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Participatory planning of housing for older persons : two televised case studies Kathler, Cheryl Joyce 1987

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PARTICIPATORY PLANNING OF HOUSING FOR OLDER PERSONS TWO TELEVISED CASE STUDIES By CHERYL JOYCE KATHLER B.A., Simon Fraser University, 1980 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES School of Community and Regional Planning We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF April Q Cheryl Joyce BRITISH COLUMBIA 1987 Kathler, 1987 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of School o f Community & Regional Planning The University of British Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date A p r i l 25, 1987  i i Research Supervisor: J. David Hulchanski ABSTRACT "Population aging" i s a worldwide occurance facing both developed and developing countries alike. In Canada, significant public policy issues arise with the increasing number and proportion of older persons. One of the most important of these is meeting the housing needs of the more than one million older persons facing housing decisions in the next three decades. The greatest challenge to a l l those involved in producing, finacing or managing housing for older persons is to assist the majority of older persons in their desire to remain in the community as they age. The underlying premise of this explorative study i s that older persons should and must be involved at a l l levels of planning current and future seniors' or retirement housing. The specific purpose of the thesis i s to explore "collaborative planning" as a method of involving older persons in housing issues. The rationale for the participation of older persons is developed from the review of three areas of relevant literature. In contrast to the literature on "environment and aging" and gerontology, this study seeks an understanding of the broader social, politcal-economic forces as prerequisite to meaningful analysis of the lower levels of the housing context. This wider perspective also forms the basis for the rationale of including older persons in the planning process. A discussion of "participation" as a process and a movement provides an introduction to two case studies as examples of "collaborative planning" involving older persons and professionals in discussing seniors' or retirement housing. i i i The thesis research question i s : What do older persons view as their housing needs and preferences, and how successful i s present seniors' or retirement housing in meeting these? The structure, format and objectives of the two case studies were framed within the thesis principles and assumptions in addition to this question. The case studies were assessed for their usefulness for defining housing needs and preferences of older persons, and for examining how closely these stated needs and preferences f i t existing housing alternatives. The evaluation of the case studies revealed that collaborative planning took place, and that the stated objectives of each event and those of the sponsoring organization were met. The thesis assumptions and premises were thereby substantiated. The wide impact and numerous outcomes of the case studies within the seniors' communities were also noted. However, the research question was largely unanswered in terms of "product", and the analysis includes some possible explanations. Analysis of the case studies within the broader context indicated that older persons and professionals alike are in a "reactive" mode of thinking rather than creative or "proactive" in what they visualize as seniors' housing options. Entrenched thinking and attitudes are d i f f i c u l t to change, and as this study concludes, education of a l l involved i s necessary. The greater necessity i s , however, the need to personalize the issue of inadequate and unsuitable seniors' or retirement housing, so that change is seen as imperative to one's own future l i f e as an older person. i v TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT i i TABLE OF CONTENTS iv LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES v i ACKNOWLEDGEMENT v i i CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1.1 Purpose 1 1.2 Definitions 1 1.3 Context 2 1.4 Significance 4 1.5 Thesis Principles 6 1.6 Research Questions and Objectives 8 1.7 Thesis Organization 10 PART I : BACKGROUND 13 CHAPTER TWO: THEORY - ENVIRONMENT AND AGING 2.1 Orientation to Place 14 2.2 Orientation to Design 15 2.3 Orientation to Social and Psychological Processes 15 2.4 Orientation to Environmental Policy 17 2.5 Dominance of Micro- Over Macro-Environment 22 CHAPTER THREE: THE CANADIAN CONTEXT 3.1 Demographic Shifts 25 3.2 Housing Characteristics 30 3.3 Inaccurate Assessment of Housing Needs and Preferences 33 CHAPTER FOUR: THE MACRO-CONTEXT - SOCIAL, POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC ASPECTS 4.1 Social Bias 38 4.2 Political-Economic Context of Housing 42 4.3 Structural Analysis 47 CHAPTER FIVE: PARTICIPATION 5.1 Development of Participation 53 5.2 Types of Participation 56 5.3 Effects of Participation 59 5.4 Planning Practices 60 5.5 Examples of Participation 66 V 5.6 Rationale for Participation 73 5.7 Re-professionalization 75 5.8 Research Premises for Case Studies 78 PART II : THE CASE STUDIES 81 CHAPTER SIX: THE CASE STUDY EVENTS 6.1 Rationale 82 6.2 Case Study One: Retirement Housing Forum 87 6.3 Case Study Two: Retirement Housing Alternatives Workshop 90 6.4 Summary 93 CHAPTER SEVEN: EVALUATION AND FINDINGS: PROCESS, PERFORMANCE AND PRODUCT 7.1 Introduction 94 7.2 Case Study One: Retirement Housing Forum 96 7.3 Case Study Two: Retirement Housing Alternative Workshop 105 7.4 Outcomes of the Case Study Events 112 7.5 Evidence of Collaborative Planning 118 PART III : INTEGRATION 121 CHAPTER EIGHT: ANALYSIS OF CASE STUDIES 121 CHAPTER NINE: SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 9.1 Summary 131 9.2 Conclusions 134 REFERENCES 138 APPENDICES A Types of Independent Housing 151 B Range of Housing Alternatives 153 C A Chronology of Federal Housing Programs 161 D Terms of Reference, Liaison Committee, Gerontology Association of British Columbia 171 E Retirement Housing Forum - Programme 173 F Gerontology Association of British Columbia Report on The Retirement Housing Forum - Recommendations 175 v i LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES TABLES TABLE I Population in Selected Age Groups, Canada, 1950-1980, 1985-2025 28 TABLE II Total Population Aged 65+ - Canada & Provinces 1981 31 TABLE III Total Population and Population Aged 65+: G.V.R.D., 1981 32 FIGURES FIGURE 1 Environmental Press Model 16 FIGURE 2 Person-Environment Interaction 18 FIGURE 3 Models of Human-Environment Transaction & Research 19 FIGURE 4 Major Theoretical Models in Man-Environment Studies 21 FIGURE 5 Ecological Housing Model 23 FIGURE 6 Pecentages of Total Population Aged 65 and Over 26 FIGURE 7 Percentages of Total Population in Selected Age Groups 1951-2021 27 FIGURE 8 Number and Percentage of Total Population Aged 65 and Over, Aged 80 and Over, for Selected Urban & Rural Areas, Canada, 1981 29 FIGURE 9 Citizen Participation Ladder 57 FIGURE 10 Model of Actors in The Housing Process 61 FIGURE 11 Quadrant Model of Participation and Decision-Making 67 FIGURE 12 Decision Pyramid 126 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Many people have contributed to the process of this thesis. F i r s t l y , I would like to express gratitude and appreciation for the guidence, encouragement and support of my advisers, Professor J. David Hulchanski and Dr. Beverly Burnside. I am also grateful to Professor Henry Hightower for his interest and comments. I thank the Gerontology Association of British Columbia (G.A.B.C.) for i t s financial support of the events which formed the thesis case studies, and I am especially grateful for the generous support and time given by G.A.B.C. Liaison Committee members. I also thank the numerous volunteers, professionals and older persons throughout the Vancouver area who participated in the case study events. I also acknowledge the support I have received through the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation Graduate Scholarship Program. CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION One of the most important challenges facing Canada in the next few decades is the aging of the population. Meeting the housing and social needs of an increasingly diverse and numerous older population w i l l become a significant focus of public policy. Enlarging the range of housing options for older persons invites creative, innovative planning practices which can only be successful through the participation of older persons. 1.1 Purpose This thesis explores the usefulness of two forms of collaborative planning for defining 1) housing needs and preferences from the perspective of older persons, and 2) examining the f i t between these self-defined needs and preferences and the existing housing alternatives. 1.2 Definitions For the purposes of this thesis, the following key terms are defined: "Older persons" is used in lieu of "senior citizens", "the aged", "the elderly", as a neutral term for meaning any of the following: retired person, an individual over age 65 unless otherwise specified, someone receiving a pension based on age or retirement from employment. 2 "Senior" has a similar connotation. "Professional(s)" defines persons with specialized training and knowledge who work independently, in companies or in government. "Seniors' housing" i s a term meaning housing that i s specifically built or designated for older persons. "Retirement housing" i s a more current term with the same definition. "Participation" is defined as involvement in the planning or design processes by specific users or by individuals similar to potential users. "Senior participation" denotes participation by older persons. "Collaborative planning" means a planning process undertaken by planners or other professionals in cooperation with non-professionals. In the housing f i e l d , collaborative planning includes those who are the consumers or users of the housing which ultimately results. "Ageism" i s arbitrary discrimination against older persons which i s derived from actual or perceived inequalitites and i s based on age and social status. 1.3 Context Housing options for older persons can be represented as a continuum defined by degrees of support ranging from independent l i v i n g to highly dependent institutionalization (Brink 1985). Currently available housing meets the needs of both the independent and dependent older population with varying success. Within the range of options for independent living, much of the rationale for providing more and new alternatives i s based on the perceived need for options to f i l l the gap between independent and dependent living, with an emphasis on community living . Although alternative housing encompasses a wide range of options, the 3 thesis w i l l confine i t s discussion to those housing alternatives which f i t the needs and preferences of independent and semi-independent older persons. While the objective of British Columbia's Long Term Care program i s to maintain persons as long as possible in their community homes, the dwellings themselves are often unsuitable, substandard, physically unsafe, as well as costly and d i f f i c u l t to maintain. There are few options to consider other than institutionalization, particularily for lower income persons, and fewer that have successfully met social needs; loneliness continues to be epidemic among many who are physically well-housed. (Canada N.A.C.A., 1982) Policy makers and programme administrators have generally failed to recognize the role which older persons can play i n decision-making regarding many apects of their lives. The knowledge, experience and judgement of older persons are also not valued as resources in setting housing policy goals and objectives, nor in the planning and design of retirement housing. The exclusion of older persons in policy and planning reflects the patronizing attitude toward older people and negativity about aging widely held in our society. If ageist attitudes are to be countered, older persons must be involved in decisions which affect them. Therefore, in this thesis, the perspective of older persons is the basis of inquiry, both in the background discussion and in the case studies. 4 1.4 Significance While demographic projections are subject to several uncertainties (Stone and Fletcher 1980, 8; Gutman et a l . 1986, 2), they indicate that the proportion and the absolute numbers of older persons in Canada i s rising steadily and w i l l peak early in the next century when the post-war baby-boom generation reaches old age and comprises an estimated 20% of the total population. These demographic trends hold important implications for housing policy and support services since many of this increase w i l l probably li v e independently and semi-independently in the community, following the pattern of approximately ninety percent of the current older generations (Gutman et al_^ 1986). Although the proportion of older persons has been increasing for a number of years, there seems to be l i t t l e awareness evident in current housing of the varying characteristics, needs and preferences of this societal group. The tendency to assume that older people comprise a homogeneous group with uniform preferences and needs has translated into a limited range of available housing options (see Appendix A). Currently, there i s ample room for creative, innovative solutions to housing needs of those now old. Predicted changes in the characteristics of future cohorts of older persons (ie. better education, income and health, and higher expectations) w i l l mean changed expectations in housing standards and lifestyles (Rapelje 1981). However, as developed in the thesis argument for increased participation of older persons in planning practices, rudimentary knowledge and understanding of the housing needs and preferences of today's older cohorts has hindered the development of suitable housing for upcoming older generations. The trend toward increasingly tight government f i s c a l policies and 5 competition for scarce financial resources heightens the implications of demographic changes. Financing income and support services for large numbers of older persons, concurrent with lessened government a b i l i t i e s and receptivity to meeting such basic needs, w i l l further limit the scope and depth of diminishing housing programmes. The above trends reinforce the position underlying the thesis: i t i s necessary to understand the implications of an aging society and develop ways to ameliorate current and future housing inadequacies. The recent Macdonald Commission report (Royal Commission 1985) stressed the need for effective use of social expenditures. It also noted the diminishing concensus amongst Canadians regarding social policy. Providing a means by which older persons can be involved in meaningful consultation in the process of developing housing policy, programmes and projects, can enhance public support and policy consensus. Among others, the authors of the Macdonald Commission report have suggested that those best able to judge the optimal delivery of a social service, such as housing, are the users or consumers of that service. More efficient and targetted housing programmes as well as greater public awareness and understanding of the p o l i t i c a l process should result from senior participation. Creating a role for older persons i n planning and developing housing alternatives also would counter ageist attitudes and assert the right of older persons as members of society to their share of societal resources. Both government-assisted housing and market-developed housing that suits the needs and preferences of older consumers should also ultimately result. The current level of participation by older people in decisions 6 regarding housing issues ranges from non-participation to a limited "feedback" role. In general, older persons receive services and are not usually consulted unless to provide reaction to services or products. Higher levels of participation would range from implementation or support for decisions and administrative decision control to f u l l participation i n decision-making in executing decisions. The intention of the thesis i s to explore ways in which the participation of older persons in housing may be increased. 1.5 Thesis Principles In addition to the foregoing premises, the thesis i s based upon the following principles: 1. There is a need for productive contribution by older persons in areas that concern them and future older generations; 2. There is a need to f a c i l i t a t e worthwhile roles for older persons and enhance the image of aging; 3. The government and wider society have a responsibility to inform and include older persons, particularily in decisions which affect them; 4. Older persons have a responsibility to be contributing members of society; 5. Citizen participation i s important in the housing planning and development process. These principles reiterate two of the imperatives stated by the National Advisory Council on Aging: a) Older Canadians must be functional, useful and integrated into society; 7 b) Older Canadians must be involved in the development of programmes which affect them. (1983, 18) Participatory rather than paternalistic forms of activity for i t s aging population are worthy of a maturing nation. Meaningful contribution by current older persons w i l l enhance the housing of this and future older generations (Crawford 1981), and exhibit recognition of the responsibility of older persons to society. Participation by older citizens in housing development and planning w i l l also assist government and other groups in society to be responsible and accountable to society individually and collectively in their policies and programmes. In searching for and creating suitable and affordable housing, older persons have experience and knowledge to offer. Generating a wider range of housing choices can best proceed with their participation. Furthermore, the concerted effort required to meet the housing needs of current and future older Canadians cannot occur without meaningful participation of older persons at many levels in the planning and development of housing. In summary, the thesis i s based on the assumptions that through participation of older persons: i) housing needs and preferences can be made known and f u l l y incorporated into the housing design and planning process; i i ) ageism at a l l levels in the social, p o l i t i c a l and economic context can be confronted; i i i ) older persons can begin to take f u l l ' c i v i c responsibilities and society can provide opportunities for f u l l integration of older persons. 8 1.6 Research Questions and Objectives The thesis involves exploration of collaborative planning as a method of involving older persons in the planning of seniors' housing at the level of policy, programme and design. Prior to presentation of two case studies, literature i s reviewed from three relevant areas. "Environment and aging" provides a theoretical basis for the study and introduces a background discussion of Canadian demographic and housing st a t i s t i c s . An examination of the social, p o l i t i c a l and economic context follows. A review of types and effects of "participation" and present planning practices in housing integrates the foregoing discussions. The following questions are also examined in the introductory chapters of the thesis: 1. What are the social, p o l i t i c a l and economic contexts of seniors' housing issues? 2. What gaps currently exist in seniors' housing? 3. How has collaborative planning included older persons in housing planning and development processes? The research question which generates the case studies i s : What do older persons view as their housing needs and preferences, and how successful i s present seniors' or retirement housing in meeting these? Two collaborative planning processes as case studies were chosen as the structure for seeking an answer to the thesis question. The goals and objectives of each case study were framed within the research question, principles and assumptions. Exploration of these questions provide substance for the main thesis objective: to examine the extent to which collaborative planning, through i t s process and i t s outcomes, can f a c i l i t a t e : 9 a) better knowledge about older persons housing needs and preferences; b) a process that creates knowledge and understanding between both professionals and seniors so that needs and preferences expressed by older persons may be ultimately incorporated into more suitable retirement housing; c) changing attitudes toward the status and roles of older persons in planning and other areas. Thus the thesis i s concerned with (1) process - how to e l i c i t knowledge and understanding about older persons housing needs and preferences, and (2) product - findings and outcomes of the collaborative planning process. The thesis i s exploratory in both focus and methodology and therefore i t does not attempt to test hypotheses. However, findings and evaluation of the method as process and product are suggestive of further areas of study and future p o s s i b i l i t i e s for collaborative planning practices involving older persons. This study should be of value to policy analysts and planners in municipal, provincial and federal governments as well as non-profit and community-based groups involved with housing policy, programmes and projects for older persons. The findings should also serve as a resource for housing developers and researchers interested in consumer "feedback" regarding housing preferences. More importantly, the thesis w i l l suggest ways of including older persons in the design and planning process through i t s assessment of two forms of participation. The thesis research should also have impact on the thinking and lives of older persons who have been involved as participants. In 10 addition, future benefits w i l l acrue to older persons and to society in general from the growth of knowledge, awareness and understanding of the older consumers' point of view. The implementation of the findings of this study and adoption of collaborative planning practices by government, and government agencies (B.C.Housing Management Cornmission-B.C.H.M.C., and Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation-C.M.H.C.), and by the private sector (design and planning consultants) is a longer-range ultimate goal. Recording of the case study events on video-tape (available from the thesis author or the Gerontology Association of British Columbia) enhances the u t i l i t y and r e p l i c a b i l i t y of the study's findings. Finally, i t i s hoped that the methodology and outcomes will stimulate professionals and non-professionals of a l l ages to engage in further dialogue and cooperation with older persons. 1.7 Thesis Organization Part I of the thesis provides the theoretical background to the case studies. Significant aspects of the environment and aging f i e l d are reviewed in Chapter Two, revealing the lack of comprehensive theory and a focus on the immediate environment to the neglect of the broader context in which older persons interact with their environment. Chapter Three describes the demographic, housing characteristics and current knowledge regarding the housing needs and preferences of older Canadians. In order to begin to meet the challenge of an aging population and i t s housing needs, an understanding of the broader context is essential. Macro-level issues which impact housing must be assessed and analyzed 11 before study at the more focussed levels can be meaningful. This level of understanding is sought through a social, p o l i t i c a l and economic analysis of the broader context of seniors' or retirement housing in Chapter Four. An overview of the development of "participation" as a movement and a technique in Chapter Five provides background for the rationale of the case studies as methods of collaborative planning. Thus the chapters included in Part I identify the context of the thesis and the research question, and establish the basis for the case studies. Part II contains three chapters which describe the case study events, their findings and outcomes, and analysis. Chapter Six outlines the rationale for selecting the two participatory events as case studies of collaborative planning. It also relates the development of each event and b r i e f l y discusses their structure, programme and participants. Chapter Seven presents the findings of the case studies and evaluates both events according to the stated goals and objectives, and as a participatory process. The results of the events are considered together under Outcomes. Part III provides the integrating and concluding chapters of the thesis. Chapter Eight analyses the case studies in terms of the evaluation and the results discussed in the previous chapter. It seeks an answer to the research question and provides an overall summary of the exploration by the case studies into the collaborative planning of older persons in retirement housing issues. Chapter Nine summarizes the thesis findings and analysis in terms of the thesis objectives and research question. This chapter relates the case studies to the broader context of the thesis, the fields of gerontology and environment and 12 aging, and participatory planning. The significance of the findings and outcomes to planning and design professionals, as well as policy and decision makers is also included. 13 PART I : BACKGROUND This segment of the thesis presents the theoretical and conceptual framework for the study. As a foundation for discussion of the broader setting of housing for older persons, literature in the f i e l d of "environment and aging" is reviewed and analyzed. Lack of comprehensive theory i s revealed, with a focus on the immediate environment resulting in the neglect of the broader context of interaction whose components determine many aspects of current housing r e a l i t i e s . An outline of demographic trends and the housing characteristics and needs of older persons as defined by the literature provide the Canadian setting of the thesis, and reveal an inaccurate understanding of housing needs and preferences of older persons. This is followed by an examination of the social, p o l i t i c a l and economic context of housing for older persons in which demographic trends and housing statistics are placed. Argument for the necessity of including older persons in planning and decision-making regarding seniors' or retirement housing i s derived from this structural analysis. Collaborative planning as defined for the thesis is developed from a review of the principles and evolution of participation in design, and from the planning literature regarding public participation. The rationale for the case studies i s derived from an integration of the theoretical and conceptual background, demographic trends, and current housing rea l i t i e s of older persons, with the assumption that collaborative planning i s a viable method by which to increase the sui t a b i l i t y and affordability of housing for older persons. 14 CHAPTER TWO THEORY - ENVIRONMENT AND AGING Social gerontology is a young, broad, multidisciplinary f i e l d which includes such disciplines as anthropology, architecture, communications, economics, geography, psychology and sociology. The complexity resulting from variations in the value systems, philosophy, theory and methodological orientation of these perspectives has enriched the fields of "environment and behavior" and i t s progeny, "environment and aging" (E-A). Just twenty years old, E-A research seeks to understand the interaction between older individuals and their environments. Early E-A study focused on the environment, evolving to concentration on the individual, to more recently, the study of person-environment interaction. There are four general orientations in E-A research: (A) place, (B) design, (C) social and psychological processes, and (D) environmental policy (Lawton, Altman and Wohlwill 1984). This i s not a ri g i d classification since most E-A research has more than one of these orientations. 2.1 Orientation to Place or specific places or settings i s the basis of most research in gerontology regarding the interaction of environment and older persons. Environmental designers and practioners have sought knowledge to modify or create settings or buildings which f i t the needs of older persons. The earlier literature in this area was almost entirely descriptive of settings (Townsend 1964). The focus of recent E-A research has been neighbourhood (Becker 1983; Regnier 1981 & 1983; Wilson 1981; Hodge 1984) and buildings (Howell 1980a & b; Faletti 1984). A l l of these generated design-orientated hypotheses or had design 15 implications. 2.2 Orientation to Design has not been derived from research. It has resulted from analogy using principles abstracted from gerontological knowledge, and tested against the behavior of users in environments. Thus design-orientated books on housing have emerged (Davis, Audet and Baird 1973; Green et aJU 1975; Lawton 1975; CMHC 1983; Whiting and Woodward 1985). Research involving environmental variables such as transportation, location of resources and compensatory hardware, furniture and design (Koncelik 1982) are also included under this approach. 2.3 Orientation to Social and Psychological Processes has been the central focus of theory development in environment and aging. Several researchers have studied the progressive change brought about by the interdependent interaction of individuals with their environment. Lewin's (1951) fundamental statement that behavior i s a function of an individual and the environment (B=f(P,E)) is incorporated into an "ecological model" by Lawton (Lawton 1975, Lawton and Nahemov 1973) which focuses on the competence of an individual to meet environmental demands (B=f(P,E,PxE)). Competence is the combination of a l l traits of an individual, while the environment includes a l l objective (alpha), perceived (beta), physical, and suprapersonal (aggregate characteristics of neighbours) components. As can be seen in Figure 1 below, excessive demands from the environment or "environmental press" relative to competence induces stress that necessitates adaptive behavior. Inadequate demands from the environment can also lead to loss of competence or "maladaptive behavior", or to "adaptive behavior" that has "positive effect". 16 Weak Strong Figure 1. Environmental Press Model (From: Lawton 1980, 12) The ideal environment produces adaptive behavior that does not strain nor disregard the competence of an older individual. Incorporated into this model i s the environmental d o c i l i t y hypothesis (Lawton and Simon 1968) which states that the lower the competence, the greater the amount of influence environment has on behavior. While this component has been supported by research, the complexity of Lawton's ecological model has made i t d i f f i c u l t to f u l l y test. Nevertheless, Lawton's influence on the E-A f i e l d i s unsurpassed. Other researchers have also adopted similar concepts of competence and environment. Kahanas's concept of congruence between individuals and 17 their environment is derived from Murray's (1938) need-press theory. Well-being i s an outcome of congruence between personal needs and perceived environmental dimensions, while behavior or outcomes vary as a function of the dimensions of congruence (Lawton, Altman and Wohlwill 1984, 6). The Carp and Carp model (1984) combines the rationale of Lawton's model with Kahana's concept, focusing on how well the environment f i t s the needs of individuals (B=f(P,E,PxE)). The traits of an individual (P) interact with and influence perception of and reaction to the environment. Outcomes or behavior (B) are immediate or ultimate. At a more applied level of research, Golant (1984) and Carp and Carp (1984) examine psychological and social processes within the context of specific places. Emphasis on psychological and social processes in relation to sense of and attachment to place by urban and rural older persons has been explored by Rowles (1978,1984). 