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A humanist history of the "Comunidades" of Castile : Juan Maldonado's De motu hispaniae Smith, Paul Stephen 1987

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A HUMANIST HISTORY OF THE 'COMUNIDADES' OF CASTILE JUAN MALDONADO'S DE MOTU HISPANIAE By PAUL STEPHEN SMITH B . A . , The University of Brit ish Columbia, 1985 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of History) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 1987 © Paul Stephen Smith, 1987 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of LhSTfflR The University of British Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date 5&f>T s . 1987. DE-6(3/81) - i i -ABSTRACT The present study is intended to contribute to our knowledge of the intel lectual history of early modern Casti le by examining a work which has heretofore been ignored by historians of 'Golden Age1 historio-graphy - De motu Hispaniae, an account of the Comunidades of Casti le (1520-1521) written by the Spanish humanist c l er ic Juan Maldonado (6; 1485-1554). In the Introduction we specify the methodology to be employed - a close reading of De motu Hispaniae - and survey current scholarship on Maldonado and on the intellectual history of Castile in our period. The argument proper begins in Chapter One, where we set the stage for our textual analysis by examining what l i t t l e information we possess on Maldonado's l i f e up to and including the year in which De motu Hispa- niae was completed, 1524. Special attention is given to the two aspects of Maldonado1s biography which are most relevant to our inquiry - humanism and patronage. With respect to the former, we show that the two figures crucial in his education at the University of Salamanca were the humanists Christophe de Longueil and Lucio Flaminio Siculo, who inspired him to pursue a career as a teacher of the studia humanitatis and introduced him to the classical writers whose influence is most evident in De motu  Hispaniae - Cicero and Sal lust. We also examine the relationship between Maldonado and two of his patrons, Pedro de Cartagena and Diego Osorio, both of whom figure prominently in De motu Hispaniae. Maldonado's close t ies to the latter are especially important, for in De motu Hispaniae he contrasts Osorio's loyalty during the Comunidades with the disloyalty displayed by his half-brother, the Comunero Bishop of Zamora, Antonio de Acuna., In Chapter Two we show that the comparison is modelled on Sal-lust's Bellum Catil inae, and we suggest that i t may have been prompted, at least in part, by Maldonado's desire to defend his friend and patron against (false) charges that he betrayed his king during the rebel l ion. The bulk of Chapter Two is given over to the presentation of textual evidence from De motu Hispaniae which indicates that, in general, Maldo-: nado subscribed to the canons and conventions which governed the practice of classical Roman historians and their Renaissance epigones. We also argue that Maldonado's 'philosophy of history' and his ideas on such historiographical basics as causation and periodization place him squarely in the humanist tradit ion, and distinguish him from the 'contemporary historians' of the Middle Ages, whose historiography reflected their religious training. Unlike these latter, Maldonado saw the historian's craft in remarkably secular terms, and De motu Hispaniae is devoid of the providential ism characteristic of much Casti l ian historiography. The best explanation for th i s , we suggest, is that for Maldonado, who had witnessed the po l i t i ca l 'decline' of the early sixteenth century, the Hand of God was not easily discerned behind the destiny of Cast i le . Recog-nizing that the history of the Comunidades could not be written in pro-vidential ist terms, Maldonado turned instead to a work which offered a secular interpretation of ' c i v i l war' - Sal lust's Bellum Cati l inae. In Chapter Three we argue that Maldonado, a humanist is the l i t era l sense of the word, was convinced of the value of rhetoric in public l i f e , and committed to a 'Ciceronian' union of philosophy and eloquence. Not surprisingly, various forms of rhetorical discourse are also evident in - i v -De motu Hispaniae. After examining three aspects of this discourse -oratio recta and two more or less complementary rhetorical'lformulae, one drawn from Sal lust and the other from Cicero - we conclude that despite repeated professions of suprapartisanship, Maldonado1s rhetoric reveals the depth of his ideological commitments. Our general conclusion is that Helen Nader is incorrect to assert that humanist historiography was a dead letter in sixteenth-century Cas-t i l e . Our analysis of De motu Hispaniae shows otherwise, and also reveals that the two 'traditions' which Nader discerns behind the diversity of late medieval historiography contribute very l i t t l e to our understanding of historical ideas during the 'Golden Age'. We suggest that an adequate understanding of this complex phenomenon might begin with a rehabi l i ta-t ion, with some revisions, of the currently discredited notion of an 'open Spain'. - V -TABLE OF CONTENTS Page TITLE PAGE i ABSTRACT i i INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER ONE: Humanism and Patronage in Sala- 16 manca and Burgos, 1485-1524 CHAPTER TWO: De motu. Hispaniae as Humanist 50 Historiography CHAPTER THREE: Historical and Pol i t ica l Rhe- 108 tor ic in De motu. Hispaniae CONCLUSION 149 BIBLIOGRAPHY 154 -1-INTRODUCTION Since 1840, when Don Jose'Quevedo, archivist of the Escorial , publ i -shed his Spanish translation of Juan Maldonado1s Latin narrative De motu  Hispaniae , this work has come to occupy a very special place among our primary sources for the event i t chronicles, the urban rebellion known to contemporaries, and to posterity, as the Comunidades of Casti le (1520-1521). For almost one hundred and f i f ty years now, historians of the revolt of the Comuneros have quarried Maldonado's text for information on an event which has been the subject of intense controversy since the early nineteenth century, when i t became part of the extended polemic between 2 what Ramon Menendez Pidal called 'The Two Spains 1 . What has drawn scho-• lars to De motu Hispaniae is undoubtedly the fact that unlike most narra-t ive accounts of the Comunidades, which were written many years after the event, Maldonado's is that of an eyewitness, and i t was written within a few years of the royal ist victory in the battle of V i l l a l a r , which ef fect i -vely ended the rebel l ion. Most of those who have used De motu.Hispaniae as a historical source have echoed the judgement of the pioneering Ameri-can hispanist Henry Latimer Seaver, who called the account "well-informed, well-balanced and accurate", and social historians of the revolt have fre-quently expressed admiration for Maldonado's perspicaci ty . 4 For a l l the attention devoted to De; imotu Hispaniae, however, Maldonado's work has never been submitted to an examination whose subject is not the 'circum-stances and movements' pointed to in the text but the way in which the author employs words and concepts within the text, and the way in which the text i tself ihas ibeen structured so as to give a particular impression 5 of the events described therein. The present inquiry, therefore, wi l l -2-concern i t s e l f with De motu Hispaniae, not as a source on the history of the Comunidades, a subject which has been intensively studied elsewhere, but as a ' l i t erary a r t i f a c t 1 , as the work of a writer who was engaged in a particular kind of historical discourse, and who fashioned his narrative in conformity with the canons and conventions of an identifiable tradition of historical writing.^ By means of a close reading of Maldonado's text, we wi l l attempt to answer a number of significant questions about De motu Hispaniae. Why did Maldonado write history? What kind of history was he writing?, and what were his assumptions concerning the historical process? How does his work compare with that of his Spanish predecessors and with that of his contemporaries in Spain and elsewhere in Europe? Such questions are not easily answered, for Maldonado, l ike most practicing historians past and present, concentrates on the task at hand and does not expl ic i t ly assert his basic premisses. This kind of reticence makes i t essential that histo-rians of historiography pay close attention to rare and fleeting philo-sophical 'asides', and to information gleaned from discursive prologues to otherwise unreflective narratives.' 7 In these respects, Maldonado was extremely inconsiderate: the prologue to De motu Hispaniae is unusually terse and unrevealing, and he was not a writer given to philosophical speculation.; More often than not, however, i t is the narrative i t s e l f which is most informative, for as Hayden White has pointed out, "every historical discourse contains within i t a full-blown, i f only implicit o philosophy of history." The style, language and form of a historical work can serve as valuable clues to the author's guiding ideas and histo--3-r iographical al legiances, and a l l these indicators w i l l be brought into play in our analysis of De motu Hispaniae. Such detai led study of h i s t o r i c a l texts in espec ia l ly necessary in the case of Spain, where the history of historiography, as a special i sed form of i n t e l l e c tua l h i s tory, i s s t i l l in i t s infancy. Whereas t h i s f i e l d has attracted the attention of a growing number of respected scholars on both sides of the A t l a n t i c , i n te l l e c tua l h istor ians of Spain have shown re l a t i v e l y l i t t l e interest in the study of h i s t o r i c a l discourse, so that the history of Spanish h i s t o r i c a l wr it ing remains, in the words of one g recent commentator, "a d i s c i p l i ne under construct ion" . Those who have la id the groundwork for t h i s e d i f i c e , moreover, have displayed a marked preference fo r certa in h i s t o r i c a l periods. Among Spanish h i s tor ians , the chronicles of the Middle Ages have drawn more than t he i r f a i r share of attent ion, while some of the best recent work has dealt with the 'Romantic' 10 historiography of the nineteenth century. The few non-Spaniards in the f i e l d have also special i sed in medieval historiography, though one, Richard 11 Herr, has written on the h i s t o r i c a l ' r e v i v a l ' of the eighteenth century. While most of th i s work i s both welcome and worthwhile, the i ron i c conse-quence of th i s sort of s e l e c t i v i t y has been that the historiography of the early modern period, what is often ca l led the 'Golden Age' of Spanish culture, has been largely ignored. Competent analyses of early modern h i s t o r i ca l texts are few and f a r between, and students of th i s period must s t i l l re ly upon the so l id but seriously dated volumes of Benito Sanchez 12 Alonso. The work of Sanchez Alonso is no substitute for the kind of analysis which R. B. Tate has used so e f fec t i ve l y in studying the h i s t o r i o --4-graphy of late medieval Spain. An American scholar, Helen Nader, has also done valuable work on the historians of fifteenth-century Cast i le . Unlike Tate, however, who never suggests that conclusions reached on the basis of late medieval texts can be applied to those of the succeeding period, Professor Nader has advanced some questionable hypotheses con-cerning the historiography of the Spanish Golden Age. Nowhere in his numerous art ic les on late medieval Castiliian histo-riography does R. B. Tate suggest that there is a simple pattern behind its apparent diversi ty . He traces tradit ions , influences and borrowings to be sure, but never proposes anything resembling the bold schema recently advanced by Nader, who sees the historiography of fifteenth-century Cas-t i l e in terms of two, and only two, counterposed and parallel tradit ions, one of which continued to inform the practice of Castili.an historians 14 throughout the sixteenth century. Nader's analysis is highly original and generally wel1-informed, but the evidence of Juan Maldonado's De motu  Hispaniae suggests that i t contributes l i t t l e to our understanding of Golden Age historiography. In Chapter Two of this work, we wi l l argue that Maldonado's account of the Comunidades finds no place in either of Nader's two historiographical 'schools', a circumstance which we wi l l try to explain by rehabilitating the currently unfashionable idea that a uniquely 'open' intellectual climate prevailed in early sixteenth-century Spain. Only i f we admit that Maldonado's Spain was at least semi-permeable to developments in European humanism can we account for a work l ike De motu  Hispaniae, which appears as an inexplicable anomaly within Nader's exclu-sively Casti l ian framework, but which is comparable to the work of Renais--5-sance histor ians in I ta ly and elsewhere in Europe. In saying t h i s , the present wr i ter i s f u l l y aware that the outl ines of 'Renaissance histor iography 1 , l i k e those of the Burckhardtian Renais- . sance i t s e l f , have of late grown s u f f i c i e n t l y blurred as to render hazard-ous the descr ipt ion of any wr i ter as a 'Renaissance' or 'humanist' h i s to -15 n a n . One resu l t of recent scholarship on the subject has been to reduce the number of c r i t e r i a avai lable fo r use in dist inguishing the h i s t o r i c a l wr i t ing of the Renaissance from that of the predecessor c u l -ture. Bernard Guenee, for example, has argued convincingly that medieval historiography was not en t i re l y devoid of that 'sense of the past ' which Peter Burke and others have seen as a (the?) character i s t i c feature of 16 the Renaissance 'frame of mind '. Nor can adherence to c l a s s i ca l models or the use of techniques derived from c l a s s i c a l rhetor ic any longer be 1 said to d ist inguish humanist historiography from that of the Middle Ages. The work of medieval ists, however, has so f a r f a i l e d to ob l i te ra te the Renaissance altogether, and the present wr i ter remains convinced that i t i s s t i l l possible to point to a set of medular t r a i t s whose presence in a given text constitutes adequate grounds fo r the conclusion that the author was working within a framework of h istor iographical assumptions, ideals and techniques fo r which the terms 'Renaissance' and/or 'humanist' are not only convenient but accurate designations. These t r a i t s have been i dent i f i ed and discussed by a number of modern scholars, upon whose work we have re l i ed in making the claim that De motu Hispaniae i s unquest-ionably the work of a wr i ter who subscribed to the norms of Renaissance 18 historiography. S pec i f i c a l l y , we sha l l advance the claim that Maldo--6-nado drew upon Sal lust and Cicero in the composition of De motu Hispaniae and that his reasons for doing so are intimately connected with his huma-nist education and lifelong commitment to the studia humanitatis. The origins and trajectory of Spanish, and particularly of Cast i l ian, humanism are currently undergoing a process of revision. The English scholars N. G. Round and Peter Russell, for example, have both argued that evidence for an Italianate Renaissance in fifteenth-centuryyCastile i s , at best, patchy and inconclusive, while Helen Nader has reached simi-iq lar conclusions for the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella. Juan Maldo-nado's place in the Spanish 'Renaissance', however, has been reasonably secure since 1937, when the great French hispanist Marcel Bataillon pub-20 lished his magisterial account of Erasmianism in Spain. The author of De motu Hispaniae played a prominent role in this study, though because Bataillon was interested in Maldonado as 'the historian of the Erasmian revolution', he v irtual ly ignored his account of the Comunidades. Bataillon was the f i r s t to investigate the f u l l corpus of Maldonado's work, and to see him as a significant figure in the history of Spanish humanism. Though Spanish intel lectual historians were slow to follow up on his work, two formerly unpublished works have recently appeared in Spanish translations, and the l i terary scholars Eugenio Asensio and Francisco Rico have devoted sections of important articles to a consideration of Maldonado';s work, 21 though, l ike Batail lon, they show l i t t l e interest in De motu Hispaniae. This must be accounted a major omission i f , as we shall suggest, Maldo-nado's Latin narrative conforms to the 'Italianate' norms of humanist historiography. -7-This study is not, s t r i c t l y speaking, an exercise in Begriffsge-schichte, since our principal objective throughout wil l be to identify the kind of historical discourse in which Maldonado is engaged rather than isolating concepts for future discussion in a diachronic context. Nevertheless, in the course of our inquiry into De motu Hispaniae we wil l pause from time to time to investigate certain key ideas, which have import, not only within Maldonado's text, but within the wider frame-work of the history of historiography. The notion of historia magistra vitae, for instance, which the present writer interprets as history and experience identified through the mediation of rhetoric, wi l l involve us in a brief , but hopefully germane, digression. We wil l also devote special attention to Maldonado's use of topoi which indicate a commit-ment to what Reinhart Koselleck cal ls "suprapartisanship", the notion that the historian ought to assess the past, or in Maldonado's case the 22 near-present, with dispassionate equanimity. We wil l want to show that Maldonado's devotion to what he cal ls 'the naked truth' had some interesting consequences for his rhetoric in De motu Hispaniae, as well as being an important factor in his decision not to publish the work immediately, but rather to wait until the passions aroused by the Comuni-dades had cooled. In epistemological terms, the ideal of dispassionate objectivity may well be chimerical under the best of circumstances, as when the historian has no egregious reason for 'propagandizing' the events under consideration, perhaps because they are distant in time and/or space. But the notion that the historian can, or even ought to, transcend his - 8 -personal circumstances and affective commitments and penetrate to a sup-positional, presumably 'neutral ' , realm of autonomous 'facts' appears most quixotic in the case of the contemporary historian, that i s , the writer who wants to inscribe events he himself lived through, witnessed, or perhaps even participated in . De. mptu. Hispaniae i s , as we noted earl ier , a work of contemporary history, a genre of historical writing which was dominant in Europe until at least the eighteenth century, but which has attracted remarkably l i t t l e scholarly attention. Unlike most of their modern sucessors, who investigate "the deep past for the enlight-enment of the present", c lass i ca l , medieval and Renaissance historians most often "wrote to preserve a record of the shallow past for the bene-23 f i t of the future". As we are a l l aware, however, the 'shallow past' is notoriously opaque, quite devoid of the comforting i l lus ion of trans-parency which occasionally attends the consideration of events in the 'deep past'. It is especially d i f f i c u l t , moreover, for the contemporary historian to achieve the kind of detachment and ideological neutrality required by the suprapartisan ideal . As we shall see in Chapter Two, Maldonado was acutely aware of the problems of contemporary history, and of the special d i f f i cu l t i e s which attached to the project in which he was engaged, the description of the Comunidades of Cast i le . In Chap-ter Three, however, where we examine his use of rhetoric in De motu  Hispaniae, we shall discover that he fa l l s somewhat short of complete neutrality. Substantiation of this and other claims wi l l require that before analyzing the text of De motu Hispaniae, we take as close a look as the -9-sources wi l l permit at the l i f e of Juan Maldonado up to and including the period of its composition. Examination of the exiguous biographical details at our disposal, and especially of those which bear upon Maldo-nado's intellectual development, wi l l reinforce our textual analysis of De motu Hispaniae by showing that the t ra i t s which i t reveals can also be seen as flowing naturally from the training he received at the University of Salamanca. We wi l l also examine the relationship between Maldonado and two of his patrons, Pedro de Cartagena and Diego Osorio, as a necessary prelude to later claims concerning authorial intentions which are not expl ic i t ly stated in the text. -10-NOTES i For the sake of convenience, I wi l l employ this shortened version of the Latin t i t l e when referring directly to Maldonado's narrative. The complete t i t l e is De.motu Hispaniae vel de communitatibus Hispaniae: Jose Antonio Maravall, Las Comunidades de C a s t i l l a : Una primera revolu- cion moderna, (Madrid: Revista de Occidente, 1963), 70. There are only two manuscript copies of De. motu Hispaniae; one in the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid (B.N.M. ms. 6351), and the other in the l ibrary of the Escorial^ (III, 8): Eugenro Asensio, introduction, Paraenesis ad Lit teras . [Juan  Maldonado y el humanismo espanol en tiempos de Carlos V], ed. and trans. Juan Alcina Rovira, (Madrid: Fundacion Universitaria Espanol, 1980), 25. Quevedo's translation, based on the Escorial manuscript, is entitled El_ movimiento de Espana, o sea Historia de la revplucion conocida con, el  nombre de las Comunidades de C a s t i l l a , (Madrid, 1840). I have used a reissue of this translation with introduction and additional notes by Valentina Fernandez Vargas: La Revolucion Cpmunera, (Madrid: Ediciones del Centro, 1975). A l l references are to this edition and wi l l appear in parentheses in the body of the text, except where reference is made to a number of widely separated passages, in which case a footnote wi l l be used. While one must always be wary of a translation, especially one made three centuries after the fact, there are grounds for confidence in the present instance. Jose Antonio Maravall, Marcel Bataillon and Eugenio Asensio have a l l read the Escorial manuscript, and none expresses reservations concerning the Quevedo translation. Asensio quotes exclusively from the translation [introduction, 29-33], while Maravall resorts to the manu-script only occasionally, when "the Latin terms possess a special inter--11-est": Las Comunidades, 70. 2 On the history of Comunero historiography, see Joseph Perez, "Pour une nouvelle interpretation des 'Comunidades' de Cas t i l l e ," Bulletin  Hispanique 65 (1963): 238-283, and "Les Comunidades de Cast i l la et leurs interpretations," Cahiers,da Monde Hispanique et Luso-Bresilien 38 (1982): 5-28; Juan Ignacio Gutierrez Nieto, Las Comunidades como movimiento anti - senorial: La formacion del bando real ista en la guerra c i v i l castellana de 1520-1521, (Barcelona: Editorial Planeta, 1973), 21-122. 3 Concerning the vexed question of just when De motu. Hispaniae was written, the author's prologue to the Escorial manuscript is dated 1 Decem-ber 1545 [Asensio, introduction, 29], but Seaver has established a terminus  ante quern of February 1523 based on Maldonado's reference (221) to Bishop Antonio de Acuna as being in j a i l at Navarrete: Henry Latimer 5eaver, The  Great Revolt in Cast i le . A Study of the Comunero Movement of 1520-1521, (London: Constable & Co. , 1928), 366-367. Maldonado's subsequent fai lure to mention the notorious t r i a l of Acuna in 1526 leads to the conclusion that the author's claim to having made extensive corrections (28) is un-true, and that the manuscript had not been substantively revised [Cf. Asensio, introduction, 29]. Further confirmation of an early date of composition is Maldonado's use (117) of the present tense with reference to his patron, Bishop Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, who died on 12 November 1524: Manuel Danvila, Historia cr i t i ca y documentada de las Comunidades  de C a s t i l l a , 6 vo l s . , Memorial Historico Espanol t . XXXV-XL, (Madrid, 1897-1900), 6:138; Marcel Batail lon, Erasmo y Espana.. Estudios sobre la  historia espiritual del siglo XVI, 2nd Spanish edit ion, (Mexico, D . F . : -12-Fondo de Cultura Economica, 1966), 215 n5; Cf. Alonso Fernandez de Madrid, Silva Palentina, 3 vo l s . , (Palencia: Imprenta de 'E l Diario Palentino' de la Viuda de J . Alonso, 1932-1942), 2:75, where the Archdeacon of Alcor gives the date as 4 November 1524. 4 Seaver, The Great Revolt, 367. J . I. Gutierrez Nieto has often expressed respect for Maldonado's social analysis: See, for example, Las. Comunidades, 355-357, and "Violencia y sociedad en el pensamiento historiografico de los humanistas espanoles," Hispania 38 (1978): 583-87. Though the present study is not, s t r i c t l y speaking, an exercise in 'conceptual history' , I owe this distinction to Reinhart Koselleck: ". . . a Begriffsgeschichte concerns i t se l f (primarily) with texts and words, while a social history employs texts merely as a means of deducing circum-stances and movements that are not, in themselves, contained within the texts." Futures Past: On the Semantics of Historical Time, trans. Keith Tribe, (Cambridge:& London: MIT Press, 1985), 73. ^ See Hayden White, "The Historical Text as Literary Art i fac t ," in Tropics.of. Discourse; Essays in Cultural Cri t ic i sm, (Baltimore & London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978), 81-100. ^ See the comments of Santiago Montero Diaz, "La doctrina de la historia en los tratadistas espanoles del Siglo de Oro," Hispania 4 (1941): 4. Q "The Fictions of Factual Representation," in Tropics of Discourse, 126-127. 9 ' Antonio Nino Rodriguez, "La historia de la historiografia, una discipl ina en construccion," Hispania 46 (1986): 395-417. -13-The doyen of Spanish medievalists was Claudio Sanchez Albornoz, on whose l i f e and work see Jean-Paul Le Flem, "Don Claudio Sanchez Albornoz (1893-1984) ou l'honneur d'un 'hidalgo'," Histoire, economie et. spciete 4 (1985): 307-312; Manuel Moreno Alonso, Histpriografia Romantica Espanpla: Introduccion al estudio de la historia,en el siglo XIX, (Sevil le: Universi-dad de Sev i l la , 1979). 11 See, for example, Jocelyn N. Hi l lgarth , Vis i goth i c... Spa in, Byzanti urn  and the Ir ish , (London: Variorum Reprints, 1985). Richard Herr, The  Eighteenth-Century Revolution in Spain, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1958). 12 ' ~ Historia de la, historiografia espanola, 2 vo l s . , (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas [hereafter C . S . I . C . ] , 1944-1950). 13 Professor Tate's invaluable articles on Iberian fifteenth-century historiography are l isted in the Bibliography. Many appear in Spanish translation in Robert B. Tate, Ensayos spbre la historiografia peninsular del siglo. XV, (Madrid: Editorial Gredos, 1970). 14 See Chapter One, 'Po l i t i ca l Propaganda and the Writing of History in Fifteenth-Century Cas t i l e ' , of The Mendoza Family in the Spanish Renais- sance 1350,tP.1550, (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1979). 15 v See, for example, Zachary Sayre Schiffman, "Renaissance His tor i -cism Reconsidered," History and Theory 24:2 (1985): 170-182. ^ Bernard Guenee, "Y a - t - i l une historiographie medievale?," Revue  Historique 258 (1977): 261-275; Peter Burke, The Renaissance Sense of the Past, (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1969); Richard W. Southern, "The;Sense of the Past," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th series, -14-23 (1973): 243-263. 17 See Ernst Breisach, ed. Classical Rhetoric,and Medieval Historio- graphy, Studies in Medieval Culture XIX, (Kalamazoo: Medieval Institute Publications - Western Michigan University, 1985). 18 I have made extensive use of the following: Eric Cochrane, Historians  and Historiography in the Italian Renaissance, (Chicago & London: University of Chicago Press, 1981); Felix Gilbert , Machiavelli and Guicciardini: Po l i - t ics , and History in Sixteenth Century. Florence, (Princeton: Princeton Uni-versity Press, 1965); Myron P. Gilmore, Humanists and. Jurists: . Six.Studies  in the Renaissance, (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap-Harvard University Press, 1963); Nancy S. Struever, The Language of History in the Renaissance, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970). 19 N. G. Round, "Renaissance Culture and its Opponents in Fifteenth-Century Casti le ," Modern.Languages Review 57 (1962): 204-215; Peter E. Russell, "Arms vs. Letters: Toward a Definition of Spanish Fifteenth-Century Humanism," in A. R. Lewis, ed. Aspects of.the,Renaissance: A  Symposium, (Austin & London: University of Texas Press, 1967), 47-58; Nader, The Mendoza Family, 1-16. 20 I have used the second Spanish edition of this work: See note 3. 21 For Alcina Rovira's edition of Maldonado's Paraenesis, see note 1; A translation of Maldonado's Somnium appears in Miguel Avi les , Suenos f i c t i c io s y lucha ideologica en el Siglo de Pro, (Madrid: Editora Nacio-nal , 1981); Eugenio Asensio, "Ciceronianos contra Erasmistas en Espana, dos momentos (1528-1560)," Revue de.Litterature Comparee 52:2-4 (1978): 135-154; Francisco Rico, "Laudes litterarum: Humanismo y dignidad del -15-hombre en la Espana del Renacimiento," in Homenaje a Julio Caro :Baroja, (Madrid: Centro de Investigaciones Sociologicas, 1978), 895-914. 22 "Perspective and Temporality: A Contribution to the Historio-graphical Exposure of the Historical World," in R. Koselleck, Futures Past: On the Semantics of Historical Time, trans. Keith Tribe, (Cambridge's London: MIT Press, 1985), 130-155. 23 Mark Ph i l l ip s , "The Disenchanted Witness: Participation and Al ien-ation in Florentine Historiography," Journal of the History of. Ideas 44:2 (1983): 191. -16-CHAPTER ONE: HUMANISM AND PATRONAGE IN SALAMANCA AND BURGOS, 1485-1524 Very l i t t l e is known of the l i f e of Juan Maldonado, and what l i t t l e information we possess has been gleaned from occasional autobiographical 1 remarks in his own works. Until the late eighteenth century, there was even some question as to the identity of the author of De motu Hispaniae, but i t now seems reasonably certain that the Juan Maldonado in question was born in the vi l lage of Bonilla de Huete in the New Casti l ian diocese 2 of Cuenca around 1485. Since baptismal records were not kept in Castile before 1498, and since the author himself is s i lent on the subject, we know nothing at 3 a l l about Maldonado's parents. Concerning his family background we have only his claim that while he spent most of his l i f e in Burgos, he was descended from the Maldonados of Salamanca, the most prominent branch 4 of an old and i l lustr ious aristocrat ic family. If this was the case, however, his noble relations are conspicuously absent from both his work and his l i f e . Apart from the Salamancan Comuneros Don Pedro and Franci-sco Maldonado, whose names appear in De motu Hispaniae, no member of the Maldonado family figures anywhere in the sizable corpus of work attributed to Juan Maldonado.5 While i t is a reasonable assumption that family connections were a factor in Maldonado's decision to attend the University of Salamanca, there is no evidence to support this conjecture.' As we shall see, Maldonado sought and received patronage throughout his career, but there is no record of his getting any at a l l from those he claims as kinsmen. 