UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Impressions of Meiji Japan by five Victorian women Tiers, Jane Elizabeth 1986

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1986_A8 T59_3.pdf [ 5.73MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0097004.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0097004-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0097004-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0097004-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0097004-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0097004-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0097004-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0097004-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0097004.ris

Full Text

IMPRESSIONS OF MEIJI JAPAN BY FIVE VICTORIAN WOMEN By JANE ELIZABETH TIERS B.A., The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1981 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of H i s t o r y ) We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA November 1986 ©Jane E l i z a b e t h T i e r s , 1986 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the requirements f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and study. I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the head o f my department o r by h i s o r her r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood t h a t c o p y i n g or p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f H i s t o r y  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date 14, October, 1986 A b s t r a c t T h i s t h e s i s e x a m i n e s f i v e t r a v e l o g u e s w r i t t e n b y V i c t o r i a n l a d i e s w h o v i s i t e d J a p a n b e t w e e n 1 8 8 9 a n d 1 9 0 6 . T h e s e w o r k s a r e u s e f u l a s h i s t o r i c a l d o c u m e n t s b e c a u s e t h e y g i v e a f i r s t - h a n d a c c o u n t o f l i f e i n M e i j i J a p a n t h a t i s d i f f e r e n t f r o m o t h e r s o u r c e s . T h e a u t h o r s p o r t r a y e d t h e e v e r y d a y l i f e s t y l e a n d c u s t o m s o f t h e J a p a n e s e p e o p l e , i n c l u d i n g m a n y t h i n g s c o n s i d e r e d s o c o m m o n p l a c e m o s t w r i t e r s d i d n o t c o n s i d e r t h e m w o r t h r e c o r d i n g . B y c o m p a r i n g t h e a u t h o r s ' o b s e r v a t i o n s w i t h m o d e r n s o c i o l o g i c a l a n d h i s t o r i c a l s t u d i e s , t h e s e t r a v e l o g u e s h a v e b e e n s h o w n t o b e r e m a r k a b l y a c c u r a t e . T h e w o m e n ' s o b s e r v a t i o n s h a v e b e e n o r g a n i z e d i n t o t h e f o l l o w i n g c a t a g o r i e s : e t i q u e t t e , a e s t h e t i c s , r e l i g i o n , f a m i l y l i f e a n d t h e w o m e n ' s i d e a s o n J a p a n ' s m o d e r n i z a t i o n . Table of Contents I n t r o d u c t i o n p. 1 Chapter 1: On E t i q u e t t e p. 11 Chapter 2: On A e s t h e t i c s p. 27 Chapter 3: On R e l i g i o n p. 38 Chapter 4: On Family L i f e p. 53 Chapter 5: On "New Japan" p. 68 C o n c l u s i o n p. 87 Endnotes: I n t r o d u c t i o n p. 92 Chapter 1 p. 92 Chapter 2 p. 98 Chapter 3 p. 101 Chapter 4 p. 104 Chapter 5 p. 108 C o n c l u s i o n p. 112 B i b l i o g r a p h y p. 114 i i i I n t r o d u c t i o n The t r a v e l o g u e i s a l i t e r a r y genre that g e n e r a l l y has been d i s m i s s e d as t r i v i a l , and t h e r e f o r e overlooked as a u s e f u l h i s t o r i c a l source. While i t i s tr u e that many t r a v e l accounts are of l i t t l e v a l u e , o t h e r s , upon c a r e f u l examination, prove to c o n t a i n important o b s e r v a t i o n s and i n s i g h t s . T h i s t h e s i s looks at f i v e such accounts of t r a v e l s i n Japan, a l l w r i t t e n by western women, d i s c u s s i n g the authors' o b s e r v a t i o n s on Japanese e t i q u e t t e , a e s t h e t i c s , r e l i g i o n and f a m i l y s t r u c t u r e , as w e l l as t h e i r ideas on the f u t u r e of the country. During the l a t t e r h a l f of the nine t e e n t h century, there was a marked i n c r e a s e i n the number of female t r a v e l l e r s and e x p l o r e r s from England and the U n i t e d S t a t e s . H i t h e r t o , women had c o n f i n e d t h e i r t r a v e l l i n g to what was necessary f o r going somewhere f o r a s p e c i f i c reason, such as v i s i t i n g a f r i e n d . The i d e a of a woman v e n t u r i n g to unknown or untamed p a r t s of the world f o r no reason except to see them was a new phenomenon and one that was not welcomed i n many s e c t i o n s of nin e t e e n t h century s o c i e t y . George Curzon, of the Royal G e o g r a p h i c a l S o c i e t y , spoke f o r a s u b s t a n t i a l number of V i c t o r i a n gentlemen when he complained: [T]he genus of p r o f e s s i o n a l female g l o b e - t r o t t e r s with which America has l a t e l y f a m i l i a r i z e d us i s one of the h o r r o r s of the l a t t e r end of the ni n e t e e n t h century.1 Despite such o p p o s i t i o n , many of these women recorded t h e i r e xperiences and o b s e r v a t i o n s , u s u a l l y i n the form of l e t t e r s 1 and d i a r i e s . These accounts were o f t e n p u b l i s h e d , e i t h e r as a means of meeting t r a v e l expenses, or because f r i e n d s persuaded them that t h e i r experiences might be of i n t e r e s t to the r e a d i n g p u b l i c . Japan, which had o n l y r e c e n t l y abandoned i t s s e c l u s i o n p o l i c y at the time of the women's v i s i t s , h e l d a s p e c i a l f a s c i n a t i o n f o r the l a t e V i c t o r i a n s , both t r a v e l l e r s and stay-at-homes of e i t h e r sex. Westerners were amazed to f i n d a n a t i o n whose c u l t u r e was u n l i k e any p r e v i o u s l y known to them, one that was o b v i o u s l y as c i v i l i z e d as the West, and yet t o t a l l y u n l i k e i t . Pat Barr p o i n t e d out that Japan had many a t t r a c t i o n s f o r the l e s s adventurous t r a v e l l e r : I t was e x o t i c , people heard, but s a f e ; romantic, but not dangerously w i l d ; b e a u t i f u l , but not i n a c c e s s i b l y a w e - i n s p i r i n g -- and the people were c l e a n and p o l i t e . Such an impeccable l i s t of v i r t u e s . . . e n t i c e [ d ] hordes of western v i s i t e r s to come and 'do' Japan.2 Hundreds of these Westerners p u b l i s h e d accounts of t h e i r j o urneys, r anging from the s c h o l a r l y to the t r i v i a l . The f i v e accounts which are the s u b j e c t of t h i s t h e s i s were w r i t t e n by I s a b e l l a B i r d , Mary F r a s e r , Baroness Mary d'Anathan, A l i c e Mabel Bacon and Augusta Campbell Davidson. I s a b e l l a B i r d , who was the daughter of an E n g l i s h clergyman, was both the e a r l i e s t and most adventurous of the f i v e . By the t i m e o s h e a r r i v e d i n Japan i n 1878, she had a l r e a d y proven to be an i n t r e p i d t r a v e l l e r with her e x p l o i t s i n Hawaii (then the Sandwich I s l a n d s ) and the Colorado Rockies. Over the ensuing twenty years, she was to journey 2 through the h i n t e r l a n d s of Korea, China, T i b e t , northern I n d i a and P e r s i a . Her t r a v e l s j u s t i f i a b l y brought her fame as a " g l o b e - t r o t t e r e s s " and earned her F e l l o w s h i p s i n both the S c o t t i s h and Royal Geographical S o c i e t i e s . 3 B i r d had a love f o r adventure and a preference f o r p l a c e s unmarred by Western improvements, and as a r e s u l t , spent most of her time i n Japan t r a v e l l i n g i n the northern p a r t s of the country, where l i v i n g standards were g e n e r a l l y lower than those i n the south. She e s p e c i a l l y enjoyed her time among the Ainu of Hokkaido, although she d e c r i e d the p r i m i t i v e c o n d i t i o n s i n which they l i v e d . B i r d d i d not l i m i t h e r s e l f to the "unbeaten" p a r t s of Japan, but a l s o v i s i t e d the more u s u a l a t t r a c t i o n s of Nikko, Kyoto and Tokyo. In a l l her t r a v e l s , she spent most of her time o b s e r v i n g the poorer p a r t s of Japanese s o c i e t y . In c o n t r a s t to B i r d ' s experiences, Baroness d'Anathan and Mary F r a s e r tended to observe the wealthy and i n f l u e n t i a l . Both were wives of f o r e i g n diplomats and thus were not r e a l l y among the new breed of g l o b e - t r o t t i n g women. While both recorded t h e i r impressions of l i f e i n Japan, F r a s e r ' s account was the more v a l u a b l e source of i n f o r m a t i o n and the more d e l i g h t f u l to read. Mary F r a s e r came to Japan i n 1889 with her husband, who was the B r i t i s h Ambassador, and l e f t i n 1894 upon her husband's death. The Baroness d'Anathan, who was a l s o of E n g l i s h o r i g i n s , served with her husband, the B e l g i a n Ambassador, from 1893-1906. Both women l i v e d i n the the h i g h l y w e s t e r n i z e d Embassy s e c t i o n of Tokyo, but spent t h e i r 3 summers i n the mountain c o u n t r y s i d e . Because of t h e i r p o s i t i o n s i n the d i p l o m a t i c corps, most of t h e i r o b s e r v a t i o n s were of high r a n k i n g Japanese. These Japanese were g e n e r a l l y a p r o g r e s s i v e group who mingled western ways with those of t h e i r own, making i t d i f f i c u l t f o r the women to observe some of the d i s t i n c t i v e f e a t u r e s of Japanese c u l t u r e . F o r t u n a t e l y , F r a s e r was a c l o s e observer of a l l people, high and low, and made many i n t e r e s t i n g remarks on the ways of her n a t i v e s e r v a n t s , and the p i l g r i m s and v i l l a g e r s she encountered around her summer home. A l i c e Bacon, who was the onl y American among the women, a l s o came to Japan with a purpose other than t r a v e l : she was h i r e d to teach E n g l i s h at the Peeresses' School i n 1888. There she came " i n t o c l o s e contact with the most r e f i n e d and c u l t i v a t e d of Japanese women and [ g a i n e d ] . . . a new sympathy with a c l a s s u s u a l l y but l i t t l e understood." 4 Although Bacon t r a v e l l e d on the "beaten t r a c k s of t o u r i s t t r a v e l , " she spent most of her time i n Tokyo l i v i n g i n a household of Japanese women, which c o n s i s t e d of three t e a c h e r s , three students from the Peeresses' School, two other g i r l s who wanted to improve t h e i r E n g l i s h , and v a r i o u s s e r v a n t s . Thus, Bacon had an ou t s t a n d i n g o p p o r t u n i t y to observe everyday l i f e i n Japan, which was to form the b a s i s of her book Japanese Women and G i r l s . Augusta Campbell Davidson was the l a s t of the f i v e women to come to Japan, a r r i v i n g i n 1901. U n f o r t u n a t e l y , l i t t l e i s 4 known about her apart from what she s a i d i n her book. Except f o r the f a c t t h a t she t r a v e l l e d alone, she was probably t y p i c a l of the many t o u r i s t s who v i s i t e d Japan around the t u r n of the century, s t i c k i n g to the u s u a l t o u r i s t a t t r a c t i o n s . She showed a c e r t a i n s p i r i t of independence, and a d e s i r e to observe the Japanese, i n her h a b i t s of b i c y c l i n g on her own i n the c o u n t r y s i d e , and of t r a v e l l i n g t h i r d c l a s s on t r a i n s i n s t e a d of the f i r s t c l a s s u s u a l l y favoured by Western t r a v e l l e r s . As a r e s u l t , Davidson saw a good d e a l more of the Japanese and t h e i r customs, at l e a s t among the lower c l a s s e s , than most t o u r i s t s . Dorothy Middleton remarks that most " V i c t o r i a n lady t r a v e l e r s " observed more of the people i n the p l a c e s they v i s i t e d than the p l a c e s themselves, and t h i s was t r u e of the 5 f i v e authors. They v i s i t e d Japan d u r i n g the M e i j i p e r i o d , a time of great p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n , the beginning of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , and experimentation with Western ways. Changes o c c u r r e d so r a p i d l y d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d that I s a b e l l a B i r d , who t r a v e l l e d i n Japan on l y twelve years a f t e r the M e i j i R e s t o r a t i o n , was amazed to f i n d s i g n s of Western i n f l u e n c e even i n f a i r l y i s o l a t e d areas. The women made few o b s e r v a t i o n s on these changes, f o c u s i n g i n s t e a d on the p i c t u r e s q u e , the q u a i n t , and the t r a d i t i o n a l a spects of Japanese s o c i e t y . The few comments they made on the modernization of Japan were random and o f t e n s u p e r f i c i a l , so that some of the more important changes, such as the 5 establishment of f a c t o r i e s , were onl y mentioned i n pa s s i n g , i f at a l l . The f a i l u r e to note these changes i s not as unfortunate as i t may seem at f i r s t . Because Japan modernized and transformed i t s outward appearance, i t i s sometimes assumed that i t s s o c i a l and moral val u e s a l s o changed. A comparision, made i n the f o o t n o t e s , of the re c o r d s of the f i v e women with o b s e r v a t i o n s of modern Japanese s o c i e t y show that some t r a d i t i o n a l v a l u e s remain u n a f f e c t e d by the extreme changes from t r a d i t i o n a l to modern l i f e s t y l e s . S i m i l a r l y , the c o r r e l a t i o n between the two accounts shows not only the t e n a c i t y of Japanese c h a r a c t e r and c u l t u r a l v a l u e s , but a l s o the accuracy of the women's summation of them. The women recorded the everyday l i f e s t y l e and customs of the Japanese, as w e l l as the u n d e r l y i n g s o c i a l v a l u e s , with a great d e a l accuracy. I f the women had concentrated on e x t o l l i n g Japan's r a p i d p o l i t i c a l and i n d u s t r i a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n , the immediacy which makes these accounts so v a l u a b l e might have been l o s t . The accuracy and i n s i g h t f u l n e s s of these works i s a l l the more remarkable when one c o n s i d e r s that the women cou l d not speak the language and were o f t e n unaware of the importance of t h e i r i n s i g h t s . T h i s t h e s i s c o n t a i n s f i v e c h apters, the f i r s t d e a l i n g with e t i q u e t t e . As the women d e s c r i b e d Japanese e t i q u e t t e , they r e v e a l e d some of the major c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s between Japan and the West. While the Americans and western Europeans 6 p l a c e d a premium on the i n d i v i d u a l ' s independence, o f t e n e quating i t with l i b e r t y , the Japanese h i g h l y valued dependence on the group. T h i s l e d to an emphasis on conforming to the group's norms and e x p e c t a t i o n s , and the de p r e c a t i o n of an i n d i v i d u a l ' s wishes, i d e a s and anything e l s e of p e r s o n a l i n t e r e s t , i n deference to those of the group and those of high e r rank. F i n a l l y , the women n o t i c e d that h i e r a r c h y was of f a r g r e a t e r importance i n Japan than i t was i n the West; i t was v i r t u a l l y i m p o s s i b l e to f u n c t i o n i n any s o r t of r e l a t i o n s h i p i n Japan without r e f e r r i n g to the r e l a t i v e rank of the person i n v o l v e d . The value p l a c e d on group conformity e f f e c t e d many areas of Japanese l i f e , i n c l u d i n g a e s t h e t i c s . The second chapter examines the Japanese i d e a s of beauty, which were admired by a l l the women. They r e a l i z e d Japanese ideas on a r t d i f f e r e d g r e a t l y from t h e i r own. Although Western a r t was not without i t s r u l e s of composition, i t was g e n e r a l l y seen as the c r e a t i v e e x p r e s s i o n of the i n d i v i d u a l . In c o n t a s t , the Japanese a r t i s t was expected to adhere to the conventions of h i s or her p a r t i c u l a r s c h o o l ; s i n c e these were hidden from those o u t s i d e the s c h o o l , the young a r t i s t l a c k e d the freedom to experiment with d i f f e r e n t s t y l e s of a r t . Furthermore, the women thought the aim of Japanese a r t was to evoke an i n t e l l e c t u a l r a t h e r than an emotional response, so that a r t f r e q u e n t l y c o n t a i n e d p h i l o s o p h i c a l and p o e t i c a l symbolism. While some of the women b e l i e v e d the Japanese love of gardens 7 r e v e a l e d a love of nature, others noted that even p l a n t s must conform to convention. The t h i r d chapter d i s c u s s e s the women's ideas on Japanese r e l i g i o u s l i f e . Because r e l i g i o u s p r a c t i s e s were c o n s i d e r e d a p r i v a t e matter, v a r y i n g from one household to another, the women found i t very d i f f i c u l t to make sense of Japanese r e l i g i o u s l i f e . They were f r e q u e n t l y shocked by the l a c k of " r e l i g i o u s f e e l i n g " e x h i b i t e d among the Japanese. D e s p i t e these d i f f i c u l t i e s , the authors gave a great d e a l of a t t e n t i o n to r e l i g i o u s l i f e , both out of a d e s i r e to understand i t and a r e f u s a l to accept that r e l i g i o n was not as important to Japan as i t was i n the west. In an e f f o r t t o understand Japanese r e l i g i o n , they compared i t to t h e i r own b e l i e f s . As a r e s u l t , t h e i r comments r e v e a l more about the r e l i g i o u s c o n v i c t i o n s of the women than those of the Japanese. Although the women found the l a c k of " r e l i g i o u s f e e l i n g " among the Japanese d i f f i c u l t to accept, they found some aspects of domestic l i f e , d e a l t with i n Chapter Four, the most d i s t u r b i n g elements of Japanese s o c i e t y . The authors accepted the f a c t t h a t the household, r a t h e r than the i n d i v i d u a l , formed the b a s i c u n i t of s o c i e t y . T h i s f a c t coupled with the emphasis p l a c e d on h i e r a r c h y made the p a r e n t - c h i l d r e l a t i o n s h i p the most important i n l i f e , w hile marriage was l i t t l e more than a means of e n s u r i n g the continuance of the f a m i l y l i n e . A b r i d e was chosen on the b a s i s of her s u i t a b i l i t y as the f u t u r e m i s t r e s s of the house, and easy 8 d i v o r c e ensured that a b r i d e c o u l d be re t u r n e d to her parents i f she proved u n s u i t a b l e . As the newest member of the household, she had v i r t u a l l y no p a r t i n the decision-making process, and was f r e q u e n t l y t r e a t e d as the household drudge. In a d d i t i o n , the Japanese seemed to have no moral o b j e c t i o n s to a man se e i n g a gei s h a or having a concubine, p r o v i d i n g they d i d not i n t e r f e r e with h i s household d u t i e s . A l l of t h i s h o r r i f i e d the f i v e authors. F i n a l l y , Chapter F i v e d i s c u s s e s the women's ideas on modernization i n Japan. While each one had her own areas of concern about the making of a "New Japan", they a l l agreed that the p o s i t i o n of women i n Japanese s o c i e t y needed to be improved. But i n d i s c u s s i n g t h e i r ideas on Japan's f u t u r e , the authors f a i l e d to understand that the high value p l a c e d on group conformity and consensus, coupled with the r i g i d system of h i e r a r c h y , l i m i t e d Japan's a b i l i t y to change. While i t was f a i r l y easy to change the economic f u n c t i o n of a group, e n a b l i n g the Japanese t o move q u i c k l y from t r a d i t i o n a l t o modern employment, i t was almost i m p o s s i b l e i t i n s t i g a t e reforms that i n v o l v e d changing the h i e r a r c h i c a l s t r u c t u r e , which improving the p o s i t i o n of women would have e n t a i l e d . Unaware of the mechanisms f o r change i n Japanese s o c i e t y , most of the authors n a i v e l y assumed that the women of Japan would e v e n t u a l l y be ab l e to r e a l i z e t h e i r p o t e n t i a l through e d u c a t i o n . The Japanese s o c i a l values recorded by the women are 9 r e p e a t e d l y observed by modern s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s as e s s e n t i a l to the understanding of the Japanese both today and i n the p a s t . S t u d i e s on Japanese behavior i n World War I I , on the modern f a c t o r y employment system, on r e l a t i o n s h i p s among the Japanese from policemen to g e i s h a , a l l r e a f f i r m the o b s e r v a t i o n s of the f i v e authors. But the t r a v e l o g u e s have value i n themselves. They form an unusual p o r t r a i t of M e i j i Japan, c o n s i s t i n g mainly of o b s e r v a t i o n s of the customs and v a l u e s of the Japanese people. Because the f i v e authors simply share t h e i r experiences and o b s e r v a t i o n s with the reader, without arguing any theory they h e l d about Japan, the women's works have the a u t h e n t i c i t y of an eyewitness account, making them u s e f u l and d e l i g h t f u l r e c o r d s of M e i j i Japan. 10 Chapter 1 On E t i q u e t t e The f i v e women made ex t e n s i v e o b s e r v a t i o n s of Japanese e t i q u e t t e , probably because they were i n t r i g u e d by a system of manners so d i f f e r e n t from t h e i r own and yet so complete. Rules of e t i q u e t t e concerning every aspect of l i f e had become entrenched i n Japanese s o c i e t y d u r i n g the Tokugawa p e r i o d , but some of these changed with the great p o l i t i c a l and economic t r a n s f o r m a t i o n that began with the M e i j i R e s t o r a t i o n . The opening of Japan to the West l e d to the adoption of European manners and d r e s s , e s p e c i a l l y among the upper c l a s s , r e s u l t i n g i n what appeared to be a strange m i n g l i n g of the two systems. At the time of the women's v i s i t s , the adoption of s u p e r f i c i a l Western ways had become very popular, a f a c t the women were quick to n o t i c e . On the b a s i s of t h e i r o b s e r v a t i o n s , the women concluded t h a t most of these changes were of a s u p e r f i c i a l nature and d i d not e f f e c t the three fundamental v a l u e s which l a y at the heart of Japanese e t i q u e t t e : dependency, s e l f - d e p r e c a t i o n and conformity to s o c i a l norms. The most important of these was dependency, s i n c e i t a f f e c t e d v i r t u a l l y a l l r e l a t i o n s h i p s to some degree. Every s o c i e t y must come to terms with the t e n s i o n that e x i s t s between the i n d i v i d u a l ' s need f o r autonomy and h i s need f o r o t h e r s . While westerners, e s p e c i a l l y North Americans, tended to s t r e s s the needs of the i n d i v i d u a l , the Japanese emphasized the i n d i v i d u a l ' s dependency on the group. Modern psycho-11 l o g i c a l s t u d i e s confirm t h i s , showing that the Japanese self-image i s based upon membership i n a group, which c o u l d be anything from a household to a major company or, i n the case of war, the e n t i r e n a t i o n . L o y a l t y to one's group was c o n s i d e r e d of the g r e a t e s t importance, so that most Japanese were ready to s a c r i f i c e p e r s o n a l d e s i r e s f o r the group's good. Since l o y a l t y to one's group was e s s e n t i a l to the f u n c t i o n i n g of t h e i r s o c i e t y , impediments to p e r s o n a l freedom, such as the i s o l a t i o n of the b r i d e and the stem f a m i l y , were 2 i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d . Dependency was something the westerners c o u l d understand i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p between a s m a l l c h i l d and h i s p a r e n t s , but i t went f a r beyond t h i s i n Japan. For people from a s o c i e t y where independence was h i g h l y valued, i t was d i f f i c u l t to understand how the Japanese accepted dependency on o t h e r s as a p a r t of l i f e , with no shame or d i s g r a c e a t t a c h e d to i t . The women n o t i c e d that s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s were a f f e c t e d by t h i s value i n many ways. For example, i f someone d i d w e l l f i n a n c i a l l y , he was expected to share h i s good fortune with the whole f a m i l y . Mary F r a s e r noted that Danjuro, a renowned and very s u c c e s s f u l a c t o r , would never enjoy wealth l i k e h i s western c o u n t e r p a r t because he was expected to support a "whole t r i b e of r e l a t i v e s . . . who l i v e [ d ] on h i s bounty with 3 k i n d l y i n d u l g e n c e . " Although t h i s s o r t of t h i n g might have happened i n Europe, i t would be viewed as an act of c h a r i t y or kindness, r a t h e r than as a f a m i l y o b l i g a t i o n . 12 Another r e s u l t of v a l u i n g dependency that seemed unfathomable to the westerners, was the r e l u c t a n c e , at l e a s t among the h i g h e r ranks, to engage i n trade of any k i n d . The i d e a of paying someone f o r h i s s e r v i c e s had long been an unquestioned p a r t of E n g l i s h b u s i n e s s r e l a t i o n s h i p s . A p r o f e s s i o n a l , a doctor f o r example, might o f f e r h i s s e r v i c e f r e e of charge or at a reduced f e e , but t h i s was viewed as c h a r i t y , something that was demeaning to the r e c i p i e n t and o n l y accepted i f there was no other o p t i o n . However, i n Japan, where trade had t r a d i t i o n a l l y been the domain of the merchants, who were the lowest rank of s o c i e t y , i t was c o n s i d e r e d a great i n s u l t to ask a p r o f e s s i o n a l what h i s fee was, thereby r e d u c i n g h i s s e r v i c e to a business agreement. I f a p r o f e s s i o n a l ' s e x p e r t i s e was needed, i t was to be requested as a favour, f o r which a p p r o p r i a t e compensation c o u l d be made by means of a g i f t . A c c o r d i n g to Bacon, the a t t i t u d e u n d e r l y i n g the d i f f e r e n c e s between the business d e a l i n g s i n Japan and the West was t h i s : In Japan a present of money [was] more honorable than pay, whereas i n America pay [was] much more honorable than a present.4 The i d e a of " c h a d a i " or " t e a money" was based on t h i s same p r i n c i p l e . T r a d i t i o n a l l y , there was no thought of c h a r g i n g a t r a v e l l e r f o r l o d g i n g s s i n c e i t was presumed an honour to have someone more knowledgable than you to s t a y i n your house; t h a t was payment enough. While no payment was made o f f i c i a l l y , i t was customary f o r the v i s i t o r to leave a 13 s m a l l g i f t , or t i p , as a token of g r a t i t u d e to h i s host. T h i s custom continued a f t e r the inns became commercialized d u r i n g 5 the M e i j i p e r i o d , and westerners l i k e Davidson found t h i s to be most c o n f u s i n g : [Y]ou a l s o make the l a n d l o r d a present of as much as you t h i n k proper, which present i s c a l l e d ' c h a d a i 1 - - t e a money-- and i s a h o r r i d i n s t i t u t i o n , because i t i s so d i f f i c u l t to know how much i t ought to be.6 An e l a b o r a t e system of e t i q u e t t e surrounded the g i v i n g of pre s e n t s i n Japan, as Bacon p o i n t e d out. She noted that g i f t s were exchanged not onl y on s p e c i a l o c c a s i o n s , such as New Year's and the Bon f e s t i v a l , but a l l year long, and any present r e c e i v e d had to be r e c i p r o c a t e d . For i n s t a n c e , the b i r t h of a baby was an o c c a s i o n to send g i f t s , as i n the West, but i n Japan, good manners r e q u i r e d that the new mother acknowledge each present with the smal l r e t u r n g i f t p r e s c r i b e d by custom. The well-mannered wife needed to know when a g i f t should be sent, what i t should be, how i t was to be packaged, and whether i t should be sent by a messenger or given i n 7 person. In a d d i t i o n to exchanging g i f t s with f r i e n d s and r e l a t i v e s , i t was e s s e n t i a l t h a t a wife g i v e p r e s e n t s to any tradesmen whose s e r v i c e s she might need, as a way of 8 guaranteeing t h e i r prompt response to her request.. To ensure that a l l was p r o p e r l y done was, a c c o r d i n g to Bacon, "no s l i g h t 9 tax on the m i s t r e s s of the house." While most of the western women f a i l e d t o understand much of the Japanese e t i q u e t t e concerning p r e s e n t s , they were aware t h a t good manners r e q u i r e d that the g i v e r should r e f e r to a g i f t i n a deprecatory manner. According to Davidson, a small g i f t was t o be l a b e l l e d " r u b b i s h , " " ^ while Mary F r a s e r observed that g i f t s were o f t e n r e f e r r e d to as "a l i t t l e pine needle," which she f e l t r e f l e c t e d the i d e a that "even a humble pine needle [was] p r e c i o u s i f g i v e n from the h e a r t ; " i n a d d i t i o n , i t showed proper h u m i l i t y towards the g i f t . " 1 - ^ The importance of dependency i n Japanese s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s was most c l e a r l y seen i n t h e i r i d e a s about s e r v a n t s . In the ni n e t e e n t h century, s e r v a n t s were taken f o r granted i n the upper c l a s s e s of both Japan and Europe, but t h e i r s o c i a l s t a t u s was very d i f f e r e n t i n the two s o c i e t i e s . Bacon p o i n t e d out t h a t i n the West, the s t a t u s of a servant was g e n e r a l l y lower than that of an independent man, r e g a r d l e s s of whom he served, while i n Japan, the s t a t u s of a servant of a high r a n k i n g o f f i c i a l would enjoy more r e s p e c t than accorded most men of independent means: Whether the p o s i t i o n was a high or low one depended, not so much on the work done as the person f o r whom i t was done, and the servant of a daimio... was worthy of more honor, and might be of f a r b e t t e r b i r t h , than the independent merchant or a r t i s a n . 