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The world council of indigenous peoples : an analysis of political protest Massey, Rise M. 1986

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THE WORLD COUNCIL OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLES: AN ANALYSIS OF POLITICAL PROTEST by RISE M. MASSEY B . A . (w i th D i s t i n c t i o n ) U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l g a r y , 1981 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department o f P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e ) We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d THE' UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October 1986 d)) R i s e M. Massey, 1986 9 5 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by h i s or her representatives. I t i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of foliTiooil fv.'igfrr.<=» The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 >E-6 Y3/8in Abstract In response to an almost universal perception on the part of a b o r i g i n a l peoples of the i n j u s t i c e done to them by the int r u s i o n and take-over of t h e i r t e r r i t o r i e s by immigrant-dominated s o c i e t i e s , a number of indigenous peoples' groups have a r i s e n on t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l s c e n e . One s u c h t r a n s n a t i o n a l non-governmental o r g a n i z a t i o n i s the World Council of Indigenous Peoples. The objects of t h i s thesis are to recount the c o n d i t i o n s that pr e c i p i t a t e d the need for a transnational indigenous peoples support group, to c h r o n i c l e the formation and work of the WCIP, and to evaluate the o r g a n i z a t i o n i n terms of why i t has (or has not) been a success and i n terms of the extent of i t s success. Success i s herein measured i n r e l a t i o n to the responses to WCIP a c t i v i t i e s of i t s three primary t a r g e t groups -i n d i v i d u a l n a t i o n a l governments, i n t e r n a t i o n a l b o d i e s ( p a r t i c u l a r l y the United Nations), and i t s own support base, the indigenous peoples of the world. Four questions are posed with respect to these groups: Have there been p o l i c y s h i f t s or concessions granted by national governments that are d i r e c t l y a t t r i b u t a b l e to WCIP a c t i v i t i e s ? Have bodies such as the United Nations adjusted t h e i r programmes and p o l i c e s to c o i n c i d e w i t h WCIP demands? Has the WCIP succeeded i n encouraging the m o b i l i z a t i o n o f i n d i g e n o u s s u p p o r t f o r i n d i g e n o u s c a u s e s ; has i t a f f e c t e d the emergence and i i i c o n s o l i d a t i o n o f i n d i g e n o u s p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y ? To what e x t e n t has t h e WCIP s u c c e e d e d i n e f f e c t i n g changes i n t h e p o l i t i c a l , economic, and s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s o f t h e p e o p l e s i t seeks t o b e n e f i t ? The ' e l e m e n t s o f s u c c e s s 1 e m p l o y e d i n t h i s s t u d y t o a n a l y z e t h e WCIP's p o t e n t i a l f o r e f f e c t i v e l y e l i c i t i n g r e s p o n s e s f r o m i t s t a r g e t g r o u p s have been a d a p t e d f r o m v a r i o u s c a s e s t u d i e s o f n a t i o n a l , t r a n s n a t i o n a l , and i n t e r n a t i o n a l p r e s s u r e groups and were chosen because o f t h e i r r e l e v a n c e t o t h e World C o u n c i l ' s e x p e r i e n c e : t h e y a c c u r a t e l y i n d i c a t e t h e r e a s o n s f o r t h e WCIP's s u c c e s s e s and f a i l u r e s . The elements a r e : t h e purposes and g o a l s o f t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n , t h e s t r u c t u r e and i n t e r n a l dynamics o f t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n , t h e c o n s o l i d a t i o n o f a s u p p o r t b a s e , t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n ' s l e g i t i m a c y , t h e d e g r e e o f f a c t i o n a l i s m w i t h i n t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n , t h e amount and s o u r c e o f t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n ' s f u n d i n g , t h e use o f s e l f - a p p r a i s a l , t h e n a t u r e o f t h e t a r g e t s o f t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n , and t h e s e l e c t e d t a c t i c s o f t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n . E x a m i n a t i o n o f t h e WCIP's work s u g g e s t s t h a t i t s c h i e f s u c c e s s has been i n m o b i l i z i n g i t s own s u p p o r t base. W h i l e t h e W o r l d C o u n c i l has i n f l u e n c e d i t s o t h e r t a r g e t s t o a l i m i t e d e x t e n t i n s p e c i f i c s i t u a t i o n s , has b r o u g h t a b o u t i n c r e a s e d awareness o f s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l i n j u s t i c e towards n a t i v e p e o p l e s , and has g a i n e d s u p p o r t f o r i t s a c t i v i t i e s from i n f l u e n t i a l q u a r t e r s , so f a r t h e r e h a v e been few i f any fundamental, widespread, substantive changes i n the attitudes and p o l i c i e s o f n a t i o n a l e l i t e s and of o f f i c i a l s of i n t e r n a t i o n a l governmental o r g a n i z a t i o n s towards s o c i a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l relations with indigenous peoples that are o b v i o u s l y the r e s u l t o f WCIP a c t i v i t i e s . T h i s i s p r i m a r i l y due to the r a d i c a l nature of ce r t a i n WCIP goals, which demand a fundamental s h i f t i n the a t t i t u d e s of s t a t e governments and inte r n a t i o n a l society i n general; to recognize i n d i g e n o u s p e o p l e s as n a t i o n s w i t h r i g h t s t o s e l f -determination might mean an altered i n t e r n a t i o n a l order. Such a challenge to established authority i s not l i k e l y to meet with immediate success. S t i l l , the World C o u n c i l ' s work constitutes a necessary f i r s t step; i n ensuring the existence of an ongoing support base with a shared purpose, i t has created a platform from which the challenge to governments to a l t e r t h e i r stance towards indigenous peoples may someday succeed, for reasons of expediency i f not morality. V Table of Contents A b s t r a c t i i Acknowledgement v i i CHAPTER I . THE INDIGENOUS POSITION: A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE . . 1 I n t r o d u c t i o n 1 I n t e r n a l C o l o n i a l i s m and the Case f o r A b o r i g i n a l R i g h t s 4 What Do the i n d i g e n o u s Peoples Want? 11 Notes 22 I I . THE INTERNATIONAL APPROACH TO HUMAN RIGHTS: ABORIGINAL RIGHTS AS HUMAN RIGHTS 26 A b o r i g i n a l R i g h t s a t the U n i t e d N a t i o n s . . . . 27 A b o r i g i n a l R i g h t s and Non-Governmenta l O r g a n i z a t i o n s 36 Notes 42 I I I . THE FORMATION AND OPERATIONAL HISTORY OF THE WORLD COUNCIL OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLES 44 Background: I n t e r n a t i o n a l Indigenous P o l i t i c a l O r g a n i z a t i o n 44 The WCIP: O p e r a t i o n a l H i s t o r y 46 Notes 67 I V . A STRATEGY OF ANALYSIS 70 The D e t e r m i n a t i o n o f Success 70 Elements o f Success 7 3 1. Purpose and G o a l s 7 3 2. S t r u c t u r e and Dynamics 74 3. C o n s o l i d a t i o n o f a Support Base . . . 75 4. L e g i t i m a c y 76 5. F a c t i o n a l i s m 77 6. F u n d i n g 78 7. S e l f - A p p r a i s a l 79 8. T a r g e t s 80 9. T a c t i c s 83 a . R e s e a r c h 85 b . P u b l i c i t y 86 c . U n i t e d N a t i o n s C o n s u l t a t i v e S t a t u s and Other Governmenta l C o n n e c t i o n s 86 d . R e s o l u t i o n s 87 e. C o o r d i n a t i o n o f A c t i v i t i e s . . . . 88 f . Meet ings 88 g . Workshops and P r o j e c t s 89 h . L o b b y i n g and N e g o t i a t i o n 89 Notes 91 v i V. THE WCIP'S PERFORMANCE 94 The Elements o f Success 94 1. Purpose and G o a l s 94 2. S t r u c t u r e and Dynamics 97 3. C o n s o l i d a t i o n o f a Supp o r t Base . . . 103 4. L e g i t i m a c y 104 5. F a c t i o n a l i s m 106 6. Fu n d i n g I l l 7. S e l f - A p p r a i s a l 112 8. T a r g e t s 114 9. T a c t i c s 118 a. R e s e a r c h 118 b. P u b l i c i t y 120 c. U.N. C o n s u l t a t i v e S t a t u s and Other Governmental C o n n e c t i o n s . . . . 122 d. R e s o l u t i o n s 123 e. M e e t i n g s 125 f . C o o r d i n a t i o n o f A c t i v i t i e s . . . . 126 g. Workshops and P r o j e c t s 126 h. L o b b y i n g and N e g o t i a t i o n 127 i . Supplementary T a c t i c s 128 C o n c l u s i o n s 129 Notes 131 V I . THE WCIP'S SUCCESS AN AS INTERNATIONAL PRESSURE GROUP 134 Succes s as In d i g e n o u s P o l i t i c a l A c t i v i t y . . . . 1 3 4 Succes s as C o n c e s s i o n s From N a t i o n a l Governments 135 Success As P o l i c y Changes by t h e U n i t e d N a t i o n s 137 Success As New Advantages f o r i n d i g e n o u s P e o p l e s 138 The World C o u n c i l o f i n d i g e n o u s P e o p l e s : An A n a l y s i s o f P o l i t i c a l P r o t e s t 139 B i b l i o g r a p h y 141 Appendix 146 Acknowledgement v i i I would l i k e t o e x p r e s s my a p p r e c i a t i o n t o some o f t h e many p e o p l e who h e l p e d me t o c o m p l e t e t h i s w ork. M a r i e S m a l l f a c e M a r u l e , f o r m e r C h i e f a d m i n i s t r a t o r o f t h e WCIP S e c r e t a r i a t and P r o f e s s o r o f N a t i v e A m e rican S t u d i e s a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f L e t h b r i d g e , t o o k t i m e from h e r h e c t i c s c h e d u l e t o g r a n t me an i n t e r v i e w and p r o v i d e d me w i t h v a l u a b l e i n f o r m a t i o n and i n s i g h t . R o d r i g o C o n t r e r a s , c u r r e n t WCIP S e c r e t a r i a t C o o r d i n a t o r , l i k e w i s e g r a c i o u s l y endured l e n g t h y q u e s t i o n i n g and p r o v i d e d i n f o r m a t i o n v i t a l t o t h e c oherence o f t h e f i n a l p r o d u c t . My s i s t e r J a c q u e l i n e , p h o t o - j o u r n a l i s t e x t r a o r d i n a i r e , a i d e d my e f f o r t s by c o n d u c t i n g a l o n g and arduous t e l e p h o n e i n t e r v i e w , M o n t r e a l t o O t t a w a , when I was u n a b l e t o do s o . A l s o i n s t r u m e n t a l t o t h e development o f t h i s paper was my p a t i e n t , p e r s e v e r i n g s u p e r v i s o r , P a u l T e n n a n t , who had f a i t h t h a t he would someday see t h e c o m p l e t i o n o f t h e p r o j e c t , and t h e members o f my t h e s i s c o m m i t t e e , w h o s e s u g g e s t i o n s and encouragement were i n v a l u a b l e . F i n a l l y , thank y o u t o my f r i e n d s and f a m i l y , w i t h o u t whose s u p p o r t and a s s i s t a n c e t h i s t h e s i s might n e v e r have come t o be. 1 CHAPTER ONE THE INDIGENOUS POSITION: A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE I n t r o d u c t i o n The c a u s e o f t h e i n d i g e n o u s p e o p l e s o f t h e w o r l d has a t t r a c t e d c o n s i d e r a b l e a t t e n t i o n on the i n t e r n a t i o n a l scene i n the l a s t decade or so . The shared g r i e v a n c e o f the a b o r i g i n a l n a t i o n s , o f the s o - c a l l e d F o u r t h W o r l d , c e n t e r s around t h e i r common h i s t o r i c a l e x p e r i e n c e : t h e d i s p o s s e s s i o n o f t h e i r l a n d s , o f t h e i r s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y , and o f t e n o f t h e i r v e r y r i g h t t o e x i s t e n c e as d i s t i n c t i v e p e o p l e s , by i n v a d i n g n a t i o n s , t h a t can r e a l i s t i c a l l y be c h a r a c t e r i z e d as c o l o n i z e r s . The f a c t t h a t i n d i g e n o u s p e o p l e s w o r l d w i d e f i n d t h e m s e l v e s p o l i t i c a l l y , s o c i a l l y , and e c o n o m i c a l l y d e p e n d e n t u p o n t h e dominant s o c i e t i e s o f the s t a t e s w i t h i n which they e x i s t has p r e c i p i t a t e d the emergence o f a group c o n s c i o u s n e s s and shared sense o f the i n j u s t i c e o f t h e i r p o s i t i o n . In response to t h i s u n i v e r s a l i n d i g e n o u s p e r c e p t i o n , v a r i o u s i n t e r n a t i o n a l a g e n c i e s h a v e r i s e n t o champion the cause o f the s c a t t e r e d F i r s t P e o p l e s . In the vanguard o f these i s the a b o r i g i n a l l y -c o n c e i v e d n o n - g o v e r n m e n t a l o r g a n i z a t i o n known as the World C o u n c i l o f Ind igenous P e o p l e s . 1 T h i s s t u d y examines the c o n d i t i o n s t h a t p r e c i p i t a t e d the f o r m a t i o n o f a t r a n s n a t i o n a l body r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f i n d i g e n o u s p e o p l e s , the reasons f o r the inadequacy o f the p r o t e c t i o n o f a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s by the i n t e r n a t i o n a l human r i g h t s r e g i m e , a n d t h e e m e r g e n c e a n d o p e r a t i o n a l h i s t o r y o f t h e W o r l d 2 Council. The purpose of the thesis i s to d i s c o v e r why the WCIP has or has not been successful and what degree of success i t has had i n improving the p o s i t i o n of a b o r i g i n a l peoples s i n c e i t s i n c e p t i o n i n 1975. Chapter One introduces the concept of i n t e r n a l colonialism as an explanatory device to set the stage for the development of in t e r n a t i o n a l indigenous p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y , and states the case of aboriginal peoples. Chapter Two explores the f a i l u r e of conventional i n t e r n a t i o n a l human rights groups to successfully protect aboriginal r i g h t s . Chapter Three chronicles the WCIP's formation and operational h i s t o r y . Chapter Four d e t a i l s the 'strategy of analysis' used i n evaluating the WCIP's a b i l i t y to influence the behavior of i t s t a r g e t s . I t d i s c u s s e s the elements that determine a pressure group's success or f a i l u r e : purposes and goals, which d e t e r m i n e t h e d e g r e e o f r e c e p t i v i t y w i t h w h i c h an organization's targets w i l l l i s t e n to i t s demands; structure and i n t e r n a l dynamics, which a f f e c t an organization's a b i l i t y to wield influence; consolidation of a support base, which can be c a l l e d upon t o g i v e w e i g h t and immediacy t o t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n ' s demands; l e g i t i m a c y , as pe r c e i v e d by an organization's targets and constituents, which i s necessary f o r i t s demands to be taken s e r i o u s l y ; factionalism, which af f e c t s the o r g a n i z a t i o n ' s c r e d i b i l i t y i n the eyes of i t s targets; funding, which determines the i n t e n s i t y and scope of a c t i v i t i e s the organization may undertake; s e l f - a p p r a i s a l , which p e r m i t s the o r g a n i z a t i o n to deploy i t s resources 3 e f f i c i e n t l y ; t h e n a t u r e o f t h e t a r g e t s o f t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n , w h i c h d e t e r m i n e s how amenable t o p r e s s u r e t h e y w i l l be; and t h e s e l e c t e d t a c t i c s o f t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n . C h a p t e r F i v e a p p l i e s t h e s e 'elements o f s u c c e s s ' t o t h e WCIP and t h u s s e t s o u t t h e r e a s o n s f o r t h e WCIP's s u c c e s s o r f a i l u r e as a t r a n s n a t i o n a l p r e s s u r e g r o u p . C h a p t e r S i x p r e s e n t s t h e c o n c l u s i o n s reached as t o t h e e x t e n t o f t h e World C o u n c i l ' s s u c c e s s . The e x t e n t o f t h e WCIP's i m p a c t as a t r a n s n a t i o n a l l o b b y i n g group — p a r t i c u l a r l y on p r i n c i p a l t a r g e t s s u c h as i n d i v i d u a l n a t i o n a l governments, i n t e r n a t i o n a l b o d i e s s u c h as t h e U n i t e d N a t i o n s , and i t s own s u p p o r t b a s e , i n d i g e n o u s p e o p l e s w h i c h h a v e been d e n i e d l e g i t i m a c y by c o l o n i z i n g governments -- may by d e t e r m i n e d by e x p l o r i n g a number o f q u e s t i o n s . Have t h e r e been p o l i c y s h i f t s o r c o n c e s s i o n s won from n a t i o n a l governments t h a t a r e d i r e c t l y a t t r i b u t a b l e t o WCIP a c t i v i t i e s ? Have b o d i e s such as t h e U.N. a d j u s t e d t h e i r programmes and p o l i c i e s t o c o i n c i d e w i t h WCIP demands? Has t h e WCIP s u c c e e d e d i n e n c o u r a g i n g t h e m o b i l i z a t i o n o f i n d i g e n o u s s u p p o r t f o r i n d i g e n o u s c a u s e s ; has i t a f f e c t e d t h e emergence and c o n s o l i d a t i o n o f i n d i g e n o u s p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y ? F i n a l l y , t o what e x t e n t has t h e W o r l d C o u n c i l s u c c e e d e d i n e f f e c t i n g c h a n g e s i n t h e p o l i t i c a l , e c o n o m i c , and s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s o f t h e p e o p l e s i t seeks t o b e n e f i t ? The answers t o t h e s e q u e s t i o n s w i l l r e v e a l t h e measure o f t h e WCIP's s u c c e s s . 4 Internal Colonialism and the Case for Aboriginal Rights The. fact that a need exists f o r a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e body such as the World Council of Indigenous Peoples can be seen i n the common h i s t o r i c a l and contemporary circumstances i n which aboriginal peoples find themselves. An understanding of the 'indigenous p o s i t i o n ' makes i t clear that the formation of a body such as the WCIP was a l o g i c a l and necessary step i f the indigenous peoples of the world are to make any progress towards c o r r e c t i n g a s i t u a t i o n that they perceive as unjust and i n t o l e r a b l e . A review of the manner i n which indigenous p e o p l e s have come to occupy t h e i r present niche i n the int e r n a t i o n a l scheme of things leads to the p o s s i b i l i t y that i f indeed t h e i r p o s i t i o n i s as in t o l e r a b l e as they claim, then the governments of the states which have enveloped them can be seen to have a moral r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to take at le a s t some steps to correct the i n j u s t i c e . The h i s t o r i e s of many and various countries — Canada, A u s t r a l i a , Mexico and Guatemala, to name a few -- have i n common one f e a t u r e i n p a r t i c u l a r . The t e r r i t o r i e s of such states were o r i g i n a l l y inhabited s o l e l y by d i s t i n c t aboriginal p e o p l e s o r g a n i z e d i n r e l a t i v e l y s m a l l - s c a l e , land-based s o c i e t i e s e x i s t i n g as independent, self-governing units which exercised control over geographical areas and which traded and warred with other such u n i t s . At various stages, colonizing n a t i o n s such as B r i t a i n , S p a i n , and P o r t u g a l asserted sovereignty over these t e r r i t o r i e s and eventually introduced 5 s e t t l e r s , followed by t h e i r own l e g a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . In most areas s e t t l e r s g r a d u a l l y came to outnumber the o r i g i n a l people, but even i n South A f r i c a n and Central and South American countries where indigenous peoples c o n s t i t u t e d the m a j o r i t y o f the p o p u l a t i o n , t h e new i n s t i t u t i o n s became dominant. "Sovereignty over the land was e s s e n t i a l l y a matter of e f f e c t i v e occupation." 2 By the end of the 19th century, most, i f not a l l of the homelands of the aboriginal peoples had been taken over by foreign states: "the t e r r i t o r i e s of the Indians, the Maori, the A b o r i g i n a l s , the Sami, and the Ainu had been incorporated within states not of t h e i r c r e a t i o n . " 3 By processes ranging from peaceful agreement to d u p l i c i t y to f o r c i b l e d i s p o s s e s s i o n , the l a n d o f the i n d i g e n o u s i n h a b i t a n t s was acquired by the s e t t l e r regimes. In some areas, such as Tasmania, the east coast of Canada, and parts of Central and South America, the natives were systematically exterminated so that the land could be freed for settlement and d e v e l o p m e n t . 4 European diseases such as smallpox, t u b e r c u l o s i s , measles, i n f l u e n z a , and typhoid, introduced ac c i d e n t a l l y or otherwise, also contributed to the decimation of indigenous populations. The p o l i c i e s of the c o l o n i a l governments towards t h e i r acquired subjects ranged from the more common s t r a t e g i e s of a s s i m i l a t i o n and i n t e g r a t i o n to o u t r i g h t extermination. Aboriginal c u l t u r a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l systems were 6 denied l e g i t i m a c y by c o l o n i a l a u t h o r i t i e s even i n t h o s e i n d i g e n o u s s o c i e t i e s which d i s p l a y e d i r r e f u t a b l e and considerable o r g a n i z a t i o n a l and t e c h n i c a l s k i l l s , advanced p o l i t i c a l structure, s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , c u l t u r a l bodies, and s o p h i s t i c a t e d p h i l o s o p h i c a l and world views. 5 I t was generally the case that colonizers assumed the 'obligation' of C h r i s t i a n i z i n g and ' c i v i l i z i n g ' t h e i r new s u b j e c t s . By denying the l e g i t i m a c y of i n d i g e n o u s c u l t u r a l , s o c i a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l p a t t e r n s , the c o l o n i a l governments were able to j u s t i f y t h e i r own occupation of the land and the i m p o s i t i o n of t h e i r own patterns and systems of a u t h o r i t y . 6 "The dominant theme has been the ' w e s t e r n i z a t i o n ' of [indigenous] groups — by the 'formal' processes of conquest, conversion to C h r i s t i a n i t y , and education, or by 'informal' processes such as r a c i a l mixture, conscription, migration to the c i t i e s , and the penetration of commercialization to remote regions." 7 Whatever the path taken by colonization — whether brutal or i n d i f f e r e n t -- and whatever the m o t i v e s behind i t - -economic, m i l i t a r y , p o l i t i c a l , or s p i r i t u a l -- the r e s u l t was s i m i l a r : indigenous peoples were subjugated, demoralized, for c e d to adopt a l i e n ways, and reduced to the status of second or t h i r d class subjects. The enormity of the wrong done t o once s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t peoples was downplayed and excused by popular sentiments that expansion or c o l o n i z a t i o n was i n e v i t a b l e , t h a t t e r r i t o r y was necessary to secure or 7 defend other t e r r i t o r y , that colonized areas needed e f f e c t i v e government, t h a t massacres or other a t r o c i t i e s perpetrated against native inhabitants were the e x c e p t i o n a l a c t i o n s of o u t - o f - c o n t r o l m i l i t a r y factions, that bringing c i v i l i z a t i o n to the wilderness could only improve the l o t of the 'savages', and that i n any case, 'progress' was i n e v i t a b l e . While independence came eventually to p r a c t i c a l l y every c o l o n i a l area l a r g e enough to be organized as a sovereign nation, the gaining of independence by the colonies brought no change to the s t a t u s of a b o r i g i n a l peoples; they remained colonized peoples, subject to r u l i n g classes which exercised economic, i d e o l o g i c a l , p o l i t i c a l , and r a c i a l domination. This new c o l o n i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p i s the predominant regime under which Fourth World peoples find themselves today. While the p o s i t i o n of indigenous peoples under t h i s regime i s by no means i d e n t i c a l to that of c l a s s i c a l l y colonized peoples, i n that indigenous peoples are usually numerical m i n o r i t i e s i n the states which envelop them and do not always have e a s i l y -defined t e r r i t o r i e s that are g e o g r a p h i c a l l y d i s t i n c t from t h o s e o f t h e i r c o l o n i z e r s , the c o n c e p t of ' i n t e r n a l colonialism' seems to accurately characterize the p o s i t i o n i n which indigenous peoples perceive themselves to be. The i n t e r n a l colonialism model has been used by Boldt, Hechter, Tennant, and Thomas, among others, to describe the s t r u c t u r a l and c u l t u r a l s t a t u s of contemporary indigenous peoples (and other t e r r i t o r i a l l y - b a s e d e t h n i c m i n o r i t i e s ) 8 which f i n d themselves i n a p o s i t i o n of continued subjugation i n a p o s t - c o l o n i a l independent n a t i o n - s t a t e . 8 I n t e r n a l colonialism i s a continuum of the s o c i a l structure of the new nation and i s bound to the p o l i c y of the national government which sees i n i t p r a c t i c a l economic and p o l i t i c a l value. C o n d i t i o n s a s s o c i a t e d with i n t e r n a l c o l o n i a l i s m i n c l u d e " g e o g r a p h i c a l d i s p l a c e m e n t ; f o r c e d a c c u l t u r a t i o n and d e s t r u c t i o n of indigenous values; subjection to an external culture; and p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l subordination based on the assumption" of r a c i a l , ethnic, or c u l t u r a l i n f e r i o r i t y . 9 Use of land and resources are r e s t r i c t e d and the subjugated peoples are subjected to "varying degrees of administrative supervision, s o c i a l discrimination, suppression of culture and denial of p o l i t i c a l and other rights and freedoms." 1 0 These are conditions commonly experienced by indigenous peoples i today. The i n t e r n a l colonialism model i s useful i n that i t opens the way to the possible conclusion "that the subjugation [of n a t i v e people] has no g r e a t e r moral j u s t i f i c a t i o n i n an independent s t a t e than i n a c o l o n y . " 1 1 This i s not the "perspective commonly maintained, i n i t s own i n t e r e s t , by the non-indigenous r u l i n g g r o u p . " 1 2 The i n t e r n a l colonialism model permits an understanding of the moral and l o g i c a l basis for the claims of indigenous peoples to 'aboriginal rights' to some measure o f e c o n o m i c , p o l i t i c a l , and c u l t u r a l i n dependence; i t makes the n o t i o n of a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s 9 "comprehensible w i t h i n , and compatible with, a non-native conceptual framework." 1 3 I f the c o l o n i a l analogy i s accepted, the assertion that the world community i s under some o b l i g a t i o n to take the demands of indigenous peoples s e r i o u s l y becomes plausi b l e . I n t e r n a t i o n a l accords such as the Charter of the U n i t e d Nations and the U.N. General Assembly resolution e n t i t l e d "the D e c l a r a t i o n on the Granting of Independence to C o l o n i a l C o u n t r i e s and P e o p l e s " passed i n 1961, r e f e r t o the i n a l i e n a b l e r i g h t s o f a l l p e o p l e s which were o r i g i n a l i n h a b i t a n t s o f c o l o n i z e d t e r r i t o r i e s to p o l i t i c a l s e l f -d e t e r m i n a t i o n and to the p u r s u i t of economic, s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l development. They have as t h e i r stated goal the e l i m i n a t i o n o f " c o l o n i a l i s m i n a l l i t s f o r m s and m a n i f e s t a t i o n s . " 1 4 While the U.N. may not have had the s i t u a t i o n of a b o r i g i n a l peoples i n mind when making such statements, which are considered to apply only i n c l a s s i c c o l o n i a l situations or to overseas colonies, i n p r i n c i p l e i t s point of view appears to agree with that of aboriginal leaders — that the rights of indigenous peoples are not extinguished by the actions of a new sovereign and that as peoples, they have a r i g h t to choose t h e i r own paths. Apparently, s t a t e s have "no more right to assert permanent sovereignty over the land" and o r i g i n a l inhabitants "than did, say, the B r i t i s h i n Kenya." 1 5 The t r a d i t i o n a l c o l o n i a l i s t j u s t i f i c a t i o n for depriving a people of i t s independence -- the p h i l o s o p h i c a l b a s i s of colonialism, i n t e r n a l or otherwise — i s that the imposition of a u t h o r i t y and the removal of independence i s i n some way b e n e f i c i a l to the people so subjugated. 1 6 This argument i s designed to mask o v e r t r a c i s m , which i s d i s r e p u t a b l e ; nevertheless, the argument i s undeniably r a c i s t and has been dismissed as " p a t e r n a l i s t i c sophistry," l e a v i n g c o l o n i a l i s m without a v a l i d j u s t i f i c a t i o n . 1 7 Whatever the explanations given for the treatment of indigenous peoples, p o l i t i c a l and economic c o n s i d e r a t i o n s alone d i c t a t e the r e l a t i o n s h i p of native peoples to governments. I f one accepts the in t e r n a l colonialism model, one may also be persuaded to accept that, according to the l o g i c of t h e i r p o s i t i o n , indigenous peoples do have a v a l i d claim to a measure of c o n t r o l over t h e i r own l i v e s , i f not to the complete restoration of t h e i r property and independence. It i s not reasonable to suppose that governments are l i k e l y to accede t o demands f o r the o u t r i g h t r e t u r n of land and resources to o r i g i n a l peoples; to make such concessions would not only be impractical, but would be against the interests of the governments which made them. R e a l i s t i c a l l y , the solutions av a i l a b l e to each indigenous people w i l l vary according to i t s circumstances and to the nature of the p a r t i c u l a r country i n which i t e x i s t s . The v e r y b e s t p o s s i b l e outcome f o r indigenous peoples may e n t a i l the gaining of sp e c i a l minority 11 group status within a country which could include rights to a l i m i t e d form of self-government (comparable to municipal government), some rights to land and resources which permit a measure of economic s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y , and recognition of a righ t to remain c u l t u r a l l y and s o c i a l l y d i s t i n c t i n terms of education and language. Secession i s an i m p r a c t i c a l and improbable option for most indigenous peoples, and indeed, i s recognized as such by most indigenous leaders. What Do the Indigenous Peoples Want? There are a number of conditions common to contemporary indigenous populations under i n t e r n a l colonialism. Generally, n a t i v e people "lead marginal l i v e s , characterized by poverty and dependence." 1 8 They endure substandard l e v e l s of physical health, complicated by inadequate h e a l t h care, n u t r i t i o n a l standards below those of the majority population, inadequate housing, and poor s a n i t a t i o n . Depression, a l c o h o l i s m , and high suicide rates are common, in d i c a t i n g the f r u s t r a t i o n that accompanies t r y i n g to maintain one's i d e n t i t y i n the face of an a l i e n l i f e s t y l e . They a l s o f i n d themselves subject to l e g a l systems which are foreign to t h e i r philosophies, which have no r e l a t i o n to t h e i r c u l t u r e , and which tend to work against them. Often native people do not understand t h e i r l e g a l r i g h t s due to l i n g u i s t i c and c u l t u r a l b a r r i e r s and are not able to use the systems to t h e i r advantage.!9 Legal, s o c i a l , and p o l i t i c a l impotence are sustained by the f a i l u r e of educational systems to provide adequate l e v e l s or types of education; c u r r i c u l a are o f t e n i r r e l e v a n t to the needs of native people. Imposed patt e r n s of worship which repress t r a d i t i o n a l modes are also them norm. The 'system' by which native peoples are o f t e n trapped u s u a l l y t r a n s l a t e s i n t o the 'welfare system. 