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Local governance : an assessment of the planning and development of Tumbler Ridge McGrath, Susan 1985

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LOCAL GOVERNANCE: ASSESSMENT OF THE PLANNING AND DEVELOPMENT OF TUMBLER RIDGE, BRITISH COLUMBIA By SUSAN McGRATH B.A.(Hons), The University of Western A u s t r a l i a , 1979 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES School of Community and Regional Planning We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October 1985 © Susan McGrath, 1985 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by h i s or her representatives. I t i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of CoMwu imUj O U A J KQ^IQIOJ M C U M ^ 1 The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date QtLLu lAlrf... lUb' JE-6 C3/81) i ABSTRACT Tumbler Ridge, a resource town situated i n northeastern B r i t i s h Columbia, i s the f i r s t new community developed using the " l o c a l govern-ment" model. The context for the case study i s provided by an examination of resource community development i n B r i t i s h Columbia and Western Aust r a l i a during the post-war period. In both j u r i s d i c t i o n s a t r a n s i t i o n i n resource community development methods i s evident. The main stimulus for these changes has been the recognition of a v a r i e t y of endogenous and exogenous problems associated with e a r l i e r methods of development. There has been a change away from the p a t e r n a l i s t i c company town with i t s out-dated mode of private governance to more "open" methods of development which enable a greater degree of self-governance. The Tumbler Ridge project i s assessed i n some d e t a i l i n order to Identify i t s main at t r i b u t e s and drawbacks. Where circumstances such as workforce size, l o c a t i o n and anticipated longevity of mining a c t i v i t y favour the establishment of a new town, the Tumbler Ridge case study shows that the " l o c a l government" method of development should be preferred over a l t e r n a t i v e methods of developing new resource communities. The " l o c a l government" model has a number of d i s t i n c t benefits including: f i n a n c i a l mechanisms that enable early provision of a high standard of f a c i l i t i e s and services, commercial sector brokerage, proactive community develop-ment, p a r t i c i p a t o r y l o c a l government and a reduction in corporate influence. These have resulted i n the diminution of s o c i a l ailments and more rapid progress towards s t a b i l i t y and maturity than in resource towns established by a l t e r n a t i v e methods. The most s i g n i f i c a n t remaining i i problem i s the provision of service sector housing and the attainment of a s u f f i c i e n t l y integrated housing market. Changes i n the approach to resource community development are primarily the outcome of changes i n p r o v i n c i a l p o l i c y . Whereas i n the pre-war and early post-war period, economic development was the overriding factor, i n recent decades, settlement policy, which i s e s s e n t i a l l y concerned with s o c i a l and l i v a b i l i t y aspects of development, and environ-mental policy, have introduced a range of other considerations and c o n t r i -buted to present trends i n resource community development. The form that future resource community development takes w i l l depend primarily on the d i s p o s i t i o n of the p r e v a i l i n g p o l i t i c a l party. To the extent that provin-c i a l settlement policy i s influenced by the outcome of previous i n i t i a -t i v e s , Tumbler Ridge i s l i k e l y to reinforce existing tendencies towards municipally-lead development. One of the most important contributions of the Tumbler Ridge project i s that i t has enabled the a r t i c u l a t i o n of a set of theoretical relationships that exists between governance i n s t i t u t i o n s , the tools and s k i l l s required to operationalize these. i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT i TABLE OF CONTENTS i i i LIST OF TABLES v i LIST OF FIGURES v i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v i i i CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER 2: RESOURCE COMMUNITIES - THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES, HISTORICAL CONTEXT, CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK 14 2.1 I n t r o d u c t i o n 14 2.2 T h e o r e t i c a l Perspectives 16 2.2.1 The " I n t e r n a l " Perspective - S o c i a l and P s y c h o l o g i c a l C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Resource Communities 16 2.2.2 The " E x t e r n a l " Perspective - C r i t i c a l L i t e r a t u r e of the P o l i t i c a l Economists 23 2.2.3 The " I n t e r n a l " and " E x t e r n a l " Perspectives -A Synthesis 27 2.3 B r i t i s h Columbia Resource Community Development: A Conceptual Framework and H i s t o r i c a l P e r s p e c t i v e .... 28 2.3.1 Conceptual Framework: Resource Town Develop-ment Models 28 2.3.2 The H i s t o r i c a l E v o l u t i o n of Resource Towns i n B r i t i s h Columbia 32 2.3.2.1 "Company" Towns 32 2.3.2.2 "Instant" Towns 36 2.3.2.3 "Local Government" Towns 38 2.3.3 An I n t e r n a t i o n a l Comparison - The P i l b a r a Region, Western A u s t r a l i a 40 2.4 Community Governance and Resource Town Development . 46 i v Page 2.4.1 Concept and Purpose of Governance .46 2.4.2 Democracy and P a r t i c i p a t i o n 48 2.4.3 Economic E f f i c i e n c y 57 2.5 Summary 58 CHAPTER 3: PLANNING AND DEVELOPMENT OF TUMBLER RIDGE 61 3.1 I n t r o d u c t i o n 61 3.2 The Context - Northeast Coal Development 61 3.3 The Planning Process - A Conceptual Framework 64 3.4 Components of the Tumbler Ridge Planning Process ... 64 3.4.1 Goals and Objectives 68 3.4.2 Implementation Tools 69 3.4.2.1 L e g i s l a t i o n . The M u n i c i p a l Act .... 70 3.4.2.2 L e t t e r s Patent 71 3.4.2.3 The Commissioner 72 3.4.2.4 Development Agreement 73 3.5 I n s t i t u t i o n a l Arrangements 77 3.6 Nature and P r i n c i p l e s of Planning i n Tumbler Ridge • 78 3.7 Summary 81 CHAPTER 4: AN ASSESSMENT OF THE TUMBLER RIDGE PROJECT 84 4.1 I n t r o d u c t i o n 84 4.2 The Nature and Purpose of Implementation Assessment 84 4.2.1 D e f i n i t i o n 84 4.2.2 Purpose and Nature 89 4.2.3 Level of Re s o l u t i o n 92 4.2.4 Approaches i n Implementation A n a l y s i s 93 4.3 The Tumbler Ridge P r o j e c t 94 Page 4.3.1 Areas f o r Assessment 94 4.3.2 Tumbler Ridge Assessment 97 4.3.2.1 Land A l l o c a t i o n and Development 97 4.3.2.2 Or g a n i z a t i o n a l S t r u c t u r e and Implementa-t i o n Process 99 4.3.2.3 Lo c a l Self-Government 110 4.3.2.4 Integrated Housing Market and Service Sector Housing 120 4.3.2.5 Commercial Services and Town Centre 135 4.3.2.6 Environment 145 4.3.2.7 F i n a n c i a l R e s p o n s i b i l i t y and V i a b i l i t y .. 147 4.3.2.8 Risk P r o t e c t i o n 151 4.3.2.9 Equity Between Resource Companies 158 4.3.2.10 Equity Between Communities 160 4.3.2.11 Community M a t u r i t y / S t a b i l i t y 165 4.4 Assessment Summary 173 CHAPTER 5. RESOURCE COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT: IMPLICATIONS AND TRANSFERABILITY 178 5.1 I n t r o d u c t i o n 178 5.2 Future Resource Community Development i n B r i t i s h Columbia 178 5.2.1 P o l i c y Context 180 5.2.2 P r o v i n c i a l P o l i c y and Involvement i n Resource Town Development 181 5.2.3 R e l a t i o n s h i p of Settlement P o l i c y and Economic Development P o l i c y 186 5.3 Development, Governance and T r a n s f e r a b i l i t y 187 5.4 Summary and Conclusions 196 BIBLIOGRAPHY * 200 v i LIST OF TABLES Table Page 2.1 D e f i n i t i o n of Three Methods of Development 31 2.2 Post-War Resource Towns - Development R e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s .. 34 2.3 P i l b a r a region Resource Towns - Development R e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s 42 4.1 Dimensions of the L o c a l Government Model Posed f o r Assessment 96 4.2 Tumbler Ridge P r o j e c t : Involvement and Role of Governmental Agencies 101 4.3 Tumbler Ridge: Summary of Apartment Re n t a l s , Housing and Lot P r i c e s 123 4.4 Coal Companies: Housing Packages 124 4.5 Housing Inventory 125 4.6 Tumbler Ridge: Inventory of F a c i l i t i e s and Services .... 142 4.7 Estimated Development Costs 150 4.8 Tumbler Ridge and Selected Resource Communities 152 4.9 Tumbler Ridge: Enhanced F a c i l i t i e s and Services 162 4.10 B.C. Resource Towns: Property Charges per Average House 164 5.1 Comparison of Mechanisms Used to E s t a b l i s h Tumbler Ridge and Resource Towns i n the P i l b a r a Regions, Western A u s t r a l i a 190 v i i LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 2.1 Western A u s t r a l i a : P i l b a r a Iron Ore Towns and Major Road Links 26 2.2 Ladder of C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n 55 3.1 Location of the Northeast Coal Region 62 3.2 I n t e r - R e l a t i o n s h i p s Between Three Models of Planning ... 65 3.3 Tumbler Ridge P r o j e c t : C o n t r a c t u a l Commitments 74 4.1 Conceptual O r g a n i z a t i o n a l S t r u c t u r e : Conceptual Plan E a r l y 1981 103 4.2 O r g a n i z a t i o n a l S t r u c t u r e : Late 1981-1982 104 4.3 O r g a n i z a t i o n a l S t r u c t u r e : 1982-1983 105 4.4 O r g a n i z a t i o n a l S t r u c t u r e : F a l l 1983 Onwards 106 4.5 Response of the L o c a l Government Model to Phases i n Development of a Resource Community 112 4.6 Tumbler Ridge Townsite 126 4.7 Town Centre Master Plan 144 5.1 P o l i c y I d e a l 180 5.2 Resource Town P o l i c y : Context and Related P o l i c y Areas . 182 5.3 P o l i c y i n the Pre-World War I I and E a r l y Post-War Period 183 5.4 P o l i c y i n the 1960's and 1970's 183 5.5 P o l i c y i n the 1980's 185 5.6 Governance: Three Key Elements 194 v i i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to thank, my f a c u l t y s u p e r v i s o r , P r o f e s s o r Brahm Wiesman. Thanks are also due to Gary Paget, my e x t e r n a l a d v i s e r , f o r h i s guidance and w i l l i n g n e s s to share h i s extensive experience i n resource community planning. Richard Rabnett was also a source of enlightenment regarding the Tumbler Ridge project and made h e l p f u l comments on an e a r l y d r a f t of the t h e s i s . I a l s o wish to express my a p p r e c i a t i o n to Pat Walsh, Commissioner and Mayor of Tumbler Ridge, and others involved i n the planning and implementation of the p r o j e c t . The d i f f e r i n g perspectives of the various p a r t i c i p a n t s provided many r i c h and i n t e r e s t i n g i n s i g h t s i n t o a complex and innovative p r o j e c t . F i n a l l y , I would l i k e to thank the Aldermen and other c i t i z e n s of Tumbler Ridge who contributed by d i s c u s s i n g t h e i r experiences of the f i r s t few years of residence i n the town. 1 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION The purpose of t h i s thesis i s to assess what has been learned i n regard to resource community development, from the research process and development exercise embodied i n Tumbler Ridge, i n order to provide directions for future resource town development and to a s s i s t i n the formulation of policy on resource communities. The economy of the province of B r i t i s h Columbia has, since e a r l i e s t settlement, been based on the u t i l i z a t i o n of renewable or non-renewable natural resources. The supply of labour to such projects, which frequent-l y l i e north of the populated belt along the Canadian-U.S. border, has necessitated the establishment of new townsites in is o l a t e d and previously unsettled areas. Throughout most of B.C.'s history these have been provided on an ad hoc basis by the resource company on land granted to i t by the province. In the e a r l i e s t instances, urban development was regarded merely as a secondary consequence of the a c t i v i t i e s of a single enterprise engaged in the extraction and/or processing of non-agricultural resources. Accommodation, frequently in the form of temporary bunkhouses, was put i n place with l i t t l e provision for anything but the most basic es s e n t i a l s . Later, more permanent communities were established and operated as company towns. The post-second world war period has seen sub-s t a n t i a l changes in the types of community established and the roles of various p a r t i c i p a n t s . These changes emerged largely i n response to changes in the nature of the resource companies (e.g. increased s i z e , more complex operations), growing awareness of the problems of resource communities and the needs of resource town residents. 2 During the l a t e 1960's and 1970's, resource communities became a research focus of se v e r a l branches of the s o c i a l sciences. A s u b s t a n t i a l body of l i t e r a t u r e emerged documenting the problems and hardships e x p e r i -enced by resource town r e s i d e n t s and i n some in s t a n c e s , i d e n t i f y i n g causal f a c t o r s . These studies heightened the awareness of both resource developers and the Province of the need to address such issues i n fu t u r e resource community undertakings. Viewed i n h i s t o r i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e , Canadian resource communities have been c h a r a c t e r i z e d by gradual changes i n the r o l e s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of the resource companies, p u b l i c s e c t o r , r e s i d e n t s , and other p a r t i c i p a n t s . The "partnership model" (Walsh et a l . , 1983) used i n Tumbler Ridge re p r e -sents a s u b s t a n t i a l t r a n s i t i o n from e a r l i e r methods of development. The stages and nature of t h i s e v o l u t i o n w i l l be examined i n Chapter 2 to e s t a b l i s h the h i s t o r i c a l context w i t h i n which the Tumbler Ridge pr o j e c t i s set. In response to a proposal i n the mid 1970's to e s t a b l i s h a major new c o a l project i n the north-east of the province, the p r o v i n c i a l M i n i s t r y of Mun i c i p a l A f f a i r s , as the agency responsible f o r urban development and l o c a l government i n B r i t i s h Columbia, i n i t i a t e d an extensive program of research. A range of issues were examined, the Intent of which was to assess a l t e r n a t i v e forms of p r o v i n c i a l / c o r p o r a t e involvement i n the resource community pr o j e c t and to address a range of p o t e n t i a l s o c i a l and economic problems. Tumbler Ridge, as the outcome of the development proposal and research process, represents a s i g n i f i c a n t new era i n the establishment of resource towns. The research process, p r o j e c t implemen-t a t i o n and outcome comprise the focus of t h i s t h e s i s . The study w i l l concentrate on the s o c i a l dimension (housing, community f a c i l i t i e s 3 and s e r v i c e s ) , p o l i c y aspects, and i n p a r t i c u l a r , the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of l o c a l government. Two of the e a r l i e s t studies i n the f i e l d of resource communities (Queen's U n i v e r s i t y , 1953 and Robinson, 1962) recognized the key r o l e of a d m i n i s t r a t i v e arrangements and governance i n the establishment and growth of these towns. Subsequent studies focussed l a r g e l y on the s o c i a l charac-t e r i s t i c s of resource communities (see Chapter 2 ) , and have tended to disr e g a r d the p o l i t i c a l dimension of these settlements. In a recent inventory of problems of resource communities, Robinson (1984) confirms the s i g n i f i c a n c e of governance i s s u e s . Although he selected i n s t a b i l i t y , unbalanced demographic s t r u c t u r e and the p r o v i s i o n and f i n a n c i n g of a f f o r d a b l e housing as the most c r i t i c a l matters, I propose that governance i s of prime importance. The form of governance adopted can i n f l u e n c e a community e i t h e r d i r e c t l y , f o r example, through the s e l e c t i o n o f , and power vested i n , l o c a l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e o f f i c i a l s , o r i n d i r e c t l y . A number of problems such as workforce i n s t a b i l i t y are generated by i n t e r n a t i o n a l economic f o r c e s , however, the impact that these have on the l o c a l environ-ment can f r e q u e n t l y be mediated by actions of l o c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s e i t h e r alone, or i n concert with senior l e v e l a u t h o r i t i e s . Canada i s not the only country confronted with the challenge of r e s o l v i n g resource community Issues. Both A u s t r a l i a and the United States have been involved i n a s i m i l a r search f o r ways of d e a l i n g with the task of c r e a t i n g an appropriate l i v i n g environment i n s i n g l e - i n d u s t r y resource-based settlements. A number of s i m i l a r i t i e s between A u s t r a l i a and Canada make the c o n s i d e r a t i o n of resource community development i n these two c o u n t r i e s p a r t i c u l a r l y p e r t i n e n t . In response to strong Canadian-A u s t r a l i a n p a r a l l e l s i d e n t i f i e d i n a set of p u b l i c a t i o n s sponsored by 4 UNESCO, Himelfarb (1982) acknowledges the p o t e n t i a l f or i n t e r n a t i o n a l comparisons. However, he focusses on Canadian research only and r e f r a i n s from embarking on a comparative study due to "...the paucity of c r o s s -c u l t u r a l research [which] makes n a t i o n a l comparisons extremely hazardous [and] systematic comparisons...impossible" (p. 17). Even w i t h i n Canada i t i s d i f f i c u l t to draw a general p i c t u r e due to the d i v e r s i t y of resource community c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , fragmented research and p o p u l a r / h i s t o r i c a l (as opposed to systematic or s c i e n t i f i c ) nature of the l i t e r a t u r e (Himelfarb, 1982). I t i s c o r r e c t that t r a i t s common to A u s t r a l i a and Canada create a high degree of mutual relevance i n the experience of resource community development. These in c l u d e : the heritage of B r i t i s h c u l t u r a l , l e g a l and p o l i t i c a l t r a d i t i o n s and i n s t i t u t i o n s ; geographical vastness; c l i m a t i c extremes; economic r e l i a n c e on resource e x t r a c t i o n , export of s t a p l e s and i n t e r n a t i o n a l c a p i t a l ; i s o l a t e d l o c a t i o n of resources; and an uneven patter n of human settlement and labour supply. I t i s not tr u e , however, that t h i s topic denies comparison. Recently, more adventurous scholars have embarked upon the task of i d e n t i f y i n g and comparing the common threads of these experiences (see for example, Lea and Zenher, 1983). Lea and Zenher draw on l i t e r a t u r e from A u s t r a l i a , Canada and the United States as a preface to t h e i r examination of the A u s t r a l i a n Northern T e r r i t o r y town, J a b i r u . They r e a f f i r m the c e n t r a l importance of governance issues and democracy i n the formation of v i a b l e and l i v a b l e resource communities. The value of comparative i n t e r n a t i o n a l studies was recognized by the Task Force on Mining Communities (1982). In both A u s t r a l i a and Canada, recent decades have seen a change i n the r o l e of resource companies v i s - a - v i s the p u b l i c sector and other p a r t i c i p a n t s . The Canadian strategy of e s t a b l i s h i n g 5 municipal government towards the outset of town development met with a number of problems and has subsequently been r e c a s t . Western A u s t r a l i a adopted a process whereby e x i s t i n g company towns gra d u a l l y acquired municipal status through a procedure known as " n o r m a l i s a t i o n . " More r e c e n t l y i n Western A u s t r a l i a , the task of i n s t a l l i n g democratic l o c a l government towards the outset of community b u i l d i n g has been favoured. The d i s c u s s i o n of governance i n t h i s t h e s i s introduces e s s e n t i a l concepts i n the theory and philosophy of l o c a l government. However i t i s not concerned with governance per se but with understanding i t s r o l e i n , and i n f l u e n c e upon planning, development and the r e s u l t i n g human and p h y s i c a l environment of resource communities. 1 From an extensive survey of planning and s o c i a l impact l i t e r a t u r e , Bowles (1981) has observed that In academic research there has been a tendency f o r each community study to emphasize the case being examined and to under-emphasize the g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s which might be e x t r a c t e d . An e m p i r i c a l bias rather than a t h e o r e t i c a l bias has tended to produce somewhat i d i o s y n c r a t i c reports that are d i f f i c u l t to synthesize (p. 3 ) . The case study of Tumbler Ridge undertaken i n t h i s t h e s i s i s not intended as an end i n i t s e l f . Rather, through comparison with resource communities elsewhere and g e n e r a l i z a t i o n using development models, the case study i s intended to y i e l d new knowledge and understanding of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and processes of change at work i n such communities. Although Tumbler Ridge was the subject of extensive research p r i o r to i t s c o n s t r u c t i o n , there has as yet, been no systematic attempt to assess the outcome of the p r o j e c t . Selected components have been considered^ and i t i s the aim of t h i s study to c o n t r i b u t e to t h i s process. Only through r e t r o s p e c t i v e assessment can the outcome of the project be 6 i d e n t i f i e d and i t s innovations assessed. Given that the p r o j e c t o r i g i n a t e d i n the r e l a t i v e l y recent past, post-impact assessment has major advantages i n i d e n t i f y i n g how the p r o j e c t produced community and s o c i a l change. Further e v a l u a t i v e studies w i l l be required at l a t e r stages to assess the nature of the community when i n d i c a t o r s such as workforce turnover, m a r i t a l breakup and j u v e n i l e delinquency are a v a i l a b l e over a longer per i o d , and to determine progress towards the stage of maturity. A comparative a n a l y s i s increases the p o t e n t i a l to augment e x i s t i n g t h e o r e t i c a l knowledge and to c o n t r i b u t e to current p r a c t i c e . In t h i s regard i t i s necessary to ask: Is Canada's experience "portable"? I f so, to what extent and under what conditions? In seeking answers to these questions we must not be concerned simply with what was done, but how and why p a r t i c u l a r s t r a t e g i e s were chosen and what t h e i r outcome has been. Only then can we determine i f equivalent s i t u a t i o n s e x i s t elsewhere to which the experience can be t r a n s f e r r e d . The r a t i o n a l e for t h i s research project i s t h r e e f o l d . F i r s t l y , although Canada i s a h i g h l y urbanized country, s m a l l , i s o l a t e d coramunicies b u i l t mainly around resource-based i n d u s t r i e s and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , are c r u c i a l to i n d u s t r i a l development and economic growth. Lucas (1971) iden-t i f i e d 636 "one-industry towns" i n Canada. Himelfarb (1982) estimates that about one m i l l i o n Canadians l i v e i n these communities and many more have been r a i s e d there and l a t e r migrated to l a r g e r urban c e n t r e s . 3 C l e a r l y , from the r o l e performed i n f a c i l i t a t i n g resource e x t r a c t i o n , t h e i r number and cumulative s i z e , resource towns are of key importance to the economic and s o c i a l well-being of Canada and i t s people. The search f o r increased understanding of how to deal w i t h the issues associated w i t h such towns can be j u s t i f i e d on t h i s b a s i s . Secondly, the prospect of 7 continued r e l i a n c e of the B r i t i s h Columbian economy on the u t i l i z a t i o n of n a t u r a l resources and the associated need to e s t a b l i s h resource communi-t i e s i n the future perpetuates and augments the need to examine and assess a l t e r n a t i v e approaches to resource community development. This w i l l apply regardless of whether advocates of increased domestic downstream process-ing of p r o v i n c i a l resources (e.g. Marchak, 1983) are heeded or not. I f they are, the requirement f o r such settlements i s l i k e l y to increase. L a s t l y , there i s a need to know what impact innovations i n the governance and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of Tumbler Ridge have had on the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and problems which often t y p i f y resource f r o n t i e r communities and the s i g n i f i -cance of these f o r future resource town development. An underlying premise of t h i s study i s that Tumbler Ridge embodies s i g n i f i c a n t changes i n resource town development methods, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n r e l a t i o n to governance and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . Further, that an improved understanding of the nature and outcome of these methods w i l l c o n t r i b u t e to an Improved basis f o r the r e s o l u t i o n of p e r s i s t i n g problems and provide guidance for p o l i c y on resource communities. In essence, the study addresses four main components, namely: the changes i n governance introduced by the development of Tumbler Ridge, the impact of these changes, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to p r o v i n c i a l p o l i c y and t h e i r t r a n s f e r a b i l i t y to other j u r i s d i c t i o n s . More s p e c i f i c a l l y , the f o l l o w i n g research questions are posed f o r i n v e s t i g a t i o n . 1. Changes Introduced (a) What changes i n governance and development methods have been ass o c i a t e d w i t h Tumbler Ridge? (b) How do these r e l a t e to e a r l i e r methods of resource community development? 8 (c) Why were these changes introduced? (d) What a l t e r n a t i v e s were a v a i l a b l e ? 2. Impact of Changes (a) What impact have these changes had i n f a c i l i t a t i n g the achieve-ment of o b j e c t i v e s e s t a b l i s h e d f o r Tumbler Ridge? (b) What has been the outcome of these changes? (c) Is the outcome of these changes better than the outcome of e a r l i e r approaches? 3. R e l a t i o n s h i p to P r o v i n c i a l P o l i c y (a) How do these changes r e l a t e to p r o v i n c i a l p o l i c y on: ( i ) resource communities ( i i ) human settlements and ( i i i ) economic development? (b) What are the i m p l i c a t i o n s of Tumbler Ridge f o r the future development of resource communities i n B.C.? 4. T r a n s f e r a b i l i t y to Other J u r i s d i c t i o n s (a) What are the necessary c o n d i t i o n s f or t r a n s f e r a b i l i t y of resource community development methods between j u r i s d i c t i o n s ? (b) To what extent can the methods used i n Tumbler Ridge and B r i t i s h Columbia be applied i n other j u r i s d i c t i o n s ? A number of research methods were employed i n the study. At the out-s e t , research and planning reports r e l a t i n g to Tumbler Ridge were examined. Published l i t e r a t u r e and other documents regarding selected B.C. and Canadian resource towns were examined i n order to i d e n t i f y a l t e r n a t i v e development methods and to understand the changes introduced i n Tumbler Ridge and f o r comparison with resource community development p r a c t i c e i n other c o u n t r i e s . A major source of informat i o n was discussions and 9 interviews conducted w i t h key informants involved i n the planning, development and ongoing a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of Tumbler Ridge. This was an e s s e n t i a l component of the e a r l y " f a c t f i n d i n g " e x e r c i s e . L a t e r stages, i n c l u d i n g the assessment of impacts of development methods required the conduct of a set of interviews w i t h s t a f f and o f f i c e r s of municipal and p r o v i n c i a l governments and a f e d e r a l crown c o r p o r a t i o n , planning and marketing c o n s u l t a n t s , company r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s , company and non-company (s e r v i c e s e c t o r ) r e s i d e n t s and other s i g n i f i c a n t community members (e.g. d o c t o r ) . Informal Interviews were p r e f e r r e d , f o l l o w i n g a free ranging format focussed around a number of key t o p i c s . In a d d i t i o n , two townsite i n s p e c t i o n s were conducted i n August 1984 and June 1985. S p e c i f i c items of i n f o r m a t i o n were obtained from personnel with access to municipal records. A d e c i s i o n was made not to undertake a systematic random r e s i -dent survey. The research questions required the i n v e s t i g a t i o n of s p e c i -f i c issues which were more a p p r o p r i a t e l y examined i n the above manner. However, the views of a number of r e s i d e n t s were sought i n order to provide a more balanced understanding of the research i s s u e s . Research sources f o r the i n t e r n a t i o n a l comparisons included published l i t e r a t u r e , consultant's reports and discussions with f o r e i g n s c h o l a r s . The main focus of research w i l l be the Tumbler Ridge project and i t s outcome. The three r e l a t e d areas of i n q u i r y - p r o v i n c i a l p o l i c y , h i s t o r i -c a l context and r e l a t i o n s h i p to resource community development i n other j u r i s d i c t i o n s - provide the opportunity to broaden the experience derived from Tumbler Ridge to guide the planning of future resource communities i n B.C. and elsewhere. Comparisons w i l l be drawn between Canadian and A u s t r a l i a n experiences i n resource community development taken p r i m a r i l y from B r i t i s h Columbia and Western A u s t r a l i a . The s e l e c t i o n of these two countries i s based on the economic, s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l p a r a l l e l s discussed above and the author's research experience r e l a t i n g to resource communities i n both regions. The scope of the study i s defined so as to address the issue of resource community development from the point where d e c i s i o n to e s t a b l i s h a new community has been made. The steps p r i o r to t h i s and indeed, the d e c i s i o n i t s e l f , are oft e n a matter of p o l i t i c s rather than planning. Although the two are frequently inseparable, the emphasis here i s upon what can r a t i o n a l l y be accomplished to create a de s i r a b l e r e s i d e n t i a l environment given the c o n s t r a i n t s and p o t e n t i a l s defined by the p o l i t i c a l and economic context. In the present economic c l i m a t e , the v i a b i l i t y of many resource pr o j e c t s and associated dormitory centres has been brought i n t o question. Issues a s s o c i a t e d w i t h mine and town cl o s u r e are of relevance and have been considered by others (e.g. Bradbury and S t . - M a r t i n , 1983; Da h l i e , 1984; Hegadoren, 1979; St . - M a r t i n , 1981; Task Force on Mining Communities 1982) but are not c e n t r a l to the present study. Consideration w i l l be given to the termination of a c t i v i t y i n s o f a r as i t a f f e c t s the r o l e s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of development p a r t i c i p a n t s . D e f i n i t i o n s of "community" abound.^ In the present context the term i s regarded i n a f a i r l y broad sense. The focus of meaning i s on residents w i t h i n a l o c a l i t y , the r e l a t i o n s h i p s that emerge between them, and the forces that shape t h e i r l i v e s (Bowles, 1982 p. 1). I n c l u s i o n of the term "resource", q u a l i f i e s the phrase to r e f e r s p e c i f i c a l l y to those communities whose r a t i o n a l e i s p r i m a r i l y that of accommodating workers (and t h e i r f a m i l i e s ) who provide labour f o r the e x t r a c t i o n of n a t u r a l resources - minerals, f o r e s t s , f i s h or energy. The phrase does not include r u r a l communities. "Resource community" i s used interchangeably 11 w i t h "resource town." However, the former i s p r e f e r r e d since i t has the stronger connotation of i n c l u d i n g the s o c i a l dimension i n a d d i t i o n to b u i l t form. Chapter O u t l i n e Chapter 2 w i l l commence with a review of the relevant resource community l i t e r a t u r e . A s u b s t a n t i a l body of research e x i s t s and a number of d i f f e r e n t perspectives have emerged. The m a j o r i t y of readings are drawn from Canadian, A u s t r a l i a n and United States sources. The d i s c u s s i o n then moves to the t h e o r e t i c a l p r i n c i p l e s of l o c a l government. A h i s t o r i -c a l perspective on B.C. resource community development i n the post war period i s a r t i c u l a t e d . Three broad phases are i d e n t i f i e d and.described. An i l l u s t r a t e d t h e o r e t i c a l d i s c u s s i o n of resource community development methods ensues. On the basis of governance and development r e s p o n s i b i l i -t i e s , a continuum of development methods ranging from "completely p r i v a t e " to "completely p u b l i c " i s presented. Several " i d e a l type" models drawn from t h i s spectrum are elaborated upon as examples. This provides the t h e o r e t i c a l basis f o r a l a t e r d i s c u s s i o n of a l t e r n a t i v e methods of developing and governing resource communities, f o r an assessment of the Tumbler Ridge p r o j e c t , and f o r comparison w i t h the A u s t r a l i a n experience. Chapter 3 presents a d e s c r i p t i v e a n a l y s i s of the Tumbler Ridge p r o j e c t . The underlying p r i n c i p l e s and planning process by which Tumbler Ridge was e s t a b l i s h e d w i l l be discussed. The main tools and mechanisms that enabled these plans to be o p e r a t i o n a l i z e d are examined. E x p l i c i t o b j e c t i v e s which the Tumbler Ridge project sought to achieve w i l l be i d e n t i f i e d from research and planning r e p o r t s . Chapter 4 commences with a discussion of implementation assessment. Eleven areas for assessment are identif ied. An assessment w i l l be made of the extent to which the techniques used to establish the community have been successful in solving problems which they were designed to address. The nature of persisting problems wi l l be examined to determine what has disallowed their resolution and unanticipated policy-related consequences arising from the Tumbler Ridge project wi l l be identif ied. A discussion of recent provincial policy developments provides the opening to Chapter 5. The relationship of resource community development to economic development policy and settlement policy w i l l be outlined. The implications of the changing public sector role and future development of resource communities in B.C. are considered. Drawing on both Canadian and Australian experience, the concept of "governance" is explored and i t s relationship to other components of resource community development out-l ined. F ina l ly , areas for further research are identif ied. NOTES This i s c o n s i s t e n t with a s h i f t i n focus of p o l i t i c a l science research noted by Hegadoren (1979) from i n s t i t u t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e s and p h i l o s o -p h i c a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n to explanations of cause and e f f e c t s of govern-ment p o l i c i e s , programs and p r o j e c t s on the q u a l i t y of l i f e . Teck Corporation L t d . has conducted a review of the f i n a n c i a l mechanisms, and Rattenberry (forthcoming) examines s e r v i c e sector housing and the r o l e of Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation. Lucas (1971: 4-11) does an e x c e l l e n t job of debunking the myth that Canada i s an urban n a t i o n . H i l l a r y (1955) has i d e n t i f i e d 95 d i f f e r e n t d e f i n i t i o n s of community. 14 CHAPTER 2 RESOURCE COMMUNITIES - THEORETICAL PRINCIPLES, HISTORICAL CONTEXT AND CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK 2.1 I n t r o d u c t i o n The l i t e r a t u r e on Canadian resource towns i s v a s t , r e p o r t i n g research undertaken during several decades over a geographically extensive area. This stands i n marked contrast to the s i t u a t i o n observed by Robinson (1963) i n the e a r l y 1960's which caused him to comment that "...there has been a dearth of serious research on the s t r u c t u r e of [the resource] community and i t s problems and p o t e n t i a l i t i e s - even though such towns have been b u i l t i n Canada since the e a r l y 1900's" (p. 3 ) . Robinson was w r i t i n g on the eve of an era ( c . 1960-1975) that saw s u b s t a n t i a l expansion of the resource f r o n t i e r and the c r e a t i o n of ten new resource towns i n the province of B r i t i s h Columbia alone. The r a p i d pace at which resource e x t r a c t i o n and community b u i l d i n g proceeded i n Canada during the 1960's disallowed adequate c o n s i d e r a t i o n and systematic r e s o l u t i o n of associated problems. As a consequence, planning i n the 1970's t r i e d to address the legacy of issues l e f t by the 1960's new towns (McLeod, 1984). Wh i l s t i t i s true that a s u b s t a n t i a l body of research has emerged i n regard to resource communities, even b r i e f perusal of the l i t e r a t u r e i s s u f f i c i e n t to demonstrate the fragmented nature of these s t u d i e s . C o n t r i -butions have been made by the d i s c i p l i n a r y f i e l d s of sociology, psychology geography, planning, p o l i t i c a l economy and p o l i t i c a l science. This chapter w i l l b r i e f l y examine the major perspectives that have emerged i n the Canadian and A u s t r a l i a n l i t e r a t u r e and review the nature of resource town planning and development i n the post-war period. A conceptual frame-15 work based on a set of resource community development models i s presented. The models provide the foundation f o r a comparison of A u s t r a l i a n and Canadian resource town development methods. L a s t l y , the chapter w i l l out-l i n e the fundamental p r i n c i p l e s of l o c a l government and democratic p a r t i -c i p a t i o n which u n d e r l i e the most recent phase of resource community development. These p r i n c i p l e s c o n t r i b u t e to the subsequent evaluation of the l o c a l government model on which the l a t e s t era of resource town development i s based. Despite the trend of i n c r e a s i n g u r b a n i z a t i o n i n Canada that has p r e v a i l e d throughout most of the post-war period,^ small centres, i n c l u d i n g resource communities or "one-industry towns" as they are a l s o known, are an important and pervasive feature of Canadian s o c i e t y . Lucas (1971) counted 636 such communities and Himelfarb (1976) estimates that about one m i l l i o n Canadians l i v e i n these communities w h i l s t many more have been r a i s e d there and have l a t e r migrated to l a r g e r urban centres. C l e a r l y these settlements are s u f f i c i e n t l y s i g n i f i c a n t to warrant the research a t t e n t i o n that has r e c e n t l y been focused upon them. Himelfarb (1976) observed that the most serious problem w i t h the e x i s t i n g body of research i s i t s fragmentation. Most studies examine aspects of one or two communities w i t h few comprehensive comparative studies having been under-taken. The l i t e r a t u r e contains analyses a r i s i n g from d i f f e r i n g perspec-t i v e s and value p o s i t i o n s , many of which appear incompatible or stand d i r e c t l y i n c o n t r a d i c t i o n to each other. In or g a n i z i n g the array of resource community studies Himelfarb (1982) i d e n t i f i e d f i v e f o c i , v i z : 1. S o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the immigrants. 2. Community perceptions regarding " q u a l i t y of l i f e " . 3. Objective assessments of " q u a l i t y of l i f e " . 16 4. Assessment of working c o n d i t i o n s . 5. Community p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The above stem p r i m a r i l y from the f i e l d s of sociology and psychology and together c o n s t i t u t e what has been r e f e r r e d to as the " i n t e r n a l p e r s p e c t i v e " ( B e l l , 1985) or "endogenous i n f l u e n c e s " ( N e i l et a l . 1984). A second body of s t u d i e s , undertaken from a d i f f e r e n t i d e o l o g i c a l stand-point and emanating from the f i e l d s of geography and p o l i t i c a l economy comprise the " e x t e r n a l perspective" or "exogenous i n f l u e n c e s . " A b r i e f review of the major c o n t r i b u t i o n s and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of these two view-points w i l l provide the background regarding resource communities and o u t l i n e the status of the research. 2.2 T h e o r e t i c a l Perspectives 2.2.1 The " I n t e r n a l " P e r s p e c t i v e - S o c i a l and P s y c h o l o g i c a l Charac- t e r i s t i c s of Resource Communities Although a number of community-specific studies had been completed e a r l i e r , Robinson's (1962) seminal work New I n d u s t r i a l Towns on Canada's  Resource F r o n t i e r and a study by the I n s t i t u t e of L o c a l Government at Queen's U n i v e r s i t y (1953) represent the f i r s t major systematic studies of resource communities i n Canada. P r i o r to t h i s , resource communities, e s t a b l i s h e d as "company towns," were often viewed by the companies as temporary settlements. When the resource was exhausted, the town would u s u a l l y be abandoned. Frequently l i t t l e more than male-only sleep camps were erected c l o s e to the m i n e s i t e , making minimal p r o v i s i o n f o r r e c r e a -t i o n a l needs or f a m i l y accommodation. In instances where a more permanent settlement was e s t a b l i s h e d , i t was i n e v i t a b l y administered by the resource company and operated i n a manner perceived by r e s i d e n t s as h i g h l y p a t e r n a l i s t i c . Although some of the B r i t i s h new towns served as models f o r the Canadian communities, Robinson (1962) notes that the l a t t e r were not created to serve the p h i l a n t h r o p i c or i d e a l i s t i c ends of the former. Rather, they were the " i n v e n t i o n " of North American i n d u s t r i a l i s t s who acknowledged that the establishment of new towns, often i n i s o l a t e d areas, was a necessary p r e r e q u i s i t e f o r the e x p l o i t a t i o n of Canada's n a t u r a l resources. Robinson (1962) c a r r i e d out an a n a l y s i s of four new Canadian resource communities ( K i t i m a t , B r i t i s h Columbia; E l l i o t Lake, Ontario; Drayton V a l l e y , A l b e r t a ; and S c h e f f e r v i l l e , Quebec) e s t a b l i s h e d between the end of the second World War and 1960. Wh i l s t he duly acknowledges the achievements of the planners and designers of these towns, Robinson i s c r i t i c a l of t h e i r b u i l t environments, c o n s i d e r i n g them both "mundane and d i s a p p o i n t i n g " i n that they merely transplant i n a p p r o p r i a t e l y , the p h y s i c a l form of metropolitan suburbs and f a i l to respond to the s p e c i a l p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s of the northern environment. The four towns studied were constructed p r i o r to the era of " i n s t a n t towns" and u n l i k e the l a t t e r , each was e s t a b l i s h e d under l e g i s l a t i o n Introduced s p e c i f i c a l l y f o r that purpose. The " i n s t a n t towns" and Tumbler Ridge d i f f e r from Robinson's case studies i n that they were encompassed l e g a l l y under the same piece of l e g i s l a t i o n ( i . e . S e c t i o n 9 of the M u n i c i p a l Act) enabling p r o v i s i o n s of a comprehensive s t a t u t e . Robinson notes the changing nature of company housing p o l i c y from r e n t a l to sa l e and the i n t r o d u c t i o n of f i n a n c i n g and subsidy programs a l l o w i n g r e s i d e n t s to purchase accommodation. This p a t t e r n has continued 18 and u n d e r l i e s the home purchase scheme and r e l a t i v e l y small amount of r e n t a l accommodation that e x i s t i n Tumbler Ridge. The i n a b i l i t y of resource town m u n i c i p a l i t i e s to obtain finance from normal sources f o r the establishment of townsite f a c i l i t i e s was a severe handicap also reported by Robinson. The causes of t h i s - economic u n c e r t a i n t y regarding the f u t u r e of the i n d u s t r y and inadequate tax base due to the e x c l u s i o n of the mine or i n d u s t r i a l plant from the municipal area - were amenable to d i f f e r i n g degrees of r e s o l u t i o n . Innovative f i n a n c i a l " t o o l s " which, to the greatest extent p o s s i b l e , draw upon "normal" methods of f i n a n c i n g , set Tumbler Ridge apart from e a r l i e r resource towns. The Queen's U n i v e r s i t y (1953) study presents a well-rounded a p p r a i s a l of various dimensions of the e a r l y forms of resource community. In a d d i t i o n to n o t i n g the p h y s i c a l a t t r i b u t e s of these settlements I t discusses community i n s t i t u t i o n s , a d m i n i s t r a t i v e arrangements and s o c i a l problems. The authors acknowledge abnormality i n regard to planning: Management spokesmen i n some of these model company towns are apt to disparage o r d i n a r y communities on account of t h e i r l ack of planning...What i s frequently overlooked i s that town planning i s much l e s s d i f f i c u l t when the decisions are made by a s i n g l e a u t h o r i t y only - the company. Planning f o r t h i s type of townsite, t h e r e f o r e , i s a c t u a l l y not community planning, because the community as such does not do the planning but, r a t h e r , the company plans f o r the community (p. 75). The c o n s t r u c t i o n of a new town i n most instances involves the complex i n t e r a c t i o n and c o o r d i n a t i o n of a large range of elements and actors over an extensive period of time. This process i s g r e a t l y s i m p l i f i e d when many of these elements come under the j u r i s d i c t i o n and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the resource company. The e a r l i e s t resource settlements i n B r i t i s h Columbia were of t h i s kind and were frequently unplanned. In the post-war period 19 most towns were e s t a b l i s h e d a f t e r the compilation of a town plan which u s u a l l y dealt only w i t h p h y s i c a l a t t r i b u t e s and land development. P r i o r to the mid 1970's i t was usual f o r the resource company to assume r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the task of planning at l e a s t i n the i n i t i a l stages. I t was rare f o r the community per se to undertake planning. E i t h e r there was a lack of c i t i z e n o r g a n i z a t i o n which di s a l l o w e d d i r e c t community involvement or, i n instances where l o c a l government e x i s t e d , i t was often s u f f i c i e n t l y dominated by persons whose primary a l l e g i a n c e lay with the company that the company c a r r i e d out planning on a de f a c t o b a s i s . More r e c e n t l y there has been a departure from t h i s s i t u a t i o n . No longer does the company assume d i r e c t r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r planning the community. I t s planning r o l e , though nowadays u n o f f i c i a l , i s never the l e s s important i n determing the broad parameters and underlying economic, l e g a l and s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s f o r the town's development. The Queen's U n i v e r s i t y report recognizes the pervasive r o l e of the company i n regard to a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and p o l i t i c a l f u n c t i o n s : I f there i s no l o c a l government, then even governmental funct i o n s w i l l come under the [company] townsite department or I t s e q u i v a l e n t . . . . In r e a l i t y , the company's a d m i n i s t r a t i o n may be so a l l pervasive as to resemble the domination of a feudal estate by the l o r d of the manor.... Where l o c a l self-government i s l a c k i n g , company a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the townsite must include governing i n the p o l i t i c a l sense (p. 33). This s i t u a t i o n has more r e c e n t l y been r e f e r r e d to as one of "company' or " p r i v a t e " governance ( M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s , 1983) and c o n s t i -tutes one end on a continuum of development and governance models a r t i c u -l a t e d l a t e r i n t h i s chapter. I t p r e v a i l e d as the main form of governance i n B.C. resource towns throughout the ' s i x t i e s and e a r l y 'seventies, and i n the P i l b a r a region of Western A u s t r a l i a u n t i l the e a r l y 1980's. 20 I n t r o d u c t i o n of the "Instant Towns" amendment to the M u n i c i p a l Act i n 1965 f a c i l i t a t e d the establishment of l o c a l government i n resource towns and could have been expected to permit an increased degree of r e s i d e n t involvement. 