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Progress in an age of rigor mortis Howard, David Brian 1986

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PROGRESS IN AN AGE OF RIGOR MORTIS By DAVID BRIAN HOWARD B.A., University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1978 B.F.A., University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1982 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Fine Arts) We accept th i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October 1986 © Copyright David Brian Howard, 1986 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by h i s or her representatives. I t i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date ABSTRACT The Painting i n Canada exhi b i t i o n , held i n the entrance foyer of the Candian p a v i l i o n at the Montreal World's F a i r , Expo 67, was an example of the new c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y of a mature nation state that had emerged from i t s history of imperial subserviance vigorous, independent, and free. The presence of the painting "For Ben B e l l a " by the Canadian a r t i s t Greg Curnoe represented an example of the l a t e s t e f f o r t s of Canadian a r t i s t s to develop an a r t i s t i c voice corresponding to the n a t i o n a l i s t euphoria c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of English-Canada in the mid 1960's. The e x h i b i t i o n displayed, through a b r i e f overview of the l a s t century of Canadian painting, the t r a d i t i o n a l struggle of Canadian painters to negotiate the treacherous shoals between the S c y l l a and Charybdis of internationalism and nationalism. The new i n t e r e s t i n presenting a redefined national culture was the outcome of several years of intense planning on the part of the Canadian L i b e r a l Party, under the leadership of Prime Minister Lester Pearson. This period witnessed the introduction of a variety of new national symbols, such as a new f l a g and a new national anthem, in an e f f o r t to prevent the fragmentation of Canada and restore the p o l i t i c a l fortunes of the L i b e r a l Party which by 1965 had reached their lowest ebb since the Conservative landslide of 1957. i i i Between 1965 and 1967, Canadian culture underwent a massive reorganization i n order to more re a d i l y f a c i l i t a t e the integration of culture into the p o l i t i c a l objectives of the L i b e r a l s . This meant promoting c u l t u r a l forms suitable to address a wide variety of regional e l i t e s . By encouraging regional cultures with their f i n a n c i a l aid and promoting intercommunication between these diverse regions the Canadian government could encourage the growth of e l i t e s with allegiances both to their region and the federal state. The United States had pursued the instrumentalizing of culture i n i t s foreign policy following the development of the Cold War and t h i s instrumentalizing was further encouraged by several propaganda defeats by the Soviet Union between 1956 and 1958. To reconceptualize the American propaganda e f f o r t to oppose the Soviet Union and the growing problem of wars of l i b e r a t i o n i n the Third World more e f f e c t i v e l y . The United States developed strategies of promoting regional e l i t e s that could have a degree of independence but whose fundamental l o y a l t i e s were nonetheless to the United States and the c a p i t a l i s t order. Canada, by pursuing i t s goal of a p l u r a l i s t federalism, thus became a w i l l i n g model of the interdependent yet independent nation state within the American empire. I r o n i c a l l y , the presence of Greg Curnoe's "For Ben B e l l a " at the Canadian p a v i l i o n seemed to contradict both the strategies of the Canadian and American planners by i t s attack, on Mackenzie King, a former Liberal Prime Minister of Canada, and i t s iv support of Third World revolutionaries, such as the Algerian s o c i a l i s t Ben B e l l a . This thesis w i l l analyze the rel a t i o n s h i p between "For Ben B e l l a " and i t s a r t i c u l a t i o n of a new Canadian c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y and the pol i c y objectives of both the Canadian Libe r a l Party and American foreign p o l i c y . The ideology of Expo 67 can be traced to the growing p a r a l l e l s between the Canadian and American governments domestic and foreign policy and their e f f o r t s to contradict t h i s p o l i t i c a l and h i s t o r i c a l r e a l i t y i n order to maintain the i l l u s i o n of Canadian sovereignty. Situated at the forefront of the developments to u t i l i z e new developments i n technology and communications theory, Canada developed a model of the new cybernetic ideology, known as "technological l i b e r a l i s m , " that was the culmination of e f f o r t s to modernize the Cold War e f f o r t of the Free World. Rather than contradicting this h i s t o r i c a l c o n s t e l l a t i o n , Greg Curnoe and "For Ben B e l l a " represent the dilemma of Canadian culture at that p a r t i c u l a r moment, trapped within the American empire at the t r a n s i t i o n point between •"modern1 and the xpost modern' culture. TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT i i TABLE OF CONTENTS v LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS v i INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER I. The Pilgrimage 18 The History and Significance of World's F a i r s , 1851-1939 20 Post-War Fairs and the Cold War 35 Expo 67: Planning and Development 47 CHAPTER II. Celebration on the Edge of the Empire 69 U.S.-Canadian Relations, 1945-1957 . . . . . 69 Diefenbaker and the United States 78 America and "Total Communication" 83 U.S.-Canadian Relations, 1963-1967 91 CHAPTER I I I . F i n de Partie 105 Canadian Culture After the War 105 Expo 67 and the Painting i n Canada Exh i b i t i o n 126 Art McKay and the Legacy of Clement Greenberg 135 Greg Curnoe and "For Ben B e l l a " 143 CONCLUSION. Dolente. . .dolore 163 ILLUSTRATIONS 172 BIBLIOGRAPHY 181 v i LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 1. Overview map of Expo 67, Montreal, Canada 172 2. U.S. P a v i l i o n , Expo 67 173 3. Floorplan, U.S. P a v i l i o n 174 4. U.S.S.R. Pav i l i o n , Expo 67 175 5. Floorplan, U.S.S.R. P a v i l i o n 176 6. Canadian P a v i l i o n , Expo 67 177 7. Floorplan, Canadian P a v i l i o n 178 8. Art McKay, C i r c l e , 1964 179 9. Greg Curnoe, For Ben B e l l a , 1967 180 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT The work of salvage, removal of debris human remains etc. has been entrusted to Messrs. Michael Meade and Son....under the general supervision of H.R.H. rear admiral the ri g h t honourable s i r Hercules Hannibal Habeas Corpus Anderson. . James Joyce, Ulysses "Cyclops" The following work stands as the culmination of four years of graduate study. During this period I have become indebted to the guidance and i n t e l l e c t u a l stimulation of a number of people. I would l i k e to thank my fellow graduate students, i n p a r t i c u l a r , Laurie Monahan, Dian K r i z , Steve Harris, Toby Smith and Marilyn Daniels for their ongoing support and friendship. I would l i k e to thank Doreen Walker for her c r i t i c i s m and her support of my study of Canadian art history at U.B.C. I would e s p e c i a l l y l i k e to thank Serge Guilbaut who more than anyone else i s responsible for changing the d i r e c t i o n of my univer s i t y career and encouraging my e f f o r t s to develop a s o c i a l a rt h i s t o r i c a l perspective. P a r t i c u l a r appreciation goes to Vivian Galbraith Howard for her patience while the manuscript was being completed and for helping to keep my mind and body together over the l a s t four years. the world i t s e l f was bursting, bursting into black spouts of v i l l a g e s catapulted into space, with himself f a l l i n g through i t a l l , through the inconceivable pandemonium of a m i l l i o n tanks, through the blazing of ten m i l l i o n bodies, f a l l i n g , into a forest, f a l l i n g Malcolm Lowry Absolute negativity i s i n p l a i n sight and has ceased to suprise anyone. Theodor W. Adorno What does i t mean to speak of progress i n a world that sinks into r i g o r mortis. Walter Benjamin 1 As the Expo c a r i l l o n chimed ''Deep i n the Heart of Texas,' Commissioner General Pierre Dupuy, getting i n a plug for Expo's theme, to l d Lyndon Johnson that "to mill i o n s of people, you are man and his world." In French, he added,*the U.S. i s a giant, but we have no intention of playing David."1 To many Canadians celebrating Canada's one hundredth birthday, these remarks by Commissioner General Dupuy sounded innocent enough. He was merely enunciating what had become, i n recent history, the perception of the United States and i t s role in the world to which many Canadians had become accustomed. Yet for an organizer of an international f a i r , modestly described by Maclean's magazine as "the greatest show on earth,"2 to acknowledge the pre-eminent role played by the United States i n Canadian and international r e l a t i o n s highlighted a series of contradictions which permeated the facade of Expo 67 but which nonetheless f a i l e d to perceptibly weaken the central unifying theme of "Man and his World." These contradictions were further heightened by the degree to which the organizers of Expo 67 t r i e d to downplay the national and international dissensions which had plagued the world p o l i t i c a l scene since the Second World War. As the e d i t o r i a l i n the January 1967 issue of Maclean's states: The aim of Expo, staggering in i t s scope, i s nothing less that "to t e l l the story of man's hopes, his fears, his aspirations, his ideas and endeavours."3 1 Time. 2 June 1967, Vol. 89, No. 22, p. 9. 2 Maclean's, January 1967, p.9. 3 Maclean's, January 1967, p.4. 2 Inspired by the rhet o r i c of the French writer Antoin de Saint-Exupery's Terre des Hommes, the organizers of Expo 67 were determined to supply a theme that would cast aside a l l hints of ideol o g i c a l preference i n favour of expressing l a  conditione humaine. "To be a man," wrote Saint-Exupery, " i s to f e e l that through one's own contributions one helped to buil d the world."4 The effectiveness of thi s r h e t o r i c i n capturing the Canadian imagination can best be summarized by the remarks of Canadian populist h i s t o r i a n , Pierre Berton: . . .And threaded through i t a l l [Expo 67] i s the constant moral: that man's future, clouded and uncertain, rests i n his own hands. "Look around you at these marvels," Expo says, "and see how far you've come. Do you r e a l l y want to louse i t up?" I t i s a soaring and noble theme, worthy of the global v i l l a g e we have devised for i t ; and any Canadian who walks those captivating streets can be forgiven i f he feels momentarily a moisture i n the eye and a c e r t a i n huskiness i n the throat.5 Abandoned for a moment i n these flowing sentiments are the major c r i s e s that were constantly challenging the Canadian body p o l i t i c : the vigorous protests of Quebec nationalism; the anxieties over the pervasiveness of the economic, m i l i t a r y , p o l i t i c a l , and c u l t u r a l influence of the United States; and, i n addition, American involvement i n Vietnam and the Cold War with the Soviet Union. Expo 67, however, gave Canada a b r i e f respite from these anxieties, in order to promote an image of a national purpose that 4 Newsweek, 6 May 1967, p.54. 5 Maclean's, June 1967, p.3. 3 would assert national unity and a maturing nationhood under the v e i l of technological developments and a redefined l i b e r a l i s m , cast in the l i g h t of the p o l i t i c a l r e a l i t i e s of the mid-1960's. However, the true success of Expo 67 was the dovetailing of Canadian ambitions both nationally and i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y with those of the United States, as outlined in the opening quote. The emergence of this co-operative ideology i n the face of a considerable upsurge i n Canadian nationalism becomes s o c i a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t when examined i n the l i g h t of U.S.-Canadian r e l a t i o n s since World War I I , e s p e c i a l l y i n the context of technological and consumer advances, and the ongoing r e l a t i o n s h i p of Canada and the United States to the Cold War with the Soviet Union. Canada, and Expo 67, would symbolize the triumph of the new ideology through the symbolic overcoming of Canada's own internal contradictions. As an e d i t o r i a l i n Maclean's magazine stated i n 1967: Confederation did not magically erase the stubborn differences of language, culture, and clashing regional ambitions. . .but we have learned to l i v e with them and so we have matured.6 Thus, symbolizing passive assertion of national unity and maturing nationhood. Expo 67 and Canada posed a r e -orienting of Cold War strategy that originated i n the United States at the height of the Cold War i n the 1950's. 6 Maclean's, January 1967, p.4. 4 In this l i g h t the appearance of the painting "For Ben B e l l a " (see fig.9) by the Canadian a r t i s t Greg Curnoe i n a small painting e x h i b i t i o n i n the Canadian Government P a v i l i o n at Expo 67 s t r i k e s a suprisingly conradictory note. Within a "symbolic universe" asserting the theme of ''Man and His World,' the presence of a painting that appears to support the struggles of Third World l i b e r a t i o n movements (Ben B e l l a was the leader of the Algerian S o c i a l i s t movement who exemplified the a n t i - c o l o n i a l struggle of the Third World), i s somewhat a n t i t h e t i c a l to the image of the world and i t s culture the Fair was s t r i v i n g to present. The Painting i n Canada ex h i b i t i o n held i n the Canadian Government P a v i l i o n , though a modest e x h i b i t i o n i n s i z e , was a s i g n i f i c a n t element i n the new redefining of the role of culture i n Canadian society under the L i b e r a l Prime Minister Lester Pearson government of the mid-1960's. This redefining of Canadian culture was occurring at a p a r t i c u l a r l y c r u c i a l moment in post war Canadian history. As Canadian c r i t i c William Withrow characterizes i t . Expo and the Centennial year were a ^climax' to the period between 1945 and 1970 that "saw r a d i c a l changes i n the state of art and the a r t i s t i n t h i s country."7 This was the time, according to Withrow, that Canadian art woke up from i t s p r o v i n c i a l backwater role to emerge " f i n a l l y caught up with the twentieth century."8 7 William Withrow, Contemporary Canadian Painting (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1972), p. 6. 8 Withrow, p. 6. 5 Unlike the Three Hundred Years of Canadian Art exh i b i t i o n held i n Ottawa the same year, also to celebrate the Centennial, the Painting i n Canada ex h i b i t i o n avoided presenting a retrospective of the development of Canadian painting i n order to emphasize "a se l e c t i o n of major works by outstanding and contemporary Canadian painters, both abstract and representational."9 E x h i b i t i o n organizer Barry Lord 10, then editor of the new artscanada magazine (formerly Canadian A r t ) , further stated i n his introduction to the e x h i b i t i o n catalogue, "This display i s intended as a sample at the very highest l e v e l of qual i t y of the most exc i t i n g painting done i n Canada t o d a y . " l l Curiously on the front cover of the January, 1967 issue of artscanada— i t s f i r s t issue with a new international perspective, a new t i t l e , and a new editor, none other than the Painting i n  Canada e x h i b i t i o n organizer Barry L o r d — appeared the painting "For Ben B e l l a " (see f i g . 2). The presence of "For Ben B e l l a " on the cover of the f i r s t issue of artscanada as well as i t s i n c l u s i o n in the Painting i n Canada ex h i b i t i o n would seem to indicate that a v i s i b l e s h i f t was occurring i n 9 Barry Lord, "Introduction" to Painting i n Canada Exhibition Catalogue, Canadian Government P a v i l i o n , Expo'67, Montreal. 10 Barry Lord was .born i n Hamilton, Ontario i n 1939 and became one of Canada's most well known art c r i t i c s i n the late 1960's. Editor of artscanada magazine i n 1967 and a former c r i t i c for the Toronto star, he has also served as curator at the Vancouver Art Gallery and the New Brunswick Museum. 11 Lord, Painting in Canada Exhibition Catalogue 6 aCanadian painting away from the austere High Modernism advocated by the American c r i t i c Clement Greenberg towards a more r e g i o n a l i s t and populist s t y l e without the usual High Art aloofness to p o l i t i c a l content. It i s inter e s t i n g to note Greg Curnoe's reputation as a so c i a l c r i t i c through his art was enhanced by the growth i n English Canadian nationalism from 1965 to 1972. This movement formally organized i t s e l f under the l e f t of center New Democratic Party i n 1969 as the "Waffle" movement, an avidly p r o - n a t i o n a l i s t group on the l e f t wing of the NDP12 In 1970, the Committee for an Independent Canada was formed, claiming to cross the class l i n e s of Canadian society but d e f i n i t e l y promoting a s o c i a l i s t perspective. Curnoe's 12 The Waffle Movement formed from a meeting of members of the New Democratic Party i n Toronto, April.29, 1969. This meeting originated out of a desire to discuss the r i g h t wing d r i f t of the party and resulted i n the decision to issue a statement of the group's position. As P h i l Resnick summarizes: "Jim Laxer, then l i v i n g i n Ottawa, wrote a f i r s t d raft of the statement. He started from the premise that Canada had become a resources colony within the United States. The imperial fact came f i r s t . Then came socialism and public ownership of the commanding heights of the economy as an instrument of breaking the chain of economic dependence, providing greater regional equality and ending the rule of the p r o f i t system and the giant corporation. Then came statements on Quebec worker's control, womens l i b e r a t i o n , and the freeing of p o l i t i c s from the slavery of electioneering and money r a i s i n g i n favour of extraparliamentary p o l i t i c s . " After much de l i b e r a t i o n and arguing " the hedging stand over the extent of n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n came under heavy f i r e . Someone arguing for a stronger p o s i t i o n said: "If we're going to waffle, I'd rather waffle to the l e f t than waffle to the r i g h t . " "The "Waffle' Manifesto was born." Ph i l Resnick, The Land of Cain, (Vancouver: New Star Books, 1971) p. 229. 7 association with t h i s l e f t i s t nationalism was given new v i s i b i l i t y with the appearance of one of his 1968 paintings as the jacket cover for Close the 49th P a r a l l e l , Etc. (1970), edited by Ian Lumsden of the University League for Social Reform. Curnoe•s painting was a text of s t e n c i l l e d words repeating the phrase "Close the 49th P a r a l l e l , Etc." r e f l e c t i n g the j o i n t concerns this group and Curnoe shared i n t heir attitudes towards American c u l t u r a l domination. The c u l t u r a l p o s i t i o n of this group i s outlined by the c r i t i c G a i l Dexter i n an essay e n t i t l e d "Yes, Cultural Imperialism, Too!" Like Curnoe, Dexter observed the d i f f i c u l t y of a r t i c u l a t i n g a s o c i a l l y c r i t i c a l a r t i n a Canadian a r t world dominated by the formalist tendencies of late modernist a r t . Curnoe*s e f f o r t s to create a populist, r e g i o n a l i s t and a n t i -formalist art was seen as being i n opposition to modernism's re l a t i o n s h i p to the imperial art center of New York which was considered as "part of the same d i r e c t i o n toward replacing aesthetic values and thereby making art a more palatable commodity."13 Dexter's essay established i n the eyes of the l e f t i s t English Canadian c u l t u r a l n a t i o n a l i s t s the r e l a t i o n s h i p of high modernism to imperialism and commodity fetishism. Dexter further i d e n t i f i e d the London, Ontario r e g i o n a l i s t a r t i s t s , whom Curnoe helped to organize, as having developed a post-formalist, l o c a l l y flavoured regionalism that would 13 G a i l Dexter, "Yes, Cultural Imperialism Too!" i n Close  the 49th P a r a l l e l . Etc. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press 1970), p. 178. 8 be the foundation of the c u l t u r a l opposition to perceived American c u l t u r a l domination. This a r t , according to Dexter, avoided e l i t i s t tendencies contained i n late modernism through i t s populist impulse which enabled the n a t i o n a l i s t appeal to cross a l l boundaries.14 Overlooked i n t h i s analysis was the influence of Pop Art on the London based r e g i o n a l i s t a r t i s t s and the obvious p o s s i b i l i t y that t h i s art movement could be as implicated i n American c u l t u r a l domination as Post-Painterly Abstraction. By 1974, Barry Lord's book The History of Painting i n  Canada, claimed Curnoe's "For Ben B e l l a " as a landmark "along the way to a people's art."15 Having moved to a v i r t u a l l y orthodox Marxist-Leninist p o s i t i o n , with Maoist influencesl6. Lord found i n Curnoe's painting the necessary 14 Dexter, p. 165. 15 Barry Lord, The History of Painting i n Canada (Toronto: New Canada Publications, 1977) p. 239. 16 Lord uses Maoist p r i n c i p l e s to provide the foundation for an art engaged i n an a n t i - c o l o n i a l struggled. The three major p r i n c i p l e s for Lord are: (1) that i t i s national. It upholds the dignity and independence of the nation and opposes domination from the imperial centre. (2) that i t i s s c i e n t i f i c . I t stands for seeking truth from facts, depicting the r e a l i t i e s of struggle and change; i n painting, t h i s means socialism. New Democratic culture i s opposed to idealism, metaphysics and mysticism. (3) that i t i s democratic. I t serves the working people, the vast majority of the population, and w i l l gradually become understood and supported by them. This i s not the art of one class only, but of a l l the classes in the colony united i n f i g h t i n g imperialism, led by the working cl a s s . Neither does i t ignore the a r t of other countries, nor deny the people's c u l t u r a l heritage, but learns from them." Lord, History of Painting p. 143. 9 c u l t u r a l requirements for the newly founded Canadian Liberation Movement, "devoted to building an independent s o c i a l i s t Canada."17 Thus, "For Ben B e l l a " represented an important c u l t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l statement , as Lord b r i e f l y noted: Most Canadians know that the country has been sold out, but there are many who have not yet c l e a r l y i d e n t i f i e d a l l the well paid agents of the sale. Curnoe s a t i r i z e s a man (Mackenzie King) who i s supposed to be a Canadian i n s t i t u t i o n , and helps us to recognize him as the despicable character he was. This i s r a t i o n a l , s c i e n t i f i c , and democratic art with high s p i r i t s , and a l i v e l y sense of fun.18 Thus, over a period of seven years Barry Lord's interpretation of "For Ben B e l l a " spanned a range of meanings, from a symbol of a maturing Canadian c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y to a landmark of a democratic "people's a r t " . A more c r i t i c a l l y sophisticated e f f o r t to break free of the cul-de-sac of High Modernism i n favour of a n o n - e l i t i s t p o l i t i c a l l y involved a r t has been a r t i c u l a t e d by the c r i t i c 17 Lord, History of Painting p. 254. 18 Lord, History of Painting, p. 229 I r o n i c a l l y , i n a 1973 interview, Greg Curnoe c r i t i c i z e d attempts to formulate a Marxist analysis of culture and Canadian nationalism, sta t i n g : I r e j e c t r h e t o r i c . I r e j e c t the talk of * struggle'...that turns people o f f and i t turns me o f f because i t doesn't mean much, i t c a r r i e s too many meanings. And I r e j e c t that. F i l e , May, 1973 By 1975, Curnoe had rejected the parochial label with which he had become associated and instead opted for a xpro-world' stance. (London Free Press 18 October, 1975.) This new p o s i t i o n catapulted him into the sensual and painterly world of the post-modern, emulating painters such as Matisse and Van Dongen, and the elimination of overt p o l i t i c a l content from his work. As reported i n the London newspaper i t i s s i g n i f i c a n t to observe Curnoe ranking Matisse and Van Dongen as the top influences on his work since he was a student. Speaking of Van Dongen, he said,"The works are erotic,sensual,beautiful and I think we're ready for that." 10 Andreas Huyssen, an associate professor of German and Comparative Literature at the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee. Arguing that modernism had outlived i t s h i s t o r i c a l moment, Huyssen broadens his c r i t i q u e to include the leading Western Marxist defender of modernism, Theodor W.Adorno, along with Clement Greenberg as being complicit i n defending this mode of c u l t u r a l expression. Adorno, according to Huyssen, i s g u i l t y of "excessive p r i v i l e g i n g of the p i v o t a l categories of r e l f i c a t i o n , t o t a l i t y , i d e n t i t y and commodity fetishism and to his presentation of the culture industry as a frozen system."19 Huyssen correlates the modernism of Greenberg and Adorno into one monolithic theory that "has perhaps outlined i t s usefulness and now takes i t s place as a h i s t o r i c a l l y contingent and t h e o r e t i c a l l y powerful r e f l e c t i o n on fascism."20 In a simi l a r but less s i m p l i s t i c maneuver than that of Barry Lord, Huyssen promotes other forms of c u l t u r a l expression as harbouring opposition to the dominant ideology. Huyssen points to the a r t , writing, filmmaking, and c r i t i c a l c a pacities of women and minority a r t i s t s as creating forms of aesthetic expression that are opposed to the r i g i d i f i e d status of modernism and the opposition between high and low art. However, do Lord and Huyssen*s strategies succeed in creating some breathing room for a renewed c u l t u r a l 19 Andreas Huyssen, "Adorno i n Reverse: From Hollywood to Richard Wagner" i n New German Critique 29( Spring/Summer 1983), p.17 20 Andreas Huyssen, p. 37. 11 resistance? What are the implications for Barry Lord's strategy i f , as the American Marxist c r i t i c Frederic Jameson argues, "the Popular front class c o a l i t i o n of worker's, peasants and petite-bourgeois generally c a l l e d "the people" has disappeared."21 What does i t mean for Huyssen's p o s i t i o n i f the s o c i a l analysis of Adorno s t i l l has v a l i d i t y despite the weaknesses of his c r i t i c a l defense of modernism? If the categories of r e i f i c a t i o n , t o t a l i t y , i d e n t i t y and commodity fetishism s t i l l have h i s t o r i c a l l y grounded v a l i d i t y , the p o s s i b i l i t y does therefore e x i s t that "a decentered r e a l i t y may f i t comfortably inside a dominating structure."22 Whether i n Lord's case i t i s the "people" or i n Huyssen's i t is the advocacy of the excluded minorities which are being p r i v i l e g e d as providing the s o c i a l basis for opposition to capitalism in i t s multinational phase of the post-war era, ultimately their possible accomodation within the s o c i a l t o t a l i t y renders their d e f i n i t i o n of c u l t u r a l resistance as powerless and even as affirming as Greenberg's and Adorno's. However, s o c i a l theorists such as Theodor Adorno and his colleagues of the Frankfurt School for Social Research, Walter Benjamin and Herbert Marcuse, provide an opposing theoreti c a l basis for understanding the p o l i t i c a l and h i s t o r i c a l c o n s t ellations of the 1960's and raise the 21 Frederic Jameson, "The P o l i t i c s of Theory: The Ideological positions in the Postmodernism Debate" i n New  German Critique 33( Spring/Summer 1983), p. 65. 22 Steven Cresop, "Review of Martin Jay's "Marxism and T o t a l i t y : The Adventures of a Concept from Luckas to Habermas" in New German Critique 33( F a l l 1984), p. 263. 12 spectre of the x t o t a l l y administered' society, which forces a reconceptualization of the very nature of c u l t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l opposition in our society.23 As Herbert Marcuse succinctly summarized i n One Dimensional Man (1964): But the struggle for the solution has outgrown the t r a d i t i o n a l forms. The t o t a l i t a r i a n tendencies of the one dimensional society render the t r a d i t i o n a l ways and means of protest i n e f f e c t i v e perhaps even dangerous because they preserve the i l l u s i o n of popular sovereignty. This i l l u s i o n contains some truth: "the people", previously the ferment of s o c i a l change, have "moved up" to become the ferment of s o c i a l cohesion. Here rather than in the r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of wealth and equalization of classes i s the new s t r a t i f i c a t i o n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of advanced i n d u s t r i a l society.24 The prospects for resistance to s o c i e t a l t o t a l i z a t i o n become ever more remote i n the writings of Theodor Adorno, as he argues i n Negative D i a l e c t i c s , published i n 1966 appropriately one year before the opening of Expo 67 : With society, ideology has so advanced that i t no longer evolves into a s o c i a l l y required semblance and thus to an independent form, however b r i t t l e . A l l that i t turns into i s a kind of glue: the false i d e n t i t y of subject and object.25 The false i d e n t i t y of subject and object i s promoted through the development of the "culture industry" with which 23 The Frankfurt School was the name attributed to this group of i n t e l l e c t u a l s who developed a methodology known as " C r i t i c a l Theory" i n Frankfurt, Germany prior to H i t l e r . They were ultimately forced into e x i l e except Walter Benjamin who committed suicide f l e e i n g France i n 1940. 24 Herbert Marcuse, One-Dimensional Man (Beacon Press: Boston 1964) p. 256. 25 Theodor W. Adorno, Negative D i a l e c t i c s (The Seabury Press: N.Y. 1979) p. 348. "True pluralism," wrote Max Horkheimer of the Frankfurt School," belongs to the concept of a future society." quoted in Russell Jacoby, Social Amnesia (Beacon Press: Boston, 1975) p. 73. 13 the French i n t e l l e c t u a l Roland Barthes argues that "the fact of the bourgeoisie becomes absorbed into an amorphous universe, whose sole inhabitant i s Eternal Man, who is neither p r o l e t a r i a n nor bourgeois."26 Cruc i a l to the success of the "culture industry", a term deemed by Adorno more concise than the t r a d i t i o n a l concept of mass culture,27 as a function of hegemonic control i s not that i t i s s o l e l y based on the notion of an e l i t e manipulating the masses but that i t performs as a new "symbolic universe" which outstrips t r a d i t i o n a l forms of analysis. The c r i t i c a l semiology of another French i n t e l l e c t u a l , Jean Bau d r i l l a r d , points to a r a d i c a l restructuring of the function of language with the development of mass culture and the consumer society. For Baudrillard the change in the language usage revolves around the t r a n s i t i o n from signs to signals that arises with modern 26 Roland Barthes, Mythologies ( H i l l and Wang: N.Y. 1953) p. 153 27 Adorno defined the term "culture industry" i n a 1963 radio lecture as: Culture industry i s the purposeful integration of i t s consumers from above. It also forces a r e c o n c i l i a t i o n of high and low a r t , which have been seperated for thousands of years, a r e c o n c i l i a t i o n which damages both. High art i s deprived of i t s seriousness because i t s e f f e c t i s programmed; low art is put i n chains and deprived of the unruly resistance inherent i n i t when s o c i a l control was not yet t o t a l . Quote c i t e d i n Andreas Huyssen, " The Cultural P o l i t i c s of Pop," New German C r i t i q u e , Winter 1975 p. 81. advertising and consumer ism.28 Baudrillard discusses the str a t e g i c implications of th i s s h i f t i n the following quotation: The s o c i a l l o g i c of consumption...is not at a l l that of the individual appropriation of the use value of goods and services, nor i s i t a l o g i c of s a t i s f a c t i o n . I t i s a l o g i c of the production and manipulation of s o c i a l s i g n i f i e r s . 2 9 In the Mirror of Production, Baudrillard argues that capitalism has developed i n three stages; the t r a d i t i o n a l Marxist c r i t i q u e of the mode of production i s applicable to the f i r s t two stages. The t h i r d stage i s characterized by the s h i f t from sign to signals which renders analysis on the basis of the mode of production problematic. A c r i t i c a l semiology would reveal, however: ...that i n addition to the reversal of subject and object, the commodity also reverses the normal pattern of communications. The s i g n i f i e r i s detached from the s i g n i f i e d j u st as exchange value i s detached from use value. Like the price, the s i g n i f i e r f l o a t s i n the 28 Vincent Leitch, Deconstructive C r i t i c i s m (Columbia University Press: New York, 1983) p.280 Leitch summarizes Baudrillard's argument as a process by which, "The semiotic structure of the signal collapsed word and image, conditioning the individual to accept the correspondance without the mediation of c r i t i c a l reason." p.280. 29 Quote c i t e d i n Leitch, p. 280. 15 s o c i a l space of consumer capitalism, mystifying the whole r e l a t i o n of man to man and man to thing.30 Modern society loses the power to conceive of a world d i f f e r e n t from that which e x i s t s . Societal control, which has been the overarching ambition of bourgeois society since the very f i r s t international e x h i b i t i o n reigns supreme in the control of meanings disallowing c r i t i c i s m by prescribing every conceivable reaction to i t . Advertising and consumerism ensure the a l i e n a t i o n of the modern world under the aegis of the dominant code. World's Fai r s have h i s t o r i c a l l y played a c r u c i a l role i n t h i s process but Expo 67 i s of p a r t i c u l a r s i g n i f i c a n c e i n that i t i s the consummate example of the fusing of sign and commodity and the transformation of mass marketing, fashion, and status competition into commodities . Expo 67 w i l l be analyzed as a symbol of Jean Baudrillard*s thesis of "commodity semiosis" and the "implosion" of meaning that occurs i n the t r a n s i t i o n from sign to signal a c t i v i t y . The a b i l i t y of North American s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s to grasp the importance of signals as opposed to signs ensured a propaganda vic t o r y for capitalism at Montreal i n 1967. 30 Mark Poster, "Semiology and C r i t i c a l Theory: from Marx to B a u d r i l l a r d . " i n Boundary 2 v o l . v i i i no.l F a l l 1979 p. 282. On the t r a n s i t i o n from signs to signals see also, Henri Lefebvre, Evervdav L i f e i n the Modern World (Harper Torchbooks: N.Y. 1971) Lefebvre argues that the t r a n s i t i o n in the semantic f i e l d from signs to signals,"..involves the subjection of the senses to compulsions and a general conditioning of everyday l i f e , reduced now to a single dimension (reassembled fragments) by the elimination of a l l other dimensions of language and meaning such as symbols and s i g n i f i c a n t contrasts." p. 62. 16 Chapter one of the thesis w i l l examine the development of World's F a i r s , from the Crystal Palace E x h i b i t i o n i n 1851 up to Expo 67, i n order to outline the evolution of f a i r s as devices of imparting ideological coherency to diverse s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l groups. With Expo 67 the s h i f t i n the meaning of signs takes on additional s i g n i f i c a n c e with i t s successful a r t i c u l a t i o n of the t h i r d stage of c a p i t a l i s t development, as outlined by Baudrillard and Lefebvre. Chapter two of the thesis w i l l describe the development of U.S.-Canadian r e l a t i o n s following World War Two. I t w i l l focus on the li m i t e d range of options the Canadian government f e l t i t was compelled to operate within concerning the dominance of American m i l i t a r y , economic, p o l i t i c a l and c u l t u r a l influence. However, Canada's role i s c r u c i a l to the development of the new Cold War ideology of xtechnological l i b e r a l i s m ' and the new role which culture was cast into i n the mid 1960's. Canada's role i s summarized by the Canadian p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t Andrew Wernick who notes: The Canadian contribution to the s o c i a l thought of the American Empire has been great: Canadian l i b e r a l s are the perfect exponents of the technological cosmopolis.31 Within the period 1963-1967, as Canadian Liberals sought to redefine l i b e r a l i s m in order to avoid p o l i t i c a l e x t i n c t i o n and hopefully achieve a majority government. 