1 2 While some of the women, such as Bacon and F r a s e r , grasped t h i s d i f f e r e n c e , others o n l y n o t i c e d the r e s u l t s of 13 i t . For example, Baroness d'Anathan observed that the i n t e r p r e t e r f o r the Belgiam Embassy, whom she viewed as a serva n t , was of the samurai c l a s s and a " p e r f e c t gentleman." She assumed that such a person would never accept a lowly, 15 s e r v i l e p o s i t i o n under normal circumstances, but he d i d so because, having l o s t h i s f o r t u n e d u r i n g the R e s t o r a t i o n , he was "only too t h a n k f u l to f i n d employment," even i f i t meant a 14 l o s s of s t a t u s . Bacon b e l i e v e d that the way the Japanese t r e a t e d the e l d e r l y was a f f e c t e d by the acceptance of dependency. She argued that i n American s o c i e t y , i t was expected that a young man would begin married l i f e as the head of a new independent household, working hard to support h i s wife and c h i l d r e n , and s t i l l p u t t i n g a s i d e enough money f o r h i s r e t i r e m e n t . In c o n t r a s t , a young Japanese man would t h i n k i t "no shame" t h a t h i s parents helped support h i s wife and c h i l d r e n , or t h a t h i s f a m i l y l i v e d with h i s parents u n t i l they r e t i r e d , at which time he would support them. Examples l i k e these l e d Bacon to conclude that the f o u n d a t i o n a l p r i n c i p l e of the Japanese 15 s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e was dependency on the f a m i l y . The purpose of much of Japanese e t i q u e t t e was to ensure that groups f u n c t i o n e d smoothly. Japan was a h i g h l y s t r a t i f i e d s o c i e t y i n which everyone was aware of h i s p o s i t i o n w i t h i n the hierarchy." 1"^ The r u l e s concerning the proper mode of a d d r e s s i n g e i t h e r s u p e r i o r s or subordinates were r i g i d , and f a i l u r e to f o l l o w them was c o n s i d e r e d a great i n s u l t to the 17 one being addressed. S e l f - d e p r e c a t i o n was an important part of good manners when ad d r e s s i n g a s u p e r i o r . T h i s i n v o l v e d the b e l i t t l i n g of anything connected with o n e s e l f , and the e x a l t a t i o n of e v e r y t h i n g r e l a t e d to o t h e r s , r e g a r d l e s s of 16 f a c t s or p e r s o n a l f e e l i n g s . A c c o r d i n g to F r a s e r , i f anyone made a p e r s o n a l compliment or admired something belonging to a Japanese, the r e c i p i e n t would respond by c a l l i n g i t " d i r t y , " 19 or making some deprecatory remark. The westerners found t h i s h a b i t very f r u s t r a t i n g , s i n c e i t made communication d i f f i c u l t . For example, Davidson complained t h a t i f she p o i n t e d out any f a u l t s i n E n g l i s h s o c i e t y to a Japanese, he would not b e l i e v e her, but would assume she was being p o l i t e . At the same time, she f e l t that one c o u l d not b e l i e v e anything he s a i d , because she knew that behind the p o l i t e p r o t e s t a t i o n s that e v e r y t h i n g Japanese was "poor and i n f e r i o r , " while a l l that came from the West was a u t o m a t i c a l l y wonderful, l a y h i s "profound c o n v i c t i o n of the s u p e r i o r i t y of h i s country to 20 every o t h e r . " In a d d i t i o n , she argued t h a t , underneath the r u l e s of e t i q u e t t e , there was a way of t h i n k i n g that was completely d i f f e r e n t from that of the West, which l e d to f u r t h e r misunderstandings. Thus, she concluded that any r e a l exchange of i d e a s was rendered i m p o s s i b l e : He does not i n the l e a s t mean what he says, and you may t a l k to the end of time without c o n v i n c i n g him you mean what you say. T h i s i s p a r t l y p o l i t e n e s s , p a r t l y p r i d e , and a l s o to a great extent the d i f f e r e n c e between your language and h i s , which i n v o l v e s the d i f f e r e n c e of a whole heaven of thought.21 The s e l f - d e p r e c a t i o n of " r e s p e c t " language was even more pronounced i n w r i t t e n form. I s a b e l l a B i r d noted that a c o r r e c t l y worded l e t t e r was f i l l e d with e x c e s s i v e l y humble speech, even i n l e t t e r s between parents and c h i l d r e n . She 17 concluded that good l e t t e r - w r i t i n g s t y l e c o n s i s t e d of u s i n g "the grandest and most unusual e x p r e s s i o n s . . . to b r i n g out markedly the abasement of the sender and the i l l u s t r i o u s n e s s 2 2 of the person addressed." Respect language, which was more formal than everyday speech, was used when a d d r e s s i n g someone with extreme p o l i t e n e s s . In a d d i t i o n , i t was customary to make h i s s i n g and sucking sounds between phrases when t a l k i n g to an honoured personage; Davidson thought t h i s was to "show that any words addressed to so honourable a person as the one 2 3 you are t a l k i n g to t a s t e [ d ] n i c e i n your mouth." The depth of a bow was another s i g n of the honour accorded to the one addressed. For i n s t a n c e , Davidson n o t i c e d that a gentleman might be greeted with "the profoundest of bows," while h i s wife would l i k e l y be accorded o n l y a very moderate bow i f she 2 4 was acknowledged at a l l . The p r i n c i p l e of honouring o t h e r s while d e p r e c a t i n g o n e s e l f was b a s i c to Japanese customs of h o s p i t a l i t y . I t was e s s e n t i a l t h a t a l l v i s i t o r s , even the unexpected, be made to f e e l important. No one, not even a tradesman, would be allowed to leave without f i r s t b eing served some k i n d of r e p a s t , which c o u l d be as simple as t e a and cakes, and f u r n i s h e d with the "tabako-bon" or smoking apparatus; even the 2 5 j i n r i c k s h a man who had brought the v i s i t o r had to be f e d . I f a guest was e s p e c i a l l y honoured, he might be served a meal alone with the household head and waited on by a daughter of 2 6 the house r a t h e r than by a mere servant.. F i n a l l y , a good 18 hostess would present her d e p a r t i n g guest with a s m a l l g i f t , 27 u s u a l l y some l i t t l e cakes. S i m i l a r l y , the good guest was expected to t r e a t h i s hosts with great r e s p e c t , so that the e t i q u e t t e requirements f o r the v i s i t o r were almost as arduous as those f o r the h o s t e s s . A c c o r d i n g to Davidson, these customs o f t e n l e f t the Western v i s i t o r i n "agonies of i n d e c i s i o n " : You have not onl y to make the proper speeches..., but you have to r e f u s e to come beyond the door, and then when you do come i n at l a s t you must be c a r e f u l t o take a proper p l a c e , and put your head and hands on the ground at a p p r o p r i a t e moments, and a l l k i n d s of c o m p l i c a t i o n s l i k e t h a t . F i n a l l y , i t was necessary f o r the well-mannered guest to b r i n g the hostess a l i t t l e g i f t , and to make " e x t r a v a g a n t l y p o l i t e 2 8 speeches," which sounded r i d i c u l o u s to the western mind.^ Ac c o r d i n g to A l i c e Bacon, a person's s e l f - d e p r e c a t i n g manner d i d not i n d i c a t e t hat he l a c k e d s e l f - e s t e e m or that h i s s u p e r i o r s saw him as subhuman. She p o i n t e d to the behavior of Japanese s e r v a n t s , which seemed almost obsequious, and might have appeared to "denote a l a c k of proper s e l f - r e s p e c t , — a n 29 excess of h u m i l i t y . " Yet these same s e r v a n t s were pe r m i t t e d to engage i n a c t i v i t i e s t h a t would be c o n s i d e r e d very i m p e r t i n e n t i n the West. For i n s t a n c e , i t was p e r f e c t l y a c c e p t a b l e f o r a servant to p a r t i c i p a t e i n f a m i l y conver-s a t i o n s , even when guests were present, and to e n t e r t a i n any v i s i t o r s t h a t might c a l l while the m i s t r e s s of the house was absent. Because the group was such an e s s e n t i a l p a r t of Japanese 19 s o c i e t y , e t i q u e t t e helped ensure that i n d i v i d u a l s a c t e d i n t h e i r group's best i n t e r e s t s r a t h e r than t h e i r own. Thus, much of Japanese e t i q u e t t e i n v o l v e d conformity to the wishes of the group. Duty and v i r t u e meant making the good of one's household the hig h e s t c o n s i d e r a t i o n i n a l l a s p e c t s of l i f e , from the ch o i c e of one's spouse to how d a i l y t a s k s should be performed. The e x p e c t a t i o n s p l a c e d on an i n d i v i d u a l v a r i e d from one household to another, but members, i n c l u d i n g the head of the household, were expected to "perform any 32 a c t i o n a p p r o p r i a t e to the group's s i t u a t i o n . " Group conformity r e q u i r e d a high l e v e l of s e l f - c o n t r o l , which meant that any d i s p l a y of emotions or i n d i v i d u a l i t y was frowned upon. Some of the women observers only n o t i c e d t h i s i n a p a r t i c u l a r l y dramatic s i t u a t i o n , such as the endurance of 3 3 p a i n without complaint. For example, d'Anathan was amazed at the f o r t i t u d e with which Japanese s o l d i e r s endured t h e i r wounds, so that even the l o s s of a limb induced nothing other 34 than c h e e r f u l acceptance. F r a s e r was e q u a l l y astounded by a Japanese gentleman, who, having been sprayed with a s e r i e s of p e l l e t s i n a hunting a c c i d e n t , not onl y bore h i s wounds with great courage, but behaved with p e r f e c t decorum when he was 35 seated near h i s a s s a i l a n t at a dinner s h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r . Bacon was aware of more s u b t l e s i g n s of the high l e v e l of s e l f - c o n t r o l Japanese e t i q u e t t e r e q u i r e d of everyone, e s p e c i a l l y of women. She observed that i t was necessary to con c e a l a l l d i s a g r e e a b l e emotions, and mai n t a i n "a c h e e r f u l 20 s m i l e and agreeable manner under even the most d i s t r e s s i n g 36 c i r c u m s t a n c e s . " The d i s p l a y of g r i e f was f o r b i d d e n even at the f u n e r a l of a loved one, and mourning was f o r b i d d e n to those whose rank was high e r than t h a t of the deceased, 37 i n c l u d i n g a husband f o r h i s wife or a parent f o r a c h i l d . Many of the Western w r i t e r s n o t i c e d that the Japanese 38 were bound as i f by law to do t h i n g s a c c o r d i n g to custom. I s a b e l l a B i r d , who had t r a v e l l e d w idely throughout the world, was amazed by the homogeneity of Japanese s o c i e t y , d e s p i t e d i f f e r e n c e s i n c l i m a t e and v e g e t a t i o n , and a t t r i b u t e d t h i s to the system of e t i q u e t t e which bound a l l Japan with "the same 39 r i g i d f e t t e r s of s o c i a l o r d e r . " For example, Japanese houses were b u i l t on much the same p r i n c i p l e s throughout the country, which even transcended d i f f e r e n c e s of rank and wealth. B i r d f e l t t h a t the main d i f f e r e n c e between the mansions b u i l t f o r the daimyo i n Tokyo and the homes of the o r d i n a r y Japanese, was i n the number and s i z e of the rooms, and i n q u a l i t y of workmanship. G e n e r a l l y , houses were b u i l t u s i n g the same post and beam c o n s t r u c t i o n , e n c l o s e d by s h o j i , 40 with f l o o r s of tata m i , or f i n e mats, and without f u r n i t u r e . T h i s s t y l e of a r c h i t e c t u r e seemed mean compared to the grand s t y l e s of oth e r c u l t u r e s , c a u s i n g some western v i s i t o r s to c a l l Tokyo a "w i l d e r n e s s of hu t s , " but Davidson argued that i t was a p r a c t i c a l s t y l e i n a country where: ...earthquakes, sometimes on a grand s c a l e , and f i r e s , a l s o on a s c a l e no l e s s imposing, [were] of a constant occurrence..., u n l e s s the i n h a b i t a n t s were s u b j e c t to i d i o c y as w e l l as to earthquakes 21 and c o n f l a g r a t i o n s . " 4 1 The s t y l e of a r c h i t e c t u r e was slow to change i n most p a r t s of the country, not o n l y because i t was w e l l s u i t e d to the p r e v a i l i n g c o n d i t i o n s i n Japan, but because i n most p l a c e s , houses were u s u a l l y b u i l t with c o - o p e r a t i v e e f f o r t , and with m a t e r i a l s that f r e q u e n t l y came from community s t o c k p i l e s , which meant t h a t only the wealthy c o u l d b u i l d a home along 42 o r i g i n a l l i n e s without the support of the community. Because of t h e i r s i m p l i c i t y , Japanese homes a f f o r d e d l i t t l e o p p o r t u n i t y f o r opulent d e c o r a t i n g . Even the poorest house would i n c l u d e the b e a u t i f u l t a t a m i , which were, a c c o r d i n g to B i r d , as f i n e as "the f i n e s t Axminster c a r p e t , " 43 and were the p r i d e of every Japanese household. A c c o r d i n g to Davidson, the most extravagant Japanese house would have 44 p a i n t e d r a t h e r than p l a i n fusuma, with some c a r v i n g i n the woodwork, and perhaps a h i g h l y decorated c e i l i n g , a l l of which she f e l t was j u s t an unnecessary a d d i t i o n to a home a l r e a d y made b e a u t i f u l by the h i g h l y p o l i s h e d woods used i n c o n s t r u c t i o n . F i n a l l y , every f a m i l y would have some p i e c e of a r t or c a l l i g r a p h y f o r h i s house, yet not even the w e a l t h i e s t 45 of f a m i l i e s would hang more than one p a i n t i n g at a time. E t i q u e t t e a l s o d i c t a t e d the s t y l e and c o l o u r of c l o t h i n g worn by the Japanese, although the western l a d i e s noted that t h i s was changing. The c o l o u r of kimono worn by a lady changed with her age, beginning with the b r i g h t " b u t t e r f l y " c o l o u r s of c h i l d r e n and g r a d u a l l y becoming s u b t l e r over the 22 years u n t i l she looked l i k e a " l i t t l e gray moth" i n o l d age. Furthermore, Bacon observed that l i t t l e d e t a i l s i n a woman's dress would vary with age, so that one's age was announced to anyone who knew the dress code. Although men's c l o t h i n g s t y l e s had been e q u a l l y w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d before the opening of Japan, the f a s h i o n of adopting western dress had become widespread among them by the time most of the westerners 46 v i s i t e d Japan. T h i s s o r t of change was easy to p o i n t out, and the western l a d i e s were quick to comment on i t , although generallM ot w i t h f a v o u r . Most of the women complained that western c l o t h i n g seemed to emphasize every f i g u r e " f l a w " common to the Japanese, such as s l o p i n g s houlders and s m a l l 47 s t a t u r e , t r a i t s t h a t were hidden by t h e i r n a t i v e costume. During the M e i j i p e r i o d , there was a second type of change i n Japanese h a b i t s of d r e s s i n g , that the westerners c o u l d not n o t i c e : the adoption of t r a d i t i o n a l Japanese c l o t h i n g f o r new purposes. For example, the hakama, or p l e a t e d t r o u s e r s , which had t r a d i t i o n a l l y been a man's 48 garment, became a p a r t of g i r l s ' s c h o o l c l o t h i n g . Although s e v e r a l of the women noted that the hakama was an e s s e n t i a l p a r t of a man's dress f o r ceremonial o c c a s i o n s , and most of them noted t h a t they were worn by s c h o o l g i r l s , none of the 49 w r i t e r s seemed have thought these uses incongruous. One p o s s i b l e e x p l a n a t i o n f o r t h i s , i n a d d i t i o n to the f a c t t h at the women were ig n o r a n t of the h i s t o r y of the hakama, might l i e i n the f a c t t h at the s a i l o r s u i t , which had o r i g i n a l l y 23 been worn by men, had become popular as a c a s u a l o u t f i t f o r young g i r l s i n the west. The most important change i n Japanese d r e s s i n g h a b i t s , other than the i n t r o d u c t i o n of western c l o t h i n g , was the adoption of f e s t i v a l c l o t h i n g f o r everyday w e a r . ^ Although none of the women noted t h i s change, i t was probably at the r o o t of many of t h e i r c r i t i c i s m s about the i m p r a c t i c a l i t y of Japanese c l o t h i n g . For example, B i r d complained s e v e r a l times that the l e n g t h of c l o t h i n g and s l e e v e s made work in c o n v e n i e n t , so that people were f o r c e d to bind them up to get them out of the way, or even to abandon c l o t h i n g a l t o g e t h e r , a g e n e r a l p r a c t i c e among male l a b o u r e r s . Japanese e t i q u e t t e ensured that everyone knew what to do i n a l l s i t u a t i o n s , i n c l u d i n g the most unexpected 52 circumstances. The Japanese had t r a d i t i o n a l l y c o n s i d e r e d matters of e t i q u e t t e of great importance, and l e s s o n s i n i t had been an e s s e n t i a l p a r t of every g i r l ' s e d u c a t i o n , although t h i s was changing as Japan modernized. Furthermore, there was great s o c i a l p r essure to abide by the r u l e s . F a i l u r e to do so brought immense shame, not o n l y to the i n d i v i d u a l , but 54 to h i s whole household. In a d d i t i o n , people f e a r e d being o s t r a s i z e d by the group, which was threatened from c h i l d h o o d 55 and r e s o r t e d to i n extreme cases. As a r e s u l t , most Japanese were extremely w e l l mannered, a f a c t that the women were q u i c k to n o t i c e . Davidson was amazed that i t was p e r f e c t l y s a f e f o r a lady to t r a v e l about alone, without f e a r 24 of pushing or abusive language, something that was by no means guaranteed i n the West. Not o n l y were Japanese crowds c l e a n and sober, even on h o l i d a y s , but they were " e x c r u c i a t i n g l y p o l i t e , " bowing to one another "as low as the crowding would p e r m i t . T h i s p o l i t e n e s s was not l i m i t e d to the h i g h e r ranks, but was a n o t i c e a b l e f e a t u r e of a l l Japanese. B i r d commented on the f a c t t h at c o o l i e s would exchange e l a b o r a t e g r e e t i n g s when they met, which always i n c l u d e d "three profound bows," and remove t h e i r hats when speaking to each o t h e r , 57 although they u s u a l l y wore l i t t l e e l s e . B i r d concluded that d e s p i t e the drawbacks of such an i n t r i c a t e and r i g i d system of e t i q u e t t e , the r e s u l t s made them worthwhile: I unweariedly admired the c o u r t e s y of the people to each o t h e r and to us, and t h e i r whole behavior.... Our best manners f a l l s h o r t of t h e i r s i n grace and kindness.58 While many of the more v i s i b l e manners and customs were m o d i f i e d or disappeared over time, the fundamental v a l u e s behind Japanese e t i q u e t t e d i d not. Dependency, s e l f -d e p r e c a t i o n and group conformity continued to be the m o t i v a t i n g f o r c e s behind good behavior. The group, e s p e c i a l l y the household, was very important i n Japan, and people tended to see themselves as dependent on the group r a t h e r than independent i n d i v i d u a l s . T h i s dependency made both c o n f o r m i t y to the group and a u t h o r i t y w i t h i n i t of the utmost importance, s i n c e t h e i r f a i l u r e would t h r e a t e n the group's very e x i s t e n c e . Thus, Japanese e t i q u e t t e c l e a r l y l a i d out the d u t i e s and o b l i g a t i o n s of an i n d i v i d u a l towards other 25 members of the group, p a r t i c u l a r l y those who were s u p e r i o r s , and emphasized the importance of conforming to the ways of the group i n most as p e c t s of l i f e . Although the e x p e c t a t i o n s set by e t i q u e t t e were high, the Japanese succeeded i n e n s u r i n g t h a t most people l i v e d up to them. 26 Chapter 2 On A e s t h e t i c s When the f i v e women v i s i t e d Japan, they were s t r u c k by the great a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r a r t and beauty e x h i b i t e d by most of the p o p u l a t i o n . I t seemed that the Japanese s t r o v e to make e v e r y t h i n g around them match the great n a t u r a l beauty of t h e i r country. Although they were o b v i o u s l y concerned with the a e s t h e t i c s of t h e i r surroundings, t h e i r sense of beauty was f r e q u e n t l y very d i f f e r e n t from that of the West, which caused the western observers to d e l i g h t i n beauty p r e v i o u s l y unknown i n some t h i n g s , and to d e s p a i r over Japanese t a s t e s i n other a s p e c t s . G e n e r a l l y , the o b s e r v a t i o n s of the women d e p i c t three aspects of Japanese a e s t h e t i c s : the emphasis of conformity over c r e a t i v i t y , the prevalence of the i n t e l l e c t u a l over the emotional, and the i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of n a t u r a l beauty. In a d d i t i o n , they were impressed with the f a c t that a r t was a c c e s s i b l e to a l l segments of s o c i e t y , not j u s t the very wealthy. Most of the women b e l i e v e d that Japan was a homogeneous s o c i e t y , and so i t was i n comparison with most of the c o u n t r i e s of the West. But as Robert Smith a s t u t e l y p o i n t s out: "What i s one observer's i n v a r i a b i l i t y may seem to another very l i k e great d i v e r s i t y . " ^ " To the Japanese, a r t was an area of l i f e t h a t allowed f o r d i v e r s i t y w i t h i n s o c i e t y , although not w i t h i n the group; each sc h o o l of a r t s such as p a i n t i n g or dancing, i n s i s t e d t h at t h e i r way of doing t h i n g s 27 was d i s t i n c t from the ways of a l l other s c h o o l s . But the unique marks of these s c h o o l s were so s u b t l e that u s u a l l y only someone t r a i n e d i n a r t c o u l d d e t e c t them. Despite t h i s focus on the d i v e r s i t y w i t h i n Japanese a r t , i t should be n o t i c e d that i n d i v i d u a l s were not given a f r e e r e i g n of e x p r e s s i o n , but were expected to conform to the conventions of t h e i r s c h o o l . Thus, i t was h a r d l y s u r p r i s i n g that the westerners concluded that a r t i s t s , l i k e most ot h e r s i n Japanese s o c i e t y , worked a c c o r d i n g t o e s t a b l i s h e d conventions, f a i l i n g t o n o t i c e the s u b t l e d i s t i n c t i o n s between t r a d i t i o n s . One a r t form where the t r a d i t i o n a l element was very apparent was the t h e a t r e , e s p e c i a l l y No drama. Since i t had remained v i r t u a l l y unchanged f o r over s i x hundred years, i t s conventions were so pronounced i t was d i f f i c u l t not to n o t i c e them. These conventions i n c l u d e d stamping about the stage, the use of e l a b o r a t e l y p o l i t e language, r e g a r d l e s s of the s u b j e c t , the use of p e c u l i a r v o i c e s to i n d i c a t e female p a r t s , and a " p a r t i c u l a r system of h i s s i n g and drawing i n t h e i r breath before and a f t e r each phrase," a l l of which s t r u c k the 2 westerners as extremely funny. Many of the women were s u r p r i s e d to f i n d that Japanese t h e a t r e contained a l l the elements of s e r i o u s drama, d e s p i t e these e x t r a o r d i n a r y conventions. For i n s t a n c e , Davidson had been l e d to b e l i e v e that Japanese drama c o n s i s t e d of " c h a o t i c n o i s e and rough pantomine".by western d e s c r i p t i o n s of the conventions, but found i n s t e a d " r e g u l a r a c t s and scenes, r e a l i s t i c and very 28 p r e t t y scenery, charming d r e s s e s , powerful and e x p r e s s i v e 3 a c t i n g , and a q u i t e e l a b o r a t e system of stage mechanism." Although No was the type of drama most f r e q u e n t l y mentioned, there was another type of t h e a t r e , noted by Bacon, which a l s o f o l l o w e d e s t a b l i s h e d conventions, although i t was l e s s p o l i t e 4 and more r e a l i s t i c than No t h e a t r e . The women n o t i c e d that other types of Japanese a r t fo l l o w e d c o n v e n t i o n a l forms. Dancing, which was done as a performance r a t h e r than as r e c r e a t i o n , was s i m i l a r to b a l l e t , i n t h a t i t f o l l o w e d c l a s s i c movements t o c r e a t e a harmonious whole. When F r a s e r watched the dancing of the young daughter of a f r i e n d , she was amazed by the e l a b o r a t e and severe costume deemed necessary f o r dance, and by the performance i t s e l f . I t seemed that Japanese dance was f u l l of c o n t r a d i c t i o n s , r e q u i r i n g p r e c i s e movements " l e a r n t to p e r f e c t i o n , " yet g i v i n g the impression of freedom; e x p r e s s i n g emotion though movement, yet the dancer's face was devoid of 5 anything but so l e m n i t y . There was a great v a r i e t y i n Japanese dance, from the very g r a c e f u l to the humourous to the f e r o c i o u s ; some seemed to only c o n s i s t of " s t e p p i n g s t i f f l y round the stage i n time to the music, j e r k i n g the head and neck."