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Expressive photography : on the need for a cross-disciplinary approach to the study of photographics Emme, Michael John 1985

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EXPRESSIVE PHOTOGRAPHY: ON THE NEED FOR A CROSS-DISCIPLINARY APPROACH TO THE STUDY OF PHOTOGRAPHICS by MICHAEL JOHN EMME B.A. The University of Victoria, 1976 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Visual and Performing Arts in Education Faculty of Education We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard The University of British/Columbia 1985 © Michael John Emme, 1985 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and study. I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e copying o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the head of my department o r by h i s or her r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood t h a t copying or p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date cf T^M)bur WV\ >E-6 (3/81) i i ABSTRACT The t h e s i s i s proposed that an o r d e r l y understanding of the expressive c a p a c i t i e s of Photography can be drawn from a survey of the d i s c i p l i n e s of a r t h i s t o r y , a r t c r i t i c i s m , psychology, s o c i o l o g y , and anthropology as w e l l as the f i e l d of photo-technology. Photography i s defined as i n c l u d i n g f i v e elements: the camera, the photographer, the s u b j e c t , the image and the viewer. Topics considered are: the camera's mechanical l i m i t a t i o n s and q u a l i t i e s ; the various behaviours and a t t i t u d e s i n v o l v e d i n p i c t u r e - t a k i n g ; the c o n s i d e r a t i o n s i n v o l v e d i n subject choice; the l i m i t a t i o n s and q u a l i t i e s of expression of the photographic p r i n t ; and r o l e of the viewer. I t i s p o s i t e d that the d i s c i p l i n e s and f i e l d s l i s t e d above have a va l u a b l e a d d i t i o n to make toward our understanding of expressive photography. I t i s proposed that f u t u r e courses i n photography, whether they be intended f o r elementary s c h o o l , high s c h o o l , a r t s c h o o l , or teacher t r a i n i n g , i n c l u d e a c r o s s - d i s c i p l i n a r y approach. Such an approach can be incorpo r a t e d i n t o the curr i c u l u m through the use of the b e h a v i o u r a l - a t t i t u d i n a l model introduced i n Chapter I I I . Whether a course i s weighted toward s t u d i o experience, h i s t o r y and c r i t i c i s m , or c u l t u r a l education, u s i n g a c r o s s - d i s c i p l i n a r y approach w i l l e n r i c h the l e a r n i n g experience. i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS i T i t l e Page A u t h o r i z a t i o n i i A b s t r a c t i i i Table of Contents i v L i s t of P l a t e s v i i L i s t of Figures v i i i Acknowledgements CHAPTER PAGE I . INTRODUCTION 1 I I . THE CAMERA 16 I I I . THE PHOTOGRAPHER 27 IV. THE SUBJECT 50 V. THE IMAGE 60 VI. THE VIEWER 71 V I I . SUMMARY AND IMPLICATIONS FOR EDUCATION 82 FOOTNOTES 93 PLATES 95 FIGURES 140 REFERENCES 146 i i i a Plates 8,12,13,23,26,29,30,3^,35,37 & ^ 3 l i s t ed on the following leaves i v - v i were not filmed. Permission to do so was not obtained. For further information, contact Special Collections Divis ion, Library, 1956 Main Mall , University of Br i t i sh Columbia, Vancouver, B . C . , Canada V6T 1Y3. P l a t e 1 P l a t e 2 P l a t e 3 P l a t e 4 P l a t e 5 P l a t e 6 P l a t e 7 P l a t e 8 P l a t e 9 P l a t e 10 P l a t e 11 P l a t e 12 P l a t e 13 P l a t e 14 P l a t e 15 P l a t e 16 i v L i s t of P l a t e s  President Cleveland and Family. Photographer unknown. Mardi Gras. J . L a r t i g u e . Photographs made by a 1 Kodak 1 camera. Photographers unknown. Chicago, 1955-7. By: R. Frank. page 95 page 96 page 97 page 98 page 99 U n t i t l e d , 1963- By: D. Lyons. The Horse i n Motion. By: E. Muybridge. page 100 U n t i t l e d . By: E.Muybridge. page 101 Nude, East Sussex Coast. By: B. Brandt, page 102 In the V e t r i n a r y C l i n i c . By: A. Macijauskas. page 103 E l Paso and Cuidad Juarez. By: D. Lehman. page 104 U n t i t l e d . By: T. Gibson. page 105 An Apple Shot with a B u l l e t T r a v e l l i n g a t 900 Meters per Second. By: H. Edgerton. page 106 Martha Graham, L e t t e r to the World ( K i c k ) . By: B. Morgan. I.R.T. 2. By: D. Lyons. page 107 page 108 page 109 Desde La Azotea. By: E. Weston. Wounded S o l d i e r R e ceiving Water i n a  Deserted Camp. By: M. Brady. page 110 P l a t e 17 P l a t e 18 P l a t e 19 P l a t e 20 P l a t e 21 P l a t e 22 P l a t e 23 P l a t e 24 P l a t e 25 P l a t e 26 P l a t e 27 P l a t e 28 P l a t e 29 P l a t e 30 P l a t e 31 P l a t e 32 P l a t e 33 P o r t r a i t of a Spanish G i r l By: M. Somoroff. page 111 A Wounded Marine Awaits Medical Evacuation. By: Time Inc. page 112 Bri c e b e r g Grade, S i e r r a Nevada F o o t h i l l s . By: A. Adams. page 113 U n t i t l e d . By: A. Le Coz. page 114 Corpse. Photographer unknown. page 115 C l e a r i n g Winter Storm. By: A. Adams. page 116 F a b r i c , Harper's Bazaar. By: H i r o . page 117 Beauty of the Beast. By: B. Wright. page 118 Wild Mushrooms. By: M. Kezar. page 119 Compound Eye of the F r u i t F l y By: M. Kage. page 120 Andre Tardieu, Dr. C u r t i u s , and Henri Cheron, The Hague. By: E. Solomon. page 121 S e v i l l e , Spain, 1933. By: H. Bresson. page 122 F i v e Cents Lodging, Bayard S t r e e t . By: J . R i i s . page 123 Making Human Junk. By: L. Hine. page 124 Crossing the Ohio R i v e r , L o u i s v i l l e . By: D. Lyons. page 125 Tatooed Man at C a r n i v a l , Md. 1970. By: Diane Arbus. page 126 Massacre of East P a k i s t a n i G u e r i l l a s , Dacca, 1971. By: H. Faas. page 127 v i P l a t e 34 The Sun. By: N.A.S.A. page 128 P l a t e 35 Two Ways of L i f e , By: 0. Rejlander. page 129 P l a t e 36 Ms. Mona. By: T. F a s o l i n g . page 130 P l a t e 37 P o r t r a i t of Samuel F.B.Morse. Photographer unknown. page 131 P l a t e 38 My Father at Ninety. By: I . Cunningham, page 132 P l a t e 39 Witnesses t o Nuolear Test (cropped). By: F. Goro. page 133 P l a t e 40 Witnesses to Nuclear Test. By: F. Goro. page 134 P l a t e 41 Trang Beng, June, 1972. By: N. Ut. page 135 P l a t e 42 The E f f e c t of Two S o l u t i o n Development. By: A. Adams. page 136 P l a t e 43 Miss Thompson. By: C. White. page 137 P l a t e 44 U n t i t l e d . By: J . Uelsmann. page 138 P l a t e 45 Play to Win. By: G. Hayes. page 139 V l l L i s t of Figur e s Figure 1 The Camera. page 140 Figure 2 The Diaphragm of a Camera. page 141 Figure 3 The View Camera. page 142 Figure 4 The Attitude-Behaviour C l a s s i f i c a t i o n (A.B.C.) Model f o r P i c t u r e - T a k i n g . page 143 Figure 5 The A e s t h e t i c - T e c h n i c a l Axes page 144 Figure 6 The Photographic E n l a r g e r . page 145 v i i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would l i k e to thank the many people who have supported me i n t h i s work. Dr. Graeme Chalmers, my committee chairperson , provided t h o u g h t f u l c r i t i c i s m and enthusiasm; Bob St e e l e brought h i s a r t i s t ' s eye and love of teaching t o t h i s task and c o n t r i b u t e d much; and Fred Herzog added h i s e x p e r t i s e i n the area of photography combined w i t h a w i l l i n g n e s s to w r e s t l e w i t h the 'tough questions'. In a d d i t i o n , I would l i k e to thank a l l those f e l l o w t r a v e l l e r s i n the master's program who l i s t e n e d and responded as I discussed the ideas that grew i n t o t h i s t h e s i s . F i n a l l y , I want to thank Mary-Jane, my w i f e , who both encouraged me to pursue t h i s study and supported both of us dur i n g the year i n which i t was w r i t t e n . 1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Does an o r d e r l y understanding of the expressive c a p a c i t i e s of Photography e x i s t ? I f we l i m i t ourselves to s t u d i e s i n the f i e l d of A r t photography the answer must be no. The debate over photography i n the world of a r t i s many t h i n g s , but i t i s n e i t h e r comprehensive nor o r d e r l y . Such being the case, can an understanding be synthesized from w r i t i n g s extant i n the f i e l d s of a r t h i s t o r y , a r t c r i t i c i s m , psychology, s o c i o l o g y , and photo-technology? C e r t a i n l y the scope of these f i e l d s i n combination i s s u f f i c i e n t to o f f e r a much broader pers p e c t i v e on Photography than already e x i s t s . I n a d d i t i o n , the f a c t t h a t each f i e l d has, to a great e r or l e s s e r e x tent, considered the problem of Photography i s an encouragement to f u r t h e r study. This t h e s i s p o s i t s that a c r o s s - d i s c i p l i n a r y study of Photography i s the only approach t h a t can hope to o f f e r a complete understanding of the expressive c a p a c i t i e s of the medium, and as such, has considerable i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r a r t education. One of the most pervasive sources of two-dimensional imagery today i s photography. From newspapers and magazines, through textbooks and t e l e v i s i o n to a d v e r t i s i n g b i l l b o a r d s and a r t g a l l e r i e s , i f a s t a t i s t i c a l study were to be done i t would probably be found t h a t an average North 2 American confronts dozens of photographic images every day and c o n t a c t s , without c o n s c i o u s l y viewing, hundreds more. Since the 1830's when Louis Jacques Mande Daguerre claimed to have invented "a chemical and p h y s i c a l process which gives Nature the a b i l i t y to reproduce h e r s e l f " (Newhall, 1964, p. 17), a r e v o l u t i o n has taken place t h a t has a l t e r e d our perception of the world. Our s e l f concepts are de f i n e d , i n p a r t , by the images we see of ourselves i n photographs (Pazer & B e i l i n , 1981). Our sense of what i s happening around the world and the perception of i t s immediacy and import i s informed by photojournalism. The p o p u l a r i s t i c n o t i o n t h a t the peoples of the world, workers and r o y a l t y a l i k e , are b a s i c a l l y the same i s , i n p a r t , a r e s u l t of photography's l e v e l i n g i n f l u e n c e (Newhall, 1964, p. 22). "Photography opens a window, as i t were. The faces of p u b l i c p e r s o n a l i t i e s become f a m i l i a r and things t h a t happen a l l over the globe [are ours] to share. As the [viewer's] outlook expands, the world begins to s h r i n k " (Freund, 1980, p. 108). Presumably a t o o l w i t h the c a p a c i t y to generate such broadly f e l t change i s both simple (Being a c c e s s i b l e to many), and complex (Being capable of s a t i s f y i n g d i v e r s e impu l s e s ) . I t i s the purpose of t h i s chapter to o f f e r reasons f o r the c a r e f u l study of photography as a part of a r t education. At the same time t h i s w r i t e r w i l l argue f o r , 3 and present the t h e s i s t h a t , an appropriate approach must focus on the expressive c a p a c i t i e s of the medium while r e t a i n i n g a viewpoint t h a t i s broad enough to draw from 1 f i e l d s beyond t r a d i t i o n a l a e s t h e t i c s and a r t photography. The debate over photo-imagery as an a r t form has been long and s p l e n e t i c . Baudelaire bemoaned the p u b l i c ' s demand f o r A r t [ t h a t ] i s , and cannot be other than, the exact reproduction of Nature...[suggesting t h a t ] a vengeful God has granted the wishes of t h i s m u l t i t u d e . Daguerre was h i s Messiah. And now the p u b l i c says to i t s e l f : 'since photography give s us every guarantee of e x a c t i t u d e t h a t we could d e s i r e (they r e a l l y b e l i e v e t h a t , the i d i o t s ! ), then photography and A r t are the same t h i n g . ' From th a t moment our s q u a l i d s o c i e t y rushed, Narcissus to a man, to gaze at i t s t r i v i a l image on a scrap of metal, (as c i t e d i n Sontag, 1973, p. 189-190) On the other hand, George Bernard Shaw declared t h a t : I f you cannot see at a glance t h a t the o l d game i s up, t h a t the camera has h o p e l e s s l y beaten the p e n c i l and p a i n t brush as an instrument of a r t i s t i c r e p r e s e n t a t i o n , then you w i l l never make a true c r i t i c : you are o n l y , l i k e most c r i t i c s , a p i c t u r e f a n c i e r , (as c i t e d i n B u n n e l l , 1980, p. 3 ) . . . True, the camera 4 w i l l not b u i l d up the human f i g u r e i n t o a monumental f i c t i o n as Michaelangelo d i d , or c o i l i t cunningly i n t o a decorative one, as Burne Jones d i d . But i t w i l l draw i t as i t i s , i n the c l e a r e s t p u r i t y or the s o f t e s t mystery, as no draughtsman can or ever coul d . ( B u n n e l l , 1980, p. 145) I n today's world of a r t , photography has found an uneasy p l a c e . While c r i t i c s such as Susan Sontag (1973) and Janet Malcolm (1980) o f f e r s t r ong argument f o r the i n f e r i o r i t y of photography as an a r t form, others such as Max K o z l o f f (1979) and Museum of Modern A r t d i r e c t o r , John Szarkowski (1966) o f f e r e q u a l l y s t r o n g support f o r the medium. This debate i s contained w i t h i n the A r t World (see footnote 1) of museums and g a l l e r i e s , and i f a l l photography were a p p r o p r i a t e l y to be judged by such c r i t e r i a there would, perhaps, be no more to say. Photography, u n l i k e any other medium capable of being considered, by formal d e f i n i t i o n , an a r t form, i s a s o c i a l phenomenon th a t touches the l i v e s of most western people on a d a i l y b a s i s . I t i s , t h e r e f o r e , reasonable to question the e v a l u a t i o n of the medium from an e x c l u s i v e l y t r a d i t i o n a l a e s t h e t i c p e r s p e c t i v e . Janet W o l f f , i n her book A e s t h e t i c s and the  Sociology of A r t (1983) o f f e r s a new approach. Wolff, i n c a l l i n g f o r a " s o c i o l o g i c a l l y informed theory of a e s t h e t i c s " (p. 46) reviews the " h i s t o r i c a l s p e c i f i c i t y of the r i s e of 5 a e s t h e t i c s " (p. 12) i n the eighteenth century. Her purpose i n doing t h i s i s to counter the argument some a e s t h e t i c i a n s might present that a e s t h e t i c experience and judgement i s somehow outside of h i s t o r y and th e r e f o r e capable of being defined i n u n i v e r s a l terms. Wolff suggests t h a t a e s t h e t i c s i s to a great extent " i d e o l o g i c a l " (p. 46) and takes some of i t s d i r e c t i o n from s o c i a l context. This argument i s e s p e c i a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t i n the study of photography as i t suggests t h a t the study of s o c i a l behavior e n l i g h t e n s our understanding of the expressive c a p a c i t i e s of the medium. Wolff does not o f f e r a wholly r e s o l v e d " s o c i o l o g i c a l a e s t h e t i c " . She recognizes t h a t : the expression of [ a r t ] , and hence i t s e v a l u a t i o n , cannot be reduced to the t o t a l l y e x t r a - a e s t h e t i c aspects of ideology and p o l i t i c s , although [she argues] i t i s e q u a l l y t r u e an a e s t h e t i c s which ignores the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l f e a t u r e s of a e s t h e t i c judgement i s unacceptable and d i s t o r t e d . (Wolff, 1983, p. 107) We are l e f t to s t r i k e a balance. On the one hand i t seems imperative to a f u l l understanding of the expressiveness of photography to i n v e s t i g a t e the medium i n a l l i t s aspects, while on the other hand r e c o g n i z i n g t h a t not a l l those uses of photography are intended as a r t . An example t h a t c l a r i f i e s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between general photography and " a r t photography" i s the "snapshot". 6 Snapshots are f i r s t of a l l the r e s u l t of an advanced technology. The f i f t y years from the camera's invention to the 1880's saw the development of a bewildering v a r i e t y of processes f o r picture taking. The majority of these were slow, cumbersome and required enough aptitude f o r chemical and mechanical manipulation that people were generally content to pose i n studios or booths to be photographed formally (see plate 1). Some pho t o - a r t i s t s , Jacques-Henri Lartigue being a notable example (see plate 2), were able to overcome these many r e s t r i c t i o n s and produce very animated, personal images. Lartigue's images combine a strong sense of f a m i l i a l play with an impressionist's concern with capturing the motion of a f l e e t i n g moment. The majority of photographs, however, r e i n f o r c e d , or perhaps created the impression that our ancestors of 100 years past were a very s t i f f , serious l o t . By 1888, however, George Eastman produced the "Kodak" detective camera. I t featured a r o l l of f l e x i b l e , paper-backed f i l m capable of recording 100 snaps. Eastman's a d v e r t i s i n g slogan, "You press the button, we do the r e s t " , (Newhall, 1964, p. 88) l i t e r a l l y announced the beginning of a new epoch. From t h i s date forward, a l l that was required to take photographs was a modest cash outlay (see plate 3). Very quickly, taking photographs was not r e s t r i c t e d to formal s e t t i n g s . As A l f r e d S t i e g l i t z noted, "the placing i n 7 the hands of the general p u b l i c a means of making p i c t u r e s w i t h but l i t t l e labour and r e q u i r i n g l e s s knowledge has of n e c e s s i t y been followed by the production of m i l l i o n s of photographs" ( B u n n e l l , 1980, p. 124). For many years a r t photographers ignored the r e s u l t s of t h i s " f a t a l f a c i l i t y " ( B u n n e l l , 1980, p. 124) as S t i e g l i t z r e f e r r e d to i t . The f e e l i n g was t h a t the b l u r r e d , p o o r l y composed products of "snapshooters" (Newhall, 1964, p. 94) w h i l e undoubtedly meaningful to the producers, were judged to be a r t l e s s . In 1966 John Szarkowski of the Museum of Modern A r t challenged the s t a t u s quo by b r i n g i n g s e l e c t e d snapshots together w i t h s e l f c o n s c i o u s l y a r t i s t i c photographs. The r e s u l t was a r e a l i z a t i o n t h a t there i s a power i n what might be c a l l e d naive photography. Szarkowski discussed h i s d i s c o v e r y i n "The Photographer's Eye~ (1966) and encouraged a s t y l e of photography e x e m p l i f i e d by Robert Frank (see p l a t e 4) and Garry Winogrand (see p l a t e 5) t h a t stepped away from a r t school formalism and moved towards something a k i n to the snapshot. Frank's images of everyday people t h a t he encountered i n h i s t r a v e l s across America, w h i l e not p l a y f u l l i k e L a r t i g u e ' s , combine subject matter that was unconventionally o r d i n a r y w i t h a freedom from the c o n s t r a i n t s of formal composition. I f L a r t i g u e ' s work i s seen as p i v o t a l i n t h a t i t represents ' i n s p i r e d snapshot photography' more than a c o n s c i o u s l y a r t i s t i c a t t i t