7 i f we dismiss the poss ibi l i ty of outright fabr i -cation (not easy to do for a society where limpieza de sangre, 'purity of blood 1 , was essential to social advancement), i t seems unlikely that -17-Juan Maldonado was more than distantly related to the Salamancan Maldo-nados. The fact that he was destined for a c l er ica l career suggests that he was a younger son, born into an obscure provincial branch of the family. This impression is only reinforced when we consider the few details we possess on Maldonado's early education. Once again, the source is Maldonado himself, who gives a brief account of his introduction to Latin grammar in the recently-published Paraenesis (1529), an 'open letter' addressed to one of his own students, Gutierre de Ca'rdenas, son of the o Count of Miranda. In an age when the noble household remained the p r i -ncipal training ground for the Castil ian aristocracy, Maldonado's primary schooling was typical of that received by students whose parents could not afford a private tutor: rudimentary instruction in the vernacular, followed by five or six years in a colegio, where Latin grammar formed 9 the heart of the curriculum. Latin instruction in Castile was based on Antonio de Nebrija's uninspiring Introductiones latinae ( f i r s t edition, 1481), and teaching standards were notoriously low. As Maldonado t e l l s us in the Paraenesis: There is not a town in Spain, however small, which does not have a school, but most of the masters are so stupid that i t were better to remain ignorant than to be educated thus. 10 According to Maldonado, i t was only his own enthusiasm for the subject which preserved him from Latin masters whose pedantry extinguished the flame of learning in a l l but the most determined of students. There is doubtless a good deal of retrojection in this se l f -portrait of the precocious humanist, impatient with tendentious rural schoolmasters. -18-After a l l , in the Paraenesis Maldonado sought to expose the shortcomings of traditional methods of Latin instruction and proposed an alternative system based not on grammatical textbooks but on early and direct access to classical authors. But while he may exaggerate his adolescent ennui, he was no doubt relieved to depart the Cuencan colegio for the University of Salamanca, which he describes as "the patria of my ancestors, and the 11 most celebrated academy in a l l of Spain". The training which Maldonado received at Salamanca was so important in his intellectual development, that before we examine i t in detail we should look in general terms at the intellectual climate which prevailed at the venerable estudio. Since i t was established in the thirteenth century, the University of Salamanca had concentrated on the cert i f icat ion of legally-trained professionals (letrados), and so had specialized in the teaching of Roman 12 law, in both of its medieval redactions as c i v i l and canon law. This jurisprudential orientation remained unchanged under the Catholic Monarchs, who institutionalized the established practice of relying on university-trained letrados to serve in the consejo real and to f i l l positions in the royal bureaucracy. Unlike their predecessors, however, Ferdinand and Isabella actively patronized the humanities and sponsored university reforms 13 favourable to university training in the l iberal arts. Isabella in particular enjoyed a European reputation as a patron of learning, and was able to attract a number of prominent Italian scholars to Spain. Notable among these were the Milanese Pietro Martire d'Anghiera, who became d i -rector of the palace school, and the Sici l ians Lucio Marineo and Lucio 14 Flaminio, both of whom taught at Salamanca. Isabella likewise encour--19-aged the work of her confessor, the Observant Franciscan Francisco Jimenez de Cisneros, who strove to e n l i s t humanist scholarship in the service of the Church, and supported the e f fo r t s of the Cas t i l i an humanist Antonio de Nebrija, who returned from a ten-year sojourn in I ta ly determined to extirpate the 'barbar ic ' Lat in of the schoolmen and reform univers i ty 15 teaching along I ta l ian l i ne s . Tradit ional scholarship, especia l ly in Spain, f ree ly employed the term 'Renaissance' in connection with such developments, but recent wr i ters, especia l ly non-Spaniards, have emphasized the degree to which older 'medieval ' att itudes remained in force under the Catholic Monarchs, 16 and have questioned the depth of humanist penetration during t he i r reign. It is certa in ly true that those committed to the studia humanitatis re -17 mained "an isolated and untypical minority" , both inside and outside the univers i ty, and s t i l l complained, as they had throughout the f i f teenth century, that a genuine love of learning was a rare commodity among the 1 ft bel l icose and unlettered Ca s t i l i an e l i t e . But the s i tuat ion was scarcely d i f ferent elsewhere in Europe, and occasional denegrations from v i s i t i n g Ital ians should not b l ind us to the existence of a humanist 'vanguard' at un ivers i t ies such as Salamanca. In t ru th , the s i tuat ion at Salamanca was not unlike that which prevailed in the German un ivers i t ies studied by Overf ield, where a small but ardent coter ie of humanists, many of them i t inerant , struggled to establ i sh the studia humanitatis as a viable 19 alternat ive to the entrenched scholast ic curriculum. In Spain, the struggle was shor t - l i ved, and ended in f a i l u r e . By the mid-sixteenth century the Spanish un ivers i t ie s had "discarded the i r p l u r a l i s t i c Renais--20-sance sp ir i t for one that was more s t r i c t ly professional and vocational." But for a brief period, roughly between 1480 and 1530, schools l ike Sala-manca were unusually open to intellectual currents flowing from elsewhere in Europe, especially from Italy and Flanders, two regions with close pol i t i ca l and economic ties to the Iberian peninsula. One of the bene-f ic iar ies of this open intellectual climate was Juan Maldonado. While i t is impossible to be precise, Maldonado was probably no more than sixteen years old when he matriculated at the University of Sala-21 manca. While he had not yet decided upon a major subject, his interests inclined him toward philosophy and humane letters (the studia humanitatis). When the time came to choose a specialty, however, Maldonado bracketed his intellectual enthusiasms and took a more practical course, following the advice of a group of former schoolmates, who had insisted that the road 22 to "honour and riches" led through the study of law. Thus after comple-ting the compulsory Arts course, Maldonado spent three years studying Canon Law. He lacked enthusiasm for the subject, however, whose c u r r i -culum was restricted to the Decretals, Clementines and assorted papal instruments, a l l approached through the commentaries of the fourteenth-23 century Bolognese jur i s t Joannes Andreas. There is no evidence that Maldonado ever completed the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Laws, which helps to explain the fact that while he eventually took c ler ical orders, he never advanced beyond the lower echelons of the ecclesiastical heirarchy. Maldonado's evident distaste for the sort of legal training offered at Salamanca is an indication of his growing commitment to the 'New -21-Learning ' , whose pract i t ioners emphasized the h i s t o r i c a l distance between themselves and t he i r c l a s s i ca l past. Like other humanists, Maldonado longed to bridge th i s gap and encounter ant iquity d i r e c t l y , rather than through a palimpsest of medieval commentaries. In Maldonado's day, Sala-mancan jurisprudence s t i l l followed the precepts and hermeneutical guide-l ines l a id down by the Bolognese l e ga l i s t Bartolus and his school of 1 Post-Glossators ' , whose ah i s to r i ca l approach, to the study of Roman law had been anathema to I ta l ian humanists such as Va l l a , Pol iz iano and Pomp-24 onio. Through Andrea A lc ia to t h i s humanist c r i t i que spread to Par i s , where i t inspired the French school of ' l e ga l humanists' whose contr ibu-tions to h i s t o r i c a l scholarship have been the subject of numberous studies by Donald R. Kel ley. J Had he arr ived at Salamanca in the 1540's, Maldo-s nado could have studied with the Paris-educated Antonio Agustin, Spain's OC f i r s t , and only, proponent of the mos ga l l i cus docendi. As i t happened, he simply skipped his law classes in order to attend the more congenial lectures of the grammarian Antonio de Nebrija and Arias Barbosa, the 27 Portuguese humanist who introduced the study of Greek at Salamanca. While Maldonado evidently found the lectures of Nebrija and Barbosa more entertaining than Gratian 's Decretals, a fa r more s i gn i f i cant c o n t r i -bution to the topography of his 'mental world ' came from the I ta l ian humanist Lucio Flaminio S iculo. Flaminio had studied in Rome with Pomponio Leto, and arrived in Spain in 1486, apparently at the i n v i t a -28 t ion of the Admiral of Ca s t i l e , Don Fadrique Enriquez. He arrived at Salamanca in December of 1503, seeking the chair in grammar l e f t vacant after the mercurial Nebrija renounced the posit ion he had won only f i v e -22 -months e a r l i e r . Though even the glowing recommendation of his fe l l ow-S i c i l i a n Lucio Marineo f a i l e d to win him a proprietary professorship, Flaminio 's erudit ion was judged impressive enough to warrant e lect ion to a 'temporal ' chair (a regencia or c a t e d r i l l a ) , usually granted for a 30 period of between three and four years. The S i c i l i a n ' s contract ca l led for lectures on the elder P l iny , but he also devoted a special series of lectures to Cicero, whose rhetor i ca l works, especia l ly De.Oratpre, were very 31 popular at Salamanca. Flaminio 's a r r i v a l caused something of a sensation, and Juan Maldo-nado was prominent among the auditors who packed the lecture-ha l l s to hear his elegant Latin and flowing oratory. According to Maldonado, he and Flaminio became close f r iends, and spent many evenings discussing the c lass ics in the l a t t e r ' s home. It was Flaminio who convinced Maldonado to set aside Nebr i ja ' s Introductiones, then the standard textbook at Sala-manca, and return instead to the unadulterated sources (ad fontes) of 32 c la s s i ca l wisdom and eloquence. Flaminio, of course, stressed the reading of pagan authors, but in his c l e r i c a l capacity Maldonado would advocate that the Cas t i l i an clergy adopt a s im i l a r l y ph i lo log ica l approach 33 to the B ib le, and to the c la s s i c s of p a t r i s t i c l i t e r a tu re . Most impor-tant for our purposes, i t is under Flaminio 's tutelage that Maldonado w i l l have deepened his appreciation for the c la s s i c s of Roman historiography. Flaminio had learned Sal lust at his mother's knee, and i t was the Roman h i s tor ian ' s Bellum Cat i l i nae which would serve as a model for De motu  Hispaniae, Maldonado's account of the Spanish bellum c i v i l e . 3 4 Flaminio also gave Maldonado his f i r s t lesson in I ta l ian arrogance: when the young -23-Spaniard asked him to reveal the secret of classical eloquence, he replied that "a burro could learn to speak before any of you [Spaniards] could 35 understand the Roman Style". The other great influence on the young Maldonado was the Flemish 36 humanist Christophe de Longueil. Not yet twenty when he arrived at Salamanca in 1505, Longueil was a flashy and ambitious prodigy, who had already won an international reputation for extempore declamation and neo-Latin poetry. A restless s p i r i t , Longueil's Salamancan v i s i t lasted less than a year, but left an indelible impression on Juan Maldonado. Endowed with a prodigious memory, the Flemish humanist knew most of Horace, Ovid and Virg i l by heart, and oversaw Maldonado's halting attempts to compose Latin verses in the classical manner. More importantly for the present study, Longueil was a notoriously fervent 'Ciceronian', who be-lieved that the acquisition of c lassical eloquence requires scrupulous imitation of the masterful Roman orator. While never as fanatical as Longueil, Maldonado was a l i felong 'Ciceronian', and was utterly devoted to the memory of his youthful mentor?7 In the Paraenesis, written six years after Longueil's untimely death (in Padua in 1522), he t e l l s his young student that Cicero is the measure and the model for a l l good letters (bonae l i teraturae), for a l l the elegance, riches and beauty of the Latin tongue. In the Latin language, to deviate from Cicero is to deviate from truth . . . 38 In Chapter Three of the present work, I hope to show that Maldonado's 'Ciceronianism' played a fundamental role in shaping the historical discourse in De motu Hispaniae. -24-In 1506, Christophe de Longueil left Salamanca to take up a secre-tar ia l post at the court of Phil ip 'The Handsome1 of Burgundy (Philip I of Spain). Longueil's departure came as a devastating, i f not entirely unexpected, blow to Juan Maldonado, whose avidity for 'humanist laurels' 39 has been duly noted by Batai l lon. His dreams of l i terary glory in ruins, Maldonado returned to his native Cuenca, where he took c ler ica l 40 orders. Soon thereafter he accepted the f i r s t appointment in an alto-gether mediocre ecclesiastical career, a chaplaincy near Palencia, prob-41 ably on lands belonging to his l ifelong patron Don Diego Osorio. Recalling this abrupt change of fortune many years later, Maldonado employed Promethean imagery to convey his bi t ter disappointment: Fortune forsook my efforts to embrace letters, since just as I had prepared myself to follow Longueil in pursuit of the l iberal arts, she nailed me, as to a rock, to a poor chaplaincy. 42 The 'poor chaplaincy' in Tierra de Campos was followed by another, this time in Burgos, the city which was to be Maldonado's home until his death 43 in 1554. In many respects, the move to Burgos marks the beginning of an entirely new chapter in Maldonado's l i f e , though there was a link with his university days in the person of Diego Osorio, whom Maldonado f i r s t met while the latter was serving as corregidor of Salamanca from 1502 to 1506. Osorio was Maldonado's f i r s t and most munificent benefactor, and was closely related to. another important patron, Don Pedro de Cartagena. Since both men figure prominently in De motu Hispaniae, we should examine their careers, and their connections to Maldonado, in some deta i l . Don Diego Osorio was the son of Luis Vazquez de Acuna y Osorio, who succeeded the i l lustrious Alfonso de Cartagena as Bishop of Burgos in 1457 -25-and held the office until his death in 1495. 4 Acuna's incontinence was typical of the moral laxity which characterized the late fifteenth-century Spanish church, giving rise to a vigorous reform movement, championed by the Catholic Monarchs and led by Isabel's confessor, Cardinal Francisco • 45 ~ Jimenez de Cisneros. In this respect, i t is not coincidental that Acuna's successor, Pascual de Ampudia (1497-1512), was a man of unimpeachable personal sanctity, who in the eyes of many reformers embodied a l l the qualities of the 'ideal b i s h o p ' . 4 6 Despite his moral imperfections, how-ever, Bishop Acuna was an erudite man, as evidenced by an extensive l ibrary, the bulk of which was inherited by Don Diego, though a .number of books went to the child of another of his father's concubines, his half-brother 47 Antonio de Acuna, the future Comunero Bishop of Zamora. Three years ear l ier , Osorio had become a landowner, inheriting a mayorazgo near '-• Palencia upon the death of his childless aunt Dona Ines Osorio, sister of Bishop Luis Acuna's elder brother Alvar Perez de Osorio, second Count / AO of Trastamara and f i r s t Marquis of Astorga. Don Diego, however, did not l ive idly off seigneurial rents. On the contrary, he was an active servant of the Crown throughout his career, holding a nurber of appointments as corregidor. In many respects, Osorio was typical of the minor nobles (hidalgos) who f i l l e d most corregimientos when the Catholic Monarchs gradually extended the office throughout 49 Castile after the Cortes of Toledo in 1480. In fact , there is evidence that Osorio was already serving as corregidor of Salamanca, at least on 50 a temporary basis, as early as 1475. He again ( s t i l l ? ) held this post in 1501, when a representative of the merchants of Medina del Campo com--26-plained to the consejo real that Don Diego, or more accurately, his agents, had been insensitive in applying new regulations concerning the quality of 51 / the cloth sold at the biannual f a i r . Aviles cal ls Osorio's zeal "exag-gerated and suspicious", strongly implying that the Salamancan corregidor 52 was acting in the interests of the wool-exporters of his native Burgos. If this was the case, however, this incident would be dis t inct ly out of keeping with the remainder of his career. After completing his term at Salamanca, Osorio went on to serve as corregidor of Carmona and, as we shall see, displayed exceptional dedication to the monarch as corregidor of Co'rdoba during the Comunidades; No doubt Don Diego, l ike most bureau-crats, could on occasion display in f l ex ib i l i ty and even callousness in the performance of his duties, but the present writer sees no reason to question Joseph Perez, who regards Osorio as an "honest and conscientious" 53 public servant, whose fundamental loyalty lay with the Crown. In a l l l ikelihood, the relationship between Osorio and Juan Maldo-nado began in , or shortly before, 1505, when the corregidor was attempt-ing to quell one of the outbreaks of student violence which were an 54 inseparable part of university l i f e at Salamanca. It is unlikely that Maldonado was among the combatants, since shortly thereafter he prevailed upon Osorio, already a "close friend", to see to the delivery of one hundred laudatory verses which Longueil had written for Andrea di Borgo, Imperial arnoassador to the court of Philip I . 5 ^ Two years previously, Don Diego's daughter Maria married the Burgos patrician Pedro de Cartagena y Leiva, an action which.had an unforeseen effect on the l i f e of Juan Maldonado. 5 6 -27-Osorio's son-in-law was descended from an i l lustr ious l ine of Burgos conversos. Don Pedro's great grandfather, the f i r s t Pedro de Cartagena (1387-1478), was one of the four sons of Rabbi Solomon ha-Levi , who adopted the name Pablo de Santa Maria after his timely baptism 57 in 1390. Don Pablo went on to become Bishop of Burgos, and was suc-ceeded in that office by another of his sons, the diplomat and historian Alfonso de Cartagena (1384-1456). The f i r s t Don Pedro began a family tradition of membership on the ayuntamiento (municipal council) of Burgos, C O a corporation as oligarchical as any in Cast i le . The family's founder and Don Pedro's father, Alonso de Cartagena (d. 1508) were both important CQ members of the regimiento , and Don Pedro himself followed suit in 1512. A l l three were also members of the prestigious Real Cofradia del Santf-simo y Santiago, an aristocratic confraternity which had been v ir tual ly coterminous with the municipal oligarchy since i t was established by King Alfonso XI in 1338.^ Cartagena's case is thus dist inct from that of his father-in-law, also named to the regimiento in 1512. While Don Pedro belonged to a long line of municipal office-holders, Osorio was probably one of the 'King's men' mentioned by Hiltpold, who received a purely nominal salary (4000 maravedis per annum) to supplement their income from CO other, more lucrative, government posts. The Cartagenas became hidalgos (members of the untitled nobil ity) in 1446, when King Juan II granted the f i r s t Pedro de Cartagena the right to form a mayorazgo (entailed estate). This estate, which included Don Pedro's palacial home in Burgos and a network of seigneurial rights and possessions, passed to the patriarch's eldest son Don Alonso de Carta--28-gena (d. 1467). Don Alonso's marriage to Dona Maria Hurtado de Mendoza linked Don Pedro's family with one of the wealthiest and most dynamic 64 noble houses in Cast i le . Upon Don Alonso's death, the mayorazgo passed to his eldest son, also named Alonso, and in 1508 to his grandson, the second Pedro de Cartagena. From his father, Pedro de Cartagena y Leiva also inherited a place in the royal household (casa real) and patronage of the Chapel of the Visitat ion in Burgos, bui l t during Alfonso de Cartagena's 65 episcopate (1435-1456). Exercising his right to name the chaplain, Don Pedro chose his father-in-law's friend and cl ient Juan Maldonado. The combined efforts of Osorio and Cartagena saved Maldonado from what must have seemed exile in Tierra de Campos, and brought him to a city which, while distant from the centers of humanist scholarship, was anything but an isolated provincial backwater. An important stopover on the pilgrimage route to the shrine at Santiago de Compostella, Burgos c c was already a commercial city in the twelfth century. Thanks to its strategic location, the city on the Arlanzon played a crucial role in Casti l ian internal trade, acting as the prime distribution point for goods travel l ing between Andalucia and the Bay of Biscay. By 1250 Burga-lese merchants were active in England, and for the next hundred years grew wealthy in the 'triangular trade 1 between England, Flanders and C a s t i l e . 6 7 Beginning in the late fourteenth century, Burgalese traders became increasingly dominant in purchasing and shipping raw wool from Castile to textile-producing centres in Flanders. This de facto primacy was formalized in 1494, when the Catholic Monarchs granted the c i ty 's guild of wool-merchants, the Consulado, a virtual monopoly on commerce -29-with Northern Europe. When Juan Maldonado arrived there in the early sixteenth century, Burgos was at the apex of a period of unparalleled prosperity, and centuries of cultural interchange had made i t the most 69 'European' of Casti l ian c i t i e s . Maldonado was twenty-five years old when he arrived in Burgos, and from the time of his arrival he supplemented his meagre ecclesiast ical salary by teaching . 7 0 He began as a private tutor in noble households, and by now i t should not surprise us to learn that the households involved were those of Diego Osorio and Pedro de Cartagena. In 1517, Maldonado appears in a document as among the criados of Don Diego, and while this term is too ambiguous to be certain, i t seems l ikely that his employment 71 included tutoring his patron's daughter Ana. Maldonado was almost cer-tainly involved in the education of Isabel de Rojas, the only chi ld of 72 Pedro de Cartagena and Osorio's other daughter Maria de Rojas. As we have seen from the Paraenesis, written for the young scion Gutierre de Cardenas, Maldonado continued to teach the sons of the wealthy nobles and merchants of Burgos, who, unlike his own parents, could well afford the services of a private tutor. He l ikely continued to do so after 1532, when he began teaching grammar and rhetoric at a secondary school in 73 Burgos. The Paraenesis, with its heavy emphasis on Ciceronian rhetoric and on classical and patr is t ic writers, is strikingly reminiscent of edu-cational tracts by the fifteenth-century Florentines Guarino de Verona and Matteo Palmieri, and Maldonado's ideas on pedagogy are similar to those 74 of humanist contemporaries l ike Colet, Erasmus and Vives. Like these men, Maldonado was clearly convinced of the transformative power of -30-education: he was a humanist in the l i t e ra l sense of the word, a teacher 75 and student of the studia humanitatis. Maldonado's commitment to the studia humanitatis can be seen in his correspondence with Erasmus, and can be inferred from the fact that he kept in contact with like-minded Spaniards such as Alfonso Virue's and 76 Juan Luis Vives. Using his friendship with Longueil as a ' le t ter of introduction', he availed himself of every opportunity to meet and study with Italian humanists who passed through Burgos in the entourage of the royal c o u r t . 7 7 His constant intellectual companion, however, was Osorio, who clearly shared Maldonado's passion for the masterpieces of classical antiquity. For Don Diego, ;who, unlike the average fifteenth-century hidalgo, was a competent l a t in i s t , he compiled a florileg,iurn of selections from clas-7ft sical authors, notably from Pliny and from the historian Livy. Most importantly, Osorio's patronage afforded Maldonado the time, and perhaps the l ibrary, he required to begin a career as a writer. Maldonado's f i r s t published work, the Latin comedy Hispaniola, was written during the winter of 1519-20, while the th ir ty five year-old priest was at Vallegara, Osorio's castle near Burgos, then suffering through an 79 outbreak of plague. At Vallegara, Maldonado read Plautus and Apuleius, and the play reflects these influences. It was probably meant to augment the Latin instruction of Casti l ian university students, possibly at Sala-manca, whose Statutes (1538) prescribed student performances of Plautus on or Terence on the Sunday following Corpus C h r i s t i . Hispaniola, however, reached a much wider audience, winning performances in Lisbon and, not 81 surprisingly, Burgos. In order to understand the play's success, i t -31-: must be seen in the context of what Augustin Renaudet called the 1 Pre-f o r m a t i o n ' , the spir i tual revival which reached its peak in the late ft? fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. In Spain, the 'Christian Revival' was led by Cardinal Cisneros, who, unlike his contemporary the Florentine preacher Girolamo Savonarola, saw the need to work in concert with the existing structure of po l i t i ca l forces. Whereas Savonarola rejected secular humanism in favour of an essentially anachronistic appeal for moral reform, Cisneros was a rea l i s t , who "combined the po l i t i ca l interests of a Richelieu with the ascetic 83 practices of a Franciscan monk". Instead of rejecting the new learning, Cisneros aligned himself with the project of "Christian humanists' l ike Guillaume Bude and Lefevre D'Etaples, who placed the new scholarly appa-ratus at the service of spir i tual regeneration and ecclesiast ical reform. Thus while Cisneros oversaw the distribution of Savonarola's writings in Spain and championed monastic reform, he also invited Erasmus to Spain, established a seat of learning at Alcala, and organized the team of huma-84 nist scholars which produced the magnificent Complutensian Polyglot. The 1 Pre format ion ' in Spain was a complex phenomenon, an admixture of many religious tradit ions, but Eugenio Asensio is surely right to insist that while its concrete achievements were few, the reforming movement was already well advanced when Bataillon's 'Erasmian Revolution' erupted in the mid-1520's 8 5 We must bear this in mind when we look at Hispanioia, which contains a number of important clues to ilaldonado's intellectual concerns on the eve of the jComunidades. In interpreting the play, some writers have -3?-been swayed by the fact that both Maldonado and his patron Diego Osorio OC became outspoken 'Erasmians' during the 1520's. Both, in fact , were among the most vociferous defenders of Erasmus in 1527, when a disputation was held at Valladolid with the object of determining the orthodoxy of his 87 works. There are, however, reasons for believing that Maldonado and Osorio were rather insincere Erasmians, primarily concerned with ingratia-ting themselves with Charles V and his Flemish courtiers, for whom the teachings of Erasmus were a kind of unofficial ideology. While Maldonado was perhaps the only Spaniard to praise the Encomium Moriae in print , he was certainly more enamoured of Erasmus' philological prowess and elegant Latin style than of the controversial aspects of the Dutchman's theology. In any case, there is no evidence that Maldonado knew the works of Erasmus 89 when he wrote Hispaniola. There is nothing particularly Erasmian about the play, which reminds Lida de Malkiel of fifteenth-century Italian 90 comedy. Grismer includes i t in his survey of the influence of Plautus in Spain, while Bataillon sees aff ini t ies with the medieval fabliaux and 91 with the irreverent anti-clerical ism of the Archpriest of Hita. The farcical plot , which turns on the misadventures of a hypocritical and lascivious f r i a r , is highly conventional and doctrinally unchallenging. In this respect, i t is entirely in tune with the Libro de buen amor and with the s p i r i t of pre-Lutheran reformers, whose criticisms of the church rarely extended to matters of Christian doctrine, "which was on the whole 92 accepted as authoritatively defined." In Hispaniola Maldonado employs the devices of Roman comedy to draw attention to the gap between Christian principle and c ler ica l practice; an utterly tradit ional procedure, and one which accords well with the limited objectives of the 1 P r e f o r m a t i o n 1 . As we have said, Maldonado arrived in Burgos in 1509 or 1510, during the episcopate of Pascual de Ampudia, whose career exemplifies the reformist tendencies of the age. When viewed in its local context, Maldonado's Hispaniola can be seen as a humorous reflection upon the contrast between Ampudia's apostolic poverty and personal integrity and the worldliness and corruption of his successor, Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca (1514-1524), who was also a member of the Council of the Indies and seems to have been more interested in exploiting the nascent Indies trade than in ministering 93 to the needs of his flock. Maldonado served as examiner of the diocesan clergy under Fonseca, and was thus daily exposed to the abominable ignor-ance and obscurantism which prevailed among the semi-literate parish 94 clergy. His solution was a rigorous program of education, designed to enable novitiate priests to confront direct ly the authoritative sources of doctrine, and he wil l have had no sympathy with the anti- intel lectual quasi-mysticism of the spiri tual Franciscans, who mistrusted learning, and sought emotional communion with the godhead. Maldonado wil l have witnessed and sympathised with Cisneros' attempt to bring s t r i c t Observance to the unreformed religious of Burgos, a project which met with concerted resistance, so that in 1520 we s t i l l find the comunidad of Burgos instruct-ing its representatives, Pedro de Cartagena and Jeronimo de Castro, to ask that "the job of reducing the monasteries to the Observance be continued 95 and completed." But like Cisneros, Maldonado regarded humanist scholar-ship as a potentially valuable partner in the spir i tual regeneration of the church. Also like Cisneros, his approach to reform was conservative and -34-pragmatic, concerned with correcting abuses in the church without under-mining the essential bases of Christian doctrine. In our brief look at Hispaniola, we have tr ied to show that in 1519, that i s , on the eve of the Comunidades, Maldonado betrays no signs of his later Erasmianism. Even i f sometime between then and 1524, when he wrote De motu Hispaniae, Maldonado became acquainted with the work of Erasmus, the ideas of the Rotterdam humanist would have been of l i t t l e or no use in interpreting an event such as the Comunidades. And indeed when we examine De motu Hispaniae we find that in attempting to impose some kind of order upon the chaotic events he had witnessed, Maldonado turned, not to Erasmus, but to Cicero, and to the c lass ica l , and espe-c ia l l y Roman, historians so admired by the humanist intel l igents ia of the time. , -35-NOTES 1 The biographical information in Chapter One was compiled from the following sources: Juan Maldonado, Paraenesis ad Lit teras . [Juan  Maldonado y el humanismo espanol en tiempos.de Carlos V] ed. and trans. Juan Alcina Rovira, intro. Eugenio Asensio, (Madrid: Fundacion Universi-tar ia Espanola, 1980); Juan Maldonado, La Revolucion Comunera, ed. Valentina Fernandez Vargas, (Madrid: Ediciones del Centro, 1975); Marcel Batail lon, Erasmo y Espana. Estudios sobre la historia espiritual del  siglo xvi , 2nd Spanish edition, (Mexico, D . F . : Fondo de Cultura Economica, 1966); Miguel Aviles, Suenos Fict ic ios y Lucha Ideologica en el Siglo de  Pro, (Madrid: Editora Nacional, 1981); Eugenio Asensio, "Ciceronianos contra Erasmistas en Espana, dos momentos (1528-1560)," Revue de L i t t e - rature Comparee 52:2-4 (1978): 135-154. According to Don Jose' Quevedo, the famous bibliographer Nicolas Antonio was ambiguous concerning which of three Juan Maldonados was respon-sible for De motu Hispaniae. This question was resolved by Antonio's eighteenth-century editor Francisco Perez Bayer, but Puevedo shows that both Antonio and Perez were mistaken in identifying Maldonado as a native of the city of Cuenca. In De motu Hispaniae, Maldonado refers to having been born in 'Boni l la ' , and Puevedo, rightly I think, identifies this town as Bonilla de Huete in the diocese of Cuenca: El movimiento de Espana, i v -v. Bataillon [Erasmo, 215] and Asensio [ introduction , 17] concur, c i t -ing a corroborative passage in De senectute Christ iana (1549), in which Maldonado informs the work's dedicatee, Miguel Munoz, that he was born, nursed, and introduced to Latin in the Bishop's diocese, i e . Cuenca. The suggestion of Valentina Fernandez Vargas [ introduction', 11], namely -36-that the 1Boni1 l a 1 mentioned in De motu Hispaniae [La Revolucion, 104] could be Bonilla de la Sierra in the diocese of Salamanca, is plausible only i f one assumes, as she does, that Juan Maldonado the historian and the Cuencan author of De senectute Christiana and other humanist works are not one and the same. This question, however, has been resolved to the present writer's satisfaction by Batail lon, who cites as evidence a passage from Hispaniola, in which Maldonado alludes to having written a history of the Comunidades in seven books, a clear reference to De motu  Hispaniae: Erasmo, 216, n.8. H. L . Seaver gives Maldonado's birthdate as 'circa 1500', but this is impossible to reconcile with other chrono-logical data: The Great Revolt in Cast i le . A Study of the Comunero Move- ment of 1520-1521, (London: Constable & Co. , 1928), 366. The case for a date around 1485 was f i r s t made by Bataillon [Erasmo, 215, 329 n4] who has received support from Asensio: introduction : , 18. 3 Fernandez Vargas [ introduction, 11] recommends a dil igent search of the parish records, but none were kept before Cardinal Jimenez de Cis-neros instituted the practice in his own Archdiocese of Toledo in 1498: Jose7 Luis Martinez Sanz, "Una aproximacion a la documentacion de los archivos parroquiales de Espana," Hispania 46 (1986): 173-174. 4 La Revolucion, 104; Paraenesis, 168. On the Maldonado family, see German Bleiberg, ed. Diccionario de Historia de Espana, 3 vo l s . , (Madrid: Revista de Occidente, 1968), 2:862-863. Like most Casti l ian noble families, the Maldonados had intermarried with Jews and/or con- versos: Juan Ignacio Gutierrez Nieto, "Los conversos y el movimiento Comunero," Hispania 24 (1964): 245. -37-Asensio, introduction • , 18-19. During the reign of the Catholic Monarchs, the Salamancan Maldo-nados were as prominent in the academic and administrative affairs of the University as they were in c i ty government: Vicente Beltran de Heredia, Cartulario de la Universidad de Salamanca, 6 vols. (Salamanca: Universi-dad de Salamanca, 1970), 3:96-97. Dr. Rodrigo Maldonado de Talavera, grandfather of the Comunero martyr Francisco Maldonado, held the chair in Laws at Salamanca from 1469 to 1477. 