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Francis Turner Palgrave and The golden treasury Nelson, Megan Jane 1985

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FRANCIS TURNER PALGRAVE AND THE GOLDEN TREASURY By MEGAN JANE NELSON M. A., Flinders U n i v e r s i t y of South A u s t r a l i a , 1978 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of English) We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l 1985 (^Megan Jane Nelson, 1985 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. I t i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. English Department of The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date 15 April 1985 )E-6 (3/81) i i ABSTRACT In s pite of the enormous resurgence of c r i t i c a l i n t e r e s t i n minor figures of the V i c t o r i a n era over the l a s t twenty years, almost no attention has been paid to Francis Turner Palgrave (1824-1897). In h i s own age, he was respected as a man of l e t t e r s , educator, art c r i t i c , poet, f r i e n d of A l f r e d Tennyson, and editor of The Golden Treasury of the Best Songs and L y r i c a l  Poems i n the Eng l i s h Language, f i r s t published i n 1861. This d i s s e r t a t i o n attempts to make good that neglect i n two ways: f i r s t l y , through an analysis of his l i f e and times, an assessment of h i s writings as an art and l i t e r a r y c r i t i c , an examination of his considerable corpus of o r i g i n a l poetry, and the compilation of the f i r s t comprehensive bibliography of h i s own pu b l i c a t i o n s . This bibliography i s accompanied by a c h e c k l i s t of manuscript sources and a l i s t i n g of secondary materials about Palgrave himself. Secondly, the d i s s e r t a t i o n makes the f i r s t systematic examination of the Golden Treasury, i t s genesis and e d i t i n g p r i n c i p l e s , i t s c r i t i c a l reception, and i t s p u b l i c a t i o n h i s t o r y . This d e t a i l e d study i s accompanied by eight appendices g i v i n g b i b l i o g r a p h i c a l information about the form and contents of the four major edi t i o n s of the Treasury published i n Palgrave's l i f e t i m e , along with a l i s t i n g of sources and a c h e c k l i s t of contemporary reviews. Throughout the d i s s e r t a t i o n , the i n t e l l e c t u a l concerns that led Palgrave to develop a set of f i x e d p r i n c i p l e s f o r judging a l l art and l i t e r a t u r e are examined i n order to e s t a b l i s h that, l i k e h i s f r i e n d Matthew Arnold, he was a committed H e l l e n i s t , who i n s i s t e d that a l l poetry conform to what he perceived as the "Homeric" ideals of s i m p l i c i t y and unadorned language. The i i i Golden Treasury, i n p a r t i c u l a r , i s based on an i d e a l of "unity" which Palgrave used to j u s t i f y the many e d i t o r i a l excisions and variant readings which are such a feature of the volume's t e x t s . It i s impossible to account f u l l y f o r the unprecedented success of the Golden Treasury, which has continued to be reprinted i n a v a r i e t y of editions from the time of i t s f i r s t p u b l i c a t i o n u n t i l the present, but one of i t s most important features i s that i t i s the f i r s t anthology of English l y r i c poetry to declare i t s e l f complete: Palgrave i n s i s t e d that the book contained a l l the best l y r i c s i n the Engl i s h language. Just as s i g n i f i c a n t i s the fac t that i t i s the f i r s t anthology by a professional educator who refused to make his selections on the basis of t h e i r morally improving q u a l i t i e s , but r e l i e d instead on poetic excellence alone. "Francis Turner Palgrave and The Golden Treasury," therefore, attempts to account f o r the extraordinary success of the Golden Treasury and to examine one of the nineteenth-century's more i n t e r e s t i n g minor f i g u r e s , one who was a f r i e n d of some of the most b r i l l i a n t men of his day, including Jowett, Browning, Arnold, Clough, and Gladstone; a recognised minor poet of the "contemplative" school which included Arnold and Clough; and a well-known champion of the Pre-Raphaelite painters. i v CONTENTS Abstract i Table of Contents i i i Acknowledgments v Chronology v i i Introduction 1 Chapter One LIFE AND ASSOCIATIONS 4 Two PALGRAVE AS CRITIC i . Introduction . . . . . . . . . 3 7 i i . Art C r i t i c i s m 51 i i i . L i t e r a r y C r i t i c i s m 67 Three PALGRAVE AS POET 79 Four PALGRAVE AS TREASURER i . Genesis and Pu b l i c a t i o n 103 i i . E d i t i n g P r i n c i p l e s 119 I i i . C r i t i c a l Reception 144 i v . Subsequent Editions 152 APPENDICES: THE GOLDEN TREASURY Introduction 171 A. B i b l i o g r a p h i c a l Descriptions of S i g n i f i c a n t editions . . .175 B. S i g n i f i c a n t Textual Variants 184 C. S i g n i f i c a n t T i t l e Changes 188 D. Additions and Omissions i n Later Editions 198 E. E d i t o r i a l Errors 203 F. Sources 204 G. Reviews 210 BIBLIOGRAPHY Introduction 211 I. Primary Materials 1. Manuscript Collections 213 2. Books and Separate Publications 217 3. Art Criticism Articles 231 4. Literary Criticism Articles 239 5. Reviews 247 6. Miscellaneous Articles 254 7. Fugitive Poetry 259 II. Secondary Materials 1. Books and Articles on Palgrave 263 2. Obituaries 264 3. Golden Treasury Bibliography 264 4. General Bibliography 265 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The debts to friends, family, and colleagues i n A u s t r a l i a , Canada, Great B r i t a i n , and the United States that I have incurred since beginning my graduate work are too numerous to mention. I can only hope that in this d i s s e r t a t i o n I have j u s t i f i e d t h e i r f a i t h i n me. For making possible this study of Francis Turner Palgrave, I should l i k e to thank, f i r s t , J u l i a n and Christopher Barker, the copyright owners, who kindly gave me access to the Palgrave Family Papers and allowed me to quote from unpublished l e t t e r s . Of the l i b r a r i a n s and curators who made materials i n t h e i r c o l l e c t i o n s a v a i l a b l e , I should l i k e p a r t i c u l a r l y to thank Dr. Dennis Rhodes of the B r i t i s h Library and Mrs. Lola Szladits of the Berg C o l l e c t i o n of the New York Public L i b r a r y . To the many scholars with whom I have corresponded—Peter A l l e n , Clarence C l i n e , P h i l i p E l l i o t t , C o l i n Home, the la t e Walter Houghton, C e c i l Y. Lang, Norman Kelvin, Simon Nowell-Smith, and P h i l i p S c o t t — I am most g r a t e f u l f or t h e i r advice and encouragement. I should also l i k e to thank Charles Cox and the firm of Bernard Quaritch for t h e i r e f f o r t s i n searching out v i t a l Palgrave material; Palgrave's publisher, Macmillan, who r e a d i l y supplied information on the publishing hi s t o r y of The Golden Treasury; and, e s p e c i a l l y A l i c e McNair and Ri t a Penco of the U. B. C. L i b r a r y , who were assiduous i n tracking down rare Palgrave items needed in my research. I should l i k e p a r t i c u l a r l y to acknowledge the assistance of the members of my d i s s e r t a t i o n committee, Professors William E. Fredeman, John F. Hulcoop, and Herbert J. Rosengarten, for th e i r c a r e f u l reading and c r i t i c a l assessment of my work and for th e i r useful suggestions for r e v i s i o n s . My adviser, Professor Fredeman has been most generous i n providing me for v i i several years with a working area i n his house and i n giving me complete access to his extensive personal l i b r a r y . His continued support and encouragement throughout the lengthy process of writing this d i s s e r t a t i o n have been invaluable. F i n a l l y , I must give special recognition to Dr. Jane C. Fredeman of the U. B. C. Press, whose e d i t o r i a l s k i l l s and p r a c t i c a l