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John Everett Millais's Christ in the house of his parents : a Pre-Raphaelite religious image in the Royal… Kerr, Deborah Mary 1986

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JOHN EVERETT MILLAIS'S CHRIST IN  THE HOUSE OF HIS PARENTS, A PRE-RAPHAELITE RELIGIOUS IMAGE IN THE ROYAL ACADEMY EXHIBITION OF 1850 By DEBORAH MARY KERR B.A., The U n i v e r s i t y of V i c t o r i a , 1979 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Fine Arts We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA March 1986 © Deborah Mary Kerr, 1986 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. I t i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Fine Arts The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date 20 March 1986 i i ABSTRACT In 1850, John Everett Mi 11 a i s showed an u n t i t l e d depic-t i o n of the Holy Family i n London's Royal Academy E x h i b i t i o n . This i n v e s t i g a t i o n focusses upon M i l l a i s ' s work, which was subsequently t i t l e d C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents, and upon the l a r g e l y negative response of the ten j o u r n a l s which reviewed i t . M i l l a i s belonged to a group c a l l e d the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood, which, discontented with the i d e a l i z e d High Renais-sance s t y l e favoured by the Academy, attempted to create a new form of a r t . Central to t h i s endeavour, and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of C h r i s t in the House of h i s Parents, was a m e d i e v a l i z i n g s t y l e and a minutely d e t a i l e d n a t u r a l i s m . I t i s most l i k e l y t h a t M i l l a i s hoped h i s work would be w e l l - r e c e i v e d , since both medievalism and naturalism were already e s t a b l i s h e d i n the English a r t world. Naturalism appealed mainly to middle-class a r t patrons, and medievalism, too, had found a p u b l i c . Where M i l l a i s d i d deviate from the norm was i n combining na t u r a l i s m and medievalism with r e l i g i o u s subject matter, and here he made a c r u c i a l e r r o r , i n s o f a r as plea s i n g h i s p u b l i c was con-cerned. While d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with Academic a r t was widespread, i i i p a r t i c u l a r l y among the middle c l a s s e s , t h i s was superseded, when r e l i g i o u s imagery was invo l v e d , by a f i r m l o y a l t y to Academic i d e a l i z i n g conventions. As a r e s u l t , M i l l a i s ' s p a r t i c u l a r i z e d f i g u r e s were perceived as ugly, and some j o u r n a l s even l i n k e d them with the urban poor. U l t i m a t e l y , t h i s response was t i e d to t h e i r f e a r of the poor, and to t h e i r r e j e c t i o n of the l i b e r a l haute bourgeois philosophy which had o r i g i n a l l y shaped the Poor Laws, i n 1834. M i l l a i s ' s medievalism was widely held to be a n t i t h e t i c a l to progress. C r i t i c s from a l l p o s i t i o n s on the c l a s s and p o l i t -i c a l spectrum hastened to assert t h e i r b e l i e f in progress, whether in the a r t s or i n the sciences, and to c a s t i g a t e M i l l a i s f o r the apparent re t r o g r e s s i v e n e s s of h i s p i c t u r e . Only one j o u r n a l , The Guardian, departed from the above pattern and expressed approval f o r the work. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , i t di d not equate medievalism with r e t r o g r e s s i o n , and i t had no f e a r of the poor to be a c t i v a t e d by M i l l a i s ' s p a r t i c u l a r i z e d f i g u r e s . Nonetheless, i t experienced d i f f i c u l t y with the pa i n t i n g ' s natur-a l i s m , s i n c e , l i k e the h o s t i l e p e r i o d i c a l s , i t too subscribed to the i d e a l i z i n g conventions of the Academy. I r o n i c a l l y , i t was only when M i l l a i s f i n a l l y abandoned hi s medievalism, and avoided r e l i g i o u s subject matter e n t i r e l y , i v t h a t he began to experience some of the c r i t i c a l and popular acclaim which he e v i d e n t l y hoped would be accorded to C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents. V TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT , i i LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS v i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v i i INTRODUCTION 1 Chapter I. THE GENESIS OF CHRIST IN THE HOUSE OF HIS PARENTS . . 9 I I . RELIGIOUS IMAGERY AND CHRIST IN THE HOUSE OF HIS PARENTS 39 I I I . THE CRITICAL REACTION TO CHRIST IN THE HOUSE OF HIS PARENTS 62 CONCLUSION 97 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 99 APPENDIX A 110 APPENDIX B 111 v i LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Figure Page 1. John Everett M i l l a i s , C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents, 111 2. Robert Campin, The Merode A l t a r p i e c e 112 3. John Everett M i l l a i s , Sketch f o r C h r i s t in the House of h i s Parents 113 4. John Everett M i l l a i s , Sketch f o r I s a b e l l a 114 5. John Everett M i l l a i s , I s a b e l l a 115 6. John Rogers Herbert, Our Saviour Subject to h i s Parents at Nazareth 116 7. John Everett M i l l a i s , Sketch f o r The Benja-mites S e i z i n g Their Brides 117 8. W i l l i a m Holman Hunt, C h r i s t and the Two Maries . . .118 9. George Frederick Watts, The Good Samaritan 119 10. F.R. P i c k e r s g i l l , Samson Betrayed . .120 11. Charles Eastlake, The Good Samaritan 121 12. W i l l i a m Dyce, The Meeting of Jacob and Rachel. . . .122 13. John Leech, The Cat's Paw; or, Poor Pu(s)sey . . . .123 v i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I should l i k e to thank my a d v i s o r , Dr. David S o l k i n , f o r the inv a l u a b l e a i d which he o f f e r e d throughout a l l stages of t h i s t h e s i s . The i n s i g h t s of my second reader, Dr. Rhodri L i s -combe, were based in hi s wide knowledge of V i c t o r i a n a r t , and I g r e a t l y appreciate h i s many h e l p f u l comments. Other thanks, of a d i f f e r e n t though equal l y important nature, go to Moiya Thompson, and e s p e c i a l l y to Jim Morrison, f o r t h e i r c o n s i s t e n t encouragement and support. 1 INTRODUCTION England i n 1850 manifested nothing, resembling the s o c i a l unrest which had swept through i t ; , and through the c o n t i n e n t , only two years p r e v i o u s l y . In the a r t s , however, i t experienced a con-t r o v e r s y marked by such i n t e n s i t y as to set 1850 apart i n the h i s -t o r y of nineteenth-century English a r t . The object r e s p o n s i b l e f o r provoking t h i s was an u n t i t l e d p a i n t i n g which depicted the Holy Family at work i n St. Joseph's carpentry shop. The image, which was shown at the Royal Academy's annual summer e x h i b i t i o n i n Lon-don, and which i s now known as C h r i s t in the House of h i s Parents, ( f i g . 1), was the work of John Everett M i l l a i s , a former Academy student and member of a small group c a l l e d the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood, which consisted l a r g e l y of a r t students. 1 Pre-Raphaelitism, which i s obviously of great importance in connection with C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents, has i n t r i g u e d a r t h i s t o r i a n s , as has the production and reception of the p i c t u r e i t s e l f , and t h i s i n t e r e s t has generated a number of a r t i c l e s d e a l i n g with the area. Perhaps the best of these i s Alan Bowness's "Art and Society in England and France i n the Mid-Nineteenth Century: Two P a i n t i n g s Before the P u b l i c , " 2 which i s g e n e r a l l y strongest i n i t s a n a l y s i s of the symbolic content of the work. Bowness, syn-t h e s i z i n g information o r i g i n a l l y given i n W i l l i a m Michael R o s s e t t i ' s PRB J o u r n a l , e x p l a i n s how the p a i n t i n g , which i l l u s t r a t e s an 2 imagined episode from the childhood of C h r i s t , i s to be understood as a reference to the C r u c i f i x i o n . 3 C h r i s t , attempting to a i d St. Joseph i n the c o n s t r u c t i o n of a door which l i e s upon the workbench, has i n a d v e r t e n t l y gouged hi s palm upon a n a i l instead,'* and the re-s u l t a n t wound i n h i s hand i s an obvious a l l u s i o n to those of the C r u c i f i x i o n . Bowness's argument i s weakest i n i t s explanation of "why everybody was so upset" with C h r i s t i n the House of h i s P a r e n t s . 5 He does i s o l a t e the two key ob j e c t i o n s to M i l l a i s ' s work which most often appeared i n the columns of the ten j o u r n a l s which reviewed i t . 6 These were: t h a t s t y l i s t i c references made by M i l l a i s to f i f t e e n t h century a r t were unacceptable because such prototypes were themselves f i l l e d with imperfections; and, that the f i g u r e s were ugly, or deformed,-7 because they appeared to be nothing more than a c o l l e c t i o n of the poorest and most u n s i g h t l y slum dwellers in modern London.8 However, while Bowness points out important i s s u e s , he does not f u l l y understand what they s i g n i f i e d in 1850, and as a r e s u l t , i s at a loss to assess them. For example, he q u i t e cor-r e c t l y w r i t e s that-some of the c r i t i c s associated M i l l a i s ' s m e d i e v a l i z i n g s t y l e with Roman C a t h o l i c i s m , which they s t r o n g l y d i s l i k e d , and that t h e r e f o r e t h i s antipathy towards C a t h o l i c i s m was respo n s i b l e f o r t h e i r a n t i - m e d i e v a l i z i n g stance.9 Beyond t h i s 3 point Bowness f a i l s to penetrate, and the c r u c i a l questions of why a "Roman C a t h o l i c " s t y l e should be found o f f e n s i v e i n a country which had been Protestant f o r c e n t u r i e s , and what, i n f a c t , C a t h o l i c i s m i t s e l f meant to English'.society at mid-century, are not addressed. Edward Morris's a r t i c l e , "The Subject of M i l l a i s ' s C h r i s t in the House of h i s Parents," i s narrower i n i t s scope than that of Bowness, as Morris confines himself s t r i c t l y to t h e o l o g i c a l con-cerns. 10 He comments that the iconography of the p a i n t i n g must be c l o s e l y s t u d i e d , but he f a i l s to do so, and almost ignores the work i t s e l f . In a d d i t i o n , he neglects to examine the content of the c r i t -i c i s m , p r e f e r r i n g instead to s c r u t i n i z e the t h e o l o g i c a l sources f o r C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents. This p o r t i o n of h i s a r t i c l e i s q u i t e useful i n that i t i d e n t i f i e s an important element involved i n the genesis of the p a i n t i n g . Morris shows th a t the t h e o l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n of C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents derived from Anglo-Catholicism, a small Anglican sect i n which M i l l a i s and many of the other Pre-Raphaelites were/keenly i n t e r e s t e d , and claims t h a t the p i c t u r e ' s Anglo-Catholic theology was responsible f o r i t s nega-t i v e r e c e p t i o n . T h i s , however, i s h i g h l y u n l i k e l y , because the c r i t i c s , who were not th e o l o g i a n s , were n e i t h e r aware of nor i n t e r e s t e d i n the Anglo-Catholic t h e o l o g i c a l points p e r t a i n i n g to C h r i s t i n the House  of h i s Parents. They f a i l e d even to discuss these i s s u e s , and t h e i r comments make i t c l e a r that f o r them C h r i s t in the House of h i s Par-ents evoked concerns f o r things other than the f i n e points of Anglo-C a t h o l i c theology. 4 Morris's c e n t r a l problem, which i s shared by Bowness, i s a f a i l u r e to examine the h i s t o r i c a l circumstances in which C h r i s t in  the House of h i s Parents was produced. Therefore, when these scholars attempt to e x p l a i n any of the elements p e r t a i n i n g to the p a i n t i n g , whether medievalism, poverty, or Anglo-Catholicism, t h e i r conclusions are d i s t o r t e d and i d i o s y n c r a t i c because they are not shaped by an awareness of what these subjects represented i n 1850. Lindsay Errington's S o c i a l and R e l i g i o u s Themes in English  A r t , 1840-1860, p a r t i a l l y remedies the defects apparent i n the work of Morris and Bowness.^ Erri n g t o n c a r e f u l l y examines the iconography of the p a i n t i n g , 1 ^ and her d i s c u s s i o n of the c r i t i c a l r e a c t i o n to medievalism, and of medievalism i n general i s p a r t i c u l a r l y p e r c e p t i v e . Here, she points out t h a t medievalism was viewed by those who d i s l i k e d i t as an emblem of s o c i a l o p p r e s s i o n 1 3 and s u p e r s t i t i o n , ^ and t h a t i t was perceived as a n t i t h e t i c a l to science and to p r o g r e s s . 1 5 Unfortunately, Errington's strength i s also her weakness, i n t h a t she experiences great d i f f i c u l t i e s with the p i c t u r e i t s e l f , (which she seems to d i s l i k e - ) , and with M i l l a i s ' s purpose i n p a i n t i n g i t , because she sees i t almost e n t i r e l y i n terms of i t s r e v i v a l i s m . She w r i t e s that i t was " r e a l i t y as i t appeared to the f i f t e e n t h , not to the nineteenth century that [ M i l l a i s ] hankered a f t e r ; a n d , because she seems to have l o s t s i g h t of the f a c t t h a t C h r i s t i n  the House of h i s Parents i s a nineteenth century p i c t u r e , which 5 was d i r e c t e d to a nineteenth century p u b l i c , i s u l t i m a t e l y unable to e x p l a i n i t s modern elements. F i n a l l y she concludes, r a t h e r u n s a t i s f a c t o r i l y , t h a t M i l l a i s was " c o n f u s e d " 1 7 in connection with the work, but she grants i t a "warped a u t h e n t i c i t y " 1 ^ of i t s own, (which she does not e x p l a i n ) , and moves on to a d e t a i l e d d i s -cussion of Anglo-Catholicism. Despite t h e i r strengths, e s p e c i a l l y i n the areas of iconography, medievalism, Anglo-Catholicism, and the genesis of C h r i s t in the House of h i s Parents, the'..literature surveyed above leaves a number of basic points concerning the production and reception of C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents e i t h e r wholly or p a r t i a l l y unexplored. F i r s t l y , i f we are to reach a f u l l e r understanding, the work i t s e l f needs to be examined i n more d e t a i l , as do the concerns of M i l l a i s h i m s e lf, coupled with the nature and a s p i r a t i o n s of Pre-Raphaelitism. In a d d i t i o n , C h r i s t in the House  of h i s Parents e x i s t e d w i t h i n an e s t a b l i s h e d genre, t h a t of r e l i g i o u s imagery, and t h i s must be discussed in order to a s c e r t a i n the s o c i a l r o l e normally played by such works. L a s t l y , the c r i t i c a l response, with i t s two key issues of medievalism and poverty, needs to be c a r e f u l l y s c r u t i n i z e d and l i n k e d with the h i s t o r i c a l circumstances surrounding i t . As much as p o s s i b l e , t h i s approach seeks to c l a r i f y how and why C h r i s t in the House of h i s Parents functioned as i t d i d in 1850. I t i s grounded in the b e l i e f t h a t a p a i n t i n g , or any piece 6 of a r t , speaks to and i s part of a s p e c i f i c moment i n time, and t h a t , f a r from holding a s i n g l e and e t e r n a l s i g n i f i c a n c e , i t i s i n t e r p r e t e d i n d i f f e r e n t ways from generation to generation, u n t i l what i t o r i g i n a l l y represented may become l o s t or d i s t o r t e d . Only by attempting to reconstruct the missing pieces of t h i s h i s t o r i c a l framework w i l l we begin to understand C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents, which i s among the most important of Pre-Raphaelite images. 7 FOOTNOTES 'Two other Pre-Raphaelite r e l i g i o u s images were e x h i b i t e d i n 1850. These were: Dante Ga b r i e l R o s s e t t i ' s Ecce A n c i l l a Domini!, a p a i n t i n g of the Annunciation, which was shown at the National I n s t i t u t i o n ; and, W i l l i a m Holman Hunt's A Converted B r i t i s h Fam-i l y S h e l t e r i n g a C h r i s t i a n P r i e s t from the Persecution of the  Druids, which appeared at the Royal Academy. Like C h r i s t i n the  House of h i s Parents, these were attacked by the press, but Mi 1-l a i s ' s work received the most a t t e n t i o n . For a complete l i s t of the c r i t i c i s m , see Appendix A. 2Alan Bowness, "Art and Society i n England and France i n the Mid-Nineteenth Century: Two P a i n t i n g s Before the P u b l i c , " Trans- a c t i o n s of the Royal H i s t o r i c a l S o c i e t y , v o l . 22 (London: The Royal H i s t o r i c a l S o c i e t y , 1972), pages 119-139. 3Bowness, Transactions, v o l . 22 (1972), page126. ^The n a i l i s j u s t to the l e f t of the V i r g i n . M i l l a i s ' s source f o r t h i s event i n unknown. 5Bowness, Transactions, v o l . 22 (1972), page 122. ^These were:. The Art J o u r n a l , The Athenaeum, Blackwood's  Edinburgh Magazine, The B u i l d e r , The Guardian, Household Words, Punch, The Spectator, T a i t ' s Edinburgh Magazine, and The Times. 7The Athenaeum, Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, and The  B u i l d e r protested concerning the deformity of the f i g u r e s . Per-i o d i c a l s c r i t i c a l of M i l l a i s ' s medievalism were: The A r t J o u r n a l , The Athenaeum, Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, The B u i l d e r , House-hold Words, The Spectator, T a i t ' s Edinburgh Magazine, and The Time's. 8The B u i l d e r , Household Words, Punch, and T a i t ' s Edinburgh  Magazine. 9Bowness, Transactions, v o l . 22 (1972), page 127. ^Edward M o r r i s , "The Subject of M i l l a i s ' s C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i -t u t e s , v o l . 33 (1970), pages 343-345. 11 Lindsay E r r i n g t o n , S o c i a l and R e l i g i o u s Themes in English  A r t , 1840-1860, (Unpublished d i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y of London, 1973). 8 '^Errington, S o c i a l , pages 260-264. 1 3 i b i d . , page 47. 1 4 i b i d . , page 34. 1 5 I b i d . , page 18. 1 6 I b i d . , page 247. 1 7 I b i d . , page 246. 1 8 I b i d . , page 247. 9 CHAPTER I: THE GENESIS OF CHRIST IN THE HOUSE OF HIS PARENTS In 1848, John Everett M i l l a i s and f i v e other young a r t i s t s : Dante Gabriel R o s s e t t i , W i l l i a m Holman Hunt, James C o l l i n s o n , Fred-e r i c k George Stephens, and Thomas Woolner, as w e l l as an a r t c r i t i c c a l l e d W i l l i a m Michael R o s s e t t i , formed a group which they t i t l e d the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood. 1 Accordingly, they signed some of t h e i r works with the i n i t i a l s "PRB," but agreed to keep both the s i g n i f i c a n c e of t h i s and the group's existence a s e c r e t . Although an anomalous body of divergent p e r s o n a l i t i e s and varying degrees of a r t i s t i c a b i l i t y , the Pre-Raphaelites were u n i f i e d in a shared d i s -content with a r t as i t was taught by the Royal Academy, and by a d e s i r e to develop a new type of a r t to take i t s place.2 Academic a r t , in which a l l the Pre-Raphaelite a r t i s t s had been t r a i n e d , s t i l l favoured the conventions of the grand s t y l e . This was rooted i n the works of the High Renaissance 3 and c l a s s i c a l Greece,^ and had been i n s t i l l e d i n the Royal Academy during the eighteenth century by Joshua Reynolds, i t s f i r s t p r e s i d e n t . Sub-j e c t s associated with the grand s t y l e were h e r o i c ; 5 and f i g u r e s were i d e a l i z e d according to the c l a s s i c a l stereotype.6 S t y l i s t i c a l l y , i t s " p r e s i d i n g p r i n c i p l e , " 7 as Reynolds put i t , was a g e n e r a l i z i n g approach which was to transcend the f l e e t i n g nature of " l o c a l customs, p a r t i c u l a r i t i e s , and d e t a i l s of every k i n d , " 8 i n order to produce the type of a r t which would " l i v e f o r ever."9 10 The Pre-Raphaelites 1 impatience with the conventions of the Royal Academy was not wholly confined to the Brotherhood i t s e l f . In f a c t , i t was q u i t e widespread, e s p e c i a l l y among the middle c l a s s e s , who had been complaining about Academic a r t since at l e a s t the e a r l y 1830's- 1 0 As The Art Journal put i t , "the unpopularity of the Royal Academy i s . . .notorious. The people . . . f e e l no sympathy and take no i n t e r e s t [ i n i t ] . " 1 1 The c r i t i c continued to say t h a t the academicians were themselves at f a u l t f o r t h i s because they had " r e p e l l e d a l l idea of change." 1 2 While The Art Journal d i d not elaborate upon the nature of t h i s change, i t i s not d i f f i c u l t to e x p l a i n such a marked lack of sympathy with the Royal Academy. The Art Journal's "people," were, of course, the m i d d l e i d a s s e s , (no one conceived of the working c l a s s e s as buyers of a r t ) , who i d e n t i f i e d both the Academy and i t s a r t with a r i s t o c r a t i c t a s t e . 1 3 The middle c l a s s e s , which by 1850 had a t t a i n e d a s u b s t a n t i a l measure of p o l i t i c a l i n f l u e n c e in Great B r i t a i n , chaffed at i n s t i t u t i o n s like-/the Academy which s t i l l ex-h i b i t e d the symbols of a r i s t o c r a t i c p r i v i l e g e . Not unexpectedly, they wanted such i n s t i t u t i o n s to correspond more c l o s e l y with t h e i r own a s p i r a t i o n s and t a s t e s . Therefore, the d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n of the Pre-Raphaelites e x i s t e d w i t h i n t h e _ l a r g e r context of middle-class discontent with the Royal Academy and i t s a r t . As suggested by t h e i r chosen sobriquet of "Pre-Raphaelite," 11 part of the group's r e j e c t i o n of the Renaissance conventions which dominated the Academy involved a preference f o r the Flemish and I t a l i a n p a i n t e r s who had preceded Raphael. The Pre-Raphaelites adopted i d e n t i f i a b l e quattrocento t r a i t s i n t h e i r own p a i n t i n g s , such as f l a t n e s s , non-linear p e r s p e c t i v e , and angular or awkward postures. S t y l i s t i c a l l y , C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents con-forms to the Brotherhood's r e v i v a l of medieval t r a d i t i o n s . In t h i s case, M i l l a i s borrowed from f i f t e e n t h century Flemish a r t , as e x e m p l i f i e d by the works of p a i n t e r s such as Robert Campin, Rogier van der Weyden, and the Van Eycks. Perhaps the most immediately apparent correspondence between C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents and Flemish a r t can be perceived i n M i l l a i s ' s adoption of the Flemish c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of t i l t i n g o bjects forward toward the viewer. Examples of t h i s e x i s t i n The Merode A l t a r p i e c e , a work by Flemish a r t i s t Robert Campin, ( F i g . 