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Comprehensive community planning within B.C. Indian communities : a case study Pecarski, Randall George 1987

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COMPREHENSIVE COMMUNITY PLANNING WITHIN B.C. INDIAN COMMUNITIES: A CASE STUDY By RANDALL GEORGE PECARSKI B.A., Simon Fraser University, 1980 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES School of Community and Regional Planning We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October 1987 <g) Randall George Pecarski, 1987 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of £KADUA~£- ^TO/\/JE <Z The University of British Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date c^Pc-^&e-r- V^ /9BJ ABSTRACT This thesis investigates the role and nature of comprehensive community planning (CCP) within B.C. Indian communities, and analyzes the outcomes of a specific CCP experience where an outside consultant and an Indian community concentrated on planning the nature, rather than the product, of the process. The approach used is a l i terature review of CCP in B.C. Indian communities and theoretical concepts relevant to this type of planning. The thesis develops a normative def ini t ion of CCP which proposes use of five process characteristics that should enhance Indian planning capabi l i t i e s . These are: a comprehensive scope and approach; a formal/systematic method; a developmental approach; a participatory application; and mutuality of insider/outsider relat ionships. A case study method is applied to. the Similkameen Indian Bands' Comprehensive Community Plan. Analysis of the case uses the CCP definit ion to identify the nature and outcomes of the process. Indian experiences and perspectives of.community planning indicate control over the process, learning from the process, and communicating in the process are d i f f i c u l t to achieve when outsiders are involved. This thesis argues this is due to a lack of attention to planning the nature of the process i t se l f . For Indian communities preparing for self-government CCP may be an important developmental tool i f i t : improves their planning process s k i l l s and self-management capabi l i t i es ; and, uses outsiders to f a c i l i t a t e this capacity-building without loss of control over the process. The Similkameen experience indicates that application of the proposed normative characterist ics of CCP is possible. The outcomes of this case suggest that increased attention to the planning process, by insiders and outsiders, improves the nature of the process as well as producing substantive outputs. Improvements to the nature of the process include extensive community part ic ipat ion by involving community members in 'planning for planning'. An intensive effort was made to fu l ly engage community members in the planning process before determining specific directions for substantive planning. Community part ic ipation allowed formal/systematic planning methods to be applied with sens i t iv i ty to Indian culture. Developmental outcomes of this participatory process include improvements in the community's planning process s k i l l s and self-management competency. 'Planning for planning' also resulted in a mutuality of insider/outsider relations to develop. This relationship placed insiders and outsiders on equal terms which contributed to mutual learning and provided opportunities for the community to direct outsiders' work in ways that best served their needs. A community plan was produced in the Similkameen case that addressed a comprehensive scope of substantive planning areas such as: Band organization and administration; social development; recreation and culture; economic development; infrastructure; and, land use. This a s ignif icant outcome given the low completion rate among other B.C. Bands for this type of plan, and the importance of CCP's in guiding overall community development. Self-direction in the f u l l range of community functions is at the heart of self-government. Use of a -comprehensive approach enabled the community to i i consider inter-relat ions between proposed substantive actions and to consciously develop p r i o r i t i e s for implementation. Several instances of implementation of the Similkameen Plan were observed and expressed by community members which indicate i t is being used to direct action in substantive areas. Case-specific opportunities and constraints faced in preparing the Similkameen Plan are also ident i f ied . Constraints included p o l i t i c a l and organizational complexity, loss of key participants, cultural differences within the community, potential for dependency on the consultant, and time. Opportunities included ease of communication, the Band's desire to improve self-management capabi l i t i e s , Indian culture, insider/outsider trust , and access to Band planning funds. Implications of this study for similar communities are identif ied and areas for future research are suggested. i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT i i LIST OF TABLES v i i LIST OF FIGURES v i i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ix 1 INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 Purpose 1 1.2 Rationale 3 1.3 Thesis Approach and Method 6 1.4 Organization of Thesis 12 2 PLANNING AND B.C. INDIAN COMMUNITIES 14 2.1 Introduction 14 2.2 B.C. Indian Planning Context 14 2.2.1 Indian Self-Government & Administration 14 2.2.2 Socio-Economic Conditions 21 2.2.3 Indians, Planning and Outsiders 26 2.2.4 Summary 33 2.3 Theoretical Concepts • 34 2.3.1 Introduction 34 2.3.2 Planning and Development 35 2.3.3 Planning Competency and Community Types 38 2.3.4 Planning Theory and Indian Planning . 42 2.3.5 Transactive Theory & Indian Planning 46 2.3.6 Summary 53 2.4 Comprehensive Community Planning (CCP) Defined 55 3 THE SIMILKAMEEN INDIAN BANDS COMMUNITY PLAN: CASE STUDY 62 i v 3.1 The Upper and Lower Similkameen Indian Bands 62 3.1.1 Location 62 3.1.2 Brief History 64 3.1.3 Economy 65 3.1.4 Local Government and Organization 67 3.2 The Community Plan 68 3.2.1 Purpose 68 3.2.2 Key Actors 69 3.2.3 Funding 71 3.2.4 The Process 72 3.2.4.1 Planning to Plan 72 3.2.4.2 Planning for Participation 74 3.2.4.3 Guiding Principles . . . . 76 3.2.4.4 Collection of Basic Facts 79 3.2.4.5 Assembling People and Ideas 80 3.2.4.6 Projects-in-Process 83 3.2.4.7 Completing the Plan 85 3.2.4.8 Brief Chronology of the CCP 93 4 ANALYSIS OF THE CASE STUDY 96. 4.1 Introduction 96 4.2 The Similkameen Case and CCP 97 4.2.1 A Comprehensive Scope 97 4.2.2 The Formal/Systematic Method 102 4.2.3 A Developmental Approach 105 4.2.4 A Participatory Application 123 4.2.5 Mutuality of Insider/Outsider Relationships 131 4.3 Summary 135 v 5 CONCLUSION 139 5.1 Introduction 139 5.2 The Similkameen Experience 140 5.3 Opportunities and Constraints 146 5.4 Implications for Future CCP 157 5.5 Suggestions for Further Study 160 6 BIBLIOGRAPHY 164 7 APPENDIX A: THE SIMILKAMEEN PLAN'S TABLE OF CONTENTS 171 8 APPENDIX B : GLOSSARY. OF TERMS 174 vi LIST OF TABLES Table I: Distribution of Band by Size of Population in B.C. and Canada....24 Table II: Comprehensive Community Planning: A Definition 61 Table III: Employment by Sector: Similkameen Indian Bands, 1985 66 Table IV: Relationship Between Community Processes & Community Types... .124 v i i LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Location Map of the Upper and Lower Similkameen Indian Bands Reserve Land v i i i ACKNOWLEDGMENTS F i r s t , I would like to thank the Similkameen Indian Bands who provided me with the opportunity to be involved in their planning act iv i t i es and granted me permission to use their Community Plan as,a case study. I also thank my senior advisor Peter Boothroyd for his assistance in defining this study and his insightful crit icisms of ear l ier drafts . Brahm Wiesman must also be acknowledged for his moral support and detailed editing which vastly improved the text. I am grateful to Alain Cunningham's research advice and the support of my employer, David Nairne and Associates Ltd. F inal ly , I want to thank my wife, Nancy, for her numerous contributions which made this thesis possible. i x 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1 Purpose The purpose of this thesis is to identify and discuss the nature and role of comprehensive community planning within B.C. Indian communities, and to analyze the outcomes of a comprehensive community planning experience where an outside consultant and a B.C. Indian community concentrated on planning the nature, rather than the product, of the planning process. This inquiry has two foc i : the f i r s t is exploration of the broad contextual settings and theoretical concepts d irect ly relevant to analysis of the case. The second is description of specific process events that occurred during the planning experience and the analysis of outcomes from the planning case. This thesis addresses the following questions. 1. What internal and external factors influence comprehensive community planning within B.C. Indian communities, and what has been the nature of its practice? 2. What, i f any, relationship is there between planning theory and the actual practice of comprehensive community planning within B.C. Indian communities, part icular ly in regard to the planning process? 1 3. What approach to comprehensive community planning should best serve the comprehensive community planning needs of B.C. Indian communities? 4. What roles, and types of relationships, between outside consultants and B.C. Indian communities should best serve their comprehensive community planning needs? Analysis of the outcomes of the case wi l l identify the nature of the planning approach used in the specif ic planning case and outcomes of this approach. The analysis wi l l also assess the role of an outside consultant in the planning process. Problems and opportunities facing use of this approach in the preparation of a comprehensive community plan (CCP) within a B.C. Indian community wi l l be ident i f ied . Some general conclusions wi l l be drawn from the case which may assist other Indian communities in similar s i tuations. Formal, comprehensive community planning is understood to be an attempt to address a l l aspects of community l i f e , such as soc ia l , economic, physical , cultural and p o l i t i c a l , within a systematic planning process. This preliminary definit ion is discussed in more detail in Chapter Two. A glossary of terms used in the thesis is provided as an Appendix. 2 The planning experience is an eighteen month, comprehensive community planning study which began in June i984 and concluded in November 1985. The study involved the Upper and Lower Similkameen Indian Bancs and the author who was the planning consultant throughout the process. 1.2 Rationale In 1979 the National Indian Socio-Economic Development Committee's report from the president recommended that ". . . Indian bands be given the authority,  responsibi l i ty , and resources to develop their own policy for the  improvement of social and economic conditions in their communities" (Beaver 1979, underlining in or ig ina l ) . A new relationship is steadily evolving between Indian Firs t Nations and the federal government which wil l make Indian communities self-governing, and create a third level of government in Canada. To fu l ly realize the opportunities presented by this new relationship, B.C. Indian communities must be prepared to undertake planning and decision making at new levels of authority and responsibi l i ty . Comprehensive community planning can play an important role in the preparation of Indian communities for the challenges of self-government. Through the planning process, s k i l l s in planning and decision making can be enhanced, or learned, by community members. Use of a systematic process in the preparation of a CCP can be used not only to address specific planning areas, but also as learning tool by individuals and groups within the community. A community made up of individuals and groups ski l led in the application of the planning process wi l l be more l i k e l y to make the serious 3 decisions which accompany self-government based on well formulated and considered choices. Indian people making choices about themselves, for themselves, is the ultimate aim of self-government. Despite the potential importance of comprehensive community planning in the move towards Indian self-government i t is s t i l l a re lat ive ly new act iv i ty in most B.C. Indian communities. The B.C. Region of Indian and Northern Affairs Canada (INAC) was the f i r s t region in Canada to in i t ia te a Band-directed and controlled community planning program (Cunningham 1978). In 1977 i t in i t ia ted a program which provided funding and technical support for Band planning. Since 1977 community planning projects have been undertaken throughout the province by individual Bands which have contributed to their planning capabi l i t i e s . The involvement of outside professionals in the preparation of many of these plans has been quite common. Reasons for the use of outsiders include: small Bands cannot support ful l - t ime planning staff; they lack expertise in planning; or they are required, to use professionals to secure planning funds. The use of outside professionals creates a paradoxical situation: on the one hand the Band has an opportunity to engage in a community controlled ac t iv i ty aimed at improving the overall welfare and independence of their community, while.on the other hand in order to undertake this act iv i ty i t must rely on outsiders who may have a strong influence on the level and type of control community members have in the process. If the community rel ies too heavily on outsiders and doesn't develop a sense of ownership of the plan, i ts chances for implementation may be reduced, and rather than the comprehensive community planning process l iberat ing , i t serves to further imbed the dependencies that the self-government movement is trying to eradicate. 4 This thesis investigates the nature and role of comprehensive community planning in B.C. Indian communities, and i t documents and analyzes a part icular CCP experience. The Similkameen case was selected because it is well documented, contains elements that are believed to be similar to other B.C. Indian communities, involved the author as a participant in the process and ut i l i zed and expl ic i t process orientation to preparing a CCP. This process orientation and its importance is i l lus trated by Lockhart's statement ". . . that a crucial component affecting the success of a project (or plan) is the organizational processes, as d is t inct from the substantive outcomes, that l i e behind the in i t i a t i ve (1982, 160). This may be part icu lar ly true in situations where outside consultants are involved. These organizational processes can be strongly influenced by outside consultants, and the interaction between the consultants and the community may determine the nature and outcomes of the planning process. It is important, therefore to investigate the relationships between the insiders and outsiders, and how this affects the planning process and its outcomes to improve future planning a c t i v i t i e s . This thesis wi l l contribute to the l i terature in this f i e l d by documenting and analyzing the processes involved in , and the outcomes of, a comprehensive community planning case. The perspective taken in the thesis is necessarily one 'from the outside looking i n ' , or simply stated from the perspective of a non-Indian planning consultant. 5 1.3 Thesis Approach and Method This thesis involves: i) a general review of comprehensive community planning in B.C. Indian communities; and i i ) a case study. i) Review of Comprehensive Community Planning in B.C. In the review of comprehensive community planning within B.C. Indian communities some of the internal and external factors that influence planning in i t ia t ives are identif ied. Emphasis is placed on the relationships between comprehensive community planning, outside planning consultants, and the planning process. External influences such as the general movement towards Indian self-government and existing planning powers under the administrative framework of Indian Affa irs are discussed in some de ta i l . Socio-economic conditions within B.C. Indian communities, and formal planning experiences with outside consultants are presented to identify the nature of the planning environment for Indian communities and their perceptions of consultants. Several theoretical concepts that are d irec t ly relevant to the analysis of the case are also reviewed and discussed. F i r s t , the relationship between planning and development is discussed to identify the purpose of development and the role of planning. Second, ident i f icat ion of some of the key factors that contribute to the planning competence of a community provides a means of assessing i n i t i a l and resultant planning capabi l i t i e s . Third, discussion of idealized community types and their characterist ics provides a basis for understanding the nature of the interactive processes within the communities 6 and the appropriateness of various planning processes. Review of planning theory is provided to identify relationships between theory and comprehensive community planning within B.C. Indian communities with specif ic attention given to the transactive theory of planning. Based on the planning context set by the internal and external influences on B.C. Indian communities and the theoretical concepts identified above, a normative definit ion of comprehensive community planning is presented. This def ini t ion represents an approach which places particular emphasis on the nature of the planning process. The definit ion is used to analyze the case study. i i) The Case Study Characterist ics of case study analysis include; ident i f icat ion of i n i t i a l conditions, description of the i n i t i a t i v e or ac t iv i ty being studied, analysis of the outcomes in terms of cause and effect relations, and, formulation of generalizations arising from the case (Cropper 1982). Ideally, case study analyses would identify a l l necessary and sufficient conditions of the relationship: condition A (and only A) caused condition B (Harvey 1973, 401). Blalock (1964, 31) describes a necessary condition as a state of affairs that would just i fy the prediction of the non-occurrence of an event and, a sufficient condition as a state of affairs which would jus t i fy predicting the occurrence of an event. The relationship between the presence of goals (condition A) and a community plan (condition B) can be used to i l lus trate Blalock's (1964) statement. It can be said that goals are 7 necessary to have a community plan and i f there are no goals then one could predict that there is no community plan. However, the presence of goals is not a suff ic ient state of affairs to allow one to say there is a community plan. The community may have goals but no plan to achieve them. Having goals is therefore a necessary, but not a suf f ic ient , condition to predict the occurrence, or presence, of a community plan. The statement that having goals (condition A) is sufficient to cause the occurrence of a community plan (condition B) can not be made. To achieve the ideal where condition A can be identif ied as a necessary and suff icient condition to cause B, the s ituation under investigation must be highly controlled so that a l l internal variables are fu l ly known. No outside variables may intervene between condition A and condition B, no outside variables may be combined to cause B and the situation must be completely reproducible. Such a level of experimental control is not possible to achieve in a 'real world' situation involving community planning. Achieving controlled situations in the real world is very d i f f i c u l t , yet i f a l l the necessary and sufficient conditions are identif ied, then this knowledge could be used to reproduce the same outcomes with predictable results . Predic tabi l i ty in community planning has both desirable and undesirable aspects to i t . It is desirable to know the conditions and processes which have resulted in the production of community plans in a variety of circumstances, and over a number of years, identified so that these conditions and processes can be reproduced. This predictabi l i ty not only s implif ies the task of the practit ioner but also allows the community to be more comfortable with the process and outcomes of a community plan. 8 However, i t is undesirable to assume that community planning processes and plans are interchangeable between communities. Communities are, by their very nature, unique and i t is this uniqueness that leaves open the opportunity for creat iv i ty and departure from the norm in the preparation of a community plan. This thesis wi l l not attempt to identify a l l the necessary and sufficient conditions to prove a causal relationship, in the form of "condition A (and only A) caused condition B". Instead, i t wi l l identify causal relationships between variables that are necessary, suff ic ient , or necessary and suff ic ient from the particular combination of events which gave rise to another set of events in this case. Inferences drawn from this analysis wi l l not be able support the statement, A (and only A) caused B, but rather, i f condition A and B were found together in this case, and B came after A, then B is a possible outcome of A. The strength of this causal relationship wil l depend on correct assumptions being made about the causal ordering ( i . e . A to B? or B to A?), identif icat ion of the correct variables ( i . e . A and B not X and Y) and the degree of closure of the system ( i . e . what else other than A and B could intervene?) (Harvey 1973, 406). The community planning process i s , by nature, a highly interactive, social ac t i v i ty which lends i t s e l f to the case study method for research purposes (Masser 1982, 9). Adelman et a l . (1977) proposed three types of generalization from a case study. The f i r s t , and most poorly developed, are generalization from the case to a wide number of instances by reference to formal theories. The other two types are generalizations from the case to other similar instances, and generalizations about the instances themselves. 9 In addition, Bowles (1982, 9) suggested the u t i l i t y of doing a case study in the absence of high levels of control is that i t provides an opportunity to add to a wider body of knowledge which contributes to understanding of society as a whole by informing about the p o s s i b i l i t i e s . In this case, the generalizations made wi l l include the types described above but wi l l emphasize the third type. The readers use of the analysis rests, in part, on the a b i l i t y to compare other situations to the case in order to determine whether the information is s ignif icant . As Masser (1982) stated, the relevance of a successful case study is guaranteed by the shock of recognition. The selected case study embodies features that are similar to other situations yet i t is not representative of comprehensive community planning in a l l B .C. Indian communities. Inferences, conclusions and recommendations aris ing from this thesis carry with them the limitations of the assumptions made in the analysis, the uniqueness of the specific case, and the accuracy of the observations and judgements by the author. Analysis of the case wi l l be based on research questions raised by the review of comprehensive community planning practice in other B.C. Indian communities, planning l i terature and the case study i t se l f . The analysis wi l l have two components, the f i r s t component is primarily descriptive and outlines the who, what, where, when and why of the case. The chronology (or order) of the events is part icularly important to make inferences on causal relat ions. The second component is analysis of the case using the research questions identif ied earl ier and the descriptive definit ion of comprehensive community planning. In addition, some specif ic questions wi l l be raised about the particular case i t se l f . 10 The analysis wi l l draw on a review of the author's log of events, content analysis of minutes of meetings and reports produced in the Similkameen study, and semi-structured personal interviews. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with key participants in the CCP process during February and March of 1987. Band members selected for these interviews included members of the Steering Committee, members of Band Council , and members of the Similkameen Indian Administration (SIA) staff to provide a perspective of the CCP's process and outcomes. Five people were interviewed: the Band Administrator and the Band Planner as members of the Steering Committee; two Band Council lors; and the SIA Housing Coordinator. General questions addressed in the interviews were: did the CCP process achieve the goals desired by the Band? what were the strengths and weaknesses of the process? what were the outcomes (part icularly learning experiences) of the process? and, what should Indian communities and outside consultants be aware of when engaged in CCP together? Time constraints limited the extent to which the above questions were addressed by each respondent. This part icular case study analysis has two important potential sources of data d i s tor t ion . The f i r s t is related to use of participant observation as a method of analysis. Due to the authors' personal involvement in the process there is the potential of bias in recording of events. That is to say, unfavourable comments made regarding the process or outcomes of the study ref lect , to some degree, on the author. It is anticipated that reporting distortion arising from this fact can be reduced by the authors 11 training in social science research and by providing the Similkameen community with copies of a draft of the thesis research for their review. No comments from the Bands were received regarding the draft, however they did request and receive copies of the final draft for their own use. The second source of distort ion is related to the problems of cross-cultural reporting. Due to the dis t inct cultural identity of the Similkameen Indian community, differences in perception between insiders and the author of events and outcomes are problems to be expected in the analysis. Inevitably, the perspectives presented and the responsibi l i ty for the analysis belong to the author alone. An Indian perspective of the process wil l have to wait for an Indian researcher to write i t . 1.4 Organization of Thesis The remainder of this thesis is comprised of: Chapter 2—Comprehensive Community Planning and Indian Communities. In this chapter the relationships between comprehensive community planning, outside planning consultants and the planning process are explored. The broad contextual settings which influence comprehensive community planning in i t ia t ives are presented and relevant theoretical concepts are reviewed and discussed. Drawing from the specific planning environment and theoretical concepts, a normative definit ion of comprehensive community planning is presented. This def init ion is used in the analysis of the case study. 12 Chapter 3—The Similkameen Indian Bands Community Plan: Case Study. This chapter concentrates on a description of the community's background and the major events that took place during the planning i n i t i a t i v e . Chapter 4—Analysis of the Case Study. Analysis of the case focuses on the relationship between the case and characterist ics of comprehensive community planning defined in Chapter Two. The appl icabi l i ty of this approach to CCP to the planning case and the outcomes of this approach wi l l be ident i f ied . Emphasis is given to assessing the relationship between insiders(the Band) and outsiders in the process. Chapter 5—Conclusion. In this chapter the analysis of the case is used to draw some general conclusions on the relationship between increased attention being given to the process components of planning and'the outcomes of that approach. Opportunities and constraints facing use of the normative def ini t ion of CCP in the preparation of a comprehensive community plan within a B.C. Indian community are ident i f ied . Some possible implications of the conclusions for future planning processes in other B.C. Indian communities in similar situations are explored, and areas for future research are suggested. 13 2 PLANNING AND B.C. INDIAN COMMUNITIES 2.1 Introduction The purpose of this chapter is to review the relationship between comprehensive community planning and B.C. Indian communities. The chapter is divided into three parts. The f i r s t reviews factors that influence the practice of comprehensive community planning in B.C. Indian communities and presents some planning perspectives and experiences of Indian people. Theoretical concepts relevant to the practice of comprehensive community planning and to the analysis of the case are discussed in the second part. The third part presents a normative def ini t ion of Indian comprehensive community planning which integrates Indian statements regarding desirable planning practice with supporting theoretical concepts. This definition is used in the analysis of the case study. 2.2 B.C. Indian Planning Context 2.2.1 Indian Self-Goyernment & Administration The potential for achieving Indian self-government accentuated the need for Indian communities to prepare for increased levels of power and responsibi l i ty . Comprehensive community planning may be able to fac i l i ta te these preparations. However, until self-government becomes a widespread rea l i ty , the existing planning powers of Indian Affa irs administration, wi l l continue to strongly affect the planning ac t iv i t i e s of most Indian 14 communities. A brief review of Indian A f f a i r ' s administrative framework is presented to identify some of the problems facing comprehensive community planning within Indian communities. Self-government has become the centerpiece of Indians' quest for a redefined role within Confederation. In October, 1983 the "Report of the Special Committee on Indian Self-Government in Canada" presented to the House of Commons the findings of the Task Force regarding, ". . .the status, development and responsibi l i t ies of band governments on Indian reserves, as well as the financial relationships between the Government of Canada and Indian bands" (Canada 1983). The document contained 58 recommendations. The f i r s t i s , " . . . that the federal government establish a new relationship with Indian F ir s t Nations and that an essential element of this relationship be recognition of - Indian self-government" (Canada, Apri l 1984). The Federal Government responded to the "Report of the Special Committee on Indian Self-Goverriment in Canada" in 1983, by stating that " . . . ( i t ) agrees with the argument put forward by the Committee that Indian communities were h i s t o r i c a l l y self-governing and that the gradual erosion of self-government over time has resulted in a situation which benefits neither Indian people nor Canadians in general" and that the "...Government and Indian Firs t Nations 15 (must) enter into a new relationship in which Indian First Nations and their governments would be free to set their own course within Canada to the maximum possible extent" (Canada 1984, 1). The federal government proposed to develop new legis lat ion and to engage in a process of constitutional change. The proposed legis lat ive changes where intended to allow Firs t Nations to exercise leg is lat ive powers in areas of direct concern to the community. Amendment of the Constitution Act was proposed to entrench the principle of Indian self-government in the Constitution (Canada, April 1984). The repeal of discriminatory provisions in the Indian Act were to be the f i r s t leg is lat ive in i t ia t ives . This amendment covered by B i l l C-31 passed in June 1985. To date a total of three Firs t Minister's Conferences have been held but no constitutional amendments have been agreed to. Despite the ponderous speed at which the movement towards Indian self-government advances, i t must be recognized as a fundamental shift in Federal Government pol icy . Indian communities must be prepared to respond to the increased responsibi l i t ies that are the companion of Indian self-government. Two dominant and inter-related themes ' in the movement towards Indian self-government are the promotion of independent ac t iv i ty and the reduction of dependency on government. Independent action requires power (either granted or assumed), responsibi l i ty and resources. This includes the power to plan and manage local affairs as well as the responsibi l i ty to be local ly accountable for actions taken. Financial , organizational and most importantly, human resources are essential for the achievement of self-management and self-government. In fact, without authority, 16 responsibi l i ty and resources Indian communities wil l continue to be dependent on government. J . W. Beaver is an native Ontario Indian who headed the "National Indian Socio-Economic Committee" in 1979. In his f inal report Beaver suggests that, " . . .p lanning for development (is) a way of organizing resources and a c t i v i t i e s , so that harmony and balance are achieved among a l l of l i f e ' s major sectors — economic, p o l i t i c a l , social and educational. Rather than segmenting resources and act iv i t ies along conventional program divis ions, developmental planning that is generated bj/ the community ought to be h o l i s t i c , and contain within i t the community's vision of i ts own future" (Beaver 1979, 80). Comprehensive community planning is c lear ly identified by Beaver as an integral part of the process of moving towards, and eventually achieving, Indian self-government. A further understanding of the role of comprehensive community planning in the movement towards self-government is provided by Boothroyd in his review of the relationships and roles of Indian and Northern Affairs Canada (INAC 1984) in comprehensive community planning at the local level in B.C. Boothroyd concludes that there are three roles for comprehensive community planning: "planning withi n self-governing communities; planning for self-government; and, planning under present structures to gain experience in self-management". Of the three roles , Boothroyd suggests that the greatest current opportunity for comprehensive community planning is in the 17 l a s t category—to gain experience in self-management. This thesis i s concerned with th i s category and argues that comprehensive community planning represents a s i gn i f i c an t opportunity for Indian communities to gain the experience needed to "set the i r own course". A b r ie f overview of the l e g i s l a t i v e and administrat ive framework that Indian communities must work with in the i r planning a c t i v i t i e s is presented below. Section 91(24) of the Const i tut ion Act gives the federal parliament the powers to regulate "Indians and lands reserved for the Indians". The Indian  Act and the Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development (DIAND) are the primary means by which parliament exercises th i s author i ty. Under Sections 74-80 of the Indian Act e lect ions of Chiefs and Band Councils are allowed. The powers of the Council are found in Sections 81-85. These powers include the a b i l i t y to make by-laws to regulate the use of reserve lands. A l l by-laws however, require m in i s t e r i a l approval and are therefore subject to the d i sc ret ion of the Min ister of the day. The problems faced by Indian communities are summarized in the "Handbook to Indian Self-Government in Canada" published by The Assembly of F i r s t Nations (AFN) in 1983. The fo l lowing quotes provide a sense of the feel ings towards the i r l e g i s l a t i v e and administrat ive frameworks in p lace. " . . . t he Indian Act and federal government programs have created problems for F i r s t Nations people. Often, they get in the way of solving problems." 