t o p i c s and experiences, with fancy jargon thrown i n to impress the l i s t e n e r . At an a u d i t o r y glance the psychopath comes a c r o s s as i n t e l l i g e n t , c o n f i d e n t and w e l l spoken; but upon c l o s e r i n s p e c t i o n i t becomes r e a d i l y n o t i c e a b l e that h i s speech appears to be c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a number of s h o r t , p o o r l y i n t e g r a t e d phrases, o f t e n j o i n e d by c o l l o q u i a l i s m s such as "you know" and " r i g h t " . A l s o , as C l e c k l e y (1976) p o i n t e d out, the 8 psychopath seems to have d i f f i c u l t y keeping a l o g i c a l t r a i n of thought. He tends to s k i p from t o p i c to t o p i c l o s i n g s i g h t of the focus of the c o n v e r s a t i o n or q u e s t i o n at hand. I t i s a l s o noteworthy that the psychopath tends to put words together i n odd ways and sometimes makes unusual phonetic e r r o r s . Although the above d e s c r i p t i o n s of language use in psychopaths are based on c l i n i c a l o b s e r v a t i o n s and are in need of e m p i r i c a l t e s t i n g , they suggest that these i n d i v i d u a l s may be showing d i f f e r e n c e s and/or d i f f i c u l t i e s i n speech p r o c e s s i n g . C. E m p i r i c a l Studies There does not appear to be any p u b l i s h e d r e s e a r c h i n v e s t i g a t i n g speech p r o c e s s i n g i n psychopaths, but E i c h l e r (1965) d i d examine speech content i n these i n d i v i d u a l s . In so doing he happened upon a f i n d i n g that seems to bear some r e l a t i o n s h i p to the above c l i n i c a l o b s e r v a t i o n s . Psychopaths were, found to use more r e t r a c t i o n s ( p u t t i n g two incongruent statements together) than d i d nonpsychopaths. An example of a r e t r a c t i o n i s , "My l i f e has been b o r i n g , but I have had some p r e t t y e x c i t i n g t h i n g s happen to me." . T h i s seems s i m i l a r to the above d e s c r i p t i o n of the psychopath juxtaposing ideas and phrases together that are u n r e l a t e d , only i n t h i s case they are incongruent. What the two phenomena point to i s a l a c k of connectedness between thoughts or phrases of speech. Although 9 s p e c u l a t i v e , i t may be that the psychopath l a c k s the a b i l i t y to i n t e g r a t e " chunks" of language output. T h i s may r e f l e c t an i n a b i l i t y to r e t a i n the s i g n i f i c a n c e of what has gone before and/or an i n a b i l i t y to move to a higher l e v e l of a b s t r a c t i o n , to access and grasp the c o n s i s t e n c y , flow, and wholeness of the " s t o r y l i n e " . Although there i s a l a c k of r e s e a r c h on language pr o d u c t i o n i n psychopaths, areas such as language l a t e r a l i z a t i o n and the p r o c e s s i n g of language t a s k s have r e c e i v e d some a t t e n t i o n . The r e s u l t s of these s t u d i e s , i n l i n e with the c l i n i c a l o b s e r v a t i o n s , continue to p o i n t to anomalies i n the language systems of psychopathic i n d i v i d u a l s . Hare and McPherson (1984), u s i n g a d i c h o t i c l i s t e n i n g task, found evidence to suggest that language processes are l e s s l a t e r a l i z e d i n c r i m i n a l psychopaths i n comparison which other c r i m i n a l s and n o n c r i m i n a l s . Research employing a t a c h i s t o s c o p i c procedure f u r t h e r r e v e a l e d t h a t psychopaths a l s o show hemispheric d i f f e r e n c e s i n the p r o c e s s i n g of c e r t a i n semantic tasks (Hare & J u t a i , i n p r e s s ) . The d i f f e r e n c e s seem to emerge with more complex language t a s k s , such as semantic c a t e g o r i z a t i o n , as opposed to simple word r e c o g n i t i o n . A study by J u t a i , Hare, and Connolly (1987) i n v e s t i g a t i n g e v e n t - r e l a t e d b r a i n p o t e n t i a l s to speech s t i m u l i again found that c r i m i n a l psychopaths, i n comparison to other c r i m i n a l s , show unusual l i n g u i s t i c p r o c e s s i n g , but again o n l y d u r i n g more complex l i n g u i s t i c t a s k s . Hare and J u t a i ( i n press) o u t l i n e a h y p o t h e s i s 10 based on the above f i n d i n g s : they argue that the r e s u l t s i n d i c a t e that psychopaths possess l i m i t e d l e f t hemisphere resources and that perhaps t h e i r l e f t hemisphere i s not as s p e c i a l i z e d f o r language p r o c e s s i n g as i t i s i n the m a j o r i t y of i n d i v i d u a l s . We c o u l d surmise that l i m i t e d l e f t hemisphere resources c o u l d a l s o be r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the aberrant speech c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of psychopaths. There has a l s o been some resea r c h l o o k i n g at the a f f e c t i v e and semantic aspects of language. Hare, Williamson and Harpur ( i n press) report a study that suggests that psychopaths may be more responsive to the d e n o t a t i v e meanings of words than to the c o n n o t a t i v e aspects than i s the case with other c r i m i n a l s . Williamson, Harpur, and Hare (1987) found t h a t , u n l i k e nonpsychopaths, psychopaths do not show b e h a v i o r a l ( r e a c t i o n time) or e l e c t r o c o r t i c a l ( e v e n t - r e l a t e d p o t e n t i a l s ) d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between n e u t r a l and a f f e c t i v e words during a l e x i c a l d e c i s i o n task. These r e s u l t s suggest that a f f e c t i v e words do not have the same s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r psychopaths as they do fo r normal i n d i v i d u a l s . T h i s hypothesis i s c o n s i s t e n t with the g e n e r a l lac k of a f f e c t i v e depth found i n the psychopath. Although the psychopath "seems to experience p e t t y s t a t e s of p l e a s u r e , v e x a t i o n , and animosity" he " f a i l s t o know a l l those more s e r i o u s and deeply moving a f f e c t i v e s t a t e s which make up the tragedy and triumph of o r d i n a r y l i f e . . . " ( C l e c k l e y , 1976, p. 230). The r e s u l t s of these two s t u d i e s p r o v i d e f u r t h e r evidence that psychopaths process language 11 d i f f e r e n t l y than do other people. In r e l a t i o n to speech, the d i f f e r e n c e s i n p r o c e s s i n g of semantic and a f f e c t i v e components of words i n psychopaths may cause them to process speech d i f f e r e n t l y or l e s s adequately. For a more e x t e n s i v e review of the language and psychopathy r e s e a r c h see Hare et a l . ( i n press.) D. Summary There are reasons to suggest that i n f o r m a t i o n on the language processes of psychopaths, i n a d d i t i o n to c r e a t i n g a b e t t e r d e s c r i p t i v e understanding of the d i s o r d e r , may provide c l u e s concerning e t i o l o g y . C l i n i c a l o b s e r v a t i o n suggests that the psychopath e x h i b i t s d i f f e r e n c e s and/or d i f f i c u l t i e s with the p r o d u c t i o n of language. Although there i s l i t t l e e m p i r i c a l l i t e r a t u r e to back up t h i s h y p o t hesis d i r e c t l y , t here i s a growing body of language-o r i e n t e d s t u d i e s of pychopathy that are showing that psychopaths e x h i b i t anomalies i n many areas of language f u n c t i o n , p o s s i b l y because of l i m i t e d l e f t hemisphere resources.. These s t u d i e s suggest that there may be v a l i d i t y t o the c l i n i c a l o b s e r v a t i o n s and that the study of language p r o d u c t i o n i n psychopaths i s worthwhile. The study r e p o r t e d h e r e i n was designed to i n v e s t i g a t e the c l i n i c a l o b s e r v a t i o n s e m p i r i c a l l y , that i s , to i n v e s t i g a t e i f psychopaths do evidence d i f f e r e n c e s and/or d i f i c u l t i e s i n the p r o d u c t i o n of speech. 1 2 I I I . HAND GESTURES AND LANGUAGE PROCESSING "Darwin had long ago observed that motor movements c o n s t i t u t e a f e r t i l e and s i g n i f i c a n t f i e l d of study" (Krout, 1935). One p a r t i c u l a r type of movement, hand g e s t u r e s , has been used q u i t e e x t e n s i v e l y to help unravel the mysteries of a wide v a r i e t y of human phenomena. Hand ge s t u r e s have been used to study such areas as psychopathology, communication, and c u l t u r e , but probably t h e i r most widespread usage has been in the study of language p r o c e s s i n g . Hand gestures o c c u r r i n g d u r i n g speech are b e l i e v e d by many to be r e l a t e d to the l a t e r a l i z a t i o n , encoding and p l a n n i n g of speech. These movements g e n e r a l l y go unnoticed i n our d a i l y c o n v e r s a t i o n s , but they may p r o v i d e important c l u e s to the mechanisms u n d e r l y i n g spoken language. T h i s study employs hand gestures to a i d in i n v e s t i g a t i n g spoken language processes i n psychopaths. A review of some of the gesture/language l i t e r a t u r e w i l l h e lp to c l a r i f y why gestures are b e l i e v e d to be r e l a t e d to v e r b a l p r o c e s s i n g and why they may be a u s e f u l t o o l to probe these processes i n psychopaths. A. O p e r a t i o n a l D e f i n i t i o n of Hand Gesture The term "gesture" has been a p p l i e d to a wide v a r i e t y of phenomena. In t h i s paper the term w i l l be o p e r a t i o n a l i z e d as a l l hand movements that occur 1 3 spontaneously d u r i n g c o n v e r s a t i o n . Gestures o c c u r r i n g d u r i n g speech can be c a t e g o r i z e d as l a n g u a g e - r e l a t e d or nonlanguage-related based on whether or not they are judged to be a s s o c i a t e d with speech content and/or p r o c e s s i n g . For convenience the term 'gesture' alone w i l l be used to r e f e r t o l a n g u a g e - r e l a t e d hand g e s t u r e s . Those gestures that are not language r e l a t e d w i l l be r e f e r r e d to as 'nonlanguage g e s t u r e s ' . B. The Link Between Gesture and Language The most obvious reasons suggesting a l i n k between language and hand gestures are that the m a j o r i t y of gestures occur d u r i n g speech (Kimura, 1973a; L i c k i s s & Wellens, 1978) and t h a t most ge s t u r e s appear to be r e l a t e d i n v a r i o u s ways to the d i s c o u r s e ( M c N e i l l & Levy, 1982). Kimura (1973a) a l s o determined that hand gestures were not r e l a t e d to v o c a l a c t i v i t y i n g e n e r a l , only to speech behavior. M c N e i l l (1985) argues that gestures o c c u r r i n g d u r i n g speech should be viewed as v e r b a l as opposed to nonverbal behavior. He argues t h i s p o i n t by d i s c u s s i n g the c l o s e temporal, semantic, pragmatic, p a t h o l b g i c a l , : and developmental . • p a r a l l e l s between speech and g e s t u r e . Many r e s e a r c h e r s i n the area f e e l t h a t hand gestures stem from the same " i n t e r n a l p r o c e s s i n g system" as spoken language (Cicone, Wapner, F o l d i , Z u r i f , & Garder, 1979; Dalby, Gibson, G r o s s i , & Schneider, 1980; M c N e i l l & Levy, 1982) and t h e r e f o r e may p r o v i d e a v i s u a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of i n t e r n a l language 14 (speech) p r o c e s s i n g . I f t h i s i s indeed the case, hand gestures would provide an e a s i l y a c c e s s i b l e route to an otherwise d i f f i c u l t domain. Whether or not speech and gesture are i n f a c t t h i s i n t i m a t e l y t i e d together i s s t i l l a matter of debate. Although r e s e a r c h has not pr o v i d e d enough in f o r m a t i o n to a r r i v e at a f i r m c o n c l u s i o n concerning the exact nature of the r e l a t i o n s h i p , a l l s t u d i e s do support the not i o n that there i s a strong l i n k between speech and gestu r e . The f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n s o u t l i n e some of the resear c h done i n a v a r i e t y of la n g u a g e - r e l a t e d areas. 1. Gestures and communication Hand gestures are of t e n c l a s s e d as a type of nonverbal communication. C l e a r l y , many hand gestures, p a r t i c u l a r l y those that have r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l value, do appear to have a communicative f u n c t i o n . S e v e r a l s t u d i e s have found that s u b j e c t s use more gestures when they are face to face with the l i s t e n e r than when they are not (Cohen, 1977; Cohen & H a r r i s o n , 1973; Mahl, 1961). However, evidence that the l i s t e n e r a c t u a l l y b e n e f i t s from the a d d i t i o n of gesture has only been found f o r shape i n f o r m a t i o n (Graham and A r g y l e , 1975). L i c k i s s & Wellens (1978) i n v e s t i g a t e d the communicative value of gestures f o r other d e s c r i p t i v e i n f o r m a t i o n and found that the l i s t e n e r s who had access to both the v e r b a l message and the accompanying hand gestures d i d no b e t t e r at using the i n f o r m a t i o n to i d e n t i f y p i c t u r e s than d i d s u b j e c t s who had only access to the v e r b a l 15 component of the message. If i t i s indeed the case that gestures do not a c t u a l l y improve the v e r b a l message (with the exception of s p a t i a l i n f o r m a t i o n ) , there are two reasons why they may i n c r e a s e i n face to face c o n v e r s a t i o n . 1) I t may be that speakers b e l i e v e they are improving t h e i r message by g e s t u r i n g and t h e r e f o r e i n t e n t i o n a l l y i n c r e a s e t h e i r use of gesture when the l i s t e n e r i s present; or 2) perhaps being face to face with the l i s t e n e r somehow c r e a t e s the need f o r gestures to h e l p relay, the message. L i c k i s s & Wellens (1978) found that speech e r r o r s tend to i n c r e a s e i n face to face c o n v e r s a t i o n . Although s p e c u l a t i v e , t h i s f i n d i n g may suggest that the i n c r e a s e s i n gesture c o u l d be r e l a t e d to encoding d i f f i c u l t i e s induced by having a l i s t e n e r p r e s e n t . It i s worth n o t i n g that the above communication s t u d i e s e i t h e r d i d not s p e c i f y the exact type of gestures s t u d i e d or only looked at gestures with r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l v a l u e . I t i s t h e r e f o r e not known i f a l l s p e e c h - r e l a t e d gestures i n c r e a s e i n face to face i n t e r a c t i o n s . There are many gestures (e.g., beats) that occur during speech that do not have any c l e a r communicative v a l u e , suggesting t h a t gestures r e f l e c t more than simply an a l t e r n a t e communication channel. There are a l s o s t u d i e s that have looked at a d d i t i o n a l communicative f u n c t i o n s a s s o c i a t e d with g e s t u r i n g , that i s , f u n c t i o n s of a more s o c i a l / i n t e r p e r s o n a l nature. Rosenfeld (1966) found that g e s t u r e s , along with s m i l i n g , i n c r e a s e d 16 when s u b j e c t s were i n s t r u c t e d to t r y and seek app r o v a l from the l i s t e n e r i n comparison to seeking d i s a p p r o v a l . These r e s u l t s suggest that gestures may serve a f f i l i a t i v e f u n c t i o n s ; however, the second p a r t of h i s study d i d not con f i r m t h i s . In part two Rosenfeld examined nonverbal behavior i n r e l a t i o n to scores on an a p p r o v a l - s e e k i n g s c a l e . He found that only s m i l i n g was s i g n i f i c a n t l y c o r r e l a t e d with high 'approval seeking' s c o r e s . The lack of a s s o c i a t i o n between g e s t u r a l use and high "approval seekers" i m p l i e s that some other f a c t o r may have caused the i n c r e a s e i n gestures i n the f i r s t p a r t of h i s study. Perhaps i t was not that t r y i n g to gain approval i n c r e a s e d g e s t u r e s but that the t r y i n g f o r d i s a p p r o v a l decreased g e s t u r a l use through decreased language output. More rese a r c h w i l l be needed to determine i f gestures do i n f a c t serve a f f i l i a t i v e f u n c t i o n s . In summary, evidence i n d i c a t e s that g e s t u r i n g serves a communicative f u n c t i o n but that gestures may a l s o occur f o r other reasons. 