u d e , h i s 8 heirs must be photographers like Frank and others who draw from the social phenomenon of the snapshot for their art. More recently, sociologists such as Boerdam (1980) and Musello (Wagner, 1979) have begun to study family photographs as significant expressive evidence of the emotional and social operations of the family unit. As the previous examples suggest, snapshots are one example of a dynamic relationship that exists between the a r t i s t i c community and photographers at large. I would argue that the extent and openness of this relationship i s unique among art media and certainly worthy of further investigation. It would, therefore, seem logical that a f u l l understanding of the expressive capacities of art photography must include a detailed understanding of the medium at large. To aid in such a study, a precise definition of what i s meant by the term "Photography" is essential. For the purposes of this and future study I would suggest that the term be understood to include: the subject, camera, photographer, image, and viewer. What follows i s a brief explanation of the significance of each of these five elements of Photography. Perhaps the most primary element in the study of photography i s the technology i t s e l f . "The inescapable fact 9 of mechanism" ( C a v e l l , 1973, p. 369) not only makes photography p o s s i b l e , but a l s o unique. Because of the very mechanical nature of the medium, "photography overcame s u b j e c t i v i t y i n a way undreamed of by p a i n t i n g " ( C a v e l l , 1973 p. 369) and the other a r t s . Whether j u s t i f i e d or not, Photography i s perceived as "the r e c o n c i l i a t i o n of science and expression" (Strand, 1922). The technology a l t e r e d our understanding of things as ba s i c as the motion of a horse. The s c i e n t i f i c and p s u e d o - s c i e n t i f i c s t u d i e s of Eadweard Muybridge, made p o s s i b l e by f i l m s and sh u t t e r mechanisms f a s t enough to do the j o b , allowed us to examine f r o z e n moments of motion (see p l a t e s 6,7). The f a c t that Muybridge used t h i s technique not only to examine horses, but a l s o women d i s r o b i n g , and being thrown i n t o convulsions by e l e c t r i c a l shock ( K o z l o f f , 1979) r e v e a l s the beginnings of yet another aspect of the emotionally powerful, and p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y r e v e a l i n g c a p a c i t i e s of the medium. The second s i g n i f i c a n t element i n Photography i s the photographer. As a l l u d e d to p r e v i o u s l y , the mechanism of photography imputes an element of t r u t h to the medium w h i l e a l l o w i n g the photographer to pursue h i s or her i n t e n t i o n s . "When a photograph i s cropped, the r e s t of the world i s cut out. The i m p l i e d presence of the world, and i t s e x p l i c i t r e j e c t i o n , are as e s s e n t i a l i n the experience of a 10 photograph as what i t e x p l i c i t l y presents" ( C a v e l l , 1971, p. 371) Perception as w e l l as s o c i a l and emotional f a c t o r s combine w i t h the l i m i t a t i o n s of the technology and the i n t e n t i o n of the photographer to make the act of t a k i n g a p i c t u r e extremely complex. For example, Sontag p o i n t s out that the language of photography i s o f t e n couched i n predatory terms. We "take" or "shoot" p i c t u r e s o f t e n employing subterfuge and s t e a l t h (Sontag, 1973)-The object of t h i s seemingly aggressive behavior and the t h i r d element of Photography i s the s u b j e c t . T e c h n i c a l l y , v i r t u a l l y anything i s l e g i t i m a t e l y the subject of photography, but, drawing from Becker's n o t i o n of " a r t worlds" (Becker, 1982) i t becomes apparent that there are many subgroups i n photography that are d i r e c t e d by the i n t e n t i o n of the photographers and revealed by the choice and use of t h e i r s u b j e c t s . Subjects can range from the very personal and ob v i o u s l y emotional area of f a m i l y photography (Boerdam & M a r t i n i u s , 1980) (Wagner, 1979) through the sciences t h a t have helped us to see both microbes and our planet to the e x p l o i t a t i v e and e r o t i c .(Gabor,1972,1984) Included i n the spectrum are other areas such as j o u r n a l i s t i c , a d v e r t i s i n g and a r t photography each of which has i n common tha t the i n t e n t i o n of the photographer w i l l i n f l u e n c e the handling of whatever subject might be chosen. 11 C a r e f u l study of the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the subject and photographer, camera, image and viewer i s s i g n i f i c a n t and should o f f e r i n s i g h t s i n t o why photographs happen and what they mean. The f o u r t h element of Photography i s the image. The t e c h n i c a l l i m i t s of photographic p r i n t i n g are broad enough (Adams, 1981) to a l l o w f o r s i g n i f i c a n t a r t i s t i c m a nipulation. T h i s , of course, means that photographers can generate images that w i l l serve whatever purposes they might have. Again the inf e r e n c e of t r u t h f u l n e s s plays a part i n the image's message. Of i n t e r e s t , as w e l l , i s how these photographic o b j e c t s are used. Why, f o r example, are so many personal photographs kept i n shoe boxes n e i t h e r to be viewed nor destroyed? Which personal images q u a l i f y to be hung on the w a l l and why? S i m i l a r l y , which commercial re p r o d u c t i o n s , p o s t e r s , ads and f o l d o u t s are kept and d i s p l a y e d , by whom and f o r what purpose? Coming from another tack, how does the f i e l d of A r t photography f a r e as a business? What kinds of images get hung i n g a l l e r i e s and which s e l l ? The range of questions on t h i s t o p i c s i s v i r t u a l l y endless and crosses between s o c i o l o g y , consumerism and a e s t h e t i c s w i t h d i z z y i n g frequency. Needless to say even a minimal u n r a v e l l i n g of the l i f e of photographic images w i l l a i d i n a broader understanding of the medium. The l a s t , and i n some ways most important, element of 12 Photography i s the viewer. P e r c e p t u a l l y , how do we view photographs? Why do we value them? What i s i t about our r e l a t i o n s h i p to some photographs that make them "melancholy o b j e c t s " (Sontag, 1973, p. 51)? Why i s i t th a t p h o t o - e r o t i c a i s such a booming business? Perhaps most im p o r t a n t l y , how do the various f e e l i n g s and behaviors we b r i n g t o photography i n f l u e n c e the medium? Needless to say, a comprehensive look a t expressive photography i s going to take us w e l l beyond t r a d i t i o n a l a e s t h e t i c s . S p e c i f i c a l l y , the f i e l d s of photo-technology, a r t c r i t i c i s m , a r t h i s t o r y , psychology and s o c i o l o g y must be considered i n depth. From the f i e l d of photo-technology we can discover the l i m i t s of the camera as a machine. The t e c h n i c a l l i m i t a t i o n s of the medium have i n f l u e n c e d the nature of photographic images from the beginning (Newhall, 1964). Some of these l i m i t s , such as the e a r l y i n a b i l i t y t o record blue s k i e s w i t h accurate t o n a l i t y were seen as l i a b i l i t i e s . Other l i m i t s , such as the d i s t o r t i o n endemic to wide-angle l e n s e s , have been accepted as v a r i a t i o n s on " r e a l i t y " . S t i l l other l i m i t a t i o n s , such as the f u z z i n e s s of gum bichromate p r i n t s , were sought out as a r t i s t i c advantages. The f i e l d of a r t c r i t i c i s m b r ings us to consider the r e l a t i o n s h i p between photography and the formal world of the f i n e a r t s . Art c r i t i c i s m o f f e r s us a framework i n which to 13 consider images that purport to be a r t and at the same time an element i n c o n t r a s t to the m a j o r i t y of Photography which makes no pretense about i t s s t a t u s . The changes i n c r i t i c a l standards (Szarkowski, 1966) th a t make more of our d a i l y p i c t u r e t a k i n g open to formal a r t - c r i t i c a l a n a l y s i s are an aspect of t h i s f i e l d of study. A r t h i s t o r y o f f e r s us a body of in f o r m a t i o n c l o s e l y a l l i e d w i t h a r t c r i t i c i s m . The developments of the medium over time can r e v e a l how Photography came to be such a popular medium and perhaps o f f e r i n s i g h t i n t o i t s marginal s t a t u s i n the world of museums and g a l l e r i e s . Psychology has much to say about photography. Rudolf Arnheim's d i s c u s s i o n of G e s t a l t psychology (Arnheim, 1969,1974) can o f f e r us some understanding of the perceptual elements i n p i c t u r e t a k i n g as w e l l as help us to understand the " f a s c i n a t i o n " ( K o z l o f f , 1979, p. 72) th a t photographic images hold f o r us. As w e l l , the predatory and deviant behaviors of some photographers and viewers, along wit h the aloofness or c h e r i s h i n g behaviors of others needs to be approached ( K o z l o f f , 1979, p. 15). F i n a l l y , the f i e l d of s o c i o l o g y has much to o f f e r . Janet W o l f f ' s i n s i g h t s i n t o a l t e r n a t i v e ways of understanding a e s t h e t i c s (Wolff, 1983) and Becker's n o t i o n of artworlds (Becker, 1983) both may help us to b e t t e r understand the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Photography and A r t 14 photography. Beyond t h i s , the enormous area of photographic images i n d a i l y l i f e can guide us to an a p p r e c i a t i o n of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between photography and popular c u l t u r e . I f Photography i s as f a r reaching a medium as t h i s study suggests, the i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r i t s use as an element of education are e q u a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t . In her book Approaches to A r t i n Education,(1978) Laura Chapman has argued f o r the study of a r t as important to a general education program. She f e e l s that the purposes of A r t education are t h r e e f o l d . I t should,"encourage personal f u l f i l l m e n t through a r t experience; transmit an a p p r e c i a t i o n of the a r t i s t i c h e r i t a g e ; and develop an awareness of the r o l e of A r t i n s o c i e t y " (Chapman, 1978, p. 19). Both Chapman and Vincent L a n i e r before her ( L a n i e r , 1966, p.5-8) are among those who have have drawn a t t e n t i o n to the need f o r the i n c l u s i o n of new media i n the school c u r r i c u l u m at a l l l e v e l s . This w r i t e r would add s p e c i a l emphasis to the need f o r photography t o be taught i n u n i v e r s i t y teacher-education programs. Obviously I'm r e f e r r i n g to a program of much greater scope than what many u n i v e r s i t i e s o f f e r as Photo I . Simply c o n s i d e r i n g how much of student's textbooks a t a l l l e v e l s i s photographic i n f o r m a t i o n brings home the importance of teachers understanding how these images work. In d i s c u s s i n g the s t a t u s of Photographic education a t the c o l l e g e l e v e l , A.D.Coleman suggests that there i s a need 15 t o , " a s s i s t [people] i n becoming a c t i v e r a t h e r than passive i n t h e i r r e l a t i o n to v i s u a l communication by tea c h i n g them photography as a means of s e l f - e x p r e s s i o n , as a t o o l w i t h which to probe i n t o t h e i r world and i n t o the nature of v i s i o n i t s e l f " (Coleman,1978, p. 23). Suzanne Lacy i d e n t i f i e s photography as one of the elements of the "background, the 'noise' of our l i v e s " (p. 8). She s t a t e s f u r t h e r t h a t : the educative f u n c t i o n of images r e s i d e s as much i n the way they are constructed as i n t h e i r expressed content. Make no mistake: commercial image makers understand t h i s very w e l l - how c o l o r s and shapes act on our p e r c e p t i o n , how even a b s t r a c t symbols can be manipulated and juxtaposed to create meaning and provoke r e s p o n s e - a l l h i g h l y u s e f u l i n f o r m a t i o n f o r a d v e r t i s e r s , p o l i t i c i a n s , and other would-be shapers of p u b l i c opinion.(Lacy, 1981, p. 8) Lacy j o i n s other educators as w e l l as s o c i o l o g i s t s such as Curry and Clarke (Wagner, 1979, p. 173-188) i n c a l l i n g f o r greater l e v e l s of v i s u a l l i t e r a c y among students and teachers a l i k e . 1 6 CHAPTER II THE CAMERA In Art and Technics Lewis Mumford ( 1 9 5 2 ) s a i d , " I f you f a l l i n love with a machine there i s something wrong with your love l i f e . I f you worship a machine there i s something wrong with your r e l i g i o n " ( p . 8 l ) . Later i n the same book Mumford argued that,"the r e a l triumphs of photography depended upon the photographer's respect f o r h i s medium" (P. 9 3 ) . At f i r s t these two statements seem to draw atte n t i o n to the genuine ambivilence many of us f e e l towards the camera. In f a c t both statements argue the need for demystifying what a camera does. Perhaps a l l of us are at l e a s t o c c a s i o n a l l y seduced by the delusion that the camera i s somehow a surrogate for human v i s i o n . Snyder and A l l e n ( 1 9 7 5 ) state that: A photograph shows us 'what we would have seen' at a c e r t a i n moment i n time, from a c e r t a i n vantage point i f we kept our head immobile and closed one eye and i f we saw things i n Agfacolor or i n Tri-X developed i n D - 7 6 and printed on Kodabromide # 3 paper. By the time a l l the conditions are added up, the o r i g i n a l p o s i t i o n has been reversed: instead of saying that the camera shows us what our eyes would see, we are now p o s i t i n g the rather unilluminating proposition that, i f our v i s i o n worked l i k e photography, then we would see things the 17 way a camera does. (p. 152) Two questions then a r i s e : how does the camera 'see' and what i s the expressive range of that v i s i o n ? Since i t s i n v e n t i o n , approximately 150 years ago, the camera has co n s i s t e d of three p r i n c i p a l components: the l e n s , t h a t focus l i g h t on the f i l m plane; the diaphragm and s h u t t e r mechanisms, which r e g u l a t e the q u a l i t y and q u a n t i t y of l i g h t to reach the f i l m ; and the f i l m , which i s b a s i c a l l y a f l a t sheet of some l i g h t s e n s i t i v e m a t e r i a l (see f i g u r e 1). Photographic lenses are p r e c i s e l y ground and c a r e f u l l y coated pieces of g l a s s (or p l a s t i c ) t h a t are designed to transmit l i g h t while compressing or magnifying that l i g h t , and thus what we would c a l l the images i n the l i g h t , so that those images can be recorded on f i l m . The photographic image [as generated by the camera's l e n s ] i s f l a t and two-dimensional. I t has borders t h a t define what i s in c l u d e d and what i s not; I t s focus, content, and point of view are f i x e d a t the moment of exposure. These c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are very d i f f e r e n t from what we are accustomed to and take f o r granted, i n our v i s u a l contact w i t h the world. Whether we r e a l i z e i t or not we observe the world from many d i f f e r e n t p o i n t s of view, not j u s t one, by means of our bin o c u l a r v i s i o n . . . , and through continuous movements of the eyes, head and body. The b r a i n s ynthesizes t h i s 18 continuous exploration into a unified experience. (Adams, 1980, p. 95) o Human vision typical ly covers a 50-55 f i e l d . A comparable angle i s found in a 45-50 mm lense for 35 mm 2 cameras. Lenses with a shorter focal length , what we would c a l l 'wide-angle' lenses, can give a f i e l d of vision up to o 180 . Wide angle lenses make things seem smaller, but more sharply in focus. Because these lenses are compressing an enormous amount of visual information onto a f la t surface, prints resulting from the use of such lenses appear distorted (see plate 8). In fact , "what appears as •distort ion' i s actually geometrically accurate, considering the extreme coverage of the lens and the f la t f i e ld of the negative "(Adams, 1980, p. 63). As Rudolf Arnheim (1969) has suggested, we impute symbolic import to what we see. The perceived distortions, when they are not recognized as elements of lens design, can imply judgements about the subject of the photograph (see plate 9). The counterpoint to the wide-angle lens i s the long focal length or tele-photo lens. Tele-photo lenses res tr ic t the f i e l d of vision by magnifying what i s viewed. Where a wide-angle lens creates a sense of depth and panorama, a tele-photo lens flattens distances causing the impression that far and near objects are in close proximity to each other. This phenomenon has been used to good 19 advantage i n f i l m where a character i s seen to be running down an endless road unable to escape whatever f a t e i s c l o s i n g i n from behind. In j o u r n a l i s t i c photography, c r e a t i n g the impression t h a t two i n d i v i d u a l s or objects are near to each other, when i n f a c t they are not, has obvious e d i t o r i a l p o s s i b i l i t i e s (see p l a t e 10). Another aspect of 3 tele-photo lenses i s t h e i r very shallow d e p t h - o f - f i e l d . By being able to focus on one area w h i l e a l l e l s e i s b l u r r e d , the p o s s i b i l i t y f o r i s o l a t i n g people or objects e x i s t s . Because tele-photo lenses magnify o b j e c t s seen a t a d i s t a n c e , i t i s p o s s i b l e f o r the photographer to work anonymously. The a b i l i t y to photograph c a n d i d l y w i l l be discussed a t greater l e n g t h when we consider the photographer, but i t i s obvious when one approaches the l o c a l grocery s t o r e checkout counter and i s confronted w i t h t a b l o i d expose's and scandals, a l l of which have been amply 'documented' w i t h photographs, t h a t the tele-photo l e n s ' p o s s i b i l i t i e s have been explored by some ' j o u r n a l i s t i c ' photographers. The diaphragm and s h u t t e r mechanisms i n a camera, whether they are i n t e g r a t e d or separate, work together to c o n t r o l the q u a n t i t y of l i g h t t h a t s t r i k e s the f i l m plane. E a r l y cameras employed simple caps or covers to c o n t r o l exposure, but e a r l y p l a t e s and f i l m s r e q u i r e d exposures sometimes extending beyond an hour and were t h e r e f o r e very 20 f o r g i v i n g i n t h i s r e s p e c t . With the more recent development of very l i g h t - s e n s i t i v e f i l m s , f a s t accurate exposures demand s u i t a b l e equipment. The diaphragm of a camera c o n t r o l s what i s c a l l e d the aperture. This mechanism i s composed of t h i n metal leaves t h a t r e g u l a t e an opening i n much the same way as the i r i s of the human eye (see f i g u r e 2). Without c u t t i n g out any p o r t i o n of the image being t r a n s m i t t e d by the l e n s of the camera, the diaphragm r e g u l a t e s the flow of l i g h t to the f i l m . As the aperture i s enlarged or decreased there i s one s i g n i f i c a n t impact on the image: the depth of f i e l d i s a l t e r e d . The smaller the aperture used, the deeper i s the f i e l d t h a t i s i n f o c u s . Conversely, as the aperture expands the shallower i s be the f i e l d t h a t i s i n f o c u s . Again, the a b i l i t y to c o n t r o l what i s s h a r p l y defined and what i s b l u r r e d i n an image i s one way f o r the photographer to impose h i s i n t e n t i o n on the photograph (see p l a t e 11). One of the most dynamic elements of photography i s i t s a b i l i t y to 'capture' time. The s h u t t e r of a camera i s most d i r e c t l y l i n k e d to the r e c o r d i n g of events as they occur through time. There are enough v a r i a t i o n s i n the design of s h u t t e r s that a d i s c u s s i o n of t h e i r q u a l i t i e s would become q u i t e i n v o l v e d . For our purposes i t i s s u f f i c i e n t to r e a l i z e t h a t equipment a v a i l a b l e to the untrained photographer today i s capable of f r e e z i n g an image i n one 21 two-thousandth of a second. More e x o t i c s h u t t e r s work much more q u i c k l y (see p l a t e 12). The camera's s h u t t e r provides us w i t h a whole vocabulary f o r d e p i c t i n g motion i n a s t i l l image. Let's consider how we might photograph horses running a race. We can keep the camera s t a t i o n a r y and use a slow s h u t t e r speed: the horses w i l l appear as b l u r s against a s t a t i o n a r y background. We can 'pan' the camera w i t h the horse and use a somewhat f a s t e r s h u t t e r speed: the horses w i l l be somewhat sharper and the background w i l l be b l u r r e d . We can use an extremely f a s t s h u t t e r speed and 'freeze' the horses against the s t a t i o n a r y background. A l l of these methods are commonly used and accepted ways of photographing moving t h i n g s . But we don't see motion i n any of these ways; we see moving things.