2.4 Orientation to Environmental Policy Environmental policy or policy studies, policy planning, implementation and assessment have emerged from studies with other above noted orientations, and have become a more important aspect of E-A study. Newman, Zais and Struyk (1984) focus on demographic and financial traits of older Americans in relation to the av a i l a b i l i t y of housing which thus deals directly with policy issues. Roscow's (1967) research on the consequences of age-integration of apartment buildings provides a classic example. While i t began with a strong emphasis on social process, relevent findings for place, design and policy have emerged (Lawton, Altman and Wohlwill 1984). Similarily, the discussion of alternative housing options by Eckert and Murrey (1984) points both directly and indirectly to place, social and psychological and policy 18 issues. In general, policy implications can be discerned i n a l l E-A study. There are other E-A frameworks which may be defined within one or more of the orientations discussed above, but which focus on other aspects and perspectives of the interaction of persons with their enviroment. Parr (1980) for example, c r i t i c i z e s the broad, theoretical approach of Lawton and Kahana. She argues for differentiation and definition of the separate components of the person-environment (P-E) interaction i n order to allow greater c l a r i t y in measuring variables and in interpretation. Her classification system of-P-E interaction contains four types of variables: personal characteristics, environmental characteristics, mediators and behaviors: Figure 2. Person-Environment Interaction (From Parr 1980, 396) One behavior i s chosen and investigated for a variety of possible interactive influences. Thus a more sensitive understanding of the four variables and their interaction results. It can also be used as an alternative to general environment and behavior theory which has yet to emerge. 19 Stokols (1978) posits a two dimensional descriptive schema of four modes of person-environment transactions: Form of Transaction Cognitive Behavioral Interpretive Operative Cognitive representation of Experimental analysis of the spatial environment ecologically relevant Active behavior Personality and the Human sp a t i a l behavior environment (Proxemics) Phase of Transaction Evaluative Responsive Environmental attitudes Impact of the physical Reactive environment Environmental assessment Ecological psychology Figure 3. Modes of Human-Environment Transaction and Research (From Stokols 1978, 259) This schema expresses an attempt to move beyond were description of environments in order to focus more broadly on the interactions within and across various settings. Transactional interactions and optimization mentioned by Stokols as major themes in the person-environment research of the 1980's (Marshall and Tindale 1978; Soramer 1983), link conceptual and empirical aspects of a person's environment interactions. This more hol i s t i c approach marks important progress in "environment and behavior" and "environment and aging" f i e l d s . Parr (1930) notes that one of the main reasons for the limited knowledge in both of these fields i s the confusion and problems caused by overlapping global concepts such as "well-being" and "satisfaction". Thus Parr argues for clear, uniform concepts, and along with Stokols (1978) advises development of a taxonomy of environmental attributes. 20 Archea (1982) states that environment and behavior research has been predominately empirical, while practioners who would use such knowledge discount i t due to their orientation toward rational or instrumental methods. In the sci e n t i f i c premise of E-A and related fields persons respond to their environments. However, designers and planners view persons as creators of their environments. Such conflict no doubt increases the d i f f i c u l t i e s of E-A theory development. In contrast to other E-A researchers, Ittelson (1982) states that the premise of an adequate E-A theory must be the inseparability of the two components: person and environment. Both exist because of the other and each can only be defined in terms of the other (Ittelson 1982, 14). While ecological theory, systems theory and transactional theory a l l attempt to f i l l the theoretical void in E-A study, Ittelson believes that their failure i s due to ommission of the "proactive" aspect of persons who, as individuals or as society, through behavior, produce or create their environments. Regardless of the necessity of this concept to the development of the E-A f i e l d , this ommission in most E-A conceptualization, models and theories i s of importance to the premises of the thesis and to the development of the argument for collaborative planning. E-A researchers and others who view older persons as "reactive" in their interactions with the environment, maintain the social attitudes, thinking and practices which do not perceive older persons as capable individuals who are integrated and participate as f u l l members of society. What is also absent in the above E-A orientations and frameworks is incorporation of the broader environment from which a l l other levels of environment, social characteristics, inter-relationships and interactions take place. 21 As the previous discussion has revealed, a substantial amount of design-relevant knowledge has been generated. The chart below shows that there are, however, few models or theories in E-A study. MES m o d e l K a h a n a W i n d l e y W e i s m a n S c h o o l e r L a w t o n P a s t a l a n T o t a l P e r c e p t i o n and c o m p l e x i t y O X O • O • 10 C o g n i t i v e i m a g e • • • 0 O X 9 B e h a v i o r s e t t i n g • o 0 X O X 7 C o m m u n i c a t i o n s y m b o l i s m n o n - v e r b a l communic a t i o n X X X X X X 0 C o m p e t e n c e and a d a p t a t i o n • X 0 • • 14 I n f o r m a t i o n f l o w X X X 0 • o 5 E c o l o g i c a l m o d e l s • o X X o X 5 E t h o l o g i c a l m o d e l s X X X X X o 2 E v o l u t i o n a r y m o d e l s X X 0 X X X 2 S o c i o - c u l t u r a l m o d e l s X X • X • X 2 P r e f e r e n c e i n e n v i r o n m e n t a l q u a l i t y - c h o i c e o X X X o o 6 P e r f o r m a n c e -b a s e d • X X • X • 5 • - s t r o n g & d i r e c t (3) O = weak 4 d i r e c t (2) • = i m p l i c i t (1) X • a b s e n t (0) Figure 4. Major Theoretical Models in Man-Environment studies (From Rapoport 1982, 134) 22 As indicated in Figure 4, the existing models which emphasize psychological and social processes (see Carp and Carp 1984; Rapoport 1982), are general, and also have insufficient empirical testing to substantiate them (Lawton, Altman and Wohlwill 1984). These problems result in fundamental gaps in understanding the interactions between older persons and the environment, and highlight the lack of focus in E-A research. However, the absence of the "proactive" concept in describing how older persons interact with their environment and the prominence of study in the E-A f i e l d of micro-level environments i s more important and conspicuous. 2.5 Dominance of Micro over Macro Environment Not only is there a lack of comprehensive "environment and aging" or "person-environment" theory, most E-A study has dealt with older individuals interacting with or within their immediate environments. This micro-environmental perspective has precluded development of, integration with, or consideration of wider social, p o l i t i c a l and economic forces. E-A study has generally not acknowledged the dominance of the broad context in determining a l l social and physical aspects of the more immediate environments which any of the orientations and frameworks reviewed are derived. The wide context forms the fourth environmental component in the ecological housing model borrowed from Lawton (1980). It i s composed of four separate and interrelated levels of environment (see Figure 5): 1. Individual (personal characteristics such as behavior, l i f e history, physical and mental competencies); 2. Microsystem (immediate environment) - Lawton (1980) viewed this environment level in terms of: a) personal or significant persons, b) 23 group or group pressures and social norms, c) suprapersonal or aggregate characteristics of nearby persons, and d) natural or built physical environment; 3. Exosystem (local community) - The availability of resources and services, security and social interaction at this level i s of c r i t i c a l importance to the well-being of older persons; 4. Macrosystem (global context including p o l i t i c a l , economic and social events, forces and processes) - The profit maximization premise and priority of our mixed economy pervades a l l aspects of policy and society. They have profound impact on housing choice and a v a i l a b i l i t y . Figure 5. Ecological Housing Model (From Eckert and Murrey 1984, 99) In E-A study, housing is typically discussed in terms of the immediate environment of an individual (individual, microsystem, exosystem), with l i t t l e or no attention given to variables within higher 24 levels of the environment or macrosystem. However, Eckert and Murrey (1984) state that i t i s precisely the wider context which "order(s) the very existance and range of housing alternatives from which older people must choose" (Ibid., 99). Several larger societal forces which affect the development of new housing options for older persons include: A. Gentrification or upgrading of housing stock through rennovation or rebuilding; B. Lack of secure tenure due to withdrawal of rent control legislation; C. Lack of affordable rental units due to i n a b i l i t y of private market to build profitable low-cost rental units, low numbers of government-built or government-assited social housing units, high interest rates; D. Erosion of income through inflation; E. Cutbacks in housing programmes and supportive services through the provincial Long Term Care system. (Ibid., 121-123) These points highlight areas public policy i s persistently unable to address in order to meet the housing needs of the disadvantaged. Plausible reasons for the endurance and pervasiveness of the housing problems of low and moderate income older persons w i l l be revealed in a discussion of macro-level aspects of housing. First, however, the Canadian context is presented i n a review of the demographic trends and the housing characteristics of older Canadians. The inaccuracy of defining housing needs and preferences as those which are currently evident also provides reasoning for expanding the background of the thesis to include a discussion and analysis of the broader social, p o l i t i c a l , and economic context of housing. 25 CHAPTER THREE THE CANADIAN CONTEXT 3.1 Demographic Shifts One of the most important challenges facing Canada and other developed and developing nations i s the worldwide phenomenon of population aging. In Canada, as elsewhere, demographic projections indicate major changes in the age structure and distribution of the population (see Figure 6). There are four main trends which w i l l affect housing needs and demand in the city of Vancouver. 1. The proportion of the population over the age of 65 w i l l grow more quickly than any other age group (see Figure 7), increasing from 9.5% (1981) of Canadian population to an estimated 13.1% by 2011 (Ellingham, MacLennan and Dick 1984, 12), and to between 14-17% by 2021 (Canada 1983, 16). Other researchers forecast 13.6% by 2001 (Gutman et  a l . 1986, 2), or 14.7% older persons by 2006 (Priest 1985, 3). Such variations are due to differing predictions about f e r t i l i t y , l i f e expectancy and immigration rates. 2. The growth in the numbers of older persons w i l l also continue, (see Table I ) . The current Canadian total of over 2.4 million i s anticipated to reach 3.4 million by 2001, and nearly 4 million by 2011 (Ellingham, MacLennan and Dick 1984, 12). 3. There w i l l be a heavy distribution of older persons in urban areas (see Figure 8). In 1981, 78% of those over 65 lived in urban centres (1000 or more population), and 40% of these live in centres of 500,000 or more population (Brink 1985, 2). 4. It i s expected that the relatively high proportion of older 26 Figure 6 Percentages of Total Population Aged 65 and Over, Canada, and Selected Regions and Countries Pourcentages de la population totale agee de 65 ans et plus, Canada et certains pays et regions 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 1 8 % C a n a d a W o r l d M o n d e D e v e l o p e d c o u n t r i e s P a y s d e v e l o p p e s D e v e l o p i n g c o u n t r i e s P a y s e n v o i e d e d e ' v e l o p p e m e n t • 1 9 8 0 1 9 8 0 1 9 8 0 5 . 8 % ! 1 1 . 1 % 4 . 0 % A u s t r a l i a A u s t r a l i a 1 9 7 9 E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s A n g l e t e r r e et P a y s d e G a l l e s 1 9 8 0 9 . 4 % 1 5 . 1 % F r a n c e 1 9 8 2 S w e d e n S u e d e U n i t e d S t a t e s E t a t s - U n i s U . S . S . R . U . R S . S . • 1 9 8 0 IT. I I . • • i . . . . » , . , r . . , „ . l l i i . i i i i n ' •• • 1 9 8 0 1 9 8 0 I- 1 0 . 2 % 12 15 I 1 8 % S o u r c e : S t a t i s t i c s C a n a d a . 1981 C e n s u s ; U n i t e d N a t i o n s . D e m o g r a o n i c Y e a r o o o k 1 9 8 1 ; a n d U n i t e d S l a t e s , B u r e a u o f t h e C e n s u s , 1 9 8 0 C e n s u s (from Canada, Department of Health and Welfare 1983, 13) 27 Figure 7 Percentages of Total Population in Selected Age Groups, Canada, 1951 to 2021 Pourcentages de la population totale de certains groupes d'age, Canada, 1951 a 2021 (1) P r o j e c t i o n s . S h a d e d a r e a s r e o r e s e m r a n g e s o f p o s s i b l e p e r c e n t a g e s (1) P r o j e c t i o n s . L e s p a r t i e s o m o r e e s r e p r e s e n t e d l e s i n t e r v a i i e s d e v a r i a t i o n d e s o o u r c e n t a g e s p o s s i o i e s S o u r c e : S t a t i s t i c s C a n a d a . C e n s u s e s o f C a n a d a a n a P r o j e c t i o n s f r o m O e m o g r a o n y D i v i s i o n S o u r c e : S t a t i s t i a u e C a n a d a . S e c e n s e m e n t s a u C a n a d a et p r o i e c t i o n s d e 1a D i v i s i o n a e l a a e m o g r a o n i e (from Canada, Department of Health and Welfare 1983, 17) Table I Population i n Selected Age Groups, Canada, 1950 to 1980 and Projections 1985 to 2025 ' (Population i n thousands) Age Group Year A l l 60 65 80 Ages and Over and Over and Over Estimates 1950 13,712 1, 552 1,051 149 1955 15,698 1,737 1,215 174 1960 17,870 1,928 1,358 214 1965 19,644 2,150 1,507 272 1970 21,297 2,448 1,696 327 1975 22,697 2,829 1,938 375 1980 23,936 3,217 2,282 436 Projection 1 1985 25,971 3,654 2,551 498 1990 27,751 4,051 2,931 595 1995 29,353 4,352 3,225 709 2000 30,723 4,583 3,432 790 2005 32,001 4,974 3,581 904 2010 33,306 5,634 3,887 968 2015 34,618 6,385 4,443 994 2020 35,829 7,253 5,074 1,016 2025 36,823 8,027 5,786 1,137 Projection 4 1985 25,196 3,622 2,529 496 1990 26,346 3,999 2,894 590 1995 27,259 4,278 3,171 700 2000 27,938 4,482 3,361 777 2005 28,470 4,838 3,489 886 2010 28,920 5,445 3,767 945 2015 29,270 6,115 4,279 967 2020 29,463 6,888 4,844 982 2025 29,462 7,570 5,479 1,094 Source: S t a t i s t i c s Canada, 1973, Catalogue 91-512; 1979, Catalogue 91-518, Tbble 5r 1979, Catalogue 91-520, project ions 1 and 4; and 1980 estimates from the Demography Division. (from Canada, Public Affairs Directorate 1982, 4) 29 Figure 8 Numbers and Percentages of Total Population Aged 65 and Over and Aged 80 and Over, for Selected Urban and Rural Areas, Canada, 1981 Nombres et pourcentages de la population totale agee de 65 ans et plus et de 80 ans et plus, pour certaines regions urbaines et rurales, Canada, 1981 P e r c e n t a g e s 6 5 a n d o v e r ^ P o u r c e n t a g e s 6 5 a n s e t p l u s 14 12 — 10 12.3% 2 — 9.4% I 1 m i I 1 ® C a n a d a 9 .9% 2 3 4 5 U r b a n R e g i o n s u r b a i n e s 10 11 R u r a l R e g i o n s r u r a l e s P e r c e n t a g e s 6 0 a n d o v e r P o u r c e n t a g e s 6 0 a n s et p l u s 1 . 9 * 2.0% 2.0% 2 . 0 * 2 3 4 5 C a n a d a U r b a n R e g i o n s u r b a i n e s 7 3 / % 14 — 12 — 10 — 2 EL R u r a l R e g i o n s r u r a l e s T o t a l p o p u l a t i o n N u m b e r s 6 5 a n d o v e r N u m b e r s 8 0 a n d o v e r _ . . P o p u l a t i o n t o t a l e N o m b r e s 6 5 a n s a t p l u s N o m b r e s 8 0 a n s e t p l u s A r e a s — R e g i o n s C a n a d a 2 4 , 3 4 3 . 0 0 0 2 . 3 6 1 . 0 0 0 4 5 1 , 0 0 0 U r b a n s i z e grouo3 U r b a i n e s p a r g r o u p e s d e t a i l l e 1 T o t a l 1 8 . 4 3 6 . 0 0 0 1 , 8 » 3 . 0 0 0 3 6 5 . 0 0 0 2 5 0 0 . 0 0 0 + 1 0 . 0 3 5 . 0 0 0 9 3 9 . 0 0 0 1 7 3 . 0 0 0 3 1 0 0 . 0 0 0 - 4 9 9 . 9 9 9 2 . 5 5 3 . 0 0 0 2 6 1 , 0 0 0 5 3 . 0 0 0 4 3 0 . 0 0 0 - 9 9 , 9 9 9 1 , 9 9 7 . 0 0 0 2 1 0 . 0 0 0 4 0 , 0 0 0 5 1 0 . 0 0 0 - 2 9 , 9 9 9 1 . 5 6 1 . 0 0 0 1 5 5 . 0 0 0 3 1 , 0 0 0 6 5 . 0 0 0 - 9 . 9 9 9 7 9 4 . 0 0 0 3 7 . 0 0 0 1 9 . 0 0 0 7 2 . 5 0 0 - 4 , 9 9 9 7 9 9 . 0 0 0 9 8 . 0 0 0 2 2 . 0 0 0 8 1 , 0 0 0 - 2 , 4 9 9 6 9 2 . 0 0 0 9 4 , 0 0 0 2 2 . 0 0 0 R u r a l n o n - f a r m , / a r m R u r a l e s n o n a g h c o l e s , a g r i c o l e s 9 T o t a l , 5 , 9 0 7 . 0 0 0 5 1 8 . 0 0 0 8 5 . 0 0 0 10 N o n - l a r m — N o n a g r i c o l e s 4 , 8 6 7 . 0 0 0 4 6 2 , 0 0 0 7 8 . 0 0 0 11 F a r m — A g r i c o l e s 1 . 0 4 0 . 0 0 0 5 6 . 0 0 0 7 . 0 0 0 (from Canada, Department of Health and Welfare 1983, 27) 30 Canadians living in the province of British Columbia w i l l be a continuing trend. In 1981, over 12% of older Canadians lived in B.C. (see Table II). This figure i s expected to rise to a minimum of 17% by 2021, with absolute numbers of older persons reaching over 1 million (Shulman 1981, 30). In 1981, of a l l Canadian metropolitan centres, the City of Victoria had the highest proportion of older persons - over 15%, and the City of Vancouver ranked second with 10.5% (Gutman et a l . 1986, 26). Currently, Vancouver has 15.2% older persons, while 25.8% of Victoria i s over age 65 (Ibid., 28). However, the proportion of population over age 65 in smaller communities within the Greater Vancouver Regional District has continued to exceed major cit y and provincial averages. In 1986 White Rock was 34.9% older persons and New Westminster was 18.1% older persons (see Table III). It i s aniticipated that large numbers of retired persons from other parts of Canada w i l l continue to migrate to B.C., increasing their proportions in the major urban areas of this province. (Ibid., 2) The above trends indicate that meeting the housing and social needs of a growing population of older persons w i l l be a significant public policy issue that w i l l affect a l l areas of Canadian l i f e in the decades ahead. 3.2 Housing Characteristics Within British Columbia in 1981, a total of over 115,000 households, or more than 11.5% of a l l households were headed by a person aged 65-74 (Ellingham, MacLennan and Dick 1984, 18). Well over 64,000 other household heads were over the age of 75 (Ibid.). Thus over 18% of a l l households in British Columbia in 1981 were older 31 Table II Total Population and Population Aged 65+: Canada and Provinces, 1981 % of Population % of Provincial Total Pooulation Population 65+ Aged 65+ in Canada Population Aaed 65+ Nfld. 567,681 43,780 1.9 7.7 P.E.I. 122,506 14,890 .6 12.2 N.S. 847,442 92,560 3.9 10.9 N.B. 696,403 70,550 3.0 10.1 Quebec 6,438,403 569,370 24.1 8.8 Ontario 8,625,107 868,195 36.8 10.1 Manitoba 1,026,241 121,830 5.2 11.9 Saskatchewan 968,313 116,170 4.9 12.0 Alberta 2,237,724 163,385 6.9 7.3 B.C. 2,744,467 298,175 12.6 10.9 Canada 24,343,181 2,360,985 100.0 9.7 Source: Statistics Canada. 1981 Census. Population. Age. Sex and Marital  Status, Catalogue 92-901, Table 1, September, 1982. (from Gutman et a l . 1986, 21) 32 Table III Total Population and Population Aged 65+: Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t , 1981 Dis t r i b u - Percent-tion of age of Communities/ Total Popu- Pop. 65+ Population E l e c t o r a l Areas* l a t i o n Population Aged 65+ i n GVRD 65+ Total Males Females Belcarra 425 25 15 10 <0.1 5.9 Burnaby 136,500 16,555 6,750 9,805 12.1 12.1 Coquitlam 61,085 4,330 1,855 2,475 3.2 7.1 Delta 74,775 4,500 1,980 2,520 3.3 6.0 Lions Bay 1,075 35 20 15 <0.1 3.3 New Westminster 38,555 6,960 2,630 4,330 5.1 18.1 North Vancouver City 34,270 4,315 '1,615 2,700 3.1 12.6 North Vancouver D i s t r i c t 66,635 4,605 1,890 2,715 3.4 6.9 Port Coquitlam 27,530 1,385 625 760 1.0 5.0 Port Moody 14,920 595 255 340 0.4 4.0 Richmond 96,155 7,110 3,080 4,030 5.2 7.4 Surrey 147,325 12,205 5,695 6,510 8.9 8.3 Vancouver 415,555 63,305 25,950 37,355 46.2 15.2 West Vancouver 35,730 5,570 2,140 3,430 4.1 15.6 White Rock 13,550 4,725 1,900 2,825 3.5 34.9 Ele c t o r a l Areas: 5,755 880 345 535 0.6 15.3 Total 1,169,840 137,105 56,745 80,355 100.0 11.7 *See Appendix 1 for a l i s t i n g of census div i s i o n s and subdivisions included i n each GVRD community and elec t o r a l area. Source: S t a t i s t i c s Canada. 1981 Census. Population, Occupied Private Dwellings. Private  Households, Census Families in Private Households - B r i t i s h Columbia, Catalogue 93-922 (Vol. 2 - Provincial Series), Table 2, December, 1982. (from Gutman et a l . 1986, 27) 33 (Gutman et aJU 1986, 45). A 1979 City of Vancouver Planning Department report on housing estimated that in 1976 there were nearly 60,000 persons over age 65 in the city, composing approximately 22% of the households, and concentrated in the West End (12%) (Planning Department, City of Vancouver 1979, 21). Estimated population over the age of 65 for 1986 was approximately 65,200 and was expected to increase to 112,580 by 2001 (Ibid.). However, in 1981, 11.5% or 146,000 residents were over age 65 in the Vancouver metropolitan area (Boniface and Wilson 1986, 1). Currently, 85% of older Canadians l i v e in accommodation provided by the private market (Ellingham, MacLennan and Dick 1984, 12). Two-thirds of these own their own homes, with the proportion of ownership dropping with increasing age (Brink 1985, 3). The major type of dwelling consumed by older persons i s the single family home, accommodating approximately 60% of older Canadians; multiple unit projects under 5 storeys in height housing 26%; high-rise apartments housing 12%; mobile homes accomodating 2% (Statistics Canada 1984, 4). In 1981 in British Columbia, 56.2% of older households lived in single detached homes; 22.3% i n apartment buildings less than five storeys; 10.9% in apartments more than five storeys (Gutman et a l . 1986, 48). 3.3 Inaccurate Assessment of Housing Needs and Preferences Although the proportion of older persons i s currently growing, there i s l i t t l e evidence in present seniors' housing of an understanding of the varying characteristics, desires and needs of this segment of society. Inaccurate assessment of needs and preferences on several levels contributes to this situation. 34 A. Misread Needs Until recently, the physical and environmental needs of older Canadians have been largely ignored by academics and practioners. Aging research has emphasized the medical, psychological and sociological aspects of aging to the neglect of basic issues such as housing. The dearth of information on the nature of housing specifically designed and available for older persons has not yet improved s i g n i f i c a l l y , in spite of the growing concern for meeting the housing requirements of increasing numbers of older persons. Stone and Fletcher (1980) for example, in their overview of the issues confronting Canada's older citizens, pointed out that: Current and historical s t a t i s t i c s on the availability, use and volume of need for for such housing f a c i l i t i e s by older persons are largely non-existant. The situation i s vi r t u a l l y that of an information wasteland. (99) Use of deficient and incomplete census data to extrapolate housing needs leads to a multitude of assumptions (Mendritzki 1983). For example, a Vancouver City Planning Department report on needs for affordable housing cited figures which are "indicators of the probable dimensions of needs rather than absolute numbers" (1979, 1). Thus inaccurate assessment, knowledge and understanding of needs results (Stone and Fletcher 1980). As has been widely noted in the gerontological literature, the fact that older persons reflect diverse characteristics i s not recognized in either public policy and programmes or in wider society. The tendency to assume that older persons comprise a homogeneous group with uniform preferences and needs translates into a limited range of housing alternatives made available to older people. (Cluff 1981; Pastalan 1981) This becomes very apparent when the type and range of housing 35 choices of older persons in other Western countries (Goldenberg 1981; Hoglund 1985) are compared with the range of options available in Canada (see Appendices A, B). The H.I.N.T.S. report (Housing i n North Toronto for Seniors 1981) was initiated due to a lack of basic information about the housing of older persons in North Toronto. Housing expertise and knowledge exists mainly in the area of large-scale housing built by government or non-profit organizations for low income older persons (senior citizen apartments, lodges, nursing homes). This is because of the accessibility of information regarding such projects, and of the residents as research subjects (Pastalan 1981). A limited amount i s known about how older persons can remain independent in the community with appropriate housing design and adequate support services (Meyers 1981; Age Concern 1984). The numbers of older persons facing housing decisions i n the future in Canada w i l l reach over 1 million i n the next 30 years (Ellingham, MacLennan, and Dick 1984, 12). Many of the current and future retirees do and w i l l continue to li v e in their pre-retirement housing, or they w i l l relocate to non-senior market accomodation. (Mendritzki 1983) While existing housing w i l l meet much of this demand, new construction i s also necessary. However, a sufficient quantity of housing units for older households w i l l not necessarily meet needs (expressed or unexpressed). As noted by Cates (1986) the stress by government agencies on quantitative aspects of housing (number of units, size) defers recognition of qualitative components which satisfy housing needs. While recent s t a t i s t i c a l information (Gutman et a l . 1986; Canada Health and Welfare 1983) w i l l greatly assist in development of general understanding of housing needs of older Canadians, need from the 36 subjective viewpoint must also be included. B. Needs and Preferences Not Reflected in Current Choices To view the currently available housing choices (see Appendix B) as those which are preferred or which meet the housing needs of older persons is erroneous in several ways. 1. The majority of older persons over age 65 would prefer to li v e in single-detached homes which they own (Mendritzki 1983; Government of Canada 1986; H.I.N.T.S. 1984). This i s indicative of the societal ideal, a continuation of previous tenureship, and reflects a preference to remain independent and self-sufficient. For many older persons, this preference to remain in their homes plus the limited available alternative housing choices means that they remain in unsuitable housing which is too large, too expensive to maintain or repair (O'Byrant 1983; Pastalan 1983; Novak 1985). If, at a time of health or financial c r i s i s older persons must move, i t is often to undesireable accomodation that neither suits their needs nor their preferences. 2. While there may be a range of housing options providing choices in a wide geographical area, there is a lack of housing choice for older persons in their local communities (Whiting and Woodwark, 1985; Mendritzki, 1983). This i s a problem commonly expressed in the Vancouver area seniors' community, and verified by studies in Alberta (Whiting and Woodwark 1985; Mendritzki 1983). Such studies have identified several housing preferences including ownership, personal safety and building security, convenient and familiar location, moderate operating and maintenance costs, and smaller, well-designed homes with special features that f a c i l i t a t e independent liv i n g (Whiting, 1986). Similarily, 37 Brink (1985) names five related housing "needs": affordable shelter, locational requirements, support services, health care services and special designs. These vary in importance to older persons according to their age, sex, health status and available financial resources. Therefore, a wide variety of housing choices in every community i s required to meet such a range of needs and personal characteristics. 3. If the demand for available housing i s taken as indicative of need and preference, a misleading view of the housing situation for older Canadians results. Many older persons are not actively pursuing better housing, making do with their present accomodation. This latent demand added to the definition of "need" as defined by "market demand" leads to an inaccurate assessment of the housing needs of older Canadians (Rose 1981). 4. Assessing need using the waiting l i s t s of low rental units i s also erroneous. Bonniface and Wilson (1985) suggest that only 30-50% of those on waiting l i s t s are in need of housing due to the duplication of names on various l i s t s , failure to delete names once housing has been found, and inaccurate record keeping. Further, such l i s t s do not name a l l those needing housing (Rose 1981). This chapter has brie f l y outlined the demographic trends which indicate significant increases in need and demand for seniors' or retirement housing. The current pattern of housing for older Canadians is expected to continue, particularily i f new housing options are not developed. Current living arrangements and waiting l i s t s are misleading as indicators of housing demand and need. Reliance on these exacerbates the problems of planning and developing adequate, suitable and preferable accomodation for current and future older generations. 38 CHAPTER FOUR THE MACRO-CONTEXT - SOCIAL, POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC ASPECTS Housing for older persons cannot be understood separately from the general context in which i t is based. How housing i s developed, the types produced, the numbers of units, including their location, design and a v a i l a b i l i t y i s determined by social, p o l i t i c a l and economic structure and conditions. Understanding of this wider context also illuminates the values and attitudes toward aging which underlie the housing situation of older Canadians, suggesting probable causes of unmet needs and gaps in the range of seniors' or retirement housing choices. 