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The overseas Chinese areas of rural Guangdong and socialist transformation, 1949-1956 Peterson, Glen 1986

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T H E O V E R S E A S CHINESE A R E A S OF R U R A L GUANGDONG AND SOCIALIST TRANSFORMATION, 1949-1956 by GLEN B.A.,  A  THESIS THE  PETERSON  University  SUBMITTED  of  IN  REQUIREMENTS MASTER  Manitoba,  PARTIAL  1979  FULFILMENT  FOR T H E DEGREE OF  OF  ARTS  in THE  FACULTY  OF  GRADUATE  STUDIES  History  We  accept to  THE  this thesis  the  required  UNIVERSITY  OF  September  ® Glen  as  conforming  standard  BRITISH 1986  Peterson,  1986  COLUMBIA  OF  In p r e s e n t i n g requirements of  British  it  freely  agree for  this  available  that  I agree  o r by h i s  the  may be g r a n t e d by t h e  gain  s h a l l not  O c t o b e r 10,  I  1986  Columbia  make  further this  thesis  h e a d o f my It  this  be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t  History  the  shall  or her r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s .  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h 1956 Main Mall V a n c o u v e r , Canada V6T 1Y3 ^ ^ Date  Library  copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of  of  University  and s t u d y .  permission.  Department o f  the  for extensive copying of  s c h o l a r l y purposes  understood that  that  for reference  permission  financial  in partial fulfilment  f o r an a d v a n c e d d e g r e e a t  Columbia,  department for  thesis  is  thesis my w r i t t e n  Abstract  This of  rural  local  thesis China  of  the  the v a r i o u s  a  an  informed  view  from  t o such,  the  areas  of  represent  a t once  one  the  realities  of South  C h i n a , as w e l l  Communist  Party's  of  most  in  on  the  generalizations  thesis  Chinese  which  period  emphasis  local  Overseas  works  of t h i s  China-wide  of  theoretical  and  with special  of  particular  a  perspectives  sense  a  Chinease areas  understanding  t o p e n e t r a t e beyond  transformation  within  Overseas  proceeds  Chinese history,  cultivate  socialist  1949-1956  It  informed western  recent  With  of  Guangdong.  discussion  need  between  context: that  rural  have  examines the  and  differentiation.  focusses  upon  the  rural  Guangdong,  which  most  significant  social  a s one  of  intractable  the  Chinese  historical  inheritances. The  social  and  emigration  are  introduced  to the  of  the Overseas  thesis  examines  socialist  series  described,  legacies  and  P a r t y ' s emerging  Chinese a f t e r the c o n f l i c t  the  1949. and  of  reader  of  mass  is  contradictory The  tensions  t r a n s f o r m a t i o n i n the Overseas  coincident a  first  economic  then view  h e a r t of of  the  promoting  Chinese  areas  w i t h t h e p r o m u l g a t i o n , b e g i n n i n g i n 1954, privileges  for  domestic  ii  Overseas  of  Chinese  (returned Overseas Chinese and family dependents)  aimed  at a t t r a c t i n g investment and remittances to the PRC. It i s argued that s o c i a l i s t transformation in the Overseas Chinese areas  of Guangdong was  characterized  by a deep-seated i d e o l o g i c a l uncertainty and surrounding the Overseas Chinese  proper in  role and  status  s o c i a l i s t society.  confusion  of  domestic  The  "united  f r o n t " aims of domestic Overseas Chinese p o l i c y clashed d i r e c t l y with socialist  the  class-based aims  transformation,  ideological  producing  uncertainties,  bureaucratic confusion  and  on the  but  strategy not  of only  considerable  ground as  well.  As  a  group, i t i s argued, the domestic Overseas Chinese were particularly participate  poorly in  the  equipped newly  and  emerging  order.  iii  ill-disposed socialist  to rural  TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract i i Abbreviations v Acknowledgements .vi INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER 1: The Economic and P o l i t i c a l Background t o S o c i a l i s t Transformation 25 G o a l s and R a t i o n a l e 26 A g r i c u l t u r e and t h e F i r s t F i v e Year P l a n : The " P e a s a n t s Burden" .35 "Spontaneous C a p i t a l i s m " and the Resurgence o f R u r a l I n e q u a l i t y a f t e r Land Reform 45 CHAPTER I I : C h i n e s e S o c i a l i s m and the C o n t r a d i c t o r y Image of t h e Huaqi ao 54 The H i s t o r i c a l L e g a c i e s of E m i g r a t i o n 54 The CCP's C o n t r a d i c t o r y View of t h e Huaqi ao 71 The Emergence o f a P o l i c y of S p e c i a l P r i v i l e g e s f o r Domestic O v e r s e a s C h i n e s e 82 CHAPTER I I I : C o n t r a d i c t o r y Aims and Conflicting I n t e r e s t s : The O v e r s e a s C h i n e s e A r e a s o f Rural Guangdong and S o c i a l i s t T r a n s f o r m a t i o n , P a r t I . . 9 7 The Domestic Overseas Chinese Population of Guangdong 97 Land Reform and t h e C l a s s S t a t u s o f Domestic Overseas Chinese 100 The Impact o f U n i f i e d Purchase and M a r k e t i n g . . . i l l CHAPTER IV: C o n t r a d i c t o r y Aims and Conflicting I n t e r e s t s : The O v e r s e a s C h i n e s e A r e a s i n R u r a l Guangdong and S o c i a l i s t T r a n s f o r m a t i o n , P a r t II I Collectivization 127 The I n h e r e n t Weaknesses o f Domestic Overseas Chinese P o l i c y 144 CONCLUSION 164 BIBLIOGRAPHY 172 2  iv  7  Abbreviations  ACROCA  All-China  Returned Overseas  Chinese  Association APC  A g r i c u l t u r a l Producers  CB  C u r r e n t Background  CCP  Chinese  CNS  C h i n a News  DGB  Dagongbao  ECMM  Extracts  Communist  1  Cooperative  Party  Service  from C h i n a M a i n l a n d  Magazines FJRB  Fujian  GMRB  Guangming  ribao  GZRB  Guangzhou  ribao  HK  Hong Kong  MAT  M u t u a l A i d Team  NFRB  Nanfang  OCAC  Overseas  RMRB  Renmin  ribao  SCMP  Survey  of  WHB  Wenhuibao  v  ribao  ribao Chinese  Affairs  Commission  China Mainland Press  Acknowledgements  I  would  like  to  i n s t i t u t i o n s who First,  my  thank have  Thesis  Woodside, f o r h i s suggestions  for  the  made  many this  Supervisor,  the  research  Alexander  i n s i g h t s and thesis.  l i k e t o thank the o t h e r members of my  and  possible.  Professor  many c r u c i a l improving  individuals  I  numerous  would  also  T h e s i s Committee,  P r o f e s s o r Edgar Wickberg, P r o f e s s o r Graham Johnson  and  Chairman P r o f e s s o r  time  and  t h e i r h e l p f u l comments  and  e f f o r t , and  James  especially  suggestions.  I  for  would l i k e  debt to  Professor  Over my  years  knowledge of  a t UBC  their  inspiration.  student  owes much to them  My  T h i s t h e s i s would not assistance  U n i v e r s i t y of  British  Dolfin, Director generously  friendship, and  a l l o w e d me  their  vast  and  their  a source a  of  graduate  both. have been p o s s i b l e by  the  In  Sciences  Canada, Hong  and Kong  Universities Services  to make f u l l  vi  without  Commonwealth  the S o c i a l  C o u n c i l of Columbia.  of the  as  special Woodside.  culture,  development  provided  Research  a  Professor  Fellowship Plan,  Humanities  their  s c h o l a r s h i p have been  steady  and  and  Chinese h i s t o r y  S c h o l a r s h i p and  for  to acknowledge  Wickberg  deep commitment to  financial  Huzel,  use of the  the John  Centre Centre's  excellent  facilities  F i n a l l y , my whom t h i s t h e s i s  and  greatest  resources. thanks go  i s dedicated.  vii  to C h r i s t i n e ,  to  1  INTRODUCTION  The a i m of a  sense of  Overseas  local  the  1953-1956.  years  The  utterly  been  recent  little  past:  Vivienne  Shue's  constitute features  the one of  socioeconomic  Guangdong d u r i n g  the  the  rural  China, socialist  i n the  the  history few  Chinese  countryside  was  l a n d of  peasant  space  of  private  society,  wherein  o r g a n i z e d on a  collective  has  scholars  been  entirely  Peasant  the  rural  a  by w e s t e r n  devoted  Overseas  that  the  and a t r a n s f o r m a t i o n  now t h e r e  1980  of  respect  private property abolished.  studied  monograph  establishing to  socialist  a period  until  with  Within  from a  a  language  Likewise,  of  populated  is  in  major s i g n i f i c a n c e  forms of  this  assist  t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of  p r o d u c t i o n was  and most  to  rural  Republic.  into  Yet, has  of  transformed,  agricultural basis  is  vastly  producers  of  period  People's the  is  differentiation  socialist  transformation the  study  Chinese areas  p e r i o d of  of  this  most  2  China's  o n l y one  English  to  the  in of  subject, Transition.*  r u r a l Guangdong  i m p o r t a n t and  province's  landscape ,  of  China  Chinese areas  which  distinctive  "complicated"  but a f e a t u r e  w h i c h has  rural been  V i v i e n n e S h u e , Peasant China in Transition: The Dynami cs of Development Toward Socialism, 1949-1956, ( B e r k e l e y : U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s , 1980). 0 n t h e d i s t i n c t i v e and c o m p l i c a t e d f e a t u r e s o f t h e 1  2  2  little the  studied  early  for  the  1950's at  Overseas  Chinese  family  dependents  overwhelmingly provinces  of  approximately  (guiguo  in  the  the  most  significant  but  a l s o one  Chinese  the  factor  any c o n c e r t e d  " d i r e c t e d change"  and  in  majority are  of as  (8 m i l l i o n )  of  to  Thus  far,  analyze i n the  how  of  South  and  figure  the  there  have  socialist  Overseas  South  China the  Overseas been  no  vast  Chinese previous  transformation  Overseas  the  experiments  where  domestic  China,  and a s s e s s  effected  of  prominently  1949  Guangdong  one  intractable  domestic  CCP's post  domestic  only  complex the  "domestic"  not  comprehend  these  rural  experienced rural  the  particular  found.  attempts  to  Chinese  coastal  the  realities  necessity,  effort  n a t u r e and r e s u l t s in  of  returned  southeastern  Therefore,  in  concentrated  Fujian,  C C P ' s most  must,  11 m i l l i o n  constitute  social  inheritances.  Chinese in  of  and  Estimated  juan),  two  Guangdong  Overseas  ao  1949.  and O v e r s e a s  huaqi ao) (huaqi  (guonei)  social  period since  was  Chinese areas  of  Chinese  are  Guangdong. The  rural  distinguishable  domestic from  the  Overseas general  peasant  population  ( c o n t ' d ) r u r a l s o c i o e c o n o m i c l a n d s c a p e of Guangdong as t h e s e p e r t a i n e d t o communist d e v e l o p m e n t e f f o r t s after 1949, see D a v i d F . K . I p , "The D e s i g n of R u r a l D e v e l o p m e n t : E x p e r i e n c e s from S o u t h C h i n a , 1949-1976" ( u n p u b l i s h e d P h . D . D i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1979). 2  3  upon t h e strong  basis  their  primary  production, dependent elderly  is  inability  and  the  age  context  of  (in  of  a  rural  policy  domestic  financial external  designed not  to  The however,  and  provide  with  a  widespread  in  agricultural  1950's  of  mainly  the  women,  of  the  the  The  Overseas  radical  social  transformation  and  (by  the and  various  Chinese  were  protection, and  economic  entailed.  treatment  rationale  the  treatment  domestic 3  to  because  securing  w i t h a degree of  privileged  goals  at  dependents.  domestic  in  and d e m i s e  s t a t u s and  support  them  of  erection  aimed  their  areas  transformation,  Chinese,  from the  policy  the  and w o r t h w h i l e  Chinese  privileged  which s o c i a l i s t  with  as  a  composition  interesting  accorded to  immunity,  levelling  of  moral  huaqi ao  privileges  the  socialist  Overseas  and  sex  (haiwai  remittances  engage  Overseas  period coincides  1957)  wealth,  children).  domestic the  to  and  particularly  the  on o v e r s e a s livelihood,  population  examine  if  or  superior  "overseas connections"  of  and young  It  generally  dependence  source  unwillingness  for  their  and c o n s e q u e n t i a l  guanxi),  this  of  of  clashed socialist  T h e r a t i o n a l e f o r t h e p o l i c y of s p e c i a l privileges toward Overseas C h i n e s e i s d i s c u s s e d i n Stephen F i t z g e r a l d , China and the Overseas Chinese. A Study Peking's Changing Policy, 1949- 197 0, ( C a m b r i d g e : Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1972). 3  of  4  transformation. upon t h e s e  This  led  privileges,  bureaucratic domestic  over  Overseas  peasant  and,  resentment  widespread  considerable  confusion  transformation,  to  how  Chinese by  1957,  infringements  ideological  to  deal  with  during  the  the  socialist  a significant  towards  and  backlash  domestic  of  Overseas  Chinese. The t h e s i s transformation  advanced here the  domestic  Guangdong were t h e  victims  uncertainty  and  s t a t u s and front"  aims  of  of  society. Overseas  formulated during t h i s  period clashed  class-based  and  collectivization, uncertainties, on t h e  but c o n s i d e r a b l e  ground  as  characteristics" lack to  of  family  engage  domestic  in  well.  (tedian)  --  The  "united  only  of  dependence  group  i n the  new r u r a l  the  rural  on  confusion "special  remittances, or  inability  etc.  --  proved  p o o r l y e q u i p p e d and i l l d i s p o s e d  and p a r t i c i p a t e  with  their  production, a  policy  ideological  agricultural  as  proper  of  unwillingness  Chinese  their  bureaucratic  Because  rural  ideological  directly  l a b o u r power,  Overseas  particularly  not  in  Chinese  strategy  producing  socialist  Chinese  surrounding  domestic  aims  during  deep-seated  in s o c i a l i s t the  that  Overseas  confusion  role  is  socialist  to  order.  the  to  be  adapt  5  The  picture  transformation  that  i n the  emerges  Overseas  of  socialist  Chinese areas  Guangdong  contrasts  remarkably  picture  of  socialist  transformation presented  western  accounts.  Most  socialist  transformation  swiftness  and  China  and  western of  relative  its  essentially  less  successful  Soviet  b l o o d s h e d and l o s s In the  the  Overseas  movement  no way  movement  domestic  easy was  pertaining  to  experience  its  of  the  stress  the in  character." earlier,  much  collectivization  resistance  of  essential  by  and  extensive  rural  Guangdong,  nonviolence, as  In  problems  "special  a  but  in  smooth  and  these a r e a s ,  the  and  difficulties  characteristics"  of  the  explain  the  Chinese. factors  s u c c e s s of  managed c l a s s  at  Chinese areas  wracked  the  the  be c h a r a c t e r i z e d  the  most  collectivization  nonviolent  transformation.  Overseas  Many of national  it  in  life).  retained  could  relatively  of  of  rural  national  China  drawn w i t h  (marked by w i d e s p r e a d p e a s a n t  the  descriptions  rural  ease  Comparisons are u s u a l l y  with  of  commonly c i t e d  collectivization,  struggle,  abundant  to  such as  CCP  carefully  organizational  "On t h e v a r i o u s e l e m e n t s w h i c h make up t h e n a t i o n a l s u c c e s s o f c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n i n C h i n a , see S h u e , p . 321-333 and W i l l i a m P a r i s h a n d M a r t i n K . W h y t e , Village and Family in Contemporary China, (Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of C h i c a g o , 1978), p . 33.  6  experience problems, were and it  and  and c a r e f u l l y  either  absent,  interests will  of  or e l s e  the  poor peasant success  achieving Overseas  that on t h e  m a j o r i t y were but  r a t h e r to  socialist  of  of  c o n s p i r e d to  socialist  transformation  is  domestic  intended  on  Chinese.  will  in  the  economic  the  the  this  i n r u r a l Guangdong.  approaches PRC have  to  position  sense of  local  has  been  paid  has  on  scholarship diversity  of  this  past  paper  from  differentiation. to  the  whole to  suffered  hindered  achieve  conditions  a  the  full  an  in China,  in  in  the  impoverished attention  factors.  ability of  the  western  change"  local  sense  of  that  Insufficient  importance of  with  transformation  understanding "directed  i n the  the  of  of  thesis  reader  Chinese areas  to  social  course  the  the  of  a i m s and s t r a t e g y  a collision  to  rural  and  socialist  is  the  In a t t e m p t i n g  p e r t a i n i n g to  It  of  difficulties  difficulties Overseas  class  c o n t r i b u t i n g not  confused  the  Thus  as  and i n t e r e s t  Chinese p o l i c y ,  convince  realities  instruments  Guangdong.  place  Overseas  to  such  ideological,  variables  t h o s e of  Overseas  and  incentives,  odds w i t h t h e  factors the  conditions  material  transformation  Chinese areas  show how a c o m p l e x  at  domestic  and r e l i a n c e  rural  designed  be a r g u e d h e r e  struggle,  the  f a m i l i a r i t y with  of the  This western  enormous  and c o n s e q u e n t l y  from  7  f o r m i n g a sound local  results  knowledge  of  national  transformation.  Alert  consequences of automatically federal  our  any  economic,  variegated  movements s u c h as  socialist  the  cultural  within  and o t h e r  rests  of  the  primarily  generalizations,  it  socialist  Vivienne illustrates  of  Shue's the  differentiation to  the  socialist  transformation  provinces  however  is  of not  to  far  an  Shue's  of  of  rural  nationwide  reasons  discussion. in  Transition  versus  local  academic  study  upon t h e  Hubei.  establish  and  western  problem  and i n t e l l e c t u a l  Hunan and  ought  important  China  focusses  social,  local  generalization  research.  vast  of  some  as  is  which  sense  several  methodological  scientific  too  a problemmatic so  Peasant  dichotomy  --  was  southern  innumerable  little  which d e s e r v e s  each  China  foundation  for  this,  to  transformation  upon t h e  with  impact  opposed  Yet,  There are  study  Canadian  divisions  differentiation.  Chinese  a given its  generalizations  enterprise.  understanding  social  question  of  i n N e w f o u n d l a n d as  and  we w o u l d  suggested  containing  risk-laden  related  conditions  own d i v e r s i t y ,  make n a t i o n w i d e  China  diverse  o r Quebec and S a s k a t c h e w a n .  and d i v e r s e ,  to  and  to  which  undifferentiated  the  interpretation  policy  Ontario,  of  of  aims  the  two  rural central  The a i m of  a sense  of  of  the local  8  differentiation movement  in  with  these  f o c u s s i n g on Hunan opposite. instead  respect  As  two  to  course  of  the  Her  motivation  for  rather precisely  the  areas.  and H u b e i  is  states,  her  she  the  decision  reflected  " t h e need t o c o n f i n e the r e l e v a n t d a t a base  a manageable, s i z e . "  5  by a'  the  concern  for  r e p r e s e n t e d , not  Moreover,  h e r c h o i c e was  "typicality"  f o r any  uniqueness  these  guided  provinces  they might  possess.  S h u e ' s a r g u m e n t i s t h a t "Even i f g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s the whole of China are  most o f t e n o f l i t t l e  s h o u l d n o t be n e c e s s a r y  to take refuge  approach...If Chinese at  i s no  p r o v i n c e , t h e n we  those  distort  p r e j u d i c e our  value,  as a  study  "typical"  at l e a s t choose to seem  to  look  possess  added) t h e i r  findings".  e x p e r i e n c e s and  persisting  i n the quest  r e a d i l y g e n e r a l i z a b l e (on  a national  scale)  the u t i l i t y  she h e r s e l f  admits, such  "most o f t e n o f l i t t l e herself  again suggests  as a " t y p i c a l " 5 6  to  6  of  as  no  c o u l d i t seems, w i t h g o o d r e a s o n , q u e s t i o n t h e  wisdom and  if,  it  or s p e c i a l problems a u t o m a t i c a l l y t e n d i n g  (emphasis  One  can  about  i n a case  such t h i n g  provinces...which  peculiarities to  there  to  S h u e , p. ibid.  9.  Chinese  value." --  And  t h e r e may  for  findings,  generalizations  are  i f i n d e e d -- a s  she  be  "no  such  thing"  p r o v i n c e , t h e n w o u l d i t n o t make  9  more s e n s e  to  view  the  localities  as  part  of  experience, There are that  rather  national  we must  aware  differences,  of  then  are  is  and  " t y p i c a l " on a effort  to  t o make  rest  local  construct  Otherwise,  to  stance,  important  proceed  bound  of  "distortions"?  make e v e r y  basis.  various  opposite  know what  various  upon t h a t  generalizations  the  the  diversity  somehow  first  the  and  generalizations  as  to  in  essential  would take  we c a n b e g i n  scale,  ourselves  an  than  t h o s e who  before  situations  on  all-China a  hollow  foundation. In rural  focussing  upon  Guangdong, the  more c l o s e  to  that  village  of  As  Guangdong:  "I am n o t  other  of  as  China  rather  his  recent  and i n t e r p l a y  between  Madsen  official  his  peasant  themselves as  transformation  Shue's of  rural  communist village  study China  " t y p i c a l " of  with  what  and i n d i v i d u a l l y u n i q u e . "  Vivienne  in  c o n c e r n e d w i t h what makes  Chen V i l l a g e in  study  of falls  makes  in the all them  7  the w i t h i n the  socialist r a n g e of  R i c h a r d M a d s e n , Power and Morality in a Chinese Village, ( B e r k e l e y : U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s , 1984), p . 28. 7  of  is  and of  Chinese areas  this  dichotomies  Madsen s a y s  people  particular  Richard  morality  morality.  residents  Overseas  concern of  a c c l a i m e d work on t h e peasant  the  10  a broader h i s t o r i o g r a p h i c the  i n the  C h i n e s e Communist movement,  established remote the  its  first  late  1920's.  historically (and,  peasant  line  of  success  as  to  Communists' of  thesis  of  explain  so  --  From  "blue ants"  "peasant  a to  and a h o s t  longstanding discover  Communists' This is  the  after  true  formula for  of  1949.  the 8  Thus,  at  been  remarkable have  the  Party  has  inspired a  long  and e x p l a i n  reasons  for  the  Guillain's  to  1957 1962  Seiden's the  monographs,  of  1971  work o f  there  (in  Chinese  Chalmers Johnson's  has  Roy been  scholarship the  Chinese  success. assumptions  carried  rural  long  in  in adapting  ingredients  a p p r o a c h , and t h e have  Jiangxi  Communists  p r e o c c u p a t i o n among w e s t e r n  predicated,  analyses  other  and  the  n a t i o n a l i s m , " Mark  of  rugged  their  "Yenan Way" i n r e v o l u t i o n a r y C h i n a , Hofheinz  CCP  to  Robert  to  the  have  discover  the  of  peasants  turn  to  of  with  study  time  the  Chinese  in  away)  success.  the  in  attracting  efforts  the  scholars  the  This  western  borders  some have a r g u e d ,  scholarly  theory  in  causes).  some c a s e s  base  Western  shown  since  on t h e  - - and r i g h t f u l l y  and u n p a r a l l e d  cause  rural  Jingganshan area  impressed  to  trend  over  transformation the  core  of  upon w h i c h  and  it  influenced  which Vivienne  occurred Shue's  I n t h e p r o c e s s , s c h o l a r s have sometimes o v e r l o o k e d some i m p o r t a n t d i f f e r e n c e s i n t h e p o s t - 1 9 4 9 s i t u a t i o n . 8  11  analysis  of  Elements  of  which  form  study.  9  struggle  Transformation"  the  main  that  throughout  the  and  Shue  political  to  the  to  degree  effected  of  i n the  "the  change  incentives  economic  heaviest  "The to  times could  far  to  peasants  t o move  element  of  material  self-interest  most  of  its  policies  for  toward  the  class  various socialist  as  the  the  most  movement  main s t r a t e g y  along  by  the  promote and class  lines  - - consistent  of in  of  manage  with  simultaneously  environment  element  into  these  appeals  into  material  during  was  that  she  the  her,  different  elements of  s u c c e s s of  conflict at  the  her  and management  identifies  According  classes  of  introduced  contributors  different  run  were b u i l t  r e v o l u t i o n a r y government  Village  And,  crucial  development  reforms  nationwide.  the  most  village,  transformation.  the  themes  peasants which  important  "Seven  in Rural  i n the  economic  the  CCP's Success  are  poor  t r a n s f o r m a t i o n are  the  Perhaps the  identifies  for  socialist  be  the  peasantry."  the  mixture  socialism woven  was  by t h e  of the  Party  period".  ( c o n t ' d ) As Graham J o h n s o n h a s r e c e n t l y p o i n t e d o u t , " R u r a l d e v e l o p m e n t p o l i c y was c r e a t e d d u r i n g t h e Yenan p e r i o d . I t was o b l i g e d t o compete a f t e r L i b e r a t i o n w i t h a b r o a d n a t i o n a l d e v e l o p m e n t p o l i c y t h a t owed as much t o S o v i e t u n d e r s t a n d i n g s as t o t h o s e which d e v e l o p e d i n d i g e n o u s l y . " U n p u b l i s h e d p a p e r p r e s e n t e d t o t h e 1986 a n n u a l c o n f e r e n c e of t h e A s s o c i a t i o n f o r A s i a n S t u d i e s , C h i c a g o , M a r c h 1986, p . 2. S h u e , p. 321-333. 8  9  1 2  Shue's peasants pursuing t h e i r own readily  are  "rational  socialist  favour or  oppose  than to normative  principles. joining  their perceptions  actively  s e l f - i n t e r e s t s and responding  to m a t e r i a l appeals  based on  actors"  "Peasants  cooperatives  of the  political  appeals  tended  to  depending  on  situation  in  v i l l a g e and on t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n s of t h e i r own alternatives,  as  independents  operating  e v o l v i n g r e a l i t i e s of labour supply, market structures,  tax i n c e n t i v e  within and  cooperatives for loans. emphasis  on  the  i n s t i t u t i o n s as  supply  role  and  Thus, private  easy c r e d i t  to favour c r e d i t  Shue's steady and  important  of  marketing  determined  such  mundane  coops,  credit  coops, tax reform e t c . , i s , on the whole, welcome appreciated, insofar to views  as i t  which d i s m i s s  compliant r e c i p i e n t s  p r o v i d e s a worthy  peasants as  of s t a t e  Overseas 1 0  ibid.  the  Chinese , p.  3.  socialilst areas.  and  commands. emphasizes  were d e f i n i t e l y not elements c o u n t i n g towards a of  and  contrast  mere p a s s i v e  But the p o l i c i e s and i n s t i t u t i o n s Shue  success  the  credit  1 0  to take an example, as the government squeezed u s u r e r s and at the same time made a v a i l a b l e  the  economic  systems, and so o n . "  to peasants, peasants tended n a t u r a l l y  more  transformation Many  of  these  smooth of  the  policies  13  actually  had an a d v e r s e  Chinese population their  their  on  class  managing  status  and  of  usual c r i t e r i a .  that  most  of  wrongfully by t h e i r  classified, "special  critically, "united  class  because  features" struggle  Study of  therefore  p r o v i d e s an  local  exception  to  the  of  rural  success  on h e r e x a m i n a t i o n The e f f o r t  has  influence,  until  perspective  on t h e  P R C , and  of  Developing  and  the  was  recently,  of  r e l a t i o n s h i p of  i n communist  states  were caused most  d i r e c t l y with of  domestic Overseas and  Chinese  significant  Shue o f f e r s  for  transformation  the based  example.  hindered a  the  Overseas  informed sense of been  of  admitted  Perhaps  a more " t y p i c a l " c a s e  also  was  basis  confusion  interesting  an  because  landlords  domestic  socialist  Chinese  Chinese  on t h e  (tedian).  explanation  to a c h i e v e  differentiation  the  of  clashed  the  areas  general  of  land reform i t  f r o n t " aims and s t r a t e g i e s  Chinese p o l i c y .  irregardless  Overseas  Chinese  of  labour,  in part  determine  Overseas  of  Overseas  difficult,  to  After  the  --  the  domestic  c o m p l i c a t e d and d i f f i c u l t the  lack  interests. in  Overseas  peculiarities  --  etc.  struggle  status  domestic  the  existence  was e x c r u c i a t i n g l y  class  on t h e  of  remittances,  class  villages the  because  socioeconomic  dependence  affect  local  by  the  "totalitarian"  s t a t e and s o c i e t y in general.  in  Entire  1 4  books  have  been  constitutes enter for  into  my p u r p o s e s  debate to  recently  concentration political  its  as  characteristic  and I  outreach) and  of  many  perspective  loosely,  power  "exclusive a  organizational  from t h e  power  has  works  at  as  within  expression  was  to  sufficient  the  its  western  totalitarian  on  been  the  PRC,  1 9 6 0 ' s when  the  height  the  of  its  and p o p u l a r i t y .  The t o t a l i t a r i a n p e r s p e c t i v e assumptions:  credence  wish  is  to  what  The p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h p o l i t i c a l  those which date  power.  it  of  to  of  do not  referring  particularly  peasants;  subject  t e r m somewhat  organizational  acceptance  the  Rather,  the  has,  system, 1 1  here.  use  (and  consequences". and  on  "totalitarianism", this  one w r i t e r  written  one c o n c e r n i n g  the  Both  other  past  are  from a t e n d e n c y  policy  aims  with  achieved  those  policies  passivity  omnipotence  false,  statements of by  relative  c o n c e r n i n g the  assumptions  i n the  the  makes two u n w a r r a n t e d  but  have  to equate  the in  of  state gained  official  actual the  of  results  localities  themselves. Recently challenged  if  both not  these  assumptions  completely  refuted  have by  been  empirical  D a v i d S . G . Goodman, "The M e t h o d o l o g y o f C o n t e m p o r a r y C h i n e s e S t u d i e s : P o l i t i c a l S t u d i e s and t h e P R C , " i n Power and Policy in the PRC, e d . Y u - m i n g Shaw ( B o u l d e r : Westview P r e s s , 1 9 8 5 ) , p . 344. 1 1  15  evidence social have  o r i g i n a t i n g at  spectrum.  discovered  elite  which  existed. in  On t h e  previously  The o u t b r e a k  some r e s p e c t s , received  political  elite,  monolithic of  recent  fieldwork  assumption also  been  rural  of  in  refuted.  m a k i n g of  of  of  the  effectively  at  the  --  The o u t s t a n d i n g Parish  Two r e c e n t  additions  knowledge:  the  of  (including of  the  peasants  has  scrutinized presented  in  and s o c i e t y  Chan,  work  Whyte  by  was  forging  a the  understanding i n the  PRC. to  R i c h a r d Madsen  W i l l i a m L . P a r i s h and M a r t i n K i n g W h y t e , Village Family in Contemporary China, (Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y Chicago P r e s s , 1978). 1 2  in  recipients  a l s o added immensely  Anita  us  engaged  pioneering  and M a r t i n effort  state  have  work of  the  mere  a new and f a r more t e x t u r e d  relationship  Thanks to  agents,  not  Chinese myth  of  have  was,  the  who have  active  own h i s t o r y  the  legitimacy  passivity  have  western  demolished  close quarters  their  to  exposure  and a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s  p e a s a n t s as  Chinese  Revolution  within  and  scientists  not  s t a t e power.  path-breaking of  complete  deep r i f t s  the  sociologists William  beginnings  Cultural  Sociologists  orders.  monumental  presumed  China)  concerning  localities  state  and i t  sociologists  with a p i c t u r e the  the  P a r t y and  efforts  the  first  to  political  " p l u r a l i s m " i n the  was  of  the  the  one h a n d , p o l i t i c a l  a d e g r e e of  observers  of  b o t h ends o f  1 2  this and  and of  16  J o n a t h a n U n g e r : Chen  Village:  Peasant  in  Commul ni t y  aforementioned Village.  While the  113  ability  of  the  "penetrate" the in  interesting the  uneasy  PRC  state  at  deep  it  between t h e  interests  for  of  too  basis  a  has  Madsen  not  on an  so  to  order  much  on  accommodation,  of  Madsen's  local  the  authority  old-society  the  makes  social  ideology  of  Chinese  system  claim that  a  Madsen's  emphasizes  society,  rested  as  these  communist "communist  reflects  Confucian  new o r i e n t a t i o n s  analyzing current  developments,  however,  of  of  view  of  the  village  1 a  Promising  years  as  in  political  local  conquest  influence  may be  totalitarian  has  History and  Morality  omnipotent  whose m o r a l  Recent China,  and p r o v o c a t i v e  times,  morality.  and  countryside  and t h e  gentry,"  Mao's  and " c o n t r o l "  totalitarian  all  Power  The  our  the by  present  People's  earlier  clearly  the  situations  understanding Republic  works  which,  imprint  and  insights  and of  remains  the  a  early  coloured,  unfortunately, of  future  bear  totalitarian  perspect ive.  A n i t a C h a n , R i c h a r d Madsen and J o n a t h a n U n g e r , Chen Village: The Recent Hi sit or y of a Peasant Community in Mao's China, ( B e r k e l e y : U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s , 1984). " M a d s e n , p . 248. 1 3  1  1 7  Franz  Schurmann's  Organization  in  ways has  set  discussions the  PRC.  of In  exaggeration release,  will  field."' the  It  5  enormous  scholarly  China  is  the  terms  and  the  relationship  has  key p r o b l e m s  would  all  indeed  impact  and  a book w h i c h  i n many  of  state  Michel  "Schurmann  influence  Ideology  parameters  when he c l a i m e d ,  the  heavily  Communist  retrospect,  that  identified  classic  for  and s o c i e t y  Oksenberg  shortly  after  pointed  the  and l i n e s future  of  work  has  the  past  PRC  over  single  important  no  has which  i n the  monumental the  he  inquiry  to  in  book's  way;  research  t h i n k i n g about  made  the  be d i f f i c u l t  this  western  China  overestimate had  on  twenty  years. The throughout communist  Schurmann's state  through the of  to  is  revolution system,  book  assert  that  Communists have  a  the  ideology  years  internal  of  the "social with  "Social  which  ability  dominance  of  filled  organization.  motif  structures  destroyed  creating  is  its  p r o m u l g a t i o n of  oganizational  thesis  and  most  over  and t h e  control.  which the  the  forces  systems  take  the  society creation  war  Chinese  vacuum" twin  of  Schurmann's  chaos,  traditional  runs  of  time  and  social Chinese ideology to  buld  F r a n z S c h u r m a n n , Ideology and Organization in Communist China, 2nd. e d . e n l . ( B e r k e l e y : U n i v e r s i t y of C l a i f o r n i a P r e s s , 1 9 6 8 ) . O k s e n b e r g ' s comment i s p r i n t e d on t h e b a c k c o v e r of t h e p a p e r b a c k e d i t i o n . 1 5  18  up,  once  before  destroyed,  one c a n say  During  the  society  together.  what  of  is  entitled with is  the  to  revolution  himself  acknowledges  Schurmann  appears  processes?"  1 6 1 7  to  system". made  holds  it  1 6  describes, (the  chapter  own  words,  author's  any v e s t i g e s  social,  did  claims  cultural  essential  the  Prologue,  repeatedly  is a  did.  the  be.  It  create it  or  lingering  or  economic  i n d e e d as total  But  social  u n r e a l i t y of that  "in  China  if  Schurmann this  preparing  i m p r e s s e d by how  Where i s  one  little  in a l l  these  "locate  China"  1 7  One o f --  in  m a n u s c r i p t I was it  the  society  building  and s t o n e . . . W h a t  in  holds  o r g a n i z a t i o n on s o c i e t y " )  actually  when he o b s e r v e s ,  "a v a s t  h i s t o r i c a l past.  as  Chinese  arisen.  and  social  and o r g a n i z a t i o n  discover  vacuum,  the  elapse  has  C h i n a w h i c h Schurmann  -- political, pre-1949  the  and o r g a n i z a t i o n . "  i m p o s i t i o n of  influences  the  done by  "Villages" deals,  "the  of  pulls  by i d e o l o g y  hard pressed  --  organization  brick  new r u r a l  together  system  resembles  k i n d s of ideology  In t h e  t i m e must  a new s o c i a l  been  communist C h i n a  together  p e r i o d of  O r g a n i z a t i o n must now do f o r  had  different  held  that  interval,  earlier  Thus,  a long  the  aims of  o r more p r e c i s e l y , i b i d . , p. p. Iii.  1,  1i i .  