2. Gestures and l a t e r a l i t y , of language f u n c t i o n Kimura (1973 a,b) observed that gestures were p r i m a r i l y made with the hand c o n t r a l a t e r a l t o the hemisphere dominant f o r language (as assessed by a d i c h o t i c l i s t e n i n g t a s k ) . T h i s f i n d i n g has been r e p l i c a t e d by other r e s e a r c h e r s u s i n g l a r g e r samples of right-handed people (Dalby, 1980) and samples of young c h i l d r e n (Ingram, 1975). A l l of these 17 s t u d i e s found hand p r e f e r e n c e to be c o n f i n e d to language-r e l a t e d g e s t u r e s ; movements such as body man i p u l a t i o n s ( e g . s c r a t c h i n g ) were e q u a l l y l i k e l y to be executed with e i t h e r hand. The hand preference f i n d i n g s have been i n t e r p r e t e d i n v a r i o u s ways. Kimura (1973a) f e e l s that the dominance of the l e f t hemisphere i s probably not r e s t r i c t e d to v e r b a l p r o c e s s i n g but a l s o i n c l u d e s "the execution of some c l a s s e s of motor a c t s , to which symbolic meaning can be e a s i l y a t t a c h e d " . Other authors, who see language and gesture as stemming from the same " c e n t r a l o r g a n i z e r " - an o r g a n i z e r that c o n t r o l s communicative f u n c t i o n s (Dalby e t . a l , 1980)-suggest that t h i s " o r g a n i z e r " e x i s t s i n the l e f t hemisphere and governs both speech and g e s t u r e . Kinsbourne and Hicks (1978) p o s t u l a t e a model based on the e v o l u t i o n a r y development of communication i n man. In t h i s model, v e r b a l communication was superimposed on the c e r e b r a l hemisphere that was f i r s t s p e c i a l i z e d f o r g e s t u r a l communication, r e s u l t i n g i n an i d e n t i c a l c e r e b r a l b a s i s f o r both speech and g e s t u r e . A l t h o u g h s t u d i e s of "normal" i n d i v i d u a l s have r e v e a l e d a l a t e r a l i t y e f f e c t , a number of r e s e a r c h e r s s t u d y i n g other types of p o p u l a t i o n s have e i t h e r not found t h i s e f f e c t or have found d i f f e r i n g p a t t e r n s . However, these authors do not f e e l that these f i n d i n g c o n t r a d i c t the l a t e r a l i t y r e s u l t s d i s c u s s e d above. They f e e l the d i f f e r e n c e s r e s i d e in the type of subject s t u d i e d . U r i c h (1980) r e p o r t s that 18 i n a l l manic-depressive p a t i e n t groups that he has s t u d i e d , i n c l u d i n g p a t i e n t s who were i n symptom-free p e r i o d s , he has found no evidence of a l a t e r a l i t y e f f e c t f o r hand g e s t u r e s . He suggests that these p a t i e n t s may have been predisposed to d e p r e s s i o n through i r r e g u l a r hemisphere o r g a n i z a t i o n . F e y e r e i s e n (1983), in a study of hand gest u r e s i n a p h a s i c s , found that only the a n t e r i o r aphasics showed a hand p r e f e r e n c e ; however, c o n t r a r y to other f i n d i n g s , t h i s p r e f e r e n c e was i n favor of the l e f t hand. T h i s c o u l d be evidence of the r i g h t b r a i n becoming more a c t i v e in the l i n g u i s t i c process due to l e f t hemisphere damage. Adding to the c o m p l i c a t i o n s i n t h i s a r e a , some s t u d i e s have shown that l a t e r a l i t y of gestures i s a f f e c t e d by c o g n i t i v e s t y l e . Sousa-Poza, Rohrberg and Mercure (1979) found that s u b j e c t s s c o r i n g high on field-dependence had a g r e a t e r right-hand asymmetry f o r language gestures than d i d those s c o r i n g high on f i e l d - i n d e p e n d e n c e . They f e e l that there may be a r e l a t i o n s h i p between "movement asymmetry and the use of v i s u a l imagery i n the v e r b a l encoding process". There i s a l s o some evidence to suggest that only c e r t a i n kinds of l a n g u a g e - r e l a t e d hand gest u r e s are l a t e r a l i z e d . Sousa-Poza et a l . (1979) found that r i g h t hand p r e f e r e n c e was l i m i t e d to gestures they termed " r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l " ( r e l a t i n g to the content of the n a r r a t i v e ) . These authors f e e l that i f l a t e r a l i t y i s l i m i t e d to gestures that are symbolic, t h i s would o f f e r s t r o n g support f o r Kimura's theory that the l e f t hemisphere 19 i s s p e c i a l i z e d f o r motor movements to which symbolic meaning can be attached. However, the l a t e r a l i t y / s y m b o l i s m f i n d i n g s a l s o c o u l d be i n t e r p r e t e d to support t h e o r i e s that s t a t e that i t i s not the motor behavior per se that i s l a t e r a l i z e d but symbolic f u n c t i o n s . M c N e i l l and Levy (1982) have a l s o found evidence f o r a l e s s g e n e r a l i z e d l a t e r a l i t y e f f e c t . They found that " i c o n i c " gestures ( t h e i r term f o r r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l g estures) were made with e i t h e r both hands simultaneously or with the r i g h t hand; they a l s o found that "beats" (small r a p i d movements) occu r r e d most o f t e n with the l e f t hand. Although much more r e s e a r c h on l a r g e r samples i s needed, these f i n d i n g s show that f u t u r e s t u d i e s of l a t e r a l i t y should perhaps employ a f i n e r c a t e g o r i z a t i o n of g e s t u r e s . In summary, although r e s u l t s are s t i l l i n c o n c l u s i v e , there i s some evidence that hand gestures (or at l e a s t some of them), l i k e language, are c e r e b r a l l y l a t e r a l i z e d i n the l e f t hemisphere, suggesting a b i o l o g i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between speech and g e s t u r e . 3. Ge s t u r e s a n d apha s i a The study of g e s t u r a l use i n aphasics p r o v i d e s an o p p o r t u n i t y to examine gest u r e s i n s u b j e c t s who are known to have language d e f i c i t s due to b r a i n damage. As mentioned e a r l i e r , there i s s t i l l much debate concerning the n e u r o l o g i c a l t i e between gesture and language. In the aphasia l i t e r a t u r e t h i s debate c e n t e r s around the 20 r e l a t i o n s h i p between a p r a x i c and aphasia d i s o r d e r s . B a s i c a l l y , there are two p o s i t i o n s 1) That aphasia i s a d i s o r d e r of symbolic a b i l i t y and t h e r e f o r e a f f e c t s both nonverbal and v e r b a l communication or 2) the a s s o c i a t i o n between aphasia and a p r a x i a a r i s e s because the l e f t hemisphere governs a l l complex motor movement and t h e r e f o r e damage to t h i s area a f f e c t both types of motor behavior, speech and hand movement. The l i t e r a t u r e and t h e o r e t i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s c o v e r i n g these areas are beyond the scope of t h i s study; however, i t i s r e a l i z e d that t h i s l i n e of re s e a r c h should be c o n s i d e r e d i f one i s going to formulate c o n c l u s i o n s concerning n e u r o l o g i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s between aphasia and g e s t u r e s . (For a review of the a p r a x i a / a p h a s i a l i t e r a t u r e see F e y e r e i s e n & Seron, 1982). Even without an understanding of the p a r t i c u l a r mechanisms i n v o l v e d , evidence that a p h a s i c s d i f f e r from others in g e s t u r a l p r oduction would p r o v i d e an i n i t i a l c l u e to problems i n language p r o c e s s i n g i n normal i n d i v i d u a l s . In a d d i t i o n , such evidence may h e l p to c l a r i f y the type of n e u r o l o g i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p t h at e x i s t s between speech and ges t u r e . .4 :'-The aphasia/gesture l i t e r a t u r e c o n s i s t e n t l y i n d i c a t e s that g e s t u r e s o c c u r r i n g d u r i n g speech are a f f e c t e d i n aph a s i c s , although the nature of the e f f e c t s i s not always c o n s i s t e n t . Researchers have found that g e s t u r e s decrease, i n c r e a s e or mimic the language d e f e c t s evidenced by the p a t i e n t . 21 F e y e r e i s o n (1983) found that aphasics produced more l a n g u a g e - r e l a t e d hand gestures than d i d nonaphasics. He argued a g a i n s t the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n that these a d d i t i o n a l g e s t u r e s serve to a i d i n communicating the message; he p o i n t e d out that a number of gestures o c c u r r i n g d u r i n g speech have no c l e a r r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l meaning. He f e e l s t h a t the i n c r e a s e i n g e s t u r a l a c t i v i t y i s a s i g n of d i f f i c u l t i e s i n the v e r b a l encoding process. There are some r e p o r t s that e f f e c t s on g e s t u r a l a c t i v i t y depend on the type of aphasia s u f f e r e d by the p a t i e n t . Goldblum (1978; c i t e d i n F e y e r e i s e n & Seron, 1982) found that a n t e r i o r (Broca's) aphasics had a higher gesture to word r a t i o than d i d other a p h a s i c s , other b r a i n damaged p a t i e n t s , and normals. In c o n t r a s t , Cicone et a l . (1979) found that a n t e r i o r aphasics produced l e s s g e s t u r e s than normals and that p o s t e r i o r (Wernicke's) a p h a s i c s produced more g e s t u r e s than d i d e i t h e r of these groups. Cicone et a l . (1979) a l s o examined the communicative value of the gestur e s and found that they c l o s e l y p a r a l l e l e d the speech output a b i l i t i e s of the i n d i v i d u a l ; that i s , the gestures appeared to be as clear- or unclear as the speech. They i n t e r p r e t e d t h i s as evidence f o r a " c e n t r a l o r g a n i z e r " f o r both spoken language and hand g e s t u r e s . The Cicone group a l s o noted that the two groups of ap h a s i c s demonstrated d i f f e r e n t p a t t e r n s of g e s t u r e s . P o s t e r i o r aphasic p a t i e n t s tended t o use a l o t of r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l (or i c o n i c ) g e stures, whereas a n t e r i o r 22 aphasics tended to use a l o t of n o n r e f e r e n t i a l types of g e s t u r e s . The use of r e f e r e n t i a l gestures by a n t e r i o r aphasics might suggest they r e l y on gesture to a i d i n communicating the meaning of t h e i r speech. The p o s t e r i o r p a t i e n t s may employ gestures f o r other reasons. T h e i r gestures tended to occur at the i n i t i a l boundaries of subordinate c l a u s e s ; they may "bracket and preserve the i n t e g r i t y of conceptual p l a n n i n g u n i t s u n d e r l y i n g sentence p r o d u c t i o n " (Cicone et a l . , 1979). To f u r t h e r i n v e s t i g a t e t h i s i d e a , D e l i s et a l . (1979) examined temporal r e l a t i o n s h i p s between g e s t u r a l i n i t i a t i o n and speech i n a group of p o s t e r i o r a p h a s i c s . They found that g e s t u r e s "were more l i k e l y to a r i s e at the i n i t i a l boundaries of embedded c l a u s e s when they were s e m a n t i c a l l y d i s c o n t i n u o u s with the main c l a u s e than when r e l a t e d to the main c l a u s e " . P o s t e r i o r p a t i e n t s were a l s o noted by Cicone et a l . (1979) to have d i f f i c u l t y c a r r y i n g an idea a c r o s s s y n t a c t i c boundaries. They concluded that "gestures may s i g n a l u n d e r l y i n g s h i f t s in semantic i n t e n t i o n , thereby r e f l e c t i n g d i f f i c u l t i e s encountered by the a p h a s i c s i n m a i n t a i n i n g a coherent stream of thought a c r o s s s y n t a c t i c boundaries" . In summary, the aphasia l i t e r a t u r e suggests that gestures p r o v i d e important i n f o r m a t i o n about language behavior. I t a l s o suggests that with more r e s e a r c h gestures may not only be able to act as a marker for u n d e r l y i n g language problems but may a l s o p o i n t to s p e c i f i c types of d e f i c i t . At t h i s p o i n t i n time the r e s e a r c h i s s u g g e s t i v e 23 of a l i n k between l a n g u a g e - r e l a t e d hand gestures and v a r i o u s aspects of the speech encoding process. 4. Gestures and speech p l a n n i n g and encoding Many r e s e a r c h e r s have t r i e d t o o b t a i n c l u e s concerning the l i n k between gestures and speech by examining where and when the hand movements occur. The f i n d i n g s suggest that gestures may be l i n k e d to rhythmical and/or c o g n i t i v e aspects of the speech process. i . H e s i t a t i o n phenomena: A number of s t u d i e s f i n d a h i g h l y s i g n i f i c a n t r e l a t i o n s h i p between h e s i t a t i o n s or pauses i n speech and body movement (sometimes termed k i n e t i c phenomena). Dittman and L l e w e l l y n (1969) found that gestures r e l i a b l y c o i n c i d e with speech h e s i t a t i o n and g e n e r a l l y f o l l o w the h e s i t a t i o n . These authors f e e l that h e s i t a t i o n phenomena are a s i g n a l of encoding d i f f i c u l t i e s . These d i f f i c u l t i e s c r e a t e c o g n i t i v e t e n s i o n i n the i n d i v i d u a l that b u i l d s and " s p i l l s over to the motor sphere". Ragsdale & S i l v i a (1982) a l s o found a c l o s e r e l a t i o n s h i p between v o c a l h e s i t a t i o n s and k i n e t i c phenomena but found t h a t the gestures tended to occur j u s t before a nonfluency as " i f to t e l e g r a p h a v o c a l h e s i t a t i o n " , or s i m u l t a n e o u s l y with the h e s i t a t i o n . They argue that t h i s goes a g a i n s t the theory of a s p i l l o v e r i n t o the motor sphere and supports the n o t i o n of p a r a l l e l types of behavior stemming from a s i m i l a r source with perhaps d i f f e r e n t c o n t r o l l i n g and o p e r a t i n g f e a t u r e s . 