1 Apparently benevolent l e g i s l a t i o n combined with p o l i t i c a l and p h y s i c a l r e p r e s s i o n "keeps people a l i v e at a subsistence l e v e l but blunts any attempts at revolt while turning them into captive consumers f o r i n d u s t r i a l products." I t i s a covert but e f f e c t i v e "form of p a c i f i c a t i o n . " 2 0 I t i s self-perpetuating i n that e l i g i b i l i t y for welfare i s best established by being t o t a l l y dependent, and by embracing dependence, by abandoning t r a d i t i o n a l l i f e s t y l e s , n a t i v e groups are e c o n o m i c a l l y retarded and rendered unable to compete. Non-native society often c r i t i c i z e s natives for apparent apathy and unwillingness to b e t t e r t h e i r c o n d i t i o n s ; however, continuing oppression through poverty, poor health, stereotyping, lack of education and job opportunities, and so on, tends to crush i n i t i a t i v e . In c e r t a i n areas of the world the p l i g h t of indigenous p o p u l a t i o n s i s s t i l l more d i r e . P r a c t i c e s such as e x t e r m i n a t i o n , s t e r i l i z a t i o n , r e l o c a t i o n , and f o r c e d a s s i m i l a t i o n have not been e n t i r e l y abolished i n many Third World c o u n t r i e s . 2 1 Quite often the violence committed against indigenous peoples i n c o u n t r i e s such as Guatemala and E l Salvador i s an i n d i r e c t r e s u l t of economic-political power 13 s t r u g g l e s w i t h i n and between the developed c o u n t r i e s f o r control and defense of investments and other interests within these countries. Giant multinational enterprises with mining, o i l , and lumber i n t e r e s t s are f r e q u e n t l y the cause of the v i c t i m i z a t i o n of native groups. In the haste to make way for p r o f i t a b l e development — for highways, hydro-electric dams, miner a l e x t r a c t i o n p r o j e c t s , and the l i k e -- n a t i o n a l governments sometimes uproot, re-locate, and otherwise abuse indigenous populations within t h e i r b o r d e r s . 2 2 The r e a l and perceived demands of transnational corporations s u b s t a n t i a l l y a f f e c t human, c i v i l , and p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s , which are subsumed by i n t e r e s t s which y i e l d more immediate and t a n g i b l e r e s u l t s . 2 3 The economic and p o l i t i c a l conditions i n Central and South America make these areas the 'hotbeds' of aboriginal rights v i o l a t i o n s today. Perhaps the most s i g n i f i c a n t common denominator of a l l contemporary i n d i g e n o u s p e o p l e s i s the f a c t o f t h e i r separation from t h e i r land. I t i s rare for aboriginal peoples of any state to have any t i t l e to the land they dwelt on for generations p r i o r to colonization. Land i s the most important element of aboriginal claims; i t underlies a l l other claims. "The moral claim of indigenous peoples d i f f e r s from that of other subjugated groups i n that i t includes and rests upon the fundamental claim of land and use of resources which derives from p r i o r and r i g h t f u l occupancy." 2 4 14 The land has both economic and s p i r i t u a l s i g n i f i c a n c e for aboriginal peoples. Material standards of l i v i n g are derived ultimately from the land and i t s resources; native peoples are aware of t h i s and seek a role i n determining the manner of land and resource use and a f a i r portion of benefits derived from t h e i r e x p l o i t a t i o n . At the same time, an adequate land base i s necessary f o r the way of l i f e which i s b a s i c to aboriginal culture and i d e n t i t y . Stavenhagen expresses i t as f o l l o w s : "The Indian i s a man who i s i n t e g r a t e d i n h i s t r a d i t i o n a l community which i s bound to the l a n d . . . c u l t u r a l l y and psychologically, he ceases to be an Indian when he becomes separated from the land .... The Indian needs the land because without i t he l o s e s h i s s o c i a l and e t h n i c i d e n t i t y . " 2 5 The unique rela t i o n s h i p of aboriginal peoples to t h e i r land i s further explained by Tennant: "Indeed, the only way i n which an aboriginal community could of i t s own accord cease to e x i s t , that i s , forsake i t s aboriginal nature, would be knowingly to give up claim to l a n d ; " 2 6 and by Davis: "the lesson to be learned from native peoples everywhere i s that ' a b o r i g i n a l ' l a n d r i g h t s d e f i n e the o n l y l e g i t i m a t e r e l a t i o n s h i p of a man to the l a n d " ; 2 7 and by Deloria: "the tribal-communal way of l i f e , devoid of economic competition, views land as the most v i t a l part of man's existence ... i t supports them, t e l l s them where they l i v e and defines for them how they l i v e . " 2 8 I t i s t h e i r center, that which secures t h e i r i d e n t i t y ; they are not abstracted from i t . 15 Such are the conditions faced by indigenous peoples under i n t e r n a l colonialism. There are two main patterns of response to these conditions taken by subjugated peoples. 2 9 The f i r s t i s a s s i m i l a t i o n , which i s an i n d i v i d u a l process i n which one separates from the corporate s t r u c t u r e of the indigenous community and becomes integrated into the dominant s o c i e t y . The second i s consolidation of the community through a process known as "boundary maintenance." 3 0 The l a t t e r pattern, which i s inherent i n the concept of i n t e r n a l colonialism, i s the one turned to by the majority of native peoples. The continuity of d i s t i n c t c u l t u r a l groups peripheral to the dominant i n s t i t u t i o n s of society i s l a r g e l y dependent upon those groups p e r c e i v i n g themselves as being separate and d i s t i n c t communities and employing devices to maintain the d i f f e r e n c e -- the c h i e f d e v i c e b e i n g the e r e c t i o n and maintenance of " c u l t u r a l boundaries" v i s - a - v i s other groups. Indigenous groups j u s t i f y such c o n s t r u c t s i n terms o f preserving t h e i r heritage, but i n fact such boundaries allow for r e s o l u t i o n of " i n t e r n a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n s a r i s i n g out of e x t e r n a l i m p a c t , " 3 1 for the continuation of group i d e n t i t y , while p e r m i t t i n g the i n c o r p o r a t i o n o f "elements o f the m a j o r i t y ' s c u l t u r e or p o l i t i c a l system" which impart new v i t a l i t y and v i a b i l i t y . 3 2 The maintenance of c u l t u r a l boundaries has been a s s i s t e d by the tendency of dominant s o c i e t i e s to keep indigenous peoples at arms length, allowing the s u r v i v a l of t r a d i t i o n a l i n d i g e n o u s s o c i o - c u l t u r a l , p o l i t i c a l , and economic i n s t i t u t i o n s and of a c e r t a i n philosophical uniqueness. With a c o l l e c t i v e sense of i d e n t i t y , the emergence of group s o l i d a r i t y , and a clear delineation of cultures, the way i s open f o r i n d i g e n o u s p e o p l e s t o be p l a c e d "on e q u a l conceptual and moral f o o t i n g with immigrant c u l t u r e s . " 3 3 S u b s t a n t i a l economic and p o l i t i c a l i n e q u a l i t i e s between dominant and indigenous groups may thus be regarded as unjust and i l l e g i t i m a t e , as " p a r t o f a p a t t e r n o f c o l l e c t i v e o ppression. 1 , 3 4 In r e c e n t y e a r s v a r i o u s s t a t e s have w i t n e s s e d a resurgence of native c u l t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y . This has been p r e c i p i t a t e d , according to Peterson, by a "worldwide period of i n t e r n a l expansion and development . . . during the 1960s," by the g e n e r a l i z a t i o n of "middle c l a s s l i b e r a l v a l u e s , " and by " a b o r i g i n a l a c t i v i s m w i t h i n a context of growing world awareness of Third and Fourth World peoples and general f a i l u r e of the a s s i m i l a t i o n p o l i c y at a time o f increasing acceptance of c u l t u r a l pluralism and e t h n i c i t y . " 3 5 The c o i n c i d e n c e i n timing of n a t i o n a l a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s movements a l l over the world has resulted i n an international movement, bolstered by a universal indigenous p e r c e p t i o n of shared grievances and goals. "The struggles vary within the h i s t o r i c a l contexts i n which they take place," yet they have much i n common.36 E f f e c t i v e p o l i t i c a l adaptation i n response to subjugation i n c l u d e s , "at i t s f u l l e s t extent": s e l e c t i v e adaptation of c u l t u r a l elements " f o r the purpose of f a c i l i t a t i n g group s u r v i v a l i n p o s t - c o n t a c t c i r c u m s t a n c e s ; f o r m a t i o n and maintenance of a comprehensive organization to emphasize group i d e n t i t y and t o conduct t r a n s a c t i o n s w i t h i n the r u l i n g majority; pursuit of minority unity i n order to maintain group i d e n t i t y and to p r o v i d e s u p p o r t f o r the o r g a n i z a t i o n ; es t a b l i s h i n g r e l a t i o n s within the majority which are able and w i l l i n g t o p r o v i d e r e s o u r c e s or s u p p o r t ; and lobbying government i n order to defend and promote group i n t e r e s t s . " 3 7 Such p o l i t i c a l adaptation i s found at the i n t e r n a t i o n a l as w e l l as at the n a t i o n a l l e v e l . I n d i g e n o u s p o l i t i c a l organization has shown a l l of these developments. I t has become the norm for indigenous peoples to refer to themselves as 'na t i o n s . 1 In Canada, f o r i n s t a n c e , ' F i r s t Nations' i s generally understood (at le a s t by people aware of indigenous i s s u e s ) to r e f e r to indigenous t r i b a l - c u l t u r a l groups. Common usage of the term i s found i n the Concise  Oxford Dictionary, which defines 'nation' as a "large number of people of mainly common descent, language, history, etc., usually inhabiting a t e r r i t o r y bounded by defined l i m i t s and forming a s o c i e t y under one government," or as a "t r i b e of North American Indians." I t i s understandable that indigenous peoples that once e x i s t e d as independent, self-governing, c u l t u r a l l y d i s t i n c t groups and that e x e r c i s e d c o n t r o l over 18 g e o g r a p h i c a l areas p e r c e i v e t h e m s e l v e s as n a t i o n s . A continuing sense of nationhood i s further fostered by the fact that indigenous peoples d i f f e r from other m i n o r i t y e t h n i c groups i n t h a t they alone can c l a i m l and, abor i g i n a l , and sometimes t r e a t y r i g h t s a c c r u i n g to them as the o r i g i n a l inhabitants of a t e r r i t o r y . Unlike a l l others, they are not immigrants and have no other homeland. 3 8 The appellation ' n a t i o n ' f o r an i n d i g e n o u s p e o p l e i s n o t e n t i r e l y u n r e a s o n a b l e . However, the sense i n which 'nation' i s commonly used i n the i n t e r n a t i o n a l a r e n a , t h a t i s , i n reference to a sovereign state, makes the use of the term i n resp e c t to indigenous peoples somewhat s u s p e c t to some p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s . 'Self-determination' has become the c a t c h - a l l phrase used to express the goal of indigenous n a t i o n s . The phrase has come t o have a v a r i e t y o f meanings and i s o f t e n used imprecisely. However, there are two primary meanings that can be att r i b u t e d to i t . The f i r s t i s external autonomy or the right of a people to independence and in t e r n a t i o n a l status, to t e r r i t o r i a l i n t e g r i t y and non-violation of i t s boundaries, to governance of i t s own a f f a i r s without outside influence. The second meaning i s i n t e r n a l autonomy or the right of a people to determine the form of i t s own government and to p a r t i c i p a t e i n that government, or the right of a minority people within or even a c r o s s s t a t e b o u n d a r i e s to s p e c i a l r i g h t s to p r o t e c t i o n and non-discrimination and possibly to c u l t u r a l , 19 s o c i a l , and economic autonomy for the preservation of group identity.39 A b o r i g i n a l l e a d e r s g e n e r a l l y u n d e r s t a n d s e l f -determination i n terms of i n t e r n a l autonomy. The phrase i s seen to include the right to t r a d i t i o n a l lands and resources, the r i g h t to e x i s t as d i s t i n c t peoples, the r i g h t to c u l t u r a l and economic development, and the r i g h t to communal s e l f -government. Land r i g h t s are primary; the c l a i m to l a n d " i m p l i e s and includes the claim to continued functioning of the community i n t h a t p l a c e . " 4 0 However, s e c e s s i o n of indigenous communities from the states i n which they e x i s t i s usually not part of the indigenous scenario. Boldt i d e n t i f i e s two possible options faced by indigenous peoples: independence, or geographically defined t e r r i t o r i a l nationalism, where an a b o r i g i n a l group gains n a t i o n - s t a t e status; or i n s t i t u t i o n a l autonomy, where an aboriginal group has control over a s o c i a l - p o l i t i c a l economic space without s p e c i f y i n g a g e o g r a p h i c a l s p a c e , s p e c i a l s t a t u s i n relationships with the central government, p o l i t i c a l equality as a group with the r e s t of the s t a t e , and r e t e n t i o n of i d e n t i t y . A t h i r d o p t i o n e x i s t s : i n s t i t u t i o n a l autonomy within a defined geographical space within an e x i s t i n g state's borders. This option seems to be the goal sought by most indigenous peoples; i t i s a solution that i s possible within the context of e x i s t i n g states. The a m b i g u i t y s u r r o u n d i n g t h e n o t i o n o f s e l f -determination poses a s i g n i f i c a n t obstacle to those struggling towards that i d e a l . As Michael Asch p o i n t s out, " i n the c l a s s i c a l s c e n a r i o . . . the r e s o l u t i o n of the rights of an i n d i g e n o u s p o p u l a t i o n t o s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n ... i s accomplished through the establishment ... of a nation state founded on an indigenous s o v e r e i g n t y -- the breakup of e x i s t i n g n a t i o n - s t a t e s . " 4 1 To demand 'self-determination' i s seen by most n o n - a b o r i g i n a l people as demanding complete independence. E x i s t i n g national e l i t e s almost c e r t a i n l y w i l l r e j e c t a demand which could destroy the accepted i n t e r n a t i o n a l order and the present structure of states. Indigenous leaders are aware that such an extreme p o s i t i o n w i l l evoke l i t t l e more than h o s t i l i t y from n a t i o n a l e l i t e s of states within which indigenous peoples dwell. I t i s p o l i t i c a l l y expedient f o r indigenous peoples to take a less revolutionary approach to self-determination. Yet no matter what meaning the term i s intended to convey, i t s use tends to create resistance. A restructuring of e x i s t i n g p o l i t i c a l systems i n a manner t h a t would g u a r a n t e e a b o r i g i n a l p e o p l e s the e x c l u s i v e p o l i t i c a l and l e g i s l a t i v e a u t h o r i t y deemed necessary f o r s u r v i v a l and development as d i s t i n c t p e o p l e s , and the recognition of a subsisting (or s t i l l - e x i s t i n g ) t i t l e to land and the r i g h t s t h a t flow from i t , seems to be the solution most widely-sought by indigenous nations. This willingness to accept l e s s than t o t a l independence i s i n d i c a t i v e of a major d i f f e r e n c e between i n d i g e n o u s p e o p l e s and c l a s s i c a l l y colonized peoples. The solution sought by indigenous peoples makes sense p a r t i c u l a r l y when indigenes are n u m e r i c a l l y overwhelmed by the immigrant p o p u l a t i o n and where t h e i r communities are encapsulated by the state. Many indigenous peoples are too small to make statehood a p r a c t i c a l option. I t i s only where indigenous people make up the majority of the p o p u l a t i o n , and/or where t h e i r t e r r i t o r y i s geographically separate from that of the governing power that p o l i t i c a l d e c o l o n i z a t i o n and subsequent statehood may be conceivable. Some A f r i c a n and P a c i f i c indigenous groups, such as the Af r i c a n National Congress and the Kanaks of New Caledonia, aim for the r e v o l u t i o n a r y overthrow of an entrenched c o l o n i a l p o l i t i c a l - e c o n o m i c - s o c i a l order. Such i s the indigenous p o s i t i o n . Having been divested of t h e i r land, s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y , and i n t e g r i t y as peoples, the indigenous nations of the world seek redress and restoration of that which they f e e l should never have been taken from them. From t h e i r point of view, i t does not seem reasonable that reparation has not heretofore been made, f o r they are c o n v i n c e d o f the h i s t o r i c a l and moral i n j u s t i c e of the s i t u a t i o n . A need for a mechanism to work towards bettering the c o n d i t i o n s of a b o r i g i n a l peoples i s indicated, and the World Council of Indigenous Peoples formed i n response to that need. 22 Notes 1. The terms 'indigenous 1, 'aboriginal', and sometimes 'native' are used here interchangeably. The same i s true of the terms 'people' and 'nation.' The l a t t e r two terms are cont r o v e r s i a l due to the d i f f e r i n g nuances and interpretations a s s o c i a t e d w i t h them. According to the Concise Oxford  D i c t i o n a r y , a 'people' i s a number of persons composing a community, t r i b e , race, or nation. A 'nation' may be defined as a l a r g e number of p e o p l e o f m a i n l y common d e s c e n t , language, and history, usually inhabiting a t e r r i t o r y bounded by defined l i m i t e d and forming a society under one government, or a l t e r n a t e l y , as a t r i b e of North American Indians. Both terms are extremely nebulous and are not read i l y accepted as a p p l y i n g to indigenous groups by a l l p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s . However, i t i s generally the case that indigenous groups once existed as self-governing peoples with t e r r i t o r i a l land-bases, d i s t i n c t languages and cultures, and conscious knowledge of shared t r i b a l achievements. On the basis of a h i s t o r i c a l l y independent p o l i t i c a l , economic, and s o c i o - c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y , many native groups, including the WCIP, claim nationhood for modern i n d i g e n o u s p e o p l e s . A c c o r d i n g t o t h e WCIP's d e f i n i t i o n , an indigenous people or nation i s composed of the e x i s t i n g descendants of a people who i n h a b i t e d the present t e r r i t o r y of a country at the time when persons of a d i f f e r e n t culture of ethnic o r i g i n arrived there from other parts of the world, overcame them, and by conquest, settlement, or other means, reduced them to a non-dominant or c o l o n i a l c o n d i t i o n and who today re t a i n t h e i r own s o c i a l , economic, and c u l t u r a l customs and t r a d i t i o n s , under a s t a t e s t r u c t u r e t h e i n s t i t u t i o n s of which incorporate mainly the national, s o c i a l , and c u l t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the predominant p o p u l a t i o n . The d e f i n i t i o n i s not altogether s a t i s f a c t o r y , for i t s scope i s very broad; nevertheless, i t i s accepted for the purposes of t h i s t h e s i s . 2. James S. F r i d e r e s , N a t i v e P e o p l e i n Canada (Scarborough: Prentice-Hall Canada Inc., 1983), pp.77-78. 3. Douglas Sanders, "The Re-Emergence of Indigenous Q u e s t i o n s i n I n t e r n a t i o n a l Law," Canadian Human Rights  Yearbook, (Toronto: Carswell Co. Ltd., 1983), p.11. 4. See Frank H. Tucker, The White Conscience (New York: Frederick Ungar Publishing Co., 1968), p.125, for an account of the extermination of Tasmanian indigenes. 5. Many indigenous groups, such as the Iroquois and other confederacies, had considerable o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s k i l l , advanced p o l i t i c a l structure, c u l t u r a l bodies, philosophy, and world view. The despotic, homogenous Incan empire extended 23 from northern Ecuador into northwest Argentina and c e n t r a l C h i l e , and was h i g h l y c e n t r a l i z e d , urbanized and s o c i a l l y s t r a t i f i e d , with s k i l l e d a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s , a r t i s a n s , and a r c h i t e c t s . See Dorothy V. Jones, L i c e n s e f o r Empire (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), pp. 27, 263, 259. 6. Paul Tennant, "Native Indian P o l i t i c a l Organization i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1900-1969: A Response i n I n t e r n a l Colonialism, 1 1 B.C. Studies 55 (Autumn 1982) :3. 7. Harold Blakemore and C.T. Smith, L a t i n America:  Geographical Perspectives (New York: Methuen and Co., 1983), p. 253. 8. See Menno Boldt, "Social Correlates of Nationalism: A Study of Native Indian Leaders i n a Canadian I n t e r n a l Colony," Comparative P o l i t i c a l Studies 14 (July 1981); Michael Hechter, I n t e r n a l Colonialism, (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1975); Tennant, op. c i t . ; and R.K. Thomas, "Colonialism: C l a s s i c and I n t e r n a l , " New University Thought 4:4 (1966) on i n t e r n a l colonialism. 9 . Boldt, p. 27, note l . 10. Tennant, p. 4. 11. Ibid. 12 . Ibid. 13. M i c h a e l Asch, Home and Native Land: A b o r i g i n a l R i g h t s and the Canadian C o n s t i t u t i o n (Toronto: Methuen Publications, 1984), p.30. 14. Ibid., p.32. 15. Ibid . , p.34. 16. Robert Davis and Mark Zannis, The Genocide Machine  i n Canada: the P a c i f i c a t i o n of the North (Montreal: Black Rose Books, 1973), p.29. 17. Ibid. 18. Frideres, p.185. 19. Ibid., p.136. 20. Ibid., p.131. 24 21. See Davis, pp.57, 134-135 concerning the massacre i n 1963 of the inhabitants of a B r a z i l i a n v i l l a g e by hunters hired by a land developing firm. The case i s also documented i n the Toronto Globe and Mail, June 28, 1972, p.2. See also World C o u n c i l of Indigenous Peoples, "Interim Report of the World Council of Indigenous Peoples' Commission on the Re-U n i f i c a t i o n of the Miskitu Family," (July 18, 1985), on the s i t u a t i o n of the indigenous Miskitu of Nicaragua. 22. World Council of Indigenous Peoples, "Transnational Corporations and Their E f f e c t on the Resources and Lands of Indigenous Peoples" (1981): 3-9; World Council of Indigenous Peoples, Newsletter (Feb. 19, 1984):46. 23. A r t B l a s e r , " A s s e s s i n g Human R i g h t s : the NGO C o n t r i b u t i o n , " i n Glo b a l Human Ri g h t s : P u b l i c P o l i c i e s ,  Comparative Measures, and NGO Strategies, Nanda, S c a r r i t t , and Sheperd, eds. (Boulder: Westview Press, 1981), p.264. 24. Paul Tennant, " A b o r i g i n a l Rights i n Indian S e l f -Government," (Department of P o l i t i c a l Science, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, unpublished, 1984), p.4. 25. Rodolfo Stavenhagen, "Classes, C o l o n i a l i s m , and A c c u l t u r a t i o n , " S t u d i e s i n Comparative I n t e r n a t i o n a l  Development 1:6 (1965):60. 26. Tennant, " A b o r i g i n a l R i g h t s and I n d i a n S e l f -Go vernment," pp.9-10. 27. Davis, p.62. 28. Vine Deloria, J r . , We Talk, You List e n : New Tribes,  New Turf (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1970), p.175. 29. Tennant, "Native Indian P o l i t i c a l Organization p.5-7. Tennant also i d e n t i f i e s additional possible responses: p a s s i v e endurance, organized v i o l e n c e , r e v i t a l i z a t i o n or m e s s i a n i c movements, s o c i a l breakdown, and p e r s o n a l demoralization. 30. I b i d . See a l s o E.G. Schwimmer, " S y m b o l i c Competition," Anthropologica 14:1 (1972):118-142. 31. Schwimmer, p.142. 32. Tennant, "Native Indian P o l i t i c a l Organization...," p. 5. 33. Ibid. 34. Hechter, p.42. 25 35. Nicolas Peterson, ed., Aboriginal Rights: a Handbook (Canberra: Australian I n s t i t u t e of Aboriginal Studies, 1981), p. 1. 36. Joseph G. Jorgenson and Richard B. Lee, "The New Native R e s i s t a n c e : Indigenous Peoples' s t r u g g l e s and the R e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s o f S c h o l a r s " (New York: MSS Modular Publications, 1974), p.8. 37. Tennant, "Native Indian P o l i t i c a l Organization ...," pp.6-7. Tennant attributes t h i s description i n p a r t to the work of Norwegian anthropologist Fredrik Barth. 38. Leroy L i t t l e Bear, Menno Bol d t , J. Anthony Long, eds., Pathways to Self-Determination: Canadian Indians and the  Canadian State (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984), xv. 39. I s m a e l i l l o and Robin Wright, "Native Peoples i n Struggle" (Anthropology Resource Center, Inc. and Emergency Response International Network, 1982), pp.159-160. 40. Tennant, " A b o r i g i n a l R i g h t s and I n d i a n S e l f -Go vernment," p. 10. 41. Asch, p.34. 26 CHAPTER TWO THE INTERNATIONAL APPROACH TO HUMAN RIGHTS: ABORIGINAL RIGHTS AS HUMAN RIGHTS 'Aboriginal rights' refer to those prerogatives accruing to peoples of a t e r r i t o r y d e r i v e d from the f a c t of t h e i r occupancy of c e r t a i n lands since time immemorial, that i s , i n pra c t i c e , from t h e i r having existed i n a p a r t i c u l a r place as a group p r i o r t o c o l o n i z a t i o n or a n n e x a t i o n by e x t e r n a l governments. The su r v i v a l of these peoples, whose t r a d i t i o n a l t e r r i t o r i e s o f t e n transcend the boundaries of the n a t i o n -s t a t e s t h a t have s u b j u g a t e d them, poses a v a r i e t y o f complications for private human rights organizations and f o r i n t e r n a t i o n a l governmental agencies, such as the United Nations, which purport to represent the 'peoples o f the world. 1 This chapter d i s c u s s e s the i n t e r n a t i o n a l approach to a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s by i n t e r n a t i o n a l government b o d i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y the United Nations, and by s p e c i a l i z e d non-government bodies concerned with the p r o t e c t i o n of human ri g h t s . Such agencies have been i n e f f e c t u a l i n t h e i r attempts to protect the interests of indigenous peoples. I t w i l l be argued that only a group organized and operated by indigenous peoples themselves, such as the World Council of Indigenous Peoples, has the poten t i a l to e f f e c t i v e l y protect and promote t h e i r own r i g h t s . 27 Aboriginal Rights at the United Nations A spokesman for the i n u i t Committee on N a t i o n a l Issues (Canada) has stated: "In our view, aboriginal rights can also be seen as human rig h t s , because these are the things that we need t o c o n t i n u e to s u r v i v e as a d i s t i n c t people . . . m 1 Aboriginal rights have been dealt with, to some extent, as human r i g h t s issues by intergovernmental bodies such as the United Nations and i t s s p e c i a l i z e d agencies, r e g i o n a l and n a t i o n a l b o d i e s , and numerous governmental and non-governmental or private i n s t i t u t i o n s . The formal and informal mechanisms i n place for enforcing c e r t a i n minimum standards of behavior by governments towards t h e i r c i t i z e n s s h o u l d t e c h n i c a l l y work i n favor of Fourth World nations, yet because of problems inherent i n aboriginal rights issues, and because of inherent l i m i t a t i o n s of the United Nations human rights regime, they almost c o n s i s t e n t l y f a i l to do so. Even the s p e c i a l i z e d measures taken by the United Nations to curb aboriginal rights v i o l a t i o n s have been i n e f f e c t u a l . The most v i s i b l e provisions for universal human rights p r o t e c t i o n and promotion are the U n i t e d N a t i o n s ' l o o s e c o l l e c t i o n of rules, i n s t i t u t i o n s , and practices with regard to human r i g h t s . Supplementing the United Nations regulations are the numerous human r i g h t s covenants and conventions of n a t i o n a l g o v e r n m e n t s or r e g i o n a l i n t e r g o v e r n m e n t a l organizations, which have much the same content as the U.N.-28 generated rules, and much the same e f f e c t . Accordingly, only the U.N. provisions w i l l be dealt with here. Concern for human rights i s expressed i n the Charter of the U.N. i n several references and by the 'International B i l l of Human Rights,' which consists of the Universal Declaration of Human Ri g h t s , the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Covenant on Economic, S o c i a l , and Cu l t u r a l Rights, and the International Covenant on C i v i l and P o l i t i c a l R i g h t s , with i t s O p t i o n a l P r o t o c o l p e r t a i n i n g to the r i g h t s of i n d i v i d u a l s to appeal r i g h t s v i o l a t i o n s . 2 Other acts which contribute d i r e c t l y to the U.N. human rights regime are the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, the Convention on the Elimination of A l l Forms of Racial Discrimination, and various d e c l a r a t i o n s d e a l i n g with things such as the a b o l i t i o n of slavery, statelessness, and the rights of women, children, and refugees. Many of these statements were generated by the Economic and Soc i a l Council (ECOSOC), one of the main standing committees of the U.N. which i s devoted to s o c i a l , c u l t u r a l , and humanitarian matters. The ECOSOC, having been given a s p e c i f i c mandate to deal with human ri g h t s , has established a Commission on Human Rights which has i n turn set up vari o u s sub-commissions, i n c l u d i n g one f o r the P r e v e n t i o n of D i s c r i m i n a t i o n and the Protection of M i n o r i t i e s . 3 Together these instruments provide a common standard of conduct by which a l l e g e d i n v a s i o n s of r i g h t s can be judged by world opinion. While problems faced by native peoples have "been on the broad p o l i t i c a l agenda of the U.N. for perhaps twenty years," and have been d e a l t w i t h to some e x t e n t a c c o r d i n g to co n v e n t i o n a l standards, i t i s only recently that they have surfaced and been recognized as s p e c i f i c a l l y i n d i g e n o u s q u e s t i o n s . 4 In 19 82 , the Commission on Human Rights' Sub-Commission on the Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of M i n o r i t i e s e s t a b l i s h e d a Working Group on Indigenous P o p u l a t i o n s . The founding of the Working Group, which r e c e i v e s r e p o r t s f r om g o v e r n m e n t s , i n t e r n a t i o n a l organizations, and NGOs, has been h a i l e d by the Indian Law Resource Centre as a "major advance i n the development of the rights of Indigenous Peoples." I t i s the f i r s t permanent U.N. forum devoted to indigenous problems. 5 Also associated with the Sub-Commission i s Special Rapporteur Jose R. Martinez, who for the l a s t ten or so years has been preparing a Study of the Problem o f D i s c r i m i n a t i o n A g a i n s t I n d i g e n o u s P e o p l e . 6 F i n a l l y , the review board of the International Covenant on the E l i m i n a t i o n of A l l Forms of R a c i a l D i s c r i m i n a t i o n and the International Labour Organization's Convention on P r o t e c t i o n of Indigenous and Other T r i b a l and Semi-Tribal Populations i n Independent Countries have d e a l t s p e c i f i c a l l y w i t h the problems of native peoples. 7 The p o s s i b i l i t y of establishing a U.N. Commission for Indigenous Populations has even been d i s c u s s e d . 8 T o g e t h e r , the U.N. measures r e f l e c t a new 30 perception of the need for i n t e r n a t i o n a l standards f o r the treatment of indigenous populations. Despite U.N. conventions, commissions, and declarations, which might appear to give s u f f i c i e n t protection to indigenous peoples, the o r g a n i z a t i o n ' s performance i n the realm of aboriginal rights has been dismal. Its f a i l u r e to serve the inte r e s t s of indigenous peoples i s a t t r i b u t a b l e to s e v e r a l factors, including the tendency towards narrow or unfavourable i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f p r o v i s i o n s , t h e t e n d e n c y f o r t h e int e r n a t i o n a l community to ignore aboriginal issues or to f a i l to perceive them altogether, and the i n a b i l i t y of the U.N. to e f f e c t i v e l y enforce implementation of i t s provisions. These constraints r e s u l t from the United Nations being composed of n a t i o n - s t a t e s which c o n s i s t e n t l y base t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s on perceptions of national i n t e r e s t and from a reluctance on the part of member states to focus on issues that they perceive as domestic. To e xamine t h e U.N.'s t e n d e n c y t o w a r d s n a r r o w in t e r p r e t a t i o n of provisions, one may begin by observing the agency's a t t i t u d e towards s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n . The U.N. Charter's f i r s t a r t i c l e r e f e r s to the p r i n c i p l e of s e l f -d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f p e o p l e s , and the Covenants o f the International B i l l of Rights state that " a l l peoples have the r i g h t to s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n as w e l l as r e l a t e d r i g h t s to f r e e l y dispose of t h e i r natural wealth and resources." 