4.1 Social Bias • While ageism, prejudice and stereotyping of older persons are declining, these negative attitudes are s t i l l important in how older persons are viewed by society and how they view themselves. (Kuhn 1976; Canada 1985; Action Age 1983; Levin and Levin 1980) Much of what Comfort (1976) wrote ten years ago s t i l l holds true: older persons comprise an "underprivileged minority" "made ar b i t r a r i l y roleless" (Comfort 1976, 17) through "ejection from a citizenship traditionally based on work" (Ibid., 16). Older persons suffer from the loss of former roles and the imposition of a demeaning idleness and non-use in terms of the roles and values which give the lives of younger people meaning. (Williamson, Shindul and Evans 1985) Old age i s seen as a "problem" (Phillipson 1982, 166) and older persons are "societal problems" (Bergum 1981, 228). Thus the later years are "characterised by labeling, segregation, and ever-increasing constraints on individual 39 options, autonomy and power" (Williamson, Evans and Powell 1982, 230). Comfort terms old age the "second non-civic childhood" in which persons become dependent, detached and in need of assistance from others who know more or know best (Ibid., 243). Also, older persons are often described as a non-productive burden upon the economy (Phillipson 1982, 166). Terms such as "the elderly", "the aged" and "senior citizen" connote a large, faceless group of similar persons with similar •declining a b i l i t i e s , needs and preferences. Decisions regarding both the larger and finer issues and details are made by professionals and bureaucracies who "give" them support services or develop, supply, or manage housing. (Carp 1976; Gelwicks 1977; Canada 1983a) This type of dependent relationship means that: "(Those) who supply shelter are also the ones who decide how much shelter there should be, where i t should be, and how i t should function in the lives of essentially passive users" (Fichter, Turner and Grenell 1972, 246). Grenell was speaking of India in the early seventies when he wrote: "People become invisible in the housing process to the extent that officialdom either does not see them at a l l or sees them only in terms of quantities of sterotyped human beings." (1972, 96) Currently this statement could be made regarding older North Americans and other minority groups as they seek adequate housing. Social housing built in the 1960's and 70's for such "statutory non-persons" (Comfort 1976, 31), also reflects this social bias: very l i t t l e of the same type of housing is a l l that i s required or economically feasible. Thus, high rises containing hundreds of bachelor suites for older singles, and a few one-bedroom suites for couples were built in Canadian c i t i e s . A Canadian architect in 1980 exclaimed that there is a disproportionate number of these, when in 1973 the Canadian 40 Council on Social Development strongly recommended one-bedroom suites (Murray 1980, 167). In 1968, the Province of Ontario stopped building bachelor suites, yet i t was not until 1985 that the British Columbia government followed suit. "The difference i s simply a matter of size -about 37 square feet" (Ibid.). However, within the social context, the additional costs can be seen to be decisive. While bachelor suites w i l l no longer be built, these and their inherent social and psychological problems have become part of the legacy of seniors' housing in Canada. The relationship of such psycho-social issues to the environment concerns much of the work of environment and aging researchers. The recession of the 1980's has also meant economy in other areas of social housing. For those living in B.C. social housing, the amount of income paid on rent (Rent Geared to Income-R.G.I.) has increased from 25% to 30%. Also, assisting only those "truly in need" w i l l l i k e l y mean that since more moderate income persons do not meet the more stringent c r i t e r i a for social housing residency, large numbers of poor older persons w i l l l i v e together in segregation, becoming the norm for government-assisted seniors' housing. The general societal value of old age and the status of older persons i s also reflected in the location of seniors' housing complexes. Both social housing or the private market have built accomodation for older persons on cheap, available land (Gutman 1980) rather than in locations which have the quality of l i f e and independence a priority also reflects the general societal value of old age and the status of older persons. Older persons who are in income groups above the limits set for social housing qualification also find inadequate units, designs, and 41 locations. There are few alternatives beyond regular market housing for older persons who desire to move from their long-time homes, but who do not yet need the care provided in sheltered or Long Term Care Housing. Also, very few of the available options meet housing needs or preferences in the areas where older persons wish to age. Thus many seniors are unwilling to leave their present accomodation. Another facet of this inclination towards "aging in place" is the strong attachment many older persons feel toward their homes. (O'Byrant 1982; Canada, N.A.C.A. 1986) According to Lawton, this desire has a significant relationship with "the t o t a l i t y of personal causal i n i t i a t i v e represented by the home" (1983, 17). The "home" embodies many years of choices, decision-making, displaying preferences and control. Hence the reluctance to leave "the fruits of such instrumentality" (Ibid.) i s enhanced. Homeownership is also not an indicator of housing adequacy, affordability and suitability. In the City of Vancouver, more than half of those over age 65 own their own homes. However, many of these are overhoused: as "empty-nesters" they consume family-type housing as singles or couples. Also, housing costs (maintenance, repairs, taxes) may be so high that older homeowners face affordability problems and safety hazards (Canada, Public Affairs 1982). Similarily, aging in place in the suburbs may mean distance from both basic and specialized services which are required when capabilities begin to decline. Developers have recently begun to look upon the older homeowner as a new housing market. Housing specifically designed and marketed to "over 50's" is available throughout the suburbs of the Vancouver area. Thus while social housing as i t exists currently supports Comfort's 42 opinion that older persons "are seen as old f i r s t , and provisionally as a person second" (1976, 31), those older persons with assets are seen mainly as a potential market. (Mendritzki 1983; Williamson, Shindul and Evans 1985) Resultant social and market housing may meet their needs and preferences. However, i t i s l i k e l y that choice increases and one's needs are more closely met the wealthier one i s . (Fichter, Turner and Grenell 1972) Viewing the context of housing of older persons within society's macro-structure reveals the l i k e l y premise for the social bias toward older persons. Housing policy and programmes are developed under a political-economic system that is primarily concerned with insuring that the various aspects of capitalism and i t s supportive systems continue. (Myles 1981; Williamson, Shindul and Evans 1985) Also, the above account of ageist attitudes, policies and outcomes emerge from an underlying p o l i t i c a l and economic premise of older persons as a controlled social group (Williamson, Evans and Powell 1982). 4.2 Political-Economic Context of Housing While Canadian senior citizen and general housing policy and programmes have been shaped by constitutionally-based federal-provincial relationships, housing policy has for the most part been used as an economic stabilization tool within a Keynesian framework. This i s evident in the fluctuation of federal housing programmes as lis t e d in Appendix C (see also Hulchanski 1984, 9). During periods of economic growth for example, housing programmes expanded in number and in funding. The 1982 Canadian Home Ownership Stimulation Program (CHOSP) illus t r a t e s an attempt to inflate the economy during a slump period 43 through a subsidy to encourage house construction and employment. The Assisted Rental Program (ARP), Multiple Unit Residential Building Program (MURB), and Canada Rental Supply Plan (CRSP) sought to increase the rental housing stock. The results, however, were highly subsidized and costly (ultimate costs are yet unknown) private market housing that is unaffordable to those most in need of housing, and which would have been built without the subsidies (Ibid., 53). Thus, as Olsen (1982) states, housing need is in part not met due to the premises, effects and demands of the free market system. In essence, the free market mechanism provides the analysis and the response context to which housing and other issues are subjected. Housing policy has also been part of f i s c a l and monetary policy. This can be seen in the evolution of federal housing programmes (see Appendix C). The stated housing policy goals of the British Columbia Ministry of Lands, Parks and Housing in 1984 are further evidence of this point: a) maintain a stable investment climate for encouraging the housing industry to develop housing; b) assist those with special needs for housing who cannot meet them in the market; c) encourage deregulation of the housing industry and reduce public service levels; d) support more effective use of existing housing; e) encourage federal government housing policies which support long-term private sector investments in housing (1984, 29). Social housing policy as reflected in the development of social housing progammes (see Appendix C) i s a function of the wider context. 44 Social housing programmes are only weakly related to the avai l a b i l i t y or the affordability of housing for low-income older persons, and are more related to maintenance of the bureaucratic system than meeting housing needs. (Grenell 1972) The analysis of the situation of housing for low-income British Columbians by the B.C. Housing Coalition i s documentation of this. Numerous submissions to the recent provincial government Commission of Inquiry on Social Housing (May 31,1986) similarily described the state of housing in B.C. (British Columbia, Ministry of Lands, Parks and Housing 1986). Social housing is provided only for those who meet c r i t e r i a of "core-need" (Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation-C.M.H.C.), "greatest in need" or "most in need" (British Columbia Housing Management Corporation-B.C.H.M.C.). However, as noted earlier, the entry level to any of these types of "need" (R.G.I.) i s becoming increasingly higher. Recent recapitulation of B.C. social housing policy, and revamping of programmes and e l i g i b i l i t y during a period of growing need, also indicates the receptivity of social policy to the demands and constraints of the market system. Constraints of both supply and demand-side housing programmes inhibit wide use by eligible persons: lengthy and involved processes in obtaining assistance; lack of information regarding the programmes; inaccessible offices where information and assistance i s available. Provincial income assistance-programmes for older persons such as Shelter Aid for Elderly Renters (S.A.F.E.R.) and Guaranteed Available Income for Need (G.A.I.N.) are good examples. Also, meagre funding and complex formulas of such assistance are i n sharp contrast to the generous allowances of federal income tax and interest payment 45 deductions for homeowners and for investors. Subsidies, the primary form of social housing assistance for older persons from federal and provincial governments, enhance the p r o f i t a b i l i t y of construction, maintenance, and rehabilitation, while in general they do l i t t l e to get at fundamental housing problems. (Hulchanski 1984) The federal government Residential Rehabilitation Assistance Program - R.R.A.P. Which provides funds for upgrading homes or making them disable-accessible i s one exception. However, the funding for subsidized housing as well as for successful programmes such as R.R.A.P. Aid only a portion of needy households (Rose 1981). High profits of land and high interest rates have affected the numbers of seniors' housing units b u i l t . Also limits set by general economic prosperity to available funds for a l l social housing has resulted in various low-income or special needs groups making gains at the expense of others. This i s the current situation in B.C., and one of the reasons behind the formation in 1985 of the B.C. Housing Coalition. Another possible reason housing demand is not met is that landlords, mortgage lenders and other members of the private housing industry do not desire fully-met housing needs and demands. Housing for dependent groups in the population can be economically stimulating. The well-being of the contruction and building supply industries rely on an economy in which the number and consumption of dependent poor is maintained (Fichter, Turner and Grenell 1972, 244). Also controlling the number of units available for rent or ownership serves their interests (Ibid., 121; Olson 1982, 175). Quality of housing and quality of environment (site, designs and construction) are another area subject to the mandates of the 46 marketplace. Many seniors' housing complexes in both urban and rural areas are located on cheap available land (Gutman 1980) rather than in locations that have the quality of l i f e and independence of the older person as a p r i o r i t i e s . Increased privatization of social housing, (which appears to be the direction of the current B.C. government), has not resulted in improvements i n housing quality in the U.S.A.. It has simply increased costs of the units built with public monies via the introduction of new costs in the form of further profits (Olson 1982, 178). Turner's (1972) analysis of American housing in the early seventies has significance here. It lends support to this political-economic analysis of housing from another perspective. According to Turner, suitable and adequate housing w i l l only result i f housing ceases to be seen only "as a noun", or as a material and physical product that has "value" assigned by the economic production system, and subjected to fluctuations in that context. Turner also notes that the results of non-participation of users in "production" of the product housing: "... supralocal agencies which plan for and provide for people's housing needs, with the result that the people so planned for and provided for turn into consumers or passive beneficiaries" (1972, 154). Also, Turner believes that housing policy and programmes which are devolved from centralized decision-making has limited pos s i b i l i t i e s for meeting real needs. Part of the housing problems of older persons are due also to the gap between real housing needs and needs as perceived by professionals, in addition to the mismatch between both types of needs and the available social and private-market housing. A similar interpretation of the housing situation of older persons in B.C. underlies the thesis 47 argument for defining housing needs according to the perceptions of older persons. This can best be done through the participation of older people in planning seniors' housing. Thus housing programmes have been used as economic stabilization tools and employment creation tools, rather than as planned in i t i a t i v e s to meet the housing needs of Canadians. As was written of the U.S.A., "the real housing game i s between the commercial and p o l i t i c a l powers that dominate instead of serve the people for whom they obstensibly exist" (Turner 1972, 172). 4.3 Structural Analysis The structural causes of unmet needs of older persons are explored in the work of Williamson, Evans and Powell (1982), Olson (1982) and Levin and Levin (1982). Such "structural analyses" examine the relationship of older persons with wider economic and ideological forces and reveal the ageism which underlies current housing r e a l i t i e s . According to Olson (1982), economic, p o l i t i c a l and social perspectives which are known as "conservative" and " l i b e r a l " (1982) accept the underlying premises and relationships of the current system under capitalism. Those gerontologists, planners and others who work within the conservative frame of reference seek to assist older persons in preparation for, adjustment to, and acceptance of what old age brings. (Marshall and Tindale 1978; Williamson, Evans and Powell 1982; Levin and Levin 1980) Under the li b e r a l perspective, older persons are seen to have rights to their f a i r share of societal resources and are victims of the modern industrial system which forced them into dependency by rendering their s k i l l s obsolete, demanding retirement, and 48 lessening family ties. The current problems of old age, including inadequate or unaffordable housing, are a result of imperfections in the market system. (Hulchanski 1984) As Phillipson notes " i t has usually been assumed that the types of problems associated with old age can easily be resolved within the framework of a capitalist society" (1982, 2). Another aspect is the vested interest gerontologists and other professionals have in the deprived social group "the elderly". "Amelioration of the elderly's d i f f i c u l t i e s i s possible, i t would seem, as long as their dependency as a group is not seriously dissipated" (Williamson, Evans and Powell 1982, 241). Levin and Levin (1980) and Olson (1982) also note the tendency of existing service systems for older persons to benefit mainly the service providers, while providing limited support to those older persons being served. Under a more "radical" or "structural" perspective, the values and ideals of individualism and the free market system permeate the study of aging, and current social attitudes toward old age and aging. These values are likewise inherent in housing development, policy and programmes. That older persons are disproportionately represented in low-income or poverty groups has resulted from the general bias of our p o l i t i c a l economic system toward the free market system, and the institution of retirement. (Olson 1982; Phillipson 1982; Williamson, Evans and Powell 1982) Olson (1982) argues that housing inadequacies amongst older persons are due mainly to income and minority status, rather than to age i t s e l f . Insufficient incomes lead to poverty as a direct result of the unequal distribution of power and income. Midwinter (1985) concurs and argues 49 that the institutionalization of retirement has resulted in p o l i t i c a l and economic alienation of older persons. He states that older persons are not resourced and thus are excluded. Succinctly put by de Beauvoir (1977, 604): "Society cares about the individual only in so far as he i s profitable". In Phillipson's (1982) discussion of the relationship of retirement to economic and social institutions, class and gender are important factors i n determining life-chances. They epitomize the numerous forms of inequality within capitalism such that "growing old is constructed through a range of policies imposed upon the older population" (1976, 167). Williamson, Evans and Powell also see retirement as a "subtle form of segregation and social control" (1982, 228) which regulates the labour market. De Beauvoir's (1977) analysis of the state of aging and older persons refers to the impact of capitalism which brought the social, economic and p o l i t i c a l changes that no longer allowed integration of older persons into the community through the combination of their productive work and their homelife. Retirement was the "consequence of a deliberate social choice" (de Beauvoir 1977, 261), that "means losing one's place in society, one's dignity and almost ones reality" (Ibid., 299). Olson and Phillipson may not agree with the use of the term "radical" by Marshall and Tindale (1978) because they do not e x p l i c i t l y advocate widesweeping change to the political-economic system. However, in the view of Marshall and Tindale (1978), changes to the theoretical perspective of old age and aging is paramount. In advancing an argument for "a radical gerontology," they state that gerontology, based on 50 viewing the individual's adaptation to society, rather than the context and interaction of older persons within the system, "seldom considers the necessity for serious change in that system i t s e l f " ( Marshall and Tindale 1978, 165). In the work of Williamson, Evans and Powell this sentiment i s stated more strongly: "Deviants should change, not existing economic and social arrangements" (1982, 242). A cursory review of gerontological journals reveals the dominance of studies on biological and psychological changes in old age ( l i f e satisfaction, morale, attitudes, values). This emphasis "deflects attention away from structural properties affecting the lives of the aging" (Ibid., 166), or the role played by the economic and p o l i t i c a l environment (Phillipson 1982; Levin and Levin 1980). Thus, paraphrasing the sociologist C. W. Mills, public issues are reduced to private troubles (Marshall and Tindale 1978, 166). The system remains intact and the individual i s expected to make adjustments in an attempt to accept i t s consequences. Levin and Levin summarize the current prevalent social attitude: That we do not attack the roots of the problem involves the tendency to believe in the particular variety of order and sta b i l i t y that forms our existing social structures and institutions. (1980, 60) The broader philosophical perspective taken by Bergum (1985) integrates the above structural analysis, and provides another level of influencing factors beyond the macro-level forces examined above. Bergum's thesis i s that the type of housing built for older persons (its form and meaning) is derived from and reflects how "man", old age and death are conceived. One of the conceptual "models of man" defined by Bergum, the Post-Historic humanism of the early twentieth century i n the Western world, has particular significance for current seniors' housing 51 r e a l i t i e s . The dominant philosophy of this historical period, as viewed by Bergum, conceived of "man" as f i n i t e , a product of time and chance, with "truth" evolving and not absolute. Old age was undesireable, and death was hidden from view. Older persons were considered social problems. The poor were subsidized by the state through income and shelter programmes. The resultant housing forms were hygenic and medically organized, reflecting the dominance of medicine and science. Housing was also aesthetically plastic and abstract (using new materials), mass produced (similar units - equality), and were impersonal, efficient and without ornamentation or personal furniture (no historical reference). Many of these elements are very v i s i b l e i n current seniors' housing. Vestiges of this conceptualization are also s t i l l evident in attitudes and in how the design and construction of retirement housing is approached. Bergum' suggests that because conceptual models correlate with certain housing forms, any present or future seniors' housing w i l l be based on currently-held models. This is because the meaning of old age and aging are continuously evolving through the interaction of older persons with others at various levels, and with the social institutions of which they are participants or non-participants. While Bergum's view may not be widely held, the understanding that follows from the focus of his discussion on the broader context is of significance to the thesis argument. A paucity of appropriate housing alternatives, inadequate or unaffordable housing, or poorly designed and managed housing, a l l result from how old age is viewed, and the status of older persons within the society and i t s systems. An understanding of both the micro-level of the 52 older individual 1s adaptation and the larger macro-level forces which produce the environment of aging are necessary for an adequate social gerontology (Myles 1981, 19) and likewise for this inquiry. While there must be an awareness that multi-level forces for the most part shape the housing options and choices available to older persons, consultation with older persons at the more micro-levels of the environments can begin to widen their housing alternatives. A continuation of the existing system, level of understanding and knowledge w i l l not meet the increasing housing needs as our population ages, and may result in severe housing and service crises. If analysts and writers such as Bergum (1981) and Olson (1982) are correct in their conceptions and understanding, the current worldview toward old age in North American society must change. When the releationships of older persons with society on social, p o l i t i c a l and economic levels have been altered, housing forms, services and the systems which create or provide them w i l l change. 53 CHAPTER FIVE PARTICIPATION 5.1 Development of Participation Rising out of the 1960's trend toward increased public participation in community affairs, participation in housing planning and design was an offshoot of community and urban planning. It has had two main components in i t s development: a reform movement and mechanism for social change, and a design methodology. As a reform movement, participation began over twenty years ago with the rejection of traditional planning and architectural practices. A favorable p o l i t i c a l and economic climate supported advocacy for the rights of poor inner ci t y residents and the development of citizen participation. During the p o l i t i c a l unrest of the sixties, what came to be known as advocacy planning and participatory planning, grew out of criticism of the "knowledge" of professionals and their competence in solving urban problems using technical models. (Comerio 1984) Application of sci e n t i f i c methods with neutral, objective c r i t e r i a to a wide array of existing and emerging social problems was not seen as possible; value judgements were necessary. Thus the physical bias of planning and i t s models and processes came under f i r e . Pluralism in the form of different groups interacting to produce alternative plans for an area's development surfaced as an attempt to externalize and democratise decision-making. While advocacy became "the expression of an enlightened professional conscience, ... participation became the methodology essential to the democratic process" (Comerio 1984, 232). 54 Including more people in the various decision-making levels, or making environments more responsive to users have been the main concerns of the movement termed "community design". Both advocacy planning and participatory planning are sub-movements within community design. The essence of this movement is two aspects of empowerment: p o l i t i c a l and enablement (Ibid, 238). F i r s t l y , a l l citizens have the right to a voice in decisions which affect their basic lives. Professionals likewise have a responsibility to create environments which are useable, understandable and which allow for f u l l participation by a l l citizens. Community design is "client-, process- and value-specific, yet remarkably nonspecific in terms of the tasks i t w i l l take on" (Comerio 1984, 238). While the planners who were community designers were concerned with the p o l i t i c s of planning processes (advocacy planners), architects sought a more democratic design process (Harms 1972). Research and knowledge from person-environment studies and the analysis of human behavior assisted this search. Other community designers, including participatory planners focused on more subjective concepts and methods of design participation. Concurrently, ethical questions were asked by other community designers: who should participate, who chooses the process and when does the process become manipulative or exclusive (Comerio 1984, 234). However, as Comerio recounts, simply providing the poor with technical assistance and power did not lead to justice and power. Participatory planning also did not make the design and planning process more understandable nor did i t give more control to users. The role and knowledge of professionals were not demystified. Instead, a new 55 expertise was created: special-interest p o l i t i c s . The goals of empowerment and democratic consensus also did not evolve. "A messier process of cooperation and negotiation in an adversarial setting has resulted" (Comerio 1984, 239-240). The evaluation of public meetings and hearings by The Institue for Participatory Planning (1978) supports this conclusion. These failures i n addition to the more conservative p o l i t i c a l climate of the seventies were important in forcing early idealism based on social justice and empowerment to become pragmatic and thus product orientated. As a result, community design has become concerned with activism and development of local social services within a larger goal of creating self-reliant communities (Ibid.). Comerio is correct in summarizing the essential importance of the surfacing of contradictions in the development of the participation movement. Participation as a process has yet to evolve to the point where i t achieves more than marginal success. Middle-class groups tend to represent community interests, and thus development of p o l i t i c a l and economic power within the community has been limited. However, the volume of plans and environments resulting from community design practices has been large. Also, and perhaps more importantly, "building people" resulted (Comerio 1984, 240). Though d i f f i c u l t to measure and quantify, development of leadership capacity, self-esteem, s k i l l s in participation and problem-solving have been significant results of participation. The values of justice, empowerment and motivation also remain as guiding principles for community-based planners and architects. This thesis attempts to integrate both the successes and lessons of advocacy and participatory planning and contribute to the 56 evolution of community-based participation and development. 