advice on matters of s t y l e and organization have improved the d i s s e r t a t i o n immeasurably. v i i i CHRONOLOGY 1824 Born 28 September, Great Yarmouth, Norfolk 1838 Enters Charterhouse School 1839 V i s i t s I t a l y 1842 Wins B a l l i o l Scholarship 1843 Becomes Head of Charterhouse Enters B a l l i o l College i n October a f t e r v i s i t i n g I t a l y with his father 1846 Withdraws from the u n i v e r s i t y f or one term to become assistant private secretary to W. E. Gladstone, Colonial Secretary for Robert Peel's government 1847 Achieves f i r s t - c l a s s honours i n C l a s s i c s and a Fellowship at Exeter College Publishes f i r s t a r t i c l e s , on Michaelangelo and Dante respectively, i n Sharpe's London Magazine 1848 V i s i t s Paris with Jowett i n A p r i l to witness the Revolution 1849 Meets A l f r e d Tennyson on 31 March Enters the Education O f f i c e i n London 1850 Moves to Kneller H a l l near Twickenham as V i c e - P r i n c i p a l of a t r a i n i n g school for poorhouse teachers 1852 Lady Palgrave dies Publishes novel, Preciosa 1853 V i s i t s Scotland with Tennyson 1854 Publishes f i r s t volume of l y r i c s , Idyls and Songs: 1848-1854 1855 Returns to the Education Office i n London a f t e r K n e l l e r Hall closes 1857 "Preciosa" marries i x 1858 Publishes second novel, The Passionate P i l g r i m 1859 V i s i t s Portugal with A l f r e d Tennyson 1860 V i s i t s Tintagel i n Cornwall with A l f r e d Tennyson, Thomas Woolner, and William Holman Hunt Begins work on the Golden Treasury 1861 S i r Francis Palgrave dies Publishes the Golden Treasury 1862 Writes memoir of Clough Issues his Handbook to the f i n e a r t exhibits i n the International E x h i b i t i o n Marries C e c i l G r e v i l l e Milnes on 30 December 1863 Appointed art c r i t i c of the Saturday Review Publishes his f i r s t poem; "Castelrovinato," i n Fraser's 1865 Issues his Moxon Miniature Poets s e l e c t i o n from Wordsworth's poetry Edits a bowdlerised e d i t i o n of the Songs and Sonnets of Shakespeare Resigns from the Saturday Review 1866 Publishes Essays i n Art Writes a memoir f o r an e d i t i o n of Scott's Poems 1867 Issues his o r i g i n a l Hymns Withdraws from the competition for the Oxford Professorship of Poetry 1868 Publishes The Five Days Entertainments at Wentworth Grange, a c o l l e c t i o n of children's s t o r i e s 1869 Produces Gems of English Art of t h i s Century 1871 Issues his L y r i c a l Poems 1875 Publishes his Children's Treasury 1877 Withdraws again from the Professorship of Poetry competition Publishes Chrysomela, a s e l e c t i o n from the works of Herrick 1878 Receives honorary LL.D. from Edinburgh University 1880 Publishes p r i v a t e l y his cycle of h i s t o r i c a l l y r i c s , The Visions of  England, his Gesta Anglorum 1884 Issues second e d i t i o n of the Treasury Edits the early works of Keats Retires from the Education O f f i c e 1885 Wins e l e c t i o n as Oxford Professor of Poetry Edits a s e l e c t i o n of Tennyson's l y r i c s for the Golden Treasury Series 1887 Publishes Jubilee Ode for Queen V i c t o r i a 1888 Gives L a t i n Creweian Oration at Oxford i n memory of Matthew Arnold 1889 Edits Treasury of Sacred Song at the request of Oxford University 1890 Publishes t h i r d e d i t i o n of the Golden Treasury His wife, C e c i l , dies 1891 Issues f i r s t o f f i c i a l l y revised and enlarged e d i t i o n of the Treasury 1892 Publishes his f i n a l c o l l e c t i o n of o r i g i n a l l y r i c s , Amenophis and Other  Poems, Sacred and Secular 1895 Retires from the Oxford Poetry Chair 1897 Publishes the Golden Treasury "Second Series," which includes l i v i n g poets Issues l a s t set of Oxford l e c t u r e s , Landscape i n Poetry from Homer to Tennyson Dies 24 October x i " . . . i n the best and most comprehensive sense of the term [Palgrave] was a man of c l a s s i c a l temper, taste, and culture, and...he had a l l the insight and discernment, a l l the i n s t i n c t s and sympathies, which are the results of such q u a l i f i c a t i o n s . He had no taint of v u l g a r i t y , of charlatanism, of i n s i n c e r i t y . He never talked or wrote the cant of the cliques or of the multitude. He understood and clung to what was excellent; he had no t o l e r a t i o n for what was common and second rate; he was not of the crowd. He belonged to the same type of men as Matthew Arnold and William Cory, a type pecu l i a r to our old U n i v e r s i t i e s before things took the turn which they are taking now. It w i l l be long before we s h a l l have such c r i t i c s again, and their loss i s i n c a l c u l a b l e . " J. Churton C o l l i n s , "An Appreciation of Professor Palgrave," Saturday Review, 84 (30 Oct. 1897), 487. 1 PREFACE This d i s s e r t a t i o n surveys i n d e t a i l the l i f e and writings of Francis Turner Palgrave (1824-1897), the compiler of probably the most famous anthology of English verse since "Tottel's Miscellany" and one of the nineteenth-century's most p r o l i f i c men of l e t t e r s . An accomplished c l a s s i c i s t , trained at Oxford and befriended by many of the leading minds of his day, Palgrave, l i k e Matthew Arnold, John Stuart M i l l , and William Michael R o s s e t t i , balanced two careers, functioning both as a c i v i l servant and as a p r a c t i s i n g author. During a long and active l i t e r a r y l i f e , extending from 1847 u n t i l his death, he published two novels, s i x volumes of poetry, and some f i f t y f u g i t i v e poems; f i f t e e n editions and anthologies; a volume of c r i t i c a l essays on art and another on l i t e r a t u r e ; two i l l u s t r a t e d art books; and dozens of uncollected a r t i c l e s and reviews on l i t e r a t u r e and the f i n e a r t s — a l l these i n addition to the capstone of his career: his e d i t i o n of The  Golden Treasury of the Best Songs and L y r i c a l Poems i n the Engl i s h Language (1861). Although he never achieved major-figure status, Palgrave was widely regarded as an i n f l u e n t i a l c r i t i c , and i n his l i f e t i m e the Golden Treasury was u n i v e r s a l l y recognized as an anthology without p a r a l l e l . His posthumous reputation, however, suffered i n the general reaction against the V i c t o r i a n s that began shortly a f t e r the death of the Queen at the turn of the century. In part, Palgrave, along with the majority of V i c t o r i a n w r i t e r s , simply became unfashionable, and i n the wake of the l i t e r a r y revolution launched by 2 E l i o t , Pound, and other twentieth-century poets, the Golden Treasury and i t s author were relegated to temporary obscurity. In f a c t , following on the publication of his daughter's memorial biography i n 1899, almost nothing was written on Palgrave u n t i l the centenary of the Golden Treasury, when a handful of b r i e f a r t i c l e s and notices appeared i n the popular press. Paradoxically, however, Palgrave's name was kept a l i v e i n the public mind by the multiple reprints and updated adaptations of the Treasury that appeared—and, indeed, continue to appear—with surprising frequency. Palgrave has been v i r t u a l l y ignored by scholars of the V i c t o r i a n period. While he i s included i n the standard reference sources—DNB, Farquharson Sharp, the 11th e d i t i o n of the Encyclopaedia Britannica, NCBEL, Kunitz and Haycraft—and casual references to him appear i n biographies and studies of Tennyson and other V i c t o r i a n writers, few separate a r t i c l e s have been written on him, and most of these are short notes focussing d i r e c t l y on the Treasury. The only book to be published i n this century i s an incomplete e d i t i o n of one seri e s of his Oxford lectures which he delivered as Professor of Poetry, edited by a Japanese scholar, Mine Okachi i n 