3 However, as shown l a t e r i n t h i s chapter, municipal i n c o r -p oration i n i t s e l f was unable to redress t h i s problem e f f e c t i v e l y . A substantive change i n the nature and f u n c t i o n of l o c a l government was required to achieve increased c i t i z e n involvement and more genuine l o c a l self-government. These changes are embodied more f u l l y i n the " l o c a l government" model upon which the most recent phase of resource communities i s based. In the 1950's and 1960's, i t i s true that there was no great pressure for the establishment of l o c a l government i n resource communities. How-ever, i n response to the legacy of problems a r i s i n g from pre-1975 resource town development methods and the broader p o l i t i c a l economy of the mining i n d u s t r y , the 1970's and 1980's have seen a growing c a l l from r e s i d e n t s , mining companies and the p r o v i n c i a l government for the c r e a t i o n of communities that are l e s s prone to these p e r s i s t e n t problems. Throughout the 1970's studies focused on a search for the causes of, and s o l u t i o n s to, a number of problems which c h a r a c t e r i z e d resource communities. The major concerns were the i n d u s t r i a l costs a r i s i n g from high transience l e v e l s and ra p i d labour turnover, and the s o c i a l and economic costs a s s o c i a t e d w i t h "boom" and "bust" c y c l e s . A major program of research was c a r r i e d out by the Center f o r Settlement Studies at the U n i v e r s i t y of Manitoba (e.g. Jackson and Poushinsky, 1971; Mathiasson, 1970; R i f f e l , 1975; and Siemens, 1973). S i g n i f i c a n t i n d i v i d u a l c o n t r i b u -t i o n s were made by Lucas (1972), Porteous (1976) and G i l l (1984). I n s t a -b i l i t y was a t t r i b u t e d to community s t r e s s , a symptom of p h y s i c a l and 21 s o c i a l environments being divergent from p s y c h o l o g i c a l needs (Department of Energy, Mines and Resources, 1976). An equivalent body of A u s t r a l i a n studies has been compiled by the Commonwealth S c i e n t i f i c i n v e s t i g a t i o n and Research Or g a n i z a t i o n (CSIRO), D i v i s i o n of B u i l d i n g Research.^ Stress symptoms vary between communities and between i n d i v i d u a l s but were found to have one major outcome: departure from the community. Such symptoms were e s p e c i a l l y prevalent during the " c o n s t r u c t i o n " and " r e c r u i t -ment" stages of development. I n s t a b i l i t y was assumed to a r i s e from the underdevelopment of p h y s i c a l f a c i l i t i e s and the la c k of s o c i a l i n t e g r a -t i o n . M o t i v a t i o n f o r migrating to a new resource town ( p r i m a r i l y f i n a n -c i a l or c a r e e r - r e l a t e d ) and the lack of personal i d e n t i f i c a t i o n by workers w i t h e i t h e r t h e i r occupation or the region, y i e l d e d some In s i g h t i n t o the causes of s o c i a l s t r e s s and rapi d labour turnover. B e l i e v i n g resource community problems to be curable through manipulation of a town's components, the response of resource companies and planners was to upgrade the q u a l i t y of the b u i l t environment and to improve the a v a i l a b i l i t y of community s e r v i c e s . Consequently, resource towns est a b l i s h e d i n the 1970's are ch a r a c t e r i z e d g e n e r a l l y by a w e l l arranged p h y s i c a l r e l a t i o n -ship between t h e i r components, an a t t r a c t i v e urban environment and appearance that s t r o n g l y resembles southern metropolitan suburbs. As Marchak (1983) observes, " i n s t a b i l i t y i s viewed by many researchers and the companies as a problem to be cured by s o c i a l amenities: making the town as a t t r a c t i v e as p o s s i b l e " (p. 303). In the mid 1970's Pressman (1976) noted however, that " . . . i n s p i t e of a higher q u a l i t y of p h y s i c a l  environment, the r e s i d e n t s of such communities are s t i l l s u f f e r i n g from acute degrees of tension, s t r e s s and unhappiness" (p. 170, emphasis added). N e i l et a l . , 1982 observed a s i m i l a r i n a b i l i t y of such i n i t i a t i v e s to 22 resolve s t r e s s symptoms i n A u s t r a l i a n resource communities. C l e a r l y , r e s o l u t i o n of these problems was more d i f f i c u l t than i n i t i a l l y a n t i c i p a t e d . Lucas (1971) i d e n t i f i e d a s e r i e s of stages through which, he hypothe-s i z e d , resource communities passed s e q u e n t i a l l y i . e . c o n s t r u c t i o n , recruitment, t r a n s i t i o n and maturity. B e l l (1985) observes that the normative view of the " i n t e r n a l " l i t e r a t u r e has emphasized p o l i c y to speed up the maturation process and concentrates on community based s o l u t i o n s , the o b j e c t i v e being to sk i p or decrease the i n t e r v e n i n g stages... "good" town planning [hastened] the town's maturation process by pro v i d i n g an environment which encouraged r e s i d e n t s to become c i t i z e n s . Research and p o l i c y p r e s c r i p t i o n s i n the 1980's have retained concerns of the previous decade regarding the achievement of community s t a b i l i t y . However, the s t r a t e g i e s favoured to a t t a i n t h i s goal have changed i n emphasis from the b u i l t form and s e r v i c e p r o v i s i o n to the meaningful involvement of new r e s i d e n t s i n the b u i l d i n g and formation of t h e i r community. Previous approaches f a i l e d to encourage s e l f - h e l p and i n i t i a t i v e of r e s i d e n t s , r e s u l t i n g i n an a t t i t u d e of dependence upon the company and/or governments. Recent p o l i c y recognizes the need for both adequate and appropriate f a c i l i t i e s and s e r v i c e s and the opportunity f o r genuine c i t i z e n involvement i n governance of the community. S t r a t e g i e s used to achieve t h i s w i l l be examined and assessed i n Chapters 3 and 4. A u s t r a l i a n resource towns i n the 1980's have become more s t a b l e , and i n some respects, more balanced demographically, representing a movement i n t o the " t r a n s i t i o n " stage of Lucas' (1971) model. A s i m i l a r phenomenon can be observed i n B.C. towns. As i n d i c a t e d by B e l l (1985), the i n t e r n a l l i t e r a t u r e " i s cognizant of the e x t e r n a l economic c o n s t r a i n t s on developing community s t a b i l i t y i n 23 resource towns". The f r e q u e n t l y suggested response to t h i s i s the adop-t i o n of a r e g i o n a l approach to resource settlement planning and develop-ment ( i n B.C.: Clegg, 1958; Robinson, 1962; Parker, 1963; R i f f e l , 1975; V e i t , 1978; i n W.A.: Brealey and Newton, 1977, 1980; Newton and Brealey, 1979; Stockbridge et a l . 1976; Taylor et a l . 1981). There has been r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e attempt to a s c e r t a i n the nature of c o n d i t i o n s necessary to implement a r e g i o n a l approach. An exception to t h i s i s a recent t h e s i s by B e l l (1985) who defines some of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and elements that would a s s i s t i n o p e r a t i o n a l i z i n g r e g i o n a l plans. Generally speaking, l i t e r a t u r e o r i g i n a t i n g with the " i n t e r n a l p e r s p e c t i v e " has focused on community i s s u e s . The i n f l u e n c e of broader p o l i t i c a l and economic f a c t o r s has been l a r g e l y disregarded as being beyond the c o n t r o l of l o c a l or p r o v i n c i a l a u t h o r i t i e s . 2.2.2 The " E x t e r n a l " Perspective - C r i t i c a l L i t e r a t u r e of the  P o l i t i c a l Economists P a r a l l e l i n g the foregoing, s e v e r a l scholars have adopted a neo-Marxian perspective i n t h e i r search for understanding of the resource town phenomenon. Bradbury's (1977) d o c t o r a l d i s s e r t a t i o n was the f i r s t major Western Canadian c o n t r i b u t i o n to t h i s f i e l d of c r i t i c a l s t u d i e s . He argued that " i n s t a n t " towns e s t a b l i s h e d under a newly l e g i s l a t e d amendment to the M u n i c i p a l Act were simply modern versions of the company town. He contended that problems of resource towns could not be resolved by attempting to modify the i n t e r n a l environment of the town since the causes of these problems were seen to belong to the e x t e r n a l m i l i e u . In subse-quent papers he developed t h i s theme s p e c i f i c a l l y i n the context of "boom" and "bust" c y c l e s i n the mining sector (Bradbury 1978, 1982, 1984). 24 Gunder (1981), i n considering the issue of community i n s t a b i l i t y and external dependency of single resource mining communities, concluded that the t r a d i t i o n a l problems of these settlements ( i n s t a b i l i t y , distorted demographics and segmented housing markets) cannot be resolved i n our present s o c i a l decision-making system. Gunder perceives this to be an outcome of a corporate/government a l l i a n c e which he claims i s responsible for creating many such problems. Marchak (1983) also considers the i n t e r n a l perspective to be inade-quate i n that It f a i l s to acknowledge the i n s t a b i l i t y created by depen-dence on markets over which a single resource company and community has no c o n t r o l . Markusen (1978, 1980) has assessed the western United States from a s i m i l a r perspective, i d e n t i f y i n g the influence of in t e r n a t i o n a l c a p i t a l and state mediation on the cl a s s dynamics of l o c a l communities. Much of the " i n t e r n a l " l i t e r a t u r e focuses on planning, l i f e s a t i s f a c -t i o n and the p o s i t i v e elements of the growth of mining towns. Bradbury and St.-Martin (1982), i n examining winding-down and town closure proce-dures i n S c h e f f e r v i l l e provide a counterpoint to this by: Demonstrat(ing) how company p o l i c i e s during the stages of t a n s i t i o n and maturity benefit the company i n the long run, more than the i n d i v i d u a l or the community. Company p o l i c i e s of withdrawing from the housing market, of withdrawing from public services and of withdrawing from municipal a f f a i r s should not be hailed simply as l i b e r a l gains for the i n d i v i d u a l , or as po s i t i v e aspects of the decline of company paternalism (p. 135). Thompson (1981) emphasizes that s t a b i l i t y and s u r v i v a l of resource towns depends on the continued interest of large transnational corporation whose commitment i s to the outflow of c a p i t a l , not to regional development. E s s e n t i a l l y , neo-Marxist scholars argue that, regardless of I n i t i a t i v e s 25 taken to a f f e c t community processes, resource towns w i l l never be s t a b l e so long as they are dependent on unstable f o r e i g n markets. Furthermore, they argue that l o c a l self-government represents a s h i f t i n g of costs and r i s k from the company to r e s i d e n t s . A s i m i l a r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of A u s t r a l i a n resource community development has been provided by a group of p o l i t i c a l economists. Harman and Harman (1982) b e l i e v e that the present form of settlement i n the P i l b a r a region of Western A u s t r a l i a can o n l y be understood i n l i g h t of s t a t e p o l i c i e s i n the 1960's and the government's commitment to a developmentalist ideology (see Figure 2.1 f o r l o c a t i o n ) . Resource development has long been an o b j e c t i v e of a l l Western A u s t r a l i a n governments ( B o l t o n , 1981), the changing nature of which has been traced by Layman (1981). The 1960's saw a major s h i f t i n resource p o l i c y from piecemeal c r i s i s a s s i s t a n c e to one of s u b s t a n t i a l government involvement i n the a t t r a c t i o n and i n i t i a l establishment of development p r o j e c t s ( F a i r b a i r n , 1966; Layman, 1981). The " e x t e r n a l " perspective provides a much needed balance to the " i n t e r n a l " l i t e r a t u r e and makes sev e r a l v a l i d c o n t r i b u t i o n s . However, as B e l l (1985) notes, the r a d i c a l c r i t i q u e of the " e x t e r n a l " perspective i s l i m i t e d by i t s l a c k of p o l i c y relevance and i t s i n a b i l i t y to provide pragmatic r e s o l u t i o n s given the present r e a l i t y of the p r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i -c a l economy and the broader c a p i t a l i s t i c economy of which resource s e t t l e -ments are a part. The " e x t e r n a l " perspective presumes the only s o l u t i o n i s a high degree of p u b l i c i n t e r v e n t i o n i n the p r o v i n c i a l economy. Lea and Zenher (1983) also caution against the " s t r u c t u r a l trap of informed i n a c t i v i t y . " That i s , the tendency f o r changes, which may ameliorate l o c a l c o n d i t i o n s , to be opposed by r a d i c a l scholars because they may a l s o serve to support the c a p i t a l i s t system. 26 0 500 1000 i 1 1 1 1 1 i • I - I i Kilometres Figure 2.1 Western A u s t r a l i a P i l b a r a iron ore towns and major road l i n k s 27 2.2.3 The " I n t e r n a l " and " E x t e r n a l " Perspectives - A Synthesis The coexistence.of these two dichotomous bodies of research appears at f i r s t to be qui t e incongruous. There has been r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e e f f o r t by scholars of one perspective to accommodate the a l t e r n a t i v e viewpoint, although Bradbury (1984) attempted a r e c o n c i l i a t i o n of the two streams. B e l l (1985), a f t e r i d e n t i f y i n g the l i m i t a t i o n s of both the " i n t e r n a l " and " e x t e r n a l " p erspectives, sets out to bridge the gap that e x i s t s between these a l t e r n a t i v e standpoints and p u b l i c p o l i c y on resource development and mining towns. He approaches t h i s task through a synthesis of the p o l i t i c a l economy analyses of the " e x t e r n a l " l i t e r a t u r e and the community focus of the " i n t e r n a l " l i t e r a t u r e o f f e r i n g an a l t e r n a t i v e - a " t e r r i t o r i a l r e g i o n a l " p erspective. B e l l also draws upon r e g i o n a l settlement theory and planning theory i n b u i l d i n g a normative model f o r resource settlement planning. The goal of the " t e r r i t o r i a l r e g i o n a l " approach i s " r e g i o n a l r e s i l i e n c y , " three o b j e c t i v e s of which are: the adoption of a t e r r i t o r i a l r e g i o n a l approach, bottom-up p a r t i c i p a t i o n and a s t r a t e g i c process. Through an examination of a s e r i e s of case studies i n B r i t i s h Columbia, B e l l concludes that p r o v i n c i a l p o l i c y has made a s l i g h t move towards the t e r r i t o r i a l r e g i o n a l p e r s p e c t i v e . This i s i n d i c a t e d by the planning process having become p a r t l y s t r a t e g i c , there being a move to encourage bottom-up p a r t i c i p a t i o n and an acknowledgement of r e g i o n a l concerns. This t h e s i s recognizes the s i g n i f i c a n c e and pervading i n f l u e n c e of exogenous f a c t o r s ; however given the focus i s p r i m a r i l y on endogenous ( i n t e r n a l ) i s s u e s . 28 2.3 B r i t i s h Columbia Resource Community Development: A Conceptual  Framework and H i s t o r i c a l P e r s p e c t i v e The changing form and f u n c t i o n of resource towns i n B r i t i s h Columbia r e f l e c t the p a t t e r n of e v o l u t i o n through which these settlements have passed. S t e l t e r and A r t i b i s e (1982) c o r r e c t l y observe that d i s t i n c t forms and i n s t i t u t i o n a l arrangements appeared i n each period of resource town b u i l d i n g , p a r a l l e l i n g broader changes i n the Canadian approach to town planning. B e l l (1985) i d e n t i f i e s four trends which have c h a r a c t e r i z e d resource town development i n B r i t i s h Columbia, v i z . • From s t r i c t l y p h y s i c a l planning to p h y s i c a l , s o c i a l and economic planning; • From worker dependence to worker independence; • From one company to multicompany towns; and • From p r i v a t e to p u b l i c governance. The p h y s i c a l dimension of resource town planning received e a r l i e s t systematic a t t e n t i o n and i s reveiewed by McCann (1982). Governance i s s u e s , the primary focus of t h i s t h e s i s , have f r e q u e n t l y been dealt with i m p l i c i t l y or been completely overlooked. E x p l i c i t c o n s i d e r a t i o n has occurred only i n more recent years. In the f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n a conceptual framework of resource town development i s presented. This i s subsequently used as the basis f o r an a n a l y s i s of the h i s t o r i c a l e v o l u t i o n of resource towns i n B r i t i s h Columbia. 2.3.1 Conceptual Framework: Resource Town Development Models The conceptual framework i s comprised of a set of models of resource town development. These s y s t e m a t i c a l l y d e p i c t the agents responsible f o r various components of development of a resource town. The models 29 represent selected points on a continuum of development methods. They are presented as " i d e a l types" which Bulmer (1975:84-5) defines thus: An i d e a l type i s not a description of s o c i a l r e a l i t y (past or present). It i s a th e o r e t i c a l construct against which actual s o c i a l structures and patterns of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s may be compared by empirical i n v e s t i g a t i o n . An i d e a l type i s not a description of r e a l i t y , neither i s i t an hypothesis seeking to explain that r e a l i t y . It i s not the average of a l l the pheno-mena empirically e x i s t i n g to which i t r e f e r s . It i s a one-sided accentuation of r e a l i t y which emphasises the dominant c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n a l o g i c a l manner i n r e l a t i o n to each other.... If the i d e a l type i s used as a conceptual t o o l , as a means of i n s t i t u t i n g comparative studies and making h i s t o r i -c a l and s o c i o l o g i c a l generalisations i n the course of research, then the c r i t i c i s m [that i t s explanatory powers e n t a i l a l o g i c a l t r i c k ] i s not j u s t i f i e d ( o r i g i n a l emphasis). Quoting Weber, Bulmer continues: the construction of abstract i d e a l types recommends i t s e l f not as an end but as a means...it i s no hypothesis but i t offers guidance to the construction of hypotheses. I t i s not a description of r e a l i t y but i t aims to give unambiguous means of expression to such a de s c r i p t i o n . . . . The ideal-type i s an attempt to analyse h i s t o r i c a l l y unique configurations or t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l components by means of generic concepts (p. 85) ( o r i g i n a l emphasis). This i s the sense i n which the " i d e a l type" i s used i n this study. It i s relevant to recap some of the e s s e n t i a l points from the foregoing extract i n r e l a t i o n to the intended a p p l i c a t i o n of the "i d e a l type". F i r s t l y , the development models do not describe resource communities but rather i d e n t i f y the main actors and their r o l e s . Whilst the models per se do not present a hypothesis, they a s s i s t i n bui l d i n g hypotheses regarding the relaionship of one kind of resource community to another and the factors which have influenced their development. They are indeed, not an average but instead select and highlight the c r i t i c a l features, some of which are more important than others (e.g. r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f or land a l l o c a -t i o n ) . L a s t l y , the models are to be used as a means and not an end. They provide a conceptual t o o l f o r temporal and i n t e r - j u r i s d i c t i o n a l comparison and the basis f o r drawing g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s . As Torgerson (1980:148-9) notes, "by foc u s s i n g . . . o n . . . i d e a l types, the point i s not to deny d i v e r -s i t y but to provide a perspective from which the d i v e r s i t y can be i n t e r -preted and understood." Rabnett and Skaburskis i n a paper prepared f o r the M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s (1977) define three development models: the P r i v a t e , the P u b l i c and the Mixed P u b l i c - P r i v a t e methods (see Table 2..1). P o l a r end-points of the development spectrum are represented by the purely p r i v a t e and purely p u b l i c models. The mixed model i s only one of a large v a r i e t y of intermediate combinations of development r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . One form of the mixed development method i s represented by the " l o c a l government" model adopted i n the 1980's and examined below. I t i s important to note that d i s t i n c t i o n s between the models are not c l e a r - c u t . The c r u c i a l d i f f e r e n c e i s which body bears r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for d i f f e r e n t components of development and i s thereby i n c o n t r o l of these apsects. P a r t i c u l a r l y important i s the body responsible f o r land a l l o c a t i o n and development. The models f a c i l i t a t e the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of major actors and the changes that have occurred i n t h i s regard over time. The s i g n i f i c a n c e of the major actor becomes apparent when one examines the concept of "community governance." Community governance i s the formal and informal s t r u c t u r e s of decision-making and c o n t r o l w i t h i n communities (Paget and W a l i s s e r , 1983). Paget and Wa l i s s e r (1983) iden-t i f y three generic approaches to community governance - p r i v a t e govern-ance, l o c a l governance and p r o v i n c i a l governance. These are d i s t i n g u i s h e d 31 Table 2.1 D e f i n i t i o n of three methods of development P r i v a t e M i x e d P u b l i c Co. P r o v . Co. P r o v . Co. P r o v R e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r : p l a n n i n g X X X l a n d a l l o c a t i o n X X X p h y s i c a l s e r v i c e s X X X X company h o u s i n g X X X s e r v i c e h o u s i n g X (1) (1) (1) c o n m e r c i a l X (2) X r e c r e a t i o n X (3) (3) X h e a l t h X X X X X e d u c a t i o n X X X (1) The P r o v i n c e may p r o v i d e s e r v i c e s e c t o r h o u s i n g u n d e r e a c h method o f d e v e l o p m e n t . T h r o u g h i t s h o u s i n g p o l i c i e s , t h e P r o v i n c e may h a v e h o u s i n g p r o v i d e d t o p u b l i c and p r i v a t e s e r v i c e p e o p l e r e g a r d l e s s o f t h e d e v e l o p -ment method u s e d t o b u i l d and manage t h e t o w n s i t e . (2) The b u s i n e s s c ommunity, n o t t h e Company, p r o v i d e s t h e c o m m e r c i a l f a c i l i t i e s i n t h e M i x e d a p p r o a c h . The P r o v i n c e a l l o c a t e s t h e l a n d and i s s u e s t h e r e g u l a t i o n s b u t I t d o e s not b u i l d o r f i n a n c e t h e f a c i l i t i e s . I n t h e P u b l i c method t h e P r o v i n c e may f i n a n c e t h e s t a r t - u p c o m m e r c i a l f a c i l i t i e s . I n t h e P r i v a t e method t h e Company may h a v e t o f i n a n c e t h e s h o p p i n g m a l l . (3) J o i n t d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g and j o i n t s h a r i n g o f r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i s n o t assumed under t h e M i x e d method. One o r t h e o t h e r p a r t i e s t a k e s the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f p r o v i d i n g t h e s e s e r v i c e s . The r e s p e c t i v e r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s o f t h e two p a r t i e s i s s p e l l e d o u t i n a w r i t t e n c o n t r a c t made b e f o r e t h e d e v e l o p m e n t s t a r t s . I n t h e c a s e o f p h y s i c a l s e r v i c e s and h e a l t h f a c i l i t i e s t h e Company and the P r o v i n c e may be r e s p o n s i b l e f o r s e p a r a t e components o f t h e s y s t e m s . F o r example, i n t h e M i x e d method t h e Company may b u i l d t h e s i t e s e r v i c e s w h i l e the P r o v i n c e may be r e s p o n s i b l e f o r p r o v i d i n g the c e n t r a l s e r v i c e s . Source: M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s , 1977:76. 32 on the basis of t h e i r c e n t r a l a c t o r s , discerned i n accordance with the models of development. Type of development and form of community govern-ance have changed over time. I t i s f r u i t f u l to b r i e f l y consider these changes p r i o r to examining the governance issue i n greater depth. 2.3.2 The H i s t o r i c a l E v o l u t i o n of Resource Towns i n B r i t i s h Columbia P r i o r to World War I I , resource towns i n B r i t i s h Columbia p r i m a r i l y took the form of closed company towns. In the post war per i o d , three main phases of resource town c o n s t r u c t i o n can be i d e n t i f i e d , corresponding to a d i f f e r e n t methods of development. These are: Phase 1: 1950's - Closed "Company" Town Phase 2: 1960's and 1970's - " I n s t a n t " Town Phase 3: 1980's -"Local Government"Town. At the present time, a number of d i f f e r e n t types of community c o - e x i s t as legacies of e a r l i e r periods of development. 2.3.2.1 "Company" Towns Robinson (1962) has described Canadian pre-war resource towns i n some d e t a i l . The company owned the land, i n c l u d i n g the roads which gave i t the power to l i m i t access to town. I t b u i l t and owned the houses, u t i l i t i e s and community f a c i l i t i e s and In i t s most extreme form, required the workers to buy at company s t o r e s . There was no d e m o c r a t i c a l l y - e l e c t e d l o c a l government and to a large extent the company c o n t r o l l e d p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y . In other towns of t h i s period the p u b l i c had free r i g h t of access and commercial f a c i l i t i e s were p r i v a t e l y owned and operated. Some p r i v a t e housing was permitted and i n some cases, a municipal c o u n c i l was e l e c t e d . 33 Post-war company towns are i n many respects s i m i l a r to the company town of the pre-war era. The resource e n t e r p r i s e assumed r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r planning, f i n a n c i n g , b u i l d i n g and management of the town (see Table 2.2). These were e s t a b l i s h e d p r i o r to i n t r o d u c t i o n of the " i n s t a n t town" l e g i s l a t i o n of the M u n i c i p a l Act.5 The Queen's U n i v e r s i t y , I n s t i t u t e of L o c a l Government (1953) study p e r c e p t i v e l y describes the nature of p a r t i c i p a t i o n and governance i n e a r l y resource communities. The very l i m i t e d amount of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n government observed i n most s i n g l e - e n t e r p r i s e communities...Is i n sharp contrast to the u n i v e r s a l p r a c t i c e i n other Canadian communities. This l i m i t a t i o n was p a r t i c u l a r l y evident i n B r i t i s h Columbia [where i n many c a s e s ] . . .there...was...no opportunity f o r the i n h a b i t a n t s to engage i n the democratic process of e l e c t i n g l o c a l governments and i n f l u e n c i n g l o c a l p o l i c i e s (p. 41). In many "company" towns l o c a l government has been subsequently i n t r o -duced w i t h the m u n i c i p a l i t y adopting an i n c r e a s i n g number of functions p r e v i o u s l y performed by the company. Those i n which l o c a l government has not been e s t a b l i s h e d are s i t u a t e d i n very remote l o c a t i o n s , t h i s being the main reason f o r t h e i r r e t a i n e d company s t a t u s . Examples include Tasu (now c l o s e d ) , Ocean F a l l s , Cassiar (now c l o s e d ) . Port A l i c e and Powell River have become normal self - g o v e r n i n g m u n i c i p a l i t i e s ; however, these communi-t i e s are s t i l l attempting to unburden themselves of the "company town" l a b e l . K i t i m a t was e s t a b l i s h e d during t h i s e r a , however, the nature of plan-ning and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n which c h a r a c t e r i z e d t h i s town did not represent the 'norm' f o r t h i s p e r i o d . K i t i m a t was a ' c h i l d before i t s time.' The town was incorporated as a f u l l y - f l e d g e d d i s t r i c t m u n i c i p a l i t y by a s p e c i a l Act of the p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t u r e ( K i t i m a t I n c o r p o r a t i o n Act, Table 2.2 Post war resource towns - development r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s * (phases i l l u s t r a t e d by t y p i c a l example) Phase 1 - 1950's Phase 2 - 1966-71 Phase 3 - 1980' s R e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r Company town e.g. Cassiar Major Actor: Company "Instant" town e.g. Mackenzie Major Actor: Company* "Local government" town e.g. Tumbler Ridge Major A c t o r : Local Government Co Prov P r i v Local Co Prov P r i v L o c a l Co Prov P r i v 2 L o c a l Planning X X X X Land A l l o c a t i o n ^ X X X X P h y s i c a l Services X X X Company Housing X X X X x Service Sector Housing X X X x Commercial X X X x 4 X X Recreation/Culture X X X Health X X X X X 5 Education X X X L i g h t Industry X X x6 X X S o c i a l Services X X X ? X X * Where dual or m u l t i p l e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i s shown by both "X" and "x", "X" i n d i c a t e s major r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and "x" i n d i c a t e s minor r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . Where a s i n g l e type of "x" i s shown, r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s are of s i m i l a r magnitude or cannot be d i f f e r e n t i a t e d . 1 The major actor during the e a r l y period of development waa the company. Subsequently t h i s was o f f s e t by an i n c r e a s i n g l y a c t i v e l o c a l government. 2 P r i v a t e development on land serviced by the m u n i c i p a l i t y . 3 In the "Local Government" model, r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r land development operates at two l e v e l s throughout the m u n i c i p a l i t y . Excepting the townsite area, land a l l o c a t i o n Is a p r o v i n c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . W i t h i n the townsite, the m u n i c i p a l i t y a l l o c a t e s land. * Resource company sponsored p r i v a t e development. ' Provided by Regional D i s t r i c t . 6 B r i t i s h Columbia Development Corporation. F i n a n c i a l only. 35 1953), the f i n a l section of which provides that a l l provisions of the Municipal Act and other statutes pertaining to municipal operations should apply to the Corporation of the D i s t r i c t of Kitimat. Alcan, the company that created Kitimat, was keen to establish a democratic "free enterprise" community and to avoid the aspect of a company town as much as possible. The Company 'pursued a p o l i c y designed to untie the apron-strings and create an autonomous community, i n which i t [was] only one of the tax-payers, a l b e i t the largest' (Robinson, 1962, p. 46). Kitimat, i n many respects, pre-empted towns established 10-15 years l a t e r , under the "instant towns" provisions. The extent of planning, concern not to create a "company" town, sale of housing and encouragement of home-ownership, and establishment of a municipal council from the outset are c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the 1960's "instant" town rather than Kitimat's contemporaries. Whilst these factors reduced the v i s i b i l i t y of the company, a number of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , s i m i l a r to those of the 1960's "instant town" prevented Kitimat from becoming an independent e n t i t y d i s t i n c t from the operation and influence of the company, at least during the early years of development. Although t y p i c a l mainly of the early post-war period, the closed company town does s t i l l have a role to play. This role is exemplified by KItsau l t , a town constructed by Amax i n conjunction with a molybdenum mining project i n northwestern B.C. In terms of the function and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s adopted by the company and province, K i t s a u l t i s more simi l a r to the 1950's closed ''company" town than either the 1960-70's "instant" town or the 1980's " l o c a l government" town discussed below. The reasons for the adoption of company governance In this town are i t s small 36 population size and uncertainty regarding economic v i a b i l i t y of the mining project (Kerr, 1983). These c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s created a degree of r i s k which made greater p r o v i n c i a l involvement unacceptable. K i t s a u l t i l l u s -trates the s i t u a t i o n of where an otherwise outdated form of development i s appropriate i n an era i n which a more sophisticated s t y l e of governance generally p r e v a i l s . 2.3.2.2. "Instant" Town The 1960's "instant" towns, established under l e g i s l a t i o n introduced i n 1965, were lar g e l y a reaction to e a r l i e r company towns. This l e g i s l a -tion and accompanying development a c t i v i t y introduced three main innova-tions to the method of resource town construction: (1) home ownership was f a c i l i t a t e d ; (2) the " s h e l l " of l o c a l government was established; and (3) use of the Letters Patent by the Province ensured that the company had a (physical) community plan drawn up. In comparing "instant" towns with l a t e r towns or Kitimat, i t i s necessary to consider the roles and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of the various parties at equivalent stages of the town's development. Although l o c a l government was established i n the "instant" towns, i t played a very circumscribed role and did not act as a f u l l y independent, viable e n t i t y . As shown i n Figure 2.2, the resource company adopted the primary role i n town develop-ment and operation, Paget and Wa.Msser (1983) observe that the "Instant" towns...were supposed to bring into practice the l o c a l government approach to community development. However, [they] i n i t i a l l y did not d i f f e r i n c r i t i c a l respects from the company towns they were designed to replace (p 6). S p e c i f i c a l l y i n regard to Quebec and O n t a r i o , but applying more ge n e r a l l y to other provinces, the I n s t i t u t e of Local Government (1953) remarked: I t i s apparent...that the mere f a c t of municipal i n c o r p o r a t i o n does not mean that the r e s i d e n t s enjoy r e a l l o c a l s e l f - g o v e r n -ment. In [the] few instances [where l o c a l government e x i s t s ] the town c o u n c i l i s captured or dominated by the company. In two cases observed, the mayor was a Company supervisory employee who has held o f f i c e at l e a s t 20 years, and was r e - e l e c t e d r e g u l a r l y by acclamation because no o p p o s i t i o n was o f f e r e d . The evidence seems to i n d i c a t e that the form of self-government does not guarantee the substance (p. 41). This s i t u a t i o n was also noted by Robinson (1962:154) and H i l t o n (1968:68-9). A l l the " i n s t a n t " towns today have reasonably independent, v i a b l e l o c a l government r e t a i n i n g v a r y i n g , but much reduced, degrees of a "company" town image. However, i n t h e i r i n i t i a l , formative years (the stage which p r e s e n t l y c h a r a c t e r i z e s Tumber Ridge), l o c a l government i n th " i n s t a n t " towns did not b u i l d , a l l o c a t e land, develop land or provide r e c r e a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s . A l l these were undertaken by the resource company which, at a l a t e r point turned the f a c i l i t i e s over to the m u n i c i p a l i t y fo a nominal sum of $1. Local government simply passed by-laws to f a c i l i t a t garbage c o l l e c t i o n and other e s s e n t i a l municipal f u n c t i o n s . I t f a c i l i -tated actions of the company and since c o u n c i l aldermen were company employees, they represented the i n t e r e s t s of the company. E s s e n t i a l l y these were "pseudo" l o c a l government towns. Although there are s l i g h t v a r i a t i o n s amongst " i n s t a n t " towns with regard to development r e s p o n s i b i -l i t i e s , Mackenzie, a w e l l documented resource town (see Alexandra Forest I n d u s t r i e s , 1964; C i t i z e n s Committee of Mackenzie, 1974), i s t y p i c a l of t h i s era and i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n Table 2.1. 38 The " i n s t a n t " town phase was an attempt to o p e r a t i o n a l i z e the c r i t i -que of the i n t e r n a l and e x t e r n a l p e r s p e c t i v e s . " I n s t a n t " towns were a great improvement over company towns but were not f u l l y s u c c e s s f u l i n achiev i n g the goal of i n s t a l l i n g genuine l o c a l government or of c r e a t i n g s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y . 2.3.2.3 "Local Government" Town Although e s t a b l i s h e d under the same l e g i s l a t i o n as the " i n s t a n t " towns, the operation of the " l o c a l government" resource town was qu i t e d i f f e r e n t . In c o n t r a s t , l o c a l government was e s t a b l i s h e d as a f u l l y f u n c t i o n i n g , independent e n t i t y which c a r r i e d out land development, b u i l t r e c r e a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s and e s t a b l i s h e d an i d e n t i t y separate from that of the company (see Table 2.1). I t i s necessary to compare the 1980's l o c a l government model to the " i n s t a n t " town as i t e x i s t e d i n the f i r s t few years of establishment. The 1980's are d i s t i n g u i s h e d from the " i n s t a n t " town era not by the presence, but by the f u n c t i o n of l o c a l government. Although the 1980's " l o c a l government" town depends on the resource company to the extent that the l a t t e r i s the l a r g e s t taxpayer, the company does not perform any " s p e c i a l " r o l e w i t h respect to development and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . The d i s t i n c t i o n between presence and f u n c t i o n of l o c a l government has not always been acknowledged i n resource town research. Bradbury (1977) assumes the i n t r o d u c t i o n of the " i n s t a n t " towns l e g i s l a t i o n and e s t a b l i s h -ment of municipal government would r e s u l t i n an independent, autonomous community. He a t t r i b u t e s the non-occurrence of t h i s to the nature of s t a t e - c a p i t a l - l a b o u r r e l a t i o n s without r e c o g n i z i n g the subtle but c r i t i c a l d i s t i n c t i o n between presence of l o c a l government and the f u n c t i o n 39 performed by l o c a l government. The trend i n the post-war period c l e a r l y favours increased r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and autonomy for resource town munici-p a l i t i e s , and a reduction i n the presence of the resource company i n community matters. It i s only where circumstances disallow the e s t a b l i s h -ment of such a community that the modern form of the "company" town i s to be preferred (see Phase 1 above). The I n s t i t u t e of Local Government (1953) notes that one of the most cogent arguments advanced [against incorpora-tion] i s that the company town atmosphere cannot be removed completely merely by incorporation, even i f the company at the same time withdraws from townsite a c t i v i t i e s . The protagonists of t h i s l i n e of reasoning suggest that the only r e a l i s t i c type of l o c a l self-government i s that which develops simultaneously as the economic base of the l o c a l i t y i s broadened by the i n t r o -duction into the community of other major enterprises or employers. It would appear, therefore, that r e a l l o c a l s e l f -government i s l i k e l y to occur only a f t e r the single enterprise community has become a multiple-enterprise community (p. 46-7). It i s correct that municipal incorporation and simultaneous withdrawal of the company from townsite a c t i v i t i e s cannot guarantee the elimination of a "company" town atmosphere. This has been i l l u s t r a t e d by B r i t i s h Columbia's "instant" towns (e.g. Mackenzie, Gold River, Logan Lake), many of which have never t o t a l l y freed themselves from this bondage. Broadening of the economic and employment base as suggested i n the Queen's study contributes considerably to reducing company paternalism and establishing bona fide l o c a l government. For example, as anticipated by Robinson (1962), the town of Kitimat has become less beholden to Alcan, i t s i n i t i a l and largest taxpayer, since the establishment of two other major employers - Eurocan and Ocelot. Based on the p r i n c i p l e of regional r e s i l i e n c e , plans for Tumbler Ridge make provision not only for two companies, but for long-term 40 economic d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n i n c l u d i n g f o r e s t r y , tourism and other mining operations. Whilst the current s i t u a t i o n i n Tumbler Ridge represents a s u b s t a n t i a l improvement over the paternalism and i n s u l a r i t y of the " i n s t a n t towns" and e a r l i e r resource communities, i t would appear that the town must await the development of a more d i v e r s i f i e d l o c a l economy i f i t i s to r e a l i z e the f u l l p o t e n t i a l s of genuinely democratic l o c a l s e l f -government . The most recent phase demonstrates both the p o t e n t i a l and l i m i t a t i o n s of the " i n t e r n a l " and " e x t e r n a l " perspectives. The l o c a l government approach draws on the i n t e r n a l p e r s p e c t i v e , p r e s c r i b e s l o c a l and community involvement and has attempted a broader focus, with respect to the context of e x i s t i n g settlements. The " e x t e r n a l " p e r s p e c t i v e , h i g h l i g h t s the need to adopt a broad r e g i o n a l approach. 2.3.3 An I n t e r n a t i o n a l Comparison - The P i l b a r a Region, Western  A u s t r a l i a I t i s appropriate to b r i e f l y consider the nature of recent trends i n resource town e v o l u t i o n and development r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s i n Western A u s t r a l i a . This broadens the relevance of the B.C. experience and provides a more comprehensive basis f o r the ensuing assessment of the most recent example of resource town c o n s t r u c t i o n i n t h i s province. L i k e B.C., Western A u s t r a l i a has been c h a r a c t e r i z e d f o r s e v e r a l decades by a p o l i t i c a l ideology supportive of resource development. U n t i l the 1960's, the i s o l a t e d P i l b a r a area was a r e g i o n 6 of extensive p a s t o r a l i s m and extremely sparse human settlement. L i f t i n g of a f e d e r a l i r o n ore embargo i n 1960 l e d to i n t e n s i v e e x p l o r a t i o n and r e c o g n i t i o n of 41 the region as one of the world's richest i r o n ore areas. Iron mining projects were established to feed Japanese s t e e l m i l l s . The closed company town was the settlement form selected to accommo-date the associated population. The I960' s and early 1970's saw the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of nine company towns. In each town the company provided i n f r a s t r u c t u r e for both the mine and the town. Development responsibi-l i t i e s were very s i m i l a r to those i n the company towns i n B r i t i s h Columbia (see Tables 2 . J and 2.3). There are also d i r e c t p a r a l l e l s with respect to background and accountability of town administrators, perceptions by residents of the company as a p a t e r n a l i s t i c benefactor and the absence of active autonomous municipal government. P i l b a r a company towns strongly resemble the f i r s t phase of resource communities i n B.C. and the de facto s i t u a t i o n that persisted for some time a f t e r the introduction of the "Instant Towns" l e g i s l a t i o n . A second phase i n the development of P i l b a r a resource communities commenced i n the late 1970's with the i n i t i a t i o n of studies regarding the "normalisation" of company towns (Carly, 1977). 7 Normalisation i s a propos whereby a number of towns owned and controlled by transnational j o i n t ventures i n the P i l b a r a w i l l be progres-s i v e l y and s e l e c t i v e l y transferred to l o c a l government authority (Thompson, 1981:301). Newman has been normalised and negotiations are proceeding for this process to occur i n Dampier, Tom P r i c e , Paraburdoo and Wickham. Simply, "normalisation" i s the conversion of governance and administrative r e s p o n s i b i l i t y from the Company to a formally constituted Local Authority. Other relevant government instrumentalities w i l l eventually accept r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the p a r t i c u l a r services they are bound to operate. The transfer of the elements of the town's i n f r a s t r u c t u r e i s accompanied by Table 2.3 P i l b a r a region resource towns - development r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s (phases I l l u s t r a t e d by t y p i c a l example) Phase 1 - 1980's-mld 1970's Phase 2 - l a t e 1970's-mld 1980's Phases 1 & 2 l a t e 1960'e—> Company town "Normalised" town "Open" town R e s p o n s i b i l i t y e.g. Newman e.g. Newman e.g. Karatha f o r Major Actor: Company Major Actor: Local Government Major A c t o r : State Government Co State P r l v Local Co State P r l v Local Co State P r l v L o c a l Planning X X X X Land A l l o c a t i o n X X X X P h y s i c a l Services X X X Company Housing X X X Service Sector Housing X X X Commercial X X X x 1 Recreation/Culture X X X X Health X X X Education x 2 x 3 X X L i g h t Industry x X X S o c i a l Services X X X U n t i l e a r l y 1980's severely r e s t r i c t e d by monopoly agreement between major r e t a i l e r and resource company. C a p i t a l development. S t a f f i n g and opera t i o n a l c o s t s . 43 •the conversion of land ownership, to accommodate both p u b l i c f a c i l i t i e s and i n d i v i d u a l r e s i d e n t i a l l o t s . The change i n land p r o p r i e t o r s h i p i s an i n t e g r a l part of the process and n e c e s s a r i l y Involves many sta t e govern-ment departments and t h e i r s t a t u t e s . The d i s t r i b u t i o n of s t a t u t o r y powers and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s changes with n o r m a l i s a t i o n . In company towns, i t means the adoption of procedures used elsewhere i n the S t a t e . The r o l e of town planning changes because n o r m a l i s a t i o n i n v o l v e s a change i n the status of land w i t h i n township boundaries. Whereas i t was p r e v i o u s l y held by the company under a town-s i t e l e a s e , some becomes f r e e h o l d , owned by the company and/or i n d i v i -duals, and leasehold land vested i n the S h i r e and other agencies. The balance r e v e r t s to Crown Land status to be disposed of under the normal p r o v i s i o n s of the Land Act. The Town Planning Board a u t o m a t i c a l l y assumes i t s normal r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s f o r s u b d i v i s i o n and development c o n t r o l . The l o c a l a u t h o r i t y i s required to prepare and administer a town planning scheme. The town plan Is u s u a l l y compiled by p r o f e s s i o n a l c o n s u l t a n t s , being s u b s t a n t i a l l y more d e t a i l e d than the informal plans of the company. Development r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s i n normalised company towns are shown i n Figure 2.3. I t i s premature to attempt an assessment of the outcome of n o r m a l i s a t i o n i n the P i l b a r a . At l e a s t three observers ( N e i l et a l . , 1982; N e i l and Brealey, 1982; Taylor' et a l . , 1981) are s k e p t i c a l about whether t h i s a d m i n i s t r a t i v e change can s u b s t a n t i a l l y a l t e r the nature of these towns. However, as w i l l be shown i n s e c t i o n 2.4 and Chapter 4, the nature of governance, which depends to a large extent on the d i s t r i b u t i o n of development r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , s i g n i f i c a n t l y i n f l u e n c e s many aspects of a community. Since n o r m a l i s a t i o n i n v o l v e s a m o d i f i c a t i o n of these respon-s i b i l i t i e s , i t i s l i k e l y that w i t h time, changes w i l l become apparent. 