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The Japanese hasso Nirvana tradition of paintings : an iconological study 1986

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THE JAPANESE HASSO NIRVANA TRADITION OF PAINTINGS: AN ICONOLOGICAL STUDY by HARRIET JEAN HUNTER B.A., The University of British Columbia, 1972 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES DEPARTMENT OF FINE ARTS We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA April 1986 © Harriet Jean Hunter, 1986 • </ [ In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It i s understood that copying or pu b l i c a t i o n of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of F i n e A r t s The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 t e A p r i l 30, 1986 ABSTRACT The purposes of this thesis are to draw attention to and document the radical change that occurred in the Japanese iconographic representation of the Buddha's Parinirvana during the first half of the 13th century; and to relate this iconographic shift to parallel changes in the iconologic accounts of the Nara sects. Specifically. 1 will assign responsibility for certain of these changes to the early Kamakura monk My6e Shonin (1173-1232). Japanese art historians (Nakano, 1978; Yanagisawa, !979) have speculated about similar lines of influence. To date, however, a clearly substantiated argument linking the writings of Myoe Shonin to the iconographic changes which emerged in the same historic context has not been made. The research problem is to attempt to establish such linkages by drawing parallels between Myde's revival of the Shaka cult and the associated changes in the subsequent Nirvana painting tradition. Three tconographically distinct images of the Buddha's Nirvana scene will be examined. First, an older iconographic type, exemplified by the painting in the ECong6bu-ji collection (referred to as Type I), will be discussed in order to set the historical context of interpretation. Second, attention will be drawn to the dramatic changes away from this earlier Type I tradition and focused upon a qualitatively different iconographic style present in the icons in the Ryugan-ji and Manju-ji temple collections (referred to as Type II images). Efforts will be made to establish that these changes reflect the writings, teachings, and practices of Myoe Shonin i i TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS vii INTRODUCTION 1 PART I. HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF THE JAPANESE NIRVANA PAINTING CHAPTER 1. GENSH1N AND THE CLASSICAL HEIAN NIRVAVA PAINTING 5 The Type I Nirvana Painting Genshin's Nehan koshiki and The Type I Nirvana Painting Genshin and The Shaka Cult PART II. THE JAPANESE HASSO NIRVANA PAINTINGS CHAPTER II. THE HASSO NIRVANA TRADITION 28 A Pictorial and Iconographic Examination of The If as so Paintings The Nirvana Scene Type II The Cycles of The Hasso Nirvana Paintings The Life Cycle A Morophological Examination of The Hasso Nirvana Paintings An Iconographic Examination of The Hasso Nirvana Paintings CHAPTER III. MYOE SHONIN AND THE KAMAKURA NIRVANA PAINTING TRADITION 83 Shizakdshiki Myoe Shonin and The Shaka Cult Shizakdshiki'and The Hasso Nirvana Tradition CONCLUSION 107 BIBLIOGRAPHY 109 APPENDIXES 117 ILLUSTRATIONS 132 TEXT OF ORIGINAL SOURCES 189 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Plate Page I. Butsunehan-zu Heian Period, dated dtoku 3 (1086). Hanging scroll. Colors on silk. 267.6x271.2. Kong6bu-ji, K6yasan, Wakayama. 132 II. Nehan-zu. Heian Period. Hanging scroll. Colors on silk. 164.8x137.6. Daruma-dera, Nara. 133 III. Nehan-zu Kamakura Period. Hanging scroll. Colors on silk. 249.1 x281.2. Ishiyama-dera, Shiga 134 IV. Nehan-zu Kamakura Period. Hanging scroll. Colors on silk. 1550x202.8. Tokyo National Museum Collection 135 V. Hassd nehan-zu. Kamakura Period, 13th century. Hanging scroll. Colors on silk. 162.7x 166.7. Henmy6-in, Okayama 136 VI. Hassdnehan-zu Kamakura Period, 13th century. Hanging Scroll. Colors on silk. 167.0 x 132.7. Manju-ji, Kyoto 137 VII. Hassdnehan-zu. Kamakura Period, dated Bunei 7 (1274). Hanging scroll. Colors on silk. 174.5x 1335. J6do-ji, Hiroshima 138 VIII. Hassdnehan-zu\ Kamakura Period, 13th century. Hanging scroll. Colors on silk. 290.0x264.0. Ryugan-ji, Kagoshima 139 IX. Hassd nehan-zu Kamakura Period. Hanging scroll. Colors on silk. 210.3 x 282.1. Tsurugi-jinja, Fukui 140 X. Nehan-zu. Heian Period, dated Tenei 3(1112). Wall painting. 168.0 x 187.0. Taishi-d6, Kakurin-ji, Hyogo 141 XI. Kubonraigd. Dated 1112. Wall painting. 168.0 x 187.0. Taishi-d6, Kakurin-ji 142 XII. Hassd nehan-zu. Kamakura Period. Hanging scroll. Colors on silk. 174.0x 164.8. Jish6-in, Okayama 143 XIII. Detail of Jishd-in 144 XIV. Hassd nehan-zu. Kamakura Period. Hanging scroll. Colors on silk. 172.6x950. K6san-ji,Hiroshima 145 XV. Hassd nehan-zu. Koryo Dynasty, Korea. Hanging scroll. Colors on silk. 285-0 x 235. Saiky6-ji,Nagasaki 146 XVI. Detail of Nirvana story (scene 1) J6do-ji 147 XVII. Detail (scene 14). J6do-ji 148 XVIII. Detail (scene 15). J6do-ji 149 XIX. Detail (scene 9). J6do-ji 150 XX. Detail (scene 10). J6do-ji 151 XXI Detail (scene 11). J6do-ji 152 XXII. Nehan-zu. By Ryozen. Nanbokuchd Period, dated Karyaku 3 (1328). Hanging scroll. Colors on silk. 160.9 x 168.0. Hongaku-ji, Fukui 153 i v XXIII. Detail. Hongaku-ji 154 XXIV. NeJian-zu By Minchd. Muromachi Period, dated Oei 15 (1408). Hanging scroll. Colors on silk. 880.0x531.0. T6fuku-ji, Kyoto 155 XXV. Detail of the life story of Shaka. Ryugan-ji 156 XXVI. Detail. Ryugan-ji 157 XXVII. Detail. Ryugan-ji 158 XXVIII. Detail of the life story of Shaka. Tsurugi-jinja 159 XXIX. Detail. Tsurugi-jinja 160 XXX. Shaka hassd-zu Kamakura Period, 13th century. Hanging scroll. Colors on silk. 119.4x84.8. Daifukuden-ji, Mie 161 XXXI. Detail of Hongaku-ji Nehan-zu 162 XXXII. Detail of Chofuku-ji Nehan-zu.. Nanbokuchd Period, dated J6wa2(1346). Hanging Scroll. Colors on silk. 172.6x95.0. Chofuku-ji, Kyoto 163 XXXIII. Detail of J6do-ji Hassd nehan-zu 164 XXXIV. Detail of J6do-ji 165 XXXV. Detail of Nehan-zu By Liu Xinzhong. Yuan Dynasty. Hanging scroll. Colors on silk. 156.9 x 830. Collection of Nara National Museum 166 XXXVI. Nehan-zu Liu Xinzhong.. 167 XXXVII. Detail of murals in Sanquing Dian of Yongle Gong. Yuan Dynasty, dated 1325 168 XXXVIII. Detail of Sanquing Dian 169 XXXIX. Jtakan-zu Yuan Dynasty. Inscription by I-shan I-ning (1247-1317). Hanging scroll. Colors on silk. Ryukd-in, Kyoto 170 XL. Rakan-zu By Jin Da-shou. Hanging scroll. Colors on silk. Collection of Tokyo National Museum 171 XLI. Detail of J6do-ji Hassd nehan-zu. 172 XLII. Detail of Hongaku-ji Nehan-zu. 173 XLI 11. Jtakan-zu By Takuma Choga. Kamakura Period, 13th century. Hanging scrolls. Colors on silk 174 XLIV. Jtakan-zu. Takuma Chdga 175 XLV. Detail of J6do-ji Hassd nehan-zu 176 XLVI. Jppen hJ/JrJ-e Kamakura Period, dated 1299. Handscroll. Colors on silk. Kankik6-ji, Kyoto 177 XLVII. Detail of Ippen hijiri-e 178 XLVIII. Detail of Ryugan-ji Hassd nehan-zu. 179 XLIX. Detail of Ryugan-ji Hassd nehan-zu 180 L, Detail of Kong6bu-ji Nehan-zu. 181 LI. Detail of Kong6bu-ji Nehan-zu 182 LI I. Detail of Kong6bu-ji Nehan-zu. 183 LIU. Jtakan-zu. Southern Song, dated 1178. Daitoku-ji, V Kyoto 184 LIV. Detail of Daitoku-ji Jtakan-zu 185 LV. Nehan-zu. By My6son. Kamakura Period, dated 1323. Fujita Musuem of Art, Osaka 186 L VI. Detaiiof Henmy6-in jfifasstf nehan-zu 187 LVII. Shakahass6-zu~ Kamakura, 13th century. Set of 4 hanging scrolls. Colors on silk. Each 110.3 x 32.4. MOA.Atami 188 v i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to thank Dr. James C. Caswell and Dr. Moritaka Matsumoto of the Fine Arts Department for their long-standing support and inspiration throughout my years at UBC. Dr. Leon Hurvitz of the Asian Studies Department was also a guiding source of inspiration, and gave untiringly his knowledge and advice in the translation of the primary texts. I wish to acknowledge the generosity of the Japanese Ministry of Education (Monbusho) whose research grant enabled me to live and study in Japan, and to thank Professor Shimizu Zenzo of the Kyoto University for giving me the opportunity to examine the original paintings pertinent to this study and to see many other Buddhist art treasures in Kyoto and Nara. 1 The iconography of Buddhist art in Japan does not form a single unbroken tradition. Instead, two stylistically distinct forms emerged in the period between the 11th and 14th centuries. These contrasting styles are best noted in the Nirvana painting of these periods. A Nirvana painting owned by the Kongdbu-ji of Kdyasan is the earliest painted example of the Nirvana scene in Japanese Buddhist art (plate I). An inscription states that it was completed on the seventh day of the fourth month of the third year of Otoku (1086).1 The Kongdbu-ji painting served as the prototype for many later Nirvana paintings during the Kamakura period (1185-1333) and after. Examples are the paintings in the collections of Daruma-dera, Ishiyama-dera, and the Tokyo National Museum (plates II, III, IV). The Kongdbu-ji painting is the most representative example of the Heian Nirvana scene Japanese scholars have designated the Classical Heian Type (hereafter Type I).2 No documents survive on the origin and history of the Kongdbu-ji painting. Japanese art historians conjecture that the painting was originally in the possession of Enryaku-ji, the head temple of the Tendai sect on Hieizan, basing these claims on the stylistically similar Amida shdju raigo painting in the Yushihachiman-kd Juhachika-in at Kdyasan and the painting of Shaka kinkan shutsugen, now in the Kyoto National Musueum.3 These scholars have also suggested an influence from Eshin Sozu, more commonly known as Genshin (942-1017), a monk from Hieizan, on the Type I painting tradition, and cited his Nehan koshiki (Nirvana Formulary) as the liturgy 2 for the service in which the Type I Nirvana scene functioned as the visual counterpart.4 Despite the prevalance of the Heian Type 1 images, the character of Japanese Nirvana painting changed during the Kamakura Period. This new type of Nirvana painting is represented by the hassd Nirvana image (eight aspects' of the Nirvana story). Examples are the paintings in the collections of Henmyd-in, Manju-ji, and Jddo-ji (plates V, VI, VII). The major transformation between Types I and II appears in the composition and is due to a change in subject matter. In the newly emergent Type II image the Nirvana scene proper becomes part of a larger iconographic arrangement. The most significant change, unique to the Japanese tradition, is seen in the paintings in the Ryugan-ji and Tsurugi-jinja collections (plates VIII, IX). The result is the second of the two iconographic types of the Nirvana scene proper in the Japanese tradition. Paintings in Chion-ji, Zenrin-ji, and Engaku- ji exemplify this new medieval Kamakura type, although the larger iconographic cycle is excluded.̂ Previous Japanese scholarship has proposed that this new Type II Nirvana painting evolved under the influence of such factors as the Shaka revival movement of the early Kamakura Period (1185-1333), religious and thus artistic influences from Song-Yuan China (1127-1367), and the writings and practices of the early Kamakura monk Myoe Shonin (1173-1232). At the present state of knowledge, such suggestions cannot be accepted without reservation. First, there has been no systematic study of the tradition, and so the dating of the paintings is unclear. Second, the ways in which the tradition evolved and changed are unknown. 3 Chapter One examines the relationship between the Type I Nirvana scene, as represented by the Kongobu-ji painting, and Gen shin's text, the Nehan kdsbikJ, written for the Buddhist ritual observed yearly on the anniversary of the Buddha's Nirvana (nehan-e). Characteristic of the Shaka cult of the Late Heian Period (898-1185) was the tendency to interpret the Hoke-ky6 (Lotus Sutra) in the light of J6do (Pure Land) faith.* An iconological study of the Heian type of Nirvana image reveals a Jodo substructure, and thus provides a background against which to. examine the Kamakura icons and Shaka cult. To fix the historical context of the broadly dated Kamakura hasso Nirvana images and to uncover the factors that lay behind iconographic changes, more precise datings are indispensable. This is the purpose of Chapter Two. Chapter Three investigates the contribution of Myde Shonin, a Shingon monk and Kegon revivalist, to the Japanese tradition of Nirvana painting. In particular I will argue that it is possible to document direct links between Myde Shdnin's writings, the Shizakoshiki\ for the Nirvana ceremony and the novel changes subsequently introduced into the Kamakura type of Parinirvana painting. 4 *See the studies: Kameda Tsutomu, "Butsu nehan-zu," Bukkyd setsuwa-e no kenkyu. pp. 89-98; Takeo Izumi, "Otoku nehan-zu shdron," Bukkyd geijutsu. 129 (March 1980), 9-102; Kdyasan bunkazai hozonkai, ed., Kokuhd otoku butsu nehan-zu no kenkyu to hozon (2 vols.: Tokyo: Tokyobijutsu, 1983). 2See the studies of: Takasaki Fujihiko, "Nehan-zu no zuyd ni tsuite," Museum. 68 (November 1956), 11-14; Kyoto National Museum, ed.. Nehan- zu no meisaku (Kyoto: Kyoto National Museum, 1978); Bukkyd bijutsu kenkyu Ueno kinen zaidan, Report 7, Tanjd to nehan no bijutsu (Kyoto: Kyoto National Museum, 1980). 3The opinion, for example, of Nakano Genzd in "Nihon no Nehan-zu," in Tanjo to nehan no bijutsu. p. 26 and Tanaka Ichimatsu, 'Shaka kinkan shutsugen- zu," Nihon kaiaa-shi ronshu (Tokyo, 1966), pp. 13-14. An inscription, dated Tenshd 155/15 (June 21,1587), on the back of the AmJda sbdju raigd painting states the work was originally in the possession of a temple in Anrakudani on Hieizan. When Oda Nobunaga attached Hieizan in the 16th century, the painting was moved secretly to Kdyasan. "The Welcoming Descent of Amida and the Heavenly Host", dated to the Late Heian period, is illustrated in Kyoto National Museun, ed., Jddokyd kaiaa (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1975), pis. 22-24. "Shaka Rising from the Golden Coffin, " a Late Heian (scholars date the work either to the 11th century or the late 12th century) painting, was originally in the Chdhd-ji collection. The Chdhd-ji was a subtemple of Enryaku-ji, and according to temple tradition, the painting was saved from Nobunaga's rampage by the Chdhd-ji monks. Illustrated in Nara National Museum, ed., Budda shason: sono shdgai to zdkei (Nara: Nara National Museum, 1984), pi. 56. 4Nakano, "Nihon no nehan-zu," pp. 26-27 and "Nehan-zu no ddbutsu-ga," Bukkyd geijutsu. 104 (November 1975), 707-701; Takeo Izumi, "Otoku nehan-zu"; Hamada Ryu, " Kongdbu-ji Butsu nehan-zu' to sono ydshikiteki ichi," Kokuhd otoku butsu nehan-zu no kenkyu to hozon. pp. 19-41. Îllustrated in Nehan-zu no meisaku. pis. 20 and 21 and Kokka. 239. SMydhd-renge-kyd (T.IX.262). 5 GENSHIN AND THE CLASSICAL HEIAN NIRVANA PAINTING The objective of this chapter is twofold: to examine the relationship between the Type I Nirvana scene and Genshins text, the Nehan JtoshlkJ, and to set the Nirvana ritual in the context of the Late Heian Shaka cult. This will be accomplished by means of a pictorial and iconographic examination of the Kongobu-ji painting and a discussion of the Type I iconographic style and Genshins iconologic writings. I. 1. The Type I Nirvana Painting The most distinctive feature of the Type I Nirvana painting is the exceptional prominence and formal intensity given to the Buddha (plate I). In all examples of this type the Buddha's figure dominates the scene (plates II, III, IV). He is largest in size and his central placement and color scheme- - gold and white—accentuate the horizontal composition. His hierarchical superiority is further achieved by means of the subordination of figures and landscape motifs. Both are in a reduced scale compared to the primary motif of Buddha-on-the-couch. The division of the composition into an stage-like foreground and a landscape backdrop encourages concentration on the figure of the Buddha. The decorative schematic forms of the trees and blossoms and the static geometric arrangements of the figural groupings on a gold 6 groundplane negates all sense of natural space and depth. The result is the pronounced and monumental character of an hieratic icon. The scene takes place in a setting delineated by the couch, the trees around its four sides, and a backdrop of mist. Three vignettes of landscape are placed across the top of the painting. The landscape motifs indicate the traditional site of the event recorded in all of the Nirvana texts: "the sala grove of the Mallas, the upavattana of Kusinara, on the further side of the river Hiranyavati." Buddha instructed his disciple Ananda to spread a covering for him over "the couch with its head to the north, between the twin sala trees."1 The four trees in the Kongdbu-ji painting are double-trunked, being joined at the base: The waves in the upper right landscape vignette are those of the Hiranyavati. The trees at the foot of the couch in the Kongdbu-ji painting are labelled with a cardinal direction: the paired trees in the south {nanpd sdju). The most important point regarding Buddha's pose in all the Nirvana texts is that his head was to the north when he lay down. Buddha in Parinirvana is depicted lying rigidly on his back, his arms stretched straight along his body. This pose is uncanonical, as the Nirvana texts, both the Hinayana and Mahayana versions, say the Buddha lay down on his right side. In the earliest extant representation of this scene in Japan, the sculptured tableau in the five-storied pagoda in Hdryu-ji which is dated 711, Buddha lies on his right side.2 Moreover, most texts specify that one leg rested on the other, and his head was pillowed on his hand.3 To locate the iconographic source on which the Kongdbu-ji pose is based, the Chinese tradition of Buddha in pariNirvana must be considered. This unusual pose is only found in three reliefs at Yungang, which date to the late fifth century, and in the oldest 7 example of the scene among the Dunhuang paintings, the early sixth century fresco in Cave 428.4 jorinde Ebert contends the Kongdbu-ji pose is based on a separate Nirvana scheme that evolved before the end of the fifth century in Southern China.5 The translation of the numerous Hinayana and Mahayana texts into Chinese occurred simultaneously rather than systematically. Thus, the pictorial concept of Nirvana amalgamated the teachings of the various Nirvana sutras, making it difficult in many cases to say whether a representation is based on the historical narrative of a Hinayana text, or on the teachings of the temporal manifestation of the Buddha principle expounded in the Mahayana versions. In any case, the traditional Nirvana formula was firmly established by the time the distinctive Kongdbu-ji Buddha was created. Here, the aim was to depict a monumental and iconic figure of the Buddha.6 A crowd of mourners surround the deathbed of the Kongdbu-ji Buddha. Labels identify each figure. Eight bodhisattvas kneel at the head of the couch; and monks, laypeople, and members of Shaka's traditional guardian retinue encircle the remaining three sides of the deathbed. Most of the figures depicted are recorded in the Hok uhon-nehan-gyd.7 A lion in the lower right corner is the sole representative of the many birds, beasts, and insects who were said to have witnessed the event.8 In the upper right corner, separated from the main grouping of figures by the tops of the trees, are the figures of Mahamaya (Maya Bunin), the Buddha's mother, and an attendant. Maya is not present in the Hinayana texts, the Hokuhon-nehan-gyd. nor in the Gobun: her participation in the lamentation over her son is based on the Makamaya- kyd. a 5th century Chinese work emphasizing filial affection.9 After Buddha was put in the coffin, the monk Anuruddha ascended to Trayastrimsa to 8 inform Maya of her son's extinction. Maya came down from heaven to grieve over the relics, his robe, alms bowl, and staff, which lean against the tree behind the couch in the Kongobu-ji painting. 10 A small group of mourners is depicted in the Kongobu-ji painting. This is another characteristic of the Type I Nirvana scene, which contrasts with the vast number of participants enumerated in the Hokuhon-nehan-gy6. The sutra states that the entire Buddhist universe, as represented by the six realms of existence {rokudo), was present.11 j n the Kongobu-ji painting, only the realms of the gods, men, and beasts are represented12 The figures of the Kongobu-ji painting are divided into two distinct groups; those who mourn and those who do not. This striking contrast in the reactions of the congregation of mourners is the very theme of the painting. The bodhisattvas and the Buddha's mother do not grieve; their faces are calm, their manners serene. The other members of the Buddhist cosmos vent their sorrow, particularly the monks, whose faces are contorted with anguish, and the lion, who, overcome with grief, lies prostrate on his back. The contrast of responses symbolizes the different degrees of understanding first recorded in the Pali Maha-Parinirvana-Suttanta. 13 in the Hokuhon-nehan- gyo., however, the entire congregation mourns the Buddha's extinction.14 Furthermore, Maya's serenity is not in keeping with her moving display of grief narrated in the Makamaya-ky6.15 Restraint characterizes the grief of the crowd in the Kongobu-ji painting. This is also a feature of the Type I scene and is contrary to the vivid descriptions of grief given in all the texts.16 The flowers in the Kongobu-ji painting have symbolic meaning. A profusion of blossoms out of season is in keeping with the canonical 9 accounts. * 7 All the texts prescribe a cataclysmic response of nature at the time of the Buddha's entry into Nirvana. In each account, the grief of nature is as profound as that of the sentient beings of the Buddhist cosmos.18 White blossoms on the branches above Buddha's head allude to the passage in the Hokuhon-nehan-gv6 in which the forest of trees changed color and looked like white cranes.19 The other flowers can be divided into two distinct groups; one group is green and smooth in outline, another is brown and has serrated edges. This iconographic feature is taken from the Daihatsu-nehan- gy6-sho. which states that when Buddha entered Nirvana some flowers bloomed, and some withered and died.20 The concern of the Kongdbu-ji artist, however, is not the response of nature. There is a subordination of the nature motifs in this scene to the reactions of the sentient beings. In summary, the pictorial and iconographic analysis of the Kong6bu-ji and other related Type I images reveal that together they form a coherent Japanese iconographic style which, while continuing an earlier continental tradition, is frequently non-canonical and suggestive of a uniquely Japanese tradition. Evidence for the Japanization of the Buddha's Parinirvana is provided by a comparison between the particulars of the Type I images and Genshin's text for the Nirvana ceremony, the Nehan kdshJki. Although there is not a simple one-to-one relationship between the kdshikj and the Kongdbu-ji Type I image, a definite thematic connection is apparent. 12. fienahin'*? Nehan kdshJki and the Tyne I Nirvana Painting 10 Japanese art historians assigned to Genshin (942-1017), a Late Heian Period Tendai monk, responsibility for the unique features of the Type I Nirvana painting. Genshins Nehan kdshiki', which has survived from the late 10th century, is composed in five parts that dramatize the event of Buddha's entry into Nirvana: "The Convocation of the Nirvana Assembly", "The Manner of the Offerings Made by the Multitude", "The Manner of the Display of Nirvana', "The Grief of the Assembly", and "The Vow to Confer Merit on AU".21 An investigation of the iconographic relationship between Genshins text and the Type I painting will be undertaken by examining the elements of the story related in the kdshiki For example, the setting, the assembly, the pose of Buddha, and the responses to Buddha's Nirvana as described in the text and in the Kongobu-ji painting will be compared. The setting of the event is briefly stated in the opening gatha: At Kusinagara by the River Hiranyavati Between the paired trees in the sala grove. There is no further attention given to the setting in the kdshikm The gathering of the witnesses in the kdshiki is based on the Hokuhon-nehan-gy6. The names of those present appear in the Preface and in other chapters of the Mahayana text: All the Mahabodhisattvas such as Kasyapa, Simhanada, and [Virtuous King]; A multitude of sravakas such as Anuruddha and Ananda; Mahesvaradeva, Sikh! Mahabrahma, Sakrodevendra; The world-defending Four Kings; All came to the sala grove. 11 Moreover, the members of the assembly and their numbers correspond directly to those enumerated in the Preface of the Hokuhon-nehan-gyd: There were upasaka, as many as the sands of two River Ganges, and the upasakas King Pure-Renown and Wholesome- Qualities headed their number. Also there were upasikas, as many as the sands of three River Ganges; a multitude of the Licchavis, as many as the sands of four River Ganges; prominent government officials and rich men, as many as the sands of five River Ganges; all the wives of kings, as many as the sands of seven River Ganges, and also all the kings of Jambudvipa; nagas, as many as the sands of nine River Ganges; ghost kings, as many as the sands of. ten River Ganges; they approached the Buddha, each making offerings twice as splendid as their predecessors. Flying birds holding in their mouths rare fruits assembled; bee kings came, having drank of wonderful flowers; mountain spirits approached, performing music; water spirits offered a multitude of jeweis.23 There are correspondences between the Nehan kdshiki and the Kongdbu-ji painting. Common to both are the bodhisattvas Kasyapa and Virtuous King, the disciples Ananda and Anuruddha, the gods Sikhi Mahabrahma and Sakrodevendra, the male upasakas King Pure-Renown and Wholesome- Qualities, the court lady, and the wealthy government official. The kdshiki makes reference to Mayas participation in the lamentation over her son after his entry into Nirvana.2 4 However, in contrast to the single lion in the painting, many species of the animal realm are present at the event in the text. Furthermore, a small crowd of mourners is depicted in the painting whereas a great congregation assembles in the Nehan kdshJki. The concept of a universal audience is symbolized by the fifty-two types' of beings and the members of the six realms of existence who convene amongst the sala 12 grove.2 5 Nevertheless, it is significant that the text cites the names of those present and the labels of the characters in the painting correspond. The pose of Buddha at the time of his Nirvana is stated in the opening gatha of the kdshiki: He lay down on his right side His head to the north and his face to the west. This is the traditional Parinirvana formula prescribed in the canonical sources. The text further relates: Upon the seven-jeweled bed, He lay down on his right side.26 There is no mention made of the position of Buddha's legs, in contrast to the majority of the sources, nor of his head pillowed on his hand, as stated in the Butsuhatsu-naion-gv6 and the Bussho-gy6-san. The simplicity of imagery is closest to the description of Buddha's pose given in the Hinayana Hatsu-naion-gy6 and the Mahayana MakaMaya-ky6.27 Given the fact that the statements in the kdshiki occur in both the Hinayana and Mahayana textual traditions, these simple phrases contain at this point in time knowledge of the orthodox iconography of Buddha in Parinirvana. However, there is a discrepancy between the pose of Buddha in the Kong6bu-ji Type I Nirvana scene and the statements of the Nehan kdshiki In the kdshiki all the members of the great assembly mourn the loss of Buddha. A universal grief is stressed in the Mahayana versions of the Parinirvana texts. Moreover, classic examples of the grief of the Buddhist world are symbolized by the responses of Ananda, Brahma, and 13 Sakrodevendra, each of whom utters a gatha of lament in such sources as the Yugy6-kyd. the Butuhatsu-naion-gyd. the Hatsu-naion-gyd. the Daihatsu-nehan-gy6. 