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Land and families in Horton Township, N.S., 1760-1830 McNabb, Debra Anne 1986

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LAND AND F A M I L I E S I N HORTON TOWNSHIP, N . S . , 1 7 6 0 - 1 8 3 0 By DEBRA ANNE MCNABB M.A., T h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1 9 8 6  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS  in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department o f Geography  We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s as c o n f o r m i n g to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA November 1986 c  Debra Anne McNabb  In  presenting  this  degree at the  thesis  in partial fulfilment  University of  freely available for reference copying  of  department  this or  publication of  British Columbia, and study.  thesis for scholarly by  this  his  or  her  G£o£f<A  PHY  The University of British Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 D a t e  DE-6(3/81)  the  requirements  I agree  that the  I further agree  purposes  representatives.  may be It  thesis for financial gain shall not  permission.  Department of  of  is  an  advanced  Library shall make it  that permission for extensive granted  by the  understood be  for  allowed  that without  head  of  my  copying  or  my written  Contents  Page  Abstract  1  1  L i s t o f Tables  1  v  L i s t o f Figures Acknowledgment  v  V  1  1  1  CHAPTER 1  Introduction  CHAPTER 2  Occupying t h e Land  i  CHAPTER 3  Land and L i v e l i h o o d s  47  CHAPTER 4  Land and I n h e r i t a n c e  8  0  CHAPTER 5  Conclusion  0  2  1  1  Bibliography  3  HO  Appendices A  -  An Account o f t h e Shares i n t h e Township  B  -  S t a t e o f t h e S e t t l e m e n t o f Horton With Regard t o R i g h t s o f Land i n S a i d Township  C  -  S t a t e o f t h e S e t t l e m e n t o f Horton With Regard t o R i g h t s o f Land  D  -  Net P r o f i t s From t h e Horton Land Trade, 1760-1770 ( R e s i d e n t G r a n t e e s Only)  E  -  Net D e f i c i t s From t h e Horton Land Trade, 1760-1770 ( R e s i d e n t G r a n t e e s Only  i i  o f Horton  ABSTRACT  In the 1760s, some 5,000 New Englanders e s t a b l i s h e d fourteen townships on the former Acadian farmlands of northern and western Nova Scotia and the sheltered bays and i n l e t s of the colony's south shore. Drawn to the area by the promise of free land and access to c o d - r i c h f i s h i n g banks, they 'founded both farming and f i s h i n g  communities.  Although the f u l l treatment of New England settlement i n Nova Scotia must consider both types o f community, reconstructing the i n i t i a l stages of settlement i n an a g r i c u l t u r a l township serves as a beginning. Among the a g r i c u l t u r a l townships, Horton may be considered representat i v e , i f not t y p i c a l .  I t was the f o c a l point o f the four Minas Basin  townships which received the bulk of the New Englanders. the f i r s t townships to be s e t t l e d .  I t was among  I t s resource base - dyke, upland,  forest, and f i s h - was e s s e n t i a l l y the same as that o f the other townships. The story o f New Englanders at Horton r a i s e s fundamental questions about the process o f settlement, the foundations o f economy and s o c i e t y , the nature of the family and the evolution of the landscape.  To e x p l a i n  how Horton's development unfolded, t h i s t h e s i s follows the l i v e s of 89 men and t h e i r f a m i l i e s who came to Horton as p r o p r i e t o r s and a f t e r surviving the f i r s t years of hardship became the core o f a permanent society.  I t covers the period from 1760 to 1830, from the time these  grantees a r r i v e d i n Horton u n t i l t h e i r deaths.  The study focuses  p r i m a r i l y on landholding and inheritance patterns and a g r i c u l t u r a l  development and  the  evolution  abundance led on  to the  a n d how t h e y  of  land  restricted fortunes  and community. rural only  of  affected  of  community.  in  the  access  almost  several  inheritance,  discovers  i n d i v i d u a l s and that  local  and the  c o n c l u s i o n argues  of  This  agricultural  iv  existing land  the  relevant  practices  of  effect  agriculture  theories  scarcity  population,  practices.  families  had a p r o f o u n d  development  against  increased  despite  landholding  which m a i n t a i n t h a t  generations  and e x t e n s i v e  of  immediately.  families  community development after  It  lives  new s e t t l e m e n t ,  Horton  This  the  of  evolved  partible  Tables  Page  I.  II. III. IV.  V. VI. VII.  Acreage D i s t r i b u t i o n of Land Types i n Horton Township  39  Average Land P r i c e s i n Horton, 1760-1770  50  D i s t r i b u t i o n of Land Among Horton Landowners i n 1770 Aggregate A g r i c u l t u r a l Production i n Horton,  53  by Census Year  66  Average Farm Size and Crop Yields i n Horton i n 1770  69  Occupations o f the Adult Male Workforce, 1770 and 1791 Composition o f the Adult Male Workforce by Occupational Group, 1770 and 1791  v  84 85  Figures  Page  1.  The New England Townships in Nova Scotia  2.  Connecticut Origins of Horton Grantees  18  3.  Location of Land Types in Horton Township  23  4.  Town Plot, 1760 (Chief Surveyor Charles Morris)  26  5.  Town Lots Allocated to Horton Grantees  27  6.  F i r s t Division Dyke Lots Allocated to Horton Grantees  29  7.  5  F i r s t Division Farm Lots Allocated to Horton Grantees  30  8.  Island Lots Allocated to Horton Grantees  32  9.  Island Equivalent Lots Allocated to Horton Grantees Second Division Farm Lots Allocated to Horton  33  Grantees  35  10.  11a & b  Size  Lots  Allocated to Horton Grantees  12.  Third Division Farm Lots Allocated to Horton  36-37  Grantees  38  13.  The Lands of Joseph Gray, 1770  55  14.  The Lands of Charles Dickson, 1770  57  15.  Known House Locations, 1761-1770  58  16.  Simeon Dewolf's Homes at Horton  60  vi  ACKNOWLEDGEMENT  I am indebted to a number of persons for t h e i r support and encouragement i n w r i t i n g t h i s study.  Thanks to Peter Ennals for  k i n d l i n g my i n i t i a l i n t e r e s t i n Horton Township and the community study approach through my work as h i s research a s s i s t a n t on the H i s t o r i c a l Atlas of Canada p r o j e c t , and  to(4ie^and  advising me to do a Masters degree.  Larry McCann for strongly  Cole H a r r i s and Alan Tully pro-  vided useful i n s i g h t s and suggestions and read the f i n a l d r a f t .  The  s t a f f of the Public Archives of Nova Scotia welcomed me i n t o t h e i r family and made my task much more enjoyable. F i n a n c i a l a i d came from the S o c i a l Sciences & Humanities Research Council through a Special M.A. Fellowship and from the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia i n a Summer Graduate Fellowship, for which I am grateful. Special thanks to my family and those friends who never ceased to believe i n me.  Most importantly, thanks to Graeme Wynn, whose wisdom,  conscientiousness, f a i t h and i n c r e d i b l e patience saw me through and profoundly influenced my scholarship.  CHAPTER 1 Introduction  N o v a S c o t i a i s d e f i n e d a s much by centres.  In t h e s e v e n t e e n t h ,  i t s r u r a l c o m m u n i t i e s as i t s urban  e i g h t e e n t h and n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s , r e m o t e  a n d i s o l a t e d s e t t l e m e n t s w e r e f a s h i o n e d o u t o f i t s w i l d e r n e s s by  diverse  e t h n i c g r o u p s d r a w n t o t h e a r e a by t h e a v a i l a b i l i t y o f l a n d a n d a c c e s s i b i l i t y to f i s h i n g grounds.  Several facets of these immigrations  received scholarly attention.  In broad terms,  have  t h e numbers i n v o l v e d , and  t h e t i m i n g and l o c a t i o n o f t h e i r s e t t l e m e n t a r e known; i m m i g r a t i o n has s t u d i e d i n t h e c o n t e x t o f p o l i t i c a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l e v e n t s , and t h e t r i b u t i o n s o f the v a r i o u s groups to the c u l t u r a l landscape h a v e b e e n assessed."''  Y e t t h e ways i n w h i c h  created l i v e l i h o o d s are poorly understood;  s e t t l e r s t o o k up l a n d  s e t t l e d by New  a mystery. Englanders  eighteenth century, t h i s t h e s i s provides a unique dimension  con-  province and  and t h e p r e c i s e n a t u r e o f  r e l a t i o n s h i p between p e o p l e and p l a c e remains d e t a i l a Nova S c o t i a t o w n s h i p  of the  been  the  By s t u d y i n g i n i n the  late  p e r s p e c t i v e on  one  o f Nova S c o t i a ' s m u l t i - f a c e t e d s e t t l e m e n t geography and o f f e r s a  b a s i s of comparison  to the h i s t o r i c a l e v o l u t i o n of r u r a l  communities  elsewhere. Horton  T o w n s h i p was  s e t t l e d i n the e a r l y 1760s as p a r t o f a campaign  by t h e N o v a S c o t i a g o v e r n m e n t t o a t t r a c t New  Englanders  to the  colony.  J u s t a few y e a r s b e f o r e , a n d a f t e r a l m o s t one h u n d r e d a n d f i f t y y e a r s h a b i t a t i o n , t h e c o l o n y ' s r e s i d e n t F r e n c h A c a d i a n p o p u l a t i o n had 2 f o r c i b l y d e p o r t e d and t h e l a n d l a y empty. The f a m i l i a r i t y New 1  of  been Englanders  2  had w i t h the colony because o f g e n e r a t i o n s o f f i s h i n g near i t s s h o r e s , engaging i n a sometimes c l a n d e s t i n e t r a d e w i t h i t s towns and the e x p e d i t i o n a g a i n s t L o u i s b o u r g i n 1745, when New  England  was  generated  expanding northward.  s u b s t a n t i a l i n t e r e s t a t a time In 1758,  the f a l l o f Quebec  ended a q u a r t e r - c e n t u r y o f h o s t i l i t i e s between England North America, which had prevented a growing s p r e a d i n g i n t o new  territory.  the mass m i g r a t i o n o f land-hungry England.  England  p o p u l a t i o n from  Overcrowding and s o i l e x h a u s t i o n i n the  o l d e r - s e t t l e d towns o f M a s s a c h u s e t t s ,  n o r t h e r n New  New  and France i n  C o n n e c t i c u t and Rhode I s l a n d l e d t o  s e t t l e r s t o the unoccupied  In the f i f t e e n y e a r s f o l l o w i n g 1760,  towns were e s t a b l i s h e d i n Vermont, one hundred i n New  land of seventy-four  Hampshire and  n i n e t y - f o u r i n Maine.^ The p a t t e r n o f s e t t l e m e n t t h e r e d i f f e r e d d r a m a t i c a l l y from the c o l o n i z a t i o n o f t h e f i r s t New  England  f r o n t i e r i n the s e v e n t e e n t h  century.  Townships, bought and s o l d on the open market, were s e t t l e d by d i v e r s e elements s e e k i n g unoccupied  l a n d r a t h e r than by a ready-made community  bound t o g e t h e r by shared r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s and s o c i a l v a l u e s . widespread  There  was  g r a n t i n g o f townships, rampant s p e c u l a t i o n , s p o t t y c o l o n i z a t i o n  and delayed m a t u r a t i o n .  S e t t l e r s located p r i m a r i l y according to land  s u i t a b i l i t y , on d i s p e r s e d f a m i l y farms r a t h e r than i n compact v i l l a g e s . To draw New  Englanders  t o h i s c o l o n y , Nova S c o t i a ' s Governor C h a r l e s  Lawrence o f f e r e d e n t i c e m e n t s to p r o s p e c t i v e s e t t l e r s .  o f f r e e l a n d g r a n t s and easy s e t t l e m e n t terms  Although he aimed t o encourage a g r i c u l t u r a l  s e t t l e m e n t w i t h h i s d e s c r i p t i o n s o f the v a s t q u a n t i t y and s u p e r i o r q u a l i t y o f v a r i o u s l a n d t y p e s , New  England  i n t e r e s t was  more d i v e r s e .  R e c o g n i z i n g the advantages o f a l o c a t i o n c l o s e r t o t h e c o d - r i c h f i s h i n g  3  banks of Nova S c o t i a , several hundred f a m i l i e s migrated from the f i s h i n g ports of Cape Cod to Nova Scotia's southwestern coast i n the early 1760s. On t h i s rugged, indented shore s o i l s derived from the g r a n i t i c spine of Nova Scotia are t h i n and rocky; foggy, damp summers further l i m i t a g r i cultural potential.  The seaward o r i e n t a t i o n of the three townships  founded there was immediately apparent; i t was l a t e r confirmed by the f i r s t census i n 1767.^ Prospective emigrants from the a g r i c u l t u r a l areas of New  England  were more s e n s i t i v e to the opportunities o u t l i n e d i n Lawrence's a d v e r t i s e ments.  They formed free associations and t h e i r agents negotiated agree-  ments with the Nova Scotia government to colonize vacant Acadian farmlands. Acadian settlement had followed the r i v e r s of the Bay of Fundy and had concentrated at Chignecto, Cobequid, Minas and along the Annapolis River. Using t r a d i t i o n a l dyking techniques, they had transformed large t r a c t s of saltmarsh b u i l t from the sediment deposited by the t i d e s of the Bay of Fundy into some of the most f e r t i l e land i n the colony.  Their settlements  were remarkably prosperous, supporting a healthy mixed economy based on farming and supplemented  by f i s h i n g , hunting and trade.  The Acadians  enjoyed a comfortable standard of l i v i n g , raised large f a m i l i e s and u s u a l l y l i v e d to o l d age.  Despite l i t t l e inmigration, between 1713 and the e a r l y  1750s the Acadians probably doubled t h e i r numbers every twenty years.^ The l a r g e s t concentration of population was i n the area of Minas and focused on the expansive Grand Pre" marsh.  Between 1710 and 1747 the  v i l l a g e of Grand Pre grew from l e s s than one thousand people to more than four thousand.  Here, i n what l a t e r became the heart of Horton Township,  households had f i v e to ten acres of dyked and t i l l e d farmland each and an  4  orchard on the adjoining upland.  In addition to providing for t h e i r  f a m i l i e s , the farmers of Grand Pre exported c a t t l e , sheep, pigs and poultry to Louisbourg. Between 1760 and 1764, approximately 5000 New Englanders took up free grants of land ranging from 250 to 1000 acres i n fourteen townships of approximately 100,000 acres each which had been surveyed and l a i d out i n western Nova Scotia and the Isthmus of Chignecto ( F i g . 1).  The pattern  and scale of t h i s process of settlement and the nature of the source materials on the period together argue strongly for an h i s t o r i c a l i n v e s t i gation that b u i l d s from "the bottom up", which makes the community i t s focus.  The microscopic examination of one place over time reveals more  c l e a r l y than more abstract aggregate a n a l y s i s both the basic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of, and the subtle changes i n , the l i v e s that were l i v e d and the land that was s e t t l e d i n these small, r u r a l , i s o l a t e d and f o r the most part r e l a t i v e l y dispersed communities. C l e a r l y , the f u l l treatment of New England settlement i n Nova Scotia must be two-pronged.  A g r i c u l t u r a l and f i s h i n g v i l l a g e s were r a d i c a l l y  d i f f e r e n t i n o r i g i n s of s e t t l e r s , economic base, and morphology, and reconstructing the i n i t i a l stages of settlement i n an a g r i c u l t u r a l township serves as the beginning of t h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n .  Among the a g r i c u l t u r a l  townships, Horton may be considered representative, i f not t y p i c a l .  It  was the f o c a l point of the four Minas Basin townships which received the bulk of the New Englanders. settled.  I t was among the f i r s t townships to be  I t s resource base - dyke, upland, f o r e s t , and f i s h - was essen-  t i a l l y the same as that of the other townships. because i t was the shiretown of King's County.  I t also warrants a t t e n t i o n  6  Horton  f i r s t r e c e i v e d s e t t l e r s i n 1760.  f a m i l i e s from a r e l a t i v e l y  That s p r i n g , i n d i v i d u a l s  and  few towns i n s o u t h e a s t e r n C o n n e c t i c u t began to  a r r i v e i n the Minas B a s i n t o s t a k e t h e i r c l a i m t o p a r t o f what had once been the h e a r t o f A c a d i a , Les Mines. h e l d t r a c e s o f an Acadian p r e s e n c e :  At t h a t t i m e , the landscape  still  abandoned o r c h a r d s and k i t c h e n gardens  and burned-over d w e l l i n g s on the u p l a n d s ; overgrown ox c a r t paths a l o n g t h e shore and c r i s s - c r o s s i n g the d y k e l a n d . storms but s t i l l tices.  Dykes damaged by  powerful  i n t a c t , s t o o d as monuments t o A c a d i a n a g r i c u l t u r a l p r a c -  When i t was s u r v e y e d , Horton  Township's t w e l v e square m i l e s com-  p r i s e d woodland on the South Mountain which  formed the township's  southern  b o r d e r , s c a t t e r e d p o c k e t s o f upland o f v a r y i n g e l e v a t i o n and q u a l i t y , and  a  f r i n g e o f s a l t m a r s h t o the e a s t a l o n g the B a s i n and a l o n g the n o r t h e r n border o f the C o r n w a l l i s R i v e r s e p a r a t i n g Horton of  C o r n w a l l i s . Another  township  from the a d j a c e n t  r i v e r , the narrow Gaspereau, c u t through  from west to e a s t near the base o f South Mountain and  i n t o the B a s i n .  township  the emptied  S m a l l t i d a l i s l a n d s o f r e d c l a y and s a l t m a r s h s t o o d o f f -  shore. S i t u a t e d a t the e a s t e r n end o f the A n n a p o l i s V a l l e y , the s o i l s o f Horton Township were g e n e r a l l y w e l l - s u i t e d t o f a r m i n g . g f e a t u r e o f the township though, was t h e 1200-acre  The o u t s t a n d i n g  l o w - l y i n g Grand Pre"  d y k e l a n d which had once been the f o c u s o f A c a d i a n a g r i c u l t u r e . i t had been damaged by a s e v e r e storm i n 1759,  the Grand Pre" was  a b l e and the Nova S c o t i a government agents expected the a g r i c u l t u r a l system o f the New  Englanders.  Although salvage-  i t t o be the b a s i s o f  7  To t h i s land the New Englanders came as p r o p r i e t o r s , to transform what they had been given according to t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l a s p i r a t i o n s and  7 l  t h e i r c o l l e c t i v e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to create a town.  Their story r a i s e s  fundamental questions about the process of settlement, the foundations o f economy and s o c i e t y , the nature of the family and the evolution of the landscape.  Who were the people who became Horton's permanent r e s i d e n t s ?  How d i d grantees d i v i d e the township land and u t i l i z e t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l holdings?  Where d i d they b u i l d t h e i r houses, m i l l s , and gaols? Did  speculation and absentee ownership e x i s t , and i f so, how did they a f f e c t landholding patterns and the existence, design and implementation o f p r o p r i e t a l regulations? What was the nature and extent of a g r i c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y i n t h i s l a t e eighteenth-century Nova Scotia community? opportunity to pursue vocations other than farming? d i f f e r i n t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p s to the land?  Was there  How did i n d i v i d u a l s  What types of l i f e s t y l e s  evolved and how were they influenced by the nature of that r e l a t i o n s h i p ? What roles d i d females and the landless play i n Horton society? How d i d decisions about t r a n s m i t t i n g property to the next generation a f f e c t the l i v e s of family members? How was l o c a l s o c i e t y shaped by r e l a t i o n s h i p s within and among f a m i l i e s and by communal r e l a t i o n s h i p s that may have extended beyond the boundaries of the township? This study addresses these questions by examining c e n t r a l themes of demography, land ownership, occupation and use, economic development, family structure and i n h e r i t a n c e and the nature of community.  To e x p l a i n  how Horton's development unfolded, i t follows the l i v e s of 89 men and t h e i r f a m i l i e s who came to Horton as p r o p r i e t o r s and, a f t e r s u r v i v i n g the f i r s t years of hardship, became the core of a permanent society.  Against  8  the  backdrop o f l o c a l and e x t e r n a l e v e n t s and the c o n t r a s t i n g l i f e  ences of l a t e c o m e r s , i t c o v e r s the p e r i o d from 1760  to 1830,  experi-  from the time  when the f i r s t g e n e r a t i o n o f s e t t l e r s a r r i v e d i n Horton u n t i l t h e i r d e a t h s . F a m i l i e s were r e c o n s t i t u t e d i n o r d e r t o u n d e r s t a n d the f u l l of for to  the a c t i o n s o f household heads and t o measure t h e i r s u c c e s s i n p r o v i d i n g their families.  The study emphasizes  the r e l a t i o n s h i p o f i n d i v i d u a l s  t h e i r l a n d , which i n an a g r a r i a n s o c i e t y i s the s o u r c e o f p e r s o n a l and  c o l l e c t i v e economic the  significance  s u c c e s s and w h i c h , i n a s i g n i f i c a n t way,  influences  fate of succeeding generations. The q u e s t i o n o f community was c e n t r a l t o t h i s s t u d y o f a p l a c e .  Was  Horton a community i n the sense t h a t i t was a group o f p e o p l e bonded t o g e t h e r by s h a r e d problems and a common purpose? is particularly intractable. tially  Here, the  documentation  But i f the d i s c u s s i o n t h a t f o l l o w s i s e s s e n -  a study o f i n d i v i d u a l s and groups o f i n d i v i d u a l s i n which the  broader image o f community i s weak, t h i s i s l i k e l y a r e f l e c t i o n o f the f a c t t h a t Horton was not a community i n the t r a d i t i o n a l sense o f a c l o s e l y - k n i t c o l o n i a l town. The a n a l y s i s uses a l l e x t a n t s o u r c e s but r e l i e s p r i m a r i l y on deeds and w i l l s , Court o f Q u a r t e r S e s s i o n s p a p e r s , t h e A g r i c u l t u r a l Census o f 1770, the P o l l Tax o f 1791 and g e n e a l o g i c a l m a t e r i a l .  In a l i m i t e d  way,  i t draws on some o f the methodologies and themes d e v e l o p e d i n the e x t e n s i v e l i t e r a t u r e o f New  England l o c a l s t u d i e s .  More o f t e n  though, t h o s e  t e c h n i q u e s s e r v e as t h e b a s i s f o r new methods which a r e more u s e f u l f o r the  narrow time span under study and t h e d e a r t h o f q u a n t i f i a b l e i n f o r m a -  t i o n on the p e r i o d .  In a d d i t i o n , the economic  and s o c i a l c i r c u m s t a n c e s o f  New England a t m i d - c e n t u r y d e s c r i b e d i n t h e s e s t u d i e s p r o v i d e s a g e n e r a l  background o f the s h a r e d e x p e r i e n c e o f most New E n g l a n d e r s who moved t o the  Nova S c o t i a  frontier.  As w e l l , because i t was s e t t l e d  as an o f f s h o o t o f New E n g l a n d , the  c o l o n i z a t i o n o f Horton must be u n d e r s t o o d i n the c o n t e x t o f New England settlement theory.  Bumsted and Lemon have s y n t h e s i z e d t h e f i n d i n g s o f a  number o f New England l o c a l s t u d i e s i n t o a r u r a l s e t t l e m e n t model t h a t i d e n t i f i e s t h r e e s e q u e n t i a l phases o f community development, each  lasting  9 a g e n e r a t i o n or s o .  A c c o r d i n g t o t h i s model, t h e i n i t i a l phase was  marked by u n s e t t l e m e n t , d i s o r i e n t a t i o n and g r e a t f l u i d i t y as s e t t l e r s found ways t o o r g a n i z e t h e i r new environment.  Large amounts o f f r e e or  r e l a t i v e l y cheap l a n d were a v a i l a b l e and communities were open. was the s i m p l i f i c a t i o n o f o l d s o c i a l forms as t h e i n h a b i t a n t s  There  imposed  s o c i a l arrangements t h a t b e t t e r s u i t e d t h e i r new environment and a l t e r e d c i r c u m s t a n c e s but bore l i t t l e resemblance t o t h e i r p r e v i o u s e x p e r i e n c e . As s o c i e t y became more s e t t l e d and p o p u l a t i o n more dense, i t e n t e r e d a second phase o f s t a b i l i z a t i o n .  Economic s t r e n g t h grew, s o c i a l  institu-  t i o n s , s t r u c t u r e s and v a l u e s became more c l e a r l y d e f i n e d and e n t r e n c h e d . S o c i e t y became more complex.  I f economic  growth  continued, t h i s  phase  became one o f r e p l i c a t i o n as emerging e l i t e s i m i t a t e d t h e o l d e s t a b l i s h e d societies  from which they came.  But i f t h e community d i d not c o n t i n u e t o  grow, i f commercial a g r i c u l t u r e o r i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n d i d not o c c u r , t h e community passed i n t o a phase o f s t a g n a t i o n . l a t i o n p r e s s u r e on l i m i t e d s o c i a l upheaval.  Eventually, increased  popu-  r e s o u r c e s l e d t o l e s s e n i n g o p p o r t u n i t y and  10  This  study  Township a r g u e s  of  the  against  of  the  widespread  of  the  relationship  and the lives  of  this  generation model  availability  fundamental the  first  of  people  importance  inhabitants  or so  of  by c h a l l e n g i n g  of-abundant l a n d . to of  and the  their the  settlement its  role  of  the  character  of  their  Horton  underlying  A detailed  land reveals  in  both  land in  assumption  examination  restricted directing  evolving  access the  society.  11  Footnotes  A representative sample of the l i t e r a t u r e on the settlement h i s t o r y of Nova Scotia includes: general works of W.P. B e l l , The Foreign Protestants and the Settlement of Nova Scotia (Toronto: 1961), J.B. B i r d , "Settlement Patterns i n Maritime Canada, 1687-1786", i n Geographical Review (1955); T.C. Haliburton, An H i s t o r i c a l and S t a t i s t i c a l Account of Nova Scotia, 2 v o l s . ( H a l i f a x : 1829); J.S. M a r t e l l , Immigration to and Emigration from Nova S c o t i a , 1815-1838 ( H a l i f a x : P.A.N.S. P u b l i c a t i o n No. 6, 1942); I.F. MacKinnon, Settlements and Churches i n Nova Scotia (Montreal: 1930); Beamish Murdoch, A History of Nova S c o t i a , 3 v o l s . ( H a l i f a x : 1865-1867); as w e l l as several county h i s t o r i e s which provide anecdotal accounts of settlement and o f f e r biographies of prominent c i t i z e n s . For an a n a l y s i s of county h i s t o r i e s , see M. Brook Taylor, "Nova Scotia's Nineteenth-Century County H i s t o r i e s " , i n Acadiensis, v. X, no. 2 (Spring, 1981), pp. 159-167. Studies concerned with a s p e c i f i c group of immigrants include: D. Campbell and R.A. MacLean, Beyond the A t l a n t i c Roar: A Study of Nova Scotia Scots (Toronto: 1974); Andrew H i l l Clark, Acadia, The Geography of Early Nova Scotia to 1760 (Madison: 1968); C.W. Dunn, Highland S e t t l e r : A P o r t r a i t of the S c o t t i s h Gael i n Nova Scotia (Toronto: 1953); A.W.H. Eaton, "Rhode Island S e t t l e r s on the French Lands i n Nova Scotia i n 1760 and 1761", i n Americana (1915); Margaret E l l s , "Clearing The Decks for the L o y a l i s t s " , Canadian H i s t o r i c a l Association Report, 1933, pp. 43-58; C.B. Fergusson, "Pre-Revolutionary Settlements i n Nova S c o t i a " , Nova Scotia H i s t o r i c a l Society C o l l e c t i o n s , v. XXXVII, (1970), pp. 5-23; R.S. Longley, "The Coming of the New England Planters to the Annapolis V a l l e y " , i n i b i d . , v. XXXIII (1961), pp. 81-101; W.C. Milner, "The Basin of Minas and I t s Early S e t t l e r s " (the author, no date); Elizabeth Pearson White, "Nova Scotia S e t t l e r s From Chatham, Mass., 1759-1976", i n National Genealogical Society Quarterly, v. 62 (June, 1974), pp. 96-117. For p o l i t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of settlement, see J.B. Brebner, The Neutral Yankees of Nova S c o t i a . A Marginal Colony During the Revolutionary Years (Toronto: 1969); Gordon Stewart and George Rawlyk, A People Highly Favoured of God (Toronto: 1972). For a discussion o f the c u l t u r a l landscape, see i n p a r t i c u l a r , Peter Ennals and Deryk Holdsworth, "Vernacular Architecture and the C u l t u r a l Landscape of the Maritime Provinces - A Reconnaisance", i n Acadiensis, 10 (1981), pp. 86-106; Alan Gowans, "New England Architecture i n Nova S c o t i a " i n Art Quarterly (Spring, 1962), pp. 7-33; Graeme Wynn, "The Maritimes: The Geography of Fragmentation and Underdevelopment", i n L.D. McCann (ed.), Heartland and Hinterland (Scarborough, Ont.: 1982), pp. 156-213. 