5.2 Types of Participation The previous outline of the principles and development of community design provides background for a review of the various types of participation related to housing found i n the literature. Participants in the planning and design process include : experts, users or consumers, and project financiers (the paying c l i e n t ) . Most often the actual users do not participate. If users or consumers are involved, they generally are represented by persons appointed by the experts or financiers. Becker (1977, 11) in discussing environmental participation, distinguishes between users and consumers. User input differs from consumer input in the point at which the participation takes place, the type of input i t i s , and i t s consequences. The value of user input i s "process" while consumer participation results in information or "product". Because consumer input occurs before specific users are identified, general information about values and preferences amongst groups of individuals can be obtained for planning purposes. This i s not to lessen the importance of the more specific user participation in design, construction and throughout the lifecycle of housing. Becker (1977) views user and consumer participation as complemetary and necessary. Wandersman (1979), Arnstein (1969), and Van Dyk (1978) outline and evaluate several types of participation. The types of user participation based on level of input are defined by Wandersman (1979, 191) as: a) f u l l user control and f u l l decision-making powers; 57 b) choosing among alternative plans or designs; c) reactive, feedback, advice or consultative role; d) non-participatory role. Arnstein's (1969) ladder of citizen participation (see Figure 9) has eight types of particpation within three general levels, ranging from "non-participation" through three degrees of "tokenism," to three types of "citizen power". Citizen control Delegated power Partnership Plication Consultation Informing Therapy Manipulation Degrees of citizen power Degrees of tokenism — Nonparticipation Figure 9. Citizen Participation Ladder (From Conn 1976, 79) In contrast to the typologies of Wandersman and Arnstein, Van Dyk (1978). uses a model of participation in his discussion of cooperative housing which is based on two forms: creative or reactive, with various levels of input from professionals and others such as the users. According to Axworthy (1973), true participation only occurs when f i n a l decision-making powers l i e in the hands of the people rather than with professionals and administrators. Van Dyk disagrees and outlines four main forms of participation within a quadrant model based on variations between reactive and creative participation, and on who makes the 58 decisions: Quadrant 1 i s typical of most participatory planning. It i s reactive with f i n a l decisions make by professionals, generally resulting in dissatisfaction and confrontation, such as i s common in public meetings called by zoning variance boards. Quadrant 2 i s also reactive but allows participants f i n a l decision-making powers, while professionals have a major role in what i s proposed for discussion. Quandrant 3 has minimal professional input with development of ideas and proposals and decision-making by participants, with professionals verifying or implementing the decisions, often resulting in dissatified professionals. Quadrant 4 allows participants to develop proposals under the guidence of professionals in formulating fi n a l solutions. Van Dyk's (1978) discussion of participation in developing cooperatives centres on two of these: Quadrant 2 (allowing "reactive participatory democracy") and Quadrant 4 (allowing "creative professional administration"). These approximate Arnstein's sixth and seventh levels of "citizen power": "partnership" and "delegated power". As distinct from "consultation" and "involvement", participation i n the decision-making process or direct influence on the behavior of decision-makers i s necessary for true participation. Agreeing with Van Dyk, the thesis research sought a viable method that would be derived from and lend support to this definition of participation. 59 5.3 Effects of Participation Participation i s a complex phenonmenon discussed by Wandersman (1979a, b) in terms of "value" and "technique". The "value" or rewards of participation was shown by Wandersman's (1979a) research studies. "Value" i s also the prevalent outcome of the housing cooperative development process and l i f e s t y l e . Van Dyk suggests that because of the creation of a broader sense of responsibility and greater satisfaction through participation, "the process i s as important as the product" (1978, 14). The v a l i d i t y of participation as a technique in providing better environments than those planned without participation i s d i f f i c u l t to support empirically. The positive effects of participation have a commonly accepted rather than s c i e n t i f i c basis. Wandersman states that participation can affect: 1) satisfaction with the environment; 2) attitudes about the planning process; 3) attitudes towards experts; 4) feelings about oneself and one's role in the process; 5) changed behavior such as more use of the affected environment. (1979, 475) Van Dyk (1978, 11) categorizes the variety of broad and specific advantages and benefits of participation as: a) the gap in values between professionals and lay-persons closes; b) needs of a specific group of users rather than the f i c t i t i o u s "average person" are better met; c) there i s more satisfaction with the resulting plan or design, 60 and a more open, trusting relationship with and attitude toward professionals; d) personal growth and development results from gaining control over an important aspect of l i f e , enhancing feelings of self-worth, competence and personal fulfillment; e) democracy i s strengthened through understanding of social structures and processes, and also through the check of autocratic professionalism. There are also increased feelings of responsibility and control over the environment, and less alienation. Several studies have found positive effects of participation, but as Wandersman notes, "the different effects noted above are lik e l y to be interdependent rather than independent" (1979b» 476) and linked non-li n e a r i l y . Who evaluates the effects of user participation influences whose goals and needs are met. Another issue rarely researched is the longer-term growth or disipation of the effects of participation. Despite the proven advantages and positive outcomes of various levels of participation, older persons generally have not been involved in decision-making or planning processes. A review of planning practices in the next section reveals a paucity of examples, and the lack of recognition by planners and other professionals of the legitimacy of the role of older persons in the process of planning housing. 5.4 Planning Practices Opportunities for the involvement of older persons in the housing development process as users or consumers has been limited. This i s summarized by the phrase "housing (done) for" rather than "housing 61 developed with" older persons. This is visually and boldly expressed by the ommission of the consumer, older persons, in the triad of actors involved in creating housing (see below) which was the underlying conception of a mid-seventies conference on theory development in environment and aging. Researcher-theorist Figure 10. Model of Actors in The Housing Process (From Windley, Byerts and Ernst 1974, 287) Such thinking and approach definitely reflects an "outsiders view of the inside" of environments and housing (Windley, Byerts and Ernst 1974, 287). Similarily, a recent volume summarizing the present state of the environment and aging f i e l d was dedicated "to the enhancement and creation of appropriate and high-quality environments for older persons" (Lawton, Altman and Wohlwill 1984). However, there was no mention of any contribution which older persons might make toward this goal. As i s true for representation of the interests of older persons in general (Williamson, Evans and Powell 1982), planning of housing and other environments used by older persons is s t i l l largely confined to professionals, financiers and administrators. This regime of 'experts' presumably know more about older persons' housing needs and preferences than older persons themselves (Ibid., 243). Cooperative housing does 62 however, provide a continuing but limited example of member participation which includes older persons, in pre- and post-occupancy-planning . Past and current planning practices in British Columbia and other areas of North America have rarely included the subjective point of view of older persons in the planning of housing. Exceptions can be seen i n : a) periodic surveys of tenants of social housing or cooperatives by government or other agencies (Saskatchewan Housing Corporation, 1984); b) needs assessment surveys by non-profit groups as stipulated in grant applications (B.C. Ministry of Lands, Parks and Housing); c) community meetings and public hearings as part of citizen participation in local issues, delegations to city and municipal Councils, and referendums (Vancouver City Planning Commission 1986) ; d) advisory councils which provide input into planning of housing policy, programmes and by-laws (Cohn 1979); e) questionnaires used by developers and others to determine what aspects of housing (locational, amenities, design features) are most important to older persons (Whiting and Woodward 1985); f) post-occupancy studies carried out as part of architectural services, independent or academic researchers (Carp 1976; Gutman 1978, 1980). However, surveys and questionnaires used by governments or researchers for information gathering are problematic for they may not tap true feelings (Butler and Oldman 1980). Surveys and their findings 63 may also be inaccurate due to the general methodological limitations of such methods. For example, respondents may not find appropriate answers amongst the available choices on closed format questionnaires, and may choose approximate answers that misdirect the findings. However, the lack of opportunity for reaction from respondents is the greatest limitation of surveys and questionnaires. They are unidirectional methods of l i t t l e participatory value as defined for the purposes of the thesis. These techniques "provide the citizen with no stimulation or opportunity to develop a consciousness about his place in society and a strategy to express his values in community action" (Audain 1972, 80). Local government events and programmes such as those noted above which are set up to expand citizen participation in planning and decision-making by government, primarily serve administrative purposes. The Citizen Participation Handbook (1977) states that many of these techniques have not worked well. It can be argued that in spite of input, the process whereby the problems of older persons are f e l t , heard and acted upon by government are not altered. (Williamson, Evans and Powell 1982, 241) This may be caused, as Rosener (1981) suggests, by the government's view that participation i s "an end in i t s e l f " . Also, o f f i c i a l s define and maintain control over the participation process and thus i t s outcomes. Therefore participation in Canada has been seen "as an opportunity for the public to inform and consult, but not to advise and consent" (Burton 1979, 18). For example, without decision-making power, older persons on advisory councils are not able to effect change or their aspirations. They remain at the lower rungs of the citizen participation ladder as described by Arnstein (1969), or at Wandersman1s (1979) or Van Dyk's (1978) reactive level of input. 64 Other reactive methods, public meetings and hearings, are the most common participatory techniques. They usually seek to "generate information" (Burton 1979, 17). Because there i s only a small role for consultation or input from citizens, such public events have tended to function as demonstrations of polar opinions on issues. The public turnout simply measures the amount that people care about the issue rather than accomplishing other participatory goals. Public hearings have also had far too numerous expectations to succeed as participatory techniques. People are intimitated by the physical set-up: o f f i c i a l s are up on a stage, microphones are in conspicuous places, the pace is hurried, and pressure results. Thus confrontation and conflict usually result. (Institute for Participatory Planning) Similarily, lobby groups have varying success in promoting support for policies and programmes favourable to the seniors' community (Canada 1985a), and in intervening to reverse p o l i t i c a l decisions such as the de-indexing of government pensions. The lack of effectiveness Davidoff wrote of in the sixties appears to be s t i l l with us: The d i f f i c u l t y with current citizen participation programes is that citizens are more often reacting to agency programs than proposing their concepts of appropriate goals and future action ... Such participation should be the norm in an enlightened society. (1965, 334) Thus there are several issues and d i f f i c u l t i e s of citizen participation which need to be overcome for the potential of participation to be reached. Francis (1978, 377) outlines a " c r i t i c a l framework" consisting of questions which identify and test approaches by various levels of non-professionals and professionals in participation. The elements of the six questions consists of: 65 A) Genesis of Approach - How the process is initiated and by whom can determine the success of the planning and design process. A workshop that i s imposed on participants by a professional in an attempt to prepare a plan quickly or obtain fast approval w i l l be far less successful than a process that allows both the professionals and the citizens to develop jointly a plan or design. B) Participation and Roles - The role of the professional versus non-professional citizens differ as do their power and status in the decision-making. Also, while professionals receive compensation, citizens "volunteer" their time and energy. C) The Participatory Process and Techniques used also determine the success of the participatory exercise. D) Human development is one of the main results of participatory processes. Increased awareness and understanding of professional perspectives lessens lay-citizen intimidation, while new s k i l l s are developed as well. E) Environmental change may or may not be appropriate. Post-occupancy evaluation or assessing the match between the ideas of participants with the resultant design or plan is as rare as evaluation of the level of a participatory approach. F) Social and P o l i t i c a l Implications - The degree to which social or p o l i t i c a l change is a result of a participatory process is another key question. While increased environmental awareness is a l i k e l y outcome of participatory design, e l i c i t i n g individual and social change, and on-going involvement of participants in urban design or development projects after professionals withdraw, are greater challenges for professionals. 66 These elements in Francis's c r i t i c a l framework were used in developing the approach and objectives of the thesis case studies. They wi l l also be found in the analysis of the findings and outcomes of the participatory events. To summarize this chapter thus far, the techniques of participation and their possible outcomes have provided the background for development of the thesis research. Beginning with a review of the origins and development of participation as a reform movement and design methodology, this discussion has noted the general lack of involvement of older persons in planning and decision-making, and the reactive form which participation usually takes. Likewise, the potential advantages and positive outcomes of participation in housing w i l l be illustrated in the next section through the presentation of several participatory planning examples involving older persons in housing planning and design processes. 5.5 Examples of Participation While user participation has been an essential component in the development of cooperative housing, there are scattered examples of the participation of older persons in planning and housing issues. The following are included as clear illustrations of housing-related ini t i a t i v e s at national and local levels which include the perspective of older persons at varying degrees. Using Van Dyk's model of four quadrants (see Figure 11 below) which was explained earlier (Section 5.1), each of these w i l l be assessed a level of participation as noted in the brackets ending each example. 67 REACTIVE 1 2 Professional Participatory Administration Democracy 4 3 CREATIVE Figure 11- Quadrant Model for Participation (From Van Dyk 1978, 7) Some of the following illustrations clearly f i t one Quadrant; others l i e in the range of participation between two Quadrants. 1) Examples of government consultation with older persons about programmes in other countries include participation by older Dutch persons in decisions about housing programme allocations. They are also represented on housing advisory bodies, and are integrated into decision-making committees regarding housing services and f a c i l i t i e s (Oriel 1982). In Norway, old people's associations negotiate with the government regarding funding for housing, and the types of programmes and services. Efforts to enlarge community roles for older persons in West Germany include policy formation with older persons rather than for them. (Quadrant 4) 2) As an example of Wanderman's (1979) second level of 68 participation, (chosing among alternative plans), a mid-seventies San Francisco redevelopment project (Hartman, Horovitz and Herman 1976) was based on participation of tenants (single, low-income older persons) in a user needs survey. This survey consisted of small group discussions centered on slides of various alternative design issues and features, which i l l i c i t e d views, comments and choices of potential users. The study resulted in a set of guidelines for the designer of four redevelopment sites. The technique and process used in this study also emphasizes the importance of going to the environment of the potential participants and f i t t i n g into their l i f e s t y l e s when seeking consultation or other types of participation. (Quadrant 1) 3) The Canadian federal government through Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation (C.M.H.C.) sponsored tenant participation i n two Manitoba public housing projects in 1974 and 1975 as a response to the public participation trend (C.M.H.C, 1979). The purpose was to improve housing environments and to provide social benefits. These included social cohesion amongst participants, education about the housing development process, pride and responsibility. Design benefits included a better environment and more sensitive design f i t t i n g the needs of participants and others with similar needs. High quality information also resulted which corrected misconceptions about public housing, and provided guidelines generated from user priorities for the allocation of limited housing dollars for maximum benefit. Consumer participation in seniors' housing can potentially yield similar results. (Quadrant 1 - 2 ) 4) Apartment blocks built by the Greater Winnipeg Senior Citizens Non-Profit Housing Corporation in the early 1970's received design input and review by a group of seniors. Although there was only token 69 involvement by older persons, their contribution increased the suitability of the amenities (Gold 1985). (Quadrant 1) 5) Also in Winnipeg, in the late seventies, the Astra Non-Profit Corporation built high quality housing for moderate income seniors. (Gold 1985) The planning, larger design concepts, size, style, amenities and location received input from older persons who became residents of the resultant housing. (Quadrant 1) 6) In Toronto, Ontario, the Beech Hall Cooperative was initiated by senior tenants when the municipal government decided to tear down their apartment building (Goldblatt 1981). The residents organized to protest, then were linked with a resource group who assisted them in formation of a CM.H.C.-funded seniors housing cooperative. (Quadrant 1-2) 7) The Stanley Knowles Cooperative was initiated by the Canadian Council of Retirees in the late 70's to provide modest income seniors in Toronto with a housing alternative. (Pinsky 1983) Prospective cooperative members had input into the larger and finer design elements of the high-rise project through a twelve member design committee. The role of the nine older persons was generally advisory, but decisions were reached by consensus in consultation with the two professional staff members. The additional costs for this user participation exercise was an estimated 100-200 architectural hours and 50-100 consultant hours for a total cost of $5000.00 to $10,000.00. Compared with the capital cost, this was a relatively small increase in total costs. (Quadrant 4) 8) The CBC television programme "The Best Years" in November 1986 reported on a senior-developed retirement community located in central Red Deer Alberta. The project of small homes was initiated, designed and 70 funded by members of a non-profit housing society with minimal assistance from professionasl and the provincial and local governments. (Quadrant 4) 9) Other Canadian examples of the contribution of older persons in general housing design issues include research and publications. Building Better, i s a book by older persons which describes design features compatible with their housing needs (Crawford 1980, 123). (Quadrant 4) The National Advisory Council on Aging (N.A.C.A.) has acted upon i t s principles in recognizing that older persons want a voice in housing decisions through i t s recent ac t i v i t i e s on a multi-disciplinary task force with C.M.H.C. and the Canadian Housing Design Council. The task force exposed and debunked generalizations about seniors' housing needs, building upon the N.A.C.A. acknowledgement that older people prefer to li v e autonomously in the community and most preferably in their own homes. The result, a book entitled Housing an Aging Population:  Development and Design Guidelines (forthcoming) i s a planning and design resource. Using a detailed checklist of design features, i t informs older persons and others how to identify their housing needs, adapt or rennovate existing accomodation, or design appropriate new housing that w i l l accomodate to changing a b i l i t i e s . (Quadrant 3 - 4 ) The comprehensive H.I.N.T.S. Report (Housing in North Toronto for Seniors, 1981) was undertaken by an organization whose membership i s largely older persons. It illustrates the possible outcomes of collaborative projects. The report focused on the housing of local older persons, and the interviews were conducted by senior volunteers. (Quadrant 3) 71 10) The rennovation in 1984 of a seven-unit historical Vancouver row-house by an architect-consultant and six others, including one older person, illustrates creative, f u l l user control in decision-making. While the interior of each 1800 square foot 3 bedroom unit was designed with each owner, retention of the original character resulted in a Heritage Award. Not only has this private development resulted in high quality housing and high user satisfaction, but total costs ($30 per sq.ft.) were considerably lower than those of government funded housing ($50 per sq.ft.) or other developments ($40 sq.ft.). Thus there is unrealized potential for private developments which include older users in planning and design to meet their financial c r i t e r i a as well as their housing needs and preferences. (Quadrant 2) 11) The general public, analysts, academics, government o f f i c i a l s and housing professionals are beginning to learn more about housing from the perspective of older persons in the Vancouver area. The City's Special Council Committee on Seniors has appointed senior spokepersons who study and report to City Council on many issues involving older persons. (Quadrant 1) The Liaison Committee of the Gerontology Association of British Columbia uses the principles of the World Assembly on Aging in promoting the viewpoint of older persons. This focus on the perspective of older persons was a central component of the live-televised February 1986 Housing Forum (Case Study One), the follow-up televised November 1986 Retirement Housing workshop (Case Study Two), and at the November 1986 New Westminster Seniors' Housing Symposium. (Quadrant 2 -3) The type of participation by older persons who were involved in the above examples varied throughout the range and scope of Van Dyk's (1978) 72 model. A l l quadrants were illustrated including: consultative or reactive input with professionals determining the ideas, process and decisions (Quadrant 1); some control over what i s proposed, the process and decision-making with professionals (Quadrant 2); greater control and input into ideas, proposals and decisions than professionals (Quadrant 3); f u l l participation with professionals in a l l aspects of the process and decision-making (Quadrant 4). The events which are the thesis case studies were noted under example ten as illustrations of the range of participation between Quadrants 2 and 4. As discussed earlier, these quadrants allow participants to be involved to a lesser (reactive participatory democracy) and greater degree (creative professional administration). Van Dyk (1978) states that these two quadrants provide a satisfactory mix of participation and decision-making for cooperative housing development. As indicated by the above examples, there are many possible forms of consumer or user participation useful in developing housing for older persons. However, few examples including those above, exist where older persons have sole contol over a l l aspects of a housing process. Most processes include only professionals, with l i t t l e reactive consultation from users or consumers. Therefore, awareness, understanding and acceptance of collaborative planning by professionals i s a necessary f i r s t step before the potential of consumer participation can be realized. 73 5.6 Rationale for Participation Many researchers have noted the lack of participation by older persons in issues that affect them (Crawford 1981; Canada Health and Welfare 1983; Canada N.A.C.A. 1985a, b), and in housing concerns (Carp 1976; Lawton 1980; Crawford 1981; Schiff 1981). In preparation for the 1982 World Congress on aging, a Canada-wide discussion amongst older persons and their spokespersons generated the Canadian Non-governmental Organizational Report on Aging. The report included a recommendation specific to housing: "Whenever possible, the aging should be involved in housing policies and programmes for the elderly population" (Canada Health and Welfare 1983b, 86). Also, at the 1983 Second Canadian Conference on Aging, the wide involvement of older persons in decision-making was a major assertion in the presentations and workshops. Proposals to promote this resolution included: That governments, as appropriate, and the private housing industry should engage in a planning exercise that goes beyond the provision of basic shelter and undertakes to identify the different elements that are required to help elderly people maintain a maximum level of independence. (Canada, Health and Welfare 1983c, 5) Participation by older persons in housing issues was likewise endorsed by the 1984 Saskatchewan Task Force on Senior Citizen Housing. Specifically, i t recommends that "seniors become more actively involved in the planning and management of accomodation for senior citizens, as they are most aware of the needs of the elderly" (Saskatchewan Task Force 1984, 21). It further proposed consultation and decision-making roles for older persons through the appointment "of at least one senior citizen to each Local Housing Authority", and representation on the Board of Directors of the Saskatchewan Housing Corporation (Ibid.). 74 The H.I.N.T.S. organization has stated as a priority the greater involvement of seniors in identifying issues and ensuring the appropriateness of action taken (Housing in North Toronto for Seniors 1981). Another priority i s identification of specific needs of older persons by advocacy groups. Blackey and Wood reiterate views found in the Conference on Aging Report when they state that instead of housing policies and programmes that "meet needs as we think they should be met, what we should be trying to meet are the needs of the elderly as they perceive them" (1980, 103). "The most direct way to assess needs and p r i o r i t i e s i s to ask questions directly of the persons to be served" (Morgan 1979, 55). A similar conclusion was expressed by an architect: "We need to know the ultimate client - the older persons and the sponsoring or funding authority, hopefully in that order" (Murray 1980, 171). However, the involvement of older persons i n the participation process must be a "partnership" i f the status (actual or perceived) of older persons i s to change (Canada N.A.C.A. 1982, 4). How far has participation as social reform and technique advanced? The words written by Harms in 1972 unfortunately have relevance today, particularily in regards to the seniors' community: The community-professional relationship i s typically paternalistic, with the community in the intermediary position, a position of "love i t or leave i t , " whatever the "service" i s , and the professional in the superior position, able to withdraw at his whim. (1972, 192) The more recent arguments noted above for inclusion of older persons in housing policy and programmes and decision-making, echo the sentiments, concepts and arguments made by advocates in the citizen participation and community design movement twenty years ago. As 75 previously stated, the lack of effectiveness in citizen participation appears to be due in part to the reactive nature of participatory techniques. It i s also l i k e l y that planners and others have not done a l l that was possible to make input by older persons as effective as possible in the techniques used. Professionals appear to not have accepted the legitmacy of older persons in consultative nor higher levels of participation as outlined by Van Dyk. However, the essence of this problem i s lik e l y the constraints derived from the rea l i t i e s of our political-economic system. Nevertheless, as evidenced by the diverse examples of participation presented earlier, there are ways in which participation of older persons in housing issues can be enhanced. Addressing the role of the professional in participatory processes i s useful to this endeavor. 