9 The U.N. has assumed a supervisory j u r i s d i c t i o n over the process of decolonization, which has been highly supported by almost a l l members i n " c l a s s i c c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n s . " 1 0 S e l f -government was not considered appropriate unless the colony was e t h n i c a l l y and/or c u l t u r a l l y d i s t i n c t and geographically separate from the administering power. To date, indigenous e n c l a v e p o p u l a t i o n s have n o t been p e r c e i v e d by the in t e r n a t i o n a l community as c o l o n i z e d peoples. Despite the f a c t that t h e i r own lea d e r s see t h e i r p o s i t i o n as being p r a c t i c a l l y and phi l o s o p h i c a l l y the same as th a t of c l a s s i c colonies, indigenous peoples have been treated as a l l minority groups are treated; t h e i r problems have been looked on " i n terms of economic e x p l o i t a t i o n , r a c i a l discrimination, and human r i g h t s " i n g e n e r a l . 1 1 I t has not been recognized that t h e i r s i t u a t i o n s h o u l d be l o o k e d upon i n te r m s o f decolonization and self-determination. Another i n s t a n c e of l i m i t e d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f U.N. statutes can be seen i n the application of the U.N. Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, which entered into force i n 1951. Genocide, which e n t a i l s "a commitment of acts with i n t e n t to destroy or decimate a n a t u r a l , e t h n i c , r a c i a l , or r e l i g i o u s group," does not n e c e s s a r i l y imply physical e r a d i c a t i o n . 1 2 C u l t u r a l genocide has been defined by an ECOSOC dra f t convention as "destruction of the s p e c i f i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a group" through such acts as forced removal of children from the group, p r o h i b i t i o n of the use of the national language, systematic destruction of 32 h i s t o r i c a l and r e l i g i o u s monuments or t h e i r diversion to a l i e n uses, and destruction or dispersal of documents and objects of h i s t o r i c a l , r e l i g i o u s , or a r t i s t i c v a l u e . 1 3 A l l of these acts have, at one time or another, been perpetrated against native peoples by n a t i o n a l governments, and massacres of Indian p o p u l a t i o n s have been documented r e c e n t l y i n Paraguay, B o l i v i a , and Guatemala, despite e x p l i c i t U.N. provisions which should have guarded against exactly such a t r o c i t i e s . 1 4 Inadequate protection of aboriginal r i g h t s by the U.N. system sometimes occurs because c e r t a i n kinds of human rights v i o l a t i o n s , including those a f f e c t i n g indigenous peoples, are s i m p l y not noted s i n c e they are among the p r e v a i l i n g prejudices and blind spots e x i s t i n g within s o c i e t i e s that U.N. o f f i c i a l s and state delegates represent. For instance, "as an indicator of the mentality of many governments, one ambassador from a La t i n American country reported recently that there are p r a c t i c a l l y no indigenous peoples i n La t i n America." 1 5 This a s s e r t i o n may r e f l e c t an imminent r e a l i t y i f r e p o r t s o f genocide on the par t s of governments of c e r t a i n countries towards t h e i r i n d i g e n o u s c i t i z e n s a r e t r u e , and i f d i f f i c u l t i e s of recognition and acknowledgement of indigenous rights p e r s i s t at both governmental and intergovernmental l e v e l s . Because human rights rules confer rights on individuals but remain o b l i g a t i o n s o f s t a t e s , i m p l e m e n t a t i o n i s a problem. 1 6 States' agents i n the U.N. cannot r e a l i s t i c a l l y be 33 expected to enforce i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y guaranteed r i g h t s when t h i s means implementing r e g u l a t i o n s against themselves for t h e i r own v i o l a t i o n s . Neither w i l l they, i n i t i a t e a c t i o n s which do not d i r e c t l y enhance t h e i r own i n t e r e s t s . States tend to be p a s s i v e with regard to human r i g h t s i s s u e s , p r o v i d i n g t he s t a t u s quo i s not d i s t u r b e d . As former S e c r e t a r y - G e n e r a l U Thant has o b s e r v e d , " l e g a l l y , the membership of the U.N. has done an admirable job on human ri g h t s . The necessary texts e x i s t , but p r a c t i c a l l y , where does an i n d i v i d u a l or group of i n d i v i d u a l s f i n d recourse against oppression within his own country?" 1 7 The fact that the system i s set up to research, r e p o r t , communicate, and record with no r e a l means of enforcing provisions, means that recommendations to states may or may not be acted on. Even the most innocuous implementation provision — the reporting requirement -- has been undermined as u n r e l i a b l e , and d e l i n q u e n t r e p o r t s are the n o r m . 1 8 In a d d i t i o n , U.N. covenants bind only those states which are party to them, and these are g e n e r a l l y those which do not conduct systematic v i o l a t i o n s of human rights i n the f i r s t place. As noted above, the i n c o n s i s t e n t a p p l i c a t i o n of the pr o h i b i t i o n against genocide and other U.N. rights provisions, the f a i l u r e to note c e r t a i n v i o l a t i o n s of aboriginal r i g h t s , and the i n a b i l i t y to s u c c e s s f u l l y implement U.N. r i g h t s provisions are attri b u t a b l e to ce r t a i n l i m i t a t i o n s inherent i n the U.N. The United Nations i s an organization of states, and 34 the U.N. organs which d e a l w i t h d e c o l o n i z a t i o n , s e l f -d e t e r m i n a t i o n , genocide, and other human r i g h t s rules are controlled by national governments which, r i g h t l y or wrongly, a c t a c c o r d i n g to t h e i r p e r c e i v e d best i n t e r e s t s . I t i s therefore understandable, for example, that the application of the p r i n c i p l e of s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n has been r e s t r i c t e d to non-contiguous t e r r i t o r i e s . So many states have indigenous peoples within t h e i r borders that to allow a precedent to be set by acknowledging the r i g h t of n a t i v e peoples to s e l f -d e t e r m i n a t i o n could a l t e r the d i s t r i b u t i o n of power i n the i n t e r n a t i o n a l system. N a t i o n a l governments are o f t e n u n w i l l i n g to support any mechanism which might detract from t h e i r p o l i t i c a l - e c o n o m i c spheres of i n f l u e n c e , and t h i s u n w i l l i n g n e s s a p p l i e s to a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s p r o v i s i o n s . Obviously, the U.N. human rights regime f a i l s to address the roots of a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s i s s u e s , which are economic and p o l i t i c a l , more than c u l t u r a l and psychological. Due to a d e f e r e n c e to a co n c e p t o f a world order dominated by sovereign nations, there i s a d e f i n i t e reluctance on the part of the U.N. to focus on issues which pertain to the domestic a f f a i r s of member s t a t e s , or which cut across normal p o l i t i c a l and i d e o l o g i c a l l i n e s . Because indigenous issues are perceived to be domestic concerns, i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t he U.N. r i g h t s p r o v i s i o n s has f r e q u e n t l y excluded indigenous peoples. Sensitive to c r i t i c i s m of human r i g h t s v i o l a t i o n s i n t h e i r own c o u n t r i e s , governments are al s o hesitant to condemn other governments f o r such v i o l a t i o n s . "One human r i g h t s o f f i c i a l , for example, predicted that no governments are l i k e l y to b r i n g up the i s s u e of American Indians i n the United States because they are a f r a i d to set precedents which might be a p p l i e d to themselves as w e l l . Almost every country, he noted, has indigenous peoples." 1 9 I t i s i n fa c t a Charter pledge to pr o h i b i t intervention i n the domestic a f f a i r s of member s t a t e s , making reprimands f o r v i o l a t i o n s d i f f i c u l t to j u s t i f y to ce r t a i n states, and there are states which do not support the U.N. regime because they perceive i t s provisions to be invasive of t h e i r sovereignty. Such b u i l t - i n l i m i t a t i o n s lead to the conclusion that the U.N. human rights regime i s a less-than-ideal mechanism f o r protecting human, and es p e c i a l l y aboriginal r i g h t s . The U.N. system does have value however, i n that i t acts as a clearing house f o r information on aboriginal rights issues, provides the means by which to i n q u i r e f u r t h e r i n t o p a r t i c u l a r i n c i d e n t s , a s s i s t s i n b r i n g i n g some transgressions to the a t t e n t i o n of world p u b l i c o p i n i o n , and encourages the observance of c e r t a i n standards of behavior of governments. Yet as things stand, i t i s u n l i k e l y that the U.N. can solve t h e p r o b l e m s o f i n d i g e n o u s p e o p l e s . T h e r e f o r e , the development and protection of aboriginal rights must be l e f t i n other hands. Transnational non-government organizations seem to be the parties most l i k e l y to take the i n i t i a t i v e to protect indigenous i n t e r e s t s . 36 Aboriginal Rights and Non-Governmental Organizations L e d o r - L e d e r e r c o n t e n d s t h a t i n t e r n a t i o n a l ( o r t r a n s n a t i o n a l ) non-government organizations (NGOs) are "the main s o c i a l countervailing power to the s t a t e . " 2 0 They have c e r t a i n l y proven to be increasingly s i g n i f i c a n t actors i n a l l g l o b a l p a t t e r n s of t r a n s a c t i o n , and have come to serve an es s e n t i a l role i n the preservation of human r i g h t s . Bodies such as the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Commission of J u r i s t s , Amnesty International, and the World Council of Churches deal d i r e c t l y with human r i g h t s i s s u e s , not having the degree of vested i n t e r e s t i n p r e s e r v i n g t he s t a t u s quo or i n o t h e r w i s e protecting national interests at the expense of human rights that government s t r u c t u r e s have. They have a l e g i t i m a t e , autonomous i d e n t i t y and a unique role v i s - a - v i s the U.N. and other i n t e r n a t i o n a l governmental o r g a n i z a t i o n s (iGOs) and national governments, since there are no other agencies with the desire and organizational c a p a b i l i t y to meet the needs they serve. Human r i g h t s NGO's, i n c l u d i n g t h o s e c o n c e r n e d s p e c i f i c a l l y with a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s , attempt to inform and influence public opinion by increasing the public's awareness and understanding of i s s u e s , and by e x e r t i n g pressure on national governments and IGOs. By appealing to int e r n a l i z e d norms (that i s , by shaming) or by damaging a government's r e p u t a t i o n i n the eyes of r e l e v a n t others (such as the i n t e r n a l populace, p o l i t i c o - m i l i t a r y a l l i e s , or the world p u b l i c ) "they generate a p r o t e s t intended to change the repressive behavior of target a u t h o r i t i e s . " 2 1 NGOs play non-partisan p o l i t i c a l roles i n the human rights regime, and moral indignation i s the motivating force behind t h e i r a r t i c u l a t i o n of "the organized outrage of common humanity" and t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s to safeguard human rights and freedoms. 2 2 Many NGOs i n the human rights f i e l d have been accorded some kind of consultative status with various universal and regional bodies. The U.N. Economic and S o c i a l Council i s one s u c h a g e n c y w h i c h has e x t e n s i v e f o r m a l c o n s u l t a t i v e arrangements with pressure groups. ECOSOC status means having "general and s p e c i a l c o n s u l t a t i v e s t a t u s and the right to submit written statements on subjects of an o r g a n i z a t i o n ' s e x p e r t i s e . " 2 3 The classes of ECOSOC status for NGOs are: I, for NGOs concerned with most a c t i v i t i e s of the C o u n c i l : I I , for those with s p e c i a l competence i n a few areas; R (Roster), for ad hoc consultations of ce r t a i n groups. 2 4 The acknowledged purposes of NGO-ECOSOC consultation are "to enable the Council ... to secure expert information and advice" and "to enable organizations which represent important elements o f p u b l i c o p i n i o n to e x p r e s s t h e i r v i e w s . " 2 5 U n a r t i c u l a t e d f u n c t i o n s which b e n e f i t the U.N. are the d i s s e m i n a t i o n of in f o r m a t i o n about the U.N. i n order to mobilize and formulate public opinion i n i t s support, and the implementation of U.N. programs through NGO c a p a b i l i t i e s . 2 6 38 Consultative arrangements a l s o give NGOs access to s p e c i a l reports, notices of events, summaries and records of debates and decisions, and other information necessary f o r lobbying a c t i v i t i e s and formation of programs and s t r a t e g i e s . 2 7 This access i s e s p e c i a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t to s c a n t i l y funded bodies concerned with human ri g h t s . Human r i g h t s groups see the pressure group function at the U.N. as extremely important. Promoting, i n i t i a t i n g , and c r i t i c i z i n g ideas, programs, and practices, are methods used to influence government t h i n k i n g and a c t i v i t i e s . F u r t h e r , i n t e r e s t groups at the U.N. may serve as representatives of 'the peoples of the United Nations 1 which are not adequately represented by member-state governments. Often human rights organizations at the U.N. are accused of making slanderous and p o l i t i c a l l y motivated attacks on member-states and with i n t e r f e r i n g i n the domestic a f f a i r s of states. This enmity i s a continuing and fundamental problem inherent i n U.N. - NGO r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Since v i o l a t i o n s of human r i g h t s a r e most l i k e l y to i n v o l v e governments as v i o l a t o r s , human r i g h t s o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n e v i t a b l y become c r i t i c s and antagonists of governments. Confronted by such c r i t i c i s m , governments make a c c u s a t i o n s t h a t p o l i t i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s m o t i v a t e t h e i r a c c u s e r s , and that they i n t e r f e r e with domestic sovereignty. They i n s i s t t h at such NGO behavior i s contrary to an ECOSOC resolution which forbids 'unsubstantiated or p o l i t i c a l l y motivated acts' against member s t a t e s , and which threatens to suspend or withdraw the consultative status of an organization which engages i n such a c t i v i t y . 2 8 I t i s i n d e e d " q u i t e p o s s i b l e and even probable f o r private transnational o r g a n i z a t i o n s to develop, i n e f f e c t , t h e i r own foreign p o l i c i e s , " yet i n the case of human rights g r oups, such p o l i c i e s are g e n e r a l l y n o n - p a r t i s a n and l e g i t i m a t e l y d i r e c t e d . 2 9 I t i s the purpose of human rights groups to c a l l attention to v i o l a t i o n s of r i g h t s , and i t i s necessary that they, as independent e n t i t i e s , be able to c r i t i c i z e actions of the U.N. and i t s members and to b r i n g d i f f e r e n t p o i n t s of view to the f i e l d s with which they are concerned. Without t h i s a b i l i t y , they would be no more than organs o f the U.N. There i s a case f o r r e t e n t i o n and strengthening of the role of in t e r e s t groups at the U.N. as independent moral and p o l i t i c a l c r i t i c s , for i f reporting of a l l v i o l a t i o n s of human rights were l e f t to governments or to NGOs w h o l l y c o n c e r n e d w i t h s e r v i n g the U.N., countl e s s v i o l a t i o n s would proceed unheard of and unrelieved. S u p p o r t from p r i v a t e i n t e r n a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s f o r indigenous peoples' rights dates back as far as 1853, when the A n t i - S l a v e r y S o c i e t y of B r i t a i n established the Aboriginal Protection Society to pressure E n g l i s h p o l i t i c i a n s to deal w i t h n a t i v e q u e s t i o n s . The lob b y i n g engaged i n by t h i s organization led to a B r i t i s h House of Commons Report on the problems of indigenous peoples and caused the B r i t i s h Colonial 40 Secretary to send word to o f f i c i a l s i n the Colony of Vancouver I s l a n d i n 1858 that "the f e e l i n g of t h i s country would be strongly opposed to the adoption of any oppressive measures towards the Native I n d i a n s . " 3 0 The Society was also active on issues r e l a t i n g to native peoples of A u s t r a l i a , New Zealand, the South P a c i f i c Islands, A f r i c a , and South America. In more recent years, there has been a surge i n the number of groups that have emerged to deal with s p e c i f i c a l l y indigenous problems. Organizations such as the London-based P r i m i t i v e Peoples Fund or S u r v i v a l I n t e r n a t i o n a l and the International Working Group For Indigenous A f f a i r s of Denmark operate with very modest resources, but have received support from and stimulated i n t e r e s t among other organizations, such as the Minority Rights Group, Amnesty International, and Pax C h r i s t i I n t e r n a t i o n a l . 3 1 S t i l l , mainstream human rights NGOs such as these are frequently obstructed i n t h e i r pursuits of aboriginal rights by the same hindrances that have prevented IGOs such as the U.N. from adequately protecting a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s . Chief amongst these i s the reluctance or i n a b i l i t y to see aboriginal issues except within the accepted framework of state supremacy. One i n c i d e n t which i l l u s t r a t e s t h i s l i m i t e d type of perception was a cooperative e f f o r t of human r i g h t s NGOs of both East and West on behalf of p o l i t i c a l prisoners i n Chile that yielded a report to the Commission of Human Rights which, despite being based on 'thorough' investigations of conditions i n C h i l e , f a i l e d to touch an area c r u c i a l to the i s s u e . E i t h e r the human rights organizations involved did not come across any information concerning the treatment of the Mapuche Indians by the Chilean m i l i t a r y junta, whose a c t i v i t i e s were the object of the inquiry, or they chose not to bring i t up. There was apparently reluctance to i n t e r f e r e with what was p e r c e i v e d as a domestic matter. I t was l e f t up to two representative indigenous peoples groups not ranking as NGOs at the U.N. to r e v e a l i n a s p e c i a l conference report the extent of the genocide being committed against the Mapuche. 3 2 Because indigenous peoples have encountered b a r r i e r s to the implementation of t h e i r r i g h t s which stem from t h e i r unique p o s i t i o n , i t i s important that there are bodies which represent them t h a t have an i n t i m a t e understanding of the nature of aboriginal demands and of the o b s t r u c t i o n s to be overcome i n order that they be met. I t f a l l s p a r t i c u l a r l y to those NGOs whose members d i r e c t l y represent indigenous peoples to further t h e i r cause. There e x i s t several such groups, most with l i m i t e d s p e c i a l interests or regional ori e n t a t i o n . The World C o u n c i l of Indigenous Peoples i s foremost amongst aboriginal i n t e r e s t groups for i t has the most universal scope and support. 42 Notes 1. Quoted i n Asch, p.27. 2. Glen A. Mower, J r . , The U.S., The U.N. , and Human  Rights (London: Greenwood Press, 1979), p.64. 3. V. Van Dyke, Human Rights, the United States, and  World Community (New York: Oxford University Press, 1970), pp.143-144. 4. Sanders, p.4. 5. I s m a e l i l l o and Robin Wright, p.16 3. 6. Ibid. 7. World C o u n c i l of Indigenous Peoples, Newsletter (February 1984):43. 8. L.S. Wiseberg and H.M. Scoble, "Recent Trends i n the Expanding Universe of NGOs Dedicated to the P r o t e c t i o n of Human R i g h t s " i n G l o b a l Human Ri g h t s : P u b l i c P o l i c i e s ,  Comparative Measures, and NGOs Strategies, p.250. 9. O f f i c e o f P u b l i c Information, A Compilation of  I n t e r n a t i o n a l Instruments of the United Nations (New York: United Nations Publications), p.3. 10. Evan Luard, ed., "Promotion of Human Rights By U.N. P o l i t i c a l Bodies" i n The I n t e r n a t i o n a l Protection of Human  Rights (London: Thames and Hudson, 1967), pp.140-141. 11. Sanders, p.4. 12. "Compilation," p.41. 13. Davis, p.20. 14. Wiseberg and Scoble, p.249. At a 1977 International Treaty Conference, delegates from f i f t e e n c o u n t r i e s i n the Americans t e s t i f i e d about genocide and ethnocide used to annihilate peoples i n order to take control of t h e i r land and resources. 15. Chiang Pei-heng, Non-Governmental Organizations at  the United Nations (New York: Praeger Publications, 1981), p.204. 43 16. N.G. Onuf and V. Spike Peterson, "Human Rights From an I n t e r n a t i o n a l Regimes P e r s p e c t i v e , " J o u r n a l o f  International A f f a i r s 37 (Winter 1984):335. 17. Quoted i n Chiang, p.206. 18. Georgina Ashworth, ed. , World M i n o r i t i e s Vol. II (Sunbury: Quartermaine House Ltd., 1978), i x . 19. Chiang, p.204. 20. Ibid., pp.58-59. 21. H.M. Scoble and L.S. Wiseberg, "Human Rights and Amnesty International." The Annals of the American Academy of  P o l i t i c a l and So c i a l Science 413 (May 1974): 141. 22. R i c h a r d Reoch, "The Community o f C o n s c i e n c e : I n t e r n a t i o n a l P u b l i c Opinion and the P r o t e c t i o n of Human Rights" i n Canadian Human Rights Yearbook (Toronto: Carswell Co. Ltd., 1983) , p.190. 23. Robert A. Friedlander, "Human Rights Theory and NGO Practice," i n Global Human Rights, p.222. 24. Werner J . F e l d , Nongovernmental Forces and World  P o l i t i c s (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1972), p.194. 25. Chiang, p.94. 26. Ibid., pp.94-95. 27. Feld, p.196. 28. Chiang, p.180. 29. Friedlander, p.277. 30. Douglas Sanders, "The Formation of the World Council o f I n d i g e n o u s P e o p l e s , " I n t e r n a t i o n a l Work Group f o r Indigenous A f f a i r s , 29 (1977):4. 31. Wiseberg and Scoble, p.249. 32. C h i a n g , pp.276-278. ^ The I n t e r n a t i o n a l Treaty C o u n c i l and the National Mapuche Federation were the groups involved. 44 CHAPTER THREE THE FORMATION AND OPERATIONAL HISTORY OF THE WORLD COUNCIL OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLES Background: International Indigenous P o l i t i c a l Organization There i s a long t r a d i t i o n of lobbying by native peoples i n support of t h e i r c l a i m s . New Zealand Maori delegates t r a v e l l e d to B r i t a i n to present t h e i r grievances to the Monarch i n 1882, 1884, 1914, and 1924. B r i t i s h Columbian Indians made s i m i l a r journeys i n 1906 and 1909. In a l l cases, whether audiences were granted or not, the delegations were advised to r e t u r n home to d e a l w i t h l o c a l or n a t i o n a l governments. 1 Similar r e s u l t s , or lack thereof, came of Maori and Iroqois Confederacy appeals to the League of Nations. Indigenous peoples did not accept the popular view that they were simply domestic issues and i n t e r n a t i o n a l appeals from a b o r i g i n a l groups continued i n the form of p e t i t i o n s to the United Nations, although that body had no mandate to deal with private submissions. 2 With the s t r i k i n g c u l t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l r e v i v a l among indigenes i n many pa r t s of the world, separate a b o r i g i n a l peoples began to organize even more e f f e c t i v e l y , carrying t h e i r demands to the U.N. by means of various non-governmental agencies and compelling national governments to see indigenous questions as d i s t i n c t i v e human r i g h t s i s s u e s r e q u i r i n g a s p e c i a l response. More recently, as noted i n the previous discussion of c u l t u r a l boundary maintenance, there has been a marked attempt by native leaders to develop a concept of an i n t e r n a t i o n a l n a t i v e community, to "enhance a sense of commonality and group c o n s c i o u s n e s s " w h i c h i n c l u d e s " r e c o g n i t i o n of a shared h i s t o r y of oppression, c u l t u r a l a ttitudes, common in t e r e s t s , and hopes for the fu t u r e . " 3 I t was recognized that formal organizations that are perceived to represent a c l e a r - c u t c o n s t i t u e n c y , r e f l e c t a c o l l e c t i v e l y determined p o l i c y , make cogent and coherent arguments, and o p e r a t e w i t h b u r e a u c r a t i c s t r u c t u r e a l l o w i n g o r d e r l y i n t e r a c t i o n with governments on a l e g i t i m a t e b a s i s , are e s s e n t i a l f o r e f f e c t i v e l y influencing governments to act i n native i n t e r e s t s . The consequence of having f i n a l l y arrived at these p e r c e p t i o n s and r e a l i z a t i o n s was the beginning of c o l l e c t i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n on a t r u l y i n t e r n a t i o n a l l e v e l r e s u l t i n g i n the establishment of in t e r n a t i o n a l indigenous pressure groups. The National Indian Brotherhood of Canada i n 19 74 was the f i r s t indigenous peoples' group i n the Western Hemisphere to gain consultative status with ECOSOC. Others followed, including the U.S. based International Indian Treaty Council and Indian Law Resources Center, the Elders C i r c l e of the Four D i r e c t i o n s , the I n u i t Circumpolar Conference, the Consejo Indio de Sud America, and most notably, the World Council of Indigenous Peoples, which has the most encompassing purpose and mandate. 4 46 The WCIP: Operational History The World Council of Indigenous Peoples was brought into being primarily due to the e f f o r t s of George Manuel, a Shuswap Indian from the i n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia. 5 Manuel was a c t i v e l y involved i n Canadian native organizations, serving as the p r e s i d e n t of the National Indian Brotherhood (NIB) from 1970 to 1976. He t r a v e l l e d extensively i n t h i s capacity and thus came into contact with indigenous leaders i n A u s t r a l i a , New Zealand, Scandinavia, the South P a c i f i c , and South America, as well as with international bodies concerned with the problems of native peoples, such as the International Work Group f o r In d i g e n o u s A f f a i r s , the i n t e r n a t i o n a l Labour O r g a n i z a t i o n , and the World C o u n c i l o f Churches. H i s e x p e r i e n c e s l e d him t o p e r c e i v e the need f o r a t r u l y i n t e r n a t i o n a l lobby group to r e p r e s e n t the c o n c e r n s o f indigenous peoples. At the 1972 General Assembly of the NIB, the idea of an i n t e r n a t i o n a l - l e v e l organization was discussed and Manuel was given a mandate to organize an International Conference of Indigenous Peoples at which representatives of various F i r s t Nations could debate the need for a representative world body. I t was at t h i s time that the NIB decided to apply f o r Non-Governmental O r g a n i z a t i o n s t a t u s with the United Nations Economic Council; t h i s status was granted' i n 19 74 on the basis t h a t the NIB represented indigenous peoples and with the u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h a t i t would t r a n s f e r i t s s t a t u s to a transnational body as soon as an appropriate one was formed. Preparatory meetings were held i n Georgetown, Guyana, and Copenhagen, Denmark, to lay the groundwork for the conference. These meetins were attended by r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s from the N a t i o n a l C o n g r e s s o f American I n d i a n s (U.S.A.), the G r e e n l a n d e r s A s s o c i a t i o n , t h e N o r d i c Sami C o u n c i l ( S c a n d i n a v i a ) , the Mao r i C o u n c i l of New Zealand, Minka (Coordination Centre for Promotion of Indigenous Peoples) of B o l i v i a , the Unidad Indigena (Indigenous Unity) of Colombia, and the Aborigines of A u s t r a l i a , as well as by NIB organizers. Delegates a l l agreed on the need f o r an i n t e r n a t i o n a l and u n i t e d i n d i g e n o u s e f f o r t , and c o n t a c t s were made with indigenous peoples i n twe n t y - f o u r c o u n t r i e s . A l t h o u g h attempts were made to reach indigenous groups i n the U.S.S.R., C h i n a , and el s e w h e r e i n A s i a , such c o n t a c t s were not established. The conference i t s e l f was held over a five-day period i n October of 1975 i n Port Alberni, B r i t i s h Columbia. I t was the f i r s t time that indigenous peoples from so many countries and continents had assembled to exchange ideas and seek solutions to common problems. Represented were indigenous groups from twenty s t a t e s : A r g e n t i n a , A u s t r a l i a , B o l i v i a , Canada, Colombia, Ecuador, Fi n l a n d , Greenland (Denmark), Guatemala, Guyana, Mexico, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Norway, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Sweden, the United S t a t e s , and Venezuela. 48 While d i f f e r i n g i d e o l o g i c a l orientations caused some tension, p a r t i c u l a r l y between Central and South America and 'western' based representatives, the delegates were able to work, out t h e i r d i f f e r e n c e s and agree unanimously on the need for an int e r n a t i o n a l body to represent aboriginal i n t e r e s t s , and so created the World Council of Indigenous Peoples. 6 The o b j e c t i v e s of the WCIP are centered around the concept of s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n for indigenous nations. The WCIP Charter c i t e s U.N. provisions for self-determination for peoples and d e c l a r e s that the WCIP's purpose i s to support t h i s p r i n c i p l e with regard to indigenous peoples. According t o a WCIP D r a f t I n t e r n a t i o n a l Covenant on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, the r i g h t to s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n can be re a l i z e d "by the free determination of an Indigenous People to associate t h e i r t e r r i t o r y and i n s t i t u t i o n s with one or more s t a t e s i n a manner i n v o l v i n g f r e e a s s o c i a t i o n , r e g i o n a l autonomy, home rule, or associate statehood as self-governing u n i t s . " 7 In pursuit of t h i s ultimate end, the World Council seeks recognition of a number of aboriginal r i g h t s , including aboriginal t i t l e as a binding p r i n c i p l e of in t e r n a t i o n a l law, the r i g h t of each indigenous people to control i t s own land and natural resource base, the right of indigenous peoples to educate t h e i r own children according to t h e i r own c u l t u r a l models, and the right of each aboriginal nation to govern i t s own community on p o l i t i c a l and administrative l e v e l s . 8 While working towards s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n f o r a l l i n d i g e n o u s p e o p l e s , the WCIP pursues a number of more immediate aims, these being to ensure unity among indigenous peoples, to f a c i l i t a t e meaningful exchange of information, to strengthen p o l i t i c a l and c u l t u r a l organizations of indigenous peoples, to contribute towards abolishing the use of physical and c u l t u r a l genocide and e t h n o c i d e , to p a r t i c i p a t e i n combating racism, to ensure p o l i t i c a l , economic, and s o c i a l j u s t i c e for indigenous peoples, and to promote and support the p r i n c i p l e of equality among indigenous peoples and the peoples of nations who surround them. 9 The 'indigenous peoples' who plan, conduct, and control the a c t i v i t i e s of the WCIP and who make up the c o n s t i t u e n t base of the organization are defined i n the 1975 Charter to be those peoples who l i v e d i n a t e r r i t o r y before the entry of a colonizing population, who continue to l i v e as a people i n the t e r r i t o r y , and who do not control the national government of the s t a t e w i t h i n which they l i v e . 