24 Clues to why gestures may be a s s o c i a t e d with pauses and h e s i t a t i o n s can be found by examining s t u d i e s that have looked i n t o the f u n c t i o n and/or reasons f o r h e s i t a t i o n s . Many authors f e e l that pauses are a normal p a r t of the speech process and they have used such phenomena to i n v e s t i g a t e how language i s planned and processed (eg. Boomer & Dittman, 1962; Butterworth, 1975; Goldman-Eisler, 1958; Henderson et a l . , 1966; Maclay & Osgood, 1959). H e s i t a t i o n s are seen by some as the marking of encoded u n i t s of speech, and have been found to be a s s o c i a t e d with semantic, s y n t a c t i c , and l e x i c a l a s pects of speech. Gestures, by a s s o c i a t i o n with h e s i t a t i o n phenomena, o f t e n occur i n c o n j u n c t i o n with s p e c i f i c components of the encoding p r o c e s s . H e s i t a t i o n s have a l s o been found to i n c r e a s e i n frequency with more complex l i n g u i s t i c tasks (Goldman-E i s l e r , 1968; Graham & Heywood, 1975; Reynolds & P a i v i o , 1968). We might surmise that the demands on the l i n g u i s t i c system are i n c r e a s e d as task complexity i n c r e a s e s , which would i n c r e a s e encoding d i f f i c u l t y (e.g. more d i f f i c u l t i d e a t i o n a l and l e x i c a l d e c i s i o n s ) . i i . Encoding d i f f i c u l t i e s : By i m p l i c a t i o n , the h e s i t a t i o n l i t e r a t u r e suggests that gestures may be timed with normal speech encoding and they may a l s o f l a g encoding d i f f i c u l t i e s . More d i r e c t evidence f o r a r e l a t i o n s h i p between encoding d i f f i c u l t i e s and gestures can be found i n s t u d i e s l o o k i n g at speech e r r o r s i n r e l a t i o n to g e s t u r e s . 25 Boomer (1964) reported that body movement was a s s o c i a t e d with speech d i s t u r b a n c e s . J u r i c h and J u r i c h (1974) found that gestures were s i g n i f i c a n t l y c o r r e l a t e d with what they termed " e d i t o r i a l e r r o r s " (omissions, sentence changes, and incompletions) and not with a r t i c u l a t o r y e r r o r s . T h e i r f i n d i n g s suggest that gestures are r e l a t e d to speech e r r o r s of a semantic or s y n t a c t i c nature. Evidence that gestures are r e l a t e d to encoding d i f f i c u l t i e s can a l s o be found by examining the g e s t u r a l behavior of i n d i v i d u a l s who appear to experience problems with encoding. As mentioned e a r l i e r , a number of s t u d i e s have found evidence f o r a r e l a t i o n between language d i s o r d e r s (which would e n t a i l encoding d i f f i c u l t i e s ) and changes in the frequency or type of g e s t u r a l behavior. In a d d i t i o n , s t u d i e s of g e s t u r a l behavior i n b i l i n g u a l s u b j e c t s r e p o r t t h at gestures i n c r e a s e while the s u b j e c t i s speaking in the nondominant language (Marcos, 1979; Sainsbury & Wood, 1977). T h i s increase i n gestures does not appear to be the r e s u l t of attempts on the p a r t of the speaker to improve the communicative q u a l i t y of h i s message. Marcos (1979) found that the i n c r e a s e of g e s t u r e s d i d not i n v o l v e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l gestures (which would i n d i c a t e a communicative explanation) but r a t h e r with what he termed speech-primacy movements. These are short rhythmic movements that convey a b e a t - l i k e q u a l i t y and bear no r e l a t i o n to the content of the message. We might assume that speech i s harder to encode i n the nondominant language, 26 again p o i n t i n g to a l i n k between gestures and encoding d i f f i c u l t i e s . i i i . Encoding s t e p s : Speech production undoubtedly i n v o l v e s a number of encoding steps such as i d e a t i o n a l and imagery components, l e x i c a l and s y n t a c t i c c h o i c e s and phonation. There i s some evidence that d i f f e r e n t types of language gestures may be a s s o c i a t e d with d i f f e r e n t a spects of the encoding p r o c e s s . Butterworth and B e a t t i e (1976) found that . r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l gestures were l i n k e d to pauses and n o n r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l gestures l i n k e d to phonation. The r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l g e s t u r e s appeared during pauses and t h e r e f o r e preceded the u t t e r a n c e . These authors conclude that " r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l gestures are products of l e x i c a l p r e p l a n n i n g processes and seem to i n d i c a t e that the speaker knows i n advance the semantic s p e c i f i c a t i o n of the words that he w i l l u t t e r , and i n some cases has to delay i f he has to search f o r a r e l a t i v e l y u n a v a i l a b l e item". They hypothesize that g e s t u r e s may occur f i r s t because there i s a sm a l l e r r e p e r t o i r e of gestures i n comparison to the r e p e r t o i r e of p o s s i b l e l e x i c a l items and d e c i s i o n s can t h e r e f o r e be made more e a s i l y . . They f u r t h e r conclude from t h e i r f i n d i n g s that there are d i s t i n c t types of language-r e l a t e d g e s t u r e s . An a d d i t i o n a l c o n c l u s i o n i s that n o n r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l gestures appear to be occur more with the spoken product, which would p o i n t to r e l a t i o n with encoding steps d u r i n g the flow of language. Marcos (1979) a l s o found that d i f f e r e n t gestures were 27 r e l a t e d to d i f f e r e n t aspects of the speech encoding p r o c e s s . He p o i n t s out that these f i n d i n g s argue a g a i n s t a simple motor overflow hypothesis about why gestures occur. i v . C o g n i t i v e content and demands: As mentioned above, h e s i t a t i o n phenomena have been found to occur with tasks that are i n f e r r e d to be complex. An examination of g e s t u r a l phenomena in r e l a t i o n to the c o g n i t i v e complexity of the task shows more d i r e c t l y that gestures do i n c r e a s e d u r i n g more d i f f i c u l t l i n g u i s t i c t a s k s . Marcos (1979), who r e p o r t s more of what he c a l l e d p o i n t i n g movements with low imagery t o p i c s (e.g., love, f r i e n d s h i p ) , suggests that gestures are "an a c t i v e part of the c o g n i t i v e processes such as the process of transforming ideas i n t o words". Sousa-Poza and Rohrberg (1977; c i t e d by Sousa-Poza et a l . 1979) found evidence that c e r t a i n types of tasks e l i c i t d i f f e r e n t types of g e s t u r e s . Concrete t a s k s , which would be s i m i l a r to a high imagery task, r e s u l t e d i n the use of more r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l g e s t u r e s . A b s t r a c t tasks (low imagery) were a s s o c i a t e d with n o n r e p r e s e n t i o n a l g e s t u r e s . There have a l s o been f i n d i n g s of a r e l a t i o n between gestures and more'complex language s t r u c t u r e . Freedman, ' B l a s s , R i f k i n , and Quinton (1973) r e p o r t that language gest u r e s are embedded in s y n t a c t i c a l l y complex language s t r u c t u r e , and that nonlanguage g e s t u r e s , such as body manipulations, occur with l e s s complex language s t r u c t u r e s . Cicone et a l . (1979), i n t h e i r study of a p h a s i c s , a l s o found that many gestures were embedded in deeply s t r u c t u r e s sentences. 28 C. The Fun c t i o n of Gestures i n Speech P r o c e s s i n g I t i s c l e a r t h a t some hand gest u r e s may serve a communicative f u n c t i o n ; however, because they occur when the speaker i s alone, appear to be t i e d to temporal, semantic, and s y n t a c t i c aspects of speech and do not always e x h i b i t communicative value, one c o u l d wonder why they occur and i f perhaps they serve some l i n g u i s t i c f u n c t i o n . Are gestures simply by-products of speech, that is-, a s p i l l o v e r i n t o the motor sphere, or are they phantom-like remnants of an outdated communication system that continues to operate simultaneously with the v e r b a l system because of motoric and n e u r o l o g i c a l t i e s ? Are they r e f l e c t i o n s of the s u b j e c t ' s r e a c t i o n to the s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n or h i s r e a c t i o n to the f a i l i n g s of h i s language processes? Or do they serve some f u n c t i o n i n regards to speech p r o c e s s i n g ? U n f o r t u n a t e l y , the answers to these q u e s t i o n s are not known; however, some f i n d i n g s and hypotheses have o f f e r e d some h i n t s that gestures may i n f a c t have a pragmatic l i n g u i s t i c f u n c t i o n . 1. The e f f e c t of e l i m i n a t i n g gestures Some authors have c l e v e r l y t r i e d to get at the p o s s i b l e f u n c t i o n of gestures by r e s t r i c t i n g t h e i r usage and examining the e f f e c t s . L i c k i s s and Wellens (1978) found that r e s t r a i n i n g the hands d i d not a f f e c t speech e r r o r s , which goes a g a i n s t the argument that gestures are a necessary aspect of speech p r o c e s s i n g . Graham and Heywood 29 (1975) noted that the e l i m i n a t i o n of g e s t u r e s l e d to an i n c r e a s e i n the use of phrases d e s c r i b i n g s p a t i a l r e l a t i o n s and to an i n c r e a s e i n the t o t a l time spent pausing, but to a decrease i n the use of demonstratives (e.g., " t h e r e " , " l i k e t h i s " ) . The i n c r e a s e i n s p a t i a l l y - o r i e n t e d language would i n d i c a t e that gestures o f t e n take the p l a c e of t h i s type of content;as d e s c r i b e d above gestures do i n c r e a s e the l i s t e n e r ' s understanding of messages i n v o l v i n g s p a t i a l i n f o r m a t i o n . The type of demonstratives s t u d i e d (e.g., " l i k e t h i s " ) suggest that these words or phrases were used to d i r e c t the l i s t e n e r ' s a t t e n t i o n to a gesture which was e l a b o r a t i n g on what had been s a i d p r e v i o u s l y . T h e r e f o r e , e l i m i n a t i n g gestures reduced the need f o r t h i s type of phrase. Although these two f i n d i n g appear simply to p o i n t out the communicative f u n c t i o n of some g e s t u r e s , the i n c r e a s e in pause time does suggest that the s u b j e c t s found the speech task more d i f f i c u l t without g e s t u r e s . Cohen (1977) a l s o found evidence to support the n o t i o n of a f a c i l i t a t i v e f u n c t i o n f o r g e s t u r e s . S u b j e c t s asked to p r a c t i s e g i v i n g d i r e c t i o n s three times p r i o r to a c t u a l l y doing the task used s u c c e s s i v e l y fewer g e s t u r e s on each t r i a l . I t would appear that the g e s t u r e s helped them to plan and encode what they would say but were not needed as much as the s u b j e c t s became f a m i l i a r with the t o p i c . 2. Gestures and an o r g a n i z a t i o n a l r o l e Freedman et a l . (1973) p o s t u l a t e that the rhythmic t i m i n g of k i n e s i c phenomena e s t a b l i s h f o r the speaker 30 "boundaries and coherent chunks of thought out of a continuous flow of v e r b a l u t t e r a n c e " . A p o s s i b l e f a c i l i t a t i v e r o l e f o r gestures c o u l d then be that they a i d in o r g a n i z i n g the thought behind, or the syntax of speech by c o n c r e t i z i n g ideas or s y n t a c t i c u n i t s i n space. T h i s would e x p l a i n why gestures so o f t e n occur at boundaries of s y n t a c t i c or i d e a t i o n a l u n i t s of speech, for example duri n g pauses or at the beginning of c l a u s e s . As d i s c u s s e d e a r l i e r , g e s t u r e s have a l s o been found to be a s s o c i a t e d with more complex language s t r u c t u r e , which would l i k e l y i n v o l v e more c o g n i t i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n . Gestures would then be an outward e x p r e s s i o n of inward c o g n i t i v e s t r u c t u r i n g of the message. Perhaps t h i s e x t e r n a l "marking and o r g a n i z i n g " would h e l p some people to organize t h e i r thoughts, p a r t i c u l a r l y i f they have t r o u b l e with t h i n k i n g a b s t r a c t l y . O r g a n i z i n g e x t e r n a l l y c o u l d a l s o serve to e l i m i n a t e some of the many demands p l a c e d on i n t e r n a l systems d u r i n g speech, l e a v i n g more "room" f o r other encoding a s p e c t s . T h i s would be most l i k e l y to occur with systems that have l e s s resources f o r speech p r o c e s s i n g . I t can then be presupposed that s u b j e c t s who have d i f f i c u l t y o r g a n i z i n g t h e i r thoughts w i l l use a l o t of hand ge s t u r e s . There i s some evidence that t h i s may be the case. Freedman and Hoffman (1967) found that the use of language gestures was i n c r e a s e d when two p s y c h i a t r i c p a t i e n t s were i n an acute phase and were e v i d e n c i n g poor o r g a n i z a t i o n of thought p r o c e s s e s . They f e e l t h a t gestures may be windows 31 to the degree of o r g a n i z a t i o n of thought and c o u l d be used to map d i s e a s e process and/or steps toward recovery . 