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A humanist history of the "Comunidades" of Castile : Juan Maldonado's De motu hispaniae Smith, Paul Stephen 1987

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A HUMANIST HISTORY OF THE 'COMUNIDADES' OF CASTILE JUAN MALDONADO'S DE MOTU HISPANIAE By PAUL STEPHEN SMITH B . A . , The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1985  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS  in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of History)  We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 1987 © Paul Stephen Smith, 1987  In  presenting  this  degree at the  thesis  in  partial fulfilment  of  University of  British Columbia,  I agree  freely available for reference copying  of  department publication  this or of  and study.  this  his  or  her  Department of  LhSTfflR  The University of British Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date  DE-6(3/81)  5&f>T  s  .  1987.  that the  representatives.  may be It  thesis for financial gain shall not  permission.  requirements  I further agree  thesis for scholarly purposes by  the  for  an  advanced  Library shall make it  that permission  for extensive  granted  head  is  by the  understood be  that  allowed without  of  my  copying  or  my written  -iiABSTRACT  The present study is intended to contribute to our knowledge of the i n t e l l e c t u a l  history of early modern C a s t i l e by examining a work  which has heretofore been ignored by historians of 'Golden Age  1  historio-  graphy - De motu Hispaniae, an account of the Comunidades of C a s t i l e (1520-1521) written by the Spanish humanist c l e r i c Juan Maldonado (6; 14851554). In the Introduction we specify the methodology to be employed - a close reading of De motu Hispaniae - and survey current scholarship on Maldonado and on the i n t e l l e c t u a l  history of C a s t i l e in our period.  The argument proper begins in Chapter One, where we set the stage for our textual  analysis by examining what l i t t l e  information we possess  on Maldonado's l i f e up to and including the year in which De motu Hispaniae was completed,  1524.  Special attention  is given to the two aspects  of Maldonado s biography which are most relevant to our inquiry - humanism 1  and patronage.  With respect to the former, we show that the two figures  crucial in his education at the University of Salamanca were the humanists Christophe de Longueil and Lucio Flaminio S i c u l o , who inspired him to pursue a career as a teacher of the studia humanitatis and introduced him to the c l a s s i c a l writers whose influence Hispaniae - Cicero and Sal l u s t .  is most evident  in De motu  We also examine the relationship between  Maldonado and two of his patrons, Pedro de Cartagena and Diego Osorio, both of whom figure prominently in De motu Hispaniae. t i e s to the l a t t e r are especially  Maldonado's close  important, for in De motu Hispaniae  he contrasts Osorio's loyalty during the Comunidades with the  disloyalty  displayed by his half-brother, the Comunero Bishop of Zamora, Antonio de  Acuna.,  In Chapter Two we show that the comparison is modelled on S a l -  lust's Bellum C a t i l i n a e , and we suggest that i t may have been prompted, at least in part, by Maldonado's desire to defend his friend and patron against (false) charges that he betrayed his king during the r e b e l l i o n . The bulk of Chapter Two is given over to the presentation of textual evidence from De motu Hispaniae which indicates that,  in general, Maldo-:  nado subscribed to the canons and conventions which governed the practice of c l a s s i c a l Roman historians and t h e i r Renaissance epigones.  We also  argue that Maldonado's 'philosophy of history' and his ideas on such historiographical basics as causation and periodization place him squarely in the humanist t r a d i t i o n , and distinguish him from the 'contemporary historians' of the Middle Ages, whose historiography reflected religious t r a i n i n g .  their  Unlike these l a t t e r , Maldonado saw the h i s t o r i a n ' s  craft in remarkably secular terms, and De motu Hispaniae is devoid of the providential ism c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of much C a s t i l i a n historiography. The best explanation for t h i s , we suggest, is that for Maldonado, who had witnessed the p o l i t i c a l 'decline' of the early sixteenth century, the Hand of God was not easily discerned behind the destiny of C a s t i l e .  Recog-  nizing that the history of the Comunidades could not be written in prov i d e n t i a l i s t terms, Maldonado turned instead to a work which offered a secular interpretation of ' c i v i l war' - Sal l u s t ' s Bellum C a t i l i n a e . In Chapter Three we argue that Maldonado, a humanist is the l i t e r a l sense of the word, was convinced of the value of rhetoric in public l i f e , and committed to a 'Ciceronian' union of philosophy and eloquence.  Not  s u r p r i s i n g l y , various forms of rhetorical discourse are also evident in  -iv-  De motu Hispaniae.  After examining three aspects of t h i s discourse -  oratio recta and two more or less complementary rhetorical'lformulae, one drawn from Sal lust and the other from Cicero - we conclude that despite repeated professions of suprapartisanship, Maldonado s rhetoric 1  reveals the depth of his ideological  commitments.  Our general conclusion is that Helen Nader is incorrect to assert that humanist historiography was a dead l e t t e r in sixteenth-century tile.  Our analysis of De motu Hispaniae shows otherwise,  Cas-  and also reveals  that the two ' t r a d i t i o n s ' which Nader discerns behind the d i v e r s i t y of late medieval historiography contribute very l i t t l e to our understanding of h i s t o r i c a l ideas during the 'Golden Age'.  We suggest that an adequate  understanding of t h i s complex phenomenon might begin with a r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , with some revisions, of the currently discredited notion of an 'open S p a i n ' .  -V-  TABLE OF CONTENTS  Page TITLE PAGE  i  ABSTRACT  ii  INTRODUCTION  1  CHAPTER ONE:  Humanism and Patronage in Sala-  16  manca and Burgos, 1485-1524 CHAPTER TWO:  De motu. Hispaniae as Humanist  50  Historiography CHAPTER THREE:  H i s t o r i c a l and P o l i t i c a l Rhe-  108  t o r i c in De motu. Hispaniae CONCLUSION  149  BIBLIOGRAPHY  154  -1INTRODUCTION Since 1840, when Don Jose'Quevedo, a r c h i v i s t of the E s c o r i a l ,  publi-  shed his Spanish translation of Juan Maldonado s Latin narrative De motu 1  Hispaniae , t h i s work has come to occupy a very special place among our primary sources for the event i t chronicles, the urban r e b e l l i o n known to contemporaries, and to posterity, as the Comunidades of C a s t i l e (15201521).  For almost one hundred and f i f t y years now, historians of the  revolt of the Comuneros have quarried Maldonado's text for information on an event which has been the subject of intense controversy since the early nineteenth century, when i t became part of the extended polemic between 2 what Ramon Menendez Pidal called 'The Two S p a i n s . 1  What has drawn scho-•  lars to De motu Hispaniae is undoubtedly the fact that unlike most narrat i v e accounts of the Comunidades, which were written many years after the event, Maldonado's is that of an eyewitness, and i t was written within a few years of the r o y a l i s t victory in the battle of V i l l a l a r , which vely ended the r e b e l l i o n .  effecti-  Most of those who have used De motu.Hispaniae  as a h i s t o r i c a l source have echoed the judgement of the pioneering American hispanist Henry Latimer Seaver, who called the account "well-informed, well-balanced and accurate", and social historians of the revolt have f r e quently expressed admiration for Maldonado's p e r s p i c a c i t y .  4  For a l l the  attention devoted to De; imotu Hispaniae, however, Maldonado's work has never been submitted to an examination whose subject is not the  'circum-  stances and movements' pointed to in the text but the way in which the author employs words and concepts within the t e x t , and the way in which the text i t s e l f i h a s i b e e n structured so as to give a p a r t i c u l a r impression 5 of the events described therein. The present inquiry, therefore, w i l l  -2-  concern i t s e l f with De motu Hispaniae, not as a source on the history of the Comunidades, a subject which has been intensively studied elsewhere, but as a ' l i t e r a r y a r t i f a c t , as the work of a writer who was engaged in 1  a p a r t i c u l a r kind of h i s t o r i c a l discourse, and who fashioned his narrative in conformity with the canons and conventions of an i d e n t i f i a b l e t r a d i t i o n of h i s t o r i c a l w r i t i n g . ^ By means of a close reading of Maldonado's t e x t , we w i l l attempt to answer a number of s i g n i f i c a n t questions about De motu Hispaniae. Maldonado write history?  Why did  What kind of history was he writing?, and what  were his assumptions concerning the h i s t o r i c a l process? work compare with that of his Spanish predecessors contemporaries in Spain and elsewhere in Europe?  How does his  and with that of his Such questions are not  easily answered, for Maldonado, l i k e most practicing historians past and present, concentrates on the task at hand and does not e x p l i c i t l y assert his basic premisses.  This kind of reticence makes i t essential  rians of historiography pay close attention to rare and f l e e t i n g sophical  that  histo-  philo-  ' a s i d e s ' , and to information gleaned from discursive prologues  to otherwise unreflective narratives.'  7  In these respects,  Maldonado was  extremely inconsiderate: the prologue to De motu Hispaniae is unusually terse and unrevealing, and he was not a writer given to philosophical speculation.;  More often than not, however, i t is the narrative i t s e l f  which is most informative, for as Hayden White has pointed out,  "every  h i s t o r i c a l discourse contains within i t a f u l l - b l o w n , i f only i m p l i c i t o philosophy of history."  The s t y l e ,  language and form of a h i s t o r i c a l  work can serve as valuable clues to the author's guiding ideas and histo-  -3-  r i o g r a p h i c a l a l l e g i a n c e s , and a l l these i n d i c a t o r s w i l l be brought into play in our analysis of De motu Hispaniae. Such d e t a i l e d study of h i s t o r i c a l t e x t s in e s p e c i a l l y necessary in the case of Spain, where the h i s t o r y of historiography, as a s p e c i a l i s e d form of i n t e l l e c t u a l h i s t o r y , i s s t i l l  in i t s infancy.  Whereas t h i s f i e l d  has a t t r a c t e d the a t t e n t i o n of a growing number of respected scholars on both sides of the A t l a n t i c , i n t e l l e c t u a l h i s t o r i a n s of Spain have shown r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e i n t e r e s t in the study of h i s t o r i c a l discourse, so that the history of Spanish h i s t o r i c a l w r i t i n g remains, in the words of one g recent commentator, "a d i s c i p l i n e under c o n s t r u c t i o n " .  Those who have  l a i d the groundwork f o r t h i s e d i f i c e , moreover, have displayed a marked preference f o r c e r t a i n h i s t o r i c a l periods.  Among Spanish h i s t o r i a n s , the  chronicles of the Middle Ages have drawn more than t h e i r f a i r share of a t t e n t i o n , while some of the best recent work has dealt with the 'Romantic' 10  historiography of the nineteenth century. The few non-Spaniards in the f i e l d have also s p e c i a l i s e d in medieval historiography, though one, Richard 11  Herr, has w r i t t e n on the h i s t o r i c a l ' r e v i v a l ' of the eighteenth century. While most of t h i s work i s both welcome and worthwhile, the i r o n i c consequence of t h i s sort of s e l e c t i v i t y has been that the historiography of the early modern period, what i s often c a l l e d the 'Golden Age' of Spanish c u l t u r e , has been largely ignored.  Competent analyses of e a r l y modern  h i s t o r i c a l t e x t s are few and f a r between, and students of t h i s period must s t i l l r e l y upon the s o l i d but seriously dated volumes of Benito Sanchez 12  Alonso.  The work of Sanchez Alonso i s no s u b s t i t u t e f o r the kind of  analysis which R. B. Tate has used so e f f e c t i v e l y in studying the h i s t o r i o -  -4-  graphy of late medieval Spain.  An American scholar, Helen Nader, has  also done valuable work on the historians of fifteenth-century  Castile.  Unlike Tate, however, who never suggests that conclusions reached on the basis of late medieval texts can be applied to those of the  succeeding  period, Professor Nader has advanced some questionable hypotheses concerning the historiography of the Spanish Golden Age. Nowhere in his numerous a r t i c l e s on late medieval Castiliian historiography does R. B. Tate suggest that there is a simple pattern behind i t s apparent d i v e r s i t y .  He traces t r a d i t i o n s ,  influences  and borrowings  to be sure, but never proposes anything resembling the bold schema recently advanced by Nader, who sees the historiography of fifteenth-century  Cas-  t i l e in terms of two, and only two, counterposed and p a r a l l e l t r a d i t i o n s , one of which continued to inform the practice of Castili.an historians 14 throughout the sixteenth century. and generally wel1-informed,  Nader's analysis  but the evidence of Juan Maldonado's De motu  Hispaniae suggests that i t contributes Golden Age historiography.  is highly o r i g i n a l  l i t t l e to our understanding of  In Chapter Two of t h i s work, we w i l l argue  that Maldonado's account of the Comunidades finds no place in either of Nader's two historiographical 'schools', a circumstance which we w i l l t r y to explain by r e h a b i l i t a t i n g the currently unfashionable idea that a uniquely 'open' i n t e l l e c t u a l Spain.  climate prevailed in early  sixteenth-century  Only i f we admit that Maldonado's Spain was at least  semi-permeable  to developments in European humanism can we account for a work l i k e De motu Hispaniae, which appears as an inexplicable anomaly within Nader's exclusively C a s t i l i a n framework, but which is comparable to the work of Renais-  -5-  sance h i s t o r i a n s in I t a l y and elsewhere in Europe. In saying t h i s , the present w r i t e r i s f u l l y aware that the o u t l i n e s of 'Renaissance h i s t o r i o g r a p h y , l i k e those of the Burckhardtian Renais- . 1  sance i t s e l f , have of l a t e grown s u f f i c i e n t l y blurred as t o render hazardous the d e s c r i p t i o n of any w r i t e r as a 'Renaissance' or 'humanist' h i s t o -  15 nan.  One r e s u l t of recent scholarship on the subject has been to  reduce the number of c r i t e r i a a v a i l a b l e f o r use in d i s t i n g u i s h i n g the h i s t o r i c a l w r i t i n g of the Renaissance from t h a t of the predecessor c u l ture.  Bernard Guenee, f o r example, has argued convincingly that medieval  historiography was not e n t i r e l y devoid of that 'sense of the past' which Peter Burke and others have seen as a (the?) c h a r a c t e r i s t i c feature of  16 the Renaissance 'frame of m i n d ' .  Nor can adherence to c l a s s i c a l models  or the use of techniques derived from c l a s s i c a l r h e t o r i c any longer be  1 said to d i s t i n g u i s h humanist historiography from t h a t of the Middle Ages. The work of m e d i e v a l i s t s , however, has so f a r f a i l e d to o b l i t e r a t e the Renaissance altogether, and the present w r i t e r remains convinced that i t i s s t i l l possible to point t o a set of medular t r a i t s whose presence in a given t e x t c o n s t i t u t e s adequate grounds f o r the conclusion t h a t the author was working w i t h i n a framework of h i s t o r i o g r a p h i c a l assumptions, ideals and techniques f o r which the terms 'Renaissance' and/or 'humanist' are not only convenient but accurate designations.  These t r a i t s have  been i d e n t i f i e d and discussed by a number of modern scholars, upon whose work we have r e l i e d in making the claim that De motu Hispaniae i s unquestionably the work of a w r i t e r who subscribed to the norms of Renaissance 18  historiography.  S p e c i f i c a l l y , we s h a l l advance the claim t h a t Maldo-  -6-  nado drew upon Sal lust and Cicero in the composition of De motu Hispaniae and that his reasons for doing so are intimately connected with his humanist education and l i f e l o n g commitment to the studia humanitatis. The origins and trajectory of Spanish, and p a r t i c u l a r l y of C a s t i l i a n , humanism are currently undergoing a process of r e v i s i o n .  The English  scholars N. G. Round and Peter Russell, for example, have both argued that evidence for an Italianate Renaissance in fifteenth-centuryyCastile i s , at best, patchy and inconclusive, while Helen Nader has reached simi-  iq lar conclusions for the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella. nado's place in the Spanish 'Renaissance',  Juan Maldo-  however, has been reasonably  secure since 1937, when the great French hispanist Marcel B a t a i l l o n pub20 lished his magisterial account of Erasmianism in Spain.  The author of  De motu Hispaniae played a prominent role in t h i s study, though because Bataillon was interested  in Maldonado as 'the historian of the Erasmian  r e v o l u t i o n ' , he v i r t u a l l y ignored his account of the Comunidades. was the f i r s t to investigate the f u l l  corpus of Maldonado's work, and to  see him as a significant figure in the history of Spanish humanism. Spanish i n t e l l e c t u a l  Bataillon  Though  historians were slow to follow up on his work, two  formerly unpublished works have recently appeared in Spanish translations, and the l i t e r a r y scholars Eugenio Asensio and Francisco Rico have devoted sections of important a r t i c l e s to a consideration of Maldonado';s work, 21 though, l i k e B a t a i l l o n , they show l i t t l e  interest  This must be accounted a major omission i f ,  in De motu Hispaniae.  as we shall suggest, Maldo-  nado's Latin narrative conforms to the ' I t a l i a n a t e ' historiography.  norms of humanist  -7-  This study is not, s t r i c t l y speaking, an exercise in Begriffsgeschichte,  since our p r i n c i p a l objective throughout w i l l be to  identify  the kind of h i s t o r i c a l discourse in which Maldonado is engaged rather than isolating concepts for future discussion in a diachronic context. Nevertheless,  in the course of our inquiry into De motu Hispaniae we  w i l l pause from time to time to investigate certain key ideas, which have import, not only within Maldonado's text, but within the wider framework of the history of historiography.  The notion of h i s t o r i a magistra  vitae, for instance, which the present writer interprets as history and experience identified through the mediation of rhetoric, w i l l us in a b r i e f , but hopefully germane, digression.  involve  We w i l l also devote  special attention to Maldonado's use of topoi which indicate a commitment to what Reinhart Koselleck c a l l s "suprapartisanship", the notion that the historian ought to assess the past, or in Maldonado's case the 22 near-present, with dispassionate equanimity. that Maldonado's devotion to what he c a l l s  We w i l l want to show  'the naked t r u t h ' had some  interesting consequences for his rhetoric in De motu Hispaniae, as well as being an important factor in his decision not to publish the work immediately, but rather to wait u n t i l the passions aroused by the Comunidades had cooled. In epistemological  terms, the ideal of dispassionate  objectivity  may well be chimerical under the best of circumstances, as when the historian has no egregious reason for 'propagandizing' the events under consideration, perhaps because they are distant in time and/or space. But the notion that the historian can, or even ought t o , transcend  his  -8-  personal circumstances and affective  commitments and penetrate to a sup-  p o s i t i o n a l , presumably ' n e u t r a l ' , realm of autonomous 'facts'  appears  most quixotic in the case of the contemporary h i s t o r i a n , that i s , writer who wants to inscribe events he himself lived through, or perhaps even participated i n .  the  witnessed,  De. mptu. Hispaniae i s , as we noted  e a r l i e r , a work of contemporary history, a genre of h i s t o r i c a l writing which was dominant in Europe u n t i l at least the eighteenth century, but which has attracted remarkably l i t t l e scholarly attention.  Unlike most  of t h e i r modern sucessors, who investigate "the deep past for the enlightenment of the present", c l a s s i c a l , medieval and Renaissance  historians  most often "wrote to preserve a record of the shallow past for the bene-  23 f i t of the future".  As we are a l l aware, however, the 'shallow past'  is notoriously opaque, quite devoid of the comforting i l l u s i o n of transparency which occasionally attends the consideration of events in the 'deep past'.  It is especially d i f f i c u l t , moreover, for the contemporary  historian to achieve the kind of detachment and ideological required by the suprapartisan i d e a l .  neutrality  As we shall see in Chapter Two,  Maldonado was acutely aware of the problems of contemporary history, and of the special d i f f i c u l t i e s  which attached to the project in which  he was engaged, the description of the Comunidades of C a s t i l e .  In Chap-  t e r Three, however, where we examine his use of rhetoric in De motu Hispaniae, we shall discover that he f a l l s somewhat short of complete neutrality. Substantiation of t h i s and other claims w i l l require that  before  analyzing the text of De motu Hispaniae, we take as close a look as the  -9-  sources w i l l permit at the l i f e of Juan Maldonado up to and including the period of i t s composition.  Examination of the exiguous biographical  details at our disposal, and especially of those which bear upon Maldonado's i n t e l l e c t u a l  development, w i l l reinforce our textual  analysis  of De motu Hispaniae by showing that the t r a i t s which i t reveals can also be seen as flowing naturally from the t r a i n i n g he received at the University of Salamanca.  We w i l l also examine the relationship between  Maldonado and two of his patrons, Pedro de Cartagena and Diego Osorio, as a necessary prelude to later claims concerning authorial which are not e x p l i c i t l y stated in the t e x t .  intentions  -10NOTES i  For the sake of convenience,  I w i l l employ t h i s shortened version  of the Latin t i t l e when referring d i r e c t l y to Maldonado's narrative. The complete t i t l e is De.motu Hispaniae vel de communitatibus Hispaniae: Jose Antonio Maravall, Las Comunidades de C a s t i l l a : Una primera revolucion moderna, (Madrid: Revista de Occidente, 1963), 70.  There are only  two manuscript copies of De. motu Hispaniae; one in the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid (B.N.M. ms. 6351), and the other in the l i b r a r y of the Escorial^ (III,  8): Eugenro Asensio,  introduction, Paraenesis ad L i t t e r a s . [Juan  Maldonado y el humanismo espanol en tiempos de Carlos V ] , ed. and trans. Juan Alcina Rovira, (Madrid: Fundacion Universitaria Espanol, 1980), 25. Quevedo's t r a n s l a t i o n , based on the Escorial manuscript, is e n t i t l e d El_ movimiento de Espana, o sea Historia de la revplucion conocida con, el nombre de las Comunidades de C a s t i l l a , (Madrid, 1840).  I have used a  reissue of t h i s translation with introduction and additional notes by Valentina Fernandez Vargas: La Revolucion Cpmunera, (Madrid: Ediciones del Centro, 1975).  A l l references are to this edition and w i l l appear in  parentheses in the body of the text, except where reference  is made to a  number of widely separated passages, in which case a footnote w i l l be used. While one must always be wary of a t r a n s l a t i o n , especially one made three centuries instance.  after the f a c t , there are grounds for confidence  in the  present  Jose Antonio Maravall, Marcel Bataillon and Eugenio Asensio  have a l l read the Escorial manuscript, and none expresses concerning the Quevedo t r a n s l a t i o n .  reservations  Asensio quotes exclusively  from the  translation [introduction, 29-33], while Maravall resorts to the manuscript only occasionally,  when "the Latin terms possess a special  inter-  -11-  est":  Las Comunidades, 70.  2 On the history of Comunero historiography, see Joseph Perez, "Pour une nouvelle  interpretation des 'Comunidades' de C a s t i l l e , " B u l l e t i n  Hispanique 65 (1963): 238-283, and "Les Comunidades de C a s t i l l a et interpretations," 5-28;  leurs  Cahiers,da Monde Hispanique et Luso-Bresilien 38 (1982):  Juan Ignacio Gutierrez Nieto, Las Comunidades como movimiento a n t i -  senorial: La formacion del bando r e a l i s t a en la guerra c i v i l de 1520-1521, (Barcelona: E d i t o r i a l Planeta,  castellana  1973), 21-122.  3 Concerning the vexed question of just when De motu. Hispaniae was written, the author's prologue to the Escorial manuscript is dated 1 December 1545 [Asensio,  introduction, 29],  but Seaver has established a terminus  ante quern of February 1523 based on Maldonado's reference  (221)  to Bishop  Antonio de Acuna as being in j a i l at Navarrete: Henry Latimer 5eaver, The Great Revolt in C a s t i l e . A Study of the Comunero Movement of 1520-1521, (London: Constable & C o . , 1928), 366-367.  Maldonado's subsequent f a i l u r e  to mention the notorious t r i a l of Acuna in 1526 leads to the  conclusion  that the author's claim to having made extensive corrections  (28)  true, and that the manuscript had not been substantively Asensio,  introduction, 29].  is un-  revised [Cf.  Further confirmation of an early date of  composition is Maldonado's use (117)  of the present tense with  reference  to his patron, Bishop Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, who died on 12 November 1524: Manuel Danvila, Historia c r i t i c a y documentada de las Comunidades de C a s t i l l a , 6 v o l s . ,  Memorial Historico Espanol t .  XXXV-XL, (Madrid,  1897-1900), 6:138; Marcel B a t a i l l o n , Erasmo y Espana.. Estudios sobre la h i s t o r i a e s p i r i t u a l del s i g l o XVI, 2nd Spanish e d i t i o n ,  (Mexico, D . F . :  -12-  Fondo de Cultura Economica, 1966), 215 n5; C f . Alonso Fernandez de Madrid, S i l v a Palentina, 3 v o l s . ,  (Palencia: Imprenta de ' E l Diario Palentino' de  la Viuda de J . Alonso, 1932-1942), 2:75, where the Archdeacon of Alcor gives the date as 4 November 1524. 4 Seaver, The Great Revolt, 367.  J . I. Gutierrez Nieto has often  expressed respect for Maldonado's social analysis: See, for example, Las. Comunidades, 355-357, and "Violencia y sociedad en el  pensamiento  historiografico de los humanistas espanoles," Hispania 38 (1978): 583-87. Though the present study is not, s t r i c t l y speaking, an exercise in 'conceptual h i s t o r y ' , a Begriffsgeschichte  I owe t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n to Reinhart Koselleck: ". . . concerns i t s e l f  (primarily) with texts and words,  while a social history employs texts merely as a means of deducing circumstances and movements that are not, in themselves, contained within the texts." Tribe,  Futures Past: On the Semantics of H i s t o r i c a l Time, trans. Keith (Cambridge:& London: MIT Press,  1985), 73.  ^ See Hayden White, "The H i s t o r i c a l Text as Literary A r t i f a c t , " in Tropics.of. Discourse; Essays in Cultural C r i t i c i s m , The Johns Hopkins University Press,  (Baltimore & London:  1978), 81-100.  ^ See the comments of Santiago Montero Diaz, "La doctrina de la h i s t o r i a en los tratadistas  espanoles del Siglo de Oro," Hispania  4 (1941): 4. Q  "The Fictions of Factual Representation," in Tropics of Discourse, 126-127. 9  ' Antonio Nino Rodriguez, "La h i s t o r i a de la h i s t o r i o g r a f i a , una  d i s c i p l i n a en construccion," Hispania 46 (1986): 395-417.  -13-  The doyen of Spanish medievalists was Claudio Sanchez Albornoz, on whose l i f e and work see Jean-Paul Le Flem, "Don Claudio Sanchez Albornoz (1893-1984) ou l'honneur d'un 'hidalgo'," H i s t o i r e , economie et. spciete 4 (1985): 307-312; Manuel Moreno Alonso, H i s t p r i o g r a f i a Romantica Espanpla: Introduccion al estudio de la historia,en el s i g l o XIX, ( S e v i l l e : Universidad de S e v i l l a , 1979). 11 See, for example, Jocelyn N. H i l l g a r t h , V i s i goth i c... Spa in, and the I r i s h , (London: Variorum Reprints, 1985).  Byzanti urn  Richard Herr, The  Eighteenth-Century Revolution in Spain, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1958). 12 ' ~ Historia de la, h i s t o r i o g r a f i a espanola, 2 v o l s . , Superior de Investigaciones C i e n t i f i c a s [hereafter  (Madrid: Consejo  C.S.I.C.],  1944-1950).  13 Professor Tate's invaluable a r t i c l e s on Iberian historiography are l i s t e d in the Bibliography.  fifteenth-century  Many appear in Spanish  translation in Robert B. Tate, Ensayos spbre la h i s t o r i o g r a f i a peninsular del siglo. XV, (Madrid: E d i t o r i a l Gredos, 1970). 14 See Chapter One, ' P o l i t i c a l Propaganda and the Writing of History in Fifteenth-Century C a s t i l e ' , of The Mendoza Family in the Spanish Renaissance 1350,tP.1550, (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press,  1979).  15 v  See, for example, Zachary Sayre Schiffman, "Renaissance  cism Reconsidered," History and Theory 24:2 ^  Histori-  (1985): 170-182.  Bernard Guenee, "Y a - t - i l une historiographie medievale?," Revue  Historique 258 (1977): 261-275; Peter Burke, The Renaissance Sense of the Past,  (New York: St. Martin's Press,  1969); Richard W. Southern,  of the Past," Transactions of the Royal H i s t o r i c a l Society,  "The;Sense  5th s e r i e s ,  -14-  23 (1973): 243-263. 17 See Ernst Breisach, ed. Classical Rhetoric,and Medieval H i s t o r i o graphy, Studies in Medieval Culture XIX, (Kalamazoo: Medieval Institute Publications - Western Michigan University,  1985).  18 I have made extensive use of the following: and Historiography in the Italian Renaissance, of Chicago Press,  (Chicago & London: University  1981); Felix G i l b e r t , Machiavelli and G u i c c i a r d i n i : P o l i -  t i c s , and History in Sixteenth Century. Florence, versity Press,  Eric Cochrane, Historians  (Princeton: Princeton Uni-  1965); Myron P. Gilmore, Humanists and. J u r i s t s : . Six.Studies  in the Renaissance,  (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap-Harvard University  1963); Nancy S. Struever, The Language of History in the (Princeton: Princeton University Press,  Press,  Renaissance,  1970).  19 N. G. Round, "Renaissance Culture and i t s Opponents in FifteenthCentury C a s t i l e , " Modern.Languages Review 57 (1962): 204-215; Peter E . Russell,  "Arms vs. Letters: Toward a Definition of Spanish  Fifteenth-  Century Humanism," in A. R. Lewis, ed. Aspects of.the,Renaissance: A Symposium, (Austin & London: University of Texas Press,  1967), 47-58;  Nader, The Mendoza Family, 1-16. 20 I have used the second Spanish edition of t h i s work: See note 3. 21 For Alcina Rovira's edition of Maldonado's Paraenesis,  see note 1;  A translation of Maldonado's Somnium appears in Miguel A v i l e s , Suenos f i c t i c i o s y lucha ideologica  en el Siglo de Pro, (Madrid: Editora Nacio-  n a l , 1981); Eugenio Asensio,  "Ciceronianos contra Erasmistas en Espana,  dos momentos (1528-1560)," Revue de.Litterature Comparee 52:2-4 (1978): 135-154; Francisco Rico, "Laudes litterarum: Humanismo y dignidad del  -15-  hombre en la Espana del Renacimiento,"  in Homenaje a J u l i o Caro :Baroja,  (Madrid: Centro de Investigaciones Sociologicas, 1978), 895-914. 22 "Perspective and Temporality: A Contribution to the H i s t o r i o graphical Exposure of the H i s t o r i c a l World," in R. Koselleck, Past: On the Semantics of H i s t o r i c a l Time, trans. Keith Tribe,  Futures (Cambridge's  London: MIT Press, 1985), 130-155. 23 Mark P h i l l i p s , "The Disenchanted Witness:  Participation and A l i e n -  ation in Florentine Historiography," Journal of the History of. Ideas 44:2 (1983): 191.  -16CHAPTER ONE: HUMANISM AND PATRONAGE IN SALAMANCA AND BURGOS, 1485-1524 Very l i t t l e  is known of the l i f e of Juan Maldonado, and what  little  information we possess has been gleaned from occasional autobiographical 1 remarks in his own works.  Until the late eighteenth  century, there was  even some question as to the identity of the author of De motu Hispaniae, but i t now seems reasonably certain that the Juan Maldonado in question was born in the v i l l a g e of Bonilla de Huete in the New C a s t i l i a n diocese 2 of Cuenca around 1485. Since baptismal records were not kept in C a s t i l e before 1498, and since the author himself is s i l e n t on the subject, we know nothing at 3 all  about Maldonado's parents.  Concerning his family background we have  only his claim that while he spent most of his l i f e in Burgos, he was descended from the Maldonados of Salamanca, the most prominent branch 4 of an old and i l l u s t r i o u s a r i s t o c r a t i c family.  If t h i s was the case,  however, his noble relations are conspicuously absent from both his work and his l i f e .  Apart from the Salamancan Comuneros Don Pedro and Franci-  sco Maldonado, whose names appear in De motu Hispaniae, no member of the Maldonado family figures anywhere in the sizable corpus of work attributed to Juan Maldonado.  5  While i t is a reasonable assumption that  family connections were a factor in Maldonado's decision to attend the University of Salamanca, there is no evidence to support this As we shall see,  conjecture.'  Maldonado sought and received patronage throughout his  career, but there is no record of his getting any at a l l from those he claims as kinsmen.  7  i f we dismiss the p o s s i b i l i t y of outright f a b r i -  cation (not easy to do for a society where limpieza de sangre, b l o o d , was essential 1  to social advancement),  'purity of  i t seems unlikely that  -17-  Juan Maldonado was more than distantly related to the Salamancan Maldonados.  The fact that he was destined for a c l e r i c a l career suggests that  he was a younger son, born into an obscure provincial branch of the family. This impression is only reinforced when we consider the few d e t a i l s we possess on Maldonado's early education.  Once again, the source is  Maldonado himself, who gives a brief account of his introduction to Latin grammar in the recently-published Paraenesis (1529), an 'open addressed to one of his own students,  letter'  Gutierre de Ca'rdenas, son of the  o Count of Miranda.  In an age when the noble household remained the p r i -  ncipal t r a i n i n g ground for the C a s t i l i a n aristocracy, Maldonado's primary schooling was t y p i c a l of that received by students whose parents could not afford a private tutor: rudimentary instruction in the vernacular, followed by five or six years in a colegio, where Latin grammar formed 9 the heart of the curriculum.  Latin instruction in C a s t i l e was based  on Antonio de Nebrija's uninspiring Introductiones latinae ( f i r s t e d i t i o n , 1481), and teaching standards were notoriously low.  As Maldonado t e l l s  us in the Paraenesis: There is not a town in Spain, however small, which does not have a school, but most of the masters are so stupid that i t were better to remain ignorant than to be educated thus. 10 According to Maldonado, i t was only his own enthusiasm for the subject which preserved him from Latin masters whose pedantry extinguished the flame of learning in a l l but the most determined of students.  