1 0 As of 1983, the WCIP claimed to represent approximately sixty-three m i l l i o n people i n twenty-six c o u n t r i e s . 1 1 The WCIP defines a member as a national organization or a s s o c i a t i o n of n a t i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of indigenous peoples of any given country; that i s , the WCIP recognizes representatives of indigenous peoples by 'country'. I t should be noted that i n the eyes of indigenous people, a ' r e p r e s e n t a t i v e ' does n o t n e c e s s a r i l y h a v e t o be 50 democratically elected; any member of an indigenous community who takes i t upon himself to express the views and needs of that community i s generally considered by i t s members to be genuinely representative, as i s any organization stemming from the community which c o n c e r n s i t s e l f w i t h t he needs o f community members. There were a l r e a d y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e organizations e x i s t i n g within a number of countries before the WCIP was e s t a b l i s h e d . Some o r g a n i z a t i o n s emerged subsequently, i n response to the WCIP's formation. Often there was more than one organization i n a p a r t i c u l a r country and because of t h i s circumstance the Charter established that three delegates from each country would be permitted to attend General Assemblies. These delegates are to be selected from the various representative bodies of each country's indigenous p e o p l e s by the WCIP E x e c u t i v e C o u n c i l . The Sami o f Scandinavia, however, who " p r e f e r to be represented as a people and not on the basis of the three states within which they l i v e , " i n fact send to General Assemblies only three of the nine representatives to which the Charter e n t i t l e s them. 1 2 The decision to allow the Sami to be represented as a people does not a f f e c t the representation of any other indigenous people, as the Sami are the only indigenous population within the WCIP whose t e r r i t o r y extends over more than one country (Norway, F i n l a n d , and Denmark) where there are no o t h e r indigenous p e o p l e s . 1 3 51 The primary policy-making organ of the World Council i s the General Assembly, which meets every two years or at agreed upon i n t e r v a l s . The General Assembly makes recommendations to i t s members, to regional groups, and to other international agencies, d i r e c t s the p r e p a r a t i o n of r e p o r t s and s t u d i e s , determines a f f i l i a t i o n s with other i n t e r n a t i o n a l bodies, decides on r u l e s of procedures, budgets and memberships, e l e c t s and d i r e c t s the Executive Council and the President, and d i r e c t s the Secre t a r i a t . D e c i s i o n s concerning o v e r a l l d i r e c t i o n and general p o l i c y are made by the Assembly. On matters of concern to a l l members, the General Assembly provides a forum for discussion, debate, and standardization of positions and actions. Although each of the WCIP's member c o u n t r i e s may have three delegates present at a General Assembly, each country i s allowed only one vote. The World Council has held four General Assemblies to date — the 1975 founding meeting i n Port Alberni, Canada, the 1977 meeting i n Kiruna, Sweden, the 1981 meeting i n Canberra, A u s t r a l i a , and the 1984 meeting i n Panama. The implementation of d e c i s i o n s made i n the General Assembly rests with the WCIP Executive Council. The Executive C o u n c i l c o n s i s t s o f the P r e s i d e n t and f i v e r e g i o n a l representatives -- one from each of f i v e r e g i o n s : Nordic, South P a c i f i c , South America, C e n t r a l America, and North A m e r i c a . 1 4 Regional r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s are e l e c t e d by the General Assembly from the national delegates present. Council decisions are made by majority vote and four of s ix C o u n c i l members constitute a quorum. O r i g i n a l l y i t was intended that the E x e c u t i v e C o u n c i l would d i r e c t t he S e c r e t a r i a t i n a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and program matters, but as the Secretariat came to function continually, i t i n practice took control of o p e r a t i o n s . At the most recent General Assembly i t was o f f i c i a l l y confirmed that the S e c r e t a r i a t i s to d i r e c t the Executive C o u n c i l . 1 5 This unusual development w i l l be further discussed i n a l a t e r chapter. In March of 1977 the Executive C o u n c i l was i n c o r p o r a t e d i n Canada as a n o n - p r o f i t organization i n order to obtain formal l e g a l and tax stat u s with the U.N. and funding agencies. Four r e g i o n s out o f f i v e have thus f a r d e v e l o p e d o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e s and communications systems that function as regional mechanisms of WCIP. The Consejo Regional  de Pueblos Indigenas de Centro America, Mexico, y Panama (CORPI) — or the Regional Council of Indigenous Peoples of Central America, including Mexico and Panama — was formed i n 1977. The Consejo Indio De Sud America (CISA) — or the South American Indian Council — was formed i n 1980. The Nordic Reg ion (Samiland), c o n s i s t i n g of northern Norway, Sweden, and Finland, has i t s s e c r e t a r i a t i n p l a c e . The South P a c i f i c Region established i t s s e c r e t a r i a t i n Canberra, A u s t r a l i a , i n June of 1984. E f f o r t s are being made to e s t a b l i s h a North American r e g i o n a l f o r u m . 1 6 The regional organizations are expected to spearhead action on matters of exclusive concern to t h e i r membership and area, d i r e c t i n g the support required from other regions. In 1977 the WCIP, which had been o p e r a t i n g out of National Indian Brotherhood of Canada o f f i c e s , established a s e c r e t a r i a t at the U n i v e r s i t y of Lethbridge i n A l b e r t a , Canada. The Department of Native American Studies at that u n i v e r s i t y p r o v i d e d f a c i l i t i e s , equipment, f u r n i t u r e , services, and at times, temporary f i n a n c i a l support. The Department also permitted one of i t s s t a f f members — Marie Smallface Marule, who had been instrumental i n founding the WCIP -- to render part-time service to the organization as Chie f Administrator of the S e c r e t a r i a t . 1 7 WCIP headquarters remained i n Lethbridge u n t i l A p r i l 19 84, when i t was moved to Ottawa, Ontario, i n order to be more c e n t r a l l y located and i n closer proximity to United Nations headquarters. The Secretariat has generally operated with three f u l l -time employees. I t functions i n two languages — English and S p a n i s h . I t m a i n t a i n s f i n a n c i a l and other records and coordinates General Assemblies, Executive C o u n c i l meetings, and a v a r i e t y of conferences, workshops, and seminars. The S e c r e t a r i a t conducts extensive correspondence with member organizations, transnational and national NGO's, governments, U.N. agencies, i n d i v i d u a l s , and with other indigenous and non-i n d i g e n o u s bodies. I t prepares and submits innumerable proposals and f i n a n c i a l requests to various funding agencies. U n t i l 1984, the S e c r e t a r i a t p r e p a r e d and c i r c u l a t e d a quarterly newsletter which kept members and other interested parties up to date on WCIP a c t i v i t i e s and concerns and related indigenous issues. The newsletter was d i s c o n t i n u e d at the time of the S e c r e t a r i a t ' s move to Ottawa due to funding shortages. The WCIP S e c r e t a r i a t has, through i t s organizational, fund-raising, and public relations a c t i v i t i e s , f a c i l i t a t e d the development o f i n d i g e n o u s o r g a n i z a t i o n s at a l l l e v e l s , p a r t i c u l a r l y the r e g i o n a l . I t has a s s i s t e d i n d i g e n o u s i n d i v i d u a l s and groups at times of c r i s i s by su p p l y i n g information, engaging i n emergency fund r a i s i n g , and reporting s i t u a t i o n s to governments and transnational and inte r n a t i o n a l agencies. Most importantly, i t has been active i n producing s u b s t a n t i v e proposals and i n fo r m u l a t i n g s t r a t e g i e s and t a c t i c s . The s i z e , expense, and b u r e a u c r a t i z a t i o n of the c e n t r a l S e c r e t a r i a t have been minimized by the existence of f i v e r e g i o n a l bodies with t h e i r own s e c r e t a r i a t s . T h i s decentralized structure has su b s t a n t i a l l y enhanced i n t e r a c t i o n and communication between member and r e g i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s and the c e n t r a l S e c r e t a r i a t , as i t allows even the most is o l a t e d and resource-poor indigenous groups access through the regional s e c r e t a r i a t s to the central Secretariat and vice versa. The WCIP has suffered from i n s u f f i c i e n t funding since i t s i n c e p t i o n . As George Manuel has pointed out, the World Council represents "low income and i n the majority of cases, 55 no income, constituents" who are simply not able to contribute f i n a n c i a l l y . 1 8 The organization i s therefore dependent upon external funding, and while various private bodies as well as government agencies have contributed to o f f s e t t i n g t r a v e l l i n g , conference, and s e c r e t a r i a t expenses, the WCIP i s often hard pressed to f i n d the money for i t s day to day operations. I t has had better success i n r a i s i n g money for s p e c i f i c projects such as E x e c u t i v e C o u n c i l m e e t i n g s , c u l t u r a l exchange projects, and General Assemblies than for e q u a l l y e s s e n t i a l ongoing o r g a n i z a t i o n a l support. Consequently, the scope of i t s a c t i v i t i e s has been somewhat r e s t r i c t e d . 1 9 Non-governmental bodies such as the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Work Group for Indigenous A f f a i r s , the World Council of Churches, and the International Labour Organization, as well as various n a t i o n a l governments, i n c l u d i n g those of Guyana, Sweden, Norway, and Canada, provided the funding which permitted the WCIP to hold i t s f i r s t organizational meetings. In the early years of i t s o p e r a t i o n , the World C o u n c i l e n c o u n t e r e d d i f f i c u l t y i n finding a government w i l l i n g to take the f i r s t step to provide ongoing support, and thus funding was obtained i n a piecemeal fashion. In 1977, the WCIP was i n d e f i c i t and i n danger of bankruptcy. S e c r e t a r i a t C h i e f A d m i n i s t r a t o r , Marie Smallface Marule, undertook a t r i p to Scandinavia i n search of f i n a n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e . I t was the Norwegian government's commitment to provide a one year grant and further assistance contingent upon the Canadian government's f i n a n c i a l involvement that allowed the WCIP to c o n t i n u e operations. In 1979, the Canadian government began to provide ongoing support through the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) . Once the precedent had been set, matching c o n t r i b u t i o n s from Norway t h r o u g h the F o r e i g n A f f a i r s Emergency Fund were forthcoming. Since that time, the WCIP has been a b l e to r e l y on r e l a t i v e l y c o n t i n u o u s ( i f i n s u f f i c i e n t ) funding from these sources. The submission of d e t a i l e d proposals f o r f i n a n c i n g to governmental a g e n c i e s such as CIDA and the Norwegian government has been the WCIP's p r i n c i p a l method of fund-r a i s i n g . In the l a t e s t submission to CIDA for funding, i t i s noted that up to h a l f of the WCIP's s t a f f time i s spent p r e p a r i n g submissions and f i n a n c i a l r e p o r t s f o r funding agencies, and that e f f e c t i v e use of development assistance i s not p o s s i b l e u n t i l an expertise i s developed for the basic data and reporting requirements of most funding agencies. 2 0 While the WCIP's major source of funding i s government grants, there are also a multitude of private foundations and r e l i g i o u s bodies that make s i g n i f i c a n t contributions and a few p r i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l s who have made small donations. 2 1 In an a p p l i c a t i o n to ECOSOC f o r c o n s u l t a t i v e s t a t u s , t he WCIP s t r e s s e d - t h a t "the d i v e r s i t y of donors ensures that the C o u n c i l w i l l be able to remain p o l i t i c a l l y independent." 2 2 Now that the WCIP i s assured of at l e a s t minimal continued s u p p o r t f o r i t s work, i t s f u t u r e i s not imm e d i a t e l y threatened. However, f i n a n c i a l resources are s t i l l very l i m i t e d , and c e r t a i n important p r o j e c t s can not yet by accommodated. 2 3 The WCIP's primary t a r g e t s , the ob j e c t s i t seeks to influence, are the government e l i t e s of states w i t h i n which indigenous peoples dwell and the organization's constituent base -- the a b o r i g i n a l peoples of the world. Secondary targets are int e r n a t i o n a l governmental agencies, the U.N. i n p a r t i c u l a r , that may be able to i n f l u e n c e the behavior and p o l i c i e s of governments towards t h e i r indigenous c i t i z e n s , t r a n s n a t i o n a l and n a t i o n a l non-governmental agencies that might support and further the WCIP's objectives, and the world public, whose opinion and influence may induce governments to recognize indigenous peoples' r i g h t s . Formal recognition of the WCIP as a legitimate spokesman for aboriginal peoples came r e l a t i v e l y early from at l e a s t one of i t s t a r g e t s -- the United Nations. The World C o u n c i l inherited the NGO consultative status i n the U.N. Economic and Soc i a l Council that was previously held by the National Indian Brotherhood. The formal application for the change was made i n 1978 and came i n 1979 , a f t e r the o r g a n i z a t i o n had been i n c o r p o r a t e d , as re q u i r e d by the U.N., following i t s f i r s t Executive Council meeting. O r i g i n a l l y having Roster status, the WCIP was upgraded to Category II Consultative status i n 1980. 2 4 58 ECOSOC status has allowed the WCIP to address numerous recommendations and r e s o l u t i o n s to the U.N. S e c r e t a r i a t . S p e c i f i c a l l y , the WCIP has r e g i s t e r e d p r o t e s t s a gainst the B r a z i l i a n government's " p o l i c y of genocide and ethnocide" being c a r r i e d out against i t s indigenous c i t i z e n s . 2 5 I t has c i r c u l a t e d papers on " I n t e r n a t i o n a l Law and Indigeno u s Peoples," "A Strategy for the Socio-Economic Development of Indian People", and "The Impact of the Nuclear Arms Buildup on the Resource and Land of Indigenous Peoples," to name a sample. 2 6 I t has also prepared and presented a statement on the United Nations Third Development Decade and the Emerging International Economic Order. 2 7 ECOSOC s t a t u s has opened the door t o the WCIP's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n numerous undertakings i n cooperation with governmental, p r i v a t e , i n t e r n a t i o n a l , and national agencies with related i n t e r e s t s . Foremost among these i s the U.N. i t s e l f . The WCIP ac t i v e l y supports the various human rights covenants and d e c l a r a t i o n s approved by the U.N. I t has p a r t i c i p a t e d e x t e n s i v e l y through i t s a f f i l i a t e s i n various U.N. sub-commissions, working groups, and spec i a l conferences. One of these U.N. bodies i s the ECOSOC's Working Group on the Rights of Indigenous Populations. At the U. N . - a f f i l i a t e d International NGO Conference on Indigenous Peoples and the Land, of September 1981, the WCIP p a r t i c i p a t e d e x t e n s i v e l y , presenting papers prepared by the Secretariat, such as "Indigenous Philosophy and the Land" and 59 "Land R i g h t s of the Indigeno u s P e o p l e s : I n t e r n a t i o n a l Agreements and Treaties, Land Reform and Systems of Tenure." 2 8 The World Council has a close r e l a t i o n s h i p with many NGO's, r e g i o n a l and t r a n s n a t i o n a l , with numerous indigenous a i d organizations, and with r e l i g i o u s groups concerned with issues a f f e c t i n g n a t i v e peoples. Some of these bodies are the International Work Group for Indigenous A f f a i r s , a research and d o c u m e n t a t i o n c e n t e r based i n Copenhagen, Amnesty I n t e r n a t i o n a l , a group concerned w i t h the t r e a t m e n t o f p o l i t i c a l p r i s o n e r s , the Promotion of Popular Development Indigenous Aid Agency of Mexico, and the National Centre for Assistance to indigenous Missions (CENAMI), a Catholic Church support group. Groups such as these maintain d i r e c t and r e g u l a r c o n t a c t w i t h a s u r p r i s i n g a r r a y o f indigenous movements at t r a n s n a t i o n a l , n a t i o n a l , r e g i o n a l , and l o c a l l e v e l s , and o f t e n provide the WCIP with i n f o r m a t i o n and reports on numerous aboriginal-associated topics, as well as with valuable support for the promotion of WCIP p r i n c i p l e s and programs. 2 9 The World Council's association with indigenous support groups has not gone u n n o t i c e d i n i n t e r n a t i o n a l c i r c l e s ; i n f a c t , the WCIP has i n the past been nominated j o i n t l y with the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Work Group f o r Indigenous A f f a i r s for the Nobel Peace P r i z e . 3 0 One example o f the s u p p o r t r e c e i v e d from o t h e r organizations i s the recent statement by the World Council of Churches (WCC), an i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y r e s p e c t e d and h i g h l y 60 v i s i b l e group, a p p r o v i n g o f WCIP s t a t e m e n t s on l a n d r i g h t s o f i n d i g e n o u s p o p u l a t i o n s . The WCC noted t h a t "the d e n i a l o f p o l i t i c a l power has a l l o w e d t r e a t i e s t o be a b r o g a t e d (Canada, USA, New Z e a l a n d ) ; l a n d t o be e x p r o p r i a t e d ( M e x i c o , P u e r t o R i c o , Guatemala); p e o p l e t o be f o r c i b l y r e l o c a t e d ( B r a z i l , P a r a g u a y , P h i l i p p i n e s ) ; and p o l i c i e s o f a s s i m i l a t i o n t o be implemented ( C h i l e , A u s t r a l i a , C o l o m b i a ) . " 3 1 I t d e c l a r e s i t s s o l i d a r i t y w i t h i n d i g e n o u s p e o p l e s i n p r o m o t i n g t h e i r l a n d r i g h t s , and makes an a p p e a l t o member chu r c h e s t o s u p p o r t t h e s t r u g g l e f o r l a n d r i g h t s w i t h s i g n i f i c a n t f i n a n c i a l and human r e s o u r c e s . C o o p e r a t i o n w i t h i n d i g e n o u s s u p p o r t groups has a l s o t a k e n t h e form o f c o - s p o n s o r i n g and p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n a v a r i e t y o f c o n f e r e n c e s and w o r k s h o p s . The C o n g r e s s o f A m e r i c a n i s t s , 1979, t h e F i r s t N a t i o n a l Congress o f I n d i a n o f E q u a d o r , and t h e N o r t h w e s t e r n R e g i o n a l C o n f e r e n c e on t h e E m e r g i n g New I n t e r n a t i o n a l E c o n o m i c O r d e r a r e a few o f t h e c o o p e r a t i v e v e n t u r e s i n w h i c h t h e WCIP h a s b e e n i n v o l v e d . 3 2 S u c h c o n f e r e n c e s a r e i n s t r u m e n t a l t o t h e WCIP i n s p r e a d i n g i t s p h i l o s o p h y and i n f l u e n c e . The WCIP i s a c t i v e l y s e e k i n g t o c o n s o l i d a t e , m a i n t a i n , and expand i t s p r e s e n t s u p p o r t base. One o f i t s s p e c i f i e d o b j e c t i v e s i s t o i n c r e a s e membership e s p e c i a l l y i n A s i a n and South P a c i f i c a r e a s . 3 3 E x p a n s i o n i s sought t h r o u g h c u l t u r a l e x c h a n g e s , d i p l o m a t i c and i n v e s t i g a t o r y t o u r s , s p o n s o r i n g t r i p s f o r i n d i g e n o u s l e a d e r s t o o t h e r a r e a s o f t h e w o r l d , and 61 sponsoring of and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n various congresses and conferences intended to expand channels of communication and broaden the scope of contact with indigenous peoples. 3 4 Much work has also been done to strengthen member organizations and the lin k s between them by assisting with finding sources of funding, supporting various projects, and as s i s t i n g i n developing organizational and technical s k i l l s and supervisory c a p a b i l i t y . 3 5 The WCIP is aware of the v i t a l importance of consolidating and broadening i t s base so that i t may speak from a position of strength to the international community. -"-^  The WCIP is engaged in a wide range of activities of the type that might cause i t to be categorized as a 'tutelary' body; that i s , i t s a c t i v i t i e s are directed in large part towards seeking out, documenting, and dispensing information about indigenous r i g h t s issues and vio l a t i o n s with the intention of using findings to bring g u i l t y parties to the attention of the world public, in the hope that their behavior w i l l be changed. 3 6 Information and documentation is also brought together by the main Secretariat and made accessible to any indigenous group requiring i t . Research i s , indeed, the basis of a l l other a c t i v i t i e s . C o l l e c t i n g information on matters concerning indigenous peoples i s accomplished in a variety of ways. Research st u d i e s on genocide, ethnocide, international law, land rights, and on particular p o l i t i c a l situations are conducted by Secretariat s t a f f , by s p e c i a l l y appointed commissions of inquiry, and by regional and national a f f i l i a t e s . Monitoring and evaluating instances of involvement by ou t s i d e agencies and governments i n i n d i g e n o u s a f f a i r s at n a t i o n a l and int e r n a t i o n a l l e v e l s are also undertaken. Status-quo minded agencies, such as the World Bank, frequently fund or implement projects on health, education, community development, or on economic development i n n a t i v e communities and the WCIP analyzes such agencies' p o l i c i e s and t h e i r i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r indigenous p e o p l e s . 3 7 In c o l l e c t i n g m a t e r i a l relevant to indigenous i s s u e s , the WCIP a l s o r e l i e s on exchanges of experience and i n f o r m a t i o n with organizations with s i m i l a r concerns and p a r t i c i p a t e s i n conferences and workshops on r e l a t e d matters. I n v e s t i g a t o r y tours undertaken by WCIP representatives have resulted i n the c o l l e c t i o n of data on s p e c i f i c c r i s e s faced by indigenes i n Norway, C h i l e , and N i c a r a g u a , among o t h e r p l a c e s . 3 8 The research papers, r e p o r t s , and s t u d i e s y i e l d e d by a l l t h e s e i n f o r m a t i o n -gathering techniques are f i l e d for access by and d i s t r i b u t i o n to indigenous groups, governments and i n t e r g o v e r n m e n t a l agencies, and national governments, as required. A sample of t i t l e s a v a i l a b l e to interested parties includes: "The Mapuche of C h i l e and the Threat of Law," 1980; "Native P o l i c y i n A u s t r a l i a and New Zealand, Termination and the Menominees," 1982; "Indigenous Peoples and I n t e r n a t i o n a l Law," 1977 ; "Global Energy Transitions and the Indigenous A l t e r n a t i v e , " 6 3 1981; "The World Bank's New I n d i a n P o l i c y , " 1982; and "Transnational Corporations and t h e i r E f f e c t on the Resources and Lands of Indigenous Peoples," 1981. 3 9 In attempting to inform and educate world public opinion -- t h a t amorphous force which i s perceived to influence the a c t i o n s of n a t i o n a l governments -- the WCIP has sought p u b l i c i t y for i t s concerns and causes through the mass media, publications, and p e t i t i o n s . By bringing to the attention of the world community the concept of indigenous rights and the d i f f i c u l t i e s faced by native peoples everywhere i n having them recognized and respected, the WCIP hopes to create a general i n t e r n a t i o n a l consensus which w i l l force governments to a l t e r t h e i r p o l i c i e s i n favor of indigenous peoples. World public opinion may be the greatest weapon available to the WCIP. The major p u b l i c i t y t o o l that has been used by the WCIP was i t s quarterly newsletter. I t was published in' English and Spanish from December 1982 to February 1984 and contained a wealth of information, i n c l u d i n g r e p o r t s on a c t i v i t i e s and a r t i c l e s and e d i t o r i a l s on indigenous issues. Material for the n e w s l e t t e r was submitted by s o u r c e s t h r o u g h o u t the Secretariat's network of contacts. Topics covered ranged from "Guatemalan President Orders Massacre" to "Australia's F i r s t A b o r i g i n a l D e n t i s t " to a very comprehensive chronology of upcoming int e r n a t i o n a l events and conferences which might have been o f i n t e r e s t t o members. As a means o f l i a i s o n , communication, promotion, and public r e l a t i o n s , the newsletter 64 was invaluable. I t reached regional s e c r e t a r i a t s , n a t i o n a l and t r i b a l indigenous organizations, i n d i v i d u a l subscribers, indigenous media, U.N. agencies, other NGO support groups, and funding s o u r c e s . 4 0 I t s d i s c o n t i n u a t i o n , due apparently to funding shortages, created a gap i n the WCIP's p u b l i c i t y c a p a b i l i t i e s . 4 1 Conferences, workshops, and li m i t e d projects have been undertaken by the WCIP and i t s regional a f f i l i a t e s on numerous occasions for a variety of purposes. Conferences, often co-sponsored by groups with compatible aims, have focused on i s s u e s such as racism and r a c i a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , economic d i f f i c u l t i e s encountered by indigenous peoples, energy and technology s e l e c t i o n as i t concerns indigenous peoples, and i n t e r n a t i o n a l indigenous l e g a l r i g h t s . 4 2 The WCIP weeks to enhance p o l i c y formation, exchange o f i n f o r m a t i o n , and education of the p u b l i c with such programs. P r o j e c t s to benefit p a r t i c u l a r indigenous communities have i n c l u d e d the C e n t r a l American region's Community Kitchen Workshop, the Cooperative Shop P r o j e c t and E d u c a t i o n a l and Commercial Exchange Projects for Native Peoples of Mexico, and the South American s e c r e t a r i a t ' s Leadership T r a i n i n g and Languages Workshop. 4 3 Such projects a s s i s t i n answering "the need to u n i f y and s t r e n g t h e n c o n c r e t e a c t i o n s i n p o l i t i c a l , i d e o l o g i c a l , technological, s c i e n t i f i c and c u l t u r a l f i e l d s for the r e v i v a l process of the Indigenous movements."44 65 Direct lobbying of national governments i n response to s p e c i f i c situations has been used by the WCIP to protest such malfeasances as t o r t u r e and p e r s e c u t i o n o f i n d i g e n o u s p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i s t s i n Colombia, the passing of a law by the C h i l e a n government which e f f e c t i v e l y terminated Mapuche land r i g h t s , and a government of Canada p o l i c y r egarding land c l a i m s o f the Blood t r i b e , t o name a f e w . 4 5 A l e s s c o n f r o n t a t i o n a l approach to r e l a t i o n s with governments--n e g o t i a t i o n -- has a l s o been employed by the WCIP with considerable success i n situations which were perceived not to demand dramatic and d r a s t i c c o n f r o n t a t i o n . Since 1982, r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the World C o u n c i l have been meeting regularly with government o f f i c i a l s i n Nicaragua i n attempt to es t a b l i s h equitable treatment of the Miskitu Indians of that country, who have been f o r c i b l y displaced from t h e i r t e r r i t o r y by the Sandanista government. As a re s u l t of WCIP e f f o r t s , the government has made some "major u n i l a t e r a l concessions" with respect to aboriginal r i g h t s , although i t does not admit t h a t t h e WCIP was the c a t a l y s t f o r t h e s e c h a n g e s . 4 6 S p e c i f i c a l l y , t he government has r e c o g n i z e d t h a t the aboriginal peoples have a ri g h t to remain i n t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l areas and has expressed i t s i n t e n t to allow them to re-es t a b l i s h t h e i r v i l l a g e s as well as to "respect other special r i g h t s , " p a r t i c u l a r l y the right to a measure of p o l i t i c a l and s o c i o - c u l t u r a l autonomy. 4 7 The World C o u n c i l has also conducted negotiations with the government of Guatemala, where the native Mayan people are subject to severe e x p l o i t a t i o n , r e p r e s s i o n , and p e r s e c u t i o n by government f o r c e s . WCIP representatives were i n v i t e d by the Guatemalan M i n i s t e r of F o r e i g n A f f a i r s to observe e l e c t i o n s i n that country i n November of 1985. 4 8 The WCIP's f i r s t t e n y e a r s o f e x p e r i e n c e as an i n t e r n a t i o n a l lobbying group led i t to make some s t r u c t u r a l and procedural changes at i t s Fourth General Assembly. The d i r e c t i o n of the Executive by the Secretariat i n t a c t i c a l and day-to-day a c t i v i t i e s was confirmed at that Assembly, i n recognition of what had become practi c e . I t was decided that a d i r e c t approach to government o f f i c i a l s regarding rights v i o l a t i o n s was to take p r i o r i t y over i n d i r e c t methods of p r e s s u r e , as n e g o t i a t i o n seemed to y i e l d more r e s u l t s . F i n a l l y , i t was determined that a study would be made of the p o s s i b i l i t y o f r e s t r u c t u r i n g the WCIP so as to open up membership to a g r e a t e r c o n s t i t u e n c y , which would mean ac c e p t i n g membership from indigenous peoples outside of the e s t a b l i s h e d r e g i o n s . 4 9 These adjustments were p r a c t i c a l responses to the demands placed upon the WCIP i n i t s role as the defender of the interests of indigenous peoples. 67 Notes 1. Sanders, "The Formation of the World C o u n c i l of Indigenous Peoples," p.3. 2. Sanders, "The Re-Emergence of Indigenous Questions i n International Law," p.3. 3. Friederes, p. 248. See also Menno Boldt, "Canadian Native Leadership: Context and Composition," Canadian Ethnic  Studies 12,1 (1980):4. 4. Sanders, "Re-Emergence," p.16. World Council of Indigenous Peoples, Newsletter, A p r i l 1983. 5. See Appendix for WCIP Chronology of Events. 6. Details concerning the formation of the WCIP may be found i n Sanders, "Formation"; Ha S h i l t h Sa, December 4, 1975, pp.8, 10; World Council of Indigenous Peoples, "History of the WCIP Secretariat," (WCIP Secretariat, unpublished document). 7. W o r l d C o u n c i l o f I n d i g e n o u s P e o p l e s , D r a f t "International Covenant on the Rights of indigenous Peoples," (WCIP Secretariat, 1981). 8. World Council of Indigenous Peoples, "Charter." 9. WCIP "Charter," Section I. 10. Douglas Sanders, "Discussion Paper on Membership and R e p r e s e n t a t i o n W i t h i n the World C o u n c i l o f Indigen o u s Peoples," (Unpublished paper, J u l y , 1982 ), p.2. D e t a i l s concerning membership and representation may be found i n t h i s a r t i c l e as well as i n the WCIP, "United Nations Educational, S c i e n t i f i c , and C u l t u r a l Organization, Application for Mutual information Relationship," pp.2-4, i n "WCIP Four-Year Report, 1977-1981." 11. "UNESCO A p p l i c a t i o n , " p. 3. An August 15, 1985 telephone i n t e r v i e w with Rodrigo Contreras, present WCIP S e c r e t a r i a t Coordinator, revealed that thirty-one countries were represented at the Fourth General Assembly by delegates from twenty-six countries. 