this  one  study  is  to  important aspect  of  China  19  in  the  post-1949 p e r i o d ,  attempted  to  historical  deal  by  with  one  inheritances.  mention  the  despite  the  Overseas fact  organizational essay w i l l  that  Chinese this  The  the  challenges  the  totalitarian  structures  Organizat  in  the  than  daily  Moreover, China  observable results. have  PRC  ideological as  the  and  and  following  bureaucratic  Chinese  and  review  areas the  organizational  of  of  is  an  the  efforts they  Ideology  and  way.  and  "represents  the  i n the  say,  equate  may be t h a t  central  central  apparatus  achieve  study  dimension aims w i t h  contemporary western  be m i s l e d  by t h e  K . F a i r b a n k , "The S t a t e 19 ( J u l y 1 9 6 7 ) : 668.  that  in  localities."  i n the  important h i s t o r i c a l to  by  Ideology  in their to  ago,  problem presented  may e v e n t u a l l y  people  goes on  tendency  to  the  Fairbank,  results  Fairbank  continued  John Politics 1 8  even  proposition concerning  following  leaders'  life  It  not  i n the PRC.  said  the  there  has  difficult  i n the  Overseas  described  the  i on,  revolutionary rather  CCP,  CCP  w h i c h a p p e a r e d more t h a n t w e n t y y e a r s  Fairbank  book  the  ideology  important  ion  Professor  of  control  an  Organizat  this  of  problem  domestic  power  most does  ideological  in  omnipotent  its  was a m a j o r  problem for  show.  of  Schurmann  confusion  In  e x a m i n i n g how t h e  old dynastic Mao B u i l t , "  to  1 8  of the  local  scholars myth, World  20  propounded over --  centuries  and e m b r a c e d anew by t h e  twentieth essential is  century  o n e n e s s and u n i t y  a myth  descended  from  an  approach  to  history.  "stressed  the  imperial  particular itself, the  integral  works  diversity  organization  of as  "the  Thus t h e 1960's g a i n e d historical the  dynastic  CCP  1 9  has  ibid. ibid.  their  efforts,  of  the  Chinese  the  v i e w of  old  the  imperial  are  totalitarian its  strength the  and  , p.665. , p . 669.  and  the  studying  by t h e  Chinese  to  local  to  And  1 9  told,  perspective in part with  essential  their  official  the  various  administration  be  not  too  of  old:  responses  often  unity  popular the  history,  and  official  court  the the  and oneness  of  promoted  scribes  who  by were  a n d embraced anew  by  responsible  for  those history  in  h e l p of  r e a l m ; a myth e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y  for  historians  imperial edicts  but  China  remained s u p e r f i c i a l  been a t t e m p t e d  the  It  court-centered  dynastic  conditions."  we  realm.  2 0  nationbuilders  constructing  the  announced,  rulers  responsible  in  a i m more t h a n  studying  myth o f  Chinese  of  overlords  Communists  holistic  Official  out,  obscure."  the  generally  it  from  goals are  remain  feature  local  Communists t u r n s  of the  results... like  their  different  Chinese  nationbuilding  w h i c h was  2 0  by C h i n a ' s d y n a s t i c  of  national  movements  21  such as  collectivization.  say  least,  the  that  official  myth s h o u l d be c o u n t e d a s unsympathetic  if  CCP's  t o change  efforts  not  local  his  concerned, (difang  offical  of  the  of  land  and with  the  central  necessary  and  from t h e  the  the  the  view  of  this  local  results Vogel  to  engage  For the fullest  In h i s  account  i n f u s i o n of  task  of  land  to  discussion  in class kin  to  period  unwillingness  s t r e n g t h of  is  "localism"  "southern r e s i s t a n c e "  control.  of  problem  p r o b l e m of  the  the  same  of  struggle  loyalities, "northerners"  reform.  E z r a V o g e l , Canton Under Communi sm: Programs Politics in a Provincial Capital, 1949-1968, (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1969). p. 91-180. 2 1  of  p r o b l e m commonly r e f e r r e d  the massive  to complete  a very  for  Organization.  documents t h e  overriding  he d e s c r i b e s  this  p o i n t of  actual  he o f f e r s  sources  reform Vogel  of  suffer  aims w i t h  c a d r e s and p e a s a n t s  because and  the  embodying  view  C h i n e s e Communist p a r l a n c e ) .  i m p o s i t i o n of  local  iniatives,  central  especially,  of  to  Communi sm a p p r o a c h e s  to  1950's  ironic,  i n s u p p o r t of  from t h e  Ideology  early  available  evidence  Under  zhuyi , a f a m i l i a r  in  CCP s o u r c e s  and s o c i e t y  central  besets  somewhat  society.  work does n o t  equating  which  the  state  responses  reason of  of  is  downright h o s t i l e  E z r a V o g e l ' s Canton subject  It  2 1  and See  22  In  another  was p u b l i s h e d resembles share of  around  Ideology  political  hegemony  over  t r i u m p h of  the  closing  Society,"  Vogel  and  Overseas least  of  in  within with  the  the The  establish of  rural  it  the  — could  of  political  Overseas  —  essay  i n which  Guangdong s t o o d  then the  discussion  to  system  is  being of  land  outreach  discussion  ideological over  of  socialist  the  but h i s  itself  to  surprisingly  discussion  Chinese population  following a sense  system  the  system  rural  resistance"  of  historically  d e s c r i b e d as  excellent  to  entitles  political  the  be b e t t e r  political control  political  Conquest  Not  the  its  ultimately  the  sustained  period  "southern  references  are  the  society."  Vogel's  assert  CCP p o l i t i c a l  where  strength  Thus V o g e l  stresses  of  d u r i n g the  to  Political  embark on any  reform emphasizes  no  "The  Chinese areas,  centralized  authors  state.  authors  ultimate  ability  which  Schurmann's, Both  made p o s s i b l e  totalitarian  control".  contains  has  the  work,  as  zat ion.  its  both  Vogel's  time  Organi  transform  d o e s not  at  what  strength  transformation  of  same  s y s t e m and  and  "control  "out  and  chapter  unprecedented  --  the  society;  concerned with  the  however,  an o v e r r i d i n g c o n c e r n w i t h  the  his  respect,  confusion  how t o  deal  i n Guangdong. an  Overseas  a p a r t d u r i n g the  attempt Chinese  to areas  p e r i o d of  the  23  rural  socialist  background and  transformation.  chapter.  strategy  C h a p t e r One i s a b r i e f  I t s e t s out t h e aims,  rationale  for achieving the s o c i a l i s t transformation  of t h e c o u n t r y s i d e ,  and examines t h e debate  over i t s  pace which c u l m i n a t e d w i t h t h e implementation o f collectivization  i n t h e summer  chapter explains migration  o f 1955.  theh i s t o r i c a l  i n terms  of  Chinese  home  c o n s i d e r t h e CCP's Chinese problem: and  Three  response t o  in  1954 o f  overseas with  features of the  I t then  goes  t h edomestic  thecontradictory  t h e emergence  privileges  areas.  second  relationship  China and t h e e v o l u t i o n of t h e s p e c i a l Overseas  The  legacies of  t h e huaqi ao  rapid  on t o Overseas  image o f t h e huaqiao  a  policy  f o r t h e domestic Overseas  of  Chinese.  special Chapter  then a n a l y z e s t h e e f f e c t s of land reform and t h e  imposition  of  compulsory  domestic Overseas Overseas  Chinese,  grain  deliveries  showing  how  the  C h i n e s e were a d v e r s e l y a n d s o m e t i m e s  on  the  domestic unfairly  a f f e c t e d by t h e s e two i n t e r m e d i a r y s t e p s on t h e r o a d t o eventual the  full  collectivization.  participation  of  domestic  Chapter Four Overseas  c o l l e c t i v e s and t h e s p e c i a l problems at t h i s  stage.  the inherent policy  The c h a p t e r e n d s weakness  during  the  of  Chinese  of  Overseas rural  in  encountered  w i t h an a n a l y s i s  domestic  period  they  analyzes  of  Chinese socialist  24  transformation. to  sum  up  the  significance socialist  In t h e c o n c l u s i o n , an a t t e m p t  findings for  our  of t h i s  s t u d y and  historical  t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of  rural  relate  understanding China.  is  made their  of  the  25  CHAPTER 1: The E c o n o m i c and P o l i t i c a l Socialist  The s o c i a l i s t officially the  with  'general  line  which c o i n c i d e d Year P l a n f o r were  not  to  stage  experience  process.  until to  First of  years  First,  peasants  the  Plan  later,  in  was  were  the  to  be  to  by j o i n i n g  generated  Five  line',  countryside  farming  of  socialism,'  the  'general  1953  a  gain huzhuzu  initially  on  a  permanent  basis.  MATs  averaged  6-20  each.  The n e x t  higher  stage  involved  MATs  to  form  (Agricultural agricultural but  production  private  partly  calculated  'semi-socialist'  Producers'  retained.  basis,  of  began  then  combining  was  to  i n the  seasonal,  1,  (details  two  the  cooperative  China  on O c t o b e r  development  be  basis,  rural  transition  ( M u t a l A i d Teams, M A T ) , t o  families  of  commencement  public  socialism  in  the  the  According  transition three  with  national  made  mid-1955).  proclamation for  to  Transformation  transformation  the  Background  Cooperative,  was  ownership  Remuneration according  i n work p o i n t s  basis  of  land  terms  of  membership  nongye  within  cooperative  APCs was labour  (gongfen),  shares.  wherein  l a n d and o t h e r  to  and c a p i t a l  APC),  p e r f o r m e d on a of  hezuoshe  The s i z e  on a  of  dual  contributed,  and p a r t l y  contributed,  inputs  on  the  calculated  in  APCs v a r i e d  as  26  the  campaign p r o g r e s s e d ,  about  40 h o u s e h o l d s  several  APCs  APCs  averaged  coterminous they  were  nongye In  and  natural village somewhat,  Advanced  to  in  APCs.  by  households  households  form shangji  households  averaged  stage c a l l e d  collectives.  246  complete  peasant  final  1955  1956  Advanced  were  usually  (cun).  an  By  average  1957  of  164  brigades  Collectivization  December  1956,  nationwide  Guangdong)  for  hezuoshe  The f o r m e r APCs became p r o d u c t i o n  the  basically  Advanced  full  reduced  The  to  w i t h the  households. within  each.  t o merge  ( A d v a n c e d APC) o r  b u t by December  (89%  were  formally  arose  during  when  was  90%  of  of  peasant  enrolled  in  APCs.  Goals and R a t i o n a l e  Serious the  disagreement  campaign  concerning  collectivization productive sources the  forces  reveal,  vision  embracing  partook  of  of  a  of  the a near  vis  pace the  industry.  between  that  desired destiny In  vis  the  1953-56  goal  peasant of  and  course  of  sequence  of  development  But so the  collectivization the  the  f a r as  of  the  available  CCP was u n i t e d represented  economy u n d e r  collectivization,  u n i v e r s a l commitment  in the  socialism. the  shared  CCP until  27  recently  by t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l  communist  whole u n d e r S o v i e t  leadership.  the  overcoming the  only  "small  means o f producer"  originally giving  has l o n g  the  difficulty  in  of  those  great  s t a t e s which  collectivized  "Achilles  heel"  during  horror Meisner  of also  political  have  attempted  Gray  recently being  modern  to has the  socialist  23  package  the e a r l y  criticize  most  I t has  as  as  "daily,  shibboleths  and  agriculture  of  Collectivization Stalinist  Jack  as  of the  r e f e r r e d t o by L e n i n  economic  a  (described  r e v o l u t i o n a r y Marxism.  source  revolut ions.  mentality  been one o f t h e g r e a t  implement c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n . described  limitations  t o c a p i t a l i s m and t h e b o u r g e o i s i e  twentieth-century been  Collectivization,  2 2  and  by Marx, a n d l a t e r  birth  hourly")  economy  movement a s  adopted 1950's.  Stalin;  Soviet  was an i n t e g r a l  but  by t h e  Chinese  The C h i n e s e c o u l d they  were  collectivization  a p t l y puts  part  not  of the t o t a l Communists not  unware  entailed.  i t , " i t was more o u t o f  As  openly of the Maurice  ideological  T h e Y u g o s l a v s were among t h e f i r s t , i n t h e e a r l y 1950's, t o abandon t h i s commitment t o c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n , and t h e i r a c t i o n i n t h i s r e g a r d c a n be c i t e d a s one o f the f a c t o r s i n t h e breakup of t h e S o v i e t - l e d world communist movement. J a c k a n d M a i s i e G r a y , " C h i n a ' s New A g r i c u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n , " i n The Chinese Economic Reforms, ed. S t e p h e n F e u c h t w a n g a n d A t h a r H u s s a i n (New Y o r k : S t . M a r t i n ' s P r e s s , 1983), p . 151. 2 2  2 3  28  timidity  than  communists horrors;  historical  made  they  agricultural  his the  consideration of  path general  that  made  Soviet  lessons,  consequences of  same  time  and  impossible  of  and t h e  quite  political  to  too  in rapid c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n Soviet  experience,  in  a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n , as resisted  slaughter  w i t h h o l d i n g of  with of  the  be  openly  On  collectivization emergence  of  kul a £ - t y p e  class  opposed  powerful of to  long was  and  the  postponed.  that  it  could,  a drastic  loss  disoriented  draught  other  other  indefinitely a  of  weapons a v a i l a b l e  livestock  the  problems  a n g e r e d and  only  the  concerning  precipitate  p r o d u c t i o n , and  resistance.  the  other  collectivization  i n the  and  animals,  forms of hand,  meant  collectivization.  passive delaying  ^ risking  firmly  r i c h p e a s a n t s whose  to  the  entrenched  interests The  were  Chinese,  " M a u r i c e M e i s n e r , Mao's China: A History of the People's Republic, (New Y o r k : The F r e e P r e s s , 1977), p. 147. 2  of  they  collectivization  one c o n c e r n i n g  as  strictly  methods  industrialization,  experience  rapid c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n ,  them:  the  those  2  CCP drew two  peasants  to  Stalin's  ideological it  Chinese  references  at  to  that  Stalin." "  From t h e  The d a n g e r  veiled  collectivization  from  critical  the  c o u l d h a r d l y denounce  were p u r s u i n g apart  only  ignorance  29  again,  were  not  liquidation  of  the  overcoming t h e i r It  was  attendant the  need  for  order that  with  benefits  intermediate repeatedly according 'mutual  kulaks  the  of  stressed the  only  means  of  two  kinds  of  these  learning  emphasized  and  at  Moreover,  advancement of  to  full  appreciating  farming  way.  principles  had  each  the  to  CCP  proceed  'voluntariness'  and  benefit'. however,  s t e p by  step advance.  movement  followed so  that  closely  did a process end,  transition  the  intermediary  rhythm of final  actual  course  to  p r i n c i p l e of  the  the  from  collectives,  shifts  at  the  implementation  mass c a m p a i g n s  stages.  Chinese peasants p r i v a t e producers to without  2 5  Unlike  a the  than  s t e p by s t e p r a t i o n a l a d v a n c e . of  the  of  policy  of  of  progress  analysis  a series  majority  directly  full  adhere  i n the  of  the  Instead,  the  r e s e m b l e d more c l o s e l y  of  decided  gradual t r a n s i t i o n  the  that  d i d not  the  avoid  cooperative  movement  it  the  had  C h i n e s e Communists  along  In p r a c t i c e ,  center,  to  peasants  step  to  Stalin  was  a s t e p by s t e p ,  collectives, the  that  opposition.  in  risks  unaware  the  made  the  members  benefit the  In  of Soviet  K e n n e t h R. W a l k e r , " C o l l e c t i v i s a t i o n i n R e t r o s p e c t : The S o c i a l i s t ' H i g h T i d e ' o f Autumn 1 9 5 5 - S p r i n g 1956," China Quart erl y 26 A p r i l - J u n e 1 9 6 6 ) . P a r i s h and Whyte n o t e t h a t i n many of t h e l o c a l i t i e s t h e y s t u d i e d , t h e 2 5  30  collectivization  however  the  Chinese  transformation  accomplished  largely  without  catastrophic  decline  in a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n .  The g o a l  of  bloodshed,  collectivization  ideological  reasons  collectivized  a g r i c u l t u r e was  total  Stalinist  period.  The  collective social  alone,  package  political  represented  consolidating  the  highest  state  echelons  rural  society.  collectivization  lines to  And, was  to  of  a  the in  basic  this that  economic,  Politically,  7  further  control  the  during  perceived  2  for  because  y i e l d numerous  benefits.  2 6  p a r c e l of  China  Communists  a  pursued  merely  imported into  Chinese  collectivization  or  and w i t h o u t  not  p a r t and  a g r i c u l t u r e would  and  was  was  running  step  in  from  the  production units  theory  produce t a n g i b l e  at  in  least,  benefits  for  (cont'd) t r a n s i t i o n from APC t o A d v a n c e d APC o c c u r r e d so r a p i d l y t h a t no s h a r e payments were e v e r made. Village and Family, p . 32. A number o f s c h o l a r l y a r t i c l e s (by C h i n a s p e c i a l i s t s ) have u n d e r t a k e n d e t a i l e d c o m p a r i s o n s o f t h e S o v i e t and C h i n e s e c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n c a m p a i g n s of 1928-30 and 1953-56, r e s p e c t i v e l y . Peter J . N o l a n , " C o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n i n C h i n a : Some C o m p a r i s o n s w i t h t h e U S S R . " Journal of Feasant Studies 3 (January 1976): 1 9 2 - 2 2 0 ; Thomas P . B e r n s t e i n , "Mass M o b i l i z a t i o n i n t h e S o v i e t a n d C h i n e s e C o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n Campaigns of 1929-30 a n d 1 9 5 5 - 5 6 . A C o m p a r i s o n , " China Quarterly 31 ( J u l y - S e p t e m b e r 1 9 6 7 ) : 1 - 4 7 . See a l s o M e i s n e r , p. 155-157. F o r the economic r a t i o n a l e f o r c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n , see A l e x a n d e r E c k s t e i n , China's Economic Revolution, (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1977), p . 5 1 - 5 2 . On t h e a n t i c i p a t e d p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l b e n e f i t s o f c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n , see M e i s n e r , p . 2 4 0 - 1 5 7 . 2 5  2 6  2 7  31  the  peasantry  political  w h i c h would f u r t h e r  support  constituting  base  a  further  "protetarianization" was  hailed  as  of  (gongnong  perceived  social  with  collective  full  social  equality  most  forms  problems  of  polarization  private a  came  China.  The  collectivization  were  and  better  and t h e by t h e  seen  as  class  aftermath  welfare  march  towards  abolition  property.  be  by  "worker-peasant  Perhaps  sociopolitical  to  the  Finally,  progressive  in s o c i a l i s t  units,  CCP's  collectivization  the  of  the  the  peasantry,  greater  resurgent in  in  occasioned  from  of  the  lianmeng)  p r o v i d e d by  collectivization  step  benefits  associated  importantly  countryside.  strengthening  alliance"  those  i n the  strengthen  most  standpoint,  a solution  to  exploitation of  of  land  the and  reform  (see  below). From  an  appeared to family  economic  be  farm.  superior  permitting  division  of  generate of  labour,  collective  was  thereby  Larger  units  larger  units  of  scale,  capable  of  collectives  compared to  and employed and  in theory  an  more  greater  would  and a more e f f e c t i v e was  the  increased  promoting  production  a g r i c u l t u r a l implements was  view,  specialization  e c o n o m i e s of  scarce  of  economic  The u n i t  labour,  efficiency.  point  also use  possible.  The  m o b i l i z i n g l a b o u r on a  large  32  scale was  for  also  signficant waste as  p u b l i c works.  The f o r m a t i o n of  credited  bringing  with  amount of boundary  scattered Finally,  it  production mechanized  of  was  greater  farming.  the  the  control  over  imposition  agriculture, through  buy  the  of of  the  the  units  also yielded in  surplus to  through  of of  was  of  and  was  to  taxes  relations  data the  of  between  "cheap"  collected central  on  and/or  i n such a  sell  "one  facilitate  involuntary saving  forced to  provided  form  agricultural  increasing  statistical  also  the  certain  Alexander E c k s t e i n ,  price  farming sector  collectivization  families.  introduction  state,  a high rate  The  innumerable  large  and n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l goods  2 9  to  the  that  collectivization  manipulating  "dear".  had gone  peasant  economy  According  either  agricultural that  rural to  purposes  a  2 8  advantages  decision-making. of  argued  facilitate  A collectivized economic  separating  individual  also  would  production  l a n d which p r e v i o u s l y space  plots  into  collectives  way and  during  government  H o w e v e r i t i s a l s o t r u e t h a t a s t i m e p r o g r e s s e d and i t became c l e a r t h a t a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n was l a g g i n g b e h i n d the r e q u i r e m e n t s of t h e F i r s t F i v e Y e a r P l a n , C h i n e s e p l a n n e r s - and t h e more so Mao - began i n c r e a s i n g l y t o view i n s t i t u t i o n a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f a g r i c u l t u r e a s a s u b s t i t u t e method of r a i s i n g p r o d u c t i o n , i n p l a c e o f i n c r e a s i n g t h e l e v e l of i n d u s t r i a l i n p u t s . See E c k s t e i n , p . 5 1 . E c k s t e i n , p . 51 . 2 8  2  9  33  w i t h a much s o u n d e r rural  economy,  agriculture knowledge state  facilitating  into  of  and more d e t a i l e d  the  the  could,  with degree  of  agricultural  output  and  manipulation  of  as  use the  with  of key  state  direct link');  of  the  purchases for  whereas t o without  workings  would  be t o  invite  by c r e a t i n g simplified quotas. from  larger the  collective  were a s s i g n e d collectives meeting their  to  the  tax  themselves  the  tax  member  exert  an  levels  of  (through  the  example  'take  to  such  through grain  tinkering  risk  of  accountable  make  and commodity  units, purchase  collections  but  under  and p r o d u c t i o n individuals,  assumed  its  collectivization,  had to  not  of  engendering  t a x e s and s t a t e  quotas  the  targets and  the  responsibility  for  grain  obligations  of  households.  The C h i n e s e Communists economic,  the  and  households,  then  economy  a s o u n d knowledge  state  collectives,  accurate  and t a x e s ,  fewer  of  peasant  economy  mix  Furthermore,  collection  individual  rural  over  the  and t h u s  Previously,  of  undertake  economy  disruption.  the  crop  rural  and  incorporation  confidence,  the  chaos  the  W i t h an  control  commands,  of  Plan.  greater  increasing  the  the  national  conditions  knowledge  political  collectivized  and  agriculture.  then,  foresaw  social Yet,  substantial  benefits at  the  in  outset,  34  collectivization distant it  goal  at  Plans  least  to  established.  This the  the  development,  the  presupposed  required depended  a  certain  in turn  level  on t h e  three  Five  level  because  conception  of  and  the  economic  relations  industrial  believed,  in order to  of  of  it  of  was  prior  that  strength  socialist  agriculture  1949  be  that  a society  rather  agriculture could  change  it  in of  social  On a more p r a c t i c a l l e v e l collectivized  drew  Marxist  view  be a  necessary  socialist  orthodox between  that  equivalent  position  relationship  production  the  before  P a r t y to  had e s t i m a t e d  achieve  industrialization  reflected  s e e n by t h e  - - Mao h i m s e l f  would t a k e  Year  was  plenty.  initially, be  feasible  mechanization,  development  of  of  which  industrial  capac i t y . At  the  paramountcy cautious  outset within  and  Party for  a  leadership,  countryside.  approach  and  until  ranks  came  orthodox  Party,  prevailed -  breaking  rapid  the  gradual  transformation apparently  these  with  out  as  immediate  What a c c o u n t s  Mao's  thinking?  In o r d e r  Mao's  t h i n k i n g on t h i s  views  and to  as  the  a  result  rural  July, the  enjoyed  socialist  1955  when  majority strongest  to  issue,  this  of  transformation  u n d e r s t a n d the and t o  of  grasp  Mao, the  advocate  collectivization for  a  change  the  the in in  enormous  35  historic  significance  that  change  socioeconomic  development  strategy  necessary  to  examine  the  First  national  development  and  agriculture  within  emerged o v e r centered and  the  the  on t h e  Plan's  burdens the  agriculture's therefore,  of  collectivization  the  of  it  for  place  of  debate  the  is  which  in  China  rural  sector  An u n d e r s t a n d i n g  role  in  understanding in  for  Plan  collectivization  imposed.  evolved  Year  the  expectations  Plan  to  of  had  China,  Five  Much  designated  basic  in  especially  it. pace  has  the  how t h e  of  Plan  is,  drive  for  China.  A g r i c u l t u r e and the F i r s t F i v e Year Plan: The "Peasants Burden"  Under to  the  First  exemplifying  According  to  the  such  i n the  industrial  C h i n a came  development  Eckstein this  industrial  sector  development  of  heavy  Eckstein,  p.  50-51.  the  industry.  growth  sector. emphasis Fourth,  can  First,  3 0  high rates  economic  closest  strategy.  strategy  seven major o b j e c t i v e s .  Second,  concentrated  3 0  Plan,  an u n b r e a c h a b l e commitment t o  growth.  the  Year  Stalinist  Alexander  b r o k e n down i n t o is  Five  of is  the  there  economic to  Third, is  be  be  within on  the  above  three  36  objectives and  demand t h a t  investment.  capacity  is  to  there  Fifth,  the  be  the  at  be a h i g h r a t e development expense  Sixth,  transformation  i n a g r i c u l t u r e and o t h e r  economy.  Finally,  intensive  industrial  that  "at  least  development framework  there  there  to  some  of  the  First  1928-32  Chinese rates  steel,  of  heavy m a c h i n e r y . the  First  original success,  Five  oil, In Year  the  3 2  cost,  economic the  3 1  of  1953-57  First  (and  critical  was  Five  Year  except  that  achieved)  even  heavy  electric  industries power  and  Chinese growth f i g u r e s  for  surpassed  own  Maurice of  capital  China's  respect,  for  the  maintains  Plan  chemicals,  Plan  for  of  Eckstein  e a r l i e r Soviet  fact,  sectors  Plan."  Year  targeted  estimates. and  Year  growth i n the  coal,  institutional  preference  in nearly every  Plan  industrial  these elements w i t h i n  Five  P l a n of  savings  agricultural  be  degree,  Five  m o d e l l e d on t h e  of  a  encompassed a l l  closely  higher  is  to  technology.  The C h i n e s e F i r s t  the  is  of  of  development.  of  even  Meisner  this  not  their  sums  up  the  inconsiderable  i b i d . , p . 51. T h e P l a n o r i g i n a l l y p r o j e c t e d an a v e r a g e p e r annum e c o n o m i c g r o w t h r a t e of 14.7%. The a c h i e v e d f i g u r e however was c l o s e r t o 18% (16% a c c o r d i n g t o some more c o n s e r v a t i v e w e s t e r n e s t i m a t e s ) . By c o n t r a s t , o f f i c i a l S o v i e t s t a t i s t i c s c l a i m an a n n u a l g r o w t h r a t e o f 18% between 1 9 2 8 - 3 2 , but most w e s t e r n a n a l y a s t s p l a c e t h e f i g u r e more i n t h e r a n g e o f a b o u t 12%. M e i s n e r , p . 123, 138. O f f i c i a l C h i n e s e s t a t i s t i c s a r e g i v e n i n Ten Great Years, ( P e k i n g : F o r e i g n Languages P r e s s , 1960), p . 87. 3 1  3 2  37  achievement provided  in  this  China  industrial  way:  with a  base,  "the F i r s t  significant  even  though  compared w i t h t h e a d v a n c e d this  success  was  economic c o s t s ,  and  industrialization exploitation  Eckstein this  to  themselves burden this  as  pattern  of the F i r s t  about  the  industrial 3 3 3 4  of  relationship rapid  construction  M e i s n e r , p . 124. E c k s t e i n , p . 53.  by the on  with  P l a n , a n d he t o o victims  of  "the S t a l i n i s t  strategy  industrialization Chinese  3 4  Year  and  of i t s  at the  commentators  i f somewhat g i n g e r l y , t h e of  economist,  Five  But  Alexander  3 3  t h e major  Chinese peasants  industrialization.  period  borne  one  terms  t h e backs  Muqiao, a n o t e d C h i n e s e  state-sponsored  Year  "In  Eckstein,  of  was  Five  have a c k n o w l e d g e d ,  pattern  were  ( a s a r e most o b s e r v e r s )  peasants  upon  costs  social  largely  agriculture."  foisted  without  based  says  of  countries.  cities  effects",  expense  a tiny  for  industrialization.  a  modern  ~  Stalinist  represented  Plan  peasants  of the F i r s t  China's  stable  the c o u n t r y s i d e . "  i s in a g r e e m e n t  assessment  points  of  Year  still  industrial  t h e major  of the  and  i t was  achieved  500,000,000  China's  the  not  Five  Recently  Chinese  a  t o say  peasants  industrialization. requires  Xue  l o o k e d back upon t h e  Plan and had t h i s  of  by  large  to  "Speedy sum  of  38  accumulation  fund.  large  the  only  scale,  Before  main s o u r c e  be a g r i c u l t u r e  agriculture take  too  hard.  for  much  This is  ' The F i r s t increase  the  heavy of  and l i g h t  state  But  peasants  a p r o b l e m we have F i v e Year  Plan  and s q u e e z e them  too  not  was  several  agricultural  taxes,  goods s o l d  peasants  to  state  unique used  cheap"  to to  in  Taiwan.  3 6  of  out,  leaning  finance  The  to  exploiting ways:  countryside,  and "buy the  trade  dear", in  heavily  which  countries,  to  is  the  main d i f f e r e n c e  in  forcing  and  through other  Wickberg  agricultural  a strategy PRC; i t  including, China  and  thus  As E d g a r  industrialization  the  through  g r a i n and  on t h e  3 5  rapidly  and o v e r p r i e d i n d u s t r i a l  communism o r c o n f i n e d many  well."  structures  a g r i c u l t u r a l commodities.  pointed  surplus  by  pricing  i n the  monopolization  essential has  "sell  solved  designed  sector  consumer  on not  agricultural  farm p r o d u c t s  can  s t a t e must  fund  undervalued  accumulation  the  accumulation in  on a  i n d u s t r y which depends  raw m a t e r i a l . from t h e  industry develops  for lies  has  not been  example, in  how  X u e M u q i a o , China's Socialist Economy, (Beijing: F o r e i g n L a n g u a g e s P r e s s , 1 9 8 1 ) , p . 276. I n an a r t i c l e c o m p a r i n g l a n d r e f o r m on t h e m a i n l a n d and on T a i w a n , W i c k b e r g shows how i n b o t h c a s e s one o f t h e main p u r p o s e s was t h e same: t o f r e e up and m o b i l i z e the p e a s a n t ' s s u r p l u s to s e r v e i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n g o a l s . To m o b i l i z e t h e r u r a l s u r p l u s t h e Guomindang g o v e r n m e n t i n t h e e a r l y 1 9 5 0 ' s even i n t r o d u c e d a c o m p u l s o r y d e l i v e r y s y s t e m s i m i l a r t o t h a t on t h e m a i n l a n d . See E d g a r W i c k b e r g , "Land R e f o r m i n M a i n l a n d C h i n a and 3 5  3 6  39  these  pressures  p e a s a n t s were results. the  In p a r t i c u l a r ,  Year P l a n s t a n d  within  Party  In t h e  first  the  in  followed cadres, Party,  by t h e  priority  debate  the  they  what of  First  generated  of  industrial priorities  the  the  living  standards.  P a r t y ' s main  was  priority sector.  not  the  p a r t i c u l a r l y at  the  industry,  Studies  opposed  development  opposed  imposed on p e a s a n t s by t h e T a i w a n " Peasant  within  group  Alongside  while  heavy  the  closely for  categorically to  to  journal  one  small,  to  peasants'  was  theoretical  was  fail  transition  which  and  beginning  the  d u r i n g the  debate,  there  of  a  There  consumption  a debate,  "question  of  e x p e n s e of  which d i d not  form of  wenti)  which  at  between p e a s a n t  this  group which,  (cont'd) 259-260. 3 6  state  industrial  another  a d o p t e d by  the  the  i n the  fudan  appears  outset,  according  burden  for  P a r t y , and w i t h  accumulation,  over  From  it  important c o r o l l a r i e s  probably r e l a t i v e l y  Plan's  heavy  off  of  (nongmin  socialism.  the  trade  1953,  burden"  two  in peasant  a controversy  late  the  be a c c o m p l i s h e d  requirements  arouse  out  impoverished  by  strategy  place,  increment  was a d i r e c t  China's  circles.  P l a n were t o  steady  upon  interpreted  industrialization  Five  the  imposed  this  First  of  the  group  was  in p r i n c i p l e  insisted  that  F i v e Year  4 (Fall  to  1978):  to the Plan  40  was  too  heavy  Opposed t o Plan's  and had  argument.  who  While was  misleading and t o the  only  as  and  (renzheng)  to  demanded t h a t were  the  the in  condemnation  the  in  political the  state  strongly the of  that  state the  weighed  lightest  Plan believed  an e c o n o m i c of  p r o s p e r i t y of  not  unilaterally  on t h e  state  its rule"  Those  who  in  a  its moral  peasants;  they  position  traditional  Chinese  t e r m was  borrowed  one who p r e s i d e d o v e r and who the  upon t h e m .  p e a s a n t s ,and t h e  that  policy  would p r o s p e r  however  alone,  relax  isssuing  from w h i c h t h i s  people  deliberately  to  of  of  nevertheless,  more b e n e v o l e n c e  treatment  r u l e r was  aspect  peasants.  non-interventionist,  the  "peasant  "benevolent  only  lexicon  (ren)  was  not  forward  philosophy  that  the  moral terms  state  the  economic  and  more  exert  state's  the  benevolent  a  of  P l a n were d o i n g ,  the  country's  fact  of  for  state  a l s o were p u t t i n g since  was  the  cost.  an  difficult  false  of  exercise  over  with  problem in  opponents  solution  demands  rule  the  be  any  proponents  that  most  would  view  argue,  the  at  agrarian societies;  it  to  were t h e  countered  indeed  asserted,  reduced  acknowledging  a d a p t i n g Marxism to they  be  both these groups  strategy,  question"  to  that the  The  the  believed most  its  when  proponents  salvation  countryside  relaxing  a  of  depended  demands,  but  41  on p e a s a n t s t o do  increasing their  this,  increase  the  maintained,  increased  "peasants'  directly  on  the  second  Plan's  strategy,  was t o  grow by f i n a n c i n g  the  bulk  of  industrial these the  funds  to  terms of  state  the  First  called  for  including feed  a  the  17.6%  of  that  the  At  increase  Party  sector  to  was  be no d i v e r s i o n o f  to  development.  Plan,  the in  less  Under  than  allocated same t i m e ,  10% o f  to  the  the  Plan  agricultural  output,  i n food g r a i n p r o d u c t i o n  well, gave  over  agricultural  the  were a l l o c a t e d  proletariat.  a g r i c u l t u r e finance  coffers,  of  funds  industrial  i n d u s t r y as  from s t a t e  within  8  bore  is,  were  increase  growing  insistence and t h a t  23%  3  and  That  Year  funds  sector. a  Five  --  corollary  the  in a g r i c u l t u r a l  investment  agricultural  help  aid  there  to  issue  own d e v e l o p m e n t .  investment  development;  central  important  its  way  peasants  production  the  w h i c h was t h a t  state  for  only  3 7  agricultural  burden" - -  And t h e  was  agricultural production.  Making not  they  income.  its  without rise  the  to  own any  The  3 9  development substantial  a further  sequence  of  debate rural  P u L i , " P i p a n d u i nongmin f u d a n w e n t i de y i z h o n g cuowu g u a n d i a n , " Xuexi 12 (December 1 9 5 3 ) : 4 - 8 . See a l s o W e n j i n g H u i , "Women weishenmo s h o u x i a n f a z h a n zhong g o n g y e , " Xuexi 11 (November 1 9 5 3 ) : 1 2 - 1 6 . M e i s n e r , p . 141. i b i d . , p . 142, 161. 