2), i n which the f l o o r r i s e s steeply as i t recedes i n t o the background, while the t a b l e and the bench t i p d r a m a t i c a l l y forward. Because the f l o o r i s not l e v e l , the V i r g i n and the Annunciate angel seem to perch precar-i o u s l y upon i t , t h r e a t e n i n g , along with the impossibly balanced f u r n i t u r e , to tumble i n t o the viewer's space. As in The Merode  A l t a r p i e c e , objects in C h r i s t in the House of h i s Parents are turned forward, although i n a much le s s pronounced way. The f l o o r has a gentle upward t i l t , which i s most evident at the r i g h t and the l e f t sides of the p a i n t i n g , while the door l a i d upon the 12 workbench i s q u i t e obviously t i p p e d toward the viewer. The sensation of l e v i t a t i o n i s most apparent i n the apprentice, and also i n St. John the B a p t i s t , who do not seem f i r m l y anchored to the ground.14 Flemish p a i n t i n g s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y featured cramped i n t e r i o r s , in which the a r t i c u l a t i o n of space i s such t h a t the f i g u r e s and objects do not appear to have enough room. This approach i s r e c a l l e d by C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents, i n which the s i x f i g u r e s and large workbench have been crowded i n t o a space which i s too small to hold them comfortably. The sense of claustrophobia produced by the i n c o n g r u i t i e s i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p of objects to space i s heightened by the f a c t t h a t carpentry, sewing, and basket-weaving must each be accomplished i n t h i s very small i n -t e r i o r . In 1850, the Flemish models f o r C h r i s t i n the House of  h i s Parents were perceived as belonging to the medieval p e r i o d , since the date f o r the beginning of the Renaissance was popularly placed at approximately 1500.15 Not s u r p r i s i n g l y , contemporary c r i t i c s viewed M i l l a i s ' s p i c t u r e as a m e d i e v a l i s t w o r k J ^ The Pre-Raphaelites d i d not conceive of themselves as medieval r e v i v a l i s t s per s e , 1 7 and they s t r o n g l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d between t h e i r aims and those of other a r t i s t s whose i n t e n t seemed to l i e s o l e l y i n "a s l a v i s h i m i t a t i o n of the q u a t t r o c e n t i s t s . 13 As W i l l i a m Michael R o s s e t t i put i t , "Pre-Raphaelites t r u l y they are--but of the nineteenth c e n t u r y , " 1 9 and a c c o r d i n g l y , while they borrowed various elements from quattrocento a r t , these were re-worked to s u i t t h e i r own needs. The point behind the Pre-Raphaelites 1 choice of s t y l i s t i c i n s p i r a t i o n was a d e s i r e to produce images c h a r a c t e r i z e d by the s p i r i t of "earnestness" and "truth"20 which the Brotherhood recog-nized in quattrocento a r t . In Pre-Raphaelite thought, f i f t e e n t h century p a i n t e r s had been able to execute such admirable works be-cause they had c l o s e l y studied nature, unencumbered by the very a r t i s t i c conventions which the Brotherhood were themselves s t r u g g l i n g to shake off.21 Neither an i n t e r e s t i n medieval a r t , nor a d e s i r e to r e v i v e i t were new developments in 1850. Antiquarian i n t e r e s t in the middle ages had e x i s t e d i n England since the seventeenth century, and Gothic elements had begun appearing i n domestic a r c h i t e c t u r e during the eighteenth century.22 From the l a t e eighteenth century, however, medievalism entered a new phase, i n v o l v i n g , among other t h i n g s , an e c c l e s i a s t i c a l r e v i v a l of the Gothic s t y l e , 2 3 which manifested i t s e l f i n the pro-duction of r e l i g i o u s p a i n t i n g s and of q u a n t i t i e s of m e d i e v a l i z i n g churches. Painters such as W i l l i a m Dyce, John Rogers Herbert, and 14 W.C.T. Dobson had incorporated medieval q u a l i t i e s i n t o t h e i r own works before the Brotherhood began to do so, although t h e i r archaisms were not nearly as pronounced as those of the Pre-Raphaelites. Despite the f a c t t h a t medievalism was f a i r l y w e l l -e s t a b l i s h e d i n nineteenth century a r t , the Pre-Raphaelites 1 use of i t had provoked some u n f r i e n d l y c r i t i c i s m i n 1849, e s p e c i a l l y in the case of Isabel l a , M i l l a i s ' s submission of that year.24 Although the reviews on the whole were p o s i t i v e , M i l l a i s appears to have taken some of the c r i t i c i s m of h i s medievalism to heart, and while he d i d not a c t u a l l y abandon i t u n t i l 1852, a comparison of the preparatory sketch f o r C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents and the f i n i s h e d v e r s i o n reveals a reworking of i t s m e d i e v a l i z i n g elements. The medieval anachronisms i n the sketch are very pro-minent. ( F i g . 3). Postures are angular, f i g u r e s attenuated, space i s markedly c l a u s t r o p h o b i c , and the vanishing points have been l i f t e d up and out of the p i c t u r e . By c o n t r a s t , f i g u r a l a ttenuation and a n g u l a r i t y of pose have been decreased i n the f i n -ished p a i n t i n g . Bodies are f l e s h e d out, and stand i n more natural p o s i t i o n s . Space i s less c l u t t e r e d and r e l a t i v e l y l a r g e r , and the perspective has been r e s t r u c t u r e d so t h a t objects recede i n t o the background in a more n a t u r a l i s t i c manner. E s s e n t i a l l y , the strong m e d i e v a l i z i n g aspects of the sketch have been diminished or softened in the f i n a l version,25 perhaps i n an attempt to f o r e s t a l l the .15 negative comments of the a n t i - m e d i e v a l i z i n g press. Associated with such h o s t i l i t y was the f a c t t h a t i n 1850, medievalism had acquired a p o l i t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e , and was commonly i d e n t i f i e d with the Tory party's Young England movement,26 and with Anglo-Catholicism. Strongly c o n s e r v a t i v e , and c l o s e l y l i n k e d with the a r i s t o c r a t i c and c l e r i c a l status quo,27 these groups conceived of the medieval period as a golden age, i n which p r o s p e r i t y , s p i r -i t u a l i t y , and s o c i a l harmony had been the d i r e c t r e s u l t s of upper c l a s s and Church hegemony i n England. As employed by these move-ments, a r t i s t i c medievalism corresponded to a profound admiration f o r the vanished s o c i a l p e r f e c t i o n of the middle ages, as w e l l as a d e s i r e to r e v i v e various aspects of i t f o r modern usage. There-f o r e , while the Pre-Raphaelites employed medievalism as part of t h e i r search f o r a r t i s t i c " t r u t h , " and c e r t a i n l y not f o r the same ends that these groups d i d , the f a c t remains t h a t the Brotherhood was borrowing from a t r a d i t i o n which, i n the minds of many, was already l i n k e d with p o l i t i c a l conservatism. In t h e i r p u r s u i t of medieval " t r u t h , " the Pre-Raphaelites refused to g e n e r a l i z e t h e i r f i g u r e s in accordance with the i d e a l -i z i n g approach favoured by the Royal Academy. John Tupper, w r i t i n g f o r The Germ, (the Pre-Raphaelites' magazine), commented th a t "the antique, however s u c c e s s f u l l y i t may have wrought, i s not our model,"28 while W i l l i a m Michael R o s s e t t i i n s i s t e d t h a t " l o v e l i n e s s 16 can be English as w e l l as H e l l e n i c , " i n s p i t e of academic "axioms" to the contrary.29 in place of the Academy's c l a s s i c a l i d e a l , the Pre-Raphaelites emphasized the c l o s e observation of nature. Regar-ding t h i s , W.M. R o s s e t t i stated t h a t , "what [the Pre-Raphaelites] saw, that they would p a i n t - - a l l of i t , and a l l f u l l y ; and what they d i d not see they would t r y to do without." 3*^ The d e s i r e to pai n t what they saw led t o an intense nat-u r a l i s m . The Brotherhood p a i n s t a k i n g l y reproduced the features of t h e i r models with such "scrupulous f i d e l i t y , " 3 1 that the f i g u r e s i n a t y p i c a l Pre-Raphaelite work are a c o l l e c t i o n of p o r t r a i t s . C h r i s t  in the House of h i s Parents was no exception to t h i s r u l e . Every f i g u r e i n i t i s a p o r t r a i t of a M i l l a i s f a m i l y member, or of one of t h e i r f riends.32 As much as p o s s i b l e , everything was painted from l i f e , and as c o r r e c t l y as p o s s i b l e , so as to produce a work c h a r a c t e r i z e d by " t r u t h " and " s i n c e r i t y . " 3 3 The i n t e r i o r f o r C h r i s t i n the House of  h i s Parents, with i t s well-used t o o l s and workbench, was taken from a r e a l carpenter's shop in London. The carpenter himself modelled f o r the body of St. Joseph, because, according.to M i l l a i s , t h i s was "the only way to get the development of the muscles ri g h t . " 3 4 A c c o r d i n g l y , eachrvein and sinew i n St. Joseph's wiry arms i s c l e a r l y a r t i c u l a t e d . 17 In conformity with the b i b l i c a l account, and probably i n the i n t e r e s t s of h i s t o r i c a l accuracy, M i l l a i s depicted h i s Holy Family as common tradespeople, dressing them i n p l a i n , t h i n c l o t h , and p l a c i n g them i n an austere i n t e r i o r c o n s i s t i n g of rough planking and packed e a r t h . They are engaged in one of the aspects of St. Joseph's trade. In t a k i n g t h i s approach, M i l l a i s was f o l l o w i n g a t r a d i t i o n already e s t a b l i s h e d i n the h i s t o r y of a r t , which had also ;_appeared in contemporary Eng l i s h painting.35 Only three years p r e v i o u s l y , a work by John Rogers Herbert, e n t i t l e d Our Saviour Subject to h i s Parents at Nazareth, which depicted the Holy Family at work, had been displayed at the Royal Academy. ( F i g . 6). M i l l a i s ' s i n t e r e s t i n h i s t o r i c a l accuracy and i n naturalism was widely shared by middle-class patrons of a r t , i n preference to what they perceived as the a r i s t o c r a t i c a l l y - o r i e n t e d grand s t y l e favoured by the Royal Academy. W i l k i e C o l l i n s , a f r i e n d of the Pre-Raphaelites, described both the a t t i t u d e s and the t a s t e of these r e l a t i v e l y new middle-class p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the a r t market, wi t h : Traders and makers of a l l kinds of commodities . . . s t a r t e d with the new notion of buying a p i c t u r e which they themselves could admire. . . .These rough and ready customers were not to be led by r u l e s or f r i g h t e n e d by precedent. . . .They saw th a t t r e e s were green in nature, and brown i n the Old Masters, and they thought 18 the l a t t e r colour not an improvement on the former--and said so. They wanted i n t e r e s t i n g subjects; v a r i e t y , resemblance to nature; genuineness of the a r t i c l e , and f r e s h p a i n t ; they had no ancestors whose f e e l i n g s as foun-ders of g a l l e r i e s i t was necessary to c o n s u l t ; . . .so they turned t h e i r backs v a l i e n t l y on the Old Masters, and marched o f f in a body to the l i v i n g men. 36 On these grounds, i t i s q u i t e l i k e l y that M i l l a i s hoped the f r e s h , glowing colours of C h r i s t i n the House of his Parents, as w e l l as i t s h i s t o r i c a l and s t y l i s t i c v e r i s i m i l i t u d e , would s a t i s f y the t a s t e of such middle-class v i s i t o r s to the Royal Academy.37 While naturalism was a r e l a t i v e l y recent development in M i l l a i s ' s work, he, as w e l l as Dante Gabriel R o s s e t t i and W i l l i a m Holman Hunt, had each depicted r e l i g i o u s themes p r i o r to the f o r -mation of the Brotherhood.38 Nonetheless, the question remains as to why they considered r e l i g i o u s subject matter p a r t i c u l a r l y approp-r i a t e f o r Pre-Raphaeliti-sm. Pre-Raphaelitism was c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a marked emphasis upon v i r t u e , and by a d e s i r e to produce d i s -t i n c t i v e l y moral works of a r t . Adopting the high-minded tone t y p i c a l of the Brotherhood's a t t i t u d e towards p a i n t i n g , F.G. Stephens com-mented that "the Arts have always been most important moral guides,"39 and that "the good which may be wrought by t h e i r i n f l u e n c e [has] . . .ho assignable l i m i t . " 4 0 Given t h i s l i n k i n g of a r t with m o r a l i t y , i t i s l i k e l y t hat the Pre-Raphaelites turned to r e l i g i o u s m a t e r i a l in the b e l i e f that i t was the most l e g i t i m a t e v e h i c l e through which 19 to express the highest moral content. As implied by Stephens's usage of the words "guide" and " i n f l u e n c e , " the r o l e of such e t h i c a l l y pure a r t was d i d a c t i c . Stephens wrote t h a t "the t r u e s p i r i t i n which a l l study should be conducted [was t o ] . . .chasten and render pure, the humanity i t was i n s t r u c t e d to e l e v a t e . " 4 1 John Tupper, w r i t i n g f o r The Germ, r e i n -forced Stephens's idea i n e x p l a i n i n g how t h i s was to be accomplished. A r t , i n i t s most ex a l t e d character, addresses pre-eminently the highest a t t r i b u t e s of man, v i z : h i s mental and h i s moral f a c u l t i e s . . . [ I t should] e x c i t e h i s r a t i o n a l and benevolent powers. . .and, the w r i t e r would add, man's re-l i g i o u s a s p i r a t i o n s . 42 Tupper d i f f e r e n t i a t e d between such moral and i n t e l l e c t u a l a r t , and " 'Low A r t , ' or Art i n i t s less exalted character. . . which addresses the less e x a l t e d a t t r i b u t e s of man, v i z : h i s mere sensory f a c u l t i e s , " 4 3 and he l i s t e d the various t o p i c s which would elevate both p a i n t i n g and viewer above the realm of the senses. " R e l i g i o u s subjects"44 W e r e included in the catalogue of acceptable thematic m a t e r i a l . The Pre-Raphaelite s t i p u l a t i o n s concerning morality,were al s o applied to the character of the a r t i s t himself. He was to be as v i r t u o u s , o r , as Stephens put i t , as "pure" of "heart" as h i s works.45 Painters who f a i l e d to r e t a i n t h e i r p u r i t y would a l s o lose t h e i r "high seat" as a r t i s t s , and would " f a l l from the p r i e s t 20 to the mere p a r a s i t e , from the liaw-giver to the mere c o u r t i e r . " 4 6 While i t i s u n l i k e l y t h a t Stephens expected h i s image of the a r t i s t as p r i e s t or Mosaic law-giver to be taken l i t e r a l l y , h i s vocabulary, which imbues both a r t and artists,/with ;.a q u a s i - r e l i g i o u s i d e n t i t y , c l e a r l y shows th a t the Pre-Raphaelites' concept of themselves as moral a r t i s t s was h e a v i l y loaded with r e l i g i o u s a s s o c i a t i o n s . U l t i m a t e l y , a great deal of Pre-Raphaelite a r t theory o r i g i n a t e d i n th a t of the Royal Academy, despite the f a c t t h a t much of the Brotherhood's r a i s o n d'etre was based in a d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with Academic conventions. Like the Pre-Raphaelites, the Academy d i s t i n g u i s h e d between high and low a r t , and i t too reserved primacy of place f o r h i s t o r y p a i n t i n g , the genre i n which r e l i g i o u s imagery was included, because of the morally d i d a c t i c r o l e played by t h i s type of a r t . The major d i f f e r e n c e between Pre-Raphaelitism and the Academy lay in the area of a r t i s t i c s t y l e , as, according to academic thought, the d e t a i l e d natural ism: employed by the Brotherhood was appropriate only i n low genres, such as landscape, or p i c t u r e s of a n i m a l s . 4 7 Therefore, in a d d i t i o n to f a c i l i t a t i n g the production of a r t of the highest moral c a l i b r e , the i n c o r p o r a t i o n of the Pre-Raphaelite s t y l e i n t o canvases of r e l i g i o u s subject matter a l s o afforded an e x c e l l e n t opportunity of reforming Academic s t y l i s t i c conventions. This was intimated i n an 1852 d i s c u s s i o n of 21 Pre-Raphaelitism, i n which c r i t i c David Masson commented th a t the Brotherhood; i n s i s t e d more upon the n e c e s s i t y of s t r i c t t r u t h in reference to the f i n e r kinds of a r t i s t i c study. . .because c o n v e n t i o n a l i t y had here more f i r m l y seated i t s e l f , and e f f e c t e d a wider d i -vorce between Art and Nature. 48 Given the high rank held by h i s t o r y p a i n t i n g , i t i s l i k e l y t h a t Massons's a l l u s i o n to the " f i n e r kinds" of a r t was made with i t i n mind. In l i g h t of the Pre-Raphaelites 1 discontent with the a r t i s t i c s t y l e i n vogue-at the Academy, i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g that they objected when such s t y l i s t i c t r a d i t i o n s appeared i n the r e l i g i o u s a r t shown at the annual e x h i b i t i o n s . W i l l i a m Michael R o s s e t t i reviewed the 1850 show f o r The C r i t i c , a l i t e r a r y magazine, and, as the f o l l o w i n g d i s c u s s i o n r e v e a l s , h i s e v a l u a t i o n of the r e l i g i o u s imagery displayed there was f a r from complimentary. Most of h i s comments centred upon s t y l i s t i c concerns. In examining G.F. Watts's The Good Samaritan, ( F i g . 9), R o s s e t t i protested regarding i t s unnatural c o l o u r , asking s a r c a s t i c a l l y whether the "jaundiced" c o n d i t i o n of i t s "yellow, b i l i o u s - l o o k i n g s u b j e c t s " had prompted the a r t i s t to conclude "that the surrounding o b j e c t s , --the sky and [the f i g u r e s ] themselves. . .should be painted of the colour seen by them."49 Frederick R. P i c k e r s g i l l ' s Samson Betrayed, ( F i g . 10), was dismissed as a "melancholy" example of the " p r e t t i -ness and t r i c k " i n t o which t h i s a r t i s t had f a l l e n since becoming an 22 a s s o c i a t e Academician. Virtuous Pre-Raphaelite that he was, R o s s e t t i also took exception to the two women at the r i g h t of P i c k e r s g i 1 1 1 s work, whose o s t e n s i b l e purpose, according to R o s s e t t i , was to produce a " f e e l i n g of suspense," but whose actual f u n c t i o n was "to wind themselves i n t o the u n a t t a i n a b l e of nymphlike waviness," reminiscent of the e r o t i c nudes of Frost and E t t y . 5 0 Charles Eastlake's The Good Samaritan, ( F i g . 11), was t r e a t e d with extreme r e t i c e n c e , in t h a t beyond p r a i s i n g the " i n t e n -t i o n i n the t y p i f i c a t i o n of the Saviour as the Good Samaritan," R o s s e t t i p o i n t e d l y informed h i s readers t h a t he would "not d i s c u s s " the work.51 Lat e r , in the course of h i s s t r o n g l y negative assess-ment of Eastlake's i m i t a t o r s such as "the c u r i o u s l y puny and ser-v i l e " Dobson,52 R o s s e t t i attacked the image i n d i r e c t l y by claiming t h a t the p i c t u r e s produced by Eastlake's f o l l o w e r s were "not g r e a t l y i n f e r i o r to The Good Samaritan of t h e i r prototypei"53 An exception i n R o s s e t t i ' s h o s t i l i t y towards the r e l i g i o u s imagery shown at the Academy appeared i n h i s d i s c u s s i o n of W i l l i a m Dyce, whose " d e l i g h t f u l " Meeting of Jacob and Rachel, ( F i g . 12), was the judged the most "thoroughly s a t i s f a c t o r y . . . p i c t u r e i n the e x h i b i t i o n . " 5 4 Dyce, g e n e r a l l y sympathetic to the aims of the Brotherhood, was a l s o i n t e r e s t e d i n r e v i v a l i s m . He shared t h e i r i n t e r e s t i n Anglo-Catholicism, as w e l l as t h e i r wish:to produce r e l i g i o u s imagery. Because of t h i s , R o s s e t t i ' s approval of Jacob 23 and Rachel i s not hard to understand. On the whole, however, he remained h i g h l y c r i t i c a l of the other r e l i g i o u s images at the E x h i b i t i o n . R o s s e t t i also discussed C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents in h i s review, fo c u s s i n g upon i t s h i g h l y moral p r o p e r t i e s , so p r i z e d by the Brotherhood. He pointed out t h a t i t s "noble and eminently. . .sacred purpose" was expressed through the behaviour of the Holy Family. Jesus, wrote R o s s e t t i ; has wounded His hand with a n a i l , [and]. . . He k i s s e s and comforts. . .His mother [who] kneels to bind up the hurt. . .The i n f a n t St. John the B a p t i s t advances with a bowl of water; he who w i l l in f u t u r e time baptize i n t o His m i n i s t r y of s u f f e r i n g . . .The p i c t u r e t e l l s thus, . . .of Jesus, s u f f e r i n g and c o n s o l i n g ; of the Blessed V i r g i n , l o v i n g and s e r v i n g ; [and] of the B a p t i s t m i n i s t e r i n g . . .Is the idea unworthy? 55 Obviously, R o s s e t t i ' s summation of the i n t e r a c t i o n between the members of the Holy Family i s phrased in terms of t h e i r r o l e as paradigms of the highest moral q u a l i t i e s . In a d d i t i o n to i t s s t r e s s upon v i r t u e , C h r i s t i n the House  of h i s Parents places a strong emphasis upon the blood of C h r i s t . M i l l a i s achieved t h i s by s t r u c t u r i n g h i s p i c t u r e so t h a t the viewer i s c o n t i n u a l l y d i r e c t e d back to C h r i s t ' s bleeding palm. C h r i s t stands i n the m i d d l e i o f the p i c t u r e , h i s wounded hand l i f t e d f o r 24 a l l to see, and, due to h i s c e n t r a l i t y and the f a c t t h a t a l l the orthogonals in the p a i n t i n g lead towards i t s centre, a t t e n t i o n i s immediately caught by h i s face and gesture. There i s v i r t u a l l y no movement i n the work to d e t r a c t from i t s c e n t r a l scene; the f i g u r e s are immobile, as i n a tableau v i v a n t , e t e r n a l l y frozen i n t o t h e i r s t r a i n e d p o s i t i o n s . Once our eye moves away from C h r i s t , we i n -s t a n t l y encounter a f i g u r e , whose pose and gaze sends us back to him, and whose simple p h y s i c a l presence blocks us from penetrating f u r t h e r i n t o the background. The s c r e e n - l i k e r o l e played by the Holy Family i s r e i t e r a t e d by the carpenter's bench and the uncompromisingly f l a t and s o l i d wooden w a l l behind i t , both of which act to push the a t t e n t i o n back i n t o the foreground, and to C h r i s t . Although we can e v e n t u a l l y escape i n t o the_landscape at the l e f t , or the small room at the r i g h t , these areas contain l i t t l e of v i s u a l i n t e r e s t , and even here we are impeded, by a p l a s t e r w a l l at the r i g h t , and by the i n t e n t l y s t a r i n g sheep, (symbols of the C h r i s t i a n " f l o c k " ) , who, l i k e the Holy Family, d i r e c t t h e i r gazes inward. Repeatedly, and inescapably, we are forced back to C h r i s t , and to h i s bleeding hand. This c o n t i n u a l contemplation of the wound i s , of course, a c t u a l l y a meditation upon the C r u c i f i x i o n , since the young C h r i s t ' s i n j u r y obviously r e f e r s to h i s ul t i m a t e f a t e . A l l u s i o n s to the C r u c i f i x i o n appear i n the cross above C h r i s t ' s "..head, i n the splash of blood which has f a l l e n to the arch of h i s l e f t f o o t , and i n the presence of ladder, hammers, p i n c e r s , and n a i l s ; a l l instruments 25 which would normally be found i n a carpentry shop, but which are als o s p e c i f i c a l l y associated with the Passion. The t h e o l o g i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e of C h r i s t i n the House of  h i s Parents i s f u r t h e r c l a r i f i e d by the presence of the door upon the workbench. 5 6 In the Gospel of St. John, C h r i s t speaks of himself as "the door," and comments t h a t , " i f anyone enters by me, he w i l l be saved, and w i l l go i n and out and f i n d pasture. . .1 am the good shepherd. The good shepherd lays down h i s l i f e f o r the sheep." 