44 The extent to which these changes render the towns "normal" cannot be determined at t h i s p o i n t . In a d d i t i o n to company towns, two "open" towns (Karratha and Port Hedland) were e s t a b l i s h e d i n the P i l b a r a i n the l a t e 1960's - e a r l y 1970's. Port Hedland, a p r e - e x i s t i n g seaport was augmented by Mt. Newman Mining Company's p o r t s i d e workforce. I t has subsequently accommodated employees of a second i r o n ore company and a s a l t harvesting operation. Karratha was e s t a b l i s h e d to accommodate the expanded p o r t s i d e workforce of Hamersley I r o n Pty. L t d . Population associated w i t h a recent offshore gas pro j e c t has also c o n t r i b u t e d to the growth of Karratha. Both towns serve as r e g i o n a l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e centres. The "open" towns are hybrid i n nature, d i s p l a y i n g a mix of r e s p o n s i -b i l i t i e s between the f i r s t ( closed company) phase and t h i r d ( l o c a l govern-ment) phase (see Table 2.2). Land a l l o c a t i o n and development were r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of a l i n e agency of the s t a t e government (Department of Lands and Surveys). As i n Tumbler Ridge (phase 3), resource companies did not develop land but purchased developed l o t s upon which they constructed housing f o r company employees. Land was a v a i l a b l e to p r i v a t e developers other than the resource company. T h e o r e t i c a l l y t h i s should have permitted commercial development to proceed i n accordance with market requirements; however, i n Karratha, a monopoly agreement g r e a t l y r e s t r i c t e d r e t a i l development u n t i l the e a r l y 1980's. This rendered commercial development s i m i l a r to that which ch a r a c t e r i z e d the r e s t r i c t i v e s i t u a t i o n i n the closed company era (phase 1). L o c a l government was present but performed a passive r o l e , l a r g e l y f a c i l i t a t i n g the actions of other development agencies. I t d i d not act as land developer or community development c a t a l y s t as i n Tumbler Ridge, though i t has become more a c t i v e i n recent y e a r s i In t h i s respect i t was not u n l i k e l o c a l government i n the e a r l y " i n s t a n t " towns. As yet, resource town development i n which l o c a l government i s the prime agent of change and which i s preceded by the d e t a i l e d a n a l y s i s of r e g i o n a l development and settlement options has not occurred i n Western A u s t r a l i a as i t did i n northeastern B.C. The adoption ( i n 1978) of l e g i s -l a t i o n to ensure that the government can request environmental review documents p r i o r to agreeing to new operations may, however, lead i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n . Government approval required f o r s i g n i n g ore contracts with overseas buyers i s now p a r t l y dependent on the longer term r a t i o n a l i t y of the p r o j e c t . I t i s the State Government's hope that i n f u t u r e , one town w i l l be shared by s e v e r a l ventures. Strong s i m i l a r i t i e s e x i s t i n regard to resource community development i n B.C. and Western A u s t r a l i a . Both j u r i s d i c t i o n s found i t expedient at f i r s t to req u i r e resource companies to bear the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and cost of resource community development. Subsequently however, the s o c i a l and economic consequences of t h i s have been recognized as unacceptable. Methods and mechanisms used to introduce change and i n s t a l l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e l o c a l government have d i f f e r e d . There I s , however, a recognizable t r a n s i -t i o n favouring l o c a l self-governance and the adoption of r e g i o n a l resource settlement planning. The f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n elaborates upon the p r i n c i p l e s of governance and t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to resource community development. 46 2.4 Community Governance and Resource Town Development 2 . 4 i l Concept and Purpose of Governance The concept of governance recognizes that the formal i n s t i t u t i o n s of government are not the only focus f o r decisions and c o n t r o l i n communi-t i e s . The notion of community governance embraces formal government but also recognizes the undeniable e f f e c t on the nature of urban l i f e and the c o n t r i b u t i o n made to the urban community by the a c t i v i t i e s of p u b l i c and p r i v a t e , s t a t u t o r y and voluntary o r g a n i z a t i o n s (Paget and Wal i s s e r , 1983:19). Resource communities and other t o t a l l y new settlements are cha r a c t e r i z e d at the outset by the absence of any form of governance. They consequently provide one of the rare o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r s e l e c t i o n of a p a r t i c u l a r form of government and other i n s t i t u t i o n s which f a c i l i t a t e the establishment and ongoing a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the town. An understanding of the fundamental p r i n c i p l e s of l o c a l government i s e s s e n t i a l to the c o n s i -d e r a t i o n of a l t e r n a t i v e s t r a t e g i e s of community governance. Cameron (1980) claims that the purpose of municipal government i s twofold. F i r s t , municipal government serves to d i v i d e power to govern on a t e r r i t o r i a l b a s i s . I t r e a l i z e s t h i s goal l a r g e l y through the achieve-ment of a second purpose: the p r o v i s i o n of s e r v i c e s . T i n d a l (1977) r e f e r s to these purposes as a u t h o r i t y and r e s p o n s i b l i t y . In prov i d i n g s e r v i c e s l o c a l government has a dual r o l e : to capture the advantages of dec e n t r a l i z e d a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ( i . e . achieve increased e f f i c i e n c y ) and to r e f l e c t l o c a l preferences ( i . e . e f f e c t i v e n e s s i n leadership and d e c i s i o n -making). A f i n a l dimension of l o c a l government i s that r e f e r r e d to v a r i o u s l y as democracy, r e p r e s e n t a t i o n , access or p a r t i c i p a t i o n . 9 In reviewing the s t r u c t u r e of l o c a l government i n B r i t a i n , the Redcliffe-Maud Commission (1969) acknowledged that ensuring a l o c a l system 47 of democracy i s of at l e a s t equal importance to the other major o b j e c t i v e - that of securing e f f i c i e n c y i n the p r o v i s i o n of s e r v i c e s . One of the most important functions of l o c a l self-government i s the task of converting r e s i d e n t s i n t o c i t i z e n (Hanson, 1971, 1972). This can be achieved by a f f o r d i n g residents the opportunity to acquire c i v i c experience through p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n governing and through sharing r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r p u b l i c d e c i s i o n s . In B r i t i s h Columbia, Tennant (1980) notes that l o c a l government f a l l s w i t h i n the Canadian and American nonpartisan t r a d i t i o n with i t s emphasis upon economy and e f f i c i e n c y rather than popular p a r t i c i p a t i o n and i n f l u e n c e . I t i s g e n e r a l l y b e l i e v e d that l o c a l government i s a matter of ' a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ' rather than ' p o l i t i c s ' . . . . I t is...maintained that the elected c o u n c i l l o r should...follow h i s own judgement and h i s own conscience rather than e i t h e r the whims of p u b l i c p o l i c y or the d i c t a t e s of party p o l i c y (p. 189). In a recent study of l o c a l government i n t h i s province, B i s h ( f o r t h -coming) adopts the perspective that n e i t h e r p a r t i c i p a t i o n , the c r e a t i o n of community, nor production e f f i c i e n c y c r i t e r i a alone provide an adequate basis f o r e v a l u a t i n g l o c a l government s t r u c t u r e . P a r t i c i p a t i o n i s seen to be a necessary component of e f f i c i e n c y . Maass (1959) regards the d i v i s i o n of power on a t e r r i t o r i a l or a r e a l basis as e s s e n t i a l to the r e a l i z a t i o n of the basic o b j e c t i v e s or values of a p o l i t i c a l community. He suggests three basic values which u n d e r l i e the d i v i s i o n of power: l i b e r t y , e q u a l i t y and welfare. E q u a l i t y ( p r o v i s i o n of o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the formation of p u b l i c p o l i c y ) and welfare ( e f f e c t i v e and e f f i c i e n t p r o v i s i o n of s e r v i c e s ) are equated i n other works with access and s e r v i c e r e s p e c t i v e l y . Maass proposes that the 48 d i v i s i o n of provinces into municipalities should be regarded i n the same manner as the d i v i s i o n of the federal state into provinces. Each is simply a variant of the many ways i n which the power to govern can be divided on an areal basis. Seen i n t h i s l i g h t , the s i m i l a r i t i e s , rather than the differences between the federal and municipal states are empha-siz e d . In p a r t i c u l a r , the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l i t y of municipal government becomes apparent. Maass considers the areal d i v i s i o n of power to be of equal importance to the c a p i t a l d i v i s i o n of powers (the d i v i s i o n of power among bodies of governmental o f f i c i a l s at the c a p i t a l c i t y of a defined p o l i t i c a l community) although the l a t t e r has been studied to a far greater extent. It i s f r u i t f u l to examine further the nature of these key p r i n c i p l e s , t h e i r function at the municipal l e v e l and to consider the s i m i l a r i t i e s or differences between A u s t r a l i a and Canada that are relevant to the proposed comparison. 2.4.2 Democracy and P a r t i c i p a t i o n The Twentieth Century Fund Task Force on Governance of New Towns (1971) recommends that new towns should become laboratories for testing new forms and processes of l o c a l self-government. The Task Force observes, however, that there exists a tension between building a new town and f o s t e r i n g democracy i n i t . The neglect of democratic p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n new town development stems i n part from the fears of developers, whether public or private, that a plan subject to a l l the t r i a l s and openness of democratic processes may be impossible to implement, given the time-cost factors and the d i f f i c u l t i e s of achieving the necessary r a t i o n a l i t y and balance in land use. The developer may fear that too much democracy or too much control by l o c a l government during the development process w i l l i n t e r f e r e with a 49 well-drawn and already approved plan, e s p e c i a l l y i f the f i r s t residents should be opposed to some parts of i t . Some new town developers therefore discourage early municipal incorporation that would give residents power to make planning and zoning decisions (p. 13). Despite the pot e n t i a l for delays i n construction schedules, c i t i z e n p a r t i -c ipation can play a po s i t i v e role as noted by the Task Force. The c i t i z e n s of a new town have an evident economic and s o c i a l stake i n i t s development, and the outcome i s l i k e l y to be better i f they have some influence over i t and some responsibi-l i t y for i t . . . . New towns...offer unusual opportunities for community p a r t i c i p a t i o n (p. 13-14). G i l l (1982) notes that improving lines of communication between the planner and the resident i s of paramount importance i f northern resource communities are to succeed In meeting the s p e c i f i c needs of the northern inhabitant. She emphasizes the need for planners to move away from the egocentric approach, so frequently adopted i n planning northern towns, and to incorporate input from residents into the planning process. In l i g h t of t h i s , the Task Force recommends that: New towns should experiment with d i f f e r e n t and novel means of broadening and strengthening p a r t i c i p a t i o n by people i n planning, developing and governing their urban environment (p. 12). Hanson (1971) observes that unfortunately governmental arrangements for new towns have to date been thought of almost exclusively i n r e l a t i o n to problems of land a c q u i s i t i o n , finance and organization of development agencies and the provision of service to new town residents (p. 36). Public bodies a c t i v e l y engaged i n planning new communities have viewed t h e i r task as the solution of engineering and f i s c a l problems, not as the fostering of democratic p a r t i c i p a t i o n (p. 54). 50 G i l l (1982) emphasizes that to plan appropriately, the planner must view the environment not through his own " f i l t e r system" not those of the resident. The research required to f a c i l i t a t e this necessitates extensive involvement of resource town residents. The Task Force on New Town Governance (1971) outlines the required nature of new town plans. The plan for each new town should provide for development of the governmental, c i v i c and s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s necessary to enable i t to operate as a democratic community. One of the most important contributions that new towns can make to the general improvement of l o c a l government i s to devise ways of adjusting governmental i n s t i t u t i o n s to population and other changes. I n i t i a l c i v i c planning should not be r i g i d , but must provide rudimentary mechanisms and processes which can l a t e r be changed or modified to meet the desires and needs of i t s residents.... Each mechanism f or planning and governing should be c a r e f u l l y thought out, t r i e d and evaluated (p. 9). General, as opposed to sp e c i a l i z e d , government i s to be preferred, since the former teaches the values of compromise, c o a l i t i o n , accommodation and tolerance which are central to democratic development (Hanson, 1972). Thus, the objective of c i t i z e n representation and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n new town planning should be: To protect the public i n t e r e s t and to ensure that the interests and concerns of present and future residents are taken into consideration i n i n i t i a l planning and can influence each subse-quent stage of development (p. 14). Given that the developer of a new resource town acknowledges the v i t a l need for public involvement, the Issues of 'when' and 'how' p a r t i c i -pation should occur must be addressed. As to the question of 'when,' the Task Force advises that: C i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n should begin with the planning phase, both to protect the public interest i n new town development and to lay the groundwork for democratic processes. What i s done 51 during the planning phase sets i n motion forces that w i l l greatly a f f e c t what can be done l a t e r . The i n j e c t i o n of d i f f e r i n g interests at this stage i s more l i k e l y to result in a workable plan, however sketchy or chaotic at f i r s t , for development of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s than i f i t i s l e f t to chance or a single i n t e r e s t (p. 14). This confirms the suggestion made by the I n s t i t u t e of Local Government of three decades ago when i t undertook i t s study of resource communities. At that time i t was found that there i s no universal desire on the part of the residents of Canadian single-enterprise communities to press for municipal incorporation. The reasons why company management decides for or against incorporation of the townsite are several, but i t has been noted that there Is some evidence of a trend i n which reasons are advanced i n favour of early incorporation. If the reasons are purely economic, rather than p o l i t i c a l or psycholo-g i c a l , company spokesmen have not admitted them. The commonly expressed reason i n favour of incorporation i s partly an administrative one: that management can concentrate on produc-tion instead of being side-tracked by community matters ( I n s t i t u t e of Local Government, 1953:41). Contrary to the Queen's University report, i t i s no longer simply the "company management" who makes the decision favouring or rejecting townsite incorporation. Rather, in the case of Tumbler Ridge, i t was a composite decision taken j o i n t l y by the M i n i s t r y of Municipal A f f a i r s , M i n i s t r y of Industry and Small Business Development, supported by the mining companies (Teck Corporation and Denison) and r a t i f i e d by Cabinet. In addition to administrative expedience on the part of the company, the underlying motives for municipal incorporation included the desire to enhance community s t a b i l i t y and to eliminate the paternalism of the "company town." In the Queen's study, some company o f f i c i a l s were reported as bel i e v i n g that the company 52 should render every assistance i n getting the town into being, but just as soon as the c i t i z e n s want to take over s e l f -governing r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s the company should withdraw from the picture.... When most company representatives speak of i n c o r -poration today [ i . e . 1953] they imply company withdrawal from most, i f not a l l , community or townsite a c t i v i t i e s . . . . The companies generally r e a l i z e that they must bear the main burden of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n establishing adequate physical f a c i l i t i e s i n the period of early town development, but there i s a desire gradually to r e l i n q u i s h ownership and operation of townsite f a c i l i t i e s (p. 45-7). Atkins (1976) also urges that whatever s p e c i f i c arrangements for l o c a l government are made, the framework should be set up very e a r l y . The Task Force makes a variety of suggestions i n regard to "how" c i t i z e n involvement should proceed. The nature and the mechanisms for c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n new town planning can take many forms. In some cases a system of public and o f f i c i a l hearings and review of proposed plans might be adequate.... In others, a body of c i t i z e n s , aided by profes-si o n a l planners, might be empanelled to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the plan-ning process. In an in-town or add-on new town, i t may be more appropriate to e s t a b l i s h a new town d i s t r i c t whose residents or governing board could elect o f f i c i a l participants to the board of the development group. A l t e r n a t i v e l y , the board of the new town d i s t r i c t could advise the developer on behalf of i t s constituency. In the planning of s a t e l l i t e and free-standing new towns whose development s i t e s are sparsely populated, the planning and development group might be required to include a number of "trustees for future residents" appointed by a mayor or governing body. These trustees could serve as proxies for the future population and could be replaced on a predetermined schedule as the community became populated. Or the parent j u r i s d i c t i o n might be represented on the board of the develop-ment corporation i f i t did not find i n d i r e c t p a r t i c i p a t i o n -through regular governmental processes - adequate. A new town might conceivably employ several forms of p a r t i c i -pation that could progress, as the town develops, from simple devices such as hearings or advisory groups to formal government (p. 14-15). 53 Recognizing that "the role of l o c a l government i s one of the most c r u c i a l factors a f f e c t i n g the l i f e of the c i t i z e n i n a single-enterprise community" Wichern et a l . (1971:9) undertook to develop a model of p o l i t i -c a l development i n resource f r o n t i e r communities. "It Is...unfortunate" they consider, "that planning for p o l i t i c a l development has not been an / i n t e g r a l part of the developmental plans for single-enterprise Northern Canadian Communities" (p. 9). This, and a subsequent project (Wichern et a l . , 1971) are the only Canadian studies to have focussed s o l e l y on the p o l i t i c a l dimension of such settlements and are v i r t u a l l y the only studies of resource communities by p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s . This i s i n d i c a t i v e of a s h i f t by p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s from th e i r t r a d i t i o n a l focus on i n s t i t u -t i o n a l structure and philosophical j u s t i f i c a t i o n of government to describ-ing and explaining the causes and e f f e c t s of government p o l i c i e s , programs and projects on the q u a l i t y of l i f e , s o c i a l well-being and the equity of d i f f e r e n t groups (Hegadoren, 1979). The purpose of the i n i t i a l study by Wichern et a l . (1971) was to discover why p o l i t i c a l development had occurred in some communities and not others. The authors proposed that meaningful c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s a primary determinant of p o l i t i c a l development, that p o l i t i c a l development i s an observable process of expanding l o c a l government form, role and scope which can be traced through three d i s t i n c t stages and that each stage has associated with i t p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l and demographic character-i s t i c s . Four community case studies demonstrated substantial supporting evidence for t h i s . One exception was that a f t e r reaching a maximum l e v e l necessary to acquire appropriate formal structures and processes of l o c a l government, c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n declines somewhat and s t a b i l i z e s at a lower l e v e l . It was also found that c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s not the only 54 necessary input leading to p o l i t i c a l development, willingness or a b i l i t y to bear the costs of maintaining or expanding e x i s t i n g services being the other main factor. Applying the results of t h i s study i n a l a t e r study, Wichern et a l . (1972) i d e n t i f y the changing role of the town administrator concurrent with de c l i n i n g company influence and increasing p r o v i n c i a l involvement. Their studies showed l i t t l e contribution by company adminis-trators to c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n and democratic l o c a l self-government, but very impressive contributions to the provision of services. Fundamental to the achievement of e f f e c t i v e c i t i z e n involvement i s a concern with the nature of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Arnstein (1969) has drawn attention to the gradation of p a r t i c i p a t o r y forms - from manipula-t i o n and therapy which are r e a l l y nonparticipation, through degrees of tokenism to c i t i z e n power (see Figure 2.2). Early forms of resource towns involved e s s e n t i a l l y nonparticipation. The present phase of resource town building represents a movement up the "Ladder of C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n " towards more e f f e c t i v e forms of involvement. Establishment of a " l o c a l government" town involves d i f f e r e n t forms of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n at d i f f e r e n t stages as w i l l be discussed in r e l a t i o n to Tumbler Ridge i n subsequent chapters. Hanson (1971, 1972) distinguishes between new town " c i t i z e n s h i p " and "consumership." With consumership the government or town developer i s viewed as a producer of services and i t attempts to s a t i s f y consumer demand. The resident has no r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , moral or p o l i t i c a l , for the i n i t i a l construction or zoning. He has no previous stake i n the com-munity. The focus on consumership i s congenial to the often - encountered "housekeeping" approach to l o c a l government. For some, the id e a l system i s a government without p o l i t i c s , a system administered by technicians 55 8 C i t i z e n C o n t r o l — 7 Delegated Power Degrees of — C i t i z e n Power 6 Par t n e r s h i p 5 P l a c a t i o n — 4 Co n s u l t a t i o n Degrees of — Tokenism 3 Informing 2 Therapy — N o n p a r t i c i p a t i o n 1 Manipulation Figure 2.2. Ladder of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n Source: A r n s t e i n , 169:217 56 that serves i t s customers what they want or are w i l l i n g to pay f o r . In such an arrangement feedback i n p o l i c y making can t h e o r e t i c a l l y be handled by an e f f e c t i v e complaint bureau. This was e s s e n t i a l l y the s i t u a t i o n that p r e v a i l e d i n the form of p r i v a t e governance i n closed company towns and e a r l y stages of the " i n s t a n t town." As Paget and W a l i s s e r (1983) observe P r i v a t e and p r o v i n c i a l governance are each, i n a sense, te c h n o c r a t i c i n that they n e c e s s a r i l y c o n s i s t of t e c h n i c i a n s p r o v i d i n g government on behalf of community r e s i d e n t s ( o r i g i n a l emphasis) p. 27. C i t i z e n s h i p involves shared r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r p u b l i c a c t s . L o y a l t y and p a r t i c i p a t i o n are d e r i v e d , e t h i c a l l y and o p e r a t i o n a l l y , from t h i s shared r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . Hanson contends that i n urban and suburban govern-ment, c i t i z e n s h i p has become devoid of meaning and although the r i t u a l s of p a r t i c i p a t i o n s u r v i v e , the substance i s l a c k i n g . Unless the issue of e f f e c t i v e c i t i z e n s h i p i s addressed i n new town planning, t h i s inadequate t r a d i t i o n seems destined to be continued i n t h i s context a l s o . Develop-ment of an a c t i v e and responsible c i t i z e n r y w i l l depend on the importance of the decisions i n which i n d i v i d u a l c i t i z e n s can p a r t i c i p a t e . Democracy can be learned only through experience. This point i s emphasized by Pateman (1970) who states that governing of the "great s o c i e t y " (a large s t a t e ) requires that the q u a l i t i e s of p a r t i c i p a t i o n be fostered at the l o c a l l e v e l . The theory of p a r t i c i p a t o r y democracy i s e s s e n t i a l l y an educative one. Atkins (1976) notes that the form of government, set of functions and source of f i n a n c i n g f o r a new resource town are not, nor should be, u n i v e r s a l . Hanson (1972) proposes that p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a l l phases of new town development can be a n t i c i p a t e d and provided for from the beginning 57 rather than being grafted onto a p o s s i b l y h o s t i l e system as an a f t e r -thought or as a concession to pressures. In f o l l o w i n g chapters I w i l l explore some examples and outcomes of attempts to e s t a b l i s h l o c a l govern-ment and democratic p a r t i c i p a t i o n from the outset. Attempts to " r e t r o f i t " l o c a l government i n already e s t a b l i s h e d communities i n B.C. and Western A u s t r a l i a were examined i n Chapter 2. 2.4.3 Economic E f f i c i e n c y The p r o v i n c i a l M i n i s t r y of Mu n i c i p a l A f f a i r s (1983) s t a t e s that the concept of economic e f f i c i e n c y r e l a t e s to the adequacy or appropriateness of the p u b l i c s e r v i c e outputs produced at a p a r t i c u l a r l o c a l e . . . . E f f i c i e n c y means the degree to which the a c t u a l desires or needs of i n d i v i d u a l s f o r l o c a l s e r v ices are...met by the service-producing o r g a n i z a t i o n (p. 3 ) . This i s a broader i n t e r p r e t a t i o n than the more commonly held n o t i o n of e f f i c i e n c y as the manner i n which inputs of c a p i t a l and labour are t r a n s -formed i n t o p u b l i c s e r v i c e outputs. "Desires and needs" of the p u b l i c i s i n t e r p r e t e d to include both t a n g i b l e s e r v i c e s (e.g. road maintenance, p o l i c e and f i r e p r o t e c t i o n ) and i n t a n g i b l e ("soft") s e r v i c e s such as: l o c a l s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n , community l e a d e r s h i p , community s p i r i t , community s o c i a l atmosphere, neighbourhood i d e n t i t y and a t t r a c t i v e patterns of urban development ( M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s , 1983). An economist would support municipal i n c o r p o r a t i o n i f such an act would make the a l l o c a t i o n of resources to and w i t h i n the l o c a l p u b l i c s e r v i c e more e f f i c i e n t . The basis f o r t h i s a s s e r t i o n l i e s w i t h the " d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n theorem" proposed by Oates (1972). The d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n theorem a s s e r t s i n essence that l o c a l governments e x i s t to be d i f f e r e n t 58 from one another. They exist so that the unique desires and needs of d i f f e r e n t groups of people can be met by d i f f e r e n t j u r i s d i c t i o n s i n unique ways. The d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between l o c a l governments allows aggregate welfare loss to be minimized and e f f i c i e n c y of service delivery to be maximized (Ministry of Municipal A f f a i r s , 1983). P o t e n t i a l l y , incorporation could have several e f f e c t s : 1. Replacement of the e x i s t i n g p r o v i n c i a l systems for road main-tenance and construction, police protection and tax administra-t i o n with municipal production of these services. 2. Transfer of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for c o n t r o l l i n g physical development to the l o c a l c o u n c i l . 3. Increase i n the provision of "soft services" (Ministry of Municipal A f f a i r s , 1983). 2.5 Summary At the outset, this chapter i d e n t i f i e d two perspectives ("internal" and "external") from which resource towns can be viewed. Whilst proponents of each regard resource settlements quite d i f f e r e n t l y , understanding and explanation of resource town phenomena are maximized when these perspec-tives are viewed as complementary, rather than mutually exclusive. A review of the politico-economic setting and resource town development practice i n B.C. and Western A u s t r a l i a to date revealed a number of s i m i l a r i t i e s i n regard to resource development ideology and trends i n the evolution of resource town construction. In both j u r i s d i c t i o n s there has been a move away from private governance of the company town to l o c a l governance of the "mixed" development method. Acknowledgement of the c r i t i c a l role of governance and p a r t i c i p a t i o n has been a key factor i n the 59 gradual emergence of less p a t e r n a l i s t i c forms of resource settlement in both Canada and A u s t r a l i a . The fo l lowing chapter w i l l examine more c l o s e l y the town of Tumbler Ridge and associated planning process to provide an understanding of the nature of the community and the factors that have contr ibuted to i t s development as a " l o c a l government" town. 6 0 NOTES 1. In common w i t h many i n d u s t r i a l i z e d c o u n t r i e s , the twentieth century i n Canada has been c h a r a c t e r i z e d by r a p i d u r b a n i z a t i o n and the emer-gence of s e v e r a l large metropolitan areas. Although metropolitan areas have continued to grow, small and intermediate s i z e d s e t t l e -ments have shown remarkable persistence and r e l a t i v e l y speaking they have consolidated t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n the n a t i o n a l settlement system (Hodge and Quadeer, 1983). 2. Province of B r i t i s h Columbia, M u n i c i p a l A c t , RSBC 1979, Chapter 290 (Consolidated October 15, 1982) Queen's P r i n t e r , V i c t o r i a , B.C. 3. M u n i c i p a l Act Amendment Act (1965), K i t i m a t i s an exception to t h i s s i t u a t i o n , having been incorporated under a separate act: K i t i m a t  I n c o r p o r a t i o n Act (1953). 4. See f o r example: Brealey, 1973, 1974, 1974a, 1974b, 1974c, 1980, 1981; Brealey and G r i b b i n , 1980, 1981; Brealey and Newton, 197 7, 1980; G r i b b i n , 1981; G r i b b i n and Brealey, 1981, 1981a, 1981b, 1981c; G r i b b i n and Thompson, 1980; Newton, 1979; Newton and Brealey, nd., 1975; Woodhead, 1972. 5. M u n i c i p a l Act Amendment Act (1965). This was incorporated i n i t i a l l y as S10A of the M u n i c i p a l A c t , and became S9 when the s t a t u t e s were revi s e d and renumbered i n 1979. 6. The P i l b a r a region extends from the western coast, i n l a n d to the WA -Northern T e r r i t o r y border. F u n c t i o n a l l y , the region i s comprised of only the western p o r t i o n of t h i s vast area. 7. Taylor and B u r r e l l ( n . d . ) provide a more d e t a i l e d background to n o r m a l i s a t i o n and the C a r l y Report. 8. Although r e f e r r e d to as a "proposal" by Thompson, no r m a l i s a t i o n i s more c o r r e c t l y a process, 9. Ostrom et a l . (1964) r e f e r to these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s as s e l f d e t e r -mination, c o n t r o l , e f f i c i e n c y and p o l i t i c a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n . 10. P o l i c e p r o t e c t i o n would become a municipal r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n j u r i s d i c t i o n exceeding 5000 population. Road maintenance and property tax a d m i n i s t r a t i o n are p r o v i n c i a l l y - d e l i v e r e d s e r v ices i n non-municipal t e r r i t o r y i n B r i t i s h Columbia. 61 CHAPTER 3 PLANNING AND DEVELOPMENT OF TUMBLER RIDGE 3.1 I n t r o d u c t i o n This chapter o u t l i n e s the planning and development of Tumbler Ridge. In i n t r o d u c i n g the case study i t aims to provide the necessary under-standing of Tumbler Ridge to enable an assessment of the p r o j e c t to be c a r r i e d out i n Chapter 4 and an a n a l y s i s of p r o v i n c i a l resource community development p o l i c y i n Chapter 5. To accomplish t h i s task, the chapter w i l l i n i t i a l l y sketch the broader context of which Tumbler Ridge i s a part. I t then presents a conceptual o u t l i n e of the planning process and examines the main tools and mechanisms whereby these plans were o p e r a t i o n a l i z e d . This leads f i n a l l y to a d i s c u s s i o n of the p r i n c i p l e s which guided the planning and establishment of the town. 3.2 The Context - North East Coal Development The d e c i s i o n to e s t a b l i s h Tumbler Ridge must be seen w i t h i n the con-text of the p r o v i n c i a l government's commitment to the North East Coal Development (NECD) p r o j e c t . D e t a i l s of the NECD project are beyond the defined scope of t h i s t h e s i s and are a v a i l a b l e elsewhere (e.g. Malkinson and Wakabayashi, 1982; M i n i s t r y of Industry and Small Business Develop-ment, 1981; Province of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1981); however, a b r i e f overview i s appropriate. Recent e x p l o r a t i o n i n i t i a t i v e i n the Peace River area commenced w i t h the p r i v a t e sector i n the 1970's (see Figure 3.1 f o r l o c a -t i o n ) . The p r o v i n c i a l government responded i n 1976 by e s t a b l i s h i n g a Cabinet Committee on Coal Development to oversee f e a s i b i l i t y analyses. S i x t e c h n i c a l sub-committees were es t a b l i s h e d i n c l u d i n g a sub-committee on 62 Figure 3.1 Location of the Northeast Coal Region Source: Paget and Rabnett, 1983. Townsite/Community Development formed i n Spring 1976. The tasks of the Townsite Community Development Sub-Committee were twofold: 1. determine i f a new community would be required to serve the proposed NECD; and 2. i d e n t i f y and evaluate p o t e n t i a l s i t e s that could accommodate a community of s u f f i c i e n t s i z e to serve the proposed c o a l mine operations and other p o t e n t i a l resource developments i n the re g i o n ( M i n i s t r y of Mun i c i p a l A f f a i r s , 1984). Two companies, Teck-Bullmoose Coal Inc. and Quintette L t d . , 1 a f t e r s i g n i n g contracts of s a l e w i t h Japanese s t e e l m i l l s , constructed mines with a present combined annual capacity of 8.8 m i l l i o n tonnes. This development was supported by s u b s t a n t i a l investment i n r e g i o n a l i n f r a -s t r u c t u r e by the government of B r i t i s h Columbia w i t h some assist a n c e from the f e d e r a l government. The project n e c e s s i t a t e d the upgrading of r a i l l i n e s and purchase of r o l l i n g stock by B r i t i s h Columbia R a i l and Canadian Na t i o n a l R a i l , c o n s t r u c t i o n of a c o a l loading terminal at Pr i n c e Rupert, c o n s t r u c t i o n of a paved road from Chetwynd to Tumbler Ridge, extension of power l i n e s and establishment of townsite-related i n f r a s t r u c t u r e (see below). An o f f i c i a l d e c i s i o n and commitment to proceed w i t h the NECD pro j e c t was made i n February 1981 with the s i g n i n g of co a l contracts between the s t e e l m i l l s and co a l companies (Paget, 1984). A s u b s t a n t i a l body of research had been completed p r i o r to t h i s p o i n t . Construction of the pro j e c t proceeded r a p i d l y i n order to meet the agreed start-update i n the l a s t quarter of 1983.2 Though i n no way d i m i n i s h i n g the s i g n i f i c a n c e of innovations made i n the development of Tumbler Ridge, i t i s important to bear i n mind that c o n s t r u c t i o n of the town comprised only one r e l a t i v e l y small component of a large and complex undertaking. 64 3.3 The Planning Process - A Conceptual Framework The planning and development of Tumbler Ridge can be divided into three broad phases - planning phase, implementation phase and development phase (Paget and Rabnett, 1983). The phases are not d i s t i n c t ; they over-lap i n timing and i n t e r r e l a t e i n terms of their components. Associated with each i s a d i f f e r e n t style or model of planning suited to the require-ments of that p a r t i c u l a r phase. The models corresponding to each of the three phases, res p e c t i v e l y are: s o c i a l l y sensitive planning, planning by i n v i t a t i o n and community development (Paget and Rabnett, 1983) (see Figure 3.2). The nature and s u i t a b i l i t y of these models w i l l be considered following an outline of the planning and development of the town. In Tumbler Ridge the f i r s t phase, planning, can be disaggregated into four steps or stages. These are: 1. develop the range of settlement policy options, 2. cost each p o l i c y option (includes economic, f i s c a l and s o c i a l cost), 3. choose the preferred p o l i c y option, and 4. secure the preferred settlement p o l i c y option by agreement, by regulation or by l e g i s l a t i o n . 3 3.3 Components of the Tumbler Ridge Planning Process Part of the f i r s t and second steps of the planning phase involved the commissioning and compilation of a research report which i d e n t i f i e d a l t e r -native organizational arrangements for establishing the townsite and the incidence and timing of associated f i n a n c i a l costs (Ministry of Municipal A f f a i r s , 1977). Completed a f t e r s i t e v i s i t s to a number of resource towns i n B r i t i s h Columbia, Alberta and Manitoba, the report (Alternative Methods / 65 RESOURCE COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT PHASES PLANNING fiKASE :: IMPLEMENTATION PHASE DEVELOPMENT PHASE MODELS OF PLANNING • * MODELS OF PLANNING PLANNING BY INVITATION • MODELS OF PLANNING SOCIALLY SENSITIVE PLANNING • Figure 3.2 Inter - r e l a t i o n s h i p s between three models of planning Source: Paget and Rabnett, 1983:5. 66 of Financing and Developing Resource-Based Communities) l a i d out a theore-t i c a l framework of resource town development discussed i n s e c t i o n 2.3.1. A f t e r c o n s i d e r i n g the m a t e r i a l presented i n t h i s report and the Townsite F e a s i b i l i t y Report of the Townsite/Community Developemnt Sub-Committee (1977), the Sub-Committee recommended that: 1. a new community would be required given the a n t i c i p a t e d s i z e of the workforce (2500), distances to Chetwynd and Dawson Creek, the costs of commuting, and the e f f e c t s of commuting and/or camps on labour p r o d u c t i v i t y ; 2. one new community to be e s t a b l i s h e d given the f i n a n c i a l and s o c i a l costs of a number of smaller communities; and 3. that Tumbler Ridge be the chosen s i t e due to (a) shorter commuting distances to the m i n e s i t e s , (b) proximity to the e x i s t i n g centres of Dawson Creek and Chetwynd, (c) i t s r e g i o n a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n focus, (d) p o t e n t i a l f o r a d i v e r s i f i e d economic base, i n c l u d i n g c o a l , f o r e s t r y , gas and r e c r e a t i o n , (e) superior sewage d i s p o s a l and water supply p o s s i b i l i t i e s , and ( f ) environmental features being more conducive to an a t t r a c t i v e and s a t i s f y i n g community environment. (Paget, 1984a; Walsh et a l . 1983) Step 3, choice of p r e f e r r e d p o l i c y o p t i o n , i s e s s e n t i a l l y a p o l i t i c a l d e c i s i o n . This involved c o n s i d e r a t i o n by the P r o v i n c i a l Cabinet of the conclusions of the Townsite and Community Development Sub-Committee along w i t h other matters of p o l i t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e . In March 1977 Cabinet con-firmed the conclusions of the Sub-Committee and recommended a lead r o l e f o r the Province i n planning, f i n a n c i a l management and n e g o t i a t i o n between p u b l i c agencies and other development p a r t i c i p a n t s . 67 During 1977 and 1978, a d d i t i o n a l research was c a r r i e d out i n regard to the f i r s t two steps with the commissioning of the Conceptual Pl a n :  Tumbler Ridge Northeast Sector ( M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s , 1978). This consisted of f i v e plans: P h y s i c a l Plan, S o c i a l Plan, F i n a n c i a l P l a n , O r g a n i z a t i o n a l Plan and Conceptual Plan which in t e g r a t e d the other four. I t concluded t h a t : 1. s u f f i c i e n t land was a v a i l a b l e to accommodate the projected population of 10,500 people and yet r e t a i n environmental s e n s i t i v i t y through n a t u r a l vegetation; 2. an opportunity e x i s t e d to achieve a community that fostered a sense of well-being and provided innovative s o l u t i o n s to resource community problems; 3. development of the community would l a r g e l y be s e l f - f i n a n c i n g , however, i n order to maintain a f f o r d a b l e housing, equitable tax l e v e l s and a s u i t a b l e l e v e l of se r v i c e s a "front-end" f i n a n c i a l c o n t r i b u t i o n would be req u i r e d . From Spring 1978 to Spring 1980, the NECD pr o j e c t was l a r g e l y held i n abeyance due to u n c e r t a i n t y regarding c o a l markets. Throughout t h i s period s e v e r a l p l a n n i n g - r e l a t e d documents were compiled. Of p a r t i c u l a r importance was a Framework f o r Choosing Settlement Options ( M i n i s t r y of Mun i c i p a l A f f a i r s , 1979) which was intended to a s s i s t the M i n i s t r y of Mun i c i p a l A f f a i r s to make choices regarding various forms of resource-based settlement; new towns, expanded towns, commuting options. Further study was c a r r i e d out i n r e l a t i o n to economic i m p l i c a t i o n s , o r g a n i z a t i o n a l requirements, f i n a n c i a l p o l i c i e s , r i s k and compensation r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , housing development and a f f o r d a b i l i t y , business sector development, and s o c i a l development. Plans f o r the town were updated to take account of the period elapsed since t h e i r completion ( M i n i s t r y of Mu n i c i p a l A f f a i r s , 1981). As a consequence, when agreement between the Province, c o a l 68 companies and Japanese s t e e l m i l l s was reached e a r l y i n 1981, the s i t u a -t i o n i n regard to town development was one of preparedness. Research and planning resources were mobilized at an e a r l y stage i n s p i t e of the absence of a f i r m commitment to s p e c i f i c production d e t a i l s . This i s of c r i t i c a l importance and does not always c h a r a c t e r i z e pending resource p r o j e c t s . H i l t o n (1968) f o r example, reports that although a three year period elapsed between i n i t i a l proposals to extract i r o n ore from the S c h e f f e r v i l l e s i t e and commencement of the p r o j e c t , l i t t l e community planning or research was c a r r i e d out. The r e s u l t i n g a d v e r s i t i e s of hasty, unplanned development which c h a r a c t e r i z e d t h i s town's construc-t i o n are s t i l l evident several decades l a t e r . The research on Tumbler Ridge acknowledged and responded to problems associated w i t h e a r l i e r resource communities (see Chapter 2). The planning f o r the town addressed many issues i d e n t i f i e d by the " i n t e r n a l " perspective (e.g. community i n s t a b i l i t y , lack of economic d i v e r s i t y , r a p i d growth and p o s s i b i l i t i e s of d e c l i n e ) . E s s e n t i a l l y , i t did not address the c r i t i q u e of the " e x t e r n a l " perspective. This was because c o n t r o l over the necessary macroeconomic phenomena was beyond the scope of community planning, and because the ideology of the p r e v a i l i n g S o c i a l C r e d i t party favourably disposed the p r o v i n c i a l government towards e x t e r n a l l y i n i t i a t e d resource development. 3.4.1 Goals and Objectives The major goal of the Province i n regard to the development of new resource communities was to create "open communities" free of undue company or government i n f l u e n c e and as much as po s s i b l e c r e a t i n g normal, equ i t a b l e 69 f i n a n c i a l arrangements between the community, the Province and the company ( M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s , 1981:3)." I m p l i c i t i n t h i s was a commitment to planning d i r e c t e d at c r e a t i n g communities conducive to s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y and a low l e v e l of labour t u r n -over. To achieve t h i s g o a l , the Province defined nine resource community o b j e c t i v e s which served to d i r e c t i t s planning e f f o r t s . These were: 1. Risk p r o t e c t i o n by the company ensuring costs of mine pr o j e c t f a i l u r e do not accrue to the community or Province. 2. Equity between communities to ensure that s e r v i c e s , land p r i c e s and taxes are reasonable i n r e l a t i o n to other communities. 3. Compensation to the m u n i c i p a l i t y , by the companies f o r the s p e c i a l costs Incurred i n p r o v i d i n g services to accommodate the population of large scale resource p r o j e c t s . 4. E q u i t y between companies. 5. Self-governing communities. 6. Integrated housing market. 7. V i a b l e and competitive commercial s e r v i c e s . 8. Level and timing of services commensurate with community needs. 9. Safe, economic and a t t r a c t i v e p h y s i c i a l environment ( M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s , 1981). E s s e n t i a l l y the "company town" was r e j e c t e d as u n s u i t a b l e , a major aim being to replace i t with a community that would achieve s e l f -determination and l o c a l self-government. 3.4.2 Implementation Tools Planning and research enabled i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the kind of community that was desired to accommodate the c o a l project population. There i s , however, a large gap between t h i s p o i n t , at which the community " e x i s t s " only on paper and i n the minds of the planners, and the a c t u a l c o n s t r u c t i o n 70 of the town and establishment of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s that c o n s t i t u t e the community. The important step which connects these two parts are the mechanisms and " t o o l s " that f a c i l i t a t e implementation of the proposed plans, concepts and i d e a l s . In the case of Tumbler Ridge some of these " t o o l s " were already i n existence, simply r e q u i r i n g a p p l i c a t i o n to the proposed p r o j e c t (e.g. l e g i s l a t i v e p r o v i s i o n s of the Mu n i c i p a l A c t ) . In other instances the mechanisms or procedures were already e s t a b l i s h e d but the s p e c i f i c substance of them needed to be developed (e.g. issue of L e t t e r s Patent by the Lieutenant Governor-in-Council, drawing up of by-laws by the m u n i c i p a l i t y ) . Other t o o l s had to be devised anew to achieve the s p e c i f i c purposes of the Tumbler Ridge p r o j e c t . Included here, are the development agreements. I t i s only when plans are mobilized by means of such mechanisms that the second and t h i r d phases of the planning process (implementation and community development) can proceed. Before examining these l a t t e r stages, i t i s appropriate to consider i n greater d e t a i l some of the mechanisms used to secure the preferred settlement plan. 3.4.2.1 L e g i s l a t i o n - The Mu n i c i p a l Act The M u n i c i p a l i t y of Tumbler Ridge was incorporated using e x i s t i n g p r o v i s i o n s of the M u n i c i p a l Act (Sections 9 and 13). These sections were introduced as amendments to the Act i n 1965 to f a c i l i t a t e the e s t a b l i s h -ment of l o c a l government i n " i n s t a n t towns." Although the nature of l o c a l governance i n the " i n s t a n t towns" and the " l o c a l government" resource town d i f f e r s s i g n i f i c a n t l y , u n i v e r s a l i t y of the l e g i s l a t i o n permitted i t s a p p l i c a t i o n i n both instances without m o d i f i c a t i o n . Differences between 71 the "instant towns" and the " l o c a l government" town derive from the content of the Letters Patent. 