7 Asensio suggests that a certain Antonio Maldonado de Ontiveros, a loyal agent of Charles V, may have been instrumental in arranging a production of Hispaniola for. the Emperor's s ister , Queen Leonora of Portugal, but gives no evidence for this conjecture: introduction » 19. 8 Paraenesis, 168. 9 Richard L . Kagan, Students and Society in Early Modern Spain, (Baltimore & London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1974), 9-13, 36-42. 1 ^ Paraenesis, 164. Maldonado's statement concerning the number of Latin grammar schools in Spain may seem exaggerated, but see Kagan, Students and Society, 42. 11 Paraenesis, 168. 1? " Vicente de la Fuente, Historia de las universidades, colegios, y demas establecimientos de ensenanza en Espana. Tomo I: Edad Media, (Madrid: Fuentenebro, 1885). 13 Kagan, Students and Society, 34-36; J . H. E l l i o t , Imperial Spain, -38-1469-1716, (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1963), 127-29. ' J . - H . Mariejol , Un lettre i ta l ien a la Cour d'Espagne (1488-1526):  Pierre Martyr d'Anghiera - Sa vie et ses oeuvres, (Paris: L ibra ir ie Hach-ette, 1887); Caro Lynn, A College Professor of the Renaissance: Lucio Marineo Siculo among the Spanish Humanists, (Chicago: U Chicago P, 1937). 15 / ' Luis Fernandez de Retana, Cisneros y su s ig lo . Estudio historico de la vida y actuacion publica del Cardenal D. Fr . Francisco Ximenez de Cisneros, 2 vols. (Madrid: El Perpetuo Socorro, 1929-30); Felix G. Olmedo, S. J . , Nebrija (1441-1522), debelador de la barbarie, comentador ec les i -astico, pedagogo, poeta, (Madrid: Editora Nacional, 1942) and Nebrija en Salamanca (1475-1513), (Madrid: Editora Nacional, 1944); V. Beltran de Heredia, Cartulario, 3:264-270; Victor Garcia de la Concha, ed. Nebrija y la Introduccion del Renacimiento en Espana, (Salamanca: Excma. Dipu-tacion Provincial de Salamanca, 1983). ^ Nicholas G. Round, "Renaissance Culture and its Opponents in F i f -teenth-Century Casti le ," Modern Languages Review 57 (1962): 204-215; P. E. Russell, "Arms vs. Letters: Toward a Definition of Spanish F i f -teenth-Century Humanism," in A. R. Lewis, ed. Aspects of the Renaissance:  A Symposium, (Austin & London: University of Texas Press, 1967), 47-58; Helen Nader, The Mendoza Family and the Spanish Renaissance, 1350 to  1550, (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1979), 1-16; J . N. Hil lgarth, The Spanish Kingdoms, 1250-1516. Volume Two: 1410-1516, Casti-lian Hegemony, (Oxford: Clarendon, 1978), 611-613; E. Asensio, "Intro-duction", 8-14. 17 Round, "Renaissance Culture", 214. -39-See, for example, the letter from Pietro Martire to Ascanio Visconti in Russell, "Arms vs. Letters", 55. 19 James H. Overfield, Humanism and Scholasticism in Late Medieval Germany, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984). 20 Kagan, Students and Society, 219. 21 If we assume that Maldonado was born around 1485, this seems a reasonable conjecture. In Maldonado's day, the average age of f i r s t -year students at Salamanca was between fourteen and sixteen, though there was considerable var iab i l i ty : Stephen Gilman, The Spain of Fernando de  Rojas: The Intellectual and Social Landscape of 'La Celest ina' , (Prince-ton: Princeton University Press, 1972), 209. 22 Paraenesis, 168. Maldonado's 'career counsellors' were r ight . In early modern Cast i le , a law degree was essential to those who aspired to join the letrado e l i t e [Kagan, Students and Society, 231-36], or simply wanted to hold their own in an increasingly l i t ig ious society: Kagan, Students and Society, 218; Richard L . Kagan, Lawsuits and L i t i - gants in Cast i le , 1500-1700, (Chapel H i l l : University of North Carolina Press, 1981); Idem, "A Golden Age of Lit igat ion: Cast i le , 1500-1700," in John Bossy, ed. Disputes and Settlements: Law and Human Relations in the West, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 145-166. 23 Kagan, Lawsuits and Lit igants, 145. 24 On the mos i tal icus and its humanist c r i t i c s , see Myron P. G i l -more, Humanists and Jurists: Six Studies in the Renaissance, (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap-Harvard University Press, 1963), 28-33. On legal study at Maldonado's Salamanca, see Gilman, The Spain of Fernando de Rojas, -AOr 300-303; Kagan, Lawsuits and Lit igants, 141-145. 25 See, for example, Foundations of Modern Historical Scholarship:  Language, Law, and History in the French Renaissance, (New York & London: Columbia University Press, 1970) and the diverse art ic les recently brought together as History, Law and the Human Sciences: Medieval and  Renaissance Perspectives, (London: Variorum Reprints, 1984). Of. Kagan, Lawsuits and Lit igants , 142; Kelley, History, V:179,183; VII1:128-29; According to Kelley [Foundations, 154-55], Agustin, who had studied with Alciato in Bologna, was, l ike his German predecessor Beatus Rhenanus, involved in the 'historic izat ion' of Maldonado's specialty, canon law. According to George Addy, however, the curriculum in both c i v i l and canon law at Salamanca remained "frozen" until the eighteenth century: The Enlightenment in the University of Salamanca, (Durham: Duke University Press, 1966), 46. 27 Paraenesis, 168. According to Juan Alcina Rovira, Barbosa was Professor of Greek at Salamanca between 1495 and 1523: Paraenesis, 141, n 54; See also Batai l lon, Erasmo, 19. 28 Paraenesis, 141 n 55, 170. On the educational methods of Pompo-nio Leto, see V. Zabughin, "L1insegnamento di Pomponio Leto," Revista d 1 I ta l ia 16 (1906): 215-244. 29 Asensio, introduction , 64-65. Asensio, introduction , 64. On catedras de regencia at Sala-manca, see Addy, The Enlightenment, 14. According to the Salamancan faculty l i s t s (libros de claustros), Flaminio was awarded his regencia on 12 January 1504: Olmedo, Nebrija, 46. Unfortunately, Flaminio was -41-to die within weeks of receiving a tenured professorship, the Chair of Rhetoric, in the spring of 1509: Beltran, Cartulario, 3:210. 31 Asensio, introduction , 66. Stephen Gilman [The Spain, 314-15] remarks upon the appreciation for ancient rhetoric in the 'oral ' context of Maldonado's Salamanca. On the rediscovery of Cicero's rhetorical works in the early fifteenth century, see Rudolph Pfeiffer, History of Classical Scholarship: From 1300 to 1850, (Oxford: Clarendon, 1976), 32-33. 32 ' Paraenesis, 171. 3 3 Paraenesis, 180-81, 184. 34 Paraenesis, 170. 35 Paraenesis, 169. On Longueil, see Theophile Simar, Christophe de Longueil humaniste (1488-1522), (Louvain: Bureaux du Recueil, 1911); R. Aulotte, "Une Riva-l i t e d1Humanistes: Erasme et Longueil, Traducteurs de Plutarche," Bibliotheque d'Humanisme et Renaissance 30:3 (1968): 549-573. 37 Eugenio Asensio, "Ciceronianos contra Erasmistas", 136-148. 38 Paraenesis, 150; Asensio, "Ciceronianos", 142. 39 Batail lon, Erasmo, 216. 40 Asensio, introduction , 17. 41 Maldonado mentions this chaplaincy in his "Vita hominis instar diei", the f i r s t of the three Paradoxa published in Opuscula quaedam  docta simul et elegantia, (Burgos: Juan Junta, 1549): Asensio, Intro-, duction •', 24, 48-50. On Osorio 1 s possessions in Tierra de Campos, see Alonso Ferna'ndez de Madrid, Silva Palentina, 3 vols. , (Palencia: Imprenta de 'El Diario Palentino' de la Viuda de J . Alonso, 1932-1942), 1:501. -42-42 "Optimus magister amor", in Opuscuia quaedam, (Burgos, 1549), quoted by Asensio, introduction' , 72. 43 Asensio, introduction?- , 18. 44 Luciano Serrano, Los conversos D. Pablo de Santa Maria y D. Alfonso  de Cartagena, Obispos de Burgos, Gobernantes, Diplomaticos y Escritores, (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cienti f icas , 1942), 230-31; Luciano Serrano, Los Reyes Catolicos y La Ciudad de Burgos (Desde 1451 a  1492), (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cient i f icas , 1943), 25-29. 45 / / On Jimenez de Cisneros and ecclesiastical reform, see Jose Garcia Oro, Cisneros y La Reforma del Clero Espaflbl en Tiempo de los Reyes Catolicos, (Madrid: C. S. I. C , 1971). 46 ' Joaquin L . Ortega, "Un reformador pretridentino: don Pascual de Ampudia, obispo de Burgos," Anthologica Annua 19 (1972): 185-556. On the "ideal bishop', see Tarsicio de Azcona, "El Tipo Ideal de Obispo en la Iglesia EsparTola antes de la Rebelion Luterana," Hispania Sacra 11 (1958): 21-64. 47 — Nicolas Lopez Martinez, "La biblioteca de D. Luis de Acuna en 1496," Hispania 20 (1960): 81-110. 48 ' A. Fernandez de Madrid, Silva Palentina, 1:501; Serrano, Los Reyes Catolicos, 25-26. 49 Perez, La Revolucion, 58. On the history of the corregimiento, see Benjamin Gonzalez Alonso, El corregidor castellano (1348-1808), (Madrid: Instituto de Estudios Administrativos, 1970), and for the reign of the Catholic Monarchs, Marvin Lunenfeld, "Governing the Cit ies of -43-Isabella the Catholic: The Corregidores, Governors and Assistants of Cast i le , (1476-1504)," Journal of Urban History 9 (1982): 31-55; Tars i -cio de Azcona, Isabel la Catolica: Estudio cr i t i co de su vida y su rein- ado, (Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, 1974), 342-344. 5 0 Beltran, Cartulario, 2:109-110. 51 Stephen Haliczer, The Comuneros of Cast i le: The Forging of a Revo- lution, 1475-1521, (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1981), 63. 52 / w Aviles , Suenos, 113-114. 53 i Perez, Revolucion, 58. Osorio's appointments, especially those in Salamanca and CdVdoba, were among the most important corregimientos in Casti le: Manuel Fernandez Alvarez, La Espana del Emperador Carlos V, Volume 20 of Historia de Espana, ed. Ranron Mene'ndez Pidal , 2nd ed. , (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1979), 92-94. 54 f Beltran, Cartulario, 2:362-363; See also Cartulario, 3:34, 5:112-13. 55 Paraenesis, 173. 56 Francisco Cantera Burgos, Alvar Garcia de Santa Maria y Su Fami-l i a de Conversos: Historia de la Juderia de Burgos y de sus Conversos mas Egregios, (Madrid: Instituto Arias Montano, 1952), 513. 57 Serrano, Los conversos, 23; Cantera, Alvar Garcia, 464. 58 On the oligarchical character of Casti l ian local government, see Adriana Bo and Maria del Carmen Carle, "Cuando empieza a reservarse a los caballeros el gobierno de las ciudades castellanas," Cuadernos de Historia de Espana 4 (1946): 114-124. 59 Cantera, Alvar Garcia, 473-475, 512. 6 0 Cantera, Alvar Garcia, 75-76, 512. See also Teo'filo F. Ruiz, "The -44-Transformation of the Cas t i l i an Mun ic ipa l i t ie s : The Case of Burgos 1248-1350," Past and Present 77 (1977): 18-20. 6 1 Cantera, Alvar Garcia, 513, 518-519 n35. 6? Paul H i l t po ld , "Noble Status and Urban P r i v i l ege : Burgos, 1572," Sixteenth Century Journal 12:4 (1981): 23-24. 63 Cantera, Alvar Garcia, 472-473; Serrano, Los conversos, 164-165. 64 Don Pedro i s said to have arranged the marriage as compensation for having k i l l e d , or at least seriously wounded, the br ide ' s father , Juan Hurtado de Mendoza, prestamero mayor of Vizcaya, at a tournament in Burgos in 1424: Cantera, Alvar Garcia, 470-471; J u l i o Rodriguez-Puertolas, Fray  Inigo de Mendoza y sus 'Coplas de Vita C h r i s t i ' , (Madrid: Ed i t o r i a l Gredos, 1968), 27-33. He also married his daughter Juana to the prestamero's son, Don Diego Hurtado de Mendoza. The couple's only ch i l d was the Franciscan poet and sacred orator Inigo de Mendoza, second cousin of Maldonado's patron: Cantera, Alvar Garcia, 559-570; Rodriguez-Puertolas. Fray Inigo, 33-38. Tension between the two clans persisted through the 1430's [Can-te ra , Alvar Garcia, 140-144; Serrano, Los conversos, 159-161], but the a l l i ance may explain why Maldonado enjoyed Mendoza patronage a f te r Carta-gena's death in 1525: Asensio, introduction, 22; Ba ta i l l on , Erasmo, 487. 65 Serrano, Los conversos, 204-205; Cantera, Alvar Garcia, 475. 66 Nazario Gonzalez, Burgos, La ciudad marginal de C a s t i l l a : Estudio  de geografia urbana, (Burgos: Imprenta de Aldecoa, 1958), 112-116. 6 / Teof i lo F. Ruiz, "Ca s t i l i an Merchants in England, 1248-1350," in W. C. Jordan, B. McNab & T. F. Ruiz, eds. Order and Innovation in the  Middle Ages: Essays in Honor of Joseph R. Strayer, (Princeton: Princeton -45-University Press, 1976), 173-185; Wendy R. Chi Ids, Anglo-Castilian trade  in the later Middle Ages, (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1978). C O Manuel Basas Fernandez, El Consulado de Burgos en el siglo XVI, (Madrid: C . S . I . C . , 1963), 33-36. 69 Gonzalez, Burgos, 131-146. For the cultural consequences of com-mercial prosperity, see Ramon Carande, Carlos V y sus banqueros. La vida  economica en Cast i l la (1516-1556), 2nd ed. , (Madrid: Sociedad de Estudios y Publicaciones, 1965), 271-272; Gonzalez, Burgos, 123-125, 135-141. 7 0 Asensio, introduction, 17-18. 71 Asensio, introduction, 19. The word criado, l i t e r a l l y 'servant', designated a l l retainers in a noble household, regardless of the capacity in which they were employed. Jean-Marc Pelorson, for example, notes that private chaplains were called criados: Manuel Tunon de Lara, ed. Historia de Espana. Tomo V: La Frustracion de un Imperio (1476-1714), (Barcelona: Editorial Labor, 1982), 311. 72 Asensio, introduction, 21. 73 Asensio, introduction, 15. The identity of this school is uncer-ta in . J . N. Hillgarth mentions a Latin grammar school popular with Burgalese c ler ics in the late fifteenth century: The Spanish Kingdoms  1250-1516. Volume II: 1410-1516, Casti l ian Hegemony, (Oxford: Clarendon, 1978), 97. This may have been that established under Bishop Pablo de Santa Maria in 1440: Serrano, Los conversos, 252-253; Cf. Serrano, Los  Reyes Catolicos, 24. A l ikely alternative is that Maldonado taught humanities at the Colegio de San Nicolas, founded by his patron Inigo Lopez de Mendoza, Bishop of Burgos (1529-1535): Kagan, Students and -46-Society, 67. 74 William Harrison Woodward, Studies in Education during the Age of the Renaissance, 1400-1600, (New York: Teachers College Press, 1967); Eugenio Garin, L'Educazione in Europa (1400-1600): Problemi e Programmi, (Bari: Editori Laterza, 1957); Vives: On Education. A Translation of the 'De Tradendis Disc ip l in i s ' of Juan Luis Vives, trans, and intro. Foster Watson, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1913); J . H. Hexter, The Vision of Pol i t ics on the Eve of the Reformation: More, Machiavelli and Seyssel, (New York: Basic Books, 1973), 59-62. 75 Paul Oskar Kr i s t e l l er , Renaissance Thought: The Classic , Scholastic, and Humanistic Strains, (New.York: Harper Torchbook, 1955), 9. 7 6 Maldonado's letters to Erasmus may be found in P. S. Allen and H. M. Al len, eds. Opus epistolarum Des. Erasmi Roterodami, 12 vo ls . , (Oxford: Clarendon, 1906-1958), 6:393-396 [no. 1742], 7:252-254 [no. 1908]. During the eighteenth century, the Colegio de Santa Cruz in Val la-dolid housed a bundle of autograph letters from Maldonado to "the most famous men of his time", including Nebrija, Vives and Virues, but this has since been lost: Asensio, introduction, 26-27. 77 Asensio, introduction, 72-73. 78 Batai l lon, Erasmo, 216. 79 Batail lon, Erasmo, 216. The f i r s t and second editions, dated 1521 and 1525, are not extant, but there are at least two copies of the third (Burgos: Juan Junta, 1535), one at the Biblioteca Nacional and the other at the University of Zaragoza: Asensio, introduction, 22-23. On the plague, see Danvila, Historia, 1:96. -47-an Lynn, A College Professor, 105; R. L. Grismer, The Influence of Plautus in Spain before Lope de Vega . . ., (New York: Hispanic Ins t i tute, 1944), 89-90. 81 Grismer, The Influence, 91. 82 • y Augustin Renaudet, Prereforme et humanisme a Paris pendant les  premieres guerres d ' l t a l i e (1494-1517), 2nd ed., (Par is : L i b r a i r i e D1 Argences, 1953). °~ Myron P. Gilmore, The World of Humanism, 1453-1517, (New York: Harper, 1952), 207. 84 Ba ta i l l on , Erasmo, 1-43. 85 Eugenio Asensio, "E l Erasmismo y las corrientes e sp i r i tua le s a f ines , " Revista de F i l o log fa Espafibla 36 (1952): 31-99. 86 Soriano, fo r example, refers to the Maldonado of Hispaniola as a "Salamancan Erasmian": Justo Garcia Soriano, "E l teatro del colegio en Espana," Bolet in de la Real Academia Espanbla 14 (1927): 242-243. 87 * Bata i l l on , Erasmo, 226-278, esp. 274. Beltran, Car tu la r io , 6:9-120. 88 Bata i l lon has traced the subterranean influence of Erasmus1 Praise  of Fol ly in Spanish l i t e ra tu re of the Golden Age: "Un probleme d ' inf luence d'Erasme en Espagne. L ' E logede la Fo l i e , " Actes du Congres Erasme (Rotter-dam, 27-29 octobre 1969), (Amsterdam & London: North-Holland, 1971), 136-147. However, Asensio [ 'C iceroni nos ' , 143] f inds that while there are a number of a l lus ions to the Encomium Moriae, Maldonado's i s the only e x p l i c i t reference: Paraenesis, 166. Even in the Paraenesis, however, published in 1529 at the height of his 'Erasmian' period, Maldonado steers c lear of the controvers ial re l ig ious and theological works, while heaping -48-. praise on the De copia and the De conscribendis epistol is as modern manuals of rhetoric and eloquence comparable to the masterworks of Cicero and Quinti l ian: Paraenesis, 166-167. Bataillon [Erasmo, 216] and Asensio [introduction, 81-83] both suggest that Maldonado's Erasmianism was only skin-deep. Aviles goes farther, arguing that Maldonado and Osorio were cynical social-climbers, who simply followed intellectual fashions: Suenos, 116-120. 89 According to Bataillon [Erasmo, 72], Erasmus' f i r s t major supporter in Spain was the Abbot of Huis i l los , Garcia Bobadilla, who tr ied to convince Cisneros to hire him to work on the Complutensian Polyglot: the letter, dated 26 November 1516, can be found in Beltran, Cartulario, 5:335-336. The f i r s t work of Erasmus to be published in Spain was the Tratado o Sermon del nino Jesus, printed in Sevi l le in 1516, followed by the Querela Pacis of 1520: Batai l lon, Erasmo, 86 n27. It seems unlikely that Maldonado knew either of these works in 1519-20, though recent work suggests that certain Spaniards were reading Erasmus as early as 1504: Jose Luis Gonzalez Novalfn, "Pedro Martir de Angleria y sus 'Triunviros' (1506-1522). Nuevas aporta-ciones al conocimiento de Erasmo y Lutero en Espana," Hispania Sacra 33 (1981): 143-197. 90 Maria Rosa Lida de Malkiel , La originalidad art i s t ica de la Celes-t ina, (Buenos Aires: Eudeba, 1962), 38. 91 Batai l lon, Erasmo, 216. 92 Hexter, The Vision, 95. 93 There are numerous references to Fonseca in two works by Manuel Gimenez Fernandez: Bartolome de las Casas, 2 vo ls . , (Sevil le: Escuela de -49-Estudios Hispano-Americanos de Sevi l la , 1953-1960) and Herna'n Corte's y su revolucion comunera en la Nueva Espana, (Sevil le: Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos de Sevi l la , 1948). 94 Batail lon, Erasmo, 215. 95 Danvila, Historia , 1:451. -50-CHAPTER TWO: DE MOTU HISPANIAE AS HUMANIST HISTORIOGRAPHY In the preceding chapter, we sought, insofar as this is possible in the case of as shadowy a figure.as Juan Maldonado, to chart the topography of the author's 'mental world' in 1524 or so, when he decided to write an account of the events which had so suddenly shattered the peace and tranquil i ty of his l i f e in Burgos. 1 In the present chapter, we shall try to show how in the composition of De. motu..Hispaniae Maldonado used con-ventions and techniques which he had absorbed from the Roman historians whose work had been a central component in his c lass ical education at Salamanca. His famil iari ty with these sources wi l l have been reinforced in his extra-curricular intercourse with Longueil and Flaminio, in regular conversations with his learned patron Don Diego Osorio, through his daily act ivity as a teacher of grammar and rhetoric, and.through/regular cor-respondence, almost certainly with Spanish humanists, and, quite possibly, p with Erasmus. But while there is a passage in De motu Hispaniae which hints at a famil iari ty with Erasmus' Querela. Pacis, there is no indica-tion that the Dutch reformer had any impact on Maldonado's historical 3 discourse. The character of that discourse was largely determined by his classical sources, by the exigencies of contemporary history, and by his own subjective response to the Comunidades. The natural starting point for any inquiry into a historical work is consideration of motive. Why did Juan Maldonado write history? And more importantly, why did he write this particular history? In the next chapter we wi l l suggest that Maldonado may have had reasons for writing which are not made expl ic i ty in the text. Those which are, however, re-veal much about how he understood the project in which he was engaged. -51-Early in the f i r s t of the seven books into which De motu Hispaniae is divided, Maldonado rehearses a complaint which had already become something of a commonplace with Spanish historians, namely that Spaniards, tradit ional ly more devoted to 'arms' than to ' l e t ters ' , had been peculiarly remiss in recording the great deeds of their compatriots. 4 The unhappy consequence of this historiographical neglect, according to Maldonado, had been that many i l lus tr ious heroes, "eminently worthy of remembrance", and a glorious history, equal, in a l l respects to that of c lass ical Rome, "have been lost in the mists of time", (32) He goes on to declare his unwilling-ness to stand idly by while a similar fate befalls the events of the recent ' c i v i l war'. Despite personal shortcomings, therefore, he has determined to preserve a record of the Comunidades, i f only to encourage others to write contemporary history, and in the hope that later, more talented, historians wi l l complete the task which he has begun. Much of what Maldonado has to say on the relative merits of various kinds of his torical writing follows directly from his basic conviction that Spaniards must keep a detailed record of the present i f future generations are to be spared the ignominy of a forgotten past. It is in keeping with this end, for example, that he draws a rather invidious comparison between histories which recapitulate events in the distant past and those which recount events which occurred during the historian's own lifetime. Such rhetoric enhances the prestige of contemporary history in general, and of his own project in part icular. That Maldonado has his own enterprise in mind is indicated by the fact that from the outset he privileges a particular brand of contemporary -52-history, based not on documentary sources, but on eyewitness testimony, which he regards as the epistemologically unimpeachable foundation upon which a l l historical knowledge is bu i l t . On the opening page of De motu  Hispaniae he claims that histories penned by eyewitnesses, or on the basis of first-hand accounts, are inf in i te ly more valuable than those which chronicle events in the 'deep past'. These latter are normally no more than compilations, mere patchwork 'histories' constructed by stringing together snippets of information abstracted from the works of various 'authorit ies' . The historian who employs this method "may well win a reputation for himself by making a pompous display of his intel lectual prowess; but he gives nothing of certainty to his readers, except that which was already present in his sources". Moreover, since their primary sources are inevitably of variable quality, such historians become the purveyors of "interminable narratives f u l l of myths", incongruous amal-gams compounded of more or less equal measures of truth and falsehood. (31) Maldonado's dismissive rhetoric cal ls to mind what R. G. Collingwood terms 1scissors-and-paste 1 historiography, a methodology which arose, significantly enough, during the Hellenistic period, when men acquired a taste for 'world-histories' , which "could not be written on the strength of testimony from l iving eyewitnesses".6 That Maldonado ascribes this methodology to the chroniclers he condemns suggests that he was directing his remarks at medieval historiography in general, which lacked effective methods of documentary cr i t ic ism and frequently displayed an exaggerated (and misplaced) reverence for the testimony of accepted 'author i t i e s ' . 7 While this may well be true, another comment leads one to suspect that -53-the targets of this diatribe can be identified with more precision. Maldonado indicates that these writers were animated by a desire to glor-ify their patria (31), which leads the present writer to believe that the object of his v i l i f i c a t i o n was a particular tradit ion of hispanic historio-graphy whose adepts employed a euhemeristic interpretation of myth in an attempt to endow Spain, or more exactly Cas t i l e , with a glorious ' c lass i -c a l 1 past. The architect of this tradition was the thirteenth-century chronicler Jimenez de Rada, Archbishop of Toledo, who traced the ruling Casti l ian dynasty back to Hercules, and i t was continued in Maldonado's day by Florian de Ocampo, who accepted the equally fanciful inventions of Annius of Viterbo (Giovanni Narini). Professor R. B. Tate, who has b r i l l i a n t l y traced the vicissitudes of this tradi t ion , has clearly demon-strated its 'propaganda value 1 for a Casti l ian monarchy desperate to g establish its 'continuity' with the Gothic, and even pre-Gothic, past. This kind of enterprise would clearly have been anathema to Maldonado, for whom such fabrications were proof of the degree to which Casti l ian historians had fai led to f u l f i l l their obligations td posterity. To Juan Maldonado, whose mentor Flaminio Siculo had been raised on Sal lust, such tissues of l ies must have seemed pale substitutes for a lost national legacy. In De motu Hispaniae he suggests that what Castile needs are not accounts of the distant past, which are no more valuable than the dubious sources upon which they rely, but r ichly textured contemporary histories, written by eyewitnesses, or on the basis of eyewitness t e s t i -mony.9 Only these latter could insure that the deplorable impoverishment of the Casti l ian past did not continue into the next generation. As we -54-have already suggested, Maldonado was appealing here to an idea of history which was firmly rooted in classical antiquity, a fact of which he was undoubtedly aware. The ancients were, after a l l , principal ly concerned to record the actions of l iv ing men, and relegated large segments of the past, especially the 'deep past', to the realm of myth . 1 0 Herodotus, for example, recommended that his fellow historians practice what he called 'autopsy 1, which amounted to "being present at the events instead of reporting what other people s a i d " . 1 1 The 'father of history 1 was doing no more than commend his tor ia , which for the ancient Greeks meant "that which one knows through having witnessed i t " . 1 2 Maldonado was doubtless sensitive to the fact that i t was the assiduousness with which the histo-rians of c lass ical Rome had recorded the accomplishments of their contem-poraries which had provided Renaissance Italians with a past which required not invention but simply systematic recovery. While he could do nothing to remedy past negligence, Maldonado was determined that the Comunidades of 13 Casti le , surely "the biggest news story of the age" , would not be lost to posterity for want of a chronicler. Maldonado's account of the rebellion, at least so far as events in Burgos are concerned, is overwhelmingly that of an eyewitness, though he must have supplemented his own experience with oral reports from others whom he considered rel iable witnesses. Pedro de Cartagena, for example, wi l l have kept him posted on meetings of the municipal council , while his friendship with Diego Osorio is doubtless responsible for the fact that he was especially well-informed on the comings and goings of Bishop Acuna. Cartagena and Osorio may also have kept him abreast of news from -55-elsewhere in Casti le , for while Maldonado seems to have remained in Burgos throughout the revolt, the Lord of Olmillos was one of the c i ty ' s repre-sentatives to the rebel junta and Osorio was corregidor of the Andalusian city of Cordoba. Another possible source of information were the re la- ciones de sucesos, rudimentary newspapers which circulated freely in Castile during this period. ' Since Maldonado himself is s i lent on the subject, the only thing which seems reasonably certain is that he had very limited access to written sources. In fact , he includes only one piece of documentary evidence: a letter to Charles V from the c i ty of Burgos, expressing dissatisfaction with Cisneros' plans for a cit izen 15 m i l i t i a , the gente de ordenanza. (49-52) While i t is impossible to identify the c r i t e r i a which Maldonado employed in classifying and evaluating the r e l i a b i l i t y of the oral reports he received, we know that he was positively contemptuous of at least one variety of oral 'testimony' - popular opinion. Maldonado dut i ful ly records a number of the many rumours which circulated during the Comunidades, indeed he was alone among his contemporaries in recognizing that at least some of them formed part of deliberate campaigns of "psychological warfare". 1 6 The widespread use of propaganda by both sides in the c i v i l 17 war was certainly one reason for Maldonado's mistrust of popular opinion , but there was also another, more fundamental, cause. According to Maldo-nado, 'experience 1, 'the testimony of h i s tory 1 , and 'the most knowledge-able authors', a l l testify to the worthlessness of popular opinion. The ignorant masses (el vulgo) do not render rational judgements based on the evidence of their senses, but simply mask the truth by couching their own -56-desires and fears in the language of i n f a l l i b l e cer ta inty . (59) Guided by t he i r passions rather than by the l i gh t of reason, the popular classes, at least en masse, were cons t i tu t iona l l y unrel iable witnesses. The passage c i ted above is only one of many in De motu Hispaniae which suggest that Maldonado, whatever other objections he had to the standard Salamancan curriculum, shared the r e a l i s t epistemology of what would come 1ft to be known as the 'Salamancan school ' of ju r i s t - theo log ians . These writers - the major f igures were Francisco de V i t o r i a , Domingo de Soto and Francisco Suarez - stressed what one modern wr i ter has ca l led "the cognit ive authority of consensus", namely that the t ruth of our percep-t ions i s guaranteed by God, and the nature of r e a l i t y w i l l be evident to a l l rat iona l men whose f acu l t i e s have not been clouded over by t he i r 19 passions. Maldonado c l ea r l y regarded himself as a rat ional man, and considered that human reason, unimpaired by passion and a f fect i ve attach-ments, was the essent ia l tool of the h i s to r i an ' s c r a f t . The h i s tor ian ought to be "the impartial judge of the f a c t s " (35), beholden to none and committed only to the dispassionate re la t ion of the h i s t o r i c a l t r u th , to describing "the bare f ac t s , just as they happened". (57) The ideal h i s tor ian is a perfect ly detached observer, who must shun any emotional attachments which might impair his a b i l i t y to render an objective and unbiassed account of events. Even the natural a f fect ion which men feel fo r the nation of t he i r b i r t h , t he i r pa t r i a , i s dangerous for the h i s to -r i an , whose overriding obl igat ion is to the t ru th . (103-104) There are good reasons to doubt whether Maldonado, or any other h i s tor ian for that matter, was ever able to achieve th i s degree of de--57-tachment. Consideration of the circumstances under which De motu Hispaniae was composed, however, reveals that Maldonado's obvious confidence in his own impartiality was not entirely unjustif ied. It would seem, for example, that the cred ib i l i ty of his account is only enhanced by the fact that un-like most others who wrote histories of the eomunidades, Maldonado was not 20 a royal historiographer (cronista). For while Felix Gilbert may well be correct when he asserts that the "practical aims" of the public histo-riographers of the Renaissance "demanded a certain amount of factual detail and accuracy", i t is also true that histories written at the be-hest of reigning monarchs by salaried employees are unlikely to be entirely 21 disinterested. Despite the personal integrity of many cronistas, those who held such a post certainly ran the risk of becoming apologists, i f 77 not outright progagandists, for the existing regime. Hi l lgarth , for example, has shown that the propaganda interests of Casti l ian monarchs 23 have been only too wi l l ingly served by their royal historiographers. As an 'amateur', Maldonado could not be placed in a position similar to that of the cronista Alfonso de Palencia, whose account of the Cortes of Toledo (1480) was ordered censored by Isabel the Catholic, who favoured 24 the more 'pl iable' Hernando de Pulgar. There are indications in De motu Hispaniae that Maldonado did in fact aspire to a position as royal historiographer, but while a post at court would undoubtedly have given him greater access to relevant documentation, i t would also have compro-25 mised his ab i l i ty to interpret this evidence as he saw f i t . Maldo-nado's relative anonymity, and his marginality to the events unfolding around him in 1520-21, inspire a certain degree of confidence in his -58-professions of suprapartisanship, though as we shall see when we examine the factual content of De motu Hispaniae in more de ta i l , those working at court had no monopoly on ulterior motives. While Maldonado was acutely conscious of the degree to which various forms of emotive bias had distorted the accounts of other historians, he never seems to have questioned his own ab i l i ty to observe and record dispassionately. He apparently believed that just as his 'amateur status' isolated him from the pressures which beset the cronista, his commitment to the truth shielded him from the distortions which can invade the histories of those motivated by chauvinism, vanity or ambition. Maldonado wanted to unveil 'the bare facts, just as they happened', and our brief discussion of his epistemological realism was intended to demonstrate the accuracy of Reinhart Koselleek's observation that such topoi, commonly encountered in early modern historiography, reveal a "naive realism [which drew] primarily on eyewitnesses (less on 1earwitnesses') whose presence guarantees the truth of h i s tory" . 