5 7 C h r i s t ' s act of " l a y i n g down h i s l i f e f o r the sheep," pr e f i g u r e d i n C h r i s t in the House of h i s Parents by the i n j u r e d palm, i s the "dooe" to s a l v a t i o n . The viewer i s always d i r e c t e d back to C h r i s t ' s wound because i t , or m o r e i s p e c i f i c a l l y , the atonement f o r s i n e n t a i l e d w i t h i n i t , i s the "door" through which a l l must f i r s t pass i n order to be saved. This kind of symbolism i s t y p o l o g i c a l . That i s , M i l l a i s d e p i c t s a legendary event, (the accident i n the carpenter's shop), which assumes meaning only i f i t i s understood as a p r e f i g u r a t i v e reference to a l a t e r occurrence ( t h e l C r u c i f i x i o n ) . Nineteenth cen-t u r y C h r i s t i a n i t y contains numerous examples of the t y p o l o g i c a l approach to r e l i g i o u s s u b j e c t s . 5 8 I t was employed by both Evangel-i c a l and High Church Anglicans, as w e l l as by some Diss e n t i n g bodies, most normally as a t o o l with which to give the Old Testament relevance f o r C h r i s t i a n s . 5 ^ Through typology, even the most arcane 26 passages i n the Old Testament could be invested with contemporary s i g n i f i c a n c e , once they were presented as disguised references to the New. Although most of M i l l a i s ' s t y p o l o g i c a l references are contained w i t h i n the time period of the l i f e of C h r i s t , so as to l i n k C h r i s t ' s childhood with h i s adult mission, C h r i s t i n the House  of h i s Parents does include the more common kind of :typology i n which-the Old Testament was made to a l l u d e to the New. M i l l a i s employed a verse from the Old Testament as h i s t i t l e f o r the p i c t u r e . 6 0 The=verse, Zechariah 13:6, reads, "And one s h a l l say unto him, 'What are these wounds i n t h i n e hands?' Then he s h a l l answer, 'Those with which I was wounded in the house of my f r i e n d s . 1 " In applying Zechariah 13: 6 to C h r i s t i n the House  of h i s Parents, M i l l a i s made the s c r i p t u r e act as a type f o r the events portrayed i n h i s work: the "wounds" mentioned by Zechariah become th a t in the young C h r i s t ' s palm; the "house" corresponds to the carpentry shop i n which the wounding takes place; and the " f r i e n d s " are the members of the Holy Family. He who "answers" i s , of course, C h r i s t himself. U l t i m a t e l y , according to t h i s reading, a l l of Zechariah 13: 6 r e f e r s to the wound suffe r e d by C h r i s t as a young c h i l d , and, by i m p l i c a t i o n , to those of the C r u c i f i x i o n . While employing the t y p o l o g i c a l method common to many 27 r e l i g i o u s o r g a n i z a t i o n s in England, M i l l a i s ' s p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r p r e -t a t i o n of Zechariah 13:6 o r i g i n a t e d with a s p e c i f i c group w i t h i n the Anglican Church.61 These were the A n g l o - C a t h o l i c s , who alone held that Zechariah 13:6 a l l u d e d t o C h r i s t . 6 2 M i l l a i s ' s conversion to Anglo-Catholicism, s h o r t - l i v e d though e v i d e n t l y s i n c e r e , i s f a i r l y w e l l documented. In London, he f r e q u e n t l y attended an Anglo-Catholic c h u r c h , 6 3 and during h i s working vacations in Oxford, he stayed with the Combes, an::Anglo-C a t h o l i c c o u p l e . 6 4 His l e t t e r s to them often r e f e r to s p e c i f i c a l l y Anglo-Catholic concerns.65 According to Hunt, the o r i g i n a l idea f o r C h r i s t i n the  House of h i s Parents came from a sermon M i l l a i s had heard at Oxford in the summer of 1849, which took Zechariah". 13:6 as i t s c e n t r a l t e x t . 6 6 In l i g h t of M i l l a i s ' s connection with Anglo-Catholicism, i t i s l i k e l y t h a t Hunt's account, though w r i t t e n long a f t e r the f a c t , i s c o r r e c t . Oxford was the t r a d i t i o n a l headquarters of the Anglo-C a t h o l i c movement; the sermon M i l l a i s heard there must have been d e l i v e r e d by an Anglo-Catholic m i n i s t e r . Perhaps i t was even given by Edward Bouverie Pusey, who taught and preached in the c i t y , and who, during the 1840's, was perhaps the best-known Anglo-Catholic t h e o l o g i a n . 6 7 Anyone with an i n t e r e s t i n the sect would have 28 made a point of attending h i s sermons. However, the presence of Zechariah 13:6 i n d i c a t e s t h a t Anglo-Catholicism was c l e a r l y involved in the genesis of C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents, regardless of who a c t u a l l y d e l i v e r e d the sermon. As p r e v i o u s l y mentioned, Anglo-Catholicism stood f o r s t r o n g l y conservative values, and as a r e s u l t , i t remained at the centre of controversy throughout i t s h i s t o r y . While n e i t h e r M i l l a i s nor the other Pre-Raphaelites could have been unaware of Anglo-Catholicism's p o l i t i c a l nature, i t i s u n l i k e l y t h a t t h i s aspect of i t was r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e i r i n t e r e s t i n the s e c t . Perhaps the most obvious point of contact betwen the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood and Anglo-Catholicism lay i n a shared f a s -c i n a t i o n with the medieval p e r i o d . Like the Brotherhood, Anglo-C a t h o l i c s i d e n t i f i e d the middle ages with a s p i r i t of p u r i t y conspicuously absent from modern times, and, i n an approach much l i k e that of Pre-Raphaelitism, Anglo-Catholics everywhere revived aspects of medieval c u l t u r e . Gothic a r t and a r c h i t e c t u r e , as w e l l as ancient r e l i g i o u s r i t u a l were r e s u s c i t a t e d i n an attempt to i n -s t i l l a m y s t i c a l aura of medieval s p i r i t u a l i t y i n contemporary worship. Therefore, as f a r as medievalism was concerned, Anglo-C a t h o l i c i s m must have seemed p a r t i c u l a r l y a t t r a c t i v e t o the Brother-hood, even though the Pre-Raphaelites employed i t as part of t h e i r 29 reforming approach to the a r t s , and not f o r the p o l i t i c a l l y con-s e r v a t i v e ends which c h a r a c t e r i z e d the Anglican movement. That M i l l a i s himself was drawn to the m e d i e v a l i z i n g ser-v i c e s o f f e r e d by Anglo-Catholicism was c l e a r l y expressed i n one of h i s l e t t e r s to Mrs. Combe. In a d i s c u s s i o n of the Ango-Catholic church he often attended, M i l l a i s commented approvingly that "the s e r v i c e there i s b e t t e r performed than any. . . i n Oxford or Cam-bridge. "68 The church i n question, Gothic r e v i v a l St. Andrew's, Wells S t r e e t , was known f o r the grandeur of i t s services.69 M i l l a i s ' s i n t e r e s t i n the impressive nature of Anglo-C a t h o l i c s e r v i c e s was shared by many Anglicans, who f e l t a d i s s a t -i s f a c t i o n with the e x i s t i n g forms of Church of England worship. It i s v i t a l to recognize t h a t the Anglo-Catholic changes i n the church s e r v i c e were not made simply f o r the purposes of show, nor were they received as such by Anglican congregations. Instead, every aspect of the new r i t u a l was to be understood as the symbol of a major t h e o l o g i c a l p o i n t , and as such, r i t u a l assumed great importance f o r church-goers, because i t was an unmistakeable i n d i -c a t o r of the t h e o l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n of any p a r t i c u l a r church. Perhaps, as i n the case of other Anglicans, M i l l a i s ' s i n t e r e s t i n the m e d i e v a l i z i n g s e r v i c e s of the Anglo-Catholic move-ment o r i g i n a t e d i n an a p p r e c i a t i v e awareness t h a t such r i t u a l 30 corresponded to the f r e s h t h e o l o g i c a l t r u t h s which the sect had brought to the Church of England. Given t h a t M i l l a i s himself was c u r r e n t l y involved i n an attempt to produce a v new and more t r u t h f u l r e l i g i o u s imagery of h i s own, the i n c o r p o r a t i o n of Anglo-Catholic elements i n t o C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents could have seemed a most appropriate way of doing so. In summary, C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents c o n s i s t s of d i v e r s e aspects, mixed together by M i l l a i s i n h i s e f f o r t to develop a new Pre-Raphaelite r e l i g i o u s imagery, which would take the place of t h a t normally chosen by the Royal Academy. M e d i e v a l i -z i n g "earnestness" would replace the s l i c k n e s s and i n s i n c e r i t y of the Academy's Renaissance t r a d i t i o n s , while the " t r u t h " e n t a i l e d i n naturalismv.would supplant the i d e a l i z e d stereotypes c e n t r a l to Academic a r t . Although none of the i n d i v i d u a l components which make up C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents were o r i g i n a l t o the Pre-Raphaelites, or even p a r t i c u l a r l y new in 1850, together they were novel, e s p e c i a l l y w i t h i n the context of the Royal Academy; as such, they posed a d i s t i n c t challenge t o i t s accepted aesthetic.70 While i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o assess what motivates an a r t i s t , i t does not appear t h a t M i l l a i s painted C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents with the s l i g h t e s t i n t e n t of offending the p u b l i c . M i l l a i s had been a c h i l d prodigy, who, at the age of eleven, embarked upon h i s formal t r a i n i n g at the Royal Academy.71 He was c l e a r l y able 31 and w i l l i n g to please h i s i n s t r u c t o r s , and had won a s e r i e s of awards f o r h i s work, i n c l u d i n g the Academy's gold medal f o r p a i n t i n g . The impression given by M i l l a i s i n 1850 i s t h a t of a h i g h - s p i r i t e d and i n t e l l i g e n t , though not n e c e s s a r i l y i n t e l l e c t u a l twenty-year o l d , deeply immersed i n a r t , possessed of formidable t a l e n t s , and j u s t venturing i n t o a promising career. C e r t a i n l y there was nothing in h i s past to suggest that h i s a s p i r a t i o n s c o n s i s t e d of anything other than p l e a s i n g h i s p u b l i c , and a t t a i n i n g the place of a r t i s t i c prominence f o r which he was so obviously being groomed. Although he was i n t e r e s t e d i n r e l i g i o u s a r t and i n the Anglo-Catholic movement, M i l l a i s was no C h r i s t i a n z e a l o t , ready to estrange p u b l i c opinion through the uncompromising expression of h i s f a i t h . That he was attempting to create a new kind of a r t , which: would be n o t i c e d , and which would replace the out-moded conventions of the Royal Academy i s c l e a r , but t h a t h i s p i c t u r e would outrage ra t h e r than please, and that the a t t e n t i o n he sought would assume the form of n o t o r i e t y , does not seem to have occurred to him. One small cloud d i d appear, j u s t before the opening of the Royal Academy e x h i b i t i o n . The meaning of the i n i t i a l s "PRB" was discovered and revealed to the p u b l i c by The I l l u s t r a t e d London  News. I t s c r i t i c , Angus Reach, adopted a condescending tone as he discussed the "new-fashioned school or s t y l e i n p a i n t i n g l a t e l y come i n t o vogue," and he c r i t i c i z e d the Pre-Raphaelites' 32 m e d i e v a l i z i n g s t y l e , ("saints squeezed out p e r f e c t l y f l a t . " ) 7 3 Since t h i s p e r i o d i c a l had a c i r c u l a t i o n of c l o s e to 100,000, and since i t targeted a p u b l i c l i k e l y to attend the Academy show, 7 4 many of the approximately 200,000 v i s i t o r s 7 ^ to the e x h i b i t i o n would probably have entered i t with Reach's s a r c a s t i c comments concerning a m e d i e v a l i z i n g "Brotherhood" f r e s h i n t h e i r minds. Apart from t h i s , however, there was nothing to prepare. Mi 1 l a i s and the other Pre-Raphaelites f o r the h o s t i l e press releases of the f o l l o w i n g few months. In f a c t , i t i s l i k e l y t h a t M i l l a i s awaited the opening of the e x h i b i t i o n i n a f a i r l y o p t i m i s t i c frame of mind. The gen-e r a l l y p o s i t i v e reviews of 1849, coupled with the knowledge t h a t ; ! a l l the Pre-Raphaelite^images of t h a t year had found buyers, had prompted h i s confident a s s e r t i o n t h a t "the success of the PRB i s now q u i t e c e r t a i n . " 7 6 His 1850 submission, with i t s p o t e n t i a l l y problematic medievalism e v i d e n t l y re-worked to h i s s a t i s f a c t i o n , and i t s combination of naturalism and typology, must have seemed j u s t the r i g h t mixture to guarantee PRB success. 33 FOOTNOTES 1John G. M i l l a i s , The L i f e and L e t t e r s of S i r John Everett  M i l l a i s , 2 v o l s . (New York: Frederick A. Stokes, 1899), v o l . 1, page 49. 2 M i l l a i s , L i f e , v o l . 1, page 49. 3joshua Reynolds, "Discourse F i v e , " Discourses on A r t , (Lon-don: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1794; r e p r i n t ed., 1907), page 59. ^Reynolds, "Discourse Three," Discourses, page 32. Reynolds, "Discourse Four," Discourses, page 37. 6Reynolds, "Discourse Three," Discourses, page 24. 7Reynolds, "Discourse Four," Discourses, page 53. 8Reynolds, "Discourse Three," Discourses, page 26. 9Reynolds, "Discourse Four," Discourses, page 53. 1°Bridget E l l i o t t , P a i n t i n g and P o l i t i c s at the Royal Academy  E x h i b i t i o n of 1832, (Unpublished Master's Thesis, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1982), pages 30-31. 1 1 [ P r o b a b l y James Dafforne], "The Royal Academy," The Art  Jo u r n a l , v o l . 12 (1 June 1850), page 165. 13Anon., "Punch Among the P i c t u r e s , F l i g h t the F i r s t , " Punch, v o l . 18 (approximately 15 May 1850), page 193. Punch, a middle-c l a s s j o u r n a l , d i s l i k e d "the v e l v e t doublets and s i l k hose," which, according to i t s c r i t i c , made up the bulk of Academic subject matter. For Punch's c l a s s a f f i l i a t i o n s , see R. P r i c e , A H i s t o r y of Punch, (London: C o l l i n s , 1957), page 31. 1 4 F o r the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the f i g u r e s , see W i l l i a m Michael R o s s e t t i , The PRB J o u r n a l , W i l l i a m Michael R o s s e t t i ' s Diary of the  Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood, 1849-1853, Edited by Wi l l i a m Fredeman, (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1975), page 21. 15Errington, S o c i a l , page 178. 34 1 6 M i l l a i s ' s work was l i n k e d with medieval a r t by: The Art  J o u r n a l , The Athenaeum, Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, The B u i l d e r , The Guardian, Household Words, The Spectator, T a i t ' s Edinburgh  Magazine, and The Times. 1 7 [ F r e d e r i c k George Stephens], under the pseudonym of John Seward, "The Purpose and Tendency of E a r l y I t a l i a n A r t , " The Germ, No. 2 (February 1850), pages 50-61. 1 8 w i l l i a m Holman Hunt, Pre-Raphaelitism and the Pre-Raphaelite  Brotherhood, 2 v o l s . , (London! MacMillan, 1905), v o l . 1, page 54. Hunt did not name these p a i n t e r s . 1 9 W i l l i a m Michael R o s s e t t i , "Pre-Raphaelitism," i n James Sambrook, ed., Pre-Raphaelitism, A C o l l e c t i o n of C r i t i c a l Essays, (Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press, 1974),page 66. Reprinted from The Spectator, v o l . 24 (4 October 1851), pages 955-957. 2 0 L O C c i t . 2 1 L o c . c i t . 2 2 S . Lang, "The P r i n c i p l e s of the Gothic Revival i n England," Journal of the Society of A r c h i t e c t u r a l H i s t o r i a n s , v o l . 25 (Dec-ember 1966), pages 248-251. 23Agnes Addison, Romanticism and the Gothic R e v i v a l , (New York: Richard R, Smith, 1938), page 60. 2 4Hunt showed R i e n z i at the Royal Academy, while Dante Gabriel R o s s e t t i ' s Girlhood of Mary V i r g i n appeared at the Free I n s t i t u t i o n . Objections to M i l l a i s ' s medievalism were i n : Anon., "The Fine Arts E x h i b i t i o n of 1849," Fraser's Magazine, v o l . 40 ( J u l y 1849), pages 77-78; Anon., "The A r t s , " The Spectator, v o l . 22 (12 May 1849), page 447; and, [Solomon H a r t J , "Fine A r t s , Royal Academy, P a i n t i n g s , " The Athenaeum, (2 June 1849), page 575. 25This d i l u t i o n of m e d i e v a l i z i n g elements d i f f e r s from M i l l a i s ' s procedure the previous year, with Isabel l a , as i s shown by an exam-i n a t i o n of the preparatory sketch f o r thatTwork. ( F i g s . 4 and 5 ) . With the exception of a few minor changes, poses are the same in sketch and f i n i s h e d v e r s i o n . Figures remain e q u a l l y s l i m i n both works, and the o r i g i n a l p e r s p e c t i v e a l s o i s r e t a i n e d . Space i s cramped i n both images. Twelve people crowd around a t a b l e which i s obviously too small to seat them i n comfort, although in the f i n a l v e rsion the c l a u s t r o p h o b i a of t h i s arrangement i s m i t i g a t e d to a c e r t a i n extent by the enlargement of the open space above the f i g u r e s . This produces an a i r i n e s s , which i s not present i n the sketch, but otherwise, space i s a r t i c u l a t e d i n the same manner i n both sketch and p a i n t i n g . 35 ^ DAs a cohesive e n t i t y , Young England had ceased to e x i s t in 1846. However, i t s members remained both p o l i t i c a l l y a c t i v e and true tb'.their Young England i d e a l s . 2 7 S e e D.C. Somervell, D i s r a e l i and Gladstone, (New York: Garden C i t y P u b l i s h e r s , 1928; r e p r i n t ed., 1932), page 48, f o r the t i e s between Young England, the a r i s t o c r a c y , and the Church. For Anglo-Catholic a f f i l i a t i o n s with these groups, c o n s u l t : W i l l i a m Palmer, N a r r a t i v e of Events Connected with the P u b l i c a t i o n of The Tracts f o r the Times, (Oxford": John Henry Parker, 1843), page 2; as we l l as E l i e Halevy, A Hi s t o r y of the English People i n  the Nineteenth Century, 6 v o l s . , (London: Ernest Benn, L t d . , 1927; r e p r i n t ed., 1961), v o l . 4, page 294. Palmer was an An g l o - C a t h o l i c . 2 8 [ J o h n Tupper], "The Subject i n A r t , Number One," The Germ, No. 1 (January 1850), page 14. 29R o s s e t t i , Pre-Raphaelitism, page 65. 3 0 I b i d . , page 66. 3 1 I b i d . , page 67. 3 2 M i l l a i s ' s s i s t e r - i n - l a w and f a t h e r sat f o r the V i r g i n and St. Joseph, while h i s cousin and brother modelled f o r St. John and the apprentice, r e s p e c t i v e l y . The s i t t e r f o r St. E l i z a b e t h i s unknown. M i l l a i s , L i f e , v o l . 1, page 78. 3 3 R o s s e t t i , Pre-Raphaelitism, page 67. 3 4 M i l l a i s , L i f e , v o l . 1, page 78. 3 5 L e s l i e P a r r i s , ed., The Pre-Raphaelites, (London: The Tate G a l l e r y , 1984), page 77. 36wi l k i e C o l l i n s , A Rogue's L i f e , in Timothy H i l t o n , The Pre- Raphaelites, (New York: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y , 1970), page 55. A Rogue's L i f e was s e r i a l i z e d i n Charles Dickens's magazine, Household  Words, in 1856. 3 7 I n general, the middle c l a s s e s were not i n t e r e s t e d in medie-va l i s m . :-Anon., "Advice to A s p i r i n g A r t i s t s , " Punch, 9 (1845), page 103. 3 8 M J 1 l a i s ' S The Benjamites S e i z i n g Their B r i d e s , ( F i g . 7), of 1845, was taken from Judges 21. M i l l a i s , L i f e , v o l . 1, page 18. His Widow's Mite, of 1847, a large canvas submitted to the Westmin-s t e r H a l l competition, depicted a New Testament parable. I t s present l o c a t i o n i s unknown. M i l l a i s , L i f e , v o l . 1, page 38. Also i n 1847, Dante Gabriel R o s s e t t i painted a r e l i g i o u s work, Retro Me Sathana, which he l a t e r destroyed. V i r g i n i a Surtees, 36 The Paintings and Drawings of Dante Gabriel R o s s e t t i , (1828-1882),  A Catalogue Raisonne", 2 v o l s . , (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1971), v o l . 1, page 9. Hunt's u n f i n i s h e d C h r i s t and the Two Maries, ( F i g . 8 ) , dates from 1847. Hunt, Pre-Raphaelitism, v o l . 1, page 77. 39[stephens], The Germ, No. 2 (February 1850), page 62. 4 0 I b i d . , page 64. 4 1 I b i d . , page 63. 4 2 [ T u p p e r ] , The Germ, No. 1 (January 1850), pages 11 and 17. 4 3 I b i d . , page 11. 4 4 I b i d . , page 18. 4 5 [ S t e p h e n s ] , The Germ, No. 2 (February 1850), page 63. 46 L O C. c i t . 47The idea t h a t "minute i m i t a t i o n " was inadmissable i n "elevated themes" was expressed by Charles Eastlake, i n "Number Four, The State and Prospects of the English School," C o n t r i b u t i o n s  to the L i t e r a t u r e of the Fine A r t s , 2 v o l s . (London: John Murray, 1848; r e p r i n t ed., 1870), v o l . 1, pages 38-39. Eastlake became the president of the Royal Academy i n the f a l l of 1850. 48 H O D a v i d Masson, "Pre-Raphaelitism i n Art and L i t e r a t u r e , " i n Sambrook, Pre-Raphaelitism, page 76. Reprinted from The B r i t i s h  Quarterly Review, v o l . 16 "(1852), pages 197-220. 4 9 [ W i l l i a m Michael R o s s e t t i ] , "The Royal Academy E x h i b i t i o n , " The C r i t i c , v o l . 9 (15 May 1850), page 254. S Q L O C . c i t . 5 1 [ R o s s e t t i ] , "The Royal Academy E x h i b i t i o n , " The C r i t i c , v o l . 9 (1 J u l y 1850), page 336. 5 2 [ R o s s e t t i ] , "The Royal Academy E x h i b i t i o n , " T h e ' C r i t i c , v o l . 9 (1 August 1850), page 382. 53|_oc. c i t . Eastlake became the president of the Royal Aca-demy in November, 1850, r e p l a c i n g the octogenarian Martin Archer Shee, whose death i n August of t h a t year a f t e r a lengthy i l l n e s s , had not been unexpected. According to The C r i t i c , E a s t l a k e 1 s pro-motion had also been "generally a n t i c i p a t e d , " (Anon., "The Pres-ident of the Royal Academy," The C r i t i c , v o l . 9 (15 November 1850), 37 page 550), so perhaps R o s s e t t i ' s c i r c u i t o u s treatment of The Good  Samaritan expressed a d i s i n c l i n a t i o n to offend the.man whose assumption of the presidency was only a matter of time. 5 4 [ R o s s e t t i ] , "The Royal Academy E x h i b i t i o n , " The C r i t i c , v o l . 9 (1 J u l y 1850), page 336. 5 5 [ R o s s e t t i ] , "The Royal Academy E x h i b i t i o n , Fourth Notice," The C r i t i c , v o l . 9 (15 J u l y 1850), page 360. 56ihe symbolism of the door, which i s discussed i n t h i s para-graph, comes from Lindsay Errington's S o c i a l and R e l i g i o u s Themes, page 262. 5 7 J o h n 10:9 and 11. ^George Landow, V i c t o r i a n Types, V i c t o r i a n Shadows, B i b l i c a l  Typology i n V i c t o r i a n " L i t e r a t u r e , A r t , and Thought, (Boston: Rout-ledge and Kegan Paul, L t d . , 1980), page 30. 5 9 I b i d . , page 27. 60Apart from t h e b b i b l i c a l verse, the p a i n t i n g was e x h i b i t e d without a t i t l e , a not unknown p r a c t i c e at the Academy. (Zechariah 13:6 appearedcin the e x h i b i t i o n catalogue.) The Art J o u r n a l , which published the most complete review of thershow, mentioned three t i t l e l e s s works, two of which were based upon the B i b l e , and which were accompanied by a s c r i p t u r a l t e x t . Contemporary sermons were normally s t r u c t u r e d around a s i n g l e excerpt from s c r i p t u r e , which acted as t h e i r thematic core, and which always appeared j u s t above the p r i n t e d sermon i t s e l f . Perhaps the idea of i d e n t i f y i n g a p i c -ture by means of the r e l e v a n t s c r i p t u r a l passage corresponds to the habit of p r e f a c i n g sermons with a b i b l i c a l t e x t . 6 1Edward M o r r i s , "The Subject of M i l l a i s ' s C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld In- s t i t u t e s , v o l . 33 (1970), page 345. 6 2The Anglo-Catholic theologian with whom the C h r i s t o l o g i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the verse o r i g i n a t e d was Edward Bouverie Pusey. I t i s discussed i n h i s L e t t e r to the Bishop of London, (Oxford: John Henry Parker, 1851), page 150. ^ A l a s t a i r Grieve, "The Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood and the Anglican High Church," Bu r l i n g t o n Magazine, v o l . 