^ With the e x c e p t i o n of F r a s e r , who enjoyed a l l the dancing she saw, most of the women enjoyed some of the more g r a c e f u l dances, but found the o t h e r s almost incomprehensible. Other a r t forms were i n f l u e n c e d by conventions to some degree. S t o r y - t e l l e r s , whom the westerners c o n s i d e r e d the 29 Japanese e q u i v a l e n t of the n o v e l i s t , r e l a t e d t h e i r t a l e s with g e s t u r e s and s t y l i z e d v o i c e s that were as c a r e f u l l y planned as 7 the work of the stage a c t o r s . Poems were t r a d i t i o n a l l y 8 l i m i t e d to t h i r t y - t w o s y l l a b l e s , d i v i d e d i n t o two s e c t i o n s . Even p a i n t i n g was an e x e r c i s e not i n s e l f - e x p r e s s i o n , but i n conforming to e s t a b l i s h e d designs and s t r o k e s ; students l e a r n e d each s t r o k e by copying the work of t h e i r teacher and needed to master one s t r o k e before they c o u l d proceed to the next. ^  Although the women seemed uncomfortable with these conventions, perhaps s e e i n g them as l i m i t a t i o n s to a r t i s t i c c r e a t i v i t y , many of them balked when Japanese a r t i s t s began to abandon them i n favour of western a e s t h e t i c i d e a l s . For example, Davidson was d i s p l e a s e d with the new t r e n d of u s i n g photographs as the b a s i s of f a b r i c d e signs: [W]hat i s become of the o l d Japanese sense of the b e a u t i f u l ? What of the o l d masters of the d e c o r a t i v e a r t who adorned the t h i n g s of beauty we have seen with a l l manner of e x q u i s i t e suggestions but never a reproduction.10 On the other hand, F r a s e r was s u p p o r t i v e of the p r o g r e s s i v e movement among Japanese a r t i s t s , a r guing that when a r t became s t a t i c i t was " a l r e a d y on the d e c l i n e . " N e v e r t h e l e s s , she p r e f e r r e d the more t r a d i t i o n a l Japanese a r t because i t d e a l t with s u b j e c t s i n a u n i q u e l y Japanese way that expressed the s o u l of the s u b j e c t , not j u s t the e x t e r n a l l i k e n e s s . ^ A c c o r d i n g to the women's o b s e r v a t i o n s , a second p r i n c i p l e of Japanese a e s t h e t i c s was the enhancement of n a t u r a l beauty. 30 While most of the women b e l i e v e d that the Japanese loved nature, c i t i n g t h e i r great fondness f o r gardens and flower shows, a few d i s c e r n e d that the Japanese d i d not c o n s i d e r nature at i t s most b e a u t i f u l i n a raw s t a t e , but went to great l e n g t h s to p e r f e c t or improve i t . I t was as i f nature, l i k e the people of Japan, was not p e r m i t t e d to be spontaneous or im p e r f e c t , but was expected to conform to the i d e a l s imposed 12 by s o c i e t y . An e x c e l l e n t example of t h i s was the e f f o r t s of Japanese gardeners i n growing chrysanthemums, which was n o t i c e d by almost a l l the w r i t e r s . Sometimes the f l o w e r s were grown so that each one was i d e n t i c a l to a l l i t s neighbours, with blooms and l e a v e s i n p e r f e c t alignment, with "no more d i s s i m i l a r i t y to be d i s c o v e r e d than i n l i n e s of w e l l - d r i l l e d 13 t r o o p s . " Sometimes blooms of s e v e r a l d i f f e r e n t c o l o u r s grew from one p l a n t , of which the most unusual example had "many hundreds of blooms from one r o o t , a l l out at once, i n e x a c t l y 14 the same s t a t e of advancement, and i n s e v e r a l c o l o u r s . " Many of the western observers commented on the Japanese d e s i r e to harmonize a r t with nature, c i t i n g the way the m o t i f s t r a d i t i o n a l l y embroidered on the c o u r t gowns, the s c r o l l s hung on the w a l l , even the shape of cakes and candies, a l l changed 15 to a c c o r d i n g t o the season. F r a s e r noted that the beginning of a new season d i d not depend on the weather, but on dates set by t r a d i t i o n . For example, the Japanese a r t i f i c i a l l y shortened w i n t e r , so t h a t i t "ended" j u s t before New Year's, when the f i r s t s p r i n g f l o w e r , the j o n q u i l , made i t s appearance i n d o o r s . B i r d ' s o b s e r v a t i o n s l e d her to conclude that the Japanese most admired the " a r t i f i c i a l b e a u t i e s " c r e a t e d by gardeners, r a t h e r than nature i n i t s untouched s t a t e , so t h a t : ...the 'highest a r t ' i n Japanese gardening c o n s i s t s i n d i s t o r t i n g , deforming, dwarfing, exaggerating, and t h w a r t i n g nature.17 Some of the women b e l i e v e d that the root of the d i f f e r e n t a e s t h e t i c v a l u e s h e l d by Japanese and westerners l a y i n the d i f f e r e n t i d e a l s they took from nature. For example, the Japanese admired the beauty of unhewn stone, and o f t e n had e n t i r e gardens of nothing but r o c k s . While d'Anathan f e l t t h a t no westerner c o u l d ever understand t h i s a p p r e c i a t i o n of stones, she was aware that to the Japanese mind, they were 18 " r e p l e t e with suggestions of poetry and of a r t . " S i m i l a r l y , F r a s e r found t h a t her idea s on the a e s t h e t i c a t t r a c t i o n s of plum branches were very d i f f e r e n t from those of her gardener: [W]hen I ...say that I want f l o w e r s , not s t i c k s , he shakes h i s head and draws i n h i s breath, and bends double i n a bow, a l l of which i s meant to hide h i s disappointment at my impatience and want of a r t i s t i c f e e l i n g . The worst of i t i s that I fancy he i s r i g h t and I am wrong! She found t h a t the Japanese admired the plum branches when they were o n l y graced with t i n y buds, hard and s c a r e l y white. The beauty of the branches l a y i n the c o n t r a s t of these new, white buds and the boughs of the t r e e , k n a r l e d and blackened with age. I t was c o n t r a s t s of t h i s type t h a t the Japanese looked f o r i n nature, and f o r which many of t h e i r m a n i p u l a t i o n s a i m e d . ^ Ac c o r d i n g to A l i c e Bacon, music was a l s o i n f l u e n c e d by a 32 d i f f e r e n t i d e a l from nature. She argued that the Japanese p a t t e r n e d t h e i r music a f t e r the " s h r i l l , r a t t l i n g c h i r p of the i n s e c t , " p o i n t i n g out that they kept c r i c k e t s and other n o i s y i n s e c t s i n cages i n the same way that Europeans kept 20 s o n g b i r d s . That the Japanese pursued a "wrong" m u s i c a l i d e a l i n the o p i n i o n of most of the women was made c l e a r by t h e i r comments, and was so s t a t e d by Bacon. They d e s c r i b e d 21 the music of Japan as "the saddest i n the world", c o n s i s t i n g 22 of "woebegone w a i l i n g s and thumpings", "squeaks and d i s c o r d s " that sounded l i k e "the very essense of 23 heathenishness" and savagery, and having a s t r i d e n t q u a l i t y 24 that was " f a r from agreeable to the u n t r a i n e d e a r . " Although the women observers found most Japanese music unfathonable, Bacon and d'Anathan both noted that the koto, a l a r g e instrument g e n e r a l l y played by l a d i e s of high rank, c o u l d sound q u i t e p l e a s e n t and h a r p l i k e , p r o v i d i n g i t was played with s k i l l . 2 5 F i n a l l y , the women noted that much of Japanese a r t e x h i b i t e d an i n t e l l e c t u a l q u a l i t y t h at c o n t r a s t e d s t a r k l y with the emotional s e n t i m e n t a l i s m and romanticism that dominated 26 western a r t d u r i n g the n i n e t e e n t h century. Most of Japanese a r t made h i s t o r i c a l and p h i l o s o p h i c a l a l l u s i o n s i n ways and p l a c e s that were most unexpected to western t h i n k i n g . For example, Augusta Davidson l e a r n e d that c l a s s i c a l Japanese gardens were f i l l e d with " e s o t e r i c b e a u t i e s " that made i n t e l l e c t u a l r e f e r e n c e s of t h i s s o r t , although she h e r s e l f 33 c o u l d not see them. S i m i l a r l y , d'Anathan remarked that flower arrangements contained "abstruse and p o e t i c a l 2 8 meaning[s]," as w e l l as being p l e a s i n g to the eye. As a r e s u l t of t h i s i n t e l l e c t u a l view of a r t , the Japanese favoured s i m p l i c i t y , even s t a r k n e s s , i n t h e i r d e c o r a t i n g . A room might onl y c o n t a i n one e x q u i s i t e p a i n t i n g . A f l o r a l arrangement o f t e n c o n t a i n e d one flo w e r , " d i s p l a y e d i n [ i t s ] f u l l beauty." The a v a i l a b i l i t y of a r t to even the l o w l i e s t was something that s u r p r i s e d the western women. A l l but the very poorest c o o l i e had a l i t t l e garden, even i n Tokyo, and the beauty of the design and workmanship of inexp e n s i v e , everyday items caused Bacon to r e j o i c e t h at "cheap" need not be synonymous with "nasty," as i t was i n the West. Thus, the poor c o o l i e c o u l d f u r n i s h h i s home with as much t a s t e as the wealthy d a i m y o . 3 0 Not a l l the westerners were q u i t e so e n t h u s i a s t i c about the a e s t h e t i c q u a l i t i e s of everyday a r t i c l e s . B i r d f e l t t h a t , although most of the merchandise i n the s t o r e s was " n e a t l y f i n i s h e d , " and o f t e n very b e a u t i f u l , some of i t l a c k e d beauty, having been made under the " v i c i o u s 31 i n f l u e n c e of the s t a r i n g p a t t e r n s of Manchester." The f a c t t h at so many of the items necessary f o r everyday l i v i n g were b e a u t i f u l l y designed l e d most of the western observers t o conclude t h a t the Japanese had an in n a t e sense of beauty. Bacon t h e o r i z e d that the poor worker was abl e to c u l t i v a t e h i s sense of beauty, because, having no need f o r f u r n i t u r e o t h e r than a few u t e n s i l s which were l o v e l y i n 34 themselves, he c o u l d a f f o r d to spend a l i t t l e money on a p a i n t i n g or some smal l item to b e a u t i f y h i s home, which would 32 i n t u r n have a " c i v i l i z i n g and r e f i n i n g e f f e c t " on him. In a d d i t i o n , the Japanese a r t i s a n d i d not have to v i o l a t e t h i s sense of beauty and good t a s t e i n the p r o d u c t i o n of h i s work, but c o u l d make each item a unique r e f l e c t i o n of h i m s e l f . Bacon a t t r i b u t e d the d i f f e r e n c e s between the l i f e s t y l e s of Western and Japanese workmen to the l a t t e r ' s sense of beauty, although they were probably due to the f a c t t h a t England had been i n the process of i n d u s t r i a l i z i n g f o r more than one hundred years. The long e x i s t e n c e of the modern f a c t o r y system meant that manufactured goods had r e p l a c e d handmade ones and that t r a d i t i o n a l ways had disappeared i n many p a r t s of the country. Bacon acknowledged t h i s e f f e c t of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n when she commented that a e s t h e t i c t a s t e s had been "crushed completely out of the lower c l a s s e s by the burdens of t h i s n i n e t e e n t h century c i v i l i z a t i o n which they 33 bear upon t h e i r s h o u l d e r s . " T h i s i s an important o b s e r v a t i o n , s i n c e i t shows that she had some awareness of the European t r a d i t i o n of f o l k - a r t and the s o c i a l upheaval wrought by the new i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y . ^ 4 Although many of the women b e l i e v e d that the love of beauty had been i n b r e d i n t o the Japanese race, some of t h e i r o b s e r v a t i o n s i n d i c a t e d that t h e i r good t a s t e was not i n n a t e , but may have been a r e s u l t of t h e i r conformity to c u l t u r a l 35 norms. I t i s l i k e l y t h a t some of Japanese had an a r t i s t i c 35 s c r o l l on t h e i r w a l l , not because they had a t h i r s t f o r beauty, but because that was c o n s i d e r e d the a p p r o p r i a t e way of d e c o r a t i n g one's home, i n the same way that a t a b l e and c h a i r s were c o n s i d e r e d important i n the West. I f t h i s were the case, i t would seem l i k e l y t h a t the supposedly innate good t a s t e of the Japanese would be i n danger of d i s a p p e a r i n g as t r a d i t i o n a l v a l u e s broke down and Japan became an i n d u s t r i a l i z e d n a t i o n . I t was apparent to the western observers that the u s u a l l y impeccable t a s t e of the Japanese seemed to disappear when i t came to the adoption of western s t y l e s . Bacon a t t r i b u t e d t h i s to a f a i l u r e to understand western a e s t h e t i c p r i n c i p l e s , so that the Japanese o f t e n adopted or manufactured t h i n g s , while wondering why f o r e i g n e r s found them a t t r a c t i v e . Thus she was convinced t h a t Japanese good t a s t e would p r e v a i l as soon as the western i d e a s on beauty were understood and i m i t a t i o n gave way to a d a p t a t i o n . On the other hand, B i r d f e l t t h a t the Japanese were " p e r f e c t l y d e s t i t u t e " of t a s t e when adopting western t h i n g s because i n doing so, they completely abandoned 3 7 t h e i r own a e s t h e t i c p r i n c i p l e s . As a r e s u l t , she f e l t that i t was e s s e n t i a l to take steps to preserve examples of the t r a d i t i o n a l a r t s of Japan, s i n c e she f e a r e d they would soon cease t o be a pa r t of everyday l i f e , and the b e t t e r p i e c e s were being gathered up by f o r e i g n c o l l e c t o r s . In o b s e r v i n g the Japanese and t h e i r a r t , i t i s c l e a r that the v a l u e s behind Japanese a r t were very d i f f e r e n t from those of the West. Not onl y d i d the two c u l t u r e s have d i f f e r e n t 36 a e s t h e t i c i d e a l s , they had d i f f e r e n t reasons f o r p u r s u i n g a r t . The Japanese d i d not see a r t as a c r e a t i v e medium f o r e x p r e s s i n g an i n d i v i d u a l ' s i n t e r p r e t a i o n of the world, but as a way of t r a i n i n g the mind and s p i r i t i n the s e l f - d i s c i p l i n e e s s e n t i a l f o r f u n c t i o n i n g i n s o c i e t y . Thus, Japanese a r t focused on the i n t e l l e c t u a l and p h i l o s o p h i c a l r a t h e r than the emotional. Even n a t u r a l beauty, which the Japanese were thought to l o v e , was not p e r m i t t e d to be spontaneous or u n d i s c i p l i n e d , but was f o r c e d to conform with the Japanese i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of what nature should be. Furthermore, the Japanese i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of a r t d i d not r e q u i r e that a student have c r e a t i v e a b i l i t y but only the w i l l i n g n e s s to submit to the e s t a b l i s h e d techniques of a r t , i m i t a t i n g h i s teacher u n t i l p e r f e c t i o n was o b t a i n e d . For t h i s reason, the study of an a r t form was encouraged, not simply out of a love of beauty, but as a way of d e v e l o p i n g c h a r a c t e r and becoming a more "complete" person who would be b e t t e r equipped to meet the c h a l l e n g e s of l i f e . 37 Chapter 3 On R e l i g i o n R e l i g i o u s l i f e was viewed very d i f f e r e n t l y i n the West and i n Japan. On the one hand, n i n e t e e n t h century E n g l i s h s o c i e t y c o n s i d e r e d r e l i g i o n as important, e i t h e r as an a c t i v e f a i t h , or as a c i v i l i z i n g i n f l u e n c e . Adherence to the A n g l i c a n church had been necessary f o r e n t r y i n t o major u n i v e r s i t i e s d u r i n g the f i r s t h a l f of the century, and r e l i g i o n was the mark of r e s p e c t a b i l i t y . M i s s i o n work, both at home and abroad, was c a r r i e d out by churches of a l l denominations, r e v i v a l s took p l a c e , and " m o r a l i z i n g " o r g a n i z a t i o n s , such as the Women's Temperance Union, f l o u r i s h e d . On the other hand, the Japanese saw r e l i g i o n as a p r i v a t e f a m i l y matter, or a v i l l a g e i s s u e . Although there were n a t i o n a l r e l i g i o u s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , most Japanese thought of r e l i g i o u s customs, e s p e c i a l l y those concerning the honouring of the dead, as one of the d i s t i n g u i s h i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a household. Given the importance of r e l i g i o n i n t h e i r own s o c i e t y , i t i s h a r d l y s u r p r i s i n g t h at the f i v e women devoted a f a i r amount of space attempting to understand Japanese r e l i g i o u s l i f e . T h e i r o b s e r v a t i o n s ranged from d e s c r i p t i o n s of Japanese s h r i n e s and temples to s p e c u l a t i n g on the r e l i g i o u s " f e e l i n g , " or l a c k t h e r e o f , that a c t u a l l y e x i s t e d among the Japanese. While o s t e n s i b l y i n f o r m i n g westerners of the n a t i v e r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s , t h e i r comments are more r e v e a l i n g of the b e l i e f s of 38 the w r i t e r s themselves. T h e i r own r e l i g i o u s i d e a s and c o n v i c t i o n s i n f l u e n c e d t h e i r response to Japanese r e l i g i o n s , t h e i r p r e f e r e n c e f o r Buddhism or Shinto, t h e i r assessment of Japanese r e l i g i o u s d e v o t i o n , and f i n a l l y t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n s of the r o l e of C h r i s t i a n i t y i n the modernization of Japan. Before i t i s p o s s i b l e to understand the women's comments on Japanese r e l i g i o u s l i f e , i t i s f i r s t necessary to examine t h e i r c o n v i c t i o n s and concepts on the nature of r e l i g i o n . The Baroness d'Anathan was a p r o f e s s e d C a t h o l i c , and seemed to be committed to the C a t h o l i c Church, i f her account of her 2 audience with the Pope was any i n d i c a t i o n . However, t h i s and remarks on the baptism of her Japanese i n t e r p r e t e r ' s son r e v e a l e d t h a t , f o r the Baroness, the nature of r e l i g i o n was fundamentally one of i d e a s r a t h e r than of a r e l a t i o n s h i p to God. Thus, r e l i g i o u s f a i t h would be the acceptance of and adherence to a set of i d e a s . The other major element i n her concept of r e l i g i o n was r i t u a l , which symbolized or even embodied the r e l i g i o u s i d e a s , and was to be performed with as much d i g n i t y and r e s p e c t as p o s s i b l e . These a t t i t u d e s caused her to respond f a v o u r a b l y to some Japanese r e l i g i o u s 3 a c t i v i t i e s w h i le r e j e c t i n g o t h e r s . Mary F r a s e r , who was a l s o a C a t h o l i c , tended to p r o j e c t her own p r o - C a t h o l i c , a n t i - P r o t e s t a n t stance on to the r e l i g i o u s s i t u a t i o n i n M e i j i Japan. In a d d i t i o n , w h ile she r e f e r r e d to the " t r u t h and beauty of C h r i s t i a n i t y , " she f a i l e d t o understand the e x c l u s i v i t y of C h r i s t i a n d o c t r i n e , which 39taught that the acceptance of C h r i s t was the o n l y means to 4 s a l v a t i o n . F r a s e r b e l i e v e d that the Japanese were l i v i n g by the p a r t of " e t e r n a l t r u t h they [were] f i t t e d to apprehend" and that any " t r u e gentleman" would not be s u b j e c t to the 5 judgement of God, but would be welcomed i n t o heaven. Thus, F r a s e r seemed to b e l i e v e that C h r i s t i a n i t y had no s p e c i a l advantage i n matters of s a l v a t i o n , but that good behavior was the c e n t r a l aspect of r e l i g i o u s l i f e . L i k e d'Anathan, Bacon and Davidson saw r e l i g i o n p r i m a r i l y as an i n t e l l e c t u a l t h i n g . According to Bacon, r e l i g i o n was a set of i d e a l s that would r a i s e the human s p i r i t and g i v e people high moral standards to l i v e by, while Davidson f e l t r e l i g i o n was a p h i l o s o p h y that gave encouragement and hope f o r the f u t u r e , and e v a l u a t e d r e l i g i o n s a c c o r d i n g to the ease with 7 which s a l v a t i o n c o u l d be o b t a i n e d . F i n a l l y , B i r d , a devout P r o t e s t a n t , saw r e l i g i o n as a way of l i f e , and not simply the embracing of a set of d o c t r i n e s or i d e a s . For her, the b a s i s of t r u e r e l i g i o n was f a i t h , so that any a c t done without f a i t h was empty, u s e l e s s r i t u a l . Thus, while she s t r o n g l y d e s i r e d that a l l Japanese would become C h r i s t i a n s , she was p l e a s e d with anyone who showed s i n c e r i t y i n p r a yer or worship. For i n s t a n c e , while v i s i t i n g temples and s h r i n e s , she n o t i c e d the few who f e r v e n t l y made t h e i r p e t i t i o n s " i n simple ' f a i t h ' , " and f e l t these pr a y e r s were as r e a l as those "which [ascend] to our Father i n heaven from 9 anguished h e a r t s i n England." 40 With the women's concepts of r e l i g i o n i n mind, i t i s p o s s i b l e to understand t h e i r r e a c t i o n s to the two major r e l i g i o n s i n Japan: Buddhism and S h i n t o . In g e n e r a l , Buddhism was r e c e i v e d more f a v o u r a b l y than S h i n t o , which i s not s u r p r i s i n g g i v e n the nature of the l a t t e r . F r a s e r compared the Shinto reform"*"^ with the P r o t e s t a n t Reformation, of which she was very c r i t i c a l , s a y i n g that the Shinto reform had been: ...a t h i n g sour and u n l o v e l y , s t r o n g o n l y f o r d e s t r u c t i o n , and i n c a p a b l e of f i l l i n g up the s h r i n e s emptied by i t s i c o n o c l a s t i c rage.1 1 F r a s e r ' s s t r o n g r e a c t i o n a g a i n s t Shinto l i k e l y stemmed from the s t a r k n e s s of i t s temples and r i t u a l s , which c o n t r a s t e d s t r o n g l y with the v i s u a l r i c h n e s s of her beloved C a t h o l i c i s m . She was a l s o r e a c t i n g to the e f f o r t s of the Japanese government t o separate Shinto from Buddhism, and make i t the new s t a t e r e l i g i o n , r e q u i r i n g a l l Japanese f a m i l i e s to be 12 r e g i s t e r e d at t h e i r l o c a l Shinto s h r i n e . Furthermore, she f e l t t h a t S hinto f a i l e d to meet an e s s e n t i a l requirement of tru e r e l i g i o n , which was to " i n s p i r e hope i n the f u t u r e [and] courage f o r the p r e s e n t . " Thus, although she admitted not understanding what the Shinto Reform had a c t u a l l y c o n s i s t e d of , she sensed that Shinto alone c o u l d not meet a l l r e l i g i o u s needs, and i t was wrong f o r a government to f o r c e i t s people 13 to f o l l o w a s t a t e r e l i g i o n . Davidson a l s o d i s l i k e d S h i n t o , complaining that i t " [ l e f t ] upon the mind so great an impression of something m i s s i n g , of a ca s k e t . . . without a j e w e l , " the s h r i n e s c o n t a i n e d n o t h i n g to i n s p i r e awe or f a i t h and that there was 14 "nothing to see, and they won't l e t you see i t . " D e s p i t e t h i s , and the p r i m i t i v e n e s s of S h i n t o , she b e l i e v e d that the 15 Japanese were s a t i s f i e d with the r e l i g i o n , and a t t r i b u t e d her own f a i l u r e to d e r i v e any s p i r i t u a l s a t i s f a c t i o n from i t 16 to the vast g u l f between Western and Japanese thought. She t h e o r i z e d t h at Shinto had begun i n much the same way as other major r e l i g i o n s , but t h a t i t s e v o l u t i o n had been h a l t e d by the i n t r o d u c t i o n of Buddhism, which was at a more advanced stage of development. Thus, Buddhism met those s p i r i t u a l needs that might otherwise have caused S h i n t o i s t s to develop the dogma, "splendour of r i t u a l , " and a l s o p r o v i d e the moral code and r e s t r a i n t s which she thought necessary to r e l i g i o n . That Shinto d i d not disappear, was due, she b e l i e v e d , f i r s t t o i t s " g r e a t e s t weakness", the vagueness of i t s t e n e t s , which meant that experience c o u l d not d i s p r o v e i t , and second to i t s legends of Japan's d i v i n e beginning, which supported the "I 7 p a t r i o t i c s p i r i t of the n a t i o n . B i r d a l s o had d i f f i c u l t y a c c e p t i n g Shinto as a v a l i d r e l i g i o n because i t had no moral code or any of the other 18 elements normally a s s o c i a t e d with r e l i g i o n . As f a r as she c o u l d d i s c e r n , the essence of Shinto was "Nothingness." The e l a b o r a t e t o r i i , the s t a t e l y avenues, and the b e a u t i f u l grounds a l l l e d to nothing except an " i n t o l e r a b l e emptiness" 19 which made Buddhism seem r e f r e s h i n g by comparison. Even the s h r i n e at Ise, the c e n t r e of S h i n t o f a i t h , gave "nothing but 42 disappointment," f o r i t was o n l y f u r n i s h e d with f o u r p l a i n wooden boxes, one of which contained the sacr e d m i r r o r which supposedly had been used to l u r e the Sun Goddess out of a 20 cave. Even t h i s c o u l d not be seen by human eyes. A c c o r d i n g to B i r d , the m a j o r i t y of Japanese performed Shinto r i t u a l s , but no longer c a r r i e d them out f a i t h f u l l y , s i n c e Buddhism had 21 the s t r o n g e s t h o l d on t h e i r h e a r t s . For example, i t was once thought important to purchase the sacre d " t i c k e t s " (wood shavings t h e o r e t i c a l l y from the p u r i f i c a t i i o n wands of the p r i e s t s of Ise) which where supposed to p r o t e c t the household from m i s f o r t u n e and p u r i f y i t s members from wrongdoing. By the M e i j i p e r i o d , many people, e s p e c i a l l y those who l i v e d i n towns and c i t i e s , had become n e g l i g e n t i n t h i s matter, o f t e n w a i t i n g two or three years to r e p l a c e " t i c k e t s ' * t h a t were onl y e f f e c t i v e f o r s i x months. 2 2 Compared with Shinto, Buddhism was more e a s i l y understood and accepted by westerners, probably because many of i t s elements c o u l d be p a r a l l e l e d with some forms of C h r i s t i a n i t y . 2 While Shinto was a s s o c i a t e d with emptiness, Buddhism was equated with peace and s e r e n i t y . Mary F r a s e r , who commented on the atmosphere of "tempered peace" of some Buddhist t e m p l e s , d e s c r i b e d the Buddha at "Kama Kura" as: [A] monument of peace... the very mantle of peace seemed hanging around him i n the s i l v e r a i r . . . the i n c a r n a t i o n of a humanity which . . . i s enthroned i n i r r e v o c a b l e peace...; mouth l i e s a smile g e n t l e and calm, ...the f e e t and hands f o l d e d i n profound repose.25 The Baroness d'Anathan was a l s o impressed by the s t a t u e ' s 43 s e r e n i t y , n o t i n g that i t s face was "most p e a c e f u l i n i t s 2 6 p l a c i d i t y and d i g n i t y of e x p r e s s i o n . " In a d d i t i o n , the Buddhist s t y l e of temple d e c o r a t i o n was opulent and a w e - i n s p i r i n g , which co n t a s t e d markedly with Shinto s h r i n e s . A c c o r d i n g to Davidson, i f a temple had d e c o r a t i o n , whether m a g n i f i c e n t or run down, one c o u l d be sure 27 i t was Buddhist, or had o r i g i n a t e d as such. To the Western mind, d e c o r a t i o n made the temples look s u i t a b l e f o r r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t i e s . B i r d was s u f f i c i e n t l y impressed to suggest t h a t , with a few minor a l t e r a t i o n s , the temples might even be used 2 Q f o r C h r i s t i a n worship. ° F i n a l l y , the women found the Buddhist forms of worship easy to r e c o g n i z e , although very d i f f e r e n t from t h e i r own. Shinto worship appeared to be l i t t l e more than a b r i e f i n t e r l u d e i n everyday l i f e i n which a devotee would throw an o f f e r i n g on the temple f l o o r , and c l a p h i s hands three or f o u r times. Even at r e l i g i o u s f e s t i v a l s , Davidson f e l t the crowds were "wanting i n r e l i g i o u s f e e l i n g , " c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a 29 " c a s u a l unconcern and a complete absence of s e r i o u s n e s s . " In comparison, Buddhist worshippers seemed s i n c e r e , removing t h e i r shoes before e n t e r i n g the temple to bow down and pray. The p r i e s t s r e c i t e d l i t a n y , and gave e n g r o s s i n g sermons "long enough to s a t i s f y even p u r i t a n s . " " ^ The o b s e r v a t i o n s of Davidson were confirmed by d'Anathan and F r a s e r , both of whom 31 observed p e t i t i o n s t h at seemed to be h e a r t f e l t and devout. Even B i r d , who b e l i e v e d most p r a y e r s o f f e r e d by the Japanese 44 were g i v e n without reverence, admitted that a few needy ones prayed with a s i n c e r i t y and f a i t h equal t o those of "anguished h e a r t s i n England."