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Irish ethnic consciousness : an anthropological view of its awakening, its maintenance, and its perpetuation… Kachuk, Patricia Mary Catherine 1987

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I R I S H ETHNIC CONSCIOUSNESS: AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL VIEW OF ITS AWAKENING ITS MAINTENANCE, AND ITS PERPETUATION I N NORTHERN IRELAND By P A T R I C I A MARY CATHERINE KACHUK B.A., Y o r k U n i v e r s i t y , 1981 A THESIS SUBMITTED I N PARTIAL FULFILLMENT THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s as c o n f o r m i n g t o t h e r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d © THE UNIVERSITY OF B R I T I S H COLUMBIA A u g u s t 1987 P a t r i c i a Mary C a t h e r i n e K a c h u k , 1987 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. P a t r i c i a Kachuk Department of Anthropolgy The University of British Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 D a t e September 15, 1987. DE-6(3/81) A b s t r a c t E t h n o n a t i o n a l movements h a v e p r o l i f e r a t e d t h r o u g h o u t t h e w o r l d s i n c e t h e A m e r i c a n and F r e n c h R e v o l u t i o n s f i r s t g a v e b i r t h t o t h e c o n s c i o u s n e s s t h a t e v e r y n a t i o n h a s a r i g h t t o s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n . W h e t h e r t h e s e e t h n i c - b a s e d n a t i o n a l i s t movements a r e a new phenomenon w h i c h i s r o o t e d i n t h e I n d u s t r i a l E r a o f E u r o p e , o r a r e j u s t a r e c e n t s t a g e i n an e t h n i c s t r u g g l e t h a t began d u r i n g t h e i n i t i a l c u l t u r a l c o n t a c t b e t w e e n two e t h n i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t g r o u p s and h a s p e r s i s t e d e v e r s i n c e , d e t e r m i n e s t h e p o i n t a t w h i c h an a n a l y s t w i l l c h o o s e t o b e g i n h i s o r h e r i n v e s t i g a t i o n . U l t i m a t e l y , t h e s e l e c t i o n o f t h i s s t a r t i n g p o i n t d e t e r m i n e s t h e c o n c l u s i o n s drawn a b o u t t h e c a u s e and n a t u r e o f e t h n o n a t i o n a l movements. I n t h i s t h e s i s , t h e e x p l o r a t i o n o f I r i s h e t h n o n a t i o n a l i s m b e g i n s i n t h e t w e l f t h c e n t u r y when t h e A n g l o - N o r m a n s i n v a d e d I r e l a n d . The f o r m a t i o n and d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e I r i s h e t h n i c g r o u p i s a n a l y z e d , and s e l f - i d e n t i f i c a t i o n f o u n d t o be t h e k e y c r i t e r i o n f o r d e t e r m i n i n g g r o u p m e m b e r s h i p . As s o c i a l c l e a v a g e s b e t w e e n t h e " I r i s h " and " c o l o n i z e r " h a r d e n e d , i n s t i t u t i o n s and s t r u c t u r e s emerged t o m a i n t a i n and r e i n f o r c e t h e e t h n i c b o u n d a r y b e t w e e n t h e s e two g r o u p s . The t h e s i s c o n c l u d e s w i t h a d e t a i l e d a n a l y s i s o f t h e o p e r a t i o n o f one mechanism of s e l f - s e g r e g a t i o n - - s e p a r a t e e d u c a t i o n — u s i n g ethnographic data and a u t o b i o g r a p h i c a l accounts of the childhood experiences of people who were born and r a i s e d i n Northern I r e l a n d . In t h i s t h e s i s , i t i s argued that I r i s h e t h n i c consciousness was brought i n t o awareness when the invading Anglo-Normans threatened to d i s s o l v e i n t o chaos the e x i s t i n g G a e l i c s o c i a l order. I t i s contended that the e t h n i c s t r u g g l e i n I r e l a n d which began i n the t w e l f t h century and s t i l l p e r s i s t s today i n Northern I r e l a n d , has no s i n g l e cause, but was and s t i l l i s fundamentally a c u l t u r a l c o n f l i c t which continues to be f u e l l e d by a long h i s t o r y of "remembered" g r i e v a n c e s — c u l t u r a l , p o l i t i c a l , and economic--most of which predate i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and the American and French R e v o l u t i o n s . T h i s past i s kept a l i v e by the i n s t i t u t i o n s , s t r u c t u r e s , and p r a c t i c e s which maintain and r e i n f o r c e the e t h n i c boundary between C a t h o l i c s and P r o t e s t a n t s i n contemporary Northern I r e l a n d , thus ensuring that the I r i s h n a t i o n a l i s t movement w i l l continue to have at i t s d i s p o s a l a sh a r p l y defined e t h n i c group which i t can m o b i l i z e when necessary, and from which i t can r e c r u i t new members. - i v -Table of Contents ABSTRACT i i LIST OF FIGURES v i i CHAPTER 1 I n t r o d u c t i o n to the Issue: Approaches and P e r s p e c t i v e s 1 I The Debate 1 A. Ethnonationalism as a Product of I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n 3 1. Economic Ex p l a n a t i o n s : M a r x i s t s ' I n t e r p r e t a t i o n s 3 2. S o c i o l o g i c a l E x p l a n a t i o n s : Non-Marxist I n t e r p r e t a t i o n s 16 B. Ethnonationalism as a Recent Stage of a Recurrent E t h n i c S t r u g g l e 21 II An A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l C o n t r i b u t i o n : A View of the Awakening and Development of I r i s h E t h n i c Consciousness 25 A. T h e o r e t i c a l Premises 25 B. Methodology 32 CHAPTER 2 Twelfth-Century I r e l a n d : The S e t t i n g . . . . 36 CHAPTER 3 The Anglo-Norman Invasion: The Emergence of a New Form of I r i s h E t h n i c Awareness 42 I The C u l t u r a l Impact of the Anglo-Norman Invasion 42 A. Language 43 - v -B. Brehon Law 45 C. R e l i g i o n 52 II The Economic Threat Posed by the Anglo-Norman Invasion 58 III The P o l i t i c a l F a i l u r e of the Anglo-Norman Invasion 60 IV An Awakening of Eth n i c Consciousness i n I r e l a n d 63 V Summary and Conclusions 73 CHAPTER 4 The Deepening of S o c i a l Cleavages Between Native and S e t t l e r 75 I C o n s o l i d a t i o n of Power: The Tudor Years . 76 A. The E a r l y Tudor P e r i o d , 1485-1547 . . . . 76 B. E l i z a b e t h I and the " U l s t e r P l a n t a t i o n " . 82 II The R e b e l l i o n of 1641 87 A. S h i f t i n g Group Membership 87 B. The B i r t h of a P r o t e s t a n t Myth 89 II I The Cromwellian R e t a l i a t i o n of 1649 . . . 93 IV The Triumph of W i l l i a m of Orange 97 V The Penal Laws 100 VI Summary and Conclusions 105 CHAPTER 5 E t h n i c Boundary Reinforcement and Maintenance i n Contemporary Northern I r e l a n d 109 I The Development of Separate Education i n Northern I r e l a n d 112 A. I r i s h Education i n Pre-Nineteenth-Century I r e l a n d 112 - v i -B. Education i n I r e l a n d A f t e r the Union with B r i t a i n , January 1, 1801 115 II Verbal Messages that Strengthen E t h n i c Group I d e n t i t y , as Conveyed by School Curriculum 124 I I I Non-Verbal Messages that Strengthen E t h n i c Group I d e n t i t y , as Conveyed by A c t i v i t i e s Outside the Classroom 129 IV Summary and Conclusions 132 CHAPTER 6 General Conclusions 134 BIBLIOGRAPHY 136 - v i i -L i s t of Figures FIGURE 1 I r e l a n d : P o l i t i c a l D i v i s i o n s A f t e r P a r t i t i o n , 1921 38 FIGURE 2 I r e l a n d : P h y s i c a l Features . . . . . . . . . 39 FIGURE 3 The Extent of Norman C o n t r o l , c. 1250 . . . . 62 FIGURE 4 The Lordships of I r e l a n d i n 1532 78 FIGURE 5 The P r i n c i p a l Tudor and St u a r t P l a n t a t i o n s . 85 - 1 -I r i s h E t h n i c Consciousness: An A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l View of I t s Awakening, I t s Maintenance, and I t s Perpetuation i n Northern I r e l a n d Chapter 1 I n t r o d u c t i o n to the Issue: Approaches & P e r s p e c t i v e s I The Debate Revo l u t i o n a r y movements are not a new phenomenon, however e a r l y i n the nineteenth century t h e i r nature changed s i g n i f i c a n t l y . Lord Acton designated, "1831 as a 'watershed' year f o r c l a s s i f y i n g r e v o l u t i o n s . He considered r e v o l u t i o n a r y movements p r i o r to that date to be based upon e i t h e r r i v a l e m p i r i c a l claims or the r e f u s a l of people to be misgoverned by s t r a n g e r s " (Connor, 1973: 9). Change i n the nature of r e v o l u t i o n a r y movements was i n i t i a t e d by the American and French Revolutions which gave b i r t h to the consciousness that, "the source of a l l s o v e r e i g n t y r e s i d e s e s s e n t i a l l y i n the n a t i o n " (Connor, 1973: 6), and that governments must be, - 2 -"sanctioned by the w i l l of the people i n s t e a d of the w i l l of God" (Wolf, 1986: 102). T h i s change i n ideology was of such magnitude i n the eyes of one h i s t o r i a n of n a t i o n a l i s m , Kohn (1944: 523), that he proclaimed "before the French R e v o l u t i o n there had been s t a t e s and governments, a f t e r i t there emerged nations and peoples." Therefore a f t e r 1831, n a t i o n a l i s m was l i n k e d to p o l i t i c a l l e g i t i m a c y and e t h n i c i t y . The nature of nin e t e e n t h and twentieth-century n a t i o n a l i s t movements appears to be so s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t from r e v o l u t i o n a r y movements p r i o r to t h i s time that the q u e s t i o n of whether the former are c h i l d r e n of the i n d u s t r i a l era or j u s t a recent stage of p r e - i n d u s t r i a l c o n f l i c t , has become the t o p i c f o r much s c h o l a r l y debate. H i s t o r i c a l t e x t s , which are themselves the h i s t o r i a n s ' c o n s t r u c t i o n of what they b e l i e v e occurred i n the past (Carr, 1962; Becker, 1932) are the primary sources of v a l i d a t i o n f o r both opponents i n t h i s debate. Those s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s who argue that e t h n i c consciousness was sparked by the American and French Revolutions and nurtured by the uneven spread of modernization, search f o r the cause and an understanding of the nature of these movements i n the i n d u s t r i a l era. Other s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s who b e l i e v e e t h n o n a t i o n a l i s t movements to be a r e c u r r e n t phenomenon, search the e n t i r e s o c i a l h i s t o r y of e t h n i c group i n t e r a c t i o n to f i n d c l u e s as to the causes and nature of these movements. The relevance of both of these t h e o r e t i c a l - 3 -i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of h i s t o r i c a l t e x t s to the c o n f l i c t i n Northern I r e l a n d w i l l be discus s e d i n the f o l l o w i n g p a r t of t h i s chapter. A. Ethnonationalism as a Product of I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n 1. Economic E x p l a n a t i o n s : M a r x i s t s ' I n t e r p r e t a t i o n s The modern s t a t e , according to Marx and Engels, was a r e s u l t of the process i n which the f e u d a l mode of p r o d u c t i o n was r e p l a c e d by the c a p i t a l i s t mode of pr o d u c t i o n . During t h i s process, the "fragmented f e u d a l s o c i e t y " was slowly u n i t e d , d e s t r o y i n g a l l " l o c a l p a r t i c u l a r i t i e s " and producing a "standardized" p o p u l a t i o n (Nimni, 1985: 103). This s t a n d a r d i z e d p o p u l a t i o n was a necessary c o n d i t i o n , a c c o r d i n g to Marx, f o r the c r e a t i o n of c a p i t a l i s t markets. The p o p u l a t i o n was d i v i d e d i n t o two s o c i a l c l a s s e s , each grouped a c c o r d i n g to i t s d i f f e r e n t i a l access to s t r a t e g i c r e s o u r c e s . Marx, i n The German Ideology, wrote: ...In each country the b o u r g e o i s i e has i t s own p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t s and cannot transcend n a t i o n a l i t y . . . . B u t i n every country the p r o l e t a r i a t has a s o l e and common i n t e r e s t , a s o l e and common enemy, a s o l e and common s t r u g g l e . Only the - 4 -p r o l e t a r i a t can a b o l i s h n a t i o n a l i t y , only the v i g i l a n t p r o l e t a r i a t can make the brotherhood of nations (quoted i n Lowy, 1976: 82). Lowy (1976: 82) analyzes t h i s passage and claims that Marx meant " a l l the p r o l e t a r i a t of a l l n a t i o n s have the same i n t e r e s t s . . . [ a n d ] f o r the p r o l e t a r i a t , the n a t i o n i s merely the immediate p o l i t i c a l framework f o r the s e i z u r e of power." Thus f o r t r a d i t i o n a l M a r x i s t s , s o c i a l c o n f l i c t s which c l a i m to be between e t h n i c groups are a " d i v e r s i o n a r y myth" which camouflage the " r e a l " c o n f l i c t , which i s a c l a s s c o n f l i c t where the oppressed p r o l e t a r i a t i s f i g h t i n g to g a i n c o n t r o l of the b a s i c p r o d u c t i v e means of modern economic systems. DePaor (1971), D e v l i n (1969) and others, have r e f l e c t e d t h i s t r a d i t i o n a l Marxist viewpoint i n t h e i r w r i t i n g s on the c o n f l i c t i n Northern I r e l a n d . Whyte (1978: 258) has summarized t h e i r argument as c l a i m i n g the: . . . c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s , both B r i t i s h and l o c a l , has a r t i f i c i a l l y fomented the c o n f l i c t i n Northern I r e l a n d . The n a t u r a l d i v i s i o n i n Northern I r e l a n d , as i n other c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t i e s , i s between p r o l e t a r i a t and b o u r g e o i s i e . But the b o u r g e o i s i e has c r a f t i l y obscured t h i s d i v i s i o n , and i n s t e a d has s p l i t the workers on s e c t a r i a n l i n e s . P r o t e s t a n t workers a l l i e d with t h e i r bosses a g a i n s t C a t h o l i c - 5 -workers, i n s t e a d of a l l y i n g with t h e i r C a t h o l i c fellow-workers against the bosses. As Whyte p o i n t s out, a major problem with t h i s argument i s that the P r o t e s t a n t s r e a l l y do have some o b j e c t i v e b a s i s f o r t h e i r f e a r s . They know that the N a t i o n a l i s t s do want a u n i t e d I r e l a n d where the P r o t e s t a n t s would be a m i n o r i t y and made subj e c t to a government i n which the Catholic Church has a powerful p o l i t i c a l v o i c e . They a l s o know that i f the N a t i o n a l i s t s get t h e i r way, the P r o t e s t a n t b o u r g e o i s i e c o u l d l e a v e . However f o r the P r o t e s t a n t worker, t h i s would be an u n r e a l i s t i c s o l u t i o n . Therefore, the P r o t e s t a n t workers have v i g o r o u s l y r e s i s t e d any attempts by v a r i o u s groups such as the People's Democracy, to u n i t e P r o t e s t a n t and C a t h o l i c workers a g a i n s t the B r i t i s h and l o c a l b o u r g e o i s i e . Some Ma r x i s t s have t r i e d to overcome t h i s weakness i n the t r a d i t i o n a l M a r x i s t argument. F a r r e l l (1980) has proposed that the c o n f l i c t i n Northern I r e l a n d i s a r e s u l t of d i f f e r e n t i a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n which corresponds to s e c t a r i a n l i n e s . He argues that both the P r o t e s t a n t and C a t h o l i c workers are oppressed, however as the former i s l e s s oppressed than the l a t t e r , the two groups are kept from u n i t i n g a g a i n s t t h e i r r e a l enemy--the b o u r g e o i s i e . The i m p l i c a t i o n i n F a r r e l l ' s work i s that i f d i f f e r e n t i a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n d i d not e x i s t i n Northern I r e l a n d , P r o t e s t a n t s would have no o b j e c t i o n to becoming p a r t of the Free State - 6 -(Whyte, 1978). F a r r e l l ' s argument f a i l s to c o n s i d e r the c u l t u r a l reasons f o r the a t t i t u d e s of the P r o t e s t a n t s , such as t h e i r r e l i g i o u s f e a r s and t h e i r strong i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with B r i t a i n (Whyte, 1978). L i k e the t r a d i t i o n a l M a r x i s t s , F a r r e l l dismisses the e t h n i c f a c t o r s of the c o n f l i c t i n Northern I r e l a n d as "mere ma n i f e s t a t i o n s of a ' f a l s e consciousness'" (Richmond, 1987: 9). As a r e s u l t , n e i t h e r argument adequately e x p l a i n s why members from a l l c l a s s e s i n Northern C a t h o l i c I r i s h s o c i e t y and not j u s t the C a t h o l i c p r o l e t a r i a t , are a c t i v e members i n the N a t i o n a l i s t movement. Nor do these arguments account f o r the u n i t e d a c t i o n of P r o t e s t a n t s from a l l walks of l i f e a g a i n s t any l e g i s l a t i o n from Westminster which would t h r e a t e n the power s t r u c t u r e i n Northern I r e l a n d . A recent example of t h i s i s the strong r e j e c t i o n by P r o t e s t a n t s of the A n g l o - I r i s h Agreement, which was signed i n 1986 by England and the Republic of I r e l a n d , g i v i n g Dublin a l i m i t e d say i n Northern I r e l a n d ' s f u t u r e . Hechter (1975), a neo-Marxist s o c i o l o g i s t , has t r i e d to overcome these problems experienced i n the t r a d i t i o n a l M a r x i s t arguments, by e x p l a i n i n g the e t h n i c nature of modern n a t i o n a l i s t movements, i n p a r t i c u l a r C e l t i c n a t i o n a l i s t movements i n B r i t a i n , u sing a model of i n t e r n a l c o l o n i a l i s m . Hechter (1975: 10) argues that the r e s u l t s of the - 7 -"uneven s p r e a d o f m o d e r n i z a t i o n " o v e r t h e s t a t e a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n p e r i o d p r o d u c e d " a d v a n c e d " and " l e s s a d v a n c e d " g r o u p s . By i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z i n g t h i s new s t r a t i f i c a t i o n s y s t e m , t h e s u p e r o r d i n a t e g r o u p hoped t o m a i n t a i n t h e a d v a n t a g e g a i n e d by h a v i n g an u n e v e n d i s t r i b u t i o n o f r e s o u r c e s and power w i t h i n t h e s t a t e . The a l l o c a t i o n o f a l l s o c i a l r o l e s was r e g u l a t e d by t h e s u p e r o r d i n a t e g r o u p . S u b o r d i n a t e g r o u p s , d e n i e d a c c e s s t o p o s i t i o n s o f power, became d e p e n d e n t on t h e " a d v a n c e d " g r o u p . As a r e s u l t o f t h i s new s y s t e m o f s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , t e r m e d t h e " c u l t u r a l d i v i s i o n o f l a b o u r " by H e c h t e r , g r o u p s w i t h " d i s t i n c t i v e e t h n i c i d e n t i f i c a t i o n " emerged. W h i l e t h e o r e t i c a l l y , p e r i p h e r a l g r o u p s s h o u l d a s s i m i l a t e i n t o t h e c o r e , H e c h t e r ( 1 9 7 5 : 43) p o i n t s o u t t h a t "when o b j e c t i v e c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s [ i n p a r t i c u l a r l a n g u a g e / a c c e n t ; d i s t i n c t i v e r e l i g i o u s p r a c t i c e s ; and l i f e s t y l e ] a r e s u p e r i m p o s e d upon e c o n o m i c i n e q u a l i t i e s , f o r m i n g a c u l t u r a l d i v i s i o n o f l a b o u r , and when a d e q u a t e c o m m u n i c a t i o n [ t h r o u g h l a n g u a g e s o c i e t i e s , c u l t u r a l f e s t i v a l s and s i m i l a r i n s t i t u t i o n s ] e x i s t s as a f a c i l i t a t i n g f a c t o r , t h e c h a n c e s f o r s u c c e s s f u l p o l i t i c a l i n t e g r a t i o n o f t h e p e r i p h e r a l c o l l e c t i v i t y i n t o t h e n a t i o n a l s o c i e t y a r e m i n i m i z e d . " T h e r e f o r e , j u s t as " t h e e x i s t e n c e o f s i g n i f i c a n t m a t e r i a l i n e q u a l i t i e s b e t w e e n c u l t u r a l l y s i m i l a r g r o u p s i n i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y - - s u c h as b e t w e e n t h e E n g l i s h b o u r g e o i s i e and p r o l e t a r i a t - - w i l l e n c o u r a g e - 8 -the subordinate group to become c l a s s conscious i n i t s attempt to a f f e c t change i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of r e s o u r c e s " (Hechter, 1974: 1166). So, too, Hechter argues, w i l l the uneven development of economic resources between c u l t u r a l l y d i s s i m i l a r groups s t i m u l a t e r e a c t i v e c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n by the disadvantaged p e r i p h e r a l group. This r e a c t i v e c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n , Hechter concludes, o f t e n takes the form of an e t h n o - r e g i o n a l movement which seeks to change the a l l o c a t i o n of s o c i e t a l r e s o u r c e s . Hechter's c o n t r i b u t i o n to the debate on e t h n o n a t i o n a l i s m has been welcomed by many t h e o r i s t s . S c o t t (1976: 187) suggests that Hechter appears to have brought together i n one model the economic, p o l i t i c a l , and c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s which account f o r the emergence and p e r s i s t e n c e of e t h n i c a f f i l i a t i o n and c o n f l i c t i n modern European s t a t e s . Kahn (1981: 49) commends Hechter f o r "demonstrating that e t h n i c movements are not j u s t c u l t u r a l movements, but have other bases as well...[and f o r being able] to argue that movements that are apparently concerned only to a s s e r t c u l t u r a l d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s , are a l s o concerned with a group's s o c i a l and economic as w e l l as c u l t u r a l i n t e g r i t y . " Hechter does t h i s , Kahn (1981: 49) continues, by l i n k i n g " e t h n i c c o n f l i c t and the nature of c o l o n i a l forms of domination...[in] i n t e r n a l c o l o n i e s . " - 9 -Smith (1981: 32) applauds H e c h t e r 1 s model f o r : . . . c l e a r l y [grasping] the p l u r a l nature of most modern s t a t e s and t h e i r o r i g i n i n conquest of neighbouring areas [as w e l l as] g r a p h i c a l l y [ p o r t r a y i n g ] the n e g l e c t s and o f t e n o u t r i g h t e x p l o i t a t i o n of s e v e r a l of these o u t l y i n g areas f o r the b e n e f i t of c e n t r a l e l i t e s . . . [ a n d f o r i l l u m i n a t i n g ] the many ways p o l i t i c a l domination has u t i l i z e d economic p o l i c y to perpetuate the s u b o r d i n a t i o n and sometimes impoverishment of p e r i p h e r a l p o p u l a t i o n s . While economic d e p r i v a t i o n , economic d i s c r i m i n a t i o n and economic e x p l o i t a t i o n are " a l l g r i s t to the n a t i o n a l i s t m i l l " (Smith, 1981: 44), recent s t u d i e s by Rose (1971: 200-208, 280-289, 389); Rose (1976: 11); L i j p h a r t (1975: 91-93); and Whyte (1983)1 have c a s t doubt on the s e v e r i t y of s o c i a l and economic d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a c t u a l l y being experienced by C a t h o l i c s i n contemporary Northern I r e l a n d , and consequently on H e c h t e r 1 s assumption that "the stronger the c u l t u r a l d i v i s i o n of labour [ i . e . , the g r e a t e r the economic disadvantage of the p e r i p h e r a l e t h n i c group], the stronger the e t h n i c c o n f l i c t " ( A l l a r d t , 1979: 37-39). Thus the recent narrowing 1 See a l s o the debate between Hewitt (1981,1983,1985) and O'Hearn (1983, 1985). - 10 -of economic gaps and decrease i n economic i n e q u a l i t i e s i n Northern I r e l a n d which should, a c c o r d i n g to Hechter's model lea d to a r e d u c t i o n i n the awareness of e t h n i c group a f f i l i a t i o n and a l e s s e n i n g of e t h n i c t e n s i o n s has not done so. Instead there continues to be strong e t h n i c group i d e n t i f i c a t i o n by both C a t h o l i c s and P r o t e s t a n t s , and s i n c e the 1960s there has been an e s c a l a t i o n ' i n e t h n i c c o n f l i c t i n the area. This e s c a l a t i o n of e t h n i c c o n f l i c t i n a time of d e c r e a s i n g economic d i s c r i m i n a t i o n i n d i c a t e s that economic f a c t o r s alone can not e x p l a i n the i n t e n s i t y of n a t i o n a l or e t h n i c sentiments i n Northern I r e l a n d (Smith, 1981: 44; Whyte, 1978: 266; See, 1986: 15-16). Therefore, i f the e t h n i c nature of the I r i s h n a t i o n a l i s t movement can not be accounted f o r i n l a r g e l y economic terms, then Hechter's i n t e r n a l c o l o n i a l i s m model provides at best, only a p a r t i a l e x p l a n a t i o n of t h i s phenomenon, i n d i c a t i n g that there are other more r e l e v a n t f a c t o r s which must a l s o be c o n s i d e r e d . One Marxist w r i t e r , Anderson (1983) has t r i e d to transcend the d i f f i c u l t i e s of both the t r a d i t i o n a l and neo-Marxist e x p l a n a t i o n s of the o r i g i n s of ethnic-based n a t i o n a l i s t movements, by i n c l u d i n g i n h i s study of t h i s phenomenon what he c o n s i d e r s are the c u l t u r a l r o o t s of n a t i o n a l i s m . Anderson (1983: 14,46) argues that " n a t i o n a l i t i e s " are " c u l t u r a l a r t e f a c t s of a p a r t i c u l a r k i n d " which were created towards - l i -the end of the e i g h t e e n t h century when "a h a l f - f o r t u i t o u s , but e x p l o s i v e i n t e r a c t i o n between a system of production and p r o d u c t i v e r e l a t i o n s ( c a p i t a l i s m ) , a technology of communications ( p r i n t ) , and the f a t a l i t y of human l i n g u i s t i c d iversity...made new communities imaginable." By " f a t a l i t y " , Anderson (1983: 46) does not mean " p r i m o r d i a l f a t a l i t y of p a r t i c u l a r languages and t h e i r a s s o c i a t i o n with p a r t i c u l a r t e r r i t o r i e s " , r a t h e r he means the f a t a l i t i e s of the many v a r i e t i e s of spoken v e r n a c u l a r s which e x i s t e d p r i o r to the eighte e n t h century and were e i t h e r e l i m i n a t e d or m a r g i n a l i z e d i n order to c r e a t e l a r g e "monoglot mass reading p u b l i c s . " Anderson (1983: 47) e x p l a i n s : [ P r i n t languages] cre a t e d u n i f i e d f i e l d s of exchange and communications below L a t i n and above the spoken v e r n a c u l a r s . Speakers of the huge v a r i e t i e s of Frenches, E n g l i s h e s , or Spanishes, who might f i n d i t d i f f i c u l t or even impossible to understand one another i n c o n v e r s a t i o n became capable of comprehending one another v i a p r i n t and paper. In the process, they g r a d u a l l y became aware of the hundreds of thousands, even m i l l i o n s , of people i n t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r l a n g u a g e - f i e l d , and at the same time that only those hundreds of thousands, or m i l l i o n s , so belonged. These f e l l o w - r e a d e r s , to whom they were connected through p r i n t , formed, i n t h e i r s e c u l a r , p a r t i c u l a r , v i s i b l e i n v i s i b i l i t y , the embryo of the n a t i o n a l l y -imagined community. - 12 -While according to Anderson, p r i n t c a p i t a l i s m gave l i f e to n a t i o n a l consciousness, i t a l s o c r e a t e d power i n e g u a l i t i e s between the language groups which made up any p a r t i c u l a r "monoglot mass reading p u b l i c . " Those d i a l e c t s which "were c l o s e r to each p r i n t - l a n g u a g e . . . dominated t h e i r f i n a l form" (Anderson, 1983: 48). P e r i p h e r a l v e r n a c u l a r languages were e i t h e r m a r g i n a l i z e d or e l i m i n a t e d . While a wedge was d r i v e n between the v e r n a c u l a r language-of-state and the m a r g i n a l i z e d v e r n a c u l a r languages w i t h i n these s t a t e s , i t was not u n t i l the French R e v o l u t i o n provided the model v i a p r i n t c a p i t a l i s m that these p e r i p h e r a l v e r n a c u l a r language-groups were able to imagine themselves as nations separate from the s t a t e . Anderson (1983: 77-78) d e s c r i b e s t h i s process, saying: L i k e a vast shapeless rock worn to a rounded boulder by c o u n t l e s s drops of water, the experience [the French R e v o l u t i o n ] was shaped by m i l l i o n s of p r i n t e d words i n t o a 'concept' on the p r i n t e d page, and, i n due course, i n t o a model [which became the b l u e p r i n t f o r modern n a t i o n a l i s t movements]. Ther e f o r e , Anderson (1983: 128) concludes, through the " e x p l o s i v e i n t e r a c t i o n " of p r i n t c a p i t a l i s m and human language d i v e r s i t y , "the n a t i o n came to be imagined, and once imagined, modelled, adapted, and transformed." - 13 -Anderson bases h i s argument mainly on the premise that before p r i n t c a p i t a l i s m and the American and e s p e c i a l l y the French R e v o l u t i o n s , there was i n Western Europe only one "great r e l i g i o u s l y - i m a g i n e d community" and a few d i v i n e l y sanctioned d y n a s t i c realms. L a t i n , he cl a i m s , u n i f i e d the many d i f f e r e n t e t h n i c and l i n g u i s t i c groups that made up pre-modern Europe, i n t o a s i n g l e " u n s e l f c o n s c i o u s " coherent sacred C h r i s t i a n community. According to Anderson, access to t h i s "sacred language and w r i t t e n s c r i p t " was s t r i c t l y c o n t r o l l e d by the Church. L a t i n , Anderson a s s e r t s , was the only language of i n s t r u c t i o n throughout the e n t i r e r e g i o n . I t s t r u c t u r e d the imagination of the l i t e r a t e e l i t e through the w r i t t e n word, and the i l l i t e r a t e masses by " v i s u a l and a u r a l c r e a t i o n s " , thereby g i v i n g a l l members of the C h r i s t i a n Community a common past and a common i d e n t i t y . Anderson (1983: 40,46) argues that i t was not u n t i l the s i x t e e n t h century when the " v e r n a c u l a r i z i n g t h r u s t of c a p i t a l i s m " , i n p a r t i c u