3 7  3  8  3 9  to  42  collectivization From t h e the  lesson  optimal was  of  that  generally to  agriculture earlier the  accepted  that  peasants,  mechanization  the  It  only  for  is  USSR,  for  a good  4 2  and  precede  assumed  role  socialist  half  the  First  after of  all  By c o n t r a s t  4 2  it  had of  best  cooperative  mechanized It  sphere  of  builder  of  collective Chinese  agricultural Plan  described  collectivization  would take  F i v e Year  An  cooperator.  i n the  and  two y e a r s  about  accomplish  best  land leaders  twenty-five  mechanization. called  farming, over  for  the  a period  duration.  T h e most t h o r o u g h a c c o u n t of t h e m e c h a n i z a t i o n and c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n S t a v i s , p. 58-71. C i t e d i n S t a v i s , p . 44. i b i d . , p . 44. 4 1  the  means  the  first  1950's e s t i m a t e d  slow g r o w t h o f  4 0  viable  had t o  example,  cooperation  the  was p l o w e d by t r a c t o r s .  unspecified  Indeed,  but a l s o  By 1932,  1  i n the  Accordingly,  both  and c o n s o l i d a t i n g  commentator,  basis  production.  to  be  had r e a c h e d n e a r m y t h - l i k e p r o p o r t i o n s .  land,  years  to  collectives.  of  early  CCP drew  It  cultivation  the  the  raising agricultural production.  "not  in  Union,  the  as  began  Soviet  collective  in promoting  Soviet  socialism.  the  4 0  f a r m i n g was  tractor  creates  of  mechanized  formation of tractors  mechanization.  history  method of  attractive the  and  debate over i s t o be f o u n d  in  of  43  But  faced  agricultural increase  w i t h the  disheartening  mechanization,  and m o u n t i n g  agricultural production,  Mao among them,  began  collectivization, desireable,  in  did  Collectivization  to  have  because c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n  itself  in  for  proceed, for  which  the  in turn  early  agricultural sequence of  of  This  and  (and  extension  industrial  revolution, By Chinese Year  1955 state  Plan  1954  it  the in  were  production supply  rather  was  than m a t e r i a l  its  effort  the  sluggish  capacity s t o c k s of  becoming  clear  the  boost  machines view  to  the  of  the  mechanization  had  agricultural  growth  mainly  was  of  now  inputs.  fulfill growth  of  a  social  problems c o n f r o n t i n g to  to  conditions  development)  function  two g r e a t e s t  and the  sufficient  a  up m e c h a n i z a t i o n ,  revised  implication:  as  and  mechanization.  would e s t a b l i s h  collectivization  firmly  feasible  i n d u s t r i a l development  important  pegged  that  would p r o v i d e the  crucially by  be  to  leaders,  proposition  speed  application  process.  slow  pressure  await  could actually  production necessary  the  to to  of  some C h i n e s e  advance order  not  prospect  the  in  state  grain. that  the  4 3  By  First  the Five  agricultural to  p r o c u r e and the  agricultural  fall  of  growth  K e n n e t h W a l k e r , " C o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n i n R e t r o s p e c t : The S o c i a l i s t ' H i g h T i d e ' of Autumn 1955 - S p r i n g 1956," China Quarterly 26 ( A p r i l - J u n e 1 9 6 6 ) : 2 2 . 4 3  44  rates  were n o t  keeping  industrialization starting growth  to  increased,  not  at  production."  And  4  the  looting  It  was  industrial  under  1955  the  short,  that  these  encountered collections,  granaries -  threat was  during  a warning to  of  industrial  needed  set  CCP s p l i t  pace  of  by t h e  was  a  agricultural  effort  to  concentrated  existing  threat  Five  hardships  collectives  These  critics  apparently,  by L i u S h a o q i ) ,  was  but  of  on  rather a  than  fast  is  Year among July  the  main  "consolidating" establishing  approach  who a r g u e d t h a t  consolidating  the  collectivization.  Zicheng argued that  new o n e s .  to  between F e b r u a r y and  Lo  be  stagnating  First  economic  article  ought  of  a mounting  In a f o r c e f u l  ""ibid.  less  agricultural  conditions,  increasing  the  the  easy,  was  much  had  1955  what  it  industrial  grain  spring,  growth t a r g e t s  over  (gonggu)  of  of  state  to  p r o d u c t i o n and  coupled with  peasants,  of  1955  of  in a g r i c u l t u r a l production.  agricultural  Plan,  rate  government  besides In  By e a r l y  level  the  of  planned rate  maintained,  resistance  growth t a r g e t s . revolution  be  already  fallout  the  Plan.  current  g r a i n supply c r i s i s  political  with  though the  even  the  peasant  including the  under the  a p p e a r as  could  fierce  pace  (led,  "developing  difficult"  (fazhan  45  rongyi  gonggu  w a s t a g e and resulting the  just  the  effort.  4 5  APCs;  evidence  the  Party  accounts  party's  top  rural  "Spontaneous C a p i t a l i s m "  there  from  is of  February  and  20,000  o r d e r s of  strategist.*  and the  entire  dissolution  on t h e  of  said,  the  issue,  anywhere  dissolved  was  experienced  of  c o u n t r y between  range  2 0 0 , 0 0 0 MATs and APCs the  nature the  they  and  considerable  the  of  and o r g a n i z a t i o n  trained  debated  suggesting  July  Zihui,  of  deal  production  situation,  experimental  across  a great  in a g r i c u l t u r a l  shortage  collectives 1955:  that  an i n e v i t a b l e  and the As  out  from p o o r management  acute  personnel,  pointed  slowdown  existing  given  nan),  to Deng  6  Resurgence of  Rural  I n e q u a l i t y a f t e r Land Reform  On  the  sociopolitical  collectivization as  representing  either  potential  t h e s e were freedoms" sell  was c o m i n g salvation  preserved  and r e n t  land;  be  seen,  however, increasingly,  from a number o f  or v i s i b l e  related  to  side  since  land reform.  directly  to  by l a n d  reform:  freedom to  the  hire  freedom  labour;  4 6  ills  Most of  so-called  L o Z i c h e n g , "Guanyu nonye h e z u o s h e gonggu g o n g z u o , " Xuexi 6 (June 1 9 5 5 ) : 5 - 8 . S t a v i s , p . 58. 4 5  social  "four  to  freedom  de  buy, to  46  lend  money;  market.* that  Under  7  the  and  rural  freedom these  economy,  generate  traditional  reproduce  old patterns  a concern  that  socioeconomic that of  this  the  Communists'  areas,  the  majority surveys fears for  population  within a  the  if  govern  in  since  and e s p e c i a l l y  permanent  of  itself,  would  exploitation  and  Uppermost  8  countryside,  a  most  political  villages.  land  8  support  i n the  rural  Numerous  r e f o r m seemed t o the  of  countryside  social  of  development  the field  confirm  was  headed  classes  to  as  the  be  regarded  by Mao - -  social the  great  just  social  unless  economic  by some w i t h i n as  a k i n d of  enunciated,  and e c o n o m i c  political  and  the  support  of  best  the  them.  the  panacea  equality  " B e n e d i c t S t a v i s , The Politics of Agricultural Mechanization in China, (Ithaca, N. Y: C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s ) , 55-57; M e i s n e r , p . 143-144. " M e i s n e r , p . 141. 7  was  a repolarization  undermine the  problems  p e a s a n t s and r e t a i n majority  to  "inevitable  intervened.  Party  assure  lead  Party that  came  k i n d s of  of  private  p o o r p e a s a n t s who c o n s t i t u t e d  thus  the  to  the  was  inequality.""  i n the  leveller --  left  would  Collectivization,  to  it  repolarization  collectivization  for  conditions  of  to  on  natural constituency  masses o f  conducted  trade  forms  classes  could threaten  to  way  among great  47  In h i s over of  the  famous  heads of  provincial  drastically resolving  in  it  speech of  state is  of  Party leadership  Party  secretaries,  the  in  debate  favour  jolt,  of  Mao's shock  by t h e  fact  that  P a r t y ' s main t h e o r e t i c a l Xuexi ,  which  consolidation entire of  subject  several  up  approach, of  October,  1955  ratified  by a s p e c i a l l y  Committee. extolling for  its  deepening  after  the  had  The  favoured  the  silent  the  for  decision  followed  a  of  results  a period until  had  articles  implementation." the  social needed  to  been  Central  M a o ' s s p e e c h and  Mao e x p r e s s e d the  flurry  on  not  the  of  the  consumption,  finally  Mao's  a  shock  speech  Plenum o f  quickening  economic  produced  convened  'correctness'  speech  and  the  for cadre  responded  r a p i d and w h o l e - h e a r t e d  In h i s  produce  only  There then the  following  full  massive  Party.  remained t o t a l l y  It  intervened  single  the  now  conference  all-out  a g r i c u l t u r a l cooperation  months. --  and  initially  journal  until  a  collectivization,  a  within  directed  Mao  rapid  speech  1955, to  over  Resembling  paralysed  evidenced  31,  the  collectivization. electrical  July  calling 9  conviction revolution break out  that would of  the  " M a o ' s s p e e c h i s r e p r i n t e d i n Xuexi 11 ( O c t o b e r 1 9 5 5 ) , a l o n g s i d e t h e O c t o b e r 11th C e n t r a l Committee " R e s o l u t i o n C o n c e r n i n g t h e Q u e s t i o n of A g r i c u l t u r a l C o o p e r a t i o n . " An E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n of M a o ' s s p e e c h a p p e a r s i n CB 364, and t h e o f f i c i a l E n g l i s h e d i t i o n is r e p r i n t e d i n Bowie and F a i r b a n k , p . 9 4 - 1 0 5 . 9  48  conundrum c r e a t e d Year P l a n . of  by t h e  He a l s o  dwelt  a p o l a r i z a t i o n of  tendencies'  which,  view,  i n the  the  First  on t h e  rural  Five  question  countryside  towards  only  of  extensively  classes  'spontaneous in his  requirements  and  the  capitalism  rapid collectivization  could  overcome. ' The q u e s t i o n sociopolitical important  tended means  one.  "as  to to  the  ability  surplus  from  criteria  for  masses o f they  overly  of  the  least  5 0  were  extract  an  tended  to  utility Yet,  equally  being  on  as  h e l d back  P a r t y members who  danger  of  p.  and  that  150.  not  the  become  the  value  other  there  that  to  the  socialism,  along  was a r e a l  rural  of  hand,  slow-moving  'tottered  intervene  order  increasing  and the  by  an  Maurice  than  convinced  a p o l a r i z a t i o n of did  is  productivity  C h i n e s e p e a s a n t s were y e a r n i n g f o r  cautious  Meisner,  economy  cooperation." at  economic  to  the  rather  or more  a modern i n d u s t r i a l  ends,  determining  collectivization  5 0  hand, according to  state  rural  the  decison  overriding goal,  women w i t h bound f e e t , ' ominous  one  pressures  were  promoting Mao's  socialist  the  Mao a p p e a r e d  that  the  economic  concerns  b u i l d i n g of  achieve  and t h e  in On t h e  become  agricultural  whether  political  factors  intriguing Meisner,  of  classes  halt  and like and if  growing  49  inequality. imbued  with  sponsored a  Many p e a s a n t s had emerged the  slogan  fortune"  eradicate him t o  the  To s u p p o r t  his  in  income  middle peasant r*ich  western land  studies  contrary,  the  toward g r e a t e r  on t h e  was  only  w h i c h seemed  to  yuan,  to  While  empirically  of  such  the  some - -  survey  775  yuan  1300  yuan  years  recent following  of  that,  observeable  possibility  of  household  some  p o l a r i z a t i o n and  "middle p e a s a n t i z a t i o n , "  minds  one  comapred t o  i n the  rural  levels  and as much a s 5 1  alike.  a number of  no e m p i r i c a l e v i d e n c e  that  making to  poor peasant  argued that  class  remains a f a c t  fear  490  households.  have  reform there  According  average  of  and  determined  significant  households  peasant  t o w a r d greater  it  the  officially  r i c h and n o n - r i c h  could cite  inequality.  had an a n n u a l  for  Mao  was  mentality  revealed  1954,  (then)  and Mao  peasant  case,  the  up a h o u s e h o l d  many p e a s a n t s ,  which  conducted  "setting  rich  socioeconomic  for  of  of  (fajiazhifu),  afflict  surveys  spirit  from l a n d r e f o r m  a  trend on  the  trend  was  nevertheless  5 2  of  s u c h was  and e s p e c i a l l y  Mao,  a who  N o l a n , p . 203. O t h e r examples a r e c i t e d i n S t a v i s , p. 54.56. S e e , f o r e x a m p l e , Mark S e i d e n , " C o o p e r a t i o n and C o n f l i c t : C o o p e r a t i v e and C o l l e c t i v e F o r m a t i o n i n C h i n a ' s C o u n t r y s i d e , " a n d Edward F r i e d m a n , "Maoism, t i t o i s m , S t a l i n i s m : some O r i g i n s and C o n s e q u e n c e s o f t h e M a o i s t T h e o r y of t h e S o c i a l i s t T r a n s i t i o n , " b o t h i n Mark S e i d e n and V i c t o r L i p p i t t , e d s . The Transition to Socialism in China, (New Y o r k : M . E . S h a r p e I n c . , 1982). 5 1  5 2  50  was d e f i n i t e l y  as  and m e n t a l i t y  as  much c o n c e r n e d by q u e s t i o n s he was  by  empirically  of  values  observeable  trends. In t h e recognize economic were  final  in  analysis,  Mao's  goals  what  speech  is  the  It  is  call  to  --  social  r e v o l u t i o n and economic  erect  historically  significant  future  of  heralding strategy time  for  on t h e  July  1955  collectivization  1949  was  a  rigour  o n l y now  consequence.  inauguration  of  p.  148.  less  than  distinctive  reiteration  of  it  scene.  for 5 3  the  socialist  was a p p l i e d  Mao's J u l y  with  economic  strategy  transformation w i t h much  more  infinitely  more  speech  struggle  did constitute  Meisner,  Meisner  rapid  China,  5 3  no  the  to a c h i e v e  social  it  for  most  Mao i n v o k e d  accomplishing but  fusing  first  class and  for  the  and e n t h u s i a s m and i n v e s t e d  political the  --  as  and Mao's  Maurice  development  historical  which  of  consequential  to  which  g r o w t h - - w h i c h was  speech  w h i c h had f o r m a l l y g u i d e d t h e along  to  aspect  "Maoism" a s a  socioeconomic post  this  a strategy  and  appearance of  The s t r a t e g y  all  important  extent  Chinese development.  Mao's the  the  precisely  speech  identifies  most  and s o c i o p o l i t i c a l c o n c e r n s m i n g l e d  interwoven.  course  is  d i d not  as a  change  weapon in  the, e n s h r i n e m e n t  mark for  socialist of  this  51  concept,  to  previously  a stature received  The  possibly  strategy  called  for  Party  make common c a u s e w i t h and u n i t e lower  m i d d l e p e a s a n t s who made  rural  populace.  strategists, this  According  it  was  m a j o r i t y to  in pressing theory,  count  60-70% o f  the  in  "take  for  the  on t h e rural  campaign;  were t o for  join  with  operation,  within in order  consolidated  socialist  i n the  path".  the  just  support  as  of  of  Therefore,  of  at  in  least  course  l a n d l o r d s were  the  p e a s a n t s were  out"  two  as  the  They  movement  Rich to  the  peasants  be a l l o w e d  years  to  of  their  APCs w o u l d  become  p o o r and l o w e r  middle  that  the  to the  were not  first  hands  rural  of  developed.  ensure  the  R i c h p e a s a n t s were  "frozen  the  and  Party could,  d u r i n g the  landlords)  to  other  during c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n .  collectives former  APCs  peasant  targets  to  self-interests  land reform r i c h  be p r o g r e s s i v e l y  forming  (along  of  cadres  m a j o r i t y of and  material  population.  collectivization  class  ever  poor p e a s a n t s  Mao  automatic  isolated  principal  had  achieving  and l o c a l  up t h e  collectivization  target  it  for  the  to  the  be p r o g r e s s i v e l y  main c l a s s  than  i n CCP h i s t o r y .  class-based  collectivization  higher  majority. * 5  S e e Model Regulations for an Agricultural Producers' Cooper ati ve, ( P e k i n g : F o r e i g n Languages P r e s s , 1956). On t h e C C P ' s c l a s s - b a s e d s t r a t e g y f o r a c h i e v i n g s o c i a l i s t t r a n s f o r m a t i o n , and t h e management of c l a s s 5 4  52  By  any  measure,  enthusiastically seemed  to  Mao's  call,  confirm  Mao's  populist  nearly  name o n l y :  the  and l a r g e l y sufficient for  an a c t i v e  No m a t t e r  hastily,  the  that  to  amazing  silence  even Mao  to  rapidly  outstripping  himself  had s e t  1956,  that  within  in  the  movement  the  little  the  existed  his  July  critics,  months  that  full  critics),  targets  No one  p r o c l a i m the  Mao  foresaw December,  "transition  countryside  of  astonished  staunchest  speech.  Chinese  which  establish  more t h a n a y e a r , , by to  was  "high t i d e "  to  in  voluntary  movement  upwardly r e v i s e d  i n the  socialist  cynical  so-called  most  established  some  weeks and  the  mention  the  were  with a swiftness  Mao w o u l d be a b l e  socialism"  of  which  that  and e s s e n t i a l l y  In t h e  the  manner  take  even M a o ' s most  proceeded (not  a  responded  faith  that  character  Mao's speech —  collectives  to  and  speed  being.  --  in  many c o l l e c t i v e s  overnight,  collectivization  then  desire  non-violent  time  followed  peasants  to  p e a s a n t s had road.  Chinese  to  "basically  complete".  The s w i f t n e s s evidence  of  of  the  an e f f o r t l e s s  campaign  overall  transformation  localities  themselves.  "(cont'd) 18, 2 9 - 3 0 ,  s t r u g g l e i n t h e v i l l a g e s , see 274, 288, 3 2 4 - 3 2 6 , 3 3 7 - 3 4 1 .  5  As the  following  is  not  i n the  rural  chapters  show,  Shue,  p.  7-8,  53  the  collectivization  Chinese areas  of  of  rural  and p r o b l e m a t i c c o u r s e , and  uncertainty,  unsuccessful of  alliance  Overseas  Guangdong  in  the  troubled  marked by i d e o l o g i c a l  confusion  an  uneasy  between t h e and  Chinese  the  followed  Overseas  a  and  collectivization  dome'stic  agriculture  class-bound  "united  policy.  and  front"  ultimately strategy aims  of  54  CHAPTER  II:  C h i n e s e S o c i a l i s m and t h e  Contradictory  Image of t h e Huaqi ao  The H i s t o r i c a l  The  L e g a c i e s of E m i g r a t i o n  Overseas  represent features  one of  of  that  landscape.  Chinese the  most  province's  The were  the  their  strong  outside  world  with  of  the  connections'), status, cases, Vogel  sources even,  presence "The  in  countryside,  are)  (haiwai  of  of  Guangdong  with greater  religion  or abandoned  presence  of  close  few  has  technology,  to  socioeconomic areas  guanxi ,  and c u l t u r e .  Ezra  Overseas  Chinese  following  throughout  to  and,  social some  i n the  ties  'overseas  in  the  wealth,  the  Kwangtung  w i t h more are  the  terms.  elaborate communities  Overseas  Chinese.  these Overseas Chinese adopted C h i n e s e ways  contributed the  spirit  upon links  i n w e a l t h and  language  weight  Although  unique  p e r s o n a l and e c o n o m i c  scattered  particularly  and  distinguishable  homes a n d modern p u b l i c b u i l d i n g s , with  Guangdong  Chinese  income and l i v e l i h o o d ,  the  rural  villages  distinctive  marked d i f f e r e n c e s of  rural  Overseas  (and s t i l l  differences  describes  of  "complicated"  rural  historically basis  areas  of  thought,  to  knowledge  of  scientific  of  foreign their foreign  inquiry,  to  55  modern s p e c i a l i z e d foreign  trade.  The  and  which  significant  confronted  South C h i n a d u r i n g the  returned Overseas  family  dependents,  Chinese  the  historic  coastal  Caribbean  and P a c i f i c  and,  originated  in  (approximately  11  to  legacy  a  of  PRC  several  from  centuries  of  overcrowded  China,  extent,  Chinese  estimates)  the  of  lesser  Islands  the  from t h r e e  p o r t i o n of  the  adjacent  for  the  Taishan  to  Communists  mainly  the  and s c a t t e r e d  to  Americas, other  parts  globe.  Historically,  western  for  Chinese  C h i n e s e and Overseas  provinces  Asia  the  outlets  Overseas  1950's  emigration  Southeast  of  to  Chinese  according  peasant  southeastern  the  early  million  represented  and  5 5  large  presence  organizations,  siyi  four  eastern counties,  Guangdong  northeastern  tip  overseas  main a r e a s  (four  lie  and  of  in  to  counties) of  the  River Delta  and  collective  name  the  of  west  including  Southern Hainan  area,  Kaiping,  Enping,  of  the  Meixian  Fujian; Island.  emigration  South C h i n a :  Guangdong's P e a r l  counties  which  bulk  and,  Xinhui  delta and  and  region; Chaoshan  finally,  the  5 6  V o g e l , p . 21. 0 n t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n of O v e r s e a s C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t i e s i n G u a n g d o n g , see L i a n g R e n c a i , Guangdong ji ngji diIi , ( B e i j i n g : Kexue C h u b a n s h e , 1 9 5 6 ) . 5 5  5 6  56  E a s t e r n Guangdong sources  of  the  earliest  fifteenth  century  regularly  departed  Swatow, junk  Amoy  trade  and  routes  Chinese  at  least,  this  and  southern  to  Southeast  m i d 19th c e n t u r y .  pressures:  a  build  railroads  the  plantations mounting  It  internal  Asia.  begin  to  rural  p r o p o r t i o n s due  to  several  As  of  have of  factors.  written,  the  --  of the  the  that  have  population pressure,  disruption, natural  authors  "Chinese m i g r a t i o n  major f o r c e s  history  Pearl  the  foreign  River  delta  infamous  5 8  for  "coolie"  the  trade  the  the one  to  twin  mines  by  and  1850  a had  confluence recent  to  of study  v e r y much a p r o d u c t Chinese  weakness  and  and  a  the  overpopulated  siyi  human c a r g o in  in  A m e r i c a s , and  political  adjacent  of  labour  s h a p e d modern  P e a s a n t s of  and t h e  main s o u r c e s  is  intervention,  catastrophes."  cheap  which  reached desperate  had  later,  in response  the  crisis  the  5 7  in  and  Since  port c i t i e s  u n t i l well  work  Asia  the  well-established  demand f o r  and  Southeast  the  developed  burgeoning  of  via  were  peasants  following  Mass m i g r a t i o n d i d n o t the  emigrants. Chinese  area  Foochow  Fujian  series  a r e a were  one  w h i c h made  indentured labour  of  up  (from  0 n the e a r l i e s t Chinese m i g r a t i o n to Southeast A s i a , see V i c t o r P u r c e l l , The Chinese in Southeast Asia, (London: O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1951), p . 11-38. H a r r y Con e t a l . , From China to Canada: A History of the Chinese Communities in Canada, e d . Edgar W i c k b e r g , ( T o r o n t o : M c C l e l l a n d and S t e w a r t L t d . , 1 9 8 2 ) , p . 6. 5 7  5 8  57  the  Chinese  and  early  subsided,  kul i ,  'bitter  20th mass  so-called  centuries. migration  "chain  relatives  joined  previous  eventually  imposition  of  immigration  to  when t h e  whereby  ground  to  1923  5 9  a  and  of and  Mass  emigration  halt  with  example  War a n d t h e  form  families  i n C a n a d a ) , and to  Second World  19th trade  the  bans  (for  late  coolie  in  migrants.  North America  the  the  continued  restrictions  Act of  of  As  migration",  eventually  Exclusion  strength'  the  on  Chinese  the  Chinese  Southeast  Japanese  Asia  occupation  intervened. Over  this  period  emigration,  the  gradually  evolved  socioeconomic many r e s p e c t s , w o r l d of  home a r e a s  features  which they  elderly, 20th  evolved and  century of  to  which c l e a r l y  set  rest  of  the  the  home  contain  of  1  Until  common  migrate,  well  practice in  part  in  peasant  part.  a preponderance 6  and  them a p a r t ,  Chinese  areas  mass  emigrants  demographic  was to  of  the  remained n o n e t h e l e s s a  it  males  a  (jiaxiang)  young c h i l d r e n .  century,  able-bodied  nearly  distinctive  from t h e  Demographically, gradually  of  6 0  emigrants of  women,  into for  because  the only some  i b i d . , p . 5. S e e Chen T a , Emigrant Communities in South China: A Study of Overseas Migration and its Influence on Standards of Living and Social Change, (New Y o r k : S e c r e t a r i a t , I n s t i t u t e of P a c i f i c R e l a t i o n s , 1940). F i t z g e r a l d , p . 4. 5 9 6 0  6 1  58  countries  refused  discourage  the  communities. outwardly  hope  origin  the  6  their  of  important  national  and  migration in  before  Hence  the  historically  to  huaqiao  for  the  of  of  or  "Chinese  these  support link  6 3  for  was of  In  jiaxiang.  One  of  family  looked  l i n k of  primary or  sole  as  regular  dependents. has at  been from  estimated source  one-third  of of  of the  e c o n o m i e s o r even was  many  not to  it  as  of  tended  historically  1957  many  however,  the  local  and  intention  their  whether  formed t h e  livelihood  with  returned,  the  abroad,  individuals,  economy.  never  with  links  importance,  remittances  used  the  course,  remittance  perspective  was,  fortune  jiaxiang.  term  jiaxiang  the  enormous  one's  T h o s e who went  remittances  it  2  tangible  The  to  to  Chinese  — a sojourn abroad  personal  emigrants:  preserve most  regarded that  a  so as  permanent  generally  Chinese  Many huaqiao,  returning.  females  importance,  amassing  these  left  of  temporary d u r a t i o n  soujourners".  too  Chinese  equal  returning  of  describe  of  least,  of  ultimately  to  formation  But  at  w o u l d be of the  entry  the that  income the  T h e e v o l v i n g u s a g e o f t h i s t e r m i s d e s c u s s e d i n Wang Gunguw, " E x t e r n a l C h i n a as a New P o l i c y A r e a , " Pacific Affairs 1 ( S p r i n g 1 9 8 5 ) . See a l s o F i t z g e r a l d , p . x. 0 n t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f r e m i t t a n c e s t o Guangdong i n t h e p r e - 1 9 4 9 p e r i o d , see Yao C h e n g y i n , Guangdong sheng de huaqiao huikuan, (Shangwu y i n s h u g u a n , 1 9 4 3 ) . 6 2  6 3  59  country's family often or  t h e n more  dependents. * were e i t h e r  production  themselves.  in  source  According  to  exchange  in the  Sino-Soviet reasons,  form the  300  Soviet  --  communist p o l i c i e s  was n o t uncommon  be of  near  totally  remittances.  As  communist  were  towards  be  CCP  to  6 5  an  earnings. to of  have  foreign  terms,  worth  1950.  figure the  viewed as  main s o u r c e in value  of  government  appears  U n i o n under the of  balance  exchange  million  Friendship Treaty  remittances  the  the  1950's  $U.S.  from t h e  age  agricultural  national  foreign  to  early  the  for  Fitzgerald,  the  it  c o n t i n u e d to  of  remittances  extracted  offset  No l e s s  expected  e x c e s s of  dependents  ( b e c a u s e of in  to  Chinese  had h i s t o r i c a l l y p e r f o r m e d a v a l u a b l e  remittances  important  family  engage  economies  helping  1949,  to  Overseas  unable  u n i n t e r r u p t e d flow  payments d e f i c i t . after  these cases  Furthermore  village  on t h e  million  u n w i l l i n g or  remittances  function  10  capacity)  entire  dependent well,  In  6  physical  for  than  well  of  in  credits  terms of For a l l  the these  very prominently in  Overseas Chinese  after  1 949. Economically evolution  of  the  and  socially,  the  O v e r s e a s C h i n e s e home  historical areas  *(?/ aowubao 27 F e b r u a r y , 1957, p . 10. S e e F i t z g e r a l d , p . 121-122. A l s o E c k s t e i n , on t h e e x a c t amount o f S o v i e t a i d .  is  both  6  6 5  p.  154-9  60  fascinating earlier, lower this of  and c o m p l e x .  the  than  the  the  In  in  the  River  huaqi ao had been  even  the  change,  and t h e  --  their  until  the  of  the  delta.  riches  case  of  after  first  area's  housing,  rich  dress  and  poor  and e a t i n g  county  began  habits.  emigrants  establishing  so-called  they  the  near  of to  to  lineage  the  the  North  new v i l l a g e s  a  returned  Guan  Pearl  Tuofu  area  this  century  appear  between  in  the  l o c a l merchants.  emigrants  a  century,  terms  The w e a l t h y of  when  constituted  inhabitants,  successful  Guan  of  decade  composed p r e d o m i n a n t l y  successful  rose  the CCP.  twentieth  villages  a r e a were  and  status  became  for  frequently  i n c r e a s i n g l y marked d i f f e r e n c e s the  issue  residents  the  social  huaqi ao  the  Kaiping  revolution  dependents,  among members o f of  1911  communist p e r i o d  the  i n the  Former  6 6  that  part Chinese  Tuofu area  reported  of  the  to  early  nouveaux  was  and  p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l  Overseas  of  Qing p e r i o d  Following  background  the  returned  the  including  thereafter  contentious  as  began  huaqi ao,  class  class  status  merchants.  situation  steadily  to,  social  During  of  the  families After  America  (xi n cun)  to  of  of 1920  began house  Y u e n - f o n g Woon, Social Or gani zat i on in South China: The Case of the Kuan Lineage in K'ai-p'ing County, (Ann A r b o r : C e n t e r f o r Chnese S t u d i e s , U n i v e r s i t y of M i c h i g a n , 1984). 6 6  61  their  relatives  buildings (yang  in these  I ou)  and  amenities; The  and dependents  some were of  informants  renowned  for  conspicuous  villages  usually  inhabitants  elderly  new  i n the were  equipped  with  the  villages,  new  resident  at  especially  weddings  s p o r t e d western  clothing  Eventually,  new v i l l a g e s  words,  village tenant  farmers,  Overseas  their qingyi). the  local  elite;  neighbourhoods  unsuccessful  reveal  the  an  became  labourers  emigrants. Chinese,  indulgence  i n the  feelings  over of  Historically  manifestations over  the  became their  on  ritual  and f u n e r a l s .  Many  western  fashions.  neighbourhoods  the  as  well  older  inhabited  for  —  in  original  solely  by  families  of  and  the  past  and t o d a y  past  what  they  of  have this  as  refer  local affinity"  In p a r t i c u l a r , t h e y  concrete  to  6 8  immense p r i d e  "enduring  while  watchtowers.  time,  p r o s p e r o u s m e r c h a n t s a n d modern s c h o l a r s other  style  lifestyle,  and f o l l o w e d became  in  according  the  sumptuous  The  6 7  western-style  w i t h manned  their  the  foreign  outfitted  consumption and l a v i s h  celebrations,  Tuofu a r e a .  taken great enduring  c e n t u r y o r more t h e  well, to  as  (xiangtu pride  in  affinity. Overseas  B y c o n t r a s t , i n e a s t e r n Guangdong and s o u t h e r n F u j i a n r e t u r n e d e m i g r a n t s t e n d e d t o e s t a b l i s h new neighbourhoods and i n v e s t m e n t s i n the t r e a t y p o r t s of t h e a r e a s u c h as Amoy a n d Swatow, r a t h e r t h a n i n t h e i r home v i l l a g e s . Woon, p. 55-56. 6 7  6 8  62  C h i n e s e have to  the  been  social  home a r e a s , through  p r o m i n e n t and i m p o r t a n t  welfare  and e c o n o m i c  both through  investments  and  contributions.  Overseas  for  the  example,  Guangdong, funding the  to  scholarships,  funds  be t h e time) roads  railroads  particular  attraction  the  late  its  association  19th  the  projects  in their  the  market  their  town o f  every  family  to  dependent.  Con e t  al.,  p.  of  China  at  earnings. for  of a  investors  in  because  of  well  as  electrification and  contributed  where By  they  1930  example,  had  Guangzhou" b e c a u s e  113.  had  as  owned by an O v e r s e a s itself  to the  building  perhaps  home v i l l a g e s ,  in Kaiping,  entirely said  Chinese  towns,  and  example,  construction  in  in  was  i n the  invested  market  and  greatly,  almost  in a l l  heavily  The town  "Little  also  for  industrialization)  overseas Qigan  and  teachers  Canada,  centuries,  rural  their  projects  1920's  built  for Overseas  They  10 s h o p s was  nickname o f  See  school,  m o d e r n i z a t i o n of  invested  (in  (railroad  with  transport.  6 9  etc.,  and 2 0 t h  maritime  of  training  invested  and  of  modern e d u c a t i o n  schools,  modern h i g h s c h o o l  They a l s o  6 9  of  from T a i s h a n e m i g r e s  most  remittances,  philanthropic  development  building  advancement  Chinese contributed  T a i s h a n modern h i g h  with  to  family  contributors  often in  the  nine  out  Chinese  acquired of  the  or the  extent  63  and v a r i e t y  of  its  The human tradition composed social  of  enduring  of  a  benefits  motive Another been  the  economic  to  faced force  Overseas maintain 1949  course,  economies of  it  the  W o o n , p. 31. various social Chinese i n the  their  also  Overseas  of  charitable  emigres  bestowed  of  to  upon  from  the  see their  simple  investment.  practiced of  precarious Overseas  feel  it  of  political  and  Chinese  circumstances  have  extent which  with  and  China.  Communists e n d e a v o u r e d  this  r i c h jiaxiang  vital Chinese  factor  to  tradition. i n the  a r e a s and  For a d e t a i l e d d e s c r i p t i o n a n d economic e n d e a v o u r s o f Guan l i n e a g e of T u o f u , see  it have  both necessary  links  has by  residence  To a s i g n i f i c a n t  Chinese  a  piety,  acquisition  countries  various  was  are  which d e s e r v e s mention  these  to  jiaxiang  and f i n a l l y  the  Chinese  heirs  the  part  huaqi ao  filial  the  derived  and t h e  of  of  policies  abroad.  the  make t h e m s e l v e s  7 0  of  circumstances  After  Of  homes,  ingredient  Chinese,  been t h e  wise  on t h e  discriminatory  historically  made t h e  with  profit  i n many  the  the  inherited  modernization  important  Overseas  has  of  financial  governments the  desire  and a n c e s t r a l  of  with  mixture  associated  7 0  underlie  culturally  a sincere  relatives  affinity  complicated  prestige,  weal'th,  amenities.  s e n t i m e n t s which  responsibilities  the  modern  local  therefore  of t h e the Overseas p. 52-73.  64  was  something  either.  As w i l l  efforts  to  various  links  their  --  as  the  home  effects  as  far  real  the  of  1950's large  purchased  the  regions,  to  severe.  The e f f e c t  was  the of  influx  Many  Chinese  of  negative  land  influx,  Overseas  alluvial  their  during  7 1  and  detrimental  real  since Chinese of  the  estate  sands a r e a s  land concentration,  this  in  One  Chinese  of  homeland.  positive  i n d e b t e d n e s s were a l l of  less  features  severely  amounts  fertile  time  the  their  in Guangdong.  where  and r u r a l  --  same  --  above.  by O v e r s e a s  the  pressure,  have  the  between e m i g r a n t s as  Overseas  investment  in  fact  preserve  some o f  with  those d e s c r i b e d  early  were  7 2  in  substantial  the  t h e y were c o n c e r n e d  w h i c h was  investors delta  with  were  for  to  ignore  it. at  areas  One,  estate  were  relationship  simply  and t o  upon  which developed  --  to  CCP went  links  i n the  properties  as  afford  tradition  concerned  Chinese  repercussions  W o r l d War  the  the  Communists  many o f  development  reform  seen,  equally  Overseas  Not a l l  be  w h i c h were b u i l t  the  undoubtedly  the  CCP c o u l d not  maintain  Yet,  savoury  the  of  population  particularly  Overseas  Chinese  The d i s c u s s i o n w h i c h f o l l o w s on t h i s s u b j e c t i s b a s e d m a i n l y on R o b e r t Y . E n g , " I n s t i t u t i o n a l a n d S e c o n d a r y L a n d l o r d i s m i n the P e a r l R i v e r D e l t a , 1900-19491," Modern China 12 ( J a n u a r y 1 9 3 6 ) : p . 2 0 - 2 5 . F o r p o p u l a t i o n s t a t i s t i c s and tenancy c o n d i t i o n s i n t h e d e l t a r e g i o n and S o u t h C h i n a i n g e n e r a l , see D a v i d F . K . I p , "The D e s i g n of R u r a l D e v e l o p m e n t : Experiences from s o u t h C h i n a , 1 9 4 9 - 1 9 7 6 . " P h . D . d i s s e r t a t i o n , 7 1  7 2  65  real  estate  so-called  secondary  happened, 1920's,  investment  so-called  Overseas  (contracts  as  h i g h as  sublet  the  companies  exploitative expense  of  to  10 y e a r  tenants  practices  acquired and  impoverished  basis  periods).  on a s h o r t  annual harvest.  quickly  then  long-term  for  These  tenant  farmers.  of  i n G u a n g d o n g , Fang F a n g ,  important policy Long  the  7 2 7  3  person  i n the Tang,  Japanese Pearl  top o f f i c i a l  PRC) a c c u s e d of  seizing  o c c u p a t i o n to River  delta.  