-^ However, not a l l the women responded f a v o u r a b l y towards Buddhism; both I s a b e l l a B i r d and A l i c e Bacon equated a l l Japanese r e l i g i o n with s u p e r s t i t i o n . A c c o r d i n g to B i r d , the s p i r i t u a l c o n d i t i o n of the Japanese peasants was very low, f o r they had no concept of an a f t e r l i f e , and t h e i r l i v e s were 3 3 " n e i t h e r t r u t h f u l nor pure". Although most of them l i v e d i n a b j e c t poverty, t h e i r most important d e i t y was Daikoku, God of Wealth, who symbolized the a c q u i s t l o n of wealth through hard 34 work and t h r i f t . While B i r d t h e o r i z e d t h a t a "pious s p i r i t " had probably e x i s t e d at some time i n the past , she b e l i e v e d that the modern day Japanese were the most i r r e l i g i o u s of people, who degraded p i l g r i m a g e s i n t o p i c n i c s , and r e l i g i o u s f e s t i v a l s i n t o f a i r s . Even the best of Japanese r e l i g i o n was pervaded by a mournfulness and l a c k of z e a l , and meant nothing to the m a j o r i t y of people. B i r d concluded t h a t : ...34,000,000 of Japanese are s c e p t i c s or m a t e r i a l i s t s , or are a b s o l u t e l y sunk i n c h i l d i s h and degrading s u p e r s t i t i o n s , out of which the r e l i g i o u s s i g n i f i c a n c e , s u c h as i t was, has been l o s t . 3 6 L i k e B i r d , A l i c e Bacon was d i s t u r b e d by the e f f e c t s of r e l i g i o n on Japanese l i v e s . She argued that the r e l i g i o u s requirements were e s p e c i a l l y hard on women, not onl y because so many of the ceremonies and a c t s of r e l i g i o u s s u p e r s t i t i o n were a pa r t of a w i f e ' s duty, but because the narrowness of 45 the l i v e s of women a f f o r d e d l i t t l e exposure to new i d e a s . I t was the wife who tended the household's god-shelf, cared f o r 37 the " u m b i l i c a l c o r d s " and v a r i o u s charms belonging to her f a m i l y , and ensured the proper honouring of the dead. She a l s o p r o t e c t e d her household from c a t a s t r o p h e by c o n s u l t i n g f o r t u n e t e l l e r s on important i s s u e s , or making such d e t e r m i n a t i o n s h e r s e l f , i f she was so s k i l l e d . For example, no s e n s i b l e Japanese f a m i l y would t h i n k of moving without f i r s t c o n s u l t i n g a f o r t u n e t e l l e r to determine a moving-day that would be 3 8 " l u c k y " f o r a l l members of the f a m i l y . In a d d i t i o n , Bacon was s t r o n g l y a g a i n s t the t r a d i t i o n a l r e l i g i o n s of Japan because they supported the low p o s i t i o n of women w i t h i n s o c i e t y , and because i t was the poor, the most devoted of the 39 Japanese, who bore the burden of o f f e r i n g s and p i l g r i m a g e s . ^ . j F i n a l l y , she o b j e c t e d t o a moral system which e l e v a t e d the v i r t u e s of l o y a l t y and obedience above a l l o t h e r s , so that women were w i l l i n g to s e l l t h e i r bodies, or even k i l l themselves, i f i t was i n the best i n t e r e s t s of a f a t h e r or husband, a concept that was unthin k a b l e i n the moral system of the W e s t . 4 0 C h r i s t i a n i t y was an important i n f l u e n c e on the r e l i g i o u s l i f e of M e i j i Japan. I t had o r i g i n a l l y been brought t o Japan by J e s u i t and F r a n c i s c a n monks i n the s i x t e e n t h century, and i n i t i a l l y had been w e l l r e c e i v e d . Oda Nobunaga, the f i r s t of the c e n t u r y ' s great m i l i t a r y l e a d e r s , used i t as a p o l i t i c a l t o o l t o weaken Buddhist o p p o s i t i o n to the u n i f i c a t i o n of Japan 4 6 under h i s l e a d e r s h i p . L a t e r , h i s su c c e s s o r s , Hideyoshi and Ieyasu, launched a v i o l e n t campaign a g a i n s t C h r i s t i a n i t y , p a r t l y out of f e a r that m i s s i o n a r i e s were l a y i n g the groundwork f o r a Western i n v a s i o n , an i d e a that was r e i n f o r c e d by Dutch t r a d e r s , and p a r t l y because i t had become p o l i t i c a l l y expedient to have a r e l i g i o u s l y u n i f i e d Japan. The government's e f f o r t s to e r a d i c a t e C h r i s t i a n i t y from Japan, even among n a t i v e c o n v e r t s , and subsequent bans a g a i n s t the r e l i g i o n , i n s t i l l e d a deep-rooted p r e j u d i c e a g a i n s t i t among the Japanese. Even a f t e r the removal of the ban a g a i n s t C h r i s t i a n i t y i n 1873, t h i s p r e j u d i c e was d i f f i c u l t to overcome. T h i s was due p a r t l y to the government's i n d i f f e r e n c e , which would have been an important i n f l u e n c e i n a country so accustomed to being governed from above,and p a r t l y due to the success of the years of negative propaganda. Many of the women commented on the negative e f f e c t of t h i s p r e j u d i c e on the acceptance of C h r i s t i a n i t y . For example, F r a s e r f e l t t h a t the p r e j u d i c e of parents was a st r o n g impediment to the c o n v e r s i o n of Japanese s c h o o l g i r l s , even when the c h i l d r e n s t r o n g l y d e s i r e d to be b a p t i z e d , and concluded t h i s was due to the prevalence of o l d f a s h i o n e d 42 ideas among p a r e n t s . B i r d a l s o noted the d i s l i k e of C h r i s t i a n i t y , e s p e c i a l l y among Buddhists, but a t t r i b u t e d t h i s to a m i s t r u s t of f o r e i g n e r s i n g e n e r a l , r a t h e r than to a deep-seated p r e j u d i c e a g a i n s t C h r i s t i a n i t y i n p a r t i c u l a r . 4 ^ Since she v i s i t e d Japan before the people had been granted 47 r e l i g i o u s freedom, and while the days of the slogan "expel the B a r b a r i a n " were s t i l l f r e s h i n people's memories, i t i s not 44 s u r p r i s i n g t h a t B i r d reached t h i s "Conclusion. Some of the women n o t i c e d the c o n f l i c t between C h r i s t i a n i t y and Buddhism which had r e s u l t e d from a combination of the d i s t r u s t of the former and the d i s e s t a b l i s h m e n t of the l a t t e r . The government's attempts to make Shinto the s t a t e r e l i g i o n , and to separate i t from Buddhist i n f l u e n c e s , caused s t r o n g and sometimes v i o l e n t r e a c t i o n s i n many p a r t s of the country. One of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of these v i o l e n t r e a c t i o n s , which stemmed from f e a r s t h a t the government was t r y i n g to d e s t r o y Buddhism, was a s t r o n g a n t i - C h r i s t i a n sentiment. With the g r a n t i n g of r e l i g i o u s freedom, more org a n i z e d Buddhist movements, unable to c h a l l e n g e Shinto i n t h e i r weakened s t a t e , a t t a c k e d C h r i s t i a n i t y , a r g u i n g that i t caused students to abandon the study of Buddhist and Shinto " c l a s s i c s " i n order to l e a r n 4 5 about the new f a i t h . Bacon, who observed t h i s c o n f l i c t , f e l t i t would b e n e f i t Japan i n the long run. The spread of C h r i s t i a n i t y f o r c e d Buddhism to implement reforms, i n c l u d i n g the r a i s i n g of e d u c a t i o n a l standards w i t h i n the p r i e s t h o o d , and the u n d e r t a k i n g of an i n c r e a s i n g number of s c h o l a r l y , 46 e d u c a t i o n a l and c h a r i t a b l e p u r s u i t s . A c c o r d i n g to B i r d , the d i f f i c u l t y i n understanding C h r i s t i a n d o c t r i n e s was a g r e a t e r impediment to the acceptance of the f a i t h than the t r a d i t i o n a l p r e j u d i c e a g a i n s t i t . Many 48 of the b e l i e f s t h a t were c e n t r a l to C h r i s t i a n i t y , such as o r i g i n a l s i n and atonement, had no co u n t e r p a r t i n the teac h i n g s of n a t i v e Japanese r e l i g i o n s , which meant t h a t c o n v e r s i o n was l i m i t e d to those with s u f f i c i e n t i n t e l l i g e n c e 47 and e d u c a t i o n to be able to grasp C h r i s t i a n d o c t r i n e s . In a d d i t i o n t o the d o c t r i n e s that were incomprehensible, there were o t h e r s that they d i d understand, but that were h i g h l y u n a t t r a c t i v e t o the Japanese way of t h i n k i n g . For i n s t a n c e , the i d e a of blood s a c r i f i c e , which was e s s e n t i a l to C h r i s t i a n i t y , was thought r e p u l s i v e , s i n c e i t went a g a i n s t Buddhist n o t i o n s of the s a n c t i t y of l i f e . B i r d argued that the promise of e t e r n a l l i f e sounded l i k e a curse r a t h e r than a b l e s s i n g , an i d e a that was expressed i n such proverbs as: " I f you hate a man l e t him l i v e . " For S h i n t o i s t s , l i f e was a wearisome a f f a i r , with no mention of an a f t e r - l i f e ; f o r Buddhists, l i f e was a punishment f o r s i n s committed i n a pr e v i o u s l i f e , and t h e i r e q u i v a l e n t of heaven, Nirvana, was "death i n l i f e . " F i n a l l y , B i r d f e l t t h a t the behaviour of much of the western community i n Japan, combined with the humanistic p h i l o s o p h y i n t r o d u c e d from England, convinced many Japanese t h a t C h r i s t i a n i t y was of l i t t l e importance i n the W e s t . 4 8 While one might assume that the women would be concerned about the spread of C h r i s t i a n i t y , t h i s was not always the case; t h e i r o p i n i o n s v a r i e d and seemed r e l a t e d to t h e i r concepts of what r e l i g i o n was. For example, d'Anathan and 49 F r a s e r , who were C a t h o l i c s , had l i t t l e i n t e r e s t i n c o n v e r t i n g the Japanese to C h r i s t i a n i t y , although h i s t o r i c a l l y the C a t h o l i c church had been an important m i s s i o n a r y f o r c e . For d'Anathan, a s i n c e r e commitment to Shinto or Buddhism would s u f f i c e , w h i le F r a s e r was p r i m a r i l y concerned with the p h i l a n t h r o p i c r o l e of the church. Although they were pl e a s e d when a Japanese became a C h r i s t i a n , n e i t h e r of them saw t h i s 49 as a l i f e or death i s s u e . Davidson never even mentioned C h r i s t i a n i t y i n Japan. The reason these women had l i t t l e concern f o r evangelism was t h a t they saw r e l i g i o n as a philosophy r a t h e r than an a c t i v e f a i t h . Thus, i t was d i f f i c u l t to argue that one r e l i g i o u s p h i losophy was i n h e r e n t l y b e t t e r than a l l o t h e r s , which meant that r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n was l a r g e l y a matter of p e r s o n a l o p i n i o n . Bacon, who a l s o saw r e l i g i o n as a philosophy or a set of i d e a l s , took a d i f f e r e n t view i n the i s s u e . She f e l t t h a t C h r i s t i a n i t y c o n t a i n e d h i g h e r i d e a l s than those found i n Japanese r e l i g i o n s , and t h e r e f o r e should be spread as widely as p o s s i b l e . She p o i n t e d out t h a t many Japanese were r a d i c a l l y changed j u s t by r e a d i n g the B i b l e , and that C h r i s t i a n t e a c h i n g was r a i s i n g the moral standards of Japan: Men today who have no s p e c i a l l e a n i n g s toward C h r i s t i a n i t y shake t h e i r heads over v i c e s and s i n s which a few years ago were not even thought of as wrong.50 For B i r d , the c o n v e r s i o n to C h r i s t i a n i t y was a l i f e or death i s s u e , and she " a r d e n t l y longed" to see i t spread throughout J a p a n . ^ She was s t r o n g l y i n favour of m i s s i o n a r y 50 work, but concluded that the m a j o r i t y of western C h r i s t i a n s were e i t h e r so sunk i n s e l f i s h n e s s and apathy that they d i d n ' t care t h a t m i l l i o n s of heathens were l i v i n g and dying without hope, or that they d i d n ' t r e a l l y b e l i e v e the teac h i n g s of 52 C h r i s t i a n i t y . However, f o r her, the C h r i s t i a n i z i n g of Japan d i d not i n c l u d e w e s t e r n i z a t i o n , f o r she s t r e n u o u s l y disapproved of the d e s t r u c t i o n of n a t i v e c u l t u r e s , and she was concerned that m i s s i o n a r i e s g e n e r a l l y ignored Japanese manners, with the r e s u l t that c o n v e r t s , e s p e c i a l l y those who had attended m i s s i o n s c h o o l s , seemed rude and barbarous by Japanese standards. T h i s , she argued, would only harm 53 C h r i s t i a n i t y i n the long run. Given the l a r g e amount of space the women devoted to the d i s c u s s i o n of r e l i g i o n i n Japan, one might conclude t h a t r e l i g i o n was of great importance to the Japanese. In r e a l i t y , i t p l a y e d a r e l a t i v e l y minor r o l e i n the l i v e s of most Japanese, which accounted f o r the apparent l a c k of dev o t i o n among most temple goers. Probably the women emphasized r e l i g i o u s l i f e i n an attempt to r e c o n c i l e Japanese a t t i t u d e s to the prominence r e l i g i o n had i n western s o c i e t y . One reason the women found i t so d i f f i c u l t to analyze Japanese r e l i g i o u s l i f e was th a t they assumed that people h e l d much the same b e l i e f s , at l e a s t w i t h i n a given s e c t , and that these b e l i e f s c o u l d be d i s c e r n e d by o b s e r v i n g worshippers at temples and s h r i n e s . However, Robert Smith w r i t e s that r e l i g i o u s p r a c t i c e s , such as honouring the dead, were co n s i d e r e d p a r t of 51 a household's ways, and t h e r e f o r e v a r i e d between v i l l a g e s and even households. These d i f f e r e n c e s were u s u a l l y so s u b t l e they seemed i n s i g n i f i c a n t t o o u t s i d e r s , i f they n o t i c e d them at a l l , but were emphasized by the Japanese as one of the t h i n g s that d i s t i n g u i s h e d t h e i r own household from o t h e r s . In f a c t , the Japanese thought that r e l i g i o u s customs of a household were so unique that they were pa r t of the c h a l l e n g e 5 f o r a b r i d e when she was l e a r n i n g the ways of her new f a m i l y . Because of the p r i v a t e nature of r e l i g i o n i n Japan, i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g t hat the women f a i l e d t o g i v e any important i n s i g h t s on Japanese r e l i g i o u s l i f e . 52 Chapter 4  On Family L i f e One of the most important a s p e c t s of a s o c i e t y i s i t s domestic l i f e . The home i s where s o c i e t y ' s b a s i c r u l e s and assumptions are l e a r n e d , and i t has t r a d i t i o n a l l y been the cen t r e of women's l i v e s , s i n c e i t i s u s u a l l y they who run the home and care f o r the c h i l d r e n . Thus, i t i s unfortunate t h a t , with the e x c e p t i o n of A l i c e Bacon, who wrote Japanese - G i r l s and Women,1 our authors o n l y mentioned t h i s s u b j e c t i n pa s s i n g . There are three p o s s i b l e e x p l a n a t i o n s f o r t h i s important s u b j e c t being d e a l t with i n a r a t h e r haphazard way: the women had i n s u f f i c i e n t o p p o r t u n i t y to observe Japanese f a m i l y l i f e , t h e i r o b s e r v a t i o n s were a f f e c t e d by t h e i r own p r e j u d i c e s and assumptions on what f a m i l y l i f e should be l i k e , or they simply l a c k e d i n t e r e s t i n the s u b j e c t . The o p p o r t u n i t i e s the western women had to observe Japanese f a m i l i e s ranged from v i r t u a l l y l i v i n g with a Japanese f a m i l y to almost no contact at a l l . While the amount of contact a f f e c t e d some of t h e i r accounts, i t was not the onl y f a c t o r i n v o l v e d . For example, A l i c e Bacon, who l i v e d i n a Japanese household, had a e x t e n s i v e understanding of Japanese domestic l i f e . B i r d , who was simply a t o u r i s t s t a y i n g i n yodoyas and r a r e l y remaining more that a day or two i n one p l a c e , managed to gi v e an account of lower c l a s s l i f e t h a t was 2 almost as a s t u t e as Bacon's. On the other hand, the q u a l i t y of Davidson's account was what one might expect from a t o u r i s t 53 i n Japan, e s p e c i a l l y one who on l y seemed to meet Japanese men 3 on her t r a v e l s . The w r i t i n g s of F r a s e r and d'Anathan are a f u r t h e r example of how two people c o u l d l i v e i n s i m i l a r circumstances and yet g i v e very d i f f e r e n t accounts. Although both were Ambassadors' wives, the Baroness s c a r c e l y seemed to n o t i c e Japanese domestic l i f e , w h i l e F r a s e r went out of her way to observe the Japanese i n t h e i r homes. For i n s t a n c e , she enjoyed " s p y i n g " on her s e r v a n t s as they went about t h e i r d a i l y l i v e s , because she c o u l d not " r e s i s t the p l e a s u r e of o c c a s i o n a l l y watching ... the many-sided, b r i g h t l y c o l o u r e d 4 l i f e of [the c o u r t - y a r d ' s ] i n h a b i t a n t s . " In a d d i t i o n , she noted the f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s h i p s of her Japanese f r i e n d s from the upper c l a s s . Thus, while some of the women may have had d i f f i c u l t i e s o b s e r v i n g Japanese domestic l i f e , t h i s f a c t alone does not account f o r a l l the v a r i a t i o n s i n the q u a l i t y of t h e i r accounts. I t i s p o s s i b l e that the authors' p r e j u d i c e s or assumptions about f a m i l y l i f e may have prevented them from making accurate o b s e r v a t i o n s . I f , f o r example, they assumed that f a m i l y l i f e was b a s i c a l l y the same everywhere, they would be l e s s l i k e l y to n o t i c e the d i f f e r e n c e s between the Japanese and western systems. I f they f u r t h e r assumed that the western way of doing t h i n g s was the r i g h t way, and a l l others were wrong, they would probably have focused on the negative aspects of Japanese ways, or imposed the western moral system on that of Japan. To a c e r t a i n extent, a l l of these t h i n g s 54 o c c u r r e d i n the accounts of these f i v e women. Despi t e these s u p e r f i c i a l s i m i l a r i t i e s , there were important d i f f e r e n c e s between Japanese and western i d e a s about f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s h i p s , and the r e l a t i v e importance p l a c e d on them. Bacon p i n - p o i n t e d the u n d e r l y i n g cause of the d i f f e r e n c e s between Japanese and western domestic l i f e : " I t i s d i f f i c u l t f o r us i n America, who l i v e under customs and laws i n which the i n d i v i d u a l i s the s o c i a l u n i t and the f a m i l y a union of i n d i v i d u a l s , to understand a system of s o c i e t y i n which the i n d i v i d u a l i s l i t t l e or nothing and the f a m i l y the s o c i a l u n i t r e c o g n i z e d both by law and custom."5 As a r e s u l t , the most important f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s h i p i n the West was the one between husband and wife, while i n Japan, i t was the p a r e n t - c h i l d r e l a t i o n s h i p . Westerners p l a c e d great importance on marriage f o r two reasons. F i r s t , the wedding ceremony had r e l i g i o u s s i g n i f i c a n c e , and was c o n s i d e r e d a sacrament by C a t h o l i c s and an event solemnized before God by P r o t e s t a n t s . Second, marriage was the f o u n d a t i o n of new households. In t r a d i t i o n a l Europe, with the e x c e p t i o n of the upper c l a s s , a b r i d e was expected to have a c q u i r e d the s k i l l s necessary f o r running the house and barnyard, i n a d d i t i o n t o having a l l the v a r i o u s equipment needed to f u r n i s h a household. A bridegroom needed some means of l i v e l i h o o d such as tenure of farmland or a t r a d e . These requirements ensured that the couple would be able to form a new, independent household, and meant marriage was g e n e r a l l y at a l a t e age. 7 By the l a t e n i n e t e e n t h century, the c h a r a c t e r of European marriages had been transformed from 55 a b u s i n e s s arrangement to one based on romantic l o v e , but the i d e a l of the independent n u c l e a r f a m i l y had o n l y become more 8 pronounced. On the other hand, the Japanese saw marriage as a means of e n s u r i n g the c o n t i n u i t y of an e x i s t i n g household. A c c o r d i n g t o Hamabata, the Japanese household was not made up of i n d i v i d u a l s , but of p o s i t i o n s — the head and h i s w i f e --and t h e r e f o r e was " h i g h l y r e s i s t a n t to the u n p r e d i c t a b i l i t y of 9 i n d i v i d u a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and b e h a v i o r . " The s e l e c t i o n of a wife f o r the f u t u r e head of the household was done with great care s i n c e t h i s woman would one day have great i n f l u e n c e i n the household a f f a i r s . The f a c t t h a t she might bear a son who would succeed h i s f a t h e r as head not o n l y gave her p r e s t i g e , but gave her "an a l l i a n c e w i t h i n her husband's household, thereby changing the household's i n t e r n a l balance of power.""^ Thus, marriage was c o n s i d e r e d too important to be l e f t to the i n d i v i d u a l ' s p r e f e r e n c e , but was a household matter. Divorce was important f o r the same reasons, a l l o w i n g a f a m i l y to send away a b r i d e who proved u n s u i t a b l e f o r her p o s i t i o n i n any way. The Japanese a t t i t u d e s on marriage were n o t i c e d by most of the western o b s e r v e r s , but they were d e f i n i t e l y frowned on, and seen by some as proof of Japan's immorality and backwardness. There was a g e n e r a l c o n t e n t i o n that the Japanese took the i n s t i t u t i o n of marriage too l i g h t l y . For i n s t a n c e , s e v e r a l of the authors expressed s u r p r i s e , and even 56shock, on d i s c o v e r i n g that the wedding ceremony was o n l y of a s o c i a l nature, l a c k i n g the l e g a l and r e l i g i o u s aspects present i n western w e d d i n g s . 1 1 They were f u r t h e r amazed by the f a c t that i n many cases, e s p e c i a l l y among the lower c l a s s , the changing of the f a m i l y r e g i s t r a t i o n , which c o n s t i t u t e d the l e g a l i z i n g of marriage, was o f t e n delayed u n t i l the b i r t h of 12 the f i r s t c h i l d , or even omitted a l t o g e t h e r . There was f u r t h e r c o n s t e r n a t i o n over the ease of p r o c u r i n g a d i v o r c e . Although d i v o r c e was not unheard of i n V i c t o r i a n s o c i e t y , there was s t r o n g moral and r e l i g i o u s p r e j u d i c e a g a i n s t i t , so that i t was avoided by those 13 c o n s i d e r e d r e s p e c t a b l e . However, a c c o r d i n g to A l i c e Bacon, d i v o r c e was so common i n Japan, e s p e c i a l l y among the lower c l a s s , t h a t : [ I ] t was not an unusual occurance f o r a man to marry and d i v o r c e s e v e r a l wives i n s u c c e s s i o n , and f o r a woman who had been d i v o r c e d once or twice to be w i l l i n g and ab l e to marry w e l l a second or even a t h i r d time.... [ D j i v o r c e among the higher c l a s s e s were so common only a few years ago, that one s t i l l meets i n the best s o c i e t y numerous r e s p e c t a b l e and r e s p e c t e d persons who have at some time i n t h e i r l i v e s gone through such an experience.14 The westerners f e l t t h a t a d i v o r c e was so e a s i l y o b t a i n e d , i t was s u r p r i s i n g that any marriages s u r v i v e d . Bacon a t t r i b u t e d the success of marriages to the l o y a l t y husbands f e l t towards t h e i r wives, and i n many cases, the l o n g - s u f f e r i n g of the w i v e s . 