l a r p r i n t c a p i t a l i s m , began the "dethronement of L a t i n [and thus] the e r o s i o n of the sacred community of Christendom", that the " p o s s i b i l i t y of imagining a n a t i o n arose" i n Europe. E t h n i c consciousness then, according to Anderson, was not creat e d u n t i l i n the eightee n t h century, p r i n t c a p i t a l i s m had reduced L a t i n to the same banal s t a t u s as other v e r n a c u l a r s , thus breaking the Church's "axiomatic g r i p on the minds of men", and en a b l i n g them to imagine l i n g u i s t i c a l l y u n i f i e d - 14 -(at l e a s t i n terms of a w r i t t e n language) s e c u l a r n a t i o n s . However, the I r i s h evidence c a s t s doubts on these b a s i c premises i n Anderson's argument. I r i s h i s acclaimed as the world's o l d e s t v e r n a c u l a r l i t e r a t u r e , and was being recorded using an alphabet c a l l e d Ogham, p r i o r to the a r r i v a l of C h r i s t i a n i t y i n I r e l a n d ( E l l i s , 1985: 81). While C h r i s t i a n i t y d i d introduce L a t i n to I r e l a n d , many poets and s c h o l a r s continued to w r i t e i n I r i s h . Some p r i e s t s , who were l a t e r e l e v a t e d to sainthood, a l s o wrote i n I r i s h as w e l l as L a t i n (Hoagland, 1953: 776). Even when w r i t t e n i n L a t i n , much of the prose and poetry produced i n I r e l a n d during the pre-modern European era had a c l e a r l y i d e n t i f i a b l e "pagan echo" (Scherman, 1981: 267). Douglas Hyde (A L i t e r a r y H i s t o r y of I r e l a n d , 1899) says: . . . r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the o l d pagan l e a r n i n g were allowed to continue to propagate t h e i r s t o r i e s , t a l e s , poems, and genealogies, at the p r i c e of i n c o r p o r a t i n g with them a small share of C h r i s t i a n a l l o y . . . . B u t so badly has the d o v e t a i l i n g of the C h r i s t i a n and pagan p a r t s been managed i n most of the o l d e r romances, that the p i e c e s come away q u i t e separate i n the hands of even the l e a s t s k i l l e d a n a l y s e r , and the pagan substratum stands f o r t h e n t i r e l y d i s t i n c t from the C h r i s t i a n a c c r e t i o n (quoted i n E l l i s , 1985: 82). - 15 -Therefore, i t i s not unreasonable to assume that the G a e l i c reader of these works would r e a d i l y be able to i d e n t i f y i n them those c u l t u r a l concepts that were pa r t of the C h r i s t i a n i d e n t i t y and those which belonged to h i s own e t h n i c h e r i t a g e . Beside s e c u l a r poets and s c h o l a r s , there were a number of s e c u l a r schools i n pre-modern I r e l a n d . "The Synod of Drumceatt i n A.D. 590 agreed to r e g u l a r lands being set apart f o r the endowment of b a r d i c s c h o o l s " ( E l l i s , 1985: 82). In these schools I r i s h , not L a t i n was the language of i n s t r u c t i o n . Rather than " u n s e l f c o n s c i o u s l y " a c c e p t i n g the common h i s t o r y of Christendom as t h e i r own, the Gaels were not only aware of t h e i r own unigue past, they were a c t i v e l y i n t e r e s t e d i n i t . Scherman (1981: 253-4) w r i t e s : At the beginning of the seventh century, students at the monastic s c h o o l s . . . began to take an a c t i v e i n t e r e s t i n t h e i r country's a n c i e n t l i t e r a t u r e and h i s t o r y and by the middle of that century the best of them were engaged i n t r a n s c r i b i n g the o l d l o r e i n t o the v e r n a c u l a r . As w i l l be dis c u s s e d i n Chapter 3, the e a r l y C h r i s t i a n Church i n I r e l a n d developed an e t h n i c a l l y d i s t i n c t i v e c h a r a c t e r . T h i s n a t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r was so d i f f e r e n t from that of the Roman Church that by the t w e l f t h century, the Pope was prompted to i s s u e a B u l l which gave Henry II Church - 16 -s a n c t i o n to invade I r e l a n d and b r i n g the r e c a l c i t r a n t I r i s h Church back i n t o the papal f o l d . F i n a l l y , u n t i l the s i x t e e n t h century, the I r i s h r e f u s e d to adopt Canon Law, which was the law of the Roman Church. Instead they continued to organize t h e i r s o c i e t y according to s e c u l a r Brehon Law. I t was only through the f o r c e of t h e i r c o l o n i z e r s that Brehon Law was f i n a l l y r e p l a c e d , and then i t was not with Canon Law but with E n g l i s h Common Law. More w i l l be s a i d about these c o n f l i c t i n g l e g a l systems i n Chapters 3 and 4 . I t would seem from t h i s evidence t h e r e f o r e , that the I r i s h d i d not have to wait u n t i l the eightee n t h century or p r i n t c a p i t a l i s m before they could "imagine" themselves as a n a t i o n . Contrary to Anderson's argument then, I r i s h e t h n i c consciousness does not appear to be a dependent v a r i a b l e of a p a r t i c u l a r i n f r a s t r u c t u r e . 2. S o c i o l o g i c a l E x p l a n a t i o n s : Non-Marxist I n t e r p r e t a t i o n s While s t i l l d e s i g n a t i n g the I n d u s t r i a l Era as the b i r t h p l a c e of ethn o n a t i o n a l i s m and acknowledging economic i n e g u a l i t y as important i n the shaping of any p a r t i c u l a r e t h n o n a t i o n a l movement, many non-Marxist s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s o f f e r s o c i a l e x p l a n a t i o n s f o r the cause and nature - 17 -of t h i s phenomenon. Some of these t h e o r i s t s , f o r example G e l l n e r (1980,1981) argue that a t a n g i b l e s o c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c such as language, custom, r e l i g i o n or some other e t h n o p h y s i c a l phenomenon l i e s at the root of e t h n i c c o n f l i c t . Others such as Heiberg (1975) see e t h n i c c o n f l i c t as the r e s u l t of an i n a b i l i t y of a t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r a l group to a d j u s t to r a p i d s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l change brought about by modernization. Both of these t h e o r e t i c a l viewpoints w i l l be d i s c u s s e d i n d e t a i l i n t h i s s e c t i o n . G e l l n e r (1980,1981) emphasizes the three key f a c t o r s f o r any understanding of modern n a t i o n a l i s t movements are the uneven spread of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n ; the i n c r e a s e d importance of l i t e r a c y i n modern s o c i e t y ; and the r o l e of common c u l t u r e as a means of communication when t r a d i t i o n a l l y determined r o l e r e l a t i o n s h i p s have been d i s r u p t e d . To G e l l n e r , c u l t u r e i s communication broadly d e f i n e d with language as i t s most important component. In a g r a r i a n s o c i e t i e s , according to G e l l n e r (1980: 243-4), technology was s t a b l e , as were the e x p e c t a t i o n s of the p o p u l a t i o n . A son, t r a i n e d by h i s f a t h e r , 2 was expected to c a r r y on h i s f a t h e r ' s t r a d e . His s o c i a l r o l e w i t h i n the 1 In G a e l i c s o c i e t y , monasteries assumed the r o l e of educating each new g e n e r a t i o n . T h i s i n s t i t u t i o n w i l l be d i s c u s s e d i n d e t a i l i n the remaining chapters of t h i s t h e s i s . - 18 -community was a l l o c a t e d by h e r e d i t y . The community provided him with any a d d i t i o n a l e d u c a t i o n a l s k i l l s he might need to p a r t i c i p a t e f u l l y i n v i l l a g e l i f e . In i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y , G e l l n e r contends, the s i t u a t i o n i s v a s t l y d i f f e r e n t . Modern s o c i e t i e s are economically s p e c i a l i z e d to a high degree. As w e l l , i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s are o c c u p a t i o n a l l y mobile throughout an i n d i v i d u a l ' s career and over g e n e r a t i o n s . Thus the community's education system, adequate f o r the needs of members i n a g r a r i a n s o c i e t i e s c o u l d , i n G e l l n e r ' s o p i n i o n , no longer provide the l i t e r a c y s k i l l s r e q u i r e d by a modern i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y . To meet the needs of the c o n t i n u a l l y emerging " s p e c i a l i s m s " as w e l l as to enable the p o p u l a t i o n to be o c c u p a t i o n a l l y mobile, G e l l n e r argues, the modern school system has to provide a broad-based u n s p e c i a l i z e d education at the lower l e v e l s and s p e c i a l i z e d t r a i n i n g at the upper l e v e l s . Thus f o r members to f u l l y p a r t i c i p a t e i n modern s o c i e t y , an e x t e n s i v e , formal, c e n t r a l l y - c o n t r o l l e d (and G e l l n e r emphasizes) l i n g u i s t i c a l l y uniform, state-wide education system i s necessary. G e l l n e r (1980: 244) adds that nowadays, " i t i s the language of the ecole materele and not the mother tongue, that matters." When the school system f a i l s to "homogenize" the p o p u l a t i o n , G e l l n e r concludes, n a t i o n a l i s t movements w i l l emerge. The separate school system i n contemporary Northern I r e l a n d has prevented a "homogenizing" of the Northern I r i s h p o p u l a t i o n and, as w i l l be d i s c u s s e d i n Chapter 5 of t h i s t h e s i s , i t does - 19 -serve to maintain and r e i n f o r c e the e t h n i c boundary between C a t h o l i c s and P r o t e s t a n t s . However, G e l l n e r ' s b a s i c premises that a l i n g u i s t i c a l l y homogeneous c u l t u r e and an equal access to higher l e a r n i n g are s u f f i c i e n t to e l i m i n a t e e t h n i c c o n f l i c t , can not be s u b s t a n t i a t e d by the Northern I r e l a n d case. E n g l i s h i s the language of i n s t r u c t i o n i n both P r o t e s t a n t and C a t h o l i c s c h o o l s , with I r i s h being o f f e r e d as a second language i n the l a t t e r school system. As w e l l , E n g l i s h i s the language of everyday c o n v e r s a t i o n f o r members of both Northern I r i s h groups. Thus the evidence from Northern I r e l a n d does not appear to support G e l l n e r ' s c l a i m that a l i n g u i s t i c a l l y homogeneous c u l t u r e w i l l act as an i n t e g r a t i v e f a c t o r and w i l l a l l e v i a t e e t h n i c t e n s i o n s . Darby (1976: 132) w r i t e s that there i s no evidence t h a t C a t h o l i c schools are "academically l e s s s u c c e s s f u l than the s t a t e ( P r o t e s t a n t ) s c h o o l s . " A f t e r grammar s c h o o l , students from both school systems are given the same standard examination, which i f they pass, w i l l g i v e them a s c h o l a r s h i p to the i n s t i t u t i o n of higher l e a r n i n g of t h e i r choice ( D e v l i n , 1969; Holland, 1981; McCafferty, 1986). Thus both e t h n i c groups have an equal o p p o r t u n i t y to l e a r n the " s p e c i a l i s m s " which may allow f u t u r e s o c i a l m o b i l i t y . I t i s not the f a i l u r e of the school system then, which i n h i b i t s the advancement of Northern I r i s h C a t h o l i c s , suggesting that other factors-must a l s o be considered i n order to understand - 20 -the r i s e of I r i s h e t hnonationalism. Heiberg (1975), l i k e G e l l n e r , p l a c e s the beginning of e t h n o n a t i o n a l i s m i n the I n d u s t r i a l Era. She too argues that e t h n o n a t i o n a l movements are not p r i m a r i l y the r e s u l t of economic c o n f l i c t s . However, u n l i k e G e l l n e r , she does not see the " n a t i o n a l i s m [of the p e r i p h e r a l e t h n i c group] and i t s s t r e s s on the s o v e r e i g n t y of c u l t u r e " as a r e s u l t of a f a i l e d s t a t e school system, but as "an attempt to c r e a t e c o n d i t i o n s by which the f o r c e s of modernization can be r e g u l a t e d and shaped to f i t the p r e - e x i s t i n g s o c i a l and c o g n i t i v e o r i e n t a t i o n s and a t t i t u d e s of i t s c u l t u r a l base" (Heiberg, 1975: 189-190). I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , according to Heiberg (1975: 190) has: ...a s p e c i f i c c u l t u r e of i t s own...[that c o n t a i n s ] a set of values l i k e i n d i v i d u a l i s m , work, l i t e r a c y , i m p e r s o n a l i z a t i o n , general standards, e t c . . . . [ a s w e l l ] i t a l s o e n t a i l s s p e c i a l concepts of time and space, s p e c i f i c o r g a n i z a t i o n a l norms based on bureaucracy, and a new p a t t e r n of s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n founded t h e o r e t i c a l l y on achievement. C u l t u r a l contact between t h i s i n d u s t r i a l c u l t u r e and the t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e i n i t i a t e d a p e r i o d of r a p i d s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l change i n the p e r i p h e r a l e t h n i c groups of the s t a t e . In those cases where the p e r i p h e r a l e t h n i c groups were unable - 21 -t o a d j u s t t o t h i s s u d d e n c h a n g e , e t h n o n a t i o n a l movements emerged. H e i b e r g ' s a r g ument t h a t d u r i n g t h e t i m e o f c o n t a c t b e t w e e n two c u l t u r e s w i t h d i f f e r e n t v a l u e s and a t t i t u d e s , t h e s e e d s o f f u t u r e e t h n i c c o n f l i c t may be sown, i s b a s i c a l l y s o u n d . However, i n t h e I r i s h c a s e i t was n o t c o n t a c t b e t w e e n t h e t r a d i t i o n a l I r i s h c u l t u r e and t h e c u l t u r e o f i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n w h i c h i n i t i a t e d e t h n i c c o n f l i c t , a l t h o u g h i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n u n d o u b t e d l y p l a y e d an i m p o r t a n t r o l e i n e x a c e r b a t i n g an a l r e a d y v o l a t i l e s i t u a t i o n . One r e a s o n f o r t h i s was t h a t e x c e p t f o r s m a l l i n d u s t r i a l e n c l a v e s l o c a t e d m o s t l y i n what i s now N o r t h e r n I r e l a n d ( M a c n e i c e , 1 9 8 1 ) , I r e l a n d was and h a s r e m a i n e d m a i n l y an a g r a r i a n s t a t e ( B r o d y , 1973; S i m p s o n , 1 9 8 3 ) . B. E t h n o n a t i o n a l i s m as a R e c e n t S t a g e o f a R e c u r r e n t E t h n i c S t r u g g l e The t h e o r i s t s d i s c u s s e d i n t h e p r e v i o u s s e c t i o n m a i n t a i n t h a t t h e b i r t h o f e t h n o n a t i o n a l i s m and t h e u n e v e n d e v e l o p m e n t o f i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n a r e c o n n e c t e d . T r a d i t i o n a l and n e o - M a r x i s t s p o s i t t h a t t h e e c o n o m i c i n e q u a l i t i e s i n h e r e n t i n t h e c a p i t a l i s t s y s t e m h a v e p r o d u c e d n a t i o n a l i s t movements among d i s a d v a n t a g e d p e r i p h e r y g r o u p s . A n d e r s o n has a dded a new t w i s t t o t h e M a r x i s t argument by c l a i m i n g t h a t p r i n t - 22 -c a p i t a l i s m c r e a t e d n a t i o n a l c o n s c i o u s n e s s . G e l l n e r a r g u e s t h a t " n a t i o n a l i s m s emerged i n t h e modern w o r l d m a i n l y b e c a u s e t h e t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , w i t h i t s s y s t e m o f a s c r i p t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p s , had b een e r o d e d by t h e f o r c e s o f m o d e r n i z a t i o n " ( A l l a r d t , 1979: 3 6 ) . H e i b e r g ( 1 9 7 5 : 189) c o n t e n d s t h a t t h e i n a b i l i t y o f p e r i p h e r y g r o u p s t o c o p e w i t h t h e r a p i d r e p l a c e m e n t o f t h e i r " m u l t i t u d e o f d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r a l l y r e l e v a n t ways o f t h i n k i n g and d o i n g t h i n g s . . . [ b y ] one way o f t h i n k i n g and d o i n g t h i n g s " , ( i . e . , i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n ) i s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e emergence o f e t h n o n a t i o n a l movements. B u t w h i l e " t h e u n e v e n d e v e l o p m e n t o f i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n w h i c h r o u g h l y c o i n c i d e d w i t h t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f [modern] n a t i o n a l i s m h a s u n d o u b t e d l y s h a r p e n e d e t h n i c t e n s i o n s and c o n t r i b u t e d t o a new s t o r e o f n a t i o n a l g r i e v a n c e s , [ S m i t h ( 1 9 8 1 : 44) a r g u e s ] t h e c l e a v a g e s and a n t a g o n i s m s , so a c c e n t u a t e d , t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e a s p i r a t i o n s and i d e a s b a s e d on them, h a v e t h e i r r o o t s and i n s p i r a t i o n s e l s e w h e r e . " S o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s who a d h e r e t o S m i t h ' s v i e w , m a i n t a i n t h a t e t h n i c a l l y b a s e d n a t i o n a l i s t movements a r e n o t a new phenomenon, " f o r t h e good s o c i a l and h i s t o r i c a l r e a s o n , [ t h e y w e r e ] a l w a y s t h e r e i n some f o r m " ( P i - S u n y e r , 1985: 2 6 7 ) . J o h n A r m s t r o n g ( 1 9 8 2 : 4) e x p l a i n s : B e c a u s e t h e e p o c h o f A b s o l u t i s m t h a t i m m e d i a t e l y p r e c e d e d E u r o p e a n n a t i o n a l i s m i n v o l v e d , a t l e a s t f o r e l i t e s , an - 23 -e x c e p t i o n a l l y s t r o n g r e j e c t i o n o f e t h n i c d i f f e r e n c e s , n a t i o n a l i s m i s o f t e n s e e n as u t t e r l y u n p r e c e d e n t e d . A l o n g e r l o o k s u g g e s t s t h a t w i d e s p r e a d i n t e n s e e t h n i c i d e n t i f i c a t i o n a l t h o u g h e x p r e s s e d i n o t h e r f o r m s , i s r e c u r r e n t . A r m s t r o n g d e f i n e s " i n t e n s e e t h n i c i d e n t i f i c a t i o n " as h a v i n g t h e modern m e a n i n g o f a " n a t i o n " . A c e n t r a l i s s u e t h e n becomes: when does an e t h n i c g r o u p f o r m a n a t i o n ? I n a s e r i e s o f a r t i c l e s , W a l k e r C o n n o r ( 1 9 7 2 , 1 9 7 3 , 1 9 7 8 ) s u g g e s t s two c o n d i t i o n s t h a t must be met b e f o r e an e t h n i c g r o u p c a n become a n a t i o n . F i r s t , t h e members o f t h e e t h n i c g r o u p must become s e l f - a w a r e o f t h e g r o u p ' s u n i q u e n e s s . T h u s , " w h i l e an e t h n i c g r o u p may, t h e r e f o r e , be o t h e r - d e f i n e d , t h e n a t i o n must be s e l f - d e f i n e d " ( C o n n o r , 1978: 3 8 8 ) . S e c o n d l y , t h e g r o u p ' s members must be aware t h a t t h e c u s t o m s , b e l i e f s , and a t t i t u d e s t h e y s h a r e , a r e d i f f e r e n t f r o m t h o s e s h a r e d by o t h e r g r o u p s . I n o t h e r w o r d s , t h e g r o u p ' s members must be c o n s c i o u s t h a t t h e y f o r m a " c o l l e c t i v e we", w h i l e members o f o t h e r g r o u p s b e l o n g t o a " c o l l e c t i v e them". T h u s , e t h n i c i d e n t i t y i s as much who y o u a r e n o t , as who y o u a r e ( B a r t h , 1969: 1 5 ) . Once a g r o u p becomes aware o f i t s u n i q u e n e s s and r e c o g n i z e s t h a t t h o s e g r o u p s w i t h w h i c h i t i s i n t e r a c t i n g a r e c u l t u r a l l y d i f f e r e n t , t h e p o t e n t i a l f o r e t h n i c a c t i v i s m e x i s t s . The e m ergence and shape o f e t h n i c - b a s e d movements w h i c h may s u b s e q u e n t l y a r i s e depend on t h e h i s t o r i c a l p a t t e r n i n g - 24 -of r e l a t i o n s between the e t h n i c groups i n v o l v e d (See, 1980:107) and the presence of i n s t i t u t i o n s and s t r u c t u r e s which strengthen e t h n i c group i d e n t i t y and a i d m o b i l i z a t i o n (Pi-Sunyer, 1985: 289). Those s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s who b e l i e v e ethnic-based movements to be a r e c u r r e n t phenomenon, argue that the i n v e s t i g a t i o n of modern e t h n i c c o n f l i c t s should begin with an examination of the h i s t o r i c a l t e x t s which c o n s t r u c t the e t h n i c groups' f i r s t encounters. My i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the r i s e and e a r l y development of I r i s h n a t i o n a l i s m w i l l f o l l o w t h i s approach. Thus, i n t h i s t h e s i s , I w i l l argue that i n the case of I r e l a n d , i t was the c u l t u r e contact r e s u l t i n g from the Anglo-Norman i n v a s i o n of I r e l a n d i n the t w e l f t h century, which awakened I r i s h e t h n i c consciousness and i n i t i a t e d a G a e l i c r e v o l u t i o n a r y response aimed at r i d d i n g I r i s h s o i l of a f o r e i g n c u l t u r e - - a c u l t u r e which i n the eyes of the n a t i v e I r i s h posed a s e r i o u s t h r e a t to t h e i r continued c u l t u r a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic i n t e g r i t y . F u r t h e r , I w i l l argue that the nineteenth-century I r i s h n a t i o n a l i s t movement was a product of i t s own c u l t u r a l h i s t o r y . Therefore I w i l l contend that t h i s movement was and s t i l l i s engaged i n a fundamentally c u l t u r a l c o n f l i c t that represents the end product of a long h i s t o r y of "remembered" grievances i n which c u l t u r a l a f f r o n t s have played and continue to play a c e n t r a l r o l e and where economic and p o l i t i c a l i n j u s t i c e s have been s i g n i f i c a n t c o n t r i b u t o r y f a c t o r s i n shaping t h i s movement, and s t i l l do - 25 -play an important r o l e i n t r i g g e r i n g e t h n i c a c t i v i s m i n the area. As w e l l , I w i l l maintain that most of these "remembered" grievances which induced the modern I r i s h N a t i o n a l i s t movement predate both i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and the American and French Re v o l u t i o n s . II An A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l C o n t r i b u t i o n : A View of the Awakening and Development of I r i s h E t h n i c Consciousness A. T h e o r e t i c a l Premises An u n d e r l y i n g t h e o r e t i c a l premise of t h i s t h e s i s i s that " i t i s inherent i n the human c o n d i t i o n that h i s t o r y , p a r t i c u l a r l y a people's view of t h e i r own h i s t o r y , i s an a c t i v e f o r c e i n determining present behavior" (Greenwood, 1977: 82). Therefore, an understanding of the present e t h n i c c o n f l i c t i n Northern I r e l a n d r e q u i r e s an examination of how these groups i n t e r a c t e d i n the past. In t h i s t h e s i s , I w i l l argue that I r i s h e t h n i c consciousness was awakened by c u l t u r e c o n t a c t between the Anglo-Normans and Native I r i s h during the t w e l f t h century, when the G a e l i c P r i n c e s , and by extension c l a n members, became aware of the uniqueness of G a e l i c c u l t u r e , and conscious that the customs, b e l i e f s , and a t t i t u d e s they - 26 -(the Gaels) shared were d i f f e r e n t from those shared by the Anglo-Normans. This i s not to say the Gaels were unaware of t h e i r e t h n i c i d e n t i t y p r i o r to t h i s time, when other groups such as the Norse invaded I r e l a n d . However, the Normans were the f i r s t group to a r r i v e on I r i s h shores which re f u s e d to be a s s i m i l a t e d en masse i n t o G a e l i c c u l t u r e (Stewart, 1977; Cronin, 1981; P r i n g l e , 1985), and as such posed a much gr e a t e r t h r e a t to G a e l i c p o l i t i c a l , economic, and e s p e c i a l l y c u l t u r a l i n t e g r i t y . The e t h n i c s t r u g g l e i n i t i a t e d by t h i s t w e l f t h - c e n t u r y c u l t u r a l encounter, I w i l l contend, i s s t i l l being waged i n present day Northern I r e l a n d . A second t h e o r e t i c a l premise u n d e r l y i n g t h i s t h e s i s i s that " e t h n i c i t y i s not a p h y s i c a l f a c t but r a t h e r i s a product of a consciousness shaped to see i t . I t e x i s t s as a t r a d i t i o n of c u l t u r a l ideas mapped onto a p o p u l a t i o n " (Whittaker, 1986: 165). In I r e l a n d there i s no p h y s i c a l b a r r i e r , that i s , there are no v i s i b l e p h y s i c a l c u l t u r a l markers 3 which d i s t i n g u i s h one e t h n i c group from another. Therefore members from one group, once a s s i m i l a t e d i n t o the other group, could 3 U n t i l the e i g h t e e n t h century the most v i s i b l e c u l t u r a l marker of the I r i s h and t h e i r c o l o n i z e r s was language. Today E n g l i s h is commonly used by both groups. - 27 -not be r e a d i l y i d e n t i f i e d by p h y s i c a l f e a t u r e s . 4 The b a r r i e r between the two groups then, i s mental and i s maintained and r e i n f o r c e d by the i n s t i t u t i o n s , s t r u c t u r e s , and p r a c t i c e s which have developed during the course of the h i s t o r y of i n t e r a c t i o n between the I r i s h and t h e i r c o l o n i z e r s . In Chapter 4, I w i l l d i s c u s s the emergence and development of many of the i n s t i t u t i o n s , s t r u c t u r e s , and p r a c t i c e s which ensure the boundary between Northern I r i s h C a t h o l i c s and Pr o t e s t a n t s remains i n t a c t . S e l f - i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and not descent was i n the past, and s t i l l i s the key c r i t e r i o n of group membership i n both Northern and Southern I r e l a n d . Thus boundary c r o s s i n g has, s i n c e the t w e l f t h century c o n s i s t e d of the acceptance of the " t r a d i t i o n of c u l t u r a l ideas mapped onto [the other group]." In Anglo-Norman times, c r o s s i n g the e t h n i c boundary appears to have been a frequent occurrence. While there i s a great deal 4 S t e r e o t y p i n g of members of one group by the other does e x i s t i n I r e l a n d , and according to the h i s t o r i c a l t e x t s has been common s i n c e the f i r s t encounter between these two groups i n the t w e l f t h century. Therefore i f "Y" f i t s "X"'s stereotype of "Ethnic Group 2", then "X" w i l l be convinced "Y" i s a member of "Et h n i c Group 2". The r e a l i t y of "Y"'s e t h n i c group membership does not matter to "X". While the i s s u e of s t e r e o t y p i n g i s beyond the scope of t h i s t h e s i s , I w i l l be addressing the quest i o n of how these stereotypes are maintained i n Chapter 5, when I d i s c u s s how e t h n i c boundaries i n Northern I r e l a n d are kept i n t a c t i n l i e u of any v i s i b l e c u l t u r a l markers. - 28 -of d i s c u s s i o n i n the l i t e r a t u r e of Anglo-Norman males marrying G a e l i c women and thus becoming e l i g i b l e under Brehon Law to become c l a n c h i e f s , there are only a few r e f e r e n c e s to Gaels being a s s i m i l a t e d i n t o Anglo-Norman c u l t u r e . Those Gaels who d i d cross the boundary, l i v e d i n the towns and were probably a s s i m i l a t e d as f a m i l y u n i t s . E t h n i c boundary c r o s s i n g became p r o g r e s s i v e l y more d i f f i c u l t as p e r c e i v e d c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s sharpened. Henry VIII's break with the Roman C a t h o l i c Church r e s u l t e d i n the mass merging of the Anglo-Norman C a t h o l i c s with the Native I r i s h i n the seventeenth century. A f t e r t h i s time the l i t e r a t u r e recounts only i s o l a t e d i n c i d e n t s of border c r o s s i n g s . For example i n the e i g h t e e n t h century, a number of I r i s h l a n d l o r d s chose to adopt P r o t e s t a n t i s m r a t h e r than bear the harsh economic r e s t r i c t i o n s of the Penal Laws. Sporadic cases of i n t e r m a r r i a g e d i d and s t i l l do occur, i n which the wife must g i v e up both her e t h n i c i d e n t i t y and r e l i g i o n before being absorbed i n t o her husband's e t h n i c group. As a r e s u l t , r e l a t i o n s with the wife's k i n become s t r a i n e d and d i f f i c u l t , and are o c c a s i o n a l l y severed completely (McFarlane, 1979; Donnan & McFarlane, 1983,1986; H a r r i s , 1972; Leyton, 1975). While i t i s not addressed d i r e c t l y i n the t e x t s , there i s no i n d i c a t i o n given that descendents of a s s i m i l a t e d members are s i n g l e d out because they have a d i f f e r e n t o r i g i n from - 29 -other group members. Thus when I r i s h N a t i o n a l s d e f i n e a l l " t r u e " Irishmen as having a G a e l i c h e r i t a g e , what they are i n f e r r i n g i s that a t r u e Irishman i d e n t i f i e s with and accepts as h i s own the G a e l i c c u l t u r a l h e r i t a g e . T h i s does not n e c e s s a r i l y r e q u i r e that the person a l s o be of G a e l i c descent i n order to be a " t r u e " Irishman. T h e o r e t i c a l l y , the argument i n t h i s t h e s i s i s s t r u c t u r e d by using the model developed by Geertz i n h i s two a r t i c l e s , " R e l i g i o n as a C u l t u r a l System" (1973a) and "Ideology as a C u l t u r a l System" (1973b). I w i l l be proposing that e t h n i c consciousness can a l s o be thought of as a c u l t u r a l system. Geertz (1973a: 89) d e f i n e s c u l t u r e as denoting "an h i s t o r i c a l l y t r a n s m i t t e d p a t t e r n of meaning embodied i n symbolic forms by means of which men communicate, perpetuate, and develop t h e i r knowledge about and a t t i t u d e s towards l i f e . " C u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s , Geertz (1973a: 92) argues, are systems of symbols^ which can be thought of as "models f o r r e a l i t y " as w e l l as "models of_ r e a l i t y . " In other words, " c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s have