101, No. 3 (1969), page 294. 6 4 M i l l a i s , L i f e , v o l . 1, page 87. I b i d . , v o l . 1, pages 92-99. 38 b bHunt, Pre-Raphaelitism, v o l . 1, page 194. 6 7Bowness, Transactions, v o l . 22 (1972), page 126. 6 8 M i 1 l a i s to Mrs. Pat Combe, 2 December 1850. M i l l a i s , L i f e , v o l . 1, page 90. 69D.M.R. Bentley, "The Pre-Raphaelites and the Oxford Move-ment," Dalhousie Review, v o l . 57 (1978), page 532. 7 uThe Academy d i d temper i t s t a s t e with an awareness t h a t a r t i s t i c theory and p r a c t i c e were not n e c e s s a r i l y synonymous, and, in a d d i t i o n , i t was q u i t e prepared to show a wide v a r i e t y of works in i t s annual e x h i b i t i o n s . Nonetheless, i t d i d r e t a i n i t s p r e f e r -ence f o r the grand s t y l e . 7 l M i l l a i s , L i f e , v o l . 1, page 18. 72 L O C, c i t . (For The Benjamites S e i z i n g Their B r i d e s , of 1845.) 7 3 R [ e a c h ] , A[ngus], "Town Talk and Table Talk," The I l l u s t r a t e d  London News, v o l . 16 (4 May 1850), page 306. var E l l e g S r d , "The Readership of the P e r i o d i c a l Press in M i d - V i c t o r i a n B r i t a i n , " V i c t o r i a n P e r i o d i c a l s Newsletter, No. 13 (September 1971), page 20. 7 5 S idney C. Hutchison, The H i s t o r y of the Royal Academy,  1768-1968, (London: Chapman and H a l l , 1968), page 115. 7 6 M i l l a i s to Dante Gab r i e l R o s s e t t i , concerning the concluded sal e of the l a t t e r ' s Girlhood of Mary V i r g i n ; c i t e d i n H i l t o n , The  Pre-Raphaelites, page 49. Hilton.r.gives n e i t h e r date nor l o c a t i o n f o r M i l l a i s ' s l e t t e r , but i t must have been w r i t t e n s h o r t l y a f t e r 25 J u l y , 1849, when R o s s e t t i sent the work to i t s purchaser. Sur-tees, P a i n t i n g s and Drawings, page 10. 39 CHAPTER I I : RELIGIOUS IMAGERY AND CHRIST IN THEXHOUSE OF HIS PARENTS As a r e l i g i o u s p a i n t i n g , C h r i s t i n the House of.ihis Parents belonged to a genre which was already defined by i t s own seti.of a r t i s t i c r u l e s . To understand these r u l e s , we s h a l l look f i r s t l y atwAcademic thought regarding r e l i g i o u s p i c t u r e s , in which M i l l a i s , as an ex-Academy student, would have been f u l l y versed. R e l i g i o u s works shown at the Royal Academy, as w e l l as t h e i r c r i t i c a l f o r t u n e s , w i l l be examined, so as to reveal what.: contemporary Academy-goers u s u a l l y expected from t h i s type of a r t . Such information w'iir.show how M i l l a i s ' s work departed from the e s t a b l i s h e d conventions f o r r e l i g i o u s p a i n t i n g , and w i l l enable us to determine what t h i s departure s i g n i f i e d , in s o c i a l as w e l l as a r t i s t i c terms. The mid-nineteenth century Academy's approach to r e l i g i o u s imagery was defined i n w r i t i n g by Charles Eastlake, who became the R.A.'s president in the f a l l of 1850, and by Charles L e s l i e , i t s professor of p a i n t i n g since 1847. 1 In conformity with a c e n t u r i e s -ol d Academic t r a d i t i o n , Eastlake organized the various a r t i s t i c genres i n t o a h i e r a r c h y , p l a c i n g h i s t o r y p a i n t i n g , (which included r e l i g i o u s s u b j e c t s ) , at the top, as the "highest" form of a r t . 2 Pre-eminence derived from two c r i t e r i a ; elevated content and i d e a l -i z i n g language. 40 Following precedents l a i d down by A l b e r t i i n h i s i n f l u e n t i a l D e l i a P i t t u r a , Eastlake wrote t h a t p a i n t i n g should reach the moral and i n t e l l e c t u a l f a c u l t i e s of the viewer, o r , as he put i t , should "awaken the nobler sympathies."3 This could be accomplished through the d e p i c t i o n of elevated subject matter, which, according to Eastlake, c o n s i s t e d of " a l l t h a t i s permanently g r a c e f u l or re-f i n e d , a l l that i s r a t i o n a l or i n t e l l e c t u a l i i n j o y , and a l l t h a t i s d i g n i f i e d in s o r r o w - - a l l , i n sh o r t , t h a t i s human and r e l i g i o u s . " 4 C l e a r l y , Eastlake b e l i e v e d t h a t high%art d e a l t with e t e r n a l q u a l i t i e s , and he went on to say that i f the subjects portrayed:.in h i s t o r y p a i n t i n g could a c t i v a t e "hoble.'and elevated f e e l i n g s , " then, "the end of a r t may s a f e l y s a i d to be accomplished i n any age, f o r the human ahdi'Christian character i s as c e r t a i n in i t s d e f i n i t i o n as the character of the a r t . " 5 In other words, Eastlake d i d not per-ceive t h a t h i s d e f i n i t i o n of refinement or d i g n i t y i n a r t i s t i c sub-j e c t matter was a product of values shaped by nineteenth-century experience and grounded in the a r i s t o c r a t i c a l l y - o r i e n t e d t a s t e of the Royal Academy. Instead, h i s t a s t e i n thematic content, and, as we s h a l l see, i n a r t i s t i c form as w e l l , was conceptualized as an e t e r n a l , c l a s s l e s s e n t i t y , f l o a t i n g untouched above the v i c i s s i t u d e s of h i s t o r y . The second e s s e n t i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of high a r t was i d e a l -izations: and, l i k e so much of Academic theory, t h i s too can be traced to the Renaissance and to A l b e r t i ' s comments concerning the a r t s . 6 41 While the natural appearance of an object was to be i m i t a t e d , i t was also to be r e f i n e d by g e n e r a l i z i n g i t s forms, and d i m i n i s h i n g or e l i m i n a t i n g t h e i r d e t a i l s and i d i o s y n c r a c i e s . 7 Bodies were to be i d e a l i z e d as w e l l , and both L e s l i e and Eastlake s t i p u l a t e d that the kind of f i g u r a l i d e a l i z a t i o n most appropriate f o r r e l i g i o u s imagery was to be found in the type of p h y s i c a l beauty developed by the a r t i s t s of the High Renaissance, most notably by Raphael, whom the two Academicians held to be the consummate r e l i g i o u s painter.& As with subject matter, the f u n c t i o n of the i d e a l i z e d f i g u r e i n a r t was not simply to please the eye. I t too had a moral purpose, because, as Eastlake pointed out, " i n a l l i t s highest forms, i t [ i s ] c a l c u l a t e d to impress upon human beings the b e l i e f i n a p e r f e c t i o n greater than t h i s world c o n t a i n s . " 9 Since the s t r o n g l y i d e a l i z e d works of Raphael were held to appeal " i n a l l places and to a l l c l a s s e s of C h r i s t i a n s , " 1 0 modern a r t i s t s who wished to produce p a i n t i n g s t y p i f i e d by such u n i v e r s a l i t y were encouraged to emulate those of the Renaissance p a i n t e r . They were even provided with s p e c i f i c models from which to proceed; these were the t a p e s t r y cartoons"pf:the Acts of theAApostles. As in the case of f i g u r a l i d e a l i z a t i o n , Academic s t i p u l a t i o n s concerning form were grounded i n the t r a d i t i o n s of the Renaissance; the r u l e s of chi a r o s c u r o , c o l o u r , and perspective were al s o inves-ted with a u n i v e r s a l c h a r a c t e r . In a d i s c u s s i o n of colour and 42 drawing, L e s l i e commented t h a t ; The Art of P a i n t i n g i s i n no respect, excepting i n what r e l a t e s to i t s mechanical instruments, a human in v e n t i o n , but the r e s u l t s o l e l y of the discovery and a p p l i c a t i o n of those!laws by which Nature addresses h e r s e l f to the mind and heart through the eye. 11 Based as they are upon the acceptance of a r t i s t i c e t e r n a l s , L e s l i e ' s claims regarding form c l o s e l y resemble Eastlake's conclusions concerning the timelessness of subject.vmatter, and of i d e a l i z i n g language. As i n the case of subject matter and i d e a l i z a t i o n , form too was imbued with a moral i d e n t i t y , although i n a somewhat l e s s d i r e c t manner. L e s l i e ' s d i s c u s s i o n s of form, f i l l e d as they are with words such as " h e a l t h y , " 1 2 "pure,"13 and "refined,"14 which often appeared when he d e a l t with the colour or the chiaroscuro of p i c t u r e s he admired, give the d i s t i n c t - impression t h a t , according to h i s Academic t a s t e , even pigmentation and shading contained moral overtones. By endowing Academic t a s t e with the q u a l i t i e s of immortality and universality;, 1 L e s l i e and Eastlake implied that i t s standards must n a t u r a l l y be the dominating f a c t o r i n contemporary p a i n t i n g . However, upon examining the a r t scene of the 1840's, one q u i c k l y discovers that such was not the case. In a c t u a l i t y , the p o s i t i o n occupied by the Academic t r a d i t i o n , as f a r as i t s p o p u l a r i t y with a r t i s t s and patrons was concerned, was hardly one of s t r e n g t h . I n d i c a t i o n s of i t s f r a g i l i t y can be gleaned even from Eastlake and 43 L e s l i e themselves. To begin w i t h , as Eastlake himself admitted, p a i n t i n g s executed according to Academic conventions had d i f f i c u l t y i n f i n d i n g p urchasers, 1^ and as a r e s u l t , few a r t i s t s produced them. Even Les-l i e avoided them, choosing instead to focus upon p o r t r a i t u r e and upon the i l l u s t r a t i o n of scenes from Goldsmith, M o l i e r e , and Shakes-peare; though at the same time he urged h i s students to verse them-selves i n the s t y l e and subject matter associated with h i s t o r y p a i n t i n g . Far more marketable than works designed along t r a d i t i o n a l Academic l i n e s were genre scenes--smal1, intimate studies of d a i l y l i f e , whichc.were c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a c a r e f u l a t t e n t i o n to d e t a i l . 1 6 P i c t u r e s of t h i s type crowded the w a l l s of the Academy's annual e x h i b i t i o n s , and were g r e a t l y i n demand, e s p e c i a l l y among middle-c l a s s buyers. The Academic response to suchsart was d i v i d e d between out-r i g h t h o s t i l i t y and a condescending t o l e r a n c e . Speaking perhaps f o r many Academicians, L e s l i e s c o r n f u l l y dismissed genre p a i n t i n g as "commonplace i m i t a t i o n , " which appealed only to the "mediocre t a s t e " of the "multitude," who were " b l i n d to the highest q u a l i t i e s of Art."17 The reason f o r L e s l i e ' s attack becomes c l e a r once the 44 weakness of the Academic t r a d i t i o n i s taken i n t o account; f o r i f indeed the a r t i s t i c conventions which he supported had beensstrong in 1850, the development and even the f i n a n c i a l success of genre could pose l i t t l e t h r e a t to them. That L e s l i e ' s cherished high a r t was in the process of being replaced was the f a c t which underlay h i s anger. Unlike L e s l i e , Eastlake was more w i l l i n g to t e l e r a t e the "school e x c l u s i v e l y devoted to i n d i s c r i m i n a t e i m i t a t i o n " which pro-duced the " p i c t u r e s of f a m i l i a r s u b j e c t s . . .of l a t e years predom-inant" i n English a r t . However, he s t r o n g l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d between these works and high a r t , and asserted t h a t genre d i d not i :"repre-sent the u n i v e r s a l and u n a l t e r a b l e t a s t e of the n a t i o n . " 1 8 A f u r t h e r i n d i c a t i o n of the tenuousness of the Academic t r a d i t i o n can be perceived i n the growing f a s c i n a t i o n with medieval a r t , which became i n c r e a s i n g l y widespread throughout the post-1830 p e r i o d . 1 9 This i n t e r e s t was shared by some Academicians, such as Eastlake, who acquired l a t e medieval works f o r the National G a l l e r y during h i s tenure as d i r e c t o r of t h a t i n s t i t u t i o n , and by W i l l i a m Dyce, who included medieval features i n his'own paintings.20 Dyce admired quattrocento a r t because he associated i t with " s p i r i t u a l . . .perfection,"21 and Eastlake commented that medieval works "contained. . .the germs of a p e r f e c t development,"22 (emphasis mine), but in n e i t h e r case d i d the t a s t e f o r e a r l y a r t preclude the 45 b e l i e f i n the primacy of works executed according to the tenets of the Academy. Nonetheless, i t i s p o s s i b l e that the i n t e r e s t i n medieval a r t was grounded in a sense of d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the conventional s t y l e , and i n the hope that elements of medieval a r t could be employed to r e v i t a l i z e the t r a d i t i o n s of the Academy. An a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r t h e s s p i r i t u a l q u a l i t i e s i n quattrocento works e x i s t e d outside the community of p r a c t i s i n g a r t i s t s . Here, we need only look at Lord Lindsay's Sketches of the H i s t o r y of C h r i s t i a n  A r t , 2 3 or to the a r t i c l e s w r i t t e n f o r The Athenaeum by the a r t c r i t i c George Darley. Lindsay maintained t h a t quattrocento p a i n t i n g des-:r c r i b e d a "world of s p i r i t u a l b e a u t y y " 2 4 while Darley wrote t h a t i t was f i l l e d with " p e r f e c t i o n s s p i r i t u a l , moral, [and] i n t e l l e c t u a l , " 2 5 in s p i t e of.the f a c t t h a t i t was a l s o d i s f i g u r e d by a "multitude of t e c h n i c a l s i n s " 2 6 in anatomy, p e r s p e c t i v e , and c h i a r o s c u r o . 2 7 However, despi t e t h e i r admiration f o r quattrocento a r t , n e i t h e r Lindsay nor Darley wished to d i s p l a c e the High Renaissance t r a d i t i o n . 2 ^ Nor d i d they br i n g a p a r t i c u l a r l y new approach to the general t h e o r i e s concerning r e l i g i o u s a r t . Both held t h a t r e l i g i o u s images contained t i m e l e s s q u a l i t i e s . 2 9 Lindsay claimed t h a t "the P a i n t i n g of Christendom. . . i s t h a t of an immortal S p i r i t conversing with i t s God," 3 0 and t h a t i t was a "glimpse of that t r u t h and beauty which the soul seeks a f t e r , and of which the prototype e x i s t s but i n heaven."31 C l e a r l y , l i k e E a s t l a k e , Lindsay believed t h a t a l l C h r i s t i a n 46 a r t was the expression of a s i n g l e , e t e r n a l i d e a l shared by C h r i s -t i a n s everywhere. The concepts held by Lindsay and Darley regarding the form which C h r i s t i a n a r t should take were also s i m i l a r to those of Eastlake and L e s l i e . Both admired the i d e a l i z e d f igure,32 and Darley c o n s i s t e n t l y supported the g e n e r a l i z i n g approach and sup-pression of d e t a i l which was the hallmark of Academic art.33 U l t i m a t e l y , Darley and Lindsay subscribed to the Academic d e f i n i t i o n of high a r t , i n s p i t e of t h e i r t a s t e f o r the moral and s p i r i t u a l p u r i t y of the a r t of the l a t e r middle ages. Perhaps the c l e a r e s t i n d i c a t i o n of the true p o s i t i o n occupied by the Academic t r a d i t i o n i n 1850 can be gained through an examination of the works devoted to r e l i g i o u s subject matter which were e x h i b i t e d with C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents.34 Those most f r e q u e n t l y reviewed, and i n the most a p p r e c i a t i v e terms, were: Eastlake's The Good Samaritan; Dyce's The Meeting of  Jacob and Rachel; and Samson Betrayed, by F.R. P i c k e r s g i l l . ( F i g s . 11, 12, and 10). None of these p a r t i c u l a r l y resemble the famouse ta p e s t r y cartoons of Raphael, a f t e r which p r a c t i c i o n e r s of high a r t were normally encouraged to pattern t h e i r own r e l i g i o u s works. Dyce's sharp focus and rather hard forms owe much to quattrocento a r t , and c r i t i c a l comment regarding Samson Betrayed held t h a t i t s colour.was much l i k e t hat of E t t y , whose colourism.in i t s turn 47 derived from Rubens. 13 Samson Betrayed shows th a t P i c k e r s g i l l , l i k e E t t y , was working in the t r a d i t i o n e s t a b l i s h e d by the Baroque a r t i s t . L a s t l y , Eastlake's s o f t , s u b t l e modelling i s more remin-i s c e n t of T i t i a n , or perhaps the Bolognese School, than of Raphael. Despite such s t y l i s t i c e c l e c t i c i s m , however, these three p a i n t i n g s do g e n e r a l l y adhere to the e s t a b l i s h e d ideas regarding high a r t , and t h i s i s perhaps most apparent i n the case of East-lake's Good Samaritan. I t s theme, t h a t of compassion, f u l f i l l s requirements concerning the elevated content of h i s t o r y p a i n t i n g . The f i g u r e s are ;highVly i d e a l i z e d ; and, i n keeping with the gener-a l i z i n g approach favoured by the Academy, forms aressimple, d e t a i l s kept to a minimum. The l o c a t i o n , too, i s g e n e r a l i z e d ; although the s e t t i n g of.the s t o r y i s on the road between J e r i c h o and Jeru-salem, Eastlake's landscape i s not i d e n t i f i a b l y eastern. In f a c t , i t s broad treatment i n d i c a t e s t h a t i t could e x i s t almost anywhere. Dress i s not p a r t i c u l a r i z e d e i t h e r , as the simple costumes worn by the Samaritan, and the p r i e s t and the L e v i t e who are "passing by on the other s i d e , " 3 6 correspond t o the vaguely b i b l i c a l robes assigned to r e l i g i o u s f i g u r e s since the Renaissance. In analysing mid-nineteenth century r e l i g i o u s p a i n t i n g , i t i s c l e a r that d i s c r e p a n c i e s e x i s t e d between theory and p r a c t i c e , since o b v i o u s l y , d e s p i t e the l i t e r a t u r e which recommended Raphael's model above a l l , the actual production of .'religious works involved 48 s t y l i s t i c references to d i v e r s e sources. Nonetheless, t h i s cer-t a i n l y should not be i n t e r p r e t e d as a r e j e c t i o n of the e x i s t i n g patterns concerning high a r t , f o r , as the examination of The Good  Samaritan has revealed, i t was accompanied by an adherence to the e s s e n t i a l tenets of the Academy. U l t i m a t e l y , perhaps a more accurate way of viewing these images may be as the products of a r t i s t s who remained s t r o n g l y committed to the Academic t r a d i t i o n , and who observed i t s r u l e s , but whosals© wished to introduce modif-i c a t i o n s i n t o i t , p o s s i b l y i n the hope that such v a r i a t i o n s would enable them to reach a wider p u b l i c . That they d i d experience some c r i t i c a l success with the most conservative elements i n s o c i e t y i s c l e a r , since the p e r i o d i c a l s which represented t h i s readership professed a strong admiration f o r The Good Samaritan, Samson Betrayed, and Jacob and Rachel. In p r a i s i n g Jacob and Rachel, The Times' a r t c r i t i c worried t h a t viewers might at " f i r s t glance" be " r e p e l [ l e d ] M by a " c e r t a i n dry-ness and f l a t n e s s . . .to which our eyes are not f a m i l i a r i n the B r i t i s h school," but s/he explained t h i s f a u l t w i t h ; We do not h e s i t a t e to say t h a t few modern p i c t u r e s have been painted more nearly i n the manner of. ... R a f f a e l l e i n h i s e a r l i e r s t y l e s . The o u t l i n e i s f i r m and c o r r e c t . The drapery a l i t t l e q uaint, :": but noble. . .The a t t i t u d e i s but the gesture of timorous or t o r t u r e d love from the beginning of the world, f o r who:-has not at some time breathed vows as passionate as these?. . .[This work] combines a very high degree of natural.emotion "and na t u r a l grace with i d e a l treatment and refinement. 37 49 E s s e n t i a l l y , The Times' response to Jacob and Rachel reads l i k e a r e p e t i t i o n of the Academic formula f o r a s u c c e s s f u l h i s t o r y p a i n t i n g . N a t u r a l i s t i c q u a l i t i e s are r e f i n e d by i d e a l i s m , p o t e n t i a l l y problematic s t y l i s t i c elements are smoothed away through the invocation of Raphael, and the theme i s s t r u c t u r e d around an "unchanging," elevated c h a r a c t e r i s t i c , such as love. Even the draperies are "noble." The Good Samaritan, which The Times described as a work "of thehhighest order," was a l s o discussed in terms s t r o n g l y rem-i n i s c e n t of Academic t a s t e . The wounded man, barely r a i s e d from the dust i n which he l a y , i s supported by the :hand of mercy and love. The drawing and colour of h i s naked form are f i n i s h e d with extreme care, and h i s face turns upwards with an expression of e x q u i s i t e g r a t i t u d e and t r u s t ; i n some other respects the p i c t u r e i s s t i l l u n f i n i s h e d , but we hardly l i k e i t t h e : l e s s f o r the subdued and unobtrusive character of the secondary s u b j e c t s . I t i s on the s u f f e r e r and the Samaritan t h a t the mind and eye r e s t , f o r i n the symbolical r o l e and i n the majestic counten-ance of t h a t compassionate being we t r a c e at once the Samaritan over h i s a f f l i c t e d b r o t h e r — t h e Saviour over a f f l i c t e d man. 38 Here, the c r i t i c ' s approval of The Good Samaritan i s keyed by the p a i n t i n g ' s s u i t a b l y d i g n i f i e d theme, i t s i d e a l i z a t i o n , and the unobtrusiveness of i t s d e t a i l s . This response, so s i m i l a r to t h a t evoked by Jacob and Rachel, reveals how f i r m l y the a e s t h e t i c of the Academy was entrenched i n The Times. 50 Like The Times, other j o u r n a l s which served the upper echelons of V i c t o r i a n s o c i e t y employed the\t-heories of the Academy in order to e x p l a i n how they f e l t a r e l i g i o u s p i c t u r e should be constructed. The Spectator commented: The h i s t o r i c a l p a i n t e r penetrates through mere manners and costume to the enduring q u a l i t i e s of humanity; he d e l i g h t s to d e p i c t the great elements of emotion as they are evoked by events that over-r u l e smaller a c c e s s o r i e s ; and then, although the accomplished a r t i s t w i l l not omit costume and other a c c e s s o r i e s , they sink to a secondary place, and f a i l to concentrate the a t t e n t i o n . 39 The readership of t h i s p e r i o d i c a l d i f f e r e d from t h a t of The  Times, as i t l a r g e l y c o n s i s t e d of h i g h l y educated, p o l i t i c a l l y l i b e r a l members of the middle and upper m i d d l e s c l a s s e s . 4 0 However, i t s concept of h i s t o r y p a i n t i n g , i n which d e t a i l s , though important, must be transcended i n order to get at unchanging human c h a r a c t e r i s -t i c s , i s a c l o s e paraphrase of Reynolds, and would c e r t a i n l y have been at home in the pages of The Times. That Academic a r t theory, though o r i g i n a l l y associated with a r i s t o c r a t i c t a s t e , had been accepted by p o r t i o n s of the haute bourgeoisie, i n d i c a t e s t h a t although p o l i t i c a l d i f f e r e n c e s d i d e x i s t between the n o b i l i t y and the upper middle c l a s s e s , t h e i r d e f i n i t i o n s of c u l t u r e were c l o s e l y r e l a t e d . I d e o l o g i c a l l y , The Spectator's approach to h i s t o r y p a i n t i n g resembles that of Eastlake. Like the Royal Academician, The Spec- t a t o r ' s c r i t i c o bviously b e l i e v e d t h a t h i s / h e r t a s t e was grounded 51 in an o b j e c t i v e norm; i n u n i v e r s a l s , rather than i n h i s t o r i c a l l y shaped circumstances. Academic ideass concerning i d e a l i z a t i o n a l s o appeared i n the pages of upper middle c l a s s and a r i s t o c r a t i c p u b l i c a t i o n s . They demanded th a t f i g u r e s i n r e l i g i o u s a r t be i d e a l i z e d , and they associated the p h y s i c a l i d e a l with the t r a d i t i o n s of c l a s s i c a l Greece, and with Raphael, c l a i m i n g t h a t the purpose behind such i d e a l i z a t i o n was the d e p i c t i o n of elevated behaviour. Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine c a l l e d Raphael the "most eminently C h r i s t i a n p a i n t e r , " because h i s works were t y p i f i e d by " d i g n i f i e d benevolence and exalted humanity." 4 1 The Spectator commented t h a t : What f i x e s your regard i n viewing a work by Raph-ael i s the absorbing p i e t y , the courage, the d i g -n i t y , the love, the command, the t e r r o r - - t h e one grand or b e a u t i f u l Sentiment which i s the soul o f / . the scene. The countenances, the f i g u r e s , the groups, are a l l on the same grand or b e a u t i f u l s c a l e . 42 These p e r i o d i c a l s shared the Academic idea t h a t the purpose behind such d e p i c t i o n s of i d e a l i z e d forms and elevated themes was d i d a c t i c . The A r t J o u r n a l , i n d i s c u s s i n g the r o l e of a r t , claimed i t was a "teacher of a l o f t [ y ] kind--a teacher of h i s t o r y , manners, morals, v i r t u e , and r e l i g i o n . " 4 3 In other words, r e l i g i o u s p a i n t i n g s , with t h e i r noble s u b j e c t s , were t a n g i b l e essays in moral behaviour, and t h e i r f u n c t i o n was to encourage viewers to a s p i r e to the v i r t u e s 52 which they saw portrayed i n p a i n t . The c r u c i a l element, which i n -formed viewers they were i n the presence of exalted and unchanging v i r t u e s , was the i d e a l i z e d High Renaissance s t y l e , which had been invested with a moral i d e n t i t y of i t s own. Turning from the p e r i o d i c a l s t a r g e t i n g the upper ranks of English s o c i e t y to examine those of a more s o l i d l y m iddle-class o r i e n t a t i o n , we f i n d a marked d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the Academy, and i t s a r t . Punch discussed the 1850 e x h i b i t i o n i n general terms, com-p l a i n i n g that i t s subject matter co n s i s t e d l a r g e l y of "Guelphs and G h i b e l i n e s , Charles I I , W i l l i a m I I I , . . .velvet doublets, s i l k hose, and marvellous carved f u r n i t u r e , " 4 4 and demanded more nat u r a l ism,45 and more p i c t u r e s of ".homely l i f e . " 4 5 However, despite i t s di'Sap^f.I proval of the p i c t u r e s on d i s p l a y at the Academy, Punch d i d subscribe to Academic a r t theory. I t s c r i t i c commented that "true represent-a t i o n " was not to be " l i t e r a l , " but should involve " g e n e r a l i z a t i o n , as w e l l as a s e l e c t i o n , a d i s t r i b u t i o n , and subordination of p a r t s . " 4 Like Punch, Household Words c r i t i c i z e d the a r t on d i s p l a y at the Academy. In an a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "The Ghost of A r t , " Charles Dickens wrote t h a t regardless of subject matter, many pain-t i n g s at the Academy so resembled each other that i t seemed as though a s i n g l e model had posed f o r a l l of them.48 His c r i t i c i s m s were gently phrased, however, and l i k e Punch, he too accepted Academic concepts regarding p a i n t i n g . He expressed a strong 53 admiration f o r Raphael's "idea of Beauty," and maintained t h a t i t deserved i t s p o s i t i o n as the cornerstone of modern a r t theory due to i t s "power of e t h e r e a l i z i n g and e x a l t i n g to the very Heavens what was most sublime and lovely:'in the. . .human f a c e . " 4 9 Dickens's r e a c t i o n to d e t a i l e d naturalism was also i n keepingtwith that of the Academy. He wrote t h a t while naturalism was appropriate in a "rendering of a f a v o u r i t e horse, or dog, or ca t , " i t was not admissable i n important s u b j e c t s , such as those connected with " re-l i g i o u s a s p i r a t i o n s , e l e v a t i n g thoughts, [and]. . . a l l enobling, sacred, g r a c e f u l , or b e a u t i f u l associations."50 Fundamentally, the pattern which appears i n the p e r i o d i c a l l i t e r a t u r e , regardless of c l a s s or p o l i t i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n , i s that of a f i r m support f o r Academic d e f i n i t i o n s of high a r t , i n s o f a r as r e l i g i o u s imagery i s concerned; one which remains strong d e s p i t e the widespread preference f o r genre, the growing p o p u l a r i t y of med-i e v a l i s m , and middle-class d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the present s t a t e of the Royal Academy i t s e l f . Given the prevalent l o y a l t y to t r a -d i t i o n , how d i d C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents fareewith c r i t i c s committed to Academic t a s t e ? Not unexpectedly, they experienced great d i f f i c u l t i e s with M i l l a i s ' s n a turalism. The B u i l d e r shrank from h i s " p a i n f u l d i s p l a y of anatomical knowledge, 1 , 5 1 and The Times found h i s " s u r p r i s i n g power of i m i t a t i o n " to be "disgusting."52 The problem, as c r i t i c s 54 from varying p o s i t i o n s on the spectrum pointed out, was th a t i n h i s o v e r r i d i n g concentration upon n a t u r a l i s t i c d e t a i l , M i l l a i s had omitted something of c r u c i a l importance from C h r i s t in the House of  his Parents. Dickens commented t a r t l y t h a t . " A r t includes something more than the f a i t h f u l p o r t r a i t u r e of shavings."53 T a i t ' s Edin-burgh Magazine, v o i c i n g sentiments which could have been uttered by a Royal Academician, administered a kind of c o r r e c t i v e f o r M i l l a i s ' s e r r o r s i s s t a t i n g t h a t p a i n t i n g " a t t a i n t e d ] i t s highest p e r f e c t i o n i n those works i n which the powers of i m i t a t i o n and c r e a t i o n are j o i n t l y developed to the great e s t degree," and i t pointed to Raphael's t a p e s t r y cartoon of St. Paul Preaching at Athens as a " f a m i l i a r example" of such p e r f e c t i o n . However, while p a i n t i n g was to be "both i m i t a t i v e and c r e a t i v e , " T a i t ' s held that i t was at i t s worst when dominated by "the i m i t a t i v e f a c u l t y of the a r t i s t , " because u l t i m a t e l y i t was "the c r e a t i v e . . . f a c u l t y , " as evidenced i n the i d e a l i z e d f i g u r e , which ".conferred immortality on [a] work."54 C r i t i c s agreed that the /.key element necessary i n the pro-duction of such "immortal" a r t , one conspicuously absent from C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents, was i d e a l i z a t i o n . Some were qu i t e blunt in s t r e s s i n g the importance of t h i s . The B u i l d e r attacked M i l l a i s ' s " l i t e r a l d e p i c t i o n of the most i l l - a d a p t e d models. . .[made] without i n the l e a s t degree endeavouring to ide a l i z e . " 5 5 Ralph Wornum, i n h i s Art Journal review of C h r i s t in  the House of h i s Parents, explained the reasoning behind the c a l l . 55 f o r i d e a l i z a t i o n by s t a t i n g unequivocally t h a t , "the p h y s i c a l i d e a l alone can harmonize with t h e s s p i r i t u a l i d e a l ; i n A r t . . .the most  b e a u t i f u l soul must have the most b e a u t i f u l body."56 The i m p l i -c a t i o n of Wornum's thought i s t h a t a body not possessed of such standards of a t t r a c t i v e n e s s cannot have a b e a u t i f u l or s p i r i t u a l s o u l . E s s e n t i a l l y , i n f a i l i n g to incorporate i d e a l i z a t i o n i n t o h i s treatment of r e l i g i o u s subject matter, M i l l a i s deprived h i s viewers of a c r u c i a l component. Without the i d e a l i z a t i o n which s i g n a l l e d the presence of moral v i r t u e , and (although not on a conscious l e v e l ) , informed viewers t h a t a work was to be perceived as a perfected image of themselves as C h r i s t i a n s , normal r e l a t i o n s between viewer and p i c t u r e were d i s r u p t e d , or overturned. Out of such a d i s i n t e g r a t i o n , a host of negative q u a l i t i e s crowded in to take the place of the d i g n i f i e d a s s o c i a t i o n s normally evoked by accepted r e l i g i o u s imagery. These connotations, which many c r i t i c s found deeply d i s t u r b i n g , and which :wi11 be discussed i n the f o l l o w i n g chapter, were probably never dreamt of by M i l l a i s h imself. Rather, h i s s u b s t i t u t i o n of Pre-Raphaelite naturalism f o r the more t r a d i t -i o n a l i d e a l i z a t i o n was motivated by a d e s i r e to shed the conventions of the Academy, and perhaps a l s o by a hope of a t t r a c t i n g middle-c l a s s patrons of a r t , who, as M i l l a i s cannot have been unaware, t y p i c a l l y favoured n a t u r a l i s t i c works in preference to those s t y l e d along the more accepted Academic l i n e s . I t was in t h i s attempt to 56 please the t a s t e normally d i s p l a y e d by such a p u b l i c t h a t M i l l a i s made a serious m i s c a l c u l a t i o n , f o r , as we have seen, when r e l i g i o u s imagery was invo l v e d , the p a r t i a l i t y f o r naturalism and the d i s s a t -i s f a c t i o n with t r a d i t i o n a l a r t were superseded by a staunch l o y a l t y t o Academic i d e a l i z i n g conventions. 57 FOOTNOTES 'Both Eastlake and L e s l i e derived a great deal of t h e i r aes-t h e t i c theory from Reynolds. 2 C h a r l e s Eastlake, "Number Four, The State and Prospects of the English School," C o n t r i b u t i o n s to the L i t e r a t u r e of the Fine  A r t s , 2 v o l s . (London: John Murray, 1848; r e p r i n t ed., 1870), v o l . 1, pages 33, and 36-37. ^Eastlake, "Number One, The Fine A r t s , " C o n t r i b u t i o n s , v o l . 1, page 1. L e o n b a t t i s t a A l b e r t i , D e l i a P i t t u r a , (London: Rout-ledge and Kegan Paul, 1436; r e p r i n t ed., 1956), pages 75-77. 4 E a s t l a k e , "Means and End of A r t , " Methods and M a t e r i a l s of  P a i n t i n g , 2 v o l s . (New York: Dover Publications,"Means and End" o r i g i n a l l y w r i t t e n 1828, published 1869; r e p r i n t ed., 1960), v o l . 2, page 409. 5 L O C . c i t . 6 A l b e r t i , D e l i a P i t t u r a , pages 77 and 92-93. For a b r i e f d i s -cussion of the E n g l i s h Academy's i n t e r e s t in A l b e r t i , see J . Spencer's i n t r o d u c t i o n t o t h i s e d i t i o n of D e l i a P i t t u r a . For L e s l i e and East-lake on i d e a l i z a t i o n , c o n s u l t : Charles Robert L e s l i e , "Fine A r t s , Royal Academy, Professor L e s l i e ' s Lectures on P a i n t i n g , Lecture I I , " The Athenaeum, (24 February 1849), page 201; and Eastlake, "Number Thir t e e n , On the Philosophy of the Fine A r t s , " C o n t r i b u t i o n s , v o l . 1, pages 394-395. ^Eastlake, "State and Prospects," C o n t r i b u t i o n s , v o l . 1, pages 41-42. 8 E a s t l a k e , "Number Nine, The L i f e of Raphael," C o n t r i b u t i o n s , v o l . 1, page 206. O r i g i n a l l y published in The Quarterly Review, v o l . 81 (June 1840), pages not given. L e s l i e , Athenaeum, (24 Feb-ruary 1849), page 200. 9 E a s t l a k e , "Philosophy," C o n t r i b u t i o n s , v o l . 1, page 400. 1 u E a s t l a k e , "Note on the O r i g i n a l S i t u a t i o n of the T a p e s t r i e s , " in Franz Kugler, Handbook of P a i n t i n g , the I t a l i a n Schools, 2 v o l s . (London: John Murray, 1837; r e p r i n t ed., 1869), v o l . 2, pages 396-397. 58 1 1 C h a r l e s L e s l i e , "Fine A r t s , Royal Academy, Professor Les-l i e ' s Lectures on P a i n t i n g , Lecture I , " The-Athenaeum, (17 Feb-ruary 1849), page 173. 1 2 L e s l i e , The Athenaeum, (24 February 1849), page 202. 1 3 i b i d . , pages 200 and 201. 1 4 l b i d . , page 201. 1 5 E a s t l a k e , "State and Prospects," C o n t r i b u t i o n s , v o l . 1, page 45. ^Jeremy Maas, V i c t o r i a n P a i n t e r s , (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1969), page 105. 1 7 L e s l i e , The Athenaeum, (17 February 1849), page 176. 1 8 E a s t l a k e , "State and Prospects," C o n t r i b u t i o n s , v o l . 1, pages 33 and 36. 1 9Robyn Cooper, "The Growth of I n t e r e s t i n Early I t a l i a n P a i n t i n g in B r i t a i n : George Darley and The Athenaeum, 1834-1846," Journal ofv.the Warburg and Courtauld I n s t i t u t e s , v o l . 43 (1980), page 202. ^ E a s t l a k e was the National G a l l e r y ' s d i r e c t o r between 1855 and 1865. He had been i t s Keeper from 1843 to 1847, and a Trustee between 1850 and 1855. For h i s i n t e r e s t i n l a t e medieval a r t , see David Robertson, S i r Charles Eastlake and the V i c t o r i a n Art World, (Pri n c e t o n : Princeton U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1978), pages 129 and 134. Dyce's medievalism i s discussed by Marcia Pointon, William, Dyce  1806-1864, A C r i t i c a l Biography, (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1979). 2 1 W i l l i a m Dyce, Theory of the Fine A r t s , An Introductory Lec-t u r e Delivered i n the C l a s s i c a l Theatre of King's College, London,  24 May 184"4, (London': James Burns, 1844), page 14. 22Eastlake, "Preface," i n Kugler, Handbook, v o l . 1, page v i i . 2 3 s i r Coutts Lindsay, Sketches of the H i s t o r y of C h r i s t i a n  A r t , 3 v o l s . (London: John Murray, 1847). 2 4 i b i d . , v o l . 3, page 422. 59 "[George D a r l e y ] , "Foreign Correspondence," The Athenaeum, (8 December 1838), page 875. 2 6 L i n d s a y , Sketches, v o l . 3, page 420. 2 7[George D a r l e y ] , "The Duke of Lucca's P i c t u r e s , " The Athen- aeum, (25 Ju l y 1840), page 595. 2 8 L i n d s a y , Sketches, v o l . 3, pages 418-419. 29[George D a r l e y ] , "Fine A r t s , the Mission of Amateurs," The  Athenaeum, (28 March 1846), page 327. 30Lindsay, Sketches, v o l . 1, page x i v . 3 1 I b i d . , v o l . 1, page x v i . • 32Darley, l e t t e r of 1836. Ci t e d in Cooper, Journal of the War-burg and Courtauld I n s t i t u t e s , v o l . 43 (1980), page 205. Location of l e t t e r not given. Lindsay, Sketches, v o l . 1, page xv; and v o l . 2, page 102. 3 3 D a r l e y , l o c . c i t . 3 4 0 u t of the 1,456 p i c t u r e s shown at the Academy, approximately twenty were r e l i g i o u s images. Total f o r works e x h i b i t e d i s from, Anon., "Fine A r t s , " The Guardian, v o l . 5 (8 May 1850), page 336. 35 [ w i l l i a m Michael R o s s e t t i ] , "The Royal Academy E x h i b i t i o n , " The C r i t i c , v o l . 9 (15 May 1850), page 254; and, Anon., "Fine A r t s , " The Guardian, v o l . 5 (8 May 1850), page 336. 36The parable of the good Samaritan comes from Luke 10:30-37. 3 7Anon., " E x h i b i t i o n of the Royal Academy, Second Notice," The Times, (6 May 1850), page 5, column 1. The source f o r Jacob  and Rachel i s Genesis, chapters 28 and 29. For the readership of The Times, see EllegaYd, V i c t o r i a n P e r i o d i c a l s Newsletter, Number 13 (September 1971), page 4. 38Anon., "The E x h i b i t i o n of the Royal Academy," The Times, (4 May 1850), pages 4 and 5, columns 6;:and 1. 3 9Anon., "The A r t s , Royal Academy E x h i b i t i o n : S u b - h i s t o r i c a l P i c t u r e s , " The Spectator, v o l . 23 (1 June 1850), page 523. 60 40E1legSrd, V i c t o r i a n P e r i o d i c a l s Newsletter, Number 13 (September 1971), page 11. The l i n k between the p o l i t i c a l and the a r t i s t i c stances of any given p e r i o d i c a l must be approached with c a u t i o n , i n tha t one cannot a u t o m a t i c a l l y assume a p o l i t i c a l l y c onservative magazine w i l l be conservative i n i t s a r t i s t i c views, or t h a t a p o l i t i c a l l y l i b e r a l j o u r n a l must be equally l i b e r a l i n i t s approach to the a r t s . The Spectator, with i t s combination of l i b e r a l p o l i t i c s and conservative=taste in p a i n t i n g , i s a case i n po i n t . 4 1Anon., "On the Genius of Raphael," Blackwood's Edinburgh  Magazine, v o l . 45 (June 1839), page 815. For an examination of Blackwood's l a r g e l y a r i s t o c r a t i c readership, see Richard D. A l t i c k , The English Common Reader, A S o c i a l H i s t o r y of the Mass Reading  P u b l i c , 1800-1900, (Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press, 1957; r e p r i n t ed., 1967), page 319. 4 2The Spectator, v o l . 23 (1 June 1850), page 523. 43Anon., "The National G a l l e r y and the Royal Academy," The  Art J o u r n a l , v o l . 12 (1 A p r i l 1850), page 103. For Art Journal readership, see George Landow, "There Began to be a Great Tal k i n g About the Fine A r t s , " i n Joseph A l t h o l z , ed., The Mind and Art of  V i c t o r i a n England, (Minneapolis: U n i v e r s i t y of Minnesota Press, 1976), page 129. 4 4Anon., "Punch Among the P i c t u r e s , F l i g h t the F i r s t , " Punch, v o l . 18 (approximately 15 May 1850), page 193. For Punch's middle-c l a s s p u b l i c , c o nsult R. P r i c e , A H i s t o r y of Punch, (London: Col-l i n s , 1957), page 31. Punch, though a s a t i r i c a l magazine, d i d ex-press developed views concerning a r t . 4^Anon., "Punch Among the P i c t u r e s , F l i g h t the Second," Punch, v o l . 18 ( l a t e May 1850), page 214; and, Anon., "Punch Among the P i c t u r e s , F l i g h t the T h i r d , " Punch, v o l . 18 ( e a r l y June 1850), page 240: 4 6Punch, v o l . 18 (approximately 15 May 1850), page 193. 47punch, v o l . 18 ( e a r l y June 1850), page 240. 4 8 [ C h a r l e s Dickens], "The Ghost of A r t , " Household Words, v o l . 1 (20 J u l y 1850), pages 385-386. For the middle-class readership of Household Words, see A l t i c k , E n g l i s h Common Reader, page 347. 49[charles Dickens], "Old Lamps f o r New Ones," Household Words, v o l . 1 (15 June 1850), page 265. 61 5 0 [ D i c k e n s ] , "Old Lamps," Household Words, v o l . 1, (15 -.June 1850), pages 265-266. 5 1Anon., "The Royal Academy E x h i b i t i o n , " The B u i l d e r , v o l . 8 (1 June 1850), page 256. 5 2Anon., " E x h i b i t i o n of the Royal Academy," The Times, (9 May 1850), page 5,.column 1. 5 3 [ D i c k e n s ] , "Old Lamps," Household Words, v o l . 1 (15 June 1850), page 266. 5 4Anon., "Fine A r t s , The Pre-Raphaelites," T a i t ' s Edinburgh  Magazine, v o l . 18 (August 1851), page 512. 5 5Anon., "The Royal Academy E x h i b i t i o n , " The B u i l d e r , v o l . 8 (1 June 1850), page 256. I r o n i c a l l y , M i l l a i s had employed two of these " i l l - a d a p t e d models" the year before, f o r Isabel l a . ( F i g . 5). M i l l a i s ' s s i s t e r - i n - l a w , who sat f o r the V i r g i n i n C h r i s t i n the  House of h i s Parents, posed f o r I s a b e l l a ; and h i s f a t h e r , who model-led f o r St. Joseph, sat f o r the man with the napkin. L e s l i e P a r r i s , ed., The Pre-Raphaelites, (London: The Tate G a l l e r y , 1984), page 69. No one had objected to them then, and The Athenaeum had even complimented M i l l a i s upon the f i g u r e s . [Solomon H a r t ] , "Fine A r t s , Royal Academy, P a i n t i n g s , " The Athenaeum, (2 June 1849), page 575. While i d e a l i z a t i o n was not necessaryvfor t h e s i l l u s t r a t i o n of a poem by Keats, i t was of c r u c i a l importance i n a r e l i g i o u s image, such as C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents. 56R[alph] N. Wornum, "Modern Moves_in A r t , ' C h r i s t i a n A r c h i -t e c t u r e , ' 'Young England, I C I The Art J o u r n a l , v o l . 12 (1 September 1850), page 271. 62 CHAPTER I I I : THE CRITICAL REACTION TO CHRIST IN THE HOUSE OF HIS  PARENTS In examining the c r i t i c a l a ttacks upon C h r i s t i n the House  of h i s Parents, one i s struck by t h e i r e x t r a o r d i n a r y v i o l e n c e , which, by v i r t u e of t h e i r animosity, reveal how threatening the image must have seemed to the h o r r i f i e d j o u r n a l i s t s who reviewed i t . 1 M i l l a i s ' s p i c t u r e was v a r i o u s l y described as "ugly, g r a c e l e s s , and unpleasant;"2 "mean, odious, r e p u l s i v e , and r e v o l t i n g ; " 3 and even as "monstrously p e r v e r s e , " 4 i n an i n t e n s i t y of language which simply does not appear elsewhere i n the otherwise p o l i t e l y expressed d i c t i o n t y p i c a l of Eng l i s h a r t c r i t i c i s m at t h i s time: Repeatedly, the c r i t i c s focussed upon M i l l a i s ' s medieval-i z i n g s t y l e , which they maintained was i n h e r e n t l y flawed; and upon the ugl i n e s s of h i s f i g u r e s , who appeared to them to resemble the slum dwellers of modern England r a t h e r than the Holy Family. Accor-d i n g l y , t h i s chapter w i l l concentrate most h e a v i l y upon these two areas of medievalism and poverty, since they were of most importance to the c r i t i c s themselves.6 R a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t from the mass of negative commentary was the r e a c t i o n of a s i n g l e j o u r n a l , The Guardian, which, d e s p i t e some r e s e r v a t i o n s concerning medievalism, pronounced i n favour of C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents. As we s h a l l see, The Guardian's 63 stance regarding medievalism and poverty was markedly d i f f e r e n t from th a t entertained by the other p e r i o d i c a l s , and i t was t h i s which helped shape i t s p o s i t i v e response to M i l l a i s ' s p a i n t i n g . In the preceding chapter, we examined the ways in which nineteenth century a r t i s t s and c r i t i c s argued f o r the correspondence of p h y s i c a l beauty with moral or s p i r i t u a l beauty. In t h i s chapter we s h a l l discuss the reverse side of t h i s concept, which sta t e d t h a t external p h y s i c a l flaws s i g n a l l e d the presence of i n t e r i o r d e f e c t s . This idea was so deeply engrained in the minds of M i l l a i s ' s c r i t i c s t h a t they simply could not a s s o c i a t e h i s "ugly" f i g u r e s with exalted c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . For some w r i t e r s , the lack of i d e a l i z a t i o n in M i l l a i s ' s work added an e x t r a dimension to the concept that u n a t t r a c t i v e f i g u r e s must be possessed of e q u a l l y unlovely s o u l s . They iden-t i f i e d both p h y s i c a l and psychic disfigurement with a s p e c i f i c c l a s s in English s o c i e t y to which they f e l t such negative q u a l i t i e s p a r t i c u l a r l y belonged. When confronted with the apparently de-formed physiques of C h r i s t i h r t h e House of h i s Parents, these c r i t i c s thought of the urban poor, and they produced a f u l l y devel-oped image of modern pauperism, d e t a i l i n g the behaviour, the l o c a l e s , and even mentioning s p e c i f i c diseases which they associated with poverty. 64 In Household Words, Dickens commented th a t the V i r g i n would be at home i n "the v i l e s t cabaret i n France, or the lowest gin-shop i n England," and th a t St. Joseph and hi s young apprentice resembled p a t i e n t s i n a paupersi h o s p i t a l . 6 The T a i t ' s c r i t i c claimed that M i l l a i s had obviously found h i s V i r g i n Mary, ("a whining, s i c k l y woman"), i n a "lane'-or a l l e y , " thereby i n d i c a t i n g that she reminded him/her of one of the p o v e r t y - s t r i c k e n denizens of the crooked s t r e e t s whichhconstituted an urban slum.7 Several c r i t i c s remarked that the f i g u r e s looked unhealthy. Blackwood's,8 Punch, 9 and Tait's1Q wrote that some showed marked symptoms of r a c h i t i s , or r i c k e t t s , and Punch discerned evidence of " s c r o f u l a , " a common form of t u b e r c u l o s i s , i n the "emaciated bodies, shrunken legs, and tumid ancles [ s i c ] " 1 1 of the Holy Family. Dis-cussions of s c r o f u l a and r a c h i t i s often appear in nineteenth cen-t u r y l i t e r a t u r e concerning the poor. Both diseases were widely viewed as i n e v i t a b l e aspects of poverty.12 In hi s c l a s s i c study of poverty in Manchester, F r i e d r i c h Engels wrote that S c r o f u l a i s almost u n i v e r s a l among the working c l a s s . . . R a c h i t i s i s extremely common among the c h i l d r e n of the working c l a s s . . .Children who are h a l f - s t a r v e d . . .must i n e v i t a b l y become scrof u l o u s and r a c h i t i c i n a high degree. 