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Participatory planning of housing for older persons : two televised case studies Kathler, Cheryl Joyce 1987

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PARTICIPATORY PLANNING OF HOUSING FOR OLDER PERSONS TWO TELEVISED CASE STUDIES By CHERYL JOYCE KATHLER B.A., Simon Fraser University, 1980 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES School of Community and Regional Planning  We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l 1987 Q Cheryl Joyce Kathler, 1987  In  presenting  degree  at  this  the  thesis  in  University of  partial  fulfilment  of  of  department publication  this  thesis for  or of  by  his  or  requirements  British Columbia, I agree  freely available for reference and study. I further copying  the  that the  representatives.  It  this thesis for financial gain shall not  is  granted  Date  A p r i l 25,  1987  it  by the that  head of copying  my or  be allowed without my written  S c h o o l o f Community & R e g i o n a l P l a n n i n g  The University of British Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3  Library shall make  understood  permission.  Department of  an advanced  agree that permission for extensive  scholarly purposes may be her  for  ii  Research Supervisor: J . David Hulchanski ABSTRACT "Population aging" i s a worldwide occurance facing both developed and developing  countries a l i k e . In Canada, s i g n i f i c a n t public p o l i c y  issues a r i s e with the increasing number and proportion of older persons. One of the most important of these i s meeting the housing needs of the more than one m i l l i o n older persons facing housing decisions i n the next three decades. The greatest challenge to a l l those involved i n producing, f i n a c i n g or managing housing for older persons i s to a s s i s t the majority of older persons i n t h e i r desire to remain i n the community as they age. The underlying premise of t h i s explorative study i s that older persons should and must be involved at a l l l e v e l s of planning  current  and future seniors' or retirement housing. The s p e c i f i c purpose of the thesis i s to explore "collaborative planning" as a method of involving older persons i n housing issues. The rationale for the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of older persons i s developed from the review of three areas of relevant l i t e r a t u r e . In contrast to the l i t e r a t u r e on "environment and aging"  and  gerontology, t h i s study seeks an understanding of the broader s o c i a l , politcal-economic  forces as prerequisite to meaningful analysis of the  lower l e v e l s of the housing context. This wider perspective also forms the basis for the rationale of including older persons i n the  planning  process. A discussion of " p a r t i c i p a t i o n " as a process and a movement provides an introduction to two case studies as examples of "collaborative planning" involving older persons and professionals i n discussing seniors' or retirement  housing.  iii  The thesis research question i s : What do older persons view as their housing needs and preferences,  and how  successful i s present  seniors' or  retirement housing i n meeting these? The structure, format and objectives of the two case studies were framed within the thesis p r i n c i p l e s and assumptions i n addition to this question. The case studies were assessed for their usefulness for defining housing needs and preferences examining how  of older persons, and for  c l o s e l y these stated needs and preferences  f i t existing  housing a l t e r n a t i v e s . The evaluation of the case studies revealed that collaborative planning took place, and that the stated objectives of each event and those of the sponsoring  organization were met.  The thesis  assumptions and premises were thereby substantiated. The wide impact and numerous outcomes of the case studies within the seniors' communities were also noted. However, the research question was  l a r g e l y unanswered  i n terms of "product", and the analysis includes some possible explanations. Analysis of the case studies within the broader context indicated that older persons and professionals a l i k e are i n a "reactive" mode of thinking rather than creative or "proactive" i n what they v i s u a l i z e as seniors' housing options. Entrenched thinking and attitudes are d i f f i c u l t to change, and as t h i s study concludes, education of a l l involved i s necessary. The greater necessity i s , however, the need to personalize the issue of inadequate and unsuitable seniors' or retirement  housing, so that change i s seen as imperative  future l i f e as an older person.  to one's own  iv  TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENT CHAPTER ONE:  i i iv vi vii  FIGURES  INTRODUCTION 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 1.7  Purpose Definitions Context Significance Thesis Principles Research Questions and Objectives Thesis Organization  PART I : BACKGROUND CHAPTER TWO:  THEORY - ENVIRONMENT AND 2.1 2.2 2.3  CHAPTER THREE: THE 3.1 3.2 3.3  13 AGING  Orientation to Place Orientation to Design Orientation to Social and Psychological Processes Orientation to Environmental Policy Dominance of Micro- Over Macro-Environment  2.4 2.5  1 1 2 4 6 8 10  14 15 15 17 22  CANADIAN CONTEXT  Demographic S h i f t s Housing Characteristics Inaccurate Assessment of Housing Needs and Preferences  25 30 33  CHAPTER FOUR: THE MACRO-CONTEXT - SOCIAL, POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC ASPECTS 4.1 4.2 4.3  Social Bias Political-Economic Context of Housing Structural Analysis  38 42 47  CHAPTER FIVE: PARTICIPATION 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5  Development of P a r t i c i p a t i o n Types of P a r t i c i p a t i o n Effects of P a r t i c i p a t i o n Planning Practices Examples of P a r t i c i p a t i o n  53 56 59 60 66  V  5.6 Rationale f o r P a r t i c i p a t i o n 5.7 Re-professionalization 5.8 Research Premises for Case Studies PART II : THE CASE STUDIES  73 75 78 81  CHAPTER SIX: THE CASE STUDY EVENTS 6.1 Rationale 6.2 Case Study One: Retirement Housing Forum 6.3 Case Study Two: Retirement Housing Alternatives Workshop 6.4 Summary CHAPTER SEVEN: EVALUATION AND FINDINGS: AND PRODUCT  82 87 90 93  PROCESS, PERFORMANCE  7.1 Introduction 7.2 Case Study One: Retirement Housing Forum 7.3 Case Study Two: Retirement Housing Alternative Workshop 7.4 Outcomes of the Case Study Events 7.5 Evidence of Collaborative Planning  94 96 105 112 118  PART III : INTEGRATION  121  CHAPTER EIGHT: ANALYSIS OF CASE STUDIES  121  CHAPTER NINE: SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 9.1 Summary  131  9.2 Conclusions  134  REFERENCES  138  APPENDICES A B C D E F  Types of Independent Housing Range of Housing Alternatives A Chronology of Federal Housing Programs Terms of Reference, Liaison Committee, Gerontology Association of B r i t i s h Columbia Retirement Housing Forum - Programme Gerontology Association of B r i t i s h Columbia Report on The Retirement Housing Forum - Recommendations  151 153 161 171 173 175  vi  LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES TABLES TABLE I  TABLE II  Population i n Selected Age Groups, Canada, 1950-1980, 1985-2025  28  Total Population Aged 65+ - Canada & Provinces 1981  31  TABLE III Total Population and Population Aged 65+: G.V.R.D., 1981  32  FIGURES FIGURE 1  Environmental Press Model  16  FIGURE 2  Person-Environment Interaction  18  FIGURE 3  Models of Human-Environment Transaction & Research  19  FIGURE 4  Major Theoretical Models i n Man-Environment Studies  21  FIGURE 5  Ecological Housing Model  23  FIGURE 6  Pecentages of Total Population Aged 65 and Over  26  FIGURE 7  Percentages of Total Population i n Selected Age Groups 1951-2021  27  FIGURE 8  Number and Percentage of Total Population Aged 65 and Over, Aged 80 and Over, for Selected Urban & Rural Areas, Canada, 1981 29  FIGURE 9  C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n Ladder  57  FIGURE 10 Model of Actors i n The Housing Process  61  FIGURE 11 Quadrant Model of P a r t i c i p a t i o n and Decision-Making  67  FIGURE 12 Decision Pyramid  126  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  Many people have contributed to the process of t h i s t h e s i s . F i r s t l y , I would l i k e to express gratitude and appreciation for the guidence, encouragement and support of my advisers, Professor J . David Hulchanski and Dr. Beverly Burnside. I am also grateful to Professor Henry Hightower for his interest and comments. I thank the Gerontology Association of B r i t i s h Columbia (G.A.B.C.) for i t s f i n a n c i a l support of the events which formed the thesis case studies, and I am e s p e c i a l l y grateful for the generous support and time given by G.A.B.C. Liaison Committee members. I also thank the numerous volunteers, professionals and older persons throughout the Vancouver area who participated i n the case study events. I also acknowledge the support I have received through the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation Graduate Scholarship Program.  CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION One of the most important challenges facing Canada i n the next few decades i s the aging of the population. Meeting the housing and s o c i a l needs of an increasingly diverse and numerous older population w i l l become a s i g n i f i c a n t focus of public p o l i c y . Enlarging the range of housing options for older persons i n v i t e s creative, innovative planning practices which can only be successful through the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of older persons.  1.1  Purpose This thesis explores the usefulness of two forms of collaborative  planning for defining 1) housing needs and preferences from the perspective of older persons, and 2) examining the f i t between these self-defined needs and preferences and the existing housing alternatives.  1.2 Definitions For  the purposes of t h i s thesis, the following key terms are  defined: "Older persons" i s used i n l i e u of "senior c i t i z e n s " , "the aged", "the e l d e r l y " , as a neutral term for meaning any of the following: r e t i r e d person, an i n d i v i d u a l over age 65 unless otherwise specified, someone receiving a pension based on age or retirement from employment.  2  "Senior" has a similar connotation. "Professional(s)" defines persons with specialized t r a i n i n g and knowledge who work independently, i n companies or i n government. "Seniors' housing" i s a term meaning housing that i s s p e c i f i c a l l y b u i l t or designated for older persons. "Retirement housing" i s a more current term with the same d e f i n i t i o n . " P a r t i c i p a t i o n " i s defined as involvement i n the planning or design processes by s p e c i f i c users or by individuals similar to potential users. "Senior p a r t i c i p a t i o n " denotes p a r t i c i p a t i o n by older persons. "Collaborative planning" means a planning process undertaken by planners or other professionals i n cooperation with non-professionals. In the housing f i e l d , collaborative planning includes those who are the consumers or users of the housing which ultimately r e s u l t s . "Ageism" i s a r b i t r a r y discrimination against older persons which i s derived from actual or perceived i n e q u a l i t i t e s and i s based on age and s o c i a l status.  1.3 Context Housing options for older persons can be represented as a continuum defined by degrees of support ranging from independent  l i v i n g to highly  dependent i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n (Brink 1985). Currently a v a i l a b l e housing meets the needs of both the independent  and dependent older population  with varying success. Within the range of options f o r independent l i v i n g , much of the rationale for providing more and new alternatives i s based on the perceived need for options to f i l l the gap between independent  and dependent l i v i n g , with an emphasis on community l i v i n g .  Although a l t e r n a t i v e housing encompasses a wide range of options, the  3  thesis w i l l confine i t s discussion to those housing alternatives which f i t the needs and preferences  of independent and semi-independent older  persons. While the objective of B r i t i s h Columbia's Long Term Care program i s to maintain persons as long as possible i n their community homes, the dwellings themselves are often unsuitable, substandard, p h y s i c a l l y unsafe, as well as c o s t l y and d i f f i c u l t to maintain. There are  few  options to consider other than i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n , p a r t i c u l a r i l y for lower income persons, and fewer that have successfully met loneliness continues  to be epidemic among many who  housed. (Canada N.A.C.A.,  s o c i a l needs;  are p h y s i c a l l y w e l l -  1982)  Policy makers and programme administrators have generally f a i l e d to recognize the r o l e which older persons can play i n decision-making regarding many apects of their l i v e s . The knowledge, experience and judgement of older persons are also not valued as resources  i n setting  housing p o l i c y goals and objectives, nor i n the planning and design of retirement housing. The exclusion of older persons i n p o l i c y and planning r e f l e c t s the patronizing a t t i t u d e toward older people and negativity about aging widely held i n our society. If ageist attitudes are to be countered, older persons must be involved i n decisions which affect them. Therefore,  i n t h i s thesis, the perspective of older persons  i s the basis of inquiry, both i n the background discussion and i n the case studies.  4  1.4 Significance While demographic projections are subject to several uncertainties (Stone and Fletcher 1980, 8; Gutman et a l . 1986, 2), they indicate that the proportion and the absolute numbers of older persons i n Canada i s r i s i n g steadily and w i l l peak early i n the next century when the postwar baby-boom generation reaches old age and comprises an estimated 20% of the t o t a l population. These demographic trends hold important implications for housing p o l i c y and support services since many of this increase w i l l probably l i v e independently and semi-independently  i n the  community, following the pattern of approximately ninety percent of the current older generations (Gutman et al_^ 1986). Although the proportion of older persons has been increasing for a number of years, there seems to be l i t t l e awareness evident i n current housing of the varying c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , needs and preferences of this s o c i e t a l group. The tendency to assume that older people comprise a homogeneous group with uniform preferences and needs has translated into a limited range of available housing options (see Appendix A). Currently, there i s ample room f o r creative, innovative solutions to housing needs of those now o l d . Predicted changes i n the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of future cohorts of older persons ( i e . better education, income and health, and higher expectations) w i l l mean changed expectations i n housing standards and l i f e s t y l e s  (Rapelje 1981). However, as developed  i n the thesis argument for increased p a r t i c i p a t i o n of older persons i n planning practices, rudimentary knowledge and understanding of the housing needs and preferences of today's older cohorts has hindered the development of suitable housing for upcoming older generations. The trend toward increasingly t i g h t government f i s c a l p o l i c i e s and  5  competition for scarce f i n a n c i a l resources heightens the implications of demographic changes. Financing income and support services for large numbers of older persons, concurrent with lessened government a b i l i t i e s and r e c e p t i v i t y to meeting such basic needs, w i l l further l i m i t the scope and depth of diminishing housing programmes. The above trends reinforce the position underlying the t h e s i s :  i t i s necessary to  understand the implications of an aging society and develop ways to ameliorate current and future housing inadequacies. The recent Macdonald Commission report (Royal Commission  1985)  stressed the need for e f f e c t i v e use of s o c i a l expenditures. It also noted the diminishing concensus amongst Canadians regarding social p o l i c y . Providing a means by which older persons can be involved i n meaningful consultation i n the process of developing housing p o l i c y , programmes and projects, can enhance public support and p o l i c y consensus. Among others, the authors of the Macdonald Commission report have suggested that those best able to judge the optimal delivery of a s o c i a l service, such as housing, are the users or consumers of that service. More e f f i c i e n t and targetted housing programmes as well as greater public awareness and understanding of the p o l i t i c a l process should r e s u l t from senior p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Creating a role for older persons i n planning and developing housing alternatives also would counter ageist attitudes and assert the r i g h t of older persons as members of society to t h e i r share of s o c i e t a l resources. Both government-assisted housing and market-developed  housing  that suits the needs and preferences of older consumers should also ultimately r e s u l t . The current l e v e l of p a r t i c i p a t i o n by older people i n decisions  6  regarding housing issues ranges from non-participation to a l i m i t e d "feedback" r o l e . In general, older persons receive services and are not usually consulted unless to provide reaction to services or  products.  Higher l e v e l s of p a r t i c i p a t i o n would range from implementation or support for decisions and administrative decision control to f u l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n decision-making i n executing decisions. The intention of the thesis i s to explore ways i n which the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of older persons i n housing may  be  increased.  1.5 Thesis P r i n c i p l e s In addition to the foregoing premises, the thesis i s based upon the following p r i n c i p l e s : 1.  There i s a need for productive contribution by older  persons i n areas that concern them and future older 2.  generations;  There i s a need to f a c i l i t a t e worthwhile roles for older  persons and enhance the image of aging; 3.  The government and wider society have a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to  inform and include older persons, p a r t i c u l a r i l y i n decisions which a f f e c t them; 4.  Older persons have a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to be contributing  members of society; 5.  C i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s important i n the housing planning  and development process. These p r i n c i p l e s r e i t e r a t e two of the imperatives  stated by the  National Advisory Council on Aging: a) Older Canadians must be functional, useful and into society;  integrated  7  b) Older Canadians must be involved i n the development of programmes which a f f e c t them. (1983, 18) Participatory rather than p a t e r n a l i s t i c forms of a c t i v i t y for i t s aging population are worthy of a maturing nation. Meaningful contribution by current older persons w i l l enhance the housing of this and future older generations (Crawford 1981), and exhibit recognition of the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of older persons to society. P a r t i c i p a t i o n by older c i t i z e n s i n housing development and planning w i l l also a s s i s t government and other groups i n society to be responsible and accountable to society i n d i v i d u a l l y and c o l l e c t i v e l y i n their p o l i c i e s and programmes. In  searching for and creating suitable and affordable housing,  older persons have experience and knowledge to o f f e r . Generating a wider range of housing choices can best proceed with their p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Furthermore,  the concerted e f f o r t required to meet the housing needs of  current and future older Canadians cannot occur without meaningful p a r t i c i p a t i o n of older persons at many levels i n the planning and development of housing. In  summary, the thesis i s based on the assumptions  that through  p a r t i c i p a t i o n of older persons: i ) housing needs and preferences can be made known and f u l l y incorporated into the housing design and planning process; i i ) ageism at a l l levels i n the s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic context can be confronted; i i i ) older persons can begin to take f u l l ' c i v i c r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and society can provide opportunities for f u l l integration of older persons.  8  1.6 Research Questions and Objectives The thesis involves exploration of collaborative planning as a method of involving older persons i n the planning of seniors' housing at the l e v e l of policy, programme and design. Prior to presentation of two case studies, l i t e r a t u r e i s reviewed from three relevant areas. "Environment and aging" provides a t h e o r e t i c a l basis f o r the study and introduces a background discussion of Canadian demographic and housing s t a t i s t i c s . An examination of the s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic context follows. A review of types and e f f e c t s of " p a r t i c i p a t i o n " and present planning practices i n housing integrates the foregoing discussions. The following questions are also examined i n the introductory chapters of the thesis: 1. What are the s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic contexts of seniors' housing issues? 2. What gaps currently exist i n seniors' housing? 3. How has collaborative planning included older persons i n housing planning and development processes? The research question which generates the case studies i s : What do older persons view as their housing needs and preferences, and how successful i s present seniors' or retirement housing i n meeting these? Two collaborative planning processes as case studies were chosen as the structure for seeking an answer to the thesis question. The goals and objectives of each case study were framed within the research question, p r i n c i p l e s and assumptions. Exploration of these questions provide substance for the main thesis o b j e c t i v e : to examine the extent to which collaborative planning, through i t s process and i t s outcomes, can facilitate:  9  a) better knowledge about older persons housing needs and preferences; b) a process that creates knowledge and understanding between both professionals and seniors so that needs and preferences expressed by older persons may be ultimately incorporated into more suitable retirement housing; c) changing attitudes toward the status and roles of older persons i n planning and other areas. Thus the thesis i s concerned with (1) process - how to e l i c i t knowledge and understanding about older persons housing needs and preferences, and (2) product - findings and outcomes of the collaborative planning process. The thesis i s exploratory i n both focus and methodology and therefore i t does not attempt to test  hypotheses.  However, findings and evaluation of the method as process and product are suggestive of further areas of study and future p o s s i b i l i t i e s for collaborative planning practices involving older persons. This study should be of value to p o l i c y analysts and planners i n municipal, p r o v i n c i a l and federal governments as well as non-profit and community-based groups involved with housing p o l i c y , programmes and projects for older persons. The findings should also serve as a resource for housing developers and researchers interested i n consumer "feedback" regarding housing preferences. More importantly, the thesis w i l l suggest ways of including older persons i n the design and planning process through i t s assessment of two forms of p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The thesis research should also have impact on the thinking and l i v e s of older persons who have been involved as p a r t i c i p a n t s . In  10  addition, future benefits w i l l acrue to older persons and to society i n general from the growth of knowledge, awareness and understanding of the older consumers' point of view. The implementation of the findings of this study and adoption of c o l l a b o r a t i v e planning practices by government, and government agencies (B.C.Housing Management Cornmission-B.C.H.M.C., and Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation-C.M.H.C.),  and by the private sector (design and  planning consultants) i s a longer-range ultimate goal. Recording of the case study events on video-tape (available from the thesis author or the Gerontology Association of B r i t i s h Columbia) enhances the u t i l i t y and r e p l i c a b i l i t y of the study's findings. F i n a l l y , i t i s hoped that the methodology and outcomes w i l l stimulate professionals and non-professionals of a l l ages to engage i n further dialogue and cooperation with older persons.  1.7 Thesis Organization Part I of the thesis provides the theoretical background  to the  case studies. S i g n i f i c a n t aspects of the environment and aging f i e l d are reviewed i n Chapter Two,  revealing the lack of comprehensive  theory and  a focus on the immediate environment to the neglect of the broader context i n which older persons interact with their environment.  Chapter  Three describes the demographic, housing c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and current knowledge regarding the housing needs and preferences of older Canadians. In order to begin to meet the challenge of an aging population and i t s housing needs, an understanding of the broader context i s e s s e n t i a l . Macro-level issues which impact housing must be assessed and analyzed  11  before study at the more focussed levels can be meaningful. This l e v e l of understanding i s sought through a s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic analysis of the broader context of seniors' or retirement housing i n Chapter  Four.  An overview of the development of " p a r t i c i p a t i o n " as a movement and a technique i n Chapter Five provides background for the r a t i o n a l e of the case studies as methods of collaborative planning. Thus the chapters included i n Part I i d e n t i f y the context of the thesis and the research question, and establish the basis for the case studies. Part II contains three chapters which describe the case study events, t h e i r findings and outcomes, and analysis. Chapter Six outlines the rationale for selecting the two p a r t i c i p a t o r y events as case studies of c o l l a b o r a t i v e planning. It also r e l a t e s the development of each event and b r i e f l y discusses their structure, programme and p a r t i c i p a n t s . Chapter Seven presents the findings of the case studies and evaluates both events according to the stated goals and objectives, and as a p a r t i c i p a t o r y process. The r e s u l t s of the events are considered together under Outcomes. Part III provides the integrating and concluding chapters of the thesis. Chapter Eight analyses the case studies i n terms of the evaluation and the results discussed i n the previous chapter. It seeks an answer to the research question and provides an o v e r a l l summary of the exploration by the case studies into the collaborative planning of older persons i n retirement housing issues. Chapter Nine summarizes the thesis findings and analysis i n terms of the thesis objectives and research question. This chapter relates the case studies to the broader context of the thesis, the f i e l d s of gerontology and environment and  12  aging, and p a r t i c i p a t o r y planning. The significance of the findings and outcomes to planning and design professionals, as well as p o l i c y and decision makers i s also  included.  13  PART I : BACKGROUND This segment of the thesis presents the t h e o r e t i c a l and conceptual framework for the study. As a foundation for discussion of the broader setting of housing for older persons, l i t e r a t u r e i n the f i e l d of "environment and aging" i s reviewed and analyzed. Lack of  comprehensive  theory i s revealed, with a focus on the immediate environment  resulting  i n the neglect of the broader context of interaction whose components determine many aspects of current housing r e a l i t i e s . An outline of demographic trends and the housing c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and needs of older persons as defined by the l i t e r a t u r e provide the Canadian setting of the thesis, and reveal an inaccurate understanding of housing needs and preferences of older persons. This i s followed by an examination of the s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic context of housing for older persons i n which demographic trends and housing s t a t i s t i c s are placed. Argument for the necessity of including older persons i n planning and decision-making regarding seniors' or retirement housing i s derived from this structural analysis. Collaborative planning as defined for the thesis i s developed from a review of the p r i n c i p l e s and evolution of p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n design, and from the planning l i t e r a t u r e regarding p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The rationale for the case studies i s derived from an integration of the t h e o r e t i c a l and conceptual background, demographic trends, and current housing r e a l i t i e s of older persons, with the assumption  that  collaborative planning i s a viable method by which to increase the s u i t a b i l i t y and a f f o r d a b i l i t y of housing f o r older persons.  14  CHAPTER TWO  THEORY - ENVIRONMENT AND AGING Social gerontology i s a young, broad, m u l t i d i s c i p l i n a r y f i e l d which includes such d i s c i p l i n e s as anthropology, architecture, communications, economics, geography, psychology and sociology. The complexity r e s u l t i n g from variations i n the value systems, philosophy, theory and methodological orientation of these perspectives has enriched the f i e l d s of "environment and behavior" and i t s progeny, "environment and aging" (E-A). Just twenty years old, E-A research seeks to understand the i n t e r a c t i o n between older individuals and their environments.  Early E-A  study focused on the environment, evolving to concentration on the i n d i v i d u a l , to more recently, the study of person-environment i n t e r a c t i o n . There are four general orientations i n E-A research: (A) place, (B) design, (C) s o c i a l and psychological processes, and (D) environmental p o l i c y (Lawton, Altman and Wohlwill 1984). This i s not a r i g i d c l a s s i f i c a t i o n since most E-A research has more than one of these orientations. 2.1 Orientation to Place or s p e c i f i c places or settings i s the basis of most research i n gerontology regarding the i n t e r a c t i o n of environment and older persons. Environmental designers and practioners have sought knowledge to modify or create settings or buildings which f i t the needs of older persons. The e a r l i e r l i t e r a t u r e i n t h i s area was almost e n t i r e l y descriptive of settings (Townsend 1964). The focus of recent E-A research has been neighbourhood (Becker 1983; Regnier 1981 & 1983; Wilson 1981; Hodge 1984) and buildings (Howell 1980a & b; F a l e t t i 1984). A l l of these generated design-orientated hypotheses or had design  15  implications. 2.2 Orientation to Design has not been derived from research. It has resulted from analogy using p r i n c i p l e s abstracted from gerontological knowledge, and tested against the behavior of users i n environments. Thus design-orientated books on housing have emerged (Davis, Audet and Baird 1973; Green et aJU 1975; Lawton 1975; CMHC 1983; Whiting and Woodward 1985). Research involving environmental variables such as transportation, location of resources and compensatory  hardware,  furniture and design (Koncelik 1982) are also included under t h i s approach. 2.3 Orientation to Social and Psychological Processes has been the central focus of theory development i n environment and aging. Several researchers have studied the progressive change brought about by the interdependent i n t e r a c t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l s with their environment. Lewin's (1951) fundamental statement that behavior i s a function of an i n d i v i d u a l and the environment (B=f(P,E)) i s incorporated into an "ecological model" by Lawton (Lawton 1975, Lawton and Nahemov 1973) which focuses on the competence of an i n d i v i d u a l to meet environmental demands (B=f(P,E,PxE)). Competence i s the combination of a l l t r a i t s of an i n d i v i d u a l , while the environment includes a l l objective (alpha), perceived (beta), physical, and suprapersonal (aggregate c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of neighbours) components. As can be seen i n Figure 1 below, excessive demands from the environment or "environmental press" r e l a t i v e to competence induces stress that necessitates adaptive behavior. Inadequate demands from the environment can also lead to loss of competence or "maladaptive behavior", or to "adaptive behavior" that has "positive e f f e c t " .  16  Weak  Figure 1. Environmental Press Model (From:  Strong  Lawton 1980, 12)  The i d e a l environment produces adaptive behavior that does not s t r a i n nor  disregard the competence of an older i n d i v i d u a l . Incorporated into  t h i s model i s the environmental d o c i l i t y hypothesis (Lawton and Simon 1968) which states that the lower the competence, the greater the amount of influence environment has on behavior. While t h i s component has been supported by research, the complexity of Lawton's ecological model has made i t d i f f i c u l t to f u l l y t e s t . Nevertheless, Lawton's influence on the E-A f i e l d i s unsurpassed. Other researchers have also adopted similar concepts of competence and  environment. Kahanas's concept of congruence between i n d i v i d u a l s and  17  their environment i s derived from Murray's (1938) need-press  theory.  