2 6 The evidence of De motu Hispaniae strongly suggests that Maldonado shared this conviction. Unlike historians who write of the 'deep past', those who chronicle the 'shallow past' labour in the knowledge that their judgements must bear up under the scrutiny of others who were present at the events they des-cribe, or who witnessed events which they have described on the basis of oral testimony. The contemporary historian, Maldonado t e l l s us, "can neither l i e nor be carried away by passion, since he knows that his readers wi l l have witnessed the happenings he describes and wi l l either praise his historiographical merits or reproach his shortcomings". (31) -59-Maldonado considered that this potential for 'feedback' from l iving eyewitnesses served as a powerful incentive to historiographical vera-c i ty . It is worth noting in this connection that in Maldonado's day the new technology of print was working what has been called a "communica-tions revolution" in Cast i le , and indeed throughout De motu Hispaniae 71 Maldonado writes l ike a man whose work was on the verge of publication. As we know, however, he decided against releasing i t to the public. Since we also know that his claim to have been revising the work is false, one might well wonder why-, given what he says concerning the importance of eyewitness cr i t i c i sm, he chose not to place De motu Hispaniae before the tribunal of his contemporaries. The answer, i t seems to me, can be found in the climate of opinion which prevailed in Castile in the wake of the Comunidades. As we have seen, Maldonado was of the opinion that 'the passions' interfered with the ab i l i ty to reason objectively, and he was only too aware that during the middle and late 1520's the passions aroused during the recent ' c i v i l war' were s t i l l riding high: How well I know the doubtful and uncertain fate to which I expose my reputation in writing of c i v i l war at a time when any account is certain to f a l l into the hands of both victors and van-quished. Since his readership would include individuals who had been active part i -sans of both parties in the recent conf l ict , he wagered that the chances were slim that even the most judicious account would convince a l l con-cerned of his neutrality. (57) Therefore rather than venture into the maelstrom of recriminations, accusations, retribution and downright -60-hypocrisy which was post-revolutionary Cast i le , Maldonado decided to wait unti l the emotional temperature had dropped to the point where a 28 f a i r assessment of his work became possible. (27) When Maldonado released De motu Hispaniae, he was undoubtedly con-vinced that the facts therein would 'speak for themselves1 to any unpre-judiced reader. Philosophers of history, however, have rightly questioned one of the central premisses upon which this confidence was based, namely the notion that the historian is a 'camera with the lens open', a dis-passionate fact-gatherer who simply transcribes 'the bare facts, just as they happened'. Hayden White and others have argued that because the facts themselves are neutral, the historian must, in the interests of communi-cation and edif ication, introduce formal elements which identify them as figuring 'a story of a particular kind': [T]he historian must draw upon a fund of cultur-al ly provided mythoi in order to constitute the facts as figuring a story of a particular kind, just as he must appeal to that same fund of mythoi in the minds of his readers to endow his account of the past with the odor of meaning and s igni-ficance. 29 Professor R. B. Tate made a similar point in a recent art ic le on the fifteenth-century historian Alfonso de Palencia. He draws attention to how Palencia, acting as "moral judge", imposes a form on his material ('emplots i t ' , , as White would say), such that we perceive Casti l ian history between 1440 and 1490 as a gradual and unbroken ascent from chaos to order. Among Tate's conclusions is that what really matters in these historical texts is not their conformity with a particular objective standard of truth, but the way in -61-which the material is 'emplotted' according to certain forms, arguments or sequences, or i f one prefers: myths. 30 'What really matters' in a historical text wi l l depend upon the questions being asked about i t , but clearly among the things which matter is the way in which the author has constructed his narrative so as to convey to a selected audience a certain impression of what the facts 'say'. It is to this aspect of De motu Hispaniae that we wi l l now turn our attention. The problem of form, central to a l l historiography beyond mere annals, 31 confronts the contemporary historian in a particularly insistent way. The present and the recent past present themselves to us with an opaque-ness which seems to elude description. Events within the span of l iving memory often remain imperfectly 'h is tor ic ized' , that i s , they have not yet been endowed with the cognitively reassuring i l lus ion of transparency which comes from having been firmly placed within an accepted 'pattern' of past occurences. Maldonado's predicament was especially d i f f i c u l t . The task of giving a recognizable shape to the chaotic events of 1520-21 must have seemed a daunting enterprise, one which demanded that he devote as much attention to structure as to content. In fact , the most immediately striking aspect of De motu Hispaniae is the or ig inal i ty of i ts structure. Maldonado adopts a form which i s , so far as the present writer has been able to determine, sui generis: an unprecedented discursive amalgam, compounded of historical narrative and an equally venerable form of written discourse which had already attracted the attention of a large number of his humanist contemporaries - the dialogue. The seven books of De motu Hispaniae correspond to seven consecutive -62-days, during which the author engages in often animated conversation with a group of pilgrims* who have taken up temporary residence in the convent of Santa Maria la Real ('Las Huelgas') near Burgos, a popular stopover on the 'French Road1 to the shrine at Santiago de Compostela. The parties in Maldonado's dialogue are three foreigners - a Frenchman, a German and an Italian - and a fellow Cast i l ian , the Toledan, that i s , a man from the c i ty of Toledo in central Spain. The subjects range widely, but the lengthiest digressions are relegated to the beginning and end of each book, the central portion being given over to monothematic exposition, as the narrator, egged on by his companions, t e l l s the story of the recent 'movement of Spain'. Most of our analysis in the present chapter wi l l be devoted to Maldonado's 'oral ' discourse, but before we look at the historical narrative i t se l f , we need to understand why he took the unprecedented step of grafting i t onto, or more precisely imbed-ding i t in , a conversation. Some aspects of the dialogue are in te l l ig ib le only i f we assume that Maldonado intended De motu Hispaniae to reach an audience beyond Spain. In fact, Maldonado's audience seems to have been nothing less that the 'Republic of Letters' , a cosmopolitan community united by a common educa-tion and, above a l l , by a common language - c lass ical Latin. He wrote not a single word in the vernacular, and the reason is clear: he consi-dered the Latin of classical Rome to be the language of posterity (more on this later) and the language of humanism, a movement which transcended national boundaries. According to Maldonado, the Latin tongue travels the world, i t unites a l l -63-provinces, such that those who understand i t , though they may travel the world over, feel as i f they have never left their own patria , since everywhere they meet others who, because they speak Latin, can converse with them as easily as with one of their own compatriots. 32 By writing in Latin, Maldonado displayed his independence from the trend toward the vernacular which gathered strength after the publication of Nebrija's Casti l ian grammar in 1492. He also seems to have rejected the notion that the Casti l ian dialect , which had already conquered the Spanish-speaking areas on the peninsula, was likewise the 'perfect instrument1 for 33 Spanish imperialism abroad. For Maldonado, c lass ical Latin remained a viable alternative to Babel, and his confidence is typical of a generation which had not yet witnessed the study of Cicero's vehicle degenerate into Father Ong's 'Renaissance puberty r i t e 1 , divorced from the vernacular commerce of daily l i f e and relegated to the schools and to written cul -34 ture. In De motu Hispaniae, the German, the I ta l ian, and the Frenchman are clearly humanists, who can converse with each other, and with Maldonado, in his persona as the narrator, thanks to their knowledge of classical Latin, the lingua franca of international humanism. While the three foreigners are ostensibly pilgrims, they behave more like tourists , who have come to Spain "to v i s i t i ts most i l lustr ious cit ies", to investigate Spanish customs, and to inquire into the whereabouts of c lassical ruins. (33) Maldonado's adoption of the dialogue format and his inclusion of this group of inquisitive v is i tors permits him to dwell on aspects of Spanish l i f e , culture and geography which would presumably have been common knowledge among his educated compatriots. He devotes, -64-for example, two pages to a discussion of Spanish taxation (60-61), and gives a brief account of the structure of local government. (84) These topics are clearly relevant to his central theme, as is the longest of his excurses, a disquisit ion on Casti l ian geography and climate. (86-90) For Maldonado's 'geography lesson' is straightforward and unadorned, related not so much to the medieval Laudes Hispaniae of Isidore of Sevi l le and 'Vincentius Hispanus', which rhapsodize about the unequalled abundance of the Casti l ian landscape, as to the Sallustian convention of describing the terrain on which battles are to be fought. Maldonado is especially attentive to satisfying the v is i t ing humanists', and presumably his human-ist readers', curiosity about the geography of the peninsula in classical times, and his remarks show him to have been unusually well-informed on OC the subject of ancient geography. The dialogue not only allows Maldonado to describe 'the Blessed Lady Spain', but also to defend her against certain prevalent falsehoods con-cerning Spaniards and their customs. For Maldonado, this was especially necessary with respect to the Italians, whose condescending attitude toward their beloved patria had rankled Spanish humanists from Ruy Sanchez de Arevalo to Antonio de N e b r i j a . 3 7 Maldonado, of course,, had seen such arrogance first-hand under his respected preceptor Flaminio Siculo. Part i -cularly gall ing was the Italian habit of referring to a l l Spaniards, regardless of re l ig ion, as 'Jews' or rnarranos , a practice which took hold after 1492, when many expelled Spanish Jews took refuge in Italy. As a c l e r i c , Maldonado would have been acutely sensitive to an epithet which carried with i t the suggestion that Spaniards, many of whom were -65-descendents of converts from Judaism and Islam, were not entirely com-38 mitted to the dogma of the Tr in i ty . He explains that the etymology of the word marrano - a corruption of the Aramaic marhanata, 'The Lord Cometh'-clearly indicates that i t is properly applied only to 'judaizing' conversos, 3Q insincere converts who secretly practice the faith of their fathers. According to Maldonado, the Spaniards can only see irony in the appl i -cation of the term marrano to a people so assiduous in rooting out and exterminating the 'false Christians' in their midst. He takes great satis-faction in suggesting that the word would be better applied to the Italians and the French who, for reasons both po l i t i ca l and economic, don't care to inquire into the sincerity of Jewish conversions to Christ ianity . (76-78) Eugenio Asensio has suggested two quite different reasons for Maldo-nado's adoption of the dialogue form, a form which was, as he rightly points out, a radical departure from historiographical precedent. Maldo-nado, i t is argued, chose this form in order "to dramatise the hidden thoughts of rebels and royal ists , to reveal their confused feelings in elegant speeches". Thus the dialogue helped him make sense of the chao-t i c "raw material" of c i v i l war by "placing the factual series in an aesthetic perspective". In addition, according to Asensio, Maldonado wi l l have perceived the advantage of being able "to voice opinions without taking f u l l responsibil ity [for them]". 4 0 The present writer finds neither of these arguments very convincing. Asensio is certainly correct when he asserts that Maldonado uses oratio  recta (direct speech) to reveal the ideas and emotions which animated combatants on both sides of the recent conf l ict . Unfortunately, however, -66-an examination of the text reveals that these 'elegant speeches' are found not in the dialogue, where l i t t l e is revealed concerning the mental pro-cesses of 'rebels and roya l i s t s ' , but in the narrative i t se l f . The sole exception are the comments made by the Toledan, which represent, i t seems to me, Maldonado's attempt to articulate the essentially conservative 'ideology' of the Comunero rank-and-file. The Toledan's speech, however, is intentionally crude rather than elegant and his views, contrary to what 41 some have maintained, are manifestly not those of the author. In any case, neither the Toledan's views, nor the author's own, quite dis t inct , opinions, were such as would have drawn cr i t ic i sm from the Holy Office, surely the prospect which led Asensio to suggest that Maldonado had an interest in distancing himself from them. As for Asensio's other point, the present writer agrees with him that Maldonado fe l t the need to bring order out of the chaos of c i v i l war, but in De motu Hispaniae the ordering mechanism is not, as he suggests, the dialogue, but once again the histo-r ica l narrative i t se l f . As we hope to show, Maldonado employed many of the conventions of Roman and Renaissance historiography in constructing his account of the Comunidades, thereby insuring that his humanist reader-ship would see, not a meaningless factual series, but 'a story of a part i -cular kind' , in this case, a Sallustian bellum c i v i l e . But before we examine Maldonado's narrative in deta i l , we should look at the historio-graphical setting in which i t appeared. The most comprehensive attempt to analyse the historiographical t r a -ditions at work in early modern Castile has been made by Helen Nader, who, as we said ear l ier , divides Casti l ian historians into two dis t inct , indeed -67-mutually exclusive, 'schools'. The f i r s t of these - Nader cal ls them the letrados - reflected the ideology of the ' lettered' class (university gra-duates with advanced degrees in canon and/or c i v i l law) and developed a historiographical model based on medieval scholastic ideals. The h i s tor i -cal writing of Nader's second group of historians, the caballeros, incor-porated the po l i t i ca l and social assumptions of the Casti l ian aristocracy, a social group characterized less by unsullied bloodlines than by its military functions and by acceptance of the chivalr ic honour code of the 42 late medieval nobi l i ty . Whereas the historiography of the letrados exalted the king above the nobi l i ty , the caballeros regarded "themselves and the monarchy as partners in a secular, aristocratic and part icularist government." The former group wrote in Latin and produced historical works which stood in the providentialist tradition of the Spanish Middle Ages, while the latter wrote in the vernacular for the unlettered nobility and took as models "the humanist histories of their Florentine contempor-aries". 43 The most prominent members of the letrado school were the Burgalese conversos Don Pablo de Santa Maria (1350-1435) and his son Alfonso de Cartagena (1384-1456). Nader also includes two of the latter's students, Rodrigo Sanchez de Arevalo (1404-1470) and Alfonso de Palencia (1423-1490). Notable caballeros were Pedro Lopez de Ayala (1332-1407), Fernan Pe'rez de Guzman (c. 1377-1460), and Diego de Valera (1412-1488). With reference to the period which concerns us here, Nader argues that the providentialist letrado model triumphed absolutely under the Catholic Monarchs, and that as a result, "[t]he rejected caballero concept of pol i t ics and history - with a l l its Renaissance characteristics - remained -68-neglected throughout the sixteenth century." To be precise, she maintains that "from the composition of [Diego de] Valera's Memorial de diversas hazanas in 1488 until the publication of don Diego Hurtado de Mendoza's De la Guerra de Granada [1627] . . . , no caballero histories or treatises were published in C a s t i l e . " 4 4 While Professor Nader's work has much to recommend i t , such generalizations concerning the historical writing of the Spanish 'Golden Age' are in need of revision. Within her scheme, a work such as Juan Maldonado's De motu Hispaniae appears as an inexplicable anomaly, neither unambiguously Ietrado nor caballero. Given his letrado training, for example, Maldonado should, according to Nader, have subscribed to the 'scholastic ideals' which informed the historical writing of the Middle Ages. An examination of De motu Hispaniae, however, reveals few, i f any, af f in i t ies with medieval historiography. Recent work on the historians of the European Middle Ages has brought to light a richness and variety which makes generalization both d i f f i cu l t 45 and dangerous. There exists, nonetheless, a large degree of consensus on the general tra i t s which characterised European historiography between the f a l l of Rome and the Renaissance. One such t r a i t is a poor sense of 'ana-chronism' with respect to the c iv i l izat ions of c lassical Greece and Rome. Thus while medieval historians were certainly not ignorant of pagan anti-quity, their methods and aims led them to emphasise continuity rather than discontinuity with the classical past. John Pocock, for example, makes the point that "medieval thought was ful ly as obsessed with the importance of classical antiquity as was the thought of the Renaissance"; medieval scho-lars, however, adopted methods of analysis which led to "an imaginative -69-conflation of the l i f e of antiquity with the l i f e of the contemporary wor ld" . 4 6 Thus there is nothing particularly 'modern' about employing 47 classical models in the writing of history. What distinguished Renais-sance historians from their predecessors was a new 'sense of the past', a new appreciation for the distance between themselves and the classical 48 world. While there are, as we have seen, indications that Juan Maldo-nado shared this sense of anachronism, no firm conclusions on this score can be reached on the basis of De motu Hispaniae, which chronicles a contemporary event and hence has nothing to say concerning the 'deep 49 past 1 . We are on firmer ground, however, when we compare Maldonado's work with that of the contemporary historians of the Middle Ages. During the medieval period, the task of recording contemporary events f e l l , largely by default, to the clergy, whose ideas on such historio-graphical fundamentals as causation and periodization were thoroughly coloured by their religious training. Medieval Spain is no exception in this respect, though peninsular chroniclers were rarely menial clerks and more often ecclesiarchs such as Isidore of Sevi l le , Julian of Toledo and Rodrigo Jimenez de Rada. While these historians did not regard men as 'mere puppets', there is l i t t l e question but that the supernatural played a more significant causal role in their histories than in those of Renais-50 sance historians, who favoured more naturalist ic principles of causation. Thus while Bernard Guenee has recently defended medieval historians against the charge that they fai led to appreciate causal laws, he is nonetheless forced to concede that more often than not they resorted to an amalgam of 51 the terres tr ia l and the supernal in explaining events. Studies of medieval -70-Spanish historiography reveal a similar tendency. The c l er i ca l voca-tion of most medieval chroniclers is similarly evident in their approach to the problem of periodization. Even contemporary historians f e l t the need to just i fy 'innovation', that i s , the relation of modern events, by inserting them within the preternatural framework of Augustine's 53 'Six Ages' or the 'Four Monarchies' described in the Book of Daniel. Though Juan Maldonado was, l ike most of his medieval predecessors, a c l e r i c , De motu Hispaniae suggests that he had emancipated himself from the otherworldly focus of Augustinian historiography and aligned himself with a cultural movement convinced that the City of Man was at least as important as the City of God. Maldonado, for example, never invokes the supernatural as an explanatory principle . Instead, he seeks what he cal ls "the causes of events" (32), by which he means just those 'middle-range explanations' so often spurned by medieval chroniclers, for whom the diety was the formal, i f not always the efficient cause of everything 54 which occurred in the sublunary realm. For Maldonado, as for humanists elsewhere in Europe, the 'raw material' of historiography were res gesta (roughly equivalent to the Casti l ian hazanas), the exemplary deeds of human agents whose behavior is explained in terms of natural, human, and 55 less frequently, social processes. In De motu Hispaniae, Maldonado makes no attempt to locate the events he describes within a specious set of 'Ages' or 'Monarchies' or, l ike Isidore of Sevi l le , within a Bibl ica l 56 time-frame extending from the Creation to the Last Days. There are no traces here of Heilegeschichte, the history of man's salvation in time, as i t was written by medieval monks, or as i t continued to be written in -71-Renaissance Italy. In short, De motu Hispaniae, is remarkably secular history, no less 'this-worldly 1 in fact that the work of Maldonado's more famous Italian contemporaries, Machiavelli and Guicciardini . Yet another indication of Maldonado's secular approach to historio-graphy is the fact that De motu Hispaniae is utterly devoid of the provi-dential ism which permeates the work of Casti l ian medieval chroniclers. Since providential ism is also central to the work of Nader's letrado historians, its absence in Maldonado is perhaps the clearest indication that he cannot be associated with this historiographical school. The f u l l significance of this fact can only be appreciated, however, i f we f i r s t look at the role which providential ism played in Cast i l ian historio-graphy from the late Middle Ages through the Golden Age. With respect to the latter period, J . H. E l l i o t has argued persua-sively that sixteenth-century Castilians were given to interpreting their nation's history in d is t inct ly providentialist terms. E l l i o t argues for the existence of "a powerful strain of messianic nationalism", according to which, Casti l ians were the chosen people of the Lord, especially selected to further His grand design - a design naturally cast in cosmic terms as the conversion of the inf ide l , the ext ir -pation of heresy, and the eventual estab-lishment of the kingdom of Christ on earth. For those who shared this vis ion, the devastating series of reverses which struck Casti le in the late 1580's and 15901s were interpreted as meaning that "Castile had provoked the divine wrath, and was paying the price of its s i n s " . 5 8 As we have had cause to remark, however, and as E l l i o t himself is -72-certainly aware, this kind of 'messianic nationalism 1 has much deeper roots in Casti l ian history - as deep, some would say, as Orosius and Eusebius, whose Christian chronicles served as models during the early 59 Middle Ages. It is clearly v is ible in Visigothic historiography, and in chronicles of the reconquista, the Christian reconquest of Moorish Spain, in which a providential aura surrounds the person of the monarch, who came to be seen as the 'instrument of God', destined to r id Spain of unbel ievers . 6 0 After the battle of Las Navas de Tolosa (1212) brought a temporary halt to the southward march of the reconquista, the provi-dentialist motif went into eclipse until the fifteenth century, when i t was sedulously restored to currency by a group of 'Neo-Ididorian' histo-rians closely associated with the Casti l ian crown. Most of these historians were conversos, a group which had a clear interest in enhanc-ing the protective power of the monarch in an age of mounting persecu-62 t ion. Converso influence may also account for the Old Testament imagery which E l l i o t notes in the work of their Golden Age successors, for i t was this group, Nader's letrados, which bequeathed the providentialist mode of historical writing to the sixteenth century. Without a doubt, the apex of the providentialist trend in Casti l ian historiography was reached during the age of the Catholic Monarchs. In a study of Rodrigo Sanchez de Are'valo, R. B. Tate describes the atmosphere of messianic expectation which accompanied their coronation: [The] belief that the nation had been chosen by God to f u l f i l l some part of a providential design gathers momentum as the fifteenth century unfolds. Just before and immediately after the beginning of the reign of the Catholic Monarchs, the air is heavy with prophecies of an undefined future grand--73-eur for Cast i le . 63 Whereas Arevalo located Casti le 's grandeur in the hazy future, his imme-diate successors - Tate mentions Palencia, Valera, Pulgar and Lucio Marineo but one might add Bernaldez and even Nebrija to the l i s t - were convinced that they were witnessing the fulfi l lment of their nation's providential 64 destiny. The restoration of order following the turbulent reign of Enrique IV, the discovery of the New World, the expulsion of the Jews, and especially the completion of the reconquista with the conquest of Granada in 1492, seemed clear signs of divine favour. Even the normally staid Fernan Perez de Guzma'n thought he saw the Hand of God behind the accompli S l i -c e ments of Ferdinand and Isabel. Why then is there no evidence of this providential fervour in the work of Juan Maldonado? While messianic hopes had certainly cooled some-what, they were s t i l l very much al ive, especially during the Comunidades, when mil lenial dreams once again surrounded the figure of the Casti l ian monarch. Nor can Maldonado have been unfamiliar with the providentialist tradition in historiography, especially given his close association with Pedro de Cartagena, a descendent, as we have seen, of two of i ts archi-tects, Pedro de Santa Maria and Alfonso de Cartagena. And yet though as a c ler ic Maldonado must have had ideas about the workings of Divine Providence, the Hand of God i s , with a few minor exceptions, conspicuously absent from De motu Hispaniae . 6 7 Though the evidence is far from conclusive, Maldonado, l ike Nader's caballeros and humanist historians elsewhere in Europe, seems to have preferred the classical alternative to Providence, Fortune, a dis t inct ly -74-less comforting notion, and one with which Christians were dis t inct ly CO uncomfortable. In an attempt to dispel the ambivalence which surrounded Providence and Fortune, many of Maldonado's European contemporaries used the terms interchangeably, thereby creating a kind of "Christianized 69 Fortune". The Casti l ian historians Hernando de Pulgar and Andres Bernal-dez, for example, would "attribute the same event to Providence that a few lines before had been attributed to Fortune". 7 0 Though Maldonado never adopts this strategy, he was sufficiently distressed by the 'pagan' connotations of fortuna to equate i t , on one occasion, with "the judge-ments of Divine Providence". (73) This seems l i t t l e more than a gesture, however. Maldonado employs the notion of Fortune throughout De motu  Hispaniae, and indeed the whimsical pagan goddess seems to control the action, which unfolds according to chance rather than according to some 71 preordained divine plan. There is certainly no suggestion that Charles V or the Casti l ian people have a special role to play in God's provi-dential design. The best explanation for th is , i t seems to me, is that for Maldonado, who had witnessed the turbulent return to disorder which followed the death of Isabel the Catholic in 1504, the Hand of God was harder to discern behind the destiny of Castile than i t had been for Pulgar and Bernaldez. The plunge into c i v i l war in 1520 must have seemed the natural outcome of some sixteen years of dynastic uncertainty, aristocratic 72 factionalism and popular unrest. Though only the recovery of Maldonado's youthful history of the Catholic Monarchs would provide conclusive evi -dence, the references to Ferdinand and Isabel in De motu Hispaniae suggest -75-that l ike most of his Cast i l ian contemporaries he looked upon their reign as something of a 'Golden Age' of achievement and virtuous govern-73 ment. He certainly saw his own age as one of 'decline' (more on this later) . It is s ignif icant, therefore, that he did not respond to the ' c r i s i s ' of 1520-21 the way a future generation of Castilians would respond to another ' c r i s i s ' , that of the 1580's and 1590's (see above, 71). Even more significant i f one considers that there were those who sought to interpret the Comunidades in providentialist terms as a crusade, as simply one more installment in the historic struggle between Christian and in f ide l . In De motu Hispaniae, the Prior of San Juan, Antonio de Zurfiga, and the Dominican f r i a r Juan Hurtado de Mendoza appear as fanatical royalists who see the Comuneros as diabolical inf idels , bent on subverting the divinely-ordained social o r d e r . 7 4 Another violent partisan in the conf l ict , Bishop Antonio de Acuna, assures an audience of campesinos near Palencia that "a glorious victory" for the Comuneros wi l l reveal "which of the two causes in most beloved by Christ". (186) Maldonado, however, clearly saw that the history of an internecine struggle which pitted one Catholic army against another could scarcely be written in these manichaean terms, as a battle between the forces of light 75 and the forces of darkness, between Christian and in f ide l . In 1520-21, God was not unambiguously on the side of either party, and indeed Maldonado never implies that this was the case. De motu Hispaniae reflects his recognition that the rebellion of the Comunidades was an event without precedent in Casti l ian history, one which required a new kind of historio-graphy which could supply guidelines for the interpretation of a belium -7.6-c i v i l e . Following the advice of his master Flaminio, Maldonado returned ad fontes, and shaped his account of the Comunidades in conformity with the models and precepts he discovered in his c lassical sources. De motu  Hispaniae i s , by any def init ion, an example of humanist historiography, and as such i t creates serious d i f f i cu l t i e s for those who argue that this genre was absent from sixteenth-century Cast i le . Whereas Nader's dist inction between letrado and caballero traditions i s , with certain minor reservations, an accurate enough description of Casti l ian historiography during the fifteenth century, i t breaks down completely when we consider a work like De motu Hispaniae, a humanist 76 history written in Latin by a letrado. This dissolution can only be explained, i t seems to me, with reference to the somewhat anomalous inte l -lectual climate which prevailed in the 'open Spain' of the early sixteenth century. Before this period, university-trained letrados had l i t t l e or exposure to the studia humanitatis, so that humanist historiography was the preserve of the caballeros, men of affairs who worked outside the universities and modelled their historical work on classical authors whose ideals flattered the po l i t i ca l pretensions of the Casti l ian aristo-cracy. Unlike his letrado predecessors, however, Juan Maldonado received a solid grounding in the studia humanitatis, and indeed spent the remainder of his l i f e teaching humane letters in Burgos, a c i ty remarkable for its openness to intellectual currents flowing from elsewhere in Europe. His sympathy with the educational goals of the humanists stands in stark contrast to the host i l i ty displayed by fifteenth-century letrados like the historian Rodrigo s/nchez de Arevalo, who opposed early exposure to -77-the studia humanitatis on the grounds that this was l ikely to warp impres-sionable young minds. In the educational treatise De Remediis, Arevalo advised "the postponement of the teaching of secular and pagan classics until after a period of religious instruction, so that youth would not be led as tray" . 