There is  doubtless a good deal of retrojection in t h i s s e l f - p o r t r a i t of the precocious humanist, impatient with tendentious rural  schoolmasters.  -18-  After a l l , in the Paraenesis Maldonado sought to expose the  shortcomings  of t r a d i t i o n a l methods of Latin instruction and proposed an alternative system based not on grammatical textbooks but on early and d i r e c t access to c l a s s i c a l authors.  But while he may exaggerate his adolescent  ennui,  he was no doubt relieved to depart the Cuencan colegio for the University of Salamanca, which he describes as "the patria of my ancestors,  and the  11 most celebrated academy in a l l of Spain".  The t r a i n i n g which Maldonado  received at Salamanca was so important in his i n t e l l e c t u a l  development,  that before we examine i t in d e t a i l we should look in general terms at the i n t e l l e c t u a l  climate which prevailed at the venerable  Since i t was established  estudio.  in the thirteenth century, the University  of Salamanca had concentrated on the c e r t i f i c a t i o n of l e g a l l y - t r a i n e d professionals  (letrados),  and so had specialized in the teaching of Roman 12  law, in both of i t s medieval redactions as c i v i l and canon law.  This  jurisprudential orientation remained unchanged under the Catholic Monarchs, who i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d the established practice of relying on universitytrained letrados to serve in the consejo real and to f i l l the royal bureaucracy.  Unlike t h e i r predecessors,  positions  in  however, Ferdinand and  Isabella actively patronized the humanities and sponsored university reforms 13  favourable to university t r a i n i n g in the l i b e r a l a r t s .  Isabella in  particular enjoyed a European reputation as a patron of learning, and was able to attract a number of prominent Italian scholars to Spain.  Notable  among these were the Milanese Pietro Martire d'Anghiera, who became d i rector of the palace school, and the S i c i l i a n s Lucio Marineo and Lucio Flaminio, both of whom taught at Salamanca.  14  Isabella  likewise encour-  -19-  aged the work of her confessor, the Observant Franciscan Francisco Jimenez de Cisneros, who strove to e n l i s t humanist scholarship in the service of the Church, and supported the e f f o r t s of the C a s t i l i a n humanist Antonio de Nebrija, who returned from a ten-year sojourn in I t a l y determined to e x t i r p a t e the ' b a r b a r i c ' L a t i n of the schoolmen and reform u n i v e r s i t y 15 teaching along I t a l i a n l i n e s . T r a d i t i o n a l scholarship, e s p e c i a l l y in Spain, f r e e l y employed the term 'Renaissance'  in connection with such developments, but recent  w r i t e r s , e s p e c i a l l y non-Spaniards,  have emphasized the degree to which  older 'medieval' a t t i t u d e s remained in force under the Catholic Monarchs, and have questioned the depth of humanist penetration during t h e i r r e i g n . It is c e r t a i n l y true that those committed to the studia humanitatis r e 17 mained "an i s o l a t e d and untypical m i n o r i t y "  16  , both inside and outside the  u n i v e r s i t y , and s t i l l complained, as they had throughout the f i f t e e n t h century, that a genuine love of learning was a rare commodity among the 1 ft  b e l l i c o s e and unlettered C a s t i l i a n e l i t e .  But the s i t u a t i o n was scarcely  d i f f e r e n t elsewhere in Europe, and occasional denegrations from v i s i t i n g I t a l i a n s should not b l i n d us to the existence of a humanist at u n i v e r s i t i e s such as Salamanca.  'vanguard'  In t r u t h , the s i t u a t i o n at Salamanca  was not unlike that which prevailed in the German u n i v e r s i t i e s studied by O v e r f i e l d , where a small but ardent c o t e r i e of humanists, many of them i t i n e r a n t , struggled to e s t a b l i s h the studia humanitatis as a v i a b l e 19  a l t e r n a t i v e to the entrenched s c h o l a s t i c curriculum. struggle was s h o r t - l i v e d , and ended in f a i l u r e .  In Spain, the  By the mid-sixteenth  century the Spanish u n i v e r s i t i e s had "discarded t h e i r p l u r a l i s t i c Renais-  -20-  sance s p i r i t for one that was more s t r i c t l y professional and vocational." But for a b r i e f period, roughly between 1480 and 1530,  schools l i k e Sala-  manca were unusually open to i n t e l l e c t u a l currents flowing from elsewhere in Europe, especially from Italy and Flanders, two regions with close p o l i t i c a l and economic t i e s to the Iberian peninsula. f i c i a r i e s of this open i n t e l l e c t u a l  One of the bene-  climate was Juan Maldonado.  While i t is impossible to be precise, Maldonado was probably no more than sixteen years old when he matriculated at the University of Sala21 manca.  While he had not yet decided upon a major subject,  his interests  inclined him toward philosophy and humane letters (the studia humanitatis). When the time came to choose a specialty,  however, Maldonado bracketed his  i n t e l l e c t u a l enthusiasms and took a more practical course, following the advice of a group of former schoolmates,  who had insisted that the road 22  to "honour and riches" led through the study of law.  Thus after comple-  ting the compulsory Arts course, Maldonado spent three years studying Canon Law.  He lacked enthusiasm for the subject,  however, whose c u r r i -  culum was r e s t r i c t e d to the Decretals, Clementines and assorted papal instruments, a l l approached through the commentaries of the fourteenth23 century Bolognese j u r i s t Joannes Andreas.  There is no evidence  that  Maldonado ever completed the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Laws, which helps to explain the fact that while he eventually took c l e r i c a l orders, he never advanced beyond the lower echelons of the ecclesiastical  heirarchy.  Maldonado's evident distaste for the sort of legal t r a i n i n g offered at Salamanca is an indication of his growing commitment to the 'New  -21-  L e a r n i n g ' , whose p r a c t i t i o n e r s emphasized the h i s t o r i c a l distance between themselves and t h e i r c l a s s i c a l past.  Like other humanists, Maldonado  longed to bridge t h i s gap and encounter a n t i q u i t y d i r e c t l y , rather than through a palimpsest of medieval commentaries.  In Maldonado's day, S a l a -  mancan jurisprudence s t i l l followed the precepts and hermeneutical guidel i n e s l a i d down by the Bolognese l e g a l i s t Bartolus and his school of 1  P o s t - G l o s s a t o r s ' , whose a h i s t o r i c a l approach, t o the study of Roman law  had been anathema to I t a l i a n humanists such as V a l l a , P o l i z i a n o and Pomp24 onio.  Through Andrea A l c i a t o t h i s humanist c r i t i q u e spread to P a r i s ,  where i t inspired the French school of ' l e g a l humanists' whose c o n t r i b u t i o n s to h i s t o r i c a l scholarship have been the subject of numberous by Donald R. K e l l e y .  J  studies  Had he a r r i v e d at Salamanca in the 1540's, Maldos  nado could have studied with the Paris-educated Antonio Agustin, Spain's OC  f i r s t , and only, proponent of the mos g a l l i c u s docendi.  As i t happened,  he simply skipped his law classes in order to attend the more congenial lectures of the grammarian Antonio de Nebrija and Arias Barbosa, the 27 Portuguese humanist who introduced the study of Greek at Salamanca. While Maldonado evidently found the lectures of Nebrija and Barbosa more entertaining than G r a t i a n ' s Decretals, a f a r more s i g n i f i c a n t c o n t r i bution to the topography of his 'mental world' came from the I t a l i a n humanist Lucio Flaminio S i c u l o .  Flaminio had studied in Rome with  Pomponio Leto, and arrived in Spain in 1486, apparently at the i n v i t a 28  t i o n of the Admiral of C a s t i l e , Don Fadrique Enriquez.  He arrived at  Salamanca in December of 1503, seeking the c h a i r in grammar l e f t vacant a f t e r the mercurial Nebrija renounced the p o s i t i o n he had won only f i v e  -22-  months e a r l i e r .  Though even the glowing recommendation of his f e l l o w -  S i c i l i a n Lucio Marineo f a i l e d to win him a proprietary professorship, Flaminio's e r u d i t i o n was judged impressive enough to warrant e l e c t i o n to a 'temporal' c h a i r (a regencia or c a t e d r i l l a ) , usually granted f o r a 30  period of between three and four years.  The S i c i l i a n ' s contract c a l l e d  f o r lectures on the elder P l i n y , but he also devoted a special series of lectures to Cicero, whose r h e t o r i c a l works, e s p e c i a l l y De.Oratpre, were very 31  popular at Salamanca. Flaminio's a r r i v a l caused something of a sensation, and Juan Maldonado was prominent among the auditors who packed the l e c t u r e - h a l l s to hear his elegant Latin and flowing oratory.  According to Maldonado, he  and Flaminio became close f r i e n d s , and spent many evenings discussing the c l a s s i c s in the l a t t e r ' s home.  It was Flaminio who convinced Maldonado  to set aside N e b r i j a ' s Introductiones, then the standard textbook at S a l a manca, and return instead to the unadulterated sources (ad fontes) of 32  c l a s s i c a l wisdom and eloquence.  Flaminio, of course, stressed the  reading of pagan authors, but in his c l e r i c a l capacity Maldonado would advocate that the C a s t i l i a n clergy adopt a s i m i l a r l y p h i l o l o g i c a l approach 33  to the B i b l e , and to the c l a s s i c s of p a t r i s t i c l i t e r a t u r e .  Most impor-  tant f o r our purposes, i t is under Flaminio's tutelage that Maldonado w i l l have deepened his appreciation f o r the c l a s s i c s of Roman historiography. Flaminio had learned Sal lust at his mother's knee, and i t was the Roman historian's  Bellum C a t i l i n a e  which would serve as a model f o r De motu  Hispaniae, Maldonado's account of the Spanish bellum c i v i l e .  3 4  Flaminio  also gave Maldonado his f i r s t lesson in I t a l i a n arrogance: when the young  -23-  Spaniard asked him to reveal the secret of c l a s s i c a l eloquence,  he replied  that "a burro could learn to speak before any of you [Spaniards] could understand the Roman Style".  35  The other great influence on the young Maldonado was the Flemish 36 humanist Christophe de Longueil.  Not yet twenty when he arrived at  Salamanca in 1505, Longueil was a flashy and ambitious prodigy, who had already won an international reputation for extempore declamation and neo-Latin poetry.  A restless s p i r i t , Longueil's Salamancan v i s i t  lasted  less than a year, but l e f t an i n d e l i b l e impression on Juan Maldonado. Endowed with a prodigious memory, the Flemish humanist knew most of Horace, Ovid and V i r g i l by heart, and oversaw Maldonado's halting attempts to compose Latin verses in the c l a s s i c a l manner.  More importantly for the  present study, Longueil was a notoriously fervent  'Ciceronian', who be-  lieved that the acquisition of c l a s s i c a l eloquence requires scrupulous imitation of the masterful Roman orator. Longueil, Maldonado was a l i f e l o n g  While never as fanatical as  'Ciceronian', and was utterly devoted  to the memory of his youthful mentor?  7  In the Paraenesis, written six  years after Longueil's untimely death (in Padua in 1522), he t e l l s his young student that Cicero is the measure and the model for a l l good letters (bonae l i t e r a t u r a e ) , for a l l the elegance, riches and beauty of the Latin tongue. In the Latin language, to deviate from Cicero is to deviate from truth . . . 38 In  Chapter Three of the present work,  I hope to show that Maldonado's  'Ciceronianism' played a fundamental role in shaping the h i s t o r i c a l discourse in De motu Hispaniae.  -24-  In 1506, Christophe de Longueil left Salamanca to take up a secret a r i a l post at the court of P h i l i p 'The Handsome of Burgundy (Philip I 1  of Spain).  Longueil's departure came as a devastating,  unexpected,  blow to Juan Maldonado, whose avidity for 'humanist  has been duly noted by B a t a i l l o n .  39  i f not e n t i r e l y laurels'  His dreams of l i t e r a r y glory in  ruins, Maldonado returned to his native Cuenca, where he took c l e r i c a l 40 orders.  Soon thereafter  he accepted the f i r s t appointment in an a l t o -  gether mediocre e c c l e s i a s t i c a l  career, a chaplaincy near Palencia, prob41  ably on lands belonging to his l i f e l o n g patron Don Diego Osorio. Recalling this abrupt change of fortune many years l a t e r , Maldonado employed Promethean imagery to convey his b i t t e r disappointment: Fortune forsook my efforts to embrace l e t t e r s , since just as I had prepared myself to follow Longueil in pursuit of the l i b e r a l a r t s , she nailed me, as to a rock, to a poor chaplaincy. 42 The 'poor chaplaincy' in Tierra de Campos was followed by another,  this  time in Burgos, the c i t y which was to be Maldonado's home u n t i l his death 43 in 1554.  In many respects, the move to Burgos marks the beginning of  an entirely new chapter in Maldonado's l i f e ,  though there was a link with  his university days in the person of Diego Osorio, whom Maldonado f i r s t met while the l a t t e r was serving as corregidor of Salamanca from 1502 to 1506.  Osorio was Maldonado's f i r s t and most munificent benefactor, and  was closely related to. another important patron, Don Pedro de Cartagena. Since both men figure prominently in De motu Hispaniae, we should examine t h e i r careers, and t h e i r connections  to Maldonado, in some d e t a i l .  Don Diego Osorio was the son of Luis Vazquez de Acuna y Osorio, who succeeded the i l l u s t r i o u s Alfonso de Cartagena as Bishop of Burgos in 1457  -25-  and held the office u n t i l his death in 1495.  4  Acuna's incontinence was  typical of the moral laxity which characterized the late  fifteenth-century  Spanish church, giving r i s e to a vigorous reform movement, championed by the Catholic Monarchs and led by Isabel's confessor, •  Cardinal Francisco  45  Jimenez de Cisneros. successor,  ~ In this respect,  i t is not coincidental that Acuna's  Pascual de Ampudia (1497-1512), was a man of unimpeachable  personal sanctity, who in the eyes of many reformers embodied a l l the q u a l i t i e s of the 'ideal b i s h o p ' .  4 6  Despite his moral imperfections, how-  ever, Bishop Acuna was an erudite man, as evidenced by an extensive l i b r a r y , the bulk of which was inherited by Don Diego, though a .number of books went to the c h i l d of another of his father's concubines, his half-brother 47 Antonio de Acuna, the future Comunero Bishop of Zamora.  Three years  e a r l i e r , Osorio had become a landowner, inheriting a mayorazgo near '-• Palencia upon the death of his c h i l d l e s s aunt Dona Ines Osorio,  sister  of Bishop Luis Acuna's elder brother Alvar Perez de Osorio, second Count /  AO  of Trastamara and f i r s t Marquis of Astorga. Don Diego, however, did not l i v e idly off seigneurial rents.  On the  contrary, he was an active servant of the Crown throughout his career, holding a nurber of appointments as corregidor.  In many respects, Osorio  was typical of the minor nobles (hidalgos) who f i l l e d most corregimientos when the Catholic Monarchs gradually extended the office throughout 49 Castile after the Cortes of Toledo in 1480. In f a c t , there is evidence that Osorio was already serving as corregidor of Salamanca, at least on 50 a temporary basis, as early as 1475.  He again ( s t i l l ? )  held this  post  in 1501, when a representative of the merchants of Medina del Campo com-  -26-  plained to the consejo real that Don Diego, or more accurately, his agents, had been insensitive  in applying new regulations concerning the quality of 51  the cloth sold at the biannual f a i r . gerated and suspicious",  /  Aviles c a l l s Osorio's zeal  "exag-  strongly implying that the Salamancan corregidor 52  was acting in the interests of the wool-exporters of his native Burgos. If this was the case, however, t h i s  incident would be d i s t i n c t l y out of  keeping with the remainder of his career.  After completing his term at  Salamanca, Osorio went on to serve as corregidor of Carmona and, as we shall see,  displayed exceptional  dedication to the monarch as corregidor  of Co'rdoba during the Comunidades;  No doubt Don Diego, l i k e most bureau-  crats, could on occasion display i n f l e x i b i l i t y and even callousness in the performance of his duties,  but the present writer sees no reason to  question Joseph Perez, who regards Osorio as an "honest and conscientious" 53 public servant, whose fundamental loyalty lay with the Crown. In a l l l i k e l i h o o d , the relationship between Osorio and Juan Maldonado began i n , or shortly before,  1505, when the corregidor was attempt-  ing to quell one of the outbreaks of student violence which were an 54 inseparable part of university l i f e at Salamanca.  It is unlikely that  Maldonado was among the combatants, since shortly thereafter he prevailed upon Osorio, already a "close f r i e n d " , to see to the delivery of one hundred laudatory verses which Longueil had written for Andrea di Borgo, Imperial arnoassador to the court of P h i l i p I . ^ 5  Two years previously, Don  Diego's daughter Maria married the Burgos patrician Pedro de Cartagena y Leiva, an action which.had an unforeseen effect on the l i f e of Juan Maldonado.  56  -27-  Osorio's son-in-law was descended from an i l l u s t r i o u s l i n e of Burgos conversos.  Don Pedro's great grandfather, the f i r s t Pedro de  Cartagena (1387-1478), was one of the four sons of Rabbi Solomon haL e v i , who adopted the name Pablo de Santa Maria after his timely baptism 57 in 1390.  Don Pablo went on to become Bishop of Burgos, and was suc-  ceeded in that o f f i c e by another of his sons, the diplomat and historian Alfonso de Cartagena (1384-1456).  The f i r s t Don Pedro began a family  t r a d i t i o n of membership on the ayuntamiento (municipal council) of Burgos, CO  a corporation as o l i g a r c h i c a l as any in C a s t i l e .  The family's founder  and Don Pedro's father, Alonso de Cartagena (d. 1508) were both important CQ  members of the regimiento  , and Don Pedro himself followed suit in 1512.  A l l three were also members of the prestigious Real Cofradia del  Santf-  simo y Santiago, an a r i s t o c r a t i c confraternity which had been v i r t u a l l y coterminous with the municipal oligarchy since i t was established by King Alfonso XI in 1338.^  Cartagena's case is thus d i s t i n c t from that of his  father-in-law, also named to the regimiento in 1512. belonged to a long line of municipal office-holders,  While Don Pedro Osorio was probably  one of the 'King's men' mentioned by H i l t p o l d , who received a purely nominal salary (4000 maravedis per annum) to supplement t h e i r income from CO  other, more l u c r a t i v e , government posts. The Cartagenas became hidalgos (members of the untitled n o b i l i t y ) in 1446, when King Juan II granted the f i r s t Pedro de Cartagena the right to form a mayorazgo (entailed estate).  This estate, which included Don  Pedro's p a l a c i a l home in Burgos and a network of seigneurial rights and possessions, passed to the patriarch's eldest son Don Alonso de Carta-  -28-  gena (d. 1467).  Don Alonso's marriage to Dona Maria Hurtado de Mendoza  linked Don Pedro's family with one of the wealthiest and most dynamic 64 noble houses in C a s t i l e .  Upon Don Alonso's death, the mayorazgo passed  to his eldest son, also named Alonso, and in 1508 to his grandson, the second Pedro de Cartagena.  From his father,  Pedro de Cartagena y Leiva  also inherited a place in the royal household (casa real) and patronage of the Chapel of the V i s i t a t i o n in Burgos, b u i l t during Alfonso de Cartagena's 65 episcopate (1435-1456).  Exercising his right to name the chaplain, Don  Pedro chose his father-in-law's The combined efforts  friend and c l i e n t Juan Maldonado.  of Osorio and Cartagena saved Maldonado from  what must have seemed e x i l e in Tierra de Campos, and brought him to a c i t y which, while distant from the centers of humanist scholarship, was anything but an isolated provincial backwater.  An important stopover on  the pilgrimage route to the shrine at Santiago de Compostella, Burgos cc  was already a commercial c i t y strategic  in the twelfth century.  Thanks to  its  location, the c i t y on the Arlanzon played a c r u c i a l role in  C a s t i l i a n internal trade, acting as the prime d i s t r i b u t i o n point for goods t r a v e l l i n g between Andalucia and the Bay of Biscay. lese merchants were active  in England, and for the next hundred years  grew wealthy in the 'triangular trade Castile.  6 7  By 1250 Burga-  1  between England, Flanders and  Beginning in the late fourteenth century, Burgalese traders  became increasingly dominant in purchasing and shipping raw wool from Castile to textile-producing centres in Flanders.  This de facto primacy  was formalized in 1494, when the Catholic Monarchs granted the c i t y ' s guild of wool-merchants,  the Consulado, a v i r t u a l monopoly on commerce  -29-  with Northern Europe.  When Juan Maldonado arrived there in the early  sixteenth century, Burgos was at the apex of a period of unparalleled prosperity, and centuries of cultural  interchange had made i t the most  69 'European' of C a s t i l i a n c i t i e s . Maldonado was twenty-five years old when he arrived in Burgos, and from the time of his a r r i v a l he supplemented his meagre e c c l e s i a s t i c a l salary by t e a c h i n g .  70  He began as a private tutor in noble households,  and by now i t should not surprise us to learn that the households involved were those of Diego Osorio and Pedro de Cartagena.  In 1517, Maldonado  appears in a document as among the criados of Don Diego, and while t h i s term is too ambiguous to be c e r t a i n , i t seems l i k e l y that his employment 71 included tutoring his patron's daughter Ana.  Maldonado was almost cer-  t a i n l y involved in the education of Isabel de Rojas, the only c h i l d of 72 Pedro de Cartagena and Osorio's other daughter Maria de Rojas.  As we  have seen from the Paraenesis, written for the young scion Gutierre de Cardenas, Maldonado continued to teach the sons of the wealthy nobles and merchants of Burgos, who, unlike his own parents, could well afford the services of a private t u t o r .  He l i k e l y continued to do so after  1532,  when he began teaching grammar and rhetoric at a secondary school in 73 Burgos.  The Paraenesis, with i t s heavy emphasis on Ciceronian rhetoric  and on c l a s s i c a l and p a t r i s t i c writers, is s t r i k i n g l y reminiscent of educational tracts by the fifteenth-century  Florentines Guarino de Verona and  Matteo Palmieri, and Maldonado's ideas on pedagogy are similar 74 of humanist contemporaries l i k e Colet, Erasmus and Vives.  to those  Like these  men, Maldonado was c l e a r l y convinced of the transformative power of  -30-  education: he was a humanist in the l i t e r a l sense of the word, a teacher 75 and student of the studia humanitatis. Maldonado's commitment to the studia humanitatis can be seen in his correspondence with Erasmus, and can be inferred from the fact that he kept in contact with like-minded Spaniards such as Alfonso Virue's and 76 Juan Luis Vives.  Using his friendship with Longueil as a ' l e t t e r of  i n t r o d u c t i o n ' , he availed himself of every opportunity to meet and study with Italian humanists who passed through Burgos in the entourage of the royal c o u r t .  7 7  His constant  intellectual  companion, however, was Osorio,  who c l e a r l y shared Maldonado's passion for the masterpieces of antiquity.  For Don Diego, who,  was a competent  ;  latinist,  classical  unlike the average fifteenth-century  hidalgo,  he compiled a florileg,iurn of selections from c l a s 7ft  s i c a l authors, notably from Pliny and from the historian L i v y .  Most  importantly, Osorio's patronage afforded Maldonado the time, and perhaps the l i b r a r y , he required to begin a career as a writer. Maldonado's f i r s t published work, the Latin comedy Hispaniola, was written during the winter of 1519-20, while the t h i r t y five year-old priest was at Vallegara, Osorio's castle near Burgos, then suffering through an 79 outbreak of plague.  At Vallegara, Maldonado read Plautus and Apuleius,  and the play reflects these influences.  It was probably meant to augment  the Latin instruction of C a s t i l i a n university students, possibly at Salamanca, whose Statutes (1538) prescribed student performances of Plautus on  or Terence on the Sunday following Corpus C h r i s t i . Hispaniola, however, reached a much wider audience, winning performances in Lisbon and, not 81 s u r p r i s i n g l y , Burgos. In order to understand the play's success, i t  -31-:  must be seen in the context of what Augustin Renaudet called the  1  Pre-  f o r m a t i o n ' , the s p i r i t u a l revival which reached i t s peak in the late  ft? fifteenth  and early sixteenth centuries.  In Spain, the 'Christian Revival' was led by Cardinal Cisneros, who, unlike his contemporary the Florentine preacher Girolamo Savonarola, saw the need to work in concert with the existing structure of p o l i t i c a l forces.  Whereas Savonarola rejected secular humanism in favour of an  essentially  anachronistic appeal for moral reform, Cisneros was a r e a l i s t ,  who "combined the p o l i t i c a l interests of a Richelieu with the ascetic 83 practices of a Franciscan monk".  Instead of rejecting the new learning,  Cisneros aligned himself with the project of "Christian humanists'  like  Guillaume Bude and Lefevre D'Etaples, who placed the new scholarly apparatus at the service of s p i r i t u a l regeneration and e c c l e s i a s t i c a l  reform.  Thus while Cisneros oversaw the d i s t r i b u t i o n of Savonarola's writings in Spain and championed monastic reform, he also invited Erasmus to Spain, established  a seat of learning at A l c a l a , and organized the team of huma84  nist scholars which produced the magnificent Complutensian Polyglot. The  1  P r e f o r m a t i o n ' in Spain was a complex phenomenon, an admixture of  many religious t r a d i t i o n s , but Eugenio Asensio is surely right to  insist  that while i t s concrete achievements were few, the reforming movement was already well advanced when B a t a i l l o n ' s 'Erasmian Revolution' erupted in the  mid-1520's  85  We must bear this  in mind when we look at Hispanioia, which contains  a number of important clues to ilaldonado's i n t e l l e c t u a l eve  of the jComunidades.  concerns on the  In interpreting the play, some writers have  -3?-  been swayed by the fact that both Maldonado and his patron Diego Osorio OC  became outspoken  'Erasmians' during the 1520's.  Both, in f a c t , were  among the most vociferous defenders of Erasmus in 1527, when a disputation was held at V a l l a d o l i d with the object of determining the orthodoxy of his 87 works.  There are, however, reasons for believing that Maldonado and  Osorio were rather insincere Erasmians, primarily concerned with i n g r a t i a ting themselves with Charles V and his Flemish c o u r t i e r s , for whom the teachings of Erasmus were a kind of u n o f f i c i a l  ideology.  While Maldonado  was perhaps the only Spaniard to praise the Encomium Moriae in p r i n t , he was certainly more enamoured of Erasmus' p h i l o l o g i c a l prowess and elegant Latin style than of the controversial aspects of the Dutchman's theology. In any case, there is no evidence that Maldonado knew the works of Erasmus 89 when he wrote Hispaniola. There is nothing p a r t i c u l a r l y Erasmian about the play, which reminds  Lida de Malkiel of fifteenth-century  Italian  90 comedy. Grismer includes i t in his survey of the influence of Plautus in Spain, while Bataillon sees a f f i n i t i e s with the medieval fabliaux and  91 with the irreverent a n t i - c l e r i c a l i s m of the Archpriest of H i t a .  The  f a r c i c a l p l o t , which turns on the misadventures of a h y p o c r i t i c a l and lascivious f r i a r , In this respect,  is highly conventional and d o c t r i n a l l y unchallenging. i t is e n t i r e l y in tune with the Libro de buen amor and  with the s p i r i t of pre-Lutheran reformers, whose c r i t i c i s m s of the church rarely extended to matters of Christian doctrine, "which was on the whole 92 accepted as authoritatively defined."  In Hispaniola Maldonado employs  the devices of Roman comedy to draw attention to the gap between Christian principle and c l e r i c a l practice; an utterly t r a d i t i o n a l procedure, and one  which accords well with the limited objectives  of the  1  Preformation . 1  As we have said, Maldonado arrived in Burgos in 1509 or 1510, during the episcopate of Pascual de Ampudia, whose career exemplifies tendencies of the age.  When viewed in i t s  the reformist  local context, Maldonado's  Hispaniola can be seen as a humorous r e f l e c t i o n upon the contrast between Ampudia's apostolic poverty and personal integrity and the worldliness and corruption of his successor,  Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca (1514-1524), who  was also a member of the Council of the Indies and seems to have been more interested  in exploiting the nascent Indies trade than in ministering 93  to the needs of his flock.  Maldonado served as examiner of the diocesan  clergy under Fonseca, and was thus daily exposed to the abominable ignorance and obscurantism which prevailed among the semi-literate parish 94 clergy.  His solution was a rigorous program of education,  designed  to enable novitiate priests to confront d i r e c t l y the authoritative of doctrine, and he w i l l have had no sympathy with the  sources  anti-intellectual  quasi-mysticism of the s p i r i t u a l Franciscans, who mistrusted learning, and sought emotional communion with the godhead.  Maldonado w i l l have witnessed  and sympathised with Cisneros' attempt to bring s t r i c t Observance to the unreformed religious of Burgos, resistance,  a project which met with concerted  so that in 1520 we s t i l l find the comunidad of Burgos instruct-  ing i t s representatives,  Pedro de Cartagena and Jeronimo de Castro, to ask  that "the job of reducing the monasteries to the Observance be continued 95 and completed."  But l i k e Cisneros, Maldonado regarded humanist scholar-  ship as a potentially valuable partner in the s p i r i t u a l regeneration of the church.  Also l i k e Cisneros, his approach to reform was conservative and  -34-  pragmatic, concerned with correcting abuses in the church without undermining the essential  bases of Christian doctrine.  In our b r i e f look at Hispaniola, we have t r i e d to show that in 1519, that i s , on the eve of the Comunidades, Maldonado betrays no signs of his later Erasmianism.  Even i f sometime between then and 1524, when he  wrote De motu Hispaniae, Maldonado became acquainted with the work of Erasmus, the ideas of the Rotterdam humanist would have been of or no use in interpreting an event such as the Comunidades.  little  And indeed  when we examine De motu Hispaniae we find that in attempting to impose some kind of order upon the chaotic events he had witnessed, Maldonado turned, not to Erasmus, but to Cicero, and to the c l a s s i c a l , and espec i a l l y Roman, historians so admired by the humanist i n t e l l i g e n t s i a the time.  of  , -35NOTES 1  The biographical information in Chapter One was compiled from  the following  sources: Juan Maldonado, Paraenesis ad L i t t e r a s . [Juan  Maldonado y el humanismo espanol en tiempos.de Carlos V] ed. and trans. Juan Alcina Rovira, i n t r o . Eugenio Asensio,  (Madrid: Fundacion Universi-  t a r i a Espanola, 1980); Juan Maldonado, La Revolucion Comunera, ed. Valentina Fernandez Vargas, (Madrid: Ediciones del Centro, 1975); Marcel B a t a i l l o n , Erasmo y Espana. Estudios sobre la h i s t o r i a e s p i r i t u a l s i g l o x v i , 2nd Spanish e d i t i o n ,  del  (Mexico, D . F . : Fondo de Cultura Economica,  1966); Miguel A v i l e s , Suenos F i c t i c i o s y Lucha Ideologica en el Siglo de Pro, (Madrid: Editora Nacional, 1981); Eugenio Asensio,  "Ciceronianos  contra Erasmistas en Espana, dos momentos (1528-1560)," Revue de L i t t e rature Comparee 52:2-4 (1978): 135-154. According to Don Jose' Quevedo, the famous bibliographer Nicolas Antonio was ambiguous concerning which of three Juan Maldonados was respons i b l e for De motu Hispaniae.  This question was resolved by Antonio's  eighteenth-century editor Francisco Perez Bayer, but Puevedo shows that both Antonio and Perez were mistaken in identifying Maldonado as a native of the c i t y of Cuenca.  In De motu Hispaniae, Maldonado refers to having  been born in ' B o n i l l a ' , and Puevedo,  r i g h t l y I think, i d e n t i f i e s this town  as Bonilla de Huete in the diocese of Cuenca: El movimiento de Espana, i v v.  Bataillon [Erasmo, 215] and Asensio [ i n t r o d u c t i o n , 17] concur, c i t -  ing a corroborative passage in De senectute C h r i s t i a n a (1549), in which Maldonado informs the work's dedicatee, Miguel Munoz, that he was born, nursed, and introduced to Latin in the Bishop's diocese, i e . Cuenca. The suggestion of Valentina Fernandez Vargas [ i n t r o d u c t i o n ' ,  11],  namely  -36-  that the  1  Boni1 l a  1  mentioned in De motu Hispaniae [La Revolucion,  could be Bonilla de la Sierra in the diocese of Salamanca, is  104]  plausible  only i f one assumes, as she does, that Juan Maldonado the historian and the Cuencan author of De senectute Christiana and other humanist works are not one and the same.  This question, however, has been resolved to  the present writer's satisfaction  by B a t a i l l o n , who c i t e s as evidence a  passage from Hispaniola, in which Maldonado alludes to having written a history of the Comunidades in seven books, a clear reference to De motu Hispaniae: Erasmo, 216, n.8.  H. L . Seaver gives Maldonado's birthdate  as ' c i r c a 1500', but t h i s is impossible to reconcile with other chronological data: The Great Revolt in C a s t i l e . A Study of the Comunero Movement of 1520-1521, (London: Constable & C o . , 1928), 366.  The case for  a date around 1485 was f i r s t made by Bataillon [Erasmo, 215, 329 n4] who has received support from Asensio:  introduction , :  18.  3 Fernandez Vargas [  introduction, 11] recommends a d i l i g e n t  search  of the parish records, but none were kept before Cardinal Jimenez de C i s neros instituted the practice in his own Archdiocese of Toledo in 1498: Jose Luis Martinez Sanz, "Una aproximacion a la documentacion de los 7  archivos parroquiales de Espana," Hispania 46 (1986): 173-174. 4  La Revolucion, 104; Paraenesis,  see German Bleiberg, ed.  168.  On the Maldonado family,  Diccionario de Historia de Espana, 3 v o l s . ,  (Madrid: Revista de Occidente, 1968), 2:862-863.  Like most C a s t i l i a n  noble families, the Maldonados had intermarried with Jews and/or conversos: Juan Ignacio Gutierrez Nieto, "Los conversos y el movimiento Comunero," Hispania 24 (1964): 245.  -37-  Asensio,  introduction • , 18-19.  During the reign of the Catholic Monarchs, the Salamancan Maldonados were as prominent in the academic and administrative a f f a i r s of the University as they were in c i t y government:  Vicente Beltran de Heredia,  Cartulario de la Universidad de Salamanca, 6 v o l s . (Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca, 1970), 3:96-97.  