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A sobriety movement among the Shuswap Indians of Alkali Lake Furniss, Elizabeth 1987

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A SOBRIETY MOVEMENT AMONG THE SHUSWAP INDIANS OF ALKALI LAKE By ELIZABETH MARY FURNISS B . S c , U n i v e r s i t y of V i c t o r i a , 1981 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Anthropology and Sociology) We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the re q u i r e d standards THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1987 © E l i z a b e t h Mary F u r n i s s , 1987 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of fl^Hv^&pcloj^ Osld $6>Cco/^y The University of British Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 DE-6(3/81) ABSTRACT Twenty years ago the Shuswap Indian community of A l k a l i Lake was l i k e many o t h e r r e s e r v e c o m m u n i t i e s i n the n o r t h e r n I n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , w i t h l i f e c h a r a c t e r i z e d by h i g h l e v e l s o f d r i n k i n g , v i o l e n c e , s u i c i d e , a c c i d e n t a l d e a t h , and c h i l d abuse and n e g l e c t . I n 1973 t h i s p a t t e r n o f l i f e was c h a l l e n g e d by the n e w l y - e l e c t e d Band c h i e f and h i s w i f e . Working as a team, and by drawing upon the powers of the Band O f f i c e and a p p l y i n g c o n f r o n t a t i o n a l t a c t i c s , t h e two i n i t i a t e d an a n t i - a l c o h o l campaign i n t h e community. For t h r e e y e a r s t h e c h i e f and h i s w i f e p e r s i s t e d , d e s p i t e extreme h o s t i l i t y and o c c a s i o n a l t h r e a t s against t h e i r l i v e s . I n 1976 t h e i r e f f o r t s began t o a c h i e v e s u c c e s s . By 1981 most a d u l t s on the r e s e r v e had become c o m m i t t e d t o a sober l i f e s t y l e , and by 1985 the reserve was e s s e n t i a l l y "dry". T h i s t h e s i s t r a c e s the development o f the r e c e n t e v e n t s a t A l k a l i Lake. To r e f e r t o t h e s e e v e n t s t h e term " S o b r i e t y movement" has been used. The movement i s analyzed l a r g e l y from a p o l i t i c a l processual point of view, w i t h a t t e n t i o n paid not to the underlying sources of " d e p r i v a t i o n " or " s t r e s s " that may have generated the movement, but to the s t r a t e g i e s and t a c t i c s u t i l i z e d by the movement leaders to promote t h e i r cause. In t h i s manner the resource m o b i l i z a t i o n approach to the study of s o c i a l movements provides an a n a l y t i c a l framework f o r t h i s study. Several f a c t o r s are i d e n t i f i e d as key i n g r e d i e n t s i n the success of the S o b r i e t y movement. F i r s t , t h e Band c h i e f and h i s w i f e were a b l e t o use e f f e c t i v e l y the powers of the Band O f f i c e to impose economic sanctions on d r i n k e r s . Second, as community leaders they were able to s o l i c i t the ai d of powerful outside agencies, namely the R.C.M.P. and the M i n i s t r y of Human Res o u r c e s , t o s u p p o r t them i n t h e i r e f f o r t s . T h i r d , t h e p e r s o n a l - i i -resources of the two leaders - t h e i r courage, str e n g t h and determination -were c r u c i a l t o the movement's s u r v i v a l during i t s e a r l y years. The success of the Sobriety movement can not be understood simply by l o o k i n g a t t h e l e a d e r s ' a c t i o n s . The s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l c o n t e x t w i t h i n w h i c h they o p e r a t e d must a l s o be c o n s i d e r e d . Three u n d e r l y i n g and f u n d a m e n t a l l y i m p o r t a n t f a c t o r s a r e i d e n t i f i e d : the pre-existence of a s t r o n g sense of community w i t h i n the A l k a l i Lake v i l l a g e , t he i n h e r e n t readiness of the A l k a l i Lake people f o r new l e a d e r s h i p and s o c i a l change, and the use by the Band c h i e f of a l e a d e r s h i p t r a d i t i o n that permitted the a p p l i c a t i o n of s t r i c t punishment as a means of s o c i a l c o n t r o l . - i i i -TABLE OF CONTENTS L i s t of Tables v i L i s t of Maps v i i Acknowledgements v i i i CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1 Methodology . 3 The S e t t i n g 5 CHAPTER TWO: THEORETICAL APPROACHES TO THE STUDY OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 8 The Resource M o b i l i z a t i o n Approach . . . 11 CHAPTER THREE: INITIATION OF THE SOBRIETY MOVEMENT . . . 22 A l k a l i Lake i n the 1960s 22 A Portent of Change 25 I n i t i a t i o n of the Sobriety Movement. . . 28 T a c t i c s U t i l i z e d 29 Response of the Community 37 Opposition from the C a t h o l i c Church . . 41 The Turning Po i n t 44 Summary 44 Notes 48 CHAPTER FOUR: CONVERSION TO SOBRIETY 51 Routes to Sobriety 51 Follow-Up Se r v i c e s . . . . . . . 53 A l c o h o l i c s Anonymous Meetings . . . . 63 Personal Growth T r a i n i n g Programs . . . 66 I n d i v i d u a l Recruitment: The Dec i s i o n to Become Sober 69 Community M o b i l i z a t i o n : S o c i a l S t r u c t u r a l Considerations 72 Summary 73 Notes 75 - i v -CHAPTER FIVE: ALKALI LAKE IN 1985 78 Sobriety on the Reserve 78 The Band O f f i c e 87 The Band O f f i c e and S o c i a l C o n t r o l . . . 93 D i f f e r e n t i a l Recruitment: The Presence •of Drinkers on the Reserve . . . . 99 Summary 105 Notes 108 CHAPTER SIX: SOME HISTORICAL CONSIDERATIONS . . . . 110 E a r l y Post-Contact Shuswap C u l t u r e . . . 110 F i r s t White Contact 114 The Gold Rush and the M i s s i o n a r i e s . . . 114 The Problem of A l c o h o l 117 Indian C o n t r o l of D r i n k i n g 120 The Re-emergence of the Durieu System . . 121 The Durieu System at A l k a l i Lake: E l d e r s ' R e c o l l e c t i o n s 123 Summary 127 Notes 128 CHAPTER SEVEN: CONCLUSION 129 Summary 129 The Sobriety Movement as a S o c i a l Movement 136 L i m i t a t i o n s of the Resource M o b i l i z a t i o n P e r s p e c t i v e 140 Native Indian D r i n k i n g and Alcoholism . . 143 The C o n t r o l of Dr i n k i n g 149 A H i s t o r i c a l Note on Shuswap M o b i l i z a t i o n . 152 BIBLIOGRAPHY 159 APPENDIX: MAPS 164 - v -LIST OF TABLES Table 1. On-Reserve Residence Data f o r the A l k a l i Lake Band, Even Years, 1974-1984 49 Table 2. On-Reserve Residence, i n Percentage, f o r Shuswap Bands i n the W i l l i a m s Lake D i s t r i c t , Even Years, 1974-1984 . 50 Table 3. A l k a l i Lake Reserve C l i e n t s of the Wi l l i a m s Lake Drug and A l c o h o l Program, 1973-1980 57 Table 4. Work Record of the A l k a l i Lake Reserve C l i e n t s of the Wil l i a m s Lake Drug and A l c o h o l Program, 1973-1980 . . 58 Table 5. Source of I n i t i a l R e f e r r a l s of the A l k a l i Lake C l i e n t s to the Wi l l i a m s Lake Drug and A l c o h o l Program, 1973-1980 59 - v i -LIST OF MAPS Map 1. Reserves of the A l k a l i Lake Indian Band, 1985 . . . 165 Map 2. Shuswap Indian Settlements i n the Wi l l i a m s Lake area . 166 - v i i -ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I w i s h t o thank t h e people o f A l k a l i Lake f o r t h e i r h o s p i t a l i t y during my stay i n the community. S p e c i a l thanks go to Freddie and Irene Johnson, Barb and Noe l Johnson, and P h y l l i s and Andy C h e l s e a f o r t h e i r time and i n t e r e s t i n t h i s p r o j e c t . - v i i i -CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION The v i l l a g e of A l k a l i Lake l i e s i n a p i c t u r e s q u e v a l l e y t h r e e k i l o m e t e r s east of the Fraser River and f i f t y k i l o m e t e r s south-west of the c i t y o f W i l l i a m s Lake i n the C e n t r a l I n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . S i t u a t e d on Indian reserve land amongst h i l l s c o v e r e d w i t h s a g e b r u s h , bunchgrass and a s c a t t e r i n g of pine growth, the v i l l a g e e x i s t s , as i t has f o r over a century, as the p r i n c i p a l settlement f o r Shuswap Indians of the A l k a l i Lake band. The A l k a l i Lake Shuswap have received r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e ethnographic a t t e n t i o n a p a r t from t he work o f T e i t (1909) and Brow (1967). The recent success of t h i s Band i n overcoming a s e r i o u s a l c o h o l i s m problem e v e n t u a l l y to become a "dry" community - a l l w i t h i n a period of ten years - has r e s u l t e d i n a g r e a t d e a l of p u b l i c a t t e n t i o n . The Band i s now a c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d i n promoting s o b r i e t y i n other Native communities both w i t h i n B.C. and across Canada and the United States. Various newspaper and magazine a r t i c l e s have described the Band's achievement, and a two-part video s e r i e s on the Band's s u c c e s s f u l f i g h t against a l c o h o l i s m has been created by a p r o f e s s i o n a l film-maker and has now gained world-wide d i s t r i b u t i o n . T his t h e s i s presents an a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l perspective on the process by which the A l k a l i Lake reserve community achieved s o b r i e t y . The recent events at A l k a l i Lake are viewed as c o n s t i t u t i n g a s o c i a l movement. This assumption w i l l be discussed i n the concluding chapter. To r e f e r t o t h e s e e v e n t s I have used the term " S o b r i e t y movement", a term which was created simply f o r ease of d i s c u s s i o n . At present there i s no general name given to the movement by community members themselves. 1 A l t e r n a t i v e l a b e l s such as " a n t i - a l c o h o l movement" o r "temperance movement" a r e l e s s s a t i s f a c t o r y . A l c o h o l per se was not seen as the problem by the movement's l e a d e r s ; r a t h e r , t h e problem l a y i n the i n d i v i d u a l ' s b e h a v i o u r w h i l e under t he i n f l u e n c e of a l c o h o l , and the s o l u t i o n t o the a l c o h o l problem was t o be a c h i e v e d by a s h i f t i n the d r i n k e r ' s a t t i t u d e t o w a r d s e l f and o t h e r s . Use of the word " s o b r i e t y " r e f l e c t s t h i s emphasis on i n d i v i d u a l a t t i t u d e and comportment. The term "A.A. movement" i s a l s o l e s s a p p r o p r i a t e . A l t h o u g h t he A l c o h o l i c s Anonymous program played a fundamental r o l e i n shaping the philosophy of the S o b r i e t y movement, i t i s i m p o r t a n t t o keep i n mind t h a t t h i s philosophy developed through a c u l t u r a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the form a l A.A. philosophy. Other events, s p e c i f i c a l l y the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of community members i n p e r s o n a l g rowth t r a i n i n g programs, a l s o may have had a s i g n i f i c a n t i n f l u e n c e on the philosophy of s o b r i e t y as i t now e x i s t s . The s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l changes t h a t have o c c u r r e d i n the A l k a l i Lake community s i n c e 1973, the year o f i n i t i a t i o n of the S o b r i e t y movement, have been o f an immense and complex n a t u r e . T h i s t h e s i s p r e s e n t s o n l y a p r e l i m i n a r y , and l a r g e l y d e s c r i p t i v e , s t u d y of t h e s e changes. I n Chapter Two t h e r e s o u r c e m o b i l i z a t i o n approach w i l l be introduced as the o r i e n t i n g p e r s p e c t i v e i n t h i s study of the A l k a l i Lake S o b r i e t y movement. I n c o n t r a s t w i t h t h e o r e t i c a l approaches t h a t emphasize t he g e n e r a l s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l c o n d i t i o n s g i v i n g r i s e t o a c o l l e c t i v e s e n s e o f d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n , t h e r e s o u r c e m o b i l i z a t i o n p e r s p e c t i v e f o c u s s e s on the c e n t r a l p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s e s of the s o c i a l movement: how w i t h i n a c e r t a i n s o c i a l c o n t e x t l e a d e r s can m a n i p u l a t e c o n d i t i o n s e f f e c t i v e l y t o m o b i l i z e r e s o u r c e s , encourage r e c r u i t s , and c r e a t e an o r g a n i z e d movement. As N a t i v e I n d i a n a l c o h o l abuse i s a w i d e s p r e a d and p e r s i s t e n t p r o b l e m , i t seems t h a t t h e most i m p o r t a n t q u e s t i o n a t t h i s p r e l i m i n a r y s t a g e i s not what were the u n d e r l y i n g sources of " d e p r i v a t i o n " or " s t r a i n " that r e s u l t e d i n the movement, but what s t r a t e g i e s and t a c t i c s were used t o t u r n A l k a l i Lake i n t o a sober community. The resource m o b i l i z a t i o n p e r s p e c t i v e p r o v i d e s a s u i t a b l e framework from which these i s s u e s can be explored. Chapters Three and Four present an account of the i n i t i a t i o n of the S o b r i e t y movement and the e v e n t u a l c o n v e r s i o n of the community t o s o b r i e t y , w i t h emphasis on t h e s t r a t e g y and t a c t i c s used, and on the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s h i f t s t h a t o c c u r r e d w i t h i n t h e movement t h r o u g h t h i s period. Chapter F i v e discusses the A l k a l i Lake community as i t was i n 1985, w i t h p a r t i c u l a r r e f e r e n c e t o the r o u t i n i z a t i o n of the S o b r i e t y movement w i t h i n the v i l l a g e , and the a c t i v i t i e s of the Band i n promoting s o b r i e t y i n o t h e r N a t i v e c o m m u n i t i e s . C h a p t e r S i x examines some f e a t u r e s of t h e h i s t o r i c a l c o n t e x t i n w h i c h t h e S o b r i e t y movement emerged. A t t e n t i o n i s paid s p e c i f i c a l l y to the development of a l c o h o l use among the A l k a l i Lake Shuswap and forms of s o c i a l c o n t r o l that were h i s t o r i c a l l y o p e r ative w i t h i n the community. Chapter Seven summarizes the f i n d i n g s of t h i s t h e s i s and suggests areas f o r f u r t h e r study. Methodology My f i r s t v i s i t to the A l k a l i Lake community occurred i n October of 1984. Subsequent b r i e f v i s i t s were made i n February, May, and August of 1985, during which a f i e l d w o r k proposal was presented t o and approved by the Band O f f i c e . The f i e l d research on which t h i s t h e s i s i s based was conducted mainly i n a three month period between September and December of 1985, during which time I res i d e d i n the community and p a r t i c i p a t e d i n va r i o u s reserve a c t i v i t i e s i n c l u d i n g Band meetings, community dinners and 3 dances, A.A. m e e t i n g s , s h a r i n g s e s s i o n s , and c l e a n s i n g and c e r e m o n i a l sweats. F i e l d w o r k e n t a i l e d f i r s t a s t u d y of Band O f f i c e and Department o f I n d i a n A f f a i r s r e c o r d s r e l a t i n g t o Band e l e c t i o n s , Band O f f i c e o p e r a t i o n s , and demographic d a t a . An a l m o s t c o m p l e t e s e t of the community newspaper " A l k a l i Speaks", which f i r s t appeared i n October of 1973, was e v e n t u a l l y compiled a f t e r many days dig g i n g through the dust i n "The Shed", which houses a l l Band O f f i c e r e c o r d s s i n c e 1971. These newspapers provided a val u a b l e source of i n f o r m a t i o n on community events and sentiment over the l a s t twelve years. F i f t e e n tape-recorded i n t e r v i e w s were conducted during the course of t h i s r e s e a r c h . Much of the i n f o r m a t i o n g a t h e r e d and p r e s e n t e d i n t h i s t h e s i s , however, was obtained through more i n f o r m a l means, such as casu a l conversations and unstructured and untaped i n t e r v i e w s . E s p e c i a l l y as the r e s i d e n t s of A l k a l i Lake today t a l k f r e e l y and openly about the changes th a t have occurred i n t h e i r community and t h e i r personal experiences w i t h a l c o h o l , i t becomes v e r y d i f f i c u l t t o d i s t i n g u i s h " i n t e r v i e w s " from everyday conversation. An e f f o r t was made to meet and t a l k to a c r o s s -s e c t i o n o f the r e s e r v e p o p u l a t i o n ( i n terms of age and i n v o l v e m e n t i n community a c t i v i t i e s ) . Household surveys were conducted i n 51 of the 65 Band-member households. The t o t a l number of Band members l i v i n g i n the A l k a l i Lake v i l l a g e i n the Autumn of 1985 was a p p r o x i m a t e l y 260. The process of conducting these surveys was valu a b l e i n that I was exposed to a v a r i e t y of p e r c e p t i o n s and o p i n i o n s r e g a r d i n g the r e s e r v e ' s r e c e n t h i s t o r y . C o n v e r s a t i o n s ( o v e r 30 m i n u t e s ) of a more s t r u c t u r e d n a t u r e were c a r r i e d out w i t h a number of Band O f f i c e w o r k e r s , among them one Band C o u n c i l l o r , the Band S o c i a l Worker, the Drug and A l c o h o l Counsellor, the Housing Co-ordinator, and the Economic Development Advisor, as w e l l 4 as w i t h the two leaders of the Sobriety movement, two l e a d i n g members of t h e r e s e r v e ' s A.A. group, and s e v e r a l women a c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d i n community groups and events. There i s a danger i n attempting to r e c o n s t r u c t h i s t o r y from people's r e c o l l e c t i o n s o f i t , i n t h a t o f t e n t h e s e r e c o l l e c t i o n s w i l l become d i s t o r t e d t h r o u g h t i m e , or w i l l c o n f l i c t w i t h r e g a r d t o s i g n i f i c a n t d e t a i l s . These dangers are e s p e c i a l l y t r u e i n the case of the h i s t o r y of A l k a l i Lake, f i r s t because the s i g n i f i c a n t e v e n t s i n the i n i t i a t i o n of t h e S o b r i e t y movement and t h e c o n v e r s i o n of the community have today a t t a i n e d almost mythic p r o p o r t i o n s , and second because many persons I spoke to w i t h regard to s p e c i f i c events during these periods claimed t h a t they were too f r e q u e n t l y drunk during those years to remember anything t h a t went on, making the cross-checking of d i f f e r e n t accounts d i f f i c u l t . Wherever p o s s i b l e I have a t t e m p t e d t o c r o s s - c h e c k the d e t a i l s o f s i g n i f i c a n t events; where t h i s was not p o s s i b l e I have attempted t o get a consensus among the two or three i n d i v i d u a l s who were the most d i r e c t l y i n v o l v e d i n the s p e c i f i c event. Pseudonyms have not been used i n t h i s t h e s i s . Real names have been used w i t h the i n d i v i d u a l s ' permission. The S e t t i n g The A l k a l i Lake Indian Band p r e s e n t l y holds 18 s m a l l reserves w i t h a t o t a l a creage of 9785.9 (see Appendix, Map 1). The main v i l l a g e i s s i t u a t e d on I.R.#1, on benchland j u s t above A l k a l i Creek. One m i l e t o the west t h i s creek f l o w s i n t o A l k a l i Lake, and continues from there to the F r a s e r R i v e r . To the west of the v i l l a g e bunchgrass and sagebrush a r e predominant f o r m s of v e g e t a t i o n ; t o the e a s t , s p r u c e , p i n e , and 5 deciduous t r e e s become dominant. The v i l l a g e , s i t u a t e d at the bottom of t h i s v a l l e y , has a s p e c t a c u l a r l o c a t i o n . The v i s i t o r to the reserve i s immediately s t r u c k by the density of the s e t t l e m e n t . There a r e a t o t a l of 67 houses on the main r e s e r v e . W i t h the e x c e p t i o n of 10 o l d e r l o g houses and 6 t r a i l e r s , a l l a r e of frame c o n s t r u c t i o n , w i t h almost h a l f having been b u i l t w i t h i n the l a s t 20 years. The o l d e r houses are s i t u a t e d on e i t h e r s i d e of the main s t r e e t , a d i r t t r a c k l i n e d w i t h streetlamps and running roughly i n an east-west d i r e c t i o n . The newer houses a r e l o c a t e d a t both ends of t h i s s t r e e t , which branches o f f i n t o a number of tangled and confusing t r a c k s , and at the south-east, on a r i d g e o v e r l o o k i n g the v i l l a g e and the v a l l e y . A number of s e r v i c e f a c i l i t i e s are present on the reserve, i n c l u d i n g a c h u r c h , l a u n d r o m a t , community h a l l , m e d i c a l t r a i l e r , automechanics shop, Band O f f i c e and Co-op s t o r e , and school and gymnasium. The s c h o o l , gymnasium, Band O f f i c e and Co-op s t o r e are main areas of a c t i v i t y . The Band-owned and o p e r a t e d c a f e , l o c a t e d i n the s t o r e , i s a p o p u l a r gathering place i n the daytime; the gymnasium i s a main center of s o c i a l a c t i v i t y i n the evenings, w i t h i n t r a m u r a l sports scheduled n i g h t l y . Pow-wow grounds were r e c e n t l y constructed immediately behind the school and the Band O f f i c e , and are used p r i m a r i l y i n the summer months during the i n v i t a t i o n a l pow-wows, A.A. roundups, and c u l t u r a l gatherings hosted by the Band. Numerous sheds, barns, and o l d outhouses a l s o e x i s t w i t h i n the v i l l a g e . The outhouses a r e r a r e l y used, as the v i l l a g e has had e l e c t r i c i t y and running water s i n c e the l a t e 1960s. I n r e c e n t y e a r s the A l k a l i Lake Band has put much e f f o r t i n t o the a g r i c u l t u r a l and h o r t i c u l t u r a l development of the r e s e r v e l a n d s . T h i s p r e s e n t s an i m p r e s s i v e v i e w t o one v i s i t i n g t h e r e s e r v e i n the summertime. Lush hay f i e l d s e x i s t on e i t h e r s i d e of A l k a l i Creek and 6 provide a frame for the v i l l a g e . Several acres of land at the east end of the v i l l a g e have been developed as a commercial vegetable garden. Just before the entrance to the reserve can be seen a ser ies of barns which house the Band-operated piggery; on the north h i l l above the vi l lage i s the Band's greenhouse. The nearest business center to the Alka l i Lake vi l lage i s the c i ty of Wi l l i ams Lake, f i f t y ki lometers to the north-east . V i r t u a l l y a l l adults of the v i l l a g e have a veh ic l e , or have access to one, and t r a v e l between Alka l i Lake and Williams Lake i s almost a daily occurrence. The road from Wi l l iams Lake (Dog Creek Road) i s paved only for the f i r s t t h i r t y k i lometers , the res t being of gravel surface with numerous potholes. The Dog Creek Indian reserve i s s i tuated a further s ix ty kilometers south-west from Alka l i Lake, and the Canoe Creek reserve l i e s several k i lometers beyond. Dog Creek Road, for part of i t s length, takes the route of the old Cariboo T r a i l , used by the early gold seekers before the completion of the Cariboo Waggon Road in the 1860s. Thus, although the Canoe Creek, Dog Creek, and A l k a l i Lake v i l l a g e s are now "off the beaten track", over one hundred years ago they were situated on one of the principal highways in the Interior. In addition to Dog Creek and Canoe Creek, other Shuswap Bands with which the Alka l i Lake Shuswap have had close h is tor ica l association include Soda Creek, Williams Lake (or Sugar Cane), Big Bar, High Bar, C l i n t o n , and Canim Lake (see Appendix, Map 2). 7 CHAPTER TWO: THE RESOURCE MOBILIZATION APPROACH TO THE STUDY OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS In t h i s chapter the resource m o b i l i z a t i o n approach to the study of s o c i a l movements w i l l be i n t r o d u c e d . The term " s o c i a l movement" has been defined i n va r i o u s ways. According to The D i c t i o n a r y of the S o c i a l  S c i e n c e s , a s o c i a l movement i s "an i n f o r m a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , w h i c h may i n c l u d e o r g a n i z e d s u b - u n i t s , o f a l a r g e number of perso n s t o g a i n a s o c i a l g o a l " (Reading 1976:136). A b e r l e (1982:315) d e f i n e s a s o c i a l movement as "an o r g a n i z e d e f f o r t by a group of human b e i n g s t o e f f e c t change i n the f a c e o f r e s i s t a n c e by o t h e r human b e i n g s " , and t h u s h i g h l i g h t s the importance of r e s i s t a n c e to the movement. McCarthy and Zal d , major c o n t r i b u t o r s to the resource m o b i l i z a t i o n s c h o o l , d e f i n e a s o c i a l movement as "a set of opinions and b e l i e f s i n a population which r e p r e s e n t s p r e f e r e n c e s f o r c h a n g i n g some e l e m e n t s of the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e and/or r e w a r d d i s t r i b u t i o n o f a s o c i e t y " (1977:1217-1218). T h e i r d e f i n i t i o n i n t e n t i o n a l l y a v o i d s mention o f an o r g a n i z a t i o n a l component as a necessary c r i t e r i o n . The term " s o c i a l movement", thus v a r i a b l y defined, has been a p p l i e d to a wide range of s o c i a l phenomena, from r e l i g i o u s movements such as m i l l e n a r i a n movements, cargo c u l t s , messianic and prophetic movements, to modern r i g h t s - s e e k i n g p r o t e s t s , to r e v o l u t i o n a r y movements (Tarrow 1985). W i t h t he d i v e r s i t y o f s o c i a l p r o c e s s e s i n c l u d e d i n t h i s c a t e g o r y , the d e r i v a t i o n of a t h e o r y o f s o c i a l movements both g e n e r a l enough t o account f o r a l l movements, and s p e c i f i c enough to r e l a t e to p a r t i c u l a r c a s e s , has proven d i f f i c u l t t o a c h i e v e . The t h e o r e t i c a l l i t e r a t u r e on the t o p i c i s v a s t , and a comprehensive r e v i e w w i l l not be a t t e m p t e d . 8 My i n t e n t i o n here i s r a t h e r t o i n t r o d u c e the r e s o u r c e m o b i l i z a t i o n p e r s p e c t i v e , and t o b r i e f l y c o n t r a s t t h i s a p p r o a c h w i t h o t h e r t h e o r e t i c a l approaches to s o c i a l movements. V i r t u a l l y a l l s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s a c c e p t the n o t i o n t h a t s o c i a l movements a r i s e as a r e s p o n s e t o d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h e x i s t i n g s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s . I t i s w i t h regard to the emphasis placed on the u n d erlying c o n d i t i o n s t h a t g i v e r i s e t o t h i s d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n t h a t the r e s o u r c e m o b i l i z a t i o n approach may be d i s t i n g u i s h e d from t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l movement t h e o r i e s . Many t h e o r i s t s have emphasized t h e i m p o r t a n c e of u n d e r l y i n g c o n d i t i o n s t h a t g i v e r i s e t o a c o l l e c t i v e sense of d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n . C o n s e q u e n t l y , c o n c e p t s s u c h as " r e l a t i v e d e p r i v a t i o n " , " s t r e s s " , "anomie", and " s t r u c t u r a l s t r a i n " abound i n the l i t e r a t u r e on s o c i a l movements. Some b r i e f examples w i l l s e r v e t o i l l u s t r a t e how such concepts have been a p p l i e d w i t h i n s o c i a l movement theory. Wallace (1956), i n h i s study of r e v i t a l i z a t i o n movements, claimed t h a t the e x p e r i e n c e of i n d i v i d u a l " s t r e s s " was f u n d a m e n t a l t o the emergence of a movement. S t r e s s a r i s e s i n i t i a l l y due t o t h e d i s c r e p a n c y between an i n d i v i d u a l ' s "image of the w o r l d " and r e a l i t y . I f t h i s d i s c r e p a n c y i s not r e s o l v e d , the l e v e l of s t r e s s r i s e s and becomes m a n i f e s t e d n o t o n l y a t t h e i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l , b o t h p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y and p h y s i o l o g i c a l l y , but a l s o i n the s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l r e a l m s . The h i g h s t r e s s l e v e l may be r e s o l v e d i f the i n d i v i d u a l undergoes a r a d i c a l "change of mind", th r o u g h w h i c h h i s image of the world and the " r e a l " system are brought c l o s e r together. The e f f o r t of a number of i n d i v i d u a l s c o l l e c t i v e l y to modify and r e a l i g n t h e i r "image of the world" w i t h the new r e a l i t y i s the essence of the r e v i t a l i z a t i o n 9 movement. Aberle (1982) suggested that the experience of r e l a t i v e d e p r i v a t i o n l i e s a t the h e a r t of s o c i a l movements. R e l a t i v e d e p r i v a t i o n i s d e f i n e d as "a n e g a t i v e d i s c r e p a n c y between l e g i t i m a t e e x p e c t a t i o n and a c t u a l i t y , or between l e g i t i m a t e expectation and a n t i c i p a t e d a c t u a l i t y , or b o t h " (1982:323). D e p r i v a t i o n can o c c u r i n the r e a l m s of p o s s e s s i o n ( i . e . , l o s s of l a n d , s o u r c e s of s u b s i s t e n c e , l u x u r y i t e m s ) ; s t a t u s ( f a i l u r e t o a c h i e v e a d e s i r e d s o c i a l p o s i t i o n ) ; b e h a v i o u r ( n e g a t i v e e v a l u a t i o n of an i n d i v i d u a l ' s behaviour); worth (negative assessment of an i n d i v i d u a l based on inherent c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s such as race or gender); or power ( i . e . , i n a b i l i t y t o c o n t r o l e v e n t s t h r o u g h t r a d i t i o n a l means). The e x p e r i e n c e of d e p r i v a t i o n i n any of t h e s e r e a l m s u s u a l l y l e a d s t o e f f o r t s t o change the s i t u a t i o n . C o l l e c t i v e e f f o r t s i n t h i s r e g a r d c o n s t i t u t e a s o c i a l movement. Sm e l s e r (1962) has argued t h a t s t r u c t u r a l s t r a i n i s an e s s e n t i a l c o n d i t i o n i n the emergence of c o l l e c t i v e b e h a v i o u r (a c a t e g o r y w h ich i n c l u d e s s o c i a l movements). He r e f e r s s p e c i f i c a l l y t o s t r a i n i n the r e a l m of s o c i a l a c t i o n . Under no r m a l c o n d i t i o n s , s o c i a l a c t i o n i s guided by f o u r components: v a l u e s , norms, o r g a n i z a t i o n a l c o n t e x t ( i . e . s o c i a l r o l e s ) , and s i t u a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s . S t r a i n may a r i s e i n any of t h e s e f o u r components. For example, n o r m a t i v e and v a l u e s t r a i n may a r i s e through c r o s s - c u l t u r a l c o n t act, o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r a i n may emerge through c o n f l i c t i n g r o l e expectations, and s t r a i n regarding s i t u a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s may appear when the means f o r a t t a i n i n g a g o a l become ambiguous or i n e f f e c t i v e . C o l l e c t i v e behaviour represents an e f f o r t to r e d e f i n e a component of s o c i a l a c t i o n so as t o b r i n g o r d e r t o the d i s t u r b e d s o c i a l system. These t h r e e b r i e f examples s e r v e t o i l l u s t r a t e an e s s e n t i a l 10 s i m i l a r i t y of many s o c i a l movement t h e o r i e s , a s i m i l a r i t y based on the emphasis placed on e x p l o r i n g the underlying c o n d i t i o n s that give r i s e to the experience of c o l l e c t i v e d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n , which l i e s at the root of the s o c i a l movement. THE RESOURCE MOBILIZATION APPROACH The r e s o u r c e m o b i l i z a t i o n (R.M.) approach to the study of s o c i a l movements f o c u s s e s s p e c i f i c a l l y on the c e n t r a l p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s e s of t h e s e movements. Of p r i m e i m p o r t a n c e a r e the s t r a t e g i c problems t h a t f a c e s o c i a l movements: how w i t h i n a c e r t a i n s o c i a l c o n t e x t a c t o r s can manipulate c o n d i t i o n s to m o b i l i z e resources, o b t a i n r e c r u i t s , and create an organized movement. The R.M. approach d i f f e r s s i g n i f i c a n t l y from the three examples presented above i n i t s l a c k of emphasis on c o l l e c t i v e d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n and i t s u n d e r l y i n g causes. Adherents of the R.M. p e r s p e c t i v e c l a i m t h a t t h e mere e x i s t e n c e o f a c o l l e c t i v e sense of d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n can not be used t o account f o r the r i s e and f a l l o f s o c i a l movements, the forms of o r g a n i z a t i o n adopted, and the existence of d i f f e r e n t i a l recruitment. I t i s g e n e r a l l y h e l d t h a t " g r i e v a n c e s and d i s c o n t e n t may be d e f i n e d , c r e a t e d , and m a n i p u l a t e d by i s s u e e n t r e p r e n e u r s and o r g a n i z a t i o n s " ( M c C a r t h y and Z a l d 1977:1215). C o n s e q u e n t l y , t h e pre s e n c e of a g e n e r a l sense of d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n ( i . e . , s t r e s s , r e l a t i v e d e p r i v a t i o n , and so on) i n i t s e l f i s not of c e n t r a l c o n cern. I t i s the way i n which a sense of d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n i s manipulated by movement leaders that i s of i n t e r e s t . The r e s o u r c e m o b i l i z a t i o n p e r s p e c t i v e w i l l be f u r t h e r e l a b o r a t e d through a d i s c u s s i o n of i t s three main assumptions regarding resources, r e c r u i t m e n t , and s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l context. 1. The most i m p o r t a n t a s s u m p t i o n o f the R.M. p e r s p e c t i v e i s t h a t s o c i a l movement a c t i v i t y depends on the a c q u i s i t i o n and e f f e c t i v e u t i l i z a t i o n of r e s o u r c e s . What i s meant by the term r e s o u r c e ? E s s e n t i a l l y , a resource i s anything that can be u t i l i z e d to f u r t h e r the e f f o r t s of the s o c i a l movement. O b e r s c h a l l (1973) i n c l u d e s i n t h i s category: Anything from m a t e r i a l resources - jobs, income, savings, and the r i g h t t o m a t e r i a l goods and s e r v i c e s - t o n o n m a t e r i a l r e s o u r c e s - a u t h o r i t y , m o r a l commitment, t r u s t , f r i e n d s h i p , s k i l l s , h a b i t s o f i n d u s t r y , and so on (p.28). There a r e , however, d i f f e r i n g v i e w s about the i m p o r t a n c e o f c e r t a i n resources. McCarthy and Zald, f o r example, i n co n t r a s t to O b e r s c h a l l , t a k e a p r i m a r i l y economic approach t o i d e n t i f y r e s o u r c e s of v a l u e t o a s o c i a l movement. They focus on t a n g i b l e resources to the e x c l u s i o n of f e a t u r e s of a s o c i a l o r s y m b o l i c n a t u r e , such as s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y o r ideology. The f o c u s on r e s o u r c e s i s accompanied by an a s s u m p t i o n t h a t r e s o u r c e s a r e l i m i t e d . T h i s g e n e r a t e s c o m p e t i t i o n , s i n c e "when one p a r t y t o the c o n f l i c t succeeds i n o b t a i n i n g some h i t h e r t o u n a l l o c a t e d r e s o u r c e s , t h e s e r e s o u r c e s a r e no l o n g e r a v a i l a b l e t o the o p p o s i t i o n " (Oberschall 1973:28). F i n a l l y , the term "resource m o b i l i z a t i o n " may be d e f i n e d as r e f e r r i n g t o "the p r o c e s s by which a d i s c o n t e n t e d group assembles and i n v e s t s resources f o r the p u r s u i t of group goals" ( i b i d . ) . 2. A second c r i t i c a l a s s u m p t i o n i s t h a t the e x p e r i e n c e o f d e p r i v a t i o n alone i s i n s u f f i c i e n t to account f o r i n d i v i d u a l r e c ruitment i n t o a movement. This has emerged from e m p i r i c a l evidence showing that i n a g e n e r a l l y d e p r i v e d p o p u l a t i o n o n l y some i n d i v i d u a l s w i l l become 12 i n v o l v e d i n s o c i a l movement a c t i v i t y . An i n d i v i d u a l ' s d e c i s i o n t o become i n v o l v e d i s assumed t o be based on a r a t i o n a l assessment of the p e r s o n a l c o s t s and b e n e f i t s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h movement p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Consequently, the process of d i f f e r e n t i a l recruitment i n t o the movement i s of prime i n t e r e s t w i t h i n the resource m o b i l i z a t i o n perspective. Most of the work done on the problem of recruitment has u t i l i z e d as a model Olson's economic t h e o r y of c o l l e c t i v e b e h a v i o u r ( O l s o n 1968). T h i s f o r m u l a t i o n i s based on the a s s u m p t i o n t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s a c t i n a r a t i o n a l , s e l f - i n t e r e s t e d manner, and t h a t c h o i c e s of a c t i o n i n v o l v e c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the c o s t s and b e n e f i t s of each a l t e r n a t i v e course, and t h a t the a c t i o n chosen i s t h a t p e r c e i v e d t o most l i k e l y f u r t h e r t h a t i n d i v i d u a l ' s s e l f i s h i n t e r e s t s . Yet, Olson a s s e r t s , i t does not f o l l o w l o g i c a l l y t h a t an i n d i v i d u a l becomes a c t i v e i n a group ( d e f i n e d as "a number of i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h a common i n t e r e s t " [ibid.:8]) simply because the group's g o a l s r e p r e s e n t the i n d i v i d u a l ' s g o a l s . H i s model i s d i r e c t e d at the " f r e e - r i d e r " problem. In a s i t u a t i o n where an organized and a c t i v e s o c i a l movement i s already i n e x i s t e n c e , what motivates an i n d i v i d u a l t o j o i n , i f he i s a l r e a d y e n j o y i n g t h e b e n e f i t s produced t h r o u g h the group's a c t i o n s ? O l s o n argues t h a t i t i s o n l y when s e l e c t i v e i n c e n t i v e s e x i s t to provide an i n d i v i d u a l w i t h b e n e f i t s above and beyond t h o s e of a c h i e v i n g the group's g o a l s , t h a t t h a t i n d i v i d u a l w i l l become engaged i n c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n (1968:51). Olson's t h e o r y i s geared toward e x p l a i n i n g recruitment i n t o l a r g e groups p u r s u i n g economic g o a l s w i t h i n the c o n t e x t of contemporary American s o c i e t y . His concept of i n c e n t i v e s r e f e r s mainly to economic i n c e n t i v e s , a l t h o u g h m o t i v e s such as the d e s i r e f o r s o c i a l s t a t u s and s o c i a l acceptance may a l s o be important as these represent " i n d i v i d u a l , 13 n o n c o l l e c t i v e goods" ( i b i d . : 6 1 ) . W i t h i n the r e s o u r c e m o b i l i z a t i o n s c h o o l h i s s e l e c t i v e i n c e n t i v e s model has been both c r i t i c i z e d and m o d i f i e d t o a p p l y t o r e c r u i t m e n t i n t o s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l movements w i t h i n American s o c i e t y (see O b e rschall 1973; Gamson 1975; Heath 1976; White 1976; Fireman and Gamson 1979 f o r examples). As some of these c r i t i c s have pointed out, the usefulness of Olson's m o d e l i n p r e d i c t i n g and e x p l a i n i n g r e c r u i t m e n t i s q u e s t i o n a b l e . A l t h o u g h t h e r e a r e a number of p r oblems w i t h h i s model, the major d i f f i c u l t y , i n my v i e w , l i e s i n d e f i n i n g what c o n s t i t u t e s a s e l e c t i v e i n c e n t i v e . O l s o n uses t h i s term i n c o n t r a s t t o the term " c o l l e c t i v e goods", w h i c h a r e d i s t r i b u t e d i n d i s c r i m i n a t e l y . S e l e c t i v e i n c e n t i v e s are goods (or b e n e f i t s ) which can be gained only through p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the movement. For t h i s c oncept t o be u s e f u l i n the a n a l y s i s of r e c r u i t m e n t , we must f i r s t d e l i m i t the range of p o s s i b l e s e l e c t i v e i n c e n t i v e s , and then use t h i s d e f i n i t i o n to determine whether members i n a movement do, i n f a c t , enjoy these b e n e f i t s , and whether these p o t e n t i a l b e n e f i t s were s i g n i f i c a n t c o n s i d e r a t i o n s i n the i n d i v i d u a l ' s d e c i s i o n to j o i n the movement. The absence of such p o s i t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n between s e l e c t i v e i n c e n t i v e s (as we have defined them) and p a r t i c i p a t i o n does not r e s u l t i n d i s p r o o f of the model. I t may mean t h a t our d e f i n i t i o n of what c o n s t i t u t e s a s e l e c t i v e i n c e n t i v e i s too narrow. Thus we c o u l d expand the d e f i n i t i o n and c o n s e q u e n t l y a l w a y s f i n d some s e l e c t i v e advantage to account f o r p a r t i c i p a t i o n . In doing so, however, the model l o s e s i t s p r e d i c t i v e and parsimonious q u a l i t y , and the argument f o r the e x i s t e n c e of s e l e c t i v e b e n e f i t s becomes tautologous. In r e a l i t y , there e x i s t s a wide range of p o t e n t i a l b e n e f i t s to the i n d i v i d u a l f o r j o i n i n g a group, b e n e f i t s not only of a m a t e r i a l nature, 14 but of a s o c i a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l q u a l i t y as w e l l . T h i s f a c t f u r t h e r negates the usefulness of the " s e l e c t i v e i n c e n t i v e s " model i n accounting f o r recruitment. One i n c e n t i v e of a s o c i a l n a t u r e , not d e a l t w i t h a d e q u a t e l y i n Olson's f o r m u l a t i o n , r e l a t e s t o s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y . Subsequent work w i t h i n the r e s o u r c e m o b i l i z a t i o n p e r s p e c t i v e has attempted to i n c l u d e s o l i d a r i t y as an i m p o r t a n t f a c t o r i n a c c o u n t i n g f o r the emergence of s o c i a l movements ( O b e r s c h a l l 1973; F i r e m a n and Gamson 1979). I n c o n t r a s t t o the "mass s o c i e t y " t h e o r i s t s , who assume t h a t m a r g i n a l i n d i v i d u a l s , i . e . , t h o s e who do not e x i s t w i t h i n r e l a t i o n s of c l o s e s o l i d a r i t y , who are a d r i f t and anomic, are the i n d i v i d u a l s most l i k e l y to p a r t i c i p a t e i n a s o c i a l movement (here achievement of s o l i d a r i t y i s the i n c e n t i v e ) , s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s working w i t h i n the r e s o u r c e m o b i l i z a t i o n approach c l a i m the o p p o s i t e : t h a t the p r e - e x i s t e n c e of s o l i d a r y r e l a t i o n s i s an i m p o r t a n t f a c t o r i n p r e d i c t i n g w h i ch i n d i v i d u a l s w i l l become mo b i l i z e d . Fireman and Gamson (1979), f o r example, s t a t e t h a t : A person whose l i f e i s i n t e r t w i n e d w i t h the group [ t h r o u g h s o l i d a r y r e l a t i o n s ] has a b i g stake i n the group's f a t e . When c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n i s urgent, the person i s l i k e l y to c o n t r i b u t e h i s or her s h a r e , even i f the i m p a c t of t h a t s h a r e i s not n o t i c e a b l e (1979:22). Here p e r p e t u a t i o n , r a t h e r t h an achievement, of s o l i d a r i t y , i s the i n c e n t i v e . O b e r s c h a l l (1973) c o n c u r s w i t h t h i s b e l i e f , and has d e veloped hypotheses i n an e f f o r t t o i d e n t i f y how d i f f e r e n t t y p e s of s o l i d a r y r e l a t i o n s i n h i b i t or f a c i l i t a t e t he emergence of s o c i a l movements. Thus when r e c r u i t m e n t i s viewed as an a t t e m p t t o m a i n t a i n s o l i d a r y r e l a t i o n s , the emphasis s h i f t s from recruitment as an i n d i v i d u a l response, as i n Olson's model, to recruitment as a group or c o l l e c t i v e 15 phenomenon. This l a t t e r p erspective w i l l be u s e f u l i n the a n a l y s i s of the Sobriety movement, whereas the q u e s t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l r e c r u i t m e n t w i l l be discussed only b r i e f l y . W h i l e t h e r e i s some debate among t h e o r i s t s w o r k i n g w i t h i n the r e s o u r c e m o b i l i z a t i o n p e r s p e c t i v e on the u s e f u l n e s s of the s e l e c t i v e i n c e n t i v e s model as an explanatory t o o l , most have agreed on the value of assuming that c o l l e c t i v e behaviour has a r a t i o n a l b a s i s . H e r e i n l i e s Olson's main c o n t r i b u t i o n to the resource m o b i l i z a t i o n approach. Two a d d i t i o n a l comments s h o u l d be made r e g a r d i n g t h i s n o t i o n of r a t i o n a l i t y . F i r s t , Olson's understanding of what c o n s t i t u t e s r a t i o n a l behaviour, and what values underly such behaviour, are s p e c i f i c to the s i t u a t i o n o f Western c a p i t a l i s t i c and i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c s o c i e t y . I f the problem of i n d i v i d u a l r e c ruitment i n t o a movement i s to be explored using t h i s concept of r a t i o n a l i t y , (and most w i t h i n the R.M. s c h o o l do emphasize the r a t i o n a l i t y o f b e h a v i o u r , t o the e x c l u s i o n of s o c i a l -p s y c h o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s ) i t must be done w i t h c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the s o c i o -c u l t u r a l c o n t e x t - s p e c i f i c a l l y t h e c u l t u r a l v a l u e s and c u l t u r a l d e f i n i t i o n of r a t i o n a l i t y - i n which t h i s behaviour i s enacted. Second, i t may be found problematic to determine " r a t i o n a l " reasons f o r an i n d i v i d u a l ' s recruitment i n t o a movement. Both the researcher's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , and the i n d i v i d u a l ' s own account of h i s b e h a v i o u r , may r e f l e c t r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n s i n h i n d s i g h t . I t i s o f t e n not p o s s i b l e f o r an i n d i v i d u a l to a r t i c u l a t e the reasoning underlying behaviour; furthermore, the d e c i s i o n t o a c t o f t e n i n v o l v e s a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of a m u l t i t u d e of f a c t o r s , t h u s t h e r e may be numerous re a s o n s w h ich t o g e t h e r l e d t o the a c t i o n . The r e s o u r c e m o b i l i z a t i o n p e r s p e c t i v e , i n i t s emphasis on r a t i o n a l i t y , can i l l u m i n a t e some of the p o s i t i v e consequences of j o i n i n g a movement, but whether these were s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r s l e a d i n g up to the 16 d e c i s i o n to j o i n a movement i s o f t e n d i f f i c u l t to determine. This may be t r u e e s p e c i a l l y i n the case t o be d e s c r i b e d h e r e , where f o r some i n d i v i d u a l s the d e c i s i o n t o j o i n the movement i n v o l v e d a p r o c e s s of conversion, not only to s o b r i e t y , which i n i t i a l l y e n t a i l e d simply the c e s s a t i o n of c onsumption of a l c o h o l , but t o an e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t l i f e s t y l e and s e t of a t t i t u d e s t o ward the s e l f , o t h e r s , and r e a l i t y i n general. Olson h i m s e l f p o i n t s out that h i s theory may be i n s u f f i c i e n t i n d e a l i n g w i t h movements having non-economic goals. 