28 All, each and every one, of the great multitude lamented. Mahabrahma flew down from his lofty palace; In front of the Tathagata he flung his body and groaned in pain. Sakrodevendra tumbled down from his temple of Goodly Dharma; At the site of the Nirvana he cried out and stumbled and fell. Ananda sobbed and said: "For the sake of whom do we now carry the robe and bowl? Under whom can we hear the wonderful Dharma? There are obvious contradictions between the Kongobu-ji painting and the Nehan kdshiki. In the painting the bodhisattvas are serene in manner whereas the text states every one grieves. There is also a restraint in the display of grief in the painting, in contrast to the texts description of Sakrodevendra's and Brahma's violent reactions. The Nehan kdshiki does not mention the responses of nature to the Buddha's Nirvana. Like the Kongobu-ji Type I scene, the text emphasizes the responses of sentient beings. It is not easy to establish a one-to-one relationship between the iconography of the Kongobu-ji Type I Nirvana painting and the content of the Nehan kdshiki. More often than not discrepancies occur, as noted, for example, in the Buddha's pose, the size of the crowd and type of members present, and the reactions of the congregation and of nature. On the other hand, although not every iconographic motif can be traced to the text, 14 matches do exist. Certain figures appear in both, and the subordination of the landscape in the Type I scene is analogous to the kdshiki s lack of reference to nature's response. The correspondence between the Kongdbu-ji Type I Nirvana painting and Genshin's Nehan kdshiki is thematic and expressive rather than exact. The Buddha's Nirvana is presented in a similar manner in both painting and text. As mentioned, the Nehan kdshiki recounts only the Nirvana proper. Cursory reference is made to other incidents of the story, for example Mahakasyapa's and Maya's homage at the coffin after Buddha's entry into Nirvana. The author has abbreviated the story, subordinating the historical life of the Buddha to an ideal of the Eternal Buddha, who resides in his Pure Land on Gridrakuta. This is the teaching of the Hoke-kyd and the Hokuhon- nehan-gyd. In fact, the gathas from Chapter 16 of the Hoke-kyd. which give the theological interpretation of the Buddha's Nirvana, are quoted: For the beings' sake, And as an expedient device, I make a show of Nirvana; Yet in fact I do not pass into extinction, But ever dwell here and preach the Dharma. Because ordinary fellows are set on their heads, Though I really live, say I am in extinction. Otherwise, because they constantly see me, They would conceive thoughts of pride and arrogance. 2 9 While the focus of the Nehan kdshiki is reflected in the Kongdbu-ji Type I painting, it is not possible at this point to state firmly that the Type I Nirvana tradition was based exclusively upon Genshin's text. The disparities between text and painting are difficult to account for. In addition to the 15 early Chinese precedents for the pose of the Type I Buddha which have been mentioned, there is, however, more evidence to suggest that the Japanese Type I Nirvana painting continues an earlier continental tradition. The generic features of the iconography of a painting from Hobei, dated ca. 977, resemble those of the Type I image.30 There are pictorial and iconographicai differences, for example the pose of Buddha; and yet the Buddha's figure dominates the scene. The reduced scale of the mourning disciples attests to their subordinate role and enhances the figure of Buddha as a cult image. Nevertheless, there does seem to be a general ideological correspondence between the Kongobu-ji Type I Nirvana image and Genshins Nehan kdshiki. Although a lack of pictorial material makes it difficult to verify the Type I tradition was established in Japan before the date of the kdshiki, this correspondence indicates a clear link between the Genshins text and the religious and artistic context within which it was written. 1.3. Genshin and The Shaka Cult The most important evidence for Genshins influence on the Nirvana tradition is the iconographic program of the Taishi-do of the Kakurin-ji, a Tendai temple erected in Tenei 3(1112), in which a Type I Nirvana image is paired with a Kuban raigd image.31 The Kakurin-ji Nirvana painting exhibits most of the pictorial and iconographic characteristics of the Kongobu-ji Type I scene (plate X).32 Stylistically the Kakurin-ji mural is very similar to the Kongobu-ji painting, 16 executed only twenty-six years earlier. For example, comparable are the spatial conception, the figure style, and the yamato-e type of landscape. The Kubon raigd panel depicts multiple scenes in a single composition (plate XI). The mountains in the upper part of the mural are decorated with examples of A mid as welcome of the different categories of rebirth, two of which are a Jtaeriraigd and the sun disk of the lower category lower level .33 The central and lower parts of the composition elaborate on the evil deeds of sentient beings. Examples of their sinful acts are the destruction of a temple, hunting and fishing, and clandestine meetings between men and women. The allusion to the possibility of the continuation of a more horrific condition within the six realms of reincarnation is contained in the motif of the emissary from Hell and his demon attendant. A reference is made to the judgement after death at the court of one of the Ten Kings. The subject matter of the Kakurin-ji raigd mural is unique. The focus is the lower category lower birth. An extant pictorial version of the Kubon raigd are the murals in the Byddo-in, dated to 1053. However, the emphasis of the Byddd-in paintings is on the way in which Amida and his host will appear before the Pure Land candidate of each of the nine categories.34 The graphic realism of the condition of beings in the Kakurin-ji mural indicates the concerns and fears of the petitioner. A sense of repentence and of seeking a measure of reassurance for the conditions of the next rebirth, even if it is to be at the lowest level, are evident. There is an unexpectedly close relationship between the iconography of the Kakurin-jis raigd mural and the liturgy for a monthly meeting of a nembutsu society, the nijQgozammai-e•, inaugurated at Yogawa on Hieizan inKanna 2 (986)35 The liturgy, attributed to Genshin, also contained the 17 pledge of the founding twenty-five members of the society, in which they declared their intentions and plans.36 The following is a passage from the pledge: "According to the Scriotue of Beholding the Buddha of Infinite Life: There are those sentient beings who have committed the five irreversible sins and the ten evils and who were guilty of all evil. Such foolish people, because of evil deeds, are due to fall into the evil destinies and will pass through many kalpas of suffering without end. Evil persons such as these, at the time of death, will encounter a wholesome acquaintance who will comfort him in various ways by expounding the Buddha's wonderful Dharma, and teaching him to be constantly mindful of the Buddha. These persons, pressed by suffering, will not be free to contemplate the Buddha. The good friend will declare to him: If you are unable to contemplate, you must invoke (the name of) the Buddha of Infinite Life. Do this wholeheartedly and unceasingly and complete ten invocations, calling namu Murydjubutsu'. By calling upon the name of the Buddha, at every moment you will cancel the sins of 80 million kalpas of samsaric existences. After death, you will see a golden lotus blossom, like the suns disk, halt before you. As if in a single moment, you will directly go and be reborn in the world of extreme happiness.' This passage suffices as testimony of our coming life." Common to both the text and the painting are the type of beings petitioning, that is sinners who have committed the evilest of deeds; a key theme of each is the preparation for death by means of confession and repentance; and the aim, the lower category lower birth, is identical. Although the paintings iconography differs in its representation of other kubon raigo scenes, the mural is arguably an artistic interpretation of the concerns and aims of the society. 18 Another correspondence between the painting and the meeting's text is the concept of rokudd, symbolized in the Kakurinji mural by the motif of the Hell emissary, and developed as the thematic thrust of the liturgy proper. The concept of rokudd was an important element in Genshin's J6do doctrine, formulated in anticipation of the period of mappd , the Decline of the Buddha's Law, that was calculated to begin in Japan in 1053- In his famous work, the Ojovoshu. the first two chapters epitomized his Jddo teachings by juxtapositioning the pain and horrors of the rokudd in Chapter I "Shunning the Defiled Realms" with the beauty and pleasures of the Pure Land in Chapter II "Seeking the Amida's Pure Land." 37 Genshin's religious disposition can be further determined from accounts of his activities at Yogawa.38 two temples, the Ryozen-in, erected during the Shdryaku period (ca. 990-994), and the Kedai-in, dated Chdho 3 (ca. 1001), embodied the major concerns of his teaching and practice. Genshin's theological focus is revealed in the two temples by the juxtapositioning of Shaka and Amida imagery. The Rydzen-in's iconographic program, based on the Hoke-kyd. recreated Shaka's Pure Land on Gridrakuta. There was a central image of Shaka, and the ten disciiples, bodhisattvas, and hachibushu were depicted on the surrounding walls and pillars. The intent of the hall's iconography, as stated in the JRydzen-w shikJ , written by Genshin in Kanko 4.7/13, was to concretely manifest Shaka's sermon on Gridrakuta. Daily rites, for example, the offerings of food and water to the image of Shaka as if to a living person, further enforced the constant awareness of the spiritual, and thus by extension, the physical presence of Shaka.39 Moreover, an image representative of his Jddo teachings was also enshrined. An inscription on the old scroll rods of the 19 JRakudd paintings now in the Sh6ju-raig6-ji collection stated the set of scrolls was originally the temple treasure of Ry6zen-in.40 A Jddo position, however, was dominant. In Genshins liturgical writings for observances in the Ryozen-in, the Hoke-kyo was interpreted in the context of A mi da- directed tenets. The main points, once again premised on the dichotomy developed in the Qjoyoshu. were the severance of the bonds of the six realms and the aim of rebirth.41 The Kedai-in was the center for the NijOgozammai-e The society's concern was the implementation of the most practical chapter of the dfoydshu. "Nembutsu for Special Occasions." 42 The Kedai-in's iconographic program represented the Pure Land of A mi da. The primary object of the monthly meeting on the fifteenth was to perform Jddo practices, specifically the reading of the Amida-kyo and nembutsu throughout the night. The society combined Tendai Lotus activities with these Amida practices. In Genshin revision of the society's by-laws in Eien 2.6/15 (988), an expounding of the Hoke-kyd was added to the monthly meeting. 43 However, the traditional Tendai position, the Shaka-oriented faith of the Hoke-kyo and the goal of self-realization, was subordinated to the society's goal of Pure Land salvation. The majority of the points of the NiJugozammaJ-iishd were instructions on how to care for the sick and dying in order to ensure rebirth. For example, at the time of a member's sickness or the approach of death, a special nembutsu session was held in a chapel called the djd-in The sick or dying man was placed behind an Amida image, enshrined in the west, and he held five-colored streamers that were attached to Amida's hand. His companions-in-faith gave encouragement and guidance all the while.44 Tradition also credits Genshin and the Nijugozammai society with 20 the creation of the re-enactment of Amida's welcoming descent, the mukae- kd, in which the members impersonated the approach of Amida and his host of bodhisattvas.45 Both events, the mukae-ko and the rinju nembutsu session, were structured to attain direct contact with Amida and his Pure Land. The Nirvana ceremony was performed by this exclusive devotional society during its meeting on the fifteenth of the second month. It is not hard to imagine the details of this private ceremony in the Kedai-in. Seated immediately before a Type I Nirvana image, characterized by a close-up' of a monumental figure of Buddha, the twenty-five living' mourners would have joined the small assembly of painted' mourners in front and at the head and foot of the deathbed. The emotional impact is heightened by the direct physical contact between painting and performers.46 Given the context of this Shaka rite, a Pure Land coloring is discernable in the gatha of the Nehan kdshiki: Homage to the Great Teacher Sakyamuni eternally residing on Gridrakuta.47 The assemblage of icons in the Kakurin-ji's Taishi-dd program was neither incongruous nor unprecedented. The Taishi-dd was originally called the Hokke-dd.48 The main icon was a Shaka triad, and Fugen and the ten Rasetsunyo were drawn on the central pillars. Lotus rites such as the Hokke sambd and Hokkehakkd were performed in the Hokke-dd before the Lotus triad of Shaka, Monju, and Fugen. Originally Tendai rites of repentance, whose aim was to cleanse sins, these rites came to be used mainly as masses for the dead by the Late Heian.49 The two great aims of the Lotus propagated by the Tendai sect were the cleansing of sins and the felicity of the soul of the dead. The Kanmurydju-kyd. the basis of the Amida doctrine, 21 also promised the removal of sins prior to rebirth into Amida's Pure Land.50 According to the Hoke-kyd. Fugen will approach the believer from the Eastern Pure Land of J&mydkaku?1 The pairing of the raigd and Nirvana murals illustrated the Pure Land position of the Tendai monk Genshin. The concept of a Pure Land linked the images of the Shaka and the Amida cults iconologically. »T. W. Rhys Davids, tr., The Maha-Parinibbana-suttanta" in Buddhist Sutras. Sacred Books of the East, vol. 11, p. 85. This is the sixteenth sutra in the Dtehanikava of the Pall canon. The Hinayana texts and their date of Chinese translation are: Butsuhatsunaion-gv6 (T.I.5), Baifazu, 290-306; Bussetsu- hodo-naion-gvo (T.I.6, shortened Hatsu-naion-evo). translator unknown, 317-420; YQgyd-ky6 of the J6aaon-gy6 (T.I.I). Buddhayasas, 412-413; Daihatsu-nehan-gy6 (T.I.7). Faxian, 414-420. The Mahayana versions and dates of translation are: Bussetsu-hodo- hatsunaion-cvo (T.XI1.378), Dharmaraksa I, 266-316; Daihatsu-naion-gy6 (T.XII.376). Faxian, 414-420; Daihatsu-nehan-gy6 (T.XI 1.374, Hokuhon-nehan-gv6). Dharmaraksa II, 423; Daihatsu-nehan-gvfl (T.XI 1.375. Namoon-nehan-gv6). Huiyan. Huiguan. Xie Jinyun, 424-453; Shid6ji-zammai-ky6 (T.XII.379), Jnanagupta, 585-592. The event is also recounted as the final episode of Buddha's life story in: Bussho-gy6-san (T.IV.192). Dharmaraksa II, 414-421; Butsu-honevo-kvo (T.4.193). The nirvana is related in: Makamava-kvo (T.XII.383), 479-502; Daihatsu-nehan-gy6-gobun (T.XII.377, Gobun). Jnanabhadra, 664-665. 2Illustrated in Kyoto National Museum, ed., Nehan-zu no meisaku. pi. 5. 3The Nirvana pose with one leg placed on top of the other is described in: Yugy6-ky6. T,I,l,21a; Daihatsu-nehan-gy6. T,I,7,199a. The formula with piled legs and head pillowed on the hand is found in: Butsuhatsu-naion-gy6. T,I,5,172c; Bussho-gv6-san. T.IV, 192,46b. The following texts state he lay down on his right side, his head to the north: Hatsu-naion-gvd. T,I,164c; Makamaya-ky6. T,XII,383,1011a; Gobun. T,XII,377,905a; Butsu-honevo- kyo, T,IV,106b. The pose in which Buddha lies on his right side, one leg on top of the other, and the right arm bent with either the hand resting near his face, or the cheek resting on the hand, is a synthesis of the canonical descriptions and is seen in the Gandharan reliefs (l-4th c), and the Central Asian paintings from the cave-sites at Kizil (5-7th c.) and Kumtura (8-9th c.) in Kuca, and Bezeklik (8-11th c.) in Turfan. Jorinde Ebert. "The Iconographic Tradition behind the Oldest Japanese Paintings of the Parinirvana," in 22 European Studies on Japan, ed. by Ian Nish and Charles Dunn (Tenderen Keut: Paul Norburg Publications, 1979), pp. 200-211. <Yungang Caves 11, 35, and 37 are illustrated in Mizuno and Nagahiro, Unkd sekkutsu: Yun-kang (Kyoto, 1952), vol. 8, pi. 45; vol. 15, pis. 74A, 78; Dunhuang Cave 428 is discussed and iiustrated in Matsumoto Eiichi, Tonkd- ga no kenkvu (2 vols., Tokyo: T6h6 bunka gakuin, 1937), vol. 1, pp. 239- 241; vol. 2, pi. 85a. SEbert, The Iconographic Tradition behind the Oldest Japanese Paintings," pp. 210-211. Variations occur in the Type I Buddha's pose, as seen, for example, in the paintings in Daruma-dera, Shinyakushi-ji, Jdkyd-ji, the Tokyo and Kyoto National Museums, and Ishiyama-dera. 7The bodhisattvas are: Jishi bosatsu (Miroku), Jizd bosatsu, Fugen taishi, Monju daishd, Kanjizai bosatsu (Kannon), Kdki Toku-6 bosatsu, Muhenshin bosatsu, Kashd ddji. Of the eight, Monju. Kdki Toku-6, Kashd ddji. and Muhenshin are mentioned in the Hokuhon Daihatsu-nehan-gyd. The other figures are: the ten personal disciples of Shaka, for example, Nanda biku (S. Ananda), Busshi Raun (S. Rahula, Buddha's son), Anaritsu (S. Anuruddha); the devas Shakudaikanin (S. Sakrodevendra) and Bonten (S. MahaBrahma); members of the eight classes of demigods {hachibushO), for example, the magora (S. mahdraga), the kinnara, Nanda ryO-d (S. nag a); a Kongdrikishi (S. Vajrapani); and such laypeople as Giba daijin (S. Jiva), Upasoku Junda (S. Cunda), GogO bunin, a court lady, and Bisharijd daijin chdja, a wealthy government official from the city of Vaisali (see T,XII,374,367c-368a); Itokumukushd-d and Zentoku upasoku (upasakas), the heads of the male layfollowers of the faith (T.XI1,366b). The readings for the characters are from: Kameda Tsutomu, "Butsu nehan-zu," pp 89-98; Takeo Izumi, "Otoku nehan-zu," pp. 79-80. *T,XII,374,369a,b. 9 According to tradition, Maya died one week after the Buddha's birth and was reborn in Trayastrimsa Heaven (Tdriten). Maya descends from heaven after the Buddha's entry into Nirvana and utters a gatha of lament in the YJigy£jQ&(T,1,1.27a). »°T,XII.383,1012b-1013a. The robe (e), bowl ( Aachi\ and staff {snaku/6) are seen against the tree near the Buddha's head in the paintings in Kakurin- ji and Shinyakushi-ji. The staff leans against the tree at the head of the couch and the robe is placed on a small altar table in the Ishiyamadera and Tokyo National Museum paintings. The presence of Maya and the relics allude to the event of Buddha's miraculous re-emergence from the coffin to preach to, and to console, his mother (T.XI 1,383,1013a). This event is given monumental treatment in the painting Shaka kinkan shutsugen-zu . See 23 note 3- In Chinese representations of this theme it is depicted as one of the scenes of the nirvana cycle; for example, the Tang Dynasty stele from Shanxi and the Dunhuang frescoes of the Tang Cave 332 and the Five Dynasty Cave 61. Illustrated in Alexander Soper, "A Tang Pariirvana Stele from Shansi," Artibus Asiae. 22, pi. 64; Matsumoto Eichi, Tonk6-ga no kenkyu. vol. 2, pis. 84b and 84a; Tonkd bunbutsu kenkyujo, ed., Chueoku sekketsu: Tonko bakukdkutsu (5 vols.: Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1980-1982), vol. 3, pi. 90. •'The realms are: 1) hell; 2) hungry demons; 3) beasts; 4) asuras; 5) human beings; 6) heavenly beings. 12Again, changes occur as the audience is enlarged in number; for example, demon figures are depicted in the paintings in Ishiyama-dera, the Tokyo National museum. 1 3 "When the Blessed One died, of those of the brethren who were not yet free from the passions, some stretched out their arms and wept, and some fell headlong on the ground, rolling to and fro in anguish at the thought: Too soon has the Blessed One diedl Too soon has the Happy One passed away from existence! Too soon has the Light gone out in the world!" But those of the brethren who were free from the passions ...bore their grief collected and composed at the thought: Impermanent are all component things! How is it possible that they should not be dissolved?" " The Sacred Books of the East, vol. 11 p 119 »4T,XII,374,371b-c. »5T,XII.383.1012b-c. ,6For example: YQgyQ-kyo. T,I,l,26c-2b; Daihatsu-nehan-gy6.T.I.7.204c- 205c; Makamaya-ky6. T.XII.383.1012a: Gobjm, T,XII,377,905c-906b-c. » 7 D a i h a t s u - n e h a n - g y 6 . T.I.7.199a: Bussho-gy6-san. T.IV. 192.46b. 18YQgy6-ky6. T,I,l,26c; Butsuhatsu-naion-gy6. T,I,5,172c; Daihatsu-naion- gyiL T,I,6,188c; Daihatsu-nehan-gvo. T,I,7,205b; Makamava-kvo. T,XII,383,1011c-1012a. i9T,XII,374,369b. This is also recorded in the Gobun. T,XII,377,905a and the Daihatsu-nehan-gvo-sho. a commentary written by Kanjd, T,XXXVIII,1766,51a. 20T,XXXVIII,1766,44b. Takeo Izumi, "Otoku Nehan-zu,"' pp. 91-92. 2 1 Published in the Tendai edition of Genshins complete works: Nehan kdshiki Eshin, Sfou fonflhu (5 vols.; Sakamoto: Hieizan Senshu-in, 1927), vol. 5,575-582. 22The site is refered to once more in Nehan kdshiki. Part I, 577. 23T,XII,374,366b-369b. 24Nehan kdshiki Part IV, 581. 23part 1,577. 24 25Part 1,577. 26Part 111,580. The phrase is identical to the Gobun. T,XII,377,905a. 27See note 8. 2«T,I,26c-27a; T,I,172c; T,I,188c; T,I,205b. 2?These are the closing gathas of Part III, "The Manner of the Display of Nirvana," and Part IV, "The Grief of the Assembly." Translations are from Leon Hurvitz, tr., Scripture of the Lotus Blossom of the Fine Dharma (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976), pp. 242, 244. 30mustrated in Egert, "The Iconographic Tradition behind the Oldest Japanese Paintings," pi. 16. 3'The Taishi-dd of the Kakurin-ji, a temple in Hyogo Prefecture, is dated by means of an ink inscription on a roof beam discovered during restoration. The Kubon raigd ("The Nine Scenes of Amida's Welcoming Descent") is painted on the wall panel immediately behind the main icon and the Nirvana scene is on the reverse side of this panel. See the studies of Shimbo Tdru, ed., Nihon no shdheki-ga (3 vols.; Tokyo: Mainichi shimbunsha, 1979), vol. 1, pp. 248-250, pis. 49-54; Okasaki J6ji, "Kakurin-ji Taishi-dd no heki-ga," Gekkan bunkazai. 6 (1976). 30-46. 32There are differences. New motifs are seen, for example, Buddha's bowl wrapped in a cloth hangs from the staff, and vajras are depicted in the tree branches at the head of the couch. 33The literary source for the raigd scenes is the Kanmurydju-kyd (T.XI1.365) and the pictorial source is the bottom court of the Taima mandala. Accounts record Kubon raigd scenes were depicted on the walls of the Jdgyd-zammai-dd built by Ennin (Jikaku Daishi, 794-864) on Hieizan. To describe a few scenes: for example, in the upper center kaeriraigd, Amida, seven bodhisattvas, and a bald monk-like figure, the candidate of rebirth, return to the Western Paradise; to the left, Amida, surrounded by a group of bodhisattvas, approaches a piously kneeling candidate, andKannon, who together with Seishi leads the assembly, bears a lotus flower upon which the pious soul will be carried back to Paradise (It is difficult to discern Amida's mudra, but possibly this is the scene of the middle category middle birth); on the right, inside an open walled structure, a dying person is surrounded by loved ones and a monk figure at the head of the deathbed points to a descending sun disk. This scene illustrates the dying hour instructions described in the Kanmurvdju-kvd in order to ensure the rebirth of the worst of beings. An English translation of the dying hour instructions is Junjird Takakusu, "The Amitayur-Dhyana-Sutra," in Buddhist Mahavana Texts. TheSacred Books of the East . vol. 49, p. 197-199. Illustrated in Okasaki, "Kakurin-ji Taishi-dd no heki-ga," pp. 32-39. 25 Mfiach of the nine degrees of rebirth is depicted in a separate panel in the Byddd-in murals. 35The name of the society was taken from the samadhi of twenty-five, a meditative practice taught by Shaka in the Mahayana Mahaparinirvana- sutra The twenty-five meditations were a purification rite whose aim was to sever the bonds of the twenty-five existences that compose the six realms by means of the removal of sins. See Mochizuki, Bukkv6 daiiiten. vol. 5, pp.4032-4033. However, in contrast to the sutras monastic discipline of meditation, the Yogawa society was premised upon the more devotional pracitice of nembutsu to achieve the Pure Land salvation of rebirth. ^ Nijugozammai-shiki, Kshin Sfon yenshft , vol.1, pp. 359-374. The pledge of the Nijugozammai-shiki is dated Kanna 2.5/23. In addition to the pledge, the shlkj established the rites of the service held on the 15th of each month. The authorship is problematical. Genshins name was not included in the register of the founding members, but was included in a later list of spiritual advisors. See note 46. 3?The Oidvdshu was completed in 985. The structure of the Nijugozammai- shiki is identical to the first chapter of the Ojdydshu . in which we are lead on a tour of each of the six realms: Nijugozammai-shiki', Eshin Sdzu zenshu. vol. 1, pp. 362-373. Tradition accords a set of fifteen scrolls of the Rokudd in the Shdju-raigd-ji collection as the visual images for etoki, that is a picture-explaining performance', of the Ojdydshu s first two chapters. See the study of the set's iconography by Ogushi Sumio, "Jukkai-zu ko," Bijutsu KfiflkyJL 119(1940,359-374 and 120 (1941), 398-410. A discussion of the Ojdydshu by Allan A. Andrews, "The Essentials of Salvation: A Study of Genshins OjdydshO;' Eastern Buddhist. 4, No. 2 (1971), 50-87. 3*The sources, for example, Genshins biography, fienshin Som-dcn, are given in Kageyama Haruki, Hieizan-ji: sono kdsei to shomondai (Kyoto: Dobdsha, 1979), pp. 120-134; and Hori Daiji, "NijOgozammai-e to Ryozen Shaka-kd," Geiy»h'« Nihon meisd ronshu No. 4 (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kdbunkan, 1983), pp. 263-301. MThe Rydzen-in Shaka-dd mainichisand , written in Kankd 4.7/3 (1004): BshinSdzuzensho. vol. 5, pp. 543-544. 40The inscription is recorded by Kageyama, Hieizan-ji. p. 123. The rokudo paintings are thought to be 14th century copies of the Rydzen-in works. 4 1 In addition to the daily rite (shiki) and activities [sand, see note 42), an expounding of the Hoke-kyo and the reading of Genshins Rydzeni-n Shaka- kd occurred on the last day of every month. The keypoint is the members who participated in these Shaka observances were all members of the Nijugozammai-e. See Hori, 'Yogawa bukkyd no kenkyu," pp. 226-230 and "Nijugozammai-e to Rydzen-in Shaka-kd," pp. 285-287. 26 42The establishment of the character and function of the society was detailed in the Yogawa Snurydgon-in nijugazammai-kishd (hakkojd), written in Kanna 2.9/15, in which were listed the eight main by-laws. Eshin S6zu zenshu. vol. 1, pp. 349-358. The authorship of the first set of by-laws is problematical because one version records Genshin as author while another records both the names of Genshin (saku) and Yoshishige Yasutane {Msu). Most likely Genshin conceived the basic framwork of the by-laws and Yasutane wrote the final draft. A study reveals the Mfugozammai-kisnd and the Ni/ugozammai-sbiki were based on the main ideas of the Ojdydshu. Japanese Buddhologists agree that because the Ojdydshu relates directly to the aims and operation of the nijugozammai-e, Genshin wrote the Ojdydshu as a devotional manual for a nembutsu society. See the studies of: Hori Daiji, 'Nijugozammai-e to Rydzenin Shaka-kd," ; Inoue Mitsusada, Nihon fddo-kvd seiritsushi no kenkvu (Tokvo: Yamagawa shuppansha, 1956), pp. 134-151; Ishida Mizumaro, Genshin. Nihon shiso taikei 6 (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1970) and Gokuraku Jddo e no sasoi: d/dvdsbuno baai. Nihonjin no gyddd to shisd 35 (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1976); Kawasaki Tsuneyuki, ed., Genshin. Nihon no meicho (Tokyo: Chud koronsha, 1983). 43 Yogawa Snurydgon-in ni/dgozammai-kisbd (jOnikojd), Eshin Sozu Zenshu. vol. 1, pp. 339-349; point 2, p. 340. 