an i n t r i n s i c double aspect: they g i v e meaning, that i s o b j e c t i v e conceptual form, to s o c i a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l r e a l i t y 5 Geertz (1973b: 208n) e x p l a i n s what he means by "symbol" saying "I use 'symbol' broadly i n the sense of any p h y s i c a l , s o c i a l , or c u l t u r a l act or object that serves as a v e h i c l e f o r a conception [meaning]." - 30 -both by shaping themselves to i t and by shaping i t to themselves" (Geertz 1973a: 93). These ordered systems of c u l t u r a l symbols " f u n c t i o n to s y n t h e s i z e a people's ethos--the tone, c h a r a c t e r , and q u a l i t y of t h e i r l i f e , i t s moral and a e s t h e t i c s t y l e and mood--and t h e i r world view--the p i c t u r e they have of the way t h i n g s i n sheer a c t u a l i t y are, t h e i r most comprehensive ideas of order" (Geertz, 1973a: 89). Geertz (1973b: 220) continues, saying that i t i s the attempt of any system of c u l t u r a l symbols "to render otherwise incomprehensible s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n s meaningful, to so construe them as to make i t p o s s i b l e to act p u r p o s e f u l l y w i t h i n them." According to Geertz (1973a: 99), "man depends upon symbols and symbol systems with a dependence so great as to be d e c i s i v e f o r h i s c r e a t u r a l v i a b i l i t y and, as a r e s u l t h i s s e n s i t i v i t y to even the remotest i n d i c a t i o n that they may prove unable to cope with one or another aspect of experience r a i s e s w i t h i n him the gravest s o r t of a n x i e t y . " Thus i n the f a c e of chaos, i n d i v i d u a l s as w e l l as groups r e q u i r e a c u l t u r a l system, that i s a system of symbols, which w i l l provide them with "not o n l y . . . [ t h e ] a b i l i t y to comprehend the world, but a l s o , [ i n ] comprehending i t . . . [ g i v e ] a p r e c i s i o n to t h e i r f e e l i n g , a d e f i n i t i o n to t h e i r emotions which enables them, morosely or j o y f u l l y , g r i m l y or c a v a l i e r l y , to endure i t " (Geertz, 1973a: 104). Given t h i s model of a c u l t u r a l system, - 31 -I w i l l maintain i n t h i s t h e s i s , t h at e t h n i c consciousness provided the I r i s h with the "system of c u l t u r a l symbols" they needed to cope with and r e a c t a g a i n s t a f o r e i g n c u l t u r e which threatened to reduce to chaos, t h e i r " s o c i a l l i f e - w o r l d . " My understanding of e t h n i c consciousness i s s i m i l a r to what Berger, Berger and K e l l n e r (1974) would c a l l the "consciousness of everyday l i f e . " These authors d e f i n e "consciousness of everyday l i f e " as being "the web of meanings that allow the i n d i v i d u a l to navigate h i s way through the o r d i n a r y events and encounters of h i s l i f e with o t h e r s . The t o t a l i t y of these meanings which he shares with others makes up a p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l l i f e - w o r l d . . . . [ T h i s s o c i a l l i f e - w o r l d , then] i s co n s t r u c t e d by the meanings of those who ' i n h a b i t ' i t " (Berger, Berger & K e l l n e r , 1974: 12). Et h n i c consciousness can be d e s c r i b e d as a " s p e c i f i c f i e l d of [the] consciousness [of everyday l i f e which i s ] . . . c o n s t -i t u t e d by the modes and contents of what i s c o n s c i o u s l y experienced" (Berger, Berger & K e l l n e r , 1974: 14), by members who i d e n t i f y themselves as belonging to a p a r t i c u a l r e t h n i c group. Therefore, when I argue that I r i s h e t h n i c consciousness was awakened by the Norman i n v a s i o n , I am not implying t h a t before t h i s time the I r i s h were unconscious of t h e i r e t h n i c i t y . What I am suggesting i s that the "modes and contents of what [was] c o n s c i o u s l y experienced" by the I r i s h before the coming of the Normans was d i f f e r e n t from that experienced a f t e r i t . - 32 -Thus, a f t e r the t w e l f t h century, the e x p r e s s i o n of t h i s I r i s h e t h n i c consciousness was much more i n t e n s e . Once awakened, t h i s new form of e t h n i c consciousness was maintained and r e i n f o r c e d by the i n s t i t u t i o n s , s t r u c t u r e s , and p r a c t i c e s which were developed throughout the h i s t o r y of the i n t e r a c t i o n between the " I r i s h " and t h e i r c o l o n i z e r s to ensure the e t h n i c boundary between the two groups remained f i r m l y i n t a c t . The p e r p e t u a t i o n of t h i s e t h n i c consciousness i n contemporary Northern I r e l a n d has been ensured by these same i n s t i t u t i o n s , s t r u c t u r e s and p r a c t i c e s . B. Methodology Just as h i s t o r i a n s s e l e c t c e r t a i n f a c t s and events to which they give s i g n i f i c a n c e (Carr, 1962), so too do e t h n i c groups. In t h i s t h e s i s , I w i l l be examining events from the past which have become "myths"6 of the present, s e r v i n g to f u e l the e t h n i c c o n f l i c t i n contemporary Northern I r e l a n d . 6 Becker (1932: 231) w r i t e s that " h i s t o r y w r i t t e n by h i s t o r i a n s . . . i s a convenient blend of t r u t h and fancy of what we commonly d i s t i n g u i s h as ' f a c t ' and ' i n t e r p r e t a t i o n ' . " The "myths" of the past c o n s t r u c t e d by the N a t i o n a l s and P r o t e s t a n t s to v a l i d a t e t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e p o s i t i o n s are a l s o "convenient blends of t r u t h and fancy." - 33 -S p e c i f i c a l l y , I w i l l make a d e t a i l e d a n a l y s i s of those s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s and h i s t o r i c a l processes which gave r i s e to I r i s h e t h n i c consciousness and c r e a t e d the boundary between the I r i s h and t h e i r c o l o n i z e r s . I w i l l attempt to " d i s c o v e r the f e a t u r e s of set Y [the Anglo-Normans; the P r o t e s t a n t s ] which make the members of [ s e t ] X [the Native I r i s h ; the C a t h o l i c s ] say that the members of Y...are not 'Xs l i k e us'" (Moerman, 1965: 1220). Language, the l e g a l system, and r e l i g i o n , I w i l l argue i n Chapter 3, were the primary c u l t u r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s which d i s t i n g u i s h e d the Anglo-Normans from the Native I r i s h . A f t e r the s i x t e e n t h century, r e l i g i o n became the main symbol of e t h n i c i d e n t i t y i n I r e l a n d . The body of l i t e r a t u r e I w i l l be using i s an i n t e r -d i s c i p l i n a r y one. Regardless of the source of i n f o r m a t i o n -h i s t o r y , p o l i t i c a l s c i e n c e , geography, s o c i o l o g y - - t h e p e r s p e c t i v e i n t h i s t h e s i s w i l l be a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l . Whenever p o s s i b l e I w i l l attempt to c l a r i f y my arguments concerning the awakening of I r i s h e t h n i c consciousness and i t s maintenance using m a t e r i a l t r a n s l a t e d from G a e l i c documents. One such h i s t o r i c a l t e x t w i l l be the t r a n s l a t i o n of Geoffrey Keating's work, The H i s t o r y of I r e l a n d , which was o r i g i n a l l y completed i n 1634 and c o n s t r u c t e d from the " o l d vellums of the monasteries and the brehons, as they e x i s t e d about the year 1630.... [Keating] rewrote and redacted [these documents] i n h i s own [ G a e l i c ] language....[According to D. Comyn, the e d i t o r and - 34 -t r a n s l a t o r of Keating's works, Keating] invents nothing, embroiders l i t t l e . What he does not f i n d before him, he does not r e l a t e . . . " (Keating, 1902, V o l . 1: v i i ) . As w e l l , I w i l l c o n s u l t h i s t o r i c a l t e x t s and a r c h a e o l o g i c a l m a t e r i a l which have attempted to r e c o n s t r u c t p r e - t w e l f t h - c e n t u r y G a e l i c l i f e . T h i s m a t e r i a l w i l l be used i n an attempt to show the dimensions of the c u l t u r a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l t h r e a t that the invading Normans posed to the s t r u c t u r e of G a e l i c l i f e Ethnographic data w i l l p r i m a r i l y be drawn from m a t e r i a l w r i t t e n by i n d i v i d u a l s who have conducted f i e l d work i n the area, that i s , r e s e a r c h e r s who have a c t i v e l y p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the day to day l i v e s of the people whose a c t i v i t i e s they have i n v e s t i g a t e d . In Chapter 5, I w i l l a l s o use w r i t t e n personal l i f e s t o r i e s of people who were born and r a i s e d i n Northern I r e l a n d , to explore how one mechanism of s e l f - s e g r e g a t i o n which emerged duri n g t h i s long e t h n i c s t r u g g l e , namely the separate education system, f u n c t i o n s to maintain and r e i n f o r c e the e t h n i c boundary between C a t h o l i c s and P r o t e s t a n t s i n Northern I r e l a n d . The focus of t h i s t h e s i s w i l l be on the development of I r i s h e t h n i c consciousness. While i t i s beyond the scope of t h i s work to c o n s t r u c t i t , there i s another s t o r y to t h i s c o n f l i c t - - t h e P r o t e s t a n t one. I do e m b e l l i s h my account of I r i s h consciousness with m a t e r i a l from the P r o t e s t a n t s t o r y , - 35 -but I make no c l a i m that by doing t h i s my i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the development of the e t h n i c s t r u g g l e i n Northern I r e l a n d i s "without b i a s . However, my p r e s e n t a t i o n of the I r i s h p o i n t of view does.not d e t r a c t from my c e n t r a l argument, namely t h a t the present I r i s h n a t i o n a l i s t movement, which emerged i n the n i n e t e e n t h century i s only a recent stage of an e t h n i c s t r u g g l e which began i n the t w e l f t h century, when the Anglo-Normans invaded I r e l a n d . - 36 -Chapter 2 Twelfth-Century I r e l a n d : The S e t t i n g When the "greedy" Norman land barons encouraged t h e i r k i n g to invade I r e l a n d , they expected to f i n d a land of u n t o l d wealth and r i c h e s . This e i g h t e e n t h - c e ntury t r a n s l a t i o n of a poem w r i t t e n i n the n i n t h century by St. Donatus, then Bishop of E t r u r i a , "gives l y r i c a l e x p r e s s i o n to the myth of wealth, to be won i n I r e l a n d : Far westward l i e s an i s l e of ancient fame, By nature b l e s s ' d , and S c o t i a ^ i s her name; An i s l a n d r i c h - - e x h a u s t l e s s i s her s t o r e Of v e i n y s i l v e r and of golden ore; Her f r u i t f u l s o i l f o r e v e r teems with wealth, With gems her waters, and her a i r with h e a l t h . Her verdant f i e l d s with milk and honey flow, Her woolly f l e e c e s v i e with v i r g i n snow; Her waving furrows f l o a t with bearded corn And arms and a r t s her envy'd sons adorn. 1"The S c o t i were a group of people who l i v e d i n I r e l a n d and migrated to Scotland i n the f i f t h century, hence the ambiguous use of ' S c o t i a ' " (Brody, 1973: 47). - 37 -No savage bear with lawless f u r y roves, No r a v ' n i n g l i o n through her sacred groves, No poison there i n f e c t s , no s c a l y snake Creeps through the grass, nor f r o g annoys the l a k e . " (quoted i n Brody, 1973: 47). However, the dreams of these land barons were dashed when, upon a r r i v a l on I r e l a n d ' s shores, i n s t e a d of r i c h e s the Normans only found a land of woods, bogs, mountains and a very h o s t i l e I r i s h p o p u l a t i o n . In g e n e r a l , I r e l a n d may be d e s c r i b e d as an i r r e g u l a r l y shaped bowl with a l a r g e c e n t r a l lowland area ringed by h i g h l a n d s . While g l a c i a l d e p o s i t s do make some areas of t h i s c e n t r a l p l a i n f e r t i l e , i n many regions l i k e County C l a r e , the limestone comes to the s u r f a c e and the s o i l i s broken and barren. Nearly one-seventh of the c e n t r a l p l a i n i s covered with r a i s e d bogs or peat bogs (Merne, 1986: 49). The r a i s e d bogs were b u i l t up by l a y e r s of p o o r l y decayed p l a n t d e b r i s on a limestone base, and s t i l l p rovide an abundant n a t u r a l source of f u e l . I t was on the e a s t e r n f r i n g e s of t h i s p l a i n that most Anglo-Normans s e t t l e d a f t e r t h e i r a r r i v a l i n the l a t e t w e l f t h century and i t was here that they f i r s t i ntroduced f e u d a l i s m to I r e l a n d . N i c h o l l s (1972: 5) quotes t w e l f t h - c e n t u r y c h r o n i c l e r , Gerald of Wales, who d e s c r i b e s the t w e l f t h - c e n t u r y I r i s h landscape as being "a land f u l l of woods, bogs and l a k e s . " F i g . 1 I r e l a n d : P o l i t i c a l D i v i s i o n s A f t e r P a r t i t i o n , 1921. ( S o u r c e : P r i n g l e , 1985) - 39 -Kllom*tr«i" SO Wicklow Head § Cohore Poinf Wexford Harbour ^arnsore Poinf Duneyt? Head Mizen Head Cape Clear Ireland's physical features with structural framework inset. Mountains - above 600 m. Uplands - 200 — 600 m. Plateaus - 200 — 600 m. Lowlands - below 200 m. Escarpments j Abrupt rise from lowlands )••'••..••-••—*j Gradual rise from lowlands Heights in metres obove seo level. F i g . 2 I r e l a n d : P h y s i c a l Features. (Source: Gmelch, 1986) - 40 -N i c h o l l s adds that f o r the midland p l a i n and the north, t h i s d e s c r i p t i o n "would s t i l l have been t r u e i n the s i x t e e n t h century." Throughout the t h i r t e e n t h century, the Anglo-Norman s e t t l e r s c l e a r e d the m a j o r i t y of the l e v e l , good ground i n the southern and eastern regions of the p l a i n and by the s i x t e e n t h century most counties around the present day l o c a t i o n of D u b l i n , formerly c a l l e d the Pale, had been c l e a r e d ( N i c h o l l s , 1972: 5). Much of the indigenous grasslands were converted to mixed farming, a process which s e r i o u s l y undermined the G a e l i c economy.2 The highlands around the c e n t r a l p l a i n s f e a t u r e rugged, low mountains with blanket bogs and deep gorges. The blanket bogs, u n l i k e the peat bogs, are very a c i d i c and v e g e t a t i o n on them grows very slowly. No part of I r e l a n d i s more than f o r t y miles from the uplands. For the Gaels, who knew t h e i r c o u n t r y s i d e i n t i m a t e l y , t h i s mountainous r e g i o n enabled t h e i r g u e r r i l l a bands to r e s i s t the m i l i t a r i l y s u p e r i o r E n g l i s h armies u n t i l the seventeenth century. I t was a l s o i n t o t h i s i n f e r t i l e , harsh land that much of the I r i s h p o p u l a t i o n was pushed during the P l a n t a t i o n Era. 2 T h i s t o p i c w i l l be d i s c u s s e d i n g r e a t e r d e t a i l i n Chapter 3. - 41 -The northern, western, and southern coasts f a c i n g the A t l a n t i c Ocean, are rugged and broken with numerous o f f s h o r e i s l a n d s . Along the e a s t e r n coast, which borders the I r i s h Sea, the c o a s t l i n e i s more r e g u l a r . In the e a s t e r n c o a s t a l wetlands are found s a l t marshes, mud f l a t s , shallow sea bays, and b r a c k i s h lagoons. Along the e a s t e r n c o a s t a l i n t e r i o r are g r a s s l a n d s , moors, bogs, and a g e n e r a l l y t r e e l e s s landscape. I t was i n t h i s e a s t e r n r e g i o n that most c o l o n i a l a c t i v i t y took p l a c e . The southern e s t u a r i e s of the present c o u n t i e s of Cork, Waterford, and Wexford form e x c e l l e n t n a t u r a l harbours. I t was the p o t e n t i a l t h r e a t of these " e x c e l l e n t n a t u r a l I r i s h harbours" to the s e c u r i t y of England, that was a major mo t i v a t i n g f o r c e behind the Anglo-Norman i n v a s i o n (Beckett, 1981; Cronin, 1981). In an era of heightened p o l i t i c a l turbulence i n Europe, Henry II could not a f f o r d to have such a convenient land-base from which h i s enemies could launch t h e i r a t t a c k s on England. Therefore, the E n g l i s h monarch r e s o r t e d to i n v a s i o n as a way to gain e f f e c t i v e m i l i t a r y c o n t r o l over I r e l a n d , and thus secure B r i t a i n ' s "western f l a n k . " Therefore while i t was I r e l a n d ' s t o p o g r a p h i c a l f e a t u r e s which enabled the Gaels to r e s i s t E n g l i s h domination f o r f i v e hundred years a f t e r the Anglo-Norman i n v a s i o n , i t was, u n f o r t u n a t e l y , a l s o these t o p o g r a p h i c a l f e a t u r e s that made t h i s E n g l i s h domination i n e v i t a b l e . - 42 -Chapter 3 The Anglo-Norman Invasion: The Emergence of a New Form of I r i s h E t h n i c Awareness A d i s t i n c t i v e G a e l i c c u l t u r e , which contemporary I r i s h n a t i o n a l i s t s embrace as the h e r i t a g e of a l l "true I r i s h today", was f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h e d i n I r e l a n d by the time of the Anglo-Norman i n v a s i o n , 1169-1250. While there were d e f i n i t e p o l i t i c a l and economic motives f o r t h i s i n v a s i o n , i t a l s o had important c u l t u r a l g o a l s . The e f f e c t s of these c u l t u r a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l goals on the G a e l i c c u l t u r e w i l l be the t o p i c of t h i s chapter. Whatever the motivations f o r the i n v a s i o n might have been, the f a c t t h at i t occurred i s c r u c i a l , as i t gave new l i f e to I r i s h e t h n i c consciousness and set the stage f o r f u t u r e e t h n i c c o n f r o n t a t i o n . T h i s nascent e t h n i c awareness w i l l be explored i n the f i n a l s e c t i o n of t h i s chapter. I The C u l t u r a l Impact of the Anglo-Norman Invasion Language, Brehon Law ( e s p e c i a l l y with re s p e c t to r u l e s of i n h e r i t a n c e ) , and r e l i g i o n were the primary - 43 -i n s t i t u t i o n s w h i c h d i f f e r e n t i a t e d t h e G a e l s f r o m t h e G a l l s . 1 I t was t o t h e s e t h r e e c o r e i n s t i t u t i o n s t h a t t h e A n g l o - N o r m a n i n v a s i o n p o s e d i t s g r e a t e s t c u l t u r a l t h r e a t . A. Language C e l t i c - s p e a k i n g g r o u p s began t o a r r i v e i n I r e l a n d as e a r l y as t h e s i x t h c e n t u r y B.C. E a c h wave o f new s e t t l e r s n e i t h e r e x t e r m i n a t e d n o r r e p l a c e d t h e o r i g i n a l p o p u l a t i o n , i n s t e a d t h e c o n q u e r o r s were a s s i m i l a t e d i n t o i t ( S t e w a r t , 1977: 2 8 ) . The l a s t o f t h e C e l t i c g r o u p s t o c o n q u e r I r e l a n d w ere t h e G a e l s , who had by 150 B.C. e s t a b l i s h e d t h e m s e l v e s as t h e d o m i n a n t c u l t u r e o f t h e i s l a n d . The G a e l s s p o k e a d i a l e c t known as Q - C e l t i c , w h i c h was e v e n t u a l l y a d o p t e d by a l l o f t h e i n h a b i t a n t s o f t h e i s l a n d and became t h e u n i f y i n g a g e n t o f I r i s h G a e l i c c u l t u r e ( S t e w a r t , 1977: 2 9 ) . The C e l t i c g r o u p s , r e f e r r e d t o as t h e A n c i e n t B r i t o n s , who s e t t l e d i n E n g l a n d d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d s p o k e a d i a l e c t known as P - C e l t i c . S u b s e q u e n t i n v a s i o n s o f A n g l e s , S a x o n s , 1 G a l l , a t e r m m e a n i n g f o r e i g n e r , was u s e d by n a t i v e c h r o n i c l e r s i n r e f e r e n c e t o t h e A n g l o - N o r m a n i n v a d e r s ( C r o n i n , 1981: 4 ) . - 44 -and f i n a l l y o f Romans had a l l b u t e r a d i c a t e d P - C e l t i c f r o m E n g l i s h s o i l by t h e t w e l f t h c e n t u r y A.D.2 Hence t h e l a n g u a g e o f t h e A n g l o - N o r m a n s c o n t r a s t e d s h a r p l y t o t h a t s p o k e n by t h e G a e l s upon t h e i r a r r i v a l on I r i s h s o i l . Some A n g l o - N o r m a n s i n t h e more s p a r s e l y c o l o n i z e d a r e a s , l e a r n e d t h e I r i s h l a n g u a g e . However, t h e m a j o r i t y r e t a i n e d t h e i r m o t h e r t o n g u e . G a e l i c was f o r b i d d e n i n t h e towns and o t h e r a r e a s u n d e r e f f e c t i v e E n g l i s h c o n t r o l . As w e l l , E n g l i s h r e m a i n e d t h e l a n g u a g e o f g o v e r n m e n t and b u s i n e s s , t h a t i s , t h e l a n g u a g e o f p o l i t i c a l and e c o n o m i c power. W h i l e t h e A n g l o - N o r m a n i n v a s i o n h a d l i t t l e i n i t i a l e f f e c t on t h e I r i s h l a n g u a g e , i t b e g a n a p r o c e s s w h i c h h a s e r o d e d t h e G a e l i c l a n g u a g e a l m o s t t o t h e p o i n t o f e x t i n c t i o n . V a l i a n t e f f o r t s o f t h e I r i s h n a t i o n a l i s t s s i n c e t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y t o r e v i v e t h i s " i n s t r u m e n t o f n a t i o n a l c o n s c i o u s n e s s " , 1 "The B r i t o n s were s u b s e q u e n t l y d i s p l a c e d t o p e n i n s u l a r p a r t s o f B r i t a i n and F r a n c e (where P - C e l t i c s u r v i v e s t o d a y as W e l s h , C o r n i s h and B r e t o n ) , by l a t e r i n v a d e r s ( e . g . , J u t e s , A n g l e s , and S a x o n s ) , w h e r e a s Q - C e l t i c s u r v i v e s t o d a y as I r i s h , and due t o l a t e r c o l o n i z a t i o n f r o m I r e l a n d , as Manx and S c o t s G a e l i c " ( P r i n g l e , 1981: 6 6 ) . - 45 -have f a i l e d to r e s t o r e the language to i t s o r i g i n a l v i t a l i t y . 3 B. Brehon Law As the Roman conguerors had never reached I r i s h s o i l , I r e l a n d was not i n f l u e n c e d by Roman law (Cronin, 1981: 5). By the f i f t h century A.D. however, an indigenous, h i g h l y developed and complex l e g a l system c a l l e d Brehon Law had been drawn up to "uniformly d e l i n e a t e and enforce the G a e l i c method of o r g a n i z i n g s o c i e t y throughout I r e l a n d " ( K e l l e y , 1982: 1). 3 Cronin (1981: 20) wr i t e s t h a t , "In the eightee n t h century, I r i s h was the ve r n a c u l a r of C a t h o l i c ( i . e . , peasant) I r e l a n d . . . . The d e c l i n e of the I r i s h language had begun before the Great Famine (1845-48), but that c a t a s t r o p h i c event, which mainly a f f e c t e d the western h a l f of the i s l a n d , gave I r i s h i t s death blow. S t i l l , the 1861 census put the number of I r i s h speakers at 1,105,536, about o n e - f i f t h of the p o p u l a t i o n . . . . By the 1890s I r i s h was co n f i n e d to i s o l a t e d pockets along the A t l a n t i c seabord from Donegal i n the north to Kerry, Cork and Waterford i n the south." I r i s h i s spoken by only about twenty-seven percent of the people i n I r e l a n d today, while v i r t u a l l y a l l of the people, speak E n g l i s h . I r i s h i s spoken i n the v e r n a c u l a r by only one percent of the Republic's p o p u l a t i o n , and mostly by.those people l i v i n g i n the western areas (Brown, 1985: 268). Both E n g l i s h and I r i s h are o f f i c i a l languages of the Republic of I r e l a n d , while E n g l i s h alone i s the o f f i c i a l language of Northern I r e l a n d . - 46 -The Brehon laws were a complete set of a u t h o r i t a t i v e d e c i s i o n s upon n e a r l y every c i v i l , m i l i t a r y , and c r i m i n a l q u e s t i o n which may have a r i s e n i n the l i v e s of the e a r l y G a e l i c people. The body of the law i t s e l f c o n s i s t e d of the " d e c i s i o n s and opinions of c e l e b r a t e d lawyers on d e f i n i t e i s s u e s which came before them" (Hayden & Moonan, 1927: 62). Law schools were e s t a b l i s h e d i n n e a r l y every r e g i o n of I r e l a n d and lawyers spent many years l e a r n i n g t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n . Once they had graduated, these " j u r i s t s , l i k e others of t h e i r s o c i a l and sacred grades, were f r e e to move about the country at l a r g e , 4 and i n t h i s way there was frequent interchange of p r o f e s s i o n a l knowledge, and a consequent o v e r a l l p r e s e r v a t i o n of the learned a r c h a i c language i n which the law was r e c i t e d " (Powell, 1958: 78). Thus the Brehon Laws formed a recognized system of law that was uniformly accepted and a p p l i e d i n a l l p a r t s of I r e l a n d . The Brehon laws r e g u l a t e d the v a r i o u s ranks i n G a e l i c s o c i e t y , enumerated t h e i r r i g h t s and p r i v i l e g e s , and governed the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between and among t h e i r numbers. Medieval I r e l a n d had a s o c i e t y comprising of about 150 c l a n t e r r i t o r i e s or p e t t y s t a t e s c a l l e d tuatha, which were o f t e n v i o l e n t l y 4 T h i s freedom of movement was a l s o given to p h y s i c i a n s , a n t i g u a r i e s , poets, and musicians (Keating, 1902, Vol.1: 71). - 47 -defended by armies l e d by the c l a n c h i e f s . The G a e l i c c l a n s were e s s e n t i a l l y of an a r i s t o c r a t i c nature. The hi g h e s t p o s i t i o n i n the c l a n was he l d by the king , who o f t e n c o - r u l e d with a s e l e c t number of c h i e f m a g i s t r a t e s . Next i n a u t h o r i t y were the c h i e f nobles, who were h i g h l y a r i s t o c r a t i c and powerful. Included i n t h i s c l a s s were the p r i e s t s and se e r s . A l e s s powerful but s t i l l i n f l u e n t i a l rank was the non-noble freeman. Members of t h i s c l a s s were gentlemen farmers who owned land and property, as w e l l as the f i n e s t craftsmen i n c l u d i n g the bla c k s m i t h , whose c r a f t was b e l i e v e d to have been of a semi-supernatural c h a r a c t e r (Ross, 1970: 35-36). F i n a l l y , there were the unfree or "humble" c l a s s e s of s o c i e t y which c o n s i s t e d of f a m i l i e s who had f a l l e n on hard times, conquered people and s l a v e s , who had no f r a n c h i s e , were not allowed to bear arms, and owned n e i t h e r land nor property (Ross, 1970: 36). Being a member of a c l a n was extremely important to the Gaels as i t ensured the i n d i v i d u a l of both p o l i t i c a l and property r i g h t s . N i c h o l l s (1972: 9) notes that i n I r e l a n d , "the g r e a t e r p a r t of the humbler c l a s s e s c e r t a i n l y d i d not belong to any recognized c l a n s or descent-groups other than t h e i r immediate f a m i l y groups." N i c h o l l s (1972: 9) quotes a 1627 author, C o n a l l Mageoghagan, who " r e f e r s contemptuously to persons of t h i s s o r t as 'mere chubs and l a b o u r i n g men (not) one of whom knows h i s own g r e a t - g r a n d f a t h e r . 