3.4.2.2 Letters Patent The municipality was established as a l e g a l e n t i t y on A p r i l 9th, 1981 with the issuing of the Letters Patent (Province of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1981). The Letters Patent, a quasi c o n s t i t u t i o n a l document authorised by the Minister of Municipal A f f a i r s , made the following key provisions: 1. The municipal boundary was defined. 2. Provision was made for the appointment of a Commissioner to act as the interim Council. 3. Provision was made for the f i r s t e l e c t i o n of six council members i n 1987 or e a r l i e r . 4. Provision was made for the appointment of aldermen p r i o r to the f i r s t e l e c t i o n . 5. The interim Council was required to adopt a Community Plan to insure orderly development of the municipality. 6. The interim Council was to respect p r o v i n c i a l resource management i n t e r e s t s . The boundaries of the municipality are extensive comprising 150,000 hectares. The size of the municipality i s the r e s u l t of both f i n a n c i a l and physical development policy considerations. The municipal corporation and i t s l e g a l geographic boundaries should be d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from the settlement of Tumbler Ridge which occupies a limited area of 1000 hectares, less than one percent of the t o t a l area. F i n a n c i a l l y i t was deemed appropriate that the assets of the coal mines be included within the boundary to enable the municipality to raise s u f f i c i e n t revenues independent of special ongoing grants or subsidies from the companies or the Province. From a p h y s i c a l development pers p e c t i v e , the extensive boundary was to provide the m u n i c i p a l i t y with a c e r t a i n degree of au t h o r i t y to plan and regulate land use w i t h i n i t s corporate boundaries (Paget, 1984b). The basic elements of a f u n c t i o n i n g l o c a l government were put i n place from the very outset. This was achieved by means of the Commissioner. 3.4.2.3 The Commissioner The Commissioner, i n whom was vested powers of both Mayor and C o u n c i l , performed a c r i t i c a l r o l e i n development of the community. The nature of the development process was shaped s i g n i f i c a n t l y by the i n d i v i -dual c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of t h i s key person. I m p l i c i t i n the concept of the Commissioner was a number of other r o l e s : (a) "custodian" or " t r u s t e e " f o r the fu t u r e r e s i d e n t s , (b) source of " p o l i t i c a l " values and o b j e c t i v e s to balance concerns f o r e f f i c i e n c y , (c) means through which the community could become part of the r e g i o n a l d i s t r i c t , (d) means by which program and f i n a n c i a l commitments could be secured from the Province and the companies. (Paget and Rabnett, 1981, Walsh et a l . 1983) The appointment as Commissioner by the M i n i s t e r f o r M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s was f o r a f i v e year period from A p r i l 1981. C r i t e r i a used i n making a s e l e c -t i o n included i n t e r a l i a , possession of p o l i t i c a l and/or a d m i n i s t r a t i v e e x p e r t i s e , c a p a b i l i t i e s i n a high p r o f i l e , p u b l i c p o s i t i o n and a b i l i t y to f a c i l i t a t e i n t e g r a t i o n of the new town i n t o the North East regio n . The 73 person s e l e c t e d , P a t r i c k Walsh, was experienced i n municipal p o l i t i c s having been mayor of the C i t y of For t S t . John and School Trustee f o r 20 years and had a close a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h the regio n . For the f i r s t 18 months the Commissioner operated from an o f f i c e i n Vancouver, t a k i n g up l o c a t i o n i n Tumbler Ridge from mid 1983. A timetable f o r t r a n s i t i o n to f u l l l o c a l self-government was e s t a b l i s h e d . I t s implementation i s discussed f u r t h e r i n Chapter 4. 3.4.2.4 Development Agreements One of the most s i g n i f i c a n t innovations of the NECD p r o j e c t was the establishment of a partnership between the p r i v a t e resource sector and the p u b l i c s e c t o r . This partnership was c o d i f i e d i n a set of Comprehensive Development Agreements between the various partners which e s t a b l i s h e d t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e r o l e s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s i n implementating the p r o j e c t . These Agreements l a i d out the development and f i n a n c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of each of the l o c a l government, the resource companies, the Province and i n d i r e c t l y the p r i v a t e sector (see Figure 3.3). The underlying p r i n c i p l e was f a i r sharing of costs and r i s k s . The p u b l i c / p r i v a t e partnership was unique i n B r i t i s h Columbian resource development and r e s u l t e d i n a rever-s a l of t r a d i t i o n a l r o l e s . The corporate r o l e s h i f t e d from the h i s t o r i c emphasis on d i r e c t r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r town development to a more i n d i r e c t r o l e as taxpayer, guarantor and extraordinary f i n a n c i a l c o n t r i b u t o r of l a s t r e s o r t . The p u b l i c s e c t o r , i n contrast to i t s h i s t o r i c p r a c t i c e i n B r i t i s h Columbia, has assumed a more d i r e c t r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f or development of the community, i n c l u d i n g the inducement of commercial s e r v i c e s . The partnership model allows the tesource companies to concentrate on what they do best - e x p l o i t i n g the resource - and places a major r e s p o n s i b i l i t y COAL COMPANIES - Qu in t . e t . t e C o a l Ltd. - Bullmoose Ccal Ltd. T o w n s i t e Agreement . services . - a b i l i t i e s . housing guarantees 6 T a k e - U p Agreement lot provision lot demand take-up C o m p r e h e n s i v e A g r e e m e n t . infrastructure . financing D I S T R I C T OF TUMBLER RIDGE P r o v i n e e/Tumbler R i d g e Agreement p r o v i s i o n of serviced land and f a c i l i t i e s ob l iga t ions of Province PROVINCE OF B R I T I S H COLUMBIA Figure 3.3 Tumbler Ridge Project: Contractual commitments Source: Paget and Rabnett, 1983:12. 75 on the m u n i c i p a l i t y to do what i t i s uniquely q u a l i f i e d to do - create a l i v a b l e community. I t was proposed that both p a r t i e s would share and be n e f i t from t h i s approach (Centre f o r Human Settlements, 1985). Development Agreements drawn up f o r Tumbler Ridge d i f f e r somewhat from the Development Agreements, which provided the basis f o r mining In Western A u s t r a l i a . The l a t t e r are ad hoc or p r o j e c t - s p e c i f i c agreements which, by means of s t a t u t o r y endorsement, are made part of the enabling l e g i s l a t i o n f o r a resource p r o j e c t . (A separate s t a t u t e must normally be passed f o r each major resource p r o j e c t . ) The Development Agreements overrode e x i s t i n g l e g i s l a t i o n , p l a c i n g the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f or planning with a d i f f e r e n t department to that normally i n charge of t h i s f u n c t i o n . Arguing from a neo-Marxist standpoint Harman and Harman (1982:21) note that these agreements are not the p a r t i c i p a t i o n agreements of the developing world.... [They are] not...a way to strengthen the government's c o n t r o l over development so much as an a i d to i n d u s t r y and to a govern-ment concerned only with 'capturing' as many major projects as po s s i b l e i n the b e l i e f that the higher the l e v e l of investment the b e t t e r . Equally the Development Agreements are not Acts guaranteeing returns to the p u b l i c so much as hi g h l y f l e x i b l e mechanisms f o r modifying and/or bypassing e x i s t i n g standard l e g i s l a t i o n . They c l a i m t h i s i s i n d i c a t i v e of the r e n t i e r ideology that e x i s t s i n major resource r i c h s t a t e s i n A u s t r a l i a which simply assumes that the be n e f i t s of any increase In investment and economic a c t i v i t y w i l l t r i c k l e down l o c a l l y . Returning to B r i t i s h Columbia, the f o l l o w i n g i s an o u t l i n e of the major p r o v i s i o n s of the Tumbler Ridge Development Agreements. In the Comprehensive Agreement i t was mutually agreed by the resource companies and the Province that the e s s e n t i a l elements of the 76 NECD pr o j e c t would be est a b l i s h e d and means of f i n a n c i n g and cost recovery were l a i d out. The comprehensive agreement provided a framework f o r a se r i e s of s u b s i d i a r y agreements. Those of relevance to townsite and community development are o u t l i n e d below. The Province/Tumbler Ridge Agreement e s t a b l i s h e d the mandate f o r the m u n i c i p a l i t y to develop the town w i t h i n the context of company f i n a n -c i a l guarantees. The Province agreed to provide land, normal f i n a n c i n g of some ser v i c e s and d i r e c t p r o v i s i o n of others. The m u n i c i p a l i t y agreed to adhere to the development schedule, the c a p i t a l budget and monitoring by the Province. The Townsite Agreement s p e c i f i e d which p a r t i c i p a n t was to be responsible f o r the p r o v i s i o n of p a r t i c u l a r f a c i l i t i e s , s ervices and housing. I t l a i d out necessary loan guarantees required of the resource companies and made p r o v i s i o n f o r the establishment of the Advisory P l a n -ning Commission, an i n t e r i m body comprised of development representatives intended to ensure l i a i s o n between the companies, other p a r t i c i p a n t s and the Commissioner. The Agreement also s p e c i f i e d that the Tumbler Ridge m u n i c i p a l i t y should maintain property tax l e v e l s comparable with other resource towns and apply i t s "best e f f o r t s " to encourage p r i v a t e i n v e s t -ment i n se r v i c e sector housing and commercial f a c i l i t i e s . The Lot Take-Up Agreement set out the precise c o n t r a c t u a l arrange-ments between the p a r t i e s f o r the guarantee of l o t purchase by year, l o t type and p r i c e . The m u n i c i p a l i t y agreed to se r v i c e l o t s i n accordance with scheduled requirements of the c o a l companies plus an a d d i t i o n a l 20% to meet non-company requirements. The coa l companies i n turn agreed to purchase t h e i r s p e c i f i e d 80%. This was to ensure that an excess of developed l o t s did not occur. 3.5 I n s t i t u t i o n a l Arrangements Regardless of how thoroughly researched and comprehensive a plan may be i n i t s conceptual stage, i t i s only as valuable as i t s implementation. The previous s e c t i o n discussed some of the " t o o l s " required to implement the p r o j e c t . In a d d i t i o n to these, appropriate i n s t i t u t i o n a l or o r g a n i z a -t i o n a l procedures were required to enable the " t o o l s " to be devised, or i f already i n e x i s t e n c e , to be o p e r a t i o n a l i z e d . These procedures u n d e r l a i d the "implementation" and "development" phases of the community's establishment. Unlike the planning phase, t h e i r outcome was not l i t e r a r y i n nature but c o n s i s t s of the p h y s i c a l s t r u c t u r e s of the town's b u i l t form and the somewhat i n t a n g i b l e set of i n t e r a c t i o n s and s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s which e x i s t amongst the town's r e s i d e n t s . At the outset, planning f o r the development of North East Coal resources began i n 1976 under the aegis of the P r o v i n c i a l Cabinet Committee on Coal Development. The M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s acted as the "lead agency" f o r the p r o v i n c i a l settlement planning e f f o r t i n the period 1976 to 1981, i n i t i a l l y through i t s involvement i n the Townsite/ Community Development Sub-Committee. The r o l e of the sub-committee receded i n the l a t e 1970's and the M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s assumed le a d e r s h i p . The broad t h e o r e t i c a l options f o r organizing resource community development were o u t l i n e d i n A l t e r n a t i v e Methods ( M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s , 1977). The O r g a n i z a t i o n a l Plan ( M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s , 1978, V o l . 5) a p p l i e d the concepts i n A l t e r n a t i v e Methods to the Tumbler Ridge s i t u a t i o n and i d e n t i f i e d l o c a l government as the best approach to o r g a n i z i n g the proposed development. This provided the broad context i n 78 which p a r t i c u l a r i n s t i t u t i o n a l d e t a i l s and methods of implementation were to be arranged. The i n t e n t of the O r g a n i z a t i o n a l Plan was to e s t a b l i s h a means of o r g a n i z a t i o n and c o o r d i n a t i o n which would enable the community to respond i n a desired and e f f i c i e n t manner. This required the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of necessary l e g i s l a t i v e a u t h o r i t y , and the p r i n c i p l e s necessary f o r n e g o t i a -t i o n and a c t i o n . E s s e n t i a l l y , the O r g a n i z a t i o n a l Plan was a v e h i c l e f o r achieving development of a community i n an e f f i c i e n t and e f f e c t i v e manner. In 1978, the M i n i s t r y conducted a workshop ( M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s , 1978a) with the purpose of informing o f f i c e r s from the Lead Agency and other M i n i s t r i e s of the nature of the task at hand and to gain input relevant to p o t e n t i a l problems that may a r i s e . A f u r t h e r report was compiled by the M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s (1980) o u t l i n i n g the elements required to m o b i l i z e the plan, and the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that would be required of them. The outcome of these o r g a n i z a t i o n a l arrangements w i l l be assessed i n Chapter 4. 3.6 Nature and P r i n c i p l e s of Planning i n Tumbler Ridge At the outset, a "top down" approach p r e v a i l e d i n the planning of Tumbler Ridge. This was i n e v i t a b l e given the i n i t i a l absence of r e s i d e n t s . I t required that informed judgement of p r o f e s s i o n a l planners be s u b s t i t u t e d f o r the p o l i t i c a l w i l l and p a r t i c i p a t i o n of r e s i d e n t s . Paget and Rabnett, two key f i g u r e s i n the planning of the community, acknowledge the technocratic nature of t h i s stage of planning (Paget and Rabnett, 1983:9). Such an approach requires that q u a l i t y research, a prelude to problem r e s o l u t i o n , be undertaken and that the i n t e r e s t s of future r e s i d e n t s be acknowledged i n a s o c i a l l y e t h i c a l manner. In order to counter the e s s e n t i a l l y undemocratic nature of t h i s approach, oppor-t u n i t i e s were created f o r the involvement of res i d e n t s i n the l a t e r phases of the community's formation. In a d d i t i o n , surrogates f o r c i t i z e n p a r t i -c i p a t i o n were used (e.g. survey of residents i n s i m i l a r communities and discussions w i t h key informants i n other communities). Adoption of a "top down" approach i n the i n i t i a l planning phase made i t e s s e n t i a l that resident p a r t i c i p a t i o n be fostered i n subsequent phases. The implementation phase introduced a new s t y l e of planning ("planning by i n v i t a t i o n " ) which was more considerate of the involvement of those who would u l t i m a t e l y be i n charge of the community and be responsible f o r r e s o l v i n g i t s problems. P a r t i c i p a t i o n and c o o r d i n a t i o n were two amongst a v a r i e t y of methods adopted In t h i s phase. "Planning by I n v i t a t i o n " d e l i b e r a t e l y r e j e c t e d an a l t e r n a t i v e notion of planning, that i s , "plan-ning by compulsion" (Paget and Rabnett, 1983). The former s t y l e of p l a n -ning i s founded on the p r i n c i p l e s of stewardship and governance; i t s focus i s l e ss on the c r e a t i o n of a definable product than the c r e a t i o n of the means by which a community w i l l be developed. In "planning by i n v i t a t i o n " there i s a concern with both the end product of planning and the means by which t h i s end i s achieved. The p r e v a i l i n g guide post i s conscience: equity and l i v a b i l i t y . The v e h i c l e adopted f o r implementation i s l o c a l government and the o r i e n t a t i o n of the process i s e s s e n t i a l l y p o l i t i c a l . F i n a l l y , "planning by i n v i t a t i o n " i s accepting of complexity and uncer-t a i n t y and involve s e s s e n t i a l l y a search f o r goals and means of achieving these. "Planning by compulsion" has t r a d i t i o n a l l y been the s t y l e of planning used i n r e l a t i o n to resource town development i n B r i t i s h Columbia. In contrast to "planning by i n v i t a t i o n " i t focuses upon c o n s t r u c t i n g a town, 80 the emphasis being the process of b u i l d i n g a community i n the p h y s i c a l , rather than s o c i a l sense. Ends j u s t i f y means and the nature of the process i s one of " c o n t r o l " r a t h e r than guidance and governance. The perspective i s short term, and the keystones are: "on-time," "on-budget." "Planning by compulsion" i s t e c h n i c a l i n o r i e n t a t i o n , i s accomplished through narrowly defined p r o j e c t management as opposed to project d i r e c -t i o n , i s i n t o l e r a n t of complexity and u n c e r t a i n t y , and i s concerned w i t h the achievement of pre-determined goals (Paget and Rabnett, 1983). The greatest need and opportunity f o r reside n t p a r t i c i p a t i o n occurred In the "community development phase." At t h i s p o i n t , a t t e n t i o n s h i f t e d from planning and i n s t i t u t i o n a l development to b u i l d i n g a new community. The emphasis was upon a process c o n t r o l l e d by the community i n which issues were l o c a l l y i d e n t i f i e d ; resources and act i o n s came from the community. This required an emphasis on broad popular p a r t i c i p a t i o n , the development of leadership and the enhancement of l o c a l problem s o l v i n g c a p a b i l i t i e s (Paget and Rabnett, 1983:21). Democratic self-government i s c e n t r a l to community development. In contrast to s o c i a l l y s e n s i t i v e planning, community development i s "bottom up" i n o r i e n t a t i o n . S p e c i f i c methods of community development w i l l be examined and assessed i n Chapter 4. The nature of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n d i f f e r s w i t h each phase. The n e c e s s a r i l y t e c h n o c r a t i c "planning phase" i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by n o n p a r t i c i -p a t i o n , at l e a s t i n s o f a r as the town's as yet absent residents are concerned. During the "implementation phase," p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s again minimal, t h i s being focussed p r i m a r i l y on the development of i n s t i t u t i o n s . In the l a t t e r part of the implementation phase, when res i d e n t s have begun to a r r i v e , c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n may reach the t h i r d rung on A r n s t e i n ' s 81 (1969) ladder i . e . "informing", one type of tokenism. Informing c i t i z e n s of t h e i r r i g h t s , r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and options can be the most important f i r s t step toward l e g i t i m a t e c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . However, the l a t t e r i s only achieved i f the one-way flo w of inform a t i o n i s followed with the establishment of feedback channels and the p r o v i s i o n of power f o r ne g o t i a -t i o n . Due to the newness of community i n s t i t u t i o n s i n the implementation phase, r e s i d e n t s have not as yet taken up p o s i t i o n s which a l l o w them access to i n f l u e n c e or power, although p r o v i s i o n s f o r t h i s may have been made. During the t h i r d phase, p a r t i c i p a t i o n r i s e s to the rung of "pa r t n e r s h i p " , a low degree of c i t i z e n power. At t h i s rung, power i s r e d i s t r i b u t e d through n e g o t i a t i o n between incoming c i t i z e n s and power-holders (Commissioner/Mayor, p r o v i n c i a l planners, o f f i c e r s i n charge of s e r v i c e agencies). They agree to share planning and d e c i s i o n making r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s through such s t r u c t u r e s as j o i n t p o l i c y boards and mechanisms f o r r e s o l v i n g impasses. In Tumbler Ridge examples include the appointment and e l e c t i o n of aldermen, and establishment of the Recreation Board. In some instances (e.g. Health and S o c i a l Services Committee), c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n tends to be heightened even f u r t h e r . These w i l l be discussed f u r t h e r i n Chapter 4. 3.7 Summary The i n a b i l i t y of e a r l i e r planning and development techniques to over-come problems involved i n the establishment of resource towns generated the need to adopt new approaches. Planning methods used i n Tumbler Ridge represent a move away from p r e v a i l i n g convention towards a strategy which i s more s e n s i t i v e and humane. Development of the town under the auspices of the l o c a l government, appointment of a Commissioner/mayor, n e g o t i a t i o n and compilation of development agreements i n v o l v i n g various development p a r t i c i p a n t s and p r o v i s i o n f o r extensive c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n are but a few of the innovations introduced by Tumbler Ridge i n t o the realm of resource town development. Planning methods used i n Tumbler Ridge r e p r e -sent a s i g n i f i c a n t turning point i n the h i s t o r y of planning i n t h i s province and i n the c o n s t r u c t i o n of resource-based communities i n Canada. An innovation of t h i s kind c a l l s f o r a s e n s i t i v e and c r i t i c a l assessment i n order that i t bear f u l l f r u i t s . This task w i l l be addressed i n the f o l l o w i n g chapter. NOTES 1. The operating/managing companies are Bullmoose Operating Corp. and Denison Mines L t d . r e s p e c t i v e l y . 2. Throughout planning and c o n s t r u c t i o n of the p r o j e c t there was s u b s t a n t i a l debate regarding the wisdom of the enormous p u b l i c investment and v i a b i l i t y of proposed markets (see f o r example, various reports i n the Vancouver Sun and Halvorson (1980, 1983). 3. These steps were a r t i c u l a t e d i n regard to a subsequent p r o j e c t (Rabnett, 1984) but are a l s o inherent i n the planning process f o r Tumbler Ridge. 84 CHAPTER 4 AN ASSESSMENT OF THE TUMBLER RIDGE PROJECT 4.1 I n t r o d u c t i o n Embodied i n the planning and development of a new town, such as Tumbler Ridge, i s a l e a r n i n g process which r e l a t e s to the s p e c i f i c nature of the p r o j e c t , to the broader conceptual dimensions of the planning process and to the democratic process i n Canadian s o c i e t y . Research and experience have shown that the maj o r i t y of problems faced i n r a p i d l y expanding communities concern implementation (Paget and Rabnett, 1981). W h i l s t much knowledge i s gained throughout the planning and development process per se, a s u b s t a n t i a l amount can only be revealed a f t e r subsequent a p p r a i s a l of the outcome and consequences of these innovations. Post project assessment i s therefore e s s e n t i a l i n order to y i e l d the f u l l e s t p o s s i b l e understanding. The f i e l d of p o l i c y assessment and e v a l u a t i o n i s complex and i s cha r a c t e r i z e d by a lack of t e r m i n o l o g i c a l agreement. This chapter commences by attempting to c l a r i f y the nature and purpose of r e t r o s p e c t i v e implementation assessment. I t then proceeds to a d e t a i l e d a n a l y s i s of the Tumbler Ridge p r o j e c t . This assessment forms the basis f o r an o v e r a l l a p p r e c i a t i o n of the process and product of e s t a b l i s h i n g the town, presented i n the f i n a l part of the chapter. 4.2 The Nature and Purpose of Implementation Assessment 4.2.1 D e f i n i t i o n In an examination of the r o l e of Implementation a n a l y s i s i n urban and r e g i o n a l planning, Alterman (1982: 227-8) observes t h a t : 85 u n t i l r e c e n t l y , the implementation process was regarded as a black-box where something i s supposed to occur to make r e a l i t y out of p o l i c y . . . . Today, implementation a n a l y s i s seeks to open t h i s box i n order to gain understanding of the processes o c c u r r i n g w i t h i n i t and the f a c t o r s a f f e c t i n g them, so that the prospects of more e f f e c t i v e implementation would be enhanced. Alterman presents what she regards as a p a r t i a l d e f i n i t i o n of the imple-mentation process, v i z : The process by which decisions taken by various actors enhance or weaken the chances that i n t e r v e n t i o n w i l l be undertaken i n accordance w i t h the p o l i c y - o f - r e f e r e n c e (Alterman, 1982:228). This d e f i n i t i o n sees the implementation process f i r s t and foremost as a process of decision-making leading to i n t e r v e n t i o n i n the system planned, and not s o l e l y as the a c t u a l i n t e r v e n t i o n or d e l i v e r y . However, the l a t t e r i s a l s o important as i n d i c a t e d by the emphasis i n d e f i n i t i o n s by Pressman and Wildavsky (1984:xiv): implementation may be viewed as a process of i n t e r a c t i o n be-tween the s e t t i n g of goals and a c t i o n s geared to achieving them, and Alexander (1979:38): "implementation [ i s ] the assurance that p o l i c i e s or plans w i l l a c t u a l l y be r e a l i z e d , while ensuring the q u a l i t y of t h e i r e f f e c t u a t i o n . " In t h i s chapter, implementation w i l l be used to r e f e r to both the process of a c t i o n and i n t e r a c t i o n taken to achieve the r e a l i z a t i o n of p o l i c y and plans, and the set of d e c i s i o n s required to enable t h i s . Con-s i d e r a t i o n . of only one or other of these two key dimensions unnecessarily r e s t r i c t s the depth of understanding to be gained from the proposed assessment. In t h i s study, "implementation" i s i n t e r p r e t e d f a i r l y broad-l y . I t r e f e r s not only to the implementation phase (phase two) of the 86 planning and development process o u t l i n e d In s e c t i o n 3.3 but includes a l l three phases (planning, implementation and community development), since implementation of the project implies the implementation also of the plans of the preceding phase. The phrase "implementation assessment" i s used i n preference to adopting Alterman's (1982) "implementation a n a l y s i s " because the former has the more obvious i m p l i c a t i o n of p r o v i d i n g a value judgement about what the study reveals and de-emphasizes the o b j e c t i v e and techno-c r a t i c dimensions upon which Alterman places greater emphasis. There i s a l a c k of c l a r i t y i n the l i t e r a t u r e regarding the meaning and i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p of a number of expressions used to describe evalua-t i v e a c t i v i t i e s i n r e l a t i o n to p u b l i c a c t i o n s . They i n c l u d e : project e v a l u a t i o n , implementation a n a l y s i s , p o l i c y a n a l y s i s , impact assessment, impact a n a l y s i s , e v a l u a t i o n research and program planning. S u b t l e t i e s i n d e f i n i t i o n and a p p l i c a t i o n f r e q u e n t l y stem from the p a r t i c u l a r d i s c i p l i n a r y background and perspective of the researcher. In Alterman's (1982) view, the new f i e l d of implementation a n a l y s i s and the mature f i e l d of e v a l u a t i o n research have been drawing c l o s e r together and could w e l l benefit from an i n t e g r a t e d approach. Because of t h i s overlap, the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of one f i e l d are f r e q u e n t l y a p p l i c a b l e to others and i t i s therefore relevant to b r i e f l y consider t h e i r major a t t r i b u t e s and d e f i n i t i o n s . In planning, the term " e v a l u a t i o n " i s often used l o o s e l y to r e f e r to d e s c r i p t i o n s of planning proposals and statements of t h e i r m e r i t s . L i c h f i e l d et a l . (1975) used the term more formally to denote the process of analysing a number of plans or p r o j e c t s w i t h a view to searching out t h e i r comparative advantages and d i s -advantages and the act of s e t t i n g down the fundings of such analyses i n a l o g i c a l framework (p. 4 ) . 87 L i c h f i e l d et a l . are concerned with the r o l e of e v a l u a t i o n i n the p l a n -making process, and not w i t h the r o l e of e v a l u a t i o n i n the decisions subsequent to plan-making which they place under the heading of "implementation." Nor are they concerned w i t h e v a l u a t i o n where i t i s used to assess the performance of a plan during implementation. E s s e n t i a l l y t h e i r study of e v a l u a t i o n i s confined to the pre-project p e r i o d . In the broader context of s o c i a l p o l i c y , Rossi and Freeman (1982) define evalua-t i o n research^" as the systematic a p p l i c a t i o n of s o c i a l research procedures i n assessing the c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n and design, implementation, and u t i l i t y of s o c i a l i n t e r v e n t i o n programs (p. 20). Elements of the foregoing are relevant to the Tumbler Ridge study. The d e s i r e to i d e n t i f y advantages and disadvantages of s t r a t e g i e s adopted resembles the p u r s u i t of s i m i l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s by L i c h f i e l d et a l . (1975), the d i f f e r e n c e being that the proposed assessment focuses on the post-project period. Rossi and Freeman's notion of evaluation research i s relevant i n that i t encompasses the implementation period as w e l l as the p r i o r stages of planning and c o n c e p t u a l i z i n g . In a d d i t i o n , an array of s p e c i f i c components of the Tumbler Ridge p r o j e c t could comprise part of more broadly-based e v a l u a t i o n s t u d i e s by other agencies. Paget and Rabnett (1979, 1981) have explored the r e l a t i o n s h i p between planning and s o c i a l impact assessment and challenge planners to adopt s o c i a l l y responsive community planning. S o c i a l impact assessment - the assessment of the e f f e c t s of p r o j e c t s and p o l i c i e s on people and communi-t i e s emphasizes a process of a n a l y s i s , p r e d i c t i o n and, to a l e s s e r extent, c o n t r o l . Planning, the a p p l i c a t i o n of knowledge and purpose to human 88 a c t i o n s , emphasizes design - the development of c r e a t i v e and c o n s t r u c t i v e s o l u t i o n s to problems. S o c i a l l y responsive planning requires p o l i c y makers to go beyond assessment of a l t e r n a t i v e s to a c t u a l l y b u i l d s o c i a l c r i t e r i a i n t o p o l i c i e s and proj e c t s so as to r e f l e c t a concern with s o c i a l e q uity (Paget and Rabnett, 1979). Whilst d i f f e r e n c e s e x i s t between these f i e l d s , there are two key features upon which a synthesis can be based: • a concern w i t h " b e t t e r " d e c i s i o n s - more informed, r a t i o n a l and s e n s i t i v e d e c i s i o n s ; and • a concern w i t h the " e f f e c t s " of proposed a c t i o n s , the linkages between problems and the a f t e r e f f e c t s of d e c i s i o n s (Paget and Rabnett, 1979:5). In essence, both s o c i a l impact assessment and planning share a common purpose and d i r e c t i o n . In a d i s c e r n i n g study of s o c i a l impact assessment, Bowles (1981) d i s t i n g u i s h e s between pre-impact assessments and post-impact assessments. T e i t z (1978) a l s o makes t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n , using the terms a n t i c i p a t o r y e v a l u a t i o n and r e t r o s p e c t i v e e v a l u a t i o n , r e s p e c t i v e l y . Pre-impact s t u d i e s attempt to fo r e c a s t the consequences of a p a r t i c u l a r p r o j e c t , u s u a l l y to enable the s o c i a l costs and be n e f i t s of the proposal to be considered i n dec i s i o n s concerning whether a pr o j e c t should be constructed and how i t should be designed. Defined thus, pre-impact assessments bear a strong resemblance to L i c h f i e l d et a l ' s (1975) v e r s i o n of e v a l u a t i o n . Many scholars r e s t r i c t s o c i a l Impact assessment s o l e l y to the p r e d i c t i v e , pre-impact form of assessment. Bowles (1981) r e j e c t s t h i s n o t i o n . Post-impact studies provide analyses of what changes previous p r o j e c t s have produced and how they have produced them. He claims they are an important source of g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s which can guide p r e d i c t i o n s about the 89 impacts of future p r o j e c t s . The importance of post-impact studies i s f u r t h e r revealed when i t i s recognized that pre-impact s t u d i e s , at t h e i r i n i t i a t i o n , depend on concepts and hypotheses derived from previous work (Bowles, 1981). Such knowledge stems l a r g e l y from an a p p r e c i a t i o n of the outcome of p r o j e c t s as revealed by post-impact assessment s t u d i e s . Bowles' (1981) "post-impact assessment" studies s t r o n g l y resemble the "implementation assessment" study of t h i s chapter. Bowles' "impact" i s synonymous with the "implementation" of the Tumbler Ridge project and the ex post f a c t o d i s p o s i t i o n of the former concurs w i t h the r e t r o s p e c t i v e stance of the ensuing assessment of B r i t i s h Columbia's newest resource town. Given that a p r o j e c t o r i g i n a t e d i n the r e l a t i v e l y recent past, as i n the case of Tumbler Ridge, post-impact assessment has major advantages i n the attempt to i d e n t i f y how the pro j e c t produced s o c i a l changes i n the community. Bowles (1981) itemizes these as f o l l o w s : 1. I t i s p o s s i b l e to examine the a c t u a l p r o j e c t i n operation. 2. The a c t i v i t i e s which were as s o c i a t e d with the c o n s t r u c t i o n of the proj e c t and the associated changes can be reconstructed i . e . development of a c h r o n o l o g i c a l " a c t i o n a n a l y s i s . " 3. I t permits the researcher to conc r e t e l y examine the s p e c i f i c e f f e c t s which the project has on i n d i v i d u a l s , s e l e c t e d to be repr e s e n t a t i v e of d i f f e r e n t categories of community members. 4.2.2 Purpose and Nature .Post-impact studies are l e s s common and p o s s i b l y l e s s rigorous than pre-impact s t u d i e s . The author acknowledges the v a l i d i t y of the l a t t e r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i n regard to the Tumbler Ridge assessment, the primary data 9 0 source being a s e r i e s of wide-ranging inte r v i e w s and d i s c u s s i o n s . Bowles (1981) a s s e r t s that i f major developments are to be planned to protect communities both pre- and post-impact studies are required and must be coordinated and focused on developments at the l o c a l l e v e l . Since Tumbler Ridge i s a new town, pre-impact studies concerned e i t h e r the nature of the e x i s t i n g p h y s i c a l environment or communities i n the surrounding area, p a r t i c u l a r l y Chetwynd and Dawson Creek (e.g. T a y l o r , 1978; M i n i s t r y of Industry and Small Business Development, 1981a). These provide a compara-t i v e basis f o r the r e s u l t s of post-impact analyses. For e v a l u a t i o n studies to be e f f e c t i v e they must be aimed at generat-ing data used to improve implementation. Evaluators must allow future implementation processes to b e n e f i t from e r r o r s of past p r o j e c t s . Pressman and Wildavsky (1984) observe i n t h e i r landmark book on implemen-t a t i o n , " e v a l u a t i o n [ i s ] a generic a c t i v i t y aimed at enlightment" (p. 187). I t i s i n t h i s context that the assessment of the Tumbler Ridge pr o j e c t i s undertaken. T e i t z (1978) b e l i e v e s that the recent upsurge i n e v a l u a t i o n studies has a r i s e n because we are being forced toward new and more comprehensive forms of a c c o u n t a b i l i t y . He i d e n t i f i e s four types of a c c o u n t a b i l i t y , v i z : 1. Achievement of stated o b j e c t i v e s , i . e . e f f e c t i v e n e s s 2. E f f i c i e n t resource use, i . e . , c o s t , time, e f f i c i e n c y 3. E x t e r n a l or side e f f e c t s 4. A c c o u n t a b i l i t y to s p e c i f i c population groups a f f e c t e d by p o l i c i e s or a c t i o n s . The assessment i n t h i s chapter focusses p r i m a r i l y on the f i r s t two forms of a c c o u n t a b i l i t y , but also considers, i n l e s s d e t a i l , the remaining two. E s s e n t i a l l y the question posed i s : What can be learned from the 91 experience and outcome of the l o c a l government method of resource town development? The a n a l y s i s seeks to i d e n t i f y both p o s i t i v e aspects and problems i n order to c o n t r i b u t e to the growing body of knowledge regarding the nature and requirements of the resource town development process. Torgerson (1980) d i s t i n g u i s h e s two divergent trends i n regard to the nature of impact (and implementation) assessment. The predominant tendency, which Torgerson l a b e l s " t e c h n o c r a t i c , " adheres to a s c i e n t i s t i c , t e c h n o c r a t i c o r i e n t a t i o n w i t h a narrow focus on problems. The opposing ( " p a r t i c i p a t o r y " ) tendency acknowledges the fundamental r o l e played by values i n the research process. Torgerson (1980:148) e x p l a i n s that Here impact assessment i s viewed as a s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l process of which the researcher i s a pa r t . There i s a c l e a r admission that experts lack the knowledge to render f i n a l conclusions w i t h c e r t i t u d e . . . . There may even be...an ambiguity which no amount of research or r i g o r can u l t i m a t e l y overcome. The researcher admits the nec e s s i t y of r e l y i n g upon i n t u i t i v e judgement at a l l stages of h i s work. A c t i v e p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s seen as an e s s e n t i a l dimension of impact assessment and i s encouraged as a way to promote a more p a r t i c i p a t o r y mode of formulating p u b l i c p o l i c y . This does not mean that the researcher should s a c r i f i c e a l l o b j e c t i v i t y but must c o n t i n u a l l y assert h i s i n t e r e s t i n the t r u t h . Nash et a l . (1975) l i k e w i s e recognize the importance of values In regard to project evalua-t i o n and propose the use of "value s e n s i t i v i t y a n a l y s i s , " a k i n to the long accepted technique of s e n s i t i v i t y a n a l y s i s as applied to discount r a t e s . ^ The assessment of Tumbler Ridge presented i n s e c t i o n 4.3 i s not pr o f f e r e d as a d e f i n i t i v e and f i n a l judgement of the p r o j e c t . Rather, i t should be regarded as one of the f i r s t i n a set of eva l u a t i v e studies which w i l l no doubt be conducted throughout the period during which the town evolves toward maturity. I t i s acknowledged that the author's values form an inherent part of the assessment study and are e s s e n t i a l l y 92 responsible f o r s e t t i n g the boundaries of the a n a l y s i s which l i e w i t h i n the purview of the " i n t e r n a l p e r s p e c t i v e . " In assessing the Tumbler Ridge pr o j e c t i t i s important to view the t o t a l planning and development process as each phase (planning, implementation and community development) i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a very d i f f e r e n t s t y l e . As discussed i n Chapter 3, the planning phase i s recognized as being t e c h n o c r a t i c (Paget and Rabnett, 1983) due to the absence of r e s i d e n t s and the need to adopt surrogates. The subsequent two phases however are r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the " p a r t i c i p a -t o r y " approach. In drawing an o v e r a l l assessment of the project i t i s necessary to c a l l upon i n t u i t i v e judgement to a large extent, since a mechanical "averaging" of the assessment of each phase would be mis-l e a d i n g . The same also a p p l i e s to each s p e c i f i c dimension of the p r o j e c t . S o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l trends that p r e v a i l e d before, during and a f t e r the p r o j e c t are of immense importance i n determining the nature and outcome of the p r o j e c t , and demand c o n s i d e r a t i o n i n conjunction with the more s p e c i f i c d e t a i l s examined. In adopting a p a r t i c i p a t o r y stance, the planner/researcher i s seen to have a greater degree of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the r e s u l t s of implemented plans than i f he stands back and conducts h i s business from behind a facade of o b j e c t i v i t y . How planning i s done a f f e c t s i t s success. 3 This applies equally to assessment s t u d i e s . 4.2.3 L e v e l of R e s o l u t i o n S o c i a l programs and p o l i c i e s can be assessed at various l e v e l s . Hudson (1975) r e f e r s to these as "domains of e v a l u a t i o n . " Each domain s u c c e s s i v e l y takes up the unresolved issues of the one before and progres-s i v e l y transcends the s o c i a l science t r a d i t i o n of p o l i c y a n a l y s i s . A 93 small scale or l e v e l of r e s o l u t i o n has purposely been adopted i n t h i s study of Tumbler Ridge because i t enables an o v e r a l l assessment of the pr o j e c t to be made. At a d i f f e r e n t l e v e l of r e s o l u t i o n , each area of assessment considered In s e c t i o n 4.3 would be s u f f i c i e n t f o r a whole study. Likewise, at a smaller s c a l e , an assessment ( f o r example, of the NECD) could be conducted i n which the e n t i r e Tumbler Ridge project was j u s t one component. As one changes sc a l e the admixture of in f l u e n c e s a l t e r s . Though elements of both the " i n t e r n a l " and " e x t e r n a l " perspec-t i v e s can be found at a l l l e v e l s , the former tend to dominate at smaller scales when s p e c i f i c s of a p a r t i c u l a r community are of concern. The l a t t e r tend to predominate at l a r g e r scales such as when the focus i s set at the l e v e l of the p r o v i n c i a l or world economy. Questions which cannot be f u l l y resolved at one l e v e l provide m a t e r i a l f o r subsequent assessment studies at a d i f f e r e n t l e v e l . 4.2.4 Approaches i n Implementation A n a l y s i s Alterman (1982) has c l a s s i f i e d the wide array of e x i s t i n g implementa-t i o n analyses i n t o s i x d i f f e r e n t types. The Tumbler Ridge study f a l l s w i t h i n the d e s c r i p t i v e - n a r r a t i v e category. In n a r r a t i n g the course of events, these studies u s u a l l y attempt to brin g out the s a l i e n t p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l f a c t o r s , dimensions of which the Tumbler Ridge study i s cog n i -zant. Alterman (1982) b e l i e v e s that the value of case studies can be maximized only when t h e o r e t i c a l foundations f o r implementation a n a l y s i s i n various contexts are more advanced. Recognition of t h i s does not however, deny the current worth of conducting d e s c r i p t i v e - n a r r a t i v e assessment s t u d i e s . Each mode of planning i d e n t i f i e d by Alterman i m p l i e s a d i f f e r e n t p i c t u r e of implementation and a d i f f e r e n t c r i t e r i o n f o r assessing success 94 or f a i l u r e . The mode relevant to Tumbler Ridge i s " i n i t i a t o r y ( p r o j e c t ) planning." Here planning i s undertaken by a p u b l i c or p r i v a t e agency that has the resources, f o r implementing i t s p l a n . This mode c a l l s f o r the c r e a t i o n of a new p r o j e c t (e.g. a resource town). I t i s i n t h i s mode of planning that implementation i s most r e a d i l y understood. In the case of Tumbler Ridge the agency i n question (the M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s i n i t i a l l y and l a t e r v i a i t s prodigy, the D i s t r i c t of Tumbler Ridge) i n i t i a t e s the process, a l l o c a t e s the resources, and has considerable c o n t r o l over t i m i n g . The agency may, as was the case i n Tumbler Ridge, be dependent on other agencies and plans f o r l i c e n s i n g and other clearances , but i t has more d i r e c t c o n t r o l over the implementation process than i n other modes of planning. Alterman warns t h a t , despite the r e l a t i v e c l a r i t y of the i n i t i a t o r y mode of planning, t h i s does not n e c e s s a r i l y imply an e a s i e r implementation process. Although there i s a more d i r e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p between p o l i c y inputs and v i s i b l e outputs there remains s u b s t a n t i a l opportunity f o r implementation e f f o r t s to " s l i p between the cracks," to be d i s s i p a t e d or aborted. Each type of implementation a n a l y s i s i s s u i t e d to planning tasks with d i f f e r e n t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . The d e s c r i p t i v e - n a r r a t i v e approach i s h i g h l y s u i t a b l e when there i s a m u l t i p l i c i t y of agencies, system interdependence, p u b l i c s e n s i t i v i t y and complexity of p o l i c i e s . These features were present i n the Tumbler Ridge p r o j e c t . 4.3 The Tumbler Ridge P r o j e c t 4.3.1 Areas f o r Assessment E s s e n t i a l l y there are four dimensions of the planning and development of Tumbler Ridge that r e q u i r e assessment. These are: o r g a n i z a t i o n a l 95 s t r u c t u r e and implementation, q u a l i t y of the town, r i s k and equity and town s t a b i l i t y . Eleven questions are posed i n Table 4.1, each of which serves to focus the a n a l y s i s more s p e c i f i c a l l y . There i s a s u b s t a n t i a l degree of i n t e r - r e l a t e d n e s s between the questions and assessment of one issue often c o n t r i b u t e s to the assessment of others. The questions r e l a t e c l o s e l y to the p r o v i n c i a l resource community development o b j e c t i v e s as shown i n column 3. The assessment w i l l consider the extent to which the l o c a l government model, as exemplified by i t s a p p l i c a t i o n i n Tumbler Ridge, has been able to resolve t h i s set of key i s s u e s , which have been problema-t i c a l i n at l e a s t one other resource town. The assessment w i l l examine three aspects of each i s s u e , v i z : • background - why the issue has come to be of concern, • s t r a t e g i e s - how the issue has been dealt w i t h i n Tumbler Ridge, throughout the planning, implementation and development phases, and • outcome - the r e s u l t s to date, i n c l u d i n g the extent to which the strategy has s u c c e s s f u l l y resolved the i s s u e . Continuing problems, t h e i r i m p l i c a t i o n s and f u r t h e r a c t i o n required w i l l be considered. Implementation of the project f r e q u e n t l y n e c e s s i t a t e d t r a d e - o f f s between e f f i c i e n c y and q u a l i t y r e q u i r i n g that o b j e c t i v e s be p r i o r i z e d and pursued ac c o r d i n g l y . The standards "reasonable," "appropriate," " e f f e c t i v e " and "adequate" i n Table 4.1 are a l l i n d i c a t i v e of the value judgements inherent i n the assessment. Whilst l i k e l y to be unacceptable i n those adopting a te c h n o c r a t i c stance, t h i s s u b j e c t i v i t y does not i n v a l i d a t e the assessment and w i l l be somewhat more amenable to those of a p a r t i c i p a -tory p r e d i s p o s i t i o n . T a b l e 4.1 D i m e n s i o n s of t h e l o c a l government model posed f o r a s s e s s m e n t 1 2 3 Key-Word Summary o f A s s e s s m e n t I s s u e R e s e a r c h Q u e s t i o n R e l a t e d R e s o u r c e Community D e v e l o p m e n t O b j e c t i v e * I . ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE AND IMPLEMENTATION 1. Land A l l o c a t i o n & Development How have the methods of l a n d a l l o c a t i o n and d e v e l o p m e n t c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t of t h e community? 2,6,7 2. O r g a n i z a t i o n a l A r r a n g e m e n t s Were t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n a l a r r a n g e m e n t s u s e d I n e s t a b l i s h i n g t h e town a p p r o p r i a t e ? I n d i r e c t l y 5,6,7,8,9 3. L o c a l s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t Has l o c a l s e l f - g o v e r n a n c e been e f f e c t i v e l y e s t a b l i s h e d ? 5 I I . QUALITY OF THE TOWN 4. I n t e g r a t e d H o u s i n g M a r k e t Has the l o c a l government model f a c i l i t a t e d the e s t a b l i s h -ment of an I n t e g r a t e d h o u s i n g market and t h e p r o v i s i o n o f s e r v i c e s e c t o r h o u s i n g ? 6 5. C o m m e r c i a l s e r v i c e s Has a Y ; - b l l e and c o m p e t i t i v e c o m m e r c i a l s e c t o r been e s t a b l i s h e d ? 7 6. E n v i r o n m e n t Have e n v i r o n m e n t a l c o n c e r n s been a d e q u a t e l y a d d r e s s e d a n d an a e s t h e t i c a l l y p l e a s i n g b u i l t e n v i r o n m e n t been e s t a b l l s l lied? 9 I I I . RISK AND EQUITY 7. F i n a n c i a l R e s p o n s i b i l i t y Who b e a r s f i n a n c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the town and a r e t h e s e a r r a n g e m e n t s v i a b l e ? 3 8. R i s k P r o t e c t i o n & M i n e F a i l u r e . A r e p r o v i s i o n s f o r e n s u r i n g r i s k p r o t e c t i o n a g a i n s t mine f a i l u r e a d e q u a t e ? 1 9. E q u i t y Between Companies Has town development e n s u r e d e q u i t y between e x i s t i n g r e s o u r c e c o mpanies and t h e p o t e n t i a l f o r e q u i t a b l e a r r a n g e m e n t s w i t h f u t u r e r e s o u r c e d e v e l o p e r s ? 4 10. E q u i t y Between Communities I s the s t a n d a r d of s e r v i c e s ( r e c r e a t i o n a l , h e a l t h and s o c i a l ) , l e v e l of t a x a t i o n and l o c a l government p r a c t i c e e q u i t a b l e w i t h t h o s e i n o t h e r c o m m u n i t i e s ? 5 I V . TOWN STABILITY 11. Community M a t u r i t y / S t a b i l i t y Have community d e v e l o p m e n t I n i t i a t i v e s h a s t e n e d t h e p r o g r e s s i o n of the community t o w a r d s m a t u r i t y and f o s t e r e d s t a b i l i t y ? 5,6,7,8 * See page 69. VO ON 97 4.3.2 Tumbler Ridge Assessment 4.3.2.1 Land A l l o c a t i o n and Development How have the methods of land a l l o c a t i o n and development co n t r i b u t e d to the establishment of the community? Background. As discussed i n Chapter 2, r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r land a l l o c a t i o n and development i s of prime importance i n d i s t i n g u i s h i n g between the a l t e r n a t i v e methods of development and i n determining the nature of resource community development. The body i n c o n t r o l of land has the a u t h o r i t y to determine who has access to the land, the c o n d i t i o n s under which access i s granted and, f r e q u e n t l y , the use to which the land i s put. Limited access to land i n both the "company" and " i n s t a n t " town accounted f o r the o f t e n r e s t r i c t e d and/or belated development of commer-c i a l f a c i l i t i e s , u n a v a i l a b i l i t y of s e r v i c e sector housing and the a l l -permeating i n f l u e n c e of the p a t e r n a l i s t i c c o r p o r a t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y i n the former. S t r a t e g i e s . A s i g n i f i c a n t innovation of the l o c a l government approach was the l o c a l c o n t r o l of land a l l o c a t i o n and development. Almost a l l land (99%) i n the v i c i n i t y of Tumbler Ridge i s owned by the Province. A f i v e year supply of developable Crown land was turned over to the m u n i c i p a l i t y at c o s t . The municipal c o r p o r a t i o n which owns a l l current developable land i n the community, se r v i c e s i t and then markets i t to p r i v a t e sector commercial and housing developers. Land not required a f t e r f i v e years i s to be turned over to the M i n i s t r y of Lands, Parks & Housing. Mu n i c i p a l land sales are c a r r i e d out through " l o t draws" f o r s i n g l e family l o t s , and development proposal c a l l s f o r m u l t i p l e family and commercial l o t s . Land i s s o l d at a f a i r p r i c e to recover a l l costs and to r e t a i n 98 a f f o r d a b i l i t y of housing and a t t r a c t i v e n e s s for commercial development. Conditions attached to land sale ensure conformity to plans and protect against s p e c u l a t i o n . To deal with the p o t e n t i a l problem of producing an i n a p p r o p r i a t e supply of l o t s , the m u n i c i p a l i t y agreed to provide s u f f i -c i e n t serviced l o t s to meet the companies' needs and a d d i t i o n a l l o t s f o r the s e r v i c e s e c t o r . In t u r n , the resource companies guaranteed purchase of at l e a s t 80% of unsold l o t s . Outcome. I t was postulated that the l o c a l c o n t r o l of land would f a c i l i t a t e the p r o v i s i o n of a f f o r d a b l e housing, access to housing by s e r v i c e sector employees and development of v i a b l e and competitive commer-c i a l f a c i l i t i e s (Centre f o r Human Settlements, 1985). An a c t i v e and d i v e r s i f i e d town centre has been e s t a b l i s h e d (see s e c t i o n 4.3.2.5). The a v a i l a b i l i t y of small town centre l o t s on a fee simple basis has enabled p r i v a t e developers to construct r e t a i l and commercial premises, e i t h e r f o r occupation by themselves or f o r rent to other tenants. A l l o c a t i o n and development of r e s i d e n t i a l land by the m u n i c i p a l i t y has allowed f l e x i -b i l i t y , enabling l o t s i z e and production to be t a i l o r e d to the demands of the market. P r o v i s i o n of housing f o r coal company employees was l a r g e l y undertaken by the resource companies. However, the a v a i l a b i l i t y of land on conventional terms created the mechanism whereby i n d i v i d u a l s or small c o n t r a c t o r s could construct housing. This c o n t r a s t s markedly to the s i t u a t i o n i n e a r l i e r resource towns where land and housing a v a i l a b i l i t y was c o n t r o l l e d by the company and a frequent p r e r e q u i s i t e f o r housing occupancy was employment with the company. I t should be noted that the u l t i m a t e p r o v i s i o n of a f f o r d a b l e housing both to company and s e r v i c e sector employees does not depend s o l e l y on land access. A v a i l a b i l i t y of mortgage finance and the pressure of r e a l estate developers w i l l i n g to 99 enter the market are other c r u c i a l components. Mu n i c i p a l c o n t r o l of land has been e f f e c t i v e In r e s o l v i n g problems of access a s s o c i a t e d with e a r l i e r forms of land tenure and has been instrumental i n separating labour and domestic i s s u e s . I t has not n e c e s s a r i l y been capable of overcoming other impediments, some of which w i l l be examined i n subsequent s e c t i o n s . 4.3.2.2 O r g a n i z a t i o n a l S t r u c t u r e and Implementation Process Were the organizational arrangements used i n establishing the town appropriate? Governmental programs [and p r o j e c t s ] are normally implementated by o r g a n i z a t i o n s , so i t may be u s e f u l to conceptualize imple-mentation as an o r g a n i z a t i o n a l problem (Montjoy and O'Toole, 1979:465). Background. Un l i k e e s t a b l i s h e d communities, there i s no mechanism inherent In a new town to f a c i l i t a t e the r e a l i z a t i o n of planning and community development o b j e c t i v e s . In the c o n s t r u c t i o n of e a r l i e r resource communities, the procedure adopted was "to allow relevant a c t i v i t i e s to proceed along i n d i v i d u a l paths designed to achieve s p e c i f i c o b j e c t i v e s " ( M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s , 1978, V o l . 5:1). The absence of a con-certed o r g a n i z a t i o n a l e f f o r t was a major cause of problems encountered i n achieving the appropriate program or f a c i l i t y at the r i g h t time, w i t h i n the j u r i s d i c t i o n a l and f i n a n c i a l c o n s t r a i n t s of the communities. S t r a t e g i e s . In developing an o r g a n i z a t i o n a l process whereby the plan f o r Tumbler Ridge could be implemented, i t was not intended to develop a master plan to s p e c i f y e x a c t l y the process amongst a l l p a r t i c i p a n t s . Rather, the O r g a n i z a t i o n a l Plan was regarded as "providing a c o o r d i n a t i n g / f a c i l i t a t i n g r o l e through an i d e n t i f i a b l e s t r u c t u r e " ( M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i -pa l A f f a i r s , 1978, Vol. 5:1). I t was recognized that each community reacts 100 d i f f e r e n t l y to a p a r t i c u l a r phenomenon and that consequently there can be ho s i n g l e c o r r e c t response. D e t a i l e d changes and a l t e r a t i o n s were not s p e c i f i e d at that point since each was to be subject to a s p e c i f i c set of n e g o t i a t i o n s . The method of implementation and associated i n s t i t u t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e are a subset of the method of development. A mainline governmental agency, the M i n i s t r y of Mu n i c i p a l A f f a i r s , was designated as the "lead" agency with the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to i n i t i a t e and coordinate implementation of the p r o j e c t . This required c u t t i n g across many d i f f e r e n t agencies. Table 4.2 provides an i n d i c a t i o n of the complexity of t h i s task. This crossways approach runs contrary to the conventional method of operation of l i n e departments, and i n some instances met w i t h r e s i s t a n c e (Rabnett, 1985). Inter-agency c o o r d i n a t i o n was achieved through a number of mechanisms: 1. development agreements which e s t a b l i s h e d c o n t r a c t u a l o b l i g a t i o n s between the d i f f e r e n t development p a r t i e s , 2. "lead agency" pushing ( M i n i s t r y of Mu n i c i p a l A f f a i r s - towns, M i n i s t r y of Industry & Small Business Development - o v e r a l l p r o j e c t ) , 3. Northeast Coal Development o f f i c e , 4. i n v i t a t i o n a l planning workshops f o r t e c h n i c a l l e v e l o f f i c e r s from various m i n i s t r i e s , 5. inter-agency brokerage at various l e v e l s , 6. Treasury Board exhortation on budget a l l o c a t i o n and monitoring, and 7. Deputy M i n i s t e r ' s Committees. 101 Table 4.2 Tumbler Ridge p r o j e c t : Involvement and r o l e of governmental agencies Agency „ i 1 Role P Phase I 2,3 D M i n i s t r y of Mu n i c i p a l A f f a i r s p l . r . s 2 2 1 South Peace School D i s t r i c t P 0 2 2 M i n i s t r y of Education f, r , s 1 2 2 Peace River L i a r d H o s p i t a l D i s t r i c t P 0 2 2 M i n i s t r y of Health p , f , r , s 1 2 2 M i n i s t r y of Human Resources p,s 1 1 1 RCMP P 0 2 2 B.C.D.C. ( i n d u s t r i a l park & se r v i c e commercial) P, f 0 2 2 B.C. Hydro P 0 2 1 B.C. Telephone P 0 2 1 M i n i s t r y of Tr a n s p o r t a t i o n & Highways p, r , s 2 2 1 M i n i s t r y of Industry & Small Business Development P i 2 2 1 North East Coal Development P i 0 2 0 M i n i s t r y of Finance r , f 0 2 2 M i n i s t r y of Lands & Housing p;r 0 2 2 M i n i s t r y of Environment r, p i 2 1 1 M i n i s t r y of Tourism s 0 1 0 Northern L i g h t s College P 0 0 1 CRTC ( t e l e v i s i o n ) r 0 1 0 B.C. U t i l i t i e s Commission ( n a t u r a l gas) r 0 2 0 M i n i s t r y of Energy Mines Petroleum Resources P i 1 1 0 B.C. B u i l d i n g Corporation ( c o n s t r u c t i o n of p o l i c e s t a t i o n ) f,P 0 1 0 Forests r 0 2 0 Labour R e l a t i o n s Board r 0 2 0 Mu n i c i p a l Finance A u t h o r i t y f 0 0 2 Attorney General ( n e g o t i a t i o n ) r 0 2 0 Peace River L i a r d Regional D i s t r i c t r, f, p i 1 2 2 1 Roles: r = re g u l a t e ; p = p r o v i s i o n ; f = finance; s = s u b s i d i z e ; p i = plan. 2 Phases of Development: P = Planning; I = Implementation; D = Development. ^ L e v e l of Involvement: 0 = no involvement; 1 = minor r o l e ; 2 = major r o l e Source: G. Paget, M i n i s t r y of Mu n i c i p a l A f f a i r s . 102 No s i n g l e mechanism was adequate;. a l l were r e q u r i e d , working i n concert. Informal brokerage and a committed "development team" were found to be more e f f e c t i v e than formal c o o r d i n a t i o n (Paget, 1985). The s t r u c t u r e of the i n t e r i m m u n i c i p a l i t y (appointed o f f i c e r s and s t a f f ) and i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p with contracted s p e c i a l i s t s was important i n determining the degree of success i n the implementation and development phases. E q u a l l y c r i t i c a l was the access of senior municipal a d m i n i s t r a -t o r s , p a r t i c u l a r l y the Commissioner, to the necessary sources of power and i n f l u e n c e w i t h i n the p r o v i n c i a l bureaucracy and senior p o l i t i c a l c i r c l e s . The high p r o f i l e nature of the project ensured that such access was r e a d i l y forthcoming (Walsh, 1985). S e l e c t i o n of persons to f i l l the necessary r o l e s i s a c r i t i c a l and complex task (Paget, 1985). To a large extent, the r o l e s themselves (which were defined w i t h s u b s t a n t i a l leeway), were determined by the p r o f e s s i o n a l and personal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of s e l e c t e d personnel. The basic o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e as i t evolved over the p r o j e c t are shown i n Figures 4.1 to 4.4. Conceptually, the project can be sub-divided i n t o " s e r v i c e s to land" and "services to people" (Figure 4.1). O r g a n i z a t i o n a l l y , a " c o n s t r u c t i o n " versus "operations" dichotomy i s more accurate. The most s i g n i f i c a n t changes over the four periods were: • the d e c l i n e i n the r o l e of the development manager, • the i n c r e a s i n g predominance of the municipal a d m i n i s t r a t o r , and • the replacement of consultants by s t a f f . F l e x i b i l i t y i s an e s s e n t i a l a t t r i b u t e of the s t r u c t u r e . There must be scope to include new components and to a l l o w redundant ones to be eliminated i n accordance with the varying requirements throughout the implemention process. I n i t i a l c l a r i f i c a t i o n of r o l e s , task d e f i n i t i o n and 103 D i s t r i c t of Tumbler Ridge Commissioner [Chief Executive O f f i c e r ] Services to Land P r o j e c t Manager Mu n i c i p a l Administrator Services to People Figure 4.1. Conceptual o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e : Conceptual plan e a r l y 1981 Source: M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s , 1981:11. 104 D i s t r i c t of Tumbler Ridge Commissioner [Chief Executive O f f i c e r ] S o c i a l Development O f f i c e r Development Manager Design Manager Mu n i c i p a l Administrator Figure 4.2. O r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e l a t e 1981-1982 Source: Paget and Rabnett, 1981:13. 105 D i s t r i c t of Tumbler Ridge Mayor Development Manager Mun i c i p a l Administrator S t a f f Engineer D i r e c t o r Community Services Treasurer B u i l d i n g Inspector Consultants Marketing Manager Planning Manager Other Consultant Figure 4.3. O r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e : 1982-1983 Source: Paget, 1985. 106 D i s t r i c t of Tumbler Ridge Mayor and C o u n c i l M u n i c i p a l Ac m i n i s t r a t o r S t a f f Treasurer C l e r k Engineer Consultants B u i l d i n g Inspector D i r e c t o r Communi ty Service Marketing Planning Other Figure 4.4. O r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e f a l l 1983 onwards Source: Paget, 1985. 107 i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of s t r a t e g i e s was aided by a s i m u l a t i o n exercise c a r r i e d out i n conjunction w i t h management consultants (EM Sciences, Vancouver). D e t a i l e d c o n s t r u c t i o n schedules were compiled using a group process i n v o l v i n g members of the "development team" (those persons who comprised Figure 4.2). An important outcome of t h i s process was o r g a n i z a t i o n a l development. Coordination r e s p o n s i b i l i t y s h i f t e d from the M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s to Tumbler Ridge as implementation unfolded. The Commissioner, whose re q u i r e d p r o f e s s i o n a l a t t r i b u t e s were o u t l i n e d i n Chapter 3, was subject to s c r u t i n y from three sources: under the relevant p r o v i s i o n s of the M u n i c i p a l Act, through h i s p r o f e s s i o n a l s e r v i c e s contract w i t h the M i n i s t e r of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s , and through channels s p e c i f i c to the NECD. Though not a part of the o f f i c i a l "Implementation team," the perspectives of the two mine managers, involved v i a the Advisory Planning Committee, were also i n f l u e n t i a l . Both came from company town backgrounds and i n i t i a l l y conceived of a mining town as operating i n a company town manner (Talbot, 1985). F o r t u n a t e l y , t h i s d i d not have any adverse e f f e c t s since both were amenable to the l o c a l govern-ment method of development. The main o r g a n i z a t i o n a l d i f f i c u l t y encountered during implementation of the p r o j e c t arose from the d i v e r s i t y of people involved i n the develop-ment team. The s t r o n g l y technocratic approach of some members of the team, the f a c t that s o c i a l aspects of the development tend to be the l e a s t w e l l (or e a s i l y ) understood, and the need f o r the project to proceed apace meant t h a t , on occasion, p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l goals were not pursued with equal vigour. The D i r e c t o r of Community Services played a v i t a l r o l e as " s o c i a l advocate" w i t h i n the development team. The g u i d i n g p r i n c i p l e throughout the process was that of "minimize mistakes." This recognizes 108 the i n e v i t a b i l i t y of some error i n a project as complex as the construc-t i o n of a new town but at the same time acknowledges that t h i s can be reduced to a l e v e l that i s acceptable. The Commissioner/Mayor i s the p i v o t a l person and had to be capable of achieving the appropriate blend and coordination of influences a r i s i n g from each participant i n the development process. It Is unusual to find i n a single person adequate understanding and s e n s i t i v i t y to both physical and s o c i a l development i n addition to the administrative c a p a b i l i t y which i s required to draw these together. Of the a l t e r n a t i v e methods of development, the mixed ( l o c a l govern-ment) method i s the most complicated approach with the greatest potential for administrative i n e f f i c i e n c y . It requires most actors and consequently has the greatest scope for problems to a r i s e . Conversely, the f l e x i b i l i t y afforded by the l o c a l government approach provides the greatest potential for resource town development. Pursuit of the mixed method required deliberate provision for the avoidance of substantial administrative errors. Outcome. In spite of the above, the implementation of the project can be deemed successful. Features of the development process that led to this success can be summarized as follows: 1. Strong support at the p o l i t i c a l and senior administrative 4 l e v e l s . 2. Direct access by the Commissioner to p o l i c y makers at the municipal and p r o v i n c i a l levels of government. 3. A r e a l i s t i c approach to development of a timetable. 4. Concurrent rather than sequential solutions to problems and acceptance of the inherent r i s k s . 109 5. Adequate a u t h o r i t y delegated by the M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s to the Commissioner. In assessing another major B r i t i s h Columbia development (the C i t y of Vancouver's F a l s e Creek p r o j e c t ) , Hulchanski (1984) made the f o l l o w i n g observation. A major d i f f e r e n c e between implementation of Phase 1 and 2 i s that i n Phase 2 implementation proceeded much more smoothly, l a r g e l y due to experience gained from Phase 1.... Great care had to be exercised to ensure that Phase 1 was developed as a s u c c e s s f u l and a t t r a c t i v e i n n e r - c i t y neighbourhood. Once t h i s was achieved, and the precedent s e t , the implementation process and the supervisory a c t i v i t i e s of the [development agency] became somewhat more r e l a x e d . In a d d i t i o n , as the development proceeded, the p a r t i c i p a n t s became more f a m i l i a r with the process and i n s t i t u t i o n s i nvolved and with t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s " (pp. 180-1). In regard to resource town development i n t h i s province, Tumbler Ridge i s , i n e f f e c t , equivalent to Phase I of the above p r o j e c t . Much care and caution was exercised i n the implementation and development of Tumbler Ridge i n order to ensure a s u c c e s s f u l outcome of an u n f a m i l i a r task. B e n e f i t s of f a m i l i a r i t y with process and i n s t i t u t i o n s that stem from the Tumbler Ridge pr o j e c t w i l l become manifest i f and when the second municipally-developed new resource town i s e s t a b l i s h e d . In view of the complex nature of the Tumbler Ridge pr o j e c t and i n i t i a l inexperience with t h i s method of development, the implementation process can only be judged as having been a very s u c c e s s f u l one. I t met the conventional o b j e c t i v e s of "on time, on budget" and more. Implemen-t a t i o n has been expeditious and the host of unforeseen problems associated with such a development have been dealt with i n an e f f i c i e n t and e f f e c t i v e manner. 4.3.2.3 L o c a l Self-Government Has local self-governance been effectively established? Background. The p r i n c i p l e s of l o c a l self-government and p a r t i c i p a -t i o n were expounded i n Chapter 2. This assessment w i l l address two r e l a t e d i s s u e s . F i r s t l y , i t w i l l consider to what extent the p h i l o s o p h i -c a l p r i n c i p l e s of l o c a l government have been ap p l i e d i n Tumbler Ridge. Secondly, i t w i l l examine a s e l e c t i o n of the mechanisms used to opera-t i o n a l i z e these p r i n c i p l e s . In Canada, A u s t r a l i a and the United States the merits of l o c a l self-governance are not questioned; i t i s a fundamen-t a l c o n s t i t u t i o n a l p r i n c i p l e i n the order of equity, e q u a l i t y and j u s t i c e (Paget, 1985b). L o c a l governance i s of a very d i f f e r e n t kind to the ( u t i l i t a r i a n ) c r i t e r i a of resident s a t i s f a c t i o n , l e v e l of s e r v i c e , l e v e l of t a x a t i o n or the extent of labour/management c o n f l i c t , other dimensions which could be posited as r a t i o n a l e s f o r or against the establishment of l o c a l government i n resource towns (Zenher, 1985). Responses to three s e q u e n t i a l questions determine the ul t i m a t e form of governance: 1. Whether some form of "normal" e l e c t e d l o c a l government i s de s i r a b l e e v e n t u a l l y ; 2. When the changeover should take place i f the answer to (1) i s a f f i r m a t i v e , and 3. What form and functions the body which i s f i n a l l y chosen should assume ( A t k i n s , 1976). An a f f i r m a t i v e stance with regard to l o c a l government f o r the new town of Tumbler Ridge was adopted at an e a r l y p o i n t . I t was s p e c i f i e d that the changeover would be completed no l a t e r than 1987 w i t h the I l l necessary p r e r e q u i s i t e s being e s t a b l i s h e d from day one (Province of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1981, 1982). The form of government chosen was a f u l l y -f u n c t i o n i n g , independent, elected municipal c o u n c i l . The establishment of l o c a l government was to proceed under the guidance of the p r o v i n c i a l M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s to enable f i n a n -c i a l management, s e r v i c e p r o v i s i o n and s i t e development to proceed i n an appropriate manner. The Province's r o l e as overseer was to p r o g r e s s i v e l y d i m i n i s h i n accordance w i t h the m u n i c i p a l i t y ' s i n c r e a s i n g c a p a b i l i t i e s and growing independence. There are four key c r i t e r i a f o r d e f i n i n g an i n s t i t u t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e o u t l i n e d as f o l l o w s : (a) r e p r e s e n t a t i o n - the degree to which a l l development p a r t i c i -pants have a stake i n the community; (b) a u t h o r i t y - the degree to which the power e x i s t s to make c l e a r decisions and to enforce these d e c i s i o n s ; (c) r e s p o n s i b i l i t y - the degree to which management has the means to implement decisions and the degree to which management i s responsible f o r those d e c i s i o n s ; (d) tenure - the degree to which the s t r u c t u r e i s able to adapt to d i f f e r e n t needs and problems. ( M i n i s t r y of Mu n i c i p a l A f f a i r s , 1979) There i s constant tension between these four elements. The p r i o r i t y attached to each c r i t e r i o n v a r i e s with the stage of development of the community (see Figure 4.5) At the outset a l l four were vested i n the province. As the community matures these were p r o g r e s s i v e l y s h i f t e d to the m u n i c i p a l i t y . In p a r t i c u l a r , there Is a c o n f l i c t between a u t h o r i t y -r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and rep r e s e n t a t i o n - tenure. In the c o n s t r u c t i o n phase, the prime emphasis i s on e f f i c i e n c y . Representative bodies are g e n e r a l l y 112 • P r o v i n c i a l a u t h o r i t y and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y recedes over time. • Local government a u t h o r i t y and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y increases over time. • P r o v i n c i a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n decreases and l o c a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n i n c r e a s e s . Figure 4.5: Response of the l o c a l government model to phases i n development of a resource community Source: M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s , 1979, p. 29. 113 not necessary or d e s i r a b l e since there are no permanent re s i d e n t s present. I t i s f o r t h i s reason that a municipal s t r u c t u r e c o n s i s t i n g of a sole o f f i c e r - the commissioner was acceptable. In the recruitment phase a u t h o r i t y / r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i s s t i l l a high p r i o r i t y , but since r e s i d e n t s take up occupancy, s o c i a l o b j e c t i v e s , l o c a l government and other represen-t a t i v e bodies must be e s t a b l i s h e d . In the t r a n s i t i o n a l phase the community i s at I t s most c r i t i c a l phase. Problems are of a d i f f e r e n t order to those which p r e v a i l e d i n the e a r l i e r stages. The need f o r a u t h o r i t y / r e s p o n s i b i l i t y s t i l l e x i s t s , but must be balanced w i t h democra-t i c r epresentativeness. Appointed bodies must be replaced by representa-t i v e bodies. The o r g a n i z a t i o n a l and i n s t i t u t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e s u i t a b l e f o r one stage of community development may be qui t e unsuitable f or others. This creates a dilemma between the need f o r e f f e c t i v e n e s s and a need f o r f l e x i b i l i t y . The p o t e n t i a l l y most d i f f i c u l t problem i s unwarranted over extension of an a u t h o r i t a t i v e s t r u c t u r e i n t o the t r a n s i t i o n a l stage. In the mature stage a u t h o r i t y and rep r e s e n t a t i o n are evenly balanced (see Figure 4.5). T r a n s i t i o n from the i n t e r i m appointed Mayor/Commissioner and Council i s nearing completion. Three aldermen were appointed by the M i n i s t e r f o r M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s i n November 1983. The remaining three were elec t e d i n November 1984. In F a l l 1985, an e l e c t i o n w i l l be held to replace the appointed Mayor and three appointed aldermen. The present mayor and one alderman do not intend standing f o r o f f i c e again. The e x i s t i n g c o u n c i l i s comprised as f o l l o w s : Appointed aldermen (two year term ending November 1985) • m i d d l e - l e v e l , managerial, Q u i n t e t t e employee; • housewife, former employee of Edma Holdings (Quintette's housing agency) and member of Chamber of Commerce; 114 • housewife and community a c t i v i s t . ^ E l ected aldermen (two year term ending November 1986) • f i n a n c i a l a n a l y s t , Q u i n t e t t e ; • purchasing t e c h n i c i a n , Teck; • high school p r i n c i p a l . Employees of both mining companies as w e l l as the non-company sector are represented. At l e a s t two aldermen have previous l o c a l government e x p e r i -ence. Now that the community has been e s t a b l i s h e d , the " t r u s t e e " f u n c t i o n of appointed o f f i c e - b e a r e r s i s no longer r e q u i r e d . In August 1984 there was a resident movement to oust the mayor and replace him w i t h an e l e c t e d leader. The move arose from d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the appointed status of the mayor and h i s maintenance of a non-local (Fort S t . John) residence. This culminated i n a p e t i t i o n forwarded to the M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s where i t was quashed. A v a r i e t y of opinions regarding t h i s issue were re c e i v e d . The author concurs with the view that d i s m i s s a l of the appointed mayor i n 1984 would have been premature, given the r e l a t i v e inexperience of the c o u n c i l i n c i v i c a f f a i r s and development stage of the town. I t f a i l s to acknowledge the numerous advantages to the community of having a person with extensive l o c a l p o l i t i c a l experience and a f i r s t - h a n d grasp of i n i t i a l development issues leading the community. However, the movement was p o s i t i v e i n the sense that i t i n d i c a t e d the extent of i n t e r e s t by r e s i d e n t s i n taking charge of t h e i r community and t h e i r d e s i r e to accept the associated r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . The appointed mayor w i l l r e l i n q u i s h h i s post one year e a r l y and a f u l l y e l ected c o u n c i l w i l l be e s t a b l i s h e d two years i n advance of the required date. The t r a n s i t i o n to a f u l l y - f u n c t i o n i n g c o u n c i l has been accompanied by a progressive reduction i n the r o l e and presence of 115 p r o f e s s i o n a l experts involved i n the planning, implementation and develop-ment of the community. The project d i r e c t o r ( i n charge of p h y s i c a l development and c o n s t r u c t i o n ) and the p r o v i n c i a l / m u n i c i p a l planning consultant have withdrawn s u b s t a n t i a l l y , p r o v i d i n g only i n t e r m i t t e n t advice as required i n regard to ongoing planning and development matters. The o r i g i n a l D i r e c t o r of Community Services and M u n i c i p a l A d m i n i s t r a t o r r e l i n q u i s h e d t h e i r posts i n e a r l y 1985 and have been replaced by o f f i c e r s newly r e c r u i t e d f o r these p o s i t i o n s . The Marketing and Commercial Development Consultant remains somewhat more a c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d , providing necessary advice to c o u n c i l and town centre operators i n regard to commer-c i a l development. His r o l e w i l l p r o g r e s s i v e l y d i m i n i s h as the town centre becomes more e s t a b l i s h e d and expertise of .the l o c a l Chamber of Commerce grows. The normal a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and c l e r i c a l functions of l o c a l govern-ment are i n ope r a t i o n , and b u i l d i n g i n s p e c t i o n , engineering, f i r e - f i g h t i n g and other s e r v i c e s are provided. The m u n i c i p a l i t y ' s r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s f o r f i r e p r o t e c t i o n and b u i l d i n g i n s p e c t i o n are a l l e v i a t e d i n respect to the mines by p r i v a t e p r o v i s i o n of these s e r v i c e s by the coal companies. This i s required due to the h i g h l y s p e c i a l i z e d nature of mining i n s t a l l a t i o n s and the excessive r i s k that assumption of these r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s would make on the m u n i c i p a l i t y (Walsh, 1984); D i s t r i c t of Tumbler Ridge, 1982; Harman, Wilson & Co., n.d.). There i s abundant evidence that l o c a l government i n Tumbler Ridge i s operating e f f i c i e n t l y and e f f e c t i v e l y . A number of I n d i c a t o r s can be used to assess the nature of l o c a l democracy and p a r t i c i p a t i o n of l o c a l r e s i d e n t s i n municipal and c i v i c a f f a i r s . I t i s important these be c o n s i -dered i n conjunction w i t h each other, as one or two alone may y i e l d an inaccurate impression. 116 1. Attendance at C o u n c i l Meetings General p u b l i c attendance at c o u n c i l meetings was reported to be poor ( C a i s l e y , 1985; Walsh, 1985). This i s f a i r l y t y p i c a l of municipal meetings and does not n e c e s s a r i l y i n d i c a t e apathy and d i s i n t e r e s t on the part of r e s i d e n t s . Residents are u s u a l l y a c t i v i t e d by issues that are of concern to them and about which they can make some s p e c i f i c Input or r e q u i r e i n f o r m a t i o n . This does not apply to the ma j o r i t y of residents i n regard to most items of c o u n c i l business and i s b e t t e r r e f l e c t e d by c i t i z e n d e l e g a t i o n s . 2. C i t i z e n Delegations Regarding S p e c i f i c Issues A number of delegations have presented themselves before c o u n c i l . Two recent issues - teenage a c t i v i t i e s and a proposed mobile home park s u b d i v i s i o n - merit c o n s i d e r a t i o n . With the former, the c o u n c i l meeting e s s e n t i a l l y became a forum f o r d i s c u s s i o n between r e s i d e n t s , the p r o j e c t proponent and aldermen regarding the nature of p r o v i s i o n s f o r teenage entertainment i n the community. The second issue r e s u l t e d i n a p u b l i c information meeting being conducted, though t h i s was not a s t a t u t o r y requirement. Delegations have also been received from the Chamber of Commerce regarding tourism development. The Chamber i s working c l o s e l y w i t h c o u n c i l and a marketing consultant to develop the town centre. Other major issues which have a r i s e n concern the p r o v i s i o n of health care s e r v i c e s and f a c i l i t i e s and the second elementary school. 3. Role of S p e c i a l Purpose Committees A Recreation Board has been e s t a b l i s h e d upon recommendation by c o u n c i l , to deal with recreation/community centre p o l i c y . This enables c o u n c i l to devote a greater part of i t s time to other items of business (Ozog, 1985). 117 4. Informal Contact w i t h Aldermen Aldermen i n d i c a t e d that i n f o r m a l contact was a method used very f r e q u e n t l y by r e s i d e n t s to deal w i t h concerns or to obtain i n f o r m a t i o n . I t was agreed that t h i s was an important means of d e a l i n g with issues which consequently d i d not come before c o u n c i l f o r m a l l y . Aldermen reported that r e s i d e n t s were encouraged to approach them forma l l y and i n f o r m a l l y because of the evidence of r e s u l t i n g a c t i o n . 5. Attendance at E l e c t i o n s The f i r s t municipal e l e c t i o n , on November 17, 1983 was not e s p e c i a l l y w e l l attended. Of a t o t a l of 925 r e g i s t e r e d voters 407 or 44% voted. This compares w i t h a mean of 56% and a median of 42% f o r a l l m u n i c i p a l i -t i e s i n the province. Underenumeration of e l i g i b l e voters was understood to be q u i t e h i g h . 0 The number of people who cast a b a l l o t was negative-l y a f f e c t e d by the p r e v a i l i n g shiftwork schedule of mine employees who were unable to attend the p o l l i n g p lace. S p e c i a l p r o v i s i o n s are to be made at the next e l e c t i o n to overcome t h i s problem (Rose, 1985). 6 . Support of M u n i c i p a l l y - R e l a t e d S o c i a l A c t i v i t i e s (not s p e c i f i c a l l y associated w i t h the Community Centre) The o f f i c i a l town opening i n June 1984 and the inaugural Fireman's P i c n i c received e n t h u s i a s t i c attendance and keen voluntary support. Although more i n the vein of s o c i a l than c i v i c a c t i v i t i e s , these kinds of occasions also increase r e s i d e n t s ' awareness, understanding of, and involvement with t h e i r l o c a l government. Discussions with r e s i d e n t s demonstrated a f a i r l y keen awareness of the presence and r o l e of the m u n i c i p a l i t y . Two main f a c t o r s account f o r t h i s . In a p o s i t i v e sense, i t can be a t t r i b u t e d to the nature of l o c a l 118 government a c t i v i t i e s , a sample of which were examined above. In a negative sense, an awareness of municipal government i s created through the i m p o s i t i o n of municipal taxes on r e s i d e n t i a l property owners and commercial p r o p r i e t o r s . For many Tumbler Ridge r e s i d e n t s who have p r e v i o u s l y resided In company towns, payment of municipal taxes i s a f i r s t - t i m e ever, or long-forgotten experience. Residents w i t h a previous background of company town or " i n s t a n t " town residence were i d e n t i f i e d and interviewed during the second s i t e v i s i t . A v a r i e t y of comments were received that support f i n d i n g s by others (e.g. Wilson, c i t e d i n Paget 1985a) that company paternalism can lead to the development of a group of people who are w e l l adapted to dependency and a c t i v e l y seek i t out. Reports that some res i d e n t s would "return to K i t s a u l t tomorrow i f the mine reopened" are an i n d i c a t i o n that there are a number of previous company town re s i d e n t s who are f i n d i n g the adjustment to "open" town l i v i n g d i f f i c u l t . Others have s e t t l e d i n w e l l and expressed a preference f o r l o c a l governance over company governance. These f i n d i n g s are s i m i l a r to those i n Western A u s t r a l i a , where the n o r m a l i z a t i o n of mining towns led to the i n t r o d u c t i o n of property taxes, payable by r e s i d e n t homeowners. P r e v i o u s l y , property was not subject to municipal taxes. In Tumbler Ridge the c o a l companies have remained uninvolved i n on-going a f f a i r s of the m u n i c i p a l i t y . Although, i n accordance with payment of municipal taxes, the companies have the r i g h t to a voice i n l o c a l government matters, to date, they have not exercised t h i s r i g h t . The Development Agreements e s t a b l i s h a basis f o r on-going company/community r e l a t i o n s h i p s through: • c o n s u l t a t i o n committee, • Advisory Planning Commission, 119 • Lot take-up, and • debenture guarantees. The re l a t i o n s h i p i s , i n e f f e c t , c o d i f i e d . Generally favourable reports were received i n regard to the integra-t i o n of Tumbler Ridge into the region. This has been f a c i l i t a t e d by the following: 1. Tumbler Ridge Commissioner sat on Regional D i s t r i c t Board from the outset, 2. Mayor and Aldermen s i t on Regional Board, 3. Tumbler Ridge borrows a l l long term loans through Regional D i s t r i c t , 4. Tumbler Ridge i s a member of the North Central Municipal Association, 5. Tumbler Ridge s i t s on Regional Hospital D i s t r i c t Board which developed Tumbler Ridge Health & So c i a l Services Centre 6. Tumbler Ridge i s represented on South Peace School Board D i s t r i c t (No. 59) which includes Chetwynd and Dawson Creek and which developed schools i n Tumbler Ridge, 7. Tumbler Ridge i s part of the service area of Northern Lights College. 8. Tumbler Ridge participates i n the following regional d i s t r i c t functions: • crowd control • l i b r a r y • recreation programme • regional parks • economic development commission 120 Regional i n t e r a c t i o n has also been fostered by community a c t i v i t i e s . One point of contention arose in regard to a Chetwynd "benefitting area" which encompassed a large proportion of land subsequently included within the Tumbler Ridge municipal boundary. The matter has been set t l e d a f t e r negotiation between the mayors of Chetwynd and Tumbler Ridge, the repre-sentative of the appropriate e l e c t o r a l area and the Minister of Municipal A f f a i r s . Other inter-community c o n f l i c t s included animosity regarding the high degree of p r o v i n c i a l involvement and l e v e l of services (see section 4.3.2.10), a dispute over Tumbler Ridge representation on the School Board, employment opportunities for regional residents and business oppor-t u n i t i e s for regional residents. The mechanics of l o c a l government in Tumbler Ridge have been success-f u l l y established and the t r a n s i t i o n process smoothly accomplished. Residents of Tumbler Ridge now have at their disposal the opportunity to become active participants i n the a f f a i r s of their community and to reap the benefits that this experience can y i e l d . 4.3.2.4 Integrated Housing Market and Service Sector Housing To what extent have land a l l o c a t i o n and development methods of the l o c a l government model f a c i l i t a t e d the establishment of an i n t e g r a t e d housing market and the p r o v i s i o n of s e r v i c e s e c t o r housing? Background. T r a d i t i o n a l l y , resource communities have been charac-terized by the presence of highly segmented housing markets with two main sectors - company and non-company (service sector). Access to housing by non-company residents has usually been severely r e s t r i c t e d . Housing has long been used by resource companies as an incentive to a t t r a c t labour. Benefits have included subsidized rent and company payment of housing-121 r e l a t e d expenses (heat, l i g h t , property taxes) i n company towns, or a t t r a c t i v e "mortgage packages". A more f u l l y i n t e g r a t e d housing market than e x i s t e d i n "company" and " i n s t a n t " towns was sought i n order to provide a f f o r d a b l e housing choices to a l l r e s i d e n t s (company employees and s e r v i c e s e c t o r workers). An int e g r a t e d housing market was considered as a necessity i n the achievement of other o b j e c t i v e s e.g. the development of v i a b l e and competitive commercial s e r v i c e s . The establishment of an integrated housing market i n Tumbler Ridge should be viewed as an i d e a l . An i n t e g r a t e d housing market provides f o r r e l a t i v e l y f r e e t r a d i n g of housing stock and access by a l l sectors of the community to a f f o r d a b l e housing ( M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s , 1978). C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the housing market i n a resource community are such that a f u l l y i n t e g r a t e d housing market, as e x i s t s i n a major metropolitan area, i s an u n r e a l i s t i c p u r s u i t . However, a more int e g r a t e d housing market than e x i s t e d i n e a r l i e r resource towns i s a p o t e n t i a l l y a t t a i n a b l e o b j e c t i v e . The s i g n i f i c a n c e of the housing issue was recognized i n the planning of Tumbler Ridge and subjected to extensive research (see M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s , 1977, 1978, 1978a). Home ownership, f a c i l i t a t e d by an i n t e g r a t e d housing market, can r e i n f o r c e l o c a l demo-cracy, f a c i l i t a t e responsible decision-making, o f f s e t resource company domination of community l i f e and ensure strength and independence f o r l o c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . Despite acknowledgement of i t s importance, housing remains somewhat p r o b l e m a t i c a l . The l o c a l government model has success-f u l l y resolved some t r a d i t i o n a l l y encountered o b s t a c l e s , but has been only p a r t i a l l y e f f e c t i v e i n enabling s u f f i c i e n t i n f l u e n c e to be exerted on f a c t o r s beyond i t s immediate c o n t r o l which l i e at the root of current 122 d i f f i c u l t i e s . For c l a r i t y , the company and se r v i c e sectors w i l l be assessed s e p a r a t e l y . Company Housing S t r a t e g i e s . Consistent with the trend throughout the 1970's, a p o l i c y of encouraging home ownership and minimal corporate involvement i n the housing market was advocated f o r Tumbler Ridge (see P i n f i e l d and Etherington, 1985). Land development procedures were o u t l i n e d i n s e c t i o n 4.3.2.1. Tables 4.3 and 4.4 summarize d e t a i l s of l o t and d w e l l i n g p r i c e s and mortgage arrangements. Quintette Coal L t d . r e a l estate i s handled by a separate housing agency, Edma Holdings L t d . Teck accommodation i s processed by the c o a l company. A l l company employees are e l i g i b l e f o r mortgage b e n e f i t s out-l i n e d . These can be applied e i t h e r to a house constructed under c o n t r a c t to the coal companies or to a p r i v a t e l y constructed house. Table 4.5 presents an inventory of developed l o t s and d w e l l i n g s . A t o t a l of 1123 s i n g l e and detached dwellings have been constructed (see Table 4.5). Ninety mobile homes are s i t u a t e d w i t h i n the second phase of r e s i d e n t i a l development. The remainder comprise the Steeprock Mobile Home Park (Phase 4(b)) which forms an i n t e g r a l part of the r e s i d e n t i a l area of the town (see F i g ure 4.6). Demand f o r mobile homes which c u r r e n t l y comprise approximately 17% of t o t a l housing stock, has been very s i m i l a r to the 16% a n t i c i p a t e d (Rabnett, 1985). A l l Steeprock l o t t i t l e s are held by the m u n i c i p a l i t y and l o t s are rented at $250-325 per month. Monthly mortgage repayments on mobile homes are i n the order of $250-550/month (see Table 4.4). In August, 1985, the m u n i c i p a l i t y was co n s i d e r i n g the c o n s t r u c t i o n Table 4.3 Tumbler Ridge: Summary of apartment r e n t a l s , housing and l o t p r i c e s 1. COMPANY APARTMENT RENTALS (per month) Bachelor $400 One bedroom $450 Two bedroom $500 2. RANGE OF LOT PRICES Low $13,200 High $34,000 Most (mode) $18,000 - $24,000 RANGE OF COMPANY HOUSE PRICES Low $70,000 - $75,000 High $150,000 - $160,000* Most (mode) $80,000 - $85,000 * Excludes mine manager's houses Source: Bigalow (1985), Moser (1984), Qu i n t e t t e Coal L t d . (1984). 124 Table 4.4 Coal Companies Housing Package Applied to a Single Family Dwelling • Guarantee of f i r s t mortgage obtained from a p r i v a t e investment source and insured by Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation (CMHC). • P r o v i s i o n of a second mortgage: Teck: 22% of purchase p r i c e to a maximum of $22,000 with a downpayraent of 3%; Qu i n t e t t e : 7% of purchase p r i c e w i t h a downpayment of 3%. • Housing allowance: Reduction of monthly mortgage payments by 2 or 3 percentage points of i n t e r e s t or the amount necessary to reduce i n t e r e s t to 10%. • I n t e r e s t foregiveness: Teck: Loan i n t e r e s t free f o r years 1-5; 5% p.a. t h e r e a f t e r ; Q u i n t e t t e : 7% p.a. • Buy-back: Company opt i o n to repurchase the house at purchase p r i c e plus improvements during the f i r s t f i v e years from time of purchase. Subsequently company has f i r s t of f i r s t r e f u s a l . A p plied to a Used Mobile House and Lot or Mobile Home Lot Only* • I n t e r e s t f r e e loan equal to 22% of purchase p r i c e . • Housing allowance to reduce i n t e r e s t on the f i r s t mortgage by 2% Average Mortgage Repayments (with 3% downpayment) • S i n g l e f a m i l y house costing $75-80 thousand w i t h 3% down-payment: $750-850/month. • Mobile home and l o t . Home costing $45-50 thousand: $500-550/month • Mobile home only. Costing $45-50 thousand: $250-350/month.