3. The t h i r d c e n t r a l a s s u m p t i o n of the R.M. approach i s t h a t the s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l context has a fundamentally important r o l e i n shaping a s o c i a l movement. S t r a t e g i e s and t a c t i c s t o a c h i e v e the group's g o a l s are decided upon through a r a t i o n a l process, i n c o n s i d e r a t i o n of various c o n t e x t u a l f e a t u r e s such as the a v a i l a b i l i t y of t h i r d p a r t y s u p p o r t s , p o s s i b l e o p p o s i t i o n from e x t e r n a l a gents of s o c i a l c o n t r o l , and p r e -e x i s t i n g networks of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s w i t h i n the group to be m o b i l i z e d . As a movement grows, the e f f e c t i v e use of r e s o u r c e s n e c e s s i t a t e s t h e c r e a t i o n of a s o c i a l movement o r g a n i z a t i o n to serve as a c o - o r d i n a t i n g c e n t e r , t h r o u g h w hich such s t r a t e g i e s and t a c t i c s w i l l be d r a f t e d and r e v i s e d t o f i t c h anging s i t u a t i o n s . Some b r i e f examples of the i n f l u e n c e of c o n t e x t u a l f e a t u r e s w i l l now be presented. The mass media r e p r e s e n t s one of the most p o w e r f u l f o r m s of t h i r d p a r t y s u p p o r t a v a i l a b l e t o s o c i a l movement o r g a n i z a t i o n s . Indeed, M o l o t c h (1979) argues t h a t not o n l y can the media i n f l u e n c e s t r a t e g y d e c i s i o n s and p e r p e t u a t e a movement, but they can d e f i n e i s s u e s and manipulate discontent to the p o i n t where a s o c i a l movement i s a c t u a l l y p r e c i p i t a t e d . T h i r d p a r t i e s may p r o v i d e s u p p o r t i n a number of o t h e r 17 f o r m s , from money or m a t e r i a l r e s o u r c e s , t o t i m e or l a b o u r , t o s i m p l e moral encouragement. That e x t e r n a l agents of s o c i a l c o n t r o l may i n f l u e n c e the course of a s o c i a l movement i s o b v i o u s . I n a r e p r e s s i v e p o l i t i c a l c o n t e x t such movements simply would not be permitted to p e r s i s t . In l e s s r e p r e s s i v e s o c i e t i e s e x t e r n a l s o c i a l c o n t r o l s may e f f e c t movements i n more s u b t l e ways. For example, Marx describes various e f f o r t s undertaken by the FBI t o q u e l l a n t i - w a r a c t i v i t i e s i n the 1960's. Such e f f o r t s ranged from l e t t e r w r i t i n g campaigns to the parents of student a c t i v i s t s , requesting that the parents intervene i n the s i t u a t i o n , to the more e x p l i c i t t a c t i c s of i n t i m i d a t i o n , d i r e c t t h r e a t s , and even kidnapping (Marx 1979). T i l l y suggests the importance of some a d d i t i o n a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s that i n f l u e n c e s t r a t e g y d e t e r m i n a t i o n . The concept of the " r e p e r t o i r e of contention" i s developed on the observation that: W i t h i n any p a r t i c u l a r time and place, the array of c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n s t h a t p e o ple employ i s (1) w e l l d e f i n e d and (2) q u i t e l i m i t e d i n c o m p a r i s o n t o the range of a c t i o n s t h a t a r e t h e o r e t i c a l l y a v a i l a b l e to them ( T i l l y 1979:131). He argues t h a t the r e p e r t o i r e i s c o n s t r a i n e d a c c o r d i n g t o b o t h the response of a u t h o r i t i e s ( i . e . only some a c t i v i t i e s w i l l be t o l e r a t e d ) and to the p a r t i c i p a n t s ' f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h forms of contention: "the idea of a r e p e r t o i r e i m p l i e s that the standard forms are learned, l i m i t e d i n number and scope, s l o w l y c h a n g i n g , and p e c u l i a r l y adapted t o t h e i r s e t t i n g s " ( i b i d . ) . Thus he introduces the n o t i o n that c u l t u r a l f e a t u r e s (that i s , patterns of learned behaviour) shape the forms of c o l l e c t i v e behaviour. U n l i k e most others working w i t h i n the R.M. p e r s p e c t i v e , T i l l y denies that s o c i a l movement s t r a t e g i e s a r e a l w a y s a p r o d u c t o n l y of c o o l and premeditated r a t i o n a l choice, and s t a t e s that p r o t e s t s can a l s o derive 18 from a predominantly emotional response. Apart from the a v a i l a b i l i t y of t h i r d party supports, o p p o s i t i o n by a u t h o r i t i e s , and the awareness of p r e - e x i s t i n g models of c o n t e n t i o n , s o c i a l s t r u c t u r a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s have a l s o been of p r i m a r y i n t e r e s t t o th o s e w i t h i n the R.M. s c h o o l . Most agree t h a t t he p r i o r e x i s t e n c e of a s s o c i a t i o n a l t i e s among the t a r g e t group f a c i l i t a t e s the m o b i l i z a t i o n p r o c e s s . The most e x t e n s i v e c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e and the emergence of s o c i a l movements has been presented by O b e r s c h a l l (1973). I n e s s e n c e , he s u g g e s t s t h a t w i t h i n p l u r a l i s t i c s o c i e t i e s two s o c i a l s t r u c t u r a l t y p e s can be i d e n t i f i e d : "superimposed s e g m e n t a t i o n " , where i n d i v i d u a l s may be p a r t i c i p a t i n g a c t i v e l y i n a number of groups, but the membership of t h e s e groups i s drawn from one segment of s o c i e t y , be i t r e l i g i o u s , p o l i t i c a l , socio-economic, or other; and " l i n k e d p l u r a l i s m " , where i n d i v i d u a l s p a r t i c i p a t e i n a v a r i e t y of groups whose membership c r o s s - c u t s v a r i o u s c l a s s e s and s o c i a l groups. I n t he l a t t e r , a "checks and b a l a n c e s " mechanism e x i s t s t o i n h i b i t m o b i l i z a t i o n , w h i l e i n the f o r m e r such a mechanism i s l a c k i n g , and m o b i l i z a t i o n occurs more r e a d i l y . In summary, the r e l a t i v e l a c k of emphasis w i t h i n the R.M. approach on the r o l e of d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n i n g e n e r a t i n g a s o c i a l movement may be u n d e r s t o o d when we t a k e i n t o account the l e v e l of a n a l y s i s b e i n g undertaken. The R.M. perspective i s geared toward the s p e c i f i c i s s u e s of d i f f e r e n t i a l r e c r u i t m e n t , movement stra t e g y and t a c t i c s , and the r i s e and f a l l of s o c i a l movements over t i m e . I n c o n t r a s t , t h e o r i e s emphasizing d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n are concerned w i t h the more general f e a t u r e s of the s o c i a l movement, and the o v e r a l l s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l c o n d i t i o n s i n which i t a r i s e s . Furthermore, the R.M. pers p e c t i v e , w i t h i t s emphasis 19 on the manipulation of resources, including cultural beliefs and norms regulating s o c i a l behaviour, presents more of a p o l i t i c a l processual model of social movement activity. "Dissatisfaction" theorists, on the other hand, provide a model of s o c i a l movement a c t i v i t y that has less emphasis on manipulation and choice, and greater emphasis on structural constraints on social movement activity. It i s as an orienting perspective that the resource mobilization approach w i l l be applied to the study of the A l k a l i Lake Sobriety movement. Why use the resource mobilization perspective? This thesis i s intended to stand as an i n i t i a l study of the A l k a l i Lake Sobriety movement. Since extensive alcohol abuse among Native Indians i s a widespread and persistent problem, and e f f o r t s to reduce Native alcoholism have met with generally l i t t l e success, i t seems that the important question to be asked f i r s t i s not what were the general underlying conditions that resulted in the emergence of this movement, but what strategies and t a c t i c s were used successfully to turn A l k a l i Lake into a sober community. The R.M. perspective provides a suitable framework through which these questions may be posed. This thesis, however, should not be considered as providing a formula for the solution of alcohol problems in other Native Indian communities. It may be that the A l k a l i Lake movement presented a uniquely Shuswap solution to the problems associated with alcohol use. The use in this thesis of a processual viewpoint does not imply the lack of importance of c u l t u r a l features in shaping the Sobriety movement. Some mention of the way i n which c u l t u r a l features influenced the leaders' choice of strategy, and contributed to the eventual success of the movement, w i l l be given. A more in-depth study of the historical 2 0 and c u l t u r a l c o n t e x t i n w h i c h t he S o b r i e t y movement emerged would complement the l a r g e l y d e s c r i p t i v e and i n t e r p r e t i v e account p r e s e n t e d here. The fundamental questions that w i l l be posed i n the f o l l o w i n g pages are: 1. What resources were c r i t i c a l i n the i n i t i a t i o n of the So b r i e t y movement, and how were they mobilized? With what c o n t e x t u a l c o n s t r a i n t s (forms of e x t e r n a l opposition) d i d the movement leaders have to contend? What r o l e d i d t h i r d p a r t y s u p p o r t s p l a y ? How d i d t h e l e a d e r s j u s t i f y the movement? 2. With regard to the period of community conversion: What appears t o have m o t i v a t e d (some) i n d i v i d u a l s t o s t o p d r i n k i n g ? What r o l e d i d s o c i a l s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s p l a y i n the m o b i l i z a t i o n of the r e s e r v e r e s i d e n t s ? As the number of r e c r u i t s grew how d i d the movement's o r g a n i z a t i o n change? 3. W i t h r e g a r d t o the S o b r i e t y movement as of Autumn, 1985: How has t h e movement become r o u t i n i z e d w i t h i n the A l k a l i community? I s t h e r e e v i d e n c e today of d i f f e r e n t i a l r e c r u i t m e n t ( t h e pre s e n c e of dr i n k e r s ) i n the community? I f so, how can we account f o r t h i s ? 4. With regard to h i s t o r i c forms of s o c i a l c o n t r o l o p e r a t i v e i n the A l k a l i Lake community: D i d t h a t t h e l e a d e r s ' e f f o r t s t o encourage s o b r i e t y r e f l e c t c u l t u r a l l y a c c e p t a b l e , or a t l e a s t h i s t o r i c a l l y precedented, patterns of contention, as suggested i n T i l l y ' s concept of the r e p e r t o i r e of contention (1979)? 21 CHAPTER THREE: INITIATION OF THE SOBRIETY MOVEMENT ALKALI LAKE IN THE 1960s The v i l l a g e of A l k a l i Lake has e x i s t e d as the c e n t r a l settlement f o r the A l k a l i Lake Shuswap f o r more than one hundred years ( T e i t 1909). In the decades preceding the i n i t i a t i o n of the So b r i e t y movement there had been a gradual move by f a m i l i e s from the o u t l y i n g homesteads to take up more or l e s s year round residence i n the v i l l a g e . In the summer of 1966 some 200 Band members were r e s i d i n g i n the v i l l a g e (Brow 1967), rep r e s e n t i n g about 77 percent of the Band membership. D u r i n g t h e 1960s t h e v a s t m a j o r i t y of the a d u l t p o p u l a t i o n was unemployed and dependent t o a l a r g e degree on government t r a n s f e r payments f o r subsistence. Reserve l i f e i n the 1960s was c h a r a c t e r i z e d by h i g h l e v e l s o f drunkenness, v i o l e n c e , c h i l d abuse and n e g l e c t , and a c c i d e n t a l death and s u i c i d e . C u l t u r a l b e l i e f s and s o c i a l v a l u e s were d i s i n t e g r a t i n g : e l d e r s were no l o n g e r r e s p e c t e d , and f o r m a l s o c i a l c o n t r o l mechanisms were i n e f f e c t i v e . I t was i n t h i s general context of s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l upheaval that a l c o h o l use p r e v a i l e d . The main instances of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n between community members c e n t e r e d around a l c o h o l . D r i n k i n g p a r t i e s o c c u r r e d v i r t u a l l y e v e r y weekend on the reserve, f r e q u e n t l y c o n t i n u i n g f o r s e v e r a l days i n t o the next week or as l o n g as the l i q u o r s u p p l y l a s t e d . D r i n k i n g was e s p e c i a l l y i n t e n s e a t the end of the month, when s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e , f a m i l y allowance and o l d age pensions were given out, and during c e r t a i n t i m e s of the year such as a t C h r i s t m a s and d u r i n g the W i l l i a m s Lake Stampede i n J u l y . Those few i n d i v i d u a l s who were employed o f f reserve -22 s p e c i f i c a l l y t h o s e employed a t the nearby s a w m i l l - were o f t e n a t the c e n t e r of d r i n k i n g a c t i v i t i e s , as t h e i r r e g u l a r paychecks p r o v i d e d a steady a l c o h o l supply. A l c o h o l was o b t a i n e d from a number of s o u r c e s . In the 1950s and e a r l y 1960s amendments to f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n p e r t a i n i n g t o i n t o x i c a n t s r e s u l t e d i n B.C. I n d i a n s h a v i n g f o r the f i r s t t i m e the l e g a l r i g h t t o purchase a l c o h o l from l i c e n s e d s t o r e s , and t o consume a l c o h o l i n l i c e n s e d p r e m i s e s . C o n s e q u e n t l y , the i n c i d e n c e o f l i q u o r purchase and d r i n k i n g i n the town of W i l l i a m s Lake increased. As w e l l , o r d e r s f o r a l c o h o l c o u l d be p l a c e d w i t h t h e d r i v e r of the Dog Creek Stage, the l o c a l bus which ran from the Dog Creek reserve, through A l k a l i Lake and on t o W i l l i a m s Lake. A l c o h o l would then be d e l i v e r e d on i t s r e t u r n t r i p the same day. As few of the v i l l a g e r e s i d e n t s owned ca r s , the t w i c e weekly Stage t r i p s provided a major source of a l c o h o l , at times d e l i v e r i n g thousands of d o l l a r s w o r t h of a l c o h o l i n one t r i p . L o c a l t a x i s i n W i l l i a m s Lake a l s o were used t o s u p p l y a l c o h o l . On a phone c a l l cab d r i v e r s would buy the a l c o h o l requested and d e l i v e r i t r i g h t to the reserve. Homebrew, made from malt, sugar, yeast, and dandelions or "whatever was around and e a s i l y got", was an o t h e r i m p o r t a n t s o u r c e of a l c o h o l , e s p e c i a l l y i n the y e a r s p r e c e e d i n g the opening up of the l i q u o r s t o r e s and bars to Indians. In a d d i t i o n , a l c o h o l could be purchased from any of a number of known bootleggers on the reserve. The vast m a j o r i t y of a d u l t s of the community - women as w e l l as men - engaged i n t h e s e d r i n k i n g a c t i v i t i e s . The 1981 Outreach S e r v i c e s Report of the W i l l i a m s Lake A l c o h o l and Drug Program estimated that i n 1972, 93 p e r c e n t of the a d u l t (age 16 and ov e r ) p o p u l a t i o n on the r e s e r v e was d r i n k i n g h e a v i l y ( B i c k f o r d 1981:37). I n f o r m a n t s d e s c r i b e some fe a t u r e s of reserve l i f e i n the height of i t s d r i n k i n g days: T h i s r e s e r v e was j u s t a r e a l town t h e n , p e o p l e w a l k i n g a l l over, l i k e , every weekend you seen people walking on t h i s whole r e s e r v e , people h o l d i n g b o t t l e s and j u g s and h o l l e r i n g around... people i n v i t e d each o t h e r t o t h e i r houses, and they drank... [Female informant, age 50.] Everyone used to get together - the f r i e n d s - we used to order on t h e Stage. The Stage used t o go th r o u g h on F r i d a y , we'd order i n the morning and pick i t up a f t e r three or whenever i t came. So, we'd l e t some of our f r i e n d s know and they'd come over and the p a r t y would s t a r t and, about Sunday or maybe Monday i t ' d s t o p . There was nobody s o b e r , I guess. [Female informant, age 36.] E x c e s s i v e d r i n k i n g was f r e q u e n t l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h i n s t a n c e s o f c h i l d n e g l e c t : A l o t o f n e g l e c t i o n s I d i d w i t h my k i d s . L i k e every f a m i l y a l l o w a n c e day I took o f f t o town, me and my husband, and come back w i t h booze...Not only to me i t happened l i k e t h i s , I guess the whole r e s e r v e k i d s were g o i n g around d i r t y , s n o t t y , muddy...I o f t e n t h i n k about i t today. I wonder what k i n d of g r o c e r i e s I l i v e d on, when I was p r e t t y heavy i n t o d r i n k i n g . [Female informant, age 50.] My mom and f a t h e r used to be a l c o h o l i c s . , they used to be drunk most of the time...I r a i s e d my three younger, two brothers and s i s t e r . [The i n f o r m a n t was i n h i s e a r l y t e e n s a t t h i s time.] R a i s e d them t h r o u g h t h a t . I had t o cook f o r them and do a l l t h a t s t u f f . That was - I c a l l i t s u r v i v a l . We used t o -sometimes we didn't have food i n the house, we used to go s t e a l i t . We used t o get so t h a t we know where t o go and where t o s t e a l i t from. Whoever's drunk and you'd know where t o go. [Male informant, age 24.] Dr i n k i n g was considered a "normal" a c t i v i t y , i n which at times even c h i l d r e n p a r t i c i p a t e d : 24 I remember my younger brothers and s i s t e r s , they were d r i n k i n g along w i t h us. Myself, when I was 15 I s t a r t e d d r i n k i n g w i t h my Mom when she j u s t s t a r t e d d r i n k i n g . I guess we were hanging around w i t h her, l i k e we used to take o f f on my Dad because he used t o be p r e t t y mean when he was drunk. So we used t o t a k e o f f and hide - s i t t i n g around somewhere by ourselves but we'd have a b o t t l e and we'd s t a r t t o d r i n k . [Female i n f o r m a n t , age 36.] A l t h o u g h a l c o h o l i n many r e s p e c t s had a f r a g m e n t i n g e f f e c t on s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s - where i t was r e l a t e d to v i o l e n c e and c h i l d neglect - i n other ways i t had an opposite e f f e c t : s o c i a l bonds between peers, and between f a m i l y members, were r e a f f i r m e d t h r o u g h the r e c i p r o c a l s h a r i n g of a l c o h o l . As such a dominant s o c i a l a c t i v i t y , d r i n k i n g c o u l d be considered almost as a requirement of reserve l i f e . A PORTENT OF CHANGE B e f o r e b e g i n n i n g d i s c u s s i o n of the i n i t i a t i o n of the S o b r i e t y movement, I w i s h t o p o i n t out one event of c r u c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e t h a t o c c u r r e d i n 1971: the s w i t c h t o Band e l e c t i o n s f o r c h i e f and c o u n c i l a c c o r d i n g t o S e c t i o n 74 of t h e I n d i a n A c t . P r i o r t o t h i s , t h e A l k a l i Lake Band c h i e f and c o u n c i l l o r s were e l e c t e d according to "Band custom" -that i s , they were e l e c t e d by the Band membership to l i f e t i m e terms, or u n t i l such t i m e as they wished t o r e s i g n from o f f i c e . S i n c e the e a r l y 1900s t h e r e had been t h r e e " l i f e t i m e " c h i e f s , t he term of the f i r s t e n d i n g a t about 1940 o r 1941, the second c h i e f ' s term r u n n i n g from a p p r o x i m a t e l y 1941 t o 1951, and the t h i r d c h i e f b e i n g i n o f f i c e from about 1951 to 1971. The major change r e s u l t i n g from adoption of S e c t i o n 74 of the Indian Act was t h a t c h i e f and c o u n c i l were henceforth t o be e l e c t e d t o two year 25 terms, with their position being renewed according to the wishes of the Band membership. What were the poss ible reasons for t h i s des ire for change? The fo l lowing i s a t r a n s c r i p t of the 1971 l e t t e r sent out to A l k a l i Band members in which i t was announced that a Band meeting would be held to discuss and decide on the issue of Band elections. Dear Band member, The fo l lowing i s the agenda for Sept. 29 so please read i t carefully before coming to the meeting and be prepared to speak on the topics mentioned in the agenda. (Agenda means the topics to be talked about during the meeting). Here i s the agenda: (1) The importance of By-Laws on the Reserve so that the Reserve can be run in a proper way so that the people may be happy in the place which they c a l l HOME. (2) Are the Band Members satisf ied with the Chief and Council that are now in power? If not l e t us ta lk about i t and decide what the next move i s . The Chief and Counci l have already agreed to talk about this and feel that the people should have a voice in the issue. The Chief and Council feel that much can be done but i t means that everyone must cooperate and get behind the idea. THIS RESERVE COULD BE ONE OF THE BEST IN B.C. [Emphasis in the original.] (3) It has been suggested that at an ear ly date a f ter the coming Band meeting, that members of the Council meet with the young people of the Reserve to ta lk things over regarding the Reserve and to f ind out t h e i r fee l ings and what should be done to better the s i t u a t i o n on the Reserve so that everyone can be proud of the vi l lage that they c a l l home. This w i l l be an open and honest meeting and each one w i l l be expected to give his or her idea of what i s wrong on the Reserve and why. (A) Regarding number 1 (on the By-Laws). Some suggestions are: 1. Speeding of cars around the Reserve with the danger of safety to the children and others on the Reserve. 2. The broken glass around the reserve which i s a hazzard to the children and cars as well as to the mess of the reserve in general. 3. Each home owner be responsible for the cleaning of the home area (inside and out) for the sake of health and cleanliness of the Reserve. 26 4. I f you have more s u g g e s t i o n s f o r the meeting p l e a s e b r i n g them a l o n g w i t h you and l e t them be known t o the r e s t of the meetin g . I f you w i s h you may p l a c e your i d e a s i n a box provided at the door and they w i l l be read at the meeting, (you need not s i g n your name unless you wish). NOTE: THIS IS A VERY IMPORTANT MEETING AND YOUR PRESENCE IS URGENTLY REQUESTED. NO ONE DRUNK WILL BE ADMITTED TO THE ' MEETING BECAUSE IT IS TOO IMPORTANT TO THE FUTURE OF OUR RESERVE. Chief and C o u n c i l , and Coordinator. T h i s l e t t e r c l e a r l y s p e l l s out a sense of d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h reserve l i f e , and the idea that a r e v i s i o n of the e l e c t i v e system (and a change i n the Band c h i e f and c o u n c i l ) might improve t he s i t u a t i o n . E s p e c i a l l y i n t e r e s t i n g i s the s t r e s s placed on the need f o r a sense of p r i d e i n t h e i r v i l l a g e , and the i d e a t h a t " t h i s r e s e r v e c o u l d be one of the b e s t i n B.C.". T h i s i n d i c a t e s t h a t , on t h e p a r t o f the l e t t e r w r i t e r at l e a s t , there e x i s t e d a d e s i r e to incre a s e , or perhaps renew, a sense of community s o l i d a r i t y and i d e n t i t y among the v i l l a g e r e s i d e n t s . At the September 29, 1971 Band meeting i t was unanimously decided to change the system of Band e l e c t i o n s to f o l l o w s e c t i o n 74, subsection ( 3 ) ( a ) ( i ) , o f the I n d i a n A c t . F o r t y - e i g h t out of a t o t a l of one hundred and s i x e l i g i b l e voters attended the meeting. The f i r s t e l e c t i o n under the new system was held i n February, 1972, a t w h i c h t i m e a new c h i e f was e l e c t e d . In September 1973, a f t e r t h e r e s i g n a t i o n o f t h i s c h i e f due t o o f f - r e s e r v e work commitments, a by-e l e c t i o n was h e l d , and Andy C h e l s e a became the new A l k a l i Lake Band c h i e f . 27 INITIATION OF THE SOBRIETY MOVEMENT Andy Chelsea and h i s w i f e P h y l l i s are i d e n t i f i e d by Band members today as the two i n d i v i d u a l s who i n i t i a t e d t h e S o b r i e t y movement. At t h i s time both were newly-reformed a l c o h o l i c s , having stopped d r i n k i n g i n 1972. I n h i s d r i n k i n g days Andy C h e l s e a , who was one of t h e few t o be employed a t the nearby s a w m i l l , f r e q u e n t l y had been a t the c e n t e r of d r i n k i n g p a r t i e s . He a l s o had been a w e l l - k n o w n b o o t l e g g e r on the r e s e r v e . P h y l l i s C h e l s e a was the f i r s t t o d e c i d e t o s t o p d r i n k i n g , a d e c i s i o n made a f t e r r e a l i z a t i o n of the n e g a t i v e e f f e c t s d r i n k i n g was having on her f a m i l y . A few months l a t e r her husband f o l l o w e d s u i t . The two began t h e i r e f f o r t s to reduce d r i n k i n g on the reserve only a f t e r Andy Chelsea had been e l e c t e d to o f f i c e . Chelsea had not run f o r o f f i c e on an a n t i - a l c o h o l campaign, nor d i d he have a t the t i m e a w e l l f o r m u l a t e d p l a n f o r t h e Band. In the e l e c t i o n he was g i v e n a c l e a r mandate. Of the t o t a l o f 64 v o t e s c a s t ( r e p r e s e n t i n g a 43 p e r c e n t v o t e r t u r n o u t ) , C h e l s e a r e c e i v e d 42 v o t e s , w h i l e the o t h e r two c a n d i d a t e s re c e i v e d 16 and 6 votes.* I n the e a r l y 1970s most Band programs were a d m i n i s t e r e d by the W i l l i a m s Lake d i s t r i c t o f f i c e o f the Department of I n d i a n A f f a i r s and Northern Development (commonly r e f e r r e d to as the D.I.A.), w i t h the Band a d m i n i s t e r i n g a very s m a l l budget of about twenty thousand d o l l a r s . As w i t h the c h i e f b e f o r e him, Chelsea's g e n e r a l g o a l was t o i n c r e a s e the Band's independence from the D.I.A. by g a i n i n g greater c o n t r o l over Band programs. I n the new c h i e f ' s v i e w , however, t h e major problem f a c i n g the r e s e r v e was not i t s s u p p r e s s i o n by D.I.A.. The problem, i n s t e a d , was a l c o h o l i s m , and the negative consequences d r i n k i n g was having on the r e s e r v e p o p u l a t i o n . Thus b e f o r e t h e Band c o u l d advance i t s e l f p o l i t i c a l l y and economically, Andy and P h y l l i s Chelsea b e l i e v e d that the 28 problem of a l c o h o l had to be faced. TACTICS UTILIZED; The C o n t r o l of Bootlegging In t h e 1973-76 p e r i o d ( w h i c h I c a l l t h e p e r i o d of movement i n i t i a t i o n ) the Band c h i e f made extensive use of h i s powers of o f f i c e i n an a t t e m p t t o reduce d r i n k i n g on the r e s e r v e . The f i r s t major t a c t i c u n d e r t a k e n by the C h e l s e a s was d i r e c t e d s p e c i f i c a l l y a t the r e s e r v e bootleggers. Bootlegging was a common a c t i v i t y on the reserve, being engaged i n by almost a l l a d u l t s a t one time or another. A f t e r d i s c u s s i n g the problem w i t h the R.C.M.P. i n W i l l i a m s Lake, the two devised a scheme to have reserve bootleggers a r r e s t e d : There was a t i m e when we d e c i d e d - w e l l , l e t ' s go and do i t because i t was a f t e r S.A. [ S o c i a l A s s i s t a n c e cheques] from D.I.A. got sen t o u t , i t was a l l o w a n c e day, i t was p e n s i o n e r s ' day, and we knew b o o t l e g g e r s were g o i n g t o be i n t h e i r g l o r y ! So we decided " W e l l , l e t ' s do i t t h i s weekend". We knew how we were going to do i t . So we sat down and we marked some b i l l s . Some people were walking back and f o r t h there, d r i n k i n g across there and a l l over. I c a l l e d a guy i n and t e l l him "Hey go get me a b o t t l e of wine" and he l o o k a t me and say "Hey, you s t a r t i n g t o d r i n k a g a i n ? " and I s a i d "Go get me a b o t t l e of wine" and he go get i t . And I ask him where he got i t from and he'd t e l l me, and I'd w r i t e t h a t on the b o t t l e on the l a b e l . And then I ask him "Where d i d t he guy put the money" and he s a i d " W e l l , he put i t i n h i s w a l l e t " so t h a t ' s a l l I needed t o know. About the same time we were c a l l i n g the R.C.M.P. [A.C.], As p r e a r r a n g e d , upon t h e i r a r r i v a l the R.C.M.P. were d i r e c t e d by P h y l l i s and Andy Chelsea to the houses of the suspected bootleggers. A number of i n d i v i d u a l s , i n c l u d i n g the Chief's mother, were searched f o r the i n c r i m i n a t i n g marked b i l l s . Seven i n d i v i d u a l s were a r r e s t e d and l a t e r t r i e d i n c o u r t . The c a s e s were e v e n t u a l l y d i s m i s s e d due t o a l e g a l t e c h n i c a l i t y a r i s i n g from the f a c t t h a t the charges purposely had 29 not been l a i d under the Indian Act. This d i s m i s s a l had been expected by both the R.C.M.P. and the Chief and h i s w i f e . T h e i r i n t e n t i o n i n t a k i n g t h i s a c t i o n had not been t o have Band members s e n t o f f t o j a i l , but i n s t e a d to discourage them from f u r t h e r bootlegging a c t i v i t y . T h is d e c i s i o n to take such strong measures against the bootleggers on the r e s e r v e had been a d i f f i c u l t one f o r the two, e s p e c i a l l y as i t had i n v o l v e d a c t i o n against some very c l o s e r e l a t i v e s . Both b e l i e v e d , however, t h a t i f the a l c o h o l problem was t o be s e r i o u s l y challenged, such measures were necessary. This gave v i l l a g e r e s i d e n t s reason to b e l i e v e that the two were determined i n t h e i r e f f o r t s t o deal w i t h the reserve's a l c o h o l problem, and that to f u r t h e r t h i s cause t h e i r c h i e f was w i l l i n g t o use h i s powers of o f f i c e t o the f u l l e s t ( f o r example, by u t i l i z i n g o u t s i d e b o d i e s of a u t h o r i t y , such as the R.C.M.P., a move w h i c h w i t h i n most I n d i a n r e s e r v e c o m m u n i t i e s i s u s u a l l y done o n l y under extreme circumstances {Hawthorn et a l . I960]). As w e l l , the bootlegging i n c i d e n t showed th a t Andy and P h y l l i s Chelsea were prepared to impose sanctions upon c l o s e f a m i l y as w e l l as t h o s e more d i s t a n t l y r e l a t e d . T h i s , I b e l i e v e , was of fundamental s i g n i f i c a n c e . I t i s a common expectation (or a frequent c r i t i c i s m , depending on one's r e l a t i o n to the c h i e f ) t h a t a Band c h i e f w i l l use the p o s i t i o n t o p r o v i d e f a v o u r s t o c l o s e r r e l a t i v e s . Through the bootlegging i n c i d e n t the Chief broke t h i s i m p l i c i t e x p e c t a t i o n , w h i c h f u r t h e r i n d i c a t e d t o the Band h i s d e t e r m i n a t i o n t o f i g h t the a l c o h o l problem on the reserve. F i n a l l y , Chelsea, due to h i s o f f i c i a l p o s i t i o n , b e l i e v e d he had the r i g h t to take measures t o improve the w e l f a r e of the Band membership. He was i n o f f i c e by the m a j o r i t y vote, and i f Band members were unhappy w i t h h i s a c t i o n s they could remove him from o f f i c e . In t h i s f i r s t a c t i o n a g a i n s t a l c o h o l we get an i n i t i a l g l i m p s e of 30 what may be considered the c r u c i a l resources i n the i n i t i a t o r y period of the S o b r i e t y movement: the s t r e n g t h , courage and determination of these two i n d i v i d u a l s to improve the c o n d i t i o n s of l i f e on the reserve. I n a n o t h e r measure t o c u t o f f the a l c o h o l s u p p l y t o t h e v i l l a g e , Andy Chelsea confronted the d r i v e r of the Dog Creek Stage during one of h i s r e g u l a r l i q u o r d e l i v e r i e s and forbade him to enter the reserve from t h a t t i m e on. T h i s i s r e p o r t e d by Band members as one of the major steps taken by the Chief i n t h i s i n i t i a t o r y p eriod; however there i s some testimony t o i n d i c a t e t h a t the Stage d i d i n f a c t continue t o take A l k a l i passengers t o and from W i l l i a m s Lake. Further f i e l d w o r k i s necessary to c l a r i f y the d e t a i l s of t h i s i s s u e . The S o c i a l Assistance Voucher System The second major s t e p u n d e r t a k e n by P h y l l i s and Andy C h e l s e a t o combat a l c o h o l use on the r e s e r v e was t o g a i n c o n t r o l o v e r the S o c i a l A s s i s t a n c e (S.A.) program. P r i o r to 1974 t h i s program was a d m i n i s t r a t e d t h r o u g h the D.I.A. o f f i c e i n W i l l i a m s Lake. T h i s meant t h a t an A l k a l i Lake Band member w i s h i n g t o r e c e i v e S o c i a l A s s i s t a n c e would a p p l y d i r e c t l y t o a d e s i g n a t e d o f f i c e r of the Department, who would be r e s p o n s i b l e f o r e v a l u a t i n g the a p p l i c a t i o n s and d e l i v e r i n g the monthly cheques. A f t e r t r a i n i n g f o r s e v e r a l months, i n A p r i l 1974 P h y l l i s Chelsea became the Band's Welfare Aide ( l a t e r t h i s p o s i t i o n was c a l l e d Band S o c i a l Worker), and assumed the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r i n t e r v i e w i n g S.A. c l i e n t s and d i s t r i b u t i n g the S.A., f a m i l y allowance and o l d age pensions w i t h i n the A l k a l i community. The C h e l s e a s saw c o n t r o l over the S.A. program as a c r i t i c a l r e s o u r c e i n t h e i r campaign a g a i n s t a l c o h o l . S.A. cheques r e p r e s e n t e d 31 primary source of cash income for the majority of the reserve residents, and thus the main fund from which alcohol was purchased. Misuse of S.A. at times resulted i n neglect of the needs of children on the reserve: Social assistance was f i r s t [the f i r s t program to be taken over by the Band] because i t was the problem, because i t had something to do with the kids, i t had something to do with the parents. The parents were always drunk. When you see kids walking into the school that don't have any breakfast or don't even have nothing...Everyone was drinking and neglecting kids. The person who was here for education was really supportive of what we were doing. He was asking us how come these kids are coming to school l i k e this?... You know, you go into the home and v i s i t somebody, and instead of of f e r i n g you a coffee or something they offer you a glass of wine, early in the morning yet. That didn't make sense. I guess i t was r e a l l y why i t was f i r s t [A.C.]. The Chelseas were dissatisfied with D.I.A. handling of the S.A. program. The D.I.A. employee responsible for administration of the program did not v i s i t the reserve or personally interview the c l i e n t s on a regular basis, and when the problem of misuse of the money was pointed out, the D.I.A. employee was reluctant to take action. On occasion the S.A. cheques were sent out by mail via the store at the nearby A l k a l i Lake Ranch, and problems related to control of the money arose: There was a l o t of complaints about the store down at the A l k a l i Ranch. We found out where the people were getting the money. The Department was sending the Social Assistance cheques directly. When that happened, [the storekeeper] just grabbed them a l l , without authorization from the person that has that S.A. - open i t up, get them to sign i t , gather a l l t h e i r money and then the people had nothing. It was l i k e a bank...the storekeeper was drinking with his own customers. A l l the money that was taken from the store, money l e f t over for groceries and stuff - i f the people asked for i t they'd get i t , then they'd turn around and order wine on the Stage [A.C.]. The store at the Alkali Ranch was also the closest grocery store to the reserve, and many Band members believed that the store was cheating 32 i t s Indian customers. In r e a c t i o n , i n 1973 P h y l l i s Chelsea and another Band member decided to open t h e i r own s m a l l grocery s t o r e on the A l k a l i reserve. (The Band assumed ownership of the s t o r e i n 1976.) By a c h i e v i n g c o n t r o l over the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the S.A. program i n A p r i l 1974, and i n opening the food s t o r e on the r e s e r v e , Andy and P h y l l i s C h e l s e a d e c r e a s e d t h e c o n t r o l t h a t the A l k a l i Ranch s t o r e had over t h e r e s e r v e r e s i d e n t s . P h y l l i s C h e l s e a now had t h e a u t h o r i t y , i n h e r e n t i n her p o s i t i o n as W e l f a r e A i d e , t o ensure t h a t S.A. cheques were b e i n g used t o s u p p l y the b a s i c n e c e s s i t i e s o f food and c l o t h i n g , i n s t e a d of being spent on a l c o h o l . Once t h e S.A. program was i n the Band's c o n t r o l , P h y l l i s C h e l s e a , as the W e l f a r e A i d e , began t o t a k e s t e p s i n an a t t e m p t t o reduce the reserve's problems of d r i n k i n g and c h i l d neglect. E a r l i e r i n the month the C h e l s e a s had d r a f t e d a s e t of g u i d e l i n e s f o r a voucher system, and had a r r a n g e d t o have the v o u c h e r s p r i n t e d and ready by the end of the month. Andy Chelsea had approached the manager of a department s t o r e i n W i l l i a m s Lake, and a f t e r he had presented h i s plan t o reduce the a l c o h o l problem on the r e s e r v e , the manager had agreed t o have h i s department s t o r e a c c e p t v o u c h e r s from A l k a l i Lake Band members. Band members subsequently were informed ( e i t h e r by word of mouth, or when they came to P h y l l i s C h e l s e a t o c o l l e c t t h e i r S.A. a l l o t t m e n t ) t h a t t h o s e S.A. r e c i p i e n t s who were " d r i n k i n g up t h e i r money", or b o o t l e g g i n g on the r e s e r v e , would have t h e i r S.A. cheques r e p l a c e d by food or c l o t h i n g vouchers redeemable at the reserve s t o r e or at the department s t o r e i n W i l l i a m s Lake. I n the f i r s t month of Band c o n t r o l v o u c h e r s were a s s i g n e d t o a l l S.A. r e c i p i e n t s . G i v e n the h i g h unemployment r a t e on t h e r e s e r v e , t h i s a c t i o n was f e l t by a l m o s t the e n t i r e r e s e r v e p o p u l a t i o n . 33 Band members were outraged by t h i s a c t i o n . Nevertheless, P h y l l i s Chelsea p e r s i s t e d . In the second month two e l d e r l y people who had been put on v o u c h e r s because of t h e i r involvement i n bootlegging a c t i v i t i e s came to P h y l l i s Chelsea to di s c u s s the problem. They decided to put an end to the bootlegging, and that month received a s s i s t a n c e i n the form of cheques, w h i l e the other S.A. a p p l i c a n t s remained on vouchers. As the months wore on o t h e r i n d i v i d u a l s were t a k e n o f f vo u c h e r s when they d e m o n s t r a t e d a w i l l i n g n e s s t o s t o p b o o t l e g g i n g o r t o t r y t o s t o p d r i n k i n g . I t was up to the d i s c r e t i o n of the Welfare Aide to determine whether i n d i v i d u a l s were a c t u a l l y making c o n c e r t e d e f f o r t s i n t h e s e r e g a r d s . Chelsea's method o f e v a l u a t i o n was not so much based on o b j e c t i v e c r i t e r i a of a c t u a l i n s t a n c e s o f d r i n k i n g , but r a t h e r on a c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f the p e r s o n a l c i r c u m s t a n c e s o f each i n d i v i d u a l and an assessment of that person's a t t i t u d e toward the problem of a l c o h o l . Despite the extreme unpopularity of t h i s measure, and extreme s o c i a l pressure on the Chelseas, the S.A. voucher system continued to operate and i s s t i l l u t i l i z e d a t A l k a l i Lake. I n d i v i d u a l C o n f r o n t a t i o n A method of i n d i v i d u a l c o n f r o n t a t i o n was a l s o u t i l i z e d by Andy and P h y l l i s Chelsea i n order t o c o n t r o l d r i n k i n g behaviour on the reserve and t o promote t he v a l u e o f s o b r i e t y . A c o n f r o n t a t i o n was i n i t i a t e d t y p i c a l l y a f t e r a s p e c i f i c a l c o h o l - r e l a t e d i n c i d e n t , a f t e r which e i t h e r t h e two f e l t c o m p e l l e d t o i n t e r v e n e , o r a concerned community member ( u s u a l l y a c l o s e r e l a t i v e to the i n d i v i d u a l to be confronted) requested t h a t the W e l f a r e A i d e o r the C h i e f i n t e r v e n e t o t r y t o r e s o l v e t h e problem. I n c i d e n t s o f v i o l e n t a s s a u l t and c h i l d n e g l e c t were common examples of the events which prompted c o n f r o n t a t i o n . 34 The approach of P h y l l i s and Andy Chelsea in confronting an individual was generally low-key and personal. The overriding tone was one of concern for the i n d i v i d u a l and for "what a lcohol was doing to him". F i r s t , disapproval would be expressed of the individual's recent ac t ions , and the negative impact of those act ions on others would be pointed out. A second component of confrontat ion emerged l a t e r in the i n i t i a t o r y period. When P h y l l i s or Andy Chelsea deemed the time appropriate, the individual being confronted would be presented with a choice: e i ther he do something about h i s dr inking ("doing something" about his drinking meant that in some way the individual was to make a general e f f o r t to stop dr inking - l a t e r in the i n i t i a t o r y period t h i s became spec i f i ed more often to mean that the i n d i v i d u a l was to p a r t i c i p a t e . i n an a l c o h o l i s m trea tment program), or accept the consequences that would be imposed. These consequences would be clearly spelled out. For example, the Human Resources Agency might be called in to remove the children from his home, the individual might lose his job with the Band or his home on the reserve, or the R.C.M.P. might be c a l l e d i n to lay charges, depending on the s p e c i f i c inc ident that spurred the confrontat ion , and on the Chelsea's assessment of what might be an e f f ec t ive deterrent in the particular case. Again, as with the use of the Social Assistance voucher system, the sanctions were applied not so much in an authoritarian manner (by which I mean as a response simply to the breaking of a r u l e , or the enactment of "inappropriate" behaviour, without considerat ion of the person who took such an act ion) as in a personal manner, in which the individual's circumstances and attitude were taken into consideration in deciding when and what sanctions were to be imposed. 35 I t can be seen once a g a i n t h a t Andy and P h y l l i s C h e l s e a drew upon the powers of t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e o f f i c e s i n order to apply these c o n t r o l s . In the period between 1973-76 there were a number of instances i n which the Human Resources Agency ( W i l l i a m s Lake o f f i c e ) was c a l l e d i n by the W e l f a r e A i d e t o h e l p d e a l w i t h a s i t u a t i o n of c h i l d n e g l e c t or abuse. The Agency c o - o p e r a t e d w i t h t h e W e l f a r e A i d e t o r e a c h a compromise s o l u t i o n . Instead of removing c h i l d r e n from the reserve, which was the t y p i c a l response of the Agency i n such cases, c h i l d r e n were placed i n the homes of other reserve f a m i l i e s where a s a f e r environment e x i s t e d . Other A c t i o n s I n 1973, a t the r e q u e s t of Andy and P h y l l i s C h e l s e a , a c o u n s e l l o r f rom the W i l l i a m s Lake A l c o h o l and Drug Program began t o h o l d weekly "Alcohol Awareness" meetings on the A l k a l i reserve. This c o u n s e l l o r was a l s o a Brother of the Oblates of Mary Immaculate, an order of the Roman C a t h o l i c c h u r c h . The A l c o h o l Awareness m e e t i n g s , however, had no e x p l i c i t r e l i g i o u s content. During the meetings various t o p i c s r e l a t e d t o a l c o h o l i s m would be d i s c u s s e d or p r e s e n t e d t h r o u g h f i l m s or t a p e s . The m e e t i n g s were open t o a l l Band members, w i t h the p a r t i c i p a n t s r e c e i v i n g f o l l o w - u p v i s i t s by t h e c o u n s e l l o r i n t h e i r homes. Att e n d a n c e ranged between f i f t e e n and t w enty i n d i v i d u a l s on t h o s e evenings when f i l m s were presented, dropping to perhaps only f i v e when the meeting took t h e f o r m a t of group d i s c u s s i o n of a l c o h o l - r e l a t e d p roblems ( B i c k f o r d 1981). A number of Band members c l a i m t h a t the p e r s i s t e n c e and m o r a l s u p p o r t p r o v i d e d by t h i s c o u n s e l l o r p l a y e d a s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e i n t h e i r d e c i s i o n s t o become sober. A f t e r 1976 the A l c o h o l Awareness meetings were reorganized to assume the s t r u c t u r e of the A l c o h o l i c s Anonymous meetings. 