31 Andrew Wernick, "Lament and Utopia" i n the Canadian  Journal of P o l i t i c a l and Theory 3:Fall 1981 p.48. 17 culture was to play an integral role i n the p o l i t i c a l strategy. Chapter three of the thesis w i l l look at the role of Greg Curnoe's "For Ben B e l l a " i n the Painting i n Canada ex h i b i t i o n i n terms of how i t represented the new role of culture i n the environment of the new l i b e r a l and technological ethos. "For Ben B e l l a " w i l l be shown to portray a moment i n Canadian culture poised between the demise of modernism i n Canadian culture and the establishing of a post modern s e n s i b l i t y , which characterizes the l a t e r work of Greg Curnoe, and which i s the fate of contemporary Canadian culture. This chapter w i l l demonstrate the compatabilty of the v i s u a l ideology of "For Ben B e l l a " with the r e v i t a l i z a t i o n of the L i b e r a l party and ideology in Canada. Ultimately, the new role of culture would be formalized under the banner of the Trudeau Government's c u l t u r a l p o l i c y of 11 democratization 1 and ^decentralization' which represents, as Baudrillard argues, a demonstration of capitalism's "control of meanings".32 32 Quoted i n Poster, p. 284. 18 CHAPTER 1 The Pilgrimage: An H i s t o r i c a l Overview of World's Fairs World exhibitions were places of pilgrimage to the f e t i s h Commodity.1 World's Fai r s have t r a d i t i o n a l l y functioned as "symbolic universes" which, the s o c i o l o g i s t s Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckman have noted, are themselves s o c i a l products with a history.2 The function of these "symbolic universes" i s to create an ordering system for embracing marginal situations within the apparent s o c i a l r e a l i t y of everyday l i f e . This i s a c r u c i a l aspect of their existence as,"...these situations constitute the most acute threat to taken-for-granted, routinized existence i n society."3 They serve to provide the means of n a t u r a l i z i n g and legitimating a s o c i a l order necessary to maintain s o c i a l order and "by their very nature, present themselves as fullblown and inevitable t o t a l i t i e s . " 4 As such, world's f a i r s have functioned as the consummate physical embodiment of "symbolic universes" since their inception at the Crystal Palace Ex h i b i t i o n of London, 1851, to the present day Expo 1 Walter Benjamin, Charles Baudelaire (Verso E d i t i o n : London, 1983) p. 165. 2 Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckman, The Social  Construction of Reality: A Treatise i n the Sociology of Knowledge (Doubleday and Company Inc.: Garden City, New York 1966) p. 90. 3 Berger and Luckman, p. 91. 4 Berger and Luckman, p. 90. 19 86, held i n Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia. They have served as integral instruments of the hegemonic control and promotion of capitalism "precisely because," as Robert Rydell argues, "they propagated the ideas and values of the country's p o l i t i c a l , f i n a n c i a l , corporate and i n t e l l e c t u a l leaders and offe r these ideas as the proper interpretion of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l r e a l i t y . " 5 These manifestations of "symbolic universes" were designed ultimately to be an integral aspect of defusing and eliminating the working class p o l i t i c s of the nineteenth century. By presenting the phantasm of material abundance as p o t e n t i a l l y r e a l i z a b l e through i n d u s t r i a l capitalism as opposed to s o c i a l i s t means, the "symbolic t o t a l i t i e s " of world's f a i r s provided the new age of growing mass consumption and consumerism with i t ideal embodiment. This chapter w i l l summarize the modern history of world's f a i r s i n order to provide the necessary context by which to analyze the f u l l s i g nificance of Expo 67, p a r t i c u l a r l y as i t relates to the Cold War and the evolution of varying strategies of symbolic representation to promote one or another ideology. After analyzing some of the h i s t o r i c a l precursors of Expo 67, I w i l l discuss the Fair and i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p to the growth of technological l i b e r a l i s m , and technological liberalism's i d e o l o g i c a l 5 Robert Rydell, A l l the World's a Fair (University of Chicago Press, 1986) p. 3. 20 handmaiden, known i n America in the mid-1950's and 1960's as " t o t a l communication." The History and Social Significance of World's F a i r s , 1851-1939 The f i r s t international e x h i b i t i o n was held i n the Crystal Palace, London, in 1851, and was e n t i t l e d "The Great Ex h i b i t i o n of the Works of A l l Nations." It was to provide the role model of a l l subsequent international f a i r s . This f i r s t e x h i b i t i o n was e n t i r e l y concerned with promoting the po s i t i v e consequences of the i n d u s t r i a l age and sought to provide an adequate display space for the new products of thea c a p i t a l i s t era. The O f f i c i a l Descriptive and  I l l u s t r a t e d Catalogue of the Great Exh i b i t i o n i l l u s t r a t e s t h i s objective c l e a r l y , opening with the words: "The a c t i v i t y of the present day develops i t s e l f i n commercial industry, and i s i n accordance with the s p i r i t of the age that the nations of the world have now c o l l e c t e d together their choicest productions. . . ."6 O r i g i n a l l y conceived and sponsored by Prince Albert, the e x h i b i t i o n provided a world stage for new forms of i n d u s t r i a l promotion and consumption. The ex h i b i t i o n stood as a symbol of a nascent middle class consumer culture that sought to expand i t s influence beyond i t s p a r t i c u l a r class boundaries. The re l a t i o n s h i p between the middle class and 6 Quoted i n Burton Benedict, An Anthropology of World's  Fairs (London: Scholar Press, 1983), p.2. the e x h i b i t i o n was a natural a l l i a n c e of values i n the face of the class disruptions of the e a r l i e r part of the century that culminated i n the 1848 revolution i n France. As John Brenkman observes, the o r i g i n s of modern mass culture originate from this period p r e c i s e l y because of class c o n f l i c t : The European bourgeosie, s t i l l f i g h t i n g to secure i t s triumph over aristocracy and monarchy, suddenly faced the counterrevolutionary task of suppressing the workers and preventing them from openly a r t i c u l a t i n g their interests.7 The necessity of providing a coherent ideology to perpetuate the status quo was summarized by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels i n the following quotation from The German Ideology, written just prior to the 1848 revolution: Each class which puts i t s e l f i n the place of the one r u l i n g before i t , i s compelled, merely i n order to carry through i t s interests of a l l members of society, that i s , expressed in an i d e a l : i t has to give i t s ideas the form of u n i v e r s a l i t y , and represent them as the only r a t i o n a l , u n i v e r s a l l y v a l i d ones.8 In response to the class upheavals and out of a desire to s t a b i l i z e the new i n d u s t r i a l s o c i a l order, the Crystal Palace presented a l l the manufactured benefits of the age. Housed in a single mammoth structure composed of 300,000 forty-nine inch by ten inch glass panes supported by 3,230 7 John Brenkman, "Mass Media: From C o l l e c t i v e Experience to the Culture of P r i v i t i z a t i o n , " Social Text. 1(Winter 1979) p. 101. 8 Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, The German Ideology (Progress Publishers: Moscow, 1976) p. 68. 22 pre-fabricated tubular iron p i l l a r s and girders9 were four categories of exhibitions o r i g i n a l l y suggested by Prince Albert. These four categories were: 1. Raw materials. The process of extracting useful substances from animal, vegetable, and mineral sources. 2. Machinery. Everything from railways through ordinance and o p t i c a l instruments. 3. Manufacturers. Clothing and decorative arts. 4. Fine Arts. Sculptures, models, and a r t i s t i c process which could be used i n manufacture.10 The purpose of t h i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n system, which would expand i n the future to encompass a l l aspects of s o c i a l l i f e with subsequent re-ordering of p r i o r i t i e s , was to impose on the world a sense of order that was deemed lacking i n r e a l i t y , a sense of order that, as Burton Benedict notes, "was the aim of the expanding middle class."11 In l i g h t of Marx and Engel's arguments in The German  Ideology on the need for a r u l i n g ideology Walter Benjamin wrote of World's Exhibitions as g l o r i f y i n g "...the exchange value of commodities. They created a framework i n which 9 Lawrence G. Zimmerman, "World's F a i r s : 1851-1876," Progressive Architecture 8(1974), pp.64-72. 10 Benedict, p.27. 11 Benedict, p. 27. 23 their use value receded into the background."12 The dominance of exchange value as opposed to use value embodied in Marx's notion of "commodity fetishism" was the key to the new dominant ideology. Writing further on the role of f a i r s Benjamin concluded, "...the world exhibitions erected the universe of commodities. Grandville's fantasies transmitted the commodity-character onto the universe, They modernized it."13 The special c l a s s i f i c a t i o n given to Fine Arts and i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p to manufacturing draws p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t from Walter Benjamin, who was writing i n his own period of s o c i a l upheaval between two world wars. In t h i s ordering system, the prominence given to Fine Arts i s a d i r e c t r e s u l t of the s o c i a l transformation brought about by the new middle class which Benedict ref e r s to. As Susan Buck-Morss notes i n an analysis of Benjamin's Passaqenwerk essay: The r e s u l t i s the l i q u i d a t i o n of art i n i t s t r a d i t i o n a l bourgeois form. Art's power as i l l u s i o n moves into industry (painting into advertising, architecture into technical engineering, handicrafts or sculpture into the i n d u s t r i a l arts) creating what we have come to c a l l mass culture, and i s taken into the service of c a p i t a l i s t interests for profits.14 The increasing s o c i a l role of the fine arts within the terms of the concept of mass culture set forth by Benjamin 12 Benjamin, p. 165. 13 Benjamin, p. 166. 14 Susan Buck-Morss, "Benjamin's Passaqenwerk: Redeeming Mass Culture for the Revolution," New German Critique 29(1983), pp.212-213. 24 would be further enhanced at the 1855 Paris Exhibition. A separate Palais des Beaux Arts was constructed as a forum within which the a r t i f a c t s of culture could compete and interact with each other i n the same way as the products of industry were competing and interacting. This phenomenon of mass culture has a strong r e l a t i o n s h i p to the growth of the middle class and the creation of world's f a i r s , and i t s evolution would reach a pinnacle at Expo 67, where middle class values and culture would t o t a l l y dominate the culture of the mid-twentieth century i n the absence of any surviving bourgeois or pr o l e t a r i a n c u l t u r a l values. As Andreas Huyssen observes, "The s a l i e n t fact i s that with the u n i v e r s a l i z a t i o n of commodity production mass culture begins to cut across classes i n heretofore unknown ways."15 The Great Exh i b i t i o n of 1851 was open for almost fiv e months and had a t o t a l attendance of six m i l l i o n l 6 when i t closed on October 11. The stunning success of the xphantasmagoria,' the name given by Walter. Benjamin to the new expression of mass culture, was r e f l e c t e d in the enthusiastic responses of the fairgoers, such as one v i s i t o r from Nottingham, who exclaimed: What a sight i s there! Neither pen nor pencil can portray i t ; language f a i l s to give an adequate description of i t . A Palace of iron and glass of astonishing magnitude, such as the world had never witnessed before, and maybe styled one of the wonders 15 Huyssen, p.10. 16 John Allwood, The Great Exh i b i t i o n (London:Studio Vista, 1977) 25 of the world...I was astonished at the outside of the building, but when I entered at the door of the south transept I beheld a s i t e which absolutely bewildered me. The best productions of art and science of almost a l l lands in the c i v i l i z e d world lay before me . I knew not what d i r e c t i o n to take.17 These remarks stand as c l a s s i c observations on the psychic warfare unleashed by mass culture through i t s most immediate expression in world's f a i r s . This phantasmagoria, a term which more e f f e c t i v e l y captures the t o t a l i t y of the s o c i a l ideology sweeping the i n d u s t r i a l world than any other, enabled people to be distracted from the contradictions of a class structured society: The entertainment industry made that easier for them by l i f t i n g them to the l e v e l of the commodity. They yielded to i t s manipulation while enjoying their a l i e n a t i o n from themselves and from others.18 The success of the 1851 Great Exhibition spawned two imitations within two years. The exhibitions i n Dublin and New York were imitations of the Crystal Palace, but on a much smaller scale. The next two major international exhibitions, however, took place i n Paris and London i n 1855 and 1862, respectively. With attendance figures of approximately f i v e and six m i l l i o n l 9 , their success did approach or equal that of the o r i g i n a l London f a i r . However, for the purposes of understanding the modern concept of the 17 Nottingham Mercury and Midland Adviser. 14 May 1851, quoted i n Allwood, p. 22. 18 Benjamin, p.165 19 Allwood, p. 43. 26 world's f a i r , the next most important e x h i b i t i o n was the 1867 E x h i b i t i o n Universelle i n Paris. In terms of size and attendance, the e x h i b i t i o n was the most successful yet. Almost seven m i l l i o n people v i s i t e d the largest s i t e yet u t i l i z e d for a f a i r ( s i x t y - f i v e acres plus an additional annex of f i f t y acres)20, the 1867 e x h i b i t i o n contained several major adaptations which brought the f a i r concept closer to i t s twentieth century manifestations. The most s i g n i f i c a n t deviation from the model established by the 1851 London e x h i b i t i o n was the addition of separate national pavilions apart from the main ex h i b i t i o n structure. Unlike the Crystal Palace, which housed a l l the exhibitions of a l l nations under i t s one massive roof, small national p a v i l i o n s , erected at the expense of the country of o r i g i n , were constructed on a pattern radiating out from the e l l i p t i c a l l y shaped central e x h i b i t i o n h a l l . Although small in scale, b a s i c a l l y housing national commissioners or other o f f i c i a l s , these pavilions established the foundation of subsequent international competitions at world's f a i r s , culminatiing at Expo 67 (which c o i n c i d e n t a l l y celebrated the centennial of the Paris Exhibition as well as the emergence of Canada as a separate national entity.) The problem of r e l a t i n g these separate structures into a whole also resulted i n the f i r s t tentative attempts to es t a b l i s h a x t o t a l ' f a i r environment through restaurants, 20 Allwood, p. 43. 27 gardens, and waterways. E f f o r t s to evercome the fear of disunity i n the f a i r ' s layout even resulted i n the f i r s t prototype amusement park o f f e r i n g rides with popular entertainment. Thus, the early broadening of the f a i r ' s concept beyond trade and industry to the s o c i a l t o t a l i t y of nineteenth century European society was begun, increasing the potential audience of the f a i r i t s e l f . This led to an increasing o r i e n t a t i o n towards middle class values and a further decline i n the luxury exhibits that had primarily appealed to an e l i t e bourgeois audience i n the 1851 f a i r . Another s i g n i f i c a n t departure from e a r l i e r exhibitions was the development and use of a theme—"L'histoire du T r a v a i l " — a t the 1867 f a i r . The idea for this theme was not wholly unusual, however, considering that the Director of the Exhibition was Frederic le Ploy, who was, among other things an "acknowledged expert on European labour conditions."21 Acting as an adjunct to the whole exhibition, the theme portrayed the various stages of evolution nations underwent to reach c i v i l i z a t i o n . 2 2 The four categories of e x h i b i t i o n at the Crystal Palace were now expanded to ten, with Fine Arts at the top of the l i s t . As Burton Benedict notes, i n conjunction with the p r o f i l e of the Fine Arts was the addition to the categories of display of " a r t i c l e s exhibited with the special object of 21 Allwood, p. 43. 22 Allwood, p. 41. 28 improving the physical and moral conditions of the people."23 The e a r l i e r emphasis on manufactured items was not downplayed so as to include "apparatuses and methods used for education of children, l i b r a r i e s , adult education, furniture, clothing and food from a l l sources remarkable for useful q u a l i t i e s combined with cheapness, c r a f t s , displays of costumes of a l l peoples."24 This expanded ordering of the s o c i a l world was also r e f l e c t e d in the manifesto published by Victor Hugo for the 1867 ex h i b i t i o n , e n t i t l e d "To the Peoples of Europe": To make a c i r c u i t of this place, c i r c u l a r , l i k e the equator, i s l i t e r a l l y to go around the world. A l l peoples are here, enemies l i v e i n peace side by side. As i n the beginning of things, on the globe of waters, the divine s p i r i t now f l o a t s on thi s globe of iron.25 This r h e t o r i c , however, immediately crumbles i n the face of history. With the Franco-Prussian War 1870 and the subsequent Paris Commune, international warfare and class struggle continued unabated. Yet the symbol of the globe of iron would be repeated time after time, i n New York i n 1939 and at Expo 67, for example, with the Perisphere and the Geodesic Dome. As an instrument for the projection of an image of a s t a b i l i z e d s o c i a l t o t a l i t y under the aegis of mass culture, the f a i r concept would continue more and more successfully to r e p l i c a t e t h i s message u n t i l the point that 23 Benedict, p. 27. 24 Benedict, p. 28. 25 Allwood, p. 43. 29 the world wide domination of mass culture was to have incredible significance i n the modern world. The implications of t h i s expanded s o c i a l role of mass culture were only too apparent to Walter Benjamin who wrote about the 1867 "Exposition Universelle": The phantasmagoria of c a p i t a l i s t culture attained i t s most radiant unfurling in the World Exhibition of 1867. The Second Empire was at the height of i t s power. Paris was confirmed i n i t s po s i t i o n as the c a p i t a l of luxury and fashion.26 By the 1930's world's f a i r s had assumed enormous inportance i n c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t i e s , f u l f i l l i n g t h e i r e a r l i e r mandate of promoting s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y and middle class values. The impact of the 1929 market crash and the subsequent Great Depression were s i g n i f i c a n t factors in the t r a n s i t i o n of capitalism from i t s e a r l i e r entrepreneurial stage to a form of monopoly capitalism based on the largest corporations. This evolution i n capitalism was to a l t e r the complexion of world's f a i r s i n the 1930's, as the new corporate values sought to consolidate their positions and then project them into the future, which would be the primary function of the two main f a i r s of the Depression era: Chicago, 1933-4, and New York, 1939-40. During the Depression, i t was r e a l i z e d that e a r l i e r e f f o r t s at enticing consumers through the mass presentation of the benefits of manufacturing and industry could be refined by adapting techniques of promotion and s e l l i n g from 26 Benjamin, p. 166. 30 the advertising industry to the f a i r i t s e l f . This adaptation of advertising strategies, combined with their desire to be d i r e c t l y involved, led to the appearance of corporate p a v i l l i o n s on the fairgrounds i n ever-increasing numbers i n the 1930's, culminating with their dominance at New York i n 1939. At the Chicago f a i r , e n t i t l e d "A Century of Progress," were ex h i b i t i o n structures erected by General Motors, Chrysler, Sears and Roebuck, and other corporate giants. These structures took their place alongside t r a d i t i o n a l world's f a i r s e xhibits. One example of the strategies used by corporations at the Chicago f a i r i s the display of Nash Corporation. This display was a c l a s s i c example of the enticements of a consumer item, i n thi s instance, an automobile, which a majority of the fairgoers obviously could not afford. This i exhibit, however, imparted the idea of the delayed g r a t i f i c a t i o n that the promise of capitalism would ultimately provide. The ex h i b i t i o n was displayed ona souvenir postcard with the caption: "A building of plate glass with a high glass tower i n which Nash Sixes and Eights keep moving up and down, up and down, day and night. A dazzling spectacle."27 By emphasizing advertising techniques of change and motion, this and other corporate displays heightened the impact of the f a i r . 27 Benedict, p. 25. 31 Attendance at the f a i r exceeded forty-eight m i l l i o n , just s l i g h t l y ahead of the previous record for f a i r attendance set at the 1900 Paris Exposition and far exceeding any previous American fair.28 This attendance figure t e s t i f i e s to the success of the new a l l i a n c e between monopoly c a p i t a l and the f a i r concept. The future, which was decidedly gloomy in the Depression of 1933, was to be guaranteed by science and progress, and, as the Nash display revealed, perpetual movement and rapid change assured the attractiveness of the ''spectacle 1 by presenting a display of pseudo-scientific achievements, mass education, and mass entertainment. Modernity meant flux and movement and who could better safaeguard the future than the corporations which symbolised change i t s e l f . Stewart Ewen, i n his book Captains of Consciousness, summarizes the strategy i n the following way: The i d e o l o g i c a l l y p o l i t i c i z e d realm of consumption was c l e a r l y seen by the i n d u s t r i a l society as a device by which s o c i a l change ...might be symbolically acted out i n the public culture. Through the creation of a spectacle of change, frustrations and boredom within the context of i n d u s t r i a l society might be mobilized to maintain and sustain that order. Thus the p o l i t i c a l imperatives of l e g i t i m i z i n g the individual and the immediate expressions of community as proper expressions of authority would be achieved.29 The New York world's f a i r of 1939-40 was the crowning achievement of this nexus of government, business. 28 Allwood, p. 182. 29 Stuart Ewen, Captains of Conciousness (McGraw-Hill Book Company: New York, 1976) p. 87. and advertising that emerged from Chicago. No longer concerned with consolidating the previous accomplishments of capitalism, the theme of the f a i r pointed towards a new concern: not a "Century of Progress" but "The World of Tomorrow." S t a b i l i t y and order were to bury class d i s t i n c t i o n s under the rubric of the Average American and the Average American Family. This averageness, of course, corresponded to the values of the middle cla s s , which the f a i r presented even though the e f f o r t was made to appeal to a l l the 'masses.1 Grover A. Whalen, the f a i r ' s president, argued that, unlike any other f a i r , values of s c i e n t i f i c progress were to be wedded to the l i f e of the Average American. This union would, i n turn, promote the ideals of the World of Tomorrow, es p e c i a l l y since the f a i r "conveyed the picture of the interdependance of man on man, class on cl a s s , nation on nation. I t attempted to t e l l of the immediate necessity of enlightened and harmonious co-operation to preserve and save the best of modern c i v i l i z a t i o n as i t was then known."30 30 Quoted i n Warren Susman, Culture as History (New York: Pantheon Books, 1973), p. 214. Roland Barthes, who saw cars as contemporary equivalents of the great Gothic cathedrals, wrote in Mythologies: The object here i s t o t a l l y prostituted, appropriated: o r i g i n a t i n g from the heaven of Metropolis, the Goddess i s i n a quarter of an hour mediatized, a c t u a l i z i n g through this exorcism the very essence of petit-bourgeois advancement, (p. 90.) The seven display zones of the f a i r demonstrated the comprehensiveness of the exhibits i n their e f f o r t s to t o t a l i z e the entire experience of man under the aegis of 'consumerism.' Displays ranging from "Production and D i s t r i b u t i o n , " an exhibit of manufacturing prowess and advertising techniques, to the enigmatic-sounding display of "Community Interests," an all-encompassing t i t l e for a display of everything from r e l i g i o n to cosmetics,31 demonstrated that the f a i r sought to categorize and target every aspect of human existence i n order to serve fairgoers up unto the advertising of the corporations. This r e l a t i o n s h i p between fairgoers and exhibitors i s best summarized i n a pamphlet issued by General Motors i n 1933, e n t i t l e d "The Philosophy of Consumer Research": If a company can ascertain concretely and in d e t a i l just what the buyers would l i k e to have, i f i t can b u i l d products in conformity with those desires and design i t s sales and advertising messages so that they w i l l answer d e f i n i t e l y the questions that are uppermost in the mind of the motorist, obviously there w i l l be continued improvement i n the merchandising process and a broadening of the service rendered.32 31 The Fine Arts were included under the heading of "Community Interests," but the presence of art at the f a i r was minimal. Either Fine Arts were a product of the 'Masters,' in which case their exhibition was more appropriate to museums, or as popular culture the Fine Arts were instrumentalized within the corporate advertising schemes. 32 Susman, p.221 34 The world's f a i r had become, as the New York Times acknowledged i n a headline, the Research and Development art of "Tomorrow's Propaganda."33 To symbolize the theme of the f a i r , two large structures were b u i l t : the Trylon and the forerunner to Buckminster F u l l e r ' s geodesic dome at Expo 67, the Perisphere, an eighteen storey high spherical dome. Exhibited within the Perisphere was a futuristic-sounding exhibit e n t i t l e d "Democracity," which further entwined progress, capitalism, and democracy into a symbiotic re l a t i o n s h i p holding the key to the future. However, despite the presence of the Trylon, Perishere, and Democracity, the true si g n i f i c a n c e of the f a i r was r e f l e c t e d in the dominance of corporate exhibits on a previously unheard of scale. Thirty-four of the largest American corporations crowded the grounds with their own pavilions for the f i r s t time.34 The meaning of the f a i r can be located i n the presentation of an ordered path to the future, which had been the hallmark of the r i s e of middle class values since the mid-nineteenth century. As Warren Susman concludes: 33 Susman, p.225 34 Benedict, p. 26. Examples of corporations present include American Telephone and Telegraph, the Crosley Corporation, RCA, Maison Coty, American Tobacco Company, Heinz, Standard Brands, Libby, Macneil Libby, Swift and Company, Borden, Consolidated Edison, Eastman Kodak, DuPont, General E l e c t r i c , US Steel, Westinghouse, Chrysler, Ford, Firestone, BF Goodrich. 35 For the people, the "World of Tomorrow" projected not a new world, but a new fantasy world based on the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of modern technology, a world that could be enjoyed because i t could be c o n t r o l l e d — a v e r i t a b l e Disneyland.35 (A t r u l y accurate symbol of the meaning of the New York, f a i r was created when the Trylon and Perisphere were melted down into weapons of war with the advent of World War Two. A r e a l i s t i c p o r t r a i t of the world's f a i r was made two years l a t e r with the construction of the Pentagon, which presented another v a r i a t i o n of the image of " t o t a l i t y ' — a s e l f contained world u t i l i z i n g the l a t e s t technology and most e f f i c i e n t building means. As Susman states, " I t (the Pentagon) was a world's f a i r gone to war."36) Post War Fairs and the Cold War After World War Two, the United States and the Soviet Union became immersed in the Cold War of which m i l i t a r y competition was only the most v i s i b l e sign of superpower r i v a l r y . Competition occurred in many other arenas and world's f a i r s were seen by both sides as presenting the perfect forum i n which to compete for the mantle of leadership i n "human progress.' In the 1950's, however, the United States was slow to formulate a coherent e x h i b i t i o n strategy within the framework of i t s Cold War campaign and, 35 Susman, p. 228. 36 Susman, p. 208. 36 subsequently, took a backseat to the Soviet Union in developing a successful e x h i b i t i o n policy. Perceived American f a i l u r e s at the minor 1956 f a i r at Damascus and at the f i r s t Class One Exh i b i t i o n held after the war i n Brussels, 1958 37, combined with the tremendous propaganda vi c t o r y of the launch of Sputnik i n 1957 prompted the serious re-examination of American propaganda strategy in non-military f i e l d s . S i g n i f i c a n t l y , within the space of a few years, America seized back the i n i t i a t i v e with a newly-forged strategy that reversed the e a r l i e r setbacks at world's f a i r s and i n the space race; world's f a i r s and the space race were to become remotivated symbols of American and c a p i t a l i s t power shrouded i n the powerful a l l u r e of 'human progress.' The f i r s t signs that America was lagging behind the Soviet Union in the competition at world's f a i r s was at Damascus, i n 1956. Small i n size but s i g n i f i c a n t i n a p o l i t i c a l l y symbolic sense, the f a i r provided a forum for competition i n a Third World nation. This competition would measure the ebb and flow of the influence of the superpowers in the most important stage of Cold War competition: the Third World. 37 In November, 1928, the International Exhibition Bureau a r b i t r a r i l y divided the world into three zones: European, American, and Other. No country i s allowed to hold a Class One Exhibition more than once in f i f t e e n years; countries i n the same zone may not hold such exhibitions more than once in six years; and, whatever the zone, such an ex h i b i t i o n may not be held more than once i n two years. 37 Both countries u t i l i z e d their l a t e s t technology and display techniques to influence the Syrians. In terms of symbols, however, a decisive encounter was between a display of helicopters by both powers. The American machine was the l a t e s t , most highly advanced design while the Russian counterpart was large, hulking, and slow. What was, on the surface, a potential propaganda coup for the Americans became, very r a p i d l y , a defeat. As William Swaith, president of the international design firm of Raymond Lowry and William Swaith, wrote i n Dateline, 1962: In the rare moments when the Russian and American units were i n simultaneous f l i g h t , the American l i t e r a l l y flew rings around the other. Unfortunately, they were seldom seen together. I t would take a g i f t e d eye to see any marked difference in f l i g h t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s when they were on the ground. The Russian machine outbulked the American, and the Syrians considered the Russian machine to be better because of the size.38 Although on the surface the "helicopter competition' seemed but a minor setback for the Americans, i t was i n fact a c l a s s i c v i c t o r y for the techniques of non-verbal communication, which the Americans had u t t e r l y f a i l e d to understand and u t i l i z e at the f a i r . This f a i l u r e was to be compounded at the Brussels Universal and International E x h i b i t i o n of 1958. 