** * Mobile home l o t only was not a v a i l a b l e from October 1984. ** Owners of mobile homes only must al s o pay r e n t a l on house pad at $250-325/month. Source:- Moser (1984), Q u i n t e t t e Coal L t d . (1984), Royal Bank of Canada, (1985). Table 4.5 Tumbler Ridge - Housing Inventory August 31, 1985 (No. of Lots) Type of Lot No. % of T o t a l S i n g l e Family Dwelling 1123 60 Mobile Houses 311 17 Town Houses 19 1 Apartments 416 22 TOTAL 1869 100 Source: R.A. Rabnett & Assoc. 126 Source: Quintette Coal L t d . , 1984. 127 of another 22 mobile home lots to meet the continuing steady demand for this form of accommodation. In addition, company employees who purchase a house or mobile home must meet the usual housing-related expenses of property taxation (see section 4.3.2.7) heating and l i g h t i n g . There are no single family houses ava i l a b l e on a rental basis to either company or non-company residents. The timing of housing construction by the coal companies appears to have coincided with demand, there having been no reports of excessive waiting periods for house occupancy. The current surplus of 200 completed houses held by Quintette does represent a s i g n i f i c a n t i n e f f i c i e n c y of development c a p i t a l and has been caused by the same factors as have produced the surplus of l o t s . The surplus i s due to a higher incidence of commuting than anticipated (discussed below), slower growth of Quintette's workforce than forecast and a higher preference for al t e r n a t i v e forms of accommodation (apartments). Accommodation for construction workers was provided mainly i n the f o r m o f temporary bunkhouses. These have subsequently been removed and the town i s characterized by the absence of any dwellings used s o l e l y for accommodating single employees which frequently t y p i f y resource towns i n their early stages of development. Unmarried employees are mostly accommodated i n apartments. Outcome. Accommodation i s readily a v ailable to company employees. Prices are generally i n l i n e with real estate costs i n other resource communities (e.g. E l k f o r d , Sparwood, Fernie), however, they are higher than i n communities within the immediate region (e.g. Chetwynd, Dawson Creek) due to the generally older age of housing stock i n the l a t t e r towns. The l a t t e r , exemplified i n the north-east region by Chetwynd, 128 u s u a l l y d i s p l a y a lower range of housing p r i c e s f o r equivalent-standard accommodation. Chetwynd accommodation i s cheaper because an oversupply of housing was constructed i n t h i s town p r i o r to the commencement of Tumbler Ridge. A s u b s t a n t i a l amount of long-distance commuting by company employees e x i s t s . At l e a s t 20% of c o a l mine employees are estimated to commute from other centres (Walsh, 1985), a somewhat higher proportion than was a n t i c i -pated i n planning s t u d i e s . Numerous Teck employees commute d a i l y from Chetwynd to the Bullmoose minesite. Long distance commuting i s f a c i l i t a -ted by the s t r u c t u r e of s h i f t work schedules whereby employees work four twelve-hour s h i f t s followed by four days o f f . This enables workers who so d e s i r e , to maintain a house i n another centre, commute to Tumbler Ridge, stay overnight f o r three n i g h t s , u s u a l l y i n a shared r e n t a l apartment and re t u r n to t h e i r permanent residence. Commuters on t h i s basis o r i g i n a t e from Chetwynd and a v a r i e t y of more d i s t a n t centres. O v e r a l l , the l o c a l government model has adequately f a c i l i t a t e d the p r o v i s i o n of housing f o r company employees. P r o v i n c i a l / m u n i c i p a l c o n t r o l of land, i n conjunction with company-sponsored finance arrangements have enabled most employees who are prepared to make a commitment to purchasing accommodation to do so, on what can be regarded as reasonable terms. The incidence of long-distance commuting i s more a consequence of the s t r u c -ture of company shiftwork and r e l a t i v e l y high development costs which a r i s e from the somewhat i s o l a t e d l o c a t i o n and adoption of high development standards, r a t h e r than the nature of the l o c a l government model. 129 Service Sector Housing Background. Adequate s e r v i c e sector housing was i d e n t i f i e d as a key f a c t o r i n a t t a i n i n g the goal of " e a r l y m a t u r i t y " i n Tumbler Ridge. By enabling d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n of community s e r v i c e s , non-company housing f o s t e r s r e s i d e n t s a t i s f a c t i o n and s t a b i l i t y , and has a moderating e f f e c t on economic v u l n e r a b i l i t y . Though thoroughly researched i n the planning phase, p r o v i s i o n of s e r v i c e sector housing i n Tumbler Ridge has been some-what more pr o b l e m a t i c a l than accommodating company personnel. Strategy. The s t r a t e g y adopted was to encourage customary housing market actors (e.g. f i n a n c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , mortgage insurance companies, p r i v a t e developers) to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the housing market i n a conventional manner under normal terms and c o n d i t i o n s . The key to accomplishing t h i s r e s t s w i t h the perception of r i s k by housing market a c t o r s . The Province sel e c t e d the approach of c r e a t i n g an atmosphere of i n v e s t o r confidence, p r i m a r i l y through i t s own adoption of a r i s k - s h a r i n g p o s i t i o n and w i l l i n g -ness to become an a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a n t i n the Northeast Coal p r o j e c t . The Province was i d e o l o g i c a l l y opposed to d i r e c t involvement i n the housing market. S t r a t e g i e s . E s s e n t i a l l y there are three r e l a t e d dimensions to the s u c c e s s f u l p r o v i s i o n of s e r v i c e sector accommodation i n a resource town such as Tumbler Ridge i . e . a c c e s s i b i l i t y , finance and a f f o r d a b i l i t y . P r o v i n c i a l - m u n i c i p a l c o n t r o l of land a l l o c a t i o n and development, one of the d i s t i n g u i s h i n g features of the l o c a l government model, has enabled u n i v e r s a l access to land. In so doing i t has removed one major o b s t a c l e which has t r a d i t i o n a l l y i n h i b i t e d the establishment of s e r v i c e sector housing i n resource communities. However, the problems of finance and 130 a f f o r d a b i l i t y have been l e s s e f f e c t i v e l y resolved and account f o r ongoing d i f f i c u l t i e s . Financing s e r v i c e sector accommodation i s problematical i n that Canadian banks, the major source of mortgage f i n a n c e , are r e l u c t a n t to make loans to prospective homeowners or developers outside major urban areas without them securing mortgage insurance. Generally, i n non-metro-p o l i t a n areas i t i s only a v a i l a b l e from CMHC. A d m i n i s t r a t i v e g u i d e l i n e s of CMHC f o r resource towns, ensure that CMHC w i l l provide insurance only when a guarantee from the resource company, province or other secure source can be obtained. Whilst the c o a l companies were prepared to guarantee f i r s t mortgages of t h e i r employees, they r e j e c t e d proposals to act as guarantor for s e r v i c e sector r e s i d e n t s , l a r g e l y because t h i s would e s t a b l i s h a precedent whereby the companies could be expected to become guarantors f o r the town's e n t i r e housing market. The Province refused to guarantee loans f o r t h e i r employees and re j e c t e d the notion of providing s o c i a l housing. Instead, the Province has opted to purchase mobile homes to accommodate i t s personnel. CMHC's p o l i c y regarding mortgage insurance i n resource towns stems from i t s recent experience of heavy losses i n both resource communities and l a r g e r urban centres i n recent years and competition from p r i v a t e mortgage i n s u r e r i n l u c r a t i v e metropolitan areas ( M u l v i h i l l , 1984). The recent economic depression caused extensive mortgage f o r e c l o s u r e where mine cl o s u r e or shutdown was experienced. The r e s u l t i n g d e p l e t i o n of insurance funds has made CMHC s u b s t a n t i a l l y more r i s k averse, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n regard to what i s perceived as high r i s k centres. Even i f the problem of f i n a n c i n g s e r v i c e sector housing i s resolved, there remains the issue of a f f o r d a b i l i t y . Land development and 131 c o n s t r u c t i o n costs are t y p i c a l l y high due to l o c a l shortage or u n a v a i l a b i -l i t y of c o n s t r u c t i o n and b u i l d i n g m a t e r i a l s and s u f f i c i e n t , a p p r o p r i a t e l y -s k i l l e d labour. (This was l e s s of a problem i n Tumbler Ridge due to the p r e v a i l i n g economic depression, high unemployment l e v e l s , and success of lower pri c e d non-union labour. A f f o r d a b i l i t y i s p a r t i c u l a r l y problemati-c a l i n regard to re s i d e n t s who requir e f i n a n c i n g to e s t a b l i s h commercial f a c i l i t i e s i n a d d i t i o n to housing. The s e r v i c e sector housing problem i n Tumbler Ridge, as i n a l l new resource communities, stems i n large part from the absence of " s t a r t e r " homes and other forms of down market accom-modation. With time, cheaper accommodation i s l i k e l y to become a v a i l a b l e as what are c u r r e n t l y new houses f i l t e r down through the housing market at cheaper p r i c e s . This however, i s no s o l u t i o n during the very c r u c i a l period that p r e v a i l s i n the f i r s t few years of the town's establishment. Recognizing that land a c c e s s i b i l i t y alone could not resolve the housing dilimma, f u r t h e r research was c a r r i e d out i n regard to remaining aspects of the problem. A v a i l a b l e options and the stance of the m u n i c i p a l i t y , which adopted a proa c t i v e r o l e , are o u t l i n e d below. • Spec, housing: I n i t i a l l y i n response to Tumbler Ridge pressure to r e s o l v e the f i n a n c i n g problem, CMHC made a v a i l a b l e high r a t i o -loans to the p r i v a t e sector without r e q u i r i n g guarantees. A maximum of 20 loans at one time and a l i m i t of f i v e per b u i l d e r was e s t a b l i s h e d . However, r i s k a v e r s i t y of p r i v a t e developers led to a poor response, there having been only about 25 non-company s i n g l e - f a m i l y houses constructed by mid 1985. Further, the magnitude of down payments and repayments are g e n e r a l l y beyond the means of most s e r v i c e sector r e s i d e n t s . Recently, CMHC has w i t h -drawn approval f o r these loans, (except where a house i s pre-sold 132 on a homeowner basi s ) due to the p r e v a i l i n g , excess of company housing (McLarty, 1985). However, the coa l companies are prevented from s e l l i n g housing to p r i v a t e r e s i d e n t s due to an agreed r e s t r i c t i o n w i t h CMHC i n regard to mortgage insurance and guarantees. • Duplex l o t s : To f a c i l i t a t e s e r v i c e sector housing the munici-p a l i t y subdivided and serviced approximately 40 duplex-sized (8000 square f t ) l o t s . The i n t e n t was that s e r v i c e sector r e s i d e n t s would construct and occupy one h a l f and rent the other h a l f , i d e a l l y to another s e r v i c e sector r e s i d e n t . This met with l i m i t e d response (three duplexes have been constructed) and the l o t s have been re-subdivided as s i n g l e family l o t s . • Cooperative housing: Twenty coop housing u n i t s (row and semi-detached, ground f l o o r entrance with basements) are under con-s t r u c t i o n i n phase 3. CMHC finances the d i f f e r e n c e between the market rat e of i n t e r e s t and 2%, vets and approves design, budget, proposed rent and e l i g i b i l i t y of the c l i e n t group. The municipa-l i t y partook a c t i v e l y i n the formation of the coop s o c i e t y , through l i a i s o n w i t h CMHC and i n p r o v i d i n g s e r v i c e d land. The coop includes both company and non-company r e s i d e n t s . Proposals f o r a second (15 u n i t ) coop are l e s s l i k e l y to be approved due to the above-mentioned stance of CMHC regarding excess company housing. • Basement s u i t e s : The m u n i c i p a l i t y has exercised d i s c r e t i o n i n applying i t s by-law which p r o h i b i t s basement s u i t e s (Walsh, 1985). This moderates the housing s i t u a t i o n but can be regarded only as an i n t e r i m measure, not a long term s o l u t i o n . 133 • Mobile homes: The municipality was responsive to the higher than expected demand for serviced mobile home l o t s . The municipa-l i t y developed the Steep Rock mobile home park as an inexpensive, short-term housing option. Whilst i t successfully provided a bridge for the i n i t i a l rapid growth period, i t may, i n the longer-term have resulted i n a lower take-up of single r e s i d e n t i a l l o t s . Outcome. The brokerage role adopted by the municipality has s i g n i f i -cantly ameliorated the problem of housing service sector residents. A r t i -c u l a t i o n of roles and active involvement of the municipality at an e a r l i e r date would have assisted further i n overcoming the t y p i c a l l y sluggish supply of service sector housing. The s e l f - h e l p approach to housing which a coop development represents not only, reduces the cost of the housing unit but y i e l d s a number of other advantages. P a r t i c i p a t i o n of coop members in design of t h e i r housing i s important, espe c i a l l y since the absence of preexisting housing stock disallows expression of resident choice in the usual manner. In addition, the organization of a housing cooperative creates an excellent vehicle for the development of both s o c i a l organization and sense of community amongst newcomers. The estab-lishment of a cooperative i n Tumbler Ridge represents the f i r s t successful attempt to do so in any new resource community i n North America.'' Another p o s s i b i l i t y involves the provision by private developers of p a r t i a l l y completed houses on a "sweat equity" basis. This would require a smaller investment by the resident at the outset when perception of r i s k i s high and enable upgrading of houses as confidence i n the town grows and residents' means Improve. This strategy could also be adopted by the coal companies i n providing housing for their workforce. It would involve a 134 trade-off of some o b j e c t i v e s (e.g. establishment of high standards) with that of achieving " e a r l y maturity." The above i n i t i a t i v e s are incremental measures and w i l l be unable to competely r e s o l v e the s e r v i c e sector housing problem. Complete r e s o l u t i o n of the i s s u e , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the high growth period would requ i r e a more comprehensive approach such as the p r o v i s i o n of a "comfort package" (e.g. guarantees, mortgage insurance, i n c e n t i v e s f o r r e n t a l housing) to e i t h e r i n d i v i d u a l r e s i d e n t s or a p r i v a t e developer(s). The source of t h i s package e s s e n t i a l l y depends on the p o s i t i o n adopted w i t h regard to who should bear the r i s k of housing development and in v o l v e s the notion of "equity bondage." Detomasi (1984) considers that i t i s a p u b l i c sector r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to provide r e n t a l and ownership housing e i t h e r d i r e c t l y or by p r o v i d i n g programs which l i m i t p r i v a t e sector r i s k . Paget and W a l i s s e r (1983) argue that the o b j e c t i v e i s not to e l i m i n a t e equity bondage as Bradbury and St.-Martin (1982) would have, but r a t h e r , to ensure that v u l n e r a b i l i t y of r e s i d e n t s of resource communities stemming from equity bondage i s not s u b s t a n t i a l l y d i f f e r e n t from the v u l n e r a b i l i t y of residents elsewhere. Paget and W a l i s s e r (1983) also contend that the a d d i t i o n a l b e n e f i t s r e a l i z e d by the p u r s u i t of l o c a l community governance must be given due c o n s i d e r a t i o n . The l o c a l government method of development has r e s u l t e d i n some very p o s i t i v e advances i n regard to the p r o v i s i o n of housing. The m u n i c i p a l i t y accomplished the tasks i t was s e t . That i s , i t has provided s e r v i c e d land at reasonable p r i c e s , f a c i l i t a t e d access to land g e n e r a l l y and i n t h i s way contributed to the establishment of a d i v e r s i f i e d l o c a l economy. The area i n which the l o c a l government model could be deemed to have f a l l e n short 135 i s i n the s u c c e s s f u l r e s o l u t i o n of the s e r v i c e sector housing problem. The major reason f o r t h i s i s that s u b s t a n t i a l l y more i s involved i n achieving t h i s than i s w i t h i n the gambit of the l o c a l government model. Problems of f i n a n c i n g and a f f o r d a b i l i t y extend beyond the d i r e c t c o n t r o l of the m u n i c i p a l i t y i n v o l v i n g a number of other actors and i n s t i t u t i o n s . The s i t u a t i o n i n Tumbler Ridge r e f l e c t s a more general reluctance of CMHC, commercial banks, p r i v a t e developers and c o n s t r u c t i o n firms to speculate i n small scale housing development which they perceive a high r i s k ( P i n f i e l d and Ethe r i n g t o n , 1985). One of the most c r i t i c a l i s the p r o v i s i o n of mortgage insurance which has formed the basis of an e n t i r e t h e s i s (see Rattenbury, 1985). The r o l e that l o c a l government can and has performed i n t h i s regard i s as broker or "go between" l i a i s i n g between the necessary p a r t i e s . E s s e n t i a l l y , s i g n i f i c a n t progress has been made. The s i t u a t i o n at Tumbler Ridge, though not i d e a l , i s superior to that i n e a r l i e r resource towns at an equivalent age and stage of development. 4.3.2.5 Commercial Services and Town Centre Has a v i a b l e and competitive commercial s e c t o r been e s t a b l i s h e d ? Background. Inadequate commercial f a c i l i t i e s and a poorly planned or non-existent "downtown" core t y p i f y many resource communities. P o t e n t i a l problems f o r business p r o p r i e t o r s ^ ( u n a v a i l a b i l i t y of housing, perceived i n s t a b i l i t y of the town, lower incomes than company employees) were recognized during the research and planning f o r the town (see M i n i s t r y of Muni c i p a l A f f a i r s , 1978 V o l . 3;1978a). 136 A viable town centre i s c r u c i a l to resident s a t i s f a c t i o n ; i t promotes s t a b i l i t y and builds business confidence in. a s e l f - r e i n f o r c i n g manner. A v i t a l commercial sector contributes to s o c i a l objectives i n a number of ways: provision of employment opportunities p a r t i c u l a r l y f or women, increases resident s a t i s f a c t i o n , reduces income flows out of the community,^ reinforces and d i v e r s i f i e s the f i s c a l base of the community and adds to the strength and d i v e r s i t y of the l o c a l community's leadership (Nemtin et a l . , 1983). In company towns many problems i n the provision of commercial f a c i l i -t i e s stemmed from land tenure. Since land was p r i v a t e l y leased or owned by the resource company, private entrepreneurs were prevented from purchasing land and esta b l i s h i n g the necessary premises. This obstacle was removed i n the "instant" town since separate land parcels could be subdivided and sold. However, expected benefits were often not r e a l i z e d because i n many such towns special agreements were drawn up between the resource company and a major r e t a i l e r which prevented competing firms from becoming e s t a b l i s h e d , ^ or monopoly advantages afforded to a few developers at the outset made i t very d i f f i c u l t for new enterprises to be established at a l a t e r date (see for example, Trade Union Research Bureau, 1974). Strategies. In Tumbler Ridge the town centre was based on the pr i n c i p l e of fostering a sense of "community" and completeness, even at an early stage of development (Rabnett, 1985). Incremental growth was made fea s i b l e by the a v a i l a b i l i t y of separate small l o t s which can be developed progressively i n accordance with r e t a i l requirements of the town. Shared car parking areas maintained by the municipality were preferred to separate parking space attached to each parcel of land. Design was based on the notion of "Main Street" and adopted the concept of a symbiotic 137 r e l a t i o n s h i p between cars and people (Rabnett, 1985). The Town H a l l , Community Centre and H e a l t h / S o c i a l Services Centre f u n c t i o n as f o c a l points and poles of a t t r a c t i o n at the eastern and western ends of Main S t r e e t . In Tumbler Ridge these "anchors" are p u b l i c rather than p r i v a t e as i n most shopping centres. Main Street replaces the concept of the pedestrian m a l l . The town centre i n t e g r a t e s a v a r i e t y of uses: commer-c i a l , r e c r e a t i o n a l , educational and s o c i a l s e r v i c e s . Design of the centre was undertaken by a team of p r o f e s s i o n a l experts from a wide range of d i s c i p l i n e s (see Nemtin et a l . , 1983). The a l t e r n a t i v e of a s i n g l e f u l l y -enclosed shopping m a l l was re j e c t e d on the basis of the f o l l o w i n g : c a p i t a l costs of c o n s t r u c t i o n ; l i m i t e d s u i t a b i l i t y f o r incremental expansion; dependence on success of a s i n g l e developer; and d e s i r e to create a v a r i e d and a t t r a c t i v e shopping environment. S o c i a l i m p l i c a t i o n s were also c o n s i -dered. Experience w i t h the one-building m a l l at Leaf Rapids, Manitoba, i n d i c a t e d a propensity f o r teenagers to congregate at in a p p r o p r i a t e l o c a t i o n s i n c r e a s i n g anxiety of shoppers and tenants (see M i n i s t r y of Mun i c i p a l A f f a i r s , 1978, V o l . 3). F i n a l l y , a m a l l was not considered e s s e n t i a l f o r c l i m a t i c reasons. C o n s t r u c t i o n of the town centre, i n p a r t i c u l a r the community centre complex, t r a i l e d i n i t i a l occupance of the town by permanent re s i d e n t s by about one year (Moser, 1984; Bigalow, 1985). This i s reported to have produced some hardship f o r i n i t i a l r e s i d e n t s . However, the l e v e l of planning and design prevented e a r l i e r c o n s t r u c t i o n of the centre. Temporary f a c i l i t i e s bridged the gap. A temporary community centre (subsequently r e l o c a t e d and converted i n t o a church) was i n place i n Spring 1983 and programs commenced s h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r . Included were: f i t n e s s c l a s s e s , portable swimming pool, daycare f a c i l i t i e s and s o f t b a l l 138 league. A bank, foodstore, automotive r e p a i r s and post o f f i c e were operated from temporary premises i n the s e r v i c e c o m m e r c i a l / i n d u s t r i a l park north of the town. These were p r o g r e s s i v e l y r e l o c a t e d to the town centre. Of the temporary s e r v i c e s ( l i q u o r s t o r e , super-valu, d e n t i s t , p u b l i c health nurse, human resource o f f i c e ) were a v a i l a b l e i n t r a i l e r s i n the town centre. E a r l y plans f o r Tumbler Ridge designated land to the south-east of the town centre as r e s i d e n t i a l . D e t a i l e d s o i l and slope a n a l y s i s under-taken subsequently, i n d i c a t e d that costs of developing t h i s land was too high f o r the i n i t i a l phases. R e s i d e n t i a l development consequently occurred to the north, north-east and north-west of the town centre, p l a c i n g commercial and business f a c i l i t i e s on the outer (southern) p e r i -meter of the town (see Figure 4.6). This has reduced a c c e s s i b i l i t y to the town centre from r e s i d e n t i a l areas. Land to the south w i l l u l t i m a t e l y be developed when there i s adequate demand f o r more expensive l o t s improving the c e n t r a l i t y of the town centre. This r e f l e c t s the st r a t e g y of b u i l d i n g both the p h y s i c a l s t r u c t u r e s of the town and s o c i a l network of the community c o n c u r r e n t l y . This creates s u b s t a n t i a l l y greater p o t e n t i a l f o r some inaccuracy i n timing, as compared to the s i t u a t i o n , such as i n Leaf Rapids, Manitoba, where p h y s i c a l development and c o n s t r u c t i o n e n t i r e -l y preceded community development (Paget, 1985). In developing the town centre i t was recognized that there were s i g n i f i c a n t b e n e f i t s to be derived from adopting a c o l l a b o r a t i v e approach i n v o l v i n g the two c r u c i a l a c t o r s : the p r i v a t e s e c t o r (developers, b u i l d e r , f i n a n c e r , operator) and l o c a l government ( f a c i l i t a t o r ) . I t was recognized that s u c c e s s f u l development of the town centre would r e q u i r e s p e c i a l s k i l l s i n a d d i t i o n to usual l o c a l government e x p e r t i s e to bridge 139 the p r i v a t e and p u b l i c sectors. A brokerage str a t e g y was adopted wheTeby a development consultant was engaged to car r y out commercial demand and supply s t u d i e s , to canvass investment i n t e r e s t and to evaluate development proposals. C o n s t r a i n t s of both the l o c a l government and p r i v a t e sectors were acknowledged, p o t e n t i a l s i d e n t i f i e d and drawn upon. The greatest challenge was to create i n v e s t o r confidence, e s p e c i a l l y i n the f i n a n c i a l community ( i . e . banks) to overcome the t r a d i t i o n a l problem of p r i v a t e sector reluctance to lend without resource company guarantees. A c a l l f o r proposals was made and a s e r i e s of meetings conducted with senior banking executives i n v o l v i n g the Commissioner and subsequently c o a l company execu-t i v e s . Banking s e r v i c e s were required f o r the m u n i c i p a l i t y f o r day-to-day operations and i n t e r i m f i n a n c i n g , f o r the community and f o r the p r i v a t e development of commercial f a c i l i t i e s . A t t r a c t i o n s to the bank included a monopoly on banking i n the town f o r the f i r s t few years, the pre s t i g e of involvement i n a major p r o j e c t , and opportunity to p r o f i t from the D i s t r i c t ' s need f o r a $25 m i l l i o n loan to enable i n t e r i m f i n a n c i n g of municipal s e r v i c e s . Once f a c i l i t i e s were constructed, i n t e r i m f i n a n c i n g was converted to long-term debt with the MFA). By r e q u i r i n g s u b s t a n t i a l commitments from the bank and o f f e r i n g the above a t t r a c t i o n s , the D i s t r i c t made i t a "partner" i n development (Nemtin et a l . , 1983). "Partner" i s not used i n the sense of an o f f i c i a l j o i n t venture, but i n d i c a t e s that there was a stronger r e l a t i o n s h i p than with a conventional bank branch. There was an agreement i n p r i n c i p l e that the bank would f o s t e r development i n Tumbler Ridge. The bank has provided s u b s t a n t i a l loan finance f o r r e t a i l and other commercial development a t metropolitan r a t e s . I t was recognized that s o c i a l o b j e c t i v e s must be kept to the fore but be balanced w i t h a concern f o r commercial imperatives. The m u n i c i p a l i t y 140 u t i l i z e d i t s normal f i n a n c i a l t o o l s (land s a l e s , development cost charges, 12 debenture debt and a b i l i t y to designate s p e c i f i e d area s t a t u s ) to encourage business investment. Care was exercised to ensure f a i r sharing of development costs between e a r l y - and latecomers, and commercial and non-commercial taxpayers. Development proposals were secured through a contract of sale which e s t a b l i s h e d conditions of purchase i n c l u d i n g : adherence to development schedules, c o n s t r u c t i o n according to a r c h i t e c -t u r a l proposals, adherence to the b u i l d i n g space program and c o m p a t i b i l i t y with design g u i d e l i n e s . Seven p r i v a t e developers have constructed premises i n the town centre. Several are s e l f - o c c u p i e d ; others are leased or rented to m u l t i p l e tenants. Tumbler Ridge has e s t a b l i s h e d a s i g n i f i -cant precedent i n that i t i s the only new resource town to have commercial s e r v i c e s provided without i t s debt being secured by a resource company guarantee (Centre f o r Human Settlements, 1985). Tumbler Ridge i s intended to provide f o r day-to-day commercial needs. I t i s not expected to f u n c t i o n as a r e g i o n a l s e r v i c e centre, at l e a s t not u n t i l w e l l i n t o the f u t u r e (Nemtin, 1985). A v a r i e t y of higher l e v e l goods and s e r v i c e s which cannot be provided i n Tumbler Ridge at t h i s stage are a v a i l a b l e from surrounding centres (Chetwynd and Dawson Creek, B.C.; and Grande P r a i r i e , A l b e r t a ) . Whilst i t i s i n e v i t a b l e that some business custom w i l l flow to these centres, i t i s e s s e n t i a l that maximum usage of l o c a l Tumbler Ridge f a c i l i t i e s i s f o s t e r e d . Competitive p r i c i n g , an adequate range of products and s e r v i c e s , and an a t t r a c t i v e shopping environment are necessary to ensure t h i s . These depended upon the adop-t i o n of thoroughly researched and w e l l founded development p o l i c i e s achieved by the methods o u t l i n e d above. 141 Outcome. In assessing the p r o v i s i o n of commercial s e r v i c e s and the town centre, the f o l l o w i n g dimensions w i l l be considered: r a n g e / d i v e r s i t y of s e r v i c e s , t i m i n g , v i a b i l i t y , design and l o c a t i o n . Together, these dimensions ( a l s o r e f e r r e d to elsewhere as s t a b i l i t y , array and resident patterns) determine the "balance" of the business sector. A balanced business sector i s one w i t h the most appropriate array of s t a b l e commer-c i a l f a c i l i t i e s (Sussex Consultants L t d . , 1979). Range/Diversity: Table 4.6 provides an inventory of s e r v i c e s and f a c i l i t i e s i n Tumbler Ridge by length of establishment as at June 1985 when the population was approximately 4,200. In comparison with other resource towns at an equivalent stage of development and population s i z e , the v a r i e t y evident at Tumbler Ridge can be judged very favourably. Timing: Given a normal course of events, commercial development follows r e s i d e n t i a l development. This may be acceptable i n e s t a b l i s h e d centres where the r e s u l t i s u s u a l l y a period of higher i n t e n s i t y use p r i o r to the expansion of the necessary s e r v i c e s and f a c i l i t i e s . At the outset of a new town such a process i s unacceptable. The most e s s e n t i a l s e r v i c e s (bank, post o f f i c e , gas s t a t i o n , l i q u o r s t o r e , motel) were provided i n temporary f a c i l i t i e s mainly at the L i g h t I n d u s t r i a l area north of the town and were p r o g r e s s i v e l y r e l o c a t e d to the town centre. The community centre and i n i t i a l permanent commercial b u i l d i n g s were completed i n the f i r s t h a l f of 1983, w i t h i n s i x months of occupation by permanent r e s i d e n t s . During the author's f i r s t s i t e v i s i t (August 1984), r e s i d e n t s reported some inconvenience due to the absence of a drug store and hardware shop. These were e s t a b l i s h e d during the subsequent year along w i t h a number of other s p e c i a l t y s t o r e s , c l o t h e s boutiques, permanent post o f f i c e , i n f o r m a l restaurant and bar. During the f i r s t year of operation, a d i n i n g lounge 142 Table 4.6 Tumbler Ridge: Inventory of facilities and services in town centre and service commercial and industrial areas by length of establishment showing floorspace In square feet as at June 1985 TOWN CENTRE Three Years Six Months Royal Bank (4,488) Edma Holdings Rental Office (739) Quintette (Tumbler Ridge) Office Tumbler Ridge Restaurant (1,500) Super Valu Food Store (17,500) Tumbler Ridge Inn (hotel) Shell Gas Station (2,600) Community Centre Facilities - Curling - Skating/Hockey - Pool - Aerobics - Library - Day Care - Licensed Bar - Catering Service Town Hall (District of Tumbler Ridge) RCMP Fire Brigade Health & Social Services Centre - Doctor - Ministry of Human Relations* - Dentist (450) - Optometrist (250) High School Post Office 2 Two Years Stylish Haves (hair salon) (634) Dixie Dee Chicken (798) B.C. Liquor Branch (5,366) Women's Sportswear Marlin Travel (650) Lawyers Jewelry Shop^  Black Gold Restaurant (Community Centre) Tumbler Ridge Chronicle (456) Ridge House Restaurant (2,000) One Year Tumbler Ridge Accounting (456) People's Drug Store (3,983) Video and Games Arcade Hobbies & Crafts Tumbler Ridge House Centre (600) Insurance (475) Clothes In Motion (730) Sears Catalogue and Flower Shop (964) Stargate Video Arcade (1,385) Hardware Department Store* (2,700) Digger's Cabaret (bar) (3,731) Union Offices Tumbler Ridge Inn - Additional motel rooms - Bar (4,814) - The Inn Place (coffee shop/cafeteria) (1,900) Tags Convenience & Gas Station (3,000) Fabric Shop (500) SERVICE COMMERCIAL AREA Three Years Tumbler Ridge Building Supplies Northland Utilities (1,000) Acklands (Tools, Equipment) (4,800) Tumbler Brake & Drum (2,000) Gulf Canada Northern Metallic (7,500) A.C. Operations (1,000) T.R. Automative Supply (300) One-&-a Half Years Tumbler Ridge Collision (2,000) Heritage Glass (2,000) Irly Bird (Lumber/Hardware) (5,500) INDUSTRIAL PARK (Located out of Town Area) Two Years Arrow Transportation (10,000) Rivquip (10,000) Cummins Diesel (3,000) B.C. Bearings (3,500) Dept. of Highways Maintenance Yard Wajax (9,600) Columbia Chrome Tumbler Ridge Machine Shop (3,000) La Prairie Leasing Mustang Construction (9,000) PENDIHG DEVELOPMENTS Pizza & Restaurant (single building) Travel Agent Home Decor B.C. Hydro Ac counting/Bookkeep1ng Restaurant Delicatessen Gift Shop single building NOTES: * Discontinued in early 1985. Services now operated from Chetwynd. 2 Located in temporary facilities north of township until 1985. 3 Has subsequently reduced operating scale to one-third original size. * Originally commenced as sporting goods store. One store, Bits-n-Spurs (1,584 sq.ft.) went bankrupt due to lack of managerial experience. Source: Nemtin, 1985; Field Trips, August 1984 and June 1985; Blgalow, 1985. 143 and small l i c e n c e d bar w i t h i n the community centre complemented p r i v a t e l y developed food and l i q u o r s e r v i c e s . The bar was the only l i c e n s e d d r i n k -i n g f a c i l i t y i n town and helped to meet demand u n t i l p r i v a t e d i n i n g and d r i n k i n g f a c i l i t i e s could be e s t a b l i s h e d . Bar se r v i c e s at the community centre have been reduced accordingly (Goode, 1985). V i a b i l i t y : Only one complete bankruptcy has occurred. Two other businesses have undergone some m o d i f i c a t i o n (e.g. range of merchandise, floorspace) to improve t h e i r operation (Nemtin, 1985). Most commercial services appear to be c a r r y i n g out a good volume of trade. Design and Location: Design of the town centre has s u c c e s s f u l l y i n t e g r a t e d a v a r i e t y of d i f f e r e n t f a c i l i t i e s . Most a c t i v i t y p r e s e n t l y occurs at the western end of Main S t r e e t . Stores and community s e r v i c e f a c i l i t i e s have been developed to form a contiguous block, e l i m i n a t i n g gaps and ensuring that shopper i n t e r e s t i s maintained and shop-to-shop access i s maximized. P r o v i s i o n has been made f o r o r d e r l y r e t a i l expansion eastward to the town h a l l and then beyond (see Figure 4.7). Service s t a t i o n s are separated from other r e t a i l f a c i l i t i e s by the southerly access a r t e r i a l , Southgate, an appropriate l o c a t i o n which remains access-i b l e to the main r e t a i l p r e c i n c t . Other s e r v i c e commercial a c t i v i t i e s r e q u i r i n g l e s s a c c e s s i b l e s i t e s are located i n the s e r v i c e commercial park (see Figure 4.6). I n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t i e s are s i t u a t e d several miles from the townsite adjacent to Chetwynd Highway. The p e r i p h e r a l l o c a t i o n of the town centre i n r e l a t i o n to e x i s t i n g r e s i d e n t i a l development was discussed i n s e c t i o n 4.3.2.4. C e n t r a l i t y w i l l increase when r e s i d e n t i a l development occurs to the south-east. This i s not considered a major problem because design has ensured that the town centre forms a strong f o c a l point despite i t s o f f - c e n t r e l o c a t i o n . 144 T O W N C E N T R E FACILITIES 1 RECREATION and COMMUNITY CENTRE 7 LIBRARY 3 SECONDARY SCHOOl 4 FUTURE COMMUNITY COUECE 5 HEALTH and SOCIAL SERVICES 6 FOOD STORE (Vpcrvalu) 7 BANK i Co Wen A«TOW Investments) 8 2-STOREY RETAJ./COMMERCUL <R«can) 9 1-STOREY RETAaUCOMMERCIAl (Central Homei) 10 FUTURE BET AH. COMMERCIAL 11 HOTEL (Webb S Knapp) 12 TOWN HAll 1J FIRE HALL 14 RCMP 15 COMMUNITY PACK 16 FUTURE TOWN EXPANSION 17 MUNICIPAL PARCHC 18 SERVICE COMMERCIAL 19 MOTEL (Central Hamil 20 FUTURE HOSPITA1 <1 CIVIC PLAZA 22 COMMUNITY PLAZA Figure 4.7 Town centre master plan Source: Nemtin et a l . , 1983. 145 .4.3.2.6 Environment Have environmental concerns been adequately addressed and an aesthe-t i c a l l y pleasing b u i l t environment been established? Background. There are se v e r a l d i f f e r e n t perspectives from which environmental concerns can be assessed: the townsite before development, the s i t e subsequent to development, and the l a r g e r sub-regional environ-ment. P r i o r to s i t e s e l e c t i o n f i f t e e n d i f f e r e n t s i t e s were examined and a d e t a i l e d e v a l u a t i o n of two (Tumbler Ridge and Bullmoose) c a r r i e d out (see Townsite/Community Development Sub-Committee, 1977). A range of c r i t e r i a were considered i n the e v a l u a t i o n . The Tumbler Ridge area displayed a number of features that would be s e n s i t i v e to human h a b i t a t i o n - v a l l e y bottoms used f o r moose c a l v i n g , south-west f a c i n g slopes used f o r w i l d l i f e browsing due to favourable aspect, and f i s h populations i n waterways. These f a c t o r s were considered; however, major determinants i n s i t e s e l e c t i o n were the nature of the t e r r a i n , water supply and waste water d i s p o s a l c a p a b i l i t i e s . Bounded by a r i v e r , a creek and a high r i d g e , the s i t e i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by va r i e d topography, diverse vegetation and n a t u r a l hazards i n c l u d i n g f l o o d i n g , f o r e s t f i r e s , l a n d s l i d e s and avalanches. The environment includes e c o l o g i c a l l y s e n s i t i v e lands and outstanding v i s u a l resources (Lang and Armour, 1980, 1982). S t r a t e g i e s . The stra t e g y adopted was consequently one of m i t i g a t i n g the e f f e c t s of urban development. This included i n t e r a l i a d i s a l l o w i n g development of i n f r a s t r u c t u r e on v a l l e y bottoms and set backs on terraces due to geotechnical slope s e n s i t i v i t y and w i l d l i f e . The impact of the r a i l w a y , roads and other i n f r a s t r u c t u r e on the environment were given extensive c o n s i d e r a t i o n (see Lang and Armour, 1980). An Interim Resource 146 Management P o l i c y ( M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s , 1981a) was prepared to provide the Omineca-Peace Resource Management Committee w i t h a t o o l to enable cooperative agreement to d e a l with settlement and resource manage-ment i n the townsite and surrounding area. In a d d i t i o n , the m u n i c i p a l i t y adopted a dog-control by-law to ensure adequate s u r v e i l l a n c e of animals. " E n e r g y - e f f i c i e n t u t i l i z a t i o n " planning was adopted i n the conceptual plan and extensive research was c a r r i e d out by CMHC (see Diamond and M a r t i n , n.d.). The m u n i c i p a l i t y does not have e x c l u s i v e j u r i s d i c t i o n to plan and regulate development w i t h i n i t s boundaries, since a large part of the land remains crown land which i s under P r o v i n c i a l c o n t r o l . The Province c o n t r o l s the d i s p o s i t i o n and use of n a t u r a l resources i n c l u d i n g c o a l , other minerals, f o r e s t s and w i l d l i f e . A cooperative approach emerged whereby the m u n i c i p a l i t y ' s O f f i c i a l Community Plan ( D i s t r i c t of Tumbler Ridge, 1982) incorporates both l o c a l and p r o v i n c i a l concerns and i s approved by the Province. S i m i l a r l y , p r o v i n c i a l resource management agencies have attempted to optimize both the needs of settlement and the need to protect c r i t i c a l environmental resources (see M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s , 1979a to 1981a). In regard to the townsite i t s e l f , some vegetation was retained during the development process, however, s t r e e t s would have benefited from the r e t e n t i o n of a d d i t i o n a l t r e e cover. Landscaping of the town, i n p a r t i -c u l a r the town centre, i s commendable. Street l i g h t i n g , the community park, and the shopping area developed to date creates an a t t r a c t i v e and i n t e r e s t i n g s m a l l - s c a l e urban environment. There i s some lack of v a r i e t y i n housing s t y l e s and a r c h i t e c t u r e . This was due to the r e l a t i v e l y small number of c o n s t r u c t i o n companies that c a r i e d out house b u i l d i n g . Teck 147 housing was constructed by three B.C. firms using ten d i f f e r e n t designs. Quintette, whose housing predominates the urban scene, used a s i n g l e c o n t r a c t o r and three housing s t y l e s . Added v a r i e t y stems from the i n c l u -s i o n of apartment b l o c k s . Environmental i n f l u e n c e s i n c l u d i n g wind d i r e c t i o n and snow accumula-t i o n were taken i n t o account i n the design of town centre and r e s i d e n t i a l d w e l l i n g s . As i s the case a l s o i n most recent West A u s t r a l i a n mining towns, design and layout of r e s i d e n t i a l b u i l d i n g s i s based on s i m i l a r p r i n c i p l e s to those i n southern metropolitan areas. As Sharma (1983) notes, v i s u a l l y , resource towns of the north c l o s e l y resemble the suburbia of southern c i t i e s . An innovative attempt to design f o r crime prevention has involved the i n c o r p o r a t i o n of the CPTED (Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design) program. Birenbaum (1983), Budgen (1983), LaBonte (1983) and Wachtel (1982) have favourably reviewed the CPTED program i n Tumbler Ridge. Outcome. There has not been an o f f i c i a l e v a l u a t i o n of the impacts of the townsite on the environment. 4.3.2.7 F i n a n c i a l R e s p o n s i b i l i t y and V i a b i l i t y Who bears f i n a n c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the town and are these arrangements v i a b l e ? Background. P r e v i o u s l y the approach to resource community develop-ment i n B r i t i s h Columbia has been to adopt the f i n a n c i a l o b j e c t i v e of r e q u i r i n g the company to pay, thus ensuring that the p u b l i c sector avoided the r i s k s of mine and/or town f a i l u r e . The resource company was r e s p o n s i -ble f o r planning, f i n a n c i n g and b u i l d i n g the town. Whilst expeditious f o r 148 the P r o v i n c i a l government, the downside of t h i s arrangement was that the r e s u l t s of t h i s s t y l e of development were often s o c i a l l y unacceptable (see chapter 2). In c o n t r a s t , the Tumbler Ridge approach sought to r e s o l v e t h i s issue through a f a i r sharing of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y between the Province and the resource developer, determined through n e g o t i a t i o n . S t r a t e g i e s . D e t a i l e d f i n a n c i a l planning f o r Tumbler Ridge was c a r r i e d out; four of the nine community development o b j e c t i v e s were of p a r t i c u l a r relevance to f i n a n c i n g procedures: r i s k p r o t e c t i o n , compensa-t i o n , e q u i t y between communities and equity between companies. A v a r i e t y of f i n a n c i a l " t o o l s " were used. The Development Agreements included clauses r e l a t i n g to guarantee of municipal debts, land development requirements, t a x a t i o n of mine assets and p r o t e c t i o n against revenue s h o r t f a l l s . A l t e r n a t i v e Methods ( M i n i s t r y of Municip a l A f f a i r s , 1977) provided the foundation for subsequent f i n a n c i a l analyses. The F i n a n c i a l Plan ( M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s , 1978, V o l . 4) provided f u r t h e r d e t a i l on costs and f i n a n c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s i n the l i g h t of s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l planning proposals. A subsequent updating of t h i s Plan i n the Conceptual  Plan Update ( M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s , 1981) formed the basis f o r the town's c a p i t a l budget and the schedule of f a c i l i t i e s subject to debt guarantees. D i r e c t p r o v i n c i a l c o n t r i b u t i o n to f i n a n c i n g the town's development i s r e l a t i v e l y minor. S p e c i a l f i n a n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e was provided only to enable the m u n i c i p a l i t y to i n i t i a t e operations. A $2 m i l l i o n " s t a r t up" grant was made to the m u n i c i p a l i t y by the Province commencing i n the Spring of 1981, to enable town c o n s t r u c t i o n to begin. This was n e c e s s i t a -ted by the m u n i c i p a l i t y ' s lack of f i n a n c i a l resources (Municipal Finance 149 A u t h o r i t y funds had not yet been obtained), and the urgency of commencing development, given c l i m a t i c c o nditions and the contracted coal-shipment schedule. The Start-Up Grant was made on a non-recoverable b a s i s . I t i s unclear whether the Province w i l l attempt to recoup t h i s , p o s s i b l y from the Townsite Contingency Fund (TCF) (Paget, 1984d) The TCF i s a $5 14 m i l l i o n fund created by the province to provide a d d i t i o n a l funds f o r town development. Funds are a v a i l a b l e on a demonstrated needs basis should revenues from the coal companies not be s u f f i c i e n t to cover expen-d i t u r e s . They are recoverable from the m u n i c i p a l i t y when c o a l p r i c e s exceed a s p e c i f i e d l e v e l . By mid 1985 no grants had been made from the TCF. The Comprehensive Agreement s t i p u l a t e s that claims from t h i s fund must be made by the end of 1985. (Comprehensive Agreement (1981) Schedule K: Townsite Contingency Payments). Apart from the TCF, townsite f a c i l i t i e s were financed i n the customary manner f o r a m u n i c i p a l i t y i . e . by borrowing from the Mun i c i p a l Finance A u t h o r i t y and the issue of debentures with a twenty year term. Debt fi n a n c e , amounting to $37 m i l l i o n d o l l a r s (1984 p r i c e s ) has been obtained or w i l l be obtained i n the customary manner through the Mu n i c i p a l Finance A u t h o r i t y (Krug, 1984). Munici p a l taxpayers, i n c l u d i n g the c o a l companies, repay these loans over a twenty year pe r i o d . Debentured development costs amount to a l i t t l e over h a l f of estimated t o t a l develop-ment co s t s , a breakdown of which i s shown i n Table 4.7. The s i n g l e main source of revenue i s the property tax, approximately 70% of which i s paid by the mining companies. I n c l u s i o n of the mining p r o p e r t i e s w i t h i n the municipal boundary y i e l d s s u b s t a n t i a l tax revenues and i s i n accordance w i t h B.C. p r a c t i c e of approximately the l a s t ten years. The D i s t r i c t of Tumbler Ridge i s also e l i g i b l e f o r ordinary p r o v i n c i a l grants through the 150 Table 4.7 Estimated c a p i t a l costs of development i n 1984 d o l l a r s Estimated development cost ($'000) Item T o t a l Per c a p i t a PROVINCIAL SERVICES Schools - Elementary and Secondary Health and S o c i a l S e r vices Centre 14,000 2,330 MUNICIPAL SERVICES Mu n i c i p a l H a l l 994 F i r e h a l l 598 P u b l i c Works 587 Outdoor Recreation 667 Community Centre 10,179 L a n d f i l l 453 Roads 5,431 Water 8,112 Sanitary 4,093 Storm 1,584 SUBTOTAL 32,699 TOWN CENTRE SERVICES 1 3,970 MUNICIPAL LAND DEVELOPMENT2 33,345 HOUSING, COMMERCIAL, LIGHT INDUSTRIAL AND OTHER PRIVATE 3 DEVELOPMENT 190,000 TOTAL 274,014 45,700 1 Costs to be recovered through land sales and debentured debt. 2 Costs to be recovered through land s a l e s . 