4. Gesture and the meaning behind speech There are a l s o t h e o r i e s that suggest that " people may use t h e i r b o d i l y a c t i v i t y to f a c i l i t a t e the meaning of word symbols" ( M i l l e r , 1963). Barasso, Freedman, Grand, and van Meel (1978) s t a t e that gestures may "serve to r e a c t i v a t e a decaying image or enhance an as yet unclear v i s u a l i z a t i o n and hence f a c i l i t a t e encoding". S i m i l a r to the idea mentioned above of c o n c r e t i z i n g the s y n t a c t i c s t r u c t u r e , the movements may help to c o n c r e t i z e the ideas or images and thereby a i d i n c o n v e r t i n g these to symbolic form, that i s i n t o spoken language. The idea that g e s t u r e s f a c i l i t a t e speech i n semantic ways i s an i n t e l l e c t u a l l y i n t e r e s t i n g one. Perhaps the i n c r e a s e d time spent pausing when gestures are e l i m i n a t e d i s due t o the speaker f i n d i n g i t d i f f i c u l t to make l e x i c a l d e c i s i o n s without the a i d of g e s t u r e . As was re p o r t e d by Butterworth and B e a t t i e (1976), r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l gestures are e m i t t e d before the u t t e r a n c e and t h e r e f o r e may a c t u a l l y a i d - i n forming the ideas i n t o the spoken word. Some a p h a s i c s , as r e p o r t e d by Weisenburg and McBride (1935: c i t e d in M i l l e r , 1963), can say or read a word only a f t e r a c t i n g out a r e l a t e d motoric a c t i o n (e.g., f o r s c i s s o r s - a c u t t i n g motion). R e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l g e s t u r e s p a i n t a concrete p i c t u r e of the meaning of the message i n f r o n t of the speaker and t h e r e f o r e may.invoke e a s i e r access to a p o s s i b l e l e x i c a l 32 c h o i c e or a s p e c i f i c word or phrase that the speaker has i n mind. Perhaps the gesture t r i g g e r s a s s o c i a t i v e bonds between the a c t i o n or p i c t u r e c r e a t e d and the word symbol, thereby b r i n g i n g i t to mind. The idea of d e s c r i p t i v e - l i k e gestures g i v i n g a i d through meaning-oriented channels seems p l a u s i b l e ; however, c o u l d i t be p o s s i b l e that n o n r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l gestures a l s o operate through these channels? Perhaps there i s something about .motoric movement alone that enhances the more semantic a s p e c t s of speech encoding. The r e s u l t s of a study by M i l l e r (1963) are c o n s i s t e n t with t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y . He found that concurrent a c t i v i t y had the e f f e c t of i n c r e a s i n g the maintenance of word meaning when a word was repeated over and over. I f the reader i s u n f a m i l i a r with t h i s phenomenon than simply repeat any word over and over and note that a f t e r many t r i a l s the sounds become meaningless. I f the movement was s i m i l a r to the word (as would be the case with r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l gestures) M i l l e r found that the e f f e c t was greater than i t was f o r other movements; however, i t appeared that n o n r e l a t e d movements a l s o i n c r e a s e d maintenance of meaning. If t h i s i s the case, then- even n o n r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l movements c o u l d a m e l i o r a t e speech processes by enhancing meaning. These e f f e c t s c o u l d operate at d i f f e r e n t stages of the encoding process. The occurrence of g e s t u r e s i n r e l a t i o n to syntax may r e v e a l that the movement helps preserve the meaning of the message across s y n t a c t i c boundaries (as suggested by D e l i s et a l . , 1979) or 33 while the next l e x i c a l d e c i s i o n i s made. In g e n e r a l , hand gestu r e s may a l s o h e l p i n f i n d i n g the next word or phrase r e g a r d l e s s of whether they have r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l v a l u e . Many of us have snapped our f i n g e r s , t i g h t e n e d hand muscles, or groped i n space as though t h i s would have the magical e f f e c t of making the d e s i r e d word come to us. Perhaps t h i s i s indeed what happens. Many of us have a l s o tensed our bodies while c o n c e n t r a t i n g i n t e n s e l y on a task as i f t h i s somehow i n c r e a s e s mental c a p a c i t y . Although one c o u l d come up with a l t e r n a t e e x p l a n a t i o n s of why these motoric c o r r e l a t i o n s occur, the f a c i l i t a t i o n h ypothesis i s a p o s s i b l e e x p l a n a t i o n . Although t h i s i s a f a s c i n a t i n g p o s s i b i l i t y , i t s t i l l does not i n d i c a t e how n o n r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l motor movement c o u l d a c t u a l l y serve to f a c i l i t a t e mental p r o c e s s e s . One p o s s i b i l i t y i s that motor movement somehow causes the e n t i r e b r a i n t o become more a c t i v e . However, t h i s would not e x p l a i n why hand gestures are the motoric method "of c h o i c e " to f a c i l i t a t e speech p r o c e s s e s . Perhaps i t i s the c l o s e n e u r o l o g i c a l t i e s between speech and gesture, or the r e l a t i v e l y l a r g e d i v i s i o n of the co r t e x devoted to the hands, t h a t make t h i s type of movement the most e f f i c i e n t at speeding up l i n g u i s t i c p r o c e s s i n g . D. Gestures and Intraperson S t a t e s and T r a i t s Although the focus of t h i s s e c t i o n i s on the r e l a t i o n between gesture and speech, i t w i l l be u s e f u l to i n v e s t i g a t e 34 some of the other gesture l i t e r a t u r e concerning i n t r a p e r s o n v a r i a b l e s ; these f i n d i n g s cannot be ignored i f one wishes to make i n f e r e n c e s about g e s t u r a l usage. What i s apparent about these s t u d i e s i s that they r a r e l y c o n t r a d i c t , and o f t e n serve to complement language-based t h e o r i e s of g e s t u r a l a c t i v i t y . 1. Gestures and a n x i e t y C l i n i c i a n s and r e s e a r c h e r s have long been i n t e r e s t e d i n nonverbal behavior and the messages i t can r e l a y to the c l i n i c i a n about the c l i e n t ' s emotional s t a t e . J u r i c h and J u r i c h (1974) found that l a n g u a g e - r e l a t e d hand gestures were r e l a t e d to i n d i c e s of a n x i e t y , and Sainsbury (1955) noted that gestures i n c r e a s e d with planned s t r e s s p e r i o d s i n i n t e r v i e w s . Anxiety has a l s o been found to have a negative e f f e c t on speech e f f i c i e n c y (Dibner, 1956; K a s l & Mahl, 1965; Mahl, 1956; Ragsdale, 1976; Reynolds & P a i v i o (1968); Wiens et a l . , 1980). Speech e r r o r s and hand movements are o f t e n seen as i n d i c a t i o n s of u n d e r l y i n g a n x i e t y . I t c o u l d be surmised from these f i n d i n g s that gestures are d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to i n c r e a s e d a r o u s a l l e v e l s . However, there i s another e x p l a n a t i o n : i t may be that the i n c r e a s e i n g e s t u r e s i s mediated by speech encoding d i f f i c u l t i e s spawned by the anxious s t a t e . The a n x i e t y may i n t e r f e r e with speech p r o c e s s i n g by drawing a t t e n t i o n and c o n c e n t r a t i o n away from the speech task. Anyone who has experienced p u b l i c speaking a n x i e t y has been witness to the problems i t causes with both c o n c e n t r a t i o n and speech. Th e r e f o r e , i n a p p l y i n g t h i s 35 h y p o t h e s i s , gestures would be r e l a t e d to a r o u s a l but only i n an i n d i r e c t way. There i s a l s o r e s e a r c h that suggests that i t i s the nonlanguage gestures that are most c l o s e l y l i n k e d to emotional and a t t e n t i o n a l f a c t o r s ( Barasso et a l . , 1978; Freedman, O'Hanlon, Oltman & W i t k i n , 1972; M u l l e r & Chambliss, 1 980; Wie.ns et a l . , 1980 ). 2. Gestures and c o g n i t i v e s t y l e Another i n t e r e s t i n g l i n e of work i n v o l v e s the r e l a t i o n between gestures and c o g n i t i v e s t y l e . Freedman e t . a l . (1972) found that f i e l d dependent s u b j e c t s used more of one type of language hand gesture ( i e . motor primacy movements) than d i d f i e l d independent s u b j e c t s . They f e e l that f i e l d dependent people have d i f f i c u l t y " a r t i c u l a t i n g thoughts from an e x p e r i e n t i a l mass" and that the gestures are t h e r e f o r e outward symptoms of problems with r e p r e s e n t i n g and encoding thoughts i n t o words. I noted e a r l i e r that the c o g n i t i v e complexity of the s t i m u l u s can a f f e c t encoding d i f f i c u l t i e s and i n c r e a s e hand g e s t u r e s ; now we have the added p o s s i b i l i t y that c o g n i t i v e s t y l e may a l s o c r e a t e s i m i l a r d i f f i c u l t i e s and y i e l d s i m i l a r g e s t u r a l i n c r e a s e s . • 3. Gestures and negative content and a f f e c t Freud ( c i t e d by Freedman et a l . , 1973) "viewed the motor channel as a major pathway i n the e x p r e s s i o n of a g g r e s s i o n and he d e s c r i b e d c l i n i c a l phenomena such as r e s i s t i v e n e s s and negation which r e v e a l e d themselves m o t o r i c a l l y . " Sainsbury (1955), in a d d i t i o n to n o t i n g that gestures i n c r e a s e d d u r i n g emotional t o p i c s , found that 36 gestures i n c r e a s e when an u t t e r a n c e expressed d i s t u r b e d f e e l i n g , p a r t i c u l a r l y f e e l i n g s of resentment. S i m i l a r l y , Wiens et a l . (1980) found that the use of l a n g u a g e - r e l a t e d hand gestures was r e l a t e d to the e x p r e s s i o n of negative a f f e c t . Freedman et a l . (1973) a l s o found such a r e l a t i o n , with the a d d i t i o n a l f i n d i n g that both language and nonlanguage gestures were r e l a t e d to negative a f f e c t but i n d i f f e r e n t ways. They found a strong r e l a t i o n between c e r t a i n types language gestures and overt h o s t i l i t y . C e r t a i n nonlanguage gestures were found to be c o r r e l a t e d with c o v e r t h o s t i l i t y . Although these f i n d i n g s c o u l d be i n t e r p r e t e d to i n d i c a t e that gestures are l i n k e d to negative emotion, there are a l t e r n a t i v e e x p l a n a t i o n s . The Freedman group d i d not focus on the a f f e c t i v e aspect of t h e i r f i n d i n g s . They f e e l that the g e s t u r a l c o r r e l a t e s r e f l e c t the a b i l i t y to encode " h o s t i l e promptings" i n t o the spoken word. They i n t e r p r e t t h e i r hand gesture data i n terms of encoding f a c t o r s , and they suggest that gestures are " r e f l e c t i o n s of p s y c h o l o g i c a l s t r u c t u r e on the k i n e t i c l e v e l . " Freedman and h i s a s s o c i a t e s noted that they c o u l d not f i n d a n y thing apparent i n the hand gestures themselves that appeared to be r e l a t e d to a g g r e s s i o n . Given t h i s , i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o imagine a d i r e c t reason why negative speech would cause an increase i n hand g e s t u r e s . I t i s p o s s i b l e that i t i s the a r o u s a l evoked by the message that causes an increase i n gestures by s t i m u l a t i n g motoric channels. T h i s 37 would not e x p l a i n , however, why overt and c o v e r t h o s t i l i t y would e l i c i t d i f f e r e n t types of movements, that i s language versus nonlanguage. The f a c t that the language-oriented g e s t u r e s occurred when the h o s t i l i t y was v e r b a l i z e d suggests that language p r o c e s s i n g may have been a mediating f a c t o r . The e f f e c t s c o u l d be s i m i l a r to a n x i e t y and a s i m i l a r h y p o t h e s i s c o u l d be a p p l i e d . The negative s u b j e c t matter may have caused inner t e n s i o n and d i s r u p t e d the encoding p r o c e s s . The s u b j e c t ' s c o n c e n t r a t i o n c o u l d have been d i s r u p t e d by emotional f a c t o r s a s s o c i a t e d d i r e c t l y with the f e e l i n g s he has about what he i s s a y i n g , or by having to speak in a "not so n i c e way" which may invoke g u i l t or a d e s i r e t o assess the impact of the message on the l i s t e n e r . In e i t h e r case, a t t e n t i o n would be taken away from speech, making encoding more d i f f i c u l t and thus c a u s i n g an i n c r e a s e i n hand g e s t u r e s . 4. Summary The r e s u l t s of s t u d i e s examining the r e l a t i o n of gestures to v a r i o u s i n t r a p e r s o n s t a t e s and t r a i t s do not c o n f l i c t with other e x p l a n a t i o n s f o r l a n g u a g e - r e l a t e d hand g e s t u r e s , but they do i n d i c a t e t h a t emotional f a c t o r s can p l a y a r o l e i n the v e r b a l and nonverbal commmunicative p r o c e s s . T h i s i s not a s u r p r i s i n g f i n d i n g ; as d i s c u s s e d e a r l i e r , language f u n c t i o n s are l i k e l y a f f e c t e d by a number of p s y c h o l o g i c a l systems . 38 E. O v e r a l l Summary The above d i s c u s s i o n of only some of the hand gesture l i t e r a t u r e r e v e a l s that i t i s a complex and f a s c i n a t i n g a r e a. I t i s a l s o c l e a r t h at much more r e s e a r c h i s needed before we w i l l understand the exact nature of speech/gesture r e l a t i o n s . Based on the r e s e a r c h done thus f a r a number of t e n t a t i v e c o n c l u s i o n s can be reached: 1. Gestures and speech may have a s i m i l a r n e u r o l o g i c a l base. 2. Gestures are connected to r h y t h m i c a l , s y n t a c t i c , and semantic aspects of speech. 3. Gestures appear to have a communicative f u n c t i o n but may a l s o be i n t i m a t e l y t i e d to speech encoding p r o c e s s e s and d i f f i c u l t i e s . 4. Gestures may serve to f a c i l i t a t e the encoding processes at v a r i o u s l e v e l s . 5. Gestures appear t o be l i n k e d to the c o g n i t i v e or i d e a t i o n a l processes u n d e r l y i n g speech and a l s o to the c o g n i t i v e s t y l e of the i n d i v i d u a l . 6. There appear to be d i s t i n c t types of language-r e l a t e d hand gestures that may be t i e d to d i f f e r e n t a spects of speech p r o c e s s i n g . 7. Gestures have been found to be a s s o c i a t e d with emotion, a r o u s a l and the a f f e c t i v e content of speech; however, these f i n d i n g do not c o n t r a d i c t the n o t i o n of a l i n k between speech and gesture and i n some cases serve to complement i t . .. • .• A l l of these c o n c l u s i o n s are c o n s i s t e n t with a s t r o n g l i n k between speech and g e s t u r e , and they support the n o t i o n that gestures are a v i s i b l e means of a c c e s s i n g processes behind spoken language. IV. GESTURES AND SPEECH PROCESSING IN PSYCHOPATHS 39 An examination of the gesture l i t e r a t u r e suggests that gestures may provide an e x c e l l e n t o p p o r t u n i t y to look f o r language anomalies i n psychopaths. Some of the f i n d i n g s seem to bear d i r e c t l y on the c l i n i c a l o b s e r v a t i o n s of the spoken language of psychopaths. For example, gestures appear to be r e l a t e d to the encoding process, phrase l e n g t h , and as shown i n the aphasia l i t e r a t u r e , to the c o n t i n u i t y of thought c a r r i e d between phrases. If psychopaths d i f f e r from others in the way they process speech, a p o s s i b l e cause of t h i s may be that psychopaths have l e s s l e f t hemisphere resources f o r language. The lack of resources may cause them to have d i f f i c u l t y with p r o c e s s i n g or may d i c t a t e that speech encoding must be c a r r i e d out i n a d i f f e r e n t way. The g e s t u r a l l i t e r a t u r e taps i n t o the resource idea by r e v e a l i n g that gestures are found to i n c r e a s e with g r e a t e r demands on the language system (e.g., with more complex content and syntax; when speaking i n a nondominant language). I t was a l s o suggested above t h a t the heavy use of gestures i n r e l a t i o n t o o r g a n i z a t i o n of thought and syntax may serve to a l l e v i a t e some of the demands on the language system by e x t e r n a l i z i n g some encoding a s p e c t s . The r e l a t i o n between gestures and l i n g u i s t i c demands suggests that people with l i m i t e d language resources would show a pronounced i n c r e a s e i n g e s t u r a l a c t i v i t y when task demands are g r e a t . 