t o huge p r o p o r t i o n s .  (and s u b s e q u e n t l y  i n c h a r g e of  domestic  one upon  the  Overseas  s u c h company, the  "grab up" v a s t  advantage tracts  of  Columbia,  1979.  then most  Chinese  the  7 3  ( c o n t ' d ) U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h NFRB 6 November 1950 i n CB 5 1 .  at Many  On t h e  province's  for  windfall profits  holdings  the  land  notoriety  expanded t h e i r land reform  term  usually  eventually eve  form  landlords,  sharecropping arrangements,  50-70% of  development  the  then  a c c o r d i n g to  their  a  to  which  absentee  on  the  wealthy  banded t o g e t h e r  20-30  Chinese,  by  and  companies'  of What  especially  n o r m a l l y were made o u t  The l a n d s were basis  development of  dizhu).  merchants  capital'  properties  (erlu  that,  local  'idle  'land  rented the  was  of  compradores w i t h  to cause a p r o l i f e r a t i o n  landlordism  typically, groups  usually  was  Ming  of land  the in  66  A final the  CCP  aspect  which  relationship abroad since late  to  their  Chinese  national  to  Since  potential  fifth  Revolution  always  of  Overseas  the  subversive  to  the tap  national  to  woo  with  Chinese,  the  first  the  appeals and  support  f o r Ming  like  rulers or  Cultural  which  column elements acts  Q i n g Emperor  also in  towards  banned  all  a crime punishable  by  by c o n c e r n  as  most  real  the  Chinese,  loyalists  restoration;  Chinese For  as  official  making i t  Chinese  footing.  unlike  fifth  first  from C h i n a ,  and c e n t r a l  (not  the  anti-Manchu pirates  all  in  patriotism  huaqiao,  of  a Ming  of  Overseas  The ban was m o t i v a t e d  stage  governments  China's dynastic  the  death.  to  time  huaqiao  on t h i s  columnists  In one  emigration  the  huaqiao  distrusted  view  huaqiao  jiaxiang.  between t h e  them as  society).  of  the  Qing attempts that  by  historical  nationalism  attempted  imperial period,  and  regarded  first  traditions  their  were n o t  late  Chinese  have  great  despised  the  and t h e  China  two  Relations  the  Overseas  inherited  the  successive  in  governments  is  between  and m o r a l s u p p o r t  attachment  of  mention  Chinese wealth.  financial  legacy  existed  g r o w t h of  governments  huaqiao  has  19th c e n t u r y  Overseas  the  deserves  that  and the  of  for  Overseas  and t h e i r  attempts  well  as  their  aid  to  K o x i n g a who had made p i r a c y an  67  endemic 1717  problem along  the  subjects  Gangxi to  China's  Emperor  benevolence  all  t h o s e who had gone prior.  was w i l l i n g t o  His  unsuccessfully  to  trade.  Frustrated,  abroad  the  to  go  in  system  he  u n l i c e n s e d ever  Overseas of  "pardon"  to  r e i g n began,  Y o n g l e Emperor of  abroad for 1728  In  a measure  full  his  coast.  his  and as  extend  implement a  residents  all  abroad since  successor  coastal  went  summoned  r e t u r n home p r o m p t l y ,  his  years  southeastern  forbade  to  tried  licensing  short  return,  for  periods  all  57  those  to who  upon p a i n  of  death. It steady the  was  the  supplies  Qing  of  its  of  rulers  emigration. clause  western  secure  c h e a p l a b o u r , who e v e n t u a l l y  forced  take  a  anxious  more  tolerant  The P e k i n g C o n v e n t i o n o f  by w h i c h t h e subjects  forbidding  to  to  powers,  Qing to  1860  r e c o g n i z e d the emigrate,  e m i g r a t i o n was n o t  but  view  contained  "legal the  officially  of a  right"  Qing  law  repealed  until  1893. When t h e emigration,  Qing  it  possibilities  finally  was b e c a u s e of  growing  ban  on  had f u l l y awakened t o  the  politics  of  the  and t h e  the  Chinese wealth  and b e c a u s e  involvement  Chinese domestic  repeal  tapping Overseas  China's modernization, the  it  did  it  was  Overseas birth  for  witnessing Chinese  in  and u p s u r g e  of  68  Overseas of  Chinese n a t i o n a l i s m .  the  nineteenth  constitutionalists, to  carry  politics  into Overseas  sought  contending  moral  been  special  in  death-throes,  Overseas of  the  majority  that  nanyang  later,  made Chinese  where  support  for  it the  Qing  financial especially  Chinese,  without  they their  and e n t i c e d  not  to  with  return  to were  expressly in  its  a d o p t e d an  investment the  Chinese  schools  1893,  finally  officials  for final  all-out  and s u p p o r t  from  'mandarin-capitalists'  O c e a n ' ; Southeast  Asia).  ignored these Qing overtures in  part  that  the  C h i n e s e were a n t i - M a n c h u and  sided  evidence,  it  to  been  direct  because  7 4  has  much  Overseas  Overseas  consulate  was  largely  Qing  San F r a n c i s c o  ('Southern  have  of  that  contacted  But  Chinese,  Overseas  assumed,  domestic  some f a r - s i g h t e d  Cuba and  attract  Historians the  financial  urging  Somewhat  to  all  Chinese communities,  and  be  purpose.  effort  of  decades  monarchists,  revolutionaries struggles  1867,  begun  established this  as  skills  China.  closing  causes.  As e a r l y had  the  the  century  and  attempts  each  In  " T h e s e Q i n g e f f o r t s form t h e s u b j e c t of a r e c e n t book by M i c h a e l G o d l e y , The Mandarin-Capitalists from Nanyang: Overseas Chinese Enterprise in the Modernization of China, 1893-1911, (Cambridge: C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 8 1 ) . See a l s o E d g a r W i c k b e r g , The Chinese in Philippine Life, 1950-1898, (New H a v e n : Y a l e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1965). 7  69  with  the  r e f o r m e r s and r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s .  Overseas that and  C h i n e s e were a p o l i t i c a l ,  were p o l i t i c a l l y influential  concept  of  evidence  active,  were slow  revolution.  that  beleaguered  when  responded with  call  fact,  minority  most  powerful  Sun  finally  Yat  came  and  Sen's  interesting from  Chinese  enthusiasm  most  the  provides  many O v e r s e a s  decided  the  support  Godley  the  dynasty,  and o f  many of  to  In  the  capitalists  some  material  support. In t h e s e  last  same  measures  since  have  including  passports.  inform  to  PRC h a l f woo  modernization  Chinese  The  Overseas greatly GMD  The  of  a reception  a century  special office  expanded  its  1911  in  returning exactly  later.  Chinese  began  to  returning  — an i n s t i t u t i o n  Party, with  i n Guangdong.  for  creation  Qing  efforts  and accommodate  Chinese businessmen  Revolution.  support  the  support,  1949.  various  movement  the  governments  Chinese since  undertook  established  greet,  The q u e s t  Overseas  Overseas  of  And t h e y  Chinese  government  example,  r e p l i c a t e d by t h e  1911  woo  including  Guangzhou t o  China's  to  freedom  businessmen,  were b o r n some of  successive  communist  for  facilitate  Overseas  which  copied the  officials,  ditch efforts  as  wealth  for  following  the  an  strongest  essentially roots  r e v o l u t i o n was  of  partly  70  financed  by O v e r s e a s  Chinese c o n t r i b u t i o n s .  surprise  then,  within  power  the  first  'fact  the  that  new  republican  finding'  possibilities  cooperation  with  established  on  Guangzhou, Affairs  Overseas in  exactly  Also  1926  of  of  1926  their  its  GMD  to  with  distance their to  observe  the  nationality that of  was  1909  of  first  attitudes  down  the  Chinese  the  and  the  three to  basic  guarantee countries  the  of  for Overseas i n the  the  Overseas  in  -- a  of  principle  turnabout  Chinese.  to  their  Qing N a t i o n a l i i t y  complete  to  continued  sanguinis  Chinese  this  and  and p o l i t i c s  The GMD a l s o jus  for  Chinese  politics,  culture  China  Beyond  Overseas  Chinese  its  institution.  i n the  motherland.  residence.  the  GMD  created  investments  expressed  towards  1949  in  Chinese  their  from  and s y m b o l i z e d  the  GMD  Office  encourage  principle  policy  the  Overseas  Chinese p o l i c y :  urged  China  themselves  countries  laid  1921  r e t u r n to  i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n of  identify  after  political  their  the  government  the  its  explore  encourage  education,  GMD  and t o  to  Affairs  The CCP i n  for Overseas  residence,  In  no  assuming  c o m m e r c i a l and  became  Overseas  for  the  nanyang  Chinese  modelled  the  treatment  the  of  was  dispatched  huaqi ao c o m m u n i t i e s .  which  objectives  to  greater  Commission (OCAC).  in  months  government  mission  of  own OCAC,  equal  a few  It  It  in  Act Qing  created  71  problems  of  dual  the  Chinese  its  terms,  the  republic)  father,  nationality  which c o n t i n u e d  Communists more t h a n a Chinese was  subject  (and l a t e r  r e g a r d e d as  regardless  of  anyone  country woo  40 y e a r s  the  GMD c o n t i n u e d  to  and  remittances,  an  effort  Communists w o u l d a l s o  commit  of  to  plague  later.  Under  a citizen  born of  birth.  Overseas  to  a  under  Chinese  Internally,  Chinese which  investment  the  themselves  Chinese  i n the  early  1950's.  The  CCP's C o n t r a d i c t o r y View of the Huaqiao  The  huaqiao  Communists was In a d d i t i o n unique  to  confronting  Chinese  decisions  links  to  account  assigned  century. the  But  huaqi ao  glorious support  and  abroad,  to  of the  i n the they  Overseas for  their  and  by and  complicated. posed  features  necessity  role  Chinese the  rightful  traditons the  making  also  they undertook  jiaxiang,  of  the  Communists had  efforts  Chinese  of  the  their  since  the  by  of  huaqi ao  were  Chinese  and c o n t i n u a n c e  Chinese  unique  the  problems  the  nature  the  the  the  economic  areas,  r e g a r d i n g the  various  had  inherited  thus both c o n s i d e r a b l e  demographic  Overseas  take  legacy  of  nationalism  late  nineteenth to  heirs  convince of  the  patriotism  and  Chinese  Communists  72  found themselves ideological, there of  was  moral  and  socialism  legacy.  constituted historical  one  the  the  has  ongoing  since  the  loyalists front"  an  founding  the  or c a p i t a l i s t  fifth  innately  all  of  these  easily  for  over China  30  years, Ethnic  join a "patriotic members  c o n t r a d i c t o r y v i e w s of Party  the  renmin);  enemy  (Overseas  united  within  (laodong  a g e n t s and  the  taxing  Republic.  " l a b o u r i n g people"  within  and  over  m a j o r GMD s u p p o r t a r e a s  found e x p r e s s i o n  legacy  socialist  well  zhanxian);  the  confusion  to  People's  column  with  huaqiao  difficult  represent  non-and anti-communist  were among t h e  goals  Ideological  of. t h e  b r o a d r a n k s of  The  the  problem  tongyi  way o u t .  fact,  who c o u l d be made t o  (aiguo  which  rest  huaqiao  vexing  for  d i d not  C C P ' s most  and  dilemmas,  simple  inheritances.  who and what been  no  In of  in p e r s i s t e n t  economic  unfortunately  Chinese  huaqiao  embroiled  within;  Chinese  areas  i n Guangdong) the  over  huaqi ao the  past  --  have 30  years. For  the  huaqi ao a r e  CCP has  been  One g e t s a s e n s e o f huaqi ao,  the  look  course  of  who  an e x c r u c i a t i n g the  ideologically,  retrospective over  simply defining  a g o n i e s of from  b a c k on t h e three  deal  of  the  problem. with  Chengzhi's  treatment  d e c a d e s of  what  difficult  how t o  Liao  and  the  PRC h i s t o r y .  the 1978  huaqi ao Liao  73  was  the  son  h e a d of  the  from  1949  then,  as  figure  of  He  her  in that  The history  l i n k with  as  the  of  which  Liao  7 5  until  Even  the  key  more she  as and  succeeded  his  sought  that were  policy  Ribao of  its  in  editorial  the  persecution  Gang and  guanxi )  general  -was  1959.  serving  retrospective  Chinese  defeat  start  Deng X i a o p i n g . the  the  Chinese,  actively  OCAC  L i a o was  mother  role  Liao's  Renmin  vicious  the  (haiwai  for  a  by t h e  Overseas  his  served.  in that  Overseas  celebration  mark  OCAC,  in  Kai)  the  Sun Y a t Sen w i t h whom b o t h  earlier  occasion  published  to  Zhong  his  own d e a t h  a  ago.  of  Chinese  Liao  and d e a t h  the  organization,  and r e m a i n e d  years  end t o  retirement  a V i c e - c h a i r m a n of  h e r 'husband had  few  (Madame  R e v o l u t i o n a r y GMD and C h a i r m a n of  until  a symbolic  mother  Xiangning  Gang  of  inflicted  supporters.  7 6  a new  era  when  their  "overseas  after  only  would  by p o s t - G a n g of  The G a n g ' s v i e w  Cultural t h e y were  for  be  of  the  was  a  Four and  an  It  was  also  domestic  connections"  the  haiwai  and,  the  Overseas  huaqiao  their  nature  --  Four China  tainted in  PRC  appreciated  v i e w of  capitalist  the  the  Revolution by  at  upon  of  not  look  but under  --  and  huaqiao guanxi, therefore,  F i t z g e r a l d . , p . 16. L i a o C h e n g z h i , - " P i p a n " s i r e n b a n g " suowei " h a i w a i g u a n x i " w e n t i de f a n d o n g l u n , " i n bixu zhongshi qi ao wu zhengci , ( B e i j i n g : r e n m i n c h u b a n s h e , 1978). 7 5 7 6  74  innately  evil.  7  More  7  than  C h i n e s e were  roundly  Revolution  a traitorous  as  in  socialist  the  flames  Southeast  China of  Asian  functioning  as  persecuted  at  the  this,  fifth  domestic  during  same t i m e ,  Cultural  Revolution  fears  that  a fifth  the  column f o r  the  the  the  Cultural capitalism  ironically, were  Overseas  column f o r  Overseas  as  fuelling  Chinese  were  spread of  Chinese  of  huaqi ao  Communism o v e r s e a s . The  Cultural  represented  the  ideological the  PRC and  the  CCP,  Chengzhi  despite  the  to  the  put  dependents.  view  of  the  connections  live  did  effects Overseas  not  - - after  under the of  Liao  the  of  the  the  living huaqi ao  d i d not  have  a  the  Gang's overseas  the  huaqi ao  also  from  the  d i d not  the  heritage  of  0 n t h e C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n a t t a c k on the O v e r s e a s C h i n e s e and p r e v i o u s O v e r s e a s C h i n e s e p o l i c y , see F i t z g e r a l d , p . 162-184. 7 7  and  automatically  went o n ,  glorious  on  capitalist  c o l o n i a l i s m and s u f f e r A n d , he  Liao  the  in  in  like  huaqi ao  of  an  eluded  face  rottenness  he s a i d ,  imperialism? Chinese  present  persons  possible  that  of  persistently  of  status  view  gun o f  been  Chengzhi countered  render all,  has  best  essential  with  always  efforts  ideological  the  interpretation  whose r e s o l u t i o n  their  tainted  ultra-left  view  a m b i g u i t y w h i c h has  questionable  society  Revolution  75  patriotism,  as  evidenced  revolution,  their  New F o u r t h A r m y , itself  during  America"?  tongyi  zhanxian)  to  Chinese,  the  said  majority  exploitation  and  of  the  category  he d e f i n e d  workers,  peasants,  merchants.  7 9  of  life, resist  Overseas  Chinese  "labouring  The  that  p . 14. , p . 18.  class  was  were  who had  the  of  huaqi ao  a small  status  clearly "class" it,  number o f  of  the adopt  In t h e  first  originally left  to rule  now,  (Iaodong  broad  among  to  he  remained  people"  alongside  exist  tyrannical  up u n t i l  (aiguo Chinese,  necessary  huaqiao  intellectuals, term i s  might  problem.  in rather  employed only  as the  front'  Overseas  the  right  the  conception  nevertheless  Liao, ibid.  the  and  united all  it  China,  Furthermore,  r a n k s of  7 9  to  of  South  "vast m a j o r i t y "  of  Liao,  approach  poverty,  7 8  1911  Army a n d  Korea  of  'patriotic  understand  from  insist  aid  differences  peasants  communist  the  contribution  task  composed  To c o r r e c t l y  Manchus.  to  the  form a  such c l a s s  an h i s t o r i c a l place,  for  E i g h t Route  their  "war  view,  was  Overseas  the  support  7 8  policy  them.  to  and even the  In L i a o ' s  ignoring  aid  by t h e i r  of  the  said,  renmin) to  --  a  include  from which  when he went on huaqiao  the the  traders  different (jieji)  escape  within  terms petty  poor  actually  and the Liao to had  76  risen  into  the  these Overseas Liao,  only  these  groups,  object the life  of  Chinese  small  of  (ziben  capitalists  maintained,  a patriotic  overseas,  class  united  but  also  their  of  patriotic  to  capitalists.  not  be only  their  because  Most o f  according  should  front,  circumstances  jieji).  were,  and m e d i u m - s i z e d  Liao  historical  record  capitalist  of  All  made  the  because  migration the  of and  historical  contributions  to  the  motherland. The p r o b l e m e n c o u n t e r e d collided the  with  1950's  --  the  growing  for  socialist  concepts  of  class  weapons change.  and for 8 0  achieving  The  dependents,  class  class  (who were  this  view  importance  p a r t i c u l a r l y with  movement  chengfen)  by  the  (jieji  --  status also  of  the  included  of  status  and  huaqiao i n the  of  the the (jieji  douzheng)  revolutionary social  it  during  acceleration  class  struggle  that  in China  transformation  (jieji),  was  as  economic  and  their  patriotic  T h e r u r a l chengfen were was f o l l o w s : p o o r p e a s a n t s , l o w e r - m i d d l e p e a s a n t s , upper m i d d l e p e a s a n t s and the "four bad t y p e s : r i c h p e a s a n t s , l a n d l o r d s , c o u n t e r r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s a n d "bad e l e m e n t s . " On t h e g r o w i n g i m p o r t a n c e o f c l a s s i n C h i n e s e v i l l a g e s a f t e r 1949, see A n i t a C h a n , R i c h a r d M a d s e n , a n d J o n a t h a n U n g e r , Chen Village: The Recent History of a Peasant Community in Mao's China, ( B e r k e l e y : U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s , 1984) a n d R i c h a r d M a d s e n , Power and Morality in a Chinese Village ( B e r k e l e y : U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s , 1 9 8 4 ) . On t h e e v o l u t i o n o f t h e C C P ' s c h a n g i n g c o n c e p t i o n o f c l a s s and t h e p o l i t i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s , see R i c h a r d K r a u s , Class Conflict in Chinese Socialism, (New Y o r k : C o l u m b i a U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , ;1981). 8 0  77  front),  was  difficult  murky,  to  criteria.  complicated,  determine  That  this  their  socioeconomic  remittances,  rent  out  family  class  was  The  problems  policy  dependents  this  in  a  strategy,  peasants. the  peculiar  their  for  the  complained  of  their of  dependence  on  engage  in  requirement  to  main s o u r c e  of  etc.  the  CCP i n  uniting  patriotic  all  As  most  the shows,  confusing  dealing  of  with  for  were s u p p o s e d and  the  and a l s o  frequently, to  the  accomplishing  the  to  the  their  with  According  rely  progressively  on t h e  poor  isolate  mass  to  rich  organizations  implementing  Overseas  m o b i l i z i n g domestic  Overseas  in  of  and  collided  agriculture..  responsibility  whether  huaqiao  front  strategy  participate  of  to  next c h a p t e r of  Cadres working w i t h i n  to  uncertain  overseas,  usual  features  to  the  the  Chinese.  peasants  dual  entirely  their  because  exceedingly of  forced  become one  cadres  Chinese p o l i c y Chinese  the  transformation  and m i d d l e  with  and  was  prescribed class-based socialist  due  reform in the to  Overseas  basis  unwillingness  power  on l a n d  status  domestic  was  landholdings  labour  and v e x i n g  so  production,  their  discussion  the  existence:  their  agricultural  on  was  'overseas connections'  and  socialist  however, exploit  of  transformation,  being  class  frustrated  differences  and  among  78  domestic paper  Overseas  these  preserving  very of  a united too,  nature  the  of  Overseas  amount  of  "mobilizing"  population because  of  comparative  and  the  receiving 8 2  really  funds  could  not  of  the  (tedian) land  that  cadres  were  dependents  on t h e  basis  they  received; reports  remittances  and members  the  as  fruits  of for  cadres the  use  the  general  undeserved  income,  of  of  during  one's  own  to  labour,  lead  lives  scorning a g r i c u l t u r a l production virtues  of  hard  receiving  no d i f f e r e n t  have  been  very  a  1956,  p.  Liao  remittances  from  than o r d i n a r y peasants  of  in  the  c o n v i n c i n g to  many  what  them  seemed t o  g r o u p of  purity.  17 December, 19.  work.  members e m p l o y e d  resentful  accorded to  ideological  *Qiaowubao L i a o , p.  8 2  definition  frequent  from f a m i l y  undue p r i v i l e g e s  s  of  private  luxury,  p e a s a n t s and o f f i c i a l s  dubious  were  i n j u n c t i o n that  o v e r s e a s was  the  e n a b l e d many d e p e n d e n t s  communist  Chengzhi's  city,  there  were not they  of  the  During  regarded remittances  and b e c a u s e  interests  in  reports  remittances  Many c a d r e s  they  to  characteristics"  status  (dongyuan)  APC.  strive  family dependents.  class  collectivization  the  "special  were w i d e s p r e a d the  to  8 1  surrounded  Chinese  determining  of  over  front.  Ambiguity,  the  o r whether  differences  refo'rm t h e r e  of  Chinese,  13.  persons  of  79  In this  fact,  the  popular  p e r i o d was c o m p l e t e l y  virtues  the  CCP was  citizenry. Renmin  A typical  Ribao  in  collectivization,  1950's,  and  clashed  with  Chinese.  of  Cultivate  provides  that  "love  communist to  respecting  labour,  of  promote  among  overcome  the  Finally,  the  tradition  8  3  of  our ideal  is  We the  on t o  RMRB 14 November  1954.  i n the  mid  Overseas  "Resolutely in  Strive  the  Younger  communist  virtues.  train  quality  love  the  our of  urge  of  loving  that  and  and  engage  leisure  and  labour..." "We  creative  should  spirit  and  conservatism.  "Frugality is  people,  younger  actively  physical  dependence  Chinese  of  domestic  them t o  e d i t o r i a l held that the  kind  characteristic  especially  of  of  a special  their  youth  eve  The e d i t o r i a l  noble  went  the  labour".  should  and educate  in  morality  of  key  of  the  its  communist  Virtues  overcome  then  sense of  entitled  "love  labour,  The e d i t o r i a l  communist  the  propagated  image  labour  acquire  labour...to  resentment  of  on  new  three  virtue.  generation  in  this  Communist  t h e s e was  of  a good  popular  The  stated  the  promote among  1954,  actively  way  identified  of  with  during  which appeared  Generation," first  huaqiao  editorial  The e d i t o r i a l ,  8 3  odds  the  to  November,  the  the  at  of  attempting  communist m o r a l v i r t u e s  to  image  and  a  a  fine virtue  80  recognized taught  by a l l .  The y o u n g e r  to continue  this tradition  We e n d o r s e l e i s u r e . . . b u t own  should  and oppose  be  luxury.  i t must be t h e f r u i t  of  one's  labour". The  contrast  of these  image o f d o m e s t i c striking.  In  communist  virtue  virtues with  relied  on  renowned  the  first of  place, with  "loving  remittances for their  production  the  Overseas Chinese could  of  i n general.  s e r i o u s was t h i s p r o b l e m t h a t  a u t h o r i t i e s convened  the  Overseas  Dependents  Chinese  the  more the  domestic  livelihood  disdain  and manual l a b o u r  to  the great majority  for their total  popular  n o t be  regard  labour,"  O v e r s e a s C h i n e s e -- e s p e c i a l l y  and  generation  --  who were  agricultural So w i d e s p r e a d  i n 1953 t h e Guangdong  First  Guangdong  Provincial  Rural  Production  Conference, w i t h the aim of overcoming t h i s d i s d a i n f o r production "labour that  and f o s t e r i n g  i s glorious". mobilizing  participate "principal  C e n t r a l OCAC,  complained  her  no d e s i r e  C W S 29 O c t o b e r  Chinese  production  i n Overseas Chinese a f f a i r s .  in  84  Overseas  agricultural  He X i a n g n i n g ,  C h i n e s e "had  the concept  The C o n f e r e n c e a d o p t e d t h e  domestic  in task"  among them  capacity  as  that the to settle  1953 i n SCMP 6 8 1 .  was 8 4  Chairman returned down i n  that view to the  I n 1955 of  the  Overseas the  rural  81  villages",  and  "belittling realize  roundly  agricultural  that  to  p a t r i o t i s m as nations's  she  engage  well  as  to  domestic  be  in  and  for  failing  to  necessary  in  8 5  for  progress  of  the  The communist v i r t u e s  (jianku  the  the  pusu)  attitudes  of  of  clearly  were  of  many  the  Overseas Chinese. the  and s t r i v i n g f o r dependence  remittances  comparative and l a v i s h  concept  of  self-reliance  of  from  e n a b l e d many  most  domestic 8 6  indulgence  d i d not  domestic  abroad.  luxury,  "overcoming  with  Overseas Chinese  upon  Remittances,  in  elaborate  weddings  and f u n e r a l s .  Overseas  Chinese the  to  "feudal" r i t u a l  worship,  also  as  for conspicuous  ancestor  to  fit  Overseas Chinese noted  dependence" easily  including  adherence  dependents  l a b o u r was a m a n i f e s t a t i o n  living"  missing  Likewise,  the  production"  industrialization.  "hardwork a n d p l a i n seen  castigated  were  communist  geomancy 8 7  not virtue  noted, lives  of  consumption  celebrations, (fengshui)  Thus t h e known of  for  and  domestic their  "frugality"  * CNS 7 F e b u r a r y 1955 i n SCMP 9 8 5 . I n Chen V i l l a g e , t h e I n d o n e s i a n - b o r n " O v e r s e a s Deng" f a l l s i n t o t h i s c a t e g o r y . A c c o r d i n g to R i c h a r d Masden, " h i s f o r e i g n c o n n e c t i o n s and h i s e v i d e n t w e a l t h made him a p p e a r s i n i s t e r t o many o f t h e v i l l a g e r s . " See M a d s e n , p . 125. T h e F e b r u a r y 1955 S t a t e C o u n c i l d e c r e e on p r o t e c t i n g r e m i t t a n c e s e v e n went so f a r a s t o g u a r a n t e e t h e i r l e g i t i m a t e use use f o r s u c h p u r p o s e s . See RMRB 3 M a r c h 1955. The l o c a l p r e s s s u b s e q u e n t l y p r i n t e d many s t o r i e s c e l e b r a t i n g the i n d u l g e n c e of domestic Overseas C h i n e s e in these v a r i o u s r i t u a l s . 5  8 6  8 7  82  either; Overseas  i f anything the popular Chinese  i n this  o p p o s i t e extreme. popular  communist m o r a l i t y , the  period  These  image o f d o m e s t i c  image o f t h e tended  contraditions, Overseas  i neffect  to  Chinese  and  surrounded  of a  Domestic Overseas  CCP p o l i c y  Policy  embark on  from  By  a  Special  1954-1957  moral  late  course  Chinese,  support  w i t h i n and  of  China.  Privileges  and u n c e r t a i n t y  for  1954  whose  surrounding  t h e CCP h a d a i m was  decided  of  t h e huaqi ao  and  of China.  At  outside  was  theerection  relating  t o changes  i nclass  r e m i t t a n c e s and s p e c i a l investment  of a  of the  domestic  ultimately motivated secure economic growth  their the core  s e r i e s of status,  The CCP  by e c o n o m i c through  of  this  privileges  protection  concerns:  of  Overseas  was a t  increased  and  dependents,  r e g u l a t i o n s governing  i nChina.  to  t o p r o t e c t and  i norder t o secure the f i n a n c i a l  approach  Chinese  heighten  added c o n s i d e r a b l y t o  preserve the "special c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s " Overseas  offical  Chinese  the i d e o l o g i c a l c o n f u s i o n t h e huaqi ao.  of  the  the role  t h e huaqi ao a n d t h e i r d e p e n d e n t s i n s o c i a l i s t  The Emergence  be t h e  between  served only t o  i d e o l o g i c a l c o n f u s i o n which  domestic  bottom  either  to  investments,  83  or to p r e s e r v e  the economic s t a b i l i t y  whose economies were flow of  u t t e r l y dependent  remittances.  important  foreign  economy.  The  creation  of  soci'ety, at  As  exchange  result, a  well,  in  privileged  a time  when  a socialist  society.  to  mid  class  on the  smooth  the  in  was  rural  an  the  Chinese whole  was  to transform i t s e l f  into  The g o a l s  as a  had  national  1950's,  the n a t i o n  deeply engrossed i n the e f f o r t  areas  remittances  value the  of l o c a l  of s o c i a l  c o l l i d e d , and u l t i m a t e l y triumphed  revolution  over, the goals  of  economic growth and s t a b i l i t y which were at the core of the  special  privileges  accorded  Overseas Chinese s t a r t i n g The  first  moving towards  sign  was  the c r e a t i o n of a p r i v i l e g e d s t a t u s  for  t o change  T h i s was a b o l d  the ARL had  domestic  Chinese p o l i c y  Chinese l a n d l o r d s ahead status.  the  i n 1954.  that Overseas  domestic Overseas Chinese the d e c i s i o n  to  earlier  came i n the c l a s s  December 1954 s t a t u s of  Overseas  of schedule, to that of peasant d e c i s i o n at the time  stipulated  because  that l a n d l o r d s  not be allowed to have t h e i r c l a s s s t a t u s a l t e r e d minimum of f i v e y e a r s , w h i l e they 'reformed through l a b o u r ' .  with  should for a  themselves  8 8  A g r a r i a n REform Law, p. 65. The d e c i s i o n to change the c l a s s s t a t u s of Overseas Chinese l a n d l o r d s was announced i n CNS 7 Feburary 1955, i n SCMP 985. 8 8  84  The  d e c i s i o n took the p o s i t i o n t h a t most  Chinese l a n d l o r d s l a n d reform of  rural  had been  (land reform Guangdong  chapter).  wrongly c l a s s i f i e d  during  i n the Overseas Chinese  is  Official  Overseas  discussed  announcement  in of  the the  areas  following change  was  accompanied by a g r e a t d e a l  of p u b l i c i t y and  fanfare.  In a d d i t i o n t o d i s p a t c h i n g  work teams t o the  villages  to oversee  the change,  officials like A c t i n g Head  Fang  at  leading Party  Fang and  the Guangdong  l a t e r the most important the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n )  Overseas  c e n t r a l and  e a s t e r n Guangdong,  village.  announce The  (at  provincial  the  involvement  decision of the  the P a r t y ' s  grass roots  west,  meetings  these  before  leading  the  province's  not o n l y the extreme importance the CCP  through such  until  of  where p u b l i c  o f f i c i a l s i n t h i s manner i s s i g n i f i c a n t .  also  time  government;  Chinese a r e a s  purpose of h a v i n g  measure, but  the  undertook t o t r a v e l p e r s o n a l l y  i n the  officials  Zhu  government  l e a d e r i n the p r o v i n c e  to v i l l a g e s  were convened f o r the  Tao  and  It  entire highest  indicated  a t t a c h e d t o the  perception  involvement on  that  only  the p a r t  h i g h o f f i c i a l s would the l o c a l populace be c o n v i n c e d the s t a t e ' s s i n c e r i t y and  the l e v e l of i t s  S i n c e the problem was  alleged  f i r s t place  to  i n part  committed  of  commitment.  t o have been due  mistakes  of  by  in  the basic  85  level  cadres,  the  CCP  w o u l d have l a c k e d  the  propogated  by  solely  Enactment reports  i n the  on  part  the  Chinese. daily and  In  of  campaign  with  numbers who  necessary  the  press  newly  the  villages, those also  vindicated  status  c a m p a i g n many s t o r i e s  end  to the  told who  landlords.  of a young had  matrimony.  The  9  the  Overseas  were been  the In  their  such  changed, of  course  but and, for  for  the at  when  the  status from  object  the  i t was  overjoyed,  an  example,  a girl  with  of  wrongfully  landlord  to  family balked  approval  the  increasing  the  story,  introduced  minds  up  a l s o appeared p o r t r a y i n g  One  status,  put  progress  changed.  family,  girl's his  immediate  proceed.  been  peasant  l e a r n t of  they changed their  had  Overseas Chinese with  recently  respectable  they  posters  by  celebration  o s t r a c i z a t i o n of Overseas C h i n e s e  as  was  accompanied  announcements of  their  if it  domestic  whose s t a t u s  the  labelled  was  red  decision  8 9  f e a s t i n g and  followed  regular  had  cadres.  of  the  credibility  decision  of  press  have f e a r e d  local  local  to p r o c l a i m the  may  idea  a of  when  repealed announced  marriage  to  0  " C o m m u n i c a t i n g and p o p u l a r i z i n g d o m e s t i c O v e r s e a s C h i n e s e p o l i c y a t t h e g r a s s r o o t s l e v e l was i n f a c t a p e r s i s t e n t and b e d e v i l l i n g p r o b l e m f o r t h e CCP. He X i a n g n i n g c o m p l a i n e d of i t v i g o r o u s l y t o the F i r s t S e s s i o n o f t h e NPC. NCNA 26 September 1954 i n SCMP 898. H K DGB 8 F e b r u a r y 1955 i n SCMP 984. 9 0  86  The  d e c l a r e d g o a l was t o have the d e c i s i o n  implemented by the summer h a r v e s t was  By May  i t  announced t h a t 92% o f Overseas Chinese l a n d l o r d s i n  Guangdong had was  of 1955.  fully  their  announced t h a t  r i c h peasants  class status  changed.  Later i t  a s o f 1956 those Overseas  who had "abandoned  t o Stephen  change the c l a s s s t a t u s  Chinese  e x p l o i t a t i o n " had  t h e i r c l a s s s t a t u s changed a s w e l l . According  91  9 2  F i t z g e r a l d , the d e c i s i o n t o of Overseas C h i n e s e  landlords  ahead o f s c h e d u l e was d e s i g n e d t o d r a m a t i z e the commitment t o p r o t e c t i n g r e m i t t a n c e s , counter  93  midst o f r e v i s i n g c l a s s Renmin  Ribao  In e a r l y  march 1955,  s t a t u s , a prominent reaffirmed  the  Chinese.  9 4  class  This  status  editorial  of  decree on t h e PRC's  "long-term  in  the  editorial that  would i n no way  domestic  p r e p a r e d the  p u b l i c announcement of a F e b r u a r y  to  evidence  the p r i n c i p l e  income from investment and r e m i t t a n c e s affect  thereby  the downward s p i r a l which had been i n  since at l e a s t 1952.  i n the  and  state's  1955  Overseas  way State  policy"  for  the  Council  to protect  I n 1978 L i a o Chengzhi m a i n t a i n e d t h a t a c c o r d i n g t o the 1953 i n v e s t i g a t i o n of l a n d r e f o r m , o n l y 3.5% of dependents i n Guangdong were c l a s s i f i e d a s l a n d l o r d s . L i a o , p. 18. G u i q i a o q i a o j u a n x u e x i z i l i a o , comp. Guangdong sheng huaqi ao shiwu weiyuanhui xuanj i aoke, (n. p. ,1956), p. 27. F i t z g e r a l d , p. 54, 60. He, Zhonggong Qiaowu, p. 4. *RMRB 3 March 1955. 9 1  9 2  9 3 9  87  remittances,  issued  just  three  months  after  the  d e c i s i o n t o change t h e c l a s s s t a t u s of Overseas C h i n e s e landlords. the  I n 1954 He X i a n g n i n g  Guangdong  OCAC  had  had t o l d t h e NPC  "long  ago" l a i d  comprehensive p o l i c y on the p r o t e c t i o n of  that  down  remittances,  but l o c a l c a d r e s had never been a d e q u a t e l y informed the p o l i c y .  9 5  Therefore  the renewed commitment --  time w i t h a l l t h e a u t h o r i t y was  accompanied,  like  follow-up  remittance cadres. a  9 6  decree,  the d e c i s i o n  repeal  distribution  of  i n t h e Overseas  crux  State Council purposes, NCNA NCNA CNS  97  implementing at  on  basic  the  Chinese  government,  the level  policy areas.  meanwhile,  of t h e decree t o be p o s t e d  of  t h e p o l i c y on  guarantee t h e i r r e c e i p t and  96  on  also  of for The  ordered  i n public  9 7  The  95  The S t a t e C o u n c i l  squarely  documents  provincial  50,000 c o p i e s places.  popularize  The Guangdong OCAC p r e p a r e d 60,000 c o p i e s  collection  Guangdong  to  effort to  directive aimed  this decree  the p o l i c y a t t h e b a s i c l e v e l . a  of  of a S t a t e C o u n c i l  l a n d l o r d s t a t u s , with a concerted  issued  a  applauded  i t also  26 September  free d i s p o s a l .  their  affirmed  remittances  use  for  While  1954 i n SCMP 898.  