1973. This d i s s e r t a t i o n i s intended to redress the balance through a close examination of Palgrave's l i f e , the t o t a l corpus of his creative and c r i t i c a l w r i t i n g , and the Golden Treasury. The study consists of four introductory chapters followed by a series of appendices providing a schematic textual summary and analysis of the four editions of the f i r s t series of the Treasury and a complete annotated bibliography of writings by and on Palgrave. The i n i t i a l biographical chapter draws on manuscript sources i n the B r i t i s h L i b r a r y , the Berg C o l l e c t i o n of the New York Public Library, the Tennyson 3 Research Centre i n Lincoln, the Beinecke Library at Yale, and other r e p o s i t o r i e s . Chapter Two examines Palgrave's c r i t i c a l writings on art and l i t e r a t u r e , traces the sources of his c r i t i c a l opinions, and assesses both his strengths and l i m i t a t i o n s as a c r i t i c i n the twin media of art and l i t e r a t u r e . Chapter Three i s devoted to Palgrave's creative work, which, though undistinguished i n i t s q u a l i t y , was nevertheless for him an important side of his t o t a l l i t e r a r y i d e n t i t y . Chapter Four i s devoted exclusively to the background, e d i t i n g , p u b l i c a t i o n , and reception of the Golden Treasury, the documentation for which i s provided i n the appendices mentioned above. Ov e r a l l , the d i s s e r t a t i o n offers the most complete survey of Palgrave's l i f e and work that has ever been undertaken. The bibliography includes a preliminary c h e c k l i s t of manuscript sources followed by a f u l l y annotated catalogue of a l l Palgrave's writings, a secondary l i s t i n g of works on Palgrave and the Treasury, and a concluding section on general works relevant to the study. For convenience, the primary bibliography has been divided into seven sections, within which each item i s separately numbered, as i n 2.15 Essays on A r t . For ease of reference and to avoid duplication of b i b l i o g r a p h i c a l information and an excessive number of page-only footnotes, a l l c i t a t i o n s to Palgrave's work within the body of the text are documented i n t e r n a l l y , providing i n parentheses the bibliography entry number together with pagination. References to the Golden Treasury i n the text are also documented i n t e r n a l l y : poems by number, preface and notes by page numbers. Typographical symbols, such as a s t e r i s k s , employed i n a s p e c i a l i z e d way, as i n the appendices and bibliography, are explained i n the appropriate sections. 4 CHAPTER ONE: LIFE AND ASSOCIATIONS i When Francis Turner Palgrave published the Golden Treasury of the Best Songs and L y r i c a l Poems i n the English Language i n July 1861, he was almost unknown. His claims to fame were marginal at best: his friendship with A l f r e d Tennyson; a few a r t i c l e s on art and l i t e r a t u r e ; a volume of minor l y r i c s ; and two unsuccessful romans a c l e f . His reputation today would be that of a minor mid-Victorian man of l e t t e r s , who wrote poetry and c r i t i c i s m i n his spare time from his duties in the c i v i l service, were i t not for the extraordinary success of the Golden Treasury, which gives him a special stature i n English l i t e r a r y h i s t o r y . His success can be p a r t l y explained by the circumstances of his upbringing, by his education at Oxford, and by the l i t e r a r y c i r c l e s i n which he moved. Equally important, however, i s the fact that in mid-Victorian England there existed for the f i r s t time, as a r e s u l t of the education reforms of the f o r t i e s and f i f t i e s , a large popular audience eager to learn the hi s t o r y of i t s nation's art and poetry. Palgrave's education made him one of a long l i n e of men of " c l a s s i c a l " temper i n English l e t t e r s . However, he d i f f e r e d from his predecessors in h i s enduring conviction that the newly educated public had as much right as the t r a d i t i o n a l l y p r i v i l e g e d classes to enjoy the best art and l i t e r a t u r e . Translating this perception into p r a c t i c a l terms, he used the l i t e r a t u r e and sculpture of ancient Greece and Rome as models of perfection i n his analysis of English poetry and a r t , and also provided t h i s new audience c r i t e r i a by which i t could evaluate modern works. 5 His unorthodox family background made him acutely aware of the needs of those who had been t r a d i t i o n a l l y ignored by the i n t e l l e c t u a l e l i t e : the family was one of the most describable i n a l l England at that day. Old S i r Francis, the father, had been much the greatest of a l l the hist o r i a n s of early England, the only one who was un-English; and the reason of his su p e r i o r i t y lay i n his name, which was Cohen, and his mind, which was Cohen also, or at least not English.* S i r Francis Palgrave, or Francis Cohen as he was known for the f i r s t 35 years of his l i f e , belonged to that remarkable group of Vi c t o r i a n scholars which included Doctor Arnold and Mark Roget. Born i n July 1788, the son of a wealthy Jewish stockbroker, he surmounted s o c i a l prejudice to become an h i s t o r i a n respected by some of the greatest l i t e r a r y men of his day, including S i r Walter Scott, Robert Southey, and Henry Hallam. As a Jew, the elder Palgrave was excluded from the educational system administered by the church, but his father employed tutors to ensure that he received a thorough humanistic education: The key factor i n moving Palgrave away from the Jewish community—the nature of his personal makeup aside—was his desire to p a r t i c i p a t e i n an i n t e l l e c t u a l culture outside the boundaries of Jewish l i f e . Having been given the education of an English gentleman by an indulgent and proud father, and having responded to this education with enthusiasm and a b i l i t y , he had to look as a consequence, beyond his family's friends and acquaintances for s o c i a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l companionship. For within the Jewish community there were no secular i n t e l l e c t u a l c o t e r i e s . ^ Cohen's sense of i s o l a t i o n increased when he was forced at the age of 22 to leave his studies and take up an uncongenial occupation i n order to support his parents following the loss of his father's fortune i n the Stock Exchange Crash of 1810. Notwithstanding his dist a s t e for the law, Cohen a r t i c l e d s uccessfully and continued to practise u n t i l he was almost 50, 6 earning a knighthood i n 1832 for his services to municipal reform. His h i s t o r i c a l studies were pursued as an avocation. His chief i n t e r e s t was i n the Middle Ages, and his c l a s s i c a l education led him to work from the now-discredited premise that English society was based on the remnants of imperial Roman c i v i l i s a t i o n rather than on a Germanic democratic s o c i a l structure: Taking up h i s mental existence, as i t were, i n the period of the long-protracted d i s s o l u t i o n of the Roman empire, he has fondly cherished the h i s t o r y of every r e l i c of that mighty system, and watched with a conservative jealousy the o r i g i n and progress of those innovations i n which the present European system grew. Despite i t s bias, h i s pioneering work f u e l l e d the V i c t o r i a n passion f o r Medievalism, so much a feature of the Oxford Movement which he would l a t e r embrace: He has c a r r i e d the torch into the darkest recesses of the dark ages, and cleared up things which the world believed buried forever. He has not only shown them to us, but he has found out how they came to be where they were, and what connection they have with each other. Cohen was one of the f i r s t medieval h i s t o