40 An i n t e g r a t i o n of the language/psychopathy f i n d i n g s and the gesture/language l i t e r a t u r e would suggest that psychopaths should show heavy use of l a n g u a g e - r e l a t e d hand g e s t u r e s . I t i s a l s o worth n o t i n g that t i e s between language, c o g n i t i o n and gesture r e v e a l that hand gestures and language e x p l o r a t i o n may provide a good deal of i n f o r m a t i o n concerning the c e n t r a l p r o c e s s i n g of an i n d i v i d u a l . If language i t s e l f i s not a key f a c t o r i n the e t i o l o g y of psychopathy these s t u d i e s would suggest that i t may open the door to more c e n t r a l p r o c e s s i n g f a c t o r s and thereby to the p o s s i b i l i t y of g e t t i n g at other p o s s i b l e e t i o l o g i c a l mechani sms. To date there has been l i t t l e i n v e s t i g a t i o n of hand gestu r e s i n psychopaths. Rime, Bouvy, Leborgne and R o u i l l o n (1978) found that psychopaths used more hand movement than d i d nonpsychopaths. However, they were s t u d y i n g gestures as nonverbal behavior and t h e r e f o r e d i d not d i s t i n q u i s h between l a n g u a g e - r e l a t e d and other hand g e s t u r e s . G i l l s t r o m and Hare ( i n press) d i d d i s t i n g u i s h between language and nonlanguage gestures and found that psychopaths used a p a r t i c u l a r type of l a n g u a g e - r e l a t e d hand gesture (beats) more than d i d other c r i m i n a l s . The psychopathic group d i d not d i f f e r from the nonpsychopathic c r i m i n a l s i n the frequency of nonlanguage hand g e s t u r e s . Many of the aforementioned s t u d i e s of hand gestures have not looked at d i f f e r e n t types of l a n g u a g e - r e l a t e d gestures and so the 41 exact s i g n i f i c a n c e of beat gestures i s not c l e a r . Beats are s m a l l r a p i d movements that are not r e l a t e d to the content of the d i a l o g u e in any obvious way. S t u d i e s that have looked at them alone or i n c o n j u n c t i o n with other n o n r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l gestures suggest that they are r e l a t e d to the encoding process. Freedman et a l . (1973) p l a c e d these types of gestures i n a category c a l l e d speech primacy movements as opposed to motor primacy movements. These authors b e l i e v e that t h i s category of gesture i s the one most i n t i m a t e l y t i e d or phased with speech. M c N e i l l (1985) argues that beats may represent demarcation of d i s c o u r s e i n t o f u n c t i o n a l l y d i s c r e t e u n i t s . I f t h i s i s the case, an i n c r e a s e i n beat gestures may i n d i c a t e that psychopaths p r o c e s s speech i n small conceptual u n i t s . M c N e i l l a l s o f e e l s t h at beat gestures mark m e t a - l i n g u i s t i c p o i n t s i n the breakdown of the speech process and that they are perhaps attempts to r e i n s t a t e speech flow. T h i s would suggest that psychopaths experience encoding d i f f i c u l t i e s . F u r t h e r evidence f o r t h i s i s that beats are the type of gestures that i n c r e a s e when i n d i v i d u a l s are speaking i n a nondominant language and are l i k e l y e x p e r i e n c i n g encoding d i f f i c u l t i e s > (Marcos, 1979). Although a l l gestures i n c r e a s e d i n the p a t i e n t s s u f f e r i n g acute phases of mood d i s o r d e r s t u d i e d by Freedman and Hoffman (1967), b e a t - l i k e gestures showed the most dramatic i n c r e a s e . T h i s p o i n t s to the added p o s s i b i l i t y that psychopaths have d i f f i c u l t y o r g a n i z i n g t h e i r thoughts and/or speech. In summary, the i n c r e a s e d 42 usage of 'beats' found by G i l l s t r o m and Hare ( i n press) i s sugg e s t i v e of p o s s i b l e d i f f e r e n c e s and/or d i f f i c u l t i e s i n the p r o c e s s i n g of spoken language i n psychopaths, thus l e n d i n g support to the c l i n i c a l o b s e r v a t i o n s . Concerning l a t e r a l i t y of g e s t u r a l behavior, G i l l s t r o m and Hare found an o v e r a l l r i g h t - h a n d b i a s i n both psychopaths and nonpsychopaths f o r a l l g e s t u r a l c a t e g o r i e s , although the psychopaths d i d show a tendency f o r more l e f t hand use f o r beat g e s t u r e s . T h i s t r e n d may be i n d i c a t i v e of some kind of speech p r o c e s s i n g asymmetry i n psychopaths. 43 V. PURPOSE OF THE PRESENT STUDY The purpose of the present study was to r e p l i c a t e the G i l l s t r o m and Hare ( i n press) f i n d i n g s and to determine i f hand gestures can provide a d d i t i o n a l c l u e s to language processes i n psychopaths. Based on both t h e o r e t i c a l and e m p i r i c a l foundations i t can be p r e d i c t e d that psychopaths should show heavy use of l a n g u a g e - r e l a t e d hand g e s t u r e s . As i s suggested by G i l l s t r o m and Hare the i n c r e a s e may be l i m i t e d to beat g e s t u r e s . The study was a l s o designed to provide f u r t h e r data on the i s s u e of c e r e b r a l o r g a n i z a t i o n of language i n psychopaths. As d i s c u s s e d above, d i v i d e d v i s u a l - f i e l d and d i c h o t i c l i s t e n i n g s t u d i e s have suggested that language may be l e s s l a t e r a l i z e d i n psychopaths than i s the case i n other i n d i v i d u a l s . Examination of hand pr e f e r e n c e while g e s t u r i n g may provide i n f o r m a t i o n r e l e v a n t to t h i s i s s u e . Although i t i s s t i l l not known i f a l l language gestures are l a t e r a l i z e d , a l l s t u d i e s found that i c o n i c ( r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l ) gestures are most o f t e n made wit h the r i g h t hand i n i n d i v i d u a l s ' assumed to have language processes i n the l e f t hemisphere. If psychopaths are l e s s l a t e r a l i z e d f o r speech processes we would expect them to show l e s s of a r i g h t hand p r e f e r e n c e f o r i c o n i c gestures than i s shown by other c r i m i n a l s . 44 VI. METHOD A. Subjects The s u b j e c t s were s e l e c t e d from a pool of 125 male p r i s o n inmates who had v o l u n t e e r e d to p a r t i c i p a t e i n s e v e r a l r e s e a r c h p r o j e c t s and who a l s o consented to have t h e i r i n s t i t u t i o n a l f i l e s i n s p e c t e d . Two i n v e s t i g a t o r s , using i n f o r m a t i o n from both case h i s t o r y f i l e s and a semi-s t r u c t u r e d i n t e r v i e w , independently completed the 20-item Psychopathy C h e c k l i s t (PCL) f o r each inmate. The PCL., d e s c r i b e d i n d e t a i l elsewhere (Hare, 1980, 1985a,b), i s a r e l i a b l e and v a l i d instrument f o r the assessment of psychopathy i n c r i m i n a l p o p u l a t i o n s . Each item i s scored on a 3-point s c a l e (0, 1, 2) a c c o r d i n g to the extent to which i t a p p l i e s to the inmate; the t o t a l score can range from 0 to 40. I n t e r r a t e r r e l i a b i l i t y and c o e f f i c i e n t alpha are t y p i c a l l y above .85. The r a t i n g s of each i n v e s t i g a t o r were averaged to obt a i n the f i n a l PCL score f o r each inmate. The mean PCL score f o r the e n t i r e p o o l was 24.0 (SD =7.5). The PCL (20 item) i s a r e v i s e d v e r s i o n of an e a r l i e r more e x t e n s i v e l y used 22 item psychopathy c h e c k l i s t . Hare (unpublished data) has found that the two v e r s i o n s have ; ? very s i m i l a r psychometric p r o p e r t i e s and that they are h i g h l y c o r r e l a t e d (_r > .90). In the present sample the c o r r e l a t i o n between the 20- and 22-item v e r s i o n s was .96. There i s some evidence to suggest that gestures are a f f e c t e d both by c u l t u r e and/or language spoken (e.g., Graham & A r g y l e , 1975; Sainsbury & Wood, 1977). A number of 45 e x c l u s i o n c r i t e r i a were t h e r e f o r e used to l i m i t the p o s s i b l e e f f e c t s of these v a r i a b l e s . In order to be i n c l u d e d i n the present study the inmate had to be Caucasian, born i n Canada, and had to have E n g l i s h as h i s f i r s t language. In a d d i t i o n , an inmate had to be right-handed (as determined by a handedness q u e s t i o n n a i r e , Annett, 1970) i n order to provide a more homogeneous sample f o r the study of p o s s i b l e l a t e r a l i t y e f f e c t s . A t o t a l of 56 s u b j e c t s met these c r i t e r i a . The mean PCL score f o r t h i s subsample was 25.5, (SD=7.4.) These 56 s u b j e c t s were then d i v i d e d i n t o three groups based on t h e i r PCL-20 score. Those s c o r i n g above 30 were d e f i n e d as psychopaths (Group P; N=18), those with scores between 21-30 as "mixed" (Group M; N=20) and those s c o r i n g 20 and below as nonpsychopaths (Group NP; N=18). The c u t -o f f c r i t e r i a conform to those suggested by Hare (1985b). The mean PCL score f o r groups NP, M, and P was 16.7 (SD = 3.1), 26.1 (SD =2.5) and 33.5 (SD = 2.9), r e s p e c t i v e l y . The mean age f o r Groups NP, M and P was 31.7 (SD = 8.1), 30.9 (SD = 7.0) and 27.8 (SD = 8.2), r e s p e c t i v e l y . Mean years of formal education f o r Groups NP, M and P was 9.4 (SD = 2.1), 9.4 (SD = 2.28) and 8.4 (SD = 2.12). There were no s i g n i f i c a n t group d i f f e r e n c e s i n age, F(2,53) = 1.14, p_ = .3, or education, F(2,53) = 1.33, £ = .3. B. Procedure The i n t e r v i e w s used to a s s i s t i n the assessments of psychopathy were videotaped. The i n t e r v i e w e r sat i n f r o n t 46 of the inmate, but s l i g h t l y o f f - c e n t e r . The video camera was l o c a t e d 3 meters behind the i n t e r v i e w e r i n such a way as to p r o v i d e a c l e a r f r o n t view of the inmate, who sat a t the other end of a small t a b l e . Two segments of the i n t e r v i e w were analyzed, one i n which the subject answered q u e s t i o n s concerning h i s f a m i l y l i f e as a c h i l d , and the other in which he was q u e s t i o n e d about h i s c r i m i n a l h i s t o r y and h i s present o f f e n s e . These p a r t i c u l a r segments were chosen f o r two reasons: (1j "Both segments are u s u a l l y s u c c e s s f u l i n g e t t i n g the inmate to t a l k f r e e l y ; (2) The segments tap somewhat d i f f e r e n t types of content, and i t was t h e r e f o r e p o s s i b l e to e v a l u a t e the e f f e c t s of content on g e s t u r a l behavior. The f a m i l y - l i f e segment was f e l t to be more p e o p l e - o r i e n t e d and would correspond to the low-imagery, more a b s t r a c t c o n d i t i o n s that have been used i n other s t u d i e s . The c r i m i n a l a c t i v i t y segment was assumed to be more a c t i o n - o r i e n t e d and con c r e t e , and l i k e l y i n v o l v e d more p o t e n t i a l f o r imagery. Ten minutes were sampled from each of the two segments f o r a t o t a l of 20 minutes of c o n v e r s a t i o n with each inmate. The gestures were coded by the author, who was b l i n d ; to group membership. A second i n v e s t i g a t o r coded a random sample of 20 inmates to assess the r e l i a b i l i t y of the coding system. A l l movements made by the inmates' hands were coded. F i r s t , the hand ( l e f t , r i g h t or both) i n v o l v e d i n the movement was recorded and then the movement was c l a s s i f i e d 47 i n t o one of s i x c a t e g o r i e s (three language and three nonlanguage). The coding system was the same as that used by G i l l s t r o m and Hare ( i n press) with the a d d i t i o n of one language gesture category. The nonlanguage c a t e g o r i e s were body man i p u l a t i o n s , o b j e c t manipulations and p o s t u r a l movements. Body manipulations i n v o l v e d any type of s c r a t c h i n g or rubbing of a body p a r t (e.g., p u l l i n g one's beard). Object m a n i p u l a t i o n s were those movements where the s u b j e c t a c t i v e l y moved touched or ' f i d d l e d ' with an e x t e r n a l o b j e c t (e.g., p l a y i n g with a p e n c i l ) . T h i s category a l s o i n c l u d e d movements r e l a t e d to smoking. P o s t u r a l movements were any changes i n arm l o c a t i o n , i n c l u d i n g s t r e t c h e s but e x c l u d i n g movements that o c c u r r e d as p a r t of another g e s t u r e . As i n d i c a t e d i n the l i t e r a t u r e review, there are s e v e r a l d i s t i n c t types of l a n g u a g e - r e l a t e d hand g e s t u r e s . They d i f f e r i n form, a s s o c i a t i v e aspects, and i n f e r r e d f u n c t i o n a l r o l e s . Although d i f f e r e n t names are o f t e n used to i d e n t i f y gesture types, most r e s e a r c h e r s use s i m i l a r grouping s t r a t e g i e s ; they d i f f e r i n terms of how f i n e l y they s u b d i v i d e them and i n the r u l e s used to make the f i n e r • d i s t i n c t i o n s . In t h i s study language gestures were d i v i d e d i n t o three types: i c o n i x , beats, and d e s i g n a t o r s . I c o n i c gestures (termed used by M c N e i l l & Levy, 1982) are the e a s i e s t to d e s c r i b e and to i d e n t i f y . They are r e l a t e d to the content of speech i n a d i r e c t way. They appear to be i n t e n t i o n a l and serve to complement or add 48 in f o r m a t i o n to what i s being s a i d . For example, the sub j e c t may use h i s hands to d e p i c t a s p a t i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p , p o i n t to co n c r e t e object or person present, p a i n t a p i c t u r e , or reanact human movement. He may h o l d h i s hand up high while saying that the man he robbed was very t a l l , or pretend to be h o l d i n g a s t e e r i n g wheel while d e s c r i b i n g a high speed chase. To decide i f a gesture f i t t e d t h i s category, the r a t e r asked h e r s e l f i f the motion t o l d her something about what was being s a i d . Other terms that have been a p p l i e d to t h i s type of gesture are motor primacy movements -r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l subtype (Freedman et a l . , 1973; Marcos, 1979) and gesture (Butterworth & B e a t t i e , 1976). In the Ekman and F r i e s e n (1969) coding system t h i s category would cover four of the s i x I l l u s t r a t o r c a t e g o r i e s (namely, D e i c t i c , S p a t i a l , K i n e t o g r a p h i c , and P i c t o g r a p h i c movements). The remainder of the language gestures were d i v i d e d i n t o two c a t e g o r i e s , beats and d e s i g n a t o r s . The l i t e r a t u r e i s l e s s c l e a r concerning these types of movements and they have been c l a s s i f i e d i n v a r i o u s ways by d i f f e r e n t r e s e a r c h e r s . In some s t u d i e s they have been; simply l e f t as one category of miscellaneous n o n r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l g e s t u r e s . The key d i v i s i o n a r y f a c t o r s used i n t h i s study