2 There i s an extensive l i t e r a t u r e dealing with the Acadians, and p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e i r expulsion from Nova Scotia. Standard works on Acadian settlement include: Andrew H i l l Clark, i b i d . , J.B. Brebner, New England's Outpost. Acadia Before the Conquest of Canada (New York: 1927); and Naomi G r i f f i t h s , "The Golden Age: Acadian L i f e , 1713-1748", H i s t o i r e S o c i a l e / S o c i a l H i s t o r y , v. XVII, no. 33 (May 1984), pp. 21-34.  12  Lois K. Mathews, The Expansion of New England (Boston: 1909), pp. 113, 115. See also Charles E. Clark, The Eastern F r o n t i e r . The Settlement of Northern New England, 1610-1763 (New York: 1970). Vor d e t a i l s of the two proclamations Lawrence published i n 1758.and 1759, o u t l i n i n g the advantages of Nova Scotia and the terms o f settlement, see "Royal Proclamations, Proclamations By the Lord J u s t i c e s and the Governors of Nova S c o t i a , 1748-1823", i n R.G. 1, v. 346, s e r i e s G. "A General Return o f the Several Townships i n the Province of Nova Scotia . . . 1767", R.G. 1, v. 443; reprinted i n Nova Scotia H i s t o r i c a l Society C o l l e c t i o n s , v. 6 - 7 , pp. 4 5 - 7 1 . 6  7  Naomi G r i f f i t h s , "Acadian L i f e " , pp. 25, 27. I b i d . , p. 27.  8  In 1774 two t r a v e l l i n g Englishmen stated that the "Gramperre" consisted o f 2600 acres of dykeland (John Robinson and Thomas R i s p i n , "A Journey Through Nova Scotia i n 1774", i n P.A.N.S. Report, 1944, pp. 2657). This figure i s l i k e l y an estimate of t o t a l dykeland acreage at Horton including " s i z e " . Computations discussed i n chapter 2, footnote 36 put the t o t a l at l e s s than h a l f t h i s . 9  J.M. Bumsted and J.T. Lemon, "New Approaches i n Early American Studies: The Local Community i n New England", H i s t o i r e S o c i a l e / S o c i a l  History 2 (1968), pp. 98-112.  CHAPTER 2 Occupying  The Land  In the l a t e 1750s, the Nova Scotia Government focused i t s c o l o n i z a t i o n e f f o r t s on e s t a b l i s h i n g permanent a g r i c u l t u r a l communities and l e f t the f i s h i n g townships to develop more or l e s s on t h e i r own. s u r p r i s i n g under the circumstances.  This was hardly  Farming communities held greater  promise of achieving permanent s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y than those based on an e x t r a c t i v e resource; they a l s o o f f e r e d the p o t e n t i a l of a food supply for the m i l i t a r y g a r r i s o n at H a l i f a x .  In any case, executing an organized  settlement plan would have been d i f f i c u l t on Nova Scotia's southwest coast where the rugged t e r r a i n and the nature of the resource would f r a g ment settlement as i t stretched out along the shoreline and c l u s t e r e d i n sheltered coves. According to the Government's p l a n , the Minas Basin area was to be colonized as block settlements.  A "block" settlement was one i n which  the area to be c o l o n i z e d ( i n t h i s case a township) was granted to a group who had joined together p r i o r to the move with the purpose of " p l a n t i n g " a community.  Each of the four Minas townships was granted to a group of  f a m i l i e s and i n d i v i d u a l s , most of whom came from a few neighbouring towns i n Massachusetts, Connecticut or Rhode Island.  They were expected to move  to Nova Scotia as a community and to occupy the land at l e a s t i n i t i a l l y , i n common.  In 1759, c o l l e c t i v e township grants were issued to 197 p r o p r i e -  tors i n Horton, 150 i n C o r n w a l l i s , 100 i n Falmouth, and 68 i n Newport ( i n  1764)  and s e t t l e r s began to a r r i v e the following s p r i n g . 13  14  Nova Scotia was only one of several unoccupied areas being colonized by New Englanders at the time, and l i k e the others i t had d i f f i c u l t y ensuring that those who claimed shares kept t h e i r promise to s e t t l e . F o r f e i t u r e s , vacancies, and the i n f l u x of non-grantees confused a process already complicated by the speculative land i n t e r e s t s of s e l f - s e r v i n g Halifax o f f i c i a l s .  In the end, 202 grantees received Horton land and  formed the basis of i t s evolving settlement, but the composition of t h i s group was decided neither quickly nor e a s i l y . Only 64 of the 197 persons named on the 1759 Grant were i n Horton by May 1761 when absentee p r o p r i e t o r s were threatened with f o r f e i t u r e of t h e i r grants."'' Circumstances were s i m i l a r i n Cornwallis and the other Bay of Fundy townships.  Anxious that the former Acadian lands should not remain  long without settlement, the Government had e s t a b l i s h e d c r i t e r i a f o r f o r 2 feiture.  Grants had to be s e t t l e d by p r o p r i e t o r s or t h e i r representatives  and improvements begun w i t h i n two years of the date o f issue or the grants were subject to c a n c e l l a t i o n .  When the Government acted against delinquent  grantees i n 1761, the r e s u l t i n g s h u f f l e i n the shareholder membership of Horton i n v a l i d a t e d the township grant. Horton kept t h e i r grants.  P r o p r i e t o r s who had a r r i v e d i n  An undisclosed number of absentee p r o p r i e t o r s  had 37.5 shares saved f o r them by requesting a continuance o f t h e i r grants and receiving a revised settlement deadline."'  Twelve more, who had  delayed moving to Horton u n t i l a f t e r 1761, were l i s t e d on the town plan i n confirmation of t h e i r i n t e n t i o n to s e t t l e . t h e i r grants between 1762 and 1764.  Both of these groups claimed  The rest of the n o n - a r r i v a l s , repre-  senting 121 shares, l o s t t h e i r grants.  This encouraged other r e s i d e n t s o f  Connecticut to emigrate to Horton i n the hope of a c q u i r i n g one of the  15  suspended  rights.  In May 1761,  78 individuals having no previous claim to a Horton  •share joined the resident grantees in a new c o l l e c t i v e  grant.  or "Effective" Grant distributed 131.5 of the township's  The second  200 shares to  142 individuals (plus one share for the f i r s t minister, 600 acres for a glebe and 400 acres for the school for a t o t a l of 134.5  shares).Over  the next few years, proprietors of the f i r s t grant whose claims were saved, arrived in Horton and received their shares in private grants. a r r i v a l s from Connecticut competed with Nova Scotians for the remaining r i g h t s .  Other township's  By 1764 a l l shares were d i s t r i b u t e d .  The 200 shares of Horton Township were allocated to proprietors in grants of .5, 1, 1.5 and 2 shares.  Social status had determined grant  s i z e and structured the s o c i a l organization of seventeenth-century New England towns, but i t was of limited value to an community founded on economic p r i n c i p l e s .  eighteenth-century  True, Horton's 2-share rights  of which there were f i v e , were patronage awards, but more often entitlement was determined by the proprietor's " a b i l i t y to c u l t i v a t e " . seems, was loosely based on age and family s i z e .  "Ability",  it  It may be argued that  those who were older were more l i k e l y to have attained s o c i a l prominence and so the apparent c r i t e r i a of age may have actually concealed the less obvious d i s t i n c t i o n of status.  But not every esteemed c i t i z e n received a  large grant, whereas most older men with large families d i d .  And i f a l l  who obtained the larger grants were prominent, some quickly f e l l obscurity at Horton.  into  They were neither acknowledged as the town leaders  nor became p a r t i c u l a r l y successful perhaps the wisdom and experience  landowners or farmers.  Thus, age (and  i t suggested) was judged to be a better  16  measure of farming s k i l l than s o c i a l p o s i t i o n .  Consequently, the oldest  household heads with completed (and therefore often l a r g e r ) f a m i l i e s received most of the 750-acre 1.5-share grants; young, s i n g l e or newlymarried, men were given the 250-acre .5 shares, and those i n between obtained 500-acre 1-share grants.  The shares were divided among 202 i n d i -  viduals i n the following proportions:  5 grants of 2 shares, 41 grants of  1.5 shares, 97 grants'of 1 share and 59 grants of .5 shares. Three components can be recognized i n the f i n a l s e l e c t i o n of Horton grantees:  177 New Englanders  and 11 placemen (13 s h a r e s ) . ^ for  past s e r v i c e .  The s o l d i e r s received land grants as reward  Most were captains and l i e u t e n a n t s and at l e a s t three  came from the same regiment. ing  (168.5 shares), 14 s o l d i e r s (16.5 shares),  7  "Placemen" describes a mixed group c o n s i s t -  of powerful members of H a l i f a x ' s s o c i a l e l i t e , i n f l u e n t i a l businessmen,  p o l i t i c i a n s , and high-ranking government servants who obtained t h e i r grants through favour.  Patronage and p o s i t i o n influenced the granting o f 2  shares to Rev. John Breynton, leader o f the Anglican Church i n Nova Scotia and r e c t o r o f H a l i f a x ' s St. Paul's Church, and 1 share to William Nesbitt, a prominent H a l i f a x p o l i t i c i a n .  I t was a l s o a factor i n the  issue of smaller grants t o businessmen and t h e i r f a m i l i e s .  H a l i f a x mer-  chants Joseph Gray and Charles P r o c t o r , for example, held diverse c o l o n i a l business i n t e r e s t s .  They received 1 and 1.5 shares r e s p e c t i v e l y .  Three  other shareholders, Capt. John Taggart, Charles Morris J r . , and Isaac Deschamps had served the government i n the i n i t i a l settlement of the Minas townships.  17  Yet most of the grantees - perhaps QQ% of the 202 p r o p r i e t o r s - were New Englanders, and i f the o r i g i n s of the 79 New England grantees for whom we have data are t y p i c a l , members of t h i s largest group came from a compact area i n southeastern Connecticut focusing on the port of New London g (Figure 2).  O r i g i n a l l y occupied as part of the expanding  Massachusetts  f r o n t i e r more than a century before, New London and neighbouring counties i n the eastern highlands were well s e t t l e d .  Generations of extensive and  wasteful farm p r a c t i c e s had exhausted the more a c c e s s i b l e lands and a growing population was placing increasing pressure on the l i m i t e d supply of good land remaining i n the v i c i n i t y of the shiretown. 9 i n the older s e t t l e d a g r i c u l t u r a l areas of New England,  Here, as elsewhere land s c a r c i t y and  s o i l exhaustion r e s t r i c t e d the farming o p p o r t u n i t i e s of the descendents the e a r l i e s t s e t t l e r s .  of  The hardest h i t were young sons who came of age at  a time when fathers had l i t t l e to o f f e r them as a s t a r t i n l i f e .  Without  a patrimony, i t was almost impossible to get e s t a b l i s h e d i n these s u b s i s t ent and semi-subsistent communities where there were few a l t e r n a t i v e s farming.  to  Much of Connecticut was yet l i t t l e influenced by an i n c i p i e n t  West Indian market f o r the colony's a g r i c u l t u r a l products. had not d i v e r s i f i e d and opportunity was l i m i t e d .  Local economies  By New England standards,  the land was overcrowded; wealth based on land ownership was  unevenly  d i s t r i b u t e d and the q u a l i t y of l i f e had worsened as s o c i e t y became s t r a t i fied.  Communities that once had been e g a l i t a r i a n , homogeneous and open  were s t r a t i f i e d , d i f f e r e n t i a t e d and closed. To escape these r e s t r i c t i v e c o n d i t i o n s , s e t t l e r s moved to northern New England i n search of land.  Emigration began i n the l a t e 1600s,.when  t h i s f r o n t i e r separated s e t t l e d New England from the enemy t e r r i t o r y of  •  equals one person  19  French Canada.  Sporadic outbursts of warfare i n the f i r s t h a l f of the  18th century checked the advance of f r o n t i e r settlement and often wiped out e x i s t i n g communities.  Between the wars, the coastal areas of Maine  and New Hampshire were t e n t a t i v e l y s e t t l e d , but the i n t e r i o r and Vermont were not opened up u n t i l the French threat was completely removed with the f a l l of Quebec i n 17,61). As part of t h i s northern expansion of New England, emigrants were drawn to the unoccupied t e r r i t o r y i n the adjacent colony of Nova S c o t i a . The promise of free land not only lured the young sons of New England, i t a t t r a c t e d o l d e r , family-oriented men as w e l l .  In f a c t , p a r t i a l recon-  s t i t u t i o n of the f a m i l i e s of f i f t y Horton grantees reveals that fewer than one t h i r d of these men were s i n g l e i n 1761 and that at an average age o f 20, a l l but three came to Nova Scotia with t h e i r parents.  Of the married  male grantees, three-quarters were over 30 years o l d and one t h i r d were older than f i f t y .  Their f a m i l i e s were young though, and could be counted  on as a labour supply on the f r o n t i e r .  At an average age o f 37, twenty-  f i v e wives whose b i r t h d a t e i s known were an average of f i v e years younger than t h e i r husbands and many had not f i n i s h e d bearing c h i l d r e n i n 1761. At l e a s t f i v e women were pregnant when they made the three-week sea journey '"' to Horton. 1  Couples brought as many as ten, but most often four  (and an average o f f i v e ) c h i l d r e n under age 21 to the new land; many f a m i l i e s included one or two sons aged 16 to 21 who were not grantees and could labour on family farms. There i s no evidence that the patterns revealed by sample family r e c o n s t i t u t i o n d i f f e r e d appreciably from the demographic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the other grantees.  Almost h a l f (59) o f the remaining 123 New  20  Englanders were known to have brought wives and c h i l d r e n or to have come to Horton with at l e a s t one member of t h e i r immediate  families."''"'"  Only 12  grantees are known to have been unmarried. Some grantees were connected through extended kinship t i e s .  Brothers  Asa and Ephraim Harris were accompanied to Horton by a cousin, Lebbeus Harris and a nephew, Daniel H a r r i s , and p r o p r i e t o r William Coldwell was married to the s i s t e r ' o f grantee Jedidiah Jordan. had r e l a t i o n s i n nearby Cornwallis.  Other Horton grantees  For instance, Zebadiah Wickwire's  brothers Christopher and Peter, and Obadiah Stark's brother, Zephaniel were Cornwallis grantees; Benjamin Beckwith's cousins Samuel and John Beckwith also l i v e d there. L i t t l e of the economic background of Horton's New England grantees can be known without reconstructing t h e i r l i v e s p r i o r to emigration. While i t i s very u n l i k e l y that the extremely r i c h or the very poor came to Horton, the sparse evidence suggests that the grantees represented a broad economic spectrum.  Such men as prominent Connecticut landowner  Robert  Denison, Yale-educated lawyer Nathan Dewolf, and C o l . Charles Dickson who personally.financed a m i l i t a r y company for the siege of Beausejour came to Horton, but other s e t t l e r s could not survive the f i r s t few years without food and grain subsidies from the Nova Scotia Government.  Although almost  every man c a l l e d himself a yeoman farmer when he claimed a Horton share, the New Englanders brought a v a r i e t y of s k i l l s to the new land.  A small  number i d e n t i f i e d themselves as blacksmiths, carpenters, cordwainers, weavers, and traders while others r e l i e d on informal t r a i n i n g to b u i l d t h e i r houses and provide t h e i r f a m i l i e s with the basic possessions they had not brought with them.  Women contributed domestic s k i l l s i n c l u d i n g  21  weaving and spinning and produced household goods such as soap and candles. Because a l l Horton shares were a l l o c a t e d i n the early 1760s, i t i s possible to o f f e r a p r o f i l e of the founding s o c i e t y .  I t was a c u l t u r a l l y -  homogeneous population c o n s i s t i n g p r i m a r i l y of former residents of southeastern Connecticut.  Although they were of a wide range of ages, they  shared a common c u l t u r e and r e l i g i o n .  They were p r i m a r i l y f a m i l i e s with  r e l a t i v e s l i v i n g nearby to provide companionship  during good times and  support and comfort during bad. At the same time, where the formal s t r u c t u r e s of community were 12  absent or rudimentary,  and where s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n was dominated by  k i n s h i p , communal interdependence among the inhabitants of the place was probably weak.  To be sure, every able-bodied man served the community i n  the m i l i t i a and on the township's road committees.  But underlying the  founding o f Horton was the powerful yearning o f most of i t s grantees f o r i n d i v i d u a l landholdings on which they could p r a c t i s e family a g r i c u l t u r e . This factor proved c r i t i c a l to Horton's development; i t d i r e c t e d methods o f land d i s t r i b u t i o n and influenced basic patterns of l i f e on the land. The Cadastre In May, 1760, government troops erected Fort Montague near Horton Landing to provide s h e l t e r and p r o t e c t i o n for grantees and t h e i r f a m i l i e s and l i v e s t o c k .  The f i r s t houses "* b u i l t that summer were probably s i t u a t e d 1  at town p l o t near the protection of the f o r t .  Although they planted some  root crops and corn, the s e t t l e r s depended on government provisions o f f l o u r , corn, and mackerel to sustain them through the f i r s t Nova Scotian 14 winter.  With the spring thaw, salmon from the township's r i v e r s and  22  streams supplemented a meagre food supply. exceedingly d i f f i c u l t ,  Since overland travel was  Horton Landing became the focus of a r r i v a l s and  departures in the summer of 1761.  In May, alone,  a government  vessel  brought s a l t to cure f i s h , and oats and potatoes for planting;"^ Captain Rogers arrived from New London with a small shipment of seed corn;"^ and 18 New Englanders bound for Cobequid stopped in at Horton.  Quickly the  proprietors began to provide the infrastructures of settlement:  they con-  structed a bridge across the lower Gaspereau River, established a ferry link to Cornwallis, erected a g r i s t m i l l (and most l i k e l y at least one sawmill) and began to set off individual shares.  In the next three years  a l l of the township's land except the size l o t s and the remote wildlands were l a i d out and d i s t r i b u t e d .  By 1770 v i r t u a l l y a l l lands were allocated  and the settlement pattern was  established. 19  Although o f f i c i a l grants were often delayed several years,  share-  holders participated i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of township land as soon as they became residents.  The Nova Scotia township grants gave the proprietors  control over the d i v i s i o n of their shares " . . . into one or more l o t s to each share,as s h a l l be agreed upon by the major part of said g r a n t e e s . . . . " ' In Horton, as i n the other a g r i c u l t u r a l townships,  grants consisted of  dykeland, marsh, upland and woodland. Horton was surveyed i n t y p i c a l New England form. different town p l o t .  Blocks of land of  types were l a i d out i n l o t s of various sizes around a compact The divisions of the Horton survey described the type or l o c a -  tion of land and broadly, the sequence of survey:  f i r s t d i v i s i o n dyke,  f i r s t d i v i s i o n farm, second d i v i s i o n farm, i s l a n d l o t s , s i z e or equivalent l o t s , and t h i r d d i v i s i o n farm (Figure 3).  If the procedure for laying out  Location of Land Types in Horton Township  fig. 3.  24  the  t h i r d d i v i s i o n farm l o t s was t y p i c a l , the p r o p r i e t o r s established the  acreage per share for each d i v i s i o n (except the equivalent l o t s ) , by d i v i d i n g the t o t a l acreage of a land type by the number of shares to be 21 distributed.  The acreage for 1.5-share and .5-share entitlements were  then calculated proportionately. differently:  Two-share disbursements were measured  they were treated as two one-share allotments so that the  composition of the grant was a c t u a l l y that of two separate shares.  Having  two-shares' worth of any of the various land types was to own two d i s t i n c t and possibly widely-separated l o t s instead of contiguous acreage as i n the case of 1.5-share t r a c t s . Further adjustments were made i n acreage per share i n two of the upland d i v i s i o n s to compensate for v a r i a b l e q u a l i t y .  For the f i r s t  divi-  s i o n farm l o t s t h i s was expressed i n v a r i a b l e acreage per share; for second d i v i s i o n l o t s i t was i n the addition of one or more " s i z e " l o t s of marsh, dyke, upland and/or woodland to each r i g h t to make up the equivalent of inferior quality. The l o t s of the Horton survey, ranging i n s i z e from .5 to 3 shares i n some d i v i s i o n s , were l a i d out and numbered, and chosen by drawing correspondingly-numbered papers from a hat.  The l a r g e r two and three-share l o t s  of the f i r s t d i v i s i o n s of dyke and upland were p a r c e l l e d out to two or more grantees.  For example, the f i r s t d i v i s i o n farm l o t numbered "N°3 3 shares  f i r s t t i e r Grand Pre" was divided among three grantees who together owned a t o t a l of 3 shares:  the north h a l f or 1.5 shares was drawn by Samuel  Copp; the south h a l f was apportioned to John Burnham who owned the middle 1-share l o t and John Whitney J r . whose .5 share bordered north on Burnham's land and south on the King's Highway.  S i m i l a r l y , Charles  25  Dickson Sr. obtained a .5-share s t r i p at the east end of the 2-share l o t "N° 29 f i r s t t i e r Gaspereau River"; John A l l e n Sr. owned 1 share adjoining 22 Dickson's l o t and the .5-share western s t r i p belonged to John Dickson. As long as the t o t a l combined shares corresponded with the share s i z e o f the  l o t , grantees could choose t h e i r neighbours i n a subdivided l o t by  "drawing i n company".  Although owners almost always l a t e r divided common  p l o t s into i n d i v i d u a l holdings, i n i t i a l l y t h i s arrangement permitted a man to farm alongside someone he knew and trusted.  Relatives, especially 23 fathers and sons, frequently chose t h i s v a r i a t i o n o f the b a l l o t . No one 24 was given preference i n the assignment of l o t s and a l l the p r o p r i e t o r s 25 shared equally i n the costs o f the survey. In June, 1760, before most grantees a r r i v e d , Nova Scotia Chief Land Surveyor Charles Morris J r . measured o f f a compact town p l o t designed for 26 commerce and defence (Figure 4 ) .  Bordered to the north by the marshy  fringe o f Grand Pre", the 144-acre rectangular g r i d was located on cleared upland j u s t south o f Horton Landing on a bend near the mouth of the Gaspereau River.  I t consisted o f three 44-acre squares each surrounding a  4-acre parade square and i n t e r s e c t e d by s t r e e t s at r i g h t angles.  In New  England communities, wealth, s o c i a l s t a t u s , family s i z e and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the i n i t i a l s e t t l i n g often determined i f a s e t t l e r was given a home l o t and i t s acreage, but i n Horton every grantee and proposed grantee received 27 a 250' x 100' .5-acre t r a c t (Figure 5).  Grantees probably took posses-  sion of t h e i r l o t s as they a r r i v e d i n town, but the method o f d i s t r i b u t i o n i s unknown.  There were more extra l o t s surveyed at town p l o t than i n any  other d i v i s i o n ; perhaps the surplus was intended for the tradesmen Morris 28 a n t i c i p a t e d would s e t t l e there.  26  Town Lots Allocated to Horton Grantees  fig. 5.  28  The rest of the township was l a i d out by the Horton survey team.  The  survey team of seven or eight men, but of no f i x e d membership consisted of a surveyor to lay the bounds, committeemen to represent the p r o p r i e t o r s , 29 and chainmen to carry axes and the Gunter  measurement chain.  In 1761,  they l a i d out the f i r s t d i v i s i o n of dykeland northwest of the town plot on the Grand Pre.  The survey plan, with nine alphabetized d i v i s i o n s of AO to  184 acres resembled a"patchwork of squares and rectangles (Figure 6). I t divided the approximately 800-acre"^ Grand Pre i n t o one hundred 8-acre tracts.  These 2-share l o t s could have as many as four owners, but by the  draw each p r o p r i e t o r was aware of which section he owned. The f i r s t d i v i s i o n farm l o t s were also measured o f f i n 1761 on the cleared upland south of the Grand Pre'.'*  1  Four t i e r s of .5 t o 3-share l o t s ,  appropriately named the f i r s t and second t i e r s next the Grand Pre" and the f i r s t and second t i e r s next the Gaspereau River lay between the Grand Pre" and the Gaspereau River.  The a l l o c a t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l shares divided most  l o t s into rectangles bordering on a road or the Grand Pre" (Figure 7).  The  c e n t r a l section of the middle t i e r s was known as the town common. The common was.the core o f New England towns, but i n Horton the term was anac h r o n i s t i c ; the area l o c a l s c a l l e d the "common" was a c t u a l l y upland s i z e that had been divided i n t o l o t s and was p r i v a t e l y owned by a handful of grantees. To the east, 50-acre l o t s "east of the lower bridge near the pear trees" provided another t r a c t of f i r s t d i v i s i o n farmland.  S i m i l a r l y , the  cleared upland south o f the town p l o t and the wedge of wetter ground on i t s northern boundary, were used for twenty-six .5 to 1.5-share l o t s . East of the town p l o t , f i v e 3-share l o t s of at least 48 acres apiece,  31  appropriated a chunk of firmer ground on the peninsula known as Neck".  "the  A l l together, the f i r s t d i v i s i o n farmland t o t a l l e d 1947 acres, but  depending on the s o i l q u a l i t y of each s e c t i on, the allotment per share varied from seven to twenty-four acres. 32 By 1763,  at l e a s t some l o t s were measured o f f on the three i s l a n d s ,  s o - c a l l e d , that were a c t u a l l y elevated land accessible on foot at low t i d e but surrounded by water at the flood t i d e (Figure 8).  An access road  divided the l a r g e s t i s l a n d , Long Island, i n t o north and south t i e r s .  With  4 acres to a share, each t i e r consisted of narrow 1.5 and 2-share s t r i p s . A small p l o t at the i s l a n d ' s western end was reserved to provide s o i l for dyke construction. Few of those who  obtained shares a f t e r the c o l l e c t i v e grant  (and  hereafter r e f e r r e d to as subsequent grantees) received l o t s on Long Island whereas they preponderated on Oak and Boot Islands.  Since those l i s t e d on  the 1761 E f f e c t i v e Grant drew t h e i r l o t s before the others, t h i s seems to i n d i c a t e that Oak and Boot Islands were only divided a f t e r a l l Long Island l o t s had been d i s t r i b u t e d . The i s l a n d was the only d i v i s i o n that  contained  fewer than 200 shares of land, and yet some i s l a n d l o t s were never claimed. Perhaps the land was worthless i n those spots, but whatever the reason, 48 four to twenty-four-acre i s l a n d equivalent l o t s scattered on the upland on the south side of the Gaspereau and i n the western section of the township were offered i n l i e u to the remaining subsequent grantees (Figure 9). Between 1762 and 1764"^ the second d i v i s i o n farm l o t s were l a i d o f f i n four sections l y i n g west of the f i r s t d i v i s i o n farm l o t s , on the south bank of the Gaspereau and the shores of the P i z i q u i d (Avon) Rivers, and along the Horton-Falmouth Road.  Rows of 100-acre rectangles were divided  3Z.  Island Lots Allocated to Horton Grantees  <mrm»  _____  dyke division boundary lot boundary ——8H—1 lots granted  fig. 8.  lot boundary  KIMS  allocated island equivalent lots ungranted island equivalent lots  34  east to west i n 50-acre shares (Figure 10).  To compensate For v a r i a b l e  s o i l q u a l i t y appraisers assessed each l o t against the highest p r i z e d l o t , A N° 10, and awarded p r o p r i e t o r s pecuniary t i c k e t s to be exchanged f o r 34  "equivalent" l o t s of equal value at the r e c i p i e n t ' s l e i s u r e .  In t h i s  way, p r o p r i e t o r s pitched one or more l o t s on the r e s i d u a l marsh, dykeland, i n t e r v a l e and woodland of the township."^  Unlike a r b i t r a r y b a l l o t s e l e c -  t i o n , p i t c h i n g meant that i n d i v i d u a l s chose the l o c a t i o n of t h e i r l o t s . s  Consequently, s i z e land was usually a jumble o f l o t s of many shapes and s i z e s (Figures 11a and l i b ) . ^ Some p r o p r i e t o r s exercised t h e i r choice of s i z e land i n the l a t e 1760s, but most chose e a r l i e r and by 1770 a t t e n t i o n was focused on the f i n a l allotment o f land.  By the t h i r d d i v i s i o n , almost 90,000 acres o f remote  and i n a c c e s s i b l e forest were set o f f i n half-share t r a c t s of 225 acres each (Figure 12).  With t h i s f i n a l d i v i s i o n , and e x c l u s i v e of the s i z e  acreage, the t o t a l acreage of a l l d i v i s i o n s exceeded by more than 2000 acres the putative 100,000 acres a l l o c a t e d the township i n 1759 (Table I ) . Because the Horton p r o p r i e t o r s wished to ensure that each and every share i n the township contained a p o r t i o n of a l l kinds of land, they had no choice but to d i v i d e the land i n t o scattered holdings. p i t c h i n g s i z e l o t s t h e i r s e l e c t i o n s perpetuated  Still, in  t h i s randomness.  They  favoured no p a r t i c u l a r type of land, nor did they choose acreage of every kind; there was no attempt t o consolidate l o t s i n a s i n g l e l o c a t i o n and grantees r a r e l y selected p l o t s near t h e i r other holdings.  This apparent  disregard of the b e n e f i t s of agglomeration and the inconveniences  o f long  distances between holdings suggests what may have been accepted and indeed, preferred a g r i c u l t u r a l p r a c t i s e :  farming small p l o t s and  35  Size Lots Allocated to Horton Grantees  lot boundary  fig. 11a.  marsh & dyke size dyke size  I + + +l  upland size  allocated lots ungranted lots  lots granted lot boundary  39  TABLE I .  Acreage D i s t r i b u t i o n o f .Land Types i n Horton Township  Division  Total Acreage  ac. Granted  ac./ Share  37  No. o f Lots  Town p l o t  144  113.5  .5  288  F i r s t d i v i s i o n dyke  800  792  4  100  F i r s t d i v i s i o n farm: 7 14 14 12.5 12.5 12-14 6 24  26 19 14 16 22 15 11 5  50  98  F i r s t t i e r Grand Pre Second t i e r Grand Pre" Second t i e r Gaspereau F i r s t t i e r Gaspereau E a s t o f the lower b r i d g e South o f the town p l o t N o r t h o f the town p l o t On the Neck Total of f i r s t d i v i s i o n farm:  388.5 350 210 443.75 243.75 195 51 360  46.5 234 189 442.75 243.75 195 42 348  2242.00  1741.00  Second d i v i s i o n farm  9800  9150  Long I s l a n d Oak I s l a n d Boot I s l a n d Island equivalent Total island d i v i s i o n :  478 48 64 577.25 1167.25  420 45 60 577.25 1102.25  4 6 8 12.5-16  104 8 8 52 52  Third d i v i s i o n  87975  86850  450  391  102128.25  99748.75  Island  lots:  Total exclusive of s i z e  40  t r a v e l l i n g a few miles between l o t s .  I f t h i s i s true, a p r e - d i s p o s i t i o n  toward dispersion would s i g n i f i c a n t l y influence landowning patterns once p r o p r i e t o r s began to re-structure t h e i r holdings by buying and lots.  selling  The s p a t i a l arrangement of i n d i v i d u a l holdings on the land and  type, v a r i e t y and q u a l i t y of the s o i l s they contained  the  would i n t u r n ,  profoundly a f f e c t the nature of the a g r i c u l t u r a l system and l e v e l s of p r o d u c t i v i t y that were obtainable i n Horton. The o r i g i n a l Horton Grant implied the t r a n s f e r of a s i n g l e group from Connecticut to Nova S c o t i a , but shares i n the township were a c t u a l l y taken up by a diverse group of p r o p r i e t o r s . plan for a block settlement  Contrary to the  Administration's  and the instant community that that i m p l i e d ,  most of Horton's p r o p r i e t o r s came alone or i n small groups from southeastern Connecticut hoping to improve t h e i r material circumstances by obtaining free land.  Unlike t h e i r Puritan forefathers who  c a u t i o u s l y i n developing a new  proceeded  town to ensure that l o c a l society was  struc-  tured to foster community, the Horton grantees immediately focused on e x p l o i t i n g the opportunities of the f r o n t i e r .  A deep-seated desire to  own  land of one's own and an impulse to acquire as much of i t as they could, l e d the p r o p r i e t o r s to d i v i d e the e n t i r e township i n t o i n d i v i d u a l holdings i n the f i r s t decade.  No land reserve or communal property remained; even  the s o - c a l l e d town "common" was p r i v a t e l y owned.  Providing land for future  generations - which once had been a community r e s p o n s i b i l i t y - became the p r i v a t e duty of each landowner.  A basic a s p i r a t i o n for i n d i v i d u a l econo-  mic success gained through the accumulation of land was the fundamental p r i n c i p l e underlying the i n i t i a t i o n of settlement motivated New  Englanders to move to t h i s new  at Horton.  Economics  land and economics shaped the  olving  character of  the  communities  they  established  there.  42  Footnotes  There i s no s u r v i v i n g account of the i n i t i a t i o n of settlement at Horton, but the "Warrant f o r the Erection of the Township of Horton, 1759" (R.G. 1, v. 222, #3), the 1761 c o l l e c t i v e grant f o r Horton Township (Micro: Places: Nova S c o t i a : Land Grants, 3-35), Appendices A-C, and the town plan described below can be used to reconstruct the process of taking up shares at Horton. The plan of Horton town plot surveyed and l a i d out by Charles Morris J r . i n 1760, l i s t s the owner of each l o t . To determine who a c t u a l l y came to Horton and when, the l i s t has been analyzed according to appearance or non-appearance on a grant and i t i s divided i n t o the following c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s : 1. 2.  Individuals found on the 1759 Warrant only; Individuals found on the 1759 Warrant and the 1761 E f f e c t i v e Grant; 3. Individuals found on the 1759 Warrant who became grantees a f t e r 1761 (hereafter referred to as subsequent grantees); 4. E f f e c t i v e grantees whose names do not occur on any previous l i s t ; 5. Individuals who became grantees a f t e r 1761, but who are not found on a previous l i s t (also c a l l e d subsequent grantees); 6. Individuals who l a t e r s e t t l e i n Horton but who are not grantees; 7. Those who p e t i t i o n for a grant but lose or s e l l i t without s e t t l i n g i n Horton; 8. Those who are mentioned on the town plan but i n no other Horton document; The analysis suggests that the names were probably i n s e r t e d on the map sometime between 1760 and 1763. The o r i g i n a l plan i s hanging i n the Acadia University Archives, W o l f v i l l e , N.S.; a reproduction can be found as Figure 11, i n Douglas Eagles, A History of Horton Township, Sarnia: 1970). 2 Letter from Montagu Wilmot to the Board of Trade, Aug. 24, 1766, i n "Dispatches From the Governors to the Board of Trade and P l a n t a t i o n s " , R.G. 1, v. 37, Oct. 26, 1760 - Nov. 25, 1781. See category 2, " S e t t l e r s Recommended by the Committee..." i n Appendix A. 4 Twenty-seven grantees of the 1759 Warrant who were not l i s t e d on the second grant of 1761 received l o t s at town p l o t . Why t h e i r places were saved i s unknown, but i t may have been simply because they n o t i f i e d the Nova Scotia Government of t h e i r continued i n t e r e s t i n s e t t l i n g i n Horton. Only twelve became subsequent grantees (Appendix C). I f the others l i s t e d on the plan came to Horton, they l e f t before they received grants. I t i s doubtful that they ever a r r i v e d though, since even a temporary v i s i t (as in the case of a few E f f e c t i v e grantees who s e l l t h e i r grants i n 1762 and  43  l e a v e the township soon a f t e r ) would p r o b a b l y c o n f i r m t h e i r s h a r e s . i s no f u r t h e r r e f e r e n c e t o these i n d i v i d u a l s i n Horton documents.  There  "Land G r a n t s " , i b i d . ^See Appendix B f o r a l i s t o f most o f the s o l d i e r s and placemen r e c e i v e d Horton g r a n t s .  who  ^Capt. A l e x a n d e r Hay, L i e u t . James Stewart and L i e u t . P a t r i c k West belonged t o H i s M a j e s t y ' s F i r s t or Royal Regiment o f F o o t , see "King's County Deeds", R.G. 47, r e e l 1273, book 2, p. 230; r e e l 1274, book 5, p. 206. g O r i g i n s a r e d e r i v e d from g e n e a l o g i e s and deeds.  See  bibliography.  9 For a d i s c u s s i o n o f s o c i o e c o n o m i c c o n d i t i o n s i n C o n n e c t i c u t i n the e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y see: J.M. Bumsted, " R e l i g i o n , F i n a n c e , and Democracy i n M a s s a c h u s e t t s : The Town o f Norton as a Case Study", J o u r n a l o f American H i s t o r y , L V I I , no. 4 (March, 1971), pp. 817-831; R i c h a r d L. Bushman, From P u r i t a n t o Yankee: C h a r a c t e r and S o c i a l Order i n C o n n e c t i c u t , 16901765 ( T o r o n t o : 1970); Bruce C. D a n i e l s , "Economic Development i n C o l o n i a l and R e v o l u t i o n a r y C o n n e c t i c u t : An Overview", W i l l i a m and Mary Q u a r t e r l y , s e r i e s 3, v. 37 ( 1 9 8 0 ) , pp. 429-450; C h a r l e s S. G r a n t , Democracy i n the C o n n e c t i c u t F r o n t i e r Town o f Kent (New York: 1972). ^ A l e t t e r from C h a r l e s M o r r i s J r . t o the E x e c u t i v e C o u n c i l , June ? 30, 1760, s t a t e s t h a t the f i r s t t r a n s p o r t s a r r i v e d i n the Minas B a s i n from New London a f t e r a twenty-one day sea j o u r n e y , " M i n u t e s o f the E x e c u t i v e C o u n c i l " (R.G. 3, v. 188, Aug. 17, 1757 - Aug. 21, 1766). No e x p l a n a t i o n i s o f f e r e d f o r why the j o u r n e y took so l o n g . " ^ U n f o r t u n a t e l y , i n t h e s e c a s e s , t h e r e i s i n s u f f i c i e n t documentation for reconstitution. In a d d i t i o n , 28 o f the 123 never became permanent r e s i d e n t s , which f u r t h e r reduces the number o f i n d i v i d u a l s whose d i s p o s i t i o n i s unknown. There i s no s u r v i v i n g r e c o r d o f township meetings f o r H o r t o n , but i f any meetings were h e l d d u r i n g the 1760s, they were l i k e l y f o r the purpose o f e s t a b l i s h i n g the i n f r a s t r u c t u r e s o f s e t t l e m e n t , as was the case i n Newport. See: John V. Duncanson, Newport, Nova S c o t i a : A Rhode I s l a n d Township ( B e l l e v i l l e , Ont.: 1985).  R.G.  ^ T h e number o f houses b u i l t i s unknown; see " D i s p a t c h e s 1, v. 37, Dec. 12, 1760.  ...",  44  14  "Minutes of the Executive Council", Oct. 24, 1760, p. 159; L e t t e r from the P r o v i n c i a l Secretary to Jeremiah Rogers, Nov. 7, 1760, i n "Letter Books of the P r o v i n c i a l Secretary", R.G. 7, v. 136. "^Letter from the P r o v i n c i a l Secretary to Isaac Deschamps i n "Letter Books ..." May 15, 1761; "Minutes of the Executive Council", p. 219, July 15, 1761. "^"Minutes of the Executive Council", i b i d . 17... I b i d.. 18 Letter from the P r o v i n c i a l Secretary to Thomas Handcock i n "Letter Books ...", A p r i l 14, 1761. 19 The i n t r i c a t e procedures for i s s u i n g land grants combined with the overwhelming number of p e t i t i o n s for land i n Nova Scotia i n the e a r l y 1760s caused the o f f i c i a l grants to be delayed as long as 7 years a f t e r an i n d i v i d u a l staked a claim. 20 The Horton Township Grant, i b i d . 21 In the P a r t i t i o n of the Township of Horton i n 1770, the unimproved or t h i r d d i v i s i o n l o t s were l a i d out and shareholders drew numbered l o t s by b a l l o t i n the order that they appeared on the 1761 Grant, and the others generally by the date of t h e i r grants, (R.G. 1, v. 361, #21). The boundaries of each l o t were recorded i n the Horton P a r t i t i o n Book (R.G. 1, v. 362). E a r l i e r , deeds of the mid-1760s commonly r e f e r r e d to the t h i r d d i v i s i o n l o t s as being "not yet divided or set o f f ... i n the D i v i s i o n l a t e agreed upon by the Propriety of 225 acres to one h a l f share ..." (See, for example, Lebbeus Harris to Joseph Gray, R.G. 47, v. 1273, book 1, p. 150). Jedidiah Williams to Charles Dickson ( i b i d . , book 3, p. 7, Sept. 8, 1761) r e f e r s to a f i r s t d i v i s i o n farm l o t as being "drawn by l o t t e r y " . The sequence of numbered l o t s on the township plan implies that l o t s were l a i d p r i o r to the draw. 22 The Horton P a r t i t i o n Book l i s t s the p a r t i c u l a r l o t s drawn by each grantee. 23 For instance, of 16 p a i r s of fathers and sons whose combined shares did not exceed the 2-share l o t s i z e of the f i r s t d i v i s i o n dyke l o t s , 11 shared the same l o t . 24 The only exceptions were I s r a e l Harding's 950 acres and C o l . William Forster's 1000 acres at New Minas.  45  25  A l l survey b i l l s were submitted to the Court of Quarter Sessions and the t o t a l s were audited and divided by 200 to a r r i v e at the assessment rate per share. 26 Letter from Charles Morris J r . to the Executive C o u n c i l , i n "Minutes of the Executive Council", June 1, 1760. 27 The only exceptions were 9 marshy l o t s i n the northeast corner o f the town plot which were 200' x 53'4" or 83'43". 28 "Minutes of the Executive Council", i b i d . 29 The date o f survey and the type o f land surveyed i s sometimes l i s t e d i n survey b i l l s and p e t i t i o n s (M.G. 1, v. 181, nos. 12, 53, 81, 83, 210, 211, 270, 278-280, 293, 305, 307; v. 182, no. 39. In deed descriptions o f the 1760s, land i s often distinguished before a survey as being "common and undivided" and afterwards by d e s c r i p t i o n s o f stakes and stones boundary l o c a t i o n s . The sale o f f i r s t d i v i s i o n farm l o t N° 2D on Nov. 2, 1761 i s the f i r s t mention o f a bounded f i r s t d i v i s i o n farm l o t i n Horton documents (R.G. 47, v. 1273, p. 196, #51). "^See footnote #37 for an explanation of how a t o t a l o f 800 acres was calculated for the Grand Prd. ^ F i v e o f the s i x Horton deeds recorded i n 1761 involve sales o f bounded f i r s t d i v i s i o n farm l o t s . I t i s unknown i f the survey o f that d i v i s i o n was completed that same year. 32 In Sept. 1761, Oak Island, at l e a s t , was s t i l l "common and . undivided", (R.G. 47, v. 1273, book 3, p. 7). The f i r s t mention o f the d i v i s i o n o f i s l a n d l o t s i s a survey b i l l of June, 1763, MG. 1, v. 181, #81. "^On Oct. 5, 1761, at l e a s t "C" d i v i s i o n o f the second d i v i s i o n farm l o t s was s t i l l "common and undivided", (R.G. 47, v. 1273, book 3, p. 200). A June, 1764 survey b i l l accounts for charges "to Beginning o f Laying out the Size of the Second D i v i s i o n farm l o t s " , M.G. 1, v. 181, #92, which implies that the l o t s were l a i d out by that date. 34 How s o i l q u a l i t y was determined i s unknown. "^There i s no c o r r e l a t i o n between the l o c a t i o n o f a second d i v i s i o n farm l o t i n any p a r t i c u l a r section or area and the l o c a t i o n o f i t s s i z e which would i n d i c a t e that p a r t i c u l a r l y poor s o i l was compensated with a s p e c i f i c type or area of s i z e .  46  In the g r a n t s , deeds and on the township p l a n , s i z e l o t s are i d e n t i f i e d by a number and the l e t t e r and number o f an i n d i v i d u a l ' s second d i v i s i o n farm l o t ( e . g . , N°1B14). Although l o t s ranged from 1 a c r e o f dykeland t o 100 a c r e s "of woodland, s p e c i f i c a c r e a g e s were o n l y c i t e d c o n s i s t e n t l y f o r woodland ( t o t a l : 2433 a c r e s ) . Thus i t i s i m p o s s i b l e t o determine the average acreage per i n d i v i d u a l or the t o t a l s i z e acreage a t Horton. The acreage i n each d i v i s i o n was c a l c u l a t e d by m u l t i p l y i n g the a c r e a g e / s h a r e by the t o t a l number o f shares t h a t were l a i d out i n l o t s on the township p l a n s . I t s h o u l d be noted t h a t w h i l e l o t s i z e o c c a s i o n a l l y seems t o vary on the p l a n s , deeds f o r some o f the s m a l l e r s i z e d i o c s i n d i c a t e t h a t they c o n t a i n e d the same a c r e a g e . There i s a s l i g h t u n d e r e s t i m a t i o n o f t o t a l acreage because i n some d i v i s i o n s t h e r e were a few l o t s t h a t were not d i s t r i b u t e d . Although i n l a y i n g out the town p l o t C h a r l e s M o r r i s i m p l i e d t h a t t h e r e may be a r e s e r v e o f l a n d t o be used t o e n t i c e tradesmen t o the community, t h e r e i s no evidence t h a t Horton p r o p r i e t o r s had t h i s i n t e n t i o n i n s u r v e y i n g the o t h e r d i v i s i o n s . For i n s t a n c e , t h e r e i s no r e c o r d o f any newcomer s e l l i n g l a n d f o r which t h e r e i s no r e c o r d o f p u r c h a s e , nor were any g r a n t s i s s u e d a f t e r the 1760s. I t i s l i k e l y t h a t l a n d r e m a i n i n g a f t e r a l l s h a r e s were a l l o c a t e d was e i t h e r u n f i t f o r c u l t i v a t i o n or was used t o compensate landowners f o r t o w n s h i p roads r o u t e d through t h e i r p r o p e r t y .  CHAPTER 3 Land and L i v e l i h o o d s  By. t h e mid 1760s, the geography o f New England S c o t i a was f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h e d .  s e t t l e m e n t i n Nova  On t h e south s h o r e , ephemeral  e n c l a v e s had f i n a l l y a t t r a c t e d permanent r e s i d e n t s .  fishing  And a g r i c u l t u r a l  communities a l o n g t h e Bay o f Fundy had taken r o o t d e s p i t e t h e d e p a r t u r e o f some g r a n t e e s .  In Horton, the p r o p e r t y s u r v e y s o f t h e 1760s o r g a n i z e d t h e  land f o r settlement.  But even as l a n d was a l l o t t e d , p r o p r i e t o r s r e s t r u c -  t u r e d and used t h e i r a s s i g n e d h o l d i n g s a c c o r d i n g t o t h e i r aspirations.  individual  Because l a n d shaped t h e economic and s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r o f  a g r i c u l t u r a l communities, t h e ways i n which Horton s h a r e h o l d e r s  utilized  t h e i r g r a n t s - i . e . , how they responded t o t h e o p p o r t u n i t y o f owning f r e e l a n d i n Nova S c o t i a - was c r i t i c a l t o t h e f a t e o f t h e s e t t l e m e n t and t h e p r o s p e r i t y o f the i n d i v i d u a l s l i v i n g there.  Reconstructing patterns of  l a n d ownership and use i n t h e 1760s r e v e a l s t h e a c t i o n s o f t h e i n h a b i t a n t s d u r i n g Horton's f o r m a t i v e y e a r s .  From a c l o s e a n a l y s i s o f t h i s person t o  l a n d r e l a t i o n s h i p i t i s p o s s i b l e t o deduce t h e m o t i v a t i o n s , v a l u e s and g o a l s t h a t guided t h i s b e h a v i o r .  T h i s c o n s c i o u s n e s s , sometimes c a l l e d .  metalite', and i t s c o n n e c t i o n s t o o p p o r t u n i t y , s t r u c t u r e d by the l o c a l environment, determined  Horton's c o u r s e o f development.  The C o n n e c t i c u t s e t t l e r s came t o Nova S c o t i a w i t h a background t h a t i n c r e a s i n g l y emphasized commercial f a r m i n g , a g r i c u l t u r a l and the a c c u m u l a t i o n optimism  specialization  o f l a n d f o r economic power; they a l s o evanced an  t h a t a s s o c i a t e d o p p o r t u n i t y w i t h the f r o n t i e r . 47  By 1760,  48  p o p u l a t i o n growth and e x t e n s i v e and w a s t e f u l  farming  p r a c t i c e s had  i n c r e a s e d the demand f o r l a n d , r a i s e d l a n d p r i c e s and l e d a g r i c u l t u r e on to marginal production. plus.  l a n d s t h a t were b e t t e r s u i t e d t o d a i r y farming A West I n d i a n market absorbed t h e c o l o n y ' s  than t o g r a i n  agricultural  A l t h o u g h i t s t i l l consumed more than i t e x p o r t e d ,  and many l o c a l  economies had y e t t o d i v e r s i f y , by t h e m i d - e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y , was p a s s i n g  from an i n t e r n a l t o an e x t e r n a l economy.  The key t o i t was i n a c c u m u l a t i n g  t o new f r o n t i e r s a f f o r d e d t h e p r o s p e c t  -y  P r o f i t , not  Although a c c e s s t o l a n d was r e s t r i c t e d i n much o f o l d e r s e t t l e d England, e m i g r a t i o n  Connecticut/  Entrepreneurial  v a l u e s were o f i n c r e a s i n g importance t o t h e i n h a b i t a n t s . y e a r l y s u b s i s t e n c e , was t h e g o a l .  sur-  land.  New  o f economic  s u c c e s s through l a n d ownership.''' The i m p o r t a n c e o f owning l a n d was r e i n f o r c e d by c i r c u m s t a n c e s Scotia.  A f t e r t h e f i r s t New England t o w n s h i p s were e s t a b l i s h e d , t h e Nova  S c o t i a Government was bombarded w i t h p e t i t i o n s f o r t h e c o l o n y ' s ungranted l a n d . granted  i n Nova  Between 1763 and 1768 a p p r o x i m a t e l y  remaining  3,500,000 a c r e s were  t o Nova S c o t i a n s , B r i t o n s and New E n g l a n d e r s who promised t o s e t t l e 2  themselves o r e n t i r e communities i n t h e c o l o n y . In the d r i v e t o a c c u m u l a t e , even some o f those who had a l r e a d y obtained grants requested  land.  Among them were Horton p r o p r i e t o r s who  t w i c e asked t h e E x e c u t i v e  C o u n c i l f o r a d d i t i o n a l l a n d as compensation f o r  a s h o r t a g e o f v i a b l e acreage i n t h e i r township g r a n t . requested  In 1764 they  l a n d s on t h e n o r t h s i d e o f t h e Minas B a s i n ; t h r e e y e a r s l a t e r  they wanted l a n d near Yarmouth."* Both p e t i t i o n s were turned  down.  A l t h o u g h t h e reasons f o r t h e i r r e j e c t i o n a r e u n c l e a r , t h e c l a i m t h a t l a n d was i n s h o r t s u p p l y  i n Horton seems t o have been the i n v e n t i o n o f  i  49  p e t i t i o n e r s eager t o a c q u i r e as much l a n d as they c o u l d a t an time.  opportune  The township c o n t a i n e d more than the 100,000 a c r e s promised  grantees.  And t h e i r c o n t e n t i o n s o f s c a r c i t y were made l e s s c o n v i n c i n g by  t h e i r c h o i c e o f I s r a e l Harding as t h e i r spokesman. a c r e s a t New Moreover,  the  With 1000  contiguous  Minas, Harding owned one o f the l a r g e s t t r a c t s i n Horton.  due t o the p o o r l y - d e v e l o p e d s t a t e o f a g r i c u l t u r e i n the  t o w n s h i p , t h e r e was  new  l i t t l e chance t h a t an a d d i t i o n a l g r a n t c o u l d have been  brought i n t o c u l t i v a t i o n f o r some t i m e . A s i m i l a r demand f o r l a n d e x i s t e d i n the l o c a l l a n d t r a d e .  In the  1760s, 80% o f a l l Horton g r a n t e e s p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the l a n d market; more t h a n 53,000 a c r e s changed hands through 480 deeds.  A l t h o u g h more than  t h r e e q u a r t e r s o f the g r a n t e e s r e g i s t e r e d fewer than s i x deeds f o r the decade,^ i n many i n s t a n c e s more than one and as many as t e n l o t s changed hands i n a s i n g l e t r a n s a c t i o n . b u s i e r than the f i g u r e s s u g g e s t . l a n d changed hands.  C o n s e q u e n t l y , t h e l a n d t r a d e was  probably  In a l l , a t l e a s t 777 p a r c e l s o f Horton  Deeds r e c o r d the t r a n s f e r o f 191 p i e c e s o f s i z e ;  141  p i e c e s o f f i r s t d i v i s i o n farm; 103 p a r c e l s o f f i r s t d i v i s i o n dyke; 94 town l o t s ; 93 second d i v i s i o n l o t s ; 79 t h i r d d i v i s i o n t r a c t s ; and 76 i s l a n d island equivalent l o t s . of  and  Town l o t s and f a r m l a n d on the n o r t h e r n boundary  town p l o t were the most e x p e n s i v e acreage d u r i n g t h e 1760s.  Properties  i n t h e s e c a t e g o r i e s t h a t changed hands averaged £4 and £3.3.0 per a c r e r e s p e c t i v e l y (Table I I ) .  Over 40?o o f a l l t r a n s a c t i o n s i n v o l v e d  d i v i s i o n farmland and s i z e l o t s .  first  The l a t t e r were o f t e n p a r t o f a package  i n m u l t i p l e - l o t s a l e s and i n the l e s s common b a r t e r exchange o f l o t s .  