1 " The presence - 48 -of t h i s c l a s s emphasized the c r u c i a l need f o r the cl a n s to maintain accurate genealogies so as to determine who d i d and d i d not have c l a n p r i v i l e g e s . The task of keeping g e n e a l o g i c a l records was en t r u s t e d to the p r o f e s s i o n a l f a m i l i e s , or s c r i b e s and c h r o n i c l e r s . The b a s i c u n i t of the c l a n was the nuclear f a m i l y which was i n turn p a r t of a g r e a t e r s t r u c t u r e of the extended f a m i l y c a l l e d the f i n e . I n d i v i d u a l s t a t u s was de r i v e d from the more complicated l e v e l s of o r g a n i z a t i o n , that i s , the f i n e , the c l a n , or the t r i b e (the l a t t e r being made up of s e v e r a l c l a n s a l l c l a i m i n g to be descended from a common a n c e s t o r ) , and depended on how each person f u n c t i o n e d w i t h i n these l a r g e r s t r u c t u r e s (Crumley, 1974: 23). Under Brehon law, women shared equal property r i g h t s with t h e i r husbands. Ti e r n e y (1960: 273) i n h i s r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of the C e l t i c ethnography of the S t o i c p h i l o s o p h e r and h i s t o r i a n , Posidonius, wrote: Husbands add to the money r e c e i v e d by way of dowry from t h e i r wives, an equal amount taken from t h e i r own property a f t e r e v a l u a t i o n . A j o i n t account of a l l t h i s money i s kept and i t s i n c r e a s e i s preserved. Whichever s u r v i v e s the other i n h e r i t s the other p a r t n e r ' s share with the p r o f i t s a c c r u i n g . - 49 -However, t h i s e q u a l i t y i n property r i g h t s d i d not mean t h a t wives were equal i n a l l aspects of G a e l i c l i f e . T i e rney (1960: 273) con t i n u e s : Husbands hold the power of l i f e and death over t h e i r wives, as they do over t h e i r c h i l d r e n , and when a person of d i s t i n c t i o n d i e s , h i s r e l a t i o n s come together, and i f there i s any s u s p i c i o n concerning the death, they examine the wives under t o r t u r e as they would s l a v e s , and i f found g u i l t y , they put them to death by burning a f t e r every extreme t o r t u r e . Clan membership was very important i n matters concerning i n h e r i t a n c e . I n h e r i t a n c e i n I r i s h s o c i e t y was governed by the customs of Gavelkind and T a n i s t r y . "'Gavelkind' was the G a e l i c p r a c t i c e whereby the lands of a f a m i l y group were r e - d i s t r i b u t e d on the death of one of i t s l a n d h o l d i n g members [amongst members of h i s immediate f i n e , r a t h e r than going to h i s c h i l d r e n ] . ' T a n i s t r y ' was the p r a c t i c e whereby during the l i f e t i m e of a king or c h i e f , h i s successor was chosen from among h i s kindred w i t h i n a c e r t a i n degree of con s a n g u i n i t y " (Beckett, 1981: 34-35n). Both customs c o n f l i c t e d with Canon law, which was followed by the Normans, and was the law of the Roman Church. U n l i k e the f e u d a l system, which s t r i c t l y followed the - 50 -Canon law of primogeniture, Brehon law d i d not d i s t i n g u i s h between l e g i t i m a t e and i l l e g i t i m a t e c h i l d r e n , g i v i n g both the r i g h t to i n h e r i t c l a n chiefdomship. N i c h o l l s (1972: 11,77) w r i t e s that under the custom of "naming" of c h i l d r e n , those "born of a c a s u a l r e l a t i o n s h i p " could be " a f f i l i a t e d " with a c l a n s o l e l y on the sworn d e c l a r a t i o n of a mother on her death bed. The usual p r a c t i c e , N i c h o l l s c l a i m s , was f o r the mother to name a c l a n c h i e f as the f a t h e r of her c h i l d . "The G a e l i c c h i e f was chosen by h i s peers of the d e r b f i n e , the r u l i n g f a m i l y , from 'the e l d e s t and w o r t h i e s t ' of the [male] candidates; h i s sucessor, the t a n i s t (hence t a n i s t r y ) was e l e c t e d during the c h i e f ' s l i f e t i m e " (Cronin, 1981: 5). Not only d i d t h i s custom of t a n i s t r y plus t h a t of "naming" provide an avenue of s o c i a l m o b i l i t y f o r u n a f f i l i a t e d c l a n members, a f t e r the Norman i n v a s i o n i t opened the way f o r Anglo-Normans who had i n t e r m a r r i e d with the G a e l i c a r i s t o c r a c y , to gain the h i g h e s t p o s i t i o n of power w i t h i n the G a e l i c c l a n . One of the probable reasons t h a t Henry I I ' s reforms, which were designed to r e p l a c e Brehon Law with Canon Law f a i l e d , was because many Anglo-Normans l i v i n g o u t s i d e the Pale, the E n g l i s h s t r o n g h o l d , found i t economically advantageous to abide by Brehon Law. According to Keating, the customs of " t a n i s t r y " and " gavelkind" were c r u c i a l to the c o n t i n u a t i o n of G a e l i c s o c i e t y . - 51 -He j u s t i f i e s these laws, saying: ...they [the Gaels] understood that the ' t a n i s t r y ' was s u i t a b l e i n order that there should be an e f f i c i e n t c a p t a i n safeguarding the people of every d i s t r i c t i n I r e l a n d , by defending t h e i r s p o i l s and t h e i r goods f o r them. For, i f i t were the son should be there, i n s t e a d of the f a t h e r , i t might happen, o c c a s i o n a l l y , f o r the son to be i n h i s m i n o r i t y , and so that he would not be capable of defending h i s own t e r r i t o r y , and t h a t detriment would r e s u l t to the country from that circumstance. Neither was i t p o s s i b l e to dispense with the second custom [gavelkind] o b t a i n i n g i n I r e l a n d at that time, that i s to say, to have f r a t e r n a l p a r t n e r s h i p i n the land. For, the rent of the d i s t r i c t would not egual the h i r e which would f a l l to the number of troops who would defend i t : whereas, when the t e r r i t o r y became d i v i d e d among the a s s o c i a t e d b r e t h r e n , the kinsman who had the l e a s t share of i t would be as ready i n i t s defence, to the best of h i s a b i l i t y , as the t r i b a l c h i e f who was over them would be (Keating, 1902, Vol.1: 67-69). While they d i d not enforce i t to any l a r g e extent, both of these p r a c t i c e s were banned by the Anglo-Normans, and Canon Law, the law of the Church, was d e c l a r e d the only l e g a l law - 52 -i n I r e l a n d . However, i t was not u n t i l the j u d i c i a l d e c i s i o n s of 1606 and 1608 that the customs of ga v e l k i n d and t a n i s t r y were o f f i c i a l l y d e c l a r e d v o i d , and E n g l i s h Law became the law of I r e l a n d (Beckett, 1981: 34-35). C. R e l i g i o n R e l i g i o n has had a prominent r o l e i n the c o n f l i c t between the I r i s h and E n g l i s h ( l a t e r B r i t i s h ) from the beginning. One of the major goals of the i n v a s i o n was to b r i n g the r e c a l c i t r a n t I r i s h Church back i n t o the Papal f o l d . According to I r i s h legend, C h r i s t i a n i t y was introduced to I r e l a n d i n the f i f t h century by St. P a t r i c k . Scherman (1981: 89-90) w r i t e s : ...there must have been a man l i k e St. P a t r i c k - - o r s e v e r a l men embodying the one great f i g u r e - - o f remarkable attributes....[However] one can not now d i s e n t a n g l e h i s t o r y from fantasy; one can only repeat the s t o r y as i t i s t o l d , and t r y to d i s c e r n something of the c h a r a c t e r behind the myth. - 53 -St. P a t r i c k , Scherman claims, was the son of a B r i t i s h o f f i c i a l i n the Roman a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , who was probably-C h r i s t i a n . In A.D. 405, at the age of s i x t e e n , St. P a t r i c k had been captured i n a r a i d c a r r i e d out by the men of Connaught on the B r i t i s h coast. A f t e r s i x years of s l a v e r y , the boy escaped to the European c o n t i n e n t where he was s a i d to have "r e c e i v e d h i s v i s i o n a r y c a l l to r e t u r n to I r e l a n d and p r o s e l y t i z e . " By the time of h i s death i n 461, St. P a t r i c k had l a i d s t r o n g foundations f o r the growth of the C h r i s t i a n Church i n I r e l a n d . I r e l a n d , from i t s p r i v i l e g e d p o s i t i o n "on the edge of Christendom...[was fre e d ] from the orthodoxy of Rome" (Cronin, 1981: 5). Many years of wars between B r i t a i n and France had d i s r u p t e d communication between I r e l a n d and Rome. While the I r i s h Church had been modelled on the Church i n Rome, t h i s i s o l a t i o n l e d to the former developing a d i s t i n c t i v e , n a t i o n a l i s t i c c h a r a c t e r . In many important aspects, the I r i s h Church d i f f e r e d markedly from that of i t s p r o g e n i t o r . These areas of c o n f l i c t enabled Henry II to get the Papal s a n c t i o n he needed to j u s t i f y h i s i n v a s i o n of I r e l a n d . The I r i s h Church was made up of three orders: The f i r s t order, according to an eighth-century [ I r i s h ] h i s t o r i a n . . . w a s composed of St. P a t r i c k ' s - 54 -non-monastic c l e r g y , bishops on the Roman p a t t e r n — t h o u g h f a r more a c t i v e l y e v a n g e l i s t i c and p e r i p a t e t i c than the contemporary C o n t i n e n t a l c l e r g y . The second order c o n s i s t e d of the founders of the great monasteries.... The t h i r d order c o n s i s t e d of holymen (or f r i a r s ) 'who made t h e i r d wellings i n desert p l a c e s and who l i v e d on herbs and water and alms' (Scherman, 1981: 205). Chadwick (1985: 202-203) w r i t e s t h a t : ...the e a r l i e s t o r g a n i z a t i o n of the I r i s h Church, as introduced by P a t r i c k and h i s predecessors, was almost c e r t a i n l y diocesan, modelled on that which obtained throughout western Europe; but w i t h i n a comparatively s h o r t time i n C e l t i c B r i t a i n and I r e l a n d t h i s system proved incapable of adaption to a t r i b a l system of s o c i e t y . I t s place was t h e r e f o r e taken i n the s i x t h and seventh c e n t u r i e s by the ' C e l t i c ' Church, i n which the diocese gave way to the f e d e r a t i o n s of monastic communities, each with i t s paruchia under the supreme j u r i s d i c t i o n of the ' h e i r ' (conarb) of the f o u n d e r - s a i n t . Monastic churches were erected on the lands of the powerful c l a n f a m i l i e s . These r e l i g i o u s o r g a n i z a t i o n s penetrated most of the s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s which organized G a e l i c l i f e . Scherman (1981: 206) - 55 -w r i t e s , " t h e l a y c o n n e c t i o n s o f m o n a s t e r i e s e x t e n d e d t o a l l c o n d i t i o n s o f l i f e : t h e y were t r a d i n g c e n t e r s , s c h o o l s , p e n i t e n t i a r i e s , [ a n d ] r e p o s i t o r i e s o f f o o d i n t i m e s o f f a m i n e . " T h e i r a c t i v i t i e s t h e n , went f a r b e y o n d t h e r e a l m o f t h o s e o f a p u r e l y r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n . E a c h m o n a s t e r y was a " s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t e n t i t y " w i t h i t s own " a b s o l u t e r u l e r " . I t was t h e a c t i v i t i e s o f t h e I r i s h m o n a s t i c c l e r g y w h i c h h a d e v o k e d t h e w r a t h o f t h e Roman C h u r c h . I d e a l l y t h e a b b o t , who r u l e d t h e m o n a s t e r y was c h o s e n f r o m w i t h i n t h e f a m i l y o f t h e p a t r o n s a i n t , h owever when t h i s was n o t p o s s i b l e , t h e a b b o t was a p p o i n t e d f r o m t h e d e s c e n d e n t s o f t h e G a e l i c p r i n c e on whose l a n d t h e m o n a s t e r y was b u i l t . The I r i s h c l e r g y d i d n o t p r a c t i s e c e l i b a c y and f a t h e r e d many l e g i t i m a t e as w e l l as i l l e g i t i m a t e c h i l d r e n . L i k e t h e r e s t o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n , t h e I r i s h c l e r g y p r a c t i s e d t a n i s t r y - - a p r a c t i c e w h i c h was i n d i r e c t v i o l a t i o n o f Canon Law. As a r e s u l t , t h e r e l i g i o u s p r o f e s s i o n i n I r e l a n d had a d o p t e d a " s t r o n g l y h e r e d i t a r y c h a r a c t e r " . As t h e m o n a s t e r y was an i n t e g r a l p a r t o f t h e c l a n , t h e c l e r g y a c t i v e l y p a r t i c i p a t e d i n s e c u l a r w a r s and b a t t l e s waged a g a i n s t t h e i r r i v a l c l a n s . T h i s a c t i v i t y o f t h e I r i s h c l e r g y was s t r o n g l y d e n o u n c e d by t h e Roman C h u r c h . E ven i n s m a l l m a t t e r s c o n c e r n i n g c l e r g y b e h a v i o u r , t h e two c h u r c h e s d i s a g r e e d . The Roman C h u r c h condemned t h e I r i s h - 56 -c l e r g y ' s i n s i s t e n c e on w e a r i n g l o n g h a i r and m o u s t a c h e s , t h e n o r m a l f a s h i o n f o r I r i s h m e n ( N i c h o l l s , 1972: 1 0 0 ) . I n a d d i t i o n , t h e I r i s h c l e r g y r e f u s e d t o wear a u t h o r i z e d l a y d r e s s . The Roman C h u r c h had t h u s l o s t most o f i t s c o n t r o l o v e r t h e I r i s h c l e r g y . A n o t h e r m a j o r a r e a o f f r i c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e two r e l i g i o u s b o d i e s c o n c e r n e d I r i s h m a r r i a g e p r a c t i c e s . I n I r e l a n d , c h u r c h and s t a t e were s e p a r a t e , t h e r e f o r e , " t h r o u g h o u t t h e m e d i e v a l p e r i o d and down t o t h e end o f t h e o l d o r d e r i n 1603, what c o u l d be c a l l e d C e l t i c s e c u l a r m a r r i a g e r e m a i n e d t h e norm and C h r i s t i a n m a t r i m o n y was no more t h a n t h e r a r e e x c e p t i o n g r a f t e d o n t o t h i s s y s t e m " ( N i c h o l l s , 1972: 7 3 ) . D i v o r c e was e a s y u n d e r t h i s s y s t e m o f s e c u l a r m a r r i a g e a n d , N i c h o l l s ( 1 9 7 2 : 73) w r i t e s , " i t was n o r m a l f o r men and women o f t h e u p p e r c l a s s e s t o h a v e a s u c c e s s i o n o f s p o u s e s . " Who one c o u l d m a r r y was d e f i n e d d i f f e r e n t l y u n d e r I r i s h s e c u l a r l a w t h a n i t was by t h e C h u r c h i n Rome. M a r r i a g e was f o r b i d d e n , e x c e p t by P a p a l d i s p e n s a t i o n , b e t w e e n a l l i n d i v i d u a l s r e l a t e d up t o t h e d e g r e e o f t h i r d c o u s i n and i n t h e t h i r d c e n t u r y t h i s was e x t e n d e d t o p r o h i b i t m a r r i a g e b e t w e e n t h o s e r e l a t e d by a f f i n i t y as w e l l ( N i c h o l l s , 1972: 7 4 - 7 5 ) . Under B r e h o n Law h o w e v e r , m a r r i a g e was p e r m i t t e d up t o t h e f i r s t c o u s i n , as w e l l as b e t w e e n a f f i n e s . C l a n s o l i d a r i t y was e n h a n c e d by t h i s p r e f e r e n c e f o r m a r r i a g e s - 57 -b e t w e e n c l o s e k i n . - 3 T h i s p r a c t i c e was a l s o i m p o r t a n t t o t h e s m a l l f r e e h o l d f a r m e r , who d e p e nded on k i n f o r b o t h l a b o u r and d e f e n c e . T h e s e and o t h e r d e v i a t i o n s o f t h e I r i s h C h u r c h p r o m p t e d A d r i a n I V , t h e o n l y E n g l i s h pope t o i s s u e a b u l l , L a u d a b i l e t e r ( 1 1 5 5 ) , w h i c h "gave H e n r y I I o f E n g l a n d ' t h e r i g h t ' t o i n v a d e I r e l a n d i n o r d e r ' t o p r o c l a i m t h e t r u t h s o f t h e C h r i s t i a n r e l i g i o n t o a r u d e and i g n o r a n t p e o p l e , and t o r o o t o u t t h e g r o w t h s o f v i c e f r o m t h e f i e l d s o f t h e L o r d s . ' " ( C r o n i n , 1981: 4 ) . B e s i d e g i v i n g " P a p a l r e c o g n i t i o n o f t h e c l a i m o f t h e E n g l i s h monarchy t o u l t i m a t e s o v e r e i g n t y o v e r I r e l a n d " ( B o t t i g h e i m e r , 1982: 6 4 ) - - a r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t was n o t w i t h d r a w n u n t i l H e n r y V I I I f o r s o o k t h e C a t h o l i c d o c t r i n e i n f a v o u r o f P r o t e s t a n t i s m - - t h e P a p a c y s e c u r e d f o r i t s e l f " t h e a n n u a l t r i b u t e o f one penny f r o m e v e r y h o u s e i n I r e l a n d " ( C r o n i n , 1981: 4 ) . W h i l e t h e A n g l o - N o r m a n i n v a s i o n had o n l y l a i d t h e f o u n d a t i o n f o r m a s s i v e f u t u r e c h a n g e s w i t h r e s p e c t t o t h e 5 W h i l e a t t h e a r i s t o c r a t i c l e v e l m i x e d m a r r i a g e s b e t w e e n A n g l o - N o r m a n s and G a e l i c n o b i l i t y d i d o c c u r , endogamy s t r e n g t h e n e d t i e s b e t w e e n c l a n members a t t h e l o w e r l e v e l s . As w i l l be d i s c u s s e d i n C h a p t e r 4, t h e r o l e o f endogamy c h a n g e d f r o m a s e c u l a r t o a r e l i g i o u s one i n p r o m p t i n g g r o u p s o l i d a r i t y , a f t e r H e n r y V I I I r e j e c t e d Roman C a t h o l i c i s m and e s t a b l i s h e d t h e C h u r c h o f I r e l a n d w i t h h i m s e l f as i t s h e a d . - 58 -G a e l i c language and l e g a l system, i t s r e l i g i o u s aims met with more immediate success. The " i n s u l a r " I r i s h Church had been brought c l o s e r w i t h i n the papal f o l d . II The Economic Threat Posed by the Anglo-Norman Invasion The Gael's own communal p r a c t i c e s were s e v e r e l y threatened by the i n t r o d u c t i o n of new forms of l a n d h o l d i n g by the Anglo-Normans. By the t h i r t e e n t h century, the Anglo-Normans had gained e f f e c t i v e c o n t r o l over much of the b e t t e r land areas, converted these regions i n t o manors, and introduced Canon Law and the E n g l i s h ( i . e . , Norman) concepts of f e u d a l o b l i g a t i o n and p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e to the I r i s h c o u n t r y s i d e ( P r i n g l e , 1985: 78). A l l of these innovations c o n t r a d i c t e d the G a e l i c system of land tenure. Communally h e l d land had been the economic b a s i s of G a e l i c s o c i e t y . Wealth was c a l c u l a t e d i n terms of the number of c a t t l e owned by the c l a n . While the Gaels d i d grow some wheat and oats, most of the land was u t i l i z e d f o r g r a z i n g . Anglo-Norman a g r i c u l t u r e , on the other hand, emphasized mixed farming, e s p e c i a l l y the growing of f r u i t s and v e g e t a b l e s . The Anglo-Normans introduced a t h r e e - f i e l d system of crop r o t a t i o n which converted most of the best land i n I r e l a n d i n t o c e r e a l p r oduction f o r the B r i t i s h market ( P r i n g l e , 1985: 77). - 59 -As a c o n s e q u e n c e , much o f t h e g r a z i n g l a n d i n I r e l a n d was c o n v e r t e d i n t o a g r i c u l t u r a l l a n d . T h i s a c t i o n g r e a t l y -r e d u c e d t h e e c o n o m i c b a s e o f t h e G a e l i c c h i e f s , and t h r e a t e n e d t h e i r c o n t i n u e d e c o n o m i c s u c c e s s . A c o m b i n a t i o n o f g e o g r a p h y and s t r o n g r e s i s t a n c e f r o m t h e G a e l i c c l a n s p r e v e n t e d t h e A n g l o - N o r m a n s f r o m e f f e c t i v e l y d e s t r o y i n g t h e n a t i v e I r i s h economy. T h r o u g h i n t e r m a r r i a g e and t h e p r o c e s s o f G a e l i c i z a t i o n , as w e l l as l e s s p e a c e f u l means s u c h as s m a l l s c a l e r e b e l l i o n s and g u e r r i l l a a t t a c k s , t h e G a e l s were a b l e , by t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e f i f t e e n t h c e n t u r y , t o r e c l a i m c o n t r o l o f t h e m a j o r i t y o f t h e l a n d c o n f i s c a t e d by t h e i n v a d e r s . T h i s p a t t e r n o f c o n f i s c a t i o n by t h e c o l o n i s t s and r e c l a m a t i o n by t h e G a e l s t h r o u g h w a r f a r e and G a e l i c i z a t i o n p e r s i s t e d u n t i l 1603 and t h e s u r r e n d e r o f t h e l a s t G a e l i c p r i n c e . However t h r o u g h o u t t h i s p e r i o d , a f t e r t h e f i r s t s u c c e s s o f t h e G a e l s , t h e c o n f i s c a t i o n s became p r o g r e s s i v e l y l a r g e r and t h e r e c l a m a t i o n s p r o g r e s s i v e l y s m a l l e r . The A n g l o - N o r m a n s i n t r o d u c e d new f o r m s o f s e t t l e m e n t t o I r e l a n d , w h i c h have had a d e t r i m e n t a l and l a s t i n g e c o n o m i c i m p a c t on t h e I r i s h p o p u l a t i o n . B e s i d e b u i l d i n g " n u c l e a t e d , m a n o r i a l v i l l a g e s " i n t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l a r e a s , t h e A n g l o - N o r m a n s b u i l t f o r t i f i e d towns i n a r e a s o f s t r a t e g i c o r e c o n o m i c i m p o r t a n c e ( P r i n g l e , 1985: 7 8 ) . The G a e l i c p o p u l a t i o n was d e n i e d e n t r y i n t o t h e s e towns and p r o h i b i t e d - 60. -f r o m t a k i n g p a r t i n any e c o n o m i c a c t i v i t y g e n e r a t e d i n t h e s e u r b a n c e n t r e s . As w i l l be d i s c u s s e d i n t h e l a s t s e c t i o n o f t h i s c h a p t e r , t h e e x c l u s i o n o f t h e n a t i v e I r i s h f r o m t h e towns was as much t o p r e v e n t G a e l i c i z a t i o n o f t h e A n g l o - N o r m a n s as i t was t o p r o h i b i t t h e I r i s h f r o m e n j o y i n g t h e e c o n o m i c b e n e f i t s o f u r b a n l i f e . R e g a r d l e s s o f t h e p u r p o s e o f t h i s r e s t r i c t i o n , t h e e c o n o m i c c o n s e q u e n c e s o f b e i n g e x c l u d e d f r o m t h e towns g r e a t l y a g g r a v a t e d an a l r e a d y s t r o n g r e s e n t m e n t t h e G a e l s had t o w a r d t h e i r c o l o n i z e r s . I l l The P o l i t i c a l F a i l u r e o f t h e A n g l o - N o r m a n I n v a s i o n The t w e l f t h c e n t u r y was an e r a o f n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g and g r e a t p o l i t i c a l i n s t a b i l i t y i n E u r o p e . H e n r y I I r e a l i z e d t h a t a f o r e i g n l a n d i n g i n I r e l a n d o f E n g l a n d ' s e n e m i e s w o u l d p r e s e n t an i n t o l e r a b l e t h r e a t t o E n g l a n d ' s s e c u r i t y . F u r t h e r m o r e , t h e E n g l i s h d i d n o t t r u s t t h e i r I r i s h n e i g h b o u r s , f e a r i n g t h e y may a s s i s t E n g l a n d ' s f o e s ° E n g l a n d ' s w o r s t f e a r s a b o u t I r i s h l o y a l t y and i t s own m i l i t a r y v u l n e r a b i l i t y were c o n f i r m e d when i n 1315, t h e I r i s h c h i e f s i n v i t e d Edward B r u c e t o h e l p them o r g a n i z e an a t t a c k on E n g l a n d . E n g l a n d h a d j u s t e x p e r i e n c e d d e f e a t a t t h e hands o f Edward's b r o t h e r , R o b e r t t h e B r u c e a t t h e b a t t l e o f B a n n o c k b u r n i n 1314. C r o n i n ( 1 9 8 1 : 6) c h r o n i c l e s t h e numerous o c c a s i o n s s i n c e 1315 t h a t t h e I r i s h h a v e c o n s p i r e d w i t h E n g l a n d ' s - 61 -Thus t h e p r i m a r y i n t e n t i o n o f t h e A n g l o - N o r m a n i n v a s i o n was t o p o l i t i c a l l y c r i p p l e t h e I r i s h n o b i l i t y and t o make a l l t h e I r i s h s u b j e c t s o f t h e E n g l i s h m o n a r c h y . By t h e m i d d l e o f t h e t h i r t e e n t h c e n t u r y , t h e Normans d o m i n a t e d t h r e e - q u a r t e r s o f I r e l a n d , w i t h o n l y c e n t r a l and w e s t e r n U l s t e r r e m a i n i n g f i r m l y u n d e r G a e l i c c o n t r o l ( s e e F i g . 3 ) . However, t h e " I r i s h . . . w o u l d n o t be c o n q u e r e d . L i k e w i l d a n i m a l s , t h e y knew t h e i r c o u n t r y s i d e , i t s b o g s , i t s f o r e s t s , i t s h i d d e n v a l l e y s and o v e r h a n g i n g h i l l s . They waged a c o n s t a n t and e f f e c t i v e g u e r r i l l a w a r f a r e , a t t a c k i n g t h e enemy f r o m b e h i n d , d e c i m a t i n g h i s f l a n k s , d e s t r o y i n g h i s o u t p o s t s , r e t a k i n g v i l l a g e s , n e g a t i n g h i s c o n q u e s t s " ( S c h e r m a n , 1981: 2 3 5 ) . By 1400, e f f e c t i v e E n g l i s h c o n t r o l had b e e n r e d u c e d t o o n e - t h i r d o f t h e i s l a n d - - m o s t l y i n t h e modern c o u n t i e s o f L o u t h , M e a t h , D u b l i n , K i l d a r e , and a few s c a t t e r e d town b e y o n d ( B u s t e e d , 1972: 1 ) . By t h e m i d - f i f t e e n t h c e n t u r y , E n g l i s h c o n t r o l had been c o n f i n e d t o a s m a l l a r e a c a l l e d t h e P a l e , w h i c h e x t e n d e d o n l y a b o u t t h i r t y m i l e s i n l a n d f r o m t h e p o r t s o f D u b l i n and D r o g h e d a . "The a r e a o u t s i d e t h e P a l e was p o l i t i c a l l y f r a g m e n t e d and e n e m i e s , when E n g l a n d i t s e l f was p r e o c c u p i e d i n f o r e i g n b a t t l e s , i n h o p e s o f r i d d i n g i t s e l f o f what t o t h e I r i s h was a c o n s t a n t t h r e a t t o t h e i r c u l t u r a l , e c o n o m i c and p o l i t i c a l i n t e g r i t y . T h i s p a t t e r n , C r o n i n d e m o n s t r a t e s , was t o c o n t i n u e u n t i l t h e Seco n d W o r l d War. - 62 -F i g . 3 The Extant of Norman C o n t r o l , c i r c a 1250. (Source: P r i n g l e , 1985) - 63 -g e n e r a l l y e i t h e r under the c o n t r o l of l o c a l G a e l i c c l a n s or the descendents of Norman barons whose l o y a l t y to the King of England could no longer be guaranteed" ( P r i n g l e , 1985: 82). Thus, r a t h e r than s e c u r i n g i t s "western f l a n k " , the E n g l i s h had only a l i e n a t e d the I r i s h p o p u l a t i o n and i n c r e a s e d t h e i r own m i l i t a r y v u l n e r a b i l i t y . IV An Awakening of E t h n i c Consciousness i n I r e l a n d New ideas ( C h r i s t i a n i t y ) and d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r e s (the Norse) had penetrated G a e l i c s o c i e t y p r i o r to the a r r i v a l of the Normans. However, u n l i k e the Normans, n e i t h e r C h r i s t i a n i t y nor the Norse appears to have threatened to r a d i c a l l y change the "modes and contents" of the Gaels' " s o c i a l l i f e - w o r l d . " According to E l l i s (1985: 82) C h r i s t i a n i t y was absorbed by the G a e l i c c u l t u r e without "prolonged c o n f r o n t a t i o n or c o n f l i c t " because of the s i m i l a r i t i e s which e x i s t e d between the p h i l o s o p h i e s of the ancient r e l i g i o n and the new. E l l i s (1985: 82) argues that "the m a j o r i t y of the e a r l y C e l t i c C h r i s t i a n s were the o l d c l a s s of d r u i d s i n a new g u i s e . " He supports h i s c o n t e n t i o n by r e f e r r i n g to a n o t a t i o n i n the "extant s a i n t ' s L i f e " which " r e f e r s to St. I l l t y d as being 'a d r u i d by descent.'" To f u r t h e r support h i s - 64 -argument, E l l i s (1985: 82) o f f e r s the f o l l o w i n g a r c h a e o l o g i c a l evidence: Most of the e a r l y C h r i s t i a n churches, monasteries and holy p l a c e s appear to have a p r e - C h r i s t i a n r e l i g i o u s connection. The sacred d r u i d i c s i t e s were not destroyed or shunned but u t i l i z e d f o r the new f a i t h . Most e a r l y C e l t i c churches were b u i l t i n c i r c u l a r s i t e s , an e s s e n t i a l d r u i d i c concept, r a t h e r than i n the Roman c r u c i f o r m and re c t a n g u l a r p a t t e r n s . Springs and w e l l s , t r a d i t i o n a l s i t e s of the nature philosophy of the C e l t s , were 'taken over', b l e s s e d and, as 'holy w e l l s ' have become an e s s e n t i a l p a r t of C e l t i c C h r i s t i a n i t y . We hear of St. Kentigern rebuking the S t r a t h c l y d e B r i t i s h f o r worshipping the s p i r i t of a w e l l , but promptly b l e s s i n g the w e l l and a l l o w i n g the worship to continue i n the name of C h r i s t . As mentioned i n Chapter 1 of t h i s t h e s i s , the b a r d i c schools were allowed to continue u n r e s t r i c t e d a f t e r the i n t r o d u c t i o n of C h r i s t i a n i t y and, E l l i s adds, there were many monastic schools which arose i n the s i x t h - c e n t u r y A.D. that were founded on the s i t e s of e x i s t i n g b a r d i c s c h o o l s . F i n a l l y , as a l s o mentioned i n Chapter 1 of t h i s t h e s i s , - 65 -E l l i s o f f e r s as evidence the continued pagan content of both prose and poetry, even when i t was w r i t t e n i n L a t i n . From the evidence presented by E l l i s , i t would appear t h a t the i n t r o d u c t i o n of C h r i s t i a n i t y c o n f l i c t e d l i t t l e with e i t h e r the "ethos" or the "world view" of pagan G a e l i c s o c i e t y . The a r r i v a l of the Norse i n the e i g h t h century d i d not go unnoticed by the Gaels. There was, at times, strong l o c a l or p r o v i n c i a l r e s i s t a n c e to these " f o r e i g n e r s " who d i f f e r e d from the Gaels i n both appearance and language. However, P r i n g l e (1985: 72) notes that G a e l i c kings seemed to have l i t t l e r e s e r v a t i o n s about s o l i c i t i n g the a s s i s t a n c e of the Norse "when occasions arose f o r t h e i r own i n t e r n e c i n e wars." Norse settlements were g e n e r a l l y l o c a t e d i n the f r o n t i e r zones between p r e - e x i s t i n g p o l i t i c a l u n i t s , where l o c a l r e s i s t a n c e would presumably be " l e s s r e s i l i e n t " ( P r i n g l e , 1985: 72). The Norse, a f t e r they had e s t a b l i s h e d t h e i r s e ttlements, converted to C h r i s t i a n i t y and through i n t e r m a r r i a g e with the surrounding Gaels were soon G a e l i c i z e d , thus l o s i n g much of t h e i r f o r e i g n n e s s and hence t h e i r p o t e n t i a l as a t h r e a t to the G a e l i c way of l i f e . While the "ethos" and "world view" of the Gaels were not u n a f f e c t e d by t h e i r i n t e r a c t i o n with the concepts of C h r i s t i a n i t y and the Norse c u l t u r e , these changes were g r a d u a l . - 66 -However, the changes to the G a e l i c " s o c i a l l i f e - w o r l d " brought about by the Norman i n v a s i o n were of " c h a o t i c " p r o p o r t i o n s . To render t h i s "incomprehensible s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n " meaningful, the Gaels r e q u i r e d a "system of c u l t u r a l symbols" which would "make i t p o s s i b l e to act p u r p o s e f u l l y w i t h i n " the s i t u a t i o n i n which they now found themselves. In my o p i n i o n , a new, more i n t e n s e l y expressed I r i s h e t h n i c consciousness provided the Gaels with the "system of symbols" they needed to b r i n g order and meaning back i n t o t h e i r d i s r u p t e d l i v e s . P r i n g l e (1985: 82) w r i t e s : A s t r o n g sense of n a t i o n a l i t y appears to have e x i s t e d i n the l a t e f o u r t e e n t h and f i f t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s . The descendents of the Norman c o l o n i s t s f o r example, maintained a group i d e n t i t y which excluded the G a e l i c I r i s h . The c o l o n i s t s a l s o made a d i s t i n c t i o n between the ' E n g l i s h by blood' ( i . e . , themselves) and the ' E n g l i s h by b i r t h ' ( i . e . , those l i v i n g i n England). The E n g l i s h , i n t u r n , made a d i s t i n c t i o n between the 'wild I r i s h ' ( i . e . , the G a e l i c I r i s h ) and the ' A n g l o - I r i s h ' ( i . e . , the c o l o n i s t s i n I r e l a n d ) ; whereas the G a e l i c I r i s h made a d i s t i n c t i o n between 'Gaedhil' ( n a t i v e s ) , ' G a i l l ' ( f o r e i g n e r s , i . e . , Anglo-Normans) and 'Saxain' ( E n g l i s h ) . - 6 7 -P r i n g l e a t t r i b u t e s t h e r e a s o n s f o r t h e s e d i s t i n c t i o n s as n o t r e s u l t i n g f r o m any a w a r e n e s s o f c u l t u r a l o r e t h n i c d i f f e r e n c e s on t h e p a r t o f t h e s e g r o u p s , b u t as a " r e f l e c t i o n o f s o c i a l p o s i t i o n " t h a t a r o s e f r o m t h e f e u d a l s y s t e m . He a r g u e s : F e u d a l i s m was a v e r y c o n s e r v a t i v e s o c i a l s y s t e m w h i c h p l a c e d an e m p h a s i s upon s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y and o r d e r : s o c i a l s t a t u s was d e t e r m i n e d by b i r t h and j e a l o u s l y g u a r d e d . The c o l o n i s t s were c o n s t a n t l y a n x i o u s t o m a i n t a i n a d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e m s e l v e s and t h e G a e l i c I r i s h i n o r d e r t o p r e s e r v e t h e i r p r i v i l e g e d p o s i