are i n t e n t i o n a l i t y (the speaker appears to have moved h i s hand on purpose) and r e l a t e d n e s s to speech content. Beats (name used by M c N e i l l & Levy, 1982) are small r a p i d movements which appear to be n o n i n t e n t i o n a l . The hand 49 simply s p r i n g s to l i f e and then r e s t s a g a i n . They a l s o appear to bear no r e l a t i o n to what i s being s a i d other than that they occur d u r i n g speech and possess a r h y t h m i c a l r e l a t i o n to the speech. I t i s d i f f i c u l t to t e l l from t h e i r gesture d e s c r i p t i o n s i f v a r i o u s authors are r e f e r r i n g to t h i s type of gesture, but i t would appear t h a t beats are the same as the speech primacy movements (more p a r t i c u l a r l y the subcategory of p u n c t u a t i n g movements) d e s c r i b e d by Freedman et a l . , (1973) and by Marcos (1979). In Ekman and F r e i s e n ' s coding system beats would be coded i n t h e i r category of 'batons'. I t i s important to note that a l t h o u g h the term 'beats' i s a p p l i e d , g e s t u r e s which were used to i n t e n t i o n a l l y "beat out the rhythm" were not c l a s s i f i e d i n t h i s category; they were i n t e n t i o n a l l y c a r r i e d out and t h e r e f o r e were p l a c e d i n the l a s t c a t e g o r y of n o n r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l g e s t u r e s , d e s i g n a t o r s . Designators encompass a wide v a r i e t y of movements. They appear to be i n t e n t i o n a l and do seem r e l a t e d to the d i s c o u r s e i n both rhythmic and metaphoric ways. As the term i m p l i e s , these gestures serve to d e s i g n a t e or accentuate a p a r t i c u l a r word or phrase. The r e l a t i o n to the d i s c o u r s e i s , more a b s t r a c t than i s the case with i c o n i c g e s t u r e s . For example, while the s u b j e c t makes a statement, he may h o l d h i s palm out as i f to hand the l i s t e n e r the i d e a . He may h o l d h i s hand i n the a i r and move i t i n t o v a r i o u s p o s i t i o n s as he speaks as i f to designate o b j e c t s and ideas i n space or he may h o l d both hands out as i f to m e t a p h o r i c a l l y h o l d 50 the thought he i s t r y i n g to get across to the l i s t e n e r . In the G i l l s t r o m and Hare ( i n press) study these gestures were c a t e g o r i z e d i n t o e i t h e r the i c o n i x or beat c a t e g o r i e s f o r v a r i o u s reasons; however, to help p u r i f y the c a t e g o r i e s . I now f e e l t h a t they should be put i n t o a category of t h e i r own. With regard to i n t e n t i o n a l i t y and r e l a t e d n e s s to content, these movements seem to f a l l in between i c o n i c and beat g e s t u r e s . V a r i o u s d e s i g n a t o r s have been c a l l e d Ideographs and Baton movements by Ekman and F r i e s e n (1969), Metaphoric and Mathematical Gestures by M c N e i l l and Levy (1982), and P o i n t i n g and Groping Movements by Marcos (1979). Both r a t e r s found i t d i f f i c u l t to d i f f e r e n t i a t e between beats and d e s i g n a t o r s f o r some i n d i v i d u a l s . Some movements appear to s t a r t u n i n t e n t i o n a l l y , but once the hand s p r i n g s to l i f e i t i s employed i n a more s t r u c t u r e d and i n t e n t i o n a l way. Although these c o u l d be seen as a combination of beat and d e s i g n a t o r , they were c l a s s e d as d e s i g n a t o r s unless there was a c l e a r break between the u n i n t e n t i o n a l and i n t e n t i o n a l components, in which case, the movement was viewed as one beat and one d e s i g n a t o r . There are a l s o r a p i d movements where the hand s p r i n g s to l i f e and moves to a more e l e v a t e d l e v e l than i s found i n the average beat gesture, and i t i s u n c l e a r i f i t i s a c t u a l l y d e s i g n a t i n g an idea i n space. In these cases, the r a t e r c a t e g o r i z e d the gesture based on whether i t was f e l t to be i n t e n t i o n a l ( d e s i g n a t o r ) or n o n i n t e n t i o n a l ( b e a t ) . It was d i f f i c u l t to draw c l e a r p a r a l l e l s between my 51 b e a t - d e s i g n a t o r d i s t i n c t i o n and the c a t e g o r i e s used by other i n v e s t i g a t o r s . Comparisons are d i f f i c u l t because other coding systems do not use an i n t e n t i o n a l i t y dimension to c l a s s i f y gestures (although Freedman et a l . ' s (1973) d i s t i n c t i o n between speech primacy and motor primacy movement may r e f l e c t a s i m i l a r i d e a ) . The i n t e n t i o n a l i t y dimension was intended to c l a s s i f y gestures on the b a s i s of conscious c o n t r o l , a dimension which I f e l t would h e l p to i n t e r p r e t the f i n d i n g s . My coding stategy r e s u l t s i n very pure c a t e g o r i e s f o r beats and i c o n i x but, u n f o r t u n a t e l y , a rather l a r g e mixed category f o r d e s i g n a t o r s . In f u t u r e research i t may be u s e f u l t o d e f i n e subtypes of t h i s category. If speech gestures are l i n k e d to language p r o c e s s e s , they w i l l l i k e l y be a f f e c t e d by the q u a n t i t y of v e r b a l output. T h e r e f o r e , the number of words spoken by each subject i n both segments was t a l l i e d to ensure that no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s o c c u r r e d a c r o s s groups. 52 V I I . RESULTS A. I n t e r - r a t e r R e l i a b i l i t y f o r G e s t u r a l C a t e g o r i e s The coding procedure f o r hand gestures was r e l i a b l e a c r o s s the two r a t e r s . Only two c a t e g o r i e s had an i n t e r r a t e r r e l i a b i l i t y of l e s s than .9; these were i c o n i c g estures (r = .84) and the "both hands" category. (r_ = .60). B. G e s t u r a l Use by the E n t i r e Sample Table I shows the mean gesture use f o r c a t e g o r i e s , hands, and segments pooled a c r o s s groups. D e s i g n a t o r s , which subsume many kinds of g e s t u r e s , were used most o f t e n , f o l l o w e d by beats and i c o n i c g e s t u r e s . There was great v a r i a b l i t y i n the number of gestures used a c r o s s i n d i v i d u a l s . The d e s i g n a t o r category was the most v a r i a b l e . Language and nonlanguage gest u r e s showed s i m i l a r hand use; in both c a t e g o r i e s , the r i g h t and l e f t hands were used with r e l a t i v e l y the same frequency and were each used twice as o f t e n as "both hands". The use of nonlanguage gest u r e s d i d not vary across segments. In c o n t r a s t , language gestures were used more o f t e n i n the crime segment than i n the f a m i l y segment. Table I Summary of gestures used by the e n t i r e sample Category M SD Language Gestures T o t a l language gestures 84.3 71.3 Beat ges t u r e s 25.0 19.4 Designator gestures 46.6 50.6 I c o n i c gestures 12.7 13.6 Right hand 34.0 34.1 L e f t hand 33.0 33.6 Both hands 17.3 20.8 Family segment 36.9 33.5 Crime segment 47.4 43.5 Nonlanguage gestures T o t a l nonlanguage gestures 72.8 37.3 Body manipulations 32.1 19.1 Object manipulations 19.7 18.9 Posture changes 21.0 16.2 Right hand 26.7 17.9 L e f t hand 31.3 24.7 Both hand 14.8 10.8 Family segment 35.8 20.1 Crime segment - 37.0 . " 20.4 Note. N = 56. 54 The c o r r e l a t i o n s between the v a r i o u s gestures are presented in Table I I . The su b c a t e g o r i e s w i t h i n each of the l a r g e r language and nonlanguage c a t e g o r i e s were h i g h l y c o r r e l a t e d with one another; i n d i v i d u a l s tended to be c o n s i s t e n t i n t h e i r use of hand g e s t u r e s w i t h i n the language and nonlanguage c a t e g o r i e s (with the exception of the o b j e c t and posture nonlanguage c a t e g o r i e s ) . The small c o r r e l a t i o n s between the language and nonlanguage c a t e g o r i e s may suggest that i n c r e a s e s i n language gesture usage are not simply due to a tendency to move i n g e n e r a l . Table II C o r r e l a t i o n s between gesture c a t e g o r i e s 1 2 3 * * * * 4 5 6 7 8 1 Beat .42 .35 *** .02 -.01 .01 .01 2 Desig. .69 .01 .04 .13 .08 3 Iconix - .16 .13 .11 .18 4 Language .04 .05 * .12 .07 * * * 5 Body ,; - .24. .48 , . ; -6 Object ; . -.01 -7 Posture -8 Nonlang. -Note, df = 54. * p<.05; ** P<.01; *** P<.001 • 55 C. R e s u l t s of S t a t i s t i c a l Analyses For the purposes of the a n a l y s e s , the three gesture c a t e g o r i e s not r e l a t e d to language were summed to form one nonlanguage category. The gesture l i t e r a t u r e has demonstrated that v a r i o u s types of l a n g u a g e - r e l a t e d gestures d i f f e r from one another in form, use, and f u n c t i o n ; each of these c a t e g o r i e s . ( b e a t s , d e s i g n a t o r s , i c o n i x ) were analyzed s e p a r a t e l y . For each gesture category a 3x3x2 f a c t o r i a l a n a l y s i s of v a r i a n c e was performed, with group (P, M, NP) as a between f a c t o r and hand ( l e f t , r i g h t , both) and segment ( f a m i l y , crime) as w i t h i n f a c t o r s . In order to have an equal number of s u b j e c t s i n each group, two s u b j e c t s were randomly dropped from the middle group y i e l d i n g 18 s u b j e c t s i n each group. 1. Beats: A summary of the use of beat gestures a c r o s s groups i s presented i n Table I I I . The ANOVA re v e a l e d a group e f f e c t , F (2,51) = 3.35, 2 < .04. Tukey HSD p a i r w i s e comparisons ( d e s c r i b e d i n G l a s s & Hopkins, 1984) i n d i c a t e d t hat group P used s i g n i f i c a n t l y more beat gestures than d i d e i t h e r group NP or Group M (p<.05). Groups NP and M d i d not d i f f e r from one another. T h i s r e p l i c a t e s the f i n d i n g s of G i l l s t r o m and Hare ( i n p r e s s ) . However, i n t h i s study a Group x Segment i n t e r a c t i o n was a l s o o b t a i n e d , F (2,51) = 3.10, p_ < .05. The i n t e r a c t i o n i s d e p i c t e d i n F i g u r e 1. Examining the 56 simple e f f e c t s of group at each l e v e l of the segment f a c t o r r e v e a l e d a s i g n i f i c a n t group e f f e c t f o r the f a m i l y c o n d i t i o n , F (2,51) = 4.64, p_ < .01, but not f o r the crime segment, F (2,51) = 1.45, p_ = .24. Tukey HSD t e s t s i n d i c a t e d that only groups P and NP d i f f e r e d s i g n i f i c a n t l y (p<.05). Group P used s i g n i f i c a n t l y more beat gest u r e s than d i d group NP i n the f a m i l y segment. 25 - i 5 J , 1 Family Crime Segment Figure 1. Group by Segment interaction for beats 57 Table III Mean number of beats used by each i group Group NP Group M Group P M SD M SD M SD T o t a l Beats 19.8 16.0 20.6 18.7 34.3 21.7 Right hand 6.4 6.7 10.7 13.1 12.4 11.6 L e f t hand 8.1 1 1 .9 5.6 3.9 16.8 14.4 Both hands 5.4 6.4 4.2 6.4 5.1 5.8 Family segment 8.2 6.4 11.3 10.9 19.5 15.4 Crime segment 11.6 10.7 9.3 8.3 14.8 1 0.3 Note. N = 18 i n each group. The ANOVA a l s o showed a s i g n i f i c a n t o v e r a l l hand e f f e c t , F (2,50) = 13.2, 2 < .001. Tukey HSD t e s t s r e v e a l e d that both the right, and l e f t hands were used more of t e n than "both hands" (p<.05). There was a l s o a Group x Hand i n t e r a c t i o n , F (2,50) = 3.30, p < .01. The main i n t e r e s t was i n the use of the r i g h t hand r e l a t i v e to the l e f t hand i n each group. Tukey HSD t e s t s showed that only the M group showed a d i f f e r e n c e between .right...and l e f t hand use; group M used the., r i g h t hand s i g n i f i c a n t l y more o f t e n than the l e f t f o r beat gestures (p<.05). In c o n t r a s t to Group M, both groups P and NP showed a trend towards a l e f t hand p r e f e r e n c e f o r beats. There was no o v e r a l l segment e f f e c t F (2,50) =.66, p_=.42, and no Segment x Hand i n t e r a c t i o n , F (2,50) = .55, £ = .58. 58 2. Designators The mean number of des i g n a t o r gestures used by each group i s presented i n Table IV. Although group P made more of these gestures than d i d e i t h e r of the other groups the d i f f e r e n c e was not s i g n i f i c a n t , F (2,51) =1.43, 2 = «25. There a l s o were no Group x Hand, F (2,50) =1.89, 2 = «12, or Group x Segment, F (2,51) = .43, 2 = «65, i n t e r a c t i o n s . Table IV Mean number of d e s i g n a t o r s used by each group Group NP Group M Group P M SD M SD M SD T o t a l D esignators 33. 2 32. 9 49 .0 62 .6 61.7 51 .7 Right hand 12. 4 15. 1 20 .0 31 .5 23.2 21 . 1 L e f t hand 15. 8 19. 4 15 .3 20 .3 28.9 29 . 1 Both hands 5. 0 4. 6 13 .7 22 .5 9.6 1 1 .0 Family segment 10. 9 12. 1 21 .3 26 .5 28.4 24 .2 Crime segment 22. 3 24. 1 27 .7 37 .6 33.3 33 .9 Note. N = 18 i n each group. There was a main e f f e c t of segment, F (1,51) = 6.15, 2 < .02; s i g n i f i c a n t l y more d e s i g n a t o r gestures o c c u r r e d i n the crime segment (M = 27.8) than i n the f a m i l y segment (M = 20.2). There was no Segment x Hand i n t e r a c t i o n , F (2,50) = .28, 2 = - 76-A main e f f e c t of hand was s i g n i f i c a n t , F (2,50)= 14.6, 2 < .001. Tukey HSD t e s t s r e v e a l e d that both the l e f t and r i g h t hands were used more than were "both hands" (p<.05); there was no d i f f e r e n c e i n r i g h t and l e f t hand use. 59 3. Iconix The mean number of i c o n i c gestures used by each group i s presented i n Table V. Although Group P made more i c o n i c gestures than d i d the other groups, the d i f f e r e n c e s were not s i g n i f i c a n t , F (2,51) = 2.29, 2 = There was a l s o no i n t e r a c t i o n between group and segment, F (2,51) = .18, 2 = .84, or group and hand, F (2,50) = .8, 2 = »53. There was a s i g n i f i c a n t main e f f e c t f o r segment, (F(2,50)=10.51, p < .002, with more i c o n i c gestures o c c u r r i n g i n the crime segment (M = 8.4) than i n the f a m i l y segment (M = 4.5) • Table V Mean number of i c o n i c g e s t u r e s used by each group Group NP Group M Group P M SD M SD M SD T o t a l i c o n i x 9.1 8.2 11.8 16.1 17.8 14.8 Right hand 3.9 2.9 5.5 6.0 7.9 8.2 L e f t hand 2.4 3.7 3.4 6.0 5.7 7.2' Both hands - 2.7 .... 3.3 2.9 6.1 -. 4.1 3.5 Family segment 3.1 2.8 3.7 3.6 6.6 7.2 Crime segment 6.1 6.3 8.1 13.0 11.1 10.3 Note. N = 18 i n each group. 