36 I t should be noted that Andy Chelsea d i d not t r y to use Band by-laws t o reduce a l c o h o l use on the r e s e r v e . T h i s was a c o n s c i o u s d e c i s i o n on h i s p a r t . F i r s t of a l l , a by-law r e q u i r e d t h e a p p r o v a l of the m a j o r i t y of t h e Band's e l i g i b l e v o t e r s (as s p e c i f i e d i n t h e I n d i a n A c t ) , and i t was u n l i k e l y t h a t such a p p r o v a l c o u l d have been a c h i e v e d . More important, however, the by-law approach was considered an i n a p p r o p r i a t e method o f d e a l i n g w i t h t h e a l c o h o l problem. The p h i l o s o p h y of a l c o h o l i s m held by Andy and P h y l l i s Chelsea was one i n which a l c o h o l i s m was seen as a d i s e a s e . An a l c o h o l i c c o u l d not be f o r c e d t o s t o p d r i n k i n g . Only i f the a l c o h o l i c h i m s e l f made the d e c i s i o n t o s t o p d r i n k i n g , and co n s c i o u s l y worked a t perpetuating h i s s o b r i e t y , could the d i s e a s e be c o n t r o l l e d . The use of b y - l a w s was seen by C h e l s e a as too extreme a measure, and one that would probably have been i n e f f e c t i v e . RESPONSE OF THE COMMUNITY  The Band C o u n c i l Some d e c i s i o n s enacted by Andy C h e l s e a , such as thos e r e g a r d i n g r e s e r v e h o u s i n g and t h e i m p l e m e n t a t i o n o f t h e S.A. voucher s y s t e m , r e q u i r e d t h e consent o f the Band C o u n c i l ( i . e . t h e p a s s i n g of a Band C o u n c i l R e s o l u t i o n ) t o be o f f i c i a l a c c o r d i n g t o the d e f i n i t i o n of t h e powers of C h i e f and C o u n c i l as s t a t e d i n the I n d i a n A c t . A p p a r e n t l y , t h i s c o nsent was a l w a y s r e a d i l y o b t a i n e d - I know o f no s i t u a t i o n i n w h i c h a C o u n c i l l o r a t t e m p t e d t o b l o c k the C h i e f ' s d e c i s i o n . As one C o u n c i l l o r i n the 1970s s t a t e d : 37 I remember when Andy s t a r t e d . I was on Band C o u n c i l , I was d r i n k i n g when I was on Band C o u n c i l . But i f you were t a l k i n g about a drunk, and I was s i t t i n g t h e r e , I never would have bel i e v e d that you were t a l k i n g about me...I'd t e l l myself "He's not t a l k i n g about me, I'm not p a r t of the problem. I t ' s them o t h e r guys"... You a l w a y s would say "Yeah", because you don't t h i n k about " W e l l , how was t h i s connected", you don't t h i n k " W e l l , I'm g o i n g t o be c o n f r o n t e d , because now i t ' s Andy and P h y l l i s l o o k i n g a f t e r t h i s " . The Reserve Community Band members were a l l o u t r a g e d by the a c t i o n s of the C h e l s e a s , b e l i e v i n g t h a t these two had no r i g h t to t e l l other Band members what to do or how t o l i v e t h e i r l i v e s . The f i r m p o s i t i o n t a k e n by t h e s e two on a l c o h o l r e s u l t e d i n t h e i r s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n , f i r s t because as non-drinkers they were excluded from a main form of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n - that based on a l c o h o l - and second because of the h o s t i l i t y o f Band members. At t i m e s t h e i r l i v e s were t h r e a t e n e d f o r t h e i r a n t i - a l c o h o l s t a n c e . Nevertheless, they p e r s i s t e d . They countered t h i s h o s t i l i t y by i n s i s t i n g t hat these a c t i o n s against a l c o h o l were motivated only by a concern f o r the w e l f a r e of the Band. P h y l l i s and Andy Chelsea made conscious e f f o r t s t o m a i n t a i n i n f o r m a l s o c i a l c o n t a c t w i t h t h e v i l l a g e r e s i d e n t s , by con t i n u i n g to drop i n to v i s i t f a m i l y and f r i e n d s as w e l l as i n d i v i d u a l s who were having p a r t i c u l a r l y d i f f i c u l t times r e l a t e d to a l c o h o l . P h y l l i s would v i s i t . I don't know i f she eve r came when we were out of i t ! But on Monday l i k e we would sometimes be a l l s ober by t h e n , she'd s t i l l come and v i s i t us and t a l k w i t h us, and she'd t e l l us her own problems. We'd say "Oh, she has the same problems we have" but, not r e a l l y bawling us out, but j u s t t e l l i n g us how her side of i t was. And th a t helped, you'd know t h i s person has the same problems as you do. What they were i n seemed t o be h e l p i n g them, so, we got more and more t o see t h e i r s i d e of i t . [Female informant, age 36.] 38 A f u r t h e r example o f t h i s i n t e r e s t i n i n i t i a t i n g and m a i n t a i n i n g communication w i t h i n the community was the c r e a t i o n by Andy and P h y l l i s Chelsea of the community newspaper " A l k a l i Speaks". The monthly paper, f i r s t i n t r o d u c e d i n October 1973, c o n t a i n e d news of r e s e r v e e v e n t s as w e l l as r e p o r t s from t h e Band C o u n c i l , t h e r e s e r v e s c h o o l , and the vari o u s c l u b s and groups w i t h i n the community. One or two a r t i c l e s on a l c o h o l and a l c o h o l i s m were u s u a l l y i n c l u d e d , but t h i s t o p i c was not a dominant theme of the newspaper. Band E l e c t i o n s : 1974-76 The u l t i m a t e j u s t i f i c a t i o n used by Andy C h e l s e a r e g a r d i n g h i s e f f o r t s to combat the a l c o h o l problem was tha t he was a c t i n g w i t h i n h i s o f f i c i a l c a p a c i t y as c h i e f . I f the community d i d not approve, he rea s o n e d , t h e y c o u l d remove him from o f f i c e . I t i s somewhat o f a paradox that d e s p i t e t h e i r outrage at h i s a c t i o n s , Band members t w i c e r e - e l e c t e d Chelsea to o f f i c e i n the 1974-76 period. I n t h e F e b r u a r y 1974 e l e c t i o n s ( j u s t a few months a f t e r t h e bootlegging a r r e s t s ) Chelsea was r e - e l e c t e d by acclamation, there being no other nominations f o r the p o s i t i o n . H i s r e - e l e c t i o n may have been a r e s u l t of no one e l s e wanting the job, i n s t e a d of being an expression of s u p p o r t f o r t he C h i e f . I heard from two d i f f e r e n t s o u r c e s , however, that at the nominations meeting^an e l d e r l y woman, who j u s t a few months ago had been extremely angry w i t h the Chief because her son had been one of the seven a r r e s t e d f o r bootlegging, stood up to voi c e support f o r Andy Chelsea, c l a i m i n g that he was strong and j u s t what the Band needed. In the c o u r s e of my f i e l d w o r k I asked t h i s woman what C h e l s e a was l i k e i n the e a r l y days, when he had j u s t been e l e c t e d , t o w h i c h she r e p l i e d "He 39 was a w f u l " , and mentioned such examples as the voucher system and t h e b o o t l e g g i n g a r r e s t s . I then asked her i f he d i d such t h i n g s , why was he r e - e l e c t e d ? She responded simply "He was mean. That's \*hy we chose him". This response i n d i c a t e s the importance of e x p l o r i n g the expected r o l e o f the Band c h i e f i n s o c i a l c o n t r o l f o r our u n d e r s t a n d i n g of Andy Chelsea's apparent p o p u l a r i t y . In the February 1976 e l e c t i o n s Chelsea received a c l e a r mandate from the community. There were s i x c a n d i d a t e s f o r the p o s i t i o n of c h i e f . Andy C h e l s e a r e c e i v e d 5A of t h e t o t a l 82 v o t e s c a s t ( r e p r e s e n t i n g a 59 percent voter turn-out). His c l o s e s t competitor received only 11 votes. There were a number of instances i n the 1974-76 period when Chelsea, f r u s t r a t e d by the apathy and o p p o s i t i o n o f the community members, t h r e a t e n e d t o r e s i g n from o f f i c e . On one o c c a s i o n he went as f a r as t o p r e s e n t the Band w i t h a l e t t e r o f r e s i g n a t i o n , a condensed v e r s i o n o f which f o l l o w s : June 2, 1976 To whom i t may concern: T h i s i s t o l e t everyone know t h a t , I w i s h t o be r e l e a s e d from the r o l e as c h i e f . I never l e t the name go over what the people wanted. My i d e a s a r e s t i l l t h e r e , but i t [seems] the people want t o d r i n k t h e m s e l v e s t o d e a t h , I f e e l t h a t I am wasting my time and the people's money on something that they t h e m s e l v e s don't r e a l l y want. What I mean i s t h a t you a r e p a y i n g me, f o r something t h a t you don't want, so why s h o u l d I d r i v e myself to where, I'm not wanted by the whole band... Of a l l the problems t h a t ... we have had i n the p a s t , I have s a t and thought t h i s out. Land C l a i m s b e i n g the b i g g e s t t h i n g happening a l l over B.C. and p o s s i b l y a s e t t l e m e n t over the n ext two y e a r s , so I hope you get o f f b u t t s and do s o m e t h i n g , o t h e r w i s e you w i l l be s e t t i n g t h e r e u n t i l t h e government walks up to you and asks you, what you want, and i f you t e l l them l a n d then you b e t t e r be ready t o t e l l them what you are going to use t h a t land f o r or you w i l l not get i t . 40 And as f o r you people t h a t d r i n k e v e r y penny you g e t , a f t e r w o r k i n g your a s s o f f , they w i l l hand you a cheque and t e l l you Okay you are not an Indian anymore. I f you don't b e l i e v e t h i s , ask some of the Old t i m e r s t h a t are s t i l l around. You are e n t i t l e d to more money and land then you have now. And i f you don't put your head's t o g e t h e r then you a r e g o i n g t o l o s e i t a l l . I f [you] don't have a l e a d e r that w i l l work w i t h a l l the people you are a l s o i n t r o u b l e ; the same people or f a m i l y of the leader always expect's something e x t r a because of the f a m i l y r e l a t i o n . . . I e x p e c t t h a t some body w i l l c a l l a m e e t i n g when you a l l get t h i s l e t t e r , I hope you w i l l a l l [accept] t h i s as a t o t a l r e s i g n a t i o n of a l l band business, Your So C a l l e d C h i e f , Andy Chelsea A g a i n , i n t h i s l e t t e r we see t h a t C h e l s e a was g e n e r a l l y concerned w i t h t h e p o l i t i c a l and economic advancement of the Band, but b e l i e v e d t h a t the continued abuse of a l c o h o l would i n h i b i t any such advancement from occuring. Upon r e c e i v i n g t h i s n o t i c e some Band members d i d c a l l a g e n e r a l meeting i n an attempt to discuss the i s s u e and encourage Chelsea to stay i n o f f i c e ; however, t he me e t i n g was not n e c e s s a r y as by then he had withdrawn h i s r e s i g n a t i o n . OPPOSITION FROM THE CATHOLIC CHURCH The presence of r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the C a t h o l i c church i n the A l k a l i Lake v i l l a g e extends back over one hundred years. I t i s undeniable that through t h i s time the church has had some r o l e i n s o c i a l c o n t r o l w i t h i n t h e community (see Chapter S i x ) . Between t he l a t e 1800s and the mid-1900s the a u t h o r i t y o f the Band c h i e f and the a u t h o r i t y of the ch u r c h 41 seemed to merge somewhat, as up u n t i l 1940 the Band c h i e f appeared to act under the a u t h o r i t y o f , or a t l e a s t i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h , t h e C a t h o l i c church i n c o n t r o l l i n g behaviour deemed to be "immoral", o f t e n w i t h s t r i c t punishment used as a n e g a t i v e s a n c t i o n . Another body of s o c i a l c o n t r o l , o p e r a t i n g on the r e s e r v e s i n c e the 1950s, was t h e "Women's group"; however, the a u t h o r i t y of t h i s group appears t o have been l i m i t e d to the a b i l i t y to impose r u l e s regarding the behaviour of c h i l d r e n on the reserve (Johnson 1984). Through the decades p r e c e d i n g t h e emergence o f the S o b r i e t y movement the i n f l u e n c e of the C a t h o l i c church, and the e f f e c t i v e e x e r c i s e of the Band chie f ' s a u t h o r i t y , diminished. The m a j o r i t y of the younger g e n e r a t i o n had r e j e c t e d the v a l u e s and b e l i e f s o f C a t h o l i c i s m , and no l o n g e r a t t e n d e d c h u r c h (Brow 1967). The Band c h i e f d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d was r e l u c t a n t to attempt to c o n t r o l the behaviour of other Band members, f o r w h i c h he was o f t e n c r i t i c i z e d by the e l d e r l y people. When he d i d attempt such c o n t r o l h i s a u t h o r i t y was not recognized. Brow r e l a t e s one i n c i d e n t when the Band c h i e f d i d c a l l the R.C.M.P. t o the r e s e r v e t o break up a f i g h t , a f t e r w h i c h t h i s c h i e f was s e v e r e l y beaten f o r h i s i n t e r f e r e n c e . Thus, j u s t p r i o r t o the i n i t i a t i o n of the S o b r i e t y movement, t h e r e were no e f f e c t i v e b o d i e s of f o r m a l s o c i a l c o n t r o l operating on the reserve. I t was shown above t h a t the S o b r i e t y movement was i n i t i a t e d w i t h Andy Chelsea's e l e c t i o n as Band c h i e f , and t h a t he used h i s powers o f o f f i c e to f u r t h e r the cause of s o b r i e t y . One avenue of recourse f o r the Band members was t o remove C h e l s e a from o f f i c e ( t h e C h i e f h i m s e l f f r e q u e n t l y reminded the Band membership of t h i s option), yet no such attempt was ever made. Another method of r e s o l u t i o n p o s s i b l e was f o r 42 Band members to leave the A l k a l i Lake community. I t seems that few, i f any, took t h i s measure.^ I n s t e a d , Band members e x p r e s s e d t h e i r o p p o s i t i o n to the a n t i - a l c o h o l t a c t i c s by applying personal pressure on Andy and P h y l l i s C h e l s e a , and on some o c c a s i o n s by making v e i l e d or d i r e c t t h r e a t s on t h e i r l i v e s . The two demonstrated t h e i r f o r t i t u d e i n p e r s i s t i n g i n the face of such strong pressure. The C a t h o l i c P r i e s t on the A l k a l i r e s e r v e a l s o v o i c e d s t r o n g o p p o s i t i o n t o Andy Chelsea's t a c t i c s . The P r i e s t was a p a r t - t i m e r e s i d e n t i n the A l k a l i v i l l a g e , h o l d i n g c h u r c h s e r v i c e s t h e r e s e v e r a l times per month. His congregation was composed mainly of the e l d e r l y women on t h e r e s e r v e . A f t e r the i n i t i a t i o n of the a n t i - a l c o h o l campaign i t g r a d u a l l y became apparent t h a t Andy Chelsea and the P r i e s t would not be a b l e t o work t o g e t h e r t o promote s o b r i e t y on the r e s e r v e . The P r i e s t h i m s e l f was r e p o r t e d l y a heavy d r i n k e r and an o c c a s i o n a l b o o t l e g g e r , and he s i d e d w i t h the Band members i n t h e i r r e s e n t m e n t of Chelsea's e f f o r t s t o c o n t r o l t h e i r l i f e s t y l e s . A l t h o u g h t h e r e was a t r a d i t i o n i n e x i s t e n c e w i t h i n the C a t h o l i c c h u r c h t o h e l p i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h a l c o h o l problems - t h i s t r a d i t i o n c o n s i s t e d of a ceremony o f f i c i a t e d by the P r i e s t i n w h i c h an i n d i v i d u a l made a p l e d g e on t h e B i b l e t o r e f r a i n f rom d r i n k i n g a l c o h o l f o r a c e r t a i n p e r i o d of t i m e - i t was r e l a t e d to me i n s e v e r a l instances that the P r i e s t would not perform t h i s duty when i t had been requested. As community h o s t i l i t y mounted toward the a n t i - a l c o h o l campaign of P h y l l i s and Andy Chelsea, the P r i e s t became i n c r e a s i n g l y opposed t o the C h i e f , and a t t e m p t e d t o m o b i l i z e the community t o o u s t C h e l s e a from o f f i c e . These attempts were unsu c c e s s f u l , even though the P r i e s t and the community were u n i t e d i n t h e i r d i s l i k e o f Chelsea's a n t i - a l c o h o l t a c t i c s . At one point the P r i e s t went so f a r as to attempt to organize 43 a Band meeting f o r the purpose of removing the Chief from o f f i c e . That meeting never m a t e r i a l i z e d . Thus i t was not the l a c k of o r g a n i z a t i o n per se th a t i n h i b i t e d Band members from t a k i n g c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n against t h e i r c h i e f , a f a c t that the P r i e s t only l a t e r came to r e a l i z e . The c o n f l i c t between t he P r i e s t and C h e l s e a e v e n t u a l l y came t o a head. One Sunday outside the church Chelsea confronted the P r i e s t and demanded th a t he leave the reserve permanently. A lengthy and v i o l e n t argument ensued, a f t e r w h i c h t h e P r i e s t i m m e d i a t e l y d e p a r t e d from t he reserve as requested. THE TURNING POINT In the period between 1973 and 1976 e f f o r t s to promote s o b r i e t y on the reserve met w i t h l i t t l e success. Only two i n d i v i d u a l s had f o l l o w e d the example s e t by P h y l l i s and Andy C h e l s e a . A c c o r d i n g t o most Band members the t u r n i n g point f o r the success of the So b r i e t y movement came i n 1976, when a t o t a l of ten Band members attended a l c o h o l i s m treatment programs. Upon r e t u r n i n g t o A l k a l i t h e m a j o r i t y d e c i d e d t o adopt a sober l i f e s t y l e . T h i s trend continued i n the f o l l o w i n g years. By 1981 i t i s estimated that 70 percent, or 115 of the t o t a l of 165 a d u l t s (over age 16) on the reserve were sober ( B i c k f o r d 1981), and by 1985 about 90-95 percent of the a d u l t s were committed to s o b r i e t y ( f i e l d n o t e s ) . SUMMARY The f o l l o w i n g q u e s t i o n s were posed i n the p r e c e d i n g c h a p t e r regarding the movement's i n i t i a t o r y period: 1. What resources were c r i t i c a l i n the i n i t i a t i o n of the So b r i e t y movement, and how were they mobilized? 44 2. With what co n t e x t u a l c o n s t r a i n t s ( i . e . forms of opposition) d i d the movement leaders have to contend? 3. What r o l e d i d t h i r d party supports play? 4. How d i d the leaders j u s t i f y t h i s movement ( what image of the movement was created)? These questions may now be answered. Resource m o b i l i z a t i o n i n the i n i t i a t o r y period was achieved through the Chief's and the Welfare Aide's u t i l i z a t i o n of t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e powers o f o f f i c e . Summoning the R.C.M.P. t o t h e r e s e r v e , t a k e o v e r of the S o c i a l A s s i s t a n c e program and i n s t i g a t i o n of the S.A. voucher s y s t e m , and c a l l i n g i n the Human Resources Agency were major t a c t i c s t h a t r e f l e c t e d t h e use of t h e s e o f f i c i a l powers. The p e r s o n a l r e s o u r c e s of the two l e a d e r s , t h e i r emotional s t r e n g t h , courage and determination, were a l s o c r i t i c a l i n t h i s i n i t i a t o r y phase. Opposition to t h e i r t a c t i c s was intense. Opposition was expressed by t h e community m a i n l y i n the form of extreme s o c i a l p r e s s u r e . The leaders were s o c i a l l y i s o l a t e d , and on a few occasions v e i l e d or d i r e c t t h r e a t s were made on t h e i r l i v e s . Band members, however, made no attempt to remove Andy Chelsea from o f f i c e . He was r e - e l e c t e d t w i c e i n the 1974-76 p e r i o d , and h i s o f f e r s of r e s i g n a t i o n during t h i s p eriod were not accepted by other Band members. The Chief encountered strong o p p o s i t i o n from the C a t h o l i c P r i e s t a t A l k a l i Lake. The P r i e s t s i d e d w i t h t h e m a j o r i t y of Band members i n t h e i r anger a t the C h i e f ' s a t t e m p t s t o a l t e r t h e i r d r i n k i n g l i f e s t y l e . The P r i e s t attempted to m o b i l i z e community members to have Chelse'a ousted from o f f i c e . T h i s e f f o r t f a i l e d , d e s p i t e the g r o u n d s w e l l of p u b l i c support, and the P r i e s t ' s w i l l i n g n e s s to lead and organize the o p p o s i t i o n 45 (and thus take primary r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r i t s a c t i o n s ) . T h i r d party support played a c r u c i a l r o l e i n t h i s i n i t i a t o r y phase. Andy and P h y l l i s C h e l s e a were a b l e t o s e c u r e t h e c o - o p e r a t i o n of the R.C.M.P., who, according t o the wishes of these two, d e l i b e r a t e l y d i d not charge bootleggers under the Indian Act, thus making i t l i k e l y t hat the ch a r g e s would be d i s m i s s e d i n c o u r t ; t h e Human Resources Agent, who p e r m i t t e d n e g l e c t e d c h i l d r e n t o r e m a i n i n f o s t e r homes on the A l k a l i r e s e r v e ; and the manager of a department s t o r e i n W i l l i a m s Lake, who agreed t o a c c e p t S o c i a l A s s i s t a n c e v o u c h e r s from A l k a l i Lake Band members. The two a l s o g a i n e d t h e s u p p o r t of a d e d i c a t e d c o u n s e l l o r from the W i l l i a m s Lake Drug and A l c o h o l Program, who e s t a b l i s h e d weekly A l c o h o l Awareness meetings on t h e r e s e r v e and made p e r s o n a l v i s i t s t o communty members. F i n a l l y , both P h y l l i s and Andy Chelsea s t a t e d t h a t i n t h i s e a r l y period they gained a great deal of moral support from one of t h e t e a c h e r s of the r e s e r v e s c h o o l , who became a c l o s e p e r s o n a l f r i e n d . The leaders j u s t i f i e d t h e i r a n t i - a l c o h o l campaign by c l a i m i n g that i t was f o r t h e good of the Band members. They e x p r e s s e d t h e vi e w t h a t a l c o h o l i s m was a d i s e a s e , and t h a t problems on the r e s e r v e such as f r e q u e n t v i o l e n c e and c h i l d n e g l e c t were i t s consequence. They c o u n t e r e d t h e e f f e c t t h a t t h e i r t a c t i c s w e r e h a v i n g on t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h community members by making p u r p o s e f u l e f f o r t s t o maintain i n f o r m a l personal contact w i t h a l l members of the v i l l a g e . The u l t i m a t e j u s t i f i c a t i o n of Andy Chelsea's a c t i o n s was that as the e l e c t e d Band c h i e f , he had the mandate o f the community t o do as he saw f i t t o p r o v i d e f o r t h e w e l f a r e of the Band. When o p p o s i t i o n t o h i s t a c t i c s became s t r o n g , he reminded t h e Band t h a t they c o u l d remove him from o f f i c e i f they chose. This course of a c t i o n was never taken. 46 A p a r t from the above mentioned s t r a t e g i e s and t a c t i c s , two o t h e r f a c t o r s may have c o n t r i b u t e d to the dramatic change that began i n 1976. F i r s t , t h e s t r o n g a n t i - a l c o h o l s t a n c e o f Andy C h e l s e a , p l u s t he sober example t h a t he s e t f o r the community and the f a c t t h a t , by g e n e r a l consensus, he used to be one of the "biggest drunks" on the reserve, may w e l l have caused r e s e r v e r e s i d e n t s t o re-examine s e r i o u s l y t h e i r own d r i n k i n g h a b i t s . Second, there may have e x i s t e d an i m p l i c i t readiness f o r new l e a d e r s h i p and s o c i a l change w i t h i n t h e community. T h i s i s suggested i n the s w i t c h t o the two y e a r Band e l e c t i v e s y s t e m , the 1971 f l e t t e r t o Band members (pages 40-41), and i n the community's ap p a r e n t support f o r Andy Chelsea's a c t i o n s through c o n t i n u a l l y r e - e l e c t i n g him as Band c h i e f and r e f u s i n g to support the P r i e s t i n h i s e f f o r t s to have the Chief removed from o f f i c e . 47 NOTES TO CHAPTER THREE 1. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g t o note t h a t Andy Chelsea ran f o r the p o s i t i o n of c o u n c i l l o r i n the 1972 e l e c t i o n s , and r e c e i v e d t h e f e w e s t votes of the f i v e candidates. At t h i s time he was s t i l l d r i n k i n g : could t h i s be ass o c i a t e d w i t h the d i f f e r e n c e i n h i s p o p u l a r i t y ? 2. In the 1973-74 period the funds administered by the A l k a l i Lake Band t o t a l l e d $21,858.00, as compared w i t h $221,445.94 j u s t two years l a t e r , and $1,429,104.90 i n the 1984-85 f i s c a l period. 3. The B.C. Region S o c i a l Development P o l i c y Manual (1981) s t a t e s : 10.2 ASSISTED MANAGEMENT OF ALLOWANCES A r e c i p i e n t o f f i n a n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e h a s t h e r i g h t and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y t o manage h i s / h e r own a f f a i r s . However, i f f o r any reason f i n a n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e i s not used i n the best i n t e r e s t s of the r e c i p i e n t and dependents, help i n managing allowances may be o f f e r e d as f o l l o w s : ...(c)... t h e r e c i p i e n t may be h e l p e d by p a r t i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the f i n a n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e . P a r t i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of f i n a n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e by the A d m i n i s t e r i n g A u t h o r i t y p r o v i d e s a means of ensuring t h a t e s s e n t i a l goods and s e r v i c e s are a v a i l a b l e to the i n d i v i d u a l or f a m i l y u n i t . Under t h i s type of a d m i n i s t r a t i o n the Ad m i n i s t e r i n g A u t h o r i t y may i s s u e part of the c l i e n t ' s f i n a n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e i n the form o f a cheque or purchase o r d e r p a y a b l e t o the s u p p l i e r of goods or s e r v i c e s , e.g., r e n t , e l e c t r i c a l s e r v i c e , f u e l , f o o d , c l o t h i n g , o r i t e m s approved as s p e c i a l needs, o r p a y a b l e t o both c l i e n t and s u p p l i e r , w i t h t h e b a l a n c e of the a l l o w a n c e i s s u e d by s e p a r a t e cheque t o the c l i e n t . The A d m i n i s t e r i n g A u t h o r i t y s h o u l d l i m i t i t s income-management a c t i v i t y o n l y t o the a r e a ( s ) i n w h i c h s e v e r e problems e x i s t , so the c l i e n t may r e t a i n maximum p o s s i b l e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r h i s / h e r own a f f a i r s (pp.79-80). 48 4. The f o l l o w i n g data i n d i c a t e that although there has been a slow d e c l i n e i n the p e r c e n t o f Band members l i v i n g on the Band's reserve land, i n the years between 1974 and 1980, when o p p o s i t i o n t o t h e a n t i - a l c o h o l t a c t i c s was g r e a t e s t , t h e r e was no mass exodus from the reserve. TABLE 1. ON-RESERVE RESIDENCE DATA FOR THE ALKALI LAKE BAND, EVEN YEARS, 1974-1984 YEAR TOTAL BAND BAND MEMBERS RESIDENT ON RESERVE POPULATION NUMBER PERCENT 1974 302 257 85.1 1976 323 265 82.8 1978 328 270 82.3 1980 347 290 83.6 1982 360 293 81.4 1984 382 313 81.9 Source: " R e g i s t e r e d I n d i a n P o p u l a t i o n by Sex and Residence", Departmental S t a t i s t i c s D i v i s i o n , Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development, Ottawa. Compared w i t h the percentage of r e g i s t e r e d Indians l i v i n g on-reserve f o r B.C. as a whole, w h i c h was 70.2 i n 1971 and i s expec t e d t o drop t o 57.6 by 1986 ( S i g g n e r and L o c a t e l l i 1980), the A l k a l i Lake on-reserve residence f i g u r e s are high. On-reserve residence data f o r Shuswap Bands i n the W i l l i a m s Lake d i s t r i c t show c o n s i d e r a b l e v a r i a t i o n : 49 TABLE 2. ON-RESERVE RESIDENCE DATA, IN PERCENTAGE, FOR SHUSWAP BANDS IN THE WILLIAMS LAKE DISTRICT, EVEN YEARS, 1974-1984. BAND YEAR 1974 1976- 1978 1980 1982 1984 ALKALI LAKE 85.1 82.8 82.3 83.6 81.4 81.9 CANIM LAKE 83.1 83.6 82.3 83.4 81.2 81.2 WILLIAMS LAKE 75.0 72.8 66.7 71.9 75.6 77.2 SODA CREEK 70.7 64.2 64.2 61.7 66.1 68.0 CANOE CREEK 62.7 50.1 46.1 47.3 49.0 49.7 (Includes Dog Creek) Source: "Registered Indian Population by Sex and Residence", Departmental S t a t i s t i c s D i v i s i o n , Department of Indian A f f a i r s and Northern Development, Ottawa. For the l o c a t i o n of these reserve v i l l a g e s see Appendix, Map 1. The s i m i l a r i t y i n o n - r e s e r v e r e s i d e n c e between the A l k a l i Lake and Canim Lake Bands s h o u l d be noted. These d a t a i n d i c a t e t h a t s i n c e a t l e a s t 1974 there has e x i s t e d some commitment to community l i f e among these two Bands. A second poi n t of s i m i l a r i t y i s the s i z e of the Bands. A l k a l i Lake and Canim Lake a r e the most populous, w i t h A l k a l i Lake h a v i n g 410 members and Canim Lake having 366 members as of 1985. In comparison, the W i l l i a m s Lake Band had 267, Canoe Creek had 311, and Soda Creek had 176 members i n 1985. Today Canim Lake and A l k a l i Lake a r e seen as the two most "progressive" Bands of the d i s t r i c t , A l k a l i Lake f o r i t s recent success i n d e a l i n g w i t h the a l c o h o l problem, and Canim Lake f o r i t s e f f i c i e n t Band a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and s u c c e s s i n p r o v i d i n g employment, modern h o u s i n g , and a Band-operated s c h o o l f o r r e s e r v e r e s i d e n t s . Thus the i n i t i a l commitment to community l i f e shared by these two Bands has been m o b i l i z e d s i n c e 1974 and the development of the reserve communities, a i d e d by the g r e a t e r a v a i l a b i l i t y of "people power", has been the r e s u l t . 50 CHAPTER FOUR: CONVERSION TO SOBRIETY A f t e r 1976 the A l k a l i Lake community underwent dramatic change. By 1981 approximately 70 percent of the a d u l t population on the reserve were sober ( B i c k f o r d 1981), and by 1985 t h i s r a t i o had i n c r e a s e d t o about 90 p e r c e n t . T h i s c h a p t e r p r e s e n t s a d i s c u s s i o n of the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s h i f t s that occurred w i t h i n the Sobriety movement i n t h i s period, and a d e s c r i p t i o n of the more general changes that occurred i n the A l k a l i Lake community consequent to t h i s increase i n s o b r i e t y . ROUTES TO SOBRIETY  The Treatment Center Through the l a t e 1970s the process of c o n f r o n t a t i o n continued to be the main p r e c i p i t a t i n g f a c t o r i n the d e c i s i o n of community members t o become sober. Once i n d i v i d u a l s had i n d i c a t e d a w i l l i n g n e s s t o do something about t h e i r d r i n k i n g , the most frequent route to s o b r i e t y was t h r o u g h i n i t i a l a t t e n d a n c e of an a l c o h o l i s m t r e a t m e n t program. The W i l l i a m s Lake Drug and A l c o h o l Program c o n t i n u e d t o p l a y an i m p o r t a n t r o l e as a t h i r d party support i n c o - o r d i n a t i n g and r e f e r r i n g i n d i v i d u a l s to these and other o f f - r e s e r v e s e r v i c e s . The treatment centers attended most commonly by A l k a l i Band members between the y e a r s of 1976 and 1981 were l o c a t e d i n A l b e r t a (Poundmaker Lodge and B o n n e v i l l e ) , Kamloops ( K i w a n i s House), Vancouver ( A u r o r a House), Maple Ridge (Maple Ridge Treatment C e n t e r ) , and Vernon (Round Lake). Poundmaker Lodge, B o n n e v i l l e , and Round Lake were geared s p e c i f i c a l l y to the problem of Native Indian a l c o h o l i s m , and treatment included the Pan-Indian r i t u a l s of ceremonial sweats (at Round Lake only) 51 and sage and/or sweetgrass ceremonies. Indeed, the theme of the Round Lake Treatment Center i s " c u l t u r e i s treatment". Emphasis i s placed on i n s t i l l i n g i n the c l i e n t a sense of s e l f - w o r t h and p r i d e i n N a t i v e h e r i t a g e . The Nenqani T r a i n i n g and Treatment C e n t e r , o p e r a t i n g u n t i l r e c e n t l y out of the o l d St. Joseph's M i s s i o n j u s t south of W i l l i a m s Lake, opened i n the e a r l y 1980s to provide a more l o c a l a l c o h o l i s m treatment and c o u n s e l l i n g s e r v i c e f o r N a t i v e s i n t h e W i l l i a m s Lake a r e a . I n d i v i d u a l s from A l k a l i Lake were a c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d i n the establishment of t h i s center. The t y p i c a l t r e a t m e n t program l a s t e d about s i x weeks. I n the course of t h i s treatment p a r t i c i p a n t s were presented w i t h basic medical i n f o r m a t i o n about a l c o h o l i s m , f o l l o w e d by i l l u s t r a t i o n of the emotional and b e h a v i o u r a l a s p e c t s o f t h e d i s e a s e . One-on-one and g r o u p c o u n s e l l i n g s e s s i o n s o c c u r r e d i n w h i c h p e r s o n a l problems r e l a t e d t o a l c o h o l i s m were d i s c u s s e d . Therapy c o n s i s t e d i n r a i s i n g the c l i e n t ' s sense of s e l f esteem and d e v e l o p i n g h i s a b i l i t y t o communicate o p e n l y h i s thoughts and emotions to other i n d i v i d u a l s . As w e l l , c l i e n t s were encouraged t o adopt a l t e r n a t e i n t e r a c t i v e and g e n e r a l b e h a v i o u r a l p a t t e r n s i n o r d e r t o cope more e f f e c t i v e l y w i t h problems r e l a t e d t o a l c o h o l i s m . Other Routes S e v e r a l months a f t e r t he h a s t y d e p a r t u r e of the p r e v i o u s Church r e p r e s e n t a t i v e , a new p r i e s t was a s s i g n e d t o the A l k a l i Lake v i l l a g e . T h is i n d i v i d u a l was able q u i c k l y to e s t a b l i s h a p o s i t i v e and supportive r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the Band C h i e f and the A l k a l i community. Two i n d i v i d u a l s who had been heavy d r i n k e r s f o r many years became sober i n 5 2 1976 by t a k i n g pledges from the new C a t h o l i c P r i e s t and by subsequently attending the weekly A.A. meetings on-reserve. Other i n d i v i d u a l s c l a i m t h a t p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p e r s o n a l growth t r a i n i n g programs i n the e a r l y 1980s l e d them to the d e c i s i o n to become sober. S t i l l others, more common a f t e r 1980 when i t became "the t h i n g t o do", s i m p l y made the d e c i s i o n t o s t o p on t h e i r own. Some u t i l i z e d the weekly A.A. meetings f o r support, w h i l e others r e l i e d i n s t e a d on the a d v i c e and h e l p of sober f a m i l y members or f r i e n d s t o see them thr o u g h the d i f f i c u l t e a r l y stages of s o b r i e t y . FOLLOW-UP SERVICES  The Band O f f i c e The Band O f f i c e served as a c o - o r d i n a t i n g center to provide support s e r v i c e s t o the i n d i v i d u a l both d u r i n g h i s absence f r o m , and upon h i s r e t u r n to the reserve. The powers of Chief and C o u n c i l were u t i l i z e d to a c c e s s s o u r c e s of f u n d i n g t h a t p e r m i t t e d the c r e a t i o n of employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r i n d i v i d u a l s r e t u r n i n g from t r e a t m e n t , and the renovation of homes to provide a more p o s i t i v e environment f o r the newly-sober i n d i v i d u a l s . The W e l f a r e A i d e ensured t h a t the i n d i v i d u a l s ' c h i l d r e n were taken care of during h i s absence, and worked c l o s e l y w i t h the W i l l i a m s Lake Drug and A l c o h o l Program to co-ordinate the attendance of Band members i n a l c o h o l i s m treatment programs. The " I n t e r v e n t i o n Committee" was formed a f t e r 1976 and worked under the a u t h o r i t y of the Band C o u n c i l . The c o mmittee was composed of a number of Band employees, i n c l u d i n g the Welfare Aide (now c a l l e d the Band S o c i a l Worker), the C h i e f , one or more C o u n c i l l o r s , and the Community H e a l t h R e p r e s e n t a t i v e . I t s s p e c i f i c r e s p o n s i b i l i t y was the c o n f r o n t a t i o n and n e g a t i v e s a n c t i o n i n g of d r i n k e r s on the r e s e r v e . Members of the I n t e r v e n t i o n Committee, as w e l l as the Drug and A l c o h o l c o u n s e l l o r and other concerned i n d i v i d u a l s who had converted to s o b r i e t y , o f t e n dropped i n t o v i s i t and t o encourage t h o s e who had r e c e n t l y returned from treatment. This form of support - emotional support - was to become c r u c i a l to the success of the Sobriety movement. Thus we can see that a f t e r 1976 there occurred a d i v i s i o n of labour w i t h i n the S o b r i e t y movement. The r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r p r o m o t i n g s o b r i e t y , and s a n c t i o n i n g d r i n k e r s , became l e s s that of P h y l l i s and Andy Chelsea, and more the domain of the Band O f f i c e , which became re s p o n s i b l e f o r m o b i l i z i n g resources and pr o v i d i n g s e r v i c e s to the sober population on t h e r e s e r v e . The I n t e r v e n t i o n Committee, w o r k i n g under the a u t h o r i t y of the Band C o u n c i l , became the " o f f i c i a l " u n i t r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the c o n f r o n t a t i o n and n e g a t i v e s a n c t i o n i n g of d r i n k e r s i n the v i l l a g e . T his trend toward r o u t i n i z a t i o n of the Sobriety movement was e s p e c i a l l y evident a f t e r 1978, when Andy Chelsea d e c l i n e d to run f o r r e - e l e c t i o n as C h i e f , and P h y l l i s C h e l s e a r e s i g n e d as Band S o c i a l Worker. T h e i r r e s p e c t i v e r e p l a c e m e n t s c o n t i n u e d i n what were now p e r c e i v e d as t h e i r " o f f i c i a l " d u t i e s (a more comprehensive d i s c u s s i o n of t h e s e d u t i e s i s presented i n Chapter F i v e ) . W i l l i a m s Lake Drug and A l c o h o l Program The Drug and A l c o h o l Program, funded by the A l c o h o l and Drug Commission of the B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Government's M i n i s t r y of H e a l t h and Welfare, and operating out of the Cariboo F r i e n d s h i p Center, continued to play a v i t a l r o l e i n the c o - o r d i n a t i o n of o f f - r e s e r v e support s e r v i c e s f o r A l k a l i Lake Band members. Program c o u n s e l l o r s were r e s p o n s i b l e f o r booking a c l i e n t i n t o a treatment center, f o r arranging t r a n s p o r t a t i o n to 54 and from the treatment center, and for ensuring that transportation and treatment costs were covered. These costs were paid by the Indian Health Services of the Federal Department of Health and Welfare, and more recently by the National Alcohol and Drug Abuse Program of the Federal government. The Bands were responsible for providing the clients with a "comfort allowance", to cover items such as cigarettes, candy, magazines, and so on. The comfort allowance amounted to about thirty dollars per month, and could be secured as an advance from the client's monthly Social Assistance payment. It was a c r u c i a l factor in the therapy of the a l c o h o l i c . Some other Bands in the d i s t r i c t neglected to provide their Band members with a comfort allowance, and these clients, already feeling vulnerable and impatient, (especially those who arrived at the treatment center not having had a meal, for lack of money, during their two days of trav e l ) , often did not remain for the duration of the treatment program. The Program also provided information on local A.A. groups and A.A. a c t i v i t i e s . Individuals (both White and Indian) within the Williams Lake A.A. network played major supporting roles in the development of the A.A. group at A l k a l i Lake. Ten to f i f t e e n White A.A. members from Williams Lake frequently were in attendance at the weekly A.A. meetings at A l k a l i Lake during the early years (1978-79). This p a r t i c i p a t i o n proved to be a very positive experience for both the Indian and White A.A. members. The A.A. meeting provided a forum i n which members could share their common, and very personal, experiences with alcohol. Through this sharing of experiences racial barriers were broken down, and the support offerred by the White A.A. members was greatly appreciated. A number of A l k a l i Lake A.A. members had non-Indian sponsors from Williams Lake, to whom they could turn for support i n times of c r i s i s . 55 Through the sponsorship program many close relationships were formed between Indian and White A.A. members, and these relationships persist today. This situation i s in contrast with Jilek-Aall's observations (1972) of Coast Salish Indian participation in A.A. groups in the Fraser Valley area. There the mixed Indian-White A.A. meetings resulted i n an i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of feelings of r a c i a l c o n f l i c t , and did not create a conducive environment for therapy of the Indian A.A. members. These mixed meetings, however, were not held on Indian reserve land. In the A l k a l i Lake si t u a t i o n , White members trav e l l e d to the reserve as volunteers, with the explicit intention of supporting the newly-formed A.A. group. A great deal of r a c i a l predjudice e x i s t s within the Williams Lake d i s t r i c t . Indian reserves are viewed, both by the Indians and by many non-Indians as well, as "fortresses", which Whites are generally reluctant to enter. The willingness of the White A.A. members to attend meetings on the A l k a l i Lake reserve therefore was a very important symbolic gesture, and undoubtedly was an important factor in the positive relationships that developed. The Williams Lake Drug and Alcohol Program also offerred a "drop-in" service. Individuals could stop in at the Friendship Center to discuss their problems with the counsellor or just to have coffee. This was a c r i t i c a l form of support. As t r i p s to town were a major s o c i a l event and were in the past an occasion for heavy drinking, the Center provided an alternate "non-alcoholic" environment where people could casually associate while in town. The Outreach Services Report (Bickford 1981) provides some data regarding the individuals from the A l k a l i community who used the 56 program's s e r v i c e s between 1973 and 1980. A t o t a l of 77 A l k a l i Lake Band members a r e r e c o r d e d t o have used the Program's s e r v i c e s i n t h i s p e r i o d . (The a c t u a l t o t a l was 89, but f i l e s were kept f o r o n l y 77 of these c l i e n t s . ) The f o l l o w i n g data were compiled from these f i l e s . Of the 77 c l i e n t s , 37 were men and 40 were women. The m a j o r i t y of c l i e n t s (74 percent) were between the ages of twenty and f o r t y . TABLE 3. ALKALI LAKE RESERVE CLIENTS OF THE WILLIAMS LAKE DRUG AND ALCOHOL PROGRAM, 1973 - 1980 AGE ALKALI LAKE CLIENTS Number Percent 15 - 19 1 1.3 20 - 29 30 39.0 30 - 39 27 35.0 40 - 50 8 10.4 51 - 65 11 14.3 T o t a l : 77 100.00 Source: B i c k f o r d 1981, p.76. 57 TABLE 4. WORK RECORD OF THE ALKALI LAKE RESERVE CLIENTS OF THE WILLIAMS LAKE DRUG AND ALCOHOL PROGRAM, 1973 - 1980 WORK CLASSIFICATION WORK AT INTAKE WORK AT DISCHARGE Number Percent Number Percent F u l l t i m e 1 20 26.0 28 36.3 P a r t time 3 3.9 9 11.7 Unemployed^ 29 37.6 16 20.8 Homemakers 20 26.0 19 24.7 Apprentice/Training 2 2.6 2 2.6 R e t i r e d 2 2.6 2 2.6 Student 1 1.3 1 1.3 T o t a l s : 77 100.00 77 100.0 Includes seasonal employment at time of i n t a k e . Includes those on S o c i a l A s s i s t a n c e . Women occupied i n the home r a i s i n g t h e i r c h i l d r e n . Source: B i c k f o r d 1981, p.77. 58 TABLE 5. SOURCE OF INITIAL REFERRALS OF ALKALI LAKE CLIENTS TO THE WILLIAMS LAKE DRUG AND ALCOHOL PROGRAM, 1973 - 1980 SOURCE OF REFERRAL ALKALI LAKE CLIENTS Number Percent Family Pressure S e l f - R e f e r r a l S o c i a l Agency Human Resources C o r r e c t i o n s O t h e r 3 Band 4 17 31 13 7 9 22.1 40.2 16.9 9.1 11.7 T o t a l : 77 100.00 I n c l u d e s t h e C r i s i s C e n t e r , the F r i e n d s h i p C e n t e r , M e n t a l H e a l t h , M e d i c a l S e r v i c e s , doctors, and Homemakers ( t h i s l a s t category i s not c l e a r ) . I n c l u d e s (presumably) t h e Cou r t System, P r o b a t i o n , l a w y e r s , and Legal A i d e . Includes "Twelfth Step" workers ( i n d i v i d u a l s belonging to A l c o h o l i c s Anonymous), employers, and again lawyers. Includes the I n t e r v e n t i o n Committee and s p e c i f i c i n d i v i d u a l s such as the C h i e f , the Band S o c i a l Worker, and the Community H e a l t h Representative. Source: B i c k f o r d 1981, p.78. 59 The p r e c e d i n g d a t a a r e not r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of a l l i n d i v i d u a l s a t A l k a l i Lake who became sober between 1973 and 1980. The r e p o r t estimates that i n 1981 there were 115 sober a d u l t s on the reserve. Of the t o t a l of 89 c l i e n t s to have used the Center's s e r v i c e s , 64 were known t o be sober i n 1981, w i t h 13 d r i n k i n g and 12 unaccounted f o r ( B i c k f o r d 1981:90). The d a t a r e g a r d i n g s o u r c e s of r e f e r r a l t o the C e n t e r a r e of i n t e r e s t . The m a j o r i t y of i n d i v i d u a l s from A l k a l i Lake who decided to do something about t h e i r d r i n k i n g i n the 1973 - 1980 period d i d so only a f t e r c o n f r o n t a t i o n by the Chief or the Welfare Aide, and most u t i l i z e d an a l c o h o l i s m t r e a t m e n t c e n t e r as a f i r s t s t e p t o s o b r i e t y . These i n d i v i d u a l s were r e f e r r e d to the Center, where arrangements f o r treatment were made. ( I n f a c t , 90 p e r c e n t , or 70 out of 77, of the A l k a l i Lake c l i e n t s were r e f e r r e d on to treatment centers.) What i s s t r i k i n g about the d a t a i s the low number of c l i e n t s who i d e n t i f i e d t h e Band as the agent of r e f e r r a l . F o rty percent (31 out of 77) of the c l i e n t s claimed t o have been s e l f - r e f e r r e d , w h i l e t w e n t y - t w o p e r c e n t (17 out of 77) i d e n t i f i e d f a m i l y pressure as the main reason they had sought treatment. Only t w e l v e p e r c e n t (9 out of 77) s t a t e d t h a t they had been r e f e r r e d t o the C e n t e r by the Band. T h i s s u p p o r t s the i m p r e s s i o n g a i n e d from d i s c u s s i o n w i t h community members t h a t f o r most the p r o c e s s of c o n f r o n t a t i o n d i d not r e s u l t i n the i n d i v i d u a l f e e l i n g "forced" to attend t r e a t m e n t . An u l t i m a t u m was p r e s e n t e d t o the i n d i v i d u a l , but i t remained up to the i n d i v i d u a l to choose a course of a c t i o n . Indeed, f o r a l c o h o l i s m t r e a t m e n t t o be e f f e c t i v e , as i t was f o r the m a j o r i t y of people from A l k a l i Lake, the d e c i s i o n to change had to come from w i t h i n the person. 