1 5 She b e l i e v e d Japanese women stayed i n unhappy marriages f o r two reasons: there were few ways a woman c o u l d support h e r s e l f , e s p e c i a l l y i n the higher ranks, and d i v o r c e 57 u s u a l l y meant permanent s e p a r a t i o n from her c h i l d r e n , who 16 a u t o m a t i c a l l y belonged to t h e i r f a t h e r . A second o b j e c t i o n of the women to Japanese marriages was that they were not love matches, but were u s u a l l y arranged by 17 parents and go-betweens. Acco r d i n g to Bacon, i t was u s u a l f o r a young man to ask f r i e n d s to a c t as a go-between, which e n t a i l e d f i n d i n g him a s u i t a b l e g i r l , and then l a y i n g h i s case before her p a r e n t s . I f they approved of the s u i t o r , a p a r t y would be g i v e n f o r the purpose of i n t r o d u c i n g the couple, and, p r o v i d i n g the g i r l had no strenuous o b j e c t i o n s , the wedding would be arranged. Although i t was p o s s i b l e f o r the b r i d e to r e f u s e a s u i t e r , "no more c o r d i a l f e e l i n g than simple 18 t o l e r a t i o n [was] expected of her before marriage." Bacon r e a l i z e d t h at most bridegrooms, l i k e b r i d e s , had l i t t l e say i n the s e l e c t i o n of a marriage p a r t n e r : In Japan, a man i s simply a member of some f a m i l y , and h i s d a i l y a f f a i r s , h i s marrying and g i v i n g i n marriage, are more or l e s s under the c o n t r o l of the head of h i s f a m i l y , or of the f a m i l y c o u n c i l . Only i n case he i s the head of the f a m i l y i s he able to marry without s e c u r i n g some one's consent, and then h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s i n r e g a r d to the headship may i n themselves hamper him.19 While t h i s was the u s u a l way of a r r a n g i n g marriages, B i r d noted that i t was p o s s i b l e f o r a young man to court the g i r l he l o v e d . To do t h i s , he would t i e a s p r i g of a c e r t a i n type of p l a n t to the house of the g i r l ' s p arents, as a d e c l a r a t i o n of h i s f e e l i n g s . I f her f a m i l y c o n s i d e r e d him a s u i t a b l e match, the g i r l would respond by b l a c k e n i n g her t e e t h , and marriage would soon f o l l o w . Although a s u i t e r u s i n g t h i s 58 method of c o u r t s h i p c o u l d be s u c c e s s f u l , he was r e j e c t e d more o f t e n than not, which B i r d f e l t accounted f o r the high number 20 of l o v e r s ' s u i c i d e s . D e s p i t e the f a c t t h at most marriages were arranged, the westerners were pl e a s e d that f i n a n c i a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s d i d not 21 p l a y an important r o l e i n the d e c i s i o n making. They even 22 found evidence that love c o u l d develop w i t h i n marriage. Bacon concluded that the Japanese i d e a l of " q u i e t , 23 undemonstrative l o v e " was to be found i n r e a l l i f e . F r a s e r b e l i e v e d t h a t w h ile love was not c o n s i d e r e d necessary f o r marriage, i t f r e q u e n t l y developed w i t h i n marriage, but was g i v e n a d i f f e r e n t name by the Japanese: [A]11 E n g l i s h h i s t o r y can show no r e c o r d of h i g h e r , s t r o n g e r l o v e than the Japanese wife has again and aga i n l a i d at her l o r d ' s f e e t . I t would seem as i f that r a r e p a s s i o n of which I spoke j u s t now may, i n f a c t , be born i n what we c a l l bondage; may grow great i n i t s nameless g l o r y i n these q u i e t l i v e s . . . . You exclaim, as you hear of some amazing p i e c e of heroism, "how the woman must have lo v e d the man!" And your... l i t t l e Japanese f r i e n d , l ooks up i n t o your face with her c h i l d l i k e s mile and some s u r p r i s e i n her dark eyes: "Oh no, i t was her duty; he was her husband."24 F i n a l l y , the western women o b j e c t e d to the e x i s t e n c e of p r o s t i t u t e s , g e i s h a and concubines, both on moral grounds and because they f e l t women of t h i s s o r t were a negative i n f l u e n c e on the s t a b i l i t y and happiness of marriages. However, i t was admitted t h a t g e i s h a , who were equated with E n g l i s h d a n c e h a l l g i r l s , and Japanese p r o s t i t u t e s were l e s s o b j e c t i o n a b l e than t h e i r western c o u n t e r p a r t s . Some of the western women r e a l i z e d t h a t these g i r l s were u s u a l l y s o l d or a p p r e n t i c e d 59 i n t o t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n s by t h e i r parents, and t h e r e f o r e , were not to be f u l l y blamed f o r t h e i r s i t u a t i o n . The western women t h e r e f o r e found i t d i f f i c u l t to know where to pl a c e the blame f o r t h e i r e x i s t e n c e , but f e l t the Japanese acceptance of them was wrong. Bacon wrote that a p r o s t i t u t e was " a l t o g e t h e r d i s r e p u t a b l e , " yet was not l o a t h e d as she would have been i n the West, p a r t l y because she was not a f r e e agent and p a r t l y because the Japanese moral code regarded " s i n s of t h i s 25 c h a r a c t e r " l e n i e n t l y by western standards. S i m i l a r l y , F r a s e r b e l i e v e d that while p r o s t i t u t i o n was "a f a r worse f a t e than death," parents put t h e i r daughters i n t o the p r o f e s s i o n because they "were mad with t r o u b l e , " and s e l l i n g daughters i n t o p r o s t i t i o n seemed to be the o n l y s o l u t i o n to t h e i r problems; above a l l , they b e l i e v e d that " p r o s t i t u t i o n was a 2 6 m i s f o r t u n e c e r t a i n l y , but no d i s g r a c e , no crime." Geisha, l i k e p r o s t i t u t e s , were t r a d i t i o n a l l y r e c r u i t e d from v i l l a g e s , although care was taken to ensure that o n l y g i r l s who showed promise of a r t i s t i c t a l e n t were ind e n t u r e d . These g i r l s would then spend many years being t r a i n e d i n music, dance and e t i q u e t t e . Although Bacon was aware t h a t the work of a g e i s h a c e n t r e d on entertainment r a t h e r than sexual g r a t i f i c a t i o n s , she r i g h t l y b e l i e v e d they had a tendency to 2 7 "moral weakness." While acknowledging t h a t i t was p o s s i b l e f o r a g e i s h a to be v i r t u o u s , Bacon argued that her ed u c a t i o n emphasized manners over morals, and her l i f e s t y l e s u b j e c t e d her to "much temptation to e v i l , and l i t t l e s t i m u l u s to do 60 r i g h t . " The f a c t that many gei s h a became concubines was, f o r 2 8 Bacon, a c l e a r i n d i c a t i o n of the moral l a x i t y among them. The p r a c t i c e of t a k i n g concubines was one that the westerners s t r o n g l y disapproved o f , although they f e l t s o r r y f o r the wives i n v o l v e d and even the concubine h e r s e l f . B i r d complained t h a t i t was c r u e l to expect a woman to remain f a i t h f u l to a husband who was not o n l y u n f a i t h f u l , but o f t e n 29 brought her r i v a l home to l i v e with them. Since t h i s was s o c i a l l y accepted and s i n c e d i v o r c e was e a s i l y done, the wises t course a woman c o u l d take was to accept her husband's 30 concubine "with k i n d and s i s t e r l y treatment." Aside from moral o b j e c t i o n s , Bacon argued that the e x i s t e n c e of concubines lowered the w i f e ' s p o s i t i o n among the h i g h e r c l a s s e s , s i n c e o n l y a women of a f a i r l y low s o c i a l s t a n d i n g would become a concubine. On the other hand, F r a s e r defended the concubine, arguing that she was "a p e r f e c t l y r e s p e c t a b l e woman i n her own way," although l e s s esteemed than the o f f i c i a l w i f e . Furthermore, the i n s t i t u t i o n of concubinage ensured that no c h i l d would be i l l i g i t i m a t e , but would be r a i s e d i n i t s f a t h e r ' s house with the o f f i c i a l w ife as i t s adoptive mother. While t h i s might be hard on the concubine, who would have to watch her c h i l d grow up under the care of her r i v a l , i t guaranteed that the f a t h e r would take f u l l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r a l l h i s o f f s p r i n g . " Although few a c t u a l l y s t a t e d i t , the women found the secondary importance of the marriage r e l a t i o n s h i p the most 61 o b j e c t i o n a b l e aspect of Japanese domestic l i f e . Not o n l y were they concerned with anything that l e s s e n e d the importance of the marriage r e l a t i o n s h i p , but they found the v e n e r a t i o n of the c h i l d - p a r e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p d i s t u r b i n g . F r a s e r s t a t e d that i t was motherhood, and not marriage, that was the "the supreme r e l a t i o n of l i f e , " and that marriage c o u l d never be th a t as long as lov e was not a r e q u i s i t e t o i t . The r e a l i t y of f a m i l y l i f e , as she observed i t , was t h i s : "A man who f o r h i s f a t h e r and mother w i l l support every p r i v a t i o n , make every s a c r i f i c e , i s c o l d and i n d i f f e r e n t , perhaps, to the blameless woman 33 beside him." As a r e s u l t , c h i l d r e n were the " g l u e " t h a t h e l d marriages together, c h i l d l e s s n e s s was s u f f i c i e n t reason f o r d i v o r c e , and the c h i l d l e s s wife was p i t i e d by those around her. The western women commented on two aspects of t h i s p a r e n t - c h i l d r e l a t i o n s h i p : the i n d u l g e n t yet d i s c i p l i n e d u p b r i n g i n g of c h i l d r e n , and the o f t e n t y r a n n i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between a wife and her mother-in-law. The Japanese methods of c h i l d - r e a r i n g were very d i f f e r e n t from those of the West. To the western mind, the in d u l g e n t a t t i t u d e towards c h i l d r e n , and the enjoyment of them, seemed incongruous with t h e i r s e l f - c o n t r o l , obedience and u n s p o i l t nature. A c c o r d i n g to Mary F r a s e r , c h i l d r e n were the u n o f f i c i a l r u l e r s of the Japanese home, adding that nothing was too much t r o u b l e " i f i t [brought] p l e a s u r e to the 'treasure f l o w e r s ' , as the babies [were] c a l l e d . " 3 ^ She a t t r i b u t e d the c h i l d r e n ' s good behavior 62 to t h e i r u p b r i n g i n g , which, to her d e l i g h t , was one of l o v e , not harshness: I t i s , to me, most comforting to see that a l l t h a t i s d e s i r a b l e i n the l i t t l e people's deportment can be a t t a i n e d without snubbings or punishments or weary s c o l d i n g s . The love showered upon c h i l d r e n simply wraps them i n warmth and peace, and seems to encourage every sweet t r a i t of c h a r a c t e r without ever f o s t e r i n g a bad one.36 I s a b e l l a B i r d was amazed by the good behavior of Japanese c h i l d r e n , but a l s o found i t d i s c o n c e r t i n g ; she f e l t they were more l i k e l i t t l e a d u l t s than r e a l c h i l d r e n , and wished they bore a c l o s e r resemblance to the b o i s t e r o u s c h i l d r e n of 37 England. However, she admitted that Japanese youngsters d i d not l a c k f o r a t t e n t i o n , n o t i n g the p h y s i c a l a f f e c t i o n l a v i s h e d on them, and the way pare n t s , e s p e c i a l l y peasant f a t h e r s , 3 8 d e l i g h t e d i n showing o f f t h e i r o f f s p r i n g to each o t h e r . While the westerners g e n e r a l l y approved of the Japanese love of c h i l d r e n , s e v e r a l of them f e l t t h a t t h i s love c o u l d become too extreme, to the extent that c h i l d r e n were v i r t u a l l y worshipped, a phenomenon B i r d c a l l e d the " c u l t u s of c h i l d r e n . " Another aspect of the p a r e n t - c h i l d r e l a t i o n s h i p that some of the women had d i f f i c u l t y with was the degree of l o y a l t y and obedience t h a t was expected from c h i l d r e n towards t h e i r p a r e n t s . Although the concept of honouring parents was f a m i l i a r i n the West - i t was i n c l u d e d i n the Ten Commandments - g e n e r a l l y obedience was only r e q u i r e d of c h i l d r e n who had not "come of age," and onl y i f what was ordered was not i n c o n f l i c t w i t h h i g h e r p r i n c i p l e s . But i n Japan, obedience was 63 expected of sons u n t i l they became the head of a household, and u n q u e s t i o n i n g obedience was expected of daughters. Sometimes t h i s r e s u l t e d i n g i r l s being s o l d or a p p r e n t i c e d i n t o unpleasant p o s i t i o n s , d e s p i t e the hardship they i n c u r r e d i n these j o b s . T r a d i t i o n a l l y , daughters were indentured to a g e i s h a house or a house of p r o s t i t u t i o n , but s i m i l a r 41 r e c r u i t m e n t techniques were used by modern f a c t o r y owners. These o b s e r v a t i o n s are supported by modern h i s t o r i a n s , one of whom w r i t e s t h a t daughters were w i l l i n g to s u f f e r i n exchange 4 ? f o r the g r a t i t u d e expressed by t h e i r p a r e n t s . Another problem the westerners had with the Japanese emphasis on the p a r e n t - c h i l d r e l a t i o n s h i p , was that i t gave a woman unreasonable power over her daughter-in-law. When a g i r l got m a r r i e d , she was expected to t r a n s f e r her l o y a l t i e s from her own parents to those of her husband. U n f o r t u n a t e l y , the mother-in-law's power, untempered by the love and indulgence e x i s t i n g between n a t u r a l mother and c h i l d , o f t e n turned i n t o tyranny, r e n d e r i n g the w i f e ' s e x i s t e n c e n e a r l y unbearable. Bacon p o i n t e d out t h a t a b r i d e ' s duty was to " l e a r n the ways and the w i l l of those above her," no matter how unreasonable these demands might seem, f o r f a i l u r e t o do 43 so meant d i v o r c e , r e g a r d l e s s of her husband's l o v e . The low p o s i t i o n of a b r i d e was due p a r t l y to the f a c t t h at she had "begun l i f e anew as the l a t e s t a d d i t i o n to and t h e r e f o r e the lowest and most ignorant member of another s o c i a l g r o u p . " 4 4 Because she was the newest member of the household, and was 64 u n f a m i l i a r with i t s ways, her rank was onl y s l i g h t l y h i g h e r than that of the s e r v a n t s . A c c o r d i n g to Hamabata, much of the emphasis on the b r i d e ' s d i f f i c u l t i e s i n a d j u s t i n g to the ways of her new home "serve as a reminder that the b r i d e s t i l l has to prove h e r s e l f , demonstrate her w i l l i n g n e s s to gi v e up her past 'ways,' her former household." She was t r e a t e d with s u s p i c i o n and h o s t i l i t y , and was without emotional support 45 u n t i l she had proven her l o y a l t y . F r a s e r b e l i e v e d that the mother-in-law's tyranny stemmed from a combination of f r e t f u l n e s s over the unaccustomed l e i s u r e accorded the e l d e r l y , and the u n i v e r s a l problem of a mother's d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with her daughter-in-law: "where i s the woman who ever thought her son's wife was good enough f o r 46 him?" But F r a s e r ' s suggestions f o r d e a l i n g with t h i s problem i n d i c a t e d t hat she f a i l e d to grasp a l l the i m p l i c a t i o n s of p a r e n t a l a u t h o r i t y i n Japan. She a d v i s e d wives to " a s s e r t themselves a l i t t l e " by c h a l l e n g i n g t h e i r mothers-in-law. In a d d i t i o n , she c r i t i s i z e d Japanese books on the d u t i e s of women because they f a i l e d to suggest a p p r o p r i a t e ways of t r e a t i n g u n d e r l i n g s , while emphasizing "how great and a l l - r e a c h i n g [a g i r l ' s ] s e r v i c e to her p a r e n t s - i n - l a w must 47 be." I t was not the p o t e n t i a l abuses of p a r e n t a l power that most concerned western women, but the f a c t that the emphasis on the p a r e n t - c h i l d r e l a t i o n s h i p undermined that between husband and w i f e , thereby lowering the p o s i t i o n of women. 65 Another aspect of Japanese f a m i l y s t r u c t u r e that lowered the p o s i t i o n of women was the r e l a t i v e l y high p o s i t i o n of s e r v a n t s w i t h i n the f a m i l y . In the West, the gap between the rank of f a m i l y members and s e r v a n t s was very d i s t i n c t , but t h i s was not the case i n Japan. A c c o r d i n g to Bacon, t h i s was because the w i f e was looked on as the c h i e f servant of the household, to be honoured by o t h e r s because she was c l o s e s t t o the master, but never exempt from doing v a r i o u s a c t s of s e r v i c e f o r her husband. Although both Japanese and western households had a h i e r a r c h i c a l s t r u c t u r e , they were very d i f f e r e n t from each other. In western homes, the household was d i v i d e d i n t o groups, such as f a m i l y , u p s t a i r s s e r v a n t s and downstairs s e r v a n t s , that were r e l a t i v e l y equal w i t h i n themselves, but separated i n rank by l a r g e gaps. On the other hand, Japanese h i e r a r c h y was based on the i n d i v i d u a l , so that each member of the household was s l i g h t l y above or below everyone e l s e . For example, Bacon noted that s i b l i n g s were ranked a c c o r d i n g to age, so that the e l d e s t c h i l d was t r e a t e d with r e s p e c t by 4 younger s i b l i n g s and g i v e n f i r s t c o n s i d e r a t i o n i n e v e r y t h i n g . F r a s e r n o t i c e d a s i m i l a r system of h i e r a r c h y e x i s t e d among her s e r v a n t s , which was s t r i c t l y observed i n a l l circumstances. For i n s t a n c e , the order i n which they bathed was done " a c c o r d i n g t o rank with as much exactness and p u n c t i l i o as i f i t s members had been ambassadors being r e c e i v e d at C o u r t . " 4 ^ The westerners main o b j e c t i o n s to Japanese f a m i l y l i f e 6 6 c e n t r e d around the low p o s i t i o n of women. The emphasis on the p a r e n t - c h i l d r e l a t i o n s h i p had the e f f e c t of making the wife l i t t l e more than her husband's servant and bearer of h i s c h i l d r e n , although even t h i s was not necessary with the a v a i l a b i l i t y of concubines. I f a man d i d love h i s w i f e , i t was no guarantee of a happy marriage, f o r i f the wife f a i l e d t o p l e a s e her in-laws i n every way, t h e i r power was such that t h e i r d i s a p p r o v a l was s u f f i c i e n t grounds f o r d i v o r c e . Thus, the westerners f e l t t h a t women were not onl y s e r v a n t s to t h e i r husbands, but s l a v e s to both t h e i r c h i l d r e n and t h e i r p a r e n t s - i n - l a w . The w r i t e r s b e l i e v e d that these e v i l s c o u l d o n l y be remedied by i n c o r p o r a t i n g western v a l u e s i n t o the f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s h i p s of Japan. 5^ 67 Chapter 5  On "New Japan" The p e r i o d between B i r d ' s a r r i v a l i n and d'Anathan's departure from Japan (1879-1905), was one i n which the country underwent v a s t changes i n almost every f a c e t of l i f e . G e n e r a l l y , the women were impressed by the speed and extent of the changes, e s p e c i a l l y when progress meant adopting v a r i o u s western i n s t i t u t i o n s and technology. But many of the women were concerned that the Japanese tended to adopt the products of western c i v i l i z a t i o n without adopting i t s v a l u e s , and c i t e d v a r i o u s areas where they hoped to see s o c i a l reforms, most no t a b l y improvement i n the p o s i t i o n of Japanese women. Thus, each of the westerners c i t e d areas where they f e l t change was e s s e n t i a l b efore Japan c o u l d be co n s i d e r e d a t r u l y " c i v i l i z e d n a t i o n . " The women's comments on the spread of western medicine i n Japan showed how some of t h e i r concerns changed over time. F r a s e r and B i r d , both of whom a r r i v e d i n Japan before the 1890's, were concerned with the s c a r c i t y of western medical treatment and the widespread dependency on t r a d i t i o n a l methods, even i n major c e n t r e s such as Tokyo. ' By the time Davidson and d'Anathan made t h e i r o b s e r v a t i o n s , t h i s was no longer a major concern. In f a c t , the Baroness f e l t the Red Cross H o s p i t a l was symbolic of the "immense progress of Japan," not o n l y of advances i n medical technology, but a l s o of the moral improvements i n the Japanese people; the h o s p i t a l 68 cared f o r wounded Chinese p r i s o n e r s - o f - w a r , whom she b e l i e v e d would have been t o r t u r e d f o r t y years e a r l i e r . 1 She made no mention of a shortage of h o s p i t a l s , except at the f r o n t d u r i n g the Russio-Japanese War, and even under those t r y i n g c o n d i t i o n s , the Japanese showed " o r g a n i z a t i o n and 2 e f f i c i e n c y . . . i n t h e i r h o s p i t a l arrangements." T h i s was a great change from the w r i t i n g s of the e a r l i e r v i s i t o r s . I s a b e l l a B i r d was r e p e a t e d l y s t r u c k by the need not o n l y f o r medical care, but f o r l e s s o n s i n b a s i c hygiene. She observed that s k i n d i s e a s e s and other c h r o n i c maladies were rampant throughout the more remote p a r t s of the country. Furthermore, she noted that while p e r s o n a l hygiene of a high order was p r a c t i s e d i n some p a r t s of Japan, i t was by no means u n i v e r s a l , and t h i s l a c k of c l e a n l i n e s s was the cause of many 3 of the h e a l t h problems. As f o r n a t i v e medicine, she f e l t i t was v i r t u a l l y u s e l e s s , although she once r e s o r t e d to c o n s u l t i n g a p r a c t i t i o n e r of the t r a d i t i o n a l s c h o o l , and as she recovered s h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r , f e l t "bound to g i v e him the c r e d i t of the c u r e . " 4 However, B i r d d i d see s i g n s of improvement. She f e l t the work of medical m i s s i o n a r i e s was important not o n l y i n s p r e a d i n g C h r i s t i a n i t y but a l s o i n e s t a b l i s h i n g the use of western medicine i n Japan. The r e s u l t s of the work i n c l u d e d "remov[ing] the p r e j u d i c e a g a i n s t the p r a c t i c e of surgery and f o r e i g n drugs, d e t h r o n [ i n g ] s u p e r s t i t i o u s quackery, i n t r o d u c e i n g ] common sense and an improved hygiene" and 69 encouraging Japanese p h y s i c i a n s of the t r a d i t i o n a l s c h o o l to l e a r n western medical techniques.^ She was a l s o impressed with the number of Japanese who had t r a i n e d i n western medicine and by the establishment of e f f i c i e n t , modern h o s p i t a l s i n major towns throughout the country. F r a s e r , who came to Japan n e a r l y ten years a f t e r B i r d , was s t i l l concerned with the shortage of adequate medical f a c i l i t i e s throughout the country, i n c l u d i n g Tokyo. She complained t h a t a C a t h o l i c orphanage was f o r c e d to take i n e l d e r l y s i c k people, although the nuns were worried about having them near the c h i l d r e n , simply because there was nowhere e l s e f o r them to go. T h i s and s i m i l a r cases l e d F r a s e r to conclude that " i n s p i t e of a l l that [had] been done i n that way, there [were] not yet n e a r l y enough h o s p i t a l s i n 7 Tokyo." N e v e r t h e l e s s , she was impressed by the e f f o r t s of both the government and p r i v a t e c i t i z e n s to meet t h i s need, e s p e c i a l l y t h at of the Empress, who c a r e f u l l y saved money from p her allowance t o c o n t r i b u t e to t h i s cause. G e n e r a l l y , the women admired the great s t r i d e s Japan had made towards becoming a "modern" n a t i o n , although they s t i l l f e l t t h ere were areas that needed improvement. While a few of them sensed t h a t Japan would never become completely Europeanized, most of the women hoped that the d i s p a r i t i e s they were o b s e r v i n g would e v e n t u a l l y be overcome. For example, B i r d was convinced that Japan's e f f o r t to modernize, which was almost synonymous with w e s t e r n i z i n g , was not simply 70a p a s s i n g f a d . On the c o n t r a r y , she observed that the p r o g r e s s of Japan seemed to be "growing and broadening d a i l y " and was l i k e l y to have as l a s t i n g an e f f e c t as Chinese c i v i l i z a t i o n had had c e n t u r i e s e a r l i e r . ^ B i r d was e s p e c i a l l y impressed by the f a c t that most of the expenses i n c u r r e d i n modernizing had been met out of r e g u l a r t a x a t i o n r e v e n u e s . ^ N e v e r t h e l e s s , she f e l t t h a t a great d e a l of government funds were squandered by i n e p t and " s u p e r f l u o u s o f f i c i a l s , who draw s a l a r i e s and perpetuate •squeezes', and do l i t t l e b esides smoke and t a l k . " Furthermore, money was o f t e n spent on " o b j e c t s n o n - e s s e n t i a l to the p r o g r e s s . . . of the n a t i o n , " and many worthwhile p r o j e c t s came to naught because they were "not c a r r i e d out with the completeness and perseverance necessary f o r success.""'" 1 For example, she f e l t more money should be spent on improving the road and f e r r y systems. B i r d argued that good t r a n s p o r t a t i o n was e s s e n t i a l f o r p r o s p e r i t y i n a l l r e g i o n s , s i n c e i t allowed producers to s e l l i n the most p r o f i t a b l e market r a t h e r than the nearest one. In a d d i t i o n , she b e l i e v e d that i n v e s t i n g i n w e l l engineered roads and b r i d g e s would be cheaper i n the long run s i n c e they would be l e s s l i k e l y to be destroyed i n heavy r a i n s . 1 2 B i r d b e l i e v e d that many of the d e c i s i o n s on how to spend p u b l i c funds were based on the impressiveness of a p r o j e c t r a t h e r than i t s u s e f u l n e s s . For i n s t a n c e , vast sums were spent on buying an " i r o n c l a d " naval s h i p , complete w i t h 71 European s t y l e crews and marching bands, while the "high road between the two c a p i t a l s i s now i n such a s t a t e that a person cannot t r a v e l i n a 'kuruma' over i t , even f o r the f i r s t 13 e i g h t e e n m i l e s . " Thus, she concluded that " s m a l l e n t e r p r i s e s , which would cost l i t t l e , but would co n f e r immense b e n e f i t on the i s l a n d , are i g n o r e d i n favour of c o s t l y p r o j e c t s which make a show, but are comparatively u s e l e s s . " ^ L i k e B i r d , F r a s e r was p l e a s e d that Japan was d e v e l o p i n g i n t o a modern n a t i o n . However, she s t i l l had some r e s e r v a t i o n s about t r e a t i n g Japan as an equal n a t i o n . The problem d i d not l i e with the government, whose i n t e n t i o n s were good, but with a f a n a t i c a l s e c t i o n of the p o p u l a t i o n who were v i o l e n t l y opposed to f o r e i g n e r s . For reasons t h a t eluded F r a s e r , the Japanese government took a remarkably l a x stand on the i s s u e of these f a n a t i c a l " s o s h i " , or ex-samurai p o l i t i c a l r e b e l s : "We cannot imagine why the Government should be so shy of c o n t r o l l i n g the ' s o s h i , ' who are now w i l d misguided youths, and w i l l be l a t e r very unmanageable and dangerous citizens."-'--' Because of the government's i n a b i l i t y to keep a n t i - f o r e i g n r a d i c a l s under c o n t r o l , F r a s e r f e l t i t was f o o l i s h to end e x t r a - t e r r i t o r i a l i t y and unequal t r e a t i e s , d e s p i t e the b e n e f i t s t h i s would b r i n g to both s i d e s . U n l i k e many other westerners, F r a s e r was a s t u t e enough to r e a l i z e t h at w h ile the Japanese may adopt w e s t e r n - s t y l e i n s t i t u t i o n s and technology, t h e i r c u l t u r a l v a l u e s were not l i k e l y to change. She b e l i e v e d that the Japanese had an 72 " e c l e c t i c q u a l i t y " which enabled them to adopt f o r e i g n i d e a s , such as Buddhism and Chinese philosophy, and s t i l l r e t a i n t h e i r uniqueness. T h i s gave Japanese c u l t u r e a c o n t i n u i t y : [T]hat which i s now thought good, or g r e a t , or b e a u t i f u l has been thought so s i n c e the dawn of h i s t o r y ; crimes and v i r t u e s have the same names tha t they bore i n the days on Jimmu Tenno, the f i r s t Emperor; there has been no r e a l change i n the val u e s the the important a f f a i r s of l i f e . 1 6 F r a s e r b e l i e v e d that much of European c r i t i c i s m of the Japanese c e n t r e d on t h e i r h a b i t of " t a k [ i n g ] up new idea s with enthusiasm, and drop[ping] them agai n as e a s i l y , " but she defended t h i s p r a c t i c e as the "on l y p r a c t i c a l method" of s e l e c t i n g the elements of western s o c i e t y t hat best s u i t e d t h e i r needs. At the same time, she observed that many of the gr i e v a n c e s of Japanese r e a c t i o n a r i e s were rooted i n the f a c t t h a t much of the reform planned by the government c o u l d o n l y be c a r r i e d out by westerners. S t i l l , a l l but the most r a d i c a l and i d e a l i s t i c of the Japanese had accepted that i n t e r a c t i o n with westerners c o u l d not be avoided without t u r n i n g the c l o c k i 7 back t h i r t y y e a r s . ' S e v e r a l years l a t e r , Davidson a l s o noted that t r a d i t i o n a l Japan remained s t r o n g d e s p i t e the adoption of western technology; she f e l t the process of modernization should be seen as a "mechanical r a t h e r that a chemical one." Everywhere she went, the o l d was j u x t i p o s e d with the new and yet the two seemed to f u n c t i o n independently of each o t h e r : "The two streams, where they c o - e x i s t at a l l , seem t o flow s i d e by s i d e , l i k e o i l and wine — each remains d i s t i n c t . " For 73 i n s t a n c e , most Tokyo homes were much as they had been before the opening of Japan, d e s p i t e the t e l e g r a p h wires running above them. In a d d i t i o n , many t r a d i t i o n a l Japanese customs were continued under the guise of having been westernized. Ancient r e l i g i o u s f e s t i v a l s had been "stamped with the hallmark of the new c o n s t i t u t i o n , and i s s u e d a f r e s h as a s o r t of Far E a s t e r n bank h o l i d a y . 