Well-being i s an outcome of congruence between personal needs and perceived environmental dimensions, while behavior or outcomes vary as a function of the dimensions of congruence (Lawton, Altman and Wohlwill 1984,  6). The Carp and Carp model (1984) combines the rationale of  Lawton's model with Kahana's concept, focusing on how well the environment f i t s the needs of i n d i v i d u a l s (B=f(P,E,PxE)). The t r a i t s of an individual (P) interact with and influence perception of and reaction to the environment. Outcomes or behavior (B) are immediate or ultimate. At a more applied l e v e l of research, Golant (1984) and Carp and Carp (1984) examine psychological and s o c i a l processes within the context of s p e c i f i c places. Emphasis on psychological and s o c i a l processes i n r e l a t i o n to sense of and attachment to place by urban and r u r a l older persons has been explored by Rowles (1978,1984). 2.4 Orientation to Environmental  Policy  Environmental p o l i c y or p o l i c y studies, p o l i c y planning, implementation  and assessment have emerged from studies with other above  noted orientations, and have become a more important aspect of E-A study. Newman, Zais and Struyk (1984) focus on demographic and f i n a n c i a l t r a i t s of older Americans i n r e l a t i o n to the a v a i l a b i l i t y of housing which thus deals d i r e c t l y with p o l i c y issues. Roscow's (1967) research on the consequences of age-integration of apartment buildings provides a c l a s s i c example. While i t began with a strong emphasis on s o c i a l process, relevent findings for place, design and p o l i c y have emerged (Lawton, Altman and Wohlwill 1984). S i m i l a r i l y , the discussion of alternative housing options by Eckert and Murrey (1984) points both d i r e c t l y and i n d i r e c t l y to place, s o c i a l and psychological and p o l i c y  18  issues. In general, p o l i c y implications can be discerned i n a l l E-A study. There are other E-A frameworks which may be defined within one or more of the orientations discussed above, but which focus on other aspects and perspectives of the i n t e r a c t i o n of persons with t h e i r enviroment. Parr (1980) f o r example, c r i t i c i z e s the broad,  theoretical  approach of Lawton and Kahana. She argues f o r d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and d e f i n i t i o n of the separate components of the person-environment (P-E) i n t e r a c t i o n i n order to allow greater c l a r i t y i n measuring v a r i a b l e s and i n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . Her c l a s s i f i c a t i o n system of-P-E i n t e r a c t i o n contains four types of variables:  personal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ,  environmental  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , mediators and behaviors:  Figure 2. Person-Environment Interaction (From Parr 1980, 396)  One behavior i s chosen and investigated f o r a v a r i e t y of possible i n t e r a c t i v e influences. Thus a more sensitive understanding of the four variables and their i n t e r a c t i o n r e s u l t s . It can also be used as an a l t e r n a t i v e to general environment and behavior theory which has yet to emerge.  19  Stokols (1978) p o s i t s a two dimensional d e s c r i p t i v e schema of four modes of person-environment transactions:  Form of Transaction Cognitive  Behavioral  Interpretive  Operative  Cognitive representation of the s p a t i a l environment  Experimental a n a l y s i s of e c o l o g i c a l l y relevant behavior  P e r s o n a l i t y and the environment  Human s p a t i a l (Proxemics)  Active  Phase of Transaction  Evaluative  behavior  Responsive  Environmental a t t i t u d e s  Impact of the p h y s i c a l environment  Environmental assessment  E c o l o g i c a l psychology  Reactive  Figure 3. Modes of Human-Environment Transaction and Research (From Stokols 1978, 259)  This schema expresses an attempt to move beyond were d e s c r i p t i o n of environments i n order to focus more broadly on the i n t e r a c t i o n s within and across various settings. Transactional interactions and optimization mentioned by Stokols as major themes i n the person-environment research of the 1980's (Marshall and Tindale 1978; Soramer 1983), l i n k  conceptual  and empirical aspects of a person's environment i n t e r a c t i o n s . This more h o l i s t i c approach marks important  progress i n "environment and behavior"  and "environment and aging" f i e l d s . Parr (1930) notes that one of the main reasons for the limited knowledge i n both of these f i e l d s i s the confusion and problems caused by overlapping global concepts such as "well-being" and " s a t i s f a c t i o n " . Thus Parr argues for clear, uniform concepts, and along with Stokols (1978) advises development of a taxonomy of environmental a t t r i b u t e s .  20  Archea (1982) states that environment and behavior research has been predominately empirical, while practioners who would use such knowledge discount i t due to their o r i e n t a t i o n toward r a t i o n a l or instrumental methods. In the s c i e n t i f i c premise of E-A and related f i e l d s persons respond to their environments. However, designers and planners view persons as creators of their environments. Such c o n f l i c t no doubt increases the d i f f i c u l t i e s of E-A theory development. In contrast to other E-A researchers, Ittelson (1982) states that the premise of an adequate E-A theory must be the i n s e p a r a b i l i t y of the two components:  person and environment. Both exist because of the  other and each can only be defined i n terms of the other (Ittelson 1982, 14). While ecological theory, systems theory and transactional theory a l l attempt to f i l l the t h e o r e t i c a l void i n E-A study, Ittelson believes that their f a i l u r e i s due to ommission of the "proactive" aspect of persons who, as individuals or as society, through behavior, produce or create their environments. Regardless of the necessity of t h i s concept to the development of the E-A f i e l d , t h i s ommission i n most E-A conceptualization, models and theories i s of importance to the premises of the thesis and to the development of the argument for collaborative planning. E-A researchers and others who view older persons as "reactive" i n their interactions with the environment, maintain the s o c i a l attitudes, thinking and practices which do not perceive older persons as capable individuals who are integrated and p a r t i c i p a t e as f u l l members of society. What i s also absent i n the above E-A orientations and frameworks i s incorporation of the broader environment from which a l l other levels of environment, social c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p s and interactions take place.  21  As the previous discussion has revealed, a substantial amount of design-relevant knowledge has been generated. The chart below shows that there are, however, few models or theories i n E-A study.  MES  model  Kahana  Windley  Weisman  Schooler  Lawton  •  O  •  0  O  X  9  Pas t a l a n  Total  Perception and complexity  O  X  O  Cognit ive image  •  •  •  Behavior setting  •  o  0  X  O  X  7  Communication symbolism non-verbal communic a ti o n  X  X  X  X  X  X  0  Competence and adaptation  •  X  0  •  •  Information flow  X  X  X  0  •  o  5  •  o  X  X  o  X  5  X  X  X  X  X  o  2  Evolut ionary models  X  X  0  X  X  X  2  Socio-cultural models  X  X  •  X  •  X  2  Preference i n environmental quality-choice  o  X  X  X  o  o  6  Performancebased  •  X  X  •  X  •  5  Ecological models Ethological models  • O • X  - strong = weak 4 = implici • absent  10  14  & direct (3) direct (2) t (1) (0)  Figure 4. Major Theoretical Models i n Man-Environment studies (From Rapoport 1982, 134)  22  As indicated i n Figure 4, the e x i s t i n g models which emphasize psychological and s o c i a l processes (see Carp and Carp 1984; Rapoport 1982), are general, and also have i n s u f f i c i e n t empirical t e s t i n g to substantiate them (Lawton, Altman and Wohlwill 1984). These problems r e s u l t i n fundamental gaps i n understanding the interactions between older persons and the environment, and highlight the lack of focus i n E-A research. However, the absence of the "proactive" concept i n describing how older persons interact with their environment and the prominence of study i n the E-A f i e l d of micro-level environments i s more important and conspicuous. 2.5 Dominance of Micro over Macro Environment Not only i s there a lack of comprehensive "environment and aging" or  "person-environment" theory, most E-A study has dealt with older  i n d i v i d u a l s interacting with or within their immediate environments. This micro-environmental perspective has precluded development of, integration with, or consideration of wider s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic forces. E-A study has generally not acknowledged the dominance of the broad context i n determining a l l s o c i a l and physical aspects of the  more immediate environments which any of the orientations and  frameworks reviewed are derived. The wide context forms the fourth environmental component i n the ecological housing model borrowed from Lawton (1980). It i s composed of four separate and i n t e r r e l a t e d levels of environment (see Figure 5): 1. Individual (personal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s such as behavior, l i f e history, physical and mental competencies); 2. Microsystem (immediate environment) - Lawton (1980) viewed this environment l e v e l i n terms o f : a) personal or s i g n i f i c a n t persons, b)  23  group or group pressures and s o c i a l norms, c) suprapersonal or aggregate c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of nearby persons, and d) natural or b u i l t physical environment; 3. Exosystem ( l o c a l community) - The a v a i l a b i l i t y of resources and services, security and s o c i a l interaction at this l e v e l i s of c r i t i c a l importance to the well-being of older persons; 4. Macrosystem  (global context including p o l i t i c a l , economic and  s o c i a l events, forces and processes) - The p r o f i t maximization premise and p r i o r i t y of our mixed economy pervades a l l aspects of p o l i c y and society. They have profound impact on housing choice and a v a i l a b i l i t y .  Figure 5. Ecological Housing Model (From Eckert and Murrey 1984,  99)  In E-A study, housing i s t y p i c a l l y discussed i n terms of the immediate environment of an individual (individual, microsystem, exosystem), with l i t t l e or no attention given to variables within higher  24 l e v e l s of the environment  or macrosystem. However, Eckert and Murrey  (1984) state that i t i s p r e c i s e l y the wider context which "order(s) the very existance and range of housing alternatives from which older people must choose" (Ibid., 99). Several larger s o c i e t a l forces which a f f e c t the development of new housing options for older persons include: A. G e n t r i f i c a t i o n or upgrading of housing stock through rennovation or rebuilding; B. Lack of secure tenure due to withdrawal of rent control legislation; C. Lack of affordable rental units due to i n a b i l i t y of private market to b u i l d p r o f i t a b l e low-cost rental units, low numbers of government-built or government-assited s o c i a l housing units, high interest rates; D. Erosion of income through i n f l a t i o n ; E. Cutbacks i n housing programmes and supportive services through the p r o v i n c i a l Long Term Care system. (Ibid., 121-123) These points highlight areas public p o l i c y i s p e r s i s t e n t l y unable to address i n order to meet the housing needs of the disadvantaged. Plausible reasons for the endurance and pervasiveness of the housing problems of low and moderate income older persons w i l l be revealed i n a discussion of macro-level aspects of housing. F i r s t , however, the Canadian context i s presented i n a review of the demographic trends and the housing c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of older Canadians. The inaccuracy of defining housing needs and preferences as those which are currently evident also provides reasoning for expanding the background of the thesis to include a discussion and analysis of the broader s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , and economic context of housing.  25 CHAPTER THREE THE CANADIAN CONTEXT 3.1 Demographic Shifts One of the most important  challenges facing Canada and  other  developed and developing nations i s the worldwide phenomenon of population aging. In Canada, as elsewhere, demographic projections indicate major changes i n the age structure and d i s t r i b u t i o n of the population (see Figure 6). There are four main trends which w i l l affect housing needs and demand i n the c i t y of Vancouver. 1. The proportion of the population over the age of 65 w i l l grow more quickly than any other age group (see Figure 7), increasing from 9.5%  (1981) of Canadian population to an estimated 13.1%  (Ellingham, MacLennan and Dick 1984, (Canada 1983, a l . 1986,  2011  12), and to between 14-17% by  16). Other researchers forecast 13.6%  2), or 14.7%  by  by 2001  older persons by 2006 (Priest 1985,  (Gutman et 3). Such  variations are due to d i f f e r i n g predictions about f e r t i l i t y , expectancy and immigration  2021  life  rates.  2. The growth i n the numbers of older persons w i l l a l s o continue, (see Table I ) . The current Canadian t o t a l of over 2.4 m i l l i o n i s anticipated to reach 3.4 m i l l i o n by 2001, (Ellingham, MacLennan and Dick 1984,  and nearly 4 m i l l i o n by  2011  12).  3. There w i l l be a heavy d i s t r i b u t i o n of older persons i n urban areas (see Figure 8). In 1981,  78% of those over 65 l i v e d i n urban  centres (1000 or more population), and 40% of these l i v e i n centres of 500,000 or more population (Brink 1985,  2).  4. It i s expected that the r e l a t i v e l y high proportion of older  26  Figure 6 Percentages of Total Population Aged 65 and Over, Canada, and Selected Regions and Countries Pourcentages de la population totale agee de 65 ans et plus, Canada et certains pays et regions  0  2  4  6  8  10  12  14  16  18%  Canada  World  •  1980  5.8%  Monde  Developed  countries 1980  Pays  Developing Pays  !  developpes  countries  en voie de  de'veloppement  Australia  1980  4.0%  1979  9.4%  Australia  England and  11.1%  Wales 1980  A n g l e t e r r e et P a y s d e  France  1982  Sweden  •1980  Suede  United  15.1%  Galles  IT.  States  II.  ••  i .  ... »  ,.,  r..,„  .llii.iii  in  ' ••  •1980  Etats-Unis  U.S.S.R.  I-  1980  U.RS.S.  10.2%  12  Source:  Statistics and  United  C a n a d a . 1981  Census; United  Slates, Bureau  of the  Nations.  Census,  1980  Demograonic  Yearoook  1981;  Census  (from Canada, Department of Health and Welfare 1983, 13)  15  I 18%  27  Figure 7 Percentages of Total Population in Selected Age Groups, Canada, 1951 to 2021 Pourcentages de la population totale de certains groupes d'age, Canada, 1951 a 2021  (1) P r o j e c t i o n s . S h a d e d a r e a s r e o r e s e m (1)  Projections. Les parties omorees  r a n g e s of  represented  possible  S o u r c e : S t a t i s t i c s C a n a d a . C e n s u s e s of C a n a d a a n a Source: Statistiaue  percentages  les intervaiies Projections  de variation from  des oourcentages  Oemograony  possioies  Division  C a n a d a . S e c e n s e m e n t s a u C a n a d a et p r o i e c t i o n s d e 1a D i v i s i o n a e l a  aemograonie  (from Canada, Department of Health and Welfare 1983, 17)  Table I  Population i n Selected Age Groups, Canada, 1950 t o 1980 and P r o j e c t i o n s 1985 to 2025 ' (Population i n thousands)  Age Group  Year  All Ages  60 and Over  65 and Over  80 and Over  Estimates  1950 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980  13,712 15,698 17,870 19,644 21,297 22,697 23,936  1, 552 1,737 1,928 2,150 2,448 2,829 3,217  1,051 1,215 1,358 1,507 1,696 1,938 2,282  149 174 214 272 327 375 436  Projection 1  1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 2020 2025  25,971 27,751 29,353 30,723 32,001 33,306 34,618 35,829 36,823  3,654 4,051 4,352 4,583 4,974 5,634 6,385 7,253 8,027  2,551 2,931 3,225 3,432 3,581 3,887 4,443 5,074 5,786  498 595 709 790 904 968 994 1,016 1,137  Projection 4  25,196 26,346 27,259 27,938 28,470 28,920 29,270 29,463 29,462  Source:  S t a t i s t i c s Canada, 1973, Catalogue 91-512; 1979, Catalogue 91-518, Tbble 5r 1979, Catalogue 91-520, p r o j e c t ions 1 and 4; and 1980 estimates from the Demography D i v i s i o n .  3,622 3,999 4,278 4,482 4,838 5,445 6,115 6,888 7,570  2,529 2,894 3,171 3,361 3,489 3,767 4,279 4,844 5,479  496 590 700 777 886 945 967 982 1,094  1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 2020 2025  (from Canada, Public A f f a i r s Directorate 1982, 4)  29  Figure 8 Numbers and Percentages of Total Population Aged 65 and Over and Aged 80 and Over, for Selected Urban and Rural Areas, Canada, 1981 Nombres et pourcentages de la population totale agee de 65 ans et plus et de 80 ans et plus, pour certaines regions urbaines et rurales, Canada, 1981  Percentages ^  65 a n d  over  P o u r c e n t a g e s 65 a n s et  Percentages plus  Pourcentages  60 a n d  over  60 a n s et  plus  %  14  14  12.3% 12  —  —  12  —  10  —  2  9.9%  10 9.4%  I 1  m  i I 1 ® 2  1.9*  —  2  3  4  5  10  2.0%  11  2  2.0%  2.0*  4  5  3  7  EL  3  / Urban  Canada  Areas  Rural Canada  Regions  urbaines  _. . Regions  —  Canada Urban  size  Urbaines  1  rurales  Urban Regions  Rural Regions  urbaines  par g r o u p e s d e  Numbers  65 a n d o v e r  Numbers  80 a n d  Population totale  Nombres  65 a n s at p l u s  Nombres  80 a n s et  24,343.000  2.361.000  451,000  taille  Total  100.000-499.999  18.436.000  1,8»3.000  365.000  10.035.000  939.000  173.000 53.000  2.553.000  261,000  4  30.000-  99,999  1,997.000  210.000  40,000  5  10.000-  29,999  1.561.000  155.000  31,000  6  5.000-  9.999  794.000  37.000  19.000  7  2.500-  4,999  799.000  98.000  22.000  8  1,000-  2,499  692.000  94,000  22.000  Rural  non-farm,  Rurales 9 Total  agricoles  ,  10 N o n - l a r m 11 F a r m  /arm  non aghcoles,  —  —  Non agricoles  Agricoles  rurales  Total population  grouo3  2 500.000+ 3  Regions  5,907.000  518.000  85.000  4,867.000  462,000  78.000  1.040.000  56.000  7.000  (from Canada, Department of Health and Welfare 1983, 27)  over plus  30  Canadians l i v i n g i n the province of B r i t i s h Columbia w i l l be a continuing trend. In 1981, over 12% of older Canadians l i v e d i n B.C. (see Table I I ) . This figure i s expected to r i s e to a minimum of 17% by 2021, with absolute numbers of older persons reaching over 1 m i l l i o n (Shulman 1981, 30). In 1981, of a l l Canadian metropolitan centres, the City of V i c t o r i a had the highest proportion of older persons - over 15%, and the C i t y of Vancouver ranked second with 10.5%  (Gutman et a l . 1986,  26). Currently, Vancouver has 15.2% older persons, while 25.8% of V i c t o r i a i s over age 65 (Ibid., 28). However, the proportion of population over age 65 i n smaller communities  within the Greater  Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t has continued to exceed major c i t y and p r o v i n c i a l averages. In 1986 White Rock was 34.9% older persons and  New  Westminster was 18.1% older persons (see Table I I I ) . It i s a n i t i c i p a t e d that large numbers of r e t i r e d persons from other parts of Canada w i l l continue to migrate to B.C.,  increasing their proportions i n the major  urban areas of this province. (Ibid.,  2)  The above trends indicate that meeting the housing and s o c i a l needs of a growing population of older persons w i l l be a s i g n i f i c a n t public p o l i c y issue that w i l l a f f e c t a l l areas of Canadian l i f e i n the decades ahead.  3.2 Housing Characteristics Within B r i t i s h Columbia i n 1981, a t o t a l of over 115,000 households, or more than 11.5% of a l l households were headed by a person aged 65-74 (Ellingham, MacLennan and Dick 1984, 18). Well over 64,000 other household heads were over the age of 75 ( I b i d . ) . Thus over 18% of a l l households i n B r i t i s h Columbia i n 1981 were older  31  Table II  Total Population and Population Aged 65+: Canada and Provinces, 1981  Nfld. P.E.I. N.S. N.B. Quebec Ontario Manitoba Saskatchewan Alberta B.C. Canada  Source:  Total Pooulation  Population 65+  % of Population Aged 65+ i n Canada  % of Provincial Population Aaed 65+  567,681 122,506 847,442 696,403 6,438,403 8,625,107 1,026,241 968,313 2,237,724 2,744,467  43,780 14,890 92,560 70,550 569,370 868,195 121,830 116,170 163,385 298,175  1.9 .6 3.9 3.0 24.1 36.8 5.2 4.9 6.9 12.6  7.7 12.2 10.9 10.1 8.8 10.1 11.9 12.0 7.3 10.9  24,343,181  2,360,985  100.0  9.7  Statistics Canada. 1981 Census. Population. Age. Sex and Marital Status, Catalogue 92-901, Table 1, September, 1982.  (from Gutman et a l . 1986,  21)  32  Table III  T o t a l P o p u l a t i o n and P o p u l a t i o n Aged 65+: Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t , 1981  Communities/ E l e c t o r a l Areas*  T o t a l Population P o p u l a t i o n Aged 65+ Females Total Males  Belcarra Burnaby Coquitlam Delta Lions Bay New Westminster North Vancouver C i t y North Vancouver D i s t r i c t Port Coquitlam P o r t Moody Richmond Surrey Vancouver West Vancouver White Rock Electoral  Total  Areas:  DistribuPercentt i o n of age of Pop. 65+ P o p u l a t i o n i n GVRD 65+  425 136,500 61,085 74,775 1,075 38,555 34,270 66,635 27,530 14,920 96,155 147,325 415,555 35,730 13,550  25 16,555 4,330 4,500 35 6,960 4,315 4,605 1,385 595 7,110 12,205 63,305 5,570 4,725  15 6,750 1,855 1,980 20 2,630 '1,615 1,890 625 255 3,080 5,695 25,950 2,140 1,900  10 9,805 2,475 2,520 15 4,330 2,700 2,715 760 340 4,030 6,510 37,355 3,430 2,825  <0.1 12.1 3.2 3.3 <0.1 5.1 3.1 3.4 1.0 0.4 5.2 8.9 46.2 4.1 3.5  5.9 12.1 7.1 6.0 3.3 18.1 12.6 6.9 5.0 4.0 7.4 8.3 15.2 15.6 34.9  5,755  880  345  535  0.6  15.3  1,169,840  137,105  56,745  80,355  100.0  11.7  *See Appendix 1 f o r a l i s t i n g of census d i v i s i o n s and s u b d i v i s i o n s i n c l u d e d i n each GVRD community and e l e c t o r a l area.  Source:  S t a t i s t i c s Canada. 1981 Census. P o p u l a t i o n , Occupied P r i v a t e Dwellings. P r i v a t e Households, Census F a m i l i e s i n P r i v a t e Households - B r i t i s h Columbia, Catalogue 93-922 ( V o l . 2 - P r o v i n c i a l S e r i e s ) , Table 2, December, 1982.  (from Gutman et a l . 1986, 27)  33  (Gutman et aJU 1986,  45).  A 1979 C i t y of Vancouver Planning Department report on housing estimated that i n 1976 there were nearly 60,000 persons over age 65 i n the c i t y , composing approximately 22% of the households, and concentrated i n the West End (12%) (Planning Department, C i t y of Vancouver 1979, 21). Estimated population over the age of 65 for 1986 was approximately 65,200 and was expected to increase to 112,580 by  2001  (Ibid.). However, i n 1981, 11.5% or 146,000 residents were over age 65 i n the Vancouver metropolitan area (Boniface and Wilson 1986, 1). Currently, 85% of older Canadians l i v e i n accommodation provided by the private market (Ellingham, MacLennan and Dick 1984,  12). Two-thirds  of these own their own homes, with the proportion of ownership dropping with increasing age (Brink 1985, 3). The major type of dwelling consumed by older persons i s the single family home, accommodating approximately 60% of older Canadians; multiple unit projects under 5 storeys i n height housing 26%; high-rise apartments housing 12%; mobile homes accomodating 2% ( S t a t i s t i c s Canada 1984,  4). In 1981 i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 56.2% of  older households l i v e d i n single detached homes; 22.3% i n apartment buildings less than f i v e storeys; 10.9% i n apartments more than f i v e storeys (Gutman et a l . 1986,  48).  3.3 Inaccurate Assessment of Housing Needs and Preferences Although the proportion of older persons i s currently growing, there i s l i t t l e evidence i n present seniors' housing of an understanding of the varying c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , desires and needs of t h i s segment of society. Inaccurate assessment of needs and preferences on several levels contributes to t h i s s i t u a t i o n .  34  A. Misread Needs U n t i l recently, the physical and environmental needs of older Canadians have been largely ignored by academics and practioners. Aging research has emphasized  the medical, psychological and s o c i o l o g i c a l  aspects of aging to the neglect of basic issues such as housing. The dearth of information on the nature of housing s p e c i f i c a l l y designed and available f o r older persons has not yet improved s i g n i f i c a l l y , i n spite of the growing concern for meeting the housing requirements of increasing numbers of older persons. Stone and Fletcher (1980) f o r example, i n t h e i r overview of the issues confronting Canada's older c i t i z e n s , pointed out that: Current and h i s t o r i c a l s t a t i s t i c s on the a v a i l a b i l i t y , use and volume of need for for such housing f a c i l i t i e s by older persons are l a r g e l y non-existant. The s i t u a t i o n i s v i r t u a l l y that of an information wasteland. (99) Use of d e f i c i e n t and incomplete census data to extrapolate housing needs leads to a multitude of assumptions  (Mendritzki 1983). For  example, a Vancouver C i t y Planning Department report on needs for affordable housing cited figures which are "indicators of the probable dimensions of needs rather than absolute numbers" (1979, 1). Thus inaccurate assessment, knowledge and understanding of needs r e s u l t s (Stone and Fletcher 1980). As has been widely noted i n the gerontological l i t e r a t u r e , the fact that older persons r e f l e c t diverse c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i s not recognized i n either p u b l i c p o l i c y and programmes or i n wider society. The tendency to assume that older persons comprise a homogeneous group with uniform preferences and needs translates into a limited range of housing a l t e r n a t i v e s made available to older people. (Cluff 1981; Pastalan 1981)  This becomes very apparent when the type and range of housing  35  choices of older persons i n other Western countries (Goldenberg  1981;  Hoglund 1985) are compared with the range of options a v a i l a b l e i n Canada (see  Appendices A, B). The H.I.N.T.S. report (Housing i n North Toronto f o r Seniors 1981)  was i n i t i a t e d due to a lack of basic information about the housing of older persons i n North Toronto. Housing expertise and knowledge exists mainly i n the area of large-scale housing b u i l t by government or nonp r o f i t organizations for low income older persons (senior c i t i z e n apartments, lodges, nursing homes). This i s because of the a c c e s s i b i l i t y of information regarding such projects, and of the residents as research subjects (Pastalan 1981). A limited amount i s known about how older persons can remain independent i n the community with appropriate housing design and adequate support services (Meyers 1981; Age Concern  1984).  The numbers of older persons facing housing decisions i n the future i n Canada w i l l reach over 1 m i l l i o n i n the next 30 years (Ellingham, MacLennan, and Dick 1984,  12). Many of the current and future retirees  do and w i l l continue to l i v e i n their pre-retirement housing, or they w i l l relocate to non-senior market accomodation.  (Mendritzki 1983)  While  existing housing w i l l meet much of this demand, new construction i s also necessary. However, a s u f f i c i e n t quantity of housing units for older households w i l l not necessarily meet needs (expressed or unexpressed). As noted by Cates (1986) the stress by government agencies on quantitative aspects of housing (number of units, size) defers recognition of q u a l i t a t i v e components which s a t i s f y housing needs. While recent s t a t i s t i c a l information (Gutman et a l . 1986; Canada Health and Welfare 1983) w i l l greatly a s s i s t i n development of general understanding of housing needs of older Canadians, need from the  36  subjective viewpoint must also be included.  B. Needs and Preferences Not Reflected i n Current Choices To view the currently a v a i l a b l e housing choices (see Appendix B) as those which are preferred or which meet the housing needs of older persons i s erroneous i n several ways. 1. The majority of older persons over age 65 would prefer to l i v e i n single-detached homes which they own Canada 1986;  (Mendritzki 1983; Government of  H.I.N.T.S. 1984). This i s i n d i c a t i v e of the s o c i e t a l i d e a l ,  a continuation of previous tenureship, and r e f l e c t s a preference to remain independent and s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t . For many older persons,  this  preference to remain i n their homes plus the limited available a l t e r n a t i v e housing choices means that they remain i n unsuitable housing which i s too large, too expensive to maintain or repair (O'Byrant  1983;  Pastalan 1983; Novak 1985). I f , at a time of health or f i n a n c i a l c r i s i s older persons must move, i t i s often to undesireable accomodation that neither suits their needs nor their preferences. 2. While there may be a range of housing options providing choices i n a wide geographical area, there i s a lack of housing choice for older persons i n their l o c a l communities (Whiting and Woodwark, 1985; Mendritzki, 1983). This i s a problem commonly expressed i n the Vancouver area seniors' community, and v e r i f i e d by studies i n Alberta (Whiting and Woodwark 1985; Mendritzki 1983). Such studies have i d e n t i f i e d several housing preferences including ownership, personal safety and building security, convenient and f a m i l i a r location, moderate operating and maintenance costs, and smaller, well-designed homes with special features that f a c i l i t a t e independent l i v i n g (Whiting, 1986). S i m i l a r i l y ,  37  Brink (1985) names f i v e related housing "needs": affordable shelter, l o c a t i o n a l requirements, support services, health care services and special designs. These vary i n importance to older persons according to their age, sex, health status and a v a i l a b l e f i n a n c i a l resources. Therefore, a wide variety of housing choices i n every community i s required to meet such a range of needs and personal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . 3. If the demand f o r available housing i s taken as i n d i c a t i v e of need and preference, a misleading view of the housing s i t u a t i o n f o r older Canadians r e s u l t s . Many older persons are not a c t i v e l y pursuing better housing, making do with their present accomodation.  This latent  demand added to the d e f i n i t i o n of "need" as defined by "market demand" leads to an inaccurate assessment of the housing needs of older Canadians  (Rose 1981).  4. Assessing need using the waiting l i s t s of low r e n t a l units i s also erroneous. Bonniface and Wilson (1985) suggest that only 30-50% of those on waiting l i s t s are i n need of housing due to the duplication of names on various l i s t s , f a i l u r e to delete names once housing has been found, and inaccurate record keeping. Further, such l i s t s do not name a l l those needing housing (Rose 1981). This chapter has b r i e f l y outlined the demographic trends which indicate s i g n i f i c a n t increases i n need and demand f o r seniors' or retirement housing. The current pattern of housing f o r older Canadians i s expected to continue, p a r t i c u l a r i l y i f new housing options are not developed. Current l i v i n g arrangements and waiting l i s t s are misleading as indicators of housing demand and need. Reliance on these exacerbates the problems of planning and developing adequate, preferable accomodation  suitable and  f o r current and future older generations.  38  CHAPTER FOUR THE MACRO-CONTEXT - SOCIAL, POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC ASPECTS Housing for older persons cannot be understood separately from the general context i n which i t i s based. How housing i s developed, the types produced, the numbers of units, including their location, design and a v a i l a b i l i t y i s determined by s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic structure and conditions. Understanding of t h i s wider context also illuminates the values and attitudes toward aging which underlie the housing s i t u a t i o n of older Canadians, suggesting probable causes of unmet needs and gaps i n the range of seniors' or retirement housing choices.  4.1 Social Bias • While ageism, prejudice and stereotyping of older persons are declining, these negative attitudes are s t i l l important i n how older persons are viewed by society and how they view themselves. (Kuhn 1976; Canada 1985; Action Age 1983; Levin and Levin 1980) Much of what Comfort (1976) wrote ten years ago s t i l l holds true: older persons comprise an "underprivileged minority" "made a r b i t r a r i l y r o l e l e s s " (Comfort 1976, 17) through "ejection from a c i t i z e n s h i p t r a d i t i o n a l l y based on work" (Ibid., 16). Older persons suffer from the loss of former roles and the imposition of a demeaning idleness and nonuse i n terms of the roles and values which give the l i v e s of younger people meaning. (Williamson, Shindul and Evans 1985) Old age i s seen as a "problem" (Phillipson 1982, 166) and older persons are " s o c i e t a l problems" (Bergum 1981, 228). Thus the l a t e r years are "characterised by labeling, segregation, and ever-increasing constraints on i n d i v i d u a l  39  options, autonomy and power" (Williamson, Evans and Powell 1982,  230).  Comfort terms o l d age the "second non-civic childhood" i n which persons become dependent, detached and i n need of assistance from others who know more or know best (Ibid., 243). Also, older persons are often described as a non-productive burden upon the economy ( P h i l l i p s o n  1982,  166). Terms such as "the e l d e r l y " , "the aged" and "senior c i t i z e n " connote a large, faceless group of similar persons with similar •declining a b i l i t i e s , needs and preferences. Decisions regarding both the larger and f i n e r issues and d e t a i l s are made by professionals and bureaucracies who  "give" them support services or develop, supply, or  manage housing. (Carp 1976; Gelwicks 1977; Canada 1983a) This type of dependent relationship means that: "(Those) who  supply shelter are also  the ones who decide how much shelter there should be, where i t should be, and how i t should function i n the l i v e s of e s s e n t i a l l y passive users" (Fichter, Turner and Grenell 1972, 246). Grenell was speaking of India i n the early seventies when he wrote: "People become i n v i s i b l e i n the housing process to the extent that officialdom either does not see them at a l l or sees them only i n terms of quantities of sterotyped human beings." (1972, 96) Currently t h i s statement could be made regarding older North Americans and other minority groups as they seek adequate housing. Social housing b u i l t i n the 1960's and 70's for such "statutory non-persons"  (Comfort 1976, 31), also r e f l e c t s this s o c i a l bias:  very  l i t t l e of the same type of housing i s a l l that i s required or economically f e a s i b l e . Thus, high r i s e s containing hundreds of bachelor suites for older singles, and a few one-bedroom suites for couples were b u i l t i n Canadian c i t i e s . A Canadian architect i n 1980 exclaimed that there i s a disproportionate number of these, when i n 1973 the Canadian  40  Council on S o c i a l Development strongly recommended one-bedroom suites (Murray 1980, bachelor  167).  