60 The d a t a a l s o i n d i c a t e a g e n e r a l i n c r e a s e i n employment a f t e r the c l i e n t s ' r e t u r n t o A l k a l i Lake. T w e n t y - s i x p e r c e n t of c l i e n t s a t the t i m e o f r e f e r r a l t o the C e n t e r were employed f u l l - t i m e , w h i l e a t discharge t h i r t y - s i x percent had secured f u l l - t i m e employment. P a r t -time employment among the 77 c l i e n t s increased at discharge from four to almost twelve percent, and the r a t e of unemployment dropped from t h i r t y -e i g h t percent to twenty one-percent. These increases may w e l l r e f l e c t the Band O f f i c e ' s success i n c r e a t i n g employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r newly-sober i n d i v i d u a l s . At t h i s point we may ask: To what extent i s the increase i n s o b r i e t y a t A l k a l i L a k e d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d t o t h e s u c c e s s o f t h e Band a d m i n i s t r a t i o n both i n s e c u r i n g funds t o i n i t i a t e Band employment, housing, and other such programs, and i n imposing economic sanctions to discourage d r i n k i n g ? I s the Sobriety movement p r i m a r i l y a s t o r y about the economic power of the Band a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ? In t h e p r e c e d i n g c h a p t e r i t was noted t h a t the t o t a l funds administered by the A l k a l i Lake Band increased d r a m a t i c a l l y i n the mid 1970s. In the 1973-74 f i s c a l year the funds administered t o t a l l e d only $21,858.00, as compared w i t h $137,926.21 i n 1974-75 and $221,445.94 the year l a t e r . Data p r e s e n t l y are not a v a i l a b l e f o r the years between 1977 and 1980. I n the 1980-81 f i s c a l year t h e Band a d m i n i s t e r e d a t o t a l of $856,527.60. When C h e l s e a f i r s t took o f f i c e i n 1973 the Band had v e r y few a d m i n i s t r a t i v e r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , w i t h core funding ( f o r the s a l a r i e s of two Band o f f i c e employees) comprising the m a j o r i t y of the budget. The increase of over $100,000 administered i n the f o l l o w i n g year r e f l e c t s the Band's t a k e o v e r of S o c i a l A s s i s t a n c e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ($73,000), the development of the reserve school (about $17,000), and t h e i r i n i t i a t i o n 61 of a Work O p p o r t u n i t y program ($10,000). In the f o l l o w i n g year the funds a d m i n i s t e r e d a g a i n i n c r e a s e d by a l m o s t $100,000. The b u l k of t h i s i n c r e a s e c a n be a c c o u n t e d f o r by a b o u t $60,000 i n c a p i t a l expenditures ( f o r housing and w a t e r / s a n i t a t i o n ) and a d d i t i o n a l program a d m i n i s t r a t i o n c o s t s of about $15,000. Funding f o r the Work Opportunity program remained at a s i m i l a r l e v e l , but an a d d i t i o n a l $10,000 was spent on Band T r a i n i n g . The h o u s i n g and Band T r a i n i n g p r o j e c t s c o u l d have had a d i r e c t impact on i n c r e a s i n g Band employment l e v e l s . Although concrete f i g u r e s a r e not a v a i l a b l e , i t i s c e r t a i n t h a t an i n c r e a s i n g number of men were t r a i n e d and found work i n housing c o n s t r u c t i o n on the reserve i n the l a t e 1970s and e a r l y 1980s. W i t h the development of the r e s e r v e s c h o o l i n the 1970s a s m a l l number of Band members found s t e a d y employment as j a n i t o r s , t e a c h e r ' s a i d e s , and Shuswap i n s t r u c t o r s . Economic development p r o j e c t s were i n i t i a t e d through the 1970s. An a g r i c u l t u r a l co-op, c o n s t r u c t i o n company, and l o g g i n g company were formed. These have achieved only l i m i t e d and short-term f i n a n c i a l success, and today only the logging company provides on-going employment. For a p o i n t of c o m p a r i s o n we may examine the 1980-81 budget. A t o t a l of $856,527.60 was a d m i n i s t e r e d by the Band. About $700,000 of the budget was spent on o p e r a t i o n and maintenance of the r e s e r v e community. Of t h i s , and i n approximate f i g u r e s , $350,000 was budgeted f o r education, $25,000 f o r economic and employment development ( w i t h no funds spent on Job C r e a t i o n ) , $190,000 f o r s o c i a l s e r v i c e s , $32,000 f o r community i n f r a s t r u c t u r e maintenance, and $98,000 f o r Band government s u p p o r t . The r e m a i n d e r of the t o t a l budget (about $150,000) was used f o r c a p i t a l expenses. Of t h i s , a p p r o x i m a t e l y $126,000 went toward 62 housing and school c o n s t r u c t i o n . What i s c l e a r from t h i s b r i e f d i s c u s s i o n i s that the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e a c t i v i t y of the Band O f f i c e increased d r a m a t i c a l l y between 1973 and the e a r l y 1980s. The major p r o j e c t s u n d e r t a k e n i n c l u d e d t h e t a k e o v e r of S.A. a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , the development of the r e s e r v e s c h o o l , the i n i t i a t i o n of economic development p r o j e c t s , and the c o n s t r u c t i o n of new homes on the reserve. This expansion may perhaps have been too r a p i d , as the Band encountered severe f i n a n c i a l management problems i n the e a r l y 1980s. This was i n part due to the f a c t that funds were being used not according to the s t r i c t r e g u l a t i o n s imposed by the Department of Indian A f f a i r s , but according to what the Chief and C o u n c i l thought would best b e n e f i t the community. The economic power of the Band O f f i c e was an important f a c t o r i n the S o b r i e t y movement. The i n c r e a s e i n funds coming i n t o t h e Band O f f i c e meant t h a t money was a v a i l a b l e t o sponsor p r o j e c t s such as p e r s o n a l development t r a i n i n g s , even i f those funds were not o f f i c i a l l y earmarked f o r such p r o j e c t s . Short-term employment was created f o r Band members, and t h i s s e r v e d as a t h e r a p e u t i c a c t i v i t y f o r the newly sober. T h i s employment, however, d i d not solve the problems r e l a t e d to a l c o h o l i s m . As i s discussed l a t e r , i n the l a t e 1970s and e a r l y 1980s problems of poor a t t i t u d e and l a c k of i n c e n t i v e t o work p r e v a i l e d i n the community, and t h i s s i t u a t i o n induced the Chelseas to b e l i e v e that "something e l s e was needed". They sought a s o l u t i o n through encouraging v i l l a g e r e s i d e n t s to e n r o l l i n personal development t r a i n i n g s . ALCOHOLICS ANONYMOUS MEETINGS A c r u c i a l form of f o l l o w - u p s u p p o r t was the e x i s t e n c e of the on-reserve A l c o h o l i c s Anonymous meetings. P r i o r t o 1978 t h e s e meetings 63 had been l e d by the Drug and Al c o h o l c o u n s e l l o r from W i l l i a m s Lake. In 1978 Band members took over the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r o r g a n i z i n g and c h a i r i n g t h e s e meetings. I n k e e p i n g w i t h t h e A.A. p h i l o s o p h y of e g a l i t a r i a n i s m , the meetings were o r g a n i z e d by a system of r e v o l v i n g c h a i r s h i p s , each i n d i v i d u a l h o l d i n g the p o s i t i o n f o r one month. Any i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r e s t e d i n becoming i n v o l v e d i n the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the A.A. a c t i v i t i e s was f r e e t o do so. The l o c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and le a d e r s h i p of the A.A. meetings r e f l e c t s an a d d i t i o n a l process of f u n c t i o n a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n w i t h i n the So b r i e t y movement. W h i l e the Band O f f i c e remained t he c e n t r a l o r g a n i z a t i o n a l u n i t r e s p o n s i b l e mainly f o r c o - o r d i n a t i n g o f f - r e s e r v e s e r v i c e s and f o r co n f r o n t i n g d r i n k e r s w i t h i n the community, the A.A. group, l e d by a core of d e d i c a t e d i n d i v i d u a l s and s u p p o r t e d by o t h e r A.A. members from t he W i l l i a m s Lake d i s t r i c t , assumed the v i t a l r o l e of p r o v i d i n g a personal support network f o r Band members s t r u g g l i n g to perpetuate t h e i r s o b r i e t y . The o r g a n i z a t i o n of the A.A. meetings was seen t o be c l e a r l y s e p a r a t e from the operations of the Band O f f i c e . The o r g a n i z a t i o n and p h i l o s o p h y of s o b r i e t y p r e s e n t e d i n the on-r e s e r v e A.A. meetings were based on an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the f o r m a l A l c o h o l i c s Anonymous program. C e n t r a l to t h i s program are the "Twelve Steps''^ and the "Twelve T r a d i t i o n s " 3 , w h i c h p r o v i d e , r e s p e c t i v e l y , t h e p r a c t i c a l steps through which personal recovery from a l c o h o l i s m can be a c h i e v e d , and the p r i n c i p l e s by which the A.A. group i d e a l l y o p e r a t e s . The b a s i c f e a t u r e s of t h i s p h i l o s o p h y , as i t e x i s t e d i n 1985, w i l l be presented i n Chapter F i v e . The A.A. meetings provided a forum through which sober i n d i v i d u a l s c o u l d get t o g e t h e r t o t a l k about t h e i r p e r s o n a l problems r e l a t e d t o 64 a l c o h o l i s m . For t h o s e i n d i v i d u a l s who were r e s i d i n g i n h o u s e h o l d s where d r i n k i n g was s t i l l o c c u r r i n g , or who found t h e m s e l v e s s o c i a l l y i s o l a t e d from f r i e n d s t h r o u g h r e l u c t a n c e t o p a r t a k e i n d r i n k i n g a c t i v i t i e s , the s o l i d a r i t y of the A.A. group was a v i t a l r e s o u r c e , and many A.A. members continued to seek support from each other outside the r e g u l a r meetings. As the s o c i a l d i v i s i o n between d r i n k i n g and sober v i l l a g e r e s i d e n t s widened, the A.A. group i n c r e a s i n g l y became the o n l y v i a b l e u n i t of s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y w i t h i n the reserve. Some c o r e members of the A.A. group a t A l k a l i Lake began t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n o f f - r e s e r v e A.A. a c t i v i t i e s as w e l l . These i n d i v i d u a l s would g a t h e r as many i n t e r e s t e d people from the r e s e r v e as they c o u l d , and t r a v e l en masse t o a t t e n d A.A. m eetings i n W i l l i a m s Lake and i n the o u t l y i n g r e s e r v e c o m m u n i t i e s i n the d i s t r i c t . F or some, t h i s meant sometimes attending as many as s i x meetings a week. When I came back from t r e a t m e n t one of the t h i n g s t h a t I was encouraged to do i n the treatment center was to continue, to go t o A.A. as a f o l l o w - u p f o r whatever I l e a r n e d i n t r e a t m e n t center... l i k e i f you need f i v e meetings a week, then they t e l l you "Go t o f i v e m e etings a week". U n t i l you can get on your feet...So one of the t h i n g s t h a t I d i d was go t o A.A. meetings here, go to W i l l i a m s Lake, go to C l i n t o n , go to Round Lake...We d i d t h a t f o r , I guess, two y e a r s . We h i t a l l the m e e t i n g s , l e a r n and l i s t e n t o p e o p l e . I guess t o hang on t o s o b r i e t y we d i d that. The Drug and A l c o h o l Program again played an important r o l e i n p r o v i d i n g i n f o r m a t i o n regarding the dates, times and places of these various A.A. a c t i v i t i e s . The A.A. m eetings on the A l k a l i Lake r e s e r v e were open t o a l l community members, c h i l d r e n as w e l l as a d u l t s , and non-drinkers as w e l l as d r i n k e r s . A second weekly A.A. meeting was added i n 1978. As the sober p o p u l a t i o n on the r e s e r v e grew, the A.A. meetings became i n c r e a s i n g l y popular s o c i a l events, e s p e c i a l l y on the occasion of an A.A. 65 "birthday", when a cake would be presented to an i n d i v i d u a l to ce l e b r a t e the a n n i v e r s a r y of a d e c i s i o n t o become sober. Al-anon and A l a t e e n groups, p r o v i d i n g group s u p p o r t f o r t h e a d u l t and teenage r e l a t i v e s of a l c o h o l i c s , were i n i t i a t e d by i n t e r e s t e d community members i n the e a r l y 1980s. W i t h t h e i n c r e a s i n g number of sober i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h i n the v i l l a g e , a v e r y s t r o n g sense o f "community" developed w i t h i n the A.A. group. Indeed, t he A.A. group became the new f o u n d a t i o n of the A l k a l i Lake community. In a d d i t i o n t o the ann u a l New Year's Day p a r t y , begun i n 1974 by P h y l l i s and Andy C h e l s e a and the Drug and A l c o h o l c o u n s e l l o r , o t h e r " d r y " e v e n t s such as community dances began t o appear on the r e s e r v e . With the i n c r e a s i n g i n t e r e s t of some Band members i n Native (Pan-Indian) s p i r i t u a l i t y v a r i o u s a c t i v i t i e s such as Pow-wow dancing, drumming and ceremonial sweatbathing became popular. I t was an i m p l i c i t r u l e , and i n the case of the Drum and Dance group (formed i n 1978) i t was an e x p l i c i t requirement, that f o r i n d i v i d u a l s to p a r t i c i p a t e i n these a c t i v i t i e s they must be sober, as a l c o h o l was be l i e v e d t o be f o r e i g n to "the Indian way". PERSONAL GROWTH TRAINING PROGRAMS I m p l i c i t i n the A.A. p h i l o s o p h y i s an emphasis on p e r s o n a l development as a means of recovering from a l c o h o l i s m . A number of Band members (most o f them cor e members of the A.A. group) began t o a t t e n d p e r s o n a l growth and Drug and A l c o h o l workshops i n an e f f o r t t o f u r t h e r t h e i r p e r s o n a l development and t o a c q u i r e c o u n s e l l i n g s k i l l s t o h e l p o t h e r s w i t h a l c o h o l problems. In the 1979-1980 p e r i o d about 10 A l k a l i Lake Band members p a r t i c i p a t e d i n courses (both i n personal development and c o u n s e l l o r t r a i n i n g ) o f f e r r e d by the A l b e r t a - b a s e d and N a t i v e -66 o r i e n t e d Nechi I n s t i t u t e on Drug and A l c o h o l Education. The t r a i n i n g program t h a t was t o have the most d r a m a t i c i m p a c t on the A l k a l i community was t h a t of " L i f e s p r i n g " , owned by a C a l i f o r n i a -based company. I n the F a l l of 1980, a f t e r l e a r n i n g from f r i e n d s of the L i f e s p r i n g t r a i n i n g program, P h y l l i s and Andy C h e l s e a t r a v e l l e d t o Vancouver t o a t t e n d a f i v e day L i f e s p r i n g " B a s i c " t r a i n i n g . Upon completion of t h i s course the two decided t o continue d i r e c t l y i n t o the more i n t e n s i v e L i f e s p r i n g " I n t e r p e r s o n a l E x p e r i e n c e " c o u r s e t h a t was o f f e r r e d the f o l l o w i n g week. These t r a i n i n g sessions were very p o s i t i v e experiences f o r the Chelseas. [ L i f e s p r i n g ] was something I needed a t the time. I t was tough. When I went I r e a l l y enjoyed myself. For the f i r s t time i n my l i f e I s t a r t e d t h i n k i n g about what I'd been doing. When I went back home we went t o a dance. Those guys thought I s t a r t e d d r i n k i n g again, or I was j u s t stoned or whatever. I r e a l l y had a b a l l ! And I s t a r t e d wondering about what the people would be l i k e here i f they f e l t as good as I d i d a t t h a t t i m e . [A.C.]. Upon r e t u r n i n g to A l k a l i the Chelseas shared t h e i r experiences w i t h o t h e r s . The two r e c o g n i z e d t h a t more and more people were becoming s o b e r , but t h a t " n o t h i n g e l s e was happening". P roblems of a t t i t u d e p e r s i s t e d , as manifested by job d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n , r e l u c t a n c e to work, and n e g l e c t of c h i l d r e n . P h y l l i s and Andy C h e l s e a thought t h a t the community might b e n e f i t from these t r a i n i n g s , and put t h i s suggestion t o the Band membership. Heeding t h e i r s u g g e s t i o n , t h a t w i n t e r (1980-81) t h i r t y - e i g h t A l k a l i Lake Band members t r a v e l l e d to Vancouver to attend a L i f e s p r i n g " B asic" t r a i n i n g course. The cost of t h i s t r a i n i n g t o t a l l e d $15,200.00 ($400.00 per p e r s o n ) , w h i c h was r e l e a s e d from t h e Band's C a p i t a l f unds. A subsequent group of 28 Band members a t t e n d e d t h e " I n t e r p e r s o n a l E x p e r i e n c e " c o u r s e , a g a i n i n Vancouver. The c o s t f o r t h i s t r a i n i n g was $11,200.00 ( a g a i n $400.00 per p e r s o n ) , which was 67 s e c u r e d i n i t i a l l y from the E d u c a t i o n component of the Band's Operation and M aintenance (O&M) budget. The L i f e s p r i n g t r a i n i n g programs were l a t e r brought up to the W i l l i a m s Lake d i s t r i c t , where a t o t a l of s i x or seven t r a i n i n g s were held i n the 1981-82 period. I t i s somewhat d i f f i c u l t to get a c l e a r idea of e x a c t l y what these t r a i n i n g s e n t a i l e d , s i n c e p a r t i c i p a n t s were requested not to d i s c u s s the a c t u a l t r a i n i n g e x e r c i s e s w i t h those who had not taken the course, as the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of the t r a i n i n g was b e l i e v e d to l i e p a r t l y i n i t s "shock" v a l u e . T h i s h e s i t a n c y p e r s i s t s as the New D i r e c t i o n s program uses t e c h n i q u e s s i m i l a r t o t h o s e i n the L i f e s p r i n g t r a i n i n g s . I t may be g e n e r a l l y s t a t e d , however, t h a t the t r a i n i n g s e s s i o n s u t i l i z e d group t h e r a p y and c o n f r o n t a t i o n t e c h n i q u e s , and promoted the e x i s t e n t i a l i s t v a l u e s of p e r s o n a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and p o s i t i v e t h i n k i n g . Emphasis was p l a c e d on e x p l o r i n g and d i s c u s s i n g the adequacy of c e r t a i n b e h a v i o u r p a t t e r n s , and on o v e r c o m i n g e m o t i o n a l " b l o c k s " t h a t i n h i b i t e d r e a l i z a t i o n of one's goals and e f f e c t i v e communication among f a m i l y and f r i e n d s . The i n d i v i d u a l s from A l k a l i Lake who p a r t i c i p a t e d i n L i f e s p r i n g t r a i n i n g s (and t h i s c o n s t i t u t e s the m a j o r i t y of the a d u l t p o p u l a t i o n ) g e n e r a l l y s t a t e d t h a t t h r o u g h these t r a i n i n g s they learned how to communicate openly t h e i r thoughts and f e e l i n g s to others, and how t o l i s t e n t o and c a r e f o r o t h e r s ; i n terms of p e r s o n a l growth the p a r t i c i p a n t s claimed to have emerged from the t r a i n i n g s w i t h an increased sense of s e l f - c o n f i d e n c e and a more p o s i t i v e outlook on l i f e . The L i f e s p r i n g company d i s s o l v e d i n 1982. To ensure that t r a i n i n g s would c o n t i n u e i n the d i s t r i c t and a t the l o c a l r e s e r v e s , the "New D i r e c t i o n s " t r a i n i n g program was c r e a t e d i n 1983 by P h y l l i s C h e l s e a , a f a c i l i t a t o r from the previous L i f e s p r i n g program, and a t h i r d i n d i v i d u a l 68 from one of the o t h e r Shuswap Bands i n the d i s t r i c t . T h i s company was formed as a n o n - p r o f i t o r g a n i z a t i o n geared s p e c i f i c a l l y to the needs of Native people. New D i r e c t i o n s continues to o f f e r and hold a v a r i e t y of t r a i n i n g programs i n the W i l l i a m s Lake region.^ Most a d u l t Band members have taken part i n these t r a i n i n g s . INDIVIDUAL RECRUITMENT: THE DECISION TO BECOME SOBER I t became c l e a r t h r o u g h t h i s s t u d y t h a t a l t h o u g h t h e r e were p r e c i p i t a t i n g c i r c u m s t a n c e s , i t would be d i f f i c u l t t o use a r a t i o n a l " r i s k - r e w a r d " model to account f o r the i n d i v i d u a l ' s d e c i s i o n to j o i n the S o b r i e t y movement. I n f o r m a n t s gave a v a r i e t y o f r e a s o n s f o r t h e i r d e c i s i o n t o become so b e r , such as the f a c t t h a t a l c o h o l i s m was i n t e r f e r i n g w i t h t h e i r work performance, that i t was causing a breakdown i n f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s , or t h a t a l c o h o l was b e g i n n i n g t o have s e r i o u s n e g a t i v e e f f e c t s on the i n d i v i d u a l both p h y s i c a l l y and m e n t a l l y . The p r e c i p i t a t i n g i n f l u e n c e of being confronted by the Chief, the Band S o c i a l Worker, or the I n t e r v e n t i o n Committee was a l s o mentioned f r e q u e n t l y . No i n d i v i d u a l , however, o f f e r r e d one s i m p l e r e a s o n f o r h i s d e c i s i o n . Many s t a t e d t h a t a v a r i e t y of f a c t o r s were t a k e n i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n i n making the d e c i s i o n to stop d r i n k i n g , w i t h some informants emphasizing d i f f e r e n t u n derlying causes when asked on d i f f e r e n t occasions, and others c l a i m i n g t h a t they d i d not r e a l l y know why they sobered up. The p h i l o s o p h y of s o b r i e t y t h a t developed a f t e r 1976 s e r v e d t o d e f i n e and e x p l a i n the d i s e a s e of a l c o h o l i s m . Many of the sober i n d i v i d u a l s a t A l k a l i today e x p l a i n t h e i r d e c i s i o n t o become sober i n the terms p r e s e n t e d i n t h i s p h i l o s o p h y - i n o t h e r words g i v i n g a post-hoc " c u l t u r a l " explanation (see example one, below). 69 In the f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n I wish to present, simply f o r i l l u s t r a t i v e p u r p o s es, two p e r s o n a l a c c o u n t s of the c i r c u m s t a n c e s t h a t l e d up t o i n d i v i d u a l s ' d e c i s i o n s to give up d r i n k i n g . Informant # 1, sober s i n c e 1976: I took my f i r s t d r i n k a t the age of 13 - e x p e r i m e n t e d - and a f t e r t h a t i t was j u s t t o have f u n . To get high...And then l a t e r on I drank t o get drunk, and r e a l l y get drunk. But I n o t i c e d as I drank on and on, from 13 y e a r s o l d t o when I was 28, d r i n k i n g s t a r t e d t o ta k e i t s t o l l . You s t a r t e d t o d r i n k now because you need t h a t d r i n k . S c a r y t h i n g s s t a r t e d t o happen, l i k e a l l of a sudden you're t h r o w i n g up blo o d . . . P r e t t y soon there's monsters t a l k i n g to you from outside, c a l l i n g your name, p r e t t y soon you don't l i k e n i g h t time because that's when t h i n g s come out - bad t h i n g s - and somehow deep i n my mind I knew t h a t death was coming... One t i m e I drank f o r t e n days s t r a i g h t . And my hands got stuck l i k e t h i s [ f i n g e r s c u r l e d up l i k e c l a w s ] , and then your hands a r e bent back l i k e t h i s , because i t must be that alcohol's a f f e c t i n g your nervous system o r w h a t e v e r . So i t ' s l i t t l e t h i n g s l i k e t h a t s t a r t s happening...So a l l t h i s k i n d of t h i n g s when you're s i t t i n g around maybe w i t h a hangover and you're t h i n k i n g about i t , you t h i n k " W e l l , i t ' s s t a r t i n g t o have i t s e f f e c t s " . So t h a t was the r e a s o n I sobered up. What happened was t h e r e was pe o p l e s o b e r i n g up, and you watch and you watch, and they aren't s u f f e r i n g l i k e I was s u f f e r i n g , and what happens i s you say "We l l , I wouldn't mind being l i k e that"... Then I r e a l i z e d my b e h a v i o u r - a t t i t u d e - my b e h a v i o u r s t a r t e d d o w n h i l l a l s o . L i k e t h a t t i m e I d i d n ' t connect i t t o a l c o h o l . I thought about i t a l o t o f t i m e s , I pushed i t back because I di d n ' t want t o l e t go of t h a t b o t t l e . I guess t h e kin d of guy I am I had to h i t r e a l hard before I'd open my eyes and say "O.K., I ' l l change". But a l c o h o l i s l i k e t h a t , you go d o w n h i l l and you h i t bottom - t h a t ' s when people r e a l i z e . . . There's a l l kind of i n c i d e n t s that d i f f e r e n t people would wake up, l i k e you wake up and say "O.K., I'm g o i n g t o s t o p d o i n g that". For me, I guess f a m i l y v i o l e n c e i s what d i d i t . . . From t h i s a ccount we see t h a t a v a r i e t y of f a c t o r s c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h i s i n d i v i d u a l ' s d e c i s i o n t o become sober. The c o m b i n a t i o n of the p e r c e i v e d n e g a t i v e e f f e c t s of a l c o h o l on h i s p h y s i c a l and men t a l c o n d i t i o n plus the example set by sober i n d i v i d u a l s i n the community were important c o n s i d e r a t i o n s . Comments about the gradual d o w n h i l l s l i d e as 70 the i n d i v i d u a l became more dependent on a l c o h o l , the r e a l i z a t i o n t h a t a l c o h o l was " s t a r t i n g t o t a k e i t s t o l l " , and the h i t t i n g of a "bottom point", or a "low point i n the drinker's career" from where the d e c i s i o n t o sober up i s o f t e n made, r e f l e c t t he common A.A. a n a l y s i s of the p r o g r e s s i o n of the d i s e a s e of a l c o h o l i s m . The a c t u a l d e c i s i o n came a f t e r t h i s i n d i v i d u a l was c o n f r o n t e d by the C h i e f a f t e r an i n c i d e n t of f a m i l y v i o l e n c e . A f t e r d i s c u s s i n g the problem w i t h t h i s i n d i v i d u a l , the C h i e f p r e s e n t e d him w i t h an u l t i m a t u m . He was e i t h e r t o a t t e n d an a l c o h o l i s m t r e a t m e n t program, or the R.C.M.P. would be c a l l e d i n t o l a y c h a r g e s of a s s a u l t a g a i n s t him. The i n d i v i d u a l chose t o e n r o l l i n a treatment program, and has been sober si n c e . Informant # 2, sober s i n c e 1976: [The Drug and A l c o h o l c o u n s e l l o r ] used t o come v i s i t us... I used t o h i d e on [ t h e c o u n s e l l o r ] , I used t o h i d e on him a l l the t i m e . He used t o come over and ask my k i d s - my k i d s weren't too b i g then - he used t o ask my k i d s "Where's your mom?"., and I'd t e l l my k i d s "You t e l l [ t h e c o u n s e l l o r ] and I ' l l beat you up!" I d i d n ' t want t o go [ t o the A l c o h o l Awareness m e e t i n g s ] . But sometimes he used t o c a t c h me, I d i d n ' t even know and he'd come i n , and he'd t e l l me "I'd l i k e t o see you a t the m e e t i n g t o n i g h t " and I s a i d "You know, you don't have t o f o r c e p e o p l e . I f I don't want t o go I don't have t o go!"...I d i d n ' t r e a l l y r e a l i z e then t h a t he was t r y i n g t o h e l p out the r e s e r v e , t r y i n g t o h e l p out our f a m i l i e s , on account of what we were doing w i t h our c h i l d r e n . So i t seems l i k e a l l of a sudden I s o r t of s t a r t e d r e a l i z i n g what [ t h e c o u n s e l l o r ] was d o i n g , but i t seemed l i k e I r e a l l y got worse so. I had a f e e l i n g "O.K., i f somebody's goi n g t o s t a r t bugging me about going, I might j u s t as w e l l d r i n k harder - i f they c o n t i n u e d o i n g me t h i s they're g o i n g t o f i n a l l y make me q u i t , q u i t d r i n k i n g . So I j u s t thought I might as w e l l make use of a l l my d r i n k i n g time w h i l e I could. Anyhow, they got a h o l d of us, go t o t r e a t m e n t . One day P h y l l i s got over h e r e , she s a i d "You know what?" and I s a i d "No" and she s a i d " I c a r e t h a t you go t o t r e a t m e n t " . I s a i d " I don't have t o , I can s t o p on my own i f I want" and she s a i d "You know, things are g e t t i n g too far...Your k i d s are s t a r t i n g t o l e a v e you and you're b e a t i n g up on your k i d s " and t h e s e t h i n g s , and I s a i d "That's not so!" You know, t h a t ' s how I thought I was h i d i n g t h i n g s , but people out there were watching me, they c a r e d about what I was d o i n g . So I guess I j u s t had t o go. But I was r e a l l y g l a d I d i d . 71 For t h i s i n d i v i d u a l s o c i a l pressure seemed to be an important f a c t o r c o n t r i b u t i n g t o the d e c i s i o n t o become s o b e r , a f a c t o r e s p e c i a l l y e v i d e n t i n the remark about how she b e l i e v e d the c o n s t a n t p r e s s u r e a p p l i e d on her to stop d r i n k i n g would i n e v i t a b l y cause her to q u i t . The d e c i s i o n t o a t t e n d an a l c o h o l i s m t r e a t m e n t program was made a f t e r c o n f r o n t a t i o n by the Welfare Aide, who presented t h i s i n d i v i d u a l w i t h the choice of e i t h e r e n r o l l i n g i n a treatment program, or having her c h i l d r e n removed from her home. In t h i s case the d e c i s i o n t o a t t e n d the treatment program d i d not correspond w i t h the d e c i s i o n to become sober. This informant r e l a t e d how she brought some a l c o h o l along f o r the t r i p and a r r i v e d a t the t r e a t m e n t c e n t e r i n A l b e r t a i n an e x t r e m e l y drunk s t a t e . Both she and her husband, who a l s o went i n f o r t r e a t m e n t , i n i t i a l l y f e l t they had been forced i n t o t a k i n g the a l c o h o l i s m treatment program. On r e t u r n i n g to A l k a l i , however, they both became committed to s o b r i e t y . COMMUNITY MOBILIZATION; SOCIAL STRUCTURAL CONSIDERATIONS I t i s d i f f i c u l t t o i d e n t i f y w i t h a s s u r a n c e , w i t h o u t u t i l i z i n g a c o m p a r a t i v e p e r s p e c t i v e , the p a r t i c u l a r f e a t u r e s of t h i s s o c i e t y t h a t f a c i l i t a t e d the m o b i l i z a t i o n process. At t h i s stage i n f o r m a t i o n on the sequence by w h i c h s p e c i f i c i n d i v i d u a l s were r e c r u i t e d t o the movement a l s o i s l a c k i n g , and c o n s e q u e n t l y we a r e u n a b l e t o d i s c u s s the m o b i l i z a t i o n of sub-groups w i t h i n the community. I would l i k e to point o u t , however, two p r e l i m i n a r y o b s e r v a t i o n s t h a t might d i r e c t f u r t h e r research. F i r s t , a number of i n t e r e s t and s e r v i c e groups were a c t i v e on the r e s e r v e i n the e a r l y 1970s, i n c l u d i n g a men's hockey team, a Weight Watcher's group, a Homemaker's group ( a l s o known as the Women's 72 group), and a Youth group. I n the l a t e 1970s a d d i t i o n a l c l u b s were formed, among them the Drum and Dance group and the Rodeo c l u b , which are s t i l l a c t i v e today. The n o t i o n of p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n community group a c t i v i t i e s t h e r e f o r e was not f o r e i g n i n t h i s s o c i e t y . The o n - r e s e r v e A.A. group was s t r u c t u r a l l y compatible w i t h t h i s f e a t u r e of reserve l i f e , and t h i s c o m p a t a b i l i t y may have f a c i l i t a t e d i t s success i n drawing newly-sober i n d i v i d u a l s i n t o t he group. Second, t h e r e perhaps e x i s t e d a l a t e n t sense of "community" among v i l l a g e r e s i d e n t s , as i s suggested i n the l e t t e r t o Band members regarding the 1971 s w i t c h i n the Band C o u n c i l e l e c t i v e system (pages 26-27). T h i s would have f a c i l i t a t e d both the m o b i l i z a t i o n process and the success of the group therapy techniques of the A.A. program. SUMMARY The p e r i o d between 1976 and 1985 was a t i m e of immense change w i t h i n the A l k a l i Lake community. According to most community r e s i d e n t s the "drying up" of the reserve and the experience of L i f e s p r i n g t r a i n i n g s were the two e v e n t s t h a t most i n f l u e n c e d r e s e r v e l i f e i n t h a t decade. Through t h i s p e r i o d s o b r i e t y e v e n t u a l l y became a g e n e r a l l y held value. A process of community development was i n i t i a t e d . A v a r i e t y of economic development p r o j e c t s were undertaken by the Band O f f i c e ; r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the operation of the reserve school passed from D.I.A. to the Band's E d u c a t i o n A u t h o r i t y ; an i n c r e a s i n g number of Band members e n r o l l e d i n high-school and post-secondary educational programs; and many i n d i v i d u a l s came to experience a renewed i n t e r e s t i n Native (Shuswap and Pan-Indian) c u l t u r e and s p i r i t u a l i t y . The L i f e s p r i n g e x p e r i e n c e r e s u l t e d i n a new openness of c o m m u n i c a t i o n t h a t i n many cases e n a b l e d o l d " h u r t s " t o be h e a l e d and r e l a t i o n s h i p s t o be mended. By the e a r l y 1980s t h e r e had come to e x i s t among Band members a very strong sense of community pr i d e and s o l i d a r i t y . In t h i s decade the Sobriety movement underwent some d i s t i n c t changes i n o r g a n i z a t i o n . The r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r c o n t r o l l i n g d r i n k i n g behaviour on the reserve became associated w i t h the Band O f f i c e . The I n t e r v e n t i o n Committee was assigned the " o f f i c i a l " r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r c o n f r o n t i n g and imposing sanctions on d r i n k e r s , and f o r p r o v i d i n g newly-sober i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h forms of support such as employment, c h i l d - c a r e , home improvements, as w e l l as emotional support i n the form of personal c o u n s e l l i n g . The on-reserve A.A. group, which a f t e r 1978 was independent i n o r g a n i z a t i o n and o p e r a t i o n from the Band O f f i c e , grew t o p r o v i d e a much more comprehensive form of e m o t i o n a l s u p p o r t f o r sober Band members. As p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the A.A. meetings i n c r e a s e d , the s o l i d a r i t y a c h i e v e d w i t h i n the meetings began to be c a r r i e d i n t o other aspects of community l i f e . The two i n d i v i d u a l s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r i n i t i a t i n g the So b r i e t y movement re t a i n e d very s i g n i f i c a n t l e a d e r s h i p s t a t u s w i t h i n the community. Even a f t e r t h e i r r e s i g n a t i o n s i n the l a t e 1970s from the p o s i t i o n s of c h i e f and s o c i a l worker the two f r e q u e n t l y were approached by community members f o r h e l p and s u p p o r t w i t h p e r s o n a l problems. The s t r e n g t h of t h e i r l e a d e r s h i p i s e v i d e n t e s p e c i a l l y i n the e n t h u s i a s t i c response by Band members t o t h e i r s u g g e s t i o n of p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n L i f e s p r i n g s t r a i n i n g . The two have m a i n t a i n e d an i n v o l v e m e n t i n community a f f a i r s . Andy Chelsea again was e l e c t e d c h i e f on the Band C o u n c i l of 1980-82 (and again i n 1986, by a c c l a m a t i o n ) , and P h y l l i s C h e l s e a has c o n t i n u e d her i n v o l v e m e n t i n s o c i a l s e r v i c e s , i n the Autumn of 1985 a g a i n b e i n g employed as the Band S o c i a l Worker. The two c o n t i n u e t o be viewed by v i r t u a l l y a l l community members w i t h great a f f e c t i o n and respect. NOTES TO CHAPTER FOUR 1. A sober i n d i v i d u a l may be defined as one who has made the decision to attempt to r e f r a i n permanently from consuming alcohol. The i m p l i c i t g o a l i s permanent a b s t e n t i o n , but i n p r a c t i c e , f o l l o w i n g the A.A. philosophy, the i n d i v i d u a l works "one day at a time" at maintaining sobriety. 2. THE TWELVE STEPS: 1. We admitted we were powerless over a l c o h o l - t h a t our l i v e s had become unmanageable. 2. Came to b e l i e v e t h a t a Power g r e a t e r than o u r s e l v e s could restore us to sanity. 3 . Made a d e c i s i o n to t u r n our w i l l and our l i v e s over to the care of God as_ we understood Him, 4 . Made a searching and f e a r l e s s moral inventory of ourselves. 5. Admitted to God, to o u r s e l v e s and to another human being the exact nature of our wrongs. 6. Were e n t i r e l y ready to have God remove a l l these d e f e c t s of character. 7. Humbly asked Him to remove our shortcomings. 8 . Made a l i s t of a l l persons we had harmed and became w i l l i n g to make amends to them a l l . 9. Made d i r e c t amends to such people wherever p o s s i b l e , except when to do so would in j u r e them or others. 10. Continued to take p e r s o n a l i n v e n t o r y and when we were wrong promptly admitted i t . 11. Sought through prayer and meditation to improve our conscious c o n t a c t w i t h God as_ we understood Him, p r a y i n g only f o r knowledge of His w i l l f o r us and the power to carry that out. 12. Having had a s p i r i t u a l awakening as the r e s u l t of these steps, we t r i e d to carry t h i s message to a l c o h o l i c s , and to practice these p r i n c i p l e s i n a l l our a f f a i r s . 75 3. THE TWELVE TRADITIONS: 1. Our common we l f a r e should come f i r s t ; personal recovery depends upon A.A. u n i t y . 2. For our group purpose there i s but one u l t i m a t e a u t h o r i t y - a l o v i n g God as He may e x p r e s s H i m s e l f i n our group c o n s c i e n c e . Our leaders are but t r u s t e d servants; they do not govern. 3. The o n l y r e q u i r e m e n t f o r A.A. membership i s a d e s i r e t o s t o p d r i n k i n g . 4. Each group s h o u l d be autonomous ex c e p t i n m a t t e r s a f f e c t i n g o t h e r groups or A.A. as a whole. 5. Each group has but one primary purpose - to c a r r y i t s message to the a l c o h o l i c who s t i l l s u f f e r s . 6. An A.A. group ought never endorse, f i n a n c e , or l e n d the A.A. name t o any r e l a t e d f a c i l i t y o r o u t s i d e e n t e r p r i s e , l e s t p r oblems of money, p r o p e r t y , and p r e s t i g e d i v e r t us from our primary purpose. 7. Every A.A. group ought t o be f u l l y s e l f - s u p p o r t i n g , d e c l i n i n g o u t s ide c o n t r i b u t i o n s . 8. A l c o h o l i c s Anonymous should remain for e v e r n o n p r o f e s s i o n a l , but our s e r v i c e centers may employ s p e c i a l workers. 9. A.A., as such, ought never be o r g a n i z e d ; but we may c r e a t e s e r v i c e boards or committees d i r e c t l y r e s p o n s i b l e to those they serve. 10. A l c o h o l i c s Anonymous has no o p i n i o n on o u t s i d e i s s u e s ; hence the A.A. name ought never be drawn i n t o p u b l i c controversy. 11. Our p u b l i c r e l a t i o n s p o l i c y i s based on a t t r a c t i o n r a t h e r than promotion; we need always maintain personal anonymity at the l e v e l of press, r a d i o , and f i l m s . 12. Anonymity i s the s p i r i t u a l f o u n d a t i o n of a l l our t r a d i t i o n s , ever reminding us to place p r i n c i p l e s before p e r s o n a l i t i e s . 4. The Nechi I n s t i t u t e was formed i n 1974 as a n o n - p r o f i t s o c i e t y . I t i s j o i n t - f u n d e d by p r o v i n c i a l (Albertan) and f e d e r a l Native Drug and A l c o h o l Abuse programs. 