1 ' 0 1 o The people themselves seemed i n c o n s i s t e n t i n t h e i r b ehavior, v a c i l l a t i n g between Japanese and western manners, as i f they were a c t u a l l y two people. For example, Davidson observed that Japanese e t i q u e t t e was "conspicuous by i t s absence" i n both houses of the Japanese government and yet the p o l i t i a n s behaved as i f they had never heard of western 19 manners when they were i n a t r a d i t i o n a l or i n f o r m a l s e t t i n g . T h i s seemed to be a p a r t of the Japanese a b i l i t y to look "on a l l t h i n g s new and imported as q u i t e n a t u r a l and normal." Davidson b e l i e v e d the Japanese wished to convey the impression that the enormous changes t a k i n g p l a c e i n t h e i r country were a n a t u r a l outcom of t h e i r c u l t u r a l h e r i t a g e . T h i s l e d to a dichotomy, a f i e r c e p r i d e i n t h e i r Japanese h e r i t a g e coupled with a concern t h a t westerners might c o n s i d e r that very h e r i t a g e "barbarous": On one hand they... wish to d i s c l a i m a l l c o n n e c t i o n with [ t h e i r p a s t ] ; on the other they would l i k e t o make out th a t the past was not so barbarous a f t e r a l l , by g i v i n g you to understand what you see around you i s not so new as you think.20 Davidson concluded that s i n c e Japan had westernized out 74 of a f e a r of European a g g r e s s i o n , once the Japanese f e l t s afe from t h i s , they would cease to copy western t h i n g s and continue to develop i n a f a s h i o n more s u i t e d to t h e i r c u l t u r e . ' Furthermore, Davidson argued that the Japanese were not as weste r n i z e d as they f i r s t appeared to be: " [ I ] t seems that the i n n o v a t i o n s are mostly on the s u r f a c e , and that they are 22 j u s t as O r i e n t a l as ever beneath i t a l l . " Many of the women saw educa t i o n as e s s e n t i a l to the c i v i l i z a t i o n of Japan, s i n c e i t was through education t h a t t r a d i t i o n a l Japanese a t t i t u d e s and value s c o u l d be changed. Most of the western women were impressed with the a v a i l a b i l i t y of e d u c a t i o n , not j u s t i n urban c e n t r e s l i k e Tokyo, but throughout the country. According to B i r d , the e d u c a t i o n a l reforms i n s t i g a t e d by the M e i j i government c a l l e d f o r one sch o o l f o r every s i x hundred people, so that most v i l l a g e s had at l e a s t an elementary s c h o o l . In hamlets too small f o r a proper s c h o o l house, a teacher would be h i r e d to conduct l e s s o n s i n the home of a l e a d i n g f a m i l y , with each f a m i l y 2 3 c o n t r i b u t i n g to h i s keep as they were a b l e . Thus, a high percentage of Japanese c h i l d r e n attended enough sc h o o l to l e a r n the b a s i c s of re a d i n g and w r i t i n g , as w e l l as some geography and Japanese h i s t o r y . 2 4 While the western women were impressed with the a v a i l a b l i t y of educat i o n , they f e l t the Japanese s c h o o l system had some s e r i o u s problems. F i r s t , they f e l t the d i f f i c u l t y of Japanese w r i t i n g meant that too much sch o o l time had to be 75devoted to b a s i c l i t e r a c y . Although t h i s task and the study of l i t e r a r y c l a s s i c s had, a c c o r d i n g t o A l i c e Bacon, t r a d i t i o n a l l y taken "the best years of a boys l i f e , " the growing need f o r the more p r a c t i c a l knowledge of the west meant that mathematics, geography, h i s t o r y , n a t u r a l s c i e n c e , and one or two f o r e i g n languages had been added to the c u r r i c u l u m . The combination of the two systems r e s u l t e d i n a work l o a d that Bacon f e l t would "be a burden to the q u i c k e s t 25 mind." Furthermore, the Japanese p r a c t i c e of h o l d i n g examinations at the end, r a t h e r than the beginning of the summer h o l i d a y s , meant that s c h o o l c h i l d r e n had no r e a l break from t h e i r s t u d i e s , although t h i s system had the advantage of en s u r i n g that the l e s s o n s g i v e n were r e t a i n e d over the long . 26 term. A second problem the women had with Japanese e d u c a t i o n was that i t taught western knowledge without any r e f e r e n c e to western morals. Many of the women mistakenly assumed that e d u c a t i o n was done "with l i t t l e r e f e r e n c e to man's moral n a t u r e , " so that i t destroyed o l d b e l i e f s without s u b s t i t u t i n g 2 7 new ones. B i r d argued that t e a c h i n g morals i n the s c h o o l system was important, because the t r a d i t i o n a l r e l i g i o n s had made the Japanese the most a t h e i s t i c and m a t e r i a l i s t i c people on e a r t h . Furthermore, as the well-educated Japanese --d o c t o r s , lawyers and engineers — were being d i s p e r s e d throughout the country, they were spreading new ideas and va l u e s , i n c l u d i n g the thought of western humanists, and these 76 would c e r t a i n l y r e v o l u t i o n i z e Japan. Although the western observers were concerned with these problems, what d i s t u r b e d them most about the Japanese educ a t i o n system was that i t gave boys and g i r l s unequal o p p o r t u n i t i e s . While s c h o o l i n g was much the same f o r both sexes at the elementary l e v e l , there were s u b s t a n t i a l d i f f e r e n c e s at the middle and high e r l e v e l s . Not o n l y d i d the p u b l i c s c h o o l system have few g i r l s ' s c h o o l s at the middle l e v e l and l i t t l e a s i d e from teacher t r a i n i n g at the high e r one, but i t o f f e r e d a lower q u a l i t y of i n s t r u c t i o n f o r g i r l s than that f o r boys at the same l e v e l . For example, at the middle s c h o o l s , d i f f e r e n t textbooks were used by each sex, with those f o r g i r l s having been d e l i b e r a t e l y chosen f o r t h e i r 29 "lower q u a l i t y c o n t e n t . " Many of the westerners were aware that the task of educating Japanese g i r l s was not a s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d one. While the Japanese saw a modern education f o r boys as a p r a c t i c a l n e c e s s i t y i n a r a p i d l y modernizing s o c i e t y , such an education f o r g i r l s seemed dangerous. I t was known to have c r e a t e d women with s t r o n g o p i n i o n s and idea s of t h e i r own, to the p o i n t where some r e f u s e d t o marry the men chosen f o r them by t h e i r p a r e n t s , while o t h e r s had grown accustomed to an expensive western l i f e s t y l e . T h e r e f o r e many Japanese men who were otherwise advanced t h i n k e r s , d i d not favour r e f o r m i n g g i r l s ' e d u c a t i o n . D'Anathan r e a l i z e d that most of the e l i g i b l e b a c h e l o r s of Japan wanted a wif e who were submissive 77 and obedient, whose educa t i o n had t r a i n e d her i n household management, and not simply given her "the veneer of Western educat i o n , [with i t s ] . . . l i t e r a r y a s p i r a t i o n s and needless accomplishments." 3^ According to the M i n i s t e r of Education's r e p o r t of 1898, women were to be o f f e r e d higher e d u c a t i o n only 31 i n s u b j e c t s deemed "necessary f o r females." I t was f e a r e d that anything more would be u s e l e s s or p o s s i b l y dangerous. N e v e r t h e l e s s , the western women b e l i e v e d that educated women were imperative to the development of Japan. Thus, they argued that e d u c a t i o n f o r women should not only c o n s i s t of t r a i n i n g to make them b e t t e r understand and f u l f i l l t h e i r d u t i e s as wives, which were the accepted g o a l s of women's education, but should a l s o enable them to f u l f i l l t h e i r h i g h e s t human p o t e n t i a l , an i d e a that seemed unthi n k a b l e to most Japanese men. 3 2 Although Bacon admitted that some Japanese c o n s e r v a t i v e s f e a r e d that such r a d i c a l measures would l e a d to a complete breakdown of the " o l d s p i r i t of n o b i l i t y , " she argued that there were no s i g n s of t h i s o c c u r r i n g , and that the " b e t t e r h e a l t h and s t r o n g e r c h a r a c t e r s " r e s u l t i n g from such s c h o o l i n g c o u l d only b e n e f i t Japan i n the long r u n . 3 While a d m i t t i n g that some w e l l educated g i r l s had been unwise i n t h e i r d i s p l a y s of independence, and many who had attended m i s s i o n a r y s c h o o l s had a c q u i r e d manners that the Japanese c o n s i d e r e d "brusque and awkward," she f e l t these problems would e v e n t u a l l y be overcome. In a d d i t i o n , she was aware that u n t i l s o c i e t y ' s i d e a s on 78 women changed, g i v i n g women a modern education was r a t h e r l i k e making square pegs f o r round h o l e s . To put an educated woman i n t o a t r a d i t i o n a l p o s i t i o n , i n which she would have to submit u n q u e s t i o n i n g l y to the wishes of those above her, would on l y 34 serve to make her mis e r a b l e and d i s c o n t e n t e d . D e s p i t e these drawbacks, the westerners b e l i e v e d that the education of women was e s s e n t i a l to ensure that they would not be l e f t behind i n the modernization process because of outdated p r e j u d i c e s ; they f e l t i t s importance made the s u f f e r i n g endured by the f i r s t 3 5 g e n e r a t i o n of w e l l educated women worthwhile. The r e a l problem, a c c o r d i n g to the westerners, was how to b r i n g Japanese women i n t o the modernization process without d e s t r o y i n g t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l "womanly v i r t u e s , " such as s e l f - c o n t r o l , modesty, courage and general charm, which, a c c o r d i n g to F r a s e r , made them the best examples of womenhood 3 (5 i n the world. A l l agreed that the p o s i t i o n of Japanese women needed improvement, but there were d i f f e r e n c e of o p i n i o n on how best to achieve t h i s . The Baroness d'Anathan b e l i e v e d that the s o l u t i o n l a y i n educating g i r l s f o r Japan's f u t u r e , 37 i n s p i t e of the i n i t i a l problems t h i s presented. F r a s e r observed the " t e r r i b l y narrow e x p e r i e n c e " of most Japanese women, and b e l i e v e d i t t o be a severe impediment i n improving t h e i r p o s i t i o n . She d i d take p r a c t i c a l steps to help some expand t h e i r h o r i z o n s , most n o t a b l y , h e l p i n g to e s t a b l i s h the Monday Club, at which works of western l i t e r a t u r e were read and d i s c u s s e d by l a d i e s of the high e r r a n k s . ^ 8 79 Others among the women saw that e d u c a t i o n a l improvements alone would not so l v e the "women problem" i n Japan. T r a d i t i o n a l v a l u e s were s t i l l h e l d i n most q u a r t e r s . A c c o r d i n g to Davidson and Bacon, the. freedom experienced by women of the upper and middle c l a s s e s was v i r t u a l l y n i l , while those i n the lower c l a s s enjoyed some freedom and i n f l u e n c e because t h e i r work was an important c o n t r i b u t i o n to the f a m i l y ' s l i v e l i h o o d . ^ Because Japanese women of a l l ranks were l i t t l e more than the head servant i n the f a m i l y , t h e i r 40 p o s i t i o n was g e n e r a l l y low. In f a c t , a c c o r d i n g to Davidson, 41 even the p o s i t o n of the Empress l e f t room f o r improvement. B i r d , who spent most of her time i n Japan among the peasants and the urban poor, d i d not e n t e r t a i n the i d e a that lower c l a s s women were much b e t t e r o f f than those of other s o c i a l c l a s s e s . The l i f e of a l l married woman was hard, and 42 caused them to age r a p i d l y . She b e l i e v e d that the a t t i t u d e s c o n t a i n e d i n the Code of Morals f o r Women, which taught that women were both s t u p i d and m o r a l l y d e f i c i e n t , were g e n e r a l l y accepted among the lower c l a s s e s . As a r e s u l t , these women were not onl y enslaved by t h e i r husbands, but a l s o by t h e i r mothers-in-law and c h i l d r e n . 4 3 The one woman of high s o c i a l s t a n d i n g that B i r d encountered a l s o " c h a f t e d under the r e s t r a i n t s of custom." 4^ One of the major o b s t a c l e s to changing the p o s i t i o n of women i n Japan, which the western women f a i l e d to comment on, was the Japanese f a i l u r e to understand t h a t , while the 80 behavior of westerners towards women d i f f e r e d r a d i c a l l y from t h e i r own, the a t t i t u d e s they expressed were q u i t e s i m i l a r . On one hand, the Europeans had long h e l d the i d e a that women were i n f e r i o r t o men, and among the upper c l a s s e s , t h i s had developed i n t o the id e a that they needed the care and p r o t e c t i o n of men. Out of t h i s i d e a evolved an e l a b o r a t e system of e t i q u e t t e on the a p p r o p r i a t e way a gentleman should t r e a t a lady and t h i s system was c a r e f u l l y r e t a i n e d by a l l n i n e t e e n t h century gentlemen. On the other hand, the Japanese f e l t t h a t women, while not n e c e s s a i l y weaker, were d e f i n i t e l y i n f e r i o r , and t h e r e f o r e must show the re s p e c t and honour due any s u p e r i o r when d e a l i n g with men. Thus, both c u l t u r e s looked upon women as somehow i n f e r i o r to men, but t h i s had give n r i s e to very d i f f e r e n t systems. T h i s was r a r e l y understood by e i t h e r c u l t u r e , as the w r i t i n g s of both the westerners and Japanese t h i n k e r Kato H i r o y u k i showed. Kato argued that western e t i q u e t t e proved that women were regarded 45 as s u p e r i o r s i n the West, r e g a r d l e s s of what was claimed. When people today speak of the modernization of Japan, they u s u a l l y have Japan's i n d u s t r i a l development i n mind. I r o n i c a l l y , the western women were not p a r t i c u a r l y i n t e r e s t e d i n t h i s aspect of Japan's development. When they d i d mention the i n d u s t r i a l l i f e of Japan, they frequenty f a i l e d t o give an accu r a t e account. In t h e i r d e s c r i p t i o n s of t e x t i l e f a c t o r i e s , the o n l y modern i n d u s t r y mentioned, they p o r t r a y e d the c o n d i t i o n s as almost Utopian. From t h e i r establishment i n 81 Japan, t e x t i l e f a c t o r i e s were l a r g e l y dependent on the labour of g i r l s and young women. As i n Europe, the main a t t r a c t i o n of female l a b o u r e r s was the f a c t they c o u l d be p a i d l e s s than men. In a d d i t i o n , Japanese women had been i n d o c t r i n a t e d i n the v i r t u e s of submission and obedience, which made them more a d j u s t a b l e to the d i s c i p l i n e s of f a c t o r y and dormitory l i f e , important c o n s i d e r a t i o n s f o r f a c t o r y owners with expensive machinery. Furthermore, the Japanese had t r a d i t i o n a l l y c o n s i d e r e d the f i e l d of t e x t i l e s as women's work, and 46 t h e r e f o r e as s u i t a b l e employment f o r daughters. Thus many farmers were w i l l i n g to c o n t r a c t t h e i r daughters i n t o m i l l work, e s p e c i a l l y with the i n c e n t i v e of a cash lo a n a g a i n s t h i s daughter's wages. 4 7 While modern h i s t o r i a n s show that c o n d i t i o n s i n t e x t i l e f a c t o r i e s were t e r r i b l e , the western observers s c a r c e l y n o t i c e d . Only I s a b e l l a B i r d made any mention of modern f a c t o r i e s , and she v i s i t e d Japan before m i l l owners had begun the e x p l o i t a t i o n t h a t would become common p r a c t i s e . B i r d d e s c r i b e d the t e x t i l e m i l l she saw as a i d e a l f a c t o r y , f i l l e d w i t h c l e a n , happy workers, e f f i c i e n t l y producing s i l k t h r e a d 4 8 f o r export to England. I t i s l i k e l y that B i r d had been shown one of the model f a c t o r i e s t h a t had been e s t a b l i s h e d under the au s p i c e s of the Japanese government. While B i r d ' s a d m i r a t i o n f o r Japanese m i l l l i f e was understandable, Davidson's was not. She b e l i e v e d Japanese f a c t o r y l i f e was so i d e a l t h a t i t seemed unworthy of f a c t o r y terminology: "I c a l l 82 them hands, but that i s no word f o r these d e l i c a t e a r t i s t s ; i t came onl y by a s s o c i a t i o n a f t e r the ugly word ' f a c t o r y ' , which seems always to be a p p l i e d with b r u t a l i n a p p r o p r i a t e n e s s to 49 t h i s d a i n t y workshop." I t should be noted that she based her assessment of Japanese f a c t o r y c o n d i t i o n s on a c l o i s s o n n e p l a n t that r e a l l y was l i k e a "medieval workshop," or perhaps l i k e a sweatshop, and i m p l i e d that a l l Japanese manufacturing was done under such c o n d i t i o n s . Bacon was f u l l y aware of how much i n d u s t r i e s , such as t e x t i l e s , depended on the labour of women, s t a t i n g t h a t the growth and modernization of i n d u s t r i e s that had t r a d i t i o n a l l y employed women at home, had " g r e a t l y i n c r e a s e d the demand f o r feminine l a b o r o u t s i d e the home.""''"' She saw t h i s t r e n d as a p r o g r e s s i v e step i n the p o s i t i o n of women by g i v i n g them f i n a n c i a l independence, and thus g r e a t e r i n f l u e n c e i n the homes or the o p t i o n to remain s i n g l e . T h i s argument overlooked some of the s u b t l e t i e s of Japanese f a m i l y s t r u c t u r e , where i t would be assumed that any wages earned would be c o n t r i b u t e d to the f a m i l y ' s b e n e f i t , and not be used to f u r t h e r the i n d i v i d u a l ' s p o s i t i o n . In the case of g i r l s employed i n t e x t i l e m i l l s , most of her wages were deducted f o r food and l i v i n g expenses, and f o r a "savings d e p o s i t " which would be sent d i r e c t l y to her par e n t s . Even the l i t t l e money she had l e f t was not hers to spend as she pleased , s i n c e she had to give an acco u n t i n g to her employers, who i n t u r n r e p o r t e d i t to her par e n t s . Thus, i t seems that most of the 83 western women e i t h e r had no o p p o r t u n i t y to observe Japanese f a c t o r y l i f e , or they f e l t the c o n d i t i o n s were so much l i k e those i n the West, they were not worth r e c o r d i n g . F i n a l l y , none of the women addressed the q u e s t i o n of why Japan was a b l e to change as r a p i d l y as i t d i d . T h i s may have been due to the f a c t t h a t , by the l a t e n i n e t e e n t h century, most westerners had come not on l y to accept change, but to expect i t . In most p r e - i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s , t r a d i t i o n was a powerful i n c e n t i v e f o r doing something a c e r t a i n way, and Japan was no e x c e p t i o n to t h i s . There were elements i n Japanese s o c i e t y that made i t very f l e x i b l e i n some areas, and at the same time, very r i g i d i n o t h e r s . The reason f o r t h i s i n c o n g r u i t y l a y i n group s t r u c t u r e , which combined a r i g i d h i e r a r c h y with the e x p e c t a t i o n that i n d i v i d u a l s would perform whatever r o l e was needed by the group i n any g i v e n s i t u a t i o n . 5 Thus, i t was easy f o r an i n d i v i d u a l group to undergo v a s t changes i n i t s task, p r o v i d i n g consensus c o u l d be f i r s t o b t a i n e d . When changing circumstances meant that new jobs needed to be performed by group members, the group c o u l d demand that an i n d i v i d u a l a d j u s t to meet the new s i t u a t i o n or r i s k e x p u l s i o n from the group. While t h i s was p o s s i b l e , Smith p o i n t s out t h a t a mark of a good l e a d e r was that he achieved t h i s by making "conformity and f u l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the group come to be v o l u n t a r y o f f e r i n g s made to the common e n t e r p r i s e . " A c c o r d i n g to Nakane, the Japanese group s t r u c t u r e lends i t s e l f to r a p i d m o b i l i z a t i o n from the top: 84 The golden r u l e i s that the j u n i o r man should i n v a r i a b l y c a r r y out any order from h i s immediate s u p e r i o r . . . . H e s i t a t i o n or r e f u s a l c o n s t i t u t e a v i o l a t i o n of the system, even i f the e x e c u t i o n of the order takes a man o u t s i d e h i s assigned r o l e , f o r what i s important i s the working the v e r t i c a l system, r a t h e r than the nature of the work or the formal assignment of r o l e s . 5 4 However, i t i s extremely d i f f i c u l t to change the i n t e r n a l s t r u c t u r e of the group because of the r i g i d i t y of the Japanese h i e r a r c h y , which i s v i r t u a l l y immovable once i t i s e s t a b l i s h e d , and because membership i n a group g e n e r a l l y e n t a i l s a l o y a l t y that encompasses a l l of an i n d i v i d u a l ' s 55 emotional e x i s t e n c e and i s u s u a l l y l i f e l o n g . Because of the unique group s t r u c t u r e i n Japan, i t was f a i r l y easy to i n t r o d u c e western i n d u s t r y , technology and even such i n s t i t u t i o n s as c o n s t i t u t i o n a l government. As long as these changes had st r o n g backing from the country's l e a d e r s , who t h e o r e t i c a l l y r e p r e s e n t e d the w i l l of the Emperor, and had no e f f e c t on the h i e r a c h i c a l s t r u c t u r e of the group, most Japanese c o u l d be persuaded to take up new ways. The f i v e authors would have been d i s a p p o i n t e d to f i n d t h a t the changes they f e l t were most important — the improvement of the p o s i t i o n of women and western s t y l e marriage — would be extremely d i f f i c u l t or even i m p o s s i b l e to achieve, l a r g e l y because i t would n e c e s s i t a t e changing the e n t i r e s o c i a l and moral s t r u c t u r e , i n c l u d i n g the h i g h l y i n f l e x i b l e system of h i e r a r c h y . Because they f a i l e d to grasp the mode of change i n Japanese s o c i e t y , the women, with the ex c e p t i o n of Davidson, 85 g e n e r a l l y b e l i e v e d that Japan was on a steady path of w e s t e r n i z a t i o n with the hope that any areas that s t i l l remained Japanese would e v e n t u a l l y be changed through e d u c a t i o n . T h i s a t t i t u d e probably o r i g i n a t e d from the i d e a t h a t the changes were brought about by the process of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , which was i r r e s i s t i b l e . Once the process began, i t was b e l i e v e d a country i n e v i t a b l y f o l l o w e d a path of change that d i d away with r e g i o n a l d i f f e r e n c e s and t r a d i t i o n a l ways, and r e p l a c e d them with modern technology, e f f i c i e n c y and a new i n t e r n a t i o n a l c u l t u r e t h a t allowed people, at l e a s t among the upper c l a s s , to move from one country to another 5 fi without n o t i c i n g great d i f f e r e n c e s . The women, e s p e c i a l l y those who v i s i t e d i n the l a t e 1890's, were f r e q u e n t l y reminded that Japan was an A s i a n , not a European s o c i e t y . They b e l i e v e d that much of t h i s " O r i e n t a l n e s s " needed to be overcome through e d u c a t i o n . Thus, the women f a i l e d to r e a l i z e t h a t i t was p o s s i b l e f o r Japan to develop i n t o a modern, i n d u s t r i a l n a t i o n without adopting European c u l t u r e . 86 C o n c l u s i o n Despite the ap p a r e n t l y t r i v i a l nature of the f i v e t r a v e l o g u e s , they are not without merit s i n c e they c o n t a i n important o b s e r v a t i o n s about the s o c i a l v a l u e s of Japan. In a d d i t i o n to d e s c r i b i n g Japanese customs, the women noted some of the value s that l a y behind them. These i n c l u d e d e x p e c t a t i o n s of conformity to the group or s o c i e t y , interdependency w i t h i n the group ( u s u a l l y the f a m i l y ) and emphasis on the c h i l d - p a r e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p over that of husband and w i f e . These are important elements i n the study of Japan because they are subconscious and so deep-set they are u n l i k e l y to change except over a long p e r i o d of time. There i s evidence that they continue to a f f e c t Japanese s o c i e t y today, g i v i n g Japan a uniqueness among i n d u s t r i a l i z e d n a t i o n s . For example, these v a l u e s allowed Japan to develop i t s own f a c t o r y employment system with i t s t r a d i t i o n of group c o - o p e r a t i o n and interdependence, r a t h e r than r e p r o d u c i n g the western system that grew out of a t r a d i t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l e x p r e s s i o n and independence. Although the women made some a s t u t e o b s e r v a t i o n s about Japanese s o c i e t y , t h e i r accounts were i n f l u e n c e d by t h e i r c u l t u r a l b i a s . G e n e r a l l y , the women approached Japanese s o c i e t y with s i m i l a r assumptions; although f o u r of them were E n g l i s h and the f i f t h was American, the c u l t u r e s of the two na t i o n s were not s u f f i c i e n t l y d i f f e r e n t to have a noteworthy e f f e c t . The s u b j e c t of r e l i g i o n was a notable e x c e p t i o n to 87 t h i s , f o r each woman had st r o n g p e r s o n a l o p i n i o n s and c o n v i c t i o n s which i n t u r n a f f e c t e d the way she viewed the r e l i g i o u s l i f e of Japan. In some areas, the women were q u i t e t o l e r a n t of c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s , making t h e i r remarks out of i n t e r e s t r a t h e r than judgement. For i n s t a n c e , t h e i r treatment of Japanese e t i q u e t t e i n d i c a t e d that while they f e l t i t was u n n e c e s s a r i l y cumbersome and inc o n v e n i e n t , i t seemed to s u i t the Japanese w e l l and ensured that even c o o l i e s were well-mannered and agreeable. A e s t h e t i c s was another area i n which the westerners were a c c e p t i n g of d i f f e r e n c e s , although t h e i r negative comments on Japanese music i n d i c a t e t h a t there were l i m i t a t i o n s to t h e i r acceptance. However, there were aspects of s o c i e t y that Westerners viewed with the assumption that t h e i r own way was the only a c c e p t a b l e one. T h i s u s u a l l y a p p l i e d to areas i n v o l v i n g m o r a l i t y , and i n c l u d e d the s t r u c t u r e of f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s h i p s and the p o s i t i o n of women i n s o c i e y . Since most of the western women co n s i d e r e d marriage the most important r e l a t i o n s h i p i n l i f e , they were s t r o n g l y a g a i n s t anything that might undermine i t , i n c l u d i n g the acceptance of p r o s t i t u t e s , g e i s h a and concubines, and the emphasis on the c h i l d - p a r e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p . The Westerners were a l s o concerned with the p o s i t i o n of women i n Japan, which they c o n s i d e r e d i n t o l e r a b l y low. T h e i r comments show that they b e l i e v e d e d u c a t i o n which prepared women f o r a new r o l e i n modern Japan was the best way of 88 overcoming t h i s problem. However, the great confidence the women had i n educa t i o n as a t o o l f o r changing the va l u e s of Japan dwindled over time. While the e a r l i e r v i s i t e r s to Japan tended to assume that the vast wave of change they observed i n the p o l i t i c a l and i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r s would e v e n t u a l l y a f f e c t a l l Japanese s o c i e t y , the l a t e r ones, l i k e Davidson, had doubts on whether Japan's deep ro o t e d s o c i a l and moral val u e s c o u l d be e a s i l y changed. Because of the r e l a t i v e l y s h o r t p e r i o d of time that had ela p s e d s i n c e the opening of Japan to the West, i t was imp o s s i b l e f o r the women to know what a f f e c t s m odernization would have on Japanese s o c i e t y . I t i s o n l y now that we can marvel at the t e n a c i t y of many of the t r a d i t i o n a l v a l u e s they recorded. Although they gave f a i r l y i n s i g h t f u l accounts of M e i j i Japan, the women d i d not approach t h e i r s u b j e c t i n an a u t h o r i t a t i v e manner, but tended to present t h e i r accounts as unimportant r e c o r d s of t h e i r own exper i e n c e s . Even Bacon, who wrote on women, the "ne g l e c t e d h a l f " of the p o p u l a t i o n , a p o l o g i z e d f o r speaking on a s u b j e c t on which she was o b v i o u s l y w e l l q u a l i f i e d . 