38 Quoted i n Walter Joyce, The Propaganda Gap (New York: Harper and Row, 1963), p.8 38 Attended by over forty-one m i l l i o n people39, the Brussels Ex h i b i t i o n was a c l a s s i c Cold War confrontation on the largest stage yet provided i n the post-war period. Once again, America's presentation and display methods drew c r i t i c i s m for f a i l i n g to meet and exceed the Soviet e f f o r t . The launching of Sputnik, the previous year has tremendously increased the pressure on America to counter the Soviet image of technological superiority. The Russians, for their part, repeated their strategy from Damascus with an e x h i b i t i o n e x p l o i t i n g size and image: The building was big, crass and vulgar, of semi-monumental design. Inside, were symbols of giantism. Everything was larger than l i f e s i z e , from the huge statue of Lenin to the huge cut away model of the Tupolev plane. A l l t h i s was dominated by models of Sputnik.40 Once again, the Russians provided non-verbal cues i n their displays that successfully outmaneuvered American e f f o r t s . Their exhibits showed a c l a s s i c understanding of previous modes of world's f a i r display techniques which e f f e c t i v e l y demonstrated the "symbols of their rapid growth and power."41 As the Cold War was progressing throughout the Third World, i t became c r u c i a l for the superpowers* propaganda e f f o r t s to co-opt the symbols of human progress and development to their p o l i t i c a l ends. The conclusion of the 39 Allwood, p.185 40 Joyce, p.9 41 Joyce, p.9 39 c o l o n i a l period after World War Two, combined with the economic and other shortcomings of Third World nations, meant that images of technology and economic development would be v i t a l i n influencing which superpower would by the role model for economic development. Soviet e f f o r t s to promote n a t i o n a l i s t i c revolutions on the Marxist model were greatly enhanced by their images of growth and power at world's f a i r s . On the other hand, America was seen to display signs of decadence and effeteness.42 American v i r i l i t y was being undermined by exhibits that did not challenge the Russians over the d i r e c t i o n of the future so much as present an image of a decadent and loathesome present. One example, in p a r t i c u l a r , again drew c r i t i c i s m from William Swaith. This controversial display was, i n fact, the central a t t r a c t i o n of the American ex h i b i t : a fashion show held i n the main American p a v i l l i o n . Beautiful models drew large crowds, but the symbolism was too decadent for Swaith and for other c r i t i c s as well.43 The growing number of Soviet propaganda v i c t o r i e s in the mid to late 1950's led to President Eisenhower's formation of the Sprague Committee to investigate the shortcomings of the American propaganda e f f o r t . The committee's report focused on the poor handling of the Cold War by the United States government because of i t s underestimation of the importance of non-military 42 Joyce, p.9 43 Joyce, p.9 40 competition. It was apparent to the Sprague Committee that the future of thi s protracted non-military confrontation could only be won by influencing the attitudes of Third World peoples.44 The Committee reached the conclusion that "the scale of the t o t a l U.S. information e f f o r t w i l l have to be progressively expanded for some time to come."45 William Albig, a professor at the University of I l l i n o i s , states i n his book Modern Public Opinion that the f a i l u r e of the American propaganda e f f o r t s was the r e s u l t of an over-reliance on commercial adventurers. Noting that "propagandizing an idea [ i s ] not the same as advertising a commodity,"46 Albig concluded that the United States needed to subordinate commercial advertising campaigns and strategies under the d i r e c t i o n of s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s with a much "broader t r a i n i n g and knowledge i n the analysis of c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t i e s . " 4 7 These c r i t i c i s m s and analysis of American f a i l u r e i n the 1950's contributed to the i n i t i a t i o n of a new propaganda strategy at international f a i r s , which would e s t a b l i s h the foundations of the ideology of Expo 67. This i n i t i a t i v e necessitated a r e j e c t i o n of the strategies that had been so successful at American f a i r s i n the 1930's under dramatically d i f f e r e n t circumstances. The object now was to 44 Joyce, p.12 45 Joyce, p.12 46 Quoted in Joyce, p.49 47 Quoted in Joyce, p.49 41 combine propaganda with a coherent national information policy that would u t i l i z e the l a t e s t i n communications and media theory and technology. The beginning of John F. Kennedy's presidency i n 1960 resulted i n a new and concerted e f f o r t to mobilize America's s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s and i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n promoting the United States to the world, u t i l i z i n g lessons c u l l e d from the apparent f a i l u r e s of the 1950's. Central to t h i s new strategy was a need to understand and manipulate the l a t e s t developments i n technology, presenting America's high moral purpose. Such e f f o r t s would contribute, as President Kennedy noted, to "reshape the world i n our image."48 Combined with a new counter-insurgency campaign i n the Third World and a u n i f i e d s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , and economic e f f o r t , America prepared for " t o t a l ' Cold War with the Soviet Union i n the 1960's. Counter-revolutionary theorist Walt W. Rostow, in an address to the Green Berets i n 1961, succinctly noted the change i n superpower c o n f l i c t and emphasized the new means necessary to winning t h i s phase of the Cold War: Throughout the world, old s o c i e t i e s were trying to change to gain a p o s i t i o n i n the modern world and to take advantage of the benefits of technology. This was "the revolution of modernization.'49 According to Rostow, Communism could be out-maneuvered by depicting America and i t s technology as holding the keys 48 Quoted i n Louise Fitzsimmons, The Kennedy Doctrine (New York: London House, 1972), p.8 49 Quoted i n Fitzsimmons, p.175 42 to modernization and s o c i a l progress and by convincing the Third World that the Soviet Union was archaic i n i t s conception of modernity for i t s own development, l e t alone that of the Third World. This strategy was outlined by President Kennedy i n the following way: Economic development, i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , a higher standard of l i v i n g , consumer goods. Western st y l e democratic elections, good government, and his own land could be the l o t of every man. Freedom, not communism, would bring i t to them.50 Media and communications would be s t r a t e g i c , however, because—much l i k e the ever-moving automobiles i n the Nash Corporation display at the 1939 world's f a i r — i m a g e s of consumerism and commodities could v i r t u a l l y postpone r e a l economic and s o c i a l development i n d e f i n i t e l y while quell i n g any opposition to the r e s u l t i n g underdevelopment with a cavalcade of consumer symbols. U t i l i z a t i o n of media and communications meant the harnessing of s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s and i n t e l l e c t u a l s to the new strategy, and t h i s action would prove decisive i n the implementation of the Kennedy programme. U n i v e r s i t i e s , such as the Massachusetts Inst i t u t e of Technology (MIT) and the University of Chicago, provided the focus of new studies i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p between media, technology and the Third World. I n t e l l e c t u a l s such as Lucian W. Pye and Daniel Lerner of MIT provided the c r u c i a l theoretical foundations of the new policy. Professors such as these were 50 Quoted i n Fitzsimmons, p. 180 43 characterized by j o u r n a l i s t Theodore H. White as the "Action I n t e l l e c t u a l s " who had, decades e a r l i e r , abandoned their l e f t i s t sympathies in order to promote a new l i b e r a l conception of human progress u t i l i z i n g sociology and technology. Urban decay i n America and development in the Third World provided two d i f f e r e n t but i n t e g r a l l y related aspects of the Action I n t e l l e c t u a l s ' research. The need to rejuvenate the inner core of America's c i t i e s was d i r e c t l y p a r a l l e l e d by e f f o r t s to provide the road to modernization i n the Third World. Daniel P. Moynihan, a professor at MIT in the early 1960 's, described the task, ahead of the Action I n t e l l e c t u a l s i n thi s manner: We have to find out what's happening. We know that an uncontrolled introduction of technology i s sp o i l i n g c i t y l i f e . We have to find out how i t works i n order to manage i t . We know, for example, there i s an Urban Lower C l a s s — b u t how do you absorb i t , eliminate i t , control i t ? We have to know more.51 (The correspondence between urban decay and renewal and similar developments i n the Third World i s c r u c i a l to understanding why the theme "Man and His World" was so successful at Expo 67 i n galvanizing for a moment a combined image of a controlled world and a controlled environment.) The new information and technology s t r a t e g y — t h a t would become familiar as " t o t a l communications"—was a s i g n i f i c a n t departure from the e a r l i e r Cold War policy. Walter Joyce notes that " I t [this new approach] does not have to resort to l i e s or "black propaganda' and i t i s i n fact d i f f i c u l t to 51 Theodore H. White, "The Action I n t e l l e c t u a l s , " L i f e 23 June 1967, p.76 44 do so when he [the i n t e l l e c t u a l ] represents an open society l i k e ours."52 In contrast, the use of "white propaganda" developed by the s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s i s seen as being much more e f f e c t i v e . Truth and accuracy could e f f e c t i v e l y undermine the resistance of the Third World to American overtures. E f f o r t s to understand and empathize with the Third world, combined with the apparently value-free introduction of media technology into the Third World would ensure the f l o u r i s h i n g of American interests. Action I n t e l l e c t u a l Daniel Lerner, i n an a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "Revolutionary E l i t e s and World Symbolism," observed the necessity of the new method to pursue United States counter-insurgency p o l i c y : The f a i l u r e to d i f f u s e a persuasive universal symbolism i n a p o l i t i c a l arena that has become technologically global contains ominous problems for the future of humanity.... To avert these catastrophic dangers, there i s a clear and present need for a p o s i t i v e p o l i t i c s of preventive therapy. This requires a flow of information that i s relevant and r e l i a b l e — information of the sort that can be produced by the p o l i t y of sciences in the service of democratic development. Such information, while i t i s most urgently needed by policy advisers, cannot be confined to e l i t e s . Indeed, such information can support p o l i t i c a l therapy of appropriate scope only i f i t i s diffused on an adequate scale to shape a new global concensus on the desirable way of the world.53 For American strategy at Cold War competitions such as world's f a i r s to be successfully integrated into the t o t a l 52 Joyce, p.51 53 Daniel Lerner, "Revolutionary E l i t e s and World Symbolism," in Harold P. Laswell (Ed.), Propaganda and  Communication i n World History (University of Hawaii Press, 1980), p. 392. 45 propaganda e f f o r t , removal of whatever impediments to e f f e c t i v e "white propaganda" that existed i n f a i r structure and organization was e s s e n t i a l . Of necessity, this meant promoting American Capitalism by means other than the instruments previously used by businessmen and advertisers. Under the guidance of the federal agency responsible for foreign exhibitions, the United States Information Agency, capitalism would have to stop i t s own overt promotion. For Walter Joyce, the greatest service America could perform for communism would be to promote c a p i t a l i s m — " t h a t i s the word. not the economic system."54 Obviously, the 1939 success of the New York f a i r could not be repeated as i t was a blatant promotion of capitalism and the f a i l u r e s of Damascus and Brussels had to be avoided. Yet America's image was to undergo one more blow at a world's f a i r because of a r e p e t i t i o n of the emphasis on corporations, business, and consumerism. This f a i l u r e occurred at the 1964 New York f a i r whose organizer, Robert Moses, was a legacy of 1939 and who sought to repeat that e a r l i e r f a i r ' s success by implementing a sim i l a r approach. The theme, "Peace Through Understanding," paid l i p service to the changed Cold War environment, however. President Kennedy, echoing his newly-forged propaganda strategy, t r i e d to use the f a i r as a platform for the new approach, but his words would be l o s t amongst the future commercial c l u t t e r 54 Joyce, p. 82. 46 Walter Joyce had warned of, a commercialism that would promote the interests of communism, not those of capitalism. At the ground breaking ceremonies held i n 1962, Kennedy declared: This i s going to be a chance for us i n 1964 to show 70 m i l l i o n v i s i t o r s — n o t only our countrymen here i n the United States but people from a l l over the world—what kind of people we are. What kind of country we have. What our people are l i k e and what we have done with our people. And what has gone on i n the past, and what i s going on i n the future. . . .That i s what a world's f a i r should be about and the theme of th i s world's f a i r — P e a c e Through Understanding—is most appropriate i n these years of the 60's.55 Kennedy's l i b e r a l r h e t o r i c provides a textbook presentation of the new Cold War strategy. Unfortunately for the Kennedy Administration, t h i s strategy was not heeded by Robert Moses. However, even the 1939 f a i r had not been as ruthless a presentation of business and corporate interests as the 1964 f a i r turned out to be. The inevitable c r i t i c i s m the f a i r drew because of i t s outmoded ex h i b i t i o n strategy provided even greater impetus for mobilizing s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s and i n t e l l e c t u a l s to formulate the government's policy . As the neo-conservative s o c i a l theorist Daniel B e l l remarked these new e l i t e s were necessary for the new era of, in his words, "Post-Industrial Society" so that: ...the leadership of the new society w i l l rest not with businessmen or corporations as we know them, (for a good deal of productions w i l l have been routinized), but with research corporations, the i n d u s t r i a l laboratories, the experimental stations, and the 55 Quoted i n Zimmerman, p.70 47 u n i v e r s i t i e s . In fact.the s k e l e t a l structure of the new society i s already v i s i b l e . 5 6 As an example, in 1961, the USIA knew very l i t t l e about the research e f f o r t s at MIT and the University of Chicago, yet in the wake of the 1964 disaster, Lucian W. Pye, one of the leading exponents of the new propaganda strategy, was working as an adviser withing the USIA, f u l f i l l i n g Kennedy's desire to have i n t e l l e c t u a l s work at policy-making within government agencies. EXPO 67 Planning and Development The decision to hold a class one e x h i b i t i o n i n Montreal for the 1967 Canadian centennial was o r i g i n a l l y pursued by Canada in 1960. Two applications were made to the International Exhibitions Bureau for 1967 world's f a i r s : Canada's and the Soviet Union's (to celebrate the f i f t i e t h anniversary of the October Revolution). The Soviet Union was i n i t i a l l y awarded the f a i r , but decided to drop i t s option. Upon subsequent re - a p p l i c a t i o n i n 1962, Canada was awarded the world's f a i r for 1967. Even without the example of the New York f a i r as a model to be avoided. Expo 67, from i t s very early organizational stages, was conceived with a new e x h i b i t i o n strategy i n mind. Shortly a f t e r having been awarded the f a i r . Expo o f f i c i a l s went to MIT and asked Dean Burchard for 56 Daniel B e l l , "Notes on the Post-Industrial Society ( 1 ) , " quote c i t e d in Noam Chomsky, Towards a New Cold War (Pantheon Books: New York, 1982) p. 399. advice on the organizational foundation of the f a i r . His major conclusion was that creative people should be the basis of Expo planning. Consequently, a variety of professionals and i n t e l l e c t u a l s were inv i t e d to a planning conference at Montebello, Quebec.57 The theme a r i s i n g from th i s conference was "Terre des Hommes" or "Man and His World," a notion derived from the French writer and aviator 57 Some of those in v i t e d included Dr. Penfield, the Montreal neurological surgeon; Dean Frank Scott, member of the McGill Law Faculty; Jean-Louis Roux, member of the Theatre du Nouveau Monde; and Roy A f f l i c k , one of the leading Canadian ar c h i t e c t s . (Jeremy Baker, "Expo and the Future C i t y , " Architectural Review 896(1967), p.156 This introduction of creative people into the planning process i s an integral aspect of the t h i r d stage of c a p i t a l i s t development after 1960 as outlined by Henri Lefebvre: ...the "man of synthesis' i s very much in demand, and there are many candidates among philosophers, economists, a r c h i t e c t s , town planners, demographers and other technicians; nearly a l l of them bank inconspicuously on a c e r t a i n "robotization' shaped on thei r own synthetic model which they would programme; the more i n t e l l i g e n t among them hope to achieve this by a spontaneous, or democratic, rather that an autocratic, method. Henri Lefebvre, p. 65. 49 Antoin de St. Exupery.58 St. Exupery was concerned about the s p i r t u a l deprivation of man i n modern society and offered an alternative view of human society. S.Beynon John observes that the alternate view offered by St. Exupery i s "organicist, rooted i n r u r a l i t y . " 5 9 However,most appropriate for a r e v i t a l i z e d l i b e r a l ideology and the theme of Expo 67 was his stress on the "power of the creative imagination, the importance of communal and frater n a l bonds, the appeal of moral idealism, the readiness to subordinate s e l f to the service of something greater than s e l f , and the need for charismatic leaders capable of showing the way forward."60 This was p a r t i c u l a r l y appropriate for the presidency of John 58 Saint-Exupery, Antoine de. 1900-(?)1944 A thumbnail sketch of Saint-Exupery•s l i f e i s found i n Germain Bree, Twentieth Century French Li t e r a t u r e , (University of Chicago Press: Chicago, 1983.) p. 342-3: Saint-Exupery rode i n the Vedrines airplane when he was twelve years old. When he f a i l e d his entrance examination for the Ecole Navale, he did his m i l i t a r y service i n the a i r force. In 1926 he became a commercial p i l o t , l a t e r squadron commander for the Toulouse-Casablanca l i n e . In 1930 he published Courrier  Sud. Vol de nuit came out one year l a t e r and won the Prix Femina. He continued his career as a p i l o t , flew i n the Paris-Saigon r a l l y , did some journalism. In Terre des hommes (1939) he celebrated a sense of human s o l i d a r i t y . During World War Two he managed to get to New York, where he published Ljg. P e t i t Prince i n 1943. He began f l y i n g again, and on 31 July 1944 he disappeared over the Mediterranean while returning from a mission. C i t a d e l l e , which i n some ways constitutes his moral and s p i r i t u a l testament, was published i n 1948. 59 S. Beynon John, "Saint- Exupery's P i l o t e De Guerre: Testimony, Art and Ideology," in Roderick Kedward, Roger Austin and Croon Helm, Vichv France and the Resistance: Culture and Ideology , (London and Sydney: 1985) p. 91-105 60 John, p. 91. F. Kennedy but i t i s also applicable to the new image of leadership Pierre E l l i o t Trudeau would exploit as well i n the federal e l e c t i o n that would follow Expo 67. More important for the organizers of Expo 67 were Saint-Exupery 1s models of human behaviour which included "...the virtues of c r e a t i v i t y , nature and disinteredness. They are a r t i s t s (whether a r c h i t e c t s , musicians, or writers), s c i e n t i s t s , p r i e s t s , gardeners, or shepherds."61 This theme, ripe with l i b e r a l associations, was v i t a l in e s t a b l i s h i n g a coherent connection with the Cold War l i b e r a l i s m of the Kennedy Administration. The broad l i b e r a l humanism of the theme combined with the e f f o r t s of Canadian professionals and i n t e l l e c t u a l s p a r a l l e l e d the new proposals for a Cold War strategy being promoted by MIT. For example, when conference delegate Jean-Louis Roux noted that the theme meant "Man, as opposed to corporations" and "Man, as opposed to nations"62 he was merely stating the l i b e r a l ideology which was becoming prevalent i n both Canada and the United 61 John, p. 91. However, as John points out Saint-Exupery's sentiments on the primacy of "Man1 as the only proper foundation for l i b e r t y and equality were pathetic i n the face of Nazi domination and " . . . s t r i k e one as the l a s t remnants of an archaic and d i s c r e d i t e d r h e t o r i c . " p. 104. However, this archaic r h e t o r i c was to undergo a dramatic r e v i t a l i z a t i o n under the i d e o l o g i c a l thrust of technological 1iberalism. 62 Baker, p.156 51 States.63 These statements r e f l e c t the a n t i - n a t i o n a l i s t bias of the American counter-insurgency campaign i n the Third World. The a n t i - n a t i o n a l i s t bias was also geared to meet the challenge of the Quebec Quiet Revolution, wherein a growing Quebecois middle class was faced with the choice of federalism or separatism. A l i t t l e irony would seem to exi s t with the promotion of anti-nationalism at an exh i b i t i o n meant to celebrate Canadian nationhood, but thi s apparent paradox was deliberate. It was, in fact, a natural outgrowth of the opposition to Russian-supported wars of l i b e r a t i o n in the Third World in favour of an American policy of promoting national independence and international interdependence. The influence of American thought through the l i n k to MIT had a dual id e o l o g i c a l and organizational impact on Expo 67, as Jeremy Baker summarizes: . . .The Montebello report had an " i n s p i r a t i o n a l 1 e f f e c t on those at Expo. The executives who were taken from the ordinary world of the army, diplomacy, business, suddenly found themselves trying to discuss the most important problems of the twentieth century. Secondly, Montebello gave Expo a group philosophy which permeated a l l l e v e l s of the staff.64 63 Stewart Ewen summarizes the strategy as follows: Within business thinking, then, i t appeared necessary to eradicate the productive process from the ideology that surrounded the products. In ads, the commodities of i n d u s t r i a l society were presented as means of circumventing the i l l s of i n d u s t r i a l society. The r e a l i t y of l i f e within the factory only tended to cast aspersions on the visions on the visions of happiness projected i n consumer ideology, and i t was an essential p r i n c i p l e of commercial propaganda that this depiction of t h i s r e a l i t y be avoided at a l l costs, (p. 78) 64 Baker, p.156 52 As a r e s u l t of these twin factors. Expo 67's planning and development was innoculated against the p o s s i b i l i t y of repeating the mistakes of Damascus and Brussels and would further avoid making the same mistakes as New York i n 1964. It i s intere s t i n g to note that r i g h t from i t s inception. Expo 67 was already influenced by new strategies being designed i n the United States to wage the Cold War more e f f e c t i v e l y . In i t s most overt expression, America's new ex h i b i t i o n strategy was to be displayed i n the se l e c t i o n of Buckminster F u l l e r ' s Geodesic Dome concept to house the American exhibits. The USIA, under di r e c t o r Leonard H. Marks, approached F u l l e r i n 1964 to ask him to consider designing the American pavilion.65 The dome concept had always functioned at world's f a i r s as the epitome of the l a t e s t technological advancement. However, unlike the Perisphere at New York i n 1939,, for example. F u l l e r ' s Geodesic Dome had s i g n i f i c a n t i d e o l o g i c a l implications for America's s e l f -representation at Expo 67. F u l l e r , as a humanist and an i n t e l l e c t u a l , approached the problem of America's image with an intention similar to that of the USIA. As F u l l e r stated in his Prospects for Humanity; I told the United States Information Agency i n 1964 that by 1967 the regard of the rest of the world for the United States would be at i t s lowest ebb i n many d e c a d e s — i f not i n the to t a l two centuries of the USA's existence. Since each country's world's f a i r 65 R. Buckminster F u l l e r , "Prospects for Humanity," i n James E. Gunn, Man and the Future (University of Kansas Press, 1968), p.165 53 exhibit would be well-published a l l around Earth, I f e l t i t would be very important the the United States do something that would tend to regain the spontaneous admiration and confidence of the whole world. This could be done by inaugurating at Expo 67 a computerized exploration for the most unive r s a l l y creative and economically sound internal and external USA policy formulation.66 F u l l e r ' s Geodesic Dome, combined with the theme of "Creative America," provided the new American image to counter the negative one that was becoming increasingly prevalent throughout the world due i n part to the Vietnam War, r i o t s i n American c i t i e s r e s u l t i n g from r a c i a l c o n f l i c t s and America's p r o - c a p i t a l i s t image. The decisive impact of F u l l e r ' s Dome at Expo 67 lay i n i t s i m p l i c i t humanism refracted through a structure promoting technical v i r t u o s i t y but not at the expense of i t s human component. The impression was created by emphasizing the a r c h i t e c t u r a l aspect of the p a v i l i o n and downplaying the internal displays, de-emphasizing t r a d i t i o n a l promotion of technology or propagandizing through the exhibits. The pa v i l i o n cost 9.3 m i l l i o n d o l l a r s , but this sum was heavily weighted toward financing the twenty storey high and 250 foot diameter Geodesic Dome67 (figure 2.). By the time the construction of the Dome was completed less that a m i l l i o n d o l l a r s remained for actual display purposes. The message of the American p a v i l i o n was to r e l y s i g n i f i c a n t l y on the design and structure of the archtitecture as opposed to 66 F u l l e r , p.167 67 Architectural Forum 124(1966), p.76 internal displays, which even though with limited resources was able to mesh e f f e c t i v e l y with the ov e r a l l concept. The Dome was composed of 1900 transparent a c r y l i c pads each with a green bronze t i n t that graduated the amount of l i g h t entering the Dome from 93% at the top down to 45% at the base. Despite i t s dimensions, the actual weight of the Dome was only 600 tons. In other words, the Dome u t i l i z e d about four ounces of material to enclose each cubic foot of space.68 This construction process was an important departure from previous dome architecture. The c l a s s i c example. New York's Perisphere, was an opaque monolith, overpowering and threatening, housing inside i t "Democracity," which was i n v i s i b l e u n t i l spectators a c t u a l l entered the dome i t s e l f . The external form and internal function were two very separate e n t i t i e s that operated independently of one another. In marked contrast, the translucent q u a l i t i e s of the Geodesic Dome, i t s lightweight construction and appearance, a l l contributed to a positi v e response from fairgoers and, importantly, made i t e a s i l y recognizable to mil l i o n s of t e l e v i s i o n viewers around the world. Complementing th i s exterior was an i n t e r i o r display designed by the Cambridge Seven Associates under the auspices of the USIA, focusing on the theme of "Creative America" (figure 3.). As l i g h t and pla y f u l as the Dome i t s e l f , the i n t e r i o r e x h i b i t i o n was displayed on seven 68 Architectural Forum, p.75 55 l e v e l s connected by several escalators. Here, the image of America that was promoted was, to a l l appearances, a de-escalation i n Cold War r h e t o r i c . With the exception of the stereotypical space exh i b i t of an Apollo capsule, l i t t l e remained of t r a d i t i o n a l American e x h i b i t i o n p o l i c y . None of the t r a d i t i o n a l United States' exhibits u t i l i z i n g charts, graphs, or working models appeared. Instead, exhibits included wooden ducks, old e l e c t i o n posters, "Raggedy Ann" d o l l s , cherry p i t t e r s , apple peelers, movie star blow ups. Written messages were lim i t e d to less than f i f t y words. The emphasis, as a spokesman for one of the designers states, was on the idea that people go to expositions mainly for entertainment.69 Ivan Chermayeff, one of the Cambridge Seven Associates, commented that with the oblolescence of the t r a d i t i o n a l f a i r concept didacticism could be thrown aside i n favour of a lighthearted America70: "There i s no one thing we are trying to get across," Chermayeff said."We t r i e d to make an exhibit that has to do with aspects of America. Some of what we have i s corny, some bea u t i f u l , some worthy. But everything we put i n there i s , I think, good."71 The p l a y f u l i n t e r a c t i o n of exterior and i n t e r i o r was not only for entertainment purposes, but as F u l l e r stated: "The p a v i l i o n can be regarded as a prototypical 'environment 69 US News and World Report, 22 May 1967, p.96 70 Reporter, February 9, 1967 p. 37. 71 Reporter, p. 40. 56 valve' [which] w i l l enclose s u f f i c i e n t space for whole communities to l i v e i n a benign physical microcosm."72 The absence of overt signs of c a p i t a l i s t self-promotion and the innovative features of transparency and i n t e r a c t i n g i n t e r i o r and exterior r e f l e c t a strategy of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l design that had i t s o r i g i n s i n Baron Haussman's redesigning of Paris, a strategy which Timothy J. Clark characterizes as the " p o l i t i c s of i n v i s i b i l i t y , i t s e l f an important (though double-edged) factor in s o c i a l control."73 Clark further adds that the p o l i t i c s of i n v i s i b i l i t y i s a c r u c i a l aspect of the society of the "spectacle."74 Clark's observation i s p a r t i c u l a r l y relevant i n the l i g h t of the new "urbanism' of the Action I n t e l l e c t u a l s . With th i s reasoning in mind Lewis Mumford captures the essence of F u l l e r ' s Geodesic Dome when he states i n his book The Cl t v i n  History, that the "dematerialization or etherealization"75 72 Architectural Forum, p. 75 73 Timothy J. Clark, The Painting of Modern L i f e , (Alfred A. Knopf: New York, 1985) p. 276-7 74 Clark summarizes the concept of the "spectacle" in the following way: It points to a massive internal extension of the c a p i t a l i s t market—the invasion and restructuring of whole areas of free time, private l i f e , l e i s u r e , and personal expression which had been l e f t , i n the f i r s t push to constitute an urban p r o l e t a r i a t , r e l a t i v e l y uncontrolled. It indicates a new phase of commodity production—the marketing, the making-into-commodities, of whole areas of s o c i a l practice which had once been referred to casually as everyday l i f e . (p. 9) 75 Lewis Mumford, The City i n History, (Harcourt, Brace and World: New York, 1961) p. 563. 57 of the modern urban space was leading toward the concept of the I n v i s i b l e C i t y. Mumford goes on to describe the future I n v i s i b l e City i n terms p a r t i c u l a r l y appropriate for a ' p o l i t i c s of i n v i s i b i l i t y ' c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the t r a n s i t i o n from 'signs to sign a l s ' occurring i n the t h i r d stage of c a p i t a l i s t development and r e f l e c t e d i n the ideology of Buckminster F u l l e r ' s dome: This i s i t s e l f an expression of the fact that the new world i n which we have begun to l i v e i s not merely open on the surface, far beyond the v i s i b l e horizon, but also open i n t e r n a l l y , penetrated by i n v i s i b l e rays and emanations, responding to sti m u l i and forces beyond the threshold of ordinary observation.76 Thus, the Dome stands as a symbol of a cont r o l l e d environment which echoes the ideas of the Action I n t e l l e c t u a l s , who emphasized the technological control of nature under the banner of a l i b e r a l technological humanism.77 However, the actual inhumanity of t h i s strategy, in terms of making the urban environment a s t e r i l i z e d space 76 Mumford, p. 563. 77 The Orwellian implications of t h i s view of future human development take on even more ominous tones i n the writings of l i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s when they project their visions of a future society of man and his world as the following passage indicates: The changes which are taking place now w i l l end i n a completely new system of l i f e i n form and w i l l lead us from c i v i l i z a t i o n to ecumenization. Human settlements w i l l have a completely new physical structure, a to t a l global system of linked u n i t i e s of every si z e . C.A. Dioxiadis and J.G. Popaioannou, Ecumenooolis: The  Inevitable City of the Future (W.W. Morton: New York, 1974) See also Ihab Hassan, "Toward a Transhumanized Earth: Imagination, Science, and Future," i n The Georgia Review. 32 no.4 Winter 1978-9. devoid of their troublesome human elements i s demonstrated by Marshall McCluhan writing i n an a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d , "Technology and Environment", "The future of the c i t y may be very much l i k e a world's f a i r — a place to show o f f new technology—not a place of work or residence whatever."78 Nonetheless, the effectiveness of the USIA's "white propaganda" campaign i s expressed by the journal Architectural Record i n an a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "Expo 67—A B r i l l i a n t l y Ordered World": Understandably, i t confounds those who expect to see only quantitative boasts of i n d u s t r i a l strength, m i l i t a r y power, s c i e n t i f i c progress, and c u l t u r a l ascendance.79 The pavilions of the United States and the Soviet Union faced each other, on their respective islands of l i e Ste. Helene and l i e Notre Dame, connected by a small foot bridge c a l l e d the Cosmos Walk or, as i t was more appropriately nicknamed, "The Hot Line' (figure 1.). Having experienced considerable success with their e x h i b i t i o n policy at world's f a i r s i n the l a t e 1950's, the Soviet Union sought to repeat i t s success at Expo 67 using i t s w e l l - t r i e d formula. The major exception was the elimination of some hardline propaganda i n sculptures and posters; such hardline t a c t i c s were a product of the S t a l i n i s t era and were deemed inappropriate for a North American propaganda e f f o r t . 78 Marshall McCluhan, "Technology and Environment" i n artscanada, February, 1967. p. 7. 79 "Expo 67—A B r i l l i a n t l y Ordered World," The Architectural Record 142(1967), p.119 59 The Russian p a v i l i o n (figure 4.) was financed at a cost of 15 m i l l i o n d o l l a r s , making i t the second most expensive behind the host Canadian showcase. Rectangular i n shape with a gently r i s i n g curved roof, the structure u t i l i z e d glass walls to r e l i e v e the oppressiveness of the structure's scale. Designed by the F i a t corporation, the parts were actually prefabricated i n I t a l y and b u i l t with I t a l i a n labour. The p a v i l i o n housed t r a d i t i o n a l Soviet displays of high technology and i n d u s t r i a l progress (figure 5.). With approximately equal a l l o c a t i o n of resources to both structure and exh i b i t s , the Soviet p a v i l i o n was immeldiately overpowered by the physical size and presence of the Geodesic Dome while the Soviet exhibits, lacking the c r u c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between i n t e r i o r and exterior display, were e a s i l y outclassed by the conceptually superior American p a v i l i o n . The exhibits of s c i e n t i f i c and i n d u s t r i a l progress were jammed together i n a confusing jumble of gadgets while the fairgoer was confronted with a bas r e l i e f of Lenin's head, consumer goods, and a fashion show, which was an unparalleled success. The success of the fashion show at the Soviet p a v i l i o n i s i r o n i c indeed,1 considering the charges of "effeteness" and "decadence" l e v e l l e d at the American exhibit i n Brussels, 1958, for a sim i l a r and equally successful fashion display. Adding i n s u l t to injury, the US News and World Report described the Russian 60 exhibit as being exactly the kind of thing Americans had done at international f a i r s ten years earlier.80 The symbolic victory of the United States p a v i l i o n over the Russian was summarized by Canadian j o u r n a l i s t Pierre Berton i n the following way: After the impressive oppressiveness of the USSR's phalanxes of machinery, I found i t [the US p a v i l l i o n ] an unexpected delight. I mean, one expects places l i k e Jamaica and Trinidad to be gay and fr i v o l o u s : but the United States? The Russians are s e l l i n g awfully hard at Expo: the Americans by relaxing make their own subtle point.81 American success with Buckminster F u l l e r ' s Dome was not the only aspect of the success of American Cold War strategy at the f a i r . The re a l s i g n i f i c a n c e of the American success was the meshing of the ideology of F u l l e r ' s p a v i l i o n , symbolizing the ' i n v i s i b l e c i t y ' , with the ov e r a l l concept of Expo, creating a ' t o t a l ' environment under the theme "Man and His World." Even though the Geodesic Dome was only a national p a v i l i o n , i t successfully functioned as a surrogate f a i r symbol, an embodiment of the meaning of the f a i r . Like F u l l e r ' s Dome, the f a i r was conceived as a symbol of man's control of the environment through technology. The one thousand acre s i t e of Expo 67 was composed of two islands and a peninsula, with most of the exhibits contained on the islands. Located i n the St. Lawrence River across from Montreal, the islands were either created or enhanced by the addition of 15 m i l l i o n tons of l a n d f i l l . 80 US News and World Report. 