44This description of a rinjdnembutsu session, outlined in chapter 6 of the Ojoydshu. is point 4 of the hakkojd-kishd and point 9 of the jQnikojd-kisha Remanents of five-colored threads are still attached to Amida's hands in a raigd painting in the Konkaikdmyd-ji collection, dated to the latter half of the Kamakura. An inscription records the work was made according to Genshin's instructions. Discussed and illustrated by Ogushi Sumio, "Raigd geijutsu ron," Kokka. 608,226-228. ^According to various sources, the event was called either the Yogawa mukae-kd no gishiki or the Nijugozammai mukae-kd. See Hori, 'Yogawa bukkyd no kenkyu,'' p. 229 and "Nijugozammai-e to Rydzenin Shaka-kd," pp. 277-279. This drama influenced raigd paintings. The bold composition and the large-scale Amida of the Kdyasan's Amida shdju raigd-zu enforce the sense of the actuality of Amida's approach and envelopment by the heavenly crowd. 4*See Nakano Genzd's description of the ceremony, in which he contends an image like the Daruma-dera Nirvana painting would have been enshrined. The articles are given in note 4. The most significant difference between the Kakurin-ji and Kongdbu-ji paintings is the elimination of the figures in the lower part of the Kongdbu-ji's composition, thus reducing the size of the congregation in the Kakurin-ji scene and bringing the image closer to the viewer. 27 47Part IV.581. 480kazaki, "Kakurin-ji Taishi-dd no heki-ga," p. 30; Nakao, Nehan-zu no tneisaku. cat. no. 7. 4^See the studies of: Yamamoto Nobuyoshi, "Hokke hakkd to Michinaga no Sanjikkd," Bukkvo Geijutsu. 77 (September 1970), 71-84 and 78 (October 1970), 81-95; Willa Jane Tanabe, "The Lotus Lectures: Hokke Hakkd in the Heian Period," Monumenta Nioponica. 39, No. 4 (1984), 393-407. 5»M. W. De Visser, Ancient Buddhism in Japan (2 vols.; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1935), vol. 1, 250-256, 328-332; vol. 2, 625-36. 5i Illustrations of the image of Fugen jurasetsunyo are in Nara National Museum, ed.. Hoke-kyd no bijutsu (Nara: Nara National Museum, 1979), pis. 28-37. The painting undergoes a change from a stationary vision in the Heian examples to a hayai raigio -like icon in the Kamakura-Nambokuchd works. 28 THE HASSO NIRVANA TRADITION The objectives of this chapter are threefold: to identify the generic characteristics of the paintings of the hassd Nirvana tradition; to discuss the relationship between these graphic images and the canonical Nirvana texts; and to date and thereby establish the historical context into which these paintings can be placed. I l l A Pictorial and Iconottraphic Examination of the Hassd Paintings In contrast to the Type I image, exemplified by the Kongobu-ji painting, a radically new form of iconography emerged in the Nirvana painting tradition of the 13th century. This novel style, which is referred to as the hassd or Type II image, was sharply discontinuous with earlier works. 11.1.1. The Nirvana Scene Type II The most significant difference between the Nirvana scene of the hassd group and the paintings of Type I is the attention given here to what are essentially secondary elements in the Type I paintings, the trees and the group of mourners (plates V-IX). As opposed to the subordination of landscape in Type I, there appears in the Type II painting an increased 29 emphasis upon the incorporation of the figures into a landscape. The result is a more complex pictorial representation. The Nirvana scene has been moved back into the picture, the Buddha-on-the-couch motif is smaller and more naturalistically set within a landscape of river and trees, and the circular arrangement of figures is more complex and yet more realistic than the schematic groupings of stiff, fixed figures in Type I. The scale relationship between motifs is more realistic, in contrast to the hierarchical scale characteristic of Type I, although Buddha is still larger than the other figures. The demarcation of space by the sharp diagonals of the trees and couch and the impression of depth achieved through the overlapping of animals and figures is indicative of a more advanced visualization of the scene as a whole. A more complete and realistic description of the sacred setting replaces the symbolism of Type I. This morphological development of forms and space points to a later date and the influence of Song China (960-1279). The trees were important in the earliest canonical descriptions of the scene, to indicate the setting and to symbolize the response of nature. The reactions described in the texts are reflected in the Type II scenes. White foliage, as described in the Hokuhon-nehan-gy6 and the Gobun. is seen in the majority of them, for example in the Henmyo-in, Jddo-ji, Ryugan-ji and Tsurugi-jinja paintings.1 Kamakura variations on this are seen in the paintings in the collection of Takaharu Mitsui and in the Kyoto National Museum.2 In the former the branches are bare; in the latter the foliage of the trees in the north and east is in bloom, but the paired trees in the south and west are bare. Textual sources for the alternatives are the Daihatsu- nehan-ayd-sho. the Bussho-gy6-san. and the Butsu-hongy6-ky6.3 30 In the Type I painting focus was placed upon the reactions of sentient beings. However, emphasis upon the trees in the Type II scene contributes to the illustration of the canonical passages. Now, the concern of the artist was to emphasize the participation of all nature in the univerai lamentation. The number of mourners increases in the Type II paintings; for example, the Ryugan-ji painting has double the number found in the Type I Kong6bu-ji scene. The new members include more monks and layfollowers. The animal kingdom is represented by insects, birds, serpents, crabs, elephants and mythical animals* Shaka s guardian retinue has expanded. The traditional retinue is present, the hachibushu, the two kongdrikishi and the four guardian kings, but their number and type is not fixed. In contrast to the selectivity of Type I, where a contrast of reactions was emphasized, the Type II scene is devoted to the minutely detailed depiction of the vast assembly of divine, human and non-human mourners that the Mahayana text records as witnesses of the event.5 The universal display of grief characteristic of Type II is in keeping with such texts as the Hokuhon-nehan-gy6. the Gobun and the Mahamaya- kyo.6 The upper echelons of the Buddhist hierarchy now openly mourn the loss of Buddha. Sorrow is [etched] on the faces of the bodhisattvas in the Ryugan-ji and Henmyo-in paintings. In other paintings, such as the Jodo-ji work, their grief has been carried to an extreme. Faces are distorted with pain and a few sob into their scarves. The pose of Maya, her face hidden behind her sleeve, captures the theme of the profound sorrow of the grieving mother dramatized in the Mahamaya-ky67 The poses of the monks, laypeople, guardian retinue, and the members of the animal realm are extravagant, even exaggerated in their display of sorrow. Some are 31 tottering, others are already prostrate on the ground. Although descriptions of extravagant emotional reactions are developed freely in such later texts as the Mahamaya-kyd and the Gobun. incidents of this abandonment to grief can be found in all the texts.8 An overt, unrestrained emotionalism dominates the great crowd. The loss of Buddha is presented as a familiar human tragedy. In the Type II Nirvana scene, the Buddha lies on his right side, his head pillowed on his right arm, his knees bent and one leg resting upon the other. The result is a more relaxed pose in contrast to the rigid, formal image of the Type I tradition.̂ The Type II Buddha represents a synthesis of descriptions found in the Hinayana and Mahayana canons. The unusual feature is his bent knees. The sole scriptural authority for this is the Butsuhatsu-naion-gyd. a Hinayana text translated by Baifazu in 290-306.10 The relaxed pose is indicative of a new feeling towards the Buddha. He has become more human. Despite his size, he now lies as if sleeping, unlike the Type I Buddha, positioned on the bed like a devotional symbol These developments reflect a new attitude towards the sacred story. There has been a change in focus from the transcendental realm to the everyday world. This is in marked contrast to Type I, where the drama takes place in a realm devoid of time and space and the intent is to magnify the character of the divine. Two factors contribute to this new approach. First, morphological development has brought with it perspective and realism. Second, a desire to be as faithful as possible to the sutras and a new dramatic interest has resulted in a fuller illustration of the story. 32 The Maya motif of the Type II scene serves as a case in point, having been developed with an eye to the dramatic. The pictorial development of this motif from Type I to Type II parallels the sequential progression that characterizes the raigd motif from the Heian to the Kamakura Period. The Maya motif in Type I paintings is comparable to early raigd representations, such as the Hokke-ji triptych and the Koyasan Amida shdju rafcd il The Heian examples are 'close-ups', which concentrate on the figures of the deities. In both, a large seated figure of Amida has descended and hovers directly before the viewer. Little if any attention is given to the setting, only the bare minimum needed to reinforce the majesty of the deity. The Kamakura works, which depict the deities in the act of rapid descent, display a more dynamic configuration. Most representative of the so-called hayai raigd paintings is a work in Chion-in dated to the early 13th century.12 It is an asymmetrical composition in which a group of standing figures descend across a panoramic landscape. As seen in the Maya motif, speed and movement are emphasized by the perspective of the clouds and the acute angle of the figural grouping across the picture plane. Further evidence that the Maya motif has been influenced by the raigd tradition is the fact that the figures are standing. '3 II.1.2. The Cycles of the Hassd Nirvana Paintings Despite the fact that all the images included within the Type II Nirvana share in common a similar central Nirvana scene proper, they differ in the manner in which the cycle of Buddha's Nirvana is presented. The 33 differing arrangements and iconographical features of the hassd Nirvana images result in five alternative modes of presentation.14 In the Group I variation upon the basic Type II structure (figure 1), as represented by the paintings in the collections of the Manju-ji, Jisho-in and Henmy6-in, the Nirvana scene proper is one of a cycle of eight scenes of the story of the Buddha's Parinirvana. In this type the incidents that occurred before and after Buddha passed into Nirvana are depicted around the Nirvana scene proper. The painting in the Jishd-in, an example of Type II Group I, contains the identification of each of these eight scenes in well- preserved cartouches (plates XII, XIII):'5 1. The World-Honored One receiving Cunda's offerings. 2. The World-Honored One ascends into the sky and (lacuna) the great assembly. 3. The World-Honored One's Mahaparinirvana. 4. The World-Honored One arises and expounds the Dharma for his mother. 5. The scene in which the strong men (lacuna) but (the coffin?) does not move. 6. Although the label is damaged the name of the city of Kusinagara can be read. This is the scene in which the coffin, in order to reach the cremation site, flies in and out of the city's gates. 7. The Buddha displays both his feet to Mahakasyapa. 8. Kdshd Brahman dividing the relics. Research reveals that in contrast to a specific cycle that corresponds to a single text, there is contained in the generic Type II image an amalgamation of elements drawn from various sources. For example, the scene of Buddha's ascension is found only in the Gobun. and the Makamaya- ky6 is the source for the re-emergence from the coffin.16 34 Many texts and Type II iconographic images recount the events of the Buddha's last days, for example Hinayana works such as the Butsuhatsu- naion-flv6. the Hatsu-naion-gy6. and the Yugy6-ky6 of the J6agon-gy6: and such Mahayana texts as the Gobun. the Makamaya-ky6. the Bussho-avd-san. and the Butsu-hongy6-ky6. Variations occur; for example, the number of incidents in the story varies, as seen in the difference between the Butsuhatsu-naion-gy6 and the Daihatsu-nehan-gvo. or the Bussho-gv6-san and the later Gobun. A simple account of an incident in one text is elevated to the level of miracle in another. The funeral procession described in the Yugy6-ky6 and the Bussho-gy6-san evolves into a detailed account of the route of the flying coffin in the Gobun.17 A simple act of homage by Mah&kasyapa at the feet of Buddha becomes in the Butsuhatsu-naion-gv6. the Daihatsu-nehan-flvo. and the Gobun a spectacle in which Buddha miraculously manifests his feet outside the coffin.18 Changes of emphasis also occur; the historical incident of Buddha's last repast in the house of Cunda, a brief passage in the Bussho-gy6-san. is expanded into a great event of offering and discussion in the Hokuhon-nehan-gyd.*> As demonstrated in the discussion of the Nirvana proper, it is difficult to distinguish the Hinayana and Mahayana accounts which may have served as sources for the visual traditions. These interpretative differences make it very difficult to relate scriptural events to specific iconographic representations. Moreover, historical records reveal that often iconography was not based on a specific text but rather upon an interpretative representation, for example, the themes and explanations from religious commentaries and allusions in discourses and rituals.20 35 For the reasons just outlined, the iconography of the Buddha's last days also varies, as extant pictorial evidence in China demonstrates. The Group I hassd paintings can be compared to the monumental wall paintings of Caves 332 and 61 at Dunhuang.21 Differences are evident in the iconography and the sequence of the cycle. Their similarity lies in that both are large compositions, employing a narrative method of illustration with equality of focus . Although the Nirvana proper is slightly larger in scale, the cycle of eight scenes is the core of the Group I version. In contrast, the Nirvana scene in Group II, as represented by the K6san-ji and Saikyo-ji paintings, is much larger in scale than the surrounding scenes (plates XIV, XV; figure 2). While the method of illustration is similar to the Group I paintings, the arrangement and iconography of the scenes is not. The identification of the top two side scenes is problematical22 The third group of Type II images, as represented by the Ryugan-ji painting, is in fact a mixture of the Group I and II hassd versions with additional characteristics unique to itself (figure 3). In this painting the Nirvana proper is much larger in scale than the other surrounding scenes of the Nirvana cycle. Although this feature generally corresponds to the Group II version, the Ryugan-ji painting displays a much greater scale discrepancy. The markedly reduced scale and the secondary position of the Nirvana- related episodes, which occupy the top of the composition, testify to their subordinate function. The frescoes in Cave 76 at Dunhuang, dated to the early Song Period, have the same arrangement.23 The life story of Shaka is divided into eight separate compositions, and each composition focuses on 36 one of the eight events, incidents that took place before and after surrounding it in smaller scale. The Nirvana cycle of the Ryugan-ji has been shortened to six scenes in contrast to the eight episodes of the Group I and II paintings. Omitted are Cunda's offering and the Buddha's re-emergence from the coffin. The most notable feature of the Ryugan-ji s hassd version is the inclusion of the fuller life cycle of Shaka. In the Tsurugi-jinja painting, representing the Group IV hassd version, the life cycle of Shaka has been attached to the sides of a large scale Type II Nirvana scene (figure 4). In contrast to the other hassd Nirvana versions, the Nirvana-related incidents are lacking. The Group V version is represented by the J6do-ji painting (figure 5). A large Type II Nirvana proper is surrounded on three sides by smaller scenes. An expanded Nirvana cycle of sixteen incidents has been illustrated in the margins. Identification of the incidents of the cycle and their textual sources is difficult. In the first scene on the bottom left Buddha sits upon a lotus throne before an audience of three laymen and a monk (plate XVI). This is definitely a preaching scene, possibly alluding to the opening address of the Buddha in the preface of the Hokuhon-nehan-gyo. The presence of Monju Bosatsu, identified by the five-knot hairdo, in the fifteenth scene (bottom right) also points to a Mahayana text (plate XVIII). The repetition of characters, for example the strongmen in No. 14 and the monk figure in No. 14 and 15 indicate a continuous sequence of events and thus suggest the depiction of a series of episodes from a single source (plate XVII). Three of the upper right scenes (No. 9, 10, 11) are identifiable and serve to indicate the method of elaboration given to the Nirvana story (plates XIX-XXI). In 37 contrast to the single motif of the descending Maya troupe, the post-Nirvana story in the Makamava-kvo is fuller: Anuruddhas ascent to Trayastrimsa to inform Maya of her son's extinction(No. 9); Maya's descent from heaven in order to grieve over the relics of her son (No. 10); and the Buddha's miraculous resuscitation to expound a last sermon for his mother (No. 11). As has been demonstrated, the five groups of the hassd Nirvana series of paintings are by no means identical. Nevertheless, depending upon the variation in question, the Nirvana cycle in every case is simplified or elaborated. Within this tradition the central Nirvana scene appears to function as an axis around which the related Nirvana incidents are placed (figures 1-3). In some variations the Nirvana scene comes to stand alone (figures 4-6). The point of importance is the Nirvana scene proper assumes a certain independance. The Ryugan-ji and Tsurugi-jinja paintings offer a clue to the systemic development of the Nirvana tradition. The increased scale of the Nirvana proper enforces the elimination of the other Nirvana-related episodes from the main composition. In the jodo-ji painting the incidents are relegated to the margins. The extraction of the Nirvana proper from the unit of the Nirvana story results in the independent Type II Nirvana scene. Examples are paintings in the Hongaku-ji, Chofuku-ji, Engaku-ji and Tdfuku-ji collections (plates XXII, XXIV). II.1.1.3. The Life Cvcle 38 Among the five groups of Type II paintings described, the paintings in the Ryugan-ji and Tsurugi-jinja collections exhibit an unprecedented iconographic feature (plates VIII, IX). The Ryugan-ji and Tsurugi-jinja paintings contain two distinct iconographic units. A border separates the side scenes from the central composition, and they are treated side by side as independent compositions. The J6do-ji painting also displays this feature (plate VII). Before discussing the significance of this format, it is necessary to examine the subject matter of the marginal scenes. These scenes illustrate the life story of Shaka Buddha from his conception to his first sermon (plates XXV-XXIX). The composition is arranged chronologically, ascending from the right bottom to top, and from the left bottom to top. This vertical axis of the chronological sequences signifies the theme of spiritual evolution. Depicted on the right side are: the conception cycle; the nativity cycle; the early youth cycle; the scenes of the three palaces and the four signs. On the left side are: the great departure; the transformation of the Bodhisattva into a monk; the meeting with the grasscutter Svastika; the defeat of Mara; the turning of the wheel of the Dharma'. Each sequence is separated by landscape or architectural elements in 3/4 view, and contains themes of primary and secondary importance. For example, the first sequence on the bottom right illustrates the cycle of the conception of Buddha. The primary episode is the Bodhisattva s descent from Tusita and entry into the womb. Maya lies asleep on a bed inside the palace. The Bodhisattva, in the form of a white , six-tusked elephant, descends on a cloud to enter Maya's right side. The implication is that Maya dreams of the event while the Bodhisattva enters her womb. Two episodes 39 that occurred after the miraculous conception are also depicted. Above the conception scene proper, King Suddhodana holds an audience with the brahmin sages in order to interpret Maya's dream. In the foreground the motifs of carts, elephants and groups of people gathered before the palace gate show the congratulatory procession of the neighbouring kings upon hearing the news of Maya's pregnancy. An elevated viewpoint and the detailed presentation of each event imparts a narrative quality to the series as a whole. Numerous sutras relate the Buddha's biography from his conception to the sermons and miraculous conversions of his teaching career, for example, to name only a few, the Taishi-zui6-hongi-ky6. the Fuy6-ky6. the Kako- genzai-inga-ky6. and the Shuko-makatai-ky6.24 Distinctive pictorial and iconographical motifs are depicted in each of the cycles of the Ryugan-ji and Tsurugi-jinja paintings, such as the elephant in the conception scene, the athletic feats and the order of the incidents at the palace gates. Collation of the relevant textual passages reveals that an archetypal story underlies all the texts.25 Differences, however, are recognizable. In contrast to the simple narrative of the Shugy6-hongi-ky6. the Taishi-zuid- honai-kvo. and the Ishutsu-bosatsu-hongi-ky6. the story is expanded in the Fuy6-ky6. the H6k6-daish6gon-gy6. and the Butsu-hongy6-shu-ky6. The result is that an incident or a character may be given elaboration in one text, treated in a cursory manner in another or not developed at all This allows for a simple process of elimination to be carried out. The elephant motif is found in all the accounts. The nativity scene, however, displays differences crucial to the identification of the source text. Both the lotus and dragon motifs are found only in the accounts of the Kako- 40 aenzai-inaa-kyd and the H6k6-daish6aon-ay6. A closer reading shows that the depiction of the nativity cycle in the paintings faithfully corresponds to the description of the events in the Inaa-kyd.26 Continued comparison of the motifs with the texts reveals the subject matter of the paintings follows the Inaa-kyd and Daish6aon-ky6 more closely than any other sutras. A distinctive motif occurs in the scene of the Great Departure. The Daish6aon-ky6 states that the feet of the prince's horse were held up by the Four Guardian Kings whereas four devas perform this act in the Inaa-kyd.27 The Four Guardian Kings are depicted in the paintings in the collections of Daifukuden-ji, the Kuon-ji and the Jdraku-ji in contrast to the devas in the Nezu Museum version of the illustrated Inga-kyd scroll28 This comparison creates its own set of problems. On the one hand, the remarkable similarities between the motifs and the text of the Inaa-kyd suggest the two are linked. This is further supported by a comparison between the Ryugan-ji cycle and the Illustrated Inga-kyd. For example the grasscutter episode is illustrated in the eighth-century E-Inga-kyo in the collection of Daigo Hoon-in but is absent from other versions of the Buddha's life, such as those in the Daifukuden-ji, Kuon-ji, Jdraku-ji and Jikd-ji collections 2* The copying of the Inaa-kyd. with and without illustrations, was a long and established tradition in Japan, dating back to the mid-eighth century, whereas there is no record of illustrated texts of the Shuayd-honai- fcyd. the Fuyd-kyd. or its later translation the Hdkd-daishdaon-ayd being copied. Moreover, the Inaa-kyd came back into vogue in the Kamakura Period. These facts suggest that the iconography of the life cycle in the Ryugan-ji and Tsurugi-jinja paintings might have some connection with the illustrated Inga-kyd. The differences between the Ryugan-ji-Tsurugi-jinja 41 unit and the E-mga-Jcyd can be explained by the change in format. The longer picture cycles of the handscroll were condensed into an arrangement more suitable to a hanging scroll.30 On the other hand, the limitations of this approach are evident. As early Chinese examples make clear, the various textual readings were fused into an established convention.31 The treatment accorded the classic events of the conception, the defeat of Mara, and the first sermon are cases in point. Accounts in the Shugv6-honQi-kv6. Inga-ky6. and Shuko-makatai- kyd state that the Bodhisattva descended from Tusita riding upon a white elephant.32 In other texts, for example the Fuy6-ky6. the Hoko-daishoaon- ky6. and the Butsu-hongy6-shu-ky6. the Bodhisattva is actually changed into a white elephant.33 The most striking motif, the white elephant, came to symbolize the entire conception. Motifs representative of the different phases of the Mara legend—the temptation, the attack of the demonic army, and the night of meditation—have been edited into a set iconographic representation of Mara's defeat. Motifs have been transferred from one tradition to another. For instance, the suspended canopy, the flying devas, the great congregation of monks, laymen, bodhisattvas, and guardians, and the landscape background have been borrowed from the iconography of the Sermon on Vulture Peak (SAaJta seppd-iu)^ Over time, an iconographic standardization took place, which makes it difficult to identify specific textual sources; and furthermore, the canonical texts cannot fully explain the iconography. Juxtapositioning the two cycles, the life story and the Nirvana, suggests that another system underlies the Ryugan-ji and Tsurugi-jinja paintings. The turning of the wheel of the law' is the seventh of a series of 42 eight major events of the Buddha's life, termed hassd.