r i a n s to make any substantial use of the primary public records of English h i s t o r y rather than the imaginative reconstruction popular with h i s t o r i a n s such as Macaulay as the basis of his research. From 1812, when he became aware of how scattered and badly cared-for the public records of England were, he was a f r a i d that they would be dispersed and l o s t , and so he campaigned f o r a c e n t r a l o f f i c e i n which the documents could be s a f e l y housed, catalogued and made accessible to scholars. His dream did not become a r e a l i t y u n t i l 1838, when he was given the newly created job of Deputy Keeper of Her Majesty's Records and a mandate to design and bu i l d a Public Record O f f i c e , a task which occupied him u n t i l his death i n 1861. The young Francis Cohen knew that his race was an insuperable b a r r i e r to getting a permanent post with the records, and he might have waited forever for preferment i f he had not made a judicious marriage and rejected Judaism. He had almost ceased to be a member of the Jewish community by 1819 when he met Elizabeth Turner (1799-1852) while working on a hist o r y of Norfolk with her father, the banker and antiquarian Dawson Turner. Cohen's poverty, his race, his lack of prospects, and his d i f f i c u l t temperament made him such a p o t e n t i a l l y poor choice as a husband that i t i s hardly su r p r i s i n g that i t took him four years to persuade Eli z a b e t h to accept him. Her father consented to the marriage i n 1823, even o f f e r i n g to help f i n a n c i a l l y i f Cohen would become a C h r i s t i a n and adopt the old Norfolk name "Palgrave," Mrs. Turner's maiden name. Francis Cohen accepted eagerly: not only would he lose the obvious stigma of his name and be more f i n a n c i a l l y secure, but he would also be able to e n l i s t his father-in-law's considerable influence i n the London government establishment. He gave up Judaism immediately, henceforth denying his b i r t h so completely that even his s i s t e r - i n - l a w did not know that he had been a Jew. She sai d , many years a f t e r his death, that "to us, and for upwards of 30 years of his married l i f e he never alluded to his own previous name or r e l i g i o n . I well remember the f i r s t time of his [speaking] of his father and his own name (which s i g n i f i e d P r i e s t ) and of his being of the tri b e of L e v i . " 4 To his c r e d i t , he did continue to provide f i n a n c i a l support for 8 his parents and s i s t e r s u n t i l t h e i r deaths, but he cut off a l l other r e l a t i o n s between them. That Francis Cohen became Francis Palgrave overnight was common public knowledge, referred to i n his obituaries and DNB entry; when his children learned of his parentage i s unclear. Francis Turner's daughter suppressed the fact e n t i r e l y i n her biography of her father. He himself was probably t o l d before he went up to Oxford; c e r t a i n l y he knew by the time his brother G i f f o r d l e f t the Indian Army i n the mid-forties to become a Jesuit p r i e s t with the name "Father Cohen." Palgrave's contemporaries knew, too, and they sometimes used his race against him. When Francis Turner was an adult, he was often referred to as "the Jew,"-' as J . A. Symonds ca l l e d him, and even Swinburne wrote to Theodore Watts that: It has been my C h r i s t i a n wish and aim to give as much pain and offence as possible to fools and quacks of divers c o l o u r s — e s p e c i a l l y i n Oxonicular or (as D. G. Rossetti might have said) Cohenian quarters—and I humbly but fervently trust that a blessing has been graciously vouchsafed to my attempts.^ Despite the eleven-year difference i n t h e i r ages, Elizabeth, who was 24 when she married, and Francis Cohen were highly compatible and had much i n common i n t e l l e c t u a l l y . After t h e i r marriage i n September 1823, they s e t t l e d i n a small house near the Houses of Parliament, l a t e r moving to a larger house i n Hampstead where the family l i v e d u n t i l S i r Francis' death i n 1861. When Eliza b e t h became pregnant a few months af t e r the wedding, she followed the custom of the day and returned to her father's house i n Great Yarmouth to have, her f i r s t c h i l d , and Francis Turner Palgrave was born there on 28 September 1824, the f i r s t of four surviving c h i l d r e n , a l l sons, who went on to have distinguished careers.^ 9 Throughout Palgrave's childhood the family finances were always so precarious that the boys had no formal schooling u n t i l 1838, when t h e i r father was awarded the Deputy Keeper's post. The new f i n a n c i a l security enabled S i r Francis to send them to Charterhouse School as day-boys. U n t i l that time Francis and E l i z a b e t h worked hard to surround t h e i r sons "from infancy with c o l l e c t i o n s of books, pic t u r e s , and engravings" and, through tutors, to educate them rigorously, e s p e c i a l l y i n c l a s s i c a l art and Q l i t e r a t u r e . The high store which both parents set on education derived i n Elizabeth's case from the very unwomanly education her father had provided f o r her, and i n S i r Francis' from his recognition that his studies had given him a way to surmount the b a r r i e r s of prejudice and escape the r e s t r i c t e d world of the V i c t o r i a n Jew. Both parents worried constantly that t h e i r sons were not applying themselves s u f f i c i e n t l y to t h e i r studies and pressured them u n m e r c i f u l l y — F r a n c i s Turner, the eldest, most of a l l . He began L a t i n at four, Greek at seven, and he was r e c i t i n g "The Lay of the Last M i n s t r e l " by heart at s i x . His few l e i s u r e hours were spent i n a r e l i g i o u s education greatly influenced by the burgeoning Oxford Movement. His father's passion for Roman hi s t o r y extended also to a love of modern I t a l y , and i n 1838 he was commissioned to write the "Northern I t a l y " volume of Murray's popular guidebooks for the Grand Tour. In preparation for his work, S i r Francis took the family to I t a l y , a t r i p which ensured that the boys' e a r l y grounding i n c l a s s i c a l languages was balanced by a love and understanding of c l a s s i c a l a r t , architecture, and c u l t u r e . When Palgrave f i n a l l y went to school at the age of fourteen, his character was already l a r g e l y formed. He said r u e f u l l y of himself that 10 "early going to school was the only remedy for priggishness," and the i s o l a t i o n of his childhood meant that his personality was unfortunately c l o s e l y modelled on that of his eccentric f a t h e r . 9 S i r Francis was well-known for his arrogance, his i r a s c i b i l i t y , and his desire to impress his audience with his learning, and his son was widely recognised as having inh e r i t e d many of the same t r a i t s . Francis Turner was also known for his pedantry, which Clough complained was a shortcoming of the Golden T r e a s u r y . ^ A c h a r a c t e r i s t i c instance related by Henry Adams t e l l s of Palgrave's f i r s t v i s i t to a friend's new "Queen Anne" sty l e house. When h i s host opened the front door, Palgrave greeted him by asserting, "I've counted three anachronisms on your front d o o r s t e p . " ^ An i n s e n s i t i v i t y to the f e e l i n g of others, compounded by his proud assertion of his personal a b i l i t i e s , i s obvious i n his r e l a t i o n s h i p s , most v i v i d l y with Tennyson, who was nearly driven to d i s t r a c t i o n by Palgrave's treatment of him, as Holman Hunt relates i n Pre-Raphaelitism and the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood. On the t r i p to Cornwall during which the idea of the Treasury was f i r s t mooted, Tennyson became so enraged by Palgrave's a l t e r n a t e l y obsequious and arrogant