22 May 1967, p.96 81 Quoted i n Maclean's. June 1967, p.143 61 A complex web of transportation systems and communications t i e d the f a i r to the c i t y , hastening i t s urban redevelopment and emphasizing the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of urban renewal through the means of technology. These transportation systems, ranging from subways to moving sidewalks, created a hierarchy of human c i r c u l a t i o n that contributed to an o v e r a l l sense of unity on the fairground i t s e l f . By c a r e f u l l y c o n t r o l l i n g the environment of the fairground through landscaping, waterways, mass t r a n s i t , and a consistent p o l i c y i n the design of minor items such as benches or t i c k e t kiosks. Expo 67 created a technological t o t a l i t y on the s i t e unequalled by any previous world's f a i r . With sixty-two p a r t i c i p a t i n g nations, the theme "Man and His World" flourished, appearing to provide a peaceful forum for the gathering of humanity while not overtly promoting any one system or set of national interests. However, 1200 Canadian corporations alone participated and the international corporate business presence was strongly f e l t at the f a i r . Nonetheless, unlike the New York f a i r of 1964, the massive business presence was camouflaged and downplayed by the presence of national p a v i l i o n s . The unity of Expo was contrived i n such a way as to promote the appearance of the independance of nations while in d i c a t i n g the inter-relatedness of a l l "Man' i n i t s theme. Promoting the decentralized appearance of the f a i r meant the omission of a central symbolic structure, as Donald Theall notes: 62 "Expo has no single symbol, but i s i t s e l f a symbol as a to t a l environment, a work of art."82 The Canadian p a v i l i o n (figure 6.) act u a l l y aided to s o l i d i f y the American strategy of asserting Cold War supremacy over the Soviet Union. By presenting an image of national purpose u n i f i e d under the aegis of technology and modernization, Canada made i t s own importand contribution to the f a i r ' s o v e r a l l ideology. The Canadian p a v i l i o n was dominated by an inverted pyramid nine s t o r i e s high and e n t i t l e d "Katimavik,' the Inuit word for meeting place. Behind the main ex h i b i t i o n (figure 7.) space were a series of timber and canvas-covered spaces providing room for a two-part display programme, one focusing on the exhibit and the other an entertainment. The exhibits presented a reassuring s o c i a l image of the benefits of technology and expertise. The formal arts were presented i n a 500 seat theatre as well as i n a separate e x h i b i t i o n area for a display of contemporary painting i n Canada [see Chapter 33. Popular culture was apparent throughout the p a v i l i o n although the climax of popular culture displays was "Uki,' a sea monster which would r i s e up and belch flames, and which threatened at one point to incinerate the Trans-Canadian Canoe pageant.83 82 Donald Theall, "Expo 67: A Unique Art Form," ArtsCanada, A p r i l 1967, p.3 83 Newsweek, 1 May 1967, p.51 63 The central thrust of the Canadian p a v i l i o n was a desire to influence public attitudes i n three major exhibits. F i r s t , an exhibit of natural resources was designed to demonstrate Canada's evolution from a nation of 'hewers of wood and drawers of water' to a modern i n d u s t r i a l i z e d state. Displays of transportation and communications demonstrated Canada's intimate r e l a t i o n s h i p with and reliance upon technology for i t s very existence. Second, the 'Changing Times' display emphasized l e i s u r e a c t i v i t i e s that modernization could provide. Third, the 'Interdependence of Canada i n the World' display exemplified Canada's role as a model of a mature independent nation state i n an interdependent world. These three exhibits helped Canada provide a concrete r e a l i z a t i o n of the American programme of modernization which was being promoted around the world by the USIA. The image of Canada as a successful model of technological l i b e r a l i s m was a c r u c i a l aspect of the n e u t r a l i z a t i o n of the Soviet Union's national wars of l i b e r a t i o n . The collaboration of Canadian and American e f f o r t s i n t h i s i d e o l o g i c a l struggle was possible i n part due to the d r i v i n g need to English Canada to defuse the Quebec separatists (see Chapter Two) i n much the same way that America was trying to cope with Third World nationalism. The p a r a l l e l s of the new Canadian l i b e r a l i s m with American Cold War strategy were outlined by seven French 64 Canadian i n t e l l e c t u a l s (including Pierre Trudeau) writing i n Cite Libre: The most v a l i d trends today are toward more enlightened humanism, towards various forms of p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l and economic universalism. Canada i s a reproduction on a smaller and simpler scale of thi s universal phenomenon. The challenge i s for a number of ethnic groups to l i v e together. It i s a modern challenge, meaningful and ind i c a t i v e of what can be expected of man. If Canadians cannot make a success of a country such as t h e i r s , how can they contribute i n any way to the elaboration of humanism,to the formulation of the international structures of tomorrow? To confess one's i n a b i l i t y to make Canadian Confederation work i s , at thi s stage of history, to admit one's unworthiness to contribute to the universal order.84 The success of Canada i n contributing to the universal humanist order i s the success of Expo 67, and consequently the f u l f i l l m e n t on t h i s l e v e l of pr e c i s e l y the objectives of Cold War i n t e l l e c t u a l s i n the early 1960's. As an ex-colony of France and Great B r i t a i n , Canada reassured the Third World of the pos i t i v e aspects of modernization as conceived by the new American l i b e r a l i s m , while maintaining Canada's independence of action within the American Empire. It projected an image d i r e c t l y contradictory to h i s t o r i c a l r e a l i t y . Ultimately, the values of technological l i b e r a l i s m which were the moving force of the American and Canadian pavilions permeate the t o t a l i t y of the f a i r i t s e l f . The spectacle of Expo 67 was promoted through the vast range of c u l t u r a l expressions and the str a t e g i c use of media and 84 Quoted i n George Grant, Lament for a Nation (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1965), p.84 65 t r a n s i t systems. Art, science, and entertainment formed a u n i f i e d front of images and sensations which were intended to promote and perpetuate the i m p l i c i t consumerist values of the fair.85 The role of media i n terms of science, a r t , and technology becomes, in e f f e c t , a " b l i t z i n g of the mind," which " i s b a s i c a l l y a softening up operation which can become a basic part of the education process. The mind b l i t z e d i s a mind burst open."86 A similar observation was made by Father John M. Culkin, Director of the Center for Communications at Fordham University where Marshall McCluhan was teaching in 1967, who found that "students who are t o t a l l y engaged by movies are open-minded and t o t a l l y a l e r t 85 Two exhibits which symbolize the nexus of t h i s s t r a t e g i c a l l i a n c e are the Gyrotron and The Labyrinth. The Gyrotron was a ride wherein the spectator was hurtled through space and through a volcano inside which he encountered various monsters. The Labyrinth was a National Film Board presentation of Northrop Frye asnd the s o c i o l o g i s t Fernand Cadieux r e f l e c t i n g on the nature of man's perception. I t i s a t o t a l l y software presentation; there are no walls, no c e i l i n g — t h e whole environment can be manipulated. Donald Theall noted: Labyrinth becomes a large mirror of Gyrotron. With greater depth and complexity. Labyrinth also provides a maze, a monster, a hero, and a quest. Consequently, the art of Expo i t s e l f i s the way in which i t allows the comic book, world of Gyrotron th interact with the comic epic insight of Labyrinth. (p. 3) The a l l i a n c e of a r t and science reached the height of absurdity when the thematic p a v i l l i o n "Man in the Community1 displayed a variety of pop-op exhibits, including a Venus de Milo with moving mechanical arms. 86 Quoted i n L i f e . 7 July 1967, p. 28. 66 for i n t e l l e c t u a l combat. Apathy, not s t u p i d i t y , has been the enemy of our time."87 Various mixed media were displayed at every p a v i l i o n of Expo, bombarding, b l i t z i n g , the fairgoer. No longer a passive observer of the revolving Nash of 1939, the 1967 fairgoer became a victim of the media and i t s values. The preparation for i n t e l l e c t u a l combat i s one of the ways i n which "the system succeeds i n getting people to participate."88 Jean B a u d r i l l a r d states: [By presenting] the eternal humanist mataphor: the more signs there are, the more messages and information there are, the more one communicates—the better i t i s . Having revealed to the advent of sign value and i t s i n d e f i n i t e extension on the basis of r a t i o n a l productivity, he sees i n i t , without h e s i t a t i o n , an absolute progress for humanity. I t i s an analogous reaction to that which sees the i n d u s t r i a l upsurge more or less i n the long run as abundance and happiness for a l l . This was the nineteenth century i l l u s i o n with respect to material production. In the twentieth century, i t takes o f f again with even more strength i n sign a c t i v i t y . Now we have cybernetic idealism, b l i n d f a i t h i n r a d i a t i n g information, mystique of information services and the media.89 Media and transportation also helped to form a view of the ' i n v i s i b l e ' modern c i t y that appealed to the middle 87 L i f e . 7 July 1967, p. 28. 88 Jean B a u d r i l l a r d , For §. Critique of the P o l i t i c a l Economy of the Sign (St. Louis: Telos Press, 1981), p. 20. The Architectural Review of August, 1967 also noted i n regards to this point: "The fun l i f e has merged into the education system, and i t i s perhaps the influence of Expo that the medium has suddenly developed along d i d a c t i c l i n e s . To see Montrealers queuing up to learn about public health in Tehran at 9 o'clock on a Saturday night i s to r e a l i z e the potentials of the new methods. I t makes you revise your ideas about entertainment." (p. 153) 89 B a u d r i l l a r d , p. 199. 67 class i n i t s war against the urban lower c l a s s , a war that Daniel Moynihan of MIT had deemed esse n t i a l i n c o n t r o l l i n g class c o n f l i c t . Expo offered the image of the modern c i t y purged of i t s urban decay and the v i s i b l e signs of the productive process, as well as of the troublemaking lower classes. The success of th i s new urban " t o t a l i t y 1 i s r e f l e c t e d by Jeremy Baker when he lauds the new urban concept presented by Expo 67: In a normal c i t y there i s no one on the side of "us. 1 At Expo, the ultimate authority i s concerned with "our 1 environment. Total environment presupposes a " t o t a l ' system.90 Since the 1851 London World's F a i r , international exhibitions have r e f l e c t e d a desire to promote c u l t u r a l values that could absorb and negate the ongoing class upheavals of the nineteenth century which constantly threatened the class order of Europe. The role of humanism becomes an ideo l o g i c a l adjunct to the instrumentalizing of world's f a i r s for th i s p o l i t i c a l r o l e , e s p e c i a l l y i n f u l f i l l i n g the ideological imperatives of the USIA and the Action I n t e l l e c t u a l s . The a l l i a n c e of a r t , science, and industry over the course of the history of world's f a i r s enables the class rule of the bougeois to be perpetuated, perhaps i n d e f i n i t e l y , into the future. "The bourgeois class has precisely b u i l t i t s power on technical, s c i e n t i f i c progress, on an unlimited transformation of nature. Bourgeois ideology yi e l d s i n return an unchangeable 90 Baker, p. 154. world."91 Expo 67 therefore provides "the basic idea of a perfectable, mobile world [which] produces the inverted image of an unchanging humanity, characterized by an i n d e f i n i t e r e p e t i t i o n of i t s identity."92 91 Barthes, p. 141. 92 Barthes, p. 142. On thi s point, Herbert Marcuse states i n One Dimensional Man (Boston: Beacon Press, 1969): The productive apparatus and the goods and services which i t produces,"sell' or impose the s o c i a l system as a whole. The means of mass transportation and comunicating the commodities of lodging, food, and clothing, the i r r e s i s t a b l e output of the entertainment and information industry carry with them prescribed attitudes and habits, c e r t a i n i n t e l l e c t u a l and emotional reactions, which bind the consumer more or less pleasantly to the producers and, through the l a t t e r , to the whole. The products indoctrinate and manipulate: they promote a false consciousness which i s immune against i t s falsehood. And as these b e n e f i c i a l products become available to more individuals i n more s o c i a l classes, the indoctrination they carry ceases to be p u b l i c i t y ; i t becomes a way of l i f e . " (pp. 11-12). 69 CHAPTER 2 Celebration on the Edge of the Empire ...By h i s t o r i c a l accident, Canada has found i t s e l f approximately 75 years ahead of the r e s t of the world in the formation of a multi-national state and I happen to believe that the hope of mankind l i e s i n multinational ism... Pierre E l l i o t Trudeau The development of "technological l i b e r a l i s m , " which was the i d e o l o g i c a l correlate of the new ' s i g n a l l i n g ' system of multi-national capitalism arose i n part from the p a r t i c u l a r nature of the United States-Canadian r e l a t i o n s h i p in the post war period. Canadian s o c i a l , economic and c u l t u r a l modernization became accelerated with the d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of the B r i t i s h Empire and the growing dominance of the United States i n a l l sectors of Canadian society but i n p a r t i c u l a r through the mass media and advertising. The Cold War accelerated the growing dependency of Canada within the American sphere of influence and i t s rapid t r a n s i t i o n from a staple based economy to a highly modern technologized society. This complex r e l a t i o n s h i p was to evolve into the ultimate expression of the potential for the cybernization of the modern world. This chapter w i l l examine the United States-Canadian r e l a t i o n s h i p i n the period 1945-1967 and how i n p o l i t i c s and economics as i n culture Canada was torn between the pursuit of nationalism, and the myth of a national i d e n t i t y , and internationalism. 70 with i t s attendant myths of humanity and the brotherhood of man as r e f l e c t e d i n the ideology of "Man and His World.* Canada's role as the foremost exponent of "technological l i b e r a l i s m " became the dominant path and reached i t s apogee with the e l e c t i o n of Pierre Trudeau and the slogan "Trudeaumania' which, the Canadian j o u r n a l i s t Richard Gwyn argues, r e a l l y could have been interpreted as "Canadamania.•1 US-Canadian Relations. 1945-1957 The si g n i f i c a n c e of the Cold War i n the development of Canadian society cannot be underestimated. As Canadian h i s t o r i a n M. P a t r i c i a Marchak notes, the Cold War was probably "the single most important event i n Canadian history."2 In the post-war period, Canadian apprehensions of Soviet aggression appear i n popular magazines as early as 1946. In a 1946 a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "Marked for Soviet Conquest," The Financial Post, for example, stated: Russia i s on the move. The overthrow of capitalism i s her declared objective. Canada stands between Russia and the l a s t great c i t a d e l of capitalism. Canada i s economically very vulnerable. Canada stands i n great need of becoming a l e r t to dangers which l i e i n her path.3 This perception of the Soviet threat was to be a c r u c i a l factor i n determining Canada's various p o l i c y objectives, both foreign and domestic. Even i n the c u l t u r a l 1 Richard Gywn, The Northern Magus (McClelland and Stewart: 71 sphere, perceptions of a Soviet threat e a s i l y dominated the thoughts of Canadian i n t e l l e c t u a l s , seriously t a i n t i n g attempts to understand the growing sig n i f i c a n c e of American culture i n Canada. This anxiety over the Soviet threat to Canadian culture i s r e f l e c t e d , as p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t P h i l i p Resnick notes, i n the introduction to the 1951 Massey Report on Canadian culture. The Report's writer quotes a passage by George Grant which reads: Unfortunately, just as i n the Western World, we are beginning to understand how deeply our s p i r i t u a l t r a d i t i o n s need guarding, just as we are ready to di v e r t some of our energy from technology for that purpose, our society i s being challenged to defend i t s e l f against a barbaric empire [the Soviet Union] that puts f a i t h i n salv a t i o n by the machine.4 Thus, while apprehensions did e x i s t over American c u l t u r a l penetration i n Canada, t h i s problem had to take a back seat to the more pervasive question of the Cold War. The increasing perception of a Soviet threat to the western world and, as a consequence, Canada's increased reliance on the United States, were reinforced by Canada's growing economic connections with the US. American influence in Canada was legitimated by America's a b i l i t y to "deliver the goods," that i s , by the superior performance of the Canadian economy as a r e s u l t of the American presence. Marchak states: The explanation for [Canadian tolerance of the American presence] appears to be that a very substantial portion of the Canadian population benefitted materially from the Cold War, and that they. 4 Quoted i n Frank H. Underhill, "Notes on the Massey Report," Canadian Forum. August 1951, p.36 72 or their children, were upwardly mobile in an expanding economy; their mobility was e n t i r e l y consistent with a b e l i e f i n achievement, private freedom, and the general goodness of democracy and private enterprise.5 Thus, US-Canadian r e l a t i o n s were impelled by the perception of the Soviet threat, as well as by mutual benefits, to e s t a b l i s h a r e l a t i o n s h i p much closer than the one that had existed before World War Two. An increasingly close US-Canadian re l a t i o n s h i p was further f a c i l i t a t e d by the declining role of Great B r i t a i n ' s metropolitan r e l a t i o n s h i p with Canada. In the immediate post-war period, Canadian foreign p o l i c y tended to follow the B r i t i s h view which, i n b r i e f , perceived the Russian threat to North America as a diversion from the r e a l Soviet objective, Europe. The United States, however, perceived that the technical advances i n warfare made the Soviet Union a threat to North America i t s e l f , rendering Canada c r u c i a l to American defence i n t e r e s t s . U n t i l 1947, the contrary foreign policy interests of the United States and Canada were managed through a policy of "functional theory." This policy attempted to negotiate international problems as a series of "discrete socio-economic problems amenable to pragmatic ' incremental solutions."6 This attempt to r e t a i n an individual voice i n international a f f a i r s was quickly eroded by the rapid expansion i n Cold War h o s t i l i t i e s by 1948. Canada 5 Marchak, p.100 6 Aloysius Balawyder [Ed.], Canadian-Soviet Relations 1939- 1980 (Toronto: Mosaic Press, 1980), p . l 73 consequently became more aligned with American Cold War poli c y , but continually t r i e d to forge policy d i r e c t i v e s that avoided the intensity of the American h o s t i l i t y to the USSR. The implications of the Cold War on Canadian foreign policy were f i r s t examined i n an a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "The US and the Soviet Union: A Study of the P o s s i b i l i t y of War and Some Implications for Canadian Po l i c y " by Escott Re i d . Published on August 20, 1947, the a r t i c l e acknowledged that increased tensions between the United States and the Soviet Union means a decline i n Canadian foreign policy options.7 Reid asserted that a moderate foreign policy would provide the greatest leverage i n terms of Canada's range of decision making: "We should endeavour to follow a course which i s neither that of excessive f l a t t e r y nor of excessive ostracism."8 Reid's report also mentions that the a b i l i t y of American culture to seep into Canada indicated a lack of an indigenous p o l i t i c a l culture on Canada's p a r t — w i t h the implication that an independent Canadian foreign p o l i c y would have d i f f i c u l t i e s j u s t i f y i n g i t s e l f . Between 1947 (with the re-affirmation of the Joint Board on Defense) and 1957 (with the formation of NORAD under the Diefenbaker government), Canada became involved i n 7 Escott Reid, "The US and the Soviet Union: A Study of the P o s s i b i l i t y of War and Some Implications for Canadian Pol i c y , " ( o r i g i n a l l y a Department of External A f f a i r s publication, 20 August 1947) Canadian-Soviet Relations  1939-1980. p.44 8 Reid, p.18 74 a greater and greater series of p o l i t i c a l alignments and allegiances. Constantly trying to balance the overwhelming influence of the United States with m u l t i l a t e r a l a l l i a n c e s such as NATO i n 1949, rather than denying dependence on b i l a t e r a l r e l a t i o n s with the US, implicated Canada in a network of m i l i t a r y a l l i a n c e s that ultimately received their d i r e c t i o n from the requirements of American foreign policy. In 1951, the Department of External A f f a i r s released another report e n t i t l e d "General Limitations on Canadian Foreign P o l i c y " which also took, into consideration the increasing pressures of American economic strength. The extent of American influence "prevented e f f e c t i v e use of economic foreign p o l i c y instruments. . .[Canada] could not r e l y on a subsidiary dominated system for action to support her objectives."9 Therefore, seriously constrained i n the area of foreign p o l i c y d i r e c t i v e s , Canada was forced to walk a path of ever-increasing interdependence.10 The new continental framework into which Canadian foreign p olicy was plugged functioned just as powerfully i n the area of economics. Although for two centuries p r i o r to World War Two, the Canadian economy had rested on a staple 9 "General Limitations on Canadian Foreign P o l i c y , " ( o r i g i n a l l y a Department of External A f f a i r s Publication, November 1951) Canadian-Soviet Relations 1939-1980. p.50 10 The Report also c a r r i e d this warning: "To act contrary to American int e r e s t s . . .would r e s u l t i n r i s k s of losing access to raw materials either because Canada imports d i r e c t l y from the US and/or because i t imports them from countries w i l l a l l o c a t i v e agreements with the US. Thus i n periods of keen competition, Canada must act with care." (pp.4-5) 75 base of furs, f i s h , and lumber, this staple base economy encouraged p o l i t i c a l dependancy on the respective metropolitan powers of France and Great B r i t a i n and encouraged an East-West trade orientation. The economic weakness of Great B r i t a i n after 1945 created a vacuum which the Canadian L i b e r a l government f e l t could be f i l l e d by increased trade with the United States. However, the need to redress a sagging balance of payments was tackled so as to emphasize short term growth at the expense of the sale of natural resources. In 1947, the same year as the Joint Board on Defense agreement was signed by Canada and United States, s i g n i f y i n g continental m i l i t a r y integration, the Canadian economy was also s h i f t i n g to a c o n t i n e n t a l i s t North-South perspective with the signing of the Abbott Plan in November. The Abbott Plan addressed the issue of the drop i n Canada's d o l l a r reserve from $1,250,000,000 at the end of 1946 to 500,000,000 some ten month later.11 Canada obtained a $300 m i l l i o n c r e d i t but, more s i g n i f i c a n t l y , future trade d e f i c i t s would be resolved by the increasing sale of natural resources to American industry.12 As well, the export of natural resources to the United States increased dramatically with the Korean War, further emphasizing continental economic integration. 11 P h i l l i p Resnick, The Land of Cain (Vancouver: New Star Books, 1977), p.76 12 Resnick, p.76 76 A further development i n the 1950*s was the construction of the St. Lawrence Seaway. The Seaway functioned as a gateway for middle American industry to the raw materials bases of Quebec and Ontario. The economic advantages derived from the opening of the Seaway unfortunately masked the additional impetus to North-South trade and the heightening of economic integration. Canada's experience of American resource extraction p a r a l l e l e d the s i t u a t i o n of many Third World countries. In an a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "The Changing Structure of the Canadian Economy," H.G.J. Aitken observed in 1939 that the price of Canadian post-war economic development had been high: The nation that today i s Canada has never been under i t s own destiny; as a s a t e l l i t i c staple-producing economy, i t r e f l e c t e d , and s t i l l r e f l e c t s , i n i t s rate of development, the imperatives of more advanced areas. . .The influence of the United States upon the character of Canadian development i s i n the d i r e c t i o n of perpetuating Canada's t r a d i t i o n a l status as a staple-producing country.13 Canada provided, as i t would l a t e r at Expo 67, a model to the Third World of the benefits such an economic re l a t i o n s h i p would bring. The resource-based economic boom and the additional i n f l u x of American media and technology provided a clear-cut example of the benefits to be derived from economic dependance on the United States and ideological adherence to capitalism. Despite the v u l n e r a b i l i t i e s to world market s h i f t s , increased dependancy 13 H.G.J. Aitken, "The Changing Structure of the Canadian Economy," Modern Canada. Michael Cross [Ed.] (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1984), p.45 77 on the United States, the exporting of processing jobs to the United States, and an economy slow to i n d u s t r i a l i z e because of the staple dependancy, Canada could nonetheless display i t s e l f as a b e n e f i t t i n g partner i n the continental t o t a l i t y . The importance of Canada as an example of a p a r t i c u l a r type of economic r e l a t i o n s h i p i n the post-war period revealed: . . .America's a b i l i t y to procure at w i l l such materials as i t needs, and at a price i t can afford. [This a b i l i t y ] i s one of the keystones of i t s economic power th i s century. The stakes are vast, and i t s capacity to keep int a c t something l i k e the e x i s t i n g integrated but unequal r e l a t i o n s between the poor, weak nations and the US i s v i t a l to the future of i t s mastery of the international economy.14 The extent of the successful integration of Canada and Third World staple producing s o c i e t i e s into the new economic order i s r e f l e c t e d i n the o v e r a l l decline i n the share of developing nations i n world exports from 31.2% i n 1950 to 19.1% i n 1966 15, one year before Expo 67. Canada's passive acceptance of American influence on i t s foreign and domestic po l i c y went unshaken u n t i l 1956. At that time, three major events shook Canadian complacency for a b r i e f moment that ultimately contributed to the r e j e c t i o n of post-war l i b e r a l i s m i n favour of the n a t i o n a l i s t i c platform of John Diefenbaker. These events are the Pipeline Debate, the Norman A f f a i r and the Suez C r i s i s . 14 Gabriel Kolko, The Roots of American Foreign Policy (Boston: Beacon Press, 1969), p.55 15 Kolko, p. 56 78 The Pipeline Debate centred around a proposed o i l pipeline to be constructed from Alberta to Eastern Canada. The route was proposed to be constructed by an American firm, and the consequent debate i n Parliament over the issue was not resolved u n t i l Louis St. Laurent's L i b e r a l government introduced closure to force the Pipeline B i l l through Parliament. The impression that was created was one of a government bowing to accomodate the needs of an American company. Secondly, the Norman A f f a i r involved the suicide of Canadian career diploman Herbert Norman in Cairo, Egypt. Having been involved i n the Communist Party i n the 1930's, Norman was subjected to harassment by an American Senatorial Sub-Committee. Allegations of Communist connections i n r e l a t i o n to his diplomatic post resulted in his suicide. The apparent r e f u s a l of the Canadian government to repudiate the Senate in q u i r i e s again highlighted the lopsided nature of US-Canadian r e l a t i o n s . As A.D.P. Heeney re c o l l e c t e d i n his Memoirs of a Canadian Public Servant: ". . .the senators' a c t i v i t i e s produced a wave of anti-Americanism i n Canada which Pearson told me exceeded anything i n his experience."16 The t h i r d major event which contributed to a growing sense of Canadian nationalism was the Suez C r i s i s . The intervention of Anglo-French troops i n the seizure of the 16 A.D.P. Heeney, The Things That Are Caesar's: Memoirs of a  Canadian Public Servant (Toronto, 1972), p.144 79 Suez Canal was severely c r i t i c i z e d by Lester Pearson, but Canada's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the United Nations' Peacekeeping Force did l i t t l e to disavow the appearance that Canada was ready to do whatever was necessary at the behest of American foreign p o l i c y . These three events shattered, for a b r i e f moment, the faca of continental ism forged by Mackenzie King and the subsequent Prime Minister Louis St. Laurent. The Conservatives under John Diefenbaker exploited these issues and were elected on a n a t i o n a l i s t i c platform. Diefenbaker and the United States The ten years between the e l e c t i o n of John Diefenbaker in 1957 and Expo 67 saw a continual erosion of Canada's national sovereignty despite the growing r e a l i z a t i o n that American and Canadian interests did not always coincide. Immediately after i t s e l e c t i o n , however, the Diefenbaker government was confronted by the same g e o p o l i t i c a l pressures that cajoled Canadian foreign p o l i c y along the l i n e s of American Cold War interests. The North American Air Defense Command (NORAD) agreement, for example, was signed by the Diefenbaker government afte r severe lobbying from the Canadian m i l i t a r y who, along with the American m i l i t a r y , had wanted to nationalize continental defence since 1955. Canadian attempts to es t a b l i s h a separate m i l i t a r y a v i a t i o n industry i n the 1950's also ran afoul of American government inte r e s t s . Cancellation of the Avro Arrow j e t 80 interceptor because of pressure from American interests i n Europe to purchase an American plane resulted i n the Defence Production Sharing Agreement of 1960. This agreement further u n i f i e d the continental defence i n d u s t r i a l complex, but Diefenbaker had no choice i f he were to salvage what was l e f t of the Canadian defence industry. However, two issues in p a r t i c u l a r s i g n i f i e d Diefenbaker's crossing of the l i n e of US interests and set up a chain of events that would topple the Diefenbaker government and stand as examples to a l l Canadian p o l i t i c i a n s of the actual margin of foreign policy freedom they could entertain i n the Cold War. The f i r s t incident was the Bomarc missile c r i s i s which then dovetailed with the 1962 Cuban missile c r i s i s . The Bomarc missiles were b a s i c a l l y anti-bomber defence missiles that required nuclear warheads to be at a l l e f f e c t i v e . Developments i n b a l l i s t i c m issile technology persuaded the Diefenbaker government that the Bomarcs, located on two bases i n eastern Canada, were obsolete and not v i t a l to NORAD. The American government, suspicious of Canadian r e l i a b i l i t y , pushed for acceptance of the nuclear warheads. At t h i s point, the L i b e r a l opposition leader, Lester Pearson, recognized the p o l i t i c a l advantages and reversed his party's policy to f a l l i n l i n e with the American. Yet the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the Bomarcs was revealed i n secret testimony by American Secretary of Defense Robert MacNamara, proving ". . .that one of the purposes of the Bomarc bases in Canada was to a t t r a c t the f i r e of Soviet missiles which 81 would normally be targetted at American locations."17 Diefenbaker reproached Lester Pearson for his support of American po l i c y , for wanting to make Canada "a decoy duck in a nuclear war."18 The 1962 Cuban M i s s i l e C r i s i s represented a deliberate decision by the Diefenbaker government to break with American foreign po l i c y . The placing of Russian Medium Range missiles i n Cuba alarmed the Kennedy Administration to such an extent that a l l of America's western a l l i e s were expected to follow lock step behind American decisions. After viewing American a e r i a l photography of Cuba, Diefenbaker went before the House of Commons and refused the American i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of events u n t i l more evidence was supplied. Canada was the only western a l l y to break with American po l i c y . In his statement to the House of Commons, Diefenbaker argued: What people a l l over the world want tonight and w i l l want i s a f u l l and complete understanding of what i s taking place i n Cuba. . . .The determination of Canadians w i l l be that the United Nations should be charged at the e a r l i e s t moment with t h i s serious problem. . . .As late as a week ago, the USSR contended that i t s a c t i v i t i e s i n Cuba were of an e n t i r e l y defensive nature. . . .The only sure way that the world can be secure of the facts would be through an independent inspection.19 In early 1963, the Kennedy Administration r e t a l i a t e d . The f i r s t blow was the press conference given i n Canada by 17 Lawrence Martin, The Presidents and the Prime Ministers (Toronto: Doubleday, 1982), p.208 18 Martin, p.208 19 Martin, p.199 82 American General Norstad, lambasting Canada's lack of enthusiasm for the western a l l i a n c e and continental defence. Secondly, a press release was issued by the Kennedy Administration, savaging the Diefenbaker government on Canadian defence policy and Canadian attitudes towards the question of nuclear weapons. The Diefenbaker government subsequently l o s t a non-confidence vote over these foreign p o l i c y embarrassments. The deliberate manner i n which the Canadian government was embarrassed was noted by McGeorge Bundy, National Security Advisor, who wrote to Lyndon Johnson: I might add that I myself have been se n s i t i v e to the need for being extra p o l i t e to Canadians ever since George B a l l and I knocked over the Diefenbaker government by one incautious press release.20 John F. Kennedy's attitude was somewhat more d i r e c t . He stated, "I don't think Diefenbaker was a son-of-a-bitch. I thought he was a prick."21 The Diefenbaker episode highlighted Canada's dilemma i n the Cold War. Diefenbaker sought to e s t a b l i s h a more independent foreign p o l i c y that did not jeopardize the west and ac t u a l l y signed Canada into NORAD. However, the geographical implications of i t s proximity to the United States made proclamations about Canadian independence hollow. Aloysius Balawyder summarizes the Canadian p o s i t i o n 20 Martin, p.7 21 Martin, p.210 83 as a r e s u l t of the Diefenbaker experience in the following quotation: If a natural a l l i a n c e o r i e n t a t i o n e x i s t s i n a tight bipolar system, and i f geographical, c u l t u r a l , l i n g u i s t i c , trade, and a l l other t i e s determined this o r i e n t a t i o n , then no change i n government though democratic processes w i l l seriously a f f e c t those underlying magnetic forces, even i f the superpowers were so f o o l i s h as to permit their s a t e l l i t e s to try.22 In 1965, the Canadian philosopher George Grant, r e f l e c t i n g on the demise of the Diefenbaker government, wrote Lament for a Nation. Although p o l i t i c a l l y and p h i l o s o p h i c a l l y a conservative, Grant's lament for Canadian nationalism argues that the only hope for an independent Canadian society was one that would involve abandoning the ideo l o g i c a l imperative of l i b e r a l capitalism and the dynamic impetus of American culture. Seeing i n the defeat of Diefenbaker the death of Canadian aspirations. Grant concludes: The i m p o s s i b i l i t y of conservatism i n our era i s the i m p o s s i b i l i t y of Canada. As Canadians, we attempted a r i d i c u l o u s task i n trying to b u i l d a conservative nation i n the age of progress, on a continent shared with the most dynamic nation on earth. The current of modern history was against us.23 Even i f one disavows Grant's plea for conservatism, one can agree with him on the basis of his perception of a growing continental i s t a l l i a n c e beatween Canadian l i b e r a l i s m and American capitalism. The discussion of US-Canadian re l a t i o n s between 1963 and 1967 w i l l revolve around this 22 Balawyder, p.61 23 George Grant, Lament for a Nation (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1965), p. 68 84 growing philosophical compatibility of Canadian l i b e r a l i s m with American i n t e r e s t s , despite l i p service to Canadian s e l f - i d e n t i t y and the growing challenge to American hegemony in the 1960's presented by the Vietnam War, revolution i n the Third World, and internal domestic dissension. In the 1960's, the foreign policy of John F. Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson sought greater and greater l o y a l t y from Canada as the Cold War entered a new phase with a new strategy. America and "Total Communication" Cr u c i a l to the understanding of the id e o l o g i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e of Expo 67 was the evolution of American Cold War strategy towards media and technology that evolved from the late 1950's onwards. In regards to Canada, this s h i f t manufactured a myth of technological l i b e r a l i s m that would provide the p o l i t i c a l basis for a new Canadian federalism f u l f i l l i n g the hegemonic requirements of American foreign pol i c y . In th i s section, I w i l l b r i e f l y analyse the evolution of the new Cold War strategy i n media and technology and then draw the comparison with the evolution of Canadian l i b e r a l i s m i n the 1960's. The new strategy of id e o l o g i c a l warfare which America was to ex p l o i t i n the 1950's and 60's was expressed i n i t s e a r l i e s t form i n 1947 by Edward Bernays. Writing i n the Annals of the American Academy of P o l i t i c a l and Social  Sciences. Bearnays, a leading public r e l a t i o n s figure, argued: Leaders... of major organized groups, with the aid of technicians... who have speci a l i z e d i n u t i l i z i n g the channels of communications, have been able to ac c o m p l i s h . . . s c i e n t i f i c a l l y what we have termed 'the engineering of consent.'24 Bearnays prophetically lays the foundation for the basis of s o c i a l control in democratic s o c i e t i e s which w i l l be exploited i n the 1950's and which necessitated a more sophisticated approach to 'the engineering of consent' than the simple self-promotion of capitalism. As Noam Chomsky points out the phrase 'engineering of consent' meant for Bearnays: ...quite simply means the app l i c a t i o n of s c i e n t i f i c p r i n c i p l e s and t r i e d practices to the task of getting people to support ideas and programs... The engineering of consent i s the very essence of the democratic process, the freedom to persuade and suggest...A leader frequently cannot wait for the people to arri v e at an even general understanding...democratic leaders must play their part in...engineering...consent to s o c i a l l y constructive goals and values.25 In the late 1950*s, extensive research was done i n America on the re l a t i o n s h i p between mass media and technology. One of the f i r s t texts to discuss these new developments was The Passing of Tradi t i o n a l Society written i n 1958 by David Lerner, former World War Two Chief Editor of the Intelligence Branch of the Psychological Warfare D i v i s i o n of SCHAEF (Supreme Command Headquarters, A l l i e d Expeditionary Force). Lerner's book s p e c i f i c a l l y focuses on the influence of American mass media i n developing Third 24 Quote c i t e d i n Noam Chomsky, Towards a New Cold War (Pantheon Books: New York, 1979) pp. 66-7. 25 Chomsky, pp. 66-7. 86 World s o c i e t i e s . Based on surveys of Egypt, Iran, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, and Turkey, a l l of which were undergoing a s i g n i f i c a n t modernization process, Lerner's book promoted the b e l i e f that the American media was winning the Cold War in these countries with l i t t l e opposition from the Soviet media.26 As Jeremy Tunstall summarizes, Lerner saw a v i t a l but unclear connection between organization, media development, and development generally. Following Lerner's book, s i g n i f i c a n t l y more research was conducted concerning the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the Cold War with Mass Communications. The p o l i t i c a l motivations of these researchers was quite c l e a r , as Lerner reveals, as most of them were Cold Warriors advising Asian governments and American federal agencies.27 In 1964, the pu b l i c a t i o n of Wilbur Schramm's Mass Media  and National Development revealed the requirements that had been made i n terms of the p o l i t i c a l value of mass media. The r e l a t i o n s h i p between economic developments and modern mass media was successfully a r t i c u l a t e d i n Third World countries to such an extent that the book became the "Bible* of UNESCO i n the I960*s.28 Texts such as Lerner's and Schramm's provided much of the ideological foundation for Kennedy's "New Frontier' foreign po l i c y . 26 Jeremy Tunstall, The Media are American (London: Constable, 1977), p.206 27 Tunstall, p.208 28 Tunstall, p.210 87 Leonard G. Benson, in his book National Purpose written in 1963, discusses t h i s new awareness with i t s obvious p o l i t i c a l implications in a chapter e n t i t l e d "Ideology i n Modern Cultural Warfare": Due to technological developments, the modern nation has new ways of administering i t s e l f — w a y s that can be considered among the most s i g n i f i c a n t new ingredients i n international relations.29 The Cold War was continuing into the 1960's, but now a new awareness, a new strategy could be implemented. President John F. Kennedy's adherence to the technological strategy i s demonstrated i n his address at Yale University on June 12, 1962: What i s at stake i n our economic decisions today i s not some grand warfare of r i v a l ideologies which w i l l sweep the country with passion, but the p r a c t i c a l management of a modern economy. What we need are not labels and c l i c h e s , but more basic discussions of the sophisticated and technical questions involved i n keeping a great economic machinery moving ahead.30 Louise Fitzsimmons, i n The Kennedy Doctrine, writes about the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the new strategy, which after 1961 was to take the offensive against revolutionary and n a t i o n a l i s t movements in the Third World, with implications for the growing n a t i o n a l i s t sentiment i n the Canadian province of Quebec and the Canadian government's response to i t . She states: 29 Leonard G. Benson, National Purpose (Washington. DC: Public A f f a i r s Press, 1963), p. 28 30 Quote i n A l v i n W. Gouldner, The D i a l e c t i c of Ideology and  Technology. (Oxford University Press: New York, 1976) p. 250 . 88 America's anti-Communist mission was to be strengthened by the benefits of advanced technology and j u s t i f i e d by our moral purpose. We now had the capacity and we could therefore develop the means—as well as the w i l l — t o a f f e c t s i g n i f i c a n t l y the course of events around the world, and, i n e f f e c t , reshape the  world in our image.31 Kennedy's counter-insurgency programme was able to take advantage of America's dominance of media and technology i n order to manipulate not only p o l i t i c a l outcomes but the economic, c u l t u r a l , and s o c i a l development of the Third World as well. Walt Rostow, a counter-revolutionary t h e o r i s t , i n an address to the graduating class of Green Berets at the US Army Special Weapons School i n 1961, made the connection between the development of the Third World and American interests through technology, a c r u c i a l development i n the new Cold War doctrine: Power i s moving from the s o c i a l hierarchy to those who command the tools of modern technology. The American purpose i s to create t r u l y independent nations, each of which must be permitted the kind of society i t wants. We believe that i f independence can be maintained, these nations w i l l choose their own inter p r e t a t i o n of the open society, of democracy. We seek nations that w i l l stand up and maintain their independence, and which w i l l move toward human freedom and p o l i t i c a l democracy i n our time. We seek to protect the independence of the revolutionary process; communism does not. Rather, i t seeks to subvert i t . The Communists are by the nature of th e i r system driven to v i o l a t e the independence of states while we, by the nature of ours, are moved to support the course of national independence.32 31 Louise Fitzsimmons, The Kennedy Doctrine (New York: Random House, 1972), p. 8 32 Quoted i n Fitzsimmons, p.175 89 Rostow's speech a r t i c u l a t e s the major aspects of American foreign policy i n the 1960's. Independence was to be encouraged, yet, as we have seen and w i l l see i n Canada's case, t h i s d e f i n i t i o n of independence i s e n t i r e l y American in tone and substance. As the Diefenbaker era revealed, attempts to cross that l i n e between Canadian interests and American foreign p o l i c y interests led to humiliation and the ultimate defeat of a democratically elected government through an unabashed use of the pressure of the United States government. The "spearhead of modernity' which Rostow at t r i b u t e s to America by his defence of the revolutionary process w i l l become f u l l y r e a l i z e d i n the Canadian experience. Canada, and Expo 67, were to show thi s new strategy i n i t s f u l l functioning. The r h e t o r i c of independence and the momentary success in defusing Quebec nationalism combined with the consumer benefits of high technology were to be expressed as never before at Expo with Canada the prime example of the new objectives of American Cold War strategy i n the 1960's. In his book The Propaganda Gap. Walter Joyce refers to the new a l l i a n c e of media, technology, and American foreign policy as "Total Communication."33 Total Communication would be expressed at Expo 67, not only i n the Buckminster F u l l e r designed Geodesic Dome, but i n the t o t a l layout of the fairgrounds as well. Thus, Expo had no single symbol, as Douglas Theall observed i n artscanada in 1967: T r a d i t i o n a l l y , international expositions have created symbols, such as the Crystal Palace or the E i f f e l Tower, which are visions of the future. Expo has no single symbol, but i s i t s e l f a symbol as a t o t a l environment, a work of a r t . I f there i s a key to the labyrinth of Expo i t s e l f , i t i s Man in the Community.34 The successful a p p l i c a t i o n of technology and media as ' t o t a l communication* — and instrument of American foreign 33 Walter Joyce, The Propaganda Gap (New York: Harper and Row, 1963) In The Propaganda Gap (p.73), Joyce summarizes US objectives in the following way: 1) Convince the world that the wave of the future i s represented by free and democratic s o c i e t i e s , which can provide the greatest economic, s o c i a l , and c u l t u r a l benefits to their members. 2) Convince the world that the US i s v i t a l l y concerned i n helping less developed countries grow economically and s o c i a l l y , so that they w i l l become useful members of the Free World. 3) Beat down the misconceptions that world communism i s inevitable, that our economic system i s geared to e x p l o i t a t i o n , and that the United States i s bent on world domination. 4) Feed the discontent of c i t i z e n s of the Iron Curtain countries with a system that has f a i l e d to l i v e up to i t s promises, that must foment s t r i f e with other countries i f i t s leaders are to maintain control at home, and that denies i t s own c i t i z e n s the basic human right s held sacred i n free nations. 5) Spread the idea that communism i s a disease that must consume i t s e l f . 6) Explain the difference between the USSR and the s a t e l l i t e nations. 34 Donald Theall, "Expo 67: A Unique Art Formm" artscanada, A p r i l 1967, p.3 91 policy — finds no clearer a p p l i c a t i o n than at the end of Theall's a r t i c l e , when he states: The m i n i r a i l weaving i n and out provides a means of becoming v i s u a l l y aware of the interconnecting networks within. In t h i s way, the t o t a l i t y , and not just the parts, become a dynamic process mirroring man--an a r t i s t i c v i s i o n of man's t o t a l potential i n contemporary 1i fe.35 Expo 67 succeeded, therefore, i n promoting the American Cold War e f f o r t while at the same time presenting i t s e l f as an image of benign technological development that contradicted any appearance of propaganda i n the redefining of the world i n America's image. As previously mentioned, Canada, throughout the post war period, t r i e d to fi n d room to maneuver i n the Cold War environment between the United States and the Soviet Union. However, as the new strategy of t o t a l communication began to unfold, Canada found i t s e l f at the forefront as a model of the new propaganda e f f o r t . The acceptance of the new American strategy coincided with the demise of John Diefenbaker's n a t i o n a l i s t i c government and the restructuring of the Li b e r a l party following the 1965 federal e l e c t i o n . The new l i b e r a l i s m that would emerge from th i s period under the leadership of Pierre E l l i o t t Trudeau in 1968 would harmonize Canadian interests with the new American perspective. This was made possible because of the s i m i l a r i t y between Canadian technological l i b e r a l i s m under Trudeau and his understanding of Marchall McCluhan's media 35 Theall, p.3 92 theories, with the new American propaganda strategy, hinging on the concept ot t o t a l communication. US-Canadian Relations. 1963-1967 The re-orienting of Canadian l i b e r a l i s m to the new ideological imperatives of the Cold War began slowly following the federal e l e c t i o n of 1963. Under Lester Pearson, Canada's foreign policy attempted to re- e s t a b l i s h the boundary l i n e of co-operation, over which Diefenbaker had d e l i b e r a t e l y stepped i n the name of Canadian s e l f -determination. Pearson was determined to reach an accomodation with the United States and introduced two major new policy thrusts to correct the damage. The f i r s t was to pursue national interests not by antagonizing America but by "Quiet Diplomacy'; the second was the p r i n c i p l e of "Good A l l i e s . ' Both of these p o l i c i e s promoted Canada's po s i t i o n and stance i n the Cold War as being unquestionable pro-west. The "new happiness' with the d i r e c t i o n of the Canadian government was r e f l e c t e d i n a memo by President Kennedy's advisor, McGeorge Bundy: The advent of a new government i n Canada has naturally s t i r r e d a l l branches of the government to new hope that progress can be made with the most important neighbour on a l l sorts of problems. I t i s the President's wish that these negotiations should be most c a r e f u l l y co-ordinated under his personal direction.36 With a minority government, Pearson was faced with growing internal problems, the tremendous growth in Quebec 36 Quoted i n Martin, p.211 93 nationalism in the 1960's and the divisiveness created externally by the Vietnam War. While Canada was p o l i t i c a l l y , m i l i t a r i l y , and economically moving further into the o r b i t of American p o l i c y , the l i b e r a l government of this era embarked on a programme of national symbols, such as the new Canadian f l a g , new national anthem, and the i n i t i a t i v e for Expo 67 i n order to contradict the internal regionalism threatening national unity as well as to assert Canadian independence i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y , even though the opposite was a c t u a l l y the case. Pearson rejected the nationalism of the New Democratic Party as well as the nationalism of Diefenbaker's Conservatives.37 However, following his f a i l u r e to achieve a majority government i n the 1965 federal e l e c t i o n , the need to rejuvenate Liberalism to cope with internal d i v i s i o n and international pressures was becoming paramount. The day 37 L i b e r a l p o l i c y prior to Trudeau was derived from a Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism which, as James and Robert Laxer observe,"developed the concept of "cooperative federalism," the idea that some p r o v i n c i a l governments would choose to opt out of federal p r o v i n c i a l programs i n favour of their own programs, i f they wished." James and Robert Laxer, The L i b e r a l Idea of Canada (Toronto: James Lorimer and Company, 1971), p. 175. The other p o l i t i c a l parties positions on Quebec are summarized as: The Conservative Party i s torn between two positions, the one-Canada p o s i t i o n of John Diefenbaker with i t s insistance on the i n d i v i s i b i l i t y of Canada, and a p o s i t i o n associated with Robert S t a n f i e l d that was based on the idea that Canada had been created by "two founding peoples. p. 175. The NDP p o s i t i o n revolved around the "two nations" concept and whose spokesman favoured the idea of "special status" for Quebec, the notion that c o n s t i t u t i o n a l reform could be undertaken to provide Quebec with c o n s t i t u t i o n a l quarantees that would allow i t to protect and enhance the developments of i t s francophone culture." p. 175. 94 after the 1965 e l e c t i o n , the largest L i b e r a l newspaper in Canada, The Toronto Daily Star, predicted the demise of Canadian Liberalism: The Liberals may be on the same downhill slope as the B r i t i s h L i b e r a l Party of 40 years ago. It i s e n t i r e l y conceivable i n the next few years that L i b e r a l support may drain away to the New Democrats just as B r i t i s h L i berals l o s t their votes to the Labour Party.38 Yet, between 1965 and the overwhelming e l e c t i o n victory of Trudeau i n 1968, Canadian Liberalism fashioned a workable p o l i t i c a l ideology that found i t s purest expression the technocratic, humanist theme of Expo 67: "Man and His World.• The most important aspect of the r e v i t a l i z e d Liberalism was the need to defuse the appeal of Quebec nationalism. In the 1950's, with the new e x p l o i t a t i o n of Quebec's raw materials and hydroelectric power, the middle class i n Quebec experienced tremendous growth p a r t i c u l a r l y with the changing nature of trade unionism i n the province. Social change was brought about as the c l e r i c a l unionism that had been prevalent within the society was broken by the Asbestos Strike of 1949. P o l i t i c a l change was witnessed a decade la t e r with the overthrow of Maurice Duplessis, as the changing p o l i t i c a l consciousness was r e f l e c t e d i n the voting patterns of the province. The debate concerning French Canadian nationalism was r e v i t a l i z e d as the new i n d u s t r i a l middle class became the 38 Quoted in Cy Gonick, "Right Wing or Left Wing Liberalism?" Canadian Dimension, 3(November 1965), p.58 95 mainstay of contemporary French Canadian nationalism. As James and Robert Laxer point out: The new middle class of technicians, engineers, teachers and government and corporate executives wanted opportunities for themselves and their c h i l d r e n in Quebec. They had become too numerous and too secular to be convinced that they should stand aside and allow their English speaking counterparts to enjoy the best jobs i n Quebec.39 French Canadian nationalism, i n the era of multi-national c a p i t a l , revolves around a continuing h i s t o r i c a l debate, c l a r i f i e d by Michel Brunet's thesis, derived from Lord Durham's concept of two nations at war within a single state. The concept takes root i n the argument of the neo-n a t i o n a l i s t s : As long as t r a d i t i o n a l i s t nationalism i n the form of Maurice Duplessis' Union Nationale held power, a l l the c r i t i c s stood together i n opposition. But once the Duplessis regime was replaced by a reform administration, the former a l l i e s i n opposition discovered that their ultimate objectives had always been d i f f e r e n t . For men l i k e Trudeau, nationalism i t s e l f l i e s at the root of French Canada's problems. Therefore, they find the new nationalism as d e f i c i e n t i n p r i n c i p l e , i f not in practice, as the old. The other school which might be c a l l e d the Rene Levesque school, r e a l l y follows Brunet i n r e j e c t i n g only the t r a d i t i o n a l aspects of nationalism. For them, nationalism i s v a l i d i f brought into conformity with the s o c i a l and economic needs of modern society.40 Michel Brunet postulates that of the three elements which t y p i f i e d French Canadian society: agriculturalism, anti-statism and messianism; the f i r s t i s no longer relevant 39 Laxer, p. 169. 40 Ramsay Cook, Canada and the French Canadian Question (Toronto: Hignell Press, 1966) p. 141. 96 (with only 5.7 per cent of the work force employed i n a g r i c u l t u r e ) , but the other two are fundamental to an understanding of French Canada's future: Brunet holds that the fear of the state prevented French Canadians from making adequate use of their p r o v i n c i a l government the Confederation put i n their hands. Today, when state intervention i s i n so many spheres, they are f i n a l l y beginning to u t i l i z e this instrument. Will they be content to use i t within the confines of the Confederation? The answer w i l l depend on the r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the messianic function. French Canada i s reassessing the missionary role i t has t r a d i t i o n a l l y seen as i t s peculiar charge. If a majority of French Canadians became convinced that their c u l t u r a l interests could be advanced without hindrance only by concentrating on the t e r r i t o r y where French Canadian p o l i t i c a l control i s beyond a doubt, the outlook for Confederation i s dim.41 For Rene Levesque, the dynamics of the new nationalism were "the secret to the new Quebec."42 In 1963, he commented in Le Devoir that nationalism was the self-respect derived from having control over one's own destiny: What i s at stake? The r i g h t to l i v e one's l i f e , to l i v e our l i f e ; the r i g h t of men to l i v e , whether we are weak or powerful; the r i g h t of peoples and nations to l i v e , whether they are large or small.43 According to Levesque, the misunderstanding and domination of French Canada by English Canada were considerable. He pointed to the 1959 Canadian Broadcasting Company's French network s t r i k e , which he f e l t was ignored 41 Edward M. Corbett, Quebec Confronts Canada, (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University, 1967) p. 40. 42 Rene Levesque, Aja. Option for Quebec. (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1968) p. 6. 43 Levesque, p. 8. 97 in r e l a t i o n to the public attention the English network would have gained i n a similar action. He concluded "that Ottawa had l i t t l e understanding of French Canada and even less concern about developments which a f f e c t only French-speaking c i t i e s . " 4 4 His r e f l e c t i o n s concerning current French Canadian society attempt to demonstrate that, because of the fundamental inequities of the e x i s t i n g "unitarism,' or phony federalism, new wrinkles must be added either to e x i s t i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s , or from within the framework of a new state, i n order to accommodate the growing demands of the community. In opposition to Rene Levesque was Pierre E l l i o t t Trudeau, who saw behind the thin veneer of dynamic nationalism a potential n a t i o n a l i s t s o c i a l i s t state, r e s u l t i n g from the h i s t o r i c a l t r a d i t i o n s of Quebec that have imbued i t s people with a deeply-seated mistrust of democracy and individual r i g h t s . In Some Obstacles to Democracy in  Quebec. Trudeau emphasized that the conservative t r a d i t i o n a l i s t role of nationalism i n French Canadian society has not established a foundation wherein democracy and individual r i g h t s would be safeguarded. Instead, he saw a Quebec that has had democratic i n s t i t u t i o n s forced upon i t , to bind the hands of French Canadians. Democratic processes were used to secure an inordinate amount of power for the English Canadians. This power was inordinate because 44 Levesque, p. 34. 98 of the aformentioned c l e r i c a l i s m , a g r i c u l t u r a l i s m and a n t i -statism of the e l i t e classes i n Quebec.45 In 1965, the newly-elected Trudeau, Jean Marchand, and Gerard P e l l e t i e r were summoned to Ottawa by Pearson to es t a b l i s h a strong French Canadian presence i n the federal L i b e r a l Party. The emergence of Trudeau on the Canadian p o l i t i c a l scene seemed to be, according to James and Robert Laxer, the l o g i c a l development i n the d i r e c t i o n of Canadian Liberalism, as they state, "The nation had become urban, sophisticated, and f u l l y integrated into the world of communication. Trudeau's st y l e seemed the appropriate adornment to the nation's substance."46 The special status that had previously been implied i n a l l three positions of the federal p o l i t i c a l parties on Quebec was tossed aside by Trudeau i n favour of technological rationalism and a fervent anti-nationalism: 45 Mason Wade argues: In such a mental climate, sound democratic p o l i t i c s could hardly be expected to p r e v a i l , even i n s t r i c t l y p r o v i n c i a l or l o c a l a f f a i r s where r a c i a l issues were not involved. For cheating becomes a habit. Through h i s t o r i c a l necessity, and as a means of s u r v i v a l , French Canadians had f e l t j u s t i f i e d in finessing at the parliamentary game, and as a r e s u l t the whole game of p o l i t i c s was swept outside the pale of morality. They have succeeded so well i n subordinating the pursuit of the common weal to the pursuit of their p a r t i c u l a r ethnic needs that they never achieved any sense of ob l i g a t i o n towards the general welfare, including the welfare of the French Canadians on non-racial issues. Mason Wade, Canadian Dual ism. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1960) p. 243. 46 Laxer, p.15. 99 ...I am not predicting which way Canada w i l l turn. But because i t seems obvious to me that n a t i o n a l i s m — and of course I mean the Canadian as well as the Quebec v a r i e t y — h a s put her on a c o l l i s i o n course, I am suggesting that cold, unemotional r a t i o n a l i t y can s t i l l save the ship.47 The r e l a t i o n s h i p of Canada's integration into the world of communication and Quebec nationalism becomes very s i g n i f i c a n t when viewed with the American strategy and t o t a l communication and Walt Rostow's defence of national independence and the revolution of modernity. Canada could s i g n i f y the independent nation state, but also maintain control over i t s regionalism and particularisms. In l i g h t of t h i s American strategy, Trudeau stated i n his 1962 analysis of French Canadian nationalism: The die i s cast i n Canada: there are two ethnic and l i n g u i s t i c groups; each i s too strong and too deeply rooted i n the past, too firmly bound to a mother culture, to be able to swamp the other. But i f the two w i l l collaborate inside of a t r u l y p l u r a l i s t i c state, Canada could become a p r i v i l e g e d place where the 47 Laxer, p. 203. 100 f e d e r a l i s t form of government, which is the government  of tomorrow's world, w i l l be perfected.48 The urgency of this message in terms of American foreign policy and the strategy of t o t a l communication i s stressed in magazine a r t i c l e s in 1967. In the March 6, 1967 issue of US News and World Report, published shortly before the opening of Expo 67, an a r t i c l e proclaims "Why America Carries the World's Burden." The a r t i c l e highlights the role of America as the international policeman and further stresses Russia's role as an international troublemaker. The UN i s characterized as a debating society; a l l i a n c e s are portrayed as crumbling. As a r e s u l t , "US m i l i t a r y c a p a b i l i t y , not the weight of a l l i a n c e s or of the UN i s the p r i n c i p l e force for world s t a b i l i t y . " 4 9 As a consequence of this p o l i t i c a l turmoil the need to reassert a universal humanist visage for American power was esse n t i a l to maintain 48 Cook, p.166 Cook also notes that along these same l i n e s , John Holmes, the president of the Canadian Inst i t u t e of International A f f a i r s , wrote: "One purpose Canada can serve i n a world threatened by t r i b a l anarchy i s to prove that state and nation are not necessarily coterminous, that peoples of d i f f e r e n t cultures and languages can co-exist within a single sovereignty. It is not the same lesson as that of the United S t a t e s — t h a t diverse peoples can be netted into a successful nation with one o f f i c i a l language. Noble as that example has been, i t is less applicable that the Canadian experience to new countries which must embrace d i s t i n c t tribes and clans as founding members within the framework of one e f f e c t i v e state." (p.166) Given the degree of Canadian dependency on the United States, except in the most symbolic forms, the example of Canada as a d i s c i p l i n e d a u x i l i a r y of American power becomes p a r t i c u l a r l y s i g n i f i c a n t i n a world where American hegemony was being challenged. 49 "Why America Carries the World's Burden," US News and  World Report. 6 March 1967, p.38 101 the technology based propaganda strategy of " t o t a l communications" and "technological l i b e r a l i s m . " American opposition to Third World nationalism found an ideol o g i c a l proponent i n Trudeau's opposition to Quebec nationalism. The p a r a l l e l s with the United States Cold War strategy formulated i n the Kennedy Administration i s a r t i c u l a t e d i n Trudeau's pre-1965 writings, e s p e c i a l l y the opposition of reason and technology to emotion and nationalism.50 These attitudes are expressed i n the following quotation, which could stand as an assertion of international American i n t e r e s t s : In the world of tomorrow, the expression 'banana republic' w i l l not refer to independent f r u i t growing naitons, but to countries where formal independence has been given p r i o r i t y over the cybernetic revolution. In such a world, the s t a t e — i f i t i s not outdistanced by i t s r i v a l s — w i l l need p o l i t i c a l instruments which are sharper, stronger, and more f i n e l y c ontrolled than anything based on mere emotionalism. Such tools w i l l be made up of advanced technology and s c i e n t i f i c i nvestigation, as applied to the f i e l d s of law, economics, and s o c i a l psychology, international a f f a i r s , and other areas of human r e l a t i o n s ; in short, i f not a pure product of reason, the p o l i t i c a l tools of the future w i l l be designed and appraised by more ra t i o n a l standards that anything we are currently using in Canada today.51 The b e l i e f i n reason over emotion, the unbridled f a i t h i n the hopes of the Enlightenment 50 Laxer, p.92 51 Pierre E l l i o t t Trudeau, Federalism and the French  Canadians (Toronto: McMillan, 1968), p. 203 102 52 and pluralism provided Canadian Liberalism with a new-found ideology that f o r c e f u l l y a r t i c u l a t e d an alt e r n a t i v e to the n a t i o n a l i s t sympathies of either the NDP or the Conservatives, as well as s o l i d i f y i n g the L i b e r a l p o s i t i o n i n Quebec. The success of t h i s new technological l i b e r a l i s m that would be a r t i c u l a t e d at Expo 67 and p u b l i c l y acclaimed in 52 The major c r i t i q u e of the Enlightenment which was l a r g e l y unknown i n Canadian i n t e l l e c t u a l thought at the time was provided by the continental s o c i a l theorists of the Frankfurt School. Encapsulating his c r i t i q u e within the concept of r e i f i e d consciousness, Theordor Adorno wrote i n Prisms (MIT Press, 1981): "Not only does the mind mould i t s e l f for the sake of i t s marketability, and thus reproduce the s o c i a l l y prevalent categories. Rather, i t grows to resemble even more c l o s e l y the status quo even where i t subjectively r e f r a i n s from making a commodity i t s e l f . The network of the whole i s drawn ever tig h t e r , modelled aft e r the act of exchange. I t leaves the in d i v i d u a l consciousness less and less room for evasion." (p.21) Herbert Marcuse, i n the 1964 text One-Dimensional Man (Boston: Beacon Press), gives the theore t i c a l expression of monopoly capitalism i n the immediate post war prosperity boom of increasing consumption and higher standards of l i v i n g for the working c l a s s : "The productive apparatus and the goods and services which i t produces " s e l l 1 or impose the s o c i a l system as a whole. The means of mass transportation and communication, the commodities of lodging, food, and clothing, the i r r e s i s t i b l e output of the entertainment and information industry carry with them prescribed attitudes and habits, c e r t a i n i n t e l l e c t u a l and emotional reactions which bind the consumers more or less pleasantly to the producers and, through the l a t t e r , to the whole. The products indoctrinate and manipulate; they promote a false consciousness which i s immune against i t s falsehood. And as these b e n e f i c i a l products become available to more individuals i n more so c i a l classes, the indoctrination they carry ceases to be p u b l i c i t y ; i t becomes a way of l i f e . " (pp.11-12) This passage provides the c l e a r e s t d e f i n i t i o n of the implications of the American concept of t o t a l communication from a neo-Marxist perspective. 103 1968 was p a r t i a l l y a t t r i b u t a b l e to the Canadian discourse on technology which, because of Canada's h i s t o r i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p to metropolitan technologies, was highly advanced. This was combined with the p a r t i c u l a r p o l i t i c a l context of Canada which made i t receptive to new strategies meant to combat nationalism. As Richard Gwyn summarizes: If he was unsure about ends, Trudeau was c r y s t a l clear about means. Problems would be solved by reason than "mere emotionalism", and by the techniques of "advanced technology and s c i e n t i f i c i n v e s t i g a t i o n . " P a r t i c i p a t o r y Democracy was the mandatory, r a t i o n a l c o r o l l a r y to r a t i o n a l planning within. Combined, these forces would create the "servant state," e f f i c i e n t yet responsive, s c i e n t i f i c yet humanist. Planning of course would require planners. "New guys with new ideas."53 Trudeau based his philosophy of technology i n large part on the writings of Marchall Mcluhan, who became the major guru of North American media and technology i n the 1960's. Mcluhan interpreted the new media world from an e n t i r e l y new perspective. The previously p r i v i l e g e d p o s i t i o n of content i n media was overturned, as i t had been the American Cold War studies on technology mentioned e a r l i e r . The media thus created a new sign language of r h e t o r i c a l and symbol e f f e c t s which Canadian Liberalism was able to use to advantage. Mcluhan understood that the metonymic function of technology created a new symbolic universe i n which the metaphoric capacities of language were the true message of media. Like Trudeau, Mcluhan's Catholicism forced an interpretation of this phenomenon 53 Richard Gwyn, The Northern Magus (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart Limited, 1980) pp. 94-5. 