& The iconography of this was not fized, for example, the list in the Shddai)6-ron—residency in Tusita, birth, education, passions, leaving home and austerities, attainment of enlightenment, turning the wheel of the law, entering Nirvana—36 differs from the events given in the J0jiky6-ron—descent from Tusita, conception, abode in the womb, birth, leaving home, attaining Buddhahood, turning the wheel of the law, entry into Nirvana.37 The Ryugan-ji-Tsurugi-jinja unit conforms to the listing in the Shiky6-gj by the Tiantai patriarch Zhiyi (538- 597): descent from Tusita heaven, entry into the womb, birth, leaving home, defeat of Mara, attaining enlightenment, turning the wheel of the Law, entering Nirvana.38 In addition to the canonical tradition of the biography from conception to the teaching career, a tradition based upon such teits as the Bussho-evo- san. Butsu-hongy6-ky6 and the Soea-rasetsu-shoshu-kyd narrated the events from the conception to Nirvana.39 However, as has been demonstrated, the iconography of the individual scenes of the life cycle and the Nirvana cycle of the paintings does not correspond to these texts. The variety that could exist within this framework of eight divisions is shown by the Japanese paintings of Buddha's life story called Shaka hassd, which date to the Kamakura Period. Composition and iconography differ in every case. The painting in the collection of Daifukuden-ji is a single hanging scroll (plate XXX). The cycle of eight corresponds to Zhiyi's listing, as with the Ryugan-ji and Tsurugi-jinja examples, but the iconography of the individual scenes, for example the conception, the departure, and the enlightenment, is different. The hassd theme is represented in the sets of hanging scrolls in the Kuon-ji, Joraku-ji and Jikd-ji collections. These 43 manifest a fusion of the listings given above. The J6raku-ji set depicts the residency in the womb' (scroll 2) that is in both Jujiky6-ron and Daijdkishin- ron and the defeat of Mara' (scroll 5) from Zhiyis list whereas the Jiko-ji series combines abode in Tusita' (scroll 1) and austerities in the mountains' (scroll 4) from the Shodaijo-ron with Zhiyis defeat of Mara'. The conversion of King Bimbisara rather than the first sermon represents the period of turning the wheel of the law' in both the Daifukuden-ji and Jiko-ji works. A characteristic of these sets is the expansion of the Buddha's teaching career by such incidents as the subduing of dragons, feats with heretics, and the descent from the Heavens of the Thirty-three Gods on the jeweled staircase. The similarity linking all the paintings is the distillation of the Buddha's life into a single cycle of eight key periods. In the enlarged formats of the Kuon-ji, J6raku-ji and Jiko-ji sets the eight periods provide a focus around which numerous other incidents from Buddha's legend was grouped. The Ryugan-ji and Tsurugi-jinja paintings are unique in their combination of two distinct styles of composition. A border reinforces the physical disparity. The two types of formats depict iconographically separate traditions. The Inaa-kyo life cycle has been appended to the Nirvana cycle (the Nirvana proper in the Tsurugi-jinja work). The Nirvana had a tradition as both an independent unit or as the final event in the life cycle, which was based upon such texts as Bussho-gyo-san. Butsu-hongy6- kyo. and the Soga-rasetsu-shoshu-kyo. The cycles viewed in conjunction produce the eight aspects of Shaka s life. However, a rearrangement of these eight aspects is evident. The Nirvana cycle has been integrated with 44 the hassd ̂ type of life story but in a novel way. The result is an unusual presentation of the biography. In contrast to representations in which each of the eight periods are given equal emphasis, the seven events comprising the life story have been treated as a sub motif to the central Nirvana proper and its cycle. The result is unprecedented in Chinese and Japanese art before this date. Although the reduced scale and marginal placement of the Inaa-kyo life story seems to downgrade its importance, this is not necessarily so. The composition of the Ryugan-ji and Tsurugi-jinja paintings can be compared to the hensd (Paradise) painting, for example the Daih6ben-butsu-h6on-kv6 hensd in Dunhuang Cave 8 and 61 and a version of the Kanmurydju-kyd henso in Cave A194 and A171.40 The side scenes of the Hoon-kyo show Shaka in former incarnations, accumulating the good karma through which he eventually attained Buddhahood and his Pure Land. The illustrations framed-off at the sides of the Kanmury6ju-ky6 detail the story of an evil being on the left and the way to remove sins and attain rebirth in Amida's Pure Land on the right. The future promised to the devotee in the two sutras is visualized in the main compositions. The underlying structure of the Hoon-kvo and Kanmuryoju-kyd henso is the combination of a cult image and narrative elements. The narrative is not always placed in distinctly compartmentalized inner and outer sections. The Miroku Jddo henso in Cave 61 and the Hokke-kyo hensd in Cave 76 are examples in which the narrative elements are included in the main composition, although on a smaller scale than the central assembly41 The Manju-ji and Henmyd-in paintings are in this tradition. In the Mahayana Pure Land context, hensd, literally transformed configuration', is the 45 visual transformation of the doctrinal themes of the sutras. It is not a question of the narrative being given an inferior role by its size or position; rather, the narrative is supportive in function, intended to give lessons' in cause and effect. In conclusion, despite their positioning, the life cycles in the Ryugan-ji and Tsurugi-jinja paintings are not an iconographic - afterthought. On the other hand, the Ryugan-ji and Tsurugi-jinja paintings are not identical to the hensd in all respects. The iconography of the henso draws on a single textual source, whereas two pictorial traditions based upon different texts have been amalgamated in the Ryugan-ji programme.42 Moreover, this type of format, which is common in the Chinese tradition of henso painting, is not found in Japan except in the Ryugan-ji and Tsurugi- jinja paintings. The generic distinction between Type I and hassd paintings is that the first lacks and the second incorporates a temporal narrative. A didactic function underlies the narrative thrust, in contrast to the devotional emphasis which characterizes the Type I presentation. The uniqueness of the Ryugan-ji and Tsurugi-jinja paintings lies in their mixed iconography. The relationship between the Type I painting and Genshins Pure Land doctrine has been demonstrated by contextualizing painting and text within Genshins teachings, writings, and practices. The canonical sources cannot fully explain the juxtapositioning of the separate traditions of iconographies and the resultant focus in the Ryugan-ji and Tsurugi-jinja paintings. This suggests the presence of another intermediary source. Chapter Three will argue that Myde Shdnin constituted this intermediary source. Before elaborating this argument, however, it is necessary to first demonstrate that 46 the iconographic changes in question are historically coincidental with Myoe Shdnin's writings for the Nirvana ceremony. 'Hokuhon-nehan-gyd. TJCII.374.369b; Gpbun,T,XII,377,905a. 2The paintings are illustrated in Kokka. 605 and in Nehan-zu no meisaku. pi. 16. 3Daihatsu-nehan-gyd-sho. T.XXXVIII, 1767,44b; Bussho-gyd-san. T,lV,192,50a; Butsu-hongy6-ky6. T.IV. 193.109a: the most dramatic reaction is narrated in the Gobun. T,XII,905a. 4Hokuhon-nehan-gyd. T.XII.369a. For a study of the animals in the Nirvana paintings, see Nakano Genzo, "Nehan-zu no dobutsu-ga," Bukkyd geijutsu. 104 (November 1975). 65-91. and 107 (March 1976). 38-57. 5T,XII,366a-371b. 6T.XII.371c; T,XII.900b. 7T.XII.383.1012b. 8T.XII.1012a; T.XII.905b.c; Yugvd-kvd. T.I.1.2b; Butsuhatsu-naion-gvd. T,I.5.172c; Daihatsu-nehan-gyd. T.I.7.205a.b.c: Bussho-gyd-san. T.I.51c-52a. 9Variations do occur in the independent paintings of the Type II scene. For example in the Chdfuku-ji painting Buddha's pose is reminiscent of the Gandharan and Central Asian parinirvana formula in that his right arm is bent with his hand resting near his face and his legs are straight. The splayed feet however are in the tradition of the Kongdbu-ji pose. 1 °Butsuhatsu-naion-gyd. T,I,172c. '•See Introduction, note 3 for information about the Kdyasan painting. The Hokke-ji triptych is illustrated in Iddo-kyd kaiga. pis. 19-21. ,2The painting in Chion-in is illustrated Jddo-kyd kaiga. pi. 33. •SThe iconographic transformation from seated to standing deities occurred during the Kamakura Period. The inclusion of the monk Anuruddha to the Maya motif is another change. l4Refer to the diagrams in Appendix I. '5The Manju-ji and Ryugan-ji paintings are similarily labelled. 16T,XII,904a; T.XII.1012c-1013a. 17Yflgyo-kyO, T.I.28a; Bussho-gyd-san. T.IV.52a; Daihatsu-nehan-gyd. T.I,206b; OQbjiIL T,XII,900b. ^Bussho-gyd-san. T,IV,52a; Butsu-hongyd-kyd. T.IV.llc; Butsuhatsu- Miojkgyd,T>I,174a; Daihatsu-nehan-gvd. T.I.206c: (̂ 140,̂ X11,9080-9093. »9T,IV,46b; T.XII, (first chapter, jumyd-hin). 20Umezu Jiro's and Akiyama Terazuki's studies of the Dunhuang paintings and manuscripts show one of the essential functions of the paintings was its 47 use in etoki the exposition of a text by means of pictures. The painting was used in conjunction with henbun a diluted version of the tales of the sutra retold in the vernacular. This combination of text and picture presented the doctrine to the laymen in an easily comprehensible manner. See: Akiyama Terukazu, "Tonkd ni okeru henbun to kaiga," in Heian jidai sezoku-aa no kenkyfl (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kdbunkan, 1964), pp.427-454; Umezu Jird, 'Hen to henbun," Kokka. 760 (July 1955), 191-207. 2'Cave 332 is dated to 698 of the Tang Dynasty and Cave 61 is dated to the Five Dynasties. Illustrated in Chuaoku sekkutsu. vol. 3, pis. 89-91; vol. 5, pi. 65-67. See also Matsumoto Eichi, Tonk6-ga no kenkyu. voi.l, pp. 235-239, vol. 2, pi. 84a and b. 22The episode of the miraculous resuscitation and last words to Maya' is possibly illustrated on the upper right because one of the two figures kneeling before Buddha is a woman. Moreover, the preaching scene is signified by a Buddha on a lotus throne and a congregation of monks and guardian figures. In the scene on the upper left, a lay figure is making an offering to Buddha, who is seated upon a lotus throne and surrounded by monks. This may be the the offering of Cunda. 23See Chueoku sekkutsu. vol. 5, pp.225-22, pis. 106-109; and Matsumoto Eichi, Tonko-ga. vol.1, pp.232-235; voL 2, pL 83a,b. 24Taishi-zui6-hongi-ky6. T.III.185; Fuyo-kyo. T.III.186; Kako-genzai-inga- kyjL T,III,189; Shuko-makatai-ky6. T.III.191. Others are: Shugyd-hongi- Ky6_ 1,111,184; H6k6-daish6gon-gy6. T.III.187: Ishutsu-bosatsu-hongi-kv6. T.IIU88; Butsu-hongv6-shu-kv6. TIII.190. 25Chart. Appendix III. 2*T,III,625a,b (hereafter Inga-ky6 ); T.III,553a,b.c (hereafter Daish6gon- kyo). 27T,III,633a; T,III,575c. 28Illustrated in Kyoto National Museum, ed., Nihon no setsuwa-ga (Kyoto: Benridd, 1961), pis. 4-5, 6-8, 9-10. The Nezu Museum E-inga-kyd is published in Tanaka Ichimatsu, ed., Vol. 16 of Nihon emakimono zenshu: Ei inca-kvo (24 vols.; Tokyo: Kadokawa shoten, 1969). 2'The Hoon-in version is illustrated in Nihon emakimono zenshu: E-inea-kv6 , vol. 16, pp. 38-55, pis. 7-11. The set of scrolls in the Jiko-ji is reproduced and discussed by Sekiguchi Masayuki, "Hiroshima Jiko-ji shozo Shaka hassd- zu nitsuite", Bijutsu kenkyu. 317 (July 1981), 21-32; 319 (March 1982), 97- 105; 320 (September 1982), 163-172. 3 0 It should be noted that the Kako-genzai-inga-kv6. as the title indicates, consists of jataka stories, which chronicle the previous incarnations of Shaka Buddha, as well as the story of his last birth in the present world. The theme of the Ryuganji-Tsurugi-jinja unit is this last incarnation of the 48 historical Buddha. Although there is no concrete evidence other than the similarity in motifs discussed, the Ryuganji-Tsurugi-jinja unit may be an excerpted cycle from the sutra. 3'The Nativity scene in Cave 290 at Dunhuang, which dates by inscription to 520-24, and in a Tang Dynasty banner painting, also from Dunhuang, show the fusion of texts. The event of the ritual bath by nine dragons from the Fuy6-ky6 is combined with the episode of the seven steps and seven lotuses recounted in the Inga-ky6 and the Daish6aon-ky6. See: Chuaoku sekkutsu. vol. 1, pi. 176; Matsumoto Eichi, Tonk6-aa. vol. 2, pi. 73c. 32T,III,463b; T,III,624a; T,III,938c. 33T,III,491ab; T,III,548c; T,III,683b. Banner paintings from Dunhuang depict the two different versions of the event. See Matsumoto Eichi, Tonkd- ga, vol. 2, pis. 72b and 73a. 34The iconography of the Shaka seppd-zu is based upon Chapter 16 of the Hoke-ky6. in which the Buddha expounds the Law eternally at Gridhrakuta, the Pure Land of Shaka Buddha. The Sermon on Vulture Peak is equated with the Buddha's First Sermon in the documentation of Shaka's life story in the Kakuzen-shd. an iconographic compilation dated to the early 13th century. See T, XC, zuzo 4, 3022, 101. An extreme is depicted in the painting in Daifukuden-ji. The motif of muscians and dancers in the foreground of the scene labelled jdbutsudd has been taken from the Pure Land hensd painting. Compare the Chikd mandala, illustrated in Nara National Muesum, ed., Jddo mandara—aokuraku Jddo to raiad no roman (Nara: Nara National Museum, 1983). pi. 52. 35The listing of the eight events is based upon sutras and commentaries preserved in Chinese sources. The information is found in Mochzuki, Bukkyo daijiten. vol. 5. pp. 4215-4216. 3* There are three Chinese translations of this Indian work: T.XXXI.1592 by Asanga (Asdga); T.XXXI.1593 and 1594 attributed to Asanga (Mujaku). 37T.XXVI.1522 by Vasubandhu (Tenjin). The list in the naijdkishin-ron (T.XXXII.1666 and 1667) attributed to Asvaghosa (Memyd) is identical to the Jujikyd-ron. 3*T.XLVI.1929. 39 Bussho-avd-san. T.IV.192; Butsu-honayd-kyd. T.IV.193; Sdava-rasetsu- shoshu-kvd. T.IV.194. 40The Daihdben-butsu-hdon-kvd (shortened Hdon-kyd) hensd is discussed and illustrated in Matsumoto Eichi, Tonkd-aa. vol. 1, pp. 165-187 and vol. 2, pis. 55 a and b. Hanging scrolls in the collection of the British Museum are illustrated in Arthur Waley, A Catalogue of Paintings Recovered from Tun- huana by Sir Aurel Stein, pis. 58, 59. The Kanmurydju-kyd hensd are illustrated in Matsumoto, Tonkd-aa. vol. 2, pis. 4b and 8a,b. 4 1 Illustrated in Matsumoto. Tonko-ea. vol. 2, pis. 30a and 38. 42Cofflmentaries sometimes influenced the iconography. An example, to be discussed later, is Shandaos commentary on the Kanmury6ju-ky6. 50 II.2. Morphological Examination of the Hassd Paintings The majority of the hassd paintings have been given a broad Kamakura dating to the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.1 The Nirvana painting in Hongaku-ji bears an inscription by the artist Rydzen dated to Karyaku 3 (1328) (plate XXIII).2 The Chofuku-ji painting has an inscription dated Jowa 2(1346) in the upper right corner.3 The scroll rod of the Jodo-ji painting is inscribed with a date of Bunei 11(1274)/* However, the authenticity of these inscriptions has been questioned.5 Upper terminus dates of 1086 and 1112 are provided by the Kongobu-ji and Kakurin-ji paintings. A lower terminus can be established by verifying that the Jodo-ji, Hongaku-ji and Chofuku-ji paintings are structurally works of the periods recorded in their inscriptions. A relative date of execution can then be determined for the hassd paintings that have been broadly dated to the thirteenth century. Although the advanced formal structure of the Jodo-ji, Hongaku-ji, and Chofuku-ji paintings are comparable, differences are also evident. The comparison of the tree motif in each work reveals an entirely dissimilar method of execution. The tree in the Hongaku-ji painting is rendered with bold, modulated ink outlines (plates XXIII, XXXI). Washes of ink and light brown color are used for shading. The knotholes are defined by wet, black dabs of ink which are left surrounded by an area of very lightly washed silk. There are no inner modelling lines. The texture and three-dimensional volume of the trunk is defined by means of contour lines and washes of ink and light color. The foliage is executed by fine line drawing in ink. Coloring is minimal, being limited to very pale washes of green and lightly washed 51 silk. The artist was capable of delineating forms in space with a minimum of line. In contrast to the technical simplicity of the Hongaku-ji painting is the very detailed method of the Chofuku-ji example (plate XXXII). The contour lines of the trunk are fluid but not as pronounced nor as modulated as in the Hongaku-ji motif. Line blends into the form because it is combined with a detailed and precise method of color shading. Color washes are darkest along the contour lines and become mottled and uneven within the form. The variations in the application of color convey the volume of the tree and the rough, uneven texture of its bark. The care given to highlighting the knots of the trees further reveals the concern for volumetric form and realism of detail. Strokes of wet ink outline the shape of each knot. Wet dabs of black ink are placed in the center, and the highlighted area is left very lightly colored. The pronounced contrast between dark and light amplifies the concave-convex properties of a volumetric form. Though they are drawn with great care, there is no deliberate focus on the individual leaves. Tonal variations add perspective; a more pronounced outline in darker ink marks the leaves in the front in contrast to the lighter ink and sketchier rendition of those farther away. By means of a simple shape without inner detailing the description of the visual texture of a great mass of leaves and forms seen through atmosphere is achieved. The technique of the Jodo-ji painting is different again (plate XXXIII, XXXIV). On the one hand, a more tightly controlled drawing and coloring method is employed, in contrast to the Hongaku-ji painting. On the other hand, the manner of representation is not as descriptive as found in the Chofuku-ji example. Contour lines of the trunk are varied but, in contrast to 52 bold strokes or fluid line work, the strokes are shorter and more often broken, hinting at an underlying carefulness. Unique to the Jodo-ji motif are the interior modelling lines which define the convex-concave surfaces of the trunk. Slight variations of the semi-opaque coloring seen in the lighter coloring of the knot reinforce the linear definition of volume and texture. Here again each leaf has been separately drawn, but with a much heavier emphasis on the leaves as individual objects. The careful frontal, three- quarter and side views, the connection of clusters of leaves to the branches, and the pull of gravity upon each mass are noteworthy. Artistic concerns and influences differ in each work, manifesting a specific pattern of stylistic development. The painting by Rydzen serves as a key to the chronological sequence. The most revealing feature is the presence of ink monochrome painting techniques and motifs characteristic to the amateur' Zen tradition within orthodox Buddhist polychrome figure painting. Orthodox by this point in time was the combination of colored figure painting with ink monochrome landscape motifs employed in the rakan (monk) paintings by professional Chinese painters as early as the second half of the 12th century. Examples are the Southern Song set of rakans in the Daitoku-ji collection dated to 1178 and a Yuan set in the collection of Ryukd- in, which has an inscription by Yishan Yining (1247 -1317)6 The difference is the abbreviated manner of the rendition, with bold contours and washes, of the Hongaku-ji motif in comparison with the more detailed method of form-building in the Chinese works. Contrasting with the abbreviated technique of the tree is the detailed description of the figures in the Hongaku-ji painting (plates XXIII, XXXI). 53 Bodies and draperies are executed with strong contour lines and finer, more delicate lines for the faces, the texture of hair and beards, and the patterns of robes and jewelry. Colors (red, orange and green), the gold of jewelry and the fine robe designs, and a shading treatment along contour and modelling lines are in keeping with an orthodox figure painting tradition. This orthodox style is seen in the Chinese rakans cited above and in the school of realistic Chan portraits (cbiosd) of the 13th century, for example the portrait of Wuzhun Shifan in Tdfuku-ji.7 Once more, the Hongaku-ji work is distinctive. Mixed with the rich saturated colors and gold of the forms of the Buddha and bodhisattvas is a lighter color scheme of water-thinned pigments, muted blues and browns, and a shading of light-colored washes and ink. This is used for the figures of the laymen and rakan in the foreground. The elephant, water buffalo and camel are rendered with fluid ink outlines; light ink, color strokes, and washes are used for shading and texturing their coats. A freer treatment has been given to the nature motifs and the figures of the lower echelon of the Buddhist hierarchy through the light color scheme and the strong, expressive line drawing. The swelling clouds on the left and right and the moon in the sky impart a sense of space and atmosphere which is new to the scene.8 New also are the pronounced roots of the tree and the line drawing of the foliage, indicating the influence of Chinese landscape painting. The contrasting treatment of motifs with detail and color and the technique of bold lines and washes characteristic of ink paintings shows a striking affinity to the paintings of Daruma in Kdgaku-ji, executed ca.1271, and in the Tokyo National Museum, dated ca. 1317 9 These paintings stand at the beginning of the Japanese ink monochrome tradition. Moreover, the 54 motif of the long-armed monkey in the Hongaku-ji painting is identical in type and pose to a monkey in a pure monochrome ink painting by Mokuan Reien, who was active in the first half of the 14th century.10 Thus the Hongaku-ji painting exhibits the blending of two prevalent contemporary trends in Japanese painting during the early 14th century. On the one hand, there is influence from the Southern Song and early Yuan orthodox Buddhist rakan paintings and Chan portraits executed by professional painters following the artistic canons of the Southern Song Academy.11 On the other hand, there are influences from amateur monk painters active in the first half of the 14th century, who took as their models the Southern Song Chan masters of the spontaneous style.12 Concerns of another kind are present in the Chofuku-ji painting. A skilful draughtsmanship is characteristic of the representative forms, as seen for example in the head of a rakan and a kongdrikishi (plate XXXII). The fine line drawing of the facial features and the feathery texture of the hair and brows, taken to a further extreme than in the Hongaku-ji or Daruma paintings, marks a concern for acute realism of detail. Significant also is the concern with modelling forms by means of color shading, as seen in the elephant. Shading in various tones of gray is applied along the darker contour lines and inner modelling lines. Shading along contour lines is a conventional technique to suggest volume; what is new in this painting is subtly varied tones of the same color which accentuate the roundness of form and the texture of surfaces. Certain stylistic features present in the Chofuku-ji painting correspond with those in the productions of Chinese professional painters from the Ningpo area of the Yuan period. On one level, striking similarities exist 55 between the Chofuku-ji painting and the Nirvana inscribed with the signature of Liu Xinzhong in the Nara National Museum (plates XXXV,XXXVI). Comparable are the opaque colors, most specifically a conspicuous use of pink, and the elaborate design patterns in delicate cut-gold of the robes. The modelling of forms by means of color shading and texturing are prominent in both. The differences in the method of form-building are recognizable, and reveal the problems connected with a discussion of the Ningpo paintings and Liu Xinzhong in particular. Paintings from Ningpo are represented by works as diverse in styles and techniques as the paintings of rakan and the ten kings by Jin Dashou and the two sets of rakan, the numerous sets of the ten kings, and the Nirvana by Liu Xinzhong.13 The dating of these works is problematical due to discrepancies between the inscriptions and styles.14 The technical mastery and the co-mingling of all manners' of Chinese figure and landscape styles denote professional productions with a long history. However, despite the diversity, stylistic factors such as the sculptural forms achieved through modeling and color shading, the texturing, sense of perspective, and decorative concerns are accepted as characteristic of the Yuan. Concretely dated provincial works corroborate these observations, exhibiting structural and stylistic properties common with the Ningpo paintings. Examples are the wall paintings in Xinghua si, dated to 1304, and in the Sanqing Dian of Yongle Gong, dated 1325.15 The treatment of trees in the Chofuku-ji painting is technically similar to the tree in the Sanqing Dian (plates XXXVII, XXXVIII). Volume and texture are precisely described by means of detailed drawing and shading. The rather conservative treatment of figures in fine- line drawing and color in both the Nirvana painting and the murals is 56 comparable to the set of raJtao mentioned from the Ryukd-in, and the rakan by Jin Dashou (plates XXXIX, XL). Taking into consideration the time lag that would occur between continental and Japanese traditions, the Chofuku-ji painting, displaying the style of professional workshops in China of the late 13th and early 14th centuries, can be placed towards the end of this period. As opposed to the 14th century features that are manifested in the Hongaku-ji and Chofuku-ji paintings, concerns and influences of another kind are present in the Jodo-ji example (plate VII). The characteristics unique to this work are seen in the composition and the brush work. The drooping mass of foliage plays a major part in the structure of the painting. The two sets of paired trees on the right have been emphasized, and the lighter leaves advance as a mass against the darker tree trunks and branches. The foliage of the other trees, a darker shade of green, extends back into the depths of the picture. There is a successful rendition of a canopy of foliage. The strong color contrast between the white elephant and dark buffalo in the lower left foreground serves in its weight and thrust to balance the compact mass of foliage at the top, tying the two sections together along a pronounced diagonal. The result is that the circular grouping of figures, which is perceived as a unit because of weight, color contrasts and arrangement, retreats into depth. In contrast to the 14th century works, the line is more accentuated in the Jodo-ji painting. The differences in brush technique can be seen in the figure of a rnkan (plates XLI, XL 11). In the Hongaku-ji and Chofuku-ji paintings, these are drawn in a modulated, fluid line, whereas the Jodo-ji figure is executed with more complexity. There are more breaks in the line, as seen for example in the contour line of the shoulder and arm, and the 56 comparable to the set of rakan mentioned from the Ryuko-in, and the rakan by Jin Dashou (plates XXXIX, XL). Taking into consideration the time lag that would occur between continental and Japanese traditions, the Chofuku-ji painting, displaying the style of professional workshops in China of the late 13th and early 14th centuries, can be placed towards the end of this period. As opposed to the 14th century features that are manifested in the Hongaku-ji and Chofuku-ji paintings, concerns and influences of another kind are present in the Jddo-ji example (plate VII). The characteristics unique to this work are seen in the composition and the brushwork. The drooping mass of foliage plays a major part in the structure of the painting. The two sets of paired trees on the right have been emphasized, and the lighter leaves advance as a mass against the darker tree trunks and branches. The foliage of the other trees, a darker shade of green, extends back into the depths of the picture. There is a successful rendition of a canopy of foliage. The strong color contrast between the white elephant and dark buffalo in the lower left foreground serves in its weight and thrust to balance the compact mass of foliage at the top, tying the two sections together along a pronounced diagonal. The result is that the circular grouping of figures, which is perceived as a unit because of weight, color contrasts and arrangement, retreats into depth. In contrast to the 14th century works, the line is more accentuated in the J6do-ji painting. The differences in brush technique can be seen in the figure of a rakan (plates XLI, XLII). In the Hongaku-ji and Chofuku-ji paintings, these are drawn in a modulated, fluid line, whereas the Jddo-ji figure is executed with more complexity. There are more breaks in the line, as seen for example in the contour line of the shoulder and arm, and the 57 chest. There are frequent and more pronounced fluctuations within the line. Accents, such as angles and hook-backs at the end of the lines, are much more abrupt and conspicuous. Representational concern is not overridden by the pronounced brushwork. Nakano Genzd has suggested that the Jodo-ji painting is a copy after the Chdfuku-ji work, but the divergence between the forms and space in the two works is striking. In the Jodo-ji painting, the precise definition of the front, middle and back planes of the composition and the linear definition of forms contrast with the more complex techniques of shading, texturing and the rendition of atmospheric conditions in the 14th century painting. That the Jodo-ji painting is a product of the late 13th century is shown by comparison with some accepted paintings from the time. The treatment of forms can be compared to the paintings of rakan by Takuma Choga which are dated to the last quarter of the 13th century (plates XLI11, XL1V).16 The strong linework is technically similar, with its fluctuations, abrupt