12. Sanders, "Discussion," pp.3-4. 13. Ibid. 14. Contreras interview. Two Vice-Presidents were also l i s t e d as having attended the F o u r t h G e n e r a l Assembly, 68 although there does not seem to be any provision for them i n the C h a r t e r . The Regional structure may have been altered somewhat. According to a b r i e f account of the Fourth General Assembly i n C e n t r o de Informacion y Documentacion Indo  Americano (CINDIO), "Special Report on Guatemala," no.2 (Feb., 1985), pp.24, 25, t h e r e are now f i v e Regional C o u n c i l s a f f i l i a t e d w ith t he WCIP -- N o r t h , C e n t r a l , and South American, Nordic Sami, and P a c i f i c Regional, with the Inuit Circumpolar Conference about to e s t a b l i s h a s i x t h one. This has not been confirmed by o f f i c i a l WCIP documents or i n interviews. 15. Contreras interview. 16. WCIP Newsletter, D e c , 1982, inside cover. 17. Details concerning Secretariat may be found i n WCIP, "History of WCIP Secretariat," (unpublished document), and i n Sanders, "Formation." 18. George Manuel, "Report on the World C o u n c i l of Indigenous Peoples," (Unpublished paper, Jan., 1977), p. 2. 19. WCIP, " F u n d i n g D i f f i c u l t i e s , " ( U n p u b l i s h e d document). 20. WCIP, "Submission to CIDA for 1983 to 1985," p.5. 21. For a complete l i s t of funding sources see "ECOSOC Application," pp.9-13. 22. WCIP, "United Nations Economic and So c i a l Council, Application for Special C o n s u l t a t i v e Status, Category I I , " p.9, i n "WCIP Four-Year Report." 23. Contreras interview. 24. Marie Smallface Marule, interview with author, Sept. 19, 1984. 25. WCIP, "Preliminary Report of the Indigenous Peoples Conference i n Port A l b e r n i , B r i t i s h Columbia, Oct. 27-31, 1975," (Unpublished paper), pp.3-8. 26. "ECOSOC Application," p.16. 27. Ibid . , p.18. 28. "ECOSOC Application," p.17. 29. Manuel. 69 30. ECOSOC A p p l i c a t i o n , " p . 1 5 . 31. WCIP N e w s l e t t e r , F e b . 1984, p p . 4 4 - 6 9 . 32. "Four Year R e p o r t , " p p . 8 , 1 7 , 1 9 . 33. "Submiss ion to C I D A , " p . l . 34. "Four Year R e p o r t , " p p . 4 - 2 0 , 2 5 , 3 4 , 3 5 . 35. T r a i n i n g was to be accompl i shed i n p a r t by i n v i t i n g i n d i v i d u a l s from member o r g a n i z a t i o n s t o share i n S e c r e t a r i a t work on a r o t a t i o n a l b a s i s , a c c o r d i n g t o t h e " P r e l i m i n a r y R e p o r t , " p p . 3 - 8 . 36. Onuf and P e t e r s o n , p . 3 3 7 . 37. WCIP, R e v i s e d " S u b m i s s i o n t o C I D A , " (June 1983) , p .3 38. " F o u r - Y e a r R e p o r t , " p . 3 4 ; "ECOSOC A p p l i c a t i o n , " p . 7 . 39. W C I P , " F i l i n g S y s t e m s Key I n t e r n a t i o n a l , " (May 1984) , p . 1 - 4 . 40. R e v i s e d "Submiss ion to C I D A , " p p . 2 - 3 . 41 . The n e w s l e t t e r w i l l be c o n t i n u e d i f f u n d i n g can be f o u n d , a c c o r d i n g t o R o d r i g o C o n t r e r a s , p r e s e n t S e c r e t a r i a t C o o r d i n a t o r . 42. " F o u r - Y e a r R e p o r t , " p p . 1 0 - 1 7 , 4 6 - 4 7 . 43. "Submiss ion to C I D A , " p p . 5 - 7 , 8 . 44. I b i d . , p . 8 . 45. " F o u r - Y e a r R e p o r t , " p . 4 3 . 46. C o n t r e r a s i n t e r v i e w . 47. WCIP, " I n t e r i m R e p o r t o f the WCIP's Commission on t h e R e - U n i f i c a t i o n o f t h e M i s k i t u F a m i l y , " J u l y 18 , 1985 , p . 1 4 , Appendix 2, p p . 1 - 3 , Appendix 4, p p . 1 - 2 . 48. C o n t r e r a s , i n t e r v i e w . See a l s o " C I N D I : S p e c i a l R e p o r t on G u a t e m a l a , " no .2 (Feb. 1985) . 48. C o n t r e r a s i n t e r v i e w . 70 CHAPTER FOUR A STRATEGY OF ANALYSIS The Determination of Success A s s e s s i n g the dynamics of success and f a i l u r e of any pressure group i s a complex undertaking, and there can be no c e r t a i n t y i n the end as to which f a c t o r or combination of factors was ultimately responsible f o r causing a t a r g e t to a l t e r i t s behavior. Most changes i n the int e r n a t i o n a l system are brought about by multiple causes; i t i s often d i f f i c u l t to i s o l a t e monocausal-effeet relationships i n p a r t i c u l a r cases. A target may be subject to simultaneous pressures from various domestic as well as external sources, and i t i s not reasonable to assume that the a c t i v i t i e s of a s i n g l e o r g a n i z a t i o n are always the decisive element i n e l i c i t i n g change. Furthermore, the impact of NGO a c t i v i t y i s often i n d i r e c t , or manifested incrementally, or only apparent aft e r a delay. Such subtle and d i f f i c u l t - t o - d e t e c t influence i s often the type employed by agencies t h a t lack the f i n a n c i a l resources to provide needed services or materials. Money i s a powerful source of i n f l u e n c e t h a t i s g e n e r a l l y a v a i l a b l e only to governments, m u l t i - n a t i o n a l c o r p o r a t i o n s , and i n t e r - g o v e r n m e n t a l organizations, and not to NGO's active i n the f i e l d of human r i g h t s . The impact of non-economic means of pressure i s d i f f i c u l t to assess; i t i s not always possible to know with cer t a i n t y whether such influence i s relevant i n the formation of any p a r t i c u l a r p o l i c y . 71 Gamson points out that "success i s an elusive idea," and Jean Meynaud i n s i s t s t hat there i s no s c i e n t i f i c means of e v a l u a t i n g an i n t e r n a t i o n a l (or t r a n s n a t i o n a l ) non-governmental association's work and i n f l u e n c e . 1 Indeed, for the most part the apparent safety of quantitative data must be l e f t for the i n s e c u r i t y of softer forms of evidence, such as anecdotes, as one seeks to assess an NGO's success. Various case studies of i n t e r e s t groups use a multitude of d i f f e r e n t v a r i a b l e s and standards to measure p o t e n t i a l and a c t u a l effectiveness. Scoble and Wiseberg i n s i s t that effectiveness i s usually not treated at a l l , on the assumption that a group must be e f f e c t i v e to have survived long enough to study. They note that most case studies treat o r g a n i z a t i o n s " i n a non-systematic manner which s i m p l i s t i c a l l y equates a c t i v i t y with impact." 2 To avoid such a mistake, t h i s analysis of the work of the World C o u n c i l of Indigenous Peoples makes use o f c r i t e r i a or standards of measurement which have been used to determine the 'success' or 'effectiveness' of pressure groups i n case s t u d i e s by Chiang, Constas, F e l d , Gamson, Hudson, Frideres, and Scoble and Wiseberg. 3 This chapter w i l l look at a number of elements adapted from such studies to be used to evaluate the success of the WCIP. S o c i a l p r o t e s t of the type undertaken by NGO's such as the WCIP — that i s , protest i n reaction to some a c t i o n by government authorities — involves a challenging group, a set of targets that must a l t e r decisions or p o l i c i e s to correct a s i t u a t i o n t o which the c h a l l e n g i n g group o b j e c t s , a c o n s t i t u e n c y which the challenging group seeks to mobilize, either to activate an already committed c o n s t i t u e n c y or to c r e a t e a commitment to act c o l l e c t i v e l y (or both), and a beneficiary which w i l l be affected p o s i t i v e l y by the changes s o u g h t . 4 The l a t t e r two groups may be i d e n t i c a l . The challenging group may be international with regard to one or more of i t s membership, i t s t a c t i c s , or i t s selected t a r g e t s . 5 Success may be looked upon, broadly speaking, i n terms of outcomes which f a l l i n t o three b a s i c c l u s t e r s . The f i r s t r e l a t e s t o the f a t e o f the c h a l l e n g i n g g r o u p as an o r g a n i z a t i o n -- i t s i n t e r n a l development, s t r e n g t h , and competence, and the healthy growth of i t s membership. The second r e l a t e s to the question of whether the challenging group i s accepted by i t s targets as a v a l i d spokesman f o r a legitimate set of i n t e r e s t s . The t h i r d c l u s t e r relates to the d i s t r i b u t i o n of new advantages to the group's b e n e f i c i a r i e s ; i t focuses on whether the b e n e f i c i a r i e s gain new advantages during the challenge and i t s aftermath. 'New advantages' may be simple m a t e r i a l b e n e f i t s or r e l a t i v e l y intangible value changes, procedural changes, s h i f t s i n the scope of authority, or other changes not immediately perceivable. 6 73 Elements of Success The elements upon which an o r g a n i z a t i o n ' s success i s dependent are: purposes or goals;S t r u c t u r e and i n t e r n a l d y n a m i c s ; 8 e x i s t e n c e o f a support base; 9 l e g i t i m a c y ; 1 0 i n t e r n a l f a c t i o n a l i s m ; 1 1 f u n d i n g ; 1 2 s e l f - a p p r a i s a l ; 1 3 t a r g e t s ; 1 4 and t a c t i c s . 1 5 Together, these things make up an organization's ' i n t e r n a t i o n a l c a p a c i t y , ' a term devised by Jean Meynaud to describe the q u a l i t i e s of i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y or transnationally organized bodies that determine the degree of i n f l u e n c e they are able to e x e r c i s e . 1 6 S k i l f u l use of int e r n a t i o n a l capacity should r e s u l t i n goal attainment. 1 . Purpose and Goals A group's purpose i s important to the degree of goal attainment that can be expected, p r i m a r i l y because the r e c e p t i v i t y of a group by i t s intended targets depends i n part on the nature of i t s objectives. The more r a d i c a l the demands of a pressure group -- that i s , the more i t attacks "the legitimacy of present d i s t r i b u t i o n of wealth and power" — the l e s s i n c l i n e d i t s antagonists w i l l be to y i e l d g r o u n d . 1 7 Whenever the s t a t u s quo i s t h r e a t e n e d , p r o g r e s s may be extremely slow i n coming, i f i t comes at a l l . NGOs engaged i n a c t i v i t y i n e s s e n t i a l l y non-economic f i e l d s -- s o c i a l , c u l t u r a l , or r e l i g i o u s — fi n d i t p a r t i c u l a r l y d i f f i c u l t to achieve success when t h e i r demands are r e v o l u t i o n a r y , while groups concerned with i n d u s t r i a l , commercial, f i n a n c i a l , or technological areas tend to be taken more seriously and thus have more influence, p a r t i c u l a r l y i f the changes they seek can be accommodated within the system. I f the pressure exerted does not have an economic component, that i s , i f the protest group i s not able to o f f e r monetary incentives to influence i t s target's behavior, leverage i s diminished. 2. Structure and Dynamics Of primary import to a pressure group's proficiency are o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e and i n t e r n a l dynamics. The establishment of a framework to provide u n i f i e d purpose, d i r e c t i o n , and a c t i v i t y i s e s s e n t i a l to the successful pursuit o f goals and f o r t h i s reason an i n s t i t u t i o n a l group, as distinguished from an issue-oriented group, i s more l i k e l y to meet with some degree of success. In making t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n , P r o s s c h a r a c t e r i z e s an i n s t i t u t i o n a l group as h a v i n g o r g a n i z a t i o n a l c o n t i n u i t y and cohesion, an understanding of government s e c t o r s which a f f e c t i t , s t a b l e membership, c o n c r e t e and i m m e d i a t e o p e r a t i o n a l o b j e c t i v e s , and c r e d i b i l i t y . 1 8 Gamson agrees that such q u a l i t i e s , found i n what he terms a 'bur e a u c r a t i c ' group, are i m p o r t a n t to success, and adds that such a group i s further characterized by i t s h a v i n g a c h a r t e r s t a t i n g t h e p u r p o s e o f t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n and provisions for operation, and organization d i v i s i o n s such as o f f i c e r s or executives, d i v i s i o n heads, and rank and f i l e members. In his work, Gamson has noted that "imitating the form of one's antagonist eases the development of some sort of working re l a t i o n s h i p , " and that a bureaucratic form keeps an o r g a n i z a t i o n ready to act i n a coordinated manner. 1 9 The b a s i c s t r u c t u r e of an o r g a n i z a t i o n determines i t s methods of work, i t s e f f i c i e n c y , and i t s p o t e n t i a l e f f e c t i v e n e s s . Also important are the l e v e l of s k i l l of an organization's executive o f f i c e r s , the prestige and personal contacts of i t s l e a d e r s , and the s t r e n g t h of i t s members. Perhaps one of the most important aspects of structure as i t r e l a t e s t o e f f i c i e n c y i s the e x i s t e n c e of an a c t i v i s t s e c r e t a r i a t with a substantial research capacity, allowing i t to play a p o l i t i c a l r o l e , formulating substantive proposals and galvanizing support for the organization. The degree of e x p e r t i s e of those doing the a c t u a l work -- the s k i l l i n a p p l i c a t i o n of t a c t i c s — has much to do with success, as does the number and nature of functions and a c t i v i t i e s — the scope of a c t i v i t y — undertaken by the agency. 3. Consolidation of a Support Base The mobilization and consolidation of a constituent base i s a primary step for any human rights group that hopes to wield influence i n the international system. Level of s o c i a l development, p o l i t i c a l s o p h i s t i c a t i o n , and l i t e r a c y rate of a target constituency contribute to i t s a b i l i t y to understand an o r g a n i z a t i o n ' s message and organize i n response to i t . For t h i s reason, a human r i g h t s group must g e n e r a l l y spend a p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y greater part of i t s resources educating and mobilizing p o t e n t i a l c o n s t i t u e n t s i n T h i r d World c o u n t r i e s than i n developed countries. The broader and stronger the support f o r an o r g a n i z a t i o n ' s programmes and p o l i c i e s , the more l i k e l y t a r g e t s are to pay a t t e n t i o n to i t s demands. Having a purposefully united, sizeable support base enables a group to issue challenges from a p o s i t i o n of a u t h o r i t y , and thus contributes to i t s p o t e n t i a l for success. 4. Legitimacy Interest group t h e o r i s t D.B. Truman asserts that i n order to be e f f e c t i v e , a p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t group must be perceived as having both procedural and substantive l e g i t i m a c y . 2 0 Its targets i n p a r t i c u l a r must p e r c e i v e that the o r g a n i z a t i o n conforms to the 'rules of the game' i n i t s a c t i v i t i e s , and that i t i s capable of representing values widely held among i t s members. Both actual methods and stated or imputed ends must be generally accepted by an organization's members, i t s c o n s t i t u e n c y , and i t s t a r g e t s , i n order that legitimacy be bestowed upon i t s pressure p o l i c i e s . To determine a group's legitimacy, an observer may look at i t s i n t e r n a l structure and dynamics, at i t s degree of independence, at the number of national representatives, at the strength and d i s t r i b u t i o n of membership, at the general perception of i t s moral authority, and at the degree of r e c e p t i v i t y to i t s demands on the parts of i t s targets. Receptivity, as an i n d i c a t i o n of perceived l e g i t i m a c y , can be measured by the amount of i n i t i a t i o n of c o n s u l t a t i o n w i t h an i n t e r e s t group u n d e r t a k e n by i t s a n t a g o n i s t s or other t a r g e t s , by the existence of ongoing 77 negotiation or communication between an i n t e r e s t group and i t s targets, by the degree of formal recognition of the int e r e s t group as a representative of a c e r t a i n c o n s t i t u e n c y by i t s targets, and by i n c l u s i o n of the challenging group's leaders or members i n positions of status or authority i n the targets' organizational structure.21 It might be added that legitimacy i s not only necessary to a group's success but may also be looked at as a type of success i n i t s e l f . A pressure group which i s perceived as a l e g i t i m a t e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of a c o n s t i t u e n c y has achieved s u c c e s s s i m p l y by e s t a b l i s h i n g i t s e l f as a f o r c e to be reckoned with. 5. Factionalism A lack of consensus within a group may cause perceptions of decreasing legitimacy and authority. Indeed, the i n t e r n a l unity with which a challenging group meets the world has great impact on the t o t a l i n f l u e n c e i t can w i e l d . 2 2 I n t e r n a l d i v i s i o n i s almost impossible for protest groups to escape, for even with the best intentions, disagreements over strategy and t a c t i c s , over p r i o r i t y of sub-goals, and over r e l a t i v e emphasis i n p u r s u i t of short or long range s o l u t i o n s are d i f f i c u l t to avoid. In addition, there may be n a t i o n a l or o t h e r r i v a l r i e s w i t h i n a group over c o n t r o l o f the organizational apparatus, often with power as an end i n i t s e l f as the m o t i v a t i o n , and t h i s may s u b s t a n t i a l l y weaken a group. 2 3 Disunity, discord, and d i s t r u s t may be "helped along 78 by h o s t i l e outsiders" with an i n t e r e s t i n damaging a group's c r e d i b i l i t y and e f f e c t i v e n e s s . 2 4 Gamson suggests that l a c k of i n t e r n a l cohesion may be overcome by the c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of power so as to achieve unity of command, and that c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of power i s d i r e c t l y a s s o c i a t e d with s u c c e s s . 2 5 A group has a centralized power structure i f there i s e s s e n t i a l l y a s i n g l e center of power within the organization; decentralized groups have chapters or d i v i s i o n s that maintain s u b s t a n t i a l autonomy, s e p a r a t e i d e n t i t y and importance. Decentralized groups are more l i k e l y to develop harmful f a c t i o n a l s p l i t s and therefore centralized groups may be better equipped for s u c c e s s . 2 6 Once again, the importance of structure to success comes into play. 6. Funding F i n a n c i a l resources — the amount and source — indicate the p o t e n t i a l i n t e n s i t y of a challenging group. Funding may come from dues, from p r i v a t e and p u b l i c g r a n t s , from publications revenue, or from d i r e c t or i n d i r e c t donations from national governments. An i n t e r e s t group that must depend on governments for funding i s i n danger of becoming subject to government manipulation or c o n t r o l , or may f i n d t hat i t s perceived legitimacy as an independent and i n t e r n a t i o n a l group i s impaired. As to the amount of funding a v a i l a b l e , i t i s necessary that i t be s u f f i c i e n t to allow an o r g a n i z a t i o n to e f f e c t i v e l y play i t s role. The s i z e of the budget determines the amount of research that may be done, the a b i l i t y to maintain a v i a b l e headquarters, the c a p a c i t y to undertake i n t e r n a t i o n a l philanthropic work, and so on. Feld suggests that the larger the annual budget and the greater the number of paid s t a f f , secondary o f f i c e s , membership meetings, and publications, the greater i s the organizational effectiveness and the higher the p o t e n t i a l for i n f l u e n c e . 2 7 7. Self-Appraisal S e l f - a p p r a i s a l and the a b i l i t y to refocus d i r e c t i o n and p r i o r i t i e s when n e c e s s a r y are i m p o r t a n t to a group's e f f e c t i v e n e s s and may be the key to longevity. Scoble and Wiseberg observe that very few p o l i t i c a l pressure groups p u b l i s h the bases and results of s e l f - i n q u i r y into past and continuing a c t i v i t i e s , and those that do attempt to appraise t h e i r own b e h a v i o r g e n e r a l l y use growth as the primary yardstick. As they point out, healthy growth s t a t i s t i c s are " o n l y n e g a t i v e proof of p o t e n t i a l e f f e c t i v e n e s s , not of e f f e c t i v e n e s s i t s e l f . " 2 8 C h a l l e n g i n g groups need to make serious, rigorous, and periodic e f f o r t s to review t h e i r goals, the adaptation of t h e i r i n s t i t u t i o n a l structure, and t h e i r t a c t i c s . T h e i r purposes r e q u i r e r a t i o n a l i n t r o s p e c t i o n , f l e x i b i l i t y , and a willingness to experiment with structure and methods. Internal c r i s e s , e x t e r n a l events, and r i s i n g n e e d s may a l l p r e c i p i t a t e the need f o r changes and r e a l l o c a t i o n of resources i n order for the group's continued existence and usefulness. 80 8. Targets While targets and t a c t i c s are l o g i c a l l y or a n a l y t i c a l l y separable, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to consider one without the other, s i n c e "the t a r g e t predetermines the t a c t i c s which can be employed," or a l t e r n a t i v e l y , i n t e r n a l group c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s predetermine the t a c t i c s which w i l l be a v a i l a b l e and can be employed and these i n turn " l i m i t the p o t e n t i a l targets of the group." 2 9 The choice of targets i s also dictated, to a large extent, by the objectives of a pressure group. As i n other aspects of i n t e r e s t group a n a l y s i s , the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between goa l s , s t r u c t u r e , t a r g e t s , and t a c t i c s i s most complex. Most a c t i v i t i e s o f i n t e r n a t i o n a l or t r a n s n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l pressure groups i n the human r i g h t s f i e l d are directed towards national governmental e l i t e s , for government p o l i c i e s have d i r e c t e f f e c t on the people t h a t c h a l l e n g i n g g r o u p s seek t o b e n e f i t . Other non-governmental and g o v e r n m e n t a l g r o u p s , n a t i o n a l , t r a n s n a t i o n a l , and i n t e r n a t i o n a l , are also prime targets, both because of t h e i r p o t e n t i a l influence on national governments and because t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s may d i r e c t l y a f f e c t the l i v e s o f r e l e v a n t p o p u l a t i o n s . Other t a r g e t s i n c l u d e the mass media, and through them, the world public; these are important to the extent that they influence those with power and authority to act as the group wishes i n p a r t i c u l a r s i t u a t i o n s . F i n a l l y , a challenging group has a target constituency -- a support base 81 that Is wishes to i n c r e a s e or m o b i l i z e -- which g i v e s authority and legitimacy to the group's actions i n the eyes of the world community. Human r i g h t s NGO's have come to r e c o g n i z e t h a t i n t e r n a t i o n a l f i n a n c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s such as the World Bank, the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Monetary Fund, and r e g i o n a l development banks are relevant targets of t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s . In recent years, i n t e r n a t i o n a l lending agencies have at times i n s i s t e d i n t h e i r terms for financing p a r t i c u l a r p r o j e c t s that t h e i r c l i e n t s implement programs to protect peasant or indigenous populations. The World Bank has issued a p o l i c y statement saying t h a t i t intends to minimize adverse impact on t r i b a l p e o p l e s by development p r o j e c t s i t f u n d s . 3 0 N a t i o n a l development p r o j e c t s c o n s t i t u t e one of the most s e r i o u s threats to the s u r v i v a l and well-being of indigenous peoples throughout the world; the influence that such lending agencies e x e r c i s e over n a t i o n a l governments makes them a target of rights groups. I t i s for the same reason that MNEs have also become targets. Internal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of targets have much to do with the success of a challenging group's pressure p o l i c i e s . When the target i s a national government, the l e v e l of the state's economic and s o c i a l development, the government's perceived best i n t e r e s t s , and the nature of the s t a t e ' s s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l system -- i d e o l o g i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n , degree of p o l i t i c a l freedom allowed c i t i z e n s , government control over 82 means of communication, domestic l e g i t i m a c y o f dominant p o l i t i c a l groups, and power of opposition groups -- a l l a f f e c t how r e a d i l y i t w i l l respond to demands. 3 1 G e n e r a l l y , an NGO has more pronounced e f f e c t i n i n d u s t r i a l l y advanced countries with p l u r a l i s t i c orientations. Such countries have a greater number of t r a n s n a t i o n a l NGOs op e r a t i n g i n them than do developing countries and are more t o l e r a n t of having demands placed upon them by e x t e r n a l groups. 3 2 Third World governments are often adamantly " a n t i -i m p e r i a l i s t " and have an o v e r r i d i n g concern with n a t i o n a l autonomy, or more urgently, with t h e i r national unity, and are thus often suspicious of pressure groups which they perceive to be i n t e r f e r i n g with sovereignty or domestic authority. On the other hand, n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l e l i t e s i n any type of country have a c e r t a i n capacity to lose touch with t h e i r own s o c i e t i e s , to i s o l a t e themselves from t h e i r own masses, and thus f i n d i t d i f f i c u l t to believe that p o l i t i c a l discontent and d i s s i d e n c e are genuine and l e g i t i m a t e , and t h a t e x t e r n a l l y - b a s e d i n t e r e s t groups are not c o n s p i r a t o r i a l enemies. In the case of human rights groups, a target government's attitude towards c i t i z e n s that an NGO seeks to benefit i s also important to successful lobbying. P o l i t i c a l action taken i n the aid of a group of people that i s the majority of a state's population may be perceived as e s p e c i a l l y threatening to the r u l i n g e l i t e and r e s i s t e d a c c o r d i n g l y , while i n c o u n t r i e s 83 where the intended b e n e f i c i a r i e s are d i s t i n c t minorities and p o l i t i c a l l y non-threatening to the entrenched majority, i t may be t h a t a more accommodating a t t i t u d e to pre s s u r e group demands i s prevalent. That NGOs do influence the behavior of t h e i r targets i s unquestionable, although success may only mean preventing f u r t h e r d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of c o n d i t i o n s . O r g a n i z a t i o n s can ' r a i s e the c o n s c i o u s n e s s ' o f t a r g e t s . They may cause governments to take i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n things that might otherwise go unnoticed. By taking advantage of opportunities presented by NGOs and t h e i r i n i t i a t i v e s or by seeking to deny, modify, or bypass t h e i r concerns, t a r g e t a u t h o r i t i e s a l t e r t h e i r a c t i o n s . A l s o , by generating p u b l i c pressure on a world-wide scale, NGO a c t i v i t y may cause national authorities to take a p o s i t i o n on a previously ignored issue. By inducing such value- a l l o c a t i n g a c t i v i t i e s , NGOs make a d i f f e r e n c e to t h e i r causes. 9 . T a c t i c s There i s a wide range of t a c t i c s — methods of employing i n t e r n a t i o n a l c a p a c i t y -- a v a i l a b l e to a t r a n s n a t i o n a l pressure group; the s e l e c t i o n of t a c t i c s appropriate to a group's p a r t i c u l a r purposes i s important to i t s success. The fact that NGOs possess limited powers influence the types of a c t i v i t i e s on which they embark and the procedures employed f o r t he a t t a i n m e n t of ends. Not being able to command o b e d i e n c e , the NGO must r e l y p r i m a r i l y upon s e c u r i n g 84 cooperation by providing information and by argument. There i s heavy dependence upon research, r e p o r t i n g , and other s i m i l a r p u b l i c r e l a t i o n s techniques. Enormous volumes of i n f o r m a t i o n are c o l l e c t e d , c o l l a t e d , and d i s t r i b u t e d , with hope of producing e f f e c t i v e suasion. NGOs attempt to wield moral influence to achieve t h e i r ends and are i n a p o s i t i o n to demand concessions which sovereignty-bound IGOs and n a t i o n a l governments are unable to attempt for fear of compromising t h e i r own i n t e r e s t s . They need and are able to pursue serious p o l i t i c a l purposes with f l e x i b i l i t y and a w i l l i n g n e s s to experiment with various t a c t i c s . Analyses of p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t groups often d i s t i n g u i s h between t a c t i c s which are aimed at e l i t e s and t a c t i c s which seek to m o b i l i z e and p o l a r i z e part or a l l of a mass. The s i g n i f i c a n c e of t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n l i e s i n whether the group seeks to change e l i t e behavior i n a s p e c i f i c s i t u a t i o n , a s h o r t - t e r m g o a l , or whether i t s e e k s t o change t h e s o c i o p o l i t i c a l environment — the attitudes and opinions of a public or an electorate — such that any p o l i t i c a l e l i t e w i l l have to act i n the d e s i r e d manner i n a given s i t u a t i o n , a long-term endeavor. Most permanent organizations develop both of these types of goals, and thus engage i n both short and long-term t a c t i c s . Because of li m i t e d resources, an inte r e s t group i s l i k e l y to designate primary and secondary t a c t i c s as they designate primary and secondary targets. According to S c o b l e and Wiseberg, i t i s a l s o p o s s i b l e to d i s t i n g u i s h 85 between p r e p o l i t i c a l r esource-generating t a c t i c s which are " i n s t r u m e n t a l p r e c o n d i t i o n s t o p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n s " and manifestly p o l i t i c a l t a c t i c s . 3 3 Fund-raising and constituent base mobilization and consolidation are obvious examples of r e s o u r c e - g e n e r a t i n g a c t i v i t i e s , and both are undoubtedly e s s e n t i a l to the subsequent success of p o l i t i c a l t a c t i c s . The t a c t i c s used by human rights NGO's to be discussed here are r e s e a r c h i n g and r e p o r t i n g , p u b l i c i t y - s e e k i n g , u t i l i z i n g U.N. c o n s u l t a t i v e s t a t u s and other governmental connections, using resolutions to focus the attention of those who might be a b l e to a f f e c t a s i t u a t i o n , c o o r d i n a t i n g a c t i v i t i e s with other agencies, conducting meetings, workshops and l i m i t e d projects, and d i r e c t lobbying and negotiation, as these are the main t a c t i c s used by the WCIP. a. Research: E x e r t i n g i n f l u e n c e through research and r e p o r t i n g i s a primary method used by challenging groups. 3 4 By g a t h e r i n g data which intergovernmental a g e n c i e s f i n d d i f f i c u l t to acquire, or which governments w i l l not report, and by relaying t h i s to relevant authorities -- governmental or intergovernmental — as well as to the media, i t may be possible to influence the a c t i v i t i e s of national governments. There i s more evidence of wisdom i n the assertions and goals of NGOs when they can present c a r e f u l l y prepared research documents p r o v i d i n g s u b s t a n t i a t i n g d a t a t o back t h e i r opinions, than when they make short, pithy pronouncements on issues, that often seem to ignore f a c t s . 