5.7 Re-professionalization While collaborative planning may appear to pose a threat to the role of planners and other professionals, i t essentially calls for more flexible use of their professional s k i l l s in graphics, communication, and in their a b i l i t y to create or generate alternatives. Collaboration necessitates an expanded and more creative role for professionals whose s k i l l s f a c i l i t a t e the comprehension, interest and learning of participants so that there i s more understanding and greater participant competence. As Harms (1972) stated: "the new work relationships require the development of a new self-conception on the part of the professional" (192). In the usual policy and housing development processes, the values of the expert can play a decisive role. The philosophy or the purpose of 76 the plan or design held by planners, designers and paying clients most often determines what is of significance i n determining the goals of an environment: monetary, esthetic, individual expression, user self-concept, user behavior. Including older persons in the planning process asks the professionals to be more accountable and responsible, without projecting their own interests and values onto the "users". Schiff states "projection i s not sufficient, since our expectations...may be quite different" (1981, 172). The Citizen Participation Handbook (Institute for Participatory Planning 1978) suggests that professional responsibility consists in part of knowledge of the perspective of those ultimately affected by a project so that both planning and design respond to their values. One of the f i f t y basic citizen participation principles li s t e d in the handbook states that i t is not possible for professionals to know another's values without knowing, interacting with, and learning directly from that individual or group of individuals (1977, III-8). Another of the principles restates the commonsense observation that professionals do not have a monopoly on good ideas for problem-solving: "These planners then refuse to recognize the tremendous potential value of ideas that are suggested to them by lay people...free for the taking i f they took the trouble to look for these ideas and to pick them up." (Ibid., III-9). Grenell (1972) and Sadler (1979) also note the underestimation by professionals of the great resource ( s k i l l s , talents) of citizens. Interaction between professionals and lay persons enhances the possibility of reaching consensus on key issues, and value-based solutions that meet the needs of those involved and others similar to 77 the participants. With better communication between "producers" and "consumers", there i s greater likelihood of better envionments resulting. Thus consumer or user participation legitimizes the planner's role to one beyond that of advocacy planning. Participation allows the values, standards and judgments of consumers or users to be integrated into the planning process. Francis (1978) argues for the "de-professionalization" of participatory processes, to make them more open and inclusive of the s k i l l s and ideas of both lay and professional persons. However, Midwinter (1985) cautions against the development of a new variation of professionalism. In Midwinter's "re-professionalization" of professionals (1985, 28), they are "the servant" of the consumer, entering into dialogue with them, and leading them "actively and constructively into the fraternal world of popular democracy" (Ibid.). This new professional would perform the role of "convenor or steward of the act i v i t i e s of elderly people, rather than the purveyor of services to them" (Ibid., 31). That planning involving older persons must be ongoing and continuous is summarized by: "What i s appropriate for those who are seniors today may not be appropriate for seniors 20 years from now. Seniors themselves w i l l be different and so w i l l the social context in which they l i v e " (Schiff 1981, 173). Thus through efforts to effect greater democratic planning, collaborative planning with older persons in housing development can be a venue for the evolution of social change. Increasing the legitimate status and roles of older persons are thereby encouraged. This aim alone can be argued as valid, given the discussion and conclusions concerning the social bias and other constraints of the political-economic context. 78 5.8 Research Premises for Case Studies In that the methodology of the thesis centres on the users or consumers, i t i s concerned with "community design". Like "community design", i t recognizes the inadequacy of professional technical knowledge and processes i n resolving societal problems. Also, professionalism, due to i t s domination by rationality from technical and scientific theory, cannot deal with the complexities and uncertainties of the p o l i t i c a l , economic and social context. Thus the thesis research is based on ideas such as those argued by Rittel and Webber (1974): a process of direct involvement and dialogue among a l l concerned. This view holds that there is no ultimate expertise and there i s i n f i n i t e knowledge. Rittel's "symmetry of ignorance" argues that knowledge varies in extent and content amongst individuals, but "we are equals in what we do not know" (Ouye and Protzen 1975 as quoted by Comerio 1984, 231). Professionalism loses i t s dominance because a l l involved have knowledge that has equal value in the planning process. The result i s a more democratic planning process with justice, fairness, and articulation of the interests of a l l involved. These goals are components of "creative-professional administration" - Quadrant 2, and "reactive-participatory democracy" - Quadrant 4 in Van Dyk's (1978) model of participation (see Figure 11 discussed earler). By bringing together on an equal footing professionals and older persons, the thesis case studies attempt to bridge the gap between two types of knowledge and roles in housing: producer and consumer. They also attempt to show for both groups involved in the process the value 79 of voicing opinions, listening and learning. The thesis hopes to in i t i a t e change in who the participants are in decision making about senior's housing, and their power relations. It i s also based in the belief that a l l citizens have a right to not only to be represented in decision-making, but also to participate in decision-making. A further assumption i s that new housing environments w i l l benefit from consumer representation in planning exercises such as the case studies. Housing i s an issue which i s not specific to a single local seniors' community. Also, i f retirement housing is to become a more suitable or satisfactory product whose components are decided upon by non-users in a distant detached context and process, users or consumers such as older persons must be included in as many aspects as possible of the housing planning and development process. The thesis recognizes the problems of early advocacy planning i n identifying needs and representative sub-groups. Both Comerio (1984) and Peattie (1968) asked how adequately the participating sub-groups represented the wider diverse group. Not a l l users w i l l desire to be participants. Secondly, the type or level of participation w i l l vary as wi l l the effects of participation. Wandersman (1979a) found that whether or not the design or plan was important to the users, the fact that they had opinions or knowledge about i t influenced participation. He liste d several variables on which individuals differed: personality , environmental preferences, demographic variables, effectiveness factors and person-situation variables (1979b, 473-373). It i s expected that participants in the case study events w i l l similarily vary in their response to the planning process. Non-participation is a common feature of the l i f e s t y l e of many 80 people, including older persons (Sadler 1979, 10). There are also disparities in s k i l l s and resources needed for participation. While i t is not r e a l i s t i c nor possible to draw a l l older persons into the planning process, i t was hoped that these two case studies would "build a broader base of representation over time for those previously unrepresented" (Peattie 1968, 83). The diversity in the interests, needs and preferences of older persons is the same as that noted by Peattie (1968) in discussing Herbert Gans's urban villagers. However, while heterogeneity may cause serious problems for an advocacy approach which attempts to reconcile differences amongst diverse individuals, the thesis uses diversity as a given and as a departure point in advocating the need for much greater involvement in housing planning and development by diverse consumers. Because of their heterogeneity, older persons need a wider range of options from which to choose appropriate housing. Thus the case studies attempt to go beyond advocacy planning. They become radical in the sense articulated by Midwinter (1985) and Marshall and Tindale (1978), yet remain repetitive of the goals and objectives of the community designers of the sixties and seventies. 81 PART II: THE CASE STUDIES This section of the thesis describes and assesses two events which are examples of collaborative planning of housing for older persons: Retirement Housing Forum, and Retirement Housing Alternatives Workshop. Evaluation by objectives and discussion of findings preceed the outcomes of each event (Chapter Seven) and the overall analysis (Chapter Eight). Both case studies, the Retirement Housing Forum and i t s follow-up, the Retirement Housing Alternatives interactive television programme, were conceptualized and coordinated by the thesis author with the assistance of the Liaison Committee of the Gerontology Association of British Columbia (G.A.B.C), and the financial support of G.A.B.C. 82 CHAPTER SIX THE CASE STUDY EVENTS 6.1 Rationale The issue areas explored in Part I of the thesis have identified the need for collaborative planning of housing for older persons. Against this background the method chosen to explore this theme was prescribed by the thesis research question and objectives. The main thesis objective is to explore and evaluate a method of participation which: a) obtains knowledge about housing r e a l i t i e s , needs and preferences from the perspective of older persons; b) e l i c i t s a process that creates knowledge and understanding between both groups, with the ultimate goal of developing more viable, suitable and preferable housing alternatives which allow older persons to l i v e independently in their communities for as long as possible; c) seeks change in attitudes toward the role and status of older persons in planning and other areas. Thus the goals of the case studies were primarily concerned with "process" rather than tasks, or specific quantifiable outcomes. The main objective of both case studies - creating dialogue between older persons and others such as those involved in the planning, designing, financing and managing of housing for older persons - dictated a public event to involve as many people as possible. The rationale for use of television in the case studies is based on several factors. Watching television i s consistently shown to be a major activity of 83 older persons. In general, the amount of viewing increases from age thirty, declining after age seventy (Davis and Davis 1985, 81). Therefore i t i s possible to reach large numbers of older persons with information through televsion. Without excessive additional planning or inconvenience, the use of television meant that the size of the passible audience of the case study events was vastly increased. Thus the potential impact was much greater and more widely dispersed than the use of more standard methods. Not only was television able to increase the numbers of participants, i t allowed both events to be interactive. Television viewers were able to use their telephones to c a l l - i n to the liv e television programmes and interact with the participants at the events. Many older persons are not "joiners" and would not go to public events, although the available information and participation might be of benefit to them. Interactive television allowed such persons the opportunity to participate i n the events from the privacy and comfort of their homes. Thus there were two levels of interaction in both events: interpersonal interaction between speakers and participants, and interaction between those at the actual locations of the events with television viewers via telephone. Television can also be a powerful medium in shaping social attitudes. Just as Kuhn (1985) views television as a medium which has fostered negative attitudes toward aging and old age, she likewise acknowledges the opportunties television provides to alter the pattern of ageism. While television has distinct limitations in the types of messages i t can relay, shifting ageist attitudes is possible through media attention to aging issues and in communicating positive and real 84 images of old age and aging. Davis and Davis suggest that development of local age-orientated programmes on local community television i s a "good starting point ...to erasing stereotypes and creating a more positive image of older persons" (1985, 129). Thus the case studies sought participation in a non-traditional manner using public events recorded by li v e interactive television. The interactive events would provide a learning process for a l l involved : speakers, key participants, participants, television viewers, organizers. Therefore the quality of information generated greatly surpassed that available from other methods such as surveys or discussion groups. This methodology has, however, the following qualifiers: 1. It is not possible to test a l l or a number of methods to compare their outcomes as successful collaborative planning processes. The case studies were chosen as possible ways to explore the thesis research question. 2. the chosen method is not designed to test hypotheses. The research goal is to generate a process which would result in qualitative rather than quantifiable data. Also, while replication of the case studies i s possible through modeling the structure and format of the events, different processes and outcomes w i l l probably result due to the varying participants, time, place and context. 3. The chosen methods of the case studies may not necessarily be the best methods, but they are at minimum reasonable ways to f a c i l i t a t e meaningful dialogue between older persons and others who make decisions about retirement or seniors' housing. 85 The case studies attempt to relate the experience of implementing the interactive methodology described above. The findings of the process as well as the outcomes of the two events w i l l define the degree of success of the methodology in increasing the participation of older persons in housing issues. A. Development of Method In November of 1985, the newly-formed Liaison Committee of the Gerontology Association of British Columbia (G.A.B.C.) chose seniors' housing as the topic of i t s f i r s t project. After contact with the Chair of the committee, the thesis author was invited to prepare a proposal for a community event which might f i t both the thesis research c r i t e r i a and the goals of the Liaison Committee, to mutual advantage. The topic goals and objectives and general format were agreed upon by the Committee members while the detailed planning and preparation work was carried out mainly by the thesis author. With the assistance of several community groups and many volunteers, the Retirement Housing Forum took place on February 22, 1986. Community television was invited to be present, and a seven hour special l i v e programme was produced. Members of the television audience were able to participate via telephone in the conference discussions and in studio interviews which involved key conference participants. B. Goals and Objectives The goals of both events were congruent with those of the G.A.B.C. Liaison Committee: 1. establish a precedent for involving seniors in the decision-86 making process; 2. provide a forum for exchange of information and opinion between seniors and professionals; 3. promote mutual education and compromise (see Appendix IV). The specific objectives of the Retirement Housing Forum were to provide a venue for: a) voicing housing concerns and opinions on housing policy; b) creating a dialogue between older adults and those who are involved in providing housing for them, as a f i r s t step towards seniors' participation in the decision-making process; c) increasing awareness among older persons about the housing situation and housing alternatives; d) disseminating information regarding new financial mechanisms to allow use of home equity to obtain suitable, affordable retirement housing. The objectives of the Retirement Housing Alternatives Workshop were to: i) create a dialogue between seniors and others, particularily those involved in making decisions about the planning and design of retirement housing; i i ) disseminate information regarding housing alternatives; i i i ) increase awareness and interest amongst older persons about the current and possible housing alternatives. Both case studies sought to bring together the major players in seniors' or retirement housing: older persons, professionals who design, build, provide and manage seniors' housing (local and provincial government representatives, ci t y planners, academics, architects, consultants and developers), as well as other individuals interested in 87 the housing decisions of older persons. In general, the purpose of both events was to gather seniors and non-seniors together to share opinions, ideas, information and to stimulate new ideas regarding housing for older persons. 6.2 Case Study One : Retirement Housing Forum This one-day conference on February 22, 1986 was entitled "Retirement Housing for the Eighties and Nineties: Myths and Realities". It provided a forum for older persons, professionals and others to meet, discuss and learn about retirement or seniors housing from one another and from housing experts. The conference site, Heritage Hall (3102 Main Street, Vancouver), was chosen for i t s accessibility (bus routes and disabled-access), reasonable rental fee, and i t s ambience and comfort (padded chairs, wide and spacious halls, good acoustics). A. Programme The underlying goal of emphasizing the views of seniors was reflected in the design of the forum. Wherever possible, resource persons who were "seniors", were chosen as speakers, interviewees and key participants. As can be seen from the forum programme (Appendix V), the one day event followed two themes, "Current Realities" and "Creative Alternatives". "Current Realities", the morning session, included three presentations. The stage was set by a U.B.C. Planning expert who presented an overview of housing in Canada and the status of seniors' housing within this larger context. The myths and re a l i t i e s of seniors' housing were 88 discussed by a senior active i n the housing f i e l d , and by a coordinator of a housing information service for Vancouver seniors. Following these presentations, comments were e l i c i t e d from the seniors panel. Small group discussions, formed of audience and panel members followed by a thirty minute discussion period ended with spokespersons from each of the eight groups reporting three main points to the assembly. Replies and comments followed from panel members. The refreshment and lunch periods offered additional time for informal discussion amongst audience and panel members. The afternoon session began with a humourous, yet revealing skit which presented the musings of three older women on current and ideal housing. Moving from the objective of understanding what the present reality of seniors' housing i s , the second half of the day focussed on "Creative Alternatives". An overview of housing alternatives in Canada, which included a slide presentation, was followed by three presentations concerning existing options in the Vancouver area. The fi n a l speaker discussed experimental financial mechanisms which seek to release home equity to be used either to maintain existing homes or to obtain more suitable retirement housing. A comprehensive summary by a well-known academic and seniors' advocate identified six sub-themes in the day's interaction, ending with questions yet to be answered. There was also a strong recommendation for advocacy to create needed change in housing for older persons. B. Participants Forum participants included graduate students (planning, 89 architecture, gerontology), academics (UBC, SFU, Malaspina College), consultants, architects, planners, developers, health care professionals, and a wide cross-section of approximately f i f t y - f i v e older persons, for a total of 125 registrants. Others present, speakers, and panel members, brought the total to approximately 150. Telephone calls received during the discussion periods and the li v e interviews totalled 160, with an estimated li v e television viewing audience throughout the seven hour programme of an average of well over 100,000 persons in Vancouver and Richmond (Rogers Cablevision figures). Not only were seniors sought as key participants, speakers, and a target audience, but participation of seniors in the community was also enlisted in designing of and preparing for the forum. Pre-registration was e f f i c i e n t l y handled by a woman over age eighty, and publicity, food preparation and serving was assisted by three local seniors networks. Selective channeling of telephone calls from older adults in the television audience to the li v e interviews (which took place during the Conference intermissions), and to the hall assembly discussions, maintained the focus on seniors throughout the day. Younger persons also contributed to the forum. Posters from local elementary school students depicting types of retirement housing they would like for themselves provided colourful backdrops in the assembly hall and television studio. In-person registration and logistics assistance was contributed by a class of U.B.C. planning students. Several booths and display tables from developers and housing resource groups displayed new concepts in retirement housing at the back of the h a l l . Vancouver-East Cable 4's li v e coverage greatly enhanced the conference goals and objectives. A telephone c a l l - i n component enabled 90 viewer participation. Since this was the f i r s t attempt by Cable 4 to broadcast a lengthy production and to arrange interviews with phone-in callers, the forum became a local community and media event. 6.3 Case Study Two: Retirement Housing Alternatives Workshop The November 2, 1986 televised workshop "Retirement Housing Alternatives: What are the Choices?", featured a li v e interactive programme involving a pre-taped video, a panel of three older persons, a professional panel of three, and television viewers whose calls were directed within the discussion by a moderator. The ninety-minute programme began with a twenty-minute pre-taped video of housing alternatives (see Appendix B for a written version), followed by a discussion by the senior and professional panels with interaction with television viewers by telephone. A. Format and Participants Following the basic format of the Retirement Housing Forum, the reaction of a panel of older persons was balanced with that of a professional panel. Constraints such as the number of available television cameras and limited studio space prohibited more than three persons on each panel. Members of the senior panel met the following c r i t e r i a : a) they were participants in the Retirement Housing Forum; b) they lived in the community in a variety of housing types: private cooperative, rental high-rise apartment, self-owned duplex; c) they were experienced in public speaking; d) they were willing to participate, which included entering the 91 premises of the cablevision studios during a labour dispute. Two women were chosen to reflect the greater proportion of women in older cohorts. One was 69 years old, the other 83. The male senior was in his early seventies. This panel met together one week before the liv e programme to become comfortable with each other, be briefed on the programme and go over the script of the video portion of the show to ensure familiarity with the material. The professional panel represented three main areas important to the development of seniors housing: planning, developers, and community support services. The Vancouver city planning department which was not able to be present, was replaced by an architect. A Long Term Care Administrator involved in a North-shore housing and community support service study, and a development-consultant and past-president of the Urban Development Institute completed the professional panel. A l l of the professional participants were experienced in public speaking, and were willing to participate in the programme in spite of the ongoing labour dispute. Originally the programme's moderator was to be the host of the previous case study event, the forum. However, the labour dispute prohibited him from participating. The host of the programme was a widely-experienced television moderator, who currently manages the Richmond Roger's Cable 4 studios. She was briefed on the goals and objectives of the workshop, and received copies of the letters and information sent to panel members, plus the written video script. B. Video The pre-taped video (see Appendix B) contained a range of housing 92 options available in the Vancouver area and a discussion by a cost consultant and an architect concerning important factors in retirement housing. While the video was written, filmed and edited by the thesis author with the technical assistance of Rogers Cablevision staff, the content of the professional's discussion was their responsibility. C. The Programme This event was planned because of requests by participants of the Retirement Housing forum for a follow-up session dealing with a narrowly focussed aspect of retirement housing. Due to the lack of sufficient coverage of specific housing options during the forum's programme, interest in the topic of alternatives was often expressed by forum participants on evaluation questionnaires and in personal and telephone interviews. In addition, the general lack of information regarding housing alternatives was often mentioned by older persons in informal conversation. The National Advisory Council on Aging also cites the d i f f i c u l t y older persons have in finding out about existing options, and how to gain access to them (Canada, N.A.C.A. 1984, 3). Thus one of the functions of the televised workshop was to be an event where information on current and new housing options could be obtained. With the knowledge that a majority of older persons (over 50% in the City of Vancouver) li v e in their own homes in the community, the content of the programme was centred on and targetted to independently-living persons. Therefore the pre-taped video of options began with minor, followed by major physical, social and financial changes to existing single family homes (see Appendix B). A variety of new or rennovated housing types then followed, ending with an outline of 93 sheltered housing. 6.4 Summary This discussion of the case study events has outlined various components which support the thesis goals and objectives. In summary, both case studies were planned as collaborative planning processes using a non-traditional method involving public events and live interactive television. The organization, development and format of both events served to highlight the participation and perspective of older persons as key participants, l i v e and television audience members and callers. 94 CHAPTER SEVEN EVALUATION AND FINDINGS: PROCESS, PERFORMANCE AND PRODUCT 7.1 Introduction This chapter evaluates each case study using as c r i t e r i a the stated objectives of the events, the sponsoring organization and the thesis. Because of the exploratory nature of the thesis research and the nature of the case studies, there i s very l i t t l e quantifiable data. The emphasis i s therefore on qualitative analysis and interpretation. Morgan (1979, 54) l i s t s three types of evaluation : process, performance and product. "Process" i s concerned with development over time, and while d i f f i c u l t to assess, forms a significant part of this evaluation. According to Wolfe, most evaluation of public participation takes the form of analytical and c r i t i c a l description of process (1979, 38). In contrast, evaluation by objectives measures "performance" or progress toward meeting the stated goals of each event. Wolfe (1979) suggests that definition of objectives e x p l i c i t l y before a participatory event and then evaluating the program in terms of how successful the objectives were met, i s a reasonable evaluative approach. "Feedback" from the participants, viewers and the organizers of the events w i l l be used in assessing this aspect of evaluation. The goals of the participants as individuals or specific groups in participating in the events are not distinquished for the purposes of this evaluation. The "product" or actual results are the findings and outcomes of the case study events. While the findings of each event are described separately, the outcomes are combined into one discussion. 95 The general definition of the term "collaborative planning" needs refinement for the purposes of the evaluation. Three c r i t e r i a establish whether or not collaborative planning has taken place: i ) involvement is structured on an equal basis; i i ) meaningful dialogue results as determined by subjective opinions of participants; i i i ) interaction results in "teaching" and "learning" by both older persons and professionals. Utilization of participant feedback in the assessment process assumes that the opinions of the participants are valuable. This type of evaluation attempts to describe the adequacy of the speakers, the content of the presentations, the amount learned by participants, and also the performance of the sponsoring group in planning and conducting the events. Participant feedback sources for the case studies were both direct and indirect, formal and informal, and included evaluation questionnaires (forum - 18% return), written evaluations, and conversations with participants and television viewers. While, for example, responses used for evaluation of the Retirement Housing Forum were not obtained by random sampling, they included an estimated 50% of a l l participants. Thus they represent a sufficiently f a i r estimation of participant reaction to assess this event. Responses to the evaluation of the Retirement Housing Alternatives Workshop were similarily assumed to be representative of a l l involved. 