7 7 Maldonado, by contrast, recommends that children be intro-duced to classical authors at the earl iest possible age, and the Paraenesis makes no provision at a l l for prophylactic religious instruction. Given his l ifelong devotion to the study and teaching of the studia  humanitatis, i t should come as no surprise that in writing his account of the Comunidades Maldonado incorporated elements drawn from the work of the c lass ica l , and especially Roman, historians so admired by the humanist intel l igentsia of his day. Whereas medieval European educators considered history a ' t r i v i a l 1 subject, Livy, Tacitus, Suetonius, Sallust and other classical historians were central to the Renaissance revision of the l iberal 78 arts curriculum. We wi l l suggest shortly that the influence of Sallust is especially evident in De.motu Hispaniae. For the present, however, we shall deal in more general terms with those aspects of the work which indi-cate an unmistakable af f ini ty between Maldonado's ideas on history and historiography and those of humanist historians elsewhere in Europe. Earl ier we dwelt at some length on the unusual 'hybrid' structure of of De motu Hispaniae, but in attempting to account for Maldonado's use of dialogue, we deliberately postponed discussion of the consideration which seems to have been uppermost in the mind of the author himself. On one of the rare occasions when he breaks the continuity of his historical narra-tive with a digression, Maldonado apologizes for the interruption, but the -78-Italian assures him that he needn't worry about having violated the "laws of history", since such informative interjections are among the most laud-able features of classical historiography. (61-62) The Italian speaks here as one familiar with Renaissance historians, who applied the expression 'the laws of history' not to patterns in history i t se l f , but to the canons and conventions which governed the writing of what they called 'true his-tory' ; history, that i s , which conformed with classical prescriptions 79 concerning form and content. Guicciardini , for instance, frequently apologized when he fe l t he had transgressed the laws of history, and both he and Maldonado undoubtedly acquired their conception of leges histpriae 80 from Cicero, considered the authoritative source on the subject. The particular statute at issue here states that histories ought to be 'mono-graphic'. Unlike the 'scissors-and-paste' encyclopaedists of the Middle Ages, who frequently exerted l i t t l e c r i t i c a l control over their material, humanist historians from Leonardo Bruni onwards sought to emulate the rhetorician, who chose a theme and developed i t systematically, rejecting 81 as irrelevant such pieces of information as did not bear direct ly upon i t . Maldonado's apology indicates that, l ike Bruni and Guicciardini , he accepted and strove to adhere to this formal ideal . Though, as the Italian points out, there are classical precedents for digressions within the body of the narrative, Maldonado evidently f e l t that by adopting the dialogue form he could keep these interruptions to a minimum by devoting the central portion of each book to the systematic development of his chosen theme, the 'move-82 ment of Spain'. The way in which Maldonado develops this theme shows that he adhered -79-to the 'exemplar theory of h i s tory 1 , whose popularity among Renaissance historians has frequently been noted. Less often noted is the fact that this theory is i t se l f inextricably linked to a more fundamental belief in the insuperable didactic value of 'experience'. One of the few to have recognized the importance of this concept in our period is J . G. A. Pocock, who l i s t s 'experience' as one of the 'conceptualizing modes' through which late medieval man understood "the particular, the local , the transitory", in short, the h i s tor ica l . He defines i t as that which empowered men to react to the particular situation or contingent happening, to remember their reaction and how i t had turned out, and to react, when next the situation or one l ike i t recurred, in a way for t i f i ed and enlightened by recollection. 84 In De motu Hispaniae, there are indications that, l ike the classical and Renaissance practitioners of 'exemplary history' , Maldonado regarded experience, and not abstract precepts, as 'the best teacher'. In another excursus, for example, he t e l l s of the tragic expedition to the island of Gelves, in which four hundred Casti l ian soldiers lost their l ives . (64-66) While the commander, Garcia de Toledo, displayed many martial virtues, his youthful inexperience led to an error in judgement which resulted in disa-ster. This moral tale bears an uncanny, and certainly not unintended, resemblance to Maldonado's portrait of the young Charles I of Spain, who possessed a l l the kingly virtues but whose po l i t i ca l inexperience left him 86 open to the machinations of 'evi l advisors'. Maldonado surely recognized that in an age of 'personalized' po l i t i c s , the commonwealth could i l l afford the luxury of allowing its monarch to train 'on the job' , through a process of ' t r i a l and e r r o r 1 . Casti l ian history showed only too clearly -80-that adolescent monarchs made easy prey for the ambitious, and that pro-tracted interregna frequently led to c i v i l war and/or popular insurrec-87 t ion . In 1520, a prolonged 'cr i s i s of authority' and a virtuous but inexperienced ruler had once again proved a recipe for disaster. De motu Hispaniae may well have been intended as a kind of 'Mirror for Princes', designed to give i ts dedicatee, the young Prince Phi l ip , a lesson in 88 practical p o l i t i c s . In teaching the future king, however, Maldonado emulates not the medieval 'preceptor', who trotted out abstract maxims on good governance, but the classical rhetorician, who drove his point home with the aid of concrete historical examples. The 'lessons of history' were meant to supplement the limited personal experience of his royal 'student'. Maldonado's practice here i l lustrates the general point that in early modern Europe, history was commonly deemed capable of playing a didactic role similar to, or even identical with, that assigned to experience. The Spanish intel lectual historian Enrique Tierno Galvan scarcely exaggerates in fact when he makes the point that "[f]or the man of the sixteenth and seventeenth century, history and experience are but two aspects of the -same rea l i ty , and they are s t r i c t ly interchangeable; history is experience 89 and experience history." While the mediating role of the historian and the act of reading i t se l f would seem to differentiate personal and histo-r ica l experience, this does not necessarily relegate the latter to a secondary plane. On the contrary, Maldonado would possibly have agreed with his compatriot Miguel de Cervantes, who argued, in Persiles y Sigis- munda, that the introspective reading of history was actually more e f f i --81-cacious than the original experience, because "the attentive reader stops often to reflect on what he is reading, thus reading is more valuable than 90 seeing." By reading history then, the individual could vicariously extend the range of his experience; he could, in the words of the Florentine humanist Bartolommeo della Fonte, "build on experience extending far beyond 91 the span of an individual l i f e" . Early modern men could equate history and experience thanks to the acceptance of certain core beliefs concerning human nature and human values. According to the prevailing 'uniformitarian' reading of human nature, human beings were the same in a l l times and climes, so that even experiences in 92 the distant past retained their relevance in the present. Similarly , the recorded experiences of the present generation would presumably have something to say to posterity. Ideals too were regarded as eternal and unchanging. We are not yet, as Peter Brown reminds us, in a world 'con-demned to history 1 by Hegel, where values are no longer timeless but relat ive , and there is a kind of ineluctable inflation at work among 93 historical examples. Maldonado's world was incidentally, but never essentially, changed by history, so that men could s t i l l learn 'the lessons of the past'. Only in such a world, where human nature and values were immanent or transcendent constants, not subject to historical and cultural variation, could history be, to employ Cicero's phrase, a magistra 94 vitae. Even in cases where historical actors were so superior to the common run of humanity that s tr ic t identification with their behavior was out of the question, one could s t i l l learn from their experience by regarding i t -82-as an exemplary instance which offers a paradigm (from the Greek para-deigma - example) worthy of emulation, in short, as an exemplum. In the Middle Ages, Christ , the apostles and the saints were the most potent exempla, and even in our period certain religious figures, such as martyrs, 95 s t i l l held paradigmatic status. But for humanist historians such as Maldonado, who also rel ied on exempla, i t was a pantheon of pagan heroes which was held up for emulation. When a Renaissance historian lauded or condemned the behavior of his contemporaries, i t was because i t conformed with, or f e l l short of, that exhibited by these classical models of virtue. Whereas the lessons to be learned from medieval exempla were most often soteriological ( i f you want to be saved, act thus), the exemplary history of the Renaissance was patterned on that of the Romans, and the lessons were moral and pragmatic, concerned with the here-and-now rather than with the hereafter. There is every indication that Maldonado held the latter view of the 'lessons of history': i f there are lessons to be learned from De motu Hispaniae, they are lessons in c iv ic virtue and good governance, in the values which ought to animate both subjects and those charged with the well-being of the commonwealth. For Maldonado then, as for so many of his contemporaries, one of the principal tasks of the historian was to cast the events he describes in the form of exempla, so that the attentive reader, upon 're l iv ing' the event in his imagination, could draw the appropriate conclusion. Indeed he describes the entire book as, in effect, an extended exemplum. He does not write, he says, in order to win the favour of the victors , or add to the anguish of the vanquished, but -83-to paint a picture of this movement of Spain, which is so much larger than anything our ances-tors knew, with the object that those who follow be more wary of bold designs, and be forewarned that rash undertakings, be they against the king or against the nation, usually turn out badly for their authors. (57-58) This succinct statement of purpose outlines what might be regarded as the 'moral' of De mptu,Hispaniae. The analogy which Maldonado draws between historical writing and pictorial representation is an apt one, for during the Renaissance, historiography was seen, not as a science, but 96 as an art , whose purpose was both pragmatic and commemorative. On the one hand, the aim was the inculcation of a set of moral and/or practical imperatives which would enable a man to behave morally, or efficaciously, without ref lect ion. The historian supplied the 'raw material' for this process of internalization in the form of concrete examples of noble : actions to be emulated and base actions to be shunned. De. motu. Hispa- niae i s , as we shall see, replete with both. The commemorative function is more straightforward; the noble deeds of the past or present simply deserve to be remembered. That this too was part of Maldonado';s aim should be evident from our earl ier discussion of his views on the value of con-97 temporary history.(see above,5T). For humanist historians, these two objectives could only be achieved through the use of rhetoric, for only the historian';s eloquence could persuade the reader of the s t r i c t identity of history and experience. -84-NOTES i I have appropriated the notion of a 'mental world' from John H. E l l i o t ' s excellent study, "The Mental World of Hernan Cortes," Trans- actions of the. Royal, Historical Society, 5th series, 7 (1967): 41-58. According to Bataillon [Erasmo, 216-217], Maldonado's corres- : pondence with Erasmus began in 1526, but since many of his letters to prominent humanists have been lost [see Chapter One, note 76] i t is entirely possible that his acquaintance with the Dutch reformer began somewhat ear l i er . 3 As we noted in Chapter One [note 89], Erasmus1 Complaint,of Peace (1517) was f i r s t published in Spain in 1520. That Maldonado may have been acquainted with this work i s suggested by his discussion (62) of the Christian duties of European rulers . While the ideas are commonplace enough, the tone i s d is t inct ly Erasmian: See John P. Dolan's translation of the Querela. Pacis in The, Essentia], Erasmus, (New York: Mentor, 1964). Jose Luis Romero, "Fernan Perez de Guzman y su actitud historica," Cuadernps de Historia de Esparia 3 (1945): 143-144; R. B. Tate, "Italian Humanism and Spanish Historiography in the Fifteenth Century: 1A Study of the Paralipomenon Hispaniae of Joan Margarit, Cardinal Bishop of Gerona," Bulletin of the John. Rylands..Library 34 (1951-52): 140-141; R. Foulche-Delbosc, ed. Cancionero Castellano del .Siglo XV, 2 vo l s . , (Madrid: Casa Editorial B a i l l y - B a i l l i e r e , 1912), 1:709, 714; P. E. 'Russell, "Arms ver-sus Letters", 54. Here Maldonado makes rare use of an expression reminiscent of a vernacular proverb: "While even the most worthless dog can rouse the sleeping hare, he cannot catch i t , and must await the arrival of better -85-animals which can complete the job." 6 R. G. Collingwood, The Idea of History, (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), 33. 7 Bernard Guenee, '"Authentique et Approuve'. Recherches sur les Principes de la Critique Historique au Moyen Age," in B. Guenee, Politique A et Histoire au Moyen Age: Recueil d'art ic les sur l 'h i s to ire politique et  1'historiographie medievale (1956-1981), (Paris: Publications de la Sor-bonne, 1981), 265-278. g Robert B. Tate, "Mythology in Spanish Historiography of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance," Hispanic Review 25 (1957): 1-18. g Some of Maldonado's Casti l ian predecessors were similarly convinced of the superiority of eyewitness accounts. Both Pedro Lo'pez de Ayala (1332-1407) and Fernan Perez de Guzman (c. 1377-1460) l i f ted this view from Guido delle Colonne's Historia Troiana (Strassburg, 1486): Nader, The Mendoza Family, 73, 88. 1 0 Moses I. Fin ley, "Myth, Memory and History," History and Theory 4:3 (1964): 281-302. 11 Arnaldo Momigliano, "The rhetoric of history and the history of rhetoric: On Hayden White's tropes," Comparative Crit ic ism: A Yearbook 3 (1981): 261. 12 ' Bernard Guenee, "Histoires, annales, chroniques: Essai sur les A genres historiques au Moyen Age," in Politique et Histoire, 281. 13 Gilman, The Spain of Fernando de Rojas, 459. 1 4 Mercedes Agullo'y Cobo, Relaciones de sucesos, I: Anos 1477-1619, (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1966), and in general, Henry Ettinghausen, "The -86-News in Spain: Relaciones de sucesos in the Reigns of Phil ip III and IV," European History Quarterly 14:1 (1984): 1-20. 15 Cisneros' project, made necessary by the renewal of aristocratic violence which plagued his second regency, provoked concerted resistance from a number of Casti le's largest c i t i e s , including Burgos. See Perez, La Revolucion, 86-92. 1 6 Maldonado [De motu Hispaniae, 82] describes the false rumours which circulated in the wake of the Cortes of Santiago-La Coruna (April 1520) , according to which the deputies had agreed to the imposition of heavy duties on everything from candle-wax to children! Maldonado clearly knew that these were part of an orchestrated campaign, since he speculates as to the authors of these ' f i c t ions ' . The phrase "psycholo-gical warfare" is used by Luis Fernandez Martin, who shows that the rumours originated in printed pamphlets disseminated under the direction of the comunero chieftan Juan Zapata, who operated a coordinated propa-ganda campaign, which included sending priests and laymen 'on mission 1 to preach revolution: El movimiento comunero en las pueblos de Tierra de Campos, (Leon: Centro de Estudios e Investigacio'n 'San Isidoro', 1979), 28-29. Quevedo, rightly assuming that Maldonado must have seen Zapata's handiwork, includes a sample in his translation of De motu  Hispaniae: El movimiento, 288-289. ^ Maldonado [De motu Hispaniae, 197] t e l l s of his d i f f i cu l t i e s in sorting out what actually took place at the battle of El Romeral (March 1521) . After this encounter, in which rebel troops under Bishop Acuna met a royal ist army commanded by the Prior of San Juan, Antonio de Zuniga, -87-both sides circulated reports claiming total v ictory. The result is s t i l l in doubt: See Perez, Revolucion, 334-335. 18 The bibliography on the 'school of Salamanca' is enormous. A good sampling can be found in the footnotes to J . A. Fernandez-Santamaria, The State, War and Peace: Spanish Po l i t i ca l Thought in the Renaissance 1516-1559, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977), i t s e l f an excellent introduction to the po l i t i ca l thought of these writers. 19 Anthony Pagden, "The Preservation of Order: The School of Sala-manca and the' 1 Ius Naturae'," in F. W. Hodcroft et. a l . , eds. Mediaeval  and Renaissance Studies on Spain and Portugal in Honour of P. E. Russell, (Oxford: The Society for the Study of Mediaeval Languages and Literature, 1981), 164 and passim. 20 Of those who left substantial accounts of the comunidades, Pedro Giron, Francisco Lopez de Gomara, Pedro Mejia, Prudencio de Sandoval, Alonso de Santa Cruz, and Juan Gines de Sepulveda were a l l historiographers royal . For a l i s t of their works, see Perez, Revolucion. In general, see Jose Luis Bermejo Cabrero, "Los origenes del of ic io de cronista real ," Hispania 40 (1980): 401-441. 21 Machiavelli and Guicciardini: Pol i t ics and History in Sixteenth- Century Florence, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1965), 219. 22 For the growing corpus of work devoted to the propaganda function of historiography in medieval and Renaissance Europe, see Bernard Guenee, "Les tendances actuelles de l 'h is to ire politique du moyen age francais," in Politique et Histoire, 190-191, and the same author's indispensable States and Rulers in Later Medieval Europe, trans. Jul ie t Vale, (Oxford: -88-Basil B lackwel l , 1985), 254-255. 23 See Jocelyn N. Hi l lgarth , "Historiography in Visigothic Spain," in J. N. Hi l lgarth , Visigothic Spain, Byzantium and the Ir ish , (London: Variorum Reprints, 1985), where he argues that "[w]ritten history in V i s i -gothic Spain [occupied] a place in the arsenal of royal propaganda". According to Alan Deyermond, the Casti l ian chronicler Rodrigo Jimenez de Rada was, as Primate of Spain, the "chief ideologist" of the court of Ferdinand III. His De rebus Hispaniae was central to the 'Gothic Myth', as formulated under Ferdinand's successor Alfonso X ('The Learned'): "The Death and Rebirth of Visigothic Spain in the Estoria de Espana," Revista  Canadiense de Estudios Hispanicos 9:3 (1985): 345-367. In "Spanish Histo-riography and Iberian Reality," History and Theory 24:1 (1985): 23-43, Hillgarth shows how this 'Gothic thesis' was systematically revived in the fifteenth century to serve the propaganda interests of the Cast i l ian crown. 2 4 Robert B. Tate, "Alfonso de Palencia y los preceptos de la historio-grafia," in Victor Garcia de la Concha, ed. Nebrija y la Introduccion del Renacimiento en Espana, (Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca, 1983), 41-42. 25 Maldonado original ly intended to dedicate De motu Hispaniae to Charles V, but since the emperor was campaigning in Germany in 1541, he settled for Prince Phi l ip , the future Philip II. (28) Among his stated aims was "to demonstrate to Charles the usefulness of historians to the Supreme Empire". (32) Casti l ian monarchs customarily gave their cronistas access to a l l 'unclassified' documentation and ordered that their subjects 'cooperate' with the royal historiographer: See, for example, the letter from Ferdinand the Catholic in J . L. Bermejo Cabrero, "Los origenes", 408-09. -89-A good idea of the pressure which could be exerted by a royal employer can be gathered from the prologue to Fernan Perez de Guzman's Generaciones  y Semblanzas, where he advises that histories "not be published in the lifetime of the king or prince in whose reign or jurisdict ion [they] were ordered, so that the historian may be free to write the truth without fear": Quoted by Nader, The Mendoza Family, 87. Koselleck, "Perspective and Temporality", 135. 27 Wlad Godzich and Nicholas Spadaccini, "Popular Culture and Spanish Literary History," in W. Godzich and N. Spadaccini, eds. Literature Among Discourses: The Spanish Golden Age, (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1986), 49. 28 The wisdom of prompt publication could be doubtful even under 'normal' circumstances. Although Diego Hurtado de Mendoza's famous Guerra de Granada, his account of the Second Revolt of the Alpujarras (1569-1571), was complete by 1572, i t remained unpublished when he died three years later. In his introduction to the f i r s t edition (1627), Luis Tribaldos de Toledo explains the delayed publication in the following terms: It has long been well known that men hate the truth, and that those who t e l l i t , and even more, those who write i t , are apt to suffer tribulation and opposi-t ion . Knowing th is , the sensible historian writes about the past, or delays publication of accounts of current events until those he writes about are dead. Quoted by David H. Darst in "El Pensimiento Historico del Granadino Diego Hurtado de Mendoza," Hispania 43 (1983): 283. 29 Hayden White, "Interpretation in History," in Tropics of Dis-course, 60. -90-30 / Brian [Robert B.] Tate, "Las Decadas de Alfonso de Palencia: un ana'lisis historiografico," in J . M. Ruiz Veintemilla, ed. Estudios dedi-cados a James Leslie Brooks, (Barcelona: Puvil l Libros, 1984), 239 and passim. 31 The centrality of form in historiography has been clearly recogni-zed by Nancy Struever, according to whom, "the historian's preoccupation with aesthetics is rooted in the very ground of a l l his investigations": The Language of History in the Renaissance: Rhetoric and Historical  Consciousness in Florentine Humanism, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970), 8. 32 Maldonado, "Optimus magister amor", quoted by Asensio, introduc-t ion, 47. 33 E l l i o t , Imperial Spain, 128. On Casti l ian as 'the perfect instru-ment of empire', see Eugenio Asensio, "La lengua companera del imperio," Revista de Filologfa Espanbla 43 (1960): 399-413. 34 Asensio, introduction, 46. Professor Asensio cites the ar t i c le by Walter J . Ong, "Latin Language Study as Renaissance Puberty Rite," Studies in Philology 56 (1959): 103-124. 35 The most famous Laus Hispaniae is that of St. Isidore of Sevi l le , whose source was Justinus: R. B. Tate, "An Apology for Monarchy: A Study of an Unpublished 15th-century Castil ian Historical Pamphlet," Romance  Philology 15:1 (1961): 114-115. For a good account of this tradi t ion , see Gaines Post, "Blessed Lady Spain - Vincentius Hispanus and Spanish National Imperialism in the'Thirteenth Century," Speculum 29 (1954): 198-209. That Maldonado was, here as elswhere, complying with Sallustian convention, is -91-indicated by a rare geographical error. In De motu Hispaniae (87), he places the c i ty of Valladolid at the centre of Spain, which any map wil l show to be false . Valladolid i s , however, at the centre of the northern meseta, the arid plateau which served as the principal battleground during the comunidades: Emilio Gonzalez Lopez, "Los factores econo'micos en el alzamiento de las comunidades de Cas t i l l a : La industria t ex t i l lanera castellana," Revista Hispanica Moderna 31 (1965): 188. 36 Maldonado no doubt learned much from his mentor Antonio de Nebrija, whose Muestra de la Historia de las Antiguedades de Espana (1499) was, according to Professor Tate, a marked improvement upon the 'armchair' scholarship of Italian expatriates such as Marineo Siculo: "Nebrija the Historian," Bulletin of Hispanic Studies 34 (1957): 127-130. Maldonado's ancient geography was equal to Nebrija's and better than that of his only other competitor in this regard, the Catalan humanist Joan Margarit i Pau, Bishop of Gerona. Like Margarit, Maldonado correctly places Saguntum at the modern town of Murviedro, near Valencia on the Mediterranean coast, thereby rejecting alternatives such as Segontia or Medinaceli. In locating ancient Numantia near Soria (86), Maldonado hits the mark almost exactly. Here he improves not only upon the folk- identif icat ion with Zamora, s t i l l current in the sixteenth century, but on Margarit, who, following Strabo, had placed Numantia 800 stadia from Zaragoza, just above the Ebro: R. B. Tate, "Italian Humanism and Spanish Historiography of the Fifteenth Cen-tury . . . , " Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 34:1 (1951): 156-157; For a map of Roman Spain, see M. Cary and H. H. Seullard, A History of  Rome down to the Reign of Constantine, 3rd ed. , (London: MacMillan, 1983), -92-142. Nebrija likewise located Numantia at Soria and rejected the identi-f ication with Zamora: on this and other aspects of Nebrija's ancient geo-graphy, see Benito Sanchez Alonso, "Nebrija, Historiador," Revista de Fi lologia Espanbla 29 (1945): 141-143. 37 Sanchez Alonso, "Nebrija, Historiador", 145; Tate, "Mythology", 9; Tate, "Nebrija the Historian", 126; and especially the same author's "Rodrigo Sanchez de Arevalo (1404-1470) and his Compendiosa Historica  Hispanica," Nottingham Medieval Studies 4 (1960): 58-80. For additional examples of Italian condescension toward foreign 'barbarians', in this case the Germans, see Barbara McClung Hallman, "Italian 'National Superi-ority' and the.Lutheran Question: 1517-1546," Archiv fur Reformations- geschichte 71 (1980): 134-147. 38 r~> Benedetto Croce, Espana en la vida italiana del Renacimiento, trans. Francisco Gonzalez Rios, (Buenos Aires: Ediciones Iman, 1945), 108, 249-253, 282; Felipe Ruiz Maetin, "La expulsion de los judios de la Reina de Napoles," Hispania 9 (1949): 32; Asensio, "El Erasmismo", 69 n1. 39 Maldonado's is one of three possible derivations of the pejorative marrano, though not that currently favoured by historians. Incidentally, Maldonado (or his translator) misspells the Aramaic word maranatha, which Christians knew from I Corinthians 16:22, where i t is used in conjunction with anathema: Sanford Shepard, Lost Lexicon: Secret Meanings in the Voca- bulary of Spanish Literature during the Inquisition, (Miami: Ediciones Universal, 1982), 77-78; In general, see D. Gonzalo Maeso, "Sobre la e t i -mologia de la voz 'marrano' (Cripto-judio)," Sefarad 15 (1955): 373-385. 40 Asensio, introduction, 30-31. -93-Fernandez Vargas, introduction, 11. One of the f i r s t reviewers of Quevedo's translation, Don Enrique Gil y Carrasco, also suspected that the Toledan was Maldonado's spokesman: Obras completas de D. Enrique Gil y Carrasco, Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles Volume 74, (Madrid: Atlas, 1954), 538. The present writer concurs with Aviles [Sueffos, 110-111], who argues that this view is impossible to sustain in light of the many ways in which Maldonado signals his opposition to the comunidades, at . least insofar as the movement entailed the active participation of the lower orders. 42 In addition to Nader, see Roger Boase, The Troubadour Revival:  a study of social change and traditionalism in late medieval Spain, (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1978), 9-73, and the illuminating art ic le by I. A. A. Thompson, "Neo-noble Nobility: Concepts of hidalguia in Early Modern Cast i le ," European Historical Quarterly 15:4 (1985): 379-406. My ideas on the ideology of the late medieval aristocracy have been shaped by the work of Mervyn James, especially his English  Pol i t ics and the Concept of Honour 1485-1642, (Past and Present Supple-ment no. 3, Oxford, 1978), now reprinted in M. James, Society, Pol i t ics  and Culture: Studies in early modern England, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 308-415. 43 Nader, The Mendoza Family, 20. 4 4 Nader, The Mendoza Family, 34-35. While Nader is careful to dis-tinguish between dates of composition and publication, the fact that Mendoza's Guerra de Granada was, as we indicated in Note 28 above, com-plete by 1572, is surely an indication that caballero historiography was -94-not a dead letter "throughout the sixteenth century". 4 5 See Bernard Guenee, Politique et Histoire and Histoire et Culture  historique dans 1'Occident medieval, (Paris: Aubier Montaigne, 1980); Beryl Smalley, Historians in the Middle Ages, (London: Thames and Hudson, 1974); A /x Benoit Lacroix, O.P. , L'Historien au Moyen Age, Conference Albert-Le-Grand 1966, (Montreal: Institut d'Etudes Medievales, 1971). 46 J . G. A. Pocock, The Ancient Constitution and the Feudal Law: A Study of English Historical Thought in the Seventeenth Century, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1957), 3 . 47 There are numerous examples in the works cited in note 45 . The only general treatment of the subject is Eva Matthews Sanford, "The Study of Ancient History in the Middle Ages," Journal of the History of Ideas 5:1 (1944): 21-43 . Most relevant to the present study is medieval interest in Sallust, on which, see Beryl Smalley, "Sallust in the Middle Ages," in R. R. Bolgar, ed. Classical Influences on European Culture A.D. 500-1500:  Proceedings of an International Conference Held at King's College, Cambridge  April 1969, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971), 165-175. J . N . Hillgarth has shown that-Sallust served as a model for the Spanish V i s i -gothic historian Julian of Toledo. Signif icantly, Julian's narrative told the story of a rebell ion; that of the province of Gaul against King Wamba: "Historiography in Visigothic Spain", 299. 4 8 Peter Burke, The Renaissance Sense of the Past, (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1969). The case that at least some medieval historians possessed a sense of anachronism has been made by Bernard Guenee, "Y a - t - i l une historiographie me'dievale?," in Politique et Histoire, 205-219. -95-49 It is s ignificant, however, that when Maldonado describes the structure of Casti l ian local government (84), he employs the terms cur-rently in use (corregidor, alcaldes, alguaciles, etc.) and shuns the anachronistic ' c lass i c i z ing 1 engaged in , for example, by Nebrija: Sanchez Alonso, "Nebrija, Historiador", 143-144. 50 Smalley, Historians, 186; Eric Cochrane, Historians and Historio-graphy in the Italian Renaissance, (Chicago & London: University of Chicago Press, 1981), x i i . 5 1 Guenee, "Y a - t - i l une historiographie medievale?", 207. C O J . C. Russell, "Chroniclers of Medieval Spain," Hispanic Review 6 (1938): 218-235; Eloy Benito Ruano, "La historiografia en la alta Edad Media Espanola: Ideologia y estructura," Cuadernos de Historia de Espana 17 (1952): 58-59. 53 J . W. Swain, "The Theory of the Four Monarchies," Classical Philo-logy 35 (1940): 1-21; Smalley, Historians, 29-46; Ricardo-Orta Nadal, "La concepcion cristiana de la historia en la Edad Media," Anales de Historia Antigua y Medieval (1950): 99-103. 54 Burke, The Renaissance, 77. 55 This was the opinion, for example, of the teacher of Alfonso de Palencia, George of Trebizond (Georgius Trapezuntius), whose influential rhetorical manual was published at Alcala in 1511 and became a 'best-sel ler' in sixteenth-century Spain: Tate, "Alfonso de Palencia", 42-44; A copy of this rhetorical text may have been among the books which Diego Osorio inherited from his father: Lopez Martinez,"La biblioteca", 103. 56 f On Isidore, see Jacques Fontaine, Isidore de Sevil le et la cu l --96-ture classique dans 1'Espagne vis igothique, (Par is : Etudes Augustiniennes, 1959) and M. Reydellet, "Les intentions ideologiques et po l i t iques dans la Chronique d ' I s idore de S e v i l l e , " Melanges d 1Archeologie et d 'H i s to i re de l ' Eco le Franqaise de Rome 82 (1970): 363-400. 57 Smalley, Histor ians, 28; Cochrane, Histor ians, 445-478. CO "Self-Perception and Decline in Early Seventeenth-Century Spain," Past and Present 74 (1977): 46. 