In 1968,  suites, yet i t was  the Province of Ontario stopped building not u n t i l 1985  that the B r i t i s h Columbia  government followed s u i t . "The difference i s simply a matter of s i z e about 37 square feet" ( I b i d . ) . However, within the s o c i a l context, additional costs can be seen to be d e c i s i v e . While bachelor no longer be b u i l t , these and their inherent s o c i a l and  the  suites w i l l  psychological  problems have become part of the legacy of seniors' housing i n Canada. The r e l a t i o n s h i p of such psycho-social issues to the environment concerns much of the work of environment and aging  researchers.  The recession of the 1980's has also meant economy i n other areas of s o c i a l housing. For those l i v i n g i n B.C.  s o c i a l housing, the amount  of income paid on rent (Rent Geared to Income-R.G.I.) has increased from 25% to 30%. Also, a s s i s t i n g only those " t r u l y i n need" w i l l l i k e l y mean that since more moderate income persons do not meet the more stringent c r i t e r i a for s o c i a l housing residency, large numbers of poor older persons w i l l l i v e together  i n segregation, becoming the norm for  government-assisted seniors' housing. The general  s o c i e t a l value of o l d age and the status of older  persons i s also r e f l e c t e d i n the location of seniors' housing complexes. Both s o c i a l housing or the private market have b u i l t accomodation for older persons on cheap, a v a i l a b l e land (Gutman 1980)  rather than i n  locations which have the q u a l i t y of l i f e and independence a p r i o r i t y also r e f l e c t s the general s o c i e t a l value of o l d age and the status of older persons. Older persons who  are i n income groups above the l i m i t s set for  s o c i a l housing q u a l i f i c a t i o n also f i n d inadequate units, designs,  and  41  locations. There are few alternatives beyond regular market housing for older persons who desire to move from t h e i r long-time homes, but who  do  not yet need the care provided i n sheltered or Long Term Care Housing. Also, very few of the available options meet housing needs or preferences i n the areas where older persons wish to age. Thus many seniors are unwilling to leave t h e i r present accomodation. Another facet of this i n c l i n a t i o n towards "aging i n place" i s the strong attachment many older persons f e e l toward their homes. (O'Byrant 1982; Canada, N.A.C.A. 1986) According to Lawton, this desire has a s i g n i f i c a n t relationship with "the t o t a l i t y of personal causal i n i t i a t i v e represented by the home" (1983, 17). The "home" embodies many years of choices, decision-making, displaying preferences and control. Hence the reluctance to leave "the f r u i t s of such instrumentality" (Ibid.) i s enhanced. Homeownership i s also not an indicator of housing adequacy, a f f o r d a b i l i t y and s u i t a b i l i t y . In the C i t y of Vancouver, more than half of those over age 65 own their own homes. However, many of these are overhoused: as "empty-nesters" they consume family-type housing as singles or couples. Also, housing costs (maintenance, repairs, taxes) may be so high that older homeowners face a f f o r d a b i l i t y problems and safety hazards (Canada, Public A f f a i r s 1982). S i m i l a r i l y , aging i n place i n the suburbs may mean distance from both basic and specialized services which are required when c a p a b i l i t i e s begin to decline. Developers have recently begun to look upon the older homeowner as a new housing market. Housing s p e c i f i c a l l y designed and marketed to "over 50's" i s available throughout the suburbs of the Vancouver area. Thus while s o c i a l housing as i t exists currently supports Comfort's  42  opinion that older persons "are seen as o l d f i r s t , and p r o v i s i o n a l l y as a person second" (1976, 31), those older persons with assets are seen mainly as a p o t e n t i a l market. (Mendritzki 1983; Evans 1985)  Resultant  Williamson,  Shindul  and  s o c i a l and market housing may meet their needs  and preferences. However, i t i s l i k e l y that choice increases and one's needs are more c l o s e l y met Grenell  the wealthier one i s . (Fichter, Turner and  1972)  Viewing the context of housing of older persons within society's macro-structure  reveals the l i k e l y premise for the s o c i a l bias toward  older persons. Housing p o l i c y and programmes are developed under a political-economic system that i s p r i m a r i l y concerned with insuring that the various aspects of capitalism and i t s supportive systems continue. (Myles 1981;  Williamson,  Shindul and Evans 1985)  Also, the above  account of ageist attitudes, p o l i c i e s and outcomes emerge from an underlying p o l i t i c a l and economic premise of older persons as a controlled social group (Williamson, Evans and Powell 1982).  4.2  Political-Economic Context of Housing While Canadian senior c i t i z e n and general housing p o l i c y and  programmes have been shaped by constitutionally-based f e d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , housing p o l i c y has for the most part been used as an economic s t a b i l i z a t i o n tool within a Keynesian framework. This i s evident i n the f l u c t u a t i o n of federal housing programmes as l i s t e d i n Appendix C (see also Hulchanski  1984,  9). During periods of economic  growth for example, housing programmes expanded i n number and i n funding. The 1982 Canadian Home Ownership Stimulation Program (CHOSP) i l l u s t r a t e s an attempt to i n f l a t e the economy during a slump period  43  through a subsidy to encourage house construction and employment. The Assisted Rental Program (ARP), Multiple Unit Residential Building Program (MURB), and Canada Rental Supply Plan (CRSP) sought to increase the rental housing stock. The r e s u l t s , however, were highly  subsidized  and c o s t l y (ultimate costs are yet unknown) private market housing that i s unaffordable to those most i n need of housing, and which would have been b u i l t without the subsidies  (Ibid., 53). Thus, as Olsen (1982)  states, housing need i s i n part not met due to the premises, e f f e c t s and demands of the free market system. In essence, the free market mechanism provides the analysis and the response context to which housing and other issues are subjected. Housing p o l i c y has also been part of f i s c a l and monetary p o l i c y . This can be seen i n the evolution of federal housing programmes (see Appendix C). The stated housing p o l i c y goals of the B r i t i s h  Columbia  Ministry of Lands, Parks and Housing i n 1984 are further evidence of t h i s point: a) maintain a stable investment climate for encouraging the housing industry to develop housing; b) a s s i s t those with special needs for housing who cannot meet them i n the market; c) encourage deregulation  of the housing industry and reduce  public service l e v e l s ; d) support more e f f e c t i v e use of existing housing; e) encourage federal government housing p o l i c i e s which support long-term private sector investments i n housing (1984, 29). Social housing p o l i c y as r e f l e c t e d i n the development of s o c i a l housing progammes (see Appendix C) i s a function of the wider context.  44  Social housing programmes are only weakly related to the a v a i l a b i l i t y or the a f f o r d a b i l i t y of housing for low-income older persons, and are more related to maintenance of the bureaucratic system than meeting housing needs. (Grenell 1972)  The analysis of the s i t u a t i o n of housing for  low-income B r i t i s h Columbians by the B.C. Housing C o a l i t i o n i s documentation of t h i s . Numerous submissions to the recent p r o v i n c i a l government Commission of Inquiry on S o c i a l Housing (May 31,1986) s i m i l a r i l y described the state of housing i n B.C. ( B r i t i s h Columbia, Ministry of Lands, Parks and Housing 1986). Social housing i s provided only for those who meet c r i t e r i a of "core-need" (Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation-C.M.H.C.), "greatest i n need" or "most i n need" ( B r i t i s h Columbia Housing Management Corporation-B.C.H.M.C.). However, as noted e a r l i e r , the entry l e v e l to any of these types of "need" (R.G.I.) i s becoming increasingly higher. Recent r e c a p i t u l a t i o n of B.C. s o c i a l housing p o l i c y , and revamping of programmes and e l i g i b i l i t y during a period of growing need, also indicates the r e c e p t i v i t y of s o c i a l p o l i c y to the demands and constraints of the market system. Constraints of both supply and demand-side housing programmes i n h i b i t wide use by e l i g i b l e persons: lengthy and involved processes i n obtaining assistance; lack of information regarding the programmes; inaccessible o f f i c e s where information and assistance i s a v a i l a b l e . P r o v i n c i a l income assistance-programmes for older persons such as Shelter Aid for E l d e r l y Renters (S.A.F.E.R.) and Guaranteed Available Income for Need (G.A.I.N.) are good examples. Also, meagre funding and complex formulas of such assistance are i n sharp contrast to the generous allowances of federal income tax and i n t e r e s t payment  45  deductions for homeowners and for investors. Subsidies, the primary form of s o c i a l housing assistance for older persons from federal and p r o v i n c i a l governments, enhance the p r o f i t a b i l i t y of construction, maintenance, and r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , while i n general they do l i t t l e to get at fundamental housing problems. (Hulchanski  1984)  The federal government Residential Rehabilitation  Assistance Program - R.R.A.P. Which provides funds for upgrading homes or making them disable-accessible i s one exception. However, the  funding  for subsidized housing as well as for successful programmes such as R.R.A.P. Aid only a portion of needy households (Rose 1981). High p r o f i t s of land and high interest rates have affected the numbers of seniors' housing units b u i l t . Also l i m i t s set by  general  economic prosperity to a v a i l a b l e funds for a l l s o c i a l housing has resulted i n various low-income or special needs groups making gains at the expense of others. This i s the current s i t u a t i o n i n B.C., the reasons behind the formation  i n 1985  of the B.C.  and one of  Housing C o a l i t i o n .  Another possible reason housing demand i s not met  i s that  landlords, mortgage lenders and other members of the private housing industry do not desire fully-met housing needs and demands. Housing for dependent groups i n the population can be economically  stimulating. The  well-being of the contruction and building supply industries r e l y on an economy i n which the number and consumption of dependent poor i s maintained (Fichter, Turner and Grenell 1972,  244). Also c o n t r o l l i n g the  number of units available for rent or ownership serves their i n t e r e s t s (Ibid., 121; Olson 1982,  175).  Quality of housing and q u a l i t y of environment ( s i t e , designs and construction) are another area subject to the mandates of the  46  marketplace. Many seniors' housing complexes i n both urban and r u r a l areas are located on cheap available land (Gutman 1980) rather than i n locations that have the q u a l i t y of l i f e and independence of the older person as a p r i o r i t i e s . Increased p r i v a t i z a t i o n of s o c i a l housing, (which appears to be the d i r e c t i o n of the current B.C. government),  has not resulted i n  improvements i n housing q u a l i t y i n the U.S.A.. It has simply increased costs of the units b u i l t with public monies v i a the introduction of new costs i n the form of further p r o f i t s (Olson 1982, 178). Turner's (1972) analysis of American housing i n the early seventies has significance here. I t lends support to this political-economic analysis of housing from another perspective. According to Turner, suitable and adequate housing w i l l only result i f housing ceases to be seen only "as a noun", or as a material and physical product that has "value" assigned by the economic production system, and subjected to fluctuations i n that context. Turner also notes that the r e s u l t s of nonp a r t i c i p a t i o n of users i n "production" of the product housing: "... supralocal agencies which plan for and provide for people's housing needs, with the r e s u l t that the people so planned for and provided f o r turn into consumers or passive b e n e f i c i a r i e s " (1972, 154). Also, Turner believes that housing p o l i c y and programmes which are devolved from c e n t r a l i z e d decision-making has limited p o s s i b i l i t i e s for meeting r e a l needs. Part of the housing problems of older persons are due also to the gap between r e a l housing needs and needs as perceived by professionals, i n addition to the mismatch between both types of needs and the a v a i l a b l e s o c i a l and private-market housing. A similar interpretation of the housing situation of older persons i n B.C. underlies the thesis  47  argument for defining housing needs according to the perceptions of older persons. This can best be done through the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of older people i n planning seniors' housing. Thus housing programmes have been used as economic s t a b i l i z a t i o n tools and employment creation tools, rather than as planned i n i t i a t i v e s to meet the housing needs of Canadians. As was written of the U.S.A., "the r e a l housing game i s between the commercial and p o l i t i c a l powers that dominate instead of serve the people for whom they obstensibly e x i s t " (Turner 1972,  4.3  172).  Structural Analysis The s t r u c t u r a l causes of unmet needs of older persons are explored  i n the work of Williamson,  Evans and Powell (1982), Olson (1982) and  Levin and Levin (1982). Such " s t r u c t u r a l analyses" examine the relationship of older persons with wider economic and i d e o l o g i c a l forces and reveal the ageism which underlies current housing r e a l i t i e s . According  to Olson (1982), economic, p o l i t i c a l and  social  perspectives which are known as "conservative" and " l i b e r a l " (1982) accept the underlying premises and relationships of the current system under capitalism. Those gerontologists, planners and others who work within the conservative frame of reference seek to a s s i s t older persons i n preparation f o r , adjustment to, and acceptance of what old age brings. (Marshall and Tindale 1978; Levin and Levin 1980)  Williamson,  Evans and Powell  1982;  Under the l i b e r a l perspective, older persons are  seen to have rights to their f a i r share of s o c i e t a l resources and  are  victims of the modern i n d u s t r i a l system which forced them into dependency by rendering their s k i l l s obsolete, demanding retirement,  and  48  lessening family t i e s . The current problems of old age, including inadequate or unaffordable housing, are a r e s u l t of imperfections market system. (Hulchanski  1984)  i n the  As P h i l l i p s o n notes " i t has usually  been assumed that the types of problems associated with old age  can  e a s i l y be resolved within the framework of a c a p i t a l i s t society" (1982, 2). Another aspect i s the vested i n t e r e s t gerontologists and professionals have i n the deprived  other  s o c i a l group "the e l d e r l y " .  "Amelioration of the elderly's d i f f i c u l t i e s i s possible, i t would seem, as long as t h e i r dependency as a group i s not seriously dissipated" (Williamson,  Evans and Powell 1982,  241). Levin and Levin (1980) and  Olson (1982) also note the tendency of e x i s t i n g service systems for older persons to benefit mainly the service providers, while providing limited support to those older persons being  served.  Under a more " r a d i c a l " or " s t r u c t u r a l " perspective, the values  and  ideals of individualism and the free market system permeate the study of aging, and current s o c i a l attitudes toward old age and aging. These values are likewise inherent i n housing development, p o l i c y and programmes. That older persons are disproportionately represented  in  low-income or poverty groups has resulted from the general bias of our p o l i t i c a l economic system toward the free market system, and i n s t i t u t i o n of retirement. Evans and Powell  (Olson 1982;  P h i l l i p s o n 1982;  the  Williamson,  1982)  Olson (1982) argues that housing inadequacies amongst older persons are due mainly to income and minority status, rather than to age  itself.  I n s u f f i c i e n t incomes lead to poverty as a d i r e c t r e s u l t of the unequal d i s t r i b u t i o n of power and income. Midwinter (1985) concurs and argues  49  that the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of retirement has resulted i n p o l i t i c a l and economic a l i e n a t i o n of older persons. He states that older persons are not resourced and thus are excluded. Succinctly put by de Beauvoir (1977, 604): "Society cares about the individual only i n so f a r as he i s profitable". In P h i l l i p s o n ' s (1982) discussion of the relationship of retirement to economic and s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , class and gender are important factors i n determining life-chances. They epitomize the numerous forms of inequality within capitalism such that "growing o l d i s constructed through a range of p o l i c i e s imposed upon the older population" (1976, 167). Williamson, Evans and Powell also see retirement as a "subtle form of segregation and s o c i a l control" (1982, 228) which regulates the labour market. De Beauvoir's (1977) analysis of the state of aging and older persons refers to the impact of capitalism which brought the s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l changes that no longer allowed integration of older persons into the community through the combination of their productive work and their homelife. Retirement was the "consequence of a deliberate s o c i a l choice" (de Beauvoir 1977, 261), that "means losing one's place i n society, one's d i g n i t y and almost ones r e a l i t y "  (Ibid.,  299). Olson and P h i l l i p s o n may not agree with the use of the term " r a d i c a l " by Marshall and Tindale (1978) because they do not e x p l i c i t l y advocate widesweeping change to the political-economic system. However, i n the view of Marshall and Tindale (1978), changes to the t h e o r e t i c a l perspective of o l d age and aging i s paramount. In advancing an argument for "a r a d i c a l gerontology," they state that gerontology, based on  50  viewing the individual's adaptation to society, rather than the context and i n t e r a c t i o n of older persons within the system, "seldom considers the necessity for serious change i n that system i t s e l f " ( Marshall and Tindale 1978, 165).  In the work of Williamson, Evans and Powell t h i s  sentiment i s stated more strongly:  "Deviants should change, not  existing economic and s o c i a l arrangements" (1982, 242). A cursory review of gerontological journals reveals the dominance of studies on b i o l o g i c a l and psychological changes i n old age ( l i f e s a t i s f a c t i o n , morale, attitudes, values). This emphasis "deflects attention away from structural properties a f f e c t i n g the l i v e s of the aging"  (Ibid., 166), or the r o l e played by the economic and p o l i t i c a l  environment ( P h i l l i p s o n 1982; Levin and Levin 1980). Thus, paraphrasing the s o c i o l o g i s t C. W. M i l l s , public issues are reduced to private troubles (Marshall and Tindale 1978, 166). The system remains i n t a c t and the i n d i v i d u a l i s expected to make adjustments i n an attempt to accept i t s consequences. Levin and Levin summarize the current prevalent  social  attitude: That we do not attack the roots of the problem involves the tendency to believe i n the p a r t i c u l a r v a r i e t y of order and s t a b i l i t y that forms our e x i s t i n g s o c i a l structures and i n s t i t u t i o n s . (1980, 60) The broader philosophical perspective taken by Bergum (1985) integrates the above s t r u c t u r a l analysis, and provides another l e v e l of influencing factors beyond the macro-level forces examined above. Bergum's thesis i s that the type of housing b u i l t for older persons ( i t s form and meaning) i s derived from and r e f l e c t s how "man", old age and death are conceived. One of the conceptual  "models of man" defined by  Bergum, the Post-Historic humanism of the early twentieth century i n the Western world, has p a r t i c u l a r s i g n i f i c a n c e for current seniors' housing  51  realities. The dominant philosophy of t h i s h i s t o r i c a l period, as viewed by Bergum, conceived of "man"  as f i n i t e , a product of time and chance, with  "truth" evolving and not absolute. Old age was undesireable, and death was hidden from view. Older persons were considered s o c i a l problems.  The  poor were subsidized by the state through income and shelter programmes. The resultant housing forms were hygenic and medically organized, r e f l e c t i n g the dominance of medicine and science. Housing was also a e s t h e t i c a l l y p l a s t i c and abstract (using new materials), mass produced (similar units - equality), and were impersonal, e f f i c i e n t and without ornamentation or personal f u r n i t u r e (no h i s t o r i c a l reference). Many of these elements are very v i s i b l e i n current seniors' housing. Vestiges of t h i s conceptualization are also s t i l l evident i n attitudes and i n how the design and construction of retirement housing i s approached. Bergum' suggests that because conceptual models correlate with c e r t a i n housing forms, any present or future seniors' housing w i l l be based on currently-held models. This i s because the meaning of o l d age and aging are continuously evolving through the interaction of older persons with others at various l e v e l s , and with the s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s of which they are p a r t i c i p a n t s or non-participants. While Bergum's view may not be widely held, the understanding that follows from the focus of h i s discussion on the broader context i s of significance to the thesis argument. A paucity of appropriate housing alternatives, inadequate or unaffordable housing, or poorly designed and managed housing, a l l result from how o l d age i s viewed, and the status of older persons within the society and i t s systems. An understanding of both the micro-level of the  52  older i n d i v i d u a l s adaptation and the larger macro-level forces which 1  produce the environment  of aging are necessary for an adequate s o c i a l  gerontology (Myles 1981, 19) and likewise for this inquiry. While there must be an awareness that m u l t i - l e v e l forces for the most part shape the housing options and choices a v a i l a b l e to older persons, consultation with older persons at the more micro-levels of the environments  can  begin to widen their housing a l t e r n a t i v e s . A continuation of the existing system, l e v e l of understanding and knowledge w i l l not meet the increasing housing needs as our population ages, and may r e s u l t i n severe housing and service c r i s e s . If analysts and writers such as Bergum (1981) and Olson (1982) are correct i n their conceptions and understanding, the current worldview toward old age i n North American society must change. When the releationships of older persons with society on s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic levels have been altered, housing forms, services and the systems which create or provide them w i l l change.  53  CHAPTER FIVE PARTICIPATION  5.1 Development of P a r t i c i p a t i o n Rising out of the 1960's trend toward increased public p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n community a f f a i r s , p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n housing planning and design was an offshoot of community and urban planning. I t has had two main components i n i t s development: a reform movement and mechanism for s o c i a l change, and a design methodology. As a reform movement, p a r t i c i p a t i o n began over twenty years ago with the r e j e c t i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l planning and a r c h i t e c t u r a l practices. A favorable p o l i t i c a l and economic climate supported advocacy for the r i g h t s of poor inner c i t y residents and the development of c i t i z e n participation. During the p o l i t i c a l unrest of the s i x t i e s , what came to be known as advocacy planning and p a r t i c i p a t o r y planning, grew out of c r i t i c i s m of the "knowledge" of professionals and their competence i n solving urban problems using technical models. (Comerio 1984) Application of s c i e n t i f i c methods with neutral, objective c r i t e r i a to a wide array of e x i s t i n g and emerging s o c i a l problems was not seen as possible; value judgements were necessary. Thus the p h y s i c a l bias of planning and i t s models and processes came under f i r e . Pluralism i n the form of d i f f e r e n t groups interacting to produce a l t e r n a t i v e plans for an area's development surfaced as an attempt to externalize and democratise decision-making. While advocacy became "the expression of an enlightened professional conscience, ... p a r t i c i p a t i o n became the methodology essential to the democratic process" (Comerio 1984, 232).  54  Including more people i n the various decision-making  l e v e l s , or  making environments more responsive to users have been the main concerns of the movement termed "community design". Both advocacy planning and p a r t i c i p a t o r y planning are sub-movements within community design. The essence of t h i s movement i s two aspects of empowerment: p o l i t i c a l and enablement (Ibid, 238). F i r s t l y , a l l c i t i z e n s have the right to a voice i n decisions which a f f e c t their basic l i v e s . Professionals likewise have a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to create environments which are useable, understandable and which allow for f u l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n by a l l c i t i z e n s . Community design i s " c l i e n t - , process- and v a l u e - s p e c i f i c , yet remarkably nonspecific i n terms of the tasks i t w i l l take on" (Comerio 1984,  238). While the planners who were community designers were concerned  with  the p o l i t i c s of planning processes (advocacy planners), architects sought a more democratic design process (Harms 1972). Research and knowledge from person-environment studies and the analysis of human behavior assisted this search. Other community designers, including p a r t i c i p a t o r y planners focused on more subjective concepts and methods of design p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Concurrently, e t h i c a l questions were asked by other community designers: who  should p a r t i c i p a t e , who chooses the  process and when does the process become manipulative or exclusive (Comerio 1984,  234).  However, as Comerio recounts, simply providing the poor with technical assistance and power d i d not lead to j u s t i c e and power. Participatory planning also d i d not make the design and planning process more understandable nor did i t give more control to users. The r o l e and knowledge of professionals were not demystified. Instead, a new  55  expertise was created: s p e c i a l - i n t e r e s t p o l i t i c s . The goals of empowerment and democratic consensus also d i d not evolve. "A messier process of cooperation and negotiation i n an adversarial setting has resulted" (Comerio 1984,  239-240). The evaluation of p u b l i c meetings and  hearings by The Institue for Participatory Planning (1978) supports  this  conclusion. These f a i l u r e s i n addition to the more conservative p o l i t i c a l climate of the seventies were important  i n forcing e a r l y idealism based  on s o c i a l j u s t i c e and empowerment to become pragmatic and thus product orientated. As a r e s u l t , community design has become concerned with activism and development of l o c a l s o c i a l services within a larger goal of creating s e l f - r e l i a n t communities ( I b i d . ) . Comerio i s correct i n summarizing the essential importance of the surfacing of contradictions i n the development of the p a r t i c i p a t i o n movement. P a r t i c i p a t i o n as a process has yet to evolve to the point where i t achieves more than marginal success. Middle-class groups tend to represent community i n t e r e s t s , and thus development of p o l i t i c a l and economic power within the community has been limited. However, the volume of plans and environments r e s u l t i n g from community design practices has been large. Also, and perhaps more importantly, "building people" resulted (Comerio 1984,  240). Though d i f f i c u l t to measure and  quantify, development of leadership capacity, self-esteem, s k i l l s i n p a r t i c i p a t i o n and problem-solving have been s i g n i f i c a n t results of p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The values of j u s t i c e , empowerment and motivation also remain as guiding p r i n c i p l e s for community-based planners  and  a r c h i t e c t s . This thesis attempts to integrate both the successes  and  lessons of advocacy and p a r t i c i p a t o r y planning and contribute to the  56  evolution of community-based p a r t i c i p a t i o n and development.  5.2 Types of P a r t i c i p a t i o n The previous outline of the p r i n c i p l e s and development of community design provides background f o r a review of the various types of p a r t i c i p a t i o n related to housing found i n the l i t e r a t u r e . Participants in the planning and design process include : experts, users or consumers, and project financiers (the paying c l i e n t ) . Most often the actual users do not p a r t i c i p a t e . If users or consumers are involved, they generally are represented by persons appointed by the experts or financiers. Becker  (1977, 11) i n discussing environmental p a r t i c i p a t i o n ,  distinguishes between users and consumers. User input d i f f e r s from consumer input i n the point at which the p a r t i c i p a t i o n takes place, the type of input i t i s , and i t s consequences. The value of user input i s "process" while consumer p a r t i c i p a t i o n r e s u l t s i n information or "product". Because consumer input occurs before s p e c i f i c users are i d e n t i f i e d , general information about values and preferences amongst groups of i n d i v i d u a l s can be obtained f o r planning purposes. This i s not to lessen the importance of the more s p e c i f i c user p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n design, construction and throughout the l i f e c y c l e of housing. Becker (1977) views user and consumer p a r t i c i p a t i o n as complemetary and necessary. Wandersman (1979), Arnstein (1969), and Van Dyk (1978) outline and evaluate several types of p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The types of user p a r t i c i p a t i o n based on l e v e l of input are defined by Wandersman (1979, 191) as: a) f u l l user control and f u l l decision-making powers;  57  b) choosing among a l t e r n a t i v e plans or designs; c) reactive, feedback, advice or consultative r o l e ; d) non-participatory r o l e . Arnstein's (1969) ladder of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n (see Figure 9) has eight types of particpation within three general l e v e l s , ranging from "non-participation" through three degrees of "tokenism," to three types of " c i t i z e n power".  Citizen control Degrees of citizen power  Delegated power Partnership Plication  Degrees of tokenism  Consultation Informing Therapy —  Manipulation  Nonparticipation  Figure 9. C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n Ladder (From Conn 1976, 79)  In contrast to the typologies of Wandersman and Arnstein, Van Dyk (1978). uses a model of p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n h i s discussion of cooperative housing which i s based on two forms: creative or reactive, with various l e v e l s of input from professionals and others such as the users. According  to Axworthy (1973), true p a r t i c i p a t i o n only occurs when f i n a l  decision-making powers l i e i n the hands of the people rather than with professionals and administrators. Van Dyk disagrees and outlines four main forms of p a r t i c i p a t i o n within a quadrant model based on variations between reactive and creative p a r t i c i p a t i o n , and on who makes the  58  decisions: Quadrant 1 i s t y p i c a l of most p a r t i c i p a t o r y planning.  It i s  reactive with f i n a l decisions make by professionals, generally r e s u l t i n g i n d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n and confrontation,  such as i s common  i n public meetings c a l l e d by zoning variance boards. Quadrant 2 i s also reactive but allows participants f i n a l decisionmaking powers, while professionals have a major r o l e i n what i s proposed for discussion. Quandrant 3 has minimal professional input with development of ideas and proposals and decision-making by participants, with professionals v e r i f y i n g or implementing the decisions, often r e s u l t i n g i n d i s s a t i f i e d professionals. Quadrant 4 allows participants to develop proposals under the guidence of professionals i n formulating  f i n a l solutions.  Van Dyk's (1978) discussion of p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n developing centres on two of these:  cooperatives  Quadrant 2 (allowing "reactive p a r t i c i p a t o r y  democracy") and Quadrant 4 (allowing "creative professional administration"). These approximate Arnstein's of " c i t i z e n power":  sixth and seventh l e v e l s  "partnership" and "delegated power". As d i s t i n c t  from "consultation" and "involvement", p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the decisionmaking process or d i r e c t influence on the behavior of decision-makers i s necessary for true p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Agreeing with Van Dyk, the thesis research  sought a viable method that would be derived from and lend  support to t h i s d e f i n i t i o n of p a r t i c i p a t i o n .  