60 A s i g n i f i c a n t Hand by Segment i n t e r a c t i o n , F( 1 ,51)=5.17, p= <.01, r e v e a l e d that i t was the r i g h t hand th a t c o n t i b u t e d most to the segment e f f e c t (see F i g u r e 2 ) . T e s t s of the simple e f f e c t s of hand at each l e v e l of the segment f a c t o r r e v e a l e d that there was a str o n g hand p r e f e r e n c e i n the crime segment, (F(2,50)=9.45, p <.001, but not i n the fami l y segment, F(2 , 50) = 1 .47, p=.23. Tukey HSD t e s t s i n d i c a t e d that the r i g h t hand was p r e f e r r e d over both the l e f t hand and both hands i n the crime segment (p<.05). RIGHT BOTH LEFT 0 Family Crime Segment Figure 2. Hand by Segment interaction for iconix 61 4. Nonlanguage gestures The mean number of nonlanguage gestures used by each group i s presented in Table VI. No group d i f f e r e n c e s were found f o r nonlanguage g e s t u r e s , F (2,51) = 1.35, p_ = .27. There a l s o were no Group by Hand, F (2,50) =.77, £ = .55, or Group by Segment, F (2,51) = 0.0, p=.999, i n t e r a c t i o n s . In a d d i t i o n there was no o v e r a l l segment e f f e c t , F (1,51) = .27, £ - .60, or Segment by Hand i n t e r a c t i o n , F (2,50) = .12, £ = .89. The only s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t found f o r the nonlanguage g e s t u r e s was an o v e r a l l hand e f f e c t , F (2,50) = 16.42, £ < .001. Tukey HSD t e s t s r e v e a l e d that both the r i g h t and l e f t hands were used more o f t e n than were "both hands" (p<.05); the l e f t and r i g h t hands d i d not d i f f e r from on another. Table VI Mean number of nonlanguage gestures used by each group Group NP Group M Group P M SD M SD M SD T o t a l nonlanguage 63. 6 38 .3 83. 3' 37 .5 77.4 35 .2 Right hand 23. 6 18 .4 32. 2 21 .4 26.8 1 1 .7 L e f t hand 24. 8 23 .5 35. 1 22 .3 36.4 28 .0 Both hands 15. 2 1 4 .8 16. 1 6 .2 14.2 10 . 1 Family segment 31 . 2 20 .8 41 . 2 1 7 .9 38.2 20 . 1 Crime segment 32. 3 19 .9 42. 2 22 .3 39.2 17 .8 Note. N = 18 i n each group. 62 5. L a t e r a l i t y e f f e c t s Performance asymmetries may be i n f l u e n c e d by i n d i v i d u a l d i f f e r e n c e s i n o v e r a l l l e v e l of performance ( M a r s h a l l et a l . , 1975). Th e r e f o r e , l a t e r a l i t y c o e f f i c i e n t s were c a l c u l a t e d f o r each i n d i v i d u a l f o r each gesture category; the formula was R - L / R + L. The c o e f f i c i e n t s o b t a i n e d f o r groups NP, M and P r e s p e c t i v e l y were: beats: .06, .22, -.07; d e s i g n a t o r s : -.16, .19, -.11; i c o n i x : .42, .61, .14; nonlanguage: .03, -.07, -.03. None of the l a t e r a l i t y f i n d i n g s were s i g n i f i c a n t ( p >.05 in each c a s e ) . I t i s worth n o t i n g , however, that group P tended to be l e s s l a t e r a l i z e d i n the use of i c o n i c gestures than were the other groups; i t i s i c o n i c gestures that tend to be l a t e r a l i z e d i n most i n d i v i d u a l s . 6. V e r b a l output The l a r g e number of gestures used by group P was not due to g r e a t e r o v e r a l l v e r b a l output (number of words spoken). A oneway ANOVA re v e a l e d no s i g n i f i c a n t group d i f f e r e n c e s i n the number of words spoken i n the experiment F(2,53)=.5, p=.6). The mean number of words spoken by groups NP, M, and P was 1534, 1687, 1648, r e s p e c t i v e l y . In a d d i t i o n , there were no group d i f f e r e n c e s i n the number of words spoken i n e i t h e r the f a m i l y , F(2,51)=1.1, p=.36 or the crime, F(2,51)=.3, p=.7, segments. 63 D. Normative Comparisons The use of nonpsychopathic c r i m i n a l s as a comparison group c o n t r o l s f o r a number of p o s s i b l e extraneous v a r i a b l e s (e.g., l e v e l of education, SES, p r i s o n e f f e c t s ) . However, without a "normal", n o n c r i m i n a l comparison group i t i s d i f f i c u l t to determine whether i t i s the psychopaths or the nonpsychopaths who are d e v i a n t i n the use of g e s t u r e s . There, appears to be no r e a l l y adequate normative data r e g a r d i n g g e s t u r a l behavior but a look at f r e q u e n c i e s obtained i n other s t u d i e s may help to put the present r e s u l t s i n c o n t e x t . Only one study c o u l d be found that reported f r e q u e n c i e s f o r beat g e s t u r e s . Marcos (1979) repo r t e d that speech primacy movements ( h i s term f o r beats) were made at a r a t e of .69 per minute while b i l i n g u a l c o l l e g e students were speaking i n t h e i r dominant language and 1.1 per minute when speaking i n t h e i r nondominant language. In the present study beats were used by groups NP, M, and P, r e s p e c t i v e l y , at a r a t e of .99, 1.03, and 1.7 per minute. T h i s would i n d i c a t e t h at a l l c r i m i n a l groups made more beat gestures than d i d the "normal" sample, and that group P was the most a b e r r a n t . Most s t u d i e s that have r e p o r t e d gesture frequency do so f o r language gestures i n g e n e r a l . I n v e s t i g a t o r s r e p o r t that d u r i n g dyad c o n v e r s a t i o n s (Dalby et a l . , 1980; Rosenfeld, 1966) or while speaking alone on v a r i o u s t o p i c s (Kimura, 64 1973b), c o l l e g e students make around 1-2 language gestures per minute. Marcos (1979) found that d u r i n g a monologue a d u l t men and women used an average of .8 gestures per minute. S i m i l a r l y , Ingram (1975) found that c h i l d r e n (during dyad c o n v e r s a t i o n ) used an average of .8 gestures per minute. In the present study groups NP, M and P used r e s p e c t i v e l y , 3.1, 4.1, and 5.7 gestures per minute, a 3 to 6 times i n c r e a s e over the reported frequencies i n "normal" a d u l t s and c h i l d r e n . However, i n a study of male c o l l e g e students who scored on the upper and lower t h i r d s of a field-dependent/independent s c a l e , Sousa-Posa et a l . (1979) found gesture f r e q u e n c i e s higher than those found i n t h i s study. They only r e p o r t e d the mean for r i g h t and l e f t hand g e s t u r e s ; they found a rate of 5.2 gestures per minute. The P M and NP s u b j e c t s i n t h i s study used ( r i g h t and l e f t ) g e s t u r e s at a rate of 4.7, 2.9, and 2.5 per minute. T h i s suggests that group P gestured at about the same r a t e as d i d the c o l l e g e sample. U n f o r t u n a t e l y , Sousa-Posa and h i s group d i d not re p o r t the frequency of gestures employed by the hi g h and low field-dependence groups. They d i d , however, c i t e a ^ p r e v i o u s study i n which f i e l d dependent s u b j e c t s used more ge s t u r e s than d i d f i e l d independent s u b j e c t s . Because Sousa-Posa et a l . ' s (1979) sample contained f i e l d dependent s u b j e c t s , they may have obtained higher f r e q u e n c i e s of gestures than found i n other s t u d i e s of "normal" s u b j e c t s . One d i f f i c u l t y with making comparisons between the present r e s u l t s and those of other s t u d i e s i s that d i f f e r e n t 65 procedures were used. Various procedures very l i k e l y lead to d i f f e r e n t rates of verbal output. Rather than comparing raw gestural output, i t may be more appropriate to compare studies in terms of gestures per number of words spoken. Feyereisen (1979) studied a group of normal subjects for comparative purposes in his aphasia study and found that they used gestures at the rate of 4.5 per 100 words during conversation. Groups P, M and NP in the present study used gestures at the rate of 6.9, 4.9, and 4.0 per 100 words respectively. On this basis, i t appears that the gesture rate of nonpsychopathic criminals was similar to Feyereisen's normal group, and that psychopaths made r e l a t i v e l y heavy use of gestures. Although not conclusive, the majority of comparisons suggest that i t i s the psychopaths that exhibit an "abnormal" frequency of language gestures. In addition, some results indicate that criminals in general may make more use of hand gestures than do noncriminals. 66 V I I I . S U M M A R Y A N D D I S C U S S I O N A . H a n d P r e f e r e n c e f o r G e s t u r i n g T h e r e w a s n o d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n r i g h t a n d l e f t h a n d s i n t h e u s e o f b e a t s , d e s i g n a t o r s , a n d n o n l a n g u a g e g e s t u r e s . T h e r e w a s a r i g h t - h a n d p r e f e r e n c e f o r i c o n i c ( r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l ) g e s t u r e s , w h i c h r e p l i c a t e s t h e f i n d i n g s o f S o u s a - P o z a e t a l . ( 1 9 7 9 ) a n d M c N e i l l a n d L e v y ( 1 9 8 2 ) . I c o n i c g e s t u r e s i n v o l v e c o m p l e x m o t o r m o v e m e n t a n d a r e s y m b o l i c i n n a t u r e ; a r i g h t h a n d p r e f e r e n c e i s c o n s i s t e n t w i t h a r g u m e n t s t h a t t h e l e f t - h e m i s p h e r e i s s p e c i a l i z e d f o r c o m p l e x m o t o r s e q u e n c e s o r t h a t i t i s s p e c i a l i z e d f o r s y m b o l i c f u n c t i o n s . T h e r i g h t - h a n d p r e f e r e n c e f o u n d i n t h e p r e s e n t s t u d y w a s c o n f i n e d t o t h e c r i m e s e g m e n t . T h e c r i m e s e g m e n t w a s p r e s u m a b l y a r e l a t i v e l y c o n c r e t e l a n g u a g e t a s k t h a t w o u l d l i k e l y i n v o l v e v i s u a l i m a g e r y . S o u s a - P o z a e t a l . ( 1 9 7 9 ) h a v e s u g g e s t e d t h a t " m o v e m e n t a s y m m e t r y i s r e l a t e d t o v i s u a l i m a g e r y i n t h e v e r b a l e n c o d i n g p r o c e s s . " T h e c o n t e n t o f t h e c r i m e s e g m e n t m a y h a v e e l i c i t e d a t y p e o f i c o n i c g e s t u r e t h a t d i f f e r e d f r o m t h a t i n t h e f a m i l y s e g m e n t . P e r h a p s t h e g e s t u r e s w e r e m o r e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l o f i m a g e s t h e s u b j e c t " h a d i n m i n d " w h i l e s p e a k i n g a n d t h e r e f o r e w e r e m o r e t i e d t o t h e p r o c e s s i n g c a r r i e d o u t i n t h e l e f t h e m i s p h e r e . I t w a s p r e d i c t e d t h a t i f p s y c h o p a t h s a r e l e s s l a t e r a l i z e d f o r s p e e c h p r o c e s s i n g t h e y w o u l d s h o w l e s s o f a r i g h t h a n d p r e f e r e n c e f o r i c o n i c g e s t u r e s t h a n w o u l d o t h e r 67 c r i m i n a l s . T h i s was not found t o be the c a s e . T h i s does not n e c e s s a r i l y c o n f l i c t w i t h e v i d e n c e t h a t psychopaths d i f f e r from o t h e r s i n the l a t e r a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and p r o c e s s i n g of language. F i r s t l y , t h e r e was a t r e n d f o r Group P's i c o n i c g e s t u r e s t o be l e s s l a t e r a l i z e d than t h o s e of Groups NP an M. S e c o n d l y , b o t h the t a c h i s t o s c o p i c (Hare & J u t a i , i n p r e s s ) and evoked p o t e n t i a l ( J u t a i e t . a l , 1987) s t u d i e s suggest t h a t l a t e r a l i t y d i f f e r e n c e s emerge w i t h complex semantic t a s k s . The t a s k s used i n the p r e s e n t s t u d y may not have been complex enough f o r unusual l a t e r a l i z e d e f f o r t s t o emerge. Another p o s s i b i l i t y may be t h a t p sychopaths were employing l a t e r a l d i f f e r e n c e s i n p r o c e s s i n g t h e t a s k s i n the p r e s e n t study but t h a t these d i f f e r e n c e s were not r e l a t e d t o hand p r e f e r e n c e f o r g e s t u r i n g . B. Segment E f f e c t s f o r I c o n i x and D e s i g n a t o r s A segment e f f e c t was found f o r a l l groups f o r both i c o n i c and d e s i g n a t o r g e s t u r e s . T h i s s u p p o r t s the d e f i n i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of t h e s e g e s t u r e s , t h a t i s , t h a t they a r e r e l a t e d t o speech c o n t e n t . The e f f e c t was much s t r o n g e r f o r i c o n i c g e s t u r e s t h a n f o r d e s i g n a t o r s , which i s c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the b e l i e f t h a t t h e s e g e s t u r e s a r e the ones most r e l a t e d t o c o n t e n t . Both t y p e s of g e s t u r e s o c c u r r e d more o f t e n i n the crime segment than i n the f a m i l y segment presumably because, as mentioned, the c r i m e segment was more c o n c r e t e and i n v o l v e d more imagery than d i d the f a m i l y segment. The segment c o n t e n t i n v o l v e d d e s c r i p t i o n s of 68 c o n c r e t e o b j e c t s (e.g., p i c t u r e s of the crime scene), as w e l l as more s e q u e n t i a l s t o r y t e l l i n g (e.g., how the crime was c a r r i e d o u t ) . The heavy use of i c o n i c gestures was probably r e l a t e d to the former and the heavy use of d e s i g n a t o r s to the l a t t e r . The f a c t that there was no o v e r a l l c o n d i t i o n e f f e c t f o r beat gestures confirms that they are not r e l a t e d to the content of the n a r r a t i v e i n any d i r e c t way. C. Psychopathy and Use of Beats Psychopaths showed a tendency to use more types of language gestures of a l l kinds but only the beat category d i f f e r e n t i a t e d between groups at a s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t l e v e l . T h i s r e p l i c a t e s the f i n d i n g s of G i l l s t r o m and Hare ( i n p r e s s ) . The gesture l i t e r a t u r e i n d i c a t e s that gestures may be a s s o c i a t e d with: i n t e r p e r s o n a l dynamics (e.g., a f f i l i a t i o n ) ; a n x i e t y ; the e x p r e s s i o n of negative a f f e c t ; communication; and speech encoding processes and d i f f i c u l t i e s . I t w i l l be argued here that the l a s t p o s s i b i l i t y p r o v i d e s the most t e n a b l e e x p l a n a t i o n of the l a r g e number of beats used by psychopaths. The i n t e r p e r s o n a l - and communication-oriented hypotheses seem u n l i k e l y given the nature of beats. Beats do not appear to be i n t e n t i o n a l and there i s nothing i n t h e i r phenomenology that would sugggest that they c o u l d c o n t r i b u t e to the f u l f i l l m e n t of i n t e r p e r s o n a l q u e s t s . 