angles, and hook-backs. The result is the successful linear description of form, evident for example in the drape of cloth over the hands of the lower left figure in picture 1 and over the raised knee of the far right figure in picture 2. The variety of brushwork in the service of a form-building emphasis is associated with the Chinese Song figure painting tradition. When placed against figures from the rakan sets in Daitoku-ji and Ryukd-in, the Shussan Shaka by Liang KaL or the Chan portrait paintings in Tofuku-ji and Kencho-ji, the brushwork of the Jodo-ji painting appears tentative in spots and erratic in other areas, whereas the linework in the Choga paintings is uniform throughout.17 The lack of consistency and underlying caution could be the result of problems encountered by the 58 painter in copying a foreign model and assimilating foreign techniques.18 This was not a problem for the painter of the Ghdfuku-ji painting. More to the point, however, is that the brushwork can be related to the brush manner of the indigenous tradition of painting (yamato-e). The major pictorial device of the narrative scrolls is a strong, spirited line work. An analysis of the tradition as represented by such works as Shiglsan engJ, ChdfU gjga, and the JFegoo engi, reveals collective brush formulas that are present in the jddo-ji painting.19 Common to all are short brushstrokes, pause marks at the end of lines, and, before the brush is turned, heads' of strokes and inflexions within the line. In the Chinese tradition, each would represent the style of a single master'. The difference, which confirms the later date of the J6do-ji painting, is the three-dimensional structure of the form. The artist has combined Japanese brushwork and Chinese concerns into a harmonious whole. The side scenes of the Jddo-ji painting show that the Jddo-ji painter works within his own tradition. Standard conventions of brushwork and accepted concepts of form and space are exhibited (plate XVIII). For example, the wet streaks of black ink are a classic formula for the texturing of rocks in the yamato-e tradition; the pinetree-and-mountain motif is a time-worn convention to suggest the far distance; and movement and action is conveyed by the execution of figures in quick, lively strokes, a method conducive to the story-telling purpose of the scrolls. On the other hand, Chinese influences are also evident. In scenes 14 and 15 the inner structure of the rock masses is depicted in considerable detail (plate XVII, XVIII). The brushwork is strong; the side of the brush is used instead of the point. Although the middle ground is blanketed in 59 mist, a logical progression into depth from foreground to far distance is depicted in scene 14. In scene 12 perspective drawing, a figural grouping, and the compression of the planes of space are handled with surprising ease for such a small-scale composition (plate XLV). Stylistic correspondences occur between the handscroll painting Ippen njjiri-e, which is dated by an inscription to 1299, and the Nirvana proper and side scenes of the Jodo-ji work (plates XLVI, XLVII).20 Developments similar to both are seen in the trees and rocks: the mass of the foliage, the pull of gravity upon this mass, the volume of the trunks, and the structure and mass of rock forms; backgrounds and foregrounds are clearly distinguished and the figures are contained naturally within landscape and architecture. The common denominator of the paintings dated to the second half of the 13th century, which predate the Chofuku-ji work and must be seen as a necessary prerequisite in terms of pictorial development, is the more precise definition of the structure of form and space, and the stable fusion of elements from the Chinese and Japanese painting traditions. The paintings discussed are indebted to the Chinese tradition for their pictorial characteristics. Relative dates of execution, determined by means of the identification and adaptation of influences from China, confirm that the paintings are structurally works of the time recorded in the inscriptions. The Manju-ji and Ryugan-ji paintings, which exhibit similar stylistic features, are dated to the 13th century. Chinese influences are evident. The Henmyd-in, Jishd-in and Tsurugi-jinja paintings are also dated to the 13th century and yet they clearly manifest later, more Japanized stylistic features. 60 The pictorial devices used to depict forms in space reveal the different structural principles at work in the Manju-ji and Ryugan-ji paintings in contrast to the Jodo-ji and Kong6bu-ji paintings. As opposed to the precise description of space in the Jodo-ji work, with its clearly marked front-back relationship and the step-by-step method of placement of figures on a tilted groundplane, forms suggest space in the Manju-ji and Ryugan-ji paintings (plates VI, VIII, XLVIII). The figures are organically conceived in terms of structure, volume, and detail, and display a versimilitude in pose, movement and expression. On the premise that more figures imply more space, there is a tighter figural grouping at the sides and in front of the couch, and the varied poses further amplify the sense of a great crowd. Spatial relationships are indicated by overlapping, the foreshortening of forms and the representation of forms from a variety of viewpoints. The figures in the Kongobu-ji painting are flat forms held to the gold groundplane (plate I). They are conceived in profile or in a three-quarter position that is confined to variations on the silhouette. Relationships between the figures occur in the lateral or vertical planes. The difference can also be seen in the tree branches (plates L, XLIX). The leaves in the Kongobu-ji painting show little penetration into depth. In contrast the tree branches, leaves and flowers of the Manju-ji and Ryugan-ji paintings have been organized according to more natural principles. The leaves and blossoms are in better proportion to the branches. Rather than the application of a rigid formula, there is an ease in the depiction of forms from a variety of viewpoints. The foreshortening of forms is more extreme, conveying a sense of the space in which they exist. 61 The contrast in the depiction of forms in space manifests a sequential progression from a simple morphological structure as seen in the Kongdbu-ji painting to the more complex structure of the J6do-ji painting. The point of change in the Manju-ji and Ryugan-ji works is the movement away from the Fujiwara painting tradition and its conceptual convention of space as seen in the Kongdbu-ji painting. The qualities of mass and solidity characterize the pictorial motifs of the Manju-ji and Ryugan-ji paintings in contrast to the Kongdbu-ji forms. The form-type and linear variations of the figures in the Kongdbu-ji painting are dependent upon the nature of the icon represented (plates LI, LI I). Fine lines of even thickness define the forms of the Buddha and bodhisattvas. The treatment of their bodies is abstracted into simple geometric shapes. The monk has a structure closer to the human form, depicted with a heavier, broken line.21 The brushwork in both types, rendered according to a formula, is an elegant two-dimensional pattern. On the other hand, the figures of a monk and bodhisattva in the Manju-ji and Ryugan-ji paintings exhibit correct anatomical features and a convincing depiction of volume and body structure beneath the drapery (plates XL VI11, XLIX). This is the result of a concern with the execution of forms, compelling a more advanced handling of drawing, modelling and shading. Comparisons of the trees in each painting confirms that there has been a historical development In contrast to the fixed-formula Kongdbu-ji tree, well-controlled contour and modelling lines, texture strokes, and color shading enhance the realism of the trees in the later examples. The Fujiwara painter perpetuates pictorial conventions established in Buddhist painting of the Tang Dynasty and adopted in Japan during the early 62 Nara Period. The Manju-ji and Ryugan-ji paintings manifest Song Chinese influences in the structural organization of forms and space. Yanagisawa Taka proposed a 12th century Southern Song prototype for the Manju-ji painting, however, she did not cite a concretely dated example of the Song prototype.22 This claim will be substantiated by comparison with concretely dated Chinese examples. Several features of the paintings correspond with stylistic characteristics of the Daitoku-ji rakan paintings. A conservative production from a professional workshop, the set exhibits the mingling of old and new painting styles.23 For example, the detailed execution of certain tree types in these Japanese and Chinese works harks back to the older Northern Song tradition (960-1127) (plates LIU, LIV). They also compare in their handling of spatial perspective; the poses of individual figures and their groupings, the use of movement and gesture, overlapping and foreshortening, is similar. The Jodo-ji painting, in contrast, is much more sophisticated in its composition and spatial construction than the Daitoku-ji paintings, and in this respect can be compared to the Yuan Period rakan sets in the Ryukd-in and Tokyo National Museum. Precise delineation of the front and back of the composition and the position of each motif within the defined area is common to these works (plates VII, XXXIX, XL). The Yuan painters and the Jodo-ji artist have both approached the painting in terms of a unitary composition. Motifs are dominated by a total structure and a striking illusion of three-dimensional form is produced by the control over the arrangement of motifs. Perspective rendering of forms, space for figures and between figures, and logical relationships in depth are present in the Daitokuji paintings, but on the whole the horizontal-vertical axis is dominant. 63 The main difference between the Daitoku-ji set and the Jodo-ji painting is the lack of an overall pictoral concept in the former. Instead, the paintings . are characterized by a piling-up of parts, as if separate compositions have been placed one on top of the other, indicating a continued tie to the Northern Song painting tradition. A provincial example, the mural paintings dated to 1158-1167 (Chin Dynasty) in the Manjusri Hall at Yanshang si in Shanxi, exhibits techniques identical to the Manju-ji and Ryugan-ji paintings.24 The sense of space in the scene of the prince's departure is accomplished by means of figural dispositions and foreshortening. The linework of the figures, as seen in a figure from Mara's assault or the monks from a street scene, is similar to that in the two Japanese Nirvana paintings. Brushwork is fluid and diversified in breadth but lacks the extreme accents of the Jodo-ji example. These features, present also in such concretely dated 12th century Japanese copies of Song iconographical drawings as Denpd sejsbu teiso-zu, the Kuyd tdzuzd, and the ffaooya juroku zeasbia zuzd, reflect the drawing style of Chinese Buddhist icons of the 11 -12th centuries.2' In summary, the Manju-ji and Ryugan-ji paintings, comparable in structure and motifs to Chinese works of the second half of the 12th century, manifest an earlier continental prototype than the Jodo-ji painting and its series of copies in Hongaku-ji and Chofuku-ji. The Chinese influences evident in the vertical-horizontal compositional structure, the indication of space by means of figures, and the method of drawing and modelling forms are characteristic of the earlier Northern Song painting tradition maintained in the more conservative Buddhist paintings of the 12th century. 64 Certain characteristics in the Manju-ji and Ryugan-ji paintings distinguish the Chinese and Japanese traditions. Most obvious are the saturated colors, the contour lines, and the texture strokes that define the river bank (plate XLIX). However, Japanization is more pronounced in the Henmyd-in, Jishd-in, and Tsurugi-jinja paintings (plates V, XII, IX). The Tsurugi-jinja painting can be related to a Nirvana painting dated to Genko 3 (1323) by the ebusshi Mydson, a member of a Nara workshop (plate XL). 2 6 Common to both are the formulas generic to the indigenous landscape painting, for example the thick black texture' stroke through the tree trunk and the decorative pattern of moss dots, which become standardized in 14th century landscape paintings. The hardened, more stylized line drawing and the harsher color scheme of the Tsurugi-jinja indicate a later date than the 1323 Mydson painting. The figures of the Henmyd-in and Jishd-in paintings exhibit the formulas of figure drawing, for instance the facial features and shape of the head, characteristic to the indigenous narrative picture scroll tradition, which again become a pervasive convention in 14th century painting (plates LVI, XIII).27 Manju-ji and Ryugan-ji, in contrast to Henmyd- in, Jishd-in and Tsurugi-jinja, preserve structural principles closest to a 12th century Song prototype. Therefore, the two paintings can be aligned at the beginning of the series of Japanese copies after a Chinese model, whereas the Tsurugi-jinja and Henmyd-in paintings are later in the series. But where precisely in the 13th century do the two paintings belong? In contrast with the early 12th century Kakurin-ji murals, the Shmgisan engj, a mid-12th century handscroll, and scenes from the early 13th century Kegaoengj, the landscapes in the side scenes of the Ryugan-ji painting are characterized by shading of rock formations, a linear perspective, and a 65 more consistent and natural relationship between figures and setting (plates XXV-XXVII). These features are found in the Kamakura versions of the £ - ioga-Jtyd, a set dated to 1254 (Kenchd 6), and in a later 13th century version.28 However, neither these handscrolls nor the Ryugan-ji scenes are as stylistically advanced as the J6do-ji side scenes and the fppeo bj/jn- e scroll painting. In the side scenes of the Ryugan-ji painting the black, heavy outlines of figures and trees and the saturated colors tend to flatten forms, in contrast to the figures in the J6do-ji side scenes, which are more volumetric and more successfully integrated with their surroundings. As has been stated, Chinese influences in the depiction of forms and space are in much stronger evidence in the J6do-ji and Ippeo JtijirJ - e paintings, interwoven with Japanese conventions. Traits from the Japanese tradition dominate the Ryugan-ji painting and are carried to an extreme in the side scenes of the Tsurugi-jinja painting (plates XXVIII, XXIX). Because of this conservatism it is difficult to give a more specific dating for the Ryugan-ji painting. That the Ryugan-ji and Manju-ji paintings are 13th century copies of a Chinese model, from a more conservative workshop than the J6do-ji painting, can be verified by comparing them to a painting from the early 13th century, the Butsugen butsumo, and to the Kegoo Jkaj-e zenchisbiki-zu , which is dated by inscription to 1294.29 'See, for example, the variant datings given for the paintings in the collections of Henmyd-in, Jishd-in, Manju-ji, Ryugan-ji, and Tsurugi-jinja in the catalogues Budda Shason7sono shdeai to zdkei. Nehan-zu no meisaku. Nara National Museum, ed. Kokuhd juyd bunkazai: bukkyd bijutsu (8 vols., vols.; Tokyo: Kogakkan, 1971-1981), Kyushu 2, cat. no. 51; Chukoku 1, cat. no. 37; Chukoku 2. cat, no. 34: and Nihon no setsuwa-ga. 2The inscription, in gold paint on the tree at the head of the dais, reads "Kaiseijin Rydzen no hitsu Karyaku 3.2" (Painted by Rydzen, a man from the 66 Western Sea, the Second Month 1328). See Akazawa Eiji, "Kaiseijin Rydzen hitsu Butsu nehan-zu nitsuite", Kokka. 1045 (1981), 13. 3 The inscription is reproduced in Nehan-zu no meisaku. cat no. 23. 4The inscription-reproduced in Nehan-zu ho meisaku. cat. no. 26 is: "Bunei juichinen Kokawadera-sd Zuigakubd..." (1274 the Kokawa-dera monk Zuigakubd..). 'Nakano Genzd interprets the Chofuku-ji inscription as a record of the date the painting entered the temple collection rather than an execution date. Further, he suggests that the Jddo-ji painting is a copy after the Chofuku-ji work. See his article "Nihon no nehan-zu" in Tanjo to nehan no bijutsu. p. 27. 6The set of "Five Hundred Rakans" in the Daitoku-ji collection was painted by the artists Lin Tinggui and Zhou Qichang. See Wen Fong, Five Hundred Lohans at the Daitoku-ji (unpublished Ph.D, dissertation, Princeton University, 1954), p. 132. Examples are published in Kyoto National Museum, ed.. Daitoku-ji no meih6-ten (Kyoto: Benridd, 1985). pi. 75. Four of the Ryukd-in set of "Sixteen Rakans" are illustrated in Daitoku-ji no meihd. pi. 76. The inscription by Wuzhun Shifan (1177-1249) is dated 1238. The painting is illustrated in Kyoto National Museum, ed., Zen no bijutsu (Kyoto: Hdzdkan, 1983). cat no. 114, pis. 8, 50. Although there are differences in the brushwork and color shading, for instance, an acute realism of the face by means of a meticulous rendering of details and subtle coloring characterizes the chlaso, the treatment of the rakans face in the Hongaku-ji painting can be placed within this tradition. 8The composition has been trimmed. See Akazawa Eiji, 'Kaiseijin Rydzen hitsu". p. 13. 'The Kdgaku-ji Daruma ("Red-Robed Bodhidharma") is dated ca. 1271. It bears a colophon by Lanqi Daolong (1231-1278), the Chinese Chan monk whose portrait in Kenchd-ji, also inscribed by the sitter, is dated to this year and, further, both paintings exhibit remarkable stylistic similarities. Color in the Daruma painting, off-white and touches of red in the face, and the red robe, painted in a water-thinned pigment is used sparingly. The overriding impression is that of an ink monochrome painting because of the fluid lines of the robe and the monochrome ink treatment of the rock platform. The Daruma in the Tokyo National Museum, a pure ink monochrome painting, has a colophon by Yishan Yining (1247-1317). Illustrated in Jan Fontein and Money Hickman, fan Painting anrj ffritigraphy (Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1970), cat no.20; Zen no bijutsu. cat no. 60, pi. 20, and cat no. 61, pi 101. l°lllustrated by Akazawa, "Kaiseijin Rydzen hitsu", fig. 4. The treatment of the motif differs. There is a detailed build up of dry brush strokes and 67 washes of ink in Rydzen s form in contrast to a cursive rendering of wet ink strokes in Mokuans painting. The stylistic source for Mokuans monkey is the monkey paintings by the Chinese Chan monk Fachang Muqi ( Mokukei, died between 1269 and 1274). Examples in the Muqi tradition are the painting in the Ogiwara collection, inscribed by Chinese monk Qingtang Jiaoyuan (Kyddd Kakuen, d. 1306), and a work in the Nakamura collection. Illustrated in Tanaka Ichimatsu, "Kyddd Kakuen chosan no shosakuhin o megutle," Kokka. 881 (1965), 16 and pi. 4. "The hallmark of the Southern Song academic tradition is a realism achieved through descriptive brushwork and color. | 2The Southern Song Chan spontaneous tradition is represented by the rough monochrome ink works of Liang Kai (active first half of 13th century) and Muqi. Rydzen s works as a whole manifest a movement from orthodox color and gold paintings to pure ink monochrome painting. A comparison of Ryozen's rakan set in Kennin-ji with his model in Kinryu-ji show his interests. In contrast to his model, Rydzen s set contains such ink painting motifs as overhanging branches, the sides of cliffs, waterfalls, and rocks, and these landscape forms are executed in outlines and wet washes. Rydzen s career (active mid- 14th century) is discussed by Carla M. Zainie, "Rydzen: From Ebusshi to Ink Painter", Artibus Asiae. 40, 2/3 (1978), 93- 123. 13The historical importance of the Ningpo paintings is the inscriptions, which record the artists name and address, contain a clue to the dating of the works. Ningpo, called Mingzhou before 1195, was renamed that year to Qingyuanfu. In 1277 the character fu was changed to lu . Watanabe Hajime, "Kanki aru sd-gen butsu-ga," Biiutsu Kenkyu. 45 (September 1935), 425-426 and Suzuki Kei, Mindai kaieashi kenkyu: Senna (Tokyo: Tdyd bunk a kenkyujo, 1968), p. 105. The inscriptions are reproduced in Watanabe Hajime's article pp. 422-428. These painters are not recorded in Chinese sources. A Japanese source, the Kundaikan savucho-ki compiled in the late 15th century by Noami and Soami, lists Jin Dashou and Liu Xinzhong as Yuan Dynasty (1279-1368) painters. Published in Biiutsu kenkvu. 20 (August 1933), 378,380. 14See the studies of the Ningpo paintings by: Kajitani Ryoji, "Liku shinchu hitsu ju-d-zu," Kokka. 1020 (1979), 22-38; Suzuki KeL Mindai kaieashi kenkyu: Seppa. pp. 777-122; Teisuke Toda, "Figure Painting and Chan-Priest Painters in the Late Yuan," Proceedings of the International Symposium on Chinese Painting (Symposium at the National Palace Museum, Republic of China, 1970) (Taipei, 1972). pp. 391-408; Watanabe Hajime, "Kanki aru sd- gen butsu-ga," Bijutsu kenkyu. 45, 422-428. 68 ^Illustrated in Wenwu Chu Ban She, ed., Yonale Gong Bi Hua Xuan fi. Peking, 1958. ^Discussed by Tanaka Ichimatsu, "Ebusshi Chuga to sono sakuhin," Bijutsushi 44 (1962), 134-147. Tanaka states that Choga's seal is on both paintings. The concept of a Takuma school of painters, begun by Tanaka Ichimatsu. is problematical Literary information concerning the name Takuma derives from late sources, which are often questionable. Illustrated inK©Ma,683. 17Liang Kai's "Shaka Descending from the Mountains" is illustrated in Zen no bijutsu. cat. no. 104, pi. 153. ^Professional Chinese Buddhist figure painters drew upon an established stock of form types, drapery patterns, and brush methods. Brushwork had not only to be formbuilding but had to represent the manner' of the ancient masters Wu and Cao. The result was a uniform and stereotyped method of figure and drapery drawing. The Wu style brushwork was fluid, constantly thickening and thinning in sweeping lines and curves. Robes were "caught by the wind." Master Cao's formula of close-set parallels produced tight, clinging robes, as if "just out of the water." The opposition of the Wu Daozi and Cao Buxing styles dominated professional Buddhist figure painting throughout the Northern and Southern Song and the Yuan. See the studies of: Alexander Soper, "Standards of Quality in Northern Sung Painting", Archives of Asian Art. 9 (1957), 8-15; Wen Fong. The Lohans and a Bridge to Heaven. Freer Gallery of Art Occasional Papers, vol. 3. No. 1 (Washington D.C: Smithsonian Institution, 1958), 67; Richard Barnhart, "Survivals, Revivals, and the Classical Tradition of Chinese Figure Painting,'" Proceedings of the International Symposium on Chinese Painting (Taipei, 1972), pp. 143-210. t9The figure of a monk was examined from each work. Shigisan engi, in the collection of Chdgosonshi-ji, is discussed and illustrated in Ninon emakimono zenshu. vol. 2 and Komatsu Shigemi, ed., Ninon emaki taisei (27 vols.; Tokyo: Chudkdronsha, 1977-1982), vol. 4. Although the dating of the scroll painting is controversial, Japanese historians place it ca. 1156-80. ChdjQgiga, dated to ca. late 12th century, is in the Kdzan-ji collection. It is illustrated in Ninon emakimono zenshu. vol. 3 and Ninon emakimomo taisei. vol. 6. Kegon engi, also in the Kdzan-ji collection, is dated ca. 1220-30 and is published in Ninon emakimono zensho. vol. 7; and Ninon emaki taisei. vol 17. 20 Ippen Mjiri-e is in the collection of Kankiko-ji. The inscription on the last scroll states that the text was written by I ppen's disciple Shdkai. The scroll painting is reproduced in Ninon emakimono zenshu. vol. 10. 2 1 Treat mem of the rakan in the Kongobu-ji and Kakurin-ji paintings is related to the yamato-e type in the Tokyo National Museum (originally in 69 Sh6ju-raig6-ji), dated to the second half of the 11th century. See Takasaki Fujihiko, 'Jurokurakan-zu (Tohaku-bon) no yoshikiteki kenkyu," Tokyo kokuritsu hakubutsukan kivo. 2 (1966), 141-186 and "Rakan-zu," Njhpn no bijutsu. 11, No. 234 (1985), 25-38. 22Tanjd to nehan no bijutsu. p. 35. 2 3 A mixture of the old and new involves, for instance, the Wu-Cao drapery styles of the Tang Dynasty, the Li-Guo landscape tradition of the Northern Song, and the Li Tang manner of modelling rocks with ax-cut' strokes, which became a trademark of the Southern Song Ma-Xia school. 2 4 An inscription records the completion of construction and decoration in 1158 and the name of the artist. Another inscription bears the date 1167. Events from Shaka's life story are on the west wall and scenes of the life of Hariti are depicted on the east wall. In the 12th century the Yanshang si was a pilgrimage stop on the way to Wutai Shan. Discussed and illustrated in Patricia Eichenbaum Karetzky, "The Recently Discovered Chin Dynasty Murals Illustrating the Life of the Buddha at Yen-shang-ssu, Shansi," Artibus Asiae. 42, No.4 (1980), 245-260. 25These works, "images of the Patriarchs Transmitting the Right Teaching", "Nine Luminaries and Other Divinities," and "Prajnaparamita and Sixteen Lokapalas", are discussed and illustrated in the following studies: Nakano Genzo "So shdrai zuzd no denpa," Kokka. 1026 (1979), 16-37; Hamada Ryuhen, *2uz6", Nihon no bijutsu. 12, No. 55,45-46; Ono Genmy6, "Tdmatsu godai chdsd jidai no bukkyd-ga," Kokka. 513. 514, 516-519, 524, 528-529. The Denpd sbeishti teJso-zu, dated to 1154, is based on a rubbing from a stele erected at Wanshou yuan in Suzhou in 1064. Comparable also is the 13th century drawing of Zensnura&usd-ztti'Sa. Patriarchs of the Chan Sect") in the Kdzan-ji collection. It is possibly a copy of a Chinese work from Chuanfa yuan at Laoyang sent over by the Japanese monk jojin (1011-1081). Illustrated in Kokka. 524, 186; and Jan Fontein and Money Hickman, Zen Painting and Calligraphy, cat. no. 1. 26Mizuno Keisaburo identified Mydson as a member of the edokoro of Kofuku-ji's Ichijo-in in his article in Kokka. 468. The painting is now in the Fujita Museum of Art, Osaka. An identical but later copy, placed in the late 14th century, is published by Mizuno Keisaburo in Kokka. 883. ^Compare a figure from the Shigisan engi, the Kegon engj, a Nirvana painting published in Kokka 605, and an inscribed Nirvana painting in the Nezu Museum collection published by Tanaka Ichimatsu in Kokka 834. The inscription on the scroll rod states the work was painted jointly by father and son, Gyoyu and Senyu, members of the Toda guild of Kofuku-ji's Daijd- in,inJ6wa 1 (1345). 70 28Seclions of the Kenchd 6 version are in the Nezu Art Museum and the Goto Art Museum. Sections of the late 13th century copy, formerly in the Matsunaga collection, are now in the Powers collection. See Tanaka Ichimatsu, Chusei ni okeru E-inga-ky6 no shosakuhin, Nihon emakimono ffiasM, vol. 16. pp. 58-63- ^Butsugen Butsumo ("Buddhalocani") is published in Kyoto National Museum, ed., K6zan-ji-ten (Kyoto: Kyoto National Museum), pi. 27. Kegonkai-ezenchishiki/nandarai'TheKalyanamitras of the Avatamsaka Ocean Assembly"), in the Todai-ji collection, is illustrated in Nara rokudai-ji taikan kankdkai, ed., Nara rokudai-ji taikan (14 vols.; Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1968-1973), vol 11, TodaijL part 3, pis. 126-127, 147- 148. This work is discussed by Jan Fontein, The Pilgrimage of Sudhana (The Hague: Mouton. 1967). pp. 108-112; Ishida Hisatoyo. "Myde Shdnin o meguru Kegon hensd-zu." Kokka, 879 (June 1965). 9-29. 