59  5.3 Effects of P a r t i c i p a t i o n P a r t i c i p a t i o n i s a complex phenonmenon discussed by Wandersman (1979a, b) i n terms of "value" and "technique". The "value" or rewards of p a r t i c i p a t i o n was shown by Wandersman's (1979a) research  studies.  "Value" i s also the prevalent outcome of the housing cooperative development process and l i f e s t y l e . Van Dyk suggests that because of the creation of a broader sense of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and greater s a t i s f a c t i o n through p a r t i c i p a t i o n , "the process i s as important as the product" (1978, 14). The v a l i d i t y of p a r t i c i p a t i o n as a technique i n providing  better  environments than those planned without p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s d i f f i c u l t to support empirically. The p o s i t i v e effects of p a r t i c i p a t i o n have a commonly accepted rather than s c i e n t i f i c basis. Wandersman states  that  p a r t i c i p a t i o n can a f f e c t : 1) s a t i s f a c t i o n with the environment; 2) attitudes about the planning process; 3) attitudes  towards experts;  4) feelings about oneself and one's r o l e i n the process; 5) changed behavior such as more use of the affected environment. (1979, 475) Van Dyk (1978, 11) categorizes the variety of broad and s p e c i f i c advantages and benefits  of p a r t i c i p a t i o n as:  a) the gap i n values between professionals  and lay-persons  closes; b) needs of a s p e c i f i c group of users rather than the f i c t i t i o u s "average person" are better met; c) there i s more s a t i s f a c t i o n with the r e s u l t i n g plan or design,  60  and a more open, t r u s t i n g relationship with and attitude toward professionals; d) personal growth and development r e s u l t s from gaining control over an important aspect of l i f e , enhancing feelings of s e l f worth, competence and personal f u l f i l l m e n t ; e) democracy i s strengthened through understanding of s o c i a l structures and processes, and also through the check of autocratic professionalism. There are also increased feelings of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and control over the environment, and less a l i e n a t i o n . Several studies have found p o s i t i v e effects of p a r t i c i p a t i o n , but as Wandersman notes, "the d i f f e r e n t e f f e c t s noted above are l i k e l y to be interdependent rather than independent" (1979b» 476) and linked nonl i n e a r i l y . Who evaluates the effects of user p a r t i c i p a t i o n influences whose goals and needs are met. Another issue r a r e l y researched i s the longer-term growth or d i s i p a t i o n of the effects of p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Despite the proven advantages and p o s i t i v e outcomes of various levels of p a r t i c i p a t i o n , older persons generally have not been involved i n decision-making or planning processes. A review of planning practices i n the next section reveals a paucity of examples, and the lack of recognition by planners and other professionals of the legitimacy of the r o l e of older persons i n the process of planning housing.  5.4 Planning Practices Opportunities f o r the involvement of older persons i n the housing development process as users or consumers has been l i m i t e d . This i s summarized by the phrase "housing (done) f o r " rather than "housing  61  developed with" older persons. This i s v i s u a l l y and b o l d l y expressed by the ommission of the consumer, older persons, i n the t r i a d of actors involved i n creating housing (see below) which was  the underlying  conception of a mid-seventies conference on theory development i n environment and  aging.  Researchertheorist  Figure 10. Model of Actors i n The Housing Process (From Windley, Byerts and Ernst 1974,  287)  Such thinking and approach d e f i n i t e l y r e f l e c t s an "outsiders view of the inside" of environments and housing (Windley, Byerts and Ernst 287). S i m i l a r i l y , a recent volume summarizing the present  1974,  state of the  environment and aging f i e l d was dedicated "to the enhancement and creation of appropriate and high-quality environments for older persons" (Lawton, Altman and Wohlwill 1984). However, there was  no mention of any  contribution which older persons might make toward this goal. As i s true for representation of the interests of older persons i n general (Williamson, Evans and Powell 1982), planning of housing and other environments used by older persons i s s t i l l l a r g e l y confined to professionals, financiers and administrators. This regime of presumably know more about older persons' housing needs and  'experts' preferences  than older persons themselves (Ibid., 243). Cooperative housing does  62  however, provide a continuing but l i m i t e d example of member p a r t i c i p a t i o n which includes older persons, i n pre- and post-occupancyplanning . Past and current planning practices i n B r i t i s h Columbia and other areas of North America have r a r e l y included the subjective point of view of older persons i n the planning of housing. Exceptions can be seen i n : a) p e r i o d i c surveys of tenants of s o c i a l housing or cooperatives by government or other agencies  (Saskatchewan Housing  Corporation, 1984); b) needs assessment surveys by non-profit groups as stipulated i n grant applications (B.C. M i n i s t r y of Lands, Parks and Housing); c) community meetings and p u b l i c hearings as part of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n l o c a l issues, delegations to c i t y and municipal Councils, and referendums (Vancouver C i t y Planning Commission 1986) ; d) advisory councils which provide input into planning of housing p o l i c y , programmes and by-laws (Cohn 1979); e) questionnaires used by developers and others to determine what aspects of housing ( l o c a t i o n a l , amenities, design features) are most important  to older persons (Whiting and Woodward 1985);  f) post-occupancy studies c a r r i e d out as part of a r c h i t e c t u r a l services, independent or academic researchers (Carp 1976; Gutman 1978,  1980).  However, surveys and questionnaires used by governments or researchers for information gathering are problematic for they may  not  tap true feelings (Butler and Oldman 1980). Surveys and t h e i r findings  63  may also be inaccurate due to the general methodological l i m i t a t i o n s of such methods. For example, respondents may not f i n d appropriate answers amongst the available choices on closed format questionnaires, and  may  choose approximate answers that misdirect the findings. However, the lack of opportunity for reaction from respondents i s the greatest l i m i t a t i o n of surveys and questionnaires. They are u n i d i r e c t i o n a l methods of l i t t l e p a r t i c i p a t o r y value as defined for the purposes of the thesis. These techniques "provide the c i t i z e n with no stimulation or opportunity to develop a consciousness about his place i n society and a strategy to express h i s values i n community action" (Audain 1972,  80).  Local government events and programmes such as those noted above which are set up to expand c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n planning and decision-making by government, primarily serve administrative purposes. The C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n Handbook (1977) states that many of these techniques have not worked w e l l . It can be argued that i n spite of input, the process whereby the problems of older persons are f e l t , heard and acted upon by government are not a l t e r e d . (Williamson, Evans and Powell 1982,  241)  This may be caused, as Rosener (1981) suggests, by  the government's view that p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s "an end i n i t s e l f " . Also, o f f i c i a l s define and maintain control over the p a r t i c i p a t i o n process and thus i t s outcomes. Therefore p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Canada has been seen "as an opportunity for the public to inform and consult, but not to advise and consent" (Burton 1979, 18). For example, without decision-making power, older persons on advisory councils are not able to effect change or their aspirations. They remain at the lower rungs of the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n ladder as described by Arnstein (1969), or at Wandersman s 1  (1979) or Van Dyk's (1978) reactive l e v e l of input.  64  Other reactive methods, public meetings and hearings, are the most common p a r t i c i p a t o r y techniques. They usually seek to "generate information" (Burton 1979,  17). Because there i s only a small r o l e for  consultation or input from c i t i z e n s , such public events have tended to function as demonstrations of polar opinions on issues. The public turnout simply measures the amount that people care about the issue rather than accomplishing other p a r t i c i p a t o r y goals. Public hearings have also had far too numerous expectations to succeed as p a r t i c i p a t o r y techniques. People are intimitated by the physical set-up:  o f f i c i a l s are up on a stage, microphones are i n  conspicuous places, the pace i s hurried, and pressure r e s u l t s . Thus confrontation and c o n f l i c t usually r e s u l t . (Institute for Participatory Planning) S i m i l a r i l y , lobby groups have varying success i n promoting  support  for p o l i c i e s and programmes favourable to the seniors' community (Canada 1985a), and i n intervening to reverse p o l i t i c a l decisions such as the de-indexing of government pensions. The lack of effectiveness Davidoff wrote of i n the s i x t i e s appears to be s t i l l with us: The d i f f i c u l t y with current c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n programes i s that c i t i z e n s are more often reacting to agency programs than proposing t h e i r concepts of appropriate goals and future action ... Such p a r t i c i p a t i o n should be the norm i n an enlightened society. (1965, 334) Thus there are several issues and d i f f i c u l t i e s of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n which need to be overcome for the potential of p a r t i c i p a t i o n to be reached. Francis (1978, 377) outlines a " c r i t i c a l framework" consisting of questions which i d e n t i f y and test approaches by various levels of non-professionals and professionals i n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The elements of the six questions consists of:  65  A) Genesis of Approach - How  the process i s i n i t i a t e d and by whom  can determine the success of the planning and design process. A workshop that i s imposed on p a r t i c i p a n t s by a professional i n an attempt to prepare a plan quickly or obtain fast approval w i l l be far less successful than a process that allows both the professionals and  the  c i t i z e n s to develop j o i n t l y a plan or design. B) P a r t i c i p a t i o n and Roles - The r o l e of the professional versus non-professional c i t i z e n s d i f f e r as do their power and status i n the decision-making.  Also, while professionals receive compensation,  c i t i z e n s "volunteer" their time and energy. C) The Participatory Process and Techniques used also determine the success of the p a r t i c i p a t o r y exercise. D) Human development i s one of the main results of p a r t i c i p a t o r y processes. Increased awareness and understanding  of professional  perspectives lessens l a y - c i t i z e n intimidation, while new  s k i l l s are  developed as well. E) Environmental change may  or may  not be appropriate. Post-  occupancy evaluation or assessing the match between the ideas of p a r t i c i p a n t s with the resultant design or plan i s as rare as evaluation of the l e v e l of a p a r t i c i p a t o r y approach. F) Social and P o l i t i c a l Implications - The degree to which s o c i a l or p o l i t i c a l change i s a r e s u l t of a p a r t i c i p a t o r y process i s another key question. While increased environmental awareness i s a l i k e l y outcome of p a r t i c i p a t o r y design, e l i c i t i n g i n d i v i d u a l and s o c i a l change, and on-going involvement of p a r t i c i p a n t s i n urban design or development projects after professionals withdraw, are greater challenges for professionals.  66  These elements i n Francis's c r i t i c a l framework were used i n developing the approach and objectives of the thesis case studies. They w i l l also be found i n the analysis of the findings and outcomes of the p a r t i c i p a t o r y events. To summarize t h i s chapter thus f a r , the techniques of p a r t i c i p a t i o n and their possible outcomes have provided the background for development of the thesis research. Beginning with a review of the o r i g i n s and development of p a r t i c i p a t i o n as a reform movement and design methodology, t h i s discussion has noted the general lack of involvement of older persons i n planning and decision-making, and the reactive form which p a r t i c i p a t i o n usually takes. Likewise, the p o t e n t i a l advantages and p o s i t i v e outcomes of p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n housing w i l l be i l l u s t r a t e d i n the next section through the presentation of several p a r t i c i p a t o r y planning examples involving older persons i n housing planning and design processes.  5.5 Examples of P a r t i c i p a t i o n While user p a r t i c i p a t i o n has been an essential component i n the development of cooperative housing, there are scattered examples of the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of older persons i n planning and housing issues. The following are included as clear i l l u s t r a t i o n s of housing-related i n i t i a t i v e s at national and l o c a l levels which include the perspective of older persons at varying degrees. Using Van Dyk's model of four quadrants  (see Figure 11 below) which was explained e a r l i e r (Section  5.1), each of these w i l l be assessed a l e v e l of p a r t i c i p a t i o n as noted i n the brackets ending each example.  67  REACTIVE  1  2  Professional Administration  Participatory Democracy  4  3  CREATIVE  Figure 11- Quadrant Model for P a r t i c i p a t i o n (From Van Dyk  1978,  7)  Some of the following i l l u s t r a t i o n s c l e a r l y f i t one Quadrant; others l i e i n the range of p a r t i c i p a t i o n between two Quadrants. 1) Examples of government consultation with older persons about programmes i n other countries include p a r t i c i p a t i o n by older Dutch persons i n decisions about housing programme a l l o c a t i o n s . They are also represented  on housing advisory bodies, and are integrated into  decision-making committees regarding housing services and  facilities  ( O r i e l 1982). In Norway, old people's associations negotiate with the government regarding funding for housing, and the types of programmes and services. E f f o r t s to enlarge community roles for older persons i n West Germany include p o l i c y formation with older persons rather than f o r them. (Quadrant 4) 2) As an example of Wanderman's (1979) second l e v e l of  68  p a r t i c i p a t i o n , (chosing among alternative plans), a mid-seventies San Francisco redevelopment  project (Hartman, Horovitz and Herman 1976)  was  based on p a r t i c i p a t i o n of tenants (single, low-income older persons) i n a user needs survey. This survey consisted of small group discussions centered on slides of various alternative design issues and features, which i l l i c i t e d views, comments and choices of potential users. The study resulted i n a set of guidelines for the designer of four redevelopment  s i t e s . The technique and process used i n t h i s study also  emphasizes the importance of going to the environment  of the p o t e n t i a l  participants and f i t t i n g into their l i f e s t y l e s when seeking consultation or other types of p a r t i c i p a t i o n . (Quadrant  1)  3) The Canadian federal government through Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation (C.M.H.C.) sponsored tenant p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n two Manitoba public housing projects i n 1974 and 1975 as a response to the public p a r t i c i p a t i o n trend (C.M.H.C, 1979). The purpose was to improve housing environments  and to provide s o c i a l benefits. These included  s o c i a l cohesion amongst participants, education about the housing development process, pride and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . Design benefits included a better environment  and more sensitive design f i t t i n g the needs of  participants and others with similar needs. High q u a l i t y information also resulted which corrected misconceptions about public housing, and provided guidelines generated from user p r i o r i t i e s for the a l l o c a t i o n of limited housing d o l l a r s for maximum benefit. Consumer p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n seniors' housing can p o t e n t i a l l y y i e l d similar r e s u l t s . (Quadrant  1-2)  4) Apartment blocks b u i l t by the Greater Winnipeg Senior Citizens Non-Profit Housing Corporation i n the early 1970's received design input and review by a group of seniors. Although there was only token  69  involvement by older persons, their contribution increased the s u i t a b i l i t y of the amenities  (Gold 1985). (Quadrant 1)  5) Also i n Winnipeg, i n the l a t e seventies, the Astra Non-Profit Corporation b u i l t high q u a l i t y housing for moderate income seniors. (Gold 1985)  The planning, larger design concepts,  size, s t y l e ,  amenities  and l o c a t i o n received input from older persons who became residents of the resultant housing.  (Quadrant 1)  6) In Toronto, Ontario, the Beech H a l l Cooperative was  i n i t i a t e d by  senior tenants when the municipal government decided to tear down their apartment b u i l d i n g  (Goldblatt 1981). The residents organized to  protest, then were linked with a resource group who a s s i s t e d them i n formation of a CM.H.C.-funded seniors housing cooperative. (Quadrant 1-2) 7) The Stanley Knowles Cooperative was  i n i t i a t e d by the Canadian  Council of Retirees i n the late 70's to provide modest income seniors i n Toronto with a housing a l t e r n a t i v e . (Pinsky 1983)  Prospective  cooperative members had input into the larger and f i n e r design elements of the high-rise project through a twelve member design committee. The r o l e of the nine older persons was generally advisory, but decisions were reached by consensus i n consultation with the two professional staff members. The additional costs for t h i s user p a r t i c i p a t i o n exercise was an estimated 100-200 a r c h i t e c t u r a l hours and 50-100 consultant hours for a t o t a l cost of $5000.00 to $10,000.00. Compared with the c a p i t a l cost, this was a r e l a t i v e l y small increase i n t o t a l costs. (Quadrant 4) 8) The CBC t e l e v i s i o n programme "The Best Years" i n November reported on a senior-developed  1986  retirement community located i n central  Red Deer Alberta. The project of small homes was i n i t i a t e d , designed  and  70  funded by members of a non-profit housing society with minimal assistance from professionasl and the p r o v i n c i a l and l o c a l governments. (Quadrant 4) 9) Other Canadian examples of the contribution of older persons i n general housing design issues include research and publications. Building Better, i s a book by older persons which describes  design  features compatible with their housing needs (Crawford 1980,  123).  (Quadrant 4) The National Advisory Council on Aging (N.A.C.A.) has acted upon i t s p r i n c i p l e s i n recognizing that older persons want a voice i n housing decisions through i t s recent a c t i v i t i e s on a m u l t i - d i s c i p l i n a r y task force with C.M.H.C. and the Canadian Housing Design Council. The  task  force exposed and debunked generalizations about seniors' housing needs, building upon the N.A.C.A. acknowledgement that older people prefer to l i v e autonomously i n the community and most preferably i n their homes. The r e s u l t , a book e n t i t l e d Housing an Aging  own  Population:  Development and Design Guidelines (forthcoming) i s a planning and  design  resource. Using a d e t a i l e d c h e c k l i s t of design features, i t informs older persons and others how  to i d e n t i f y their housing needs, adapt or  rennovate e x i s t i n g accomodation, or design appropriate new w i l l accomodate to changing a b i l i t i e s . (Quadrant  housing that  3-4)  The comprehensive H.I.N.T.S. Report (Housing i n North Toronto for Seniors, 1981)  was  undertaken by an organization whose membership i s  largely older persons. It i l l u s t r a t e s the possible outcomes of c o l l a b o r a t i v e projects. The report focused on the housing of l o c a l older persons, and the interviews were conducted by senior volunteers. (Quadrant 3)  71  10) The rennovation i n 1984 of a seven-unit h i s t o r i c a l Vancouver row-house by an architect-consultant and six others, including one older person, i l l u s t r a t e s creative, f u l l user control i n decision-making. While the i n t e r i o r of each 1800 square foot 3 bedroom unit was designed with each owner, retention of the o r i g i n a l character resulted i n a Heritage Award. Not only has this private development resulted i n high q u a l i t y housing and high user s a t i s f a c t i o n , but t o t a l costs ($30 per sq.ft.) were considerably lower than those of government funded housing ($50 per sq.ft.) or other developments ($40 s q . f t . ) . Thus there i s unrealized p o t e n t i a l for private developments which include older users in planning and design to meet their f i n a n c i a l c r i t e r i a as well as their housing needs and preferences. (Quadrant  2)  11) The general public, analysts, academics, government o f f i c i a l s and housing professionals are beginning to learn more about housing from the perspective of older persons i n the Vancouver area. The City's Special Council Committee on Seniors has appointed senior who  spokepersons  study and report to C i t y Council on many issues involving older  persons. (Quadrant  1)  The Liaison Committee of the Gerontology Association of B r i t i s h Columbia uses the p r i n c i p l e s of the World Assembly on Aging i n promoting the viewpoint of older persons. This focus on the perspective of older persons was a central component of the l i v e - t e l e v i s e d February 1986 Housing Forum (Case Study One), the follow-up televised November 1986 Retirement Housing workshop (Case Study Two), and at the November 1986 New Westminster  Seniors' Housing Symposium. (Quadrant 2 -3)  The type of p a r t i c i p a t i o n by older persons who were involved i n the above examples varied throughout the range and scope of Van Dyk's (1978)  72  model. A l l quadrants were i l l u s t r a t e d including:  consultative or  reactive input with professionals determining the ideas, process and decisions (Quadrant 1); some control over what i s proposed, the process and decision-making with professionals (Quadrant 2); greater control and input into ideas, proposals and decisions than professionals (Quadrant 3); f u l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n with professionals i n a l l aspects of the process and decision-making (Quadrant 4). The events which are the thesis case studies were noted under example ten as i l l u s t r a t i o n s of the range of p a r t i c i p a t i o n between Quadrants 2 and 4. As discussed e a r l i e r , these quadrants allow participants to be involved to a lesser (reactive p a r t i c i p a t o r y democracy) and greater degree (creative professional administration). Van Dyk (1978) states that these two quadrants provide a s a t i s f a c t o r y mix of p a r t i c i p a t i o n and decision-making for  cooperative  housing development. As indicated by the above examples, there are many possible forms of consumer or user p a r t i c i p a t i o n useful i n developing housing for older persons. However, few examples including those above, exist where older persons have sole contol over a l l aspects of a housing process. Most processes include only professionals, with l i t t l e reactive consultation from users or consumers. Therefore,  awareness, understanding and  acceptance of collaborative planning by professionals i s a necessary f i r s t step before the potential of consumer p a r t i c i p a t i o n can be realized.  73  5.6 Rationale for P a r t i c i p a t i o n Many researchers have noted the lack of p a r t i c i p a t i o n by older persons i n issues that a f f e c t them (Crawford 1981; Welfare 1983; 1976; 1982  Canada Health and  Canada N.A.C.A. 1985a, b), and i n housing concerns (Carp  Lawton 1980; Crawford 1981;  Schiff 1981). In preparation for the  World Congress on aging, a Canada-wide discussion amongst older  persons and their spokespersons generated the Canadian Non-governmental Organizational Report on Aging. The report included a recommendation s p e c i f i c to housing: "Whenever possible, the aging should be involved i n housing p o l i c i e s and programmes for the e l d e r l y population"  (Canada  Health and Welfare 1983b, 86). Also, at the 1983 Second Canadian Conference on Aging, the wide involvement of older persons i n decision-making was a major assertion i n the presentations and workshops. Proposals  to promote t h i s resolution  included: That governments, as appropriate, and the private housing industry should engage i n a planning exercise that goes beyond the provision of basic shelter and undertakes to i d e n t i f y the d i f f e r e n t elements that are required to help e l d e r l y people maintain a maximum l e v e l of independence. (Canada, Health and Welfare 1983c, 5) P a r t i c i p a t i o n by older persons i n housing issues was likewise endorsed by the 1984 Saskatchewan Task Force on Senior C i t i z e n Housing. S p e c i f i c a l l y , i t recommends that "seniors become more a c t i v e l y involved i n the planning and management of accomodation for senior c i t i z e n s , as they are most aware of the needs of the e l d e r l y " (Saskatchewan Task Force 1984, 21). I t further proposed consultation and decision-making roles for older persons through the appointment "of at least one senior c i t i z e n to each Local Housing Authority", and representation on the Board of Directors of the Saskatchewan Housing Corporation ( I b i d . ) .  74  The H.I.N.T.S. organization has stated as a p r i o r i t y the greater involvement of seniors i n i d e n t i f y i n g issues and ensuring the appropriateness of action taken (Housing i n North Toronto f o r Seniors 1981). Another p r i o r i t y i s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of s p e c i f i c needs of older persons by advocacy  groups.  Blackey and Wood r e i t e r a t e views found i n the Conference on Aging Report when they state that instead of housing p o l i c i e s and programmes that "meet needs as we think they should be met, what we should be t r y i n g to meet are the needs of the e l d e r l y as they perceive them" (1980, 103). "The most d i r e c t way to assess needs and p r i o r i t i e s i s to ask questions d i r e c t l y of the persons to be served" (Morgan 1979,  55). A  similar conclusion was expressed by an a r c h i t e c t : "We need to know the ultimate c l i e n t - the older persons and the sponsoring or funding authority, hopefully i n that order" (Murray 1980,  171). However, the  involvement of older persons i n the p a r t i c i p a t i o n process must be a "partnership" i f the status (actual or perceived) of older persons i s to change (Canada N.A.C.A. 1982, 4). How  f a r has p a r t i c i p a t i o n as s o c i a l reform and technique advanced?  The words written by Harms i n 1972 unfortunately have relevance today, p a r t i c u l a r i l y i n regards to the seniors' community: The community-professional relationship i s t y p i c a l l y p a t e r n a l i s t i c , with the community i n the intermediary position, a p o s i t i o n of "love i t or leave i t , " whatever the "service" i s , and the professional i n the superior position, able to withdraw at h i s whim. (1972, 192) The more recent arguments noted above for i n c l u s i o n of older persons i n housing policy and programmes and decision-making, echo the sentiments, concepts and arguments made by advocates i n the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n and community design movement twenty years ago. As  75  previously stated, the lack of effectiveness i n c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n appears to be due i n part to the reactive nature of p a r t i c i p a t o r y techniques. I t i s also l i k e l y that planners and others have not done a l l that was possible to make input by older persons as e f f e c t i v e as possible i n the techniques used. Professionals appear to not have accepted the legitmacy of older persons i n consultative nor higher l e v e l s of p a r t i c i p a t i o n as outlined by Van Dyk. However, the essence of t h i s problem i s l i k e l y the constraints derived from the r e a l i t i e s of our political-economic system. Nevertheless, as evidenced by the diverse examples of p a r t i c i p a t i o n presented e a r l i e r , there are ways i n which p a r t i c i p a t i o n of older persons i n housing issues can be enhanced. Addressing the r o l e of the professional i n p a r t i c i p a t o r y processes i s useful to t h i s endeavor.  5.7 Re-professionalization While collaborative planning may appear to pose a threat to the r o l e of planners and other professionals, i t e s s e n t i a l l y c a l l s for more f l e x i b l e use of t h e i r professional s k i l l s i n graphics,  communication,  and i n their a b i l i t y to create or generate a l t e r n a t i v e s . Collaboration necessitates an expanded and more creative r o l e for professionals whose s k i l l s f a c i l i t a t e the comprehension, i n t e r e s t and learning of p a r t i c i p a n t s so that there i s more understanding and greater participant competence. As Harms (1972) stated:  "the new work relationships require  the development of a new self-conception on the part of the professional" (192). In the usual p o l i c y and housing development processes, the values of the expert can play a decisive r o l e . The philosophy or the purpose of  76  the plan or design held by planners, designers and paying c l i e n t s most often determines what i s of significance i n determining the goals of an environment: monetary, esthetic, i n d i v i d u a l expression, user s e l f concept, user behavior. Including older persons i n the planning process asks the professionals to be more accountable and responsible, without projecting their own  i n t e r e s t s and values onto the "users". Schiff states  "projection i s not s u f f i c i e n t , since our expectations...may be quite d i f f e r e n t " (1981, 172). The C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n Handbook ( I n s t i t u t e for P a r t i c i p a t o r y Planning  1978)  suggests that professional  r e s p o n s i b i l i t y consists i n part of knowledge of the perspective of those ultimately affected by a project so that both planning and respond to their values. One  design  of the f i f t y basic c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n  p r i n c i p l e s l i s t e d i n the handbook states that i t i s not possible for professionals to know another's values without knowing, i n t e r a c t i n g with, and learning d i r e c t l y from that i n d i v i d u a l or group of individuals (1977, III-8). Another of the p r i n c i p l e s restates the commonsense observation that professionals do not have a monopoly on good ideas for problem-solving:  "These planners then refuse to recognize  the  tremendous p o t e n t i a l value of ideas that are suggested to them by lay people...free  for the taking i f they took the trouble to look for these  ideas and to pick them up."  (Ibid., III-9). Grenell (1972) and  Sadler  (1979) also note the underestimation by professionals of the great resource  ( s k i l l s , talents) of c i t i z e n s .  Interaction between professionals and lay persons enhances the p o s s i b i l i t y of reaching consensus on key issues, and value-based solutions that meet the needs of those involved and others similar to  77  the p a r t i c i p a n t s . With better communication between "producers" and "consumers", there i s greater l i k e l i h o o d of better envionments r e s u l t i n g . Thus consumer or user p a r t i c i p a t i o n legitimizes the planner's r o l e to one beyond that of advocacy planning. P a r t i c i p a t i o n allows the values, standards and judgments of consumers or users to be integrated i n t o the planning process. Francis (1978) argues for the "de-professionalization" of p a r t i c i p a t o r y processes, to make them more open and i n c l u s i v e of the s k i l l s and ideas of both lay and professional persons. However, Midwinter  (1985) cautions against the development of a new v a r i a t i o n of  professionalism. In Midwinter's "re-professionalization" of professionals (1985, 28), they are "the servant" of the consumer, entering i n t o dialogue with them, and leading them " a c t i v e l y and constructively into the f r a t e r n a l world of popular democracy" (Ibid.). This new professional would perform the r o l e of "convenor or steward of the a c t i v i t i e s of elderly people, rather than the purveyor of services to them" (Ibid., 31). That planning involving older persons must be ongoing and continuous i s summarized by: "What i s appropriate for those who are seniors today may not be appropriate for seniors 20 years from now.  Seniors themselves w i l l be d i f f e r e n t and so w i l l the social context  i n which they l i v e " (Schiff 1981,  173).  Thus through e f f o r t s to e f f e c t greater democratic planning, c o l l a b o r a t i v e planning with older persons i n housing development can be a venue for the evolution of s o c i a l change. Increasing the legitimate status and roles of older persons are thereby encouraged. This aim alone can be argued as v a l i d , given the discussion and conclusions concerning the s o c i a l bias and other constraints of the political-economic context.  