t i o n by e x c l u d i n g t h e G a e l i c I r i s h f r o m t h e b e n e f i t s o f E n g l i s h l a w ( e x c e p t i n a few s p e c i a l c a s e s where t h e I r i s h were g r a n t e d s p e c i a l c h a r t e r s f r o m t h e K i n g ) . The I r i s h were p r o h i b i t e d , f o r e x a m p l e , f r o m b e c o m i n g members o f t r a d e g u i l d s , and t h e r e b y p r e v e n t e d f r o m p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n u r b a n l i f e . The G a e l i c n o b i l i t y , f o r t h e i r p a r t , a p p e a l e d t o b r e h o n l a w t o j u s t i f y t h e i r c l a i m s t o l a n d , and t h e r e f o r e f o u n d i t e q u a l l y c o n v e n i e n t t o make a d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e m s e l v e s and t h e ' g a i l l 1 ( P r i n g l e , 1985: 8 3 ) . W h i l e n o t d e n y i n g t h a t e s t a b l i s h i n g e t h n i c b o u n d a r i e s b e t w e e n t h e g r o u p s may h a v e h ad d e f i n i t e e c o n o m i c a d v a n t a g e s , t h e r e a r e a t l e a s t two h i s t o r i c a l e v e n t s w h i c h r e v e a l t h e G a e l s - 68 -and t h e A n g l o - N o r m a n s were a l s o f u l l y aware o f t h e i r e t h n i c and c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s . The j u s t i f i c a t i o n g i v e n by t h e G a e l i c p r i n c e s t o t h e Pope f o r i n v i t i n g Edward B r u c e t o h e l p them d r i v e o u t t h e E n g l i s h , shows t h a t t h e G a e l s were aware o f e t h n i c d i f f e r e n c e s b e t w e e n t h e m s e l v e s and t h e E n g l i s h , and were v e r y c o n c e r n e d w i t h r e t a i n i n g t h e i r e t h n i c i n t e g r i t y . C r o n i n ( 1 9 8 1 : 6 ) , q u o t e s f r o m I r i s h H i s t o r i c a l D o cuments, "The R e m o n s t r a n c e o f t h e I r i s h P r i n c e s t o Pope J o h n X X I I , 1317" : 'More t h a n 50,000 human b e i n g s o f e a c h n a t i o n ' had d i e d i n t h e w a r s f o l l o w i n g A d r i a n I V s g r a n t o f I r e l a n d t o H e n r y I I . E n g l i s h l a w s o u g h t ' t h e e x t e r m i n a t i o n o f o u r r a c e ' . They w o u l d f i g h t t o d e f e n d 'the r i g h t s o f o u r l a w and l i b e r t y a g a i n s t c r u e l t y r a n t s and u s u r p e r s ' , and ' r e c o v e r o u r n a t i v e l i b e r t y w h i c h f o r a t i m e t h r o u g h them ( t h e E n g l i s h ) we l o s t . . . ' . The E n g l i s h 'have s t r i v e n w i t h a l l t h e i r m i g h t and w i t h e v e r y t r e a c h e r o u s a r t i f i c e i n t h e i r power, t o w i p e o u r n a t i o n o u t e n t i r e l y and u t t e r l y t o e x t i r p a t e i t . ' C r o n i n adds t h a t t h e document was s i g n e d by D o n a l O ' N e i l l ' K i n g o f U l s t e r and by h e r e d i t a r y r i g h t t r u e h e i r t o t h e w h o l e o f I r e l a n d ' - - a n a n c i e n t c l a i m o f h i s f a m i l y . - 69 -Some authors ( P r i n g l e , 1985) have argued that the I r i s h were not p o l i t i c a l l y u n i t e d p r i o r to the nine t e e n t h century, t h e r e f o r e they d i d not c o n s t i t u t e a n a t i o n . According to Walker Connor, an e t h n i c group becomes a n a t i o n when i t becomes self-aware of uniqueness and becomes conscious that the customs, b e l i e f s , and a t t i t u d e s i t shares are d i f f e r e n t from those shared by other groups. P r i n g l e agrees t h a t when the Anglo-Normans a r r i v e d on I r i s h shores, the G a e l i c I r i s h had a uniform c u l t u r e with i t s own unique l e g a l system, language, and r e l i g i o n . While each c l a n c h i e f t a i n fought i n d i v i d u a l b a t t l e s a g a i n s t the E n g l i s h invaders i n the ensuing c e n t u r i e s f o l l o w i n g the i n i t i a l i n v a s i o n of 1169, a l l of the G a e l i c c h i e f s had a common g o a l , namely to p r o t e c t t h e i r common c u l t u r e a g a i n s t a f o r e i g n c u l t u r e which posed an i n t o l e r a b l e economic, c u l t u r a l , and p o l i t i c a l t h r e a t . T h e i r common f e a r that the E n g l i s h sought the "extermination of our [ G a e l i c ] race" and to "wipe our [ G a e l i c ] n a t i o n out e n t i r e l y and u t t e r l y to e x t i r p a t e i t " , was expressed i n the "Remonstrance of the I r i s h P r i n c e s to Pope John XXII, 1317." This important document i n d i c a t e s that not only were the G a e l i c people aware that they formed a d i s t i n c t i v e n a t i o n , but they were conscious that t h i s n a t i o n was very d i f f e r e n t from that of the E n g l i s h . To quote from the "Remonstrance" again, the G a e l i c p r i n c e s claimed they were f i g h t i n g to defend "'the r i g h t s of our - 70 -[Brehon] law and l i b e r t y a gainst c r u e l t y r a n t s and usurpers', and 'recover our n a t i v e l i b e r t y [ i . e . , economic, p o l i t i c a l , and c u l t u r a l freedom] which f o r a time through them (the E n g l i s h ) we l o s t . . . ' " (Cronin, 1981: 6). Brehon law was a d i s t i n c t i v e f e a t u r e of G a e l i c s o c i e t y which organized a l l aspects of l i f e . The G a e l i c p r i n c e s were aware that the E n g l i s h intended to r e p l a c e Brehon law, the backbone of t h e i r s o c i e t y , with E n g l i s h Canon law which operated according to very d i f f e r e n t p r i n c i p l e s . The G a e l i c p r i n c e s f e l t t h a t i f the E n g l i s h were s u c c e s s f u l i n t h e i r attempt to e r a d i c a t e Brehon law, the "native l i b e r t y " of the G a e l i c people would be permanently l o s t . Thus, while i n t e r n e c i n e warfare prevented the G a e l i c chiefdoms from u n i t i n g i n t o a s i n g l e f o r c e to r i d I r i s h s o i l of a f o r e i g n c u l t u r e , they i n d i v i d u a l l y fought to achieve t h i s end. The G a e l i c p r i n c e s were not the only ones who were aware of the e t h n i c d i f f e r e n c e s between the Gaels and the Norman inv a d e r s . By the end of the t h i r t e e n t h century, the Anglo-Normans l i v i n g i n the Pale f e l t o b l i g a t e d to pass harsh l e g i s l a t i o n i n the Dublin Parliament i n an attempt to h a l t any f u r t h e r G a e l i c i z a t i o n of t h e i r group members. In areas where Anglo-Norman c o l o n i z a t i o n had been sparse, i n t e r m a r r i a g e between the Anglo-Norman and the I r i s h a r i s t o c r a c y had f r e q u e n t l y occurred. These Anglo-Normans accepted G a e l i c c u l t u r e and had, by the mid-fourteenth - 71 -century, been f u l l y a s s i m i l a t e d i n t o i t , becoming i n the process, "more I r i s h than the I r i s h themselves" ( P r i n g l e , 1985: 84). Even the s e t t l e r s l i v i n g i n the Pale were s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e d by the surrounding G a e l i c c u l t u r e . In 1297, the Dublin Parliament f e l t i t necessary "to take p u n i t i v e measures ag a i n s t the 'degenerate Englishmen' who were adopting I r i s h t r a i t s " ( K e l l e y , 1982: 2). The f a i l u r e of these measures prompted the pa s s i n g of the S t a t u t e s of Kilkenny, i n 1367. These s t a t u t e s condemned the a s s i m i l a t i o n t a k i n g p l a c e , which was d e s c r i b e d as: The c o l o n i s t s , ' f o r s a k i n g the E n g l i s h language, f a s h i o n , mode of l i v i n g , laws and usages, [and l i v i n g and governing] themselves according to the manners, fa s h i o n s and language of the I r i s h enemies, and a l s o [having] d i v e r s marriages and a l l i a n c e s between themselves and the I r i s h enemies a f o r e s a i d . . . ' (guoted from the I r i s h  H i s t o r i c a l Documents, i n Cronin, 1981: 239). The S t a t u t e s , which were to remain i n e f f e c t f o r the next f i v e hundred years, forbade i n t e r m a r r i a g e between the E n g l i s h s e t t l e r s and the I r i s h , 7 r e q u i r e d a l l Gaels l i v i n g i n s i d e ' T h i s p r o h i b i t i o n became r i g i d l y enforced throughout I r e l a n d when the r e l i g i o n of the c o l o n i z e r s became d i f f e r e n t from that of the c o l o n i z e d , see Chapter 4. - 72 -the Pale to speak E n g l i s h at a l l times, i n a d d i t i o n to p r o h i b i t i n g the s e t t l e r s from f o l l o w i n g Brehon laws, wearing n a t i v e dress, t a l k i n g G a e l i c , and adopting G a e l i c names ( K e l l e y , 1982). As with most of the Norman reforms and laws, the S t a t u t e s were not enforced. I t was not u n t i l Henry VII passed the Poyning Laws, i n 1494 that the King's f o r c e s imposed the p r o v i s i o n s of the St a t u t e s on both n a t i v e s of and s e t t l e r s i n the Pale. The aim of these S t a t u t e s had been to keep the Anglo-Norman c u l t u r e pure, while r i d d i n g I r i s h s o i l of i t s n a t i v e G a e l i c c u l t u r e . However the delay i n enacting the Statutes only r e i n f o r c e d e t h n i c group s o l i d a r i t y among the I r i s h and i n t e n s i f i e d t h e i r r e s i s t a n c e to the f o r e i g n c u l t u r e being imposed upon them. Et h n i c group membership i n t h i r t e e n t h - and f o u r t e e n t h -century I r e l a n d was " h i g h l y malleable and responsive to whatever circumstances" (Greenwood, 1977) i n d i v i d u a l Gaels or Anglo-Normans found themselves. On the one hand, the Anglo-Normans who accepted the G a e l i c c u l t u r e became members of the I r i s h e t h n i c group. On the other hand, Gaels who l i v e d i n the towns and abided by the r u l e s of the S t a t u t e s , i d e n t i f i e d themselves with the Anglo-Norman e t h n i c group. Therefore, r i g h t from the beginning, s e l f - i d e n t i f i c a t i o n r a t h e r than descent was the key c r i t e r i o n f o r group membership. - 73 -V Summary and Conclusions The seeds of f u t u r e e t h n o n a t i o n a l i s t i c c o n f l i c t were sown when the Anglo-Normans attempted to exert t h e i r s o v e r e i g n t y over I r e l a n d . Not only had the economic foundations of the G a e l i c c l a n s been shaken and t h e i r p o l i t i c a l power reduced, but the very continued e x i s t e n c e of the I r i s h c u l t u r e was threatened. Use of the I r i s h language had been p r o h i b i t e d i n areas under e f f e c t i v e E n g l i s h c o n t r o l . The Brehon laws, which organized G a e l i c l i f e , had been outlawed. The monastic system, which t r a i n e d f u t u r e generations and p r o t e c t e d the I r i s h people i n times of economic need was i n a s t a t e of c o l l a p s e . The I r i s h people r e b e l l e d , however, p h y s i c a l l y r e s i s t i n g the i n f l u e n c e of the c u l t u r e of t h e i r invaders, and i n the process became more i n t e n s e l y conscious of t h e i r own e t h n i c i d e n t i t y . In the aftermath of the Anglo-Norman i n v a s i o n , e t h n i c boundaries between the two c u l t u r e s on I r i s h s o i l , while not r i g i d l y entrenched, were none the l e s s drawn. In the subsequent c e n t u r i e s , the s o c i a l cleavages between n a t i v e and s e t t l e r deepened, as the c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s between the two became more pronounced. In the remaining chapters of t h i s thesis,. I w i l l d i s c u s s how the new form of I r i s h e t h n i c consciousness which arose i n response to the Norman - 74 -i n v a s i o n has been maintained and r e i n f o r c e d throughout the ensuing c e n t u r i e s , and how i t continues to be perpetuated i n Northern I r e l a n d . - 75 -Chapter 4 The Deepening of S o c i a l Cleavages Between Native and S e t t l e r T h i s chapter i s not a h i s t o r y of the c u l t u r a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l abuses i n f l i c t e d upon the I r i s h people by t h e i r c o l o n i z e r s i n c e the Anglo-Norman i n v a s i o n . Rather i t i s an examination of f i v e s p e c i f i c h i s t o r i c a l events which deepened the s o c i a l cleavages between n a t i v e s and c o l o n i s t s , producing the two s h a r p l y d e f i n e d e t h n i c i d e n t i t i e s i n contemporary Northern I r e l a n d . These events were: (1) the c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of power under the E n g l i s h Crown, i n i t i a t e d i n earnest by Henry VII, the f i r s t Tudor King; (2) the R e b e l l i o n of 1641; (3) the Cromwellian revenge of 1649; (4) the v i c t o r y of W i l l i a m of Orange i n 1690; and (5) the i m p o s i t i o n of the Penal Laws i n the l a t e seventeenth and e a r l y e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s . I t was these events which gave many of the major i n s t i t u t i o n s and symbols that maintain and r e i n f o r c e e t h n i c boundaries i n Northern I r e l a n d today t h e i r f i r s t s i g n i f i c a n c e . - 76 -I C o n s o l i d a t i o n o f Power: The T u d o r Y e a r s A. The E a r l y T u d o r P e r i o d , 1485-1547 The G a e l i c r e s u r g e n c e o f t h e f o u r t e e n t h and f i f t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s had p u s h e d b a c k e f f e c t i v e E n g l i s h c o n t r o l t o w i t h i n t h e b o r d e r s o f t h e P a l e . O u t s i d e t h e P a l e , t h e I r i s h e n j o y e d a p e r i o d o f r e l a t i v e f r e e d o m w i t h o n l y t h e o c c a s i o n a l c l a s h e s w i t h t h e E n g l i s h . However i n 1485, He n r y V I I t h e f i r s t T u d o r K i n g b e gan a p r o c e s s o f c o n s o l i d a t i o n o f power, d e s i g n e d t o b u i l d a s t r o n g , c e n t r a l i z e d m o narchy a t home and t o c o m p l e t e t h e g o a l o f t h e A n g l o - N o r m a n i n v a s i o n by f i n a l l y b r i n g i n g I r e l a n d u n d e r t o t a l E n g l i s h d o m i n a t i o n . The A n g l o - N o r m a n s e t t l e r s i n t h e P a l e were t h e f i r s t t a r g e t s o f H e n r y V I I ' s a c t i o n t o t i g h t e n E n g l i s h c o n t r o l o v e r I r e l a n d . He a n n u l l e d t h e A c t o f 1468 w h i c h had a s s e r t e d t h a t i n o r d e r f o r E n g l i s h s t a t u t e s t o be v a l i d i n I r e l a n d , t h e y f i r s t had t o be r a t i f i e d by t h e I r i s h P a r l i a m e n t i n D u b l i n . F u r t h e r , he f o r b a d e t h e I r i s h P a r l i a m e n t f r o m m e e t i n g u n l e s s t h e E n g l i s h K i n g had been i n f o r m e d b e f o r e h a n d o f what l e g i s l a t i o n t h e a s s e m b l y i n t e n d e d t o s a n c t i o n . Thus t h e p o l i t i c a l power f o r m e r l y e n j o y e d by t h e A n g l o - N o r m a n s ( o r O l d E n g l i s h ) i n t h e P a l e was s e v e r e l y c u r t a i l e d . T h i s a c t i o n was t h e f i r s t o f many i n i t i a t e d by t h e E n g l i s h Crown - 77 -a n d / o r E n g l i s h P a r l i a m e n t , w h i c h d r o v e a p e r m a n e n t wedge b e t w e e n I r e l a n d ' s f i r s t c o l o n i s t s and t h e i r m o t h e r c o u n t r y , and l e d t o t h e O l d E n g l i s h m e r g i n g w i t h t h e G a e l i c I r i s h i n t h e s e v e n t e e n t h c e n t u r y , t o f o r m a s i n g l e C a t h o l i c I r i s h e t h n i c g r o u p . I n 1494, H e n r y V I I began h i s a s s a u l t on t h e G a e l i c c u l t u r e by p a s s i n g t h e P o y n i n g Laws, w h i c h a u t h o r i z e d t h e K i n g ' s f o r c e s t o i m pose t h e p r o v i s i o n s o f t h e S t a t u t e s o f K i l k e n n y on b o t h n a t i v e and s e t t l e r a l i k e l i v i n g i n t h e P a l e . W h i l e H e n r y V I I was a b l e t o s e c u r e t h e l o y a l t y o f t h e O l d E n g l i s h i n t h e P a l e , h i s f o r c e s made l i t t l e headway i n s u b d u i n g t h e G a e l i c and A n g l o - N o r m a n p o p u l a t i o n o u t s i d e t h i s E n g l i s h s t r o n g h o l d . Even as l a t e as 1532, some t w e n t y - t h r e e y e a r s a f t e r H e n r y V I I I became K i n g o f E n g l a n d , most o f I r e l a n d r e m a i n e d u n d e r t h e c o n t r o l o f t h e G a e l i c p r i n c e s and a few A n g l o - N o r m a n l o r d s who had a d o p t e d t h e G a e l i c c u l t u r e and whose l o y a l t y t o E n g l a n d was q u e s t i o n a b l e ( s e e F i g . 4 ) . I n 1534, H e n r y V I I I b r o k e w i t h Rome and e s t a b l i s h e d a s e p a r a t e C h u r c h o f E n g l a n d . 1 T h i s i n d e p e n d e n c e f r o m Roman 1 The P r o t e s t a n t R e f o r m a t i o n , t a k i n g p l a c e on t h e C o n t i n e n t d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d , g r a d u a l l y came t o shape t h e d o c t r i n e s o f t h e C h u r c h o f E n g l a n d . I t was d u r i n g t h e r e i g n o f E l i z a b e t h I t h a t t h i s p r o c e s s o f A n g l i c i z a t i o n was c o m p l e t e d . - 78- -F i g . 4 The Lordships of I r e l a n d i n 1532. (Source: P r i n g l e , 1985) - 79 -C a t h o l i c i s m by t h e E n g l i s h monarch was s o o n f o r c e d on I r e l a n d — a n a l m o s t e n t i r e l y C a t h o l i c i s l a n d . The C h u r c h o f I r e l a n d was e s t a b l i s h e d , and i t . no l o n g e r a c k n o w l e d g e d t h e s u p e r i o r i t y o f t h e Pope and had as i t s h e a d t h e E n g l i s h monarch.2 To t h e O l d E n g l i s h l i v i n g i n t h e P a l e , t h e n e w l y e s t a b l i s h e d C h u r c h d i d n o t a p p e a r t o po s e a s e r i o u s t h r e a t t o e i t h e r t h e d o c t r i n e o r t h e l i t u r g y o f t h e i r f a i t h . Thus when Hen r y V I I I p r e s e n t e d t h r e e b i l l s he had d r a f t e d , t o t h e I r i s h P a r l i a m e n t i n 1537, t h e y were a l l p a s s e d w i t h l i t t l e d i s s e n t i o n . The f i r s t was an a c t d e n y i n g p a p a l a u t h o r i t y i n I r e l a n d ; t h e s e c o n d p r e s c r i b e d f o r o f f i c e h o l d e r s , an o a t h a c k n o w l e d g i n g r o y a l s u p r e m a c y ; and t h e t h i r d p r o p o s e d t h e d i s s o l u t i o n o f t h i r t e e n o f I r e l a n d ' s m o n a s t e r i e s 3 ( B o t t i g h e i m e r , 1982: 7 9 - 8 0 ) . 1 W h i l e H e n r y V I I I p r o b a b l y r e m a i n e d a C a t h o l i c u n t i l h i s d e a t h i n 1547 ( B o t t i g h e i m e r , 1982: 7 9 ) , h i s q u a r r e l w i t h Rome g r e a t l y a f f e c t e d h i s p o l i c i e s t o w a r d I r e l a n d . The P a p a c y f o r i t s p a r t , w i t h d r e w t h e s a n c t i o n s i t had g i v e n , s i n c e H e n r y I I ' s i n v a s i o n , t o t h e E n g l i s h c l a i m o f s o v e r e i g n t y o v e r I r e l a n d . Now I r i s h C a t h o l i c s l o o k e d f o r and r e c e i v e d s u p p o r t f r o m Rome a g a i n s t t h e a b u s e s o f E n g l i s h r u l e . 6 " I n 1534 t h e r e were more t h a n f o u r h u n d r e d m o n a s t i c h o u s e s [ f r i a r i e s ] and p r o b a b l y b e t w e e n f o u r and f i v e t h o u s a n d m o n a s t i c s . The f r i a r i e s , i n p a r t i c u l a r , had become t h e c h i e f r e l i g i o u s c e n t e r s i n many p a r t s o f t h e c o u n t r y and were by no means r e m o t e f r o m t h e d a i l y l i f e o f t h e p e o p l e " ( B o t t i g h e i m e r , 1982: 7 9 ) . - 80 -By H e n r y V I I I 1 s d e a t h i n 1547 n e a r l y o n e - h a l f o f t h e m o n a s t e r i e s had been d i s s o l v e d , l e a v i n g o n l y t h o s e i n t h e s t r o n g l y G a e l i c r e g i o n s o f n o r t h w e s t e r n U l s t e r , n o r t h e r n C o n n a c h t and s o u t h w e s t e r n M u n s t e r m a i n l y u n t o u c h e d ( B o t t i g h e i m e r , 1982: 8 1 ) . The d i s s o l u t i o n o f t h e m o n a s t e r i e s - - t h e p r i d e o f G a e l i c r e l i g i o u s l i f e and c e n t r e s o f l e a r n i n g and c r e a t i v i t y - - s t r u c k a t t h e v e r y h e a r t o f G a e l i c c u l t u r e . T h e r e f o r e i t i s h a r d l y s u r p r i s i n g t h a t t h e r e s i s t a n c e t o t h i s p o l i c y was s t r o n g e s t i n t h e v e r y t r a d i t i o n a l r e g i o n s o f I r e l a n d . R e l i g i o n and e d u c a t i o n had been c l o s e l y l i n k e d i n I r e l a n d e v e n b e f o r e t h e s i x t h c e n t u r y when I r i s h e m i n e n c e i n b o t h f i e l d s h a d e a r n e d h e r t h e t i t l e , " t h e i s l a n d o f s a i n t s and s c h o l a r s " ( D a r b y , 1976: 1 1 3 ) . Many s c h o l a r s f r o m t h e c o n t i n e n t had s o u g h t r e f u g e i n t h e G a e l i c m o n a s t e r i e s t o a v o i d t h e i n v a s i o n s by t h e B a r b a r i a n s . They b r o u g h t w i t h them t h e i r e x p e r t i s e and b o o k s , m a k i n g t h e I r i s h m o n a s t i c s c h o o l s o f t h e f o u r t h and f i f t h c e n t u r i e s a t t r a c t i v e p l a c e s o f l e a r n i n g f o r many f o r e i g n s t u d e n t s , e s p e c i a l l y ones f r o m E n g l a n d ( S c h e r m a n , 1981: 2 4 0 - 2 4 9 ) . The m o n a s t i c s c h o o l s g ave c h i l d r e n a p r a c t i c a l e d u c a t i o n and p r e p a r e d them f o r t h e i r f u t u r e r o l e s i n G a e l i c s o c i e t y . B o t h g i r l s and b o y s were t r a i n e d i n t h e m o n a s t e r i e s . Scherman (1981) d i s c o v e r e d some women had n o t o n l y p e n e t r a t e d t h e " w o r l d o f i n t e l l e c t " b u t t h e y had a c h i e v e d "a more t h a n - 81 -r e s p e c t a b l e s u c c e s s " . The f a c t t h a t t h e names o f s e v e r a l women a p p e a r e d on a l i s t o f g r e a t l a w y e r s i s , a c c o r d i n g t o Sch e r m a n , p r o o f o f t h i s . Under B r e h o n Law, w h i c h g o v e r n e d t h e e d u c a t i o n a l p r a c t i c e s o f m o n a s t e r i e s i n b o t h pagan and C h r i s t i a n I r e l a n d , many y e a r s o f s p e c i a l i z e d and i n t e n s i v e t r a i n i n g were r e q u i r e d b e f o r e one c o u l d become a l a w y e r . She adds t h a t w h i l e women were o c c a s i o n a l l y t r a i n e d f o r s p e c i a l i z e d p r o f e s s i o n s i n pre-Norman t i m e s , t h e y u s u a l l y w ere r e s t r i c t e d t o l e a r n i n g t h e d o m e s t i c a r t s . The n a t i v e I r i s h b e l i e v e d f r o m p agan t i m e s , "a man c o u l d r i s e , t h r o u g h h i s t h r i f t , h i s p r o f e s s i o n , o r t a l e n t g i v e n h i m by t h e g o d s , a b o v e t h e s t a t i o n o f h i s f a t h e r " ( S c h e r m a n , 1981: 2 4 7 ) . E d u c a t i o n t h e n , was t h e k e y t o upward s o c i a l m o b i l i t y i n n a t i v e I r i s h s o c i e t y . The r e p r o d u c t i o n o f G a e l i c s o c i e t y h a d b e e n e n t r u s t e d t o t h e m o n a s t e r i e s , t h e r e f o r e t h e t h r e a t o f t h e i r c l o s u r e r e p r e s e n t e d a g r e a t e r h a r d s h i p f o r t h e n a t i v e I r i s h t h a n i t d i d f o r t h e O l d E n g l i s h , most o f whom were a b l e t o s e n d t h e i r c h i l d r e n t o t h e C o n t i n e n t f o r a " p r o p e r " e d u c a t i o n . B u t when, " i n 1537, H e n r y V I I I i n s t r u c t e d h i s A n g l i c a n b i s h o p s i n I r e l a n d t o e n s u r e t h a t e a c h c l e r g y m a n 'keep o r c a u s e t o be k e p t . . . a s c h o o l f o r l e a r n i n g t o p r o p a g a t e an a l i e n t o n g u e and an a l i e n c h u r c h ' " ( D a r b y , 1976: 1 2 3 ) , t h e O l d E n g l i s h j o i n e d I r i s h p a r e n t s i n e x p r e s s i n g s t r o n g o p p o s i t i o n . T r i n i t y C o l l e g e , w h i c h was f o u n d e d i n D u b l i n i n t h e 1590s - 82 -t o s e r v e as b o t h a u n i v e r s i t y f o r h i g h e r l e a r n i n g and a t o o l o f c o n v e r s i o n , met s i m i l a r u n i f i e d r e s i s t a n c e . T h u s , two s e p a r a t e s y s t e m s o f e d u c a t i o n , 4 c l o s e l y l i n k e d t o r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f , emerged i n I r e l a n d . B. E l i z a b e t h I and t h e " U l s t e r P l a n t a t i o n " The aim o f t h e f i r s t two T u d o r K i n g s was, a c c o r d i n g t o B o t t i g h e i m e r , a s s i m i l a t i v e . He w r i t e s : H e n r y V I I and H e n r y V I I I had w i s h e d t o b r i n g I r e l a n d t o some d e c e n t o r d e r , n o t t o c r u s h and o v e r w h e l m i t . They had no d e s i r e s t o e x t i r p a t e i t s c u l t u r e o r a r i s t o c r a c y , b u t o n l y t o a s s i m i l a t e b o t h t o t h e E n g l i s h m o narchy ( B o t t i g h e i m e r , 1982: 1 0 1 ) . However, r e l i g i o u s d i f f e r e n c e s and t h e power s t r u g g l e t a k i n g p l a c e b e t w e e n t h e I r i s h P a r l i a m e n t and t h e E n g l i s h Crown i n c r e a s e d f r i c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e O l d E n g l i s h and n a t i v e 4 S e p a r a t e e d u c a t i o n i s an i m p o r t a n t m echanism o f s e l f - s e g r e g a t i o n i n c o n t e m p o r a r y N o r t h e r n I r e l a n d , and w i l l be d i s c u s s e d i n c h a p t e r 5. - 83 -I r i s h on t h e one h a n d , and t h e E n g l i s h on t h e o t h e r . B o t t i g h e i m e r ( 1 9 8 2 : 101-102) c o n t i n u e s : By d e g r e e s [ t h e o b j e c t i v e s o f a s s i m i l a t i o n o f t h e e a r l y T u d o r K i n g s ] c h a n g e d u n d e r E l i z a b e t h u n t i l E n g l i s h p o l i c y was o p e n l y h o s t i l e t o w a r d s I r i s h and e s p e c i a l l y G a e l i c s o c i e t y . A s s i m i l a t i o n was r e p l a c e d as an o b j e c t i v e by ' r e f o r m a t i o n ' , a r e m o d e l l i n g w h i c h went f a r b e y o n d r e l i g i o n t o i n c l u d e l a w , l a n g u a g e , c u s t o m and e v e n s o c i a l h a b i t s . E l i z a b e t h b e g a n h e r r e i g n by w i t h d r a w i n g a l l o f t h e c o n c e s s i o n s made t o C a t h o l i c s d u r i n g t h e b r i e f r e i g n o f t h e C a t h o l i c Queen M a r y . Laws were p a s s e d r e q u i r i n g t h e us e o f t h e Book o f Common P r a y e r and f i n e s were i m p o s e d on t h o s e who d i d n o t a t t e n d t h e E n g l i s h o r A n g l i c a n C h u r c h . H e n r y V I I I had i n s t i t u t e d a p o l i c y o f " S u r r e n d e r and R e g r a n t " by w h i c h t h e G a e l i c c h i e f s c o u l d t u r n o v e r t h e i r l a n d t o t h e E n g l i s h Crown and t h e n r e c e i v e i t b a c k t o be h e l d i n v a s s a l a g e . W h i l e t h e G a e l i c p r i n c e s s t i l l r e t a i n e d t h e i r l a n d , t h e y were f o r c e d t o a b i d e by E n g l i s h l a w and " a r i s t o c r a t i c home r u l e " was b r o u g h t t o an e n d . When E l i z a b e t h came t o power she c o n t i n u e d t h e p o l i c y o f P l a n t a t i o n , s t a r t e d on a s m a l l s c a l e by Queen Mary. The I r i s h c o u n t r y s i d e was d i v i d e d up i n t o s h i r e s o r c o u n t i e s , - 84 -e a c h o f w h i c h was a d m i n i s t e r e d by a l o y a l s h e r i f f . The l a n d s o f t h e I r i s h l o r d s who r e b e l l e d a g a i n s t t h e Crown's a u t h o r i t y were c o n f i s c a t e d and t h e s e e s t a t e s were t h e n l e a s e d t o E n g l i s h s e t t l e r s who were o f t h e P r o t e s t a n t f a i t h and t h e r e f o r e c o n s i d e r e d l o y a l t o t h e Crown. W h i l e e a r l y P l a n t a t i o n a t t e m p t s i n L e i n s t e r and M u n s t e r ( s e e F i g . 5 ) , were n o t v e r y s u c c e s s f u l , t h e y d i d p r o v i d e t h e E n g l i s h w i t h v a l u a b l e e x p e r i e n c e . The n e x t P l a n t a t i o n v e n t u r e i n U l s t e r p r o f i t e d f r o m t h i s e x p e r i e n c e . When t h e s h i r e s y s t e m was i m p o s e d upon t h e p r o v i n c e o f U l s t e r - - b y t h i s t i m e t h e o n l y a r e a where I r i s h power and G a e l i c c u l t u r e r e m a i n e d i n t a c t - - a r e b e l l i o n b r o k e o u t . The p e r s i s t e n c e o f G a e l i c c u l t u r e i n U l s t e r was, a c c o r d i n g t o B u s t e e d ( 1 9 7 2 : 4 ) , p a r t l y b e c a u s e a s t r o n g G a e l i c m i l i t a r y and s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n had s u c c e s s f u l l y r e s i s t e d t h e f o r e i g n i n v a d e r s , and p a r t l y b e c a u s e " s u c h a v i g o r o u s p e o p l e c o u l d make f u l l u s e o f w o o d l a n d s , l a k e s and m o u n t a i n a r e a s " , w h i c h p r e s e n t e d d i f f i c u l t o b s t a c l e s t o l a t e m e d i e v a l a r m i e s . T h e r e f o r e when r e b e l l i o n b r o k e o u t i n 1594, t h e E n g l i s h were f a c e d w i t h t h e s t r o n g e s t r e s i s t a n c e t h e y had y e t e n c o u n t e r e d i n t h e i r s t r u g g l e t o s u b j u g a t e I r e l a n d . The U l s t e r G a e l i c c h i e f t a i n , Hugh O ' N e i l l " a p p e a l e d f o r s o l i d a r i t y b e t w e e n t h e G a e l s , whose t r a d i t i o n a l way o f l i f e was b e i n g t h r e a t e n e d by t h e c o n s o l i d a t i o n o f T u d o r power and t h e i m p o s i t i o n o f E n g l i s h l a w . He a l s o a p p e a l e d f o r - 85 -F i g . 