50  TABLE I I . Average Land P r i c e s i n H o r t o n , 1760 - 1770*  Land Type  P r i c e Per A c r e  Town L o t  £4.0.0  L o t s " n o r t h o f town p l o t " ( f i r s t d i v i s i o n farm)  £3.3.0  F i r s t t i e r Grand Pre* ( f i r s t d i v i s i o n farm)  £2.32.0  F i r s t d i v i s i o n dyke  £2.28.0  Second t i e r Gaspereau ( f i r s t d i v i s i o n farm)  £2.17.0  North t i e r Long I s l a n d (island lots)  £1.25.0  F i r s t t i e r Gaspereau ( f i r s t d i v i s i o n farm)  £1.20.0  Second t i e r Grand Pre" ( f i r s t d i v i s i o n farm)  £1.6.0  L o t s on "the Neck" ( f i r s t d i v i s i o n farm)  £1.5.0  South t i e r Long I s l a n d (island lots)  £0.34.0  T h i r d d i v i s i o n farm  £0.6.0  Boot I s l a n d  Not a v a i l a b l e  Oak I s l a n d  Not a v a i l a b l e  Equivalent (size) l o t s  Not a v a i l a b l e  •Source:  K i n g ' s County, N.S. Deeds (P.A.N.S. R^G. 47, #1273)  51  Landowning b e h a v i o r between 1760 and 1770 s u g g e s t s t h a t  acquisitive-  n e s s , expressed both i n the p u r s u i t o f immediate p r o f i t and i n p r o p e r t y a c c u m u l a t i o n , m o t i v a t e d landowners.^  The l a n d t r a d e p r o v i d e d one o f the  few o p p o r t u n i t i e s t o r a i s e c a p i t a l on the Nova S c o t i a f r o n t i e r and d u r i n g the 1760s, one h a l f o f Horton's r e s i d e n t g r a n t e e s engaged i n t r a n s a c t i o n s t h a t brought them a p r o f i t . ^  A s t u t e landowners  w i t h o u t r e d u c i n g the s i z e o f t h e i r own purchased l o t s as a package d e a l .  c a p i t a l i z e d on the l a n d  s h a r e s by s e l l i n g  More o f t e n , though, immediate p r o f i t  was o n l y r e a l i z e d by the r e d u c t i o n o f a s h a r e h o l d e r ' s Defined broadly, vation.  individually-  improvable  acreage.  " i m p r o v a b l e " acreage was l a n d e a s i l y p r e p a r e d f o r c u l t i -  In the 1760s t h i s meant a c c e s s i b l e township l a n d r a t h e r than the  undivided t h i r d d i v i s i o n .  E x c l u s i v e o f " s i z e " l a n d , g r a n t s o f .5 t o 2 g  s h a r e s c o n t a i n e d from 31 t o 145  improvable a c r e s .  T h r e e - q u a r t e r s o f the g r a n t e e s who made money from t h e i r  shares  9 reduced t h e i r farm a r e a . improvable  acres  On average, t h i s r e d u c t i o n amounted t o 31  (Appendix A ) .  C l e a r l y , some c o n c e i v e d o f t h e i r l a n d as  a commodity o f exchange i n the c a s h - s h o r t economy o f e i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y Nova S c o t i a .  They s o l d o f f some p a r c e l s t o o b t a i n funds n e c e s s a r y t o  improve and s t o c k the  remainder.  For o t h e r s , l e s s committed t o Nova S c o t i a was temporary.  t o s e t t i n g up a farm i n H o r t o n , e m i g r a t i o n Whether e n g u l f e d i n d e b t , d i s c o u r a g e d by  p i o n e e r i n g h a r d s h i p s , o r caught up i n the s p e c u l a t i v e f e v e r sweeping colony,38  the  s h a r e h o l d e r s s o l d t h e i r r i g h t s by 1770, p u t t i n g more than  17,000 a c r e s up f o r s a l e .  Most o f those who  d e p a r t e d e a r l y i n the 1760s  s o l d t h e i r l a n d b e f o r e l e a v i n g Horton, but by mid-decade t h e m a j o r i t y o f g r a n t s s o l d were the p r o p e r t y o f s e t t l e r s who  had r e t u r n e d t o New  England.^  52  The p r i c e v a r i e d a c c o r d i n g t o whether a p r o p r i e t o r s o l d b e f o r e or a f t e r l e a v i n g Horton, the b u i l d i n g s and improvements t o be i n c l u d e d , or i f the g r a n t was s o l d by a d i s i n t e r e s t e d h e i r , but g e n e r a l l y , one share o f 500 unimproved  a c r e s c o u l d be purchased  for approximately  £100.  The w i l l i n g n e s s o f many g r a n t e e s t o s e l l a t l e a s t p a r t o f t h e i r made i t p o s s i b l e f o r anyone w i t h c a p i t a l t o buy l a n d i n Horton. H a l i f a x businessmen ments took advantage  who  shares  A few  i n v e s t e d h e a v i l y i n t h e l a n d s o f the o u t s e t t l e -  of t h i s opportunity.  For i n s t a n c e , i n a s i n g l e pur-  chase, Thomas Cochran, merchant, p a i d £300 f o r 138  improvable a c r e s ,  s e v e r a l s i z e l o t s and 450 a c r e s o f t h i r d d i v i s i o n w i l d l a n d s t o become the 12 t w e n t y - e i g h t h l a r g e s t landowner purchased 272.5 i m p r o v a b l e  i n Horton.  S i m i l a r l y , John Cunningham  a c r e s , s i z e and i s l a n d e q u i v a l e n t l o t s f o r  £253.10.0 and was ranked n i n t h among Horton landowners. "* 1  were not t y p i c a l newcomers.  Of 35 non-grantees who  But these  men  purchased l a n d i n the  1760s, most owned l e s s than 25 a c r e s ; as a group they a c q u i r e d o n l y 15?o o f t h e township's  improvable  acreage.  Most o f the l a n d s s o l d i n the 1760s became the p r o p e r t y o f p r o p r i e t o r s eager t o augment t h e i r o r i g i n a l s h a r e s .  One q u a r t e r o f the r e s i d e n t  g r a n t e e s i n v e s t e d s u b s t a n t i a l sums i n the l o c a l l a n d market t o i n c r e a s e t h e i r h o l d i n g s by an average o f 66  improvable  a c r e s (Appendix  t r e n d towards c o n c e n t r a t e d l a n d ownership d e v e l o p e d .  B ).  By 1770, the top 20?o  (40) o f Horton landowners c o n t r o l l e d one h a l f o f the township's a b l e acreage; 10 o f t h e s e landowners owned t h r e e t i m e s the t o t a l o f the 78 s m a l l e s t p r o p e r t y h o l d e r s ( T a b l e I I I ) .  A  improvacreage  In e f f e c t , the b a l a n c e  o f p o p u l a t i o n and l a n d was s h i f t i n g i n t h e i r f a v o u r .  Future access to land  would be s e v e r e l y l i m i t e d i f these few i n d i v i d u a l s were not i n c l i n e d t o  TABLE I I I . D i s t r i b u t i o n o f Land Among Horton Landowners i n 1770  by grant ca  1760  Acreage i n 1 7 7 0 0' /0  in  Resident Landowners  Absentee Landowners  Total  1760  No.  Acreage  Top 20%  40  6296.00  40?o  81  Mid  Bottom  40?o  0' /•  in 1770  No.  Acreage  No.  Acreage  No.  Acreage  38.64  25  5109.44  15  3416.83  40  8526.27  52.32  6388.75  39.20  48  4268.33  30  1882.83  78  6151.16  37.75  81  3611.25  22.16  48  1091.99  30  526.58  78  1618.57  9.93  202  16296.00  100.00  121  10469.76  75  5826.24  196  16296.00  100.00  54  sell.  Only s i x ranked i n the top 20% w i t h o u t p u r c h a s i n g any l a n d .  They  had been g i v e n the l a r g e r 1.5 and 2-share r i g h t s and by not s e l l i n g l a n d , owned some o f the l a r g e s t h o l d i n g s i n 1770. residents. Horton's  any  A l l o f them were non-  In 1770, s e v e n t y - f i v e absentee g r a n t e e s owned one t h i r d o f i m p r o v a b l e acreage.  Most never ever l i v e d i n Horton and  their  14 shares were s u b s e q u e n t l y s o l d by h e i r s . And y e t , n o n - r e s i d e n c y d i d not have to mean i n a c t i v i t y . Horton's l a r g e s t landowner Joseph Gray.  was H a l i f a x  A shrewd businessman,  merchant  In  1770,  and government s e r v a n t ,  Gray not o n l y c o n s o l i d a t e d s e v e r a l  s u b s t a n t i a l farms, he purchased a l a r g e chunk o f t h i r d d i v i s i o n  wild-  l a n d s , perhaps s p e c u l a t i n g on the f u t u r e v a l u e o f the p r o p e r t i e s as t e n a n t estates.Between a c o s t o f £5178. a c r e "Mud  1765 and 1769 Gray a c q u i r e d 94 t h i r d d i v i s i o n  He a l s o owned 344  improvable  acres, i n c l u d i n g the  Creek Farm" i n the "A" t i e r o f the second d i v i s i o n  170 a c r e s s o u t h o f the town p l o t f r o n t i n g on the Gaspereau "Pear Trees Farm".  l o t s at 197-  farm l o t s  and  River called  By 1770, Gray had i n c r e a s e d h i s o r i g i n a l 1-share  the  grant  o f 517 a c r e s t o 21,494 a c r e s ( F i g . 13)."*"^ Gray's c l o s e s t r i v a l as a Horton landowner Charles Dickson.  was  local  resident,  In 1755, C o l o n e l D i c k s o n l e d a company o f New  t o Nova S c o t i a t o f i g h t a t B e a u s e j o u r .  Englanders  F i v e y e a r s l a t e r he r e t u r n e d w i t h  h i s w i f e and f i v e c h i l d r e n t o c l a i m 1.5 s h a r e s a t H o r t o n . a prominent merchant, p o l i t i c i a n and landowner.  There he became  U n l i k e Joseph  Gray,  Dickson's l a n d d e a l i n g s f a v o u r e d Lower Horton.  By 1770 he owned 1475.25  improvable  improvable  a c r e s , more than f o u r times Gray's  than t h r e e times t h e landowner.  improvable  His l a r g e s t  acreage and more  p r o p e r t y o f Horton's t h i r d - r a n k e d  improvable  t r a c t was the 322-acre  farm he owned  56  on the "Neck" ( F i g u r e 14).  By the time he d i e d f i f t e e n years l a t e r ,  Dickson had made t w i c e as much money as he had still  invested i n l o c a l land  and  owned 5418.'25 a c r e s , a l t h o u g h by t h a t time p r i m a r i l y i n the t h i r d  ,. . . 17 division. Few  o f the o t h e r s who  Charles Dickson.  accumulated l a n d emulated Joseph Gray  and  In f a c t , t h e r e seems t o be no g e n e r a l p a t t e r n t o the  p r o p e r t y a c q u i s i t i o n s - o f the 1760s. p i e c e s a d j o i n i n g , or near, one  Some g r a n t e e s purchased one o r  o f t h e i r o t h e r l o t s , but few attempted t o  a c q u i r e the most f e r t i l e l a n d or t o c o n s o l i d a t e t h e i r h o l d i n g s i n t o tiguous f i e l d s .  two  con-  Land seemed t o be a c q u i r e d f o r the sake o f owning i t .  As  a r e s u l t , the d i s p e r s e d l a n d system t h a t had been i n i t i a t e d by the township s u r v e y , and p e r p e t u a t e d on the landscape  by the p r o c e s s o f p i t c h i n g s i z e , was  by 1770.  entrenched  Horton landowners l e f t t h e i r farms s p r e a d  over  s e v e r a l m i l e s , a few a c r e s h e r e , a few more t h e r e . T h i s , i n t u r n , a f f e c t e d the s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n .  To compensate f o r  fragmented h o l d i n g s or t o c o n c e n t r a t e on what remained o f t h e i r g r a n t s , i n h a b i t a n t s began t o b u i l d t h e i r homes on one o f t h e i r upland  lots.  Even  i n the 1760s s e t t l e m e n t began t o d r i f t westward, drawing f a m i l i e s away from a communal town p l o t t o homesteads o f t e n w i d e l y s e p a r a t e d  from each  o t h e r by the empty f i e l d s o f absentee p r o p r i e t o r s ( F i g u r e 15). Simeon Dewolf's r e s i d e n t i a l m o b i l i t y i l l u s t r a t e s how  people moved  w i t h i n the township.  A b l a c k s m i t h from Lyme, Dewolf a r r i v e d i n Horton  between 1761  and e r e c t e d a d w e l l i n g , barn, smithy and  and 1764  o u t b u i l d i n g s on the town l o t o f h i s 1-share g r a n t .  By 1768,  a frame house on a p i e c e o f upland s i z e a d j a c e n t t o h i s f i r s t farm l o t and moved h i s f a m i l y and  assorted  he had  built  division  f o r g e t o t h a t s i t e j u s t west o f town  ISllStl  original grant, 1761  piS&ifl  lands aqulrod, 1761-1770  nous*  59  plot.  Although he was  not Horton's o n l y b l a c k s m i t h , Dewolf must have  b e l i e v e d t h a t h i s b u s i n e s s would not s u f f e r by moving away from the c e n t e r o f town and c l o s e r t o h i s farmlands.  In f a c t , h i s new  w e l l - t r a v e l l e d "road t o the lower b r i d g e " may t o o t h e r s who purchased  had moved out o f town.  In 1770,  l o c a t i o n on  the  have made him more a c c e s s i b l e Dewolf moved a g a i n .  He  a house and 100 a c r e s i n the second d i v i s i o n a l o n g the k i n g ' s  highway t o A n n a p o l i s . " In 1779,  f i v e y e a r s b e f o r e he d i e d , Dewolf moved 18  f o r the l a s t time t o a d w e l l i n g f a r t h e r west a l o n g t h i s road ( F i g u r e 1 6 ) . There were o t h e r s who who  shared Dewolf's w a n d e r l u s t , but most i n h a b i t a n t s  moved p r o b a b l y d i d so o n l y once or t w i c e .  Although the evidence i s  i m p r e s s i o n i s t i c , i t appears t h a t as soon as they c o u l d b u i l d frame d w e l l i n g s , most s e t t l e r s l e f t the crude s h e l t e r s they had h a s t i l y e r e c t e d a t town p l o t .  I f they r e b u i l t a t another s i t e , i t i s l i k e l y t h a t t h e i r  d w e l l i n g was s o l d o r r e n t e d , a l t h o u g h o c c a s i o n a l l y the b u i l d i n g was o r t o r n down so t h a t the l o t c o u l d be used f o r a g r i c u l t u r a l  may  have i n t e n s i f i e d f a m i l y bonds.  Davison's  moved  purposes.  D i s p e r s e d s e t t l e m e n t i m p l i e s t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s were concerned t h e i r f a m i l i e s ' w e l l - b e i n g than f o r t h e i r community.  first  Indeed,  more f o r  separateness  In one extreme example, Andrew  f a m i l y endangered l o c a l i n h a b i t a n t s and c h a l l e n g e d  township  a u t h o r i t i e s by r e f u s i n g t o remove Andrew J r . from Horton when he c o n t r a c t e d 19 smallpox.  As the town c o n s t a b l e approached t h e D a v i s o n home, Andrew S r .  and h i s two sons, Thomas and Asa, t h r e a t e n e d t o "shoot h i s b r a i n s o u t " t o p r e v e n t him from e x e c u t i n g h i s d u t i e s . "fight  Young Asa added t h a t he would  ' t i l l he d i e d i n h i s [ b r o t h e r ' s ] defence".  o f f i c i a l s met w i t h s i m i l a r warnings.  V i s i t s from o t h e r  local  In the end, Andrew S r . c a p i t u l a t e d  by moving h i s namesake out o f Horton u n t i l Andrew J r . r e c o v e r e d from h i s  1= 2  . house  a  3~ 4 =  ca. 1761- 1764 *  1  7  6  8  T770 1779  61  threatening disease. the  Such d i s p l a y s were r a r e ; n e v e r t h e l e s s they  illustrate  primacy o f f a m i l y bonds. Even so, Horton f a m i l i e s were not c o m p l e t e l y i n t r o v e r t e d ;  and remoteness were not the i n e v i t a b l e consequences ment.  isolation  of dispersed s e t t l e -  Most farmsteads were a c c e s s i b l e by the township's p r i n c i p a l  and community t a s k s drew Horton's f a m i l i e s t o g e t h e r .  roads  Townsmen s e r v e d on  j u r i e s , b u i l t and r e p a i r e d r o a d s , c o n s t r u c t e d the county c o u r t h o u s e and 20 g a o l and r e p a i r e d t h e dykes.  Farmers enroute t o t h e i r f i e l d s 21  g r e e t i n g s - and o c c a s i o n a l l y blows - i n the r o a d .  Those who  exchanged shared l o t s  by "drawing i n company" had r e g u l a r o p p o r t u n i t i e s t o e n c o u n t e r f r i e n d s and relatives.  While women v i s i t e d a f r i e n d ' s house, men  g a t h e r e d i n groups  i n each o t h e r ' s homes or a t a l o c a l i n n f o r a bowl o f rum and h e a r t y d i s 22 cussion.  D u r i n g t h e 1760s most s o c i a l g a t h e r i n g s were p r o b a b l y t h i s  c a s u a l ; i t would t a k e time f o r f o r m a l community s t r u c t u r e s t o emerge. U n l i k e n e i g h b o u r i n g communities, Horton c i t i z e n s r e f u s e d t h e  religious  s e r v i c e s o f A n g l i c a n m i s s i o n a r y , Joseph Bennett once they c o u l d s o l i c i t a d i s s e n t i n g m i n i s t e r from C o n n e c t i c u t .  Due t o the poor economic  o f the 1760s, however, the i n h a b i t a n t s were unable t o s u s t a i n  conditions ministerial  23 support. who  E v e n t u a l l y they a c c e p t e d P r e s b y t e r i a n m i n i s t e r James Murdock  s e t t l e d among them i n 1769.  Elisha  And w h i l e the township a c q u i r e d t e a c h e r  B a r t o n i n 1767, t h e r e was no s c h o o l b u i l t d u r i n g t h e f i r s t decade  of settlement. In some ways, communal networks extended beyond H o r t o n . c o n n e c t i o n s w i t h New  England merchants and m a r i n e r s and sea  Business traffic  between Horton and C o n n e c t i c u t must have p e r p e t u a t e d l i n k s between Horton 24 r e s i d e n t s ' and t h e i r former homes. News o f the o u t s i d e w o r l d reached  62  Horton through the H a l i f a x G a z e t t e , Boston, H a l i f a x , and  even o c c a s i o n a l l y the o u t s e t t l e m e n t s .  more d e t a i l e d i n f o r m a t i o n r e g a r d i n g \ ova ]  Scotia outsettlements,  and economic c o n n e c t i o n s C e r t a i n l y , business  which p r i n t e d news from England,  everyday l i f e  in  without  eighteenth-century  i t i s impossible to unravel  t h a t may  But  the web  have e x i s t e d among the  of s o c i a l  townships.  t r a n s a c t i o n s , c i v i l d u t i e s , and k i n s h i p t i e s c u t 25  a c r o s s township b o u n d a r i e s ,  but perhaps t h e s e exchanges were l i m i t e d ; i n 26 the 1760s n e a r l y a l l Horton m a r r i a g e s were l o c a l matches. Population estimates  f o r 1770  can be d e r i v e d from the nominal Horton  27 census o f 1770  supplemented by f a m i l y r e c o n s t i t u t i o n s .  t h e s i z e and c o m p o s i t i o n women and g i r l s .  o f each f a m i l y a c c o r d i n g  The  Census l i s t s  t o numbers o f men,  boys,  I t o f f e r s b a s i c demographic i n f o r m a t i o n on more f a m i l i e s  than i t i s p o s s i b l e t o r e c o n s t i t u t e from g e n e a l o g i c a l e v i d e n c e , i t s e l f i t i s an i n c o m p l e t e assessment o f Horton's p o p u l a t i o n .  but The  by census  t o t a l o f 593 u n d e r e s t i m a t e s Horton's p o p u l a t i o n by o m i t t i n g 32 landowners who  were known t o have l i v e d i n Horton i n 1770.  i n d i c a t e the age a t which an i n d i v i d u a l was makes census d e s i g n a t i o n s o f a d u l t and  As w e l l , i t f a i l s  c l a s s i f i e d as an a d u l t which  c h i l d v i r t u a l l y useless.  f a m i l y r e c o n s t i t u t i o n s supplement the census d a t a by c o m p l e t i n g t o t a l and by p r o v i d i n g a sample f o r a n a l y z i n g the age the p o p u l a t i o n i n The ing  to  Thus the census  and sex s t r u c t u r e o f  1770.  a n a l y s i s shows t h a t at the same t i m e as a c c e s s t o l a n d was  i n Horton, the p o p u l a t i o n was  a c c u r a t e , the p o p u l a t i o n had 743 by 1770. p o p u l a t i o n was  on the r i s e .  increased  from 689  narrow-  I f census f i g u r e s are 28 i n 1763  to  approximately  A r e c o n s t i t u t e d sample o f 50 f a m i l i e s r e v e a l s t h a t  the  young and t h e r e f o r e h e l d p o t e n t i a l f o r s u b s t a n t i a l f u t u r e  63  increase.  S l i g h t l y more than one q u a r t e r  were under  11  y e a r s o f age,  (28.82?o)  more than one h a l f  y e a r s o l d and t h r e e q u a r t e r s  o f the inhabitants  (54.87?o)  were no o l d e r than t h i r t y .  males t o females was a p p r o x i m a t e l y  were l e s s than  21  The r a t i o o f  equal.  Comparing census d a t a and g e n e a l o g i c a l  information  reveals that f o r  t h e most p a r t , seventeen was t h e age a t which both males and females were l i s t e d a s a d u l t s on t h e census. are discrepancies  As w e l l , i n f i f t e e n i n s t a n c e s  there  i n f a m i l y s i z e between t h e two s o u r c e s , and t h e census  figure i s usually higher. r e c o r d e d as e l e v e n ;  F o r example, Caleb B e n n e t t ' s f a m i l y o f f i v e i s  i n s t e a d o f s i x , Lebbeus H a r r i s i s s a i d t o have had  e l e v e n i n h i s f a m i l y ; and C h a r l e s D i c k s o n ' s f a m i l y o f f i v e was d o u b l e d on the r e t u r n .  I f i n f l a t e d f a m i l y s i z e s r e f l e c t a d e l i b e r a t e attempt t o  e x a g g e r a t e Horton's p o p u l a t i o n ,  i t i s u n l i k e l y t h a t some townsmen would  have been l e f t o f f t h e r e t u r n .  As w e l l , some o f t h e l a r g e s t v a r i a t i o n s  o c c u r i n t h e f a m i l i e s o f some o f Horton's l a r g e s t landowners, i n c l u d i n g the t o p t h r e e r e s i d e n t s .  When t h e d i f f e r e n c e was l e s s s i g n i f i c a n t , i t i s  most o f t e n i n t h e a d d i t i o n o f an e x t r a g i r l t o t h e f a m i l y .  Since a l l  f a m i l y members a r e accounted f o r , t h e s e numbers suggest t h e p r e s e n c e o f 29 servants  or s l a v e s i n Horton.  I t i s conceivable  t h a t some f a m i l i e s had  a s e r v a n t g i r l , w h i l e more s u b s t a n t i a l households c o u l d a f f o r d one o r more a d u l t men and women t o do domestic c h o r e s o r work i n t h e f i e l d s .  I f this  i s t r u e , t h e census f i g u r e s measure household and n o t f a m i l y s i z e . I t a l s o means t h a t a s m a l l number o f households had a c c e s s t o a l i m i t e d labour  supply outside  their families.  64  Because most o f Horton's s u r v i v i n g documentation  i s at l e a s t  i n d i r e c t l y l i n k e d t o l a n d h o l d i n g , i t i s d i f f i c u l t to a s s e s s the e x t e n t o f l a n d l e s s n e s s i n H o r t o n , but d u r i n g the e a r l y y e a r s o f s e t t l e m e n t , numbers •were p r o b a b l y s m a l l .  The  f i n a n c i a l c o s t s o f e s t a b l i s h i n g the i n f r a s t r u c -  t u r e s o f s e t t l e m e n t p r o b a b l y i n t e n s i f i e d the widespread c i t i z e n s towards the p a r a s i t i c wandering  intolerance of  poor."*^  Tenancy f u r t h e r reduced the number w i t h no access t o l a n d . " * Horton, t h e r e was  1  In  the o p p o r t u n i t y t o c u l t i v a t e one or more l o t s o r an  e n t i r e farm "at the h a l v e s " .  A c c o r d i n g to E n g l i s h t r a v e l l e r s Robinson  R i s p i n , w r i t i n g i n the e a r l y 1770s, t h i s agreement a l l o w e d a poor man  and to  take a farm, s t o c k e d by the l a n d l o r d , f o r which the l a t t e r r e c e i v e s f o r the r e n t , h a l f i t s produce; o r , f o r every cow, t h i r t y pounds o f b u t t e r , h a l f the cheese; and so on i n p r o p o r t i o n o f whatever e l s e the farm p r o d u c e s . ^  By r e n t i n g l a n d , d e s t i t u t i o n c o u l d be a v o i d e d .  But by the same  t o k e n , r e n t a l o b l i g a t i o n s p r o b a b l y p r e v e n t e d t e n a n t s from s c r a p i n g t o g e t h e r enough t o buy l a n d o f t h e i r own.  Seven men  w i t h no r e c o r d o f owning l a n d  o r having f a m i l y c o n n e c t i o n s i n Horton r e g i s t e r e d a g r i c u l t u r a l r e t u r n s on the Horton Census o f 1770.  Although t h e i r a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i v i t y  comparable t o m i d d l i n g landowners, the community.  none o f t h e s e men  was  gained a f o o t h o l d i n  There i s no e v i d e n c e t h a t they ever purchased l a n d and  they  a r e a l l m i s s i n g from the 1791 P o l l Tax."*"* 34 Horton farmers i n i t i a l l y p r a c t i s e d an u n s p e c i a l i z e d a g r i c u l t u r e . In Horton, as i n a l l Fundy t o w n s h i p s , l a n d uses o v e r l a p p e d :  the Grand  Pre" dykeland grew both hay and g r a i n and i t became a common p a s t u r e i n t h e  65  F a l l ; the uplands p r o v i d e d the main p a s t u r e s but they a l s o produced c o r n and r o o t c r o p s .  Indian  Only the low s a l t marshes which s u p p o r t e d c o a r s e  g r a s s e s and the common woodlands o f the t h i r d d i v i s i o n were r e s t r i c t e d t o one l a n d use. Not s u r p r i s i n g l y , e a r l y a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i v i t y f l u c t u a t e d . 1763, the K i n g ' s County  townships overcame problems o f drought and  In insects  t o r a i s e modest amounts o f wheat, r y e , c o r n , r o o t c r o p s and a v a r i e t y o f l i v e s t o c k i n c l u d i n g cows, neat c a t t l e , sheep and s w i n e . ^  Four y e a r s  l a t e r , the aggregate a g r i c u l t u r a l census o f Horton i n d i c a t e d growth diversification.  and  Wheat y i e l d s had almost t r i p l e d and farmers h a r v e s t e d  f i v e times the amount o f r y e grown i n 1763.  In a d d i t i o n , peas, b a r l e y ,  o a t s , f l a x and hemp had been added t o the f i e l d s and the numbers o f a l l t y p e s o f l i v e s t o c k had m u l t i p l i e d . ^  A c c o r d i n g t o the c e n s u s ,  Horton  ranked f o u r t h b e h i n d Lunenburg (which had t w i c e the p o p u l a t i o n ) , Windsor ( t h e home o f many c o u n t r y e s t a t e s o f wealthy H a l i g o n i a n s ) and i n p r o d u c t i o n o f most c r o p s and  Cornwallis  livestock.  In 1770, however, p r o d u c t i o n was l o w e r .  G e n e r a l l y y i e l d s had  d e c r e a s e d and t h e r e were fewer a n i m a l s ; o n l y wheat and f l a x p r o d u c t i o n and numbers o f sheep had i n c r e a s e d ( T a b l e I V ) .  These f l u c t u a t i o n s i n produc-  t i o n c o u l d be i n d i c a t i v e o f n o t h i n g more than t h e i n c i d e n c e o f a l a t e s p r i n g , poor summer weather, or an i n c l e m e n t h a r v e s t i n the p a r t i c u l a r year s e l e c t e d f o r comparison.  What i s s i g n i f i c a n t i s t h a t t h i s n a r r o w i n g  o f p r o d u c t i o n s u g g e s t s a t r e n d toward s p e c i a l i z a t i o n .  The Horton census  1770 r e v e a l s t h a t r o u g h l y two t h i r d s o f the farmers r a i s e d a t l e a s t  of  20  b u s h e l s o f both wheat and f l a x , w h i l e fewer than h a l f the p r o d u c e r s c u l t i v a t e d any o t h e r crop l i s t e d on the r e t u r n .  And i f they were found on  TABLE IV. Aggregate A g r i c u l t u r a l Production i n Horton by Census Year  Year  Persons  1763  689  1767  634  341  293  2905  1770  593 (Census)  266  327  3259  Year  Hemp  Males  1770  20  Wheat  Rye  Corn  Roots  991  171.5  1070  4613  Beans  Hemp Flax Seed Seed  Pease  Barley  Oats  941  1304  1473  1574  20  14  354  581  834  384  1503  21  1  134  Horses  Oxen  Cows  Young Cattle  Sheep  Swine  99  159  302  402  369  162  83cw  148  217  393  568  562  346  3010  106  171  276  250  693  89  Flax  1763 1767  Females  Salmon  Dried Cod  Fishing Boats  7 115  Grist Mills  Saw Mills  4  2  92q.  ON ON  67  fewer farms than cows, sheep were n e v e r t h e l e s s kept i n a p p r e c i a b l y  larger  numbers than any o t h e r l i v e s t o c k . What d i d these aggregate p r o d u c t i o n l e v e l s mean f o r the a b i l i t y Horton farmers t o p r o v i d e f o r t h e i r f a m i l i e s ?  D i d a tendency  of  toward  s p e c i a l i z a t i o n i n d i c a t e t h a t a t l e a s t some farmers r a i s e d a s u r p l u s ? There i s no d a t a on p r o d u c t i o n and consumption l e v e l s a t Horton. the  Annual consumption  to estimate subsistence  l e v e l s , c a l c u l a t e d by e x t r a p o l a t i n g  needs o f an average f a m i l y from widows' a l l o t m e n t s i n p r o b a t e i n v e n -  t o r i e s , cannot be d e t e r m i n e d from Horton dowers which u s u a l l y l i s t o n l y f u r n i t u r e and o t h e r p e r s o n a l household goods.  The o n l y e x t a n t n o m i n a l  a g r i c u l t u r a l r e t u r n f o r the Horton b e f o r e 1850  i s the Census o f 1770.  