86 b. P u b l i c i t y : The creation of p u b l i c i t y for t h e i r causes i s another p r i n c i p a l technique used by NGOs. 3 5 C r e a t i n g p u b l i c support f o r p a r t i c u l a r campaigns or attempting to educate public opinion i n the larger view i s accomplished by use of available media; thus, professional public relations i s very important for successful p o l i t i c a l action. News media, p u b l i c a t i o n s such as n e w s l e t t e r s , p e t i t i o n s , r e p o r t s on research findings, and communiques may a l l be used to further the purposes of a c h a l l e n g i n g group. D i s s e m i n a t i o n of in f o r m a t i o n on an NGO's a c t i v i t i e s and purposes not only serves an educational purpose, but a l s o helps to keep the constituent base and members informed. Ideally, action on the part of a pressure group should create p u b l i c i t y , p u b l i c i t y should create support, and support should r e s u l t i n action on the part of a target group. The cycle i s self-perpetuating; a systematic feed-back loop i s the aim. 3 6 c. U n i t e d N a t i o n s C o n s u l t a t i v e S t a t u s and Other Governmental Connections: Another v e h i c l e f o r a c h i e v i n g success i n attain i n g NGO objectives i s provided by formal and informal contacts with IGOs and government agencies. Access to decision-making processes of IGOs i s pursued by challenging groups to further t h e i r objectives and most s i g n i f i c a n t human rights NGOs have thus acquired Consultative Status with the United Nations Economic and S o c i a l Council. For the private organization, ECOSOC status "means gaining some of the stamp of o f f i c i a l i t y which we associate with government." 3 7 I t also 87 gives access to a corpus of i n f o r m a t i o n and a range of con t a c t s that would otherwise be most d i f f i c u l t for a group with l i m i t e d resources to a t t a i n . F i n a l l y , ECOSOC stat u s gives a pressure group access to a forum where i t s protests and resolutions can be a i r e d and ensures an i n t e r n a t i o n a l audience for i t s statements. These functions are important to success and are so recognized by in t e r e s t groups operating i n the i n t e r n a t i o n a l arena. While NGO statements, ideas, and recommendations may be considered seriously by U.N. bodies, i t remains the case that u l t i m a t e l y the member-states of the U.N. must take the decisive actions i n response to NGO i n i t i a t i v e s . Therefore, i n order to e f f e c t i v e l y i n f l u e n c e the U.N. or other IGO p o l i c i e s , i t i s necessary f o r i n t e r e s t groups t o e x e r t pressure at the national as well as the inte r n a t i o n a l l e v e l . 3 8 Having contacts with decision-makers and other e l i t e s i n countries where they have o f f i c e s or members i s often at lea s t as important as having U.N. c o n s u l t a t i v e s t a t u s . An NGO's o f f i c i a l s must c u l t i v a t e p ersonal relationships with those holding authority i n the countries i n which they operate i n order to be t r u l y e f f e c t i v e . d. Resolutions: A highly v i s i b l e and popular method by which private pressure groups attempt to exert influence i s by a d d r e s s i n g recommendations or r e s o l u t i o n s to n a t i o n a l governments or to the world at l a r g e . "This i s a means whereby a group can express i t s concern about an issue to 88 those indiv i d u a l s who may be able, i f not w i l l i n g , to r e c t i f y the s i t u a t i o n . " 3 9 Resolutions are often dramatic i n content-- formulated so as to at t r a c t maximum attention to a cause. Over-use of t h i s method may cause intended targets to simply ignore overblown statements and demands. Judicious use of the resolution, however, may aid an organization's struggle. e. Coordination of A c t i v i t i e s : Coordinating a c t i v i t i e s with other NGOs, IGOs, n a t i o n a l governmental agencies, and national support groups with s i m i l a r aims brings a challenging group the s t r e n g t h that comes with u n i t y and i n e v i t a b l y enhances chances for su c c e s s . 4 0 Interconnections between NGOs and overlapping memberships of i n d i v i d u a l members i n various i n t e r e s t groups create an ever-expanding network on a world-wide basis, covering a l l contingencies. 4 1 Mutual cooperation i s e s p e c i a l l y u s e f u l between r e s e a r c h - o r i e n t e d groups and action-oriented groups, as interdependence of tasks allows one to provide information and the other to act upon i t . 4 2 For these reasons, pressure groups s t r i v e to strengthen linkages between themselves and pot e n t i a l a l l i e s . f . Meetings: Another technique used by international pressure groups to influence targets i s that of organizational m e e t i n g s . 4 3 Hudson d i s t i n g u i s h e s between three types of meetings: the "manifestation," which i s primarily for prestige or p u b l i c i t y r e a s o n s , at which l i t t l e work i s a c t u a l l y accomplished; the "congress," attended by l a r g e numbers of dele g a t e s , which i s p r o d u c t i v e l y i n e f f i c i e n t except for a 89 d e g r e e o f p o l i c y f o r m a t i o n ; a n d t h e " c o l l o q u i u m , " o r "symposium," where a "smal l group o f l e a d e r s s tudy a problem and r e a c h a d e c i s i o n , " which may be d i s c u s s e d and r e v i s e d to some e x t e n t by d e l e g a t e s a t a l a r g e r m e e t i n g . I t i s d u r i n g t h e l a s t t y p e o f m e e t i n g t h a t agendas a r e s e t , p l a n s o f s t r a t e g y are o r g a n i z e d , and r e s u l t s are p r e d e t e r m i n e d t o some e x t e n t . A l l t h r e e t y p e s a r e i m p o r t a n t t o t h e i n t e r e s t group — the f i r s t f o r p u b l i c i t y , the second f o r l e g i t i m a c y , and the t h i r d f o r f u r t h e r i n g o b j e c t i v e s . g . Workshops and P r o j e c t s ; h . L o b b y i n g and N e g o t i a t i o n : Workshops , c o n f e r e n c e s , l i m i t e d - s c o p e p r o j e c t s , and l o b b y i n g o f and n e g o t i a t i o n w i t h n a t i o n a l e l i t e s a r e among the most d i r e c t t a c t i c s used by p r e s s u r e groups to i n f l u e n c e t a r g e t s . T h e s e t e c h n i q u e s a r e g e n e r a l l y u s e d t o s e r v e s h o r t r a n g e o b j e c t i v e s , t o e l i c i t immediate changes i n s p e c i f i c c r i s e s or p r o b l e m s i t u a t i o n s . By e n g a g i n g i n s u c h h i g h p r o f i l e a c t i v i t i e s , human r i g h t s o r g a n i z a t i o n s a t t r a c t the a t t e n t i o n , and p o s s i b l y t h e s u p p o r t , o f t h e w o r l d p u b l i c , as w e l l as d i r e c t l y s e r v i n g the needs o f t h e i r c o n s t i t u e n t s . The e lements which a f f e c t the success o f a p r e s s u r e group i n terms o f , f i r s t , i t s h e a l t h as an o r g a n i z a t i o n , s econd , i t s a c c e p t a n c e by i t s t a r g e t s as a v a l i d spokesman f o r i t s c o n s t i t u e n c y and , t h i r d , i t s enhancement o f t h e f o r t u n e s o f i t s i n t e n d e d b e n e f i c i a r i e s , p r o v i d e a f ramework f o r t h e a n a l y s i s o f an a c t u a l human r i g h t s NGO. T h i s framework s h ou l d be u s e f u l i n a n a l y s i n g the succes s o f any c h a l l e n g i n g group 90 operating i n the international arena, as a l l such groups must meet s i m i l a r demands on t h e i r competency and overcome s i m i l a r constraints on t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s , i n pa r t because they must d e a l w i t h a s e t o f t a r g e t s that almost always in c l u d e s n a t i o n a l governments. The World C o u n c i l o f Indigenous Peoples, while having a unique purpose and mandate, i s no d i f f e r e n t than the majority of global human rights groups i n the way i t operates and seeks to influence i t s targets, and i t s success should therefore be measurable i n terms of the elements o f s u c c e s s which have been d e l i n e a t e d i n t h i s chapter. 91 Notes 1. W i l l i a m A . Gamson, The S t r a t e g y o f S o c i a l P r o t e s t (Homewood: The Dorsey P r e s s , 1975) , p . 2 8 . Meynaud c r e d i t e d i n D a r r i l H u d s o n , "Case S t u d y o f an I n t e r n a t i o n a l P r e s s u r e G r o u p , " I n t e r n a t i o n a l A s s o c i a t i o n s 20,6 (June 1968):410. 2. S c o b l e and W i s e b e r g , p . 2 2 . 3. See C h i a n g ; D i m i t r i s C . C o n s t a s , "The C a p a c i t y o f I n t e r n a t i o n a l O r g a n i z a t i o n s to E x e r c i s e P o l i t i c a l P r e s s u r e , " Revue H e l l e n i q u e de D r o i t I n t e r n a t i o n a l 26-27 (1973-1974); F e l d ; Gamson; H u d s o n , F r i d e r e s , S c o b l e and W i s e b e r g ; and W i s e b e r g a n d S c o b l e . T h e a u t h o r has s e l e c t e d e l e m e n t s a c c o r d i n g t o t h e i r apparent u s e f u l n e s s i n the case s t u d i e s i n which they were d e v e l o p e d . Some o f the e lements are used i n more t h a n one s t u d y . 4. Gamson, p p . 1 4 - 1 6 . 5. S c o b l e and W i s e b e r g , p . 1 2 . 6. Gamson, p p . 2 8 - 2 9 . 7. I b i d . , p . 4 1 ; C o n s t a s , 354. 8. C h i a n g , p p . 7 7 - 7 8 ; F e l d , p . 1 7 6 ; S c o b l e and W i s e b e r g , p . 2 0 ; F r i d e r e s , p . 2 5 4 ; Gamson, p p . 9 1 - 9 3; and P a u l A . P r o s s , " P r e s s u r e G r o u p s : A d a p t i v e I n s t r u m e n t s o f P o l i t i c a l C o m m u n i c a t i o n , " i n P r e s s u r e G r o u p B e h a v i o r i n C a n a d i a n  P o l i t i c s , P r o s s , e d . ( T o r o n t o : M c G r a w - H i l l R y e r s o n L t d . , 1975) , p . 1 0 . 9. Wiseberg and S c o b l e , p . 2 5 5 . 105 10. S c o b l e and W i s e b e r g , p . 1 8 ; C o n s t a s , p p . 3 5 2 . 3 5 5 . 11. C o n s t a s , p . 3 5 1 ; Hudson, p . 4 0 9 ; Gamson, p p . 99 ,103-12. F e l d , p . 1 8 7 ; Hudson, p . 4 0 8 . 13. S c o b l e and W i s e b e r g , p p . 2 2 - 2 6 . 14. C o n s t a s , p . 3 5 1 ; S c o b l e and W i s e b e r g , p p . 1 8 - 2 0 ; W i s e b e r g and S c o b l e , p . 2 5 4 ; F e l d , p . 2 0 4 . 15. C h i a n g , p . 6 1 ; G a m s o n , p p . 4 1 - 1 0 8 ; F e l d , p p . 11 ,176 ,201 ; S c o b l e and W i s e b e r g , p p . 1 7 - 1 9 ; W i s e b e r g and S c o b l e , p . 2 5 3 ; Hudson, pp .405 -409 . 92 16. Meynard , c r e d i t e d i n Hudson, p . 4 0 5 . 17. Gamson, p . 4 1 . 18. P r o s s , p . 1 0 . The d i s t i n c t i o n i s a l s o n o t e d i n F r i d e r e s , p . 2 5 4 . 19. Gamson, p p . 9 1 - 9 2 . 20. D a v i d B . T r u m a n , q u o t e d i n S c o b l e and W i s e b e r g , p . 18. 21. Gamson, p p . 2 8 - ? . 22. Hudson, p . 4 0 9 . 23. Gamson, p . 9 9 . 24. I b i d . , p . 1 0 3 . 25. I b i d . , p . 9 3 . 26. I b i d . , pp .104 -105 . 27. F e l d , p . 1 8 7 . 28. S c o b l e and W i s e b e r g , p p . 2 2 , 2 3 . 29. I b i d . , p . 2 0 . 30. " ' W i l d West' I n d i a n s Making L a s t Stand i n J u n g l e s o f B r a z i l , " Vancouver Sun , J u l y 20, 19 84; WCIP N e w s l e t t e r , F e b . 1984, p . 1 4 . 31. C o n s t a s , p . 3 5 0 . 32. F e l d , p . 2 0 4 . 33. I b i d . , p . 1 9 . 34. See H u d s o n , p p . 4 0 5 - 4 0 6 ; and S c o b l e and W i s e b e r g , p . 1 7 . 35. See Hudson, p . 4 0 7 . 36. S c o b l e and W i s e b e r g , p . 1 9 . 37. I b i d . , p p . 1 7 - 1 8 . 38. F e l d , p . 1 9 7 . 39. Hudson, p . 4 0 7 . 93 40. I b i d . , pp .409 -410 . 41. F e l d , p . 2 0 1 . 42. Wiseberg and S c o b l e , p . 2 5 5 . 43. Hudson, p . 4 0 8 . 94 CHAPTER FIVE THE WCIP'S PERFORMANCE The Elements of Success The elements which determine an organization's success (or which together make up i t s i n t e r n a t i o n a l capacity) are i t s purpose and goal s , s t r u c t u r e and dynamics, support base, funding, legitimacy, degree of factionalism, attempts at s e l f -a p p r a i s a l , t a r g e t s , and t a c t i c s (which may include research and reporting, p u b l i c i t y seeking, use of U.N. c o n s u l t a t i v e status and governmental contacts, resolutions, coordination of a c t i v i t i e s with groups with c o m p a t i b l e aims, me e t i n g s , workshops and projects, and d i r e c t lobbying and negotiation). While not a l l of these elements are c o n t r o l l a b l e by the o r g a n i z a t i o n , i t may maximize i t s chances f o r success by working towards optimum c o n d i t i o n s , as d i s c u s s e d i n the previous chapter, i n each of the areas. This chapter w i l l discuss the strengths and f a i l i n g s of the World C o u n c i l of Indigenous Peoples i n r e l a t i o n to each of the elements of success. Such a n a l y s i s w i l l r e v e a l the reasons f o r the po t e n t i a l and actual effectiveness of the organization. 1 . Purpose and Goals The purpose of the WCIP i s to some extent of the status quo-disrupting, non-economic var i e t y that entrenched e l i t e s r e s i s t most vigorously. The WCIP's professed ultimate aim i s self-determination for the indigenous peoples of the world, a goal which the World Council sees as being possible within the context of e x i s t i n g states. Such a goal may pose a threat to t a r g e t governments i n that i t s attainment could require a surrender of c e r t a i n t r a c t s of land, of c o n t r o l of c e r t a i n resources, and of a measure of a u t h o r i t y over indigenous peoples within a state's boundaries. This may be unacceptable to many targets and p a r t i c u l a r l y to Third World governments, whose grip on t h e i r t e r r i t o r i e s , economies, and c i t i z e n s i s o f t e n u n c e r t a i n . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , the World C o u n c i l may inadvertently arouse extreme opposition to i t s goal of s e l f -determination, as that term may be (incorrectly) interpreted as a demand f o r a l l t a r g e t governments to y i e l d to t h e i r indigenous c i t i z e n s the land and p o l i t i c a l power necessary for t h e i r existence as independent, sovereign n a t i o n s . Such a demand i s more r a d i c a l than that which the World Council means to make, and c e r t a i n l y challenges the l e g i t i m a c y o f the present d i s t r i b u t i o n of wealth and power i n the international system. There i s great p o t e n t i a l f o r conceptual confusion and o u t r i g h t r e s i s t a n c e to the WCIP's cause generated by the ambiguous use of the term 'self-determination'. The range of p o s s i b i l i t i e s implied by the term and the WCIP's propensity to leave i t only loosely defined suggest that for the WCIP, s e l f -determination remains e s s e n t i a l l y at the l e v e l of what Sall y M. Weaver c a l l s a "value-notion" — "an unarticulated, vaguely conceptualized ideology or philosophy." 1 The use of such an imprecise term can not help the WCIP towards the achievement 96 of i t s goal and i s undoubtedly an obst a c l e to i t s eventual r e a l i z a t i o n on a universal basis. The World Council recognizes the long-term nature of i t s primary aim and thus concentrates i t s resources on medium and short range g o a l s , such as c o n s t i t u e n c y - m o b i l i z a t i o n and improving c o n d i t i o n s f o r s p e c i f i c indigenous peoples. By addressing secondary o b j e c t i v e s , by d e a l i n g with concrete s i t u a t i o n s which r e q u i r e immediate s o l u t i o n s that do not n e c e s s i t a t e d r a s t i c c h a n g e s i n t h e s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l environment, the WCIP i s able to achieve success more read i l y . In Nicaragua, for example, the WCIP has persuaded the national government to adopt a more accommodating attitude towards i t s i n d i g e n o u s p e o p l e s , whose r i g h t s had p r e v i o u s l y been f l a g r a n t l y abused. In awakening and c o n s o l i d a t i n g a c o n s t i t u e n t base the WCIP has also experienced success. In the few years of i t s operation the WCIP has managed to develop a "sense o f p o l i t i c a l r e l a t e d n e s s among n a t i v e groups scattered across most of the world" and has acquired a degree of c r e d i b i l i t y with national governments and various other of i t s targets i n doing so. 2 The organization has drawn together indigenous peoples from d i f f e r e n t parts of the world to work t o g e t h e r f o r s p e c i f i c s h a r e d g o a l s which have been conceptually c l a r i f i e d and defined (to some extent) by the WCIP and i t s supporting associations. I t has aided i n r a i s i n g group consciousness, i n developing p o l i t i c a l awareness, confidence, and acumen, and i n stimulating organization of indigenous peoples that had not p r e v i o u s l y taken the f i r s t steps towards changing t h e i r depressed status. The WCIP has successfully i n i t i a t e d the formation of a reference group that l e g i t i m i z e s i t s struggle. 2. Structure and Dynamics The WCIP's organizational structure and i n t e r n a l dynamics f o l l o w the formula f o r success i n most a s p e c t s . As an i n s t i t u t i o n a l group, i t has e s t a b l i s h e d a framework which promotes u n i f i e d purpose, d i r e c t i o n , and a c t i v i t y , and which enables i t to deal with n a t i o n a l governments, the United Nations, and other organizations on an ongoing basis. I t i s formed so as t o p r o v i d e d e c e n t r a l i z e d o p e r a t i o n , y e t coordi n a t e d i n t e r n a t i o n a l a c t i o n , and i t remains a t r u l y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n of gr a s s r o o t s o r g a n i z a t i o n s . Constituent p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s channelled through representative p o l i t i c a l organizations at various l e v e l s -- l o c a l , national, regional, and in t e r n a t i o n a l . The organizers of the WCIP have recognized that constituency mobilization i s e s s e n t i a l to i t s development and strength and thus, r e g i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n a l development has always been a high p r i o r i t y . Evidence of t h i s can be seen, for instance, i n the considerable extent to which the World Council has aided i n procuring funding to enable i t s regional bodies to become established and to function. E f f e c t i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n i s dependent not o n l y on structure, but on dynamic leadership as well. The WCIP has fa r e d well i n t h i s respect. In i t s early years, leadership 98 was provided by i t s founder and f i r s t p r e s i d e n t , George Manuel, who had come form the strong p o l i t i c a l t r a d i t i o n of B r i t i s h Columbia Indians, having served as head of a major n a t i o n a l indigenous organization for six year. He brought with him to the World Council personal prestige and numerous i n t e r n a t i o n a l contacts that proved to be s i g n i f i c a n t to the development of the organization. The f i r s t Chief Administrator of the Secretariat, Marie Smallface Marule, was also instrumental i n paving the way for the organization's cause i n the early years, having extensive background i n indigenous p o l i t i c s and h o l d i n g an academic p o s i t i o n at the University of Lethbridge, which consequently provided t e c h n i c a l and human resources t h a t a l l o w e d the Secretariat vigorously to pursue WCIP objectives. Succeeding Secretariat s t a f f have continued to play an a c t i v i s t r o l e , r e s u l t i n g i n the Secretariat's being placed i n charge of the organization's a c t i v i t i e s . This somewhat unusual departure from the t r a d i t i o n a l pattern i n which the Executive controls Secretariat a c t i v i t i e s was taken from the p r a c t i c a l need for those who do the actual work of the WCIP to be able to make on-the-spot decisions. The apparently expanded role of the Secretariat i s , i n p r a c t i c a l terms, less incongruous with the world C o u n c i l ' s representativeness than i t would f i r s t appear, for i t i s often the case that a continually functioning s e c r e t a r i a t comes to have a key r o l e i n determining day-to-day a c t i v i t i e s of an 99 o r g a n i z a t i o n . I t has i n the p a s t been common f o r the Secretariat Coordinator of the WCIP to make t a c t i c a l decisions without f i r s t consulting with the Executive Council, for there have u s u a l l y not been the resources a v a i l a b l e to stage a meeting of the globally-scattered Executive Council members i n time to deal e f f e c t i v e l y with c r i s e s s i t u a t i o n s . In such cases, the Coordinator has, out of necessity, acted without guidance. I t would appear that t h i s practice has now been endorsed by the General Assembly. I t i s p o s s i b l e that the f l e x i b i l i t y and c r e a t i v i t y i n meeting challenges allowed by t h i s approach could enhance the World C o u n c i l ' s o v e r a l l e f f e c t i v e n e s s . On the other hand, i n terms of the World C o u n c i l ' s l e g i t i m a c y as perce i v e d by o u t s i d e o b s e r v e r s , a l l o w i n g the S e c r e t a r i a t to " d i r e c t " the Executive Council could adversely a f f e c t the World C o u n c i l ' s progress. An appointed s e c r e t a r i a t which i s acknowledged to take precedence over an elected executive body would appear to i n d i c a t e a reversal of the organization's representative nature, and the World Council's targets and constituent's a l i k e may view t h i s development with alarm and skepticism as to the organization's actual representativeness. Such negative perceptions may be tempered, however, by the f a c t t hat the Secretariat i s an appointed body and i t s s t a f f can be q u i c k l y removed by the Executive Council, which hired i t i n the f i r s t place, i f the Council's o v e r a l l p o l i c i e s and d i r e c t i v e s are ignored. 100 The World C o u n c i l has two s t r u c t u r a l f e a t u r e s i n p a r t i c u l a r t hat have generated some controversy within the o r g a n i z a t i o n . The f i r s t i s the make-up of the Executive Council. As noted, the various member countries of the WCIP are grouped i n t o f i v e r e g i o n s , each of which has one r e p r e s e n t a t i v e on the Executive C o u n c i l . Some indigenous peoples are not s a t i s f i e d with being represented by a member of a n o t h e r group; they do not f e e l t h e i r i n t e r e s t s are properly taken care of. This i s true i n the South P a c i f i c region, for example, where the Maori and the Aborigines r e s i s t being represented by one another. In Northern Europe, the I n u i t of Greenland i n s i s t e d on being represented separately from the Sami of Scandinavia, and f o r t h i s reason l e f t the WCIP to j o i n a r e g i o n a l I n u i t o r g a n i z a t i o n -- the I n u i t Circumpolar Conference (which has sense become a f f i l i a t e d with the WCIP). C e r t a i n American I n d i a n peoples have a l s o expressed wishes to be represented on the Executive Council as separate peoples. 3 The other d i f f i c u l t y posed by the WCIP's structure i s the r e s t r i c t i v e n e s s of the r e g i o n a l arrangement. Indigenous populations i n non-Scandinavian Europe, Asia, A f r i c a , and the Middle East are v i r t u a l l y excluded from membership by the p r e s e n t s t r u c t u r e . A group of Kurds, r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of populations i n Iran, Iraq, Turkey, Syria, and the Soviet Union a t t e n d e d the Second General Assembly i n Sweden i n 1977. R e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the Ainu of Japan and of t r i b e s from 101 Thailand and India were present at the Third General Assembly i n A u s t r a l i a i n 1981. The a d d i t i o n of a region would be necessary to accommodate any of these groups. 4 In l i g h t of these considerations, arguments have been put f o r t h i n favour of representation by peoples rather than by r e g i o n or country. 5 Proponents of t h i s view point out that the basic r i g h t being claimed by indigenous peoples i s the r i g h t to self-determination and by in t e r n a t i o n a l law, as set f o r t h i n U.N. conventions, t h i s i s a right of peoples, not of n a t i o n a l or r e g i o n a l bodies. A l s o , to use peoples as the category i s to recognize indigenous custom, while to use country i s to recognize c o l o n i a l law. F i n a l l y , n a t i o n a l indigenous p o l i t i c a l organizations do not always represent a l l the indigenous peoples within a country or region; to ensure that no group i s t o t a l l y excluded from the organization, i t i s argued t h a t r e p r e s e n t a t i o n must be by peoples. These arguments are t h e o r e t i c a l l y and p o l i t i c a l l y strong, for they emphasize the goals of the indigenous s t r u g g l e . 6 On the other hand, the current arrangement, organization by country, has i n i t s favour c e r t a i n compelling arguments. To begin with, o r g a n i z a t i o n by c o u n t r y i s p o l i t i c a l l y necessary, as n a t i o n a l governments c o n t r o l the s o c i a l and economic p o l i c i e s which a f f e c t the l i v e s o f i n d i g e n o u s peoples. To deal e f f e c t i v e l y with n a t i o n a l governments, i n t e r e s t groups must emulate governmental s t r u c t u r e and organize at the national l e v e l . Countries are the recognized units of in t e r n a t i o n a l law and i t i s necessary for the WCIP to work w i t h i n the i n t e r n a t i o n a l arena. A l s o , the goal of indigenous peoples i s self-determination — which i s conceived by the WCIP to be possible within the e x i s t i n g structure of states. This goal accepts the r e a l i t y of states while seeking to promote a new relat i o n s h i p with them. Organization r e f l e c t i n g state structure i s also necessary for p r a c t i c a l reasons. A d r a s t i c increase i n numbers would be involved i f representation on the basis of peoples were to be implemented. With p o s s i b l y hundreds of indigenous peoples being represented separately at Executive C o u n c i l meetings, chaos would be i n e v i t a b l e . Indigenous peoples with small populations or with few resources which are unable to attend WCIP gatherings might be t o t a l l y excluded from p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The present s t r u c t u r e ensures the r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of such groups. F i n a l l y , where an indigenous people l i v e s i n more than one country, there i s usually no trans-state indigenous organization representing the whole, and national bodies must be r e l i e d on. (The Sami, as noted, are an exception). Taking the various arguments into consideration, the WCIP has chosen to ret a i n , for the time being, the present manner of representation. Organization along national l i n e s remains the r u l e , but exceptions are permitted i n cases such as that of the Sami, where there i s a history of separate p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , or where l a r g e p o p u l a t i o n s w a r r a n t r e p r e s e n t a t i o n by p e o p l e s . T h i s f l e x i b l e approach to 103 r e p r e s e n t a t i o n appears to be the most reasonable way o f accommodating the g r e a t e s t p r a c t i c a l number of indigenous peoples within the organization. 3. Consolidation of a Support Base As p r e v i o u s l y m e n t i o n e d , t h e m o b i l i z a t i o n and consolidation of a broad indigenous constituency i s one of the WCIP's main areas of emphasis. The World Council has d i r e c t l y caused the emergence of s e v e r a l i d e n t i f i a b l e indigenous p o l i t i c a l organizations — one being the National A b o r i g i n a l Conference of A u s t r a l i a — and has fostered a global awareness on the part of indigenous peoples that they share a common purpose. 7 Constituency-building i s perhaps the most important a c t i v i t y for the continuing v i a b i l i t y of the World Council, as world-wide backing enhances the l i k e l i h o o d of i t s targets taking the organization seriously and regarding i t s statements and r e s o l u t i o n s as a u t h o r i t a t i v e and r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of a u n i f i e d assemblage. On the other hand, while the attention paid by the WCIP to i t s membership base and p o l i t i c a l 'representativeness' may enhance the prognosis for the organization's success, i t may also have negative connotations for success. The broader the c o l l e c t i o n of aggrieved groups encompassed by the WCIP, the greater the number of countries that are threatened by the o r g a n i z a t i o n ' s a n t i - s t a t u s quo objectives, and the stronger the challenge becomes. The WCIP may be perceived as a force for serious disruption of the structure of many countries. I t 104 i s u n l i k e l y to a t t r a c t many a l l i e s or make much headway i f i t poses a t h r e a t to so many. Thus, a l a r g e and a c t i v e constituency may be both an advantage and a hinderance to the WCIP's success. 4. Legitimacy The WCIP appears to be perceived by both i t s targets and i t s c o n s t i t u e n c y t o have p r o c e d u r a l and s u b s t a n t i v e l e g i t i m a c y . I t has c e r t a i n l y developed a s t r u c t u r e and in t e r n a l processes that conform to the 'rules of the game' and that c o n t r i b u t e to i t s a b i l i t y to function p r a c t i c a l l y and e f f i c i e n t l y while a l l o w i n g i t to represent the values and needs of i t s members. The World Council has recognized the i r o n i c n e c e s s i t y o f a d o p t i n g a p o l i t i c a l l y e x p e d i e n t , government-like structure i n order to be p o t e n t i a l l y e f f e c t i v e as an a n t i - c o n s e n s u s group, f o r t o be r e c o g n i z e d as l e g i t i m a t e , i t must make some concessions to conventional forms. The WCIP's l e g i t i m a c y should a l s o be enhanced by the obvious independence of i t s d e c i s i o n s and a c t i v i t i e s . I t s p u r p o s e s a r e n o t compromised by any g o v e r n m e n t or o r g a n i z a t i o n , although i t does accept funding from such sources. With regard to i t s l e g i t i m a c y i n terms of i t s n a t i o n a l and t r a n s n a t i o n a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e n e s s , the World C o u n c i l accepts f o r membership any n a t i o n a l or r e g i o n a l indigenous o r g a n i z a t i o n t h a t wishes to j o i n and places no l i m i t on the number of members from a given country, thus 105 making i t t r u l y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e . The WCIP does not f u l l y r e present the i n t e r e s t s of a l l indigenous peoples worldwide due to the l i m i t a t i o n s of the r e g i o n a l s t r u c t u r e , lack of money, d i v e r s i t y of peoples, and sheer geographical distance, among other problems inherent i n the task. The fact that the World C o u n c i l has managed to overcome these overwhelming constraints to the extent that i t has, however, says much about i t intentions to be legimately representative. One way to determine the legitimacy of an organization i s to look at the degree of r e c e p t i t i v i t y on the part of i t s targets to i t s programmes and a c t i v i t i e s . Receptivity to the WCIP has increased s t e a d i l y over i t s period of operation. In 1975, j u s t a f t e r the WCIP's formation, i t was viewed with s u s p i c i o n i n some q u a r t e r s . F or example, the F i r s t International Indian Treaty Council, a U.S. based organization of Indian people, i n i t i a l l y refused to recognize the WCIP as representative of Indian people, a l l e g i n g that i t had evolved from Canada's National Indian Brotherhood, which was "financed by the Canadian government and the CIA through the I n s t i t u t e f o r L a t i n American S t u d i e s " and s t a t i n g that i t could not "claim to be an o r g a n i z a t i o n of Indians" or to represent I n d i a n s . 8 This accusation has been abandoned as, over time, th e WCIP's a c t i v i t i e s have proven i t t o be a genuine c o n t r i b u t o r to the indigenous cause, and the two groups now p a r t i c i p a t e j o i n t l y on v a r i o u s U.N. working groups and committees. 9 106 Receptivity towards the WCIP i s further indicated by the o r g a n i z a t i o n ' s formal U.N. ECOSOC s t a t u s , by i t s r e g u l a r consultation on indigenous i s s u e s with bodies such as the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Work Group f o r Indigenous A f f a i r s , by i t s p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n negotiations with governmental e l i t e s such as Nicaraguan o f f i c i a l s , by i t s i n v i t a t i o n from the government of Guatemala to observe elections i n that country, and by the w i l l i n g n e s s of c e r t a i n governments to fund i t s a c t i v i t i e s . The recognition afforded the World C o u n c i l as a l e g i t i m a t e spokesman f o r indigenous peoples augments i t s p o t e n t i a l for influence and success. 