behaviour that he f i n a l l y attempted to f l e e , but as he drove away i n his dogcart to the s t a t i o n , Palgrave jumped up beside Tennyson, g r e a t l y to the poet's surprise. He protested, but the remonstrance was met by Palgrave appealing to us to come too, and declaring that he was under promise to Mrs. Tennyson never to leave him on the journey, and as the pair were driven away we heard the two arguing as to whether such watchfulness were nece s s a r y . ^ A l l these character t r a i t s are evident i n his writings, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n his ar t c r i t i c i s m . Henry Adams records that Palgrave was famous for the 11 violence of his attacks, "which were always i n t e l l i g e n t i f not always kind, and when these f a i l e d , he r e a d i l y descended to meaner l e v e l s . " ^ If they do not seem to have ameliorated the unpleasant aspects of his pe r s o n a l i t y , Palgrave's four years at Charterhouse were so academically successful, thanks to the thorough academic grounding his parents had given him, that he concluded his school career by winning the coveted B a l l i o l scholarship i n 1842 and becoming Head of the school i n 1843. His father took him to I t a l y for a second t r i p i n the summer of 1843, and i n October of that year he went up to Oxford. i i At pre-reform Oxford academic work was of comparatively l i t t l e importance, although that would soon change under the reforms introduced i n the course of the nineteenth century. B a l l i o l , however, had begun to change i t s e l f well ahead of the rest of the colleges, and i t s tutors were the most b r i l l i a n t i n the u n i v e r s i t y . The curriculum was nevertheless s t i l l narrow, and Palgrave spent the four years of his undergraduate career consolidating his already considerable knowledge of Latin and Greek. Predisposed to a c l a s s i c i s t view of modern l i f e , l i t e r a t u r e , and art coloured by his father's passion f o r Roman hist o r y and his own love of I t a l y , Palgrave deepened his understanding of c l a s s i c a l works and became committed to the q u a l i t i e s he saw i n them as the models of perfection for modern l i t e r a t u r e and a r t . But other currents at B a l l i o l also affected him profoundly. When Palgrave entered B a l l i o l , he must have been aware that he was entering one of the most con t r o v e r s i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s i n the u n i v e r s i t y . The college was a microcosm of the t h e o l o g i c a l , p o l i t i c a l , and educational 12 controversies sweeping through the un i v e r s i t y , at the same time harbouring powerful adherents of the Broad Church movement and i t s opposition, Newman's Tractarians. The most powerful Tractarian at B a l l i o l , W. G. Ward, had been responsible for inadvertently destroying the f a i t h of Arthur Hugh Clough i n the process of pressuring him to j o i n the Oxford Movement. In 1845 Ward was expelled from the un i v e r s i t y as the res u l t of an action brought by a fellow B a l l i o l man, A. C. T a i t . Such Broad Church adherents were a strong force within the col l e g e , dominating i t from the mid-forties onwards, mainly as the re s u l t of the e f f o r t s of a c l a s s i c s tutor named Benjamin Jowett. Palgrave came under the influence of Jowett and his followers i n a secret society at B a l l i o l , the Decade Club, almost as soon as he entered the college. Palgrave had been raised as a supporter of the Oxford Movement, rather than the opposing Broad Church, and his parents doubtless hoped that he would be guided by the Tractarians' charismatic leader, John Henry Newman. But fate dictated otherwise. Newman, who had been struggling for a long time with the dilemma of re c o n c i l i n g his f a i t h with his increasing doubts about the v a l i d i t y of Anglican doctrine, resigned his post as parish p r i e s t of St. Mary's Church i n Oxford and r e t i r e d preparatory to "going over" to Rome a few weeks before Palgrave went up to Oxford. With Newman's removal, the atmosphere of Oxford changed r a d i c a l l y . The young men, worn out by years of cerebration, t h e o l o g i c a l debate, and conscience-searching, turned with r e l i e f to active involvement i n p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l issues, p a r t i c u l a r l y of the kind advocated by the "muscular C h r i s t i a n s " of the Broad Church movement. They also turned to radicalism and republicanism i n the years leading up to the Ch a r t i s t Riots and the French Revolution of 1848. 13 Palgrave appeared i n Oxford just as the changeover was taking place and thus found himself i n the centre of the Broad Church reaction. In 1843, B a l l i o l was asserting i t s e l f as a stronghold for the Broad Church p r i n c i p l e of expressing f a i t h through good works. It also had strong formal l i n k s with the Broad Church party, both through theologians i n the college ( p a r t i c u l a r l y Jowett, T a i t , and Frederick Temple) and through the college's r e l a t i o n s h i p with Rugby School, one of the f i r s t reformed public schools. Rugby's headmaster, Doctor Thomas Arnold, had sent his best students to B a l l i o l : Ralph Lingen, l a t e r Palgrave's superior i n the Education O f f i c e ; Arthur Stanley, l a t e r Dean of Westminster; Doctor Arnold's sons, Thomas and Matthew; and Arthur Hugh Clough. In return, B a l l i o l supplied two headmasters for Rugby: Tait succeeded Doctor Arnold, who died suddenly i n 1842, and Temple, Palgrave's mentor i n the Education O f f i c e , replaced T a i t . But i t was Benjamin Jowett, l a t e r the a r c h i t e c t of educational reform at Oxford, who exerted the greatest influence on the impressionable young Palgrave. Although a newly appointed tutor scarcely ten years Palgrave's senior, Jowett was a powerful influence at B a l l i o l : There was a l i t t l e inner c i r c l e , whose r e l a t i o n to him, p a r t l y because they most needed his support, was p a r t i c u l a r l y intimate. Chief among these were William Y. S e l l a r , Alexander Grant, T. C. Sandars, W. S. Dugdale, F. T. Palgrave, Theodore Walrond, R. B. D. Morier, and H. J . S. Smith. It was within this group that there sprang up what outsiders designated a sort of "Jowett-worship." Jowett has also been praised by B a l l i o l h i s t o r i a n s for almost singlehandedly bringing the college out of the doldrums which the Oxford Movement had l e f t as i t s legacy: 14 For some years a f t e r 1841 the best minds of the College seemed to be smitten with a kind of p a r a l y s i s . They had l o s t their most fundamental convictions, and had found nothing to replace them. They had been plunged into a l a b y r i n t h of vexed questions without the semblance of a clue. They had l o s t a l l i n t e r e s t i n the i r prescribed pursuits, and had no heart to s t r i k e out others f o r themselves. Their unfortunate position has been most gra p h i c a l l y described by Clough and Matthew Arnold, who were themselves among the s u f f e r e r s . . . . With such a malady of the i n t e l l e c t Jenkyns [the Master] was quite unable to deal.... There was need of a younger man who had himself f e l t the c r i s i s , and who had won his own battle before he was c a l l e d upon to arm others for i t . Such a man the College found i n Jowett. He had been elected to a Fellowship i n 1838; he succeeded to a tutorship i n 1842, d i r e c t l y a f t e r Tait's retirement; and, i n spite of his youth, he became almost immediately the mainstay of the t u t o r i a l body. Jowett influenced his e a r l i e s t group of students i n two important ways. F i r s t , as a republican who believed strongly i n s o c i a l reform, p a r t i c u l a r l y through the medium of popular education, he gave substance to his b e l i e f not only by campaigning within the u n i v e r s i t y for a relaxation of the entrance requirements to allow women and working men access to the u n i v e r s i t i e s , but also by sending his best students to careers i n the Education O f f i c e of the C i v i l Service. B a l l i o l men, incl u d i n g Temple, Lingen, Palgrave, Arnold, and Clough, helped to set up the enti r e system of free state secular education i n England. Second, he was convinced that education should be fi r m l y based on a knowledge of Greek l i t e r a t u r e , e s p e c i a l l y Plato, whom he translated i n a popular e d i t i o n because he wanted to make c l a s s i c a l l i t e r a t u r e accessible to as many people as possible. Jowett campaigned throughout his l i f e to extend the benefits of c l a s s i c a l education to the previously educationally disenfranchised, and his conviction that the Greek writers had much to teach the modern world shaped Palgrave's b e l i e f that modern l i t e r a t u r e must also be based on Greek i d e a l s . 