76 5. The courses o f f e r r e d by New D i r e c t i o n s i n 1985 i n c l u d e : - B a s i c and Advanced F i v e Day Personal Growth T r a i n i n g s - E l d e r s Four Day Awareness T r a i n i n g - Family Four Day T r a i n i n g - R e l a t i o n s h i p s and Communication - Weight Workshop - Leadership Workshop - A l c o h o l and C u l t u r a l Awareness - C r o s s / C u l t u r a l Workshop - S e x u a l i t y Workshops - Ba s i c A l c o h o l and Personal Growth - Youth Basic and Advanced T r a i n i n g s - S t a f f , Boards, and Committee Workshops 7 7 CHAPTER FIVE:  ALKALI LAKE IN 1985 SOBRIETY ON THE RESERVE Wi t h i n the A l k a l i community s o b r i e t y now has become a fundamental value. The A l k a l i Lake reserve i s becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y w e l l known f o r i t s achievement i n overcoming a l c o h o l abuse, and community members are a c t i v e l y promoting and encouraging s o b r i e t y i n other Native communities a c r o s s Canada. C o n s e q u e n t l y t h e r e e x i s t s a g r e a t d e a l o f s o c i a l pressure on i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h i n the community to a b s t a i n from a l c o h o l use. I t i s an i m p l i c i t e x p e c t a t i o n t h a t v i s i t o r s t o A l k a l i Lake a r e not t o b r i n g a l c o h o l i n t o the community or d r i n k a l c o h o l d u r i n g t h e i r s t a y . This i s an e x p l i c i t requirement of those teaching i n the reserve school, who r e s i d e i n the community during t h e i r term of employment. Despite the f a c t that the m a j o r i t y of the community members now are sob e r , the p e r p e t u a t i o n o f s o b r i e t y f o r some i s an on-going t a s k . Indeed, i t i s p a r t o f the A.A. p h i l o s o p h y t h a t one p e r p e t u a t e s h i s s o b r i e t y "one day at a time". A form of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n r e f e r r e d to as s h a r i n g has emerged t o become a f u n d a m e n t a l form o f g r a s s r o o t s s u p p o r t f o r s o b r i e t y i n the community today. S h a r i n g may be r o u g h l y defined as the open and honest expression of thoughts and f e e l i n g s among two or more i n d i v i d u a l s . An i n s t i t u t i o n r e f e r r e d t o as the s h a r i n g session a l s o has emerged, where i n a group s e t t i n g i n d i v i d u a l s have the opportunity to r e l a t e t h e i r thoughts and f e e l i n g s . I t i s beli e v e d that s h a r i n g , whether m a n i f e s t e d s i m p l y t h r o u g h v e r b a l i z a t i o n of one's p r o b l e m s , o r t h r o u g h the more d r a m a t i c r e l e a s e o f e m o t i o n a l energy t h r o u g h c r y i n g , l o u d w a i l i n g , o r o t h e r s p e c i f i c a c t i o n s , i s c e n t r a l t o 78 the p r o c e s s of r e c o v e r y from a l c o h o l i s m . In s h a r i n g an i n d i v i d u a l can r e l e a s e h i s f e e l i n g s of f r u s t r a t i o n , anger, f e a r , or d e p r e s s i o n i n a p o s i t i v e and harmless manner, in s t e a d of t u r n i n g to the b o t t l e to drown h i s s o r r o w s , o r i n t u r n i n g t o a c t s of v i o l e n c e a g a i n s t o t h e r s . The p r o t o t y p i c a l sharing s e s s i o n i s that of the A.A. meeting. The A.A. Meetings A.A. m eetings c o n t i n u e t o be h e l d t w i c e weekly on the r e s e r v e . Since 1981 the attendance at these meetings has dwindled, and today only about 15 t o 30 Band members attend the Thursday meetings held i n the Band H a l l . A.A. members ( I n d i a n and non - I n d i a n ) from t h e W i l l i a m s Lake community, and from o t h e r r e s e r v e s i n the d i s t r i c t , a l s o may be i n at t e n d a n c e a t th e s e Thursday meetings. The Sunday e v e n i n g m eetings u s u a l l y are held i n the home of a Band member, and t y p i c a l l y no more that 10 i n d i v i d u a l s attend. D u r i n g t h e c o u r s e of f i e l d w o r k I a t t e n d e d t h r e e Thursday A.A. meetings. Based on t h i s somewhat l i m i t e d experience, and on d i s c u s s i o n s w i t h A.A. members, a g e n e r a l d e s c r i p t i o n of the t y p i c a l A.A. me e t i n g i s now presented. The Thursday A.A. meeting i s s c h e d u l e d t o s t a r t a t about 7:30 p.m.. Most i n d i v i d u a l s a r r i v e between 7:30 and 8:00 p.m.. C h a i r s i n the H a l l are arranged e i t h e r i n a c i r c l e , or i n s t r a i g h t rows w i t h an a i s l e up the m i d d l e , depending on the whim o f the p a r t i c u l a r c h a i r p e r s o n . I n the l a t t e r c a s e , t h e c h a i r p e r s o n s i t s a t a t a b l e i n f r o n t o f t h e group; i n the former, the chairperson s i t s w i t h others around the c i r c l e . When he deems the time s u i t a b l e , the chairperson i n i t i a t e s the meeting by q u i e t l y handing each of three people seated nearby a sheet of paper, on which i s w r i t t e n t h e 12 T r a d i t i o n s , t h e 12 S t e p s , o r a b r i e f d e s c r i p t i o n of the 79 A.A. group. The i n d i v i d u a l s , one a f t e r another, stand up and read the co n t e n t s of t h e i r sheet out loud to the group. With t h i s by way of i n t r o d u c t i o n , the meeting commences. The c h a i r p e r s o n welcomes the p a r t i c i p a n t s , and announces the t o p i c f o r the evening, which i s taken from one of the twelve t r a d i t i o n s . The i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of a s p e c i f i c t o p i c f o r the meeting i n theory s e r v e s to o r i e n t to some degree the content of the speeches, but I was not always a b l e to d i s c e r n a c l o s e connection. The chairperson then i n v i t e s an i n d i v i d u a l to speak to the group by posing a q u e s t i o n such as "( ), do you want to share a n y t h i n g w i t h us?" I f w i l l i n g , the speaker then introduces himself by saying "Hello, my name i s ( ) and I'm an a l c o h o l i c " , to which the group responds "Hi ( )". The i n d i v i d u a l may speak as long as he d e s i r e s , but usually the speeches l a s t around 15 minutes. The speaker may end by sa y i n g s i m p l y "That's a l l I have to say" or "Thanks f o r my s o b r i e t y " , f o l l o w i n g which he resumes h i s seat. The c h a i r p e r s o n then thanks the speaker and c a l l s upon another person to speak to the group. Only on r a r e o c c a s i o n s w i l l an i n d i v i d u a l d e c l i n e t h i s request. I t i s up to the chairperson to decide who to i n v i t e to speak. The chairperson generally i s b e l i e v e d to choose i n d i v i d u a l s who, he su s p e c t s , are p r e s e n t l y having personal d i f f i c u l t i e s - i n the small and close A l k a l i community, the knowledge of such p e r s o n a l problems i s r a r e l y p r i v a t e . I t appears t h a t core A.A. members a l s o may be c a l l e d upon to speak i n order to get the meeting o f f to a good s t a r t , as such members are usually p r o f i c i e n t p u b l i c speakers. Being c a l l e d upon to speak has an element of honor to i t , as through t h i s the i n d i v i d u a l i s p u b l i c l y recognized as a member of the group. The i n v i t a t i o n to speak given to c e r t a i n community l e a d e r s 80 w i t h many y e a r s of s o b r i e t y i n p a r t i c u l a r seems t o r e f l e c t t h i s honorary a s p e c t of the A.A. speeches. The s p e e c h e s g i v e n i n t h e A.A. m e e t i n g r e s e m b l e p e r s o n a l confessions, and t y p i c a l l y center around the speaker's emotional s t a t e , o f t e n i n c l u d i n g references to recent personal and f a m i l y problems, or to negative experiences that the i n d i v i d u a l went through i n h i s d r i n k i n g days. When t a l k i n g about recent problems a person may begin to cry and t h e i r speech might cease f o r a minute or two. The c h a i r p e r s o n a l w a y s has a box of Kleenex a v a i l a b l e , w h i c h i s passed t o the speaker. I f the i n d i v i d u a l continues to cry at length a group member may approach the speaker and o f f e r p h y s i c a l c o m f o r t by s i m p l y p u t t i n g a hand on h i s shoulder or by p u t t i n g an arm around the speaker. Crying i s considered a c c e p t a b l e b e h a v i o u r , and s p e a k e r s i n f a c t a r e encouraged t o " l e t i t out", as the r e l e a s e of n e g a t i v e e m o t i o n a l energy i n t h i s form i s p r e f e r r a b l e to i t s r e l e a s e i n more d e s t r u c t i v e forms, such as v i o l e n c e toward the s e l f or others. The m e e t i n g u s u a l l y l a s t s f o r about two h o u r s , d u r i n g w h i c h t i m e perhaps e i g h t t o t e n i n d i v i d u a l s a r e c a l l e d upon t o speak. A f t e r t he l a s t s p eaker has f i n i s h e d , t he c h a i r p e r s o n thanks a l l the p a r t i c i p a n t s f o r a t t e n d i n g . The p a r t i c i p a n t s then r i s e , j o i n hands i n a c i r c l e and r e c i t e t h e A.A. S e r e n i t y P r a y e r : "God g r a n t me the s e r e n i t y t o a c c e p t the t h i n g s I cannot change, t h e courage t o change the t h i n g s I can, and the wisdom t o know the d i f f e r e n c e " . In unison the group then says "Keep coming back!" and w i t h t h i s t h e c l a s p e d hands a r e r a i s e d and squeezed t i g h t e r . T h i s s i g n i f i e s t h e end of the meeting. Many p a r t i c i p a n t s do not l e a v e i m m e d i a t e l y , but s t a y behind f o r t e n or f i f t e e n m i n u t e s t o d r i n k c o f f e e and v i s i t w i t h v a r i o u s f r i e n d s . The p o s t - m e e t i n g conversation i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by much l i g h t h e a r t e d t a l k and j o k i n g , i n 81 c o n t r a s t to the s e r i o u s tone of the A.A. meeting. The A.A. me e t i n g s s e r v e t o r e i n f o r c e i n the i n d i v i d u a l a s p e c i f i c se.t o f b e l i e f s and v a l u e s r e g a r d i n g t h e problem of a l c o h o l i s m . A c c o r d i n g t o the p h i l o s o p h y of s o b r i e t y t h a t i s e x p r e s s e d i n the A.A. me e t i n g s , a l c o h o l i s m i s seen as an i n c u r a b l e d i s e a s e t h a t may be c o n t r o l l e d t h r o u g h the a d o p t i o n of the a p p r o p r i a t e a t t i t u d e . T h i s a t t i t u d e c o n s i s t s of t h i n k i n g p o s i t i v e l y , t a k i n g r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r one's own s i t u a t i o n , and not harbouring negative thoughts and f e e l i n g s such as anger, h u r t , r e s e n t m e n t , and f e a r . As i n d i c a t e d above, a n o t h e r f u n c t i o n of the A.A. meeting i s to provide a forum i n which such negative f e e l i n g s may be re l e a s e d , or shared. The r o l e of the l i s t e n e r i s not so much t o o f f e r a d v i c e , but t o w i t n e s s t h e t e s t i m o n y . I t i s the open shar i n g of negative f e e l i n g s that serves as a th e r a p e u t i c mechanism. Although many of the community members have been sober f o r a number of y e a r s , s t i l l p e r s o n a l problems p e r s i s t , and an A.A. speaker may r e l a t e a r e c e n t i n c i d e n t i n w h i c h he responded "as i f [he] was drunk". The a c t u a l a b s t e n t i o n from a l c o h o l i s l e s s important as an i n d i c a t o r of change. What i s important i s the i n d i v i d u a l ' s a t t i t u d e toward h i s s e l f , o t h e r s and l i f e i n g e n e r a l . The A.A. me e t i n g s f u n c t i o n i n a t h i r d way, i n c o n t i n u i n g t o p r o v i d e a v i t a l form of s o c i a l s u p p o r t f o r o t h e r s as they attempt to overcome these problems of a t t i t u d e . Undoubtedly the philosophy of s o b r i e t y i s h e a v i l y i n f l u e n c e d by the b e l i e f s and v a l u e s c o n t a i n e d i n the f o r m a l A.A. program. Indeed, many A.A. members have copies of what they r e f e r to as the B i g Book, meaning the A.A. p u b l i c a t i o n A l c o h o l i c s Anonymous, w h i c h c o n t a i n s the b a s i c elements of the A.A. program. A number of members have c a s s e t t e tapes of r e a d i n g s from the B i g Book and o t h e r A.A. p u b l i c a t i o n s , w h i c h o f t e n 82 are played i n t h e i r homes. To what extent the philosophy of s o b r i e t y as i t e x i s t s on the reserve today i s a product of the A.A. philosophy (or more a c c u r a t e l y , a product of the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of t h i s philosophy) and to what extent i t has been i n f l u e n c e d a l s o by the experience of personal g r o w t h t r a i n i n g s , a w a i t s f u r t h e r comparative s t u d i e s . Some non-Indian A.A. members who have a t t e n d e d t h e A l k a l i Lake m e e t i n g s have remarked t h a t t h e s e s e s s i o n s a r e unique i n t h e i r emphasis on t h e s h a r i n g of f e e l i n g s ; w i t h regard to the open encouragement and occurrence of c r y i n g , the A l k a l i A.A. speeches d i f f e r a l s o from th o s e i n Coast S a l i s h I n d i a n A.A. meetings as r e c o r d e d by J i l e k - A a l l (1972). T h i s s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e personal growth t r a i n i n g experiences of A l k a l i Lake Band members indeed were s i g n i f i c a n t . F or t h e s e r e a s o n s I have not r e f e r r e d t o the A l k a l i Lake S o b r i e t y movement as an A.A. movement. Other Sharing Sessions The i n s t i t u t i o n of s h a r i n g e x i s t s i n o t h e r c o n t e x t s w i t h i n the A l k a l i Lake community. S h a r i n g s e s s i o n s o c c u r once a week f o r the students of the higher grades i n the reserve school. These are mandatory s e s s i o n s , l e d by one of the c o r e members of t h e A.A. group. The b i -weekly Band O f f i c e s t a f f meetings a l s o take the form of sharing sessions, as do some of the general Band meetings (depending on time r e s t r i c t i o n s -i n meetings where f i f t y or s i x t y people are i n attendance, there may not be enough t i m e t o a l l o w each person i n t u r n t o speak). A g a i n , the speeches given i n these sessions r e l a t e to recent events i n the person's l i f e and t h e i r p o s i t i v e and n e g a t i v e e m o t i o n a l r e a c t i o n s t o t h e s e e v e n t s . W i t h i n t h e Band O f f i c e s t a f f m e etings t he s h a r i n g f o r m a t i n theory provides a n e u t r a l forum i n which personal problems between s t a f f can be worked out. 83 Sharing sessions f r e q u e n t l y are i n i t i a t e d or terminated w i t h a l l the p a r t i c i p a n t s i n t u r n g r e e t i n g and e m bracing each o t h e r ( t h i s i s sometimes r e f e r r e d t o as the Good Morning ceremony). I n f a c t , the embrace i s a common form of g r e e t i n g between i n d i v i d u a l s o u t s i d e the context of sharing sessions as w e l l . These sharing sessions a l s o have incorporated as an opening r i t u a l the sage-burning ceremony. This ceremony i s never performed i n the A.A. meeting, as the ceremony i s a Pan-Indian r e l i g i o u s r i t u a l , whereas the A.A. group must have no s p e c i f i c r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n . The smoke produced by the burning sage i s considered a sacred incense t h a t serves as a means of s p i r i t u a l p u r i f i c a t i o n . I n t h e s e s h a r i n g s e s s i o n s p a r t i c i p a n t s a l w a y s a r e s e a t e d i n a c i r c u l a r f o r m a t i o n . A l l s t a n d f o r the d u r a t i o n of the ceremony, i n w h i c h a d i s h of b u r n i n g sage i s presented i n turn to each p a r t i c i p a n t , who "washes" h i m s e l f by w a f t i n g the smoke over h i s hands, arms, head, chest, and lower body. An e l d e r l y p e r s o n , or an i n d i v i d u a l f l u e n t i n the Shuswap language, may then be asked (by the C h i e f i n the case of Band and Band O f f i c e s t a f f m e e t i n g s ) t o say a s h o r t p r a y e r . The p r a y e r i s g i v e n i n the Shuswap language. ( E n g l i s h i s the standard language used among community r e s i d e n t s , w i t h Shuswap t y p i c a l l y heard o n l y i n r e l i g i o u s c o n t e x t s , such as i n p r a y e r s during a ceremonial sweatbath or a pipe ceremony.) F o l l o w i n g t h i s , the meeting commences. The length of the sage-burning ceremony depends, of course, on the number of p a r t i c i p a n t s , but a ceremony i n v o l v i n g 20 to 30 i n d i v i d u a l s might l a s t perhaps ten t o f i f t e e n m i n utes. S w e e t g r a s s o c c a s i o n a l l y i s burned a l o n g w i t h , or i n p l a c e o f , sage. S w e e t g r a s s , however, cannot be obtained l o c a l l y , and i t s use i s l e s s frequent. 84 S h a r i n g s e s s i o n s a l s o e x i s t i n a r e l i g i o u s c o n t e x t as p a r t of the r i t u a l of the c e r e m o n i a l sweat. Here the concept of s h a r i n g f i n d s i t s most intense symbolic expression. From two to twelve i n d i v i d u a l s , the upper l i m i t being dependent on the s i z e of the sweatlodge, may take part i n t h i s ceremony. The ceremony i s l e d by a recognized s p i r i t u a l leader, who brings i n t o the sweatlodge a v a r i e t y of r i t u a l paraphernalia. Seated i n c l o s e p r o x i m i t y around a c e n t r a l p i t of r o c k s , on a f l o o r of f i r boughs, and i n an i n t e n s e l y hot and humid e n v i r o n m e n t of c o m p l e t e darkness, the p a r t i c i p a n t s i n t u r n are given the opportunity to pray and to share w i t h the Creator t h e i r personal problems and f e e l i n g s . Often the Creator i s asked f o r forgiveness f o r recent behaviour. In t h i s respect the speeches i n the sharing sweats have an e x p l i c i t l y r e l i g i o u s focus of c o n f e s s i o n as compared t o the more g e n e r a l c o n f e s s i o n s i n o t h e r group sharing contexts. During the ceremony p a r t i c i p a n t s may provide support by making q u i e t utterances of encouragement, or simply by l i s t e n i n g and w i t n e s s i n g the c o n f e s s i o n ; a t t i m e s the l e a d e r may q u i e t l y s i n g a w o r d l e s s song t o the accompaniment of a hand drum. C r y i n g and l o u d w a i l i n g are common occurrences during the sharing, and are encouraged, as they a r e a l l s i g n s of the h e a l i n g p r o c e s s . These a c t s a r e d i r e c t e d t o w ard the r o c k s i n the c e n t r a l p i t , w h i c h a c t as the l i n k between the m a t e r i a l world and the s p i r i t u a l world of the Creator. The rocks accept and t r a n s m i t the c o n f e s s i o n t o the C r e a t o r and d i s p e r s e the " h u r t " , l e a v i n g the i n d i v i d u a l strengthened and cleansed. Thus i n the ceremonial sweat the c l e a n s i n g and h e a l i n g process i s manifested not only by v e r b a l c o n f e s s i o n , but by the p h y s i c a l e x c r e t i o n of sweat, t e a r s , and on occasion even vomit. P u r i f i c a t i o n of the i n d i v i d u a l i s t o t a l , i n v o l v i n g p h y s i c a l , emotional and s p i r i t u a l components of h i s being. 85 Many i n d i v i d u a l s have a p p l i e d the concept of sharing to t h e i r d a i l y l i v e s , and have e s t a b l i s h e d c l o s e personal r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n which they can t a l k o p e n l y about t h e i r problems on a one t o one b a s i s . These r e l a t i o n s h i p s may have been e s t a b l i s h e d s p o n t a n e o u s l y , or under the d i r e c t i o n of the A.A. or Al-Anon program. In these programs members are p a i r e d i n t o m u t u a l l y s u p p o r t i v e s p o n s o r s h i p r e l a t i o n s h i p s , t h e i n t e n t i o n b e i n g t o p r o v i d e members w i t h a form o f s u p p o r t o u t s i d e the group context as may be needed i n times of c r i s i s . The i n i t i a t i v e f o r p r o v i d i n g s u p p o r t to help i n d i v i d u a l s maintain t h e i r s o b r i e t y may be taken by community members as they see f i t . T h i s i s e v i d e n t i n the c r e a t i o n i n the Autumn of 1985 of a women's s u p p o r t group, which was formed by a s m a l l number of women concerned w i t h the s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n of many of the mothers i n the community. With the t w i c e weekly A.A. meetings, the weekly (or more frequent) c e r e m o n i a l s w e a t s , t he s h a r i n g s e s s i o n s i n the s c h o o l and i n the Band O f f i c e , p l u s the i n d i v i d u a l s u p p o r t n e t w o r k s t h a t now e x i s t , t h e r e i s frequent opportunity f o r an i n d i v i d u a l to share and i n t h i s manner gain s u p p o r t f o r m a i n t a i n i n g s o b r i e t y . A number of community members, however, v i e w the r e s e r v e today as b e i n g i n a p l a t e a u phase of development. S o b r i e t y has been achieved, and i n most cases maintained, but many of the o l d problems b e l i e v e d to be as s o c i a t e d w i t h a l c o h o l i s m , such as l a c k of employment and dependency on w e l f a r e , l o s s of c u l t u r a l v a l u e s and i d e n t i t y , and among some pe o p l e the l a c k of i n c e n t i v e , and ge n e r a l l y negative a t t i t u d e s toward l i f e , s t i l l p e r s i s t . The need f o r f u r t h e r p e r s o n a l and community development i s recognized by community leaders as the fundamental i s s u e f a c i n g the reserve today. 86 THE BAND OFFICE E f f o r t s Toward Community Development The Band C o u n c i l o f the 1984-86 p e r i o d responded t o t h e p e r c e i v e d problem of the reserve's plateau phase of development by e m p h a s i z i n g the need f o r f u r t h e r s o c i a l , as compared w i t h economic, development ( a l t h o u g h numerous economic p r o j e c t s have been i n i t i a t e d as w e l l ) . To t h i s end, a f i v e - y e a r s o c i a l development plan was created f o r the A l k a l i community (by c o n s u l t a n t s f rom the Four Worlds Development P r o j e c t , discussed below), and a v a r i e t y of workshops on t o p i c s i n c l u d i n g Native (Pan-Indian) c u l t u r e , e f f e c t i v e parenting, n u t r i t i o n , and s e x u a l i t y , as w e l l as New D i r e c t i o n s t r a i n i n g s and a seminar by Jon-Lee Kootnekoff on developing a p o s i t i v e self-image have been held i n the community f o r the b e n e f i t of Band members. Promotion of S o b r i e t y i n Other Communities A second i s s u e of fundamental importance to t h i s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was the community's r o l e i n h e l p i n g o t h e r I n d i a n Bands t o overcome the problem of a l c o h o l i s m . T h i s i n t e r e s t i n h e l p i n g o t h e r s w i t h a l c o h o l problems i s c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the formal A.A. program of recovery (see Step 12 i n the notes to Chapter Four). Since the l a t e 1970s i n d i v i d u a l s from the A l k a l i Lake community have been i n v o l v e d i n drug and a l c o h o l workshops and A.A. programs i n other reserve communities i n the d i s t r i c t . As A l k a l i Lake became b e t t e r known f o r i t s s u c c e s s i n o v e r c o m i n g a l c o h o l i s m , t he number of r e q u e s t s f o r s p e a k e r s from the community increased, and today A l k a l i Lake r e s i d e n t s are t r a v e l l i n g , on i n v i t a t i o n , to Indian communities throughout Canada and the United States promoting s o b r i e t y . These delegations do not promote a formula f o r the s o l u t i o n 87 of Native a l c o h o l i s m . With the exception of the emphasis placed on the i m p o r t a n c e of h a v i n g community l e a d e r s who a r e s o b e r , and who t h u s provide p o s i t i v e r o l e models and who lead by example, i t i s b e l i e v e d that i t should be up to the p a r t i c u l a r community to decide which t a c t i c s are s u i t a b l e f o r the encouragement of s o b r i e t y . The p r i m a r y message communicated by the A l k a l i Lake d e l e g a t i o n s i s s i m p l y t h a t I n d i a n a l c o h o l i s m can be overcome, and t h a t the A l k a l i case can s e r v e as an example to give hope and i n s p i r a t i o n to other communities s t r u g g l i n g w i t h the problem of a l c o h o l abuse. Today the Band O f f i c e s e r v e s as a c o - o r d i n a t i n g body f o r t h e s e a c t i v i t i e s . Requests f o r s p e a k e r s a r e d i r e c t e d t o the Band O f f i c e , s p e c i f i c a l l y to the Housing Co-ordinator, who then attempts to l o c a t e an i n d i v i d u a l t o a c t as a " r e s o u r c e p e r s o n " t o speak a t the f u n c t i o n . The group h o l d i n g the f u n c t i o n ( t y p i c a l l y a drug and a l c o h o l workshop or c o n f e r e n c e ) may r e q u e s t a s p e c i f i c i n d i v i d u a l , the most commonly requested being Andy Chelsea, Fred Johnson, and the present Band Chief. At t i m e s a group may c o n t a c t a d e s i r e d speaker d i r e c t l y , but the Band O f f i c e p r e f e r s t o m a i n t a i n i t s c o n t r o l over such a c t i v i t i e s . T r a v e l expenses, accommodation, and honoraria are provided by the o r g a n i z a t i o n that made the request. Honoraria are kept by the i n v i t e d speakers. An exception to t h i s model of Band O f f i c e c o n t r o l i s the work of two or t h r e e c o r e A.A. members a t A l k a l i who f o r y e a r s have been a c t i v e i n the d i s t r i c t A.A. network. These i n d i v i d u a l s continue t h e i r attendance and o f t e n may speak at A.A. f u n c t i o n s o f f - r e s e r v e , or on the reserves of other Bands, and do so independently of the Band O f f i c e . T r a v e l expenses and honoraria may or may not be provided by the host A.A. group to these v i s i t i n g speakers. During the F a l l of 1985, i n a d d i t i o n to numerous l o c a l i n v i t a t i o n s 88 t o such p l a c e s as W i l l i a m s Lake, the Nenqani Treatment and T r a i n i n g Center, nearby Indian reserves such as Dog Creek, Canim Lake, and Sugar Cane, Round Lake Treatment Center, Tofino and P o r t A l b e r n i , delegations from A l k a l i a l s o t r a v e l l e d t o a f i v e - d a y c o n f e r e n c e a t Norman W e l l s , N.W.T., and a youth c o n f e r e n c e on drug and a l c o h o l abuse sponsored by the Gordon Indian Band i n Saskatchewan. As p a r t of the t h e r a p y f o r i n d i v i d u a l s who have r e c e n t l y become sober (as w i l l be d i s c u s s e d l a t e r , a number of t h e young people on the r e s e r v e , aged between 15 and 25, a r e d r i n k i n g and/or a r e s t r u g g l i n g t o m a i n t a i n s o b r i e t y ) , t h e s e i n d i v i d u a l s may be s e n t o u t , u s u a l l y i n the company of an i n v i t e d speaker, to act as resource people at l o c a l drug and a l c o h o l workshops. T h i s s e r v e s as t h e r a p y i n two ways. As resource people, they must speak or share t h e i r own experiences w i t h the group. This sharing of negative emotions and experiences i s b e l i e v e d to be c e n t r a l t o the h e a l i n g process. Second, by being i d e n t i f i e d as A l k a l i Lake community members at these outside a c t i v i t i e s , the resource people experience a sense of community i d e n t i t y , an i d e n t i t y which has s o b r i e t y as i t s fundamental c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . With the i n c r e a s i n g promotion of the A l k a l i community as a dry reserve, those s t r u g g l i n g w i t h s o b r i e t y f e e l a g r e a t d e a l of p r e s s u r e from the o u t s i d e t o l i v e up t o t h i s image of s o b r i e t y . The A l k a l i community has experienced an i n f l u x of v i s i t o r s i n recent years as a r e s u l t of i t s s u c c e s s f u l f i g h t against a l c o h o l i s m . A number of v i s i t o r s w i t h a l c o h o l problems have come i n s e a r c h of a p o s i t i v e e n v i r o n m e n t i n w h i c h t o work on t h e i r own s o b r i e t y . Such v i s i t o r s g e n e r a l l y are welcome to stay as long as they l i k e , provided that housing i s a v a i l a b l e (housing i s i n f a c t i n short supply even f o r the A l k a l i Band 89 members t h e m s e l v e s ) . The A l k a l i community has had p a r t i c u l a r l y c l o s e t i e s i n t h i s respect w i t h the Halfway R i v e r Band of Beaver Indians, and p r e s e n t l y s e v e r a l Halfway R i v e r students are a t t e n d i n g school at A l k a l i Lake. Other v i s i t o r s to the reserve i n c l u d e those working i n the f i e l d o f drug and a l c o h o l abuse p r e v e n t i o n , who come i n o r d e r t o o bserve the community and to l e a r n about the process by which s o b r i e t y was achieved, w i t h the hope of being able to apply t h i s knowledge to reduce a l c o h o l i s m i n t h e i r own c o m m u n i t i e s . The r e s e r v e r e c e i v e s a number of v i s i t o r s i n v o l v e d i n I n d i a n e d u c a t i o n , as the A l k a l i s c h o o l i s one of the few Band-operated s c h o o l s i n the p r o v i n c e . S t i l l o t h e r v i s i t o r s , such as news r e p o r t e r s and w r i t e r s , have come s i m p l y t o document the r e c e n t h i s t o r y of the community. V i s i t o r s t o the r e s e r v e a r e g i v e n a warm welcome. Band members have much p r i d e i n t h e i r reserve and welcome the opportunity t o share t h e i r achievement w i t h others. The A l k a l i Lake Movie and I n t e r n a t i o n a l Sharing Conference The community of A l k a l i Lake has gained immense p u b l i c i t y through i t s i n v o l v e m e n t , b e g i n n i n g i n 1984, w i t h the Four Worlds Development P r o j e c t . According to i t s l i t e r a t u r e , t h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n was formed i n 1983 and has as i t s e x p l i c i t goal the e r a d i c a t i o n of Native Indian drug and a l c o h o l abuse by the year 2000. The Four Worlds P r o j e c t i s a non-p r o f i t o r g a n i z a t i o n that i s attached to the F a c u l t y of Education at the U n i v e r s i t y of L e t h b r i d g e . The P r o j e c t r e c e i v e s c o r e f u n d i n g from the N a t i o n a l Native A l c o h o l and Drug Abuse Program of the Federal Department of Health and Welfare. Funding a l s o comes th r o u g h p r i v a t e d o n a t i o n s , and as a p a r t i c u l a r community becomes inv o l v e d i n a Four Worlds p r o j e c t i t i s requested to make f i n a n c i a l c o n t r i b u t i o n s f o r the c o n t i n u a t i o n of the p r o j e c t . 90 In c o n t r a s t to the medical model of a l c o h o l i s m , the P r o j e c t promotes a community-based and w h o l i s t i c approach t o the problem of a l c o h o l abuse, an approach that emphasizes the importance of " p h y s i c a l , mental, e m o t i o n a l and s p i r i t u a l d evelopment". The P r o j e c t d e v e l o p e d i n Lethbridge under the d i r e c t i o n of s p i r i t u a l l e aders and E l d e r s , and P a n - I n d i a n s p i r i t u a l i t y and u n i t y a r e f u n d a m e n t a l e l e m e n t s i n i t s p h i l o s o p h y . I t sees the s o l u t i o n t o N a t i v e a l c o h o l abuse t o l i e i n r e c o n s t r u c t i n g a N a t i v e I n d i a n c u l t u r e . T h i s i n v o l v e s a l e a r n i n g process, and the Four Worlds P r o j e c t sees i t s r o l e as p r o v i d i n g workshops and other resources to f o s t e r t h i s l e a r n i n g process. Representatives of the Four Worlds P r o j e c t f i r s t v i s i t e d the A l k a l i community i n 1984. They saw the community as having the p o t e n t i a l to be a great i n s p i r a t i o n to other communities s t r u g g l i n g w i t h a l c o h o l i s m . In order to share the A l k a l i Lake s t o r y w i t h the r e s t of the world, the Band and the Four Worlds P r o j e c t d e c i d e d t o c r e a t e a f i l m on the r e s e r v e ' s s u c c e s s f u l s t r u g g l e w i t h a l c o h o l i s m . This p r o j e c t c o n s i s t s of a two part v i d e o s e r i e s . The f i r s t p a r t i s a docu-drama of the h i s t o r y of A l k a l i Lake between 1940 and 1985 and f e a t u r e s A l k a l i Lake Band members as a c t o r s ; the second p a r t p r e s e n t s more i n - d e p t h d i s c u s s i o n s by Band members on the p a s t , p r e s e n t and f u t u r e of t h e i r community, and the general s o l u t i o n s they found to the problem of a l c o h o l abuse. Part one of the v i d e o s e r i e s was c o m p l e t e d i n Autumn, 1985. L a r g e l y due t o the p r o m o t i o n a l e f f o r t s of the Four Worlds p e o p l e , t h i s f i r s t v i d e o has a l r e a d y a c h i e v e d w i d e s p r e a d p u b l i c i t y and d i s t r i b u t i o n . I t has been a i r e d on v a r i o u s c a b l e v i s i o n networks and has been shown i n both Native and non-Native communities throughout Canada and the United States, and even as f a r away as Europe. The I n t e r n a t i o n a l Sharing Innovations That Work Conference held at 91 A l k a l i Lake at the end of May, 1985, was a joint Four Worlds/Alkali Lake Band venture, with i t s goal again both to i n s p i r e and educate other i n d i v i d u a l s and communities working toward the eradicat ion of Native a lcoho l abuse. Workshops were held by the A l k a l i Lake Band, the Four Worlds Development Project, the Nechi Institute, and private consultants, and dealt with issues perta in ing to Native a lcoho l and drug abuse and personal and community development. It i s estimated that over one thousand people from Canada and the United States attended the three-day conference. Throughout the three days a number of Pan-Indian r e l i g i o u s ceremonies were held in the c e n t r a l arbor, which had been constructed e s p e c i a l l y for t h i s conference. Pow-wows (featuring Native drumming, dancing and singing) were held in the arbor i n the evenings. The organizers of the conference bel ieved the gathering to be of great s p i r i t u a l s i g n i f i c a n c e , as i s evident in t h i s excerpt from a general letter from the co-ordinator of the Four Worlds Development Project and the Alka l i Band Chief to the conference participants: Dear Friends, We are proud to welcome you to A l k a l i Lake and to the "Sharing Innovations That Work" conference. In the few days that we w i l l spend together history i s being made. The e lders of many t r ibes long ago prophesied that there would be a day when the Native people would come together l i k e the jo in ing of many streams and r i v e r s . They said that t h i s coming together would be a turning point for the Native people of North America. They said that when this great coming together happened, i t would signal the end of a period of great suffering and confusion for the people, and the beginning of a time of great progress and development. They also said that this "gathering time" would signal the beginning of a process of Native people sharing their deep cultural understanding of human beings and human development with the whole world. We bel ieve that t h i s conference at A l k a l i Lake i s one v i s i b l e example of the f u l f i l l m e n t of those prophecies. . . (from the "Camp Crier", May 29, 1985). 92 The Band's i n v o l v e m e n t w i t h t h e Four Worlds P r o j e c t , as w e l l as h e l p i n g o t h e r I n d i a n Bands, s e r v e d the A l k a l i community i t s e l f i n two g e n e r a l ways. F i r s t , i n p r o j e c t i n g t o the o u t s i d e a v e r y p o s i t i v e image of the community, i n p r o m o t i n g t h e i n s p i r a t i o n a l r o l e t h a t t h i s community o f f e r s t o o t h e r s s t r u g g l i n g w i t h a l c o h o l p r o b l e m s , and i n i n c r e a s i n g the a c t u a l frequency of i n t e r a c t i o n between t h i s community and others s t i l l working toward s o b r i e t y , a means of r e i n f o r c i n g a sense of community i d e n t i t y i s provided. Not only are A l k a l i people reminded of t h e i r achievement, but t h e i r c o l l e c t i v e i d e n t i t y as a sober community i s v a l i d a t e d by o t h e r s . Second, thr o u g h t h e Four Worlds a c t i v i t i e s t h e community members are exposed to a great deal of Pan-Indian r e l i g i o u s and et h n i c sentiment. In these two ways the opportunity i s presented f o r the reinforcement of both community i d e n t i t y and the development of c u l t u r a l - Pan-Indian - values and b e l i e f s . As such, the problem of a plateau phase o f development i s a d d r e s s e d i n s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l r a t h e r than economic terms. THE BAND OFFICE AND SOCIAL CONTROL The Band O f f i c e today c o n t i n u e s t o be a c t i v e i n the c o n t r o l o f d r i n k i n g b e h a v i o u r on the r e s e r v e . The I n t e r v e n t i o n Committee s t i l l operates, the process of c o n f r o n t a t i o n continues, and i n i s o l a t e d cases the r e p l a c e m e n t of S.A. cheques w i t h v o u c h e r s o c c u r s . A g e n e r a l d e s c r i p t i o n o f the Band O f f i c e s t r u c t u r e and o p e r a t i o n w i l l now be presented t o provide the context i n which t h i s Committee operates. I n t e r n a l S t r u c t u r e and General Operations In 1985 t h e A l k a l i Lake Band O f f i c e was the c e n t e r o f a r e l a t i v e l y 93 h i g h degree o f a c t i v i t y , a d m i n i s t e r i n g a t o t a l of over 1.4 m i l l i o n d o l l a r s i n t h e 1984-85 f i s c a l p e r i o d . The Band c o n t i n u e s t o be represented by one Chief and three C o u n c i l l o r s , a l l e l e c t e d to two year terms. The b a s i c f i n a n c i a l and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e d u t i e s are c a r r i e d out by the Housing Co-ordinator ( t h i s employee i s l e s s o f t e n r e f e r r e d to as the Band Manager), two bookkeepers (one f u l l - t i m e and one part-time) and the s e c r e t a r y . A l l a r e A l k a l i Lake r e s i d e n t s . Due t o p a s t d i f f i c u l t y i n f i n a n c i a l management, at the request of the Department of Indian A f f a i r s a C o n t r o l l e r was r e c e n t l y h i r e d by the Band t o o v e r s e e t he f i n a n c i a l a c t i v i t i e s of both t h e Band O f f i c e and the Reserve S c h o o l . The C o n t r o l l e r i s a n o n - I n d i a n and r e s i d e s i n W i l l i a m s Lake. A p a r t from t h i s one i n s t a n c e of o v e r l a p (and the presence of one C o u n c i l l o r on the E d u c a t i o n A u t h o r i t y ) , the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and o p e r a t i o n of the Reserve S c h o o l i s s e p a r a t e from t h a t of the Band O f f i c e . The E d u c a t i o n A u t h o r i t y , composed of seven e l e c t e d Band members p l u s one C o u n c i l member, and t h e S c h o o l p r i n c i p a l and t h e E d u c a t i o n A d m i n i s t r a t o r , a r e re s p o n s i b l e f o r making d e c i s i o n s a f f e c t i n g the operation of the school. A l l are A l k a l i Lake Band members. Economic development p r o j e c t s are l a r g e l y the domain of the Economic Development a d v i s o r , who a l s o i s a non-Indian r e s i d e n t of W i l l i a m s Lake. The Economic Development ad v i s o r has been employed by the Band since 1978 and works r e l a t i v e l y independently from the Chief and C o u n c i l and other Band s t a f f . A number of economic development programs have been i n i t i a t e d i n recent years. The Band-owned logging company, i n operation s i n c e the e a r l y 1980s, t y p i c a l l y employs between e i g h t and t e n Band members. A p i g - r a i s i n g f a c i l i t y , and a h o r t i c u l t u r a l program geared toward producing vegetables f o r the W i l l i a m s Lake market, are more recent developments. These p r o j e c t s created employment f o r s i x i n d i v i d u a l s i n 94 the summer of 1985. A g r i c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s i n c l u d e the management of a s m a l l herd o f c a t t l e and h o r s e s , and c u l t i v a t i o n of t h e r e s e r v e ' s hay meadows. Ten Band members were employed i n the a g r i c u l t u r a l program i n th e summer of 1985. The meadows once were c o n s i d e r e d t h e p r o p e r t y o f i n d i v i d u a l f a m i l y groups, who h a r v e s t e d the hay f o r t h e i r own use and e s t a b l i s h e d s e a s o n a l l y - o c c u p i e d homesteads on t h e s e s i t e s . S i n c e t h e e a r l y 1970s, and f o l l o w i n g t h e d e c l i n e of the f a m i l i e s ' u t i l i z a t i o n of th e meadows, a p r o c e s s o f c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n has o c c u r r e d , and the Band O f f i c e now co-ordinates the har v e s t i n g of these meadows and s e l l s the hay on the l o c a l market. The Band O f f i c e a l s o d i r e c t s the operation of a number of s e r v i c e s on t h e r e s e r v e , i n c l u d i n g a g r o c e r y s t o r e , c a f e , gas pump, l a u n d r o m a t , automechanic shop, and day-care center. A number of i n d i v i d u a l s are employed by the Band under the general category of s o c i a l development. These p o s i t i o n s i n c l u d e a Band S o c i a l W o r k e r , a h a l f - t i m e S o c i a l W o r k e r C l e r k , a Community H e a l t h Representative, a Drug and A l c o h o l Counsellor, and a Recreation Worker. D e s p i t e t h e h i g h l e v e l o f a c t i v i t y o f the Band O f f i c e , and the numerous O f f i c e employees, a s p e c i f i c s t r u c t u r e of job r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g amongst O f f i c e s t a f f i s not immediately apparent. A l t h o u g h f o r m a l j o b d e s c r i p t i o n s have been p r e p a r e d , i n p r a c t i c e t h e employee f r e q u e n t l y p e r f o r m s a v a r i e t y o f o t h e r d u t i e s as t h e need a r i s e s , and the d u t i e s t h a t he p e r f o r m s may be due l e s s t o h i s o f f i c i a l p o s i t i o n than due to h i s personal i n t e r e s t s and h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h the C h i e f , C o u n c i l l o r s , and other o f f i c e workers. Indeed, the C o n t r o l l e r has a t t e m p t e d , w i t h much d i f f i c u l t y , t o impose some k i n d o f f o r m a l h i e r a r c h i c a l o r d e r on the Band O f f i c e o p e r a t i o n s . Yet a r a t h e r 95 f l e x i b l e s t r u c t u r e of job r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and decision-making p e r s i s t s . Thus the o p e r a t i o n of the I n t e r v e n t i o n Committee, d e s c r i b e d n e x t , i s i n f l u e n c e d somewhat by the p a r t i c u l a r i n d i v i d u a l s p r e s e n t l y f i l l i n g the committee p o s i t i o n s . The I n t e r v e n t i o n Committee The I n t e r v e n t i o n Committee, a l s o known as the S o c i a l Development or S o c i a l S e r v i c e s Committee, p r e s e n t l y i s composed of th o s e i n d i v i d u a l s h o l d i n g t he p o s i t i o n s o f Band S o c i a l Worker, S o c i a l Worker C l e r k , Community H e a l t h R e p r e s e n t a t i v e , S c h o o l P r i n c i p a l , Drug and A l c o h o l Counsellor, and Recreation Worker. One Band C o u n c i l l o r a l s o s i t s on the Committee. I t i s t h e o f f i c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f the I n t e r v e n t i o n Committee t o c o n f r o n t , c o u n s e l and impose n e g a t i v e s a n c t i o n s upon i n d i v i d u a l s who are g u i l t y of d r i n k i n g or other i n a p p r o p r i a t e behaviour (such other behaviour g e n e r a l l y r e f e r s to behaviour that leads to c h i l d neglect or abuse). At present the committee i s co-ordinated by the Band S o c i a l Worker, who works c l o s e l y w i t h the Drug and A l c o h o l c o u n s e l l o r . The S o c i a l Worker a c t i v a t e s the Committee when she deems i t advisable. The S o c i a l Worker, upon l e a r n i n g of an i n d i v i d u a l h a v i n g s p e c i f i c a l c o h o l o r f a m i l y p r o b l e m s , may approach the i n d i v i d u a l d u r i n g t h e monthly S o c i a l A s s i s t a n c e i n t e r v i e w , i f the i n d i v i d u a l i s a S.A. a p p l i c a n t , or i n more s e r i o u s s i t u a t i o n s may go to the i n d i v i d u a l ' s home, perhaps w i t h a n o t h e r member of the Committee, t o d i s c u s s t he problem. The r e s o l u t i o n s to emerge from such a d i s c u s s i o n depend on the personal c i r c u m s t a n c e of the i n d i v i d u a l , t h e n a t u r e o f the problem, and the w i l l i n g n e s s o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l t o make an e f f o r t t o d e a l w i t h t he problem. A f t e r d i s c u s s i n g t h e m a t t e r w i t h t he i n d i v i d u a l t he S o c i a l Worker might c a l l i n outside people (non Band O f f i c e employees) to t a l k 96 t o and encourage the i n d i v i d u a l . The most common outside people to be c a l l e d are Andy Chelsea and Fred Johnson. The l a t t e r i s a core member of th e A.A. group and a s p i r i t u a l l e a d e r i n the community. As w e l l as shari n g h i s personal experiences w i t h a l c o h o l , he might hold a ceremonial sweat w i t h the i n d i v i d u a l and t a l k t o him about Indian s p i r i t u a l i t y . The i n d i v i d u a l may d e c i d e t o change h i s s i t u a t i o n by a t t e n d i n g a p e r s o n a l growth t r a i n i n g s e s s i o n , by e n r o l l i n g i n f u r t h e r e d u c a t i o n a l or t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g c o u r s e s , o r by g o i n g i n f o r a l c o h o l i s m t r e a t m e n t . The S o c i a l Worker would then inform other s o c i a l s e r v i c e workers such as the Drug and A l c o h o l c o u n s e l l o r or the Home-School Co-ordinator, who would make the appropriate arrangements. The Drug and A l c o h o l Counsellor i s p r i m a r i l y i n v o l v e d i n p r o v i d i n g c o u n s e l l i n g and c o - o r d i n a t i n g o f f - r e s e r v e a l c o h o l i s m treatment s e r v i c e s , w i t h the a s s i s t a n c e of the W i l l i a m s Lake Drug and A l c o h o l Program, f o r i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h a l c o h o l o r o t h e r r e l a t e d problems. The c l i e n t ' s t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and t r e a t m e n t expenses c o n t i n u e t o be co v e r e d by the N a t i o n a l A l c o h o l and Drug Abuse Program. The C o u n s e l l o r may be approached d i r e c t l y by an i n d i v i d u a l s e e k i n g h e l p , o r may have an i n d i v i d u a l r e f e r r e d t o her v i a other Committee workers. Funding f o r the p o s i t i o n o f Drug and A l c o h o l c o u n s e l l o r was s e c u r e d i n 1981, w i t h t h e i n t e n t i o n of r e l i e v i n g the Band S o c i a l Worker of the heavy c o u n s e l l i n g work load. In some cases i t may be decided that a meeting w i t h the i n d i v i d u a l and h i s f a m i l y s h o u l d be h e l d . The f a m i l y , i f concerned about t he s i t u a t i o n , may request such a meeting, or the S o c i a l Worker, perhaps i n c o n s u l t a t i o n w i t h o t h e r members of the I n t e r v e n t i o n Committee, may h e r s e l f make the d e c i s i o n . In such cases, the meeting i s t y p i c a l l y held 97 i n the home of the f a m i l y . In more s e r i o u s s i t u a t i o n s , the I n t e r v e n t i o n Committee p a r t i c i p a t e s i n the f a m i l y meeting. I t i s up to the d i s c r e t i o n o f t h e S o c i a l Worker t o d e c i d e on where the meeting s h o u l d be h e l d and how many of the Committee members s h o u l d a t t e n d . I n g e n e r a l i t seems tha t the more s e r i o u s the s i t u a t i o n the more Committee members become i n v o l v e d i n t h e i n t e r v e n t i o n . The C h i e f p a r t i c i p a t e s i n t h e i n t e r v e n t i o n o n l y as a l a s t r e s o r t , when p r e v i o u s c o n f r o n t a t i o n s have f a i l e d to produce r e s u l t s . M e e t i n g s between the i n d i v i d u a l , h i s f a m i l y , and members of the I n t e r v e n t i o n Committee take the general form of sharing sessions. The dominant tone of t h e s e m e e t i n g s i s one of c o n c e r n f o r t h e i n d i v i d u a l . A l l present have the opportunity to speak and to share t h e i r thoughts and f e e l i n g s about the problem s i t u a t i o n . F a m i l y members a r e i n v i t e d t o become more i n v o l v e d i n r e s o l v i n g t h e problem s i t u a t i o n , and the i n d i v i d u a l i s encouraged t o become aware o f , and assume more p e r s o n a l r e p o n s i b i l i t y f o r , the negative e f f e c t s that h i s behaviour i s having on h i m s e l f and h i s f a m i l y . I n more s e r i o u s c a s e s t he i n d i v i d u a l i s presented w i t h an ultimatum. E i t h e r he must make an e f f o r t to r e s o l v e h i s problem (which t y p i c a l l y i s one of a l c o h o l abuse or f a m i l y problems such as v i o l e n c e or c h i l d n e g l e c t ) , f o r example by attending a l c o h o l i s m treatment, or he must accept the consequences to be imposed, such as the l o s s o f h i s j o b , t h e s u b s t i t u t i o n of S.A. vouchers f o r a c t u a l cheques, or, i n some extreme cases, h i s p o s s i b l e expulsion from the reserve. The i n t e r v e n t i o n p r o c e s s i s s i m i l a r t o t h a t w h i c h o c c u r r e d i n the 1970s. W i t h t he i n c r e a s e i n a c t i v i t y of the Band O f f i c e , and the greater number of Band O f f i c e employees, a d i v i s i o n of labour has si n c e occurred and today a number of i n d i v i d u a l s are inv o l v e d i n the c o n t r o l of behaviour on the reserve. The Band Ch i e f , however, i s considered to have 98 t h e u l t i m a t e a u t h o r i t y i n s o c i a l c o n t r o l . I n t h i s s e n s e some h i e r a r c h i c a l order of a u t h o r i t y i s recognized. DIFFERENTIAL RECRUITMENT: THE EXISTENCE OF DRINKING IN THE COMMUNITY A l k a l i Lake i s not a c o m p l e t e l y sober community. There e x i s t two g e n e r a l c l u s t e r s o f d r i n k e r s i n the community: a number o f the e l d e r l y men and a pro p o r t i o n of the youth (aged 12-25). The d r i n k i n g among these two groups i s viewed q u i t e d i f f e r e n t l y by both t h e Band O f f i c e and the general community. Dr i n k i n g Among the Youth The i n c r e a s i n g incidence of d r i n k i n g among the youth i s a recognized problem i n the community. During my stay a t A l k a l i there were s e v e r a l i n s t a n c e s o f p u b l i c drunkenness among young peopl e . The more d r a m a t i c i n s t a n c e s i n c l u d e d one o c c a s i o n i n w h i c h a group o f f o u r o r f i v e young a d u l t s was seen d r i n k i n g i n the a r b o r of the Pow-wow grounds, an e s p e c i a l l y f l a g r a n t v i o l a t i o n not o n l y of the i m p l i c i t r u l e s a g a i n s t d r i n k i n g on the reserve but a l s o of the sacredness of the arbor, as i t i s an e s s e n t i a l b e l i e f t h a t I n d i a n c u l t u r e and a l c o h o l do not mix. On a n o t h e r o c c a s i o n a young man who had been d r i n k i n g went on a " j o y r i d e " around the reserve on some farm machinery, e v e n t u a l l y having an accident and damaging t he equipment. C h i l d r e n as young as age 12 o c c a s i o n a l l y e x p e r i m e n t w i t h a l c o h o l . On one such i n s t a n c e i n the Autumn o f '85 a young boy, who had been d r i n k i n g w i t h a group of f r i e n d s , had consumed so much a l c o h o l t h a t when he was d i s c o v e r e d by some a d u l t s , they became extremely alarmed f o r h i s he a l t h . He was rushed to the h o s p i t a l , where i t was found t h a t he had a n e a r - f a t a l b l o o d - a l c o h o l r e a d i n g o f 2.1. 