the  "productive"  the l e g i t i m a t e  2 March 1955 i n SCMP 998. 13 A p r i l 1955 i n SCMP 1027.  was t o  use of  88  remittances worship  to  and  f i n a n c e weddings,  other  demonstrate  its  i n f r i n g e m e n t s on deal  of  so,  cadres  the to  local and  greater  May, equal  the  to  production  of  over  the  the v a l u e  of  And  remittances  in  total  in was  China  depended  10  i n the  local  p a r t of  of  value  million  35%  and  on  the  Chinese  the  end  received  of was  township  in  f o r 1954  amounted  to  production  in  that  income r e c e i v e d  from  double  1957  the  i t was about  Overseas Chinese  "primarily'  of  one  more t h a n In  some  agricultural  In  the  this  of  of a g r i c u l t u r a l  1 0 0  more  "pragmatically."  1950  remittances  output.  the  where o v e r  remittances  RMRB 3 M a r c h 1955. " E x a m p l e s i n CNS 9 September 1955 °GMRB 6 J u l y 1955 i n SCMP 1 093. 9  great  on  same p e r i o d .  actually  10  with  a  The  according to c u r r e n t s t a t i s t i c s more t h a n  with  areas.  remittances  total  some v i l l a g e s  agricultural  dealt-  returned Overseas  amount o f the  role  issue  f o r example,  72%  92%  then  tendency  remittance  total  the  that,  important  between J a n u a r y  Taishan  from  h a r s h l y , and  p o p u l a t i o n c o n s i s t e d of  1955  year.  the  the  dependents,  state  To  9 8  9 9  p l a y e d an  county,  ancestral  celebration.  the  the Overseas Chinese  view  In T a i s h a n  ritual  commitment,  publicity.  e c o n o m i e s of  of  remittances  Remittances  was  forms  funerals,  income reported  1/3  the  dependents for  a  i n SCMP  of  1132.  their  89  livelihood. family  support,  investment  ony about  1 0 1  2% d e l e g a t e d  for  As w i l l be seen, however,  with  of c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n ,  exerted  their  with  purposes.  the advent was  About 90% o f a l l r e m i t t a n c e s were spent on  substantial  pressure  households  t o earn  on Overseas Chinese  income through the a c c u m u l a t i o n  of "work p o i n t s " ,  and t o d e l e g a t e t h e i r r e m i t t a n c e e a r n i n g s t o the investment  fund.  Remittances  a l s o were c o v e t e d by the CCP f o r t h e i r  h i s t o r i c a l l y important 1929  and  1941  averaged  APCs  f o r e i g n exchange v a l u e .  Overseas  Chinese  U.S. $80~$100  post-war p e r i o d ,  $66-130 m i l l i o n a n n u a l l y . remittances  averaged  remittances  t o China  annually.  In the  million  they averaged  anywhere between U.S.  A f t e r 1949,  U.S. $50-60  between the y e a r s 1 9 5 2 - 5 8 .  102  Between  by  comparison,  million  p e r year  A q u i c k comparison  with  the v a l u e of S o v i e t a i d p r o v i d e d f o r under the terms of the  1950 S i n o - S o v i e t  relative The  importance  Friendship  Treaty  shows  the  of r e m i t t a n c e s t o the PRC economy.  1950 agreement  with  the  USSR  provided  for  U. S. $300 m i l l i o n i n c r e d i t s spread over f i v e y e a r s -r o u g h l y e q u a l t o the t o t a l v a l u e of r e m i t t a n c e s over the same p e r i o d . that these remittances i o 2  S  e  e  As F i t z g e r a l d remarks, " p r o v i d e d reached China through  official  27 February 1957, p. 10. F i t z g e r a l d , p. 121, 123. E c k s t e i n , p. 197.  *Qiaowubao  10  spread  90  c h a n n e l s ( t h e r e was a p e r p e t u a l pproblem of  smuggling,  by s o - c a l l e d shuike,  "water g u e s t s " - ed.) they had t h e  e f f e c t of  g r a n t of  a direct  u n l i k e t h e a i d from t h e be r e p a i d . "  1 0 3  f o r e i g n exchange  S o v i e t U n i o n , d i d not have  CCP appears  the  c o u n t r y ' s p r i n c i p a l source of f o r e i g n  t o have e x p e c t e d  The t h i r d form of Overseas  investments.  to  At l e a s t i n t h e e a r l y y e a r s of i t s r u l e ,  the  domestic  which,  Chinese  but  form  exchange.  s p e c i a l p r i v i l e g e s extended  Investments  Chinese abroad,  remittances to  was were  perhaps  i n the  area  solicited  the  great  1 0 4  to of  from  the  majority  of  investment funds were m o b i l i z e d from domestic  Overseas  Chinese.  Overseas  1 0 5  In 1954 He X i a n g n i n g t o l d t h e NPC  Chinese i n v e s t o r s  ought t o  be encouraged  w a s t e l a n d i n Guangdong f o r t h e development produce  plantations  c r o p s , such  as  invest i n large  (especially  p i n e a p p l e s ) and scale  housing  f i n a n c e e d u c a t i o n a l and c u l t u r a l The  CCP  appears  to  have  t o open of  rubber, livestock  tropical  and  fruit  farms,  developments institutions. envisioned  up  to  and t o 1 0 6  Overseas  C h i n e s e i n v e s t m e n t s i n t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l development  of  Guangdong t o p l a y  in  a s u b s t a n t i a l and  valuable role  i b i d . , p. 122. A good d i s c u s s i o n of t h e importance of r e m i t t a n c e s i n PRC Overseas C h i n e s e p o l i c y i s i n F i t z g e r a l d , p. 122-126. i b i d . , p. 122. i b i d . , p. 122. 1 0 3  1 0 4 1 0 5 }06  NCNA  26 September  1954  i n SCMP 898.  91  the r u r a l economy, both a t t h e p r o v i n c i a l l e v e l and i n terms  of  economy.  Guangdong's  contribution  USSR c r e d i t s were r e p a i d  of food e x p o r t s , c o n s i s t i n g originating  from  to  the  national  mostly i n the  m a i n l y of t r o p i c a l  Guangdong  and  Hainan.  form fruits  At  1 0 7  the  p r o v i n c i a l l e v e l , opening up w a s t e l a n d was seen as t h e b e s t a v a i l a b l e method and  increasing  of r e d u c i n g p o p u l a t i o n  agricultural  output,  pressure  simultaneously.  Opening up w a s t e l a n d was h i g h l y t o u t e d as a s o l u t i o n t o the problem of i n c r e a s i n g p r o d u c t i o n of c a s h c r o p s f o r industry  and  export  devoted t o foodgrains. achievement  of  without  reducing  the  acreage  T h i s was i m p o r t a n t because  foodgrain s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y  was a  the main  p r i o r i t y f o r Guangdong i n the e a r l y 1950's.  In 1954 He  Xiangning t o l d a  delegation  v i s i t i n g Overseas  Chinese  t h a t " t h e r e i s a f u t u r e f o r t h e Overseas open up h i l l s , Chinese  forests  areas...Apart  and w a s t e l a n d s from  keep t h e people  necessities  the  and  country  m a t e r i a l s and commodities  i n the  stepping  income, they can  Chinese  up  Overseas  their  supplied with with  for export.  who  industrial  own daily raw  1 0 8  I n 1954 i t was r e p o r t e d t h a t orange y i e l d s i n t h e Overseas Chinese county of Chaoshan were up 12 times over 1950, and e x p o r t s t o t h e S o v i e t Union and " o t h e r c o u n t r i e s " ( p r e d o m i n a n t l y E a s t e r n b l o c c o u n t r i e s ) had d o u b l e d every year s i n c e 1950. NCNA 20 December 1954 i n 1 0 7  SCMP 952.  i°*CNS  5 October  1954 i n SCMP 903.  92  Before  1950  there  was  plantation agriculture were  small  scale  no  most  frequently  limited  h a r v e s t i n g of n a t u r a l c r o p s .  100  mu  million  of  large  i n Guangdong;  and  M i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e  planned  1 0 9  But  operations to  r e c l a m a t i o n , w i t h Guangdong  in  the  i n January 1955  announced p l a n s f o r  wasteland  scale  14  the  surveying  provinces  r a n k i n g 3rd i n  for  importance  ( b e h i n d H e i l o n g j i a n g and X i n j i a n g ) w i t h some 12 m i l l i o n mu t a r g e t e d 1955  the  for  NPC  potential development.  passed  a set  In  1 1 0  of " R e g u l a t i o n s  August  Governing  A p p l i c a t i o n by Overseas C h i n e s e f o r the U t i l i z a t i o n State-owned  Hills  e s t a b l i s h e d the  and  Wasteland."  legal right  such l a n d s under v a r i o u s public-private  The  CCP's  r e s u l t s ) was  to c o l l e c t  for  L i a n g , p.  "°NCNA  p l a n (which in effect  20.  5 January  1955  profits  contract  from joint  periods  of  1 1 1  did  t o use  domestic and e x t e r n a l Overseas 1 0 9  regulations  schemes of p r i v a t e and  ownership,  between 20-50 y e a r s .  The  not meet  with  the r e s o u r c e s  great of  the  Chinese to finance  the  i n SCMP 963.  In  1955  Guangdong  had some 40 m i l l i o n mu of c u l t i v a t e d l a n d , and a f u r t h e r 170 m i l l i o n mu c l a s s e d as mountainous a r e a s w a s t e l a n d . HK DGB 13 September 1955 A O M 6 August 1955 i n SCMP 1104. 1 1 1  of  i n SCMP 1132. Immediately  and  f o l l o w i n g passage of these r e g u l a t i o n s a " S u b - t r o p i c a l Resources Development Committee" was formed i n Guangdong (under Zhao Ziyang) t o map out the development of t r o p i c a l c a s h c r o p s . HK WHB 23 August 1955  i n SCMP  1116.  93  development  of an a g r i b u s i n e s s  i n Guangdong,  would make t h e p r o v i n c e i n t o a major of  tropical  agricultural  a l s o t h e knowledge Chinese  included  f i n a n c i a l r e s o u r c e s , but  i n the c u l t i v a t i o n  p i n e a p p l e s and o t h e r t r o p i c a l farms f o r r e t u r n e d Overseas  economic Chinese  and w a s t e l a n d a r e a s  t h e i r knowledge  This  and e x p e r t i s e o f r e t u r n e d  experienced  mountainous  producer-exporter  products.  making use not o n l y o f huaqiao  of t r o p i c a l  Overseas  of rubber,  crops.  s k i l l s to return  State  were s e t up i n  i n order  to exploit  agriculture.  Efforts  1 1 2  were even undertaken t o induce Overseas C h i n e s e w i t h such  which  t o China  abroad  and c o n t r i b u t e  t h e i r knowledge  t o t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n of Overseas Chinese  state  specially  farms  agr i c u l t u r e .  to  plantation  1 1 3  Remittances  were  p r i n c i p a l l y through Company, a  devoted  joint  linked  t h e Overseas  to  investments,  Chinese  Investment  State-private enterprise  formed i n  F e b r u a r y , 1955 t o make c e n t r a l i z e d the " i d l e funds and  and p l a n n e d use o f  f l o a t i n g c a p i t a l " of the  Overseas  H K DGB 14 May 1954 i n SCMP 811; HK DGB 9 March 1955 i n SCMP 1003. Zhonghua quanguo guiguo huaqiao lianhehui chengli dahui tekan, 2 v o l s . ( B e i j i n g : Zhonghua quanguo guiguo 1 1 2  113  huaqiao l i a n h e h u i , 1957), 1: 19-20. I n one such case one Wu S h u i f e n g r e t u r n e d t o Guangdong from Borneo i n 1954 t o i n v e s t 19 m i l l i o n yuan i n t h e p r i v a t e purchase of a f r u i t o r c h a r d w i t h t h e a i d o f s t a t e a u t h o r i t i e s HK DGB 30 November 1954 i n SCMP 939.  94  Chinese.  Operating  in  the  spheres  of  industrial  c o n s t r u c t i o n , f o r e i g n and " g e n e r a l " s e r v i c e s , p o t e n t i a l i n v e s t o r s were e n t i t l e d e i t h e r and  amount  of  funds  committed  c o n s t r u c t i o n of a b r i d g e , to  leave  investment  company i t s e l f . convenient  CCP  be  done i n  for dividends  t o be  annual d i v i d e n d even a f t e r  either  up  else  to  Company  of two  ways:  the  as  a  Chinese  i n t h e Company and  arrange  t o dependents  was guaranteed  s o c i a l i s t transformation,  by t h e  (an State  though t h e r e  is  t h i s was not always r e s p e c t e d ) ; o r , dependents  corporation. 6,000  shares  the  paid d i r e c t l y  of 8-9%  themselves  were  entirely  touted  abroad c o u l d purchase s h a r e s  could  example,  s c h o o l or f a c t o r y ) , or  decisions  The  (for  project  and p r o f i t a b l e way of s u p p o r t i n g dependents.  This could  evidence  t o s p e c i f y the  directly  According dependent  i n the company.  purchase  shares  in  t o one e s t i m a t e , i n 1956 households  the there  i n Guangdong  with  114  E c o n o m i c a l l y , t h e CCP, through  i t s various special  p r i v i l e g e s f o r r e t u r n e d and dependent Overseas  Chinese  strove to  of  mobilize  the  financial  resources  the  **CNS 23 June 1961, c i t e d i n Wu, p. 56. Wu e s t i m a t e s t h a t as of 1955 i n Guangdong t h e r e was the e q u i v a l e n t of U.S. $5,800 i n v e s t e d i n t h e Company, and U.S. $8,000 the f o l l o w i n g y e a r . See p. 57. These amounts a r e meagre compared t o t h e t o t a l v a l u e of r e m i t t a n c e s , s t a t e d above. 1  1  95  domestic  and  external  developmental purposes  within  sought t o a t t a i n c e r t a i n t o the Chinese  of  Chinese  China.  The  regard to  relations  between the  their  residence,  and  the  undermining  GMD  Party  interested economic  But  ultimately  i n e x p l o i t i n g Overseas Chinese f o r  developmental  goals,  as more  domestic  purposes than f o r e x t e r n a l p o l i t i c a l  These  to  and  Fitzgerald  was  respect  PRC  communities abroad.  "the  also  u s i n g them  support among the Chinese states,  for  CCP  p o l i t i c a l goals with  abroad, w i t h  promote f r i e n d l y countries  Overseas  ones."  1 1 5  however,  ultimately  c o l l i d e d w i t h the g o a l s of s o c i a l r e v o l u t i o n  d u r i n g the  s o c i a l i s t t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of r e s u l t was a  situation in  privileges  formulated since  in favour  of  integration  a  be  ideological  which many  By 1957  of the  1954 were b e i n g of  equal  the  special  discarded  treatment  i n t o the g e n e r a l r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n .  final analysis, out t o  new p o l i c y  agriculture.  and  In  the  the p o l i c y of s p e c i a l p r i v i l e g e s t u r n e d  erected and  on  too  political  flimsy basis.  and By  unstable 1956,  an  these  p r i v i l e g e s were b e i n g swamped by the p o l i t i c a l  tide  an emergent r a d i c a l Maoism, whose development  strategy  was based on e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t and opposed  of  principles.  And the domestic Overseas Chinese themselves d i s c o v e r e d 1 1 5  Fitzgerald,  p.  121.  96  that the  very "special  features" which  distinguished  them from the general peasant population, and which the CCP  tried,  on  the  whole  rather  uphold, also determined that as particularly  ill-disposed  and  unsuccessfully,  to  a group they would  be  poorly  equipped  i d e o l o g i c a l l y , and p r a c t i c a l l y -- to partcipate in newly emerging s o c i a l i s t rural  order.  the  97  CHAPTER I I I : C o n t r a d i c t o r y Interests:  Aims and C o n f l i c t i n g  The Overseas Chinese Areas of R u r a l  Guangdong and S o c i a l i s t T r a n s f o r m a t i o n , P a r t I  The  Domestic Overseas Chinese P o p u l a t i o n of Guangdong  By t h e CCP's own e s t i m a t e , f o l l o w i n g t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t of there  were  Chinese,  nearly  11 m i l l i o n  concentrated  southeastern  i n the e a r l y  the People's  Republic  'domestic'  Overseas  overwhelmingly  provinces  of  in  Guangdong  t h e two  and  ( s i z e a b l e p o p u l a t i o n s a l s o e x i s t e d i n Yunnan, Z h e j i a n g and S h a n g d o n g ) . the number o f domestic r e l a t i v e l y stable at  116  years  Subsequent  Fujian Guangxi,  PRC f i g u r e s f o r  Overseas Chinese have t h i s l e v e l , though  remained  i t s h o u l d be  s t a t e d t h a t t h e a c t u a l number i s i n a s t a t e o f g e n e r a l d e c l i n e , a s e m i g r a t i o n has slowed  to a t r i c k l e ,  with r e l a t i v e s  abroad weaken  over  renewed,  as  Overseas  and  returned  time and  links  are  Chinese  not  and  dependents a r e r e - a b s o r b e d i n t o t h e g e n e r a l p o p u l a t i o n . The term domestic Overseas C h i n e s e (guonei is rarely  used i n o f f i c i a l Chinese  sources;  huaqio)  instead  T h e 1953 PRC census put t h e number of C h i n e s e a b r o a d a t r o u g h l y t h e same: 11,743,320 i n c l u d i n g r e s i d e n t s o f Hong Kong and Macao (who t e c h n i c a l l y a r e c o m p a t r i o t s (tongbao) not Overseas C h i n e s e . Subsequent PRC s o u r c e s have u s u a l l y put t h e number of C h i n e s e abroad a t around 13 m i l l i o n . F i t z g e r a l d , p. 3-4. 1 1 6  98  f u l l r e f e r e n c e i s n o r m a l l y made t o t h e two component categories huaqiao,  of  Overseas  usually abbreviated  Chinese f a m i l y qiaojuan).  returned  dependents  PRC f i g u r e s  Chinese  a s gui qiao) (huaqi ao  (guiguo  and Overseas  juan,  or  f o r r e t u r n e d Overseas  i n c l u d e o n l y those r e t u r n e d  after  1949. The  simply Chinese  category  of dependent, on t h e o t h e r hand, has had a f a i r l y  loose  d e f i n i t i o n ; i n 1956 a l o c a l newspaper i n F u j i a n d e f i n e d a dependent a s anyone who had an immediate r e l a t i v e who had l i v e d and worked abroad On t h e b a s i s o f t h i s dependent returned  status to  conceivable q u a l i f y  after  one's  Likewise, simultaneously  r e t u r n e d Overseas C h i n e s e . was  year.  d e f i n i t i o n a person c o u l d  even  China.  f o r a t l e a s t one  retain  relatives  a  person  1 1 7  had could  a s dependent and  The main e x c e p t i o n t o t h i s  f o r r e l a t i v e s o f Chinese r e s i d i n g i n Hong Kong and  Macau, who were e l i g i b l e t o c l a i m dependent s t a t u s o n l y i f they  received  regular  remittances  -- w h i c h , of  c o u r s e , a g r e a t many o f them d i d . PRC s t a t i s t i c s do not an o v e r l a p p i n g  of the categories  r e t u r n e d Overseas t h a t over  i n d i c a t e any a l l o w a n c e f o r  Chinese.  10 m i l l i o n  General  o f dependent and figures  indicate  of the t o t a l domestic  Overseas  C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n were dependents; between 400,000 and 1 1 7  ibid.  , p. 212  99  500,000 were r e t u r n e d of huaqiao "The  returned  Overseas Chinese ( l a r g e  numbers  from Malaya i n t h e 1950's  during  Emergency", and s i z e a b l e numbers of r e f u g e e s  r e t u r n e d from I n d o n e s i a  i n t h e l a t e 1950's);  also  and  between  students  60,000  studying  70,000  i n China.  t h e r e were  Overseas  Dependents  of t h e t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n  c o u l d be c l a s s i f i e d as in F u j i a n ) .  1 1 9  The  Chinese consisted  almost e n t i r e l y of women, e l d e r l y and young About 1/5  also  people.  of  Guangdong  domestic Overseas C h i n e s e  t o t a l number  of d o m e s t i c  (1/6  Overseas  C h i n e s e i n Guangdong was about 8 m i l l i o n , o r about of t h e t o t a l  Overseas Chinese  population  1 1 8  in  68%  China.  There a r e t h r e e main home areas of t h e Overseas C h i n e s e i n Guangdong: t h e Chaozhou and Shantou p l a i n s a l o n g t h e Han  r i v e r i n n o r t h e a s t e r n Guangdong,  c e n t r a l Guangdong,  s i x counties  and Hainan I s l a n d .  Within  in  these  home a r e a s , t h e r e i s c o n s i d e r a b l e v a r i a t i o n as t o t h e spread and d e n s i t y of the Overseas C h i n e s e  population.  On t h e whole they c o m p r i s e d 17% of t h e t o t a l i n t h e t h r e e home  a r e a s , but  i n Meixan  population  and  Taishan  c o u n t i e s Overseas Chinese c o n s t i t u t e d 1/3 o f t h e population.  1 2 0  In the v i l l a g e s s t u d i e d  total  by P a r i s h and  i b i d . , p. 4. i b i d . , p. 15. C a r l A. R i s k i n , " L o c a l I n d u s t r y i n C h i n e s e Economic Development, 1950-1957: The Case of Kwangtung P r o v i n c e " ( u n p u b l i s h e d Ph. D. D i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a , B e r k e l e y , 1969). 1 1 8  1 1 9  1 2 0  100  Whyte,  t h e average  portion  receiving remittances  of v i l l a g e  was under  residents  10%, but t h e range  v a r i e d from 0 t o 80% ( t h e l a t t e r i n T a i s h a n ) . For usually  t h e most were  part,  intended  Overseas  to  apply  Chinese equally  1 2 1  policies to  both  c a t e g o r i e s o f r e t u r n e d Overseas Chinese and dependents. Therefore, i n t h i s Chinese i s the  text the  term  one g e n e r a l l y used;  c a t e g o r i e s a r e mentioned  domestic  Overseas  t h e two component  s p e c i f i c a l l y o n l y when  there  i s a need t o d i f f e r e n t i a t e .  Land Reform and the C l a s s  Status of Domestic  Overseas  Chinese  B e f o r e 1949 t h e CCP had l i t t l e  e x p e r i e n c e and had  shown a l m o s t no  i n t e r e s t i n Overseas C h i n e s e  (huaqiao  i n a l l Mao's  shiwu);  only a s i n g l e  affairs  w r i t i n g s t h e r e had been  r e f e r e n c e t o t h e Overseas C h i n e s e , and  p r a c t i c a l e f f o r t s b e f o r e 1949 seem t o have been l i m i t e d to  s p o r a d i c a t t e m p t s t o s o l i c i t war funds and promote  anti-Japanese  patriotism  among  the  huaqiao.  F i t z g e r a l d s t a t e s , "Before 1949, t h e C h i n e s e P a r t y had a l m o s t no given l i t t l e 1 2 1 1 2 2  As  Communist  e x p e r i e n c e , and appears t o have  thought t o an Overseas C h i n e s e  P a r i s h and Whyte, p. 27 and Appendix 2. i b i d . , p. 15.  policy."  1 2 2  101  Thus, when the Chinese Communists came t o power i n 1949 they had  no e x p e r i e n c e i n  dealing directly  with  the s o c i a l and economic consequences of t h e presence i n r u r a l Guangdong of l a r g e Chinese and  numbers of r e t u r n e d  Overseas Chinese  Overseas  f a m i l y dependents.  CCP i s o f t e n s a i d t o have g a i n e d i m p o r t a n t l a n d experience during  the  Jiangxi  Soviet  The reform  Republic,  but  t h e i r l a c k of e x p e r i e n c e  w i t h t h e s p e c i a l concerns  Overseas  the  Chinese  generalization  shows  f o r South  limited  China.  value If  of  the  of this  overall  n a t i o n a l s u c c e s s of l a n d r e f o r m r e s t e d i n p a r t upon the P a r t y ' s pre-1949  experience,  nothing i n that experience that for  t h e c o m p l e x i t i e s they  Chinese a r e a s .  there  was  nevertheless  would p r e p a r e the  faced i n the r u r a l  That was t r u e not o n l y of t h e  and mountainous  r e g i o n s which  J i a n g x i experiment,  but as w e l l  were  Overseas isolated  the s i t e  of  the  of t h e CCP's war  e x p e r i e n c e i n N o r t h C h i n a , where c o n d i t i o n s were radically  CCP  time again  different.  Indeed, a case c o u l d be made f o r t h e CCP's l a c k of up t o  date knowledge  --  of  r u r a l c o n d i t i o n s i n g e n e r a l i n Guangdong on t h e eve  of  land reform.  -- l e t a l o n e e x p e r i e n c e  Evidence of t h i s i s t h e f a c t t h a t i n the  CCP's f i r s t major address Guangdong, Fang Fang, then  i n a u g u r a t i n g l a n d reform the most p o w e r f u l  in  official  1 02  i n t h e p r o v i n c e and t h e Chairman of t h e Guangdong  Land  Reform Committee, was f o r c e d t o r e l y f o r h i s f i g u r e s on tenancy c o n d i t i o n s and l a n d ownership and c o n c e n t r a t i o n upon t h e then twenty year noted  agrarian  longtime  economist  Party  Han-seng). Land  o l d study undertaken by (and r e c e n t l y  member)  Chen  followed  a  the  discovered  Hansheng  (Chen  1 23  reform  tortuous  course  in  Guangdong; t h e p r o v i n c e was t h e l a s t i n t h e c o u n t r y complete t h e p r o c e s s ,  to  i n t h e s p r i n g o f 1953, and then  o n l y a f t e r t h e d i s m i s s a l of up t o 80% o f l o c a l  cadres  and a massive i n f u s i o n of " n o r t h e r n e r s " t o complete t h e task.  I t also  officials,  entailed  t h e removal  i n c l u d i n g t h e most p o w e r f u l  the p r o v i n c e . "  I n the course  declared  of o f f i c i a l  1 2  policy  of many t o p  Party f i g u r e i n  of t h i s  leniency  debacle  towards  a  the  F a n g Fang's speech on l a n d reform appeared i n NFRB 6 November, 1950 and i s r e p r i n t e d i n E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n i n CB 51. Chen Hansheng's c l a s s i c study on c o n d i t i o n s i n r u r a l South China d u r i n g t h e 1930's i s p u b l i s h e d i n E n g l i s h a s Chen Han-sheng, Landlord and Peasant in 1 2 3  China: China,  A Study  of  the  Agricultural  Crisis  in  South  (New York: I n t e r n a t i o n a l P u b l i s h e r s , 1936). (The h i t h e r t o unknown f a c t t h a t Chen was a l o n g s t a n d i n g CCP member was r e v e a l e d o n l y r e c e n t l y , t o h i s o l d a c q u a i n t a n c e H a r o l d I s a a c s d u r i n g t h e l a t t e r ' s 1980 r e t u r n v i s i t t o China a f t e r a 50 year h i a t u s . ) " T h e most complete account o f t h e l a n d reform d e b a c l e i n Guangdong i s c o n t a i n e d i n V o g e l , p. 91-124. The c o u r s e o f t h e campaign can a l s o be c o n v e n i e n t l y c h a r t e d u s i n g t h e CB s e r i e s , which p r o v i d e s a n n o t a t e d documents grouped under s e p a r a t e s u b j e c t h e a d i n g s . See a l s o 12  Robert C a r i n ,  n. p. , 1960).  China's  Land Reform  Series  (Kowloon:  103  was l a r g e l y swamped by t h e t i d e of  huaqiao  radicalism  which o v e r t o o k t h e movement i n Guangdong. The f i r s t moves undertaken in  Overseas  Chinese  work  by t h e new government  i n rural  Guangdong  d i c t a t e d by immediate p r a c t i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s , than a  coherent  Thus t h e f i r s t  and w e l l - i n f o r m e d s t r a t e g i c move, i n i t i a t e d  were rather  policy.  i n e a r l y 1950, was t o  u n d e r t a k e a r e g i s t r a t i o n of a l l dependents and r e c e n t l y r e t u r n e d huaqiao.  The purpose was t o a s c e r t a i n who was  r e c e i v i n g r e m i t t a n c e s and t h e r e f o r e e l i g i b l e from  the  implemented  strict in  foreign  1949 t o r e s t o r e  exchange  restrictions  o r d e r and  c o u n t r y ' s c h a o t i c c u r r e n c y s i t u a t i o n under The r e g i s t r a t i o n  for relief  of Overseas C h i n e s e  bring the control.  1 2 5  dependents and  r e t u r n e d Overseas Chinese was b a s i c a l l y complete by t h e f a l l o f 1950 i n t h e a r e a s of g r e a t e s t Overseas c o n c e n t r a t i o n ; i n the remaining areas these  Chinese  remittance  i n v e s t i g a t i o n s merged t h e r e a f t e r w i t h t h e i n v e s t i g a t i o n of c l a s s s t a t u s d u r i n g l a n d r e f o r m . In e a r l y October 1950 l a n d r e f o r m i n Guangdong was officially  inaugurated  g i v e n by Fang the  Fang.  1 2 6  by t h e  above-mentioned  In that  speech, Fang  F i t z g e r a l d , p. 54.  CB  126  stressed  need f o r a " g r a d u a l i s t " approach t o l a n d r e f o r m i n  Guangdong, which took account o f t h e numerous 1 2 5  speech  51.  "special  104  c o n d i t i o n s " which p r e v a i l e d i n t h e p r o v i n c e . Of  these  "special  considerable length Chinese areas  conditions",  Fang  spoke a t  on t h e q u e s t i o n o f t h e Overseas  and t h e d i f f i c u l t problem  h a n d l e Overseas C h i n e s e p r o p e r t y .  o f how t o  The d e t a i l s of t h e  speech were not made p u b l i c u n t i l a month a f t e r i t was delivered,  on t h e  same  date  as the  Government  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n C o u n c i l (GAC, t h e p r e c u r s o r t o t h e S t a t e Council) issued a f u l l  s e t of r e g u l a t i o n s g o v e r n i n g t h e  d i s p o s a l of Overseas Chinese land r e f o r m .  1 2 7  l a n d and p r o p e r t y  These measures were i n t e n d e d  during  to amplify  the s i n g l e p r o v i s i o n f o r Overseas C h i n e s e c o n t a i n e d A r t i c l e 24 of t h e A g r a r i a n Reform only  f o r "due c o n s i d e r a t i o n  Overseas Chinese"  during land  Law, which  called  f o r the i n t e r e s t s reform.  in  of  1 2 8  As mentioned, a c c o r d i n g t o V o g e l about 1/5 of l a n d i n Guangdong belonged t o Overseas C h i n e s e .  1 2 9  a l l The  GAC measures d e f i n e d Overseas C h i n e s e l a n d and p r o p e r t y as t h a t b e l o n g i n g presumably, sanguinis,  t o any C h i n e s e n a t i o n a l  according  to  the p r i n c i p l e  (determined, of  s i n c e t h e CCP never f o r m a l l y a b r o g a t e d  jus this  T h e f u l l t e x t of these measures i s r e p r i n t e d i n Chun-hsi Wu, Dollars, Dependents and Dogma: Overseas Chinese Remittances to Communist China, (Stanford: S t a n f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1967), p. 172-174. r / i e Agrarian Reform Law of China, (Peking: Foreign Languages P r e s s , 1950), p. 12. V o g e l , p. 12. 1 2 7  1 2 8  1 2 9  105  p r i n c i p l e ) who  had  lived  and  worked  abroad  for  a  minimum of one y e a r , as w e l l as such l a n d and  property  as belonged t o t h e i r d i r e c t d e s c e n d a n t s .  measures  also stipulated  t h a t huaqiao  t h r e e y e a r s (and for  protection  reform.  Of  returned for  t h e i r dependents) or  special  those who  The  more  were not  concessions  were e l i g i b l e ,  than  eligible  during  land  exemption  from  c o n f i s c a t i o n was t o depend on the f a m i l y member's c l a s s status prior to  the s o j o u r n  abroad.  In  the case  l a n d l o r d f a m i l i e s , o n l y t h e i r houses were t o be from c o n f i s c a t i o n .  spared  d i d not have  landlord  but s u b s e q u e n t l y  acquired  i t , o n l y l a n d would be c o n f i s c a t e d ; a l l o t h e r  property  status before  If a family  of  g o i n g abroad  was t o be p r e s e r v e d i n t a c t . Fang Fang's  c r i t e r i a , however,  as g i v e n  in  October 1950 speech, were somewhat d i f f e r e n t . no o f f i c i a l statement  i n the a v a i l a b l e  which superseded the o t h e r . that  Fang  Fang's  are  c o n s i s t e n t l y employed  in a l l  on the c l a s s s t a t u s of the  class  status  d e t e r m i n e d on S i n c e i t was  of  the b a s i s  There i s  s o u r c e s as  I t can be s a i d ,  the  criteria  the  i t s subsequent  Chinese  of t h e i r  i n s i s t e d t h a t the  90%) of Overseas Chinese f e l l  to  however, CCP  has  statements  Overseas C h i n e s e : namely, Overseas  his  is  occupation  to  that be  abroad.  g r e a t m a j o r i t y (up w i t h i n the ranks of  to the  106  "labouring people"  (/aodong  renmin),  Fang t h e r e would be v e r y l i t t l e  a c c o r d i n g t o Fang  land c o n f i s c a t i o n  Overseas Chinese (and, presumably, t h e i r As f o r the m i n o r i t y o f huaqiao the c a t e g o r y  of labouring  from  dependents).  who were not i n c l u d e d i n people,  only  their  land  s h o u l d be c o n f i s c a t e d . On paper, t h e n , t h e r e were s i g n i f i c a n t a l l o w e d t o Overseas C h i n e s e  concessions  during land reform.  i s e v i d e n t by comparing t h e s p e c i a l a l l o w a n c e s the Overseas C h i n e s e w i t h the  Agrarian  confiscation  Reform  made t o  the p r o v i s i o n s contained i n  Law  of a l l  This  (ARL),  landlord  which land  decreed  and  the  property,  i n c l u d i n g " s u r p l u s houses". But have  in actual fact,  been  excessively Guangdong.  little  spared  persecuted  and were  during  appear t o  probably  the land  reform  According to F i t z g e r a l d , " i t i s clear  l a t e r reports that and p r o p e r t y  Overseas Chinese  in practice  owners were  subject  t o various  reform  movement,  established that  from land  n o t exempt, and were  also  'excesses' therefore,  in political  In the the  agrarian  principle  and s o c i a l  was  movements  exempt..."  That p r i n c i p l e was e s t a b l i s h e d , i t appears (based F i t z g e r a l d , p. 5 5 .  in  Overseas C h i n e s e  domestic Overseas C h i n e s e were not t o be  13 0  even  130  on  1 07  later criticisms basic l e v e l  cadres.  t e r r o r which  center),  r e f o r m the  Chinese  Kong p r e s s  population during  this  h o r r i f i c tales recounting the  maltreatment  t h e i r dependents  a c t i o n s of  o f t h e widespread  Overseas Hong  replete with  p e r s e c u t i o n and  by the  As evidence  g r i p p e d the  during land p e r i o d was  by the  a t the  of  Overseas  hands of  Chinese and  the communists.  131  Even a l l o w i n g f o r the p r o p e n s i t y of the Hong Kong p r e s s to  exaggerate  i n such  retrospect that  land  reform  e f f e c t s upon the Overseas a b i t t e r legacy  Chinese.  I t l e f t i n i t s wake t o come c o n t i n u e d t o  t o mend i t s r e l a t i o n s w i t h t h e  C h i n e s e and dependents who had  confiscated  in  inits  As l a t e a s 1956 c o m p l a i n t s were s t i l l  a i r e d by Overseas houses  i t i s clear  was d i s a s t r o u s  which f o r y e a r s  f r u s t r a t e CCP e f f o r t s huaqi ao.  matters,  during  land  c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n , f a m i l i e s were  being their  reform  (under  permitted to  continue  t o own and l i v e i n t h e i r own h o u s e s ) , a g r i e v a n c e which the CCP responded Guangdong  a  Outstanding  special  Problems  O f f i c e s of t h i s Overseas  toin July  "Commission o f Overseas  Commission were  Chinese t o w n s h i p s  and i n v e s t e d  1957 by e s t a b l i s h i n g i n  with  (xiang)  the e x p r e s s  for  Handling  Chinese  t o be s e t  Houses". up i n a l l  and c o u n t i e s authority  (xian)  t o resolve  'Some of these r e p o r t s a r e d e t a i l e d i n Wu, p. 203 F i t z g e r a l d , p. 55. 13  and  108  p r o p e r t y d i s p u t e s a r i s i n g from Overseas C h i n e s e confiscated during land had been taken  reform.  houses  I n many cases  over by o r d i n a r y p e a s a n t s  these  o r used as  government and P a r t y o f f i c e s .  The most b i t t e r  of l a n d reform  of mistrust i t created  among  the  concerning  was t h e l e g a c y  domestic  Overseas  Chinese  legacy  populations  t h e CCP's t r u e i n t e n t i o n s towards them, and  the P a r t y ' s a b i l i t y t o s t i c k by those i n t e n t i o n s . The  root  o f t h e problem  which  a f f l i c t e d the  domestic Overseas C h i n e s e d u r i n g l a n d reform  lay partly  i n the d i f f i c u l t y o f d i s t i n g u i s h i n g l a n d l o r d s from r i c h peasants i n g e n e r a l the n a t u r e deemed t h a t Chinese (fengjian  The  i n r u r a l Guangdong, and s e c o n d l y i n  of t h e i r land the land rent  d i d not  r e n t income. income  constitute  L a t e r i t was  of many  "feudal  Overseas  exploitation"  boxue).  aim of l a n d reform  of f e u d a l e x p l o i t a t i o n  1 3 2  was t o e l i m i n a t e a l l from t h e c o u n t r y s i d e ,  forms which  I n Guangdong t h i s l e d many l a n d l o r d s t o f l e e t h e c o u n t r y s i d e f o r t h e c i t i e s where they hoped t o a c q u i r e the s t a t u s of n a t i o n a l c a p i t a l i s t s . Under t h e terms o f Mao's New Democracy, c a p i t a l i s t s were not t o be expropriated. In the h i g h l y commercialized c o a s t a l a r e a s of Guangdong, moreover, many absentee l a n d l o r d s were s i m u l t a n e o u s l y engaged i n commercial and i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t i e s , thus f u r t h e r c o m p l i c a t i n g t h e t a s k of d e t e r m i n i n g c l a s s s t a t u s . The CCP i n the e a r l y y e a r s a f t e r 1949 was p a r t i c u l a r l y a n x i o u s not t o a l i e n a t e those engaged i n commerce and i n d u s t r y , so a s t o f a c i l i t a t e economic r e c o v e r y and p r e v e n t any f u r t h e r d i s r u p t i o n . See V o g e l , p. 103. 1 3 2  109  i n c l u d e d t e n a n c y , share c r o p p i n g and the h i r i n g of farm labour. and  But under  land  tenure  the v e r y complex that  evolved  forms o f  tenancy  i n Guangdong  over  c e n t u r i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the d e l t a a r e a s -- i n c l u d i n g multiple etc.  1 3 3  ownership, --  multiple  identifying precisely  l a n d l o r d , and d i s t i n g u i s h i n g peasants  layers  was n o t a  of  tenancy,  what c o n s t i t u t e d  l a n d l o r d s from mere  simple  task.  