78  5.8 Research Premises for Case Studies  In that the methodology of the thesis centres on the users or consumers, i t i s concerned with "community design". Like "community design", i t recognizes the inadequacy of professional technical knowledge and processes i n resolving s o c i e t a l problems. Also, professionalism, due to i t s domination by r a t i o n a l i t y from technical and s c i e n t i f i c theory, cannot deal with the complexities and uncertainties of the p o l i t i c a l , economic and s o c i a l context. Thus the thesis research i s based on ideas such as those argued by R i t t e l and Webber (1974): a process of d i r e c t involvement and dialogue among a l l concerned. This view holds that there i s no ultimate expertise and there i s i n f i n i t e knowledge. R i t t e l ' s "symmetry of ignorance" argues that knowledge varies i n extent and content amongst i n d i v i d u a l s , but "we are equals i n what we do not know" (Ouye and Protzen 1975 as quoted by Comerio 1984,  231).  Professionalism loses i t s dominance because a l l involved have knowledge that has equal value i n the planning process. The result i s a more democratic planning process with j u s t i c e , fairness, and a r t i c u l a t i o n of the i n t e r e s t s of a l l involved. These goals are components of "creativeprofessional administration" - Quadrant 2, and "reactive-participatory democracy" - Quadrant 4 i n Van Dyk's (1978) model of p a r t i c i p a t i o n (see Figure 11 discussed e a r l e r ) . By bringing together on an equal footing professionals and older persons, the thesis case studies attempt  to bridge the gap between two  types of knowledge and roles i n housing: producer and consumer. They also attempt  to show for both groups involved i n the process the value  79  of voicing opinions, l i s t e n i n g and learning. The thesis hopes to i n i t i a t e change i n who the participants are i n decision making about senior's housing, and their power r e l a t i o n s . It i s also based i n the b e l i e f that a l l c i t i z e n s have a r i g h t to not only t o be represented i n decision-making, but also to p a r t i c i p a t e i n decision-making. A further assumption i s that new housing environments w i l l benefit from consumer representation i n planning exercises such as the case studies. Housing i s an issue which i s not s p e c i f i c to a single l o c a l seniors' community. Also, i f retirement  housing i s to become a more  suitable or s a t i s f a c t o r y product whose components are decided upon by non-users i n a distant detached context and process, users or consumers such as older persons must be included i n as many aspects as possible of the housing planning and development process. The thesis recognizes  the problems of early advocacy planning i n  i d e n t i f y i n g needs and representative  sub-groups. Both Comerio (1984) and  Peattie (1968) asked how adequately the p a r t i c i p a t i n g sub-groups represented the wider diverse group. Not a l l users w i l l desire to be p a r t i c i p a n t s . Secondly, the type or l e v e l of p a r t i c i p a t i o n w i l l vary as w i l l the e f f e c t s of p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Wandersman (1979a) found that whether or not the design or plan was important to the users, the fact that they had opinions or knowledge about i t influenced p a r t i c i p a t i o n . He l i s t e d several variables on which individuals d i f f e r e d : environmental preferences,  personality ,  demographic variables, effectiveness factors  and person-situation variables (1979b, 473-373). It i s expected that participants i n the case study events w i l l s i m i l a r i l y vary i n their response to the planning process. Non-participation  i s a common feature of the l i f e s t y l e of many  80  people, including older persons (Sadler 1979,  10). There are also  d i s p a r i t i e s i n s k i l l s and resources needed for p a r t i c i p a t i o n . While i t i s not r e a l i s t i c nor possible to draw a l l older persons into the planning process,  i t was hoped that these two case studies would "build  a broader base of representation over time for those previously unrepresented" (Peattie 1968,  83).  The d i v e r s i t y i n the i n t e r e s t s , needs and preferences  of older  persons i s the same as that noted by Peattie (1968) i n discussing Herbert Gans's urban v i l l a g e r s . However, while heterogeneity  may  cause  serious problems for an advocacy approach which attempts to reconcile differences amongst diverse i n d i v i d u a l s , the thesis uses d i v e r s i t y as a given and as a departure point i n advocating  the need for much greater  involvement i n housing planning and development by diverse consumers. Because of their heterogeneity,  older persons need a wider range of  options from which to choose appropriate housing. Thus the case studies attempt to go beyond advocacy planning. They become r a d i c a l i n the sense a r t i c u l a t e d by Midwinter (1985) and Marshall and Tindale (1978), yet remain r e p e t i t i v e of the goals and objectives of the community designers of the s i x t i e s and  seventies.  81  PART I I : THE CASE STUDIES This section of the thesis describes and assesses two events which are examples of collaborative planning of housing for older persons: Retirement Housing Forum, and Retirement Housing Alternatives Workshop. Evaluation by objectives and discussion of findings preceed the outcomes of each event (Chapter Seven) and the o v e r a l l analysis (Chapter Eight). Both case studies, the Retirement Housing Forum and i t s follow-up, the Retirement Housing Alternatives i n t e r a c t i v e t e l e v i s i o n programme, were conceptualized and coordinated by the thesis author with the assistance of the Liaison Committee of the Gerontology Association of B r i t i s h Columbia (G.A.B.C), and the f i n a n c i a l support of G.A.B.C.  82  CHAPTER SIX THE  6.1  CASE STUDY EVENTS  Rationale The issue areas explored i n Part I of the thesis have i d e n t i f i e d  the need for collaborative planning of housing for older persons. Against t h i s background the method chosen to explore t h i s theme was prescribed by the thesis research  question and  objectives.  The main thesis objective i s to explore and evaluate a method of p a r t i c i p a t i o n which: a)  obtains knowledge about housing r e a l i t i e s , needs and  preferences from the perspective b)  of older persons;  e l i c i t s a process that creates knowledge and understanding  between both groups, with the ultimate goal of developing more viable, suitable and preferable housing alternatives which allow older persons to l i v e independently i n their communities for as long as possible; c)  seeks change i n attitudes toward the r o l e and  status of older  persons i n planning and other areas. Thus the goals of the case studies were primarily concerned with "process" rather than tasks, or s p e c i f i c quantifiable outcomes. The main objective of both case studies - creating dialogue between older persons and others such as those involved i n the planning, designing,  financing  and managing of housing for older persons - dictated a public event to involve as many people as possible. The rationale for use of t e l e v i s i o n i n the case studies i s based on several factors. Watching t e l e v i s i o n i s consistently shown to be a major a c t i v i t y of  83  older persons. In general, the amount of viewing increases from age t h i r t y , d e c l i n i n g after age seventy (Davis and Davis 1985, 81). Therefore i t i s possible to reach large numbers of older persons with information through televsion. Without excessive additional planning or inconvenience, the use of t e l e v i s i o n meant that the size of the passible audience of the case study events was v a s t l y increased. Thus the p o t e n t i a l impact was much greater and more widely dispersed than the use of more standard methods. Not only was t e l e v i s i o n able to increase the numbers of participants, i t allowed both events to be i n t e r a c t i v e . T e l e v i s i o n viewers were able to use their telephones to c a l l - i n to the l i v e t e l e v i s i o n programmes and i n t e r a c t with the participants at the events. Many older persons are not "joiners" and would not go to public events, although the available information and p a r t i c i p a t i o n might be of benefit to them. Interactive t e l e v i s i o n allowed such persons the opportunity to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the events from the privacy and comfort of their homes. Thus there were two levels of i n t e r a c t i o n i n both events: interpersonal interaction between speakers and p a r t i c i p a n t s , and i n t e r a c t i o n between those at the actual locations of the events with t e l e v i s i o n viewers v i a telephone. T e l e v i s i o n can also be a powerful medium i n shaping s o c i a l a t t i t u d e s . Just as Kuhn (1985) views t e l e v i s i o n as a medium which has fostered negative attitudes toward aging and old age, she likewise acknowledges the opportunties t e l e v i s i o n provides to a l t e r the pattern of ageism. While t e l e v i s i o n has d i s t i n c t limitations i n the types of messages i t can relay, s h i f t i n g ageist attitudes i s possible through media attention to aging issues and i n communicating p o s i t i v e and real  84  images of o l d age and aging. Davis and Davis suggest that development of l o c a l age-orientated programmes on l o c a l community t e l e v i s i o n i s a "good starting point ...to erasing stereotypes and creating a more p o s i t i v e image of older persons" (1985, 129). Thus the case studies sought p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a non-traditional manner using public events recorded by l i v e i n t e r a c t i v e t e l e v i s i o n . The i n t e r a c t i v e events would provide a learning process for a l l involved : speakers, key participants, p a r t i c i p a n t s , t e l e v i s i o n viewers, organizers. Therefore the q u a l i t y of information generated greatly surpassed that available from other methods such as surveys or discussion groups. This methodology has, however, the following q u a l i f i e r s : 1.  It i s not possible to test a l l or a number of methods to  compare t h e i r outcomes as successful collaborative planning processes. The case studies were chosen as possible ways to explore the thesis research question. 2.  the chosen method i s not designed to test hypotheses. The  research goal i s to generate a process which would r e s u l t i n q u a l i t a t i v e rather than q u a n t i f i a b l e data. Also, while r e p l i c a t i o n of the case studies i s possible through modeling the structure and format of the events, d i f f e r e n t processes and outcomes w i l l probably r e s u l t due to the varying p a r t i c i p a n t s , time, place and context. 3.  The chosen methods of the case studies may not necessarily  be the best methods, but they are at minimum reasonable ways to f a c i l i t a t e meaningful dialogue between older persons and others who make decisions about retirement or seniors' housing.  85  The case studies attempt to r e l a t e the experience of implementing the i n t e r a c t i v e methodology described above. The findings of the process as well as the outcomes of the two events w i l l define the degree of success of the methodology i n increasing the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of older persons i n housing issues.  A. Development of Method In November of 1985, the newly-formed Liaison Committee of the Gerontology Association of B r i t i s h Columbia  (G.A.B.C.) chose seniors'  housing as the topic of i t s f i r s t project. After contact with the Chair of the committee, the thesis author was i n v i t e d to prepare a proposal for a community event which might f i t both the thesis research c r i t e r i a and the goals of the Liaison Committee, to mutual advantage. The topic goals and objectives and general format were agreed upon by the Committee members while the d e t a i l e d planning and preparation work was carried out mainly by the thesis author. With the assistance of several community groups and many volunteers, the Retirement Housing Forum took place on February 22, 1986. Community t e l e v i s i o n was to be present, and a seven hour special l i v e programme was  invited  produced.  Members of the t e l e v i s i o n audience were able to p a r t i c i p a t e v i a telephone i n the conference discussions and i n studio interviews which involved key conference p a r t i c i p a n t s .  B. Goals and Objectives The goals of both events were congruent with those of the G.A.B.C. Liaison Committee: 1.  establish a precedent for involving seniors i n the decision-  86  making process; 2.  provide a forum for exchange of information and opinion  between seniors and professionals; 3.  promote mutual education and compromise (see Appendix IV).  The s p e c i f i c objectives of the Retirement Housing Forum were to provide a venue f o r : a)  voicing housing concerns and opinions on housing  policy;  b)  creating a dialogue between older adults and those who are  involved i n providing housing for them, as a f i r s t step towards seniors' p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the decision-making c)  process;  increasing awareness among older persons about the housing  s i t u a t i o n and housing a l t e r n a t i v e s ; d)  disseminating information regarding new f i n a n c i a l mechanisms  to allow use of home equity to obtain suitable, affordable retirement  housing.  The objectives of the Retirement Housing Alternatives Workshop were t o : i)  create a dialogue between seniors and others, p a r t i c u l a r i l y  those involved i n making decisions about the planning and design of retirement ii) iii)  housing;  disseminate information regarding housing a l t e r n a t i v e s ; increase awareness and interest amongst older persons  about the current and possible housing a l t e r n a t i v e s . Both case studies sought to bring together the major players i n seniors' or retirement housing: older persons, professionals who design, b u i l d , provide and manage seniors' housing  ( l o c a l and p r o v i n c i a l  government representatives, c i t y planners, academics, a r c h i t e c t s , consultants and developers), as well as other i n d i v i d u a l s interested i n  87  the housing decisions of older persons. In general, the purpose of both events was to gather seniors and non-seniors together to share opinions, ideas, information and to stimulate new ideas regarding housing for older persons.  6.2 Case Study One  : Retirement Housing Forum  This one-day conference on February 22, 1986 was "Retirement Housing for the Eighties and Nineties:  entitled  Myths and  R e a l i t i e s " . It provided a forum for older persons, professionals and others to meet, discuss and learn about retirement or seniors housing from one another and from housing experts. The conference s i t e , Heritage Hall (3102 Main Street, Vancouver), was chosen for i t s a c c e s s i b i l i t y (bus routes and disabled-access), reasonable rental fee, and i t s ambience and comfort (padded chairs, wide and spacious h a l l s , good acoustics).  A. Programme The underlying goal of emphasizing the views of seniors was r e f l e c t e d i n the design of the forum. Wherever possible, resource persons who were "seniors", were chosen as speakers, interviewees and key p a r t i c i p a n t s . As can be seen from the forum programme (Appendix V), the one day event followed two themes, "Current R e a l i t i e s " and "Creative A l t e r n a t i v e s " . "Current R e a l i t i e s " , the morning session, included three presentations. The stage was set by a U.B.C. Planning expert who presented an overview of housing i n Canada and the status of seniors' housing within t h i s larger context. The myths and r e a l i t i e s of seniors' housing were  88  discussed by a senior active i n the housing f i e l d , and by a coordinator of a housing information service f o r Vancouver seniors. Following  these  presentations, comments were e l i c i t e d from the seniors panel. Small group discussions, formed of audience and panel members followed by a t h i r t y minute discussion period ended with spokespersons from each of the eight groups reporting three main points to the assembly. Replies and comments followed from panel members. The refreshment and lunch periods offered a d d i t i o n a l time f o r informal discussion amongst audience and panel members. The afternoon session began with a humourous, yet revealing s k i t which presented the musings of three older women on current and i d e a l housing. Moving from the objective of understanding  what the present  r e a l i t y of seniors' housing i s , the second half of the day focussed on "Creative A l t e r n a t i v e s " . An overview of housing a l t e r n a t i v e s i n Canada, which included a s l i d e presentation, was followed by three presentations  concerning  existing options i n the Vancouver area. The f i n a l speaker discussed experimental  f i n a n c i a l mechanisms which seek to release home equity to  be used either to maintain existing homes or to obtain more suitable retirement housing. A comprehensive summary by a well-known academic and seniors' advocate i d e n t i f i e d s i x sub-themes i n the day's interaction, ending with questions yet to be answered. There was also a strong recommendation f o r advocacy to create needed change i n housing f o r older persons.  B. Participants Forum participants included graduate students  (planning,  89  architecture, gerontology), academics  (UBC, SFU, Malaspina College),  consultants, a r c h i t e c t s , planners, developers, health care professionals, and a wide cross-section of approximately f i f t y - f i v e older persons, for a t o t a l of 125 r e g i s t r a n t s . Others present, speakers, and panel members, brought the t o t a l to approximately 150.  Telephone  c a l l s received during the discussion periods and the l i v e interviews t o t a l l e d 160, with an estimated l i v e t e l e v i s i o n viewing audience throughout the seven hour programme of an average of well over 100,000 persons i n Vancouver and Richmond (Rogers Cablevision f i g u r e s ) . Not only were seniors sought as key participants, speakers, and a target audience, but p a r t i c i p a t i o n of seniors i n the community was also e n l i s t e d i n designing of and preparing for the forum. Pre-registration was e f f i c i e n t l y handled by a woman over age eighty, and p u b l i c i t y , food preparation and serving was assisted by three l o c a l seniors networks. Selective channeling of telephone c a l l s from older adults i n the t e l e v i s i o n audience to the l i v e interviews (which took place during the Conference intermissions), and to the h a l l assembly discussions, maintained the focus on seniors throughout the day. Younger persons also contributed to the forum. Posters from l o c a l elementary school students depicting types of retirement housing they would l i k e for themselves provided c o l o u r f u l backdrops i n the assembly h a l l and t e l e v i s i o n studio. In-person r e g i s t r a t i o n and l o g i s t i c s assistance was contributed by a class of U.B.C. planning students. Several booths and display tables from developers and housing resource groups displayed new concepts i n retirement housing at the back of the h a l l . Vancouver-East Cable 4's l i v e coverage greatly enhanced the conference goals and objectives. A telephone c a l l - i n component enabled  90  viewer p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Since t h i s was the f i r s t attempt by Cable 4 to broadcast a lengthy production and to arrange interviews with phone-in c a l l e r s , the forum became a l o c a l community and media event.  6.3 Case Study Two: Retirement Housing Alternatives Workshop The November 2, 1986 televised workshop "Retirement Alternatives:  Housing  What are the Choices?", featured a l i v e i n t e r a c t i v e  programme involving a pre-taped video, a panel of three older persons, a professional panel of three, and t e l e v i s i o n viewers whose c a l l s were directed within the discussion by a moderator. The ninety-minute programme began with a twenty-minute pre-taped video of housing alternatives (see Appendix B for a written version), followed by a discussion by the senior and professional panels with i n t e r a c t i o n with t e l e v i s i o n viewers by telephone.  A. Format and Participants Following the basic format of the Retirement Housing Forum, the reaction of a panel of older persons was balanced with that of a professional panel. Constraints such as the number of available t e l e v i s i o n cameras and limited studio space prohibited more than three persons on each panel. Members of the senior panel met the following c r i t e r i a : a) they were participants i n the Retirement Housing Forum; b) they l i v e d i n the community i n a variety of housing types: private cooperative, rental high-rise apartment, self-owned duplex; c) they were experienced i n public speaking; d) they were w i l l i n g to p a r t i c i p a t e , which included entering the  91  premises of the cablevision studios during a labour dispute. Two women were chosen to r e f l e c t the greater proportion of women i n older cohorts. One was 69 years old, the other 83. The male senior was i n his early seventies. This panel met together one week before the l i v e programme to become comfortable with each other, be briefed on the programme and go over the s c r i p t of the video portion of the show to ensure f a m i l i a r i t y with the material. The professional panel represented three main areas important to the development of seniors housing: planning, developers, and community support services. The Vancouver c i t y planning department which was not able to be present, was replaced by an a r c h i t e c t . A Long Term Care Administrator involved i n a North-shore housing and community support service study, and a development-consultant  and past-president of the  Urban Development Institute completed the professional panel. A l l of the professional participants were experienced i n public speaking, and were w i l l i n g to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the programme i n spite of the ongoing labour dispute. O r i g i n a l l y the programme's moderator was to be the host of the previous case study event, the forum. However, the labour dispute prohibited him from p a r t i c i p a t i n g . The host of the programme was a widely-experienced t e l e v i s i o n moderator, who currently manages the Richmond Roger's Cable 4 studios. She was briefed on the goals and objectives of the workshop, and received copies of the l e t t e r s and information sent to panel members, plus the written video s c r i p t .  B. Video The pre-taped video (see Appendix B) contained a range of housing  92  options a v a i l a b l e i n the Vancouver area and a discussion by a cost consultant and an a r c h i t e c t concerning important  factors i n retirement  housing. While the video was written, filmed and edited by the thesis author with the technical assistance of Rogers Cablevision s t a f f , the content of the professional's discussion was their r e s p o n s i b i l i t y .  C. The Programme This event was planned because of requests by p a r t i c i p a n t s of the Retirement Housing forum for a follow-up session dealing with a narrowly focussed aspect of retirement housing. Due to the lack of s u f f i c i e n t coverage of s p e c i f i c housing options during the forum's programme, interest i n the topic of a l t e r n a t i v e s was often expressed by forum participants on evaluation questionnaires and i n personal and  telephone  interviews. In addition, the general lack of information regarding housing a l t e r n a t i v e s was often mentioned by older persons i n informal conversation. The National Advisory Council on Aging a l s o c i t e s the d i f f i c u l t y older persons have i n finding out about existing options, how  to gain access to them (Canada, N.A.C.A. 1984,  and  3). Thus one of the  functions of the televised workshop was to be an event where information on current and new housing options could be obtained. With the knowledge that a majority of older persons (over 50% i n the C i t y of Vancouver) l i v e i n t h e i r own homes i n the community, the content of the programme was centred on and targetted to  independently-  l i v i n g persons. Therefore the pre-taped video of options began with minor, followed by major p h y s i c a l , s o c i a l and f i n a n c i a l changes to existing single family homes (see Appendix B). A v a r i e t y of new  or  rennovated housing types then followed, ending with an outline of  93  sheltered housing.  6.4 Summary This discussion of the case study events has outlined various components which support the thesis goals and objectives. In summary, both case studies were planned as collaborative planning processes using a non-traditional method involving public events and l i v e i n t e r a c t i v e t e l e v i s i o n . The organization, development and format of both events served to highlight the p a r t i c i p a t i o n and perspective of older persons as key participants, l i v e and t e l e v i s i o n audience members and c a l l e r s .  94  CHAPTER SEVEN  EVALUATION AND FINDINGS: PROCESS, PERFORMANCE AND PRODUCT  7.1  Introduction This chapter evaluates each case study using as c r i t e r i a the stated  objectives of the events, the sponsoring  organization and the t h e s i s .  Because of the exploratory nature of the thesis research and the nature of the case studies, there i s very l i t t l e quantifiable data. The emphasis i s therefore on q u a l i t a t i v e analysis and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . Morgan (1979, 54) l i s t s three types of evaluation : process, performance and product. "Process" i s concerned with development over time, and while d i f f i c u l t to assess, forms a s i g n i f i c a n t part of this evaluation. According  to Wolfe, most evaluation of public p a r t i c i p a t i o n  takes the form of a n a l y t i c a l and c r i t i c a l description of process (1979, 38). In contrast, evaluation by objectives measures "performance" or progress toward meeting the stated goals of each event. Wolfe (1979) suggests that d e f i n i t i o n of objectives e x p l i c i t l y before a p a r t i c i p a t o r y event and then evaluating the program i n terms of how successful the objectives were met, i s a reasonable evaluative approach. "Feedback" from the p a r t i c i p a n t s , viewers and the organizers of the events w i l l be used i n assessing this aspect of evaluation. The goals of the participants as individuals or s p e c i f i c groups i n p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the events are not distinquished for the purposes of this evaluation. The "product" or actual r e s u l t s are the findings and outcomes of the case study events. While the findings of each event are described separately, the outcomes are combined into one discussion.  95  The general d e f i n i t i o n of the term "collaborative planning" needs refinement for the purposes of the evaluation. Three c r i t e r i a establish whether or not c o l l a b o r a t i v e planning has taken place: i ) involvement i s structured on an equal basis; i i ) meaningful dialogue r e s u l t s as determined by subjective opinions of p a r t i c i p a n t s ; i i i ) i n t e r a c t i o n r e s u l t s i n "teaching" and "learning" by both older persons and professionals. U t i l i z a t i o n of p a r t i c i p a n t feedback i n the assessment process assumes that the opinions of the p a r t i c i p a n t s are valuable. This type of evaluation attempts to describe the adequacy of the speakers, the content of the presentations, the amount learned by p a r t i c i p a n t s , and also the performance of the sponsoring the  group i n planning and  conducting  events. Participant feedback sources for the case studies were both d i r e c t  and i n d i r e c t , formal and informal, and included evaluation questionnaires  (forum - 18% return), written evaluations, and  conversations with p a r t i c i p a n t s and t e l e v i s i o n viewers. While, for example, responses used for evaluation of the Retirement Housing Forum were not obtained by random sampling, they included an estimated  50% of  a l l p a r t i c i p a n t s . Thus they represent a s u f f i c i e n t l y f a i r estimation of participant reaction to assess t h i s event. Responses to the evaluation of the Retirement Housing Alternatives Workshop were s i m i l a r i l y assumed to be representative of a l l involved.  96  7.2 Case Study One: Retirement Housing Forum A. Evaluation by Objectives Both p a r t i c i p a n t and viewer feedback form the basis of the evaluation of the Retirement Housing Forum, supplemented with the assessments of the conference organizers. Evaluation questionnaires numbered twenty-three (eighteen percent), written evaluations eleven (nine percent), and p o l l e d p a r t i c i p a n t s numbered sixteen by telephone and ten i n person (twenty-one percent).  Objective 1. Voicing housing concerns and opinions Comments regarding t h i s objective overwhelmingly centred on the opportunity offered to older persons present i n the audience and at home to give their points of view throughout the programme. The small group discussions were often singled out for being the most suitable means for hearing the opinions of seniors. While "there were many oppportunities for everyone to speak", there were a few comments (two) regarding " i n h i b i t i o n to speak out" because of the ongoing presence of the t e l e v i s i o n cameras. Overall, the p a r t i c i p a n t feedback indicates that the forum provided a sharing of ideas and opinions by older persons and others "that i s not common".  Objective 2. Creating a dialogue between Seniors and others That genuine, two-way communication between seniors and professionals took place was frequently remarked by respondents. Older persons i n the h a l l and t e l e v i s i o n audiences "could question the speakers and panel members" and "everyone, including older people could converse with others i n the small groups" and "learn what they were  97  thinking about their own housing and seniors' housing i n general". In response to the question regarding meaningful p a r t i c i p a t i o n and i n t e r a c t i o n during the forum, only one of the twenty-three  respondents  indicated that seniors "were not able to speak out, and were not listened to". The small group discussions were i n general praised as a means of generating q u a l i t y interactions and for the information obtained. Respondents often noted that the t e l e v i s i o n coverage allowed the forum to reach a much larger audience. It "took the conference to the people". The telephone ' c a l l - i n ' feature offered a channel of communication and dialogue for those seeking assistance on housing matters. Thus the responses c l e a r l y indicate that the forum generated a dialogue between older persons and others involved i n decisions a f f e c t i n g t h e i r housing.  Objective 3. Heightening awareness of present housing and of alternatives The most frequently expressed comments from respondents  concerned  not only the high q u a l i t y but the amount of information available at the forum. The panel discussion was  seen as "a good venue to inform  regarding major housing issues". It was noted that the r e a l issues were "understandable and d i g e s t i b l e " . The fact that there was "probably much less of a common knowledge base p r i o r " to the forum, attests to the q u a l i t y of the presentations. There were several comments regarding new awareness of housing options, such as limited equity coops, home-sharing and small scale private developments. Developers who d i d not present papers, yet who  98  spoke up about their projects, also provided new The forum met  information and ideas.  expectations for the most part, with half of the  questionnaires stating an unqualified yes, and the other half stating between yes and somewhat. No respondents answered (verbally or i n writing) that the forum had not met frequency of comments noting how  their expectations. Judging by the  informative the forum was,  objective was perhaps the most f u l l y  this  met.  Objective 4. Information regarding new  f i n a n c i a l mechanisms  This very s p e c i f i c objective centred on the last presentation of the programme. Some verbal and written comments found the information "very new",  "useful" and provocative. However, this was most often  checked as the least useful or informative session of the day. Many comments revealed that this speaker was  "too technical", non-visual, and  that he "did not communicate well". The presentation focussed on reverse annuity mortgages and d i d not mention other new  ideas i n financing.  Overall, this objective d i d not appear to have been met  to the extent  expected by participants and organizers.  B. Findings As noted i n the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation - C.B.C.  "The  Best Years" t e l e v i s i o n programme report on the Forum, both seniors and professionals voiced their concerns and opinions i n a v a r i e t y of ways: from the speakers podium, i n a skit that opened the afternoon session, i n small group discussions, and from the floor of the forum. Home viewers were also able to c a l l i n during the seven hour programme to interact with the assembly discussions and studio interviews with forum  99  participants. Information on written questionnaires, informal personal or telephone conversation indicated that the main goals of the older participants were to share experiences  and ideas, exchange information  from others, and to meet contacts to a s s i s t with future housing decisions. While several of the participants were sponsored by agencies or organizations, many present were individuals interested i n seniors' housing. Reports from the eight small group discussions included many issues, concerns, and  questions:  a) - What type of agency and sponsored by whom i s able to l i a i s o n between older persons as housing consumers, and planners,  designers  and developers of housing?; b) - Communal eating i s an important s o c i a l a c t i v i t y for older persons, and there are many creative examples of how  this can be  provided i n the community for older singles; c) - There i s a general lack of affordable, suitable housing units and the inadequacy of the government rental assistance programme, Shelter Aid for E l d e r l y Renters - S.A.F.E.R. amounts; d) - Housing gaps have been well-defined throughout the conference but zoning by-laws do not allow for development of needed housing types; thus an o v e r a l l coordinating government agency i s necessary; e) - There i s a d e f i n i t e need for more two-way communication such as occured i n the forum, to determine the needs and programmes that w i l l f i t . "We  can't provide the right kind of housing options  unless we know what i s wanted"; f) - Management problems exist i n B r i t i s h Columbia Housing  100  Management Commission - B.C.H.M.C. and non-profit managed buildings; g) - There i s a great need to t r a i n apartment b u i l d i n g care-takers to become care-givers; h) - Isolation of many older persons i n the community i s a prominant concern. The expression of the need for sheltered housing options and the r e j e c t i o n of bachelor  suites as adequate housing recurred throughout the  discussion groups, general assembly discussions and t e l e v i s i o n interviews. The request for an advocacy centre emerged from one discussion group. Other major points included the necessity of adequate funding with p o l i t i c a l power behind i t , and organization of seniors to push for the p o l i t i c a l w i l l to provide s u f f i c i e n t , adequate and affordable housing. That d e f i n i t i o n of what type of housing, and the "where and how decisions" must include the subjective viewpoint  of older  persons was stressed repeatedly. One outspoken senior asserted that the problem of the "NIMBY" (not i n my backyard) syndrome prevents many zoning changes which would permit new seniors housing development. He also remarked on the general discrimination against older people, from those "who want to warehouse us", and of the need to address housing issues d i f f e r e n t l y than they have been i n the past. Four interviews were conducted for the Cable 4 t e l e v i s i o n programme during the refreshment breaks and discussion group period. In keeping with the format of equal basis for seniors and professionals, each interview included a professional forum participant and an older person. During lunch, representatives of each of the f i v e booths displaying  101  models or renderings of new housing options were interviewed. Their offerings i n terms of varying philosophies and l i f e s y l e s were also highlighted. C a l l s from senior home-viewers during these interviews expressed a variety of housing frustrations and problems such as unfair tenant selection i n non-profit housing; management problems i n B.C.H.M.C.managed buildings; rental costs over 35% of income; poor design and inadequate space (bachelor u n i t s ) . However, several c a l l e r s expressed s a t i s f a c t i o n with their non-profit or B.C.H.M.C. units. Other c a l l e r s asked where more information about s o c i a l housing could be obtained, and how to go about getting the marketplace to deliver the type of housing that i s preferred by older persons. The problems presented by r i g i d zoning and the need for innovative zoning were also adressed several times by those who c a l l e d . Most c a l l e r s expressed a very favourable reaction to the programme and to i t s theme of consultation with older persons. A hope that "more of the same thing would happen" was often voiced. The conference summarizer reported that six themes emerged throughout the forum. To paraphase her points: 1.  There i s a v a r i e t y of older persons who have d i f f e r e n t housing  needs and preferences. However, the requirement for an array of housing options i s d i f f i c u l t to put into public p o l i c y . Nevertheless, the strong desire of older persons to remain independently i n their communities was seen as a main determining factor i n developing a range of housing choices; 2.  There i s a need to know the s p e c i f i c s of needs and preferences  through consultation with older persons, and to share these amongst  102  professionals (policymakers, researchers); 3.  Many gaps exist i n housing options such as sheltered housing  and i n community care services to maintain independence of older persons whose c a p a b i l i t i e s decline; 4.  Housing and other aspects of l i f e (income, s o c i a l contacts) are  c l o s e l y i n t e r r e l a t e d . Poor q u a l i t y housing r e s u l t s i n the need for greater support services; 5.  Control and value of consultation and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the  decision-making process as exemplified i n cooperative housing i s very important; 6.  Linkages and connections should be developed between older  people, developers, non-profit groups, and government to permit exchange of advice, opinions and information about housing. Of note was the apt phrase composed by one of the discussion group raporteurs, "(apartment) b u i l d i n g caretakers must become caregivers". The C.B.C. "The Best Years" programme report on the Forum i d e n t i f i e d three major housing concerns: the need for more housing units; the need for better q u a l i t y housing to help a l l e v i a t e i s o l a t i o n and depression; the need to increase S.A.F.E.R. rental assistance. In their summary of the Forum, the C.B.C. also highlighted the important point that more housing d o l l a r s are only part of the answer, and with a view to creating more options, i t noted a need for demonstration projects of new housing options. A report carried i n "The Elder Statesman" seniors' newspaper (Clarke  1986a) also noted the protest by older persons "against  those who f e e l seniors should be neither seen nor heard", but who are "supposed to q u i e t l y go over i n the corner and not  103  bother anybody." That older persons "want to be a v i t a l part of their community and not stashed away i n a corner" was  seen by this report as  one of the major recurring themes of the Forum. The Forum summarizer also noted several key questions which emerged i n the course of the event: i)  Is a Ministry of Aging needed to coordinate  the various  services and linkages required as indicated by the forum's discussion? ii) iii)  Who How  w i l l take the lead to f i l l the gaps i n housing can those who  options?  didn't attend the forum be involved i n a  consultative process? iv)  What are the right questions to ask to begin learning about  needs and preferences and how  to develop choice i n housing?  C. Recommendations from the Forum Advocacy for q u a l i t y housing and  services was  suggested by  the  conference summarizer as the avenue of action and the most e f f e c t i v e outcome possible for the forum. The need for basic information  from  older persons by government agencies, housing designers and developers was  seen by many participants to be as important as p o l i t i c a l advocacy.  Continuing the type of i n t e r a c t i o n and dialogue between older persons and professionals, and developing seniors organizations,  lobby and  advocacy groups were also seen as necessary i n the creation of the p o l i t i c a l w i l l to develop housing that f i t s the needs of older persons. The need for older persons to ask for and i f necessary, demand, a choice of adequate and affordable housing, and to make a contribution to society by a c t i v e l y pursuing their needs a c t i v e l y was  also stressed by  104  several key p a r t i c i p a n t s . Recommendations  regarding the planning and  l o g i s t i c s of future forums are included i n Appendix F.  105  7.3 Case Study Two  : Retirement Housing Alternatives Workshop  A. Evaluation by Objectives The format of this event allowed limited participant  feedback.  However, the opinions and assessments of panel members, t e l e v i s i o n crew and support s t a f f , and the written and verbal comments received from programme viewers after the event were used i n evaluating progress toward meeting the objectives and i n gathering the event's r e s u l t s . Approximately f o r t y - f i v e persons  (twenty older persons, twenty-five  professionals and other non-seniors) were polled a f t e r the programme and were asked probing questions regarding the following objectives.  Objective 1. Create a dialogue between seniors and those involved i n planning and design of retirement housing While there was l i t t l e suggestion that dialogue d i d not result from the workshop, there was mixed response i n assessment of the amount of meaningful dialogue between members of the professional panel and the seniors panel. A l l of the seniors panel members and two of the three professionals as well as the programme's host f e l t that the dialogue and conversation amongst the panel members and with the home viewers  was  meaningful. The other professional f e l t that the seniors on the panel and those who c a l l e d i n were "not t y p i c a l " , "didn't have much of interest to say" and "didn't have good questions or comments to make". This type of response was r e i t e r a t e d by other developers who were polled after the programme. Comments from the two professionals about the dissenting professional echoed the sentiments of many viewers: even though the  106  contribution by the Urban Development I n s t i t u t e (U.D.I) representative was valuable, "he spoke too much and too often", becoming the  "expert"  on the programme, rather than one of the participants i n a discussion. As one  senior termed i t , "He didn't want to learn, but to teach" and  "he  didn't think he had to l i s t e n " . Several professional and senior viewers f e l t that the seniors' point of view was  undermined by t h i s domination  of the discussion, even though dialogue existed between members of the seniors panel and the other two professionals. With the exception of the professionals noted above, the contribution of the c a l l e r s to the programme was  seen as f a i r to good by  both professionals and seniors on the panels, and the home-viewing audience. Some viewers (three non-seniors) stated that t h i s portion of the show was  far too slow-paced and therefore not i n t e r e s t i n g .  On the professional panel, the a r c h i t e c t and the Long Term Care Administrator  f e l t that they had "learned a great deal" about seniors  reactions to available housing. They found each of the senior panel members very d i f f e r e n t i n outlook and opinion. Senior panel members stated that they "learned a l o t " i n terms of information from the contribution of the professionals, and from each other, but "not much" from the viewers who  so  c a l l e d i n t o the programme. The comment a f t e r  the programme by one senior panel member and supported by the other  two  senior panelists that they " f e l t at ease during the discussion", " l i k e we were i n my l i v i n g room chatting", i s further i n d i c a t i o n of meaningful dialogue during the programme. Such comments also suggest that the senior panelists perceived their p a r t i c i p a t i o n to be legitimate and that they were taken seriously as p a n e l i s t s .  107  Objective 2. Disseminate information regarding  housing  alternatives  This objective i s similar to objective three but has a more quantitative nature. The main purpose of the pre-taped video shown at the beginning of the programme was to inform viewers of existing options and trends (see Appendix II for a written version). Response to the video included comments such as: "well-researched",  "good coverage of  options", "best summary yet seen". Other viewers found the pace of the video too fast and f e l t that too much information was given quickly. The pre-taped discussion by two professionals about housing was "scattered" and "less useful" or "not informative" and "poor". Several viewers suggested that t h i s dialogue should have been deleted and the range of housing options extended i n i t s place. Viewers and panel members generally stated that they found the programme "informative", or "very informative", "well-researched" and "well done". Panelists, t e l e v i s i o n studio staff and viewers generally stated that they learned a l o t . Some professionals, including the U.D.I, representative, d i d not agree with the majority of viewers. Although they found the programme i n t e r e s t i n g , they d i d not f i n d i t informative. However, one of the panel professionals stated that the programme "did a great deal toward getting information out to the p u b l i c " . She f e l t that the programme's i n t e r a c t i v e aspect worked well and served to amplify i t s impact i n the community.  108  Objective 3. Increase awareness and interest amongst older persons about current and possible housing alternatives This objective i s d i f f i c u l t to measure because of the nature of this case study event. However, the types of comments and the enthusiasm of participants, c a l l e r s and other viewers, does indicate that a great deal of interest was sparked amongst older persons about their future housing decisions. The large numbers of c a l l s to the programme i t s e l f and numerous follow-up c a l l s to housing resources, organizations and developers shown i n the video also suggests that t h i s objective was achieved to a great degree for older viewers. For example, c a l l s to Information Seniors Housing o f f i c e by those i n need of better housing increased somewhat subsequent to the broadcast and rebroadcast of the workshop. While the available data from the Information Seniors Housing o f f i c e cannot establish exactly the number of c a l l s which resulted d i r e c t l y from the a i r i n g of the workshop programme, i t can be safely assummed that the housing programme d i d generate a large part of the increase i n c a l l s during the month of November. Senior panel p a r t i c i p a n t s , c a l l e r s and polled viewers a l l stated that they "learned a l o t from the programme" and "found i t enjoyable", "stimulating" and "very i n t e r e s t i n g " . Some senior viewers and one of the professional panelists stated that they were not aware of so many available types of options as were described on the video. I t i s p l a u s i b l e that such comments would be i n d i c a t i v e of the views of the t e l e v i s i o n audience. One of the professional panelists found that her p a r t i c i p a t i o n confirmed her perception that a more coordinated comprehensive  approach  to housing and support services i s needed. She also noted that more  109  general knowledge about housing options i s needed to a s s i s t middle-age persons as well as those who  are now  o l d to make better decisions about  their housing. Another panelist f e l t that the programme indicated a r e a l need for information about sheltered housing and about the notion central to i t :  mutual support i n seniors' housing.  The four t e l e v i s i o n crew members who,  as young volunteers,  i n i t i a l l y f e l t that they had l i t t l e i n common with the topic of the programme, found the show " i n t e r e s t i n g " , and f e l t that they had also "learned a l o t " about their grandparents perspective, and about housing options they had no knowledge of previously. Overall, older persons, professionals and others found the programme "very good" or "excellent", "well-researched The c a l l - i n feature of the show was  and  organized".  seen to be very important as a means  of reaching those who do not attend conferences or workshops. It also allowed them to obtain information and to p a r t i c i p a t e anonomously by telephoning with opinions and questions. Many of those polled expressed the hope that there w i l l be other similar programmes. These comments were also representative of second- and third-hand  feedback from both  the professional, non-senior and senior communities.  B.  Findings Telephone c a l l s received during the Retirement Alternatives  Workshop programme included twenty-two viewers who i n the l i v e discussion and nineteen who  wished to p a r t i c i p a t e  required information. Many  viewers f a i l e d to get through because the two telephone l i n e s were often jammed with c a l l s on hold. The eleven c a l l s that were part of the l i v e programme's discussion  110  were from viewers sharing their preferences i n housing (two), housing problems (two), successes i n rennovation (one), one c a l l each for questions regarding sheltered housing, and low-income rental housing. There also were questions regarding the larger housing issues such as integrated versus segregated housing, increasing shelter allowances or the housing supply, and the f a c i l i t a t i n g r o l e of the Mayor's Special Council Committee on Seniors. Comments from those taking c a l l s on the information l i n e noted that most c a l l e r s were very uninformed about available housing types and had no idea of where to go for information. Many of the c a l l s were from people who d i s s a t i s f i e d with their present housing for a variety of reasons. While i t was expected that the programme's discussion would centre on reaction to the content of the pre-taped video, the issues discussed included:  the need for choice i n alternatives for a  heterogeneous  senior population; s u f f i c i e n t space for furniture and a separate sleeping area (bedroom); suitable and convenient locations; designs that recognize the desire to be independent and which allow "aging i n place". In reply to a c a l l e r ' s query "Are we, i n our e f f o r t to create housing environments  that r e l a t e to seniors' needs as they age...in fact  creating ghettos for seniors?", a l l three senior panelists thought that housing older persons i n mixed communities i s preferable. The Elder Statesman (Reed, 1986)  seniors newspaper report saw the "slamming of  large housing projects" as one of the two main points of the workshop discussion. The other theme was the "range of choice" that i s needed i n senior's housing. One professional panelist noted that while there i s a great deal of  Ill  a v a i l a b l e information about seniors' housing design, builders have not yet been convinced to change their b u i l d i n g p r a c t i c e s . In h i s view, "lobbying" by seniors would do much to change t h i s . With regard to s o c i a l housing, reference was made to the change i n B.C.K.M.C. p o l i c y that bachelor suites, which are extremely unpopular amongst older singles, w i l l no longer be b u i l t . The inadequacy of S.A.F.E.R. was also noted. A future trend seen by the U.D.I, representative was the b u i l d i n g of s o c i a l housing i n cooperation with the p r i v a t e sector. This was a reference to the new proposal c a l l system of s o c i a l housing d e l i v e r y , and to the lobby for new programmes which w i l l provide incentives to developers to b u i l d seniors' housing. While the options shown i n the video provided food for thought, the senior p a n e l i s t s stated a preferance to "age i n place" for as long as p o s s i b l e . They did, however, note the importance of having knowledge of housing a l t e r n a t i v e s - for themselves and others - to a s s i s t i n making future housing decisions. Sheltered housing was an i n t r i q u i n g concept for a l l p a n e l i s t s and was  seen as an important new option that may be useable i n existing  apartment buildings. Market and small p r i v a t e l y developed  cooperatives  were also discussed as innovative options that were far more p l a u s i b l e future options than others shown on the video. Using home equity converted to income, secondary suites and buying debentures were discussed as possible ways to increase income or to fund rennovations which increase independence for a longer period.  112  7.4 Outcomes of the Case Study Events The success of the two case study events have demonstrated the v i a b i l i t y of these approaches to f a c i l i t a t i n g collaborative planning. Both events have shown that older persons are interested i n being involved, and that a general planning process involving older persons and professionals on an equal basis i s possible. As evident i n the foregoing discussion of each event's findings, knowledge was gained i n four main areas: 1.  More i s now understood regarding the gaps i n general housing  knowledge. Also i d e n t i f i e d were s p e c i f i c gaps i n the knowledge and understanding of older persons about how housing i s produced, what i s available and how to access i t . As well, professionals i n general have misunderstood and have not incorporated into their processes, housing needs and preferences as older persons view them; 2. need:  The case studies c l a r i f i e d what older persons do not bachelor suites and loss of independence. What they d e f i n i t e l y do  want includes choice i n l i v i n g arrangements  i n their l o c a l  communities,  more s p e c i f i c information about housing, and more involvement and i n t e r a c t i o n with p o l i c y and programme decision-makers, developers and other professionals; 3. the  While "what questions need to be asked" was more defined during  two case studies, i t remains a rather nebulous, yet important query.  Perhaps most notable was the recognition that questions do need to be asked and be asked of persons not usually consulted (older persons); 4.  Approaches to seek answers to the above noted questions were  more c l e a r l y defined during the case study events. These include types of events or methods which f a c i l i t a t e involvement and planning  113  p a r t i c i p a t i o n , such as the case study events, and elements such as structure, set-up, programme, and discussion groups, which led to their success as p a r t i c i p a t o r y planning events. Thus the events have v a l i d i t y as planning processes. Both case study events provided education of a s p e c i f i c public (those i n attendance) as well as a more general public, (the t e l e v i s i o n viewers) about older people, and i t also provided education for older persons. Information on general and s p e c i f i c housing issues and feedback flowed two d i r e c t i o n s . Housing issues were defined by older persons, and were discussed from various perspectives. Dialogue was created between the major participant groups, older persons and professionals. In terms of the types of p a r t i c i p a t i o n included i n the case study events, a l l participants including both older persons and professionals, interacted at a more reactive l e v e l during the design and planning of the two events. Minor input into the i n i t i a l process by older persons increased as the planning developed, u n t i l there was major senior p a r t i c i p a t i o n at the events. Thus the r o l e of older persons and professionals evolved from "cooperator i n action" to "organizer of action" (see Figure 11, Quadrants 2 and 4) (Van Dyk 1978,  106).  In addition to the varying success of the case studies i n meeting stated objectives, there are several d i r e c t and i n d i r e c t results which augment the evaluation. Some of the more immediate outcomes included re-broadcasting by Roger's Cablevision of both the seven hour Retirement Housing Forum (twice) and the ninety minute Retirement Housing Alternatives Workshop several times (three times i n Richmond, once i n Burnaby and Vancouver).  114  Western Cablevision re-broadcast the Workshop i n December 1986 and i n January 1987  i n New Westminster, Surrey and Langley. Shaw Cablevision  (North Shore areas) has also indicated interest i n a i r i n g the Workshop. Thus further re-broadcasts of both events are probable. Several requests for use of the video-tapes of the forum and workshop by individuals and groups i n the community also suggest that the impact of these events extends beyond the success i n meeting immediate objectives. In addition, several community groups are looking at the format and programme of both events as models for using community t e l e v i s i o n to reach a wide audience on issues of interest to both the senior and non-senior p u b l i c . Rogers Cablevision has entered tapes of the Forum i n a national competition on innovative, creative community televsion. C a l l s to the Workshop information telephone number on subsequent days numbered twelve. This remained the average for subsequent rebroadcasts of the programme for a t o t a l of f o r t y to f i f t y information c a l l s generated by the t e l e v i s e d workshop. In addition to the d i r e c t c a l l s for information, the number of i n q u i r i e s to the Information Seniors Housing o f f i c e regarding a v a i l a b l e low-rental units, cooperatives, and sheltered housing increased about ten to f i f t e e n percent on days subsequent to the programme's broadcast and re-broadcast. Several of these c a l l e r s mentioned watching the t e l e v i s e d workshop. The o f f i c e of the architect who p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the programme also received several follow-up c a l l s . Other c a l l s generated by the workshop were reported by the Abbeyfield Houses Society, a cooperative housing resource group, and Vancouver Homesharers. C a l l s regarding other options presented on the programme's video may have  115  resulted, but were not reported to the thesis author. While i t i s not conclusive that the case studies stimulated interest i n seniors' housing issues, i t may  greater  be demonstrated that the  Forum and Workshop assisted i n promotion of housing as a t o p i c a l issue for older persons and those who  work i n seniors' related p o l i c y and  programmes. As evidence of heightened community awareness of seniors' housing, several d i r e c t outcomes emerged. A)  A group of Forum participants who  expressed i n t e r e s t i n the  small-scale B r i t i s h sheltered housing concept of Abbeyfield met 1986  i n March  to learn more about the concept and i t s possible adoption i n  B r i t i s h Columbia. While formation of the National Abbeyfield  Society  preceeded the Forum, the formation of a l o c a l Vancouver society was f a c i l i t a t e d by the forum. This group hopes to b u i l d or rennovate an Abbeyfield home within two years, while providing information  and  assistance to others interested i n sheltered housing. B)  With impetus provided by the Retirement Housing Forum, and i n  response to personal and service i s o l a t i o n of many older persons i n apartment buildings, a working group of seven older persons and community support service workers formed around a phrase coined at the Forum: "(building) Caretakers Need to Become Caregivers." The group proposed a study be done by the C i t y of Vancouver S o c i a l Planning Department, and funding has recently become available for a small p i l o t project composed of questionnaires  to twenty-five building caretakers  (private and s o c i a l housing). A follow-up workshop focussing on information services and older persons most at r i s k hopes to increase the understanding and knowledge of b u i l d i n g caretakers  so that they can  a s s i s t those older persons they are i n contact with r e g u l a r i l y .  116  C)  Another seniors' housing conference took place i n late November  1986 which had both d i r e c t and i n d i r e c t l i n k s to the Forum and Workshop. It was sponsored by the New Westminster Seniors Bureau, coordinated by the thesis author, and targetted to the areas east of Vancouver. However, the one day planning exercise with a New. Westminster context, involved a large number of older persons (ninety out of 140 participants) from areas throughout the Lower Mainland. Such attendance by older persons accentuated the degree of interest within the senior communities i n the issues and developments i n seniors' housing. D)  Recent developments i n the media have more distant connections  with the case study events. The Mid-day Programme of C.B.C. Television (December 3) and C.B.C. News (December 7) featured a discussion of the Home Income Plan, a new housing a l t e r n a t i v e which was discussed at both the Forum and Workshop. The plan's director f e l t that the workshop i n p a r t i c u l a r assisted i n the educative process necessary to change attitudes toward conversion of home equity. E) The theme of one day at the up-coming two-day Annual  Conference  for Seniors Counsellors sponsored by the Ministry of Social Services and Housing w i l l be Seniors Housing Options i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Several Lower Mainland seniors counsellors attended or participated i n the Forum and Workshop. In recognition of the need to d i s t r i b u t e housing information throughout B.C., the planning committee was urged to highlight housing alternatives, and the possible participatory r o l e of older persons. Thus i t i s a p l a u s i b l e assumption Workshop were linked to these subsequent  that the Forum and  events.  One of the most important successes of the two case studies was to p u b l i c i z e the involvement of older persons i n planning. Through  117  increasing the awareness of p a r t i c i p a t i o n among the general public and seniors' community, the thesis research and subsequent events encourage acceptance of this type of involvement and the willingness of older persons to be involved. Simply put, participants and viewers learned not only "what i s being done and what could be done", but also that "there i s much to do". A point repeatedly made at the Forum was that learning about the housing needs of seniors from seniors, was a giant step forward necessary i n changing attitudes to meet housing needs and to f i l l i n g gaps i n the range of retirement housing options. Another s i g n i f i c a n t result of the thesis research has been development of the s k i l l s and knowledge of the thesis author i n organizing and f a c i l i t a t i n g collaborative planning processes. Also the premise and aims of the Liaison Committee of G.A.B.C. have been enhanced through the two case study events i n the following ways: i)  both the Forum and televised Workshop established precedence  for involving older persons i n the decision-making process by bringing together on an equal basis older persons and professionals; ii)  meaningful exchange of information and opinion occurred as  indicated i n the findings of the events; iii)  mutual education for both older persons, professionals and  other non-seniors occured i n both events as a r e s u l t of meaningful dialogue. Following the Liaison Committee recommendation adopted from the 1982 World Assembly on Aging, these case study events have not only given older persons a voice i n housing concerns, but also have made this goal a p r i o r i t y i n the planning, organization and format of the events.  118  In stressing this as a p r i o r i t y , the Forum, Workshop and subsequent events have begun to reverse the t r a d i t i o n a l d i r e c t i o n of  information  flow. The case study events have emerged from the guiding assumption that older persons are "experts" on aging issues and professionals need to draw on the knowledge, experience and opinions of older persons when designing p o l i c i e s and programmes. In meeting the objectives of G.A.B.C., the case study events and their outcomes have also shown, as stated i n the thesis assumptions, that housing needs and preferences  can be c l a r i f i e d and become part of  the knowledge of planners and other professionals. Ageism was  confronted  throughout the processes of planning, development and presentation of each event, and older persons as pre-event assistants and p a r t i c i p a n t s took opportunities to become involved i n issues that concern them.  7.5  Evidence of Collaborative  Planning  As defined and discussed i n the evaluation, findings and outcomes of the case study events, c o l l a b o r a t i v e planning has resulted. Involvement was  structured on an equal basis, and the i n t e r a c t i o n within  the events consisted of both teaching and learning. A f a i r degree of meaningful dialogue took place between older persons and professionals who  usually make decisions about seniors housing without input from the  older users or consumers. As further j u s t i f i c a t i o n of the v a l i d i t y of the case study events as c o l l a b o r a t i v e planning processes three points can be  discussed:  1. the number of participants i n each event and their r o l e s ; 2. of p a r t i c i p a n t s and others indicate that the experience was 3. medium and longer term r e s u l t s were demonstrated.  opinions  valuable;  119  1.  Older participants i n the Retirement Housing Forum comprised  f i f t y percent of the key p a r t i c i p a n t s , twenty assistants, forty-four percent of the conference registrants, and an undetermined number within the estimated l i v e t e l e v i s i o n audience of over 100,000 and 160 telephone c a l l e r s . Subsequent re-broadcasts of the programme would provide educative rather than p a r t i c i p a t o r y value to viewers, and are therefore not included i n t h i s aspect of the impact  assessment.  The t e l e v i s i o n programme, Retirement Housing Alternatives, d i r e c t l y involved three senior panel members, one senior assistant, nine out of eleven l i v e c a l l s from older persons, and an undetermined number of older viewers and c a l l e r s requesting housing information. 2.  As indicated i n the evaluation, findings and outcomes of the  case studies, most participants found the events to be valuable experiences i n terms of both giving opinions and learning. 3.  In the medium and longer term, both events have become models  for subsequent conferences, workshops and t e l e v i s i o n programmes, building upon the successes and less p o s i t i v e outcomes of the case study events. The New Westminster  Seniors Housing Symposium for example,  incorporated many of the recommendations made by the organizers of the Forum and Workshop, building on the evolving knowledge and s k i l l s of older persons and others i n the community. Most s i g n i f i c a n t , and also most successful, was the basic premise and goal of the symposium that older persons and professionals would be both teachers and students. Thus i n terms of p a r t i c i p a t i o n , the New Westminster  symposium was more  successful than the case study events i n meeting the defining c r i t e r i a of collaborative planning. However, the r e l a t i v e success of the two case study events  120  establishes t h e i r v a l i d i t y as c o l l a b o r a t i v e planning processes within a larger process of the evolution of p a r t i c i p a t o r y planning. The case study events have not only met t h e i r objectives and those of the sponsoring organization, they have also substantiated and premises of the t h e s i s .  the assumptions  121  PART THREE : INTEGRATION CHAPTER EIGHT ANAYLSIS OF CASE STUDIES This chapter relates the e s s e n t i a l aspects of the evaluation and findings of the case studies to the broader context of the background chapters and to the thesis question and objective. In the foregoing chapter, the descriptive analysis of the case studies presented evidence of the v a l i d i t y of the thesis premise, assumptions and research question. The objectives of the events and the sponsoring organization were i n general met and c o l l a b o r a t i v e planning established. Also i l l u s t r a t e d was the wide impact of the case study events i n the seniors and non-seniors communities i n the Lower Mainland. At least four explanations are possible for the success of the case study events i n meeting their objectives as collaborative planning processes: 1.  