15 At Oxford, under Jowett's tutelage and buttressed by the p o l i t i c a l fervour of two of his f r i e n d s , Clough and Froude, Palgrave became an ardent, i f temporary, republican, as Clough wrote to Tom Arnold i n 1848: Palgrave too you w i l l have heard has become, under Froude's guidance p a r t l y and p a r t l y by revolutionary sympathy, a very suspect person at Oxford and next to myself i s I suppose accounted the wildest and most ecervele republican going. I myself apropos of a l e t t e r of Matt's which he directed to C i t i z e n Clough, O r i e l Lyceum, Oxford, bear that t i t l e par excellence. J. A. Froude, author of the contro v e r s i a l document of scepticism, The  Nemesis of F a i t h , and defector from Tractarianism, was a dangerous man to be associated with p u b l i c l y at Oxford. He and Palgrave remained friends for about twenty years a f t e r they l e f t Oxford, Froude providing a short but glowing review of the Treasury i n 1861, but Palgrave gradually became d i s i l l u s i o n e d with Froude's radicalism. By the time Froude produced his scandalous biography of the Carlyles i n 1882, Palgrave d i s l i k e d him so much that the same year he published a l i b e l l o u s L a t i n poem, " I n s c r i p t i o n for a Statue i n Chelsea," i n Blackwood's Magazine (7.3), attacking both Carlyle and his biographer. But at Oxford, Froude joined with Jowett, Clough, and other members of the Decade in encouraging Palgrave's republican enthusiasms. The Decade Club, one of the many secret s o c i e t i e s which flourished at Oxford and Cambridge i n the nineteenth century—and which lasted a l i t t l e longer than i t s name implies—was formed i n 1838 by two B a l l i o l tutors, W. C. Lake and Benjamin Brodie, as an a l t e r n a t i v e to the debating forum offered by the Oxford Union, which was going through a p a r t i c u l a r l y rowdy period. The society i n i t i a l l y consisted of ten members—hence the name—and for i t s e n t i r e existence the Decade had a serious and i n t e l l e c t u a l tone, unlike, for 16 example, the Cambridge Apostles, who gathered as much for c o n v i v i a l as i n t e l l e c t u a l reasons. The club also d i f f e r e d from other contemporary s o c i e t i e s i n rej e c t i n g theology, the most compelling topic of those years, i n favour of subjects such as p o l i t i c s , economics, s o c i a l reform, and l i t e r a t u r e , a l l with a markedly republican and r a d i c a l f l a v o u r : "For a l l these young men, the February Revolution [of 1848] broke i n l i k e a sea wind blowing the tang of s a l t and sunshine through the musty conservatism of Europe."^ The Decade Club attracted to i t s meetings some of the brightest young men i n the University, and i t s members went on to become educational reformers i n both schools and u n i v e r s i t i e s , leading members of the Church of England, important c i v i l servants and p o l i t i c i a n s , and even, i n the person of Lord Coleridge, a Lord Chief Justice of England. The Decade also produced two of the most important poets of the nineteenth century—Matthew Arnold and Arthur Hugh Clough. Both men are linked to Palgrave i n l i t e r a r y h i story, Arnold because he and Palgrave shared a view of l i t e r a r y c r i t i c i s m based on an admiration for c l a s s i c a l poetry and on popularist p r i n c i p l e s , and Clough because Palgrave had a powerful influence on his posthumous poetic reputation. Matthew Arnold's career p a r a l l e l e d Palgrave's i n many ways. The son of a Roman h i s t o r i a n , Arnold had won a scholarship to B a l l i o l two years before Palgrave; he was a poet and a c r i t i c ; he l e f t Oxford to enter the Education O f f i c e ; and he spent two terms as Professor of Poetry at Oxford. But the c r u c i a l point of contact between the two men was t h e i r common b e l i e f that English poetry greatly needed reform i n order f o r i t to play a more powerful r o l e i n the culture of what both men perceived to be an increasingly m a t e r i a l i s t i c middle-class s o c i e t y . Moreover, both agreed that such reform could be achieved by close study of Greek p o e t r y — t h e epic for Arnold and the l y r i c f o r Palgrave. Palgrave was compared to Arnold throughout his l i f e t i m e , both as a c r i t i c and as a poet who wrote quasi-Arnoldian elegaic poetry. Palgrave's r e l a t i o n s h i p with Arnold, which began with their discussions of l i t e r a t u r e and s o c i a l issues at the Decade Club and which did not end u n t i l Arnold's death i n 1888, i s perhaps the most useful key to understanding the success of the Golden Treasury, the e d i t o r i a l guidelines for which are based on the same impulses as those of Arnold's preface to h i s 1853 Poems. Palgrave and Arnold also shared a common a f f e c t i o n for another Decade Club member, Arthur Hugh Clough. Doctor Arnold's most b r i l l i a n t p u p i l , Clough f a i l e d to l i v e up to his reputation at Oxford. Worn out by theological speculation and the pressures of his own collapsing f a i t h , Clough r e t i r e d into a p a s s i v i t y which fostered the Decade Club's tendency to regard him as both a saint and a martyr. Clough's biographers agree that his involvement i n the Decade Club was one of the factors contributing to his i n a b i l i t y to make a greater impact on V i c t o r i a n c u l t u r e : Clough's connection with the Decade set might very well provide a clue to his f i n a l i neffectiveness i n public l i f e , and to his extraordinary d i f f i c u l t y i n find i n g a f i t t i n g vocation for himself. The discontent with the age which Clough shared, of a l l his f r i e n d s , most f u l l y with Tom Arnold was a discontent too ambitiously general, too diffused i n i t s scope to be e a s i l y channelled into clear and e f f e c t i v e leadership. Yet Clough was the widely acknowledged leader.