I n many  i n d i v i d u a l s were b o t h t e n a n t s and l a n d l o r d s . of l e v e l o f income and amount there often  was no d i f f e r e n c e between  rich cases,  In  of p r o p e r t y ,  a  terms  moreover,  l a n d l o r d s and  r i c h peasants. Therefore, l a n d l o r d s and was  supposed  t h e main  criteria  d i s t i n g u i s h i n g them  f o r determining from r i c h  peasants  t o be the amount o f l a b o u r performed: i f a  household c o n t r i b u t e d at l e a s t four  months of i t s own  l a b o u r towards i t s l i v e l i h o o d each y e a r ,  then i t was  (at most) a r i c h peasant h o u s e h o l d . " In a p p l y i n g 1 3  p r i n c i p l e , however, which appears discriminating  there  t o have against  was a  been  clear  widely  Overseas  potential  realized  Chinese  this  -- of  dependents.  T h e c o m p l i c a t e d l a n d t e n u r e arrangements i n Guangdong, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the d e l t a a r e a s , a r e d i s c u s s e d i n Eng, " I n s t i t u t i o n a l and Secondary L a n d l o r d i s m " and I p , "The Design of R u r a l Development". "On the S t a t e C o u n c i l r u l e s f o r d e t e r m i n i n g c l a s s s t a t u s d u r i n g l a n d r e f o r m , see "Zhongyang renmin zhengwuyuan guanyu huafen nongcun j i e j i chengfen de j u e d i n g " i n Renmin Shouce, V o l . 1, 1951: 48-56. 1 3 3  13  110  Subsequently  i n 1956, Lo L i s h i ,  Guangdong OCAC, s a i d reform  Chairman  i t was m a i n l y  of t h e  the f a u l t of  land  cadres f o r f a i l i n g t o d i s t i n g u i s h l a n d l o r d s  who  p r o f i t t e d from f e u d a l e x p l o i t a t i o n from those l i k e t h e Overseas  Chinese  dependents  who, because  source o f t h e i r f a m i l y l a b o u r no  choice  but t o rent  of women,  the e l d e r l y  power was o v e r s e a s ,  out t h e i r  mentioned above, dependents  remittances.  class  themselves,  of t h e i r  according  should  or else  f o r many  have  Even  f o r those  domestic  c l a s s i f i e d as l a n d l o r d s ,  overseas  dependents,  been  determined provider  o f c a s e s i t was h e l d ,  t h a t o f a member of t h e " l a b o u r i n g  people".  Overseas  p r o v i s i o n s were  not  themselves engage  in agricultural  was  1 3 6  Chinese not made t o  e f f e c t t h a t those who r e c e i v e d r e g u l a r r e m i t t a n c e s did  were  not r e n t a l income,  t o t h e s t a t u s of t h e r e m i t t a n c e  which, i n the vast m a j o r i t y  Many o f  dependence on  And s i n c e r e m i t t a n c e s ,  status  As  i n c a p a b l e o f engaging i n  were t h e main s o u r c e of e a r n i n g s their  1 3 5  had  entirely  and young c h i l d r e n .  production  u n w i l l i n g t o because  holdings.  c o n s i s t e d almost  these p e o p l e were p h y s i c a l l y agricultural  t h e main  the and  production  17 November 1956, p. 18. 17 December 1956, p. 10. The ARL, i t was p o i n t e d o u t , d i s t i n g u i s h e d between b i g and s m a l l l a n d l o r d s , but not between those f o r whom r e n t was t h e main source o f income and those f o r whom i t was n o t . Qiaowubao Qiaowubao  135  136  111  were t o be a l l o t e d l e s s l a n d or none a t a l l d u r i n g t h e r e d i s t r i b u t i o n phase  of land  reform.  According t o  F i t z g e r a l d , the aim of t h i s measure was  t o ensure  n o n - l a b o u r i n g domestic Overseas Chinese d i d not from  land  reform  with  undue  income  and  advantages compared t o the average peasant. l i g h t of  subsequent CCP statements  that emerge  property But i n the  on the  r e c e i v e r e m i t t a n c e income, t h i s measure was  right to r e c e i v e d by  domestic Overseas Chinese as one more way i n which  they  were u n f a i r l y p e r s e c u t e d d u r i n g l a n d r e f o r m .  The  Impact of U n i f i e d  It  Purchase and Marketing  i s impossible  transformation  t o understand  o f Chinese  w i t h o u t u n d e r s t a n d i n g the implementation Marketing  the s o c i a l i s t  agriculture c r u c i a l role  of s o - c a l l e d  meaningfully p l a y e d by  Unified  Purchase  the and  quotas.  The  i n t r o d u c t i o n , i n November 1953, o f t h i s system  for the  (tonggou  compulsory  tongxiao)  d e l i v e r y of a l l s u r p l u s g r a i n t o the  state  a t f i x e d , low p r i c e s , o c c u p i e s a c r i t i c a l p l a c e i n t h e history  of s o c i a l i s t  intermediary  step  collectivization monopolized  transformation, between  whereby  a l l trade in  the  land state  the reform  crucial and  effectively  f o o d g r a i n s ( l a t e r the  system  11 2  was  extended t o o t h e r a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t s ,  c o t t o n and  edible o i l s ) .  c r i t i c a l l y related communist r u l e  As  to the  i n the  such, U n i f i e d Purchase p o l i t i c a l consolidation  countryside,  the  s t a t e c o n t r o l over the  rural  economy and,  commandeering of  rural  surplus,  r e l a t e d to  the  the s t a t e ' s  the F i r s t F i v e Year Yet, not  including  of  assertion  of  through  the  was  intimately  i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n goals  under  Plan.  r e l a t i v e l y s p e a k i n g , most w e s t e r n s t u d i e s  discuss  preliminary  much  this  enormously  step, p r e f e r r i n g to dwell  emphasis  because, n u m e r i c a l l y  and  i n c l u d i n g Guangdong — transformation  all  the  Advanced more  geographically  speaking  Rather,  most  directly  from  p r i v a t e p r o d u c e r s to members of f u l l c o l l e c t i v e s .  The  advance  peasants experienced  conform  through a  transformation  f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n by c o n t r a s t of U n i f i e d P u r c h a s e , and  stages.  to  socialist ideal  of  much  APCs.  surprising  the a c t u a l p r o c e s s of not  the  the  pattern  did  is  do  significant  i n s t e a d upon  t h r e e s t a g e f o r m a t i o n of MATs, APCs and This lopsided  was  l o o k s c l o s e l y a t the  examines i n d e t a i l the  of i t s i m p l e m e n t a t i o n upon the domestic Overseas  role  effects areas  i n r u r a l Guangdong. Under the required  terms of U n i f i e d P u r c h a s e , p e a s a n t s were  to d e l i v e r a l l s u r p l u s  g r a i n t o the  state,  at  11 3  f i x e d low  prices.  On  the  supply  side,  the  state  m a i n t a i n e d t h a t w i t h U n i f i e d Purchase i t would be i n  a  b e t t e r p o s i t i o n t o guarantee adequate g r a i n s u p p l i e s t o grain  deficient  households,  during incidences  of l o c a l  s t a t e d purposes were to  and  across  shortage.  The  low, s t a b l e Vivienne  Supply as  prices. Shue  "the  officially grain  construction,  1 3 7  describes  primary  c o n s u m p t i o n , making  nation  guarantee the s u p p l y of  needed f o r b o t h consumption and n a t i o n a l at  the  the  Unified  Purchase  vehicle  for  limiting  peasant  self-sustaining  and rural and  c a p t u r i n g a s u r p l u s from a g r i c u l t u r e f o r investment industry."  The  1 3 8  progress  i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n d r i v e as Year  Plan,  growing  depended  supply  of  the  state's  s e t out i n  absolutely foodgrains  expanding urban i n d u s t r i a l i n Anshan,  of  on to  planned  the F i r s t an  feed  proletariat.  ensured the For  in  Five and  rapidly example,  the c o u n t r y ' s major i r o n and s t e e l p r o d u c i n g  c e n t r e , u s i n g 1950 as the  base index ( 1 0 0 ) , the  total  RMRB 1 March 1954. S h u e , p. 184. Planned purchase p l a y e d the more c r i t i c a l r o l e i n s t a t e economic p l a n n i n g . W h i l e p l a n n e d p u r c h a s e was a p r e r e q u i s i t e t o e n s u r i n g s u p p l y , the scope and purpose of p l a n n e d purchase extended w e l l beyond e n s u r i n g s u p p l i e s . In a d d i t i o n t o g r a i n , p l a n n e d p u r c h a s e agreements soon c o v e r e d c o t t o n , t e a , j u t e , p e a n u t s , raw s i l k and cocoons, and o t h e r p r o d u c t s . The q u o t a s s e r v e d as i n s t r u m e n t s f o r the s t a t e t o d i c t a t e p r o d u c t i o n l e v e l s and the a g r i c u l t u r a l c r o p mix i n a c c o r d a n c e w i t h the needs and o b j e c t i v e s of s t a t e plans. 1 3  1 3 8  7  11 4  volume of food s a l e s rose t o 138.72 i n 1951, 204.51 i n 1952  and 315 i n 1 9 5 3 .  the  urban  Additonal  1 3 9  industrialization  figures reveal  workforce  rose  that on  a  n a t i o n a l s c a l e from around 6 m i l l i o n workers i n 1952 t o a p p r o x i m a t e l y 10 m i l l i o n by 1957. " ° 1  In  addition  t o supplying  more  grain  t o an  expanding urban w o r k f o r c e , U n i f i e d Purchase a l s o h e l p e d f i n a n c e t h e development of i n d u s t r y i n another way, through i n d i r e c t support. as t h e F i r s t F i v e  As N i c h o l a s Lardy  Year P l a n f o r i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n got,  under way i n 1953 "The p r i c e s agricultural  maintains,  products  were  of grain  critical  and o t h e r  because  cereals  were t h e major wage goods, and upward p r e s s u r e  on g r a i n  p r i c e s would g i v e r i s e t o t h e need f o r f u r t h e r  increase  i n wages... i n c r e a s i n g reducing  the  resources  U n i f i e d Purchase s o l v e d state t o capture  t h e s t a t e wage available  bill  and thus  f o r investment." " 1  t h i s problem  c o n t r o l over t h e  1  by e n a b l i n g t h e r u r a l surplus.  As  Edgar Wickberg e x p l a i n s , " t h r o u g h government c o n t r o l of agricultural countryside favour.  surplus,  t h e terms  of trade  and c i t y c o u l d be a r r a n g e d i n t h e  By p r o v i d i n g  between latter's  cheap g r a i n t o t h e c i t y ,  urban  T i a n j i n DGB 2 March 1954 i n SCMP 770. M e i s n e r , p. 124. " N i c h o l a s R. L a r d y , " S t a t e I n t e r v e n t i o n and Peasant O p p o r t u n i t i e s , " i n Chinese Rural Development: The Great Transformation, ed. W i l l i a m L. P a r i s h (Armonk, N. Y. : M. E. Sharpe I n c . , 1985), p. 36. 1 3 9 1 4 0 1  1  1 15  i n d u s t r i a l wages  c o u l d be m a i n t a i n e d a t low l e v e l s ,  t h e r e b y s u b s i d i z i n g t h e growth o f those Unified market  Purchase  i n grain.  industries."  a l l but e l i m i n a t e d  After  meeting  the free grain  tax  o b l i g a t i o n s and U n i f i e d Purchase q u o t a s , p e a s a n t s  were  p e r m i t t e d t o s e l l any r e m a i n i n g  their  1 4 2  surplus t o the  and M a r k e t i n g C o o p e r a t i v e s , o r t o government markets s e t up on t h e s i t e markets.  Supply  regulated  of the o l d v i l l a g e  There i s e v i d e n c e t h a t , f o r t h e f i r s t  free  s i x or  seven months a t l e a s t a f t e r t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of U n i f i e d P u r c h a s e , d e l i b e r a t e l y v e r y few o f these markets  were  actually established,  more  grain into state  i n order  coffers.  1 4 3  As a  1954 t h e s t a t e purchased t h r e e i n J a n u a r y 1953 .  1 44  t o channel  even  r e s u l t , i n January  t i m e s as much g r a i n  as  A c c o r d i n g t o t h e r e s e a r c h of Dwight  P e r k i n s and Shahid Y u s u f , i n t h e f i r s t year of U n i f i e d Purchase t o t a l  state grain  p u r c h a s e s rose  from 30.5  m i l l i o n tons t o 41.5 m i l l i o n t o n s , o r by a f u l l V i v i e n n e Shue, who has w r i t t e n  address  squarely the e x p l o i t a t i v e e f f e c t s  fails of  E d g a r W i c k b e r g , "Land Reform i n M a i n l a n d China and Taiwan," Peasant Studies 4 ( F a l l 1978): 259. See a l s o E c k s t e i n , p. 5. Shue, p. 225 . 1 4 2  1 4 3 y  * NCNA\ %  March'1954 i n SCMP 757.  D w i g h t P e r k i n s and S h a h i d Yusuf, Rural Development in China, ( B a l t i m o r e : John Hopkins U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1984), p. 20. 1 4 5  1 4 5  t h e most i n depth  study y e t of t h e r u r a l s o c i a l i s t t r a n s f o r m a t i o n , to  36%.  the  1 16  i m p o s i t i o n o f U n i f i e d Purchase q u o t a s on peasant and c o n s u m p t i o n .  1 4 6  Shue  appears  income  t o understate the  f o r c i b l e n a t u r e of t h e compulsory g r a i n s a l e s i n o r d e r to  s t r e n g t h e n her own argument  skillfully make t h e  restructured s o c i a l i s t path  -- namely t h a t t h e CCP  peasant  choices i n order t o  not j u s t  the sole  remaining  avenue open t o p e a s a n t s , but a l s o t h e most a p p e a l i n g i n terms of t h e i r m a t e r i a l In  self-interests.  1 4 7  f a c t , U n i f i e d Purchase e n c o u n t e r e d  substantial  peasant r e s i s t a n c e .  T h i s was e s p e c i a l l y the case  a nationwide  i n grain supply  crisis  errupted i n the  s p r i n g of 1955. The cause o f t h e c r i s i s was s t a t e p u r c h a s e s of g r a i n s u p p l i e s  when  excessive  f o l l o w i n g upon t h e  poor h a r v e s t s and s e r i e s o f n a t u r a l  disasters i n  f a l l of  c r i s i s as p r o o f ,  1954. Shue  i n t e r p r e t s the  the  m e r e l y , t h a t U n i f i e d Purchase had " i n e f f e c t , been t o o 0 n e of t h e most a r t i c u l a t e exponents of t h e n e g a t i v e e f f e c t s of s t a t e c o n t r o l o f m a r k e t i n g on peasant o p p o r t u n i t i e s i s N i c h o l a s R. L a r d y . See h i s c h a p t e r e n t i t l e d " S t a t e I n t e r v e n t i o n and Peasant O p p o r t u n i t i e s " i n P a r i s h , Chinese Rural Development, as w e l l a s L a r d y ' S 1983 work, Agriculture in China's Modern 1 4 6  Economic  Development,  (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y  P r e s s , 1983). Of c o u r s e , t h e s t r a t e g y of u s i n g a g r i c u l t u r e t o f i n a n c e i n d u s t r i a l C h i n a i s not unique to C h i n a nor l i m i t e d t o communist c o u n t r i e s . I t has been adopted by many t h i r d w o r l d governments, i n c l u d i n g , a s Edgar Wickberg has p o i n t e d o u t , t h e GMD government on Taiwan. I n t h e e a r l y 1950's, f o r example, the GMD government even i n t r o d u c e d a system of compulsory d e l i v e r i e s s i m i l a r t o t h a t i n p l a c e on t h e m a i n l a n d . See Edgar W i c k b e r g , "Land Reform i n M a i n l a n d C h i n a and Taiwan." S h u e , p. 321-333. 1 4 7  117  successful."  And  i n a f o o t n o t e to t h a t comment goes no  f u r t h e r than t o l i s t by o t h e r s c h o l a r s level"  of  the v a r i o u s e x p l a n a t i o n s  t o account f o r  state  e x p l a n a t i o n s which  grain  the "extremely  requisitions  range from  advanced  cadre  d e l i b e r a t e s t o c k p i l i n g t o prepare  high  in  1954;  overzealousness,  for c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n ,  to the bourgeoning demands of the i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r . " 1  V i v i e n n e Shue does was  the " s i l e n t  acknowledge, however, t h a t  t h r e a t of p e a s a n t s  deliberately"  that  i n t r o d u c e the  Three F i x e s  1955;  a  compelled  p o l i c y which  The  4 9  Chinese  (sanding)  Ezra Vogel  "massive propaganda e f f o r t the p e a s a n t r y . " '  third  f i x on  were f i x e d f o r  it  production  planners  policy  to  in  March  has d e s c r i b e d  t o win  as  a  the c o o p e r a t i o n  of  Three F i x e s c o n s i s t e d of the  two  e x i s t i n g quotas on b u y i n g and new,  to c u t  8  expected  a period  s e l l i n g of g r a i n , and annual  yield.  of t h r e e y e a r s ,  All  a  three  i n order  to  1955  was  motivate peasants to increase production. The  grain  supply  e s p e c i a l l y severe developed  of  peasants  s u p p l i e s of g r a i n . Overseas Chinese 1 4 8 1 f t 9  in rural  commercialized  dependence  i b i d . , p. V o g e l , p.  235. 140.  crisis  This  of  spring  Guangdong, due  to  highly  a g r i c u l t u r e and the consequent in  many  was  p a r t i c u l a r l y true in  a r e a s , and  areas  the impact  on  of the  outside the grain  1 18  supply  crisis  on d o m e s t i c  p a r t i c u l a r l y severe.  Overseas  They were,  Chinese  was  a r g u a b l y , among t h e  worst a f f e c t e d i n t h e p r o v i n c e . In o r d e r supply c r i s i s necessary  t o understand on d o m e s t i c  t h e impact Overseas  of t h e g r a i n  Chinese,  i t  is  t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e nature of t h e Guangdong  r u r a l economy and t h e t a s k s a s s i g n e d t o r u r a l Guangdong under t h e F i r s t F i v e Year P l a n .  Guangdong's  designated  r o l e w i t h i n t h e P l a n was t o be an i n c r e a s e d s u p p l i e r o f grain; i t s "central  t a s k " (zhongxin  p l a n t h e r e f o r e was t o r a i s e only  was  Guangdong  and was much  required  r e g i o n s as w e l l ,  Guangdong i t s e l f  t o export  itself  grain  the Plan to  as c a l l e d f o r by  slated for rapid  under t h e F i r s t  s u r p l u s g r a i n i n 1953, 1954 and t h e F i r s t F i v e Year P l a n .  L i a n g , Guangdong  ji ngji  t o t h e Guangdong  C o n s t r u c t i o n , " Jingji 1 5 1  di I i ; L i Z h o n g s h i ,  daobao  S e e R i s k i n , p. 132-135.  But  People's  "Guangdong P r o v i n c e on t h e Road t o F i v e Year P l a n  ECMM 19.  other  1 5 1  i n August 1956 i n a speech 1 5 0  feed  The i n d u s t r i a l development o f  was not a p r i o r i t y  Guangdong e x p o r t e d 1955,  Not  1 5 0  f o r t h e f i r s t time i n  p a r t i c u l a r l y those  i n d u s t r i a l development.  F i v e Year P l a n .  to  heralded a t the t i m e ) ,  c a l l e d f o r the province  under t h e  grain production.  ( s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y was a t t a i n e d 1953,  renwu)  43 (November 7, 1955)  in  1 19  Committee, Tao Zhu, then  t h e p r o v i n c e ' s most  o f f i c i a l , bluntly insisted"  "that i n future  (jueding)  Guangdong's g r a i n must f u l l y s u p p l y p r o v i n c e , and o n l y then can  powerful  ( t h e needs o f ) t h i s  i t be e x p o r t e d . "  He  then  went on t o c r i t i c i z e those a t t h e c e n t e r who c o n s i d e r e d " o n l y t h e system but not t h e p e o p l e ' s w e l f a r e " , and stressed the necessity  of i n c r e a s i n g  consumption t o  s t i m u l a t e t h e e n t h u s i a s m of Guangdong p e a s a n t s . Zhu's  statement  Firstly,  is  significant  on two  i t speaks o f t h e s t r a i n imposed on  peasants by t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s P l a n ; and s e c o n d l y , "surplus" i s a  i t reveals  relative  accounts. Guangdong  o f the F i r s t F i v e  Year  that p r o v i n c i a l  term, d e f i n e d  state's extractive capability  Tao  1 5 2  more  than by p u r e l y  grain by t h e  economic  criteria. U n i f i e d Purchase was not i n t r o d u c e d i n t o Guangdong u n t i l mid 1954, 6 months  l a t e r than t h e r e s t o f t h e  c o u n t r y , due t o t h e t a r d y l a n d results.  But t h e d e l a y  end because,  according  reform and i t s  made l i t t l e d i f f e r e n c e i n t h e t o Vogel,  the province  r e q u i r e d t o make up t h e s h o r t f a l l w i t h quotas f o r t h e f a l l  bitter  1954 h a r v e s t .  even  higher  As a r e s u l t ,  NFRB 30 August 1956. C i t e d i n Kenneth R. W a l k e r , Food Grain Procurement and Consumption in China, 1 5  was  says  2  (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1984), p. 92. Guangdong s u b s e q u e n t l y won o u t ; i n 1956-57 and 1957-58 the p r o v i n c e e x p o r t e d no g r a i n .  120  V o g e l , by the  s p r i n g of 1955 the  Guangdong was even the c o u n t r y . 1954 and mid  1 5 3  more c r i t i c a l  grain s i t u a t i o n i n  than  i n t h e r e s t of  To worsen m a t t e r s f u r t h e r , between mid  1955 Guangdong  was s t r u c k  by t h e  worst  s e r i e s of n a t u r a l d i s a s t e r s i n t e n y e a r s . " 1 5  I t i s u n f o r t u n a t e t h a t E z r a V o g e l does not d i s c u s s the  impact of U n i f i e d Purchase and e s p e c i a l l y the 1955  g r a i n s u p p l y c r i s i s on the domestic Overseas  Chinese,  because, as s t a t e d , they were a r g u a b l y among t h e affected.  The domestic  disproportionately  Overseas  precisely  Chinese  because  worst  suffered  their  "special  f e a t u r e s " r e n d e r e d them p a r t i c u l a r l y d i s a d v a n t a g e d and vulnerable.  The i n t r o d u c t i o n  created pressure increase  their  f o r "grain cereal  of U n i f i e d  Purchase  d e f i c i e n t " households  production.  Many  to  domestic  Overseas Chinese households were g r a i n d e f i c i e n t due t o t h e i r b e i n g e i t h e r u n w i l l i n g o r unable ( f o r reasons o f age and p h y s i c a l c a p a c i t y , l a c k o f p r o d u c t i o n knowledge and  dependence  on  a g r i c u l t u r a l production households were  remittances) themselves.  therefore  acutely  to  engage  Overseas affected  Chinese by  p r e s s u r e f o r h o u s e h o l d s t o p r o v i d e f o r t h e i r own V o g e l p. 139. " I n J u l y 1955 Gu Guangdong p e a s a n t s f l o o d i n g , drought, many s t i l l had not 1955. C i t e d i n He,  in  this grain  1 5 3 1 5  Dacun s a i d over t h e p a s t year had s u f f e r e d t h e e f f e c t s of f r o s t and i n s e c t p l a g u e s . By J u l y sown s p r i n g c r o p s . RMRB 27 J u l y Zhonggong Qiaowu, p. 56-57  121  needs, a t a time -which Overseas depended  when the Chinese  heavily  upon  p r i v a t e market  f o r grain  households had  i n the past  -- had shrunk  to virtually  n o t h i n g , almost o v e r n i g h t . Under the  Three  Fixes p o l i c y ,  c l a s s i f i e d as g r a i n d e f i c i e n t g r a i n they c o u l d p u r c h a s e . through the  those  were a s s i g n e d q u o t a s of  But they were encouraged --  s i z e of the purchase . e n t i t l e m e n t and by  p e r s o n a l p r e s s u r e -- t o remedy t h e i r own and not t o r e l y on the s t a t e . in other households  households  words d i s c r i m i n a t e d -- a  category  1 5 5  deficiencies  The Three F i x  against grain which  included  policy  deficient the vast  m a j o r i t y of domestic Overseas Chinese h o u s e h o l d s . domestic Overseas  Chinese households  t h a t were  For grain  d e f i c i e n t because they chose t o r e l y on r e m i t t a n c e s and the f r e e market encouragement continue  f o r g r a i n , t h e r e was l i t t l e from  local  not producing  cadres  sympathy o r  and p e a s a n t s  and t o l i v e  o f f of  to state  S h u e r e p o r t e d t h a t i n Hunan i n 1955 the amount of g r a i n a g r a i n d e f i c i e n t household could l e g a l l y purchase s t i l l l e f t i t below the consumption l e v e l of g r a i n s u r p l u s h o u s e h o l d s . See. p. 238. A c c o r d i n g t o Thomas B e r n s t e i n , an i m p o r t a n t a s p e c t of g r a i n s u p p l y c r i s i s i n 1955 was the c o m p a r a t i v e l y low p r i o r i t y a s s i g n e d t o s u p p l y i n the U n i f i e d Purchase and Supply e q u a t i o n . Thomas P. B e r n s t e i n , "Cadre and Peasant Behaviour Under C o n d i t i o n s of I n s e c u r i t y and D e p r i v a t i o n : The G r a i n Supply C r i s i s of the S p r i n g of 1955," i n Chinese Communist Politics in Action, A. Doak B a r n e t t , ed. ( S e a t t l e : U n i v e r s i t y o f Washington P r e s s , 1969), p. 397. 1 5 5  1 22  s u p p l i e s now t h a t  the f r e e market  commenting on t h e  f l i g h t of many  Overseas C h i n e s e t o  t h i s p e r i o d one  of the d e l e g a t e s t o  Hong Kong d u r i n g  was a b o l i s h e d .  In  the ACROCA i n 1956 a s s e r t e d t h a t most o f t h o s e who f l e d were j u s t (baoshi  "people who a t e a l l  zhongri  system.  ersuo  did  nothing"  i . e . f r e e l o a d e r s on t h e  shishi),  Under t h e terms  1 5 6  day and  of t h e Three F i x agreement  every g r a i n d e f i c i e n t household was r e q u i r e d t o draw up c o n c r e t e p l a n s f o r i n c r e a s i n g i t s g r a i n p r o d u c t i o n on a year t o y e a r b a s i s and f o r l i m i t i n g i t s c o n s u m p t i o n .  1 5 7  Under t h e Three F i x e s , not o n l y was t h e s t a t e g o i n g t o purchase l e s s g r a i n , There was a campaign  i t was a l s o  going to s e l l  less.  t o make up f o r c u t b a c k s i n s u p p l y  by e n c o u r a g i n g " t h r i f t and economy" and t h e e l i m i n a t i o n of waste  and e x t r a v a g a n c e i n consumption  a g a i n , something  f o r which  habits  domestic Overseas  Chinese  had o f t e n enough been accused. The s e v e r i t y of the c r i s i s i n t h e Overseas C h i n e s e a r e a s can be gauged by the f a c t t h a t i n March Hong  Kong  government  began  c r o s s i n g s , i n an e f f o r t t o exodus, p a r t i c u l a r l y with  relatives  Zhongguo dahui tekan, 156  stem  a growing  among domestic  i n Hong  quanguo  restricting  guiguo  Kong.  Overseas  1955 t h e border t i d e of Chinese  I n one v i l l a g e i n  huaqi ao lianhehui  chengli  v o l s . ( P e k i n g : Zhongguo quangu guiguo h u a z i a l i a n h e h u i , 1957), v o l . 1, p. 85. S h u e , p. 237. HK WHB 1 September 1955 i n SCMP 1126. 1 5 7  2  1 23  T a i s h a n , f o r example, i t was r e p o r t e d  t h a t 38 o f t h e 52  Overseas Chinese f a m i l i e s f l e d t o Hong K o n g . 1955  i t was r e p o r t e d  of Enping  county  In July  1 5 8  t h a t i n t h e 2nd and 5 t h d i s t r i c t s  as w e l l a s i n t h e main  Chinese d i s t r i c t s of T a i s h a n , p e a s a n t s were  Overseas  withholding  p u b l i c g r a i n and s t e a l i n g draught a n i m a l s b e l o n g i n g t o collectives.  I n August of t h e same  reports of acts county,  of sabotage  including  year t h e r e  were  and murder  i n Renhua  of l o c a l  P a r t y and  the burning  government o f f i c e s and a s s a s i n a t i o n of o f f i c i a l s . That  domestic  considerably  during  Overseas  suffered  the g r a i n supply c r i s i s despite the  government's  recently  s p e c i a l care  towards t h i s  reflection.  Chinese  1 5 9  stated  intentions  to  extend  group was cause f o r  sober  The S t a t e C o u n c i l D i r e c t i v e on r e m i t t a n c e s  i s s u e d i n F e b r u a r y , j u s t as t h e g r a i n c r i s i s was about to erupt,  had c a l l e d  for extra  grain allotments f o r  domestic Overseas Chinese i n o r d e r t o h e l p them the c o s t  o f weddings,  celebrations. was  admitting  funerals  offset  and o t h e r  "feudal"  Y e t , by t h e summer of 1955 He  Xiangning  t o t h e NPC t h a t t h e OCAC r e g r e t t a b l y  " s t i l l not capable of promptly  was  p u t t i n g f o r w a r d on t h e  basis of the s p e c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s  of the  returned  6 J u l y 1955 i n SCMP 1089. H e , Wei, Zhonggong qiaowu yu qiaoxiang, (Taibei: Z i l i a n chubanshe, 1956), p. 64-66. The i n c i d e n t s c i t e d are from documented PRC newspaper r e p o r t s . 1 5  1 5 9  B  GMRB  1 24  Overseas  Chinese  namely t h e i r  and Overseas  t i m e l y measures f o r  of f o o d g r a i n s ,  ensuring their  result that for a period situation  districts."  dependents,  dependence on r e m i t t a n c e s , shortgage o f  l a n d h o l d i n g s and l a c k  supply  Chinese  the necessary  welfare, with the  t h e r e was a v e r y t e n s e  in  some  Overseas  grain Chinese  1 6 0  Measures were undertaken a s t h e c r i s i s s u b s i d e d t o improve t h e s i t u a t i o n of domestic Overseas C h i n e s e , and t o make good on t h e promise t o ensure t h a t t h e i r were l o o k e d a f t e r .  So t h a t i n June 1955, f o r example,  the r i c e r a t i o n  f o r domestic Overseas  Chinese i n  Changzhou  averaged  than  area  ordinary persons.  needs  1 6 1  10% h i g h e r  Domestic  Overseas  the  that f o r  Chinese  were  g r a n t e d h i g h e r r a t i o n s f o r g r a i n , c l o t h , o i l , meat and sugar.  1 6 2  And i n 1956 Supply and M a r k e t i n g C o o p e r a t i v e s  i n Overseas C h i n e s e d i s t r i c t s special 1 6 0  cited  Zhongguo  retail  stores  i n He, zhonggong  quanguo  guiguo  were i n s t r u c t e d t o open  catering qiaowu, huaqiao,  solely  t o domestic  p. 57-58. See a l s o  vol.  1,  p.  94.  F i t z g e r a l d , p. 62, 227. I n another r e p o r t , by J u l y 1955 t h e g r a i n s u p p l y quota f o r Overseas Chinese dependents was on t h e average 3-4 c a t t i e s more than f o r o t h e r g r a i n d e f i c i e n t households GMRB 6 J u l y 1955 i n 1 6 1  SCMP 1093.  I n Guangdong a s p e c i a l d i r e c t i v e was i s s u e d c a l l i n g on a l l Overseas Chinese a f f a i r s organs a s w e l l a s c o m m e r c i a l and procurement organs t o c o o p e r a t e i n s t r e n g t h e n i n g t h e s u p p l y of a l l b a s i c d a i l y n e c e s s i t i e s t o Overseas Chinese h o u s e h o l d s . Guiguo huaqiao x u e x i z i l i a o , comp. Guangdong sheng huaqiao shiwu wei yuanhui 1 6 2  xuanjiaoke  ( n . p. ; 1956).  1 25  Overseas Chinese and o f f e r i n g d a i l y n e c e s s i t i e s as w e l l as  consumer  ordinary for  goods  peasants.  not  available  or  affordable  by  The s t a t e i n a t t e m p t i n g t o make  the f a i l u r e of i t s promise t o " t a k e c a r e "  up  (zhaogu)  of t h e s p e c i a l needs of domestic Overseas C h i n e s e , thus adopted f u r t h e r measures which  ran c l e a r l y c o u n t e r  i n l e t t e r and i n s p i r i t -- t o the s i m u l t a n e o u s t o encourage population Thus  "thrift  economy"  even  as  these  new  pressures  reconsideration desireability.  of The  added  their  the  rural  of  to  the  and  spring  being for  even  1955  debate  and  on  was about  t o be r e s o l v e d  1955 speech.  The attempt t o r e s o l v e was  to  a  their its  national  r a p i d l y coming t o a  i n C h i n a and  collectivization  were  mounting  viability  crisis  fuel  measures  were  a g r i c u l t u r a l p o l i c y t h a t was  rapid  among  as a whole.  implemented,  response  and  efforts  by Mao's  head July  the debate t h r o u g h have  important  i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r domestic Overseas C h i n e s e , and f o r t h e domestic Overseas Chinese p o l i c y In s h o r t ,  i t precipitated  r e t h i n k i n g of the mutual state  and  returned  C h i n e s e dependents.  i n place since  -- i n d e e d  required  o b l i g a t i o n s owed between  Overseas  Chinese  and  1954. --  a the  Overseas  1 26  A  foreshadowing  of  glimpsed i n  the e f f o r t  distinguish  what  difference  reappraisal  by Lo L i s h i  he m a i n t a i n e d  between  they  during land  exprienced  e s p e c i a l l y d u r i n g the s p r i n g problem, he s a i d , c o u l d  in  c a n be  i n l a t e 1956 t o  was a  the suffering  d o m e s t i c Overseas Chinese difficulties  this  fundamental  inflicted  upon  r e f o r m and t h e grain  1955 c r i s i s .  supply,  The former  have been l a r g e l y a v o i d e d : i t  was the r e s u l t of p o o r l y thought out p o l i c i e s and crude e r r o r s o f judgement. was  completely  The more r e c e n t problem, however,  unavoidable:  i t was an  objective  problem, he s a i d , one t h a t had emerged i n the c o u r s e of the  transition  to socialism  and t h a t  necessarily  a f f e c t e d the e n t i r e r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n , not j u s t domestic Overseas  Qiaowubao  163  Chinese.  1 6 3  17 November  1956,  p.  18.  1 27  CHAPTER IV: C o n t r a d i c t o r y Interests:  Aims and C o n f l i c t i n g  The Overseas Chinese Areas i n R u r a l  Guangdong and S o c i a l i s t T r a n s f o r m a t i o n , Part II  Collectivization  In s p i t e of an  o f f i c i a l l y prescribed three  stage  p r o c e s s f o r s o c i a l i s t t r a n s f o r m a t i o n (MATs, f o l l o w e d by APCs and Advanced APCs), on t h e eve of t h e " h i g h of c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n  the l a r g e s t  c o u n t r y s i d e had  undergone  transformation.  Walker  p a r t of  virtually  cites  no  tide"  the Chinese institutional  statistics  which  show  t h a t on a n a t i o n a l l e v e l by t h e end of 1955 o n l y 4% of peasant households June  had  joined c o l l e c t i v e s ,  1956 t h e f i g u r e  63.2%.  Guangdong  1 6 4  had  was  risen  even  while  dramatically  behind  the  by to  national  a v e r a g e , due t o t h e l a t e c o m p l e t i o n of l a n d r e f o r m and the  series  1954-55. the  of  natural  Consequently,  disasters i t seems  struck  almost c e r t a i n  m a j o r i t y of Guangdong p e a s a n t s p r o g r e s s e d  from t h e s t a t u s of p r i v a t e collectives August  in that  directly  f a r m e r s t o members of  full  (advanced APCs) d u r i n g t h e " h i g h t i d e "  from  1955 t o summer 1956. There was, i n o t h e r words,  a leap into c o l l e c t i v e s — 1 6 a  which  Walker,  which d i r e c t l y  contradicted  " C o l l e c t i v i a t i o n i n R e t r o s p e c t " , p. 34-35.  1 28  the l o n g s t a t e d p o l i c y  ( r e i t e r a t e d even i n Mao's  July  speech) of a d v a n c i n g s t e a d i l y by s t a g e s . F i g u r e s from Guangdong c o n f i r m t h i s l e a p .  Of  the  15,000 APCs e s t a b l i s h e d n a t i o n w i d e by the end of  1953,  78.6% were c o n c e n t r a t e d i n the n o r t h and n o r t h e a s t o n l y 4.2%  i n the  s o u t h and s o u t h w e s t .  and  Furthermore,  1 6 5  b e f o r e s p r i n g 1954 t h e r e were no c o o p e r a t i v e s a t a l l i n Guangdong.  166  In F e b r u a r y  of the Guangdong APCs i n  government announced  the p r o v i n c e .  p l a n s were announced new APCs — And by as  1954 the S t a t i s t i c a l  By c o n t r a s t  Bureau  t h e r e were i n the  i n January 1954  190  northeast  to create  7,700  one and one h a l f times the e x i s t i n g number. l a t e as  September 1955 o n l y  7% of  households i n Guangdong had j o i n e d A P C s .  peasant  1 6 7  Overseas C h i n e s e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n APCs appears  to  have been no more d e v e l o p e d , and p r o b a b l y was v e r y much less.  For  example,  p u b l i s h e d of Chinese whose  a survey  in  May  1955  the  which f o l l o w e d  class status  townships i n Wenchang c o u n t y ,  had been  results up on  changed.  of 240 Overseas  households t h a t had t h e i r c l a s s s t a t u s changed, j o i n e d MATs but s t i l l  were  Overseas In  36  Chinese 158  o n l y 7 households or 2.7% of  W a l k e r , p. 16. i b i d . . , p. 16. L i a n g , p. 17 HK DGB 25 August 1955 i n SCMP 1117. the p r o g r e s s of c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n i n Guangdong i n g e n e r a l , see V o g e l , p. 146-156.  had the  1 6 5  1 6 6 1 6 7  On  1 29  t o t a l had  joined  APCs.  g e t t i n g Overseas less d i f f i c u l t  There  16 8  were  reports  that  C h i n e s e t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n APCs was i n mountaineous  and semi-mountainous  r e g i o n s , because Overseas C h i n e s e i n t h e s e a r e a s tended t o be more f a m i l i a r  and accoustomed  l a b o u r and t h e r e f o r e  more w i l l i n g  fact,  over  90%  o f Overseas  to agricultural  to o r g a n i z e . Chinese  dependents  c o u n t r y w i d e j o i n e d APCs d u r i n g t h e "high t i d e " summer 1955 and  summer 1956, w i t h o n l y  t h i s number j o i n i n g In  APCs.  principle,  participation  between  about 50% of  1 7 0  domestic  i n APCs  In  1 6 9  Overseas  was supposed  Chinese  t o p r o c e e d no  d i f f e r e n t l y than f o r t h e r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n a t l a r g e a c c o r d i n g t o t h e t w i n p r i n c i p l e s of " v o l u n t a r i n e s s " and "mutual  benefit"  collective).  ( t o the  I n p r a c t i c e , however,  f o r domestic Overseas severely  169  the opportunties  by  their  were  "special  And j u s t a s under t h e c o n d i t i o n s o f  U n i f i e d Purchase, these  1 6 8  and t h e  Chinese w i t h i n c o l l e c t i v e s  constricted  characteristics."  especially  individual  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s rendered  them  vulnerable.  H K DGB 14 May 1955 i n SCMP 1048. CWS 31 December 1954 i n SCMP 962; HK DGB 6 F e b r u a r y  1955 i n SCMP 982.  H e X i a n g n i n g , " J i n y i b u guanche z h i x i n g qiaowu zhengce, k a i z h a n qiaowu gongzuo", i n Zhonghua renmin 1 7 0  gongheguo di yi j i e quanquo renmin di abi ao dahui disanci hui yi wenjian ( B e i j i n g : renmin chubanshe, 1956),  p. 268.  1 30  There  i s c o n v i n c i n g e v i d e n c e t h a t many i f not most  domestic Overseas C h i n e s e s u f f e r e d a l o s s of income and a decline in APCs.  l i v i n g standards as a r e s u l t  O f f i c i a l policy  1 7 1  of  joining  stated that l o c a l cadres  were  to proceed w i t h the f o r m a t i o n o f Advanced APCs o n l y i f they c o u l d guarantee an i n c r e a s e i n income f o r a t l e a s t 90%  of t h e membership  operation.  1 7 2  I n most  c r i t e r i o n t o meet, which  was found  during  the f i r s t  c a s e s t h i s was not a s i n c e the  in  most  poor APCs  would  incomes when  and  was on t h e b a s i s  alone. was  1 7 3  I n t h i s way,  the  of  difficult  peasant  experience r i s i n g remuneration  year  majority  undoubtedly  shares were of  abolished workpoints  f o r m a t i o n of Advanced  APCs  seen a s the f i n a l s t a g e i n i s o l a t i n g r i c h p e a s a n t s .  But  the e f f e c t  remuneration  of  solely  abolishing on  shares  workpoints  and  was  basing  also  to  d i s c r i m i n a t e a c r o s s the board a g a i n s t the l a r g e numbers of domestic  Overseas Chinese  a g r i c u l t u r a l production poor.  So  severe  who d i d not  themselves,  was t h i s  problem  whether among  engage i n rich  or  Overseas  Chinese dependents t h a t i n 1956 Lo L i s h i , Chairman o f 171  Q/aowubao  17 November 1956,  p. 18.  W a l k e r , " C o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n i n R e t r o p s e c t , " p. 29. U n d e r APCs d i v i d e n d s were p a i d out on the b a s i s o f the means o f p r o d u c t i o n c o n t r i b u t e d t o the APC ( l a n d , t o o l s , e t c . ) and the amount of l a b o u r c o n t r i b u t e d . Under Advanced APCs, p r i v a t e ownershp was a b o l s i h e d and r e m u n e r a t i o n was s o l e l y on the b a s i s of w o r k p o i n t s earned t h r o u g h l a b o u r . 1 7 2  1 7 3  131  the  Guangdong  suffering  OCAC,  a decline  admitted  that  i n income  the  after  proportion  joining  Advanced  APCs was g r e a t e r among Overseas Chinese dependents  than  the  than  rural population at large,  among r i c h  peasants.  d u r i n g the  "high t i d e " ,  peasants  were  collectives,  and g r e a t e r , even,  Consequently, when  domestic  Overseas  t h i s was a Overseas  Chinese.  skewed,  Chinese  their  numbers  consisting  unable t o engage i n  themselves.  livelihood.  domestic  d i s t r i b u t i o n of dependents  Most t h e r e f o r e were  relied  Chinese " v o l u n t e e r e d "  and young  Instead,  mainly  Official  the  on r e m i t t a n c e s  policy  stated  t o invest  children.  agricultural "overwhelming for  that i f  inheritors 174  and prime  Q/aowubao  Overseas  their  The c r e a t i o n  of  f o r APCs t o become t h e  beneficiaries  17 November 1956,  their  their remittances i n  t o be welcomed.  APCs opened up the p o s s i b i l i t y  was  almost  c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o the w e l f a r e of t h e i r home a r e a s c o n t r i b u t i o n s were  own  especially,  t h e minds of most  the e l d e r l y  majority"  were  was i n t h e i r  e n t i r e l y of women,  production  join  1 7 4  The age and sex severely  Chinese  to  I n the f i r s t h a l f o f 1956  q u e s t i o n on  Lishi,  of  rushing  q u e s t i o n i n g whether c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n best i n t e r e s t s .  Lo  the masses  enthusiastically many  said  of t h i s  p. 18.  historic  1 32  t r a d i t i o n among  Overseas  Chinese.  Overseas  Chinese  were i n v i t e d t o c o n t r i b u t e t o APCs i n two ways: d i r e c t l y , through fund (gufen  d e p o s i t i n g funds  either  i n t h e APC  o r i n d i r e c t l y , through d e p o s i t s i n  jijin),  l o c a l c r e d i t c o o p e r a t i v e s from which APCs c o u l d In J u l y 1955  share  i t was r e p o r t e d t h a t  borrow.  i n Taishan  county  Overseas C h i n e s e accounted f o r 25% of t h e membership i n the  county's  254  credit  c o o p e r a t i v e s , but  d e p o s i t s c o m p r i s e d 74.6% of t h e t o t a l  funds.  their  1 7 5  So l o n g as APC members c o n t i n u e d t o draw d i v i d e n d s on c a p i t a l  investment s h a r e s ,  t h e r e was no i n h e r e n t  d i s a d v a n t a g e t o Overseas Chinese u s i n g r e m i t t a n c e s f o r this  purpose  insofar higher (xinyong  local  (there  as p r i v a t e returns).  was a  investments  peasants  would  disadvantage, have  In the "Trustworthy  on Hainan  she)  relative  yielded  Cooperative"  I s l a n d i t was r e p o r t e d Overseas. C h i n e s e  had  e s t a b l i s h e d very close r e l a t i o n s , with the r e s u l t  that  the APC fund  and domestic  that  had become t h e " t r u s t e d r e p o s i t o r y " f o r  the r e m i t t a n c e s o f a l l t h e dependents i n t h e t o w n s h i p . C o n s e q u e n t l y t h e APC was a b l e t o r a i s e i t s p r o d u c t i o n and i n c r e a s e t h e income of a l l i t s m e m b e r s .  the  176  D u r i n g t h e c o u r s e of c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n ,  however,  forced  Overseas  "mobilization"  (dongyuan)  * GMRB 6 J u l y 1955 i n SCMP 1093. Zhongguo quanguo guiguo huaqiao,  of  75  17e  vol.  1,  p.  99-100.  1 33  Chinese r e m i t t a n c e s  f o r c o l l e c t i v e purposes emerged  as  a s e r i o u s problem and a d i r e c t v i o l a t i o n of the s t a t e ' s "long  term"  guaranteeing  policy  of p r o t e c t i n g  remittances  the r i g h t of r e c i p i e n t s t o d i s p o s e of them  freely  (ziyou  tide"  of c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n  shiyong).  E s p e c i a l l y d u r i n g the  177  there  was  p r e s s u r e put on Overseas Chinese cardres t o surrender  their  productive  dependents by  remittances  i n t h i s way was a p p a r e n t l y regarded  purposes.  victory for  remittances: a modified, s o c i a l i s t o l d t r a d i t i o n o f c a r i n g f o r the  disdain for  on  remittances  agricultural  jiaxiang. tended  production  to foster  early  as  a  and f o r manual  and unsavory  As  on  v e r s i o n of the age  the  dependents.  rather  directive  T h i s was i n f a c t regarded  salient  by some  socialism  labour i n general. most  for  "Mobilizing"  v i o l a t i o n of t h e S t a t e C o u n c i l  Dependence  local  r e m i t t a n c e s t o the APC  in  cadres as s i g n i f y i n g a  "high  considerable  investment  than a  and  as one of  characteristics  of  1953 t h e F i r s t  Guangdong  P r o v i n c i a l Overseas Chinese Dependents R u r a l  Production  Conference was convened (a second 1956)  to inculcate  i n dependents  "labour i s g l o r i o u s . "  1 7 8  Judging  was h e l d  i n late  the b e l i e f  from the frequency  that of  S e e the comments by He Z i a n g n i n g i n her 1956 a d d r e s s t o the NPC. C W S 29 October 1953 i n SCMP 681. J u s t p r i o r t o the C o n f e r e n c e , the Guangdong government a l l o c a t e d a h e f t y 1 7 7  178  1 34  references t o i t ,  this  attitudinal deficiency  s e r i o u s and p e r s i s t e n t problem from of o f f i c i a l s  concerned.  c a p a c i t y as Chairman  their  failure  Even He X i a n g n i n g ,  to appreciate  but  1 7 9  in  her  roundly  i n 1955  for  that  participation i n  a concrete  m a n i f e s t a t i o n of  was v i t a l  industrialization.  OCAC,  Overseas Chinese  p r o d u c t i o n was n o t o n l y patriotism,  t h e p o i n t o f view  of the Central  c r i t i c i z e d t h e domestic  was a  t o the  The problem  progress  of g e t t i n g  of  domestic  Overseas C h i n e s e t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n p r o d u c t i o n was made much more d i f f i c u l t by t h e F e b r u a r y 1955 State. decree which g u a r a n t e e d t h e r i g h t of domestic  Council Overseas  Chinese t o l i v e o f f f of r e m i t t a n c e s a l o n e . When i t came t o t h e f o r m a t i o n of APCs the  problem  production  o f Overseas was s t i l l  Chinese  f a r from  therefore,  participation resolved.  in  In the  Southern T i g e r Advanced APC i n M e i x i a n c o u n t y , 67 o u t of 278 domestic refused  Overseas  to participate  Chinese  member  i n agricultural  households production,  c i t i n g t h e S t a t e C o u n c i l ' s guarantee o f t h e i r r i g h t l i v e from r e m i t t a n c e s a l o n e .  to  1 8 0  ( c o n t ' d ) f i n a n c i a l s u b s i d y t o Overseas C h i n e s e dependents t o g e t them s t a r t e d i n a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n . T a i s h a n c o u n t y , f o r example, d i s t r i b u t e d some 570 m i l l i o n yuan f o r dependents t o purchase oxen, p l o u g h s , f e r t i l i z e r , e t c . CNS 24 October 1953 i n SCMP 1 7 8  675; CNS 27 May 1954 i n SCMP 817. i CNS 7 F e b u r a r y 1955 i n SCMP 985. Qiaowubao 17 November 1956, p. 18. J9  1B0  I n h e r 1956  1 35  In domestic  analyzing Overseas  the labour Chinese  problems  joining  a d m i t t e d t o a fundamental dilemma.  which  faced  Lo  Lishi  APCs,  On the one hand, he  s a i d , the " g r e a t m a j o r i t y " o f domestic Overseas requested that  their tasks  d e t e r m i n e d w i t h "due  w i t h i n the  Chinese  collective  c o n s i d e r a t i o n " of t h e i r  be  "special  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s " , i n c l u d i n g some who demanded t h a t they be exempt from  a l l labour o b l i g a t i o n s .  On the  other  hand, however, i f domestic Overseas Chinese were t o be e n t i t l e d t o a share of the c o l l e c t i v e d i v i d e n d s , i t was e s s e n t i a l that  they engage  i n labour  and accumulate  w o r k p o i n t s l i k e the r e s t of the c o l l e c t i v e O t h e r w i s e , they  would be members i n  name o n l y .  dilemma was compounded by t h e f a c t t h a t dependent households  s u f f e r e d from  membership. The  nearly a l l  weak l a b o u r  power  and t h e r e f o r e were a t a d i s t i n c t d i s a d v a n t a g e so f a r a s a c c u m u l a t i n g w o r k p o i n t s was c o n c e r e d . Even t h o s e  domestic  Overseas  1 8 1  Chinese  who were  c a p a b l e o f c o n t r i b u t i n g p r o d u c t i v e l y t o APCs f r e q u e n t l y c o m p l a i n e d t h a t proper s k i l l s t h e y had  use was not  to o f f e r .  b e i n g made of  E s p e c i a l l y among  the  returned  Overseas C h i n e s e , t h e r e were many who p o s s e s s e d s p e c i a l ( c o n t ' d ) speech t o the NPC, He X i a n g n i n g s u p p o r t e d the l e g i t i m a t e r i g h t of domestic Overseas Chinese t o be exempt from l a b o u r o b l i g a t i o n s w i t h i n APCs i f they r e c e i v e d r e g u l a r r e m i t t a n c e s . " J i n y i b u z h i x i n g qiaowu zhengce," p. 269. Qiaowubao 17 November 1956, kp. 18. 1 8 0  18x  1 36  t e c h n i c a l and In  professional s k i l l s  acquired  overseas.  f a c t , d u r i n g t h e 1950's t h e government was a c t i v e l y  encouraging  such  persons  to return  t o China  and  contribute their  s k i l l s t o s o c i a l i s t c o n s t r u c t i o n of  the  But t h e r e were  motherland.  that the " s p e c i a l i z e d  skills"  (laodong  these r e t u r n e d Overseas C h i n e s e APC  cadres  responsible  frequent  complaints  zhuanchang)  of  were b e i n g i g n o r e d by  f o r work  assignments,  thus  i n d i c a t i n g t h a t a t e n s i o n l i k e l y e x i s t e d between p o o r l y educated  cadres  "backbone" ranks)  ( i t was p o l i c y  (gugan)  and b e t t e r  c a d r e s from educated  Uncommon t o f i n d such  huaqiao  to recruit  among t h e poor huaqiao.  employed  APC  peasant  I t was n o t i n tasks f a r  from commensurate w i t h t h e i r q u a l i f i c a t i o n s and s k i l l s : d e n t i s t s worked a s d i s p a t c h e r s , h i g h l y s k i l l e d functioned as s a l e s c l e r k s ,  etc.  1 8 2  H i s t o r i c a l l y , Guangdong p e a s a n t s had t h e i r meagre  artists  l a n d h o l d i n g s by growing c a s h  supplemented c r o p s and  H e , " J i n y i b u z h i x i n g qiaowu zhengce", p. 271. I n an i n t e r e s t i n g t w i s t t o t h i s problem, a d e l e g a t e t o t h e 1956 ACROCA meeting ( h i m s e l f a m e d i c a l d o c t o r r e t u r n e d s i n c e 1949) proposed t h a t those who s t u d i e d n a t u r a l s c i e n c e s abroad s h o u l d have t h e i r s p e c i a l i z a t i o n s put to use, because t h e laws of t h e n a t u r a l s c i e n c e s "had no c l a s s b a s i s " (meiyou jiejixing). But t h o s e who had s t u d i e d p o l i t i c a l t h e o r y o r t h e s o c i a l s c i e n c e s abroad s h o u l d n o t n e c e s s a r i l y have t h e i r s p e c i a l i z a t i o n s r e c o g n i z e d , because t h e systems o f c a p i t a l i s t and s o c i a l i s t thought a r e " f u n d a m e n t a l l y opposed t o one another (genben duillde). Zhonghua quanguo guiquo 1 8 2  huaqiao,  1:16.  1 37  engaging  in a variety  of " s i d e l i n e s "  such  (fuye)  as  a q u a c u l t u r e (which was h i g h l y d e v e l o p e d i n Guangdong), r a i s i n g of p i g s , f r u i t , e t c .  Most of these  sidelines  r e q u i r e d l i t t l e c a p i t a l e x p e n d i t u r e t o d e v e l o p and o n l y marginally extra labour output. production  was  accounting  for  agricultural Because sideline  a  income. of  of  rural  developed  substantial  in  portion  sideline Guangdong, of  total  1 8 3  the  production  especially highly areas  highly  As a r e s u l t  minimal and  labour  certain  developed  requirements,  cash  crops  i n t h e Overseas  Guangdong.  I n Shunde  example, n e a r l y a l l a g r i c u l t u r a l l a n d economic c r o p s .  On  the average,  million catties  of  r i c e each  were Chinese  county, f o r  was devoted  Shunde imported  year  from  to 110  beyond i t s  b o r d e r s . " An i n v e s t i g a t i o n of t h e s i t u a t i o n i n X i n h u i 1 8  t o w n s h i p i n t h e Overseas Chinese revealed that cultivated rice  i n y e a r s of  county  abundant  provided for  of  Taishan  harvest  locally  the grain  needs of t h e  p o p u l a t i o n f o r 6-9 months of every y e a r .  For the other  3-6 months most persons depended on s i d e l i n e s and  cash  I n neighbouring F u j i a n , with s i m i l a r conditions t o Guangdong, c a s h c r o p s and s i d e l i n e s made up 52% of t h e t o t a l a g r i c u l t u r a l income i n t h e mid 1950's, i n c l u d i n g 24% from s i d e l i n e s a l o n e . Qi aowubao 17 December 1956, p. 1 . *HK WHB 17 June 1955 i n SCMP 1073. 1 8 3  18  138  c r o p s t o meet t h e i r g r a i n consumption The  because l a n d  diversified  i n Overseas Chinese  was i n s h o r t  g e n e r a l l y weak, t h e r e was economy  sideline activities crops  o f f i c i a l s as a  supply  Chinese  by Overseas  would  Overseas C h i n e s e i n t o would r e p r e s e n t a  solve  of  certain affairs  way t o overcome  i n Overseas  Chinese  income a f t e r  joining  t h e problem  p r o d u c t i v e members  more r a t i o n a l  1 8 6  t o engage i n  Chinese  p o t e n t i a l l y promising  h o u s e h o l d s and r e s u l t a n t d e c l i n i n g I t also  power  activity.  and t h e c u l t i v a t i o n  problem o f weak l a b o u r power  APCs.  areas,  and l a b o u r  sideline  Overseas  was seen  Work  an e s t a b l i s h e d t r a d i t i o n o f  and much  E n c o u r a g i n g domestic  the  1 8 5  1956 Guangdong R e t u r n e d Overseas Chinese  Conference r e c o g n i z e d that  economic  needs.  of making of the  APC,  a l l o c a t i o n of l a b o u r  w i t h i n the c o o p e r a t i v e , and a t t h e same time enable a t l e a s t 90% of domestic Overseas r a i s e t h e i r Overseas Chinese  C h i n e s e APC members t o incomes.  1 8 7  The e f f o r t t o t u r n domestic Overseas Chinese fully  participating  centered,  therefore,  activities. £>/ aowubao Q i awubao  185  y e 6  Qiaowubao  101  1 8 8  and  productive  APC  members  of  sideline  on t h e promotion  Domestic  Overseas  into  Chinese  households  20 March 1 957, p. 7. 20 F e b r u a r y 1957, p. 2. 17 November, 1956, p.  18.  I n X i n g f u Advanced APC i n Chaoan c o u n t y , 134 out o f 146 dependent households were a b l e t o i n c r e a s e t h e i r incomes by r a i s i n g p i g s and growing f r u i t . Qi aowubao 17 1 8 8  1 39  were t o be a l l o w e d t o  form t h e i r own p r o d u c t i o n  units  o f team {dui ) o r s m a l l  group  w i t h i n APCs a t t h e l e v e l (xiaozu),  f o r t h e purpose o f engaging e x c l u s i v e l y i n  s i d e l i n e production  -- n o t u n l i k e  the " s p e c i a l i z e d  h o u s e h o l d s " o p e r a t i n g i n r u r a l C h i n a today has by f a r t h e l a r g e s t  number of such  h o u s e h o l d s " of any p r o v i n c e ) .  (Guangdong "specialized  As w e l l ,  there  were  demands f o r f u l l r e c o g n i t i o n of t h e l e g i t m a c y o f f a m i l y s i d e l i n e s (ji at i ng  under APC management. The case  a s d i s t i n c t from  fuye), 189  f o r active  domestic  Overseas  participation i n c o l l e c t i v e s rested, the  general  "diversified  case  sidelines  put forward  economy"  " d i v e r s i f i e d management"  Chinese  therefore,  upon  f o r developing  (duozhong {duozhong  and  jingji) jingying)  a  --  thus  e n t a n g l i n g t h e f a t e of t h e domestic Overseas Chinese i n the  pendulum  debate  controversial  issues.  L e a d i n g Overseas  which  engulfed  these  two  1 9 0  Chinese a f f a i r s  cadres  pointed  out t h a t both t h e CCP C e n t r a l Committee and t h e S t a t e Council, i n i t s directive  on s e t t i n g  up APCs, had  s t r e s s e d t h a t c o l l e c t i v e s ought t o "open up p r o d u c t i o n avenues, 1 8 8 1e9  sideline  p r o d u c t i o n , and  ( c o n t ' d ) December 1956, p. 4. 17, November 1956, p. 18. Q/aowubao 17 December 1956, p. 4.  Qiaowubao  190  develop  manage  1 40  d i v e r s i f i e d economies" fuye  shengchan,  (Kaipi  j i ngyi ng  on t h e p r o g r e s s  ng shengchan  duozhong  of a  Reports  9 1  i n Guangdong  "diversified  s o l v i n g t h e problems  of p a r t i c u l a r  Jiangbu  in  also  economy" f o r  localities.  a  semi-mountainous a r e a where f a r m i n g o p p o r t u n i t i e s  were  and w i t h a h i g h  development o f a  Guangning  In  county,  limited  township  fazhan  jingji).* '  of c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n  s t e s s e d the v i r t u e s  lu,  population to land r a t i o , the  d i v e r s i f i e d ecomomy  including  many  types of s i d e l i n e s was r e p o r t e d t o be the o n l y way APC members c o u l d i n c r e a s e t h e i r APC  i n Taishan,  diversifying situation", wasteland  dui )  with  t h e APC d e c i d e d  i t s main e f f o r t . production  i n which  otherwise  1 9 2  I n Tianmeicun  on t h e b a s i s o f " u n i t i n g t h e p o l i c y o f  production  "mountain a r e a  incomes.  those  the  concrete  t o make t h e opening up o f I t then o r g a n i z e d teams"  who were  f o r livestock  special  (shanchu  shengchan  relatively  o l d or  l a c k i n g i n l a b o u r power were grouped  to be r e s p o n s i b l e  local  together  rearing  and o t h e r  sidelines.  I n t h i s way t h e APC was a b l e  t o put t o  productive  use  what  c l a s s i f i e d as s u r p l u s  otherwise labour.  would  have  been  1 9 3  H e , " J i n y i b u z h i x i n g qiaowu zhengce", p. 270. Z h o n g g o n g zhongyang b a n g o n g t i n g , ed. Zhongguo nongcun de shehuizhuyi gaochao v o l s . ( B e i j i n g : Renmin chubanshe 1956), v o l . 3, p. 1016-1018. i b i d . , p. 996-1001. 1 9 1 192  1 9 3  141  According t o Nicholas r e g i o n s were mechanisms  on  t h e whole  of p r i c e s  s p e c i a l i z e and  Lardy,  between  encouraged,  and s t a t e  pursue  grain  1949-1957  through the supply,  c o m p a r a t i v e advantages  to  in  the  a r e a s of l i v e s t o c k r e a r i n g and c a s h c r o p p r o d u c t i o n . I t was not u n t i l  after  1965 t h a t s p e c i a l i z a t i o n  o f f i c i a l l y and c o m p l e t e l y p o l i c y of l o c a l  discouraged i n  1 9 4  was  favour of a  foodgrain s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y .  However,  the i s s u e of f o o d g r a i n s v e r s u s c a s h c r o p s and s i d e l i n e s did  emerge  during  collectivization  as w e l l ,  important p o l i t i c a l as w e l l as economic  with  ramifications  (indeed the debate was a s much p o l i t i c a l a s ecomomic; i t would two.)  be u n r e a l i s t i c  t o attempt t o s e p a r a t e t h e  T h i s was e s p e c i a l l y the case  t i d e " of c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n . Lardy n o t e s t h a t  d u r i n g the  "high  1 9 5  c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n coincided  with  the s o c i a l i s t t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of most r e m a i n i n g forms o f p r i v a t e commerce t o s t a t e c o n t r o l "concomitant squeeze  and thus produced  on the r e m a i n i n g  rural  a  private  " A c c o r d i n g t o L a r d y ' s c a l c u l a t i o n s , between 1953-1956, f o r example, h a l f of a l l g r a i n c o l l e c t e d ;by the s t a t e t h r o u g h procurement and t a x e s was r e s o l d i n the c o u n t r y s i d e . N i c h o l a s R. L a r d y , Agriculture in China's Modern Economic Development, (Cambridge: U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1983), p. 48. 0 n the i n t r a - P a r t y debate over t h i s i s s u e i n the a f t e r m a t h of c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n see the i n t r o d u c t i o n by Lardy and L i e b e r t h a l i n N i c h o l a s R. Lardy and Kenneth L i e b e r t h a l , eds., Chen Yun's Strategy for China's Development. A Non-Maoist Alternative, (Armonk, N. Y : M. E. Sharpe, 1983), p. x i - x x x v . 1 9  1 9 5  1 42  activities, particularly  household s i d e l i n e s " .  c o n s t r i c t i o n of s i d e l i n e s was  the r e s u l t o f  p r e s s u r e as w e l l , i n a d d i t i o n  t o the d e l i b e r a t e  up of the l a s t r e m a i n i n g  channels  Some APCs c r i t i c z e d t h e r a i s i n g  1 9 6  The  political  of p r i v a t e  silting  commerce.  of p i g s and ducks and  the engagement i n s i d e l i n e s as a waste of f o o d g r a i n and a  "spontaneous  "capitalist sidelines  tendency"  thinking". managed  concerns  true "labour"  put a  halt  considering  from the APCs  to  products,  fall  including  The b i g g e s t drop  behind  production  f o rcertain  the whole, s a i d He X i a n g n i n g ,  were  important  s i l k w o r m s , peanuts, j u t e ,  was r e c o r d e d  not  p o i n t of view.  increased during c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n , levels  beginning  to that  did  (ji awu laodong)  In Guangdong a s a r e s u l t , a l t h o u g h a b s o l u t e figures  towards  quanli)  Some "APCs  by households,  labouring for family consitute  (zifa  rapeseed.  i n p i g production. i n many Overseas  On  Chinese  d i s t r i c u t s s i d e l i n e p r o d u c t i o n was down by one t h i r d t o one h a l f .  1 97  Not sidelines,  only  was t h e r e  as m a n i f e s t i n g  towards c a p i t a l i s m . Advanced APCs  1 9 6  1 9 7  L a r d y , Agriculture,  He, "Jinyibu  a  spontaneous  I n some a r e a s  resulted  foodgrain production.  an i d e o l o g i c a l  tendency  the conversion  i n a "one-sided According to  a t t a c k on  to  emphasis" on  Ezra Vogel, "the  p. 38.  z h i x i n g qiaowu zhengce", p. 269.  1 43  ultimate goal  of  c o o p e r a t i v e s had  grain production r a p i d l y . " the incomes knew o n l y  of many  in  county,  f o r example,  l o s s of s i l k w o r m s . down  The  increase hurt  households  who  or u n w i l l i n g  to  labour.  In  1 9 9  t r e e s were  Shunde  c u t down  t o r i c e paddy, c a u s i n g a  garlic  great  growing  stopped  during  2 0 0  "one-sided  emphasis"  d u r i n g c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n may  also  on  grain  production  have been p a r t l y  the  r e s u l t of Guangdong's r o l e i n the F i r s t F i v e Year as an  increased supplier  W h i l e t h e r e was concept  of  and e x p o r t e r  of  foodgrain.  a  "diversified  economy"  " d i v e r s i f i e d management", the g r a i n requirements  pressures  Year P l a n , (especially  i n combination during  the  with "high  c a p i t a l i s m , worked  chances of a t r u l y  strongly  under of  against  the  d i v e r s i f i e d economy d e v e l o p i n g  and  175. "Qiaowubao 20 March 1957, p. 7; " J i n y i b u z h i x i n g qiaowu zhengce", p. 269. H e , " J i n y i b u z h i x i n g qiaowu zhengce", p. 269. 1  2 0 0  Vogel,  p.  of  sidelines  surviving. 1 9 8  the  political tide"  c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n ) which i d e n t i f i e d h o u s e h o l d with r u r a l  Plan  a g r e a t d e a l of l i p s e r v i c e p a i d t o the  building  F i r s t Five  so  In K a i p i n g county orange t r e e s were  and  collectivization.  field  mulberry  l a n d c o u l d be c o n v e r t e d  chopped  were unable  agricultural  to  This s u b s t a n t i a l l y  1 9 8  Overseas C h i n e s e  s i d e l i n e s and  engage  been  1 44  In t h e f i n a l a n a l y s i s , t h e t r e n d i n a g r i c u l t u r e i n Guangdong d u r i n g t h e r u r a l s o c i a l i s t t r a n s f o r m a t i o n was in the general d i r e c t i o n cash  crops  foodgrains.  of a  and s i d e l i n e s , 2 0 1  I t was t h i s  d e c l i n i n g emphasis on  and g r e a t e r  stress  on  p r e s s u r e which l e d Tao Zhu  i n 1956 t o a s s e r t s t r e n u o u s l y t h e r i g h t of Guangdong t o r e s i s t state-determined foodgrains,  based  e x p o r t quotas on t h e p r o v i n c e ' s upon  imaginary  "surpluses"  s u b j e c t i v e l y c a l c u l a t e d by t h e c e n t e r a c c o r d i n g t o needs of " t h e system" and not t h e p e o p l e . not t h e o n l y Chinese as a victims  ones  affected,  of these  combined  And w h i l e  t h e domestic  group who c l e a r l y were  the  Overseas  among t h e worst  economic  and  political  pressures.  The Inherent  Weaknesses o f Domestic Overseas  Chinese  Policy  Responsibility  f o r overseeing  t h e c o n c e r n s of  domestic Overseas C h i n e s e and f o r t h e implementation of domestic Overseas C h i n e s e p o l i c y was a t h r e e way  split  between P a r t y (under t h e U n i t e d F r o n t Work Department), s t a t e ( t h e C e n t r a l OCAC o r g a n i z a t i o n s (Returned 2 0 1  See  L a r d y , Agriculture .  DeveIopment  and i t s branches) Overseas C h i n e s e in China's  and mass  Associations,  Modern  Economic  1 45  which i n c l u d e d dependents as w e l l ) .  The a d m i n i s t r a t i v e  s t r u c t u r e was c h a r a c t e r i z e d , i n t y p i c a l S o v i e t and fashion,  by  appointment these  a  matching  hierarchy  of i m p o r t a n t o f f i c i a l s  various  organizations,  and  the  PRC cross  at a l l l e v e l s .  it  was  the  Of  Returned  Overseas C h i n e s e A s s o c i a t i o n s (ROCA) and the l o c a l OCAC work committees whose p r i m a r y f u n c t i o n was t o  mobilize  domestic Overseas Chinese a t the v i l l a g e l e v e l . task  was  to  promote  participation in  domestic  socialist  Overseas  Their Chinese  c o n s t r u c t i o n , and  same time t o see t h a t t h e i r p r i v i l e g e s were  at  the  respected.  I t i s i n the r e p o r t s and p r o c e e d i n g s p u b l i s h e d by these organizations,  therefore,  that  one  r e v e a l i n g and  forcefully articulated  tensions  difficulties  and  Overseas C h i n e s e  policy  of  during  finds  the  e v i d e n c e of  implementing the  most the  domestic  rural  socialist  transformation. The p r e c i s e  r e l a t i o n s h i p between  s o c i a l i s t transformation policy  was  authorities. between the  never  the p o l i c y  and domestic Overseas  central  And the r e s u l t i n g c o n f u s i o n and  conflict  was never  made  clear  Chinese  by  two  really  successfully  resolved  those r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e i r d u a l i m p l e m e n t a t i o n a t base.  for  As has been the  case i n many PRC p o l i c y  the s t r a t e g y of the c e n t r a l  a u t h o r i t i e s was  to  by the  areas, sketch  1 46  broad p o l i c y g u i d e l i n e s ,  and l e a v e p l e n t y  of scope f o r  l o c a l c a d r e s t o work out  t h e i r own s o l u t i o n s  detailed  implemention  problems  localities.  of  and OCAC  "privilege control,  in  the  specific  2 0 2  The d i f f i c u l t and c o n t r a d i c t o r y ROCAs  to  work  against  task of the  committees  participation,  (and) p e r s u a s i o n  local  was t o  balance  freedom  against  against f o r c e . "  In early  2 0 3  1957 one Overseas Chinese a f f a i r s o f f i c a l e x p r e s s e d t h e contradictions a f f a i r s organs way:  bequeathed  to local  Overseas  by t h e P a r t y c e n t e r  i n the  "Some p e o p l e " , he began, " f e e l t h a t  two s e e m i n g l y d i f f e r e n t (bu xiangrong for the for  s o c i a l i s t transformation  Overseas  Chinese  affairs."  Chinese following  t h e P a r t y has  de) p o l i c i e s : one  of a g r i c u l t u r e ,  one  To e l i m i n a t e  the  c o n f u s i o n i t was n e c e s s a r y , he s a i d , t o make i t c l e a r to a l l c o n c e r n e d t h a t domestic Overseas C h i n e s e was d e f i n i t e l y " s u b o r d i n a t e t o " (fucong  yu)  policy  the Party's  "general l i n e " f o r the t r a n s i t i o n t o s o c i a l i s m . But  the "subordination"  Chinese p o l i c y clearly 1953-56 2 0 2 2 0 3 2 0 4  to s o c i a l i s t  articulated --  of domestic  Overseas  t r a n s f o r m a t i o n was never  by c e n t r a l  indicating,  2 0 4  authorities  perhaps,  that  between central  S h u e , p. 5, 8, 332, B e r n s t e i n , "Mass M o b i l i z a t i o n " . F i t z g e r a l d , p.20. (?/ aowubao 20 February 1957, p. 10-11.  147  a u t h o r i t i e s may have been as c o n f u s e d over t h e as c a d r e s  on t h e ground.  Another  reason  f a i l u r e of l e a d i n g domestic Overseas C h i n e s e to s p e l l out  for  centralized.  Overseas C h i n e s e  Key  decisions  o f f i c i a l s who were a s much  officials  p o l i c y was  were  and perhaps more  made  by  concerned  with the e x t e r n a l r a m i f i c a t i o n s  of t h e i r d e c i s i o n s  they  "side-effects"  were  by any  internal  d e c i s i o n s might have on s o c i e t y a t l a r g e (as from t h e i r  the  t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p may have been t h a t t h e  f o r m u l a t i o n o f domestic highly  issues  e f f e c t s on t h e domestic  p o p u l a t i o n , which  those distinct  Overseas  o b v i o u s l y was o f p r i m a r y  as  Chinese concern.)  The p o l i c y o f p r o t e c t i n g r e m i t t a n c e s , f o r example, was undertaken w i t h f l o w -- which  an u l t i m a t e originated  aim t o with  increasing  t h e huaqiao  their abroad.  T h e r e f o r e t h e uppermost c o n c e r n o f p o l i c y m a k e r s was t h e e f f e c t s of t h e r e m i t t a n c e p o l i c y on t h e huaqiao Internally, protected.  their  concern  was t h a t  abroad.  r e m i t t a n c e s be  I f t h a t made f o r c o n t r a d i c t i o n s w i t h  other  domestic p o l i c i e s , i t was up t o b a s i c l e v e l c a d r e s t o resolve. The problem f o r both  too  l o c a l c a d r e s was t h a t they  f a r removed  from  the  concerns  were which  p r e o c c u p i e d domestic Overseas C h i n e s e p o l i c y makers a t the c e n t e r , and t o o c l o s e t o t h e g r a s s r o o t s  political  1  heat  generated  by  transformation. attempt  to  They  the  campaign  were c a u g h t ,  mediate  between  for  socialist  i n words,  competing  48  i n the  aims  and  conflicting strategies. For those p o l i c y was  officials  of  primary  f o r whom concern,  i n t r a c t a b l e bureaucratic The  bureaucratic  and  Overseas  there  was  administrative  difficulty  Chinese also  an  problem.  confronting  i m p l e m e n t a t i o n of domestic Overseas C h i n e s e p o l i c y  the was  not a unique one; but under t h e p o l i t i c a l c i r c u m s t a n c e s i t t u r n e d out t o be f a t a l . Like spilled  many  policies,  over  across  Overseas  departmental  compartmentalized bureaucratic diffuseness  of  Chinese  Overseas  boundaries  and  responsibilities.  The  Chinese  g r e a t e r than  i n most  other  agricultural  policy,  or  concerns  concerns  policy  industrial  areas  was (such  policy.)  a n y t h i n g , Overseas Chinese a f f a i r s resembled  even as If  something  l i k e "women's a f f a i r s " , i n t h e extreme d i f f u s e n e s s  of  t h e i r c o n c e r n s ( i t was t h e presence of e x t e r n a l as w e l l as i n t e r n a l  concerns  Chinese w o r k . )  2 0 5  The  that uniquely commonly  used  defined term  Overseas "Overseas  F i t z g e r a l d a l s o draws a s i m i l a r i t y between Overseas C h i n e s e p o l i c y and p o l i c y towards n a t i o n a l m i n o r i t i e s . He p o i n t s o u t , c o r r e c t l y , t h a t i t i s t h e e x t e r n a l component of p o l i c y t h a t makes Overseas Chinese p o l i c y unique i n t h e PRC. P o l i c y towards M u s l i m m i n o r i t i e s i n the PRC, f o r example, i s not f o r m u l a t e d w i t h a view t o 2 0 5  1 49  Chinese a f f a i r s "  (huaqiao  o r qiaowu)  shiwu,  refers to  t h i s m u l t i - f a c e t e d range of c o n c e r n s , which bear everything  from  development  foreign  strategy  policy  t o education,  t o youth  concerns,  upon rural  industrial  p o l i c y and c u l t u r a l p o l i c y , e t c . e t c . What t h i s meant was t h a t t h e r e were very of Overseas coordination  Chinese work and  which  active  d i d not r e q u i r e t h e  cooperation  departments i n t h e b u r e a u c r a c y . remittances,  f o r example,  respected for  other  The p r o t e c t i o n of  f a c i l i t i e s , as w e l l  of APC c a d r e s t o e n s u r e r e m i t t a n c e s  as t h e p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y  whom they were i n t e n d e d ,  of t h e c o l l e c t i v e To  of  r e q u i r e d t h e s e t t i n g up of  s p e c i a l banking p r o v i s i o n s and cooperation  few a r e a s  were  of the i n d i v i d u a l s  and n o t r e g a r d e d as  part  assets.  relieve  the  problem  of  overlapping  a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c o n c e r n s , t h e c e n t r a l Overseas a f f a i r s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was o r g a n i z e d  along  a committee o r commission (weiyuanhui  ).  designed t o f a c i l i t a t e c o n s u l t a t i o n , j o i n t c o o r d i n a t i o n between conerns.  2 0 6  Chinese  the l i n e s of  The committee  p r i n c i p l e of o r g a n i z a t i o n i n t h e PRC was  overlapping  as  specifically  cooperation  and  d i f f e r e n t departments  with  As an example, t h e c e n t r a l OCAC  ( c o n t ' d ) i t s e f f e c t s on Muslims i n o t h e r c o u n t r i e s . See F i t z g e r a l d , p. 15. 