71 113 Iconographic Examination Specific iconographic features of the nassd group of paintings further corroborate the relative dates of execution determined by means of comparative morphological analysis. First, distinct differences are evident in the iconography of the Nirvana proper. Second, the iconography of the side scenes of the Ryugan-ji and Jddo-ji paintings can also provide clues to the historical positions of the paintings. With the Nirvana scene, changes occur in the type and appearance of members of the guardian retinue. In contrast to the Kongobu-ji painting and the Jddo-ji and Chdfuku-ji paintings, the ferocious aspect of some of the retinue, angry-faced with hair standing on end, is emphasized in the Manju-ji and Ryugan-ji paintings. Moreover, in the Ryugan-ji painting a multi-limbed figure with one head, three eyes, upward-pointing fangs, four arms and attributes of a spear, rope and wheel resembles in appearance the class of wrathful deities and guardians of the esoteric (mikkyo) pantheon (plate VIII).1 Because of the domination of organized esoterism {/unmJtsu) throughout the Heian Period, this might lead one to conclude that the witnesses to Buddha's Nirvana included the members of the esoteric pantheon. However, the identification of this figure is difficult. The figure does not correspond to esoteric guardians like the /On/ten nor to such likely choices as the wrathful aspects of Shaka. for example Mundshdkongd or Taigensuimydd.2 The Hokuhon-nehan-gyd , written before the rise of Vajrayana, obviously does not mention esoteric deities as being present at the event. A list of the fifty-two beings' in the Kakuzen-shd. an early 13th century iconographic compilation by the Shingon monk Kakuzen (1143- 72 1213), adheres to the enumeration given in the 40 volume Mahayana sutraA Moreover, a Muromachi painting by Tosa no kami Keiko in the collection of K6sh6-ji is labelled, and there are no esoteric figures.4 The problem of identification in later copies is compounded by such discrepancies as changes in attributes and characteristics, and a mixing of figure types from the different painting models. The guardian retinue in a painting in Zenrin-ji is a combination of elements from both the Ryugan-ji and Jddo-ji paintings, clearly indicative of a later date. In the Zenrin-ji painting and in a Nirvana image in the collection of My6k6-ji the figure-type in question now has six arms and holds a vajra instead of a wheel. In addition to this figure, a multi-armed female figure is included in a Nirvana painting in Chion-ji.5 She can be identified as the 8th century unstructured Tantric (zomitsu) form of Benzaiten, but the problematical male figure is perhaps best seen as another member of the zdmitsu pantheon.6 Although the changes in the iconography of the exoteric [kengyd ) guardian figures suggests an infusion of influence from the esoteric pantheon, a more reasonable explanation is the transformation of certain members of Shaka's traditional guardian retinue due to the influences of Song iconographicai drawings of esoteric icons. This is substantiated by comparison to the works dated to the second half of the 12th century cited earlier, the 1165 scroll of Haonya /tiroku zemnm zuzd and the undated, although stylistically contemporaneous, copy of the Senjukannon to nJjOnachJhusM in the Tokyo National Museum. Points of similarity between these works and the Manju-ji and Ryugan-ji paintings are the iconographic type of the ferocious guardian figure and the attributes and characteristics of the one-headed asura in each example. Other sets of 73 iconographicai drawings, for example the Jfuyo tdzuzd dated to 1164 and the Tdncn nakuto mandara, also serve as concretely dated comparative material for the iconographic type of the ferocious figure.7 These icons were not based upon esoteric canonical texts but were popular in esoteric astrology, whose rites were conducted to invoke powers for protection and divination. The significance of these drawings is their transmission by esoteric monks. Jitsunin (1098-1169) of Kaju-ji, a Shingon temple, commissioned both the Hannya jOroku zensbw 21126 and the Kuyo td zuzd, a copy of which was in the Kanchi-in of T6-ji and in Daigo-ji. The protypes of the drawings are thought to have been copied and sent over from China by Jojin (1098-1169), a monk originally associated with Daiun-ji, a subtemple of the esoteric Tendai Mii-dera. Tradition records that the Hokuto mandara was a personal possession of the Shingon monk-painter Genshd (1145- 1208).8 a reformation, which involved the unification and systemization of the various schools of esoteric Buddhism, marked the period from the mid- 12th to the early 13th century. Symptomatic of this reform movement was the conflation of disparate iconographies and the tendency to interpret exoteric in the context of esoteric. This disposition can be seen in the iconographical encyclopedias compiled by Shingon monks active in this movement, Shinkaku (1117-1180), Genshd, and Kakuzen. The Ryugan-ji painting was originally in the possession of the Negoro-ji in Kii (presentday Wakayama Prefecture), a temple founded by the monk Kakuban (1095- 1143), an instigator of this movement.9 Each member of the hachibushu in the paintings in Jodo-ji, Hongaku-ji, and Chofuku-ji can be easily identified, for example the Mahoraga with a snake headdress, the lion crown of the Gandharva, and the elephant 74 headdress of the gohujo (plates VII, XXII, XXXII). In the Ryugan-ji and Manju-ji paintings, distinctions between members of the retinues are somewhat blurred. Although there are differences in attributes and features, in the main there is more accord between the Jddo-ji, Hongaku-ji, and Chdfuku-ji figures and the Tempyd Period sculptural groups in the Hdryu-ji and Kdfuku-ji.10 Rather than fiery haloes of hair standing on end, and bared fangs, the figures of the retinue are more human in appearance. There is a return to the earlier iconogrpanic conventions of the retinue in the paintings in Jddo-ji, Hongaku-ji and Chdfuku-ji; for instance, the asura is three-headed. However, new influences are evident. The iconographic type of asura, as well as such characteristics as the hairdo, the enraged facial expression, and the motif of flames around the head and shoulders, is identical to the sculptured asura of the nijuhachibushu in the Mydhd-in (Sanjusangen-dd).11 Although the attributes of this sculptured figure are no longer extant, the extended forefinger of the right central hand would certainly have balanced a wheel upon its fingertip as seen in the painted versions. The sculptural group by Tankei is dated to the restoration of the Sanjusangendd, Kenchd 3 (1251) to Bunei 3 (1266). The dramatic and picturesque features of the group suggest a pictorial prototype dated later than the 12th century Song iconographicai drawings. The Nirvana proper of the Jddo-ji painting contains obvious references to Pure Land paintings (plate VII). In place of the motif of the descent of Maya, flying and ribboned musical instruments, and two adoring groups of figures, a bodhisattva and attendants on the left, and a monk and triad on the right, are depicted. These motifs, the orthodox symbols of an 75 otherworldly and pleasurable realm, are common to the three types of Jddo hensd paintings in Japan.12 The composition of the Jddo-ji painting makes an overt reference to the Taima mandala. The arrangement of the side scenes in three outer rows at the sides and bottom of the central scene is identical to the composition of the Taima mandala. The significant point is that this arrangement is characteristic to the Taima hensd in Japan and is a set configuration throughout its Japanese tradition, in contrast to the variations seen in the arrangement and reading method of the Dunhuang versions of this hensd The disposition of the side scenes into three outer rows pictorializes Shandao's interpretation of the Kanmurydju-kyd as detailed in his Commentary on the sutra. The substantiating evidence is the division of the sixteen meditations into two groups of thirteen (on the right side of the painting) and three, which are subdivided into the nine degrees of birth (the bottom court). This division of the meditations is the point that distinguishes Shandao's interpretation from that of the many other commentators on the sutra.13 There is a total of sixteen scenes in the Jddo-ji painting. It is not difficult to make an explicit connection between the number of scenes and the sixteen meditations, the key thrust of the Kanmurydju-kyd's teachings expounded by the historical Buddha. Literary accounts document the rise of the Taima mandala in Japanese consciousness in the 13th century. The rediscovery of the Taima mandala in the Kenpo era (1213-1218) by Honens disciple Shdku Zennebd (1117-1247 ) is recounted in the Taima mandara chuki.14 Shdku described his joy at finding the icon because it visually depicted the teachings of his master Hdnen and the Chinese Patriarch Shandao. 76 After Shdku s rediscovery of it, the Taima mandala was to become the most important icon in the Japanese Pure Land tradition. Although Shdkd stated that he had the Taima mandala copied, facts regarding the first transmission of the icon are recorded in the Taima mandara sho written by the monk Yoyo Shdsd in 1436.'5 According to this account, a copy of the mandala was painted in Kenpd 5 (1217). The second stage of the transmission occurred in 1237. Shdku and his disciple Jissdbd commissioned the artist Chden Hokkyd to make copies of the mandala, which they donated to various temples throughout Japan. Literary accounts also credit Shdku with distributing block-printed versions in Japan and sending copies to China. The proliferation of copies of the Taima mandala throughout the 13th century attested to a newly rising and powerful Pure Land movement. The medium of the handscroli (emaki) provides concrete evidence of the acceleration of the Pure Land movement begun by Hdnen and the proselytizing fervor of this movement in the 13th century. Jddo adherents began to use the handscroli as an easy and effective instrument of mass communication. The scroll painting itself was performed (etoki) by "picture explaining monks and nuns".16 Significant in this context is the handscroli of the Taima mandara engi emaki. The scroll which pictorializes the legend of the origin of the 8th century mandala, contains a scene of Amida, disguised as a nun, explaining the newly woven image to Chujdhime. The composition of the Jddo-ji painting, borrowed from the newly retrieved Taima mandala, makes explicit the didactic function of the side scenes. Kawahara Yoshio, in his study of the Taima mandala engi emaki, proposes as the petitioner of the handscroli a nun from the Imperial Family, Shdmyd Monin (1171-1257), a disciple of Shdku, and a date of 1257 for 77 the work.17 A comparison between the J6do-ji painting and the handscroll further supports the Jddo-ji's date of execution as being in the second half of the 13th century. The iconographic type of the figure of Monju bosatsu, termed gate/ in reference to the five knots of his hairdo, is common to both works (plate XVIII). Monju's individualized presence is unusual in an Amida raigd scene and unique-to this handscroll. The type of Monju is identical to a paper figure of the bodhisattva, dated to Bunei 6 (1269) and made in connection with the vow of seclusion by the priestess Shinnyo of Chugu-ji,18 and to a wooden figure of Monju found within a larger Monju image that was dedicated in 1293 to commemorate the influential Nara Shingon-Ritsu revivalist, Eizon (1201-1290).'9 A Monju cult, which was part of a broader religious phenomenon, centered around Eizon and his disciple Ninsh6 (1211 -1303)20 The nun Shinnyo was a disciple of Eizon. There is no direct documentation regarding the historical position of the J6do-ji painting other than the inscription of the Kokawa-dera monk, which simply records his 41st birthday. Although the date of the inscription need not be the same as the date of the work, certain stylistic and iconographic features place the execution of the painting in the second half of the 13th century. However, a problem, to be investigated later, is revealed in the iconographic study of the painting. The J6do-ji painting can be identified with either of the two movements that dominated the second half of the 13th century. On the one hand, the format suggests a Pure Land substructure and placement in a Jddo context. On the other hand, the Bunei era was the time of Eizon s active propagation of the cult of the Buddha's relics {sbari) and the Shaka nembutsu-e™ 78 The addition of the Inaa-kyd life cycle to the iconographic programme of the Ryugan-ji painting indicates a 13th century date. The subject matter of the appended unit can definitely be linked to the peak of the revival movement of the Nara sects. A spirit of retrospection and reform underlies the biographies, the religious treatises, and the liturgical writings of the monks involved in this revival movement.22 Specific activities associated with Nara Period (710- 794) Buddhism, especially veneration for Shaka as the historical Buddha, flourished again. In the artistic sphere this renewal consisted of a renaisscance of ancient Nara Period iconography and style. For example, an iconographic pastiche of elements belonging to eighth- century sources is conspicuous in the Kusha mandala 2 3 Significant in this context is the re- copying of the E-inga-kyo. The Kenchd 6 set of scrolls established a precedent as regards artist—motive of patronage for the later 13th and 14th century copies. Although the reason for this and the identities of the artists and patrons of the Kenchd 6 version of the E-inga-kyo are still problematical, Tanaka Ichimatsu argues that the identity of the calligrapher places the project in the Nara locale and links it to the transmission of the eighth century scrolls which bear the seal of Kdfuku-jL thus giving the copy a pedigree 2 4 The re-appearance of the hasso style life story of Shaka during the Kamakura Period was also symptomatic of this looking back to the ancients'. The large painting in the Daifukuden-ji and the sets of paintings in Kuon-ji, Jiko-ji, and Jdraku-ji must be considered in the context of the Kamakura period Shaka cult. Although Nara Period paintings do not survive, there is literary evidence for Nara Period precedents of the Shaka hassd .25 As was 79 concluded with the E-Ioga-Jtyd, these works and the Ryugan-ji and Tsurugi- jinja paintings are not based upon a com mon tradition because the differences of format and icongraphy cannot be reconciled. The four hanging scrolls in the MOA collection offer the closest comparison to the Ryugan-ji painting in terms of iconography and format (plate LVII). The Inaa-kvo-stvJe life story is depicted in a vertical composition. The Tang Dynasty silk banner paintings from Dunhuang are evidence that this cycle was executed in a vertical format during the Nara Period.26 A simplification of iconography is evident in the MOA set, for example, the two guardians are missing in the scene of the seven steps and ritual bath, the athletic trials are not depicted, and the number of incidents in the metamorphosis from prince to ascetic has been reduced. It is a later copy after the Ryugan-ji and the Tsurugi-jinja paintings, and the stylistic properties confirm its late position in the sequence of copies. Japanese art historians date the MOA set to the late 13th century.27 Because it follows the Ryugan-ji and Tsurugi-jinja paintings, the MOA set should originally have been combined with a Nirvana scene. In short, the preceeding historical analysis serves to substantiate the placement of the Ryugan-ji, Tsurugi-jinja, and MOA scrolls in the 13th century Kamakura revival movement that was marked by Myde Shdnin's retrieval and reproduction of Shaka's life story. Compare the figure to the Mydd class of deities in the Jimyo-in of the Taizokaimandara (Womb World Mandala). 2The attributes of the j uni ten ("Twelve Devas") do not correspond. See T, XC1I, zuzo 7, pp. 567-644. Examples of Mundshdmydd are in Zuzosho. T, LXXXVIII, zuzo 3, no. 87; Besson-zakkL T.LXXXVIII, zuzo 3, no. 226; Kakuzen-sh6. T.XC, zuzd 5, no. 56 and 57. Types of Taigensuimydd are 80 illustrated in Besson-zakki. zuzd 3, nos. 230, 231; Kakuzen-shd. zuzd 5, nos. 323, 324, 325. 3T.LXXXIX, zuzd 4, p. 495. « A Kanei 17 (1640) restoration notation on the back of the painting states the work was painted in Hdtoku 3 (1451). See Nehan-zu no meisaku. cat. no. 31. Further research is required in order to confirm the dating of the labelling. Îllustrated in Nehan-zu no meisaku. pis. 21,18, and 20. *See the 8th century sculptured figure in the Hokke-dd of Tddai-ji illustrated in Nara rokudaiji taikan. vol. 10, Tddai-ji. part 2, pis. 43, 110-114. 7Compare the wrathful figures no. 8 and 9 of the Kuyo to zuzd, which is illustrated in T, XCII, zuzd 7, pp. 45-46, and those in the Tokyo Museum Senjukannon to nijuhachibushu ("Thousand Armed Kannon and Twenty- eight Guardians"), which is illustrated in Hamada, Zuzd," fig. 124. Another copy of the Senjukannon is illustrated in Besson-zakki. T, LXXXVIII, zuzd 3, p. 154. Although the type of asura compares, the difference is that the wrathful nature of the asura is stressed in the Manju-ji and Ryugan-ji paintings. This asura-type is seen in the Nirvana paintings in Henmyd-in, Jishd-in and Ishiyama-dera. The Tohon hokuto mandara ("Tang version Northern Star mandala") is illustrated in T.XCI1, zuzd 7, p. 52. 8Refer to note 25 on page 69 for the studies consulted. 'Mochizuki, Bukkyd daijiten. vol. 3, PP. 3327-333°: Daidenbd-in. 10Illustrated in Nara rokudaiji taikan. voL 3, Hdryu-ji, part 3, pis. 56, 667-3; and vol. 7, Kdfuku-ji, part 1, pis. 132-147,178-197. 1'Discussed and illustrated in Mori Hisa, "Sanjusangen-dd no chdkoku," in Nihon koji bijutsu zenshu. ed. by Kuno Takeshi et al (25 vols.; Tokyo: Shueisha, 1979-1983), vol. 25. pp. 90-97, fig. 25. 12The three types of paintings of Amida's Pure Land in Japan are the Taima mandala, the Chikd mandala, and the Shdkai mandala. The tiny figures are Buddhas {kebutsu) and attendants. Illustrated in Nara National Museum, ed., lddo mandala - gokuraku jddo to raigd no roman (April 24-May 29 1983), pis. 30,31, 48, 75. The Chikd mandala is recorded in the Kakuzen- shd. T, LXXXIX, zuzd 4, plate 37. The motifs of ribboned instruments and descending figures other than Maya are also seen in the Nirvana paintings in the collections of Jdkyd-ji, Ishiyama-dera, and the Tokyo Museum. 1 3 Elizabeth ten Grotenhuis, "Rebirth of an Icon: The Taima Mandala in Medieval Japan," Archives of Asian Art. 37 (1983). 59-87. Other commentators on the sutra who also interpreted the sixteen meditations are Huiyuan (334-416), regarded as founder of the Pure land school in China, and the Tiantai patriarch Zhiyi (538-597). Grotenhuis, pp. 62-66. I4Grotenhuis, "Rebirth of a Icon," pp. 68,86, note 23. 81 i5Grotenhuis, "Rebirth of an Icon," pp. 687-0; Kawahara Yoshio, "Taima mandara engi no seiritsu to sono shuhen", Nihon emaki taisei. vol. 24, pp. 90-126. 1*See Barbara Ruch, "Medieval Jongleurs and the Making of a National Literature," in Japan in the Muromachi Age, ed. by John Hall and Toyoda Takeshi (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), pp.279-309. ,7Her name was Minamoto Ako and her religious name was Nyokan. Kawahara, Taima mandara engi emaki," pp. 120-126. «*Ibid., pp.118-122. t'Now in Saidai-ji's Hondo. An inscription inside the lion, dated 1293, records the beginning of the project and states it is to commemorate the 13th death anniversary of Eizon. The sculpture group was completed in Shoan 4 (1302). See also Kurata Bunsaku, "Zonal no nyuhin," Nihon no bijutsu. 7 , No. 86 (1973), 59-60. 2°Ninshd, who became Eizon's disciple in Eno 1 (1239), had made a personal vow to revere Monju. As early as 1244 Eizon and Ninshd propagated a cult of Monju in order to achieve the salvation of outcasts, criminals and beggars (hinin). However, the first image of Monju commissioned by Eizon relates to his activities at Hannya-jL Nara between Kenchd 7 (1255) and Bunei 4 (1269). Kawahara, Taima mandala engi emaki," p. 122. 2 1 Information on Eizon is from: Nara kokuritsu bunkazai kenkyojo, ed., Saidai-ji Eizon denki shusei (Kyoto: Otani shuppansha, 1956); Nara National Museum, ed., Busshari no socon (Kyoto: Dohosha, 1983); Wajima Yoshio, Eizon. Ninshd. limbutsu sdsho 30 (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kdbunkan, 1959). 22See the studies: Hasumi Shigeyasu, "Ni sd bunk a koryu to Shunjio Risshi," Shunjd Risshi: Kamakura bukkyd seiritsu no kenkyu , ed. by Ishida Jushi (Tokyo: Hdzdkan, 1972), 232-249; Ito Kazuhiko, "Jdkei no kenky07Kasagi inton ni tsuite", in Shdensei shakai to mibun kdzd. ed. by Takeuchi Rizo (Tokyo: Azekura shobd, 1980), pp 307-323; Kamata Shigeo and Tanaka Hisao, Kamakura kvubukkyd. Nihon shisd taikei 15 (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1971); Ono Tasunosuke, Shinkd Nihon bukkyd shisd-shi (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kdbunkan, 1973). 23The Kusha mandala is dated to the mid- 12th century, the beginning of the Nara revival movement See the article by Kameda Tsutomu, "Nara jidai no sdshizd to Kusha mandara ni tsuite," Ars Buddhica. 1 (1948), 31-55. 24Tanaka Ichimatsu, "Chusei ni okeru E-inga-kyd no shosakuhin," pp. 58-63. 2'Large paintings of the Shaka nyorai hassd jddo were divided between the east and west pagodas at Yakushi-ji in Nara. Fujita Tsuneyo, ed., Kdkan bijutsu shiryd: jiin-hen (3 vols.; Tokyo: Chud kdron bijutsu shuppan, 1972), vol. 2, 26; Sekiguchi Masayuki, "Hiroshima Jiko-ji shozd Shaka hassd-zu," Bijutsu kenkvu. 317 (July 1981), 21; Mochizuki, Bukkyo daijiten. vol. 5, p. 82 4216. Although no Heian Period examples survive, the Eiea monogatari (vol.17) records a Shaka hassd jddohen was depicted on the door panels of the Kon-d6 of H6sh6-ji, erected in 1022 by Fujiwara Michinaga. See Fujita Tsuneyo, vol. 2, p. 29; and the article by Ienaga Saburo, "H6j6-ji no sOken", Biiutsu kenkvu 104. 243-245- 26lllustrate in Matsumoto Eiichi, Tonko-ea no kenkvu. vol. 2, pis. 79 a,b and 27Budda Shason7sono shoeai to zokei. p. 358. 83 MYOE SHONIN AND THE KAMAKURA NIRVANA PAINTING TRADITION In this chapter I will investigate the influence of Myoe Shonin (1172- 1232), a Shingon monk and Kegon revivalist, on the Japanese tradition of Nirvana paintings. As mentioned in the Introduction, Japanese art historians Nakano Genzo and Yanagisawa Taka have suggested a connection between the Shizakdshikj, the Nirvana liturgy by My6e Shdnin, and Type II Song Chinese Nirvana painting.1 In order to better substantiate this relation, I will examine Myoe Shonin s ritual narratives and relate the thematic aspects of his kdshJki and other religious and artistic works commissioned by him to the specific iconographic changes unique to the 13th century in Japanese Buddhist art. Ill 1 ShJzaAdsh/kj Myoe Shonin wrote his series of liturgies in 1215 (Kenpd 3).2 There are correspondences between Genshin's and Myde's versions (for example, the facts of the story, some of the textual underpinning, and the doctrines expounded) and these testify to a continuing orthodox tradition. However, the two are easily distinguished. Genshin's text concerns only the Nirvana proper. Myde's text, on the other hand, is composed of four works: the 84 Nehan kdshiki (Nirvana Formulary), Juroku rakan kdshiki (Sixteen Arhats Formulary), Yuishakukdshiki (Traces Formulary), and Shari kdshiki (Relics Formulary). The emphasis and themes of the two works differ; and the detail of Myoe's Shizakdshiki contrasts with the short dramatic presentation of Genshins work. In Nirvana Text M, the setting is described with phrases similar to those of Text G.3 At Kusinagara by the River Hiranyavati Beneath the paired trees of the sala grove. As in Text G, the members of the assembled crowd in Text M are drawn from the preface of the Hokuhon Daihatsu-nehan-gvo: On the morning of the fifteenth day of the second month He announced his last farewell to the ears of the fifty-two classes: Bodhisattvas, sravakas, gods, nagas, and the eight-fold multitude. First to the Mahabodhisattvas, as many as the sands of the River Ganges, And last, to bees and insects of an infinite number. Raksasa kings, as many as the sands of eighty River Ganges, headed by Awesome Raksasa; Lion kings, as many as the sands of twenty River Ganges, headed by King Lion's Roar; And flocks of wild ducks, wild geese, and mandarin ducks, both male and female; And water buffalo, oxen, and sheep; All were touched by the light and heard the voice, and each one conceived thoughts of distress. Men and gods, carrying gold, silver, and gems, Birds and beasts, holding in their mouths stems of flowers and leaves of trees. All went to pay homage amongst the paired trees, and gathered together before the Tathagata. 85 The difference between Text G and B iies in the types of witnesses the authors choose to list. In Text M, the beasts are as important as men and gods. Whereas Text G states generally that birds, beasts and insects were present, Text M mentions specific animal types and families. In contrast to the Hokuhon-nehan-gy6 and Text G, the names of bodhisattvas, disciples, and laymen are not given in Text M. Text G is specific; Text M gives a more impressionistic rendition of a vast crowd of mourners. This feature distinguishes the Type I and II Nirvana scenes proper. The Parinirvana pose stated in the opening gatha of Text M is identical to that of Text G: He lay down on his right side, His head to the north and his face to the west. However, the description of the Buddha's entry into Nirvana is much more detailed in Text M: His whole body gently reclined and he lay down on his right side; His head was pillowed to the north, His feet were pointed to the south, His face was turned to the west, And his back to the east. This is a direct quote from the Gobun.4 The facial features of the Buddha are dwelt upon: Immediately He entered into the fourth dhyana and arrived at Great Nirvava. His blue lotus eyes closed and forever terminates the subtle smile of goodwill and compassion; 86 His red cherry Jips were silent and put an end to the merciful voice of the Great Brahma. Neither the Nirvana sutras nor Text G focus on the Buddha's physical appearance. Text M reveals a more personal and intimate feeling towards the Buddha. This is reflected in the relaxed pose of the Type II Buddha. In contrast to Text G, Text M elaborates on the crowd's grief in lengthy and emotion-laden detail. Particular attention is given to the reaction of the animal realm: At that time the arhats, whose outflows had ceased, forgot the joy of the establishment of their own proper religious conduct The bodhisattvas, who had mounted the stages, cast aside their insight into the fact that the Dharmas were unborn (and unperishing). The Vajrapani discarded his diamond mace and shrieked to the heavens; Mahabrahma threw down his silk net banner and collapsed to the ground; Raksasa kings, as many as the sands of eighty Ganges, extended their tongues and fainted; Lion kings, as many as the sands of twenty Ganges, flung down their bodies and howled and roared; Flocks of wild ducks and wild geese, and mandarin ducks, both male and female, all harbored grief; Poisonous serpents and evil scorpions, one and all lamented; Lions and tigers, boars and deer forgot to attack one another; Large monkeys and wild dogs licked each others' necks and commiserated with one another... This abandonment to grief is in keeping with the descriptions in the Hokuhon-nehan-gyo and the Mahamava-kvo. The following passage is taken directly from the Gobun:5 Some followed the Buddha into extinction; Others lost consciousness; Some shuddered in body and mind; 87 Some held hands and wept and wailed together; Some continuously beat their breasts and uttered great shrieks; Some, raising their hands, struck their heads and tore out their hair; And some bled from all over their bodies, dripping onto the ground. In this way, the different beings made different sounds And each and everyone of the great multitude voiced grief. The grief of Mahamaya and the Vajrapani is also mentioned: There is the place where Mahamaya descended from heaven and wept for the Tathagata. There is the place where the Vajrapani sank to the ground and threw down his golden mace. This passage paraphrases the account of their grief in the travel records to India by two Chinese monks, Faxians The Travels of Faxian and Xuanzang's Buddhist Records of the Western World > Text M recounts the lamentation of nature. However, in contrast to Text G, the landscape elements play a major role in the story: The sound of the waves of the River Hiranavati induced parting sighs; The voice of the wind in the sala grove inspired yearning thoughts. Everywhere the great earth shook and lofty mountains were rent asunder; Oceans boiled and seethed and the rivers dried up; Plants and forests all gave forth sounds of sorrow; Mountains, rivers, and the great earth chanted words of pain and affliction. Natures grief is as profound as that