5. Factionalism F a c t i o n a l i s m , i n one form or another, has plagued the WCIP since i t s inception. P o l i t i c a l tensions and conceptual misunderstandings between regions were apparent at even the f i r s t meetings ( a l t h o u g h t h e s e have proven t o be l e s s s i g n i f i c a n t than d i v i s i o n s that developed l a t e r ) . D i f f e r i n g i d e o l o g i c a l orientations have i n the past been manifest i n a degree of disunity between representatives from, on one hand, Central and South America, and on the other, Northern Europe, North America, and the South P a c i f i c . 1 0 The WCIP founding conference brought out not only common inte r e s t s of the various indigenous groups that attended, but the d i f f e r e n c e s between them as w e l l . F l e x i b i l i t y and pat i e n c e were re q u i r e d by a l l i n v o l v e d . Interpreting and ensuring that t e r m i n o l o g i e s were u n d e r s t o o d were time-consuming but necessary a c t i v i t i e s , f o r i n many cases, the l a nguage used was the t h i r d language of d e l e g a t e s . 1 1 D i f f e r e n c e s f i r s t became apparent when the c o n f e r e n c e attempted to se l e c t a chairman. when New Zealand nominated Sam Deloria, a Sioux Indian, for chairman, Colombian delegates i n s t a n t l y o b j e c t e d and s t a t e d they wanted a ' n e u t r a l ' chairman. "This suggestion was immediately supported by other Spanish-speaking delegates, and 'anti-gringo' and 'anti-Norte-Americano' sentiments became obvious." Eventually, the matter was s e t t l e d with the s e l e c t i o n of three co-chairmen -- a Canadian, a Greenlander, and a Panamanian. 1 2 There was also disagreement over whether the term 'Indigenous' or 'Indian' should be used. As the organization has matured, t h i s type of dissidence has subsided, but i t s occurrence shows that there are differences between factions which must be accommodated. N a t i o n a l or l o c a l l e v e l d i v i s i o n s have a l s o been apparent. Again, to use an example from the organization's early years, once Port Alberni i n B r i t i s h Columbia had been s e l e c t e d as the s i t e f o r the f i r s t conference, the native leaders from other Canadian provinces decided to have nothing to do with i t , a n t i c i p a t i n g that the WCIP would be dominated by B.C. indigenous leaders who would d i r e c t t h e i r energies to serving the interests of t h e i r own peoples, to the exclusion of other Canadian native groups. In f a c t , Canadian delegates to the conference were a l l B r i t i s h Columbian native leaders. Thus, the Inuit, the Indians of Eastern Canada, and Indians 108 from the P r a i r i e s were not represented. 1 3 Even today there i s less than t o t a l enthusiasm for the WCIP among ce r t a i n Canadian indigenous groups, although i t i s not obvious whether t h i s a t titude i s due to indifference, to d i s s i m i l a r objectives, or to the perception that the WCIP i s not useful to t h e i r causes. More serious and currently dangerous to the WCIP are the i n t e r n a l d i v i s i o n s which have r e c e n t l y t r o u b l e d the organization. In a January 1984 ed i t i o n of a Canadian Indian newspaper, a WCIP news release quotes founder George Manuel as condemning the attitude of ce r t a i n "three piece s u i t Indians" who attempt to use the WCIP as a promotional v e h i c l e to further t h e i r own p o l i t i c a l and personal ambitions and to gain prestige i n inte r n a t i o n a l c i r c l e s . 1 4 Marie Marule also speaks of the dangers of an "entrenched Indian e l i t e " which i s motivated to support the status quo because of the personal a d v a n t a g e s i t b r i n g s . 1 5 She a r g u e s t h a t i f s u c h "opportunists" or " a s s i m i l a t i o n i s t s " were to gain control of the World C o u n c i l ' s d i r e c t i o n , i t could e a s i l y become an " i n s t r u m e n t o f n o n - i n d i g e n o u s m a n i p u l a t o r s , " such as government e l i t e s , and the interests of indigenous communities would be d i s c a r d e d . 1 6 C e r t a i n l y the World C o u n c i l ' s effectiveness would be severely impaired i f i t were to become a vehicle for the personal aggrandizement of i t s leaders. On the other hand, one of the problems of indigenous leadership, WCIP l e a d e r s h i p i n c l u d e d , a r i s e s from the need to come to terms with target e l i t e s so as to deal with them e f f e c t i v e l y . 109 This may leave indigenous leaders open to suspicion that they are 'playing the government's game' for t h e i r own advancement. This dilemma i s not e a s i l y resolved and i f i t r e s u l t s i n a h i g h t u r n o v e r of personnel, the consequence could be an insecure, inexperienced l e a d e r s h i p . 1 7 C e r t a i n WCIP e x e c u t i v e members have a l l e g e d t h a t unscrupulous persons have attempted to gain acceptance and influence i n the WCIP by promising p o l i t i c a l l y naive delegates from C e n t r a l and South America i n t e r n a t i o n a l t r a v e l , s c h o l a r s h i p s , and grants i n r e t u r n f o r t h e i r s u p p o r t . 1 8 Similar changes have been l e v e l l e d against the r u l i n g classes of C e n t r a l America who are said to be t r y i n g to "insinuate themselves into the membership of the WCIP" through approved indigenous l e a d e r s . 1 9 A change of venue from Mexico to Panama for the 1984 General Assembly was a d i r e c t r e s u l t of such attempted manipulation. 2 0 There has also been contention between c e r t a i n factions concerning the diversion of Scandinavian funds into financing the formation of a Geneva o f f i c e . One side perceives t h i s to be a s u p e r f l u o u s and w a s t e f u l e x p e n d i t u r e , u n d e r t a k e n primarily for reasons of personal p r e s t i g e . 2 1 Yet another r i f t experienced by the World C o u n c i l has r e s u l t e d i n the move of the Secretariat from Lethbridge to Ottawa. There i s r e l u c t a n c e on the par t of former WCIP Exec u t i v e s to d i s c u s s the move and present members of the Executive prefer to att r i b u t e l i t t l e s i g n i f i c a n c e to i t , but i t i s apparently i n d i c a t i v e of the ascendancy of one f a c t i o n over another. 2 2 There has been a s h i f t of power and possibly i n o v e r a l l d i r e c t i o n . I t seems that emphasis may have moved away form the o r g a n i z a t i o n ' s grassroots beginnings towards h i g h - p r o f i l e professional indigenous lobbying. S t i l l , i t i s too soon to know whether the exchange of one set of advantages f o r another, the s u b s t i t u t i o n of the n e u t r a l , indigenous surroundings of the U n i v e r s i t y of Lethbridge for the more central and accessible l o c a t i o n of the Canadian c a p i t a l , w i l l bode i l l or well for the organization i n the long run. I t may be that the World Council's decentralized nature c o n t r i b u t e s t o i n t e r n a l power s t r u g g l e s . I t s r e g i o n a l organizations c e r t a i n l y have a great deal of autonomy and separate i d e n t i t y , as do national member organizations, and because c e r t a i n schisms appear to be r i v a l r i e s for control of the organizational apparatus, i t does seem to be the case that the d e c e n t r a l i z e d s t r u c t u r e aggravates some problems that might have been avoided by a strong central command. However, one of the World Council's greatest strengths i s p r e c i s e l y t h i s d e c e n t r a l i z e d s t r u c t u r e , which allows f o r maximum grassroots p a r t i c i p a t i o n . There i s need for a balance between the requirement for centralized control and the necessity for the greatest possible p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The l a t e s t bouts of factionalism at the World Council are too recent to analyze f u l l y . At t h i s point i n time, i n t e r n a l d i v i s i o n , while undeniably present, does not seem to have I l l caused s i g n i f i c a n t weakening of the organization, although i t may have caused a s h i f t i n p r i o r i t i e s or methods. I t may be noted that the existence of factionalism i s evidence that the WCIP i s per c e i v e d by some indigenous l e a d e r s to be worth f i g h t i n g over; t h i s i n i t s e l f implies that the organization i s of some consequence. I t may be that the WCIP w i l l suffer decreased c r e d i b i l i t y or e f f e c t i v e n e s s because of i n t e r n a l contention. 6. Funding W h i l e governments have been the major f i n a n c i a l contributors to the WCIP, t h e i r involvement i n t h i s capacity has not compromised the organization's independence i n any appreciable way, as p r i o r i t i e s and projects are generated from within the organization by the needs of i t s constituency. The l i m i t e d amount of funding a v a i l a b l e , however has had a negat i v e e f f e c t on the World C o u n c i l ' s c a p a b i l i t i e s . The o r g a n i z a t i o n ' s budget i s not s u f f i c i e n t to allow i t the l a t i t u d e of operation that i t s directors would l i k e , although due to ongoing Norwegian and Canadian government grants i t i s assured of at l e a s t enough funding to maintain i t s current l e v e l o f a c t i v i t y i n t o the f o r e s e e a b l e f u t u r e . 2 3 I t s headquarters, research capacity, and lobbying a c t i v i t i e s are secure, but i n t e n s i t y of a c t i v i t y has been l i m i t e d . I t must be concluded that the state of the WCIP's funding leaves much to be desired; increased funding would c e r t a i n l y enhance i t s po t e n t i a l for success. 112 7. Self-Appraisal The WCIP S e c r e t a r i a t has made some attempts to examine the organization's goals and p r i o r i t i e s . The 1977-1981 "Four Year Report," prepared by the Secretariat, acknowledged a need f o r a reassessment of the o r g a n i z a t i o n ' s p h i l o s o p h y and ideology and f o r a review of membership to ensure that i t f u l l y endorses a l l t h a t the World C o u n c i l stands f o r . I t recognized t h a t o b j e c t i v e s and p r i o r i t i e s must be d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d t o and b a s e d on i n d i g e n o u s p h i l o s o p h y . 2 4 Unfortunately, the Report made no attempt to actually appraise the WCIP's work to that date. In a February 1984 newsletter a r t i c l e , the Secretariat drew attention to the glari n g lack of a clear strategy for the WCIP's g l o b a l campaign. The a r t i c l e pointed out that t h i s omission had resulted i n ce r t a i n contradictions i n po s i t i o n s b e i n g t a k e n and i n s t a t e m e n t s b e i n g i s s u e d by the organization, i n confusion about p r i o r i t i e s , and i n 'diverse expectations and perceptions of the role and functions of the S e c r e t a r i a t . " 2 5 A d d i t i o n a l l y , the a r t i c l e expressed concern over the degree of WCIP involvement i n the U.N. community. It stressed the need for c a r e f u l research and data c o l l e c t i o n on the U.N. and i t s various organs and agencies, on t h e i r roles and f u n c t i o n s , and on the p o l i t i c s within the p o l i t i c a l and bureaucratic sectors of these bodies, "with s p e c i a l attention given to the r e a l i t i e s of the decision-making process." I t recommended an assessment of the gains from U.N. lobbying i n terms of time and e f f o r t -- s e r i o u s c o n s i d e r a t i o n s f o r an organization with very li m i t e d resources. To accomplish such an assessment, the re p o r t suggested an examination of the experiences of other indigenous groups i n the U.N. system, "such as the Palestine Liberation Organization, the National A f r i c a n Congress of South A f r i c a , the Kanaks of New Caledonia, and the Micronesians." A n o t h e r a s p e c t o f U.N. i n v o l v e m e n t r e c o g n i z e d as requiring re-consideration was WCIP p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n other U.N.-NGO a c t i v i t i e s . The a r t i c l e noted that f a i l u r e to coordinate or divide labour among WCIP member organizations i n t h i s regard had r e s u l t e d i n d u p l i c a t e d e f f o r t s and wasted time. There i s the p o s s i b i l i t y of the WCIP becoming involved i n so many NGO a c t i v i t i e s that i t loses d i r e c t i o n , making i t es s e n t i a l that the o r g a n i z a t i o n develop f i r s t , a s p e c i f i c focus and strategy for lobbying,.and second, some c r i t e r i a for evaluating r e s u l t s achieved from such a c t i v i t y . To meet these needs a proposed Plan of Operation was put fo r t h by the Secretariat, i d e n t i f y i n g the p r i o r i t i e s of the WCIP and i t s "general goals and many short and long term objectives." The Plan defined the r o l e s of the Executive C o u n c i l , t h e S e c r e t a r i a t , and the i n d i v i d u a l member o r g a n i z a t i o n s and t h e i r n a t i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s . Regional coordination was also examined. 2 6 Unfortunately, there seems to have been no further action taken on t h i s matter; the Plan 114 was n e i t h e r adopted nor r e j e c t e d by the F o u r t h G e n e r a l Assembly i n 1984, and no mention of i t has since been made. However, the s t r u c t u r a l , procedural, and t a c t i c a l changes made during the Fourth General Assembly show that there have been e f f o r t s made to c o r r e c t some perceived shortcomings. Controversy over the role of the Secretariat was resolved by placing that body i n control of operations and p r i o r i t i e s . Incidents demanding immediate attention or r e l i e f — such as famine s i t u a t i o n s or u n j u s t imprisonment of i n d i g e n o u s dissidents — have been designated the top p r i o r i t i e s of the WCIP. More emphasis i s to be placed on d i r e c t lobbying and negotiation with government e l i t e s i n seeking r e c t i f i c a t i o n of wrongdoing. These adjustments i n d i c a t e that the WCIP i s w i l l i n g t o adapt i n whatever manner i s r e q u i r e d by i t s commitment to indigenous peoples. Such f l e x i b i l i t y indicates that the organization might be expected to r e t a i n the v i t a l i t y and sense of purpose that characterized i t at i t s inception. S t i l l , there i s a r e a l need for the World Council to conduct regular, systematic evaluations of i t s a c t i v i t i e s . This would ensure that resources are being u t i l i z e d i n a manner that best benefits the WCIP's constituency. 8. Targets A pressure group's t a r g e t s are more often a matter of necessity than of choice and consequently the WCIP has not been able to s e l e c t the sort of targets that contribute to success. The primary t a r g e t s of the WCIP are n a t i o n a l 115 governments, as these are the bodies which u s u a l l y have the g r e a t e s t i n f l u e n c e over c o n d i t i o n s faced by indigenous peoples. (In the case of Third World governments which are too i n e f f e c t i v e to overcome contradictory domestic or external pressures that adversely a f f e c t indigenous peoples, that i n f l u e n c e may be p o t e n t i a l rather than a c t u a l ) . National e l i t e s are among the most in t r a c t a b l e of targets for a human rights group which lacks economic means of suasion or i s less than r e s o u r c e - r i c h i n terms of c a p a b i l i t y , and f o r t h i s reason, the WCIP's chances f o r success are diminished by having t h i s p a r t i c u l a r target group to deal with. (Of course, t h i s i s a d i f f i c u l t y t hat i s encountered by most in t e r e s t groups.) The World Council's other primary target — i t s own c o n s t i t u e n c y -- stands to b e n e f i t from the organization's a c t i v i t i e s and i s therefore more e a s i l y influenced to support i t s programs and goals. Secondary t a r g e t s -- the United Nations, other intergovernment and non-governmental agencies, and the world p u b l i c -- may be somewhat more amenable to influence than national e l i t e s , as they do not have as great a stake i n the present d i s t r i b u t i o n of power and wealth i n the i n t e r n a t i o n a l system. C e r t a i n i n t e r n a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the WCIP's targets have a f f e c t e d the s u c c e s s the o r g a n i z a t i o n has had i n influencing them. I t i s generally the case that the WCIP has been more readi l y accepted i n i n d u s t r i a l advanced western-oriented countries than i n Third World countries. The targets that have been successfully induced to contribute f i n a n c i a l l y to the World Council and i t s regional a f f i l i a t e s are almost a l l based i n western i n d u s t r i a l i z e d c o u n t r i e s ( w i t h the exceptions of the governments of Guyana and Panama). 2 7 The difference i n attitude of governments of developed c o u n t r i e s as opposed to less-developed c o u n t r i e s i s also manifest i n t h e i r respective responses to indigenous p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y w i t h i n t h e i r c o u n t r i e s . Western governments f r e q u e n t l y s u p p o r t and even fund i n d i g e n o u s p o l i t i c a l organization, while Third World governments tend to take steps to i n h i b i t such development. For example, most o f the delegates to the Port Alberni founding conference represented organizations which had the funding and acquiescence of t h e i r home governments f o r t h e i r i n t e r n a t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s . The Maori delegates represented a body which was e s t a b l i s h e d by l e g i s l a t i o n -- the New Zealand Maori Council — and which receives annual grants from the New Zealand government. 2 8 In contrast, some delegates from South America had to be almost smuggled out of t h e i r countries or had to leave under f a l s e pretenses, and communication with c e r t a i n delegates was almost impossible due to government monitoring of mail. B r a z i l did not allow i t s Indian representatives to leave the country to attend the conference. 2 9 The three Paraguayan delegates and t h e i r i n t e r p r e t e r s were r e p o r t e d l y a r r e s t e d , j a i l e d , and tortured shortly after t h e i r return from the conference as a 117 r e s u l t of t h e i r involvement i n the movement to promote l e g a l rights for Paraguay's native p e o p l e s . 3 0 Because Central and South America are the c r i s i s areas of i n d i g e n o u s r i g h t s v i o l a t i o n s , i t i s u n l i k e l y t h a t organizational i n i t i a t i v e to form a body such as WCIP could have come from these areas, where indigenous l e a d e r s are hindered from t a k i n g e f f e c t i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n a l a c t i o n by p h y s i c a l r e s t r a i n t , lack of funding, of opportunity, and of experience. As the WCIP "Four Year Report" acknowledges, the t h r e a t posed by e f f e c t i v e indigenous o r g a n i z a t i o n to the entrenched authorities of Central and South America, where the indigenous p o p u l a t i o n i s a numerical m a j o r i t y , enkindles v i o l e n t opposition to WCIP involvement with indigenous leaders t h e r e . 3 1 The World C o u n c i l must move c a u t i o u s l y and dipl o m a t i c a l l y i n countries such as Guatemala and Nicaragua, l e s t i t s e f f o r t s on behalf of i t s constituents backfire and re s u l t i n increased repression of the people i t seeks to aid. On the other hand, the cumulative e f f e c t of the funding from a number of western governments made the founding of the WCIP p o s s i b l e . The f a c t t h a t government s p o n s o r e d , p o l i t i c a l l y autonomous indigenous a c t i v i t i e s i s f a i r l y common i n western i n d u s t r i a l i z e d countries may be i n d i c a t i v e of a r e c o g n i t i o n by governments that n a t i v e p o p u l a t i o n s have survived as d i s t i n c t p o l i t i c a l communities, that they have not been and w i l l not be integrated into the p o l i t i c a l l i f e of the 118 state, and that stable means of p o l i t i c a l accommodation, other than integration and assimilation, must be sought. 3 2 9. T a c t i c s In c a r r y i n g out the resource-generating a c t i v i t i e s of fund-raising and constituency-mobilizing, the WCIP has met the p r e c o n d i t i o n s necessary f o r i t to engage i n goal-directed t a c t i c s . The t a c t i c s used by the WCIP, di s c u s s e d i n the previous chapter, are researching and reporting, p u b l i c i t y -seeking, using United Nations consultative s t a t u s and other governmental connections, addressing resolutions to targets, coordinating a c t i v i t i e s with s i m i l a r l y i n t e r e s t e d agencies, h o l d i n g meetings, sponsoring workshops and li m i t e d projects, and engaging i n d i r e c t lobbying of and n e g o t i a t i o n w i t h governments. Of these, researching and reporting, conducting workshops and p r o j e c t s , l o b b y i n g , and n e g o t i a t i o n are the W o r l d C o u n c i l ' s p r i n c i p a l methods o f employing i t s i n t e r n a t i o n a l c a p a c i t y . S i n c e i t seeks to a l t e r both p a r t i c u l a r situations and, i n the long run, the international s o c i o p o l i t i c a l environment, the WCIP aims i t s t a c t i c s at e l i t e s and masses, p r i m a r y and secon d a r y t a r g e t s , as appropriate. a. Research: Central among the World Council's p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s are re s e a r c h i n g and r e p o r t i n g f a c t s about the c o n d i t i o n s e n c o u n t e r e d by indigenous peoples and about v i o l a t i o n s of t h e i r r i g h t s . The WCIP, through i t s central and regional s e c r e t a r i a t s and member organizations, has conducted 119 numerous extensive studies on a multitude of issues of concern to a b o r i g i n a l peoples. I t has accumulated a data base and developed the e x p e r t i s e and contacts that together impart c r e d i b i l i t y and a u t h o r i t y to i t s r e p o r t s , statements, and recommendations on s p e c i f i c situations and issues. The WCIP's res e a r c h c a p a b i l i t i e s are the base f o r i t s other t a c t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y for lobbying and negotiating. R eports submitted by WCIP member o r g a n i z a t i o n s vary widely i n degree of d e t a i l and militancy. Members from Canada and A u s t r a l i a , for example, are l i k e l y to make more scathing observations and evaluations, more concrete demands, and more vehement d e c l a r a t i o n s than are members from B o l i v i a or Argentina. Greater b u r e a u c r a t i c c a p a b i l i t i e s , a n a l y t i c a l s k i l l s , l e v e l s of education a t t a i n e d , and a v a i l a b i l i t y of economic resources account for the higher degree of p o l i t i c a l s o p h i s t i c a t i o n and the s u p e r i o r r e p o r t i n g t h a t come from members from developed s t a t e s . Variance i n the tone o f reports may also be affected by the p o s s i b i l i t y of threats of r e p r i s a l t hat r e p o r t e r s may encounter i n c o u n t r i e s where indigenous peoples are subjected to p h y s i c a l r e p r e s s i o n . Those preparing reports i n such countries may deem i t shrewd to be l e s s outspoken than would be possible i n countries where human rights are enshrined. Even with subdued r e p o r t i n g , i n d i c a t i o n s are that the World Council's research endeavors have been important i n b r i n g i n g indigenous i s s u e s to the 120 attention of authorities that might have some bearing on their outcome. b. Publicity: The use of publicity to educate the world public about indigenous issues and demands so as to bring pressure to bear on target governments has been a less-than-skillfully-employed method of influence for the World Council. Although the WCIP has on occasion used l e t t e r - w r i t i n g campaigns and mass petitions to seek p u b l i c i t y , with the exception of the excellent and comprehensive though short-lived newsletter, publication by the central secretariat of materials for public consumption has been somewhat neglected, as have other public relations techniques. 3 3 For instance, the week-long founding conference attained only minimal coverage i n the Vancouver Sun, B r i t i s h Columbia's most prominent newspaper, and in the nationally popular Toronto Globe and Mail, "partly as a result of the conference's r e s t r i c t i o n s on the p r e s s . " 3 4 The l o c a l indigenous paper making this comment held out l i t t l e hope that the organization would be heard from again. Fortunately for the WCIP, this pessimism was unfounded. More s k i l l f u l u t i l i z a t i o n of the news media on the part of the organization would l i k e l y have avoided such perceptions and benefitted i t s cause as well. One of the few instances of the WCIP attracting useful media coverage was during negotiations on patriation of the Canadian Constitution. According to Marie Marule, who was Secretariat Coordinator at the time, the WCIP in concert with national indigenous support groups succeeded i n s t i r r i n g up c o n s i d e r a b l e media a t t e n t i o n w hich r e s u l t e d i n the mobilization of a nation-wide and i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y - s u p p o r t e d protest on behalf of Canada's native peoples, whose interests were b e i n g v i r t u a l l y i g n o r e d by a l l p a r t i e s t o t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n a l process.35 ^ second incident which gained the WCIP some media coverage was Sami a c t i v i s t N i l s Somby's i l l e g a l entrance to Canada to avoid a r r e s t by Norwegian authorities for alleged t e r r o r i s t a c t i v i t i e s . The indigenous 'Nuxalk Nation' of B r i t i s h Columbia adopted Somby according to t r a d i t i o n a l practices and claimed that he could not be taken i n t o custody by Canadian authorities because as a member of that t r i b e , he was no longer subject to Canadian immigration laws. The World C o u n c i l ' s p o s i t i o n on the matter of the Nuxalk Nation's competency to grant Somby immunity from Canadian law was widely publicized (at l e a s t within Canada), b r i e f l y focusing the attention of the public on the WCIP and i t s views. 3 6 Publicity-seeking i s an important a c t i v i t y for the WCIP, for only by making known the p l i g h t of indigenous peoples, by changing the understanding of the world public of indigenous issues, and by creating widespread support for i t s philosophy and programmes, may s u f f i c i e n t pressure by brought to bear on national governments to make a difference to the indigenous p o s i t i o n . As i t s newsletter was the WCIP's best p u b l i c r e l a t i o n s instrument, i t i s l i k e l y that t h i s i s an area to which i t w i l l again d i r e c t resources when funding permits. c. U.N. C o n s u l t a t i v e Status and Other Governmental Connections: The WCIP has made extensive use of i t s formal ECOSOC Consultative Status to put pressure on errant national governments and to gain support for i t s programmes. The U.N. stamp of o f f i c i a l r e c o g n i t i o n c o n t r i b u t e s to the WCIP's legitimacy and authority i n the eyes of the world, making the organization a more l i k e l y candidate f o r funding and other t y p e s o f s u p p o r t . The U.N. has r e s p o n d e d to WCIP recommendations, p r o p o s a l s , and p r o t e s t s i n p a r t by i n s t i t u t i n g i n 1982 a Working Group on Indigenous Populations through the ECOSOC's Commission on Human R i g h t s ' Sub-Commission on the Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of M i n o r i t i e s . 3 7 The World Council has taken a leading role i n representing indigenous perspectives at meetings of t h i s Working Group (although several other indigenous groups are also involved), and seems to enjoy the highest status of any indigenous peoples group i n U.N. c i r c l e s . 3 8 The Working Group has used the WCIP's D r a f t I n t e r n a t i o n a l Convention on the R i g h t s o f Indigenous Peoples, a statement regarding the po s i t i o n and demands of indigenous peoples, as a s t a r t i n g point for i t s own a c t i v i t i e s . 3 9 The prestige that the World C o u n c i l enjoys w i t h i n the U.N. network ensures t h a t i t s representative have standing i n the int e r n a t i o n a l arena. 123 Direct connections with government o f f i c i a l s have a l s o been s i g n i f i c a n t to the World C o u n c i l ' s work, as i s i l l u s t r a t e d by the ongoing d i s c u s s i o n s between WCIP representatives and Nicaraguan government o f f i c i a l s which have resulted i n the a l l e v i a t i o n of c e r t a i n pressures on indigenous p e o p l e s o f t h a t c o u n t r y . Other f o r m a l and i n f o r m a l connections with national e l i t e s have also proven u s e f u l i n the past, allowing the WCIP to benefit at l e a s t some of i t s constituents. d. R e s o l u t i o n s : The use o f the recommendation or resolution to present demands i n f o r c e f u l and concise terms i s another r e l a t i v e l y important method of influence used by the WCIP. Resolutions have been generated by the WCIP on issues ranging from genocide i n Guatemala to the maintenance of a nuclear-free P a c i f i c . A p a r t i c u l a r l y dramatic example of t h i s technique may be seen i n the Draft International Covenant on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, which may be one of the most s i g n i f i c a n t of the WCIP's c o n t r i b u t i o n s to the indigenous rights movement. This document, which incorporates a l l the ri g h t s native peoples perceive themselves to have that require s p e c i a l p r o t e c t i o n under i n t e r n a t i o n a l law, takes a form s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t from the majority of WCIP resolutions, but amounts to the same thing, i n that i t i s a statement of policy and p o s i t i o n . The Covenant has the p o t e n t i a l to become the c e n t e r p i e c e of s p e c i a l human r i g h t s claims on b e h a l f of indigenous peoples i n the same way that the International B i l l 124 of Human Rights o c c u p i e s t h i s p o s i t i o n w i t h r e g a r d to un i v e r s a l l y held human ri g h t s . The Covenant's importance to the future of the s t r u g g l e f o r indigenous r i g h t s had been widely acknowledged by inte r n a t i o n a l a u t h o r i t i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y by the U.N.'s Working Group on Indigenous Populations. The D r a f t Covenant i s a prime example of a resolution used to focus international a t t e n t i o n on an i s s u e of great c o n c e r n , and as i s o f t e n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the 'grand gesture,' i t i s somewhat u n r e a l i s t i c i n the magnitude of what i t sets put to embrace. I t i s a r a d i c a l document, demanding as i t does that governments surrender control over land and resources, over education and language, over p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , and over other assorted powers that s t a t e s currently exercise with respect to indigenous peoples l i v i n g within t h e i r t e r r i t o r i e s . The Covenant also proposes a r a t i f i c a t i o n procedure that permits not only states but also indigenous peoples to r a t i f y the Covenant, so that a s t a t e would be bound to honor the Covenant i f i t had been signed by an indigenous people l i v i n g wholly or p a r t l y w i t h i n i t s boundaries. This provision i s blatantly incompatible with the concept of state sovereignty. While the Covenant i s u n l i k e l y to win state approval because of i t s r a d i c a l content, i t i s nevertheless an important instrument f o r c r e a t i n g g r e a t e r i n t e r n a t i o n a l r e c o g n i t i o n , promotion, and p r o t e c t i o n of indigenous r i g h t s , having been published as a statement of the indigenous p o s i t i o n i n books, for d i s t r i b u t i o n at intere s t 125 group meetings, and by U.N. committees conc e r n e d w i t h indigenous matters, among the other p l a c e s . 