(Snyder & A l l e n , 1975, p. 156) (see p l a t e 13) The a b i l i t y t o f r e e z e motion has a l s o allowed U3 to see ours e l v e s i n a completely d i f f e r e n t way. The human eye, i n con j u n c t i o n w i t h the mind, f i l t e r s enormous q u a n t i t i e s of v i s u a l i n f o r m a t i o n . Often, d e t a i l s are l o s t because our perception i s not quick enough or attuned to r e c o r d i n g i t . A whole f i e l d of a r t photography has grown out of the camera's c a p a c i t y to record moments we otherwise wouldn't n o t i c e . In viewing a p i c t u r e of a candid s t r e e t scene, our 22 f i r s t impression of the photograph does not d i f f e r g r e a t l y from the experience of being on the s t r e e t (see p l a t e 14). Study the p i c t u r e more c l o s e l y . A mouth gapes open, as i f to s i g n a l r e a l vacancy, a squint looks menacing or a l e g appears to stumble. These are the f u g i t i v e shimmies or twitches of the body i n motion, never seen because never expected. The f a s t i d i o u s b r a i n has no use f o r them, but the q u i c k e r , mindless camera can't help c a t c h i n g them out. ( K o z l o f f , 1979, p. 7) An a i d to the s h u t t e r and diaphragm i n r e g u l a t i n g l i g h t t h a t i s i n common use i s the p h o t o - f l a s h . T y p i c a l l y , f l a s h photos are harsh. The l i g h t comes from one d i r e c t i o n , ( u s u a l l y r i g h t around the camera), and i s very i n t e n s e , t h e r e f o r e c a s t i n g s t r o n g shadows. This kind of 'hard' l i g h t i n g o f t e n r e v e a l s surface t e x t u r e t h a t would o r d i n a r i l y not be n o t i c e d i n more d i f f u s e d l i g h t i n g . Snapshot p o r t r a i t s o f t e n show p a l e , pock-marked s k i n w i t h dark patches f o r the eyes, n o s t r i l s and mouth: a bedsheet w i t h c i g a r e t t e burns! From the f i r s t chemical coated p l a t e s to the current crop of high-speed, h i g h - r e s o l u t i o n f i l m s , an incessant e v o l u t i o n has taken place spurred by curious amateurs and p r o f i t e e r s a l i k e . Lenses and viewing boxes have e x i s t e d f o r c e n t u r i e s i n the form of telescopes and v a r i a t i o n s on the camera obscura. But i t wasn't u n t i l l i g h t s e n s i t i z e d p l a t e s 2 3 were developed in the 1 8 3 0 ' s that photography came into being. Current films generally depend on the photo-sensitivity of silver salts to record li g h t . In the case of black-and-white films those salts are converted to metalic silver to produce the darkness on the negative. Colour films are more complex, but basically, dyes are substituted for the silver through a bleaching process during development. Currently there exists a vast number of choices in terms of film types. The film's sensitivity to light i s one of these options. This choice can influence the sharpness of the negative as well as the a b i l i t y to photograph in low light or to capture motion, which has been discussed earlier. Film's capacity to capture detail reveals how different i t i s from the human eye. The novice photographer usually learns about the difference between camera and human vision through a series of disappointments...Examining a developed photograph, he 'discovers' a bit of trash or a telephone pole, or he finds that the object that f i l l e d his attention when photographing appears small and insignificant in the picture, lost in i t s surroundings. In either case the result i s not what the photographer believes he saw when he made the exposure, and the 24 e f f e c t he r e c a l l s i s absent or s p o i l e d by i n t r u s i o n . (Adams, 1980, p. 96) While u n c o n t r o l l a b l e q u a n t i t i e s of d e t a i l may prove to be a f r u s t r a t i o n i n some circumstances, i t i s a l s o one of 5 the most d i s t i n c t i v e assets of photography. The f/64 group, whose name was derived from the s m a l l e s t and thus sharpest aperture s e t t i n g on most l e n s e s , promoted a s t y l e of a r t photography that e x p l o i t e d the medium's c a p a c i t y f o r r e c o r d i n g d e t a i l (see p l a t e 15). On a more s i n i s t e r plane, extremely s e n s i t i v e m a t e r i a l s i n combination w i t h very sharp lenses have allowed f o r the use of spy s a t e l l i t e s i n snooping on our neighbors. Whatever the case, t h i s d e t a i l has generated, as Max K o z l o f f pointed out (1979), a degree of f a s c i n a t i o n that i s unprecedented i n other media. Black and white and colour f i l m s each have d i s t i n c t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which i n f l u e n c e the photographer's c o n t r o l and thus h i s or her 'vocabulary'. Black and white f i l m s are, of course, monochromatic, as they render a l l v i s i b l e c olours i n values of grey and black. They do not record the t o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s between colours a c c u r a t e l y , f o r example the red of an apple may seem darker than - i s c o r r e c t when seen next to green le a v e s . These s o r t s of problems can be r e s o l v e d w i t h the use of f i l t e r s . More i n t e r e s t i n g i s black and white f i l m ' s c a p a c i t y t o r e g u l a t e t o n a l c o n t r a s t . An image's impression of harshness can be a m p l i f i e d by 25 heightening the c o n t r a s t , or a much g e n t l e r impression can be created through the use of a f i l m that g i v e s a much smoother t o n a l s c a l e (see p l a t e s 16,17). With colour f i l m i t i s much more d i f f i c u l t to c o n t r o l c o n t r a s t , but i n compensation you have the e n t i r e l y new c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the colour i t s e l f . A b r i e f comparison between the c i v i l war photo r e f e r r e d to p r e v i o u s l y (see p l a t e 16) and more recent image from America's undeclared war i n Vietnam i s i n s t r u c t i v e (see p l a t e 18). The colour image c a r r i e s w i t h i t a heightened impression of t r u t h f u l n e s s t h a t made v i s u a l news coverage of the Vietnam war a potent and f r i g h t e n i n g t o o l . At the same time the colour i s more l u r i d , or as K o z l o f f suggests, "more v o y e u r i s t i c " (p.189). We attend l e s s to the d e t a i l s and te x t u r e contained i n an image and more to the c o l o u r . The symbolic power of co l o u r has lon g been understood, and adds a new and potent dimension to an already powerful medium. In a d d i t i o n to these more common f i l m s , b r i e f mention should be made of the f i l m s that record i n s p e c t r a l ranges to which the human eye i s i n s e n s i t i v e . I n f r a r e d f i l m can be used i n much the same way as standard black and white w i l l produce a re c o g n i z a b l e image. I t s t o n a l v a l u e s , however, show heat r a d i a t i o n r a t h e r than l i g h t r a d i a t i o n . While t h i s f i l m i s g e n e r a l l y used f o r i n d u s t r i a l or m i l i t a r y purposes, i t has o f f e r e d an i n t e r e s t i n g a l t e r n a t i v e to some a r t 26 photographers (see p l a t e 19). This and other m a t e r i a l s , such as x-ray f i l m , demonstrate how fundamentally d i f f e r e n t f i l m i s from our v i s u a l p e r c e p t i o n . The camera combines the r i c h p o s s i b i l i t i e s of l e n s , s h u t t e r and f i l m i n a package that o f f e r s a means of expression to many. This package can take the form of e l e g a n t l y simple • i n s t a m a t i c ' cameras which, though l i m i t e d i n t h e i r c a p a c i t y t o be c o n t r o l l e d by the photographer, o f f e r an a c c e s s i b l e approach to p i c t u r e t a k i n g . The camera can a l s o be i n the form of the now ubiquitous 35mm s i n g l e l e n s r e f l e x t h a t o f f e r s an ever-extending range of lenses and advanced automatic exposure systems, making i t p o s s i b l e f o r the t e c h n i c a l l y u n i n i t i a t e d or u n i n t e r e s t e d to take extremely s o p h i s t i c a t e d photographs. At the other end of the spectrum i s the view camera (see f i g u r e 3 ). While antiquated i n appearance and admittedly cumbersome, t h i s package, which i s s t i l l used r e g u l a r l y i n commercial photography, giv e s the photographer the c a p a c i t y to bend and mold h i s or her subject almost at w i l l . 27 CHAPTER I I I THE PHOTOGRAPHER By t a k i n g a camera i n hand anyone can become a photographer, and i n doing so they i n v o l v e themselves i n two potent r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The f i r s t and, more immediate, i s w i t h the subject to be photographed. This i n t e r a c t i o n between subject and photographer evolves through a l i m i t e d p eriod of time and i s punctuated by those moments the photographer chooses to s i e z e w i t h the a i d of the camera. Studying the s o c i a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l pressures a t work i n the photographer-subject r e l a t i o n s h i p can e n l i g h t e n our a p p r e c i a t i o n of the expressive r i c h n e s s of any photographic image (Wagner, 1979) (Krauss & F r y r e a r , 1983). At the same time, the photographer i s i n v o l v e d i n a r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h a s i g n i f i c a n t a r t i f a c t , the image which h i s or her photo-work i s attempting t o produce. In a d d i t i o n there i s a l s o an i n d i r e c t t h i r d r e l a t i o n s h i p between the photographer and whatever audience may see the eventual photographic image. I t i s i n t h i s second extended r e l a t i o n s h i p between the photographer, the image and audience t h a t we are able to f i n d the key t o understanding why some photographic works are valued as ' a r t ' while others f u n c t i o n as document or f a m i l y keepsake. As Edward Weston suggests, "The value of the photograph as a work o f a r t depends p r i m a r i l y on the photographer's seeing before 28 exposure, but i t s a r t i s t i c value can only be determined by an examination of the f i n i s h e d p r i n t " ( B u n n e l l , 1983, p. 130). I n t h i s chapter we w i l l consider the complex s o c i a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l i n t e r a c t i o n s t h a t occur between the photographer and s u b j e c t . We w i l l a l s o consider the broad range of a t t i t u d e s , from the c o n s c i o u s l y a e s t h e t i c to the r i g i d l y s c i e n t i f i c , which photographers b r i n g from the images they produce to the p i c t u r e t a k i n g a c t . I t should be c l e a r , as w e l l , t h a t a high degree of 'cross p o l l i n a t i o n ' occurs between the two photographic r e l a t i o n s h i p s . P i c t u r e - t a k i n g can be a r i c h blend of pe r s o n a l , s o c i a l and a e s t h e t i c v a l u e s . There i s much t h a t can be learned about the expressiveness of photography by imposing a c e r t a i n degree of o r g a n i z a t i o n on the complex r e l a t i o n s h i p s that e x i s t between the photographer, subject and image. This chapter w i l l draw from s o c i o l o g y , psychology, a e s t h e t i c s and photo-technology to propose some frameworks t h a t can f u n c t i o n as a i d s to understanding. As the r i c h debate over P i c t o r i a l i s m around the t u r n of the century shows ( B u n n e l l , 1980), any one ' d e f i n i t i v e ' c o n s t r u c t t h a t attempts to e x p l a i n photography as a r t , as s o c i a l phenomenon, or as t e c h n i c a l wonder must of n e c e s s i t y ignore some important aspect of t h i s potent medium. I t i s 29 t h e r e f o r e the hope of t h i s w r i t e r t h a t the c o n s t r u c t s o f f e r e d i n t h i s chapter w i l l be understood f o r what they are intended to be: attempts to broaden, not l i m i t , the scope of the study and a p p r e c i a t i o n of photography. The camera i s a t o o l . The expressive range of t h i s t o o l continues to expand, i n p a r t , as the r e s u l t of s p e c t a c u l a r advances i n the technology. But i t i s i n the end only a t o o l . Theodore D r e i s e r s t a t e d that,"the camera i s nothing, a mere implement, l i k e a p a i n t e r ' s brush. I t i s the s o u l of the man who manipulates i t that gives every p i c t u r e secured i t s value" (as c i t e d i n B u n n e l l , 1980, p. 119-240). Another e a r l y w r i t e r , J . N i l s e n L a u r v i k expands t h i s idea f u r t h e r by suggesting t h a t : ...the i n t e l l i g e n c e of man, ever a l e r t to shape to h i s own use the f o r c e s of the u n i v e r s e , has found a way t o penetrate and imbue w i t h h i s p e r s o n a l i t y t h i s newly discovered f o r c e . So t h a t today a photograph may be anything from the f a l t e r i n g , s t u t t e r i n g , w h o l l y unconscious and ungoverned snap-shot of the w i l l y - n i l l y button-pusher to the i n d i v i d u a l and compelling p r i n t of a Clarence White, a S t e i c h e n , a K e i l e y , a Coburn or a S t i e g l i t z . ( a s c i t e d i n B u n n e l l , 1980, p. 119) In c o n s i d e r i n g the how and why of the p i c t u r e t a k i n g a c t , yet another e a r l y w r i t e r on photography i d e n t i f i e d the problem t h a t a study such as t h i s f a c e s : The science [of photography] i s so f u l l of v a r i e d f a s c i n a t i o n s that i t procures many f o l l o w e r s , and these become so much enamoured of i t that they do not l i g h t l y g i v e i t up. Every c l a s s of person seems to f i n d something congenial i n photography; the mechanical genius takes to d e v i s i n g hand-cameras and instantaneous s h u t t e r s ; the chemical student wallows i n strange combinations of 'reducing agents'; the g l o b e - t r o t t e r who g l o r i e s i n h i s t r a v e l s has a handy means of p r o v i d i n g p e r e g r i n a t i o n s ; i n s h o r t , every one f i n d s photography so easy and so i n t e r e s t i n g a method of producing graphic and l a s t i n g r e s u l t s without lengthy or expensive p r e p a r a t i o n , t h a t there i s l i t t l e cause f o r wonder t h a t so many more or l e s s unoccupied persons having taken to i t , s t i c k to i t . (as c i t e d i n B u n n e l l , 1980, p. 21) In order to b r i n g some semblance of order to such a c h a o t i c mass of behaviors, i t i s u s e f u l to study photographers from the pe r s p e c t i v e of a given s t r u c t u r e . V i s u a l s o c i o l o g i s t Christopher Musello (1979) i d e n t i f i e s three b a s i c purposes i n f a m i l y photography: i d e a l i z a t i o n , ' n a t u r a l p o r t r a y a l * (documentation), and d e m y s t i f i c a t i o n ( M u s e l l o , 1980, p. 111). Musello's i n t e n t i s to i n v e s t i g a t e a l l aspects of f a m i l y photography. For the purposes of t h i s chapter we s h a l l only consider h i s headings as they apply t o 31 the photographer's r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h h i s or her subject but w i l l expand Musello's o r i g i n a l terms of reference beyond f a m i l y photography to i n c l u d e a l l p i c t u r e - t a k i n g . Musello d e f i n e s the i n t e n t i o n to i d e a l i z e as the d e s i r e t o , " o b t a i n a p o r t r a i t of the person at t h e i r 'best'" ( M u s e l l o , 1979, p. 110). In broadening t h i s f i r s t category to s u i t a l l photographers, i t i s c l e a r t h a t photography not only i d e a l i z e s when i t acts as mythmaker i n b u i l d i n g up the image of the f a m i l y , but a l s o a c t s as m y s t i f y e r when i t presents Imogen Cunningham's f l o w e r s , Diane Arbus' f r e a k s , or even Yosef Karsh's r i c h c l i e n t s as somehow l a r g e r and stronger than l i f e . A second photographic i n t e n t i o n , which Musello c a l l s , " n a t u r a l p o r t r a y a l , " (p. 110) and which we s h a l l i d e n t i f y as the d e s i r e to document, " may be posed or candid but i n e i t h e r case the aim i s . . . t o produce the best image of that person i n an everyday context. In expanding t h i s d e f i n i t i o n to s u i t a l l photography i t i s necessary to make i t somewhat more n e u t r a l . When photographers inten d to document t h e i r s u b j e c t , they t r y to d e p i c t the person or event as n a t u r a l l y as p o s s i b l e . The photographers' hopes are t h a t t h e i r images w i l l be as much ' f a c t s ' as p o s s i b l e . Photographers who hope t h e i r p i c t u r e s w i l l demystify t h e i r s u b j e c t s i n t e n d , "to subvert a s u b j e c t ' s p r e v a i l i n g [or p u b l i c ] image" (Musello, 1979, p. 112). Demystifying images can be p l a y f u l or c r u e l , but i n e i t h e r case there i s an 32 element of r e v e l a t i o n intended by the photographer. Musello a l s o i d e n t i f i e s a f o u r t h purpose f o r t a k i n g p i c t u r e s : "the communion f u n c t i o n " (p. 106). Musello suggests that the photographic images are where t h i s "reinforcement of k i n s h i p r e l a t i o n s and values," (Musello, 1979, p. 109) occurs. This w r i t e r would suggest t h t h a t the act of photography may a l s o serve the communion f u n c t i o n . I n such circumstances, the photographic behavior i s the p r i n c i p a l end. The r e s u l t i n g images are of l i t t l e s i g n i f i c a n c e . Taking a p i c t u r e as an act of communion becomes a r i t u a l whose f u n c t i o n i s to "document, r e i n f o r c e , and i n some senses r e i f y r e l a t i o n s h i p s , b e l i e f s and values" (Musello, 1979, p. 107-9) . I n conjunction w i t h these f o u r photographic purposes, t h i s w r i t e r would add at l e a s t three b a s i c approaches to the act of s e c u r i n g a photographic image.