5Q H i l l g a r t h , "Historiography"; Russel l , "Chronic lers " , 219-20; Benito Ruano, "La h i s t o r i o g r a f i a " , 55-56. 6 0 H i l l g a r t h , "Historiography"; Benito Ruano, "La h i s t o r i o g r a f i a " , 55-64; Ricardo Arias y Ar ias, El concepto del destino en la l i t e r a tu ra  medieval espanola, (Madrid: Insula, 1970), 41-67. 6 1 H i l l g a r t h , "Spanish Historiography", 26-29 [See also Note 23 above]; the s ign i f icance of Las Navas de Tolosa is revealed by Teof i lo F. Ruiz, who argues that from the thirteenth century onwards, " [t]here was no longer any need to invest the f igure of the king with sacred trappings": "Unsacred Monarchy: The Kings of Cas t i l e in the Late Middle Ages," in Sean Wilentz, ed. Rites of Power: Symbolism, R i tua l , and P o l i t i c s Since the Middle Ages, (Phi ladelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1985), 130. 62 / * , Jose Maria Monsalvo Anton, Teoria y Evolucion de un con f l i c to s oc i a l : El antisemitismo en la Corona de C a s t i l l a en la Baja Edad Media, (Mexico, D.F.: Siglo Veintiuno, 1985). 63 •* "Rodrigo Sanchez de Arevalo", 76-77; See also, Tate, "Apology", 122. 6 4 Tate, "Rodrigo Sanchez de Arevalo", 78-79. While Tate here and elsewhere ["A Humanistic Biography of John II of Aragon," Bu l l e t i n of -97-Hispanic Studies 39 (1962): 10] refers to Diego de Valera as a p rov i -dential i s t , the present wr i ter agrees with Nader, who contrasts Valera ' s 'humanist' treatment of the Granadan campaign with that of his contemporary Bernaldez, for whom the successful reconquista revealed "God and His chosen agents, the Cathol ic Monarchs, defeating His enemies and entering into the Promised Land". Valera, on the other hand, saw "a secular war of t e r r i -t o r i a l conquest fought in the pursuit of honor, property, and l i be r t y by the king and his fe l low knights": The Mendoza Family, 29. On Nebri ja, see Tate, "Nebr i j a " , 142; On Pulgar, Tate, "Nebr i j a " , 144-145; On Pulgar and Bernaldez, Jose 7 Cepeda Adan, "E l providencialismo en las cronistas de los Reyes Cato l i cos , " Arbor 17 (1950): 177-190; See also H i l l g a r t h , The Spanish  Kingdoms, 2:372-374. 6 5 Romero, "Fernan Perez de Guzma'n", 133. cc On messianism and millenarianism in the late Middle Ages and S i b y l -l ine prophecies which centred on the f igure of Charles of Ghent, see Bernard Guenee, States and Rulers, 44-47, and V. G. Kiernan, "State and Nation in Western Europe," Past and Present 31 (1964): 30-31. In l i ght of Maldonado's evident lack of sympathy with the an t i - i n te l l ec tua l i sm of the Sp i r i t ua l Franciscans [Ba ta i l l on , Erasmo,274-275 ] , i t i s interest ing to note that the most ardent p o l i t i c a l mil lenarians in early sixteenth-century Cast i le were conversos, especia l ly those who wore the habit of Saint Francis: John Leddy Phelan, The M i l l enn ia l Kingdom of the Franciscans in the New World:  A Study of the Writings of Geronimo de Mendieta (1525-1604), (Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of Ca l i fo rn ia Press, 1956); Jose 'c. Nieto, "The Franciscan Alumbrados and' the Prophetic-Apocalyptic T rad i t ion , " Sixteenth -98-Century Journal 8:3 (1977): 3-16; John Edwards, " E l i j a h and the Inqu i s i -t i o n : Messianic Prophecy among Conversos in Spain, C. 1500," Nottingham  Medieval Studies 28 (1984): 79-94. On m i l l e n i a l expectations during the comunidades, see Ramon Alba, Acerca de algunas part icular idades de las  Comunidades de C a s t i l l a t a l vez relacionadas con e l supuesto acaecer  terreno del Milenio I gua l i t a r i o , (Madrid: Editora Nacional, 1975). J . C. Nieto ["The Franciscan Alumbrados", 7] argues that " r e l i g i o u s - p o l i t i c a l expectancy" reached i t s zenith in 1524, the year in which De motu Hispaniae was probably completed. 6 7 I count f i v e references to Providence in De motu Hispaniae: 73, 173-174, 190, 193, 214 [discounting, of course, those which Maldonado attr ibutes to various h i s t o r i c a l personages]. None of these c a l l into question our thesis regarding the es sent ia l l y secular character of the work. Typical i s that which occurs on pages 173-174, where Maldonado. t e l l s how the ' t r ibune ' Bosmediano stole a s i l v e r chal ice from the v i l l a ge church in Penaflor, and died the fol lowing day in a roya l i s t attack on Tordes i l las . According to the author, th i s should serve as a reminder that divine punishment of the sacri legious is not always long in coming. 6 8 For the changing fortunes of Fortune from c l a s s i ca l ant iquity to the late Middle Ages, see H. R. Patch, The Goddess Fortuna in Medieval  L i terature, (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1927). A good short account of Renaissance usage is Thomas Flanagan, "The Concept of Fortuna in Machiavel1i," in Anthony Pare l , ed. The P o l i t i c a l Calculus:  Essays on Mach iave l l i ' s Philosophy, (Toronto & Buffalo: University of Toronto Press, 1972), 127-156. On the caballero preference for Fortune -99-over Providence, see Nader, The Mendoza Family, 29,92. 69 On the ' Ch r i s t i a n i z a t i on ' of Fortune, see Mervyn James, Society, P o l i t i c s and Culture, 360-361. 7 0 Juan de Dios Mendoza Negr i l l o , Fortuna y Providencia en la l i t e r a - tura ca s t i l l ana del s i g lo XV, (Madrid: Casa Real , 1973), 208 and passim. Ferna'n Perez de Guzman also used these terms interchangeably, which leads Romero to c a l l him "a t r an s i t i ona l f i gu re " : "Fernan Perez", 145-147. The same might be said of Maldonado's contemporary Pietro Martire, who t e l l s a correspondent that "one cannot a l t e r the course of that which has already been decreed by Divine Providence", and then, later in the same l e t t e r , asks that he "consider the surpris ing ways of Fortune, who offers nothing good without mixing i t with something unpleasant": Pedro Mart i r de Angleria, Ep i s to la r io , ed. and trans. Jose'Lopez de Toro, 4 vo l s . , (Madrid: Go'rtgora, 1953-1957), 4:156-157. On a s imi lar pattern in Fernando de Rojas, see Jose Antonio Maravall, El mundo soc ia l de 'La Ce le s t i na ' , (Madrid: Ed i to r i a l Gredos, 1964), 120, On quatroccento Florence, G i lber t , Machiavell i and  Gu icc ia rd in i , 40-42. J . G. A. Pocock sees t h i s kind of ambivalence as typ ica l of the the late Middle Ages, when "fortune was what providence looked l i k e i f we had not f a i t h ; but, since once we had, she became prov i -dence again, the two concepts tended to approach each other": "Custom and Grace, Form and Matter: An Approach to Mach iave l l i ' s Concept of Innovation," in Martin F le ischer, ed. Machiavell i and the Nature of P o l i t i c a l Thought, (New York: Atheneum, 1972), 158-159. 71 By my count, Maldonado used the concept of fortuna on at least four-teen occasions in De motu Hispaniae: 36, 40, 41, 73, 92, 93, 118, 131, 132, -100-159, 190, 220, 222, 223. Maldonado's use of Fortune is remarkably s imi la r to that of Gonzalo Garcia de Santa Maria, whose biography of John II of Aragon i s , according to Tate, "at a considerable remove from the P rov i -den t i a l i s t interpretat ion of history which informs the work of [h i s ] con-temporaries": "A Humanistic Biography", 10. Garcia ' s source was apparently Sa l lust , and indeed there is something Sa l lust ian about Maldonado's use of the term: See The Jugurthine War and the Conspiracy of C a t i l i n e , trans. S. A. Handford, (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1963), 180-181. Another possible source is Cicero, De O f f i c i i s , II. 6. See the t rans lat ion by Walter M i l l e r in the Loeb C lass ica l Library ser ies, (London: Heinemann, 1928), 186-187. 72 It i s s i gn i f i cant that Maldonado begins De motu Hispaniae not in 1520, but with the death of Isabel in 1504. (37) Indeed the whole of Book One (31-53) i s devoted to the sixteen years which served as a 'prelude ' to-revolut ion. See Perez, Revolucion, 73-111. 70 On Maldonado's lost manuscript history of the Catholic Monarchs, see Asensio, introduct ion, 25. According to Maldonado, the " i l l u s t r i o u s Dona Isabel . . . never took lineage or wealth into consideration when awarding high o f f i ces or choosing prelates, but praised and rewarded true and simple v i r tue, however lowly i t s o r i g ins " (the reference is to Cisneros): De motu  Hispaniae, 48. 7 4 In De motu Hispaniae (194-195), Maldonado records Zuniga's ' hor ta -tory o r a t i o n ' , supposedly delivered before his troops met those of Bishop Acuna at El Romeral. For Zuniga, i t would please God to make s a c r i f i c i a l victims of "those [ l i k e Acuna] that i nc i te c i v i l war, that take up arms against the nob i l i t y and the supreme magistrates, that serve as leaders to_ -101-the v i l e and hungry plebs and openly urge them to seek equal ity of wealth ( la igualdad de bienes)". The comuneros are "the enemies of the human race" and he encourages his men to show no mercy toward these "enemies of the pa t r i a , disturbers of the peace, v io la tor s of a l l human and div ine laws", th i s "abominable plague", th i s "beast with a thousand heads". The Dominican Juan Hurtado de Mendoza had " led a blameless l i f e " and was, in the opinion of many, a good candidate for the catalogue of sa ints . He was, nevertheless, a rabid opponent of the comuneros and was present at the batt le of V i l l a l a r where, perched on his jackass, he exhorted the roya l i s t forces: K i l l the sinners! Destroy the disso lute and the impious! Show no mercy for you are guaranteed eternal rest among the just i f you wipe th i s cursed sta in from the face of the earth; stab them in the back, fo r i t matters not whether the disturbers of peace and t r anqu i l i t y f a l l forward or backward! (202-203) There is a very good chance that Maldonado knew Fray Hurtado from his days at Salamanca, and over the objections of Getino and Beltran, the present wr iter believes that while the h i s t r i on i c harangue i s c l ea r l y invented, Maldonado's po r t ra i t of Hurtado is e s sent ia l l y accurate; Vicente Beltran de Heredia, H i s tor ia de la Reforma de la Provincia de Espana (1450-1550), (Rome: Institutum Historicum FF. Praedicatorum, 1939), 143-154; Luis G. Alonso Getino, Vida e ideario del Mro. Fr. Pablo de Leon, verbo de las comunidades castel lanas, (Salamanca: Establecimiento Tipografico de Calatrava, 1935), 29-31; On 22 February 1521, the Constable of Cas t i l e to ld Charles I that Fray Hurtado was worth more to the roya l i s t cause than two hundred men-at-arms, Danvila, H i s to r i a , 3:232. -102-A Spanish tendency to interpret t h e i r own history in crude 'Mani-chaean' terms has been noted by a number of wr i ter s , among them Ju l i o Caro Baroja, Las formas complejas de la vida r e l i g i o s a : Rel ig ion, sociedad  y caracter en la Espana de los s ig los XVI y XVII, (Madrid: Akal, 1978), 11-12. 7 6 My only real reservation concerns Pedro Lopez de Ayala, whose 'humanism' i s c lea r l y exaggerated by Nader, who wants to include him in her caballero t r a d i t i o n : The.Mendoza, Family, 56-76. According to R. B. Tate, "[a]ny attempt to connect Ayala with the emergence of the humanist h i stor ian cannot be supported by anything but the f l ims i e s t of l i t e r a r y evidence": "Lopez de Ayala, Humanist Histor ian?, " Hispanic Review 25 (1957): 173. 77 / / * Tate, "Rodrigo Sanchez de Arevalo", 79. 78 On the 'marginal ' pos it ion of history within the medieval t r i v ium, see Smalley, Histor ians, 18. On the importance of history within the studia humanitatis, see Richard McKeon, "The Transformation of the the Liberal Arts in the Renaissance," in Bernard S. Levy, ed. Developments, in the Early Renaissance, (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1972), 158-223. 7 9 G i l be r t , Machiavell i and Gu icc ia rd in i , 223-225. 80 G i l be r t , Machiavel l i and Gu icc ia rd in i , 274. On the Ciceronian o r i -gin of the leges h i s to r iae , see M. L. W. Laistner, The Greater Roman  Histor ians, (Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of Ca l i fo rn ia Press, 1963), 34. On Cicero ' s authority during the Renaissance, see Struever, Language of History, 27-31; Jerro ld E. Se ige l , Rhetoric and Philosophy  in Renaissance Humanism: The Union of Eloquence and Wisdom, Petrarch to -103-Va l l a , (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1968), 3-30. 81 " I t i s not my intent ion to discourse upon every l i t t l e th ing, invest igat ing even the most in s i gn i f i cant d e t a i l , as i s customary among h i s tor ians, but to inquire into the causes of events, and re la te that which is worth knowing in an agreeable s t y l e . . . " : De.motu Hispaniae, 32. On the requirement that h i s tor ies be monographic, see Cochrane, Histor ians, 5. 82 The dialogue form also permits Maldonado to present his h i s t o r i c a l narrative in an appropriately ' r h e t o r i c a l ' manner; as a series of orations delivered before a l i v e audience. Concerning the Renaissance s en s i t i v i t y to audience, Nancy Struever has remarked that " [ s l i nce a beholder is nece-ssary for i l l u s i o n , the rhetor ic ian never forgets his audience, and the rhetor ica l h i s tor ian includes his audience in his e f f o r t to make h i s to ry " : Language of History, 90. Maldonado takes the obl igat ion to include his audience l i t e r a l l y . The Frenchman, the I ta l i an and the German are internal representatives of the external audience he wanted to reach; the cosmopo-l i t a n 'Republic of L e t t e r s ' . 83 George H. Nadel, "Philosophy of History-before H i s tor i c i sm, " History and Theory 3 (1964): 291-315; Myron P. Gilmore, "The Renaissance Conception of the Lessons of History, " in M. P. Gilmore, Humanists and J u r i s t s : Six Studies in the Renaissance, (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap-Harvard University Press, 1963). 84 P o l i t i c s , Language and Time: Essays on P o l i t i c a l Thought and History, (New York: Atheneum, 1971), 81. 8 5 Nadel, "Philosophy of History", 297-299. -104-In general, Maldonado absolves Carlos of re spons ib i l i t y fo r the rebe l l i on , which he blames instead on those responsible for advising the young monarch, who, " i n sp i te of his tender years, possessed a nature disposed to the v irtues of a king, and an uncommon elevation of character". (48) According to Maldonado, the Toledan comunero Juan Pad i l l a was also convinced that owing to youthful inexperience Carlos had f a l l e n under the sway of foreigners, who governed Spain " i n t h e i r own interests rather than according to the t r ad i t i ona l practices of the repub l i c " . (71) Pad i l l a refers, of course, to Car los ' Flemish court ie r s , who had a not undeserved reputation fo r insat iab le ambition and rapacity. Maldonado's po r t ra i t of the good king surrounded by e v i l advisors was a commonplace in the p o l i -t i c a l l i t e r a tu re of the time: See J . Rosenthal, "The King 's Wicked Advisors," P o l i t i c a l Science Quarterly 82 (1967): 595-618. 8 7 See, for example, Luis Suarez Fernandez, "Problemas po l i t i c o s en la minoridad de Enrique II I," Hispania 12 (1952): 163-231, 323-400. 88 On the 'Mirror fo r Princes ' genre, see Lester K. Born's introduction to Erasmus, The Education of a Christ ian Prince, (1936; New York: Octagon, 1965), 3-130. See also, Quentin Skinner, The foundations of modern p o l i -t i c a l thought. Volume one: The Renaissance, (Cambridge: Cambridge Univer-s i t y Press, 1978), espec ia l ly 220-221, where Skinner argues that the mirror-for-princes writers endorsed the claim that "the key to p o l i t i c a l wisdom l i e s in a proper understanding of the past". 89 Quoted by David H. Darst, "E l Pensamiento", 284. 90 Quoted by David H. Darst, "The Persistance of the Exemplum in Golden Age Thought," Renaissance and Reformation 9 (1973): 62. -105-G i l be r t , Machiavel l i and Gu icc ia rd in i , 216; Charles Trinkaus, "A Humanist's Image of Humanism: the Inaugural Orations of Bartolommeo de l la Fonte," Studies in the Renaissance 7 (1960): 100-101. 92 Herbert Weisinger defines 'uniformitar ianism' as the be l i e f "that human nature never changes, that men at a l l times and places have always been the same, and that therefore there is nothing new under the sun": "Ideas of History during the Renaissance," Journal of the History of Ideas 6 (1945): 428. For a good discussion of uniformitarian be l ie f s in early modern Spain, see Darst, "E l Pensamiento", 285. Professor Brown refers to the culture of the Late Antique world, but his comment on the uniformitarian assumption which underlies the notion of a 'moral paradigm' applies equally to our period, and deserves to be quoted at length: [W]e have here a culture that believed that the past had only become the past through an ever-remediable accident of neglect, not through any i r r eve r s i b l e process of change and unid i rect ional evolut ion, which would render the moral paradigms of a man of the s ixth century B.C. i r re levant to the behavior of a man of the fourth century A.D. Moral exemplars of a thousand years previously had no b u i l t - i n obsolescence. What was good for them could be good for you. We are not in a world 'condemned to h i s tory ' by Hegel. "The Saint as Exemplar in Late Ant iqu i ty, " in Richard C. Trexler, ed. Persons in Groups: Social Behavior as Identity Formation in Medieval and Renaissance Europe, (Binghamton, NY: State University of New York Press, 1985), 184. 94 In general, see Rudiger Landfester, H i s tor ia Magistra Vitae. Unter- suchungen zur humanistischen Geschichtstheorie des 14. bis 16. Jahrhunderts, -106-(Geneva: L i b r a i r i e Droz, 1972) and Reinhart Koselleck, "H i s to r ia Magi-stra Vitae: The Dissolution of the Topos into the Perspective of a Modern-ized H i s to r i ca l Process," in Futures Past, 21-38. For history as magistra  v i tae in the Spanish writers Juan Luis Vives and Sebastian Fox Morc i l l o , see Montero Diaz, "La doct ina" , 12, 17-19. The views of Maldonado's correspondent Vives are especia l ly germane. For Vives, experience was "the nurse of p ract ica l wisdom", and "experience is e i ther our own i n d i -v idua l l y , or that obtained by others, which may serve to warn us, by the example of actual past occurrences . . . " : Vives: On Education, 38. 95 Donald Kelley notes that the purpose behind the compilation of sixteenth-century martyrologies "included a l l of the basic ingredients for the humanist prescr ipt ion fo r h i s tory " : They offered ' conso la t i on ' , . . .; they constituted a treasury of exempla for imitat ion and a kind of moral and anagogical 'm i r ror ' fo r Chr i s t ians; and they were commemorative, preserving for poster ity the 'deeds and wr i t ings ' of exemplary men of f a i t h . "Martyrs, Myths and the Massacre: The Background of St. Bartholomew," American H i s to r i ca l Review 77 (1972): 1326. 96 Struever, Language of History; Cochrane, Histor ians, 6; Gilmore, Humanists and Ju r i s t s , 19. 9 7 Maldonado's caballero predecessor Fernan Perez de Guzman shared the notion of h i s to r i a magistra v i tae, but emphasized the commemorative function of historiography. By adhering to Ciceronian standards of probity, the h istor ian served j u s t i ce by accurately recording the heroic and virtuous deeds of exceptional ind iv idua l s , often unrewarded by Fortune and unrecog-nized by those caught up in the con f l i c t i n g passions of the moment: Romero, -107-"Fernan Perez de Guzman", 148-150. Maldonado would have agreed whole-heartedly. -108-CHAPTER THREE: HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL RHETORIC IN DE. MOTU HISPANIAE That a rev iva l of the rhetor ica l a r t s , what Hanna Gray c a l l s ' the pursuit of eloquence', was central to the I t a l i an Renaissance i s generally 1 recognized. It i s often assumed, however, that t h i s revaluation of the art of persuasion could only take place under very special p o l i t i c a l circum-stances, and in a par t i cu la r kind of po l i t y - r e l a t i v e l y open c i ty - repub l ic s of the I ta l ian type. However t h i s ' p o l i t i c a l argument', c losely associated with the name of Hans Baron, has been convincingly challenged by Jerrold Se ige l , who detaches Leonardo Bruni ' s writ ings from his p o l i t i c a l be l ie f s 2 and explains them in terms of his education and a c t i v i t y as a rhetor ic ian. Helen Nader also dissociates rhetor ic and p o l i t i c s , suggesting that "rhe-t o r i c a l s k i l l s were as highly valued by the c i t i zen s of the Ca s t i l i an mon-3 archy as they were by the c i t i zens of the I t a l i an republ ic s " . While Nader perhaps overstates her case, rhetor ica l s k i l l s were certa in ly being used in Cas t i l i an c i v i c l i f e , while at court, the welfare of the commonwealth surely hung on the a b i l i t y of the k ing ' s 'good advisors ' to defeat the i r 4 corrupt colleagues in an open rhetor ica l contest. Since as we have seen, Maldonado was convinced that e v i l advisors were most often responsible for the nat ion ' s i l l s , i t should not surprise us to learn that he stressed the value of rhetor ic in publ ic l i f e . In fact Maldo-nado seems to have been no less convinced that his I ta l ian contemporaries of the fact that rhetor ica l eloquence, the a b i l i t y to persuade, was central to the v i t a activa. e c i v i l e . As he puts i t in the Paraenesis: Although there are some who maintain that rhetor ic i s of l i t t l e use in contemporary l i f e , fo r my part I perceive so many benefits that those who advance and dist inguish themselves for t h e i r knowledge [of rhetor ic ] can eas i ly triumph and emerge v ictor ious -109-in a l l things; perhaps not in the courts, whose structure and character have changed profoundly, but cer ta in ly in presenting c i v i c and prov inc ia l cases before the Crown, in undertaking a d i p l o -matic mission of any kind, in governing the Repu-b l i c , and espec ia l ly in persuading or disuading in any matter, publ ic or pr ivate. 5 Nor was Maldonado alone in t h i s convict ion. A contemporary and fe l l ow-c l e r i c , the T r i n i t a r i an f r i a r Alonso de C a s t r i l l o , held s imi la r be l ie f s concerning the importance of Ciceronian eloquence in public l i f e . After quoting Tul ly to the e f fect that Cedant arma.togae, concedat laurea linguae, Ca s t i l l o goes on to praise the power of rhetor i c ; which is valuable since eloquence moves the human heart, preserves great deeds fo r poster i ty and renders a people healthy, and thus we read that the eloquence of Cicero not only saved many men from execution, but returned the Roman people and the Roman state to the health they had lost through the conspiracy of the nefar-ious Ca t i l i n e . 6 It i s perhaps not coincidental that both C a s t r i l l o and Maldonado were c i t i zens of Burgos, a c i t y in which members of the municipal e l i t e , many of whom Maldonado knew personally, engaged in sp i r i t ed debate over matters of common concern,' 7 In the Renaissance debate over the re lat ionsh ip of rhetor ic and philosophy, both Maldonado and C a s t r i l l o supported the humanist pos i t ion, Q arguing that the two were inextr icably l inked. According to C a s t r i l l o , i t were "better to speak eloquently and prudently, than to reason and q theorize b r i l l i a n t l y but inelegant ly. " Maldonado's support for the Ciceronian posit ion was s im i l a r l y c lear -cut . "Why should one worry", he asks, paraphrasing the Roman master, "about what one has to say, i f one cannot say i t f l uent l y and beaut i fu l l y ? " . It was Cicero, according to -110-Maldonado, "who more pro f i tab ly than any other, united the secrets of 10 philosophy with eloquence". He would cer ta in l y have taken issue with the views of the f i f teenth-century letrado Alfonso de Cartagena, as expressed in the scholarly bishop's c r i t i que of Leonardo Bruni ' s Latin t rans lat ion of A r i s t o t l e ' s Ethics. According to Cartagena, who knew no Greek and therefore could not dispute with Bruni on ph i lo log i ca l grounds, the older scholast ic t rans la t ion of Robert Grossteste was superior to Bruni ' s 'eloquent ' one because i t accorded better with ' reason ' , and th i s to his mind guaranteed i t s f i d e l i t y to A r i s t o t l e . Cartagena urged the s t r i c t separation of philosophy and rhetor ic : [T]he man of wisdom [ought] to conduct an inquiry with words that are precise and used in t he i r most proper sense; these are the terms o f science. A f te r -wards, in urging shining examples and pure teachings, he may exclaim in eloquent language. 11 Here, as so often elsewhere, Maldonado shows himself a cabal lero, rather than a letrado. For i t was the former group, composed of men l i k e Fernan Pe'rez de Guzman, which made the most e f fec t i ve use of rhetor ic , a lbe i t in 12 the vernacular. Given what we now know about Maldonado's sp i r i ted defense of rhetor ic in public l i f e , and his equally ardent support for a Ciceronian union of wisdom and eloquence, we should not be surprised to learn that his h i s t o r i o -graphy i s , a l l ta lk of 'bare f a c t s ' aside, highly rhetor ica l in character. One reason fo r th i s may be that Maldonado, l i k e most of his fellow-humanists, drew many of his ideas on h i s t o r i c a l theory from Cicero, and in par t i cu la r 13 from De Oratore, where history is treated as a branch of rhetor ic s . While Maldonado does not go quite th i s f a r , he was cer ta in ly of the opinion, -111-as he t e l l s us in the Paraenesis, that rhetor ica l eloquence was central 14 to the h i s t o r i an ' s c r a f t . Maldonado evidently accepted the proposi-t i o n , gleaned no doubt from extensive reading in Sa l lu s t , Tacitus, Livy and other 'mora l i z ing ' h i s tor ians , that history was "philosophy teaching 15 by example". However, jus t as the truths of philosophy must be e l o -quently stated i f they are to become ' a c t i v e 1 in the world, the h i s tor ian must employ rhetor ica l s k i l l s to convince the reader to fo l low the tenets 16 of moral philosophy which inhere in h i s t o r i ca l exempla. The h i s tor ian must appeal to the reader 's w i l l as well as his reason; he must persuade him to put moral truths into pract ice. The rhetor i ca l character of De motu Hispaniae is nowhere more evident than in Maldonado's extensive use of orat io recta, According to the I ta l ian humanist Giovanni Pontano, a man for whom Maldonado had the highest regard, orations were "the soul of h i s tory " , and Maldonado's use of orat io recta shows that i t s purpose within an h i s t o r i c a l text had not altered apprecia-bly since c l a s s i c a l times: "the elaboration of character i t provides con-17 tr ibutes to the analysis of cause which is i t s aim". Because the human-i s t s , l i k e t he i r c l a s s i ca l forerunners, were f i rm believers in the 'Great Man Theory of H i s to ry 1 , they very rarely made reference to soc ia l forces, and customarily explained h i s t o r i c a l events by revealing the motives which animated indiv idual actors on the h i s t o r i c a l stage. This notion - history as theatrum mundi - must have appealed to Maldonado, who as a dramatist was accustomed to revealing the motives of his characters through the words he attr ibuted to them. The h i s t r i on i c harangues and hortatory orations of De motu Hispaniae are, of course, pure fabr i ca t ion ; an opportunity for the -112-author to display his rhetor i ca l prowess. We should not bel ieve, however, that because Maldonado chose, out of al legiance to the norms of Roman historiography, to "pour his facts into Sa l lust ian molds", that there 18 was no objective material to be treated in such a way. Whereas modern usage equates rhetor ic with mendacity, Renaissance histor ians saw no contra-d ic t ion between eloquence and t ru th . On the contrary, rhetor ic seemed to 19 them more e f fec t i ve than logic in cognizing the h i s t o r i c a l world. In the ' theat re ' of De motu Hispaniae, there are 'protagonists ' and ' anta-gonists ' in the h i s t o r i c a l drama, and Maldonado's readers are c lea r l y expected to admire, and more importantly, to emulate, the nob i l i t y d i s -played by the former, while execrating and shunning the base motives and actions of the l a t t e r . Close attention to Maldonado's imaginative ' s o l i -loquies ' t e l l s us something about the 'k ind of s tory ' he is t e l l i n g ; the ' p l o t ' , as i t were, of his h i s t o r i c a l narrat ive. Thus while Maldonado's speeches may, in f ac t , reveal very l i t t l e about the mental states of ' rebels and r o y a l i s t s ' , they surely t e s t i f y to the be l ie f s of an astute observer, who, in the absence of documentary evidence, f e l t compelled to reconstruct the 'speech acts ' of h i s t o r i c a l actors. While Maldonado's use of orat io recta conforms to c l a s s i ca l standards, and can be compared to that of humanist h istor ians anywhere in Europe, an inst ruct ive contrast can be drawn between the orations in De motu Hispaniae and those of the early f i fteenth-century Ca s t i l i an h istor ian Pedro Lopez 20 de Ayala. Ayala 's use of d i rect speech has been studied by R. B. Tate, who compares his harangues to the exemplum l i t e r a tu re of the Middle Ages, and argues that they have l i t t l e or nothing in common with those of his -113-Florentine contemporaries. To reinforce th i s point, Tate l i s t s the humanist t r a i t s which are absent from Ayala 's speeches, and i t i s i n te r -esting to note that every one i s very much in evidence in De motu Hispa- niae. Where Ayala 's orations f a i l to perform t he i r most elementary funct ion, the e luc idat ion of character, Maldonado's show that he regarded character-portraiture as an essent ia l component in the invest igat ion of cause. The inexperience of Charles I is a case in point; another i s the d i c t a t o r i a l arrogance of the Constable of Ca s t i l e , Iffigo de Velasco, whose ' t y r ann i ca l ' behavior as corregidor had serious repercussions in Burgos. Ayala makes his d idact ic points, not in his orations, which are v i r t u a l l y devoid of moral content, but in a series of e th ica l precepts which gloss the h i s t o r i c a l act ion. Maldonado, as we noted e a r l i e r , had l i t t l e use for precepts; the reader i s expected to learn d i r e c t l y from the utterances he attr ibutes to h i s t o r i c a l actors. Whereas the 'hortatory o r a t i o n 1 , a cha rac te r i s t i c a l l y humanist device, is en t i re l y absent from Ayala 1 s Cronicas, an eloquent exhortation precedes every important bat t le in De  motu Hispaniae. Most importantly, Ayala 's speeches are "barren of any persuasive r he to r i c " , and since they are in Ca s t i l i a n , Tate rejects any attempt to connect them with humanism, a movement which "was inseparably 22 l inked with a reverence for the c l a r i t y and poise of Ciceronian L a t i n " . By way of contrast, the speeches in De motu Hispaniae are highly rheto-r i c a l , and there is no question but that Maldonado revered Ciceronian Lat in, especia l ly as a vehicle for history. For Maldonado, as for a l l humanists, c l a s s i c a l Latin was, as he puts i t in one of his works, "the language of p o s t e r i t y " . 