displayed by the sentient beings of the Buddhist cosmos. The emphasis given to the response of the sala trees in Part IV, The Traces of the Paired Trees" {Sdr/nnoyuishaku o agu towa), is 88 unique to Text M. Again, the author quotes directly from canonical sources; the Daito-saiiki-ki. the Gobun. and the Dflihatsu-nehan-gy6-sh6: North-west of the city of Kusinagara On the west bank of the River Hiranyavati There was a sala grove. Those trees resembled oaks and their bark was green, their foliage white. Four of the trees were especially tall. This was the site of the Tathagata's extinction.7 The sutra says the following:8 When the Great Enlightened World-Honored One had entered into Nirvana The two pairs of sala trees in the east and the west joined and became one; The two pairs in the north and south combined and became one; Drooping down over the jeweled couch, they shaded the Tathagata. Those trees, in sorrow, suddenly turned white like white cranes; Their branches, foliage, flowers, and fruit burst open and cascaded down; Gradually, they weakened and withered, decayed and fell apart, until nothing remained. Other accounts say:9 The height of those trees was 50 feet, The roots below joined and the branches above united; The grain (of the bark) intertwined; The foliage was luxuriant and the flowers resembled wheels; The fruit was large as a jar and its taste was sweet as honey. The narrative of Text G is a vehicle to elucidate the Daihatsu-nehan- gyo's and Hoke-kyo's abstruse teaching of Eternal Buddhahood. Text M presents sacred history as a moving and detailed account of the last hours of Shaka, a man who lived on earth and died.10 The historical event and its concrete actuality are stressed in contrast to Text G's disregard for the natural and the literal The narrative thrust of Text M, which draws together 89 many canonical renditions of the story, is paralled in the illustrative Type II Nirvana scene. The highly iconic disposition of the Type I painting is displaced in the Type II Nirvana scene by an emphasis on the tall trees and the realistic and dramatic responses of grief. In contrast to Text G, the Nehan kdshiki of Text M is a more exhaustive story of the Parinirvana. In addition to the Nirvana proper, the episodes that occurred before and after Shaka's entry into Nirvana are related. Common to both works is Buddha's ascension above the sala trees and his announcement of Nirvana. However, whereas Text G's rendering stresses the Hokuhon-nehan-gyd's and Hoke-ky6's reiterated theme of the Buddha's eternalness and his contrived display' of Nirvana as a teaching device (hoben ), Text Ms version is narrative.11 The other incidents described in the section of Text M entitled "The Grief of the Cremation" (Dabi no aishd o agu towa) are: the inability of the strong Malias to lift the coffin; the wondrous event of the flying coffin; the homage of Mahakasyapa and the cremation; and the division of the relics.12 A comparison between Text M and the hassd group of paintings is significant. These five scenes of the Nirvana cycle are depicted in the Ryugan-ji painting, as opposed to the Nirvana cycle of eight events represented in the Manju-ji-Henmyd-in type and the K6san-ji-Saiky6-ji type (plates VIII, V, VI, XIV, XV). Text M does not mention the incidents of Cunda's offering and the Buddha's miraculous resurrection, and these two scenes have been omitted from the Ryugan-ji format. The Ryugan-jis Nirvana scene proper and its five-scene Nirvana cycle serve as a visual counterpart to the Nehan kdshiki of Text M. However, unlike the one-to-one relationship demonstrated between the Nehan kdshiki 90 and the Ryugan-ji s Nirvana cycle, direct correspondences between the other texts of the Shizakdshiki and the appended life cycle in the Ryugan-ji painting are not at first apparent. A clue is provided in Part IV of the Nehan kdshiki, "The Traces of the Paired Trees." The following refers to the journeys of Chinese monks to India: North of the city and across the river some three hundred-odd paces is the place where the Tathagata's body was cremated. The ground is now yellow-black and the soil is mixed with ash and charcoal. If, with extreme sincerity, you seek and pray, you may perhaps find some relics;13 Like Master Deng (Tohoshi), who crossed the vastness of the flowing sands and scaled the summit ot the Snow Peaks.14 The Yuishaku kdshiki elaborates on the motifs, places, and incidents associated with the life of the historical Buddha. Textual sources for the narrative are the travel accounts of Hokken and Genjo. Part I of the Yuishaku kdshiki, "The Miracles of the Bodhi Tree" {Besshite bodaiju no rydioagu towa\ recounts various wondrous stories about the tree beneath which Buddha attained enlightenment.15 In Part II, "The Various Traces" KSubete shosho no yuishaku o agu towa ), the legends of specific places where the Buddha had lived and taught, and of the sites of jataka stories, where, as a bodhisattva, he performed self-sacrificing acts, are given.16 Part IV, "Those who Loved the Traces" (Yuishaku no renmo no hito o agu towa), focuses upon the monk Hokken, the intrepid Chinese pilgrim who journyed to India in search of Buddhist texts. The hardships he encountered and surmounted on route, and his determination to pay reverence to the holy sites of Buddhism despite life-threatening dangers are extolled.17 91 A connection can be established between the painted life cycle of Shaka and Test Ms rendering of the tales of Buddha's traces and of the Chinese monks' pilgrimages to India (plates XXV-XXIX). The concept of the eight great sacred stupas' {hacbidaireitd ) 1 8 is the underlying theme of the Yuishaku kdshiki and is recited as the final gatha of Part II, "The Various Traces": The stupa at the birthplace in the palace of King Suddhodana, The stupa of the attainment of Buddhahood beneath the Bodhi Tree, The stupa of the Dhar ma-wheel in the Wilderness Park, The stupa of the distinguished name Anathapindika. The stupa of the jeweled staircases in Kanyakubja, The stupa of wisdom on Gridhrakuta, The stupa of Vimalakirti in the Grove of the Keeper of Mangos, The stupa of the Nirvana in the Sala Grove.1' Myoe has quoted this passage from the Daijo-honjo-shinjikan-gyn 20 The purport of this sutra is also paraphrased in the opening of the Yuishaku kdshiki: Homage to the places in which all beings and devas were converted and to the traces in various places in which the Great Saint conducted his teaching activities. The eight stupas commemorate the major events of the Buddha's life story. The four incidents of primary importance, his Birth, Enlightenment, First Sermon, and Nirvana, were expanded by the inclusion of miraculous occurrences connected with his teaching and converting career. The centers of the stories became in time the holy cities of pilgrimages. The purpose of Hokken s and Genjo s journeys, in addition to procuring texts and studying with Indian Buddhist masters, was to visit the consecrated sites associated 92 with the Buddha's history.21 Both monks recorded all the current miracles and legends about the Buddha, citing from the earliest sources as well as the embroidered and apocryphal accounts of later texts and commentaries. The iconography of the Ryugan-ji-Tsurugi-jinja life cycle corresponds to the accounts in the travel records, suggesting another source of textual evidence for artistic motifs besides the Inaa-kyd. Hokkens lament that he was not alive during the Buddha's lifetime on earth in Part IV of the Yuishaku kdshiki is echoed throughout the four parts of the liturgy. Each text of the kdshiki is premised upon the fact of the beings' misfortune to live in an age after the passing of Buddha. The constantly reiterated questions are: how are we, the beings of the remote regions in these Latter Days of the Dharma, to console ourselves? and what can we rely on? The result is the sense of a profound separation from, and yearning for, the Buddha, who entered Nirvana a long time ago, and whose traces and relics are myriads of leagues away.22 The classic doctrine of accomodation' is the main theme of the Shizakdshiki. However, in contrast to Genshins Hoke-kyd-based presentation of this traditional principle, Myde illustrates the doctrine by means of themes intimately connected with the historical Buddha's life story. A special affinity with the Buddha is effected through these tales of the rakans, the traces, and the relics, and, similar to Hokken s night on Gridhrakuta, this incites devotion and provides a cathartic experience for the listeners.23 III.2. Myde Shdnin and the Shaka Cult 93 Myde Shdnin's life-long desire was to travel to India, and twice he made expedition plans, the first time during the winter of 1202-1203 and the second in the spring of 1205. The Kdzan-ji possesses a document written by Myde in which he calculated, based upon Genjd's Daitd-saiiki-ki. the distance and time it would take him to travel from Changan, the Chinese capital, to Rajagriha in Magadha, Central India.24 Myde held the monks who had made the journey to India to worship the vestiges of Shaka in great reverance, and he aspired to emulate the pilgrim Genjd.25 Both times, however, in compliance with the prohibitory oracles of the Kasuga dajmydjm, the tutelary deity of the Fujiwara clan, Myde abandoned his plans to go abroad 2 6 Myde's performances of the Nirvana ceremony during the period when his desire to make a pilgrimage to India was uppermost in his mind were recorded by his disciples. Kdshin describes in the Kdzan-ji engi a ceremony conducted at Itono in the province of Kii. The ritual objects included a living tree which symbolized the Bodhi tree, an arrangement of stones likened to the "diamond throne" {kongdza ), and a stupa called "Jeweled stupa of the attainment of Buddhahood in the vicinity of Gaya in the country of Magadha" {Magadakuni [nd gayajdhen jdbutsu hdtd ). 27 These motifs from the Buddha's life story, drawn from Genjd's travel account, were later incorporated into the Yuishaku kdshiki?^ In a ceremony performed in 1204 (Genkyu 1) for the Yuasa family of Kii, Myde read the Jumujin-in sharikdshiki ("The Jumujin-in Ceremony of the Relics"), before a Nirvana image.2* This liturgy, like the later Shizakdshiki, elaborated on the life of Shaka from his birth to Nirvana, his traces, and his relics.30 His disciple Kikai recounts how Myde became so distraught with grief at the 94 description of Buddha's entry into Nirvana that he himself had to continue the reading of the text 3J Myoe wrote and performed the Snlzakosbikj in 1215, and the following year Kikai documented the method of celebration established at Kdzan-ji in Nenan-e Msbiki ("The Form of the Nirvana Service"). The main icon was a Nirv&na image; to the left (east) were images of the sixteen rakan, to the right (west) was an image of "[Shaka beneath] the Bodhi tree" (bodaiju-zd\ and a representation of Shaka's reliquary {sbarkM) was placed between the images of the Nirvana and the bodaiju. In addition to the reading of the SbizakdsbJkJ', the Yuikyd-gvd , the last instructions of Buddha before his Nirvana, Myde's favorite sutra since he first read it at the age of eighteen, was expounded and chanted.32 Although written in 1215, the thematic aspects of the four-part kosnikj can be linked to events and concerns central to Myde 's life and religious practices. An ordained Shingon monk and a Kegon revivalist, Myde made a personal choice to follow the historical Buddha. Following the loss of his parents at nine years of age, he began very early in life to identify Shaka as his "affectionate father" and himself as a "loving son". This is seen, for example, in his inscription on a painting of Butsugen Butsumo in the Kdzan-ji collection.33 Buddhalocani is a personification of the wisdom of Prajnaparamita and from her all Buddhas and bodhisattvas are born.3* Butsugen Butsumo became for Myde a symbol of, and replacement for, his dead mother. Myde s biographies contain many incidents in which his actions as a youth and young man paralleled those of Shaka. His seclusion at twenty-three in a grass hut on Mount Shirakami in his native province of Kii to practice religious austerities and to read and study the sutras was in this vein.35 Myde s desire to go to India began 95 during this period of solitary retreat (1195-1197). Included among the favored texts Myde took to study were both the biography of Genjd and the Daitd-saiiki-ki3* Myde compiled his own record of the sacred sites in Japanese using these two works as references. He also conceived at this time a deep affinity with the rakans, disciples with whom Shaka entrusted the Dharma and who, as teachers of the beings, exemplified the spirit of the Buddha; and he wrote out their stories in Japanese.37 Myde's response to conditions in the time of mappo was to revive the doctrines of the Kegon sect in order to lead Buddhists back to the original teachings and practices of Shaka.38 His propagation of the cult of Zenzai Ddji, a young boy who, under the guidance of Monju, makes a pilgrimage in search of enlightenment to fifty-three sages, was another facet of his devotion to Shaka. For Myde, the story of Sudhana exemplified the ideal Buddhist in his struggle for salvation.39 The young boys firm resolution and his pilgrimage symbolized the "aspiration after enlightenment" {hotsu bodaisnln) and the "holy path" {shddd) of conduct, discipline, and study Kkai jo, e), as traversed by the historical Buddha and explained in his first sermon of the four truths' and the eight-fold path'. Myde wrote two works, Saijarin ("An Attack on the Bad Vehicle") and Shoaonki ("Record of Moral Adornment"), denouncing Hdnen's claim that the only way to salvation for the beings of mappo was the "Jddo Path" and its teaching of the "single-practice calling upon the name of Amida" (sen/'u nembutsu ), because of its rejection of both the aspiration after enlightenment and the holy path.40 Myde's writings disclose a drive to amalgamate the teachings of exoteric Buddhism, which held Shaka in reverance, with esoteric beliefs in 96 which, by means of rituals and meditation, one could attain Buddhahood in this life. The Kdzan-ji, founded by Myde in 1206 as a Kegon temple, stands as the culmination of his studies and religious practices.41 Disparate iconographies are combined in the programs of its three-story pagoda (san/d hold) and Myde's private devotional hall (/fbutsudtf).*2 The Kozan-ji enai records the program of the son/O hdtd, begun in 1227 and completed in 1231, was planned by Myde in order to explain his personal concept of gonmitsu to his disciples.43 What appears at first to be an incongruous enshrine ment of icons — the esoteric Gohimitsu mandara and the exoteric ZencbJsbiki mandara — on closer examination substantiates the thrust of Myde Shdnin's religious life, the emulation of Shaka in his attainment of enlightenment. Throughout his life Myde experimented with many types of meditational practices, seeking a method suited to him.44 The Gohimitsu mandara is composed of five bodhisattvas: Vajrasattva sits encircled by Yokuknogd (Desire), Sbdkukongd (Sense-Joy), Mankongo (Pride), and Aikongd (Passion); and the five, in turn, represent Dainichi, Monju, Fugen, Miroku, and Kannon. The Gohimitsu icon from the Kongokai mandara and used in the private rite of confession, manifests a path to enlightenment by means of a specific meditation. In this practice the four delusions of lust, touch, craving, and conceit, the causes of human suffering, must be eliminated before enlightenment is realized. The last decades of Myde s life were characterized by his efforts to teach the laity through writings, lectures, and ceremonies. The instigation of the "Buddha's Birth Ceremony" (Busshd-e) in 1225 and lay precept meetings {Sekkai-e) in 1227 indicate Myde s continued involvement in the Nara sects' revival movement, in which veneration for the historical Buddha and 97 a vow to observe and to propogate the precepts marked the religious life of the participating monks.4' Myde changed his hermitages and places of meditation many times throughout his years at Kdzan-ji46 The Kdzan-ji engi records the sites that Myde built on the mountain behind the main temple complex. Each was named in referance to Shaka's history. He called the mountain behind the Sekisuuh hall Ryogasen, after the Rydca-kyd (Lankavatara-sutra) which, tradition states, Shaka preached on a mountain of this name in Ceylon. The Keikyuden and the Rababo, both named after episodes in the Rydaa-kyd: a cave, the Yuisekikutsu, which contained a rock with the Buddha's foot impressions; and a meditation tree, the Joshoju, were erected in various spots on this mountain. The motifs of the cave and the foot impression allude to legends from Shaka's life story in the travel accounts of Hokken and Genjd.47 The Hatsunaion-gyd , the Hinayana Daihatsu-nehan-gyd , and the Bussho-gyd-san describe the couch upon which Buddha lay at the time of his Nirvana as a rope bed'4 8 Myde likened the Kiyotaki River that flowed by his final small retreat, the Zenkain, to the Nairanjana River in Gaya, India, where Buddha bathed to mark the end of his six years of austerities.49 Myde's intense personal devotion to the historical Buddha and his desire to go to India dominated his adult life. Significantly, the Kdzan-ji community's veneration for Myde after his death in 1232 was patterned after the cult of Shaka. His disciple Kikai erected wooden stupa pillars to commemorate the sites associated with Myde's life in Kii and at Kdzan-ji, and these places became sacred pilgrimage spots for his discipies.30 The sites in Kii, eight in total, included, for example: Myde's birthplace; the place where Myde received the Kasuga mydjin s 98 oracle; the place where Myde expounded on the technique of meditation on the Buddha's usn/nsa; the place of Monju s manifestation; and the place where My6e wrote the "Meditation on the Buddha's Emanating Light." Portraits of Myde became the focus of devotional rites performed by his followers, who offered the image food, water, medicine and light. The famous portrait of Myde seated in meditation in a tree trunk (Myde Shonin jujd zazen-zd) depicts him in the iconographic type of one of his beloved sixteen rakan ̂  Biographies, poems, stories, and a non play about this saintly monk contributed to the Myde legend long after his death.52 III.3. Shizakdshiki and The Hassd Nirvana Tradition Myde s dream to go to the birthplace of Shaka could not be realized. The dramatic aim of the Shizakdshikj', and of the earlier Jumujin-in soar/ kdshJki, was to bring nearer in thought this far-away, sacred land. Myde's emotional involvement and the importance of motifs from Shaka's life story, which were actually physically recreated in one case, characterize his performances of the Nirvana ceremony. Pictorial and sculptural representations were important to Myde.53 Moreover, he related to the images of the esoteric Butsugen butsumo and the exoteric Zenchishiki mandara in a very personal manner. The Ryugan-ji painting, which dates to the first half of the 13th century, is best understood as a copy by Myde's followers after an arrangement of icons initiated by him for the Nirvana ceremony. The iconographic thrust of the Ryugan-ji painting, a type unique to the Japanese 99 Nirvana tradition, is symptomatic of an iconoJogicai shift in the Shaka cult and its Nirvana ritual in the context of the 13th century revival movement. In marked contrast to the Type I Nirvana painting, a didactic function underlies this illustrative image, whose main characteristic is the merger of two narratives. Direct links between Myde Shonin's writings and Buddhistic practices, and the novel changes subsequently introduced into the Japanese Nirvana tradition have been documented. For Myde, the Nirvana and life story of Shaka functioned on multiple religious levels. On a doctrinal level there were the Buddha's supreme methods of accomodation to incite both joy and yearning, and thus conversion. On a practical level, and in keeping with 13th century purposes, his use of a popular lecture format and tales indicate his concern for religious renewal in order to reach the laity. On a personal level, the historical Buddha served as a model to emulate, and this was best done by detailing the heroic events of Shaka's struggle and the struggle of those who followed in his footsteps. There were for Myde no easy answers in the time of mappd, and the task of a Buddhist, the search for spiritual realization, was symbolized by the life story of Shaka and the boy-pilgrim Zenzai Ddji. The painting in Tsurugii-jina is further evidence in support of Myde Shonin's influence in shaping the emergence of a new type of Nirvana icon. Excerpts from Myde's Shizakdshiki are painted in gold characters on the background silk and the thrust of the iconographic arrangement of the painting, in which the life cycle is appended to a large-scale Nirvana scene, emphasizes the thematic direction of Myde's narratives (plates IX, XXIX). 100 lYanagisawa Taka states Myde wrote the narratives after having seen a Song painting of the eight aspects of the Nirvana {hasso nehan-zu), citing the painting in Manju-ji as a 13th century Japanese copy of this Song example. See Tanj6 to nehan no bijutsu. p. 35. Nakano Genzo's arguments and a brief outline of the contents of the Shizakoshiki are in Nehan-zu no meisaku. and his article "Nihon no nehan-zu," in Tanjd to nehan no bijutsu. pp. 25-27. 2The order of composition was: Shari kdshiki - Kenpo 3, 1/21; Yuishaku kdshiki- Kenpo 3, 1/22; Juroku rakan kdshiki - Kenpo 3, 1/24; Nehan kdshiki- Kenpo 3. 1/29. In Kennin 3 (1203) Myde wrote Jumujin-in shari kdshiki , which he read for a Nirvana ceremony conducted for the Yuasa family in Genkyu 1 (1204). This work was the basis of the Shizakoshiki See the studies of Tanka Hisao. Myde. Jimbutsu sosho 60 ( Tokyo: Yoshikawa kdbunkan, 1961), pp. 707-2,100-101; Kindaiichi Haruhiko. Shfrakdsniki no kenkvO (Tokyo: Sanshodd, 1964), pp. 16-18. SMyde Shdnin's Nehan kdshiki will be referred to as Text M and Genshins will be labelled Text G. The reference for this translation of the Shizakoshiki is the text in T.LXXXIV.231. 898- 906. 4T,XIl,377,905a. 5T,XI1.374,365c,371c; T,XII,383.1012a; T,XII,905c. *T,LI,2085861c and T,LI,2087,904a,b. Hereafter the two monks will be referred to by their Japanese names Hokken and Genjd; Faxians work will be called Hokken-den and Xuanzang's Daitd-saiiki-kL See the English translations by James Legge, A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms: Being an Account by the Chinese Monk Fa-hien of his Travels in India and Ceylon (A.D. 399-414) in Search of the Buddhist Books of Discipline (Oxford: Claredon Press. 1886) and Samuel Beal, The Travels of Fa-hian: Buddhist- Countrv-Records bv Fa-hian. the Sakva of the Sung (Dynasty) (Date. 400A.D.I and Si-yu-ki: Buddhist Records of the Western World (2 vols.; London: Kegan Pual Trench, Trubner and Co., 1906). "nr,Ll,903b. *T,Xll,905a. 9T,XXXVIII,44b. !0Part III of Text M Nehan kdshiki "The Causes and Conditions of Nirvana"(Nehan no inen o agu towa), is heavily didactic. 101 "Both works quote in part from the Gobun s account in T,XII,903c-904a. Genshin relates this episode in Part III "Discussion of the Display of Nirvana" {figen nehan nogj) The incident in Text M is: Finally at midnight the time of Nirvana arrived... He opened his monk's robe, revealing his purple-gold chest. Universally to the great crowd he proclaimed the following: "I desire Nirvana. Each and everyone of the multitude of gods and beings must look at my form body with a profound mind." He repeated his proclamation three times in this way. And then, from the seven jeweled lion bed he ascended into the empty sky, The height of one sala tree. ,2See Appendix III. A. for the translations of these incidents. Once again the Gobun {AHan dabihjn daisan) has been extensively quoted: T,XII,907a- 912a. 15This passage is quoted from Genjo's Daito-saiiki-ki. T,LI,904b. HThe "flowing sands" refers to the Gobi desert and the "Snow Peaks" to the Himalayas. !5Genjo s Daito-saiiki-ki is quoted although the order of the tales differs; T,LI,915b,c. See Appendix III.B. for my translations. 16Genj6 s Daito-saiiki-ki. T.LI.91 lc; 878c; 882c-883a. See Appendix III.C. for translations. 17The stories are taken from the "Lives of Eminent Monks" (Gaosene zhuan: Kosjbden) written by Huijiao (497-554) of the Liang Dynasty and Hokken s own account of his travels. See T,L,2059,237c-238a and T,LI,862c-863a. Translations are in Appendix III. D. l8Mochizuki, Bukkvo daijiten. vol. 5, p. 4220. 19The incident and the Sanskrit place names are: the birth in Lumbini Park at Kapilavastu; the enlightenment at Gaya in Magadha; the first sermon in the Deer Park at Benares; the Buddha lived for a time and taught in the Jetavana Grove, which was donated by Anathapindika (Supporter of the Orphans and Destitute), a merchant of Sravasti in the kingdom of Kosala; Buddha ascended to and descended from the Trayastrimsa Heaven in order to preach to his mother at Kanyakubja; he expounded the Prajnaoaramita- sutras (Hannva-kv6) on Gridhrakuta near Rajagriha; he expounded the Vimalakirtinirdesa (Yuima-kv6) in Ambapalivana (Mango Grove); his Nirvana in the Sala Grove at Kusinagara. 20T.III.159. Slight changes occur in the passage quoted, for example 'Wilderness' instead of 'Deer-Wild': J^. f-f See T,III,296a. 102 2'Hokken went to India in 399 to obtain an original version of the Buddhist Rules of Discipline (S. vinayapJtaka). Genj6 left China in 629 to search for a teacher who could explain the problems and discrepancies he found in such texts as the Yogacarabhumisastra (T.XXX. 1579; Yugashiji-ron). 22Part I of the Sharikdshiki, "Extolling the Merits of the Relics" [So/fte shari Bokmoku o sanzu towa). 23The final gatha which closes the story of Hokken is: I, by expounding the truly real concentration, Console persons like these. But though they don't see the Buddha, Yet it is as though they see the Buddha. 24The document, titled "A Note of the Distance between The Great Tang and India" (Daitd-tenjiku-ritei-sho). is translated by Robert E. Morrell, "Passage to India Denied: Zeami's Kasuga Ryujin." Monumenta Nioponica. 37, No. 2 (1982), 183; and is illustrated in Kdzan-ji-ten. pi. 93. 25This is expressed throughout the Vuishaku kdshiki The pilgrimage theme is a recurring motif in his poetry (waka) and "Dream Record" (YumenokJ). An entry in a collection of aphorisms, "Final Injunctions of the Venerable Myoe of Toga-no-o" (Toga-no-o Myde Shdnin ikun). which were assembled by Myde's disciple Kdshin between 1235 and 1238, states: "The miraculous feats of the eminent priests of old are beyond comprehension, and we set them aside as a special case. But there are those without superhuman abilities but with tremendous dedication who, throwing caution to the wind and willing to chance death, travel to India to engage in various religious austerities. I think this is most splendid and enviable." Translated by Robert E. Morrell, "Kamakura Accounts of Myde Shonin as Popular Religious Hero," Japanese Journal of Religious Studies. 9, No. 2/3 (1982), 187. 26Concerning circumstances surrounding the Kasuga deity's oracles, see Morrell, "Passage to India Denied," pp. 179-200. 2?K6zan-ji engi. p. 317a. 2*T,Ll,915a,b. See Beat's translation in Si-yu-ki, voL 2, pp. 114-116. 29Tanaka, Myde. pp. 71-2. The event is recorded in "The Kdzan-ji Myde Shdnin gydjd . Because the characterî zd is used, it is not clear whether the icon is a painting or a sculptured image. 30The relevant titles are: Part I, "Adoration at the Gate of the Living Tathagata " {Renbo nyorai zaiseimon\ Part II, "Adoration at the Gate of the Tathagata's Nirvana {Renbonyora/'lnd nehanmon), Part III, "Adoration at the Gate of the Tathagata's Traces" {Renbo nyora/ind yuishakumon); Part V, The Gate of the Legends of the Relics'" (Tokai shari\nc\ engimon). Nara National Museum, ed., Kdshiki - hotoke e no santan (Nara: Nara National Museum, 1985). p. 11. 103 3'Tanaka, p. 72. The passage, which describes the Buddha's facial features, is also in the Nehan kdshiki . See my translation on page 85. 32K6shiki - hotoke e no santan. pp. 12-13. See also Tanaka, Myde. pp. 16-17, 100. The Yuikyd-gyd is T.XII.389. 