0 n t h e committee p r i n c i p l e o f o r g a n i z a t i o n i n t h e PRC and t h e manner i n which i t f u n c t i o n s , see 2 0 5  2 0 6  150  i n c l u d e d i n i t s committee  membership  representatives  from t h e M i n i s t r i e s of E d u c a t i o n , F i n a n c e , Commerce and others.  A c c o r d i n g t o F i t z g e r a l d , t h e most  t r e n d i n t h e e v o l u t i o n of "has  been  a  function". provincial  t h e c e n t r a l OCAC s i n c e  consolidation  A  2 0 7  of  branches,  Committees e s t a b l i s h e d  and  1949  i t s coordinative  s i m i l a r composition  OCAC  significant  p r e v a i l e d i n the  i n the OCAC  a t t h e township  Work level  (xiang)  s i n c e 1955. But  the committee  principle  was  not a b l e  c o m p l e t e l y overcome t h e p o l i c y i m p l e m e n t a t i o n p r e s e n t e d by affairs.  the d i f f u s e  The  problem  Chinese concerns officials  l a y i n the fact that  Overseas  were of  p r i m a r y importance Chinese  were  given  Chinese  constitutency,  affairs  interests" of  only  the smallness  of  of t h e domestic concern.  the  domestic  t o the  t h e narrowness  to  organs  of  minor  p o p u l a t i o n compared and g i v e n  only  i n o t h e r departments  the " s p e c i a l  Chinese  Furthermore, Overseas  Chinese  For o f f i c i a l s  bureaucracy,  problems  Overseas  i n t h e Overseas  themselves.  Overseas  n a t u r e of  to  national  of  these  i n t e r e s t s compared t o p o l i c i e s f o r t h e p o p u l a t i o n as a whole, o f f i c i a l s l o o k upon 2 0 6 2 0 7  i n other  the " s p e c i a l  departments interests"  ( c o n t ' d ) Schurmann, p. 89, 188-194. F i t z g e r a l d , p. 17.  were  of  the  prone  to  domestic  151  Overseas Chinese as both t r i f l i n g and meddlesome. Most i m p o r t a n t , domestic  Overseas  the "special interests"  Chinese  of t h e  i n t h e mid 1950's  c l e a r l y running against the p r e v a i l i n g p o l i t i c a l which were  building  transformation  as t h e campaign  gathered  "special interests"  speed.  not t h e a c t u a l  catering minority,  large.  the s p i r i t , i f  t h e almost Chinese  reflexive  f o r those  intended  as they d i d  small  privileged  response  affairs officials  ignore r e s p o n s i b i l i t y else to deflect  Involving of a  of  reinforced  s p e c i a l concerns, or  r e s p o n s i b l i t y f o r them t o  by t h e knowledge  others.  that,  2 0 8  concerns  during  p e r i o d , i t was u s u a l l y always s a f e r t o e r r on t h e of " l e f t i s t a d v e n t u r i s m , " r a t h e r than t o s t a n d of " r i g h t  many  was t o e i t h e r  Such r e l u c t a n c e t o d e a l w i t h Overseas Chinese was  the  Chinese  l e t t e r , of n a t i o n a l p o l i c i e s  t o the i n t e r e s t s  non-Overseas  after  o f t h e domestic Overseas  f o r the p o p u l a t i o n a t  winds  for socialist  Looking  f r e q u e n t l y tended t o mean s a c r i f i c i n g  were  this side  accused  opportunism."  Besides the the committee  i n s t i t u t i o n a l mechanism  p r o v i d e d by  p r i n c i p l e of o r g a n i z a t i o n f o r  soliciting  c o o p e r a t i o n from o u t s i d e d e p a r t m e n t s , i n t h e mid-1950's T h i s c o m p l a i n t was v o i c e d by many l o c a l d e l e g a t e s t o the f i r s t ACROCA i n 1956. See Zhonghua quanguo gui guo huaqiao v o l s . 1 and 2. 2 0 8  1 52  Overseas Chinese a f f a i r s o f f i c i a l s made r e p e a t e d  calls  f o r g r e a t e r p r o p o g a n d i z a t i o n of Overseas Chinese  policy  at  the  base  level  implementation.  as  t h e key  to  successful  I n 1955 He X i a n g n i n g blamed inadequate  p r o p o g a n d i z a t i o n a t t h e base  f o r t h e f a i l u r e of  cadres t o protect remittances,  local  s a y i n g t h a t many  local  o f f i c i a l s had not even h e a r d of t h e c e n t e r ' s r e m i t t a n c e policy.  2 0 9  called  And i n 1956 t h e Guangzhou P e o p l e ' s  f o r an "Overseas  Week," which  would  Chinese  Policy  Congress Progoganda  demand t h e p a r t e i p a t a i o n  of  c a d r e s , not j u s t those i n t h e Overseas Chinese organs.  a l l  affairs  2 1 0  Others  saw t h e s o l u t i o n  bureaucratic  responsibility  t o t h e problem as  requiring  r e c r u i t m e n t of many t i m e s more c a d r e s s p e c i a l l y i n the a f f a i r s complex and  o f t h e domestic  m u l t i - f a c e t e d was  the trained  Overseas C h i n e s e . t h e range  of  So  o f domestic  Overseas Chinese c o n c e r n s , t h e f i r s t ACROCA was t o l d by the  delegate  unrealistic when o n l y  from  Meixian,  that  i t was  t o t h i n k t h e s e c o u l d be a d e q u a t e l y a few  Chinese a f f a i r s .  c a d r e s were There  was a  specialized need t o  in  simply treated Overseas  b u i l d up more  Overseas Chinese a f f a i r s organs a t t h e l o c a l l e v e l . I t was n e c e s s a r y , t o o , t o overcome t h e r e l u c t a n c e of upper // nyi bu zhixing qiaowu zhengce, p. 268. °GZRB 2 December 1956. c i t e d i n F i t z g e r a l d ,  2 0 9 21  p. 217.  1 53  level  Overseas  (shangji)  Chinese organs  t o send  down  t h e i r own s p e c i a l i z e d c a d r e s t o i n v e s t i g a t e  (xiaxiang)  l o c a l problems,  as w e l l  these l o c a l problems  as t h e i r  p r e f e r e n c e t o have  i n v e s t i g a t e d and r e p o r t s "sent up"  by " o r d i n a r y c a d r e s " (yiban  ganbu). ^ 2  B u r e a u c r a t i c c o n f u s i o n and r e l u c t a n c e t o d e a l w i t h the'huaqiao  problem were  n o t , however,  d i f f i c u l t i e s f a c i n g domestic in  the  mid-1950's.  m a n i f e s t a t i o n s were  most  critical  Overseas Chinese  Rather, symptomatic  a f f l i c t i n g the domestic  the greatest  these of a  affairs  bureaucratic deeper  problem  Overseas Chinese p o l i c y .  contradiction  confronting  The  domestic  Overseas C h i n e s e p o l i c y , and the more c r u c i a l cause b u r e a u c r a t i c c o n f u s i o n and p a r a l y s i s , was i t s  of  conflict  w i t h the c l a s s - b a s e d s t r a t e g y t h a t was a t the h e a r t of the  CCP's  growing  approach t o emphasis  consciousness caused the  collectivization.  and  importance  and c l a s s  demise,  by  struggle  I t was  of c l a s s , which  p o l i c y put i n  class  ultimately  1957 a t t h e l a t e s t ,  domestic Overseas C h i n e s e  the  of t h e  place at the  onset o f c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n .  In Zhongshan c o u n t y , a county l e v e l ROCA was not s e t up u n t i l 1955. W i t h i n one year i t had a membership of 1400, but t h a t s t i l l o n l y r e p r e s e n t e d one f o r every 714 domestic Overseas C h i n e s e i n the county. Zhonghua 2 1 1  quanguo  gui guo huaqi ao,  2:102.  1 54  On the b a s i s reform, rural  the  of s t a t i s t i c s  CCP c l a i m e d  class  gathered  i n the  composition  land  mid 1950's  that the  of t h e domestic  Overseas  Chinese p o p u l a t i o n corresponded p o p u l a t i o n a s a whole.  during  to that  of the  I n 1952, the c l a s s  rural  composition  of the domestic Overseas Chinese p o p u l a t i o n was s a i d t o be 65% poor and 8%  other  peasants.  h i r e d l a b o u r e r s , 25% m i d d l e  labourers  and  2% l a n d l o r d s  peasants, and  rich  That compared t o the f o l l o w i n g f i g u r e s f o r  2 1 2  the r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n a s a whole: 70% poor p e a s a n t s , 20% middle peasants,  6% r i c h p e a s a n t s and 4% l a n d l o r d s .  But w h i l e the  CCP r e p e a t e d l y  sameness of the c l a s s c o m p o s i t i o n Chinese and  peasants i n  "the g r e a t m a j o r i t y " were  "labouring  nevertheless,  characteristics"  o f domestic  o f huaqiao  the the  Overseas  and t h e i r (laodong  basis domestic  of  in  important  that  dependents renmin); ' '* 2 1  their  "special  Overseas  Chinese  p o p u l a t i o n c l e a r l y s t o o d a p a r t from the g e n e r a l population  basic  g e n e r a l , and p r o f e s s e d  people"  on  a s s e r t e d the  2 1 3  respects  —  peasant  and  more  NFRB 2 October 1952. C i t e d i n F i t z g e r a l d , p. 212. I n 1978 L i a o Chengzhi c l a i m e d t h a t i n 1953 a t o t a l of 3.5% of the 6 m i l l i o n dependents i n Guangdong were c l a s s i f i e d as l a n d l o r d s during land reform. L i a o , p. 18. C i t e d i n Lyman P. V a n S l y k e , Enemies and Friends: The United Front in Chinese Communist History, (Stanford: S t a n f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s ) , p. 226. " Q i a o , "Haiwai guanxi h e i l i u t i a o de fandong s h i z h i " , i n Bixu zhongshi qiaowu zhengci, p. 37. 212  2 1 3  2 1  155  importantly  were o f f i c i a l l y s i n g l e d  out a s such.  The  domestic Overseas C h i n e s e d u r i n g t h e mid-1950's were designated  "special interest"  group i n r u r a l  society,  the o b j e c t of a f u l l s c a l e " u n i t e d f r o n t " e f f o r t . e x p r e s s e d need a t distribution  t h e same time  of classes  fundamental a m b i v a l e n c e  among  The  t o s t r e s s the them  of domestic  a  normal  r e f l e c t e d the Overseas  p o l i c y when a p p l i e d t o t h e s t r a t e g y f o r r u r a l  Chinese socialist  transformation. For w h i l e t h e makers of t r e a t e d the domestic  Overseas C h i n e s e  Overseas Chinese  as a  policy separate,  u n i f i e d c a t e g o r y d e f i n e d on the b a s i s of t h e i r shared " s p e c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , " t h e s o c i a l of  rural  collectivization  class-based  strategy  collectives.  Overseas  to  were  various engineers  counting  attract  Chinese c a d r e s  on  peasants  a  into  working  within  the Returned Overseas Chinese A s s o c i a t i o n , charged w i t h mobilizing  domestic  Overseas  Chinese  (including  dependents) a t t h e v i l l a g e l e v e l , f r e q u e n t l y c o m p l a i n e d of t h e d i f f i c u l t i e s of  the contradiction  Associations jieji  obtaining i n mobilization  de hunhe  being zuzhi)  real class-based  which  "multi-class  existed  between  the  organizations"  (duo  on t h e one hand, and t h e  c o n t r a d i c t i o n s which  t h e i r membership on t h e o t h e r .  because  equally  existed  within  Cadres w o r k i n g  within  1 56  t h e s e A s s o c i a t i o n s were  unsure of whether t o e x p l o i t  c l a s s d i f f e r e n c e s t o promote c l a s s s t r u g g l e , o r whether to  work  t o paper  interests  of  over  these  maintaining  differences a  i n the  "unified  front."  F r e q u e n t l y , they s t o o d accused o f " c o n c e n t r a t i n g on one thing, shi bi) .  while 2  1  losing  sight  of  the other"  (guci  5  The avowed s t r a t e g y f o r promoting  collectivization  was t o r e l y on t h e c l a s s i n t e r e s t s of poor and peasants,  especially  ( i n c l u d i n g the s o - c a l l e d in  other  words  those  the  lower-middle  h i s July  1955  peasants;  who had e x p e r i e n c e d  speech,  c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n c o u l d count of  peasants  "new" l o w e r - m i d d l e  m o b i l i t y as a r e s u l t of land reform). in  middle  this  upward  A c c o r d i n g t o Mao meant  on t h e immediate  that support  a t l e a s t 60-70% o f t h e r u r a l peasant p o p u l a t i o n .  2 1 6  As V i v i e n n e Shue p u t s i t , t h e o v e r a l l s t r a t e g y o f the CCP was t o " h i g h l i g h t t h e o p p o s i t i o n of among d i f f e r e n t  classes within  interests"  the v i l l a g e s .  2 1 7  "The  17 December 1956, p. 13. (November 1955). The Model R e g u l a t i o n s f o r s e t t i n g up APCs s t a t e d t h a t r i c h peasants and former l a n d l o r d s s h o u l d not be p e r m i t t e d t o j o i n APCs i n t h e f i r s t two y e a r s o f t h e i r o p e r a t i o n . See A r t i c l e 11 i n Qiaowubao * Xuexi 11  21s 2  e  the Model Regulations for an Agricultural Co-operative ( P e k i n g : F o r e i g n Languages  Producers'  P r e s s , 1956), p. 11. In p r a c t i c e , APCs o f t e n y i e l d e d t o t h e s u p e r i o r s k i l l s and c a p i t a l o f f e r e d by r i c h peasants and a d m i t t e d them p r e m a t u r e l y . There were a l s o some c a l l s to d i s b a n d APCs made up e n t i r e l y o f r i c h p e a s a n t s . S h u e , p. 284. 2 1 7  157  deliberate effort manage  to highlight,  class-based  struggles  e x a c e r b a t e , and then in  the  villages  was...(the) c h i e f method of a c h i e v i n g s o c i a l r e f o r m and political  change."  And i n d e e d ,  2 1 8  j o u r n a l s f o r c a d r e s were, with  tracts  exuding  the t h e o r e t i c a l  during t h i s period,  a  buoyant  replete  s e l f - c o n f i d e n c e and  s u b j e c t i v e c e r t a i n t y of t h e s t a t e ' s a b i l i t y t o i t s s o c i a l i s t aims through  a c a r e f u l and  management o f r u r a l c l a s s s t r u g g l e . But  i n t h e Overseas  against  the intractable  "scientific"  2 1 9  Chinese  Guangdong t h e c l a s s - b a s e d  realize  areas  strategy  of  ran d i r e c t l y  realities  clashed  Chinese  directly  policy  which  with  t h e domestic  had been  designed  e s p e c i a l l y t o those c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . t o note t h a t women's i n the v i l l a g e s  Overseas to  transformation, i n  and o t h e r c o n f l i c t s  might d i v e r t  t h e main  struggle.  2 2 0  cater  downplayed  o r d e r n o t t o s t i r up f a m i l y a t t e n t i o n from  It  I t i s interesting  work was d e l i b e r a t e l y  during s o c i a l i s t  up  of the " s p e c i a l  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s " o f the domestic Overseas C h i n e s e . also  rural  that  i s s u e of c l a s s  No such s i m i l a r e f f o r t was made t o subdue  i b i d . , p. 29. A s a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e example of t h i s mood which prevaded n e a r l y a l l d i s c u s s i o n s of c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n s t r a t e g y , see "Yao naixin deng dai buyuan rushe de nongmi n de juewu," which appeared i n Xuexi 11 (November 1 955) . S h u e , p. 29. 2 1 8  2 1 9  2 2 0  1 58  the c l a i m s of domestic Overseas Chinese p o l i c y and make i t o f f i c i a l l y c l e a r t h a t c l a s s s t r u g g l e was of g r e a t e s t importance.  In fact,  transformation  i n Guangdong  proceeded  amidst  the  socialist  repeated  pleas  to  r e s p e c t t h e p r i v i l e g e s of domestic Overseas Chinese and c l a i m s that these  p r i v i l e g e s were  In 1956, Overseas  Chinese  province's "central  task".  The c o n f u s i o n  b e i n g t r a m p l e d on.  work  was l i s t e d  and ambivalence  policy  produced with  i s well-illustrated  d i s c r e p a n c i e s found i n two d i f f e r e n t o f f i c i a l with d i f f e r e n t  r e a d e r s h i p s and  different  each d i s c u s s i n g c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n Chinese a r e a s  of r u r a l  s e r i e s Zhongguo  by  the  de shehui  domestic by  objectives, Overseas  The t h r e e zhuyi  the  sources,  i n t h e same  Guangdong.  nongcun  the  2 2 1  c o l l i s i o n of c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n strategy Overseas C h i n e s e  as  volume  gaochao  (The  H i g h T i d e o f s o c i a l i s m i n C h i n a ' s Peasant V i l l a g e s ) i s w i d e l y r e c o g n i z e d a s one of t h e most i m p o r t a n t  sources  for the study of c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n i n C h i n a .  Written  2 2 2  i n t h e n a t u r e of " f i e l d r e p o r t s " , and s a n c t i o n e d by t h e CCP  Central  Committee,  researchers a  literal  t h e gaochao  series  offers  s t e p by s t e p  account  of how  c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n proceeded 2 2 1  F i t z g e r a l d , p. 229.  Zhongguo  222  noncun  de  shehui  i n particular zhuyi  ed. Zhonggong zhongyang bangongting chubanshe, 1956).  localities:  3 vols., ( B e i j i n g : renmin  gaochao,  159  the  problems  encountered,  the  lessons  p a r t i c u l a r l o c a l features a f f e c t i n g campaign,  etc.  c o u n t i e s of  derived,  t h e c o u r s e of t h e  But i n t h e r e p o r t s from t h e Guangdong  T a i s h a n , Zhongshan,  which c o n t a i n s  a large  and o t h e r s ,  Overseas C h i n e s e  and  how  these  concerns  i m p l e m e n t a t i o n of c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n c o n s p i c u o u s l y absent.  In f a c t ,  not  even  mentioned.  a  Overseas  affected  the  i n these c o u n t i e s i s i n the  reports  these c o u n t i e s t h e domestic Overseas C h i n e s e is  of  presence,  d i s c u s s i o n of t h e s p e c i a l concerns of domestic Chinese  each  Instead,  the  from  presence  class-based  s t r a t e g y of c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n appears t o be w o r k i n g w i t h p r e c i s i o n : c a d r e s a r e making common cause w i t h t h e poor p e a s a n t s , u n i t i n g them w i t h  t h e lower m i d d l e  to i s o l a t e the r i c h peasants,  e t c . On t h e o t h e r  i f one examines t h e p r o c e e d i n g s of the f i r s t R e t u r n e d Overseas Chinese Peking i n  counties dwell  Chinese  hand  All-China  A s s o c i a t i o n meeting h e l d  1956, one f i n d s  domestic Overseas  peasants  that  the r e p o r t s  d e l e g a t e s from  almost e x l u s i v e l y  in  of the  these  same  on t h e problems  of  domestic Overseas Chinese i n APCs, and of t h e t e n s i o n s between  domestic  collectivization delegates  Overseas policy.  complained  o b j e c t i v e s of  of  Chinese It  is  here  the c o n f u s i o n  class struggle  and u n i t e d  policy  and  that  many  between front  the aims,  1 60  w i d e s p r e a d " m o b i l i z a t i o n " (dongyuan) collective  use, forcing  agricultural The  of remittances for  dependents  t o engage  production against t h e i r w i l l ,  c o n t r a d i c t i o n which  appears  of r u r a l  characterized  i n the domestic Overseas Chinese a r e a s  Guangdong.  I t demonstrates,  c o n f u s i o n which p r e v a i l e d i n to handle  2 2 3  i n these two  s o u r c e s m i r r o r s the c o n t r a d i c t i o n s which collectivization  etc.  in  Overseas Chinese  collectivization:  whether  v i v i d l y , the  o f f i c a l c i r c l e s over " s p e c i a l concerns"  t o d e f e n d them,  how  during  or  simply  i g n o r e them. As the " h i g h t i d e " of c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n the  domestic  Overseas  between J u l y 1955  Chinese  and summer  domestic  Overseas  of  2 2 4  Overseas  i n c r e a s i n g s t r e s s , and  Chinese  themselves  i n c r e a s i n g l y unable t o w i t h s t a n d the mounting for c o n f o r m i t y .  Guangdong  1956, domestic  C h i n e s e p o l i c y was p l a c e d under the  areas  mounted i n  were  pressures  The domestic Overseas Chinese had a t  f i r s t t r i e d t o remain a s a l o o f a s p o s s i b l e from t h e collectivization C h i n e s e dependents  campaign. joined  Over  90% of  APCs o n l y  d u r i n g the  t i d e " between J u l y 1955 and J u l y 1956 Advanced APCs d u r i n g t h i s t i m e ) . S e e Zhonghua quanguo guiguo " F i t z g e r a l d , p. 62.  2 2 3 2 2  22 5  He,  "Jinyibu  zhixing  qiaowu  2 2 5  Overseas  ( o n l y 50%  "high joined  As the emphasis  huaqiao, zhengce",  2  vols.  p. 268.  on  161  e q u a l i t y and c l a s s s t r u g g l e mounted, t h e r e was l e s s and l e s s w i l l i n g n e s s on the p a r t o f o f f i c i a l s and peasants t o t o l e r a t e the the  domestic  Overseas  ordinary  kinds of p r i v i l e g e s  Chinese.  As F i t z g e r a l d has  p o i n t e d o u t , "the p o i n t about domestic Overseas p r i v i l e g e s . . . w a s t h a t they were  not t h e k i n d  permissible  socialist  holidays  within in  China's  Hangchow  accorded  for  Chinese normally  framework:  model  workers,  chauffeur-driven cars  f o r busy o f f i c i a l s ,  salaries for experts.  They were b o u r g e o i s , c a p i t a l i s t ,  and, by the P a r t y ' s own d e f i n i t i o n , even Throughout  Overseas C h i n e s e .  problem of Within  2 2 7  o f t h e dangers  APCs, t h e r e  of f r i c t i o n  higher  Furthermore,  than  those  "looking  after"  characteristics" Chinese  d i d n o t mean  i f the "special  (zhaogu)  being  (qianjiu)  o f those c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s .  Qiaowubao  editorial,  domestic  Overseas  the "special  was  Overseas  "over-accommodating" Because, s a i d  the goal of looking Chinese  were  "the peasants."  o f t h e domestic  (tedian)  of  was growing  Chinese members of  2 2 6  work  peasant resentment  i n t e r e s t s " o f domestic Overseas placed  'feudal'."  1957, r e p o r t s on Overseas Chinese  spoke of a s e r i o u s  talk  or higher  a  after the  t o promote  their  p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n s o c i a l i s t t r a n s f o r m a t i o n and s o c i a l i s t 2 2 6 2 2 7  F i t z g e r a l d , p. 63. i b i d . , p. 63.  162  c o n s t r u c t i o n -- not t o go on " l o o k i n g a f t e r and after"  (zhaogu  s i g n s of  er  zhaogu).  the triumph  t a c t i c s : reports  There a l s o  226  of c l a s s  over  spoke o f the need  middle  peasants  interests peasants.  of  "first",  clear  unified  front  Chinese  before  domestic  were  to cater  i n t e r e s t of t h e domestic Overseas  looking  to  the  poor and  considering  the  Chinese  rich  Overseas  2 2 9  The most  unequivocal  statement of t h e imminent  abandonment of the domestic Overseas Chinese p o l i c y i n e f f e c t s i n c e 1954 came from the e d i t o r i a l o f f i c e of the Qiaowubao,  the o f f i c i a l  OCAC, i n October the  monthly organ  1957, on the  that  characteristics  The e d i t o r s  stated,  f o r the  special  "our c o n s i d e r a t i o n of r e t u r n e d  central  o c c a s i o n of summing up  f i r s t year o f i t s p u b l i c a t i o n .  bluntly,  of the  and dependent  C h i n e s e i s a means, and not an end i n i t s e l f .  Overseas Special  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s can be changed and t r a n s f o r m e d . " This  was indeed  Overseas C h i n e s e which remained  t h e essence  policy i n place  Cultural Revolution.  2 3 1  of t h e domestic  which emerged u n t i l the By the  time  2 3 0  i n 1958,  outbreak  of  2 2 9 2 3 0  2 3 1  the  collectivization  aowubao 17 December 1956, p. 10. ibid. Q u o t e d i n F i t z g e r a l d , p. 64. 0 n the new domestic Overseas C h i n e s e p o l i c y which emerged i n 1958 and remained i n p l a c e u n t i l the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n , see F i t z g e r a l d , p. 63-69. Qi  22S  and  163  was completed i n the domestic Overseas Chinese a r e a s of r u r a l Guangdong  the  i n h e r e n t weaknesses  Overseas Chinese p o l i c y obvious  that  these  were  obvious.  weaknesses  would  e l e m e n t a l f o r c e of the M a o i s t v i s i o n c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n and  was  of  domestic  I t was not  equally withstand  t h a t appeared  waiting, restlessly  Chinese p o l i t i c a l h o r i z o n , ready t o b u r s t f o r t h .  on  with the  164  CONCLUSION  T h i s study began w i t h t h e o b s e r v a t i o n t h a t western h i s t o r i o g r a p h y of the s o c i a l i s t t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of r u r a l China has s u f f e r e d from an impoverished differentiation. in  part,  by  I t has t r i e d t o r e d r e s s t h a t an  examination  t r a n s f o r m a t i o n was e x p e r i e n c e d a r e a s of  rural  r e a l i t i e s of complicated  of  South C h i n a  how  of  and one  the  local problem  socialist  i n the Overseas  Guangdong, one  Chinese  major  of the  social  CCP's  most  and d i f f i c u l t h i s t o r i c a l i n h e r i t a n c e s .  Much of the s u b j e c t of  sense of  rural  western s c h o l a r l y  not  emphasize much the importance of l o c a l d i f f e r e n c e s  and  Much  of the  transformation  the  does  local diversity.  socialist  l i t e r a t u r e on  existing  literature  on  the s u b j e c t has been p r i m a r i l y concerned w i t h a n a l y z i n g the movement from views  tend  to  a national perspective. charaterize  the  transformation  smoothly s u c c e s s f u l on a n a t i o n a l s c a l e -as compared t o the much  Communists i n  i n the 1 9 3 0 ' s .  n a t i o n a l success  of the  achieving c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n  as  particularly  l e s s smooth and o b v i o u s l y  l e s s s u c c e s s f u l Soviet experience The c o m p a r a t i v e  Prevailing  far  2 3 2  Chinese  rapidly  and  S h u e , p. 2, 5, 22, 145F, 222; V o g e l , p. 133-134, 145, 149; P a r i s h and Whyte, p. 33; M e i s n e r , p. 155-157; N o l a n , " C o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n i n C h i n a " ; B e r n s t e i n , "Mass M o b i l i z a t i o n i n S o v i e t and C h i n e s e C o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n . " 2 3 2  165  without a c a t a s t r o p h i c  concommitant l o s s  p r o d u c t i o n has been a t t r i b u t e d range from h i s t o r i c a l  of l i f e  and  t o many f a c t o r s ,  t o s t r a t e g i c and  which  oganizational.  These i n c l u d e the a g r a r i a n n a t u r e of the r e v o l u t i o n China (as compared seizure  of  maturation  the  and  which  the  experience  concerns;  a b i l i t i e s of  the  the CCP  were a l e g a c y  B o l s h e v i k s triumph  cities)  during  f a m i l i a r i t y and peasant  t o the  i t s long CCP  with  rural  organizational i n the  of the P a r t y ' s  through  period  gained  in  of  extensive  problems  and  strength  and  c o u n t r y s i d e , which  also  essentially rural  roots  s i n c e the l a t e t w e n t i e s ; the e x p e r i e n c e d a b i l i t y of the CCP t o  develop  and  manage c l a s s  struggle  v i l l a g e s , t o g e t h e r w i t h the CCP's  power as a  in  rural  national  government t o  m a n i p u l a t e the  economic environment  the p e a s a n t r y  i n such  as t o  a way  s e l f - i n t e r e s t s converged and the  imposition  complex  organizational  exhausted  with their  of a  powerful system  on  of  ensure  peasants'  class  interests;  new a  ideology weakened  and and  nation.  Almost none of these above-mentioned t o e x p l a i n the  factors cited  s u c c e s s of c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n  nationally  c o u l d be s a i d t o e x i s t i n the Overseas Chinese a r e a s of r u r a l Guangdong.  The  situation in  eve of c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n was  these a r e a s on  the p r o d u c t of t h e i r  the  unique  1 66  h i s t o r i c a l experience.  This i s  an i m p o r t a n t p o i n t  to  bear i n mind i n f o r m u l a t i n g o v e r a r c h i n g e x p l a n a t i o n s of change: t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s , institutions, etc.  may  groups i n s o c i e t y , be  profoundly  regions,  influenced  by  t h e i r unique p a s t . The s i t u a t i o n i n the Overseas Chinese a r e a s i n the 1950's,  and  therefore  transformation i n f l u e n c e d by these  in the  unique  areas.  GMD  i n the  character  these  areas,  PRC  historical  the CCP  socialist  was  profoundly  development  the  presence was  barely  Overseas C h i n e s e a r e a s ,  which were  s u p p o r t a r e a s i n Guangdong b e f o r e 1949.  Party  for  the  peculiar  c o m p l e x i t i e s i t encountered Overseas  Chinese.  While  peasant problems i n g e n e r a l CCP had  v i r t u a l l y no  w i t h the  special  Chinese.  As the  major  As f o r the  i n i t to prepare  social  and  i n the home the  of  before  CCP's r u r a l h e r i t a g e , t h e r e was l i t t l e the  of  Organizationally,  e s t a b l i s h m e n t of the felt  the  economic  a r e a s of  Party's  knowledge  was r i c h l y d e v e l o p e d ,  pre-1949 e x p e r i e n c e  problems of e d i t o r s of the  the  in  domestic  official  the of the  dealing Overseas  journal  for  Overseas C h i n e s e a f f a i r s f r a n k l y and r u e f u l l y a d m i t t e d , "the  l e g a c y i n the  Overseas Chinese f i e l d amounted  almost n o t h i n g , so t h a t i n i n New  China 5  had  to  f a c t Overseas C h i n e s e  grope i t s way  from  the  to work very  167  beginning. The  23 3  ideological  d i f f i c u l t i e s which  confusion  and  characterized  organizational  collectivization  the Overseas C h i n e s e a r e a s of Guangdong c h a l l e n g e s totalitarian ideology  proposition  backed  by  a  concerning  the  sophisticated  a p p a r a t u s t o remould r u r a l s o c i e t y .  in the  power  of  organizational  I d e o l o g i c a l l y , the  domestic Overseas Chinese were a c o m p l i c a t e d burden f o r the  CCP.  The  vacillated,  from  exploiters" during  CCP  view local  (during the  l a n d reform) t o  of a  p a t r i o t i c united  and  organizational  confusion unsure of  t h e Overseas  capitalists  whether  or  front.  Bureaucratic  to exploit  transformation  over  status  class  the  confusion  l o c a l cadres  were  differences  divisions  and  Overseas in  the  front.  characterized  i n the areas  members  this  t h e domestic  the united  Shue  "smoothly s u c c e s s f u l " ,  feudal  paralleled  class  s t r u g g l e amongst  i n t e r e s t s of m a i n t a i n i n g Vivienne  and  " l a b o u r i n g p e o p l e " and  difficulties  smooth  Chinese  i n v e s t i g a t i o n of c l a s s  of image and p o l i c y m a k i n g :  promote c l a s s Chinese,  of  of C h i n a  socialist she s t u d i e d  triumphant r e s u l t  as  of t h e  CCP's a b i l i t y t o d e v e l o p and manage t h e c o u r s e of c l a s s struggle  i n the v i l l a g e s .  The main s t r a t e g y of t h e CCP  Q i aowubao 17 December 1956, p. 10. C i t e d i n F i t z g e r a l d , p. 10. 2 3 2  168  was  t o "promote and  among  class  designed  lines...Most  and  implemented  sharpen the others i n  manage v i l l a g e p o l i t i c a l  relevant the  of  the  as p a r t of  class  policies...were this strategy  cleavages  countryside" *  But  2 3  conflict  and  in  to  the  blunt  Overseas  Chinese of r u r a l Guangdong, a t l e a s t , i t would be accurate to  characterize socialist  to  more  transformation  as  marked by the c l a s h of these c l a s s - b a s e d aims w i t h united front  aims and  Chinese p o l i c y .  The  transformation o u t s e t by the Overseas  was  Overseas  c l a s s - b a s e d s t r a t e g y of  socialist  furthermore  from  the  f e a t u r e s of  the  status  the  The  Overseas  complicated  domestic  confounded  p e c u l i a r socioeconomic  Chinese.  domestic  s t r a t e g y of  the  very  class  Chinese  was  of  itself  unclear,  and d i f f i c u l t t o d e t e r m i n e on the b a s i s  of  normal c r i t e r i a , because of t h e i r " s p e c i a l f e a t u r e s " -which not o n l y c u t a c r o s s be of  greater  determining  c l a s s l i n e s but appeared  s i g n i f i c a n c e than  their  class  unwillingness  and  p a r t i c i p a t e i n the new  socialist  order.  studied  Shue  CCP  by  Vivienne  the  successful in  ensuring that  peasants'  converged w i t h  their class  interests  Overseas C h i n e s e a r e a s 23  * S h u e , p.  325.  to  interests  in  ability  to  In the  was  areas  apparently  self -- but  interests in  s e l f i n t e r e s t s were much  the more  169  c l o s e l y bound up w i t h t h e s e v a r i o u s " s p e c i a l -- l a c k  of l a b o u r  power, dependence  on  features"  remittances,  e t c . -- which were shared a c r o s s c l a s s b o u n d a r i e s . In  the  final  domestic Overseas economic  analysis, Chinese  respect  population,  growth and s t a b i l i t y  h i s t o r y of C h i n e s e  with  to  the  goals  of  factor in  the  the  (not a new  government p o l i c y towards  Overseas  Chinese) c o l l i d e d w i t h and e v e n t u a l l y succumbed t o h i g h e r g o a l s of  social revolution  The  of  situtation  mid-1950's  the  during  t r a n s f o r m a t i o n was that s i t u a t i o n  of the  of  policy for  There were  too  many p r e s s u r e s  the  within  political  which presaged  c l a s h between  the  but  element of  i n the 1950's  in  socialist  derived,  a new  p o l i c y and  mid-1950's.  Chinese  course  historically  d e t e r m i n i s m a t work f i n a l outcome  Overseas  the  t h e r e was  i n the  the  Overseas  socialist  the  Chinese  transformation.  building  on  domestic  Overseas C h i n e s e p o l i c y d u r i n g the mid 1950's f o r i t t o endure.  Poor p e a s a n t s and lower m i d d l e p e a s a s n t s  were  i n a m a j o r i t y i n the c o u n t r y s i d e , and the CCP c o u l d a f f o r d to  l o s e the  most i m p o r t a n t  p o l i t i c a l support in  the  their  countryside.  A  p o l i c y of s u p p o r t f o r a s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t group such  as  the Overseas C h i n e s e  on  this basis.  constituency  of t h i s ,  ill  was perhaps bound  t o founder  1 70  Today t h e Overseas Chinese a r e one of the "engines of  growth"  Their  revitalizing  foreign  development  Guangdong's  connections  and  rural  their  economy.  role  in  the  of s p e c i a l i z e d a g r i c u l t u r e a r e sought a f t e r  and rewarded.  But g i v e n  the p r e s s u r e s on  specialized  a g r i c u l t u r e e x e r t e d by the F i r s t F i v e Year P l a n and t h e sociopolitical Overseas  pressures  Chinese  were  of in  a  collectivization, much  the  different,  more  p o l i t i c a l l y and e c o n o m i c a l l y v u l n e r a b l e p o s i t i o n i n the mid-1950's.  As the s o l u t i o n t o the economic  problems of peasant China came t o be seen in  terms  revolution July  of  quickening  and  deepening  i n the c o u n t r y s i d e —  1955 speech which  of Maoism as  h i s t o r i c a l scene -- s p e c i a l  strategy  socialist  Overseas C h i n e s e a r e a s of i m p o r t a n t r e s p e c t s from of  c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n on  presented i n  most  the  social  announcement  on t h e post  t r e a t m e n t of t h e  Overseas C h i n e s e was i n c r e a s i n g l y  In c o n c l u s i o n ,  increasingly  c u l m i n a t i n g w i t h Mao's  Meisner terms t h e  a development  and s o c i a l  domestic  doomed.  transformation  i n the  r u r a l Guangdong d i f f e r e d the standard a  national  western a c c o u n t s  in  characterization basis of  which  this  S o c i a l i s t t r a n s f o r m a t i o n i n the Overseas C h i n e s e was a p r o d u c t of  1949  is  period. areas  t h e unique h i s t o r i c a l development  of  171  these a r e a s .  The e x p e r i e n c e  cannot be  described  as  " t y p i c a l " on a n a t i o n w i d e b a s i s , but i t does  represent  an i m p o r t a n t a s p e c t of  Guangdong  province during t h i s been  previously  the r e a l i t y of r u r a l period —  described  s o c i a l i s t transformation. major s o c i a l r e a l i t i e s CCP's most  difficult  hoped t h a t t h i s the  of  differentiation  for  By  one which has  western  accounts  examining  of South C h i n a  one  foster  an  informed  the  full  not of  of  the  and one of  the  h i s t o r i c a l inheritances,  t h e s i s may  importance  in  and  i t is  an a p p r e c i a t i o n of sense  of  understanding  local of  the  r e s u l t s of s t a t e - d i r e c t e d s o c i a l and economic change i n the P e o p l e ' s R e p u b l i c of C h i n a .  172  BIBLIOGRAPHY  E n g l i s h Language Books The  Agrarian China.  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