2 3 Only the language of Cicero, sheltered as i t -114-was from the grammatical, syntact ica l and semantic sh i f t s t yp i ca l of European vernaculars, could insure that the recorded deeds of the present generation would s t i l l be comprehensible to poster i ty . Detailed examination of Maldonado's many speeches would be both excessively time-consuming and of dubious value to the present inquiry. We would l i k e , however, to draw attention to one o rator i ca l device of which he seems to have been especia l ly fond - ant i logy. Maldonado employs the antilogy - a set of two opposing speeches - in a way which Nancy Struever sees as t yp i ca l of the rhetor ica l h istor ians of Renaissance I ta ly , that i s , in order " to present the d i f fe rent views of h i s t o r i c a l protagonists as a l ternat ives to be judged by the, reader". "The core of the ant i l og i c method", according to Struever, " i s to consider the same 24 events from d i f fe rent points of view". The twin speeches which Maldo-nado attr ibutes to the r oya l i s t Luis Sarmiento and his kinsman Pedro de Ayala, the Comunero Count of Sa lvat ier ra, are presented in the evenhanded, non-judgmental s ty le character i s t i c of the Renaissance ant i logy; as are the juxtaposed 'hortatory orat ions ' of Acuna and Zuniga. (182-184, 194-196) Pedro Lopez de Ayala would have required a gloss at t h i s point, and Alfonso de Palencia, the "moral judge", would doubtless have interposed a comment or two. Maldonado, however, remains s i l en t and allows the orators to 'speak for themselves'. The ant i log ic method, which allows the reader himself to choose between varying perspectives on a s ingle event, was obviously a t t rac t i ve to Maldonado, who, as we noted e a r l i e r , prided himself on his impar t i a l i t y . We also noted, however, that while suprapartisanship may be a laudable i dea l , the degree of detachment i t requires is v i r t u a l l y -115-impossible to atta in cons istent ly in pract ice; indeed when we examine Maldonado's use of yet another commonplace of Renaissance historiography -the 'character sketch' - we f i nd that his own partisan attachments are only too c l ea r l y revealed. The blood re lat ionship between Maldonado's f r iend and patron Don Diego Osorio and the prominent Comunero leader Bishop Antonio de Acuna presented him with an ideal opportunity for character comparison. The v i v id contrast between the two half-brothers, whose d i s t i n c t characters seemed to bely the s im i l a r i t y of t he i r backgrounds, would have had an i r r e s i s t ab le appeal fo r such a rhetorically-minded h i s to r ian . What is most interest ing, however, i s that Maldonado's po r t ra i t of the be l l i cose rebel leader and the loyal pat r io t is delineated in unmistakably Sa l lust ian terms. Acuna, as Maldonado represents him, is a somewhat incongruous composite of Ca t i l i ne and Caesar as they appear in the Roman h i s to r i an ' s Bellum Ca t i l i nae , while Maldonado's por t ra i t of Diego Osorio is the very image of Marcus Porcius Cato. According to Maldonado, Acuna possessed many of the noble virtues of a Caesar; he was, fo r example, generous to a f a u l t , and displayed a s o l d i e r ' s indifference to hunger, cold and want of sleep. But l i k e Catal ine, and to some extent l i k e Caesar himself, AcuTia revelled in war and c i v i l d iscord, and the t rag ic flaws in his character, especia l ly his overweaning ambition, drew him into leadership of a populist rebe l l i on . Again l i k e C a t i l i n e , Acuna is an eloquent speaker; the ideal demogogue in f ac t , who inc i tes the masses against t he i r legit imate rulers by promising to a l l e v i a te t h e i r poverty, reduce taxes, and provide them with ' l i b e r t y ' . Like Caesar and Cato, Acuna and Osorio are said to be -116-well matched, in ' b i r t h , age, and eloquence', but whereas Acuna possessed Caesar's mart ial s p i r i t (and C a t i l i n e ' s taste for rebe l l i on ) , Osorio, l i ke Cato, placed his pac i f i c ta lents at the service of his country. Eager for glory, but uncorrupted by ambition, Osorio applied his natural g i f t s in helping his f r iends, pursuing knowledge, and, when th i s became necessary, defending his pa t r i a , Burgos, against the forces of his rebel l ious brother. While Maldonado was c l ea r l y drawn to t h i s comparison by i t s aesthetic p o s s i b i l i t i e s , there is another, less l i t e r a r y but equally high-minded, motive which may have influenced his po r t r a i t . While Maldonado was writ ing De motu Hispaniae, Don Diego Osorio was being investigated fo r possible wrongdoing during the Comunidades. The deta i l s of the case are complex, but the accusations against Osorio involved his behavior as corregidor, both in Cordoba, where he held the post o f f i c i a l l y , and in Burgos, where he was coerced into accepting the posit ion a f te r the appointed corregidor had been ousted by the rebel comunidad. Maldonado's pos i t ive depiction of Osorio, and especia l ly the contrast he draws between his unshakable loyalty and the d i s l oya l ty of his ne 'er-do-well half -brother, may well have been intended to aid in his patron's defense by enhancing his repu-26 tat ion as a dedicated servant of the Crown. Of equal interest to the present inquiry, however, is the fact that in limning Osorio, Maldonado drew upon Sa l lu s t , and in pa r t i cu la r upon the Roman h i s to r i an ' s glowing po r t ra i t of Cato. Cato was, and would remain, the very paradigm of c i v i c patr iot ism and se l f l e s s devotion to duty, and many of Maldonado's heroes are cut from 'Catonic ' c l o th ; men who seek only 27 the common good, and place the interests of the republic above t he i r own. -117-His picture of his patron Pedro de Cartagena, fo r example, is drawn in 28 s imi lar terms. As we sha l l see, however, Maldonado's debt to Sa l lu s t , and especia l ly to the Bellum Cat i l i nae , extended beyond the appropriation of ' t ype s ' . His ideas on the h i s t o r i c a l process in general, and on ' c i v i l wars' in pa r t i cu l a r , also have a d i s t i n c t l y Sa l lust ian f lavour. After reject ing the p rov ident i a l i s t mode, Maldonado w i l l , in true humanist fashion, have cast about for a model upon which to base his account of the Comunidades. Given his Salamancan t r a i n i ng , his eye w i l l inevitably have f a l l en upon those c l a s s i c a l h istor ians whose works were held in the highest esteem by his humanist contemporaries - Caesar, Sa l l u s t , and 29 Livy. - J While Caesar's Commentaries were universal ly respected, however, they could not serve as a paradigm for Maldonado, who, unl ike the great Roman general, was not, and indeed was proud not to have been, a p a r t i c i -pant in the events he describes. Thus for p ract i ca l purposes, Maldonado found himself faced with a choice between the two c l a s s i ca l h istor ians considered most worthy of imi tat ion; the same two singled out 1300 years ea r l i e r by the consular h i s tor ian Serv i l iu s Nonianus as pares magis quam 30 similes - Sa l lust and L ivy. • The character of A l t i l i u s in Giovanni Pontano's famous dialogue Act ius, a work with which Maldonado may well have been f am i l i a r , echoes t h i s judgment. In f ac t , th i s was the opinion of most, humanists, who, while prais ing Caesar, reserved paradigmatic 31 status fo r Livy and Sa l l u s t . Whether a h i s tor ian chose to pattern his work on one or the other was largely a function of the subject he wanted to t rea t . If he was contem-plat ing the history of a c i t y - s t a t e , or of i t s modern successor the nation--118-state, the humanist h i s tor ian natural ly turned to Livy, the immortal h i s tor ian of Rome. Gu icc ia rd in i , Machiavell i and a host of lesser I ta l ian humanists wrote Liv ian h i s to r i e s , as did the Spaniard Alfonso de Palencia. If, on the other hand, one chose to chronicle a war, e i ther internal or external, then Sa l lus t , h i s tor ian of the conspiracy of Ca t i l i ne and the Jugurthine War, was an ideal guide. Sa l lust served as a model for the I ta l ian Bernardo Rucel lai and, in a less rigorous way, fo r Maldonado's 32 Aragonese compatriot Gonzalo Garcia de Santa Maria." Maldonado also drew elements from Sal l u s t ' s Bellum Cat i l i nae in interpret ing the events of 1520-21. Like most Renaissance h i s tor ians, however, Maldonado looked upon his c l a s s i c a l model, not as an ' a u t ho r i t y ' , but as a ' gu ide ' ; as oo an incentive, not as an impediment to o r i g i n a l i t y . De motu Hispaniae is not a s lav i sh imitat ion of the Bellum Cat i l i nae , but a work which re f lec t s Maldonado's use of Sa l lust ian insights in analysing the Cas t i l i an 1 c i v i 1 war ' . By choosing Sa l lust as a guide then, Maldonado could be assured that his humanist readership would see, not a 'meaningless factual s e r i e s ' , but 'a story of a par t i cu la r k i n d ' , a type of occurrence with which they were f ami l i a r - the Sa l lust ian bellum c i v i l e . The concept of ' c i v i l war1 possessed the addit ional advantage of being espec ia l ly well suited to describing the alignment of socia l forces in early modern Europe, where, as Reinhart Koselleck points out, internal war "remained a war among qua l i f i ed members of the orders, i . e . , a bellum c i v i l e , no matter what 34. the extent of par t i c ipat ion by the lower s t rata might be". Koselleek 's soc io log ica l observation i s ref lected in the pract ice of Renaissance -119-histor ians, who accepted the c l a s s i c a l proposition that works of history should deal exclus ively with ' d i g n i f i e d ' subject matter, which in pract ice meant that the proper f i e l d of history was the p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y 35 accomplishments of the ru l ing e l i t e / The h i s tor ian should r e s t r i c t himself to 'war and p o l i t i e s ' as practiced by the qua l i f i ed members of society, and concern with the 'vulgar masses' was discouraged as beneath the dignitas of both the wr i ter and his presumed readership. While as we sha l l see, Maldonado had to break with t h i s ideal by devoting an i no rd i -nate amount of attention to the popular c lasses, the bulk of De,motu Hispa- niae is in fact concerned with war and p o l i t i c s among and between members of the governing classes. We have already remarked upon Maldonado's interest in preserving res gestae, and indeed we f ind that, l i k e most humanist h i s to r i e s , De motu Hispaniae contains a number of elaborate and even stereotyped batt le descr ipt ions, replete with "lances and horses, 36 brave assaults and greed fo r plunder". Our p r inc ipa l concern here, however, w i l l be Maldonado's descr ipt ion of e l i t e p o l i t i c s during the Comunidades. His analysis of the motives which govern the behavior of p o l i t i c a l actors i s pa r t i cu l a r l y relevant, since i t i s derived d i r e c t l y from Sa l l u s t ' s Be 1.1 urn Ca t i l i nae . An examination of Maldonado's p o l i t i c a l analysis also reveals that, unlike many of his fel low h i s tor ians, he was extremely sens i t ive to the fact that an i nd i v idua l ' s p o l i t i c a l behavior was determined by the socio-economic interests of the group to which he belonged. In analysing the c i v i l war of his own day, Sa l lust concludes that the whole t ruth - to put i t in a word - i s that -120-although a l l disturbers of the peace in th i s period put forward specious pretexts, claiming e i ther to be protecting the r ights of the peo-ple or to be strengthening the authority of the Senate, t h i s was mere pretence: in r e a l i t y , every one of them was f i ght ing for his personal aggran-dizement. 37 Taking our cue from the late Renaissance h i s tor ian Paolo Sarpi, who is often said to have 'unmasked' the Council of Trent, we might say that th i s quotation reveals S a l l u s t ' s 'unmasking s t rategy ' , a strategy which 38' Maldonado employs throughout De motu, Hispaniae. Maldonado, l i k e Sa l lus t , exposes the ' r e a l ' motives - avarice, lust fo r power, economic interest -which underl ie the behavior of h i s t o r i c a l actors, and which are most often at variance with t h e i r professions of se l f lessness. This i s not always the case of course, as Sa l lust acknowledges when he praises the v i r t u of Cato and Caesar. Maldonado l ikewise recognized that his age was not ent i re l y devoid of virtuous men, as we have seen by his glowing depictions of Osorio and Cartagena. But these are c lea r l y exceptions, whose se l f l e s s behavior stands in marked contrast to the amour., propre which motivates most of the characters in De motu Hispaniae. Acuna's professed devotion to the Comunero cause, for example, is exposed as a 'specious p re tex t ' , designed to en l i s t the power of the masses in the 39 service of his own l im i t l e s s ambition.' (160) More in terest ing, because less typ ica l of his time, is that Maldonado applies the same unmasking strategy to the behavior of ent i re soc ia l groups. The nob i l i t y i s a case in point. In the i n i t i a l stages of the revo l t , the Cas t i l i an magnates, many of whom were hos t i le to the foreign king and his band of Flemish ' l o c u s t s ' , held themselves aloof from the -121-con f l i c t in the hope that they might benefit from popular unrest. (81-82) Some urban pat r i c ians , such as those at Cordoba, and Ca s t i l i an grandees such as the Count of Sa lvat ierra and Don Pedro Giron, even served as rebel caud.illos. Maldonado's narrat ive makes i t c lear that what f i n a l l y brought the Spanish nob i l i t y into the roya l i s t camp was not, as they wanted to maintain, t h e i r loyalty to the king, but rather the emergence, in September of 1520, of ant i se igneur ia l violence in the 40 countryside. For Maldonado, the turning point was the r i s i n g at Duenas, where the townspeople expelled t h e i r senor, the ha l f -wit ted Count of Buendia, and placed themselves under the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the Crown. This pattern, so f am i l i a r from the early modern jacqueries studied by Mousnier, was soon repeated at Najera. (124-126, 144-145) The great magnates, secure on t he i r estates, had been content to play a waiting game so long as revolt remained an exclus ive ly urban a f f a i r . But when rebe l l i on radiated outward, jeopardizing t he i r soc ia l and eco-nomic domination of the Ca s t i l i an countryside, they flocked to the side of the king (168), where t he i r m i l i t a r y expertise and private armies of retainers proved decis ive in the roya l i s t v ictory on the f i e l d at V i l l a -l a r . What is interest ing about th i s analysis i s that while Maldonado 'deconstructs ' the behavior of some nobles, such as Don Pedro Giron, by revealing the se l f i s h motive behind i t (157-158), he c lear ly recognized that the p o l i t i c a l behavior of the nob i l i t y as a whole could be explained with reference to concrete ' c lass i n t e re s t s ' , and that the i r professions of loyalty were, as they were for Sa l lu s t , mere pretexts, designed to mask those interests . -122-Maldonado puts the same unmasking strategy to work in exposing the economic interests which governed the behavior of the urban bourgeoisie, a group with which, as a c i t i z en of Burgos, the greatest mercantile c i t y in Ca s t i l e , he was intimately f am i l i a r . (117-118) He c lea r l y recogni-ses, fo r example, that the burning of Medina del Campo, in which a high proportion of the goods consumed belonged to Burgalese merchants, t rans-formed the character of the rebel l ion in Burgos. Suddenly the merchants, "who had always viewed t h i s popular commotion with the utmost horror, fearing that the fury would turn against them", offered to lead the rebel l ious c i t i zen ry against the country home of Bishop Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, whom they suspected of complicity in the destruction of 43 Medina. Maldonado describes the wondrous spectacle of the rebels, chanting martial hymns to the accompaniment of f i f e s and drums, marching (in centurion formation!) against Fonseca - with ' the r i c h ' leading the way! (118) As popular violence increases, the commercial classes gradu-a l l y real ign themselves with the ' forces of order ' , but Maldonado once again unmasks t he i r act ion. When the mob turns on the corregidor, the Constable of Cast i le Inigo Fernandez de Velasco, the r i ch merchants j o i n forces with the local n ob i l i t y in supporting him, "not so much because they rea l l y wanted to see him saved, as because they despaired of defend-ing themselves and t h e i r possessions without him". (135) In t y p i c a l l y Sa l lust ian fashion, the wealthy merchants canvass the rebel l ious suburbs and outly ing parishes of the c i t y , promising money and jobs to those who w i l l aquiesce in the return of Velasco. Many are successful ly bribed, and af ter the Constable accedes to municipal demands, "the pr inc ipa l -123-c i t i zens and the r i c h " welcome him back with much pomp and circumstance, while the demoralized plebians look on sadly, "deeply hurt to see that the r i ch had triumphed over the miserable people". (155-156) With the a r r i v a l of the Constable of Cast i le and the Royal Council in November 1520, the rebe l l ion in Burgos was, for a l l p rac t i ca l purposes, over. For Maldonado, t h i s volte face was easy to expla in: the Comunidad of Burgos was once again in the control of the mercantile ol igarchy, and henceforth "everything was done to please the r i c h " . (145) Maldonado's views on what we would c a l l the ' s o c i a l h i s tory ' of the Comunidades are extremely perspicacious, and his conclusions conform remar-44 kably well with those of modern scholars. Detailed examination of Comunero soc ia l h istory, however, would be out of place in the present inquiry. Our purpose here is the show the degree to which Maldonado's perception of p o l i t i c a l behavior during the rebe l l ion was shaped by his 45 knowledge of c l a s s i ca l h istory. In pa r t i cu l a r , how he applied insights into the roots of p o l i t i c a l action derived from a c l a s s i ca l source - in th i s case Sa l l u s t ' s Bellum Cat i l inae - in the analysis of contemporary events. C la s s i ca l influences are l ikewise v i s i b l e in his characterizat ion of the popular classes. As we pointed out e a r l i e r , De motu Hispaniae conforms, in almost a l l respects, with Renaissance prescriptions concerning ' the d ignity of h i s t o r y ' , as expressed, for example, by Maldonado's compatriot Sebastian Fox Morc i l lo . • For Fox Morc i l l o , the h i s tor ian ought to record only "the great, the useful, the pleasing and the exemplary," and ignore "the vulgar and t r i v i a l , things which are neither compatible with the d ign i ty of History nor worthy of be--124-ing read." But while Maldonado required such established conventions to give 'shape' to his h i s t o r i c a l narrat ive, the nature of the events of 1520-21 required that he acknowledge the extent to which those events were shaped by the emergence of the popular classes as part ic ipants , i f not protagonists, in the h i s t o r i c a l d rama. 4 7 In doing so, he could re ly on guidance from his model, fo r Sal lust had dwelt at some length upon the 'character ' of the urban Roman masses, and upon the character of those from among the governing classes who emerged as t he i r leaders during periods of c i v i l unrest. Depending on whom one bel ieves, however, Sal lust was e i ther a supporter of the populares or a neutra l , who took up a pos i -t ion midway between ' the popular party ' and i t s optimate opponents. 4 8 Maldonado, on the other hand, l i k e his contemporary Gu icc ia rd in i , seems to have sided with the optimates; men l i k e Osorio and Cartagena, whom he regarded as the natural and legit imate guardians of j u s t i ce and soc ia l , 49 order. He therefore modified his otherwise Sa l lust ian po r t ra i t of what he c a l l s ' the popular party ' by incorporating elements drawn from the work of his favour ite optimate p o l i t i c i a n , Marcus Tu l l iu s Cicero. The pr inc ipa l source for Maldonado's po r t ra i t of the popular classes, and in pa r t i cu la r of those he habitual ly refers to as the urban ' p leb ians ' , i s the Bellum Cat i l i nae , where Sa l lust speaks of a "deadly moral contagion" which had infected not only those implicated in the Ca t i l i n i an p lo t , but "the whole of the lower orders". The Roman plebs, according to Sa l lu s t , were, l i k e the poor of every nation, "hankering a f ter innovation; discon-tented with t he i r own l o t , [and] bent on general upheaval." G - This same image of a nation, and above a l l i t s rootless and propertyless members, - 1 2 5 -'hankering a f ter innovation' (deseosos de novedades), runs l i k e a le itmotiv 51 throughout De motu Hispaniae. Indeed Maldonado, and here again he re -sembled Gu icc ia rd in i , f e l t that certain peoples were pecu l ia r ly predis-posed to the pursuit of ' i nnovat ion ' . For Gu icc ia rd in i , i t was the Neo-pol i tans, fo r Maldonado, the Spaniards. 5 2 Generally speaking, however, Maldonado follows Sa l lust in applying th i s topos to the rebel l ious lower orders and, with considerably less frequency, to those from among the governing classes who acted as t he i r leaders. In De motu Hispaniae, as in the Bellum Cat i l inae, ' the urban poor are portrayed as being espec ia l ly CO prone to the desire for ' innovat ion ' (novedades). For Maldonado, as fo r Sa l lus t , there were two reasons fo r t h i s . The f i r s t we have already mentioned in connection with Maldonado's mistrust of popular testimony, namely the be l ie f that the lower orders were driven, not by t he i r reason, but by t he i r passions. In th i s they resembled two other groups in the patr iarchal and adult-oriented society of early modern Spain - women and ch i ld ren. Unlike adult males, women and chi ldren were considered to be overly emotional, and given to an inordinate fascinat ion with meretricious ' n o v e l t i e s ' . The aboriginal peoples of the New World 54 were often said to possess a s im i l a r l y ' c h i l d - l i k e ' taste for novelt ies. It was held that the overly passionate nature of a l l these groups d i s -qua l i f i ed them from p o l i t i c s , which required the unimpaired functioning of the rat iona l f a c u l t i e s . One is reminded of S a l l u s t ' s Cato, who argues that the Romans of his own day had been "enslaved by passion", unl ike the virtuous men of an e a r l i e r time, who came to the council-chamber with 55 "untrammelled minds". In keeping with t h e i r passionate nature, Maldo--126-nado's plebeians are also notoriously f i c k l e in t he i r a f fect ions , an image v/hich once again brings to mind the perennial stereotype of female inconstancy. Note, for example, the words which Maldonado places in the mouth of one of the boni v i r i of Burgos, Luis Sarmiento, as he attempts to warn the Count of Sa lvat ierra against "the inconstancy of the plebeians": Believe me, the mob (el vulgo) never remains of the same opinion for very long, t he i r advice i s always prec ip i tant , and one moment they condemn that which a moment before they supported with a l l t he i r heart. (182) A second, equally important, reason can also be found in the Bellum  Cat i l inae where, as we have seen, Sa l lust maintains that 'hankering after innovation' i s a chronic a f f l i c t i o n among those who possess no property. Sa l l u s t ' s point here is one which is central to c l a s s i c a l p o l i t i c a l thought, and to what has come to be known as the ' c i v i c humanist' t r a d i t i o n , namely that only property, and in par t i cu la r landed property, can give a man the independence necessary f o r responsible par t i c ipat ion in p o l i t i c a l l i f e . Property and the c i t i zensh ip which comes with i t give a man a ' s take ' in socia l s t a b i l i t y which makes him res i stant to ' i nnovat ion ' , the i n t r o -duction of which is the f i r s t step on the s l ippery slope to c i v i c perd i -t i o n , that i s , to c i v i l war. Those deprived of property have nothing to lose, and are eas i ly manipulated by unscrupulous men such as Ca t i l i ne and Acuna. The connection between poverty, rootlessness, and a desire fo r innovation was c lea r l y recognized by Maldonado's Burgalese contemporary Alonso de C a s t r i l l o , who, in the Tractado de Republica, argues that [ b ] i r t h , a home and property, a wife and ch i ld ren; these are the things which engender a profound af-fect ion for the Republic, from which i t fol lows -127-that c i t i zens who lack these things lack th i s a f fec t ion , and those that have no fee l ing for the Republic are fr iends of novelty, and fr iends of novelty are enemies of peace, and enemies of peace i nc l i ne toward the destruction of menaand c i t i e s , by which the integr i ty of the human com-munity i s lost and destroyed. 56 Statements such as th i s make i t impossible to agree with Maraval l 1 s suggestion that C a s t r i l l o was the ' i deo log i s t ' of the Comunero ' revo-57 l u t i o n ' . His intent ion, l i k e Maldonado's, was to dissuade those who were ' f r iends of nove l ty ' . Throughout De motu Hispaniae the term novedades is used in a way which indicates that for Maldonado, as for almost a l l of his contempor-ar ie s , the concept of ' innovat ion ' had none of the pos i t ive connotations with which i t i s presently endowed. Early modern Europe was, as we have already noted, a r e l a t i v e l y s t a t i c world, where the notion of change was not associated, as i t i s today, with progress. Change was something to be avoided, since any change, i t was bel ieved, was almost always for 59 the worse. Indeed Maldonado held the view, espec ia l ly prevalent i t seems among humanist h i s tor ians , that the world was undergoing a gradual but unmistakable process of d e c l i n e . 6 0 In De motu Hispaniae he suggests that the Spanish penchant fo r novelty simply accelerates the pace of th i s decl ine: The Spaniards themselves crave nothing so much as novelty, they cleave to i t and applaud i t , be l iev -ing that anything has to be better than the pre-sent, when i t i s common knowledge that things get worse as time goes by. (41) For Maldonado, as for the a rb i t r i s f a s of early seventeenth-century Spain, the rat iona l response to decl ine was not innovation-but^conservation. -128-What was required was that the nation preserve those values which had underwritten i t s former greatness. Innovation was the problem, not the so lut ion. Only a return to ' t r a d i t i o n ' , genuine or,, i f necessary, invented, CO could slow the pace of dec l ine. That Maldonado should have held such a view is not surpr is ing i f we bear in mind his f a m i l i a r i t y with c l a s s i ca l p o l i t i c a l thought. Greco-Roman writers were convinced, a f ter a l l , that there were a f i n i t e number of ' pe r fec t ' p o l i t i c a l systems, and that p o l i t i c a l change could take only two forms: c y c l i c a l return to the p r i s t i ne pur ity of the o r i g i na l state or, f a r more often, corruption. The term ' r e v o l u t i o n ' , which Maldonado uses with some frequency, denoted a quas i -natura l i s t i c return to primeval perfect ion, and was not yet .associated with conscious innovation or with 62 progress. In saying that the Comunidades was a ' r evo lu t i on 1 then, Maldo-nado was not deviating from his Sa l lust ian model, fo r the term denoted a process which was e s sent ia l l y ' t r a n s h i s t o r i c a l ' , whereas ' c i v i l war 1 was a h i s t o r i c a l term, used with reference to the struggle i t s e l f . 6 4 Nor is Maldonado endorsing the view of some la te r h i s tor ians, most notably Jose Antonio Maravall, who maintain that the Comuneros were, in the modern sense, ' r e vo l u t i ona r i e s ' . On the contrary, De motu Hispaniae, lends credence to a d i f fe rent view; that while Comunero pract ice may have been innovative, th i s was but a ' l a ten t funct ion ' of an es sent ia l l y conserva-65 t i v e ideology. The Comuneros, l i k e most early modern rebels, looked to what Zagorin c a l l s ' the normative pas t ' , a notion which Maldonado seems cc to have shared. For Maldonado, however, those most l i k e l y to reinstate the just society which had prevailed under the Cathol ic Monarchs were not -129-the populares but the optimates, who had shown themselves to be the embodiment of a l l that was best in the Ca s t i l i an past. While Comuneros such as Maldonado's Toledan proclaimed t he i r al legiance to the legitimate monarch, and to ' t r a d i t i o n ' , . t h e i r pract ice showed that they were, in r e a l i t y , ' f r iends of nove l ty ' , part of the problem not part of the so lu-t i o n . (Note that here again Maldonado has 'unmasked' them). For a l l his vaunted impar t i a l i t y , Maldonado's sympathies c l ea r l y lay.with the boni v i r i , and i t was t h i s attachment which led him to supplement his Sa l lust ian por t ra i t of the popular classes with a rhetor ica l formula drawn from the work of his master Cicero. Eugenio Asensio has shown that Maldonado was, l i k e his teacher Longueil, a fervant ' C i ce ron ian 1 , and that devotion to his departed f r iend was an i n f l uen t i a l factor in his break with Erasmus, who r i d i -culed Longueil in his Ciceronianus (1528). 6 7 As we have already suggested, however, Maldonado's Ciceronianism went beyond matters of s t y l i s t i c pro-p r ie ty . His readings in Cicero had also convinced him of the need for a 'C iceronian ' union of eloquence and philosophy, and that men trained in both were an asset in publ ic l i f e . A close reading of De motu. Hispa- niae, in f a c t , reveals that Maldonado was also a Ciceronian in his p o l i -t i c a l views. In describing ' the popular party" and i t s ' p lebe ian ' fo l lowers, Maldonado makes use of a d i s t i n c t i v e rhetor i ca l formula which Achard, and more recently Wood, have traced to C icero ' s optimate c r i t i c i s m of the populares of late Republican Rome. 6 8 This formula i s qu intessent ia l ly embodied in the numerous senatorial and forensic orations which Cicero -130-del ivered between his consulate in 63 B.C. and his death in 43 B.C., and espec ia l ly in the forensic speech known as Pro, Sest ip, which Maldonado undoubtedly knew. In reading De mptu Hispaniae, one i s struck by the frequency with which Maldonado employs variants of the three key words in t h i s Ciceronian rhetor i ca l formula - furor , perditus,, and audax - , and more importantly, by the fact that he uses them in precise ly the same sense that Cicero d id , namely to indicate the mental derangement, moral corruption, and ant i soc ia l recklessness of the popular party and i t s fo l lowers. Throughout De motu Hispaniae, Maldonado consistently employs adject-ives and abstract nouns - fur ioso, furor, loco, and lpcura are the most common - which draw our attention to the unbalanced mental state of the 69 rebels and t h e i r leaders. These designate the same complex of t r a i t s which Cicero attr ibuted to the populares in Pro Sest io, namely "madness, frenzy, rage, i n s a n i t y " . 