13 In r e c o i l i n g from the i l l h e alth of M i l l a i s ' s Holy Family, Punch r e l a t e d t h e i r s c r o f u l i t i c c o n d i t i o n to a lack of personal 65 c l e a n l i n e s s , c l a i m i n g that "the s q u a l i d f i l t h f o r which the whole group i s remarkable i s associated with a d i s o r d e r , [ s c r o f u l a ] , n o t o r i o u s l y connected with d i r t . " ' ' 4 other c r i t i c s too objected to the unclean f i g u r e s . The Athenaeum and T a i t 1 s complained about the "unwashed"''5" bodies; Dickens wrote t h a t they were " d i r t y , " ' ' 6 and The Times found i t s e l f disgusted by the f a c t t h a t M i l l a i s ' s p i c t u r e featured "no conceivable omission of d i r t . " 1 7 Like the remarks concerning s c r o f u l a and r a c h i t i s , these comments too were pointed references to poverty, as contemporary di s c u s s i o n s of the poor i n v a r i a b l y included scandalized observations regarding t h e i r lack of personal hygiene, as w e l l as the f i l t h y c o n d i t i o n s i n which they l i v e d . 1 8 Some of the c r i t i c s went so f a r as to associ a t e M i l l a i s ' s Holy Family with " v i c e s " considered c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the poor. Dickens focussed upon al c o h o l i s m , a common element of slum l i f e , when he wrote t h a t St. Joseph and h i s apprentice resembled a p a i r of "drunkards," and he even r e f e r r e d to the favoured drink of the poor by p l a c i n g the V i r g i n i n a "low gin-shop."'' 9 In a d d i t i o n to drunkenness, charges of sexual promiscuity were often l e v e l l e d at the poor, and l i t e r a t u r e concerning slum l i f e t y p i c a l l y claimed t h a t the poor engaged i n e x t r a - or pre - m a r i t a l r e l a t i o n s , that they were i n d i s c r i m i n a t e i n t h e i r choice of pa r t n e r s , and that t h e i r c h i l d r e n were f r e q u e n t l y born out of wedlock. T a i t ' s 66 Edinburgh Magazine invoked t h i s aspect of the popular stereotype associated with poverty in i t s review of C h r i s t i n the House of ,his Parents. I t s c r i t i c wrote t h a t the young C h r i s t was a " b a n t l i n g , " 2 0 an i l l e g i t i m a t e c h i l d , whose status as the product of an i r r e g u l a r union was shared by many c h i l d r e n i n the slums. Unlike Household Words or T a i t ' s , Punch d i d not l i n k poverty with alcoholism or;:pro-m i s c u i t y . Instead, i t s approach was vague. I t connected the Holy ? 1 Family with u n s p e c i f i e d " i r r e g u l a r i t i e s i n l i v i n g , " but i t d e c l i n e d to go into d e t a i l regarding the type of behaviour which i t consid-ered t y p i c a l of the poor. C l e a r l y , the evocation of such a negative stereotype, e s p e c i a l l y when r e l a t e d to the Holy Family, would have been enough to a l i e n a t e the c r i t i c s who reviewed M i l l a i s ' s work. However, the stereotype of poverty was a c t u a l l y motivated by a r e a l f e a r of the poor, one which c o n s i s t e n t l y marked the l i t e r a t u r e d e a l i n g with pauperism, and which s u r e l y exacerbated the h o s t i l i t y with which C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents was received. The f o l l o w i n g a r t i c l e on a pauper c h i l d r e n s ' school, w r i t t e n by Frederick Hunt f o r Household Words, i s an e x c e l l e n t example of the t r e p i d a t i o n with which the propertied c l a s s e s con-templated the poor. [Norwich School] may be c a l l e d a f a c t o r y f o r mak-ing harmless. . .subjects of the very worst of human m a t e r i a l — a place f o r converting those who 67 would c e r t a i n l y be miserable and most l i k e l y v i c i o u s , i n t o r a t i o n a l , reasonable, and often very useful members of s o c i e t y ; - - i n s h o r t , a house f o r t r a i n i n g a large and wretched c l a s s i n habits of decency, re-g u l a r i t y , and order, and leading a p i t i a b l e s e c t i o n o f . . .London from the road to crime i n t o t h a t of honest in d u s t r y and s e l f - r e s p e c t . 22 Hunt's compassion f o r the poor, whom he describes as " p i t -i a b l e , " "wretched," and "miserable," i s obvious; but i n t e r t w i n e d with h i s sympathy i s the nervous b e l i e f that the c l a s s in question i s an i n t i m i d a t i n g e n t i t y v. whose c h i l d r e n , i f not "made harmless" in time, w i l l become v i c i o u s c r i m i n a l s , devoid of a l l decent charac-t e r i s t i c s . The Times ecihoed Hunt's c o n t r a d i c t o r y sentiments i n an a r t i c l e examiningnthe beggars of London. The i d l e r u f f i a n s who molest our s t r e e t s . . . are nothing more or less than freebooters whose plan i s to l i v e by l y i n g , t e r r i f y i n g , b u l l y i n g , o b s t r u c t i n g and every other form of petty m i s c h i e f . They t h r i v e l i k e vermin by was-t i n g the substance. . .of the i n d u s t r i o u s and can only be regarded. . .as t h i e v e s . 23 The vocabulary employed by the anonymous Times j o u r n a l i s t reveals a deep-seated antagonism and alarm concerning the poor, who are reduced to a l e s s than human status i n being dismissed as "vermin." At the same time, they are perceived as a genuinely t h r e a t e n i n g presence, b u l l y i n g and molesting honest c i t i z e n s in the s t r e e t s of London. 68 This commentator's a n x i e t y , which was so often voiced i n the l i t e r a t u r e d e a l i n g with the poor, was grounded i n the tenseness of r e l a t i o n s between the p r o p e r t i e d and unpropertied c l a s s e s , which had p r e v a i l e d f o r much of the f i r s t part of the nineteenth century. The most recent manifestation of working c l a s s discontent had been embodied in the C h a r t i s t demonstration of 10 A p r i l , 1848. While by 1850, Chartism had been so c l e a r l y defeated that Punch could support the release of imprisoned C h a r t i s t s , ("now made harmless by the common sense and common l o y a l t y of the English people,")24 f e a r f u l memories of the unrest of 1848 remained sharp, as d i d the awareness of a con-s t a n t l y smouldering sense of d i s a f f e c t i o n on the part of the lower working classes.25 Such working c l a s s unrest sprang from a s e r i e s of events which had transformed England, and which had been a c c e l e r a t i n g throughout the century. The f i r s t h a l f of the century saw re-current crop f a i l u r e s , which produced a g r i c u l t u r a l unemployment and g e n e r a l l y depressed conditions.26 Large numbers f l o c k e d from the countryside i n t o the c i t y , as r u r a l labourers soughtcemployment in the great t o w n s . 2 7 Many encountered only continuing poverty. A massive i n f l u x of impoverished I r i s h migrants i n t e n s i f i e d t h i s s i t u a t i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y a f t e r the potato famine of 1846. Due to t h i s combination of circumstances, the existence of discontent among the lower working c l a s s e s remained strong.28 69 Estimates v a r i e d regarding how many paupers crowded the new urban centres,29 but everyone agreed t h a t they c o n s t i t u t e d a serious problem, which must be addressed before i t reached impossible proportions. D i f f e r i n g s o l u t i o n s were put forward; from enforced emigration, or s a n i t a r y reform; to education, whether se c u l a r or r e l i g i o u s ; to a change in the laws which determined support f o r the d e s t i t u t e , and, while a l l of these measures were acted upon to a c e r t a i n extent, and d i d achieve some degree of success, the problem remained f i r m l y entrenched i n English s o c i e t y . T.'SC That the lower working c l a s s e s e x i s t e d in a chronic s t a t e of discontent was widely b e l i e v e d among the middle and upper c l a s s e s in England. I t was t h i s knowledge which imbued the already negative stereotype of the poor with i t s threatening aspects, and which must als o have been at l e a s t p a r t i a l l y r e sponsible f o r the extreme anger which appeared i n some of the c r i t i c a l responses to C h r i s t i n the  House ofhhis Parents. While every c r i t i c who reviewed C h r i s t i n the House of h i s  Parents maintained t h a t the f i g u r e s were ugly, or d i s t o r t e d , or even deformed, not a l l went on to l i n k these p h y s i c a l defects with poverty, or even to discuss the i s s u e . The explanation f o r t h i s l i e s in the broader treatment of poverty normally displayed by the j o u r n a l s f o r whichhthese c r i t i c s wrote. E s s e n t i a l l y , p e r i o d i c a l s which t y p i c a l l y featured a h o s t i l e and f e a r f u l approach to the poor 70 e x h i b i t e d the same r e a c t i o n to the poverty they thought they detected in M i l l a i s ' s work, whereas those magazines l a c k i n g a f r i g h t e n e d , b e l l i g e r e n t a t t i t u d e toward poverty in general also f a i l e d to voice i t in t h e i r reviews of C h r i s t in the House of h i s Parents30 U l t i -mately, the key to these d i f f e r i n g responses to both poverty and M i l l a i s ' s p a i n t i n g l i e s i n a disagreement concerning the e f f i c a c y of the i n s t i t u t i o n s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the maintenance of the poor. Those j o u r n a l s , l i k e The Spectator, The Athenaeum, and The Guardian, which di d not connect C h r i s t in the House of h i s Parents with poverty g e n e r a l l y held that the poor were being looked a f t e r with marked success. They tended to point to the v i c t o r i e s of i n s t i t u t i o n s which d e a l t with..the poor,31 r a t h e r than to widespread f a i l u r e s i n t h i s area, and t h e i r confident approach meant that theyudisplayed much less anxiety regarding the poor than d i d theobther j o u r n a l s . Both The Spectator and The Athenaeum wrote f o r a predomi-nantly haute bourgeois readership of l i b e r a l p o l i t i c s . 3 2 This group, or, more p r e c i s e l y , the Whig party which represented t h e i r i n t e r e s t s , had played a major r o l e i n passing the new Poor Law of 1834, which was s t i l l in place i n 1850. 3 3 Therefore, the j o u r n a l s which catered to t h i s c l a s s n a t u r a l l y approved of the i n s t i t u t i o n s through which the pauper community was maintained, since these had been l a r g e l y shaped by t h e i r own p o l i t i c a l philosophy. By c o n t r a s t , those p e r i o d i c a l s which attacked C h r i s t in the 71 House of hi s Parents f o r i t s apparent references to poverty held t h a t such i n s t i t u t i o n s were f a i l i n g i n t h e i r task of c i v i l i z i n g and c o n t r o l l i n g the poor, and they i n s i s t e d that the problems associated with poverty, such as v i c e , disease, crime, and di s c o n t e n t , were not being solved, but perhaps were even worsening.34 These j o u r n a l s were aimed at r e a d e r s h i p s of widely d i v e r -gent c l a s s backgrounds and varying p o l i t i c a l stances. For instance, Blackwood's was a staunchly conservative Tory monthly, d i r e c t e d mainly to the country a r i s t o c r a c y , 3 5 while Punch and Household Words, both of which espoused a l i b e r a l and reforming p o s i t i o n , a t t r a c t e d a s o l i d l y middle-class p u b l i c . 3 6 Nevertheless, whether estranged from the pattern expressed by The Spectator or The Athenaeum due to p o l i t i c a l or c l a s s d i f f e r e n c e s , a l l of these p e r i o d i c a l s shared an i n a b i l i t y to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the l i b e r a l high bourgeoisie's s o l u t i o n to the problem of poverty. As in the case of the r e a c t i o n to poverty, in which c r i t i c a l h o s t i l i t y had been d i s t r i b u t e d throughout the spectrum of c l a s s and p o l i t i c s , an eq u a l l y d i s p a r a t e group of j o u r n a l s a r t i c u -l a t e d the su s p i c i o n t h a t C h r i s t i n the House of hi s Parents was connected with Roman Catholicism.37 L i b e r a l Household Words attacked M i l l a i s ' s work by l i n k i n g i t with the Roman C a t h o l i c a r t of both past and present. Dickens wrote t h a t the s p i r i t of Pre-Raphaelitism o r i g i n a t e d in the "ugly r e l i g i o u s c a r i c a t u r e s ( c a l l e d m y s t e r i e s ) , " which dated from the Pre-Reformat ion p e r i o d , and he 72 claimed f a c e t i o u s l y t h a t the Brotherhood's example had i n s p i r e d Roman C a t h o l i c a r c h i t e c t Augustus welby Pugin to design a s e r i e s of manuscript books, " i n characters nobody on earth s h a l l be able to r e a d . " 3 8 The c r i t i c who wrote f o r the conservative Art Journal d i s l i k e d . - . M i l l a i s ' s p a i n t i n g because i t reminded him of the unpleasant a r t produced under the patronage of the medieval C a t h o l i c c h u r c h . 3 9 In a l a t e r Art Journal review, the w r i t e r , John Ballantyne, commented tha t he would "not be su r p r i s e d i f " the Pre-Raphaelites e v e n t u a l l y seceded to the Roman church.40 Both Dickens and the c r i t i c c o n t r i -buting to T a i t ' s , a Radical magazine,41 i n d i r e c t l y conferred a Roman Ca t h o l i c i d e n t i t y upon M i l l a i s ' s p i c t u r e by l i n k i n g i t with s p e c i f i c C a t h o l i c s i t e s i n London. Dickens claimed that St. Joseph and h i s apprentice resembled " d i r t y drunkards," whose "very toes had walked out of [the slum p a r i s h o f ] St. Giles's,"42 while T a i t ' s l o c a l i z e d M i l l a i s ' s scene of an "unwashed, whining b r a t , s c r a t c h i n g i t s e l f against rusty n a i l s i n a carpenter's shop in the Seven D i a l s , " This s'iiteh was i t s e l f an area w i t h i n St. G i l e s ' s . 4 3 The population of St. G i l e s ' s c o n s i s t e d almost e n t i r e l y of poor I r i s h Roman Catholics.44 I t was a notorious d i s t r i c t , and i t s name had become a catchword f o r the lowest forms of poverty. The ethnic o r i g i n and r e l i g i o u s o r i e n -t a t i o n of i t s i n h a b i t a n t s were as widely known as was the extreme nature of i t s deprivations.45 I t i s c l e a r t h a t the suspected Roman C a t h o l i c elements i n 73 C h r i s t i n the House of hi s Parents disturbed these c r i t i c s , whether they expressed t h e i r antagonism i n a d i s l i k e of medieval or modern C a t h o l i c a r t , or i n d e s c r i p t i o n s of C a t h o l i c slum d w e l l e r s . The reasons f o r such d i s l i k e lay i n the f a c t t h a t although Roman Cath-o l i c s themselves had been accorded a measure of o f f i c i a l t o l e r a t i o n , (they had been emancipated i n 1829), no such acceptance had been extended to t h e i r r e l i g i o n on a popular l e v e l , and i t was s t i l l viewed in a f a r from p o s i t i v e l i g h t by many V i c t o r i a n s . A n t i -C a t h o l i c i s m , or "No-Popery," as i t was often c a l l e d , was s t r o n g l y e s t a b l i s h e d in the England of 1850, where i t permeated almost every l e v e l of s o c i e t y . 4 6 Therefore, the c r i t i c s who responded nega-t i v e l y to the supposed Roman C a t h o l i c i s m of C h r i s t i n the House of  his Parents were v o i c i n g the d i s l i k e of a r e l i g i o u s system which had surfaced many times before. Those opposed to Roman C a t h o l i c i s m most commonly associated i t with ignorance, and they be l i e v e d t h a t t h i s q u a l i t y manifested i t s e l f in r e l i g i o u s s u p e r s t i t i o n , which blocked the advances of science and r e a s o n . 4 7 Punch's s a t i r i c a l attack on Catholicism's benighted understanding of science appeared in the f o l l o w i n g "Astro-nomical Examination Paper f o r the C a t h o l i c U n i v e r s i t y , " purportedly w r i t t e n by Primate C u l l e n . The Sun i s two yards i n diameter-I t moves round the Earth; I t i s made of bees' wax; It r i s e s i n the west, and sets i n the east; I t i s c a l l e d the Sun, because i t f i r s t made i t s Appearance on a SUNday. 48 74 Having intimated t h a t Catholicism's grasp of astronomy was pre-Copernican, Punch claimed t h a t the other sciences fared e q u a l l y badly in C a t h o l i c i n s t i t u t i o n s . In medicine, f o r example, s u p e r s t i t i o n was r i f e , and modern p r a c t i c e s "would be e n t i r e l y superseded by. . . s a i n t ' s t o e - n a i l s . . .thaumaturgic mummies, miraculous o l d c l o t h e s , and canonised rags," which would be used in the treatment of " a l l d i s e a s e s . " 4 9 Due to t h e i r backwardness, Roman C a t h o l i c populations were i n e v i t a b l y ridden with poverty and disease, since they were deprived of the i n t e l l e c t u a l advances which a l l e v i a t e d both i l l n e s s and pauperism. I r e l a n d , with i t s poverty, disease, and ignorance, was often s i n g l e d out as the paradigm of the e v i l s produced by Roman Catholicism.50 C a t h o l i c i s m was als o made synonymous with r e l i g i o u s and p o l i t i c a l oppression, and was thought to be implacably h o s t i l e to the e s s e n t i a l freedoms most valued by English s o c i e t y . The Spec-t a t o r believed t h a t C a t h o l i c i s m was in oppo s i t i o n to "the s p i r i t of f r e e d i s c u s s i o n . . .freedom of thought, a f r e e press, and the r e f o r -ming s p i r i t . " 5 1 Punch suspected i t was u n f r i e n d l y to f r e e trade,52 and Blackwood's claimed that i t s u l t i m a t e goal was the d e s t r u c t i o n of Protestantism, which t h a t magazine perceived as the fountainhead of a l l the l i b e r t i e s which had made England a great nation.^3 75 Such a negative response to Roman Ca t h o l i c i s m assumes a great deal of meaning when examined in conjunction with the actual s t a t e of the Continental church during the f i r s t half, of the nine-teenth century. Although "No-Popery" i n England was as o l d as the Reformation, i t had experienced an upsurge during the 1820's. 5 4 This corresponded with the assumption of the t i a r a by therfiTst of the four s t r o n g l y conservative popes who were.to shape C a t h o l i c i s m between 1823 and 1850. Under these popes, the I n q u i s i t i o n was re-viv e d , censorship strengthened, and the c l e r g y , nor longer permitted to attend s e c u l a r u n i v e r s i t i e s , were educated i n seminaries from which modern ideas were barred.55 Therefore, given the nature of Cat h o l i c i s m during t h i s p e r i o d , i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g t h a t the.image of the Roman C a t h o l i c church held by many people i n England was one which revolved around ignorance and oppression.56 Of equal n e g a t i v i t y to many V i c t o r i a n s was an i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of the C a t h o l i c church's missionary programme, both on the Continent and i n B r i t a i n i t s e l f . 5 7 English Protestants assured each other t h a t , as Lord John R u s s e l l , the Whig Prime M i n i s t e r , put i t : 5 8 the l i b e r t y of Protestantism has been enjoyed too long i n England to all o w . . .a f o r e i g n p r i n c e , [the pope], . . .to fa s t e n h i s f e t t e r s upon a na-t i o n which has so. . .nobly v i n d i c a t e d i t s r i g h t t o freedom of o p i n i o n , c i v i l , p o l i t i c a l , and re-l i g i o u s . 59 Russ e l l was j u s t i f i e d i n h i s b e l i e f t h a t C a t h o l i c i s m could 76 make l i t t l e headway i n England, f o r the widespread animosity towards i t guaranteed that i t would f a i l t o sway the bulk of B r i t i s h P r o t e s t a n t s . However, R u s s e l l , as w e l l as many other V i c t o r i a n s , d i d i d e n t i f y one e n t i t y i n .'.English s o c i e t y which bore marked tra c e s of C a t h o l i c i n f l u e n c e , and which, alarmingly enough, seemed t o be operating as a kind of f i f t h column i n disseminating the e v i l s of popery from w i t h i n the Church of England i t s e l f . This was Anglo-Catholicism.60 Opinions d i f f e r e d regarding the exact nature of the re-l a t i o n s between Anglo-Catholics and Rome. Many held t h a t Anglo-C a t h o l i c s were simply secret " p a p i s t s , " 6 1 while others maintained that the English movement was an unwi t t i n g dupe of Rome;62 but e s s e n t i a l l y , the b e l i e f t h a t Roman C a t h o l i c involvement in English a f f a i r s would be fu r t h e r e d by Anglo-Catholicism was the spectre which most c o n s i s t e n t l y f r i g h t e n e d i t s opponents. That the Anglo-Catholics d i d f u r n i s h t h e i r enemies with ample evidence of t i e s with the Continental church i s t r u e . They borrowed h e a v i l y from Rome, adapting portions of i t s church r i t u a l f o r E n g l i s h use, but perhaps most o b j e c t i o n a b l e , as f a r as Anglo-Catholicism's c r i t i c s were concerned, was i t s r e v i v a l of the medieval aspects of C a t h o l i c i s m , i n both theology and the a r t s . 77 Therefore, i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g that some of the j o u r n a l i s t s who reviewed C h r i s t in the House of h i s Parents r e l a t e d i t s medievalism to t h a t espoused by Anglo-Catholicism. Dickens, in d e s c r i b i n g a f i c t i t i o u s brotherhood which he f a c e t i o u s l y claimed had appeared in response to Pre-Raphaelite medievalism, wrote that some "large Educational I n s t i t u t i o n s in the neighbourhood of Oxford are nearly ready to pronounce i n favour of i t . " 6 3 Oxford was the b i r t h p l a c e of Anglo-Catholicism, and the sect was s o - f i r m l y i d e n t i f i e d with t h i s c i t y that i t had been c a l l e d the Oxford Movement. 6 4 Dickens elaborated upon the m e d i e v a l i z i n g philosophy behind C h r i s t i n the  House of h i s Parents by a s s e r t i n g t h a t i t " p a r a l l e l [ e d ] " t h a t of the small Tory group c a l l e d Young England, 65 which i t s e l f was very c l o s e l y a l l i e d with Anglo-Catholicism. Ralph Wornum, in an a r t i c l e f o r The Art J o u r n a l , a l s o made this.^connection, when he wrote about the band of p a i n t e r s whose "Gothic r e v i v a l " works "had been conspic-uous f o r the l a s t two or three years i n the London e x h i b i t i o n s , " and who were "sometimes s t y l e d 'the Young England, 1 and sometimes the 'Pre-Raphael School.' 1 , 6 6 Young England, which had o f f i c i a l l y disbanded i n 1846, c o n s i s t e d of Benjamin D i s r a e l i , Lord John Manners, George Smythe, (Viscount S t r a n g f o r d ) , and Alexander Cochrane-Bai11ie, (Baron Laming-t o n ) . Manners and Smythe were staunch A n g l o - C a t h o l i c s , 6 7 and the group as a whole subscribed to much of Anglo-Catholic thought. They were opposed to r e f o r m , 6 8 and i n s i s t e d that the s o l u t i o n to 78 many current problems could be found i n a r e v i t a l i z e d Anglican C h u r c h . 6 9 They supported the r e s u s c i t a t i o n of feudalism and monas-t i c i s m , 7 0 were l i n k e d with elements of the T o r y . a r i s t o c r a c y , 7 1 and they stood f o r the kind of paternalism which c h a r a c t e r i z e d Anglo-Cathol i c i s m . 