5 The P r i n c i p a l T u d o r and S t u a r t P l a n t a t i o n s . ( S o u r c e : P r i n g l e , 1985: 13) - 86 -s o l i d a r i t y b e t w e e n C a t h o l i c s a g a i n s t t h e P r o t e s t a n t E n g l i s h " ( P r i n g l e , 1985: 9 3 ) . Hugh O ' N e i l l ' s p l e a f o r g r o u p s o l i d a r i t y o f a l l t h e I r i s h p o p u l a t i o n , b a s e d on t h e i r G a e l i c c u l t u r a l o r i g i n and common r e l i g i o n , f a i l e d . I n t h e wake o f t h e t o t a l m i l i t a r y d e f e a t o f t h e U l s t e r c h i e f t a n s , most o f t h e G a e l i c n o b i l i t y f o r f e i t e d a l l I r i s h r i g h t s t o l a n d and p r o p e r t y and f l e d o v e r s e a s t o t h e C o n t i n e n t . D e p r i v e d o f t h e i r n a t u r a l m i l i t a r y and p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s , t h e I r i s h p o p u l a t i o n was l e f t d i s o r g a n i z e d and p o w e r l e s s t o r e s i s t f o r e i g n E n g l i s h d o m i n a t i o n . Whereas i n t e r m a r r i a g e had b e e n an i m p o r t a n t G a e l i c t o o l t o r e c o u p l o s t l a n d and power i n t h e a f t e r m a t h o f t h e Norman i n v a s i o n , i t was v i r t u a l l y i m p o s s i b l e a f t e r t h e r e c o n q u e s t o f I r e l a n d . The i n c r e a s e d number o f s e t t l e r s b e a r i n g a d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r e and r e l i g i o n s u b s t a n t i a l l y d e c r e a s e d t h e l i k e l i h o o d o f i n t e r m a r r i a g e and t h u s t h e p o s s i b i l i t y t h e n a t i v e I r i s h c o u l d once a g a i n G a e l i c i z e t h e i r i n v a d e r s and r e g a i n t h e i r l a n d . B u s t e e d ( 1 9 7 2 : 4) w r i t e s : I n an age when r e l i g i o u s f e e l i n g s r a n much d e e p e r t h a n i n c o n t e m p o r a r y B r i t a i n and were m o r e o v e r , a s s o c i a t e d w i t h e v e n more f r e q u e n t l y p o l i t i c a l a t t i t u d e s , s u c h d i f f e r e n c e s were a p o w e r f u l o b s t a c l e t o m i s c e g e n a t i o n . When r e i n f o r c e d by t h e - 87 -f a c t t h a t t h e P l a n t e r s were a l s o a l i e n i n o r i g i n , c u l t u r e , t e c h n o l o g y , and l a n g u a g e , t h e y made a s s i m i l a t i o n v i r t u a l l y i m p o s s i b l e . ^ The a l t e r n a t i v e , B u s t e e d c o n t i n u e s , was t h e w h o l e s a l e e x p u l s i o n o f t h e c o l o n i s t s , w h i c h was t r i e d i n t h e y e a r s 1641-1648 and 1688-1691. B o t h a c t s b r o u g h t o n l y s e v e r e r e t a l i a t i o n and h a r d s h i p t o t h e I r i s h p e o p l e . I I The R e b e l l i o n o f 1641 A. S h i f t i n g G r o u p M e m b e r s h i p C l a r k e ( 1 9 8 1 : 45) c l a i m s t h a t " i n e s s e n c e t h e s e c o n d p h a s e o f t h e c o n g u e s t o f I r e l a n d was t h e c o n q u e s t o f t h e o l d c o l o n y and t h e r e p u d i a t i o n o f i t s members by t h e i r m o t h e r c o u n t r y . " The f u l l f o r c e o f t h i s r e p u d i a t i o n was n o t f e l t by t h e O l d E n g l i s h u n t i l a f t e r 1603 when t h e i r power and i n f l u e n c e d e c l i n e d s h a r p l y . P r i o r t o t h i s t i m e -> The i n t e n s i t y o f r e l i g i o u s f e e l i n g , c o m b i n e d w i t h d i f f e r i n g p o l i t i c a l a t t i t u d e s and c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s s t i l l a r e o b s t a c l e s t o m i s c e g e n a t i o n i n c o n t e m p o r a r y I r e l a n d . - 88 -h o w e v e r , t h e a t t i t u d e o f t h e E n g l i s h g o v e r n m e n t t o w a r d C a t h o l i c i s m h ad been " v a c i l l a t i n g " and " u n c e r t a i n " . B o y c e ( 1 9 8 2 : 79-80) w r i t e s : The O l d E n g l i s h were C a t h o l i c s , and t h e y w e re aware t h a t t h e E l i z a b e t h a n c o n q u e s t was a P r o t e s t a n t o ne, and a d a n g e r t o them....But t h e O l d E n g l i s h and N a t i v e I r i s h were d i s t i n c t i v e g r o u p s , and t h e O l d E n g l i s h s o u g h t t o m a i n t a i n and e m p h a s i z e t h a t d i s t i n c t i o n , r e m a i n i n g a l o o f f r o m I r i s h C a t h o l i c and E n g l i s h P r o t e s t a n t a l i k e . The Crown, on t h e o t h e r h a n d , f a i l e d t o r e c o g n i z e t h e s e " f i n e b u t deep d i s t i n c t i o n s " . To t h e E n g l i s h " P a p i s t s - -w h a t e v e r t h e i r r a c i a l o r i g i n — w e r e r e g a r d e d as d i s l o y a l o r a t b e s t ' h a l f - s u b j e c t s 1 o f t h e Crown" ( B o y c e , 1982: 8 0 ) . W h i l e t h e i m p o s i t i o n o f " D i r e c t R u l e " by t h e T u d o r m o n a r c h s had made t h e I r i s h P a r l i a m e n t i n D u b l i n i m p o t e n t , t h e O l d E n g l i s h i n t h e P a l e s t i l l had t h e i l l u s i o n o f power and i n f l u e n c e . However, a f t e r E l i z a b e t h ' s d e a t h i n 1603 and t h e i n f l u x o f new P r o t e s t a n t s e t t l e r s , t h e b a l a n c e o f power i n I r e l a n d s h i f t e d . The E n g l i s h P a r l i a m e n t b e gan p a s s i n g l e g i s l a t i o n w h i c h f a v o u r e d t h e New E n g l i s h o v e r t h e O l d . F o r e x a m p l e , t h e O l d E n g l i s h now had t o s e n d t h e i r c h i l d r e n t o t h e C o n t i n e n t f o r an o r t h o d o x r e l i g i o u s t r a i n i n g - 89 -because i t was no longer a v a i l a b l e at home (Bottigheimer, 1982: 114). When the Old E n g l i s h j o i n e d the n a t i v e I r i s h i n r e b e l l i o n i n 1641, i t was to p r o t e s t the d i s c r i m i n a t o r y l e g i s l a t i o n of the E n g l i s h Parliament a g a i n s t C a t h o l i c i s m . They denied t h e i r a c t i o n was aga i n s t the King, who was recognized as being more t o l e r a n t of C a t h o l i c i s m . However, no matter how vehemently the Old E n g l i s h proclaimed t h e i r l o y a l t y to the Crown, "...the s p e c t a c l e of Native I r i s h and Old E n g l i s h combining i n r e b e l l i o n i n 1641 only served to confirm New E n g l i s h and Pr o t e s t a n t p r e j u d i c e that b i r d s of a feat h e r flew together" (Boyce, 1982: 80). While others d e f i n e d the Old E n g l i s h as being I r i s h , they themselves d i d not i d e n t i f y with t h i s group. I t was not u n t i l the s t r u g g l e s of 1688-1691 that the Old E n g l i s h became f u l l y i n t e g r a t e d i n t o the n a t i v e I r i s h e t h n i c group and became pa r t of a common I r i s h e t h n i c i d e n t i t y . B. The B i r t h of a Pr o t e s t a n t Myth "Don't l e t i t [1641] happen again", has become the r a l l y i n g c a l l of P r o t e s t a n t s i n Northern I r e l a n d . The I r i s h r e b e l l i o n of 1641 took a more v i o l e n t t w i s t i n U l s t e r where c e n t u r i e s of - 90 -c u l t u r a l o p p r e s s i o n and l a n d c o n f i s c a t i o n b u i l t up deep h a t r e d and r e s e n t m e n t . However, t h e i n t e n s i t y w i t h w h i c h t h i s h a t r e d and r e s e n t m e n t was v e n t e d on t h e P r o t e s t a n t p o p u l a t i o n h a s b e e n h o t l y d i s p u t e d . I a n P a i s l e y d e s c r i b e s t h e I r i s h r e b e l l i o n , w h i c h h a s become p a r t o f t h e " m y t h o l o g y o f P r o t e s t a n t c o l o n i a l i s m " , s a y i n g : I n 1641, t h e Roman C a t h o l i c C h u r c h d e c i d e d t o e x t e r m i n a t e t h e P r o t e s t a n t s i n U l s t e r , and t h e r e t o o k p l a c e one o f t h e most b a r b a r o u s and b l o o d y m a s s a c r e s i n I r i s h h i s t o r y . I t was l e d by t h e p r i e s t s o f t h e Roman C a t h o l i c C h u r c h and t h e r i v e r s o f U l s t e r r a n r e d w i t h P r o t e s t a n t b l o o d . I n t h e town o f P o r t a d o w n , t h e R i v e r Bann was so c h o k e d w i t h P r o t e s t a n t b o d i e s t h a t t h e Roman C a t h o l i c s c o u l d w a l k d r y - s h o d a c r o s s t h e r i v e r ( C r o n i n , 1981: 231). C r o n i n c o u n t e r s P a i s l e y ' s a c c u s a t i o n s by q u o t i n g f r o m W.E.H. L e c k y ' s d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e 1641 r e b e l l i o n i n t h e f i r s t v o l u m e o f h i s f i v e v o l u m e H i s t o r y o f I r e l a n d , w r i t t e n i n t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y and b a s e d on c o n t e m p o r a r y s o u r c e s o f t h a t p e r i o d . C r o n i n (1982: 231) w r i t e s t h a t , " L e c k y , a p r o f e s s o r a t T r i n i t y C o l l e g e , D u b l i n , an I r i s h P r o t e s t a n t and a U n i o n i s t member o f p a r l i a m e n t , a f t e r n o t i n g v a r i o u s s t a t e m e n t s on t h e numbers k i l l e d , v a r y i n g f r o m 50,000 - 91 -to 300,000 adds: 'It may be b o l d l y a s s e r t e d that t h i s statement of a sudden s u r p r i s e , immediately followed by a general and w e l l organized massacre i s u t t e r l y and a b s o l u t e l y untrue. As i s almost always the case i n a great popular r i s i n g , there were i n the f i r s t outbreak of the r e b e l l i o n , some murders, but they were very few and there was at t h i s time nothing whatsoever of the nature of a massacre.'" While the a c t u a l death count i n the R e b e l l i o n of 1641 may never be known, the myth surrounding t h i s event has s u r v i v e d i n the subconscious of the P r o t e s t a n t s i n Northern I r e l a n d . For example, McFarlane (1986: 200) d i s c u s s e s how border P r o t e s t a n t s , i n one contemporary community i n Northern I r e l a n d where the P r o t e s t a n t p o p u l a t i o n i s both a m i n o r i t y and l i v e s mostly i n i s o l a t e d farmhouses, have re-emphasized " t h e i r c e n t u r i e s - o l d 'siege m e n t a l i t y . ' " ^ T h i s siege m e n t a l i t y , McFarlane (1986: 200) c l a i m s , has been reawakened i n response 6 "...or 'bawn' m e n t a l i t y , r e f e r r i n g to the f o r t i f i e d farmhouse b u i l t i n [ I r e l a n d , e s p e c i a l l y i n Northern I r e l a n d ] i n the seventeenth century [to p r o t e c t P r o t e s t a n t s l i v i n g i n i s o l a t e d areas from v i o l e n t a t t a c k s by members of the C a t h o l i c m a j o r i t y ] " (McFarlane, 1986: 200). - 92 -to "the recent successes of the N a t i o n a l i s t (Republican) grouping i n l o c a l government e l e c t i o n s and the h i s t o r y of the "door-step' murders i n the area." McFarlane (1986:200) p r e d i c t s that t h i s " l o c a l P r o t e s t a n t v i s i o n " of the re-enactment of the R e b e l l i o n of 1641 w i l l only become more e s t a b l i s h e d as "the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r s t a t e c o n t r o l i s handed over to the Northern I r i s h (as opposed to B r i t i s h ) s e c u r i t y f o r c e s , and as the number of i n d i v i d u a l k i l l i n g s at pla c e s of work, home, and l e i s u r e i n c r e a s e s as a p r o p o r t i o n of t o t a l k i l l i n g s . " Assurances by many members of the C a t h o l i c community that there was no s e c t a r i a n m o t i v a t i o n to these k i l l i n g s and that the v i c t i m s were s e l e c t e d because they were " B r i t s " , have done l i t t l e to counteract the images from the past that these k i l l i n g s and other recent events have r e k i n d l e d i n the minds of the P r o t e s t a n t community. McFarlane (1986: 200) concludes that "under these circumstances P r o t e s t a n t s may i n c r e a s i n g l y see v i o l e n c e , and the approval of v i o l e n c e , as an i n t r i n s i c f e a t u r e of the b a s i c o p p o s i t i o n i n Northern I r e l a n d s o c i e t y . " - 93 -I I I The C r o m w e l l i a n R e t a l i a t i o n o f 1649 The d e f e a t o f t h e G a e l i c p r i n c e s i n 1603 had d e p r i v e d t h e I r i s h o f t h e i r n a t u r a l l e a d e r s , b u t i t had n o t d i m i n i s h e d t h e i r d e t e r m i n a t i o n t o f r e e I r e l a n d f r o m f o r e i g n d o m i n a t i o n . W h i l e t h e v i o l e n c e o f t h e R e b e l l i o n o f 1641 may ha v e b e e n e x a g g e r a t e d , t h e m o t i v e o f t h e n a t i v e I r i s h was n o t — t h e y w a n t e d t o r i d t h e i r l a n d o f a t h r e a t e n i n g f o r e i g n c u l t u r e . E n g l i s h r e t a l i a t i o n f o r 1641, h o w e v e r , was n o t l o n g i n c o m i n g . A l m o s t i m m e d i a t e l y a f t e r he had d e f e a t e d and e x e c u t e d t h e s e c o n d S t u a r t K i n g , C h a r l e s I , C r o m w e l l t u r n e d t o t h e b u s i n e s s o f s u b d u i n g I r e l a n d . U n l i k e t h e 1641 R e b e l l i o n , t h e a t r o c i t i e s o f C r o m w e l l ' s army i n I r e l a n d h a v e been w e l l d o c u m e n t e d ( s e e E l l i s , 1 9 7 5 ) . The C r o m w e l l i a n i n v a s i o n i n f l i c t e d much s u f f e r i n g on t h e I r i s h p e o p l e , b u t r a t h e r t h a n e x t i n g u i s h i n g t h e i r w i l l t o f i g h t f o r t h e i r f r e e d o m , i t s t r e n g t h e n e d i t . The m e a s u r e d r e l i g i o u s f r e e d o m w h i c h t h e I r i s h C a t h o l i c s had e n j o y e d u n d e r t h e S t u a r t s was s o o n l o s t . B u t , w h i l e C r o m w e l l p r o h i b i t e d t h e c e l e b r a t i o n o f mass, he d i d n o t a t t e m p t any l a r g e s c a l e c o n v e r s i o n o f t h e C a t h o l i c p o p u l a t i o n . The C r o m w e l l i a n i n v a s i o n d i d , h o w e v e r , b r i n g many m a j o r c h a n g e s t o t h e l i v e s o f t h e I r i s h p e o p l e , t h e r e p e r c u s s i o n s o f w h i c h a r e most e v i d e n t t o d a y i n t h e r e d u c e d s t a t u s o f women. "Under a n c i e n t B r e h o n l a w , t h e l a w t h a t h a d s u r v i v e d - 94 -i n U l s t e r e v e n a f t e r t h e r e s t o f I r e l a n d h a d b e e n y o k e d i n t o t h e E n g l i s h Common Law s y s t e m , women e n j o y e d t h e r i g h t s o f i n d e p e n d e n t p r o p e r t y o w n e r s h i p , had a c c e s s t o d i v o r c e and r e m a r r i a g e , and c o u l d be r e s p e c t e d p r a c t i t i o n e r s o f t h e a r t s and s c i e n c e s i f t h e y c h o s e t o do s o " ( F i e l d s , 1977: 1 0 4 ) . However, t h i s d e g r e e o f e q u a l i t y "women o f I r e l a n d and p a r t i c u l a r l y women o f U l s t e r " e n j o y e d w i t h men i n t h e i r s o c i e t y , was s t r i p p e d away w i t h t h e " i n f u s i o n i n t o s e c u l a r l i f e o f t h e a r c h a i c d o m e s t i c code i m p o s e d by t h e C r o m w e l l i a n i n v a s i o n " ( F i e l d s , 1977: 1 0 4 - 1 0 5 ) . F i e l d s ( 1 9 7 7 ) a r g u e s t h a t t h e " p u r i t a n i c a l s e g r e g a t i o n o f t h e s e x e s and h e n c e t h e s t e r e o t y p i n g i n t o r i g i d s e x r o l e s " , w h i c h t o d a y h a s r e d u c e d I r i s h women i n N o r t h e r n I r e l a n d t o t h e s t a t u s o f " s l a v e s o f s l a v e s " was n o t as many " c r i t i c s o f I r i s h s o c i e t y b e l i e v e " , a r e s u l t o f t h e " p r e e m i n e n c e o f t h e C a t h o l i c C h u r c h " b u t d i r e c t l y a t t r i b u t a b l e t o t h e s e v e n t e e n t h c e n t u r y P u r i t a n i s m i m p o s e d by C r o m w e l l on I r e l a n d . The i n v a s i o n p r o d u c e d o t h e r l o n g t e r m e f f e c t s . C r o m w e l l ' s l o n g war a g a i n s t t h e r o y a l i s t s had been v e r y e x p e n s i v e . The l a n d s o f t h o s e i n I r e l a n d who had n o t s u p p o r t e d h i s c a u s e w ere c o n f i s c a t e d and r e d i s t r i b u t e d t o t h e s o l d i e r s who had f o u g h t w i t h h i m and t h e a d v e n t u r e r s who h a d f i n a n c e d h i s c a m p a i g n s ( P r i n g l e , 1985: 1 0 7 ) . W h i l e t h e o w n e r s h i p o f l a n d c h a n g e d h a n d s , C r o m w e l l d i d n o t b r i n g - 95 -i n new s e t t l e r s t o r e p l a c e t h e I r i s h t e n a n t s a l r e a d y -e s t a b l i s h e d on t h e e s t a t e s . O f t e n t h e o l d l a n d l o r d s became t e n a n t s t o t h e new l a n d l o r d s ( P r i n g l e , 1985: 1 0 9 ) . P r i n g l e ( 1 9 8 5 : 109) a r g u e s , " g i v e n t h a t l i t t l e a t t e m p t was made t o c o n v e r t t h e t e n a n t s t o P r o t e s t a n t i s m , t h e c o n f i s c a t i o n s r e s u l t e d i n t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f a r e l i g i o u s d i v i d e b e t w e e n a n u m e r i c a l l y s m a l l b u t p o w e r f u l l a n d l o r d c l a s s and a l a r g e and i n c r e a s i n g i m p o v e r i s h e d t e n a n t r y . T h i s d i v i d e [ P r i n g l e c o n t e n d s ] became a s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r i n s h a p i n g t h e n a t u r e o f I r i s h n a t i o n a l i s m i n t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . " W h i l e I a g r e e w i t h P r i n g l e t h a t t h i s " r e l i g i o u s d i v i d e " was i m p o r t a n t i n t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y I r i s h n a t i o n a l i s m , i t a l s o h a s been i m p o r t a n t i n t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s w h i c h f u n c t i o n as mechanisms o f s e l f - s e g r e g a t i o n i n N o r t h e r n I r e l a n d t o d a y . I n t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y , t h e E n c l o s u r e A c t s , w h e r e b y t h e l a n d l o r d s c o u l d c l o s e o f f common p a s t u r e f o r t h e i r own u s e , were e n a c t e d i n I r e l a n d . T h i s was a s e r i o u s b l o w t o t h e I r i s h p e a s a n t r y a l r e a d y s u f f e r i n g u n d e r t h e many a b u s e s o f t h e l a n d l o r d s y s t e m . To p r e v e n t t h e p a s s a g e o f l a n d f r o m t e n a n t s o f one r e l i g i o n t o t h o s e o f a n o t h e r r e l i g i o n , s e c r e t a g r a r i a n s o c i e t i e s were f o r m e d ^ ( S t e w a r t , 1 9 7 7 ) . T h e s e 7 These o r g a n i z a t i o n s were " c o l l e c t i v e l y known as ' W h i t e b o y s ' b e c a u s e o f t h e i r p r a c t i c e o f w e a r i n g w h i t e s h i r t s o v e r t h e i r c l o t h i n g a t n i g h t " ( P r i n g l e , 1985: 1 2 0 ) . - 96 -s e c r e t a g r a r i a n s o c i e t i e s w o u l d o c c a s i o n a l l y become i n v o l v e d i n b l o o d y s k i r m i s h e s i n t h e r u r a l a r e a s . I t was one s u c h s k i r m i s h i n Diamond, C o u n t y Armagh, i n 1795 w h i c h t r a n s f o r m e d t h e Peep o 1 Day B oys i n t o t h e Orange S o c i e t y ( S t e w a r t , 1 9 7 7 ) . S t e w a r t ( 1 9 7 7 ) a r g u e s t h a t t h e s e s e c r e t a g r a r i a n s o c i e t i e s a l s o p r o v i d e d t h e model f o r c o n t e m p o r a r y P r o t e s t a n t p a r a m i l i t a r y g r o u p s , s u c h as t h e U l s t e r D e f e n s e a s s o c i a t i o n , as w e l l as f o r t h e P r o v i s i o n a l I.R.A. W h i l e i t i s p r o b a b l e t h a t t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n and t a c t i c s o f t h e s e W h i t e b o y g r o u p s i n f l u e n c e d t h e s t r u c t u r e o f b o t h o f t h e s e o r g a n i z a t i o n s , a t l e a s t i n t h e c a s e o f t h e P r o v i s i o n a l I.R.A., t h e p a t t e r n o f w a r f a r e more l i k e l y c a n be t r a c e d b a c k t o t h e t i m e s o f t h e A n g l o - N o r m a n i n v a s i o n when s m a l l G a e l i c g u e r r i l l a g r o u p s l a u n c h e d a t t a c k s on t h e i r f o r e i g n f o e f r o m t h e p r o t e c t i o n o f m o u n t a i n s and woods. C r o m w e l l ' s war a l s o had f a r r e a c h i n g e f f e c t s on t h e c o n t e m p o r a r y r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n s o f some u r b a n c e n t r e s i n I r e l a n d . C r o n i n ( 1 9 8 1 : 9) w r i t e s t h a t i n C r o m w e l l i a n I r e l a n d , t h e " C a t h o l i c s were e x p e l l e d f r o m t h e towns and f o r c e d t o l i v e o u t s i d e t h e w a l l s ; t o t h i s day some I r i s h t owns have s e c t i o n s c a l l e d ' I r i s h t o w n s ' as t h e i r c o l o n i a l l e g a c y . " The e f f e c t s o f 1641 a r e r e f l e c t e d i n C r o m w e l l ' s p o l i c y o f e x c l u d i n g I r i s h C a t h o l i c s f r o m t h e t o w n s . Not o n l y d i d - 9 7 -the e x c l u s i o n deny t h i s group any p o s s i b i l i t y of t a k i n g advantage of urban economic b e n e f i t s , i t ensured that the demographic balance of these urban centres would not be upset. The P r o t e s t a n t s feared the C a t h o l i c s would soon outnumber them i f they were permitted to l i v e i n the towns, and t h i s would present an i n t o l e r a b l e t h r e a t to the former's continued p r i v i l e g e d economic and p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n . The Cromwellian i n v a s i o n then, not only added to the alrea d y long l i s t of grievances remembered by the I r i s h people which continue to f u e l n a t i o n a l i s t sentiment today, but i t was the b i r t h p l a c e of s e v e r a l i n s t i t u t i o n s that are today inst r u m e n t a l i n r e i n f o r c i n g and mai n t a i n i n g the boundary between C a t h o l i c s and P r o t e s t a n t s i n Northern I r e l a n d . IV The Triumph of W i l l i a m of Orange A f t e r Cromwell's death i n September, 1658, hope rose again i n I r e l a n d and Dublin when Charles II was acknowledged King i n May, 1660. Cha r l e s , who was sympathetic to the I r i s h who had supported him while he had been i n e x i l e , introduced measures designed to ease the s u f f e r i n g of the I r i s h C a t h o l i c s . A court of claims was set up to r e s t o r e c o n f i s c a t e d land to many C a t h o l i c s . P r o t e s t a n t p r o t e s t f o r c e d i t s d i s s o l u t i o n - 98 -i n 1667, and w h i l e many c l a i m s were t h u s n e v e r h e a r d , 1,200 c l a i m s f o r t h e r e s t o r a t i o n o f C a t h o l i c l a n d had been g r a n t e d by 1699 ( B o t t i g h e i m e r , 1982: 1 4 2 - 1 4 3 ) . T h e r e f o r e C a t h o l i c s had i n c r e a s e d t h e i r o w n e r s h i p o f l a n d i n I r e l a n d t o f o u r t e e n p e r c e n t . W h i l e C a t h o l i c s s t i l l had no p o l i t i c a l power and c o u l d n o t h o l d g o v e r n m e n t o f f i c e s , t h e p r a c t i c e o f C a t h o l i c i s m was n o t m o l e s t e d d u r i n g C h a r l e s ' r e i g n . A l t h o u g h p r o b l e m s o f l a n d and r e l i g i o n s u b s i d e d somewhat, I r e l a n d now s u f f e r e d f r o m c o m m e r c i a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . The e x p o r t a t i o n o f c a t t l e t o E n g l a n d was f o r b i d d e n u n d e r t h e N a v i g a t i o n A c t s o f 1663 and 1670. I r i s h s h i p s w e r e no l o n g e r a l l o w e d t o engage i n f o r e i g n t r a d e . A l l goods d e s t i n e d f o r f o r e i g n p o r t s h ad t o p a s s f i r s t t h r o u g h B r i t i s h p o r t s , w here goods were s u b j e c t t o h i g h t a r i f f s . W h i l e t h e l a t t e r s a n c t i o n p r o b a b l y h ad a g r e a t e r a f f e c t on t h e P r o t e s t a n t p o p u l a t i o n , t h e f i r s t j e o p a r d i z e d t h e v i a b i l i t y o f t h e t r a d i t i o n a l m a i n s t a y o f t h e G a e l i c e c o n o m y - - c a t t l e . W i t h t h e a s c e n s i o n o f t h e C a t h o l i c James I I , I r i s h C a t h o l i c s were n o t o n l y g r a n t e d f u l l f r e e d o m o f w o r s h i p , b u t were a d m i t t e d t o g o v e r n m e n t o f f i c e s . James' p o l i c i e s w e r e v e r y u n p o p u l a r w i t h P r o t e s t a n t s i n b o t h E n g l a n d and I r e l a n d . The P r o t e s t a n t s d e c i d e d t o i n v i t e W i l l i a m o f O r a n g e , who was m a r r i e d t o James' P r o t e s t a n t d a u g h t e r M a r y , t o b r i n g h i s army t o E n g l a n d t o " p r e s e r v e E n g l a n d ' s ' c o n s t i t u t i o n a l r i g h t s - 99 -and the P r o t e s t a n t r e l i g i o n 1 " ( P r i n g l e , 1985: 110). W i l l i a m of Orange became the next E n g l i s h monarch, without bloodshed on E n g l i s h s o i l , h i s b a t t l e being fought i n I r e l a n d . T h i s power s t r u g g l e enhanced both C a t h o l i c and P r o t e s t a n t group s o l i d a r i t y . On the one hand, i t completed the u n i f i c a t i o n of Old E n g l i s h and n a t i v e I r i s h i n t o one e t h n i c i d e n t i t y . On the other hand, i t provided the P r o t e s t a n t s with two important symbols of t h e i r e t h n i c i d e n t i t y : August 12, 1689, the day t h i r t e e n a p p r e n t i c e boys s e i z e d the keys and shut the gate of Derry, r e f u s i n g admission to King James' troops; and J u l y 12, 1690, the date W i l l i a m ' s f o r c e s won a d e c i s i v e v i c t o r y at Boyne. These two dates are c e l e b r a t e d a n n u a l l y i n Northern I r e l a n d and continue to be important expressions of P r o t e s t a n t u n i t y . While the annual celebrations of J u l y 12 and August 12 have, f o r P r o t e s t a n t s , become overt d i s p l a y s of group s o l i d a r i t y and expressions of t h e i r commonly shared v a l u e s , C a t h o l i c s view these events as a s s e r t i o n s of P r o t e s t a n t domination over t h e i r l i v e s . For the K i l b r o n e y C a t h o l i c s s t u d i e d by Larsen (1982: 288): ...the r i t e s of the T w e l f t h are a demonstration of P r o t e s t a n t power and a proof that nothing has changed i n almost three hundred years s i n c e the Boyne. They note too the prominent place a l l o t t e d to the p o l i t i c i a n s , f u r t h e r c o n f i r m a t i o n - 100 -t h a t t h e r u l i n g p a r t y r e p r e s e n t s o n l y a s e c t i o n o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n . [As w e l l ] t h e y c l a i m t h a t a l l t a l k a b o u t m o r a l , r e l i g i o u s , and e t h i c a l p r i n c i p l e s summed up i n t h e p o i g n a n t i n s c r i p t i o n s on t h e b a n n e r s , ' F e a r God--Honour t h e K i n g ' , a r e b u t empty w o r d s . The w h o l e e v e n t i s [ i n t h e o p i n i o n o f C a t h o l i c s ] an o b s o l e t e t r a d i t i o n , k e p t up u n d e r t h e p r e t e n c e o f r e a f f i r m i n g P r o t e s t a n t d o c t r i n e s , b u t i n e f f e c t u s e d o n l y t o d e m o n s t r a t e s u p e r i o r f o r c e . . . . T h e r e f o r e , l i k e t h e R e b e l l i o n o f 1641, t h e B a t t l e o f Boyne and t h e c l o s i n g o f t h e g a t e s o f D e r r y by t h e A p p r e n t i c e B o y s h a v e become s y m b o l s w h i c h c o n t i n u e t o r e i n f o r c e t h e b o u n d a r y b e t w e e n P r o t e s t a n t s and C a t h o l i c s i n N o r t h e r n I r e l a n d . V The P e n a l Laws W h i l e W i l l i a m had s e i z e d power a t Boyne on J u l y 12, 1690, and James had f l e d t o F r a n c e , t h e I r i s h c o n t i n u e d t o r e s i s t u n t i l O c t o b e r 1691 when t h e T r e a t y o f L i m e r i c k e s t a b l i s h e d t h e t e r m s o f s u r r e n d e r . M e r e l y by t a k i n g a s i m p l e o a t h o f a l l e g i a n c e t o W i l l i a m and M a ry, men who had f o u g h t f o r James m i g h t r e t a i n t h e i r p o s s e s s i o n s . Roman C a t h o l i c s were t o e n j o y u n d e r t h e T r e a t y , t h e same m e a s u r e s o f f r e e d o m t h e y had u n d e r - 101 -C h a r l e s I I . The I r i s h P a r l i a m e n t , made up e n t i r e l y o f A n g l i c a n s ( w h i c h a t t h e t i m e c o m p r i s e d l e s s t h a n o n e - t e n t h o f t h e I r i s h p o p u l a t i o n ) , r e f u s e d t o i m p l e m e n t t h e p r o v i s i o n s o f t h e T r e a t y o f L i m e r i c k and p a s s e d a s e r i e s o f e n a c t m e n t s c a l l e d t h e P e n a l Laws. These l a w s were " p r i m a r i l y a i m e d a t C a t h o l i c s ^ . a n d were d e s i g n e d t o r e l e g a t e I r i s h C a t h o l i c s t o m e n i a l p o s i t i o n s , b o t h p o l i t i c a l l y and e c o n o m i c a l l y " ( S e e , 1980: 1 1 2 ) . The l a w s were a l s o e x c e p t i o n a l i n t h a t t h e y p e n a l i z e d t h e r e l i g i o n o f t h e m a j o r i t y r a t h e r t h a n t h a t o f t h e m i n o r i t y , as had been t h e c a s e on t h e C o n t i n e n t , e s p e c i a l l y i n F r a n c e (Magee, 1975: 3 5 ) . F u r t h e r m o r e , t h e l a w s were n o t d e s i g n e d t o c o n v e r t t h e I r i s h C a t h o l i c p o p u l a t i o n , j u s t t o make t h e i r l i v e s m i s e r a b l e . T h u s , t h e aims o f t h e P e n a l Laws were more f o r p o l i t i c a l and e c o n o m i c r e a s o n s r a t h e r t h a n f o r r e l i g i o u s p e r s e c u t i o n . Over one m i l l i o n a c r e s o f l a n d had b e e n c o n f i s c a t e d f r o m t h e I r i s h who had s u p p o r t e d James I I . Under t h e P e n a l L aws, C a t h o l i c s were p r o h i b i t e d f r o m b u y i n g l a n d f r o m P r o t e s t a n t s , o r e v e n t a k i n g a l e a s e t h a t e x c e e d e d t h i r t y - t h r e e y e a r s . When an I r i s h l a n d o w n e r d i e d , he was f o r c e d t o d i v i d e ° To a l e s s e r e x t e n t t h e s e l a w s a l s o a p p l i e d t o t h e P r e s b y t e r i a n p o p u l a t i o n i n I r e l a n d (See G a i l e y , 1975: 9 - 1 2 ) . - 102 -h i s property e q u a l l y among a l l of h i s c h i l d r e n . This fragmentation of land reduced i t s v i a b i l i t y as an economic base. The Penal Laws f u r t h e r d i r e c t e d that i f any of the C a t h o l i c landowners' c h i l d r e n had converted to the P r o t e s t a n t f a i t h , then t h i s c h i l d would i n h e r i t the e n t i r e e s t a t e . The C a t h o l i c gentry bore the f u l l brunt of these r e s t r i c t i o n s , and " i t was against them that the penal code was r e a l l y d i r e c t e d " (Magee, 1975: 35). The peasantry were not seen as dangerous, however the Roman C a t h o l i c p r o p r i e t o r s who s t i l l owned t h e i r own land were seen as such, and the Parliament was determined that "land, the key to p o l i t i c a l power should not pass i n t o t h e i r