(see f i g u r e 4) Where Musello's (1979) c a t e g o r i e s c l a s s i f i e d various a t t i t u d e s towards one's s u b j e c t , these next three c a t e g o r i e s i d e n t i f y r e l a t i o n s h i p s of p h y s i c a l p r o x i m i t y between the photographer and subject as w e l l as d e f i n i n g l e v e l s of mediation and cooperation i n v o l v e d i n p i c t u r e t a k i n g . The three p i c t u r e t a k i n g behaviors are: s t e a l i n g , r e c o r d i n g and manipulating. S t e a l i n g i n v o l v e s t a k i n g p i c t u r e s without a s u b j e c t ' s awareness that you are doing so. Candid photography uses t h i s 'cloak of secrecy' f o r a v a r i e t y of reasons. The 33 photographer may f e e l t h a t a more n a t u r a l p i c t u r e w i l l r e s u l t or i t may be feared t h a t some unpleasent consequence would r e s u l t from being discovered. Whatever the photographer's motive, an u n d e r l y i n g c u r r e n t of i l l i c i t n e s s informs the p i c t u r e t a k i n g act and may t r a n s f e r over to the r e s u l t i n g image. The photographic recorder's approach i s much more n e u t r a l . I t i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of t h i s method th a t the o s u b j e c t i s aware of the presence of a camera but the photographer makes no overt attempts to i n f l u e n c e the su b j e c t ' s behaviour. Many of the s o c i a l sciences that have begun to inco r p o r a t e photographic images i n t h e i r research have developed g u i d e l i n e s to i d e n t i f y and encourage t h i s s o r t of approach (Wagner, 1979). The photographic manipulator i s an i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t . With t h i s s o r t of technique a very c l e a r l y preconceived n o t i o n of how the f i n a l image should look i n f l u e n c e s e v e r y t h i n g from the equipment that i s chosen to the poses and environment i n which the subject i s placed. Much commercial photography operates i n t h i s sphere. Everything about the p i c t u r e - t a k i n g a c t i s orches t r a t e d as much as the photographer's power to do so permits. Musello's (1979) purpose i n c r e a t i n g h i s " s o c i o d i v i d i s t i c framework" (p.104) was to a i d i n the s o c i o l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s of f a m i l y photographs. Assuming the 34 a p p l i c a b i l i t y of h i s ca t e g o r i e s to photography g e n e r a l l y and using them i n conj u n c t i o n w i t h the three p i c t u r e - t a k i n g behaviors i d e n t i f i e d by t h i s w r i t e r , we have at l e a s t ten d i f f e r e n t formulae f o r understanding the complex r e l a t i o n s h i p t h a t e x i s t s between the photographer and subject (see f i g u r e 4). I t should be s t a t e d c l e a r l y t h a t the ten c a t e g o r i e s are the a r b i t r a r y f o r m a l i z a t i o n of a complex, mul t i - d i m e n s i o n a l spectrum. The a p p l i c a t i o n of t h i s a t t i t u d e - b e h a v i o u r c l a s s i f i c a t i o n (A.B.C.) model f o r p i c t u r e - t a k i n g i s o f f e r e d as a method to develop a greater understanding of photography, not to r e s t r i c t i t s p o s s i b i l i t i e s . Photographers who use s t e a l i n g behaviors to take images that w i l l i d e a l i z e t h e i r subject can best be understood by c o n s i d e r i n g the f a m i l y photographer (see f i g u r e 4, category 1). Candid photography g e n e r a l l y has only become p o s s i b l e w i t h the r e l a t i v e l y recent advances i n camera technology. P a r a l l e l to the t e c h n i c a l changes can be found a growing casualness i n f a m i l y photography (Boerdam and M a r t i n i u s , 1980, p. 108). Candid f a m i l y photography i n c o r p o r a t e s an element of play (see p l a t e 20) i n combination w i t h a d i s r e g a r d f o r compositional concerns that has c a r r i e d over i n t o a r t and commercial photography to some extent (Szarkowski, 1966). The photographer as r e c o r d e r - i d e a l i z e r can be seen i n 35 more formal snapshot family photos (see f i g u r e 4, category 2). Boerdam and Martinius (1980) speak of the "systematic f l a t t e r y " (p.103) found i n most family photography. Snapshooters usually e l e c t to photograph weddings, birthdays, and s p e c i a l r e l i g i o u s days. Most family photo albums give the impression that the family u n i t i s strong and happy regardless of d a i l y evidence to the contrary. Tastes, of course, vary both c u l t u r a l l y and through time. A s t a r t l i n g example of t h i s can be found i n the 19th century photography of the dead.(see plate 21) In the l a s t century photographs of the dead were important family documents that were kept as a p o s i t i v e reminder of the deceased. Some schools of art photography i d e a l i z e by recording as w e l l . The best example of t h i s can be seen i n the work of Ansel Adams.(see plate 22) Adams' work combines extremely high t e c h n i c a l control with a romantic v i s i o n of the outdoors to produce landscape images that are at once ' f a c t u a l ' and i d e a l . P o r t r a i t u r e , propaganda, and a d v e r t i s i n g are three types of photography that use heavy manipulation to i d e a l i z e t h e i r subjects (see f i g u r e 4, category 3). In t h i s context the photographer i s often involved i n conscious mythmaking or m y s t i f i c a t i o n . In commercial p o r t r a i t photography, f o r example, the subject usually enters a s p e c i a l environment 36 (the studio) that i s tota l ly controlled by the photographer. The subject then follows directions given by the photographer, often s tr ik ing poses that would otherwise be unnatural. The portrait photographer often works from a portfol io of poses that w i l l require as few l ight ing set-ups as possible. Where portrait photographers are often usually small business people who deal with the public and have to 'hustle' a large number of cl ients to make a l i v i n g , advertising photography often places more weight on a single image. A nationally run ad campaign has to be •perfect' and the photographer w i l l take the time and get paid for making a perfect picture. With advertising photography, subject and photographer cooperate in creating a situation that w i l l produce the best picture.(see plate 23) People having their portraits taken may be naive about what i s being done for them, but professional models are rarely so. Photography used as propaganda i s probably the most dramatic example of manipulation used to ideal ize . As with advertising photography, a cooperative relationship exists between the subject and photographer. But with propaganda photography the photographer i s trying to manipulate ideological symbols rather than, "a gestalt that has been adroit ly created by Madison Avenue" (Jacobs, 1979, p. 6). Gisele Freund (1980) cites the example of, "Heinrich 37 Hoffmann [whose] photographs helped H i t l e r e s t a b l i s h an image that the world would not f o r g e t " (p. 134). S t e a l i n g to create documentary images i s seen i n s u r v e i l l a n c e photography (see f i g u r e 4, category 4). Everything from the now commonplace v i d e o - s e c u r i t y systems to high r e s o l u t i o n s a t e l l i t e based photography d e r i v e s i t s value from the camera's a b i l i t y to provide u s e f u l , f a c t u a l i n f o r m a t i o n . Needless to say, photographers i n v o l v e d i n t h i s s o r t of image-making are s t e a l t h y t o the extreme. Whether the images are created by a d e t e c t i v e , the p o l i c e or the m i l i t a r y , there i s an element of c o n f l i c t present. S u r v e i l l e n c e photos presumably wouldn't be taken i f the subject wasn't seen to pose some s o r t of t h r e a t . At a l e s s s i n i s t e r l e v e l , much w i l d l i f e photography f i t s i n t h i s category.(see p l a t e 24) In t h i s case i t i s of t e n the s u b j e c t ' s t i m i d i t y t h a t r e q u i r e s the care of the photographer. Photographers who act as recorders of documentary images (see f i g u r e 4, category 5) are more overt than the preceeding group. The work i n v i s u a l s o c i o l o g y (Wagner, 1979), v i s u a l anthropology ( C o l l i e r , 1967) and, t o some extent, v i s u a l psychology (Krauss & Fryrear,1983) i n v o l v e s overt but n o n - i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t methods. Sontag (1973) i d e n t i f i e s another group of recorder-documentors. I t i s her contention t h a t c i t i z e n s 38 of the three most i n d u s t r i a l l y advanced nati o n s (the U.S., West Germany, and Japan) b r i n g t h e i r work e t h i c s to t h e i r i n c r e a s i n g l e i s u r e time. The r e s u l t s are three groups of t o u r i s t s who approach h o l i d a y photography w i t h a l l the i n t e n s i t y of a career. "Using a camera appeases the a n x i e t y which the work-driven f e e l about not working when they are on v a c a t i o n and supposed to be having f u n . They have something to do t h a t i s l i k e a f r i e n d l y i m i t a t i o n of work: they can take p i c t u r e s " (Sontag, 1973, p. 10). The l a b o r a t o r y i s the most l i k e l y environment to f i n d manipulator-documentors (see f i g u r e 4, category 6). Macro-photography, whether i t i n v o l v e s b a s i c a l l y standard equipment, (see p l a t e 25) or an e l e c t r o n microscope (see p l a t e 26) i s a f i e l d t h a t i s becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y t e c h n i c a l and s p e c i a l i z e d . A e s t h e t i c c o n s i d e r a t i o n s would not seem to be an appropriate part of work whose aim i s to provide v i s u a l i n f o r m a t i o n about ' n a t u r a l ' phenomenon. I n t e r e s t i n g l y , however, micrographic images have begun to appear i n g a l l e r i e s . I t would be i n t e r e s t i n g to discover how much a e s t h e t i c choices have i n f l u e n c e d f i n a l images i n s c i e n t i f i c photography. C e r t a i n l y , i n viewing such work, i t i s important to keep i n mind the a e s t h e t i c as w e l l as the s c i e n t i f i c i n t e n t of the photographer. The n o t i o n of 'demystifying' i s ambiguous to say the 39 l e a s t . I f the term i s taken to mean: r e v e a l i n g t h a t which would normally not be seen and which "subverts a p r e v a i l i n g image," (Musello, 1979, p. 112) of the s u b j e c t , then i t a p p l i e s to j o u r n a l i s m , a r t , f a m i l y photography, and pornography. Add to t h i s the act of photographic t h i e v e r y and a potent, c o n t r o v e r s i a l approach to p i c t u r e - t a k i n g i s revealed (see f i g u r e 4, category 7). Perhaps one of the f i r s t and b e t t e r known photographers of t h i s genre was Dr. E r i c h Solomon. Armed w i t h an Erminox high-speed camera, and an aggressive but pleasant p e r s o n a l i t y , Solomon photographed famous people and revealed t h e i r unguarded moments to the world. Obviously the image q u a l i t y of a p i c t u r e made indoors w i t h poor l i g h t i n g from a camera hidden i n a coat was not as high as p r i n t s that were created more c a r e f u l l y . Doctor Solomon's p i c t u r e s were such a success, however, t h a t they permanently a l t e r e d j o u r n a l i s t i c photography (see p l a t e 27). " I t was no longer the c l a r i t y of the image th a t counted, but the subject matter" (Freund, 1980, p. 120). Not only d i d photographers' behavior change because of Solomon and those t h a t f o l l o w e d q u i c k l y a f t e r him, but the viewers' expectations about what they wanted to see changed as w e l l . Where Solomon's a t t i t u d e as a photographer was g e n e r a l l y one of p l a y f u l c u r i o s i t y , much of contemporary candid s t r e e t photography has employed many of the same 40 t a c t i c s to create more c r i t i c a l images. As the quotation a t t r i b u t e d e a r l i e r to Max K o z l o f f suggests ( K o z l o f f , 1979, p. 7) many photos r e v e a l us i n the disheveled s t a t e between heartbeats that we never knew e x i s t e d before photography, (see p l a t e 28) While photographers such as C a r t i e r - B r e s s o n undoubtedly work toward these s o r t of images, t h e i r c o n t r o l o n ly goes so f a r . A f t e r f i l m and l e n s choices and exposure and camera angle have been set the photographer has to f l y on f a i t h . He or she can't see our camera revealed f r a i l t i e s any more than those being photographed! Only the camera can 'see' t h a t f a s t . The photographer then must become a viewer of h i s or her (and the camera's) work i n order to s e l e c t the images that best s u i t h i s or her purpose. The r e c o r d e r - d e m y s t i f i e r i s a photographer w i t h a cause (see f i g u r e 4, category 8). The e a r l y h i s t o r y of v i s u a l s o c i o l o g y g i v e s us the names of two men i n p a r t i c u l a r who documented s o c i a l i l l s t h at were being ignored by the general p u b l i c . Jacob A. R i i s was one of the f i r s t photographers to search out the down s i d e of the i n d u s t r i a l r e v o l u t i o n and photograph i t as a s o c i a l statement, (see p l a t e 29) Even more pointed were the photographs of the s o c i o l o g i s t , Lewis W. Hine. His images were taken w i t h the i n t e n t i o n of r e v e a l i n g the horrors of c h i l d labour p r a c t i c e s around the t u r n of the century, (see p l a t e 30) Another e a r l i e r photographer whose sense of mission r e s u l t e d i n many 41 important and expressive images was Matthew Brady. His images of the American C i v i l War were an e a r l y grim example of the photography of war. Recorder-demystifiers o f t e n have a high l e v e l of emotional involvement w i t h t h e i r s u b j e c t s . Hine and R i i s d i d not put themselves i n p h y s i c a l danger, but many war photographers have, as have photographers such as Danny Lyons (see p l a t e 3 D and Diane Arbus (see p l a t e 32) whose work give s an i n t i m a t e look a t counter c u l t u r e s i n our s o c i e t y . The problem of manipulation and j o u r n a l i s t i c photography can draw a t t e n t i o n to the photographer's r o l e as m a n i p u l a t o r - d e m y s t i f i e r . K o z l o f f expands on an example of photographic manipulation experienced by Horst Faas ( K o z l o f f , 1979, p. 13-14). Faas describes a s i t u a t i o n where East P a k i s t a n i p r i s o n e r s were being h e l d . The photographer was h o r r i f i e d t o r e a l i z e t h a t when he approached the c a p t i v e s , t h e i r captors began to s y s t e m a t i c a l l y impale the h e l p l e s s men w i t h bayonets. Sontag suggests that i t i s now p l a u s i b l e , " i n s i t u a t i o n s where the photographer has the choice between a photograph and a l i f e , to choose the photograph" (Sontag, 1973» p. 69). Despite a sense t h a t the executions were being staged f o r the camera, Faas and h i s a s s o c i a t e s continued to photograph f o r a time because he thought, " i t was our job to r e p o r t a l l 42 t h a t happened." (Faas, 1972, p. 226)(see p l a t e 33) J o u r n a l i s t i c photography i n the western world has moved more and more to the d e p i c t i o n of s p e c t a c l e r e g a r d l e s s of how grim the subject matter may be (see f i g u r e 4, category 9 ) . Faas' job was to provide news photographs w i t h high 'entertainment' value f o r an i n c r e a s i n g l y numb audience. The question then becomes: Who i s the manipulator? The photographer who has the a b i l i t y to i n t e r c e d e i n events i s an a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a n t r e g a r d l e s s of what choice i s made. Sa d a k i c h i Hartmann revealed h i s understanding of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the photographer and manipulation when he s t a t e d t h a t the, " s o c i o l o g i c a l c o n d i t i o n s and the normal a p p r e c i a t i o n of the appearances of contemporary l i f e , w i l l l e a d the camera workers unconsciously to the most advantageous and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c way of seeing t h i n g s " (as c i t e d i n B u n n e l l , 1980, p. 188). Any group t h a t recognizes the value of press coverage and stages a 'media event' i s attempting t o manipulate. The p u b l i c t h a t s i g n a l s i t s d e s i r e s to the media by what i t watches and what i t buys i s , perhaps u n w i t t i n g l y , a c t i n g as a manipulator. And f i n a l l y , the i n t o x i c a t i n g f a s c i n a t i o n of the photograph i t s e l f w i t h i t s l u r i d abundance of 'forbidden' knowledge manipulates those of us who are addicted to i t , (and who i s n ' t ? ) . Musello (1979) d i s c u s s e s the "communion f u n c t i o n " (p. 43 106-109) of photographs i n the f a m i l y . Something s i m i l a r to t h i s can be an element of a photographer's behavior as w e l l . This area of photography does not, however, show as broad a range of behaviors as have the three previous c a t e g o r i e s (see f i g u r e 4, category 10). The term 'communion' i s g e n e r a l l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h sacramental r i t u a l and c a r r i e s w i t h i t an i m p l i c a t i o n of 'oneness w i t h God'. As the term i s being a p p l i e d here, i t suggests a oneness w i t h the subject being photographed and the a c t i v i t i e s i n which photography a c t s to heighten t h e i r s i g n i f i c a n c e . With the communion f u n c t i o n heavy manipulation, on the one hand, and extremely v o y e u r i s t i c s t e a l i n g , on the other, c o n t r a d i c t the b a s i c i n t e n t i o n of the photographer. As Boerdam and M a r t i n i u s (1980) suggest, " t a k i n g f a m i l y photographs [ i s a] s o c i a l a c t i v i t y ; members of the f a m i l y photograph each other, pose each other, and choose t h e i r moments" (p. 93). There are innumerable examples of f a m i l y photo albums whose images are genuinely unrecognizable and many other images that are simply r e l e g a t e d to shoeboxes. The pleasure t h a t was derived i n these p i c t u r e - t a k i n g s i t u a t i o n s had l i t t l e or anything to do w i t h the r e s u l t i n g image. Rather, the photographer's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the event photographed added to