99 Drugs, mainly marijuana, are also being used increasingly on the reserve, and may also be a cause for intervention by the Band Office. Most community members when they come face to face with instances of publ ic dr inking and drunkenness react by ignoring or avoiding the drinkers. It i s believed to be the responsibil ity of the Band Office to confront and control such behaviour. In more serious situations, the Chief , a C o u n c i l l o r , the Band S o c i a l Worker or the Drug and Alcohol Counsellor might be telephoned, regardless of the time of day or night, and asked to intervene in the situation. The Band Office i s presently having d i f f i cu l ty in controll ing this dr inking behaviour. The use of sanctions such as poss ible loss of employment with the Band, and substitution of vouchers for S.A. cheques, are proving i n e f f e c t i v e long-term deterrents to d r i n k i n g . When confronted, the individual simply agrees to make an effort to change, but eventual ly goes back to dr ink ing . The more severe sanction of taking out a peace bond (arranged between the R.C.M.P., the Band C o u n c i l , and the drinker) to bar a particular individual from entering the reserve for a set period of time was being considered in the Autumn of 1985; however, there i s some reluctance to take this measure, as such an action does not have the support of the families affected. The present d i f f i cu l ty in social control i s complicated by the age of the offenders. Most are between 18 and 25 years old and may s t i l l be l i v i n g in the homes of t h e i r parents. There now ex i s t s wi th in the community a disagreement regarding whether the Band O f f i c e , or the parents, should be more responsible for the control of drinking among the youth. I t i s the opinion of most in the Band O f f i c e , and some other community members as w e l l , that now that the community has achieved sobr ie ty , and now that most have gone though personal t r a i n i n g , the 100 r e s e r v e r e s i d e n t s s h o u l d r e l y l e s s on the Band O f f i c e t o c o n t r o l t h e behaviour of others. These people b e l i e v e that the f a m i l i e s , and other community members, should intervene i n s i t u a t i o n s themselves, i n s t e a d of "goin g r u n n i n g t o the Band O f f i c e " and a s k i n g t h e C h i e f , o r the S o c i a l Worker, to deal w i t h the s i t u a t i o n . The f a m i l i e s , however, are r e l u c t a n t t o t a k e on t h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . Many p a r e n t s f e e l a g r e a t d e a l of g u i l t f o r the n e g l e c t t h e i r c h i l d r e n s u f f e r r e d d u r i n g t h e r e s e r v e ' s d r i n k i n g days, and they consequently are r e l u c t a n t t o d i s c i p l i n e t h e i r c h i l d r e n t o o h a r s h l y . Some p a r e n t s , a l t h o u g h w i l l i n g , a r e a t a l o s s as t o how they might c o n t r o l t h e i r c h i l d ' s d r i n k i n g , p a r t i c u l a r l y where t h e d r i n k e r may be a young a d u l t and t h e r e f o r e semi-independent. The parents of these o l d e r (i.e., over age 18) d r i n k e r s g e n e r a l l y b e l i e v e that t h e i r c h i l d has made h i s own choice to d r i n k , a choice which they disagree w i t h but r e s p e c t as h i s r i g h t . A l l t h a t t h e p a r e n t s b e l i e v e they can do i s t o c o n t i n u e t o show s u p p o r t and hope t h a t t h e i r c h i l d soon d e c i d e s t o stop d r i n k i n g . Instances of p u b l i c d r i n k i n g on the reserve f r e q u e n t l y center around a p a r t i c u l a r group of f i v e young men, most o f whom work a t the nearby s a w m i l l and l i v e o f f - r e s e r v e , but who v i s i t f a m i l y and f r i e n d s on the r e s e r v e d u r i n g t h e weekends. The b e h a v i o u r o f t h e s e i n d i v i d u a l s i s p a r t i c u l a r l y d i f f i c u l t t o c o n t r o l . As they a r e employed o f f - r e s e r v e , S.A. vouchers cannot be used to curb t h e i r purchase of a l c o h o l , nor can th e t h r e a t o f j o b l o s s be used t o encourage them t o s t o p d r i n k i n g . F u r t h e r m o r e , by l i v i n g o f f - r e s e r v e , t h e y a r e away from t h e c o n s t a n t s o c i a l p r e s s u r e t h a t e x i s t s i n the A l k a l i community w i t h r e g a r d t o d r i n k i n g . A number of the men have been confronted by the S o c i a l Worker and other members of the I n t e r v e n t i o n Committee, who have o f f e r r e d them 101 s u p p o r t i n making an e f f o r t t o g i v e up d r i n k i n g , but t o no a v a i l . T h e i r employer a t the s a w m i l l i s r e l u c t a n t t o c o - o p e r a t e w i t h t he Band's e f f o r t s to encourage the men to become sober. The f r u s t r a t i o n and concern of those working i n the Band O f f i c e , and of other i n d i v i d u a l s i n the community, regarding t h i s s i t u a t i o n reached a peak t h i s summer a f t e r the death of a young A l k a l i man i n a hit-and-run a c c i d e n t i n v o l v i n g drunk d r i v i n g a t one of the l o c a l rodeos. At the time the man was w i t h some of these known d r i n k e r s , although he h i m s e l f had been making e f f o r t s t o s t o p d r i n k i n g . I t i s not g e n e r a l l y known whether the young man had been d r i n k i n g p r i o r to h i s death. Yet d e s p i t e t h i s i n c i d e n t , h i s companions a t the t i m e have p e r s i s t e d w i t h t h e i r d r i n k i n g . I t i s commonly be l i e v e d that a l c o h o l i c s make the d e c i s i o n to sobe r up o n l y a f t e r h a v i n g " h i t bottom"; t h a t i s , a f t e r a c e r t a i n t r a u m a t i c e x p e r i e n c e t h a t causes t he i n d i v i d u a l t o reexamine h i s s i t u a t i o n . That these men have continued d r i n k i n g even a f t e r t h i s t r a g i c i n c i d e n t has increased the sense of f r u s t r a t i o n of those working toward h e l p i n g and encouraging s o b r i e t y i n these men. Off-r e s e r v e d r i n k i n g i s a l s o a cause f o r concern, and c o n f r o n t a t i o n , by t h e S o c i a l Worker and o t h e r I n t e r v e n t i o n Committee members. For example, another young man who had been making e f f o r t s to stop d r i n k i n g , and who i n f a c t had been sober f o r s e v e r a l months, had a s e t b a c k d u r i n g the J u l y W i l l i a m s Lake Stampede, which i s an e s p e c i a l l y popular time f o r d r i n k i n g . ( K n o w l e d g e o f i n s t a n c e s o f d r i n k i n g , r e g a r d l e s s o f where the d r i n k i n g occurred, seems to spread q u i c k l y through the gossip network a t A l k a l i soon t o become common knowledge among community members.) A f t e r h i s r e t u r n to the reserve t h i s i n d i v i d u a l was again confronted by the S o c i a l Worker. E v i d e n t l y , where the d r i n k i n g took place i s at times not important. The S o c i a l Worker, perhaps w i t h other Committee members, 102 w i l l get in v o l v e d not j u s t because of a v i o l a t i o n of the community's "no d r i n k i n g on the r e s e r v e " r u l e , but more e s p e c i a l l y because o f t h e i r concern f o r the i n d i v i d u a l . There are a v a r i e t y of ideas as to why the young people are s t a r t i n g t o d r i n k . The most common one e x p r e s s e d i s t h a t they a r e d r i n k i n g t o "get back a t t h e i r p a r e n t s " f o r the m i s t r e a t m e n t t h a t they r e c e i v e d i n the past due to t h e i r parents' d r i n k i n g . I t i s b e l i e v e d t h a t these youth a r e f i n d i n g i t d i f f i c u l t t o d e a l e f f e c t i v e l y w i t h t h e i r anger and f r u s t r a t i o n . I n s t e a d of s h a r i n g t h e i r p r o b l e m s , and t a l k i n g t h i n g s t h r o u g h w i t h t h e i r p a r e n t s , they a r e t u r n i n g t o a l c o h o l as a way of g e t t i n g even. Some say t h a t t h e p a r e n t s a r e p a r t l y t o blame, i n t h a t some are not t a k i n g proper care of t h e i r c h i l d r e n . Even though they may be s o b e r , some p a r e n t s s t i l l might s l i p i n t o a "dry drunk", i n w h i c h f e e l i n g s of f r u s t r a t i o n , depression and anger become manifested i n c h i l d neglect and f a m i l y v i o l e n c e . A t h i r d f a c t o r , mentioned by some of these d r i n k e r s themselves, i s t h a t of boredom. They d r i n k because t h e r e i s n o t h i n g e l s e t o do. Yet i f they become i n v o l v e d i n o f f - r e s e r v e a c t i v i t i e s , such as p l a y i n g hockey, attending or competing i n rodeos, or going to community dances i n W i l l i a m s Lake, i n these s i t u a t i o n s a l c o h o l i s oft e n a f a c i l i t a t o r of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , p r o v i d i n g an a d d i t i o n a l t e m p t a t i o n . F i n a l l y , some account f o r d r i n k i n g among the youth simply by the b e l i e f t h a t i t i s the n a t u r e of youth t o r e b e l - g i v e n the e x i s t i n g taboo on d r i n k i n g i n the community, t h i s p r o v i d e s a v e r y e f f e c t i v e means of p r o t e s t - and t h a t t h e i r d r i n k i n g i s only a stage through which they soon w i l l pass. 1 0 3 The E l d e r l y D r i n k e r s In the Autumn of 1985 there were a t o t a l of 27 Band members over the age. of 55 l i v i n g on the r e s e r v e . Of t h e s e , 14 were f e m a l e and 13 were male. A l l of the e l d e r l y women a r e b e l i e v e d t o be sober. (One woman i s t o t a l l y i n c a p a c i t a t e d due to a stroke.) Of the t h i r t e e n men, a l l of whom are able-bodied, f i v e are known to be r e g u l a r d r i n k e r s . There e x i s t s a c o r r e l a t i o n between t h o s e p r e s e n t l y d r i n k i n g and t h o s e who p r e v i o u s l y h e l d p o s i t i o n s on the A l k a l i Lake Band C o u n c i l ( b e f o r e t h e s w i t c h t o the two-year e l e c t i v e s y s t e m ) . Of the t h i r t e e n e l d e r l y men l i v i n g on the reserve, two are past C h i e f s and two are past C o u n c i l l o r s . A l l f o u r a r e known d r i n k e r s today. None o f the e l d e r l y women have h e l d p o s i t i o n s on C o u n c i l . Thus t h e r e appear t o be two s i g n i f i c a n t v a r i a b l e s i n t h i s i n c i d e n c e of d r i n k i n g : gender, and p a s t involvement i n the Band C o u n c i l . D r i n k i n g among the e l d e r s i s a more p r i v a t e a f f a i r , o c c u r r i n g t y p i c a l l y i n the home. I n c i d e n t s o f p u b l i c drunkenness do o c c u r , however. D u r i n g one of the community dances i n the F a l l o f '85 one of the e l d e r l y men, obviously drunk, took the f l o o r during the band's break and f o r s e v e r a l m i n u t e s danced h i s way around the room, a l l the w h i l e hooting and h o l l e r i n g to the crowd of onlookers, who applauded l o u d l y a t h i s performance. Obviously, i n t h i s s i t u a t i o n the e l d e r l y man could not be i g n o r e d , a l t h o u g h h i s drunkenness s t i l l c o u l d have been, a t l e a s t o v e r t l y . The e l d e r l y d r i n k e r s have a m a r g i n a l r o l e i n the A l k a l i Lake community, v e r y r a r e l y a p p e a r i n g a t community a c t i v i t i e s such as banquets, Pow-wows, workshops, and Band meetings. They are g e n e r a l l y not incl u d e d i n the c u l t u r a l category of "Elder", which i s a term of respect a p p l i e d t o c e r t a i n i n d i v i d u a l s a c c o r d i n g t o t h e i r age and/or e x t e n t o f c u l t u r a l knowledge. E l d e r s do not c o n s t i t u t e a c l e a r l y defined group. 104 I t i s a ra t h e r f l e x i b l e category w i t h membership varying according to the s i t u a t i o n i n which the term i s used. Most of the e l d e r l y d r i n k e r s have i n the past been confronted about t h e i r d r i n k i n g , u s u a l l y a t the request of concerned f a m i l y members. One has t w i c e attended a treatment center. Today, however, they are simply t o l e r a t e d . T h e i r d r i n k i n g i s not a cause o f g r e a t c o n c e r n t o the community, and t h e r e i s v e r y l i t t l e open d i s c u s s i o n i n the community about the presence of t h i s group of p e r s i s t e n t d r i n k e r s . SUMMARY There a r e a v a r i e t y o f ways i n w h i c h t h e S o b r i e t y movement has become r o u t i n i z e d w i t h i n the A l k a l i Lake community. So b r i e t y has become a g e n e r a l l y h e l d v a l u e , and s o c i a l p r e s s u r e , p l u s t h e e x i s t e n c e o f numerous forums f o r s h a r i n g , s e r v e as p o s i t i v e mechanisms f o r t he maintenance of s o b r i e t y . There a l s o i s i n c r e a s i n g i n t e r e s t i n Indian c u l t u r e and s p i r i t u a l i t y , w i t h Pow-wow d a n c i n g , c e r e m o n i a l s w e a t i n g , r i t u a l f a s t i n g and p i p e c e r e m o n i e s b e i n g i t s m a n i f e s t a t i o n s . I t i s an e x p l i c i t b e l i e f that Indian c u l t u r e and a l c o h o l do not mix, and a number of i n d i v i d u a l s have g a i n e d s t r e n g t h f o r m a i n t a i n i n g t h e i r s o b r i e t y through involvement i n these c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s . The Band O f f i c e continues to play a major r o l e i n promoting s o b r i e t y and c o n t r o l l i n g d r i n k i n g on the reserve. At present the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r c o n t r o l l i n g d r i n k i n g and other i n a p p r o p r i a t e behaviour remains that of t h e Band O f f i c e , s p e c i f i c a l l y t h e I n t e r v e n t i o n Committee, a l t h o u g h there i s some d e s i r e by Band O f f i c e s t a f f to have t h i s r o l e reduced and t o have t h e f a m i l i e s t a k e a more a c t i v e r o l e i n c o n t r o l l i n g such behaviour. In response to the perceived problem of the community being 105 i n a plateau phase of development, the Band O f f i c e has taken steps to f u r t h e r the s o c i a l development of the community by i n t r o d u c i n g a v a r i e t y of s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l development workshops f o r v i l l a g e members. The Band i s now a c t i v e l y promoting s o b r i e t y i n Native communities elsewhere i n Canada and the United States. T h i r d party support - t h a t provided by the Four Worlds Development P r o j e c t - plays an important r o l e i n these endeavours. The Band O f f i c e i s the main c o - o r d i n a t i n g c e n t e r f o r t h e s e o f f - r e s e r v e a c t i v i t i e s . Some d r i n k i n g s t i l l occurs at A l k a l i Lake. D r i n k i n g among the youth i s a r e c o g n i z e d p r o b l e m , and t h e s o c i a l c o n t r o l t a c t i c s of t h e Band O f f i c e a r e p r o v i n g i n e f f e c t i v e l o n g - t e r m de t e r r e n t s . The s i t u a t i o n i s complicated by the young age of the offenders, as there i s disagreement as t o whether the f a m i l i e s or the Band O f f i c e should be r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the c o n t r o l of t h e i r behaviour. As w e l l , a number of the youth l i v e and work o f f - r e s e r v e , and so are away from the environment of constant s o c i a l pressure that e x i s t s w i t h i n the A l k a l i community regarding d r i n k i n g , and a l s o cannot be threatened w i t h the l o s s of employment or the i m p o s i t i o n of S.A. v o u c h e r s . The Band O f f i c e has not been a b l e t o s e c u r e the s u p p o r t of t h e employer of t h e s e d r i n k e r s i n the Band's e f f o r t s t o promote s o b r i e t y . D r i n k i n g p e r s i s t s among another sub-group w i t h i n the reserve, namely a s m a l l number of e l d e r l y men. T h i s i s not a s i t u a t i o n of g r e a t c o n c e r n t o the g e n e r a l community. These i n d i v i d u a l s a r e somewhat marginal i n the community, and t h e i r d r i n k i n g i s t o l e r a t e d and u s u a l l y i g n o r e d . As few of the d r i n k e r s on the reserve were i n t e r v i e w e d , at t h i s time t h e r a t i o n a l r i s k - r e w a r d model of d i f f e r e n t i a l r e c r u i t m e n t cannot be a p p l i e d to account f o r non-recruitment i n t o the movement. As d r i n k i n g can be c o r r e l a t e d w i t h s p e c i f i c sub-groups w i t h i n the community, i t seems 106 more appropriate to analyze the incidence of drinking in terms of sub-cultural features rather than i n terms of i n d i v i d u a l r a t i o n a l i t y and motivation. With regard to the elderly drinkers, the correlation between dr inking and gender, and past involvement with Band government, i s especially interesting and necessitates further study. Among the youth, there i s a c o r r e l a t i o n between the hard-core dr inkers and those who are beyond the economic contro l of the Band O f f i c e . In i t s e l f t h i s fact does not explain t h e i r dr inking habi t s . Indeed, t h e i r economic independence may have been a product of t h e i r desire to maintain a drinking l i f e s ty le . The simple argument that the reserve residents sobered up because of economic domination by the Band Office i s inadequate. Why was this economic domination never challenged in what seems to be the simplest way, by voting the Chief out of office? Why did few Band members leave the reserve (as the present group of young dr inkers have done) and thus escape the contro l of the Band Off ice? These questions w i l l be explored in Chapter Seven. 107 NOTES TO CHAPTER FIVE 1. The f o l l o w i n g i s the form a l d e s c r i p t i o n of the A.A. group read a t the beginning of each A.A. meeting: A l c o h o l i c s Anonymous i s a f e l l o w s h i p of men and women who share t h e i r experience, s t r e n g t h and hope w i t h each other t h a t they may s o l v e t h e i r common problem and h e l p o t h e r s t o r e c o v e r from a l c o h o l i s m . The o n l y r e q u i r e m e n t f o r membership i s a d e s i r e t o s t o p d r i n k i n g . There a r e no dues o r f e e s f o r A.A. membership; we ar e s e l f - s u p p o r t i n g t h r o u g h our own c o n t r i b u t i o n s . A.A. i s not a l l i e d w i t h any s e c t , d e n o m i n a t i o n , p o l i t i c s , o r g a n i z a t i o n or i n s t i t u t i o n ; does not w i t h t o engage i n any c o n t r o v e r s y ; n e i t h e r endorses nor opposes any causes. Our p r i m a r y purpose i s t o s t a y sober and help other a l c o h o l i c s to achieve s o b r i e t y . 2. The f o l l o w i n g i s a l i s t of workshops o f f e r r e d a t the 1985 S h a r i n g Innovations That Work Conference: Workshops o f f e r r e d by the A l k a l i Lake Band: 1. Grand Tour of the Community 2. Land Claims 3. S p e c i a l Programs a t A l k a l i Lake ( i n c l u d i n g the Youth Group, the E l d e r s ' Group, the Women's Group, the Drum and Dance Group, and the Church Group) 4. A l k a l i Lake: Past, Present and Future 5. Education by the A l k a l i Lake Band 6. S o c i a l Development by the A l k a l i Lake Band Other workshops o f f e r r e d : 7. Douglas Lake S c h o o l : A D e m o n s t r a t i o n by S t u d e n t s and F a c u l t y of a Highly S u c c e s s f u l Community-Based Education Program. 8. W h o l i s t i c Healing Methods - p r i v a t e c o n s u l t a n t . 9. Community A c t i o n P l a n n i n g : An E f f e c t i v e Way t o I n v o l v e Community Members i n D e v e l o p i n g t h e i r Own A c t i o n P l a n s -p r i v a t e c o n s u l t a n t . 10. U t i l i z i n g Drama f o r E f f e c t i v e Community and Youth Involvement -p r i v a t e c o n s u l t a n t . 11. P r o j e c t C h a r l i e - Nechi I n s t i t u t e . 12. A l c o h o l and Drug Abuse Prevention Curriculum f o r c h i l d r e n and Young People - Four Worlds Development P r o j e c t . 13. Kipohtakaw E d u c a t i o n C e n t e r : A W h o l i s t i c Approach t o N a t i v e Education - Alexander Band, A l b e r t a . 14. Adult C h i l d r e n of A l c o h o l i c s - Nechi I n s t i t u t e . 15. W h o l i s t i c Youth and Community Development at Alexander Reserve, A l b e r t a - Alexander Band. 108 16. I n d i a n E d u c a t i o n Programs f o r P u b l i c S c h o o l s : P l a n n i n g and I m p l e m e n t i n g an E f f e c t i v e and I n n o v a t i v e Approach - N a t i v e Education Programs, V i c t o r i a P u b l i c Schools. 17. Overcoming Family Violence - p r i v a t e c o n s u l t a n t . 18. U n d e r s t a n d i n g Between Young P e o p l e and A d u l t s : A W h o l i s t i c Program - Four Worlds Development P r o j e c t . 19. Indian Dream and Song Healing - p r i v a t e c o n s u l t a n t . 20. U t i l i z i n g t h e Four Worlds Concept f o r Community and Human Development - Four Worlds Development P r o j e c t . 21. S u i c i d e Prevention - p r i v a t e c o n s u l t a n t . 22. Caravan f o r Youth '84: An I n n o v a t i v e Approach t o Youth Involvement - p r i v a t e consultant. 23. Solvent Abuse - Nechi I n s t i t u t e . 24. The Development of E f f e c t i v e Community Based Research P r o j e c t s - Four Worlds Development P r o j e c t . 25. Sexual Abuse - Nechi I n s t i t u t e . 26. Community Prevention Development - Nechi I n s t i t u t e . 27. The Importance o f N a t i v e C u l t u r e i n t h e P r e v e n t i o n and Treatment of A l c o h o l and Drug Abuse - ( i n d i v i d u a l s a s s ociated w i t h the Four Worlds Development P r o j e c t ) . 28. C r o s s - C u l t u r a l Development: E x p l o r i n g Ways to U t i l i z e the Best of Two Cu l t u r e s i n Community and Personal Development - p r i v a t e c o n s u l t a n t . 29. F r i e n d s h i p C e n t e r s : The I n n o v a t i v e R o l e They Can P l a y i n the Development of the N a t i v e Community - Kermode F r i e n d s h i p C e n t e r , T e r r a c e , B.C.. 30. Alcoholism as a Family Disease - Nechi I n s t i t u t e . 31. Round Lake Treatment Center Story - Round Lake Center. 32. F e t a l A l c o h o l Syndrome - p r i v a t e c o n s u l t a n t . 4. The c o n f e r e n c e was b o y c o t t e d by the C h i l c o t i n - U l k a t c h o - K l u s k u s N a t i o n , t h e Shuswap N a t i o n T r i b a l C o u n c i l , t h e Union of B.C. I n d i a n C h i e f s , and the Assembly o f F i r s t N a t i o n s due t o the ex p e c t e d p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the conference of a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the Guatemalan government. 109 CHAPTER SIX: SOME HISTORICAL CONSIDERATIONS In t h i s c h a p t e r I w i l l d i s c u s s some f e a t u r e s of the h i s t o r i c a l c o n t e x t i n w h i c h t he S o b r i e t y movement emerged. In p a r t i c u l a r I am i n t e r e s t e d i n e x p l o r i n g , from a h i s t o r i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e , why the o f f i c e of Band c h i e f was seen by l e a d e r s as a s u i t a b l e p o s i t i o n from w h i c h t o i n i t i a t e t h e S o b r i e t y movement. T h i s c h a p t e r p r o v i d e s a d e s c r i p t i v e background o f g e n e r a l changes t h a t have o c c u r r e d i n w e s t e r n Shuswap s o c i e t y s i n c e f i r s t contact w i t h Europeans. S p e c i a l reference w i l l be made to the development of a l c o h o l use. Also provided i s a d i s c u s s i o n of what we know about the h i s t o r i c r e l a t i o n s h i p between c h i e f t a i n s h i p and s o c i a l c o n t r o l w i t h i n t h e A l k a l i Lake community. I w i l l a s s e r t t h a t t h e r e i s h i s t o r i c e v i d e n c e i n d i c a t i n g t h a t t h e o f f i c e of Band c h i e f e n t a i l e d a u t h o r i t y t o c o n t r o l b e h a v i o u r of the v i l l a g e members. T h i s c h a p t e r i s an a t t e m p t t o s u p p o r t the c o n t e n t i o n t h a t t h e c h o i c e of s t r a t e g y o f t h e movement l e a d e r s ( u s i n g t h e o f f i c e of Band c h i e f ) was i n f l u e n c e d by t h i s c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n , and t h a t t h e resp o n s e of the community members r e f l e c t e d an i m p l i c i t r e c o g n i t i o n and a c c e p t a n c e of t h i s t r a d i t i o n of " s t r i c t " c h i e f t a i n s h s i p . EARLY POST-CONTACT SHUSWAP CULTURE The most comprehensive account of e a r l y p o s t - c o n t a c t Shuswap c u l t u r e i s found i n James T e i t ' s 1909 ethnography. T e i t conducted f i e l d w o r k among the Shuswap between 1900 and 1904. By t h i s time much of t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l way of l i f e had been d i s r u p t e d t h r o u g h c o n t a c t w i t h n o n - N a t i v e peo p l e . Working w i t h a few e l d e r l y male i n f o r m a n t s T e i t 110 attempted to construct a p i c t u r e of Shuswap c u l t u r e as i t had been before t h i s d i s r u p t i o n . T e i t had a strong a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r the dynamic nature of c u l t u r e and s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , and h i s ethnography r e p r e s e n t s an i n t e r e s t i n g account not only of " t r a d i t i o n a l " Shuswap l i f e s t y l e , but of a s o c i e t y i n t r a n s i t i o n . U n t i l the 1900s, the Shuswap were a semi-nomadic h u n t i n g and g a t h e r i n g people. T h e i r s u b s i s t e n c e was based p r i m a r i l y on salmon, deer, and e l k , w i t h c a r i b o u , moose, bear, and s m a l l e r game b e i n g of s e c o n d a r y i m p o r t a n c e ( T e i t 1909; P a l m e r 1975). P l a n t f o o d s supplemented the d i e t i n the summer months. D u r i n g the w i n t e r the Shuswap r e s i d e d i n permanent s e t t l e m e n t s , d i s p e r s i n g i n t o s m a l l e r m i g r a t o r y f a m i l y u n i t s d u r i n g the summer. Those bands i n the westernmost Shuswap t e r r i t o r y (the A l k a l i Lake band included) were almost completely sedentary, t h e i r subsistence based l a r g e l y on the p r e d i c t a b l e and abundant runs of Fraser R i v e r salmon. The Shuswap r e c o g n i z e d a t l e a s t t h r e e l e v e l s o f s o c i a l g r o u p i n g s w i t h i n t h e i r nation. The f i r s t , and most encompassing s o c i a l group, was represented by the word "Sex'wa'pmux", meaning "our people" (Brow 1967), the a n g l i c i z e d v e r s i o n of which was "Shuswap". Wi t h i n t h i s group were included seven t r i b a l d i v i s i o n s , each named a f t e r a p a r t i c u l a r geographic l o c a t i o n . The s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e of t h e s e d i v i s i o n s i s not c l e a r . Each d i v i s i o n was composed of a number of "bands". T e i t d e f i n e s the term band as "being composed of a group of f a m i l i e s c l o s e l y r e l a t e d among t h e m s e l v e s , who g e n e r a l l y w i n t e r e d w i t h i n a d e f i n i t e l o c a l i t y , a t or w i t h i n a few m i l e s of a l a r g e r v i l l a g e or c e n t e r " (1909:457). H i s i n f o r m a n t s p r o v i d e d him w i t h a l i s t of t h i r t y bands and the p r i n c i p a l v i l l a g e of each, those being a l l the recognized Shuswap bands t h a t e x i s t e d i n the mid-1800s. Through the 1800s t h e r e was a 111 tendency f o r bands to become more r e a d i l y i d e n t i f i e d , as more and more f a m i l y groups congregated a t a c e n t r a l v i l l a g e f o r the w i n t e r months. At t h a t t i m e t e n bands, i n c l u d i n g t h e A l k a l i Lake band, were l i s t e d as b e l o n g i n g t o the F r a s e r R i v e r D i v i s i o n . S i x of t h e s e today a r e r e c o g n i z e d by the Department of I n d i a n A f f a i r s , the o t h e r s h a v i n g disappeared through population d e c l i n e . According to T e i t , the western Shuswap bands* were d i s t i n c t not only i n t h e i r r e l a t i v e l y high degree of sedentism, but a l s o i n s e v e r a l unique fea t u r e s of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n : ranked c l a s s e s , c r e s t groups, and dance s o c i e t i e s . These were beli e v e d to have been t r a n s m i t t e d through contact w i t h the n e i g h b o u r i n g C h i l c o t i n , C a r r i e r , and L i l l o o e t p e o p l e , who i n turn had adopted these fe a t u r e s from d i r e c t or i n d i r e c t contact w i t h the Northwest Coast s o c i e t i e s . The type of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n d i s p l a y e d by th e s o u t h e r n and e a s t e r n Shuswap bands was b e l i e v e d by T e i t t o be the ol d e r form once shared by a l l Shuswap. Kinship i n the southern and eastern bands was b i l a t e r a l l y reckoned. The ba s i c socio-economic u n i t was the extended f a m i l y , which t r a v e l l e d t o g e t h e r i n the summer and w i n t e r months. The o n l y f o r m a l c l a s s d i s t i n c t i o n e x i s t e d i n the presence of sla v e r y . T h i s , however, seems to have s e r v e d as a tempo r a r y c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of war c a p t i v e s , who g a i n e d equal s t a t u s upon marriage i n t o the band. Some r e c o g n i t i o n of u n i l i n e a l p r i n c i p l e s of descent was apparent i n the use of h e r e d i t a r y names, and i n t h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n of band c h i e f t a i n s h i p . There was one h e r e d i t a r y c h i e f per band ( d e t e r m i n e d p a r t i a l l y by p a t r i l i n e a l d e s c e n t ) who, a c c o r d i n g t o T e i t , "had no s p e c i a l p r i v i l e g e s , and ( h i s ) o n l y d u t i e s were t o l o o k a f t e r t h e g e n e r a l w e l f a r e of the band... the c h i e f was looked upon as a kind of f a t h e r and leader of the people,and was expected 112 t o s e t a good example, and t o a c t f a i r l y , i n a l l m a t t e r s " (1909:570). Hunt c h i e f s , war c h i e f s , and dance l e a d e r s emerged as the o c c a s i o n n e c e s s i t a t e d . These l e a d e r s a t t a i n e d t h e i r p o s i t i o n a c c o r d i n g t o recognized a b i l i t i e s . T e i t asserted that s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n of the western Shuswap bands d i f f e r e d i n e x h i b i t i n g f e a t u r e s of a Northwest Coast i n f l u e n c e : ranked c l a s s e s , c r e s t groups, and dance s o c i e t i e s . He argued t h a t t h e s e fea t u r e s were i n t e g r a t e d i n t o western Shuswap s o c i e t y i n the e a r l y 1800s, h a v i n g been adopted t h r o u g h c o n t a c t w i t h the C h i l c o t i n , C a r r i e r , and L i l l o o e t Indians. By the l a t e 1800s the system had f a l l e n i n t o disuse. Consequently, T e i t had d i f f i c u l t y r e c o n s t r u c t i n g a c l e a r p i c t u r e of t h i s s y stem, p a r t i c u l a r l y r e g a r d i n g p r i n c i p l e s of membership, s t a t u s , and p r i v i l e g e s of the n o b i l i t y , c r e s t groups, and dance s o c i e t i e s . Grossman (1965) has questioned the accuracy of Teit's i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of dance s o c i e t i e s and c r e s t groups. F o l l o w i n g Grossman, i t seems more p l a u s i b l e to view Western Shuswap s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n as being based on stem l i n e a g e s . At the c e n t e r of the l i n e a g e would be a p a t r i l i n e a l core of c h i e f s , who r e s i d e d i n c l o s e p r o x i m i t y and who exercised c o n t r o l over the resources of a c e r t a i n t e r r i t o r y . I n d i v i d u a l s more d i s t a n t l y r e l a t e d could c l a i m membership i n a number of descent groups, according t o the p r i n c i p l e of b i l a t e r a l d e s c e nt. Thus T e i t ' s c r e s t group may i n f a c t be a p a t r i l i n e a l c o r e , w i t h h i s "band" b e i n g the stem l i n e a g e . Ranked c l a s s e s may be a product of r e l a t i v e distance from the p a t r i l i n e a l core, and dance s o c i e t i e s could be explained simply as ceremonies adopted through d i f f u s i o n and attached to s p e c i f i c stem line a g e s . An e x a m i n a t i o n of some of the o t h e r f o r c e s of change f e l t by the western Shuswap i n the 19th century w i l l now be presented. 113 FIRST WHITE CONTACT The f i r s t white man to enter Shuswap t e r r i t o r y i s b e l i e v e d to have been Simon F r a s e r , who passed t h r o u g h i n 1808 en r o u t e t o the P a c i f i c Ocean. I n the e a r l y decades of the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y the Hudson's Bay Company e s t a b l i s h e d a number of t r a d i n g posts i n New Caledonia. In 1834 the most sou t h e r l y of these posts were Fort A l e x a n d r i a , F o r t Thompson, and (the s h o r t - l i v e d ) F o r t C h i l c o t i n (Morice 1978). I t i s probable that Shuswap Indians v i s i t e d these f o r t s . I t i s a l s o l i k e l y that i t was from t h e s e s o u r c e s t h a t a l c o h o l was f i r s t i n t r o d u c e d t o the Shuswap. The i n t r o d u c t i o n of a f u r - t r a d e economy, however, d i d not severely d i s r u p t t h e t r a d i t i o n a l way of l i f e of the I n d i a n s of t h i s r e g i o n . T r a p p i n g was a p u r s u i t t h a t was e a s i l y i n t e g r a t e d i n t o t h e i r s e a s o n a l round of a c t i v i t i e s ; i n f a c t , the t r a d e r s r e l i e d on the c o n t i n u a t i o n of the Indians' t r a d i t i o n a l economy i n order to obt a i n t h e i r f u r s ( F i s h e r 1978). The f i r s t m i s s i o n a r y t o v i s i t t h e w e s t e r n Shuswap was the Roman C a t h o l i c Modeste Demers i n 1842. Contact w i t h the m i s s i o n a r i e s remained infrequent u n t i l the l a t e 1860s. THE GOLD RUSH AND THE MISSIONARIES: 1858-1876 I t was not u n t i l the l a t e 1850s t h a t Shuswap c u l t u r e began t o be s e r i o u s l y d i s r u p t e d by c o n t a c t w i t h n o n - N a t i v e s . The f i r s t s o u r c e o f t h i s d i s r u p t i o n came through i n d i r e c t contact w i t h Whites, when a s e r i e s of epidemics swept through the Shuswap and other Indian groups, causing a d r a s t i c r e d u c t i o n i n p o p u l a t i o n . The most s e v e r e e p i d e m i c t o h i t t h e Shuswap occurred i n 1862-63, when smallpox v i r t u a l l y wiped out the 700-member Canon d i v i s i o n , who o c c u p i e d t e r r i t o r y on the west s i d e of the F r a s e r R i v e r n o r t h and so u t h of the mouth of the C h i l c o t i n R i v e r . The 114 second d i s r u p t i o n was i n i t i a t e d by the discovery of gold i n the Cariboo. I n 1858 a Gold Rush emerged t h a t brought thousands of n o n - N a t i v e p r o s p e c t o r s i n t o Shuswap c o u n t r y . The o p p o r t u n i t y f o r wage-labour employment i n p a c k i n g and g u i d i n g , and the a v a i l a b i l i t y of a l c o h o l t h r o u g h the numerous s a l o o n s and road-houses t h a t l i n e d t he C a r i b o o T r a i l , c o n t r i b u t e d to i n c r e a s i n g l y frequent Indian use of a l c o h o l and to drunkenness. By 1865 the Cariboo Road between Yale and B a r k e r v i l l e was c o m p l e t e d ; by 1870 the C a r i b o o Gold Rush was over. Many of t h o s e who had been l u r e d to the Cariboo by the promise of gold remained i n the area t o t a k e up the more mundane p u r s u i t s of f a r m i n g , r a n c h i n g , l o g g i n g and t r a p p i n g . Through t h e s e a c t i v i t i e s much of the Shuswap's t r a d i t i o n a l hunting t e r r i t o r i e s were l o s t . An event that was to have great impact on the western Shuswap bands was the establishment i n 1867 of St. Joseph's Mission.^ S i t u a t e d j u s t south of W i l l i a m s Lake, the M i s s i o n became the center of Roman C a t h o l i c a c t i v i t y i n the C a r i b o o . Twenty-two bands were i n c l u d e d i n the Mission's " t e r r i t o r y " . These included the Fraser R i v e r d i v i s i o n Shuswap bands ( i n c l u d i n g A l k a l i Lake), the Southern C a r r i e r , and some C h i l c o t i n bands. W i t h i n one year of the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of St. Joseph's, t e n c h u r c h e s had been c o n s t r u c t e d i n the a r e a , among them S t . P i e r r e ' s a t A l k a l i Lake (Whitehead 1981). The Shuswap i n p a r t i c u l a r seemed t o welcome the m i s s i o n a r i e s and t h e i r teachings (ibid.:51). One missionary, Father LeJacq, was delegated the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of p a y i n g r e g u l a r v i s i t s t o the v a r i o u s I n d i a n bands i n the a r e a . F a t h e r LeJacq was an ardent b e l i e v e r i n the "Durieu system". Developed i n 1850 by P a u l D u r i e u , O.M.I, m i s s i o n a r y t o Oregon, t h i s system was aimed a t r e p l a c i n g t r a d i t i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n of the w i n t e r s e t t l e m e n t s w i t h a system of h i e r a r c h i c a l v i l l a g e o r g a n i z a t i o n based on C a t h o l i c b e l i e f s and 115 values. Whitehead describes the Durieu system: In accepting the new a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , the Indians had to r e j e c t forever a l l t r i b a l c e l e b r a t i o n s , a l l patronage of the medicine man or shaman, i n t o x i c a n t s and gambling. Sunday observance was s t r i c t l y e n f o r c e d . Weekday a t t e n d a n c e a t mass (wherever p o s s i b l e ) or a t d a i l y p r a y e r or c a t e c h i s m s e s s i o n s was mandatory. M a r r i a g e s had t o have the p r i e s t ' s consent and l e i s u r e a c t i v i t i e s were frowned upon unless a l l recessary work was completed. Every aspect of l i f e operated under p u r i t a n i c a l r e s t r i c t i o n s . . . F e a s t days h e l d by the c h u r c h were t o be c e l e b r a t e d i n g r e a t s t y l e , w i t h p r o c e s s i o n s and p a g e a n t r y , s p e c i a l s e r v i c e s , r e l i g i o u s p lays, even, on occasion, f i r e w o r k d i s p l a y s ( i b i d . : 1 9 ) . L o c a l m i s s i o n a r i e s , such as Father LeJacq, acted as su p e r v i s o r s i n the establishment and operation of the new v i l l a g e system. W i t h i n the v i l l a g e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n t h e r e e x i s t e d a number of r o l e s : c h i e f s , sub-c h i e f s , watchmen, p o l i c e m e n , c a t e c h i s t s , c h a n t e r s , and s e x t o n s ( b e l l -r i n g e r s ) (Whitehead 1981:18; Lemert 1954:24). Among the w e s t e r n Shuswap i t appears that there was only one c h i e f per v i l l a g e (Whitehead 1981). Whitehead s t a t e s that the missionary would g e n e r a l l y attempt to a p p o i n t the h e r e d i t a r y c h i e f t o t h i s p o s i t i o n , a l t h o u g h t h e r e were a l t e r n a t e " c h i e f s " - p o s s i b l y r e f e r r i n g to c r e s t group c h i e f s - who could be approached i f the former de c l i n e d . This c h i e f , as appointed by the missionary, was considered to be the l o c a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the church. He had supreme a u t h o r i t y f o r s o c i a l c o n t r o l w i t h i n the community. His d u t i e s i n c l u d e d e n s u r i n g t h a t White b o o t l e g g e r s were kept out of the v i l l a g e , and deciding upon s u i t a b l e punishment f o r those found g u i l t y of t r a n s g r e s s i o n s of the new r u l e s ( i b i d . : 18). Watchmen and p o l i c e m e n worked under the d i r e c t i o n o f the c h i e f . I t was the duty of the watchmen to p a t r o l the v i l l a g e and to report to the c h i e f any i n f r a c t i o n s of t h e r u l e s . The policemen's r o l e was t o c a r r y out the punishment of the offender, as had been decided upon by the c h i e f . 116 F a t h e r L e J a c q c l a i m e d t o have had g r e a t s u c c e s s a t g a i n i n g the Shuswap's a c c e p t a n c e of the D u r i e u system. To what e x t e n t Shuswap c u l t u r e was i n f l u e n c e d a t t h i s s t a g e by the system i s u n c l e a r . The Shuswap s t i l l pursued a semi-nomadic l i f e s t y l e . F or a s i g n i f i c a n t p roportion of time they l i v e d away from t h e i r c e n t r a l v i l l a g e s and thus i n t h e o r y d i d not have t o conform t o the b e h a v i o u r codes of the system. Al s o , the missionary, Father LeJacq, made r e g u l a r v i s i t s to each v i l l a g e , but remained t h e r e f o r o n l y a s h o r t p e r i o d of t i m e , and what went on i n the v i l l a g e during h i s absence may have been q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from what went on i n h i s presence. R e g a r d l e s s of the e x t e n t t o which the D u r i e u system i n f l u e n c e d Shuswap l i f e i n t h i s e a r l y p e r i o d of m i s s i o n a r y c o n t a c t , w i t h the t r a n s f e r of Father LeJacq out of the t e r r i t o r y i n 1873, the system began to wane i n p o p u l a r i t y . His successor, Father Charles Marchal, "did not have the same c h a r i s m a t i c a p p e a l f o r the I n d i a n s as F a t h e r L e J a c q " ( i b i d . : 8 1 ) , and w i t h i n t h r e e y e a r s he had " v i s i b l y l o s t t he r e g a r d of s e v e r a l Shuswap b a n d s " ( i b i d . ) . V i r t u a l l y a l l the Shuswap, C a r r i e r , and C h i l c o t i n bands i n the region openly reverted to the o l d ways: dancing, gambling, p o t l a t c h i n g , ... and d r i n k i n g . THE PROBLEM OF ALCOHOL Regulations p r o h i b i t i n g the s a l e or g i f t of i n t o x i c a n t s to Indians had been i n place i n Upper and Lower Canada since the l a t e 1700s, and i n the t e r r i t o r y l a t e r t o become B r i t i s h C o l u m bia s i n c e the mid-1800s (Canada: H i s t o r i c a l Development of the I n d i a n A c t , 1978). The I n d i a n Act of 1876 c o n s o l i d a t e d and amended the e x i s t i n g l a w s c o n c e r n i n g I n d i a n s . Under S e c t i o n s 79, 80, and 83, i t was i l l e g a l t o f u r n i s h i n t o x i c a n t s t o I n d i a n s , f o r I n d i a n s t o make, s e l l , or have i n t h e i r 117 p o s s e s s i o n any i n t o x i c a n t , and f o r I n d i a n s t o be i n a s t a t e o f drunkenness (Canada: Sta t u t e s of Canada, pp.66-68). Possession c a r r i e d a p o s s i b l e f i n e of $100 or imprisonment f o r s i x months; drunkenness was punishable by i n c a r c e r a t i o n f o r t h i r t y days. Reports of the Indian Agent to the W i l l i a m s Lake Agency (which was e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1881 and i n c l u d e d i n i t s j u r i s d i c t i o n a l t e r r i t o r y the Shuswap, C h i l c o t i n and C a r r i e r bands " s e r v e d " by the S t . Joseph's m i s s i o n a r i e s ) provide i n f o r m a t i o n regarding the problems of a l c o h o l use and i t s c o n t r o l on the l o c a l reserves. In 1884 the W i l l i a m s Lake Indian Agent reported that he had: A p p o i n t e d c o n s t a b l e s [on the Sugar Cane] r e s e r v e g i v i n g them i n s t r u c t i o n s as to t h e i r d u t i e s i n preserving law and order i n the v i l l a g e . T his v i l l a g e has been at the mercy of a number of persons, who were i n the h a b i t of prowling around at n i g h t w i t h l i q u o r , f o r purposes needless to mention (I.A.B. Annual Report 1884:106) C o n s t a b l e s were a l s o a p p o i n t e d i n t h i s year on the Soda Creek r e s e r v e , f o r the purpose of " s e c u r i n g law and o r d e r i n the v i l l a g e " ( i b i d . ) . The appointment of constables here received the f u l l support of the Soda Creek c h i e f (see page 120). Presumably, the Indian constables were to r e p o r t any instances of wrongdoing to the l o c a l Indian Agent, who would then i n i t i a t e the l e g a l p r o c e e d i n g s a g a i n s t the o f f e n d e r s . I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t t h a t i n the Shuswap region the only mention of constables being appointed occurs i n t h e s e two r e s e r v e s , w h i c h a r e s i t u a t e d c l o s e s t t o w h i t e p o p u l a t i o n c e n t e r s . I n t h e m s e l v e s , the i n t o x i c a n t l a w s p r o b a b l y had l i t t l e e f f e c t on Indian d r i n k i n g . Implementation r e l i e d h e a v i l y on the w i l l i n g n e s s of i n d i v i d u a l s t o become i n f o r m a n t s . While i t i s t h e o r e t i c a l l y p o s s i b l e 118 t h a t i n r e g i o n s of more f r e q u e n t m i s s i o n a r y or I n d i a n Agent c o n t a c t an Indian may have been motivated to inform through r e s i d u a l devotion to the Durieu system, or through some c a l c u l a t i o n of p o l i t i c a l advantage to be gained through working w i t h the Whites, t h i s would be l e s s l i k e l y i n the more remote t e r r i t o r i e s where the t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l order had been l e s s d i s r u p t e d by White contact. In these more i s o l a t e d regions, laws were v i r t u a l l y i m p o s s i b l e to enforce, even i f an informant d i d come f o r t h , due to the slowness of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and communication. I n 1884 the I n d i a n Agent, r e p o r t i n g from the Quesnel r e s e r v e , expressed h i s f r u s t r a t i o n s at the i n e f f e c t i v e n e s s of the l i q u o r laws: The law r e q u i r i n g two J.P.'s [ J u s t i c e s of the Peace] t o t r y an Indian whiskey-giver, i s the great loop-hole through which such o f f e n c e s escape. I n t h i s p a r t of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a J u s t i c e s l i v e f a r a p a r t - f i f t y m i l e s , as an average. There i s no law to compel a J u s t i c e to attend the summons of another J.P.. Nor i s i t sometimes p o s s i b l e f o r him t o l e a v e h i s home a t a day's n o t i c e . And i n a l l cases the delay i s such, that the offender g e n e r a l l y h e a r s of the i n f o r m a t i o n h a v i n g been l a i d , and has ample t i m e t o "move o f f " t o a d i s t a n c e u n t i l the m a t t e r has "blown over" (I.A.B. Annual Report 1884:108) Another problem i n v o l v e d the r e l u c t a n c e of the B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Government to co-operate i n the enforcement of Federal laws: The a c t i o n s of the p r o v i n c i a l government, i n r e f u s i n g the use of c o u r t houses, g a o l s and c o n s t a b l e s t o I n d i a n a gents when a c t i n g i n the c a p a c i t y of m a g i s t r a t e s , as the I n d i a n A c t empowers them t o do i n r e s p e c t t o a l l v i o l a t i o n s of i t s p r o v i s i o n s , w i l l here, as elsewhere, g r e a t l y impede the proper a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of j u s t i c e , as s i m i l a r cases of v i o l a t i o n of the law o c c u r (I.A.B. Annual Report 1885:lx). I n an e f f o r t t o improve the e f f i c a c y of the l i q u o r r e g u l a t i o n s a s e r i e s o f amendments were made t o the " i n t o x i c a n t s " s e c t i o n s of the Indian Act through the l a t e 1800s and e a r l y 1900s. These amendments d i d not succeed i n p r o v i d i n g an e f f e c t i v e deterrent to Indian d r i n k i n g . 