18 ".. . the Indian Act has too much control over Indian l i f e . There is no room for a government to- exercise power. Band governments can only do what the Indian Act allows." ". . . the Department of Indian Affairs also believes that the Indian  Act does not allow some band governments enough power." (AFN 1983, 2) These comments indicate the problems of centralized control with minimum f l e x i b i l i t y . This conclusion is supported by Boothroyd1s (1984) observations on the d i f f i c u l t i e s facing independent Band planning. Centralized control of funding was identif ied by Boothroyd as a major problem which prevented Bands from having f l e x i b i l i t y in funding al locat ions . Other problems included: the incongruence between community planning cycles and government budget cycles; the lack of understanding of the role community planning can play in guiding INAC programming by INAC staff; INAC resource l imitations; and jur isdic t ional confl icts within the Indian community when bands, t r iba l councils or regional organizations become involved in the allocations process. Despite these problems, Boothroyd (1984, 48) suggests that "...bands can immediately begin a process of continuously improving their planning capabi l i t ies by gaining experience in using and thinking in terms of planning process". There are eight administrative Dis tr ic ts in the B.C. Region of INAC. The Central D i s tr i c t includes 37 Bands in the south-central and south-eastern portions of the Province. The two bands that are the subject of the case study are located in this D i s t r i c t . In 1983 a Task Force investigated a l l aspects of the relationship between the Bands in the Central Dis tr ic t and 19 the Department. The Task Force recommended several changes to the operation, structure and funding pol ic ies of the Department " . . . i n order that the commitments to Indian Self-Government made by the Government of Canada can be r e a l i z e d . . . " (Canada 1984, 2). The Report states that ".. .while some Bands have acknowledged, at times, their ambitions overreached their resources and s k i l l s levels , others find themselves constrained by DIA from attaining the degree of independence that they believe their administrative s k i l l s and level of development warrant" (Canada 1984, 3). There appears to be considerable resources within the large administrative structure of DIAND to f u l f i l l their program mandate, which includes " in i t ia t ing , encouraging and supporting measures that wi l l respond to the needs and aspirations of Indian and Inuit people and improve their soc ia l , cultural and economic well-being" (DIAND 1982). Yet despite these apparent resources it is clear that the needs of Indian communities are not being met. Ini t iat ive from 'below', such as that demonstrated by the Indian people in the Central D i s t r i c t , to actively pursue changes to the administrative frameworks appear to be surfacing. Use of whatever latitudes for change that are available to INAC management and staff to assist Indian communities to act with more independence wi l l reduce the high levels of dependence that are so strongly objected to by Indian people. In summary, this section reviews the movement towards Indian self-government and the administrative framework of Indian A f f a i r s . In part icular , the relationship between comprehensive community planning and the self-government movement is discussed. While constitutional and legis lat ive reform may take several years, i f not decades, to resolve, i t is suggested 20 that comprehensive community planning can play a significant role in the overall process of Indian self-government. Indian communities that engage in comprehensive community planning under existing structures in order to gain experience in self-management are identif ied .as a group that offer immediate opportunities. Assistance from INAC to provide some f l e x i b i l i t y in the use of f inancial resources coupled with deliberate efforts to use the planning process to gain experience and knowledge about self-management could result in a strong community base that is f u l l y prepared for eventual self-government. 2.2.2 Socio-Economic Conditions Socio-economic conditions within Indian communities affect the nature of loca l ly generated community planning suggested by Beaver (1979). Community planning has been described as a process that asks three questions; where have we been?; where are we going?; and, how do we get there? (Cunningham 1978). This section answers a related question, where are we now? The time frame for the data presented below is the late 1970's and early 1980's, immediately prior to the Similkameen planning case. The information describes socio-economic conditions within Indian communities. There is a long standing argument made by Indian leaders that the rates of social pathology among Indians are, in large part, attributable to government assimilation policies and the i n a b i l i t y of Indians to control their own affa irs (Long et a l . 1981). However, re l iable , comparable s ta t i s t i c s for Indian communities are not readily available. Indian 21 part ic ipat ion in Census Canada efforts is very low (INAC 1980). For most data i t is therefore necessary to rely on INAC and other Indian program delivery agencies. The information provided below is highly aggregated but does i l lus tra te the level of needs that exist in Indian communities. Although this thesis is concerned with the B.C. s i tuat ion, the following national s tat i s t ics are also provided to i l lus trate the facts of l i f e and death for Indian people in Canada. ' Population Growth - the Indian population has undergone a forty per cent increase during the last twenty years (1961-1981); Child Care - the proportion of children in care (children removed from their parents for their health and safety) has risen steadily to more that five time the national rate; Education - the number of children who attend school unti l the end of secondary level is 20 per cent compared with the national rate of 75 per cent; Housing - nearly 10 per cent of on-reserve homes have two or more families l iv ing in them; Unemployment - Indian unemployment is about 35 per cent of the working age population, and in some areas i t reaches as high as 90 per cent; 22 Death Rate - the death rate for Indians is two to four times the rate for non-Indian people; and Suicide - Indian deaths due to suicide are almost three times the national rate, and are especially high in the 15 to 24 year old age group (Canada 1981, 8). In B.C. there are 194 Bands with a total population of 54,176 registered Indian people (Indian Affairs 1980). There is a wide diversity among B.C. Indian communities. At least ten major ethnic groups are evident comprising "speakers of one language or a number of related languages, occupying a continuous area and sharing a basical ly similar culture" (Duff 1969, 12). Despite this variety, the situation in terms of socio-economic conditions on-reserve is similar to the Canadian picture. The most recent comprehensive data for B.C. Indians was prepared in 1980. Thus the s ta t i s t i cs are at least four, and as many as eight, years out of date. However, they do serve to i l lus trate the dominant characteristics and most pressing needs of B.C. Indian communities. Population Growth - the annual growth rate of Indian population was 2.3 per cent between 1966 and 1971, and 1.8 per cent between 1971 and 1976. Due to an expected continued decline in the Indian birth rate, the rate of growth in the Indian population was projected to continue to decline. However, as a result of B i l l C-31 legis lat ion which reinstates Indian people who lost their status for discriminatory reasons, Indian population is growing rapidly as these people are registered. 23 Infant Mortality Trends - the Indian infant mortality rate in 1976 was more that three times as high as the provincial rate. On- and Off-Reserve Population - in 1966 83 per cent of the Indian population was l iv ing on-reserve, in 1976 only 64 per cent resided on-reserve. Band Size - the distr ibution of Band size by population in 1977 for B.C. and Canada is shown below. Table I: Distribution of Bands by Size of Population in B.C. and Canada B.C. Canada Population % % 0 - 100 28 17 101 - 300 42 31 301 - 1000 27 39 1001 - 2000 3 10 2001+ 0 3 24 Death Rate - for B.C. Indians the death rate in 1976 was 12.4 per 1000 population compared to 8.0 per 1000 for the provincial population. Deaths due to accidents, poisoning and violence account for over 38 per cent of a l l Indian deaths compared to less than 11 per cent for a l l provincial deaths. Education - the retention rate for Indian students from Grade 2 through 12 increased from 11 per cent in 1966 to 18 per cent in 1971 and then decreased to 16 per cent in 1976. Employment - estimates in 1979 put the unemployment level for Indian l iv ing on-reserve at 26 per cent. Of those working, 63 per cent were working off-reserve and 37 per cent were working on-reserve. Welfare Dependency - the welfare dependency rat io measures the average monthly number of persons on-reserve receiving social assistance as a percentage of total on-reserve population. These rates are estimated at 27 per cent in 1966, 31 per cent in 1971 and 28 per cent in 1976. Housing - as of 1977, 36 per cent of Indian homes on-reserve were in need of major repairs or replacement. Roughly 43 per cent of the units accommodate two or more families or require an addition to accommodate large families . The preceding sketch of socio-economic conditions among the Indian population in Canada and B.C. provides a clear indication that serious, prolonged efforts are required to improve l i v i n g conditions within Indian 25 communities. The s tat i s t ics also underscore why Indian people have stated that in order to survive as F irs t Nations, they must have control over three areas of c r i t i c a l concern: education, chi ld welfare and health (AFN 1983, 3). Probing questions related to these c r i t i c a l areas are: how can Indians take over more responsibi l i ty for education?; how can Indians take more responsibi l i ty for Indian children?; and, how can Indians organize to take on more responsibi l i ty for the health of Indian people? (AFN 1983, 3). Answers to these d i f f i c u l t questions can only be found through a planning process. Knowledge of, and experience with, the planning process is c learly required i f Indian people are to find the answers they are seeking at the community l eve l . 2.2.3 Indian Communities, Planning Practice and Outsiders The purpose for reviewing planning practice here is to identify the general planning scope (sectoral vs. comprehensive), involvement (wide or narrow participation) and successes (implementation vs. indifference) experienced by B.C. Indian communities. A comprehensive col lect ion, review and assessment of B.C. Indian community experiences with planning was beyond the scope of this study. Ideally, information should be collected for a number of similar communities over a period of time and a thorough analysis of the processes and outcomes documented.. As stated ear l i e r , there is very l i t t l e documentation which can provide this type of data. Sources of information for this review include 26 available documentation and l i terature , informal discussions with proponents of, and participants in , Indian planning and personal experience gained from three years of consulting work with B.C. Indian communities. In 1983, the B.C. Region, of Indian Affairs prepared a "Band Planning Evaluation" (Cunningham 1983). The "Evaluation" of the comprehensive community-based planning (CCBP) program covered the entire B.C. Region with three exceptions. One Dis tr i c t was excluded because i t did not have a planning program, another was excluded because i t had only a very small program and a third was excluded because i t did not provide any basic data even though i t consumed 25% of the Region's planning budget. This last Di s tr i c t was the Central D i s tr i c t which is where the Similkameen Indian Bands are located. The evaluation stated ". . . the intent of the CCBP is to assist Indians to further develop their inst i tut ional capabi l i t ies for planning and development, and remove the debi l i tat ing dependence on outside advisors which characterizes many (but, by no means a l l ) Bands" (Cunningham 1983, 2). A central part of the Program was to provide training to Band Councils and Band planners so they would develop greater control over their own circumstances through the learning and application of planning and management tools . The evaluation identif ied a number of inputs and outputs of the program. Of particular interest to this thesis are the inputs of "planning consultants" and the outputs of "improved planning processes", "planning documents" and "plan implementation". 27 On the input side it was reported that 25% of the total contribution monies ($866,700.) went to hiring consultants. On the output side an almost equal three-way s p l i t was found between Bands who experienced high, medium or low increases in "planning process" capabi l i t i e s . The indicators used to measure improvement in planning process were: process organization; problem ident i f icat ion; analysis of opportunities and constraints; goals and objective setting; formulation of plan alternatives; plan selection; and plan implementation. "Planning documents" showed a 26% completion rate; and more s ign i f i cant ly , only two comprehensive community plans were completed out of a total of 15 starts . Much greater success was reported for "sectoral planning" in resource management, economic and social development, etc. "Plan implementation" was reported to be highly successful with a total of 39 Band programs and projects completed and another 53 ongoing. From this evaluation no relationship can be established between the involvement of planning consultants on the input side and the stated measures of achievement on the output side. The level of involvement of outside consultants in the preparation of comprehensive community plans was not identif ied in the evaluation, but concern was expressed over the low number completed ". . .considering their importance for guiding more detailed planning" (Cunningham 1983, 23). Improved planning process capabi l i t ies and successful plan implementation would appear to suggest that movement towards achieving the overall intent of the program, reduced dependency, was considerable. Overal l , the results of the evaluation appear to indicate that use of comprehensive community planning to gain experience in self-management was somewhat less successful because CCP's were not in i t ia ted in large numbers and were often not completed. 28 Indian views on planning consultants were recorded by Boothroyd (1985) in a paper descr ib ing the Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia's experience in teaching planning s k i l l s to Band planners. Par t ic ipants in the course come from throughout western Canada so the comments below are not necessari ly those of B.C. Indians. Use of extensive quotations is necessary to reveal the perspectives of planning consultants held by the students. "Discussions on the world views of the native and non-native ways brought out a point of view for h i r i ng consultants which I f e l t should be included in c r i t e r i a for interviewing and h i r ing consultants—look for those people who ask questions and also ask what you as a band want, not those who come in and immediately s ta r t d i c t a t i ng t he i r views" "...we had hired th i s chap to be our consultant and went by interviewing him and also going by his c r eden t i a l s . . . What we did not do was check at places where he had worked before.. . the resu l t was not too favourable for us." "So often many bands go into d i f fe rent projects spending the i r funding money h i r i ng consultants which to a cer ta in point helps in the project . However, many times the consultant comes up with l i t t l e information regarding the project . Once again t h i s could be caused by lack of understanding by both pa r t i e s . " 29 "With the right approach we can hire a consultant who would come on the project and help develop the project and at the same time an individual for the band could be trained by the consultant." These perspectives indicate past experiences with outside consultants. While i t is unclear from the statements as to what kind of planning the consultants were involved in ( i . e . comprehensive or sectoral) , i t is obvious that the impressions left by the consultant are last ing. In general, i t appears that the students expressed a desire for better communication, improved understanding of their needs and the integration of learning as an exp l i c i t part of the planning process. Effective communication between c l ients (insiders) and planners (consultants/outsiders) involving two-way learning in the planning process is not a radical notion. Indeed i t should occur in a l l community planning processes. However, i t is apparent that these two elements have not always been present in Indian planning experiences. The preceding statements suggest that i f the planning process is improved by achieving more effective communication and accepting two-way learning, then the outcomes of the plan wi l l also be improved. Discussions and involvement with over fifteen Indian communities throughout B.C. over the last three years as a planning consultant permits some statements on the prevalence of comprehensive community plans and the scope of consulting planning. During this period (1984-1987) the only comprehensive community plan that the author, and the company he is employed by, was involved in was the Similkameen Indian Bands Comprehensive Community 30 Plan. The work with other Bands throughout the province has been primarily sectoral planning such as land use and economic development. These jobs normally require the review of a l l available information on the community. Only two of the Bands in question had comprehensive community plans in place. This observation bears out the concern regarding a lack of comprehensive community plans cited in the Indian Affairs review of their planning program. Based on this experience, and discussions with INAC personnel, i t appears that the majority of the contract work that has been done by planning consultants from 1984 to 1987 has been sectoral rather than comprehensive planning. The sectoral approach is in contrast to the hol i s t ic approach that Beaver (1979) and other Indian leaders have said is needed to address challenges facing Indian communities. Discussions with Indian cl ients during the course of the author's involvement with them support the views expressed by Boothroyd's students. A common complaint of many community leaders who had previous experience with planning consultants is a lack of f l e x i b i l i t y or an unwillingness to compromise on recommendations. An example is a physical planning exercise that involved the selection and planning of a new site for a community school, residential areas and other f a c i l i t i e s . The consultant hired by the Band to perform this work was described by the Chief as "inapproachable" and "extremely defensive" when i t came to questioning design decisions for the new development. Due to the urgency of community needs and the desire of the Band to expedite the development process, the Band worked as best they could with the consultant unti l the project was completed. This reinforces earl ier comments regarding Band control of the planning process when outsiders are involved. 31 In summary, this section examined prevai l ing planning practice in B.C. Indian communities, during the early 1980's. An evaluation of the B.C. Region's Planning Program found that a large number of communities engaged in planning a c t i v i t i e s . However, i t appears that there is greater success in completing sectoral rather than comprehensive plans. The evaluation also documented the involvement of outside consultants in Indian planning, although no assessment of their role was made. It appears that the preparation of comprehensive community plans to gain experience in self-management was not widely practiced although planning process competencies were observed. Indian views on outside planning consultants suggest that effective communication between insiders and outsiders is not achieved and this results in a lack of understanding of community needs on the part of the consultant. Incorporation of two-way learning is suggested as a means of improving communication between the community and the consultant, and as a way of developing last ing s k i l l s and knowledge in the community. Personal experience and discussions with Indian people in B . C . , suggests that the paradox found between using planning to become more se l f - re l iant and using consultants which can result in perpetuating dependency is f e l t by many communities. Maintaining control of the planning process appears to be c r i t i c a l , and problematical, when using planning to gain experience in self-management and using outside consultants in the process. 32 2.2.4 Summary This section reviewed some of the factors that influence the practice of comprehensive community planning within B.C. Indian communities. The movement towards Indian self-government and the relationship between comprehensive community planning and self-government requires preparation for increased levels of power and responsibi l i ty . It is suggested that comprehensive community planning can assist Indian communities to gain experience in self-management within their existing administrative framework. Socio-economic conditions within Indian communities i l lustrated the d i f f i c u l t conditions facing Indian planning. The deep and pressing need to find community-based solutions to the range of problems facing these communities is c lear. The planning process is suggested as a useful tool that could be used to address the myriad of problems that require immediate and prolonged attention. Indian experiences with outside consultants suggest that poor communication between insiders and outsiders, and lack of community control over the process are problems in planning practice. This leads to lack of understanding of community needs, inappropriate actions, and community frustrat ion . Incorporation of two-way learning in the process is suggested as a means of improving the planning process, developing lasting community s k i l l s , and providing more local control over the process. 33 A similar conclusion was reached by Boothroyd (1984) in his review of "Indian Band Planning and Indian Affa irs" . Boothroyd states that " . . . a f a i l i n g of many comprehensive planning exercises conducted by consultants is that they have not engaged the community in the planning of the planning process; thus the community has lost the opportunity to understand the nature of planning processes and to contribute optimally to the development of the substantive plans" (1984, 29). This lack of involvement results in a lack of local ownership of the plan and the community is not l ike ly to use the plan to direct its decisions (Boothroyd 1984, 29). Boothroyd concludes that an important s k i l l for Indian communities to have is the a b i l i t y to work creat ively with consultants without losing control of the planning. 2.3 Theoretical Concepts 2.3.1 Introduction In this section theoretical concepts that are relevant to Indian planning and analysis of the case are presented. The f i r s t concept explored is the relationship between planning and development, and the role of the planner in the development process. The second concept discussed is the planning competency of a community and the implications of competency for the design and analysis of planning processes. Another set of concepts related to the design of appropriate planning processes involves the conceptualization of idealized community types which provides an understanding of the 34 interactive processes within the community. F ina l ly , a review of planning theory is provided to identify relationships between theory and comprehensive community planning within B.C. Indian communities. 2.3.2 Planning and Development To discuss the relationship between planning and development, i t is important to define what is meant by development. In this thesis development is understood to be a process rather than a condition or a state of being. A description of development that is consistent with this understanding is provided by Roberts (1979), who states that "...development i s . . . a process of making social choices and of improving the a b i l i t y of groups of people to make such choices, to implement them, to judge their outcomes, and to revise them so that the condition of l i f e improves" (Roberts 1979, 41). This def ini t ion is well suited to the nature and needs of Indian planning. The social character and implied community control of the process, learning of planning s k i l l s , and improvement of the quality of l i f e address shortcomings of Indian planning practice identif ied e a r l i e r . This description of development suggests a f a c i l i t a t o r role for planners to enable groups to improve their a b i l i t y to plan for themselves. Another view of development is provided by Ackoff (1977) as he focuses on peoples' capacity to plan. Ackoff (1977, 89) describes development as " . . . a capacity defined by what (people) can do with whatever they have to improve their quality of l i f e and that of others". Development therefore refers to some sense of obligation to other people or to a community and to an improvement 35 in quality of l i f e . Painter et. a l . (1982, 8) suggested that ".. .the concept of a community implies a sense of belonging based upon relationships of support and allegiance that focus on a geographic and social sense of peace" and further, that ". . . the basic characterist ic distinguishing community from non-community is the presence of an integrative process that links people within the settlement.. .". Community development should focus on building the planning capacity through the use of existing social processes and relationships. Outside planners involved in the community development process can use their understanding of the planning process to f a c i l i t a t e the building of the community's capacity to improve i t ' s col lective l i f e . The focus of this discussion of development is on individual people taking action within community structures. At this level the development process involves " . . . l earn ing on the part of the people in the group, . . . learning about the individuals themselves - by the individuals themselves - about the group and about their environment" (Roberts 1979, 35). Roberts (1979) concurs with Ackoff (1977) that development is a product of learning how to use the resources at hand to better meet ones's needs and those of others. This description of development focuses on people engaged in learning about how their individual and col lect ive quality of l i f e can be changed and improved by their own actions. Ackoff suggests that "the principal benefit of planning is not derived from consuming i ts products, plans, but from partic ipating in the planning process" (1977, 195). The role of planners is providing others with information, instruction, motivation, and resources that can improve the effectiveness with which they plan for themselves. 36 The planner in such a role is c learly in a position of some influence and the paradox of Indian comprehensive community planning to have more control over their situation while relying on outsiders to assist in the process manifests i t s e l f . A response to this paradox and the tension i t brings to development planning is to recognize and develop what Lockhart (1982) called the "insider/outsider dialect ic". The dia lect ic approach is intended to allow both insiders (community members) and outsiders (e.g. planners) to enter into a new type of relationship whereby the latent tensions within v i r t u a l l y a l l native/mainstream societal relations are raised to the level where they could be used constructively by both groups (Lockhart 1982, 163). In a case study examination of a constructive insider/outsider d ia lec t i c , Lockhart notes that the relationship was characterized by the following: a process, rather than a product, orientation; continuous learning by both insiders and outsiders was recognized and acknowledged; control over the process was maintained by insider participation in on-going decisions; and, the outside consultants constantly re-evaluated their most useful contributions in l ight of the above (Lockhart 1982, 164). In summary, development can be understood as a process that centers on people and their capacity to plan for themselves. The intent of development planning is to fac i l i t a t e individual and group learning so that they can take more effective actions that wi l l improve their individual and col lect ive quality of l i f e . Planners, as outsiders, in the process can play a s ignif icant role but must structure their relationship with insiders in such a way that control is maintained by the people during the process. 37 Effective development planning must be part ic ipat ive to allow this control to be exercised and the primary role of the planner is that of a f a c i l i t a t o r . 