the value of the immediate experience. David Jacobs describes a 'scenic lookout' at Mt. 44 Rushmore. He suggests that the thousands of people who would rather take t h e i r own blurry landscapes of the monument instead of buying the p r o f e s s i o n a l - q u a l i t y s l i d e s a v a i l a b l e i n the nearby t o u r i s t shop can be explained by: the simple f a c t that the t o u r i s t i s responding to the beauty of the place. He or she transacts or expresses h i s response through the camera. Such photographic behavior i s not the exclusive domain of an Adams or a Caponigro, even i f the snapshots that r e s u l t are not always a e s t h e t i c a l l y pleasing or s i g n i f i c a n t . The snapshot, unlike the pre-digested s l i d e s i n the lobby, can be signs f o r personal presence and response. (Jacobs, 1979, p. 6) Perhaps a good example of manipulative photography that f u l f i l l s the communion function are the images taken i n photo-booths. These sorts of s e l f - p o r t r a i t s are very c o n t r o l l e d , planned s i t u a t i o n s at one l e v e l , while remaining spontaneous, p l a y - a c t i v i t i e s . The photographer, (whoever puts the quarters i n the machine), qu i c k l y relenquishes h i s or her control of the image making and j o i n s who ever else may be p a r t i c i p a t i n g as a subject. The shared experience of mugging before an *operatorless' camera reveals a oneness among the par t i c i p a n t s that i s documented i n the r e s u l t i n g s t r i p of p i c t u r e s . The many candid photos taken at family events where the 45 photographer was so involved with his or her subject that f i lm wasn't loaded in the camera, the lens cap wasn't removed, or the flash wasn't activated demonstrates both the naive trust that i s put in the technology and the level of communion that was experienced by the photographer. As was suggested early in this chapter, the photographer i s not only in relationship with a subject but with the image that he or she i s trying to produce. With the exception of the communion experience mentioned above, i f the photographer's actions do not result in some sort of tangible image the picture-taking experience w i l l l ike ly be perceived as having fa i l ed . Figure 5 presents a visual representation of two considerations that every photographer faces regarding the 'image in mind'. The photographer must, through default or decision, choose the degree of mechanical 'purity' of the processes involved in producing the image. The photographer must also choose the degree to which aesthetic considerations w i l l influence the act of picture-taking and the eventual role of the resulting image. The photographer's technical considerations and aesthetic considerations can be visualized as a pair of perpendicular axes (see figure 5). These axes define four quadrants that represent four broad but dist inctive attitudes toward the photographic image that a photographer can bring to the picture-taking act. 46 The h o r i z o n t a l axis i s c a l l e d the aesthetic a x i s . The l e f t extreme represents a photographer's mechanistic impulse. This can be understood as the desire to create an image with as l i t t l e human, emotional 'interference' as pos s i b l e . The value being brought to t h i s kind of pict u r e - t a k i n g i s the search f o r 'mechanical truth' i n a photograph. C e r t a i n l y the invention of photography was heralded by many f o r i t s capacity to create 'true' depictions of r e a l i t y i n t h i s mechanical sense. The opposite extreme of the hori z o n t a l axis represents a photographer's aesthe t i c impulse. I f a photographer i s s t r i v i n g f o r 'emotional t r u t h ' as the dominant value i n h i s or her picture-taking, then that work would tend toward the r i g h t side of the ho r i z o n t a l a x i s . The v e r t i c a l axis represents the tec h n i c a l considerations involved i n picture taking. The top of t h i s axis represents t e c h n i c a l l y 'pure' photographic process. By t h i s i s meant that the photographer allows him or he r s e l f the fewest possible options f o r manipulation. This decision emphasizes the value of the photographer's momentary v i s i o n and the importance of the photograph as an a r t i f a c t of that vanished moment. The bottom of the v e r t i c a l axis represents the photographer's decision to allow him or he r s e l f every opportunity to manipulate the picture-taking and p r i n t producing processes. This decision devalues momentary v i s i o n 47 while opening the poss ib i l i ty for the photographer's more heavy-handed presence in an image that places value on a r t i f i c e . The photographer's decisions with regard to the technical means and aesthetic ends of picture-taking are clear value statements. As Edward Weston suggested, (Bunnell, 1983, p. 130) the f ina l printed image i s the viewers' means for judging those values. The aesthetic-technical axes (see figure 5) show how a photographer's values regarding the image being produced can vary. Clearly these values must have an impact on the attitudes and behaviours that a photographer brings to his subject as discussed ear l i er . It i s equally clear that any attempt to place a particular photographer's work within one of the four quadrants of the aesthetic-technical axes w i l l involve a strong statement of values by this writer regarding that boi l ing cauldron called aesthetic theory. Without attempting to adjudicate in the debate between the various aesthetic camps, i t should be possible to demonstrate the value of the aesthetic-technical axes (see figure 5) as a c r i t i c a l tool by considering four extreme examples: Henri Cartier-Bresson, Jerry Uelsmann, N.A.S.A, and Harold Edgerton. Quadrant 1 combines a photographer's desire for technical 'purity* with an emphasis on the production of 4 8 an aesthetically powerful image. Cartier-Bresson's work strikes this balance well by capturing what he called "the decisive moment" (Rosenblum, 1 9 8 4 , p. 4 8 8 ) with purity and aesthetic richness (see plate 2 8 ) . Quadrant 2 (see figure 5 ) combines technical manipulation with the aesthetic impulse. The work of Jerry Uelsmann (see plate 4 5 ) demonstrates extreme technical control. The combination of multiple images in his work i s exacting. At the same time i t i s clear that these are challenging aesthetic objects. When a photographer like Uelsmann takes a picture he considers the subject as i t i s , and as i t might be cut from i t s natural surroundings and injected into another a r t i f i c i a l environment of his creation. Quadrant 3 (see figure 5 ) combines heavy manipulation with a mechanistic impulse. A good example of this type of work can be seen i n some of the images produced by N.A.S.A. (see plate 3 4 ) . Scientists can use computer enhancement techniques on photographed images to add colours that w i l l help them see different temperatures or gases. They are i n essence revealing facts by arbitrary means as the colours are a more-or-less random decision on the part of the scientists. Quadrant 4 (see figure 5 ) combines technical 'purity' with the mechanistic impulse. Harold Edgerton's experiments n9 with ultra-fast cameras and flashes resulted in images that are technically both fascinating, and very clean, (see plate 1 2 ) Works such as Edgerton's apple being pierced by a bullet draw attention to an interesting puzzle. Was the image produced solely in aid of science or did he intend the work to have a level of aesthetic value as well? Considered another way: what i s the viewer's share in the aesthetic appreciation of a photograph? This question leads us away from the photographer and w i l l be considered in a later chapter. This chapter has produced two constructs that can act as tools for the photographer and viewer alike in attempting to appreciate the very complex role that i s played by the photographer in Photography. It i s clear that some sort of interaction must occur between the photographer's relationship with the subject and his or her relationship with the image. Study in greater depth of these various behaviours and attitudes i s outside the scope of this thesis . It i s hoped, however, that the A.B.C.model and the Aesthetic-Technical axes (see figures 4 & 5) can act to offer some direction to that future study. 50 CHAPTER IV THE SUBJECT The subject i n photography i n c o r p o r a t e s the photographer's i n t e n t i o n ; the viewer's d e s i r e s ; the f a s c i n a t i o n of the camera as t o o l ; and the image as document; as w e l l as something, or very o f t e n someone, t h a t i s being photographed. I t i s the purpose of t h i s chapter to survey a v a r i e t y of d i s c i p l i n e s to discover which subjects are 'worth' photographing, and when those subjects are people how they respond to being so elected? The f i e l d of A r t has employed photography i n two d i s t i n c t ways. As an o r i g i n a l a r t f o r m photography has only r e c e n t l y begun to g a i n acceptance. The f i r s t a r t photographers were p i c t o r i a l i s t s who chose as t h e i r subjects c a r e f u l l y staged d e p i c t i o n s of melodramatic events. These e a r l y photographers, as t y p i f i e d by Oscar Rejlander (see p l a t e 35) r e f l e c t e d the more s t a i d t a s t e s of the times w i t h t h e i r romantic e f f o r t s . A r t photographers broadened and deepened t h e i r s e l e c t i o n of subject around the t u r n of the century as a r e s u l t of the e f f o r t s of o r g a n i z a t i o n s such as the Linked-Ring s o c i e t y and amateur photographic clubs (Rosenblum, 1984, p. 208). Most r e c e n t l y , the a r t world has s t r u g g l e d w i t h the range of photographic s u b j e c t matter. Everything from unreadably personal 'snapshots' through j o u r n a l i s t i c and f a s h i o n photography to images 51 p o r t r a y i n g human s e x u a l i t y w i t h an e x p l i c i t n e s s of which only photography i s capable, have found t h e i r ways to various g a l l e r y w a l l s . Baruch Kirschenbaum, an a r t h i s t o r i a n , had to consider t h i s problem when he was asked to speak as an expert witness on behalf of photographic e x h i b i t o r s charged w i t h o f f e n d i n g the p u b l i c morals as a r e s u l t of a show i n Rhode I s l a n d c a l l e d ' P r i v a t e P a r t s ' (Kirschenbaum, 1984, p. 5-21). I t was Kirschenbaum's contention that A r t and i n a s p e c i a l way photography, has been a way of d e a l i n g w i t h p a t h o l o g i e s . I t deals w i t h them through the a c t s of r e v e l a t i o n and o b j e c t i f i c a t i o n . L i k e pornography even at i t s most obscene, i t i s symptomatic, d e s c r i p t i v e , a r t i c u l a t i n g , and i n v i t i n g of c o l l a b o r a t i o n . We may not always l i k e what we see, but we need not c l o s e our eyes or shake our heads; we should see what i s there to be seen and c a l l i t by i t s r i g h t name without pretense. (Kirschenbaum, 1984, p. 21) A l l of t h i s has c o n t r i b u t e d to a general confusion among a r t c r i t i c s as to what standards are a p p l i c a b l e to photographs o f f e r e d as a r t . Whether t h i s ambiguity i s to be deplored (Smith, 1982, p. 17) or accepted (Wolff, 1983) w i l l undoubtedly be the sub j e c t f o r much continued debate. The other element of s u b j e c t i n a r t and photography has 52 been discussed a t l e n g t h by John Berger (1972). In h i s book,Ways of Seeing, Berger h a i l s the democratization of a r t as having been brought about by the photographic reproduction of otherwise i n a c c e s s i b l e works of a r t . Without q u e s t i o n , the p l e t h o r a of picture-books on a r t would not e x i s t were i t not f o r photography and photomechanical reproduction processes. As Berger p o i n t s out, a r t reproductions are perceived as a mixed b l e s s i n g by some because they tend to undermine the s i g n i f i c a n c e of g a l l e r i e s and tend to devalue o r i g i n a l works by presenting them i n a v a r i e t y of ' l e s s d i g n i f i e d ' contexts (see p l a t e 36). Photography's a b i l i t y to help us see the f a m i l i a r t h i n g s d i f f e r e n t l y i s not l i m i t e d to a r t . Science has changed r a d i c a l l y as a r e s u l t of photography. In essence science has taken those c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of photography that a m p l i f y human perception and used them to c a r r y out d e t a i l e d o bservations of phenomena th a t can't be seen. When the French government f i r s t considered buying the Daguerreotype process from i t s i n v e n t o r , one of the most outspoken and eloquent supporters of photography was the s c i e n t i s t , Dominique F r a n c o i s Arago. He suggested t h a t : ...when the observer a p p l i e s a new instrument i n the study of nature, h i s expectations are r e l a t i v e l y small i n comparison to the succession of d i s c o v e r i e s 5 3 r e s u l t i n g from i t s use. In a case of t h i s sor t [the invent ion of photography] i t i s sure ly the unexpected upon which one must e s p e c i a l l y count. (Trachtenberg, 1980 p. 2 1 - 2 ) With the crude mater ia l s f i r s t a v a i l a b l e , Arago had the imaginat ion to recognize the medium's p o t e n t i a l . He understood the camera's usefulness f o r mapping the c ra te rs of the moon and copying Egyptian hyrog lyph ics . But h i s greatest accomplishment was he lp ing a governmental body to r e a l i z e that i t cou ldn ' t imagine the vast range of subject matter open to t h i s new device and that making photography a pub l i c possession would benef i t s o c i e t y . The f i e l d of v i s u a l anthropology i s the e a r l i e s t example of the concentrated use of v i s u a l data i n support of the s o c i a l s c i ences . In the 1 9 3 0 ' s , Gregory Bateson and Margaret Mead centered t h e i r a n a l y s i s of cu l tu re i n B a l i upon v i s u a l data , both f i l m and s t i l l s . The i r h i s t o r i c monograph, Ba l inese Character , has never been matched for i t s subt le blend of photographs wi th in a t i g h t l y organized conceptual framework. The text provides a r i c h i n t e r p l a y of i n s i g h t s as one works from sets of images to words and back aga in . V i s u a l anthropology has s ince grown s u f f i c i e n t l y to support an o rgan i za t ion , the Soc ie ty f o r the Anthropology of V i s u a l Communication, 54 whose p r a c t i t i o n e r s have spawned numerous ethnographic f i l m s and photo c o l l e c t i o n s . ( S t a s z , 1979, p. 119) The subject of a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l photography i s , " p e o p l e i n the course of t h e i r d a i l y a c t i v i t i e s " ( S t a s z , 1979, p. 124). The data gathered f u n t i o n s as a document th a t a i d s i n d i s c o v e r i n g the p a r t i c u l a r s o c i e t y ' s c u l t u r a l c h a r a c t e r . A recent example of v i s u a l a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l research w i t h a b i t of a t w i s t was c a r r i e d out by Stephen Sprague (1978). Sprague's study i n v e s t i g a t e s the Yoruba of Western N i g e r i a . The Yoruba are of s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t because they: ...have...integrated photography i n t o both the t r a d i t i o n a l and contemporary aspects of t h e i r c u l t u r e , ...Yoruba photography i s a genuine expression of the c u l t u r e w i t h uniquely Yoruba symbolic meanings and f u n c t i o n s , and w i t h an i m p l i c i t s et of c u l t u r a l l y determined conventions governing proper subject matter and formal coding of the v i s u a l image.(Sprague, p.17) Sprague's subjects were the subjects the Yoruba chose to photograph as w e l l as how the Yoruba acted behind and i n f r o n t of the camera i n a d d i t i o n to the value placed on the r e s u l t i n g image. I n stu d y i n g a c u l t u r a l l y unique 'photographic s o c i e t y ' Sprague was able to achieve a l e v e l of o b j e c t i v i t y t h a t could u s e f u l l y be d i r e c t e d toward studying our own s o c i e t y and i t s use of photography. Jon Wagner (1979) i d e n t i f i e s three areas of s p e c i a l 55 i n t e r e s t f o r v i s u a l s o c i o l o g i s t s : "Behavior of the human 'organism, 1 the meaning and s t r u c t u r e of s i t u a t e d a c t i o n , and the nature of v i s u a l imagery and imaging" (Wagner, p. 285). I m p l i c i t i n t h i s l i s t i n g are two s u b j e c t s : f i r s t , people's i n t e r a c t i o n s w i t h each o t h e r , and second photography and photographs as an element of that i n t e r a c t i o n . Wagner recognizes the d i f f i c u l t y t h a t e x i s t s i n o b j e c t i v e l y a n a l y s i n g behavior as evidenced i n photographs. His recommendation, " f o r work w i t h i n t h i s area i s th a t the d i a l e c t i c between use of photographs to study human a c t i v i t y and the study of photographic imagery i t s e l f be kept a l i v e " (Wagner, 1979, p. 294). As C l a r i c e Stasz (1979) suggests, "the great challenge f o r v i s u a l s o c i o l o g i s t s now i s to e s t a b l i s h a method, a set of r u l e s f o r using and understanding images that are not adaptations of categorize-and-count techniques" ( S t a s z , 1979, p. 136). Psychology n a t u r a l l y focuses on the i n d i v i d u a l more than does s o c i o l o g y . " I t i s c l e a r that p h y s i o l o g i c a l l y we human beings experience the world i n a very incomplete way. In f a c t , much of what we c a l l technology e x i s t s to compensate f o r t h i s d e f i c i t " (Krauss & F r y r e a r , 1983, p. 43). I n photography the mental h e a l t h f i e l d has found a f l e x i b l e t o o l f o r expanding the perceptions of c l i e n t and c o u n c e l l o r a l i k e . As e a r l y as 1852 the camera proved u s e f u l f o r 56 documenting the e x t e r n a l symptoms of c e r t a i n mental i l l n e s s e s . More r e c e n t l y the camera has been used i n photography. Peter Bunnell i d e n t i f i e d the source of the medium's potency when he suggested t h a t , " w h i l e the f a c i l e way i n which...pictures are made eludes considered thought, the m a j o r i t y of them represent a p i c t o r i a l record of the most p r i v a t e of human r e l a t i o n s between people" (as c i t e d i n Krauss & F r y r e a r , 1983 p. 3 D . The s u b j e c t s of photographs taken as an element of therapy are as v a r i e d as the i n d i v i d u a l s who hold the cameras. I n Phototherapy i n Mental Health (1983) e d i t o r s David Krauss and J e r r y F r y r e a r i d e n t i f y twelve approaches to therapy t h a t can use photography.