104 towards a strongly a n t i - n a t i o n a l i s t , pro-technological stance. Arthur Kroker summarizes: Mcluhan could never be a n a t i o n a l i s t because his Catholicism, with i t s t r a d i t i o n of c i v i l humanism and i t s f a i t h i n the immanence of "reason 1 committed him to the p o s s i b i l i t y of the universal world culture. In the best of the Catholic t r a d i t i o n followed by Etienne Gilson i n philosophy as much as by Trudeau i n p o l i t i c s , Mcluhan sought a new "incarnation,' an "epiphany,' by releasing the reason i n technological experience.54 Trudeau and Mcluhan's a l l i a n c e of r a t i o n a l i t y and technology over i r r a t i o n a l i t y and nationalism r e v i t a l i z e d the p o l i t i c a l philosophy of Canadian Liberalism. However, in terms of Canadian nationalism, the r e l a t i o n s h i p of t o t a l communication and technological l i b e r a l i s m became complete with Mcluhan's work i n the United States. As Kroker points out, "Mcluhan's (and Trudeau's) Utopian v i s i o n of technological society provided the corporate leadership of the American empire with a sense of h i s t o r i c a l destiny."55 54 Arthur Kroker, Technology and the Canadian Mind (Montreal: New World Perspectives, 1984), p.63 Kroker continues on i n describing the p o l i t i c a l value of McCluhan: "McCluhan's p o l i t i c a l value may have been the creation of a universal community of humanity founded on reason, his axiology may have p r i v i l e g e d the process of communication— but his ontology, the locus of his world v i s i o n , was the recovery of the "poetic process' as both a method of h i s t o r i c a l reconstruction of the mass media and a "miracle' by which technological society i s to be illuminated, once again, by meaning." (p.65) 55 Kroker, p.83 105 CHAPTER 3 Fin de Partie Spender: Then there w i l l be no revolution. Marcuse: That i s j u s t i f i c a t i o n for h i t t i n g the bottle. The strategy of displaying Canada at Expo as a model of a maturing independent yet interdependent nation state was demonstrated i n Chapter Two as f u l l y compatible with requirements of American foreign p o l i c y . However, the pressure to r e s i s t the internal regional fragmentation of the country as well as the a l l too v i s i b l e dominance of American society meant that nationalism had to be exerted i n some aspect of national l i f e that would make the symbolism of the new f l a g and new national anthem tangible rather than merely hollow gestures. As was examined e a r l i e r , attempts at steering an independent path i n the p o l i t i c a l , m i l i t a r y and economic f i e l d s only brought harsh r e t a l i a t i o n from the Americans. Thus, the c u l t u r a l expression of a Canadian national i d e n t i t y was the major aspect of Canadian l i f e where some degree of f l e x i b i l i t y was s t i l l f e l t to be. present. With a weak Li b e r a l minority government i n power threatened by separatism with the loss of Quebec as i t s major power base i n Canadian society, Canadian Li b e r a l s began focusing on culture as the primary instrument of their p o l i t i c a l resurgence. After a short overview of the status 106 of culture i n Canadian society following the war, this chapter w i l l focus on the restructuring of the role of culture i n Canadian society, beginning with a lengthy analysis of the f i r s t c u l t u r a l conference, Seminar x65, to bring a r t i s t s and p o l i t i c i a n s face to face with one another. The r e s u l t i n g impact on i n s t i t u t i o n s l i k e the Canada Council, the National Gallery, and the national art magazine, Canadian Art, i s ultimately expressed i n the choice of a r t i s t s who were chosen to represent v i s u a l l y the new a l l i a n c e of government and culture, an a l l i a n c e which would ultimately also include business. I r o n i c a l l y , t h i s new sense of Canadian c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y arose at a time when Canada's actual international role was to epitomize a subservient r e l a t i o n s h i p to the imperial centre, the United States. Canadian Culture After the War After 1945, i n the f i e l d of culture, the Canadian government began to recognize the a v a i l a b i l i t y of American mass culture through books, radio programmes, and soon, t e l e v i s i o n programmes; a l l of these forms of culture created a concern about the dangers of over-exposure to American content. S p e c i f i c a l l y , these concerns focussed on how t h i s exposure would influence the Canadian public towards i d e n t i f y i n g with American, as opposed to Canadian, policy both domestically and i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y . The Canadian government's concern over culture after World War Two was further motivated by the r e a l i z a t i o n that culture was one 107 f i e l d wherein the exercise of nationalism invited less economic r e t a l i a t i o n and consequently, was less of a threat to the Canadian standard of l i v i n g than was nationalism i n other realms. Thus, while Canadian economic, m i l i t a r y , and foreign p o l i c y became more c l o s e l y integrated with the United States, p a r t i c u l a r l y a f t e r 1947 with the 'heating up' of the Cold War, culture became the only f i e l d i n which Canadian n a t i o n a l i s t s could exert the appearance of independence. After the War, as early as 1945, the Arts and Letters Club (a luncheon club i n Toronto made famous by the membership of the Group of Seven) began lobbying the federal government for support for Canadian culture. These concerns culminated i n the Louis St. Laurent government asking Vincent Massey, the former Canadian High Commissioner to London, to lead a group of eminent i n t e l l e c t u a l s to survey Canada's c u l t u r a l resources i n June 1949. The 1951 report of the Massey Commission warned of: . . .the d i f f i c u l t y of developing Canadian culture because of the enormous i n f l u x of a r t i s t s from the United States. The Commission recommended that federal f i n a n c i a l aid be given to the u n i v e r s i t i e s and that a government agency be established to encourage the arts and s o c i a l sciences by awarding grants and scholarships. The St. Laurent government agreed to help the u n i v e r s i t i e s , but waited another six years before announcing the formation of the Canada Council.1 Canadian historians such as W.L. Morton, Donald Creighton, and Arthur Lower f e l t that as a r e s u l t of the pressures of foreign influence, concrete steps could be 1 Joseph L e v i t t , A Vision Beyond Reach (Ottawa: Deneau Publishers, 1982), p.151 108 taken to assure a d i s t i n c t i v e c u l t u r a l identity.2 However, the pervasiveness of American c u l t u r a l penetration, e s p e c i a l l y on the l e v e l of mass culture, caused h i s t o r i a n Frank Underhill to question the a b i l i t y of a Canadian culture to d i f f e r e n t i a t e i t s e l f from t h i s pressure to conform. He accused the Massey Commission's branding of American mass culture as " a l i e n ' as being a d i s t o r t i o n of the nature of modern mass culture. For Underhill, these were the products of modern technological society and since a l l s o c i e t i e s were attempting to modernize, r e j e c t i n g t h i s culture as "unbearably vulgar and a n t i - i n t e l l e c t u a l " 3 was a mistake. Despite these objections, however, a rough concensus did occur over the issue of government support of culture, even though the a s s i m i l a t i v e pressures of American mass culture caused Underhill to fear that: Canadians, becoming n e u r o t i c a l l y obsessed with the danger of c u l t u r a l "annexation,' would waste energies which otherwise would go into those p o s i t i v e individual things that would make them d i s t i n c t i v e . 4 Underhill saw the modernizing forces of contemporary society as epitomized by the United States, ultimately r e s u l t i n g i n the integration of Canada into America. Nonetheless, a l l would agree that "Canada appeared to be on 2 L e v i t t , p.151 3 L e v i t t , p.152 4 L e v i t t , p.152 109 the defensive against American continental ism."5 Cultural nationalism was the one secton of Canadian society i n the post-War era in which a v i r t u a l l y common front could be formed against America. However, th i s emphasizing of culture to the exclusion of economics or p o l i t i c s ignored the degree of integration that was occurring between the United States and Canada up to the mid 1960's and a r b i t r a r i l y promoted Canadian culture as a defense to preserve Canada's separate i d e n t i t y . The Canadian government's concern over culture continued through the decade. By the end of the 1950's, the Canadian publishing industry came under attack over i t s content. Growing concern about the Canadian publication of materials aimed at the American market, and ultimately, at Canada as well, resulted i n the Conservative Diefenbaker government appointing Gralton O'Leary to head a commission investigating t h i s problem. The O'Leary Commission proposed using the tax structure to improve the Canadian p o s i t i o n by supporting Canadian publications and by xCanadianizing' American publications such as Reader's Digest and Time. After f i f t e e n years of recommendations, action began to occur. In the early 1960's, as Frank L e v i t t notes, a variety of i n s t i t u t i o n s such as the CBC, the Canada Council, and the National Film Board, were functioning as support structures for the Canadian arts community, "reinforcing the notion 5 L e v i t t , p.157 110 among the educated public that Canadian nationhood was coming of age."6 Nonetheless, the i n a b i l i t y of the government to control the in f l u x of American mass culture was demonstrated by the recommendations made by the O'Leary Commission—the Commission recommended l i m i t i n g Canadian advertising i n American magazines—but these recommendations were ignored by the Canadian government even though the federal government had established the Commission and given i t i t s mandate i n the f i r s t place. Between 1945 and 1965, the debate over culture and nationalism took, place between very small groups of a r t i s t s , p o l i t i c i a n s , and i n t e l l e c t u a l s , r e f l e c t i n g the limited audience and appeal of Canadian culture throughout this period. The fine arts were s t i l l perceived as e l i t i s t , having very l i t t l e to do with the average Canadian. This attitude was reinforced by the adoption of modernist a r t i s t i c strategies from New York aft e r the War, strategies which gradually came to dominate the v i s u a l arts scene. For example, the F i r s t Biennial of Canadian Painting, held at the National Gallery i n Ottawa i n 1955, was predominantly f i g u r a t i v e . Two years l a t e r , i n 1957, over s i x t y per cent of the represented works were abstract.7 While Canadian a r t i s t s such as Jean Paul Riopelle, Jack Shadbolt, William Ronald, and Paul Emile Borduas became more 6 L e v i t t , p.173 7 William Withrow, Contemporary Canadian Painting (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1972), p. 6 I l l v i s i b l e i n the international art scene, the d i s t i n c t i o n between High and Popular culture remained r e l a t i v e l y i n t a c t. However, by 1965, this status within Canada of art and a r t i s t was to undergo a s i g n i f i c a n t transformation, epitomized by Greg Curnoe's painting "For Ben B e l l a " at Expo 67. The early 1960's saw a renewed emphasis on culture that was reinforced by the decision to pursue the World's Fair for Montreal and planning for a variety of Centennial celebrations i n 1967. Even prior to the 1962 meeting at Montebello, (see Chapter One), with i t s emphasis on c r e a t i v i t y as opposed to business, the planning e f f o r t s for the Centennial were i n i t i a t i n g a new period of i n t e r e s t i n the creative arts i n Canada. In 1961, the Centennial Commission, which had been formed by the Federal Government, was made responsible for a l l Centennial commemorative projects. The Commission argued that a process was being set in motion that could "free the creative energies that w i l l be of great benefit to the country and to the arts."8 By the shrewd a p p l i c a t i o n of resources the Commission saw the p o s s i b i l i t y that " i t [could help] to prepare the growth into the future."9 The s t r a t e g i c role the arts could play i n the pursuit of national p o l i c y , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the defusing of Quebec nationalism and various regional p o l i t i c a l and economic 8 Seminar 65, p. 6 9 Seminar 65, p. 7 112 d i s p a r i t i e s , was c l e a r l y understood by Pierre Trudeau. In an essay e n t i t l e d Federal ism. Nationalism and Reason, written in 1964, Trudeau outlined his arguments as to how to neutralize regional separatist sympathies by creating a f e d e r a l i s t ideology that could contain the l o y a l t i e s of the diverse regions of Canada. One aspect of t h i s strategy was to create new national symbols which would be r a l l y i n g points for regional e l i t e s sympathetic to national unity. Trudeau outlines his strategy i n the following way: One way of o f f s e t t i n g the appeal of separatism i s by investing tremendous amounts of time, energy, and money in nationalism, at the federal l e v e l . A national  image must be created that w i l l have such an appeal as to make any image of a separatist group unattractive. Resources must be directed to such things as national flags, anthems, education, arts councils, broadcasting corporations, f i l m boards; the t e r r i t o r y must be bound together by a network of railways, highways, a i r l i n e s ; the national culture and national economy must be protected by taxes and t a r i f f s ; ownership of resources and industry by nationals must be a matter of policy. In short the whole of the c i t i z e n r y must be made to feel that i t i s only within the framework of the federal state that their language, culture, i n s t i t u t i o n s , sacred t r a d i t i o n s , and standard of l i v i n g can be protected from external attack and internal s t r i f e . 1 0 [underlining mine] Clearly a national culture i s decisive i n order to prevent the fragmentation of the country into competing regionalisms. The problem was further complicated not just by the growing Quebec separatist movement but also by a strong wave of separatism which was beginning to develop i n the English speaking regions outside of Central Canada. 10 Pierre E l l i o t Trudeau, Federalism and the French  Canadians, p. 93 113 Painting i n Canada e x h i b i t i o n organizer Barry Lord himself was only one of many English Canadian i n t e l l e c t u a l s who drew p a r a l l e l s between the nationalism of Quebec and that of English Canada.11 As i n Quebec, the growth of English Canadian nationalism was i n part stimulated by, as P h i l Resnick argues: .. . t h i s new petty bourgoisie—embracing s a l a r i e d professionals, many of them working for the state, i n research i n s t i t u t i o n s , as well as the student estate i.e. those i n t r a i n i n g for future positions as s a l a r i e d professionals—came into i t s own with the f a n t a s t i c take o f f of the state sector i n the I960's.12 Between 1961 and 1971 the growth of the middle class was r e f l e c t e d i n the teaching profession, increasing i n number from 153,000 i n 1961 to 262,000 in 1971; i n the increase in university enrolment during the same period from 113,867 to 356,736, and i n the increase i n the percentage of Canadians c l a s s i f i e d as petty bourgoisie, which rose from 7.4% to 12% i n 1971.13 Despite the c u l t u r a l differences between the two major ethnic groups i n Canadian society the common factor contributing to a growing n a t i o n a l i s t sentiment i n both was the p a r a l l e l development of this new middle c l a s s . A formula of national unity had to have the f l e x i b i l i t y of appealing to these diverse groups without encouraging d i s i n t e g r a t i o n 11 "Let us answer Quebec by developing and equally strong struggle at freeing Canada from U.S. domination." i n Al Purdy, The New Romans. (Edmonton, 1968.) p. 150. 12 P h i l Resnick, The Land of Cain. (New Star Books: Vancouver, 1971) p. 167 13 Resnick, p. 253 114 or the appearance of power being over-centralized. John Porter i n The V e r t i c a l Mosaic (1965), an analysis of the class structure of Canadian society, summarizes the obstacles facing any e f f o r t aimed at achieving a coherent national strategy: "But somehow, i f a complex structure i s to survive, the ov e r a l l value system must have some meaning for a l l groups, and at the same time consistency for the to t a l society."14 Trudeau's writings on federalism i n the early 1960's seemed to of f e r a new v i s i o n of potential solutions to the dilemmas of nationalism through Trudeau's emphasis on a p l u r a l i s t federalism, r a t i o n a l planning, and what Trudeau c a l l e d "Participatory Democracy.' For Trudeau, this solution was the key to national unity and to unlocking Canada's p o t e n t i a l . I t was also Trudeau's only way out of an unpalatable either/or s i t u a t i o n . Richard Gwyn observes that "Trudeau himself evaluated the e t h i c a l and moral stakes. I f rationalism f a i l e d , demagoguery and t o t a l i t a r i a n i s m would triumph."15 The turning point for L i b e r a l c u l t u r a l p o l i c y came at Seminar"65, the Canadian Conference of the Arts held at Ste. Adele-en-Haut, Quebec. The Conference objectives were to examine the present state of the ar t s , to assess and advise the Centennial plans and "to make recommendations to the federal government for the continuing development of 14 John Porter, The V e r t i c a l Mosaic. (University of Toronto Press: Toronto, 1965) p. 459 15 Gywn, p. 97 115 c u l t u r a l and a r t i s t i c resources." 16 Seminar'65 begins the process, along with the new national anthem and the new f l a g , of the creation of symbols of a r e v i t a l i z e d Canadian society under the leadership of the Lester Pearson L i b e r a l Government. The new impetus for an expanded role for culture i s contained i n the preface to the Seminar'65 Conference Papers: In a modern society, economic development must be accompanied by s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l development i f the s o c i a l and psychological consequences r e s u l t i n g from rapid economic change are to be retarded or avoided. Often such diverse and adverse s o c i a l and psychological consequences as increased alcoholism, drug addiction, mental disturbance, and general mass discontent,  directionlessness. and purposelessnesss are here manifestations or symptoms of an a f f l u e n t , but t o t a l l y bored society. In order to circumvent these p i t f a l l s of accelerated economic change, a society must learn to u t i l i z e i t s increasing affluence and l e i s u r e time e f f e c t i v e l y and constructively.17 The revolution of c a p i t a l i s t modernization, which Canadian society experienced from 1945 onwards and which was to a large extent responsible for the new s o c i a l and 16 Seminar'65 Conference Papers, p. 1. The number of p r o v i n c i a l representatives per province at Seminar'65 revealed the o v e r c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of culture i n Central Canada, which gave impetus to the arguments for a new regionalism i n the ar t s . Representatives: Newfoundland 0/140 Nova Scotia 0/140 New Brunswick. 1/140 Prince Edward Island 1/140 Quebec 52/140 Ontario 72/140 Manitoba 3/140 Alberta 2/140 Saskatchewan 2/140 B r i t i s h Columbia 6/140 17 Seminar'65. p. 1 116 p o l i t i c a l problems, had to be controlled without tearing apart national unity. The harnessing of culture was seen to be a way to ensure a smooth t r a n s i t i o n to a modern technological world while minimizing the s o c i a l l y d e s t a b i l i z i n g e f f e c t s . Seminar"65 warned that placing f a i t h i n modern technology would end up i n the "manufacture of a d u l l uniformity,"18 which the arts could a l l e v i a t e because "the arts contain the d i v e r s i t y of expression and v a r i a t i o n of character which are fostered by a vigorous and healthy community."19 This outlines the key aspect of the strategy suggested by Seminar"65; by encouraging d i v e r s i t y in the various regions of the country and supporting them f i n a n c i a l l y i t would be possible to encourage the development of regional e l i t e s with l o y a l t i e s to the o v e r a l l 18 Seminar"65. p. 6 19 Seminar"65. p. 6. The desire to merge the worlds of business and culture as well as the merging of High and Popular culture that originates with Seminar"65 contributes to the perception of a c u l t u r a l renaissance i n Canada. The following quotation from the Conference papers i s noteworthy for how i t describes the growth of culture and i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p to the middle c l a s s : No longer must audiences p o l i t e l y ignore the ubiquitous reminders of l a s t night's basketball game: i n many c i t i e s , they can now enjoy fine performances in comfortable a i r conditioned theatres and a u d i t o r i a , as they soon w i l l be able to do in those a d d i t i o i n a l f a c i l i t i e s being b u i l t to commemorate the Centennial. The g a l l e r y goer has a much wider range of museums and art g a l l e r i e s to s a t i s f y his appetite, and c u l t u r a l publications have increased markedly. A l l these p r i v i l e g e s have been appreciated by an ever-increasing public. The c u l t u r a l climate has been warmed by the many thousands of new Canadians, by the spread of higher education, and by the imminence of the age of l e i s u r e . The old charge of Canada's indifference to the arts does not apply to the Canada of 1965.(p. 1.) 117 f e d e r a l i s t concept as outlined by the Libe r a l Party. This new strategy r e f l e c t s many of the new concepts developing i n the United States regarding the rel a t i o n s h i p of culture and so c i a l r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n expressed i n books such as The Passing of Tra d i t i o n a l Society by David Lerner (1958), and Mass Media and National Development by Wilbur Schramm (1967) (see Chapter Two). The implications of culture for domestic and international p o l i t i c s are overtly summarized by Leonard G. Benson i n National Purpose, written i n 1963, where he discusses the obvious p o l i t i c a l advantages of culture i n a chapter e n t i t l e d "Ideology i n Modern Cultural Warfare": Due to technological developments the modern nation has new ways of administering i t s e l f . . . ways that can be considered the most s i g n i f i c a n t new ingredients in international relations."20 Further j u s t i f i c a t i o n for the new c u l t u r a l objectives and the increased role of the state i n the c u l t u r a l sector was elaborated by Seminar"65. I t was pointed out that culture could also provide a considerable contribution to the economic expansion of capitalism, i n the t h i r d stage of i t s evolution with i t s emphasis on the mode of information as opposed to the mode of production: T r a d i t i o n a l factors a f f e c t i n g the loc a t i o n of economic a c t i v i t y , such as a v a i l a b i l i t y of suitable natural resources, evergy sources, and cheap domestic labour supply are diminishing i n a t t r a c t i o n a l importance. I t i s evident, for example, from more recent inter-regional competition i n there a t t r a c t i o n of productive a c t i v i t i e s that a v a i l a b l e , suitable and convenient s o c i a l f a c i l i t i e s and c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s often exert an important influence on location 20 Benson, p. 28 118 discussions and on contemporary regional developments.21 The Commission understood that the t r a d i t i o n a l economic advantages of the Canadian economy, as a staple based economy, were inadequate to maintain and further develop the economic expansion that was so c r u c i a l to encouraging and maintaining the l o y a l t y of regional e l i t e s . Barriers separating culture and business were seen as a r b i t r a r y , paving the way for a new a l l i a n c e of business and culture, demonstrating that "Canadians no longer l i v e i n a c u l t u r a l l y underprivileged society."22 Meshing p e r f e c t l y with the creative emphasis of the theme of Expo 67 xMan and His World' Seminar'65 argued for a recognition that the arts are more than merely a concern of a small e l i t e , as the following quote i l l u s t r a t e s : Properly treated, a r t i s t s do more than enhance our l i v e s . Like s c i e n t i s t s , they illuminate and enrich i t . The time has come i n Canada to appreciate that they serve the highest aspirations of government and the highest aspirations of Canadian p o l i c y : they further human understanding at home and abroad.23 This expressed humanistic role forseen by the policy planners of Seminar x65 assumes greater Cold War s i g n i f i c a n c e i n the l i g h t of the role of ' l i b e r a l humanism' i n Expo's theme. However, the role of t h i s a l l i a n c e of business, culture, technology and humanism found an e a r l i e r exponent i n Louise Fitzsimmon's work, The Kennedy Doctrine, which 21 Seminar x65. p. 1 22 Seminar x65. p. 1 23 Seminar x65. p. 3 119 outlined the new American offensive against revolutionary and n a t i o n a l i s t i c movements i n the Third World (see chapter 2), with obvious p a r a l l e l s for the growing n a t i o n a l i s t sentiments i n Quebec and the strategy of the Canadian Government in coping with the threat to national unity. The integral role outlined for culture was, as an example, f i r s t demonstrated at Seminar"65 where for the f i r s t time a r t i s t s sat across from a Minister of the Federal Canadian Government, Secretary of State Maurice Lamontagne, who proposed i n accordance of the new s o c i a l a l l i a n c e being forged between culture, business, and government, "the development of our a r t i s t i c l i f e as the major objectives of the Centennial observances."24 The objectives of the new p o l i t i c a l awareness of culture were to have the arts play a suitable role i n elaborating and f u l f i l l i n g the theme of Expo"67—"Man and His World': 1967, as well as marking a century of building Confederation, may well prove to be the year of i t s true completion; true i n the sense that the modern forces of technology impel us towards unity, and at least makes i t possible to share i n a common heritage and a common destiny as we never could before.25 With Seminar"65 culture becomes not a side issue, but the central instrument of appealing to regional e l i t e s and int e r e s t s , r e i n f o r c i n g a r e v i t a l i z e d L i b e r a l p o l i t i c a l ideology that with the success of Expo 67 would culminate i n the "Trudeaumania' of 1968. 24 Seminar"65. p. 1 25 Seminar"65. p. 6 120 26 The process of change set i n motion by Seminar"65 was pursued further i n The Canadian Conference of the Arts Supplementary B r i e f to the Roval Commission on Bilinaualism and Biculturalism, written i n the f a l l and winter of 1965 but published i n 1966. The focus of the Supplementary B r i e f was to give added weight to the arguments that the arts could play a s i g n i f i c a n t role i n unifying Canada. In a l e t t e r sent to the Chairman of the B r i e f Committee Willard E. Ireland, P r o v i n c i a l L i b r a r i a n and A r c h i v i s t i n V i c t o r i a , B.C., emphasized the e f f i c a c y of this role at t h i s p a r t i c u l a r moment i n h i s t o r y : We perhaps have now a golden opportunity to do something p o s i t i v e to weld t h i s country together through the aegis of the a r t s , where d i v e r s i t y i s a 26 The central role of the arts i s even more c l e a r l y stated i n the section of Seminar"65 that highlights the "Plans For 1967': But i f the t o t a l culture of a country may be likened to an arch, then surely the keystone i s the a r t s . A nation reveals i t s e l f to posterity through the a r t s , for the arts are the apex of culture, the crown of i t s t o t a l achievement. U n t i l recently the arts i n Canada were unable to assume their r i g h t f u l place. The new technology of communications of f e r s the means for a national expression but only the arts can provide the s i g n i f i c a n t content by which a nation comes to know i t s e l f , (p. 6.) This quotation provides a clear l i n k between the ideological imperatives of "technological l i b e r a l i s m " and the renewed intere s t i n the role of culture, p a r i c u l a r l y with the dependency of culture on communications in order to function properly i n uniting vastly d i f f e r e n t regions. 121 recognized fact of l i f e without necessarily being divisive.27 The B r i e f notes that the old attitudes i n Canada regarding Quebec were changing as a r e s u l t of the growth of public education and a subsequent desire to see Quebec remain i n Canada. The major recommendation of the B r i e f Committee was to take advantage of the i n t e r e s t i n other regions of the country by encouraging indigenous growth i n the arts and emphasizing that..."regional development i n the vi s u a l arts should be encouraged."28 The Committee recognized the d e b i l i t a t i n g aspects of over-centralizating c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s and at the same time the need to increase communications between the regions i n order to f a c i l i t a t e the exchange of c u l t u r a l productions. Both points were accepted by the Canadian Conference of the Arts which further elaborated the s t r a t e g i c role regional autonomy and regional intercommunication played i n promoting the L i b e r a l conception of a b i l i n g u a l and and m u l t i - c u l t u r a l united Canada. The following recommendations to the government were to increase the a l l o c a t i o n of funds on the Canada Council, CBC, and the National Gallery to help promote Conference objectives. If t h i s course was pursued i t was f e l t that the hopes for culture could be r e a l i z e d : ...there may r e s u l t a simultaneous flowering of several p r o v i n c i a l or regional cultures—Quebec i s 27 The Canadian Conference of the Arts Supplementary B r i e f  to the Roval Commission on Bilinqualism and Biculturalism. p. 1 28 Supplementary B r i e f , section 4, p. 1 122 already the foremost among them—and that with each of these cultures spurring the other on through i n t e r -communication of ideas and exchange of person and performance, there may emerge a sense of common pride in our d i v e r s i t y and unique id e n t i t y as a nation.29 Mavor Moore further added i n t h i s document, " I t would be a sad day i f culture became one shade of universal grey."30 Echoing the sentiments of Seminar'65 on the potential for a d u l l and boring l i f e under a technological society Moore suggested his own a l t e r n a t i v e . He f e l t the present homogenization of culture with i t s emphasis on New York could be countered i f Canada developed a c u l t u r a l s t y l e of her own, s t a t i n g , "The more colours the merrier, whether they're national, p r o v i n c i a l or regional."31 F a i l u r e to bridge these regional discrepancies, the Committee warned, presented the p o s s i b i l i t y of an ominous a l t e r n a t i v e . A section of the Supplementary B r i e f e n t i t l e d , "An Increasing Danger of Regional Separatism and a D r i f t to the South," sounded the warning that f a i l i n g to increase regional funding for the arts could r e s u l t i n the separation of Quebec and warned that i t could become "catching." The Maritimes would d r i f t into the o r b i t of New England while the West would be drawn into closer t i e s to the South. As one voice from Western Canada, George Shaw, Executive Director of the Saskatchewan Arts Board, expressed i n his opinion, "Quebec's separatist ideas are a t t r a c t i v e and 29 Supplementary B r i e f , section 4, p. 1 30 Supplementary B r i e f , section 4, p. 1 31 Supplementary B r i e f , section 4 123 infectious. If they work, other provinces w i l l follow suit."32 E f f o r t s must be made, argued the committee, to f o r e s t a l l these sympathies by establishing a visu a l arts t r a d i t i o n separate and d i s t i n c t from Paris, London and New York. It was necessary to create "something that could set us apart from the international'stream. 1"33 The Li b e r a l government's enthusiasm for thi s c u l t u r a l strategy between Seminar'65 and 1967 resulted i n the a l l o c a t i o n of a budget of 7.2 m i l l i o n d o l l a r s for the Canada Council, doubling what the Canada Council had act u a l l y requested for the same period. For the Supplementary Committee the new v i s i b i l t y that would r e s u l t for culture from the new a l l i a n c e of business, government, and the arts would usher i n a new era of professionalism after "the long night of amateurism," which was to be discarded for the reason that "random and impulsive pioneering won't do anymore."34 An a r t i c l e written i n the January, 1966 issue of Canadian Art e n t i t l e d 'Canadian Art i n the S i x t i e s , • by David Silcox, an o f f i c e r i n the Arts section of the Canada Council, discusses how t h i s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n from the 'international stream' was to be r e a l i z e d . The Canada Council was the most immediate arm of government to r e f l e c t p o l i c y changes i n the c u l t u r a l f i e l d and David Silcox provides us with an in d i c a t i o n of how the vi s u a l arts i n 32 Supplementary B r i e f , p. 4 33 Supplementary B r i e f , section 23, p. 1 34 Supplementary B r i e f , p. 3 124 Canada would be affected by the new government objectives for regional cultures. According to Silcox, the early 1960's had witnessed the success of the Painters Eleven group in Toronto and the r e s u l t i n g establishment of the international idiom of modernist painting i n Canada. However, despite the a b i l i t y of Painter's Eleven to demonstrate that Canada was up-to-date i n the techniques of modern painting, the c u l t u r a l environment was less than perfect. "Admittedly," he argued," the Canadian a r t i s t i s s t i l l on the periphery, but has become less peripheral."35 The success of the Regina group of abstract painters, two of which. Ken Lochhead and Art McKay, were included i n Clement Greenberg's Post Painterly E x h i b i t i o n i n the Los Angeles County Museum i n 1964, demonstrated that strong regional centres i n painting did e x i s t outside of Toronto and Montreal. Canadian modernist painters had achieved a s t y l i s t i c development that, for Silcox, was both a l a mode and Canadian.36 Silcox d i f f e r e n t i a t e d the new Canadian abstraction from the old i n terms r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t from the Abstract Expressionist-influenced painters of the 1950's. Canadian painter's were now elegant, smooth, refined and restrained. However, these advances were made at the 35 David P. Silcox, "Canadian Art i n the S i x t i e s " i n Canadian Art. January, 1966. pp.56-59 36 Silcox, p.57 price of depersonalizing forms and "the creeping expansiveness of space [which] has led to emptiness."37 Three new aspects of art i n the mid-1960's r e v i t a l i z e d the v i s u a l arts to express more f u l l y the concerns of the Canadian Conference of the Arts. These three aspects are the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the arts to the mass media, the renewed emphasis on sculpture, and a renewed interest i n the f i g u r a t i v e . Most c r u c i a l i s the return of representational imagery which, given the proposed new s t r a t e g i c role of art in Canada, allowed for an art that could be " r a t i o n a l l y apprehended and therefore [was] capable of greater d i d a c t i c import."38 The s h i f t from abstract to the return of the figure pinpointed (and endorsed) by Silcox was a perfect complement to the recommendations of Seminar '65 of an art that could reach out to the middle class of the Canadian population, encourage regional e l i t e s to develop and, most importantly, create l o y a l t y to the federal system. Pierre Trudeau's philosophy of government that would be enacted after the 1968 federal e l e c t i o n p a r a l l e l s many of the c u l t u r a l sectors recommendations with his emphasis on p l u r a l i s t federalism, r a t i o n a l planning, and P a r t i c i p a t o r y Democracy. With Expo 67 and the variety of Centennial observances held across Canada, the L i b e r a l c u l t u r a l strategy was unveiled. 37 Silcox, p.51 38 Silcox, p.58 126 EXPO 67 and the "Painting in Canada" Exhibition The. impact of the new Li b e r a l c u l t u r a l p o l i c y was most v i s i b l y observed in the redesigning of the national arts magazine Canadian Art, with the appointment of Barry Lord i n 1966 as the new editor and the establishment of a new mandate. The renaming of the magazine as artscanada i s enormously s i g n i f i c a n t . In 1942, i t had begun as a regional journal—Maritime Art—which r e f l e c t e d the regionalism of i t s o r i g i n and orientation. In 1967, Lord, the new editor, explained the change of name to artscanada as symbolic of the new magazine's entry into a new i n t e r n a t i o n a l i s t phase: It i s as impossible to understand Canadian art today apart from i t s international context as i t i s to discuss the price of wheat or the sale of uranium without reference to world p o l i t i c s . 