2.3.3 Planning Competency and Community Types The preceding discussion of development and planning raises two questions related to the community planning process. The f i r s t i s , how can a community's capacity for development planning, or planning competency, be understood and analyzed? The second i s , how can an appropriate process be applied within widely differing communities, or community types? These questions have both theoretical and practice implication for outsiders who are attempting to ass ist , or f a c i l i t a t e , development. Only the theoretical aspects are discussed below as the case study explores the practice aspects. The starting place for community planning, comprehensive or sectoral, is s i tuat ional . Each community possesses a unique combination of factors such as culture, history, geography and economy which influence the planning process. In addition, the level of what Cotrel l (1977, 555) ca l l s "community competence" wi l l vary widely. According to Cotre l l , " . . . a competent community is . . .conceived as one in which the various component parts of the community: (1) are able to collaborate effectively in identifying the problems and needs of the community; (2) can achieve a working consensus on goals and p r i o r i t i e s ; (3) can agree on ways and means to implement the 38 agreed-upon goals; and (4) can collaborate effectively in the required act ions . . .a community that can provide the conditions and generate the capabil i t ies required to meet the above performance tests wi l l be competent to cope with the problems of its co l lect ive l i fe" (Cotrell 1977, 548). Cotre l l ' s "community competence" is the capacity of a community to engage in a planning process, and the a b i l i t y to implement col lect ive decisions with some degree of local autonomy (or self-government). This concept can be used by the community and outsiders in an analysis of i n i t i a l planning capabi l i t ies and evaluation of community learning after a planning process cycle is completed. It can assist the community to determine where i t ' s planning strengths and weaknesses l i e early in the process. Planning ac t iv i t i e s can then u t i l i z e the existing planning capacities and attempt to build more complete planning competencies. Use of the "performance tests" in evaluation of a completed planning project can be used to reveal the nature of community learning from the process. In the Indian Affairs evaluation of i t ' s Band Planning program i t was suggested that a period of up to four years " . . . i s generally sufficient for a Band to make up its planning backlog and institute a lasting planning capabil ity" (Cunningham 1983, 5). Of course not a l l Bands require this amount of time and some may require longer to gain planning "competence". A l l communities however, have some opportunity to engage in comprehensive community planning under present structures, and thus gain experience in self-management and develop planning competency. Outsider involvement in 39 Indian planning suggests that outsiders can potential ly play a significant role in f a c i l i t a t i n g or inhibit ing the planning capabil i t ies of these communities. Designing an appropriate planning process is more than simply addressing planning competency. It is also important to understand the subtle interactive processes within Indian communities. Painter et a l . (1982) developed two ideal theoretical types of community processes and interactions which may be useful in developing such an understanding. These types are the "interpersonally linked reciprocity" type and the "intermediary linked contract" type. The interpersonally connected community is characterized by numerous and frequent face-to-face interactions, with strong inter-l inked personal networks. A strong sense of reciprocal obligation within the community is achieved due to the sharing of core values, bel iefs and norms. Decision making tends toward participatory consensus and s t a b i l i t y is maintained by a process of continual adaptation provided no major external disruption occurs. A strong col lect ive consciousness places s ignif icant limitations on individual behavior. In contrast, the intermediary-linked contract community is characterized by formalized bureaucratic structures that impersonally mediate most social processes and interaction. Legally sanctioned contractual obligations dominate over moral, obligatory bel iefs . Decision making tends to be hierarchal and the absence of direct majority participation in major 40 decisions permits, even encourages, rapid innovation and change. Individual actions occur in a privatized framework without much concern for col lect ive cause and effect. The two idealized community "types" outlined above are not intended to be descriptions of actual communities but rather to serve as reference points for understanding interactive processes within communities. The design of a loca l ly appropriate planning process should begin with an understanding interactive community processes. Use of the community "type" concept to analyze changes within interactive processes could assist the community to evaluate the des i rab i l i ty of these changes. This could lead to the use of specif ic techniques in the planning process to reinforce or .modify these processes. Others such as Weaver and Cunningham (1983), Boothroyd (1984), M'Gonigle et a l . (1985), Bowles (1981) and Lockhart (1982) have a l l referred to the need to understand the uniqueness that Indian communities possess before attempting any analysis or intervention. Bopp (1983) suggests that i t is necessary to ". . .enter into the world. ." of developing people in order to play the role of a f a c i l i t a t o r in their development process. Use of the community type concept presented above can assist insiders and outsiders to understand how people interact with each other, and what people expect from each other in their relations. The planning process must be sensitive to these interactive processes and outsiders should make significant efforts to gain this understanding. 41 2.3.4 Planning Theory and Indian Planning Planning theory is reviewed here to select theories that explain or contribute to improvements of the planning within B.C. Indian communities. Three themes wi l l be investigated; organizational focus and scale of appl icat ion, process orientation of the theory, and perceived role of the planner. The f i r s t theme examines the nature and size of organizations that the theory is applied to by its proponents. This discussion concentrates on identifying theory that has a scale of application that is consistent with the size of B.C. Indian communities. Process orientation is examined second, to identify relationships between the nature and outcomes of the process. The review focuses on a specific outcome: improvement of people's capacity to plan for themselves. F ina l ly , the role of the planner is identi f ied. Of part icular interest is planner as a f a c i l i t a t o r in the development process. A paper by Hudson (1979) serves as a starting point for the review. Hudson developed a c lass i f icat ion scheme for contemporary planning theory which he labelled SITAR; Synoptic, Incremental, Transactive, Advocacy, and Radical theory. These theories represent some of the dominant approaches to contemporary planning'. Hudson began his review by providing a rather un-elegant definit ion of planning as follows, planning is ". . . foresight in formulating and implementing programs and policies" (Hudson 1979, 387). From this point of departure Hudson states the intent of his ar t i c l e is to replace this unitary definition by defining several categories of planning that are complementary and/or contradictory to each other. 42 Hudson's description of planning theories are analyzed below for relevance to planning within B.C. Indian communities. Synoptic theory presents a rat ional , comprehensive approach to planning where a l l goals and objective are formulated at the outset, alternatives are identif ied and analyzed, an alternative is selected and implemented, and implementation is monitored and evaluated. The theory suggests planning is primarily a technical process. This approach provides a systematic means of addressing community needs that is relevant to Indian planning. Synoptic planning can be applied at any scale, from international policy development to neighborhood planning. However, i ts process orientation is not aimed at improving local people's planning capacity. Hudson (1979, 392) suggests that the inferred role of the planner is that of a technician rather than a f a c i l i t a t o r in the process. Incremental theory is a crit ique of synoptic planning (Hudson 1979, 388). Its proponent, C. Lindblom, argued the world is too complex for goals and objectives to be c learly identif ied at the outset of the planning process because of s ignificant l imits to knowledge. These l imits prevent the achievement of the comprehensive ideal of synoptic planning. Lindblom suggests planning resembles a negotiation process where competing interests agree on policy through mutual adjustment which results in incremental change. The scale of application tends to be at the inter-group or inter-organizational level which may have some relevance to Indian planning at the community leve l . The process orientation of incremental planning is not developmental. It is not aimed at improvement of individual planning 43 capab i l i t i e s , but rather assumes that these a b i l i t i e s are in place. The inferred role of the planner is negotiator rather than fac i l i t a tor (Hudson 1979, 389). Transactive planning argues for a different approach to planning where face-to-face contact and inter-personal dialogue result in mutual learning (Hudson 1979, 389). In transactive planning, local 'personal' knowledge is shared with the planner's 'processed' knowledge. Building on mutual interests , trust , and obligations, 'personal' and 'processed' knowledge are combined in direct action. The scale of this approach is at the individual and small group level which has direct relevance to Indian planning. The process orientation is exp l i c i t l y developmental. Plans are evaluated according to their effectiveness in helping people to have control over the social processes that govern their welfare. The planner's role is a f a c i l i t a t o r involving part ic ipat ion, learning and mutual sharing. Advocacy focuses on addressing apparent inequality and defense of the interests of weak against strong — community groups against established powers (Hudson 1979, 390). This suggests a l l groups affected by a particular issue should present their own plans or positions. Groups with insufficient technical or po l i t i ca l resources may require the assistance of a planner-advocate. The scale of application is similar to transactive planning. The process orientation is not e x p l i c i t l y developmental although i t could be. The planner's role as advocate implies that outsiders are needed to protect the interests of weaker groups. A planner-advocate as 44 protector of group interests represents a paternal role that is not necessarily developmental- although some group capacity-building could occur. Radical planning theory has two main branches; the f i r s t emphasizes cooperation and increased autonomy, and the second focuses a c r i t i c a l eye on large scale social processes which constrain or prevent positive change (Hudson 1979, 390). The scale of the f i r s t approach appears to be consistent with the Indian planning context. It's process orientation stresses se l f -re l iance and decentralized decision making. Like transactive planning, i t encourages personal growth and cooperative s p i r i t . However, this approach offers specific ideas about substantive actions to achieve desired changes in the immediate future. Outsiders' involvement may imply that choices for action are limited because of the planner's a f f i l i a t i o n to a particular course. Developmental capabi l i t ies within the community would be constrained because the opportunity to consider other options was constrained. The role of the planner is a f a c i l i t a t o r , but there is also an underlying role as a leader because of the specif ic solutions the planner adheres to. The second radical approach is a c r i t i c a l and ho l i s t i c crit ique of large scale social processes and focuses on the theory of the state as it relates to social and economic l i f e in society. The scale of application is decidedly that of the state and considerable attention is given to inter-national and multi-national actions. This scale is incongruous to the Indian planning context although internal confl icts within Indian communities over forms of economic or social organization and specific 45 development strategies can be examined from this perspective. This approach does not appear to have a process orientat ion, but rather it focuses on exploring substantive issues related to the role of the state and exposing consequences of state actions. S imi lar ly , no particular emphasis is given to enhancing planning capacities in the community and no clear role for planners is inferred. It appears that a closer examination of the transactive theory of planning in particular is warranted due to s imi lar i t i e s between: the level of interaction prescribed and the nature of consultant-client relations in Indian communities; the emphasis on mutual learning proposed and the need for understanding social processes within the community before analyzing or in i t i a t ing actions; and, the developmental orientation of transactive planning and the self-managing requirements of self-government. In addition, a review of transactive theory may provide the basis for research questions to be used in the case study analysis. 2.3.5 Transactive Theory & Indian Planning The major proponent of transactive planning is John Friedmann who developed this approach into a dist inct planning approach in Retracking America in 1973. Much of Friedmann1s rationale for a new approach to planning is the lack of control individuals and small groups hold with respect to decision-making by the state. He argues that planning with people, not planning for people, is more appropriate to people's needs in post- industrial society. Friedmann's transactive approach is an attempt to 46 improve state planning by changing the locus of planning act iv i ty to decentralized, small groups. These small groups, with planners acting as f a c i l i t a t o r s and mediators attempt to bring changes within the state "from below" instead of responding to directives "from above" (Friedmann 1973, 6). "Transactive planning changes knowledge into action through an unbroken sequence of interpersonal relations" (Friedmann 1973, 171) so the focus is on communication while moving towards implementation. Friedmann cal ls for planners and their cl ients to "bridge the communication gap" through a restructuring of their relationship. In comprehensive community planning within Indian communities, where a consultant is hired by the Band for a fixed purpose and time, this relationship is part icular ly important because unlike Friedmann's public planner the consulting planner is faced with the business aspects of his ac t iv i ty . As Friedmann (1973, 175) states ".. .the reference group of each (planners and cl ients) acts as a cultural matrix that helps to confirm and strengthen differences of approach and behavior". This raises the question, is i t possible for a consulting planner to become involved in a planning process that uses the transactive approach? In a transactive approach communication is centered on face-to-face dialogue and the relationship established between two people as a result of this dialogue. The presumptions underlying this dialogue are : (1) authenticity of the person and acceptance of differences of the "other" (neither party is threatened or threatening); (2) relationships in which thinking, moral judgment, feeling and empathy are fused in authentic acts of being (each person can have faith in the meanings of speech by the other); (3) 47 acceptance of conf l ict (differing world views can produce confl ict but i t does not mean ending the dialogue); (4) acceptance of total communication (verbal/nonverbal ) as the source of meaning; (5) shared interests and commitments (equality between the two persons is needed); (6) reciprocity and mutual obligation (give and take on both sides is required); (7) acceptance of the "here and now" of the dialogue (the relation is relevant to the particular conditions of each partic ipant's l i f e ) (Friedmann 1973, 178-181). It is not the intent of transactive dialogue to develop deep personal relationships between planners and their c l i ents , although i t may be an outcome. The intent is to develop posi t ive , open relationships based on dialogue. Once this relationship is established then transactive planning can begin. This attention to c l a r i f i c a t i o n of the nature of the insider/outsider relationship at the outset contributes to what Boothroyd (1984) described as 'planning for planning 1 . In other words, i t is a means of developing a clearer understanding of the planning process by both the community and the outside consultant. With a shared desire to have transactive dialogue established, the opportunities and constraints facing this type of relationship in Indian planning can be explored. Time represents both an opportunity and a constraint to the cl ient/consultant relationship. In comprehensive community planning manuals written by Indian Affairs for Indian communities in Ontario and Saskatchewan i t was suggested that a period of twelve to eighteen months may be required to complete the process (Canada, n .d . ) . Thus time to develop transactive dialogue appears to be available. However, the consultant is not in the 48 community for the fu l l duration of the process and typical ly the relationship is based on periodic site v i s i t s . Thus the amount and frequency of s i te v i s i t s , and the nature of the interaction wi l l influence the achievement of transactive dialogue. Trust between the c l ient and consultant is a central element to the transactive approach as expressed in the presumption of "authenticity", "acceptance of otherness" and "faith in meanings of the other's speech". Developing trust in a relationship i s , however, an elusive and complex process. Friedmann (1973) suggests that acceptance and honesty on behalf of each person is required to develop trust and the transactive dialogue. This cl ient/consultant relationship provides an opportunity for identifying community goals, needs and ideas in the planning process that might otherwise remain unarticulated due to mistrust and lack of acceptance. S imi lar ly , this relationship can prevent inappropriate or unacceptable behavior or actions by the consultant within the community. However, trust is something that is earned, not necessarily granted. Previous experiences that each party has had within their own reference group and between other ' s imi lar ' groups can work strongly against the development of a trust relat ionship. Indian stereotypes of whites and white stereotypes of Indians are based on past experiences together with a good deal of fo lklore . Nevertheless, overcoming the cultural separation between Indians and whites and leaving behind stereotypes on both sides are necessary steps to take to establish trust in the cl ient/consultant relationship. The ease or d i f f i c u l t y involved in doing this is dependent on the willingness of each party to enter into this type of re lat ion . 49 The presumption of "shared interests" and "mutual obligation" between c l ient and consultant has several inherent tensions. Ear l ier a discussion of Indian experiences suggested shared interests and mutual obligations with consultants are d i f f i c u l t to achieve. One source of this tension is the consultant's "reference group". Planning consultants are engaged in a competitive business that is concerned with the sale of their knowledge and time. The c l i ent ' s interests are based on different pr ior i t i es which can create a s ignif icant constraint on the required level of shared interest and mutual obl igat ion. Expl ic i t identif icat ion of c l ient needs and requirement in terms of what is expected to be "given" by each party can help to create shared interest and obligation. Yet i t must be recognized that these shared interests can also develop as the dialogue proceeds, not a l l aspects need be or can be anticipated in advance. For c l i ents , this means the track record of the consultant is relevant not just in terms of product delivery, but also in terms of process a b i l i t y . The discussion of factors influencing transactive dialogue indicate considerable variations in the application of this approach can occur. Variations can result from factors such as time, trust , and shared interests and obligations. The quality and frequency of client/consultant time together may influence the establishment of the dialogue. Trust wi l l vary due the backgrounds and attachment to stereotypes that each side has upon beginning the relationship. Shared interests and mutual obligation between each party wi l l vary with the degree to which consultants hold other interests and the i n i t i a l definition of what the c l ient expects from the relationship. Assuming that the. underlying tensions in this relationship can be overcome, the potential for mutual learning as a result is considerable. 50 Acceptance of the mutuality of the relationship can lead to the process of mutual learning which Friedmann (1973, 73) defines as the formulation of a common image of the situation where a new understanding of the poss ib i l i t i es of change are discovered. Through face-to-face dialogue the planner and c l ient learn from each other—the planner from the c l i ent ' s (insider's) personal knowledge, the c l ient from the planner's (outsider's) technical expertise. The dist inction between insider/outsider knowledge sharing referred to by Lockhart (1982) as described ear l i er , is very similar to Friedmann's (1973, 99) dist inct ion between personal and processed knowledge. Personal knowledge is the understanding one has as a result of personal experiences. It is rich in local folklore and is slanted by the knower's position and involvement in specif ic s ituations. Processed knowledge is bui l t up from symbols, rather than experience, which stand for particular dimensions of real i ty as expressed by models that can be c r i t i c a l l y examined and revised. Neither personal or processed knowledge alone is sufficient to allow the formulation of actions intended to produce positive change within a community. The central argument here is that as the level of .complexity increases, the need to fuse personal (insider) with processes (outsider) knowledge increases. For comprehensive community planning within Indian communities the opportunities for mutual learning are. dependent upon the level of face-to-face dialogue that both sides are w i l l ing , and able, to achieve. The preceding discussion pointed out characterist ics of this dialogue and discussed the at ta inabi l i ty of this type of relationship. While i t may be 51 reasonably assumed that outside processed knowledge is one of the reasons outside consultants are involved in Indian planning, it is not clear that outsiders have similar respect for insiders' personal knowledge. This statement is supported by Indian planning experiences presented in ear l i er . It is clear that i f mutual learning is to be incorporated into the planning process both the c l ient and the consultant must acknowledge this need early, and e x p l i c i t l y so that i t forms the basis of insider/outsider relations. Coupled with this mutual learning approach is Friedmann's (1973) ca l l for 'innovative' planning. Innovative planning has three main characterist ics: a predominant concern with inst itutional change; a basic orientation towards action; and, a special emphasis on the mobilization of needed resources (Friedmann 1973, 60). By inst itutional change he refers to a process of inst i tut ional development which would include: developing approaches to funding agencies; addressing questions of internal organization and governance; creating relationships with other agencies or institutions; and, building a base for po l i t i ca l support. Action orientation refers to achieving the evolving purposes of the inst i tut ion "on the run". Mobilizing and organizing resources is described as an entrepreneurial function that is essential to the survival of the organization. Innovative planning is relevant to Indian communities who are engaged in comprehensive community planning to gain experience in self-management. Typical ly , Band administrations are geared to deliver and administer Federal Government programs with very l i t t l e f l e x i b i l i t y in uses of funding al locations. Examining Band administration from the perspective of eventual self-government requires the community to address the needs and 52 opportunities for institutional change and development. An action orientation is s imilarly well f i t ted to the serious nature of community needs that cannot wait for further study before taking corrective steps. This action orientation is closely linked to mobilization of resources the Indian community and Band administrations have available to them, part i cu lar ly human resources. Organizing the acquisition of additional resources from the outside is usually also required. In summary, Freidmann's (1973) transactive planning provides insight into Indian comprehensive community planning and the involvement of outside consultants in the process. Face-to-face relations are an important part of the process and there are considerable opportunities for developing transactive dialogue. Acknowledgment of mutuality can lead to a process of mutual learning where personal (insider) knowledge and processed (outsider) knowledge are combined to develop new understandings of the opportunities for action and change. Innovative planning can build the planning capacity of community inst i tutions, direct action towards immediate problems, and mobilize resources to help the community become more se l f - re l iant . 2.3.6 Summary In this section several theoretical concepts relevant to Indian comprehensive community planning in B.C. were examined. The role of and relationship between planning and development was explored and i t was suggested that development could be understood as a process that centers on people and their capacity to plan for themselves. Development planning 53 should f a c i l i t a t e individual and group learning so more effective actions can be taken to improve their individual and col lect ive quality of l i f e . The role of planners, as outsiders involved in the process, must be based on a relationship that maintains control by the people. Effective development planning must be participative to allow this control to be exercised and the primary role of the planner is that of a f a c i l i t a t o r . Application of an appropriate planning process requires a means of assessing and analyzing the planning competency of the community. Cotre l l ' s (1977) concept of community competency provides several performance tests which can be used in design and evaluation of planning processes. This discussion also found that developing planning capabi l i t ies and competency is a process that could take several years. With a high probabil i ty of continuing interaction between Indian communities and outside consultants i t was suggested that these outsiders could play a significant role in f a c i l i t a t i n g or inhibit ing the achievement of planning competency. The application of an appropriate process also requires an understanding of the nature of the interactive processes within the community. Painter et a l . (1982) developed two ideal theoretical, types of community processes and interactions useful in developing this understanding. The community type concept assists the analysis of people's interactions and expectations. When outsiders are in a position to influence the nature of the process and the outcomes to be generated, efforts to gain this understanding must be made before attempting substantive actions. 54 F i n a l l y , relationships between several contemporary planning theories and comprehensive community planning within B.C. Indian communities were explored using Hudson's (1979) SITAR concept. The discussion supported Hudson's (1979) observation of the need to combine various theoretical approaches in a manner appropriate to the planning context. Of the five theories reviewed, transactive planning was found to possess a number of features of relevance to Indian planning. S imi lar i t ies between transactive and Indian planning include: the level of interaction prescribed and the nature of consultant-client relations in Indian communities; the emphasis on mutual learning proposed and the need for understanding social processes within the community before analyzing or in i t ia t ing actions; and, the developmental orientation of transactive planning and the self-managing requirements of self-government. In addition, s imi lar i t ies between Friedmann's innovative planning and the Indian planning context were found in the areas of; building the planning capacity of community inst i tut ions , direct ing action towards immediate problems, and mobilizing internal and external resources to become more s e l f - r e l i a n t . 2.4 Comprehensive Community Planning (CCP) Defined To this point, the planning process as i t relates to CCP within B.C. Indian communities involving outside planning consultants has been investigated. Broad contextual settings influencing the B.C. Indian planning environment are described, and theoretical concepts relevant to this type of planning practice are explored. The integration of Indian statements regarding desirable planning practice with relevant theoretical concepts is presented 55 in this section to develop a normative def init ion of comprehensive planning within B.C. Indian communities. This definit ion is framework for analysis of the Similkameen case. community used as a In this thesis the suggested role of CCP is to allow Indian communities to gain experience in self-management in preparation for self-government. It is proposed that by developing planning process s k i l l s Indian communities can increase their planning competencies and the role of outside consultants should be to faci1 i tate this capacity-building. Given these propositions, this thesis argues that for Indian communities in B.C. who want to gain experience in self-management and involve outsiders in the process, CCP should have the following characterist ics: a comprehensive scope and approach; a formal/systematic method; a developmental approach; a participatory application; and, mutuality of insider/outsider relationships. The f i r s t two components, comprehensive scope and formal/systematic method, establish the ho l i s t i c nature and rational application of the planning process. The remaining three components, developmental approach, participatory appl icat ion, and mutuality of relationships, explore the nature of the planning process and the relationship between insiders and outsiders. The f i r s t characterist ic of CCP, comprehensiveness, refers to the scope and approach of the planning act iv i ty , and draws from the synoptic planning t rad i t ion . A comprehensive scope attempts to identify community goals in a l l planning areas such as soc ia l , economic, physical and organizational. This is differentiated from a sectoral approach which focuses on one or two planning areas. A comprehensive approach is related to the ". . .regard for 56 how each planning area impinges on the o thers . . ." (Boothroyd 1984, 4). This approach takes community goals in a l l areas into account and uses them to identify possible conf l icts , trade-offs and resolution procedures when assessing exist ing, or proposed, actions in any one area (Hall 1975). CCP's second characteristic is the formal/systematic methodology that is applied to the process. These two aspects are closely related to each other. A formal, as distinguished from an informal, approach is related to the application of process that is systematic in method (Boothroyd 1984, 4). A systematic approach establishes a sequence of steps that are agreed upon at the outset, and are followed, to ensure that the process follows a logical and loca l ly relevant path towards achieving community goals. Common aspects of a formal approach include designating a Band Planner and/or committee, establishing procedures and protocol for decision-making, and documenting and disseminating information and decisions. Informal approaches are those processes where community decisions and community plans are made through tradit ional means. Typical ly , informal approaches are characterized by a lack of systematic procedure and documentation and are usually not subject to public scrutiny. Applying formal/systematic method should not replace informal processes but enhance or complement them. The ab i l i t y to monitor, evaluate and improve on the planning process is greatly assisted by this formal approach. The comprehensive element in CCP is a direct response to the pervasive ca l l by Indian leaders for planning to be h o l i s t i c and address the needs of the community in an integrated manner (Beaver 1979, AFN 1983, Canada 1984). In the face of rapid change and the complex challenges facing Indian 57 communities, adoption of a formal/systematic method of planning assists the developmental process by providing a rational basis for planning and decision making. In addition, i t provides documentation that can be referred to by people who may not have been involved in the original process which contributes to community learning and continuity. The third characterist ic of CCP is the developmental approach. This is consistent with the understanding of development as a process that centers on communities and their capacity to plan for themselves (Beaver 1979, Ackoff 1977, Roberts 1979). A developmental process implies an individual and col lect ive desire for capacity building and learning to enable more effective action to be taken which wi l l improve the quality of l i f e . For the community to engage in self-management ac t iv i ty , individuals must have, or acquire, the knowledge and s k i l l s to be effective and to become more competent in self-management. This is c r i t i c a l for individuals and the community i f they are to reverse the cr ippl ing effects of external dependence and to achieve self-government. Boothroyd (1984) argues it is only when a Band's conscious choices govern its action that it has true self-government. A developmental approach can assist a community in becoming sk i l l ed at making conscious choices. CCP's fourth characterist ic is the participatory application of the process. This characterist ic respects the social character of CCP and is closely linked to its developmental approach. Developmental planning is intended to f a c i l i t a t e individual and group learning so that by its very nature i t must be part ic ipat ive . A lack of precision regarding the purposes of a participation strategy and the ends i t hopes to attain is a common cr i t ic i sm 58 of community planning (Fagence 1977). From a planning process perspective the purpose of the participation strategy should reflect the goals set by the community i t se l f for this part ic ipat ion . This simple statement has powerful implications in terms of case to case variations and with respect to Painter et a l . ' s (1982) community types. Fagence (1977) warns of the dangers of importing pro-participant philosophy to other cultures without careful and suitable cultural translat ion. In the case of Indian communities using CCP to gain experience in self-management, discussions regarding the purposes and forms of part ic ipat ion may have to be preceded by discussion of traditional planning and decision making. Then, the purposes of participation in the planning exercise they are engaged in and the options available to them could be ident i f ied . The participatory aspect of CCP should therefore be a self-defined strategy to ensure i ts cultural appropriateness to the community. In addition, when outsiders are involved, participation can be seen as a means of ensuring that control is maintained by the community during the process. Local participation in the ongoing decisions made in the planning process provide the opportunity for the community to direct and control the process (Lockhart 1982, 164). The f i f t h characterist ic of CCP is mutuality which focuses on the relationship between insiders and outsiders in the process, and the issue of control of the process. The primary reason outsiders are involved in this part icular kind of planning ac t iv i ty is their knowledge of planning processes, methods, and techniques. However, this processed, outside knowledge alone is insufficient for effective planning. Lockhart (1982, 160) 59 argues that without both insider and outsider knowledge' in the process ". . . the development in i t i a t ive is doomed to fa i lure". Combining insider and outsider knowledge allows the formulation of processes and plans that " . . . a f f i r m rather that negate native cultural identity" (Lockhart 1982, 161). Friedmann (1973) identified face-to-face dialogue between the planner and c l ient as a key factor in transactive planning. Through transactive dialogue each learns from the other—the planner from the c l ient 's ( insider's) personal knowledge, and the c l ient from the planner's (outsider's) technical expertise. Acknowledgment of the mutuality of the planner (outsider)/cl ient (insider) relationship may lead to mutual learning where personal (insider) knowledge and processed (outsider) knowledge are combined. This can provide new understandings of the opportunities for action and change (Friedmann, 1973). Both the insiders (the cl ient) and the outsiders (the consultant/planner) must be aware of the mutuality of the relationship, the need to incorporate insider and outsider knowledge, and be committed to sharing in the planning process. 