96 7.2 Case Study One: Retirement Housing Forum  A. Evaluation by Objectives Both participant and viewer feedback form the basis of the evaluation of the Retirement Housing Forum, supplemented with the assessments of the conference organizers. Evaluation questionnaires numbered twenty-three (eighteen percent), written evaluations eleven (nine percent), and polled participants numbered sixteen by telephone and ten in person (twenty-one percent). Objective 1. Voicing housing concerns and opinions Comments regarding this objective overwhelmingly centred on the opportunity offered to older persons present in the audience and at home to give their points of view throughout the programme. The small group discussions were often singled out for being the most suitable means for hearing the opinions of seniors. While "there were many oppportunities for everyone to speak", there were a few comments (two) regarding "inhibition to speak out" because of the ongoing presence of the television cameras. Overall, the participant feedback indicates that the forum provided a sharing of ideas and opinions by older persons and others "that i s not common". Objective 2. Creating a dialogue between Seniors and others That genuine, two-way communication between seniors and professionals took place was frequently remarked by respondents. Older persons in the hall and television audiences "could question the speakers and panel members" and "everyone, including older people could converse with others in the small groups" and "learn what they were 97 thinking about their own housing and seniors' housing in general". In response to the question regarding meaningful participation and interaction during the forum, only one of the twenty-three respondents indicated that seniors "were not able to speak out, and were not listened to". The small group discussions were in general praised as a means of generating quality interactions and for the information obtained. Respondents often noted that the television coverage allowed the forum to reach a much larger audience. It "took the conference to the people". The telephone 'c a l l - i n ' feature offered a channel of communication and dialogue for those seeking assistance on housing matters. Thus the responses clearly indicate that the forum generated a dialogue between older persons and others involved in decisions affecting their housing. Objective 3. Heightening awareness of present housing and of  alternatives The most frequently expressed comments from respondents concerned not only the high quality but the amount of information available at the forum. The panel discussion was seen as "a good venue to inform regarding major housing issues". It was noted that the real issues were "understandable and digestible". The fact that there was "probably much less of a common knowledge base prior" to the forum, attests to the quality of the presentations. There were several comments regarding new awareness of housing options, such as limited equity coops, home-sharing and small scale private developments. Developers who did not present papers, yet who 98 spoke up about their projects, also provided new information and ideas. The forum met expectations for the most part, with half of the questionnaires stating an unqualified yes, and the other half stating between yes and somewhat. No respondents answered (verbally or in writing) that the forum had not met their expectations. Judging by the frequency of comments noting how informative the forum was, this objective was perhaps the most f u l l y met. Objective 4. Information regarding new financial mechanisms This very specific objective centred on the last presentation of the programme. Some verbal and written comments found the information "very new", "useful" and provocative. However, this was most often checked as the least useful or informative session of the day. Many comments revealed that this speaker was "too technical", non-visual, and that he "did not communicate well". The presentation focussed on reverse annuity mortgages and did not mention other new ideas in financing. Overall, this objective did not appear to have been met to the extent expected by participants and organizers. B. Findings As noted in the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation - C.B.C. "The Best Years" television programme report on the Forum, both seniors and professionals voiced their concerns and opinions in a variety of ways: from the speakers podium, in a skit that opened the afternoon session, in small group discussions, and from the floor of the forum. Home viewers were also able to c a l l in during the seven hour programme to interact with the assembly discussions and studio interviews with forum 99 participants. Information on written questionnaires, informal personal or telephone conversation indicated that the main goals of the older participants were to share experiences and ideas, exchange information from others, and to meet contacts to assist with future housing decisions. While several of the participants were sponsored by agencies or organizations, many present were individuals interested in seniors' housing. Reports from the eight small group discussions included many issues, concerns, and questions: a) - What type of agency and sponsored by whom is able to liaison between older persons as housing consumers, and planners, designers and developers of housing?; b) - Communal eating is an important social a c t i v i t y for older persons, and there are many creative examples of how this can be provided in the community for older singles; c) - There i s a general lack of affordable, suitable housing units and the inadequacy of the government rental assistance programme, Shelter Aid for Elderly Renters - S.A.F.E.R. amounts; d) - Housing gaps have been well-defined throughout the conference but zoning by-laws do not allow for development of needed housing types; thus an overall coordinating government agency is necessary; e) - There i s a definite need for more two-way communication such as occured in the forum, to determine the needs and programmes that w i l l f i t . "We can't provide the right kind of housing options unless we know what is wanted"; f) - Management problems exist in British Columbia Housing 100 Management Commission - B.C.H.M.C. and non-profit managed buildings; g) - There is a great need to train apartment building care-takers to become care-givers; h) - Isolation of many older persons in the community i s a prominant concern. The expression of the need for sheltered housing options and the rejection of bachelor suites as adequate housing recurred throughout the discussion groups, general assembly discussions and television interviews. The request for an advocacy centre emerged from one discussion group. Other major points included the necessity of adequate funding with p o l i t i c a l power behind i t , and organization of seniors to push for the p o l i t i c a l w i l l to provide sufficient, adequate and affordable housing. That definition of what type of housing, and the "where and how decisions" must include the subjective viewpoint of older persons was stressed repeatedly. One outspoken senior asserted that the problem of the "NIMBY" (not in my backyard) syndrome prevents many zoning changes which would permit new seniors housing development. He also remarked on the general discrimination against older people, from those "who want to warehouse us", and of the need to address housing issues differently than they have been in the past. Four interviews were conducted for the Cable 4 television programme during the refreshment breaks and discussion group period. In keeping with the format of equal basis for seniors and professionals, each interview included a professional forum participant and an older person. During lunch, representatives of each of the five booths displaying 101 models or renderings of new housing options were interviewed. Their offerings in terms of varying philosophies and lifesyles were also highlighted. Calls from senior home-viewers during these interviews expressed a variety of housing frustrations and problems such as unfair tenant selection in non-profit housing; management problems in B.C.H.M.C.-managed buildings; rental costs over 35% of income; poor design and inadequate space (bachelor units). However, several callers expressed satisfaction with their non-profit or B.C.H.M.C. units. Other callers asked where more information about social housing could be obtained, and how to go about getting the marketplace to deliver the type of housing that i s preferred by older persons. The problems presented by ri g i d zoning and the need for innovative zoning were also adressed several times by those who called. Most callers expressed a very favourable reaction to the programme and to i t s theme of consultation with older persons. A hope that "more of the same thing would happen" was often voiced. The conference summarizer reported that six themes emerged throughout the forum. To paraphase her points: 1. There is a variety of older persons who have different housing needs and preferences. However, the requirement for an array of housing options i s d i f f i c u l t to put into public policy. Nevertheless, the strong desire of older persons to remain independently in their communities was seen as a main determining factor in developing a range of housing choices; 2. There i s a need to know the specifics of needs and preferences through consultation with older persons, and to share these amongst 102 professionals (policymakers, researchers); 3. Many gaps exist in housing options such as sheltered housing and i n community care services to maintain independence of older persons whose capabilities decline; 4. Housing and other aspects of l i f e (income, social contacts) are closely interrelated. Poor quality housing results in the need for greater support services; 5. Control and value of consultation and participation in the decision-making process as exemplified in cooperative housing i s very important; 6. Linkages and connections should be developed between older people, developers, non-profit groups, and government to permit exchange of advice, opinions and information about housing. Of note was the apt phrase composed by one of the discussion group raporteurs, "(apartment) building caretakers must become caregivers". The C.B.C. "The Best Years" programme report on the Forum identified three major housing concerns: the need for more housing units; the need for better quality housing to help alleviate isolation and depression; the need to increase S.A.F.E.R. rental assistance. In their summary of the Forum, the C.B.C. also highlighted the important point that more housing dollars are only part of the answer, and with a view to creating more options, i t noted a need for demonstration projects of new housing options. A report carried in "The Elder Statesman" seniors' newspaper (Clarke 1986a) also noted the protest by older persons "against those who feel seniors should be neither seen nor heard", but who are "supposed to quietly go over in the corner and not 103 bother anybody." That older persons "want to be a v i t a l part of their community and not stashed away in a corner" was seen by this report as one of the major recurring themes of the Forum. The Forum summarizer also noted several key questions which emerged in the course of the event: i) Is a Ministry of Aging needed to coordinate the various services and linkages required as indicated by the forum's discussion? i i ) Who w i l l take the lead to f i l l the gaps in housing options? i i i ) How can those who didn't attend the forum be involved in a consultative process? iv) What are the right questions to ask to begin learning about needs and preferences and how to develop choice in housing? C. Recommendations from the Forum Advocacy for quality housing and services was suggested by the conference summarizer as the avenue of action and the most effective outcome possible for the forum. The need for basic information from older persons by government agencies, housing designers and developers was seen by many participants to be as important as p o l i t i c a l advocacy. Continuing the type of interaction and dialogue between older persons and professionals, and developing seniors organizations, lobby and advocacy groups were also seen as necessary in the creation of the p o l i t i c a l w i l l to develop housing that f i t s the needs of older persons. The need for older persons to ask for and i f necessary, demand, a choice of adequate and affordable housing, and to make a contribution to society by actively pursuing their needs actively was also stressed by 104 several key participants. Recommendations regarding the planning and logistics of future forums are included in Appendix F. 105 7.3 Case Study Two : Retirement Housing Alternatives Workshop A. Evaluation by Objectives The format of this event allowed limited participant feedback. However, the opinions and assessments of panel members, television crew and support staff, and the written and verbal comments received from programme viewers after the event were used in evaluating progress toward meeting the objectives and in gathering the event's results. Approximately forty-five persons (twenty older persons, twenty-five professionals and other non-seniors) were polled after the programme and were asked probing questions regarding the following objectives. Objective 1. Create a dialogue between seniors and those involved  in planning and design of retirement housing While there was l i t t l e suggestion that dialogue did not result from the workshop, there was mixed response in assessment of the amount of meaningful dialogue between members of the professional panel and the seniors panel. A l l of the seniors panel members and two of the three professionals as well as the programme's host f e l t that the dialogue and conversation amongst the panel members and with the home viewers was meaningful. The other professional f e l t that the seniors on the panel and those who called in were "not typical", "didn't have much of interest to say" and "didn't have good questions or comments to make". This type of response was reiterated by other developers who were polled after the programme. Comments from the two professionals about the dissenting professional echoed the sentiments of many viewers: even though the 106 contribution by the Urban Development Institute (U.D.I) representative was valuable, "he spoke too much and too often", becoming the "expert" on the programme, rather than one of the participants i n a discussion. As one senior termed i t , "He didn't want to learn, but to teach" and "he didn't think he had to li s t e n " . Several professional and senior viewers f e l t that the seniors' point of view was undermined by this domination of the discussion, even though dialogue existed between members of the seniors panel and the other two professionals. With the exception of the professionals noted above, the contribution of the callers to the programme was seen as f a i r to good by both professionals and seniors on the panels, and the home-viewing audience. Some viewers (three non-seniors) stated that this portion of the show was far too slow-paced and therefore not interesting. On the professional panel, the architect and the Long Term Care Administrator f e l t that they had "learned a great deal" about seniors reactions to available housing. They found each of the senior panel members very different in outlook and opinion. Senior panel members stated that they "learned a lot" in terms of information from the contribution of the professionals, and from each other, but "not so much" from the viewers who called into the programme. The comment after the programme by one senior panel member and supported by the other two senior panelists that they " f e l t at ease during the discussion", " like we were in my liv i n g room chatting", i s further indication of meaningful dialogue during the programme. Such comments also suggest that the senior panelists perceived their participation to be legitimate and that they were taken seriously as panelists. 107 Objective 2. Disseminate information regarding housing  alternatives This objective i s similar to objective three but has a more quantitative nature. The main purpose of the pre-taped video shown at the beginning of the programme was to inform viewers of existing options and trends (see Appendix II for a written version). Response to the video included comments such as: "well-researched", "good coverage of options", "best summary yet seen". Other viewers found the pace of the video too fast and f e l t that too much information was given quickly. The pre-taped discussion by two professionals about housing was "scattered" and "less useful" or "not informative" and "poor". Several viewers suggested that this dialogue should have been deleted and the range of housing options extended in i t s place. Viewers and panel members generally stated that they found the programme "informative", or "very informative", "well-researched" and "well done". Panelists, television studio staff and viewers generally stated that they learned a lot. Some professionals, including the U.D.I, representative, did not agree with the majority of viewers. Although they found the programme interesting, they did not find i t informative. However, one of the panel professionals stated that the programme "did a great deal toward getting information out to the public". She f e l t that the programme's interactive aspect worked well and served to amplify i t s impact in the community. 108 Objective 3. Increase awareness and interest amongst older persons  about current and possible housing alternatives This objective i s d i f f i c u l t to measure because of the nature of this case study event. However, the types of comments and the enthusiasm of participants, callers and other viewers, does indicate that a great deal of interest was sparked amongst older persons about their future housing decisions. The large numbers of calls to the programme i t s e l f and numerous follow-up calls to housing resources, organizations and developers shown in the video also suggests that this objective was achieved to a great degree for older viewers. For example, calls to Information Seniors Housing office by those in need of better housing increased somewhat subsequent to the broadcast and rebroadcast of the workshop. While the available data from the Information Seniors Housing office cannot establish exactly the number of calls which resulted directly from the airing of the workshop programme, i t can be safely assummed that the housing programme did generate a large part of the increase in calls during the month of November. Senior panel participants, callers and polled viewers a l l stated that they "learned a lot from the programme" and "found i t enjoyable", "stimulating" and "very interesting". Some senior viewers and one of the professional panelists stated that they were not aware of so many available types of options as were described on the video. It is plausible that such comments would be indicative of the views of the television audience. One of the professional panelists found that her participation confirmed her perception that a more coordinated comprehensive approach to housing and support services is needed. She also noted that more 109 general knowledge about housing options is needed to assist middle-age persons as well as those who are now old to make better decisions about their housing. Another panelist f e l t that the programme indicated a real need for information about sheltered housing and about the notion central to i t : mutual support in seniors' housing. The four television crew members who, as young volunteers, i n i t i a l l y f e l t that they had l i t t l e in common with the topic of the programme, found the show "interesting", and f e l t that they had also "learned a l o t " about their grandparents perspective, and about housing options they had no knowledge of previously. Overall, older persons, professionals and others found the programme "very good" or "excellent", "well-researched and organized". The c a l l - i n feature of the show was seen to be very important as a means of reaching those who do not attend conferences or workshops. It also allowed them to obtain information and to participate anonomously by telephoning with opinions and questions. Many of those polled expressed the hope that there w i l l be other similar programmes. These comments were also representative of second- and third-hand feedback from both the professional, non-senior and senior communities. B. Findings Telephone calls received during the Retirement Alternatives Workshop programme included twenty-two viewers who wished to participate in the live discussion and nineteen who required information. Many viewers failed to get through because the two telephone lines were often jammed with calls on hold. The eleven calls that were part of the l i v e programme's discussion 110 were from viewers sharing their preferences in housing (two), housing problems (two), successes in rennovation (one), one c a l l each for questions regarding sheltered housing, and low-income rental housing. There also were questions regarding the larger housing issues such as integrated versus segregated housing, increasing shelter allowances or the housing supply, and the f a c i l i t a t i n g role of the Mayor's Special Council Committee on Seniors. Comments from those taking ca l l s on the information line noted that most callers were very uninformed about available housing types and had no idea of where to go for information. Many of the calls were from people who dissatisfied with their present housing for a variety of reasons. While i t was expected that the programme's discussion would centre on reaction to the content of the pre-taped video, the issues discussed included: the need for choice in alternatives for a heterogeneous senior population; sufficient space for furniture and a separate sleeping area (bedroom); suitable and convenient locations; designs that recognize the desire to be independent and which allow "aging in place". In reply to a caller's query "Are we, in our effort to create housing environments that relate to seniors' needs as they age...in fact creating ghettos for seniors?", a l l three senior panelists thought that housing older persons in mixed communities is preferable. The Elder Statesman (Reed, 1986) seniors newspaper report saw the "slamming of large housing projects" as one of the two main points of the workshop discussion. The other theme was the "range of choice" that i s needed in senior's housing. One professional panelist noted that while there i s a great deal of I l l available information about seniors' housing design, builders have not yet been convinced to change their building practices. In his view, "lobbying" by seniors would do much to change this. With regard to social housing, reference was made to the change in B.C.K.M.C. policy that bachelor suites, which are extremely unpopular amongst older singles, w i l l no longer be buil t . The inadequacy of S.A.F.E.R. was also noted. A future trend seen by the U.D.I, representative was the building of social housing i n cooperation with the private sector. This was a reference to the new proposal c a l l system of social housing delivery, and to the lobby for new programmes which w i l l provide incentives to developers to build seniors' housing. While the options shown in the video provided food for thought, the senior panelists stated a preferance to "age in place" for as long as possible. They did, however, note the importance of having knowledge of housing alternatives - for themselves and others - to assist in making future housing decisions. Sheltered housing was an intriquing concept for a l l panelists and was seen as an important new option that may be useable in existing apartment buildings. Market and small privately developed cooperatives were also discussed as innovative options that were far more plausible future options than others shown on the video. Using home equity converted to income, secondary suites and buying debentures were discussed as possible ways to increase income or to fund rennovations which increase independence for a longer period. 112 7.4 Outcomes of the Case Study Events The success of the two case study events have demonstrated the v i a b i l i t y of these approaches to f a c i l i t a t i n g collaborative planning. Both events have shown that older persons are interested in being involved, and that a general planning process involving older persons and professionals on an equal basis i s possible. As evident in the foregoing discussion of each event's findings, knowledge was gained in four main areas: 1. More is now understood regarding the gaps in general housing knowledge. Also identified were specific gaps in the knowledge and understanding of older persons about how housing i s produced, what i s available and how to access i t . As well, professionals in general have misunderstood and have not incorporated into their processes, housing needs and preferences as older persons view them; 2. The case studies c l a r i f i e d what older persons do not need: bachelor suites and loss of independence. What they definitely do want includes choice in liv i n g arrangements in their local communities, more specific information about housing, and more involvement and interaction with policy and programme decision-makers, developers and other professionals; 3. While "what questions need to be asked" was more defined during the two case studies, i t remains a rather nebulous, yet important query. Perhaps most notable was the recognition that questions do need to be asked and be asked of persons not usually consulted (older persons); 4. Approaches to seek answers to the above noted questions were more clearly defined during the case study events. These include types of events or methods which f a c i l i t a t e involvement and planning 113 participation, such as the case study events, and elements such as structure, set-up, programme, and discussion groups, which led to their success as participatory planning events. Thus the events have vali d i t y as planning processes. Both case study events provided education of a specific public (those in attendance) as well as a more general public, (the television viewers) about older people, and i t also provided education for older persons. Information on general and specific housing issues and feedback flowed two directions. Housing issues were defined by older persons, and were discussed from various perspectives. Dialogue was created between the major participant groups, older persons and professionals. In terms of the types of participation included in the case study events, a l l participants including both older persons and professionals, interacted at a more reactive level during the design and planning of the two events. Minor input into the i n i t i a l process by older persons increased as the planning developed, unt i l there was major senior participation at the events. Thus the role of older persons and professionals evolved from "cooperator in action" to "organizer of action" (see Figure 11, Quadrants 2 and 4) (Van Dyk 1978, 106). In addition to the varying success of the case studies in meeting stated objectives, there are several direct and indirect results which augment the evaluation. Some of the more immediate outcomes included re-broadcasting by Roger's Cablevision of both the seven hour Retirement Housing Forum (twice) and the ninety minute Retirement Housing Alternatives Workshop several times (three times in Richmond, once in Burnaby and Vancouver). 114 Western Cablevision re-broadcast the Workshop in December 1986 and in January 1987 in New Westminster, Surrey and Langley. Shaw Cablevision (North Shore areas) has also indicated interest in airing the Workshop. Thus further re-broadcasts of both events are probable. Several requests for use of the video-tapes of the forum and workshop by individuals and groups in the community also suggest that the impact of these events extends beyond the success in meeting immediate objectives. In addition, several community groups are looking at the format and programme of both events as models for using community television to reach a wide audience on issues of interest to both the senior and non-senior public. Rogers Cablevision has entered tapes of the Forum in a national competition on innovative, creative community televsion. Calls to the Workshop information telephone number on subsequent days numbered twelve. This remained the average for subsequent re-broadcasts of the programme for a total of forty to f i f t y information calls generated by the televised workshop. In addition to the direct calls for information, the number of inquiries to the Information Seniors Housing office regarding available low-rental units, cooperatives, and sheltered housing increased about ten to fifteen percent on days subsequent to the programme's broadcast and re-broadcast. Several of these callers mentioned watching the televised workshop. The office of the architect who participated in the programme also received several follow-up c a l l s . Other calls generated by the workshop were reported by the Abbeyfield Houses Society, a cooperative housing resource group, and Vancouver Homesharers. Calls regarding other options presented on the programme's video may have 115 resulted, but were not reported to the thesis author. While i t is not conclusive that the case studies stimulated greater interest in seniors' housing issues, i t may be demonstrated that the Forum and Workshop assisted in promotion of housing as a topical issue for older persons and those who work in seniors' related policy and programmes. As evidence of heightened community awareness of seniors' housing, several direct outcomes emerged. A) A group of Forum participants who expressed interest in the small-scale British sheltered housing concept of Abbeyfield met in March 1986 to learn more about the concept and i t s possible adoption in British Columbia. While formation of the National Abbeyfield Society preceeded the Forum, the formation of a local Vancouver society was facilitated by the forum. This group hopes to build or rennovate an Abbeyfield home within two years, while providing information and assistance to others interested in sheltered housing. B) With impetus provided by the Retirement Housing Forum, and in response to personal and service isolation of many older persons in apartment buildings, a working group of seven older persons and community support service workers formed around a phrase coined at the Forum: "(building) Caretakers Need to Become Caregivers." The group proposed a study be done by the City of Vancouver Social Planning Department, and funding has recently become available for a small pi l o t project composed of questionnaires to twenty-five building caretakers (private and social housing). A follow-up workshop focussing on information services and older persons most at risk hopes to increase the understanding and knowledge of building caretakers so that they can assist those older persons they are in contact with regularily. 116 C) Another seniors' housing conference took place in late November 1986 which had both direct and indirect links to the Forum and Workshop. It was sponsored by the New Westminster Seniors Bureau, coordinated by the thesis author, and targetted to the areas east of Vancouver. However, the one day planning exercise with a New. Westminster context, involved a large number of older persons (ninety out of 140 participants) from areas throughout the Lower Mainland. Such attendance by older persons accentuated the degree of interest within the senior communities in the issues and developments in seniors' housing. D) Recent developments in the media have more distant connections with the case study events. The Mid-day Programme of C.B.C. Television (December 3) and C.B.C. News (December 7) featured a discussion of the Home Income Plan, a new housing alternative which was discussed at both the Forum and Workshop. The plan's director f e l t that the workshop i n particular assisted in the educative process necessary to change attitudes toward conversion of home equity. E) The theme of one day at the up-coming two-day Annual Conference for Seniors Counsellors sponsored by the Ministry of Social Services and Housing w i l l be Seniors Housing Options in British Columbia. Several Lower Mainland seniors counsellors attended or participated in the Forum and Workshop. In recognition of the need to distribute housing information throughout B.C., the planning committee was urged to highlight housing alternatives, and the possible participatory role of older persons. Thus i t i s a plausible assumption that the Forum and Workshop were linked to these subsequent events. One of the most important successes of the two case studies was to publicize the involvement of older persons in planning. Through 117 increasing the awareness of participation among the general public and seniors' community, the thesis research and subsequent events encourage acceptance of this type of involvement and the willingness of older persons to be involved. Simply put, participants and viewers learned not only "what i s being done and what could be done", but also that "there i s much to do". A point repeatedly made at the Forum was that learning about the housing needs of seniors from seniors, was a giant step forward necessary in changing attitudes to meet housing needs and to f i l l i n g gaps in the range of retirement housing options. Another significant result of the thesis research has been development of the s k i l l s and knowledge of the thesis author in organizing and f a c i l i t a t i n g collaborative planning processes. Also the premise and aims of the Liaison Committee of G.A.B.C. have been enhanced through the two case study events in the following ways: i) both the Forum and televised Workshop established precedence for involving older persons in the decision-making process by bringing together on an equal basis older persons and professionals; i i ) meaningful exchange of information and opinion occurred as indicated in the findings of the events; i i i ) mutual education for both older persons, professionals and other non-seniors occured in both events as a result of meaningful dialogue. Following the Liaison Committee recommendation adopted from the 1982 World Assembly on Aging, these case study events have not only given older persons a voice in housing concerns, but also have made this goal a priority in the planning, organization and format of the events. 