It  l i s t s f a m i l y s i z e , c r o p p r o d u c t i o n and l i v e s t o c k t o t a l s by household head but i t does not p r o v i d e y i e l d s per a c r e per farm which i s n e c e s s a r y t o measure p r o d u c t i o n by farm. the  Because o f the m u l t i p l i c i t y o f l a n d uses and  unknown s t a t e o f c l e a r e d l a n d by farm, i t i s a l s o i m p o s s i b l e t o c o r r e -  l a t e r e c o n s t i t u t e d l a n d h o l d i n g s w i t h c r o p y i e l d s t o determine p r o d u c t i o n levels. Still,  farm s i z e can p r o v i d e an i n t e r p r e t a t i v e framework f o r a n a l y z i n g  nominal a g r i c u l t u r a l data.  The i n d i v i d u a l s l i s t e d on t h e 1770  census were  d i v i d e d i n t o t h r e e groups ( t o p 20?o, mid 40%, bottom 40?o) a c c o r d i n g t o t h e s i z e of t h e i r l a n d h o l d i n g i n improvable  acres.  A v e r a g i n g farm s i z e and  c r o p y i e l d s f o r each o f the t h r e e groups r e s u l t e d i n t h r e e d i s t i n c t types.The  farm  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e s e " t y p e s " were compared t o American  e s t i m a t e s o f the minimum acreage r e q u i r e d t o produce a b a s i c food s u p p l y . A d m i t t e d l y , t h i s p r o c e d u r e i s c r u d e ; however, i t does make an attempt t o c o r r e l a t e farm s i z e and a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n and i t p r o v i d e s a t l e a s t  68  an  i m p r e s s i o n i s t i c statement of Horton's a g r i c u l t u r a l system. In h i s study of eighteenth-century Pennsylvania, James Lemon estimated 38  that a minimum of 27 acres could provide adequate subsistence.  Of the  food crops found on the 1770 Horton Census, Lemon c a l c u l a t e d the requirements for a Pennsylvania family of f i v e as 60 bushels of wheat, 50-100 pounds of f l a x , 25 bushels of rye, 45 bushels of oats, and 20 bushels of 39 barley and malt.  According to these requirements, most f a m i l i e s were,  s t i l l s t r u g g l i n g to obtain l i f e ' s basic n e c e s s i t i e s ten years a f t e r they a r r i v e d i n Horton.  For example, farmers i n the bottom 40% of Horton land-  owners possessed on average, s l i g h t l y l e s s than the minimum acreage ident i f i e d by Lemon as necessary for adequate subsistence, and t h e i r meagre crop y i e l d s r e f l e c t e d t h e i r p r i m i t i v e a g r i c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e s (Table V). An average farm consisted of a town l o t , 2.5 acres of Grand Pre* dykeland, 5 acres of f i r s t d i v i s i o n farmland, 4.5 acres i n an i s l a n d l o t and only 11 acres i n a second d i v i s i o n farm l o t .  These farmers had an average of  6 sheep, but they owned fewer cows and neat c a t t l e .  And while a l l farmers  raised wheat, y i e l d s were not only f a r l e s s than Lemon's basic estimate, they also represented l e s s than one quarter of the t o t a l production for the township. Many pioneers who struggled with t h i s hard-scrabble existence were inexperienced young men t r y i n g to get e s t a b l i s h e d i n a new land.  Samuel  Denison, for instance, was only f i f t e e n years o l d when he came to Horton with h i s family to receive h i s own one-half share i n the 1761 E f f e c t i v e Grant.  His father's death f i v e years l a t e r l e f t Samuel with the family  dwelling and two adjacent l o t s at town p l o t , £14 and an a d d i t i o n a l £5 to 40 be paid i n currency or stock. But the b e n e f i t s of t h i s legacy and £40  TABLE V.  % of Landowners on 1770 Cunsus  Average Farm S i z e and Crop Y i e l d s i n Horton i n 1770 D s t . r i b u t i o n o f Acreage  Acreage  town lot  1st D i v . Dyke  1st D i v . Farm  Island Lot  £ value of farm  No. o f Horses  % of Total Producers  No. o f Oxen % of and Total B u l l s Producers  No. of Cows  % or Total Producers  No. o r Young Neat Cattle  % or Total Producers  No. °o o f of Total J Sheep MJroducepr;  Bottom UQ%  24.03  .50  2.57  5.05  4.51  £ 24.02  1.48  86  1.62  67  3.38  86  2.76  67  6.43  67  Mid W%  74.23  .58  2.97  7.73  4.88  £ 74.23  1.18  70  2.03  73  3.58  97  4.03  85  10.24  67  Top 20?i  346.69  12.11  17.78  56.47  18.43  £346.68  3.71  90  5.64  90  8.86  100  8.64  90  26.29  70  % of Landowners on 1770 Census  Wheat (bu.)  of Total Producers  Rye (bu.)  % of Total Producers  Bottom 40S  26.09  95  6.62  48  Mid 40°;  32.58  91  5.51  Top 20%  99.43  90  12.86  X  S  Flax % of Seed Total (bu.) Producer:;  F l a x , Total y (bu.) Producers  9.5  1.04  48  37.38  .18  6  1.85  64  38.03  54  .71  30  2.57  55  46.28  70  % of Total Producers  Beans (bu.)  9.5  .19  20.42  58  49.29  60  % of Total Producers  Barley (bu.)  of Total Producers  8.52  57  2.14  29  2.14  39  6.79  70  2.54  24  35  24.86  75  16.50  45  Pease (bu.)  Oats (bu.)  % of  Total Producers  % of  70  revenue  from the s a l e o f h i s w i l d l a n d s d i d not prompt Samuel t o i n c r e a s e  or improve h i s h o l d i n g s i n the next f i v e y e a r s .  A l t h o u g h he c a l l e d h i m s e l f  41  a yeoman,  i n 1770  Samuel owned two h o r s e s and two cows; h i s o n l y crop  was ten. b u s h e l s o f wheat. G e n e r a l l y , m i d d l i n g landowners Denison.  d i d not f a r e much b e t t e r than young  Farmers i n the middle 40% o f Horton landowners  the mean improvable  owned t h r e e times  acreage o f t h e i r c o u n t e r p a r t s i n the bottom two  f i f t h s o f s o c i e t y , but t h e i r h o l d i n g s d i f f e r e d o n l y i n the l a r g e r s i z e o f t h e i r second d i v i s i o n farm l o t s . than those o f the bottom  40?o  Crop y i e l d s were o n l y s l i g h t l y h i g h e r  and they were s t i l l  American s u b s i s t e n c e e s t i m a t e s .  w e l l below  comparable  While more farmers r a i s e d l i v e s t o c k , o n l y  sheep were kept i n a p p r e c i a b l y l a r g e r numbers t h a n on the s m a l l e r farms. Some men,  such as John Bishop S r . , had s o l d o f f p a r t o f t h e i r s h a r e and  c l e a r l y , they were not i n t e r e s t e d i n f a r m i n g on a grand s c a l e .  A t age 6 0 ,  John had o n l y h i s w i f e and a g i r l t o s u p p o r t on the 5 4 i m p r o v a b l e r e m a i n i n g o f h i s 1 . 5 share and h i s 1 7 7 0  acres  census r e t u r n o f 1 0 0 b u s h e l s o f  f l a x and a h a n d f u l o f l i v e s t o c k p r o b a b l y r e f l e c t e d h i s s e m i - r e t i r e m e n t . And yet t h e r e were a few men l i k e Benjamin themselves from the b e g i n n i n g . share a t Horton i n 1 7 6 1 .  Peck J r . , who s t r o v e t o b e t t e r  At the age o f 2 1 , Peck had o b t a i n e d . 5  By 1 7 7 0 ,  he had m a r r i e d , s t a r t e d a f a m i l y , added  33 a c r e s t o h i s p r o p e r t y (and thereby moved from t h e bottom t o the m i d d l e 40?o  of landowners).  He grew moderate amounts o f a v a r i e t y o f c r o p s ,  i n c l u d i n g wheat, r y e , pease, o a t s and f l a x , but he f o c u s e d more on l i v e stock.  H i s p r o d u c t i o n i n t h i s area was i m p r e s s i v e by l o c a l s t a n d a r d s : w i t h  10 swine, a f l o c k o f 3 5 sheep, and herds o f 1 1 cows, 1 2 neat c a t t l e , and 4 oxen and b u l l s , he had a c q u i r e d more l i v e s t o c k than any o t h e r m i d d l i n g  71  farmer. More often, Horton's most successful husbandmen were i t s p r i n c i p a l landowners.  Yet, on average, the a g r i c u l t u r a l output o f the top 20% o f  Horton's landowners only barely met basic subsistence requirements although they held t h i r t e e n times the required minimum acreage. No rates o f c l e a r i n g Horton land have survived; yet even at the pace c f farmers who l e v e l l e d a t h i c k Ontario forest to c l e a r 5 acres a y e a r , ^ s u f f i c i e n t acreage could have been cleared and prepared for p l a n t i n g i n the f i r s t ten years to allow Horton farmers to produce more p r o d i g i o u s l y . The reasons why they did not do so remain unclear.  I t i s evident, however,  that dispersed holdings, scarce labour, d i f f i c u l t i e s i n obtaining stock and seed, poor markets and the problems o f adjusting to farming a new land were common hardships o f eighteenth-century  Nova Scotia farmers.  Together  they stood i n the way o f e f f i c i e n t a g r i c u l t u r e . Because o f the struggle for subsistence during the 1760s, i t i s remarkable that some farmers produced a surplus. cers r a i s e d extra wheat, averaging home consumption.  One tenth o f a l l produ-  twice as much (233 bu.) as required for  In a d d i t i o n , t h i r t y - t w o farmers r a i s e d more than the 8 43  sheep needed for subsistence:  nine had herds o f between 10 and 20; nine  others raised between 21 and 30; and seven owned from 31 t o 58 sheep. Lebbeus Harris owned the l a r g e s t herd o f 90 sheep.  While the top wheat  producers were also Horton's p r i n c i p a l landowners and farmers, the leading sheep herders also included the l e s s successful small and middling farmers.  This might i n d i c a t e that sheep products provided a d i e t a r y sup-  plement for farmers who produced l e s s food than they needed.  In any case,  due to the generally low p r o d u c t i v i t y and the distance to external markets,  72  the s u r p l u s  was  undoubtedly consumed l o c a l l y .  S i n c e a g r i c u l t u r e d u r i n g the 1760s produced such a meagre food s u p p l y , it  i s u n l i k e l y t h a t H o r t o n i a n s l i v e d by  farming a c t i v i t i e s i s s c a n t , but used a l l l o c a l r e s o u r c e s . ism, making ends meet by  f i s h i n g and  Still,  going to  still  i n i t s infancy.  Most o f  i n a c c e s s i b l e , a c c e s s e d l a n d was  p r i m i t i v e and  the  formal structures  i t i s c l e a r t h a t even a t the o u t s e t ,  i s t i c s o f the s o c i a l l y and  under-  o f community  the  character-  e c o n o m i c a l l y - s t r a t i f i e d communities o f  C o n n e c t i c u t were b e i n g r e p l i c a t e d i n Horton. equalizing  occasionally  sell.  the township's wooded i n t e r i o r was  d i d not e x i s t .  non-  an o c c u p a t i o n a l p l u r a l -  h u n t i n g , and  the s e t t l e m e n t at Horton was  u t i l i z e d , a g r i c u l t u r e was  Evidence of  i t i s r e a s o n a b l e to assume t h a t s e t t l e r s  Perhaps they p r a c t i c e d  the mountain f o r l o a d o f wood to In 1770,  farming a l o n e .  A c c e s s t o l a n d was  f a c t o r t h a t pared away a l l economic and  not  an  social distinctions  t  44 among the i n h a b i t a n t s  to y i e l d a homogeneous and  R a t h e r , economic p o l a r i z a t i o n had s m a l l group owned one surplus to  o f wheat and  begun i n the  h a l f o f the township's sheep, d e s p i t e  egalitarian society.  f i r s t decade. improvable  e n v i r o n m e n t a l and  By 1770,  l a n d and  a  raised a  economic impediments  productivity. The  " l e s s e r s o r t s " i m i t a t e d the l e a d e r s i n l i m i t e d ways.  accumulated l a n d , some r a i s e d e x t r a sheep, and were f o r c e d  d i d b o t h , but  most  to seek a more immediate i f u l t i m a t e l y l e s s r e w a r d i n g s o u r c e  o f p r o f i t through the s a l e o f t h e i r l a n d s . l i k e Benjamin Peck J r . s t i l l the gap  a few  Some  between r i c h and  narrowly r e s t r i c t e d .  To be s u r e , a m b i t i o u s  found o p p o r t u n i t i e s  men  f o r advancement, but  poor widened, such o c c a s i o n s would become  as  A r e l a t i v e l y s m a l l group o f men  m o t i v a t e d more by p e r s o n a l  than communal g o a l s shaped Horton's c h a r a c t e r .  success  They f o l l o w e d a s t r a t e g y  t h a t i n C o n n e c t i c u t had been a s s o c i a t e d w i t h economic s u c c e s s :  land  a c c u m u l a t i o n , a g r i c u l t u r a l s p e c i a l i z a t i o n and s u r p l u s p r o d u c t i o n .  That  not t o say t h a t they were t o t a l l y consumed by the p u r s u i t o f p r o f i t , o n l t h a t i t formed the c e n t r a l aspect o f t h e i r o u t l o o k or m e n t a l i t e . i n s t e a d o f a ready-made community o f " p l a n t e r s " , Horton was i n d i v i d u a l s and  f a m i l i e s who  Thus,  settled  by  behaved as such by d i s p e r s i n g from a p r o t e c  t i v e nucleated settlement to p r a c t i s e f a m i l y - o r i e n t e d a g r i c u l t u r e homesteads s c a t t e r e d throughout  the  township.  on  74  F ootnotes  For a d i s c u s s i o n o f the C o n n e c t i c u t l i t e r a t u r e , see c h a p t e r f o o t n o t e 9.  2,  2 J.B. Brebner, The N e u t r a l Yankees o f Nova Colony During the R e v o l u t i o n a r y Years ( T o r o n t o : W.O. Raymond, " C o l o n e l Alexander McNutt and the o f Nova S c o t i a " , T r a n s a c t i o n s , Royal S o c i e t y o f 1912 I : 201-215.  Scotia. A Marginal 1969), pp. 94-100; P r e - L o y a l i s t Settlements Canada, 1911, I I : 23-115;  ^Minutes o f the E x e c u t i v e C o u n c i l , R.G. 3, v. 211, p. 340, A p r i l 1764; v. 212, pp. 64-65, J u l y 15, 1767, October 12, 1767.  9,  4 The f o l l o w i n g a n a l y s i s o f Horton l a n d h o l d i n g p a t t e r n s uses a l l deeds r e c o r d e d i n R.G. 47, K i n g ' s County, r e e l s 1273, 1274. I t s h o u l d be noted t h a t Horton's e x t a n t r e g i s t e r e d deeds a r e not a complete r e c o r d o f a l l l a n d t r a n s a c t i o n s . For example, i n r e c o n s t i t u t i n g i n d i v i d u a l l a n d h o l d i n g s i t was d i s c o v e r e d t h a t t h e r e are deeds f o r the s a l e o f one o r more l o t s f o r which t h e r e was no r e c o r d o f p u r c h a s e . ''The average number o f deeds r e c o r d e d by g r a n t e e s from 1760 t o 1770 was 4.5. Non-grantees have been e x c l u d e d from these c a l c u l a t i o n s because o t h e r w i s e they c o u l d be i n c l u d e d by making a s i n g l e purchase i n t h e l a t e 1760s, which would skew the g e n e r a l t r e n d s . U n l i k e Chebacco, Mass. i n C h r i s t o p h e r M. J e d r e y , The World o f John C l e v e l a n d . F a m i l y and Community i n E i g h t e e n t h Century New England (New York: 1979), pp. 65-66, t h e r e i s no d i f f e r e n c e i n landowning b e h a v i o r between t h o s e w i t h more than and t h o s e w i t h l e s s than f i v e t r a n s a c t i o n s . ^The f o l l o w i n g d i s c u s s i o n o f landowning b e h a v i o r i s based on an a n a l y s i s o f the d a t e s , l o c a t i o n s , acreages and p r i c e s o f a l l l o t s bought and s o l d by every known landowner i n Horton between 1760 and 1770. ^ R e s i d e n t and absentee g r a n t e e s are examined s e p a r a t e l y because t h e i r l a n d h o l d i n g p r a c t i c e s were markedly d i f f e r e n t . Net p r o f i t / d e f i c i t i s c a l c u l a t e d as the d i f f e r e n c e between the p r i c e s c i t e d f o r l o t s purchased and those s o l d d u r i n g the decade. I t e x c l u d e s the monetary v a l u e s o f t h a t p o r t i o n o f the o r i g i n a l g r a n t s t i l l owned i n 1770, and t h e r e f o r e i t does not measure the cash e q u i v a l e n t o f t o t a l w e a l t h i n l a n d . g Documentary r e f e r e n c e s to " s i z e " l o t s o f t e n do not s p e c i f y a c r e a g e s . For t h i s r e a s o n , " s i z e " i s not i n c l u d e d i n c a l c u l a t i o n s o f " i m p r o v a b l e " acreage i n t h i s d i s c u s s i o n , a l t h o u g h i t may have been among the most v a l u a b l e and f r e q u e n t l y c u l t i v a t e d acreage any farmer owned. See c h a p t e r 2, f o o t n o t e 35.  75  The o t h e r one q u a r t e r a r e d i s c u s s e d above as t h a t group o f l a n d owners who made a p r o f i t w i t h o u t r e d u c i n g the s i z e o f t h e i r l a n d h o l d i n g . That one q u a r t e r o f the complete removals o f Horton g r a n t e e s o c c u r r e d i n 1760 and 1761 argues s t r o n g l y f o r s p e c u l a t i o n as a motive behind some New E n g l a n d e r s o b t a i n i n g Nova S c o t i a l a n d g r a n t s . Only two g r a n t e e s who l e f t Horton f o r good remained i n Nova S c o t i a . Amos F u l l e r moved t o Cumberland and Benjamin Woodworth s e t t l e d i n C o r n w a l l i s . Known New England d e s t i n a t i o n s f o r g r a n t e e s who l e f t Horton between 1760 and 1770-are: Connecticut: 3 New London Stonington 2 Norwich 2 Farmington 1 Glosenbury 1 1 Lebanon Colchester 10 Middleton 1 East Haddam 3 Mansfield 1  New Hampshire: Lebanon 1 Norwich 2 New York: Long I s l a n d  1  ^For Thomas Cochran's Horton deeds o f the 1760s, see R.G. r e e l 1273, v. 3, p. 152.  47,  For John Cunningham's deeds f o r the 1760s see R.G. 47, r e e l 1273, v. 1, p. 210; v. 3, p. 481; r e e l 1274, v. 4, pp. 151, 224; v. 5, p. 206. 14 There i s no e v i d e n c e t o suggest how n o n - r e s i d e n t s might have cont r i b u t e d t h e i r r e q u i r e d s h a r e o f c a p i t a l and l a b o u r needed t o e s t a b l i s h the i n f r a s t r u c t u r e s o f s e t t l e m e n t . Perhaps, as i n S a c k v i l l e Township, N.B., l o c a l a g e n t s agreed t o meet the o b l i g a t i o n s o f n o n - r e s i d e n t s (see James Snowdon, " F o o t p r i n t s i n the Marsh Mud: P o l i t i c s and Land S e t t l e m e n t i n the Township o f S a c k v i l l e , 1760-1800" ( U n i v e r s i t y o f New B r u n s w i c k , M a s t e r s t h e s i s , 1975, p. 89) s i n c e o n l y a few Horton a b s e n t e e s were reprimanded on t h i s a c c o u n t . Censure u s u a l l y r e s u l t e d from d e l i n q u e n t dyke r a t e s or u n p a i d s u r v e y b i l l s . "^Although the f i n a l d i s p o s i t i o n o f Gray's Horton l a n d s i s unknown, he p r o b a b l y p r o f i t e d from t h i s s t r a t e g y ; as e a r l y as the l a t e 1770s, s e t t l e r s were c a r v i n g f a r m l a n d out o f the township's wooded i n t e r i o r . As w e l l , Gray had t e n a n t s on h i s farms known as "The Pear T r e e s " and "Mud Creek" d i s c u s s e d below.  76  "^For Joseph Gray's Horton deeds of the 1760s see R.G. 47, r e e l 1273, v . 1, pp. 8, 9, 12, 13, 16, 17, 19, 21, 36, 40, 42, 55, 64, 66, 68, 70, 72, 74, 76, 80, 82, 84, 105, 108, 110, 113, 114, 116, 117, 119, 120, 122, 123, 124, 126, 127, 133, 150, 159, 161, 167, 190, 196, 197, 199, 201, 203, 205, 207, 256; v . 2, pp. 16, 19, 23, 25, 26, 27, 28 ( 2 ) , 30, 31, 32, 54, 63, 64, 65, 67, 68, 71, 77, 130, 131, 274; v . 3, p. 269, 359. F o r Charles Dickson's Horton deeds see R.G. 47, r e e l 1273, v . 1, pp. 2, 21, 35, 38, 40, 53, 60, 61, 86, 92, 152, 173, 180, 181, 182, 195, 212, 215, 217, 218, 231, 232, 234, 235, 236, 242, 247, 251, 268, 269; v . 2, pp. 3, 4, 7 ( 2 ) , 8, 22, 31, 47, 51 ( 2 ) , 79, 102, 106, 140, 167, 182, 185, 187, 191, 211, 212, 213, 214 ( 2 ) , 234, 241, 246, 247, 249, 273, 303; v. 3, pp. 7, 66, 148, 150, 153, 154, 168, 199, 200, 227, 264, 352, 486, 519, 521, 530, 532; r e e l 1274, v. 4, pp. 5, 8, 154; v. 5, p. 104. 1 7  18 For mention o f Simeon Dewolf's houses, see R.G. 47, r e e l 1273, v. 1, pp. 56, 214; v. 2, p. 116; v. 3, p. 296; r e e l 1274, v. 4, p. 97. 19 In eighteenth-century s o c i e t i e s i t was customary t o quarantine smallpox cases by moving them away from the community to prevent the spread of the contagion. The Davison smallpox case can be found i n the Records of King's County Court o f Quarter Sessions, M.G. 1, v. 183, #1, #2, #4, #5. 20 For references to the various c i v i c r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , see the Records o f the King's County Court of Quarter Sessions, M.G. 1, v. 181ff. 21 According t o Records of the Court of Quarter Sessions, i t was not uncommon f o r a s s a u l t s to occur i n the highway, which i n d i c a t e s that r e s i dents often encountered each other as they t r a v e l l e d the l o c a l roadways. 22 Ibid. 23 A l e t t e r from Horton town c l e r k , Nathan Dewolf to Rev. Joseph Bennett dated August 10, 1765, terminated Bennett's s e r v i c e s i n the township with the reason that the township had obtained a dissenting minister (Micro: Miscellaneous; S o c i e t i e s : S.P.G. r e e l 73, #69. For Bennett's comments on the a r r i v a l and subsequent departure of the d i s s e n t i n g minister, see i b i d . , #66, #76, #106, #127. See also the " I n v i t a t i o n to Settlement" issued by the residents of Horton t o Rev. Daniel F u l l e r , M.G. 1, v. 181, #245. 24 For example, deeds show that Horton grantee George Stocking was i n Horton i n July 1765, and before 1772 he had permanently l e f t Horton f o r Glosenbury, Connecticut. Another grantee, John Randal removed to Colchester, Connecticut, between May 1769 and August 1769. In 1772 he returned t o Horton.  77  The r e c o r d s o f the K i n g ' s County I n f e r i o r Court o f Common P l e a s i n d i c a t e the e x i s t e n c e o f i n t e r - t o w n s h i p b u s i n e s s t r a n s a c t i o n s . For l i t i g a t i o n s i n v o l v i n g r e s i d e n t s o f more than one t o w n s h i p , see f o r example: C h a r l e s D i c k s o n , H o r t o n , v s . Caleb Wheaton, C o r n w a l l i s ; Robert Thompson, Horton, v s . P e t e r W i c k w i r e , C o r n w a l l i s ; D a n i e l C o n n o l l y , Windsor v s . W i l l i a m D i c k s o n , H o r t o n , R.G. 37. 26 E i g h t e e n m a r r i a g e s ( i n v o l v i n g Horton r e s i d e n t s ) are known t o have o c c u r r e d i n the 1760s. In a l l but two i n s t a n c e s , both p a r t n e r s were from Horton. " A Return o f the S t a t e o f the Township o f Horton, 1770", FLG. v. 443, #15; r e p r i n t e d i n P.A.N.S. R e p o r t , 1934, pp. 39-42. 27  1,  28 "Return o f t h e F a m i l i e s S e t t l e d i n the Townships o f Horton, C o r n w a l l i s , Falmouth, and Newport i n K i n g ' s County, t o g e t h e r w i t h the number o f persons s a i d f a m i l i e s e x h i b i t o f and o f t h e i r s t o c k o f c a t t l e and g r a i n s and Roots r a i s e d the p r e s e n t year 1763", M.G. 1, v. 471, #2. Rev. Joseph Bennett e s t i m a t e d the p o p u l a t i o n a t 670 f o r the same y e a r , M i c r o : M i s c e l l a n e o u s : S o c i e t i e s : S.P.G. r e e l #73, #29. In 1767, t h e p o p u l a t i o n d e c r e a s e d t o 634, "A G e n e r a l R e t u r n ... 1767", i b i d . A.W.H. Eaton i n The H i s t o r y o f K i n g s County, N.S. (Salem: 1910) d i s c u s s e d the p r e s e n c e o f s l a v e s i n Nova S c o t i a and p a r t i c u l a r l y i n K i n g ' s County, but h i s r e f e r e n c e s a r e f o r C o r n w a l l i s Township and H a l i f a x ; a l t h o u g h i t i s v e r y p o s s i b l e t h a t t h e r e were a l s o s l a v e s a t Horton, no r e f e r e n c e t o them was found i n any o f the e x t a n t documents. ^ A l t h o u g h t h e r e i s no e v i d e n c e o f the New England custom o f "warnings out" o f town o f u n d e s i r a b l e s , Horton's Court o f Quarter S e s s i o n s Records i l l u s t r a t e t h e r e l u c t a n c e o f the i n h a b i t a n t s t o be r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the community's b a s t a r d c h i l d r e n , so i t i s r e a s o n a b l e t o assume t h a t they would not be very r e c e p t i v e t o i n d i g e n t t r a n s i e n t s . See, f o r example, M.G. 1, v. 183, #32, #33, #66, #87-90. "^For r e f e r e n c e s t o r e n t e d l o t s see R.G. 47, r e e l 1273, v. 1, p. 47; v. 2, pp. 7, 90, 167; v. 3, pp. 223, 364, 431, 562, 609; r e e l 1274, v. 4, p. 356; v. 5, p. 32; v. 6, p. 369.  32 Robinson and R i s p i n , "A Journey 3 3  Poll  p.  Tax o f Horton Township, 1791, R.G.  98. 1, v. 444.  78  For secondary d e s c r i p t i o n s o f e i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y Nova S c o t i a a g r i c u l t u r e , see Robinson and R i s p i n , p. 48; J . D e b r e t t , "Remarks on the C l i m a t e , Produce and N a t u r a l Advantages o f Nova S c o t i a " i n a l e t t e r t o the R i g h t Honourable the E a r l o f M a c c l e s f i e l d , 1784?, i n P.A.N.S. v / f ; Robert Morse, "Report on Nova S c o t i a " , 1784, i n P.A.C. R e p o r t , 1884, pp. x x v i i - i x ; Capt. W. Moorsom, L e t t e r s From Nova S c o t i a ; C o m p r i s i n g Sketches o f a Young Country (London: 1830), pp. 184-194; T.C. H a l i b u r t o n , A General D e s c r i p t i o n o f Nova S c o t i a , 1825 ( H a l i f a x : 1825), pp. 89-103. 35„ 'Return o f the F a m i l i e s ... 1763", i b i d F  36  General Return o f the Townships,  1767,  ibid.  "^Although they were not i n c l u d e d i n the a n a l y s i s , t h e 32 o m i t t e d from the Census are r e p r e s e n t e d by t h e s e t y p e s .  landowners  James T. Lemon, The Best Poor Man's Country. A G e o g r a p h i c a l Study o f E a r l y S o u t h e a s t e r n P e n n s y l v a n i a (New York: 1972), p. 164; Robert Gross i n The Minutemen and T h e i r World (New York: 1978), p. 214, e s t i m a t e d a minimum acreage requirement o f between 24 and 48 a c r e s f o r Concord, Mass. T h i r t y - f i v e a c r e s was c o n s i d e r e d a bare minimum f o r t h e s u p p o r t o f a f a m i l y o f s i x i n Chebacco, Mass. i n C h r i s t o p h e r M. J e d r e y , The World p. 63. 39 Lemon, i b i d . , p.  155.  ^°The w i l l o f Robert Denison, R.G. w i l l b o o k , p. 14, June 25, 1765.  48, r e e l 550, Hants County  ^ I n Horton, "yeoman" meant more than f r e e h o l d e r . In o c c u p a t i o n a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n s i t seems t o have been i n t e r c h a n g e a b l e w i t h " f a r m e r " and "husbandman" and i t was the most commonly used o f t h e s e terms i n l o c a l documents.  1  ^ T h e e s t i m a t e o f f i v e a c r e s a year i s quoted i n Kenneth K e l l y , "The Impact o f N i n e t e e n t h Century A g r i c u l t u r a l S e t t l e m e n t on the Land", i n J.D. Wood, ed., P e r s p e c t i v e s on Landscape and S e t t l e m e n t i n N i n e t e e n t h Century O n t a r i o ( C a r l e t o n L i b r a r y : 1975), p. 103. In a d d i t i o n , 4 a c r e s per share was l o c a t e d on the c l e a r e d Grand Pr£; and a c c o r d i n g t o C h a r l e s M o r r i s ' Map o f Horton Township, 1760, t h e u p l a n d southwest o f town p l o t was " c l e a r e d " . C h r i s t o p h e r M. J e d r e y , The World pp. 65-66, e s t i m a t e s t h a t 8 sheep were n e c e s s a r y f o r annual s u b s i s t e n c e .  79  In "The S i m p l i f i c a t i o n o f Europe Overseas", Annals, A s s o c i a t i o n o f American Geographers, v. 67 (1977), pp. 469-483, R. Cole H a r r i s has argued that Europeans o f d i v e r s e socioeconomic and c u l t u r a l backgrounds b u i l t homogeneous and e g a l i t a r i a n s o c i e t i e s i n c o l o n i a l s e t t i n g s . S o c i a l change due to changed c o n d i t i o n s i n the new environment, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the a v a i l a b i l i t y o f cheap land and poor market c o n d i t i o n s pared away many t r a i t s u n s u i t e d to the new s i t u a t i o n . Changes i n land a v a i l a b i l i t y and markets over s e v e r a l g e n e r a t i o n s l e d t o a r e s t r a t i f i c a t i o n o f s o c i e t y . For a f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n o f H a r r i s ' t h e o r y , see c h a p t e r 5, pp. 107-108.  