Each event was thoroughly planned with both the perspective of  older persons and the underlying goal of f a c i l i t a t i n g i n every possible way their involvement was foremost i n mind. Consultation and involvement of older persons i n every facet of planning and organizing the events assisted i n meeting this underlying goal. Knowledgeable and experienced older persons and housing professionals were consulted regarding content of the events' programmes. Planning and implementation required many people, including the involvement of older persons i n advertising, brochure format, r e g i s t r a t i o n , physical layout and set-up, audiov i s u a l s , and as volunteers. Use of conference and workshop manuals and books (Nadler and Nadler 1977, Davis and McCallon 1974) were also very i n s t r u c t i v e for organizational and evaluative aspects of the case study  122  events. 2.  P u b l i c i t y for each event u t i l i z e d the suburban and city-wide  printed media, t e l e v i s i o n , and radio community service annnouncements. Advertising i n l o c a l newspapers drew many p a r t i c i p a n t s . However, Seniors Networks i n l o c a l communities proved to be the most e f f e c t i v e means of p u b l i c i z i n g the events. Requesting and e n l i s t i n g the assistance of many volunteers from the seniors community appeared to p u b l i c i z e and promote the events r a p i d l y among seniors groups, clubs, organizations. 3.  Seniors' or retirement housing i s an i n t e r e s t i n g or important  topic to many older persons, those i n housing and service related professions, and other non-seniors. The large numbers of volunteers, key p a r t i c i p a n t s , participants and home viewers of the case study events suggest broad i n t e r e s t . Also, the subsequent New Westminster Seniors Housing Symposium, which d i d not have the l i v e i n t e r a c t i v e community t e l e v i s i o n component, was very well attended. 4.  The l i v e coverage of both case study events by community  t e l e v i s i o n made possible a wide audience beyond the l i v e events. The i n t e r a c t i v e c a l l - i n feature no doubt increased viewership and also allowed home viewers to be involved i n the programmes. The novelty of broadcasting the topic of retirement housing formated as a combined l i v e i n t e r a c t i v e t e l e v i s i o n - l i v e public event also may have attracted many home viewers and Forum p a r t i c i p a n t s . The workshop composed of a video and two panels was also a novel idea i n seniors' events and programming.  123  Housing Needs and Preferences The thesis objective of developing an argument for planning seniors' housing through collaborative planning with older persons  was  met early i n this study. The exploration of the background and rationale for t h i s inquiry was provided i n Part I. The s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , and economic context of retirement housing issues was shown i n the f i r s t chapters to be c r i t i c a l i n understanding current housing r e a l i t i e s , and the causes of housing gaps for older persons. This discussion formed the basis of an argument for the necessity of collaborative planning with older persons to meet housing needs and preferences. Further development of the thesis objective was substantiated by both the process and the product of the case studies as described i n Chapter Seven. However, contrary to expectations of the thesis author, there was l i t t l e d i r e c t evidence i n the findings of the case studies which answered the thesis question regarding how well current and future housing needs and preferences of older persons are met. Greater response from older participants d i r e c t l y related to the various housing alternatives was expected, p a r t i c u l a r i l y i n the Workshop. The e x p l i c i t purpose of the workshop's pre-taped video was to generate discussion centering on the Workshop's video of a l t e r n a t i v e s . During the opening statements of the programme, panelists and viewers were asked to " c a l l i n with (your) comments and opinions about the various options". However, response to the video material during the programme was general rather than s p e c i f i c . As noted i n the findings of Chapter Seven, few participants and c a l l e r s stated preferences among the presented a l t e r n a t i v e s . Discussion was basic and only occasionally focussed on some of the presented housing types. Follow-up c a l l s for information to  124  the programme's information number and to various housing  resource  numbers d i d , however, r e l a t e to s p e c i f i c housing types. However, the exact numbers of c a l l s regarding which a l t e r n a t i v e s are unknown. As indicated by the senior panel members, one p o s s i b i l i t y for the lack of response to the new housing information i s that most older persons desire to remain where they are, rather than move into a l t e r n a t i v e accommodation. If t h i s i s the case, more programme information would not have increased interest i n a l t e r n a t i v e options. It may  also be possible that not enough i s known about the various  a l t e r n a t i v e s for older persons to form and express opinions. The  focus  of telephone c a l l s for information c e r t a i n l y indicated a general lack of knowledge i n the seniors community and among the general p u b l i c . More s p e c i f i c a l l y , people do not understand the government housing programmes and management p o l i c i e s , and their r i g h t s under these. Also, older persons generally know l i t t l e about the more common types of retirement housing and less about newer options and future p o s s i b i l i t i e s . Moreover, the numbers and types of c a l l s to both the Forum and Workshop indicated that many older persons and non-seniors do not know where to get information, or that they have experienced d i f f i c u l t y i n getting adequate housing information. Thus expectations of opinions on such a new  topic may  have been premature.  The r i g h t questions may  not have been asked during the programmes  to e l i c i t reactions to the content of the video. For example, even though the Workshop programme host knew the thesis research focus and purpose and stated these i n general terms at the outset of the programme, probing questions throughout the show may have been necessary. Also, i t i s possible that the structure of the programmes of  125  the Forum and Workshop d i d not allow s u f f i c i e n t space or time for the development of opinions on housing needs and Consultation may  be a new  preferences.  r o l e for older persons. To be asked for  opinions with l i t t l e previous thought, knowledge or information may  be  d i f f i c u l t as well as unfamiliar. Another p o s s i b i l i t y i s that older persons are i n general dealing with so many day-to-day housing problems that forming an opinion about other housing options simply i s not relevant. One workshop c a l l e r , for example, was dealing with the death of a spouse and loss of pension  such  that r e n t a l costs were ninety percent of h i s income. Conceptual and t h e o r e t i c a l issues can only have meaning to those functioning beyond the l e v e l of meeting basic needs. There i s also the p r o b a b i l i t y that both the Forum and Workshop w i l l have latent effects when older persons make housing decisions. For example, nearly one year a f t e r the Forum, the Liaison Committee received a l e t t e r requesting information about one of the new  options discussed  at the Forum (Reverse Annuity Mortgages). This indicates that information and knowledge i s more l i k e l y acted upon i n the medium and longer term. Recent and forthcoming CM.H.C. non-technical publications for the general public w i l l f i l l  some of the gaps i n knowledge about  housing,  but more e f f e c t i v e methods of housing information d i s t r i b u t i o n would seem to be necessary. As shown by the thesis research these might include public events, i n t e r a c t i v e community t e l e v i s i o n programmes and housing resource telephone  l i n e s . Also, education of key persons i n the  networks of the various communities, such as an upcoming conference for Senior C i t i z e n Counsellors, i s a probable  strategy for e f f e c t i v e  126  dissemination  of general and s p e c i f i c housing information.  It may  then  be more p l a u s i b l e for the thesis research question to be answered. According to the "decision pyramid" by Kantrowitz (1985) (see Figure 12), acceptance of an idea i s a series of nested changes.  ACTION  V  Figure 12. Decision Pyramid (From Kantrowitz 1985,  The thesis sought change at the i n t i a l two  steps of "awareness" and  " i n t e r e s t " . Becoming more aware of or more exposed to new and new  28)  housing forms  ways of involving older persons i n the planning process were  objectives i n the case studies. Interest i n both "awareness" and "involvement" was  also an objective sought and evidenced i n the case  study findings and outcomes. "Exploration" of new housing forms and "involvement" or b e l i e f are a t h i r d and fourth step many seniors  and  professionals are undertaking also as evidenced i n the case studies. These are necessary steps before "action" or a c t i v i t y based on the newly integrated information i s possible. The findings of the case studies discussed i n the previous chapter indicate that older persons, as well as builders, designers,  planners  and other professionals, appear to be at a reactive l e v e l of thinking regarding what i s possible to achieve i n housing options. Although older  127  persons and other non-seniors noted the significance of both case study events i n demonstrating the value and legitimacy of p a r t i c i p a t i n g with older persons i n planning housing, long-standing processes and exclusionary attitudes w i l l change slowly. As noted by several Workshop viewers, the dominance of the discussion by the developer panelist replayed the notion of the sterotypical housing professional: developers say what the needs are by the choices they make a v a i l a b l e . That the developer and other similar professionals d i d not f i n d the Workshop p a r t i c u l a r i l y i n t e r e s t i n g or informative re-affirms the bias of their profession. They were unable to "hear" the expressed needs because those needs were not congruent with their preconceptions and what i s i n their s e l f - i n t e r e s t . While such an analysis may not be true for the development community at large, t h i s i s a prime example of ageism and the vanity of "professionalism". This c r i t i c i s m i s made simply because "we must admit that a problem does e x i s t , and only then w i l l we begin to d i r e c t l y address this issue" (Williamson, Evans and Powell 1982, 243). Sensitizing "experts" and professionals to the ramifications of their thinking, attitudes and practices i s necessary so that they " w i l l be i n a better position to do something about i t "  (Ibid., 244).  The above pattern i s s i m i l i a r to findings from the 1984 "Listen To Me" series of cross-Canada workshops involving older persons and professionals i n a study of the involvement of older Canadians i n decision-making. Evaluation of the programme revealed that while the older participants found the events very worthwhile and informative, professional participants f e l t far less p o s t i v e l y . Ninety-one percent of the older persons involved i n the workshops recognized the need to  128  promote senior involvement, compared with only nine percent of the professionals (Canada 1985b, 8). Professionals i n general did not  think  that i t was necessary nor of value for older persons to be involved with them i n decision-making. Although they had p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the workshops, professionals were "not aware of the needs and concerns of seniors and how  seniors were affected by their decisions" (Ibid.).  The  attitudes of professionals toward involving older persons and others i n planning and decision-making may  also be influenced by the necessity of  a slower pace, on-going education and information r o l e s , and d i f f e r e n t language and s k i l l s as noted i n Chapter 5. Thus i t can be assummed from the case studies and from N.A.C.A. documentation, that professionals and older persons i n general have d i f f e r i n g expectations  of their roles and status, and the goals of  planning processes. This lends support to the necessity for more education  of professionals i n order to change their attitudes so that  p a r t i c i p a t i o n of older persons may  be viewed as a v i t a l component i n  planning and decision-making. However, that professionals did p a r t i c i p a t e i n the case study events, and that they also expressed interest and a willingness to be involved i n similar events, suggests that there has been some degree of change i n the acceptance by professionals of collaborative planning with older persons. Whether or not such acceptance w i l l lead to the  devolving  of decision-making to include older persons equally i n power and i n influence, i s not known. It i s broader context and systems within which professionals work, provide any constraints to f u l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n by Dyk's or Wandersman's d e f i n i t i o n s . Nevertheless,  professionals can  question established planning processes such as the general lack of  Van  129  involvement of older persons on the grounds that p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s e f f i c i e n t and moreover, the most e f f e c t i v e way of understanding and meeting needs and preferences  i n housing and other  areas.  It i s , however, older persons who have the most to gain by being involved i n issues that a f f e c t them. The participants i n the case study events obviously believed t h i s to be so. They were and are w i l l i n g to p a r t i c i p a t e i n seniors' housing issues. But older persons must also be educated to be "partners" i n the planning and decision-making process (Canada N.A.C.A. 1982, 4). Inclusion i n processes such as the case studies and t h e i r outcomes i s one step. More importantly, older persons must take a "pro-active" a t t i t u d e and make their needs and concerns known. They must also advance arguments for the changes they desire i n housing or i n the housing planning and development process. In addition, older persons must e f f e c t i v e l y and a c t i v e l y pursue organization and the power to meet those ends. As noted by Williamson, Shindul and Evans, " p o l i t i c a l change w i l l only be effected as a response to the sustained c o l l e c t i v e action of the e l d e r l y and other groups acting on their behalf" (1985, 261). It may not be possible for a great deal of change to be i n i t i a t e d by those currently o l d . However, pre-retirement  cohorts are i n better  health, f i n a n c i a l positions and have higher education  l e v e l s with which  to advance their needs and preferences. This group i s not so distant from a l l of us who w i l l one day be the older- persons who are the subject of the t h e s i s . This i s the strongest argument for changing the current non-involvment of older persons i n issues that a f f e c t them. It i s Blythe's c l a r i t y that cannot be ignored:  "The present  s i t u a t i o n cannot  change u n t i l we drop our detachment... u n t i l society can say 'we are  130  they', things w i l l remain much as they are" (1980, 104). As Humphrey Carver wrote, we at least owe i t to ourselves, "the o l d people of the future" (1962, 108). Fundamental changes i n attitude begin with "our  own  r e j e c t i o n of i t (current housing r e a l i t i e s and attitudes) for ourselves, and then i n our r e f u s a l to impose i t on others" (Comfort 1976,  33).  131  CHAPTER NINE SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS  9.1 Summary This thesis has explored collaborative planning as a method of involving older persons i n the process of creating seniors' or retirement housing. Beginning with p r i n c i p l e s based on the r i g h t of older persons to be involved i n decisions which a f f e c t their l i v e s , the thesis inquiry sought to demonstrate the need for t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i f suitable, affordable and preferable housing i s to be developed, and i f current s o c i a l biases toward aging and older persons i s to be countered. Development of this argument included examination of a comprehensive context of seniors' housing, o l d age and older persons. This  context  includes a t h e o r e t i c a l discussion of environment and aging; the Canadian setting i n terms of demographic trends and housing c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , "needs" and gaps; the s o c i a l , political-economic context, and at the broadest l e v e l , the philosophical basis of how "man" i s conceived. Also, i t i s pointed out that the s o c i a l bias and ageism r e f l e c t e d i n many aspects of seniors' housing was shown to be derived from how old age i s perceived. Collaborative planning as defined i n the thesis i s derived from a review of both the evolution of " p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n design", and from " c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n " i n the planning l i t e r a t u r e . The two case study events incorporate into their structure, planning process and presentation, the thesis premises, p r i n c i p l e s and the understanding gained from the discussions of the micro- and macro-level contexts of older persons and their housing.  132  Evaluation of the case studies reveals that they met  their stated  objectives and were successful i n demonstrating the v i a b i l i t y of collaborative planning. Knowledge was more understanding about:  gained i n several areas, including  housing gaps; what older persons value most  (independence and choice); the questions which need to be asked of older persons; the need for greater cooperation and i n t e r a c t i o n between professionals and members of the senior community. In terms of "product", the findings of the case studies substantiated what i s widely f e l t : there i s a wide range of needs and preferences  that can be met only through increasing the number of  housing options and choices i n l o c a l communities. The dialogue created between the two main p a r t i c i p a t i n g groups (seniors and professionals) was  a major outcome which sparked other  community events which have similar goals. Thus the case study events have had an immediate impact i n the Lower Mainland. Analysis of the case studies revealed several factors important for t h e i r success:  giving p r i o r i t y to the perspective of older persons;  l o c a l p u b l i c i t y ; focus on a t o p i c a l issue; the element of l i v e i n t e r a c t i v e t e l e v i s i o n i n reaching a wide audience. Within the case study findings there was  l i t t l e evidence of how  housings needs and preferences Several possible explanations  are met  well current and  future  by e x i s t i n g housing options.  for t h i s r e s u l t were offered, such as  there i s not enough information or knowledge about the various alternatives i n the seniors' community; the reviewed options were not yet relevant for those who  were p a r t i c i p a n t s .  "Reactive" rather than "pro-active" modes of thinking are  still  evident within the professional community as well, preventing wider  133  involvement of older persons i n planning and decision-making. Older persons must, therefore, be more "pro-active", seeking and demanding the means by which to gain what they need and prefer i n a l l areas of their l i v e s , including housing. Non-seniors can and must a s s i s t i n this process of change, for they are the future seniors. The case studies are of value to planners and others as a resource more i n terms of the effectiveness and outcomes of the "process" than i n terms of their "product" or findings. The events, both as process and product, have already benefitted other events i n the Vancouver area seniors' community. The case study events can f a c i l i t a t e the aims of s i m i l a r i l y focussed public events involving older persons. The case study events have influenced the thinking of many older persons who were involved either as participants i n the planning and presenting of the events, or as audience members. More importantly, by being involved, many participants (seniors and non-seniors) have r e a l i z e d the benefits of t h i s type of p a r t i c i p a t i o n , and have gained knowledge and understanding of the older persons' perspective regarding retirement housing needs and preferences and other related issues, such as support services. The findings d e t a i l e d i n the previous chapters should be of value to government and government agencies, as well as private sector organizations and businesses. As noted e a r l i e r , one government department has already incorporated some of the ideas and structure from the outcomes of the second case study (Workshop) into an upcoming conference. It i s hoped that the recording of the events on video w i l l more widely d i s t r i b u t e their usefulness as models of process or for product,  134  amongst the academic, seniors and professional communities. Hopefully professionals and non-professionals w i l l be stimulated to create dialogue with older persons on housing and other issues. As stated i n the thesis introduction, this study has sought to provide a departure point i n the evolution of creative and e f f e c t i v e types of collaborative planning with older persons, which w i l l have many r e s u l t s , including choice of suitable and preferable retirement housing alternatives i n a l l l o c a l communities.  9.2 Conclusions Findings and outcomes outlined i n the previous chapter show that both case study events had an impact i n the community, with immediate and longer term benefits to i n d i v i d u a l s and various communities i n the Lower Mainland. The d i r e c t and i n d i r e c t outcomes i n conjunction with evaluation by objectives indicate that both events met their o v e r a l l goals. Two important observations can be made when r e f l e c t i n g on the thesis process and i t s r e s u l t s . F i r s t l y , there i s the r e a l i z a t i o n that the dichotomy i n terms of how housing i s viewed by professionals and seniors must be r e c o n c i l l e d i f there are to be any s i g n i f i c a n t changes i n how  seniors' housing i s developed, the numbers and type of units, and  other basic aspects. As discussed i n Chapter Four, "housing as as noun" or manufactured  product with economic value, i s the predominant  perspective of housing held by professsionals and the systems of society. Older persons, i n contrast, l i k e other users or consumers, view housing "as a verb" which has meaning and i n t r i n s i c psycho-social value, which must be met within the market system. However, i t has been  135  d i f f i c u l t for the larger political-economic system to "produce" suitable and preferable housing for a l l older persons. Olson (1982), for example, does not believe that the current  system  can meet the housing needs of older persons. He believes that the p r o f i t orientation i n t e r e s t s of past and current housing p o l i c i e s which focus on subsidizing and benefiting f i n a n c i a l i n t e r e s t s , developers, and the construction industry, cannot provide q u a l i t y , affordable housing (1982, 25). Olson advocates resolving the housing cum s o c i e t a l c r i s e s through "a progressive transformation of the p o l i t i c a l economy" (Ibid., 228), necessitating r a d i c a l reforms. Under "democratic socialism", communitydefined needs would be s a t i s f i e d by d i r e c t production and a l l o c a t i o n of s o c i a l benefits. De Beauvoir s i m i l a r i l y asserts that widesweeping s o c i e t a l changes for  the housing and the l i v e s of older persons are required:  " I t i s the  whole system that i s at issue and our claim cannot be otherwise than r a d i c a l - change l i f e i t s e l f " ( 1 9 7 7 , 604). However, she goes beyond Olson's l e v e l of analysis to the l e v e l of social roles and d a i l y l i f e : "Even i f decent houses are b u i l t for them, they cannot be provided with the culture, the i n t e r e s t s and the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s that would give their l i f e a meaning."(Ibid., 602-603). Thus, i f older persons could f i n d f u l f i l l i n g and meaningful roles within the s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l context of their society, then decent, suitable and  adequate  housing would be a v a i l a b l e . S i m i l a r i l y , Harms believes the c o n f l i c t between housing as a product i n the economic system versus a basic human need necessitating a fundamental change to the e x i s t i n g bureaucratic market-based  system for  producing housing. He proposes a "cooperative developmental model" under  136  which power and decision-making are decentralized, where "decisions are made by those affected by them" (1972, 194). However, i t i s Marshall Tindale who  and  argue for a "coherent t h e o r e t i c a l perspective l i n k i n g the  micro-situations of old people with the macro-structures of our society" (1978, 172). They advocate the use of a symbolic i n t e r a c t i o n i s t approach i n understanding the issues and their answers. Borrowed from sociology, and applied to the p o s i t i o n of older persons i n our society, inherent i n t h i s perspective i s a conception  that i s freeing i n terms of what i s  possible for "the human capacity for s o c i a l l y constructing r e a l i t y " (Marshall, 1979,  349). The symbolic i n t e r a c t i o n i s t approach i s based on  acting and creating " r e a l i t y " , rather than on reacting to, and learning acceptance of, a given r e a l i t y . If aging comes to be viewed by older persons not as a given to which they adapt i n degrees of successfulness and gerontology),  (as i n normative sociology  but as "a sequence of meaningful negiotiations with  others"(Ibid., 352), over which they can have control and own  shape their  r o l e s , l i f e s t y l e s and s o c i e t a l relationships, the view held by  themselves and by wider society w i l l change, as w i l l their basic l i v e s and i t s components such as housing. If Rosow (1974) i s correct i n his argument that older persons lack norms and roles to guide their behavior, there are few impediments to such change. The second observation which i s implied from the above discussion, i s the necessity for changing social attitudes toward older persons and aging. Ending manditory retirement,  increasing the s o c i a l benefits and  opportunities to be involved i n society, w i l l increase the income, power and influence, status and well-being of older persons. These c r i t i c a l changes may  or may  not also bring about a s o c i a l perspective that  137  accepts old age as a natural progression of the l i f e c y c l e . As Bergum (1981) argued, the larger s o c i e t a l view toward old age i s inseparable from the form and meaning of housing for older persons. Thus, the degree to which old age i s accepted w i l l be evident i n seniors' or housing, and p a r t i c u l a r i l y i n how  retirement  that housing i s produced.  What i s amply clear i s that, as Mumford wrote more than t h i r t y years ago,  "To normalize o l d age, we must restore the o l d to the  community" (1956, 192). This means not just developing meets needs and preferences  housing that  i n l o c a l areas, but including older persons  as active participants i n that aim, and i n other s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s decision-making that a f f e c t s t h e i r l i v e s and the l i v e s of others.  and The  physical integration of the homes and the social l i v e s of older persons in every l o c a l community by Alexander, Ishikawa and S i l v e r s t e i n (1977) under a "pattern language" which meets their needs appears to be highly supportive of such fundamental changes. Alexander's patterns involving older persons are based on the necessity for choice i n type of housing, location, size and services. 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(1979) Becoming Old, New York: Springer Publishing Company. Mumford, L. (1956) "For older people - not segregation, but integration", A r c h i t e c t u r a l Record, May, 191-194. Murray, H. A. (1938) Explorations i n Personality, New York: Oxford University Press. Murray, J . A. (1985) "Designing n o n - i n s t i t u t i o n a l settings", i n B. Wigdor and L. Ford (Editors) Housing for an Aging Population: A l t e r n a t i v e s , Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Myles, J . (1981) "Comparative p u b l i c p o l i c i e s for the e l d e r l y " , i n A. Guillemard (Editor), Old Age and the Welfare State, Beverly H i l l s , California:" Sage Publications Incorporated. Nadler,  L. and Nadler, Z. (1977) The Conference Book, Texas: Gulf Publishing Company.  Houston,  Newman, S. J . , Zais, J . and Stryk, R. (1984) "Housing older America", i n  147  I. Altman, M. P. Lawton and J . F. Wohlwill (Editors), E l d e r l y People and the Environment, New York: Plenum Press. Novak, M. (1985) Successful Aging, The Myths, R e a l i t i e s and Future of Aging i n Canada, Markham, Ontario: Penguin Books, Canada. 0'Bryant, S. L. (1983) "The subjective value of 'home' to older homeowners", i n Journal of Housing for the Elderly, Vol. 1 (1), Spring-Summer, 29-43. Olson, L. K. (1982) The P o l i t i c a l Economy of Aging: The State, Private Power and Social Welfare, New York: Columbia University Press. Ontario Association of Homes for the Aged (1984) Designed f o r Seniors, Woodbridge, Ontario: Ontario Association of Homes for the Aged. O r i o l , W. E. (1982) Aging i n A l l Nations, Washington, D.C.: National Council on the Aging. Parr, J . (1980) "The interaction of persons and l i v i n g environments", i n L. Poon (Editor),Aging i n the 80's, Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association. Pastalan, L. A. (1981) "Housing the e l d e r l y : the evidence and issues to be resolved", i n B. T. Wigdor and L. Ford (Editors), Housing f o r an Aging Population: Alternatives, Toronto: University of Toronto Press. (1983) "Demographic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s " , Journal of Housing f o r the E l d e r l y , V o l . 1 (1), Spring-Summer, 85-87. Peattie, L. R. "Reflections on advocacy planning", American Institute of Planning Journal, V o l . 34, 80-88. P h i l l i p s o n , C. (1982) Capitalism and the Construction of Old Age, London: The MacMillan Press Limited. Pinsky, B. (1983) Stanley Knowles Cooperative: Developing a Framework f o r the P a r t i c i p a t i o n of Seniors i n the Design of Their Own Non-Profit Housing Cooperative, Ottawa: Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation. Rapelje, D. H. (1981) "Alternatives - how do we make them happen?" i n B.T. Wigdor and L. Ford (Editors), Housing for an Aging Population: Alternatives, Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Rapoport, A. (1982) "Aging-environment theory: a summary", i n M. P. Lawton, P. G. Windley and T. 0. Byerts (Editors),  148  Aging and the Environment, New York: Publishing Company.  Springer  Regnier, V. (1981) "Neighborhood images and use: a case study" i n M. P. Lawton and S. L. Hoover (Editors), Community Housing Choices for Older Americans, New York: Springer Publishing Company. (1983) "Urban neighborhood cognition" i n G. D. Rowles and R. J . Ohta (Editors), Aging and M i l i e u , New York: Acadian Press. Rose, A. (1981) "Social p o l i c y issues for housing an aging population" i n B. T. Wigdor and L. Ford (Editors), Housing for an Aging Population: Alternatives, Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Rosener, J . B. (1981) "User orientated evaluation: a new way to view c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n " , Journal of Applied Behavioral Science, Vol. 17 (4), 583-596. Rosow, I. (1967) Social Integration of the Aged, New York: Free Press. Rowles, G. D. (1978) Prisoners of Space? Exploring the Geographical Experience of Older People, Boulder Colorado: Westview Press. Royal Commision on the Economic Union and Development Prospects for Canada (1985) Report Volumes 1-3, Donald S. Macdonald, Chairman, Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services Canada. Sadler, B. (1979) "Public p a r t i c i p a t i o n and the planning process: intervention and integration", Plan Canada, Vol. 19 (1), 8-12. Saskatchewan Housing Corporation (1984) Taskforce on Senior C i t i z e n Housing, Regina: Saskatchewan Housing Corporation. S c h i f f , M. R. (1980) "Post-occupancy evaluation: a research t o o l " , i n B. Wigdor and L. Ford (Editors), Housing for an Aging Population: Alternatives, Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Sommers, R. (1983) Social Design, Englewood C l i f f s , New Jersey: Prentice-Hall Incorporated. Stokols, D. (1978) "Environmental psychology", Annual Review of Psychology, Vol. 29, 253-295. Stone, L. 0. and Fletcher, S. (1980) A P r o f i l e of Canada's Older Population, Montreal: Institute for Research on Public Policy.  149  Streib, G. F., F o l t s , M. and Hilker, M. (1981) Old Homes New Families, Shared Living for the Elderly, New York: Columbia University Press. z  Townsend, P. (1964) The Last Refuge, London: and Kegan Paul.  Routledge  Turner, J . F. C. (1972a) "Housing as a verb", i n J . F. C. Turner and R. Fichter,Freedom to Build, Dweller Control of the Housing Process, New York: Macmillan Company. (1972b) "The reeducation of a professional", i n J . F. C. Turner and R. Fichter,Freedom to Build, Dweller Control of the Housing Process, New York: Macmillan Company. United Nations (1982) Report of the World Assembly on Aging, New York: United Nations Publications. Van Dyk, N. (1978) " P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the development of Cooperative Communities", Ottawa: Carleton University (Mimeographed). Vancouver C i t y Planning Department (1979) Affordable Housing: Who Requires Assistance, Vancouver: C i t y of Vancouver. Wandersman, A. (1979a) "User p a r t i c i p a t i o n , a study of types of p a r t i c i p a t i o n , e f f e c t s , mediators and i n d i v i d u a l differences", Environment and Behavior, Vol. 11 (2), 185-208. (1979b) "User p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n planning environments, a conceptual framework", Environment and Behavior, Vol. 11 (4), 465-482. Whiting, D. (1986) "A senior's home...designs for independent Gerontion, V o l . 