(p.4) S i m p l i f i e d somewhat, the c a t e g o r i e s suggest t h a t photography i s t h e r a p e u t i c i n three ways: as a behavior, the a c t i o n of p i c t u r e t a k i n g i s b e n e f i c i a l ; a c l i e n t ' s choice of subject can a l s o be a u s e f u l a i d t o i n s i g h t s f o r the c o u n s e l l o r ; and as a ba s i c form of communication between c e r t a i n p a t i e n t s , t h e i r c o u n s e l l o r s and f a m i l y (Krauss & F r y r e a r , 1983, p. 3-39). H i s t o r y has found i n photography two elements of i n t e r e s t . The photograph can be regarded as an o b j e c t i v e source of data about past events, or i t can be st u d i e d as a past event i n i t s e l f . Both per s p e c t i v e s o f f e r h i s t o r i a n s enormous banks of i n f o r m a t i o n i n the form of the vast and oft e n uncatalogued q u a n t i t i e s of photographs taken over the 57 l a s t 150 years. Edgar A l l e n Poe recognized the h i s t o r i c a l value of photography i n 1857 when he s a i d : No photographic p i c t u r e t h a t ever was taken, i n heaven, or e a r t h , or i n the waters underneath the e a r t h , of anything, or scene, however d e f e c t i v e when measured i n a r t i s t i c s c a l e , i s d e s t i t u t e of a s p e c i a l , and what we may c a l l an h i s t o r i c i n t e r e s t . Every form which i s traced by l i g h t i n the impress of one moment, or one hour, or one age i n the great passage of time. Though the faces of our c h i l d r e n may not be modelled and rounded w i t h the t r u t h and beauty which a r t a t t a i n s , yet minor things-the very shoes of the one, the insepe r a b l e toy of the other-are given w i t h a st r e n g t h of i d e n t i t y which a r t does not seek.(as c i t e d i n Trachenberg, 1980, p. 65) As w i t h the other s o c i a l s c i e n c e s , d e a l i n g w i t h the photographer's i n t e n t i o n i n h i s or her use of subject i s a major concern when viewing photographs as h i s t o r i c a l documents. "The statement the image makes-not j u s t what i t shows you, but the mood, moral e v a l u a t i o n , and casual connections i t su g g e s t s - i s b u i l t up" (as c i t e d i n S c h l e r e t h , 1980, p. 20) from the d e t a i l s , whether i n t e n t i o n a l l y or not, th a t were brought together by the photographer. An example where the h i s t o r i a n s p i t f a l l s are more obvious can be seen i n the work of Brooke Baldwin. 58 Baldwin's essay,Stereotyped Images of Blacks i n American  Popular Photography, (1980) recognized t h a t while the medium of photography was not the source of r a c i a l s t e r e o t y p i n g , " s t i l l , i t holds a place of great importance the h i s t o r y of negative r a c i a l p o r t r a y a l " (Baldwin, 1980, p. 14). Through c a r e f u l a n a l y s i s of images that were made to be s o l d as n o v e l t y items between the 1890's and 1930's, Baldwin i s able to document how the business of producing and s e l l i n g r a c i a l s l u r s progressed. He i s able to i d e n t i f y p a r t i c u l a r negatives that s t a r t e d out as innocuous p o r t r a i t s but, through r e t o u c h i n g , became ' c o m i c ' With v i s u a l anthropology the photographic subject i s 'them'; w i t h v i s u a l s o c i o l o g y the photographic subject i s 'us'; i n phototherapy the subject i s 'me'; i n v i s u a l h i s t o r y the subject i s a l l of the preceeding i n the matrix of time and place; a r t photography has the freedom to draw i t s s u b j e c t s from anywhere, but w i t h the challenge of developing a sense of d i r e c t i o n and c r e a t i n g communicative a r t . Often i n v o l v e s not only the photographers concerns r e g a r d i n g s u b j e c t . For example, how do people respond to being photographed? On seeing a photographic subject who i s ob v i o u s l y being used by the photographer, whether f o r pornographic, commercial, a r t i s t i c or s c i e n t i f i c purposes, we might wonder how they could l e t t h e i r p i c t u r e be taken i n 59 t h a t way. The simple answer i s th a t we are g e n e r a l l y passive i n f r o n t of the camera. We t r u s t the camera to be honest, without g i v i n g much thought to the operator behind the machine. Most c e r t a i n l y few of us consider how our l i k e n e s s i n a photograph w i l l be used. In l e a r n i n g t o become more l i t e r a t e p h o t o g r a p h i c a l l y we must become more a c t i v e as subjects as w e l l as viewers. We can do t h i s i n part by being aware of the many p o s s i b l e purposes that we can serve as photographic s u b j e c t s , and by r e c o g n i z i n g the l a t i t u d e t h a t photographic technology a l l o w s i t s users. 60 CHAPTER V THE IMAGE Photographer Garry Winogrand's i n t r i g u i n g l y simple statement, " I photograph to f i n d out what something w i l l look l i k e photographed," (Sontag, 1973, p. 197) draws a t t e n t i o n to a l l the l i n k s i n the chain of Photography. At once he i s c o n s i d e r i n g , h i m s e l f , h i s s u b j e c t , and the image t h a t r e s u l t s from h i s use of photographic t o o l s . The photographic p r i n t i s the d i r e c t l i n k between the viewers, who are by f a r the l a r g e s t group i n v o l v e d i n Photography, and a l l the other elements of the medium. Bunnell described 6 the debate among e a r l y p i c t o r i a l i s t photographers as c e n t e r i n g around the b e l i e f t h a t , "the negative [ i s ] the standard or base f o r the subsequent c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n of the p r i n t . I t i s the p r i n t which becomes the work of a r t , and the negative remains the l i n k to the subject as i t was i n nature" ( B u n n e l l , 1980, p.4). Our concern i n t h i s chapter i s the photographic image and the ways i n which t h a t image conveys, i n t e n t i o n a l l y or not, expressive content. Photographic images take three b a s i c forms: o r i g i n a l p r i n t s ( i n black & white or c o l o u r ) , s l i d e t r a n s p a r e n c i e s , and photomechanical reproductions. As holograms, l a s e r generated images w i t h a s t r i k i n g i l l u s i o n of t h r e e - d i m e n s i o n a l i t y , become more common they may become a f o u r t h important component of t h i s l i s t . 61 The f i r s t photographic images seen by the public were daguerreotypes (see plate 37). These were monochromatic images that appeared as black & white positives but were, in fact, delicate, silvery impressions that were printed on metallic plates. Contemporary black & white photographic printing i s based, as i s the production of negatives in the camera, on the sensitivity of silver salts to lig h t . Paper that has been coated with a light-sensitive emulsion i s exposed to light projected, by aid of an enlarger, through a negative (see figure 6). The negative blocks the light only in those areas that are opaque. Any light that gets through the negative i s focused with an enlarging lens and gives a sharp image of whatever i s on the negative. The sharply focused light that has been projected onto the photographic paper invisibly alters the silver salts creating a "latant image" (Rosenblum, 1984, p.194). Chemical development of the photographic paper changes the exposed silver salts into metalic silver which can be seen by the human eye as tones of grey leading to black. As w i l l be seen shortly, this developing process can be controlled to advantage in a variety of ways. Colour prints are produced on paper stock just as are most black & white originals. With colour printing, a number of light sensitive emulsions are impregnated with 62 d i f f e r e n t dyes that r e a c t to the d i f f e r e n t colours p r o j e c t e d through the enlarger by the negative (or p o s i t i v e ) . The developing process causes each of these l a y e r s of emulsion to r e v e a l t h e i r dyes, and the r e s u l t i n g image that appears on the paper d u p l i c a t e s the colours of the o r i g i n a l s u b j e c t . Colour s l i d e f i l m f i r s t became commercially a v a i l a b l e as 35mm movie f i l m . The f i l m operated through,"the formation of a t r i p l e - l a y e r emulsion c o n t a i n i n g dye-couplers i n primary colours t h a t would block out t h e i r complements" (Rosenblum, 1984, p.606). The transparency that r e s u l t e d through the development of t h i s f i l m was i n more or l e s s f u l l c o l our and could be p r o j e c t e d on a screen. The Kodak c o r p o r a t i o n was the f i r s t manufacturer of t h i s product, and i t s presence on the market "renewed i n t e r e s t among amateurs i n s l i d e s and s l i d e p r o j e c t i o n during the l a t e 1940's" (Rosenblum, 1984, p.606). I t s predecessor, the l a n t e r n s l i d e , had long been out of f a s h i o n . The vast m a j o r i t y of photographic images, and images i n general f o r t h a t matter, are not ' o r i g i n a l p r i n t s ' i n the sense described above. O r i g i n a l photographic p r i n t s , w h i l e of high q u a l i t y , can not be reproduced q u i c k l y or economically i n q u a n t i t y . From the l a t e 19th century, p r i n t e d i n f o r m a t i o n i n the form of newspapers, magazines and books grew i n q u a n t i t y and w i t h i t grew the demand f o r e a s i l y reproduced photographic images. The e v o l u t i o n of the 63 various methods of rapid printing are important i n this growth, but the most significant-development was, "the 1855 discovery by Poitevin that when bichromated gelatin i s hardened...it produces reticulation-a fine grain that restructures continuous tonalities into barely visible dots" (Rosenblum, 1984, p.451). This discovery lead eventually to the use of a screening process that intentionally broke a photographic image into,"a code of dots small enough not to interfere with the visual information i n the picture" (Rosenblum, 1984, p.451). These dots, when etched onto a metal plate, could be incorporated into the printing process alongside text with the result that illustrations and words were printed with equal rapidity. This convenience was achieved at the expense of image quality in terms of rich dark areas and subtle tonal gradations. A variation of this so called 'half-tone' printing method i s used in most of the coloured images that we see today in books, magazines, and ever more frequently newspapers. For the purposes of this thesis the preceeding brief technical overview i s sufficient as a basic intoduction to the photographic print. Of greater concern i s how these printing processes can be manipulated to allow what Ansel Adams refers to as, "imaginative control" (Adams, 1968, p.1). 64 Photographic p r i n t i n g has two basic elements. The f i r s t involves the formatting of the image. Included i n t h i s are decisions such as what siz e and shape the p r i n t should be, and what segment of the negative should be prin t e d . Compositional considerations are generally a part of t h i s f i r s t element. The second element of p r i n t i n g involves deciding on p r i n t q u a l i t i e s such as contrast, luminosity, colour r e l a t i o n s h i p and so on. A range of decisions i s possible i n t h i s category and those choices can a l l act to amplify whatever expressive content i s evident i n a p a r t i c u l a r image. A 'straight p r i n t ' as i t was ref e r r e d to by photo-artists such as Edward Weston or Imogen Cunningham (see plate 38) would represent an e n t i r e , uncropped negative that shows l i t t l e or no manipulation. Photography such as 7 t h i s requires the a b i l i t y to c a r e f u l l y " p r e v i s u a l i z e " (Adams,1980) desired r e s u l t s . Along with i t s content, images that c a l l themselves s t r a i g h t p r i n t s express an at t i t u d e of self-righteousness that i s claimed by a l l those who p r a c t i s e ' t o t a l ' honesty. There are, however, many choices open to even s t r a i g h t printed images that may not be obvious at f i r s t , but do allow even the most rigourously honest photographer a c e r t a i n amount of expressive l a t i t u d e . Assuming that an image i s to be presented as something short of a f u l l - n e g a t i v e p r i n t , the option to crop allows 65 the photographer almost i n f i n i t e compositional choice, (see p l a t e s 39-40) This c a p a c i t y to p r i n t s e l e c t i v e l y has been used to advantage by e d i t o r i a l i s t s , gossip mongers, and propagandists. I t i s d i f f i c u l t to recognize cropping i n an image unless you have access to the o r i g i n a l negative. This technique alone should make i t c l e a r t h a t a photograph, any photograph, i s a very c o n t r o l l e d human product! Whether a p r i n t i s cropped or p r i n t e d i n i t s e n t i r e t y , the s c a l e i n which i t i s p r i n t e d i n f l u e n c e s i t s impact. Richard D. Z a k i a , i n Perception and Photography, suggests that,"what a person experiences [through t h e i r p e rception] depends upon what he i s l o o k i n g a t and what he i s l o o k i n g f o r , what i s out there and what i s i n him" ( Z a k i a , 1975, p.80). Any image i s perceived i n r e l a t i o n to the viewer. The s c a l e of the image, t h e r e f o r e , w i l l i n f l u e n c e i t s impact. A human form that i s p r i n t e d twice human s i z e , as i n a b i l l b o a r d , i s l a r g e r than l i f e and i t s message i s a m p l i f i e d a c c o r d i n g l y . On the other hand, there i s a c e r t a i n amount of comfort i n th a t f a c t t h a t news photographs are d i m i n u t i v e . Imagine the horror of viewing an a l r e a d y powerful image such as the now famous p i c t u r e by (see p l a t e 41) th a t d e p i c t s a young Vietnamese g i r l , a v i c t i m of a napalm a t t a c k , i f i t were reproduced on a b i l l b o a r d . Freund c i t e s , "Malraux [who] a s s e r t s t h a t 'reproduction has created f i c t i t i o u s works of a r t by 66 s y s t e m a t i c a l l y f a l s i f y i n g s c a l e and by presenting stamps of o r i e n t a l s e a l s and coins as i f they were columns, or amulets as i f they were s t a t u e s " (Freund, 1980, p.95). Contrast can be modulated q u i t e p r e c i s e l y i n black & white p r i n t s . By c o n t r a s t i s meant the number of shades of grey t h a t can be d i f f e r e n t i a t e d between black and white i n an image. Images that jump q u i c k l y from black to white w i t h few intermediate steps are s a i d to have 'high c o n t r a s t ' , w h i l e 'low c o n t r a s t ' images may l a c k e i t h e r black or white but have a more s u b t l e t o n a l s c a l e . A t e c h n i c a l l y ' i d e a l ' p r i n t would have both t o n a l extremes w i t h a l a r g e number of intermediate greys (see p l a t e 42). As was suggested e a r l i e r , i n Chapter I I : The Camera, the harshness of high c o n t r a s t can seem e x c i t i n g l y or b r u t a l l y 'hard', the s u b t l e t y of low c o n t r a s t might seem gen t l e or even bland. A t e c h n i c a l l y ' i d e a l ' p r i n t would c e r t a i n l y appear r i c h and appealing i n comparison to the preceeding two choices. Photomechanical reproductions u n t i l very r e c e n t l y were l i m i t e d to high c o n t r a s t l i k e n e s s e s of o r i g i n a l work. With r e c e n t l y t e c h n i c a l advances such as the 'duotone' process i t i s p o s s i b l e to p r i n t very r i c h images at a reasonable c o s t . I n terms of c o n t r a s t , c o l o u r p r i n t i n g i s s t i l l very l i m i t e d . S p e c i a l temperature s e n s i t i v e ' p r o f e s s i o n a l ' f i l m s w i l l a l l o w the c a r e f u l user to s o f t e n the otherwise 67 t y p i c a l l y c o n t r a s t y r e s u l t s of colour photography. Once the negative i s produced, however, there i s very l i t t l e c o n t r o l l e f t . C o n t r o l of c o n t r a s t i n colour photography i s t h e r e f o r e a matter of choosing the best l i g h t i n g and f i l m f o r a p a r t i c u l a r t a s k . One f a c t o r t h a t i n f l u e n c e s a l l photographic p r i n t s , and once again draws our a t t e n t i o n to the d i f f e r e n c e between a p r i n t e d image and the r e a l world, i s l u m i n o s i t y . Under normal p r i n t viewing c o n d i t i o n s , the most l i g h t a photograph can hope to r e f l e c t i s about 60 times more i n the b r i g h t e s t areas when compared t o the darkest areas. S l i d e s , on the other hand can show a l u m i n o s i t y range of about 100 to 1. This means th a t a w e l l photographed s l i d e can seem more luminous and thus more powerful i n at l e a s t one r e s p e c t . To put a l l of t h i s i n p r o p o r t i o n , however, the l u m i n o s i t y t h a t we experience when viewing the world can range to 10,000 to 1 (Adams, 1981). D a z z l i n g though a photograph may seem i t r a r e l y i s as r i c h w i t h l i g h t as 'the r e a l t h i n g . ' The c l a r i t y of an image might seem above dispute as an i d e a l f o r those of us who have been f r u s t r a t e d by our i n a b i l i t y t o p r o p e r l y focus a camera. In f a c t c r i s p n e s s and f u z z i n e s s i n a p r i n t e d image were the f i r s t expressive choices over which p h o t o - a r t i s t s d i d b a t t l e . The e a r l i e s t photographs enchanted people with t h e i r magical c a p a c i t y to r e c o r d d e t a i l s s h a r p l y . Soon, however, a r t i s t s such as 68 Clarence White (see plate 43) opted for printing processes that gave softer images, hoping, perhaps, that by leaving more to the imagination photographs might provide a greater inte l lectual challenge and give greater aesthetic sat isfact ion. It i s not necessary for us to pursue this debate. Rather, i t i s important to recognize the h i s tor ica l fascination that c lar i ty and detai l holds, and the expansiveness and al lusive interest that softer images can generate. It i s important to realize also that current technology allows for a blending of the two choices. A simple example of this can be seen in almost any commercial portrait photographer's display window, where one can usually find a bridal portrait whose misty perimeter draws our attention to the clear,sharp eyes of the bride as she looks off into a romantic future. Johannes Itten's work in colour theory helped draw attention to the fact that colours and colour relationships have definite psychological impact. The opt ica l , electromagnetic, and chemical processes in i t ia ted in the eye and brain are frequently paralleled by processes in the psychological realm. Such reverberations of the experience of colour may be propagated to the innermost centers, thereby affecting principal areas of mental and emotional experience. 