3 9 Therefore, according to Lord, "we've changed the name in accord with the global facts of l i f e . " 4 0 However, internationalism i s now defined apart from the d u l l mainstream of New York, Paris, or London. The internationalism of artscanada i s tempered by the growing awareness of the breakdown between the notions of 'popular' and ' f i n e ' a r t s . By adding an 's' to 'art' and not c a p i t a l i z i n g the f i r s t l e t t e r of the t i t l e , artscanada expanded i t s mandate to include the p l u r a l i t y of mediums i n modern a r t , ranging from t r a d i t i o n a l fine arts to environments and happenings, as well as popular and folk 39 Barry Lord, "The New Magazine," artscanada, January 1967, p.5 40 Lord, p.5 127 art s . To counter internationalism, the magazine also t r i e d to focus on personal responses to l o c a l environments. In his e f f o r t s to erase the d i s t i n c t i o n between popular and fine a r t s . Lord downplayed the importance of the t r a d i t i o n a l g a l l e r y setting and c a p i t a l XA' Art: Of course, we w i l l always be welcome i n the g a l l e r i e s — o u r artscan e x h i b i t i o n reviews alone should make us more useful there, but we hope that we w i l l  also be at home in the streets.41 Under the guidance of Barry Lord, artscanada epitomized the c u l t u r a l strategy as f i r s t outlined in Seminar '65 by removing the i s o l a t i o n of high culture and by expanding the mandate of the journal to include the variety of c u l t u r a l productions contained i n the regions. According to Lord, the d i s t i n c t i o n s between high culture and popular forms of a r t i s t i c expression were "problematic i f not irrelevant."42 Lord's inherent humanism i s r e f l e c t e d in the championing of folk and c r a f t arts which the Centennial allowed to be f u l l y elevated into the pantheon of Canadian culture. In the cybernetic whirlwind of modern society, c r a f t and folk arts are a necessary p a l l i a t i v e , as Lord declares: "[Their] inherent humanity comes through. The 41 Lord, p.5 42 Lord, p.5 128 craftsman's humour and his love for his material infuse the objects with warmth i n a cool world."43 Thus, for Barry Lord, the arts scene in 1967 represented a recognition of internationalism and the r e a l i z a t i o n that older forms of regionalism and nationalism i n culture had to be rejected. Lord's s e l e c t i o n of a series of regional cultures r e s i s t i n g the idea of New York, as the centre of the art world while taking into account the pervasive influence of global communication was to be presented at the Painting i n Canada e x h i b i t i o n held i n the entrance foyer of the Canadian p a v i l i o n at Expo 67. The exh i b i t i o n provided the perfect opportunity for Lord to present the new c u l t u r a l attitudes of Canada i n the mid-1960 's, emphasizing the work of "outstanding' contemporary Canadian painters, both abstract and representational. Lord, who not only organized the show but also wrote the exh i b i t i o n catalogue, divided the show into two major 43 Lord, p.20 Curnoe rebuffs the formalists of New York i n order to appeal to the broad range of public taste for c r a f t s . He states, "The purists of the a r t world would be i n c l i n e d to refuse them entry, yet the factor of c r e a t i v i t y , of design, and form has slowly imposed the c r a f t s as v a l i d "visual a r t s , ' part of a t o t a l evolution i n the art world from narrow-mindedness to twentieth centurn v e r s a t i l i t y . " 129 categories: The Tradition of Canadian Painting arid Painting i n Canada Today.44 The catalogue establishes the t r a d i t i o n of Canadian landscape painting i n the f i r s t section, with a r t i s t s such as Cornelius Krieghoff, James Wilson Morrice, Tom Thomson, and Emily Carr. The f i r s t painting reproduced i n the catalogue "The Habitant's Home" by Cornelius Krieghoff, a 22x36 inch o i l on canvas dated 1870, establishes the t r a d i t i o n of Canadian a r t i s t s working with the influences of European painting but developing, i n Lord's view, an i n s t r i n s i c a l l y Canadian subject matter. The other painters included i n the f i r s t section emphasize th i s d i a l e c t i c of external influences synthesized through the Canadian context, the struggle with which, according to Lord, determines the extent to which a work can t r u l y be l a b e l l e d 'Canadian'. Lord includes David Milne's o i l painting "Dappled Sunlight" on the catalogue cover to demonstrate how expressiveness and o r i g i n a l i t y can develop in i s o l a t i o n from 44 The catalogue was subdivided as follows: 1. The Tradition of Canadian Painting a) the Canadian scene b) the figure i n Canadian Painting 2. Painting i n Canada Today a) the Teachers b) Abstract Expressionism c) Regina d) Post-Painterly Abstraction e) Hard Edge Painting f) Op Art g) the New Figure h) New Techniques and Materials 130 the art c a p i t a l s . This i s a theme Lord consistently argues throughout the catalogue to e s t a b l i s h a s o l i d t r a d i t i o n of a r t i s t i c development upon which, he maintains, the development of a d i s t i n c t Canadian st y l e within the "Global V i l l a g e " i s possible. The section e n t i t l e d The Figure i n Canadian Painting asserts the t r a d i t i o n of the figure i n Canadian painting in order to e s t a b l i s h the l i n k s between the e a r l i e r generations of f i g u r a t i v e painters and the resurgence of figure painting in the mid 1960's. While figure painting has been the subordinate t r a d i t i o n i n Canadian painting. Lord emphasizes the work of an a r t i s t l i k e Jean Paul Lemieux, represented by the o i l painting "Solstice d'hiver," as representing the p a r t i c u l a r i t y of the Canadian experience. By playing o f f Lemieux against Morrice, Lord demonstrates the r e g i o n a l i s t sympathies of an a r t i s t l i k e Lemieux whose "primitive handling" provides a l i n k to a c e r t a i n type of regionalism and to " a country atmosphere and an i s o l a t i o n of the individual i n r e l a t i o n to a vast, empty landscape that seems p e c u l i a r l y Canadian."45 The connection between the old f i g u r a t i v e t r a d i t i o n and the new f i g u r a t i v e painters i s made through the example of M i l l e r B r i t t a i n ' s painting, "Boy and Torso"(1954), which establishes the persistence of the f i g u r a t i v e s t y l e of painting even when the onslaught of Abstract Expressionism from New York was becoming more pervasive. 45 Barry Lord, "Painting i n Canada 1 E x h i b i t i o n Catalogue Situated between the f i g u r a l t r a d i t i o n s of past and present are those Canadian a r t i s t s who assimilated the modernist painting techniques emanating from New York, and Paris i n the post-war period. The "teachers", Alfred Pellan Paul Emile Borduas and Jock (JWG) Macdonald, are presented as having helped "to characterize the mainstream of development i n Canadian painting from 1945 to the present."46 The abstract idiom, once assimilated, was elevated by the subsequent generation of abstract painters to a l e v e l equal with the leading developments i n modernist painting i n the United States. For example, both Art McKay and Jack Bush, who were included i n the Painting i n Canada exhibit, had been included i n the 1964 Post-Painterlv  Ex h i b i t i o n organized by Clement Greenberg at the Los Angele County Museum. Having demonstrated that Canadian a r t i s t s were now well informed i n the mannerisms of abstract painting. Lord could now demonstrate how the most contemporary Canandian painters have returned to the f i g u r a t i v e t r a d i t i o n which he characterizes as "perhaps the most r a d i c a l of a l l breaks with the abstract expressionists."47 Lord notes the resurgence of the figure i n Great B r i t a i n and the United States, e s p e c i a l l y with i t s emphasis on contemporary iconography and mass media. However, unlike abstract painting wherein notions of national i d e n t i t y are 46 Lord, 'Painting in Canada' 47 Lord, section g. 132 dissolved in a rh e t o r i c of "universalism 1, Lord makes strenuous e f f o r t s to emphasize the difference between the new figure painting in Canada and that of Great B r i t a i n and the United States by arguing, "In Canada, t h i s "pop a r t ' connection has been much less s p e c i f i c , and the antecedents i n a r t history have been closer to Dada and surreal ism."48 Lord was pursuing the time-honoured Canadian po s i t i o n of mediating between dominant international s t y l e s of painting i n order to define a d i s t i n c t i v e Canadian voice. By emphasizing the European antecedents Canadian painters could be argued as having arrived at a new synthesis situated between the l i g h t playfulness of American pop and the p o l i t i c a l dimension contained i n some European variants. Thus rather than appearing to be only up-to-date i n the l a t e s t a r t i s t i c fad. Lord was able to argue for a s p e c i f i c use of the figure by Canadian a r t i s t s proclaiming the maturing of a d i s i n c t l y Canadian st y l e of painting. In the Canadian context. Lord argues, "The figure has "returned' to painting but i n a most unexpected way."49 From Lord's perspective, Greg Curnoe epitomized the most s i g n i f i c a n t advance i n thi s p a r t i c u l a r attempt at defining a d i s t i n c t i v e Canadian f i g u r a l s t y l e since Curnoe was neither too pr o v i n c i a l nor too inte r n a t i o n a l . In an e d i t o r i a l for the June/July issue of artscanada. Lord 48 Lord, section g 49 Lord, section g 133 describes the sign i f i c a n c e of global communications on the arts and how th i s renders t r a d i t i o n a l nationalism i n the arts out of date. However, "internationalism", despite the i n e v i t a b i l i t y of i t s influence, can avoid being s o l e l y interpreted as an over-dependence on New York: "On the contrary, i t provides a climate of the highest standard by which regional or national achievements may be judged. The current growth of Canadian na t i o n a l i s m — o f t e n characterized c h i e f l y by reaction against US i n f l u e n c e — w i l l c e r t a i n l y have i t s e f f e c t on the art s , and may very well lead to work very d i f f e r e n t from what we now c a l l Canadian art."50 The a r t i s t s of London, Ontario, of which Greg Curnoe i s the leading exponent, are for Lord an example of a d i s t i n c t l y mature Canadian voice that i s both reg i o n a l l y inspired while being f u l l y cognizant of international trends. The new regionalism, the art c r i t i c Ross Woodman argued i n artscanada. "derives in large measure from a desire to avoid the anonymity that they believe awaits those who approach painting as a dis i n t e r e s t e d problem-solving technical solving game whose international rules and procedures have been established by the main segment of the New York school."51 Curnoe's work a l t e r n a t i v e l y acknowledges international developments in 'pop' art and the 'return' of the figure while his overt s o c i a l content and 50 Barry Lord, "the editor's page" i n artscanada. June-July 1967 51 Ross Woodman, "London (Ont.): a new regionalism" i n artscanada. August/September 1967 No. 111/112 134 roots in Dada and surrealism embody a form of didacticism that both Lord, David P. Silcox and even Seminar'65 openly desire. However, in order to e s t a b l i s h the dominance of t h i s new regionalism i t was necessary for Lord to d i f f e r e n t i a t e i t from the already v i s i b l e and well established regionalism of the modernist painters of Regina employing their own d e f i n i t i o n of a "universal regionalism". Even Lord acknowledged that i n the early 1960's th i s regional school of painters was composed of "the best informed and most advanced painters i n Canada."52 Thus the central issue for Barry Lord i n the Painting in Canada e x h i b i t i o n was to d i f f e r e n t i a t e between the two competing notions of "univeral regionalism" i n order to e s t a b l i s h the superiority of the London group of painters. In the following sub-sections I w i l l compare and contrast the two leading exponents of each school. I have chosen to discuss Art McKay because he was the only member of the Regina Five whose work was exhibited i n Clement Greenberg's Post-Painterlv E x h i b i t i o n and who was also included in Lord's Painting in Canada exhibition. I w i l l discuss Greg Curnoe because of the appearance of "For Ben B e l l a " on the cover of the f i r s t issue of the new artscanada. r e f l e c t i n g the new e d i t o r i a l p o l i c y of the magazine under Barry Lord, and because of the i n c l u s i o n of the painting i n the Painting i n Canada exhibition. By analyzing these two separate approaches to the dilemma of defining the nature of a d i s t i n c t i v e Canadian r e g i o n a l i s t 52 Lord, section c 135 ar t , i t i s possible to discern why one p a r t i c u l a r v i s i o n of regionalism would be selected over another when viewed i n the l i g h t of the tenets of the new government c u l t u r a l p o l i c y . Art McKav and the Legacy of Clement Greenberg The career of Art McKay, a member of the Regina Five a r t i s t i c group, provides a focal point for examining the broader issues of nationalism and internationalism in the arts . The p r o v i n c i a l c a p i t a l of Saskatchewan, Regina, was long a centre of a r t i s t i c a c t i v i t y i n western Canada. The strong dominance of England on the c u l t u r a l development during the early and mid part of the twentieth century was r e f l e c t e d by the a r r i v a l of two B r i t i s h a r t i s t s prior to World War I, Inglish Sheldon Williams [1870-1940], who taught at Regina College from 1913-1917, and James Henderson [1971-1951], who worked in Regina from 1911 to 1916.53 The Emma Lake Summer School for the Arts was i n i t i a t e d by another English a r t i s t , Augustus Kerderine [1870-1947]. The return of Art McKay to Regina i n 1952, to accept an appointment as special lecturer i n the School of Art, and of Ken Lochhead i n 1950, to accept directorship of the Regina College School of Art, established an indigenous Canadian leadership of the art scene that would slowly replace the t r a d i t i o n a l o r i e n t a t i o n towards England with a new ori e n t a t i o n towards the United States. The process of 53 Dennis Reid, A Concise History of Canadian Painting (Oxford University Press, 1973), p.269 136 establishing a Canadian a r t i s t i c i d e n t i t y was to be based on a growing understanding of international art trends. However, the s h i f t from England to the United States seemed to bypass the general d i v i s i o n of Canadian history, one of colony-nation-colony, replacing i t with a colony-colony r e l a t i o n s h i p . Nonetheless, the English impact was s t i l l f e l t by McKay, who i n the late 1950's, described his s t y l e as "an abstract version of English landscape painting."54 S i m i l a r l y , Lochhead's 1953 painting "The Dignitary" i s an example of his e a r l i e r avoidance of Abstract Expressionism at the time of i t s growing influence i n the United States. In 1955, i n an e f f o r t to broaden the a c u l t u r a l contacts with the larger a r t world, McKay and Lochhead began the series of workshops whose emphasis, i n i t i a l l y modest, became one of i n v i t i n g some of the most famous a r t i s t s and c r i t i c s from the United States. The timing of the workshops coincided with the t r a n s i t i o n period i n American art towards a "linear* as opposed to a "painterly* s t y l e . The l o g i c of Clement Greenberg's defense of Modernism in the 1950's was leading towards an art that was reduced to i t s p u r i s t , formal q u a l i t i e s . Greenberg himself states: I t was the stressing, however, of the ineluctable flatness of the support that remained most fundamental i n the processes by which p i c t o r i a l art c r i t i c i z e d and defined i t s e l f under Modernism. Flatness alone was unique and exclusive to that a r t . The enclosing shape of the support was a l i m i t i n g condition, or norm, that 54 Terry Fenton, A.F. McKav: Paintings and Drawings. 1959- 1967 (Regina: The Norman Mackenzie Art Gallery, 1968), p . i i was shared with the art of the theatre; colour was a norm or means shared with sculpture as well as with th theatre. Flatness, two-dimensionality, was the only condition painting shared with no other a r t , and so Modernist painting oriented i t s e l f to flatness as i t did to nothing else.55 This d e f i n i t i o n of Modernism received added impetus at Emma Lake because, as William Withrow points out, "the invit e d a r t i s t s almost exclusively represented that aspect of American painting known as Post-Painterly Abstraction."5 One of the important a r t i s t s whose work was part of the tr a n s i t i o n phase from 'painterly' to ' l i n e a r ' was Barnett Newman, who gave a workshop at Emma Lake i n 1959. For Art McKay and others of the Regina Group, Newman's v i s i t marked a turning point i n their a r t i s t i c development.57 The impact on the Regina Group of Newman's v i s i t was echoed i n Greenberg's a r t i c l e "Clement Greenberg's View of Art on the P r a i r i e s , " published i n Canadian Art. March 1963 In th i s a r t i c l e , Greenberg states: Newman came to Emma Lake without bringing any of his paintings along, and did no painting while he was there, but according to a l l reports, his personality and his ideas had a galvanizing e f f e c t upon the a r t i s t who attended his seminar. The new seriousness with which some among them began to take themselves as a r t i s t s after Newman's v i s i t became a main factor i n the creation of the informal group of painters now known as the 'Regina Five.'58 55 Clement Greenberg, "Modernist Painting," The New Art. Gregory Battcock [Ed.] (New York: E.P. Dutton, 1973), p.69 56 Withrow, p.99 57 Arthur McKay, "Emma Lake Workshop: An Appreciation," Canadian Art 21( 1964), p.280 58 Clement Greenberg, "Clement Greenberg's View of Art on the P r a i r i e s , " Canadian Art 20(1963), p.91 The "new seriousness" Greenberg mentions was to r e d i r e c t the a r t i s t s * e f f o r t towards the Post-Painterly Abstraction aesthetic which Greenberg*s subsequent v i s i t i n 1962 served to consolidate. Art McKay's images and r h e t o r i c began to assume more o the posture of the new a r t i s t i c d i r e c t i o n coming from New York. His paintings increased dramatically i n scale; for example "Effulgent Image" (1961) measures 48 3/4 inches square, double the scale of his pre-Newmah paintings such a "Untitled" (1959). The l a t t e r image further reveals his 1950's in t e r e s t i n Jackson Pollock and the more expressive gestural s t y l e of painting. By 1961, i n "Effulgent Image," he has adopted the more formal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Newman, with an emphasis on flatness, colour, and purity, and other ide o l o g i c a l catchwords of Greenbergian Modernism. In 1961, the post-Newman, pre-Greenberg developments i; the art of McKay were contained i n an e x h i b i t i o n organized by the National Gallery of Canada. The Five Painters from  Regina show established the reputations of the Regina Five and gave them v i s i b i l i t y across Canada. The influence of American a r t i s t s on the Regina Five was noted by the show's curator, Richard Simmins. However, for his part, he f e l t d i r e c t imitation was avoided because of the " i n t e l l e c t u a l upheaval r e s u l t i n g i n great experimentation and an a r t i s t i c milieu unfavourable to the 139 production of important works of art."59 Nonetheless, Art McKay's catalogue statement reveals the extent to which nationalism in a r t was an anathema to him: There i s no such thing as a d i s t i n c t l y Canadian ar t ; there are only a r t i s t s who happen to be Canadian. Each person makes his world which he shares with those who are interested, and people share only those things i n which they have common awareness.60 The de-emphasis of nationalism and contrasting emphasis of personal v i s i o n i s reinforced by the following of Richard Simmins: Lochhead, Bloor, McKay, Godwin, and, to a lesser degree, Morton, are e s s e n t i a l l y s o l i p s i s t s . That i s , they look inward to see the world. And i f the eternal questions of when, why, and whether cannot be solved i n t e l l e c t u a l l y , then the very fact that they have emotional r e a l i z a t i o n seems suf f i c i e n t . 6 1 The reliance on personal v i s i o n , e s p e c i a l l y the emotional r e a l i z a t i o n of a work as being s u f f i c i e n t in i t s e l f , r e f l e c t e d strongly the d e p o l i t i c i z e d Modernism of Greenberg in 1961 and his defence of aestheticism as an actual q u a l i t y preservable i n the c o n f l i c t against k i t s c h . The subsequent b e l i e f in the autonomy of art and the consequent p o s s i b i l i t i e s for communication were argued i n 1961 by Art McKay, who wrote: Communication i s a flow between two points, both of which must be open. A painting's communication i s as dependent upon the r e c e p t i v i t y of the viewer as i t i s upon the presence of meaning i n the work viewed. Nothing happens unless the work has something to give. 59 Richard Simmins, Five Painters From Regina (Catalogue), National Gallery of Canada, 1961, p.2 60 McKay, p.280 61 Simmins, p.2 140 and the viewer has the experience, s e n s i t i v i t y , and insight. . .[to] receive that something.62 This p o s s i b i l i t y of communication and a r t i s t i c autonomy was an important legacy of the arguments forged by Clement Greenberg. Greenberg's a r r i v a l at Emma Lake i n 1962, at the i n v i t a t i o n of Lochhead and McKay, s o l i d i f i e d the a r t i s t i c d i r e c t i o n i n i t i a t e d by Barnett Newman. The extent of the influence i s perhaps best r e f l e c t e d i n Withrow's b r i e f comment: "Greenberg, when he came i n 1962, was a theo r i s t and the evangelist of the doctrine, and to the p r o v i n c i a l a r t i s t s , what he had to say was nothing short of revolutionary."63 The importance of Greenberg's d e f i n i t i o n of modern art can also be seen i n the response of other a r t i s t s present at his 1962 workshop. Lochhead proclaimed: There are very few people who look close at art, and Greenberg had done that and had a l o t to say. . Although he taught us that the best and the worst were i n New York, there was a l o t we could do i n our environment.64 The a r t i s t Ernest Lindner further stated: There i s no question that the a r t i s t seminars at Emma Lake have caused the most important upsurge of creative work i n those who participated. The intimate contact with contemporary New York a r t i s t s of f i r s t rank, and es p e c i a l l y with the eminent art c r i t i c Clement Greenberg, has been simply invaluable to a l l of us who took part i n these seminars. I for one am 62 McKay quoted i n Fenton, p . i i 63 Withrow, p.99 64 Withrow, p.99 141 deeply grateful for this "window* to the larger contemporary art world.65 The "window* presented a series of arguments generally promoting the Post-Painterly Abstraction of Clement Greenberg. Art McKay argued that acceptance of that p a r t i c u l a r window resulted i n exposure to "a more c i v i l i z e d and humane culture from the U.S.A."66 Further, the v i s i o n of Modernism as progressive was upheld i n the l i g h t of " p o l i t i c a l coercion, economic domination, CocaCola and predigested mass communications."67 These arguments again p a r a l l e l Greenberg*s major premises i n "Avant Garde and Kitsch" i n defending the need for a high culture—Modernism in p a r t i c u l a r — t o prevent c u l t u r a l d i s s o l u t i o n . Pop Art, which arose i n the United States i n the 1960*s2 as a reaction against the e l i t i s m of Modernism, drew c r i t i c i s m from McKay pr e c i s e l y because i t was opposed to the e l i t i s t p o s i t i o n implied by Greenberg. McKay stated: " It [Pop Art] i s anti-aesthetic and r e a l l y more of a so c i o l o g i c a l phenomenon than an a r t i s t i c one. It contains very l i t t l e new vis u a l experience."68 The magazine Canadian Art commissioned Greenberg to write an a r t i c l e discussing P r a i r i e a r t which reveals the degree to which Art McKay's aesthetic approached that of 65 McKay, "Emma Lake Workshop," p.281 66 McKay, "Emma Lake Workshop," p.280 67 McKay, "Emma Lake Workshop," p.280 68 McKay, "Emma Lake Workshop," p.280 142 Greenberg. In this a r t i c l e , Greenberg lauds McKay for being "big attack" and for being armed with an "up-to-date" s t y l e . He singles out McKay for his use of shapes in r e l a t i o n to their ground, describing his new st y l e as being as modern as anything i n Paris or New York.69 In 1964, Greenberg curated a"show for the Los Angeles County Museum c a l l e d Post Painterly Abstraction, which was to be the grand unveiling of his new l i n e a r Modernism. Both Lochhead and McKay were included in the show, which Greenberg characterized as a new episode i n the development of painting. In this landmark show, Greenberg renewed his c r i t i q u e s of Abstract Expressionism and Pop, both now fashionable, to clear the ground for his new aesthetic. A l l the a r t i s t s i n the show were described by Greenberg as moving towards "a physical openness of design, or towards li n e a r c l a r i t y , or towards both."70 In p a r t i c u l a r , Greenberg praises McKay for his li n e a r c l a r i t y and plainness of design, and i t i s these s p e c i f i c q u a l i t i e s "which are more conducive to freshness i n abstract painting at this p a r t i c u l a r moment than most other instrumental q u a l i t i e s are."71 I t i s from this period of McKay's work that Lord selects the o i l on masonite painting "Circle",1964, 48 inches square, (figure 8.) to c l e a r l y emphasize the 69 Greenberg, "Greenberg's View of Art on the P r a i r i e s , " p. 92 70 Clement Greenberg, Post-Painterlv Abstraction (Catalogue), Los Angeles County Museum, 1967, p.4 71 Greenberg, Post-Painterlv Abstraction, p.4 143 overwhelming influence of Clement Greenberg on this s t y l e of painting. Greg Curnoe and "For Ben B e l l a " In the early 1960's, Curnoe's a r t i s t i c stance seemed to form out of a merger of a variety of a r t i s t i c s t r a i n s . Predominant i n t h i s stage of his career was an early Dadaist, anarchist stance which was i n i t i a l l y r e f l e c t e d i n such pieces as a framed f i f t y d o l l a r b i l l (1961). Robert Fulford, i n The Toronto Daily Star, found Curnoe's work, to be t y p i c a l neo-Dadaist. In the 1963 federal e l e c t i o n , Curnoe demonstrated his n i h i l i s t tendencies by painting over the eyes of one of the Conservative candidates the words "destroy your b a l l o t . " His apparent d i s a f f i l i a t i o n from society was summarized by the London Free Press i n September 1963 i n an interview i n which he stated he advocated "nothing at a l l , r e a l l y no party, no vote, no democracy." At t h i s time, Curnoe formed the N i h i l i s t Spasm Band with other l o c a l a r t i s t s ; the band performed in a London hotel. Curnoe's early pseudo-avant garde stance would remain as r h e t o r i c , but the oppositional posture such positions had offered e a r l i e r i n European society had, by now, become as Herbert Marcuse would say, "a vehicle of adjustment." In regard to Curnoe's early Dadaism, Robert Fulford stated i n a review of his a r t : If the wild, anti-everything attitude of the old 1920's has appealed to you in the past (as i t has to me) then y o u ' l l enjoy seeing i t s 1961 version i n a Toronto setting. I f , on the other hand, you suspect 144 the current art i s e s s e n t i a l l y insane, then y o u ' l l be snugly confirmed i n your b e l i e f — I t i s a show to please everyone.72 Developing alongside his anarchism, Curnoe also developed a painting technique that began to draw on Pop influences that were emigrating from the United States, the f i r s t Toronto Pop e x h i b i t i o n being held i n 1963. This Pop influence, combined with a growing awareness of the region surrounding London, Ontario as opposed to the formal concerns of New York art formed the basis of his painted images over the next several years. The concerns with s o c i a l activism and regionalism pushed Curnoe towards r e j e c t i o n of the Modernist culture dominant i n New York. In a lecture on aesthetics at Waterloo University, Curnoe acknowledged his primary concern "with people who are involved, who have the guts to try something that costs them at least a passionate e f f o r t , at most their lives."73 For Curnoe, t h i s need to x t r y something' would merge with the r e j e c t i o n of Modernism and a growing n a t i o n a l i s t consciousness to form the basis of his a r t i s t i c p o s i t i o n i n the mid 1960's. I r o n i c a l l y , as late as 1964, Curnoe was characterized by one c r i t i c as being "very New York"74 and by several 72 Robert Fulford, "Anarchy," The Toronto Daily Star. 23 December 1964 73 David Colob, "A Man of Involvement," The Toronto Daily  Star, 23 December 1961 74 Arnold Rockman, "About Art," The Toronto Daily Star, 3 October 1964 145 others as being very Pop. Lenore Crawford, in a review of a Greg Curnoe show i n 1964, stated i n the London Free Press that " i t i s too s i l l y to read anything as ponderous as a "message'into them [his paintings]. They are for those moments of laughter i n everyone's l i f e . " 7 5 The painting "For Ben B e l l a " (1965) marks a decisive change i n Curnoe's painting towards a more s p e c i f i c p o l i t i c a l c r i t i c i s m . Occurring at a time of profound disillusionment of many Canadian i n t e l l e c t u a l s over the American debacle i n Vietnam, and s o c i a l decay and race r i o t s i n American c i t i e s , t h i s painting s i g n i f i e s the explosion of Canadian nationalism which had l a i n r e l a t i v e l y dormant since the war. "For Ben B e l l a " (figure 9.) i s composed of one v e r t i c a l and one horizontal panel connected by met a l l i c exercise bars standing 59 1/2 inches high. The painted image depicts William Lyon Mackenzie King, the L i b e r a l Prime Minister of Canada from 1921 to 1930 and from 1935 to 1948, s i t t i n g i n an easy chair and receiving an e l e c t r i c shock from a vibrator held by an arm i n the upper r i g h t hand corner of the painting. The work i t s e l f i s a c l a s s i c summary of Curnoe's e f f o r t s to d i f f e r e n t i a t e himself from the older international Modernist art world, represented by Art McKay and the Regina r e g i o n a l i s t s , and he employs several methods to do t h i s . 75 Lenore Crawford, "Urquhart-Curnoe Exhibit a Mixture of Colour, V i t a l i t y , Humour," London Free Press, 14 November 1964 146 His r e j e c t i o n of the universalism of Greenbergian Modernism i s f i r s t established by an opposing concern with the immediate and the personal. As Ross Woodman notes, the concern Curnoe has for his immediate environment i s re f l e c t e d in "Objects, persons, places. . .[which tend] to g l i s t e n with meaning and become memorable for him."76 An example of the intrusion of the immediate and personal from Curnoe*s l i f e i n London into "For Ben B e l l a " i s the inclusi o n of an arm holding a vibrator that shocks Mackenzie King which i s l a b e l l e d "Ebert's arm," a reference to one of Curnoe*s friends. Another c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of thi s break from modernism i s the u t i l i z a t i o n of garish Pop colours such as orange, purple, etc. which are highly i d i o s y n c r a t i c and garish, and avoid f o r m a l i s t i c colour concerns. Andreas Huyssen notes that Pop art at this point i n the 1960's presented an a t t r a c t i v e a l t e r n a t i v e to the aloofness of modernism and a means of making art more responsive to l i f e : ...Pop seemed to l i b e r a t e a rt from the monumental boredom of Informel and Abstract Expressionism; i t seemed to break through the confines of the ivory tower in which art had been going around i n c i r c l e s in the 1950*s. I t seemed to r i d i c u l e the deadly serious a rt c r i t i c i s m which never acknowledged fantasy, play and spontaneity. Pop's almost indiscriminate use of bright colours was overwhelming.77 Curnoe's anti-Modernism continues with his attack on the flatness of the picture plane, a Greenbergian p r i o r i t y . The two panels connected by metallic bars 76 Ross Woodman, "London (Ont.): a new regionalism" in artscanada, August/September 1967. 77 Huyssen, "The Cultural P o l i t i c s of Pop" pp. 77-78 147 d e l i b e r a t e l y break the picture plane: while the painting i s intended to lean against the wall, i t s sculptural aspect works against i t s sole appreciation as a painted surface. The stark whiteness of King's face and arm, as opposed to the f l a t handling of King's body, also serves to disrupt the formal smoothness of the painting. Furthermore, the face i s taken from an e l e c t i o n poster and, as a photograph, once again breaks with formalist painting t r a d i t i o n , emphasizing contemporary mass media. Curnoe's use of the figure, imagery from mass media, and introduction of sculptural elements, are the three main elements of his a r t which David Silcox emphasized e a r l i e r as being the key influences on the emergence of Canadian art on the international a r t scene. Although v i s u a l l y related to Pop a r t i s t s such as Tom Wesselman and his "Great American Nude" ser i e s , Curnoe adds s o c i a l c r i t i c i s m to the image as well as i n the texts that surround the image. Along the top and r i g h t side of the painting, Curnoe savages those responsible for Canada's sinking to a new c o l o n i a l status but i n a t y p i c a l l y n i h i l i s t fashion: THE LIBERALS SOLD US TO THE U.S.A.! THE P.C.S DESTROYED PARLIAMENT! THE N.D.P. BETRAYED THE C.C.F.! THE NIHILIST PARTY OF CANADA AWAITS WITH JOY THE DEATH OF OUR COUNTRY AND ENDORSES UNION WITH OUR BELOVED AND SHY NEIGHBOUR THE U.S.&A.! 148 The sarcasm of the above text i s tempered by the more serious i n c l u s i o n of leaders from the l i b e r a t i o n struggles of the past two hundred years s t e n c i l l e d on the border of the f l o o r panel. Two martyrs of Canadian history are included, the Indian leader Tecumseh and the leader of the 1885 Metis r e b e l l i o n , Louis R i e l . Contemporary Third World l i b e r a t i o n struggles are noted with the names of Mao, Ho, Lumumba, and, from the United States, Malcolm X. The t i t l e of the painting honours Ben B e l l a , the s o c i a l i s t leader of Algeria, who was overthrown i n a coup led by Houari Boumedienne on June 14, 1965.78 While the content and tone of the text are very polemical i n t h e i r attack, on Canadian and international p o l i t i c s , Curnoe curiously l i s t s Diefenbaker (Conservative Prime Minister of Canada from 1957 78 Algeria i s a c l a s s i c example of a Third World country whose ideology was c h a r a c e r i s t i c of the a n t i - c o l o n i a l struggles the Americans were intent on defusing. At the height of his power and before he was to host a Afro-Asian Caonference i n A l g i e r s , which would have immeasurably boosted his image i n Third World p o l i t i c s , Ben B e l l a declared that, "In Algeria there i s a s o c i a l i s t revolution, a regime and leaders who are more u n i f i e d than ever, more decided than ever to oppose plots from any quarter..." P.T. Piotrow "Algerian Conflict",, in E d i t o r i a l Research Reports. Washington, p. 649. Three days l a t e r Ben B e l l a was overthrown. The United States, while feigning n e u t r a l i t y , consistently supported France i n the struggle against Algeria. However, an i n d i c a t i o n of how well the United States camouflaged i t s counter-revolutionary campaign i n the Third World i s provided by Ben Bella's enthusiasm for the major proponent of the new strategy, John F. Kennedy. As Ben B e l l a pointed out, "Kennedy seemed to represent the moderate element, i n opposition to the b e l l i c o s e policy of his country. I f e l t that his death was a great loss for the USA and for the whole world....A few days l a t e r , I named the big square at El- B i a r i n memory of President Kennedy." Robert Merle, Ahmed Ben B e l l a . (Walker & Company: New York, 1965) p. 137 149 to 1963) as one of his heroes. As discussed in Chapter 2, Diefenbaker's conception of nationalism was very much of an anti-modern, a n t i - l i b e r a l o r i e n t a t i o n and Diefenbaker himself was defended as a n a t i o n a l i s t by the conservative Canadian philosopher George Grant i n his 1965 work. Lament for a Nation, i n which Grant argues that the i m p o s s i b i l i t y of the conservative v i s i o n of John Diefenbaker means the i m p o s s i b i l i t y of Canadian independence i n the modern world. This awkward conservative side to Curnoe w i l l be p a r t i a l l y responsible for his a s s i m i l a t i o n within the mainstream of the Canadian culture which he wishes to attack. The preference for the type of regionalism represented by Greg Curnoe and the London, Ontario school, as opposed to that of Art McKay and the Regina school, was noted by David Thompson, the a r t c r i t i c of the London Times, who wrote three a r t i c l e s discussing Canadian art for Studio International i n 1968. Thompson saw Expo as c r y s t a l l i z i n g Canadian attitudes and aspirations towards a variety of issues, p a r t i c u l a r l y including culture. The Canadian art scene appeared to have successfully defined i t s e l f apart from the older regional isms and styles to envisage a separate conception for Canadian a r t i n the modern world. According to Thompson, Curnoe's success i n defining a p a r t i c u l a r voice resulted from his role as: ...the passionate exponent of a p a r t i c u l a r kind of regionalism — a regionalism which i s not sequestered from any of the concerns of the outside world, but which, i n accepting part as representative of the 150 whole, i s content to work from a p a r t i c u l a r l o c a l i t y : London, Ontario.79 Another Englishman, William Townsend, saw the new Canadian art scene represented by the London, Ontario r e g i o n a l i s t s as free of " d i s a b i l i t i e s of i s o l a t i o n and dependence"80 and not a victim "of the c r i s i s i n moral attitudes that penalizes influence."81 This balance between old and new with a looking forward to the future finds, i n Curnoe, a perfect spokesman. Curnoe*s compatibility with the new c u l t u r a l p o l i c y i s indicated i n a 20/20 Gallery press release of February 14, 1967 in which Curnoe i s described i n terms si m i l a r to Barry Lord's rationale for the tranformation of Canadian Art to artscanada. "Curnoe r e s i s t s abstraction because of the way i t annihilates environment and seperates the " f i n e " from the "popular". His "regionalism" i s contained in the comic s t r i p s of London, i t reveals above a l l his extraordinary a b i l i t y to come to grips with his environment."82 The in t e r a c t i o n of a r t and l i f e to which the formalists of Regina are innately i n opposition opens the doorway for Barry Lord to select Greg Curnoe to represent the new e d i t o r i a l p o l icy of artscanada on the cover of the f i r s t 79 David Thompson, "A Canadian Scene," i n William Townsend, Canadian Art Today. (London: England: Studio International, 1970), p. 18 80 Townsend, p. 11 81 Townsend, p. 11 82 20/20 Gallery Press Release. February 14, 1967 151 issue. P a r a l l e l i n g Barry Lord, Curnoe argues, "The age of s p e c i a l i z a t i o n i s going out and I belong to the new age of p a r t i c i p a t i o n or involvement i n many things."83 Acceptance of the v a l i d i t y of the London regional i s t s was not universal and received considerable condemnation from homegrown formalist c r i t i c s such as Terry Fenton. In September 1968, he argued, "...