*^ Clough r e a d i l y accepted the adulation of the Decade Club members, and, i n general, they closed ranks to s h i e l d him from outside c r i t i c i s m . Palgrave 18 was one of the most assiduous i n protecting the poet. When Clough resigned h i s O r i e l Fellowship for reasons of conscience and d r i f t e d from job to job, eventually going to America, Palgrave paid his b i l l s , took care of his l e t t e r s , and, i n 1853, with the help of Temple and Arnold, arranged a job f o r him i n the Education O f f i c e , where he spent the few years t i l l his premature death i n 1861. When he died, Arnold and Palgrave were quick to memorialise him, the former i n "Thyrsis" and the l a t t e r i n an 1862 memoir i n Fraser's Magazine (4.6) which eventually appeared as the preface to the f i r s t posthumous e d i t i o n of Clough's poetry i n England (2.9). The preface appealed then as now to the general reader, but i t angered Clough's widow, who removed i t after only two impressions of the English e d i t i o n (the American e d i t i o n contained a preface by Charles E l i o t Norton) and replaced i t with one of her own, which treated the man and his poetry with more reverence. Palgrave's fury at having his version rejected was f u e l l e d by the appearance i n 1869 of an expanded e d i t i o n of Clough's Poems which included a number of works Palgrave had considered either unfinished or too revealing of the s c e p t i c a l , c y n i c a l side of Clough's nature which he had t r i e d to ignore i n his own memoir. He responded to the new e d i t i o n by publishing a splenetic attack on Mrs. Clough and her collaborator, J . A. Symonds, i n a poem e n t i t l e d "Pro Mortuis": He dies: he leaves the deed or name, A g i f t forever to his land, In trust to Friendship's guardian hand, Bound 'gainst a l l adverse shocks to keep his fame, Or to the world proclaim. But the imperfect thing, or thought,— The f e r v i d yeastiness of youth, The dubious doubt, the t w i l i g h t truth, 19 The work that for the passing day was wrought, The schemes that came to nought. And c r u d i t i e s of joy and gloom:— In kind o b l i v i o n l e t them be! Nor has the dead worse foe than he Who rakes these sweepings of the a r t i s t ' s room, And p i l e s them on his tomb. (7.16) "Pro Mortuis" sums up both Palgrave's abortive attempt to shape Clough's image by demanding the suppression of poems he considered u n f l a t t e r i n g to that image, and also his general approach as an e d i t o r . In his editions of the work of friends and i n his other editions and anthologies, Palgrave always put his chosen image of the poet f i r s t . He did not hesitate to abridge or omit anything he thought r e f l e c t e d badly on the poet's personal l i f e and p o l i t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s , a practice which culminated i n h i s undertaking to destroy Tennyson's personal papers after his death i n 1892 i n order to aid Tennyson's widow and son i n creating an i d e a l i z e d image of Tennyson, an action which has immensely complicated the task of subsequent biographers. Palgrave's relationships with Clough, Arnold, Froude, and Jowett were the most f r u i t f u l of his B a l l i o l years. The i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of his love of c l a s s i c a l poetry and art and his new sense of the p o s s i b i l i t i e s for s o c i a l reform through popular education shaped the course of his adult l i f e . The only B a l l i o l influence which he abjured i n l a t e r l i f e was his youthful p o l i t i c a l extremism. Like many young i d e a l i s t s who had been d i s i l l u s i o n e d by the collapse of the r a d i c a l movements of the l a t e f o r t i e s , Palgrave became a true-blue Tory and an ardent monarchist, as his subsequent s e m i - o f f i c i a l poems on royal events show. Indeed, as his f r i e n d G. D. Boyle said, he "grew 20 gradually to d i s l i k e many of the projects of his more l i b e r a l friends at Oxford" and even became disenchanted with Jowett himself ( L i f e , p. 37). But the love of l i t e r a t u r e and art which had sustained him became an increasing preoccupation in l a t e r l i f e . i i i Palgrave began to put his ideas about art and l i t e r a t u r e on paper while he was at Oxford. His f i r s t published a r t i c l e s , c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y about I t a l i a n engraving and poetry, appeared in 1847 when he was 23 (3.1 and 4.1). These early writings evince both his insistence on " s i m p l i c i t y " and " c l a r i t y " of expression and "unity" of subject matter and treatment and his l i f e l o n g conviction that l i t e r a t u r e and art should be made available to the widest possible audience. He published a number of a r t i c l e s i n both f i e l d s over the next fourteen years, but u n t i l the Golden Treasury appeared i n 1861, he made l i t t l e impact i n either art or l i t e r a r y c i r c l e s . His f i r s t important venture into art c r i t i c i s m came a year a f t e r the Treasury was published, with the appearance of his o f f i c i a l Handbook to the fine art exhibits of the 1862 International E x h i b i t i o n . That book, which contains v i o l e n t attacks on nearly every work, caused a public outcry and was quickly withdrawn from c i r c u l a t i o n . Although the reception of the two works was markedly d i f f e r e n t , the popularity of the one and the notoriety of the other brought him instantaneous recognition as a c r i t i c i n both areas. Palgrave began writing l y r i c s while at Oxford, and he published his f i r s t c o l l e c t i o n , Idyls and Songs, 1848-1854, when he was 30. He wrote verses a l l his l i f e , but his poetry never had the success of his c r i t i c i s m . Indeed, because he was unable to place his poems i n p e r i o d i c a l s , his work 21 received no c r i t i c a l attention u n t i l the Treasury made him an overnight authority on poetry. Unlike many of his fri e n d s , Palgrave did not allow the controversies and d i s t r a c t i o n s of Oxford l i f e to a f f e c t his work. His f i r s t - c l a s s honours degree i n 1847 was rewarded with a fellowship at Exeter College, but by then, along with the majority of the Decade, he was already thinking about leaving the University, and he stayed at Exeter only a year. Following the example of many of his contemporaries, Palgrave decided to enter the c i v i l s ervice. After vetoing his f i r s t career choice, a r c h i t e c t u r e , his father had t r i e d to in t e r e s t him i n the c i v i l service by i n s i s t i n g that he take time off i n 1846 to work as a private secretary for W. E. Gladstone, who was then an up-and-coming young Col o n i a l Minister i n the Peel government. Such a post was a t r a d i t i o n a l way into the c i v i l service or into p o l i t i c s , but Palgrave apparently found i t not to his taste, for a f t e r one term he returned to Oxford to take his degree. Matthew Arnold held an equivalent p o s i t i o n with Lord Lansdowne a l i t t l e l a t e r and found i t s i m i l a r l y u n s a t i s f y i n g . Palgrave's personal r e l a t i o n s h i p with Gladstone, however, lasted for many years, owing to a shared love of Homer, though i t was f i n a l l y severed by t h e i r i n c r e a s i n g l y d i f f e r i n g p o l i t i c a l views. Palgrave chose a post i n the Education Committee of the Privy Council where there was a strong B a l l i o l connection. Arnold's tutor, Ralph Lingen, had already gone to head the st a f f of school inspectors at the o f f i c e , and one of Palgrave's mentors, Frederick Temple, had been recruited to head an experimental t r a i n i n g school. Both Arnold and Clough eventually became Palgrave's colleagues. The Committee on Education of the Privy Council, as i t was i n i t i a l l y 22 called, had been formed in 1838 to dispense government grants to the church-run school system. Gradually, over the next 30 years, i t removed control of education from the hands of the churches, and, by the time Palgrave retired in 1884, a new and entirely secular system of elementary state education had been established. Palgrave began work at the beginning of 1849 as Temple's vice-principal at Kneller Hall in Twickenham, an experimental training school for teachers who were to live and work with children in the workhouses. One of the earliest government experiments in teacher training, i t was never successful, both because workhouse teaching was so unpleasant and badly paid that few could be induced to take i t up and because i t engendered so much controversy. The churches argued that i t infringed on their legal right to train teachers, and Parliament complained of i t s high cost. After