60 A summary of this normative definit ion of CCP for B.C. Indian communities is provided below. Table II: Comprehensive Community Planning: A Definition Comprehensive - community goals in a l l planning areas identif ied, and considered in proposed actions (scope & approach) Formal/Systematic - sequence of steps followed, and documentation of information, analysis and decisions (method) Developmental - opportunities for learning which enable the community and individuals to become less dependent on external forces (approach) Participatory - self-defined strategy that fac i l i ta tes col lect ive community input into the decision making process (application) Mutuality - community (insiders) and consultant (outsider) are committed to attempting to understand each others needs and requirements (relationships) An analysis and assessment of the Similkameen planning case wil l be made which uses this normative definition of CCP. A description of the major events that occurred during the Similkameen planning process is provided in the following chapter. 61 3 THE SIMILKAMEEN INDIAN BANDS COMMUNITY PLAN: CASE STUDY 3.1 The Upper and Lower Similkameen Indian Bands 3.1.1 Location The Upper and Lower Similkameen Indian Bands have sixteen Indian reserves distributed throughout the Canadian portion of the Similkameen River basin, located in the south-central portion of Br i t i sh Columbia. In to ta l , these reserves encompass an area of about 18,000 ha. (44,179 a c ) . The Lower Similkameen Band has 9 reserves which total 15,276 ha. and the Upper Similkameen Band has 7 reserves which total 2,602 ha. These reserves include prime agricultural land, forested land, range land, several mineral deposits and numerous creeks, streams and r ivers . Almost a l l of the reserve lands are located in the valley bottom and are accessible by road. The settlement pattern is rural with small groups of homes distributed among several reserves. The total population l iv ing on-reserve in 1984 was 247 people. 62 Figure 1:  Location of the Upper & Lower Similkameen Indian Bands Adapted from: Similkameen Indian Bands. Community P r o f i l e . 1985. Figures 2 and 3. 63 3.1.2 Br ief History The Similkameen Bands belong to the Salishan l i n g u i s t i c family and t r a d i t i o n a l l y speak the Okanagan language. The post-contact h istory of the Similkameen Bands is marked by increasing pressures by the non-Indian population that has set t led in the Similkameen Val ley. These pressures resulted in the loss of t r ad i t i ona l lands, relegat ion to reserves, and subjugation to foreign laws administered by outs iders . U t i l i z i n g the r i ch natural resources of the Similkameen River watershed, the Bands maintained many of the i r t r ad i t i ona l a c t i v i t i e s (hunting, trapping, f i s h i ng , etc. ) while pa r t i c i pa t i n g in parts of the newcomers' economy, espec ia l ly dry land farming and ranching. Through the ear ly part of the 1900's both Bands experienced the loss of control of s i gn i f i c an t parts of the i r reserves through long-term leases to outsiders or through easements and r ights-of-way granted to various publ ic and pr ivate agencies. The introduction of alcohol and the forced separation of ch i ldren from parents to attend re s i den t i a l schools cr ippled the soc ia l structure of the i r communities. T rad i t i ona l i n s t i t u t i on s and support structures were further undermined by the growth of the welfare state which increased the dependence of Indian people on decision-makers and administrators who belonged to a d i f fe rent cu l ture and community. 64 In the late 1960's the Similkameen Bands began to push for greater local control over their administrative functions. In 1969 the Bands took over the core administration of Band affairs from the Department of Indian and Northern Af f a i r s . 3.1.3 Economy Tradi t ional ly the Similkameen Bands' local economy has rel ied heavily on the agricultural sector. In 1972 the Lower Similkameen Band was the f i r s t Indian Band in B.C. to start a commercial orchard. With considerable amounts of agricultural land s t i l l re lat ive ly undeveloped, considerable unrealized potential exists in this sector. Another resource based sector in which the Band has significant economic opportunities is the forestry sector. Tourism is a growing sector throughout B.C. and due to the large volume of tourism t r a f f i c that passes through the Similkameen Valley a significant service industry has developed in the area. However, the Bands have been only marginally involved in this sector to date. Paid employment opportunities in the Similkameen community are provided by four main sources. The f i r s t , and largest employer, is the Similkameen Indian Administration (SIA) and related Band operations and projects. Self-employment, the second source, has a long tradit ion in the community, mostly in ranching and hay farming. Several families run their own ranches and hay farms. Wage labour on a seasonal basis, mainly in agricultural occupations, is the third source. And f i n a l l y , a source of employment that grew rapidly until the provincial economic downturn in the early 1980's, is 65 in forestry related a c t i v i t i e s . The distribution of paid employment by economic sector is presented below. Other Employed refers to individuals who work off-reserve. Table III: Employment by Sector: Similkameen Indian Bands, 1985 Number of People Economic Employed Self- Other Total Sector by Bands Employed Employed Employed Primary 15 13 1 29 Secondary 5 2 0 7 Tertiary 20 3 8 31 Totals 40 18 9 67 Source: Similkameen Indian Bands 1985, 72. In 1984 approximately 36% of the labour force were fu l ly employed, 37% were unemployed and 27% were under-employed (Similkameen Indian Bands 1985, 70). 66 3.1.4 Local Government and Organization The Upper and Lower Similkameen Indian Bands are governed by elected chiefs and councils , under Section 74-83 of the Indian Act. Upper Similkameen has one Chief and two Councillors and Lower Similkameen has one Chief and three Counci l lors , elected by a l l Band members over 19 years of age. The primary areas of responsibi l i ty for the Chiefs and Councils are Band policy and program development and f iscal control over a l l Band revenues and expenditures. Based on a close historical relationship, the Upper and Lower Similkameen Bands united their administrative functions under the auspices of the Similkameen Indian Administration (SIA) whose offices are located in the vi l lage of Keremeos, B.C. Since 1969 when the Bands f i r s t began to take on these functions, the organization has grown to a point where i t has a fu l l time staff of twelve, as well as several part time workers. The SIA plays a central role in many aspects of community l i f e . Through i t , a variety of services and programs including social assistance, education counselling, family support and housing are offered. As well as being the major local employer i t also plays a major role in i n i t i a t i n g both Band and individually sponsored business in i t i a t ives . The Bands, along with three other Okanagan Bands, belong to the Okanagan Tribal Council which acts primarily as a forum for action on common issues such as land claims. Several volunteer organizations such as, the Rodeo Club, the Recreation Commission, and the Culture Club are also very active in the community. 67 The community has several major families that over time have tradit ional ly settled in small clusters of houses on the various reserves. Family and kinship t ies are very strong and rather complicated. Social events such as bingos, pot-luck dinners and sports are much enjoyed and well attended by most community members. 3.2 The Community Plan 3.2.1 Purpose A s ignif icant feature of the process that led to the decision to ini t iate a comprehensive community plan was.the role of the consultant in defining the terms of reference for the study. During a business t r i p in the area a principal of David Nairne and Assoc. Ltd. was discussing current act iv i t ies within the Similkameen community with Council members of the two Bands. A wide range of community a c t i v i t i e s , interests and issues were discussed openly with the consultant, and included the desire of the Bands to prepare a long range plan for their community. Based on these discussions the consultant prepared a preliminary proposal and submitted i t to the Bands for their review prior to another meeting with them. The proposal stated that ". . . the purpose of the Community Plan is to provide overall direction to the Similkameen Bands in their path to eventual self-government". In the covering letter that accompanied this preliminary proposal the consultant suggested that the format for the next meeting would be to provide an overview of the planning process together with an outline of the actual 68 steps involved, the approximate time frame and costs for the study. Following this presentation,, the consultant would withdraw from the meeting to allow the two Councils to decide on the following questions: - do the Bands want to undertake the preparation of a community plan? - do they wish to u t i l i ze the services of a consultant rather than a Band Planner in the preparation of the plan? and, - are they prepared to work together on a single plan for both Bands, i t being understood from the outset that the goals of each Band wi l l not necessarily be the same? If the answers to the above questions were affirmative the balance of the meeting with the Bands would be used to establish a refined terms of reference and a detailed proposal for consulting services. In late May, 1984 the two Bands answered yes to the above questions and the company of David Nairne and Associates Ltd. was selected to work with the community to prepare a community plan. 3.2.2 Key Actors There were three key actors in the Similkameen planning process; the Upper and Lower Similkameen Indian Bands, the consulting firm of David Nairne and Associates L t d . , and the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development (DIAND). The roles each group played can; be simply stated as 69 c l i e n t , consultant and technical advisors respectively. These roles wi l l be i l lus tra ted in the following section which describes the community planning process and wi l l be analyzed in Chapter Four. A few comments about the role played by the DIAND in the process that are somewhat unique to this case study are necessary before proceeding. DIAND established d i s t r i c t offices in each of 8 B.C. Region administrative d i s t r i c t s . The Similkameen Bands f a l l under the administrative responsibi l i ty of the Central D i s t r i c t . With the rise in po l i t i ca l pressure expressed by the Bands within this D i s t r i c t in the 1970's, and the cal l for greater autonomy over Band administration by the individual Bands and Tribal Councils the Central Dis tr ic t was relocated from Vernon to Vancouver in 1975 (Canada n .d . ) . In addition, a number of their administrative staff were displaced in keeping with the greater .responsibil ity taken on by the Bands. One of the Central Dis tr ic t staff positions that was not f i l l e d was that of the Di s t r i c t Planner. Instead, the funding for this position was transferred d irec t ly to Tribal Councils and Bands according to an agreed upon formula. For the Similkameen planning process, this meant that funding for their planning act iv i t i es was transferred to the Okanagan Tribal Council and then allocated among the five member Bands. It also meant there was no Dis tr ic t Planner available to assist the Bands to develop terms of reference, review proposals, or act as a project off icer on behalf of the Bands and the DIAND. Thus, the DIAND role of technical advisor in the Similkameen planning process was based on the Bands voluntary choice to keep DIAND involved and not a necessary prerequisite for securing planning funds. 70 3.2.3 Funding The overall budget for the Similkameen Comprehensive Community Plan was roughly $120,000. This budget had bee proposed by the consultant and agreed to by the community. With a start date in June 1984 and an estimated time frame of eighteen months, the study overlapped three f iscal years. The Bands committed to use their planning funds (roughly $20,000/Band/ year) for three years in order to undertake the CCP. The planning funds were allocated by Indian A f f a i r s , Central Dis tr ic t to the Okanagan Tribal Council on a quarterly basis who then transferred i t to the Bands upon Council request. This quarterly arrangement resulted in a lag between completion of the CCP and payment to the consulting firm. However, this problem was presented to the consulting firm in advance and was accepted as part of the terms of the contract. Without this f l e x i b i l i t y in the use of funds and timing of payments the CCP would not have been possible. Beaver (1979, 81) states that " . . . an important policy issue to native planning is the definit ion of what w i l l constitute an acceptable community plan, and that the Department must rel inquish its veto right over what constitutes an acceptable plan on its terms and according to vts standards.. .the band should define what constitutes productive services,  projects and activities"(1979, 82 , underlining in or ig ina l ) . If Indian Affairs had been direct ly involved in the Similkameen CCP, a project spanning three f i scal years, funding would have been very d i f f i c u l t to arrange. Typica l ly , Indian Affairs project funding is designed to be either committed, or spent, by the March 31 f i sca l year end. For the Department to allocate suff icient funds for the CCP from the Dis tr ic t planning budget in 71 one f i s c a l year a l l competing uses would have to be considered. Among the 37 Bands in Central D i s t r i c t there are numerous requests for planning funds each year and an a l l ocat ion of $120,000, in one f i s c a l year, to a small Band is quite un l i ke l y . A large number of Indian communities have health and safety needs that would take precedence over the preparation of a comprehensive community plan. Thus without the a b i l i t y of the Bands to use t he i r planning funds with r e l a t i v e autonomy, the CCP would not have occurred. 3.2.4 The Process 3.2.4.1 Planning to Plan Once the contract was awarded the f i r s t major task was to estab l i sh the s p e c i f i c approach to be taken and to develop a deta i led work plan. The f i r s t step in the process was to hold a planning session with members of the Band. This session was led by P. Boothroyd, in associat ion with D. Nairne and Assoc. Ltd. The meeting was attended by representatives of both Band Counci ls, SIA s taf f members and community members. During th i s f i r s t meeting, the planning study changed r a d i c a l l y from the o r i g i na l idea of gett ing a comprehensive report prepared by a consultant to one of using the consultant to help generate a pa r t i c ipa to ry in te ract i ve process, as well as to generate technical information which could be used in that process (Boothroyd 1985, 22). 72 During this f i r s t meeting a brief description of the steps involved in the community planning process was given and a 15 month timetable for the plan was presented. Following this , a brainstorming session was held to 'plan the planning process'. The group identif ied over 20 goals for the plan. These goals included: to encourage participation in the process; to prepare for self-government; to document experience with the plan; to raise the level of Band member's awareness of Band a c t i v i t i e s ; and, to create a sense of 'Band ownership' of the plan (SIA Minutes, May 24, 1984). It was fe l t that for the plan to be successful and useful, i t should be both comprehensive and community-based; comprehensive meaning that the plan would look at a l l aspects of community l i f e , such as economic, soc ia l , and cultural development; and, community-based referring to the need for a l l members of the community to have the opportunity to participate in the process. A community-based process could contribute to 'Band ownership' of the plan. 'Band ownership' referred to a sense among community members that their part ic ipation created the plan and their goals and desires are represented by the plan. The next step in the process was to develop a plan for community participation in the process. Expl ic i t recognition of the importance of the process component of the plan by the both the cl ients (insiders) and the consultants (outsiders) meant that a period of process planning was required before moving on to the substantive components. Following this f i r s t meeting David Nairne and Assoc. Ltd. hired the author to act as the project planner. To prepare for the project the author enrolled in a two week Band Planning course, primarily oriented towards Indian planners, held at U.B.C. during late May, 1984. 73 3.2.4.2 Planning for Participation To develop a strategy for community participation in the plan the consultant considered the use of insider knowledge of community dynamics as essential . Lockhart (1982, 161) argues ".. .although community process knowledge is desirable in designing new developments anywhere, i t is especially crucial to the native situation precisely because native culture, unlike that of the predominantly atomized white society, has always recognized the central i ty of community in the l i f e of the individual". During the next meeting with the Bands the goal of participatory community involvement was reiterated and interviews with the members of the SIA were suggested as a means of identifying appropriate participation approaches. The purpose of the interviews were: to use the combined knowledge and experience of the members of the SIA as an information source regarding community participation in the planning process; - to develop a common understanding of the planning process and planning language; - to establish more c lear ly , the client-consultant relationship (SIA Minutes, June 14, 1984). A total of 22 people were interviewed in small groups over a two day period. The interviews used a semi-structured format and a l l questions posed were open-ended. Following the completion of the interviews- the SIA staff suggestions were analyzed by the consultant to develop a participation strategy that combined conventional participation techniques such as 74 household interviews, small group discussions, and establishing an advisory committee with SIA staff suggestions. This strategy was oriented to enriching part ic ipation style (e.g. using food and recreation act iv i t ies to bring people together, using key figures from major families to reach the membership, and getting the Elders involved) (SIA Minutes, June 18, 1984). Four major objectives were identified as part of the participation strategy. The f i r s t was to provide information about planning and the planning process to a l l Band members in order to broaden the knowledge base in the community. A 'planning board' in the SIA off ice , a planning newsletter, designating a Band planning committee and a Band planner were tasks related to achieving this objective. Second, gathering information regarding Band tradi t ions , tradit ional planning and decision-making processes was identif ied as an objective. Interviewing Elders, use of cultural research personnel, and small group discussions were to be used to achieve this objective. Third , developing guiding principles so that future Band development respects Band traditions and customs was required. This involved Band Councils reviewing their own decision-making orientation and rationale. The f inal objective was to ensure continuous community participation in the planning process. Involving key members of the major families, regular communication, involving the younger generation and encouraging Band members to 'drop-in' to the Band office were the means intended to achieve this objective. Following the preparation of the part ic ipat ion strategy the Councils designated a Band member, L. Terbasket, as the Band Planner who would work with the consultant throughout the planning study. This was seen as a highly desirable action by both the Band Councils and the consultant. The Councils 75 fe l t that i t was important to develop s k i l l s within their community that would provide them with long term benefits. The consultant fe l t i t was essential to have a Band Member to work with in order to develop a better understanding of the community and to keep the process working towards loca l ly appropriate objectives. A Steering Committee for the community plan was formed soon after the designation of the Band Planner. The members of this Committee were, one Council member from each Band, the SIA band administrator, the Band Planner and the consultant. This Committee was to responsible for coordinating and reviewing the progress of the planning study, communicating with other advisory committees and groups and advising Chiefs and Councils on the plan. 3.2.4.3 Guiding Principles The formulation of guiding principles was intended to ensure that the community plan was based on Indian traditions and took account of tradi t ional and existing decision-making . processes. It was also an opportunity for community members to document some of their oral history and to share i t with other community members. Interviews with Elders, discussions with families and individuals in the community were the means by which local values could be identif ied and guiding principles (Canada n.d.) for planning could be derived. A Band planning manual for the Saskatchewan Region of INAC was used as a reference by the consultant in the early stages of the process. In the manual, the development of guiding principles was 76 suggested as an important step in the planning process because of common lack of written documentation regarding tradit ional planning and decision-making ac t iv i t i e s and the regard held for the wisdom of the Elders. Following the interviews with members of the SIA to develop a participation strategy, a meeting was held with this same group to discuss the results and to identify the next steps to be taken in the process. A Heritage Research Committee had recently been formed to in i t ia te a research program that would provide information related to the Indian land claims process. The coordinator of this committee suggested that due to the overlapping nature of the community planning process and his committee's work that the two ac t iv i t i e s be coordinated and information shared. A process in which relevant information could be obtained for both ac t iv i t i e s was identif ied as follows. F i r s t , interviews with the Elders were to be conducted. An outline of the subject areas that could be used in these interviews from the perspective of the community planning process was to be provided by the consultant to the Heritage Research Committee. The Committee would then review i t and make suggestions and modifications as needed. Band members were identified to perform the interviews based on their knowledge of the Okanagan language and some previous experience in interviewing. The interview results would be translated into English, i f necessary, and reported back to the Elders for their ver i f icat ion. Publishing the information in a newsletter format for the community as well as using it for land claims research would provide documentation of this v i ta l community knowledge. 77 Home v i s i t s were organized and conducted by the Band Planner to discuss the community plan and to identify community member concerns, interests and ideas about what kind of community they would l ike to see in the future. These meetings were held in the evenings and were so well attended and enjoyed, several families asked for additional sessions to continue the discussions. Involvement of the younger generation was accomplished by staging a community development simulation game with about 15 community youths aged 13 to 18. Using a game designed by the Native Education Services Association and modified to suit local circumstances, the youths were challenged to think about what they would do, i f they were in Council posit ions, given current conditions on-reserve. A wide variety of values were expressed as a result of the above process. The Elders statements reflected a deep concern with nature and a l l the elements that provide the basis for people to l i ve , in spir i tual harmony, with the environment. Discussions with the families also expressed this concern with nature while at the same time indicating a need for the development of greater se l f -re l iance . The desire to be involved in the decision-making process was strongly stated by the family groups. Similarly , the youths in the community indicated a bel ief in themselves and their community. However they also expressed their concern about the future by indicating that their top two p r i o r i t i e s were to develop a drug and alcohol abuse program and a suicide prevention program. These values were used as guiding principles in the identif icat ion of community goals and pol icies as well as serving as evaluative c r i t e r i a when examining alternative courses of action to take. 78 The formulation of guiding principles provided both substantive and process expressions to guide the planning process. The principle that no decisions should be made without the approval of those who have the most to lose provides direction for the planning process, whereas protection of specific areas of reserve land for park or tradit ional uses are more substantive statements. Thus the guiding principles helped to focus on substantive areas in the planning process and provided guides for establishing the nature of process to be used. 3.2.4.4 Collection of Basic Facts Collection of basic information regarding the community to establish a data base for planning act iv i t i es was performed to prepare a community prof i l e . This information included an examination of the natural, human, soc ia l /cul tural and organizational resources available to the Bands. Although a considerable amount of information was in the SIA offices, no previous attempts at systematically reviewing and organizing this information had been made. A separate natural resource profi le was prepared which reviewed, in de ta i l , the a v a i l a b i l i t y , quality and access ib i l i ty of forestry, agr icul tural , mineral and tourism/recreation resources within and around Band lands. This prof i le included the preparation of base maps with were used throughout the process. Opportunities and constraints facing Band involvement in each of these sectors were explored. 79 A community prof i le was also prepared. Human resources were identified by performing a human resource inventory and population projections were prepared to analyze possible future needs. In addition to the col lect ion and analysis of these local resources, the a v a i l a b i l i t y of resources outside the community and an evaluation of possible linkages between resources inside and outside the community was performed. These outside resources included regional economic information on resource industries such as forestry and agriculture, tourism trends and forecasts, new programs for economic, social or cultural development from the federal and provincial governments, and information about other Native developments both within Canada and the United States. Planning Newsletters were prepared and distributed every second month to each household to provide community members with the results and findings of each stage of the planning process and to inform them of the next steps to be taken and how they could get involved i f they wished to. 3.2.4.5 Assembling People and Ideas In late August 1984, the Steering Committee identified key members of the major families who they fe l t should be contacted during the planning process. Tradi t ional ly , as children formed their own families, new houses were bu i l t along-side, or in the proximity of, the parents' home. Over time this resulted in clusters of houses located in various locations, each occupied by an extended family. One notable exception was the Ashnola Indian Reserve #10 subdivision bui l t in 1979. The occupants of the homes in 80 the subdivision were people who could not afford to build their own house on family land or did not have any family land. One key person in each of the clusters was to be contacted and asked to participate in a small group discussion. The individuals were to invite their relatives and/or neighbours over for an evening meeting to discuss their individual ideas and concerns regarding community development. The Steering Committee decided that in order to maximize Band input into these meetings the Band planner should organize and f a c i l i t a t e home sessions on her own instead of with the consultant. In preparation for this , the consultant and the Band planner reviewed the purpose of these meetings and discussed the main items to be addressed and techniques for recording the results . Following the completion of the home meetings and an analysis of the comments, concerns, and issues discussed, several general areas of interest emerge: agriculture; forestry; arts and crafts; and, recreation. In addition, there were strong expressions by community members for better Band organization, more information and coordination, and more involvement. In 1979 a Community Day had been held to celebrate the opening of Nehumpchin Orchards Ltd. which was the f i r s t Band owned commercial orchard in B.C. Federal and Provincial pol i t ic ians were invited to participate in the ceremonies and f e s t i v i t i e s . One of the Lower Similkameen Councillors, John Terbasket, who had been very involved in this event stated that although i t 81 was successful, there were perhaps too many outsiders involved. He suggested that another Community Day be held but this time it should focus on community members rather than outside interests. On January 15 and 16, 1985 Community Days were held in Keremeos, B.C. The event was sponsored by the Similkameen Bands and funded by a Canada Employment and Immigration Commission program. The format of the two day event involved open-house displays from a l l the departments in the SIA as well as by individual community members and workshops on specific themes. The objectives of this event were: to identify some directions for future social and economic development, based on community interests; to bring local people together with key resource people to discuss some specif ic development interests, and to identify a process that can lead to the achievement of goals; and to motivate individuals in the community to get involved in future development a c t i v i t i e s . The workshop themes were: ranching and farming development; forestry development; arts and crafts development; and, recreation development. Resource people were invited to lead the workshops and they were selected on the basis of their knowledge of the theme areas and their involvement in other Indian communities. The workshops provided a clearer view of the process of moving from goals and objectives to overcoming problems and achieving desired results. In also fostered broad community-based support and understanding of the opportunities and constraints facing development and the role community members can play in taking advantage of opportunities and overcoming constraints. 