Dr. Rodrigo Maldonado de Talavera,  grandfather of the Comunero martyr Francisco Maldonado, held the chair in Laws at Salamanca from 1469 to 7  1477.  Asensio suggests that a certain Antonio Maldonado de Ontiveros,  a loyal agent of Charles V, may have been instrumental  in arranging a  production of Hispaniola for. the Emperor's s i s t e r , Queen Leonora of Portugal, but gives no evidence for t h i s conjecture:  introduction  » 19.  8 Paraenesis,  168.  9 Richard L . Kagan, Students and Society in Early Modern Spain, (Baltimore & London: The Johns Hopkins University Press,  1974),  9-13,  36-42. 1  ^ Paraenesis,  164.  Maldonado's statement concerning the number  of Latin grammar schools in Spain may seem exaggerated, but see Kagan, Students and Society,  42.  11 Paraenesis, 168. 1? " Vicente de la Fuente, H i s t o r i a de las universidades,  colegios,  y demas establecimientos de ensenanza en Espana. Tomo I: Edad Media, (Madrid: Fuentenebro,  1885).  13 Kagan, Students and Society, 34-36; J . H. E l l i o t , Imperial Spain,  -38-  1469-1716, (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1963), 127-29. ' J . - H . M a r i e j o l , Un l e t t r e i t a l i e n a la Cour d'Espagne  (1488-1526):  Pierre Martyr d'Anghiera - Sa vie et ses oeuvres, (Paris: L i b r a i r i e Hachette,  1887); Caro Lynn, A College Professor of the Renaissance:  Marineo Siculo among the Spanish Humanists, 15  Lucio  (Chicago: U Chicago P, 1937).  / Luis Fernandez de Retana, Cisneros y su s i g l o . Estudio  ' historico  de la vida y actuacion publica del Cardenal D. F r . Francisco Ximenez de Cisneros, 2 v o l s .  (Madrid: El Perpetuo Socorro, 1929-30); Felix G. Olmedo,  S. J . , Nebrija (1441-1522), debelador de la barbarie, comentador e c l e s i astico, pedagogo, poeta, (Madrid: Editora Nacional, 1942) and Nebrija en Salamanca (1475-1513), (Madrid: Editora Nacional, 1944); V. Beltran de Heredia, C a r t u l a r i o , 3:264-270; Victor Garcia de la Concha, ed. Nebrija y la Introduccion del Renacimiento en Espana, (Salamanca: Excma. Diputacion Provincial de Salamanca, ^  1983).  Nicholas G. Round, "Renaissance Culture and i t s Opponents in F i f -  teenth-Century C a s t i l e , " Modern Languages Review 57 (1962): 204-215; P. E . Russell,  "Arms vs. Letters: Toward a Definition of Spanish  teenth-Century Humanism," in A. R. Lewis, ed. Aspects of the A Symposium, (Austin & London: University of Texas Press,  Renaissance:  1967), 47-58;  Helen Nader, The Mendoza Family and the Spanish Renaissance, 1550, (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press,  Fif-  1350 to  1979), 1-16; J . N.  H i l l g a r t h , The Spanish Kingdoms, 1250-1516. Volume Two: 1410-1516, C a s t i lian Hegemony,  (Oxford: Clarendon, 1978), 611-613; E . Asensio,  duction", 8-14. 17  Round, "Renaissance Culture", 214.  "Intro-  -39-  See, for example, the l e t t e r from Pietro Martire to Ascanio Visconti in Russell, "Arms vs. Letters",  55.  19 James H. Overfield, Humanism and Scholasticism Germany, (Princeton: Princeton University Press,  in Late Medieval  1984).  20 Kagan, Students and Society,  219.  21 If we assume that Maldonado was born around 1485, t h i s seems a reasonable conjecture.  In Maldonado's day, the average age of  first-  year students at Salamanca was between fourteen and sixteen, though there was considerable v a r i a b i l i t y : Stephen Gilman, The Spain of Fernando de Rojas: The Intellectual  and Social Landscape of 'La C e l e s t i n a ' ,  ton: Princeton University Press,  (Prince-  1972), 209.  22 Paraenesis,  168.  Maldonado's 'career counsellors'  were r i g h t .  In early modern C a s t i l e , a law degree was essential to those who aspired to join the letrado e l i t e [Kagan, Students and Society, simply wanted to hold t h e i r own in an increasingly Kagan, Students and Society, gants in C a s t i l e , Press,  231-36], or  litigious  society:  218; Richard L . Kagan, Lawsuits and L i t i -  1500-1700, (Chapel H i l l : University of North Carolina  1981); Idem, "A Golden Age of L i t i g a t i o n : C a s t i l e ,  1500-1700,"  in John Bossy, ed. Disputes and Settlements: Law and Human Relations the West, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,  in  1983), 145-166.  23 24  Kagan, Lawsuits and L i t i g a n t s ,  145.  On the mos i t a l i c u s and i t s humanist c r i t i c s ,  see Myron P. G i l -  more, Humanists and J u r i s t s : Six Studies in the Renaissance, Mass.: Belknap-Harvard University Press,  1963), 28-33.  (Cambridge,  On legal  study  at Maldonado's Salamanca, see Gilman, The Spain of Fernando de Rojas,  -AOr  300-303; Kagan, Lawsuits and L i t i g a n t s , 141-145. 25 See, for example, Foundations of Modern H i s t o r i c a l Scholarship: Language, Law, and History in the French Renaissance, Columbia University Press,  (New York & London:  1970) and the diverse a r t i c l e s  brought together as History, Law and the Human Sciences: Renaissance Perspectives,  recently Medieval and  (London: Variorum Reprints, 1984).  Of.  Kagan, Lawsuits and L i t i g a n t s , 142; Kelley, History, V:179,183; VII1:128-29;  According to Kelley [Foundations, 154-55], Agustin, who had  studied with A l c i a t o in Bologna, was,  l i k e his German predecessor  Beatus  Rhenanus, involved in the ' h i s t o r i c i z a t i o n ' of Maldonado's s p e c i a l t y , canon law.  According to George Addy, however, the curriculum in both  c i v i l and canon law at Salamanca remained "frozen" u n t i l the eighteenth century: The Enlightenment in the University of Salamanca, (Durham: Duke University Press,  1966), 46.  27 Paraenesis, 168. According to Juan Alcina Rovira, Barbosa was Professor of Greek at Salamanca between 1495 and 1523: Paraenesis, 141, n 54; See also B a t a i l l o n , Erasmo, 19. 28 Paraenesis, 141 n 55, 170. On the educational methods of Pomponio Leto, see V. Zabughin, "L insegnamento di Pomponio Leto," Revista 1  d I t a l i a 16 (1906): 215-244. 1  29 Asensio,  introduction  , 64-65.  Asensio,  introduction  , 64.  On catedras de regencia at Sala-  manca, see Addy, The Enlightenment, 14. faculty l i s t s (libros de c l a u s t r o s ) ,  According to the Salamancan  Flaminio was awarded his  on 12 January 1504: Olmedo, Nebrija, 46.  regencia  Unfortunately, Flaminio was  -41-  to die within weeks of receiving a tenured professorship,  the Chair of  Rhetoric, in the spring of 1509: Beltran, C a r t u l a r i o , 3:210. 31 Asensio,  introduction  , 66.  Stephen Gilman [The Spain, 314-15]  remarks upon the appreciation for ancient rhetoric in the of Maldonado's Salamanca.  On the rediscovery of Cicero's rhetorical works  in the early fifteenth century,  see Rudolph P f e i f f e r ,  Scholarship: From 1300 to 1850, 32 ' Paraenesis, 171. 3  3  ' o r a l ' context  Paraenesis,  180-81,  Paraenesis,  170.  History of C l a s s i c a l  (Oxford: Clarendon, 1976), 32-33.  184.  34 35  Paraenesis, 169. On Longueil, see Theophile Simar, Christophe de Longueil  (1488-1522), (Louvain: Bureaux du Recueil, l i t e d Humanistes: 1  1911); R. Aulotte,  humaniste  "Une Riva-  Erasme et Longueil, Traducteurs de Plutarche,"  Bibliotheque d'Humanisme et Renaissance 30:3  (1968): 549-573.  37 38 39 40  Eugenio Asensio, Paraenesis,  "Ciceronianos contra Erasmistas",  150; Asensio,  "Ciceronianos",  136-148.  142.  B a t a i l l o n , Erasmo, 216. Asensio,  introduction  , 17.  41 Maldonado mentions this chaplaincy in his "Vita hominis  instar  d i e i " , the f i r s t of the three Paradoxa published in Opuscula quaedam docta simul et elegantia, duction •', 24, 48-50.  (Burgos: Juan Junta, 1549): Asensio,  Intro-,  On Osorio s possessions in Tierra de Campos, 1  Alonso Ferna'ndez de Madrid, Silva Palentina, 3 v o l s . de ' E l Diario Palentino'  , (Palencia:  see Imprenta  de la Viuda de J . Alonso, 1932-1942), 1:501.  -42-  42  "Optimus magister amor", in Opuscuia quaedam, (Burgos,  quoted by Asensio,  1549),  introduction' , 72.  43 Asensio,  introduction?-  , 18.  44 Luciano Serrano, Los conversos D. Pablo de Santa Maria y D. Alfonso de Cartagena, Obispos de Burgos, Gobernantes, Diplomaticos y E s c r i t o r e s , (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones C i e n t i f i c a s ,  1942), 230-31;  Luciano Serrano, Los Reyes Catolicos y La Ciudad de Burgos (Desde 1451 a 1492), (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones C i e n t i f i c a s , 25-29. 45  /  1943),  /  On Jimenez de Cisneros and e c c l e s i a s t i c a l reform, see Jose Garcia Oro, Cisneros y La Reforma del Clero Espaflbl en Tiempo de los Reyes Catolicos, 46  (Madrid: C. S. I. C , '  1971).  Joaquin L . Ortega, "Un reformador pretridentino: don Pascual de Ampudia, obispo de Burgos," Anthologica Annua 19 (1972): 185-556. "ideal bishop',  On the  see Tarsicio de Azcona, "El Tipo Ideal de Obispo en la  Iglesia EsparTola antes de la Rebelion Luterana," Hispania  Sacra  11  (1958): 21-64. 47 — Nicolas Lopez Martinez, "La biblioteca de D. Luis de Acuna en 1496," Hispania 20 (1960): 81-110. 48 ' A. Fernandez de Madrid, S i l v a Palentina, 1:501; Serrano, Los Reyes 49 Perez, La Revolucion, 58. On the history of the corregimiento, Catolicos, 25-26. see Benjamin Gonzalez Alonso, El corregidor castellano (1348-1808), (Madrid: Instituto de Estudios Administrativos,  1970), and for the reign  of the Catholic Monarchs, Marvin Lunenfeld, "Governing the C i t i e s of  -43-  Isabella the Catholic: The Corregidores, Governors and Assistants of Castile,  (1476-1504)," Journal of Urban History 9 (1982): 31-55; T a r s i -  cio de Azcona, Isabel la Catolica: Estudio c r i t i c o de su vida y su r e i n ado,  (Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores C r i s t i a n o s , 5  0  1974), 342-344.  Beltran, C a r t u l a r i o , 2:109-110.  51 Stephen Haliczer, The Comuneros of C a s t i l e : The Forging of a Revolution, 52 53  1475-1521, (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1981), 63. /  w  A v i l e s , Suenos, 113-114. i  Perez,  Revolucion,  58.  Osorio's appointments, especially those in  Salamanca and CdVdoba, were among the most important corregimientos in C a s t i l e : Manuel Fernandez Alvarez, La Espana del Emperador Carlos V, Volume 20 of Historia de Espana, ed. Ranron Mene'ndez P i d a l , 2nd e d . , (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1979), 92-94. 54 f Beltran, C a r t u l a r i o , 2:362-363; See also C a r t u l a r i o , 3:34, 5:112-13. 55 Paraenesis, 173. 56 Francisco Cantera Burgos, Alvar Garcia de Santa Maria y Su Famil i a de Conversos: Historia de la Juderia de Burgos y de sus Conversos mas Egregios,  (Madrid: Instituto Arias Montano, 1952),  513.  57 58  Serrano, Los conversos, 23; Cantera, Alvar Garcia, 464. On the oligarchical  character of C a s t i l i a n local government,  see  Adriana Bo and Maria del Carmen Carle, "Cuando empieza a reservarse a los caballeros el gobierno de las ciudades castellanas," Cuadernos de Historia de Espana 4 (1946): 114-124. 59 Cantera, Alvar Garcia, 473-475, 6  0  512.  Cantera, Alvar Garcia, 75-76, 512.  See also Teo'filo F. Ruiz, "The  -44-  Transformation of the C a s t i l i a n M u n i c i p a l i t i e s : The Case of Burgos 12481350," Past and Present 77 (1977): 6 1  18-20.  Cantera, Alvar Garcia, 513, 518-519 n35.  6? Paul H i l t p o l d , "Noble Status and Urban P r i v i l e g e : Burgos, Sixteenth Century Journal 12:4 (1981):  1572,"  23-24.  63 64  Cantera, Alvar Garcia, 472-473; Serrano, Los conversos,  164-165.  Don Pedro i s said to have arranged the marriage as compensation f o r having k i l l e d , or at l e a s t seriously wounded, the b r i d e ' s f a t h e r , Juan Hurtado de Mendoza, prestamero mayor of Vizcaya, at a tournament in Burgos in 1424: Cantera, Alvar Garcia, 470-471; J u l i o Rodriguez-Puertolas, Fray Inigo de Mendoza y sus 'Coplas de V i t a C h r i s t i ' , (Madrid: E d i t o r i a l Gredos, 1968), 27-33.  He also married his daughter Juana to the prestamero's son,  Don Diego Hurtado de Mendoza.  The couple's only c h i l d was the Franciscan  poet and sacred orator Inigo de Mendoza, second cousin of Maldonado's patron: Cantera, Alvar Garcia, 559-570; Rodriguez-Puertolas. Fray Inigo, 33-38.  Tension between the two clans persisted through the 1430's [Can-  t e r a , Alvar G a r c i a , 140-144; Serrano, Los conversos, 159-161], but the a l l i a n c e may explain why Maldonado enjoyed Mendoza patronage a f t e r C a r t a gena's death in 1525: Asensio, i n t r o d u c t i o n , 22; B a t a i l l o n , Erasmo, 487. 65 Serrano, Los conversos, 204-205; Cantera, Alvar G a r c i a , 475. 66  Nazario Gonzalez, Burgos, La ciudad marginal de C a s t i l l a : Estudio de geografia urbana, (Burgos: Imprenta de Aldecoa, 1958), 6 /  T e o f i l o F. Ruiz, " C a s t i l i a n Merchants in England,  112-116. 1248-1350,"  in W. C. Jordan, B. McNab & T. F. Ruiz, eds. Order and Innovation in the Middle Ages: Essays in Honor of Joseph R. Strayer, (Princeton: Princeton  -45-  University Press,  1976), 173-185; Wendy R. Chi Ids, Anglo-Castilian trade  in the later Middle Ages, (Manchester: Manchester University Press,  1978).  CO  Manuel Basas Fernandez, El Consulado de Burgos en el s i g l o XVI, (Madrid: C . S . I . C . ,  1963), 33-36.  69 Gonzalez, Burgos, 131-146.  For the c u l t u r a l consequences of com-  mercial prosperity, see Ramon Carande, Carlos V y sus banqueros. La vida economica en C a s t i l l a (1516-1556), 2nd e d . , y Publicaciones, 7  0  (Madrid: Sociedad de Estudios  1965), 271-272; Gonzalez, Burgos, 123-125, 135-141.  Asensio,  introduction, 17-18.  Asensio,  introduction, 19.  71  designated a l l retainers  The word criado, l i t e r a l l y  in a noble household,  in which they were employed.  'servant',  regardless of the  Jean-Marc Pelorson, for example,  capacity  notes that  private chaplains were called criados: Manuel Tunon de Lara, ed. Historia de Espana. Tomo V: La Frustracion de un Imperio (1476-1714), (Barcelona: E d i t o r i a l Labor, 1982), 311. 72 73  tain.  Asensio,  introduction, 21.  Asensio,  introduction, 15.  The identity of this school  is uncer-  J . N. H i l l g a r t h mentions a Latin grammar school popular with  Burgalese c l e r i c s  in the late fifteenth  century: The Spanish Kingdoms  1250-1516. Volume II: 1410-1516, C a s t i l i a n Hegemony, (Oxford: Clarendon, 1978), 97.  This may have been that established under Bishop Pablo de  Santa Maria in 1440: Serrano, Los conversos, 252-253; Cf. Serrano, Los Reyes Catolicos, 24.  A l i k e l y alternative  is that Maldonado taught  humanities at the Colegio de San Nicolas, founded by his patron Inigo Lopez de Mendoza, Bishop of Burgos (1529-1535): Kagan, Students and  -46-  Society,  67.  74 William Harrison Woodward, Studies in Education during the Age of the Renaissance,  1400-1600, (New York: Teachers College Press,  1967);  Eugenio Garin, L'Educazione in Europa (1400-1600): Problemi e Programmi, (Bari: E d i t o r i Laterza, 1957); Vives: On Education. A Translation of the 'De Tradendis D i s c i p l i n i s ' of Juan Luis Vives, trans, and i n t r o . Watson, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,  Foster  1913); J . H. Hexter,  The Vision of P o l i t i c s on the Eve of the Reformation: More, Machiavelli and Seyssel, (New York: Basic Books, 1973), 59-62. 75 Paul Oskar K r i s t e l l e r , Renaissance Thought: The C l a s s i c , and Humanistic Strains, 7 6  (New.York: Harper Torchbook, 1955), 9.  Maldonado's l e t t e r s to Erasmus may be found in P. S. Allen and  H. M. A l l e n , eds.  Opus epistolarum Des. Erasmi Roterodami, 12 v o l s . ,  (Oxford: Clarendon, 1906-1958), 6:393-396 [no. 1908].  Scholastic,  1742], 7:252-254 [no.  During the eighteenth century, the Colegio de Santa Cruz in V a l l a -  dolid housed a bundle of autograph letters from Maldonado to "the most famous men of his time",  including Nebrija, Vives and Virues, but t h i s  has since been l o s t : Asensio,  introduction, 26-27.  77 78 79  Asensio,  introduction, 72-73.  B a t a i l l o n , Erasmo, 216. B a t a i l l o n , Erasmo, 216.  and 1525,  The f i r s t and second editions, dated  1521  are not extant, but there are at least two copies of the t h i r d  (Burgos: Juan Junta, 1535), one at the Biblioteca Nacional and the at the University of Zaragoza: Asensio, see Danvila, H i s t o r i a ,  1:96.  introduction, 22-23.  other  On the  plague,  -47-  an  Lynn, A College Professor, 105; R. L. Grismer, The Influence of  Plautus in Spain before Lope de Vega . . ., (New York: Hispanic I n s t i t u t e , 1944), 89-90. 81 82  Grismer, The Influence, 91. •y Augustin Renaudet, Prereforme et humanisme a Paris pendant les  premieres guerres d ' l t a l i e (1494-1517), 2nd e d . , ( P a r i s : L i b r a i r i e D  1  Argences, 1953). °~ Myron P. Gilmore, The World of Humanism, 1453-1517, (New York: Harper, 1952), 207. 84 85  B a t a i l l o n , Erasmo,  1-43.  Eugenio Asensio, " E l Erasmismo y las c o r r i e n t e s e s p i r i t u a l e s a f i n e s , " Revista de F i l o l o g f a Espafibla 36 (1952): 31-99. 86  Soriano, f o r example, refers to the Maldonado of Hispaniola as a "Salamancan Erasmian": Justo Garcia Soriano, " E l teatro del colegio en Espana," B o l e t i n de l a Real Academia Espanbla 14 (1927): 242-243. 87  88  *  B a t a i l l o n , Erasmo, 226-278, esp. 274.  B e l t r a n , C a r t u l a r i o , 6:9-120.  B a t a i l l o n has traced the subterranean influence of Erasmus  1  Praise  of F o27-29 l l y in octobre Spanish 1969), l i t e r a t(Amsterdam u r e of the &Golden "Un probleme 1971), d ' i n f l u 136ence dam, London:Age: North-Holland, d'Erasme en Espagne. " Actes Congres 147. However, AsensioL ' E[ l' Co igceedreo n ila a n Fo os 'l,i e ,143] findsduthat whileErasme there (Rotterare a number of a l l u s i o n s to the Encomium Moriae, Maldonado's i s the only e x p l i c i t reference: Paraenesis, 166.  Even in the Paraenesis, however,  published in 1529 at the height of his 'Erasmian' period, Maldonado steers c l e a r of the c o n t r o v e r s i a l r e l i g i o u s and t h e o l o g i c a l works, while heaping  -48-.  praise on the De copia and the De conscribendis  e p i s t o l i s as modern  manuals of rhetoric and eloquence comparable to the masterworks of Cicero and Q u i n t i l i a n : Paraenesis,  166-167.  Bataillon [Erasmo, 216] and Asensio  [introduction, 81-83] both suggest that Maldonado's Erasmianism was only skin-deep.  Aviles goes f a r t h e r , arguing that Maldonado and Osorio were  cynical social-climbers,  who simply followed  intellectual  fashions:  Suenos, 116-120. 89 According to Bataillon [Erasmo, 72],  Erasmus' f i r s t major supporter  in Spain was the Abbot of H u i s i l l o s , Garcia Bobadilla, who t r i e d to Cisneros to hire him to work on the Complutensian Polyglot: the  convince  letter,  dated 26 November 1516, can be found in Beltran, C a r t u l a r i o , 5:335-336. The f i r s t work of Erasmus to be published in Spain was the Tratado o Sermon del nino Jesus, printed in S e v i l l e of 1520: B a t a i l l o n , Erasmo, 86 n27.  in 1516,  followed by the Querela Pacis  It seems unlikely that Maldonado knew  either of these works in 1519-20, though recent work suggests that certain Spaniards were reading Erasmus as early as 1504: Jose Luis Gonzalez Novalfn, "Pedro Martir de Angleria y sus  'Triunviros' (1506-1522). Nuevas aporta-  ciones al conocimiento de Erasmo y Lutero en Espana," Hispania Sacra 33 (1981): 143-197. 90 Maria Rosa Lida de M a l k i e l , La originalidad a r t i s t i c a de la Celestina,  (Buenos Aires: Eudeba, 1962), 38.  91 92 93  B a t a i l l o n , Erasmo, 216. Hexter, The Vision, 95. There are numerous references to Fonseca in two works by Manuel  Gimenez Fernandez: Bartolome de las Casas, 2 v o l s . ,  ( S e v i l l e : Escuela de  -49-  Estudios Hispano-Americanos de S e v i l l a ,  1953-1960) and Herna'n Corte's  y su revolucion comunera en la Nueva Espana, ( S e v i l l e : Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos de S e v i l l a ,  1948).  94 95  B a t a i l l o n , Erasmo, 215. Danvila, H i s t o r i a , 1:451.  -50CHAPTER TWO: DE MOTU HISPANIAE AS HUMANIST HISTORIOGRAPHY In the preceding chapter, we sought,  insofar as t h i s is possible in  the case of as shadowy a figure.as Juan Maldonado, to chart the topography of the author's 'mental world' in 1524 or so, when he decided to write an account of the events which had so suddenly shattered the peace and t r a n q u i l i t y of his l i f e in Burgos.  1  In the present chapter, we s h a l l t r y  to show how in the composition of De. motu..Hispaniae Maldonado used conventions and techniques which he had absorbed from the Roman historians whose work had been a central component in his c l a s s i c a l education at Salamanca.  His f a m i l i a r i t y with these sources w i l l have been reinforced  in his e x t r a - c u r r i c u l a r intercourse with Longueil and Flaminio, in regular conversations with his learned patron Don Diego Osorio, through his daily a c t i v i t y as a teacher of grammar and r h e t o r i c , and.through/regular correspondence, almost c e r t a i n l y with Spanish humanists, and, quite possibly, p with Erasmus.  But while there is a passage in De motu Hispaniae which  hints at a f a m i l i a r i t y with Erasmus' Querela. Pacis, there is no i n d i c a tion that the Dutch reformer had any impact on Maldonado's h i s t o r i c a l 3 discourse. classical  The character of that discourse was largely determined by his sources, by the exigencies of contemporary history, and by his  own subjective response to the Comunidades. The natural starting point for any inquiry into a h i s t o r i c a l work is consideration of motive.  Why did Juan Maldonado write history?  more importantly, why did he write t h i s p a r t i c u l a r history?  And  In the next  chapter we w i l l suggest that Maldonado may have had reasons for writing which are not made e x p l i c i t y i n the t e x t .  Those which are, however, re-  veal much about how he understood the project in which he was engaged.  -51-  Early in the f i r s t of the seven books into which De motu Hispaniae is divided, Maldonado rehearses a complaint which had already become something of a commonplace with Spanish h i s t o r i a n s , namely that Spaniards, t r a d i t i o n a l l y more devoted to 'arms' than to ' l e t t e r s ' ,  had been peculiarly  remiss in recording the great deeds of t h e i r compatriots.  4  The unhappy  consequence of t h i s historiographical neglect, according to Maldonado, had been that many i l l u s t r i o u s heroes,  "eminently worthy of remembrance", and  a glorious h i s t o r y , equal, in a l l respects to that of c l a s s i c a l been lost in the mists of time", (32)  Rome, "have  He goes on to declare his unwilling-  ness to stand i d l y by while a similar fate befalls the events of the recent ' c i v i l war'.  Despite personal shortcomings, therefore,  he has determined  to preserve a record of the Comunidades, i f only to encourage others to write contemporary h i s t o r y , and in the hope that l a t e r , more talented, historians w i l l complete the task which he has begun. Much of what Maldonado has to say on the r e l a t i v e merits of various kinds of h i s t o r i c a l writing follows d i r e c t l y from his basic conviction that Spaniards must keep a detailed record of the present i f future are to be spared the ignominy of a forgotten past.  generations  It is in keeping with  this end, for example, that he draws a rather invidious comparison between histories which recapitulate events in the distant past and those which recount events which occurred during the h i s t o r i a n ' s own l i f e t i m e .  Such  rhetoric enhances the prestige of contemporary history in general, and of his own project in p a r t i c u l a r . That Maldonado has his own enterprise in mind is indicated by the fact that from the outset he privileges a p a r t i c u l a r brand of contemporary  -52-  history, based not on documentary sources,  but on eyewitness testimony,  which he regards as the epistemologically  unimpeachable foundation upon  which a l l h i s t o r i c a l knowledge is b u i l t .  On the opening page of De motu  Hispaniae he claims that h i s t o r i e s penned by eyewitnesses, or on the basis of first-hand accounts, are i n f i n i t e l y more valuable than those which chronicle events in the 'deep past'.  These l a t t e r are normally no more  than compilations, mere patchwork ' h i s t o r i e s '  constructed by stringing  together snippets of information abstracted from the works of various 'authorities'.  The historian who employs t h i s method "may well win a  reputation for himself by making a pompous display of his  intellectual  prowess; but he gives nothing of certainty to his readers, except that which was already present in his sources".  Moreover, since t h e i r primary  sources are inevitably of variable q u a l i t y , such historians become the purveyors of "interminable narratives f u l l of myths", incongruous amalgams compounded of more or less equal measures of truth and falsehood.  (31)  Maldonado's dismissive rhetoric c a l l s to mind what R. G. Collingwood terms  1  scissors-and-paste  1  historiography, a methodology which arose,  s i g n i f i c a n t l y enough, during the H e l l e n i s t i c period, when men acquired a taste for ' w o r l d - h i s t o r i e s ' , which "could not be written on the of testimony from l i v i n g eyewitnesses".  6  strength  That Maldonado ascribes  this  methodology to the chroniclers he condemns suggests that he was directing his remarks at medieval historiography in general, which lacked effective methods of documentary c r i t i c i s m and frequently displayed an exaggerated (and misplaced) reverence for the testimony of accepted  'authorities'.  While this may well be true, another comment leads one to suspect that  7  -53-  the targets of t h i s d i a t r i b e can be identified with more p r e c i s i o n . Maldonado indicates that these writers were animated by a desire to g l o r ify t h e i r patria (31), which leads the present writer to believe that the object of his v i l i f i c a t i o n was a p a r t i c u l a r t r a d i t i o n of hispanic h i s t o r i o graphy whose adepts employed a euhemeristic interpretation of myth in an attempt to endow Spain, or more exactly C a s t i l e , with a glorious cal  1  past.  'classi-  The architect of t h i s t r a d i t i o n was the thirteenth-century  chronicler Jimenez de Rada, Archbishop of Toledo, who traced the ruling C a s t i l i a n dynasty back to Hercules, and i t was continued in Maldonado's day by Florian de Ocampo, who accepted the equally f a n c i f u l of Annius of Viterbo (Giovanni Narini). b r i l l i a n t l y traced the vicissitudes strated i t s  'propaganda value  1  inventions  Professor R. B. Tate, who has  of t h i s t r a d i t i o n , has c l e a r l y demon-  for a C a s t i l i a n monarchy desperate  to g  establish  its  'continuity' with the Gothic, and even pre-Gothic, past.  This kind of enterprise would c l e a r l y have been anathema to Maldonado, for whom such fabrications were proof of the degree to which C a s t i l i a n historians had f a i l e d to f u l f i l l  t h e i r obligations td posterity.  To Juan Maldonado, whose mentor Flaminio Siculo had been raised on Sal lust, such tissues of l i e s must have seemed pale substitutes for a lost national legacy.  In De motu Hispaniae he suggests that what C a s t i l e needs  are not accounts of the distant past, which are no more valuable than the dubious sources upon which they r e l y , but r i c h l y textured contemporary histories,  written by eyewitnesses, or on the basis of eyewitness t e s t i -  mony. Only these l a t t e r could insure that the deplorable impoverishment 9  of the C a s t i l i a n past did not continue into the next generation.  As we  -54-  have already suggested, Maldonado was appealing here to an idea of history which was firmly rooted in c l a s s i c a l antiquity, a fact of which he was undoubtedly aware.  The ancients were, after a l l , p r i n c i p a l l y concerned  to record the actions of l i v i n g men, and relegated  large segments of the  past, especially the 'deep past', to the realm of m y t h .  1 0  Herodotus,  for example, recommended that his fellow historians practice what he called 'autopsy , which amounted to "being present at the events instead 1  of reporting what other people s a i d " .  1 1  The 'father of h i s t o r y  1  was doing  no more than commend h i s t o r i a , which for the ancient Greeks meant "that which one knows through having witnessed i t " .  1 2  Maldonado was  doubtless  sensitive to the fact that i t was the assiduousness with which the rians of c l a s s i c a l  histo-  Rome had recorded the accomplishments of t h e i r contem-  poraries which had provided Renaissance Italians with a past which required not invention but simply systematic recovery. While he could do nothing to remedy past negligence,  Maldonado was determined that the Comunidades of  13 C a s t i l e , surely "the biggest news story of the age"  , would not be lost  to posterity for want of a chronicler. Maldonado's account of the r e b e l l i o n , at least so far as events in Burgos are concerned, is overwhelmingly that of an eyewitness, though he must have supplemented his own experience with oral reports from others whom he considered r e l i a b l e witnesses.  Pedro de Cartagena, for example,  w i l l have kept him posted on meetings of the municipal c o u n c i l , while his friendship with Diego Osorio is doubtless  responsible for the fact  that he was especially well-informed on the comings and goings of Bishop Acuna.  Cartagena and Osorio may also have kept him abreast of news from  -55-  elsewhere in C a s t i l e , for while Maldonado seems to have remained in Burgos throughout the r e v o l t , the Lord of Olmillos was one of the c i t y ' s representatives to the rebel junta and Osorio was corregidor of the Andalusian c i t y of Cordoba.  Another possible source of information were the r e l a -  ciones de sucesos, rudimentary newspapers which circulated freely in C a s t i l e during t h i s p e r i o d . '  Since Maldonado himself is s i l e n t on the  subject, the only thing which seems reasonably certain is that he had very limited access to written sources.  In f a c t ,  he includes only one  piece of documentary evidence: a l e t t e r to Charles V from the c i t y of Burgos, expressing d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with Cisneros' plans for a c i t i z e n  15 m i l i t i a , the gente de ordenanza.  (49-52)  While i t is impossible to identify the c r i t e r i a which Maldonado employed in c l a s s i f y i n g and evaluating the r e l i a b i l i t y of the oral reports he received, we know that he was positively contemptuous of at least one variety of oral  'testimony'  - popular opinion.  Maldonado d u t i f u l l y records  a number of the many rumours which circulated during the Comunidades, indeed he was alone among his contemporaries in recognizing that at least some of them formed part of deliberate campaigns of "psychological warfare".  16  The widespread use of propaganda by both sides in the c i v i l 17  war was certainly one reason for Maldonado's mistrust of popular opinion but there was also another, more fundamental, cause. nado, 'experience , 1  According to Maldo-  'the testimony of h i s t o r y , and 'the most knowledge1  able authors', a l l t e s t i f y to the worthlessness of popular opinion.  The  ignorant masses (el vulgo) do not render rational judgements based on the evidence of t h e i r senses, but simply mask the truth by couching t h e i r own  ,  -56-  desires and fears in the language of i n f a l l i b l e c e r t a i n t y . (59)  Guided  by t h e i r passions rather than by the l i g h t of reason, the popular classes, at least en masse, were c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l y u n r e l i a b l e witnesses. The passage c i t e d above i s only one of many in De motu Hispaniae which suggest that Maldonado, whatever other objections he had to the standard Salamancan curriculum, shared the r e a l i s t epistemology of what would come 1ft  to be known as the 'Salamancan school' of j u r i s t - t h e o l o g i a n s .  These  w r i t e r s - the major f i g u r e s were Francisco de V i t o r i a , Domingo de Soto and Francisco Suarez - stressed what one modern w r i t e r has c a l l e d "the cognitive authority of consensus", namely that the t r u t h of our percept i o n s i s guaranteed by God, and the nature of r e a l i t y w i l l be evident to a l l r a t i o n a l men whose f a c u l t i e s have not been clouded over by t h e i r 19 passions.  Maldonado c l e a r l y regarded himself as a r a t i o n a l man, and  considered that human reason, unimpaired by passion and a f f e c t i v e a t t a c h ments, was the e s s e n t i a l t o o l of the h i s t o r i a n ' s c r a f t .  The h i s t o r i a n  ought to be "the i m p a r t i a l judge of the f a c t s " (35), beholden to none and committed only to the dispassionate r e l a t i o n of the h i s t o r i c a l t r u t h , to describing "the bare f a c t s , j u s t as they happened". (57)  The ideal  h i s t o r i a n i s a p e r f e c t l y detached observer, who must shun any emotional attachments which might impair his a b i l i t y to render an o b j e c t i v e and unbiassed account of events.  Even the natural a f f e c t i o n which men f e e l  f o r the nation of t h e i r b i r t h , t h e i r p a t r i a , i s dangerous f o r the h i s t o r i a n , whose overriding o b l i g a t i o n is to the t r u t h . (103-104) There are good reasons t o doubt whether Maldonado, or any other h i s t o r i a n f o r that matter, was ever able to achieve t h i s degree of de-  -57-  tachment.  Consideration of the circumstances under which De motu Hispaniae  was composed, however, reveals that Maldonado's obvious confidence own impartiality was not e n t i r e l y u n j u s t i f i e d .  in his  It would seem, for example,  that the c r e d i b i l i t y of his account is only enhanced by the fact that unl i k e most others who wrote histories of the eomunidades, Maldonado was not 20 a royal historiographer (cronista).  For while Felix Gilbert may well  be correct when he asserts that the "practical aims" of the public historiographers of the Renaissance "demanded a certain amount of factual detail and accuracy", i t is also true that h i s t o r i e s written at the behest of reigning monarchs by salaried employees are unlikely to be entirely 21 disinterested.  Despite the personal i n t e g r i t y of many cronistas, those  who held such a post c e r t a i n l y ran the risk of becoming  apologists,  if  77  not outright progagandists, for the existing regime. H i l l g a r t h , for example, has shown that the propaganda interests of C a s t i l i a n monarchs 23 have been only too w i l l i n g l y served by t h e i r royal historiographers. As an 'amateur', Maldonado could not be placed in a position s i m i l a r to that of the cronista Alfonso de Palencia, whose account of the Cortes of Toledo (1480) was ordered censored by Isabel the Catholic, who favoured 24 the more ' p l i a b l e ' Hernando de Pulgar.  There are indications in De  motu Hispaniae that Maldonado did in fact aspire to a position as royal historiographer, but while a post at court would undoubtedly have given him greater access to relevant documentation, i t would also have compro25 mised his a b i l i t y to interpret this evidence as he saw f i t .  