69 (Itten, 1975, p.83) This is important in photographic printing as i t relates to the self-conscious use of colour to create a mood. Kozloff (1979) draws attention to the photographer of the r ich and famous, Ernst Haas,"a Li fe magazine Paganini of Kodachrome, who had taken i t into his head that [colour] photography should be about, not the sensations, but the sensationalization of [colour]" (Kozloff, 1979, p.188). By using the richest films with careful l ight ing and even more careful print ing, Haas was able to use the expressiveness of^  colour to reinforce the alure of his subjects. Heavy manipulation of an image may be obvious or go completely undetected. The photo-artist, Jerry Uelsmann has created fascinating works of art through the use of multiple negatives in a single print (see plate 44). Technically his prints are so f inely done that i t i s d i f f i c u l t to t e l l that the f ina l image has been contrived largely i n the darkroom. Our tendency to assume the truthfulness of a photographic image w i l l be discussed at length in the next chapter, but i t i s clear that our willingness to believe aids Uelsmann's images. Very few multiple images are as obvious as Uelsmann's. Advertising photography uses this technique constantly. The combining of an ideal sky with and ideal foreground and an ideal model 70 might be l o g i s t i c a l l y impossible, but 'stripping' or i solat ing elements in various negatives allows advertising art directors to produce whatever image w i l l present their product to greatest advantage (see plate 45). The preceeding paragraphs were intended to draw attention to the expressive choices available to any photographer. These are not deceptions being carried out by unscrupulous ar t i s t s . No one would question Rembrandt's right to exaggerate the effect of l ight on his painted subjects, but few would not realize that he, as the a r t i s t , chose to bathe his subjects in a golden glow. Photo-artists are equally free and able to manipulate their images for effect, whether those images are produced 'to order' or for more personal reasons. It i s , however, incumbent upon us as viewers of photographic images to be aware of the choices being made in the production of a photographic image. 71 CHAPTER VI THE VIEWER "During the Renaissance i t was s a i d of a c u l t i v a t e d person t h a t he had 'a good nose.' Today we say t h a t he has • v i s i o n , ' f o r s i g h t i s now the sense most often c a l l e d upon" (Freund, 1980, p.215). V i s i o n , as i t i s a p p l i e d to the a p p r e c i a t i o n of photographic images i s a complex a t t r i b u t e . Becker suggests t h a t : People who w r i t e and t h i n k about photography t y p i c a l l y d i s t i n g u i s h between i n f o r m a t i o n a l and expressive photographs, between science and a r t , between photographs mainly intended to answer questions and those intended to engage us i n an a e s t h e t i c experience. Most photographic p r a c t i t i o n e r s want to keep that d i f f e r e n c e c l e a r . [Becker] wants to muddy i t as much as [he] can, and s a y [ s ] t h a t every photograph has some of both, and that t h i s d u a l i t y has some consequences f o r the way we look a t , experience, t h i n k about, and judge photographs of a l l k i n d s . (Becker, 1980, p.27) Becker's comments are i n alignment w i t h t h i s w r i t e r i n suggesting t h a t p s y c h o l o g i c a l , s o c i a l , and h i s t o r i c a l f a c t o r s must be considered when d i s c u s s i n g how and why we view photographs. In some ways the preceeding f o u r chapters are intended to serve as elements i n the t o t a l d i s c u s s i o n of the viewer's r e l a t i o n s h i p to photography. I t should be 72 clear that: the camera sets mechanical l imits on photographic image making; the photographer injects his or her personal vision into the process; the subject i s largely, but not completely at the mercy of the photographer, and can have input into the f ina l image; and that image, in i t s many expressive forms, has v ir tua l ly blanketed the world. This accumulated investment of creative energy would be absolutely meaningless i f i t were not able to effect the viewer. The purpose of this chapter i s not to reprise the ideas presented on the preceeding pages. Clearly, photography does effect us, the viewers, in a variety of ways. Of interest here are insights into the attitudes and behaviors that Photography draws from us. Psychology considers the multi-faceted relationship that exists between each of us individually and the environment in which we l i v e . One of the most curious aspects of our relationship with photographic images i s the frequently cited fact that we accept the photographic object as an ar t i fac t . We quickly and unquestioningly go beyond the simple fact of a piece of paper with images printed on i t and attribute to the object an almost physical connection between i t s e l f and whichever persons or places are represented on i t s surface. Rather than being recognized as a representation of a person, the photograph represents that 73 person i n the same way that a lock of hair or an old possession does. Part of our naivete i s a re s u l t of the fact that photographs 'offer more d e t a i l s than r e a l i t y . ' That i s , the medium allows us to pause and focus on objects that our normal perceptual inventory of the world would miss. Photographs are a two-dimensional r e a l i t y that correspond to-and yet confuse our three-dimensional perceptions. Stereoscopic v i s i o n has been called a primary factor i n s p a t i a l orientation. I t exists i n babies at the e a r l i e s t age that can be measured, and thereby seems to be an innate quality of v i s i o n . (Layer, 1979, p.44) Photographs present mathematically correct representations of space while taking up v i r t u a l l y no three-dimensional space i n themselves. This conundrum becomes even more disarming when we r e a l i z e that perceptual psychology has c l e a r l y established that we mentally adjust our environment. For example, we eliminate the apparent convergence of the l i n e s i n the view up from the foot of a t a l l building and quickly convert the v i s u a l r e a l i t y of the skyscraper into what we 'know' to be true and safe, which i s a structure" that i s plumb and square (Arnheim, 1 9 6 9 ) . Photographs are more l i t e r a l . Inescapably b u i l t into every photograph were a great amount of d e t a i l and, especially, the geometrical 74 perspective of central projection and section. The accuracy of both depended merely on the goodness of the lens. At f i r s t the public had talked a great deal about what i t called photographic distortion-which only meant that the camera had not been taught, as human beings had been, to disregard perspective in most of i t s seeing. But the world, as i t became acclimated, or, to use the psychologists word, conditioned, to photographic images, gradually ceased to talk about photographic distort ion, and today people actually hunt for that distortion and, except in pictures of themselves, enjoy i t when found...Thus, by conditioning i t s audience, the photograph became the norm for the appearance of everything. It was not long before man began to think photographically, and thus to see for themselves things that previously i t had taken the photograph to reveal to their astonished and protesting eyes. (Trachtenberg, 1980, p.219) The medium 'taught us to see,' and as a result , somewhere between our optical and mental perceptions, photographs manage to bypass the impulse that would sort them into the same category as other types of representations. Instead photographs are often shunted off to that part of our mind that collects our experiences of r e a l i t y . 75 A very f a i t h f u l drawing may a c t u a l l y t e l l us more about a model but d e s p i t e the promptings of our c r i t i c a l i n t e l l i g e n c e i t w i l l never have the i r r a t i o n a l power of the photograph to bear away our f a i t h . (Trachtenberg, 1980, p.241) Photography a c t s on us i n much the same way t h a t a c h i l d ' s u n f e t t e r e d imagination does, drawing us i n t o a world of r e a l emotions and r e a c t i o n s d e s p i t e the u n r e a l i t y of the q u a l i t i e s a t t r i b u t e d to the object t h a t prompted them. Psychology t r i e s to understand our p h y s i o l o g i c a l and emotional r e a c t i o n s to photography. Phototherapy has been able to e x p l o i t our high l e v e l of emotional involvement w i t h photographic images. Krauss & F r y r e a r (1983) a s s e r t t h a t photographs are u s e f u l t o o l s i n h e l p i n g t o c l a r i f y a p a t i e n t ' s otherwise muddied perception of r e a l i t y because of the medium's a b i l i t y to be perceived as c o n v i n c i n g l y f a c t u a l . I n d i s c u s s i n g photographic postcards, Freund (1980) brings together many of the complex p s y c h o - s o c i a l impulses t h a t photographic images draw out of us. In choosing a postcard, the purchaser i d e n t i f i e s somewhat w i t h the a r t i s t who conceived i t . Sending a postcard w i t h the view of a landscape we are v i s i t i n g i s an a f f i r m a t i o n of our l e i s u r e to t r a v e l and thus becomes a symbol of our s o c i a l status...The success of 76 the postcard thus l i e s in the memory we wish to prolong, the dream that we can buy for a l i t t l e money, and voyeurism with a l l i t s substitutes. (Freund, 1980, p.100) As the preceeding passage suggests, our outward behaviors in relation to photographic images are guided to a great extent by psychological impulses. Some of those impulses are unique to the medium of photography. There i s , for example, "no work of art in our age so attentively viewed as the portrait photography of oneself, one's closest friends and relatives,[and] one's beloved" (Trachtenberg, 1980, p.211). The viewing and possession of photographs i s often a soc ia l , and occasionally an ant i - soc ia l , behaviour. The f i e l d of visual sociology i s concerned with the study of those behaviors as a means to achieve a greater understanding of social values and operations (Musello, 1979). The family, advertising, entertainment, journalism, ar t , education, p o l i t i c s , and science use photographs in a social context and thus need to be considered when trying to judge the impact of photography on society. It i s not relevant to try to offer here a detailed understanding of a l l of the varied behaviors that viewers bring to photographic images. Most of us experience a f u l l 77 spectrum of emotional reactions, from cherishing and joy to melancholy, anger and even horror, towards the photographic images we see every week. We are confronted with photographic images almost everywhere we go and attend to them with varying l e v e l s of awareness. We surround ourselves with the desireable images of family and beauty (Boerdam & Martinius, 1980) We inform ourselves with j o u r n a l i s t i c and s c i e n t i f i c images that show us the world (Kozloff,1979). At the same time images are thrust upon us i n the hope that they w i l l influence our purchases or p o l i t i c s (Berger, 1972), and i t i s clear that they often succeed. The young f i e l d of v i s u a l sociology i s only beginning to grapple with explanations f o r the way we behave i n r e l a t i o n to photographs. Writers i n the f i e l d such as Jon Wagner (1979) are s t i l l t r y i n g to determine which s o c i o l o g i c a l questions the medium can reasonably be expected to answer as well as what the p i t f a l l s are i n using such expressive images as information. The more complex problem of the communications that quite apparently occur between the viewer and the image w i l l be the subject of much study i n the future. I t i s safe to say, however, that no image producing medium has involved more of our soci e t y . Nor has any other means of v i s u a l expression had such an impact on the world's c u l t u r e s . 78 The f i e l d of visual anthropology has long recognized in photography a useful too l . The medium's capacity to unobtrusively 'freeze and preserve' specific visual moments has allowed anthropologists to analyse cultural phenomena i n de ta i l . Magazines such as National Geographic, and others have made a modest entertainment industry out of the sc ient i f i c and psuedo-scientific observation of 'them.' Of more significance, Roland Barthes (as cited in Trachtenberg, 1980) argues that photography represents an, "anthropological revo lut ion . . . in man's history" (Trachtenberg, 1980, p . 2 7 8 ) . He argues that those cultures that participate in photography have acquired a type of "photographic consciousness [that i s ] truly unprecedented, since i t establishes not a consciousness of the being-there of the thing (which any copy could provoke) but an awareness of i t s having-been-there. What we have i s a new space-time category: spatial immediacy and temporal anteriori ty , the photograph being an i l l o g i c a l conjunction between the here-now and the there-then" (Trachtenberg, 1980, p . 2 7 8 ) . The example of the Yoruba (Sprague, 1978) demonstrates both elements of the anthropological significance of viewing. On the one hand we are presented with a society that takes and values different photographs than does our western culture. On the other hand we can recognize the temporal anteriority to which Barthes refers in the Yoruba's 79 desire to photograph people in order to commemorate special days. This behavior certainly has a paral le l in our own culture and suggests that the bel ief that photography, "embalms time, rescuing i t simply from i t s proper corruption" (Trachtenberg, 1980, p.242) i s cross-cultural , that i s , innate to the medium. With regard to history and the viewing of photographs, there are two f ie lds that require consideration. The history of photography as an evolving medium has been studied in depth over the past 50 years. More recently, the f i e l d of visual history, that i s , photography as a ^useful h i s tor ica l document, has begun to be defined. Histories of photography such as those by Newhall (1964) and Rosenblum (1984) have generally studied the medium as an art form. This means that individual images and bodies of work have been presented as complete unto themselves. The assumption in this i s that photographs should convey to their viewers a consistent meaning, but Freund argues that, "captions that provide...commentary can change the meaning [of photographs] entirely" (Freund, 1980, p.163). Kozloff asks that we consider the, "historical circumstances of which the photo i s an extract. [He suggests that] i t ' s useful to compare the reconstruction of a scene with that ar t i fac t , the photo, which i s i t s residue. There are often whole or part comparisons, often crucial to understanding 80 photographic intention, though quite discouraged in art history" (as cited in Berendse, 1977, p.3) . In time, the f i e l d of visual history in conjunction with i t s s ister f ie lds of visual sociology, and anthropology as well as phototherapy wi l l give us a variety of guidelines for understanding how much of a photograph can be taken as fact . This in turn w i l l make i t clear that much of photography, though seemingly mechanical, conveys expressive content. Aesthetic viewing of photography incorporates elements that are absent with other media. Kozloff suggests that: there i s an aura of implication in photos. Something [which i s ] very different from the sensation we have when treating the work as an integrated and intact composite of formal energy...the visual aspects of the medium often carry a heavy psychological charge which w i l l be overlooked i f you're only expecting a nice arrangement. Sontag despairs that photos can get any deeper than the appearances or surfaces, since they are bereft of the causal nodes in the narrative arts . Shouldn't we acknowledge, on the contrary, that we often enough feel embarrassed or grieved upon contact with a photograph, voyeuristic or exhilarated, and that these emotional states, as they fluctuate, stem precisely from our power of identity or transference 8 1 with what i s seen? (as cited in Berendse, 1977, P-4) What Kozloff seems to be suggesting i s that tradit ional aesthetic conceptions of viewing are inappropriate for most photography and by l imit ing the medium's expressiveness to the rar i f i ed context of gal leries and museums we would be se l l ing photography short. Obviously photography's expressiveness i s being recognized in many contexts. The medium w i l l certainly never find comfortable acceptance as fine art by those viewers who ins i s t on operating from a tradit ional aesthetic frame of reference. Few, however, w i l l deny that photography i s a powerful form of visual expression. 82 CHAPTER VII SUMMARY AND IMPLICATIONS FOR EDUCATION A visual revolution was begun in the 1830's and has continued to the present. The a b i l i t y to cause l ight and lens to impress a permanant image on paper has quickly evolved from a fascinating experiment carried out by gentlemen-chemists to a multi-faceted, international means of communication and expression. The preceding chapters have outlined five elements of Photography: the camera, the photographer, the subject, the image, and the viewer. By using a cross-disciplinary approach to the study of these elements i t i s posited that a much broader understanding of the expressive capacities of the medium can be discovered. The camera has been shown to be at once a technical marvel and a revolutionary new way of seeing. Its capacity to quickly and easi ly freeze momentary impressions of l ight has made i t a fascinating and popular method for image making. A brief survey of photographic technology drew attention to the variety of f i lms, lenses, and cameras and suggested some of the many ways in which they could be combined for expressive effect. The photographer was described as participating in two relationships, one with the subject and the other with the image and viewer. Combining an adaptation of Musello's 83 approach (Wagner, 1979) to the study of f a m i l y photography w i t h t h i s w r i t e r ' s breakdown of photographer's behaviors, a chart (see f i g u r e 4) was devised t h a t i d e n t i f i e d at l e a s t ten approaches to p i c t u r e - t a k i n g . Musello (Wagner, 1979) i d e n t i f i e d four a t t i t u d e s toward p i c t u r e - t a k i n g . I d e a l i z a t i o n i s the d e s i r e to present one's s u b j e c t , be i t a person, o b j e c t , or p l a c e , i n the best of p o s s i b l e l i g h t s . Documentation i s the d e s i r e to present one's subject as o b j e c t i v e l y as p o s s i b l e . Demystifying i s the photographer's d e s i r e to r e v e a l hidden elements about the s u b j e c t . The communion f u n c t i o n , as i d e n t i f i e d by Musello (Wagner, 1979) i s an a t t i t u d e of being at one w i t h one's subject that f i n d s unique expression i n the p i c t u r e - t a k i n g a c t . This w r i t e r ' s three p i c t u r e - t a k i n g behaviors r e f l e c t degrees of p h y s i c a l p r o x i m i t y and r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h a photographer's s u b j e c t . S t e a l i n g i s candid photography, where the subject i s unaware of being photographed. Recording i s a n e u t r a l , a l o o f but unhidden approach to p i c t u r e - t a k i n g . And m a n i p u l a t i o n , as the name suggests, represents a photographer-controlled and a c t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h h i s or her s u b j e c t . This a t t i t u d i n a l - b e h a v i o r a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n (A.B.C.) model draws from a v a r i e t y of d i s c i p l i n e s and f i e l d s and o f f e r s a strong framework around which t o b u i l d e d u c a t i o n a l programs i n p i c t u r e - t a k i n g or p i c t u r e - v i e w i n g . A second framework was described that considered the 84 photographer's