82 3.2.4.6 Projects-in-Process At an early stage in the planning process, the ident i f icat ion, organization, and in i t ia t ion of several projects was attempted. These projects were pursued during the planning process rather than waiting until the plan was complete. The purpose of this approach was to avoid the paralysis that often accompanies comprehensive planning. This is part icu lar ly important to Indian communities that rely on government programs for support because of the rapidity of change within these government programs and the intensive competition for the funding dol lars . Specific community needs became evident to the Steering Committee during the process that were acted upon. For example, several promising business opportunities together with interested individuals who wished to pursue them were identi f ied. Access to capital for the business and training for the potential entrepreneurs were dual needs to be addressed. A proposals which integrated training and business development was developed and submitted to the Canada Employment and Immigration Commission (CEIC) for consideration. The problems this proposal encountered serves as an example of why Bands should become less dependent on outside funding for their ac t iv i t i e s . Once the proposal was submitted, reviewed and revised to the point where i t f i n a l l y met a l l the requirements of the target program (LEAD), and the project off icer fe l t sat isf ied with the approach, LEAD had run out of do l lars . This process took roughly seven weeks. A new program, Community Futures, was announced to replace LEAD but the guidelines of the new program were not established. The proposal was in a program vacuum. Building upon 83 the same concept of combining training with business development another proposal was submitted to a new federal program, the Native Economic Development Program (NEDP), which promised considerable f l e x i b i l i t y in terms of program guidelines and requirements. A more extensive proposal was developed which required a substantial investment of time, energy and money. This time, a federal election and a change in governing party led to a delay in program response. The new government froze the element of the NEDP that had been applied in order to allow for an internal review. This particular element of the program is not operational as of July 1987, roughly two years after submission of the proposal, yet the SIA s t i l l receives correspondence indicating that they wi l l be notif ied when the program element is activated. Not a l l proposals received the response described above. Several successful proposals were processed during the course of the study. Within the CCP, the Career Access Program of CEIC was used to provide salary support and training materials for the Band Planner. CEIC was also used to fund the Community Days event which tapped into an obscure and l i t t l e used program at the suggestion of the local project o f f i cer . The Bands also successfully processed several make-work proposals during the course of the CCP. However, i t was those proposals that were the most innovative that had the most d i f f i c u l t y while the less complex proposals found l i t t l e resistance in being processed and approved. 84 3.2.4.7 Completing the Plan Throughout the planning study a number of planning cycles, or iterations, occurred. As the study began its f inal stages as defined by the project workplan and budget, the community plan document began to take shape and completion of the process was nearing. Two tasks were addressed at this stage; f i r s t was completing the community plan document; and second was establishing a continuing planning process to implement the CCP and other, as yet unidentified or unknown, community actions. A number of supporting, background documents had been completed which provided basic data, community prof i l e s , identif ication of community values, and analysis of opportunities and constraints facing future development. The CCP document was seen by the Steering Committee as not only a policy document for future development, but also as an organizational tool to aid the implementation of CCP recommendations. To complete the CCP document the consultant and members of the Steering Committee developed a table of contents and an outline of the plan content. Using this outline the Band Planner discussed the relevant sections with SIA departmental staff. Through these discussions specific goals in the various program areas were identified and alternative approaches to achieving these goals were proposed. The consultant used these goals to write the community plan sections relat ing to program areas such as social development, economic development, and culture and recreation. Each program area had a goal or several goal statements, a description of the opportunities and constraints facing the 85 achievement of the goals, an identif icat ion of alternatives, and an analysis of these alternatives. The analysis and evaluation of the alternatives were based on c r i t e r i a derived from the community's value statements, or guiding pr inc iples , as well as technical considerations. The Steering Committee then reviewed the alternatives and assessment to ensure conformity with local values and needs. Actions, or tasks, were then given either a short, medium or long term pr ior i ty rating. Short term p r i o r i t y referred to actions required over the next year and therefore formed the basis for the SIA program workplan and budget requirements. Medium term pr ior i ty referred to actions that should be ini t iated over the next two to five years and long term p r i o r i t y referred to a five to ten year implementation schedule. The Similkameen CCP provided two types of recommendations in almost a l l planning areas: process, and substantive. A lack of clear, expl ic i t policy was identif ied as a major issue in the CCP. One of the general pol ic ies recommended in the CCP was that "Band Councils establish a policy-making process and procedures that ensure community involvement and accountability" (Similkameen Indian Bands 1985, 18). Specific recommendations for how to develop pol icy were also included in the CCP. These process-directed recommendations regarding policy-making address one of the i n i t i a l goals for the process, "to prepare for self-government" (SIA Minutes, June 24, 1984). Substantive recommendations also addressed policy. The major recommendations of the Similkameen CCP are presented below. Band Organization and Administration: to improve communication between Chief and Councils, SIA staff, and community members through regular newsletters, small group and Band meetings, an annual Community Day, 86 and formation of ad hoc committees on an issue basis; to improve the working relationship between Upper and Lower Similkameen Bands through the establishment of a separate staff position for Upper Similkameen to focus on key areas of concern; and, to improve the coordination and management of Band programs, projects and enterprises by adopting a 'portfol io system' for Councils, simplifying the existing committee structure, and use of outsiders for specif ic management tasks where SIA staff are not fu l ly competent. Social Development: to reduce dependence on Social Assistance (S.A.) through use of S.A. supplements for community work performed by recipients and integration of training into these jobs; to encourage sobriety and a drug-free community through counselling and prevention programs; to provide family support, homemaker, and health care services to community members through existing program delivery mechanisms and development of local pol icy; to improve the educational achievement of community members through representation on the local School Board, a parent involvement program, and adult education; and, to improve housing conditions on-reserve through upgrading of existing stock, coordination of funding sources to build new houses, and home maintenance tra in ing . Culture and Recreational Development: to build a strong cultural base within the community through the use of the Pow Wow Pavilion as a focus for cultural ac t iv i t i e s , Okanagan language tra ining, and organizing 87 Elders' c i rc l e s ; and to promote physical fitness among community members through the development of additional recreation f a c i l i t i e s , recreation programs, and fund raising a c t i v i t i e s . Economic Development: to develop meaningful, long-term jobs and establish a sustainable local economy through a re-organization of the SIA to establish improved business planning and management practices; to establish venture selection c r i t e r i a to ensure coordination and integration of new in i t ia t ives ; to pursue economic act iv i t ies in the agr icu l tura l , forestry, tourism, and small business sectors; and to coordinate training programs with economic i n i t i a t i v e s . Infrastructure Development: to upgrade existing f a c i l i t i e s to meet current health and safety standards through the systematic review of existing systems; to provide infrastructure f a c i l i t i e s to accommodate future community growth through the identi f icat ion of capital project requirements; and to assess overall capital needs and establish pr ior i t i e s through the preparation of a multi-year capital plan. Land Use: to manage the development of reserve land through the establishment of land use zones and pol ic ies ; to develop the community's land resources in a manner that enhances long-term self-suff ic iency and self -rel iance through resource management planning; and to ensure community part ic ipation in land use development through the establishment of formal development procedures requiring public involvement. 88 Some examples of how these recommendations were developed are presented below to i l lus trate the process used to formulate process and substantive policy recommendations. Housing was a central concern within the community and i t was given considerable attention in the CCP. One of the goals identified for housing was "to establish a process to develop a Similkameen housing policy" (Similkameen Indian Band 1985, 45). Process recommendations for the policy-making process included: "Councils should endorse the development of housing pol icy; Councils should endorse the need for community participation in this process; and, Councils should instruct the housing coordinator to organize home meetings to discuss individual housing needs and issues, and seek suggestions for policy development" (Similkameen Indian Band 1985, 51). A substantive goal of the housing program was "to encourage new housing development locations suited to the needs and desires of the occupants" (Similkameen Indian Band 1985, 44). This goal was derived from the desire to develop as a rural community and the dissatisfaction with the Ashnola subdivision on I.R. #10. This subdivision was designed for 20 homes on 1/2 acre lo t s . No consultation with the community had occurred prior to the selection of the Ashnola site or the subdivision concept. Five homes had been bui l t but residents were unhappy and families turned down new houses rather than l ive in the subdivision. The position of Indian Affairs was that unti l the infrastructure in place had been substantially u t i l i zed no new residential development would be funded. Together, the consultant and the Steering Committee revised the lot layout so that lots averaged 3/4 of an acre and the total number of lots was reduced to 14. With the addition of two or three more homes to Ashnola the Band could just i fy the need to 89 develop new residential areas to Indian Af fa i r s . Alternative sites were identif ied and a consultation process for the planning and development of new areas was recommended in the CCP. Physical aspects of the CCP dealt with two substantive areas, physical planning and capital planning. Due to the large land base of the community (over 44,000 ac.) and the dispersed nature of the Bands' settlement pattern the Steering Committee fe l t that a conceptual land-use plan that indicated broad categories of land use and dealt with the entire land base was needed. Resource capabil i ty and existing land uses were analyzed and mapped at a scale of 1:50,000 for a l l reserve lands. These base maps were then used for discussion with the Steering Committee to identify preferences for future uses such as; res ident ia l , commercial, community f a c i l i t y , l ight industr ia l , agr icu l tura l , forestry and range, and conservation. A detailed study of agricultural capabi l i ty and suitabi1ity on selected reserve lands was being performed simultaneously by the Western Indian Agricultural Corporation (WIAC) at a scale of 1:10,000. This meant specific information on this land use could be used to assist more detailed planning in the future. In addition, an application was submitted to the Federal Regional Development Agreement's Forestry Program to prepare a forestry inventory of Band lands and a five year management plan. An ear l ier study on the location of new community f a c i l i t i e s such as a day care center (which was built and opened in 1985) had been prepared in 1984. Therefore the conceptual land use plan was able to incorporate the available data while leaving detailed land use planning for specific resources or sites very f l ex ib le . Recommendations for an ongoing land use planning and development process were included in the CCP. 90 The capital plan dealt with those program areas that required capital funding, as opposed to program or administrative funding. Individual substantive projects were identif ied by the Steering Committee and the consultants and were assessed by engineering staff within the consulting firm. After capital cost estimates for a l l identified projects were completed a preliminary five year capital plan was prepared for the Steering Committee, and Band Councils to review. Pr ior i t i e s were given^to the various projects and a formal five year capital plan was prepared and presented to DIAND Central Dis tr ic t personnel for their review. Slight modifications were made to the capital plan based on this review before i t was o f f i c i a l l y submitted to Central Dis tr ic t to be used in their five year capital budgeting process. An annual process for the review of the capital plan was recommended in the CCP to match DIAND capital planning reviews. Process oriented and substantively directed recommendations were blended into each of the planning areas addressed in the CCP. A l l of the above components were assembled in a planning document complete with the conceptual land use map of reserve lands. A f u l l s ize, colored version of this map was placed on display in the Band Office for review by a l l Band members. This completed the documentation of the community plan, the next step was to present the plan to Band Councils and the community for their approval. Following Council reviews of the documentation, the Council informed the consultant that i t had approved the plan and would take i t to Band members for review and approval. After the plan was r a t i f i e d , the 91 consultant participated in an intensive two day workshop that focussed on implementing the plan and the organizational development required to f a c i l i t a t e the recommendations that i t contained. 92 3.2.4.8 Brief Chronology of the CCP A brief chronology of the plan is presented below as a summary of the CCP process in the Similkameen community. June — goals for the planning process are established by the community in consultation between insiders and outsiders — interviews between the consultant and a l l Council members and SIA staff are carried out — a strategy for community participation is approved July — a Steering Committee for the planning study is appointed by Counci1s — a Band member is appointed by Council to work with the consultant as a Band Planner — interviews with Band Elders begin to develop guiding principles — a 'Planning Board' is set up in the Band Office to display information, identify issues, etc. — idea for holding another 'Community Day' is introduced August — population projections for the community are prepared — a "Review of Natural Resources and Development Opportunities" report is prepared by the consultant — f i r s t Planning Newsletter is produced presenting the results of the population projections and "Natural Resources" report — a newspaper ar t i c l e is placed in the local newspaper to provide information to the general public regarding the Bands' planning act iv i t i es — key people in the various housing clusters are identified by 93 the Steering Committee September — CEIC proposals for Band economic development and training projects are prepared October — interviews with Elders are completed — second Planning Newsletter is produced presenting a summary of planning act iv i t i es to date November — based on interviews with Elders, guiding principles for Band development are identified — t h e Band planner holds home meetings sponsored by key people in each housing cluster December — 'Community .Days1 becomes a central feature in the planning process as a means of focussing on specif ic development interests and motivating individuals to actively participate in the process — th ird Planning Newsletter is produced presenting the purpose and nature of the planned Community Days event January — resource people are identif ied and invited to lead workshop sessions at 'Community Days' — 'Community Days' is held in Keremeos — "Summary Report on Community Days, January 15 & 16, 1985" is prepared by the consultant February — "Similkameen Indian Bands" brochure is produced for use in presentations to funding agencies March — application for Band economic development and training submitted to CEIC is put on hold because LEAD program is changed to Community Futures but no guidelines are available Apri l — Policy workshop with Council and SIA staff is held, April 17 94 May — application to NEDP for Band economic development planning and business development training is developed by Steering Committee June — application to NEDP is submitted July — reserve land base is analyzed by Steering Committee, Land Claims committee, and consultant — land use designation are agreed to by Steering Committee — CMHC survey of a l l reserve houses is completed August — Steering Committee review draft Community Profi le — Community Profi le is presented to Council — preliminary Land Use plan is prepared for Steering Committee review September — outline of Comprehensive Community Plan document is prepared October — capital projects are identif ied by Steering Committee and staff — detailed review of Comprehensive Community Plan document by SIA program staff is completed November — housing needs analysis is presented to Steering Committee for review of capital projects and pr ior i t i za t ion by Councils December — capital cost estimates are developed — Comprehensive Community Plan document is drafted January — Steering Committee review of CCP document is completed February — CCP is presented to Chiefs and Councils for review and amendment — CCP is presented to community members by Councils — CCP is amended and adopted 95 4 ANALYSIS OF THE CASE STUDY 4.1 Introduction In this chapter the normative definit ion of CCP developed in Chapter Two is used to analyze the outcomes of the Similkameen Indian Bands' comprehensive community planning process. The role of CCP identified in this thesis for B.C. Indian communities is to use the CCP process to gain experience in self-management in preparation for self-government. The following analysis explores two dimensions of the normative def init ion. The f i r s t dimension addresses the question, can the five normative characterist ics proposed in the CCP def ini t ion be applied? This question is important because the basis of the CCP def init ion rests upon several theoretical concepts which must be applicable to the Indian planning context in order to be useful. The second dimension of the analysis depends on the characterist ics of the normative approach being applicable. If these characterist ics can be applied then the underlying propositions of the definit ion can be addressed, namely: - Does the use of this approach result in an improvement in the community's planning process s k i l l s and self-management. competencies? and, - Does the use of an outside consultant in this approach fac i l i ta te the capacity-building process? Each of the five characteristics of CCP identif ied in the normative definit ion developed in Chapter Two are addressed in the analysis. These characterist ics are: a comprehensive scope and approach; a formal/systematic 96 method; a developmental approach; a participatory application; and, mutuality in insider/outsider relat ions. While the comprehensive scope and formal/systematic method are important to identify in the planning case to establish i t as comprehensive planning, the emphasis in the analysis is on the developmental approach, part ic ipatory application, and mutuality of relationships in the Similkameen case. Reference to these last three characterist ics allow the analyst to probe the outcomes of the planning process in more depth, and to explore the questions related to the second dimension of the analysis described above. 4.2 The Similkameen Case and CCP 4.2.1 A Comprehensive Scope The comprehensive scope of the Similkameen case is indicated by the range of substantive areas addressed in the Comprehensive Community Plan document. The nature of the comprehensive approach used in the process is indicated by reviewing each substantive area and how each area was used in the consideration of actions proposed in other areas. This analysis relates to Boothroyd's description of a comprehensive approach where there is an exp l i c i t regard for how each planning area impinges on other planning areas in the process (1984, 4). A comprehensive community plan is typ ica l ly comprised of a series of plans in various substantive areas that consider a l l aspects of a community's needs. Planning manuals developed by the Ontario and Saskatchewan Regions of 97 Indian Affairs suggest that the following aspects of community development should be included in a CCP: social and cul tura l ; po l i t i ca l and organizational; economic; and physical . The substantive areas addressed in the Similkameen Comprehensive Community Plan were: band organization and administration; social development; cultural and recreational development; economic development; community infrastructure; and land use. Thus the scope of the planning case can be clearly identif ied as comprehensive. A comprehensive approach relates to the expl ic i t consideration of the relationship of how actions in one planning area affect others. In order to identify and assess these inter-relationships a basis, and method for assessment must be available. The extended period of process planning in the Similkameen case and the development of guiding principles helped to identify community values regarding preferences for both the process and substantive aspects of community development. The guiding principles also identif ied expressions of Indian culture and values in areas such as; land use, Indian medicine, Indian re l ig ion , ceremonies, and traditional decision making. Examples of the guiding principles related to the community development process are, "It is important not to t e l l people what they have to do or believe; let them develop themselves as to what they should know, do, or believe i n . " "No development should take place without the approval of those with the most to lose." 98 "Bringing people together solves problems." (Similkameen Indian Bands 1984, 6-12). Guiding principles that relate to substantive areas of community development include, "Everything has a s p i r i t so one must respect everything and not hurt, k i l l , or destroy anything unless i t is necessary for surv iva l ." "Land near creeks and rivers where ceremonies are practiced should be preserved so that the Elders and young people can for to camp, t e l l s tories , and learn old tradit ions and ways of survival ." "It is important to take care of nature and wi ld l i f e , i f nature does not survive neither wil l humans." "Housing on-reserve should be spread out." "As much land as possible should be le f t in its natural state." (Similkameen Indian Bands 1984, 7-16). The guiding principles provided important references which were used in the design of policy-making procedures, designation of land uses, and assessment of proposed actions. In addition, the documentation of insider knowledge provided the consultant with a deeper appreciation of Indian culture and gave the community a reference for their use in future exercises. 99 Further refinement of goals in substantive areas was achieved through detailed discussions with Band Councils and SIA program staff. Guiding principles as expressions of local values and broad community goals served as a basis for identifying actions in specif ic substantive areas such as enlarging the lot sizes in the Ashnola subdivision to spread-out housing units. Following the ident i f icat ion, and analysis of alternatives in each of these planning areas, the Steering Committee and the consultant reviewed each proposed action in l ight of the identif ied community values, goals, and technical considerations where appropriate. One of the goals related to Band organization and administration was, "to open and maintain communication between Chief and Councils, SIA staff , and community members" (Similkameen Indian Bands 1985, 21). Several methods of encouraging communication such as newsletters, Band meetings, small group meetings and annual Band events (e.g. Community Days) were proposed by the Steering Committee. Recommended actions related to community communication methods which were considered to be consistent with guiding principles are, "small group meetings should be used on an issue basis to provide information to families and to identify their ideas and interests", and "an annual community event should be held to review the Bands' year-end f iscal situation and to identify development objectives for the upcoming year" (Similkameen Indian Bands 1985, 21). These actions reflect guiding principles presented above as they bring people together to address problems and provide information about future developments. 100 Expl ic i t assessment of conflicts or trade-offs between substantive areas was not performed in the Similkameen case. Rather, goal identif ication and assessment of alternatives referred to the guiding principles to ensure consistency with community values. Through this process it was possible to identify potential conflicts and trade-offs within substantive areas. For instance, two goals were expressed for the Lower Similkameen Band relating to their Band orchard operation. One goal was for the orchard to be developed into a economically viable enterprise, while the second was for the orchard to be used as a training ground for community members (Similkameen Indian Bands 1985, 65). The tension between the desire to be profitable and to provide training was identif ied in the comprehensive community plan. The recommended action was that the orchard be used as a training ground and p r o f i t a b i l i t y was traded-off for possible sustainabi1ity. This action is also consistent with the guiding principle of le t t ing people develop themselves by providing community members with opportunities for learning. The comprehensive approach required a highly interactive process among community members, SIA staff, the Steering Committee and Council , This approach also provided the opportunity -to be creative in addressing community problems while maintaining consistency with overall community development values and goals. In the Similkameen case, the comprehensive scope and approach used in the planning process identified desirable substantive outcomes in each planning area addressed and provided a ho l i s t i c perspective on development actions. This hol i s t ic (comprehensive) perspective was derived from guiding principles which reflect Indian culture and values. Identification of guiding principles provided the consultant 101 with an opportunity to learn and appreciate Indian culture, and documented insider knowledge which could be used by the community in future development i n i t i a t i v e s . 4.2.2 The Formal/Systematic Method Several aspects of the formal/systematic method as applied to the planning process can be found in the Similkameen case. A formal, as distinguished from an informal, approach is related to the application of process that is systematic in method (Boothroyd 1984, 4 ) . However, as presented in the normative CCP definit ion in Chapter Two, the intent of applying a formal/systematic method should not be to replace informal processes but to enhance or complement them. Formal approaches to planning were described in Chapter Two as characterized by the designation of a Band Planner and/or committees, establishing procedures and protocol for decision-making, and documenting and disseminating information and decisions. The use of a systematic method was described as establishing a sequence of steps that are agreed upon at the outset, and are followed, to attempt to ensure that the process follows a logical and local ly relevant path towards achieving community goals. In the Similkameen case a Band planner was designated to work with the planning consultant and a Steering Committee, was established to guide and monitor the planning study. The above description of the comprehensive approach indicated that procedures for f a c i l i t a t i n g community participation, 102 obtaining relevant community information, and reviewing and analyzing action alternatives were established in the planning process. While the general steps in the process were agreed to at the outset, refinements to these steps were made throughout the process. For example, a community part ic ipat ion strategy was developed at the outset of the study and the involvement of key members of major families in an advisory committee was suggested (SIA Minutes, June 27, 1984). L i t t l e interest was expressed in forming an advisory committee by these individuals , thus instead of a committee home meetings were organized that involved not only key members, but often a l l members, of the family. The i n i t i a l objective was s t i l l achieved, but the method was refined to match the community. The application of various procedures to the general steps agreed to at the outset i l lus trates use of a systematic method in the process. Informal approaches are those processes where community decisions and community plans are made in non-systematic and undocumented means. Integration of informal approaches into the Similkameen planning process was accomplished through the acknowledgment of insider knowledge in the design and application of participation plans for the community. In the design of the part ic ipat ion plan the consultant systematically discussed the purposes and means of f a c i l i t a t i n g community part ic ipation in the process with members of the SIA staff and Council . A review of common community part ic ipation techniques was performed by the consultant and the suggestions for part ic ipat ion provided by discussions with SIA staff and Councils were added to the l i s t . These SIA staff and Council suggestions included informal approaches such as recreation events and pot-luck dinners. The consultant 103 systematically assessed the insider and participation to formulate a participation suggestions with established techniques. outsider knowledge regarding plan that combined community Involving the Elders to develop guiding principles and the use of these principles to identify community values and assess alternative actions is another example of how informal and formal approaches were combined. The Community Days event also integrated formal and informal approaches. While the overall event was carefully planned to enable community members to join together to address specif ic community concerns, the inclusion of tradit ional songs and dances, a pot luck dinner and an open house atmosphere gave the event an informality that made was appropriate to the character of the local community. Use of newsletters to keep community members informed and production of several background reports to the comprehensive community plan are examples of the documentation and dissemination of information and decisions as they emerged throughout the process. A formal/systematic application of the planning process was integrated with informal approaches in the Similkameen case. A systematic method was used to guide the overall direction of the process but a f lexible application of this method allowed modifications and adaptations during the process. Formal approaches used included the designation of a Band planner, a Steering Committee and documentation of decisions and information. However, through the acknowledgment of insider knowledge, the planning process used the involvement of Elders and major families to complement and enhance informal processes such as home v i s i t s and pot-luck dinners. In addition, the use of formal approaches and systematic methods was also exemplified by the 104 community's use of guiding principles to assess and evaluate alternatives described in the previous section. The Similkameen experience suggests that formal/systematic methods can be used in the planning process in ways that complement and enhance informal community processes. 