Maldo-  nado's r e l a t i v e anonymity, and his marginality to the events unfolding around him in 1520-21, inspire a certain degree of confidence  in his  -58-  professions of suprapartisanship, though as we shall see when we examine the factual content of De motu Hispaniae in more d e t a i l , those working at court had no monopoly on u l t e r i o r motives. While Maldonado was acutely conscious of the degree to which various forms of emotive bias had distorted the accounts of other h i s t o r i a n s , he never seems to have questioned his own a b i l i t y to observe and record dispassionately.  He apparently believed that just as his 'amateur status'  isolated him from the pressures which beset the c r o n i s t a , his commitment to the truth shielded him from the distortions which can invade the histories of those motivated by chauvinism, vanity or ambition.  Maldonado  wanted to unveil 'the bare f a c t s , just as they happened', and our b r i e f discussion of his epistemological  realism was intended to demonstrate the  accuracy of Reinhart Koselleek's observation that such t o p o i , commonly encountered in early modern historiography, reveal a "naive realism [which drew] primarily on eyewitnesses (less on earwitnesses') whose presence 1  guarantees the truth of h i s t o r y " .  2 6  The evidence of De motu Hispaniae  strongly suggests that Maldonado shared t h i s conviction. Unlike historians who write of the 'deep past', those who chronicle the 'shallow past'  labour in the knowledge that t h e i r judgements must bear  up under the scrutiny of others who were present at the events they desc r i b e , or who witnessed events which they have described on the basis of oral testimony.  The contemporary h i s t o r i a n , Maldonado t e l l s us, "can  neither l i e nor be carried away by passion, since he knows that his readers w i l l have witnessed the happenings he describes and w i l l  either  praise his historiographical merits or reproach his shortcomings".  (31)  -59-  Maldonado considered that t h i s potential f o r 'feedback' from l i v i n g eyewitnesses served as a powerful incentive to historiographical veracity.  It is worth noting in t h i s connection that in Maldonado's day the  new technology of print was working what has been called a "communications revolution" in C a s t i l e , and indeed throughout De motu Hispaniae 71  Maldonado writes  l i k e a man whose work was on the verge of p u b l i c a t i o n .  As we know, however, he decided against releasing i t to the p u b l i c .  Since  we also know that his claim to have been revising the work is f a l s e ,  one  might well wonder why-, given what he says concerning the importance of eyewitness c r i t i c i s m , he chose not to place De motu Hispaniae before the tribunal of his contemporaries.  The answer, i t seems to me, can be found  in the climate of opinion which prevailed in C a s t i l e in the wake of the Comunidades. As we have seen, Maldonado was of the opinion that 'the interfered with the a b i l i t y to reason objectively,  passions'  and he was only too  aware that during the middle and late 1520's the passions aroused during the recent  ' c i v i l war' were s t i l l riding high: How well I know the doubtful and uncertain fate to which I expose my reputation in writing of c i v i l war at a time when any account is certain to f a l l into the hands of both victors and vanquished.  Since his readership would include individuals who had been active  parti-  sans of both parties in the recent c o n f l i c t , he wagered that the chances were slim that even the most judicious account would convince a l l concerned of his n e u t r a l i t y . (57)  Therefore rather than venture into the  maelstrom of recriminations, accusations,  retribution and downright  -60-  hypocrisy which was post-revolutionary C a s t i l e , Maldonado decided to wait u n t i l the emotional temperature had dropped to the point where a  28 f a i r assessment of his work became possible.  (27)  When Maldonado released De motu Hispaniae, he was undoubtedly convinced that the facts therein would 'speak for themselves judiced reader.  1  to any unpre-  Philosophers of history, however, have r i g h t l y questioned  one of the central premisses upon which t h i s confidence was based, namely the notion that the historian is a 'camera with the lens open', a d i s passionate fact-gatherer who simply transcribes 'the bare f a c t s , they happened'.  just as  Hayden White and others have argued that because the facts  themselves are neutral, the historian must, in the interests of communication and e d i f i c a t i o n , figuring  introduce formal elements which identify them as  'a story of a p a r t i c u l a r k i n d ' : [T]he historian must draw upon a fund of c u l t u r a l l y provided mythoi in order to constitute the facts as figuring a story of a p a r t i c u l a r kind, just as he must appeal to that same fund of mythoi in the minds of his readers to endow his account of the past with the odor of meaning and s i g n i ficance. 29  Professor R. B. Tate made a similar point in a recent a r t i c l e on the fifteenth-century  historian Alfonso de Palencia.  He draws attention  to  how Palencia, acting as "moral judge", imposes a form on his material ('emplots i t ' , , as White would say),  such that we perceive C a s t i l i a n  history between 1440 and 1490 as a gradual and unbroken ascent from chaos to order.  Among Tate's conclusions  is that  what r e a l l y matters in these h i s t o r i c a l texts is not t h e i r conformity with a p a r t i c u l a r objective standard of t r u t h , but the way in  -61-  which the material is 'emplotted' according to certain forms, arguments or sequences, or i f one prefers: myths. 30 'What r e a l l y matters'  in a h i s t o r i c a l text w i l l depend upon the questions  being asked about i t , but c l e a r l y among the things which matter is the way in which the author has constructed his narrative so as to convey to a selected audience a certain impression of what the facts ' s a y ' .  It is to  this aspect of De motu Hispaniae that we w i l l now turn our attention. The problem of form, central to a l l historiography beyond mere annals, 31 confronts the contemporary historian in a p a r t i c u l a r l y insistent way. The present and the recent past present themselves to us with an opaqueness which seems to elude description. memory often remain imperfectly  Events within the span of l i v i n g  ' h i s t o r i c i z e d ' , that i s , they have not yet  been endowed with the cognitively reassuring i l l u s i o n of transparency which comes from having been firmly placed within an accepted past occurences.  Maldonado's predicament was especially  'pattern' of  difficult.  The  task of giving a recognizable shape to the chaotic events of 1520-21 must have seemed a daunting enterprise, one which demanded that he devote as much attention to structure as to content.  In f a c t , the most immediately  striking aspect of De motu Hispaniae is the o r i g i n a l i t y of i t s Maldonado adopts a form which i s , able to determine, sui generis:  structure.  so far as the present writer has been  an unprecedented discursive amalgam,  compounded of h i s t o r i c a l narrative and an equally venerable form of written discourse which had already attracted the attention of a large number of his humanist contemporaries - the dialogue. The seven books of De motu Hispaniae correspond to seven consecutive  -62-  days, during which the author engages in often animated conversation with a group of pilgrims* who have taken up temporary residence in the convent of Santa Maria la Real ('Las Huelgas') near Burgos, a popular stopover on the 'French Road  1  to the shrine at Santiago de Compostela.  The parties in Maldonado's dialogue are three foreigners - a Frenchman, a German and an Italian - and a fellow C a s t i l i a n , the Toledan, that a man from the c i t y of Toledo in central Spain. widely, but the lengthiest digressions  is,  The subjects range  are relegated to the beginning  and end of each book, the central portion being given over to monothematic exposition,  as the narrator, egged on by his companions, t e l l s the story  of the recent  'movement of S p a i n ' .  Most of our analysis  in the present  chapter w i l l be devoted to Maldonado's ' o r a l ' discourse, but before we look at the h i s t o r i c a l narrative i t s e l f , we need to understand why he took the unprecedented step of grafting i t onto, or more precisely imbedding i t i n , a conversation. Some aspects of the dialogue are i n t e l l i g i b l e only i f we assume that Maldonado intended De motu Hispaniae to reach an audience beyond Spain. In f a c t , Maldonado's audience seems to have been nothing less that the 'Republic of L e t t e r s ' , a cosmopolitan community united by a common education and, above a l l , by a common language - c l a s s i c a l  Latin.  He wrote  not a single word in the vernacular, and the reason is clear: he considered the Latin of c l a s s i c a l  Rome to be the language of posterity  (more on  this later) and the language of humanism, a movement which transcended national boundaries.  According to Maldonado,  the Latin tongue travels the world, i t unites a l l  -63-  provinces, such that those who understand i t , though they may travel the world over, feel as i f they have never l e f t t h e i r own p a t r i a , since everywhere they meet others who, because they speak L a t i n , can converse with them as easily as with one of t h e i r own compatriots. 32 By writing in L a t i n , Maldonado displayed his independence from the trend toward the vernacular which gathered strength after the publication of Nebrija's C a s t i l i a n grammar in 1492.  He also seems to have rejected the  notion that the C a s t i l i a n d i a l e c t , which had already conquered the Spanishspeaking areas on the peninsula, was likewise the 'perfect instrument  1  for  33 Spanish imperialism abroad.  For Maldonado, c l a s s i c a l  viable alternative to Babel, and his confidence  Latin remained a  is t y p i c a l of a generation  which had not yet witnessed the study of Cicero's vehicle degenerate into Father Ong's 'Renaissance puberty r i t e , divorced from the vernacular 1  commerce of d a i l y l i f e and relegated to the schools and to written c u l 34 ture.  In De motu Hispaniae, the German, the I t a l i a n , and the Frenchman  are c l e a r l y humanists, who can converse with each other, and with Maldonado, in his persona as the narrator, thanks to t h e i r knowledge of c l a s s i c a l L a t i n , the lingua franca of international humanism. While the three foreigners are ostensibly like t o u r i s t s , who have come to Spain "to v i s i t cities",  pilgrims, they behave more i t s most i l l u s t r i o u s  to investigate Spanish customs, and to inquire into the whereabouts  of c l a s s i c a l  r u i n s . (33)  Maldonado's adoption of the dialogue format and  his inclusion of t h i s group of i n q u i s i t i v e v i s i t o r s permits him to dwell on aspects of Spanish l i f e ,  culture and geography which would presumably  have been common knowledge among his educated compatriots.  He devotes,  -64-  for example, two pages to a discussion of Spanish taxation (60-61), and gives a b r i e f account of the structure of local government. (84)  These  topics are c l e a r l y relevant to his central theme, as is the longest of his excurses,  a d i s q u i s i t i o n on C a s t i l i a n geography and climate. (86-90)  Maldonado's 'geography lesson'  For  is straightforward and unadorned, related  not so much to the medieval Laudes Hispaniae of Isidore of S e v i l l e and 'Vincentius Hispanus', which rhapsodize about the unequalled abundance of the C a s t i l i a n landscape, as to the Sallustian convention of describing the t e r r a i n on which battles are to be fought.  Maldonado is  especially  attentive to satisfying the v i s i t i n g humanists', and presumably his humani s t readers', c u r i o s i t y about the geography of the peninsula in c l a s s i c a l times, and his remarks show him to have been unusually well-informed on OC  the subject of ancient geography. The dialogue not only allows Maldonado to describe 'the Blessed Lady Spain', but also to defend her  against certain prevalent falsehoods con-  cerning Spaniards and t h e i r customs.  For Maldonado, t h i s was especially  necessary with respect to the I t a l i a n s , whose condescending  attitude  toward t h e i r beloved patria had rankled Spanish humanists from Ruy Sanchez de Arevalo to Antonio de N e b r i j a .  3 7  Maldonado, of course,, had seen such  arrogance first-hand under his respected preceptor Flaminio S i c u l o .  Parti-  cularly g a l l i n g was the Italian habit of referring to a l l Spaniards, regardless of r e l i g i o n , as 'Jews' or rnarranos  , a practice which took  hold after 1492, when many expelled Spanish Jews took refuge in I t a l y . As a c l e r i c , Maldonado would have been acutely sensitive to an epithet which carried with i t the suggestion that Spaniards, many of whom were  -65-  descendents of converts from Judaism and Islam, were not e n t i r e l y com38 mitted to the dogma of the T r i n i t y .  He explains that the etymology of  the word marrano - a corruption of the Aramaic marhanata, 'The Lord Cometh'c l e a r l y indicates that i t is properly applied only to 'judaizing' conversos, 3Q  insincere converts who secretly practice the f a i t h of t h e i r fathers. According to Maldonado, the Spaniards can only see irony in the a p p l i cation of the term marrano to a people so assiduous exterminating the 'false Christians' in t h e i r midst.  in rooting out and He takes great  faction in suggesting that the word would be better applied to the  satis-  Italians  and the French who, for reasons both p o l i t i c a l and economic, don't care to inquire into the s i n c e r i t y of Jewish conversions to C h r i s t i a n i t y . (76-78) Eugenio Asensio has suggested two quite different reasons for Maldonado's adoption of the dialogue form, a form which was, as he r i g h t l y points out, a radical departure from historiographical precedent.  Maldo-  nado, i t is argued, chose t h i s form in order "to dramatise the hidden thoughts of rebels and r o y a l i s t s , to reveal t h e i r confused feelings in elegant speeches".  Thus the dialogue helped him make sense of the chao-  t i c "raw material" of c i v i l war by "placing the factual series in an aesthetic perspective".  In addition, according to Asensio, Maldonado  w i l l have perceived the advantage of being able "to voice opinions without taking f u l l  r e s p o n s i b i l i t y [for them]".  40  The present writer finds neither of these arguments very convincing. Asensio is c e r t a i n l y correct when he asserts that Maldonado uses oratio recta (direct speech) to reveal the ideas and emotions which animated combatants on both sides of the recent c o n f l i c t .  Unfortunately, however,  -66-  an examination of the text reveals that these 'elegant speeches' are found not in the dialogue, where l i t t l e  is revealed concerning the mental pro-  cesses of 'rebels and r o y a l i s t s ' , but in the narrative i t s e l f . exception are the comments made by the Toledan, which represent, to me, Maldonado's attempt to a r t i c u l a t e the e s s e n t i a l l y 'ideology'  of the Comunero rank-and-file.  The sole i t seems  conservative  The Toledan's speech,  however,  is intentionally crude rather than elegant and his views, contrary to what  41 some have maintained, are manifestly not those of the author.  In any  case, neither the Toledan's views, nor the author's own, quite d i s t i n c t , opinions, were such as would have drawn c r i t i c i s m from the Holy Office, surely the prospect which led Asensio to suggest that Maldonado had an interest  in distancing himself from them.  As for Asensio's  other point,  the present writer agrees with him that Maldonado f e l t the need to bring order out of the chaos of c i v i l war, but in De motu Hispaniae the ordering mechanism is not, as he suggests, the dialogue, but once again the histor i c a l narrative i t s e l f .  As we hope to show, Maldonado employed many of  the conventions of Roman and Renaissance historiography in constructing his account of the Comunidades, thereby insuring that his humanist readership would see, cular k i n d ' ,  not a meaningless factual s e r i e s , but 'a story of a p a r t i -  in t h i s case, a Sallustian bellum c i v i l e .  But before we  examine Maldonado's narrative in d e t a i l , we should look at the h i s t o r i o graphical setting  in which i t appeared.  The most comprehensive attempt to analyse the historiographical t r a ditions at work in early modern Castile has been made by Helen Nader, who, as we said e a r l i e r , divides C a s t i l i a n historians into two d i s t i n c t ,  indeed  -67-  mutually exclusive,  'schools'.  The f i r s t of these - Nader c a l l s them the  letrados - reflected the ideology of the ' l e t t e r e d ' duates with advanced degrees in canon and/or c i v i l  class (university gralaw) and developed a  historiographical model based on medieval scholastic  ideals.  The h i s t o r i -  cal writing of Nader's second group of h i s t o r i a n s , the caballeros,  incor-  porated the p o l i t i c a l and social assumptions of the C a s t i l i a n aristocracy, a social group characterized less by unsullied bloodlines than by i t s military functions and by acceptance of the c h i v a l r i c honour code of the 42 late medieval n o b i l i t y .  Whereas the historiography of the  letrados  exalted the king above the n o b i l i t y , the caballeros regarded "themselves and the monarchy as partners in a secular, a r i s t o c r a t i c and p a r t i c u l a r i s t government."  The former group wrote in Latin and produced h i s t o r i c a l  works which stood in the p r o v i d e n t i a l i s t t r a d i t i o n of the Spanish Middle Ages, while the l a t t e r wrote in the vernacular for the unlettered  nobility  and took as models "the humanist histories of t h e i r Florentine contemporaries". 43  The most prominent members of the letrado school were the  Burgalese conversos Don Pablo de Santa Maria (1350-1435) and his son Alfonso de Cartagena (1384-1456).  Nader also includes two of the l a t t e r ' s  students,  Rodrigo Sanchez de Arevalo (1404-1470) and Alfonso de Palencia (14231490).  Notable caballeros were Pedro Lopez de Ayala (1332-1407), Fernan  Pe'rez de Guzman (c.  1377-1460), and Diego de Valera (1412-1488).  With reference to the period which concerns us here, Nader argues that the p r o v i d e n t i a l i s t  letrado model triumphed absolutely under the  Catholic Monarchs, and that as a r e s u l t ,  "[t]he rejected caballero concept  of p o l i t i c s and history - with a l l i t s Renaissance characteristics - remained  -68-  neglected throughout the sixteenth century."  To be precise, she maintains  that "from the composition of [Diego de] Valera's Memorial de diversas hazanas in 1488 u n t i l the publication of don Diego Hurtado de Mendoza's De la Guerra de Granada [1627] . . . , no caballero histories or treatises were published in C a s t i l e . " recommend i t ,  4 4  While Professor Nader's work has much to  such generalizations concerning the h i s t o r i c a l writing of  the Spanish 'Golden Age' are in need of r e v i s i o n .  Within her scheme, a  work such as Juan Maldonado's De motu Hispaniae appears as an inexplicable anomaly, neither unambiguously Ietrado nor caballero.  Given his  letrado  t r a i n i n g , for example, Maldonado should, according to Nader, have subscribed to the 'scholastic Middle Ages.  ideals' which informed the h i s t o r i c a l writing of the  An examination of De motu Hispaniae, however, reveals  i f any, a f f i n i t i e s  few,  with medieval historiography.  Recent work on the historians of the European Middle Ages has brought to light a richness and variety which makes generalization both d i f f i c u l t 45 and dangerous.  There e x i s t s , nonetheless, a large degree of consensus  on the general t r a i t s which characterised European historiography between the f a l l of Rome and the Renaissance.  One such t r a i t is a poor sense of 'ana-  chronism' with respect to the c i v i l i z a t i o n s of c l a s s i c a l Greece and Rome. Thus while medieval historians were certainly not ignorant of pagan a n t i quity, t h e i r methods and aims led them to emphasise continuity rather than discontinuity with the c l a s s i c a l past.  John Pocock, for example, makes the  point that "medieval thought was f u l l y as obsessed with the importance of c l a s s i c a l antiquity as was the thought of the Renaissance"; medieval schol a r s , however, adopted methods of analysis which led to "an imaginative  -69-  conflation of the l i f e of antiquity with the l i f e of the contemporary world".  46  Thus there is nothing p a r t i c u l a r l y 'modern' about employing 47  c l a s s i c a l models in the writing of history.  What distinguished Renais-  sance historians from t h e i r predecessors was a new 'sense of the  past',  a new appreciation for the distance between themselves and the c l a s s i c a l 48 world.  While there are, as we have seen, indications that Juan Maldo-  nado shared t h i s sense of anachronism, no firm conclusions on t h i s  score  can be reached on the basis of De motu Hispaniae, which chronicles a contemporary event and hence has nothing to say concerning the 'deep 49 past . 1  We are on firmer ground, however, when we compare Maldonado's  work with that of the contemporary historians of the Middle Ages. During the medieval period, the task of recording contemporary events fell,  largely by default, to the clergy, whose ideas on such h i s t o r i o -  graphical fundamentals as causation and periodization were thoroughly coloured by t h e i r religious t r a i n i n g . this respect,  Medieval Spain is no exception in  though peninsular chroniclers were rarely menial clerks and  more often ecclesiarchs Rodrigo Jimenez de Rada.  such as Isidore of S e v i l l e ,  Julian of Toledo and  While these historians did not regard men as  'mere puppets', there is l i t t l e question but that the supernatural played a more s i g n i f i c a n t causal role in t h e i r histories than in those of Renais-  50 sance h i s t o r i a n s , who favoured more n a t u r a l i s t i c p r i n c i p l e s of causation. Thus while Bernard Guenee has recently defended medieval historians  against  the charge that they f a i l e d to appreciate causal laws, he is nonetheless forced to concede that more often than not they resorted to an amalgam of the t e r r e s t r i a l and the supernal in explaining events.  51  Studies of medieval  -70-  Spanish historiography reveal a similar tendency.  The c l e r i c a l voca-  tion of most medieval chroniclers is s i m i l a r l y evident in t h e i r approach to the problem of p e r i o d i z a t i o n . need to j u s t i f y  Even contemporary historians f e l t the  'innovation', that i s , the r e l a t i o n of modern events,  by inserting them within the preternatural framework of Augustine's 53 'Six Ages' or the 'Four Monarchies' described in the Book of Daniel. Though Juan Maldonado was, l i k e most of his medieval  predecessors,  a c l e r i c , De motu Hispaniae suggests that he had emancipated himself from the otherworldly focus of Augustinian historiography and aligned himself with a c u l t u r a l movement convinced that the City of Man was at least as important as the City of God.  Maldonado, for example, never invokes the  supernatural as an explanatory p r i n c i p l e . "the causes of events" (32), explanations'  Instead,  he seeks what he c a l l s  by which he means just those 'middle-range  so often spurned by medieval chroniclers, for whom the  diety was the formal, i f not always the e f f i c i e n t 54 which occurred in the sublunary realm.  cause of everything  For Maldonado, as for humanists  elsewhere in Europe, the 'raw material' of historiography were res gesta (roughly equivalent to the C a s t i l i a n hazanas), the exemplary deeds of human agents whose behavior is explained in terms of natural, human, and 55 less frequently,  social processes.  In De motu Hispaniae, Maldonado  makes no attempt to locate the events he describes within a specious set of 'Ages' or 'Monarchies' or, l i k e Isidore of S e v i l l e , within a B i b l i c a l 56 time-frame extending from the Creation to the Last Days. traces here of Heilegeschichte,  There are no  the history of man's salvation in time,  as i t was written by medieval monks, or as i t continued to be written in  -71-  Renaissance  Italy.  In short, De motu Hispaniae, is remarkably secular  history, no less ' t h i s - w o r l d l y  1  in fact that the work of Maldonado's more  famous Italian contemporaries, Machiavelli and G u i c c i a r d i n i . Yet another indication of Maldonado's secular approach to h i s t o r i o graphy is the fact that De motu Hispaniae is utterly devoid of the providential ism which permeates the work of C a s t i l i a n medieval c h r o n i c l e r s . Since providential ism is also central to the work of Nader's letrado historians,  i t s absence in Maldonado is perhaps the clearest indication  that he cannot be associated with this historiographical school. full  significance of t h i s fact can only be appreciated, however,  The i f we  f i r s t look at the role which providential ism played in C a s t i l i a n h i s t o r i o graphy from the late Middle Ages through the Golden Age. With respect to the l a t t e r period, J . H. E l l i o t has argued persuasively that sixteenth-century  Castilians were given to interpreting t h e i r  nation's history in d i s t i n c t l y p r o v i d e n t i a l i s t terms.  E l l i o t argues for  the existence of "a powerful strain of messianic nationalism", according to which, C a s t i l i a n s were the chosen people of the Lord, especially selected to further His grand design - a design naturally cast in cosmic terms as the conversion of the i n f i d e l , the e x t i r pation of heresy, and the eventual establishment of the kingdom of Christ on earth. For those who shared t h i s v i s i o n , the devastating series of reverses which struck C a s t i l e in the late 1580's and 1590 s were interpreted as meaning 1  that "Castile had provoked the divine wrath, and was paying the price of its  sins".  5 8  As we have had cause to remark, however, and as E l l i o t himself  is  -72-  certainly aware, t h i s kind of 'messianic nationalism  1  has much deeper  roots in C a s t i l i a n history - as deep, some would say, as Orosius and Eusebius, whose Christian chronicles served as models during the early 59 Middle Ages.  It is c l e a r l y v i s i b l e in V i s i g o t h i c historiography, and  in chronicles of the reconquista, the Christian reconquest of Moorish Spain, in which a providential aura surrounds the person of the monarch, who came to be seen as the 'instrument of God', destined to r i d Spain of u n b e l i e v e r s .  60  After the battle of Las Navas de Tolosa (1212) brought  a temporary halt to the southward march of the reconquista, the p r o v i d e n t i a l i s t motif went into eclipse u n t i l the fifteenth  century, when i t  was sedulously restored to currency by a group of 'Neo-Ididorian' historians closely associated with the C a s t i l i a n crown. historians were conversos,  Most of these  a group which had a clear interest  in enhanc-  ing the protective power of the monarch in an age of mounting persecu62 tion.  Converso influence may also account for the Old Testament imagery  which E l l i o t notes in the work of t h e i r Golden Age successors, for i t was this group, Nader's letrados, which bequeathed the p r o v i d e n t i a l i s t mode of h i s t o r i c a l writing to the sixteenth century. Without a doubt, the apex of the p r o v i d e n t i a l i s t trend in C a s t i l i a n historiography was reached during the age of the Catholic Monarchs.  In a  study of Rodrigo Sanchez de Are'valo, R. B. Tate describes the atmosphere of messianic expectation which accompanied t h e i r coronation: [The] b e l i e f that the nation had been chosen by God to f u l f i l l some part of a providential design gathers momentum as the fifteenth century unfolds. Just before and immediately after the beginning of the reign of the Catholic Monarchs, the a i r is heavy with prophecies of an undefined future grand-  -73-  eur for C a s t i l e . 63 Whereas Arevalo located C a s t i l e ' s grandeur in the hazy future, his immediate successors - Tate mentions Palencia, Valera, Pulgar and Lucio Marineo but one might add Bernaldez and even Nebrija to the l i s t - were convinced that they were witnessing the f u l f i l l m e n t of t h e i r nation's providential 64 destiny.  The restoration of order following the turbulent reign of  Enrique IV, the discovery of the New World, the expulsion of the Jews, and especially the completion of the reconquista with the conquest of Granada in 1492, seemed clear signs of divine favour.  Even the normally staid  Fernan Perez de Guzma'n thought he saw the Hand of God behind the accompli  Sli-  ce  ments of Ferdinand and Isabel. Why then is there no evidence of this providential fervour in the work of Juan Maldonado?  While messianic hopes had certainly cooled some-  what, they were s t i l l very much a l i v e , especially during the Comunidades, when m i l l e n i a l dreams once again surrounded the figure of the C a s t i l i a n monarch.  Nor can Maldonado have been unfamiliar with the p r o v i d e n t i a l i s t  t r a d i t i o n in historiography, especially given his close association with Pedro de Cartagena, a descendent,  as we have seen, of two of i t s  tects, Pedro de Santa Maria and Alfonso de Cartagena.  archi-  And yet though  as a c l e r i c Maldonado must have had ideas about the workings of Divine Providence, the Hand of God i s , with a few minor exceptions, absent from De motu H i s p a n i a e .  conspicuously  67  Though the evidence is f a r from conclusive, Maldonado, l i k e Nader's caballeros and humanist historians elsewhere in Europe, seems to have preferred the c l a s s i c a l alternative to Providence, Fortune, a d i s t i n c t l y  -74-  less comforting notion, and one with which Christians were d i s t i n c t l y CO  uncomfortable.  In an attempt to dispel the ambivalence which surrounded  Providence and Fortune, many of Maldonado's European contemporaries used the terms interchangeably, thereby creating a kind of "Christianized 69 Fortune".  The C a s t i l i a n historians Hernando de Pulgar and Andres Bernal-  dez, for example, would "attribute the same event to Providence that a few lines before had been attributed to F o r t u n e " . never adopts t h i s strategy,  he was s u f f i c i e n t l y  70  Though Maldonado  distressed  by the  'pagan'  connotations of fortuna to equate i t , on one occasion, with "the judgements of Divine Providence". (73) however.  This seems l i t t l e more than a gesture,  Maldonado employs the notion of Fortune throughout De motu  Hispaniae, and indeed the whimsical pagan goddess seems to control the action, which unfolds according to chance rather than according to some 71 preordained divine plan.  There is certainly no suggestion that Charles  V or the C a s t i l i a n people have a special role to play in God's providential  design.  The best explanation for t h i s ,  i t seems to me, is that for Maldonado,  who had witnessed the turbulent return to disorder which followed  the  death of Isabel the Catholic in 1504, the Hand of God was harder to discern behind the destiny of Castile than i t had been for Pulgar and Bernaldez.  The plunge into c i v i l war in 1520 must have seemed the natural  outcome of some sixteen years of dynastic uncertainty,  aristocratic  72 factionalism and popular unrest.  Though only the recovery of Maldonado's  youthful history of the Catholic Monarchs would provide conclusive dence, the references to Ferdinand and Isabel  evi-  in De motu Hispaniae suggest  -75-  that l i k e most of his C a s t i l i a n contemporaries he looked upon t h e i r reign as something of a 'Golden Age' of achievement and virtuous govern73 ment.  He certainly saw his own age as one of 'decline'  later).  It is s i g n i f i c a n t ,  (more on t h i s  therefore, that he did not respond to the  ' c r i s i s ' of 1520-21 the way a future generation of Castilians would respond to another ' c r i s i s ' , that of the 1580's and 1590's (see Even more significant  above,  71).  i f one considers that there were those who sought  to interpret the Comunidades in p r o v i d e n t i a l i s t terms as a crusade, as simply one more installment and i n f i d e l .  in the h i s t o r i c struggle between Christian  In De motu Hispaniae, the Prior of San Juan, Antonio de  Zurfiga, and the Dominican f r i a r Juan Hurtado de Mendoza appear as fanatical royalists who see the Comuneros as d i a b o l i c a l i n f i d e l s , the divinely-ordained social o r d e r . conflict,  7 4  bent on subverting  Another violent partisan in the  Bishop Antonio de Acuna, assures an audience of campesinos near  Palencia that "a glorious victory" for the Comuneros w i l l reveal "which of the two causes in most beloved by Christ".  (186)  Maldonado, however, c l e a r l y saw that the history of an internecine struggle which pitted one Catholic army against another could scarcely be written in these manichaean terms, as a battle between the forces of 75 and the forces of darkness, between Christian and i n f i d e l .  light  In 1520-21,  God was not unambiguously on the side of either party, and indeed Maldonado never implies that t h i s was the case.  De motu Hispaniae r e f l e c t s  his  recognition that the rebellion of the Comunidades was an event without precedent in C a s t i l i a n h i s t o r y , one which required a new kind of h i s t o r i o graphy which could supply guidelines for the interpretation of a belium  -7.6-  civile.  Following the advice of his master Flaminio, Maldonado returned  ad fontes, and shaped his account of the Comunidades in conformity with the models and precepts he discovered in his c l a s s i c a l sources.  De motu  Hispaniae i s , by any d e f i n i t i o n , an example of humanist historiography, and as such i t creates serious d i f f i c u l t i e s for those who argue that this genre was absent from sixteenth-century C a s t i l e . Whereas Nader's d i s t i n c t i o n between letrado and caballero traditions i s , with certain minor reservations, an accurate enough description of C a s t i l i a n historiography during the fifteenth  century, i t breaks down  completely when we consider a work l i k e De motu Hispaniae, a humanist 76 history written in Latin by a letrado.  This dissolution can only be  explained, i t seems to me, with reference to the somewhat anomalous i n t e l lectual climate which prevailed in the 'open Spain' of the early century.  sixteenth  Before this period, university-trained letrados had l i t t l e or  exposure to the studia humanitatis, so that humanist historiography was the preserve of the caballeros, men of a f f a i r s who worked outside the universities and modelled t h e i r h i s t o r i c a l work on c l a s s i c a l  authors  whose ideals flattered the p o l i t i c a l pretensions of the C a s t i l i a n a r i s t o cracy.  Unlike his letrado predecessors,  however, Juan Maldonado received  a s o l i d grounding in the studia humanitatis, and indeed spent the remainder of his l i f e teaching humane letters in Burgos, a c i t y remarkable for openness to i n t e l l e c t u a l currents flowing from elsewhere in Europe.  its His  sympathy with the educational goals of the humanists stands in stark contrast to the h o s t i l i t y displayed by fifteenth-century  letrados  like  the historian Rodrigo s/nchez de Arevalo, who opposed early exposure to  -77-  the studia humanitatis on the grounds that t h i s was l i k e l y to warp impressionable young minds.  