118 In stressing this as a priority, the Forum, Workshop and subsequent events have begun to reverse the traditional direction of information flow. The case study events have emerged from the guiding assumption that older persons are "experts" on aging issues and professionals need to draw on the knowledge, experience and opinions of older persons when designing policies and programmes. In meeting the objectives of G.A.B.C., the case study events and their outcomes have also shown, as stated in the thesis assumptions, that housing needs and preferences can be c l a r i f i e d and become part of the knowledge of planners and other professionals. Ageism was confronted throughout the processes of planning, development and presentation of each event, and older persons as pre-event assistants and participants took opportunities to become involved i n issues that concern them. 7.5 Evidence of Collaborative Planning As defined and discussed in the evaluation, findings and outcomes of the case study events, collaborative planning has resulted. Involvement was structured on an equal basis, and the interaction within the events consisted of both teaching and learning. A f a i r degree of meaningful dialogue took place between older persons and professionals who usually make decisions about seniors housing without input from the older users or consumers. As further justification of the v a l i d i t y of the case study events as collaborative planning processes three points can be discussed: 1. the number of participants in each event and their roles; 2. opinions of participants and others indicate that the experience was valuable; 3. medium and longer term results were demonstrated. 119 1. Older participants i n the Retirement Housing Forum comprised f i f t y percent of the key participants, twenty assistants, forty-four percent of the conference registrants, and an undetermined number within the estimated li v e television audience of over 100,000 and 160 telephone callers. Subsequent re-broadcasts of the programme would provide educative rather than participatory value to viewers, and are therefore not included in this aspect of the impact assessment. The television programme, Retirement Housing Alternatives, directly involved three senior panel members, one senior assistant, nine out of eleven li v e calls from older persons, and an undetermined number of older viewers and callers requesting housing information. 2. As indicated in the evaluation, findings and outcomes of the case studies, most participants found the events to be valuable experiences in terms of both giving opinions and learning. 3. In the medium and longer term, both events have become models for subsequent conferences, workshops and television programmes, building upon the successes and less positive outcomes of the case study events. The New Westminster Seniors Housing Symposium for example, incorporated many of the recommendations made by the organizers of the Forum and Workshop, building on the evolving knowledge and s k i l l s of older persons and others in the community. Most significant, and also most successful, was the basic premise and goal of the symposium that older persons and professionals would be both teachers and students. Thus in terms of participation, the New Westminster symposium was more successful than the case study events in meeting the defining c r i t e r i a of collaborative planning. However, the relative success of the two case study events 120 establishes their validity as collaborative planning processes within a larger process of the evolution of participatory planning. The case study events have not only met their objectives and those of the sponsoring organization, they have also substantiated the assumptions and premises of the thesis. 121 PART THREE : INTEGRATION CHAPTER EIGHT ANAYLSIS OF CASE STUDIES This chapter relates the essential aspects of the evaluation and findings of the case studies to the broader context of the background chapters and to the thesis question and objective. In the foregoing chapter, the descriptive analysis of the case studies presented evidence of the v a l i d i t y of the thesis premise, assumptions and research question. The objectives of the events and the sponsoring organization were in general met and collaborative planning established. Also illustrated was the wide impact of the case study events in the seniors and non-seniors communities in the Lower Mainland. At least four explanations are possible for the success of the case study events in meeting their objectives as collaborative planning processes: 1. Each event was thoroughly planned with both the perspective of older persons and the underlying goal of f a c i l i t a t i n g in every possible way their involvement was foremost in mind. Consultation and involvement of older persons in every facet of planning and organizing the events assisted in meeting this underlying goal. Knowledgeable and experienced older persons and housing professionals were consulted regarding content of the events' programmes. Planning and implementation required many people, including the involvement of older persons in advertising, brochure format, registration, physical layout and set-up, audio-visuals, and as volunteers. Use of conference and workshop manuals and books (Nadler and Nadler 1977, Davis and McCallon 1974) were also very instructive for organizational and evaluative aspects of the case study 122 events. 2. Publicity for each event u t i l i z e d the suburban and city-wide printed media, television, and radio community service annnouncements. Advertising in local newspapers drew many participants. However, Seniors Networks in local communities proved to be the most effective means of publicizing the events. Requesting and enlisting the assistance of many volunteers from the seniors community appeared to publicize and promote the events rapidly among seniors groups, clubs, organizations. 3. Seniors' or retirement housing i s an interesting or important topic to many older persons, those in housing and service related professions, and other non-seniors. The large numbers of volunteers, key participants, participants and home viewers of the case study events suggest broad interest. Also, the subsequent New Westminster Seniors Housing Symposium, which did not have the live interactive community television component, was very well attended. 4. The liv e coverage of both case study events by community television made possible a wide audience beyond the live events. The interactive c a l l - i n feature no doubt increased viewership and also allowed home viewers to be involved in the programmes. The novelty of broadcasting the topic of retirement housing formated as a combined live interactive television-live public event also may have attracted many home viewers and Forum participants. The workshop composed of a video and two panels was also a novel idea in seniors' events and programming. 123 Housing Needs and Preferences The thesis objective of developing an argument for planning seniors' housing through collaborative planning with older persons was met early in this study. The exploration of the background and rationale for this inquiry was provided in Part I. The social, p o l i t i c a l , and economic context of retirement housing issues was shown in the f i r s t chapters to be c r i t i c a l in understanding current housing r e a l i t i e s , and the causes of housing gaps for older persons. This discussion formed the basis of an argument for the necessity of collaborative planning with older persons to meet housing needs and preferences. Further development of the thesis objective was substantiated by both the process and the product of the case studies as described in Chapter Seven. However, contrary to expectations of the thesis author, there was l i t t l e direct evidence in the findings of the case studies which answered the thesis question regarding how well current and future housing needs and preferences of older persons are met. Greater response from older participants directly related to the various housing alternatives was expected, particularily in the Workshop. The explicit purpose of the workshop's pre-taped video was to generate discussion centering on the Workshop's video of alternatives. During the opening statements of the programme, panelists and viewers were asked to " c a l l -in with (your) comments and opinions about the various options". However, response to the video material during the programme was general rather than specific. As noted in the findings of Chapter Seven, few participants and callers stated preferences among the presented alternatives. Discussion was basic and only occasionally focussed on some of the presented housing types. Follow-up calls for information to 124 the programme's information number and to various housing resource numbers did, however, relate to specific housing types. However, the exact numbers of calls regarding which alternatives are unknown. As indicated by the senior panel members, one possibility for the lack of response to the new housing information is that most older persons desire to remain where they are, rather than move into alternative accommodation. If this i s the case, more programme information would not have increased interest in alternative options. It may also be possible that not enough is known about the various alternatives for older persons to form and express opinions. The focus of telephone calls for information certainly indicated a general lack of knowledge in the seniors community and among the general public. More specifically, people do not understand the government housing programmes and management policies, and their rights under these. Also, older persons generally know l i t t l e about the more common types of retirement housing and less about newer options and future p o s s i b i l i t i e s . Moreover, the numbers and types of calls to both the Forum and Workshop indicated that many older persons and non-seniors do not know where to get information, or that they have experienced d i f f i c u l t y in getting adequate housing information. Thus expectations of opinions on such a new topic may have been premature. The right questions may not have been asked during the programmes to e l i c i t reactions to the content of the video. For example, even though the Workshop programme host knew the thesis research focus and purpose and stated these in general terms at the outset of the programme, probing questions throughout the show may have been necessary. Also, i t is possible that the structure of the programmes of 125 the Forum and Workshop did not allow sufficient space or time for the development of opinions on housing needs and preferences. Consultation may be a new role for older persons. To be asked for opinions with l i t t l e previous thought, knowledge or information may be d i f f i c u l t as well as unfamiliar. Another possibility i s that older persons are in general dealing with so many day-to-day housing problems that forming an opinion about other housing options simply is not relevant. One workshop caller, for example, was dealing with the death of a spouse and loss of pension such that rental costs were ninety percent of his income. Conceptual and theoretical issues can only have meaning to those functioning beyond the level of meeting basic needs. There i s also the probability that both the Forum and Workshop w i l l have latent effects when older persons make housing decisions. For example, nearly one year after the Forum, the Liaison Committee received a letter requesting information about one of the new options discussed at the Forum (Reverse Annuity Mortgages). This indicates that information and knowledge is more li k e l y acted upon in the medium and longer term. Recent and forthcoming CM.H.C. non-technical publications for the general public w i l l f i l l some of the gaps in knowledge about housing, but more effective methods of housing information distribution would seem to be necessary. As shown by the thesis research these might include public events, interactive community television programmes and housing resource telephone lines. Also, education of key persons in the networks of the various communities, such as an upcoming conference for Senior Citizen Counsellors, i s a probable strategy for effective 126 dissemination of general and specific housing information. It may then be more plausible for the thesis research question to be answered. According to the "decision pyramid" by Kantrowitz (1985) (see Figure 12), acceptance of an idea is a series of nested changes. The thesis sought change at the i n t i a l two steps of "awareness" and "interest". Becoming more aware of or more exposed to new housing forms and new ways of involving older persons in the planning process were objectives in the case studies. Interest in both "awareness" and "involvement" was also an objective sought and evidenced in the case study findings and outcomes. "Exploration" of new housing forms and "involvement" or belief are a third and fourth step many seniors and professionals are undertaking also as evidenced in the case studies. These are necessary steps before "action" or activity based on the newly integrated information is possible. The findings of the case studies discussed in the previous chapter indicate that older persons, as well as builders, designers, planners and other professionals, appear to be at a reactive level of thinking regarding what is possible to achieve in housing options. Although older ACTION V Figure 12. Decision Pyramid (From Kantrowitz 1985, 28) 127 persons and other non-seniors noted the significance of both case study events in demonstrating the value and legitimacy of participating with older persons in planning housing, long-standing processes and exclusionary attitudes w i l l change slowly. As noted by several Workshop viewers, the dominance of the discussion by the developer panelist replayed the notion of the sterotypical housing professional: developers say what the needs are by the choices they make available. That the developer and other similar professionals did not find the Workshop particularily interesting or informative re-affirms the bias of their profession. They were unable to "hear" the expressed needs because those needs were not congruent with their preconceptions and what i s in their self-interest. While such an analysis may not be true for the development community at large, this i s a prime example of ageism and the vanity of "professionalism". This criticism i s made simply because "we must admit that a problem does exist, and only then w i l l we begin to directly address this issue" (Williamson, Evans and Powell 1982, 243). Sensitizing "experts" and professionals to the ramifications of their thinking, attitudes and practices i s necessary so that they "will be in a better position to do something about i t " (Ibid., 244). The above pattern i s similiar to findings from the 1984 "Listen To Me" series of cross-Canada workshops involving older persons and professionals in a study of the involvement of older Canadians in decision-making. Evaluation of the programme revealed that while the older participants found the events very worthwhile and informative, professional participants f e l t far less postively. Ninety-one percent of the older persons involved in the workshops recognized the need to 128 promote senior involvement, compared with only nine percent of the professionals (Canada 1985b, 8). Professionals in general did not think that i t was necessary nor of value for older persons to be involved with them in decision-making. Although they had participated in the workshops, professionals were "not aware of the needs and concerns of seniors and how seniors were affected by their decisions" (Ibid.). The attitudes of professionals toward involving older persons and others in planning and decision-making may also be influenced by the necessity of a slower pace, on-going education and information roles, and different language and s k i l l s as noted in Chapter 5. Thus i t can be assummed from the case studies and from N.A.C.A. documentation, that professionals and older persons in general have differing expectations of their roles and status, and the goals of planning processes. This lends support to the necessity for more education of professionals in order to change their attitudes so that participation of older persons may be viewed as a v i t a l component in planning and decision-making. However, that professionals did participate in the case study events, and that they also expressed interest and a willingness to be involved in similar events, suggests that there has been some degree of change in the acceptance by professionals of collaborative planning with older persons. Whether or not such acceptance w i l l lead to the devolving of decision-making to include older persons equally in power and in influence, i s not known. It is broader context and systems within which professionals work, provide any constraints to f u l l participation by Van Dyk's or Wandersman's definitions. Nevertheless, professionals can question established planning processes such as the general lack of 129 involvement of older persons on the grounds that participation i s efficient and moreover, the most effective way of understanding and meeting needs and preferences in housing and other areas. It i s , however, older persons who have the most to gain by being involved in issues that affect them. The participants in the case study events obviously believed this to be so. They were and are willing to participate in seniors' housing issues. But older persons must also be educated to be "partners" in the planning and decision-making process (Canada N.A.C.A. 1982, 4). Inclusion in processes such as the case studies and their outcomes i s one step. More importantly, older persons must take a "pro-active" attitude and make their needs and concerns known. They must also advance arguments for the changes they desire in housing or in the housing planning and development process. In addition, older persons must effectively and actively pursue organization and the power to meet those ends. As noted by Williamson, Shindul and Evans, " p o l i t i c a l change wi l l only be effected as a response to the sustained collective action of the elderly and other groups acting on their behalf" (1985, 261). It may not be possible for a great deal of change to be initiated by those currently old. However, pre-retirement cohorts are in better health, financial positions and have higher education levels with which to advance their needs and preferences. This group is not so distant from a l l of us who w i l l one day be the older- persons who are the subject of the thesis. This is the strongest argument for changing the current non-involvment of older persons in issues that affect them. It i s Blythe's c l a r i t y that cannot be ignored: "The present situation cannot change until we drop our detachment... until society can say 'we are 130 they', things w i l l remain much as they are" (1980, 104). As Humphrey Carver wrote, we at least owe i t to ourselves, "the old people of the future" (1962, 108). Fundamental changes in attitude begin with "our own rejection of i t (current housing r e a l i t i e s and attitudes) for ourselves, and then in our refusal to impose i t on others" (Comfort 1976, 33). 131 CHAPTER NINE SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 9.1 Summary This thesis has explored collaborative planning as a method of involving older persons in the process of creating seniors' or retirement housing. Beginning with principles based on the right of older persons to be involved in decisions which affect their lives, the thesis inquiry sought to demonstrate the need for their participation i f suitable, affordable and preferable housing i s to be developed, and i f current social biases toward aging and older persons i s to be countered. Development of this argument included examination of a comprehensive context of seniors' housing, old age and older persons. This context includes a theoretical discussion of environment and aging; the Canadian setting in terms of demographic trends and housing characteristics, "needs" and gaps; the social, political-economic context, and at the broadest level, the philosophical basis of how "man" i s conceived. Also, i t i s pointed out that the social bias and ageism reflected in many aspects of seniors' housing was shown to be derived from how old age i s perceived. Collaborative planning as defined in the thesis i s derived from a review of both the evolution of "participation in design", and from "citizen participation" in the planning literature. The two case study events incorporate into their structure, planning process and presentation, the thesis premises, principles and the understanding gained from the discussions of the micro- and macro-level contexts of older persons and their housing. 132 Evaluation of the case studies reveals that they met their stated objectives and were successful in demonstrating the v i a b i l i t y of collaborative planning. Knowledge was gained in several areas, including more understanding about: housing gaps; what older persons value most (independence and choice); the questions which need to be asked of older persons; the need for greater cooperation and interaction between professionals and members of the senior community. In terms of "product", the findings of the case studies substantiated what is widely f e l t : there i s a wide range of needs and preferences that can be met only through increasing the number of housing options and choices in local communities. The dialogue created between the two main participating groups (seniors and professionals) was a major outcome which sparked other community events which have similar goals. Thus the case study events have had an immediate impact in the Lower Mainland. Analysis of the case studies revealed several factors important for their success: giving priority to the perspective of older persons; local publicity; focus on a topical issue; the element of live interactive television in reaching a wide audience. Within the case study findings there was l i t t l e evidence of how well current and future housings needs and preferences are met by existing housing options. Several possible explanations for this result were offered, such as there i s not enough information or knowledge about the various alternatives in the seniors' community; the reviewed options were not yet relevant for those who were participants. "Reactive" rather than "pro-active" modes of thinking are s t i l l evident within the professional community as well, preventing wider 133 involvement of older persons in planning and decision-making. Older persons must, therefore, be more "pro-active", seeking and demanding the means by which to gain what they need and prefer in a l l areas of their lives, including housing. Non-seniors can and must assist in this process of change, for they are the future seniors. The case studies are of value to planners and others as a resource more in terms of the effectiveness and outcomes of the "process" than in terms of their "product" or findings. The events, both as process and product, have already benefitted other events in the Vancouver area seniors' community. The case study events can f a c i l i t a t e the aims of similarily focussed public events involving older persons. The case study events have influenced the thinking of many older persons who were involved either as participants in the planning and presenting of the events, or as audience members. More importantly, by being involved, many participants (seniors and non-seniors) have realized the benefits of this type of participation, and have gained knowledge and understanding of the older persons' perspective regarding retirement housing needs and preferences and other related issues, such as support services. The findings detailed in the previous chapters should be of value to government and government agencies, as well as private sector organizations and businesses. As noted earlier, one government department has already incorporated some of the ideas and structure from the outcomes of the second case study (Workshop) into an upcoming conference. It i s hoped that the recording of the events on video w i l l more widely distribute their usefulness as models of process or for product, 134 amongst the academic, seniors and professional communities. Hopefully professionals and non-professionals w i l l be stimulated to create dialogue with older persons on housing and other issues. As stated in the thesis introduction, this study has sought to provide a departure point in the evolution of creative and effective types of collaborative planning with older persons, which w i l l have many results, including choice of suitable and preferable retirement housing alternatives in a l l local communities. 9.2 Conclusions Findings and outcomes outlined in the previous chapter show that both case study events had an impact in the community, with immediate and longer term benefits to individuals and various communities in the Lower Mainland. The direct and indirect outcomes in conjunction with evaluation by objectives indicate that both events met their overall goals. Two important observations can be made when reflecting on the thesis process and i t s results. F i r s t l y , there is the realization that the dichotomy in terms of how housing is viewed by professionals and seniors must be reconcilled i f there are to be any significant changes in how seniors' housing i s developed, the numbers and type of units, and other basic aspects. As discussed in Chapter Four, "housing as as noun" or manufactured product with economic value, is the predominant perspective of housing held by professsionals and the systems of society. Older persons, in contrast, like other users or consumers, view housing "as a verb" which has meaning and intrinsic psycho-social value, which must be met within the market system. However, i t has been 135 d i f f i c u l t for the larger political-economic system to "produce" suitable and preferable housing for a l l older persons. Olson (1982), for example, does not believe that the current system can meet the housing needs of older persons. He believes that the profit orientation interests of past and current housing policies which focus on subsidizing and benefiting financial interests, developers, and the construction industry, cannot provide quality, affordable housing (1982, 25). Olson advocates resolving the housing cum societal crises through "a progressive transformation of the p o l i t i c a l economy" (Ibid., 228), necessitating radical reforms. Under "democratic socialism", community-defined needs would be satisfied by direct production and allocation of social benefits. De Beauvoir similarily asserts that widesweeping societal changes for the housing and the lives of older persons are required: "It i s the whole system that i s at issue and our claim cannot be otherwise than radical - change l i f e itself"(1977, 604). However, she goes beyond Olson's level of analysis to the level of social roles and daily l i f e : "Even i f decent houses are built for them, they cannot be provided with the culture, the interests and the responsibilities that would give their l i f e a meaning."(Ibid., 602-603). Thus, i f older persons could find f u l f i l l i n g and meaningful roles within the social, economic and p o l i t i c a l context of their society, then decent, suitable and adequate housing would be available. Similarily, Harms believes the conflict between housing as a product in the economic system versus a basic human need necessitating a fundamental change to the existing bureaucratic market-based system for producing housing. He proposes a "cooperative developmental model" under 136 which power and decision-making are decentralized, where "decisions are made by those affected by them" (1972, 194). However, i t i s Marshall and Tindale who argue for a "coherent theoretical perspective linking the micro-situations of old people with the macro-structures of our society" (1978, 172). They advocate the use of a symbolic interactionist approach in understanding the issues and their answers. Borrowed from sociology, and applied to the position of older persons in our society, inherent in this perspective is a conception that is freeing in terms of what is possible for "the human capacity for socially constructing reality" (Marshall, 1979, 349). The symbolic interactionist approach i s based on acting and creating "reality", rather than on reacting to, and learning acceptance of, a given re a l i t y . If aging comes to be viewed by older persons not as a given to which they adapt in degrees of successfulness (as i n normative sociology and gerontology), but as "a sequence of meaningful negiotiations with others"(Ibid., 352), over which they can have control and shape their own roles, lifestyles and societal relationships, the view held by themselves and by wider society w i l l change, as w i l l their basic lives and i t s components such as housing. If Rosow (1974) is correct in his argument that older persons lack norms and roles to guide their behavior, there are few impediments to such change. The second observation which i s implied from the above discussion, is the necessity for changing social attitudes toward older persons and aging. Ending manditory retirement, increasing the social benefits and opportunities to be involved in society, w i l l increase the income, power and influence, status and well-being of older persons. These c r i t i c a l changes may or may not also bring about a social perspective that 137 accepts old age as a natural progression of the l i f e cycle. As Bergum (1981) argued, the larger societal view toward old age is inseparable from the form and meaning of housing for older persons. Thus, the degree to which old age is accepted w i l l be evident in seniors' or retirement housing, and particularily in how that housing i s produced. What i s amply clear i s that, as Mumford wrote more than thirty years ago, "To normalize old age, we must restore the old to the community" (1956, 192). This means not just developing housing that meets needs and preferences in local areas, but including older persons as active participants in that aim, and in other social a c t i v i t i e s and decision-making that affects their lives and the lives of others. 