4 .2 .3 A Developmental Approach As discussed in Chapter Two the intent of development planning is to f a c i l i t a t e individual and group learning so that effective actions which improve their individual and col lect ive quality of l i f e can be taken. A developmental approach is a process that centers on community members and their capacity to plan for themselves. The dominant themes of this approach as described in the normative CCP definit ion are: use of comprehensive community planning to gain experience in self-management; "community competency" in self-management; and, community learning that enables the community to plan for i t s e l f . Self-management in the context of Indian planning can be understood in relation to the movement towards Indian self-government. A key measure of self-government is the a b i l i t y to influence the absolute level of available finances, and to exercise discretion in f inancial allocations (Beaver 1979, 81). The Similkameen community developed the a b i l i t y to influence absolute funding levels through increased responsibi l i ty for the administration of their affairs during the period between 1969 and 1984. The SIA took over the responsibi l i ty of most Indian Affairs programs delivered to Band members l iv ing on-reserve. However, while the SIA was able to influence their 105 absolute level of finances i t did not have the a b i l i t y to exercise discretion in the allocation of these funds. Indian Affairs administrative structures severely constrained discretionary a b i l i t i e s due to program and audit requirements. A notable exception was the Similkameen Bands ab i l i t y to allocate the their planning funds with almost complete autonomy. Thus the community achieved some experience under present structures in self-management, but had not yet become self-governing in its a b i l i t y to exercise discretion in a l l of its f inancial al locations. The Similkameen case can be used as an example of a B.C. Indian community who might use comprehensive community planning to gain further experience in self-management. Enhancing "community competence" (Cotrell 1977) in self-management through comprehensive community planning is the second major theme in analysis.of the developmental approach in the Similkameen case. It was suggested in Chapter Two that Cotre l l ' s "performance tests" of "community competence" could be used in the design of planning process and to evaluate the success of the process. The "performance tests" are: (1) effective collaboration in identifying community problems and needs; (2) achievement of a working consensus on goals and p r i o r i t i e s ; (3) agreement on ways and means to implement goals; and (4) effective collaboration in the required actions" (Cotrell 1977, 548) . To evaluate how CCP influenced the Similkameen community's "competence" these "performance tests" are discussed at the outset, within, and at the conclusion of the CCP process to identify increases in self-management competence resulting from the process. 106 Discussion of the Similkameen community's previous planning experiences and their involvement with outside professional planners, prior to the planning case involving the author, provides some insight regarding the community's self-management "competency" at the outset of the process. Discussions between representatives of Indian Affairs who were familiar with the Similkameen Bands and the author during the early stages of the planning process indicated that the community had a history of considerable planning experiences, but these experiences had not improved the community's planning competency (Kozey S. & Cunningham A . , Pers. comm., July 20, 1984). An outside professional planner was hired as an SIA staff member from 1978 to 1981. This individual was absent from "the community for approximately two years before the Comprehensive Community Plan involving the author was begun. A community plan was prepared by this individual for the Bands, although i t had not been used as a guiding document in the Bands functional planning ac t iv i t i e s (Terbasket, Delphine., Pers. comm., August 12, 1984). This suggests that although the community had previous planning experiences the location of this a b i l i t y may have been centralized in the professional staff member and not distributed among community members. As previously mentioned the Bands held considerable autonomy over the use of planning funds allocated annually to them by the Okanagan Tribal Council. The role of Indian Affairs Central Dis tr ic t in the use of these funds was purely advisory. Central Dis tr ic t did not have a designated Planner on staff to act as a Project Officer for projects undertaken by the Band. Thus, prior to the in i t i a t ion of the comprehensive community plan the Similkameen Bands had: some community planning done for them but had not provided them with direction for future ac t iv i t i e s ; experience with outsiders in planning a c t i v i t i e s ; and considerable control over the use of their planning funds. 107 The Similkameen community's "competence" in self-management is discussed below using Cotre l l ' s (1977) "performance tests". Community "competence" at the outset, within, and at the conclusion of the CCP process is described to identify improvements in "competency" resulting from the process. Effective Collaboration in Identifying Community Problems and Needs Col lect ive agreement on the need to in i t i a t e a CCP for the two Bands is an example of the Similkameen community's a b i l i t y to effectively collaborate in problem identif icat ion at the outset of the process. This decision was not without some tension between the Upper and Lower Similkameen Councils. While the Lower Similkameen Band Council was f u l l y supportive of the need to prepare a CCP, Upper Council was less convinced of the benefits of the process given their considerably smaller size and lack of representation within the SIA staff (Al l i son, E. Pers. comm., June 1984). Despite this tension, the two Councils co l l ec t ive ly agreed to the need for a CCP and approved the in i t ia t ion of the process. A shortcoming of this col lect ive decision was that the financial sharing arrangements between the two Bands for the CCP was not clearly specified and was a source of confusion throughout the study. This confusion was heightened by an election in the Upper Similkameen Band in March 1985, roughly twelve months into the planning process. The election resulted in a new Chief becoming involved in the f ina l stages of the CCP. The new Chief was also without a clear understanding of the level of f inancial commitment expected from Upper 108 Similkameen for the CCP. Thus while the Bands were able to collaborate to identify a col lect ive need at the outset of the process, the outcome of their decision making was not as effective as i t could have been. Effective collaboration within the CCP process was exhibited by the identif icat ion of a needs for capital (infrastructure) works by the SIA staff and both Councils. The consultant held individual meetings with both Councils and SIA staff to identify specif ic capital projects. Following th i s , a meeting with both Councils and staff in attendance was held to identify projects that the two bands could address co l lec t ive ly . Problems in individual water systems in both Upper and Lower Similkameen houses led to the suggestion of a water supply study of a l l individual systems in both Bands rather than each doing their own study (Similkameen Indian Bands 1985, 85). Effective collaboration to address substantive issues and needs was thus demonstrated. An example of effective collaboration at the conclusion of the CCP process is an implementation workshop held for Council members and the SIA staff . The purpose of the workshop was to review the Similkameen Comprehensive Community Plan document and to focus on the implementation of organizational changes to the SIA based on Plan recommendations. The workshop was requested by Band Councils, organized by Assistant Band Administrator Pauline Terbasket, and fac i l i ta ted by an organizational development consultant and the author. Effective collaboration was exhibited in identifying the need to in i t ia te organizational changes and for specif ic expertise to assist this process. 109 Achievement of a Working Consensus on Goals and Pr ior i t i e s A working consensus on goals for the CCP process was achieved at the outset of the planning process (SIA Minutes, May 24, 1984). Part of the reason for this consensus can be attributed to the previous community plan prepared for the Bands in 1979 by the professional planner hired as a SIA staff member (Terbasket, Delphine. Pers. comm. August 12, 1984). This plan was prepared without any Band membership involvement and was not used by either Council or the SIA staff. Goals for the CCP planning process reflected the rejection of this type of approach and the desire to expand the process to involve as many people in the community as possible. The goals for the process included: "to encourage part ic ipat ion in the planning process"; "to encourage co-operation through co-ordination of effort to a common goal"; and, "to keep people motivated and interested in regards to the planning process" (Terbasket, Delphine. Pers. Comm. August 12, 1984.) Thus, the community displayed an ab i l i t y to achieve a working consensus on goals at the outset of the process. An example of a working consensus within the process is the generation of goals in a l l program areas by SIA staff . Detailed discussions were with each program staff member by the Band Administrator and Band planner to identify goals in each substantive areas. Following the collection of these goals the Steering Committee reviewed the goals to ensure that they reflected a l l areas of concern for the CCP (SIA Minutes, July 16, 1985). Thus the community was able to achieve a working consensus by identifying and agreeing on goals related to each program areas. 110 The implementation workshop serves as an example the achievement of a working consensus on goals and p r i o r i t i e s at the conclusion of the CCP process. Although the workshop reviewed a l l of the goals i den t i f i ed in the Comprehensive Community Plan, i t focussed on Band organization and administration as a p r i o r i t y for act ion. Both Councils reached a consensus on the goal of i n i t i a t i n g the workshop and the focus on organizational change. Unlike the previous examples, th i s working consensus was achieved without any outside ass istance, ind icat ing a possible improvement in th i s a b i l i t y through the CCP process. Agreement on Ways and Means to Implement Goals Agreement with in the Bands on ways and means to implement goals at the outset of the process can be discussed at a general and spec i f i c l e v e l . At the general l e v e l , both Bands agreed to undertake a CCP process, ind icat ing the a b i l i t y to reach agreement on th i s broad goal. Considerable input from Band members regarding pa r t i c i pa t i on methods and a c t i v i t i e s they f e l t would a s s i s t in the planning process was provided. These ways and means found to ta l agreement among those involved in t h i s stage of the process (SIA Minutes, June 27, 1984). However at a more s pec i f i c l e v e l , the decision to undertake a CCP suggests that there may have been disagreement, confusion or lack of understanding, within the Bands regarding means for achieving spec i f i c goals at the outset of the process. In add i t ion, the Bands' decis ion to use an outside consultant in the process suggests the Bands' f e l t they could not reach agreement i n t e r na l l y without some assistance. I l l Agreement on ways and means to achieve goals was exhibited at the general l eve l , but at the specific level this a b i l i t y was less developed at the outset of the process. Preparation of economic development proposals to CEIC and NEDP is an example of agreement on way and means to achieve goals within the process. These proposals were developed by the Steering Committee, the consultant, and selected community members. Key needs addressed by the proposals were means of accessing capital for community businesses and training of community members in business development. Both Councils endorsed the proposed methods to address these needs and supported submission of the proposals (SIA Minutes, June 14, 1985). In this instance, the community displayed the a b i l i t y to identify, and agree on, ways and means to achieve goals. Identifying the need for a workshop to assist in. CCP implementation, and obtaining special is t assistance, displays the community's a b i l i t y to agree on ways and means to achieve goals at the conclusion of the CCP process. One of the Comprehensive Community Plan goals related to Band organization and administration was "to improve the coordination and management of Band programs, projects, and enterprises" (Similkameen Indian Bands 1985, 24). CCP recommendations related to this goal addressed management, style and management capabi l i ty . The workshop resulted in the identif ication of the need to develop workplace policies for SIA staff and simplif ication of the Bands committee system. These actions were consistent with CCP recommendations (Similkameen Indian Bands 1985, 25). An ad hoc committee and a terms of reference for the committee were developed in the workshop to address organizational changes. The Comprehensive Community Plan document 112 also presents an example the community's a b i l i t y to identify means of achieving goals. The format agreed to by the Steering Committee for the f inal Comprehensive Community Plan document was a three ring binder so that information could be easily added, when required, by adding pages. This is unusual in the f i e ld of consulting planning because i t provides the opportunity for removal, as well as addition, of information. Incomplete reference documents are usually viewed by consultants as frustrating and potential ly misleading, so easy removal of information is not usually encouraged. However, in this case the consultant f u l l y agreed with the use of this format after discussing the issue with the Steering Committee. Informal discussions between the author and the Assistant Band Administrator, Pauline Terbasket, following the completion of the Similkameen Comprehensive Community Plan, indicated that almost a l l SIA departments were using the CCP and that departmental staff had, or were planning to, update information contained in i t . This last act iv i ty is most s ignif icant because i t demonstrates that the Comprehensive Community Plan document is not only used as a reference but also as an ongoing planning too l . The Band's use of the Comprehensive Community Plan document suggests that the three ring binder fac i l i ta ted ongoing use of the Comprehensive Community Plan document and indicates that the Steering Committee was able to develop an effective means to achieve community goals. Effective Collaboration in the Required Actions Effective collaboration in required actions at the outset of the process by the community is displayed in the Bands' decision to undertake a CCP. This indicates the a b i l i t y to take action on an agreed-upon goal. However, the 113 community's a b i l i t y to collaborate on substantive actions was c learly lacking at this stage in the process. During interviews with Band Councils and SIA staff early in the planning process,(SIA Minutes, June 27, 1984) staff members indicated the SIA had grown very quickly and current organizational structures were weak. Council fe l t a communication gap had developed between the Administration and the membership (SIA Minutes, June 27, 1984) The Administrator for the SIA fe l t there was an abundance of ideas within the community for future development, but d i f f i cu l t i e s encountered in attempts at implementation had produced high levels of frustration among community members (SIA Minutes, June 27, 1984). The community's decision to use an outside consultant in the CCP process indicates the Band wanted to improve their a b i l i t y to collaborate more effect ively in taking required actions. Effective collaboration by the community was displayed within the process during the planning and implementation of the Community Days event. While the consultant and the Band planner were responsible for the workshop related organizational tasks, SIA staff and individual community members organized the social and cultural aspects of the event. Each SIA program had a display at the event to provide community members with an opportunity to see the f u l l range of functions performed by the SIA. In addition, several local artisans prepared displays of their crafts , a pot-luck dinner was prepared for over 100 people, and the community's drum was used for the f i r s t time in public when tradit ional songs and dances were held in the evening. This event exhibited considerable collaboration by community members to make the event a success. 114 The implementation workshop displayed effective collaboration in required actions at the conclusion of the process. Taking action to ini t iate and organize the workshop required collaboration between Councils and SIA staff. Once p r i o r i t i e s for action were established, members of Council and staff developed a terms of reference and a work plan for an ad hoc committee to make required organizational changes. After the workshop the ad hoc committee developed workplace pol ic ies for the SIA and made recommendations to Councils for reorganizing and simplifying the Bands' committee system (Terbasket, Delphine. Personal interview, March 1987). Another example of effective collaboration in effective actions is the decision by Council to build three more homes in the Ashnola subdivision and then begin to develop new housing near the existing family clusters (Terbasket, Karen. Personal interview, February 1987). This suggests that the community is using the sectoral goals in the Similkameen Comprehensive Community Plan to take direct action. In summary, the preceding discussion indicates that through the community's involvement in the CCP process some improvement in self-management "competency" occurred,. Using Cotre l l ' s "performance tests" i t appears that the community's ab i l i t y to effectively collaborate in problem identif ication moved from broad to specif ic areas of agreement within, and at the conclusion of the process. This narrowing of problem areas is important to enable specific plans for action to be made. The community's ab i l i ty to achieve a working consensus on goals and pr ior i t i e s was observed to be well developed at the outset, within, and at the conclusion of the process. However, whereas consensus on goals was reached at the outset and within the process with outsider involvement, consensus was achieved at the conclusion 115 of the process without o u t s i d e r involvement. This suggests that the community's a b i l i t y to achieve a working consensus did not depend on o u t s i d e r s f o r f a c i l i t a t i o n . Thus, small improvements were observed i n the community's self-management competency r e l a t e d to e f f e c t i v e c o l l a b o r a t i o n i n problem i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and ac h i e v i n g consensus on goals and o b j e c t i v e s as outcomes of the CCP process. Agreement on ways and means to implement s p e c i f i c goals was not a w e l l developed a b i l i t y in the community at the outset of the process. However, the community d i s p l a y e d the a b i l i t y t o i d e n t i f y and agree upon means of addressing s p e c i f i c goals w i t h i n , and at the c o n c l u s i o n o f , the process i n d i c a t i n g improved competency. Community r e c o g n i t i o n of t h i s weakness at the outset may have c o n t r i b u t e d to the d e c i s i o n to use a consultant i n the process to improve t h i s area of competency, and e s t a b l i s h e d an a t t i t u d e w i t h i n the community which f a c i l i t a t e d improvement. E f f e c t i v e c o l l a b o r a t i o n in r e q u i r e d a c t i o n s i n substantive areas a l s o needed strengthening at the o u t s e t . The community's e x p l i c i t r e c o g n i t i o n of t h e i r weakness in t h i s area of competency c o n t r i b u t e d to some of the goals f o r the process e s t a b l i s h e d at the outset such as, "to keep the Band 'on-track'", and "to have a sense of d i r e c t i o n " (SIA Minutes, May 24, 1984). E f f e c t i v e c o l l a b o r a t i o n was d i s p l a y e d by the community w i t h i n the process by a large number of community members working towards a common g o a l , the Community Days event. At the c o n c l u s i o n of the process the community c o l l a b o r a t e d to implement s u b s t a n t i v e changes i n the SIA. This i n d i c a t e s t h a t as a r e s u l t of the community's involvement in the CCP process there was an improvement i n the community's a b i l i t y to agree on implementation means and to c o l l a b o r a t e i n re q u i r e d a c t i o n s . 116 Thus while small improvements were observed regarding Cotre l l ' s f i r s t two "performance test", more significant improvements were achieved in the final two "tests". These observations are significant because they suggest that specif ic areas of self-management competency can be selectively improved through the planning process. The design of the planning process can therefore attempt to address these weaknesses with specific developmental a c t i v i t i e s . The th ird theme in the developmental approach is community learning that enables the community to better plan for i t s e l f . The central question addressed in this section is: what did the community members learn from the planning process which they could, or did, apply -in other planning work? One of the learning experiences expressed by a Band member interviewed by the author in 1987, was that "people have to be ready to participate" (Terbasket, Delphine. Personal interview, March 1987). For a period of between six to eight months prior to the in i t ia t ion of the planning study Council and SIA management began to ask for community input into Band functions and ac t iv i t i e s . This 'set the stage1 for the intensive part ic ipation process engaged in during the planning study and it s ignif ies that although the study i t se l f had an extended period of 'process planning' i t had been preceded by other community processes which influenced the pattern of involvement and part ic ipat ion . The attention spent on the process 117 during the study allowed for the discovery of new means to enable people to express themselves and to participate in the overall functioning of the community (Terbasket, Delphine. Personal interview, March 1987). Another community learning experience identif ied was the significance of time as a factor in the planning process, part icu lar ly as it relates to the issue of maintaining community control over the process. Regular contact with the consultant and consultant involvement in an array of community ac t iv i t i e s was fe l t to provide the opportunity for greater community control over the process (Terbasket, Pauline. Personal interview, February 1987). Consultant involvement in act iv i t ies such as recreational sports, pot-luck dinners, bingos, and community ceremonies was only possible through extended v i s i t s . The regular contact between the consultant and the community fac i l i ta ted the establishment of an ongoing dialogue that kept both sides fu l ly informed and involved in the decisions made during, and about, the process. Involvement of the consultant in local events provided him with a deeper appreciation of Indian culture and community l i fe - s ty les that would otherwise have remained unknown to an outsider. Another lesson learned by the community related to time was that CCP takes a considerable amount of Council and administration time (Terbasket, Pauline. Personal interview, February 1987). In order to get something out of the planning process there has to be a real commitment to take time to contribute to the plan by community leaders. Policy formulation received considerable emphasis in the planning process and the Comprehensive Community Plan document. A policy workshop for Council and SIA staff members was held during the process. The objectives of the 118 workshop were: "to develop a better understanding of what policy is; to discuss how policy is made, and by whom; and, to use a local example to i l lu s t ra te how policy making can be applied" (SIA Minutes, Apri l 16, 1985). The organizational structure of the Band's recently opened day care f a c i l i t y was used as an example for applied policy-making. In this workshop the relationship between the Bands, SIA, and day care staff was examined and policy implications and alternatives were discussed (SIA Minutes, April 16, 1985). During the follow-up interviews in February 1987, one of the Councillors (Pauline Terbasket) stated that the policy making process that was used during the study and presented in the plan document was one of the most useful outcomes of the process because i t had been used as a guide for subsequent actions by Council . SIA staff and Councils learned from this workshop, and the policy recommendations provided in the plan document, how to develop policy and how i t can be used to guide community action (Terbasket, Karen. Personal interview, February 1987). Similarly , use of a systematic planning process to identify needs, understand problems, and analyze the opportunities and constraints for addressing needs was used repeatedly during the study and has been incorporated in subsequent Council and SIA planning approaches (Terbasket, Delphine. Personal interview, March 1987). Experimentation and adaptation to changing conditions during the course of the planning process impressed upon the community the need to be f lexible in planning approaches. The participation processes was cited by Lower Similkameen Council lor, Richard Terbasket as a good example of a f lexible approach as new methods were developed ' in action' to keep community members involved (Personal interview, March 1987). 119 The formulation of a coherent long term plan through the planning process provided Councils and the SIA a clearer sense of purpose (Terbasket, Pauline. Personal interview, February 1987). Formulation of the land use plan, was suggested as a part icularly important experience for the community because Indian culture has a deep relationship to the land and a comprehensive perspective of the management of the community's land base had never been developed before (Terbasket, Richard. Personal interview, March 1987). Identification of land use goals and guidelines for development provided the Council and the community with a statement of long term plans, and provided a sense of purpose and direction for future land use and development. The community's involvement in the preparation of a comprehensive land use plan provided Council and SIA staff with an understanding of the steps that might be taken in detailed land use planning (Terbasket, Richard. Personal interview, March 1987). Other examples of learning experiences from the CCP process were also identif ied during the interviews with key participants by the author. The re-organization of the SIA, including the establishment of policies for the SIA management, programs, and projects, and c lar i f i ca t ion of SIA Staff roles and responsibi l i t ies has been undertaken (Terbasket, Pauline. Personal interview, March 1987). The Bands have focussed their attention on addressing specific problem areas before moving into new in i t ia t ives . Resolution of the financial and management problems with the Band farm and orchard exemplifies this approach. Although several new agricultural in i t ia t ives have been proposed, the Council focussed on obtaining new management capabi l i t ies and addressing their financial d i f f i c u l t i e s . This 120 suggests an a b i l i t y to establish p r i o r i t i e s and to follow through with appropriate actions. Another positive learning outcome of the plan as expressed by the Band administrator, Delphine Terbasket (Personal Interview, March 1987), was that a Band member started an Arts and Craft retai l outlet soon after the study was completed. This economic opportunity was identified during the planning process and was seized upon by an entrepreneurial Band member. Motivation of this individual and her a b i l i t y to mobilize required resources are attributed, in part, to her participation the CCP process (Terbasket, Delphine. Personal interview, March 1987). Use of the planning process in the organizing of the community's annual Pow-Wow is another example of applied community learning. The culture committee used the planning process to plan for the event. Goals for attendance are agreed to, opportunities and constraints are ident i f ied, marketing and advertising alternatives are assessed, and a plan of action is developed. The community has planned and hosted several successful events since the conclusion of the CCP process. The Pow-Wow event achieved several goals that were identif ied in the CCP. It serves as a cultural focus for community members of a l l ages, i n s t i l l s pride in their cultural heritage, and opens up opportunities for sharing culture and ideas with both Natives and non-Natives from outside the community (Terbasket, Delphine. Personal interview, March 1987). Recognition of these goals suggests the use of a comprehensive approach in the community's planning a c t i v i t i e s . 121 The developmental approach and outcomes of the Similkameen case described in this section are consistent with the desirable developmental aspects of the normative definit ion of CCP provided in Chapter Two. The Similkameen case i l lus trates a community that had already taken steps towards self-management prior to engaging in the planning study. However, early in the process the community identified that self-management "competency" required further strengthening. The community exhibited a desire to become more "competent", and acquire the learning and knowledge needed to take effective actions to improve their quality of l i f e . There is evidence to suggest that improvement in the community's self-management "competency" was an outcome of the CCP process. In part icu lar , improved ab i l i t i e s in identifying implementation means and taking required actions were observed. During the CCP process community members had several important learning experiences that could be, and have been, applied in other community planning a c t i v i t i e s . This learning is the heart of the developmental approach and i t was a significant outcome of the CCP process in the Similkameen case. 122 4.2.4 A Participatory Application Analysis of the participatory element of the case study wi l l focus on discussion of the nature of the interactive processes found within the community and assessment of the relationship between the extended period of process planning and community part ic ipat ion . Interactive processes within a community are expected to be highly variable and these processes might range from an "interpersonally linked reciprocity" type, to an "intermediary linked contract" type (Painter et a l . 1982). These two theoretical 'types' ref lect the difference between a communal and an atomized style of l i v i n g . In rea l i ty , both types of interactive process may be present within one community and act as a source of internal conf l ic t . Recognition by the community and involved outsiders of the part icular blend of interactive processes peculiar to a community allows for the design of appropriate process strategies (such as participation plans) before, during and after the completion of the CCP study. In addition., identif ication of community attitudes about moving towards either end of the spectrum is central to developing new approaches to community organization. This is part icularly relevant to those communities who want to achieve higher levels of self-management through some form of internal re-organization. 123 Blishen et a l . (1979) discusses the key types of interaction which provide clues to community type, which are shown in the following table. Table IV: The Relationship Between Community  Processes and Community Types PROCESS VARIABLES INTER-PERSONAL RECIPROCITY TYPE INTER-MEDIARY CONTRACT TYPE Daily Personal Interactions -through face-to-face -through some formal contacts organizational process Acquiring C r i t i c a l -informal personal bureaucratic Information networks -commercial or products Understanding of -widely spread Community Functions -narrowly held A b i l i t y to Influence -held by a l l , or most Community Functions individuals •held by minority, or representatives Sense of Obligation -to community -to self (Adapted from Blishen et a l . 1979; Painter et a l . 1982; 124 Daily interactions in parts of the Similkameen community tended to be face-to-face. A rura l , highly dispersed settlement pattern characterized the community with clusters of houses, separated by as many as 50 kilometers from each other. These clusters provide opportunities for a good deal of face-to-face contacts with neighbours, but inhibit wider face-to-face interactions. Access to transportation is essential to maintain this type of contact. The SIA office is located centrally, although off-reserve, in the Village of Keremeos. A central location and the nature of the operations attract Band members to the office on a regular basis, f a c i l i t a t i n g face-to-face contact among community members. Acquisit ion of c r i t i c a l information about weather, markets, jobs or training opportunities in the Similkameen tended towards the "intermediary" end of the scale. This was due to the heavy reliance on the SIA office as the key source on information for community members. However, the SIA office operated on an informal, personal basis where Band members were welcome and treated with the kind of respect found amongst good friends and family. As the SIA office staff become more special ized, part icularly through formal education and the hiring of outsiders, the tendency, towards "intermediary" types of interaction wil l l ike ly increase. The discussion of community functions in the Similkameen has two aspects; formal, and informal ac t iv i t i e s . Formal community functions were handled by the SIA, in conjunction with Chief and Council. These included administration of Indian Affairs programs, coordination of employment and training programs, operation of Band business, and balancing of budgets. 