In the educational t r e a t i s e  De Remediis, Arevalo  advised "the postponement of the teaching of secular and pagan c l a s s i c s u n t i l after a period of r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n , so that youth would not be led a s t r a y " .  77  Maldonado, by contrast, recommends that children be i n t r o -  duced to c l a s s i c a l authors at the e a r l i e s t possible age, and the  Paraenesis  makes no provision at a l l for prophylactic religious i n s t r u c t i o n . Given his l i f e l o n g devotion to the study and teaching of the studia humanitatis, i t should come as no surprise that in writing his account of the Comunidades Maldonado incorporated elements drawn from the work of the c l a s s i c a l , and especially Roman, historians so admired by the humanist i n t e l l i g e n t s i a of his day. history a ' t r i v i a l  1  subject,  Whereas medieval European educators considered Livy, Tacitus, Suetonius, Sallust and other  c l a s s i c a l historians were central to the Renaissance revision of the l i b e r a l 78 arts curriculum.  We w i l l suggest shortly that the influence of Sallust  is especially evident in De.motu Hispaniae.  For the present,  however, we  shall deal in more general terms with those aspects of the work which i n d i cate an unmistakable a f f i n i t y between Maldonado's ideas on history and historiography and those of humanist historians elsewhere in Europe. E a r l i e r we dwelt at some length on the unusual 'hybrid' structure of of De motu Hispaniae, but in attempting to account for Maldonado's use of dialogue, we deliberately postponed discussion of the consideration which seems to have been uppermost in the mind of the author himself.  On one of  the rare occasions when he breaks the continuity of his h i s t o r i c a l narrat i v e with a digression, Maldonado apologizes for the interruption, but the  -78-  Italian assures him that he needn't worry about having violated the "laws of history", since such informative interjections are among the most laudable features of c l a s s i c a l historiography. (61-62)  The I t a l i a n speaks here  as one f a m i l i a r with Renaissance h i s t o r i a n s , who applied the  expression  'the laws of history' not to patterns in history i t s e l f , but to the canons and conventions which governed the writing of what they called 'true h i s t o r y ' ; h i s t o r y , that i s , which conformed with c l a s s i c a l  prescriptions  79 concerning form and content.  G u i c c i a r d i n i , for instance,  frequently  apologized when he f e l t he had transgressed the laws of history, and both he and Maldonado undoubtedly acquired t h e i r conception of leges histpriae 80 from Cicero, considered the authoritative source on the subject.  The  particular statute at issue here states that h i s t o r i e s ought to be 'monographic'.  Unlike the 'scissors-and-paste'  encyclopaedists  of the Middle  Ages, who frequently exerted l i t t l e c r i t i c a l control over t h e i r material, humanist historians from Leonardo Bruni onwards sought to emulate the r h e t o r i c i a n , who chose a theme and developed i t systematically,  rejecting 81  as irrelevant such pieces of information as did not bear d i r e c t l y upon i t . Maldonado's apology indicates that,  l i k e Bruni and G u i c c i a r d i n i , he accepted  and strove to adhere to t h i s formal i d e a l .  Though, as the I t a l i a n points  out, there are c l a s s i c a l precedents for digressions within the body of the narrative, Maldonado evidently f e l t that by adopting the dialogue form he could keep these interruptions to a minimum by devoting the central portion of each book to the systematic development of his chosen theme, the  'move-  82 ment of S p a i n ' . The way in which Maldonado develops t h i s theme shows that he adhered  -79-  to the 'exemplar theory of h i s t o r y , whose popularity among Renaissance 1  historians has frequently been noted. this theory is i t s e l f  Less often noted is the fact that  inextricably linked to a more fundamental b e l i e f in  the insuperable didactic value of 'experience'.  One of the few to have  recognized the importance of t h i s concept in our period is J . G. A. Pocock, who l i s t s  'experience'  as one of the 'conceptualizing modes' through which  late medieval man understood "the p a r t i c u l a r , the l o c a l , the transitory", in short, the h i s t o r i c a l .  He defines i t as that which  empowered men to react to the p a r t i c u l a r situation or contingent happening, to remember t h e i r reaction and how i t had turned out, and to react, when next the situation or one l i k e i t recurred, in a way f o r t i f i e d and enlightened by r e c o l l e c t i o n . 84 In De motu Hispaniae, there are indications that,  l i k e the c l a s s i c a l  and Renaissance practitioners of 'exemplary h i s t o r y ' , Maldonado regarded experience,  and not abstract precepts,  as 'the best teacher'.  In another  excursus, for example, he t e l l s of the t r a g i c expedition to the island of Gelves, in which four hundred C a s t i l i a n soldiers lost t h e i r l i v e s .  (64-66)  While the commander, Garcia de Toledo, displayed many martial v i r t u e s ,  his  youthful inexperience led to an error in judgement which resulted in d i s a ster.  This moral t a l e bears an uncanny, and certainly not unintended,  resemblance to Maldonado's p o r t r a i t of the young Charles I of Spain, who possessed a l l the kingly virtues but whose p o l i t i c a l inexperience  l e f t him  86 open to the machinations of ' e v i l advisors'.  Maldonado surely recognized  that in an age of 'personalized' p o l i t i c s , the commonwealth could i l l afford the luxury of allowing i t s monarch to t r a i n 'on the j o b ' , through a process of ' t r i a l and e r r o r . 1  C a s t i l i a n history showed only too c l e a r l y  -80-  that adolescent monarchs made easy prey for the ambitious, and that protracted interregna frequently led to c i v i l war and/or popular insurrec87 tion.  In 1520, a prolonged ' c r i s i s of authority' and a virtuous but  inexperienced r u l e r had once again proved a recipe for d i s a s t e r .  De motu  Hispaniae may well have been intended as a kind of 'Mirror f o r P r i n c e s ' , designed to give i t s dedicatee,  the young Prince P h i l i p , a lesson in  88 practical p o l i t i c s .  In teaching the future king, however, Maldonado  emulates not the medieval 'preceptor', who trotted out abstract maxims on good governance, but the c l a s s i c a l r h e t o r i c i a n , who drove his point home with the aid of concrete h i s t o r i c a l examples.  The 'lessons of history'  were meant to supplement the limited personal experience of his royal 'student'. Maldonado's practice here i l l u s t r a t e s the general point that in early modern Europe, history was commonly deemed capable of playing a didactic role s i m i l a r t o , or even identical with, that assigned to experience. Spanish i n t e l l e c t u a l  The  historian Enrique Tierno Galvan scarcely exaggerates  in fact when he makes the point that "[f]or the man of the sixteenth and seventeenth century, history and experience are but two aspects of the same r e a l i t y , and they are s t r i c t l y interchangeable; history is 89 and experience history."  -  experience  While the mediating role of the historian and  the act of reading i t s e l f would seem to d i f f e r e n t i a t e  personal and histo-  r i c a l experience,  t h i s does not necessarily relegate the l a t t e r to a  secondary plane.  On the contrary, Maldonado would possibly have agreed  with his compatriot Miguel de Cervantes, who argued, in Persiles y S i g i s munda, that the introspective reading of history was actually more e f f i -  -81-  cacious than the o r i g i n a l experience,  because "the attentive reader stops  often to r e f l e c t on what he is reading, thus reading is more valuable than 90 seeing."  By reading history then, the individual could v i c a r i o u s l y  extend the range of his experience; he could, in the words of the Florentine humanist Bartolommeo d e l l a Fonte, "build on experience extending f a r beyond 91 the span of an individual l i f e " . Early modern men could equate history and experience thanks to the acceptance of certain core beliefs concerning human nature and human values. According to the prevailing 'uniformitarian' reading of human nature, human beings were the same in a l l times and climes, so that even experiences 92 the distant past retained t h e i r relevance in the present. the recorded experiences  We are not yet,  demned to h i s t o r y  1  Similarly,  of the present generation would presumably have  something to say to posterity. unchanging.  in  Ideals too were regarded as eternal and  as Peter Brown reminds us, in a world 'con-  by Hegel, where values are no longer timeless but  r e l a t i v e , and there is a kind of ineluctable i n f l a t i o n at work among 93 h i s t o r i c a l examples. essentially,  Maldonado's world was i n c i d e n t a l l y , but never  changed by history, so that men could s t i l l  lessons of the past'.  learn  'the  Only in such a world, where human nature and values  were immanent or transcendent constants,  not subject to h i s t o r i c a l and  cultural v a r i a t i o n , could history be, to employ Cicero's phrase, a magistra 94 vitae. Even in cases where h i s t o r i c a l actors were so superior to the common run of humanity that s t r i c t i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with t h e i r behavior was out of the question, one could s t i l l  learn from t h e i r experience by regarding i t  -82-  as an exemplary instance which offers a paradigm (from the Greek paradeigma - example) worthy of emulation, in short, as an exemplum.  In the  Middle Ages, C h r i s t , the apostles and the saints were the most potent exempla, and even in our period certain r e l i g i o u s figures,  such as martyrs,  95 s t i l l held paradigmatic status.  But for humanist historians such as  Maldonado, who also r e l i e d on exempla, i t was a pantheon of pagan heroes which was  held up for emulation.  When a Renaissance historian lauded or  condemned the behavior of his contemporaries, i t was because i t conformed with, or f e l l  short of, that exhibited by these c l a s s i c a l models of v i r t u e .  Whereas the lessons to be learned from medieval exempla were most often soteriological  ( i f you want to be saved, act thus), the exemplary history  of the Renaissance was patterned on that of the Romans, and the lessons were moral and pragmatic, concerned with the here-and-now rather than with the hereafter.  There is every indication that Maldonado held the  latter  view of the 'lessons of h i s t o r y ' : i f there are lessons to be learned from De motu Hispaniae, they are lessons in c i v i c virtue and good governance, in the values which ought to animate both subjects and those charged with the well-being of the commonwealth. For Maldonado then, as for so many of his contemporaries, one of the principal tasks of the historian was to cast the events he describes  in  the form of exempla, so that the attentive reader, upon ' r e l i v i n g ' the event in his imagination, could draw the appropriate conclusion.  Indeed  he describes the entire book as,  He  in effect,  an extended exemplum.  does not write, he says, in order to win the favour of the v i c t o r s , or add to the anguish of the vanquished, but  -83-  to paint a picture of t h i s movement of Spain, which is so much larger than anything our ancestors knew, with the object that those who follow be more wary of bold designs, and be forewarned that rash undertakings, be they against the king or against the nation, usually turn out badly for t h e i r authors. (57-58) This succinct statement of purpose outlines what might be regarded as the 'moral' of De mptu,Hispaniae.  The analogy which Maldonado draws  between h i s t o r i c a l writing and p i c t o r i a l representation for during the Renaissance,  is an apt one,  historiography was seen, not as a science, but 96  as an a r t , whose purpose was both pragmatic and commemorative.  On the  one hand, the aim was the inculcation of a set of moral and/or p r a c t i c a l imperatives which would enable a man to behave morally, or without r e f l e c t i o n .  efficaciously,  The historian supplied the 'raw material' for t h i s  process of internalization in the form of concrete examples of noble : actions to be emulated and base actions to be shunned. niae i s , as we shall see,  replete with both.  De. motu. Hispa-  The commemorative function  is more straightforward; the noble deeds of the past or present simply deserve to be remembered.  That t h i s too was part of Maldonado';s aim should  be evident from our e a r l i e r discussion of his views on the value of con97 temporary history.(see above,5T).  For humanist h i s t o r i a n s , these two  objectives could only be achieved through the use of r h e t o r i c , for only the historian';s eloquence could persuade the reader of the s t r i c t of history and experience.  identity  -84NOTES  i  I have appropriated the notion of a 'mental world' from John H.  E l l i o t ' s excellent study, "The Mental World of Hernan Cortes," Transactions of the. Royal, H i s t o r i c a l Society, 5th s e r i e s , 7 (1967): 41-58. According to Bataillon [Erasmo, 216-217], Maldonado's corres- : pondence with Erasmus began in 1526,  but since many of his l e t t e r s to  prominent humanists have been lost [see Chapter One, note 76] i t entirely  is  possible that his acquaintance with the Dutch reformer began  somewhat e a r l i e r . 3 As we noted i n Chapter One [note 89], (1517) was f i r s t published i n Spain i n 1520.  Erasmus  1  Complaint,of Peace  That Maldonado may have  been acquainted with t h i s work i s suggested by his discussion (62) Christian duties of European r u l e r s . enough, the tone i s d i s t i n c t l y  of the  While the ideas are commonplace  Erasmian: See John P. Dolan's  translation  of the Querela. Pacis i n The, Essentia], Erasmus, (New York: Mentor, 1964). Jose Luis Romero, "Fernan Perez de Guzman y su actitud  historica,"  Cuadernps de Historia de Esparia 3 (1945): 143-144; R. B. Tate,  "Italian  Humanism and Spanish Historiography i n the Fifteenth Century: A Study of 1  the Paralipomenon Hispaniae of Joan Margarit, Cardinal Bishop of Gerona," B u l l e t i n of the John. Rylands..Library 34 (1951-52): 140-141; R. FoulcheDelbosc,  ed. Cancionero Castellano d e l . S i g l o XV, 2 v o l s . ,  (Madrid: Casa  E d i t o r i a l B a i l l y - B a i l l i e r e , 1912), 1:709, 714; P. E . 'Russell, sus Letters",  "Arms ver-  54.  Here Maldonado makes rare use of an expression reminiscent of a vernacular proverb: "While even the most worthless dog can rouse the sleeping hare, he cannot catch i t , and must await the a r r i v a l of better  -85-  animals which can complete the job." 6  Press, 7  R. G. Collingwood, The Idea of History, (London: Oxford University 1956), 33. Bernard Guenee, '"Authentique et Approuve'. Recherches sur  Principes de la Critique Historique au Moyen Age," in B. Guenee,  les Politique  A  et Histoire au Moyen Age: Recueil d ' a r t i c l e s sur l ' h i s t o i r e 1'historiographie bonne,  politique  et  medievale (1956-1981), (Paris: Publications de la Sor-  1981), 265-278.  g  Robert B. Tate, "Mythology in Spanish Historiography of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance," Hispanic Review 25 (1957): 1-18. g Some of Maldonado's C a s t i l i a n predecessors were s i m i l a r l y convinced of the superiority of eyewitness accounts.  Both Pedro Lo'pez de Ayala  (1332-1407) and Fernan Perez de Guzman (c.  1377-1460) l i f t e d t h i s view  from Guido d e l l e Colonne's Historia Troiana (Strassburg, The Mendoza Family, 73, 1 0  4:3  Moses I. Fin ley,  1486): Nader,  88. "Myth, Memory and History," History and Theory  (1964): 281-302. 11 Arnaldo Momigliano, "The rhetoric of history and the history of  rhetoric: On Hayden White's tropes," Comparative C r i t i c i s m : A Yearbook 3 (1981): 261. 12 ' Bernard Guenee, "Histoires, A  genres historiques  annales, chroniques: Essai sur  au Moyen Age," in Politique et H i s t o i r e ,  les  281.  13 Gilman, The Spain of Fernando de Rojas, 1 4  Mercedes Agullo'y Cobo, Relaciones  459.  de sucesos, I: Anos 1477-1619,  (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1966), and in general,  Henry Ettinghausen, "The  -86-  News in Spain: Relaciones de sucesos in the Reigns of P h i l i p III and IV," European History Quarterly 14:1  (1984):  1-20.  15 Cisneros' project, made necessary by the renewal of a r i s t o c r a t i c violence which plagued his second regency, provoked concerted from a number of C a s t i l e ' s largest c i t i e s ,  including Burgos.  resistance See Perez,  La Revolucion, 86-92. 1 6  Maldonado [De motu Hispaniae, 82] describes the f a l s e rumours  which c i r c u l a t e d in the wake of the Cortes of Santiago-La Coruna (April 1520) , according to which  the deputies had agreed to the imposition of  heavy duties on everything from candle-wax to children!  Maldonado  c l e a r l y knew that these were part of an orchestrated campaign, since he speculates as to the authors of these ' f i c t i o n s ' .  The phrase "psycholo-  gical warfare" is used by Luis Fernandez Martin, who shows that the rumours originated in printed pamphlets disseminated under the direction of the comunero chieftan Juan Zapata, who operated a coordinated propaganda campaign, which included sending priests and laymen 'on mission  1  to preach revolution: El movimiento comunero en las pueblos de Tierra de Campos, (Leon: Centro de Estudios e Investigacio'n 1979), 28-29.  'San I s i d o r o ' ,  Quevedo, r i g h t l y assuming that Maldonado must have seen  Zapata's handiwork, includes a sample in his translation of De motu Hispaniae: El movimiento, 288-289. ^  Maldonado [De motu Hispaniae, 197] t e l l s of his d i f f i c u l t i e s  in  sorting out what actually took place at the battle of El Romeral (March 1521) .  After t h i s encounter,  in which rebel troops under Bishop Acuna  met a r o y a l i s t army commanded by the Prior of San Juan, Antonio de Zuniga,  -87-  both sides circulated reports claiming t o t a l v i c t o r y . still  The result  is  in doubt: See Perez, Revolucion, 334-335.  18 The bibliography on the  'school of Salamanca' is enormous.  A good  sampling can be found in the footnotes to J . A. Fernandez-Santamaria, The State, War and Peace: Spanish P o l i t i c a l Thought in the 1516-1559, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,  Renaissance  1977), i t s e l f an  excellent introduction to the p o l i t i c a l thought of these writers. 19 Anthony Pagden, "The Preservation of Order: The School of Salamanca and t h e ' Ius Naturae'," in F. W. Hodcroft et. 1  a l . , eds. Mediaeval  and Renaissance Studies on Spain and Portugal in Honour of P. E . Russell, (Oxford: The Society for the Study of Mediaeval Languages and Literature, 1981), 164 and passim. 20 Of those who l e f t substantial accounts of the comunidades, Pedro Giron, Francisco Lopez de Gomara, Pedro Mejia, Prudencio de Sandoval, Alonso de Santa Cruz, and Juan Gines de Sepulveda were a l l historiographers royal.  For a l i s t of t h e i r works, see Perez, Revolucion.  In general,  see  Jose Luis Bermejo Cabrero, "Los origenes del o f i c i o de cronista r e a l , " Hispania 40 (1980): 401-441. 21 Machiavelli and G u i c c i a r d i n i : P o l i t i c s and History in SixteenthCentury Florence, (Princeton: Princeton University Press,  1965), 219.  22 For the growing corpus of work devoted to the propaganda function of historiography in medieval and Renaissance Europe, see Bernard Guenee, "Les tendances actuelles de l ' h i s t o i r e politique du moyen age francais," in Politique et H i s t o i r e , 190-191, and the same author's  indispensable  States and Rulers in Later Medieval Europe, trans. J u l i e t Vale, (Oxford:  -88-  Basil B l a c k w e l l , 1985), 254-255. 23 See Jocelyn N. H i l l g a r t h , "Historiography in Visigothic Spain," in J . N. H i l l g a r t h , Visigothic Spain, Byzantium and the I r i s h , (London: Variorum Reprints, 1985), where he argues that "[w]ritten  history in V i s i -  gothic Spain [occupied] a place in the arsenal of royal propaganda". According to Alan Deyermond, the C a s t i l i a n chronicler Rodrigo Rada was, as Primate of Spain, the "chief ideologist" Ferdinand I I I .  Jimenez de  of the court of  His De rebus Hispaniae was central to the 'Gothic Myth',  as formulated under Ferdinand's successor Alfonso X ('The Learned'): "The Death and Rebirth of Visigothic Spain in the Estoria de Espana," Revista Canadiense de Estudios Hispanicos 9:3 (1985): 345-367.  In "Spanish Histo-  riography and Iberian Reality," History and Theory 24:1  (1985): 23-43,  Hillgarth shows how t h i s 'Gothic thesis' was systematically fifteenth 2  4  revived in the  century to serve the propaganda interests of the C a s t i l i a n crown.  Robert B. Tate, "Alfonso de Palencia y los preceptos de la h i s t o r i o -  g r a f i a , " in Victor Garcia de la Concha, ed. Nebrija y la Introduccion del Renacimiento en Espana, (Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca, 1983), 41-42. 25 Maldonado o r i g i n a l l y intended to dedicate De motu Hispaniae to Charles V, but since the emperor was campaigning in Germany in 1541, he settled for Prince P h i l i p , the future P h i l i p II.  (28)  Among his stated  aims was "to demonstrate to Charles the usefulness of historians to the Supreme Empire". (32) access to a l l 'cooperate'  C a s t i l i a n monarchs customarily gave t h e i r  'unclassified'  cronistas  documentation and ordered that t h e i r subjects  with the royal historiographer: See, for example, the  letter  from Ferdinand the Catholic in J . L . Bermejo Cabrero, "Los origenes",  408-09.  -89-  A good idea of the pressure which could be exerted by a royal employer can be gathered from the prologue to Fernan Perez de Guzman's Generaciones y Semblanzas, where he advises that h i s t o r i e s "not be published in the lifetime of the king or prince in whose reign or j u r i s d i c t i o n [they] were ordered, so that the historian may be free to write the truth without fear": Quoted by Nader, The Mendoza Family, 87. Koselleck, "Perspective  and Temporality", 135.  27 Wlad Godzich and Nicholas Spadaccini, "Popular Culture and Spanish Literary History," in W. Godzich and N. Spadaccini, eds.  Literature Among  Discourses: The Spanish Golden Age, (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press,  1986), 49.  28 The wisdom of prompt publication could be doubtful even under 'normal' circumstances.  Although Diego Hurtado de Mendoza's famous Guerra  de Granada, his account of the Second Revolt of the Alpujarras (1569-1571), was complete by 1572, later.  i t remained unpublished when he died three years  In his introduction to the f i r s t edition  (1627), Luis Tribaldos  de Toledo explains the delayed publication in the following terms: It has long been well known that men hate the t r u t h , and that those who t e l l i t , and even more, those who write i t , are apt to suffer t r i b u l a t i o n and opposition. Knowing t h i s , the sensible historian writes about the past, or delays publication of accounts of current events u n t i l those he writes about are dead. Quoted by David H. Darst in "El Pensimiento Historico del Granadino Diego Hurtado de Mendoza," Hispania 43 (1983): 283. 29 Hayden White, "Interpretation course,  60.  in History," in Tropics of Dis-  -90-  30  / Brian [Robert B.] Tate, "Las Decadas de Alfonso de Palencia: un  ana'lisis h i s t o r i o g r a f i c o , "  in J . M. Ruiz Veintemilla, ed. Estudios dedi-  cados a James L e s l i e Brooks, (Barcelona: P u v i l l Libros,  1984), 239 and  passim. 31 The c e n t r a l i t y of form in historiography has been c l e a r l y recognized by Nancy Struever, according to whom, "the h i s t o r i a n ' s with aesthetics is rooted in the very ground of a l l his The Language of History in the Renaissance: Consciousness Press,  preoccupation  investigations":  Rhetoric and H i s t o r i c a l  in Florentine Humanism, (Princeton: Princeton University  1970), 8.  32 Maldonado, "Optimus magister amor", quoted by Asensio, tion,  introduc-  47.  33 Elliot,  Imperial Spain, 128.  ment of empire', see Eugenio Asensio,  On C a s t i l i a n as 'the perfect  instru-  "La lengua companera del imperio,"  Revista de F i l o l o g f a Espanbla 43 (1960): 399-413. 34 Asensio, introduction, 46. Professor Asensio cites the a r t i c l e by Walter J . Ong, "Latin Language Study as Renaissance Puberty R i t e , " Studies in Philology 56 (1959): 103-124. 35 The most famous Laus Hispaniae is that of St.  Isidore of  Seville,  whose source was Justinus: R. B. Tate, "An Apology for Monarchy: A Study of an Unpublished 15th-century C a s t i l i a n H i s t o r i c a l Pamphlet," Romance Philology 15:1 Gaines Post,  (1961): 114-115.  For a good account of this t r a d i t i o n ,  see  "Blessed Lady Spain - Vincentius Hispanus and Spanish National  Imperialism in the'Thirteenth Century," Speculum 29 (1954): 198-209. Maldonado was, here as elswhere, complying with Sallustian convention,  That is  -91-  indicated by a rare geographical e r r o r .  In De motu Hispaniae (87),  he  places the c i t y of Valladolid at the centre of Spain, which any map w i l l show to be f a l s e .  Valladolid i s , however, at the centre of the northern  meseta, the arid plateau which served as the principal battleground during the comunidades: Emilio Gonzalez Lopez, "Los factores econo'micos en el alzamiento de las comunidades de C a s t i l l a : La industria t e x t i l  lanera  castellana," Revista Hispanica Moderna 31 (1965): 188. 36 Maldonado no doubt learned much from his mentor Antonio de Nebrija, whose Muestra de la H i s t o r i a de las Antiguedades de Espana (1499) was, according to Professor Tate, a marked improvement upon the 'armchair' scholarship of Italian expatriates  such as Marineo Siculo: "Nebrija the  Historian," B u l l e t i n of Hispanic Studies 34 (1957): 127-130.  Maldonado's  ancient geography was equal to Nebrija's and better than that of his only other competitor in t h i s regard, the Catalan humanist Joan Margarit i Pau, Bishop of Gerona.  Like Margarit, Maldonado correctly places Saguntum  at the modern town of Murviedro, near Valencia on the Mediterranean coast, thereby rejecting alternatives  such as Segontia or Medinaceli.  ancient Numantia near Soria (86),  Maldonado hits the mark almost  In locating exactly.  Here he improves not only upon the f o l k - i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with Zamora, s t i l l current in the sixteenth century, but on Margarit, who, following Strabo, had placed Numantia 800 stadia from Zaragoza, just above the Ebro: R. B. Tate, "Italian Humanism and Spanish Historiography of the Fifteenth Century . . . , " B u l l e t i n of the John Rylands Library 34:1  (1951): 156-157;  For a map of Roman Spain, see M. Cary and H. H. Seullard, A History of Rome down to the Reign of Constantine, 3rd e d . ,  (London: MacMillan, 1983),  -92-  142.  Nebrija likewise located Numantia at Soria and rejected the  fication  identi-  with Zamora: on t h i s and other aspects of Nebrija's ancient geo-  graphy, see Benito Sanchez Alonso, "Nebrija, Historiador," Revista de F i l o l o g i a Espanbla 29 (1945): 141-143. 37 Sanchez Alonso, "Nebrija, Historiador", 145; Tate, "Mythology",  9;  Tate, "Nebrija the Historian", 126; and especially the same author's "Rodrigo Sanchez de Arevalo (1404-1470) and his Compendiosa Hispanica," Nottingham Medieval Studies 4 (1960): 58-80. examples of Italian condescension toward foreign  and the.Lutheran Question:  For additional  'barbarians',  case the Germans, see Barbara McClung Hallman, "Italian ority'  Historica  in t h i s  'National  1517-1546," Archiv fur  Superi-  Reformations-  geschichte 71 (1980): 134-147. 38 r~> Benedetto Croce, Espana en la vida i t a l i a n a del Renacimiento, Francisco Gonzalez Rios, 253,  282;  (Buenos Aires: Ediciones  Felipe Ruiz Maetin,  Iman, 1945), 108,  trans. 249-  "La expulsion de los judios de la Reina  de Napoles," Hispania 9 (1949): 32; Asensio,  "El Erasmismo", 69 n1.  39 Maldonado's is one of three possible derivations of the pejorative marrano, though not that currently favoured by h i s t o r i a n s .  Incidentally,  Maldonado (or his translator) misspells the Aramaic word maranatha, Christians knew from I Corinthians 16:22, where i t is used in  which  conjunction  with anathema: Sanford Shepard, Lost Lexicon: Secret Meanings in the Vocabulary of Spanish Literature during the Inquisition, Universal,  (Miami: Ediciones  1982), 77-78; In general, see D. Gonzalo Maeso, "Sobre la  eti-  mologia de la voz 'marrano' (Cripto-judio)," Sefarad 15 (1955): 373-385. 40 Asensio,  introduction,  30-31.  -93-  Fernandez Vargas, introduction, 11.  One of the f i r s t  reviewers  of Quevedo's t r a n s l a t i o n , Don Enrique G i l y Carrasco, also suspected that the Toledan was Maldonado's spokesman: Obras completas de D. Enrique G i l y Carrasco,  Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles Volume 74,  1954), 538.  The present writer concurs with Aviles [Sueffos, 110-111], who  argues that t h i s view is impossible to sustain  (Madrid: A t l a s ,  in light of the many ways  in which Maldonado signals his opposition to the comunidades,  at.least  insofar as the movement entailed the active p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the  lower  orders. 42 In addition to Nader, see Roger Boase, The Troubadour Revival: a study of social change and traditionalism in late medieval Spain, (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1978), 9-73,  and the illuminating  a r t i c l e by I. A. A. Thompson, "Neo-noble N o b i l i t y : Concepts of hidalguia in Early Modern C a s t i l e , " European H i s t o r i c a l Quarterly 15:4 379-406.  My ideas on the ideology of the late medieval  have been shaped by the work of Mervyn James, especially  (1985):  aristocracy his English  P o l i t i c s and the Concept of Honour 1485-1642, (Past and Present Supplement no. 3, Oxford, 1978), now reprinted in M. James, Society,  Politics  and Culture: Studies in early modern England, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,  1986), 308-415.  43 Nader, The Mendoza Family, 20. 4  4  Nader, The Mendoza Family, 34-35.  While Nader is careful to d i s -  tinguish between dates of composition and publication, the fact that Mendoza's Guerra de Granada was, as we indicated in Note 28 above, complete by 1572,  is surely an indication that caballero historiography was  -94-  not a dead l e t t e r "throughout the sixteenth century". 4  5  See Bernard Guenee, Politique et Histoire and H i s t o i r e et Culture  historique dans 1'Occident medieval, (Paris: Aubier Montaigne, 1980); Beryl Smalley, Historians in the Middle Ages, (London: Thames and Hudson, 1974); A  /x  Benoit Lacroix, O . P . , L'Historien au Moyen Age, Conference Albert-Le-Grand 1966, (Montreal: Institut d'Etudes Medievales,  1971).  46 J . G. A. Pocock, The Ancient Constitution and the Feudal Law: A Study of English H i s t o r i c a l Thought in the Seventeenth Century, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,  1957), 3 .  47 There are numerous examples in the works cited in note 4 5 .  The only  general treatment of the subject is Eva Matthews Sanford, "The Study of Ancient History in the Middle Ages," Journal of the History of Ideas 5:1 (1944): 2 1 - 4 3 .  Most relevant to the present study is medieval interest in  S a l l u s t , on which, see Beryl Smalley, "Sallust in the Middle Ages," in R. R. Bolgar, ed. C l a s s i c a l Influences on European Culture A . D . 500-1500: Proceedings of an International Conference Held at King's College, Cambridge April  1969, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,  1971), 165-175.  J . N.  H i l l g a r t h has shown t h a t - S a l l u s t served as a model for the Spanish V i s i gothic historian Julian of Toledo.  S i g n i f i c a n t l y , J u l i a n ' s narrative told  the story of a r e b e l l i o n ; that of the province of Gaul against King Wamba: "Historiography in Visigothic Spain", 2 9 9 . 4  8  Peter Burke, The Renaissance Sense of the Past,  Martin's Press,  1969).  (New York: St.  The case that at least some medieval  historians  possessed a sense of anachronism has been made by Bernard Guenee, "Y a - t - i l une historiographie me'dievale?," in Politique et H i s t o i r e , 205-219.  -95-  49  It is s i g n i f i c a n t ,  however, that when Maldonado describes the  structure of C a s t i l i a n local government (84), rently in use (corregidor, alcaldes, anachronistic  'classicizing  he employs the terms cur-  alguaciles,  etc.)  and shuns the  engaged i n , for example, by Nebrija: Sanchez  1  Alonso, "Nebrija, Historiador", 143-144. 50 Smalley, Historians, 186; Eric Cochrane, Historians and H i s t o r i o graphy in the Italian Renaissance, Press, 5 1  (Chicago & London: University of Chicago  1981), x i i . Guenee, "Y a - t - i l  une historiographie medievale?",  207.  CO  J . C. Russell, "Chroniclers of Medieval Spain," Hispanic Review 6 (1938): 218-235; Eloy Benito Ruano, "La h i s t o r i o g r a f i a en la alta Edad Media Espanola: Ideologia y estructura," Cuadernos de Historia de Espana 17 (1952): 58-59. 53 J . W. Swain, "The Theory of the Four Monarchies," C l a s s i c a l Philology 35 (1940): 1-21;  Smalley, Historians, 29-46; Ricardo-Orta Nadal,  "La concepcion c r i s t i a n a de la h i s t o r i a en la Edad Media," Anales de Historia Antigua y Medieval (1950): 99-103. 54 Burke, The Renaissance,  77.  55 This was the opinion, for example, of the teacher of Alfonso de Palencia, George of Trebizond (Georgius Trapezuntius), whose i n f l u e n t i a l rhetorical manual was published at Alcala in 1511 and became a 'bestseller'  in sixteenth-century  Spain: Tate, "Alfonso de Palencia", 42-44;  A copy of t h i s rhetorical text may have been among the books which Diego Osorio inherited from his father: Lopez Martinez,"La biblioteca",  103.  f  56 On Isidore,  see Jacques Fontaine, Isidore de S e v i l l e et la c u l -  -96-  ture c l a s s i q u e dans 1'Espagne v i s i g o t h i q u e , ( P a r i s : Etudes  Augustiniennes,  1959) and M. Reydellet, "Les intentions ideologiques et p o l i t i q u e s dans la Chronique d ' I s i d o r e de S e v i l l e , " Melanges d Archeologie et d ' H i s t o i r e de 1  l ' E c o l e Franqaise de Rome 82 (1970): 363-400. 57 CO  Smalley, H i s t o r i a n s , 28; Cochrane, H i s t o r i a n s , 445-478. " S e l f - P e r c e p t i o n and Decline in Early Seventeenth-Century Spain,"  Past and Present 74 (1977): 46. 5Q  H i l l g a r t h , "Historiography"; R u s s e l l , " C h r o n i c l e r s " , 219-20; Benito Ruano, "La h i s t o r i o g r a f i a " , 55-56. 6 0  H i l l g a r t h , "Historiography"; Benito Ruano, "La h i s t o r i o g r a f i a " ,  55-64; Ricardo Arias y A r i a s , El concepto del destino en l a l i t e r a t u r a medieval espanola, (Madrid: Insula, 1970), 6 1  41-67.  H i l l g a r t h , "Spanish Historiography", 26-29 [See also Note 23 above];  the s i g n i f i c a n c e of Las Navas de Tolosa i s revealed by T e o f i l o F. Ruiz, who argues that from the t h i r t e e n t h century onwards, " [ t ] h e r e was no longer any need to invest the f i g u r e of the king with sacred t r a p p i n g s " :  "Unsacred  Monarchy: The Kings of C a s t i l e in the Late Middle Ages," in Sean Wilentz, ed. Rites of Power: Symbolism, R i t u a l , and P o l i t i c s Since the Middle Ages, ( P h i l a d e l p h i a : University of Pennsylvania Press, 1985), 62 / * ,  130.  