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APPENDIX A Types of Independent Housing (adapted from Brink 1985, 14-15) 152 TYPES of INDEPENDENT HOUSING I Independent Living a) Owned or Rented Self-Contained Units - single family homes - rental apartments, townhouses - condominiums - coop unit ( house, mobile home) - mobile home - shared accomodation ( boader, homesharer) - hostel or hotel accomodation (SRO) b) Owned or Rented Units Specifically Designated, Designed or Modified for Seniors - cottages - apartments or townhouses - coop units - condominiums - retirement communities II Supported Independent Living Housing that i s supported with services ( meals, housekeeping, limited personal assistance) from project, family,.community, government programmes, or with special unit design. a) Self-Contained Units with support services - single family homes - rental apartments or townhouses - condominiums - mobile homes - l i v e - i n housekeeper - homesharing (informal, formal) b) Not Self-Contained Units, Congregate Style (Shared Coinmunal Areas -meals, bathrooms, other liv i n g areas ) - home of others - family or relatives - boarding home - foster home - retirement hostel or hotel - group homes - old age homes c) On-Site Services - Shelter or Congregate Housing with an on-site Manager/Caretaker (Adapted from Brink, 1985, pp. 14.-15 ) APPENDIX B Range of Housing Alternatives (Written Version of Video Script for Retirement Housing Workshop, November 2, 1986) 154 Range of Housing Alternatives for Older Persons Living in the Community (written version of video script for "Retirement Housing Alternatives: What are the Choices?", Rogers Cablevision Production, November 2, 1986) 1. Home Improvement Programmes A) The B.C. Tax Deferral Program allows homeowners over age 65 to defer their property taxes until their homes are sold. The cost is 2% interest less than prime rate on the total amount deferred. B) The B.C. Home Owner's Grant pays older homeowners up to $630 a year toward property tax assessment. Local city or municipal halls have information about both the tax deferral and home owner grant programmes. C) Rennovation can make your home more suitable to your needs. Canada Mortgage & Housing Corporation offers the Residential  Rehabilitation Assistance Program to assist homeowners and landlords to adapt homes or apartments for disabled persons. Up to 510,000 as a low interest loan i s available. Half of this amount may not have to be repaid depending upon your income. D) CMHC publishes a booklet on making housing accessible It is called Housing the Elderly and is available for S2 from the Vancouver CMHC office. Also available i s a free booklet called Housing Programmes  and Services for Elderly Persons. 155 E) Assistance to upgrade the insulation in your home is available BC Hydro. Under their insulation program, a loan of up to $750 at twelve and one-half percent interest can be repaid through your monthly Hydro b i l l . 2. Home Equity Conversion Plans allow older persons with equity in their homes to convert i t into supplemental income while they remain in their existing homes, or move to other accomodation. In a few weeks, a Vancouver company w i l l make available a flexible home income plan that w i l l allow you to retain the t i t l e to your home and receive either an income stream for l i f e , a lump-sum upfront, payment to your estate, or any combination of these. In return, upon your death, your home becomes the property of the investor. 3. Shared Housing is two or more unrelated persons liv i n g together. Each has a private space, and a l l share common areas such as the kitchen, livi n g room and dining area. It i s similar to a family with shared responsibilities and decisions. Benefits include shared costs, increased feelings of security, companionship and assistance with maintenance, upkeep and daily a c t i v i t i e s . It can be informal or sponsored by an organization such as Vancouver Homesharers, who match older homeowners and younger persons in need of affordable housing. This type of arrangement can allow you to live independently longer in your home. 156 4. (Accessory apartments) Larger rennovations include adding a self-contained suite apartment for a relative or homesharer. While many of these are not recognized as legal, thousands of single family homes have rental suites which provide both affordable housing and extra income for older persons. Municipal governments have been trying to resolve this quandary for some time. 6. Granny f l a t s are removable units installed in the rear or side yard of single-family homes. They have a kitchen, bathroom, bedroom, dining and living areas. Water, sewage and e l e c t r i c i t y are connecteded with the main house. While relatively common in Australia as government rental units, the smaller lot size in Canada, zoning restrictions and the temporary look of the units are drawbacks. 7. ( I n f i l l Housing) In Vancouver, there are several attractive examples of small houses adjacent to larger single family homes. Some of these are attached units, others are long, thin houses in the side yards of larger homes. Two-generation families occupy some of these. They provide companionship and security close by for older relatives. Such ideas are not really new. But they are examples of what i s possible using single family home lots with minor changes to the character of a neighbourhood. 157 8. (Cooperatives) Cooperative units are owned collectively by a l l of the members of a cooperative. Monthly charges are like rent and cover total costs of mortgages, taxes and maintenance. Individual members are entitled to exclusive use of specific units and collective use of a l l common areas and f a c i l i t i e s . In general, monthly fees are below market rents. A) In the government-financed type of coop, shares are bought but there i s no profit on the amount when a member moves. There are both integrated and seniors only cooperatives. Most of the seniors only coops are in the Fraser Valley. B) There is a new form of cooperative called Market Coops that are very suitable for moderate income older persons. Ninety-four units in Surrey, and sixty-four in Coquitlam are currently being developed. The members' equity from 20% to 100% of the cost of their one and two bedroom units is used to finance the community. Members own, manage and control their project, and their i n i t i a l investment is returned when membership ends. C) A similar type of financing is being used to develop a 42 unit coop on the North Shore specifically designed for seniors. Initiated by West Vancouver municipality, prospective members contribute from 25 to 100% of the cost of their bachelor, one or two bedroom suites. Members have had design input and w i l l continue to manage the project. Market coops generally cost 25% less than similar market housing. D) This project i s an interesting example of housing built by a small group of people with a similar vision of neighbourliness. They 158 pooled their money to obtain a mortgage to rennovate a seven-unit historic townhouse. An architect worked closedly with each owner to design their home individually. After construction, the project was strata-titled. Although only one senior was involved, this project highlights the possibilities informal cooperation has for creating suitable, affordable seniors' housing. 9. (Special Built Seniors Housing Complexes) while there are many townhouse, condominium and apartment options throughout the Vancouver area, purpose built housing for older persons is becoming more common. A) These complexes in Surrey offer mature adults homes with low maintenance, security, recreation f a c i l i t i e s , and a community of similar-aged people. They vary in price, unit and complex size, amenities and design features. This 25 unit condominium complex in South Vancouver was specifically designed for seniors as their mobility and health declines. It has the usual features of retirement housing plus others such as emergency alarm systems and flush thresholds throughout. B) This White Rock retirement community of 75 two bedroom units features a park-like character with a choice of unit styles. A recreational building provides a variety of leisure a c t i v i t i e s . 159 10. Mobile Homes provide a low-cost alternative for seniors who desire smaller homes. Some of these are rental, others are lease or strata-t i t l e . There are cooperative mobile home parks for seniors in outlying areas of Vancouver, such as this large seniors only complex in downtown Chilliwack, and adult only mobile home parks like these in Surrey. 11. Sheltered Housing is housing that provides independent living in houses or apartments with any of the following features: a li v e - i n housekeeper, nursing staff or services, meal services or communal dining, emergency c a l l system, transportation and recreational services. Units may be owned or rented and the size of these projects varies. Larger-scale projects include: A) (Concord Homes) this private senior's project in White Rock. It has 32 self-contained units, with once-a-day communal dining, informal social a c t i v i t i e s and transportation for shopping and outings. Residents are members of a church-based non-profit society. Debentures, which receive low interest or are refundable interest-free loans, cover the costs of the studio, 1 & 2 bedroom units, except for monthly charges for maintenance and upkeep. Residents receive a life-lease. B) (Crofton Manor) This older private development in Vancouver offers apartment living in bachelor and one bedroom units with hotel-like conveniences. Services include dining room meals, maid and linen service, on-call nursing, and a wide array of recreational and leisure programmes. On the same site, there is an intermediate- care f a c i l i t y . 160 C) (Canada Way Ledge) This Burnaby development i s an apartment block of studio and one bedroom units for independent older persons. Daily lunch and dinner, and weekly cleaning are provided for a moderate fee. Some residents have spouses or close friends l i v i n g i n the intermediate care f a c i l i t y on the adjacent site, within easy access for frequent v i s i t i n g . D) (Hollyburn House) The security of adjacent supportive services is a prime feature of this new West Vancouver project for higher income seniors. Rental self-contained studio, 1 s. 2 bedroom suites, dining, spa and recreational f a c i l i t i e s are available. Within the same building in a separate area an intermediate care f a c i l i t y provides support services in a non-institutional atmosphere. Small-scale sheltered housing is now being initiated in the Vancouver area by developers and church or ethnic based non-profit societies. One version is Abbeyfield of the U.K.. Several B.C. local societies, including Vancouver hope to develop non-profit rennovated or new homes with approximately 8 independent residents and a live-in housekeeper. This concept is motivated by the increasing numbers of lonely older persons, rather than a need indicated by income. Independ ent living and privacy in the midst of a family-like home is the essence of a l l small-scale sheltered housing. Abbeyfield, w i l l however, stress resident control and management. 161 APPENDIX C Federal Housing Programs (from CM.H.C. 1983b, Appendix 1, 1-9) 162 A CHRONOLOGY OF FEDERAL HOUSING PROGRAMS A - Market Housing Programs Date Initiated 1984 1983 1982 1981 Program Title and Description Status The Mortgage Rate Protection  Program (MRPP) permits home-owners to buy long-term protection against extraordinary increases in mortgage rates at renewal. Registered Home Ownership  Savings Plan (RHOSP) "Top-Up" allows anyone acquiring a newly-built home after 19 April 1983 and by 1 March 1985 to claim a tax deduction egual to $10 000 less the total contributions made to the owner in previous years. An individual was also able to make tax-free with-drawals from an existing RHOSP in 1983 for the purchase of qualifying new furniture. The Canadian Home Ownership  Stimulation Program (CHOSP) provided $3 000 grants to first-time and new home buyers to create employment and stimulate the economy. The Canada Mortgage Renewal  Plan (CMRP) provided monthly payments equivalent to the amount by which mortgage and property tax payment exceeded 30 per cent of income as a result of mortgage renewal at higher rates of interest. On-going RHOSP "Top-Up" provision expires 1 March 1985 Furniture purchase terminated Dec. 1983 Terminated Mid-1983 New commit-ments ceased 31 Dec. 1984 163 Date I n i t i a t e d 1981 Program T i t l e and D e s c r i p t i o n S t a t u s The Canada Rental Supply Plan (CRSP) makes a v a i l a b l e 15-year i n t e r e s t - f r e e loans of up to $7 500 per r e n t a l u n i t c o n s t r u c t e d . Terminated 3 1 Dec. 1 9 8 4 1975 1974 Reintro-duced in 1980 1974 The A s s i s t e d Rental Program (ARP) p r o v i d e d i n t e r e s t - f r e e a s s i s t a n c e loans to e n t r e -preneurs f o r new r e n t a l accom-modation f i n a n c e d by p r i v a t e l e n d e r s i n order to b r i n g r e n t s down to market l e v e l s . An a s s i s t a n c e loan of up to $1 200 per u n i t was granted i n the f i r s t year, then the s i z e of the loan was reduced by 1/10 of the o r i g i n a l amount each year f o r a 10-year p e r i o d . The Income Tax Act was amended to a u t h o r i z e the M u l t i p l e Unit  R e s i d e n t i a l B u i l d i n g Program (MURB) which allowed i n d i v i d u a l s i n v e s t i n g i n r e n t a l housing to deduct from p e r s o n a l income (non r e n t a l income) l o s s e s a r i s i n g from the c a p i t a l c o s t s allowance. The Registered Home Ownership  Savings Plan, allows any r e s i d e n t taxpayer who does not own r e s i d e n t i a l r e a l e s t a t e to c o n t r i b u t e t o a RHOSP and s u b t r a c t t h i s c o n t r i b u t i o n from h i s taxable income. Lim i t e d t o a maximum of $1,000 per year with a t o t a l not to exceed $10,000. New commit-ments terminated i n 1978 but some a s s i s -tance advances t o 1995 under terms of 1976 agreement Extended s e v e r a l t imes, terminated 1979 Terminated i n Dec. 1982 Ongoing 164 Date I n i t i a t e d 1973 Program T i t l e and D e s c r i p t i o n Status The A s s i s t e d Home-Ownership  Program (AHOP) pro v i d e d loans and grants t o help lower-income f a m i l i e s with one or more c h i l d r e n become owners of modest-priced housing. New commit-ments terminated i n 1978, but extended ass i s t a n c e was provided to June, 1984. 1969 Over the ye a r s , l i m i t e d No a c t i v i t y d i v i d e n d loans have been s i n c e 1981 committed under v a r i o u s s e c t i o n s of the NHA ( S e c t i o n 9, 1944; S e c t i o n 16 ~, 16A and 15, 1954) but the o b j e c t i v e of the L i m i t e d  Dividend Program has remained s u b s t a n t i a l l y the same: to make loans to an LD housing company or i n d i v i d u a l f o r c o n s t r u c t i o n of a l o w - r e n t a l housing p r o j e c t or purchase of an e x i s t i n g b u i l d i n g . E n t r e p r e n e u r i a l a c t i v i t y under the program d e c l i n e d i n the mid-1960s and i n 1969 NHA amendments in c r e a s e d the loan l e v e l s to 95 per cent of value, permitted c o n s t r u c t i o n of p r o j e c t s i n h o s t e l or dormitory form as w e l l as s e l f - c o n t a i n e d accommodation; the 5 per cent r e t u r n l i m i t a t i o n was r e l a x e d , and the p e r i o d of rent c o n t r o l s reduced t o 15 y e a r s . 165 D a t e I n i t i a t e d 1963 P r o g r a m T i t l e and D e s c r i p t i o n A W i n t e r H o u s i n g - B u i l d i n g  I n c e n t i v e P r o g r a m p r o v i d e d a payment o f $500 p e r u n i t ( s i n g l e d e t a c h e d t o 4 - u n i t s t r u c t u r e s ) c o m p l e t e d i n t h e 1 Dec. - 31 M a r c h p e r i o d o f 1963/1964 and 1964/1965. S t a t u s T e r m i n a t e d A p r i l 1965 1954 The M o r t g a g e I n s u r a n c e P r o g r a m O n g o i n g c o n s t i t u t e s CMHC's p r i n c i p a l b u s i n e s s a c t i v i t y . By l a w , a l l h i g h - r a t i o m o r t g a g e s ( o v e r 75 p e r c e n t o f v a l u e o f p r o p e r t y ) made by i n s t i t u t i o n a l l e n d e r s must be i n s u r e d . M o r t g a g e i n s u r a n c e p r o t e c t s t h e l e n d e r f r o m c o s t s i n c u r r e d due t o b o r r o w e r d e f a u l t . The p r o g r a m i s f i n a n c e d f r o m i n s u r a n c e f e e s p a i d by t h e b o r r o w e r when t h e m o r t g a g e l e n d e r . i s i s s u e d by t h e 1 954 NHA l e g i s l a t i o n a l s o a u t h o r i z e d CMHC t o make D i r e c t  L o a n s i n o r d e r t o s u p p l e m e n t m o r t g a g e f u n d s a v a i l a b l e f r o m p r i v a t e l e n d e r s when n e c e s s a r y ( i . e . , i n some l o c a l i t i e s , as l e n d e r o f l a s t r e s o r t , i n p e r i o d s when f u n d s l o w ) . O n g o i n g . I n p a s t , volume o f l e n d i n g was s u b s t a n t i a 1 ; now l i m i t e d 166 D - S o c i a l Housing Programs Date I n i t i a t e d Program T i t l e and D e s c r i p t i o n Status 1978 The S e c t i o n 56.1 Non-Prof i t Ongoing and Co-operative Housing  Programs provide a subsidy t o p r i v a t e n o n - p r o f i t and co-o p e r a t i v e housing a s s o c i a t i o n s and p r o v i n c i a l and m u n i c i p a l n o n - p r o f i t housing agencies. Indian bands are a l s o e l i g i b l e r e c i p i e n t s . The a s s i s t a n c e i s equal t o the d i f f e r e n c e between mortgage a m o r t i z a t i o n cost at market i n t e r e s t r a t e s and at 2 per cent, and i s f i r s t used to reduce t o t a l p r o j e c t c o s t , i n c l u d i n g a m o r t i z a t i o n and o p e r a t i n g c o s t s , down to the lower end of market r e n t s . The balance i s used to a s s i s t low-income tenants r e s i d i n g i n the p r o j e c t . The p r o v i n c i a l and m u n i c i p a l governments may aug-ment the f e d e r a l a s s i s t a n c e . Often, Indian bands a l s o use i t i n c o n j u n c t i o n with "the Department of Indian and Northern A f f a i r s ' On-Reserve Housing Program. These programs r e p l a c e those p r e v i o u s l y funded under S e c t i o n 15.1 and 34.18. 1975 A Rent Supplement Program Ongoing under S e c t i o n 44(1) (b) of the NHA s p e c i f i c a l l y designed f o r n o n - p r o f i t and c o - o p e r a t i v e c o r p o r a t i o n s funded under S e c t i o n s 15.1 and 34.18 had 167 Date I n i t i a t e d Program T i t l e and D e s c r i p t i o n S t a t u s been l e g i s l a t e d i n 1973 but was not implemented u n t i l 1975 i n those p r o v i n c e s f o r which f e d e r a l / p r o v i n c i a l master agreements had been si g n e d . A subsidy equal to the d i f f e r e n c e between re n t and 25 per cent of income i s pr o v i d e d to low-income tenants of the n o n - p r o f i t and c o - o p e r a t i v e p r o j e c t s . The c o s t of the program i s shared e q u a l l y between the f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l governments. 1974 The Rural and Native Housing Ongoing Program d e l i v e r e d under S e c t i o n s 40, 34.1, 36(g) and 37.1 of the NHA, p r o v i d e s new housing and r e n o v a t i o n a s s i s t a n c e f o r low-income n a t i v e and non-native people l i v i n g i n r u r a l areas and towns with p o p u l a t i o n s of 2 500 or l e s s . The ownership/ r e n t a l component of the program p r o v i d e s a loan to f i n a n c e the c o n s t r u c t i o n of a house and s u b s i d i z e s the d i f f e r e n c e between loan amor-t i z a t i o n c o s t s and p r o p e r t y taxes, and 25 per cent of the household income. The loan and subsidy c o s t s are shared between f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l governments on a 75-25 b a s i s . The renovation component pro-v i d e s a loan to f i n a n c e the upgrading of the house to meet minimum h e a l t h and s a f e t y 168 Date I n i t i a t e d Program T i t l e and D e s c r i p t i o n Status standards and to ensure i t s l i v a b i l i t y f o r at l e a s t 15 y e a r s . A p o r t i o n of the loan i s f o r g i v e n , the amount depen-ding upon the household income. The emergency r e p a i r component p r o v i d e s a one-time grant to make the necessary h e a l t h and s a f e t y r e p a i r s . The r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and emer-gency r e p a i r programs are f i n a n c e d by the f e d e r a l government alone. A r e v i s e d RNH program was approved by Parliament i n June 1984, but i s not yet implemented. 1973 The S e c t i o n 15.1 N o n - P r o f i t and the S e c t i o n 34.18 Co-op  Programs were designed to p r o v i d e 100 per cent loans to non- p r o f i t c h a r i t a b l e o r g a n i -z a t i o n s , p r o v i n c i a l l y or m u n i c i p a l l y owned n o n - p r o f i t and c o - o p e r a t i v e c o r p o r a t i o n s whose i n t e n t i o n s were to p r o v i d e and operate modest housing f o r low and moderate-income householders unable to l o c a t e or a f f o r d such housing on the open market. The loan i n t e r e s t r a t e s were s u b s i d i z e d to 8 per cent, and a 10 per cent c a p i t a l c o n t r i b u t i o n was p r o v i d e d . P r i o r i t i e s f o r funding were f i r s t , f a m i l i e s of low and moderate income, with a high p r i o r i t y t o areas needing new c o n s t r u c t i o n ; second, s e n i o r c i t i z e n s and t h i r d , s p e c i a l needs groups such as the handicapped. Replaced by S e c t i o n 56.1 programs i n 1978 169 Date I n i t i a t e d 1969 Program T i t l e and D e s c r i p t i o n S t a t u s T h i s was one of the f i r s t f e d e r a l low-income housing programs which d i d not r e q u i r e matching s u b s i d i e s by other l e v e l s of government. The Rent Supplement Program, under S e c t i o n 44.1(a) i s t a r g e t t e d to low-income house-holds r e s i d i n g i n p r i v a t e relntal accommodation and covers the d i f f e r e n c e between market rent and 25 per cent of income. Ongoing 1969 1965 In 1964, NHA amendments i n t r o -duced S e c t i o n 43/44 P u b l i c  Housing Programs and expanded the low r e n t a l l i m i t e d d i v i -dend program to n o n - p r o f i t c o r p o r a t i o n s , i n c l u d i n g those owned by provin c e s and munici-p a l i t i e s ( S e c t i o n 16, 16A). Under S e c t i o n 43, a 90 per cent loan was made to p r o v i n -c i a l government housing agencies to f i n a n c e the cons-t r u c t i o n of a low-income housing p r o j e c t . Tenants pay 25 per cent of t h e i r income on r e n t . Under S e c t i o n 44, the f e d e r a l government p r o v i d e s a subsidy equal to 50 per cent of the o p e r a t i n g l o s s e s on the p r o j e c t . S p e c i a l agreements entered i n t o by f e d e r a l and P r a i r i e p r o v i n c e s governments to pro v i d e Native housing under S e c t i o n 40 of the NHA. New commit-ments ceased i n 1978, ex-cept i n N.W.T. where a c t i v i t y termi nated i n 1983. Long-term s u b s i d i -z a t i o n of o p e r a t i n g c o s t s c o n t i n u e s Replaced by RNH Program i n 1974 170 Date I n i t i a t e d 1960 1949 1938 Program T i t l e and D e s c r i p t i o n Under S e c t i o n 47 of the NHA, the Student Housing Program made loans a v a i l a b l e to pr o v i n c e s and m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , to u n i v e r s i t i e s and c o l l e g e s f o r student d o r m i t o r i e s , h o s t e l or s e l f - c o n t a i n e d accommodation. Lounges, d i n i n g h a l l s and other f a c i l i -t i e s r e q u i r e d by student housing could a l s o be i n c l u d e d i n the p r o j e c t . T h e S e c t i o n 40 F e d e r a l /  P r o v i n c i a l P u b l i c Housing Program introduced a p a r t n e r -s h i p technique to a c q u i r e and develop land and to design, b u i l d and operate p u b l i c housing p r o j e c t s . C a p i t a l c o s t s and o p e r a t i n g l o s s e s to be shared on a 75/25 b a s i s . As a ma j o r i t y owner, CMHC accepted r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r approving, p l a n n i n g and de s i g n i n g p u b l i c housing p r o j e c t s . When the f i r s t N a t i o n a l  Housing Act passed, the F u l l  Recovery Low Rental Housing  Program was enacted (NHA Part I I ) . I t o f f e r e d 90 per cent f e d e r a l long-term loans at p r e f e r r e d i n t e r e s t r a t e s to l o c a l housing a u t h o r i t i e s , l i m i t e d d i v i d e n d housing companies and n o n - p r o f i t housing a s s o c i a t i o n s . These were f o r the c o n s t r u c t i o n of lo w - r e n t a l housing p r o j e c t s to be leased to low and moderate income f a m i l i e s at below market r e n t s . Status No budget has been approved f o r student housing s i n c e 1978 In 1978, Se c t i o n 40 Program was r e s t r i c t e d to-, Newfound-land, Prince Edward I s l a n d , New Brunswick and Saskatchewan Repealed i n 1946, but i n t e n t r e -f l e c t e d i n Sec t i o n s 15, 15.1 and 34.18 of the NHA 171 APPENDIX D Terms of Reference, Liaison Committee, G.A.B.C. 172 TERMS OF REFERENCE: LIAISON COMMITTEE, GABC The goal of the L i a i s o n Committee i s to provide a forum f o r d i s c u s s i o n and debate between seniors and p r o f e s s i o n a l s whose programs, p o l i c i e s and decisions a f f e c t the l i v e s of o l d e r adults. In adopting t h i s goal we are following the recommenda-t i o n of the World Assembly on Aging Conference at Vienna i n 1982: .that the e l d e r l y should have a voice i n matters that a f f e c t them. S p e c i f i c a l l y , the L i a i s o n Committee aims to: (a) e s t a b l i s h a precedent and develop a model for i n c l u d i n g older adults i n the d e c i s i o n making process; (b) promote an exchange of information and opinion i n order to reveal areas of agreement and c o n f l i c t on s p e c i f i c t o p i c s chosen on the basis of perceived importance and/or community concern; (c) provide an opportunity f o r c o n f l i c t r e s o l u t i o n through mutual education and compromise. r APPENDIX E Program, Retirement Housing Forum, February 22, 1986 174 PROGRAM: RETIREMENT HOUSING IN THE 80's AND 90's: CURRENT REALITIES AND CREATIVE ALTERNATIVES 8:30 - 9:00 Registration 9:05 - 9:10 Welcome and Introduction: Dr. Beverly Burnside, Chair,Liaison Cttee.,GABC 9:15 - 10:15 CURRENT REALITIES Chair: Mr. James Wilson, S.F.U. Seniors Panel: Betty Backman, Vinnian Lewis, Kent Lyons, B i l l Pierce, Joann Robertson, Kay Stovold Professionals Panel: Enid Buchanan, BCHMC; Dr. Gloria Gutman, SFU; Dr. David Hulchanski, UBC; John Jessup City Social Planing Dept.; Jeremy Tate, • BC Ministry of Health, V i c t o r i a 9:15 Dr. David Hulchanski: Overview of Current Housing Policy in. B.C. & Canada 9:35 Kent Lyons: Myths & Realities of Housing for Seniors I 9:55 Joann Robertson: Myths & Realities of Housing for Seniors II 10:15 - 10:30 REFRESHMENT BREAK 10:30 - 11:00 Small Group Discussion 11:00 - 12:00 Report to F u l l Assembly from Small Groups; Questions and Comments from Hall & TV audience 12:00 - 1 :00 LUNCH - served'in the Hall 1:00 - 1:15 Introduction to Panel on CREATING.ALTERNATIVES (Molly Galley, Cora Hansen & Muriel Prozeller) Chair: Betty Backman 1:15 Patricia Baldwin: McLaren Plansearch Overview of Alternatives 1:45 G i l l i a n Elcock: Homesharers 2:05 Elain Duvall, Columbia Housing: Cooperative Housing 2:30 - 2:45 BREAK - Refreshments 2:45 Edward Bowes: Concord Home Society: A Non-governmental I n i t i a t i v e 3:05 Ted Mitchell (CMHC): Financial Mechanisms to Create Alternatives 3:35 SUMMARY: Mary H i l l , Dept. Social Work, UBC 3:50 CLOSING Gerontology Assoc. of B.C. Liaison Committee Beverly Burnside, Chair; Annie Black, Bern Grady, Cheryl Kathler Pat Rafferty, Judy Reise, Drake Smith, Marilyn Wallace Forum Coordinator: Cheryl Kathler TV Coverage VanEast Cable 10 CBC 'Best Years' 175 APPENDIX F Recommendations for Future Forums from the G.A.B.C. Report on the Retirement Housing Forum 176 G.A.B.C. REPORT ON THE RETIREMENT HOUSING FORUM  RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FUTURE FORUMS Participant feedback was useful in identifying aspects to incorporate into future planning and i n suggesting ways to improve subsequent forums: 1) ensure that speakers understand the comprehension level of their audience; 2) allow more time for discussion and interaction during the small groups and the assembly discussion periods consider this type of interaction for later in the schedule when there is more to talk about; 3) information sheets, handouts, outlines or summaries from the speakers would be useful; 4) use of more visual aids that are simple, clear and specific to speakers' topics. Other ways to f a c i l i t a t e meeting educative objectives of a conference of this type include: 5) closer attention must be paid to defining the objectives as specifically as possible. The programme should then be designed with these objectives in mind. This also entails that a l l members of the design committee understand, agree to and use a common model or vision of the outcome early in the planning stages; 6) evaluation questionnaires should be related specifically to the stated objectives to assist in the analysis of evaluation data; 7) ensure that the presenters can f u l f i l l the roles assigned to them by using references and recommendations for speakers from knowledgeable and experienced conference participants. If possible, meet with speakers prior to the conference to c l a r i f y and agree upon the content 177 and form of their presentations; 8) safety should be ensured by securing a l l platform stairs, floor wires, ecetera, during set-up; 9) publicity was most effective in newspapers or by word of mouth, therefore stress these methods most in future conference planning; 10) shorten the length of the day; seven hours is too long for a l l but the most keen; 11) include speakers from housing developers to round out discussion; 12) names of conference participants to be interviewed on television should be gathered prior to the conference, in order to assist the Cable 10 staff and to prepare the interviewees; 13) ideally small group discussions could be audio-taped or detailed notes could be gathered from them for later compiliation as part of the conference proceedings; 14) to improve the logistics of the day's events, a l l staff should meet together with the coordinator prior to the in-person registration period to be clear on details or last minute changes 15) the Liaison Committee proposes that the conference model outlined; here should be expanded to province-wide coverage, possibly using Cable T.V. Companies across B.C.; 16) since only a fraction of in-coming calls were aired, i n future live-televised conferences arrange with Cable 10 to receive as many calls as possible by opening up extra telephone lines, and keep them open for a period after the live programme. This would f a c i l i t a t e : A) possible follow-up; B) content analysis for evaluations and research purposes; C) compiliation of a data source for external interest groups; 178 17) i n publicity, inform the public that there w i l l be an opportunity to phone in their questions and comments during the li v e programme. Questions can then be formulated prior to calling. Although these recommendations suggest improvements for future forums, the Retirement Housing Forum was successful beyond expectations, pa r t i c u l a r i l y given the limited number of committee members and their time constraints. The outcome also suggests a new direction for GABC. (exerpt from report written by C.J. Kathler, Conference Coordinator) 


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