CHAPTER 4 L a n d and  Inheritance  In. t h e l a t e 1 7 7 0 s N o v a S c o t i a f a c e d an e c o n o m i c r e c e s s i o n a n d a s m a l l pox e p i d e m i c ;  t h e r e l i g i o u s f e r v o r o f t h e "New  L i g h t " r e v i v a l swept  t h e c o l o n y and Y a n k e e p r i v a t e e r s r a i d e d N o v a S c o t i a n c o a s t a l d u r i n g the American R e v o l u t i o n . refugees  w a n t i n g t o b u i l d a new  thousands of L o y a l i s t  l i f e and e x p e c t i n g  a t a n g i b l e reward for British colonies  of  America. To p r e p a r e  t o r e c e i v e a l a r g e i n f l u x o f s e t t l e r s the Nova S c o t i a  Government r e p a t r i a t e d l a r g e t r a c t s o f l a n d granted o f the 1760s but n e v e r o c c u p i e d . m i l l i o n o f t h e 5.5 by 1 7 8 3 ; Crown.  m i l l i o n a c r e s i s s u e d s i n c e the l a t e 1750s were  This process  m i l l i o n more were r e t u r n e d  D i g b y , S h e l b u r n e and G u y s b o r o u g h c o u n t i e s as w e l l as  S t i l l , much o f t h e c o l o n y ' s t h e c o n t r o l o f New Few  more a c c e s s i b l e and  E n g l a n d e r s who  f e r t i l e lands remained i n  communities  no l o n g e r a v a i l a b l e .  neither a reserve settlers.  smaller  had e s t a b l i s h e d t o w n s h i p s i n t h e e a r l y  A l l o f H o r t o n ' s l a n d had been g r a n t e d  founding  the  a n d t h e W i n d s o r Road."'"  L o y a l i s t s seeking a freehold s e t t l e d i n these  w h e r e f r e e l a n d was  to  escheated  o p e n e d up l a r g e t r a c t s o f l a n d i n w h a t l a t e r b e c a m e  a r e a s a l o n g t h e S h u b e n a c a d i e R i v e r , C o b e q u i d Bay  1760s.  d u r i n g t h e l a n d boom  In p e n i n s u l a r Nova S c o t i a a l o n e h a l f a  i n t h e n e x t f i v e y e a r s 2.5  Annapolis,  was  settlements  At t h e war's end,  t h e i r l o y a l t y t o the Crown f l o c k e d t o the r e m a i n i n g North  through  w i t h i n a few y e a r s o f 1 7 6 1 ;  f o r newcomers nor a d d i t i o n a l l a n d f o r sons o f  Although  l a n d was 80  a v a i l a b l e for purchase,  there the  81  circumstances  may  have made i t d i f f i c u l t to a c q u i r e .  Active trading in  l a n d d u r i n g the 1760s had g i v e n a s m a l l group c o n t r o l o f most o f the township l a n d s .  In the next twenty y e a r s much o f t h i s was  kept out  c i r c u l a t i o n ; as measured by the number o f deeds r e g i s t e r e d , l a n d tions occurred  best of  transac-  at l i t t l e more than h a l f the r a t e t h a t marked the 1760s.  Access t o l a n d was  f u r t h e r reduced by e s c a l a t i n g p r i c e s , d r i v e n  upward by a r i s i n g demand and  s h r i n k i n g supply  of land.  Any  comparison  o f Horton l a n d p r i c e s over time i s r i s k y because the impact o f the  type  o f s a l e ( i . e . , p r i v a t e or p u b l i c a u c t i o n ) , s o i l q u a l i t y , improvements and l o c a t i o n on p r i c e a r e i m p o s s i b l e to* d e t e r m i n e , a l t h o u g h  they s u r e l y were  f e l t ; l o t s o f e q u a l acreage i n s i m i l a r p a r t s o f the township were s o l d f o r d i f f e r e n t sums a t almost the same time. prices increased. l a n d meant p a y i n g  In a b s o l u t e terms though,  With t i m e and the p r o g r e s s i o n o f s e t t l e m e n t ,  buying  f o r improvements such as c l e a r i n g , f e n c i n g , c u l t i v a t i o n  and perhaps even a house, barn and o u t b u i l d i n g s .  Because l e s s e x p e n s i v e  unimproved p r o p e r t i e s were not o f t e n o f f e r e d f o r s a l e , the p r i c e o f l a n d was  pushed out o f r e a c h o f some. As the t h r e s h o l d o f a c c e s s t o l a n d r o s e , the p o p u l a t i o n o f Horton  increased.  By e x t r a p o l a t i o n from the number o f a d u l t men  P o l l Tax o f 1791,  l i s t e d on  the p o p u l a t i o n o f Horton i n t h a t year can be  the  estimated  2 a t 1175;  t h i s was  an i n c r e a s e o f 63%  over the 1770  total.  Such growth  can be a t t r i b u t e d i n p a r t t o the h i g h r a t e o f p e r s i s t e n c e among the founding  s e t t l e r s and  Horton l a n d h o l d e r s  their families.  Twenty-six o f the 184  a r e known t o have d i e d by 1790.  f u l l y 120 c e r t a i n l y l i v e d i n Horton i n 1791; been h i g h e r because we  original  Of the remaining  the p r o p o r t i o n may  do not know t h a t some o f the a p p a r e n t l y  158,  w e l l have missing  30  82  did  not c o n t i n u e t o l i v e i n Horton u n r e c o r d e d . I n m i g r a t i o n was another component o f p o p u l a t i o n growth.  a t t r a c t e d s e v e r a l newcomers i n the 1770s and 1780s.  Horton  F u l l y 117 o f t h e s e  appeared as new names (not on the 1770 Census) on the P o l l Tax:  a few '  were L o y a l i s t s , some came from I r e l a n d and o t h e r s moved from C o r n w a l l i s and Falmouth, but the o r i g i n s o f most a r e unknown. they came t o H o r t o n . "Some (perhaps seven) men i n c l u d e d i n the dowries o f t h e i r l o c a l b r i d e s .  So too a r e the r e a s o n s  s e t t l e d Horton l a n d 3  Others may  have had  l i t t l e c h o i c e but t o move t o Horton or one o f t h e o t h e r s e t t l e d in  the c o l o n y .  communities  Between 1770 and 1783 Crown l a n d s were a v a i l a b l e by p u r -  c h a s e ; because p r i c e s were r e l a t i v e l y h i g h t h e r e was l i t t l e s e t t l e m e n t o f unoccupied l a n d and newcomers g r a v i t a t e d i n t o e s t a b l i s h e d towns i n s e a r c h of  other o p p o r t u n i t i e s .  Even the r e l a t i v e l y w e l l - t o - d o B r i t i s h m i g r a n t s  of  the 1770s came, as Governor Legge observed not " w i t h the e x p e c t a t i o n  of  h a v i n g l a n d s g r a n t e d t o them", but " t o p u r c h a s e , ... perhaps t o become  t e n a n t s " o r " t o labour".'' T h i s was c e r t a i n l y the p a t t e r n f o l l o w e d by many o f t h o s e who in  Horton a f t e r 1770.  Only one f i f t h purchased l a n d i n the next twenty  y e a r s and o n l y h a l f e v e r a c q u i r e d r e a l p r o p e r t y . t h e i r l i v i n g as wage l a b o u r e r s .  the  two t h i r d s made  To farm they had t o r e n t  Tenancy had become an i m p o r t a n t f a c e t o f the economic  s t r u c t u r e of  community. Tenant  farmers were o n l y s l i g h t l y b e t t e r o f f than the l a n d l e s s .  True, they were husbandmen but s t i l l of  In 1791  R e v e a l i n g l y , l e s s than h a l f o f t h o s e  r e g i s t e r e d as farmers on t h e P o l l Tax owned l a n d . land.  settled  someone e l s e .  they l a b o u r e d l a r g e l y f o r t h e b e n e f i t  The l e a s e between Joseph Gray and John W a l l a c e ^ f o r the  83  Pear Trees Farm was t y p i c a l o f agreements t h a t o u t l i n e d of  responsibilities  l a n d l o r d and tenant i n g r e a t e r d e t a i l than t h e a l t e r n a t i v e " r e n t i n g a t  the h a l v e s " .  The Pear Trees Farm was l o c a t e d s o u t h e a s t o f town p l o t a l o n g  the n o r t h shore o f t h e Gaspereau upland and 67 a c r e s o f marsh.  River.  I t c o n s i s t e d o f 103 a c r e s o f  In 1773 Gray l e a s e d t h e l a n d , house, b a r n ,  farming u t e n s i l s and one yoke o f oxen t o W a l l a c e .  The r e n t i n t h e f i r s t  y e a r , was £6 and W a l l a c e had t o bear t h e expense o f k e e p i n g f o u r y e a r l i n g heifers  and f i v e c a l v e s f o r two y e a r s ; t h e r e a f t e r t h e r e n t was £8 and  W a l l a c e had t h e c o s t o f f e e d i n g l i v e s t o c k each e n s u i n g year f o r t h r e e y e a r s a f t e r t h e marsh i n f r o n t o f t h e farm was d i k e d ( t h e l e a s e d i d n o t s p e c i f y who was r e s p o n s i b l e f o r d i k i n g o r p r e c i s e l y when i t was t o be done), a t which time t h e l e a s e e x p i r e d .  In a d d i t i o n , W a l l a c e was r e s p o n -  s i b l e f o r f e n c i n g and t h e g e n e r a l upkeep o f t h e farm.  U n l e s s he made  enough money above and beyond t h e s e o b l i g a t i o n s t o make s i g n i f i c a n t toward economic independence  strides  i n t h e t h r e e o r more y e a r s t h a t he worked t h e  Pear Trees, r e n t i n g was a dead end f o r W a l l a c e because when h i s l e a s e ended he r e t u r n e d e v e r y t h i n g t o h i s l a n d l o r d . As l a n d grew s c a r c e i n H o r t o n , everyman's o p p o r t u n i t y t o own a farm diminished.  Between 1770 and 1791 t h e number o f farmers i n Horton  decreased by one t h i r d ( T a b l e s VI and V I I ) .  7  There were a l s o fewer  arti-  sans and p r o f e s s i o n a l s on a p r o p o r t i o n a l b a s i s , and by 1791 l a b o u r e r s comprised almost h a l f (47?o) t h e w o r k f o r c e .  They were not s i m p l y f a r m e r s '  sons; H o r t o n i a n s o f t h e second g e n e r a t i o n accounted f o r o n l y one q u a r t e r of  t h i s o c c u p a t i o n a l group.  i n Horton i n 1770.  Of t h e remainder, o n l y one q u a r t e r had l i v e d  Once landowners, they had s o l d t h e i r p r o p e r t y f o r one  reason o r a n o t h e r , but c o n t i n u e d t o seek a l i v i n g t h e r e .  The r e s t were  84  TABLE V I . Occupations of the Adult Male Workforce, 1770 and 1791  Occupation  1770 No.  Esquire  10  9.25  F armer/Yeoman  73  67.59  116  38.79  Labourer  1  .93  142  47.49  Carpenter  4  3.70  7  2.35  Blacksmith  3  2.78  5  1.67  Shoemaker  -  5  1.67  Tailor  2  3  1.00  Millwright  -  1  .33  Weaver  2  1  .33  Mason  - •  1  .33  Cooper  -  1  .33  Cordwainer  3  2.78  -  Merchant  5  4.63  7  2.34  Attorney  -  2  .69  Surgeon/Doctor  2  1.85  1  .33  1  .93  2  .69  Minister  1  .93  -  Innkeeper  1  .93  -  Soldier  -  3  1.00  Master o f vessel  -  1  .33  Boat owner  -  1  .33  298  100.00  Schoolmaster/ Teacher  Totals Not given  1.85 1.85  •  •  108 36  100.00  1  85  TABLE V I I .  C o m p o s i t i o n o f the A d u l t Male Work Force by O c c u p a t i o n a l Group  Occupation  1770 No.  1791 %  No.  Esquire  10  9.26  Farmers  73  67.59  115  38.59  1  .93  142  47.65  Professionals  10  9.26  12  4.03  Craftsmen  14  12.96  24  8.05  Military  —  3  1.01  Marine  —  2  .67  Totals  108  298  100.00  Labourers  Source;  100.00  The breakdown of occupations i n 1770 i s derived from deeds, w i l l s and Court of Quarter Sessions Records; the source f o r 1791 i s the P o l l Tax.  86  newcomers to the community. of labour  were  Although  i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o t e l l what k i n d s  p e r f o r m e d , s c a t t e r e d r e f e r e n c e s suggest t h a t men  were h i r e d  f o r a v a r i e t y o f u n s k i l l e d and s e m i - s k i l l e d t a s k s , most o f them farmrelated. I t was  i n t h i s c l i m a t e o f economic h a r d s h i p t h a t a r e l i g i o u s  swept through Nova S c o t i a .  Led by Falmouth "New  Light" itinerant  Henry A l l i n e , Nova S c o t i a ' s "Great Awakening" c o r r e s p o n d e d w i t h c a r e e r , l a s t i n g from 1776  t o 1784.  I t was  revival preacher  Alline's  s t r o n g e s t i n the a r e a around  the Minas B a s i n where A l l i n e c o n f i n e d h i s a c t i v i t i e s .  Most i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s  o f t h i s e v a n g e l i c a l movement have been concerned w i t h i n t e l l e c t u a l  origins,  p a r t i c u l a r l y the c o n n e c t i o n  New  between the dilemma o f mixed l o y a l t i e s  E n g l a n d e r s i n Nova S c o t i a are assumed to have e x p e r i e n c e d  during  the  American R e v o l u t i o n , the consequent i d e n t i t y c r i s i s t h a t  transformed g  Yankees i n t o Nova S c o t i a n s and t h i s e x p r e s s i o n o f r e l i g i o u s Arguing  unrest.  t h a t r e l i g i o u s enthusiasm seemed t o b u i l d o n l y a f t e r the  t h r e a t d e c l i n e d , J.M.  Bumsted has d i v e r g e d from t h i s c o n c e p t u a l  military approach  i n s u g g e s t i n g the i m p o r t a n c e o f the economic dimension and  frontier  t i o n s to understanding  t o Bumsted, "the  the Nova S c o t i a r e v i v a l .  d i s c o n t e n t born o f immediate economic h a r d s h i p uneasiness  According ...  condi-  [and] the p s y c h o l o g i c a l  born o f h a v i n g p u l l e d up r o o t s elsewhere t o s e t t l e i n Nova  S c o t i a ... made almost a l l r u r a l Nova S c o t i a n s s u s c e p t i b l e i n v a r i o u s 9 degrees o f r e v i v a l i s m . " C o n d i t i o n s a t Horton support the o u t s e t t l e m e n t s .  Bumsted's c o n t e n t i o n o f hard times i n  Indeed, economic h a r d s h i p was  not o n l y a r e s u l t  of  f r o n t i e r c o n d i t i o n s as Bumsted has suggested, the s t r a t i f i c a t i o n o f e a r l y Horton s o c i e t y on the b a s i s o f landed wealth may  have caused even g r e a t e r  87  d i s c o n t e n t f o r i n h a b i t a n t s who were worse o f f than o t h e r s .  Whether  socioeconomic d i s p a r i t y i n the community found e x p r e s s i o n as r e l i g i o u s r e v i v a l i s m can be a s s e s s e d o n l y w i t h f u r t h e r a n a l y s i s o f the impact o f "New  L i g h t " e v a n g e l i s m on H o r t o n i a n s .  r e c o n s t r u c t i n g the economic background L i g h t " Church  This i n v e s t i g a t i o n s h o u l d b e g i n by o f the membership o f the  founded a t Horton i n 1778.  "New  As w e l l , s i n c e c r i t i c i s m o f  h i s r e l i g i o u s d o c t r i n e e v e n t u a l l y f o r c e d A l l i n e t o focus h i s m i n i s t r y i n t h e s c a t t e r e d and i s o l a t e d communities t i v e importance o f the New  o f the Minas B a s i n a r e a , the r e l a -  L i g h t Church to Horton s o c i e t y , i . e . , whether  most o f the community or o n l y an impassioned few e x p e r i e n c e d a " g r e a t awakening",  a l s o must be measured.  I f t h e r e i s a c o r r e l a t i o n between immediate  financial distress  p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the R e v i v a l , i t i s u n l i k e l y t h a t Horton's "New  Light"  Church drew i t s membership from among the m a t u r i n g sons o f Horton's ing s e t t l e r s .  S e v e n t y - t h r e e males who  and  found-  reached t h e i r m a j o r i t y between  1770 and 1791 were i n c l u d e d on the P o l l Tax.  They ranged i n age from 21  t o 49; t h i r t y a r e known t o have been m a r r i e d i n 1791 and had from one t o seven c h i l d r e n a t t h a t d a t e . ^ ^ r e s o u r c e s , t h e s e young men  Had they depended s o l e l y on t h e i r  own  would have shared the s t r u g g l e s and the f a t e s  o f most newcomers t o the township.  I n s t e a d , they f a r e d much b e t t e r .  By  1791, one h a l f owned a t l e a s t a few a c r e s , and b a r e l y a q u a r t e r were wage labourers.  Even t h e s e men  had r e a s o n a b l e p r o s p e c t s o f i m p r o v i n g t h e i r  s t a t u s ; a l l but seven second g e n e r a t i o n males e v e n t u a l l y a c q u i r e d l a n d . That Horton's sons d i d b e t t e r on average than newcomers, s u g g e s t s the economic i m p o r t a n c e o f p a r e n t a l s u p p o r t .  So f a r as we can  tell,  r e l a t i v e l y few sons were " s e t t l e d w i t h a farm" o r o t h e r w i s e d i r e c t l y  88  provided for by t h e i r fathers; most were not given t o t a l autonomy. Rather, farmers allowed one or more of t h e i r sons to occupy part of the family's holdings informally for years with the understanding that t i t l e would he transferred to him or them at t h e i r decease.  Rarely were  marriages and f a m i l i e s s i g n i f i c a n t l y delayed by these arrangements;"''"'' i n v e s t i n g t h e i r labour on land that would one day be t h e i r s , young men took brides, had f a m i l i e s and quite probably applied any p r o f i t s from t h i s farming to the purchase of a few acres of t h e i r own.  In t h i s way the  second generation escaped the hardships experienced by other Hortonians. S t i l l , they were locked into a prolonged dependence on t h e i r f a t h e r s . Only with the deaths of t h e i r fathers and the settlement of t h e i r estates d i d sons acquire f i n a n c i a l  freedom.  Few men were i n a c t i v e i n t r a n s m i t t i n g t h e i r worldly goods to the next generation. Of those estates whose t r a n s f e r was recorded only 10% 12 were d i s t r i b u t e d by the Probate Court. w e l l established.  In these cases the pattern was ,  The deceased's r e a l and personal property went to the  widow; debts were paid; the residue was divided according to the number of s u r v i v i n g c h i l d r e n ; a double share went to the eldest son and one share to each of the others. In a l l other instances, the t r a n s f e r between the generations was c a r e f u l l y l a i d out i n a l a s t w i l l and testament.  The w i l l s of f o r t y males  who died between 1762 and 1831 reveal the v a r i e t y of generational bequests i n Horton."'"  3  Drawn from the spectrum of a l l but the wealthiest  landowners and representing almost every occupation i n Horton, these i n d i v i d u a l s died between the ages of 56 and 97 and l e f t completed f a m i l i e s ranging from one to twelve but averaging eight persons.  89  Daughters, who r e c e i v e d a dowry from t h e i r p a r e n t s when they m a r r i e d , d i d not f i g u r e p r o m i n e n t l y i n t h e i r f a t h e r s ' w i l l s .  In Horton, as i n many  o t h e r communities, they u s u a l l y r e c e i v e d a share o f t h e household f u r n i t u r e a t t h e i r mother's decease and o c c a s i o n a l l y a s m a l l cash l e g a c y . given  remote t h i r d d i v i s i o n w i l d l a n d .  property  r e c e i v e d more v a l u a b l e  A few whose f a t h e r s h e l d s u b s t a n t i a l  bequests o f l a n d .  Rocksel,  second  daughter o f Benjamin C l e a v e l a n d r e c e i v e d a farm v a l u e d a t £ 7 5 . ^ Amelia Bishop received extensive  Some were  holdings  Similarly,  o f u p l a n d , marsh and woodland  on t h e Windsor Road, Gaspereau R i v e r , Boot I s l a n d and Grand Pre from her f a t h e r John J r . " * 1  But g e n e r a l l y , e i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y custom e x c l u d e d  daughters from an i n h e r i t a n c e o f f a m i l y l a n d because m a r r i a g e t r a n s f e r r e d the b r i d e ' s p r o p e r t y  t o her husband u n l e s s o t h e r l e g a l p r o v i s i o n s were  made. In t h e minds o f i n d i v i d u a l s as w e l l as i n those o f t h e community, t h e a b i l i t y t o provide  sons w i t h a landed i n h e r i t a n c e measured t h e s u c c e s s o f  a l i f e t i m e d i r e c t e d toward e s t a b l i s h i n g an e n d u r i n g f a m i l y p a t r i m o n y .  One  h a l f o f t h e t e s t a t o r s d i v i d e d t h e i r l a n d among two or more o f t h e i r s o n s . As e l s e w h e r e , ^ Horton t e s t a t o r s used t h e i r w i l l s t o d i r e c t t h e l i v e s o f f a m i l y members and t h e promise o f a landed i n h e r i t a n c e was a profound force shaping the l i v e s o f a t e s t a t o r ' s c h i l d r e n . i n s t a n c e , spent a l i f e t i m e b u i l d i n g a legacy f o u r sons.'''  7  Obadiah Benjamin, f o r  which he c o u l d pass on t o h i s  In 1761, t h i r t y year o l d Benjamin had come t o Horton w i t h  h i s w i f e Mary and two young sons from P r e s t o n , s h a r e i n t h e township g r a n t . the upper Gaspereau R i v e r . some o f h i s p r o p e r t y  C o n n e c t i c u t t o r e c e i v e one  Shortly afterward,  he e r e c t e d  T h i s may have been f i n a n c e d  i n t h e e a r l y 1760s.  a s a w m i l l on  by t h e s a l e o f  Although Bishop's M i l l  located  90  f u r t h e r downstream and c l o s e r to the focus o f e a r l y s e t t l e m e n t p r o b a b l y o f f e r e d s t i f f c o m p e t i t i o n , the Benjamin  M i l l prospered.  f i e d h i m s e l f as a yeoman and r a i s e d l i v e s t o c k .  ded f i v e sons and two daughters. a s u b s t a n t i a l sum  H i s o n l y c r o p s were  By t h i s time h i s f a m i l y i n c l u -  In the next s i x t e e n y e a r s , he i n v e s t e d  i n c o n s o l i d a t i n g second d i v i s i o n  farm l o t s and  i n the a r e a o f h i s m i l l as w e l l as i n a c q u i r i n g marshland D e s p i t e h i s apparent p r o s p e r i t y , Benjamin o f h i s t h r e e sons who  woodlots  on Boot I s l a n d .  never gave or s o l d l a n d t o any  m a r r i e d d u r i n g t h i s t i m e , nor d i d he h e l p them t o  buy l a n d on the open market. death i n 1805, d i d Benjamin Caleb.  identi-  In 1770 he owned 20 sheep,  16 oxen, 2 cows, 2 neat c a t t l e , 4 swine and 1 h o r s e . 50 b u s h e l s o f f l a x and 4 b u s h e l s o f o a t s .  Benjamin  Not u n t i l 1802,  three years before h i s  deed l a n d t o h i s two e l d e s t sons, Stephen and  I f these bequests were s i m i l a r t o t h a t c o n f e r r e d on t h e i r younger  b r o t h e r Abel (who  r e c e i v e d the l a n d "on which h i s d w e l l i n g s t o o d " i n h i s  f a t h e r ' s w i l l ) , the e l d e r sons l i k e l y  l i v e d on t h e i r p r o p e r t i e s f o r many  y e a r s b e f o r e a c q u i r i n g o f f i c i a l t i t l e t o them. i n g m i d d l e age.  Stephen, who  By 1802 they were approach-  had been m a r r i e d f o r twenty-one y e a r s , was  f o r t y - f i v e years o l d and had a f a m i l y o f n i n e , when h i s f a t h e r gave him 160 a c r e s i n the v i c i n i t y o f the s a w m i l l .  Caleb was  forty-one years o l d  and had seven c h i l d r e n from h i s m a r r i a g e o f e i g h t e e n y e a r s b e f o r e he 18 r e c e i v e d t i t l e t o 164 a c r e s .  Since t u r n i n g seventeen,  both sons had  spent upwards o f t w e n t y - f i v e y e a r s dependent on t h e i r f a t h e r ' s g o o d w i l l f o r t h e i r l i v e l i h o o d and the s u p p o r t o f t h e i r f a m i l i e s .  In r e c e i v i n g  t h e i r p o r t i o n s l a t e i n l i f e , Benjamin's sons were t y p i c a l o f t h e i r tion.  genera-  91  S e t t l e r s l e s s s u c c e s s f u l than Obed Benjamin, who d i d not c l i m b the low or m i d d l i n g  economic p o s i t i o n they a c q u i r e d  i n 1770, faced more  d i f f i c u l t d e c i s i o n s about the t r a n s m i s s i o n o f r e a l p r o p e r t y generation.  Forced t o r e c o g n i z e  from  t o t h e next  even i n the 1790s t h a t t h e l i m i t s o f  good a g r i c u l t u r a l l a n d had been reached i n Horton and t h a t t h e r i s i n g t h r e s h o l d o f a c c e s s i b i l i t y put l a n d a t a premium, they r a r e l y their holdings.  Almost one h a l f (43?a) o f Horton t e s t a t o r s bequeathed a l l  o f t h e i r r e a l e s t a t e t o one son.  In some cases t h i s r e p r e s e n t e d  o f s e v e r a l d i s b u r s e m e n t s t h a t had begun many y e a r s b e f o r e , deliberate primogeniture. holdings, property offspring.  subdivided  the l a s t  r a t h e r than  Even s o , many o f these t e s t a t o r s had s i z e a b l e  which c o u l d have been d i v i d e d among a l l o f t h e i r  By c h o o s i n g t o favour o n l y one, t h e s e men p r e s e r v e d t h e  i n t e g r i t y o f t h e f a m i l y farm i n a way p r o b a b l y c a l c u l a t e d t o ensure t h e f a m i l y ' s s o c i a l and economic p o s i t i o n i n a farming community. J u s t as gender i n f l u e n c e d the i n h e r i t a n c e o f l a n d , so b i r t h g e n e r a l l y a f f e c t e d t h e t i m i n g and q u a l i t y o f t h a t i n h e r i t a n c e .  order When  f a m i l i e s i n c l u d e d more than one o r two c h i l d r e n , o l d e r sons l i k e l y knew t h a t t h e i n t e r e s t s o f themselves and t h e i r f a m i l i e s were b e s t s e r v e d by t h e i r r e c e i v i n g an advance on t h e i r i n h e r i t a n c e .  One o f t h e younger sons  c o u l d e x p e c t , i n t i m e , t o own t h e f a m i l y farmhouse and a d j o i n i n g  fields.  But those who i n h e r i t e d a l l , or the best o f , p a r e n t a l l a n d s , p a i d a personal  and f i n a n c i a l p r i c e .  B e s i d e s the long w a i t t o r e c e i v e l e g a l  t i t l e t o t h e l a n d s they o c c u p i e d , p r i n c i p a l h e i r s were o f t e n o b l i g a t e d t o provide  cash l e g a c i e s f o r t h e female, and sometimes male h e i r s .  This  c o u l d mean t h a t sons who i n h e r i t e d t h e bulk o f t h e e s t a t e p a i d d e a r l y f o r a small or middling  property  inheritance.  92  Horton t e s t a t o r s o f t e n attempted t o ease t h i s f i n a n c i a l s t r a i n by s t a g g e r i n g payments over s e v e r a l y e a r s .  Alpheus H a r r i s , f o r example, was  r e q u i r e d t o pay a t o t a l o f £14 i n l e g a c i e s one year a f t e r the decease o f . 19 his  f a t h e r , Lebbeus J r . and £13 i n the next year.  When h i s mother d i e d ,  he had to pay an a d d i t i o n a l £7 over the f i r s t two y e a r s and £5 i n t h e t h i r d year.  S i m i l a r l y , James L o c k h a r t ' s  son D a n i e l became r e s p o n s i b l e  for a 20  payment t o t a l l i n g £68 when he i n h e r i t e d a l l h i s f a t h e r ' s r e a l e s t a t e . Ten pounds o f t h i s was payable one year a f t e r h i s f a t h e r ' s decease; £8 was due two y e a r s l a t e r ; and the r e s t came due a f t e r h i s mother's death when he r e c e i v e d the r e s i d u e o f the e s t a t e . each o f t h e h e i r s f o r t h e next f i v e  Then D a n i e l p a i d £10 a year t o  years.  Another o b s t a c l e t o an unencumbered i n h e r i t a n c e was t h e debt a t e s t a t o r accumulated d u r i n g h i s l i f e t i m e .  In l a t e  eighteenth-century  Horton, goods and s e r v i c e s were purchased w i t h p r o m i s s o r y n o t e s , by assuming another man's d e b t s , o r on account a t l o n g term c r e d i t . d e a t h , a man was i n v a r i a b l y i n d e b t e d c o u r s e , they were p r o b a b l y i n d e b t e d  At  t o s e v e r a l o f h i s neighbours.  Of  t o him as w e l l , but i n those c a s e s i n  which l i s t s o f both d e b t s and a s s e t s have s u r v i v e d , d e b i t s c o n s i s t e n t l y outweighed c r e d i t s . his  Sometimes the p r i n c i p a l h e i r was expected t o assume  f a t h e r ' s debts but u s u a l l y the e s t a t e was l i a b l e f o r payment.  E x e c u t o r s sometimes a u c t i o n e d o f f t h e p e r s o n a l e s t a t e , and then as much o f the r e a l e s t a t e as n e c e s s a r y t o meet demands a g a i n s t t h e e s t a t e . A l t h o u g h o n l y t h r e e a u c t i o n b i l l s e x i s t f o r the t e s t a t o r s under examina21 tion,  frequent  mention o f a u c t i o n s i n e s t a t e i n v e n t o r i e s and deeds  s u g g e s t s t h a t they were o f t e n used t o u n t a n g l e a t e s t a t o r ' s f i n a n c e s p r i o r to the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of h i s e s t a t e .  93  Of t h i r t y - t h r e e c o u p l e s f o r whom both dates a r e known, more than  22 t h r e e q u a r t e r s (79?o) o f t h e wives o u t l i v e d t h e i r husbands.  