Jose Maria Monsalvo Anton, Teoria y Evolucion de un c o n f l i c t o s o c i a l : El antisemitismo en la Corona de C a s t i l l a en l a Baja Edad Media, (Mexico, D.F.: 63  Siglo Veintiuno, 1985). •*  "Rodrigo Sanchez de Arevalo", 76-77; See a l s o , Tate, "Apology", 6 4  Tate, "Rodrigo Sanchez de Arevalo", 78-79.  While Tate here and  elsewhere ["A Humanistic Biography of John II of Aragon," B u l l e t i n of  122.  -97-  Hispanic Studies 39 (1962): 10] refers to Diego de Valera as a p r o v i dential i s t , the present w r i t e r agrees with Nader, who contrasts V a l e r a ' s 'humanist' treatment of the Granadan campaign with that of h i s contemporary Bernaldez, f o r whom the successful reconquista revealed "God and His chosen agents, the C a t h o l i c Monarchs, defeating His enemies and entering into the Promised Land".  Valera, on the other hand, saw "a secular war of t e r r i -  t o r i a l conquest fought in the pursuit of honor, property, and l i b e r t y by the king and his f e l l o w k n i g h t s " : The Mendoza Family, 29.  On N e b r i j a , see  Tate, " N e b r i j a " , 142; On Pulgar, Tate, " N e b r i j a " , 144-145; On Pulgar and Bernaldez, Jose Cepeda Adan, " E l providencialismo en las cronistas de los 7  Reyes C a t o l i c o s , " Arbor 17 (1950): 177-190; See also H i l l g a r t h , The Spanish Kingdoms, 2:372-374. 6 5  Romero, "Fernan Perez de Guzma'n", 133.  cc  On messianism and millenarianism in the l a t e Middle Ages and S i b y l l i n e prophecies which centred on the f i g u r e of Charles of Ghent, see Bernard Guenee, States and Rulers, 44-47, and V. G. Kiernan, "State and Nation in Western Europe," Past and Present 31 (1964): 30-31.  In l i g h t of Maldonado's  evident lack of sympathy with the a n t i - i n t e l l e c t u a l i s m of the S p i r i t u a l Franciscans [ B a t a i l l o n , Erasmo,274-275 ] , i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that the most ardent p o l i t i c a l millenarians in e a r l y sixteenth-century C a s t i l e were conversos, e s p e c i a l l y those who wore the habit of Saint Francis: John Leddy Phelan, The M i l l e n n i a l Kingdom of the Franciscans in the New World: A Study of the Writings of Geronimo de Mendieta (1525-1604), (Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1956); Jose'c. Nieto, "The Franciscan Alumbrados and' the Prophetic-Apocalyptic T r a d i t i o n , " Sixteenth  -98-  Century Journal 8:3 (1977): 3-16; John Edwards, " E l i j a h and the I n q u i s i t i o n : Messianic Prophecy among Conversos in Spain, C. 1500," Medieval Studies 28 (1984): 79-94.  Nottingham  On m i l l e n i a l expectations during the  comunidades, see Ramon Alba, Acerca de algunas p a r t i c u l a r i d a d e s de las Comunidades de C a s t i l l a t a l vez relacionadas con e l supuesto acaecer terreno del Milenio I g u a l i t a r i o , (Madrid: Editora Nacional, 1975).  J . C.  Nieto ["The Franciscan Alumbrados", 7] argues that " r e l i g i o u s - p o l i t i c a l expectancy" reached i t s zenith in 1524, the year in which De motu Hispaniae was probably completed. 6 7  I count f i v e references to Providence in De motu Hispaniae: 73,  173-174, 190, 193, 214 [discounting, of course, those which Maldonado a t t r i b u t e s to various h i s t o r i c a l personages].  None of these c a l l into  question our t h e s i s regarding the e s s e n t i a l l y secular character of the work.  Typical i s that which occurs on pages 173-174, where Maldonado.  t e l l s how the ' t r i b u n e ' Bosmediano s t o l e a s i l v e r c h a l i c e from the v i l l a g e church in Penaflor, and died the f o l l o w i n g day in a r o y a l i s t attack on Tordesillas.  According to the author, t h i s should serve as a reminder  that d i v i n e punishment of the s a c r i l e g i o u s i s not always long in coming. 6 8  For the changing fortunes of Fortune from c l a s s i c a l a n t i q u i t y to  the late Middle Ages, see H. R. Patch, The Goddess Fortuna in Medieval L i t e r a t u r e , (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1927).  A good  short account of Renaissance usage i s Thomas Flanagan, "The Concept of Fortuna in Machiavel1i," in Anthony P a r e l , ed. The P o l i t i c a l Calculus: Essays on M a c h i a v e l l i ' s Philosophy, (Toronto & B u f f a l o : University of Toronto Press, 1972), 127-156.  On the caballero preference f o r Fortune  -99-  over Providence, see Nader, The Mendoza Family, 29,92. 69 On the ' C h r i s t i a n i z a t i o n ' of Fortune, see Mervyn James, Society, P o l i t i c s and Culture, 360-361. 7 0  Juan de Dios Mendoza N e g r i l l o , Fortuna y Providencia en l a l i t e r a -  tura c a s t i l l a n a del s i g l o XV, (Madrid: Casa Real , 1973), 208 and passim. Ferna'n Perez de Guzman also used these terms interchangeably, which leads Romero to c a l l him "a t r a n s i t i o n a l f i g u r e " : "Fernan Perez", 145-147.  The  same might be said of Maldonado's contemporary P i e t r o M a r t i r e , who t e l l s a correspondent that "one cannot a l t e r the course of that which has already been decreed by Divine Providence", and then, l a t e r in the same l e t t e r , asks that he "consider the s u r p r i s i n g ways of Fortune, who o f f e r s nothing good without mixing i t with something unpleasant": Pedro M a r t i r de A n g l e r i a , E p i s t o l a r i o , ed. and t r a n s . Jose'Lopez de Toro, 4 v o l s . , (Madrid: Go'rtgora, 1953-1957), 4:156-157.  On a s i m i l a r pattern in Fernando de Rojas, see  Jose Antonio Maravall, El mundo s o c i a l de 'La C e l e s t i n a ' , (Madrid: E d i t o r i a l Gredos, 1964), 120,  On quatroccento Florence, G i l b e r t , Machiavelli and  G u i c c i a r d i n i , 40-42.  J . G. A. Pocock sees t h i s kind of ambivalence as  t y p i c a l of the the l a t e Middle Ages, when "fortune was what providence looked l i k e i f we had not f a i t h ; but, since once we had, she became p r o v i dence again, the two concepts tended to approach each other": "Custom and Grace, Form and Matter: An Approach to M a c h i a v e l l i ' s Concept of in Martin F l e i s c h e r , ed. Machiavelli and the Nature of P o l i t i c a l  Innovation," Thought,  (New York: Atheneum, 1972), 158-159. 71 By my count, Maldonado used the concept of fortuna on at least f o u r teen occasions in De motu Hispaniae: 36, 40, 41, 73, 92, 93, 118, 131, 132,  -100-  159, 190, 220, 222, 223.  Maldonado's use of Fortune i s remarkably s i m i l a r  to that of Gonzalo Garcia de Santa Maria, whose biography of John II  of  Aragon i s , according to Tate, "at a considerable remove from the P r o v i d e n t i a l i s t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of h i s t o r y which informs the work of [ h i s ] contemporaries": "A Humanistic Biography", 10.  G a r c i a ' s source was apparently  S a l l u s t , and indeed there i s something S a l l u s t i a n about Maldonado's  use  of the term: See The Jugurthine War and the Conspiracy of C a t i l i n e , t r a n s . S. A. Handford, (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1963), 180-181. source is Cicero, De O f f i c i i s , II.  6.  Another possible  See the t r a n s l a t i o n by Walter M i l l e r  in the Loeb C l a s s i c a l L i b r a r y s e r i e s , (London: Heinemann, 1928), 186-187. 72 It i s s i g n i f i c a n t that Maldonado begins De motu Hispaniae not in 1520, but with the death of Isabel in 1504. (37)  Indeed the whole of Book  One (31-53) i s devoted t o the sixteen years which served as a ' p r e l u d e ' torevolution.  See Perez, Revolucion, 73-111.  70  On Maldonado's  l o s t manuscript h i s t o r y of the Catholic Monarchs, see  Asensio, i n t r o d u c t i o n , 25.  According to Maldonado, the " i l l u s t r i o u s Dona  Isabel . . . never took lineage or wealth into consideration when awarding high o f f i c e s or choosing p r e l a t e s , but praised and rewarded true and simple v i r t u e , however lowly i t s o r i g i n s " (the reference is to Cisneros): De motu Hispaniae, 48. 7 4  In De motu Hispaniae (194-195), Maldonado records Zuniga's  'horta-  tory o r a t i o n ' , supposedly delivered before his troops met those of Bishop Acuna at El Romeral.  For Zuniga, i t would please God to make s a c r i f i c i a l  victims of "those [ l i k e Acuna] that i n c i t e c i v i l war, that take up arms against the n o b i l i t y and the supreme magistrates, that serve as leaders to_  -101-  the v i l e and hungry plebs and openly urge them t o seek e q u a l i t y of wealth (la igualdad de b i e n e s ) " .  The comuneros are "the enemies of the human  race" and he encourages h i s men to show no mercy toward these "enemies of the p a t r i a , disturbers of the peace, v i o l a t o r s of a l l human and d i v i n e laws", t h i s "abominable plague", t h i s "beast with a thousand heads".  The  Dominican Juan Hurtado de Mendoza had " l e d a blameless l i f e " and was, in the opinion of many, a good candidate f o r the catalogue of s a i n t s .  He was,  nevertheless, a rabid opponent of the comuneros and was present at the b a t t l e of V i l l a l a r where, perched on his jackass, he exhorted the r o y a l i s t forces: K i l l the sinners! Destroy the d i s s o l u t e and the impious! Show no mercy f o r you are guaranteed eternal rest among the j u s t i f you wipe t h i s cursed s t a i n from the face of the e a r t h ; stab them in the back, f o r i t matters not whether the disturbers of peace and t r a n q u i l i t y f a l l forward or backward! (202-203) There is a very good chance that Maldonado knew Fray Hurtado from his days at Salamanca, and over the objections of Getino and B e l t r a n , the present w r i t e r believes that while the h i s t r i o n i c harangue i s c l e a r l y invented, Maldonado's p o r t r a i t of Hurtado is e s s e n t i a l l y accurate; Vicente Beltran de Heredia, H i s t o r i a de la Reforma de la Provincia de Espana (1450-1550), (Rome: Institutum Historicum FF. Praedicatorum, 1939), 143-154; Luis G. Alonso Getino, Vida e i d e a r i o del Mro. Fr. Pablo de Leon, verbo de las comunidades c a s t e l l a n a s , (Salamanca: Establecimiento Tipografico de Calatrava, 1935), 29-31; On 22 February 1521, the Constable of C a s t i l e t o l d Charles I that Fray Hurtado was worth more to the r o y a l i s t cause than two hundred men-at-arms, Danvila, H i s t o r i a , 3:232.  -102-  A Spanish tendency to i n t e r p r e t t h e i r own history in crude 'Manichaean' terms has been noted by a number of w r i t e r s , among them J u l i o Caro Baroja, Las formas complejas de l a vida r e l i g i o s a : R e l i g i o n , sociedad y caracter en l a Espana de los s i g l o s XVI y XVII, (Madrid: A k a l , 1978), 7 6  11-12.  My only r e a l reservation concerns Pedro Lopez de Ayala, whose  'humanism'  i s c l e a r l y exaggerated by Nader, who wants to include him in  her caballero t r a d i t i o n : The.Mendoza, Family, 56-76.  According to R. B.  Tate, "[a]ny attempt to connect Ayala with the emergence of the humanist h i s t o r i a n cannot be supported by anything but the f l i m s i e s t of l i t e r a r y evidence": "Lopez de Ayala, Humanist H i s t o r i a n ? , " Hispanic Review 25 (1957): 173. 77 78  / / Tate, "Rodrigo Sanchez de Arevalo", 79.  *  On the ' m a r g i n a l ' p o s i t i o n of h i s t o r y w i t h i n the medieval t r i v i u m , see Smalley, H i s t o r i a n s , 18.  On the importance of history w i t h i n the  studia humanitatis, see Richard McKeon, "The Transformation of the the L i b e r a l Arts in the Renaissance," in Bernard S. Levy, ed. Developments, in the Early Renaissance, (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1972), 7 9  158-223. G i l b e r t , Machiavelli and G u i c c i a r d i n i , 223-225.  80 G i l b e r t , M a c h i a v e l l i and G u i c c i a r d i n i , 274.  On the Ciceronian o r i -  gin of the leges h i s t o r i a e , see M. L. W. L a i s t n e r , The Greater Roman H i s t o r i a n s , (Berkeley & Los Angeles: U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1963), 34.  On C i c e r o ' s authority during the Renaissance, see Struever,  Language of History, 27-31; J e r r o l d E. S e i g e l , Rhetoric and Philosophy in Renaissance Humanism: The Union of Eloquence and Wisdom, Petrarch to  -103-  V a l l a , (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1968),  3-30.  81 " I t i s not my i n t e n t i o n t o discourse upon every l i t t l e t h i n g , i n v e s t i g a t i n g even the most i n s i g n i f i c a n t d e t a i l , as i s customary among h i s t o r i a n s , but to inquire i n t o the causes of events, and r e l a t e that which i s worth knowing in an agreeable s t y l e . . . " : De.motu Hispaniae, 32.  On the requirement that h i s t o r i e s be monographic, see Cochrane,  H i s t o r i a n s , 5. 82 The dialogue form also permits Maldonado to present his h i s t o r i c a l narrative in an appropriately ' r h e t o r i c a l ' manner; as a series of orations delivered before a l i v e audience.  Concerning the Renaissance s e n s i t i v i t y  to audience, Nancy Struever has remarked that " [ s l i n c e a beholder i s necessary f o r i l l u s i o n , the r h e t o r i c i a n never forgets his audience, and the r h e t o r i c a l h i s t o r i a n includes his audience in his e f f o r t to make h i s t o r y " : Language of History, 90. audience l i t e r a l l y .  Maldonado takes the o b l i g a t i o n to include his  The Frenchman, the I t a l i a n and the German are i n t e r n a l  representatives of the external audience he wanted to reach; the cosmopol i t a n 'Republic of L e t t e r s ' . 83 George H. Nadel, "Philosophy of History-before H i s t o r i c i s m , " History and Theory 3 (1964): 291-315; Myron P. Gilmore, "The Renaissance Conception of the Lessons of H i s t o r y , " in M. P. Gilmore, Humanists and J u r i s t s : Six Studies in the Renaissance, Press,  (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap-Harvard University  1963).  84 P o l i t i c s , Language and Time: Essays on P o l i t i c a l Thought and History, (New York: Atheneum, 1971), 81. 8 5  Nadel, "Philosophy of H i s t o r y " , 297-299.  -104-  In general, Maldonado absolves Carlos of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the r e b e l l i o n , which he blames instead on those responsible f o r advising the young monarch, who, " i n s p i t e of his tender years, possessed a nature disposed t o the v i r t u e s of a king, and an uncommon elevation of c h a r a c t e r " . (48)  According to Maldonado, the Toledan comunero Juan P a d i l l a was also  convinced that owing to youthful inexperience Carlos had f a l l e n under the sway of f o r e i g n e r s , who governed Spain " i n t h e i r own i n t e r e s t s rather than according to the t r a d i t i o n a l practices of the r e p u b l i c " . (71)  Padilla  r e f e r s , of course, to C a r l o s ' Flemish c o u r t i e r s , who had a not undeserved reputation f o r i n s a t i a b l e ambition and r a p a c i t y .  Maldonado's p o r t r a i t of  the good king surrounded by e v i l advisors was a commonplace in the p o l i t i c a l l i t e r a t u r e of the time: See J . Rosenthal, "The K i n g ' s Wicked Advisors," P o l i t i c a l Science Quarterly 82 (1967): 595-618. 8 7  See, f o r example, Luis Suarez Fernandez, "Problemas p o l i t i c o s en  la minoridad de Enrique III,"  Hispania 12 (1952): 163-231, 323-400.  88 On the ' M i r r o r f o r P r i n c e s ' genre, see Lester K. Born's introduction to Erasmus, The Education of a C h r i s t i a n P r i n c e , (1936; New York: Octagon, 1965), 3-130.  See a l s o , Quentin Skinner, The foundations of modern p o l i -  t i c a l thought. Volume one: The Renaissance, (Cambridge: Cambridge Univers i t y Press, 1978), e s p e c i a l l y 220-221, where Skinner argues that the m i r r o r f o r - p r i n c e s w r i t e r s endorsed the claim that "the key to p o l i t i c a l wisdom l i e s in a proper understanding of the past". 89 90  Quoted by David H. Darst, " E l Pensamiento", 284. Quoted by David H. Darst, "The Persistance of the Exemplum in Golden  Age Thought," Renaissance and Reformation 9 (1973): 62.  -105-  G i l b e r t , M a c h i a v e l l i and G u i c c i a r d i n i , 216; Charles Trinkaus, "A Humanist's Image of Humanism: the Inaugural Orations of Bartolommeo d e l l a Fonte," Studies in the Renaissance 7 (1960): 100-101. 92 Herbert Weisinger defines ' u n i f o r m i t a r i a n i s m ' as the b e l i e f " t h a t human nature never changes, that men at a l l times and places have always been the same, and that therefore there is nothing new under the sun": "Ideas of History during the Renaissance," Journal of the History of Ideas 6 (1945): 428.  For a good discussion of u n i f o r m i t a r i a n b e l i e f s in early  modern Spain, see Darst, " E l Pensamiento", 285. Professor Brown r e f e r s to the c u l t u r e of the Late Antique world, but his comment on the u n i f o r m i t a r i a n assumption which underlies the notion of a 'moral paradigm' applies equally to our period, and deserves to be quoted at length: [W]e have here a c u l t u r e that believed that the past had only become the past through an everremediable accident of neglect, not through any i r r e v e r s i b l e process of change and u n i d i r e c t i o n a l e v o l u t i o n , which would render the moral paradigms of a man of the s i x t h century B.C. i r r e l e v a n t to the behavior of a man of the fourth century A.D. Moral exemplars of a thousand years previously had no b u i l t - i n obsolescence. What was good f o r them could be good f o r you. We are not in a world 'condemned to h i s t o r y ' by Hegel. "The Saint as Exemplar in Late A n t i q u i t y , " in Richard C. T r e x l e r , ed. Persons in Groups: S o c i a l Behavior as Identity Formation in Medieval and Renaissance Europe, (Binghamton, NY: State University of New York Press, 1985), 184. 94 In general, see Rudiger Landfester, H i s t o r i a Magistra V i t a e . Untersuchungen zur humanistischen Geschichtstheorie des 14. bis 16. Jahrhunderts,  -106-  (Geneva: L i b r a i r i e Droz, 1972) and Reinhart Koselleck, " H i s t o r i a Magis t r a V i t a e : The D i s s o l u t i o n of the Topos into the Perspective of a Modernized H i s t o r i c a l Process," in Futures Past, 21-38.  For h i s t o r y as magistra  v i t a e in the Spanish w r i t e r s Juan Luis Vives and Sebastian Fox M o r c i l l o , see Montero Diaz, "La d o c t i n a " , 12, 17-19. correspondent Vives are e s p e c i a l l y germane.  The views of Maldonado's For Vives, experience was  "the nurse of p r a c t i c a l wisdom", and "experience i s e i t h e r our own i n d i v i d u a l l y , or that obtained by others, which may serve to warn us, by the example of actual past occurrences . . . " : Vives: On Education, 38. 95 Donald Kelley notes that the purpose behind the compilation of sixteenth-century martyrologies "included a l l of the basic ingredients f o r the humanist p r e s c r i p t i o n f o r h i s t o r y " : They offered ' c o n s o l a t i o n ' , . . .; they constituted a treasury of exempla f o r i m i t a t i o n and a kind of moral and anagogical ' m i r r o r ' f o r C h r i s t i a n s ; and they were commemorative, preserving f o r p o s t e r i t y the 'deeds and w r i t i n g s ' of exemplary men of f a i t h . "Martyrs, Myths and the Massacre: The Background of St. Bartholomew," American H i s t o r i c a l Review 77 (1972): 1326. 96 Struever, Language of History; Cochrane, H i s t o r i a n s , 6; Gilmore, Humanists and J u r i s t s , 19. 9 7  Maldonado's caballero predecessor Fernan Perez de Guzman shared the  notion of h i s t o r i a magistra v i t a e , but emphasized the commemorative function of historiography.  By adhering to Ciceronian standards of p r o b i t y , the  h i s t o r i a n served j u s t i c e by accurately recording the heroic and virtuous deeds of exceptional i n d i v i d u a l s , often unrewarded by Fortune and unrecognized by those caught up in the c o n f l i c t i n g passions of the moment: Romero,  -107-  "Fernan Perez de Guzman", 148-150. heartedly.  Maldonado would have agreed whole-  -108-  CHAPTER THREE: HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL RHETORIC IN DE. MOTU HISPANIAE That a r e v i v a l of the r h e t o r i c a l a r t s , what Hanna Gray c a l l s ' t h e pursuit of eloquence', was c e n t r a l to the I t a l i a n Renaissance i s generally 1  recognized.  It i s often assumed, however, that t h i s revaluation of the a r t  of persuasion could only take place under very s p e c i a l p o l i t i c a l circumstances, and in a p a r t i c u l a r kind of p o l i t y - r e l a t i v e l y open c i t y - r e p u b l i c s of the I t a l i a n type.  However t h i s ' p o l i t i c a l argument', c l o s e l y associated  with the name of Hans Baron, has been convincingly challenged by J e r r o l d S e i g e l , who detaches Leonardo B r u n i ' s w r i t i n g s from his p o l i t i c a l b e l i e f s 2  and explains them in terms of his education and a c t i v i t y as a r h e t o r i c i a n . Helen Nader also d i s s o c i a t e s r h e t o r i c and p o l i t i c s , suggesting that " r h e t o r i c a l s k i l l s were as highly valued by the c i t i z e n s of the C a s t i l i a n mon3  archy as they were by the c i t i z e n s of the I t a l i a n r e p u b l i c s " .  While Nader  perhaps overstates her case, r h e t o r i c a l s k i l l s were c e r t a i n l y being used in C a s t i l i a n c i v i c l i f e , while at court, the welfare of the commonwealth surely hung on the a b i l i t y of the k i n g ' s 'good advisors' to defeat t h e i r 4  corrupt colleagues in an open r h e t o r i c a l contest. Since as we have seen, Maldonado was convinced that e v i l advisors were most often responsible f o r the n a t i o n ' s i l l s , i t should not surprise us to learn that he stressed the value of r h e t o r i c in p u b l i c l i f e .  In f a c t Maldo-  nado seems to have been no less convinced that his I t a l i a n contemporaries of the f a c t that r h e t o r i c a l eloquence, the a b i l i t y to persuade, was c e n t r a l to the v i t a activa. e c i v i l e . As he puts i t in the Paraenesis: Although there are some who maintain that r h e t o r i c i s of l i t t l e use in contemporary l i f e , f o r my part I perceive so many benefits that those who advance and d i s t i n g u i s h themselves f o r t h e i r knowledge [of r h e t o r i c ] can e a s i l y triumph and emerge v i c t o r i o u s  -109-  in a l l things; perhaps not in the courts, whose structure and character have changed profoundly, but c e r t a i n l y in presenting c i v i c and p r o v i n c i a l cases before the Crown, in undertaking a d i p l o matic mission of any k i n d , in governing the Repub l i c , and e s p e c i a l l y in persuading or disuading in any matter, p u b l i c or p r i v a t e . 5 Nor was Maldonado alone in t h i s c o n v i c t i o n .  A contemporary and f e l l o w -  c l e r i c , the T r i n i t a r i a n f r i a r Alonso de C a s t r i l l o , held s i m i l a r b e l i e f s concerning the importance of Ciceronian eloquence in public l i f e .  After  quoting T u l l y to the e f f e c t that Cedant arma.togae, concedat laurea linguae, C a s t i l l o goes on to praise the power of r h e t o r i c ; which i s valuable since eloquence moves the human heart, preserves great deeds f o r p o s t e r i t y and renders a people healthy, and thus we read t h a t the eloquence of Cicero not only saved many men from execution, but returned the Roman people and the Roman state to the health they had l o s t through the conspiracy of the nefarious C a t i l i n e . 6 It i s perhaps not c o i n c i d e n t a l that both C a s t r i l l o and Maldonado were c i t i z e n s of Burgos, a c i t y in which members of the municipal e l i t e , many of whom Maldonado knew personally, engaged in s p i r i t e d debate over matters of common concern,'  7  In the Renaissance debate over the r e l a t i o n s h i p of r h e t o r i c and philosophy, both Maldonado and C a s t r i l l o supported the humanist p o s i t i o n , Q  arguing that the two were i n e x t r i c a b l y l i n k e d .  According to C a s t r i l l o ,  i t were " b e t t e r to speak eloquently and prudently, than to reason and q theorize b r i l l i a n t l y but i n e l e g a n t l y . "  Maldonado's support f o r the  Ciceronian p o s i t i o n was s i m i l a r l y c l e a r - c u t .  "Why should one worry", he  asks, paraphrasing the Roman master, "about what one has to say, i f one cannot say i t f l u e n t l y and b e a u t i f u l l y ? " .  It was Cicero, according to  -110-  Maldonado, "who more p r o f i t a b l y than any other, united the secrets of 10 philosophy with eloquence".  He would c e r t a i n l y have taken issue with  the views of the f i f t e e n t h - c e n t u r y letrado Alfonso de Cartagena, as expressed in the s c h o l a r l y bishop's c r i t i q u e of Leonardo B r u n i ' s t r a n s l a t i o n of A r i s t o t l e ' s E t h i c s .  Latin  According to Cartagena, who knew no  Greek and therefore could not dispute with Bruni on p h i l o l o g i c a l grounds, the older s c h o l a s t i c t r a n s l a t i o n of Robert Grossteste was superior to Bruni's  'eloquent' one because i t accorded better with ' r e a s o n ' , and  t h i s to his mind guaranteed i t s f i d e l i t y t o A r i s t o t l e .  Cartagena urged  the s t r i c t separation of philosophy and r h e t o r i c : [T]he man of wisdom [ought] to conduct an inquiry with words that are precise and used in t h e i r most proper sense; these are the terms o f science. A f t e r wards, in urging shining examples and pure teachings, he may exclaim in eloquent language. 11 Here, as so often elsewhere, Maldonado shows himself a c a b a l l e r o , rather than a l e t r a d o .  For i t was the former group, composed of men l i k e Fernan  Pe'rez de Guzman, which made the most e f f e c t i v e use of r h e t o r i c , a l b e i t in 12 the vernacular. Given what we now know about Maldonado's  s p i r i t e d defense of r h e t o r i c  in public l i f e , and his equally ardent support f o r a Ciceronian union of wisdom and eloquence, we should not be surprised to learn that his h i s t o r i o graphy i s , a l l t a l k of 'bare f a c t s ' aside, highly r h e t o r i c a l in character. One reason f o r t h i s may be that Maldonado, l i k e most of his fellow-humanists, drew many of his ideas on h i s t o r i c a l theory from Cicero, and in p a r t i c u l a r 13 from De Oratore, where h i s t o r y i s treated as a branch of r h e t o r i c s . While Maldonado does not go quite t h i s f a r , he was c e r t a i n l y of the opinion,  -111-  as he t e l l s us in the Paraenesis, that r h e t o r i c a l eloquence was c e n t r a l 14  to the h i s t o r i a n ' s c r a f t .  Maldonado evidently accepted the p r o p o s i -  t i o n , gleaned no doubt from extensive reading in S a l l u s t , T a c i t u s , Livy and other ' m o r a l i z i n g ' h i s t o r i a n s , that h i s t o r y was "philosophy teaching 15 by example".  However, j u s t as the truths of philosophy must be e l o -  quently stated i f they are to become ' a c t i v e  1  in the world, the h i s t o r i a n  must employ r h e t o r i c a l s k i l l s to convince the reader to f o l l o w the tenets 16 of moral philosophy which inhere in h i s t o r i c a l exempla. The h i s t o r i a n must appeal t o the reader's w i l l as well as his reason; he must persuade him to put moral truths i n t o p r a c t i c e . The r h e t o r i c a l character of De motu Hispaniae i s nowhere more evident than in Maldonado's extensive use of o r a t i o r e c t a ,  According to the I t a l i a n  humanist Giovanni Pontano, a man f o r whom Maldonado had the highest regard, orations were "the soul of h i s t o r y " , and Maldonado's use of o r a t i o recta shows that i t s purpose w i t h i n an h i s t o r i c a l t e x t had not a l t e r e d appreciably since c l a s s i c a l times: "the elaboration of character i t provides con17  t r i b u t e s to the analysis of cause which i s i t s aim".  Because the human-  i s t s , l i k e t h e i r c l a s s i c a l forerunners, were f i r m believers in the 'Great Man Theory of H i s t o r y , they very r a r e l y made reference to s o c i a l f o r c e s , 1  and customarily explained h i s t o r i c a l events by revealing the motives which animated i n d i v i d u a l actors on the h i s t o r i c a l stage.  This notion - history  as theatrum mundi - must have appealed to Maldonado, who as a dramatist was accustomed to revealing the motives of his characters through the words he a t t r i b u t e d to them.  The h i s t r i o n i c harangues and hortatory orations of  De motu Hispaniae are, of course, pure f a b r i c a t i o n ; an opportunity f o r the  -112-  author to display his r h e t o r i c a l prowess.  We should not b e l i e v e , however,  that because Maldonado chose, out of a l l e g i a n c e to the norms of Roman historiography, to "pour his f a c t s into S a l l u s t i a n molds", that there 18  was no o b j e c t i v e material t o be treated in such a way.  Whereas modern  usage equates r h e t o r i c with mendacity, Renaissance h i s t o r i a n s saw no contrad i c t i o n between eloquence and t r u t h .  On the contrary, r h e t o r i c seemed to 19  them more e f f e c t i v e than l o g i c in cognizing the h i s t o r i c a l world. the ' t h e a t r e ' of De motu Hispaniae, there are ' p r o t a g o n i s t s ' gonists'  in the h i s t o r i c a l drama, and Maldonado's  In  and ' a n t a -  readers are c l e a r l y  expected to admire, and more importantly, to emulate, the n o b i l i t y d i s played by the former, while execrating and shunning the base motives and actions of the l a t t e r .  Close attention to Maldonado's  imaginative  'soli-  l o q u i e s ' t e l l s us something about the ' k i n d of s t o r y ' he is t e l l i n g ; the ' p l o t ' , as i t were, of his h i s t o r i c a l n a r r a t i v e .  Thus while  Maldonado's  speeches may, in f a c t , reveal very l i t t l e about the mental states of ' r e b e l s and r o y a l i s t s ' , they surely t e s t i f y to the b e l i e f s of an astute observer, who, in the absence of documentary evidence, f e l t compelled to reconstruct the 'speech a c t s ' of h i s t o r i c a l actors. While Maldonado's  use of o r a t i o recta conforms to c l a s s i c a l  standards,  and can be compared to that of humanist h i s t o r i a n s anywhere in Europe, an i n s t r u c t i v e contrast can be drawn between the orations in De motu Hispaniae and those of the early f i f t e e n t h - c e n t u r y C a s t i l i a n h i s t o r i a n Pedro Lopez 20 de Ayala.  Ayala's use of d i r e c t speech has been studied by R. B. Tate,  who compares his harangues to the exemplum l i t e r a t u r e of the Middle Ages, and argues that they have l i t t l e or nothing in common with those of his  -113-  Florentine contemporaries.  To r e i n f o r c e t h i s p o i n t , Tate l i s t s the  humanist t r a i t s which are absent from A y a l a ' s speeches, and i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that every one i s very much in evidence in De motu Hispaniae.  Where A y a l a ' s orations f a i l to perform t h e i r most elementary  f u n c t i o n , the e l u c i d a t i o n of character, Maldonado's show that he regarded c h a r a c t e r - p o r t r a i t u r e as an e s s e n t i a l component in the i n v e s t i g a t i o n of cause.  The inexperience of Charles I is a case in point; another i s the  d i c t a t o r i a l arrogance of the Constable of C a s t i l e , Iffigo de Velasco, whose ' t y r a n n i c a l ' behavior as corregidor had serious repercussions  in Burgos.  Ayala makes his d i d a c t i c p o i n t s , not in his o r a t i o n s , which are v i r t u a l l y devoid of moral content, but in a series of e t h i c a l precepts which gloss the h i s t o r i c a l a c t i o n .  Maldonado, as we noted e a r l i e r , had l i t t l e use  f o r precepts; the reader i s expected to learn d i r e c t l y from the utterances he a t t r i b u t e s to h i s t o r i c a l a c t o r s .  Whereas the 'hortatory o r a t i o n , a 1  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y humanist device, is e n t i r e l y absent from A y a l a s 1  Cronicas, an eloquent exhortation precedes every important b a t t l e in De motu Hispaniae.  Most importantly, Ayala's speeches are "barren of any  persuasive r h e t o r i c " , and since they are in C a s t i l i a n , Tate r e j e c t s any attempt to connect them with humanism, a movement which "was inseparably 22  linked with a reverence f o r the c l a r i t y and poise of Ciceronian L a t i n " . By way of contrast, the speeches in De motu Hispaniae are highly rhetor i c a l , and there is no question but that Maldonado revered Ciceronian L a t i n , e s p e c i a l l y as a v e h i c l e f o r h i s t o r y .  For Maldonado, as f o r a l l  humanists, c l a s s i c a l L a t i n was, as he puts i t in one of his works, "the language of p o s t e r i t y " .  2 3  Only the language of C i c e r o , sheltered as i t  -114-  was from the grammatical, s y n t a c t i c a l and semantic s h i f t s t y p i c a l of European vernaculars, could insure that the recorded deeds of the present generation would s t i l l be comprehensible t o p o s t e r i t y . Detailed examination of Maldonado's many speeches would be both excessively time-consuming and of dubious value to the present i n q u i r y . We would l i k e , however, t o draw attention to one o r a t o r i c a l device of which he seems t o have been e s p e c i a l l y fond - a n t i l o g y .  Maldonado employs  the antilogy - a set of two opposing speeches - in a way which Nancy Struever sees as t y p i c a l of the r h e t o r i c a l h i s t o r i a n s of Renaissance I t a l y , that i s , in order " t o present the d i f f e r e n t views of h i s t o r i c a l protagonists as a l t e r n a t i v e s to be judged by the, reader".  "The core of  the a n t i l o g i c method", according to Struever, " i s to consider the same 24 events from d i f f e r e n t points of view".  The twin speeches which Maldo-  nado a t t r i b u t e s to the r o y a l i s t Luis Sarmiento and his kinsman Pedro de Ayala, the Comunero Count of S a l v a t i e r r a , are presented in the evenhanded, non-judgmental s t y l e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the Renaissance a n t i l o g y ; as are the juxtaposed ' h o r t a t o r y o r a t i o n s ' of Acuna and Zuniga. (182-184, 194196)  Pedro Lopez de Ayala would have required a gloss at t h i s p o i n t , and  Alfonso de P a l e n c i a , the "moral judge", would doubtless have interposed a comment or two.  Maldonado, however, remains s i l e n t and allows the orators  to 'speak f o r themselves'.  The a n t i l o g i c method, which allows the reader  himself to choose between varying perspectives on a s i n g l e event, was obviously a t t r a c t i v e to Maldonado, who, as we noted e a r l i e r , prided himself on his i m p a r t i a l i t y . We also noted, however, that while suprapartisanship may be a laudable i d e a l , the degree of detachment i t requires i s v i r t u a l l y  -115-  impossible to a t t a i n c o n s i s t e n t l y in p r a c t i c e ; indeed when we examine Maldonado's use of yet another commonplace of Renaissance historiography the ' c h a r a c t e r sketch' - we f i n d that his own partisan attachments are only too c l e a r l y revealed. The blood r e l a t i o n s h i p between Maldonado's f r i e n d and patron Don Diego Osorio and the prominent Comunero leader Bishop Antonio de Acuna presented him with an ideal opportunity f o r character comparison.  