125 Based on the interviews held with SIA staff at the outset of the CCP in June 1984, i t was apparent that there was internal confusion within the SIA regarding formal community functions, and there was even less understanding within the community at-large regarding these act iv i t i es (SIA Minutes, June 27, 1984). On the other hand, informal ac t iv i t i e s such as pot-luck dinners, bingos, and sports were well understood throughout the community and were usually organized by SIA staff . In general, community understanding of formal community functions was narrowly held at the outset of the CCP indicating a tendency towards the "intermediary" type, but a goal of the planning process was to broaden this understanding indicating a more "interpersonal" type was desired (SIA Minutes, May 24, 1984). The a b i l i t y to influence community functions by community members is related to their understanding of these functions. At the outset of the CCP, the a b i l i t y to influence formal community functions was not widely held. This indicates a narrowly held level of understanding. One reason for this narrow understanding and ab i l i ty to influence community function is that the Bands have had to adopt an elected, representative system of decision making under the Indian Act. This system tends to narrow the actual, as well as the perceived, opportunities for individuals to influence decision making. The CCP part ic ipat ion strategy was deliberately aimed at increasing community understanding of formal community functions with the expectation of more individual involvement in the future (SIA Minutes, June 27, 1984). A strong tendency towards a community-oriented sense of obligation in the Similkameen was present during the planning study. Personal networks in the community were often family based and re la t ive ly informal. The distribution 126 of wild game between families that have hunters and those that do not, and the regular pot-luck dinners exemplify how distr ibut ion of surplus was made outside of formal markets or organizations. In part, this could have been due to the large number of blood relations within the community. However, Indian culture also influences the strength of informal personal ties in the community. For example, the Elders' teachings instruct community members to treat each chi ld as their own so that everyone is responsible for one another (Similkameen Indian Band 1985). These cultural aspects re-enforced the community-oriented sense of obligation. Overal l , the Similkameen Bands appeared closer to the "interpersonally linked reciprocity" type of community than an "intermediary linked contract" type. However, there is some evidence to suggest that increased responsibi l i ty in the management of their own affairs may lead towards a more "intermediary linked contract" type of community. This is due to the poss ib i l i ty of the SIA staff becoming more specialized through formal education and the hiring of outsiders as the organization develops. If this poss ib i l i ty were to materialize i t would confl ict with the apparent preference for maintaining an "interpersonally" linked community. The "interpersonally linked reciprocity" nature of the community was reflected in the participation plan for the community by the extended period of process planning desired by the community leadership. However, the Councils recognized that to u t i l i z e and build on the interpersonal character of the community in the planning process would require time and effort . A goal of the CCP process was " . . . to keep people motivated and interested in regard to the planning process" (SIA Minutes, May 24, 1984). 127 The desire for broad participation arose in part because the Council and the SIA were 'out of touch' with the community (SIA Minutes, May 24, 1984.) Councils' desire to have broad part ic ipation meant that extensive, directed communication between community members was needed and this process would require considerable effort . As a result , an extended period of 'process planning' occurred over a period of roughly seven months, from June 1984 to January 1985. Early in the process concern was expressed by Upper Similkameen Council that there was not much 'output' in the form of tangible products from the study. This concern continued to be expressed unti l the Community Days event. As more community members became involved in the process and positive feedback from the home meetings was received the CCP began to develop an sense of momentum in the community. At the Community Days event the concern turned into support as the Chief of Upper Similkameen, Edward (Slim) All ison stated publ ic ly that although he was not in favour of the community plan to begin with, after seeing the gathering of community members and the efforts of everyone to make this event possible, his feelings had changed and he fe l t that the CCP process was a positive thing for both Bands. Upper Similkameen Council's concern regarding tangible products early in the process was a source of concern, but not of frustrat ion, for the consultant. In the consultant's view a number of products had been prepared such as: newsletters; a planning board in the SIA off ice; home v i s i t s ; population forecasts; a review of natural resources and development opportunities; and, resource mapping of reserve land. It is apparent that these products were viewed by the Council as static with l i t t l e direct u t i l i t y to the Band until 128 Community Days. The displays and a c t i v i t i e s at Community Days provided a more dynamic perspective of the CCP process which resulted in the change of opinion by Upper Similkameen Counci l . Some f r u s t r a t i on was experience by the consultant with in the extended period of process planning. The r e l a t i v e l y slow pace with in the SIA o f f i c e , the apparent disorganizat ion of information with in the o f f i c e , and the seemingly endless meetings were the primary causes of consultant f r u s t r a t i on . This sense of disorder, as viewed by the consultant, was balanced by the r i s i n g level of comfort and trust between community ins iders and the consultant. Continual documentation and dissemination of information regarding the progress of planning a c t i v i t i e s kept the Steering Committee, Councils, SIA s ta f f and community members informed and involved. This e f fo r t towards creat ing and maintaining a 'process ' momentum in the study served, among other purposes, to gradually reduce consultant f ru s t ra t i on s . Like the Chief of Upper Similkameen, the consultant f e l t that 'Community Days' served as tangible evidence that the e f fo r t s spent on the process were rewarded by the attendance of almost every family in the community at th i s two day event. Pa r t i c i pa t i on in CCP is c lose ly related to the developmental approach discussed e a r l i e r . Developmental planning is intended to f a c i l i t a t e ind iv idual and group learning, and so i t must be p a r t i c i p a t i v e . However, the pa r t i c ipa to ry aspect of the process must respect the socia l character and type of community i t i s d irected towards.. To do th i s a means of ident i fy ing the community's ' t ype ' is useful to ensure the appropriateness of the pa r t i c i pa t i on plan. E x p l i c i t use of Pa i n te r ' s typology of community character was not used in the Similkameen case to design the par t i c ipa t ion 129 plan. However, the use of typology to identify the Similkameen community's character found that the participation plan was appropriate to its 'type'. Painter's typology may be useful for future CCP's to assist the community to identify interactive characteristics and areas of concern regarding interactive processes. Once the character of the community is identif ied the part ic ipat ion plan can be designed, and applied, appropriately and sensi t ively . Use of a developmental, participatory approach within a CCP requires that community leaders acknowledge the time i t takes for community members to become informed, involved and f u l l participants in the planning of their community. In the Similkameen case interactive processes that characterize a communal, rather than an atomized, 'type' of community were evident. This was exhibited by high levels of face-to-face contact and a strong sense of community obligation. Engaging the community in the CCP was recognized as a long process by community leaders at the outset. Despite this early recognition, the Similkameen experience indicates that insider/outsider frustration can occur during part ic ipatory, process planning. To overcome these frustrations, positive outcomes of the process must occur, and be observed, as they were in the Community Days event. If the Band Council and staff make a commitment to part ic ipation in the planning process the Similkameen experience indicates that engaging almost the entire community within the process is possible. 130 4.2.5 Mutuality of Insider/Outsider Relationships Transactive planning theory (Friedmann 1973) can be used to analyze the nature of relationships between the community and the planning consultant. The central aspects of his theory provide the analytical framework for assessing the mutuality of the relationship between insiders and outsiders in the planning case. Face-to-face relations, transactive dialogue and mutual learning are the cornerstones of Friedmann's theory. To establish transactive dialogue through face-to-face relations requires time, trust , shared interests and mutual obligations. These requirements are d i f f i c u l t to analyze individual ly . However, a discussion of the time spent with the community by the consultant during the planning study can i l lus trate how face-to-face relations and transactive dialogue developed in this case. Roughly one continuous week per month was spent by the consultant in the community during the Similkameen planning study. Instead of booking into a local motel, the consultant asked i f there was someone in the community who had an extra bed that could be rented during his s ite v i s i t s . One of the senior Council lors, John Terbasket, offered his house for this purpose. Through the course of the study the consultant was offered meals and accommodation at several homes in the community. Working hours were mainly spent in the SIA office collaborating with the Band planner, Lauren Terbasket, who had been appointed by Council to work with the consultant. Numerous v i s i t s to community members, houses to discuss various events and issues were coordinated and fac i l i ta ted by the Band planner. Attendance at a 131 wide variety of community functions such as sports events, pot-luck dinners, community group meetings, and some tradit ional ceremonies provided the opportunity for establishing a large number of face-to-face relations with community members. The importance of this relationship with the community for the development of transactive dialogue can be discussed from the consultant's and c l i ent ' s perspective. For the outside consultant, periods spent in the community were both rewarding and demanding. After several v i s i t s a sense of fami l iar i ty and acceptance replaced feelings of i n i t i a l insecurity and isolation by the consultant. Areas of shared interests between the consultant and SIA staff were found through wide-ranging conversations. This type of dialogue fostered the development of trust in the outside consultant by community insiders. By expressing this interest in what community members had to say, and by maintaining regular scheduled v i s i t s , the consultant's obligation to the community was expressed to the community. As the study progressed the consultant began to feel and was treated by SIA staff as one of the staff rather than an outside consultant. Friedmann would describe this as an expression of mutual obligation by insiders and the outside consultant. However, because the of the periodic nature of the consultant's v i s i t s some i n i t i a l famil iar izat ion was necessary each t r i p , and there was a certain intensity required to continually 'reach out' to community members. In addition, the community had high expectations of the consultant's areas of expertise. As the study progressed, more and more requests for consultant participation in discussions, meetings, program and project reviews, and proposal development were made. The demands on the 132 consultant of the face-to-face relations, the growing mutual obligation, and the increasing involvement in community functions resulted in the consultant experiencing a period of 'burn-out' the end of the monthly, week-long stay. Deepening of the relationship between the community and the outsider was recognized by the consultant as resulting in an increased depenaence of SIA staff and some community members on the outsider. This was expected in the early stages of the planning study because i t was for outside sk i l l s and knowledge that the community hired the consultant. However, one of the goals of the process was for the community to develop their own planning s k i l l s . To f a c i l i t a t e this process the Band Council encouraged the consultant to develop a shared sense of responsibi l i ty by placing the onus on the Steering Committee, the Band Planner, or other community member, to col lect , analyze, and prepare information for upcoming meetings or project milestones. Eventually the on-site v i s i t time was shortened to periods to two or three days instead of a fu l l week to further emphasize the temporary nature of the consultant/community relationship and thus the need for the community to rely on i t se l f for planning actions. Friedmann argues that acknowledgment of the mutuality of the insider/outsider relationship can lead to the process of mutual learning. In this process personal (insider) knowledge and processed (outsider) knowledge are combined to develop new understandings of the opportunities for action and change. There are several examples that can be drawn from the planning case to i l lus trate how this occurred. F i r s t , at the outset of the study one of the community's goals for the process was "..to help outsiders with their plans and to avoid 're-inventing the wheel'"(SIA, Minutes, May 24, 1984). 133 This statement expresses the outward facing posture of the Band and a willingness to share their knowledge with others. Second, during the planning process consultant access to personal (insider) knowledge was greatly aided by establishing a close working relationship with the Band planner who acted as a 'guide' and ' in terpreter ' . This insider knowledge was crucial to designing appropriate means of communication and community part ic ipat ion . Third, several other outsiders were introduced to the community by the consultant during the course of the study. These included workshop f a c i l i t a t o r s for the Community Days event who over the course of the two day event fac i l i ta ted a planning process with small groups of community members to address specific substantive areas of concern. These outsiders combined their specific processed knowledge with the personal knowledge of the community in the workshops. F ina l ly , and perhaps most s igni f icant ly for the consultant, knowledge was shared by the community with the consultant on Indian culture and the basis for their "world views". Full understanding of Indian culture cannot be, and is not, claimed by the consultant as a result of this exposure. The significance and importance of Indian culture to CCP can only be seen imperfectly through the eyes of an outsider. Nevertheless, the consultant learned to acknowledge and respect the uniqueness of Indian culture through the process of mutual learning. In Chapter Two the question was raised: is i t possible for a consulting planner to become involved in a planning process that uses the transactive approach? The Similkameen case provides evidence to suggest the answer is yes, par t i cu lar ly in the use of face-to-face relat ions, transactive dialogue and mutual learning. Mutuality of the relationship between the consultant and community was achieved in the Similkameen case and it was a significant 134 contribution to the planning process. Without this type of relationship opportunities for community expression to surface and direct the work of the consultant would have been d i f f i c u l t , i f not impossible, to achieve. The transactive approach in the Similkameen case i s , in part, a function of the amount of time the consultant spent within the community. Regular insider/outsider contact occurred over the eighteen month CCP study period. Although this length of time may not be required in order to use a transactive approach in other planning cases,, i t is necessary that the community and consultant recognize that this style of planning takes extended and continuous contact between insiders and outsiders. Acknowledgment of this factor may contribute to the establishment of transactive dialogue more quickly and contribute to the effectiveness of this approach. 4.3 Summary Analysis of the outcomes of the Similkameen Indian Bands' comprehensive community plan in this chapter used the normative definition of CCP developed in Chapter Two to: explore the appl icab i l i ty of the five normative characteristics proposed in the CCP def ini t ion; and i f the characterist ics were observed, identify the relationship between the normative approach and improvements in the community's self-management s k i l l s , and identify the nature of the outsider's role in the normative approach. 135 Comprehensive and formal/systematic characterist ics were found in the Similkameen case. The range of substantive areas addressed by the CCP, and the process by which actions in one planning area were assessed in relation to other areas indicate a comprehensive scope and approach were used in the planning case. Formal approaches were integrated with informal community processes to ensure cul tural ly appropriate actions within the process. A systematic method was used as a guide for overall study ac t iv i t i e s , and as a problem solving technique within the process. The Similkameen experience suggested formal/systematic methods can be used in ways that complement and enhance informal approaches. The developmental approach and outcomes in the Similkameen case were consistent with the normative CCP def in i t ion . Developmental planning was described in Chapter Two as a process which centers on community members and their capacity to plan for themselves. The Similkameen case i l lus trated a community that had already taken steps towards self-management prior to the CCP. However, early in the process i t was apparent that the community's self-management "competency" required further strengthening. The community exhibited a desire to become more "competent", and acquire the learning and knowledge needed to take effective actions to improve their quality of l i f e . Improvement in community "competency" was an outcome of the CCP process part icu lar ly in the community's a b i l i t y to identify means to achieve goals and take effective implementation actions. This suggests that the CCP could be used to enhance self-management competencies in other cases. Similkameen community members had several learning experiences within the process that 136 could, and have, been applied in other planning a c t i v i t i e s . Learning is the heart of the developmental approach and in the Similkameen case it was a s ignif icant outcome of the planning process. Participatory aspects of the Similkameen case were also found to be consistent with the CCP def in i t ion. Analysis of these aspects focussed on identi f icat ion of interactive community processes and assessment of relationships between the process planning and community part ic ipat ion. Using Painter's (1982) community typology, the Similkameen community was observed as a more "interpersonally linked" than "intermediary linked" community type. The extended period of process planning was designed to respect the character of the community, and use the pattern of social interactions to contribute to the CCP. At the outset, community leaders acknowledged that time to engage the community in the planning process was needed. Yet, insider and outsider frustration was experienced during the process planning stage. The Similkameen case suggests that positive outcomes such as Community Days must occur, and be observed, to overcome process frustrations. Use of a developmental, participatory approach within a CCP requires that community leaders acknowledge the time i t takes for community members to become informed, involved and f u l l participants in the planning of their community. The Similkameen experience indicates that when a Band Council and staff make a commitment to participation in the planning process, engaging almost the entire community within the process is possible. 137 Mutuality, the f i f t h characterist ic of CCP was also observed in the Similkameen case. Mutuality, as described by Friedmann's transactive planning, was used to assess the relationship between the community and the outside consultant. Examples in the Similkameen case of face-to-face relations, transactive dialogue and mutual learning within the planning process were ident i f ied. Establishing trust , shared interests and a sense of mutual obligation were identif ied as important components of insider/outsider relationships in the transactive approach. Mutual learning, where personal (insider) knowledge and processed (outsider) knowledge are combined is an important aspect of the transactive approach. The Similkameen experience indicated that mutual learning by insiders and outsiders can be achieved and i t can contribute s igni f icant ly to the planning process. Without mutuality in the insider/outsider relationship opportunities for community expression to surface and direct the work of the consultant would have been d i f f i c u l t , i f not impossible, to achieve. However, l ike part ic ipat ion, the transactive approach takes time to apply and although i t may not require an eighteen month study period, i t does take extended and continuous contact between insiders and outsiders. Based on the above discussion i t is apparent that the normative definit ion of CCP and its five characteristics can be made operational and applicable to a B.C. Indian community. The outcomes of this approach indicate that use of this approach did improve the Similkameen community's planning process s k i l l s and self-management competencies. F i n a l l y , in a process that is developmental and participatory in approach, and has mutuality in insider/outsider relationships, an outside consultant can fac i l i ta te the capacity-building process. 138 5 CONCLUSION 5.1 Introduction In this chapter the analysis is used to draw some general conclusions on the relationship between increased attention to the process components of planning and the outcomes of that approach. Opportunities and constraints facing use of the normative approach to comprehensive community planning in the preparation of a CCP within a B.C. Indian community are identi f ied. Some possible implications of the conclusions for future planning processes in other B.C. Indian communities in similar situations are explored, and areas for future research are suggested. The purpose of this thesis was: to identify and discuss the nature and role of comprehensive community planning within B.C. Indian communities; and, to analyze the outcomes of a comprehensive community planning experience where an outside consultant and a B.C. Indian community concentrated on planning the nature of the planning process, rather than the product of the process. In the beginning of the thesis the following questions were posed: 1. What internal and external factors influence comprehensive community planning within B.C. Indian communities, and what has been the nature of i ts practice? 2. What, i f any, relationship is there between planning theory and the actual practice of comprehensive community planning within B.C. Indian communities, part icularly in regard to the planning process? 139 3. What approach to comprehensive community planning should best serve the comprehensive community planning needs of B.C. Indian communities? 4. What roles, and types of relationships, between outside consultants and B.C. Indian communities should best serve their comprehensive community planning needs? The following section presents the findings of the thesis from the Similkameen experience. 5.2 The Similkameen Experience The role of CCP for B.C. Indian communities identif ied in this thesis is to use the CCP process to gain experience in self-management, in preparation for Indian self-government. The movement towards self-government is a response to the impoverished conditions within Indian communities and the desire of Indian people to improve their quality of l i f e . However, in order to begin to plan for themselves many Indian communities face the paradox of having to use outsiders to prepare plans which may inhibi t , rather than enhance, self-management. Indian experiences and perspectives of community planning indicate that control l ing the process, learning from the process, and communicating during the process are d i f f i c u l t when outsiders are involved. This thesis argues 140 that the reason for these d i f f i c u l t i e s is that not enough attention is given to the nature of the planning process. The transactive approach to planning has a strong process-orientation aimed at improving the community's a b i l i t y to plan for themselves. In addition, transactive planning places insiders and outsiders in an equal but symbiotic relationship in the process. By drawing from Indian statements regarding planning and the transactive approach, a normative definition of CCP was formulated in Chapter Two. The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of this definit ion address Indian communities' need to improve self-management ab i l i t i e s .and maintain control over the process. The Similkameen community is a good representation of a B.C. Indian community who used the CCP process to gain experience in self-management and involved an outside consultant in the process. Five characteristics that should lead to a desirable planning process were described in the normative def ini t ion of CCP in Chapter Two. The major events in the Similkameen planning process and a summary of the plans made were presented in Chapter Three. In Chapter Four a l l of these characterist ics were identified and described in the Similkameen case. In addition, relationships between the application and outcomes of this planning approach were discussed. The normative CCP approach, as applied in the Similkameen case, indicates that increased attention to the planning process, by insiders and outsiders, improves the nature of the planning process as well as producing substantive outcomes. There are two significant process outcomes from the Similkameen case: the operationalization of participatory planning; and, the preparation of process plans. In a good planning process the community participates in 141 preparing plans so that implementation actions are well understood and have the commitment of community members. Past experiences of Indian communities indicate that effective participatory planning is d i f f i c u l t to achieve. A significant finding of the Similkameen CCP process is the relationship between 'planning for planning' and the normative characteristics of CCP. 'Planning for planning 1 in the Similkameen case involved the community in identifying goals for the planning process, and the participation of nearly the entire community to determine goals for substantive areas. Community members were involved in preparing a plan for part ic ipat ion, identifying guiding principles for development, and generating ideas for future development i n i t i a t i v e s . The 'Community Days' event was the culmination of an intensive effort towards achieving fu l l community participation in the process before attempting to determine specif ic directions for substantive planning areas. The efforts made towards 'planning for planning' in the Similkameen f i t within the normative characterist ics of CCP. A comprehensive scope and approach was achieved in the process, and the formal/systematic methods of planning were sensi t iv i ty applied to the community. A participatory, developmental approach to the process not only got people involved, but improved the community's planning process sk i l l s and self-management competency. F ina l ly , in the course of 'planning for planning' a mutuality of insider/outsider relations developed which resulted in a f a c i l i t a t o r role for the consultant and mutual learning during the process. The Similkameen experience suggests that putting effective participatory planning into operation within an Indian community is possible and is consistent with the normative characterist ics of CCP proposed in this thesis . 142 The second process outcome of the Similkameen experience is the preparation of process plans which provide direction for how future planning is to proceed. Process plans were made during and at the conclusion of the Similkameen CCP. During the 'planning for planning' stage several process plans were made. Together, the community and consultant determined that the best way to develop a plan for part ic ipat ion was to combine insider and outsider knowledge to identify effective participation means. Another example of a process plan is the decision to formulate guiding principles for development by using SIA staff to interview Elders. The Steering Committee was involved in a continuous cycle of process planning during the entire study. A general sequence of steps, or process, was agreed to at the outset to guide the study towards the preparation of a CCP. The Steering Committee's role was to ensure that the study kept 'on-track' by monitoring the planning process. As circumstances changed, or new information was received, the Committee continuously made sl ight modifications to the next steps in the process to maintain momentum and progress. At the conclusion of the study, process plans were put into the Similkameen Comprehensive Community Plan document. These process plans included procedures for how to make pol icy , how to maintain community input into decision-making, and how to improve the management of economic development in i t i a t ives . For example the Comprehensive Community Plan recommended implementation of a policy making process in a number of substantive areas such as committees, housing, and economic development. After the Comprehensive Community Plan document was completed the community continued to make process plans. This is exemplified in the decision to hold an 'implementation workshop' as a means of i n i t i a t i n g organizational changes recommended in the Comprehensive Community Plan document. The above discussion suggests that the emphasis on 143 making process plans during the Similkameen study contributed to effective part ic ipation in the process. In addition, the community's experience in making these plans appears to have led to ongoing preparation of process plans. The planning process in the Similkameen case also produced substantive plans and led to the implementation of some of these plans. Substantive plans establish directional actions and decisions in specific planning areas. Identification of implementation outcomes for the Similkameen process have two l imitation in this thesis . F i r s t , the outcomes of a developmental approach to planning are long term by nature and may not be observable over a period to two or three years. Second, a systematic evaluation of each recommendation in the Similkameen CCP was beyond the scope of this thesis. Only instances of plan implementation observed by the author, or identified by the community members interviewed, are presented. However, examples of plan implementation are important to identify in order to assess the preliminary substantive outcomes of the process. In the Similkameen case a CCP was prepared that identified and established direction for a l l substantive areas in one plan. This is a significant outcome because of the d i f f i c u l t y of ensuring appropriate direction in a l l planning areas simultaneously. The large number of un-completed comprehensive community plans noted in Chapter Two attests to these d i f f i c u l t i e s . The comprehensive scope and approach achieved in the Similkameen case was due, in part, to the application of formal/systematic planning methods that kept the planning process moving towards a comprehensive plan document. Substantive plans were prepared in regard to: 144 organization and administration; social development; culture and recreation; economic development; infrastructure; and land use. Within each of these planning areas specific substantive plans identif ied current issues or problems, articulated community goals, assessed alternatives, and provided recommendations for implementation. For each implementation action a p r i o r i t y was given, time and resources needed were identif ied, and the organizational unit responsible was established. Several of the substantive plans identif ied in the Similkameen CCP document were implemented. The 'implementation workshop1 discussed above in i t iated the reorganization of the SIA as recommended in the CCP document. The replotting of the Ashnola subdivision, construction of three new homes in the subdivision, and the location of subsequent homes near tradit ional family clusters reflect CCP recommendations regarding housing and infrastructure. Use of the Pow-Wow Pavil ion as a focus of cultural ac t iv i t i e s and the Council's approval of the preparation of timber cruise and forest management plan were CCP recommendations related to cultural and economic development respectively. These actions indicate that the Similkameen CCP is being used as a guide for action in substantive areas. In summary, the Similkameen experience indicates that CCP can be used to gain experience in self-management by a B.C. Indian community. The systematic application of several normative characteristics which place considerable emphasis on planning the nature of the planning process, rather than the product of the process, can lead to participatory, developmental planning. This approach results in process oriented and substantively directed outcomes including the implementation of substantive plans. The 145 outside consultant in th i s approach can f a c i l i t a t e the capac i ty-bui ld ing process. F i n a l l y , the Similkameen experience shows that th i s approach to CCP can allow the community to maintain control over the planning process when outsiders are involved. 