hands" (Magee, 1975: 35). A Roman C a t h o l i c had no power to leave h i s land at w i l l . T h e r e f o r e : If a P r o t e s t a n t woman, owning land, married a Roman C a t h o l i c , her land passed at once to the P r o t e s t a n t n e x t - o f - k i n ; i f a Roman C a t h o l i c wife turned P r o t e s t a n t , a l l her r e a l property was r e l e a s e d from her husband's c o n t r o l . Thus the amount of land h e l d by Roman C a t h o l i c p r o p r i e t o r s could not i n c r e a s e and was almost bound to d i m i n i s h (Magee, 1975: 35). As a r e s u l t of these r e s t r i c t i o n s , many l e a d i n g C a t h o l i c f a m i l i e s converted to P r o t e s t a n t i s m i n the e i t h t e e n t h century, so that by 1778 C a t h o l i c p r o p r i e t o r s were reduced from owning - 103 -fou r t e e n percent of the land i n I r e l a n d , to l e s s than f i v e percent. Therefore, when i t was economically advantageous to do so, C a t h o l i c s could e a s i l y convert to P r o t e s t a n t i s m and enjoy a l l of the b e n e f i t s that being a member of that group e n t a i l e d . T h e r e f o r e , as i t had been i n the t w e l f t h century, e t h n i c group i d e n t i t y depended on the acceptance of the c u l t u r a l norms and values of the group and not p h y s i c a l descent. The Penal Laws had r e l i g i o u s s a n c t i o n s as w e l l . Bishops had been banished from I r e l a n d and only one C a t h o l i c p r i e s t was permitted to remain to serve each p a r i s h . P r i n g l e (1985: 117), suggests that i n theory, because new p r i e s t s c ould not be ordained without bishops, the C a t h o l i c Church should have c o l l a p s e d , however i n p r a c t i c e , the laws were never r i g i d l y enforced. C a t h o l i c schools were banned and the p r a c t i c e of sending c h i l d r e n to be educated on the Continent was a l s o p r o h i b i t e d . But the i n g e n u i t y of the I r i s h C a t h o l i c s p r e v a i l e d , and: Mass was c e l e b r a t e d and schools were conducted i n open country, with lookouts to warn ag a i n s t the a u t h o r i t i e s . By the end of the eig h t e e n t h century, the g r e a t e r p a r t of C a t h o l i c education was being conducted i n these Hedge Schools, and observers l i k e Arthur Young d e s c r i b e 'many a d i t c h f u l l of s c h o l a r s ' , which they met on t h e i r t r a v e l s (Darby, 1976: 124). - 104 -Beside d r i v i n g these aspects of C a t h o l i c G a e l i c c u l t u r e underground, Darby (1976: 4) argues that the Penal Laws, "entrenched the d i v i d e between C a t h o l i c s and P r o t e s t a n t s " and "strengthened I r i s h C a t h o l i c i s m by adding a p o l i t i c a l component to i t . " Beckett (guoted i n Magee, 1975: 36) d e s c r i b e s the genesis of t h i s p o l i t i c a l component. While the c u l t u r a l r e s t r i c t i o n s embodied i n the Penal Laws were not f o r c e f u l l y imposed, the s a n c t i o n s governing land were. L i k e the G a e l i c p r i n c e s before them, those members of the gentry that could a f f o r d to leave, l e f t . Those who remained had no p o l i t i c a l power and were thus incapable of forming an i n t e l l e c t u a l p r o f e s s i o n a l middle c l a s s , to m o b i l i z e the I r i s h p o p u l a t i o n . According to Beckett, p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s h i p passed " n a t u r a l l y " to the c l e r g y . He concludes that "The great p o l i t i c a l power of the Roman C a t h o l i c Church i n modern I r e l a n d can be t r a c e d d i r e c t l y to the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of the e i g h t e e n t h -century penal code" (guoted i n Magee, 1975: 35). - 105 -VI Summary and Conclusions While group membership remained a matter of s e l f - i d e n t i f i c a t i o n r a t h e r than descent throughout the Tudor and P l a n t a t i o n p e r i o d , Henry V I I I 1 s break with Roman C a t h o l i c i s m changed the c u l t u r a l content of the s e t t l e r s ' e t h n i c group s i g n i f i c a n t l y , making c r o s s i n g the e t h n i c boundary much more d i f f i c u l t . The Old E n g l i s h , who had s u f f e r e d only a r e d u c t i o n of p o l i t i c a l power and i n f l u e n c e under Henry VII, now found themselves i d e n t i f y i n g more and more with the G a e l i c cause. When i n 1641 the Old E n g l i s h and n a t i v e I r i s h j o i n e d together to r e b e l a g a i n s t the d i s c r i m i n a t o r y measures of the E n g l i s h Parliament, the two became i n the eyes of the B r i t i s h P r o t e s t a n t s both i n England and i n I r e l a n d , one group. However, i t was not u n t i l 1690 and the v i c t o r y of W i l l i a m of Orange that the Old E n g l i s h i d e n t i f i e d themselves as being i n d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e members of the I r i s h e t h n i c i d e n t i t y . During t h i s p e r i o d , C a t h o l i c s and P r o t e s t a n t s r e p l a c e d the o l d e t h n i c l a b e l s of n a t i v e I r i s h and s e t t l e r s , r e s p e c t i v e l y . Even before the f i f t h century, when St. P a t r i c k brought C h r i s t i a n i t y to I r e l a n d , r e l i g i o n played a s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e i n the s o c i a l l i f e of the I r i s h p o p u l a t i o n . C h i l d r e n were t r a i n e d f o r t h e i r f u t u r e r o l e s i n monasteries. As w e l l , the monastic churches played an a c t i v e r o l e i n the economic, p o l i t i c a l , and s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s which organized and - 106 -reproduced G a e l i c c u l t u r e . Therefore, i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g that when confronted and threatened by a completely d i f f e r e n t r e l i g -ious system, " r e l i g i o n became 'the [ e t h n i c ] symbol' of the [ I r i s h ] n a t i o n i n i t s s t r u g g l e f o r continued v i a b i l i t y " ( C o n n o r , 1 9 7 2 : 338). The c o n f l i c t between the C a t h o l i c s and P r o t e s t a n t s i n I r e l a n d was not i n the s i x t e e n t h century, nor i s i t today i n Northern I r e l a n d , one based p r i m a r i l y on d i f f e r e n c e s i n r e l i g i o u s d o c t r i n e s , as some have argued (Hickey, 1984,1986). I t i s i n s t e a d "a s t r u g g l e p r e d i c a t e d upon fundamental d i f f e r e n c e s of n a t i o n a l i d e n t i t y " (Connor, 1972: 339). As the e t h n i c boundaries between C a t h o l i c s and P r o t e s t a n t s i n I r e l a n d hardened, many of those i n s t i t u t i o n s which play a major r o l e i n strengthening group i d e n t i t y i n Northern I r e l a n d today, were c r e a t e d . Other i n s t i t u t i o n s t h at had e x i s t e d s i n c e Anglo-Norman times were given renewed s i g n i f i c a n c e . With the i n f l u x of new P r o t e s t a n t s e t t l e r s which began under the Tudors and i n t e n s i f i e d d u r i n g the P l a n t a t i o n e r a , int e r m a r r i a g e between the two groups was brought to a v i r t u a l h a l t , and marriages w i t h i n the two r e l i g i o u s communities became the only acceptable p a t t e r n . ^ y Intermarriage between the two communities d i d and s t i l l does occur o c c a s i o n a l l y , but san c t i o n s a g a i n s t i t are an emotional burden to a l l those i n v o l v e d . Leyton (1975: 57) r e p o r t s that d u r i n g h i s re s e a r c h i n Aughnaboy i n the mid and l a t e 1960s, "only one case of a match between P r o t e s t a n t and C a t h o l i c occurred, [and] a p o l i c e e s c o r t was necessary at the wedding ceremony to p r o t e c t the couple from the wrath of t h e i r f a m i l i e s . " - 107 -A separate school system was introduced by Henry VIII to provide education to a l l those who were w i l l i n g to accept the P r o t e s t a n t f a i t h . Despite p r o g r e s s i v e l y harsher and more d i s c r i m i n a t o r y l e g i s l a t i o n aimed at d e s t r o y i n g the C a t h o l i c school system, i t remained o p e r a t i o n a l throughout t h i s p e r i o d , p l a y i n g an important r o l e i n t r a n s m i t t i n g to each new generat i o n the c u l t u r a l h i s t o r y of the I r i s h s t r u g g l e against those who threatened to destroy the c u l t u r e . R e s i d e n t i a l segregation i s a legacy of the Cromwellian years when the I r i s h were p r o h i b i t e d from l i v i n g w i t h i n the borders of the urban c e n t r e s . The o r i g i n of some present day C a t h o l i c ghettos i n Derry and B e l f a s t may be tr a c e d to t h i s p e r i o d . Secret a g r a r i a n s o c i e t i e s responding to the i n j u s t i c e s of the Enclosure Laws, were the f o r e f a t h e r s of many of the important v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s such as the Orange S o c i e t y and the Ancient Order of Hibernians, which continue to promote e t h n i c group s o l i d a r i t y and are ever v i g i l a n t of the " r e l i g i o u s d i v i d e " remaining i n t a c t . Many of the P r o t e s t a n t p a r a m i l i t a r y groups have been modelled a f t e r these s e c r e t a g r a r i a n s o c i e t i e s . Even the P r o v i n c i a l I.R.A. was i n f l u e n c e d by the a c t i v i t i e s of these a g r a r i a n groups. F i n a l l y , the Tudor and P l a n t a t i o n eras have provided some of the most important symbols of e t h n i c group i d e n t i t y to both groups. The R e b e l l i o n of 1641 and the B a t t l e of Boyne - 108. -i n 1690 have become in c o r p o r a t e d i n t o P r o t e s t a n t mythology and are symbols of P r o t e s t a n t group s o l i d a r i t y . The Cromwellian i n v a s i o n of 1649 and the Penal Laws have become a s i g n i f i c a n t p a r t of the "remembered" grievances of the C a t h o l i c s . These two events are s t i l l used by I r i s h n a t i o n a l i s t s to strengthen group s o l i d a r i t y . The e t h n i c s t r u g g l e which began i n the t w e l f t h century p e r s i s t e d throughout the Tudor and P l a n t a t i o n p e r i o d s . Each new r e d u c t i o n of p o l i t i c a l power, c o n f i s c a t i o n of land, and c u l t u r a l r e s t r i c t i o n during these p e r i o d s deepened the s o c i a l cleavages between C a t h o l i c s and P r o t e s t a n t s . The p a t t e r n of i n t e n s e e t h n i c c o n f l i c t , f o l l o wed by a p e r i o d of r e l a t i v e calm, continued. By the mid-eighteenth century the major i n s t i t u t i o n s and s t r u c t u r e s which maintain and r e i n f o r c e e t h n i c boundaries i n Northern I r e l a n d today, were f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h e d . Thus when the ideology that " a l l n a t i o n s have a r i g h t to s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n " was i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o the I r i s h n a t i o n a l i s t movement i n the n i n e t e e n t h century, the only major change i n the e t h n i c s t r u g g l e was the l e g i t i m a t i o n of what the I r i s h had been f i g h t i n g f o r s i n c e the t w e l f t h century, namely to r i d I r i s h s o i l of an i l l e g i t i m a t e r u l e r . - 109 -C h a p t e r 5 E t h n i c B o u n d a r y R e i n f o r c e m e n t and M a i n t e n a n c e i n C o n t e m p o r a r y N o r t h e r n I r e l a n d Once I r i s h e t h n i c c o n s c i o u s n e s s had b een r a i s e d i n t h e t w e l f t h c e n t u r y , and as t h e b o u n d a r y b e t w e e n t h e two g r o u p s - - I r i s h and s e t t l e r - - b e c a m e s h a r p l y d e l i n e a t e d i n t h e s i x t e e n t h and s e v e n t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s , an i n s t i t u t i o n a l c o m p l e x d e v e l o p e d t o m a i n t a i n t h i s d i v i s i o n and s t r e n g t h e n e t h n i c g r o u p s o l i d a r i t y . T h ese i n s t i t u t i o n s and s t r u c t u r e s a r e c r u c i a l t o t h e s u r v i v a l o f any e t h n i c - b a s e d n a t i o n a l i s t movement b e c a u s e w h i l e o n l y a p o r t i o n o f t h e m a le and f e m a l e p o p u l a t i o n o f t h e e t h n i c g r o u p a t any one t i m e a r e a c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d i n n a t i o n a l i s t a c t i v i t i e s , t h e movement must h a v e a g r o u p w i t h a s t r o n g s e n s e o f i t s own e t h n i c i d e n t i t y , w h i c h c a n be r e a d i l y m o b i l i z e d when n e c e s s a r y and f r o m w h i c h t h e movement c a n r e p l e n i s h i t s r a n k s . W h i l e t h e G a e l i c c h i e f s ' a ims w ere n o t a l w a y s u n i t e d p o l i t i c a l l y i n t h e i r s t r u g g l e , t h e y were c u l t u r a l l y homogeneous ( P r i n g l e , 1 9 8 5 ) , and were aware as t h e y f o u g h t t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l b a t t l e s a g a i n s t t h e B r i t i s h t h a t t h e i r " c u l t u r a l l y r e l e v a n t ways o f t h i n k i n g and d o i n g t h i n g s " ( H e i b e r g , 1975: 189) were d i f f e r e n t f r o m and b e i n g t h r e a t e n e d by t h e s e i n v a d e r s . The v e r y p e r s i s t e n c e - 110 -o f t h e s t r u g g l e o f t h e I r i s h p e o p l e s i n c e t h e t w e l f t h c e n t u r y t o t h e p r e s e n t day may be d i r e c t l y a t t r i b u t a b l e t o t h e a b i l i t y o f t h e s e i n s t i t u t i o n s and s t r u c t u r e s t o k e e p t h e I r i s h e t h n i c i d e n t i t y s t r o n g . The q u e s t i o n o f why a g r o u p t h a t d o es n o t h a v e any v i s i b l e b a r r i e r s t o p r e v e n t i t s a s s i m i l a t i o n i n t o t h e m a j o r i t y c u l t u r e - - a move t h a t i n most c a s e s w o u l d be b o t h p o l i t i c a l l y and e c o n o m i c a l l y a d v a n t a g e o u s - - c h o o s e s t o m a i n t a i n a s e p a r a t e i d e n t i t y ( P i - S u n y e r , 1985; De V o s , 1975: 8; S m i t h , 1981: 46-47; A l v e r s o n , 1979: 15-16; & G e l l n e r , 1980, 1981) i s p a r t i c u l a r l y r e l e v a n t t o t h e N o r t h e r n I r e l a n d s i t u a t i o n . I h a v e a r g u e d i n c h a p t e r f o u r t h a t t h e c o n f l i c t i n N o r t h e r n I r e l a n d i s " f u n d a m e n t a l l y " one o f e t h n i c i d e n t i t y and n o t r e l i g i o n . A l s o , I h a v e d e s c r i b e d how s e l f - i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and n o t d e s c e n t , h a s b e e n t h e k e y c r i t e r i o n f o r d e t e r m i n i n g g r o u p m e m b e r s h i p s i n c e A n g l o - N o r m a n t i m e s . F i n a l l y , I h a v e a t t e m p t e d t o show t h e s e v e r i t y o f c u l t u r a l , e c o n o m i c and p o l i t i c a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n e x p e r i e n c e d by t h e I r i s h p e o p l e p r i o r t o t h e m i d - e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y . Y e t as I h a v e a l s o n o t e d i n t h i s t h e s i s , t h e a s s i m i l a t i o n o f I r i s h men and women i n t o f i r s t t h e A n g l o -Norman and l a t e r t h e P r o t e s t a n t e t h n i c g r o u p h a s been a r a r e o c c u r r e n c e . - I l l -John Whyte (1986: 219) l i s t s seven, i n s t i t u t i o n s and s t r u c t u r e s which have been s t r e s s e d i n the l i t e r a t u r e on Northern I r e l a n d as being p r i m a r i l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r m a i n t a i n i n g the boundary between the P r o t e s t a n t and C a t h o l i c communities: (1) The Churches themselves; (2) The Orange Order; (3) s o c i a l ranking; (4) p o l i t i c a l d i f f e r e n c e s ; (5) r e s i d e n t i a l s e g r e g a t i o n ; (6) separate education; and (7) endogamy. Of these seven f a c t o r s , Whyte (1978,1986) claims that separate education and endogamy have been the most important ones i n maintaining group s o l i d a r i t y amongst the C a t h o l i c s and P r o t e s t a n t s i n Northern I r e l a n d . Rosemary H a r r i s (1972) has made a thorough although a h i s t o r i c a l examination of how endogamy operates to maintain the e t h n i c boundary i n a small r u r a l community i n Northern I r e l a n d . As i t i s beyond the scope of t h i s t h e s i s to examine how a l l seven of these mechanisms operate, I w i l l explore i n t h i s chapter the r o l e separate education p l a y s i n r e i n f o r c i n g and m a i n t a i n i n g the I r i s h e t h n i c i d e n t i t y . 1 1 As I have done throughout t h i s t h e s i s , I w i l l be f o c u s i n g p r i m a r i l y on the f u n c t i o n of separate education i n m a i n t a i n i n g group s o l i d a r i t y i n the C a t h o l i c community. - 112 -I The Development of Separate Education i n Northern I r e l a n d A. I r i s h Education i n Pre-Nineteenth-Century I r e l a n d As h i s t o r y shapes c u r r e n t a t t i t u d e s and behavior of a people (Greenwood, 1977), so too has i t shaped the separate education systems of the P r o t e s t a n t s and C a t h o l i c s i n Northern I r e l a n d . Elsewhere i n t h i s t h e s i s , I have d i s c u s s e d at l e n g t h the development of the I r i s h education system p r i o r to the n i n e t e e n t h century. In t h i s s e c t i o n , I w i l l c o n f i n e my a n a l y s i s of t h i s p e r i o d to n o t i n g how the education system may have promoted I r i s h e t h n i c group s o l i d a r i t y , and i n so doing, aided those f i g h t i n g to p r o t e c t t h e i r unique c u l t u r e from f o r e i g n domination. - 113 -As d i s c u s s e d i n Chapter Three, the I r i s h Church, the cu s t o d i a n of G a e l i c education, had by the t w e l f t h century developed a " d i s t i n c t i v e n a t i o n a l i s t i c c h a r a c t e r " which dev i a t e d i n many s i g n i f i c a n t aspects from that of the Church of Rome--the most important aspect being that the former was governed by Brehon law, while the l a t t e r (and the Anglo-Normans) followed Canon law. While a f t e r the Anglo-Norman i n v a s i o n , Canon law had been d e c l a r e d the o f f i c i a l p o l i c y of the I r i s h Church, Brehon law continued to i n f l u e n c e the education p o l i c i e s of the monasteries i n those areas of I r e l a n d that were not under e f f e c t i v e B r i t i s h c o n t r o l (Scherman, 1981). I t was these t r a d i t i o n a l areas and i n p a r t i c u l a r U l s t e r , that o f f e r e d the most p e r s i s t e n t and s t r o n g e s t r e s i s t a n c e to B r i t i s h c u l t u r a l p e n e t r a t i o n s . I t would not be unreasonable to assume then, that the a b i l i t y of these monasteries to continue to generate a d i s t i n c t i v e I r i s h c u l t u r e was an important (although not the only) f a c t o r i n p r e v e n t i n g the a s s i m i l a t i o n of the Gaels i n t o Anglo-Norman c u l t u r e . The C a t h o l i c i s m of the I r i s h and the Anglo-Norman s e t t l e r s i n areas of e f f e c t i v e B r i t i s h c o n t r o l (see F i g . 4, page 78), was s t i l l s t r u c t u r e d by two separate l e g a l codes when i n 1537 Henry VIII denounced both l e g a l systems and e s t a b l i s h e d the f i r s t A n g l i c a n schools i n I r e l a n d . When Henry VIII proposed the d i s s o l u t i o n of the monasteries i n that same year, - 114 -t h e O l d E n g l i s h d i d n o t o b j e c t b e c a u s e t h e y saw t h e m o n a s t e r i e s , w h i c h f o l l o w e d B r e h o n l a w i n s t e a d o f Canon l a w , as c o r r u p t and i n need o f m a j o r r e f o r m . However, when H e n r y i n s t r u c t e d h i s A n g l i c a n b i s h o p s t o e s t a b l i s h s c h o o l s t o c o n v e r t t h e I r i s h t o h i s new f a i t h , t h e O l d E n g l i s h and t h e G a e l s j o i n e d t o g e t h e r i n t h e i r r e j e c t i o n o f and p r o t e s t a g a i n s t t h i s new s y s t e m o f e d u c a t i o n ( s e e c h a p t e r 4 ) . A f t e r t h e d e f e a t o f t h e l a s t o f t h e G a e l i c p r i n c e s i n 1603 and t h e a b o l i s h m e n t o f B r e h o n l a w s o f t a n i s t r y and i g a v e l k i n d i n 1608 and 1609 ( B e c k e t t , 1 9 8 1 ) , Canon l a w became t h e o f f i c i a l p r a c t i c e o f b o t h t h e O l d E n g l i s h and G a e l i c I r i s h C h u r c h e s . As o p p r e s s i o n a g a i n s t t h o s e o f t h e C a t h o l i c f a i t h i n I r e l a n d i n t e n s i f i e d t h r o u g h o u t t h e s e v e n t e e n t h c e n t u r y , t h e O l d E n g l i s h i d e n t i f i e d more and more w i t h t h e G a e l i c c a u s e . When C a t h o l i c e d u c a t i o n was d e n i e d i n I r e l a n d , t h e O l d E n g l i s h s e n t t h e i r c h i l d r e n t o t h e C o n t i n e n t t o e n s u r e t h a t t h e y w o u l d r e c e i v e p r o p e r m o r a l and r e l i g i o u s t r a i n i n g . The n a t i v e I r i s h r e s o r t e d b a c k t o t h e G a e l i c t r a d i t i o n w h e r e b y a p r i v a t e s c h o o l m a s t e r i n d o c t r i n a t e d c h i l d r e n i n t o n a t i v e I r i s h c u l t u r e on a o n e - t o - o n e b a s i s ( B a r r i t t & C a r t e r , 1972: 78; Sc h e r m a n , 1 9 8 1 ) . When t h e P e n a l l a w s r e s t r i c t e d t h e number o f C a t h o l i c p r i e s t s and f o r b a d e t h e s e n d i n g o f I r i s h c h i l d r e n t o s c h o o l s on t h e C o n t i n e n t , t h e C a t h o l i c e d u c a t i o n s y s t e m went u n d e r g r o u n d and Hedge S c h o o l s were e s t a b l i s h e d t o e n s u r e p r o p e r C a t h o l i c v a l u e s and m o r a l s were i m p a r t e d t o e a c h new - 115 -g e n e r a t i o n (Darby, 1976; Chapter 4, s u p r a ) . The I r i s h education system had helped to keep the I r i s h e t h n i c i d e n t i t y a l i v e and strong throughout t h i s e ra, i n s p i t e of severe c u l t u r a l o ppression. B. Education i n I r e l a n d A f t e r the Union with B r i t a i n , January 1, 1801. Canons 1113, 1372 and 1374 embody the C a t h o l i c a t t i t u d e toward education. As these canons were i n the past, and are s t i l l today the b a s i s of C a t h o l i c r e j e c t i o n of "mixed or non-denominational education" i n both Northern and Southern I r e l a n d ( F r a s e r , 1977: 130) they warrant f u r t h e r examination: The Canon Law reads: 'Parents have a most s e r i o u s duty to secure a f u l l y C a t h o l i c education f o r t h e i r c h i l d r e n i n a l l that concerns the i n s t r u c t i o n of t h e i r minds, the t r a i n i n g of t h e i r w i l l s to v i r t u e , t h e i r b o d i l y welfare and the p r e p a r a t i o n f o r t h e i r l i f e as c i t i z e n s . ' Again i t i s decreed: ' A l l the F a i t h f u l s h a l l be so educated from c h i l d h o o d , that not only s h a l l nothing c o n t r a r y to the C a t h o l i c r e l i g i o n and good morals be taught them, but r e l i g i o u s and moral education s h a l l have the p r i n c i p a l p l a c e . . . ' - 116 -L a s t l y t h e (Canon) l a w t a k e s a c c o u n t o f t h e d a n g e r s a r i s i n g f r o m n o n - C a t h o l i c s c h o o l s : ' C a t h o l i c p u p i l s a r e n o t t o f r e g u e n t n o n - C a t h o l i c s c h o o l s o r n e u t r a l s c h o o l s t h a t a r e open a l s o t o n o n - C a t h o l i c s . O n l y t h e O r d i n a r y o f t h e p l a c e where t h e s c h o o l i s s i t u a t e d i s c o m p e t e n t t o d e t e r m i n e , a c c o r d i n g t o t h e i n s t r u c t i o n s o f t h e A p o s t o l i c S e e , i n what c i r c u m s t a n c e s i t may be t o l e r a t e d f o r C a t h o l i c s t o a t t e n d s u c h s c h o o l s and what s a f e g u a r d s a r e t o be p r e s c r i b e d a g a i n s t t h e d a n g e r o f p e r v e r s i o n . . . ' . . . I t i s s a i d t h a t , i n r e g a r d t o y o u t h , t h e C a t h o l i c B i s h o p s a r e a f r a i d . They a r e . B u t t h e i r f e a r i s a s o l i c i t u d e , b a s e d on some two t h o u s a n d y e a r s ' e x p e r i e n c e . I t i s more f u l l y b a s e d on t h e i r e s t e e m f o r t h e p r i c e l e s s w o r t h o f s a n c t i f y i n g g r a c e and t h e u n i g u e n e s s o f t h e o n e , t r u e F a i t h . T h e r e f o r e , t h e y f e a r t h e c i r c u m s t a n c e s t h a t b r e e d i n d i f f e r e n c e and i n d i s c i p l i n e . (From t h e L e n t e n P a s t o r a l L e t t e r o f t h e  A r c h b i s h o p o f D u b l i n , 1961 ( M . H . G i l l & Son, D u b l i n ) , w i t h q u o t a t i o n s f r o m Canons 1113, 1372 & 1 3 7 4 — q u o t e d i n B a r r i t t & C a r t e r , 1972: 8 2 - 8 3 ) . T h u s , t h e a t t e m p t o f t h e B r i t i s h c o n t r o l l e d D u b l i n g o v e r n m e n t t o e s t a b l i s h a p a r o c h i a l s c h o o l s y s t e m i n 1807, was met w i t h t h e same s t r o n g C a t h o l i c r e s i s t a n c e t h a t - 117 -H e n r y V I I I had f a i l e d t o overcome when he imposed a new s y s t e m o f l e a r n i n g on s i x t e e n t h - c e n t u r y I r e l a n d . A s e c o n d a t t e m p t by t h e g o v e r n m e n t t o p r o v i d e e d u c a t i o n f o r a l l o f t h e p o o r i n I r e l a n d , a g r o u p l a r g e l y made up o f C a t h o l i c s , was t h e f o u n d i n g i n 1811 o f t h e K i l d a r e P l a c e S o c i e t y , i n D u b l i n . The o b j e c t i v e o f t h i s s o c i e t y was t o o f f e r " t h e same a d v a n t a g e s t o a l l c l a s s e s o f p r o f e s s i n g C h r i s t i a n s w i t h o u t i n t e r f e r i n g w i t h t h e p e c u l i a r r e l i g i o u s o p i n i o n s o f any" ( B a r r i t t & C a r t e r , 1972: 7 8 ) . I n i t i a l l y , C a t h o l i c p a r e n t s d i d s e n d t h e i r c h i l d r e n t o t h e s e s c h o o l s . However, t h e p o l i c y o f t h e S o c i e t y o f r e a d i n g t h e B i b l e " w i t h o u t n o t e o r comment", b r o u g h t a p r o t e s t f r o m t h e C a t h o l i c p r i e s t s . They c o m p l a i n e d t h a t a mere r e a d i n g o f t h e S c r i p t u r e s w i t h o u t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n was i n s u f f i c i e n t f o r p r o p e r p r e p a r a t i o n o f C a t h o l i c c h i l d r e n , b o t h m o r a l l y and r e l i g i o u s l y , f o r t h e i r f u t u r e l i f e ( B a r r i t t & C a r t e r , 1972; F r a s e r , 1 9 7 7 ) . C a t h o l i c p a r e n t s b e g a n t o w i t h d r a w t h e i r c h i l d r e n f r o m t h e S o c i e t y ' s s c h o o l s and t h e e d u c a t i o n s y s t e m r e v e r t e d b a c k t o one o f s e p a r a t e s c h o o l s r u n by P r o t e s t a n t s and C a t h o l i c s . A t h i r d a t t e m p t by t h e g o v e r n m e n t t o p r o v i d e an i n t e g r a t e d s y s t e m o f s c h o o l i n g i n I r e l a n d was made i n 1831, when a n a t i o n a l e d u c a t i o n s y s t e m was e s t a b l i s h e d . L i k e t h e K i l d a r e P l a c e S o c i e t y , t h e n a t i o n a l s y s t e m w a n t e d t o e n s u r e e q u a l e d u c a t i o n a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s t o a l l C h r i s t i a n s w i t h o u t - 118 -i n t e r f e r i n g w i t h t h e r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s o f any o f t h e g r o u p s . The n a t i o n a l s y s t e m was b a s e d on two p r o p o s i t i o n s : f i r s t , " i t was p r o p o s e d t h a t r e l i g i o u s e d u c a t i o n s h o u l d be e x c l u d e d f r o m t h e s e c u l a r day and s e c o n d l y , t h a t a l l c l e r g y were t o h a v e f u l l a c c e s s t o t h e s c h o o l s " ( M u r r a y , 1986: 2 4 8 ) . T h e s e p r o p o s i t i o n s b r o u g h t c r i e s o f p r o t e s t f r o m b o t h r e l i g i o u s c o m m u n i t i e s . The C a t h o l i c c l e r g y p r o t e s t e d t h e e x c l u s i o n o f r e l i g i o n f r o m e d u c a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s u n d e r t h e n a t i o n a l s y s t e m as v e h e m e n t l y as t h e y h ad o p p o s e d t h e K i l d a r e P l a c e S o c i e t y ' s p o l i c y o f r e a d i n g t h e B i b l e " w i t h o u t comment o r n o t e " . The P r o t e s t a n t s p r o t e s t e d b o t h p r o p o s i t i o n s . They o p p o s e d t h e e x c l u s i o n o f r e l i g i o n f r o m t h e s c h o o l s b e c a u s e t h e y " f e l t t h a t wisdom was l e a r n t u n c o n s c i o u s l y f r o m a g e n e r a l u s e o f t h e H o l y W r i t , and t h a t e v e n C a t h o l i c c h i l d r e n s h o u l d h a v e a c h a n c e o f h e a r i n g i n u n t a i n t e d f o r m t h e 'Word o f t h e l i v i n g God'" ( B a r r i t t & C a r t e r , 1972: 8 0 ) . W i t h r e s p e c t t o t h e s e c o n d p r o p o s a l , t h e P r o t e s t a n t s f e l t t h a t t h e i r c o n t r o l o f t h e e d u c a t i o n s y s t e m was b e i n g j e o p a r d i z e d by a l l o w i n g f u l l a c c e s s o f t h e C a t h o l i c c l e r g y t o t h e s c h o o l s . 