7 0 After witnessing the brutal 'murder of the merchant Joffres de Cotannes, fo r example, i t seemed to Maldonado as i f "everyone had gone insane with frenzy (locps de. f u r o r ) " . (102) Elsewhere, he remarks upon "the great frenzy, the fanat ica l insanity, [which] had taken charge of the plebeians". (93) At the height of the rebe l l i on , Maldonado came to believe that the majority of the c i t i zen s of Burgos "had en t i r e l y lost t h e i r reason". (134) There are many more instances of the same usage, but the author 's point should already be c lear . Maldonado, l i k e Cicero, wants us to believe that the rebels are insane, that human beings in t h e i r r ight minds do not behave in such a manner. At a higher l e ve l , the rebe l l i on i t s e l f i s represented as a form of — 131-'mental i l l n e s s 1 , which has invaded the 'body p o l i t i c ' , upsetting the ' na tu ra l ' balance which ought to ex i s t between the estates of which i t 71 is composed. Another of C icero ' s favour ite adjectives in Pro Sestio was perd i -72 tus: "the morally ruined or l o s t , wretched, s i n f u l , immoral, e v i l " . Exactly the same connotations attach to the term hombres perdidos, which Maldonado employs repeatedly with reference to the supporters of the 73 Comunero cause, especia l ly those at the lowest soc ia l l e ve l . The term is often used in combination with a variant of furor or locura, thereby leaving an impression of both moral corruption and mental derangement. Maldonado even goes so f a r as to characterise the whole c i t y of Burgos, then under the control of the comunidad, as "perdida and fu r jp sa " . (97) Here, as so often in De motu Hispaniae, the Ciceronian and Sa l lust ian formulae reinforce each other. Like Sa l lu s t , Maldonado was convinced that he l ived in an age of ' d e c l i n e ' , characterised by widespread cor-ruption and moral terpitude, and he placed C icero ' s rhetor ic at the service of th i s convict ion. The t h i r d term in the Ciceronian formula - audacia and i t s adject ival form audax - has, as Wood points out, no sat i s factory English equivalent. Usually translated as ' recklessness ' and ' r eck le s s ' respect ively, Cicero uses these words to suggest a boldness, en ta i l i ng insolence, impudence or brazenness, s i gn i fy ing one who, because of his enflamed and wicked nature, contemptuously t rans-gresses norms of conduct appropriate to his soc-i a l s tat ion. 74 These meanings are perfect ly conveyed by the words atrevimiento and -132-atrevido, both central to the por t ra i t of the Comuneros in De motu M 75 Hispaniae. Though th i s term is employed less frequently than the other two, t h i s i s undoubtedly due to the fact that whereas furor, locura and perdido are unambiguously pejorat ive, atrevido can be used in an appro-bative sense, as when Maldonado commends Osorio 's behavior as atrevido (daring). But while Osorio 's ' he ro ic ' actions were f u l l y in keeping with his soc ia l pos i t ion, the atrevimiento of the 'p lebeians ' was, for Maldo-nado, s o c i a l l y corros ive, since i t betrayed a d i s t i n c t l y contemptuous lack of deference. Maldonado remarks, fo r example, upon the insolence (atrevimiento) of an art i san who dared to contradict the Constable of Ca s t i l e . (130) The Constable, much-abused as corregidor of Burgos, gives a good descr ipt ion of the atrevimiento which prevailed among the rebe l -l ious members of the lower orders: Today I am abused by indiv iduals - my cooks and stable boys - any one of whom would, a few days ago, have been a f ra id not to be the f i r s t to re -move his hat in my presence. (128) During the Comunidades, the popular classes had lost t he i r customary ; d o c i l i t y , and had come to bel ieve, to use an expression of which Maldo-nado was espec ia l ly fond, that "everything was permitted". On a number of occasions in De motu Hispaniae, Maldonado brings the Sal lust ian and Ciceronian formulae into conjunction, thereby doubling the rhetor ica l e f f ec t . He t e l l s , fo r example, of how in 1506 four of the pr inc ipa l magnates of Ca s t i l e took temporary charge of the government, so as to "brake the locura of the hombres perdidos, and remind those who were deseosos de novedades of t he i r duty". (44) The most s t r i k i ng i n --133-stance, however, is the po r t ra i t of Antonio de Acuna, who possesses a l l of the character i s t ic s which Maldonado habitual ly attr ibutes to the lower classes. According to Maldonado, Acuna, l i k e the popular masses he led, followed his passions rather than his reason, and frequently exhibited his locura. (170,221) He was notoriously inconstant in his affections and opinions, and had an insat iably appetite for sedit ion and novedades. (143) A born warrior, the Bishop of Zamora was extremely atrevido, but because of his moral corruption, the martial v i rtues he possessed took an ant i soc ia l form. (221,151) Maldonado's a b i l i t y to combine these rhetor ica l formulae reminds us that while Sa l lust and Cicero took d i f ferent sides in the c i v i l war, each was convinced that the party he supported was the true embodiment of Roman ' t r a d i t i o n ' . Neither was a proponent of democracy in the Greek sense. Both Cicero ' s anti-populare rhetoric and S a l l u s t ' s h i s t o r i c a l pessimism, therefore, can be placed at the service of Maldonado's conser-vative 'moral ' (see above, 83). Maldonado based his work on S a l l u s t ' s so that his humanist readership could ident i fy his account of the Comuni-dades as ' a story of a pa r t i cu la r k i nd 1 , a story with a message for poster i ty; namely that while passionate partisans, the Toledan for example, would hold one par t i cu la r group, in th i s case the n o b i l i t y , responsible for the carnage of c i v i l war, a suprapartisan examination of events reveals that re spons ib i l i t y must be d i s t r ibuted evenly among a l l those who 'hankered a f te r innovat ion ' , and placed t h e i r own se l f i s h interests before those of the commonwealth. (72) The common good is best served by the experienced and virtuous few, who rea l i ze thati.the -134-nature of the h i s t o r i c a l world is such that any attempt to ' innovate ' w i l l end in corruption and disaster, and that therefore the best s t r a -tegy is to adhere f a i t h f u l l y to what ' t r a d i t i o n ' and 'experience' have shown to be the best form of government for Spain - an ordered and just monarchy. The popular classes above a l l , must rea l i ze that however miserable t he i r l o t , such a regime is ' the best of a l l possible worlds ' . As Maldonado puts i t in De motu Hispaniae: The f i c k l e plebeians, the vulgar masses, with the hope of achieving I know not what kind of l i be r t y and of lowering taxes, were the a r ch i -tects of t he i r own destruction, for no one en-joys a more true and stable l i be r ty than those under the rule of a good prince. (202) -135-NOTES i Hanna H. Gray, "Renaissance Humanism: The Pursuit of Eloquence," Journal of the History of Ideas 24 (1963): 497-514. See also, James J . Murphy, ed. Renaissance Eloquence: Studies in the Theory and Practice of Renaissance Rhetoric, (Berkeley: University of Ca l i f o rn i a Press, 1983). 2 " ' C i v i c Humanism' or Ciceronian Rhetoric? The Culture of Petrarch and Bruni , " Past and Present 34 (1966): 3-48. See also Baron's reply, "Leonardo Bruni: 'Profess ional Rhetoric ian ' or ' C i v i c Humanist'?" Past and. Present 36 (1967): 21-37. 3 The Mendoza Family, 15. 4 On the use of rhetor ic by members of the Burgalese ol igarchy, see H i l t po ld , "Noble Status", 32-42. See also R. B. Tate, "The C iv ic Humanism of Alfonso de Palencia, " Renaissance and Modern Studies 23 (1979): 25-45, and Helen Nader, ' "The Greek Commander' Hernan Nunez de Toledo, Spanish Humanist and C iv i c Leader," Renaissance Quarterly 31 (1978): 463-485. 5 Paraenesis, 158. Maldonado's defense of the u t i l i t y of rhetor ic is almost ident ica l to that of the I ta l i an humanist Bartolommeo del la Fonte, r ight down to the tears for the demise of j u d i c i a l oratory: Trinkaus, "A Humanist's Image", 96-99. 6 Tractado de Republica, (Madrid: Inst i tuto de Estudios Po l i t i c o s , 1958), 132-133. 7 See note 4 above. Q On th i s debate, see Seigel , Rhetoric and Philosophy. 9 Tractado, 173-174. 1 0 Paraenesis, 159, 163. 11 Quoted in Se ige l , Rhetoric and Philosophy, 127. See also, Serrano, -136-Los conversos, 250-252, and for a c lear misreading, Ottavio di Camillo, El humanismo castel lano del s ig lo XV, (Valencia: J . Domenech, 1976), 203-226. 12 / Francisco Lopez Estrada, "La retor ica en las 'Generaciones y semblanzas1 de Fernan Perez de Guzman," Revista de F i l o log ia . Espanola 30 (1946): 310-352. 13 G i lbe r t , Machiavel l i and Gu icc ia rd in i , 216; Trinkaus, " A Huma-n i s t ' s Image", 114, 118 n77. 14 Paraenesis, 159. 15 Gilmore, Humanists and Ju r i s t s , 14. 16 Se ige l , Rhetoric and Philosophy, 248; Gray, "The Pursuit of E lo-quence", 500-501; Struever, Language of History, 61. 17 Struever, Language of History, 128, 135. On Maldonado's respect for Pontano, see Asensio, introduction, 63, 71. 18 Gutierrez Nieto, "V io lencia y sociedad", 586. 19 Gray, "The Pursuit of Eloquence", 498; Struever, Language of History, 125. 20 Maldonado's use of orat io recta is s imi la r to most of the many instances included in Er ic Cochrane's Historians and Historiography. For a comparable Spanish example, see Tate, "A Humanistic Biography", 10-11. It i s noteworthy that when Antonio de Nebrija ' L a t i n i zed ' the vernacular chronicle of Hernando de Pulgar, the most extensive innovations were in the harangues, which were rendered more ' r h e t o r i c a l ' : Sanchez Alonso, "Nebr i ja, H i s tor iador " , 134-136. r r 2 1 ' Tate, "Lopez de Ayala" , 171-173. -137-Tate, "Lopez de Ayala", 173. 23 Asensio, introduction, 46. Among the humanists, c l a s s i ca l Latin "was s t i l l held to be the most la s t ing , although not necessari ly the most expressive language": Cochrane, Histor ians, 6. According to Lucio Marineo s S iculo, Ferdinand the Cathol ic had commissioned him to write a history of his father, Juan II of Aragon, in Lat in , " l e s t the memory and name of that excel lent prince, celebrated only in Spanish and barbarous language, might f a l l into ob l i v i on " : Quoted by Caro Lynn, A College Professor, 126. Mari-neo's remark resembles another by Robert Gaguin, who twice petit ioned the French Crown to be named royal historiographer. In the f i r s t of these pet i t i ons , Gaguin suggests that the reputation of the French had suffered because French histor ians had written only in "the vulgar tongue". In support of his appointment, he argued that "[o]nly in a universal language could the great deeds of the French become a permanent possession": Gilmore, Humanists and Ju r i s t s , 89. Gaguin's posit ion is ident ica l to Maldonado's. 24 Struever, The Language of History, 129-130; See also, G i lbe r t , Machiavell i and Gu i cc i a rd in i , 211. 25 For what fo l lows, the relevant passages from Sal lust are Bellum  Ca t i l i nae , 5.1-8, 20.1-17, 21.1-2, 27.2, 53.6, 54-55. See Handford's t rans la t ion , The Conspiracy of Ca t i l i n e , 177-178, 188-190, 195, 226. In De motu Hispaniae, see 91-96, 98-103, 108-109, 146-147, 150-151, 185-186. Compare especia l ly the 'hortatory orat ions ' of Ca t i l i n e [Conspiracy, 188-190] and Acuna [De motu Hispaniae, 185-186]. and the juxtaposed 'character sketches' of Cato and Caesar [Conspiracy, 226] and Osorio and Acuna [De motu Hispaniae, 146-147]. -138-According to Maldonado, Osorio 's behavior as corregidor, both in Burgos and Co'rdoba, was above reproach. In Burgos, Osorio did his best to calm the fury of the mob, t r i e d in vain to save the unfortunate Jo f f r e , and successful ly persuaded his half-brother not to enter the c i t y : De motu  Hispaniae, 98-103, 150-151. Rebellion in Cordoba, as in most of Andalusia, was s t i l l b o r n , but th i s was not, according to Maldonado, because the Cordo-ban populace was contented with the status quo, but because "prudent men", led by Osorio, repressed Comunero agitators. (112) Prominent among these were "a groups of young nobles desirous of novelty", who sparked a revival of bando warfare between the noble houses of Baena and Agui lar. (151) This analysis of the s i tuat ion in Cordoba is born out by other sources; See, for example, the sworn statement by the ex-procurador Francisco Pacheco: Danvila, H i s to r i a , 2:172,604; Perez, Revolucion, 397-398. Maldonado (151) describes how as corregidor, Osorio had the leader of th i s rebel l ious jeunesse doree, Pedro de Hoces, arrested and beheaded in the plaza of La Corredera. According to Maldonado, th i s "daring move (hecho atrey ido) " occasioned much bad f ee l i n g , and the corregidor had cause to fear for his l i f e . [There is much more information on t h i s , and other incidents, which occurred during Osorio 's stormy term as corregidor of Cordoba, a l l of which substantiates Maldonado's version of events, in the municipal record (actas  capitulares) of the Cordoban c i t y council for the period June 1520 - June 1521, published in Coleccion de Documentos Ineo'itos para la H i s tor ia de  Espana, CXI I, (Madrid: Real Academia de H i s to r i a , 1895); For a summary, see Antonio Rodriguez V i l l a , "Cordoba y la Guerra de las Comunidades," Revista  Europea 3 (1874-75): 553-562.] The danger to Osorio probably came from - 139-th e Marquis of Comares, whom the corregidor had expelled from the c i t y , and who in May of 1521 was gathering troops for an attack on the Cordoban fortress (a lcazar), a prospect which led Osorio to seek the aid of Comares' a r ch - r i v a l , the Marquis of Priego: Danvila, H i s to r i a , 4:138-140. Comares had already requested an invest igation (residencia) of Osorio 1s behavior as corregidor of Cordoba, and while the Regents f a i l e d to see the necessity [Danvila, H i s to r i a , 4:253], the residencia f i n a l l y began in December of 1523: Danvila, H i s to r i a , 5:473-478. Testimony before the inquiry confirmed the propriety of Osorio 's actions during the Comunidades. This i s also amply demonstrated elsewhere; For example, in Danvila, H i s to r i a , 1:360-366, 381, 384, 481-482; 3:232, 542-546. Avi les [Suenos, 113] recognizes that Maldonado's invidious comparison of Osorio and Acurfa was a conscious exercise in "publ ic r e l a t i on s " , but suggests the r id i cu lous , namely that Osorio accepted the corregimiento of Burgos because he i n i t i a l l y supported the r ebe l l i on , and thus required Maldonado's a id . A l l our sources indicate that Osorio was pressured into accepting the corregimiento, worked against the rebels from the outset, and abandoned the post as soon as he could. After a l l , the residencia concluded that Osorio was innocent of any wrong-doing, which could p a r t i a l l y explain why Maldonado did not release De motu Hispaniae un t i l many years l a te r . 27 The continuing relevance of what Reed Browning c a l l s the 'Catonic perspective ' on p o l i t i c a l l i f e i s discussed in Chapter One of his P o l i t i c a l  and Constitutional. Ideas of the Court Whigs, (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1982). Maldonado had every opportunity to absorb such a perspective from such writers as Horace, Ve r g i l , L ivy, Lucan, Plutarch -140-and Sa l lu s t , a l l of whom paint Cato as the quintessence of se l f le s s patr iot i sm, and a l l of whom Maldonado is known to have read: Paraenesis, 149, 156-157. If i t be objected that a Catonic, or perhaps more appro-p r i a te l y , Ciceronian perspective had no place in the p o l i t i c a l discourse of early sixteenth-century Ca s t i l e , evidence to the contrary can be found in the remarkable Tractado de Republipa of Alonso de C a s t r i l l o . For a good, i f somewhat anachronistic, reading, see Jose Antonio Maravall, Carlos V y  el pensamiento p o l i t i c o deLRenacimiento, (Madrid: Inst i tuto de Estudios P o l i t i c o s , 1960), 236-245. The best discussion of C a s t r i l l o ' s p o l i t i c a l thought, however, is that of J . A. Ferna'ndez-Santamaria, The. State, War and Peace, 14-34. 28 Cartagena's opposition to Comunero extremism is well known. Perez, for example, speculates that -h i s speech before the rebel junta at Torde-si1 las (24 September 1520) was censored because the procurator from Burgos expressed reservations about, or even h o s t i l i t y to , the proceedings: Revolucion, 185. Maldonado gives Cartagena's speech a heroic cast by placing i t immediately a f te r an outburst by the Toledan, who demands that the narrator name a s ingle person "who dared oppose the enfuriated masses". (122-123) Cartagena joined Osorio and other boni v i r i in supporting the common good and opposing, popular outrages in Burgos. (93-95,99,101-103) 29 G i lbe r t , Machiayell i and Gu icc ia rd in i , 205. 30 Ronald Syme, Sa l lu s t , (Oxford: Clarendon, 1964), 291. 31 G i l be r t , Machiavell i and Gu icc ia rd in i , 206-209. 32 G i lbe r t , Machiavell i and Gu icc ia rd in i , 209. On Garcia, see Tate, "A Humanistic Biography". -141-33 Cochrane, Histor ians, 4. 34 "H i s t o r i ca l C r i t e r i a of the Modern Concept of Revolution," in Futures Past, 43. 35 Burke, Sense of the Past, 105. 36 Burke, Sense of the Past, 106. 37 Bellum Cat i l i nae , 38.3; The Conspiracy of C a t i l i n e , 204-205. o g On Sarpi, see Burke, Sense of the Past, 89-90. 39 Maldonado's att i tude toward 'ambit ion ' was remarkably s imi la r to that of his I ta l ian contemporary Machiavel l i , fo r whom there were two types: ambition on behalf of oneself or one's fact ion (bad: productive of the Machiavellian equivalent to perdit ion - c i v i l war), and ambition on behalf of one's patr ia or the bene commune, which could serve as the basis fo r public good: See the comment by Anthony Parel in Martin Fleischer, ed. Machiavel l i and the Nature of P o l i t i c a l Thought, 148-150. 40 On the ' ant i se igneur ia l r evo lu t i on ' , see J . I. Gutierrez Nieto, Las Comunidades como movimiento ant i sef ibr ia l . 41 y Roland Mousnier, Fureurs paysannes: les paysannes dans les revoltes du XVHe s i^c lejJFrance^Russ ie, . Chine), (Par is : Calmann-Levy, 1967). 42 According to Ba ta i l l on , Maldonado's l i f e in Burgos convinced him that the insidious power of money, and the luxury which attended i t s accumulation, were undermining the moral base of Ca s t i l i an society: Erasmo, 335-336. Sa l lu s t , of course, held s im i la r views: Bellum C a t i - l inae, 10-13; Conspiracy of C a t i l i n e , 181-183. 43 The Bishop's brother was Antonio de Fonseca, who commanded the troops responsible for the burning of Medina. Maldonado describes the -142-burning of Don Antonio's home in Va l l ado l id . (117) 44 For example, Maldonado's account of the behavior of the Spanish nob i l i t y during the Comunidades conforms with J . H. E l l i o t ' s remarks on the pattern of revolt in early modern Europe: "Revolution and Continuity in Early Modern Europe," Past and Present 42 (1969): 35-56, especia l ly 53-55. His version of events also lends support to the thesis of Joseph Perez, who argues that the 'geography* of the rebe l l i on is at least p a r t i a l l y expl icable with reference to the existence of 'Two C a s t i l e s ' ; the manufacturing and art i sanal c i t i e s of the ' centre ' - Segovia, Toledo, Va l lado l id and others - , which adhered to the Comunero cause, and the . commercial and exporting centres of the ' per iphery ' , which e i ther de-serted to the roya l i s t s (Burgos) or abjured altogether ( Sev i l l e , and indeed a l l of Andalusia): Revolucion, 380-450. 4 5 Maldonado was not the only one whose perceptions of the Comuni-dades were shaped by a knowledge of Roman h i s tory. Sandoval [H i s to r ia , 226-229] records a speech supposedly given by Gonzalo de Ayora before the Royal Council as that body was deciding how to deal with the rebe l -l ious Segovians. J . I. Gutierrez Nieto accepts the authentic ity of the speech, and sees in i t "an attempt to i n t e l l e c t u a l i z e the events he had witnessed, evaluating them according to the precepts of Roman h i s t o r i o -graphy": "V io lenc ia y sociedad", 580. 4 6 Quoted by Montero Diaz, "La doct r ina " , 17. On Fox Morc i l l o , see Beatrice R. Reynolds, " Sh i f t ing Currents in H i s to r i ca l C r i t i c i s m , " Journal  of the History of Ideas 14:4 (1953): 482-484. 4 7 I n "E l pensamiento h i s t o r i c o " , David H. Darst makes a s imi la r point -143-with reference to Diego Hurtado de Mendoza. While remaining loyal to some Renaissance norms, Mendoza had to modify others in face of the manifestly ' i ng lo r i ous ' nature of the Granadan war. Don Diego, in f ac t , goes farther than Maldonado, breaking with humanist statutes on 'moral porta i ture ' and stereotyped batt le descr ipt ions. He also writes in the vernacular. For a consistently pro-populare Sa l lu s t , see Laistner, The Greater Roman Histor ians, 54. For a Sa l lust who "could not draw a sharp and consistent d i s t i nc t i on between corrupt optimates and virtuous populares", see F. R. D. Goodyear, " S a l l u s t , " in E. J . Kenney, ed. The Cambridge History of C lass ica l L i te ra tu re . II: Lat in L i te rature, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 274. 49 Guicc iardin i opposed popular ru le , and favoured placing "control of the Republic in the hands of the optimates, who are certain to ' r u l e i t with more in te l l i gence and prudence than a mult i tude 1 , since they are sure to possess 'greater prudence and good q u a l i t i e s ' " : Skinner, Founda- t ions , 1:161. Such a view would have come natural ly to the Florentine ar i s tocrat Gu icc ia rd in i , but Maldonado's adoption of the Ciceronian pos i -t ion amounted to accepting the p o l i t i c a l outlook of urban patr ic ians l i k e his patrons Osorio and Cartagena, members of a class whose interests made them natural ly suspicious of those who were ' f r iends of novel ty ' : Manuel Fernandez Alvarez, La sociedad espanola del Renacimiento, (Salamanca: Ediciones Anaya, 1970), 11. 50 Bellum Cat i l i nae , 37; Conspiracy of C a t i l i n e , 203. 5 1 De motu Hispaniae, 32, 40, 42, 44, 47, 62, 92, 110, 140, 145, 147, -144-148, 151, 180, 219, 227. 52 In his Stor ia d ' I t a l i a , Guicciardini traces the i l l s of the Neo-pol itans to t he i r love of novelties (cupidita di.cose nuove): Peter Burke, "Tradit ion and Experience: The Idea of Decline from Bruni to Gibbon," Daedalus 105 (1976): 137. Compare De motu Hispaniae, 41. Elsewhere in Maldonado's account, i t i s the Toledan who declares that the Spaniards are ' f r iends of nove l ty ' . (140) 53 The Comunidades simply reinforced the be l i e f , already commonplace among educated Spanish conservatives, that the lower classes were, as a general ru le , ' f r iends of novel ty ' . By fa r the best discussion of th i s subject i s Jose Antonio Maravall, Antiguos y mpdernos: La idea de progreso  en e l desarrol lo i n i c i a l de.una spciedad, (Madrid: Sociedad de Estudios y Publicaciones, 1966), especia l ly 93-110. For the popularity of th i s tppos during the Comunidades, see Augustin Redondo, Antonio de. Guevara et  1.'Espagne de. son temps, (Geneva: L i b r a i r i e Droz, 1976), 602-603. The views of Guevara, a well-known opponent of the Comuneros, were s imi la r to Maldonado's, as were those of Gu icc ia rd in i : Skinner, Foundations, 161. Gonzalo Garcia de Santa Maria, whose biography of John II of Aragon was modelled on the Bellum Cat i l i nae , also appropriated the notion that the lower classes and t he i r leaders were novarum rerum cupidam. According to Garcia, in Catalonia wealth and sophist icat ion had weakened the moral f i b re and martial s p i r i t of the society, which had become " r i pe for a revolu-t ion of the type led by C a t i l i n e " : th i s was a prospect welcomed by the jeunesse. dor^e and the lowest level of the plebs, who, possessed of l i t t l e reverence fo r the past, were eager for novelty -145-and change. Tate, "A Humanistic Biography", 8. This i s precisely the impression which Maldonado creates in De motu Hispaniae. 54 In De motu Hispaniae, Maldonado remarks upon the near imposs ib i l i ty of reasoning with the masses. (127) Doctor Francisco Lopez de Vi l la lobos held s imi la r views. The famous cpnyersp physician f a i l e d to see "how one [could] speak reasonably to barbers and art i sans, who have never had the use of human reason": Algunas.pbras. del, doctor Francisco. Lopez, de. Vi1 1 a -lpbos, (Madrid: Sociedad de B i b l i o f i l o s Espanoles, 1886), 53. Antonio de Herrera f e l t that women could play no role in p o l i t i c s because of an insat iable craving for ' n o v e l t i e s ' , while for Cervantes de Salazar, i t was the Indians of the New World who were " i n general, fr iends of novelty": Maravall, Antiguos, 97. 5 5 Conspiracy of C a t i l i n e , 223. 56 3 D Tracfado, 8. See also Tractadp, 50, 99-100. 57 Maravall, Las. Comunidades, 238. 5 8 The present wr i ter would take issue with Jose Antonio Maravall, who has maintained that throughout the sixteenth century "ascending groups" ( letrados, merchants, and others of 'middling rank ') looked favourably upon ' innovat ion 1 in p o l i t i c a l and soc ia l l i f e : Culture, of.the Baroque: Analysis of a H i s to r i ca l . Structure, Trans. Terry Cochran, (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1986), 226. 59 Burke, "Tradit ion and Experience", 137. 6 0 On the ' idea of decay 1 in Renaissance historiography, see Weisinger, "Ideas of History" , 431-435. Good general discussions are Burke, "Trad i --146-t ion and Experience", and Randolph Starn, "Meaning-levels in the Theme of H i s to r i ca l Decl ine," History and. Theory 14 (1975): 1-31. 61 Michael D. Gordon, "The Science of P o l i t i c s in Seventeenth-Century Spanish Thought," Pensiero Po l i t i c o 7 (1974): 379-394. 62 According to J . H. E l l i o t , the a r b i t r i s f a response to ' dec l i ne ' was not innovation, which "was not easy to j u s t i f y in a world which i n s t i -nct ive ly tended to assume that a l l change was for the worse", but rather return: Return to the primeval pur ity of manners and mor-a l s ; return to ju s t and uncorrupt government; re -turn to the simple virtues of a rural and martial society. The future essent ia l ly lay in the past. This Golden Age was most often ident i f ied with the reign of Ferdinand and I sabel la. E l l i o t , "Self-Perception and Decl ine", 57, 52, 50. 63 Perez Zagorin, Rebels and. Rulers,. 1500-1660, 2 vo l s . , (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 1:22. 64 Reinhart Koselleck, "H i s to r i ca l C r i t e r i a of the Modern Concept of Revolution," in Futures.Past, 41-43. 65 Zagorin, Rebels and Rulers, 1:23. On the Comunidades, see Joseph Perez, "Tradicion y innovacion en las Comunidades de C a s t i l l a , " in Hommage  des.Hispanistes Frangais a.Noel Salomon, (Barcelona, 1979), 677-689. cc Zagorin, Rebels and.Rulers, 1:23. 6 7 Asensio, "Ciceronianos contra Erasmistas". 6 8 Guy Achard, Pratique. Rheforique et. Idep.logie Pol i t ique, dans, les Discours 'Optimates.' de Cicerpn, (Leiden: Wallenstein, 1981); Neal Wood, "Populares and Circumsell iones: The Vocabulary of ' Fa l l en Man'i in Cicero -147-and St. Augustine," History,of P o l i t i c a l Thought 7:1 (1986): 33-51. 69 I count 39 occasions on which Maldonado uses furor or one of i t s variants in De. motu Hispaniae: 93, 94, 95, 97, 100, 101(2x), 102(2x), 110, 116, 117, 118, 119(3x), 122, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 140, 143, 151, 153, 156, 160, 168(2x), 169, 172, 187, 198, 218, 221, 228. Locura and i t s variants are used on 34 occasions: 44, 70, 73, 93, 100, 102, 103(3x), 112, 118, 122, 127(2x), 132, 133, 134, 137(2x), 144, 168, 169(2x), 171(2x), 172, 179, 199(2x), 202, 218, 221, 224, 228. 7 0 Wood, "Populares", 35. 71 Maldonado presents the Cas t i l i an po l i t y in organic terms, so that ' r e b e l l i o n ' becomes a form of social dysfunction which requires a "remedy", or perhaps " caute r i za t ion " : De motu Hispaniae, 82. The a rb i t r i s t a s of early seventeenth-century Spain presented ' dec l i ne ' in s imi la r terms: E l l i o t , "Self-Perception and Decl ine", 48-50; Gordon, "Science of P o l i t i c s " , 381-382. In general, see Anton-Hermann Chroust, "The Corporate Idea and the Body P o l i t i c in the Middle Ages," Review of P o l i t i c s 9 (1947): 423-452; Paul Archambault, "The Analogy of the Body in Renaissance P o l i t i c a l L i te ra tu re , " Bibliotheque d'Humanisme et Renaissance 29 (1967): 21-52. In 1572, Don Antonio Sarmiento de Mendoza used the analogy of the 'body p o l i t i c ' in a speech before the municipal council of Burgos: H i l tpo ld , "Noble Status", 32-33. 72 Wood, Populares", 36. 73 The expression hombres perdidos occurs 18 times in De motu Hispa- niae: 44, 70, 72, 91, 97, 100, 132, 133, 134, 167, 168(2x), 171, 179, 199, 218, 228(2x). -148-Wood, "Populares", 37. 75 Atrevido or a variant is used 12 times in De motu Hispaniae: 70(2x), 91, 127(2x), 130, 139, 199, 221(2x), 224, 228. 7 6 De motu Hispaniae, 83, 118, 124, 198-199. -149-CONCLUSION In the introduction to t h i s study, we looked b r i e f l y at two areas of inquiry - Spanish humanism and the history of Spanish historiography -which are currently pursued separately but should, in the view of th i s wr i ter , be brought into close conjunction. If our study of De motu  Hispaniae is any ind icat ion, our understanding of the complex phenomenon of Spanish humanism would be s i gn i f i c an t l y enhanced i f i n te l l e c tua l h i s -tor ians of Spain paid c loser attention than they have to the h i s t o r i o -graphy of the 'Golden Age 1. History, a f ter a l l , i s so central to the studia humanitatis that wherever a humanist movement worthy of the name ex i s t s , there too w i l l be humanist historiography. (And, we would hasten to add, v ice,versa). In the absence of comparative data we cannot venture grandiose general izations on the basis of a s ingle work, but the evidence of De motu Hispaniae shows that i t was possible fo r at least one Spaniard, native-born and nat ive-t ra ined, to compose a work of history which i s , in a l l important par t i cu la r s , comparable to anything written by humanist histor ians elsewhere in Europe. This i s not to suggest that De motu Hispa-niae is a kind of Spanish Storja d ' I t a l i a , and Maldonado a Burgalese Gu icc ia rd in i , though as we have seen, the two men held s t r i k i n g l y s imi la r views on history and p o l i t i c s . Though De motu. Hispaniae i s a fasc inat ing, and in many ways unique work, i t f a l l s somewhat short of greatness. If our analysis proves anything, however, i t i s the accuracy of K r i s t e l l e r ' s remark to the ef fect that our knowledge of Renaissance humanism w i l l re -main incomplete, and perhaps d i s tor ted, so long as histor ians and l i t e r -ary scholars focus on a miniscule canon of 'masterpieces' written by mem-bers of the humanist ' e l i t e ' , and ignore the l i ves and works of the humanist -150-' r a nk -and - f i l e 1 . A man l i k e Juan Maldonado would be considered a f a i l u r e by any standard of worldly success, but works such as De motu Hispaniae reveal a stalwart, i f uninspired, devotion to humanist ideals. Only more detai led study of Spanish Golden Age historiography would determine whether Maldonado's i s an isolated instance or one example of a more widespread phenomenon. What are required are more monographs of the ca l ib re of that which Mary Gaylord Randel devoted to the histor iographical prose of Fernando de Herrera. More welcome s t i l l would be a series of a r t i c l e s on sixteenth-century histor ians which could r i v a l , i f not sur-pass, those which R. B. Tate has written on late medieval historiography. Our look at De mptu Hispaniae certa in ly suggests that while Nader's two histor iographical ' schools ' of letrados and caballerps are useful, and generally accurate, conceptual tools fo r understanding the work of f i f -teenth-century h i s tor ians , they simply mislead us when applied to the sixteenth century. There is no place within t he i r framework for Juan Maldonado, whose account of the Comunidades l ikewise puts the l i e to Nader's injudicious suggestion that a l l sixteenth-century historiography was medieval and p rov ident i a l i s t in character and that humanist history expired under the Cathol ic Monarchs. In his techniques and his ' p h i l o -sophy of h i s t o r y ' , Maldonado was a cabal.lero, that i s , he complied with humanist prescriptions concerning form and content, but unlike the caba- l l e rp s , who had to write in the vernacular in order to sat i s fy t he i r unlettered a r i s t oc ra t i c patrons, Maldonado, l i k e Nader's letrados, wrote exclus ively in Lat in . He was able to do so because his own patron, Diego Osorio, was representative of a generation of nobles who were less r e t i --151-cent that t he i r fathers had been about the compatability of 'arms' and 1 l e t t e r s ' To concede that humanism was a minority phenomenon under the Catholic Monarchs is to concede almost nothing, for humanism was, in terms of percentages, a minority phenomenon everywhere. What is important, and th i s even the c r i t i c s of the "open Spain 1 thesis concede, is that Ferd i -nand and Isabella patronized humanist scholarship, a lbe i t often for reasons other than i n t e l l e c t ua l cu r i o s i t y . As we have seen in the case of Salamanca, the program of univers ity reform sponsored by the Catholic Monarchs did nothing to a l t e r the scholast ic and jur i sprudent ia l bias of Cas t i l i an higher education. We have also seen, however, that I ta l ian humanists such as Flaminio, who thrived under the Catholic Monarchs, could, for a br ief period in the late f i f teenth and early sixteenth centuries, inspire in men l i k e Juan Maldonado a l i f e l ong af fect ion for the studia  humanitatis. Eugenio Asensio has suggested, correct ly I th ink, that under the Catholic Monarchs, Spanish humanism was largely confined to the court, and that even the att itudes of the famous Nebrija betray the fact that while he himself was a married laymen, he wrote for an audience of c l e r i c s . According to Asensio, humanism only became a 'grass-roots ' movement under Charles V, when i t moved out to the provinces, to c i t i e s l i k e Burgos, where Juan Maldonado, who had trained under Flaminio and Longueil, spent for ty years teaching the studia. humanitatis. 4 Maldonado was only free to pursue his humanist i nc l i na t ions , how-ever, so long as he steered c lear of those whose re l i g ious views ran contrary to established doctr ine. By the 1530's, the 'open Spain' was -152-c lea r l y being dismantled. The Holy Off ice had embarked upon a vigorous program of persecution and harassment designed to eradicate a l l traces of unorthoxy from Spain. Not only the old heresies - 'Lutheran i sm ' , Illuminism, Judaism - were proscribed under the new dispensation, but even Erasmianism, not o f f i c i a l l y a heresy but now widely mistrusted, came under attack. A long series of t r i a l s culminated in the prosecution of the Greek scholar and f r iend of Erasmus Juan de Vergara in 1533. In the 1530's, without warning, Juan Maldonado began denouncing Erasmus in p r i n t , charging that among other things the Dutchman was fa r too fond of novedades.5 Maldonado continued to write and publish anti-Erasmian t racts un t i l his death in 1554. J . H. E l l i o t has drawn our attention to a strange irony in th i s anti-Erasmian campaign, which revealed, among other things, that Maldo-nado had been devoted, not to Erasmus' theology, which he jett isoned as soon as i t became prudent to do so, but to the rhetor ica l s k i l l s he had praised in the Paraenesis. E l l i o t argues that many of the i n t o l e r -ant ' t r a d i t i o n a l i s t ' ecc le s i a s t i c s who spearheaded th i s reinvigorated crusade were, in f ac t , the self-same young c l e r i c s who had been w i l l i n g to r i sk t he i r l i ves for the Comunero cause. 6 The claim is a contentious one, yet i t would be i ron i c indeed i f Juan Maldonado spent the f i n a l years of his l i f e f i gh t ing shoulder-to-shoulder with the Comuneros. -153-NOTES 1 K r i s t e l l e r offers th i s opinion in the 'Presentat ion ' which serves as a preface to Bartolomeo Facio, Invective in Laurentium Vallam. Ed- and in t ro . Ennio I. Rao, (Naples: Societa Ed i t r i ce Napoletana, 1978), 5. 2 The H i s to r i ca l Prose, of Fernando de Herrera, (London: Tamesis, 1971). 3 So fa r , the only one to have produced th i s kind of work on the sixteenth century is David H. 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