3 Estimated cost only; provided by M i n i s t r y of Industry and Small Business Development. Sources: M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s , Budget Status Report; Centre f o r Human Settlements, 1985:82. 151 Revenue Sharing Program, i n c l u d i n g the M u n i c i p a l Roads Grant, Planning Grant, M u n i c i p a l Basic Grant, Basic Unconditional Grant, Per Capita Grant, and Sewer and Water Grant. These grants e n t a i l revenue sharing based on the r e l a t i v e s i z e and f i s c a l c a p a c i t y of the m u n i c i p a l i t y . Outcome. The f i n a n c i a l mechanisms o p e r a t i o n a l i z e d i n Tumbler Ridge have enabled the establishment of a f i n a n c i a l l y autonomous l o c a l govern-ment from the outset. Unlike the "company" or " i n s t a n t " v e r s i o n of resource communities, Tumbler Ridge i s not dependent d i r e c t l y on benevo-l e n t access to company c o f f e r s . This i s not to deny that the v i a b i l i t y of l o c a l government i s a f u n c t i o n of mining operations. Recognizing t h i s , the development agreements, p a r t i c u l a r l y the Townsite Agreement and Lot Take-Up Agreement, were instrumental i n ensuring that l o c a l government i s not placed t o t a l l y at the whim of the mining companies. The D i s t r i c t of Tumbler Ridge has the l a r g e s t per c a p i t a i n d u s t r i a l tax base of any comparable m u n i c i p a l i t y i n the province (see Table 4.8). This has enabled the p r o v i s i o n of a high standard of s e r v i c e s and f a c i l i t i e s without the i m p o s i t i o n of e x c e s s i v e l y high taxes on r e s i d e n t i a l property owners (see s e c t i o n 4.3.2.10) 4.3.2.8 R i s k P r o t e c t i o n Are provisions for ensuring risk protection against mine failure adequate? Background. The issue of who should be responsible f o r bearing the r i s k involved i n e s t a b l i s h i n g and operating a new town i s complex and has received considerable d i s c u s s i o n (see M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s , 1977; Paget and W a l i s s e r , 1984; Task Force on Mining Communities, 1982). Two Table 4.8 Tumbler Ridge and sele c t e d resource communities municipal tax base 1985 1985 Net Mu n i c i p a l Tax Base Per Ca p i t a Community T o t a l N o n - r e s i d e n t i a l TUMBLER RIDGE $73,100 $52,300 E l k f o r d 44,400 28,100 Sparwood 40,600 26,000 Mackenzie 24,700 13,100 Chetwynd 27,000 10,900 Port Hardy 24,100 8,800 Hous ton 18,600 6,400 Source: D i s t r i c t of Tumbler Ridge (1985:27). 153 l e v e l s or degrees of r i s k were considered i n negotiations and agreements i n Tumbler Ridge. F i r s t l y , there was the r i s k a r i s i n g from the f a i l u r e of the town to grow as planned. Secondly, the r i s k of f a i l u r e of the c o a l project and consequently the town. S t r a t e g i e s . Concern regarding the f i r s t issue arose from a p r i o r experience of excess l o t development and associated wastage of p u b l i c funds i n Grande Cache, A l b e r t a ( M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s , 1977). In Tumbler Ridge i t was dealt with through the Townsite and Lot Take-Up Agreements between the companies and the m u n i c i p a l i t y . These agreements ensured that the m u n i c i p a l i t y would provide municipal services to accommo-date the companies' workforces. In a d d i t i o n , i t would s e r v i c e l o t s i n accordance with a schedule of company requirements plus 20% to allow f o r non-company requirements. The companies i n turn agreed to purchase t h e i r i n d i c a t e d 80% of se r v i c e d l o t s . This mechanism has been s u c c e s s f u l i n achieving i t s dual aims. For example, the m u n i c i p a l i t y was able to adjust i t s development program to produce a d d i t i o n a l mobile home l o t s when i t became apparent that demand f o r these was greater than i n i t i a l l y a n t i c i p a t e d . A l l l o t s s e r v i c e d f o r the companies have indeed been purchased by them. At the completion of the l a s t group of l o t s ( F a l l 1984) , Quintette h i r i n g had f a l l e n behind schedule. I t was obvious that l o t purchase by the company would create an unwanted excess. Quintette has a surplus inventory of approximately 80 l o t s (August, 1985). In the view cf the D i s t r i c t Mayor, i t was only the need to concur w i t h the Lot Take-Up agreement that caused the company to purchase the l o t s (Walsh, 1985) . The m u n i c i p a l i t y has borne some of the r e s u l t i n g costs i n that there i s also an excess of approximately 40 unpurchased s e r v i c e sector l o t s . However, i n the main, the company, the agent of change, bore the r i s k of i t s e r r o r . The surplus of l o t s has been caused by the same f a c t o r s as have produced the surplus of completed houses - higher commut-ing r a t e s , slower workforce growth and preference f o r cheaper forms of housing. In regard to mortgages f o r housing purchased by company employees, CMHS adopted a p o l i c y r e q u i r i n g a dual system of r i s k p r o t e c t i o n . In a d d i t i o n to mortgage insurance payable by the mortgagee, the resource companies were required to provide mortgage guarantees and accept l i a b i l i t y i n the event of mortgage d e f a u l t . I t i s understood that these guarantees would be c a l l e d upon p r i o r to the insurance fund. The Provinc refused to provide guarantees f o r non-company personnel. Information c o s t s money. Expenditures on research must consider the b e n e f i t s of b e t t e r i n f o r m a t i o n ( l e s s u n c e r t a i n t y ) and the costs ( r i s k of not proceeding). Some i n e f f i c i e n c y occurred i n regard to the c o n s t r u c t i o of the water supply system. Inadequate g e o l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s of an a q u i f e r necessitated the supplementation of the i n i t i a l groundwater system with a surface water pump. Avoidance of t h i s i n e f f i c i e n c y would have required: 1. commitment to more extensive d r i l l i n g of the groundwater a q u i f e r i n 1977, 2. commitment to undertake low l e v e l a e r i a l photography i n 1977 or F a l l 1980, and 3. commitment to undertake topographic mapping i n F a l l 1980 In both 1977 and 1980, there was pressure to minimize costs due to uncer-t a i n t y regarding c o a l markets and n e g o t i a t i o n s . This i n e f f i c i e n c y r e s u l t e d from the timing of development schedules, geared to the s p e c i f i e mine sta r t - u p date, i n r e l a t i o n to the a v a i l a b i l i t y of funds f o r the necessary d e t a i l e d analyses. Funds re q u r i e d f o r d e t a i l e d mapping, hydro-1 l o g i c a l and topographical studies were large enough to re q u i r e a f i r m commitment to the NECD before being made a v a i l a b l e (Rabnett, 1985). Although conceptual planning and a n a l y s i s could be financed w e l l i n advance of f i n a l agreement between Japanese s t e e l m i l l s and the c o a l companies, the nature and cost of d e t a i l e d p h y s i c a l analyses prevented t h e i r completion at an e a r l i e r date. These i n e f f i c i e n c i e s argue f o r more up-front finance f o r planning which n e c e s s a r i l y involves a higher l e v e l of r i s k . The c o n s t r u c t i o n of two p a r a l l e l a r t e r i a l roads (Mackenzie Way and Monkman Way) i s regarded by some observers as i n e f f i c i e n t (Bigalow, 1985), but was considered necessary on the basis of a n t i c i p a t e d long-term growth to a population of 10,500 (Rabnett, 1985; Walsh, 1985). In the main these i n e f f i c i e n c i e s can be a t t r i b u t e d to i n t e r m i t t e n t u n c e r t a i n t y about coal c o n t r a c t s w i t h the r e s u l t i n g need to minimize research costs and the r e l a t i v e l y short c o n s t r u c t i o n period and haste with which development needed to proceed. The second area, complete p r o j e c t f a i l u r e , leads i n t o the complex f i e l d of resource town demise, defined as being beyond the scope of t h i s t h e s i s . However, a b r i e f o u t l i n e of the pertinent points and s t r a t e g i e s i s appropriate. I t i s d i f f i c u l t to adequately assess the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of these t o o l s as they have not been put to the t e s t as yet. A resource community, due to i t s r e l i a n c e almost s o l e l y on the opera-ti o n s of a s i n g l e , I d e n t i f i a b l e company which Is t y p i c a l l y h i g h l y v o l a -t i l e , i s a p a r t i c u l a r l y r i s k y s i t e f o r p u b l i c investment. The question of who should bear t h i s r i s k i s paramount. In the company town the s o l u t i o n i s r e a d i l y forthcoming - the resource company bears the r i s k . In the l o c a l government town, the issue i s more complex. The underlying n o t i o n of r i s k sharing i s that r i s k exposure ought to be commensurate with 156 ( p o t e n t i a l ) b e n e f i t s received (Paget and Wa l i s s e r , 1983). As the prime b e n e f i c i a r y of r i s k , i t can be argued that the resource company should bear a large share of r i s k . Some scholars (e.g. Bradbury and St . - M a r t i n , 1982) oppose a l t o g e t h e r , the involvement of any party other than the resource company. However, i n the l o c a l government town, not only the company, but the province a l s o , b e n e f i t s through the r e a l i z a t i o n of i t s goals (e.g. economic development, a more f u l l y employed economy). Risk sharing i s c l e a r e r when considered according to the d i f f e r i n g types of goods i n v o l v e d : merit goods ( h e a l t h , education, w e l f a r e ) , municipal goods (e.g. road maintenance, f i r e p r o t e c t i o n ) , and p r i v a t e goods (e.g. housing, r e t a i l i n g : produced and consumed by the p r i v a t e s e c t o r ) . The approach adopted i n regard to Tumbler Ridge was that of sharing r i s k s , p a r t i c u l a r l y those r e l a t e d to municipal and p r i v a t e goods, v i a negotiated c o n t r a c t s . In B.C. the province accepts the investment r i s k associated w i t h the p r o v i s i o n of merit goods and has done so i n Tumbler Ridge. In regard to mu n i c i p a l l y provided goods, the approach was to place the companies on the municipal tax r o l l . This technique i s based on the p r i n c i p l e that w h i l s t the company should bear i t s share of the costs and r i s k s of operating the community, i t i s not necessary that the resource company operate the town to achieve t h i s , as Bradbury and St. Martin (1982) argue should happen. In a d d i t i o n to t a x a t i o n of the mine p r o p e r t i e s , p r o v i s i o n has been made whereby the co a l companies would cover, by ext r a o r d i n a r y payment, the gap between what i s "req u i r e d " and what i s " a v a i l a b l e . " Risk associated with c a p i t a l expenditures financed by long term debentures, was handled by e s t a b l i s h i n g agreements between the town and companies. I f mine cutback or closure leads to a decrease i n the companies property tax payments, a 157 s p e c i a l l e v y comes i n t o operation to meet required annual payments (Paget and W a l i s s e r , 1984). I t has not yet been p o s s i b l e to see whether these pro v i s i o n s w i l l withstand the t e s t of t r i a l . Informed opinion of some observers (e.g. Reid, 1985) i s s k e p t i c a l . Clauses i n the agreement states that they are subject to a l l other l i e n s and charges. In the event of mine f a i l u r e , i t i s l i k e l y that other debtors, owed f a r greater sums i n regard to minesite investments, would have p r i o r i t y over the m u n i c i p a l i t y . In t h i s event, i t i s l i k e l y that the province would regard i t as necessary to provide a s s i s t a n c e to the m u n i c i p a l i t y . The t h i r d c l a s s of property, p r i v a t e goods, i s d i f f i c u l t to deal with. The p r i v a t e market approach to housing and business p r o v i s i o n has been c r i t i c i z e d as representing a s h i f t i n g of current costs and long-term r i s k s from the resource company to the worker who owns a home (Bradbury and S t . - M a r t i n , 1982). Adherents of t h i s point suggest that r e n t i n g or l e a s i n g from the company would be a more appropriate s o l u t i o n . A l t e r n a -t i v e s f o r r i s k s h i f t i n g which at the same time enable p r i v a t e ownership include s i n k i n g funds, a housing buy-back fund, equity insurance (Task Force on Mining Communities, 1982) or reduction of r i s k by c r e a t i n g " r e s i l i e n t communities" (Paget and W a l i s s e r , 1984). A l l have t h e i r merits as methods of r e l e a s i n g p r i v a t e property owners from excessive "equity bondage." In Tumbler Ridge housing buy-back and community r e s i l i e n c e have been adopted. The l a t t e r c a l l s f o r heavy involvement by l o c a l government. The f r a g i l e nature of small businesses i n mining communities i s added to by the f a c t that l o c a l entrepreneurs and s e r v i c e sector workers may not have an understanding of the unce r t a i n and c y c l i c a l nature of the mining i n d u s t r y to which they have t i e d t h e i r l i v e l i h o o d . 158 Outcome. Given the s u b s t a n t i a l involvement of the p r o v i n c i a l govern-ment i n the f i n a n c i n g other elements of the NECD (e.g. r a i l w a y , p o r t ) , the l i a b i l i t y and associated" r i s k of p r o v i n c i a l involvement i n development of the town i s q u i t e s m a l l . 4.3.2.9 Eq u i t y Between Resource Companies Has town development ensured e q u i t y between e x i s t i n g resource companies and the p o t e n t i a l f o r e q u i t a b l e arrangements w i t h f u t u r e resource developers? Background. In resource communities which accommodate ( e i t h e r upon c o n s t r u c t i o n or at a l a t e r date) re s i d e n t s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h more than one reosurce p r o j e c t , there i s a need to ensure the establishment of equitable arrangements i n regard to payment f o r shared f a c i l i t i e s and s e r v i c e s . P o t e n t i a l f o r i n e q u i t a b l e arrangements e x i s t i n p a r t i c u l a r , where resource projects are e s t a b l i s h e d and companies' r e s i d e n t s enter a community at d i f f e r e n t points i n time. In such instances, i n i t i a l c a p i t a l costs of development w i l l have been borne by the o r i g i n a l company or companies. Unless p r o v i s i o n s f o r sharing of these costs with subsequent resource developers are e s t a b l i s h e d , the l a t t e r w i l l b e n e f i t at the expense of the o r i g i n a l company. S t r a t e g i e s . Several proposals were presented by the M i n i s t r y of Mu n i c i p a l A f f a i r s (1977) f o r d e a l i n g with equity issues under the mixed ( l o c a l government) method of development. These included: 1. Imposition of municipal taxes v i a i n c l u s i o n of resource companies on the municipal tax r o l l . 2. Imposition of a "charge" f o r the r i g h t of entry by subsequent companies i n t o the town. 159 In Tumbler Ridge, the f i r s t method was adopted and both Qui n t e t t e and Teck pay taxes to the l o c a l government, amounting to approximately 80% of t o t a l municipal revenues. Establishment of the town i n a manner that ensured equitable arrangements between the two companies was a s s i s t e d by the timing, whereby both p r o j e c t s were developed and brought onstream simultaneously. The most l i k e l y a d d i t i o n a l company i s Petro-Canada. I f the Monkman Coal deposit s i t u a t e d east of Tumbler Ridge Is developed the workforce from t h i s mine would r e s i d e i n Tumbler Ridge. The l o c a l government model, supported by the necessary development agreements provides the tools to ensure equitable treatment of Petro-Canada and e x i s t i n g companies (Teck and Denison). These arrangements in c l u d e : • extension of municipal boundary, • t a x a t i o n of Petro-Canada assets on the same basis as e x i s t i n g companies, • Petro-Canada guarantee of debts f o r municipal s e r v i c e s expanded to serve i t s workforce, • take-up agreements f o r Petro-Canada l o t s . E quity between companies demands that Petro-Canada be treated i n the same way as Teck and Q u i n t e t t e . Outcome. I t i s not p o s s i b l e to be conclusive w i t h regard to the p o t e n t i a l outcome of these arrangements, since the case has not been tested as yet. Since Monkman i s not s i t u a t e d w i t h i n the boundaries of the D i s t r i c t of Tumbler Ridge, i t would be necessary to extend the municipal boundary i f Petro-Canada was to be included on the municipal tax r o l l . Such moves are l i k e l y to be r e s i s t e d by Petro-Canada, however, a strong argument i n favour of extension can be made, based on the p r i n c i p l e of 160 equity between companies. Teck. and Quintette would s t r o n g l y support such moves. The d e c i s i o n w i l l be a p o l i t i c a l one and w i l l have to consider a number of other f a c t o r s besides e q u i t y . Nonetheless, the l o c a l government approach f a c i l i t a t e s r e s o l u t i o n of the " t h i r d man i n " i s s u e . 4.3.2.10 Equity Between Communities Is the standard of services (recreational, health, social) and the level of taxes equitable with those of other communities? Background. The "equity between communities" o b j e c t i v e was intended to provide against u n f a i r treatment of resource communities. Equity was sought i n terms of tax l e v e l s , the l e v e l of e x i s t i n g s e r v i c e s and the a v a i l a b i l i t y and a f f o r d a b i l i t y of land f o r housing and other community development purposes. E q u i t y between the resource community and other l o c a l communities was also d e s i r e d . The compensation o b j e c t i v e was to ensure that f i n a n c i a l requirements, i n excess of those which could be met through normal f i n a n c i n g programs, were to be paid to the m u n i c i p a l i t y by the resource company. From the outset, i t was deemed that Tumbler Ridge should be treated as "normal" i n regard to the standard of f a c i l i t i e s and s e r v i c e s provided, and the p r o v i s i o n of funds f o r t h i s purpose. That i s , i f the standard of se r v i c e s i n Tumbler Ridge was to be higher than what the town was due, based on the standard i n other towns, then the c o a l companies should be responsible f o r meeting the cost d i f f e r e n c e . (See Comprehensive Agreement (1982), Schedule J: Townsite Agreement). The need f o r equity between communities was regarded as a strong reason f o r the adoption of l o c a l government; the establishment of normal l o c a l government i n s t i t u t i o n s and 161 f i n a n c i a l regimes were seen as e s s e n t i a l . In the e a r l y generic document, A l t e r n a t i v e Methods, ( M i n i s t r y of Mu n i c i p a l A f f a i r s , 1977) i t was consider-ed that the " h o r i z o n t a l e q u i t y " issue n e c e s s i t a t e d the adoption of a resource town p o l i c y by which comparable l e v e l s of r i s k p r o t e c t i o n and compensation would be assured to other communities. S t r a t e g i e s . Studies were conducted which considered d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of s e rvices and p r o v i s i o n and tax l e v e l s i n other comparable resource towns (see Sussex Consultants L t d . , 1982). A "base case community" was defined and the concept of " e a r l y maturity" deemed d e s i r a b l e f o r the attainment of c e r t a i n s o c i a l goals was adopted. In accordance wit h the above, a d e c i s i o n was made to b r i n g forward the schedule f o r p r o v i s i o n of some se r v i c e s and f a c i l i t i e s and to increase the l e v e l of s e r v i c e (Rabnett, 1985). A l i s t of "Basic M u n i c i p a l S e r v i c e s " was compiled which s p e c i f i e d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the s e r v i c e s and f a c i l i t i e s , maximum amounts to be expended by the munici-p a l i t y on c o n s t r u c t i o n , and development schedules.^° Four types of "enhancement" can be i d e n t i f i e d , l i s t e d from most tan g i b l e to l e a s t t a n g i b l e . The corresponding items provided i n Tumbler Ridge are i d e n t i f i e d i n column 2 of Table 4.9. Outcome. In assessing the standard of f a c i l i t i e s provided i n Tumbler Ridge, i t i s i n c o r r e c t simply to compare c a p i t a l and operating expenses of that m u n i c i p a l i t y w i t h those of other m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . A high l e v e l of services and a high standard of c o n s t r u c t i o n was adopted, manifested most obviously i n the v i s u a l appearance and design of the Town H a l l and Community Centre. In a d d i t i o n , c e r t a i n costs were incu r r e d i n order to speed up the process of matu r i t y . I t cannot be denied that c o n s t r u c t i o n costs were s u b s t a n t i a l . The v i s i b i l i t y of these apparently oppulent f a c i l i t i e s i s the main reason f o r f a l s e assumptions f r e q u e n t l y made by 162 Table 4.9 Tumbler Ridge - Enhanced F a c i l i t i e s and Services Type of Enhancement Items i n Tumbler Ridge Additional c a p i t a l expenditures Non-standard components of community centre: L i b r a r y * Meeting Rooms Daycare** S o c i a l Area Restaurant Bar 2. Additional operational/ administrative expenditures As f o r (1) plus: Social/sporting programs, higher cost of architecture urban design and planning. TV society. 3. Enhanced q u a l i t y of f a c i l i t i e s Community centre Town Centre Streetscape Town H a l l School F i r e H a l l 4. Enhanced organization of f a c i l i t i e s Health & Soc i a l Services Centre Community Centre * Advanced with respect to timing. ** Advanced with respect to timing and method of provision (municipality instead of community based). 163 v i s i t o r s , members of p u b l i c g e n e r a l l y , o p p o s i t i o n p o l i t i c i a n s and even some members of the government, regarding the extent of p r o v i n c i a l f i n a n c i a l involvement i n the town. However, per c a p i t a operating costs i n Tumbler Ridge are of s i m i l a r magnitude ($487) to those i n comparable towns ($511) (1984 d a t a ) , once allowance i s made f o r i n i t i a l s t a r t - u p c o s t s , which are a feature of any new community, and w i l l d e c l i n e to zero w i t h i n approximately f i v e years. The D i s t r i c t of Tumbler Ridge has the l a r g e s t per c a p i t a i n d u s t r i a l tax base of any comparable m u n i c i p a l i t y i n the province (see s e c t i o n 4.3.2.7). When property tax rates are compared, the rate f o r r e s i d e n t i a l property i n Tumbler Ridge ranks as moderate to low (see Table 4.10). The framework f o r deciding what i s reasonable i n Tumbler Ridge d i f f e r s sub-s t a n t i a l l y from that i n other m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . ^ In a l o c a l government system, " [ i t ] cannot [be said] that there i s a d e f i n i t i v e normative l e v e l of s e r v i c e ; r e s i d e n t s should be free to choose the type of se r v i c e s and the l e v e l of s e r v i c e they want, but w i t h i n the context of t h e i r w i l l i n g -ness to pay "(Paget, 1985a:5). Whilst the "equity between communities" o b j e c t i v e r e q u i r e s that standards adopted i n Tumbler Ridge not be t o t a l l y out of l i n e w i t h standards i n other resource towns, i t i s u n r e a l i s t i c and, given the revenue-raising c a p a c i t y of the m u n i c i p a l i t y , unnecessary, that d i r e c t c omparability should be the sole c r i t e r i o n f o r determining what i s "normal" with regard to the p r o v i s i o n of se r v i c e s and f a c i l i t i e s . However, reasonable treatment of the co a l companies and an appropriate l e v e l of resident f i s c a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y would suggest that there be some minimal l o c a l f i s c a l e f f o r t and a l i m i t on taxing the companies. Equity between Tumbler Ridge and other communities i n the surrounding region was assured by the establishment of l o c a l government and r e g i o n a l 164 Table 4.10 B.C. Resource Towns: Property charges^ per average house 2 3 Town 1984 Population Property charge Gold River 2, 239 $441 E l k f o r d 4, 050 457 Sparwood 4, 922 510 Logan Lake^ 2, 819 537 Chetwynd^ 2, 893 541 Hous ton 4, 042 566 Mackenzie 5, 837 580 Port Hardy 5, 845 612 Stewart 1, 567 742 Fernie 5, 559 747 Tahsis 1, 732 781 Kimberley 7, 360 796 Column Average 4, 072 $609 Tumbler Ridge 4, 200 $529 1 Includes t o t a l annual user charges (water, sewer, garbage) and municipal taxes. 2 Average house value i s net s i n g l e family house as per B.C. Assessment A u t h o r i t y data. 3 Tumbler Ridge population based on occupied dwellings; other populations from M i n i s t r y of Industry and Small Business Development. 4 Logan Lake and Chetwynd tax rates include r e g i o n a l d i s t r i c t s p e c i f i e d area assessment l e v i e s . Source: Sussex Consultants L t d . 165 r e l a t i o n s from the outset. The mayor of Tumbler Ridge was a member of the Regional D i s t r i c t , Regional H o s p i t a l Board and School Board. In essence, d i f f e r e n c e s between standards i n Tumbler Ridge and other communities simply i l l u s t r a t e Oates' (1972) d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n theorem: that l o c a l governments e x i s t to be d i f f e r e n t from one another. 4.3.2.11 Community M a t u r i t y / S t a b i l i t y Have efforts to hasten the progression of the community towards the "mature" stage of development been effective? Background. Studies discussed i n Chapter 2 demonstrated the v i t a l r o l e played by community services i n the r e a l and perceived w e l l - b e i n g of resource town r e s i d e n t s . The importance of community f a c i l i t i e s and s e r v i c e s has r e c e n t l y been reconfirmed i n a comprehensive study of f i v e 18 western Canadian resource communities (Roberts and F i s h e r , 1984). Roberts and F i s h e r observe that: I t can be seen that the [resource] communities are s t a b i l i z i n g . . . . The unique s i t u a t i o n seems to be that the new, growth communities are s t a b i l i z i n g more q u i c k l y than has p r e v i o u s l y been the s i t u a t i o n (P- 154). This trend can, to a large extent, be a t t r i b u t e d to the nature of plan-ning; d e l i b e r a t e l y adopted community development s t r a t e g i e s have encourag-ed r a p i d maturation of the community and t r u n c a t i o n of the e a r l i e r stages through which the community passes. The purpose of t h i s s e c t i o n i s to consider the approach to community development i n Tumbler Ridge and to assess, to the extent that i t i s p o s s i b l e at t h i s p o i n t , what the outcome has been. An in-depth e v a l u a t i o n of community development i n Tumbler Ridge i s proposed (see Shera, n.d.). 166 Roberts and F i s h e r (1984) found a consensus of resident opinion t h a t , f o r i n i t i a l development of a town, high q u a l i t y health and education s e r v i c e s were e s s e n t i a l . A second l e v e l of p r i o r i t y included commercial, p u b l i c , r e c r e a t i o n and j u s t i c e s e r v i c e s . A t h i r d l e v e l i n d i c a t e d the need f o r entertainment, human resources and other s e r v i c e s . Residents empha-s i z e d that a broad range of community se r v i c e s are e s s e n t i a l to a town's success; e q u a l l y c r i t i c a l are the timing and q u a l i t y of the s e r v i c e s . S t r a t e g i e s . Population and workforce s t a b i l i t y Is a key concern f o r a l l p a r t i e s involved i n resource town development and an important i n d i c a -tor of community matu r i t y . M u n i c i p a l and p r o v i n c i a l government i n t e r v e n t i o n , the e a r l y establishment of l o c a l autonomous government, greater p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n community a c t i v i t i e s , and the growing awareness that small town l i f e s t y l e s can be preferable to those of the big c i t y ; these a l l have r e s u l t e d i n i n c r e a s i n g s t a b i l i t y i n the communities (Roberts and F i s h e r , 1984:154). In August 1984, w i t h i n two years of the commencement of mining operations a t Tumbler Ridge, Teck and Quintette reported remarkably low 19 workforce turnover rates of 12% and 30% per annum, r e s p e c t i v e l y . These compare with annual turnover rates i n excess of 100% f o r e a r l i e r P i l b a r a and B.C. towns at an equivalent age (Taylor et a l . , 1981). Generally, 25-30% p.a. turnover i n a f a i r l y mature community i s regarded as acceptable by resource companies since i t allows a s u f f i c i e n t degree of "new in p u t " i n t o the community and enables workforce promotion. In large p a r t , the explanation f o r the low turnover In Tumbler Ridge l i e s w i t h the depressed economic conditions that p r e v a i l e d at the time when the NECD was es t a b l i s h e d and f o r some time t h e r e a f t e r . Due to the "resources boom" that e x i s t e d i n the l a t e 1970's when i n i t i a l planning f or the NECD took 167 place, I t had been assumed that strong i n c e n t i v e s (e.g. high standard of community f a c i l i t i e s , s i z e of housing s u b s i d i e s ) would be required to a t t r a c t and r e t a i n a p p r o p r i a t e l y s k i l l e d labour i n a competitive market. By the time recruitment commenced i n March 1983 labour was r e a d i l y a v a i l a -ble due to the slow-down and closure of a number of mines i n B r i t i s h Columbia ( G r a n i s l e , K i t s a u l t , Fraser Lake), the Yukon (Faro) and eastern provinces. Recruitment took place s u b s t a n t i a l l y w i t h i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Undoubtedly population s t a b i l i t y has been aided s u b s t a n t i a l l y by programs designed f o r t h i s purpose, however i t i s not p o s s i b l e to d i s c e r n p r e c i s e l y the e f f e c t s of these r e l a t i v e to " e x t e r n a l " f a c t o r s : the p r o v i n c i a l and world economy. Both c o a l companies a n t i c i p a t e an increase i n workforce turnover when economic co n d i t i o n s improve and worker m o b i l i t y i n c r e a s e s . A core of experienced mine workers was required at f i r s t to enable the o p e r a t i o n a l phase to commence on time and to f a c i l i t a t e t r a i n i n g of inexperienced employees. This influenced the demographic s t r u c t u r e of the town, which was comprised i n i t i a l l y of more mature f a m i l i e s with adoles-cent c h i l d r e n . This has subsequently been counter-balanced and younger f a m i l i e s , s t i l l i n the process of formation and/or with elementary age c h i l d r e n , c u r r e n t l y predominate. A community o f f i c i a l reported a work-force m a r i t a l s t r u c t u r e of two-thirds married and o n e - t h i r d unmarried (Moser, 1984), s i m i l a r to that of somewhat l o n g e r - e s t a b l i s h e d P i l b a r a towns. Where prospective employees were equal on a l l other counts, at l e a s t one company's recruitment p o l i c y gave preference to married over s i n g l e a p p l i c a n t s . The absence of accommodation designed s p e c i f i c a l l y f o r s i n g l e employees (e.g. b a r r a c k s - s t y l e s i n g l e men's quarters) as e x i s t s i n P i l b a r a towns and other B.C. resource communities i s l i k e l y to have discouraged s i n g l e people from remaining beyond the c o n s t r u c t i o n period 168 when bunkhouse and mess f a c i l i t i e s were provided. The consequence has been the establishment of a l e s s abnormal demographic s t r u c t u r e at an e a r l i e r date. Tumbler Ridge i s notable f o r i t s p h y s i c a l i n t e g r a t i o n of s i n g l e accommodation and w i l l undoubtedly b e n e f i t from a reduced incidence of r e s u l t a n t s o c i a l problems (e.g. s o c i a l stigma and g h e t t o i z a t i o n ) (see G r i b b i n , 1981; G r i b b i n and Brealey, 1981). There i s an i n t e r m i x of Teck, Quint e t t e and p r i v a t e housing on a s t r e e t s i d e - b y - s t r e e t s i d e b a s i s . This helps overcome p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l segregation. However, the sheer s i z e 21 of the Quintette workforce i n e v i t a b l y leads to a predominance by t h i s company. Apartments c u r r e n t l y comprise l e s s than 30% of t o t a l housing stock, a r e l a t i v e l y low p r o p o r t i o n which i s u s u a l l y i n d i c a t i v e of a mature community (Rabnett, 1985) The absence of s i n g l e family houses f o r rent has acted as a strong d i s i n c e n t i v e to uncommitted, short-term a p p l i c a n t s and/or employees. Discussions w i t h r e s i d e n t s i n d i c a t e d that most are planning a f i v e year stay, though up to ten years i s not uncommon. When economic co n d i t i o n s become more favourable, i t i s l i k e l y that people who are resident i n Tumbler Ridge p r i m a r i l y through l a c k of a l t e r n a t i v e employment options w i l l depart, l e a v i n g a residue of more committed, p o t e n t i a l l y longer term r e s i d e n t s . The i n f l u e n c e of house ownership can be expected to have a 22 p o s i t i v e e f f e c t on r e s i d e n t ' s propensity to remain i n the community. More d i f f i c u l t to assess i s the extent to which a "sense of community" has developed, and whether r e s i d e n t s , as yet, regard Tumbler Ridge as t h e i r "home." Community i d e n t i t y i s dependent i n t e r a l i a on r e s i d e n t involvement i n s o c i a l and community a c t i v i t i e s . Recognizing t h i s during the planning phase, p r o v i s i o n was made to a c t i v e l y f a c i l i t a t e i n t e g r a t i o n of new r e s i d e n t s i n t o the community and to encourage p a r t i c i -169 pation i n the formation of s o c i a l , c u l t u r a l , and r e c r e a t i o n a l associa-t i o n s . This was based on the p r i n c i p l e that those who were to l i v e i n the community (I.e. the operational phase residents) should take a major r o l e 23 i n determining i t s nature. The Director of Community Services (DCS), 24 appointed by the municipality, adopted a proactive community development role as c a t a l y s t , coordinator and key l i a i s o n person. This greatly expedited and enhanced the establishment of formal and informal s o c i a l networks. Community development e f f o r t s i n Tumbler Ridge focussed on: 1. the provision of information on the community to new residents and the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of needs, resources and requirements of new residents; 2. the development of community leadership and community problem solving c a p a b i l i t y , and 3. encouraging the involvement of residents i n their community through various mechanisms. A plethora of interest-groups and organizations were quickly 25 established. Recognizing the special d i f f i c u l t i e s t y p i c a l l y faced by certain sub-groups within a resource community, p a r t i c u l a r e f f o r t s were devoted to developing programs for mothers, small children and teenagers. Whilst enabling community development, the DCS refrained from doing too much which can s t i f l e community i n i t i a t i v e ; the emphasis remained on a pa r t i c i p a t o r y approach. In carrying out the task of community formation, the DCS adopted the strategy of using the region as a "surrogate parent" (Talbot, 1985). Organizations were formed in conjunction with e x i s t i n g organizations within the region. Infant Tumbler Ridge associations were "nurtured" i n t h i s manner u n t i l they were capable of functioning indepen-170 dently. Similar to experiences elsewhere (Pressman and Wildavsky, 1984), early promotional information issued by the coal companies was reported to have created u n r e a l i s t i c expectations on the part of some new residents i n regard to the town (Talbot, 1985). Involvement of such people i n com-munity a c t i v i t i e s was the primary means used to bring such expectations into l i n e with r e a l i t y . A Community Services Committee was established to coordinate and integrate the variety of community development i n i t i a t i v e s that were occurring. The Committee which met monthly, was chaired by the DCS and included the heads of a l l s o c i a l agencies i n the town and the two mine managers. Early i n 1985, a new DCS was appointed. There has been an associated change i n philosophy underlying recreation and s o c i a l development from proactive to r e a c t i v e . The present recreation d i r e c t o r views his role and that of the community centre as f a c i l i t a t i n g or accommodating the i n i t i a -tives of community members, rather than a c t i v e l y fostering resident p a r t i -cipation as was previously the case. This approach may be appropriate i n a community where s o c i a l networks are well-established but seems somewhat premature in a s t i l l nascent community. Development of an active and involved community was greatly f a c i l i -tated by the provision of an extensive community centre that functions as the physical f o c a l point for community a c t i v i t i e s situated at the western end of the town centre, i t acts as a pole of a t t r a c t i o n , counterbalancing the c i v i c pole (the town h a l l ) at the eastern end of "Main Street." The community centre i s comprised of a c u r l i n g rink, skating/hockey arena, 26 dining lounge food preparation area, i n t e r a c t i o n area, l i q u o r lounge, meeting rooms, day-care centre, l i b r a r y and o f f i c e s . The centre somewhat surpasses the standard of f a c i l i t i e s available i n towns of equivalent 171 s i z e . This i s the outcome of the s u b s t a n t i a l f i n a n c i a l c a p a c i t y of the m u n i c i p a l i t y (see s e c t i o n 4.3.2.10), a d e l i b e r a t e d e c i s i o n by company managerial personnel to supplement the " b a s i c " f a c i l i t i e s that could be provided by the m u n i c i p a l i t y and the need f o r i n c e n t i v e s to a t t r a c t workers (discussed above). The r o l e and nature of other town centre f a c i l i t i e s were discussed i n s e c t i o n 4.3.3.5. These complement the func-t i o n and f a c i l i t i e s of the community centre and a s s i s t i n p r o v i d i n g a range of f a c i l i t i e s that Roberts and F i s h e r (1984) i d e n t i f y as being important to community development and s a t i s f a c t i o n . C i t i z e n enfranchisement through the e a r l y establishment of l o c a l self-government has also c o n t r i b u t e d g r e a t l y to f o s t e r i n g sense of i d e n t i t y w i t h i n the community. Local government was discussed i n s e c t i o n 4.3.2.3. Health p r o v i s i o n s i n Tumbler Ridge are provided from the d i a g n o s t i c and treatment centre. This f a c i l i t y was designed to i n t e g r a t e health and s o c i a l s e r v ices i n one b u i l d i n g . I t combines the primary hea l t h f a c i l i -t i e s (doctor, d e n t i s t , p u b l i c health nurse) and secondary f a c i l i t i e s (emergency s e r v i c e s (ambulance)) and limited-treatment f a c i l i t i e s . This method i s c o n s i s t e n t with the approach adopted i n small communities throughout the province. Medical services are operated by a community-based a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . An a d m i n i s t r a t o r who has the a u t h o r i t y to r e c r u i t h e a l t h centre s t a f f i s responsible to a Board of D i r e c t o r s . Members of the Board, at f i r s t appointed, are now s e l e c t e d from the community i n the manner of a h e a l t h s o c i e t y . The town does not have a h o s p i t a l . P a t i e n t s r e q u i r i n g h o s p i t a l treatment t r a v e l to e i t h e r Chetwynd (93 km over paved road) or Dawson Creek (124 km over unpaved road). Resident d i s s a t i s f a c -t i o n has been expressed regarding t h i s s i t u a t i o n . This w i l l be a l l e v i a t e d 172 to some extent by the p r o v i s i o n of an a i r ambulance s e r v i c e when an a i r -port i s e s t a b l i s h e d i n the near f u t u r e . A branch of the M i n i s t r y of Human Resources was e s t a b l i s h e d operating from the d i a g n o s t i c and treatment centre, but closed i n e a r l y 1985. I t i s unclear whether t h i s c l o s u r e was caused by p r o v i n c i a l expenditure r e s t r a i n t or lack of caseload i n the town. Tumbler Ridge i s now s e r v i c e d from Chetwynd. Education f a c i l i t i e s include a high school and elementary school. A second elementary school i s under c o n s t r u c t i o n . When opened i n December 1985 i t w i l l overcome crowding problems at the e x i s t i n g elementary school which have been the cause of some reside n t a n x i e t y . The high school i s s i t u a t e d i n the "downtown" area adjacent to the community centre to enable 27 j o i n t school-community use of f a c i l i t i e s . A proposed branch of the Northern L i g h t s College has not yet been e s t a b l i s h e d , although p r o v i s i o n f o r t h i s has been made i n town centre plans. Outcome. From the foregoing i t i s apparent that Tumbler Ridge i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a more st a b l e community than could be expected on the basis of e a r l i e r resource community experience. The r e l a t i v e l y high l e v e l of s t a b i l i t y i n r e l a t i o n to the age of the community can be a t t r i b u t e d , to a c e r t a i n extent to exogenous economic f a c t o r s which have discouraged workforce turnover. However, the p o s i t i v e i n f l u e n c e of s o c i a l l y s e n s i t i v e planning and the manner i n which these plans were implemented have c o n t r i -buted s i g n i f i c a n t l y to community matu r i t y . I t i s the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of l o c a l p o l i t i c i a n s , t h e i r s t a f f and p r o f e s s i o n a l advisors to ensure that soundly-based i n i t i a t i v e s continue to guide development of the community. In t h i s r espect, i t i s important to acknowledge that p r i o r i t i e s change over time, depending on the age and l i f e s t y l e of the r e s i d e n t s and on the age and maturity of the community (Roberts and F i s h e r , 1984; G i l l , 19844). 173 Only an awareness of these changing needs, obtained through ongoing evaluation and assessment, w i l l enable appropriate, responsive action to be taken. 4.4 Assessment Summary To create a s o c i a l l y cohesive, f i n a n c i a l l y v i a b l e , s e l f -governing community conducive to a t t r a c t i n g and r e t a i n i n g a st a b l e workforce• On many counts, i t has been shown that the local government method of resource town development has functioned very favourably. An organiza-tional structure which permitted a substantial degree of f l e x i b i l i t y enabled implementation of the project to proceed in a fa i r ly efficient manner, a necessity given the externally-imposed deadlines. The selection of a highly committed, appropriately ski l led development team was c r i t i c a l to the successful implementation of the project. An area in which par t i -cular success is apparent is that of community development. This has been faci l i tated by the provision of above-average physical f a c i l i t i e s , made possible by innovative financial arrangements. The success of community development is due in large part to recognition of the need for active intervention designed to encourage participation from the outset. Together these factors have enabled a degree of s tabi l i ty and progress towards the stage of maturity well in advance of what would normally be possible. The relative ease with which the transition to f u l l local government has occurred is a particularly favourable feature of this development method. Local self governance has been received with enthu-siasm and even impatience by local residents, a further indicator of community involvement. 174 The p r o v i s i o n of s e r v i c e sector housing remains however, problematic. In the absence of guarantees f o r s e r v i c e sector loans, a piecemeal approach has been necessary. Within these c o n s t r a i n t s , l o c a l government has made s i g n i f i c a n t c o n t r i b u t i o n s through i t s r o l e as ne g o t i a t o r and f a c i l i t a t o r . I t i s e s s e n t i a l f o r f u r t h e r research to be undertaken and that an e a r l i e r s t a r t i n n e g o t i a t i o n and brokerage be made when the l o c a l government development model i s next a p p l i e d . W h i l s t i n no way d i m i n i s h -i n g the achievements of the Tumbler Ridge p r o j e c t , i t i s important to recognize the i n f l u e n c e of broader p o l i t i c a l and economic f a c t o r s and the subtl e d i f f e r e n c e between " e a r l y m a t u r i t y " and "forced growth." I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t that both senior government o f f i c i a l s (Harkness, 1985) and corporate executives (Hallbauer, 1985) have expressed t h e i r s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h the outcome of the m u n i c i p a l l y - l e a d resource town development i n Tumbler Ridge. Given appropriate circumstances (e.g. adequate workforce s i z e , l o c a t i o n ) both sectors have i n d i c a t e d t h e i r support for t h i s development method i n e s t a b l i s h i n g future resource-based settlements. 175 NOTES 1. Rossi and Freeman use " e v a l u a t i o n " and "evaluation research" i n t e r -changeably. 2. Due to the i n t e r r e l a t e d n e s s of impact assessment, p r o j e c t e v a l u a t i o n and implementation assessment discussed above the observations made by Torgerson (1980) and Nash et a l . (1975) apply a l s o to the Tumbler Ridge assessment. 3. In a recent study of S e a t t l e ' s executive planning agency, Dalton (1985) examines how, i n an urban s e t t i n g the o r g a n i z a t i o n of planning a f f e c t s i t s performance. 4. CMHC i s an exception here. See s e c t i o n 4.3.2.1. 5. Instrumental In having permanent post o f f i c e f a c i l i t i e s e s t a b l i s h e d and person nominated by c o u n c i l to d i r e c t Kinuseo housing coop group. 6. An u n o f f i c i a l estimate by a municipal a d m i n i s t r a t o r i n d i c a t e d between 1500 and 2000 r e s i d e n t s were e l i g i b l e (population a t November 1984 approximately 3500). E l i g i b i l i t y c r i t e r i a are: over age 19; reside n t i n Canada f o r 12 months, i n B.C. fo r 6 months and Tumbler Ridge f o r 3 months. Ownership of r e a l property i s not a p r e r e q u i s i t e . 7. Detomasi (1984) reported that no cooperative housing e x i s t e d i n resource towns i n North America; however, there was an u n s u c c e s s f u l ! coop development i n Mackenzie, B.C, and one developed i n Tumbler Ridge subsequent to that p u b l i c a t i o n . 8. Includes town centre operators, s e r v i c e commercial and i n d u s t r i a l (excluding c o a l companies) businesses. 9. In Newman, a P i l b a r a mining town separated from other towns by sever a l hundred k i l o m e t r e s , commercial development has been severely r e s t r i c t e d by land tenure and monopoly agreements. A l t e r n a t i v e forms of access to s e r v i c e s were evident on a large s c a l e . Together mai l o r d e r i n g , d i r e c t bulk buying and major vacation shopping excursions accounted f o r 35%-40% of t o t a l expenditure by the 6,200 r e s i d e n t s . Almost 100 home-based i n d u s t r i e s , many of a commercial scale had become e s t a b l i s h e d to cater f o r the inadequacy of town centre f a c i l i t i e s (Taylor and B u r r e l l , 1981). This phenomenon e x i s t e d i n most of the other P i l b a r a towns on a s i m i l a r scale (McGrath, 1982). 10. One of the major purposes of no r m a l i z a t i o n of the P i l b a r a towns was to enable the establishment of a more competitive and diverse r e t a i l s e c tor. Even i n Karratha, an "open" town, agreements between the main grocery r e t a i l e r , g a s o l i n e company and bank, and the i r o n ore company provided e x c l u s i v e monopoly trading r i g h t s to those r e t a i l e r s f o r f i f t e e n years. The p o l i c y to normalize P i l b a r a towns has now rendered these v o i d (Lawn, 1985). 