119 INDIAN CONTROL OF DRINKING; 1880s Under the s h o r t - l i v e d Durieu system of the 1870s the Durieu c h i e f s had the a u t h o r i t y to punish those g u i l t y of intemperance. Some c h i e f s ' commitment to temperance p e r s i s t e d a f t e r the d i s s o l u t i o n of the system, and they worked w i t h the m i s s i o n a r i e s and Indian Agents i n an e f f o r t to c o n t r o l d r i n k i n g and b o o t l e g g i n g i n the v i l l a g e s . F r u s t r a t e d by the i n e f f i c a c y of the l i q u o r r e g u l a t i o n s , the c h i e f s seemed at times to have t a k e n m a t t e r s i n t o t h e i r own hands. E x a c t l y what methods of c o n t r o l they used i s u n c l e a r , however, F a t h e r McGuckin of S t . Joseph's M i s s i o n d e s c r i b e d the I n d i a n s ' mode of punishment as "too r i g o r o u s " (Whitehead 1981:92). The W i l l i a m s Lake Indian Agent presented some observations on the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of some of the Shuswap c h i e f s i n c o n t r o l l i n g d r i n k i n g behaviour i n t h i s p e r i o d : The [Dog Creek] c h i e f , Missou, i s a young man. He i s a t e r r o r to drunken Indians and white whiskey-givers; and as t h i s place i s where the l i c e n s e d l i q u o r houses are s i t u a t e d (three houses f o r s i x w h i t e r e s i d e n t s ! ) h i s energy i n d i s c o v e r i n g and i n f o r m i n g against offenders has put a stop to the drunkenness which formerly was so prevalent among Indians here, at A l k a l i Lake and a t Canoe Creek (I.A.B. Annual Report 1884:110)). The [Soda Creek] c h i e f , Camusells, i s one of the few remaining " o l d - t i m e " c h i e f s - f e a r e d and obeyed by h i s t r i b e , and a m o r t a l enemy t o a l l drunkenness and i m m o r a l i t y of any k i n d . B e f o r e he became too o l d , he used, sometimes, t o e x e c u t e h i s sentences w i t h h i s own hand., t h i s v i l l a g e , l i k e W i l l i a m s Lake (Sugar Cane), has o f t e n been a t the mercy of u n p r i n c i p l e d whites, prowling about a f t e r night w i t h whiskey; and the c h i e f was e l o q u e n t i n h i s e x p r e s s i o n s of d e l i g h t a t the s t o p put t o such proceedings at the l a t t e r reserve... ( i b i d . : 1 0 6 ) . Several comments should be made on these passages. We must examine t h e s e d e s c r i p t i o n s of Shuswap c h i e f t a i n s h i p w i t h r e f e r e n c e t o t h e i r s o u r c e . The l o c a l I n d i a n Agent p r o b a b l y spent r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e t i m e 120 among the Indians, and may have been viewing the a c t i o n s of these c h i e f s w i t h p r e - c o n c e i v e d n o t i o n s of what a c h i e f ' s r o l e s h o u l d be; thus the r e l i a b i l i t y o f h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of the Shuswap c h i e f s i n s o c i a l c o n t r o l may be questioned. Second, i t would be i n the best i n t e r e s t s of the Indian Agent to emphasize i n h i s annual report to Ottawa any s u c c e s s , however b r i e f , of temperance e f f o r t s among the Indians of h i s Agency. Granted these q u a l i f i c a t i o n s , the observations of the Indian Agent about c h i e f t a i n s h i p are not i n c o n s i s t e n t w i t h what we know of the r o l e of the c h i e f under the r e c e n t l y abandoned Durieu system. THE RE-EMERGENCE OF THE DURIEU SYSTEM In 1890 the Durieu system showed a dramatic resurgence of p o p u l a r i t y among the Shuswap and o t h e r bands i n the M i s s i o n ' s t e r r i t o r y . T h i s turnaround was t r i g g e r e d by one event. In May 1890, a group of Shuswap and C a r r i e r Indians, l e d by Father Marchal (the same Father Marchal who "lacked s u f f i c i e n t c h a r i s m a t i c appeal" to maintain Indian acceptance of the Durieu system i n 1873), t r a v e l l e d en masse down to Sechelt to attend the opening of a new c h u r c h . The S e c h e l t I n d i a n s had w h o l e h e a r t e d l y embraced the Durieu system, and t h e i r v i l l a g e was considered a model to w h i c h o t h e r I n d i a n s (and more i m p o r t a n t , m i s s i o n a r i e s ) c o u l d a s p i r e . The week-long ceremonies and f e s t i v i t i e s , i n true C a t h o l i c f a s h i o n , were " e l a b o r a t e and i m p r e s s i v e " (Whitehead 1981:94). The c h u r c h b l e s s i n g i t s e l f was attended by almost two thousand Indians from v a r i o u s t r i b e s i n the n o r t h west r e g i o n . A c o n t i n g e n c y of m i s s i o n a r i e s and c h i e f s departed mid-way through the week from Sechelt to attend the f u n e r a l of Bishop D'Herbomez i n New Westminster, which was to be a ceremony e q u a l l y r i c h i n symbolism and drama. 121 The w i t n e s s i n g of these events seems to have set o f f a new round of r e l i g i o u s f e r v o u r among the Shuswap bands ( i b i d . ) . F i v e months a f t e r the p a r t y ' s r e t u r n t o the C a r i b o o , the A l k a l i Lake I n d i a n s h e l d a ceremony, s i m i l a r t o t h a t w h i c h had o c c u r r e d a t S e c h e l t , f o r the d e d i c a t i o n of the v i l l a g e ' s new c h u r c h , w i t h o t h e r I n d i a n bands of the d i s t r i c t i n v i t e d t o a t t e n d . T h i s was o n l y the f i r s t of a number of d e d i c a t i o n s which were to occur i n the next few years. One s i g n i f i c a n t i n n o v a t i o n w i t h i n the D u r i e u system was the c r e a t i o n , i n 1895, of the "Total Abstinence Society of B r i t i s h Columbia". I n i t i a t e d by Bishop Durieu during a church d e d i c a t i o n at the Sugar Cane r e s e r v e , the s o c i e t y was aimed s p e c i f i c a l l y a t the c o n t r o l of I n d i a n a l c o h o l use. According to Whitehead, the s o c i e t y was: a "regular a s s o c i a t i o n " w i t h a c o n s t i t u t i o n , r e g u l a t i o n s , and s t a t u t e s . . . The B i s h o p w i s h e d t o e s t a b l i s h a branch of t h e s o c i e t y i n e v e r y I n d i a n v i l l a g e , and the c h i e f - wherever p o s s i b l e the h e r e d i t a r y c h i e f - was made the l o c a l president of h i s branch. As the l o c a l p r e s i d e n t , the c h i e f was empowered " w i t h o u t b e i n g s u b j e c t t o a r r e s t and p r o s e c u t i o n t o m a i n t a i n o r d e r and d i s c i p l i n e among the I n d i a n members of the s a i d s o c i e t y " (1981:95-96). The s o c i e t y was inaugurated i n the same elaborate ceremonial s t y l e t hat c h a r a c t e r i z e d other p u b l i c events of the C a t h o l i c church. L i n i n g up the t e n a t t e n d i n g c h i e f s by h i s s i d e a t the a l t a r , B i s h o p D u r i e u i n s t r u c t e d them i n t h e i r d u t i e s as r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the temperance s o c i e t y . Each c h i e f was given a "temperance f l a g " , and each was l a t e r a s s i g n e d a r e g i s t e r b e a r i n g the s t a t u t e s of the s o c i e t y . A l l I n d i a n s were requested to s i g n the r e g i s t e r , which was to be placed by the a l t a r of the v i l l a g e c h u r c h t o s e r v e as a r e m i n d e r f o r a l l who e n t e r e d the church of t h e i r promise of temperance (ibid.:97). The Shuswap continued to show an i n t e r e s t i n the C a t h o l i c r e l i g i o n 122 through the e a r l y 1900s. The missionary to attend the Indians through t h i s p e r i o d , Father Thomas, would v i s i t the bands of the d i s t r i c t three or four times per year, h i s v i s i t s when p o s s i b l e corresponding to s p e c i a l c e l e b r a t i o n s such as Easter or Christmas. Courts would be held during t h e m i s s i o n a r y ' s v i s i t , d u r i n g w h ich cases o f i n t e m p e r a n c e , or o t h e r instances of i m m o r a l i t y as defined by the Durieu system, would be heard and punishment d e l i v e r e d . I t i s not c l e a r whether such c o u r t s were held i n the absence of the missionary. The c o u r t system p e r s i s t e d among some of the d i s t r i c t bands ( i n c l u d i n g A l k a l i Lake) u n t i l t h e 1940s. Whitehead d e s c r i b e s one such court held a t Redstone (a C h i l c o t i n reserve) i n the l a t e r years: Mr. C h r i s t i e [the Indian Agent to the W i l l i a m s Lake d i s t r i c t ] , who as a JP had l e g a l a u t h o r i t y , p r e s i d e d a t a c o u r t h e l d i n f r o n t of the church. Indians who had caused harm w h i l e drunk had to kneel i n f r o n t of the Chief and Mr. C h r i s t i e w h i l e t h e i r c r i m e s were a s s e s s e d . The C h i e f l e v i e d f i n e s a g a i n s t t h o s e found g u i l t y , and, Mr. C h r i s t i e r e c a l l e d , " i f they d i d n ' t pay, they'd t a k e a ho r s e or a cow and s e l l i t and the money went t o the church, to buy candles and s t u f f l i k e t h a t " ( i b i d . : 131). Whitehead adds th a t : Even without church or government a u t h o r i t y present, one or two c h i e f s continued to hold these c o u r t s but the Indians refused to p a r t i c i p a t e ; i n one case, where the Chief had taken a man's horse f o r non-payment of a f i n e , the Indian reported i t to the R.C.M.P. - a s u r e s i g n of the l o s s of t r i b a l and ch u r c h a u t h o r i t y ( i b i d . ) . THE DURIEU SYSTEM AT ALKALI LAKE: ELDERS* RECOLLECTIONS The system of s o c i a l c o n t r o l described above i s w e l l remembered by the e l d e r l y p e o ple of A l k a l i Lake. The e l d e r s from w h i c h t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n was c o l l e c t e d ( a l l of whom were women) were between the ages of s i x t y and eig h t y , and thus t h e i r personal r e c o l l e c t i o n s of the system 123 p r o b a b l y r e f e r t o the y e a r s between 1920 and 1940. The system i s associated w i t h Chief Sxoxomic ( a l s o known as Chief Samson), who was the A l k a l i Lake band c h i e f (as r e c o g n i z e d by the Department of I n d i a n A f f a i r s ) p o s s i b l y from 1899 (the I.A.B. Annual Report f o r t h i s year l i s t s the A l k a l i Lake band c h i e f as "Hoch-o-me", which bears c l o s e s i m i l a r i t y t o t h e Shuswap p r o n u n c i a t i o n of "Sxoxomic"), but c e r t a i n l y from 1915 ( R o y a l Commission on I n d i a n A f f a i r s , 1913-1916), t o the t i m e of h i s death around 1940. Chief Sxoxomic i s remembered as "that s t r i c t l i t t l e c h i e f " who was " p a r t n e r s w i t h F a t h e r Thomas" i n m a i n t a i n i n g d i s c i p l i n e i n the A l k a l i Lake v i l l a g e . The e l d e r l y people described the three c a r d i n a l s i n s as d r i n k i n g , d a n c i n g and g a m b l i n g . The C h i e f d i d not p e r m i t t h e s e a c t i v i t i e s i n the v i l l a g e . "The Chief would t e l l people i f they want to d r i n k , go up i n t o t he h i l l s t o do i t " . I m m o r a l i t y was a l s o p u n i s h e d . I f a young u n m a r r i e d man and woman were caught " p l a y i n g around", or f r e q u e n t l y were seen "running around together", they would be c a l l e d up i n f r o n t of the C h i e f , who would "make them get married or stop". I f an unmarried g i r l was discovered to be pregnant, she would be sent i n f r o n t of the C h i e f and f o r c e d t o c o n f e s s the name of the f a t h e r , a f t e r w h i c h the c o u p l e would be urged t o marry. (Many of the e l d e r l y people l o o k back w i t h approval on the Chief's punishment of i m m o r a l i t y , noting that "nowadays young k i d s are g e t t i n g pregnant and no one knows who the f a t h e r i s " . ) A c c o r d i n g t o t h e s e i n f o r m a n t s , S x o x o m i c had two o r t h r e e "constables" at h i s d i s p o s a l who would o c c a s i o n a l l y p a t r o l the reserve at n i g h t . The c o n s t a b l e s would r e p o r t any i n s t a n c e s of wrongdoing t o the C h i e f . The o f f e n d e r s would then be c a l l e d up i n f r o n t of the C h i e f . They were made t o k n e e l down i n a l i n e i n f r o n t of the C h i e f and were 124 forced to confess t h e i r crimes. The Chief then imposed a fine. If an offender had no money, the Chief would take a valued possession, such as a gun, u n t i l such time as the offender was able to pay the fine. One informant claimed that people found guilty were sometimes made to stand up at the front of the church during Mass - their hands held straight up above the i r heads - and had to remain in that position u n t i l the end of the service. During these years the elders claim that there was v i r t u a l l y no drinking on the reserve. With Sxoxomic's death, around 19A0, the old system of social control eventually broke down. The chief who replaced Sxoxomic lacked the same commitment to this system, and as alcohol use became more frequent, he himself began to drink openly, further undermining his authority. The revised Indian Act of 1951, as amended in 1956, permitted Indians to buy and consume alcohol i n licensed premises, a move which was granted p r o v i n c i a l approval in B r i t i s h Columbia in 1962 (Duff 1965). Alcohol use at A l k a l i Lake became even more frequent as a r e s u l t . By the 1960s reserve l i f e had become characterized by high levels of drunkenness, violence, accidental death and suicide. A researcher (Brow 1967) who conducted fieldwork on the A l k a l i Lake reserve i n 1966 reported that, among the elde r l y people especi a l l y , the Band chief was held to blame for the lawlessness of reserve l i f e . He was not setting a proper standard of conduct nor was he attempting to control the behaviour of others. When Andy Chelsea was f i r s t elected to office he was not consciously attempting to ressurect the system of social control as i t existed prior to 1940. There i s evidence to indicate, however, that both the Chief's actions, and the expectations of the community, were guided by an 125 i m p l i c i t r e c o g n i t i o n of t h i s o l d e r c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n . F i r s t , a f t e r C h e l s e a was e l e c t e d t o o f f i c e r e s e r v e r e s i d e n t s e x p e c t e d him a t t i m e s t o a c t as a p o l i c e m a n on the r e s e r v e . He f r e q u e n t l y was c a l l e d i n t o people's homes t o break up f i g h t s , t o q u e l l v i o l e n t arguments, and to otherwise deal w i t h u n c o n t r o l l a b l e behaviour. This expectation of the Band c h i e f p e r s i s t e d a f t e r Chelsea stepped down from o f f i c e i n 1978, and subsequent c h i e f s , i n c l u d i n g one who was r a t h e r s l i g h t i n b u i l d and one who was female, were c a l l e d upon to deal w i t h s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n s . Second, Chelsea c o n s c i o u s l y was f o l l o w i n g an i m p l i c i t c u l t u r a l r u l e that a Band c h i e f should not d r i n k : S p e a k i n g of l e a d e r s h i p - I know i t s got t o s t a r t f rom the top down. I f a c h i e f i s s t i l l d r i n k i n g he shouldn't be h o l d i n g o f f i c e . . . I know our E l d e r s , and our E l d e r s way before us, never d i d d r i n k . They made c l e a n d e c i s i o n s . When thos e d e c i s i o n s a r e made then they're k e p t . I guess the way I was t h i n k i n g , and t h a t ' s the way I heard i t from my Granny and my Mother, t h a t as l o n g as you're c h i e f you'd b e t t e r not drink... I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g t o note t h a t a s i m i l a r c u l t u r a l r u l e e x i s t e d i n the 1960s among t h r e e Coast S a l i s h groups (Lemert 1958). C h i e f s of t h e s e Bands were e x p e c t e d t o r e f r a i n from d r i n k i n g , and i n f a c t t h e i r s t a t u s as l e a d e r s depended on t h e i r a b s t e n t i o n from a l c o h o l . Yet f o r o t h e r s , d r i n k i n g was an a c c e p t a b l e and f r e q u e n t s o c i a l a c t i v i t y . I n c i d e n t a l l y , or perhaps not, these Coast S a l i s h groups ( the Homalthko, T l a h o o s e and Sliammon), l i k e t he w e s t e r n Shuswap bands, a l s o had been subjected i n the 1800s to the Durieu system of the C a t h o l i c m i s s i o n a r i e s . Lemert's i n f o r m a n t s c l a i m e d t h a t d r i n k i n g and d a n c i n g ended a f t e r the a r r i v a l of the m i s s i o n a r i e s , although i n f a c t these a c t i v i t i e s continued c o v e r t l y . A more comprehensive c r o s s - c u l t u r a l s t u d y of c h i e f t a i n s h i p and d r i n k i n g i n Native Indian s o c i e t i e s would help to shed l i g h t on the 126 o r i g i n s of t h i s expectation of sober c h i e f t a i n s h i p . SUMMARY This chapter has described some fea t u r e s of the h i s t o r i c a l context i n w h i ch the A l k a l i Lake S o b r i e t y movement emerged. What has become apparent i s that Chief's attempt to c o n t r o l behaviour on the reserve by the i m p o s i t i o n o f n e g a t i v e s a n c t i o n s has a h i s t o r i c a l p r e c e d e n t . R e g a r d l e s s o f the o r i g i n of the t r a d i t i o n of s t r i c t c h i e f t a i n s h i p t h a t d i d e x i s t among the A l k a l i Lake people i n the e a r l y 1900s - whether i t o r i g i n a t e d i n the l a t e 1800s t h r o u g h the e f f o r t s of the D u r i e u m i s s i o n a r i e s or through the e f f o r t s of the Shuswap c h i e f s to impose some order i n the midst of c u l t u r a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n , or whether i t was a pre-e x i s t i n g c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n t h a t was enhanced by t h e D u r i e u system of s o c i a l c o n t r o l - t h e r e i s e v i d e n c e t o i n d i c a t e t h a t t r a c e s of t h i s system d i d e x i s t among the A l k a l i Lake people during the 1960s and 1970s. I t i s suggested here that the Chief's t a c t i c s to encourage s o b r i e t y , h i s appar e n t p o p u l a r i t y as C h i e f , and the e v e n t u a l s u c c e s s of h i s s o b r i e t y campaign, are r e l a t e d to the f a c t that the Band Chief was working w i t h i n t h i s c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n of " s t r i c t " c h i e f t a i n s h i p , and that h i s a u t h o r i t y was i m p l i c i t l y recognized and accepted by community members. 127 NOTES TO CHAPTER SIX By "western Shuswap" T e i t i s r e f e r r i n g to the Shuswap bands west of the Fraser R i v e r (the Canon d i v i s i o n , now e x t i n c t ) , and the bands of the Fraser R i v e r d i v i s i o n north of Dog Creek ( A l k a l i Lake, W i l l i a m s Lake [Sugar Cane], and Soda Creek). By 1850 the Canim Lake, Dog C r e e k , H i g h B a r , and P a v i l l i o n bands were s h o w i n g s i m i l a r i n s t i t u t i o n s ( T e i t 1909:575-576). The f o l l o w i n g d i s c u s s i o n i s based l a r g e l y on Whitehead (1981). 128 CHAPTER SEVEN: CONCLUSION The r e s o u r c e m o b i l i z a t i o n p e r s p e c t i v e has p r o v i d e d an a n a l y t i c a l framework f o r t h i s s t u d y o f the A l k a l i Lake S o b r i e t y movement. T h i s p e r s p e c t i v e p r o v i d e s a p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s u a l model of s o c i a l movement a c t i v i t y . We have focussed p r i m a r i l y on the s t r a t e g i e s and t a c t i c s used by the movement's leaders to encourage others to adopt a sober l i f e s t y l e , and have a n a l y z e d t h e i r e f f o r t s i n terms o f the m o b i l i z a t i o n of r e s o u r c e s , t h e u t i l i z a t i o n of t h i r d p a r t y s u p p o r t , and the o p p o s i t i o n from o t h e r b o d i e s of s o c i a l c o n t r o l . D e v i a t i n g somewhat from t h e processual model, we have a l s o made mention of the way i n which c u l t u r a l f e a t u r e s i n f l u e n c e d the leaders' choice of s t r a t e g y , and c o n t r i b u t e d to the e v e n t u a l s u c c e s s of the movement. These f i n d i n g s a r e now summarized. SUMMARY I n i t i a t i o n of the Movement The o f f i c e of Band c h i e f was used as a point from which to i n i t i a t e the movement. T h i s was a most i m p o r t a n t f a c t o r i n the movement's s u c c e s s . I t gave t he l e a d e r s t h e p o l i t i c a l power n e c e s s a r y both t o e n f o r c e economic s a n c t i o n s on the d r i n k e r s and a l s o t o o b t a i n s u p p o r t from o u t s i d e a g e n c i e s such as the R.C.M.P., Human Re s o u r c e s , l o c a l department s t o r e s , and the W i l l i a m s Lake Drug and A l c o h o l Program. The support of the l a s t was p a r t i c u l a r l y important, not only i n p r o v i d i n g a Drug and A l c o h o l c o u n s e l l o r who worked r e l e n t l e s s l y to encourage A l k a l i Lake r e s i d e n t s t o g i v e up d r i n k i n g , but a l s o i n a r r a n g i n g t h e Band member's attendance i n r e s i d e n t i a l a l c o h o l i s m treatment programs and i n 129 supporting the development of an on-reserve A.A. group. The p o l i t i c a l and economic power wielded by the Band Chief can not by i t s e l f account f o r the success of the Sobriety movement. The Chief's t a c t i c s made i t more d i f f i c u l t f o r d r i n k e r s to ob t a i n a l c o h o l , and made t h e i r l i v e s on the reserve more uncomfortable, but the d e c i s i o n to become sober was one that could be made only by the d r i n k e r h i m s e l f . Indeed, i t i s a common b e l i e f today a t A l k a l i Lake t h a t "you can't f o r c e an a l c o h o l i c to become sober". Even greater evidence against the economic argument i s the f a c t that the Band Chief could have been s t r i p p e d of h i s p o l i t i c a l and economic power s i m p l y by b e i n g v o t e d out of o f f i c e . Yet tw i c e w i t h i n the 1973-1976 period the Band Chief was r e - e l e c t e d , once by acclamation, and once i n a l a n d s l i d e v i c t o r y over f i v e other candidates. F u r t h e r m o r e , when on one o c c a s i o n t h e C h i e f o f f e r r e d t o r e s i g n , the reserve r e s i d e n t s refused to accept h i s r e s i g n a t i o n . How can we account f o r t h i s p a r a d o x i c a l s i t u a t i o n ? An e q u a l l y i m p o r t a n t r e s o u r c e u t i l i z e d by the movement l e a d e r s was t h a t of the l e a d e r s h i p r o l e i n h e r e n t i n the p o s i t i o n of Band c h i e f . Shuswap c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n h e l d t h a t a Band c h i e f s h o u l d not d r i n k , and t h a t he sh o u l d l e a d by s e t t i n g an example. C h e l s e a c l e a r l y d e m o n s t r a t e d t h i s t y p e of l e a d e r s h i p . The f a c t t h a t he a t one t i m e had been one of the heaviest d r i n k e r s on the reserve l e n t e x t r a weight to the example he now set f o r the community. The l e a d e r s h i p t r a d i t i o n of the Band c h i e f a l s o i n v o l v e d the a u t h o r i t y t o c o n t r o l b e h a v i o u r of the r e s e r v e r e s i d e n t s . Up u n t i l the 1940s, the Band c h i e f had been the u l t i m a t e body of formal s o c i a l c o n t r o l w i t h i n t h e c o m m u n i t y , and had p u n i s h e d i n d i v i d u a l s g u i l t y o f i n t e m p e r a n c e , s e x u a l i m m o r a l i t y , d a n c i n g , or g a m b l i n g w i t h i n the v i l l a g e . A f t e r 1940, w i t h t h e death o f the o l d Band c h i e f , t h i s system 130 of s o c i a l c o n t r o l began t o break down. By the e a r l y 1970s the A l k a l i Lake community was i n a s t a t e of c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l chaos. A l c o h o l use and drunkenness were common, and i n c i d e n t s of r a p e , c h i l d abuse and neglect, s u i c i d e and v i o l e n t death were too frequent. The f a m i l y u n i t , t r a d i t i o n a l l y h a v i n g the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r i n s t i l l i n g i n the c h i l d r e n the c u l t u r a l b e l i e f s and v a l u e s of t h a t s o c i e t y , was no l o n g e r an e f f e c t i v e body of i n f o r m a l s o c i a l c o n t r o l . At the community l e v e l there was no consensus about what c o n s t i t u t e d a p p r o p r i a t e s o c i a l b e h a v i o u r . A l l the t r a d i t i o n a l norms had been t r a n s g r e s s e d w i t h o u t punishment. S i n c e 1940 the two s u c c e s s i v e " l i f e t i m e " c h i e f s had been unable t o e x e r c i s e t h e i r f o r m a l a u t h o r i t y t o c o n t r o l b e h a v i o u r , h a v i n g l o s t the respect of the community due to t h e i r frequent p u b l i c drunkenness. I t was w i t h i n t h i s m i l i e u t h a t C h e l s e a began h i s e f f o r t s t o b r i n g s o b r i e t y to the v i l l a g e . Although h i s campaign was s p e c i f i c a l l y geared toward s o l u t i o n of the a l c o h o l problem, what the Band c h i e f i m p l i c i t l y was o f f e r r i n g was much more comprehensive: to r e s t o r e s o c i a l order to the community, and to r e s t o r e t h a t order by use of a t r a d i t i o n a l system of s o c i a l c o n t r o l . A t h i r d f a c t o r i n the s u c c e s s of the movement was the community's r e a d i n e s s f o r new l e a d e r s h i p and s o c i a l change. I n 1971 the r e s e r v e r e s i d e n t s voted to s w i t c h from a l i f e t i m e to a two year e l e c t i v e system f o r d e t e r m i n i n g C h i e f and C o u n c i l . They were d i s s a t i s f i e d w i t h t h e i r c h i e f and were l o o k i n g f o r new l e a d e r s h i p to improve c o n d i t i o n s of l i f e on the reserve. At the subsequent 1972 e l e c t i o n ( i n which the outgoing c h i e f was not nominated as a c a n d i d a t e ) a young, e n e r g e t i c , and p r o g r e s s i v e - t h i n k i n g man was e l e c t e d . A f t e r h i s r e s i g n a t i o n a year l a t e r , Andy C h e l s e a was e l e c t e d . A l t h o u g h h i s t a c t i c s were a t t i m e s 131 extreme, Chelsea l i v e d up to the i m p l i c i t expectations of the community. Chelsea's r e l i a n c e on the le a d e r s h i p t r a d i t i o n of the c h i e f t a i n s h i p and the r e a d i n e s s w i t h i n the community f o r new l e a d e r s h i p and s o c i a l change were necessary but not s u f f i c i e n t c o n d i t i o n s f o r the success of the s o b r i e t y campaign. Equa l l y important were the personal q u a l i t i e s of both P h y l l i s and Andy C h e l s e a . For t h r e e l o n g y e a r s the C h e l s e a s p e r s i s t e d i n t h e i r a n t i - a l c o h o l campaign, d e s p i t e the extreme s o c i a l p r e s s u r e e x e r t e d upon them by the community and d e s p i t e o c c a s i o n a l t h r e a t s a g a i n s t t h e i r l i v e s . D u r i n g t h i s t i m e the Band C h i e f i n p a r t i c u l a r proved h i m s e l f a worthy leader f o r the community. The more op p o s i t i o n he received to h i s t a c t i c s , the stronger and more determined he became. The economic s a n c t i o n s e n f o r c e d by the C h i e f were s i g n i f i c a n t , not so much i n f o r c i n g i n d i v i d u a l s to stop d r i n k i n g , but i n i n d i c a t i n g to the v i l l a g e r e s i d e n t s that he was w i l l i n g to use h i s powers t o t he f u l l e s t - even on c l o s e f a m i l y members - t o promote h i s cause. The manner i n which the leaders a p p l i e d economic sanctions and confronted d r i n k e r s was a l s o important. The leaders c o n s i s t e n t l y j u s t i f i e d t h e i r a c t i o n s on the b a s i s of c o n c e r n f o r the w e l f a r e of the community r e s i d e n t s , and they made c o n s c i o u s e f f o r t s t o reduce the a l i e n a t i n g e f f e c t of these measures by maintaining i n f o r m a l s o c i a l contact w i t h the r e s e r v e r e s i d e n t s . Had the two l e a d e r s been l e s s p e r s i s t e n t and dedicated i n t h e i r e f f o r t s the eventual conversion to s o b r i e t y would not have occurred. Conversion to Sobriety By 1981 a very dramatic and r a p i d conversion to s o b r i e t y had taken p l a c e . The C h e l s e a s ' c o n t i n u i n g use of c o n f r o n t a t i o n a l t a c t i c s , t h e i r p r o v i s i o n of f o l l o w up supports f o r the newly sober a l c o h o l i c s , and the 132 a s s i s t a n c e of the W i l l i a m s Lake Drug and A l c o h o l Program were fundamental to the success of the s o b r i e t y campaign. Of g r e a t i m p o r t a n c e was the development of the o n - r e s e r v e A.A. group. The newly sober i n d i v i d u a l , c u t o f f from h i s d r i n k i n g f a m i l y members and f r i e n d s , sought emotional support and s o c i a l contact w i t h i n the A.A. group. The A.A. group began t o p r o v i d e members w i t h a s o c i a l e x p e r i e n c e s i m i l a r t o t h a t once found w i t h i n t h e d r i n k i n g p a r t y . The A.A. me e t i n g s became the most p o p u l a r s o c i a l a c t i v i t y on the r e s e r v e . Through the p u b l i c confessions and apologies that occurred i n the A.A. mee t i n g s (and e s p e c i a l l y so a f t e r t h e p e r s o n a l g r o w t h t r a i n i n g experiences), o l d h o s t i l i t i e s and r i f t s among f a m i l y members, and between community r e s i d e n t s , were resolved. The A.A. group e v e n t u a l l y redefined the "community" of A l k a l i Lake. P r e s s u r e s t o c o n f o r m and f e a r o f s o c i a l e x c l u s i o n p l a y e d s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e s i n the r a p i d c o n v e r s i o n of the community a f t e r 1978. A c o u n s e l l o r from the W i l l i a m s Lake Drug and A l c o h o l Program described the number of A l k a l i Lake members wanting to attend treatment i n the l a t e 1970's as "a stampede... They didn't want to be l e f t out, they a l l wanted to f i n d out what t h i s neat experience was". The c o u n s e l l i n g s t a f f had barely enough time to process a l l the a p p l i c a n t s . In a very r e a l sense, the A l k a l i Lake Sobriety movement was a case of community conversion. In summary, i n the i n i t i a t o r y p e r i o d i t was t h r o u g h t h e sheer streng t h , courage, and determination of the two leaders that the Sobriety movement p e r s i s t e d . A f t e r 1976 the Sobriety movement q u i c k l y picked up a momentum of i t s own as a r e s u l t of the c o l l e c t i v e energy of the new r e c r u i t s . The process of c o n f r o n t a t i o n , i n c r e a s i n g pressure to conform to the standard of s o b r i e t y , and f e a r of s o c i a l e x c l u s i o n c o n t r i b u t e d to 133 the r a p i d and almost t o t a l conversion of a l l community r e s i d e n t s . The o n - r e s e r v e A.A. group, l e d by a c o r e of d e d i c a t e d members, became a c r i t i c a l resource i n the success of the movement. This program proved to have tremendous success as a therapeutic mechanism. However, i t i s suggested here t h a t a l t h o u g h the A.A. group p r o v i d e d a forum f o r the expression of s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y and the p r o v i s i o n of emotional support, i t was something i n the nature of A l k a l i Lake s o c i e t y that to a la r g e degree predetermined the overwhelming success that the A.A. program would have. The A.A. program d i d not cause t he m o b i l i z a t i o n of the community, but i t provided a mechanism f o r the expression of community s o l i d a r i t y and the perpetuation of the movement. A l k a l i Lake i n 1985 The s i t u a t i o n today on the A l k a l i Lake r e s e r v e w i t h r e g a r d t o d r i n k i n g i n d i c a t e s t h e c o m p l e x i t y of the p r o c e s s e s t h a t l e d t o the r e s e r v e a c h i e v i n g s o b r i e t y i n the 1970s. I n c o n t r a s t w i t h t h e p a s t , today the use of sanctions such as the s u b s t i t u t i o n of vouchers f o r S.A. cheques, the l o s s of Band employment, and even the t h r e a t of p o s s i b l e expulsion from the reserve, are proving i n e f f e c t i v e long term d e t e r r e n t s to d r i n k i n g among the youth. There a r e a number of d i f f e r e n c e s between the p r e s e n t and p a s t s i t u a t i o n that make current e f f o r t s to c o n t r o l the youth's d r i n k i n g more problematic. F i r s t , whereas i n the e a r l y 1970s the ta r g e t group of the Sobriety movement c o n s i s t e d of the middle-aged reserve r e s i d e n t s (as a consequence of the leaders concern f o r the we l f a r e of the young reserve c h i l d r e n ) , today t h e t a r g e t group c o n s i s t s of young a d u l t s g e n e r a l l y between the ages of 18 and 26. The Band O f f i c e r e q u i r e s t h e a i d of the dr i n k e r s ' parents to make sanctions e f f e c t i v e , yet t h i s co-operation i s 134 not a l w a y s a c h i e v e d . There now e x i s t s c o n f l i c t i n g e x p e c t a t i o n s r e g a r d i n g who s h o u l d be r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the c o n t r o l of t h e s e d r i n k e r s . L e a d e r s h i p by the Band C h i e f i s an a d d i t i o n a l f a c t o r . The C h i e f today does not enjoy the same s t a t u s w i t h i n the community as Chelsea d i d , and has been c r i t i c i z e d f o r b e i n g i n c o n s i s t e n t i n her a p p l i c a t i o n of s a n c t i o n s . Second, the c o r e of the d r i n k i n g youth have t a k e n up residence o f f - r e s e r v e , and are beyond the range of any economic sanctions a p p l i e d by the Band O f f i c e . They a r e a l s o l e s s a f f e c t e d by the i n t e n s e s o c i a l pressure w i t h i n the community. Thus the t a c t i c s a p p l i e d today by the Band O f f i c e are l e s s e f f e c t i v e i n c o n t r o l l i n g d r i n k i n g i n part due to c o n f l i c t i n g s o c i a l c o n t r o l j u r i s d i c t i o n s , i n a p p l i c a b i l i t y of economic sanct i o n s , and reduced e f f e c t i v e n e s s of s o c i a l pressure. I t s h o u l d be s t r e s s e d once more t h a t t h e s u c c e s s o f t h e S o b r i e t y movement i n the 1970s can not be seen simply as the r e s u l t of pressure e x e r t e d by the Band O f f i c e . Even more i m p o r t a n t i n a c c o u n t i n g f o r the present i n e f f e c t i v e n e s s of the c o n t r o l t a c t i c s i s the m o t i v a t i o n of the youth f o r d r i n k i n g . D r i n k i n g today i s both an a c t of r e b e l l i o n and a response t o boredom. Whereas i n the 1970s people sobered up p a r t l y i n response t o not w a n t i n g t o be " l e f t out", today the youth a r e d r i n k i n g p r e c i s e l y because they do want t o be l e f t out from the mainstream o f A l k a l i Lake s o c i e t y . C o n f r o n t a t i o n o n l y marks t h e i r s u c c e s s and r e i n f o r c e s t h e i r d e s i r e to drink. D r i n k i n g among the e l d e r l y men, i n c o n t r a s t , i s t o l e r a t e d and not reg a r d e d w i t h p a r t i c u l a r c o n c e r n . The m a j o r i t y of t h e s e men have received Old Age pensions s i n c e 1980. These cheques are mailed d i r e c t l y to them. The e l d e r l y d r i n k e r s are th e r e f o r e not subject to sanctions i n the form of vouchers from the Band O f f i c e . One of the e l d e r l y d r i n k e r s 135 i s employed a t the nearby A l k a l i Lake Ranch, where he has worked s t e a d i l y f o r most of h i s a d u l t l i f e . Again, t h i s man i s economically independent from the Band O f f i c e . That a l l f i v e o f the e l d e r l y male d r i n k e r s were p r e v i o u s l y i n v o l v e d i n the Band government, before the 1971 change i n the system of e l e c t i o n , suggests that immunity to economic sanctions imposed by the Band O f f i c e i s o n l y one f a c t o r i n t h e i r r e l u c t a n c e t o s t o p d r i n k i n g . None o f the men enj o y e d a g r e a t d e a l of r e s p e c t , or had much a u t h o r i t y , during t h e i r terms i n o f f i c e . Their continued d r i n k i n g may w e l l r e f l e c t r e s e n t m e n t a t the l a t e r C h i e f ' s s u c c e s s (and t h e i r f a i l u r e ) i n commanding respect and i n b r i n g i n g order to the community. Thus, the context of d r i n k i n g at A l k a l i Lake i s very d i f f e r e n t from t h a t o f the 1970s. The c o n f l i c t i n g l i n e s of s o c i a l c o n t r o l , t h e p e r c e i v e d i n c o n s i s t e n c y and the i n a p p l i c a b i l i t y of the Band Council's use of s a n c t i o n s , and most of a l l the m o t i v a t i o n of the youth and the e l d e r s i n d r i n k i n g , have r e s u l t e d i n i t s p e r s i s t e n c e among a s m a l l m i n o r i t y at A l k a l i Lake. The statements being made through d r i n k i n g , and the s o c i a l consequences of d r i n k i n g , a r e not comparable w i t h the s i t u a t i o n a t A l k a l i Lake i n the 1970s. T h i s o n l y u n d e r l i n e s t h e i m p o r t a n c e of the i m p l i c i t d e s i r e f o r change t h a t seems t o have been c r u c i a l i n the conversion to s o b r i e t y i n the 1970s. THE SOBRIETY MOVEMENT AS A SOCIAL MOVEMENT What e v i d e n c e i s t h e r e t h a t the r e c e n t e v e n t s a t A l k a l i Lake do i n f a c t c o n s t i t u t e a s o c i a l movement? For t h i s d i s c u s s i o n the d e f i n i t i o n o f McCarthy and Z a l d (1977), who a r e major c o n t r i b u t o r s t o r e s o u r c e m o b i l i z a t i o n theory, w i l l be used. According to these authors, a s o c i a l movement i s "a s e t of o p i n i o n s and b e l i e f s i n a p o p u l a t i o n w h i c h represents preferences f o r changing some elements of the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e and/or reward d i s t r i b u t i o n o f a s o c i e t y " (ibid.:1217-1218). T h i s , they c l a i m , i s an i n c l u s i v e d e f i n i t i o n t h a t a l l o w s c o m p a r i s o n w i t h p a s t approaches to s o c i a l movements. In short , they view s o c i a l movements as "nothing more than preference s t r u c t u r e s d i r e c t e d t o ward s o c i a l change ( i b i d . ) . I n t h i s c a t e g o r y may be i n c l u d e d movements w i t h m i l l e n a r i a n , e v a n g e l i s t i c , and withdrawal themes (ibid.:1219). McCarthy and Z a l d d i s t i n g u i s h a s o c i a l movement from a s o c i a l movement o r g a n i z a t i o n , and t h i s i s i m p o r t a n t t o our a n a l y s i s of the A l k a l i Lake s i t u a t i o n . A s o c i a l movement c o n s i s t s of a c o l l e c t i v e sense of d e s i r e f o r s o c i a l change, w i t h t h i s d e s i r e f o r change b e i n g g e n e r a l l y or s p e c i f i c a l l y defined; a s o c i a l movement o r g a n i z a t i o n i s "a complex, or f o r m a l , o r g a n i z a t i o n w h i c h i d e n t i f i e s i t s g o a l s w i t h the p r e f e r e n c e s of a s o c i a l movement... and a t t e m p t s t o implement t h o s e g o a l s " ( i b i d . ) . The a n a l y t i c a l s e p a r a t i o n of the s o c i a l movement and the s o c i a l movement o r g a n i z a t i o n a l l o w s f o r the p o s s i b i l i t y that s o c i a l movements ar e never f u l l y m o b i l i z e d ; i t f o c u s s e s on the c e n t r a l o r g a n i z a t i o n a l components o f such a c t i v i t y ; and i t p r o v i d e s a means of a c c o u n t i n g f o r the r i s e and f a l l of s o c i a l movements over time ( i b i d . ) . A t h i r d c a t e g o r y o f a n a l y s i s i s the s o c i a l movement i n d u s t r y , composed of a l l s o c i a l movement o r g a n i z a t i o n s d i r e c t e d toward a c h i e v i n g the b r o a d e s t p r e f e r e n c e s of the s o c i a l movement. T h i s r e c o g n i z e s t h e c o m p l e x i t y o f many contemporary s o c i a l movements such as the current A b o r i g i n a l R i g h t s movement i n Canada. For our purposes we need not consider t h i s category, as only one o r g a n i z a t i o n a l u n i t e x i s t e d at A l k a l i Lake. G i v e n t h i s framework, can we c o n s i d e r the r e c e n t e v e n t s a t A l k a l i 137 Lake as a s o c i a l movement? I t has been shown t h a t a t the t i m e o f i n i t i a t i o n of the s o b r i e t y campaign t h e r e d i d e x i s t a g e n e r a l and r e l a t i v e l y u n d e f i n e d sense of d e s i r e f o r change a t A l k a l i Lake. When the Chelsea's began t h e i r e f f o r t s , t h e i r most important c o n t r i b u t i o n was t o p r o v i d e a d e f i n i t i o n of the problem, and a means of i t s r e s o l u t i o n . The p r e f e r e n c e s f o r s o c i a l change became s p e c i f i e d : a l c o h o l - r e l a t e d p roblems of c h i l d n e g l e c t and abuse, v i o l e n c e , and s e x u a l a s s a u l t were the p r i m a r y t a r g e t . These problems were a t t a c k e d a t the i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l . T h e i r s o l u t i o n was t o be a c h i e v e d by each r e s e r v e r e s i d e n t g i v i n g up a l c o h o l . The C h e l s e a s , and l a t e r the Band O f f i c e p e r s o n n e l , became the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l f o r c e m o b i l i z i n g and d i r e c t i n g the community's energy toward achie v i n g these goals. From an e x t e r n a l a n a l y t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e , the events at A l k a l i Lake c l e a r l y f i t t h i s d e f i n i t i o n of a s o c i a l movement. D i d t h e r e s i d e n t s have a sense of " j o i n i n g a movement" when they decided to become sober? For most, t h i s was a d e e p l y p e r s o n a l d e c i s i o n , as i t i n v o l v e d a commitment t o a r a d i c a l l y new l i f e s t y l e . T h i s , however, was a consequence o f the C h e l s e a s ' t r a n s l a t i o n of the g o a l o f community improvement i n t o a program f o r i n d i v i d u a l a c t i o n . A l t h o u g h i t was a p e r s o n a l d e c i s i o n , i t r e f l e c t e d an i m p l i c i t e f f o r t and c o n t r i b u t i o n toward the broader goals of the Sobriety movement. Most n e w l y - s o b e r i n d i v i d u a l s d i d j o i n t h e l o c a l A.A. group. The A.A. group, however, d i d not c o n s t i t u t e the Sobriety movement, but provided one means of s u p p o r t f o r s o b r i e t y . The d e c i s i o n t o become sober came f i r s t ; t h e d e c i s i o n as t o how t o p e r p e t u a t e s o b r i e t y was secondary. A f t e r 1978 s o c i a l pressure to stop d r i n k i n g became intense, even though i t was exerted by s t i l l a m i n o r i t y of reserve r e s i d e n t s . Many d r i n k e r s gave up a l c o h o l as a r e s u l t . C l e a r l y , t h e s e people had an a c u t e sense 138 of " j o i n i n g " something. They saw t h e i r sober f a m i l y and f r i e n d s united by c l o s e t i e s of s o l i d a r i t y , manifested not only i n the A.A. meetings but i n other aspects of d a i l y l i f e , and they wanted to become a part of t h i s new brotherhood. For those j o i n i n g the Sobriety movement i n the l a t e r y e a r s , i t might not have been so much t h e i r b e l i e f i n the g o a l s of the movement as much as a d e s i r e not t o be " l e f t o u t " t h a t t r i g g e r e d t h e i r d e c i s i o n t o s t o p d r i n k i n g . T h i s i s c o n s i s t e n t w i t h t h e r e s o u r c e m o b i l i z a t i o n i s t s ' contention that the importance of gen e r a l i z e d b e l i e f s i n accounting f o r s o c i a l movement a c t i v i t y have been overemphasized. Throughout t h i s process, the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l u n i t of t h i s movement was d i r e c t i n g the energy of the reserve members. The goals of community improvement continued to be paramount. As more and more were g i v i n g up a l c o h o l , the s p e c i f i c focus of the movement as defined by the movement leaders s h i f t e d from the negative consequences of drunken behaviour t o the need f o r f u r t h e r p e r s o n a l growth o f the sober members. When the l e a d e r s b e l i e v e d t h a t s o mething e l s e was r e q u i r e d t o m a i n t a i n t h e movement's momentum and to achieve i t s broader goals, they encouraged the community r e s i d e n t s t o e n r o l l i n L i f e s p r i n g t r a i n i n g p r o g r a m s . P e r s o n a l development was seen as the second s t a g e of s o b r i e t y . Once s o b r i e t y had been a t t a i n e d , one had t o l e a r n how t o l i v e a p r o d u c t i v e sober l i f e . L i k e the A.A. program, L i f e s p r i n g became the mechanism by which the broader goals of the Sobriety movement were to be achieved. The d i s t i n c t i o n between d i f f e r e n t degrees of p a r t i c i p a t i o n w i t h i n the movement f u r t h e r c l a r i f i e s t h i s question. Not a l l p a r t i c i p a n t s were eq u a l l y i n v o l v e d i n promoting s o b r i e t y . Some became a c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d i n t h e A.A. group, i n o t h e r s o b r i e t y - r e l a t e d f u n c t i o n s , and i n the o p e r a t i o n of the Band O f f i c e . Yet the p e r s o n a l d e c i s i o n t o g i v e up 139 d r i n k i n g remained the b a s e l i n e f o r membership i n the movement. At A l k a l i Lake today there i s no general term to r e f e r to the recent e v e n t s i n t h e i r community. I have r e f e r r e d t o t h e s e e v e n t s as the S o b r i e t y movement s i m p l y f o r ease of d i s c u s s i o n , " s o b r i e t y " b e i n g the most s u i t a b l e l a b e l given the circumstances (see I n t r o d u c t i o n ) . Whether these events