5.3 Opportunities and Constraints I den t i f i c a t i on of opportunit ies and constraints fac ing use of the normative approach to CCP in the Similkameen case are presented below. This discuss ion w i l l as s i s t other communities in s im i la r s i tuat ions to assess the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of th i s approach. The Small Size and Location of the Community F i r s t , the small s ize of the community provided the opportunity for wide community pa r t i c i pa t i on in the planning process. Requirements of community pa r t i c i pa t i on include information and communication. Information tends to t rave l quick ly in a small community. In the Similkameen case th i s allowed community organizations, such as the SIA and Band Counci l , to keep local residents well informed of current planning a c t i v i t i e s throughout the planning process. Community s ize also made i t possible for the ent i re community to f i t into a loca l community ha l l at one time during the Community Days event. Direct access to , and communication between the Counc i l , SIA s t a f f , and community members was therefore possible in one venue, at one time. A pa r t i c i pa t i v e event such as t h i s can be used in the planning process to provide and share information, and to engage loca l 146 people in small group processes directed at substantive areas of concern within the community. Participative community act iv i t ies can focus and direct development efforts by engaging community members as active participants in the planning process. Community size also fac i l i ta ted learning opportunities for a large number of community members, either as a result of involvement in the overall planning process or as a result of a specif ic experience within the process. Replication of the participative ac t iv i t i e s in larger communities would be considerably more d i f f i c u l t and expensive. Opportunities for developmental, participatory planning can be d irect ly related to the size of a community. The small size of a community, however, cannot be equated with low levels of complexity within the planning process. In the Similkameen case the planning process produced a single comprehensive community plan for two separate Bands. Despite the fact that the two Bands were social ly and functionally integrated, the po l i t i ca l division meant that the consultant was serving two Band Councils. This presented several p o l i t i c a l and organizational complications within the study. This s ituation was further complicated by Upper Simi1kameen1s (the smaller of the two Bands) expl ic i t desire to re-shape their relationship to the SIA through the CCP process, following the election of a new Chief. These tensions were addressed within the planning process and in the Comprehensive Community Plan document as recommendations but they exemplify the complexity that can arise in process relations within small communities. S imi lar ly , despite the small size of the community the rural nature of the settlement pattern meant that transportation was essential for part ic ipat ion . For many low income or 147 single parent families this was a very real obstacle. Use of home meetings in each settlement cluster was designed to take the process to the people instead of holding a l l meetings in a central location. Another constraint on the process and the a b i l i t y of local people to participate in a small rural community is due to the lack of local employment and educational opportunities. Often the pursuit of gainful employment requires community members to leave the community for extended periods of time. Educational opportunities also tend to be in distant locations necessitating the temporary relocation of individuals. In addition, community members who achieve high levels of formal education often can not find satisfying employment opportunities within the community when they graduate. This results in a 'brain drain' on the community as young sk i l l ed people move, sometimes permanently, away from home. Employment and/or educational pursuits can result- in key community participants in the process being absent for extended periods within the process or leaving at some stage during the process. This may require the replacement of certain key individuals which in turn can disrupt the planning 'momentum1. Loss of community members who played central roles in the planning process following the completion of a CCP can also pose problems for implementation. For these reasons, the formal/systematic aspects of the planning process is c l ear ly important to allow new individuals to gain insight and understanding of the process through the review of planning documents. 148 Self-Management Capabilities of the Community A second area that presents opportunities and constraints to the use of the normative approach is the self-management capabi l i ty of the community. The Similkameen community's desire to improve their competency in this area provided a key opportunity for learning and gaining experience in self-management. Analysis of events in the Similkameen case indicate that the community's level of self-management competency at the outset of the planning study was already based on experience with program administration and interaction with outsiders. However, i t was also evident that further strengthening of their level of competency was needed. Improvement in the community's "competency" was an outcome of the CCP process, part icular ly its a b i l i t y to identify means to achieve goals and to take effective implementation actions. This suggests that the effectiveness of the normative CCP approach is related to the community's attitude towards improvements in self-management capabi l i t i e s . The administrative, program orientation of the Band administration is a constraint facing the use of the normative CCP approach and the development of the Band's self-management capabi l i t i e s . At the outset of the planning process Band Councils indicated that organization of the community required improvement and that there was a feeling that the community and the SIA were "out of touch" with each other. This reflects the rapid organizational growth to administer Indian Affairs programs during the period 1969 to 1984 that the SIA experienced. Employment projects were implemented regularly in the community but the Council expressed a concern that these projects did not relate to an overall community plan. The program, or project, 149 orientation of Band administration acts as a constraint to the proposed CCP process because of the incompatibility between this orientation and the normative approach. If the program 'mind-set' of Council and administration staff is so deeply entrenched that the benefits of planning can not be ef fect ively communicated, then the development of the community's self-management capabil i t ies could be severely constrained. The Similkameen experience suggests that the Councils and staff desired the adoption of a planning approach in the CCP process. Thus, the community's attitude towards planning could affect the effectiveness of the normative approach in other planning cases. Native Culture and Values Native culture and values present a third area of opportunities and constraints to the normative CCP approach. Integration of Native culture and values in the planning process presents some unique opportunities for enriching the CCP process. Culture is a way of l i v ing based on a set of shared beliefs and values that gives meaning to l i f e . The cultural tradit ions of the Similkameen Native people serve as a central reference point around which the community has evolved. Expressions of this culture in the Okanagan language, the ceremonies, dances and songs are unifying links between what has passed and what may come to the Similkameen community. Integration of some of these cultural elements into Community Days contributed to the appropriateness of the event. The Similkameen people a l l share a similar cultural ancestry which provides a deep linkage between the people and families that make up the community. Home v i s i t s organized by the 150 Band planner tapped into this social network of extended and inter-related famil ies . That the Similkameen people l ived and flourished in the south Okanagan region for many centuries before European arrival and occupation indicates that they were h i s tor ica l ly self-governing, as was suggested by the Special Committee on Indian Self-Government when referring to Canadian Indian people in general (Canada 1984, 1). Interviews with the Elders to develop guiding principles for the plan attempted to identify tradit ional planning and decision-making a c t i v i t i e s . Despite the erosion of self-government that has occurred, Native culture has been retained and has been in a renaissance period over the last fifteen years. Native culture therefore provides a significant reservoir of knowledge, traditions and teachings that can be ut i l i zed in the CCP process as observed in the Similkameen case. However, there are some constraints facing the integration of Native culture and values in the CCP process. Not a l l community members share the same values or the same attachment to Native culture. Many Similkameen members do not speak the Okanagan language and do not participate in tradit ional ceremonies. Caution must therefore be exercised when establishing goals or values in the planning process. The part ic ipat ion of, and consultation with, as many individuals and families within the community as possible to discuss community development is the best means of avoiding a misrepresentation of community desires. Constraints to developing an understanding of community values and goals are time and money. Staff or consultant ava i lab i l i ty is a function of f inancial resources. In the Similkameen case this obstacle was addressed by having the Band planner act as the local fac i l i ta tor in these early discussions with community members. Not only was this cost effective 151 but i t also encouraged local residents to feel that the plan was theirs , not some outs ider's . These home meetings also served as a significant learning experience for the Band planner and for many of the participants who had never been engaged in a community planning process before. Client ( ins ider) / Consultant (outsider) Relationships The relationship between Indian communities and outside planning consultants is f u l l of a dynamic tension between the community's desire for independence and the reliance on outsiders that can foster dependence. This dynamic tension presents a fourth area of opportunities and constraints facing the use of the normative CCP approach. Achieving greater levels of independence is rooted in the general movement towards Indian self-government and i t represents a rejection of the high degree of dependence that has benefited ". . .neither Indian people nor Canadians in general" (Canada 1984, 1) in the past. In the Similkameen case the cl ient/consultant relationship resulted in a developmental, participatory planning process. Opportunities for achieving a developmental approach were a result of the Similkameen community's recognition of, and openness towards, the use of outsiders to gain higher levels of self-management competency. Improvements in self-management competency in this approach are related to learning experiences where deliberate efforts are made to fac i l i ta te " . . . a co l lect ive growth in understanding the relationship of what i s , to what should be, and what might be in the context of any given development option" (Lockhart 1982, 167). Consultants bring 152 into the community their outside, processed knowledge that can be incorporated into development in i t ia t ives within the community to improve their chances for success. Community member involvement in a variety of roles (e.g. Band planner, Steering Committee) throughout the planning process provide opportunities for individuals to increase their knowledge and s k i l l in planning from outsiders and from the experience i t s e l f . This insider/outsider relationship can also act as a constraint on community development process. When the community is in a period of rapid change in an increasingly complex environment, an extra pair of ' sk i l l ed hands' hired to assist in community planning ac t iv i t i e s may be readily welcomed to share in the work to be done. However, the consultant is by definit ion engaged in a relationship that is temporary and therefore cannot become fu l ly integrated into a local ' s t a f f role. As was discussed in Chapter Four the transfer of work from community staff members in the SIA to the consultant is a possible outcome of the emergence of a trust relationship between local insiders and the consultant. Consultant acceptance of increasing workloads that should, or could, be performed by available staff can result in organizational dependence on this outsider and inevitably this wil l lead to an organizational shock when the consultant leaves the. community. Acknowledgment of the mutuality of the relationship between the community and the outside consultant is c r i t i c a l to the planning process i f the inherent opportunities of this relationship are to be real ized. Once acknowledged, face-to-face dialogue leading to a process of mutual learning may occur, 153 "...which places the very different knowledge frames possessed by outside consultants and the inside c l ients on an equal f o o t i n g . . . . in the bel ief that deep insights leading to new poss ib i l i t i e s wi l l eventually emerge in the context of growing trust and mutual appreciation.. .(and) i t offers a role model for non-native consultants who have tended to be either overly confident or excessively insecure with respect to the appl i cab i l i ty of their kind of knowledge to the problems which native cl ients are trying to resolve" (Lockhart 1982, 167). Numerous factors can influence and inhibit the establishment of mutuality in the insider/outsider relationship. The Similkameen experience suggests that involvement of the outside consultant in a variety of community act iv i t ies helps to establish trust , shared interests, and mutual obligation which are necessary for the use of the transactive approach. Indian experiences with outside consultants discussed in Chapter Two indicate that differences in values together with inf lexible attitudes and approaches give rise to conf l icts that do not serve a positive purpose. Poor communication s k i l l s can also result in ineffective understanding between insiders and outsiders. In addition, lack of commitment to the relationship on behalf of either party wi l l certainly negate any efforts towards establishing a creative "insider/outsider dialectic" (Lockhart 1982). 154 Community/Indian Affairs Relationships F ina l ly , relationships between Indian Affa irs and B.C. Indian communities also present opportunities and constraints for process planning. While administrative responsibi l i t ies are progressively being transferred from Indian Affairs Dis tr ic t Offices to Band off ices , the c r i t i c a l a b i l i t y to have autonomy over the use of funds allocated to the Band have not yet been given to a l l Band governments. Increased p o l i t i c a l awareness among Indian communities, and the desire to improve the quality of l i f e on reserves has resulted in more demands being placed on Indian Affairs budgets by Bands and Tribal Councils in most program areas. Smaller communities such as the Similkameen often get re lat ively small amounts of funding for planning ac t iv i t i e s due to population based funding formulas, or lack of influence over discretionary allocations. Boothroyd (1984) in his review of the relationship between planning in Indian communities and INAC planning noted that centralized control of funding prevents many Bands from having f l e x i b i l i t y in funding allocations. In the specif ic case of planning funds roughly half of the identified needs for planning are actually funded by Indian Affa irs (Cunningham, A. Personal communication, 1987). Thus, for Indian communities in B.C. their reliance, oh an external source for planning funds is a significant constraint facing the implementation of a comprehensive community plan, especial ly when outside consultants are involved. Typical ly a comprehensive community plan takes over one year to complete and requires the investigation and analysis of a number of substantive areas. Outside consultant involvement in CCP is usually due to the community's inexperience with planning. Thus a comprehensive community plan for even a re lat ive ly small community l ike the Similkameen wi l l usually 155 require funding in excess of its annual a l locat ion. In addition, projects that span more than one f i scal year cause administrative problems for Indian Affairs who work on a federal f i sca l year. Multi-year funding agreements can be arranged but they are subject to parliamentary approval. The Similkameen case indicates that a comprehensive community plan that emphasizes process planning requires time in order for i t to be developmental, participatory, and establish mutuality in insider/outsider relat ions. The time and money needed for CCP may result in Indian Affairs resistance because of administrative or budget d i f f i c u l t i e s which can be a significant constraints facing the in i t ia t ion of a CCP. The constraints identified above were overcome in the Similkameen case due to the community's relative autonomy over use of planning funds. Recently, several Bands in B.C. have reached 'consolidated contribution agreements' with Indian Affair which offer more f l e x i b i l i t y over the use of funds within broad program areas and forty Bands in Canada have negotiated 'alternative funding arrangements' with give provide almost complete autonomy between program and functional funding areas (Cunningham, A. Personal communication, 1987). In the Similkameen case planning funds allocated to the two Bands, over three f i scal years, were combined which enabled the community to secure the funds needed for the CCP involving the author. The a b i l i t y of other B.C. Indian Bands to have re lat ive ly secure, multi-year access to their planning funds varies within the B.C. Region. Band planning funds are influenced by D i s t r i c t planning budgets, funding allocation methods, roles of tr ibal or other Indian organizations, and competition from other Bands.. The financial cooperation between the two Similkameen Bands in the CCP process was essential to its implementation. The potential for this inter-Band 156 cooperation elsewhere in B.C. wi l l be highly s i tuat ional . In addition, the Similkameen case demonstrates that an extra level of complexity is added to the process when two Bands are involved in a single CCP exercise. Combining the resources of Bands to undertake a CCP should only occur when there is a well established working relationship between the communities in advance. 5.4 Implications for Future CCP In this section some general conclusions on the relationship between increased attention being given to the process in the preparation of a comprehensive community plan and the outcomes of this approach are made. Implications of the conclusions- for future planning processes in other B.C. Indian communities in similar situations are also presented. The fa i lure of past attempts of Indian community planning, especially when outside consultants have been involved, can be attributed in part to a lack of attention to nature of the planning process. In this thesis CCP was c learly identif ied as part of general movement towards Indian self-government in Canada. In preparation for self-government, CCP can play a s ignif icant role in assisting Indian communities to gain-experience in self-management. However, Indian communities face a paradoxical situation in doing this type of planning when they involve outsiders in the process because in the very act of preparing for greater levels of independence, the reliance on outsiders can lead to continuance of dependence. 157 The review of CCP in Chapter Two resulted in the identif ication of several normative characteristics which represent desirable inputs into this type of planning. These characteristics were selected to ref lect , and be consistent with, Indian aspirations for planning, and allow the incorporation of relevant theoretical concepts that could assist in the design and analysis of planning processes. The normative characterist ics of CCP are: comprehensive scope and approach; formal/systematic method; developmental approach; participatory orientation; and, mutuality in insider/outsider relat ionships. Analysis of the Similkameen case found that the normative approach to CCP can be applied effectively. This suggests that expl ic i t attention to process planning can produce outcomes that are congruent with Indian aspirations for planning namely: improved planning process s k i l l s and self-management capabi l i t i e s ; and, control over the planning process by framing the role of the outside consultant as a f a c i l i t a t o r . The Similkameen experience suggests formal/systematic methods can complement and enhance informal community processes. An outcome of the developmental approach in the Similkameen case was improvement in the community's self-management "competency". This indicates that CCP could be used to enhance self-management capabil i t ies in other planning cases. In addition, Similkameen community members reported learning experiences from the CCP process that could, and have, been used in other planning ac t iv i t i e s . Use of a developmental, participatory approach in the Similkameen case- indicates that i t takes time for community members to become f u l l participants in the planning of their community. The Similkameen experience also indicated that 158 mutual learning by insiders and outsiders can be achieved and i t can result in opportunities for community expression to surface and direct consultant work. When an outside consultant is in a position to influence the process and the outcomes of a comprehensive community plan within a B.C. Indian community, the relationship between the community and the consultant is important to identify. As the Similkameen experience suggests, expl ic i t identif ication of this relationship can c lar i fy insider/outsider roles and expectations at the outset of the process. Early acknowledgment of the mutuality of the insider/outsider relationship by each party may have several positive outcomes. In the Similkameen case, trust between individuals and acceptance of each party's knowledge led to a combination of personal and processed knowledge which contributed to the exploration of new poss ib i l i t i es in the planning process. This relationship also led to a process of mutual learning that enriched both insiders and outsiders. Given the small size of most of B .C. ' s Indian communities and their limited operating budgets, most Bands can not support fu l l time professional planning staff . Continued interaction between these Bands and outside consultants can be expected. The preparation of a comprehensive community plan, as defined and discussed in this thesis , provides an opportunity for many B.C. Indian communities to engage in an ac t iv i ty that wi l l assist them to gain experience in self-management in preparation for eventual self-government. 159 Ul t imate ly , a new re lat ionsh ip between Indian F i r s t Nations and the Government of Canada which allows Indian communities to be t r u l y sel f -governing is needed. Author i ty, r e spon s i b i l i t y , and resources must be ava i l ab le to these communities i f they are to regain the independence and d i gn i t y they once enjoyed. Through c o n s t i t u t i o n a l , l e g i s l a t i v e , or j u d i c i a l arenas, the establishment of Indian self-government and settlement of comprehensive land claims are the centerpieces of th i s new re la t ionsh ip . Gaining experience in self-management under present structures using comprehensive community planning can ease, and perhaps hasten, the t r a n s i t i o n to Indian self-government. 5.5 Suggestions for Further Study The ra t iona le for th i s thes is stated that few examples of documented comprehensive community planning process that involve B.C. Indian communities ex i s t in the planning l i t e r a t u r e . This thesis contributes to f i l l i n g the gap in the l i t e r a t u r e . However, due to the time and resource l im i t a t i on s of th i s thesis and the exploratory nature of th i s invest igat ion several opportunit ies for further study can be i d e n t i f i e d . The f i r s t suggested area for future study is to perform a longitudinal study of the outcomes of the Simi1kameen's CCP process. It was suggested e a r l i e r in the thes is that due to the developmental nature of the process and the long range nature of the Comprehensive Community Plan that many outcomes could not be observed in with in two or three years of the process. In add i t i on , a more thorough survey of Similkameen community members than was 160 performed in this thesis would strengthen conclusions drawn regarding the relationship between the five normative inputs into the process and the outcomes of the process. A second area for further study would be to use the normative definition of CCP identif ied in this thesis and apply i t to the design of a process of another B.C. Indian community to be used as a comparative case study. This community should be using CCP to gain experience in self-management l ike the Similkameen case. The appl icabi l i ty of the normative approach to CCP in different communities with similar general circumstances could then be ident i f ied. This would provide a basis for comparison between communities regarding the causal relations between inputs and outcomes of this CCP approach. The th ird area for future investigation is related to paying expl ic i t attention planning the nature of the planning process, rather than on the product of the process, which was the focus of this thesis. Researching the opportunities and constraints facing the use of a similar process orientation to sectoral planning may provide further insight on the nature of planning within Indian communities. Sectoral planning is characterized by a more narrow focus but i t s t i l l demands a comprehensive perspective in the context of overall community development. Analysis of the outcomes from planning experiences in sectoral planning may also have more contemporary significance. It appears that Indian communities are more extensively engaged in sectoral planning than in comprehensive in i t iat ives at the present. 161 A fourth area of interest for future study is related to the insider/outsider relationship between a planning consultant and an Indian community. This thesis was written from the perspective of a non-Indian planning consultant. A most interesting discussion would result from a similar analysis from the perspective of an Indian planning consultant as an outsider in an Indian community where he/she is not known. Planning experiences of Indian planners within their own community would of course also be of considerable interest. The f i f t h , and f i n a l , suggested area for investigation is related to Boothroyd's (1984) categorization of the role comprehensive community planning plays in self-government. This thesis focussed on a discussion of communities who engage in comprehensive community planning to gain  experience in self-management under present structures. Adaptations, i f any, that are needed to apply the type of comprehensive community planning defined in this thesis to communities who are planning for self-government, or are planning within self-government would be useful contributions to Indian communities that move through these stages. These areas of suggested further study are by no means exhaustive of the avenues for investigation by future researchers on the main themes explored in this thesis, namely: c l a r i f i c a t i o n of the meaning of comprehensive community planning to some B.C. Indian communities; analysis of the relationship between expl ic i t attention to process and preparation of a CCP; assessment of the role of outsiders in comprehensive community planning; and, identif icat ion of the role of comprehensive community planning in B.C. 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Interview. 28 February 1985. Terbasket, P. Education Coordinator, Similkameen Indian Administration. Interview. 28 February 1985. Terbasket, K. Housing Coordinator, Similkameen Indian Administration. Interview. 28 February 1985. Thompson, R. People Do It Al l The Time: How Community-Based Enterprises  Across Canada Are Successfully Meeting the Needs of Their Communities, n .p . : Published by Macmillan for the Ministry of State for Urban Affa irs , 1976. Weaver, C and A. Cunningham. "Social Impact' Assesment for Northern Native Communities: A Theoretical Approach." Vancouver: School of Community and Regional Planning, University of Br i t i sh Columbia, 1983. (Mimeo.) 170 7 APPENDIX A: THE SIMILKAMEEN PLAN'S TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Paoe No. 1.0 PLAN BACKGROUND 1.1 Terms of Reference 1.1.1 Purpose 1 1.1.2 Objectives 2 1.1.3 Methodology 2 1.1.4 Accountability 4 1.1.5 Time Frame 4 2.2 Chronology of the Production of the Community Plan 5 2.3 Overview of the Community Plan Structure 7 2.0 THE COMMUNITY PLAN 2.1 The Role of the Community Plan 2.1.1 Basic Principles 8 2.1.2 Implementation of the Plan 9 2.2 Community Goals 2.2.1 Self-Government 10 2.2.2 Seif-Sufficiency and Self-Reliance 10 2.2.3 Native Culture 10 2.2.4 Land Claims 11 2.3 Similkameen Guiding Principles and Values for Development 2.3.1 Elders 12 2.3.2 Families 14 2.3.3 Youths 15 2.4 Band Organization and Administration 2.4.1 Issues 17 2.4.2 Goals 18 2.4.3 General Policies 18 2.4.4 Opportunities and Constraints 19 2.4.5 Goal Achievement Analysis and Recommendations 20 ACTION PLAN SUMMARY 2.5 Social Development 2.5.1 Issues 33 2.5.2 Opportunities and Constraints 33 2.5.3 Social Assistance 35 2.5.4 Drug and Alcohol Abuse 36 2.5.5 Family Services 37 2.5.6 Homemakers 38 2.5.7 Health Care 40 2.5.8 Education 41 ACTION PLAN SUMMARY 2.5.9 Housing 44 ACTION PLAN SUMMARY 171 Table of Contents (Cont'd) Page No. 2.6 Cultural and Recreational Development 2.6.1 Opportunities and Constraints 53 2.6.2 Cul ture 54 2.6.3 Recreat ion 55 A C T I O N P L A N S U M M A R Y 2.7 Economic Development 2.7.1 General 56 2.7.2 Organizat ional Development 53 2.7.3 Business Venture Development 62 2.7.4 Agr icul ture 63 2.7.5 Forestry 67 2.7.6 Mining 70 2.7.7 Small Business Development 71 S U M M A R Y A C T I O N P L A N 2.8 Community Infrastructure: Capital Plan 2.8.1 Objective 77 2.8.2 Cao i t a l Plan and Implementation P r io r i t y -UpDer and Lower 73 M U L T I - Y E A R C A P I T A L P L A N 2.8.3 Emergency Water System Repairs 7? Lower Similkameen 2.8.4 Ashnola Subdivision Upgrading 80 Lower Similkameen A S H N O L A SUBDIVISION: Present L o t Layout Proposed L o t Layout 2.8.5 Similkameen R ive r Erosion Con t ro l 81 Upper and Lower Similkameen 2.8.6 Solid Waste Disposal 33 Upoer and Lower Similkameen 2.8.7 Individual Domest ic Water Supply Improvements 35 UDDer and Lower Similkameen 2.3.8 Cluster Housing Development 37 Lower Similkameen 2.8.9 Communi ty H a l l 39 Lower Similkameen C O M M U N I T Y H A L L S K E T C H E S 2.8.10 Housing Development at Hedley 90 UoDer Similkameen POSSIBLE LOT L A Y O U T 2.8.11 Road Upgrading 92 Upper Similkameen 2.8.12 Communi ty Water Supply Upgrading 93 Upper Similkameen . 2.8.13 Adminis t ra t ion Building 95 Lower Similkameen S K E T C H E S 172 Table of Contents (Cont'd) Paae No. Land-Use Concept Plan 2.9.1 General 96 2.9.2 Existing Land Uses and Issues 96 2.9.3 Overall Land-Use Goals and Policies 98 2.9.4 The Proposed Land-Use Concept 100 2.9.5 Residential Land-Use 101 2.9.6 Commercial Land-Use 103 2.9.7 Community Facilities 104 2.9.8 Light Industrial 106 2.9.9 Agricultural 107 2.9.10 Forestry/Range Land-Use 108 2.9.11 Conservation Land-Use 110 173 8 APPENDIX B: GLOSSARY OF TERMS The f o l l o w i n g g l o s s a r y uses d e f i n i t i o n s r e l a t i n g to Indians provided by the Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development (DIAND, 1982). Indian — Person r e g i s t e r e d or e n t i t l e d to be r e g i s t e r e d as an Indian according to the Indian Act, i . e . a s t a t u s Indian. Native — Canadians of a b o r i g i n a l descent. Can i n c l u d e status and non-status Indians, I n u i t and M e t i s . Band — Body of Indians recognized by government f o r whose b e n e f i t and use land and money have been set aside and held by the government. Band Council — a d e c i s i o n making body of the Band recognized by DIAND and created under the Indian Act at the d i s c r e t i o n of the M i n i s t e r r e s p o n s i b l e f o r Indians. I t c o n s i s t s of one c h i e f and one c o u n c i l l o r per one hundred Band members and i s s e l e c t e d by Band membership e l e c t i o n s . Reserve — Tract of land, the l e g a l t i t l e to which i s vested i n Her Majesty, set aside f o r the use and b e n e f i t of a Band. Off-Reserve — land other than reserve land. Treaty — An h i s t o r i c agreement entered i n t o by a group of Indian and the B r i t i s h or Canadian government. A b o r i g i n a l Rights — Rights claimed by Indians by v i r t u e of being o r i g i n a l i n h a b i t a n t s of land. Indian Act — An act of the Parliament of Canada e x e r c i s i n g i t s l e g i s l a t i v e j u r i s d i c t i o n f o r "Indians and land reserved f o r Indians" under the C o n s t i t u t i o n Act of 1867, s e c t i o n 91(24). Department of Indian and Northern A f f a i r s (DIAND) — Federal department e x e r c i s i n g delegated d u t i e s , powers and f u n c t i o n s of the M i n i s t e r of the Indian Act and r e l a t e d a p p r o p r i a t i o n a c t s . C o n s t i t u t i o n Act — An act of the Parliament of Canada which d i v i d e s the l e g i s l a t i n g powers between the f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l governments. 174 

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