In l a s t  w i l l s and testaments t h e s i z e and c o m p o s i t i o n o f t h e w i f e ' s bequest  varied  but g e n e r a l l y i t r e f l e c t e d t h e t e s t a t o r ' s concern f o r t h e widow's subs i s t e n c e and not h e r economic freedom.  Nine husbands w i l l e d t h e i r widows  one t h i r d o r one h a l f o f t h e i r e s t a t e , and i n e f f e c t made t h e community r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e widow's w e l f a r e .  As w i t h i n t e s t a t e s e t t l e m e n t s ,  C o u r t - a p p o i n t e d a p p r a i s e r s d e t e r m i n e d , i n c o n s u l t a t i o n w i t h t h e widow, t h e form t h e support would t a k e .  As might be e x p e c t e d , t h e items women chose  f o r t h e i r dower r e f l e c t e d t h e i r p r e - o c c u p a t i o n w i t h t h e home and t h e i r dependence on o t h e r s t o s u p p l y l i f e ' s n e c e s s i t i e s .  T y p i c a l l y , they s e l e c -  t e d one o r more beds w i t h b e d d i n g , a few p i e c e s o f f u r n i t u r e , l i n e n and most o f a l l , k i t c h e n w a r e . harvested crops.  R a r e l y d i d they p i c k l i v e s t o c k , t o o l s o r  The d e t a i l o f f e r e d i n t h e dower d e s c r i p t i o n s show t h a t  t h e Court p r o t e c t e d t h e widow's r i g h t s from any t h r e a t o f l e g a l c h a l l e n g e from any o t h e r h e i r .  L y d i a Peck's Decree o f D i v i s i o n , f o r example,  d e f i n e d t h e b o u n d a r i e s o f h e r l o t s , d e s i g n a t e d h e r rooms i n t h e f a m i l y d w e l l i n g , determined r i g h t s o f way f o r h e r h o r s e s and even gave h e r " t h e p r i v e l e g e o f a c o m f o r t a b l e s e a t i n t h a t very n e c e s s a r y l i t t l e B u i l d i n g a t  23 t h e South East a n g l e o f t h e Garden". H a l f t h e t e s t a t o r s s p e c i f i e d annual cash a l l o w a n c e s o r a n n u i t i e s o f f o o d , f i r e w o o d , and p r o v i s i o n s f o r t h e i r widows.  Seven husbands made t h e  comfort and support o f t h e i r widows a c o n d i t i o n o f t h e i n h e r i t a n c e s w i l l e d t o one o r more o f t h e i r sons.  H a l f t h e t e s t a t o r s s p e c i f i e d annual cash  a l l o w a n c e s o r a n n u i t i e s o f f o o d , f i r e w o o d , and p r o v i s i o n s f o r t h e i r widows. The o t h e r h a l f a r r a n g e d f o r t h e i r widows t o be s u p p o r t e d from t h e r e n t s  94  and p r o f i t s o f t h e i r r e a l e s t a t e . to  the farming s k i l l o f the son who  T h i s t i e d the widow's f i n a n c i a l  security  assumed management o f the f a m i l y farm.  To p r o v i d e f o r the widow's l i v i n g arrangements, one h a l f o f the t e s t a t o r s d i v i d e d the d w e l l i n g i n t o east-west rooms or a f r a c t i o n (one t h i r d , one use.  Andrew Davison  was  apartments by s p e c i f y i n g  h a l f ) o f the d w e l l i n g f o r the widow's  t y p i c a l o f these t e s t a t o r s i n g i v i n g h i s w i f e  Eunice:  the use and improvement o f the Northwest bedroom and o t h e r Bedroom a d j o i n i n g t h e r t o [ s i c ] , the west P a r l o u r i n my D w e l l i n g house, the p r i v e l e g e o f u s i n g the Back K i t c h e n , one t h i r d p a r t o f the c e l l a r under s a i d house and one Chamber w i t h f u l l r i g h t and L i b e r t y o f p a s s i n g and r e p a s s i n g t o and from the s a i d S e v e r a l apartments i n the s a i d house as she s h a l l and may have o c c a s s i o n [ s i c ] and whenever she p l e a s e s . ^ 2  In a l l but a few c a s e s , the p r o p e r t y a widow r e c e i v e d through husband's w i l l f o r her n a t u r a l l i f e o r widowhood was but not her d i s p o s a l .  her  i n t e n d e d f o r her  use  Samuel G r i f f i n g ' s d i r e c t i o n s echoed the i n t e n t i o n s  o f many t e s t a t o r s i n t h i s  regard:  I t i s my w i l l t h a t my w i f e s h a l l not s e l l o r d i m i n i s h any o f s^ I n t e r e s t on or by w i l l mortgage or i n any way u n n e c e s s a r i l y d i s p o s e o f i t [ t h e p r o p e r t y ] d u r i n g her s^ l i f e t i m e . - * 2  At death, the widow's l e g a c y r e v e r t e d t o the husband's e s t a t e his  w i l l i n c l u d e d i n s t r u c t i o n s f o r i t s subsequent d i s t r i b u t i o n .  and  Conse-  q u e n t l y , i n the l e g a l sense a t l e a s t , most women owned l i t t l e more than the c l o t h e s on t h e i r  backs.  26  95  This was t r u e even when i t appeared t h a t women were g i v e n g r e a t e r dom and c o n t r o l .  S i x husbands l e f t t h e i r wives " a l l t h e whole o f my w o r l d " .  Most o f these men had a d u l t sons who c o u l d have become c u s t o d i a n s family estate. property  free-  o f the  I n s t e a d they chose t o e n t r u s t a l l t h e i r r e a l and p e r s o n a l  t o t h e i r wife's care.  i n t h e i r wives' a b i l i t y  These husbands confirmed  their  confidence  t o m a i n t a i n o r even p o s s i b l y t o augment t h e  f a m i l y ' s patrimony by " l e a v i n g s i z e a b l e l e g a c i e s t o t h e c h i l d r e n which were t o be d i s t r i b u t e d a t t h e i r mother's decease.  Yet, i n so i n d i c a t i n g t h e i r  f a i t h i n t h e i r w i v e s , these men d e f i n e d t h e b o u n d a r i e s o f t h e widow's authority.  In t h e i r good judgement, husbands who s p e c i f i e d t h e f i n a l  c a t i o n o f t h e f a m i l y ' s w o r l d l y goods, must have b e l i e v e d e i t h e r t h a t  allotheir  w i v e s were i n c a p a b l e o f making these d e c i s i o n s o r t h a t i t was not t h e i r p l a c e t o do so.  D e s p i t e what she may have c o n t r i b u t e d t o b u i l d i n g t h e  f a m i l y ' s s t a k e d u r i n g her husband's l i f e t i m e o r how she coped as c a r e t a k e r a f t e r h i s d e a t h , t h e widow had only as much say i n how t h e e s t a t e was passed on as h e r husband a l l o w e d h e r t o have.  The s i g n i f i c a n c e o f h e r  i n h e r i t e d r o l e as household head was f u r t h e r d i m i n i s h e d t h e widow's s u c c e s s o r f a i l u r e i n m a i n t a i n i n g  by t h e f a c t t h a t  t h e e s t a t e would have  r e a l impact on t h e l i v e s o f grown c h i l d r e n who had a l r e a d y r e c e i v e d  little their  portion. When i t came t o t r a n s m i t t i n g t h e i r w o r l d l y goods t o t h e next generat i o n , Horton t e s t a t o r s were governed f o r t h e most p a r t by a pragmatism t h a t r e f l e c t e d t h e modest accomplishments o f f r o n t i e r s e t t l e m e n t . endowed a l l male o f f s p r i n g but o n l y a f t e r most sons s e r v e d  Some  lengthy  a p p r e n t i c e s h i p s as farm l a b o u r e r s , and then o n l y w i t h as much l a n d as c o u l d be p a r c e l l e d o u t w i t h o u t  jeopardizing the v i a b i l i t y  o f the family  96  farm.  What i s remarkable about Horton's i n h e r i t a n c e p a t t e r n s i s the h i g h  i n c i d e n c e o f a l l r e a l p r o p e r t y being s e t t l e d on one son f o r p r i m o g e n i t u r e was r a r e l y p r a c t i s e d i n New England when s e t t l e m e n t s were new.  There,  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y l a r g e l a n d h o l d i n g s accommodated t h e f i r s t s e t t l e r s who wished t o d i s t r i b u t e t h e i r l a n d among a l l t h e i r sons.  But a f t e r a few  g e n e r a t i o n s s e v e r e l y reduced the s i z e o f t h e f a m i l y ' s l a n d h o l d i n g s by t h i s p r a c t i s e , p a r t i b l e i n h e r i t a n c e was no l o n g e r r e a l i s t i c .  Still,  rather  than g i v e l a n d t o some sons and not t o o t h e r s , men s t u b b o r n l y c l u n g t o some form o f p a r t i b l e i n h e r i t a n c e l o n g a f t e r i t was a f e a s i b l e method o f . . . 27 transmission. Perhaps t h e a t t i t u d e s o f Horton t e s t a t o r s s i g n i f y a c o n s e r v a t i v e r e a c t i o n t o t h e i r e a r l i e r experiences  i n Connecticut.  There, as i n a l l  o f o l d e r s e t t l e d New England, growing p o p u l a t i o n p r e s s u r e on a l i m i t e d land supply, aggravated  by g e n e r a t i o n s o f p a r t i b l e i n h e r i t a n c e , s e v e r e l y  reduced f a m i l y l a n d h o l d i n g s and l e f t  fathers incapable of providing  adequate p a t r i m o n i e s f o r t h e i r grown sons.  T h i s dilemma p r o v i d e d a t l e a s t  p a r t o f t h e impetus f o r some o f these sons t o l e a v e C o n n e c t i c u t Scotia.  f o r Nova  These were t h e men who became Horton landowners and l a t e r  found  themselves f o r c e d t o make hard c h o i c e s t h a t a f f e c t e d t h e l i v e s o f t h e i r own sons.  Because t h e i r own youth had been u n s e t t l e d , t h e s e men must have  been s e n s i t i v e t o t h e s i t u a t i o n s t h e i r sons f a c e d when they reached manhood.  B u t , a t t h e same time they were k e e n l y aware o f t h e i r s t r u g g l e t o  e s t a b l i s h a patrimony and what s u b - d i v i d i n g t h e farm i n t o s m a l l p a r c e l s would mean f o r t h e f a m i l y ' s chance o f keeping a f o o t h o l d i n t h e community for  future generations.  As a r e s u l t , d e c i s i o n s r e g a r d i n g t h e t r a n s f e r o f  p r o p e r t y t o t h e next g e n e r a t i o n were i n f l u e n c e d more by p r i o r i t i e s o f  97  m a i n t a i n i n g t h e f a m i l y l a n d h o l d i n g and e n s u r i n g t h e p a t r i a r c h ' s economic s e c u r i t y i n o l d age than by t h e a f f e c t i o n t e s t a t o r s may have f e l t f o r t h e i r c h i l d r e n and t h e i r i n s t i n c t s t o p r o v i d e f o r them. Even so, whether guided by sentiment  or a r e c o g n i t i o n o f t h e v a l u e o f  the f a m i l y as t h e primary u n i t o f p r o d u c t i o n , t e s t a t o r s d i s p l a y e d a deep concern  f o r the f a m i l y .  When c h i l d r e n were unmarried,  men used t h e i r  wills  to a d v i s e t h e f a m i l y on t h e importance  o f s t a y i n g t o g e t h e r and t o o f f e r  them inducements t o f o l l o w h i s w i s h e s .  Benjamin Peck J r . summed up t h e  enticements  i n his w i l l :  I t i s my w i l l t h a t n o t h i n g n e c e s s a r y f o r t h e comfort o f my f a m i l y now l i v i n g t o g e t h e r s h o u l d be moved o f f t h e p l a c e w h i l e they c o n t i n u e t o g e t h e r . 2 8  When sons were grown, f a t h e r s kept them nearby by a l l o w i n g them t o b u i l d t h e i r homes on f a m i l y l a n d so t h a t marriage delayed.  and c h i l d r e n were n o t  Most i m p o r t a n t l y , by t h e terms o f t h e i r w i l l s , men r e - s t r u c t u r e d  t h e f a m i l y so t h a t t h e o p e r a t i o n o f t h e homestead farm c o u l d be c a r r i e d on s u c c e s s f u l l y a f t e r t h e death o f t h e household  head.  In a n t i c i p a t i o n o f  the t r a n s f e r o f p r o p e r t y o u t l i n e d i n t h e w i l l , t h e son who was t o i n h e r i t the homestead remained t h e r e , m a r r y i n g company o f h i s aged p a r e n t s .  and r a i s i n g h i s c h i l d r e n i n t h e  S i n c e i t e v o l v e d over s e v e r a l y e a r s , t h e  t r a n s i t i o n was p r o b a b l y a smooth one. Even by 1791 t h e i n c r e a s i n g p o p u l a t i o n p r e s s u r e on t h e l i m i t e d l a n d s u p p l y , and a system o f i n e q u a l i t y r o o t e d i n t h e c o n t r o l o f l a n d ownership pushed Horton  Township t o i t s l i m i t s .  a l l i n h a b i t a n t s who wanted t o farm.  The c o u n t r y s i d e c o u l d n o t s u p p o r t N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e s i z e o f farms  98  remained v i a b l e and  there was  farm labour to work them.  a l a r g e (and  therefore inexpensive)  As t r a n s p o r t a t i o n began to improve and  opened up with the i n f l u x o f L o y a l i s t s to the r e g i o n , Horton would w e l l - p l a c e d to expand a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n  for export.  pool  of  markets be  99  Footnotes  Margaret E l l s , " C l e a r i n g The Decks", " S e t t l i n g The L o y a l i s t s i n Nova S c o t i a " , Canadian H i s t o r i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n Report, 1934, pp. 105-109. The Horton P o l l Tax o f 1791, i b i d , l i s t s 300 males age twenty-one and over. A f t e r s u b t r a c t i n g one q u a r t e r t o account f o r s i n g l e men, a m u l t i p l e o f four was chosen t o e s t i m a t e the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n (275 x 4 = 1100 + 75 = 1175). A l t h o u g h the average f a m i l y s i z e was 7 i n 1770, the number 4 was c o n s i d e r e d to more a c c u r a t e l y r e f l e c t the e v o l u t i o n o f Horton's p o p u l a t i o n t o 1791. At t h a t time t h e r e was a s i g n i f i c a n t component o f men at both ends o f the f a m i l y c y c l e who had s m a l l e r t h a n average f a m i l i e s because they were r e c e n t l y m a r r i e d or t h e i r c h i l d r e n were grown and had l e f t t h e i r households. J . Noble Shannon, Samuel Avery, Ebenezer F i t c h , James F u l l e r t o n , Moses Stevens, John Graham and M i c h a e l W a l l a c e m a r r i e d daughters o f Hortonians. 3  ^Margaret E l l s ,  " C l e a r i n g The Decks  p. 11.  ^ L e t t e r Governor Legge t o L o r d Dartmouth, May 10, 1774, i n " L e t t e r Books and T r a n s c r i p t s o f D i s p a t c h e s from the Governors", R.G. 1, v. 44, #32. ^Joseph Gray t o John W a l l a c e , R.G.  47, r e e l 1273, v. 3, p.  269.  An i n c r e a s e i n the number o f l a b o u r e r s a f t e r 1770 i s s u p p o r t e d by an i n c r e a s e i n the o c c u r r e n c e o f the term " l a b o u r e r " as an o c c u p a t i o n a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n i n the Court o f Q u a r t e r S e s s i o n s papers. For examples, see MJ3. 1, v. 182, #38, #116-117, #228; v. 183, #2-31, #79-81, #103-107, #267-270. g For a d i s c u s s i o n o f the h i s t o r i o g r a p h y o f the Great Awakening i n Nova S c o t i a , see G.S. F r e n c h , " R e l i g i o n and S o c i e t y i n L a t e E i g h t e e n t h Century Nova S c o t i a " , a r e v i e w a r t i c l e i n A c a d i e n s i s , v. IV, no. 2 ( S p r i n g , 1975), pp. 102-111. See a l s o M.W. Armstrong, The Great Awakening i n Nova S c o t i a , 1776-1809 ( H a r t f o r d : 1948); Gordon Stewart and George Rawlyck, A People H i g h l y Favoured Of God. The Nova S c o t i a Yankees And the American R e v o l u t i o n ( T o r o n t o : 1972); S.D. C l a r k , Church and Sect i n Canada ( T o r o n t o : 1948).  100  J.M. Bumsted, Henry A l l i n e ( H a n t s p o r t , N.S.: 1 9 8 4 ) , p. 59. For Bumsted's d i s c u s s i o n o f the importance o f the s o c i o e c o n o m i c dimension t o u n d e r s t a n d i n g the Great Awakening i n New England, see " R e l i g i o n , F i n a n c e and Democracy", i b i d . The second g e n e r a t i o n i s d e f i n e d f o r the purposes o f t h i s s t u d y as males who were younger than twenty-one i n 1770, but e x c l u d e s any t e e n a g e r s who owned l a n d . T h i s s e p a r a t e s sons o f g r a n t e e s who were more or l e s s e s t a b l i s h e d on the l a n d or i n o t h e r v o c a t i o n s by 1770 from t h o s e who grew up and sought l i v e l i h o o d s amidst the s o c i a l and economic p r e s s u r e s o f the next twenty y e a r s . T h e i r l i v e s o f f e r c l u e s t o the e v o l u t i o n o f the community a f t e r the i n i t i a l s e t t l e m e n t p e r i o d . Males m a r r i e d a t the average age o f 25; females wed a t the mean age o f 22. The average age o f marriage was c a l c u l a t e d from r e c o n s t i t u t e d Horton f a m i l i e s . See the b i b l i o g r a p h y f o r the s o u r c e s used i n t h i s process. For Horton A d m i n i s t r a t i o n s see R.G. 48, r e e l s 778, 780, 784, 787, 789, 790, 793, 795, 798, 800, 801, 804, 806, 809, 810, 813, 815, 818, 819. "^"Vor Horton w i l l s between 1762 and 1831 see R.G. 48, r e e l s 712, 727, 728, 732, 736, 738, 739, 742, 744, 747-749, 751, 753, 754-756, 760, 764, 767, 770. 14 Benjamin C l e a v e l a n d ' s w i l l , p. 25, p r o b a t e d March 27, 1811. "''^John B i s h o p J r . ' s w i l l , R.G.  R.G.  48, K i n g s Co., r e e l 712, v. I I ,  48, r e e l 712, p. 67, p r o b a t e d Sept. 9,  1815. P h i l i p J . Greven J r . , Four G e n e r a t i o n s ; P o p u l a t i o n , Land and F a m i l y i n C o l o n i a l Andover, Mass. ( I t h a c a : 1970), pp.72-103; 125-175. T h e f o l l o w i n g d i s c u s s i o n o f the l i f e and death o f Obadiah Benjamin i s d e r i v e d from the Horton Census o f 1770, R.R. A l l a n Benjamin, "Obadiah Benjamin o f Nova S c o t i a " , v e r t i c a l f i l e : Genealogy: "Benjamin F a m i l y " ; deeds o f Obadiah Benjamin i n R.G. 47, v. 1273, book 1: p. 59, #53, p. 166, #9, p. 62, #11; book 2: pp. 234, 264, 265; book 3: pp. 87, 112, 177, 179, 398; book 4: pp. 9, 33, 85, 122; book 5: pp. 23, 34; Obadiah Benjamin's w i l l , R J ] . 48, K i n g ' s Co., r e e l 712, p. 270, #66, a l s o K i n g ' s Co. W i l l s , r e e l 728, B12, p r o b a t e d May 31, 1806. 1 7  18 Because seventeen was the age a t which o f f s p r i n g were c l a s s i f i e d as a d u l t s on the Horton Census o f 1770, i t i s assumed t h a t t h i s was the age c u s t o m a r i l y r e c o g n i z e d as the age o f m a t u r i t y .  101  19  Lebbeus H a r r i s J r . ' s w i l l , R.G. probated June 27, 1827.  48, K i n g ' s Co., r e e l 744, no page,  20 James L o c k h a r t ' s w i l l , R.G. L2, probated December 24, 1789.  48, r e e l 712, p. 116, a l s o r e e l  749,  J o h n B i s h o p J r . , R J ] . 48, r e e l 728, B19, probated Sept. 28, 1815; Samuel H a m i l t o n , r e e l 744, H8, p r o b a t e d 1830; James M i n e r , R.G. 48 A d m i n i s t r a t i o n p a p e r s , r e e l 801, M12, p r o b a t e d Feb. 4, 1823; Cyrus Peck, r e e l 756, P l l , p r o b a t e d A p r i l 25, 1812. 2 1  22 The number o f wives o u t l i v i n g t h e i r husbands i s c a l c u l a t e d from g e n e a l o g i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n , r e f e r e n c e s i n w i l l s i n i n s t a n c e s where the date o f p r o b a t e f o l l o w s soon a f t e r the date the w i l l was w r i t t e n and mentioned the w i f e ; and e v i d e n c e o f widows r e m a r r y i n g . C y r u s Peck's E s t a t e Papers i n R.G. 48, r e e l 712, v. II, and r e e l 756, P l l , p r o b a t e d A p r i l 25, 1812. 2 3  ^Andrew Davison's w i l l  i n R.G.  48, r e e l 712, v. I,  p.  145  p. 25.  25 Nov.  Samuel G r i f f i n g ' s w i l l , R.G. 25, 1773.  48, r e e l 550, p. 31, p r o b a t e d  26 U n l e s s they owned p r o p e r t y p r i o r t o t h e i r marriage which p r o t e c t e d by a p r e n u p t i a l agreement. 27 P h i l i p J . Greven J r . , Four G e n e r a t i o n s , pp. 125-172. 27  Benj'amin  Peck J r . ' s w i l l  i n R.G.  48, r e e l 712, #203.  was  CHAPTER 5 Conclusion  T h i s study o f New E n g l a n d e r s t a k i n g up l a n d i n Horton Township, r e v e a l s t h a t the most p o w e r f u l dynamic u n d e r l y i n g was the l u r e o f the l a n d .  the settlement  process  The promise o f f r e e l a n d drew t h e New  E n g l a n d e r s t o Horton "in t h e b e g i n n i n g and t h e i r l i v e s t h e r e were d i r e c t e d by a d r i v e f o r modest commodity o f exchange. s o c i e t y they c r e a t e d  economic s u c c e s s i n which l a n d was t h e p r i m a r y The s t o r y o f t h e i r l i v e s and l i v e l i h o o d s and t h e  i n d i c a t e s t h a t l i f e i n t h i s f r o n t i e r community was a  s t r u g g l e , but i t was not so much one o f taming t h e l a n d as o f a c q u i r i n g and  keeping i t . Almost i m m e d i a t e l y , a l l t h e t o w n s h i p ' s l a n d was d i v i d e d among t h e  p r o p r i e t o r s , but t h e amount each r e c e i v e d v a r i e d a c c o r d i n g  to d i s t i n c t i o n s  o f s t a t u s , f a m i l y s i z e and " a b i l i t y t o c u l t i v a t e " . D i s p a r i t i e s on t h e b a s i s o f l a n d g r a n t e d gave some p r o p r i e t o r s an i n i t i a l o t h e r s and a l l g r a n t e e s were c o n s i d e r a b l y who wanted t o own l a n d .  advantage over  b e t t e r o f f than any l a t e c o m e r s  T h i s was t h e b a s i s o f i n e q u a l i t y i n t h e s o c i a l  s t r u c t u r e o f a community where l a n d was both t h e symbol and essence o f wealth. Land changed hands q u i c k l y and o f t e n d u r i n g t h e f i r s t decade o f settlement.  Some p r o p r i e t o r s q u i c k l y s o l d o f f t h e i r s h a r e s e a r l y and l e f t  the township and u s u a l l y t h e c o l o n y .  Others made a p r o f i t by s e l l i n g  p o r t i o n s o f t h e i r g r a n t s and r e m a i n i n g i n H o r t o n .  T h i s temporary  i n t h e l a n d market e n a b l e d a s m a l l group o f n o n - p r o p r i e t o r s 102  fluidity  (who were  103  o f t e n the sons o f g r a n t e e s ) to s e t t l e on Horton l a n d .  More i m p o r t a n t l y ,  most o f the l a n d passed i n t o the hands o f o n l y a few g r a n t e e s .  Many o f  these had been g i v e n the l a r g e r g r a n t s when they f i r s t s e t t l e d i n Horton because they had the r e s o u r c e s t o improve the l a n d .  These r e s o u r c e s  a l l o w e d them to a p p r o p r i a t e even more l a n d and the gap between the l a r g e s t and s m a l l e s t landowner  widened.  As e a r l y as 1770 the top t e n  landowners  c o n t r o l l e d t h r e e times the acreage o f the s e v e n t y - e i g h t s m a l l e s t p r o p e r t y holders. T h i s imbalance i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f l a n d p e r s i s t e d f o r a t l e a s t the next two decades.  The e x i s t i n g p a t t e r n o f ownership changed l i t t l e  and  o n l y one f i f t h o f those who made t h e i r homes a t Horton between 1770  and  1791 were a b l e t o buy l a n d .  T h e o r e t i c a l l y , the township c o n t a i n e d more  than enough acreage t o p r o v i d e a l l household heads w i t h farms, but t h e d r i v e t o accumulate and the consequent the landowners who scarcity.  r e l u c t a n c e t o s e l l on the p a r t o f  c o n t r o l l e d the l i o n ' s s h a r e c r e a t e d an  artificial  T h i s s h o r t a g e meant t h a t the community s u p p o r t e d fewer  farmers  i n 1791 than twenty y e a r s e a r l i e r and the number o f l a n d l e s s l a b o u r e r s increased  substantially.  Less i s known about the market f o r a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t s a t Horton but s c a n t evidence s u g g e s t s t h a t a nascent commercial economy e x i s t e d the b e g i n n i n g .  from  A l t h o u g h they had y e t t o produce a s u b s i s t e n c e i n a l l c r o p s  i n 1770, 43% o f farmers r a i s e d e x t r a sheep t o d r i v e t o the market a t Halifax.  As w e l l , i t i s r e a s o n a b l e t o assume t h a t commercial t i e s between  the l e a d e r s o f Horton s o c i e t y and the H a l i f a x e l i t e must have g e n e r a t e d , or  perhaps were the r e s u l t o f o t h e r b u s i n e s s t r a n s a c t i o n s f o r which  documentary e v i d e n c e no l o n g e r e x i s t s .  Even s o , i n the e a r l y y e a r s ,  104  c o m m e r c i a l i s m was  s t i l l m o r e o f an a s p i r a t i o n t h a n a r e a l i t y .  In e f f e c t ,  the market f o r l a n d r e p l a c e d the market f o r a g r i c u l t u r a l products mechanism f o r economic  s h a r p l y from the f i r s t phase o f the r u r a l s e t t l e m e n t one.  According  t o t h e m o d e l , i n a new  o f s e t t l e r s more than a d e q u a t e l y  s e t t i n g s , t h e f o c u s o f l i f e was communal harmony t h r o u g h t h i s was  to provide  c o m m u n i t y l a n d was  England towns.  and t h e f i r s t  endowed w i t h l a n d .  In  these  Seventeenth-century  Certainly  Andover  and  s t a b l e P u r i t a n common-  C o l l e c t i v e c o n t r o l o f t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f l a n d meant t h a t  these  f a r m c o m m u n i t i e s u s e d up t h e i r a c r e a g e o n l y  g r a d u a l l y over s e v e r a l generations, occurred,  few  f o r f a m i l i e s and t o e n s u r e  Dedham M a s s . , f o r i n s t a n c e , w e r e s m a l l , c o h e s i v e ,  conservative, subsistence  in  abundant  c o l l e c t i v e control of local resources.  t r u e o f some New  wealths.  diverge  model d i s c u s s e d  and a c c e s s i b l e , s o c i o e c o n o m i c d i s t i n c t i o n s n o n e x i s t e n t generations  the  differentiation.  These c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the e a r l y development o f H o r t o n  chapter  as  and u n t i l a c r i s i s o f l a n d  shortage  t h e i r s o c i e t i e s were o p e n , homogeneous and e g a l i t a r i a n . I t  o n l y by t h e m i d e i g h t e e n t h  century  t h a t they began to s u f f e r from  p o p u l a t i o n , e c o n o m i c s t r a t i f i c a t i o n and p o l i t i c a l f a c t i o n a l i s m .  over-  1  I m p l i c i t i n t h i s model i s t h e a b s e n c e o f a m a r k e t economy and c o m m e r c i a l i s t i c o u t l o o k on t h e p a r t o f t h e i n h a b i t a n t s . f a m i l y v a l u e s , James H e n r e t t a  was  Instead,  a lineal  has a r g u e d , formed t h e c o r e o f t h e  "deeply  h e l d v a l u e s " or m e n t a l i t e of the a g r i c u l t u r a l p o p u l a t i o n i n c o l o n i a l 2 America.  He m a i n t a i n s  t h a t an i m b a l a n c e i n l a n d o w n e r s h i p c o u l d  s i m p l y because most p e o p l e were not i n t e r e s t e d i n a c c u m u l a t i o n . wanted what they needed t o s u s t a i n t h e i r f a m i l i e s . the long-term  evolve They o n l y  Yearly subsistence  c o n t i n u i t y o f the f a m i l y were t h e i r g o a l s .  When t h e  and  market  105  f o r commodities was weak, o n l y s u b s i s t e n c e a g r i c u l t u r e was p o s s i b l e ; economic g o a l s r e f l e c t e d g e o g r a p h i c  realities.  Where markets e x i s t e d  p a r t i c i p a t i o n was n e v e r t h e l e s s c i r c u m s c r i b e d by s o c i a l v a l u e s .  Primacy o f  k i n , f o r g i v e n e s s o f debt, c o o p e r a t i v e work p r a c t i c e s and t h e absence o f " i n n o v a t i v e r i s k - t a k i n g b e h a v i o r " a l l i n h i b i t e d t h e f r e e p l a y o f market forces. In assuming t h a t ' l a n d was a c q u i r e d o n l y f o r i t s use v a l u e , i g n o r e s the importance o f a c c u m u l a t i o n status-enhancement.  Henretta  f o r purposes o f exchange and  And y e t these m o t i v a t i o n s a r e c r u c i a l t o u n d e r s t a n d i n g  the dynamics o f l a n d ownership a t Horton and i t s impact on t h e community's evolving character.  The f l u r r y o f t r a d i n g i n l a n d d u r i n g t h e 1760s g r e a t l y  outpaced a g r i c u l t u r a l development.  Whether o r n o t they wanted t o p a r t i c i -  pate i n the d r i v e t o a c c u m u l a t e , a l l r e s i d e n t s were a f f e c t e d by i t . r e s i s t e d r e - s h a p i n g t h e i r l a n d h o l d i n g i n some way.  