1 The tone of t h e i r accounts i s q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from those w r i t t e n by t h e i r male c o u n t e r p a r t s , although t h e i r c l a i m t o a u t h o r i t y was the same: both had v i s i t e d Japan and made o b s e r v a t i o n s on the country and i t s 2 people. The women gave t h e i r o p i n i o n s and ideas on v a r i o u s a s p e c t s of Japanese s o c i e t y , but these o p i n i o n s were embedded i n a v e r b a l p o r t r a i t of Japan i n such a way that the l e s s 89 p e r c e p t i v e reader was f o r c e d to draw h i s own c o n c l u s i o n s . In c o n t r a s t , many of the male authors l e f t no doubt as to t h e i r o p i n i o n s on Japan, f i l l i n g t h e i r accounts with lengthy statements on the country's p o l i t i c a l and economic development. For example, Edwin B a e l z , a German doctor t e a c h i n g at Tokyo U n i v e r s i t y , devoted most of h i s " d i a r y " to g i v i n g p o l i t i c a l a dvice to the Japanese, e s p e c i a l l y i n the area of i n t e r n a t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s , while s c a r c e l y mentioning the development of western medicine i n Japan. The women probably adopted t h i s humble stance out of deference to the V i c t o r i a n i d e a that women were i n c a p a b l e of s e r i o u s i n t e l l e c t u a l endeavour. U n f o r t u n a t e l y , the u n s c h o l a r l y format r e i n f o r c e d t h i s p r e j u d i c e , r e s u l t i n g i n the d i s m i s s a l of the works as worthwhile r e c o r d s of Japanese h i s t o r y . However, t h i s format had two advantages over a more s o p h i s t i c a t e d approach. F i r s t , i t gave the women's accounts a sense of immediacy i n t h e i r p o r t r a y a l of Japan. Instead of viewing Japan through a f i l t e r of i n t e l l e c t u a l a n a l y s i s of i n f o r m a t i o n gleaned from the r e c o r d s of the past, these accounts a l l o w the reader to view M e i j i s o c i e t y through the eyes of a contemporary v i s i t o r , t r a n s p o r t i n g the reader through space and time. For many V i c t o r i a n s , t r a v e l o g u e s were the o n l y way they c o u l d " v i s i t " far-away p l a c e s , and the work of our f i v e authors would have served t h i s purpose w e l l . Although the authors sometimes misunderstood what they saw, t h e i r books e n r i c h e the modern reader's understanding of what 90 everyday l i f e was l i k e i n M e i j i Japan. Thus, these books are a v a l u a b l e a d d i t i o n to modern s t u d i e s of M e i j i Japan. The second advantage of the d i a r y format, was that i t allowed the p e r s o n a l i t y of the women to come through t h e i r w r i t i n g , along with t h e i r wit and humour. For example, the Baroness came a c r o s s as a good hostess who got along w e l l with people and who emphasized the s i m i l a r i t i e s r a t h e r than the d i f f e r e n c e s between the Westerners and the Japanese. On the other hand, F r a s e r was a c l o s e observer of the many l i t t l e t h i n g s that made each person unique, f i l l i n g her book with c h a r a c t e r sketches of the i n d i v i d u a l s she came to know. Thus, the books t e l l us a great d e a l about the women themselves. And from t h i s i t i s c l e a r t h a t , with the e x c e p t i o n of B i r d , a l l of the women came to love both the Japanese people and t h e i r country. 91 Endnotes I n t r o d u c t i o n •'•Dorothy . Middleton, V i c t o r i a n Lady T r a v e l e r s (Chicago: Academy Chicago, 1965), p. 12. 2 Pat B a r r , A Curious L i f e f o r a Lady: The Story of  I s a b e l l a B i r d (London: John Murray P u b l i s h e r s L i m i t e d , 1970), p. 102. 3 M i d d l e t o n , pp. 11-2, 19. 4 A l i c e Mabel Bacon, A Japanese I n t e r i o r (Boston: Houghton, M i f f l i n and Company, R i v e r s i d e Press, 1894), pp. v - v i . 5 Middleton, p. 4. Chapter 1 •'•According to modern s c h o l a r s , i n d i v i d u a l emotions and d e s i r e s were t o l e r a t e d p r o v i d i n g they d i d not c o n f l i c t with the needs of the group. For example, Ruth Benedict r e p o r t e d that the Japanese saw nothing wrong with t a k i n g a m i s t r e s s or seei n g a Geisha p r o v i d i n g he d i d not n e g l e c t h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s i n the household. These r e l a t i o n s h i p s belonged to the " c i r c l e of human f e e l i n g " which was kept separate from that of the f a m i l y . Ruth Benedict, The  Chrsanthemum and the Sword: P a t t e r n s of Japanese C u l t u r e (1946, r p t . New York: The World P u b l i s h i n g Company, 1972),pp. 184-7. Dorinne Kondo s t a t e d that "Indulgence i n p u r e l y p e r s o n a l , i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c happiness i s s t i l l l i k e l y to be viewed, e s p e c i a l l y f o r those who are i n v o l v e d i n f a m i l y e n t e r p r i s e , as s e l f i s h and immature. . . . ' s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t ' cannot be found o u t s i d e the context of the group (or i f i t i s , that i t exacts high p e r s o n a l cost -- estrangement from the group); that the i n d i v i d u a l i s always embedded i n a s o c i a l framework, and that ' r e a l ' happiness i n Japanese c u l t u r e i s found i n c a r r y i n g out one's s o c i a l o b l i g a t i o n s . " Dorinne Kondo, Work, Family and the S e l f : A C u l t u r a l A n a l y s i s of Japanese Family E n t e r p r i s e (unpublished d o c t o r a l d i s s e r t a t i o n , department of anthropology, Harvard U n i v e r s i t y , Cambridge, Ma., May 1982), quoted i n Matthews Masayu Hamabata, From  Household to Economy: the Japanese Family E n t e r p r i s e ( d o c t o r a l d i s s e r t a t i o n , department s o c i o l o g y , Harvard U n i v e r s t i y , Cambridge, Ma., 1983, r p t . Ann Arber, Michigan: U n i v e r s i t y 92 M i c r o f i l m s I n t e r n a t i o n a l , 1986), p, 266. Chie Nakane, Japanese S o c i e t y (London: Weidenfeld and N i c o l s o n , 1970), p. 20,and Hamabata, p. 66. Under the stem f a m i l y system, the h e i r , u s u a l l y the e l d e s t son, does not leave h i s p a r e n t s ' house a f t e r marriage but continues to l i v e t h ere with h i s wife and f a m i l y u n t i l h i s parents d i e . At t h i s p o i n t , he becomes the new household head. T h i s d i f f e r s from the extended f a m i l y i n that other s i b l i n g s leave to form or j o i n new households. 3 Mary F r a s e r , A Diplomat's Wife i n Japan, ed. Hugh C o r t a z z i (1899, r e p u b l i s h e d New York: W e a t h e r h i l l , 1982), p. 163. Danjuro was probably a c t i n g out of "on" which Ruth Benedict d e f i n e s as " o b l i g a t i o n s p a s s i v e l y i n c u r r e d " and i s something r e c e i v e d on the acceptance of a favour or kindness, to be "worn" by the r e c i p i e n t . There are two kind s of debt i n c u r r e d by wearing "on" which must be r e c i p r o c a t e d or r e p a i d i n some way. The f i r s t , "gimu", c o n s i s t e d of duty owed to the Emperor (cho), to one's parents and anc e s t o r s (ko) and to one's work (mimmu), and i n v o l v e d l i m i t l e s s d e v o t i o n , s i n c e the "on" r e c e i v e d was so great that payment c o u l d only be p a r t i a l at most. The second, was " g i r i " , which was owed to a l l other types of "on" r e c e i v e d , and was "regarded as having to be r e p a i d with mathematical equivalence to the fa v o r r e c e i v e d . " Benedict, p. 116. Danjuro would have supported h i s own household, which would have i n c l u d e d h i s w i f e , c h i l d r e n , parents and grandparents, i f they were s t i l l l i v i n g , as part of h i s "gimu". I f he gave f i n a n c i a l support to r e l a t i v e s o u t s i d e of h i s household, he would do so out of " g i r i " , r e p a y i n g "on" to t h e i r common a n c e s t o r s . I t i s u n l i k e l y that F r a s e r was aware of these d i s t i n c t i o n s and probably assumed Danjuro was f u n c t i o n i n g under a system of o b l i g a t i o n s where a l l r e l a t i v e s had a share i n the good fortune of one member, s i m i l a r to that which p r e v a i l e d i n China. Benedict, pp. 136-7. 4 , A l i c e Mabel Bacon, Japanese G i r l s and Women (Boston: Houghton, M i f f i n and Company, 1902), p. 169. ( A l l f u t u r e r e f e r e n c e s to Bacon are from t h i s source.) Few Japanese worried that t h e i r work would be u n r e c i p r o c a t e d s i n c e great s t r e s s was p l a c e d on honouring a l l "on" debts owed. F a i l u r e to repay " g i r i " meant one was "branded as without i n t e g r i t y or honor, and su b j e c t e d to s u b s t a n t i a l i n f o r m a l s a n c t i o n s . " Robert J . Smith, Japanese S o c i e t y : T r a d i t i o n , S e l f , and the S o c i a l Order (England: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1983) p. 46. As a r e s u l t , the Japanese were g e n e r a l l y r e l u c t a n t to accept or give f a v o u r s , e s p e c i a l l y i n ca s u a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , because the shame and discomfort of "wearing on" was so gr e a t . To owe " g i r i " e n t a i l s a l e v e l of commitment that i s only a c c e p t a b l e i f the one to whom i t i s owed i s f o r m a l l y r e l a t e d i n some way. The discomfort of "wearing on" i s expressed i n 93 t h e i r ways of s a y i n g thank-you, which g e n e r a l l y comments on the shame of the r e c e i v e r , and i n the s a y i n g " I t r e q u i r e s (an im p o s s i b l e degree o f ) in b o r n g e n e r o s i t y to r e c e i v e on." Benedict, pp. 104-9, 113. 5 Yanagida Kunio, ed., Japanese Customs and Manners i n the  M e i j i E r a , t r a n s . C h a r l e s S. T e r r y (Tokyo: Obunsha, 1957), pp. 1b4-5. ^Augusta M. Campbell Davidson, Present Day Japan (London: T. F i s h e r Unwin, 1904), pp. 69-70. ^Bacon, pp. 1-5. 8 I b i d , p. 273. 9 l b i d , p. 5. 1 0 D a v i d s o n , p. 294. 1 1 F r a s e r , p. 97. 1 2 B a c o n , p. 249. 1 3 F r a s e r , p. 313. 14Baroness d'Anathan, Fourteen Years of D i p l o m a t i c L i f e i n  Japan (London: St a n l e y Paul and Company, 1912), pp. 316, 137-8. Bacon, pp. 109-11. T h i s r e f l e c t s the d i f f e r e n c e i n the a t t i t u d e the Japanese take towards f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s h i p s from that of the west. Grown c h i l d r e n were expected to obey t h e i r f a t h e r , who was f r e q u e n t l y the head of the household. When he r e t i r e d , h i s h e i r would look a f t e r him because of the "on" r e c e i v e d over the years. Benedict, pp. 101-2. 16 Although western s o c i e t y was h i e r a r c h i c a l to a degree at t h i s time, i t s system of ranking was q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from that of the Japanese. Western h i e r a r c h y c o n s i s t e d of s e v e r a l c l a s s e s which contained l a r g e numbers of people who were thought of as peers, and were separated from other c l a s s e s by f a i r l y s u b s t a n t i a l gaps. On the other hand, the Japanese re c o g n i z e d many s u b t l e d i s t i n c t i o n s of rank so that an i n d i v i d u a l would r e l a t e to others e i t h e r as i n f e r i o r s or s u p e r i o r s , having few peers. T h i s system of h i e r a r c h y w i t h i n Japanese households was so r i g i d t h a t even s i b l i n g s were aware of t h e i r r e l a t i v e rank. Bacon, pp. 15-6, and F r a s e r , p. 329. T h i s consciousness of h i e r a r c h y i s s t i l l p r e v a l e n t i n modern Japanese s o c i e t y . For example, D. H. Bayley d e s c r i b e s the awareness of rank among Japanese policemen: "Policemen are aware not only of rank g r a d a t i o n s but s e n i o r i t y w i t h i n ranks. 94 They mold t h e i r speech and behavior a c c o r d i n g to whether the o f f i c e r they are d e a l i n g with i s above or below them i n s t a t u s . Even p a r t n e r s i n a p a t r o l car address one another d i f f e r e n t l y depending on t h e i r r e l a t i v e r o l e s . The s e n i o r p a r t n e r w i l l be addressed as 'shacho' by the j u n i o r , while the j u n i o r p a r t n e r w i l l be c a l l e d by h i s surname." David H. Bayley, Forces of Order: P o l i c e Behavior i n Japan and the  U n i t e d S t a t e s (Berkeley: U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s , 1976), p.66. Rank i s c a l c u l a t e d , not simply on the b a s i s of c l a s s , but a l s o by sex, age, f a m i l y t i e s , b usiness connections and any p r e v i o u s d e a l i n g s between the two p a r t i e s , making the o b s e r v a t i o n of rank a task that i s f a r from easy. Benedict, p. 48. Thus, the exchanging of business cards i s an i n v a l u a b l e a i d i n knowing how to p r o p e r l y address someone on the f i r s t meeting. Smith argues that " [ T j h e i r primary purpose i s to r e v e a l at once the s o c i a l s t a t u s of each p a r t y through the t i t l e s or a f f i l i a t i o n s p r i n t e d on them. The r e c i p i e n t of a card has been g i v e n an i n v a l u a b l e c l u e to the l e v e l of speech i t i s a p p r o p r i a t e f o r him to adopt." Smith, p. 82. 17 Both Smith and Hamabata p o i n t out how e a s i l y the Japanese language can be used to i n f l i c t great i n s u l t , r e n d e r i n g p r o f a n i t y v i r t u a l l y unnecessary. Smith r e l a t e s the way students addressed p r o f e s s o r s i n an i n a p p r o p r i a t e l y low manner d u r i n g the p r o t e s t s of the nineteen s i x t i e s , thus " i n f l i c t [ i n g ] a g r i e v o u s i n s u l t . " Smith, p. 78. S i m i l a r l y , Hamabata c i t e s the way the Shimotakahara f a m i l y expressed t h e i r d i s l i k e of Aunt Kinuko, the second wife of the e l d e s t b r o t h e r . By a d d r e s s i n g her as "Okin-san", a form of name g e n e r a l l y used f o r s e r v a n t s , r a t h e r than "Aunt", they i m p l i e d e x c l u s i o n from the group. Hamabata concludes that "by r e f e r r i n g to someone w i t h i n the household by h i s or her p e r s o n a l name, r a t h e r that h i s or her p o s i t i o n a l k i n s h i p term, one c a r r i e s out a most d i r e c t and obvious i n s u l t . " Hamabata p. 104. 18 T h i s exaggerated h u m i l i t y was o n l y shown to those of hig h e r rank; o b v i o u s l y , the western l a d i e s were co n s i d e r e d as s u p e r i o r s by most of the Japanese they encountered on t h e i r t r a v e l s . 1 9 F r a s e r , pp. 12, 114-5 2 f l Davidson, pp. 274-7. T h i s p a t t e r n of speech i s not adopted by c h i l d r e n u n t i l they reach an age when they are thought able t o "know shame", g e n e r a l l y about age nine, when great pressure to conform to the r e s t r a i n t s of a d u l t s o c i e t y begins. B e n e d i c t , p. 270. ^ D a v i d s o n , p. 274. "Keigo" or "respect language" i n d i c t s both d i s t a n c e and d i f f e r e n c e s i n rank between the speaker and h i s addressee. Since there are few words t h a t do not imply 95 s t a t u s d i f f e r e n c e s , i t i s almost i m p o s s i b l e to converse without f i r s t e s t a b l i s h i n g the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the two p a r t i e s . In a d d i t i o n , the use of language that i s more or l e s s r e s p e c t f u l than i s a p p r o p r i a t e , i s c o n s i d e r e d a great i n s u l t to the person being addressed. Benedict, p. 47, and Smith, pp. 74-8. 22 I s a b e l l a B i r d , Unbeaten T r a i l s i n Japan: An Account of  T r a v e l s on Horseback i n the I n t e r i o r , 2 v o l . (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1881), I I : 166-8. 2 3 D a v i d s o n , p. 261, and B i r d , I: 281. 24Davidson, p. 43. T h i s was a l s o noted by Benedict, who i m p l i e d the v a r i e t y of bows exceeded those observed by the western l a d i e s . Benedict, p. 48. 2 5 D a v i d s o n , pp. 79-80, and B i r d , 1:323. 2 6 B a c o n , p. 17. 2 7 D a v i d s o n , p. 294. 2 8 I b i d , p. 294. According to Takeo Doi, dependency, which he c a l l s "amae" or p a s s i v e l o v e , i s a unique f e a t u r e of Japanese psychology. He b e l i e v e s that the need to a p o l o g i z e when any kindness i s shown them i s rooted i n the " f e a r that u n l e s s they a p o l o g i z e the other man w i l l t h i n k them i m p o l i t e with the r e s u l t that they may l o s e h i s good w i l l . " T h i s i s to be avoided at a l l c o s t s , s i n c e i t would leave a person "alone and h e l p l e s s " i n s i d e . Takeo Doi, Anatomy of Dependence, t r a n s , by John Bester (Tokyo: Kodansha I n t e r n a t i o n a l L t d . , 1973), pp. 31-2. 29 Ruth Benedict p o i n t s out that the term " s e l f - r e s p e c t " means very d i f f e r e n t t h i n g s to the Japanese and the Westerners; to the former i t i m p l i e s being prudent i n c a l c u l a t i n g the v a r i o u s a c t i o n s and never doing anything that would l e s s o n the chances of success. Benedict, pp. 219-20. 3 0 B a c o n , p. 250. 31 A c c o r d i n g to Benedict, t h i s was a part of " g i r i o u t s i d e the c i r c l e of on," which was the duty which i n v o l v e d keeping one's r e p u t a t i o n c l e a r of i n s u l t or f a i l u r e and o b s e r v i n g the r u l e s of Japanese e t i q u e t t e . T h i s i n c l u d e d " . . . o b s e r v i n g a l l r e s p e c t behavior, not l i v i n g above one's s t a t i o n i n l i f e , c u r b i n g a l l d i s p l a y s of emotion on i n a p p r o p r i a t e o c c a s i o n s . " Benedict, p 116, 148-9. 32John C. P e l z e l , "Japanese K i n s h i p : a Comparison", i n Maurice Freedman, e d i t o r , Family and K i n s h i p i n Chinese S o c i e t y ( C a l i f o r n i a : S t a n f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , lyvu) p. 244, 96 as quoted by Smith, p. 52. 3 3 Japanese s t o i c i s m , which was a p a r t of " g i r i o u t s i d e the c i r c l e of on," had been n o t i c e d by many westerners, e s p e c i a l l y among the samurai. Benedict r e p o r t e d t h a t : "A samurai should g i v e no s i g n of s u f f e r i n g s t i l l he f e l l dead and he must bear p a i n without w i n c i n g . " Benedict, p. 149. One r e s u l t of t h i s t h i n k i n g was that the Japanese army f a i l e d to provide adequate medical treatment to wounded s o l d i o r s d u r i n g the Second World War. Benedict, p. 37. 3 4d'Anathan, p. 440. 3 5 F r a s e r , p. 310. One of the best known examples of t h i s aspect of samurai e t h i c s i s the response of Okuma Shigenobu a f t e r h i s r i g h t l e g was s h a t t e r e d i n an a s s a s s i n a t i o n attempt. A c c o r d i n g to Joyce Lebra, Okuma " f e l t such sympathy f o r [ h i s a s s a s s i n ] , who had d i e d f o r h i s p r i n c i p l e s , t h a t he sent money to Kurushima's f a m i l y r e g u l a r l y t h e r e a f t e r on the a n n i v e r s a r y of the attempted a s s a s s i n a t i o n . In t h i s behavior Okuma demonstrated h i s e x t r a o r d i n a r y t o l e r a n c e p l u s some of the t r a d i t i o n a l Japanese reverence f o r one who had the courage of h i s c o n v i c t i o n s . " Joyce C. Lebra, Okuma Shigenobu:  Statesman of M e i j i Japan (Canberra: A u s t r a l i s a n N a t i o n a l U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1973), pp. 88-9. 3 6 Bacon, p. 14. 3 7 I b i d , p. 280. 3 8 Many Japanese customs had been r e q u i r e d by law d u r i n g the Tokugawa p e r i o d and were s t i l l s t r o n g l y e n f o r c e d i n many c i r c l e s by the requirements of " g i r i o u t i d e the c i r c l e of on". The adoption of new ways of doing t h i n g s was o n l y p o s s i b l e i f i t was not construed as l i v i n g above one's s t a t i o n and i f a l l members of the household agreed t h a t t h i s was the best course f o r the household's w e l f a r e , or at l e a s t agreed to go along with the household head's d e c i s i o n . T h i s process was helped c o n s i d e r a b l y by government encouragement to adopt c e r t a i n changes, which might then be c o n s i d e r e d as a p a r t of "chu" or "duty to the Emperor". Benedict, pp. 116, 149. 3 9 B i r d , 1:360. 4 0 I b i d , 11:178-9. 4 1 D a v i d s o n , pp. 229-30. 42 Yanagida, pp. 55-6. 4 3 B i r d , I:93. 97 4 4Fusuma, which are s i m i l a r to s h o j i , are s l i d i n g screens g e n e r a l l y used to d i v i d e the i n t e r i o r of a Japanese house i n t o rooms and can be comlpetely removed i f a s i n g l e l a r g e space i s d e s i r e d . They are made of a g r i d of l i g h t s t r i p s of wood covered on both s i d e s with opaque heavy paper. Although they are g e n e r a l l y p l a i n , they are sometimes decorated with embossed g o l d or s i l v e r designs or p a i n t i n g s . S h o j i d i f f e r from fusuma i n that the wooden g r i d i s only covered on the o u t s i d e with s m a l l squares of t r a n s l u c e n t r i c e paper and are u s u a l l y used around the e x t e r i o r of the house. Arthur D r e x l e r , The A r c h i t e c t u r e of Japan (New York: The Museum of Modern A r t , 1955), pp. 63-5. 45 Davidson, p. 296-9. 46 Sharon S i e v e r s , Flowers i n S a l t : The Beginnings of  F e m i n i s t Consciousness i n Modern Japan ( C a l i f o r n i a : S t a n f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1983), p. TTi 4 7 D a v i d s o n , pp. 11-2, B i r d , I:27-9,and d'Anathan, p. 37. 4 8Yanagi da, p. 18 49 Bacon, pp. 20, 334, and Davidson, pp 11, 292. 5 0 Y a n a g i d a , pp. 11-4. 5 1 B i r d , 1:37, 98, and Davidson, p. 288.52 Bacon, p. 29. 5 2 I b i d , pp . 39-^ S m i t h , p . 127 54 Benedict , PP-5 5 Davidson , PP-5 6 B i r d , I: 101 . 5 7 I b i d , II :230. Chapter 2 "^Smith, pp. 93-4. Smith goes on to say t h a t : "Each s c h o o l of dance, flower a r r a n g i n g , tea ceremony, c a l l i g r a p h y , m a r t i a l a r t s , and a l l o t h e r s t h a t r e q u i r e t r a i n i n g has i t s s e c r e t s , which at the proper time w i l l be imparted to the d i s c i p l e or p u p i l by the head of the s c h o o l . As one advances 98 i n the ranks or grades of p r o f i c i e n c y , the teacher r e v e a l s a d d i t i o n a l s e c r e t s of the a r t , e n a b l i n g the a f i c i o n a d o to d e t e c t by the most s u b t l e of s i g n s that the performer has r i s e n to a c e r t a i n l e v e l of s k i l l . Save f o r those who have devoted themselves to the study of one or another of these a r t s and c r a f t s , no observer... can a p p r e c i a t e the d i s t i n c t i o n s thus s i g n a l e d . " 2 Davidson, pp. 305-13, and d'Anathan, p. 43. 3 Davidson,p. 312. 4Bacon, pp. 241-2. Bacon d i d not s p e c i f y the type of t h e a t r e she saw. 5 F r a s e r , p. 246. g I b i d , pp. 339-40, and Davidson, p. 211. 7 Bacon, p. 242. 8 I b i d , pp. 22-3. 9 I b i d , p. 40. 1 0 D a v i d s o n , pp. 161-2. - ^ F r a s e r , pp. 153-4. -^Benedict, pp. 294-5, and Samual H. Wainwright, J r . , Beauty i n Japan (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1935), p. 96. Japanese garden landscapes were not u n l i k e those designed by C a p a b i l i t y Brown, an 18th century landscape a r c h i t i e c t . 1 3 F r a s e r , p. 227. 1 4 D a v i d s o n , pp. 286-7. 1 5 F r a s e r , p. 139. 16 Bacon, p. 119. 1 7 d ' A n a t h a n , p. 411. 1 8 F r a s e r , pp. 138-9. Wainwright a l s o noted that branches were more popular f o r flower arrangements than f l o w e r s . Wainwright, pp. 289-90. 1 9 B a c o n , pp. 34-5, and Wainwright, p. 44. 20 F r a s e r , p. 246. 99 2 2 D a v i d s o n , pp. 85, 129, 211. 2 3 B i r d , 1:100, 138. 2 4 B a c o n , p. 34. 2 5 I b i d , pp. 35-6, and d'Anathan, p. 348. 2 ^ i t was not s u r p r i s i n g that emotionalism i n a r t was frowned on s i n c e the d i s p l a y of emotion was g e n e r a l l y seen as s e l f i s h and immature. Smith, pp. 98-9, and Benedict, pp. 145-9. 27 Davidson, pp. 260, 285. Wainwright r e f e r s to the philosophy of gardening, n o t i n g that there are s e v e r a l d i f f e r e n t s c h o o l s of the a r t of l a n d s c a p i n g . Wainwright, pp. 96-7. 2 8 d'Anathan, p. 22. Wainwright notes that the Japanese a t t a c h symbolic meanings to many t r e e s and f l o w e r s , g e n e r a l l y r e f l e c t i n g some c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the p l a n t s appearance or growth p a t t e r n . Since c o l o u r i s g e n e r a l l y a s s o c i a t e d with emotion i n the O r i e n t , flowers are u s u a l l y used as c o l o u r a c c e n t s , so t h a t the l i n e of the arrangement takes p r i o r i t y over the c o l o u r . Wainwright, pp. 75-7. 2 9 B i r d , 1:137. 3 0 B a c o n , p. 195. 3 1 B i r d , 1:233. 32 Bacon, pp. 195-6. 3 3 I b i d , pp. 194-6. 3 4 E u r o p e a n c o u n t r i e s had a r i c h t r a d i t i o n of f o l k a r t c r e a t e d by and f o r the peasants. U n l i k e the a r t i s t i c c u l t u r e of the upper c l a s s , which was s i m i l a r throughout Europe, f o l k a r t v a r i e d widely from p l a c e to p l a c e . I t i n c l u d e d n a t i o n a l costumes, smocking, embroidery, d e c o r a t i v e p a i n t i n g , weaving, corn d o l l y s , k n i t t i n g , c r o c h e t i n g , f o l k music and dance. Many of these a r t s were threatened with e x t i n c t i o n as Europe became i n d u s t r i a l i z e d , p a r t l y because manufactured goods began to r e p l a c e t r a d i t i o n a l l y made ones, and p a r t l y because many of the people who had c r e a t e d f o l k a r t began to work i n f a c t o r i e s . F o r t u n a t e l y , the value of most of these a r t s were re c o g n i z e d before they had completely d i e d out and e f f o r t s are now being made to preserve both the s k i l l s and the a r t i t s e l f . 3 5 W a i n w r i g h t , pp. 79, 101, 106, 119. 100 Bacon, pp. 196-8. 3 7 B i r d , I I : 192. 3 8 I b i d , I I : 195. Chapter 3 "'"Smith, pp. 94-6, and Hamabata, p. 109. 2 I am assuming that at t h i s time many p r o f e s s e d to f o l l o w a p a r t i c u l a r r e l i g i o n , not because they had any p e r s o n a l c o n v i c t i o n s on the s u b j e c t , but because i t was expected they would f o l l o w the f a m i l y or s o c i a l customs i n a t t e n d i n g a church. However, someone who p r a c t i s e d a r e l i g i o n out of p e r s o n a l c o n v i c t i o n and f a i t h would probably be more committed to i t . 3 d'Anathan, pp. 293, 304. 4 F r a s e r , p. 50, and The B i b l e , Acts 4:10-2, Romans 3:30. 5 F r a s e r , p. 264, 268. 6Bacon, p. 325. 7 Davidson, pp. 151-4. 8 B i r d , 11:313. 9 I b i d , 1:71. ^ F r a s e r was probably r e f e r r i n g to the government's e f f o r t s to e s t a b l i s h Shinto as Japan's " s t a t e r e l i g i o n , " which i n c l u d e d the r e - e s t a b l i s h m e n t of the Department of Shinto i n 1868, the s e p a r a t i o n of Buddhism from Shinto and the d i s e s t a b l i s h m e n t of the former and the g r a n t i n g of s p e c i a l p r i v i l e g e s and the task of keeping census r e c o r d s to the l a t t e r . Kishimoto Hideo, ed., Japanese R e l i g i o n i n the M e i j i E r a , t r a n s , by John F. Howes (Tokyo: Obunsha, 1956), pp. 47-9. 1 : L F r a s e r , p. 183. 1 2 K i s h i m o t o , pp. 76-7. 1 3 F r a s e r , p. 183. 14 Davidson, pp. 95, 80-1. 