7 2 Dickens explained why he found Young England's philosophy, of which C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents was the " t a n g i b l e sym-b o l , " to be so o b j e c t i o n a b l e . E s s e n t i a l l y , i t was " r e t r o g r e s s i v e " in t h a t i t d e l i b e r a t e l y chose to "ignore a l l that has been done f o r the happiness and e l e v a t i o n of mankind during three or four c e n t u r i e s of slow and dearly-bought a m e l i o r a t i o n . 1 1 7 3 By " a l l t h a t has been done," Dickens meant a l l post-medieval advances, and not only those concerned with p a i n t i n g . For Dickens, a world patterned a f t e r the r e t r o g r e s s i v e i d e a l f o s t e r e d by C h r i s t in the House of h i s Parents and Young England would be one i n which the sciences, the a r t s , and even r u l e s governing behaviour would a l l be transformed, r e v e r t i n g back to t h e i r medieval s t a t e . Thus, physics would be returned to i t s "Pre-Newtonian" c o n d i t i o n , i n which the "laws of g r a v i t a t i o n " would be denied. In medicine, Harvey's d i s c o v e r i e s regarding the " c i r c u l a t i o n of the blood" would be condemned, while l i t e r a t u r e was to f a l l back to i t s "Pre-Chaucerian" p o s i t i o n , complete with an ancie n t , (and i l l e g i b l e ) , a l p h a b e t . 7 4 C l e a r l y , Dickens was exaggerating i n order to make h i s 79 point about the backwardness of medievalism, but the f a c t that most of h i s review d e a l t with t h i s issue shows t h a t , despite h i s humorous approach, he considered the subject of great s i g n i f i c a n c e . Although Household Words d i d not normally discuss a r t , "Old Lamps f o r New Ones" appeared prominently, as a leading a r t i c l e , another i n d i c a t o r of the importance which Dickens according t h i s s ubject. Dickens's own philosophy was r a d i c a l l y opposed to t h a t of medievalism on almost every i s s u e . Household Words s t r o n g l y sup-ported reform;75 and against medievalism's tendency to l o c a t e i t s golden age i n the past, and i t s idea that post-medieval English h i s t o r y had been a period of d e c l i n e , Household Words stood f o r a b e l i e f in progress and a t r u s t t h a t the modern era represented the acme of human development. This was expressed by j o u r n a l i s t Per-c i v a l Leigh, i n h i s a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "A Tale of the Good Old Times." Here,£.a m e d i e v a l i s t i s convinced to abandon h i s r e v i v a l i s m when the "good o l d times" which he so b l i n d l y admires are revealed to c o n s i s t of nothing more than " b a t t l e s , burnings, massacres, c r u e l tormentings, and a t r o c i t i e s . 1 , 7 6 He is advised t h a t the best times. . .are the o l d e s t . They are the w i s e s t , f o r the o l d e r the world grows the more experience i t acquires. I t i s o l d e r now than ever i t was. The o l d e s t and best times the world has yet seen are the present. . .[A]. . . l i g h t [of progress and reform]. . . i s g r a d u a l l y i l l u -minating human darkness. 77 80 Faced with a c u l t u r a l movement which would e x t i n g u i s h the l i g h t o f human progress, and which, i n doing so, would plunge the modern world i n t o a c o n d i t i o n of medieval ignorance and barbarism, Dickens f e l t compelled to attack i t i n h i s review of C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents. We can assume that Dickens.'s. response, "with i t s unshakeable f a i t h i n the gospel of progress, and i t s corresponding r e j e c t i o n of a philosophy which p l a c e d i t s U t o p i a i n the vanished p a s t , c e r t a i n l y found a large audience among the middle c l a s s e s , since Household Words, with:'its enormous c i r c u l a t i o n , was the most popular of the p e r i o d i c a l s which examined C h r i s t i n the House of h i s P a r e n t s . 7 8 Although Dickens d i d object to medievalism upon r e l i g i o u s grounds, most of h i s d i s c u s s i o n had concentrated upon the se c u l a r i m p l i c a t i o n s of r e v i v a l i s m . However, some c r i t i c s d i d dwell l a r g e l y upon the r e l i g i o u s aspects of medievalism, complainihg;that these were based i n an unhealthy sentiment. The Art Journal.'s c r i t i c wrote t h a t M i l l a i s ' s work was a remarkable example of the a s c e t i c i s m of p a i n t i n g ; f o r there was a time when Art was employed i n mor-t i f i c a t i o n of the f l e s h ; and of t h a t period i s t h i s work, f o r few ordinary observers there are who can look on i t without a shudder. Greek Art r a i s e d men'oto the l e v e l of the gods, but the c l a s s of which we speak i s a f o r e t a s t e of the grave. 79 Ralph Wornum, al s o w r i t i n g f o r The Art J o u r n a l , echoed h i s colleague's o b j e c t i o n s to the medievalism of C h r i s t i n the House of  hi s Parents. He remarked t h a t M i l l a i s ' s p i c t u r e e x h i b i t e d "the 81 most morbid a s c e t i c i s m of the c e l l , " and furthermore, t h a t Pre-Raphaelitism i t s e l f was a "purely a s c e t i c movement," which "corres-ponded] to th a t i n t o l e r a b l e idea t h a t s a n c t i f i c a t i o n c o n s i s t s i n o n the m o r t i f i c a t i o n of the f l e s h . " o u A s c e t i c i s m , founded upon the b e l i e f t h a t men and women are in h e r e n t l y e v i l , i nvolves a concentration upon human imperfections, as w e l l as an i n s i s t e n c e t h a t the des i r e d s t a t e of C h r i s t i a n s should entail'., penance and c o n t r i t i o n f o r s i n . C l e a r l y , the Art Journal c r i t i c s were opposed to t h i s philosophy, as the f i r s t w r i t e r ' s r e f -erences to Greek a r t r e v e a l . He admired Greek a r t , (and presumably th a t of the c l a s s i c a l l y - i n s p i r e d post-medieval p e r i o d ) , because he perceived i t as an e x a l t a t i o n of human c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , based i n a b e l i e f i n the i n t r i n s i c goodness and p e r f e c t i b i l i t y of human nature. According to t h i s c r i t i c ' s approach, any a r t founded upon a p o s i t i v e concept of humanity would a u t o m a t i c a l l y centre upon the expression of, or the appeal t o , the best q u a l i t i e s l i n men and women. Conversely, an a r t which turned upon negative ideas regarding human nature would c o n s i s t only of images focussed upon i t s d e p r a v i t y . I t was t h i s ex-t i n c t i o n of a l l t h a t i s valuable i n men and women which the Art Jour-nal c r i t i c may have had in mind when he c a l l e d a s c e t i c a r t a " f o r e -t a s t e of the grave." Other c r i t i c s s t r u c t u r e d t h e i r attacks upon M i l l a i s ' s med-i e v a l i s m around a r t i s t i c concerns, but here again t h e i r b e l i e f i n 82 the gospel of progress played an important r o l e in determining the nature of t h e i r r e a c t i o n . Repeatedly, they commented th a t a med-i e v a l i z i n g s t y l e was inappropriate f o r r e l i g i o u s subject matter because i t was f u l l of t e c h n i c a l f l a w s . They complained t h a t M i l -l a i s ' s l a t e medieval prototypes had been ignorant of even the most fundamental tenets governing p e r s p e c t i v e , c o l o u r , anatomy, and chiaroscuro, and tha t M i l l a i s himself had, as Blackwood's put i t , reproduced t h e i r " e r r o r s , c r u d i t i e s , and i m p e r f e c t i o n s " 8 1 in h i s own p a i n t i n g . In doing so, he had i n e x p l i c a b l y renouncEed]. . .the progress t h a t . . .has been made [ i n the post-medieval p e r i o d ] ; r e j e c t i n g the experience of c e n t u r i e s , to r e v e r t f o r models, not to a r t in i t s prime, but to a r t i n i t s uncul-t i v a t e d infancy. 82 For these c r i t i c s , Renaissance a r t was so obviously the epitome of p e r f e c t i o n that i t a u t o m a t i c a l l y c o n s t i t u t e d the standard by which other, forms of a r t were judged, and a l l stood or f e l l accor-ding to how c l o s e l y they resembled cinquecento norms. The concept that pre-Renaissance a r t might be evaluated on i t s own terms, as a phenomenon, e x i s t i n g apart from the Renaissance, was an idea f o r e i g n to these j o u r n a l i s t s , and they continued to berate medieval a r t i s t s , (and M i l l a i s ) , f o r t h e i r f a i l u r e to produce Renaissance-styled works. So c e r t a i n were these w r i t e r s that the fountainhead of tru e progress i n the a r t s could be discerned in the High Renaissance, that they simply could not understand why M i l l a i s had d e l i b e r a t e l y 83 turned h i s back on i t s f l a w l e s s t r a d i t i o n s i n favour of the e r r o r s of the l a t e r middle ages. The Spectator wondered whether M i l l a i s ' s medievalism might u l t i m a t e l y mask "some f a t a l c o n s t i t u t i o n a l disease in h i s g e n i u s , " 8 3 and T a i t ' s questioned h i s sanity,84 hut by f a r the most common assessment of the a r t i s t ' s motives centred upon the issue of " a f f e c t a t i o n . 1 , 8 5 He was accused of h y p o c r i t i c a l l y adopting h i s "uncouth" 8 6 medieval mannerisms f o r c t h e sole purpose of drawing a t t e n t i o n to h i s works through the n o t o r i e t y they would gain. One j o u r n a l had no d i f f i c u l t y i n accepting t h a t M i l l a i s ' s r e v i v a l i s m was motivated by s i n c e r e i n t e r e s t . This was The Guardian, which, as p r e v i o u s l y mentioned, c o n s t i t u t e d a s i g n i f i c a n t departure from the norm i n i t s approval of C h r i s t i n the House:of h i s Parents. The Guardian's d i s c u s s i o n of the work was published on the eighth of May, several weeks before most of the u n f r i e n d l y reviews were issued.' The anonymous c r i t i c o p t i m i s t i c a l l y expected that "the merits of" C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents would "be much canvassed," because the work was "of a high and novel order of genius," and because i t s f i g u r e s were given " i n d i v i d u a l c h a r a c t e r , " f e a t u r i n g none of the "mawkish r e p e t i t i o n of stereotyped faces and forms, i n t o which even our best modern a r t i s t s are wont to s l i d e . " 8 8 Nonetheless, the c r i -t i c immediately q u a l i f i e d t h i s approval by s t a t i n g t h a t M i l l a i s had gone too f a r i n h i s departure from "stereotyped faces and forms." The problem lay in the area of medievalism. "We decidedly opine," 84 the c r i t i c observed, that t h i s [withdrawal from stereotyping] might be e f f e c t e d without adopting the quaint d i s t o r t i o n s :v of f i g u r e which are r a t h e r accidents of the great Flemish p a i n t e r s , Van Eyck and Hemling, [ s i c ] , than r e a l elements of t h e i r a r t and method of treatment*; 89 S u p e r f i c i a l l y , the o b j e c t i o n s voiced above by The Guardian resemble those of the other c r i t i c s , i n t h a t the same l i n k between medieval a r t and t e c h n i c a l imperfection appears. However, the c r u c i a l d i f f e r e n c e l i e s in the f a c t t h a t The Guardian d i d not con-ceive of these defects as proofs of the inherent i n f e r i o r i t y of med-i e v a l a r t , and t h i s i s c l e a r l y a r t i c u l a t e d i n i t s c l a i m t h a t such flaws were merely "accidents." Obviously then, The Guardian's d i s -l i k e of M i l l a i s ' s medievalism was not the expression of a broader d i s t a s t e f o r quattrocento a r t ; nor was i t grounded i n a r e j e c t i o n of r e v i v a l i s m , f o r The Guardian was an Anglo-Catholic p u b l i c a t i o n , and as such i t supported the r e s u s c i t a t i o n of medieval a r t . 9 ^ That The Guardian's stance was e s s e n t i a l l y pro-medievalizing was perhaps r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the mildness of i t s o b j e c t i o n s to C h r i s t  in the House of h i s Parents. While i t d i d not wholly approve of the way i n which M i l l a i s had r e f e r r e d to h i s quattrocento prototypes, and while i t s t a s t e , l i k e t h a t of the u n f r i e n d l y p e r i o d i c a l s , r e-mained s t r o n g l y influenced by the High Renaissance conventions which dominated nineteenth-century a r t , i t c e r t a i n l y would have found 85 nothing disagreeable i n e i t h e r the p r a c t i c e of borrowing/from med-i e v a l a r t , or i n the philosophy which lay behind i t . As mentioned above, The Guardian d i d not r e l a t e the ana-tomical " d i s t o r t i o n s " of C h r i s t in the House of h i s Parents to pov-e r t y , an issue which i t s review omitted a l t o g e t h e r . Again, t h i s i s t r a c e a b l e to the a t t i t u d e s held by t h i s p e r i o d i c a l concerning poverty. T y p i c a l l y , Anglo-Catholicism had never shared in the widespread f e a r of the poor, nor had i t subscribed to the negative stereotype of poverty. Instead, Anglo-Catholicism t r e a t e d the poor with marked respect, and even valued a l i f e of poverty because i t was thought to f o s t e r t r u e s p i r i t u a l i t y . 9 ' ' As a holy e s t a t e , poverty could only e x i s t according to the w i l l of God, and obviously any attempt to change or to e r a d i c a t e i t would be contrary to the d i v i n e p l a n . Therefore, the Anglo-Catholic approach to poverty tended to perpet-uate i t , by attempting to convince the poor that t h e i r s was a d e s i r -able way of l i f e . 9 2 The Guardian e x h i b i t e d t h i s Anglo-Catholic a t t i t u d e towards the poor. I t published several a r t i c l e s which d e a l t with t h e i r p l i g h t , and a l l were c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a sympathetic examination of the s u b j e c t . 9 3 In a d d i t i o n , n e i t h e r the negative connotations of poverty, nor the popular anxiety concerning the poor appeared i n the pages of The Guardian. Therefore, since t h i s p e r i o d i c a l maintained no unpleasant image of poverty which could be a c t i v a t e d by the 86 p o r t r a y a l of an u n i d e a l i z e d f i g u r e , and no f e a r of the poor to strengthen the r e p e l l e n t nature of such an image, i t s s i l e n c e concerning poverty i n i t s review of C h r i s t i n the House of h i s  Parents i s not d i f f i c u l t to understand. In f a c t , i t i s q u i t e l i k e l y t hat the c r i t i c d i d not connect the p a i n t i n g with poverty. However, only The Guardian e x h i b i t e d the pattern of sym-pathy towards the poor combined with an acceptance of medievalism. For many of the other / j o u r n a l s , as we have seen, M i l l a i s ' s f a i l u r e to i d e a l i z e h i s f i g u r e s had sparked d i s t a s t e f u l a s s o c i a t i o n s concerning the poor, e s p e c i a l l y i n those p e r i o d i c a l s which were most h o s t i l e toward the pauper community, and which, f o r reasons r e l a t e d to c l a s s : o r p o l i t i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n , could not p a r t i c i p a t e i n mainstream s o l u t i o n s to the problem of poverty. While The  Guardian had no d i f f i c u l t i e s with the p r i n c i p l e s involved i n M i l -l a i s ' s r e v i v a l i s m , the other c r i t i c s i d e n t i f i e d i t as an attack upon t h e i r cherished ideas regarding human progress, whether mani-f e s t e d i n the scie n c e s , r e l i g i o n , or the a r t s . C l e a r l y , a " p i c t u r e which seemed to challenge such fundamental assumptions c o n s t i t u t e d a d i s t i n c t t h r e a t i n the minds of these j o u r n a l i s t s , one which de-manded a strong c o u n t e r o f f e n s i v e phrased so as to ass e r t the v a l i d -i t y of t h e i r own views, and at the same time to explode the p h i l o s -ophy which they: saw ex e m p l i f i e d i n C h r i s t in the House of h i s Parents. 87 FOOTNOTES 1 I t was discussed by: The A r t J o u r n a l , The Athenaeum, The  B u i l d e r , Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, The Guardian, Household  Words, Punch, The Spectator, T a i t ' s Edinburgh Magazine, and The  Times. 2[Frederick Hardman], "The P i c t u r e s of the Season," Black-wood' s Edinburgh Magazine, v o l . 68 ( J u l y 1850), page 82. 3[Charles Dickens], "Old Lamps f o r New Ones," Household Words, v o l . 1 (15 June 1850), page 265. 4Anon., "The A r t s , the Royal Academy," The Spectator, v o l . 23 (4 May 1850), page 427. ^ C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents was li n k e d with poverty by: Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, Household Words, Punch, T a i t ' s  Edinburgh Magazine, and The Times. Medievalism was discussed by: The Art J o u r n a l , The Athenaeum, Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, The  B u i l d e r , The Guardian, Household Words, The Spectator, T a i t ' s Edin-burgh Magazine, and The Times. 6[Dickens], "Old Lamps," Household Words, v o l . 1 (15 June 1850), pages 265-266. 7Anon., "The Royal Academy: May E x h i b i t i o n , " T a i t ' s Edinburgh  Magazine, v o l . 17 (June 1850), page 357. ^[Hardman], " P i c t u r e s , " Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, v o l . 68 (Ju l y 1850), page 82. 9Anon., " P a t h o l o g i c a l E x h i b i t i o n at the Royal Academy," Punch, v o l . 18 (approximately 15 May 1850), page 198. 1°Anon., "Royal Academy," T a i t ' s Edinburgh Magazine, v o l . 17 (June 1850), page 357. 11 Anon., " P a t h o l o g i c a l , " Punch, v o l . 18 (approximately 15 May 1850), page 198. l i n k between m a l n u t r i t i o n and r a c h i t i s i s well-documented. For a d i s c u s s i o n of the connection between inadequate d i e t and tuber-c u l o s i s , see Rene and Jean Dubos, The White Plague: T u b e r c u l o s i s ,  Man, and Societ y, (Boston: L i t t l e , Brown, and Company, 1952), page 140. 88 ^ F r i e d r i c h Engels, The Condition of the Working Class i n  England i n 1844, (London: George A l l e n and Unwin, f i r s t pub-" l i s h e d i n English i n 1892; r e p r i n t ed., 1920), pages 101-102. 1 4Anon., " P a t h o l o g i c a l " Punch, v o l . 18 (approximately 15 May 1850), page 198. 1 5[Solomon H a r t ] , "Royal Academy," The Athenaeum, (1 June 1850), page 591; and, Anon., "Fine A r t s , The Pre-Raphaelites," T a i t ' s Edinburgh Magazine, v o l . 18 (June 1851), pages 512-513. 16[Dickens], "Old Lamps," Household Words, v o l . 1 (15 June 1850), page 265. 17Anon., " E x h i b i t i o n of the Royal Academy," The Times, (9 May 1850), page 5, column 1. A cl o s e examination of the f i g u r e s reveals that some are d i r t y , as would be natural i n a workshop. This i s most n o t i c e a b l e in the hands and arms of St. Joseph. ( F i g . 1, d e t a i l ) . 1 8Two examples are: Anon., "The World of London, Number Two," Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, v o l . 49 (May 1841), page 630; and Anon., "The Lamb and Flag Ragged Schools," The Times, (5 January 1850), page 4, column 1. 1 9 C D i c k e n s ] , "Old Lamps," Household Words, v o l . 1 (15 June 1850), page 266. 2 0Anon., "The Royal Academy," T a i t ' s Edinburgh Magazine, v o l . 17 (June 1850), page 357. 2 1Anon., " P a t h o l o g i c a l , " Punch, v o l . 18 (approximately 15 May 1850), page 198. 22[Frederick Hunt], "London Pauper C h i l d r e n , " Household Words, v o l . 1 (31 August 1850), page 549. 23Anon., "On Begging," The Times, (24 January 1849), page 4, column 4. 24Anon., "A C h a r t i s t P e t i t i o n by Punch," Punch, v o l . 17 (Sep-tember 1849), page 121. For the c o l l a p s e of Chartism, see P.W. Slosson, "The Decline of the C h a r t i s t Movement," Columbia U n i v e r s i t y  Studies i n H i s t o r y , Economics, and Law, v o l . 73, No. 2 (New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1916), page 107. "Some examples are: Anon., "The Opening of the Session," Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, v o l . 65 (March 1849), page 363; 89 [W.H. W i l l s ] , "Health by Act of Parliament," Household Words, v o l . 1 (10 August 1850), page 463; and Anon., "Causes of Crime i n the Met-r o p o l i s , " T a i t ' s Edinburgh Magazine, v o l . 17 (June 1850), page 330. 2 6The harvest was bad i n 1829-30, 1837-41, and 1846-49. Anthony Wood, Nineteenth Century B r i t a i n , 1815-1914, (London: Longmans, ~ Green and Co., 1960), pages 113-114. 2 7Between approximately 1800 and 1850, the population of Great B r i t a i n nearly doubled, growing from less than eleven m i l l i o n to j u s t over twenty-one. By 1851, f u l l y h a l f the population was located i n the urban centres, and of these, h a l f again were immigrants from r u r a l areas. K.S. I n g l i s , Churches and the Working Classes i n V i c -t o r i a n England, (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1963), page 3. 28A f u r t h e r r e s u l t of the migration from country to c i t y was manifested in a breakdown i n the t r a d i t i o n a l t i e s between the c l a s s e s . Rural s o c i e t y was normally d i v i d e d i n t o small u n i t s of tenants who farmed an a r i s t o c r a t i c e s t a t e . Tenants were u s u a l l y known p e r s o n a l l y to t h e i r l a n d l o r d , who, because he himself l i v e d i n c l o s e proximity to them, could s u c c e s s f u l l y monitor t h e i r behaviour. B.I. Coleman, The Church of England i n the Mid-Nineteenth Century, A S o c i a l Geo- graphy, (London: The H i s t o r i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n , 1980), pages 18-25. However, when r u r a l labourers moved in t o town, the o l d l i n k s with t h e i r landlords were snapped, and nothing e x i s t e d i n the urban centres t o take t h e i r p lace. K.S. I n g l i s , Churches, page 4. In many cases, the new l a n d l o r d was a middle-class slum owner who l i v e d i n a d i f f e r e n t s e c t i o n of the c i t y , and who d i d not know h i s tenants. Another d i s r u p t i o n occurred i n patterns of church attendance. Observance had been the r u l e i n the country, and here the church had played a key r o l e i n the s o c i a l i z a t i o n of the working c l a s s e s . Labourers who had attended s e r v i c e s i n the countryside often discontinued the p r a c t i c e upon t a k i n g up residence i n town. I n g l i s , Churches, page 4. Many of those born i n the c i t y never acquired the habit at a l l . Ian Bradley, The C a l l to Seriousness, The Ev a n g e l i c a l Impact on the V i c - , t o r i a n s , (New York: MacMillan P u b l i s h i n g Company, 1976), page 50. Of course these were general t r e n d s , to which there were exceptions. Not everyone gave up church attendance once they had moved from the country to the c i t y , and not a l l those born in the urban centres : • avoided church s e r v i c e s . 29in 1850, 23,000 paupers l i v e d i n London's state-run work-houses. Robert Pashley, Pauperism and the Poor Laws, 2 v o l s , (London: Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans, 1852), v o l . 1, page 37. Nearly 50,000 were n i g h t l y accomodated i n the c i t y ' s cheap lodging houses. Fra n c i s Sheppard, London, 1808-1870, The I n f e r n a l  Wen, (Berkeley: U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1971), page 364. Many more, who wished to avoid the harsh c o n d i t i o n s of the workhouse, 90 or who could not a f f o r d even the cheapest lodging house, l i v e d i n the s t r e e t . London's t o t a l population i n 1851, was 2,363,000. H.A. Shannon, "Migration and the Growth of London," Economic His-t o r y Review, v o l . 5, No. 2 ( A p r i l 1935), page 81. 