176 11. Tumbler Ridge has a f o o t h i l l s c l i m a t e , benign by northern standards (Lang & Armour, 1982). Although the enclosed m a l l was r e j e c t e d , pedestrian comfort was w e l l recognized i n town centre. Design c r i t e r i a took account of wind tunnel e f f e c t s , I n s o l a t i o n , roof slope and s h e l t e r requirements. 12. S p e c i f i e d area l o t s are subject to a s p e c i a l tax f o r the maintenance of parking areas. 13. A comprehensive l i s t i n g of studies r e l a t i n g to b i o p h y s i c a l c h aracter-i s t i c s and landform c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of Tumbler Ridge i s given i n M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s (1979a). 14. 1980 p r i c e subject to e s c a l a t i o n i n accordance with the Vancouver Consumer P r i c e Index. 15. Tax payments by the co a l companies are secured by guarantees. See s e c t i o n 4.3.2.8. 16. Basic M u n i c i p a l Services (1981 p r i c e s ) : Municipal H a l l - $758,000; F i r e H a l l - $531,000; P u b l i c Works B u i l d i n g - $398,000; Outdoor Recreation ( p l a y i n g f i e l d s and r e l a t e d improvements) - $450,000; L a n d f i l l - $280,000; Community Centre - $10,841,000; Town Centre (landscaping, community plaza and grassed area); Roads (two N-S a r t e r i a l roads, three roads d e f i n i n g commerical core, s t r e e t s and parking area of commercial core) - $6,878,000; Water - $5,276,000; San i t a r y Sewer - $3,691,000; Storm Drainage - $2,603,000. (Townsite Agreement (1982), Appendix A). 17. In 1985 the coal companies lodged an appeal f o r reassessment of the i n d u s t r i a l property tax base which they considered excessive. At J u l y 1985, the d e c i s i o n on t h i s was s t i l l pending. 18. The towns were F o r t McMurray ( A l b e r t a ) , Leaf Rapids (Manitoba), K i t i m a t , Sparwood and E l k f o r d ( B r i t i s h Columbia). The study was undertaken i n 1982 by P r a x i s , a S o c i a l Planning Company f o r Canstar O i l Sands L i m i t e d . I t was to a s s i s t Canstar i n developing housing and other corporate community p o l i c i e s i n regard to proposed o i l sands development i n the Athabasca o i l sands region i n northeastern A l b e r t a . Due to economic depression i n the e a r l y 1980s, the develop-ment has not proceeded. 19. In June 1985, Quin t e t t e turnover had declined to 22% p.a. These fi g u r e s r e l a t e to the o p e r a t i o n a l workforce. Turnover data during the c o n s t r u c t i o n phase are not a v a i l a b l e . 20. Seventy percent of the Teck workforce o r i g i n a t e d from B.C. (mostly K i t s a u l t , G r a n i s l e , Fraser Lake and Kamloops) and 30% from the Yukon and A l b e r t a . Ex-Newfoundland miners were r e c r u i t e d but not o n - s i t e , most workers having taken jobs i n the Yukon or G r a n i s l e i n the i n t e r i m . Quintette Coal L t d . , also placed emphasis on B.C. r e c r u i t -ment but was required to draw q u a l i f i e d employees from a wider f i e l d . 177 21. When the present phase of development i s completed the Teck workforce w i l l be 450 and the Quintette workforce approximately 1600. 22. Housing equity i s discussed f u r t h e r i n s e c t i o n 4.2.3.9. 23. I n i t i a l l y known as the D i r e c t o r of S o c i a l Development. 24. The DCS was I n i t i a l l y a contract p o s i t i o n and subsequently became a municipal employee. The present DCS i s a municipal employee. 25. Between 20 and 30 groups and a s s o c i a t i o n s were formed i n the f i r s t 6-8 months of occupance (Talbot, 1985). Bowles (1981) i d e n t i f i e s spontaneous r e s i d e n t i n t e r a c t i o n as a c e n t r a l dimension of community s o c i a l v i t a l i t y . 26. U n t i l mid 1985 the community centre l i q u o r lounge provided the only bar s e r v i c e i n Tumbler Ridge. Liquor services have r e c e n t l y been reduced i n r e c o g n i t i o n of the newly e s t a b l i s h e d commercial bar. 27. In June 1985 i t was reported (Goode, 1985) that present j o i n t use arrangements had not been adequately e s t a b l i s h e d . J o i n t use agree-ments were to be negotiated between the r e g i o n a l d i s t r i c t and Tumbler Ridge schools to enable t h i s to occur. 178 CHAPTER 5 RESOURCE COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT: IMPLICATIONS AND TRANSFERABILITY 5.1 I n t r o d u c t i o n This chapter steps back from the close-up examination of the Tumbler Ridge p r o j e c t presented i n the l a s t two chapters. Drawing on the under-standing of the l o c a l government model and i t s associated strengths and weaknesses revealed by the assessment, t h i s chapter w i l l consider two r e l a t e d dimensions of resource community development. F i r s t l y i t w i l l examine the i m p l i c a t i o n s of the Tumbler Ridge project f o r future resource community development i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Part of t h i s involves a c o n s i -d e r a t i o n of the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between p r o v i n c i a l settlement p o l i c y (of which resource communities are a subset), to other p o l i c y areas - economic and environmental. Secondly, i t w i l l examine whether, and under what circumstances, the l o c a l government model and the concept of s e l f gover-nance are relevant to resource community development i n other j u r i s d i c -t i o n s . This e n t a i l s the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and t h e o r e t i c a l d i s c u s s i o n of a "governance system." 5.2 Future Resource Community Development i n B r i t i s h Columbia In Chapter 2 three phases of resource community development were i d e n t i f i e d . The most recent of these was cha r a c t e r i z e d as the " l o c a l government" e r a . I t i s important to reconsider b r i e f l y whether, i n f a c t , the establishment of Tumbler Ridge by the m u n i c i p a l i t y , and the p r i o r expansion of E l k f o r d using a s i m i l a r method, c o n s t i t u t e a d i s t i n c t and separate era. Is i t , l i k e previous phases, a l s o t r a n s i t o r y ; part of an ongoing process of evolution? Or a l t e r n a t i v e l y , i s t h i s change j u s t a 179 temporary a b e r r a t i o n to be followed by a r e t u r n to one of the former methods of resource town development? The c r i t i c a l t e s t i s r e a l l y what method(s) of developing resource towns are adopted i n the f u t u r e . I f future resource settlements are also e s t a b l i s h e d by municipal corporations then i t i s f a i r to assert that the l o c a l government model does c o n s t i t u t e a new and d i s t i n c t e r a . I f E l k f o r d and Tumbler Ridge are the only towns b u i l t using the l o c a l government approach, with subsequent resource-based settlements being e s t a b l i s h e d as company towns i n which company governance p r e v a i l s e n t i r e l y or f o r a s u b s t a n t i a l period p r i o r to l o c a l governance, then i t would seem that these two centres represent merely a passing f l i r t a t i o n of the p r o v i n c i a l government with the "partnership" approach. I f the successor of the l o c a l government town i s another type of resource settlement, d i s s i m i l a r to both the l o c a l government town and e a r l i e r methods of resource town development (company or " i n s t a n t " town) then the l o c a l government town can a p p r o p r i a t e l y be regarded as a d i s t i n c t phase but t r a n s i t i o n a l i n nature, forming a bridge between a past and f u t u r e era. During the 1970's and 1980's, there emerged a consensus that e a r l i e r forms of resource town development were u n s a t i s f a c t o r y f o r the reasons discussed i n Chapter 2. The l o c a l government town i s the product of a search f o r a " b e t t e r " method of developing resource towns. Given the favourable d i s p o s i t i o n of both resource developers and the p r o v i n c i a l m i n i s t r y i n charge of settlement towards the l o c a l government development method, the issue of what form f u t u r e resource community development w i l l take, i s e s s e n t i a l l y p o l i t i c a l : w i l l the government of the day acknowledge the b e n e f i t s that were achieved by having the town " b u i l d i t s e l f " ? This 180 question cannot be answered c o n c l u s i v e l y u n t i l there i s cause once again for cabinet to decide upon the i s s u e . However, a reading of the waters can be obtained through a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the evolving nature of p r o v i n -c i a l settlement p o l i c y and s o c i e t a l concepts of governance. This t e n t a -t i v e t h e o r e t i c a l d i s c u s s i o n i s based on the foregoing a n a l y s i s and ex p l o r a t i o n of the l i t e r a t u r e , an examination of p o l i c y documents and disc u s s i o n s w i t h senior bureaucrats and planners who advise government on such matters. 5.2.1 P o l i c y context The o v e r a l l goal of the Province i n regard to resource community development i s p r o s p e r i t y , or the Improvement of the economic and s o c i a l w ell-being of B r i t i s h Columbians. 1 Urban p o l i c y , of which settlement p o l i c y 2 i s an element, i s one of a number of p r o v i n c i a l " p o l i c y s e c t o r s . " This o v e r a l l goal i s comprised of three " p o l i c y f i e l d s " - economic development, environmental land use, and s o c i a l s e r v i c e s - each of which contributes to the achievement of economic and s o c i a l w e l l - b e i n g . Well-being i s maximized when there i s a balanced mix of ob j e c t i v e s from the three p o l i c y f i e l d s (see Figure 5.1). Economic Social Environmental Figure 5.1 P o l i c y I d e a l . Equal balance between three p o l i c y f i e l d s . Source: O r i g i n a l . 181 Well designed urban p o l i c y c ontributes to economic development i n many ways. In B r i t i s h Columbia, urban p o l i c y i s guided by four p r i n c i p l e s : (1) e f f i c i e n c y i n the a l l o c a t i o n and use of l o c a l goverment resources; (2) equity i n s e r v i c e d e l i v e r y between and w i t h i n urban areas, (3) m o b i l i t y of the labour force; and (4) l i v a b i l i t y through safe, a t t r a c t i v e , v i a b l e , self-governing communities. Urban p o l i c y c o n s i s t s of a number of d i f f e r e n t " p o l i c y elements" each of which c o n t r i b u t e s to the achievement of the above p r i n c i p l e s . One " p o l i c y element" i s that r e l a t i n g to resource towns (see Figure 5.2). Resource town p o l i c y i s instrumental i n a t t a i n i n g the m o b i l i t y and l i v a b i l i t y goals of urban p o l i c y . 5.2.2 P r o v i n c i a l P o l i c y and Involvement i n Resource Town  Development Recognition of the three components of increased p r o s p e r i t y has been a gradual, evolving process. In the pre-war and e a r l y post-war period, the achievement of t h i s goal was conceived by the province, s o l e l y i n terms of economic development. The s o c i a l and environmental components were unrecognized (see F i g u r e 5.3). Consequently resource e x t r a c t i o n proceeded without adequate p r o v i s i o n for the s o c i a l needs of workers or p r o t e c t i o n of the environment. The "sleep camp" and "company town" were manifestations of the predominance of economic goals and p o l i c y and the neglect of settlement and environmental p o l i c i e s . During the 1960's the s o c i a l component of growth began to be recog-nized. This underlay the l e g i s l a t i v e and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e changes which OVERALL GOAL Prosperity: Economic and Social Well-Belng PROVINCIAL POLICY FIELDS Economic Development S o c i a l S e r v i c e ! Environment & Landuse 71 PROVINCIAL POLICY SECTORS Urban/ Environ. Agrlc Forests Recreation. Highways Housing Settlement. Protection Manpower Parks Energy Statistics Etc. URBAN SECTOR POLICY ELEMENTS Efficient Information Urban Building Resource Municipal Improved Grant Fiscal Provlnclal- Boundary Rural Landuse & Analysis Development Standards Towns Focus Planning Programs Equity Munclclpal Organization Services Framework Coordinat ion Figure 5.2 Resource town policy: Context and related policy areas Source: Paget, 1985. Economic Social Erwron mental Figure 5.3 P o l i c y i n the pre-world war I I and e a r l y post-war p e r i o d . Economic p o l i c y predominates; s o c i a l and environmental p o l i c i e s neglected. Source: O r i g i n a l . introduced the " i n s t a n t town." However, these m o d i f i c a t i o n s were i n e f f e c -t i v e i n achieving d e s i r e d s o c i a l change. This i s demonstrated by the con-t i n u a t i o n of problems discussed i n Chapter 2. The f a i l u r e to a r t i c u l a t e a resource settlement p o l i c y or to adequately define s o c i a l goals f a c i l i -tated the continued subservience of s o c i a l needs to the achievement of economic development p o l i c y . During the e a r l y post-war p e r i o d , environmental p o l i c y also remained unrecognized and u n a r t i c u l a t e d . Concern regarding man's impact on the environment l e d , i n the l a t e 1960's and e a r l y 1970's,to an awareness of environmental issues and the establishment of environmental p o l i c y r e l a t i n g to resource development (see Figure 5.4). Economic ^OCial Environmental Figure 5.4 P o l i c y i n the 1960's and 1970's. Increased r e c o g n i t i o n of environmental p o l i c y ; s l i g h t r e c o g n i t i o n of s o c i a l p o l i c y on ad_ hoc ba s i s ; o v e r a l l , economic p o l i c y predominates. Source: O r i g i n a l . 184 During the late 1970's and early 1980's, research and policy analysis r e l a t i n g to Tumbler Ridge led to elaboration of the aim of resource town policy, the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of resource community development objectives (see section 3.3.1) and the a r t i c u l a t i o n of a policy framework for i d e n t i -fying and choosing settlement options. Resource town.policy i s concerned with the creation of "open communities" free of undue company or government influence and as much as possible creating normal, equitable f i n a n c i a l arrangements between the community, the Province and the Company (Ministry of Municipal A f f a i r s , 1981:3). The settlement p o l i c y framework i s a procedure or sequence of steps intended to structure P r o v i n c i a l and M i n i s t r y responses to resource and settlement proposals (Ministry of Municipal A f f a i r s , 1979). It i s a normative, process-oriented, a n a l y t i c a l approach to decision-making. The...framework yields results through the aggrega-tion of discrete decisions which, by means of the framework, are shaped into a cohesive, i n t e l l i g i b l e whole (Paget and Walisser, 1983:16). It i s based on the notion of " d i s c i p l i n e d incrementalism." The resource community planning framework is a cohesive e d i f i c e of policy preferences and instruments and a storehouse of a n a l y t i c a l tools.... It aims to make settlement decisions resilient-^ [in] the long term (Paget and Walisser, 1983:18). Tumbler Ridge was the f i r s t resource-based community i n B r i t i s h Columbia, the conception and establishment of which was based on recogni-ti o n of a l l three components - economic, s o c i a l and environmental. Not a l l three components received equal recognition, nor were they defined with equal c l a r i t y . The economic goal, namely, increased export revenue through the extraction and sale of coal, was c l e a r l y the main p r i o r i t y and 185 most e a s i l y a r t i c u l a t e d . Given a commitment to the achievement of t h i s g o a l , s o c i a l and environmental goals were acknowledged and attainment of them sought a l s o . Settlement p o l i c y was a r t i c u l a t e d by means of the above-mentioned framework. Environmental p o l i c y goals i n r e l a t i o n to the town were defined p r i o r to the commencement of town c o n s t r u c t i o n and procedures f o r t h e i r r e a l i z a t i o n were i d e n t i f i e d ( M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s , 1981a). Figure 5.5 i l l u s t r a t e s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the three p o l i c y f i e l d s i n regard to Tumbler Ridge. S o c i a l and environmental p o l i c y assumed greater prominence but were led by economic i n i t i a t i v e s . The Tumbler Ridge project represents a notable move towards, but remains short of, the i d e a l of a balanced r e l a t i o n s h i p between economic, s o c i a l and environmental concerns. Future resource community p r o j e c t s should seek to achieve t h i s i d e a l . Economic Social Environmental Figure 5.5 P o l i c y i n the 1980's. Increased r e c o g n i t i o n of s o c i a l and environmental p o l i c y ; economic p o l i c y s t i l l predominates but to l e s s e r extent than previously. Source: O r i g i n a l . 186 5.2.3 R e l a t i o n s h i p of Settlement P o l i c y and Economic Development  P o l i c y Settlement p o l i c y and planning responds to economic development plan-ning and i s not an end i n i t s e l f . Economic p o l i c y must lead because i t i s not f e a s i b l e to have settlement without the economic basis f o r settlement. However, economic p o l i c y and d e c i s i o n s must recognize s o c i a l and e n v i r o n -mental components. P o l i c y r e l a t i n g to the l a t t e r areas should be a r t i c u -l a t e d as c l e a r l y as that r e l a t i n g to economic development. In the past some settlement problems have r e s u l t e d from the early, preemptive approvals granted to resource developers. The r i g h t to develop the resource was not s u f f i c i e n t l y l i n k e d to the f i n a n c i a l and s o c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r community development. Recognition of t h i s has produced a change i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p between economic p o l i c y and s e t t l e -ment p o l i c y . The importance of sound, f a r s i g h t e d p o l i c y cannot be over-emphasized. Siemens (1976:283) makes e x p l i c i t the reasons f o r t h i s . Since planners are l i m i t e d i n t h e i r design s p e c i f i c a t i o n s and budgets, much of the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f a l l s on the policymakers [and t h e i r advisers] who w r i t e the s p e c i f i c a t i o n s . I t i s at t h i s point i n the chain of command that an enlightened s o c i a l consciousness must begin. In i d e n t i f y i n g p o l i c y p r i o r i t i e s and r e l a t i o n s h i p s a hierarchy of decisions and government commitments i s d e s i r a b l e . The d e c i s i o n to proceed w i t h a resource project i s p r i m a r i l y an economic matter and a p r o v i n c i a l ( c a b i n e t ) r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . The d e c i s i o n regarding s e l e c t i o n of a l t e r n a t i v e settlement options i s also a p r o v i n c i a l matter. At a more d e t a i l e d l e v e l , decisions regarding settlement form and s t r u c t u r e are the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of an appropriate m i n i s t r y . Which m i n i s t r y should take charge, depends on the mechanism or process adopted. A l t e r n a t i v e s e t t l e -ment options can be defined on the basis of three generic f a c t o r s : 187 (1) Establishment of a new town or expansion of an e x i s t i n g town. (2) L o c a t i o n of the resource - p r o j e c t settlement w i t h i n or outside the resource r e g i o n . (3) ( I f commuting of workers i s required) sponsorship of t h i s journey by the company or requirement of an unsponsored t r i p . I t should not be presumed that establishment of a new town i s the most appropriate course of a c t i o n . There i s a growing number of cases i n both Canada and A u s t r a l i a where a l t e r n a t i v e options have been p r e f e r r e d . For example, i n the Kimberley region of Western A u s t r a l i a , a new diamond mining p r o j e c t i s to be s t a f f e d w i t h labour conveyed by long-distance a i r transport from P e r t h , the s t a t e ' s c a p i t a l c i t y . In Queensland's Bowen Basin, a w e l l - e s t a b l i s h e d a g r i c u l t u r a l r e gion, there have been se v e r a l instances of c o a l mining workforces a t t a c h i n g to e x i s t i n g centres i n preference to the establishment of new communities f o r each c o a l p r o j e c t (Sharma, 1983). O i l r i g s off the coast of W.A. and Newfoundland are a l s o manned by commuter labour. I f the settlement option to b u i l d a new town or to expand an e x i s t i n g town i s s e l e c t e d , the concept of governance becomes c e n t r a l to the d e c i s i o n regarding a l t e r n a t i v e development methods. 5.3 Development, Governance and T r a n s f e r a b i l i t y The notion of t r a n s f e r a b i l i t y i s embodied i n the f o l l o w i n g question: What dimensions of community governance evident i n the l o c a l government resource town i n B.C. can be a p p l i e d to other j u r i s d i c t i o n s , and what mo d i f i c a t i o n s or adjustments to e x i s t i n g t o o l s or i n s t i t u t i o n s would be required to enable t h i s ? The same question can be posed i n regard to other models of resource community development and governance a l s o . 188 A l t e r n a t i v e resource town development methods have a s i g n i f i c a n c e which extends f a r beyond simply who c a r r i e s out the tasks of c o l l e c t i n g garbage and b u i l d i n g roads. Lea and Zehner (1983) emphasize the nec e s s i t y of adopting a d m i n i s t r a t i v e arrangements i n resource developments which match the changing nature of the p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l environment (p. 24). The nature of resource town development methods and associated forms of community governance are e s s e n t i a l l y a man i f e s t a t i o n of the p r e v a i l i n g s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l and economic m i l i e u . The r e l a t i o n s h i p i s r e c i p r o c a l : development and governance i n turn i n f l u e n c e both the l o c a l and broader s o c i e t y . In l i g h t of t h i s , i t i s e s s e n t i a l that c o n s i d e r a t i o n be given to the p o l i t i c a l ideology or " e x t e r n a l " environment of a p a r t i c u l a r j u r i s d i c t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y when the t r a n s f e r a b i l i t y of governance/development models i s being considered. Harman (1981, 1984) emphasizes the importance of d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l i d e o l o g i e s that p r e v a i l at d i f f e r e n t times and are c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . She d i s t i n g u i s h e s two types of ideology that have emerged amongst f r o n t i e r states i n Canada and A u s t r a l i a . Harman notes t h a t , a s s o c i a t e d with each, i s a d i f f e r e n t form of s t a t e i n t e r v e n t i o n . P o l i t i c a l i d e o l o g i e s u n d e r l i e not only such things as methods of c o l l e c t i n g resource rents but a l s o a t t i t u d e s towards the acceptance of r i s k and w i l l i n g n e s s to become f i n a n c i a l l y involved i n resource p r o j e c t s . The importance of t h i s i n regard to the t r a n s f e r a b i -l i t y of resource community development and governance methods i s r e a d i l y apparent. For example, i n a j u r i s d i c t i o n charactferized by a s i m i l a r i d e o l o g i c a l a v e r s i o n to s o c i a l housing as that of the B.C. S o c i a l C r e d i t party, i t would be reasonable to expect a s i m i l a r (inadequate) outcome i n 189 respect to service sector housing, i f the l o c a l government model was applied. However, i f a government more amenable to involvement in housing provision prevailed, i t i s l i k e l y that the l o c a l government model could be transferred without these d i f f i c u l t i e s . Table 5.1 compares the main tools and techniques used in the establishment of Tumbler Ridge and i t s normalised counterparts i n the Pilbara region of Western A u s t r a l i a . The table demonstrates that generally, the " t o o l s " currently being used for resource town development i n Western A u s t r a l i a are less sophisticated than i n B r i t i s h Columbia. F a i r l y extensive changes would be required to enable transfer of the l o c a l government development model intact or even i n modified form. The less sophisticated mechanisms present in Western A u s t r a l i a can be attributed to the less developed notion of governance which has prevailed, e s p e c i a l l y i n remote northern areas where recent mineral resource development has been concentrated. The need for f i n a n c i a l , administrative and organizational procedures such as are evident i n Tumbler Ridge has not been recognized u n t i l quite recently. Even now, those i n Tumbler Ridge are somewhat more complex than i n normalised Pilbara towns. P a t e r n a l i s t i c governance emanating from corporate headquarters located in distant c i t i e s has been possible with a minimum of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and involvement on the part of the l o c a l community. Although Table 5.1 gives an i n d i c a t i o n of the kinds of changes that would be required, i t i s not possible at this point to specify in d e t a i l the p a r t i c u l a r modifications to existing tools and i n s t i t u t i o n s that would be required to enable the transfer of the l o c a l government model to another j u r i s d i c t i o n . This would require detailed research of s p e c i f i c mechanisms and their potential for modification and/or adaptation. The main prerequisite for application of the model T a b l e 5.1 C o m p a r i s o n of mechanisms used to e s t a b l i s h T u m b l e r R i d g e and r e s o u r c e towns i n P i l b a r a R e g i o n , W e s t e r n A u s t r a l i a T o o l o r mechanism Tumbler R i d g e W e s t e r n A u s t r a l i a L e g i s l a t i o n • L e t t e r s P a t e n t ( c o n s t i t u t i o n a l document) I s s u e d c o n t a i n -i n g s p e c i f i c p r o v i s i o n s f o r : m u n i c i p a l i n c o r p o r a t i o n , m u n i c i p a l b o u n d a r y , a p p o i n t m e n t of C o m m i s s i o n e r and t r a n s i t i o n to r e p r e s e n t a t i v e , l o c a l g overnment. S e p a r a t e A c t c o n t a i n i n g b r o a d r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r r e s o u r c e • and town d e v e l o p m e n t f o r e a c h p r o j e c t . D e v e l o p m e n t a g r e e m e n t s i n v o k e d by s t a t u t o r y e n d o r s e m e n t . Amendments to p r o j e c t - s p e c i f i c A c t s r e q u i r e d t o e n a b l e norma L i s a t i o n . M u n i c i p a l • M u n i c i p a l i t y i n c o r p o r a t e d u s i n g l e t t e r s p a t e n t under I n c o r p o r a t i o n e x i s t i n g s e c t i o n of M u n i c i p a l A c t f o r e a c h major u r b a n s e t t l e m e n t . L a r g e r ( S h i r e ) m u n i c i p a l i t y , of w h i c h r e s o u r c e town i s a p a r t , i s I n c o r p o r a t e d p r i o r t o e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f r e s o u r c e p r o j e c t ( s e e a l s o M u n i c i p a l / P l a n n i n g A r e a (Bounda r y ) . L and A l l o c a t i o n a n d Development • M u n i c i p a l c o r p o r a t i o n owns, d e v e l o p s and m a r k e t s t o w n s i t e l a n d . P r e - n o r i n a l I s a t l o n : Company o b t a i n s T o w n s i t e L e a s e and d e v e l o p s Land. Land c a n n o t be s o l d . P o s t - n o r m a l i s a t i o n : T o w n s i t e L e a s e s u r r e n d e r e d ; l a n d made a v a i l a b l e f o r s a l e . M u n i c i p a l / P l a n n i n g A r e a B o undary • E s t a b l i s h m e n t of boundary t o f a c i l i t a t e m u n i c i p a l r e v e nue r a i s i n g a n d p l a n n i n g c o n t r o l s . • M u n i c i p a l b o u n d a r i e s d e t e r m i n e d i n d e p e n d e n t l y o f l o c a l e c o n o mic a c t i v i t y . M u n i c i p a l i t i e s i n c l u d e e x t e n s i v e a r e a , m u l t i p l e u r b a n c e n t r e s . Seat o f m u n i c i p a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n not n e c e s s a r i l y p r e s e n t i n m i n i n g town c a u s i n g r e d u c e d i d e n t i t y w i t h l o c a l g o v e r n m e n t . P l a n n i n g • S o p h i s t i c a t e d f i n a n c i a l , s o c i a l , p h y s i c a l and o r g a n i z a -t i o n a l p l a n n i n g u n d e r t a k e n i n - h o u s e by p r o v i n c i a l m i n i s t r y w i t h a s s i s t a n c e from c o n s u l t a n t s . • P r o v i n c i a l p l a n n i n g l e g i s l a t i o n c a r r i e s l e s s w e i g h t t h a n I n HA. • P l a n n i n g a r e a b o u n d a r i e s e s t a b l i s h e d s e p a r a t e l y f r o m m u n i c i p a l a r e a b o u n d a r y . F o r m e r c o n c u r s more w i t h t o w n s h i p t h a n l a t t e r . • L i m i t e d c a p a b i l i t y of r e l e v a n t s t a t e a g e n c y (Town P l a n n i n g D e p a r t m e n t ) t o p r e p a r e p l a n s . P l a n s c o n c e i v e d p r i m a r i l y i n p h y s i c a l a n d s o c i a l t e r m s . • W i t h n o r m a l i s a t i o n , m u n i c i p a l i t y assumes m a j o r r e s p o n s i -b i l i t y f o r p l a n n i n g . I m p l e m e n t a t I o n M u n i c i p a l F i n a n c e • U n d e r t a k e n by d i v e r s i f i e d s p e c i a l i s t team. F l e x i b i l i t y to a dapt to e v o l v i n g r e q u i r e m e n t s of development p r o c e s s . • I n c l u s i o n of mine p r o p e r t y w i t h i n m u n i c i p a l b o u n d a r i e s w h i c h i s s u b j e c t to f u l l m u n i c i p a l t a x a t i o n . • D e b e n t u r e o f MFA l o a n s o v e r 20 year p e r i o d . • S t a t e p l a n n i n g l e g i s l a t i o n b e a r s s i g n i f i c a n t p r e -e m i n e n c e o v e r r a n g e of o t h e r s t a t u t e s . • R e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f r e s o u r c e company. W i t h n o r m a l i s a t i o n , l o c a l government a n d s t a t e a g e n c i e s assume i n c r e a s i n g r o l e . • R e s t r i c t e d r a t a b i l i t y due t o amendment to L o c a l G o v e r n -ment A c t (S533B) w h i c h imposes r e d u c e d v a l u e on m i n i n g t o e n a b l e i n c r e a s e d m u n i c i p a l commitments a f t e r n o r m a l l s a t i o n . • No e q u i v a l e n t t o MFA. T a b l e 5.1 ( C o n t ' d ) T o o l o r mechanism Tumbler R i d g e W e s t e r n A u s t r a l i a R i s k / G u a r a n t e e s (Development A g r e e m e n t s ) • G u a r a n t e e o f m u n i c i p a l p r o p e r t y t a x payment r e g a r d l e s s of mine slowdown o r c l o s u r e • No a t t e m p t t o e s t a b l i s h mine c l o s u r e a g r e e m e n t s . A c c e p t a n c e t h a t demise of s e t t l e m e n t l s l n e v i a b l e when m i n e r a l d e p o s i t i s e x h a u s t e d ( e . g . G o l d s w o r t h y , Shay Gap, P a n n a w o n l c a ) . A d d i t i o n a l R e s o u r c e P r o j e c t s • M u n i c i p a l a b i l i t y t o r a i s e r e v e n u e from i n c r e a s e d p r o p e r t y v a l u e on mine p r o p e r t y l y i n g w i t h i n m u n i c i p a l a r e a . E n a b l e s s u b s e q u e n t r e s o u r c e d e v e l o p e r s t o s h a r e c a p i t a l c o s t s of town d e v e l o p m e n t . • Mechanisms e s t a b l i s h e d t o e n a b l e c o r p o r a t i o n and t a x a t i o n of mines s i t u a t e d o u t s i d e m u n i c i p a l boundary w h i c h use T u m b l e r R i d g e as d o r m i t o r y s e t t l e m e n t . • R e s t r i c t i o n o f n o r m a l i s a t i o n p r o g r a m t o towns w i t h l o n g e r - t e r m p r o s p e c t s . No p r o v i s i o n f o r u l t i m a t e c l o s u r e of n o r m a l i z e d t o w n s . • No s p e c i f i c p r o v i s i o n s f o r s u b s e q u e n t d e v e l o p e r s t o s h a r e c a p i t a l c o s t o f e x i s t i n g f a c i l i t i e s . • N e g o t i a t e d on ad hoc b a s i s . C o m m e r c i a l • A c t i v e b r o k e r a g e t o g a i n c o n f i d e n c e of p r i v a t e b u s i n e s s e s . • C a l l s f o r c o m p e t i t i v e p r o p o s a l s from major o p e r a t o r s t o e s t a b l i s h d i v e r s i f i e d range of s e r v i c e s . • A t o u t s e t , agreement e s t a b l i s h i n g monopoly r i g h t s w i t h main r e t a i l e r . S e v e r e l y r e s t r i c t e d r a n g e o f s e r v i c e s due t o l a n d t e n u r e . • D i v e r s i f i c a t i o n upon n o r m a l i s a t i o n . H o u s i n g - Company Employees S e r v i c e S e c t o r • R e s o u r c e companies p r o v i d e mortgage package but a t t e m p t t o m a i n t a i n low p r o f i l e i n r e s i d e n t i a l d e v e l o p m e n t . • P r o b l e m a t i c a l . M u n i c i p a l b r o k e r a g e . C o o p e r a t i v e h o u s i n g . T r e a t m e n t dependent on I d e o l o g i c a l s t a n c e o f government. • A t o u t s e t , company c o n t r o l s h o u s i n g m a r k e t . Accom-m o d a t i o n s u p p l i e d on r e n t a l b a s i s . Upon n o r m a l i s a -t i o n , h o u s i n g package f a c i l i t a t e s o w n e r s h i p . • At o u t s e t , l i m i t e d a v a i l a b i l i t y s u p p l i e d on r e n t a l ~ b a s i s by r e s o u r c e company. Land t e n u r e p r e v e n t s p r i v a t e d e v e l o p m e n t . M u n i c i p a l P e r s o n n e l • H i g h l y s k i l l e d m u n i c i p a l p e r s o n n e l f a c i l i t a t e o p e r a t i o n of s o p h i s t i c a t e d m u n i c i p a l mechanisms. • Upon n o r m a l i s a t i o n , s e r v i c e s e c t o r r e s i d e n t s r e q u i r -ed t o p r o v i d e own a c c o m m o d a t i o n . P r i v a t e d e v e l o p -ment f a c i l i t a t e d by c hanged l a n d s t a t u s . No e q u i v a -l e n t t o c o o p e r a t i v e h o u s i n g . • Government E m p l o y e e s H o u s i n g A u t h o r i t y p r o v i d e s accommodation f o r p u b l i c s e c t o r r e s i d e n t s . • At o u t s e t , r e m o t e , u n s o p h i s t i c a t e d m u n i c i p a l o p e r a -t i o n s l i t t l e a f f e c t e d by m i n i n g d e v e l o p m e n t . • Upon n o r m a l i s a t i o n u p g r a d i n g of e x p e r t i s e o f m u n i c i p a l p e r s o n n e l and I n c r e a s e d s o p h i s t i c a t i o n o f m u n i c i p a l p r o c e d u r e s . S o u r c e : O r i g i n a l 192 elsewhere i s a predisposition on the part of the corporate sector, senior l e v e l governments and c i t i z e n s to the adoption of genuine l o c a l s e l f -governance. Amenability of a p a r t i c u l a r government to the l o c a l govern-ment model w i l l be dependent l a r g e l y on p o l i t i c a l ideology. In B r i t i s h Columbia, the l a s t decade and a half has been characteriz-ed by growing s o c i a l consciousness and a concern to transfer the locus of governance to resource communities themselves. This i s not usually a single-step process but involves a series of ongoing changes that endow the l o c a l community with progressively greater c o n t r o l . "Instant" towns i n B r i t i s h Columbia were an i n i t i a l , rather u n f r u i t f u l attempt to move one step away from p a t e r n a l i s t i c governance, towards community s e l f gover-nance. The normalisation program i n Western A u s t r a l i a i s the outcome of a more recent r e a l i z a t i o n of a s i m i l a r kind. There i s evidence of moves towards l o c a l self-governance of resource communities i n other A u s t r a l i a n j u r i s d i c t i o n s . The new uranium town of Jabiru i n the A l l i g a t o r Rivers Region of the Northern T e r r i t o r y i l l u s t r a t e s this change. Here, the i n i t i a l development authority (Jabiru Town Development Authority) has been replaced by representative l o c a l government. This has occurred i n the face of competing concerns regarding nature conservation, native Abori-g i n a l l i f e s t y l e s and the extraction of uranium (Lea and Zehner, 1983a). At each point along the path towards bona fide s e l f governance, there i s a c e r t a i n set of tools which are appropriate for the required task. These tools r e f l e c t the a b i l i t y , capacity and resources available for s e l f governance within a p a r t i c u l a r community. Differences i n governance c a p a b i l i t y are exemplified by the contrast i n municipal revenue r a i s i n g techniques i n Tumbler Ridge and normalised Pilbara towns. The former, 193 which are associated with a more advanced form of self-governance, are designed to • enable d e f e r r a l of payments f o r s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l i n f r a s t r u c t u r e over a twenty year pe r i o d , thus a l l o w i n g a high standard of f a c i l i t i e s to be provided i n i t i a l l y and the attainment of e a r l y maturity; • have mechanisms which ensure that municipal tax requirements are met i n s p i t e of f l u c t u a t i o n s i n the s t a t e of the resource i n d u s t r y , and • are designed to f a c i l i t a t e sharing of c a p i t a l costs of development with resource companies e s t a b l i s h i n g new mines w i t h i n the m u n i c i p a l i t y . In c o n t r a s t , development agreements t i e d to i n d i v i d u a l s t a t u t e s i n Western A u s t r a l i a mean that f i n a n c i a l arrangements must be renegotiated on a case-by-case basis and g e n e r a l l y tend to be l e s s v e r s a t i l e (see f o r example, Shire of East P i l b a r a , 1981). Experience i n the P i l b a r a region i n d i c a t e s that the concept of having a town " b u i l d i t s e l f , " as was the case i n Tumbler Ridge, i s somewhat a l i e n to resource settlement there. Even i n the "open" towns - Karratha and Port Hedland - p h y s i c a l development was undertaken l a r g e l y by state l e v e l a u t h o r i t i e s w i t h the L o c a l Government A u t h o r i t i e s g e n e r a l l y playing a low-key r o l e , e s s e n t i a l l y j u s t approving s t a t e i n i t i a t i v e s . As i n B r i t i s h Columbia's " i n s t a n t " towns, the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s assumed greater involvement once the towns were es t a b l i s h e d and had been operating for some time. Their "open" s t a t u s and p u b l i c c o n t r o l of land a l l o c a t i o n has enabled greater economic d i v e r s i t y and f a c i l i t a t e d the establishment of a more inte g r a t e d housing market than i n towns i n i t i a l l y e s t a b l i s h e d as closed company towns. Despite t h i s , l o c a l government remains somewhat l e s s s o p h i s t i c a t e d than i n Tumbler Ridge. 194 Inherent i n any community i s a three-way r e l a t i o n s h i p Between i n s t i -t u t i o n s , persons and tools as shown i n Figure 5.6. These r e l a t i o n s h i p s are r e c i p r o c i a l and interdependent. " I n s t i t u t i o n s " embraces the formal and I n s t i t u t i o n s Persons Tools Figure 5.6 Governance system: Three key elements Source: O r i g i n a l . informal i n s t i t u t i o n s and processes that enable decisions and c o n t r o l w i t h i n a community. Examples are Council meeting and meeting of the S o c i a l Services Committee, r e s p e c t i v e l y . "Tools" includes s p e c i f i c mechanisms that e x i s t or can be created to f a c i l i t a t e decision-making and o p e r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of p a r t i c u l a r i n s t i t u t i o n s (e.g. L e t t e r s Patent c r e a t i n g the D i s t r i c t of Tumbler Ridge, development agreements, municipal by-laws). "Persons" r e f e r s to the s k i l l s and ex p e r t i s e of personnel required to operate the tools and administer governance i n s t i t u t i o n s ( a d m i n i s t r a t i v e e f f e c t i v e n e s s ) . These can require the a l l o c a t i o n of s u b s t a n t i a l f i n a n c i a l resources, both i n recruitment, and t r a i n i n g w i t h i n a p a r t i c u l a r governance system. "Persons" can als o r e f e r to community capacity and competence, or the desire and w i l l i n g n e s s of res i d e n t s to make l o c a l democracy work ( p o l i t i c a l m a t u r i t y ) . There must be a balance or e q u a l i t y i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the three components. For example, i t i s f u t i l e to have h i g h l y s o p h i s t i c a t e d t o o l s (e.g. f i n a n c i a l arrangements) i f the nature of governance does not requi r e t h i s and/or the s k i l l s of persons who "operate" these t o o l s do not-enable the tools to be 195 used. S i m i l a r l y , a high degree of human c a p a b i l i t y ( i . e . "persons") i s not r e q u i r e d , and the resources necessary to develop t h i s are wasted, i f n e i t h e r governance or t o o l s necessitates t h i s more s o p h i s t i c a t e d l e v e l of performance. When any one or more of these r e l a t i o n s h i p s i s i n tension, i t predisposes the system, or part of i t , to change. Change can a l s o be stimulated from outside the system. In the P i l b a r a , changes i n s t a t e , corporate and s o c i e t a l notions of the most appropriate form of resource community governance f o r small remote mining towns has lead to the m o d i f i -c a t i o n of t o o l s (e.g. municipal by-laws, st a t e l e g i s l a t i o n , l o c a t i o n of municipal o f f i c e s ) and upgrading of human resources (e.g. recruitment of municipal b u i l d i n g i n s p e c t o r , engineer and a d d i t i o n a l s e c r e t a r i a l s t a f f ) . Change can also be i n i t i a t e d from w i t h i n the governance system. For example, the d e s i r e of Tumbler Ridge re s i d e n t s to hasten self-governance expressed through t h e i r e f f o r t s to remove the commissioner who perceived by some res i d e n t s as not being t r u l y l o c a l . Change w i t h i n a governance system w i l l continue u n t i l a new e q u i l i b r i u m i s e s t a b l i s h e d . Usually t h i s r e s u l t s i n a more s o p h i s t i c a t e d kind of governance than the one replaced. A v a r i e t y of issues a r i s e i n regard to the governance model as i t a p p l i e s to both resource communities and t h e i r broader s o c i e t a l context. These in c l u d e : • Is there an optimal s t a t e f o r the system? • Are the components of the governance system of equal or d i f f e r e n -t i a l importance? • Is i t p o s s i b l e to p r e d i c t a future s t a t e of the system or i t s i n d i v i d u a l components given i t s current state? • What r e l a t i o n s h i p e x i s t s between p u b l i c p o l i c y on settlement, economic development and environment and the s t a t e of the governance system? The search f o r s o l u t i o n s to these l a r g e l y t h e o r e t i c a l questions extends beyond the scope of the present work and provides the s t a r t i n g point f o r f u r t h e r research and study. 196 5.4 Summary and Conclusions From the foregoing study i t has been possible to discern a three-phase pattern of change i n the post-war approach to resource community development i n B r i t i s h Columbia. These changes are part of a broader process of ongoing evolution i n the nature of Canadian society and economy. Modifications to resource community development techniques have occurred, largely i n response to problems associated with e a r l i e r develop-ment methods. These have arisen from both exogenous and endogenous sources. The three phases are largely an outcome of changes i n p r o v i n c i a l policy on resource settlement and changing relationships between s e t t l e -ment p o l i c y , economic policy and environmental p o l i c y . Previously econo-mic p o l i c y took precedence. Nowadays there i s a greater balance between these three f i e l d s , however economic i n i t i a t i v e s s t i l l lead settlement a c t i v i t y . A s i m i l a r pattern of change i n resource community development methods i s evident i n Western A u s t r a l i a , though lagging the Canadian experience by about a decade. The si g n i f i c a n c e of d i f f e r e n t development methods l i e s i n their effect on community governance. The pattern of resource community change embodies a series of steps towards increased self-governance and a reduc-tio n i n the degree of paternalism. The retrospective case study assessment of Tumbler Ridge, B r i t i s h Columbia, indicated that, on the whole, the l o c a l government model has been capable of achieving the objectives established for i t . The main inadequacies of the model include: (1) the provision of service sector housing; (2) r i s k protection - uncertainty as to whether provisions w i l l prove watertight; and 197 (3) equity between companies - p r o v i s i o n s have been made to achieve equity however, i t i s unclear whether these w i l l be f u l l y e f f e c t i v e . Both (1) and (3) can be a t t r i b u t e d , i n p a r t , to f a c t o r s other than the c a p a b i l i t i e s of the l o c a l government model i . e . p o l i t i c a l ideology and p o l i c i e s of i n s t i t u t i o n s outside the immediate i n f l u e n c e of the l o c a l government model. Res o l u t i o n of these issues i n future m u n i c i p a l l y -developed resource towns w i l l r e q u i r e f a c i l i t a t i v e measures on the part of s e v e r a l actors which were not forthcoming i n regard to Tumbler Ridge. P a r t i c u l a r strengths of the model i n c l u d e : (1) the r e l a t i v e ease of i n s t a l l i n g genuine l o c a l self-government; (2) extent of resident p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n c i v i c a f f a i r s ; (3) f l e x i b i l i t y of the implementation process and a b i l i t y to accommodate the need f o r an evolving i n s t i t u t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e ; (4) extent and speed of community development and maturity; (5) r e l a t i v e speed, ease and e f f i c i e n c y of p h y s i c a l development; and i (6) establishment of mechanisms for f i n a n c i n g of development without r e q u i r i n g major funding from s e n i o r governments. The study has shown that i t i s e a s i e r and more e f f e c t i v e to i n s t a l l l o c a l self-governance from the outset of town development, as i n Tumbler Ridge, rather than attempt to g r a f t i t r e t r o s p e c t i v e l y , onto an e x i s t i n g system. To achieve the l a t t e r requires extensive m o d i f i c a t i o n and up-grading of p r e v i o u s l y e s t a b l i s h e d i n s t i t u t i o n s , tools and personnel. Experience w i t h " i n s t a n t " towns and n o r m a l i s a t i o n i n d i c a t e that t h i s i s h i g h l y problematical and not assured of success. The reason f o r t h i s i s that elements of e x i s t i n g governance systems i n these towns were designed 198 and. intended for very d i f f e r e n t purposes to that of genuine s e l f -governance. A l s o , there i s a strong i n e r t i a factor'. Once residents are a c c u l t u r a t e d to a lack of l o c a l democracy, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to get them to change. The l o c a l government model has s i g n i f i c a n t p o t e n t i a l f o r a p p l i c a t i o n i n other j u r i s d i c t i o n s . The major p r e r e q u i s i t e for t r a n s f e r a b i l i t y i s a p r e d i s p o s i t i o n of the r e c i p i e n t s o c i e t y and i t s government to a more s o p h i s t i c a t e d form of community governance. Given t h i s , t e c h n i c a l i t i e s w i t h regard to t o o l s , s k i l l s and governance i n s t i t u t i o n s can be a s c e r t a i n -ed once the resources and capacity of a p a r t i c u l a r j u r i s d i c t i o n are known i n d e t a i l . A c c e p t a b i l i t y and success of the l o c a l government model i s l a r g e l y a f u n c t i o n of the d i s p o s i t o n of the e x i s t i n g s o c i e t y . To have attempted to e s t a b l i s h a resource community i n B.C. two or three decades ago, i n which was i n s t a l l e d a 1980's ve r s i o n of community governance would almost i n e v i t a b l y have led to f a i l u r e . S i m i l a r l y , except i n c e r t a i n instances (e.g. where an unacceptable degree of r i s k to p u b l i c bodies p r e v a i l s or where there i s a p a r t i c u l a r l y l i m i t e d community l i f e expec-tancy due to mineral reserves) there i s a general consensus that forms of corporate governance which p r e v a i l e d i n the 1950's and 1960's are no longer acceptable i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Undoubtedly i n the long term there w i l l be f u r t h e r changes i n the governance and development of resource communities about which, at t h i s stage, one can only speculate. 1 NOTES D e f i n i t i o n of p o l i c y goals i s based on i l l u s t r a t e d d i s c ussions w i t h G. Paget, Senior P o l i c y A n a l y s t , M i n i s t r y of M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s , Province of B r i t i s h Columbia. There i s no c l e a r - c u t d i s t i n c t i o n between urban p o l i c y and settlement p o l i c y . 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