69 Beats are a l s o not r e l a t e d to content and t h e r e f o r e i t does not seem p l a u s i b l e t h a t the i n c r e a s e i n v o l v e d attempts to f a c i l i t a t e communication,. If an i n d i v i u a l intended to improve h i s message through gesture he would l i k e l y i n c r e a s e h i s use of r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l ( i c o n i c ) g e s t u r e s . Some s t u d i e s have suggested that gestures i n c r e a s e i n frequency as a f u n c t i o n of a n x i e t y . However, there i s no reason to b e l i e v e that the pscyhopaths in t h i s study were more anxious during d i s c u s s i o n of t h e i r f a m i l y backgrounds than d u r i n g d i s c u s s i o n s of t h e i r c r i m i n a l a c t i v i t y . T h e i r c a l l o u s nature and l a c k of connectedness to other human beings suggests that they should f i n d d i s c u s s i n g these t o p i c s l e s s d i s t u r b i n g than would be the case f o r nonpsychopaths. Some s t u d i e s have a l s o demonstated that gestures i n c r e a s e as a f u n c t i o n of the e x p r e s s i o n of negative a f f e c t . Speech content was not analyzed and t h e r e f o r e , i t i s not known i f psychopaths were e x p r e s s i n g more negative a f f e c t than the nonpsychopaths. However, i f i t i s assumed that the r e l a t i o n s h i p between gestures and negative a f f e c t i s founded i n the a f f e c t i v e impact of negative statements, i t c o u l d be argued that the impact would be l e s s on psychopaths than on other i n d i v i d u a l s given the psychopath's l a c k of a f f e c t i v e depth. Beat gestures have been d e s c r i b e d as the gesture most i n t i m a t e l y t i e d to speech processes (Freedman et al.,1972) 70 and to encoding d i f f i c u l t i e s (Marco, 1979; M c N e i l l , 1985); t h e r e f o r e , the most p l a u s i b l e e x p l a n a t i o n f o r the heavy use of beats by psychopaths i s that they are experienced problems with speech encoding. It was i n the f a m i l y segment that psychopaths used the most beats. I f beats r e f l e c t encoding d i f f i c u l t i e s , the root of these problems l i e s i n the d i f f e r e n c e between the f a m i l y and crime segments. Two obvious dimensions that d i f f e r e n t i a t e between the segments are a b s t r a c t i o n and "word e m o t i o n a l i t y " . The f a m i l y segment was more a b s t r a c t than the c r i m i n a l segment i n the sense that i t i n v o l v e d more a b s t r a c t words and would be l e s s l i k e l y to i n v o l v e v i s u a l imagery. Sousa-Poza et a l . (1979) f e e l that the use of v i s u a l imagery f a c i l i t a t e s v e r b a l encoding and that a b s t r a c t m a t e r i a l i s t h e r e f o r e more d i f f i c u l t to encode than concrete m a t e r i a l . Sousa-Poza and Rohrberg (1977) a l s o found that a b s t r a c t tasks tended to e l i c i t more n o n r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l gestures (of which beats are a subtype) than do concrete t a s k s . T h i s suggests that psychopaths may have found i t d i f f i c u l t to encode a task when they c o u l d not employ v i s u a l imagery. However, t h i s h ypothesis suggests that nonpsychopaths should have a l s o shown more n o n r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l gestures i n the f a m i l y segment than the c r i m i n a l segment; but t h i s was not the case. Perhaps i t was not the lack of v i s u a l imagery that made t h i s segment more d i f f i c u l t f o r psychopaths but the 71 a b s t r a c t n e s s of the words and concepts d i s c u s s e d . The r e s u l t s of a t a c h i s t o s c o p i c study (Hare & J u t a i , i n press) i n d i c a t e d that an a b s t r a c t semantic c a t e g o r i z a t i o n task produced a l e f t v i s u a l f i e l d (right-hemisphere) s u p e r i o r i t y i n psychopaths and a r i g h t v i s u a l f i e l d ( l e f t - h e m i s p h e r e ) s u p e r i o r i t y i n other c r i m i n a l s . T h i s can be i n t e r p r e t e d as i n d i c a t i n g that the l e f t hemisphere of psychopaths i s l e s s s p e c i a l i z e d f o r a b s t r a c t tasks than i s the case with other i n d i v i d u a l s . In the present study, l i m i t e d l e f t hemisphere resources f o r a b s t r a c t i o n may have made the fa m i l y d i s c u s s i o n s more d i f f i c u l t f o r psychopaths. The second dimension that the crime and f a m i l y segments v a r i e d on was i n the use of emotion-laden words and concepts. Examples of the types of qu e s t i o n s asked i n t h i s segment were: Do you t h i n k your parents showed you love? Was your mother a warm or c o l d person? I t i s apparent from these q u e s t i o n s t h a t , i n order to pr o v i d e an answer, an i n d i v i d u a l has to be a b l e to grasp the meaning of a number of emotion-oriented words and concepts. The psychopath l i k e l y does not possess the a b i l i t y to f e e l the impact of the meaning of words such as love because he has not experienced the f e e l i n g s t hat they r e p r e s e n t . He l i k e l y "understands" them on l y i n a l i t e r a l or i n t e l l e c t u a l way. Evidence f o r t h i s idea can be found i n the study by Williamson et a l . ( i n p r e s s ) i n which a f f e c t i v e words d i d not appear to have the same meaning or impact f o r psychopaths as they d i d f o r nonpsychopaths. Perhaps t h i s 72 semantic d i f f e r e n c e made the encoding of the f a m i l y task much more d i f f i c u l t f o r the psychopaths. Hare et a l . (1987) re p o r t e d that psychopaths r e l y on d e n o t a t i v e ( l i t e r a l ) as opposed to connotative aspects of words. Psychopaths may have had to use a d i f f e r e n t encoding s t r a t e g y when d i s c u s s i n g emotional t o p i c s . I t c o u l d be assumed that with emotional words and concepts the psychopaths had very l i t t l e i n the way of c o n n o t a t i v e a s s o c i a t i o n s and thus had to r e l y very s t r o n g l y on l i t e r a l d e f i n i t i o n s . How t h i s would make encoding more d i f f i c u l t can be i l l u s t r a t e d by h y p o t h e s i z i n g the steps that would be i n v o l v e d i n answering a q u e s t i o n such as "Do you think your parents loved you?". A nonpsychopath understands t h i s on an emotional and c o n n o t a t i v e l e v e l and can r e p l y q u i c k l y . On the other hand a psychopath would f i r s t have to r e c a l l the l i t e r a l meaning of the concept of love and then t r y to apply h i s parents behavior to t h i s d e f i n i t i o n . In a sense he can only make an educated guess as to whether h i s parents showed him l o v e . A p o s s i b l e p a r a l l e l to t h i s idea i s when b i l i n g u a l s u b j e c t s speak i n the nondominant language (they show an i n c r e a s e i n beat g e s t u r e s ) . When speaking i n a nondominant language words would have l e s s " i n g r a i n e d " meaning f o r an i n d i v i d u a l and encoding would l i k e l y i n v o l v e more steps and c r o s s r e f e r e n c i n g to the dominant language. Perhaps emotional words are i n a sense a nondominant language f o r psychopaths. The author has noted that o f t e n during the f a m i l y segment some psychopaths take a long time to answer 73 q u e s t i o n s . They o f t e n make statements such as: " w e l l . . . t h a t ' s a d i f f i c u l t q u e s t i o n " , or "what e x a c t l y do you mean?". Some say they would r a t h e r not answer the q u e s t i o n or come r i g h t out and say that they r e a l l y do not know what love (or some other word) means. T h i s suggests that psychopaths may have d i f f i c u l t y d i s c u s s i n g these i s s u e s and that the d i f f i c u l t y may be founded i n a fundamental i n a b i l i t y to understand the concepts or to understand them in a way that makes i t easy f o r them to answer. Speech c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s were not analyzed and t h e r e f o r e i t i s d i f f i c u l t to a s c e r t a i n the e f f e c t that the proposed encoding d i f f i c u l t i e s had on the a c t u a l speech output of psychopaths. Beats have been found to be r e l a t e d to an i n c r e a s e i n pauses and d i s r u p t i o n s i n the flow of speech, an i n c r e a s e i n e x t r a - n a r r a t i v e statements, d i f f i c u l t y with l e x i c a l d e c i s i o n s , a tendency towards the use of small speech u n i t s , or d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n of thought behind speech. Future r e s e a r c h should examine the p r e c i s e r e l a t i o n s between beats and speech content and s t r u c t u r e i n psychopaths. The review of the gesture l i t e r a t u r e i n d i c a t e s t h a t some gestures may serve a pragmatic f u n c t i o n , f o r example, a i d i n g with o r g a n i z a t i o n or speeding up p r o c e s s i n g ; only the l a t t e r r o l e seems p o s s i b l e f o r beats. Although beats have a rhythmical r e l a t i o n s h i p to speech and l i k e l y r e f l e c t aspects of i n t e r n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n (e.g., demarcation of u n i t s ) , they are u n i n t e n t i o n a l and t h e r e f o r e would not be used 74 c o n s c i o u s l y by the speaker to f a c i l i t a t e o r g a n i z a t i o n . Designator gestures would appear to be more capable of f u l f i l l i n g t h i s type of f u n c t i o n . I t was suggested e a r l i e r that n o n r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l gestures, such as beats, may be able to f a c i l i t a t e p r o c e s s i n g by causing the b r a i n to become more a c t i v e . T herefore, beats c o u l d be more than simply r e f l e c t i o n s of encoding d i f f i c u l t i e s ; they may serve to speed up p r o c e s s i n g . They would in c r e a s e i n psychopaths i n the f a m i l y segment i n order to speed up p r o c e s s i n g d u r i n g a more demanding task. It i s d i f f i c u l t to know i f the speech behavior of psychopaths noted dur i n g c l i n i c a l i n t e r v i e w s i s r e l a t e d t o the f i n d i n g s of t h i s study. Beats mark o f f u n i t s of speech and, t h e r e f o r e , a l a r g e number of beats may be a s s o c i a t e d with speech c o n s i s t i n g of small phrases. In both aphasic and normal i n d i v i d u a l s beats occur at p o i n t s of d i s c o n t i n u i t y in meaning and s t r u c t u r e of speech. Therefore a high beat rate may a l s o r e f l e c t the i n a b i l i t y f o r psychopaths to keep a l o g i c a l t r a i n of thought dur i n g speech. Because the high beat rate was evident only i n the fam i l y segment,. i t would be u s e f u l to determine i f phrase l e n g t h was smaller, and d i f f i c u l t y i n m a i n t a i n i n g a coherent flow of speech g r e a t e r , d u r i n g the fami l y segment than duri n g the c r i m i n a l segment. I f so, perhaps the task demands i n t h i s segment caused the psychopaths to process speech i n small phrases and a l s o made i t more d i f f i c u l t t o maintain a coherent flow of speech. In any case, a d e t a i l e d a n a l y s i s of hand gestures and concomitant speech i s needed. 75 The main purpose f o r examining speech behavior i n psychopaths was to o b t a i n c l u e s concerning the e t i o l o g y of the d i s o r d e r . Although i t i s too e a r l y to d e r i v e any c o n c l u s i o n s from language f i n d i n g s , the r e s u l t s of t h i s study p o i n t to some i n t e r e s t i n g s p e c u l a t i o n s . The f i r s t p o s s i b i l i t y i s that speech d i f f i c u l t i e s occur i n psychopaths because of t h e i r l a c k of a f f e c t i v e depth; speech d i f f i c u l t i e s are a "symptom" of the d i s e a s e . T h e i r lack of a f f e c t i v e depth makes i t more d i f f i c u l t f o r them to understand and process words and concepts i n v o l v i n g emotion. T h i s h y p o t h e s i s , however, does not t e l l us anything about e t i o l o g y , only more about the symptomology of psychopathy. Another p o s s i b i l i t y i s that psychopaths have a g e n e r a l d e f i c i t i n areas of a b s t r a c t i o n . T h i s d e f i c i t c o u l d a c t as a t h i r d v a r i a b l e , c a u s i n g both psychopathy and language d i f f e r e n c e s . Perhaps the a b i l i t y to love n e c e s s i t a t e s an a b i l i t y to move beyond the s u r f a c e exchange of people and to see and f e e l i n t e r p e r s o n a l i n t e r a c t i o n at "higher", more a b s t r a c t l e v e l s . S i m i l a r l y , the o p e r a t i o n and formation of conscience may depend on an a b i l i t y to a b s t r a c t ' g e n e r a l i t i e s and to "move" to higher l e v e l s to compare one's behavior to these general "laws" concerning r i g h t and wrong. Perhaps psychopaths cannot see the "wholeness" of anything. Perhaps they cannot " r i s e " above and view t h e i r own behavior and thus are locked i n the "plane" of simple a c t i o n and r e a c t i o n . T h i s may be why psychopaths have d i f f i c u l t y 76 m a i n t a i n i n g a coherent stream of thought d u r i n g speech, put incongruent and u n r e l a t e d phrases together, t e l l d i f f e r e n t v e r s i o n s of the same s t o r y as i f not understanding that l i s t e n e r s can see the i n c o n g r u e n c e s , or f a i l to s t i c k t o any long term g o a l s . They appear to act and i n t e r a c t only for the moment and not i n the framework of a "whole". A second and r e l a t e d idea i s a t h i r d v a r i a b l e i n v o l v i n g an i n a b i l i t y to e x t r a c t meaning. Hare et a l . (1987) r e p o r t e d that psychopaths r e l y more on d e n o t a t i v e as opposed to c o n n o t a t i v e meaning of words than do other c r i m i n a l s . Connotation i n v o l v e s the a s s o c i a t e d s i g n i f i c a n c e that s o c i e t y and i n d i v i d u a l s p l a c e on words in a d d i t i o n to l i t e r a l meaning. Perhaps psychopaths are not capable of e x t r a c t i n g meaning and t h e r e f o r e language and experience has no p e r s o n a l s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r them. They would have l i t t l e d i f f i c u l t y understanding c o n c r e t e m a t e r i a l because i t has a d i r e c t r e f e r r e n t o u t s i d e of themselves in t h e i r environment (e.g., a c h a i r ) but when the word d e f i n i t i o n r e l i e s on meaning that has been e x t r a c t e d through experience the psychopath i s " l o s t " . I t was suggested above that emotional words, may not have the same meaning f o r psychopaths because they have never had these e x p e r i e n c e s . However, i t i s p o s s i b l e that the reason they have not experienced love and other deeper aspects of being i s because of an i n a b i l i t y to e x t r a c t meaning from i n t e r p e r s o n a l i n t e r a c t i o n s and experience. I f t h i s i s the case, the psychopath l i v e s a l i f e of a c t i n g and r e a c t i n g , 77 t o t a l l y o b l i v i o u s to the deeper more meaningful aspects of human e x i s t e n c e . I f , i n f a c t , the e t i o l o g y of psychopathy i n v o l v e s an i n a b i l i t y f o r a b s t r a c t i o n and/or an i n a b i l i t y to e x t r a c t meaning, the q u e s t i o n of why s t i l l remains. C l e c k l e y (1976) draws a p a r a l l e l between psychopathy and semantic aphasia. In both cases the i n d i v i d u a l "cannot formulate anything very p e r t i n e n t or meaningful w i t h i n h i s own awareness". Henry Head ( c i t e d by C l e c k l e y , 1976) b e l i e v e d that semantic aphasia stems from pathology at or near the supramarginal gyrus. We may d i s c o v e r that psychopathy a l s o stems from a s p e c i f i c b r a i n pathology. D. D i r e c t i o n s f o r Research The r e s u l t s of t h i s study r a i s e s e v e r a l q u e s t i o n s c o n c e r n i n g the impact of the language task on the language p r o c e s s i n g systems of psychopaths. Two q u e s t i o n s can be asked: What aspect of the f a m i l y - o r i e n t e d task served to cause the increase i n beat gestures? And what d i f f i c u l t i e s or d i f f e r e n c e s i n the speech p r o c e s s i n g of psychopaths does , an i n c r e a s e i n beats s i g n i f y ? A study examining beat use d u r i n g three types of tasks (one c o n c r e t e , one a b s t r a c t but not i n v o l v i n g emotion, and one emotional) would h e l p to s o r t out i f i t i s a b s t r a c t i o n or emotion that was the key f a c t o r i n the f a m i l y segment. 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