The  v i v i d contrast between the two h a l f - b r o t h e r s , whose d i s t i n c t characters seemed to bely the s i m i l a r i t y of t h e i r backgrounds, would have had an i r r e s i s t a b l e appeal f o r such a rhetorically-minded h i s t o r i a n .  What i s  most i n t e r e s t i n g , however, i s that Maldonado's p o r t r a i t of the b e l l i c o s e rebel leader and the l o y a l p a t r i o t i s delineated in unmistakably S a l l u s t i a n terms.  Acuna, as Maldonado represents him, i s a somewhat  incongruous  composite of C a t i l i n e and Caesar as they appear in the Roman h i s t o r i a n ' s Bellum C a t i l i n a e , while Maldonado's p o r t r a i t of Diego Osorio i s the very image of Marcus Porcius Cato.  According to Maldonado, Acuna possessed  many of the noble v i r t u e s of a Caesar; he was, f o r example, generous to a f a u l t , and displayed a s o l d i e r ' s i n d i f f e r e n c e to hunger, cold and want of sleep.  But l i k e C a t a l i n e , and to some extent l i k e Caesar himself, AcuTia  revelled in war and c i v i l d i s c o r d , and the t r a g i c flaws in his character, e s p e c i a l l y his overweaning ambition, drew him into leadership of a populist rebellion.  Again l i k e C a t i l i n e , Acuna is an eloquent speaker; the ideal  demogogue in f a c t , who i n c i t e s the masses against t h e i r l e g i t i m a t e r u l e r s by promising to a l l e v i a t e t h e i r poverty, reduce taxes, and provide them with ' l i b e r t y ' .  Like Caesar and Cato, Acuna and Osorio are said to be  -116-  well matched, in ' b i r t h , age, and eloquence', but whereas Acuna possessed Caesar's m a r t i a l s p i r i t (and C a t i l i n e ' s t a s t e f o r r e b e l l i o n ) , Osorio, l i k e Cato, placed his p a c i f i c t a l e n t s at the service of his country.  Eager f o r  g l o r y , but uncorrupted by ambition, Osorio applied his natural g i f t s in helping his f r i e n d s , pursuing knowledge, and, when t h i s became necessary, defending his p a t r i a , Burgos, against the forces of his r e b e l l i o u s brother. While Maldonado was c l e a r l y drawn to t h i s comparison by i t s aesthetic p o s s i b i l i t i e s , there i s another, less l i t e r a r y but equally high-minded, motive which may have influenced his p o r t r a i t .  While Maldonado was w r i t i n g  De motu Hispaniae, Don Diego Osorio was being investigated f o r possible wrongdoing during the Comunidades.  The d e t a i l s of the case are complex,  but the accusations against Osorio involved his behavior as corregidor, both in Cordoba, where he held the post o f f i c i a l l y , and in Burgos, where he was coerced into accepting the p o s i t i o n a f t e r the appointed corregidor had been ousted by the rebel comunidad.  Maldonado's p o s i t i v e depiction  of Osorio, and e s p e c i a l l y the contrast he draws between his unshakable l o y a l t y and the d i s l o y a l t y of his n e ' e r - d o - w e l l h a l f - b r o t h e r , may well have been intended to aid in his patron's defense by enhancing his repu26  t a t i o n as a dedicated servant of the Crown. Of equal i n t e r e s t to the present i n q u i r y , however, is the f a c t that in limning Osorio, Maldonado drew upon S a l l u s t , and in p a r t i c u l a r upon the Roman h i s t o r i a n ' s glowing p o r t r a i t of Cato.  Cato was, and would remain,  the very paradigm of c i v i c p a t r i o t i s m and s e l f l e s s devotion to duty, and many of Maldonado's heroes are cut from ' C a t o n i c ' c l o t h ; men who seek only  27  the common good, and place the i n t e r e s t s of the republic above t h e i r own.  -117-  His p i c t u r e of his patron Pedro de Cartagena, f o r example, i s drawn in 28 s i m i l a r terms.  As we s h a l l see, however, Maldonado's debt to S a l l u s t ,  and e s p e c i a l l y to the Bellum C a t i l i n a e , extended beyond the appropriation of ' t y p e s ' .  His ideas on the h i s t o r i c a l process in general, and on ' c i v i l  wars' in p a r t i c u l a r , also have a d i s t i n c t l y S a l l u s t i a n f l a v o u r . A f t e r r e j e c t i n g the p r o v i d e n t i a l i s t mode, Maldonado w i l l , in true humanist f a s h i o n , have cast about f o r a model upon which to base his account of the Comunidades.  Given his Salamancan t r a i n i n g , his eye w i l l i n e v i t a b l y  have f a l l e n upon those c l a s s i c a l h i s t o r i a n s whose works were held in the highest esteem by his humanist contemporaries - Caesar, S a l l u s t , and 29 Livy. -  J  While Caesar's Commentaries were u n i v e r s a l l y respected, however,  they could not serve as a paradigm f o r Maldonado, who, unlike the great Roman general, was not, and indeed was proud not to have been, a p a r t i c i pant in the events he describes.  Thus f o r p r a c t i c a l purposes,  Maldonado  found himself faced with a choice between the two c l a s s i c a l h i s t o r i a n s considered most worthy of i m i t a t i o n ; the same two singled out 1300 years e a r l i e r by the consular h i s t o r i a n S e r v i l i u s Nonianus as pares magis quam 30  similes - S a l l u s t and L i v y .  •  The character of A l t i l i u s in Giovanni  Pontano's famous dialogue A c t i u s , a work with which Maldonado may well have been f a m i l i a r , echoes t h i s judgment. In f a c t , t h i s was the opinion of most, humanists, who, while p r a i s i n g Caesar, reserved paradigmatic 31  status f o r Livy and S a l l u s t . Whether a h i s t o r i a n chose to pattern his work on one or the other was largely a function of the subject he wanted to t r e a t .  If he was contem-  p l a t i n g the h i s t o r y of a c i t y - s t a t e , or of i t s modern successor the n a t i o n -  -118-  s t a t e , the humanist h i s t o r i a n n a t u r a l l y turned to L i v y , the immortal h i s t o r i a n of Rome.  G u i c c i a r d i n i , Machiavelli and a host of lesser I t a l i a n  humanists wrote L i v i a n h i s t o r i e s , as did the Spaniard Alfonso de Palencia. If, on the other hand, one chose to c h r o n i c l e a war, e i t h e r i n t e r n a l or e x t e r n a l , then S a l l u s t , h i s t o r i a n of the conspiracy of C a t i l i n e and the Jugurthine War, was an ideal guide.  S a l l u s t served as a model f o r the  I t a l i a n Bernardo R u c e l l a i and, in a less rigorous way, f o r Maldonado's 32 Aragonese compatriot Gonzalo Garcia de Santa Maria."  Maldonado also  drew elements from Sal l u s t ' s Bellum C a t i l i n a e in i n t e r p r e t i n g the events of 1520-21.  Like most Renaissance h i s t o r i a n s , however, Maldonado looked  upon his c l a s s i c a l model, not as an ' a u t h o r i t y ' , but as a ' g u i d e ' ; as oo  an i n c e n t i v e , not as an impediment to o r i g i n a l i t y .  De motu Hispaniae  is not a s l a v i s h i m i t a t i o n of the Bellum C a t i l i n a e , but a work which r e f l e c t s Maldonado's use of S a l l u s t i a n i n s i g h t s in analysing the C a s t i l i a n 1  c i v i 1 war'. By choosing S a l l u s t as a guide then, Maldonado could be assured that  his humanist readership would see, not a 'meaningless f a c t u a l s e r i e s ' , but 'a story of a p a r t i c u l a r k i n d ' , a type of occurrence with which they were f a m i l i a r - the S a l l u s t i a n bellum c i v i l e .  The concept of ' c i v i l war  1  possessed the a d d i t i o n a l advantage of being e s p e c i a l l y well suited to describing the alignment of s o c i a l forces in e a r l y modern Europe, where, as Reinhart Koselleck points out, i n t e r n a l war "remained a war among q u a l i f i e d members of the orders, i . e . , a bellum c i v i l e , no matter what 34.  the extent of p a r t i c i p a t i o n by the lower s t r a t a might be".  Koselleek's  s o c i o l o g i c a l observation i s r e f l e c t e d in the p r a c t i c e of Renaissance  -119-  h i s t o r i a n s , who accepted the c l a s s i c a l proposition that works of h i s t o r y should deal e x c l u s i v e l y with ' d i g n i f i e d ' subject matter, which in p r a c t i c e meant that the proper f i e l d of h i s t o r y was the p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y 35  accomplishments of the r u l i n g e l i t e /  The h i s t o r i a n should r e s t r i c t  himself to 'war and p o l i t i e s ' as practiced by the q u a l i f i e d members of society, and concern with the ' v u l g a r masses' was discouraged as beneath the d i g n i t a s of both the w r i t e r and his presumed readership.  While as  we s h a l l see, Maldonado had to break with t h i s ideal by devoting an i n o r d i nate amount of a t t e n t i o n to the popular c l a s s e s , the bulk of De,motu Hispaniae is in f a c t concerned with war and p o l i t i c s among and between members of the governing c l a s s e s .  We have already remarked upon Maldonado's  i n t e r e s t in preserving res gestae, and indeed we f i n d t h a t , l i k e most humanist h i s t o r i e s , De motu Hispaniae contains a number of elaborate and even stereotyped b a t t l e d e s c r i p t i o n s , r e p l e t e with "lances and horses, 36  brave assaults and greed f o r plunder".  Our p r i n c i p a l concern here,  however, w i l l be Maldonado's d e s c r i p t i o n of e l i t e p o l i t i c s during the Comunidades.  His analysis of the motives which govern the behavior of  p o l i t i c a l actors i s p a r t i c u l a r l y relevant, since i t i s derived d i r e c t l y from S a l l u s t ' s Be 1.1 urn C a t i l i n a e .  An examination of Maldonado's  political  analysis also reveals t h a t , unlike many of his f e l l o w h i s t o r i a n s , he was extremely s e n s i t i v e t o the f a c t that an i n d i v i d u a l ' s p o l i t i c a l behavior was determined by the socio-economic i n t e r e s t s of the group to which he belonged. In analysing the c i v i l war of his own day, S a l l u s t concludes that the whole t r u t h - to put i t in a word - i s that  -120-  although a l l d i s t u r b e r s of the peace in t h i s period put forward specious p r e t e x t s , claiming e i t h e r to be protecting the r i g h t s of the people or t o be strengthening the authority of the Senate, t h i s was mere pretence: in r e a l i t y , every one of them was f i g h t i n g f o r his personal aggrandizement. 37 Taking our cue from the l a t e Renaissance h i s t o r i a n Paolo S a r p i , who i s often said to have 'unmasked' the Council of Trent, we might say that t h i s quotation reveals S a l l u s t ' s  'unmasking s t r a t e g y ' , a strategy which 38'  Maldonado employs throughout De motu, Hispaniae.  Maldonado, l i k e S a l l u s t ,  exposes the ' r e a l ' motives - a v a r i c e , lust f o r power, economic i n t e r e s t which underlie the behavior of h i s t o r i c a l a c t o r s , and which are most often at variance with t h e i r professions of s e l f l e s s n e s s .  This i s not  always the case of course, as S a l l u s t acknowledges when he praises the v i r t u of Cato and Caesar.  Maldonado l i k e w i s e recognized that his age was  not e n t i r e l y devoid of virtuous men, as we have seen by his glowing depictions of Osorio and Cartagena.  But these are c l e a r l y exceptions,  whose s e l f l e s s behavior stands in marked contrast to the amour., propre which motivates most of the characters in De motu Hispaniae.  Acuna's  professed devotion to the Comunero cause, f o r example, i s exposed as a 'specious p r e t e x t ' , designed to e n l i s t the power of the masses in the 39 service of his own l i m i t l e s s ambition.'  (160)  More i n t e r e s t i n g , because less t y p i c a l of his time, is that Maldonado applies the same unmasking strategy to the behavior of e n t i r e s o c i a l groups.  The n o b i l i t y i s a case in point.  In the i n i t i a l stages of the  r e v o l t , the C a s t i l i a n magnates, many of whom were h o s t i l e to the foreign king and his band of Flemish ' l o c u s t s ' , held themselves aloof from the  -121-  c o n f l i c t in the hope that they might benefit from popular unrest. 82)  (81-  Some urban p a t r i c i a n s , such as those at Cordoba, and C a s t i l i a n  grandees such as the Count of S a l v a t i e r r a and Don Pedro Giron, even served as rebel caud.illos.  Maldonado's n a r r a t i v e makes i t c l e a r that  what f i n a l l y brought the Spanish n o b i l i t y into the r o y a l i s t camp was not, as they wanted to maintain, t h e i r l o y a l t y to the k i n g , but rather the emergence, in September of 1520, of a n t i s e i g n e u r i a l violence in the 40 countryside.  For Maldonado, the turning point was the r i s i n g at  Duenas, where the townspeople expelled t h e i r senor, the h a l f - w i t t e d Count of Buendia, and placed themselves under the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the Crown.  This p a t t e r n , so f a m i l i a r from the e a r l y modern jacqueries studied  by Mousnier, was soon repeated at Najera. (124-126, 144-145)  The  great magnates, secure on t h e i r estates, had been content to play a waiting game so long as r e v o l t remained an e x c l u s i v e l y urban a f f a i r . But when r e b e l l i o n radiated outward, jeopardizing t h e i r s o c i a l and economic domination of the C a s t i l i a n countryside, they flocked to the side of the king (168), where t h e i r m i l i t a r y expertise and p r i v a t e armies of retainers proved d e c i s i v e in the r o y a l i s t v i c t o r y on the f i e l d at V i l l a lar.  What i s i n t e r e s t i n g about t h i s analysis  'deconstructs'  i s that while Maldonado  the behavior of some nobles, such as Don Pedro Giron, by  revealing the s e l f i s h motive behind i t (157-158), he c l e a r l y recognized that the p o l i t i c a l behavior of the n o b i l i t y as a whole could be explained with reference to concrete ' c l a s s i n t e r e s t s ' , and that t h e i r  professions  of l o y a l t y were, as they were f o r S a l l u s t , mere pretexts, designed to mask those  interests.  -122-  Maldonado puts the same unmasking strategy to work in exposing the economic i n t e r e s t s which governed the behavior of the urban bourgeoisie, a group with which, as a c i t i z e n of Burgos, the greatest mercantile c i t y in C a s t i l e , he was i n t i m a t e l y f a m i l i a r . (117-118)  He c l e a r l y recogni-  ses, f o r example, that the burning of Medina del Campo, in which a high proportion of the goods consumed belonged to Burgalese merchants, t r a n s formed the character of the r e b e l l i o n in Burgos.  Suddenly the merchants,  "who had always viewed t h i s popular commotion with the utmost horror, fearing that the fury would turn against them", offered to lead the r e b e l l i o u s c i t i z e n r y against the country home of Bishop Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, whom they suspected of complicity in the destruction of 43 Medina.  Maldonado describes the wondrous spectacle of the r e b e l s ,  chanting m a r t i a l hymns to the accompaniment of f i f e s and drums, marching (in centurion formation!) against Fonseca - with ' t h e r i c h ' way! (118)  leading the  As popular violence increases, the commercial classes gradu-  a l l y r e a l i g n themselves with the 'forces of o r d e r ' , but Maldonado once again unmasks t h e i r a c t i o n .  When the mob turns on the corregidor, the  Constable of C a s t i l e Inigo Fernandez de Velasco, the r i c h merchants j o i n forces with the l o c a l n o b i l i t y in supporting him, "not so much because they r e a l l y wanted to see him saved, as because they despaired of defending themselves and t h e i r possessions without him". (135)  In t y p i c a l l y  S a l l u s t i a n fashion, the wealthy merchants canvass the r e b e l l i o u s suburbs and o u t l y i n g parishes of the c i t y , promising money and jobs to those who w i l l aquiesce in the return of Velasco.  Many are s u c c e s s f u l l y bribed,  and a f t e r the Constable accedes to municipal demands, "the p r i n c i p a l  -123-  c i t i z e n s and the r i c h " welcome him back with much pomp and circumstance, while the demoralized plebians look on sadly, "deeply hurt t o see that the r i c h had triumphed over the miserable people". (155-156)  With the  a r r i v a l of the Constable of C a s t i l e and the Royal Council in November 1520, the r e b e l l i o n in Burgos was, f o r a l l p r a c t i c a l purposes, over. For Maldonado, t h i s v o l t e face was easy to e x p l a i n : the Comunidad of Burgos was once again in the control of the mercantile o l i g a r c h y , and henceforth "everything was done to please the r i c h " .  (145)  Maldonado's views on what we would c a l l the ' s o c i a l h i s t o r y ' of the Comunidades are extremely perspicacious, and his conclusions conform remar-  44 kably well with those of modern scholars.  Detailed examination of  Comunero s o c i a l h i s t o r y , however, would be out of place in the present inquiry.  Our purpose here i s the show the degree to which Maldonado's  perception of p o l i t i c a l behavior during the r e b e l l i o n was shaped by his 45 knowledge of c l a s s i c a l h i s t o r y .  In p a r t i c u l a r , how he applied insights  into the roots of p o l i t i c a l action derived from a c l a s s i c a l source - in t h i s case S a l l u s t ' s Bellum C a t i l i n a e - in the analysis of contemporary events.  C l a s s i c a l influences are likewise v i s i b l e in his c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n  of the popular c l a s s e s . As we pointed out e a r l i e r , De motu Hispaniae conforms, in almost a l l respects, with Renaissance p r e s c r i p t i o n s concerning ' t h e d i g n i t y of h i s t o r y ' , as expressed, f o r example, by Maldonado's compatriot Sebastian Fox M o r c i l l o . • For Fox M o r c i l l o , the h i s t o r i a n ought to record only "the great, the u s e f u l , the pleasing and the exemplary," and ignore "the vulgar and t r i v i a l ,  things  which are neither compatible with the d i g n i t y of History nor worthy of be-  -124-  ing read."  But while Maldonado required such established conventions  to give 'shape' to his h i s t o r i c a l n a r r a t i v e , the nature of the events of 1520-21 required that he acknowledge the extent to which those events were shaped by the emergence of the popular classes as p a r t i c i p a n t s , i f not protagonists,  in the h i s t o r i c a l d r a m a .  47  In doing so, he could r e l y  on guidance from his model, f o r S a l l u s t had dwelt at some length upon the ' c h a r a c t e r ' of the urban Roman masses, and upon the character of those from among the governing classes who emerged as t h e i r leaders during periods of c i v i l unrest.  Depending on whom one b e l i e v e s , however,  Sallust  was e i t h e r a supporter of the populares or a n e u t r a l , who took up a p o s i t i o n midway between 'the popular party' and i t s optimate o p p o n e n t s .  48  Maldonado, on the other hand, l i k e his contemporary G u i c c i a r d i n i , seems to have sided with the optimates; men l i k e Osorio and Cartagena, whom he regarded as the natural and legitimate guardians of j u s t i c e and s o c i a l  49  , order.  He therefore modified his otherwise S a l l u s t i a n p o r t r a i t of  what he c a l l s 'the popular p a r t y ' by incorporating elements drawn from the work of his f a v o u r i t e optimate p o l i t i c i a n , Marcus T u l l i u s C i c e r o . The p r i n c i p a l source f o r Maldonado's p o r t r a i t of the popular classes, and in p a r t i c u l a r of those he h a b i t u a l l y refers to as the urban  'plebians',  i s the Bellum C a t i l i n a e , where S a l l u s t speaks of a "deadly moral contagion" which had infected not only those implicated in the C a t i l i n i a n p l o t , but "the whole of the lower o r d e r s " .  The Roman plebs, according to S a l l u s t ,  were, l i k e the poor of every nation, "hankering a f t e r innovation; discontented with t h e i r own l o t , [and] bent on general upheaval." G  This same  image of a nation, and above a l l i t s rootless and propertyless members,  -125-  'hankering a f t e r innovation' (deseosos de novedades), runs l i k e a l e i t m o t i v 51  throughout De motu Hispaniae.  Indeed Maldonado, and here again he r e -  sembled G u i c c i a r d i n i , f e l t that c e r t a i n peoples were p e c u l i a r l y p r e d i s posed to the pursuit of ' i n n o v a t i o n ' .  For G u i c c i a r d i n i , i t was the Neo-  p o l i t a n s , f o r Maldonado, the S p a n i a r d s .  52  Generally speaking, however,  Maldonado follows S a l l u s t in applying t h i s topos to the r e b e l l i o u s lower orders and, with considerably less frequency, to those from among the governing classes who acted as t h e i r leaders.  In De motu Hispaniae, as  in the Bellum C a t i l i n a e , ' the urban poor are portrayed as being e s p e c i a l l y CO  prone to the desire f o r ' i n n o v a t i o n '  (novedades).  For Maldonado, as f o r S a l l u s t , there were two reasons f o r t h i s . The f i r s t we have already mentioned in connection with Maldonado's  mistrust  of popular testimony, namely the b e l i e f that the lower orders were driven, not by t h e i r reason, but by t h e i r passions.  In t h i s they resembled two  other groups in the p a t r i a r c h a l and adult-oriented society of e a r l y modern Spain - women and c h i l d r e n .  Unlike adult males, women and c h i l d r e n were  considered to be overly emotional, and given to an inordinate f a s c i n a t i o n with meretricious ' n o v e l t i e s ' .  The aboriginal peoples of the New World 54  were often said to possess a s i m i l a r l y ' c h i l d - l i k e ' t a s t e f o r n o v e l t i e s . It was held that the overly passionate nature of a l l these groups d i s q u a l i f i e d them from p o l i t i c s , which required the unimpaired functioning of the r a t i o n a l f a c u l t i e s .  One i s reminded of S a l l u s t ' s Cato, who argues  that the Romans of his own day had been "enslaved by passion", unlike the virtuous men of an e a r l i e r time, who came to the council-chamber with "untrammelled minds".  55  In keeping with t h e i r passionate nature, Maldo-  -126-  nado's plebeians are also notoriously f i c k l e in t h e i r a f f e c t i o n s , an image v/hich once again brings to mind the perennial stereotype of female inconstancy.  Note, f o r example, the words which Maldonado places in the  mouth of one of the boni v i r i of Burgos, Luis Sarmiento, as he attempts to warn the Count of S a l v a t i e r r a against "the inconstancy of the plebeians": Believe me, the mob (el vulgo) never remains of the same opinion f o r very long, t h e i r advice i s always p r e c i p i t a n t , and one moment they condemn that which a moment before they supported with a l l t h e i r heart. (182) A second, equally important, reason can also be found in the Bellum C a t i l i n a e where, as we have seen, S a l l u s t maintains that 'hankering a f t e r innovation' i s a chronic a f f l i c t i o n among those who possess no property. S a l l u s t ' s point here i s one which i s c e n t r a l to c l a s s i c a l p o l i t i c a l thought, and to what has come t o be known as the ' c i v i c humanist' t r a d i t i o n , namely that only property, and in p a r t i c u l a r landed property, can give a man the independence necessary f o r responsible p a r t i c i p a t i o n in p o l i t i c a l  life.  Property and the c i t i z e n s h i p which comes with i t give a man a ' s t a k e '  in  s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y which makes him r e s i s t a n t to ' i n n o v a t i o n ' , the i n t r o duction of which i s the f i r s t step on the s l i p p e r y slope to c i v i c p e r d i t i o n , that i s , t o c i v i l war.  Those deprived of property have nothing to  lose, and are e a s i l y manipulated by unscrupulous men such as C a t i l i n e and Acuna.  The connection between poverty, rootlessness, and a desire f o r  innovation was c l e a r l y recognized by Maldonado's Burgalese contemporary Alonso de C a s t r i l l o , who, in the Tractado de Republica, argues that [ b ] i r t h , a home and property, a wife and c h i l d r e n ; these are the things which engender a profound a f f e c t i o n f o r the Republic, from which i t follows  -127-  that c i t i z e n s who lack these things lack t h i s a f f e c t i o n , and those that have no f e e l i n g f o r the Republic are friends of novelty, and f r i e n d s of novelty are enemies of peace, and enemies of peace i n c l i n e toward the destruction of menaand c i t i e s , by which the i n t e g r i t y of the human community i s l o s t and destroyed. 56 Statements such as t h i s make i t impossible to agree with M a r a v a l l s 1  suggestion that C a s t r i l l o was the ' i d e o l o g i s t ' of the Comunero ' r e v o 57 lution'.  His i n t e n t i o n , l i k e Maldonado's, was to dissuade those who  were ' f r i e n d s of n o v e l t y ' . Throughout De motu Hispaniae the term novedades i s used in a way which indicates that f o r Maldonado, as f o r almost a l l of his contempora r i e s , the concept of ' i n n o v a t i o n ' had none of the p o s i t i v e connotations with which i t i s presently endowed.  Early modern Europe was, as we  have already noted, a r e l a t i v e l y s t a t i c world, where the notion of change was not associated, as i t i s today, with progress.  Change was something  to be avoided, since any change, i t was b e l i e v e d , was almost always f o r 59 the worse.  Indeed Maldonado held the view, e s p e c i a l l y prevalent i t  seems among humanist h i s t o r i a n s , that the world was undergoing a gradual but unmistakable process of d e c l i n e .  6 0  In De motu Hispaniae he suggests  that the Spanish penchant f o r novelty simply accelerates the pace of this decline: The Spaniards themselves crave nothing so much as novelty, they cleave t o i t and applaud i t , b e l i e v ing that anything has to be better than the present, when i t i s common knowledge that things get worse as time goes by. (41) For Maldonado, as f o r the a r b i t r i s f a s of e a r l y seventeenth-century Spain, the r a t i o n a l response t o d e c l i n e was not innovation-but^conservation.  -128-  What was required was that the nation preserve those values which had underwritten i t s former greatness. solution.  Innovation was the problem, not the  Only a return to ' t r a d i t i o n ' , genuine or,, i f necessary,  invented,  CO  could slow the pace of d e c l i n e . That Maldonado should have held such a view i s not s u r p r i s i n g bear in mind his f a m i l i a r i t y with c l a s s i c a l p o l i t i c a l thought.  i f we  Greco-  Roman w r i t e r s were convinced, a f t e r a l l , that there were a f i n i t e number of ' p e r f e c t ' p o l i t i c a l systems, and that p o l i t i c a l change could take only two forms: c y c l i c a l return to the p r i s t i n e p u r i t y of the o r i g i n a l state or, f a r more o f t e n , c o r r u p t i o n .  The term ' r e v o l u t i o n ' , which Maldonado  uses with some frequency, denoted a q u a s i - n a t u r a l i s t i c return to primeval p e r f e c t i o n , and was not yet .associated with conscious  innovation or with  62 progress.  In saying that the Comunidades was a ' r e v o l u t i o n  1  then, Maldo-  nado was not deviating from his S a l l u s t i a n model, f o r the term denoted a process which was e s s e n t i a l l y ' t r a n s h i s t o r i c a l ' , whereas ' c i v i l war a h i s t o r i c a l term, used with reference to the struggle i t s e l f .  6 4  1  was  Nor is  Maldonado endorsing the view of some l a t e r h i s t o r i a n s , most notably Jose Antonio Maravall, who maintain that the Comuneros were, in the modern sense, ' r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s ' .  On the contrary, De motu Hispaniae,  lends  credence to a d i f f e r e n t view; that while Comunero p r a c t i c e may have been innovative, t h i s was but a ' l a t e n t f u n c t i o n ' of an e s s e n t i a l l y  conserva-  65 t i v e ideology.  The Comuneros, l i k e most e a r l y modern r e b e l s , looked to  what Zagorin c a l l s ' t h e normative p a s t ' , a notion which Maldonado seems cc  to have shared.  For Maldonado, however, those most l i k e l y t o r e i n s t a t e  the j u s t society which had prevailed under the Catholic Monarchs were not  -129-  the populares but the optimates, who had shown themselves to be the embodiment of a l l that was best in the C a s t i l i a n past.  While Comuneros  such as Maldonado's Toledan proclaimed t h e i r a l l e g i a n c e to the legitimate monarch, and to ' t r a d i t i o n ' , . t h e i r p r a c t i c e showed that they were, in r e a l i t y , ' f r i e n d s of n o v e l t y ' , part of the problem not part of the s o l u tion.  (Note that here again Maldonado has 'unmasked' them).  his vaunted i m p a r t i a l i t y , Maldonado's  For a l l  sympathies c l e a r l y lay.with the  boni v i r i , and i t was t h i s attachment which led him to supplement his S a l l u s t i a n p o r t r a i t of the popular classes with a r h e t o r i c a l formula drawn from the work of his master C i c e r o . Eugenio Asensio has shown that Maldonado was, l i k e his teacher Longueil, a fervant ' C i c e r o n i a n , and that devotion to his departed 1  f r i e n d was an i n f l u e n t i a l f a c t o r in his break with Erasmus, who r i d i culed Longueil in his Ciceronianus ( 1 5 2 8 ) .  67  As we have already  suggested,  however, Maldonado's Ciceronianism went beyond matters of s t y l i s t i c propriety.  His readings in Cicero had also convinced him of the need f o r  a ' C i c e r o n i a n ' union of eloquence and philosophy, and that men t r a i n e d in both were an asset in p u b l i c l i f e .  A close reading of De motu. Hispa-  niae, in f a c t , reveals that Maldonado was also a Ciceronian in his p o l i tical  views. In describing 'the popular party" and i t s ' p l e b e i a n ' f o l l o w e r s ,  Maldonado makes use of a d i s t i n c t i v e r h e t o r i c a l formula which Achard, and more recently Wood, have traced to C i c e r o ' s optimate c r i t i c i s m of the populares of l a t e Republican Rome.  68  This formula i s q u i n t e s s e n t i a l l y  embodied in the numerous s e n a t o r i a l and f o r e n s i c orations which Cicero  -130-  d e l i v e r e d between his consulate in 63 B.C. and his death in 43 B.C., and e s p e c i a l l y in the f o r e n s i c speech known as Pro, S e s t i p , which Maldonado undoubtedly knew.  In reading De mptu Hispaniae, one i s struck by the  frequency with which Maldonado employs variants of the three key words in t h i s Ciceronian r h e t o r i c a l formula - f u r o r , perditus,, and audax - , and more importantly, by the f a c t that he uses them in p r e c i s e l y the same sense that Cicero d i d , namely to i n d i c a t e the mental derangement, moral c o r r u p t i o n , and a n t i s o c i a l recklessness of the popular party and i t s followers. Throughout De motu Hispaniae, Maldonado c o n s i s t e n t l y employs a d j e c t ives and abstract nouns - f u r i o s o , f u r o r , loco, and lpcura are the most common - which draw our a t t e n t i o n to the unbalanced mental state of the 69  rebels and t h e i r leaders.  These designate the same complex of t r a i t s  which Cicero a t t r i b u t e d to the populares in Pro S e s t i o , namely "madness, frenzy, rage, i n s a n i t y " .  7 0  A f t e r witnessing the brutal'murder of the  merchant J o f f r e s de Cotannes, f o r example, i t seemed to Maldonado as i f "everyone had gone insane with frenzy (locps de. f u r o r ) " . (102)  Elsewhere,  he remarks upon "the great frenzy, the f a n a t i c a l i n s a n i t y , [which] had taken charge of the p l e b e i a n s " . (93)  At the height of the r e b e l l i o n ,  Maldonado came to believe that the majority of the c i t i z e n s of Burgos "had e n t i r e l y l o s t t h e i r reason". (134)  There are many more instances  of the same usage, but the author's point should already be c l e a r . Maldonado, l i k e C i c e r o , wants us to believe that the rebels are insane, that human beings in t h e i r r i g h t minds do not behave in such a manner. At a higher l e v e l , the r e b e l l i o n i t s e l f i s represented as a form of  — 131-  'mental i l l n e s s , which has invaded the 'body p o l i t i c ' , upsetting the 1  ' n a t u r a l ' balance which ought to e x i s t between the estates of which i t 71 i s composed. Another of C i c e r o ' s f a v o u r i t e adjectives in Pro Sestio was p e r d i 72 t u s : "the morally ruined or l o s t , wretched, s i n f u l , immoral, e v i l " . Exactly the same connotations attach to the term hombres perdidos, which Maldonado employs repeatedly with reference to the supporters of the 73 Comunero cause, e s p e c i a l l y those at the lowest s o c i a l l e v e l .  The term  i s often used in combination with a variant of f u r o r or locura, thereby leaving an impression of both moral corruption and mental derangement. Maldonado even goes so f a r as to characterise the whole c i t y of Burgos, then under the control of the comunidad, as "perdida and f u r j p s a " . (97) Here, as so often in De motu Hispaniae, the Ciceronian and S a l l u s t i a n formulae r e i n f o r c e each other.  Like S a l l u s t , Maldonado was convinced  that he l i v e d in an age of ' d e c l i n e ' , characterised by widespread corruption and moral t e r p i t u d e , and he placed C i c e r o ' s r h e t o r i c at the service of t h i s c o n v i c t i o n . The t h i r d term in the Ciceronian formula - audacia and i t s a d j e c t i v a l form audax - has, as Wood points out, no s a t i s f a c t o r y English equivalent. Usually t r a n s l a t e d as ' r e c k l e s s n e s s '  and ' r e c k l e s s ' r e s p e c t i v e l y , Cicero  uses these words to suggest a boldness, e n t a i l i n g insolence, impudence or brazenness, s i g n i f y i n g one who, because of his enflamed and wicked nature, contemptuously t r a n s gresses norms of conduct appropriate to his soci a l s t a t i o n . 74 These meanings are p e r f e c t l y conveyed by the words atrevimiento and  -132-  atrevido, both c e n t r a l to the p o r t r a i t of the Comuneros in De motu M 75 Hispaniae.  Though t h i s term i s employed less frequently than the other  two, t h i s i s undoubtedly due to the f a c t that whereas f u r o r , locura and perdido are unambiguously p e j o r a t i v e , atrevido can be used in an approbative sense, as when Maldonado commends Osorio's behavior as atrevido (daring).  But while Osorio's  ' h e r o i c ' actions were f u l l y in keeping with  his s o c i a l p o s i t i o n , the atrevimiento of the ' p l e b e i a n s ' was, f o r Maldonado, s o c i a l l y c o r r o s i v e , since i t betrayed a d i s t i n c t l y contemptuous lack of deference.  Maldonado remarks, f o r example, upon the insolence  (atrevimiento) of an a r t i s a n who dared to c o n t r a d i c t the Constable of C a s t i l e . (130)  The Constable, much-abused as corregidor of Burgos, gives  a good d e s c r i p t i o n of the atrevimiento which prevailed among the r e b e l lious members of the lower orders: Today I am abused by i n d i v i d u a l s - my cooks and stable boys - any one of whom would, a few days ago, have been a f r a i d not to be the f i r s t to r e move his hat in my presence. (128) During the Comunidades, the popular classes had l o s t t h e i r customary  ;  d o c i l i t y , and had come t o b e l i e v e , t o use an expression of which Maldonado was e s p e c i a l l y fond, that "everything was permitted". On a number of occasions in De motu Hispaniae, Maldonado brings the S a l l u s t i a n and Ciceronian formulae into conjunction, thereby doubling the rhetorical effect.  