r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the image and viewer. I t was suggested t h a t i n p i c t u r e - t a k i n g the photographer was able to choose the t e c h n i c a l means and a e s t h e t i c ends that would r e s u l t i n a photographic image (see f i g u r e 5 ) . This second diagram, without attempting to define ' a r t ' suggests where the a e s t h e t i c impulse comes i n t o photography. The a e s t h e t i c - t e c h n i c a l axes (see f i g u r e 5) used i n conjunction w i t h the A.B.C. model (see f i g u r e 4) suggests a c r o s s - d i s c i p l i n a r y s t r u c t u r e t h a t can prove u s e f u l to photographers and viewers a l i k e i n t h e i r attempts to f u l l y a p p r e c i a t e the expressive c a p a c i t i e s of the medium. The s u b j e c t , or target of the photographer was considered from two p e r s p e c t i v e s . The d i s c i p l i n e s of s o c i o l o g y , psychology, anthropology, h i s t o r y and a r t were surveyed to determine which photographic subjects each found most appropriate to i t s area of i n q u i r y . A n t h r o p o l o g i s t s are most concerned w i t h the e x t e r n a l evidence photography i s able to record of c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e . S o c i o l o g i s t s are i n t e r e s t e d i n photographs as data f o r stud y i n g s o c i a l behavior. In a d d i t i o n , s o c i o l o g i s t s may study the behaviors t h a t have developed around the photographs themselves. P s y c h o l o g i s t s ' found i n photography a u s e f u l t o o l f o r e x t e r n a l i z i n g the i n t e r n a l concerns of the photographer or viewer. P h o t o t h e r a p i s t s have been able to e x p l o i t t h i s f a c t f o r t h e r a p e u t i c purposes. Perceptual p s y c h o l o g i s t s have 85 also shown that photographs offer a new view of the world that varies from our own perceptions by being more l i t e r a l , for therapeutic purposes. Historians found in photography a valuable documenting tool. Like sociologists, historians are interested in photos both as documents and as elements of the history they portray. In other words, as facts and as forms of expression. Art photographers can expropriate subject matter from any of the above fie l d s , but art photographers' principal subjects, like psychologists' are the photographer and the viewer. The expressiveness of the medium i s emphasized by the photographer as a r t i s t . The photographic image was shown to be the most flexible element of photo-technology. Despite the fact that the print i s capable of virtually unlimited manipulation, photography i s credited with a level of truthfulness that i s rarely questioned. It was suggested 0that the viewer i s the element of photography that includes the largest group of people. The number of photographic images that we face every day is beyond measurement. Suffice i t to say that each of us i s very actively involved in giving and receiving photographic messages. It i s appropriate to suggest that we actively grasp both the role of consumer and producer of photography and that both of these act i v i t i e s require sensitivity and conscious 86 involvement. In addition to expanding our r o l e as viewers of expressive v i s u a l imagery, photography gives us a medium through which we can form our own a r t . More than ever before, image-making i s i n the hands of the people. The l i b e r a t i o n or democratization of v i s u a l expression i s not, however, without some drawbacks. I t [photography and cinematography] m u l t i p l i e d the permanent image as images have never been m u l t i p l i e d before, and by sheer superabundance i t undermined old habits of c a r e f u l evaluation and s e l e c t i o n . And that very f a c t , which went along with the achievement of a democratic medium of expression, has ra i s e d a whole s e r i e s of problems that we must wrestle with today, i f , here as elsewhere, we are not to starve i n the midst of plenty. (Mumford, 1952, p. 95) Whether, as Mumford suggests, we are l o s i n g our a b i l i t y to be c a r e f u l viewers, or i f simply more of us now have the opportunity to i n t e r a c t with and create more v i s u a l imagery, i t i s c l e a r that, "within our cul t u r e , the photographic image has become an a c t i v e determinant i n not only how we dress, act, and what we consider to be s i g n i f i c a n t , but also and i n a major way, how we know about things" (Muffoletto, 1979, P-99). Our educational system needs to recognize that teaching a few students basic darkroom technique i s not meeting our 87 r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s to educate ourselves i n t h i s growing form of communication. " I t has been s a i d t h a t not he who i s ignorant of w r i t i n g but ignorant of photography w i l l be the i l l i t e r a t e of the f u t u r e " (Trachtenberg, 1980, p. 214). This statement begs a twofold question: 'Who needs to be educated p h o t o g r a p h i c a l l y , and how might t h i s be accomplished?' Educating f o r i n t e l l i g e n t and s e n s i t i v e viewers of photographs i s as important, i f not more important, than educating f o r i n t e l l i g e n t and s e n s i t i v e makers of photographs. No matter how good we are as teachers, the vast m a j o r i t y of the students we meet i n undergraduate and ( e s p e c i a l l y ) high school c l a s s e s w i l l not be p r o f e s s i o n a l l y i n v o l v e d i n photography i n t h e i r f u t u r e s . Nor i s i t d e s i r a b l e t h a t they be. Even those few who w i l l be p r o f e s s i o n a l l y a c t i v e i n the f i e l d w i l l be so i n a v a r i e t y o f r o l e s ; p o s s i b l y as j o u r n a l i s t s , c r i t i c s , e d i t o r s , a d v e r t i s e r s , t e a c h e r s , g a l l e r y d i r e c t o r s , c u r a t o r s , c o l l e c t o r s , v i s u a l s o c i o l o g i s t s and a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s , as w e l l as a r t i s t s . ( B a r r e t t , 1977, p. 20) Few of us w i l l make a l i v i n g of photography, but at the same time photography w i l l unquestionably be a part of our d a i l y l i v e s . I t i s c l e a r that anyone who communicates by means of photography, and we a l l do, would b e n e f i t from a 88 c l e a r understanding of photographic expression. Students and teachers from elementary school through to u n i v e r s i t y are involved i n the d a i l y use of photographic images. Do they understand a l l of what i s being communicated through those images? The a d v e r t i s i n g industry has long been aware of the potency of photographs as a means of conveying t h e i r messages both quickly and c l e a r l y . How aware are we as consumers of the messages that a d v e r t i s i n g photography communicates? Each of us, as members of f a m i l i e s and other s o c i a l u n i t s , create and cherish photographs. Can that experience be enriched? Most a r t education i n North America places heavy emphasis on the l e a r n i n g and p r a c t i s i n g of technical s k i l l s . These 'studio' courses have generally avoided 'viewer education' beyond very basic experiences with the c r i t i c a l viewing of 'great' a r t . As has been mentioned e a r l i e r , Chapman ( 1 9 7 9 ) and many other 'discipline-based' art educators have proposed that a r t education i n the future s t r i v e f o r a balance between studio a c t i v i t i e s , h i s t o r i c a l and c u l t u r a l concerns. There i s a need f o r curriculum development i n Photography education that addresses the need to study the 'great photographs' and various s o c i a l contexts as well as expanding studio and r e c r e a t i o n a l image making. In a d d i t i o n to t h i s , consideration must be given to the fac t that photography reaches beyond the borders of 89 t r a d i t i o n a l a r t education. I f the medium i s to be used as a regular element i n general education (and i t obviously i s now), then photographic communications must be included as a basic course of studies i n teacher's colleges, as well as f i n d i n g a place i n the general education curriculum. How should the expansion of photographic education be approached? Art educators have long contended that expressive communication by means of v i s u a l imagery i s a basic and s u b s t a n t i a l component of our c u l t u r e . In a s o c i e t y that places growing emphasis on the importance of science and emperical method, a r t educators have found i t d i f f i c u l t to o f f e r evidence f o r the need to support v i s u a l education that people responsible f o r educational funding could eccept. By looking to the various s o c i a l sciences and t h e i r c o l l e c t i v e i n t e r e s t i n photography, a r t educators have convincing support f o r the importance of v i s u a l education as well as a challenging breadth of approaches to include i n a new and expanded photography curriculum. The Attitude-Behavior C l a s s i f i c a t i o n model and the Aesthetic-Technical axes d e l i n i a t e d i n Chapter I I I of t h i s t h e s i s o f f e r two frameworks around which a stronger program of photographer or viewer education can be b u i l t . Drawing from a v a r i e t y of d i s c i p l i n e s , the two constructs begin the process of educating students by asking them to consider the photographer as the prime mover i n the picture-taking 90 act. Through the application of this approach, students at any level, should begin to combat the naivete 7 that this writer along with many others has documented as underlying most people's viewing of photographs. Support i s growing for cross-disciplinary approaches to arts education. Art educator, Graeme Chalmers, believes that, "teachers and students who are ethnographers and who study the artifacts and 'visual sign making' (Wilson & Wilson, 1977) of their own cultures w i l l learn to value and understand the arts as well as to produce art that matters" (Chalmers, 1981, p. 6). It i s equally true that students who draw from the methods of sociologists, visual historians, as well as being sensitive to the psychological impact of photo-imagery, wi l l have at their command a vast resource for personal expression as well as thoughtful interpretation of the multitude of photographic images that they w i l l inevitably confront. The constructs proposed by this writer can be applied to at least four areas of education. As a method for training students as photographers, the models offer at least ten different methods for picture-taking. In conjunction with technical and aesthetic instruction at a level appropriate for the particular student, the A.B.C. model and Aesthetic-Technical axes expand and formalize the 91 'vocabulary' of many current photographic studio programs. One of the chronic d i f f i c u l t i e s inherent in teaching photo-history and criticism i s the ina b i l i t y of many viewers to get beyond the photograph as fact. Because photographic images, whether the work of master photographers or snapshooters are a strong blend of photographic intention and historical document, i t i s important the art and the history of the image be considered in conjunction. This writer's constructs, by drawing attention to the photographer's intention, can balance the historical view of photographs by blending the richness of art appreciation with the fascination to be had through the study of 'original' historical documents. Social studies and consumer education both rely heavily on photographic documentation as an element of curriculum. The evaluation of those images can and should be enriched. Whether the student i s viewing a photo of li f e s t y l e s in India, or an advertisement promoting toothpaste, the images should not be taken as simple 'facts'. Careful application of the A.B.C. model can draw attention to the biases, intended or not, of both the photographer and the publisher of an image. Finally, this writer's models offer frameworks for improving the media literacy programs that are commonly an element of most teacher education curriculae. This thesis 92 draws a t ten t ion to photography as an e f f e c t i v e and popular means fo r persona l , commercial, and academic express ion . I t i s incumbent on educators to insure that they understand what photographs are communicating when they are being used as elements of formal ized educat ion, and i t i s a l so important that students be taught to be v i s u a l l y l i t e r a t e . V i s u a l l i t e r a c y should be a part of the bas ic equipment every teacher br ings to the c lassroom. Th is thes i s i s , i n many ways, a beginning. I t has drawn a t ten t ion to the potency of Photography and argued for a broadly based approach to understanding that r i c h n e s s . The At t i tude-Behav ior C l a s s i f i c a t i o n model and the Aes the t i c -Techn i ca l axes are frameworks fo r studying Photography that requ i re fu r ther development. The var ious d i s c i p l i n e s and f i e l d s from which they draw need to be mined to a greater depth than t h i s thes i s has attempted i n order to f u l l y understand photography and f u l l y r e a l i z e the media's p o t e n t i a l f o r expressive communication. 93 FOOTNOTES 1 Howard Becker (1980) defines an artworld as,"the network of people whose cooperative activity, organized via their joint knowledge of conventional means of doing things produces the kinds of art works that art world i s noted for" (p. X). In the case of art photography, the tradition grew out of amateur club photography and has largely clung to a serious attitude and a non-commercial image (Newhall, 1964)(Rosenblum, 1984). This photographic artworld i s now very closely linked to gallery exhibitions and thus has a limited viewing audience (Rosier, 1979, p. 22). 2 The focal length of a lens i s the measurement in millimeters of the distance between the objective or front lens and the film plane where any image viewed through the lens should be sharply focused. 3 'Depth-of-field' refers to a lens' a b i l i t y to bring into focus objects that are at varying distances from the camera and the film plane. By regulating the depth-of-field i t i s possible, up to a point, to select which elements of a photograph w i l l be sharp and which w i l l be blurred. Both focal length and lens aperture can influence depth-of-field. 4 Lens aperture i s measured in f-stops. This measurement i s calculated as the ratio between the focal length of a given lens i n millimeters and the opening created by the lens diaphragm, also measured in millimeters. Therefore, i f 94 a lens i s set at f-16, that means that the diaphragm opening i s one-sixteenth the s i z e of the lens' f o c a l length. 5 "In 1930, the 'f/64' group, informally established i n San Francisco, promoted Precisionism through i t s advocacy of the large-format view camera, small lens aperture (hence the name), and p r i n t i n g by contact rather than enlarging" (Rosenblum, 1984, p. 422). Notable members of the group were Ansel Adams, Imogen Cunningham, and Edward Weston. 6 The term 1 p i c t o r i a l i s t ' was applied e a r l y i n the hi s t o r y of photography to those who produce images intended to be a r t . The term implies a c e r t a i n romanticism and i s generally not applied to photographers who's work tends towrd hard edged realism. 7 •P r e v i s u a l i z a t i o n ' as i t i s applied to photography i s a term coined by Ansel Adams. A photographer considers the technical l i m i t a t i o n s of each step involved i n producing an image and modifies h i s or her technique i n order to produce a desirable image. In Adams' case, years of technical experimentation gave him broad control of h i s negative and p r i n t . He attempted to use these controls to t h e i r f u l l e s t through c a r e f u l p r e v i s u a l i z a t i o n . PLATE 1 95 President Cleveland and Family. Photographer unknown. (The American image, 1979, p. 53) PLATE 2 96 Mardi Gras. By: Jacques-Henri Lartigue. (Bowen, 1976, p. 19) 97 PLATE 3 Photographs made w i t h a 'Kodak' camera. (Newhall, 1964, p. 90) Chicago, 1955-7. By: Robert Frank. (Szarkowski, 1966, p. 19) PLATE 5 99 Untitled, 1963. By: Garry Winogrand. (Szarkowski, 1966, p. 59) PLATE 6 The Ho r s e i n M o t i o n . By : Eadweard M u y b r i d g e . ( O s t e r w o o d , 1 9 7 2 , p. 5 9 ) PLATE 7 U n t i t l e d . By: Eadweard Muybridge (Muybridge, 1974, p. 53 -4 ) PLATE 10 104 E l Paso and Cuidad Juarez. By: Danny Lehman. (Lehman, 1985, p. 741) PLATE 11 105 Unti t led. By: Tom Gibson. (The Banff Purchase, 1979) PLATE 14 108 I .R .T . 2. By: Danny Lyon. (Lyon, 1981, p. 137) PLATE 15 Desde La Azotea. By: Edward Weston. (Bunnell, 1983) PLATE 16 110 Wounded S o l d i e r R eceiving Water i n a Deserted Camp. By: Matthew Brady. (The American Image, 1979, p. 11) P o r t r a i t of a Spanish G i r l . By: Michael Somoroff. (Somoroff, 1985, p. 125) 112 PLATE 18 A Wounded Marine Awaits Medical Evacuation. By: Time Inc. (Doyle & Lipman, 1982, p. 159) Briceberg Grade, Sierra Nevada Foothi l l s . By: Ansel Adams. (Adams, 1981, p. 152) PLATE 20 114 U n t i t l e d . By: Andre Le Coz (Monk, 1968, p. 114) PLATE 21 115 Corpse. Photographer unknown. (Buckland, 1980, p. 67) PLATE 22 116 Clearing Winter Storm, Yosemite National Park. By: Ansel Adams. (Adams, 1981, p. 46) PLATE 24 Beauty of the Beast. By: Belinda Wright. (Wright, 1 9 8 4 , p. 7 7 2 ) PLATE 25 119 Wild Mushrooms. By: M. Kezar. (Kezar, 1985, p. 538) PLATE 27 1 2 1 Andre Tardieu, Dr. Curtius, and Henri Cheron, The Hague. By: Dr. E r i c h Solomon. ( E r i c h Solomon, 1 9 7 8 , p. 1 7 ) PLATE 28 122 S e v i l l e , Spain, 1933« By: Henri C a r t i e r - B r e s s o n . (Henri C a r t i e r Bresson, 1976, p. 17) PLATE 31 125 Crossing the Ohio River, Louisv i l l e . By: Danny Lyons. (Lyons, 1981) PLATE 32 Tatooed Man a t C a r n i v a l , Md. 1970. By: Diane Arbus (diane arbus, 1972) Massacre of East P a k i s t a n i G u e r i l l a s , Dacca, 1971. By: Horst Faas. ( K o z l o f f , 1979, p. i4) Ms. Mona. By:T. Fasoling. (Fasoling, 1977) PLATE 3 8 My Father at Ninety. By Imogen Cunningham. ( M i t c h e l l , 1 9 7 7 ) 133 PLATE 39 Witnesses to Nuclear Test (cropped). By: F r i t z Goro. (Goro, 1984, p. 42-3) PLATE 40 Witnesses to Nuclear Test. By: F r i t z Goro (Goro, 1984, p. 1*2-3) PLATE 41 135 Trang Beng, June, 1972. By: Nick Ut. (Scherman, 1973, p. 45) PLATE 42 136 The E f f e c t of Two S o l u t i o n Development. By: Ansel Adams. (Adams, 1981, p. 229) Untitled. By: Jerry Uelsmann. (Uelsmann, 1 9 7 4 ) P L A T E 45 140 FIGURE .1 THE CAMERA FIGURE 2 THE DIAPHRAGM OF A CAMERA 142 FIGURE 3 THE VIEW CAMERA <T\onoCa\ I 143 FIGURE 4 THE ATTITUDE-BEHAVIOUR CLASSIFICATION (A.B.C.) MODEL FOR PICTURE-TAKING B E W A V 1 0 0 R ATTITUDE: 1. 7. Record 3- 5. e. 3. 9. 0 on on u n i o n u n c t i o o 10. 144 FIGURE 5 THE AESTHETIC-TECHNICAL AXES m<z.chcxni6tic T t C -At STHE-TIO N" I C A U i • manip u \ a t we p.tno-t lonal N, X. FIGURE 6 146 References Adams, A. (1968). The p r i n t . New York: Morgan & Morgan Inc. Adams, A. (1980). The camera Boston: L i t t l e , Brown and Company. Adams, A. (1981). The negative. Boston: L i t t l e , Brown and Company. , (1972). Diane Arbus. New York: Aperture. _ , (1978). E r i c h Salomon. 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