4 0 e. Meetings: Meetings are not only necessary functional operations, but as Hudson has suggested, they may be used t a c t i c a l l y t o a i d i n l e g i t i m i z i n g and p u b l i c i z i n g an organization's purpose and a c t i v i t i e s . P a r a l l e l s can be drawn between Hudson's prototypes and the three types of meeting common to the WCIP. His "manifestation" i s i l l u s t r a t e d by the World C o u n c i l ' s 1975 founding conference. There have been few, i f any, other gatherings of such h i g h p r o f i l e and symbolic s i g n i f i c a n c e to the cause of indigenous rights as the f i r s t coming together of indigenous peoples from a l l over the world. Unfortunately, the p u b l i c i t y gained from t h i s meeting was le s s than overwhelming; as noted, newspaper accounts were ra t h e r d i s a p p o i n t i n g , at lea s t i n Canada. S t i l l , i t was a most s i g n i f i c a n t gathering f o r the WCIP and f o r indigenous peoples i n general, even i f i t was not completely e f f e c t i v e i n announcing to targets that a challenge to t h e i r authority was imminent. The "congress" f i n d s i t s p a r a l l e l i n the WCIP General Assembly, where delegates from the World C o u n c i l ' s f i v e regions meet to discuss broad p o l i c y matters. At the most recent General Assembly, main topics of d i s c u s s i o n included o v e r a l l d i r e c t i o n of the organization, i d e o l o g i c a l issues, and p l a n s f o r drawing up a statement o f p u r p o s e . 4 1 These discussions did not re s u l t i n any substantive decisions, as i s 126 t y p i c a l of the 'congress' type of meeting, but the meeting did serve to renew and confirm the WCIP's mandate and thereby remind targets of the WCIP's legitimacy. The "symposium" or "colloquium" corresponds to the WCIP Executive Council meetings held at le a s t twice yearly. I t i s at t h e s e meetings t h a t p o l i c y i s confirmed, s t r a t e g y i s determined, and t a c t i c s are decided upon. Without these meetings, events would out-pace the organization's a b i l i t y to respond, and i t s usefulness would be s e v e r e l y c o n s t r a i n e d . (The new powers of the Secretariat also help to ensure that the WCIP i s not l e f t behind by events.). f. Coordination of A c t i v i t i e s : The WCIP has an extensive network of contacts with i n t e r n a t i o n a l , t r a n s n a t i o n a l , and n a t i o n a l governmental and non-governmental agencies with concerns s i m i l a r to i t s own, yet i s has made l i t t l e use of such co n t a c t s i n terms of co-sponsoring a c t i v i t i e s such as conferences, p r o j e c t s , and lobbying e f f o r t s , i n order to augment i t s own a u t h o r i t y and i n t e n s i t y and to extend i t s range of influence. This i s c e r t a i n l y an area i n which the World Council i s weak. g. Workshops and Projects: Workshops and limited-scope projects or conferences are frequently used and highly v i s i b l e methods by which the WCIP e x e r c i s e s i t s i n t e r n a t i o n a l capacity. A great many of these a c t i v i t i e s serve educational purposes and a i d i n d i s s e m i n a t i n g i n f o r m a t i o n to various targets about the WCIP's philosophy and programs. S t i l l other 127 such e n t e r p r i s e s , somtimes undertaken i n c o n j u n c t i o n with c o m p a t i b l e i n d i g e n o u s s u p p o r t groups, p r o v i d e d i r e c t assistance to s p e c i f i c indigenous groups i n need of f i n a n c i a l , organizational, t e c h n i c a l , or other aid. Examples of projects of t h i s type are the Cooperative Shop Project and Educational and Commercial Exchange Projects for Native Peoples of Mexico, co-sponsored by the WCIP and i t s Central American s e c r e t a r i a t . h. Lobbying and N e g o t i a t i o n : D i r e c t lobbying of or negotiation with national governments are used with increasing frequency and success by the WCIP i n defense of indigenous r i g h t s . I t was decided at the l a s t General Assembly to engage i n these types of a c t i v i t i e s on a more regular and intensive b a s i s . 4 2 This decision was a response to the perceived need for rapid and decisive action i n countries where indigenous peoples and i n d i v i d u a l s are most severely persecuted. The WCIP hopes to a f f e c t t a n g i b l y the c u l t u r a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l e m a n c i p a t i o n o f t h e s e p a r t i e s as r a p i d l y as possible. I t i s often d i f f i c u l t to know with certainty i f protest a c t i o n s and ongoing n e g o t i a t i o n s have any e f f e c t on the attitudes of governments. Often there i s no apparent impact. On the other hand, i t may be that at l e a s t some government o f f i c i a l s are made aware o f i n d i g e n o u s i s s u e s by WCIP a c t i v i t i e s . An example of successful lobbying by the WCIP i s the p r o t e s t a g a i n s t the government of Canada during the i n i t i a l d r a f t i n g of that country's new c o n s t i t u t i o n , when 128 native peoples affected were not consulted regarding content. The objections voiced by the WCIP and other indigenous groups received s i g n i f i c a n t public support, r e s u l t i n g i n subsequent c o n s u l t a t i o n between the government and Canadian n a t i v e peoples; though the outcome was less than s a t i s f a c t o r y to the i n d i g e n o u s ' F i r s t N a t i o n s , ' at l e a s t a r e s p o n s e was e v i d e n t . 4 3 A more dramatic example of successful negotiation i s v i s i b l e i n the p o s i t i v e response of Nicaragua's Sandanista government to the WCIP's bid to better the p o s i t i o n of the Miskitu Indians of that country. Such a v i c t o r y validates the WCIP's raison d'etre. i . Supplementary T a c t i c s : There are at l e a s t two supplementary t a c t i c s which have been employed by the WCIP from time to time. In occasional emergency s i t u a t i o n s , the World Council has f i n a n c i a l l y or otherwise aided indigenous i n d i v i d u a l s faced with persecution from national governments to escape l i f e - t h r e a t e n i n g danger. Such in s t a n c e s are not r e v e a l e d t o the p u b l i c and are g e n e r a l l y known only to Executive Council members and to key organization workers who have been d i r e c t l y involved. This secrecy i s necessary for a number of reasons, but p a r t i c u l a r l y to insure the s a f e t y of i n d i v i d u a l s i n v o l v e d and f o r the sake of ongoing relations with the n a t i o n a l governments i n v o l v e d . The a b i l i t y to respond e f f e c t i v e l y to such c r i s e s seems to i n d i c a t e a f l e x i b i l i t y which might c o n t r i b u t e to the World C o u n c i l ' s success i n meeting the needs of i t s constituents. 129 The other supplementary t a c t i c used by the World Council i n v o l v e s c l a i m i n g success f o r a c t i v i t i e s which were not necessarily successful. This t a c t i c of l a s t resort i s l i k e l y aimed at enhancing the WCIP's reputation or v i s i b i l i t y i n hope that subsequent a c t i v i t i e s w i l l receive more attention or have more impact than did previous ones. 4 4 There i s , however, a danger t h a t employing t h i s t a c t i c w i l l i n f a c t lead to a decline i n the organization's c r e d i b i l i t y . Conclusions Analysis of the World Council's performance i n r e l a t i o n t o the elements of s u c c e s s r e v e a l s the s t r e n g t h s and weaknesses o f the o r g a n i z a t i o n and the reasons f o r i t s p o t e n t i a l and actual success. The WCIP's strengths l i e i n i t s perceived legitimacy, and i n i t s s k i l l f u l use of c e r t a i n t a c t i c s , namely research and r e p o r t i n g , governmental c o n t a c t s , r e s o l u t i o n s , meetings, workshops, projects, lobbying, and negotiation. "• The other elements o f s u c c e s s , purpose and g o a l s , s t r u c t u r e and dynamics, support base, and targets are areas i n which the WCIP has both strengths and weaknesses. The r a d i c a l nature of the o r g a n i z a t i o n ' s purpose and long-term goals makes the p o t e n t i a l for achieving them s l i g h t ; short-term goals are less c o n t r o v e r s i a l and should be more e a s i l y a t t a i n e d . The apparent ascendancy of the S e c r e t a r i a t over the Executive C o u n c i l , and i n t e r n a l c o n t e n t i o n over the make-up of the 130 Executive Council and over the manner i n which indigenous p e o p l e s a re represented by n a t i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s or by regional bodies, weaken the WCIP i n terms of s t r u c t u r e and i n t e r n a l dynamics, while other s t r u c t u r a l features seemingly contribute to organization's s t r e n g t h . The e x i s t e n c e of a broad support base should contribute to the WCIP's success, but i t may also contribute to i n c r e a s i n g the h o s t i l i t y and i n t r a c t a b i l i t y of target governments which are threatened by the extent of the o r g a n i z a t i o n ' s s u p p o r t . T a r g e t s are d i c t a t e d by the organization's purpose and cannot be chosen f o r optimum ' a p p r o a c h a b i l i t y ' or ' r e c e p t i v i t y . ' Having n a t i o n a l governments as primary targets i s not conducive to success, f o r they stand to l o s e some degree of power and i n f l u e n c e by a c q u i e s c i n g to WCIP demands. I n t e r n a t i o n a l bodies and the indigenous peoples of the world are more accessible and promising targets, the f i r s t because they have l e s s at stake than n a t i o n a l governments, and the second because they have much to gain from the WCIP's campaign. Funding, factionalism, s e l f - a p p r a i s a l , and the t a c t i c s of publicity-seeking and cooperation are the areas i n which the WCIP i s weakest. The organization might improve i t s chances f o r successfully attaining i t s goals by s e l e c t i v e l y focusing i t s energies on improving i t s performance with respect to these elements. 131 Notes 1. S a l l y M. Weaver, "Indian Government: A Concept i n Need of D e f i n i t i o n , " i n L i t t l e Bear et a l . , p. 63. 2. Sanders, "Formation," p. 22. 3. Sanders, "Discussion," p. 10. 4. Ibid, p. 11. 5. Ibid, p. 7-11. 6. Ibid, p. 7. 7. Marie Smallface Marule, interview, Sept. 19, 1984. 8. Chiang, p. 169, note 122. The date of t h i s protest i s given as 1974, but the WCIP was not formed u n t i l the following year. 9. See WCIP Newsletter, Dec. 1982, p. 25. 10. Sanders, "Discussion," p. 13. 11. "Preliminary Report," p. 3. 12. Nesika, Nov.-Dec. 1975, pp. 5-7. 13. I b i d . Canada's d e l e g a t e s were George Manuel, National Indian Brotherhood President, who represented status Indians; G l o r i a George, National Council of Canada President, who represented Metis and Non-status Indians; and George Watts, former Union o f B r i t i s h Columbia Indian C h i e f s E x e c u t i v e , who replaced a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f the I n d i a n Brotherhood of Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s , who could not attend, who i n turn was to have replaced the President of the I n u i t T a p i r i s a t , who was not interested i n attending. 14. K a i n a i News, Jan. 2, 1984. This matter i s also mentioned i n the "Four Year Report," i - i i i . 15. Marule interview. 16. Ibid. 17. L i t t l e Bear et a l . , xx. 18. Marule i n t e r v i e w ; George Manuel, quoted i n Kainai News, Jan. 2, 1984. 132 19. Kainai News, Jan. 2, 1984. 20. Marule interview; and Contreras interview. 21. Ibid. 22. This impression was given by Marie Marule and i n discussion, by an anonymous former WCIP employee. 23. Contreras interview. 24. "Four Year Report," i i . 25. WCIP Newsletter, Feb. 1984, pp. 50-51. 26. Ibid. 27. "ECOSOC Application," pp. 9-12. 28. Sanders, "Formation," p. 15. 29. Nesika, Nov. - Dec. 1975. 30. Nesika, March-April 1976; Ha S h i l t h Sa, March 30, 1976. 31. Sanders, "Formation," p. 15. 32. "Four Year Report," i . 33. For example, the Secretariat headquarters i n Ottawa rar e l y seems to be open. The interviewer who eventually spoke with Rodrigo Contreras made many attempts to tal k to someone i n the WCIP who could grant an interview. Even aft e r making an appointment, she found the o f f i c e to be closed upon her a r r i v a l . 34. Nesika, Nov. - Dec. 1975. 35. This c l a i m , made by Marie Marule, may be somewhat i n f l a t e d . Many Canadian indigenous groups were i n v o l v e d i n lobbying a c t i v i t y at t h i s time. I t i s d i f f i c u l t to know ju s t how much influence the WCIP contributed to the o v e r a l l e f f o r t . I t should be noted that i n claiming success for questionable success, Ms. Marule i s employing what amounts to a l a s t - d i t c h t a c t i c for influence. 36. Marie Marule i n d i c a t e d during the interview that p u b l i c i t y had been nation-wide. One newspaper which provided coverage was the Lethbridge Herald, Oct. 13, 1984. 37. This assertion was made by Marie Marule. 133 38. WCIP Newsletter, Dec. 1982, pp. 23-24. 39. I s m a e l i l l o and Robin Wright, p. 164. 40. See WCIP Newsletter, Dec. 1982, p. 23. 41. Contreras interview. 42. Ibid. 43. Marule interview. 44. Interview with anonymous former WCIP employee. 45. See Chapter Three, note 46 and above, note 35. 134 CHAPTER SIX THE WCIP'S SUCCESS AN AS INTERNATIONAL PRESSURE GROUP By explaining the strengths and weaknesses of the WCIP, the previous chapter has answered the question "why has or has not the WCIP been a success?" This chapter w i l l discuss the n a t u r e and e x t e n t o f the s u c c e s s the World C o u n c i l of Indigenous Peoples has met i n i t s r o l e as an t r a n s n a t i o n a l pressure group by answering the four questions posed at the outset of t h i s analysis. Those questions were: Has the WCIP succeeded i n encouraging the m o b i l i z a t i o n of indigenous support for indigenous causes; has i t affected the emergence and c o n s o l i d a t i o n of indigenous p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y ? Have there been p o l i c y s h i f t s or concessions won from n a t i o n a l governments due to the a c t i v i t i e s of the WCIP? Have bodies such as the United Nations adjusted t h e i r programmes and p o l i c i e s to coincide with WCIP demands? To what extent has the WCIP succeeded i n e f f e c t i n g changes i n the p o l i t i c a l , economic, and s o c i a l conditions of the peoples i t seeks to benefit? Success as Indigenous P o l i t i c a l A c t i v i t y Has the WCIP succeeded i n encouraging the mobilization of indigenous support for indigenous causes; how has i t affected emergence and consolidation of indigenous p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y ? The World C o u n c i l ' s s u c c e s s i n s t i m u l a t i n g indigenous p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y and i n mobilizing a constituency has been 135 quite extensive. I t has motivated the emergence of numerous p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s - i n South and Central America, i n A u s t r a l i a , and i n the P a c i f i c Islands. Through i t s regional a f f i l i a t e s i t has assisted various indigenous communities to organize p o l i t i c a l l y , s u p p l y i n g t r a i n i n g and support and a i d i n g i n l o c a t i n g funding sources. Most s i g n i f i c a n t l y , i t has succeeded i n d e f i n i n g and d i r e c t i n g a t r a n s n a t i o n a l movement which may i n time achieve i t s objectives. W h i l e f u l l e s t s u c c e s s w i t h r e s p e c t t o i t s t a r g e t constituency might e n t a i l the mobilization of a sing l e , united front composed of a l l the indigenous peoples of the world, o r g a n i z e d so as t o b e s t cope w i t h the r e a l i t i e s of int e r n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c s , t h i s i s at best an u n l i k e l y scenario. The d i v e r s i t y of peoples and the l o g i s t i c a l d i f f i c u l t i e s that would be encountered by a genuinely universal movement would l i k e l y make such a movement impossible. The actual success with which the WCIP has met thus far i n regard to i t s target c o n s t i t u e n c y s h o u l d t h e r e f o r e be r e c o g n i z e d as t r u l y s i g n i f i c a n t . Success as Concessions From National Governments Have there been po l i c y s h i f t s or concessions won from national governments due to the a c t i v i t i e s of the WCIP? A few concessions and p o l i c y s h i f t s by governments i n response to WCIP e f f o r t s have been v i s i b l e . The Nicaraguan governments' a l t e r a t i o n of i t s p o l i c y towards i t s indigenous peoples i s an 136 obvious example, and probably represents the WCIP's greatest s u ccess with respect to the f i r s t of i t s t a r g e t groups, national governments. Other instances of success with respect to t h i s group, such as the government of Canada's y i e l d i n g to pressure to consult with indigenous groups p r i o r to p a t r i a t i n g t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n , are not as d r a m a t i c or as o b v i o u s l y a t t r i b u t a b l e s o l e l y to the WCIP's work. F u l l e s t success with respect to target governments would e n t a i l the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l recognition by those governments of a l l the s o c i a l , c u l t u r a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l rights of indigenous peoples that are demanded by the concept of s e l f -determination (as interpreted by the WCIP). This would mean adjustments to the e x i s t i n g structure of states to accommodate the ' F i r s t Peoples' as d i s t i n c t communities with s p e c i a l r i g h t s . The WCIP's success i n influencing target governments has been on a much lesser scale, primarily serving secondary or short-term objectives which do not require any fundamental changes i n the attitudes of governments. Examples of lesser s u c c e s s v i s - a v i s n a t i o n a l governments i n c l u d e s u c h achievements as persuading the governments of Norway and Canada to fund WCIP a c t i v i t i e s . The fact that t h i s funding i s only s u f f i c i e n t f o r a 'bare-bones' operation indicates that t h e World C o u n c i l ' s s u c c e s s i n i n f l u e n c i n g n a t i o n a l governments, even i n minor ways, has been modest indeed. 137 Success As Poli c y Changes by the United Nations Have bodies such as the United Nations adjusted t h e i r programmes and p o l i c i e s t o c o i n c i d e with WCIP demands? International bodies, the U.N. i n p a r t i c u l a r , have i n s t i t u t e d c e r t a i n l i m i t e d programmatical changes i n response to WCIP demands. Perhaps the most important such development was the WCIP's i n f l u e n c e on the formation of the United Nations' Working Group on Indigenous Populations, which has continued to look to the World C o u n c i l to represent the indigenous perspective on issues within the Working Group's mandate. The f u l l e s t success possible with regard to international bodies would be for indigenous peoples to be recognized by them as having c e r t a i n rights to self-determination, as far as that i s possible within the context of e x i s t i n g states. This would encourage national governments to y i e l d to aboriginal peoples those p o l i t i c a l , economic, s o c i a l , and t e r r i t o r i a l r ights necessary for them to ex i s t as d i s t i n c t peoples. The World Council's successes i n t h i s area are, once more, on a much l e s s e r s c a l e , but even such l i m i t e d achievements as gaining ECOSOC st a t u s and being i n v i t e d to p a r t i c i p a t e on various UN committees concerned with indigenous issues should a s s i s t i n f o s t e r i n g the development of an i n t e r n a t i o n a l environment r e c e p t i v e to the concept of indigenous s e l f -determination. 138 Success As New Advantages for Indigenous Peoples To what extent has the WCIP succeeded i n e f f e c t i n g changes i n the p o l i t i c a l , economic, and s o c i a l conditions of the peoples i t seeks to benefit? The World Council's progress i n changing the conditions of i t s intended b e n e f i c i a r i e s i s d i f f i c u l t to ascertain as there i s l i t t l e i f any documentation describing substantive improvements i n the l i v e s of indigenous peoples. The Nicaraguan government's c a p i t u l a t i o n on WCIP demands concerning the treatment of i t s indigenous peoples should have resulted i n new advantages for them, but there i s no confirmation available that improvements have taken place. Other instances of improved conditions for native peoples are as d i f f i c u l t to detect, or to at t r i b u t e to WCIP e f f o r t s . Even though there have allegedly been cases of the World C o u n c i l a i d i n g indigenous i n d i v i d u a l s d i r e c t l y i n p a r t i c u l a r c r i s e s s i t u a t i o n s , lack of proof makes i t impossible for the WCIP to claim success with respect to i t s constituents. Ideally, success i n changing the conditions experienced by t a r g e t b e n e f i c i a r i e s would r e s u l t i n the r e a l i z a t i o n of s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n f o r a l l i n d i g e n o u s p e o p l e s , t h e establishment of economic v i a b i l i t y of indigenous communities, and the elimination of a l l s o c i a l i n e q u a l i t i e s and o u t r i g h t persecution currently faced by indigenous peoples. However, any tangible benefit that might be delivered to an indigenous people or i n d i v i d u a l a t t r i b u t a b l e to WCIP e f f o r t s would not be 139 t r i v i a l , for i f a single l i f e were to be improved upon even s l i g h t l y , success would be r e a l i z e d . The World C o u n c i l o f Indigenous Peoples: An A n a l y s i s of  P o l i t i c a l Protest The WCIP's chief success has been i n respect to i t s own constituency. Its p r i n c i p a l achievements have been to unify and m o b i l i z e a broad c o n s t i t u e n t base, t o a i d i n the development of various indigenous p o l i t i c a l organizations, to a r r i v e at a widely agreed upon formulation of what indigenous peoples want i n terms of self-determination as nations, and to e s t a b l i s h i t s e l f as a legitimate representative of indigenous peoples and thus ensure i t s continuing existence. There has been le s s success i n terms of influencing national governments and i n t e r n a t i o n a l bodies, and p r a c t i c a l l y no s u c c e s s i n winning new advantages for i t s constituency. These f a i l i n g s point to the conclusion that i n absolute terms, the World C o u n c i l does not wield any r e a l p o l i t i c a l power. I t i s a r e l a t i v e l y young organization, however, and i t may be that i t has taken the f i r s t steps towards building what could someday become a p o l i t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t organization. The World Council of Indigenous Peoples 1 contribution to aboriginal rights must be judged q u a l i t a t i v e l y r a t h e r than q u a n t i t a t i v e l y . In i t s f i r s t decade of operation, i t has defined a standard, assembled a support base, and established an ongoing framework for influence which has the p o t e n t i a l to 140 bring about substantive changes i n the i n t e r a c t i o n pattern of th e g l o b a l p o l i t i c a l system. A l t h o u g h impact may be undramatic and slow, inroads have been made. I t remains to be seen whether the challenge can be sustained. Bibliography Asch, Michael. Home and Native Land: Aboriginal Rights and  t h e C a n a d i a n C o n s t i t u t i o n . T o r o n t o : Methuen Publications, 1984. 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Oct. 13, 1984. L i t t l e Bear, Leroy, Menno Boldt, and J. Anthony Long, eds.. Pathways to Self-Determination: Canadian Indians and the Canadian S t a t e . Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984. Luard, Evan. The International Protection of Human Rights. London: Thames and Hudson, 1967. Manuel, George. "Report on the World Council of Indigenous Peoples." World C o u n c i l of Indigenous Peoples, Jan. 1977. Photocopy. Marule, Marie Smallface. Interview with author, Lethbridge, Alberta, Sept. 19, 1984. Mower, Glen A. The United States, The United Nations, and  Human Rights. London: Greenwood Press, 197 9. 143 N e s i k a . N o v . - D e c . 1975; M a r c h - A p r i l , 1976. O f f i c e o f P u b l i c I n f o r m a t i o n . A C o m p i l a t i o n o f I n t e r n a t i o n a l  I n s t r u m e n t s o f t h e U n i t e d N a t i o n s . New Y o r k : U . N . P u b l i c a t i o n s , 1973. O n u f , N . G . and V . S p i k e P e t e r s o n . "Human R i g h t s From an I n t e r n a t i o n a l R e g i m e s P e r s p e c t i v e . " J o u r n a l o f  I n t e r n a t i o n a l A f f a i r s 37 (Winter 1984): 329-342. P e t e r s o n , N i c o l a s , e d . A b o r i g i n a l R i g h t s : A H a n d b o o k . C a n b e r r a : A u s t r a l i a n I n s t i t u t e o f A b o r i g i n a l S t u d i e s , 1981. P r o s s , P a u l A . , e d . . P r e s s u r e G r o u p B e h a v i o r i n Canadian  P o l i t i c s . T o r o n t o : M c G r a w - H i l l Ryerson L t d . , 1975. Reoch , R i c h a r d . "The Community o f C o n s c i e n c e : I n t e r n a t i o n a l P u b l i c O p i n i o n and the P r o t e c t i o n o f Human R i g h t s . " In C a n a d i a n Human R i g h t s Yearbook . T o r o n t o : C a r s w e l l C o . L t d . , 1983. S a n d e r s , D o u g l a s . "The F o r m a t i o n o f t h e World C o u n c i l o f I n d i g e n o u s P e o p l e s . " I n t e r n a t i o n a l Work G r o u p f o r Indigenous A f f a i r s , 1977. Photocopy . . " D i s c u s s i o n Paper on M e m b e r s h i p and R e p r e s e n t a t i o n w i t h t h e W o r l d C o u n c i l o f I n d i g e n o u s P e o p l e s " . World C o u n c i l o f Indigenous P e o p l e s , J u l y 1982. Photocopy . . " T h e R e - E m e r g e n c e o f I n d i g e n o u s Q u e s t i o n s i n I n t e r n a t i o n a l Law." In Canad ian Human R i g h t s Yearbook . T o r o n t o : C a r s w e l l C o . L t d . , 198 3. Schwimmer , E . G . "Symbol ic C o m p e t i t i o n . " A n t h r o p o l o g i c a 14 (1) (1972): 118-142. S c o b l e , H . M . and L . S . W i s e b e r g . "Human R i g h t s and Amnesty I n t e r n a t i o n a l . " The A n n a l s o f the Amer ican Academy o f  P o l i t i c a l and S o c i a l S c i e n c e 413 (May 1974): 11-26. S l a t t e r y , B r i a n . " A n c e s t r a l L a n d s , A l i e n L a w s : J u d i c i a l P e r s p e c t i v e s on A b o r i g i n a l T i t l e . " S t u d i e s i n A b o r i g i n a l  R i g h t s , N o . 2, U n i v e r s i t y o f S a s k a t c h e w a n N a t i v e Law C e n t r e , 1983. S t a v e n h a g e n , R o d o l f o . " C l a s s e s , C o l o n i a l i s m , a n d A c c u l t u r a t i o n . " S t u d i e s i n C o m p a r a t i v e I n t e r n a t i o n a l  Development 1:6 (1965): 53-77 . 144 Tennant, P a u l . " A b o r i g i n a l Government." Department of of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1984. R i g h t s and I n d i a n S e l f -P o l i t i c a l Science, University-Photocopy. . "Native Indian P o l i t i c a l O r g a n i z a t i o n i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1900-1969: A R e s p o n s e t o I n t e r n a l Colonialism." B.C. Studies 55 (Autumn, 1982): 3-49. Thomas, R.K. " C o l o n i a l i s m : C l a s s i c and I n t e r n a l . " New  University Thought 4:4 (1966): 37-53. Toronto Globe and Mail. June 28, 1972. Tucker, Frank H. The White Conscience. New York: Fredrick Ungar Publishing Co., 1968. Vancouver Sun. July 20, 1984. Van Dyke, V. Human Righ t s , the United S t a t e s , and World  Community. New York: Oxford University Press, 1970. Wiseberg, L.S. and H.M Scoble, "Recent Trends i n the Expanding Universe of NGOs Dedicated to the P r o t e c t i o n of Human R i g h t s . " In G l o b a l Human Ri g h t s : P u b l i c P o l i c i e s ,  Comparative Measures, and NGO S t r a t e g i e s , e d i t e d by Nanda, S c a r r i t t , and Shepherd. Boulder: Westview Press, 1981. World Council of Indigenous Peoples. "Charter." Photocopy. . "History of the WCIP Secretariat." Photocopy. . " D r a f t i n t e r n a t i o n a l Covenant on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples." A p r i l 1981. Photocopy. . " F i l i n g Systems Key I n t e r n a t i o n a l . " May 1984. Photocopy. . "Four-Year Report, 1977-1981." Photocopy. . "Funding D i f f i c u l t i e s . " Photocopy. . "Interim Report of the WCIP Commission on the Re-U n i f i c a t i o n of the M i s k i t u Family." J u l y 18, 1985. Photocopy. World Council of Indigenous Peoples. Newsletter. Dec. 19 82; A p r i l 1983; Feb. 1984. . " P r e l i m i n a r y R eport o f the i n d i g e n o u s Peoples Conference i n Port Alberni, B r i t i s h Columbia, Oct. 27-31, 1975. 145 Revised "Submission to CIDA." June 1983. Photocopy. "Submission to CIDA." Photocopy. . "Transnational Corporations and Their E f f e c t on the Resources and Lands of Indigenous Peoples." 1981. . " U n i t e d N a t i o n s Economic and S o c i a l C o u n c i l A p p l i c a t i o n f o r S p e c i a l C o n s u l t a t i v e status, Category I I . " Photocopy. . "United Nations Educational, S c i e n t i f i c , and Cultural O r g a n i z a t i o n A p p l i c a t i o n f o r M u t u a l I n f o r m a t i o n Relationship." Photocopy. Wright, I s m a e l i l l o and Robin. "Native Peoples i n Struggle." A n t h r o p o l o g y Resource C e n t e r , I n c . , and Emergency Response int e r n a t i o n a l Network, 1982. 146 Appendix Chronology of Events, 1975-1985 October 1975 - F i r s t International Conference of Indigenous Peoples, Port A l b e r n i , B r i t i s h Columbia. Formation of the World Council of Indigenous Peoples. March 1977 - The WCIP i s incorporated i n Canada as a non-p r o f i t organization. O c t o b e r 1977 - WCIP S e c r e t a r i a t i s e s t a b l i s h e d at the University of Lethbridge, Lethbridge, Alberta. 19 77 - The C e n t r a l American WCIP Regional organization, the Consejo Regional de Pueblos Indigenas de Centro America, Mexico, y Panama (CORPI) i s formed. August 1977 - The WCIP Second General Assembly i s held at Kiruna, Samiland, Sweden. 1979 - The WCIP i s granted United Nations Economic and Soc i a l Council Non-Governmental Organization status. 1980 - The South American WCIP r e g i o n a l organization, the Consejo Indio De Sud America (CISA) i s formed. May 1981 - The WCIP T h i r d G e n e r a l Assembly i s held at Canberra, A u s t r a l i a . September 1981 - The WCIP presents p o s i t i o n papers at the International NGO Conference on Indigenous Peoples and the Land. J u l y 1 982 - The f i r s t seminar h e l d by an Indigen o u s organization i n South America i s sponsored by CISA and held i n the c e n t r a l forest of Peru. November 1982 - i n s t i t u t i o n o f a j o i n t CORPI and WCIP Commission to meet with Nicaraguan government o f f i c i a l s and A b o r i g i n a l community r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s to i n v e s t i g a t e the s i t u a t i o n of the Aboriginal people on the A t l a n t i c Coast. December 1982 - Publication of the f i r s t WCIP Newsletter. March 1983 - The second CISA Congress of Indian Organizations and Peoples of South America. A p r i l 1983 - The Draft International Covenant on the Rights of Indigenous Peopls i s published i n the second e d i t i o n of the newsletter. 147 October 1983 - Jose Carlos Morales, WCIP President, accepts an i n v i t a t i o n to j o i n the Board of Directors of the International I n s t i t u t e for Ethnic Groups' Rights and Regionalism. December 1983 - At a WCIP Executive Council meeting held at Lethbridge, Alberta, the Executive resolves to j o i n t l y sponsor the Alaska Native Claims Review Commission of Just i c e Thomas B e r g e r , i n a c c o r d a n c e w i t h the r e q u e s t o f t h e I n u i t Circumpolar Conference. A p r i l 1984 - The WCIP Secretariat Headquarters i s moved from Lethbridge, Alberta, to Ottawa, Ontario. June 1984 - The f i r s t meeting of the WCIP P a c i f i c Regional organization i s held. September 1984 - the WCIP Fourth General Assembly i s held i n Panama. February 1985 - The WCIP Commission to investigate conditions faced by the Indigenous Peoples of Guatemala p u b l i s h e s i t s Report on the Pl i g h t of the Indigenous Peopls of Guatemala i n Centro De Informacion y Documentacion Info Americano (CINDI). 

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