1 (3), May-June, 23-25.  living",  Whiting, D. and Woodwark, B. (1985) A Senior's Home, Design f o r Independent Living, Calgary, Alberta: Alberta Department of Housing. Williamson, J . B., Evans, L. and Powell, L. A. (1982) The P o l i t i c s of Aging, Power and Policy, Springfield, I l l i n o i s : Charles C. Thomas Publisher. Williamson, J . B., Shindul, J . A. and Evans, L. (1985) Aging and Public Policy, Social Control or Social Justice?, Springfield, I l l i n o i s : Charles C. Thomas Publisher. Wilson, J . W. (1981) "Cast me not o f f - l o c a t i o n a l p o l i c y for homes f o r the Elderly" i n J . W. Wilson (Editor), The University Goes to Town, Burnaby, B r i t i s h Columbia: Geography  150  Department,  Simon Fraser University.  Windley, P. G., Byerts, T. 0. and Ernst, F. G. (1974) Theory Development i n Environment and Aging, Report from a Conferance held at Kansas State University, Manahathan, Kansas A p r i l 1974, Washington, D.C.: Gerontological Society. Windley, P. G. and Scheidt, R. J . (1980) "Person-environment d i a l e c t i c s : implications for competent functioning i n o l d age", i n L. Poon (Editor), Aging i n the 80's, Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association. Wolfe, J. (1979) "Evaluation of objectives: a case study and commentary on public p a r t i c i p a t i o n " ; Plan Canada, V o l . 19 (1), 38-48.  APPENDIX A Types of Independent Housing (adapted from Brink 1985, 14-15)  152 TYPES  of  INDEPENDENT HOUSING  I Independent L i v i n g a) Owned or Rented Self-Contained Units - single family homes - r e n t a l apartments, townhouses - condominiums - coop u n i t ( house, mobile home) - mobile home - shared accomodation ( boader, homesharer) - h o s t e l or hotel accomodation (SRO) b) Owned or Rented Units S p e c i f i c a l l y Designated, Designed or Modified for Seniors - cottages - apartments or townhouses - coop units - condominiums - retirement communities II Supported Independent Living Housing that i s supported with services ( meals, housekeeping, l i m i t e d personal assistance) from project, family,.community, government programmes, or with s p e c i a l unit design. a) Self-Contained Units with support services - single family homes - r e n t a l apartments or townhouses - condominiums - mobile homes - l i v e - i n housekeeper - homesharing (informal, formal) b) Not Self-Contained Units, Congregate S t y l e (Shared Coinmunal Areas meals, bathrooms, other l i v i n g areas ) - home of others - family or r e l a t i v e s - boarding home - foster home - retirement hostel or hotel - group homes - o l d age homes c) On-Site Services - Shelter or Congregate Housing with an on-site Manager/Caretaker  (Adapted from Brink, 1985, pp. 14.-15 )  APPENDIX B Range of Housing Alternatives (Written Version of Video Script f o r Retirement Housing Workshop, November 2, 1986)  154 Range of Housing Alternatives for Older Persons Living i n the Community (written version of video s c r i p t for "Retirement Housing Alternatives: What are the Choices?", Rogers Cablevision Production, November 2, 1986)  1. Home Improvement Programmes A) The B.C. Tax Deferral Program allows homeowners over age 65 to defer their property taxes u n t i l their homes are sold. The cost i s 2% interest less than prime rate on the t o t a l amount deferred. B) The B.C. Home Owner's Grant pays older homeowners up to $630 a year toward property tax assessment. Local c i t y or municipal halls have information about both the tax deferral and home owner grant programmes. C) Rennovation can make your home more suitable to your needs. Canada Mortgage & Housing Corporation offers the Residential Rehabilitation Assistance Program to a s s i s t homeowners and landlords to adapt homes or apartments for disabled persons. Up to 510,000 as a low interest loan i s available. Half of this amount may not have to be repaid depending upon your income. D) CMHC publishes a booklet on making housing accessible It i s c a l l e d Housing the Elderly and i s available for S2 from the Vancouver CMHC o f f i c e . Also available i s a free booklet c a l l e d Housing Programmes and Services for Elderly Persons.  155 E) Assistance to upgrade the i n s u l a t i o n i n your home i s available BC Hydro. Under their insulation program, a loan of up to $750 at twelve and one-half percent interest can be repaid through your monthly Hydro bill.  2. Home Equity Conversion Plans allow older persons with equity i n their homes to convert i t into supplemental income while they remain i n their existing homes, or move to other accomodation. In a few weeks, a Vancouver company w i l l make available a f l e x i b l e home income plan that w i l l allow you to retain the t i t l e to your home and receive either an income stream for l i f e , a lump-sum upfront, payment to your estate, or any combination of these. In return, upon your death, your home becomes the property of the investor.  3. Shared Housing i s two or more unrelated persons l i v i n g together. Each has a private space, and a l l share common areas such as the kitchen, l i v i n g room and dining area. It i s similar to a family with shared r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and decisions. Benefits include shared costs, increased feelings of security, companionship and assistance with maintenance, upkeep and d a i l y a c t i v i t i e s . I t can be informal or sponsored by an organization such as Vancouver Homesharers, who match older homeowners and younger persons i n need of affordable housing. This type of arrangement can allow you to l i v e independently longer i n your home.  156 4. (Accessory apartments) Larger rennovations include adding a self-contained suite apartment for a r e l a t i v e or homesharer. While many of these are not recognized as l e g a l , thousands of single family homes have r e n t a l suites which provide both affordable housing and extra income f o r older persons. Municipal governments have been trying to resolve t h i s quandary for some time.  6. Granny f l a t s are removable units i n s t a l l e d i n the rear or side yard of single-family homes. They have a kitchen, bathroom, bedroom, dining and l i v i n g areas. Water, sewage and e l e c t r i c i t y are connecteded with the main house. While r e l a t i v e l y common i n A u s t r a l i a as government rental units, the smaller l o t size i n Canada, zoning r e s t r i c t i o n s and the temporary look of the units are drawbacks.  7. ( I n f i l l Housing) In Vancouver, there are several a t t r a c t i v e examples of small houses adjacent  to larger single family homes. Some of these are attached  units, others are long, thin houses i n the side yards of larger homes. Two-generation families occupy some of these. They provide companionship and security close by for older r e l a t i v e s . Such ideas are not r e a l l y new. But they are examples of what i s possible using single family home lots with minor changes to the character of a neighbourhood.  157 8. (Cooperatives) Cooperative units are owned c o l l e c t i v e l y by a l l of the members of a cooperative. Monthly charges are l i k e rent and cover t o t a l costs of mortgages, taxes and maintenance. Individual members are e n t i t l e d to exclusive use of s p e c i f i c units and c o l l e c t i v e use of a l l common areas and f a c i l i t i e s . In general, monthly fees are below market rents. A) In the government-financed type of coop, shares are bought but there i s no p r o f i t on the amount when a member moves. There are both integrated and seniors only cooperatives. Most of the seniors only coops are i n the Fraser Valley. B) There i s a new form of cooperative c a l l e d Market Coops that are very suitable for moderate income older persons. Ninety-four units i n Surrey, and sixty-four i n Coquitlam  are currently being developed. The  members' equity from 20% to 100% of the cost of their one and two bedroom units i s used to finance the community. Members own, manage and control their project, and t h e i r i n i t i a l investment i s returned when membership ends. C) A similar type of financing i s being used to develop a 42 unit coop on the North Shore s p e c i f i c a l l y designed  for seniors. Initiated by  West Vancouver municipality, prospective members contribute from 25 to 100% of the cost of their bachelor, one or two bedroom suites. Members have had design input and w i l l continue to manage the project. Market coops generally cost 25% less than similar market housing.  D) This project i s an i n t e r e s t i n g example of housing b u i l t by a small group of people with a similar v i s i o n of neighbourliness. They  158 pooled their money to obtain a mortgage to rennovate a  seven-unit  h i s t o r i c townhouse. An a r c h i t e c t worked closedly with each owner to design their home i n d i v i d u a l l y . After construction, the project s t r a t a - t i t l e d . Although only one senior was  was  involved, this project  highlights the p o s s i b i l i t i e s informal cooperation has for creating suitable, affordable seniors' housing.  9. (Special B u i l t Seniors Housing Complexes) while there are many townhouse, condominium and apartment options throughout the Vancouver area, purpose b u i l t housing for older persons i s becoming more common. A) These complexes i n Surrey offer mature adults homes with  low  maintenance, security, recreation f a c i l i t i e s , and a community of similar-aged people. They vary i n p r i c e , unit and complex size, amenities and design features. This 25 unit condominium complex i n South Vancouver was  s p e c i f i c a l l y designed for seniors as their mobility and  health declines. It has the usual features of retirement housing plus others such as emergency alarm systems and flush thresholds throughout. B) This White Rock retirement community of 75 two bedroom units features a park-like character with a choice of unit s t y l e s . A recreational building provides a v a r i e t y of leisure a c t i v i t i e s .  159 10. Mobile Homes provide a low-cost a l t e r n a t i v e for seniors who  desire  smaller homes. Some of these are r e n t a l , others are lease or s t r a t a t i t l e . There are cooperative mobile home parks for seniors i n outlying areas of Vancouver, such as t h i s large seniors only complex i n downtown Chilliwack, and adult only mobile home parks l i k e these i n Surrey.  11. Sheltered Housing i s housing that provides independent l i v i n g i n houses or apartments with any of the following features: a l i v e - i n housekeeper, nursing staff or services, meal services or communal dining, emergency c a l l system, transportation and recreational services. Units may  be owned or rented and the size of these projects v a r i e s .  Larger-scale projects include: A) (Concord Homes) t h i s private senior's project i n White Rock. It has 32 self-contained units, with once-a-day communal dining, informal s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s and transportation for shopping and outings. Residents are members of a church-based non-profit society. Debentures, which receive low interest or are refundable  i n t e r e s t - f r e e loans, cover the  costs of the studio, 1 & 2 bedroom units, except for monthly charges for maintenance and upkeep. Residents receive a l i f e - l e a s e . B) (Crofton Manor) This older private development i n Vancouver offers apartment l i v i n g i n bachelor and one bedroom units with hotell i k e conveniences. Services include dining room meals, maid and linen service, o n - c a l l nursing, and a wide array of recreational and leisure programmes. On the same s i t e , there i s an intermediate-  care f a c i l i t y .  160 C) (Canada Way  Ledge) This Burnaby development i s an apartment  block of studio and one bedroom units for independent older persons. Daily lunch and dinner, and weekly cleaning are provided for a moderate fee. Some residents have spouses or close friends l i v i n g i n the intermediate frequent  care f a c i l i t y on the adjacent  s i t e , within easy access for  visiting.  D) (Hollyburn House) The security of adjacent i s a prime feature of t h i s new  supportive  services  West Vancouver project for higher income  seniors. Rental self-contained studio, 1 s. 2 bedroom suites, dining, spa and recreational f a c i l i t i e s are a v a i l a b l e . Within the same building i n a separate area an intermediate  care f a c i l i t y provides  support services i n  a n o n - i n s t i t u t i o n a l atmosphere. Small-scale  sheltered housing i s now  being i n i t i a t e d  i n the  Vancouver area by developers and church or ethnic based non-profit s o c i e t i e s . One version i s Abbeyfield of the U.K..  Several B.C.  local  s o c i e t i e s , including Vancouver hope to develop non-profit rennovated or new  homes with approximately 8 independent residents and a l i v e - i n  housekeeper. This concept i s motivated by the increasing numbers of lonely older persons, rather than a need indicated by income. Independ ent l i v i n g and privacy i n the midst of a f a m i l y - l i k e home i s the essence of a l l small-scale sheltered housing. Abbeyfield, w i l l however, stress resident control and management.  161  APPENDIX C Federal Housing Programs (from CM.H.C. 1983b, Appendix 1,  1-9)  162  A CHRONOLOGY OF FEDERAL HOUSING PROGRAMS A - Market Housing Programs Date  Program T i t l e and Description  Status  The Mortgage Rate Protection Program (MRPP) permits homeowners to buy long-term protection against extraordinary increases i n mortgage rates at renewal.  On-going  Registered Home Ownership Savings Plan (RHOSP) "Top-Up" allows anyone acquiring a newly-built home after 19 A p r i l 1983 and by 1 March 1985 to claim a tax deduction egual to $10 000 less the t o t a l contributions made to the owner i n previous years. An individual was also able to make tax-free withdrawals from an existing RHOSP in 1983 for the purchase of qualifying new furniture.  RHOSP "Top-Up" provision expires 1 March 1985  1982  The Canadian Home Ownership Stimulation Program (CHOSP) provided $3 000 grants to f i r s t - t i m e and new home buyers to create employment and stimulate the economy.  Terminated Mid-1983  1981  The Canada Mortgage Renewal Plan (CMRP) provided monthly payments equivalent to the amount by which mortgage and property tax payment exceeded 30 per cent of income as a result of mortgage renewal at higher rates of interest.  New commitments ceased 31 Dec. 1984  Initiated 1984  1983  Furniture purchase terminated Dec. 1983  163  Date Initiated  Program T i t l e  and  Description  Status  The Canada R e n t a l S u p p l y P l a n (CRSP) makes a v a i l a b l e 1 5 - y e a r i n t e r e s t - f r e e l o a n s o f up t o $7 500 p e r r e n t a l u n i t constructed.  Terminated 3 1 Dec. 1 9 8 4  1975  The A s s i s t e d R e n t a l Program (ARP) p r o v i d e d i n t e r e s t - f r e e assistance loans to e n t r e p r e n e u r s f o r new r e n t a l accomm o d a t i o n f i n a n c e d by p r i v a t e lenders i n order to bring r e n t s down t o m a r k e t l e v e l s . An a s s i s t a n c e l o a n o f up t o $1 200 p e r u n i t was g r a n t e d i n the f i r s t y e a r , then the s i z e o f the l o a n was r e d u c e d by 1/10 o f t h e o r i g i n a l amount each year f o r a 10-year period.  New commitments terminated i n 1978 b u t some a s s i s tance advances t o 1995 u n d e r terms of 1976 agreement  1974  The Income Tax A c t was amended t o a u t h o r i z e the M u l t i p l e U n i t R e s i d e n t i a l B u i l d i n g Program (MURB) w h i c h a l l o w e d individuals investing in r e n t a l h o u s i n g t o d e d u c t from p e r s o n a l income (non r e n t a l income) l o s s e s a r i s i n g f r o m the c a p i t a l c o s t s allowance.  Extended several t imes, terminated 1979  The R e g i s t e r e d Home O w n e r s h i p S a v i n g s P l a n , a l l o w s any r e s i d e n t t a x p a y e r who does not own r e s i d e n t i a l r e a l e s t a t e t o c o n t r i b u t e t o a RHOSP and subtract this contribution from h i s t a x a b l e income. L i m i t e d t o a maximum o f $1,000 per y e a r w i t h a t o t a l not t o e x c e e d $10,000.  Ongoing  1981  Reintroduced i n 1980  1974  Terminated i n Dec. 1982  164  Date Initiated 1973  1969  Program T i t l e  and D e s c r i p t i o n  Status  The A s s i s t e d Home-Ownership Program (AHOP) p r o v i d e d loans and g r a n t s t o h e l p l o w e r income f a m i l i e s w i t h one o r more c h i l d r e n become owners o f modest-priced housing.  New commitments terminated i n 1978, but extended ass i s t a n c e was p r o v i d e d t o June, 1984.  Over the y e a r s , l i m i t e d d i v i d e n d l o a n s have been committed under v a r i o u s s e c t i o n s o f t h e NHA ( S e c t i o n 9, 1944; S e c t i o n 16 ~, 16A and 15, 1954) b u t t h e o b j e c t i v e of the L i m i t e d D i v i d e n d Program has r e m a i n e d s u b s t a n t i a l l y t h e same: to make l o a n s t o an LD h o u s i n g company o r i n d i v i d u a l f o r c o n s t r u c t i o n of a low-rental housing p r o j e c t or purchase of an e x i s t i n g b u i l d i n g . E n t r e p r e n e u r i a l a c t i v i t y under the p r o g r a m d e c l i n e d i n t h e mid-1960s and i n 1969 NHA amendments i n c r e a s e d t h e l o a n l e v e l s t o 95 p e r c e n t o f value, permitted construction of p r o j e c t s i n h o s t e l or d o r m i t o r y f o r m as w e l l a s s e l f - c o n t a i n e d accommodation; the 5 p e r cent r e t u r n l i m i t a t i o n was r e l a x e d , and the p e r i o d o f rent c o n t r o l s r e d u c e d t o 15 y e a r s .  No a c t i v i t y s i n c e 1981  165  Date Initiated 1963  Program T i t l e  and D e s c r i p t i o n  Status  A Winter Housing-Building I n c e n t i v e Program p r o v i d e d a payment o f $500 p e r u n i t (single detached t o 4-unit structures) completed i n the 1 D e c . - 31 M a r c h p e r i o d o f 1963/1964 and 1964/1965.  Termi nated A p r i l 1965  The M o r t g a g e I n s u r a n c e P r o g r a m c o n s t i t u t e s CMHC's p r i n c i p a l business a c t i v i t y . By l a w , a l l h i g h - r a t i o mortgages (over 75 p e r c e n t o f v a l u e o f p r o p e r t y ) made by i n s t i t u t i o n a l l e n d e r s m u s t be insured. Mortgage insurance p r o t e c t s the lender from c o s t s i n c u r r e d due t o b o r r o w e r default. The p r o g r a m i s financed from insurance fees p a i d by t h e b o r r o w e r w h e n t h e m o r t g a g e i s i s s u e d by t h e lender.  Ongoing  NHA l e g i s l a t i o n a l s o a u t h o r i z e d CMHC t o make D i r e c t Loans i n o r d e r t o supplement mortgage funds a v a i l a b l e from p r i v a t e l e n d e r s when n e c e s s a r y ( i . e . , i n some l o c a l i t i e s , a s lender of last resort, i n p e r i o d s when f u n d s l o w ) .  Ongoing. In p a s t , volume of l e n d i n g was substant ia1; now l i m i t e d  1954  1 954  166  D - Social Date Initiated  Housing  Programs  Program T i t l e  and D e s c r i p t i o n  Status  1978  The S e c t i o n 56.1 N o n - P r o f i t and C o - o p e r a t i v e H o u s i n g Programs p r o v i d e a s u b s i d y t o p r i v a t e n o n - p r o f i t and c o o p e r a t i v e housing a s s o c i a t i o n s and p r o v i n c i a l and m u n i c i p a l n o n - p r o f i t housing agencies. I n d i a n bands a r e a l s o e l i g i b l e recipients. The a s s i s t a n c e i s equal t o the d i f f e r e n c e between mortgage a m o r t i z a t i o n c o s t a t market i n t e r e s t r a t e s and a t 2 p e r c e n t , and i s f i r s t used t o reduce t o t a l project cost, including a m o r t i z a t i o n and o p e r a t i n g c o s t s , down t o t h e l o w e r end o f market r e n t s . The b a l a n c e i s u s e d t o a s s i s t low-income tenants r e s i d i n g i n the project. The p r o v i n c i a l and m u n i c i p a l g o v e r n m e n t s may augment t h e f e d e r a l a s s i s t a n c e . O f t e n , I n d i a n bands a l s o use i t i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h "the Department o f I n d i a n and N o r t h e r n A f f a i r s ' On-Reserve H o u s i n g Program. These programs r e p l a c e t h o s e p r e v i o u s l y funded under S e c t i o n 15.1 and 34.18.  Ongoing  1975  A Rent Supplement P r o g r a m u n d e r S e c t i o n 4 4 ( 1 ) (b) o f t h e NHA s p e c i f i c a l l y d e s i g n e d f o r n o n - p r o f i t and c o - o p e r a t i v e c o r p o r a t i o n s funded under S e c t i o n s 15.1 and 34.18 had  Ongoing  167  Date Initiated  Program T i t l e  and D e s c r i p t i o n  Status  been l e g i s l a t e d i n 1973 b u t was n o t i m p l e m e n t e d u n t i l 1975 i n those p r o v i n c e s f o r which f e d e r a l / p r o v i n c i a l master a g r e e m e n t s had been s i g n e d . A subsidy equal to the d i f f e r e n c e between r e n t and 25 p e r c e n t o f income i s p r o v i d e d t o low-income t e n a n t s o f t h e n o n - p r o f i t and c o - o p e r a t i v e projects. The c o s t o f t h e program i s shared e q u a l l y between t h e f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l governments. 1974  The R u r a l and N a t i v e H o u s i n g Program d e l i v e r e d u n d e r S e c t i o n s 40, 34.1, 36(g) and 37.1 o f t h e NHA, p r o v i d e s new h o u s i n g and r e n o v a t i o n a s s i s t a n c e f o r low-income n a t i v e and n o n - n a t i v e people l i v i n g i n r u r a l a r e a s and towns w i t h p o p u l a t i o n s o f 2 500 o r l e s s . The o w n e r s h i p / r e n t a l component o f t h e program p r o v i d e s a l o a n t o f i n a n c e the c o n s t r u c t i o n of a house and s u b s i d i z e s t h e d i f f e r e n c e between l o a n amort i z a t i o n c o s t s and p r o p e r t y t a x e s , and 25 p e r c e n t o f t h e h o u s e h o l d income. The l o a n and s u b s i d y c o s t s a r e s h a r e d between f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l g o v e r n m e n t s on a 75-25 b a s i s . The r e n o v a t i o n component p r o vides a loan to finance the u p g r a d i n g o f t h e house t o meet minimum h e a l t h and s a f e t y  Ongoing  168  Date Initiated  Program T i t l e  and  Description  Status  s t a n d a r d s and t o e n s u r e i t s l i v a b i l i t y f o r a t l e a s t 15 years. A p o r t i o n of the l o a n i s f o r g i v e n , t h e amount depend i n g upon t h e h o u s e h o l d income. The emergency r e p a i r component p r o v i d e s a o n e - t i m e g r a n t t o make t h e n e c e s s a r y h e a l t h and s a f e t y r e p a i r s . The r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and emergency r e p a i r p r o g r a m s a r e f i n a n c e d by t h e f e d e r a l government a l o n e . A revised RNH p r o g r a m was a p p r o v e d by P a r l i a m e n t i n J u n e 1984, but i s not y e t i m p l e m e n t e d . 1973  The S e c t i o n 15.1 N o n - P r o f i t and t h e S e c t i o n 34.18 Co-op Programs were d e s i g n e d t o p r o v i d e 100 p e r c e n t l o a n s t o non- p r o f i t c h a r i t a b l e o r g a n i z a t i o n s , p r o v i n c i a l l y or m u n i c i p a l l y owned n o n - p r o f i t and c o - o p e r a t i v e c o r p o r a t i o n s whose i n t e n t i o n s were t o p r o v i d e and o p e r a t e modest h o u s i n g f o r low and m o d e r a t e income h o u s e h o l d e r s u n a b l e t o l o c a t e or a f f o r d such housing on t h e open m a r k e t . The l o a n i n t e r e s t r a t e s were s u b s i d i z e d t o 8 p e r c e n t , and a 10 p e r c e n t c a p i t a l c o n t r i b u t i o n was provided. Priorities for f u n d i n g were f i r s t , f a m i l i e s o f low and m o d e r a t e income, with a high p r i o r i t y to areas n e e d i n g new c o n s t r u c t i o n ; s e c o n d , s e n i o r c i t i z e n s and t h i r d , s p e c i a l needs g r o u p s s u c h as t h e h a n d i c a p p e d .  R e p l a c e d by Section 56.1 programs i n 1978  169  Date Initiated  Program T i t l e  and D e s c r i p t i o n  Status  T h i s was one o f t h e f i r s t f e d e r a l low-income h o u s i n g programs which d i d not r e q u i r e m a t c h i n g s u b s i d i e s by o t h e r l e v e l s o f government. 1969  The Rent S u p p l e m e n t Program, u n d e r S e c t i o n 44.1(a) i s t a r g e t t e d t o low-income h o u s e holds r e s i d i n g i n p r i v a t e r e l n t a l accommodation and c o v e r s t h e d i f f e r e n c e between m a r k e t r e n t and 25 p e r c e n t o f income.  Ongoing  1969  In 1964, NHA amendments i n t r o d u c e d S e c t i o n 43/44 P u b l i c H o u s i n g Programs and e x p a n d e d the low r e n t a l l i m i t e d d i v i dend p r o g r a m t o n o n - p r o f i t c o r p o r a t i o n s , i n c l u d i n g those owned by p r o v i n c e s and m u n i c i p a l i t i e s ( S e c t i o n 16, 1 6 A ) . Under S e c t i o n 43, a 90 p e r c e n t l o a n was made t o p r o v i n c i a l government h o u s i n g agencies t o f i n a n c e the const r u c t i o n o f a low-income housing p r o j e c t . T e n a n t s pay 25 p e r c e n t o f t h e i r income on rent. Under S e c t i o n 44, t h e f e d e r a l government p r o v i d e s a s u b s i d y e q u a l t o 50 p e r c e n t o f t h e o p e r a t i n g l o s s e s on t h e project.  New commitments c e a s e d i n 1978, except i n N.W.T. where activity termi nated i n 1983. Long-term subsidiz a t i o n of operating costs continues  1965  S p e c i a l agreements e n t e r e d i n t o by f e d e r a l and P r a i r i e p r o v i n c e s governments t o p r o v i d e Native housing under S e c t i o n 40 o f t h e NHA.  R e p l a c e d by RNH P r o g r a m i n 1974  170  Date Initiated  Program T i t l e  and D e s c r i p t i o n  Status  1960  Under S e c t i o n 47 o f t h e NHA, t h e S t u d e n t H o u s i n g Program made l o a n s a v a i l a b l e t o p r o v i n c e s and m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , t o u n i v e r s i t i e s and c o l l e g e s f o r student dormitories, hostel or self-contained accommodation. Lounges, d i n i n g h a l l s and o t h e r f a c i l i t i e s r e q u i r e d by s t u d e n t h o u s i n g c o u l d a l s o be i n c l u d e d in the p r o j e c t .  No budget has been approved f o r student housing s i n c e 1978  1949  T h e S e c t i o n 40 F e d e r a l / P r o v i n c i a l P u b l i c Housing Program i n t r o d u c e d a p a r t n e r s h i p t e c h n i q u e t o a c q u i r e and d e v e l o p l a n d and t o d e s i g n , b u i l d and o p e r a t e p u b l i c housing p r o j e c t s . Capital c o s t s and o p e r a t i n g l o s s e s t o be s h a r e d on a 75/25 b a s i s . As a m a j o r i t y owner, CMHC accepted r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r a p p r o v i n g , p l a n n i n g and designing p u b l i c housing projects.  I n 1978, S e c t i o n 40 Program was restricted to-, Newfoundland, Prince Edward I s l a n d , New Brunswick and Saskatchewan  1938  When t h e f i r s t N a t i o n a l Housing A c t passed, the F u l l R e c o v e r y Low R e n t a l H o u s i n g Program was e n a c t e d (NHA P a r t I I ) . I t o f f e r e d 90 p e r cent f e d e r a l long-term loans at p r e f e r r e d i n t e r e s t r a t e s t o l o c a l housing a u t h o r i t i e s , l i m i t e d dividend housing c o m p a n i e s and n o n - p r o f i t housing a s s o c i a t i o n s . These were f o r t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f low-rental housing p r o j e c t s to be l e a s e d t o low and moderate income f a m i l i e s a t below market r e n t s .  Repealed i n 1946, but intent reflected in S e c t i o n s 15, 15.1 and 34.18 o f t h e NHA  171  APPENDIX D Terms of Reference, Liaison Committee, G.A.B.C.  172  TERMS OF REFERENCE: LIAISON COMMITTEE, GABC The goal of the L i a i s o n Committee i s to p r o v i d e a forum for discussion and debate between s e n i o r s and p r o f e s s i o n a l s whose programs, policies and d e c i s i o n s a f f e c t the lives of older adults. In a d o p t i n g t h i s g o a l we are f o l l o w i n g the recommendat i o n o f the World Assembly on A g i n g Conference a t V i e n n a i n 1982: .that the e l d e r l y s h o u l d have a v o i c e i n matters t h a t a f f e c t them. S p e c i f i c a l l y , the L i a i s o n Committee aims t o : (a)  e s t a b l i s h a precedent and develop a model for i n c l u d i n g o l d e r a d u l t s i n the d e c i s i o n making p r o c e s s ;  (b)  promote an exchange o f i n f o r m a t i o n and opinion in order to r e v e a l areas o f agreement and conflict on specific t o p i c s chosen on the basis of perceived importance and/or community concern;  (c)  provide an o p p o r t u n i t y t h r o u g h mutual e d u c a t i o n  r  for conflict resolution and compromise.  APPENDIX E Program, Retirement Housing Forum, February 22,  1986  174 PROGRAM: RETIREMENT HOUSING IN THE 80's AND 90's: CURRENT REALITIES AND CREATIVE ALTERNATIVES 8:30 9:05  -  9:00 9:10  9:15  - 10:15 C h a i r:  Registration Welcome and I n t r o d u c t i o n : Dr. Beverly Burnside, C h a i r , L i a i s o n Cttee.,GABC CURRENT REALITIES Mr. James Wilson, S.F.U.  Seniors Panel: Betty Backman, Vinnian Lewis, Kent Lyons, B i l l P i e r c e , Joann Robertson, Kay Stovold P r o f e s s i o n a l s Panel: Enid Buchanan, BCHMC; Dr. G l o r i a Gutman, SFU; Dr. David Hulchanski, UBC; John Jessup C i t y S o c i a l Planing Dept.; Jeremy Tate, • BC M i n i s t r y of Health, V i c t o r i a 9:15 Dr. David Hulchanski: Overview of Current Housing P o l i c y in. B.C. & Canada 9:35 Kent Lyons: Myths & R e a l i t i e s of Housing for Seniors I 9:55 Joann Robertson: Myths & R e a l i t i e s of Housing f o r Seniors II 10:15  - 10:30  REFRESHMENT BREAK  10:30  - 11:00  Small Group Discussion  11:00  - 12:00  Report to F u l l Assembly from Small Groups; Questions and Comments from H a l l & TV  audience  12:00  -  1 :00  LUNCH - served'in the H a l l  1:00  -  1:15  Introduction to Panel on CREATING.ALTERNATIVES (Molly G a l l e y , Cora Hansen & Muriel P r o z e l l e r ) Betty Backman  Chair: 1:15 1:45 2:05 2:30  -  P a t r i c i a Baldwin: McLaren Plansearch Overview of A l t e r n a t i v e s G i l l i a n Elcock: Homesharers E l a i n D u v a l l , Columbia Housing: Cooperative Housing  2:45  BREAK - Refreshments  2:45  Edward Bowes: Concord Home S o c i e t y : A Non-governmental I n i t i a t i v e Ted M i t c h e l l (CMHC): F i n a n c i a l Mechanisms to Create A l t e r n a t i v e s  3:05 3:35  SUMMARY: Mary H i l l , Dept. S o c i a l Work, UBC  3:50  CLOSING Gerontology  Assoc. of B.C.  L i a i s o n Committee  Beverly Burnside, Chair; Annie Black, Bern Grady, Cheryl Kathler Pat R a f f e r t y , Judy Reise, Drake Smith, Marilyn Wallace Forum Coordinator: Cheryl Kathler  TV Coverage  VanEast Cable 1 0 CBC 'Best Years'  175  APPENDIX F Recommendations for Future Forums from the G.A.B.C. Report on the Retirement Housing Forum  176  G.A.B.C.  REPORT ON THE RETIREMENT HOUSING FORUM  RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FUTURE FORUMS Participant feedback was useful i n i d e n t i f y i n g aspects to incorporate i n t o future planning and i n suggesting ways to improve subsequent forums: 1) ensure that speakers understand  the comprehension l e v e l of their  audience; 2) allow more time for discussion and interaction during the small groups and the assembly discussion periods consider t h i s type of interaction for l a t e r i n the schedule when there i s more to talk about; 3) information sheets, handouts, outlines or summaries from the speakers would be useful; 4) use of more v i s u a l aids that are simple, clear and s p e c i f i c to speakers' topics. Other ways to f a c i l i t a t e meeting educative objectives of a conference of t h i s type include: 5) closer attention must be paid to d e f i n i n g the objectives as s p e c i f i c a l l y as p o s s i b l e . The programme should then be designed with these objectives i n mind.  This also e n t a i l s that a l l members of the  design committee understand, agree to and use a common model or v i s i o n of the outcome early i n the planning stages; 6) evaluation questionnaires should be related s p e c i f i c a l l y to the stated objectives to a s s i s t i n the analysis of evaluation data; 7) ensure that the presenters can f u l f i l l the roles assigned to them by using references and recommendations for speakers from knowledgeable and experienced conference p a r t i c i p a n t s .  If possible, meet with  speakers prior to the conference to c l a r i f y and agree upon the content  177  and form of their presentations; 8) safety should be ensured by securing a l l platform s t a i r s , f l o o r wires, ecetera, during set-up; 9) p u b l i c i t y was most e f f e c t i v e i n newspapers or by word of mouth, therefore stress these methods most i n future conference planning; 10) shorten the length of the day; seven hours i s too long f o r a l l but the most keen; 11) include speakers from housing developers to round out discussion; 12) names of conference participants to be interviewed on t e l e v i s i o n should be gathered p r i o r to the conference, i n order to a s s i s t the Cable 10 s t a f f and to prepare the interviewees; 13) i d e a l l y small group discussions could be audio-taped or d e t a i l e d notes could be gathered from them for l a t e r compiliation as part of the conference proceedings; 14) to improve the l o g i s t i c s of the day's events, a l l s t a f f should meet together with the coordinator p r i o r to the in-person r e g i s t r a t i o n period to be clear on d e t a i l s or l a s t minute changes 15) the Liaison Committee proposes that the conference model outlined; here should be expanded to province-wide coverage, p o s s i b l y using Cable T.V.  Companies across  B.C.;  16) since only a f r a c t i o n of in-coming c a l l s were aired, i n future l i v e - t e l e v i s e d conferences arrange with Cable 10 to receive as many c a l l s as possible by opening up extra telephone l i n e s , and keep them open for a period after the l i v e programme.  This would f a c i l i t a t e :  A) possible follow-up; B) content analysis for evaluations and research purposes; C) compiliation of a data source for external interest  groups;  178  17) i n p u b l i c i t y , inform the public that there w i l l be an opportunity to phone i n their questions and comments during the l i v e programme. Questions can then be formulated p r i o r to c a l l i n g . Although these recommendations suggest improvements f o r future forums, the Retirement Housing Forum was successful beyond expectations, p a r t i c u l a r i l y given the limited number of committee members and t h e i r time constraints.  The outcome also suggests a new d i r e c t i o n f o r GABC.  (exerpt from report written by C.J.  Kathler, Conference Coordinator)  

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