He t e l l s , f o r example, of how in 1506 four of the  p r i n c i p a l magnates of C a s t i l e took temporary charge of the government, so as t o "brake the locura of the hombres perdidos, and remind those who were deseosos de novedades of t h e i r duty". (44) The most s t r i k i n g i n -  -133-  stance, however, i s the p o r t r a i t of Antonio de Acuna, who possesses a l l of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which Maldonado h a b i t u a l l y a t t r i b u t e s to the lower c l a s s e s .  According to Maldonado, Acuna, l i k e the popular masses  he l e d , followed his passions rather than his reason, and frequently exhibited his locura. (170,221)  He was notoriously inconstant in his  a f f e c t i o n s and opinions, and had an i n s a t i a b l y appetite f o r s e d i t i o n and novedades. (143)  A born w a r r i o r , the Bishop of Zamora was extremely  atrevido, but because of his moral corruption, the martial v i r t u e s he possessed took an a n t i s o c i a l form. (221,151) Maldonado's a b i l i t y to combine these r h e t o r i c a l formulae reminds us that while S a l l u s t and Cicero took d i f f e r e n t sides in the c i v i l war, each was convinced that the party he supported was the true embodiment of Roman ' t r a d i t i o n ' . sense.  Neither was a proponent of democracy in the Greek  Both C i c e r o ' s anti-populare r h e t o r i c and S a l l u s t ' s h i s t o r i c a l  pessimism, t h e r e f o r e , can be placed at the service of Maldonado's vative ' m o r a l ' (see above, 8 3 ) .  conser-  Maldonado based his work on S a l l u s t ' s  so that his humanist readership could i d e n t i f y his account of the Comunidades as ' a story of a p a r t i c u l a r k i n d , a story with a message f o r 1  p o s t e r i t y ; namely that while passionate partisans, the Toledan f o r example, would hold one p a r t i c u l a r group, in t h i s case the n o b i l i t y , responsible f o r the carnage of c i v i l war, a suprapartisan examination of events reveals that r e s p o n s i b i l i t y must be d i s t r i b u t e d evenly among a l l those who 'hankered a f t e r i n n o v a t i o n ' , and placed t h e i r own s e l f i s h i n t e r e s t s before those of the commonwealth. (72)  The common good i s  best served by the experienced and virtuous few, who r e a l i z e thati.the  -134-  nature of the h i s t o r i c a l world i s such that any attempt to 'innovate' w i l l end in corruption and d i s a s t e r , and that therefore the best s t r a tegy i s to adhere f a i t h f u l l y to what ' t r a d i t i o n ' and 'experience' have shown to be the best form of government f o r Spain - an ordered and j u s t monarchy.  The popular classes above a l l , must r e a l i z e that however  miserable t h e i r l o t , such a regime i s 'the best of a l l possible w o r l d s ' . As Maldonado puts i t in De motu Hispaniae: The f i c k l e plebeians, the vulgar masses, with the hope of achieving I know not what kind of l i b e r t y and of lowering taxes, were the a r c h i t e c t s of t h e i r own destruction, f o r no one enjoys a more true and stable l i b e r t y than those under the r u l e of a good prince. (202)  -135NOTES i  Hanna H. Gray, "Renaissance Humanism: The Pursuit of Eloquence,"  Journal of the History of Ideas 24 (1963): 497-514.  See a l s o , James J .  Murphy, ed. Renaissance Eloquence: Studies in the Theory and P r a c t i c e of Renaissance Rhetoric, (Berkeley: U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1983). 2 " ' C i v i c Humanism' or Ciceronian Rhetoric? The Culture of Petrarch and B r u n i , " Past and Present 34 (1966): 3-48.  See also Baron's r e p l y ,  "Leonardo B r u n i : ' P r o f e s s i o n a l R h e t o r i c i a n ' or ' C i v i c Humanist'?" Past and. Present 36 (1967): 21-37. 3 The Mendoza Family, 15. 4  On the use of r h e t o r i c by members of the Burgalese o l i g a r c h y , see  H i l t p o l d , "Noble Status", 32-42.  See also R. B. Tate, "The C i v i c Humanism  of Alfonso de P a l e n c i a , " Renaissance and Modern Studies 23 (1979): 25-45, and Helen Nader, '"The Greek Commander' Hernan Nunez de Toledo, Spanish Humanist and C i v i c Leader," Renaissance Quarterly 31 (1978): 463-485. 5 Paraenesis, 158.  Maldonado's defense of the u t i l i t y of r h e t o r i c i s  almost i d e n t i c a l to that of the I t a l i a n humanist Bartolommeo del l a Fonte, r i g h t down to the tears f o r the demise of j u d i c i a l oratory: Trinkaus, "A Humanist's Image", 96-99. 6  1958), 7  Tractado de Republica, (Madrid: I n s t i t u t o de Estudios P o l i t i c o s , 132-133. See note 4 above.  Q 9  1 0  On t h i s debate, see S e i g e l , Rhetoric and Philosophy. Tractado, 173-174. Paraenesis, 159, 163.  11 Quoted in S e i g e l , Rhetoric and Philosophy, 127.  See a l s o , Serrano,  -136-  Los conversos, 250-252, and f o r a c l e a r misreading, Ottavio di Camillo, El humanismo c a s t e l l a n o del s i g l o XV, (Valencia: J . Domenech, 1976), 203226. 12  / Francisco Lopez Estrada, "La r e t o r i c a en las 'Generaciones y  semblanzas  1  de Fernan Perez de Guzman," Revista de F i l o l o g i a . Espanola  30 (1946): 310-352. 13 G i l b e r t , M a c h i a v e l l i and G u i c c i a r d i n i , 216; Trinkaus, " A Human i s t ' s Image", 114, 118 n77. 14 15 16  Paraenesis,  159.  Gilmore, Humanists and J u r i s t s , 14.  S e i g e l , Rhetoric and Philosophy, 248; Gray, "The Pursuit of E l o quence", 500-501; Struever, Language of History, 61. 17 Struever, Language of History, 128, 135. On Maldonado's respect f o r Pontano, see Asensio, i n t r o d u c t i o n , 63, 71. 18 19  Gutierrez Nieto, " V i o l e n c i a y sociedad", 586. Gray, "The Pursuit of Eloquence", 498; Struever, Language of History,  125. 20 Maldonado's use of o r a t i o recta is s i m i l a r to most of the many instances included in E r i c Cochrane's Historians and Historiography. a comparable Spanish example, see Tate, "A Humanistic Biography",  For  10-11.  It i s noteworthy that when Antonio de Nebrija ' L a t i n i z e d ' the vernacular c h r o n i c l e of Hernando de Pulgar, the most extensive innovations were in the harangues, which were rendered more ' r h e t o r i c a l ' : Sanchez Alonso, " N e b r i j a , H i s t o r i a d o r " , 134-136. r r 2 1  ' Tate, "Lopez de A y a l a " ,  171-173.  -137-  Tate, "Lopez de A y a l a " , 173. 23  Asensio, i n t r o d u c t i o n , 46.  Among the humanists, c l a s s i c a l L a t i n  "was s t i l l held to be the most l a s t i n g , although not necessarily the most expressive language": Cochrane, H i s t o r i a n s , 6.  According to Lucio Marineo  s  S i c u l o , Ferdinand the C a t h o l i c had commissioned him to w r i t e a h i s t o r y of his f a t h e r , Juan II of Aragon, in L a t i n , " l e s t the memory and name of that e x c e l l e n t p r i n c e , celebrated only in Spanish and barbarous language, might f a l l into o b l i v i o n " : Quoted by Caro Lynn, A College Professor, 126.  Mari-  neo's remark resembles another by Robert Gaguin, who twice p e t i t i o n e d the French Crown to be named royal historiographer.  In the f i r s t of these  p e t i t i o n s , Gaguin suggests that the reputation of the French had suffered because French h i s t o r i a n s had w r i t t e n only in "the vulgar tongue".  In  support of his appointment, he argued that "[o]nly in a universal language could the great deeds of the French become a permanent possession": Gilmore, Humanists and J u r i s t s , 89.  Gaguin's p o s i t i o n is i d e n t i c a l to Maldonado's.  24 Struever, The Language of H i s t o r y, 129-130; See a l s o , G i l b e r t , Machiavelli and G u i c c i a r d i n i , 211. 25 For what f o l l o w s , the relevant passages from S a l l u s t are Bellum C a t i l i n a e , 5.1-8, 20.1-17, 21.1-2, 27.2, 53.6, 54-55.  See Handford's  t r a n s l a t i o n , The Conspiracy of C a t i l i n e , 177-178, 188-190, 195, 226. In De motu Hispaniae, see 91-96, 98-103, 108-109, 146-147, 150-151, 185186.  Compare e s p e c i a l l y the 'hortatory o r a t i o n s ' of C a t i l i n e [Conspiracy,  188-190] and Acuna [De motu Hispaniae, 185-186]. and the juxtaposed 'character sketches' of Cato and Caesar [Conspiracy, 226] and Osorio and Acuna [De motu Hispaniae,  146-147].  -138-  According to Maldonado, Osorio's behavior as corregidor, both in Burgos and Co'rdoba, was above reproach.  In Burgos, Osorio did his best to  calm the fury of the mob, t r i e d in vain to save the unfortunate J o f f r e , and s u c c e s s f u l l y persuaded his h a l f - b r o t h e r not to enter the c i t y : De motu Hispaniae, 98-103, 150-151.  Rebellion in Cordoba, as in most of Andalusia,  was s t i l l b o r n , but t h i s was not, according to Maldonado, because the Cordoban populace was contented with the status quo, but because "prudent men", led by Osorio, repressed Comunero a g i t a t o r s . (112)  Prominent among these  were "a groups of young nobles desirous of n o v e l t y " , who sparked a r e v i v a l of bando warfare between the noble houses of Baena and A g u i l a r .  (151)  This analysis of the s i t u a t i o n in Cordoba is born out by other sources; See, f o r example, the sworn statement by the ex-procurador Francisco Pacheco: Danvila, H i s t o r i a , 2:172,604; Perez, Revolucion, 397-398.  Maldonado  (151)  describes how as corregidor, Osorio had the leader of t h i s r e b e l l i o u s jeunesse doree, Pedro de Hoces, arrested and beheaded in the plaza of La Corredera.  According to Maldonado, t h i s "daring move (hecho a t r e y i d o ) "  occasioned much bad f e e l i n g , and the corregidor had cause to f e a r f o r his life.  [There is much more information on t h i s , and other i n c i d e n t s , which  occurred during Osorio's stormy term as corregidor of Cordoba, a l l of which substantiates Maldonado's version of events, in the municipal record (actas c a p i t u l a r e s ) of the Cordoban c i t y council f o r the period June 1520 - June 1521, published in Coleccion de Documentos Ineo'itos para la H i s t o r i a de Espana, CXI I,  (Madrid: Real Academia de H i s t o r i a , 1895); For a summary, see  Antonio Rodriguez V i l l a , "Cordoba y l a Guerra de las Comunidades," Europea 3 (1874-75): 553-562.]  Revista  The danger to Osorio probably came from  - 139-  th e Marquis of Comares, whom the corregidor had expelled from the c i t y , and who in May of 1521 was gathering troops f o r an attack on the Cordoban f o r t r e s s ( a l c a z a r ) , a prospect which led Osorio to seek the aid of Comares' a r c h - r i v a l , the Marquis of Priego: Danvila, H i s t o r i a , 4:138-140. had already requested an i n v e s t i g a t i o n (residencia) of Osorio s 1  Comares behavior  as corregidor of Cordoba, and while the Regents f a i l e d to see the necessity [Danvila, H i s t o r i a , 4:253], the residencia f i n a l l y began in December of 1523: Danvila, H i s t o r i a , 5:473-478.  Testimony before the inquiry confirmed  the propriety of Osorio's actions during the Comunidades.  This i s also  amply demonstrated elsewhere; For example, in Danvila, H i s t o r i a , 1:360366, 381, 384, 481-482; 3:232, 542-546. that Maldonado's  A v i l e s [Suenos, 113] recognizes  invidious comparison of Osorio and Acurfa was a conscious  exercise in " p u b l i c r e l a t i o n s " , but suggests the r i d i c u l o u s , namely that Osorio accepted the corregimiento of Burgos because he i n i t i a l l y supported the r e b e l l i o n , and thus required Maldonado's a i d .  A l l our sources indicate  that Osorio was pressured into accepting the corregimiento, worked against the rebels from the outset, and abandoned the post as soon as he could. A f t e r a l l , the residencia concluded that Osorio was innocent of any wrongdoing, which could p a r t i a l l y explain why Maldonado did not release De motu Hispaniae u n t i l many years 27  later.  The continuing relevance of what Reed Browning c a l l s the 'Catonic perspective' on p o l i t i c a l l i f e i s discussed in Chapter One of his P o l i t i c a l and Constitutional.Ideas of the Court Whigs, (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1982).  Maldonado had every opportunity to absorb such  a perspective from such w r i t e r s as Horace, V e r g i l , L i v y , Lucan, Plutarch  -140-  and S a l l u s t , a l l of whom paint Cato as the quintessence of s e l f l e s s p a t r i o t i s m , and a l l of whom Maldonado i s known to have read: Paraenesis, 149, 156-157.  If i t be objected that a Catonic, or perhaps more appro-  p r i a t e l y , Ciceronian perspective had no place in the p o l i t i c a l  discourse  of early sixteenth-century C a s t i l e , evidence to the contrary can be found in the remarkable Tractado de Republipa of Alonso de C a s t r i l l o .  For a good,  i f somewhat anachronistic, reading, see Jose Antonio Maravall, Carlos V y el pensamiento p o l i t i c o deLRenacimiento, (Madrid: I n s t i t u t o de Estudios P o l i t i c o s , 1960), 236-245.  The best discussion of C a s t r i l l o ' s p o l i t i c a l  thought, however, is that of J . A. Ferna'ndez-Santamaria, The. State, War and Peace, 14-34. 28 Cartagena's opposition to Comunero extremism i s well known.  Perez,  f o r example, speculates t h a t - h i s speech before the rebel junta at Tordesi1 las (24 September 1520) was censored because the procurator from Burgos expressed reservations about, or even h o s t i l i t y t o , the proceedings: Revolucion, 185.  Maldonado gives Cartagena's speech a heroic cast by  placing i t immediately a f t e r an outburst by the Toledan, who demands that the narrator name a s i n g l e person "who dared oppose the enfuriated masses". (122-123)  Cartagena joined Osorio and other boni v i r i in supporting the  common good and opposing, popular outrages in Burgos. (93-95,99,101-103) 29 30 31 32  G i l b e r t , Machiayelli and G u i c c i a r d i n i , 205. Ronald Syme, S a l l u s t , (Oxford: Clarendon, 1964), 291. G i l b e r t , Machiavelli and G u i c c i a r d i n i , 206-209. G i l b e r t , Machiavelli and G u i c c i a r d i n i , 209.  "A Humanistic Biography".  On Garcia, see Tate,  -141-  33 34  Cochrane, H i s t o r i a n s , 4. " H i s t o r i c a l C r i t e r i a of the Modern Concept of Revolution," in  Futures Past, 43. 35 36 37 og  39  Burke, Sense of the Past, 105. Burke, Sense of the Past, 106. Bellum C a t i l i n a e , 38.3; The Conspiracy of C a t i l i n e , 204-205. On S a r p i , see Burke, Sense of the Past, 89-90. Maldonado's a t t i t u d e toward ' a m b i t i o n ' was remarkably s i m i l a r to  that of his I t a l i a n contemporary M a c h i a v e l l i , f o r whom there were two types: ambition on behalf of oneself or one's f a c t i o n (bad: productive of the Machiavellian equivalent to p e r d i t i o n - c i v i l war), and ambition on behalf of one's p a t r i a or the bene commune, which could serve as the basis f o r public good: See the comment by Anthony Parel in Martin F l e i s c h e r , ed. M a c h i a v e l l i and the Nature of P o l i t i c a l Thought, 148-150. 40 On the ' a n t i s e i g n e u r i a l r e v o l u t i o n ' , see J . I. Gutierrez Nieto, Las Comunidades como movimiento a n t i s e f i b r i a l . 41 y Roland Mousnier, Fureurs paysannes: les paysannes dans les revoltes du XVHe s i ^ c l e j J F r a n c e ^ R u s s i e , . Chine), ( P a r i s : Calmann-Levy, 1967). 42 According to B a t a i l l o n , Maldonado's  l i f e in Burgos convinced him  that the insidious power of money, and the luxury which attended i t s accumulation, were undermining the moral base of C a s t i l i a n s o c i e t y : Erasmo, 335-336.  S a l l u s t , of course, held s i m i l a r views: Bellum C a t i -  l i n a e , 10-13; Conspiracy of C a t i l i n e , 181-183. 43 The Bishop's brother was Antonio de Fonseca, who commanded the troops responsible f o r the burning of Medina.  Maldonado describes the  -142-  burning of Don Antonio's home in V a l l a d o l i d . (117) 44 For example, Maldonado's account of the behavior of the Spanish n o b i l i t y during the Comunidades conforms with J . H. E l l i o t ' s remarks on the pattern of r e v o l t in early modern Europe: "Revolution and Continuity in Early Modern Europe," Past and Present 42 (1969): 35-56, e s p e c i a l l y 53-55.  His version of events also lends support to the t h e s i s of Joseph  Perez, who argues that the 'geography*  of the r e b e l l i o n i s at least  p a r t i a l l y e x p l i c a b l e with reference to the existence of 'Two C a s t i l e s ' ; the manufacturing and a r t i s a n a l c i t i e s of the ' c e n t r e ' - Segovia, Toledo, V a l l a d o l i d and others - , which adhered to the Comunero cause, and the . commercial and exporting centres of the ' p e r i p h e r y ' , which e i t h e r deserted to the r o y a l i s t s (Burgos) or abjured altogether ( S e v i l l e , and indeed a l l of Andalusia): Revolucion, 380-450. Maldonado was not the only one whose perceptions of the Comuni-  4 5  dades were shaped by a knowledge of Roman h i s t o r y .  Sandoval [ H i s t o r i a ,  226-229] records a speech supposedly given by Gonzalo de Ayora before the Royal Council as that body was deciding how to deal with the r e b e l lious Segovians.  J . I. Gutierrez Nieto accepts the a u t h e n t i c i t y of the  speech, and sees in i t "an attempt to i n t e l l e c t u a l i z e the events he had witnessed, evaluating them according to the precepts of Roman h i s t o r i o graphy": " V i o l e n c i a y sociedad", 580. 46  Q u o t e d by Montero Diaz, "La d o c t r i n a " , 17.  On Fox M o r c i l l o , see  Beatrice R. Reynolds, " S h i f t i n g Currents in H i s t o r i c a l C r i t i c i s m , " Journal of the History of Ideas 14:4 (1953): 482-484. I n " E l pensamiento h i s t o r i c o " , David H. Darst makes a s i m i l a r point 4 7  -143-  with reference to Diego Hurtado de Mendoza.  While remaining loyal to  some Renaissance norms, Mendoza had to modify others in face of the manifestly ' i n g l o r i o u s ' nature of the Granadan war.  Don Diego, in f a c t ,  goes f a r t h e r than Maldonado, breaking with humanist statutes on 'moral p o r t a i t u r e ' and stereotyped b a t t l e d e s c r i p t i o n s .  He also writes in the  vernacular. For a c o n s i s t e n t l y pro-populare S a l l u s t , see L a i s t n e r , The Greater Roman H i s t o r i a n s , 54.  For a S a l l u s t who "could not draw a sharp and  consistent d i s t i n c t i o n between corrupt optimates and virtuous populares", see F. R. D. Goodyear, " S a l l u s t , " in E. J . Kenney, ed. The Cambridge History of C l a s s i c a l L i t e r a t u r e . II:  L a t i n L i t e r a t u r e , (Cambridge: Cambridge  University Press, 1982), 274. 49 G u i c c i a r d i n i opposed popular r u l e , and favoured placing " c o n t r o l of the Republic in the hands of the optimates, who are c e r t a i n to ' r u l e i t with more i n t e l l i g e n c e and prudence than a m u l t i t u d e , since they are 1  sure to possess ' g r e a t e r prudence and good q u a l i t i e s ' " : Skinner, Foundat i o n s , 1:161.  Such a view would have come n a t u r a l l y to the Florentine  a r i s t o c r a t G u i c c i a r d i n i , but Maldonado's adoption of the Ciceronian p o s i t i o n amounted to accepting the p o l i t i c a l outlook of urban p a t r i c i a n s l i k e his patrons Osorio and Cartagena, members of a class whose i n t e r e s t s made them n a t u r a l l y suspicious of those who were ' f r i e n d s of n o v e l t y ' : Manuel Fernandez Alvarez, La sociedad espanola del Renacimiento, (Salamanca: Ediciones Anaya, 1970), 11. 50 Bellum C a t i l i n a e , 37; Conspiracy of C a t i l i n e , 203. 5 1  De motu Hispaniae, 32, 40, 42, 44, 47, 62, 92, 110, 140, 145, 147,  -144-  148, 151, 180, 219, 227. 52 In his S t o r i a d ' I t a l i a , G u i c c i a r d i n i traces the i l l s of the Neop o l i t a n s to t h e i r love of novelties ( c u p i d i t a di.cose nuove): Peter Burke, " T r a d i t i o n and Experience: The Idea of Decline from Bruni to Gibbon," Daedalus 105 (1976): 137.  Compare De motu Hispaniae, 41.  Elsewhere in  Maldonado's account, i t i s the Toledan who declares that the Spaniards are ' f r i e n d s of n o v e l t y ' .  (140)  53 The Comunidades simply reinforced the b e l i e f , already commonplace among educated Spanish conservatives, that the lower classes were, as a general r u l e , ' f r i e n d s of n o v e l t y ' .  By f a r the best discussion of t h i s  subject i s Jose Antonio Maravall, Antiguos y mpdernos: La idea de progreso en e l d e s a r r o l l o i n i c i a l de.una spciedad, (Madrid: Sociedad de Estudios y Publicaciones, 1966), e s p e c i a l l y 93-110.  For the popularity of t h i s  tppos during the Comunidades, see Augustin Redondo, Antonio de. Guevara et 1.'Espagne de. son temps, (Geneva: L i b r a i r i e Droz, 1976), 602-603.  The  views of Guevara, a well-known opponent of the Comuneros, were s i m i l a r to Maldonado's, as were those of G u i c c i a r d i n i : Skinner, Foundations, 161. Gonzalo Garcia de Santa Maria, whose biography of John II of Aragon was modelled on the Bellum C a t i l i n a e , also appropriated the notion that the lower classes and t h e i r leaders were novarum rerum cupidam.  According to  Garcia, in Catalonia wealth and s o p h i s t i c a t i o n had weakened the moral f i b r e and martial s p i r i t of the s o c i e t y , which had become " r i p e f o r a r e v o l u t i o n of the type led by C a t i l i n e " : t h i s was a prospect welcomed by the jeunesse. dor^e and the lowest level of the plebs, who, possessed of l i t t l e reverence f o r the past, were eager f o r novelty  -145-  and change. Tate, "A Humanistic Biography", 8.  This i s p r e c i s e l y the impression which  Maldonado creates in De motu Hispaniae. 54  In De motu Hispaniae, Maldonado remarks upon the near i m p o s s i b i l i t y of reasoning with the masses. (127) Doctor Francisco Lopez de V i l l a l o b o s held s i m i l a r views.  The famous cpnyersp physician f a i l e d t o see "how one  [could] speak reasonably t o barbers and a r t i s a n s , who have never had the use of human reason": Algunas.pbras. del, doctor Francisco. Lopez, de. V i 1 1 a lpbos, (Madrid: Sociedad de B i b l i o f i l o s Espanoles, 1886), 53.  Antonio de  Herrera f e l t that women could play no r o l e i n p o l i t i c s because of an i n s a t i a b l e craving f o r ' n o v e l t i e s ' , while f o r Cervantes de Salazar, i t was the Indians of the New World who were " i n general, f r i e n d s of novelty": Maravall, Antiguos, 97. 5 5  Conspiracy of C a t i l i n e , 223.  56 3 D  Tracfado, 8.  See also Tractadp, 50, 99-100.  57  Maravall, Las. Comunidades, 238. 5 8  The present w r i t e r would take issue with Jose Antonio Maravall, who  has maintained that throughout the sixteenth century "ascending groups" ( letrados, merchants, and others of 'middling r a n k ' ) looked favourably upon ' i n n o v a t i o n  1  in p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l l i f e : Culture, o f . t h e Baroque:  Analysis of a H i s t o r i c a l . Structure, Trans. Terry Cochran, (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1986), 226. 59  Burke, " T r a d i t i o n and Experience", 137. 6 0  On the ' i d e a of decay  "Ideas of H i s t o r y " , 431-435.  1  i n Renaissance historiography, see Weisinger, Good general discussions are Burke, " T r a d i -  -146-  t i o n and Experience", and Randolph Starn, "Meaning-levels in the Theme of H i s t o r i c a l D e c l i n e , " History and. Theory 14 (1975):  1-31.  61 Michael D. Gordon, "The Science of P o l i t i c s in Seventeenth-Century Spanish Thought," Pensiero P o l i t i c o 7 (1974): 379-394. 62 According to J . H. E l l i o t , the a r b i t r i s f a response to ' d e c l i n e ' was not innovation, which "was not easy to j u s t i f y in a world which i n s t i n c t i v e l y tended t o assume t h a t a l l change was f o r the worse", but rather return: Return to the primeval p u r i t y of manners and mora l s ; return to j u s t and uncorrupt government; r e turn to the simple v i r t u e s of a r u r a l and m a r t i a l s o c i e t y . The f u t u r e e s s e n t i a l l y lay in the past. This Golden Age was most often i d e n t i f i e d with the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella.  E l l i o t , " S e l f - P e r c e p t i o n and D e c l i n e " , 57, 52, 50.  63 Perez Zagorin, Rebels and. Rulers,. 1500-1660, 2 v o l s . , Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1982),  (Cambridge:  1:22.  64 Reinhart Koselleck, " H i s t o r i c a l C r i t e r i a of the Modern Concept of Revolution," in Futures.Past, 41-43. 65 Zagorin, Rebels and Rulers, 1:23.  On the Comunidades, see Joseph  Perez, " T r a d i c i o n y innovacion en las Comunidades de C a s t i l l a , " in Hommage des.Hispanistes  Frangais a.Noel Salomon, (Barcelona, 1979), 677-689.  cc  Zagorin, Rebels and.Rulers,  1:23.  6 7  Asensio, "Ciceronianos contra Erasmistas".  6  Guy Achard, Pratique. Rheforique et. Idep.logie P o l i t i q u e , dans, les  8  Discours  'Optimates.' de Cicerpn, (Leiden: Wallenstein, 1981); Neal Wood,  "Populares and Circumselliones: The Vocabulary of ' F a l l e n Man'i in Cicero  -147-  and St. Augustine," History,of P o l i t i c a l Thought 7:1 (1986): 33-51. 69 I count 39 occasions on which Maldonado uses f u r o r or one of i t s variants in De. motu Hispaniae: 93, 94, 95, 97, 100, 101(2x), 102(2x), 110, 116, 117, 118, 119(3x), 122, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 140, 143, 151, 153, 156, 160, 168(2x), 169, 172, 187, 198, 218, 221, 228.  Locura  and i t s variants are used on 34 occasions: 44, 70, 73, 93, 100, 102, 103(3x), 112, 118, 122, 127(2x), 132, 133, 134, 137(2x), 144, 168, 169(2x), 171(2x), 172, 179, 199(2x), 202, 218, 221, 224, 228. 7 0  Wood, "Populares", 35.  71 Maldonado presents the C a s t i l i a n p o l i t y in organic terms, so that ' r e b e l l i o n ' becomes a form of s o c i a l dysfunction which requires a "remedy", or perhaps " c a u t e r i z a t i o n " : De motu Hispaniae, 82.  The a r b i t r i s t a s of  e a r l y seventeenth-century Spain presented ' d e c l i n e ' in s i m i l a r terms: E l l i o t , " S e l f - P e r c e p t i o n and D e c l i n e " , 48-50; Gordon, "Science of P o l i t i c s " , 381-382.  In general, see Anton-Hermann Chroust, "The Corporate Idea and  the Body P o l i t i c in the Middle Ages," Review of P o l i t i c s 9 (1947): 423452; Paul Archambault, "The Analogy of the Body in Renaissance P o l i t i c a l L i t e r a t u r e , " Bibliotheque d'Humanisme et Renaissance 29 (1967): 21-52. In 1572, Don Antonio Sarmiento de Mendoza used the analogy of the 'body politic'  in a speech before the municipal council of Burgos: H i l t p o l d ,  "Noble S t a t u s " , 32-33. 72 73  Wood,  Populares", 36.  The expression hombres perdidos occurs 18 times in De motu Hispaniae: 44, 70, 72, 91, 97, 100, 132, 133, 134, 167, 168(2x), 171, 179, 199, 218, 228(2x).  -148-  Wood, "Populares", 37. 75  Atrevido or a variant i s used 12 times in De motu Hispaniae:  91, 127(2x), 130, 139, 199, 221(2x), 224, 228. 7 6  De motu Hispaniae, 83, 118, 124, 198-199.  70(2x),  -149CONCLUSION In the introduction to t h i s study, we looked b r i e f l y at two areas of inquiry - Spanish humanism and the history of Spanish historiography which are currently pursued separately but should, in the view of t h i s w r i t e r , be brought into close conjunction.  If our study of De motu  Hispaniae i s any i n d i c a t i o n , our understanding of the complex phenomenon of Spanish humanism would be s i g n i f i c a n t l y enhanced i f i n t e l l e c t u a l  his-  t o r i a n s of Spain paid c l o s e r attention than they have to the h i s t o r i o graphy of the 'Golden Age . 1  History, a f t e r a l l , i s so c e n t r a l to the  studia humanitatis that wherever a humanist movement worthy of the name e x i s t s , there too w i l l be humanist historiography. (And, we would hasten to add, v i c e , v e r s a ) .  In the absence of comparative data we cannot venture  grandiose generalizations on the basis of a s i n g l e work, but the evidence of De motu Hispaniae shows t h a t i t was possible f o r at least one Spaniard, native-born and n a t i v e - t r a i n e d , t o compose a work of h i s t o r y which i s , in a l l important p a r t i c u l a r s , comparable to anything w r i t t e n by humanist h i s t o r i a n s elsewhere in Europe.  This i s not t o suggest that De motu Hispa-  niae i s a kind of Spanish S t o r j a d ' I t a l i a , and Maldonado a Burgalese G u i c c i a r d i n i , though as we have seen, the two men held s t r i k i n g l y s i m i l a r views on h i s t o r y and p o l i t i c s .  Though De motu. Hispaniae i s a f a s c i n a t i n g ,  and in many ways unique work, i t f a l l s somewhat short of greatness.  If  our analysis proves anything, however, i t i s the accuracy of K r i s t e l l e r ' s remark to the e f f e c t that our knowledge of Renaissance humanism w i l l r e main incomplete, and perhaps d i s t o r t e d , so long as h i s t o r i a n s and l i t e r ary scholars focus on a miniscule canon of 'masterpieces' w r i t t e n by members of the humanist ' e l i t e ' , and ignore the l i v e s and works of the humanist  -150-  'rank-and-file . 1  A man l i k e Juan Maldonado would be considered a f a i l u r e  by any standard of worldly success, but works such as De motu Hispaniae reveal a stalwart, i f uninspired, devotion to humanist i d e a l s . Only more d e t a i l e d study of Spanish Golden Age historiography would determine whether Maldonado's more widespread phenomenon.  i s an i s o l a t e d instance or one example of a What are required are more monographs of the  c a l i b r e of that which Mary Gaylord Randel devoted to the h i s t o r i o g r a p h i c a l prose of Fernando de Herrera.  More welcome s t i l l would be a series of  a r t i c l e s on sixteenth-century h i s t o r i a n s which could r i v a l , i f not surpass, those which R. B. Tate has w r i t t e n on l a t e medieval historiography. Our look at De mptu Hispaniae c e r t a i n l y suggests that while Nader's two historiographical 'schools'  of letrados and caballerps are u s e f u l , and  generally accurate, conceptual t o o l s f o r understanding the work of f i f teenth-century h i s t o r i a n s , they simply mislead us when applied to the sixteenth century.  There i s no place within t h e i r framework f o r Juan  Maldonado, whose account of the Comunidades likewise puts the l i e to Nader's i n j u d i c i o u s suggestion that a l l sixteenth-century historiography was medieval and p r o v i d e n t i a l i s t in character and that humanist h i s t o r y expired under the C a t h o l i c Monarchs.  In his techniques and his ' p h i l o -  sophy of h i s t o r y ' , Maldonado was a cabal.lero, that i s , he complied with humanist p r e s c r i p t i o n s concerning form and content, but unlike the cabal l e r p s , who had to w r i t e in the vernacular in order to s a t i s f y t h e i r unlettered a r i s t o c r a t i c patrons, Maldonado, l i k e Nader's letrados, wrote e x c l u s i v e l y in L a t i n .  He was able t o do so because his own patron, Diego  Osorio, was representative of a generation of nobles who were less r e t i -  -151-  cent that t h e i r fathers had been about the compatability of 'arms' 1  and  letters' To concede that humanism was a minority phenomenon under the Catholic  Monarchs i s to concede almost nothing, f o r humanism was, in terms of percentages, a minority phenomenon everywhere. t h i s even the c r i t i c s of the "open Spain  1  What i s important, and  t h e s i s concede, i s that F e r d i -  nand and Isabella patronized humanist scholarship, a l b e i t often f o r reasons other than i n t e l l e c t u a l c u r i o s i t y .  As we have seen in the case  of Salamanca, the program of u n i v e r s i t y reform sponsored by the Catholic Monarchs did nothing to a l t e r the s c h o l a s t i c and j u r i s p r u d e n t i a l bias of C a s t i l i a n higher education.  We have also seen, however, that I t a l i a n  humanists such as Flaminio, who t h r i v e d under the Catholic Monarchs, could, f o r a b r i e f period in the l a t e f i f t e e n t h and e a r l y sixteenth centuries, i n s p i r e in men l i k e Juan Maldonado a l i f e l o n g a f f e c t i o n f o r the studia humanitatis.  Eugenio Asensio has suggested, c o r r e c t l y I t h i n k , that  under the Catholic Monarchs, Spanish humanism was largely confined to the court, and that even the a t t i t u d e s of the famous Nebrija betray the f a c t that while he himself was a married laymen, he wrote f o r an audience of c l e r i c s .  According to Asensio, humanism only became a ' g r a s s -  r o o t s ' movement under Charles V, when i t moved out to the provinces, to c i t i e s l i k e Burgos, where Juan Maldonado, who had t r a i n e d under Flaminio and Longueil, spent f o r t y years teaching the studia. humanitatis.  4  Maldonado was only f r e e to pursue his humanist i n c l i n a t i o n s , however, so long as he steered c l e a r of those whose r e l i g i o u s views ran contrary to established d o c t r i n e .  By the 1530's, the 'open Spain' was  -152-  c l e a r l y being dismantled.  The Holy O f f i c e had embarked upon a vigorous  program of persecution and harassment designed to eradicate a l l traces of unorthoxy from Spain.  Not only the old heresies - 'Lutheran i s m ' ,  Illuminism, Judaism - were proscribed under the new dispensation, but even Erasmianism, not o f f i c i a l l y a heresy but now widely mistrusted, came under attack.  A long series of t r i a l s culminated in the prosecution of  the Greek scholar and f r i e n d of Erasmus Juan de Vergara in 1533.  In  the 1530's, without warning, Juan Maldonado began denouncing Erasmus in p r i n t , charging that among other things the Dutchman was f a r too fond of novedades.  5  Maldonado continued to w r i t e and publish anti-Erasmian  t r a c t s u n t i l his death in 1554. J . H. E l l i o t has drawn our attention to a strange irony in t h i s anti-Erasmian campaign, which revealed, among other things, that Maldonado had been devoted, not to Erasmus' theology, which he j e t t i s o n e d as soon as i t became prudent to do so, but to the r h e t o r i c a l s k i l l s he had praised in the Paraenesis.  E l l i o t argues that many of the i n t o l e r -  ant ' t r a d i t i o n a l i s t ' e c c l e s i a s t i c s who spearheaded t h i s reinvigorated crusade were, in f a c t , the self-same young c l e r i c s who had been w i l l i n g to r i s k t h e i r l i v e s f o r the Comunero cause.  6  The claim i s a contentious  one, yet i t would be i r o n i c indeed i f Juan Maldonado spent the f i n a l years of his l i f e f i g h t i n g shoulder-to-shoulder with the Comuneros.  -153NOTES 1  K r i s t e l l e r o f f e r s t h i s opinion in the ' P r e s e n t a t i o n ' which serves  as a preface to Bartolomeo Facio, Invective in Laurentium Vallam. Ed- and i n t r o . Ennio I. Rao, (Naples: Societa E d i t r i c e Napoletana, 1978), 5. 2 The H i s t o r i c a l Prose, of Fernando de Herrera, (London: Tamesis, 1971). 3  So f a r , the only one to have produced t h i s kind of work on the sixteenth century is David H. 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