2 The i n t e g r a t e d n a t i o n a l s y s t e m began t o b r e a k d o w n as 2 T h i s r e a c t i o n i s an e x a m p l e o f t h e c h r o n i c i n s e c u r i t y t h a t h a s p l a g u e d t h e P r o t e s t a n t community i n I r e l a n d s i n c e 1641. - 119 -e a r l y as 1833 when the P r e s b y t e r i a n Synod of U l s t e r "passed a r e s o l u t i o n that i t should be r i g h t f o r school managers and teachers to read the S c r i p t u r e s during school hours" ( B a r r i t t & C a r t e r , 1972: 80). In 1839, a P r e s b y t e r i a n school at Correen agreed to t r a n s f e r c o n t r o l of the school to the s t a t e , i f the s t a t e government guaranteed that the school would be able to continue to have the r i g h t to provide r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n to students during the school day and could r e f u s e entrance to c h i l d r e n of other denominations ( B a r r i t t & C a r t e r , 1972: 80). The s t a t e agreed. Further d e t e r i o r a t i o n of the n a t i o n a l system came when the P r o t e s t a n t s i n 1839 founded the Education S o c i e t y of the e s t a b l i s h e d Church of I r e l a n d , f o r the purpose of m a i n t a i n i n g schools independently of the s t a t e c o n t r o l l e d Board of Education ( B a r r i t t & C a r t e r , 1972: 80). As a r e s u l t , two d i s t i n c t school systems developed. F i r s t , there were the Church run v o l u n t a r y s c h o o l s , i n which while most of the teachers r e c e i v e d t h e i r s a l a r i e s from the s t a t e , r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n w i t h i n the school was given i n accordance with the wishes of the manager ( B a r r i t t & C a r t e r , 1972: 81). Secondly, the "model s c h o o l s " were b u i l t and maintained by the s t a t e and a teacher was provided to g i v e separate r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n d u r i n g school hours, to any group of s i x or more c h i l d r e n who requested i t ( B a r r i t t & C a r t e r , 1972: 81). Thus the education system which was t r a n s f e r r e d - 120 -to Northern I r e l a n d on February 1, 1922, was r i g i d l y d i v i d e d along s e c t a r i a n l i n e s . A three t i e r system of elementary education was proposed f o r the newly formed s t a t e of Northern I r e l a n d , i n 1923. Murray (1986: 249) b r i e f l y d e s c r i b e s the three c l a s s e s of elementary schools proposed by t h i s act as: Class I: Those b u i l t by l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s or the M i n i s t r y of Education, or those handed over to the M i n i s t r y by previous managers (known as ' c o n t r o l l e d ' or 'state s c h o o l s ' ) . C l a s s I I : Those schools with management committees composed of four r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the former managers and two of the l o c a l government a u t h o r i t i e s (known as 'maintained' s c h o o l s ) . C l a s s I I I : Those schools whose managers wished to remain independent of the l o c a l government a u t h o r i t i e s (known as 'voluntary' s c h o o l s ) . F i n a n c i a l a i d given to each of these c l a s s e s of schools depended d i r e c t l y on the degree of government involvement and c o n t r o l i n the o p e r a t i o n of the s c h o o l . F a r r e l l (1980: 101-2) contends that the motive of the Education B i l l of 1923 was to o f f e r f i n a n c i a l inducements that would e n t i c e churches to t r a n s f e r t h e i r schools to the s t a t e . Even i f t h i s was the - 121 -primary aim of the B i l l , S e ctions 26 and 66 of t h i s Act, doomed i t to f a i l u r e . S e c t i o n 26 of the B i l l decreed that no r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n of any kind was to be taught i n the s c h o o l . S e c t i o n 66 s t a t e d that r e l i g i o u s denomination of the teacher must not be taken i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n when the education a u t h o r i t y was making an appointment ( B a r r i t t & C a r t e r , 1972: 82). B a r r i t t and C a r t e r (1972: 82) suggest that the r a t i o n a l e behind these s e c t i o n s was that most q u a r r e l l i n g between the C a t h o l i c s and P r o t e s t a n t s had been over the t e a c h i n g of the B i b l e , t h e r e f o r e l e g i s l a t o r s assumed that i f no r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n was i n c l u d e d during the school day, then the o b j e c t i o n s of the two communities to i n t e g r a t e d schools would be overcome. T h i s reasoning i l l u s t r a t e s the complete l a c k of understanding on the part of the l e g i s l a t o r s , of the d i f f e r e n t p e r c e p t i o n s that each community had toward the r e l a t i o n s h i p between r e l i g i o n and education. The c o n f l i c t between the two communities over r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n i n the schools was not that i t was given--both groups f e l t c h i l d r e n should have exposure to the S c r i p t u r e s - - b u t the o b j e c t i o n s arose over the way i n which t h i s i n s t r u c t i o n was g i v e n . A second r a t i o n a l e f o r t h i s B i l l was the assumption t h a t an i n t e g r a t e d school system would provide a f r i e n d l y atmosphere i n which P r o t e s t a n t and C a t h o l i c c h i l d r e n c o u l d - 122 -i n t e r a c t and g e t t o know e a c h o t h e r . I n t h i s way i t was hope d t h a t p r e j u d i c e t h e c h i l d r e n had l e a r n e d f r o m t h e i r p a r e n t s a b o u t members o f t h e o t h e r r e l i g i o u s community c o u l d be o v e r c o m e . T h i s r a t i o n a l e i l l u s t r a t e s t h e U t o p i a n t h i n k i n g o f t h e l e g i s l a t o r s . I n t h e s m a l l r u r a l community s t u d i e d by Rosemary H a r r i s (1972) i n t h e 1 9 5 0 s , a s m a l l p r o p o r t i o n o f t h e P r o t e s t a n t c h i l d r e n had t o a t t e n d a C a t h o l i c e l e m e n t a r y s c h o o l , b e c a u s e o f g e o g r a p h i c n e c e s s i t y . She f o u n d t h a t , " Y e a r s i n t h e same c l a s s and g e n e r a l s c h o o l c o n t a c t s u n d o u b t e d l y g a v e t h e P r o t e s t a n t c h i l d r e n i n v o l v e d an e a s e o f r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h t h e C a t h o l i c s i n t h e d i s t r i c t [ a n d ] ...some l o n g t e r m f r i e n d s h i p s [ d i d occur]3»(Harris, 1972: 1 3 7 - 1 3 8 ) . However, H a r r i s adds t h a t g a n g s i n t h i s s c h o o l w e r e f o r m e d a l o n g a s e c t a r i a n l i n e and many b a t t l e s w e r e f o u g h t b e t w e e n P r o t e s t a n t and C a t h o l i c c h i l d r e n . Her f i n d i n g s c a s t s e r i o u s d o u b t on t h e c r e a t o r s o f t h e E d u c a t i o n B i l l o f 1923s b e l i e f t h a t t h e i n t e g r a t i o n o f t h e s c h o o l s w o u l d l e a d t o t h e e v e n t u a l e l i m i n a t i o n o f p r e j u d i c e b e t w e e n t h e N o r t h e r n I r e l a n d r e l i g i o u s c o m m u n i t i e s . R e j e c t i o n o f t h e E d u c a t i o n B i l l o f 1923 came s w i f t l y . 3 T h e s e f r i e n d s h i p s , H a r r i s ( 1 9 7 2 : 138) comments, were e s p e c i a l l y i m p o r t a n t i n t h e c a s e o f g i r l s who as women s e l d o m h a d c o n t a c t w i t h o t h e r women a c r o s s t h e r e l i g i o u s d i v i d e . - 1 2 3 -S t r o n g p r e s s u r e f r o m a u n i t e d c o m m i t t e e o f P r o t e s t a n t C h u r c h e s and t h e Orange O r d e r l e d t o t h e r e m o v a l o f s e c t i o n s 26 and 66 f r o m t h e A c t i n 1925 and 1930, and s e c u r e d t h e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f t h e P r o t e s t a n t c l e r g y on a l l s c h o o l c o m m i t t e e s ( F r a s e r , 1977: 1 3 0 ) . The C a t h o l i c r e a c t i o n t o t h e s u c c e s s e s o f t h e P r o t e s t a n t C h u r c h e s and t h e Orange O r d e r was t o r e f u s e t o t r a n s f e r any s c h o o l s t o t h e l o c a l e d u c a t i o n c o m m i t t e e s w h i c h t h e y saw as b e i n g d o m i n a t e d by P r o t e s t a n t s , and t h e r e f o r e h o s t i l e t o t h e n e e d s o f C a t h o l i c c h i l d r e n ( F r a s e r , 1977: 1 3 1 ) . Thus t h i s l a t e s t a t t e m p t t o i n t e g r a t e t h e N o r t h e r n I r e l a n d s c h o o l s y s t e m f o u n d e r e d , and n i n e t y - e i g h t p e r c e n t o f c h i l d r e n r e m a i n e d i n s e g r e g a t e d s c h o o l s ( F r a s e r , 1977: 1 3 1 ) . Today t h e r e a r e "two a l m o s t s e l f - c o n t a i n e d e d u c a t i o n s y s t e m s " i n N o r t h e r n I r e l a n d . Whyte ( 1 9 8 6 : 228) w r i t e s t h a t i n 1969, w h i c h was t h e y e a r o f t h e most r e c e n t c e n s u s o f s c h o o l a t t e n d a n c e by r e l i g i o n , l e s s t h a n two p e r c e n t o f C a t h o l i c p u p i l s a t t e n d e d P r o t e s t a n t s c h o o l s and l e s s t h a n one p e r c e n t o f P r o t e s t a n t s t u d e n t s went t o C a t h o l i c s c h o o l s . Whyte adds t h a t t h e s e p e r c e n t a g e s h a v e c h a n g e d o n l y f r a c t i o n a l l y i n t h e s e v e n t e e n y e a r s s i n c e t h i s c e n s u s was t a k e n , and no s i g n i f i c a n t c hange i n t h e s e f i g u r e s i s a n t i c i p a t e d i n t h e n e a r f u t u r e . I n t h e f o l l o w i n g two s e c t i o n s o f t h i s t h e s i s , I w i l l e x a m i n e how t h i s s e g r e g a t e d s c h o o l s y s t e m f u n c t i o n s t o - 124 -maintain and r e i n f o r c e the ethnic boundary i n Northern I r e l a n d . I I Verbal Messages that Strengthen Ethnic Group I d e n t i t y , As Conveyed by School Curriculum Whyte (1986: 229) w r i t e s that i n a survey of one thousand Derry c h i l d r e n , i t was discovered that Protestant and C a t h o l i c " c h i l d r e n d i f f e r e d widely i n t h e i r perceptions of n a t i o n a l i t y and of l o c a l h i s t o r y and that the gap widened with the length of time i n school." Many authors w r i t i n g about the c o n f l i c t i n Northern I r e l a n d comment that the view of the h i s t o r y of Irelan d taught i n C a t h o l i c schools i s d i f f e r e n t from that taught i n Protestant schools. These w r i t e r s however, seldom attempt to provide any explanation of what the teaching of two d i f f e r e n t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of t h i s h i s t o r y r e a l l y means to the c o n f l i c t now tak i n g place. With the assistance of the e x c e l l e n t a u t o b i o g r a p h i c a l d e s c r i p t i o n of the childhood educational experiences of Bernadette Devlin (1969) and Jack Holland (1981), I w i l l argue that these two views of h i s t o r y perpetuate the " t r a d i t i o n of hatred [ t h a t ] has been nourished f o r c e n t u r i e s " (McCord & McCord, 1979: 435), by C a t h o l i c s and Protestants i n Northern I r e l a n d . - 125 -B e r n a d e t t e D e v l i n ( 1 9 6 9 : 56) d e s c r i b e s t h e grammar s c h o o l she a t t e n d e d as b e i n g v e r y R e p u b l i c a n . She w r i t e s : I went t o a v e r y m i l i t a n t l y R e p u b l i c a n grammar s c h o o l and u n d e r i t s i n f l u e n c e b egan t o r e v o l t a g a i n s t t h e E s t a b l i s h m e n t on t h e s i m p l e r u l e o f thumb, h i g h l y s a t i s f y i n g t o a t e n - y e a r - o l d , t h a t I r i s h e q u a l s g o o d , E n g l i s h e q u a l s b a d . D e v l i n a t t r i b u t e s h e r a n t i - B r i t i s h a t t i t u d e s t o t h e i n f l u e n c e o f t h e s c h o o l ' s v i c e - p r i n c i p a l , M o t h e r B e n i g n u s , whom she a d m i r e d and r e s p e c t e d , and a l s o t o t h e h i s t o r y l e s s o n s t a u g h t i n t h e s c h o o l . She d e s c r i b e s t h e M o t h e r S u p e r i o r , s a y i n g : To M o t h e r B e n i g n u s e v e r y t h i n g E n g l i s h was b a d . She h a t e d t h e E n g l i s h - - w i t h good r e a s o n : h e r e n t i r e f a m i l y had s u f f e r e d a t t h e h a n d s o f t h e B r i t i s h f o r c e s . E v e r y t h i n g [ D e v l i n and h e r c l a s s m a t e s ] d i d i n s c h o o l was I r i s h o r i e n t e d . . . . [ M o t h e r B e n i g n u s ] d i d n ' t h a t e P r o t e s t a n t s , b u t h e r v i e w was t h a t y o u c o u l d n ' t v e r y w e l l p u t up w i t h them, t h e y w e r e n ' t I r i s h , and t h a t c l i n c h e d t h e argument ( D e v l i n , 1969: 5 9 - 6 0 ) . She g o e s on t o d e s c r i b e t h e s c h o o l ' s R e p u b l i c a n a p p r o a c h t o - 126 -the teaching of h i s t o r y , saying: We learned I r i s h h i s t o r y . People who went to P r o t e s t a n t schools learned B r i t i s h h i s t o r y . We were a l l l e a r n i n g the same t h i n g s , the same events, the same p e r i o d of time, but the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s we were given were very d i f f e r e n t . At the s t a t e school they teach the Act of Union was brought about to help strengthen the trade agreement between England and I r e l a n d . We were taught that i t was a m a l i c i o u s attempt to bleed I r e l a n d dry of her l i n e n i n d u s t r y , which was a f f e c t i n g E n g l i s h c o t t o n . We learned our I r i s h h i s t o r y from F a l l o n ' s I r i s h H i s t o r y A i d s , being a p u b l i s h i n g f i r m i n Southern I r e l a n d . Now the M i n i s t r y of Education had issued a memorandum saying that F a l l o n ' s I r i s h H i s t o r y  Aids were not to be used i n sc h o o l s , because they were no more than s e d i t i o n and treason i n the name of h i s t o r y . On a p o i n t of p r i n c i p l e , a l l our books were pu b l i s h e d by F a l l o n ' s . When the M i n i s t r y wrote to complain, Mother Benignus wrote back i n I r i s h , j u s t to make another p o i n t c l e a r ( D e v l i n , 1969: 60). D e v l i n (1969: 62) concludes that i t was "the combined e f f e c t s of Mother Benignus and [her] students...[as w e l l as] a year of absorbing the l e s s o n 'We are I r i s h , We are proud of our h i s t o r y , our dead, our c u l t u r e , and our language 1 ...[which] turned [her] i n t o a convinced Republican...." - 127 -While D e v l i n ' s experience may seem extreme, i t i s by no means e x c e p t i o n a l . Jack Holland (1981: 19) d e s c r i b e s a s i m i l a r a n t i - B r i t i s h a t t i t u d e i n the t e aching of h i s t o r y i n h i s childhood s c h o o l , s a y i n g : The education of the c h i l d r e n was run along s e c t a r i a n l i n e s . C a t h o l i c s went to C a t h o l i c s c h o o l s , and P r o t e s t a n t s went to State ( i p s o f a c t o P r o t e s t a n t ) s c h o o l s . C a t h o l i c s were taught I r i s h h i s t o r y - - t h e s t o r y , b a s i c a l l y , of I r e l a n d ' s long s t r u g g l e f o r freedom. P r o t e s t a n t s r e c e i v e d a B r i t i s h view of the world--how the Empire bestowed the v i r t u e s of i t s c i v i l i z a t i o n on v a r i o u s n a t i v e c u l t u r e s , i n c l u d i n g the I r i s h . At the C h r i s t i a n Brothers school I attended, St. G a l l ' s , I was strapped once f o r c a l l i n g the town of Derry 'Londonderry'. The brother pointed out that the p r e f i x 'London' was a recent (seventeenth century) i n v e n t i o n , and that the r e a l I r i s h name was Derry, 'oak grove' i n G a e l i c . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , i t was Londonderry i n my a t l a s ; being a stubborn c h i l d I i n s i s t e d , much to h i s annoyance, on p o i n t i n g out t h i s anomaly. He walloped me and, with great contempt i n h i s v o i c e , dismissed the a t l a s as a mere E n g l i s h map. But Holland learned h i s l e s s o n w e l l , f o r he and every other C a t h o l i c I r i s h author t h i s w r i t e r has read, always use Derry i n s t e a d of Londonderry i n t h e i r w r i t i n g . - 12 8. -W h i l e b o t h D e v l i n and H o l l a n d d i s p l a y an a w a r e n e s s t h a t t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f I r i s h h i s t o r y t h e y r e c e i v e d was v e r y d i f f e r e n t f r o m t h a t l e a r n e d by P r o t e s t a n t c h i l d r e n , i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o d e t e r m i n e i f t h e y h a d t h i s k n o w l e d g e d u r i n g t h e i r c h i l d h o o d y e a r s . B o t h a u t h o r s were p r o d u c t s o f m i x e d m a r r i a g e s , and h a d had f r e q u e n t c o n t a c t w i t h t h e i r P r o t e s t a n t r e l a t i v e s t h r o u g h o u t t h e i r c h i l d h o o d . D e v l i n ' s m o t h e r h a d be e n a P r o t e s t a n t b e f o r e m a r r y i n g h e r C a t h o l i c f a t h e r . W h i l e h e r P r o t e s t a n t r e l a t i v e s , i n p a r t i c u l a r h e r g r a n d m o t h e r h a d d i s o w n e d h e r m o t h e r , v i s i t i n g s t i l l t o o k p l a c e b e t w e e n D e v l i n ' s f a m i l y and h e r P r o t e s t a n t r e l a t i v e s . H o l l a n d ' s g r a n d m o t h e r , on t h e o t h e r h a n d , h ad m a r r i e d a P r o t e s t a n t and had g i v e n up h e r C a t h o l i c f a i t h . H o l l a n d ' s f a t h e r had b e e n b o r n i n a C a t h o l i c h o s p i t a l and when t h e nuns d i s c o v e r e d t h a t H o l l a n d ' s g r a n d m o t h e r had b e e n a C a t h o l i c , t h e y " k i d n a p p e d " h i s f a t h e r and b a p t i z e d h i m as a C a t h o l i c . H o l l a n d ' s g r a n d m o t h e r , w i t h what a p p e a r s t o h a v e been l i t t l e r e s i s t a n c e f r o m h i s P r o t e s t a n t g r a n d f a t h e r , d e c i d e d t o r a i s e h e r s o n a C a t h o l i c . T h e r e was f r e q u e n t i n t e r a c t i o n b e t w e e n H o l l a n d and h i s P r o t e s t a n t r e l a t i v e s and t h i s i n t e r a c t i o n h ad b een much more p o s i t i v e t h a n t h a t w h i c h o c c u r r e d b e t w e e n D e v l i n and h e r P r o t e s t a n t r e l a t i v e s . B o t h a u t h o r s i n d i c a t e h o w e v e r , t h a t c e r t a i n s u b j e c t s s u c h as r e l i g i o n , p o l i t i c s , and any t o p i c s w h i c h may p r o v o k e s e c t a r i a n c o n t r o v e r s y were a v o i d e d d u r i n g t h e s e v i s i t s . - 129 -I t i s more l i k e l y t h a t most of D e v l i n ' s and Holland's i n s i g h t i n t o the d i f f e r e n t h i s t o r i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s taught i n P r o t e s t a n t and C a t h o l i c schools came from t h e i r u n i v e r s i t y experience. While both authors had been r a i s e d i n C a t h o l i c ghettos, they were able to win s c h o l a r s h i p s to i n t e g r a t e d u n i v e r s i t i e s . The knowledge gained during t h i s l a t e exposure to i n t e g r a t e d l e a r n i n g however, appears to have done l i t t l e to counteract the a t t i t u d e s and p r e j u d i c e s l e a r n e d during t h e i r e a r l y childhood e d u c a t i o n a l experiences, as evidenced by t h e i r accounts of the c u r r e n t c o n f l i c t i n Northern I r e l a n d . I l l Non-Verbal Messages that Strengthen E t h n i c Group I d e n t i t y As Conveyed by A c t i v i t i e s Outside the Classroom The s o c i a l i z a t i o n of Northern I r e l a n d ' s youngsters i n t o two d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r e s continues o u t s i d e the classroom as w e l l . N e l l McCafferty (1986) d i s c u s s e s how, when she and her classmates went on an e x t r a - c u r r i c u l a r o u t i n g to a f r e e e d u c a t i o n a l f i l m , the consciousness of her own C a t h o l i c e t h n i c i d e n t i t y was strengthened and the awareness of the d i f f e r e n c e between her e t h n i c i d e n t i t y and that of the P r o t e s t a n t s was heightened. She w r i t e s : - 130 -...We were taken to a f r e e e d u c a t i o n a l f i l m i n a c i t y cinema. The P r o t e s t a n t s c h o o l g i r l s sat i n one block of seats and we sat across the a i s l e i n another. The boys were to come next day, sexual i n t e g r a t i o n being considered the m a r g i n a l l y g r e a t e r danger. The cinema darkened, a drum r o l l began, the c u r t a i n s parted and onto the screen f l a s h e d a p i c t u r e of Queen E l i z a b e t h the Second, Monarch of England, Scotland, Wales and Northern I r e l a n d . The P r o t e s t a n t s stood smartly on t h e i r f e e t . Our e s c o r t , Miss McDevitt, an e l d e r l y a r i s t o c r a t i c lady i n tweeds, remained f i r m l y seated. We took our cue from her and sat s o l i d l y through the n a t i o n a l anthem. Miss McDevitt never afterwards a l l u d e d to the i n c i d e n t , and we knew b e t t e r than to ask her why she d i d i t . They f o l l o w e d the Queen; we fo l l o w e d the Pope. The d i v i s i o n was as simple as t h a t , n e i t h e r B r i t i s h nor I r i s h prime m i n i s t e r s having heard of us at the time (McCafferty, 1986: 159). Symbols r e f l e c t i n g the e t h n i c d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s of the P r o t e s t a n t s and C a t h o l i c s are encouraged by t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e school system. For example, Fraser (1977: 133) d e s c r i b e s , " P r o t e s t a n t youngsters [as coming to school]...bedecked with Orange, U l s t e r , and Vanguard badges and t a r t a n scarves, C a t h o l i c c h i l d r e n [wore]...green scarv e s , shamrock badges, and Connolly badges (the l a t t e r behind the l a p e l ) . " The e f f e c t t h a t these and other symbolic "overt - 131 -demonstrations o f . . . c u l t u r a l a f f i l i a t i o n s " by the schools has on observers serves to maintain and r e i n f o r c e the boundary between the two e t h n i c groups. Murray (1983: 145 who d i d f i e l d w o r k i n Northern I r e l a n d , e x p l a i n s : . . . c o n t r o l l e d schools i n the North-Eastern L i b r a r y Board area are r e q u i r e d to f l y the Union Jack d a i l y o u t s i d e . I n d i v i d u a l s w i t h i n these schools may see t h i s as a n a t u r a l m a n i f e s t a t i o n f o r a State s c h o o l . The response among C a t h o l i c s however may be somewhat d i f f e r e n t . Murray [from p r e v i o u s l y p u b l i s h e d m a t e r i a l ] c i t e s a general r e a c t i o n from s t a f f i n an a d j o i n i n g C a t h o l i c s c h o o l : They f l y the f l a g down there to show that they are more B r i t i s h than the B r i t i s h themselves. I t ' s a l s o to l e t us know that they are the l o r d s and masters and that we ( C a t h o l i c s ) should be c o n t i n u a l l y aware of i t . Again, q u i t e n a t u r a l l y , symbols abound i n C a t h o l i c schools which emphasize t h e i r C a t h o l i c i t y ( s t a t u e s , Papal f l a g s , c r u c i f i x e s , e t c . ) . I t might be d i f f i c u l t to imagine how these might cause o f f e n s e . Indeed they can j u s t i f i a b l y be seen as the s i n e qua non of C a t h o l i c education, which has always p o s i t e d s a l v a t i o n higher than education. However, t h i s o b s e r v a t i o n too can be t r a n s f e r r e d i n t o a r a t h e r d i f f e r e n t r e a l i t y as i t was by a P r o t e s t a n t teacher: - 132 -We p l a y S t . J u d e ' s o f t e n i n games and v i s i t t h e i r s c h o o l s r e g u l a r l y . I n e v e r f a i l t o be i m p r e s s e d by t h e p l e t h o r a o f r e l i g i o u s p i c t u r e s and i c o n s s t a r i n g a t y o u a r o u n d e v e r y c o r n e r . I t ' s h a r d t o e s c a p e t h e v i e w t h a t a s p e c i a l show i s b e i n g p u t on f o r o u r b e n e f i t . . . . T h i s d o e s n ' t a p p l y j u s t t o S t . J u d e ' s o f c o u r s e , b u t t h e y must know t h a t t h e s e a r e t h e v e r y t h i n g s t h a t we o b j e c t t o , y e t s t i l l t h e y a r e f l a u n t e d e v e r y w h e r e . T h e s e n o n - v e r b a l messages a r e a c o n s t a n t v i s u a l r e m i n d e r t o P r o t e s t a n t s and C a t h o l i c s t h a t a r i g i d b o u n d a r y e x i s t s b e t w e e n them. The e m o t i o n t h a t t h e s e m essages c o n v e y makes t r a n s c e n d i n g t h i s b o u n d a r y v e r y d i f f i c u l t . I V Summary and C o n c l u s i o n s The s e p a r a t e s c h o o l s y s t e m i n N o r t h e r n I r e l a n d h a s i t s r o o t s i n t h e s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r y when H e n r y V I I I r e j e c t e d C a t h o l i c i s m and i m p o s e d h i s own C h u r c h and S c h o o l S y s t e m i n I r e l a n d . T h i s s e p a r a t e s c h o o l s y s t e m h a s p e r s i s t e d d e s p i t e numerous a t t e m p t s by t h e s t a t e , b o t h b e f o r e and a f t e r p a r t i t i o n , t o i n t e g r a t e i t . Today n e a r l y a l l s c h o o l c h i l d r e n a t t e n d e i t h e r C a t h o l i c o r S t a t e ( i n r e a l i t y P r o t e s t a n t ) s c h o o l s . The a b s o r p t i o n o f v e r b a l and n o n - v e r b a l messages by P r o t e s t a n t and C a t h o l i c s c h o o l c h i l d r e n make them a c u t e l y aware - 133 -t h a t t h e i r e t h n i c group i d e n t i t i e s are very d i f f e r e n t . In t h i s way the separate school system strengthens e t h n i c group s o l i d a r i t y and by so doing helps to ensure both the I r i s h N a t i o n a l i s t s and the P r o t e s t a n t U n i o n i s t s w i l l continue to have a group upon whose support each can depend. The emphasis of these messages on the "remembered a f f r o n t s " from past group i n t e r a c t i o n has an a d d i t i o n a l c o n t r i b u t i o n to the c o n f l i c t i n Northern I r e l a n d . I t helps guarantee that the P r o v i s i o n a l I.R.A. and the v a r i o u s P r o t e s t a n t p a r a m i l i t a r y groups w i l l have a continued i n f l u x of new members. - 134 -Chapter 6 General Conclusions In t h i s t h e s i s , I have i n v e s t i g a t e d I r i s h e t h nonationalism by examining the formation, development, and maintenance of the consciousness of the e t h n i c group which supports i t . I have argued that the I r i s h n a t i o n a l i s t movement which arose i n the ni n e t e e n t h century to r e c l a i m a l l but the s i x cou n t i e s of U l s t e r f o r the I r i s h n a t i o n , was not a new phenomenon but was an end product of a long e t h n i c s t r u g g l e that d i d not begin i n the i n d u s t r i a l e r a, nor even when the P r o t e s t a n t P l a n t e r s a r r i v e d i n the seventeenth century. Instead, I contend that the roots of I r i s h e t h n o n a t i o n a l i s m must be looked f o r i n the t w e l f t h century, when the Anglo-Normans invaded I r e l a n d . Further, I maintain that any understanding of the causes and nature of I r i s h e t h n o n a t i o n a l i s m can only be gained i f the e n t i r e e i g h t hundred years of i t s e x i s t e n c e i s examined. The p e r s i s t e n c e of e t h n i c a c t i v i s m i n I r e l a n d that has continued s i n c e the t w e l f t h century and i s s t i l l o c c u r r i n g i n Northern I r e l a n d today, has not been caused by a s i n g l e f a c t o r . Rather, i t s p e r s i s t e n c e has been due to the - 135 -accumulation of p o l i t i c a l , c u l t u r a l , and economic oppression experienced by the I r i s h C a t h o l i c p o p u l a t i o n throughout t h e i r long s t r u g g l e f o r freedom from f o r e i g n domination. These "remembered a f f r o n t s " have been passed down from genera t i o n to g e n e r a t i o n by the i n s t i t u t i o n s and s t r u c t u r e s which developed to maintain and r e i n f o r c e the e t h n i c boundary between the I r i s h and the " C o l o n i s t s " . In Chapter F i v e , I have i n v e s t i g a t e d how one of these i n s t i t u t i o n s — s e p a r a t e education--continues to pass on the c e n t u r i e s o l d " t r a d i t i o n of h a t r e d " to each new g e n e r a t i o n , thus ensuring the continued s e p a r a t i o n of P r o t e s t a n t s and C a t h o l i c s i n contemporary Northern I r e l a n d . I t should be pointed out that no one i n s t i t u t i o n or s t r u c t u r e that operates to maintain and r e i n f o r c e t h i s e t h n i c boundary can be held s o l e l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the continued t e n s i o n and v i o l e n c e i n Northern I r e l a n d . Each i n s t i t u t i o n and s t r u c t u r e r e i n f o r c e s the a t t i t u d e s and behavior generated by the other i n s t i t u t i o n s . In unison, these i n s t i t u t i o n s and s t r u c t u r e s present o b s t a c l e s which s e v e r e l y hamper any attempt at r e s o l v i n g t h i s c o n f l i c t . - 136 -B i b l i o g r a p h y A l l a r d t , E r i k 1979 I m p l i c a t i o n s of the E t h n i c R e v i v a l i n Modern I n d u s t r i a l S o c i e t y : A Comparative Study of the  L i n g u i s t i c M i n o r i t i e s i n Western Europe. H e l s i n k i : S o c i e t a s Scientarum Fennica. A l v e r s o n , Hoyt S. 1979 The Roots of Time: A Comment on U t i l i t a r i a n and P r i m o r d i a l Sentiments i n E t h n i c I d e n t i f i c a t i o n . In E t h n i c Autonomy—Comparative Dynamics: The Americas, Europe and the Developing World. Ed. Raymond H a l l : 13-17. New York: Pergamon Press. 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New York: Vintage Books. - 137 -Bottigheimer, K a r l S. 1982 I r e l a n d and the I r i s h : A Short H i s t o r y . New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y Press. Boyce, D.G. 1982 Separatism and the I r i s h N a t i o n a l i s t T r a d i t i o n . In N a t i o n a l Separatism. Ed. C.H. W i l l i a m s : 75-105. Vancouver: London: U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia Press. Brody, H. 1973 I n i s h k i l l a n e : Change and D e c l i n e i n the West of I r e l a n d . London: A l l e n Lane. Brown, Terence 1985 I r e l a n d : A S o c i a l and C u l t u r a l H i s t o r y , 1922-1985. Ithaca, N.Y.: C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y Press. Busteed, M.A. 1972 Northern I r e l a n d : Geographical Aspects of a C r i s i s . Research Paper No. 3. London: School of Geography, U n i v e r s i t y of Oxford. Carr, Edward H a l l e t t 1962 What Is H i s t o r y ? New York: Knopf. Chadwick, Nora 1985 The C e l t s . Harmondsworth, England: Penguin Books. 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