101 1 R -"--The f a i l u r e of the Shinto reform showed that Davidson was mistaken i n t h i s . Kishimoto, p. 68. 1 6 D a v i d s o n , p. 95. 1 7 I b i d pp. 109-11. 1 8 B i r d , 1:9. 1 9 B i r d , 11:282, 292. A t o r i i i s a Shinto gate l e a d i n g i n the s h r i n e yard; sometimes a s e r i e s of t o r i i l i n e the avenue l e a d i n g to the s h r i n e . 2 0 I b i d , 11:282. 2 1 I b i d , 1:9. 2 2 I b i d , 11:279. 23 Westerners f r e q u e n t l y used C a t h o l i c terminology i n d e s c r i b i n g Buddhism. Davidson, p. 128, and B i r d , 11:244. 2 4 F r a s e r , p. 306. 2 5 I b i d , p. 171. 26d'Anathan, pp. 27, 91. I t should be noted that B i r d had a very d i f f e r e n t impression of s t a t u e s of Buddha: "I saw ...stone Buddhas everywhere, with f a c e s on which s t a g n a t i o n i s d e p i c t e d , and from which a l l human emotion i s banished; Buddha i s not s l e e p i n g or waking or t h i n k i n g , he e x i s t s o n l y . " B i r d , 11:247. 27 Davidson, p. 79. 2 8 B i r d , 1:65, 212. ^Davidson, pp. 80-4. 3 0 I b i d , pp. 79-80, 137, and B i r d , 11:16-9. 31 d'Anathan, p. 30, and F r a s e r , pp. 172-3. 3 2 B i r d , 1:71. 3 3 I b i d , 1:192. 3 4 I b i d , 1:148, 267, 273. 3 5 I b i d , 1:161, 314, and 11:181, 250, 313. 3 6 I b i d , 11:311. 102 37 A p i e c e of each person's u m b i l i c a l c o r d was kept to be i n c l u d e d i n the c o f f i n at death. I t was thought t h i s was necessary f o r b i r t h i n t o l i f e i n the underworld. Bacon, p. 269. 3 8 I b i d , pp. 84, 267. 3 9 I b i d , p. 203. 40 I b i d , p. 29. 4 1 K i s h i m o t o , pp. 18-21. 4 2 F r a s e r , p. 50. 4 3 B i r d , 1:208. 4 4 T h e s u b j e c t of r e l i g i o u s freedom was g r e a t l y debated by e a r l y M e i j i i n t e l l e c t u a l s . N i s h i Amane argued that to connect a government with a r e l i g i o n was to b r i n g that government to a s t a t e of c o l l a p s e when the people outgrew that p a r t i c u l a r set of b e l i e f s , and he t h e r e f o r e advocated a complete s e p a r a t i o n of s t a t e and r e l i g i o n . On the other hand, Kashiwabara Takaaki b e l i e v e d t h a t s i n c e the government was l i k e a f a t h e r to the people, i t had an o b l i g a t i o n to save the people from f o l l o w i n g a "savage" r e l i g i o n . Meiroku Z a s s h i : J o u r n a l of the Japanese  Enlightenment, t r a n s . W i l l i a m Reynolds B r a i s t e d , a s s i s t e d by Adachi Yasushi and K i k u c h i Y u j i ( Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1976), pp. 50-2, 59-62, 73-5, 359-62. In a d d i t i o n to s c h o l a r l y debate, there was a great d e a l of pressure from f o r e i g n governments to give Japan r e l i g i o u s freedom. In 1873, the government r e l e a s e d imprisoned C h r i s t i a n s and removed the ban a g a i n s t C h r i s t i a n i t y , and two years l a t e r , allowed v a r i o u s r e l i g i o u s s e c t s the freedom to t r a i n t h e i r own p r i e s t s r a t h e r than use those t r a i n e d by the Daikoyoin, or the government seminary. [The Daikoyoin t h e o r e t i c a l l y t r e a t e d Shinto and Buddhism as equals, but the former g e n e r a l l y dominated. Kishimoto, pp. 132-4.] F i n a l l y , 1889 saw f u l l r e l i g i o u s freedom granted the Japanese i n a r t i c l e 28 of the c o n s t i t u t i o n . Kishomoto, pp. 83-5, 194-6. 45 Kishimoto, pp. 182, 338. 4 6 B a c o n , p. 327. 4 7 T h i s theory i s supported by Ohata and Ikado who s a i d : "[T]he Japanese had d i f f i c u l a t y i n understanding some of the e s s e n t i a l s of C h r i s t i a n i t y , p a r t i c u l a r l y the concepts of o r i g i n a l s i n and atonement.... C h r i s t i a n i t y needed two t h i n g s to p rosper: a v a l i a n t s p i r i t to r e p e l governmental and s o c i a l p r e s s u r e , and i n t e l l e c t u a l a b i l i t y to understand and propagate 103 d i f f i c u l t d o c t r i n e s . " I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g to f i n d that most of the C h r i s t i a n converts came from the samurai rank. Kishimoto, p. 174. 4 8 B i r d , 1 : 2 1 5 - 7 . 4 9d'Anathan, p. 3 0 4 , and F r a s e r , pp. 5 0 - 1 , 9 4 - 5 , 307 . 5 0 B a c o n , pp. 3 1 9 , 3 2 5 . 5 1 B i r d , 11 : 313 . 5 2 I b i d , 1 : 2 0 1 . 5 3 I b i d , 1 : 2 2 4 , 2 2 7 , 236 . 5 4 s m i t h , pp. 9 4 - 6 . Chapter 4 ^Bacon, p. v i i . In her i n t r o d u c t i o n , Bacon s t a t e d : "While Japan as a whole has been c l o s e l y s t u d i e d . . . one h a l f of the p o p u l a t i o n has been l e f t e n t i r e l y unnoticed, passed over with b r i e f mention, or a l t o g e t h e r misunderstood. I t i s of the n e g l e c t e d h a l f that I have w r i t t e n , i n the hope that the whole f a b r i c of Japanese s o c i a l l i f e w i l l be b e t t e r comprehended when the women of the country, and so the homes they make, are b e t t e r known and understood." 2 A yodoya i s a type of Japanese h o t e l . 3 Davidson, p.278 . 4 F r a s e r , p. 7 2 . 5 Bacon, p. 7 2 . 6World Book E n c y c l o p e d i a , v o l s . 1, 13 (Chicago: F i e l d E n t e r p r i s e s E d u c a t i o n a l C o r p o r a t i o n , 1 9 6 7 ) , 1 :178 , 1 3 : 1 7 8 . 7 E. A. Wrigley, P o p u l a t i o n and H i s t o r y (Toronto: McGraw H i l l Book Company, 1 9 6 9 ) , p. 101 . 8Edward S h o r t e r , The Making of the Modern Family (New York: B a s i c Books, Inc., P u b l i s h e r s , 1 9 7 5 ) , pp. 2 0 5 - 6 , 234 . ^Hamabata, p. 6 6 . The p a t t e r n of the Japanese household i s changing with the r i s e of "my-home-ism." Chie Nakane says 104 t h a t the new i d e a l " i m p l i e s that the husband should regard h i s f a m i l y as of supreme importance and spend as much time with them as p o s s i b l e . " However, t h i s i s not a r e p l i c a of the western p a t t e r n which focuses on the marriage r e l a t i o n s h i p , but i s a l i m i t e d v e r s i o n of the t r a d i t i o n a l Japanese p a t t e r n where the husband i s the head of a household that o n l y c o n s i s t s of h i s w i f e and c h i l d r e n . "For the husband, the o b j e c t of concern i s the home as a whole, r a t h e r than h i s wife and c h i l d r e n as i n d i v i d u a l s . " Nakane, p. 127, and Smith, pp. 120-1. 1 0Hamabata, p. 257. 1 1 B a c o n , p. 52, and B i r d , 1:328. 12 d'Anathan, p. 321. 1 3 B i b l e , Mark 10:2-12. l^Bacon, p. 57. 1 5 I b i d , p. 64. 1 6d'Anathan, pp. 318-21, and Bacon, pp.59-63. Benedict g i v e s an extreme example of how t h i s a t t i t u d e e x i s t e d i n pre-war Japan. In t h i s i n s t a n c e , the young wife was sent away by her mother-in-law d e s p i t e her husband's love f o r her and the f a c t t h a t she was pregnant with h i s c h i l d . "[W]hen the c h i l d was born, the mother came accompanied by her s i l e n t and submissive son to c l a i m the baby. I t belonged of course to the husband's f a m i l y and the mother-in-law took i t away. She disposed of i t immediately to a f o s t e r home." Benedict, p. 121 . i 7 The Westerners seemed unaware that marriage based on romantic love was a r e l a t i v e l y r e c e n t development i n Europe. T r a d i t i o n a l l y , marriages were arranged by parents, although the p r e f e r e n c e s of the b r i d e and groom might be c o n s i d e r e d when the c h o i c e was between two e q u a l l y s u i t a b l e matches. While marriages t h a t were business arrangements making a l l i a n c e s of wealth and power were u s u a l l y a s s o c i a t e d with the upper c l a s s , b e t r o t h a l s based on p r o p e r t y c o n s i d e r a t i o n s were common at a l l l e v e l s of s o c i e t y . For example,' i t was customary f o r peasant f a m i l i e s to make a c l o s e i n s p e c t i o n of t h e i r p r o s p e c t i v e i n - l a w s ' h o l d i n g s , which i n c l u d e d checking the s i z e of the manure p i l e and the contents of cupboards, before a g r e e i n g upon a match between t h e i r c h i l d r e n . Should the h o l d i n g of e i t h e r f a m i l y f a i l t o meet the approval of the o t h e r , the marriage would be o f f , r e g a r d l e s s of any p e r s o n a l f e e l i n g s h e l d by the couple. Even i f peasants were too poor f o r p r o p e r t y to p l a y an important p a r t i n marriage arrangements, the domestic s k i l l s a c q u i r e d by a g i r l would. 105 The choosing of a marriage p a r t n e r f o r romantic r a t h e r than economic reasons was something that developed s l o w l y d u r i n g the e i g h t e e n t h and ni n e t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s . Shorter, pp. 143-55. It should a l s o be noted that the Japanese favoured the use of go-betweens i n a r r a n g i n g marriages because i t less e n e d the chances of any i n s u l t or shame that might be i n c u r r e d i f the two p a r t i e s were d e a l i n g d i r e c t l y w i t h each o t h e r . B e n e d i c t , p. 156. 18 Bacon, pp. 49-51. 1 9 I b i d , p. 72. 2 0 B i r d , 1:325. 21 I b i d , 1:325. Hamabata's r e s e a r c h showed that marriage i n Japan "cements r e l a t i o n s h i p s that are economically and p o l i t i c a l l y , as w e l l as s o c i a l l y , s i g n i f i c a n t . " Thus, although the b r i d e doesn't b r i n g a sum of money as a dowry, the s t a t u s she b r i n g s i s p a r t l y determined by the f i n a n c i a l p o s i t i o n of her n a t a l household. Hamabata, 212-4. Ac c o r d i n g to one of Hamabata's sources, marriage a l s o p r o v i d e d "a deep k i n d of companionship." But even t h i s need was secondary to the honour of one's household and the good one c o u l d b r i n g to i t by a s u i t a b l e match. T h i s source went on to say that Americans — what he s a i d c o u l d e a s i l y be a p p l i e d t o a l l western s o c i e t y — saw marriage as the only way to be p a r t of something l a r g e r than themselves and as a r e s u l t , expected f a r too much from i t , and "must n e c e s s a r i l y be d i s a p p o i n t e d . " Hamabata, pp. 197-8. 2 2 F r a s e r , pp. 72, 243, and Bacon, p. 64. 2 3 B a c o n , p. 64. 2 4 F r a s e r , p. 255. 2 5 B a c o n , p. 240. The Japanese see the area of romance and e r o t i c p l e a s u r e as part of the c i r c l e of "ko" or human f e e l i n g s , a sphere of l i f e that i s t o t a l l y separate from that of f a m i l y r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . B e n e d i c t , p. 190. The Japanese have a marked d i s t i n c t i o n between the p r i v a t e home l i f e and the s o c i a l world o u t s i d e the home. Accor d i n g to L i z a Dalby, the w i f e ' s r o l e " p l a c e s a woman i n the center of the home. She i s not expected to s o c i a l i z e with her husband's c o l l e a g u e s , and indeed, she leaves that v i t a l l y important a c t i v i t y completely to her spouse. In the s o c i a l sphere, the gei s h a ... take over. Many Japanese women are q u i t e conscious of t h e i r p o s i t i o n s as wives v i - a - v i s g e i s h a . They see the d i s t i n c t i o n i n terms of complementarity: as a feminine d i v i s i o n of l a b o r , where n e i t h e r s i d e need be j e a l o u s because one i d e n t i t y does not o v e r l a p with the o t h e r . " L i z a C r i h f i e l d 106 Dalby, Geisha (Berkeley, C a l i f o r i a : U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s , 1983), p. 169. 2 6 F r a s e r , p. 256. 2 7 D a l b y , pp. 222-4. Bacon was c o r r e c t i n assuming that most ge i s h a were not v i r g i n s . A c c o r d i n g to Dalby, i t was customary f o r a geisha's "okusan" or "mother" to choose an o l d e r man "with money and s i n c e r i t y " to give the g i r l her f i r s t sexual e x p e r i e n c e . T h i s "sexual i n i t i a t i o n was p a r t of becoming a f u l l g e i s h a . . . . A v i r g i n g eisha would have been as odd as a v i r g i n w i f e . " Dalby notes that men do not e n t e r a s e x u a l r e l a t i o n s h i p with a g e i s h a without undertaking the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s e n t a i l e d by patronage. For example, patrons were expected to provide support f o r g e i s h a and "to show t h e i r patronage by continuous magnanimous g i f t s . " Dalby, pp. 109-12. 2 8 B a c o n , pp. 238-9. 2 9 A l t h o u g h t h i s might happen o c c a s i o n a l l y , the u s u a l p r a c t i s e was to set up a separate establishment f o r the concubine. A c c o r d i n g to Benedict, to b r i n g a m i s t r e s s home was to confuse the two c i r c l e s of f a m i l y and human f e e l i n g s . B e n e d i c t , pp. 185-7. 30 B i r d , 11:303-5. 31 Bacon, p. 93. 3 2 F r a s e r , pp. 259-60. 3 3 I b i d , pp. 253-6. 3 4 B a c o n , p. 87. 3 5 F r a s e r , pp. 105, 126. 3 6 I b i d , p. 239. 3 7 B i r d , 1:39, 132-6. O Q J O I b i d , 1:143-4. Although B i r d observed men i n mountain v i l l a g e s t a k i n g an i n t e r e s t i n t h e i r c h i l d r e n , t h i s was unusual. G e n e r a l l y , i t was the mother who took f u l l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r her c h l d r e n and f a t h e r s were u n i n v o l v e d . A c c o r d i n g to Bacon, i f a man helped i n the r e a r i n g of h i s c h i l d r e n , i t was a d i s g r a c e to the mother. Bacon, p. 87. However, B i r d observed that peasant men spent t h e i r f r e e time with t h e i r f a m i l i e s , which she a t t r i b u t e d to the f a c t that they d i d n ' t go d r i n k i n g with t h e i r work a s s o c i a t e s , as was the custom among E n g l i s h workers. I t should be noted that B i r d 107 was mistaken i n assuming that Japanese men put spending time with t h e i r f a m i l i e s before s o c i a l i z i n g with t h e i r f e l l o w workers. B i r d , 1:143-4, 360-1. 39 F r a s e r , p. 244, B i r d 1:324-5, 337, and Bacon, p. 16. 4 Q T h e B i b l e , Exodus 20:12. 4-*-Bacon, p. 240. The women made no d i s t i n c t i o n between the r e c r u i t m e n t methods f o r gei s h a and p r o s t i t u t e s . However, Dalby f e e l s t h a t f o r c e d r e c r u i t m e n t was mainly p r a c t i s e d by the b r o t h e l s and l e s s r e s p e c t a b l e g e i s h a houses. She argues th a t i n the b e t t e r d i s t r i c t s : "Most of [the g i r l s ] had been daughters of g e i s h a , of teahouse owners, or of other urban mizu shobai, a r t i s a n , or p e t t y merchant f a m i l i e s . " (Mizu shobai are those i n the h o s p i t a l i t y i n d u s t r y and i n c l u d e s teahouses, r e s t a u r a n t s and inns . ) Dalby, pp.223-4. 42 S i e v e r s , p. 55, and Dalby, pp. 222-3. 4 3 B a c o n , pp. 72-4. 4 4 I b i d , p. 73. 45 Hamabata, pp. 238-41. T h i s way of t r e a t i n g a new member of a household stems from the sharp d i s t i n c t i o n made between "our group" and " o u t s i d e r s . " Nakane, pp. 20-1, Hamabata, p. 8, and Smith, pp. 94-5. ^ F r a s e r , p. 144. 47 I b i d , p. 145. 48 Bacon, p. 16. 4 9 F r a s e r , p. 320. 5 0 B i r d , 1:330-1. Chapter 5 "'"d'Anathan, p. 93. 2 I b i d , p. 399. 3 B i r d , 1:144, 169, 372-3. 4 I b i d , 1:280-1. 108 5 I b i d , 1:205-7. 6 I b i d , 1:309-12, 7 'Fraser, p. 51. 8] B i r d , 1:9-11. 5 I b i d , p. 37. 9 A c c o r d i n g to B i r d , the " f o l l o w i n g E x t r a o r d i n a r y expenses [were] met out of o r d i n a r y revenue:" the establishment of a modern army and navy, of s h i p b u i l d i n g - y a r d s and docks, l i g h t h o u s e s , and the t e l e g r a p h and p o s t a l systems, the r e f o r m a t i o n of the l e g a l , t a x a t i o n and f i n a n c i a l systems, the establishment of an e d u c a t i o n a l system which went from elementary s c h o o l s to p r o f e s s i o n a l c o l l e g e s and a u n i v e r s i t y , the s e t t i n g up of model farms and i n d u s t r i e s , and the sending of students and s p e c i a l envoys abroad. B i r d , 11:349-50. i : L B i r d , 11:4, 323. 1 2 I b i d , 1:7, 274-5, and 11:4. 1 3 Although B i r d does not s p e c i f y which c i t i e s she i s r e f e r r i n g t o , she probably means the two main c i t i e s on the i s l a n d of Hokkaido. 1 4 B i r d , 11:162-3. 15 F r a s e r , pp. 225, 32-5. 1 6 I b i d , p. 40. 1 7 I b i d , pp. 35, 40. 1 q Davidson, pp. 6-9. 1 9 I b i d , pp. 269-70. 2 0 I b i d , pp. 270-1. 21 T h i s i s supported by the i d e a , which was popular i n the l a t e Tokugawa p e r i o d , t h a t w hile the west was undoubtedly s u p e r i o r t e c h n o l o g i c a l l y , i t was not so m o r a l l y . Masao M i y o s h i , As We Saw Them: The F i r s t Japanese Embassy to the  U n i t e d S t a t e s (Berkeley, C a l i f o r n i a : U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press,1979), pp. 120-1. Acco r d i n g to P y l e , many Japanese b e l i e v e d that i t was necessary f o r the Japanese to m a i n t a i n a t r a d i t i o n a l moral system to make n a t i o n a l s e l f - r e s p e c t p o s s i b l e . Kenneth B. P y l e , The New Generation i n Mei.-ji Japan:  Problems of C u l t u r a l I d e n t i t y , 1885-1895 ( S t a n f o r d , 109 C a l i f o r n i a : S t a n f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1969), p. 123. 2 2 D a v i d s o n , p. 279. 2 3 B i r d , 1:351 and 11:336. 2 4 D a v i d s o n , p. 55. 2 5 B a c o n , p. 42. 2 6 B i r d , 1:375. 2 ^ I b i d , 11:197. Since the Imperial government was u n e q u i v o c a l l y behind Shinto from the R e s t o r a t i o n i n 1868, i t i s l i k e l y t h a t B i r d and oth e r s were o b j e c t i n g to the f a i l u r e to promulgate C h r i s t i a n morals, or at l e a s t a moral code with a b s o l u t e v a l u e s of r i g h t and wrong, i n the s c h o o l s . However, any o v e r s i g h t i n t h i s area was c o r r e c t e d i n 1891 by a d i r e c t i v e from the M i n i s t r y of Education which s t a t e d that the Impe r i a l R e s c r i p t on Education, promulgated i n 1890, was to be "the f o u n d a t i o n of moral e d u c a t i o n " and became "the b a s i c s a c r e d t e x t of the new r e l i g i o n of p a t r i o t i s m . " Smith, pp. 10, 29, 31. 2 8 B i r d , 11:197. 29 Dorothy Robins-Mowry, The Hidden Sun: Women of Modern Japan (Colorado: Westview P r e s s , 1983), pp. 40-1. Benedict concurs with t h i s complaint s t a t i n g : "Even when higher s c h o o l s were e s t a b l i s h e d f o r young women the p r e s c r i b e d courses were h e a v i l y loaded with i n s t r u c t i o n i n e t i q u e t t e and b o d i l y movement. Se r i o u s i n t e l l e c t u a l t r a i n i n g was not on a par with boys', and one p r i n c i p l e of such a s c h o o l , advocating some i n s t r u c t i o n i n European languages f o r h i s upper middle c l a s s s t u d e n t s , based h i s recommendation on the d e s i r a b i l i t y of t h e i r being able to put t h e i r husband's books back i n the bookcase r i g h t s i d e up a f t e r they had dusted them." Benedict, pp. 53-4. 3 0d'Anathan, pp. 426-8. J Bacon, pp. 301. She i s quot i n g from the Annual Report of the M i n i s t e r of Education, 1898. 3 2 B a c o n , p. 301. 3 3 I b i d , p. 154. 3 4 I b i d , pp. 45-8, 67-9. 3 5 I b i d , p. 305. 110 " F r a s e r , p. 144. 3 7d*Anathan, pp. 53, 426-8. 3 8 F r a s e r , p. 250. 3 9 B a c o n , pp. 90-3, 218, 233, and Davidson, p. 281. 4 0 D a v i d s o n , pp. 278, 81, and Bacon, pp. 74-7. 4 1 D a v i d s o n , p. 281. 4 2 B i r d , 1:142, 173. 4 3 I b i d , 1:253, 330-5. B i r d quotes the Japanese Code of Morals For Women, t r a s l a t e d by N. Macleod. Rule number eig h t e e n s t a t e s : There are f i v e bad q u a l i t i e s i n women, that they s l a n d e r or take a s p i t e at someone, are j e a l o u s and igno r a n t ; seven or e i g h t women i n ten have these maladies. T h i s i s a s i g n that women are comparatively i n f e r i o r to men; they t h e r e f o r e must remedy them. The worst of these i s ignorance, and i t i s the source of the remainder. The minds of women g e n e r a l l y are as dark as the n i g h t , and are more s t u p i d than men; they do not n o t i c e what i s before them, and they s l a n d e r innocent persons; they envy the happiness of o t h e r s , and pet t h e i r c h i l d r e n , a l l to the d i s c r e d i t of t h e i r husbands. Women are s t u p i d , t h e r e f o r e they must be humble and obedient to t h e i r husbands. In a l l s t a t i o n s of l i f e the wife must stand behind her husband; though she may have done good deeds, she must not be v a i n of them. Though i t be s a i d she i s bad, she s h a l l not r e s i s t ; she w i l l continue to improve h e r s e l f , and be c a r e f u l not to repeat the same f a u l t , and when she comports h e r s e l f w i s e l y , the intim a c y between h e r s e l f and her husband through l i f e w i l l be a happy one. 4 4 B i r d , 11:303-5. 45 Meiroku Z a s s h i , pp. 376-8. 4 6 Y a s u e Aoki Kidd, Women Workers i n the Japanese Cotton  M i l l s : 1880-1920 (New York: C o r n e l l East A s i a Papers, 1978), p. 3. 4 7 K i d d , p. 11. 4 8 B i r d , 1:227. 111 Davidson, pp. 159-60. - > uBacon, p. 315. Bacon g i v e s the f o l l o w i n g t a b l e of s t a t i s t i c s of female employees i n Japanese f a c t o r i e s , quoted from the Japan M a i l , J u l y 8, 1901: Manufacture No. of Women No. to 100 Men Raw S i l k 107,348 93 Cotton S p i n n i n g 53,053 79 Matches 11,385 69 Cotton F a b r i c s 10,656 86 Tobacco 7,874 72 Matting 1,641 59 5 1 K i d d , p. 29. 5 2Nakane, pp. 80-1. 53 Smith, p. 56. 54 Nakane, p. 52. 5 5 I b i d , pp. 29-30, 80. 5 6 F r a s e r , pp. 39-40. C o n c l u s i o n 1 Bacon, p. v i I . 2 For examples, see: Awakening Japan: The Da i r y of a  German Docter by Erwin Baelz (1932), Things Japanese by B a s i l H a l l Chamberlain (1891), Kokoro: H i n t s and Echoes of Japanese  Inner L i f e by L a f c a d i o Hearn (1896) or Manners and Customs of  the Japanese by P. F. von S i e b o l d . 3 T h i s a t t i t u d e was c l e a r l y seen i n the s t i r that f o l l o w e d the nomination of twenty " w e l l - q u a l i f i e d l a d i e s " , i n c l u d i n g I s a b e l l a B i r d , as Fello w s of the Royal Geographical S o c i e t y . In 1892, the S o c i e t y ' s C o u n c i l decided to e l e c t women on the same b a s i s as men, a f t e r B i r d d e c l i n e d to address a meeting on the grounds t h a t she had al r e a d y been i n v i t e d to speak to the London branch of the Royal S c o t t i s h G eographical S o c i e t y , of which she was "a valued member." However, the C o u n c i l ' s d e c i s i o n was c h a l l e n g e d by members who wished to know i f the l a d i e s were supposed to be " b e a u t i f u l or s c i e n t i f i c , " and Admiral M c C l i n t o c k , who was the l e a d e r of the d i s s i d e n t s , added '"although admission of l a d i e s might make the S o c i e t y more or l e s s e n j o y a b l e , I do not t h i n k i t would i n t e n s i f y the 112 g e o g r a p h i c a l c h a r a c t e r of i t . " ' E v e n t u a l l y , i t was agreed to al l o w the women who had been admitted as f e l l o w s to st a y but that no more women would be so e l e c t e d . Middleton, pp. 1 1 - 4 . 113 B i b l i o g r a p h y Bacon, A l i c e Mabel. A Japanese I n t e r i o r . Boston: Houghton, M i f f l i n and Company, R i v e r s i d e Press, 1894. Bacon, A l i c e Mabel. Japanese G i r l s and.Women. Boston: Houghton, M i f f l i n and company, 1902. Barr, Pat. A Curious L i f e f o r a Lady: The Story of  I s a b e l l a B i r d . London: John Murray P u b l i s h e r s L i m i t e d , 1970. Bayley, David H. Forces of Order: P o l i c e Behavior i n Japan  and the U n i t e d S t a t e s . Los Angeles: U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s , 1976. Be a l z , Erwin. Awakening Japan: The D i a r y of a German  Doctor. T r a n s l a t e d by Eden Paul and Ceder P a u l . New York, 1932. Benedict, Ruth. The Chrysanthemum and the Sword: P a t t e r n s  of Japanese C u l t u r e . 1946. Rpt. New York: The World P u b l i s h i n g Company,1972. The B i b l e . New I n t e r n a t i o n a l V e r s i o n . B i r d , I s a b e l l a . Unbeaten Tracks i n Japan: An Account of  T r a v e l s on Horseback i n the I n t e r i o r . 2 v o l s . New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1881. Chamberlain, B a s i l H a l l . Things Japanese. London, 1891. d'Anathan, Baroness A l b e r t . Fourteen Years of D i p l o m a t i c  L i f e i n Japan. London: St a n l e y Paul and Company, 1912. Davidson, Augusta M. Campbell. Present Day Japan. London: T. F i s h e r Unwin, 1904. Dalby, L i z a C r i n f i e l d . Geisha. C a l i f o r i a : U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s , 1983. Doi, Takeo. The Anatomy of Dependence. Trans, by John Be s t e r . Tokyo: Kodansha I n t e r n a t i o n a l L t d . , 1973. D r e x l e r , A r t h e r . The A r c h i t e c t u r e of Japan. New York: The Museum of Modern A r t , 1955. F r a s e r , Mary. A Diplomat's Wife i n Japan. Ed. Hugh C o r t a z i . F i r s t ed. 1899. Republished New York: W e a t h e r h i l l , 1982. Hamabata, Matthews Masayu. From Household to Economy: The 114 Japanese Family E n t e r p r i s e . D o c t o r a l d i s s e r t a t i o n , department of s o c i o l o g y . Harvard U n i v e r s i t y . Rpt. Ann Arbor: U n i v e r s i t y M i c r o f i l m s I n t e r n a t i o n a l , 1983. Hearn, L a f c a d i o . Kokoro: H i n t s and Echoes of Japanese  Inner L i f e . New York: Houghton M i f f i n Company, 18'9t3. Kidd, Yasue A o k i . Women Workers i n the Japanese Cotton  M i l l s : 1880-1920. N.Y.: C o r n e l l East A s i a Papers, 1978. Kishimoto Hideo, ed. Japanese R e l i g i o n i n the M e i j i E r a . Trans. John F. Howes. Tokyo, Japan: Obunsha, 1956. Lebra, Joyce C.. Okuma Shigenobu: Statesman of M e i j i  Japan. Canberra: A u s t r a l i s a n N a t i o n a l U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1973. Meiroku Z a s s h i : J o u r n a l of the Japanese Enlightenment. Trans. W i l l i a m Reynolds B r a i s t e d , a s s i s t e d by Adachi Yasushi and K i k u c h i Y u j i . Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1976. Middleton, Dorothy. V i c t o r i a n Lady T r a v e l e r s . Chicago: Academy Chicago, 1965. Miyo s h i , Masao. As We Saw Them: T h e . F i r s t Japanese Embassy  to the U n i t e d S t a t e s , 1860. Berkeley, C a l i f o r n i a : U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r i a P r ess, 1979. Nakane, Chie. Japanese S o c i e t y . London: W e i d i n f e l d and N i c o l s o n , 1970. Py l e , Kenneth B. The New Generation i n M e i j i Japan:  Problems of C u l t u r a l I d e n t i t y , 1885-1895. C a l i f o r i a : S t a n f o r d U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1969. Robins-Mowry, Dorothy. T h e H i d d e n Sun: Women of Modern Japan. Colorado: Westview P r e s s , 1983. Shorter,Edward. The Making of the Modern Family. New York: B a s i c Books, Inc., P u b l i s h e r s , 1975. S e i b o l d , P. F. Manners and Customs of the Japanese. S i e v e r s , Sharon L. Flowers i n S a l t : The Beginnings of Feminist Consciousness i n Modern Japan. C a l i f o r n i a : S t a n f o r d U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1983. Smith, Robert J . Japanese S o c i e t y : T r a d i t i o n , S e l f and the  S o c i a l Order. England: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1983. Wainwright, Samual H. Beauty i n Japan. New York: G. P. 115 Putnam's Sons, 1935. World Book E n c y c l o p e d i a . V o l s . I, X I I I . Chicago: F i e l d E n t e r p r i s e s E d u c a t i o n a l C o r p o r a t i o n , 1967. Wrigley, E. A.. P o p u l a t i o n and H i s t o r y . Toronto: McGraw H i l l Book Company, 1969. Yanagida Kunio, ed. Japanese Customs and Manners i n the  M e i j i E r a . Trans. C h a r l e s S. T e r r y . Tokyo: Obunsha, 1957. 116 

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
https://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0097004/manifest

Comment

Related Items