[that] the regionalism in London, Ontario i s simply another instance of provincialism in modern a r t , that despite i t s intentions, i t f a i l e d to match the achievement of the best art shown i n New York.. "84 For c r i t i c s such as Fenton, the r e g i o n a l i s t painters in Regina presented an equally strong d e f i n i t i o n of regionalism with even "better q u a l i f i c a t i o n s " than those a r t i s t s in London. Art Mckay i s described by Fenton as having "produced some of the most important works of a r t in Canada during the sixties."85 Fenton defends the tr a d i t o n a l way of defining Canadian art by the extent to which i t positions i t s e l f between the a r t c a p i t a l s of New York and Paris. For example, abstract painters l i k e Art McKay and Jack Bush are more successful p r e c i s e l y because " both a r t i s t s are i n the peculiar p o s i t i o n of looking very French i n comparison to recent American painting and remarkably American i n r e l a t i o n to recent painting form the continent. If there i s such a 83 London Free Press. December 3, 1966 84 Terry Fenton, "Looking at Candian Art", i n Artforum. September, 1968. Volume 7 #1. p. ? 85 Fenton, p.? 152 thing as a Canadian national c h a r a c t e r i s t i c , perhaps that i s it."86 Such an argument i n defense of the modernist t r a d i t i o n of painting was not s u f f i c i e n t for the new c u l t u r a l p o l i c y of the L i b e r a l s as i t maintained the separation of art and l i f e that rendered i t too e l i t i s t i n terms of the c u l t u r a l objectives of Seminar 65. The inc l u s i o n of "For Ben B e l l a " i n the Painting in Canada exh i b i t i o n does rais e questions of i t s p o l i t i c a l a c c e p t a b i l i t y i n a p a v i l i o n sponsored by the Canadian government led by the L i b e r a l s , the p o l i t i c a l party of Mackenzie King himself. Curnoe's a c i d i c attack on King's Liberalism as having sold Canada to the United States as well as Curnoe's overt defense of Third World revolutionaries would appear to be p o l i t i c a l l y damaging to the L i b e r a l ideology the p a v i l i o n was meant to promote. However, the increase i n government involvement i n the arts since Seminar 65 occurred i n a period of Canadian Liberalism under Lester Pearson that was seeking to remotivate i t s image and ideology. In the l i g h t of the 1965 federal e l e c t i o n of a minority L i b e r a l government, the need to d i f f e r e n t i a t e i t s e l f from previous L i b e r a l governments, es p e c i a l l y on the issue of nationalism during a time i n which English Canadian nationalism was on the upswing, meant that an image had to be constructed to r e f l e c t the new L i b e r a l ideology. Culture was seen as being an important instrument i n pursuing L i b e r a l objectives because i t could 86 Fenton, p. ? 153 reach, given the r i g h t a r t , the various regional e l i t e s with the image of i t s e l f i t wished to communicate. The demonstration of s o c i a l c r i t i c i s m i n "For Ben B e l l a " i n i t i a t e d a new didacticism i n painting that was a r e f l e c t i o n of the new l i b e r a l i s m . As previously argued by David Silcox of the Canada Council i n 1966, one of the ingredients he was looking for, in an e f f o r t to define a d i s t i n c t i v e a r t , was the capacity of art to be more d i d a c t i c and therefore capable of being " r a t i o n a l l y apprehended". I t i s the l a t t e r phrase that makes the art of s o c i a l commentary useful to the Liberals p a r t i c u l a r l y with the growing intere s t i n the concept of p a r t i c i p a t o r y democracy which Trudeau would make such an integral theme of his government. This appreciation of d i d a c t i c and s o c i a l l y c r i t i c a l a r t was r e f l e c t e d i n the acquisitions p o l i c y of the National Gallery when i t acquired "Sunday Afternoon (from an Old American Photograph)" by Claude Breeze, i n 1966. The scene of lynched hanging figures i n the American South demonstrated for Barry Lord the willingness of the National Gallery to set an example of an i n s t i t u t i o n not w i l l l i n g to l e t i t s character influence the a c q u i s i t i o n of works with overt s o c i a l content: This i s i n marked contrast to the t i m i d i t y of some public g a l l e r i e s and museums which have been reluctant to exhibit or purchase contemporary figure painting due to the nature of their subject matter. Like Dennis Burton and Greg Curnoe (whose"For Ben B e l l a " i s on our cover) Claude Breeze i s familiar with the economic and exhibiting d i f f i c u l t i e s encountered by a painter who wishes to deal frankly with the violence. 154 the eroticism and the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l problems inherent i n our society.87 The success of the London r e g i o n a l i s t s i n becoming representatives of a new Canadian s t y l e l i e s with the presence in their work of t h i s d i d a c t i c and c r i t i c a l q u a l i t y to which the Regina painters were inherently h o s t i l e . This acceptance of s o c i a l c r i t i c i s m i s indicated i n the comments of the American c r i t i c William Seitz who was responsible for the s e l e c t i o n of works for the Seventh Biennial of Canadian Painting i n 1968. Seitz contrasts the f e s t i v e mood i n Canada following the e l e c t i o n of Pierre Trudeau with the destruction of America's c i t i e s following the assassination of Martin Luther King i n Memphis. This contrast i s in part the r e s u l t , argues Seitz, of the presence of a r t i s t s w i l l i n g to act as s o c i a l c r i t i c s : E s s e n t i a l i n the a r t of a democracy that hopes to grow in d i v e r s i t y as well as affluence i s the work of a r t i s t s as s o c i a l c r i t i c s . Greg Curnoe and John Boyle in their extension of variations of the medium of painting, i n turning from abstraction toward s o c i a l subjects, and in the defiant stance their art projects, keeps c r i t i c i s m of the establishment within the aspirations of current arts.88 In the catalogue notes, Seitz goes on to describe p r e c i s e l y how the regionalism of London i s the perfect c u l t u r a l c o r o l l a r y of "technological l i b e r a l i s m " : The existence i n London, Ontario of a tight l i t t l e avant-garde — a s i t u a t i o n only possible today i n a p r o v i n c i a l setting — demonstrates Curnoe's p r i n c i p l e . ' London i s a reminder that the increasing 87 Barry Lord, "Sunday Afternoon" i n artscanda. January 1967 88 William S e i t z , Seventh Biennial of Canadian Painting. 1968, E x h i b i t i o n Catalogue, p. 11 155 interdependence brought about by instant communication need not pulverize regional experience into international homogeneity.89 Seitz accurately describes and summarizes the instrumentalized conception of culture that had f i r s t t a n t a l i z e d Cold War planners i n the 1950*s and was the basis of the theme of Expo 67 and the actions taken on the part of the Canadian from Seminar 65. In language reminiscent of St. Exupery, Seitz notes: Today Canadian a r t i s free to grow within a more interconnected s o c i a l structure that that of the U.S. It i s a s i t u a t i o n i n which the a r t i s t , as source of ideas, environmental embellishes, c r i t i c and poet can play an indispensible s o c i a l role.90 Even Art in America lauds the new s o c i a l l y c r i t i c a l a r t and looks towards Greg Curnoe and the London r e g i o n l i s t strategy as being appropriate for Mcluhan's 'Global V i l l a g e ' . An a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "What London Ontario Has that Everywhere Else Needs" argues that the new regionalism demonstrates the obsolescence of art c a p i t a l s and loudly proclaims, " London, Ontario is Canada's f i r s t regional l i b e r a t i o n front."91 The f a i l u r e to perceive the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the new f i g u r a t i v e painters with the new Cold War strategy, within which Canadian Liberalism was playing an important r o l e , led Barry Lord to exaggerate the p o l i t i c a l claims of t h i s a r t , as i n 1968 when he declared that we "...need to create two, three, many Vietnams i n the 89 S e i t z , p. 11 90 Seitz, p. 12 91 Toronto Globe and Mail. December 13, 1969 a r t s , an a n t i - i m p e r i a l i s t culture to p a r a l l e l peoples l i b e r a t i o n struggles i n Vietnam, Angola and L a t i n America."92 Following the success of Expo 67, the Canadian Conference of the Arts met once again, between November 29-December 2, 1967, to review the status of the Arts i n Canada and the influence of policy decisions made at Seminar 65. The key word for the 1967 Conference was "creation" which was to be applied to keep the c u l t u r a l d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s of the two major ethnic groups of Canada but solely within a 92 Kitchener Waterloo Record. December 28, 1968 The dilemma of the avidly n a t i o n a l i s t Canadian a r t i s t t r y i n g to repudiate American imperialism i s epitomized by Joyce Wieland, who had a painting included i n the "Painting i n Canada 1 e x h i b i t . Wieland's p o s i t i o n emphasized a much more pro-Canadian stance than did Greg Curnoe, as the following quote from 1968 makes c l e a r : "I think Canada i s the l a s t stand, the l a s t place where something could be done. We could have utopia." Elizabeth Kilbourn, "Art and A r t i s t s , " Toronto Star. December 31, 1968. In 1968, Wieland threw her support behind the leadership aspirations of Pierre Trudeau and made for him a q u i l t decorated with one of his campaign slogans, "Reason Over Passion." Meanwhile some c r i t i c s , such as Barry Hale, began to perceive Wieland as the great Canadian p a t r i o t f i g h t i n g "against the corporate and m i l i t a r y i n s t i t u t e of the global v i l l a g e . " Toronto Telegram. February, 27 1969. Unlike Curnoe's pseudo-nihilist stance, Wieland functioned as an active propagandist for Pierre Trudeau even while she was l i v i n g in New York. For example, Janas Makas stated i n The V i l l a g e Voice. "After viewing some of Snow's and Wieland's films, a l l of us went home knowing that Canada has the most up to date P.M. of any country." (November 20, 1969) The sad irony was the inadvertent support provided by Wieland for the corporate and m i l i t a r y i n s t i t u t e of the "Global V i l l a g e ' through her support of Trudeau, the foremost exponent of i t s ideology. 157 f e d e r a l i s t structure. The e f f o r t s to promote the Centennial year and create a d i s t i n c t Canadian c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y were intended, as the Canada Council Associate Director explained, to create "...a state of mind which allows a r t i s t s of two languages to work together, each keeping his i n t e g r i t y and his own individuality. " 9 3 The Conference happily noted that the b a r r i e r s separating the Arts from the mainstream of Canadian l i f e had been removed, thanks to the r e c o n c i l i n g of the old high culture and the newly emerging Pop culture. This congenial synthesis i s described i n the following quote from the Conference Papers: Though d i s c i p l e s of Mcluhan came with the Monkees on their shoulders, to scorn the established arts as 'dinosaurs' and 'mastodons,' they stayed to suggest new and happier ways of r e c o n c i l i n g old and new. The c l a s s i c arts seemed newly prepared to allow the f r e n e t i c , dynamic world of the pop arts a foothold i n the palace of culture.94 By r e j e c t i n g the e l i t i s t nature of high culture, p a r t i c u l a r l y modernism, as being the sole purveyor of c u l t u r a l values. Seminar 65 established the framework for a new c u l t u r a l p o l i c y . This p o l i c y successfully supported art forms capable of functioning as symbols of a national culture for regional e l i t e s and segments of the middle c l a s s . The success of this p o licy was r e f l e c t e d i n the support these publics provided the arts i n Canada i n the Centennial year. More than 600,000 persons in 210 towns, c i t i e s and v i l l a g e s watched some 690 individual 93 Canadian Conference of the Arts (1967) p. 5 94 Canadian Conference of the Arts p. 2 158 performances, reported the Conference. These s t a t i s t i c s suggested to the Conference that, as a consequence of th i s obvious success, the role of the government should s h i f t from merely "encouraging" the arts to a c t u a l l y "investing" in them. Since the objective of having the arts recognized as a "human service" and a "economic and s o c i a l asset" had been accomplished, i t was time to encourage closer t i e s with the Canadian business community.95 In summary, the c u l t u r a l strategy devised i n 1965 had been an overwhelming achievement, for f i n a l l y , "after a hundred years the arts [were] here to stay, a part of the Canadian mainstream at 95 As one o f f i c i a l added, the problems of administration were now i n s i g n i f i c a n t . As the man from Madison Avenue said these problems were now "... happy problems about happy people." (p. 3.) Curnoe's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the new a l l i a n c e of art and business i s best symbolized by his appearance on the cover of the magazine. Business Quarterly Spring, 1972, which served to intoduce a new section of the magazine devoted to "Art and the Businessman." Described as Canada's foremost 'enfant t e r r i b l e ' Curnoe concluded the a r t i c l e by saying, "Today I noticed the old Main Post O f f i c e . I can't r e a l l y say more than that because I don't understand what I'm doing or what I notice." After t h i s the magazine states, " And his art does not say more than that either; the affirmation is so strong, the Matisse palette so joyous that i t s sheer presence nevertheless has a history of people's struggle to shed a c o l o n i a l skin and behold themselves newborn on the s i x t h day of creation. And that too i s an incarnation of so r t s . " 159 l a s t , and sure enough of their p o s i t i o n to set out i n new directions."96 The culmination of years of remotivating L i b e r a l ideology was r e a l i z e d i n 1968 with Pierre E l l i o t t Trudeau's e l e c t i o n with an overwhelming Parliamentary majority. As Richard Gwyn notes in his biography of Trudeau, the e l e c t i o n v i c t o r y was the f u l f i l l i n g of a c o l l e c t i v e dream: " A l l of Canada, glued to i t s t e l e v i s i o n sets, wanted a new guy with new ideas to perpetuate Expo."97 Trudeau was deemed the appropriate adornment to the nation's substance. The dream was f u l f i l l e d " . . . i n Centennial and i n Expo, and now i n el e c t i n g a Prime Minister whom almost everyone envied us for."98 The successful r e s i t u a t i n g of culture i n Canadian society which followed from the planning sessions of Seminar 65 led to Trudeau being c a l l e d Canada's f i r s t " c u l t u r a l Prime Minister." The successful instrumentalization of culture under the Libe r a l s did not end with Trudeau's e l e c t i o n . The benefits to be derived from an ongoing government involvement i n the 96 Canadian Conference of the Arts p. 3 Between 1967 and 1970 the v i s i b i l i t y of Canadian art i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y increased dramatically with major shows i n Tel Aviv, Edinburgh, and Paris. Greg Curnoe represented Canada at the 1968 Sao Paolo Biennial. In a show held i n Paris e n t i t l e d "Art D'Aujourd hui", at the Musee National D'Art Moderne i n 1968, the catalogue stated the new role of Canadian a r t under Trudeau as "...the f i r s t show thi s side of the A t l a n t i c to show Canada no longer as a pr o v i n c i a l consumer but as a contributing part of the International Scene." Townsend, p. 8. 97 Gwyn, p. 68 98 Gwyn, p. 71 160 arts were too great. The three main planks of Trudeau's philosophy of government, i . e . p l u r a l i s t federalism, r a t i o n a l planning, and Partic i p a t o r y Democracy, were established on a s o l i d c u l t u r a l foundation. In The Canadian Cultural Revolution. Dale McConathy notes that the popularization of the arts since 1968 has taken place under the twin banners of 'decentralization' and 'democratization': The i n i t i a l objectives to the additional funding of the Canada Council i n Parliament in 1965 have by and large died down i n the l a s t f i v e years. Culture has taken i t s place, along with health and education, as undisputed s o c i a l goods.99 'Decentralization' and 'democratization' were o f f i c i a l l y formalized as an o f f i c i a l government po l i c y i n a March 18, 1972 speech by Secretary of State Gerard P e l l e t i e r , one of the three French Canadians (along with Jean Marchand and Trudeau) who had come to Ottawa to help r e v i t a l i z e Canadian Liberalism i n 1965. P e l l e t i e r outlined the c u l t u r a l p o licy i n the following way: Democratization means increasing access to the products of c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y for a l l tax payers, not only for a select group as has been the case i n the past. Since this concerns the use of public funds, i t would be unfair to promote c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s that are reserved for the happy few. Decentralization i n a country such as Canada s i g n i f i e s an active b a t t l e against vast distances i n order to make our c u l t u r a l symbols available to a l l Canadians, no matter where they live.100 99 Dale McConathy, The Canadian Cultural Revolution (artscanada: Toronto, 1970), p.2 100 McConathy, p. 2 161 John Chandler perceptively described t h i s c u l t u r a l p o l i c y i n 1972 as "the new aesthetics" which may be as old as a r t i t s e l f . " 1 0 1 In t h i s context, the explanation for the v i s i b i l i t y of Greg Curnoe i n 1967 on the cover of artscanada and in the Painting i n Canada show i s evident. The r e j e c t i o n , by Curnoe and the London r e g i o n a l i s t painters, of an e l i t i s t Greenbergian Modernism i n favour of a r e g i o n a l i s t populism u t i l i z i n g the figure, mass media, sculptural elements and so c i a l c r i t i c i s m formed a more useable d e f i n i t i o n of "international regionalism" for Li b e r a l objectives than the regionalism of Art McKay and the Regina modernists. Greg Curnoe's regionalism provided a mid-point between old and new i n Canadian a rt i n a manner similar to the L i b e r a l party's e f f o r t s to find a new ideology i n the mid 1960's. "For Ben B e l l a " emphasized a new redeployment of the figure i n Canadian painting which, despite i t s didacticism and overt s o c i a l content, paved the way for the post-modernist malaise i n Canadian culture i n the 1970's and early 1980's. The melding of c u l t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l stances i s r e f l e c t e d in William Seitz's comments that: We l i v e i n a period, as Pierre E l l i o t t Trudeau recognizes, i n which st y l e — that i s r e a l l y to say art — spreads into every facet of l i f e . Canadian painters and sculptors have the c r e a t i v i t y , v i t a l i t y and energy to make contributions of incalculable value to the new 101 John Chandler, "Notes Towards a New Aesthetics" artscanada. October-November 1972, pp. 172-173 162 s p i r i t and image of Canada engendered by the Centennial year.102 The e f f o r t s of Canadian n a t i o n a l i s t s to use Greg Curnoe's imagery as a symbol of their p o l i t i c a l struggle against American imperialism f a i l s to perceive the new role of culture i n Canadian society and i t s implications for c u l t u r a l opposition to the new s i g n a l l i n g systems of multi-national capitalism. The r e j e c t i o n of the Clement Greenberg d e f i n i t i o n of modernism by Greg Curnoe does lead to a merging of art and l i f e but i n a t o t a l l y commodified form devoid of any authentic c r i t i c i s m and e a s i l y co-opted within the L i b e r a l c u l t u r a l revolution. The dilemma of c u l t u r a l c r i t i c i s m under the t h i r d stage of c a p i t a l i s t development i s epitomized by th i s Canadian experience. As Jean Baudrillard concludes: A l l vague impulses to democratize content, subvert i t , restore the "transparency of the code," control the information process, contrive a r e v e r s i b i l i t y of c i r c u i t s , or take power over media are hopeless -unless the monopoly of speech i s broken; and one cannot break the monopoly of speech i f one's goal i s simply to d i s t r i b u t e i t equally to everyone.103 102 Quote c i t e d i n the Toronto Globe and Mail. December 13, 1969 103 Ba u d r i l l a r d , p. 170 163 CONCLUSION Dolente....dolore. Confronted with an American Empire, f u l l y expressive of the lead tendencies of modern culture ("mechanized communication" and the p o l i t i c s of s p a t i a l domination), the Canadian s i t u a t i o n i s precarious. Arthur Kroker Confronted by such a dominant hegemonic system from within and without, the melancholy of Canadian i n t e l l e c t u a l s would seem to be j u s t i f i e d . Their society has become, in the post-war period, an overwhelming success i n portraying the smooth functioning of the refined cybernetic ideology of American economic, m i l i t a r y and c u l t u r a l power. The t r a g i c fate of Canada i n the post-war period i s a product of i t s role i n r e f l e c t i n g the leading tendencies of the t r a n s i t i o n phase of capitalism, as i t progresses towards i t s ultimate goal of the "Global V i l l a g e . " The Canadian experience has serious implications for any s o c i a l organization occurring within the o r b i t of multi-national capitalism. Yet t h i s "precarious" p o s i t i o n has afforded Canadians the opportunity to observe first-hand the nature of the Utopia which capitalism seeks to o f f e r . As the Marxist i n t e l l e c t u a l Stanley Aronowitz has observed: Americans have been blinded to the dangers of modern technology because i t has been central to building a world empire that has sustained material prosperity and p o l i t i c a l and economic domination over others. Canada, caught between i t s p a r t i a l integration into technological society and the past of European culture, has forged a discourse about technology that 164 grasps, in the words of philosopher George Grant, that "technology i s ourselves.'1 Trudeau and Mcluhan's understanding of that technology provided the basis for p o l i t i c a l synthesis of the cybernetic revolution and l i b e r a l i s m which became "technological l i b e r a l i s m . " Combined with the new techniques of waging propaganda warfare developed i n the United States, this American and Canadian hybrid provided a model of a new "symbolic universe." This symbolic universe created a v i s i o n of U t o p i a t h a t adhered the l o y a l t i e s of the middle class to the status quo while defeating the Soviet Union in the international arena of the propaganda Cold War. This new strategy was unveiled at Expo 67 e n t a i l i n g the most up to date deployment of communication and transportation technologies. Old s t y l e world f a i r s had become suspect i n the age of Mcluhan because the old forms of propagandistic warfare between nations had been supplanted by the techniques of " t o t a l communications." Expo 67 was a new model of the idea of a " t o t a l system" which projected a utopia of s o c i a l cohesiveness by making a virt u e of the s o c i a l d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of the modern world. Donald Theall observes the r e l a t i o n s h i p of t h i s process to the v i s i o n of Expo and the role of culture within i t and states: The sensory world of Expo i s a fragmented one, r e f l e c t i n g the fragmented nature of our world. But in this context the fragmentation assumes an order — pop 1 Stanley Aronowitz, Review of "Technology and the Canadian Mind" i n Canadian Journal of P o l i t i c a l and Social Theory. Autumn, 1985, p. 127 pp. 126-133 165 art and pop k i t s c h both become part of the continuum of the arts of culture and a new Utopian vision..."2 Alienation and s o c i a l fragmentation s h i f t from being a form of s o c i a l existence to be overcome by some more ra t i o n a l form of s o c i a l organization to forming the essence of the c a p i t a l i s t v i s i o n of the ideal society. Culture ensures the smooth functioning of the technological t o t a l i t y by recognizing "the e s s e n t i a l harmony between the art of l i v i n g and the arts of man informed by his sense of c r e a t i v i t y and community."3 The paradox of t h i s p r i n c i p l e of c a p i t a l i s t organization i s summarized by Henri Lefebvre as "...loneliness i n the midst of overcrowding, lack of communication i n a p r o l i f e r a t i o n of signs and information."4 The year 1968 was an important one for the a r t i c u l a t i o n of competing visions of s o c i a l organization. The May uprising i n Paris enabled many European i n t e l l e c t u a l s to v i s u a l i z e alternatives to technological t o t a l i z a t i o n that seemed to disprove the overly negative analysis of Marcuse's One Dimensional Man or Theodor Adorno's bleak description of the "culture industry." For a former student of Adorno's, German poet and c r i t i c Hans Magnus Enzenburger, the spring of 1968 demonstrated the i n s t a b i l i t y of what had appeared to be in the early 1960's a system within which the a r t i c u l a t i o n of alternative discourses was non-existent. 2 Theall, p. 4 3 3 Theall, p. 43 4 Lefebvre, p. 185 166 "When the t o t a l i t y of imperialism became evident, when s o c i a l contradictions could no longer be covered up, the cracks began to show through the c u l t u r a l facade."5 Paris, 1968 demonstrated for B a u d r i l l a r d that " the street...was the a l t e r n a t i v e and subversive form to a l l mass media."6 F i n a l l y , Henri Lefebvre proclaimed, "Let d a i l y l i f e become a work of a r t ! " sexual and urban reform and "the f e s t i v a l rediscovered" on the c u l t u r a l plane."7 However, in the Canadian context the exact opposite was occurring. Expo 67 functioned as a model of a technological f e s t i v a l , a showpiece of advertising, mass media, and the " i n v i s i b l e c i t y , ' demonstrating the power of capitalism's s i g n a l l i n g system to unify within i t s grasp the vast majority of the Canadian population and leaving the Soviet Union l o s t in the i n d u s t r i a l sign language of an e a r l i e r phase of i n d u s t r i a l modernization. The ideology of Expo was, in e f f e c t , a new source of motivation and legitimation for multi-national capitalism for which Canadian society provides a perfect model of f e a l t y . Concepts which originated i n Paris i n 1968 as alternate responses to the ' t o t a l ' system were l i f t e d from their context and employed i n Canada as useful appendages to the ideology of 5 Hans Magnus Enzenburger, The Consciousness Industry, (A Continuum Book, The Seabury Press: New York, 1974) p.84 6 B a u d r i l l a r d , For a Critique of the P o l i t i c a l Economy of  the Sign, p. 218 7 Lefebvre quote c i t e d i n Mark Poster, E x i s t e n t i a l Marxism  in Postwar France, (Princeton University Press: Princeton, New Jersey, 1975) p. 255. 167 "technological l i b e r a l i s m . " The term "decentralization," for example, meant i n the P a r i s i a n context an attack on the t o t a l i t y of the c a p i t a l i s t order while in Canada the term was employed by Trudeau and the L i b e r a l government's new c u l t u r a l p o licy which s o l i d i f i e d the dominant ideology rather than underming i t . Dale McConathy states: No matter the challenge of decentralization to his world view, Trudeau had found an e f f e c t i v e saying to dramatize the governments role i n the extraordinary s o c i a l and economic upheaval that Canada was already undergoing."8 In retrospect, the e f f o r t s of the Canadian n a t i o n a l i s t movement to base a c r i t i c a l a r t on a r e g i o n a l i s t populism, f a i l e d to perceive that such a strategy was inappropriate given Canada's p a r t i c u l a r mission within the American empire and the new "symbolic universe" of c a p i t a l . The s o c i a l subject necessary to measure any possible success of s o c i a l change was non-existant. E f f o r t s by people such as Barry Lord, Greg Curnoe, and the Waffle movement (the l e f t f a c tion of the Federal NDP) based their notions of c u l t u r a l resistance on a populist v i s i o n that was doomed to f a i l u r e i n Canada. One of the reasons for t h i s f a i l u r e i s summarized by Cy Gonick in the following quotation: The nationalism of the Left , growing out of the deepening conciousness of Canada's subordinate place i n the American Empire, had l i t t l e or no class connection. This i s one of the reasons why the Waffle, for example, was never able to penetrate the Canadian working class to any extent. And because of i t s preoccupation with the question of Canadian s u r v i v a l , groups l i k e the 168 Waffle were unable to come to terms with the basis of the Canadian state.9 The e f f e c t of t h i s absence on positions such as Lord's and Curnoe's leaves them vulnerable to the co-opting capacities of the society i n which they struggle, the consequences of which are noted by Hal Foster, "In the absence of such a s o c i a l basis Utopian desire may well become a w i l l to power — or an i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the powers that be."10 F a i l i n g to comprehend the new i d e o l o g i c a l practices of "technological l i b e r a l i s m , " left-wing Canadian nationalism and i t s c u l t u r a l c r i t i q u e was e a s i l y rendered a contributing partner to the "Global V i l l a g e . " The strategy of c a l l i n g for a strong s o c i a l i s t state to repel American influence, once digested by the mechanisms of " t o t a l communications," could be regarded as an act of the w i l l to power. Ph i l Resnick makes thi s point clear when he writes i n his analysis of English-Canadian nationalism. The Land of Cain, that: Marxist analysis would underline the class interests of most of these ( i n t e l l e c t u a l s ) a r t i c u l a t i n g t h i s so-called c l a s s l e s s nationalism. I t was the new petty bourgoisie that stood to be the chief beneficiary 9 Cy Gonick, " E d i t o r i a l Statement: A New Beginning," Canadian Dimension 10(1974), p.5 10 Hal Foster, Recodinqs, (Bay Press, Port Townsend: Washington, 1985.) p. 96. Given Canadian society's a b i l i t y to function so well as a model of the " t o t a l system" the " r a d i c a l " conception of c a p i t a l , which i s epitomized by Bau d r i l l a r d , would seem to apply i d e a l l y to the Canadian s i t u a t i o n . Foster's notion of culture being "an arena in which active contestation i s possible" would seem to be highly problematic in Canada, (p.149.) 169 of the symbolic investment now c a l l e d for i n "science p o l i c y , ' " c u l t u r a l p o l i c y , ' "independant foreign p o l i c y , ' and so on.11 Torn between the false dichotomy of either nationalism or internationalism Canadian c u l t u r a l nationalism rapidly sank, out of sight as the post-modernist malaise of the 1970's appeared, aided and abetted in Canada by the L i b e r a l motto of "democratization" and "decentralization."12 Expo 67, Canada's one-hundredth birthday, was a celebration of a maturing nation, t e l l i n g the story of man; a celebration which, should stimulate pride i n our ancestry, f a i t h i n ourselves, confidence i n our neighbours, and above a l l great hope i n our national future. However, the unity of technology and empire embodied i n the Canadian-American ideology of "technological l i b e r a l i s m " c l e a r l y raises doubts concerning the short and long term p o s s i b i l i t i e s of Canada portraying anything other that a model of f e a l t y to the c a p i t a l i s t way of l i f e . George Grant's eulogy to the disappearance of Canada as a sub specie aeternitas stands as the problematic of our culture and our society: But what l i e s behind the small p r a c t i c a l question of Canadian nationalism i s the larger context of the fate of western c i v i l i z a t i o n . By that fate, I mean not merely the r e l a t i o n s of our massive empire to the rest of the world, but even more the kind of existence which i s becoming universal i n advanced technological 11 Resnick, p. 174. 12 As mentioned i n the introduction Greg Curnoe gave up his p o l i t i c a l pretensions in the early 1970's to work in a style derived from Matisse and Van Dongen. Joyce Wieland, as another example of how a n a t i o n a l i s t found a home in post-modernism, i s basing her recent art p a r t i a l l y on Tiepolo, among other Baroque masters. 170 s o c i e t i e s . What i s worth doing i n the midst of this barren t w i l i g h t i s the incredible d i f f i c u l t question.13 13 Quote c i t e d i n Cook, p.63. ILE GUSTA ESTE JARDIN? I QUE ES SUYO? I.EVITE QUE SUS HI JOS LO DESTRUYAN! 172 ILE "NOTRE-DAME: it MmiKt,ma^ . c m r D U . H A V R E-V^G^K, ' O Main Entrance i O Etpe Theater - :' • ' •' © Automotive SUdium • Q Mm the Creator „ • O rnebbjrmft O MwiivttitCommioiiT • S s # © Quebec: '->5?*i K S Q Great Brink"" ; i y 2 j W e j t < k r m a m -?',*Q:imel U;?©. MwttaPrwtoce' l ica^d^ata^^ Figure 1: Overview Map of Expo 67 [source: Newsweek, 1 May 1967] Figure 2: Buckminster F u l l e r ' s Geodesic Dome, Expo 67 [source: A r c h i t e c t u r a l Review, August 1967] tiruttml floor plan, USpavilion a , e n t r a n c e Ii, t h r i l l TV. <•. e x i t i l . l i n e i»r m i n i - r a i l o v e r .03 e S. <;, A m e r i c a n S p i r i t . I\ A i i u ' i ' i r i u i P a i n t i n g \ ( n v k\ l - f » It i - s r a l n t u r Ii , I V.st h i n t i o n M I K I I I i , I ' l i i i T K i ' i i i ' V s t a i r s a m i l i l t •S upper level plan Figure 3: Ground F l o o r Plan, American P a v i l i o n , Expo 67 [source: A r c h i t e c t u r a l Review, August 1967] 175 Figure 4: Soviet P a v i l i o n , Expo 67 [source: A r c h i t e c t u r a l Review, August 1967] 176 long lection through Russian pavilion a, exh ib i t ion area d , k i t c h e n b , a u d i t o r i u m e, admin i s t ra t ion c,' res taurant f, Cosmos H a i l Figure 5: Fl o o r p l a n of the Russian P a v i l i o n [source: A r c h i t e c t u r a l Review, August 1967] Figure 6: Canadian P a v i l i o n Complex, Expo 67 [source: A r c h i t e c t u r a l Review, August 1967] 178 upper level plan ground floor plan, Canadian pavilion e, sanc tuary **V f. T h e People court a , exhibit ion areas g, fine arts gallery ( K a t i m a v t k over) h , theatre b, exhibi t theatre i , cafe c, T h e Sea j , restaurant d , c inema k, activit ies stage Figure 7: Ground F l o o r P l a n , Canadian P a v i l i o n , Expo 67 [source: A r c h i t e c t u r a l Review, August 1967] Figure 8: A r t McKay, C i r c l e , 1964 O i l on masonite, 48 inches square. Painted i n Regina i n 1964. [source: Painting, i n Canada E x h i b i t i o n Catalogue] 180 Figure 9: Greg Curnoe, For Ben B e l l a , 1965. O i l , p l a s t i c , metal, p l a s t e r , and rubber stamp p a i n t on plywood, 59% inches high [source: P a i n t i n g i n Canada E x h i b i t i o n Catalogue] 181 BIBLIOGRAPHY Adorno, Theodor and Max Horkheimer. The D i a l e c t i c of  Enljghtenment. New York: The Seabury Press, 1969. Adorno, Theodor. Negative D i a l e c t i c s . New York: The Seabury Press, 1979. Adorno, Theodor. Prisms. MIT Press, 1981. Allwood, John. 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