are given such a l a b e l or whether they remain unnamed, i t i s c l e a r t h a t they do f i t i n t o t he c a t e g o r y of s o c i a l movement as d e f i n e d from the resource m o b i l i z a t i o n perspective. LIMITATIONS OF THE RESOURCE MOBILIZATION PERSPECTIVE The r e s o u r c e m o b i l i z a t i o n p e r s p e c t i v e r e p r e s e n t s a methodology r a t h e r than a t h e o r y of s o c i a l movements, s i n c e i t can not p r e d i c t or e x p l a i n , other than i n a post-hoc manner, the v a r i o u s aspects of s o c i a l movement a c t i v i t y . T h i s a u t o m a t i c a l l y l i m i t s the u s e f u l n e s s of t h i s approach. The emphasis on p o l i t i c a l and economic bases of s o c i a l movements, the m a n i p u l a t i o n of r e s o u r c e s , and the r a t i o n a l i t y of behaviour, p l u s the l a c k of a t t e n t i o n t o s o c i a l - p s y c h o l o g i c a l dynamics, values, and c u l t u r a l b e l i e f s , again r e s u l t i n l i m i t a t i o n of the general p i c t u r e of s o c i a l movement a c t i v i t y . How have t h e s e f a c t o r s a f f e c t e d our u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the S o b r i e t y movement? Undoubtedly p o l i t i c a l and economic resources were c r u c i a l to the movement's success, e s p e c i a l l y i n the period of movement i n i t i a t i o n . The assumption of the r a t i o n a l i t y of c o l l e c t i v e behaviour, and the model of s e l e c t i v e i n c e n t i v e s used t o account f o r i n d i v i d u a l r e c r u i t m e n t , however, are inadequate to account f o r the overwhelming response of the community a f t e r 1976. These concepts have been c r i t i c i z e d t h e o r e t i c a l l y i n Chapter Two. In applying them to the Sobriety movement we have found t h a t t h e r e a r e m e t h o d o l o g i c a l problems t h a t a r i s e as w e l l . When 140 q u e s t i o n e d about t h e i r m o t i v a t i o n t o s t o p d r i n k i n g , i t was found t h a t most informants gave a v a r i e t y of reasons f o r t h e i r d e c i s i o n , i n s t e a d of p r o v i d i n g one n e a t , c o n c i s e , " r a t i o n a l " e x p l a n a t i o n . Some i n f o r m a n t s gave d i f f e r e n t r e a s o n s when asked on d i f f e r e n t o c c a s i o n s , o t h e r s o f f e r r e d post-hoc explanations shaped by t h e i r subsequent experience i n the A.A. program, and s t i l l o t h e r s s i m p l y s t a t e d t h a t they d i d not know why t h e y s o b e r e d up. Thus t h e s e l e c t i v e i n c e n t i v e s m o d e l i s m e t h o d o l o g i c a l l y i n a p p r o p r i a t e . F u r t h e r m o r e , the model would be i n a p p l i c a b l e to the Sobriety movement, as i t was developed to account f o r the f r e e - r i d e r problem; namely, what i s to motivate an i n d i v i d u a l to j o i n a movement when he may, without j o i n i n g , already enjoy the b e n e f i t s t h a t the movement s u p p l i e s t o the g e n e r a l p o p u l a t i o n . I n the case of the S o b r i e t y movement, however, t he b e n e f i t s produced by the movement were not a v a i l a b l e to non-members. The question of why the m o b i l i z a t i o n of the A l k a l i Lake people was so r a p i d can not be e x p l a i n e d w i t h i n the r e s o u r c e m o b i l i z a t i o n perspective. As mentioned i n Chapter Two, Oberschall (1974) has r e l a t e d the r e l a t i v e ease of m o b i l i z a t i o n to the pre-existence of s o l i d a r y t i e s amongst the t a r g e t group. T h i s i d e a i s u s e f u l m a i n l y i n c o m p a r a t i v e s t u d i e s of s o c i a l movement a c t i v i t y . I t a l s o leads to the notio n that the d e s i r e t o m a i n t a i n s o c i a l t i e s p l a y s an i m p o r t a n t f a c t o r i n the d e c i s i o n of such i n d i v i d u a l s t o j o i n a s o c i a l movement ( F i r e m a n and Gamson 1979). We have seen t h a t i n the l a t e 1970s d r i n k e r s found themselves on the outside w i t h regard to the new community at A l k a l i Lake, and t h a t the d e s i r e t o be i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o t h i s new group was a very strong m o t i v a t i o n f o r the d e c i s i o n to stop d r i n k i n g . Whether t h i s was due t o a d e s i r e t o m a i n t a i n s o c i a l t i e s , o r t o c r e a t e new ones, r e q u i r e s f u r t h e r s t u d y . Such a s t u d y must r e c o g n i z e t h e f a c t t h a t 141 w i t h i n A l k a l i L a k e s o c i e t y t h e r e e x i s t e d s e v e r a l d i m e n s i o n s of a s s o c i a t i o n , such as the household group, the l a r g e r b i l a t e r a l extended f a m i l y , t he i n t e r e s t groups such as the Hockey and Rodeo c l u b s , t he d r i n k i n g groups composed of age-mates, and f i n a l l y the community i t s e l f , defined perhaps by residence i n the v i l l a g e , by k i n s h i p t i e s , or by other c r i t e r i a y e t t o be d e t e r m i n e d . I s t r o n g l y s u s p e c t t h a t t he r a p i d m o b i l i z a t i o n of the A l k a l i Lake people was based on a s t r o n g p r e -e x i s t i n g sense of community w i t h i n the v i l l a g e . F or t h i s i d e a t o be advanced s e r i o u s l y a study i s needed of the way i n which these various - and c o n f l i c t i n g - l i n e s o f a s s o c i a t i o n i n t e r a c t e d t o shape the community's a c t i v a t i o n . This study would i n v o l v e an examination of the s o c i a l - p s y c h o l o g i c a l aspects of c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n . Again, such a study can not be a s s i s t e d by the r e s o u r c e m o b i l i z a t i o n p e r s p e c t i v e , as i t downplays the importance of such f a c t o r s . The A.A. program proved to have tremendous appeal to the A l k a l i Lake people. I t s success i n d e a l i n g w i t h Native Indian a l c o h o l i s m elsewhere has g e n e r a l l y been poor ( J i l e k 1972). The r e s o u r c e m o b i l i z a t i o n p e r s p e c t i v e can not account f o r t h i s f a v o u r a b l e r e s p o n s e by the community. I n s t e a d , we might approach the A.A. program's s u c c e s s a t A l k a l i Lake from the perspective of " d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n " theory. Presuming that excessive d r i n k i n g i s a response to s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l breakdown, or more p r e c i s e l y to s o c i o - c u l t u r a l d e p r i v a t i o n (Dozier 1966), we might explore the s p e c i f i c r o o t s of t h i s d e p r i v a t i o n at A l k a l i Lake and the way i n w h i c h the A.A. p h i l o s o p h y p o s i t e d s o l u t i o n s t o t h e s e p a r t i c u l a r p r oblems. The degree t o w h i c h the v a l u e s and b e l i e f s e x p r e s s e d i n the A.A. p h i l o s o p h y were congruent w i t h t r a d i t i o n a l Shuswap b e l i e f s and v a l u e s a l s o would be of g r e a t i m p o r t a n c e t o an u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the program's success at A l k a l i Lake. 142 The f o c u s of t h i s t h e s i s has been on the dynamics of the S o b r i e t y movement, w i t h a l c o h o l i s m and d r i n k i n g not being c e n t r a l c a t e g o r i e s of a n a l y s i s . There c e r t a i n l y i s room f o r f u r t h e r study of the A l k a l i Lake S o b r i e t y movement from a p e r s p e c t i v e of the cause and f u n c t i o n of e x c e s s i v e d r i n k i n g and the r e l a t i v e e f f e c t i v e n e s s of programs of a l c o h o l i s m t h e r a p y , e s p e c i a l l y c o n s i d e r i n g t h a t A l k a l i Lake i s such a r a r e example of a Native Indian community s u c c e s s f u l l y d e a l i n g w i t h the problem of a l c o h o l abuse. A c o m p a r a t i v e s t u d y of N a t i v e I n d i a n d r i n k i n g , and methods of the c o n t r o l of d r i n k i n g and t r e a t m e n t of a l c o h o l i s m , would n e c e s s a r i l y be i n v o l v e d . A sketch of t h i s l i t e r a t u r e and the q u e s t i o n s t h a t i t r a i s e s r e g a r d i n g the A l k a l i Lake S o b r i e t y movement w i l l now be presented. NATIVE INDIAN DRINKING AND ALCOHOLISM With the exception of some Indian groups i n the American Southwest, a l c o h o l use among N o r t h A m e r i c a n N a t i v e s was unknown u n t i l European contact. A l c o h o l was f i r s t introduced as a trade commodity, and i t s use among I n d i a n s r a p i d l y grew. E x c e s s i v e a l c o h o l use, and the v i o l e n t , d e s t r u c t i v e behaviour f r e q u e n t l y a s s o c i a t e d , has been seen g e n e r a l l y as symptomatic of a l a r g e r problem: the d e s t r u c t i o n of the Native Indian way of l i f e due to the i m p o s i t i o n of a f o r e i g n , dominant c u l t u r e . Many t h e o r i e s of N a t i v e I n d i a n d r i n k i n g emphasize i t s n e g a t i v e , compensatory f u n c t i o n s . I t has been argued t h a t Native Indian a l c o h o l use i s a response to s o c i o - c u l t u r a l d e p r i v a t i o n and r e f l e c t s an e f f o r t to escape from f e e l i n g s of c u l t u r a l and p e r s o n a l i n f e r i o r i t y : "Alcohol... t e m p o r a r i l y gives a sense of s u p e r i o r i t y and confidence, w h i l e d u l l i n g the senses so that the unpleasantness of l i f e may be f o r g o t t e n " (Dozier 1966: 74-75). S i m i l a r l y , Graves (1970) has c l a i m e d t h a t the main 143 s t r u c t u r a l pressure f o r d r i n k i n g among urban Indians l i e s i n the Indians' marginal p o s i t i o n i n the economy of the dominant s o c i e t y : "When goals are s t r o n g l y h e l d f o r w h i c h s o c i e t y p r o v i d e s i n a d e q u a t e means o f attainment...the r e s u l t i n g means-goals ' d i s j u n c t i o n ' produces p r e s s u r e s f o r engaging i n a l t e r n a t i v e , o f t e n non-approved a d a p t a t i o n s , of w h i c h e x c e s s i v e d r i n k i n g i s one common f o r m " (1970:42). Lemert (1958) has approached I n d i a n d r i n k i n g f rom a c u l t u r a l - p s y c h o l o g i c a l perspective. I n d i v i d u a l aggressiveness and c o m p e t i t i v e n e s s were b a s i c components o f Coast S a l i s h I n d i a n p e r s o n a l i t y , and i n t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e t h e s e components were c h a n n e l l e d i n t o w a r f a r e and p o t l a t c h a c t i v i t i e s . He argues that w i t h the d e c l i n e of these a c t i v i t i e s a f t e r European contact, d r i n k i n g arose as an a l t e r n a t e - and c u l t u r a l l y t o l e r a b l e - forum f o r the expression of aggression. Thus these Indians d i d not become aggressive because they drank, r a t h e r they drank so they c o u l d e x p r e s s a g g r e s s i o n ( a l s o Levy and Kunitz 1974). C r o s s - c u l t u r a l s t u d i e s o f d r i n k i n g have had a s i m i l a r n e g a t i v e focus. Horton (1943) argued that a l c o h o l use f u n c t i o n s u n i v e r s a l l y as an a n x i e t y - r e d u c i n g mechanism, w i t h a n x i e t y , and d r i n k i n g , most s i g n i f i c a n t l y c o r r e l a t e d w i t h a c c u l t u r a t i o n p r e s s u r e and i n s e c u r e food s u p p l y ( i . e . h u n t i n g - g a t h e r i n g economy). F i e l d (1962) found s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n a more s i g n i f i c a n t v a r i a b l e i n d r i n k i n g than l e v e l of anxiety. R e l a t i v e s o b r i e t y was c o r r e l a t e d w i t h w e l l - defined, f o r m a l l y -s t r u c t u r e d s o c i e t i e s w i t h a v i l l a g e - o r i e n t e d r a t h e r t h an a nomadic l i f e s t y l e . The h i g h l y s t r u c t u r e d n a t u r e of s o c i a l l i f e t h u s s e r v e d t o c o n t r o l the behaviour e x h i b i t e d at communal d r i n k i n g p a r t i e s . Bacon et a l . (1965) asserted t h a t d r i n k i n g r e f l e c t s an e f f o r t to reduce mankind's i n h e r e n t p s y c h o l o g i c a l s t a t e of d e p e n d e n c y - c o n f l i c t i n a d u l t h o o d , and 144 c o r r e l a t e d the a c u t e n e s s of t h i s c o n f l i c t w i t h c e r t a i n c h i l d r e a r i n g techniques. Other s t u d i e s have attempted to analyze Indian d r i n k i n g i n terms of i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p t o c u l t u r e and v a l u e s (Lemert 1958; MacAndrew and E d g e r t o n 1969; Levy and K u n i t z 1974). Such s t u d i e s show t h a t I n d i a n d r i n k i n g i s not always a r e f l e c t i o n of c u l t u r a l breakdown, but may a l s o f u n c t i o n t o p e r p e t u a t e t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r a l v a l u e s and s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . Here i t i s the p a t t e r n of d r i n k i n g , the meaning and value p l a c e d on d r i n k i n g , and the s o c i a l consequences of d r i n k i n g t h a t a r e c e n t r a l t o the a n a l y s i s . C r o s s - c u l t u r a l approaches and breakdown t h e o r i e s of d r i n k i n g i n general have tended to ignore these f a c t o r s . For example, Lemert (1958) has argued t h a t the d r i n k i n g p a r t y or "whiskey f e a s t " evident among three Coast S a l i s h Indian groups served as a f u n c t i o n a l e q u i v a l e n t of the p o t l a t c h . A f t e r the p o t l a t c h had been s u p r e s s e d by White l e g i s l a t i o n , the w h i s k e y f e a s t emerged as a new forum i n which i n d i v i d u a l s t a t u s and p r e s t i g e could be achieved, w i t h the h o s t r e a f f i r m i n g h i s p o s i t i o n by the generous d i s t r i b u t i o n o f l a r g e q u a n t i t i e s of a l c o h o l . C u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s were a l s o perpetuated i n the context of the whiskey f e a s t , which became an occasion f o r the t e l l i n g of o l d s t o r i e s and myths and the s i n g i n g of d r i n k i n g songs. The argument against breakdown t h e o r i e s of Indian d r i n k i n g has been state d even more c l e a r l y by Levy and K u n i t z (1974), who maintain that I n the case of I n d i a n d r i n k i n g . . . much of the b e h a v i o u r i s l e a r n e d ; t h a t i s , c u l t u r a l , and t h i s , i n t u r n , i s l a r g e l y d e t e r m i n e d by the e c o l o g i c a l a d a p t a t i o n of the t r i b e i n q u e s t i o n . We m a i n t a i n t h a t d r i n k i n g b e h a v i o u r i s m a i n l y a r e f l e c t i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l f o r m s of s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and c u l t u r a l v a l u e s i n s t e a d o f a r e f l e c t i o n o f s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n (1974:24). 145 U s i n g c o m p a r a t i v e d a t a on H o p i , Navaho, and White M o u n t a i n Apache d r i n k i n g p a t t e r n s , they concluded that the Navaho patte r n of b o i s t e r o u s p u b l i c d r i n k i n g i s r e l a t e d t o the r e l a t i v e l o o s e n e s s of t r a d i t i o n a l Navaho s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , somewhat reminiscent of F i e l d ' s conclusions. Navaho, i n c o n t r a s t t o H o p i , have a c u l t u r a l p r e d i s p o s i t i o n t o such patterns of d r i n k i n g : H u n t i n g - g a t h e r i n g s o c i e t i e s depend f o r t h e i r s u r v i v a l on i n d i v i d u a l prowess, c o m p e t i t i v e n e s s , and a g g r e s s i v e n e s s . S o c i a l c o n t r o l s of i n d i v i d u a l aggressiveness and s e l f - a s s e r t i o n a r e r e l a t i v e l y weak... t o t h e e x t e n t t h a t i n s o b r i e t y f a c i l i t a t e s a g g r e s s i o n and promotes f e e l i n g s o f p e r s o n a l s t r e n g t h and omnipotence, we would e x p e c t such p e o p l e s t o be fond of d r i n k i n g because the e x p e r i e n c e would s t r e n g t h e n the image of the s e l f r a t h e r that weaken i t (ibid.:181). I t was s uggested a l s o t h a t a l c o h o l use may s e r v e as the modern c o r r e l a t e of the v i s i o n quest process. The mind-altered s t a t e produced by a l c o h o l was a f a m i l i a r and p o s i t i v e l y v a l u e d e x p e r i e n c e , and may indeed f u n c t i o n as means through which i n d i v i d u a l power can be gained. F i n a l l y , they found t h a t b o i s t e r o u s p u b l i c d r i n k i n g was most prevalent among those Navaho l e a d i n g a t r a d i t o n a l l i f e s t y l e , and l e a s t prevalent among Navaho l i v i n g i n towns and p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n wage-labour economy. They a r g u e t h a t t h e s e f i n d i n g s do n o t r e s u l t f r o m t r a d i t i o n a l i s t s b e i n g more d e p r i v e d , or more i n need of a n x i e t y -reducing mechanisms. Instead, the f i n d i n g s r e f l e c t e f f o r t s to adapt to the v a l u e s and b e h a v i o u r norms of the s o c i o - c u l t u r a l e n v i r o n m e n t . D r i n k i n g had e a r l i e r been i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o Navaho c u l t u r e as a h i g h -s t a t u s a c t i v i t y , and d r i n k i n g among t r a d i t i o n a l i s t s r e f l e c t s a c o n t i n u i t y of t h e s e t r a d i t i o n a l v a l u e s . I n c o n t r a s t , urban Navaho had adopted White d r i n k i n g p a t t e r n s i n an e f f o r t t o a d u s t t o the Anglo-urban l i f e s t y l e . 146 A t h i r d p e r s p e c t i v e on Indian d r i n k i n g comes from the medical f i e l d . I t i s recognized today that a l c o h o l i s m i s not simply a medical d i s o r d e r , but a l s o i n v o l v e s s o c i a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s . A l c o h o l i s m i s i d e n t i f i e d where the r e g u l a r use of e x c e s s i v e q u a n t i t i e s of a l c o h o l causes damage to an i n d i v i d u a l ' s normal f u n c t i o n i n g w i t h i n s o c i e t y (thus damage c o u l d be i n t e r m s of p h y s i c a l h e a l t h , f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s h i p s , employment, etc.) ( P i n k e r t o n and Anderson 1986). Thus a l c o h o l i s m i s defined v a r i o u s l y i n d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r e s (see J e l l i n e k 1962). W i t h i n the medical f i e l d , however, the focus i s s p e c i f i c a l l y on the p h y s i o l o g i c a l and genetic c o r r e l a t e s of a l c o h o l i s m . I t has been suggested that excessive d r i n k i n g among Native Indians i s r e l a t e d t o g e n e t i c d i f f e r e n c e s t h a t e x i s t between M o n g o l o i d and O c c i d e n t a l p o p u l a t i o n s r e g a r d i n g a l c o h o l m e t a b o l i s m ( W o l f f 1972). I n d i v i d u a l s of Mongoloid ancestry may produce a t y p i c a l forms of a l c o h o l dehydrogenase and aldehydase, enzymes c r u c i a l to the body's metabolism of a l c o h o l . C o n s e q u e n t l y , a c e t a l d e h y d e may b u i l d up i n t h e body more r a p i d l y than normal to produce symptoms of headache, nausea, and general d i s c o m f o r t . Today, t h i s argument t o account f o r s u c c e p t i b i l i t y t o a l c o h o l i s m has been d i s c o u n t e d . Not o n l y would such s i d e e f f e c t s o f d r i n k i n g l o g i c a l l y seem to discourage a l c o h o l use, but the incidence of a l c o h o l i s m w i t h i n s o c i e t i e s b e a r i n g t h i s enzymatic p e c u l i a r i t y ranges from v e r y low ( f o r example, the C h i n e s e ) t o v e r y h i g h ( N a t i v e N o r t h Americans) (Pinkerton and Anderson 1986). A d d i c t i o n t o a l c o h o l has been used t o account f o r the e x c e s s i v e d r i n k i n g among a l c o h o l i c s ; however, the a d d i c t i o n f a c t o r i s l e s s u s e f u l i n accounting f o r binge d r i n k i n g , a very common pat t e r n of d r i n k i n g among I n d i a n s . Very heavy d r i n k i n g may proceed over s e v e r a l days, d u r i n g which vast q u a n t i t i e s of a l c o h o l are consumed. P a r t i c i p a n t s d r i n k u n t i l 147 they black out, only to resume d r i n k i n g when they regain consciousness. T h i s c y c l e u s u a l l y c o n t i n u e s u n t i l the a l c o h o l s u p p l y i s exhausted. The b i n g e may then be f o l l o w e d by s e v e r a l weeks or even months of s o b r i e t y . Binge d r i n k i n g i s t y p i c a l i n i s o l a t e d I n d i a n c o m m u n i t i e s where a l c o h o l i s not r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e . Here d r i n k i n g binges u s u a l l y are a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t r i p s to town and w i t h the r e c e i p t of monthly s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e cheques. T h i s s p o r a d i c p a t t e r n of d r i n k i n g t e n d s t o negate the usefulness of the a d d i c t i o n f a c t o r as an explanation of t h i s form of I n d i a n d r i n k i n g . F o r many y e a r s i t had been t h o u g h t t h a t a l c o h o l a c t e d p h y s i o l o g i c a l l y to reduce i n h i b i t i o n s and to promote aggression, and that the o f t e n v i o l e n t and d e s t r u c t i v e b e h a v i o u r of i n e b r i a t e d p e r s o n s was s i m p l y a m a n i f e s t a t i o n of a l c o h o l ' s t o x i c i t y . I t i s u n d e n i a b l e t h a t a l c o h o l c o n s u m p t i o n r e s u l t s i n some p h y s i o l o g i c a l changes, namely an i m p a i r m e n t of the i n d i v i d u a l ' s s e n s o r i m o t o r c a p a b i l i t i e s . Yet i t has been d e c i s i v e l y argued by MacAndrew and Edgerton (1969) that consumption of a l c o h o l does not i n i t s e l f cause behavioural changes, such as a " l o s s of i n h i b i t i o n " or a "suppression of moral conscience". These a u t h o r s draw from e t h n o g r a p h i c and h i s t o r i c a l a c c o u n t s of Native Indian s o c i e t y and c u l t u r e to support t h i s c l a i m . They show th a t t h e r e e x i s t e d a number of N a t i v e N o r t h A m e r i c a n s o c i e t i e s i n w h i c h e x c e s s i v e a l c o h o l c o n s u m p t i o n d i d not r e s u l t i n u n i n h i b i t e d or a n t i -s o c i a l behaviour, that a l c o h o l has not c o n s i s t e n t l y produced u n i n h i b i t e d or a n t i - s o c i a l behaviour w i t h i n Native Indian s o c i e t i e s when viewed from a h i s t o r i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e , and that there have been occasions where h i g h l y i n t o x i c a t e d p e r s o n s have r e c o g n i z e d l i m i t s to t h e i r drunken behaviour, f o r example by d i r e c t i n g v i o l e n t a c t s only at s p e c i f i c i n d i v i d u a l s or by 148 suddenly sobering up during a c r i s i s . Instead, they conclude, drunken comportment i s l e a r n e d b e h a v i o u r . I t i s shaped both by c u l t u r a l e x p e c t a t i o n s o f how one s h o u l d a c t when drunk, and by s o c i a l c o n t r o l s that l i m i t the behaviour that one can "get away w i t h " w h i l e drunk. THE CONTROL OF DRINKING Whatever the r e a s o n s a r e f o r d r i n k i n g among N a t i v e I n d i a n s , i t s c o n t r o l and t r e a t m e n t have proven d i f f i c u l t . As mentioned i n Ch a p t e r S i x , the i m p o s i t i o n of laws i n the 1800s r e s t r i c t i n g the Indian's access to l i q u o r and punishing h i s drunkenness had l i t t l e e f f e c t . Methods of c o n t r o l emerging from w i t h i n I n d i a n s o c i e t i e s had more s u c c e s s . The system o f v i l l a g e c o n t r o l adopted by the A l k a l i Lake Shuswap t h r o u g h contact w i t h the C a t h o l i c m i s s i o n a r i e s i s one h i s t o r i c example. Today many Native Indians are ga i n i n g s o b r i e t y through p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n r e l i g i o u s groups and c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s . I n the Yukon T e r r i t o r y e v a n g e l i c a l C h r i s t i a n movements have a c h i e v e d d r a m a t i c s u c c e s s i n r e h a b i l i t a t i n g heavy d r i n k e r s among t h e Indian population (Cruikshank, p e r s . comm.). Among Coast S a l i s h I n d i a n s t h e r e has been a renewed i n t e r e s t i n the w i n t e r s p i r i t d a n c i n g , w h i c h , J i l e k (1982) a r g u e s , has served as a means of a l c o h o l i s m therapy by r e i n t e g r a t i n g "anomic" Indians i n t o s o c i e t y . As w e l l , d u r i n g the s p i r i t dance the i n d i v i d u a l may r e l e a s e pent up f e e l i n g s of anger and aggression by shouting to the crowd and g e n e r a l l y a c t i n g w i l d - s i g n s of s p i r i t p o s s e s s i o n - thus p e r m i t t i n g e m o t i o n a l c a t h a r s i s i n a more p o s i t i v e manner than t h r o u g h e x c e s s i v e a l c o h o l use. E l s e w h e r e , involvement i n the Peyote R e l i g i o n has h e l p e d o t h e r I n d i a n s t o g i v e up d r i n k i n g ( A b e r l e 1982). S t i l l o thers have gained s o b r i e t y through p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Pan-Indian c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s such as Pow-wow dancing. A l c o h o l i s not permitted at most 149 Pow-wows, and i t i s an e x p l i c i t b e l i e f t h a t Indian c u l t u r e and a l c o h o l do not mix. These o b s e r v a t i o n s l e a d one t o c o n c l u d e t h a t t h e i n t e g r a t i n g f u n c t i o n of t h e s e r e l i g i o u s and c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s i s f u n d a m e n t a l l y important i n t h e i r t h e r a p e u t i c e f f e c t i v e n e s s . To my knowledge, nowhere has the A.A. program achieved such success i n d e a l i n g w i t h I n d i a n d r i n k i n g as a t A l k a l i Lake. I n her 1972 stu d y J i l e k - A a l l c o n c l u d e d t h a t A.A. was o n l y r a r e l y u t i l i z e d by N o r t h American Indians. The reasons f o r t h i s included the Indians' d i s l i k e of c o n f e s s i o n a l speeches, t h e i r r e l u c t a n c e to admit personal weakness, and t h e i r u n w i l l i n g n e s s to p a r t i c i p a t e i n "White" programs. Mixed I n d i a n and White A.A. groups i n the F r a s e r V a l l e y were not s u c c e s s f u l i n de a l i n g w i t h Indian a l c o h o l i s m , as r a c i a l t e n s i o n and h o s t i l i t y w i t h i n the group p r e v e n t e d open c o m m u n i c a t i o n and c o n s e q u e n t l y i n h i b i t e d t h e development of group s o l i d a r i t y , w h i c h i s the e s s e n t i a l i n g r e d i e n t of A.A. t h e r a p y . As p r e v i o u s l y mentioned, t he d e v e l o p i n g A.A. group a t A l k a l i Lake was able to avoid such problems. The White sponsors demonstrated t h e i r w i l l i n g n e s s t o h e l p by t r a v e l l i n g out t o the r e s e r v e t o a t t e n d A.A. meet i n g s . The I n d i a n s were i n f a m i l i a r t e r r i t o r y , and t h i s reduced t h e i r p o t e n t i a l f o r i n t i m i d a t i o n w i t h i n the group. The Drug and A l c o h o l c o u n s e l l o r from W i l l i a m s Lake was a c u t e l y aware of the i m p o r t a n c e of Indian l e a d e r s h i p of the A.A. group. He encouraged l o c a l l e a d e r s h i p and stepped out from t he group when he b e l i e v e d the t i m e a p p r o p r i a t e . F i n a l l y , i t s h o u l d be noted t h a t p u b l i c c o n f e s s i o n s were a t one t i m e w i d e l y p r a c t i c e d among the Shuswap and o t h e r P l a t e a u c u l t u r e s , i n the c o n t e x t of prophet d a n c i n g ( t o be d i s c u s s e d l a t e r ) . I n t r a d i t i o n a l Shuswap c u l t u r e o r a t o r y s k i l l was h i g h l y v a l u e d , and i n d i v i d u a l s p o s s e s s i n g such s k i l l were re g a r d e d w i t h c o n s i d e r a b l e r e s p e c t . T h i s 150 v a l u e c o n t i n u e s t o d a y , w i t h i n d i v i d u a l s d e m o n s t r a t i n g t h e i r p u b l i c -s p e a k i n g a b i l i t i e s w i t h i n t he A.A. groups. T h i s may p a r t i a l l y a c c o u n t f o r t he A l k a l i Lake Shuswap's g e n e r a l r e c e p t i v i t y t o new i d e a s , g i v e n that they are presented by an eloquent speaker. I t has been only w i t h i n the l a s t ten years t h a t a l c o h o l i s m treatment f a c t i l i t i e s s p e c i f i c a l l y f o r N a t i v e I n d i a n c l i e n t s have developed i n B.C.. The Round Lake Treatment C e n t e r i n Vernon o f f e r s a s i x - w e e k r e s i d e n t i a l t r e a t m e n t program f o r i n d i v i d u a l N a t i v e I n d i a n s . The program emphasizes w h o l i s t i c treatment. The treatment program i s based on one t o one and group c o u n s e l l i n g s e s s i o n s , and t h e r a p y c o n s i s t s o f r a i s i n g t he person's s e l f - e s t e e m , e n c o u r a g i n g the open and honest expression of thoughts and emotions, and developing a l t e r n a t e means of c o p i n g w i t h l i f e ' s p r oblems t h a t b e f o r e had l e d t o a l c o h o l use. The Pan-Indian r i t u a l s of sweetgrass/sage c e r e m o n i e s and s w e a t b a t h i n g have been i n c o r p o r a t e d as a b a s i c component of t r e a t m e n t , w i t h emphasis on d e v e l o p i n g p r i d e i n one's N a t i v e h e r i t a g e b e i n g a dominant theme throughout the treatment process. I n c o n t r a s t t o t h e Round L a k e p r o g r a m , t h e K a k a w i s F a m i l y Development C e n t e r on Meares I s l a n d has developed a f a m i l y - b a s e d a l c o h o l i s m treatment program f o r Native Indians i n accordance w i t h the predominance of f a m i l y groups w i t h i n West C o a s t I n d i a n s o c i e t y (Pinkerton, pers. comm.). The Kakawis program has achieved s i g n i f i c a n t success using t h i s format. The b a s i c elements of a l c o h o l i s m therapy are s i m i l a r to the Round Lake program, although the use of c o n f r o n t a t i o n a l t a c t i c s a r e reduced. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g t o note t h a t the Pan I n d i a n themes of sweatbathing and sweetgrass/ sage ceremonies, which have been incorporated w i t h success i n the Round Lake Treatment Center, have been given only minimal n o t i c e by the Kakawis c l i e n t s . The p r e c e d i n g d i s c u s s i o n o f d r i n k i n g and a l c o h o l i s m has r a i s e d q u e s t i o n s r e g a r d i n g t h e f u n c t i o n o f d r i n k i n g ( e i t h e r n e g a t i v e o r p o s i t i v e ) , t h e r o o t causes of d r i n k i n g ( p e r c e i v e d i n ter m s of s o c i o -c u l t u r a l d e p r i v a t i o n ) and the manner i n wh i c h v a r i o u s t r e a t m e n t mechanisms have d e a l t w i t h excessive d r i n k i n g . S p e c i f i c a l l y , we might ask: What were t he f u n c t i o n s of d r i n k i n g a t A l k a l i Lake p r i o r t o the 1970s? Can we make sense o f the S o b r i e t y movement as p r o v i d i n g a f u n c t i o n a l equivalent to d r i n k i n g p r a c t i c e s ? Was d r i n k i n g a response to d e p r i v a t i o n , and what might the s p e c i f i c sources of t h i s d e p r i v a t i o n have been? Did the S o b r i e t y movement p o s i t s o l u t i o n s to these problems? Did the A.A. program p r o v i d e a means o f t h e r a p y t h a t was s p e c i f i c a l l y s u i t a b l e t o a Shuswap c o n t e x t ? I f a p p l i e d t o the A l k a l i Lake S o b r i e t y movement these questions would f u r t h e r enhance the understanding t h a t we have achieved thus f a r using the resource m o b i l i z a t i o n perspective. A HISTORICAL NOTE ON SHUSWAP MOBILIZATION B e f o r e c l o s i n g I would l i k e t o p r e s e n t one f i n a l h i s t o r i c a l observation. The response of the A l k a l i Lake r e s i d e n t s to the Sob r i e t y program a f t e r 1976 was exceedingly r a p i d . When we look a t the h i s t o r y of the A l k a l i Lake people we see a remarkable r e p e t i t i o n of the type of dramatic community m o b i l i z a t i o n that c h a r a c t e r i z e d the S o b r i e t y movement. T h i s f i r s t a ppears w i t h i n t h e c o n t e x t o f the prophet dance. Throughout the nineteenth century a number of prophets arose from w i t h i n the I n d i a n t r i b e s i n t h e n o r t h w e s t o f N o r t h A m e r i c a . T h e i r emergence i n d u c e d an o u t b r e a k of r e l i g i o u s f e r v o u r and community c e r e m o n i a l i s m . These prophetic movements, the most d i s c r e t e and w e l l - a r t i c u l a t e d being the C h r i s t i a n i z e d P r ophet Dance ( a r i s i n g i n the 1830s) , the S m o h a l l a C u l t (emerging i n 1860), and the 1870 and 1890 Ghost Dance a r e 152 c o n s i d e r e d t o be l a r g e l y i n f l u e n c e d by the u n d e r l y i n g P r o p h e t Dance complex. The Prophet Dance complex was present throughout the t r i b e s of the N o r t h w e s t I n t e r i o r , "from the Babine and S e k a n i on the n o r t h t o the P a v i o t s o of Western Nevada f a r t o the s o u t h " ( S p i e r 1935:5). E v i d e n c e , i n c l u d i n g statements by e a r l y t r a v e l l e r s , testimony by Native informants, and the temporal a s s o c i a t i o n of the Prophet Dance and the "dry s n o w f a l l " (ash f a l l o u t ) from a v o l c a n i c e r u p t i o n i n 1790, i n d i c a t e s t h a t t h i s complex was present i n the Northwest at l e a s t as e a r l y as 1800 ( i b i d . ) . There were four b a s i c elements to the Prophet Dance complex: 1. Focus on the c e n t r a l f i g u r e of dreamer or prophet who has " d i e d " , t r a v e l l e d t o the l a n d o f the dead and r e t u r n e d , t h u s g a i n i n g t he a b i l i t y t o communicate w i t h God and the dead through dreams. 2. R e f e r e n c e t o u n u s u a l o r c a t a c l y s m i c n a t u r a l e v e n t s portending the d e s t r u c t i o n of the world. 3. P r e d i c t i o n that the world's imminent d e s t r u c t i o n w i l l b r i n g about immediate reunion of the l i v i n g w i t h the dead and a r e t u r n of f i g u r e s from mythic times. 4. E x h o r t a t i o n of p e o p l e t o b e l i e v e and d e m o n s t r a t e t h e i r b e l i e f t h r o u g h d a n c i n g , t o l e a d a r i g h t e o u s l i f e , and t o prepare f o r the coming apocalypse (Ridington 1978:4). The P r o p h e t Dance p e r s i s t e d among the Shuswap t h r o u g h o u t the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y ( T e i t 1909). From t i m e t o t i m e a prophet would emerge w i t h a message from the s p i r i t world. Communal dances would then be p e r f o r m e d v i g o r o u s l y . These dances were c i r c u l a r i n form. A l l i n d i v i d u a l s , young and o l d a l i k e , were urged t o p a r t i c i p a t e , as i t was through such group demonstrations that the apocalypse would be hastened. I n t e r e s t i n the d a n c i n g g r a d u a l l y waned w i t h t i m e , o n l y t o be renewed w i t h v i g o r upon the announcement of a new r e v e l a t i o n . 153 T e i t makes s p e c i f i c reference to prophet dancing among the A l k a l i Lake Shuswap: The A l k a l i Lake band had not performed t h e i r ceremonial dance for many years, when an aged woman f e l l i n t o a trance; and the people, thinking she was dead, c a r r i e d her away some distance, and l a i d her on the ground, c o v e r i n g her over w i t h some o l d mats and a p i l e of f i r - b r u s h , i n the manner t h a t poor people were buried. Eight days afterwards the people were suprised to hear her s i n g i n g , and some of them went to i n v e s t i g a t e . She s a i d to them, "I am not dead. I have been to the land of s o u l s , and the c h i e f has sent me back w i t h a message to the people. Let the people assemble, and I w i l l g i v e i t to you". For s e v e r a l days the people f l o c k e d t h e r e , u n t i l a l a r g e c o n c o u r s e f r o m a l l t h e n o r t h e r n and w e s t e r n bands had assembled. She s a i d to them, "I saw a l l your dead f r i e n d s . They are happy and dance, and s i n g many strange songs"... She con t i n u e d , "The c h i e f gave me s e v e r a l new songs, such as are sung by the shades, and sent me back to earth to teach them to you, and a l s o to show you the proper way to dance"... Then the people danced i n c i r c l e s . . . and she stood i n the c e n t r e and d i r e c t e d them...The dancing was kept up w i t h g r e a t energy f o r several days, and a f t e r the people dispersed they continued to dance every few days at t h e i r homes for several months. [This prophet] l i v e d many years a f t e r w a r d s , and c o u l d f a l l i n t o a trance and go to the land of souls whenever she desired...Each time she brought a message or a new song from the s p i r i t - l a n d , she assembled the people and held dances (Teit 1909:604-605). The periodic m o b i l i z a t i o n of the Indian bands, i n the context of the prophet dance, s e t a backdrop f o r the i n t r o d u c t i o n of the e l a b o r a t e pageantry and r i t u a l of the C a t h o l i c Church. The same energy t h a t the western Shuswap devoted to prophet dancing was l a t e r devoted to the Roman Catholic ceremonies. Certain p a r a l l e l s between the prophet dance and the Roman C a t h o l i c ceremonies are e v i d e n t : f i r s t , i n i t i a t i o n of a new round of prophet dance f e r v o u r w i t h the g a t h e r i n g of bands to hear a newly-emerged prophet, and the i n i t i a t i o n of the r e l i g i o u s f e r v o u r associated with Catholicism and with the gathering of Indian bands from throughout the p r o v i n c e to w i t n e s s the church d e d i c a t i o n at S e c h e l t ; second, the return to the home community to spread the new prophet's - or the missionaries' - message f or salvation; t h i r d , the p a r t i c i p a t i o n by 154 the e n t i r e community i n group ceremonies, c i r c u l a r dancing i n the case of the prophet dance, and church d e d i c a t i o n s and other p u b l i c ceremonies i n the case of the Church's a c t i v i t i e s . The r e a s o n f o r t h i s t r a n s f e r r e n c e of c o l l e c t i v e energy i s l e s s obvious. S p i e r (1935) has argued t h a t the c h r i s t i a n i z e d v e r s i o n of the Prophet Dance that swept through the i n t e r i o r plateau i n the 1830s served t o " p r i m e " a t l e a s t some I n d i a n s t o a c c e p t C h r i s t i a n i t y , o r a t l e a s t t o o v e r t l y accept the C h r i s t i a n symbols and p r a c t i c e s , as l a t e r introduced by m i s s i o n a r i e s . However, a l t h o u g h t h e c h r i s t i a n i z e d P r o p h e t Dance caused a renewed r e l i g i o u s fervour amongst the m a j o r i t y of the i n t e r i o r t r i b e s , l a t e r on not a l l responded as w e l l to C h r i s t i a n teachings as d i d the western Shuswap. Furthermore, the western Shuswap had f i r s t contact w i t h a C a t h o l i c missionary i n 1842, and from 1867 on the m i s s i o n a r i e s made g r e a t e f f o r t s t o c o n v e r t t h e I n d i a n s . Yet i t was not u n t i l the 1890s t h a t they a c h i e v e d any r e a l s u c c e s s , as d e f i n e d by the o v e r t a c c e p t a n c e o f the D u r i e u s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . C l e a r l y , t h e n , f a c t o r s apart from the Shuswap's p r e - e x i s t i n g f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h C h r i s t i a n symbols and r i t u a l s were i n v o l v e d i n t h e i r f a v o u r a b l e r e s p o n s e t o the D u r i e u system. Lemert r e l a t e s t h e s u c c e s s of the D u r i e u m i s s i o n a r i e s among t h e C o a s t S a l i s h t o t h e c o m p a t a b i l i t y o f t h e h i e r a r c h i c a l v i l l a g e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n w i t h p r e - e x i s t i n g s t a t u s d i f f e r e n t i a l s i n Coast S a l i s h s o c i e t y (1957). Western Shuswap s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , however, was i n a s t a t e of q u i t e s i g n i f i c a n t f l u x t h r o u g h t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , due t o the d e s t a b i l i z a t i o n of Shuswap s o c i e t y through d r a s t i c population d e c l i n e and encroachment by n o n - I n d i a n s . A l t h o u g h t h e D u r i e u c h i e f s were u s u a l l y s e l e c t e d from among h e r e d i t a r y c h i e f s , t h e c u l t u r a l l y - d e f i n e d 155 a u t h o r i t y of the h e r e d i t a r y c h i e f during t h i s period i s unclear, due t o t h e s h i f t i n g n a t u r e o f Shuswap s o c i e t y . The a r g u m e n t f o r t h e c o m p a t a b i l i t y of the Durieu s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s \ ^ i t h Shuswap s o c i e t y can not be made due to the changing nature of t h e i r s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . The e l a b o r a t e p a g e a n t r y and r e l i g i o u s f e s t i v i t i e s r e s u l t e d i n a great amount of c o l l e c t i v e fervour and an i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of community among the p a r t i c i p a n t s . Lemert (1962) has e l s e w h e r e argued t h a t the s u c c e s s of the D u r i e u system i n c o n t r o l l i n g a l c o h o l use was r e l a t e d t o the d i v e r s i o n a r y e f f e c t of the pageants and c e r e m o n i e s , i n t h a t they t e m p o r a r i l y served as a f u n c t i o n a l r e p l a c e m e n t f o r c o l l e c t i v e d r i n k i n g a c t i v i t i e s . That they were f u n c t i o n a l e q u i v a l e n t s may be t r u e , but t h i s does not a c c o u nt f o r why they were a c c e p t e d as s u i t a b l e e q u i v a l e n t s i n the f i r s t place. I t i s e q u a l l y l i k e l y t h a t the system of v i l l a g e c o n t r o l promoted by the m i s s i o n a r i e s achieved success not n e c e s s a r i l y because of s t r u c t u r a l c o m p a t a b i l i t y , but s i m p l y because the system o f f e r e d one p o s s i b l e s o l u t i o n t o the d i s o r d e r t h a t was c o n f r o n t i n g the Shuswap. However general and systemic t h i s d i s o r d e r was, i t was epitomized by the growing a l c o h o l problem. By the l a t t e r h a l f of the century many of the western Shuswap c h i e f s had become v i o l e n t l y opposed t o a l c o h o l use and drunkenness, and w i l l i n g l y worked w i t h the I n d i a n Agent and the m i s s i o n a r i e s i n an a t t e m p t t o c o n t r o l i t s use. The c o m b i n a t i o n of a system f o r s o c i a l c o n t r o l , e s p e c i a l l y a l c o h o l c o n t r o l , plus the h i g h l y symbolic and elaborate pageantry of the f e s t i v i t i e s , which provided an opportunity f o r p o s i t i v e expression of community, served as a r e d i r e c t i n g f o r c e . A l t h o u g h i n the f o l l o w i n g y e a r s the p a g e a n t r y and the g e n e r a l r e l i g i o u s f e r v o u r among the w e s t e r n Shuswap d i e d down, the systems of v i l l a g e c o n t r o l remained i n place. 156 The f a c t t h a t the Shuswap, i n c o n t r a s t to the C h i l c o t i n and Southern C a r r i e r , responded p a r t i c u l a r l y w e l l t o the O b l a t e m i s s i o n a r i e s i n d i c a t e s that there were deeper c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s guiding t h i s response. The C h i l c o t i n have been noted f o r h a v i n g a h i s t o r y of c u l t u r a l conservatism, w h i l e the Shuswap, at l e a s t the A l k a l i Lake Shuswap, have had a h i s t o r y of a d a p t a b i l i t y and r e c e p t i v e n e s s t o new i d e a s and i n s t i t u t i o n s . These g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s o n l y r e s t a t e the problem. The q u e s t i o n of what l i e s a t the r o o t of t h e s e d i f f e r e n c e s a w a i t s f u r t h e r study. What we a r e l e f t w i t h from t h i s h i s t o r i c a l s t u d y i s a p i c t u r e of p e r i o d i c m o b i l i z a t i o n of the Shuswap people: f i r s t w i t h i n the context of prophet d a n c i n g , second w i t h i n t h e c o n t e x t of C a t h o l i c m i s s i o n a r y a c t i v i t i e s , and t h i r d w i t h i n the c o n t e x t of the A l k a l i Lake S o b r i e t y movement. Again, c e r t a i n p a r a l l e l s can be noted, e s p e c i a l l y between the prophet dance and the S o b r i e t y movement. Chelsea's t r a n s f o r m a t i o n from a heavy d r i n k e r to a confirmed sober a l c o h o l i c s y m b o l i c a l l y p a r a l l e l s the death and r e b i r t h of the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y p r o p h e t s . F u r t h e r m o r e , a f t e r t h i s t r a n s f o r m a t i o n C h e l s e a brought a message t o the community: s a l v a t i o n c o u l d be a c h i e v e d o n l y t h r o u g h the r e j e c t i o n of a l c o h o l . F i n a l l y , acceptance of the message was expressed through p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the A.A. m e e t i n g s , w h i c h became imbued w i t h g r e a t s i g n i f i c a n c e and i n f u s e d w i t h much " c o l l e c t i v e e f f e r v e s c e n c e " , as was the c o l l e c t i v e d a n c i n g of the p r e v i o u s c e n t u r y . The s i m i l a r i t y between the prophet dance and the S o b r i e t y movement i s p a r t i c u l a r l y e v i d e n t i n what one A l k a l i Lake i n d i v i d u a l r e f e r r e d to as the round dance, the c l o s i n g r i t u a l of the A.A. m e e t i n g where p a r t i c i p a n t s s t a n d t o j o i n hands i n a c i r c l e and r e c i t e the S e r e n i t y Prayer. 1 5 7 I t may be argued t h a t t h e prophet dance, the Shuswap's r e a c t i o n t o the C a t h o l i c m i s s i o n a r i e s , and the Sob r i e t y movement were a l l responses to s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n and c u l t u r a l breakdown (see Aberle 1959; Spie r e t a l . 1959 f o r a d i s c u s s i o n of the o r i g i n and f u n c t i o n o f the prophet dance), and th a t a l l r e f l e c t e f f o r t s at community r e v i t a l i z a t i o n . 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