30 p e r i o d i c a l s of the f i r s t type were: Blackwood's Edinburgh  Magazine, The B u i l d e r , Household Words, Punch, T a i t ' s Edinburgh  Magazine, and The Times, Those f a l l i n g "into the second catagory were: The Athenaeum, The Guardian, and The Spectator, 3 1 S e e , f o r instance: Anon, "The Cholera," The Guardian, v o l . 4 (26 September 1849), page 632; Anon., " I n d u s t r i a l Employment of Paupers," The Spectator, v o l . 23 (5 October 1850), pages 948-949; Anon., "News of the Week," The Spectator, v o l . 23 (14 December 1850), page 1177; and, Anon., "Our Weekly Gossip"," The Athenaeum, (30 March 1850), page 345. 3 2The Guardian w i l l be discussed below. For the p o l i t i c a l and c l a s s o r i e n t a t i o n of The Spectator and The Athenaeum, r e s p e c t i v e l y , see: E.E. K e l l e t t , "The Press," i n G.M. Young, ed., Earl y V i c t o r i a n  England, 1830-1865, 2 v o l s . , (London: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1934; r e p r i n t ed., 1951), v o l . 2, page 46; L e s l i e Marchand, The Athenaeum,  A M i r r o r of V i c t o r i a n C u l t u r e , (Chapel H i l l : U n i v e r s i t y of North Ca r o l i n a Press, 1941), page 76; and, Anon., "Royal Academy," The  Athenaeum, (12 May 1849), page 494. •^Walter A r n s t e i n , B r i t a i n Yesterday and Today, (Lexington: D. C. Heath and Company, 1966; r e p r i n t ed., 1976), pages 16 and 29. 34Examples of t h i s appear i n : Anon., "How to Disarm the Char-; t i s t s , " Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, v o l . 63 (June 1848), page 660; Anon., "The Opening of the Session," Blackwood's Edinburgh  Magazine, v o l . 65 (March 1849), page 363; [W.H. W i l l s J , "Health by Act of Parliament," Household Words, v o l . 1 (10 August 1850), page 463; Anon., "Poor Law," The Times, (20 February 1850), page 5, column 4; and, Anon., "The Begging P r o f e s s i o n , " Punch, v o l . 17 (January 1849), page 25. •^Discussed i n : [H. Lo n g u e v i l l e Jones], "Feudalism i n the Nineteenth Century," Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, v o l . 65 (June 1849), pages 713 and 715-716; and, [Thomas de Quincey], "Maynooth," Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, v o l . 57 (May 1845), page 647. 36R. P r i c e , A H i s t o r y of Punch, (London: C o l l i n s , 1957), pages 31 and 35; and A l t i c k , E n g l i s h Common Reader, page 347. 9 3 37 The l i n k between C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents and Roman Cat h o l i c i s m i s studied i n Bowness, Transactions, v o l . 22 (1972), page 127; and by E r r i n g t o n , S o c i a l , pages 27-29. 38[Dickens], "Old Lamps," Household Words, v o l . 1 (15 June 1850), page 267. In h i s Contrasts , a comparison of medieval and modern ar-c h i t e c t u r e , Pugin maintained t h a t the s u p e r i o r i t y of the former over the l a t t e r was d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to the f a c t t h a t medieval a r c h i t e c -t u r e was the product of Roman C a t h o l i c i s m . 3 9 [ P r o b a b l y James Dafforne,] "The Royal Academy," The Art  J o u r n a l , v o l . 12 (1 June 1850), page 175. For a d i s c u s s i o n of The  Art J o u r n a l , see Landow, "There Began," i n A l t h o l z , Mind, page 129. 4 0 [ j . B a l l a n t y n e ] , "The P r e - R a f f a e l i t e s , " The Art J o u r n a l , v o l . 13 (1 J u l y 1851), pages 185-186. 4 1 T a i t ' s Edinburgh Magazine i s examined in Walter Graham, Eng-l i s h L i t e r a r y P e r i o d i c a l s , (New York: T. Nelson and Sons, 193011 page 291. 4 2 [ D i c k e n s ] , "Lamps," Household Words, v o l . 1 (15 June 1850), page 266. 4 3Anon., "Fine A r t s , The Pre-Raphaelites," T a i t ' s Edinburgh  Magazine, v o l . 18 (August 1851), pages 512-513. 4 4 L y n n Lees, E x i l e s of E r i n , (Ithaca: C o r n e l l Press, 1979), page 16. 4 5 l t i s discussed i n [ F r e d e r i c k Hunt], "The R e g i s t r a r -General on ' L i f e ' i n London," Household Words, v o l . 1 (29 June 1850), page 333; and i n Anon., "Report on the State of the Inhab-i t a n t s and Their Dwellings i n Church Lane, St. G i l e s ' s , " Journal  of the Royal S t a t i s t i c a l S o c i e t y , v o l . 11 (1848), pages 1-18. Hogarth chose the Seven D i a l s as the s e t t i n g f o r his famous Gin  Lane, of 1751. C Hibbert, London: The Biography of a C i t y , (London: Longmans, Green, and Company, 1969), page 82. 4 6 T h a t i t cut across^ c l a s s and p o l i t i c a l b a r r i e r s i s evident in the d i v e r s e natures of the j o u r n a l s which c r i t i c i z e d the supposedly Roman C a t h o l i c elements in C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents. While the d e f i n i t i v e study of V i c t o r i a n "No-Popery" has yet to be w r i t t e n , some usefu l sources are: G.F.A. Best, "Popular P r o t e s t a n t -ism i n V i c t o r i a n B r i t a i n , " i n Robert Robson, ed., Ideas and I n s t i t - utions i n V i c t o r i a n B r i t a i n , (London: G. B e l l and Sons, 1967), pages 115-142; E.R. Norman, ed., A n t i - C a t h o l i c i s m i n V i c t o r i a n Eng-land, (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1968); and, Walter R a l l s , "The 92 Papal Agression of 1850: A Study i n V i c t o r i a n A n t i - C a t h o l i c i s m , " Church H i s t o r y , v o l . 43 (1974), pages 242-256. 47one example i s Anon., "Advancing Backwards," The Spectator, v o l . 23 (24 August 1850), pages 803-804. 4 8Anon., "Astronomical Examination Paper f o r the C a t h o l i c U n i v e r s i t y by Primate C u l l e n , " Punch, v o l . 19 (October 1850), page 205. Dr. C u l l e n , the Archbishop of Armagh, was the primate of a l l I r e l a n d . 4 9Anon., "The New 'Cullen's P r a c t i c e of P h y s i c , 1 " Punch, v o l . 19 (November 1850), page 230. 50A S i n : Anon., "On the M i s e r i e s of I r e l a n d , and Their Re-medies," Blackwood's Edinburgh:.Magazine, v o l . 64 (December 1848), pages 658-671; and, Anon., "[On Papal Agression]", The Times, (19 October 1850), page 4, column 1. 5 1Anon., "The Pope at Home Again," The Spectator, v o l . 23 (27 A p r i l 1850), page 397. 52 Anon., "Mr. Punch's Appeal to an Eminent Appealer," Punch, v o l . 19 (November 1850), pages 223-224. ^ 3Anon., " I r e l a n d Under the T r i p l e A l l i a n c e , " Blackwood's  Edinburgh Magazine, v o l . 45 (March 1839), pages 341, 350, and 352. 5 4Norman Gash, Reaction and Reconstruction i n Eng l i s h P o l i t i c s ,  1832-1852, (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1965), page 1. ~ -^J.B. Bury, H i s t o r y of the Papacy i n the Nineteenth Century, (New York: Schocken Books, 1930; r e p r i n t ed., 1964), page x x i i i . ^Accompanying the negative stereotype of C a t h o l i c i s m was an anxiety concerning i t s p o l i t i c a l i n f l u e n c e , which, as e a r l y as 1838, prompted Blackwood's t o w r i t e t h a t , Popery, both at home and abroad, i s i n the posses-sion of immense s t r e n g t h , and has been and i s now marching forward with g i a n t s t r i d e s to i t s o l d ascendancy. Anon., "The Progress of Popery," Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, v o l . 44 (October 1838), page 494. By 1850, "Popery" must have seemed much c l o s e r to the re-establishment of i t s ancient ascendancy. Throughout L a t i n Europe, and in A u s t r i a and Belgium, C a t h o l i c i s m had supported the suppression of popular u p r i s i n g s and l i b e r a l philosophy, and had g r e a t l y strengthened i t s p o s i t i o n i n these c o u n t r i e s . The c l o s e of 93 1851 saw the c o n s o l i d a t i o n of Louis Napoleon's despotic government f u l l y endorsed by the C a t h o l i c episcopate. E l i e Halevy, A H i s t o r y  of the English People in the Nineteenth Century, 6 v o l s . (London: Ernest Benn, L t d . , 1927; r e p r i n t ed., 1961), v o l . 4, page 326. While most V i c t o r i a n s r e j e c t e d the r e v o l u t i o n a r y a c t i v i t i e s of 1848, and f e l t a marked r e l i e f when these were at l a s t put down, they c e r t a i n l y did not view the subsequent increase i n C a t h o l i c i n f l u e n c e with anything other than dismay. 5 7 B u r y , H i s t o r y of the Papacy, page x x i i i . 5 8 R u s s e l l was Prime M i n i s t e r between 1846 and 1852. 5 9Anon., "I n t r o d u c t i o n to Volume Nineteen, P o l i t i c a l Summary," [Lord John R u s s e l l ' s open l e t t e r of 4 November 1850, to the Bishop of Durham, concerning the Papal Agression I n c i d e n t ] , Punch, v o l . 19 Introduction to the volume, page v i . SOjhe best-known and most elaborate of the many attacks upon the "Popery" of Anglo-Catholicism i s , Peter Maurice, The Popery of  Oxford Confronted, Disavowed, and Repudiated, (London: Francis B a i s t e r , 1837). 61Punch drew a t t e n t i o n to the connection between Roman and. Anglo-Catholicism, (which i t c a l l e d by i t s older name of Tr a c t a r -ianism), in a verse s a t i r i z i n g the r i t u a l r e v i v a l . Though crosses and candles we play with at home, To go the whole gander, there's no place l i k e Rome; We've statues and r e l i c s to hallow us there, Which, save i n museums, y o u ' l l not f i n d elsewhere. Rome, Rome, sweet, sweet Rome! For a l l us T r a c t a r i a n s , there's no place l i k e Rome! Anon., "Parody f o r Puseyites," Punch, v o l . 19 (November 1850), page 250. Despite Punch's i m p l i c a t i o n , Roman and Anglo-Catholicism were not synonymous. While many members of the Anglican movement admired the Continental church, not every Anglo-Catholic d i d so. 62For a v i s u a l example of t h i s idea, see F i g . 13. 6 3 [ D i c k e n s ] , "Lamps," Household Words, v o l . 1 (15 June 1850), page 266. 6 4 i t was l a t e r known as Puseyism; f i n a l l y as R i t u a l i s m , and even; s a t i r i c a l l y , as Newmania. "Anglo-Catholicism" was the term most pre-f e r r e d by the group i t s e l f . 6 5 [ D i c k e n s ] , "Lamps," Household Words, v o l . 1 (15 June 1850), page 265. 94 b b R [ a l p h ] N. Wornum, "Modern Moves in A r t , ' C h r i s t i a n A r c h i -t e c t u r e , 1 'Young England,' " The A r t J o u r n a l , v o l . 12 (1 Septem-ber 1850), page 270. 67j.T. Ward, "Young England," H i s t o r y Today, v o l . 16 (Feb-ruary 1966), page 120. Later i n h i s career, D i s r a e l i was to re-model h i s p o l i t i c a l philosophy, i n v o l v i n g himself i n the 1867 ex-tension of the f r a n c h i s e . 68charles H. Kegel, "Lord John Manners and the Young England Movement: Romanticism i n P o l i t i c s , " Western P o l i t i c a l Q u a r t e r l y , v o l . 14 (September 1961), page 693. 6 9 I b i d . , page 695. 7 0 I b i d . , pages 693 and 695. Somervell, D i s r a e l i and Gladstone, (New York: Garden C i t y P u b l i s h e r s , 1928; r e p r i n t ed., 1932), page 48. 7 2 H a r o l d U. Faulkner, "Chartism and the Churches," Columbia  U n i v e r s i t y Studies i n H i s t o r y , Economics, and Law, v o l . 73, No. 3 (New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1916), page" 73. 7 3 [ D i c k e n s ] , "Lamps," Household Words, v o l . 1 (15 June 1850), page 265. 7 4 I b i d . , pages 266-267. 7 ^ A few examples of i t s reforming stance are: [Charles Dickens], "Supposing!" Household Words, v o l . 1 (20 A p r i l 1850), page 96; [Charles Dickens], "Pet P r i s o n e r s , " Household Words, v o l . 1 (27 A p r i l 1850), pages 97-103; and [ H a r r i e t MartineauJ, "The Sickness and Health of the People of Bleaburn," Household Words, v o l . 1 (25 May 1850), pages 193-199. 7 6 [ P e r c i v a l L e i g h ] , "A Tale of the Good Old Times," Household  Words, v o l . 1 (27 A p r i l 1850), page 105. Dickens :; p a r t i c u l a r l y admired Leigh's a r t i c l e because i t s ideas c o n c e r n i n g s s o c i a l progress c l o s e l y resembled h i s own. Anne L o h r l i , Household Words, A Weekly  Jo u r n a l , (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1973), page 340. 7 7 [ L e i g h ] , "Tale," Household Words, v o l . r(27 A p r i l 1850), page 106. 7 8 i t s c i r c u l a t i o n at t h i s time neared 100,000. L o h r l i , House-hold Words, page 23. I t s nearest competitor, among those j o u r n a l s 95 which reviewed M i l l a i s ' s p a i n t i n g , was The Times, which had a reader-ship of 51,000. E l l e g a r d , V i c t o r i a n P e r i o d i c a l s Newsletter, No. 13 (September 1971), page 4. 7 9 [ P r o b a b l y Dafforne], "The Royal Academy," The Art J o u r n a l , v o l . 12 (1 June 1850), page 175. Though i t s e l f dating from before Raphael, Greek a r t was not viewed i n the same l i g h t as was medieval a r t . 8 0Wornum, "Moves," The A r t J o u r n a l , v o l . 12 (1 September 1850), page 270. 8 1 [ F r e d e r i c k Hardman], "The P i c t u r e s of the Season," Blackwood's  Edinburgh Magazine, v o l . 68 ( J u l y 1850), page 82. 8 2 L o c . c i t . Journals t a k i n g t h i s approach were: The Athenaeum, Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, The B u i l d e r , Household Words, The  Spectator, T a i t ' s Edinburgh Magazine, and The Times. 8 3Anon., "The A r t s , The Royal Academy," The Spectator, v o l . 23 (4 May 1850), page 427. 8 4Anon., "The Royal Academy: May E x h i b i t i o n , " T a i t ' s Edinburgh  Magazine, v o l . 17 (June 1850), page 356. 85Raised by: The Athenaeum, Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, Household Words, T a i t ' s Edinburgh Magazine, and The Times. 86Anon., " E x h i b i t i o n of the Royal Academy," The Times, (9 May 1850),:page 5, column 1. 8 7Anon., "Fine A r t s , " The Guardian, v o l . 5 (8 May 1850),:page 336. Only The Spectator and The Times had already p r i n t e d t h e i r columns, which appeared on the f o u r t h of May. (The Times mentioned C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents again, i n i t s ninth of May re-view). Since most of the j o u r n a l s which discussed the p a i n t i n g were monthlies, the bulk of the c r i t i c i s m d i d not come out u n t i l June. 8 8Anon., "Fine A r t s , " The Guardian, v o l . 5 (8 May 1850), page 336. 8 9 L o c . c i t . 9 0 F o r The Guardian's Anglo-Catholicism, see: E l l e g a r d , V i c -t o r i a n P e r i o d i c a l s Newsletter, No. 13 (September 1971), page 12. Examples of The Guardian's p o s i t i v e a t t i t u d e towards medievalism are: Anon., "The New House of Lords," The Guardian, v o l . 2 (21 A p r i l 1847), pages 249-250; Anon., "The U n c h r i s t i a n Parliament," 96 The Guardian, v o l . 2 (17 November 1847), page 683; and Anon., "Art M i n i s t e r i n g to R e l i g i o n , " The Guardian, v o l . 4 (18 J u l y 1849), page 469. The Guardian was founded i n 1845 by Frederick Rogers, R.W. Church, James B. Mozley, Arthur W. Haddan, Thomas Haddan, and Mountague Bernard. A l l were Ang l o - C a t h o l i c s ; many had belonged to Newman's c i r c l e at O r i e l . The Guardian c o n s i s t e n t l y supported Anglo-Catholicism. 9lExamplesiare: W i l l i a m George Ward, The Ideal of a C h r i s - t i a n Church, (London: James Toovey, 1844), page 414; John Henry Newman, "Sermon Eleven, Doing Glory to God i n P u r s u i t s of the World," i n P a r o c h i a l and P l a i n Sermons, 8 v o l s . (London: Longmans, Green, and Company, 1891; sermon w r i t t e n i n 1836), v o l . 8, pages 164-165; Edward Bouverie Pusey, "Sermon F i v e , The In c a r n a t i o n , a Lesson of H u m i l i t y , " i n Sermons During the Season from Advent to  Whitsuntide, (Oxford: John Henry Parker, 1848), page 74. 92Anglo-Catholicism's concepts regarding poverty are examined by: Howard H. F u l w e i l e r , " T r a c t a r i a n s and P h i l i s t i n e s : The Tracts f o r the Times versus V i c t o r i a n Middle Class Values," H i s t o r i c a l  Magazine of the Protestant Episcopal Church, v o l . 31 (March 1962), pages 51-52; and by C y r i l Kennard Gloyn, The Church i n the S o c i a l  Order, A Study of Anglican S o c i a l Theory from Coleridge to Maurice, (Forest Grove, Oregon: P a c i f i c U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1942), pages 71-80. 9 3Examples are: Anon., "The London Poor and the Sanitary Question," The Guardian, v o l . 2 (6 January 1847), page 586; Anon., "London Sewers," The Guardian, v o l . 2 (8 December 1847), pages 729-730; Anon., "Female Pauper Emigration," The Guardian, v o l . 4 (19 September 1849), pages 617-618; and, Anon., "Poor-Houses as They Are, and as They Might Be," The Guardian, v o l . 2 (24 February 1847), page 123. 97 CONCLUSION An i r o n i c element emerges from a study of C h r i s t in the  House of h i s Parents i n that i t was a p i c t u r e designed l a r g e l y to please, and not, as i t s scandalized c r i t i c s suspected, to provoke. While i t i s true that M i l l a i s ' s canvas, with i t s unusual mixture of medievalism, n a t u r a l ism,ttypology, and Anglo-Catholicism d i d challenge fundamental aspects of the t r a d i t i o n s of the Royal Academy, M i l l a i s had plenty of precedents f o r h i s departure from convention. As he could not have been unaware, the p o p u l a r i t y of naturalism was already w e l l - e s t a b l i s h e d i n the genre p a i n t i n g so preferred by middle-class buyers, and medievalism, i f not embraced by everyone, had at l e a s t found a p u b l i c , as evinced by the works of successful r e v i v a l i s t s such as W i l l i a m Dyce. I t i s most l i k e l y t h at M i l l a i s formulated C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents i n f u l l r e c o g n i t i o n of these t a s t e s , which e x i s t e d outside Academic def-i n i t i o n s concerning the acceptable i n a r t , and also i n an under-standing that Pre-Raphaelitism's d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with t r a d i t i o n a l " a r t was shared by large segments of the V i c t o r i a n middle c l a s s e s . If h i s subject matter had not been r e l i g i o u s , he might have gained the approval he sought, as had been the case with I s a b e l l a , h i s p i c t u r e of the year before. However, he had neglected to take i n t o account the f a c t t h a t , d e s p i t e t h e i r weaknesses elsewhere, the i d e a l i z i n g conventions of the Royal Academy remained f i r m l y in place, i n s o f a r as r e l i g i o u s imagery was concerned. 98 Even The Guardian, the s i n g l e p e r i o d i c a l which admired C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents, was so t i e d to the High Renais-sance convention of i d e a l i z a t i o n t h a t i t experienced d i f f i c u l t y with the p i c t u r e ' s n a t u r a l i s m . The u n f r i e n d l y c r i t i c s were p l a i n l y unable to r e c o n c i l e M i l l a i s ' s p a r t i c u l a r i z e d forms with t h e i r i d e a l of the Holy Family. At best, they complained that the f i g u r e s were ugly; at worst, they produced near h y s t e r i c a l responses which were grounded in t h e i r fears of the urban poor. M i l l a i s ' s medievalism fared as badly as d i d h i s na t u r a l i s m , provoking widespread a s s e r t i o n s of the b e l i e f in progress, whether in the a r t s or the sciences. U l t i m a t e l y , i t was only when M i l l a i s decided to j e t t i s o n h i s m e d i e v a l i z i n g s t y l e , and to avoid r e l i g i o u s subject matter a l t o g e t h e r , t h a t he f i n a l l y began to experience some of the c r i t i c a l and popular acclaim which was so conspicuously absent from the response to C h r i s t i n the House of h i s Parents. 99 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY Addison, Agnes. Romanticism and the Gothic R e v i v a l . New York: Richard R. Smith, 1938. "Advancing Backwards." The Spectator 23 (24 August 1850): 803-804. A l b e r t i , L e o n b a t t i s t a . D e l i a P i t t u r a . London: Routledge and Ke-gan Paul, L t d . , 1436; r e p r i n t e d 1956. A l t i c k , Richard D. 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"Modern Moves i n A r t , ' C h r i s t i a n A r c h i t e c t u r e , ' 'Young England." 1 1 The Art Journal-12 (1 September 1850): 269-271. 110 APPENDIX A: REVIEWS OF CHRIST IN THE HOUSE OF HIS PARENTS "The A r t s , The Royal Academy." The Spectator 23 (4 May 1850): 427. [Probably Dafforne, James]. "The Royal Academy." The Art Journal 12 (1 June 1850): 175. [Dickens, C h a r l e s ] . "Old Lamps f o r New Ones." Household Words 1 (15 June 1850): 265-257. "The E x h i b i t i o n of the Royal Academy." The Times (4 May 1850): 5. " E x h i b i t i o n of the Royal Academy." The Times (9 May 1850): 5. "Fine A r t s . " The Guardian 5 (8 May 1850): 336. "Fine A r t s , The Pre-Raphaelites." T a i t ' s Edinburgh Magazine 18 (August 1851): 512-513. [Hardman, F r e d e r i c k ] . "The P i c t u r e s of the Season." Blackwood 1s  Edinburgh Magazine 68 ( J u l y 1850): 82. [Hart, Solomon]. "Royal Academy." The Athenaeum (1 June 1850): 590-591. " P a t h o l o g i c a l E x h i b i t i o n at the Royal Academy." Punch 18 (approx-imately 15 May 1850): 198. "The Royal Academy E x h i b i t i o n . " The B u i l d e r 8 (1 June 1850): 256. "The Royal Academy: May E x h i b i t i o n . " T a i t ' s Edinburgh Magazine 17 (June 1850): 356. Wornum, R[alph] N. "Modern Moves i n A r t , ' C h r i s t i a n A r c h i t e c t u r e , ' 'Young England.'" The Art Journal 12 (1 September 1850): 269-271-. 111 APPENDIX B: ILLUSTRATIONS Figure 2. Robert Campin, The Merode A l t a r p i e c e , c. 1426 The C l o i s t e r s C o l l e c t i o n , The Metropolitan Museum of A r t , New York ( F r i n t a Mojmir. The Genius of Robert Campin. The Hague: Mouton and Company, 1966. Page 24). 3. John Everett M i l l a i s , Sketch f o r C h r i s t i n  the House of h i s Parents, 1849 The Tate G a l l e r y , London (Timothy H i l t o n . The Pre-Raphaelites. New York: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1970. P l a t e 22). 114 (Geoffroy M i l l a i s . S i r John Everett M i l l a i s . London: Academy E d i t i o n s , 1979. Page 34). 115 Figure 5. John Everett M i l l a i s , Isabel l a , 1849 The Walker Art G a l l e r y , Liverpool (Geoffroy M i l l a i s . S i r John Everett  M i l l a i s . London: Academy E d i t i o n s , 1979. Page 35). 116 Figure 6. John Rogers Herbert, Our Saviour  Subject to h i s Parents at Nazareth, 1847-1856 The G u i l d h a l l Art G a l l e r y , London (Timothy H i l t o n . The Pre-Raphaelites. New York: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1970. P l a t e 10). 117 Figure 7. John Everett M i l l a i s , Sketch f o r The Benja-mites S e i z i n g Their B r i d e s , c. 1840 Present l o c a t i o n of sketch, and f i n i s h e d ver-sion of 1845 unknown. (John G. M i l l a i s . The L i f e and L e t t e r s of  S i r John Everett M i l l a i s , 2 v o l s . New York: Frederick A. Stokes Company, 1899. V o l . 1, page 23). 118 Figure 8. W i l l i a m Holman Hunt, C h r i s t and the Two Maries, 1847 Present l o c a t i o n unknown. (Willi a m Holman Hunt. Pre-Raphaelitism and the  Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood, 2 v o l s . London: MacMillan and Company, 1905. V o l . 1, page 77). 119 George Frederic Watts, The Good Samaritan, 1850 The Courtauld I n s t i t u t e of A r t , London Figure 9. Figure 10. F.R. P i c k e r s g i 1 1 , Samson Betrayed, 1850 Manchester C i t y Art G a l l e r y , Manchester 121 Figure 11. Charles E a s t l a k e , The Good Samaritan, 1850 Royal C o l l e c t i o n , Osborne House, Copyright Reserved (David Robertson. S i r Charles Eastlake and the V i c t o r i a n Art World. Princeton: Princeton U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1978. Page 109). 122 Figure 12. W i l l i a m Dyce, The Meeting of Jacob  and Rachel, 1850 Present l o c a t i o n unknown. This engraving appeared in The Art J o u r n a l , i n 1860. (David Robertson. S i r Charles East-lake and the V i c t o r i a n Art World. P r i n c e t o n : Princeton U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1978. Page 357). Figure 13. [John Leech], The Cat's Paw; or, Poor  Pu(s)sey, 1850 Punch 19 (November 1850): 247. 

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