33The inscription is reproduced in the Kdzan-ji-ten. p. 203. 34Buddhalocani is the central deity in the henchi-in (Quarter of Universal Knowledge) of the Taizdkai mandara See Mochizuki, Bukkyd daijiten. vol. 5, pp.4445-4446. 35At thirteen, Myde spent a night alone in a graveyard, hoping to be eaten by wolves. This episode, more than likely fictitious, is patterned after the jataka of Prince Sattva, who sacrificed his body to a starving tigress and her cubs. See Tanaka, Myde. pp. 13-14 and pp. 33-84 for a discussion of Myde's retreat in Kii. 36The biography is in T.L.2053. Daitd-daijion-ji-sanzd-hdshi-den. Examples of Myde's favored sutras were the Yuikyd-gyd (see note 33), Daihdkd-butsu- keeon-kyd (T.IX.278, Kegon-kyd ; T.X.279, Shinkegon-kyd: and T.X.293. S. Gandavyuha), and Shinjikan-gyd (see note 21). 37Neither writing survives. The former was called kin mon gvdkujiku-shu and the latter was titled Shdbd kesshft-den. See Tanaka, Myde. p. 41 and Brock, "Tales of Gisho and Gangyo," pp. 334-335. In the Juroku rakan kdshiki, the names and residences of the sixteen arhats, and Budha's charges to maintain and protect the Law and to guide the beings until the advent of Miroku are quoted directly from Genjd's translation of the Hdju-ki (T.XLIX.2030). 3*Co-existent with Hdnen's religious reformation, the monks of the Nara sects initiated a revival movement. In contrast to Hdnen's founding of an independent school of faith, the Nara monks looked back within their own tradition. A return to the purity of the way taught by Shaka' was prescribed as their remedy to contempory ills. Their ideal was to turn back the clock to the days of the "True Law" {shdbd) that existed during the lifetime of Shaka. The sources for information about the monks involved in this movement is given in Chapter 2, note 20 and 21. 39Sudhana (Zenzai Ddji) is the main character of the Gandavyuha. the concluding chapter of the Avatamsaka sutra. A discussion of the story is in Fontein, The Pilgrimage of Sudhana. pp. 5-22. Myde was the major patron of the theme of Sudhana and his sages' in Japanese Buddhist art. Examples are the painting in the Kdzan-ji collection, titled Kegon Kai-e ShoshdjO mandara- zu, and the painting of the Kegon Kai-e Zenchishiki-zu in the Tddai-ji collection, a copy by Rai-en in 1294 after a mandala at Kdzan-ji. Discussed and illustrated in Fontein, pp. 81-114; Ishida Hisatoyo, "Myde Shdnin o meguru kegon hensd-zu," Kokka. 879 (June 1965), 9-28. 104 40The Saijarin (Ikkd SenjushO SenchakushO no naka ni oite Ja o kudaku Rin) was published in November 1212, and the Shogonki (Saijarin Shogonki) in June 1213. See Bandd Shdjun, "Myde's Criticism of Hdnen's Doctrine," The Eastern Buddhist. New Series, 7, No. 1 (1974), 37-54. 4 1 The name Kdzan-ji, "the temple of the lofty mountain", is a reference to the Kegon-kyd. which, according to legend, was the sutra expounded by Shaka immediately after his enlightenment. See Mochzuki, Bukkvd daijiten. vol. 2, p. 1045- 42The arrangement of icons in the padoga (Kozanji engi ,pp. 303-304) was: sculptures of the Kegon-kyds Sacred Five {Goson ), Dainichi (S. Mahavairocana), Monju, Fugen, Kannon, and Miroku, enshrined in the center; a Gohimitsu mandara {"Mandala of the Secret Five," S. panca-guhya mandala) on the front of the wall directly behind the center icons; a Kegon Zenzai zenchishiki ("Diagram of the Good Friends") on the reverse of this wall; Kegon kai-e shdju mandara on the four surrounding pillars; six guardian figures (tenzd) on the east, west, and north doors. The arrangement of paintings for meditation in the Jibutsudd was (Kozanji engi (pp. 307-308): in the center a Gohimitsu mandara, to its right a Kongdkai mandara, and a Taizdkai mandara on its left; in the south a Kegon shdju mandara \ in the north a Zenzai gojugo chishiki ; an Amida triad; a Bishamonten (S. Vaisravana) by the artist Kaneyasu. The combination of the exoteric Kegon- kyd Goson and the esoteric Gohimitsu mandara symbolized the union of kengyd and mikkyd, and, on another level, the union of the Kongdkai and the Taizdkai. Ishida in "Myde Shdnin o meguru Kegon hensd-zu" explains the relationship between these two icons and Myde's personal beliefs and interpretations. 43Myde, a scholar of Kegon philosophy {kengyd ) and Shingon {mikkyd ) practices, initiated a simultaneous practice of Kegon and Shingon doctrines, the synthesis of which came to be called gonmitsu. 44See Bandd Shdjun, "Myde's Criticism of Hdnen's Doctrine," p.42. 45The liturgy Busshd-e kdshiki ("Formulary for the Buddha's Birth") details the life story of Shaka from his Birth to his Enlightenment, and also narrates the traces of his time on earth as the Buddha-to-be. Kdshiki - hotoke e no santan. p. 16. Specific activities associated with Nara Period Buddhism flourished again during the revival movement, for example, the Shaka and the shari cult, the Miroku cult, and the cult of the patriarchs of the Nara sects. The teaching careers of the most famous revivalists, Jdkei, Shunjd, Myde, and Eizon and his disciple Ninshd, sought to instigate a disciplinary reform based on the observance of the precepts among the people by means of lectures and the administration of Buddhist vows. 105 46The Rennyadai, constructed in Kenpo 3(1215), was the first of his retreats and the last, the Zenkain, dates to Kanki 2 (1230). Kikai, Kdzanji engi. pp. 310-312. tTpaitd-saiiki-ki. T,Ll,9tlc,915b. In his search for a place in which to accomplish his aim of enlightenment, the Buddha-to-be left bis shadow on the wall of a cave in a mountain called Pragbodhi ("the mountain before enlightenment") in Gaya. The Buddha left his foot prints on a rock when, on his way to Kusinagara and Nirvana, he stopped to look back at Magadha for the last time. Both stories are mentioned in the Yuishaku kdshiki; see Appendix III.C. for a translation. 4ST,I,164c; T,I,199a; T,IV,46b. 49The episode is recounted in Hokken-den and in Daitd-saiiki-kL 3°The sites on Kdzan-ji and in Kii are recorded in the K6zan-ji engi, pp. 310- 3 IS. The wooden markers were established in 1233 at the Kdzan-ji sites of, for example, the Rennya-dai Sekisui-hx Rydgasen, Renkyuden, Rababd, Yuisekikutsu, Jdshd/u, Jdshinseki. The wooden markers were replaced by the extant stone pillars in 1321. Kageyama Haruki, "Kdzan-ji no Myde Shdnin iseki," in Mvde Shdnin to Kdzan-ii. ed. by Myde Shdnin to Kdzan-ji henshu iinkai (Kyoto: Ddbdsha, 1981), pp. 173-191. The wooden markers set up by Kikai in Kii in 1236 were replaced by the present stones ones in 1344. Kageyama, "Kii ni Myde Shdnin no iseki o tazuneru," in Mvde Shdnin to Kdzan-ji. pp. 192-206. 51 The inscription on this painting states: In the midst of Rydgasen at Kdzan-ji, there is a rope-bed tree' and a calm mind rock'. Likened to the figure of an ordinary monk in meditation, copying my humble form to hang on the meditation hall wall. The [meditating and silent] monk Koben. This painting is most likely a copy after another portrait of Myde in meditation on Rydgasen {Myde shdnin jdshd zazen-zd), which is also in the Kdzan-ji collection. The painting, on silk, bears an inscription attributed to Myde and it's content is similar to the inscription of the portrait on paper. Illustrated in Kdzan-ji-ten. pis. 1, 128. See a discussion of Myde's portraits and the rites of veneration accorded them in the context of the rakan cult by Nakajima Hiroshi, "Myde shdnin jujd zazen-zd no shudai," Mvde Shdnin to Kdzan-ji. pp. 272-289. Karen Brock discusses the portrait of Myde meditating in a tree in her reconstruction of the history of the Kdzan-ji Community and its circle of lay patrons during and immediately after Myde's lifetime; see "Tales of Gishd and Gangyd," pp. 408-414. 52The Myde legend in literature is presented in the articles of Morrell, "Passage to India Denied," and "Kamakura Accounts of Myde Shdnin as Popular Religious Hero." 106 53Another entry in K6 shin's Yuikun states: "Every time you enter the practice hall, imagine that the living Buddha is there; and, in the presence of the living Tathagata, set straight your aspirations. When you think of an object carved of wood or drawn in a picture as a living being, then it is a living being." Morrell, "Kamakura Accounts of Myde Shdnin," p. 191. 107 Responsibility for a transition from Type I to Type II iconography in the Japanese Buddhist tradition of Nirvana paintings is associated with the Kamakura revival movement of the Nara sects. The iconological shift in the Shaka cult from a Pure Land-oriented interpretation to devotion to the historical Buddha is best exemplified in the writings of the Kegon revivalist Myde Shdnin. Previous Japanese art historians have speculated that Buddhist monks such as Myde Shdnin may have contributed to this dramatic iconographic change. The research represented in this study attests the bolder step of striking specific relations between Myde Shonin s writings and particular changes in the iconographic forms of his own and subsequent periods. The Nirvana images in the Ryugan-ji and Tsurugi-jinja collections support this relationship. This thesis has attempted to demonstrate a close correspondence between the theological contributions of the monks Genshin and Myde Shdnin and the changing modes of religious tenets and functions reflected in the iconography of the Japanese Nirvana paintings between the 12th and 13th centuries. I have argued that the writings of Genshin and Myde Shdnin were not simply reactive, but exercised profound influences which shaped not only contempory but later iconography as well. While Japanese art historians Nakano Genzo and Yanagisawa Taka have been cautious and concluded that these theologians of the Late Heian and Early Kamakura Periods took their lead from the icons available to them, I have emphasized 108 the alternative and stressed that the shifts in the Japanese Nirvana tradition were the result of these important theological figures. 109 Primary Sources Eshin Sozu. Eshin S6zu zenshu. Edited by Hieizan toshokan kdsho. 5 vols. Sakamoto: Hieizan senshu-in, 1927 (reprinted Kyoto: Shibunkaku, 1971). Kakuzen. "Shaka." Kakuzenshd. Vol. IV of Taishfi shinshu daizokvo: zuzd. Edited by Ono Gemyd and Takakusu Junjird. 12 vols. Tokyo: Daizd shuppan kabushiki kaisha, 1932-1934. Kdshin. Kdzan-ji enei. Vol. CXVII of Dai mhQti buKKyd zenshu. Edited by Bussho kankdkai. 161 vols. Tokyo: 1912-1940. Myde Shdnin. Shizakdshiki. Vol. LXXX1V of Taishd shinshu daizdkvd. Edited by Takakusu Junjird and Watanabe Kaigyoku. 85 vols. Tokyo: Taishd issai-kyd kankokai, 1924-1932. Takakusu Junjird and Watanabe Kaigyoku, ed. Taishd shinshu daizokvo. 85 vols. Tokyo: Taishd issai-kyd kankokai, 1924-1932. Chinese Secondary Sources Wenwu Chu Ban She, ed. Yonele Gong Bi Hua Xuan li. Peking: 1958. Japanese Secondary Sources Akazawa Eiji. "Kaiseijin Rydzen hitsu butsu nehan-zu ni tsuite." Kokka. 1045(1981), 13-21. Akiyama Terukazu. "Tonkd ni okeru henbun to kaiga." Heian jidai sezoku-ga no kenkvu. Tokyo: Yoshikawa kdbunkan, 1964. Bukkyd bijutsu kenkyu, Ueno kinen zaidan. Report 7. Tanjd to nehan no bijutsu. Kyoto: Kyoto National Museum, 1980. Fujita Tsuneyo, ed. Kdkan bijutsu shiryd: jiin-hen. 3 vols. Tokyo: Chudkdron bijutsu shuppan, 1972. Gangd-ji bunkazai kenkyujo, ed. Nehan-e no kenkvu. Kyoto: Sdgeisha, 1981. 110 Hamada Ryu. "Kongobu-ji butsu nehan-zu' to sono ydshikiteki ichi." 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"Nehan-zu no ddbutsu-ga." Bukkyd geijutsu. 104 (November 1975), 65-91 and 107 (March 1976), 38-57. "So shdraizuzd no denpa." Kokka. 1026 (1979), 16-37. Ogushi Sumio. "Jukkai-zu ko." Bijutsu kenkyu. 119 (1941), 359-374 and 120(1941), 398-410. "Raigd geijutsuron." Kokka 608, 226-228. Okasaki Jdji. "Kakurin-ji Taishi-dd no heki-ga." Gekkan bunkazai. 6 (1976), 30-46. Ono Genmyd. "Tomatsu godai chdsd jidai no bukkyd-ga." Kokka. 513, 514,516-519, 524, 528-529. 113 Ono Tasunosuke. Shinko Nihon bulkkvo shiso-shi. Tokyo: Yoshikawa kdbunkan, 1973. Sekiguchi Masayuki. "Hiroshima Jikd-ji shozd Shaka hass6-zu ni tsuite." Bijutsu kenkvu. 317 (Mv 1981). 21-32: 319 (March 1982), 97-105; 320 (September 1982), 163-172. Suzuki Kei. Mindai kaieashi kenkyu: Seooa. Tokyo: Toydbunka kenkyu jo, 1968. Tanaka Hisao. My6e. Jimbutsu sosho 60. Tokyo: Yoshikawa kdbunkan, 1961. Tanaka Ichimatsu. "Chusei ni okeru E-inga-kyo no shosakuhin." Vol. 16 of Nihon emakimono zenshu. Edited by Tanaka Ichimatsu. 24 vols. Tokyo: Kadokawa shoten, 1969. "Ebusshi Chdga to sono sakuhin." Bijutsushi. 44 (1962), 134- 147. "Kyodo Kakuen chosan no shosakuhin o megutte." Kokka. 881 (1965). Editor. Nihon emakimono zenshu. 24 vols. Tokyo: Kadokawa shoten, 1969. "Shaka kinkan shutsugen-zu." Nihon kaiaa-shi ronshu. Tokyo: Chuokoron bijutsu shuppan, 1966. Takasaki Fujihiko. "Juroku rakan-zu (Tdhaku-bon) no yoshikiteki kenkyu." Tokyo kokuritsu hakubutsukan kiyo. 2 (1966). 141-186. "Nehan-zu no zuyd ni tsuite." Museum. 68 (November 1956), 11-14. "Rakan-zu." Nihon no bijutsu. 11, No. 234,1985. Takeo Izumi. "6toku nehan-zu shdron." Bukkyo geijutsu. 129 (March 1980), 9-102. Tonkd bunbutsu kenkyujo, ed. Chugoku sekketsu: Tonko bakuk6kutsu. 5 vols. Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1980-1982. Toru Shimbo, ed. Nihon no shoheki-ga. 3 vols. Tokyo: Mainichi shimbunsha, 1979. Umezujiro. "Hen to henbun." KokM 760 (July 1955), 191-207. 114 Wajima Yoshio. Eizon. Ninshd. Jimbutsu sdsho 30. Tokyo: Yoshikawa kdbunkan, 1959. Watanabe Hajime. "Kanki are sd-gen butsu-ga." Bijutsu kenkyu. 45 (September 1935), 422-428. Yamamoto Nobuyoshi. "Hokke hakkd to Michinaga no sanjikkd." Bukkvd eeijutsu. 77 (September 1970), 71-84 and 78 (October 1970), 81-95. English Secondary Sources Andrews, Allan A. "The Essentials of Salvation: A Study of Genshins ojdydshu." Eastern Buddhist. 4, No. 2 (1971), 50-87. Bandd Shdjun. "Myde Shonin's Criticism of Hdnen's Doctrine." The Eastern Buddhist. New Series, 7, No. 1 (1974), 37-54. Barnhart, Richard. "Survivals, Revivals, and the Classical Tradition of Chinese Figure Painting." Proceedings of the International Symposium on Chinese Painting (Symposium at the National Palace Museum, Republic of China, 1970.) Taipei, 1972. Beal, Samuel, tr. The Travels of Fa-hian: Buddhist-Country-Records by Fa-hian. the Sakya of the Sung (Dynasty) [Date 400A.D.1 and Si-yu-ki: Buddhist Records of the Western World. 2 vols. London: KeganPaul, Trench, Trubner and Co., 1906. Brock, Karen. "The Tales of Gishd and Gangyd." Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Princeton University, 1984. De Visser, M. W. Ancient Buddhism in Japan. 2 vols. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1935. Ebert, Jordine. "The Iconographic Tradition behind the Oldest Japanese Paintings of the Parinirvana." European Studies on Japan. Edited by Ian Nish and Charles Dunn. Tenderen Keut: Paul Norburg Publications, 1979. Fontein, Jan. The Pilgrimage of Sudhana. A Study of the Gandawuha Illustrations in China. Japan, and Java. The Hague: Mouton, 1967. 115 Fontein, Jan and Hickman, Money. Zen Painting and Calligraphy. Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1970. Hurvitz, Leon, tr. Scripture of the Lotus Blossom of the Fine Dharma. New York: Columbia University Press, 1976. Karetzky, Patricia Eichenbaum. The Recently Discovered Chin Dynasty Murals Illustrating the Life of the Buddha at Yen-shang-ssu, Shansi." Artibus Asiae. 42, No. 4 (1980), 245-260. Legge, James, tr. A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms: Being an Account by the Chinese Monk Fa-hien of his Travels in India and Cevlon (A.D. 399- 414) in Search of the Buddhist Books of Discipline. Oxford: Claredon Press, 1886. Morrell, Robert E. "Kamakura Accounts of Myde Shdnin as Popular Religious Hero." Japanese Journal of Religious Studies. 9, No. 2/3 (1982). "Passage to Indai Denied: Zeami's Kasuea Rvujin." Monumenta Nipponica. 37. No. 2 (1982). Rhys Davids, T.W. tr. "The Maha-Parinibbaana Suttanta" in Buddhist Suttas. Vol. 11 of Sacred Books of the East. Edited by F. Max Muller. Oxford University Press, 1881. Ruch, Barbara. "Medieval Jongleurs and the Making of a National Literature." Japan in the Muromachi Age. Edited by John Hall and Toyoda Takeshi. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977. Soper, Alexander. "A Tang Parinirvana Stele from Shansei." Artibus Asiae. 22, No. 1/2(1959), 159-169. "Standards of Quality in Northern Sung Painting." Archives of Asian Art. 11 (1957), 8-15. Takakusu Junjird, tr. "The Amitayur-Dhyana-Sutra" in Buddhist Mahayana Texts. Vol. 49 of The Sacred Books of The East. Edited by F. Max Muller. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1894. Tanabe, Willa Jane. "The Lotus Lectures: Hokke Hakkd in the Heian Period." Monumenta Nipponica. 39, No. 4 (1984), 393-407. Teisuke Toda. "Figure Painting and Chan Priest Painters in the Late Yuan." Proceedings of the International Symposium on Chinese Painting. (Symposium at the National Palace Museum, Republic of China, 1970.) Taipei, 1972. ten Grotenhuis, Elizabeth. "Rebirth of an Icon: The Taima Mandala in Medieval Japan." Archives of Asian Art. 36 (1983), 59-87. Waley, Arthur. A Catalogue of pointings Recovered from Tun-huang bv Sir Aurel Stein. London: The British Museum, 1931. Wen Fong. "Five Hundred Lohans at the Daitoku-ji." Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Princeton University, 1954. The Lohans and a Bridge to Heaven. Freer Gallery of Art Occasional Papers. Vol. 3, No. 1. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1958. Zainie, Carla M. "Rydzen: From Ebusshi to Ink Painter." Artibus Asiae. 40, No. 2/3 (1978), 93-123. APP-ENDIX I FIGURE 1 T-YP-E XI GROUP I APPENDIX I FIGURE 2 TYPE II GROUP II 119 APPENDIX I FIGURE 3 TYPE II GROUP III 120 FIGURE 4 T-Y-RE IX GROUP IV APPENDIX I iv ft / < FIGURE 5 TYPE II GROUP V APPENDIX I Tinr 1 J 3 S k 1 FIGURE 6 TYPE II GROUP VI 123 APPENDIX II C o l l a t i o n of Texts • 1— s& X X •* X • x- V *s i %h = * a •• . * *£. • * -. * i f ' i ! • w Kf Wty w' t> w* \ ^ W V " w w X u- K X • A*. v u- u-X 1 ^ • l - ^ 124 APPENDIX III A. Nehan kdshiki. Part II "The Grief of the Cremation" All of the multitude wished to lift the sacred coffin and enter the city. Sixteen extremely huge Mallas advanced with great divine strength... But the sacred coffin—Ah! Ah! It did not move! At that moment, the sacred coffin, of its own accord, flew into open space. Gradually mounting in the emptiness, it rose above the sala grove. It entered the west gate of Kusinagara. Bodhisattvas, sravakas, gods, and men, a great crowd filling the entire great earth and open space, wailed and lamented. Then, the sacred coffin emerged from the east gate of Kusinagara, and circling right, it entered the south gate. Emerging from the north gate, it flew into the air and turned left; then, returning, it entered the west gate of Kusinagara. In this way, the coffin made three circuits. Returning, it entered the west gate; once more, it emerged from the east gate and entered the north gate; emerging from the south gate, turning right, it returned and entered the west gate; turning right and left in this manner, the coffin circled Kusinagara; it made seven circuits. Slowly, the coffin reached the cremation site, and flying down, it came to rest on the seven-jeweled lion bed. A great multitude of gods, men, and others encircled the sacred coffin, and mourning and weeping, they made offerings. That wailing shook the great chiliocosm. The multitude, each covering his hand with a white woolen cloth, in unison raised the great sacred jeweled coffin and placed it on a splendidly adorned tower of exquisite fragrance. About to take up fire and cremate the 125 Tathagata, each one of the great assembly held a seven jeweled burner as large as a wagon wheel. Mourning, weeping, and wailing, they placed them on the fragrant tower. Those fires, of thier own accord, died out completely. Each and every one of the manifold gods' fires and each and every one of the water-spirits' fires, all went out in this way. At this moment, Mahakasyapa arrived at the cremation site. The sacred coffin, of its own accord, opened, and the thousand curtains of white woolen cloth and tora cotton unravelled, revealing his purple-shining, golden body. Kasyapa and his many disciples, seeing this, swooned and fell to the ground. Then, the Buddha's feet withdrew into the coffin and it closed as before. After that, they again threw the seven-jeweled, great torches and, once more, all of them completely died out. The Tathagata, by means of his great compassion, put forth fire from his chest, and little by little he was cremated. Seven days passed; fire burned the tower of exquisite fragrance. Who could have possibly foresaeen that his full moon-circle countenance was to be instantly smothered in the smoke of sandlewood? That his purple- shining golden skin was to be scorched by the flames that left nothing behind?... After a time, the gods and men and others of the great multitude took and divided the relics. Everyone returned to his homeland and vied to make offerings. 126 APPENDIX III B. Yuishaku kdshiki. Parti "The Wonders of the Bodhi Tree" In a former time in Magadha, south-west of the Mountain of Perfect Wisdom about fourteen or fifteen leagues, there was the Bodhi tree. The Bodhi tree is actually a pippala tree. The Tathagata sitting beneath this tree attained complete enlightenment, and so it is called the Bodhi tree. When King Asoka first ascended the throne, he believed in and accepted wrong ways. Wishing to destroy the Buddha's traces, he cut down the Bodhi tree. Wishing to order a fire-worshipping brahmin to sacrifice Ithe tree] to heaven, he directly set fire to the tree. And yet, in the midst of the raging flames, burning and glowing, the tree retained its blue-green color. Seeing this wondrous event, the great king profoundly repented his sin, and, rejoicing, he himself made offerings. The queen, also a believer in wrong ways, secretly sent a messenger, who, after the first division of the night, once more cut down the tree. Coming again to worship the next morning, the king found only a stump. His grief was extreme and, with the utmost sincerity, he prayed and worshipped and bathed the stump with scented milk. In no time at all, the tree returned to life. The king deeply revered this miracle. The [tree's] trunk is silver-gold and its branches and foliage are blue- green. The leaves do not wither in winter nor in summer, but are fresh and shining without change. However, each time the day of a Buddha's nirvana arrives, the leaves of the tree all wither and fall and 127 yet, in a moment they revive as before. On this day the kings of various countries and the religious of different quarters, a multitude of several tens of thousands, gather unsummoned. They play music and scatter incense and flowers, and when night comes, they continue their offerings by torch-light. 128 APPENDIX III C. ruishakukdslijki. Part II "The Various Traces" As to the true shadow left in the dragon cave and the paired wheels left on the rock surface, it is impossible to list all in detail, and so, for now I will confine myself to telling one or two. In Magadha there is a rock and on its surface there are the traces of paired wheels. Long ago, when the Tathagata's life was drawing to an end and it came time for him to enter nirvana, he proceeded to Kusinagara together with a great multitude, saying: "This is to be my last following. There will be no second meeting."... Turning his blue lotus eyes, he looked back at Magadha, and, while standing on this rock, he said to Ananda: "I am about to enter into nirvana and, for the last time, I leave these footprints as I turn to look back at Magadha." How can the multitude's grief at seeing and hearing this be recorded in writing? Those paired footprints were one foot eight inches long and six inches wide. There were circle marks on both impressions of his feet and the ten toes were all ringed with flower designs and the shapes of fish, which stood out in reflection, shining brillantly from time to time. If someone wished to move the rock, although it is not large, a crowd could not move it. King Sasanka, not believing in Buddha's Dharma, wanted to destroy the sacred traces. Even though he cut and planed [the surface], it became 129 whole and the pattern appeared as before; though he flung it into the Ganges River, it returned to its original place. Renu, together with his son, pounded the earth and left a trace. [There is] the place where he spread out his hair and covered the mud. [There is] the place where he sacrificed his body for a verse. [And there], as Candraprabha, he severed the head of Sivika and so fed the hawk. The sacred traces cover the five regions of India. Those who see the sacred marks and their interconnections increase their belief. 130 APPENDIX III D. rwshakukdsnikJ. Part IV "Those Who Loved the Traces" The first to open the wilderness routes was Fazian, Master of the Tripataka. During the [Eastern] Jin dynasty, in the third year of lonean [AD 399], he set out from Changan and going westward, he crossed the desert. There were no flying birds above and no running beasts below. When he looked in the four directions, he saw vastness and, unfathomable as it was, he faced it. Only by looking at the sun was he able to he align east and west; and only by counting the corpses did he know the route. He encountered fiery hot winds, which scorched his body. Once, he was seized by evil demons and almost lost his life. At length, upon arriving in India, he wanted to visit Gridhrakuta. People dissuaded him, saying: "Even the superior path has many adversities and at the precious sites there are worries. Black lions are numerous and they devour people. Surely it is best to render worship from a distance!" Fazian replied: I vowed to traverse tens of thousands of leagues to reach Gridhrakuta. Life cannot be planned; survival is impossible to guarantee. How can I let this heartfelt determination, nurtured for so many years, be cast aside when finally it has come true? Whatever the hardships, I will have no second thoughts." Upon arriving at the mountain, he burned incense and worshipped. His intense experience of the historic ruins was like looking at the sacred form. Sad and wretched, but restraining his tears, he said: "Buddha expounded the Suraneama-sutra on this mountain. I, Faxian, 131 was born when I could not meet the Buddha and now only see his traces." He treasured the Buddha, and since it was impossible to encounter him, Fazian was all the more oblivious to his surroundings. When darkness came, he lit lamps. He was deeply moved. In the mountain there was a great rock cavern. In a former time the Tathagata had entered meditation in this place. Fazian began to chant the Surangama-sutra in front of the cave. Three black lions came and crouched before him, licking their lips and wagging their tails. Fazian raised his voice, and continued to recite the sutra, without showing the slightest sign of concern for his life. The lions, seeing this, conceived a profound respect for him. Lowering their heads and dropping their tails, they prostrated themselves before the Master. Then, imbued with loving compassion, Fazian stroked the lions and said: "You who wish to harm me! Wait a moment until I have finished reciting the sutra!" The lions, lowering their heads, listened intently to his chanting for a time and then left. 132 PLATE I 133 PLATE II 134 P L A T E I I I  136 PLATE V 137 PLATE VI PLATE VII 139  141 PLATE X 142 PLATE XI 143 PLATE XII   146 PLATE XV PLATE XVI 147 148 PLATE XVII 149 PLATE XVIII 150 PLATE XIX   153 PLATE XXII 154 PLATE XXIII 155 156  158 159 PLATE XXVIII 160 PLATE XXIX 161 PLATE XXX 162 PLATE XXXI 163 164 PLATE XXXIII     169 PLATE XXXVIII 170 PLATE XXXIX 171 PLATE XL 172 PLATE XLII     178 PLATE XLVII 179 PLATE XLVIII  181 PLATE L 182 PLATE LI PLATE LII  185 186 PLATE LV • r r . 187 PLATE LVI  189 Genshin's Nehan Koshiki • f c m s to r £ H m nt ft m ft » = 7b 3E em £ G * t f ET, 3fc M 8T> 3£ tt f t i S i 8 it & e & R it i t H # IP # i l P I m m i t £ m A m m + n m * m ft 190 Nehan Koshiki 2 t — • M In] PPI IIS ft* iS n U S I . ft fP , iS « j . ^ 18: m # 3 I 5 £ I I I , $ 1 1 I S . fit, fa. ft, & 3fr - m, ml 5 A K *r JQSc. 1 f t i fc H 03 n « 4 •a in. Jit i s , z m A* 41. 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