This process  Few  identified  the l e a d e r s and l e s s e r s o r t s and had r a m i f i c a t i o n s f o r o t h e r a s p e c t s o f community l i f e .  Economic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , which was i n p l a c e from v i r -  t u a l l y t h e b e g i n n i n g o f s e t t l e m e n t , was as i m p o r t a n t as t h e l i m i t a t i o n s o f t h e Nova S c o t i a environment i n d e t e r m i n i n g t h e d i r e c t i o n and e x t e n t o f community development.  Success,  measured a c c o r d i n g t o t h e s i z e o f one's  l a n d h o l d i n g , was not a v a i l a b l e t o everyone. As a r e s u l t , when time came t o t r a n s f e r t h e i r w o r l d l y goods t o t h e i r c h i l d r e n , the f i r s t g e n e r a t i o n o f H o r t o n i a n s rate o f primogeniture.  p r a c t i s e d an u n u s u a l l y h i g h  Only a s i z e a b l e l a n d h o l d i n g c o u l d ensure t h e  f a m i l y ' s p l a c e i n t h e community.  The p e r p e t u a t i o n o f s t a t u s was guaranteed  by p a s s i n g on the f a m i l y farm i n t a c t t o one h e i r .  106  Because o f i t s socioeconomic r e l a t i o n s h i p s based on l a n d  ownership,  Horton more c l o s e l y resembled the c o m m e r c i a l i z e d areas o f r u r a l England than the s u b s i s t e n c e farm communities  New  o f Andover and Dedham.  S p r i n g f i e l d , Mass., f o r i n s t a n c e , was e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1636 as a f u r t r a d i n g p o s t and q u i c k l y became the major m e r c h a n d i s i n g c e n t r e i n t h e upper C o n n e c t i c u t Valley."*  I t was a h i g h l y c o m m e r c i a l i z e d d e v e l o p m e n t a l com-  munity whose s o c i e t y was c h a r a c t e r i z e d by i n e q u a l i t y , bankruptcy and s o c i a l c o n f l i c t from t h e b e g i n n i n g .  In S p r i n g f i e l d , as i n H o r t o n ,  " p a t t e r n s o f unequal l a n d d i s t r i b u t i o n appeared w i t h t h e town's f o u n d i n g 4  and i n t e n s i f i e d as t h e c e n t u r y p r o g r e s s e d " .  In both communities,  this  i n i t i a l i n e q u a l i t y l e d t o a h i g h r a t e o f l a n d tenancy and economic s t r a t i fication.  Those h a v i n g the f i n a n c i a l w h e r e w i t h a l took advantage  of their  i n i t i a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s t o a c h i e v e economic and s o c i a l dominance i n t h e community.  In S p r i n g f i e l d , t h e Pynchon f a m i l y c o n t r o l l e d v i r t u a l l y  a s p e c t o f community l i f e through a s o p h i s t i c a t e d network dependence.  of financial  In H o r t o n , power was l i k e l y s h a r e d among a h a n d f u l o f t h e  most i n f l u e n t i a l landowners.  The l a r g e s t o f t h e s e , Joseph Gray,  g a i n e d a s t r a n g l e h o l d on t h e community as t h e Pynchons had. weaker market p o t e n t i a l , poorer i n f r a s t r u c t u r e , and t h e of  every  never  Perhaps  underdevelopment  Horton's r e s o u r c e s l e f t Gray w i t h fewer o p p o r t u n i t i e s t o e n t r e n c h h i s  power than he would have had i n S p r i n g f i e l d . Some o f t h e w i d e r i m p l i c a t i o n s o f the e x p e r i e n c e o f p l a c e s l i k e S p r i n g f i e l d and Horton seem c l e a r .  A c q u i s i t i v e n e s s was t h e motor o f  c o l o n i z a t i o n and formed the c e n t r a l tendency i n t h e m e n t a l i t y o f t h e s e t t l e r s who founded t h e s e communities. t u n i t y , not o r g a n i c u n i t y , governed  In S p r i n g f i e l d , " m a t e r i a l oppor- .  t h e i n h a b i t a n t s ' behavior"."'  107  I n d i v i d u a l i s t i c g o a l s l e d t o a h i g h l e v e l o f economic a weak sense o f community.  diversification  and  In Horton, a c q u i s i t i v e n e s s was more n a r r o w l y  e x p r e s s e d i n the a c c u m u l a t i o n o f r e a l p r o p e r t y . were s u b o r d i n a t e d t o p e r s o n a l p r o s p e r i t y .  There t o o , communal needs  C l e a r l y , James Lemon's " l i b e r a l  i n d i v i d u a l i s m " by which people were d i r e c t e d "toward economic  growth,  toward s u c c e s s d e f i n e d by w e a l t h ... and toward a c c u m u l a t i o n as a g o a l i n i t s own r i g h t " ^ was a t work a t Horton. In the broader frame, the s e t t l i n g o f Horton must be r e c o g n i z e d as p a r t o f the c o l o n i z a t i o n o f North America, a continuum i n i t i a t e d i n the s e v e n t e e n t h c e n t u r y and l a s t i n g w e l l i n t o the t w e n t i e t h .  By f o c u s i n g on  some o f the c e n t r a l elements and p r o c e s s e s i n v o l v e d i n the s e t t l i n g o f Europeans o v e r s e a s , C o l e H a r r i s has o f f e r e d a c o m p a r a t i v e a n a l y t i c a l 1 framework.  H a r r i s has argued t h a t changed c i r c u m s t a n c e s i n new  settings,  p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p s among l a n d , l a b o u r and markets, l e d t o the emergence o f d r a s t i c a l l y s i m p l i f i e d v e r s i o n s o f s o c i e t y i n which most o f the s o c i o e c o n o m i c h i e r a r c h y and r e g i o n a l v a r i e t y o f l o c a l r u r a l l i f e had been pared away.  European  In essence, e a s i e r a c c e s s t o l a n d  p e r m i t t e d the r e a l i z a t i o n o f the deep-seated d e s i r e f o r p r i v a t e c o n t r o l o f the l a n d .  The l a n d s c a p e was marked by i n d i v i d u a l f a m i l y r a t h e r than  c o l l e c t i v e f a r m i n g and d i s p e r s e d r a t h e r than c o n c e n t r a t e d s e t t l e m e n t . E v e n t u a l l y and i n e l u c t a b l y , p o p u l a t i o n p r e s s u r e on a l i m i t e d s u p p l y o f l a n d and improvements through c l e a r i n g and c u l t i v a t i o n , r a i s e d l a n d prices and r e s t r i c t e d land-based o p p o r t u n i t y . The poor c o u l d no l o n g e r a f f o r d t o own  l a n d and became a s u p p l y o f cheap a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r .  t h e same t i m e , as markets improved some had the o p p o r t u n i t y t o become r i c h and s o c i e t y s t r a t i f i e d a c c o r d i n g t o w e a l t h .  N e v e r t h e l e s s , on the  At  108  c o n t i n e n t a l s c a l e , the o p p o r t u n i t y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h a c c e s s t o l a n d s u r vived.  S e t t l e m e n t r o l l e d westward a c r o s s twenty degrees o f l a t i t u d e  a g a i n and a g a i n the s e l e c t i v e p r e s s u r e s a t work i n new  and  settings influenced  the i n i t i a l s e t t l i n g . To measure the e x t e n t t o which t h e s e t t l e m e n t p r o c e s s a t s i m p l i f i e d the s o c i e t y o f the New  Englanders  who  Horton  moved t h e r e would  r e q u i r e d e t a i l e d a n a l y s i s o f the economic and s o c i a l c i r c u m s t a n c e s C o n n e c t i c u t towns from which they had come. study o f Horton  What i s c l e a r from t h i s  Township, however, i s t h a t as H a r r i s s u g g e s t s , the most  i m p o r t a n t v a r i a b l e i n the e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f the new r o l e o f the l a n d . t h a t a l l who  i n the  s e t t l e m e n t was  the  In the very b e g i n n i n g , the a v a i l a b i l i t y o f l a n d meant  came t o Horton c o u l d be guaranteed  they c o u l d a c h i e v e f a m i l y - c e n t e r e d independence.  a s i z e a b l e farm on which This profoundly a f f e c t e d  communal r e l a t i o n s , t h e s t r u c t u r e o f the economy and t h e s e t t l e m e n t pattern.  But Horton d i v e r g e s from the c y c l e as o u t l i n e d by H a r r i s  because o f the s i g n i f i c a n c e o f l a n d s p e c u l a t i o n t o the community's development.  S p e c u l a t i o n q u i c k l y changed the terms o f a c c e s s t o l a n d so  t h a t land-based  o p p o r t u n i t y became r e s t r i c t e d , s t r a t i f i c a t i o n  and  i n e q u a l i t y were c r e a t e d , and s i m p l i f i c a t i o n t e n d e n c i e s were b l u n t e d . I t remains t o be seen i f the p a t t e r n o f development d i r e c t e d by s p e c u l a t i o n and c o n c e n t r a t e d l a n d ownership i n the f i r s t few decades o f s e t t l e m e n t had f a r - r e a c h i n g e f f e c t s on the e v o l u t i o n o f Horton. large landholders successful i n t r a n s l a t i n g t h e i r holdings into estates?  D i d some e v e n t u a l l y s e l l a t a s u b s t a n t i a l p r o f i t ?  Were the tenant  I f so, d i d  t h e i m p l i c i t r e - d i s t r i b u t i o n o f l a n d s l e a d t o g r e a t e r e q u a l i t y among landowners?  Or a l t e r n a t i v e l y , i f these p r o p e r t y h o l d e r s d i e d w i t h t h e i r  108A  estates i n t a c t , d i d t h e i r h e i r s perpetuate the pattern of concentrated ownership, or d i d they have other p r i o r i t i e s ?  How d i d the community  change as the advancement of a g r i c u l t u r e and the expansion of markets gave c u l t i v a t e d land greater value than speculative r e a l estate that lay idle? The s e t t l i n g of Horton Township was e s s e n t i a l l y the movement of a group of like-minded  i n d i v i d u a l s to a new land.  They moved to the Nova  Scotia f r o n t i e r to get ahead by e x p l o i t i n g the opportunities of the new land.  The community that evolved r e f l e c t e d t h i s i n t e r p l a y between people  and land.  I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t to our understanding of the h i s t o r i c a l  geography of Nova Scotia that at Horton, one of Nova Scotia's most v i a b l e a g r i c u l t u r a l d i s t r i c t s , there i s a c l o s i n g o f f of opportunity w i t h i n the f i r s t generation of settlement.  109  Footnotes  P h i l i p J . Greven J r . , Four G e n e r a t i o n s i b i d . ; Kenneth A. L o c k r i d g e , "Land P o p u l a t i o n and the E v o l u t i o n o f New England S o c i e t y , 1630-1790", P a s t and P r e s e n t , no. 39 ( A p r i l 1968), pp. 62-80. 2 James A. H e n r e t t a , " F a m i l i e s and Farms: Mentalite i n Pre-Industrial America", W i l l i a m and Mary Q u a r t e r l y , 3rd s e r i e s , v. XXXV (1978), pp. 3-32. "^Stephen Innes, Labour In A New Land. Economy and S o c i e t y i n Seventeenth-Century S p r i n g f i e l d ( P r i n c e t o n : 1983). 4  I b i d . , p. 45.  ^Ibid.,  xvii.  James T. Lemon, "Communications. Comment on James A. H e n r e t t a ' s ' F a m i l i e s and Farms: Mentalite" i n P r e - I n d u s t r i a l A m e r i c a ' " , W i l l i a m and Mary Q u a r t e r l y , 3 r d s e r i e s , v. XXXVII, no. 4 ( O c t . 1980), p. 695. R. C o l e H a r r i s , "The S i m p l i f i c a t i o n o f Europe Overseas", i b i d . ; "The H i s t o r i c a l Geography o f N o r t h American R e g i o n s " , American B e h a v i o r a l S c i e n t i s t , 22 ( 1 9 7 8 ) , pp. 115-30. 7  BIBLIOGRAPHY  PRIMARY DOCUMENTS A l l references are to the holdings of the Public Archives of Nova Scotia unless otherwise s p e c i f i e d . Record Group (RG) Series "Dispatches From the Board of Trade and Plantations and the Secretary of State to the Governors of Nova S c o t i a , 1756-1799", R.G. 1, v.30-33. "Dispatches From the Governors to the Board of Trade and P l a n t a t i o n s " , R.G. 1, v. 37, Oct. 26, 1760 - Nov. 25, 1781. "Letter Books and Transcripts of Dispatches From the Governors", R.G. 1, v. 44. 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Journal of  L o c k r i d g e , Kenneth A. A New England Town: The F i r s t Hundred Y e a r s . Dedham M a s s a c h u s e t t s , 1636-1736. New York: Norton, 1970. . "Land, P o p u l a t i o n and the E v o l u t i o n o f New England S o c i e t y , 1630-1790". P a s t and P r e s e n t , no. 39 ( A p r i l 1968), pp. 62-80. . "The P o p u l a t i o n o f Dedham, M a s s a c h u s e t t s , 1636-1736". Economic H i s t o r y Review. 19 (1966), pp. 318-44.  119  Mathews, Lois Kimball.  The Expansion of New England.  Boston: n.p., 1909.  M i t c h e l l , Robert D. Commercialism and the F r o n t i e r . Perspectives on the Early Shenandoah Valley. C h a r l o t t e s v i l l e : U n i v e r s i t y of V i r g i n i a Press, 1977. . "Commentary: The S i m p l i f i c a t i o n o f Europe Overseas". Annals, American Association of Geographers, v o l . 69, no. 3 (1979), pp. 474-476. Norton, Mary Beth. L i b e r t y ' s Daughters. The Revolutionary Experience of American women, 1750-1800. Toronto: L i t t l e , Brown & Co., 1980. Parr, Joy. "Hired Men: Ontario A g r i c u l t u r a l Wage Labour i n H i s t o r i c a l Perspective". Labour/Le T r a v a i l , 15 (Spring 1985), pp. 91-103. P o l l o c k , Adrian. "Commentary - Europe S i m p l i f i e d " . Annals, Association of American Geographers, v o l . 69, no. 3 (1979), pp. 476-477. Powell, Sumner C h i l t o n . Puritan V i l l a g e : Town. N.Y.: Anchor Books, 1965.  The Formation o f a New England  Rothenberg, Winnifred B. "The Market and Massachusetts Farmers, 17501855". Journal o f Economic History. V. XLI, no. 2 (June 1981), pp. 283-314. Rutman, Darrett B. "Community Study". (Winter 1980), pp.  H i s t o r i c a l Methods.  V. 13, no. 1  . Husbandmen o f Plymouth: Farms and V i l l a g e s i n the Old Colony, 1620-1692. Boston: Beacon Press, 1968. Walsh, James. "The Great Awakening i n the F i r s t Congregational Church o f Woodbury, Connecticut". William and Mary Quarterly. 3rd s e r i e s , V. XXVII (1971), pp. 543-567. Wood, Joseph. "Elaboration o f the Settlement System: The New England V i l l a g e i n the Federal Period". Journal o f H i s t o r i c a l Geography. 10, 4 (1984), pp. 331-356. . " V i l l a g e and Community i n Early C o l o n i a l New England". Journal of H i s t o r i c a l Geography, v. 8, 4 (1982), pp. 333-346. Zuckerman, Michael. Peaceable Kingdoms: New England Towns i n the Eighteenth Century. New York: Knopf, 1970.  120  GENEALOGICAL SOURCES Benjamin, R. A l l a n . "Obadiah Benjamin of Nova S c o t i a " . Genealogy: "Benjamin Family". Bishop, B.R. The Davison Family. Vaughan L i b r a r y .  4 vols.  Wolfville:  . The Bennett Family, King's County. U n i v e r s i t y , Vaughan L i b r a r y . "Bishop Family Papers".  Vertical  file:  Acadia U n i v e r s i t y ,  W o l f v i l l e , N.S.:  Acadia  M.G. 1, V. 130-134.  Boggs, W.E. and Bishop, B.R. Micro: B622.  Geneology of the Bishop Family of Horton.  Brainerd, Lawrence. F u l l e r Family of Plymouth Colony, Connecticut and Nova S c o t i a . 1963 ed. Micro: Biography: F u l l e r Family. Caldwell, Charles T. H i s t o r i c a l Sketch o f the Coldwell Family ... of Horton. Micro: 688. Calnek, W.A. A History of the County of Annapolis. Mika P u b l i s h i n g , 1972. Cornwallis Township Book. no. 18. Crowell Scrapbook.  Micro:  B e l l e v i l l e , Ont.:  B i r t h s 1786-1823; deaths 1760-1825. Places:  New England.  Crowell, Edwin. History of Barrington Township. P u b l i s h i n g , 1974. Dictionary of Canadian Biography.  M^. 4,  B e l l e v i l l e , Ont.:  Mika  V. 14, 1979.  Duncanson, John V. A L i s t i n g of the descendants o f Nathan Kinnie who s e t t l e d at Horton, Nova Scotia i n the e a r l y 1760s. Falmouth, N.S.: the author, 1962. Eagles, D.E. The Churches and Cemetaries of Horton Township. the author, 1974.  Sarnia:  . A Genealogical History o f Long Island. (North Grand Pr£), Kings Co., N.S. Sarnia: the author, 1977. "Family Tree of the Hamilton - H a r r i s Family". Harris Family of Grand Pr£, no. 12.".  Vertical f i l e :  " F u l l e r Family Genealogy".  F u l l e r Family.  Micro:  Biography:  "Hamilton-  "Genealogical information on the F u l l e r Family". "Genealogical Notes on the Harris Family".  M.G. 1, V. 1174.  M.G. 100, V. 13, no. 9.  Johnson, Thomas M. "The Miner Family, Horton Branch". Micro:  M664.  "Horton United Church, Register of Baptisms, 1819-1904; Marriages 1825 1895; B u r i a l s 1901, 1905". Micro: Churches: Grand Pre", r e e l 1, v o l s . 1 and 2. "Huntley Family Genealogy, 1721-1941, Kings Co.", M^. 100, V o l . 166, no. 28. Kings County Marriages performed by Handley Chipman, J.P., 1762, M.G. 100, V o l . 172, no. 24. Marble, A l l a n E. A Catalogue of Published Genealogies of N.S. Families Genealogical Committee of N.S.H.S. Society, p u b l i c a t i o n no. 2, H a l i f a x , 1979. Marriage Bonds, Province o f Nova S c o t i a , 1763-1854. Micro:  Biography:  Miner, Walter H.  R.G. 32.  "Miner Family, Horton" "The Miner Family, Horton Branch".  Micro:  Newcombe, B.L. The Palmeter Family of King's County, N.S. v. 1538.  M664.  M.G. 1,  "Notes Concerning the Hamilton Family of S a c k v i l l e , N.S. and Horton". M.G. 100, V o l . 161, no. 15. "Notes on the Bremner and M i t c h e l l F a m i l i e s " . "Notes on the F u l l e r Family". "Notes on the Lathrap Family".  M.G. 1, V. 1466, no. 269  M.G. 100, V. 12, no. 13. YLG. 100, V. 12, no. 28.  "Notes on the Lockhart Family of Nova S c o t i a " .  M.G. 100, V. 37, no. 38  Punch, Terence M. Genealogical Research i n Nova S c o t i a . Petheric Press, 1978.  Halifax:  Shand, G.T. "Descendants of Lebbeus H a r r i s Senior i n Nova S c o t i a " . M.G. 100, V o l . 161, no. 55. Robertson, A l l e n B. "The Family of Rolen Rogers, A New England Planter i n Kings Co." Nova Scotia H i s t o r i c a l Society Quarterly. V. 9, no (June 1979), pp. 177-187.  122  St.  John's  Anglican  Micro: "United  Baptist  Acadia White,  Church,  Churches: Church  University,  Elizabeth  St.  Arthur  "Parish Anglican,  1774-1795". reel  transcript,  2,  register  Wolfville,  "Nova  Scotia  of  the  Settlers Society  Wickware  from  Chatham,  Quarterly.  Family.  V.  Micro:  Mass., 62  (June  W637.  3.  N.S.:  Library.  Genealogical  Genealogy  Register, Halifax,  (1778-1819)".  Vaughan  Pearson.  M.  Paul's  Records  1759-1760". National 1974), pp. 96-117. Wickware,  Horton.  123  APPENDICES  124  APPENDIX A An Account of the Shares i n the Township of Horton*  Shares (1)  S e t t l e r s On the Spot  119  (2)  S e t t l e r s Recommended by the Committee who formerly had Rights and desire a continuation of them  37%  (3)  Promised by the Late Governor  16  Publick l o t s  4 176*'2  Horton 200 shares Shares granted and proposed remains vacant  176% 23%  *The f u l l report made s p e c i a l note of the vacant shares i n Horton, Cornwallis and West Falmouth. Although the document i s undated and unsigned, a request for a return of the vacant l o t s was sent by the Executive Council to Isaac Deschamps before Nov. 9, 1761 (see Minutes of the Executive Council), and i t i s believed that t h i s was the reply, found i n "Land Papers - Kings County, 1760-1842, R.G. 20 Series "C", v. 89, #1.  125  APPENDIX B "State of the Settlement of Horton With Regard to Rights of Land i n Said Township"*  Rights granted by a General Grant c o n s i s t i n g of  134%  Rights granted by p r i v a t e Grant s v i z to Colonel Forster Capt. James Wall Capt. Edward Hughes L i e u t . Alexander Monroe Capt. Alexander Hay Dr. Edward E l l i s Isaac Deschamps Esq. Joseph Gray John Hendrick Lieut. James Stewart L i e u t . P a t r i c k West Henry Burbidge Richard Best L i e u t . Francis Fitzsimmons G i l b e r t Jonathan Belcher William Nesbitt Esq.  4 2  1 2 1 1 1 % 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 22%  r Rights to be Granted as p  L i s t annexed  for persons who have b u i l t and improved Rights i n Suspence  40 3 200  two of these shares were a l l o c a t e d i n one-share grants to Matthew Jackson and James Kennedy, but t h e i r land was included i n C o l . Forster's farm at New Minas. +  two of these shares were a l l o c a t e d i n one-share grants to James Wall and William Wall.  *Source:  R.G. #2.  20 Series "C", V. 89, Land Papers, King's County, 1760-1842,  APPENDIX C "State of the Settlement of Horton With Regard to Rights of Land"*  lh lh lh lh lh lh lh lh lh lh 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1  Benjamin Beckwith S i l a s Peck Daniel Hovey Joseph Woodworth John Copp William Pride Charles Proctor Jonathan Darrow Joseph E l d e r k i n Andrew Dennison John Eagles Walter Waltrous Alex Morris a l i u s CM. J * J a h i e l DeWolf Nathan DeWolf Jeremiah Calkins Heirs of Timothy Buel James Anderson Eleazor Chappel James B i l l i n g s - absent Jeremiah Calkins J r . Jacob Brown - grant made Shearman Dennison Simeon DeWolf r  1 h h h h h h h h h 1 1 1 h h h h h 1 h 1 h h  Thomas Lee E l i s h a Blackman Daniel Dickson Francis Perkins Benjamin Cleveland Charles Dickson J r . Jonathan Barber Gordon Dennison John Bishop J r . William Bishop David Johnston Andrew Marsters $&M4X MHi Ml John Clark Daniel Bigsby $M1 ZtitiMH&i John Turner P a t r i c k Murray John Dickson John A l l a n J r . Timothy Goodwin Peleg Ransom H a r r i s Andrew L i s k Isaac Lothrop - absent Benjamin Peck - G -  43 09 A p r i l 1764 Chas Morris *•Source: c D O T1, v. 222, o o o no. o i R.G. 21.  Henry Newton  „ tie Com  APPENDIX D Net. P r o f i t s Emm the Horton [ ;ind I m d c ,  1760-1770  '.' lies i dent. Crnntees Onlv)  Name S i l a s Crane S i l a s Peck Abraham Harding Noah F u l I e r Lemuel Harding Jeremiah C a l k i n Andrew L i s k Moses C l a r k D a r i u s Miner Cilbert Harris Jonathan Craves Peter Bishop Jedidiah Williams Joseph Hacket James Anderson William Caldwell Jonathan Darrow Thomas Harding Simeon Dewolf Jacob Burnham John Whitney D a r i u s Brown Henry Burbidge John A l l a n Zadock Bennett Rolen Rogers William Pride Samuel G r i f f i n g  Shares 1.5 1.5 1.5 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.5 1 0.5 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1.5 1  .Improvable Acreage co. 1760 98 113 123 98 82 79 79 72 65 64 65 65 82 65 83 123 31 32 74 65 71 72 67 83 72 72 121 71  5 5 5 25 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 25  Improvable Acreage i n 1770 81 4 1 98.5 8 49.5 60 0.5 8.5 16 8.5 115 50.5 54.5 37.5 96.5 25.5 3 110 62.5 66.5 8.5 67.5 16.5 14 58 117.75 11.5  Di fTerence in Acreage - 17.5 -109 -122.5 + 0.5 - 74.5 - 29.5 - 19.25 - 72 - 57 - 48.5 - 57 + 49.5 - 32 - 11 - 45.5 - 27 - 5.5 - 29.5 + 35.5 - 3 - 4.5 - 64 -  0  66.5 58.5 14.5 3.5 59.5  Net P r o f i t ' +£480 +£335 +£300 +£270 +£223 +£220 +£213 +£207.20 +£177 +£168 +£166 +£160 +£142 +£131.17 +£123 +£120 +£117 +£113.14 +£111 +£110 +£100 +£ 96 +£ 90? +£ 90 +£ 85 +£ 56 +£ 51 +£ 50.12.5  3rd Div. Sold X X X X X  Purchases 2 • 2 1 1  -3 1  X X X  -1  1 X X X X X X  2 8 1 6 1  X X X  1 1 4 2  Sales  Exchanger  11 8 7 2 8 3 8 2 8 6 3 2 5 5 3 2 4 6 3 3 1 2  -2 -  -  4 3 2 2 3  1 4 1 1 1  3  _  1 1  -  Total no. of Land I ransact ion:;  13 10 8 3 0 1) 9 2 9 7 3 7 5 5 4 5 13 7 9 4 4 2  -  4 4 4 7 5  00  CM  Appendix D c o n t ' d .  Shares Eleazor Chappel D. Shearman Denison Joseph Hacket J r . John Bishop Marshall Hackley J e h i e l Dewolf Samuel Denison Charles Dickson J r . W i l l i a m Dickson J e d i d i a h Jordan John Hatch I s r a e l Harding David Johnstone Nathan Kinne Daniel H a r r i s Andrew Denison W i l l i a m Bishop Thomas Johnstone James Murdoch John Hamilton Thomas Miner John Lockhart Curdon Denison Samuel R e i d John Lockhart John A t w e l l Nathan Dewolf Jonathan Godfrey Joseph Woodworth  ! 1 0.5  i i i 0.5 0.5 1 1  1  1 1 1 0.5  1.5  0.5+0.5 1 1 0.5 0.5 0.5 0.5 1.5 1 1 1 0.5 1.5  Improvable Acreage c a . 1760 77 .5 83 36 5 71 82 5 83 32 5 49 5 64 5 71 65 5 82 5 65 5 72 5 32 5 117 75 81 5 72 5 65 5 33 36 5 41 5 41 75 98 82 5 70 5 83 40 5 98  Itnprovab l c Acreage i n 1770 20. 5 72 5. 5 54 82 83 36. 5 21. 5 67. 5 8 79. 5 79 62. 5 18 36. 5 98. 75 65 68. 5 66. 1 74 29. 5 29.5 35 100.5 78. 5 66. 5 84 34. 5 92. 5  Di f f e r e n c e in Acreage  +  -  +  + + +  -  -  +  -  -  57 11 31 17 0.5 0 4 28 3 63 14 3.5 3 54.5 4 19 16.5 4 0.6 41 7 12 6.75 2.5 4 4 1 6 5.5  Net P r o f i t ' +£ +£ +£ +£ +£ +£ +£ +£ +£ +£ +£ +£ +£ +£ +£ +£ +£ +£ +£ •£ +£ +£ +£ +£ •£ +£ +£ +£ +£  50 44 42.10.0 40 40 40 35 34 34 28 28 27 26.8 21.2 35 IB 14 8 8 7 6 6 5.5 5 5 4 3 3 2  3rd Div. Sold X X X X X X X  Iut.il flO.  Purchases  Soles  Exchange:;  1 2  2 6 4 2  1  -  5  2  -  -  1  -  6 1 1 4  -1 X  1 2 1 2 2 1  X  2 1  •  1  1  -  -  3 16  1 2  2  -  5 5  2 6 1 2 1 3 1 2 1 3 1 2 2 1 2 1 2  -  -  1  -1 -  1 . 1  1 1 1  -  • I t i s i m p o s s i b l e t o a s s e s s the v a l u e o f s i z e l a n d and t o deduct i t from the p r i c e when i t has been i n c l u d e d i n a t r a n s a c t i o n i n v o l v i n g more than one l o t . Thus, w h i l e c a l c u l a t i o n s o f t o t a l acreage do not i n c l u d e s i z e , t h e i r cash v a l u e cannot be deducted from quoted p r i c e s .  of Land [ raniiar t i ons 4. 8 4 2 7  1 2 4 24 6 3 9 2 7 2  5  2 4 3 2 4 4 1 . 4 3 1 5 1 3  APPFADIX C Net D e f i c i t s From the Horton tand Trade 1760-1770 (Resident Grantees Only)  Name John Bishop J r . Anna W i t t e r John Turner Lebbeus H a r r i s Caleb Bennett Robert Avery Thomas Lee Jeremiah C a l k i n J r . John Copp Nathan F u l I e r Obed Benjamin John C a l d w e l l Charles D i c k s o n Andrew D a v i s o n Robert Denison Benjamin Peck J r . Benjamin C l e v e l a n d S i l a s Crane J r . Amos Rathburn P a t r i c k Murray D a n i e l Whipple Jacob Brown Sylvanus Miner Benjamin Beckwith J r . John Dickson  Shares 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1  1  1 0 1 1 1 0 0 0  1  1 0 1 1 0 0  5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5  Improvable Acreage ca. 1760 111 72 98 108 98 98 84 82 124 106 64 35 120 98 96 33 39 32 65 73 33 72 98 35 35  75 5 5 5 5 25 25 75 75  5 75 5 5  5 5 75  Improvable Acreage i n 1770 443 289 156 387 37 126 197 132 161 121 100 100 1475 124 147 97 78 46 59 91 13 48 104 39 33  25 5 25 5 45 5 5 25 5 5 25 5 5 5 5  5  5 5 75  Di fference in Acreage + 331. 25 + 216. 75 + 58. 5 + 278. 75  -  60. 5  + 28. 45 + 113 + 50. 5 + 36. 75  15 + 36. 25 + 64. 75 + 1354. 5 26 + 51 + 64 + 38. 75 + 14 6 + 18 - 20 - 246. 5 + + 4 2 -  Net D e f i c i t -£411 -£209 -£175 -£148 -£137 -£124 -£118 -£117 -£113 -£102 -£ 88 -£ 80 -£ 78 -£ 77 -£ 76 -£ 75 -£ 60 -£ 55 -£ 43 -£ 34 -£ 31 -£ 27 -£ 25 -£ 24 -£ 17  3rd Div. Sold  X X  Purchases 14 6 6 9 1 3 2 4 2 3 2  Sales  Exchange: 1  4 2 I 3 1 7 1 2 2  4 5 2 1 1 4 2 3 4 2 4  1 1 3 1 2 2 1 1  1  2  8 2 1 1  1  1 1 1 1 1  1 1  Total no. o f Land Transact ion:; 15 6 14 15 3 5 6 5 9 4 3 4 5 6 6 2 4 6 3 5 5 3 5 3  ro  Appendix E cont'd.  Name Brother ton M a r t i n Benjamin Peck S r . Zebadiah Wickwire David Godfrey Jonathan Hamilton Cilbert Forsyth Benjamin Beckwith Samuel Copp Mary E l d e r k i n  Shares'  Improvable Acreage c a . 1760  Improvable Acreage i n 1770  1..5 1,.5 1 1 1..5 1..5 1..5 1..5 1.,5  106..25 126..50 65..5 72,.5 98 123.,5 119 98 112..25  150,,5 101..5 78..50 76 11..10 137..5 152..5 12..5 212.,5  Difference in Acreage +  -  + + + +  -  +  44.,25 25 13 4..5 87 14 33.,5 85.,5 100. 25  Net D e f i c i t -£ 14.15,.0 -£ 10 9 -£ -£ 8 -£ 6 -£ 6 -£ 6 -£ 1.10, .0  no p r i c e  3rd Div. Sold  Purchases  Sales  2 1 2 1 1 1 2 3 1  4  '  X  -  3 1 1  2 6  Exchanges 1  -  1 1 1 2  Total no. o f Land Transactions  (, 1 5 3 2 2 5 9 3  • I t i s i m p o s s i b l e t o assess the value o f s i z e land and t o deduct i t from the p r i c e when i t has been i n c l u d e d i n a t r a n s a c t i o n i n v o l v i n g more than one l o t . Thus, w h i l e c a l c u l a t i o n s o f t o t a l acreage do not i n c l u d e s i z e , t h e i r cash v a l u e cannot be deducted from guoted p r i c e s .  O  

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