five years the school was closed, and Palgrave returned to the London office. Palgrave remained at the Education Office for the whole of his working l i f e , rising to the level of assistant secretary by the time he retired in 1884. His work was not i l l u s t r i o u s — h e certainly produced nothing as significant as the reports and studies that Matthew Arnold wrote for the same office—but he was involved in the setting up of the basic education system which s t i l l exists i n England and throughout her former colonies. If he made no formal specific contribution to the history of education, he was profoundly influenced by his awareness of that vast i l l i t e r a t e audience which the Education Office was trying to reach. Probably his years at Kneller Hall as a teacher helped Palgrave to define the audience he would address in his criticism, for he taught "English 23 H i s t o r y , and E n g l i s h L i t e r a t u r e , and E n g l i s h Composition" to young men whose only education had been l a b o r i o u s l y acquired by working as p u p i l teachers i n poor elementary s c h o o l s . ^ While there , he publ ished some of h i s e a r l i e s t l i t e r a r y c r i t i c i s m i n 1853 i n the house j o u r n a l of the Educat ion O f f i c e , The Educat ional E x p o s i t o r , i n c l u d i n g "A Method of Lectures on Eng l i sh L i t e r a t u r e , " an examination of the c r i t i c a l theories of Coler idge and Wordsworth wr i t ten as a conversat ion between the two men (4 .2 ) . His teaching experience with young working-class men served to underl ine h is b e l i e f that poetry and the f ine ar t s should take a c e n t r a l r o l e i n popular educat ion . He a lso campaigned for the add i t i on of E n g l i s h l i t e r a t u r e to school c u r r i c u l a , even i n some cases as a replacement for L a t i n and Greek, i n s i s t i n g that while not everyone could l e a r n enough to appreciate the c l a s s i c s , a l l students would benef i t from exposure to the best art and l i t e r a t u r e of t h e i r own country . While Palgrave was at K n e l l e r H a l l , two of h i s c loses t emotional t ies—one r e a l and one r e a l only to him—were abrupt ly severed. He was cast in to a melancholy mood when h i s dreams of marriage with the s i s t e r of a chi ldhood f r i e n d were shattered by her r e j e c t i o n , a sorrow which deepened with the sudden death of h i s mother i n 1852. The natura l course of time seems to have healed Palgrave ' s f i l i a l g r i e f , but the pain of that unspoken emotional t i e , formed i n adolescence, pers i s t ed in to ear ly manhood. Perhaps i n e v i t a b l y , he chose the autobiographica l nove l—Prec iosa (1852, [2.2])—as a v e h i c l e for expressing h i s f ee l ings i n the wake of the l ady ' s r e j e c t i o n , re turn ing to the same genre fo l lowing the trauma of her marriage i n 1857 and r e w r i t i n g Prec iosa as The Passionate P i l g r i m (1858, [2 .6 ] ) . 24 Nowhere i n the wealth of verses that document the r e l a t i o n s h i p , i n the novels Preciosa and The Passionate P i l g r i m , or i n ex i s t i n g correspondence does Palgrave himself i d e n t i f y his inamorata, but she i s less elusive than Arnold's "Marguerite." Although no one has p o s i t i v e l y revealed the i d e n t i t y of "Preciosa" i n p r i n t , R. Brimley Johnson, editor of a 1926 reprint of The Passionate P i l g r i m , claimed she was a long-time friend of C e c i l G r e v i l l e Milnes, Palgrave's future wife: When, j u s t upon f i v e years a f t e r this book was published, that i s i n 1862, Francis Palgrave f i r s t met the lady destined...to become his wife, who had, curiously enough, long been her f r i e n d , the intimacy was not disturbed, nor was i t broken save by the hand of death (2.6, 2nd. ed, v i i i ) . But Johnson's coyness served only to t a n t a l i z e . In 1984, however, evidence surfaced about "Preciosa"'s i d e n t i t y . On the f l y l e a f of her copy of Preciosa, Eleanor Leighton, s i s t e r of Palgrave's f r i e n d , the poet Lord de Tabley, names "Preciosa" as Lady Salisbury, or Georgina Alderson, who married S i r Robert C e c i l i n 1857. This i d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s confirmed by a l e t t e r of 20 June 1857 found among Palgrave's papers i n the B r i t i s h Library. In i t , her brother, another of Palgrave's f r i e n d s , Charles, Baron Alderson writes: I f e e l sure, that however deeply you are f e e l i n g the events of l a s t Saturday week, i t i s not a subject which with me you would wish tabooed—and that however p a i n f u l , you must nevertheless f e e l a t e r r i b l e i n t e r e s t i n a l l r e l a t i n g . . . t o i t . And so, as I promised, I write to you now to t e l l you that everything went off as e a s i l y and q u i e t l y , and therefore as pleasantly, as possible, under the circumstances. Indeed to you, who know well what Georgie has been to the house, ever since i t was a house, I need not speak of what the s o c i a l loss i s . . . . And now, my dear Frank, I have again to express my sympathy f or you i n this heavy t r i a l . . . . Not but that I do firml y believe that a time must come when the sharp 25 edge of this sorrow must be blunted—and you a t t a i n something l i k e peace. 2 0 Both novels describe i n d e t a i l his unreciprocated passion and the s p i r i t u a l anguish which the hero experiences, Preciosa i n a simple, r e a l i s t i c s t y l e , and The Passionate P i l g r i m i n a more decorative, s e l f - c o n s c i o u s l y i n t e l l e c t u a l manner, larded with quotations from Goethe and Dante. The f i r s t was published anonymously, the second under the pseudonym, "Henry J . Thurstan," but Palgrave's contemporaries recognised his hand and Palgrave admitted authorship. The persistent melancholia portrayed i n these two books apparently became a permanent part of Palgrave's personality, and Diana Holman-Hunt reports that her grandfather, William Holman Hunt, f o r e s t a l l e d a suicide attempt by Palgrave two years a f t e r The Passionate P i l g r i m was 21 published. The success of the Treasury and his marriage i n 1862 seemed to have assuaged his mental s t r e s s , but he was subject to attacks of depression throughout the remainder of his l i f e . Palgrave was 38 when he married C e c i l G r e v i l l e Milnes (1834-1890), the niece of his old f r i e n d Richard Monckton M i n e s , Lord Houghton, and daughter of Arthur Hallam's f r i e n d James Milnes Gaskell. C e c i l bore him four daughters and a son (a second son died i n infancy), and th e i r marriage seems to have provided the s t a b i l i t y and peace which his own melancholy and c h o l e r i c temperament had lacked for so many years. Palgrave's domestic c r i s e s , though psychologically damaging to h i s pe r s o n a l i t y , d i d not lead him to r e t i r e from s o c i a l l i f e . Indeed, when Kneller H a l l closed i n 1855, he returned to London eager to re-enter the 26 l i t e r a r y world which he had tasted b r i e f l y i n 1849 while working at the London o f f i c e . Palgrave was a great l i o n i s e r ; he loved to meet the a r t i s t s , poets, p o l i t i c i a n s , and a r i s t o c r a t s whose names f i l l the pages of his biography. The man he most wanted to meet, however, was A l f r e d Tennyson, whose work he had admired since his early days at Oxford. In a Decade Club debate Palgrave had winningly argued that "Tennyson i s a greater poet than Wordsworth" against that great Wordsworthian, Matthew Arnold. He prided himself, according to a f r i e n d , on the fact that he had been one of the e a r l i e s t admirers of Tennyson's work, and when he f i r s t met Tennyson on 31 March 1849, Tennyson had not yet won renown—the success of In Memoriam, his marriage, and the Laureateship were s t i l l a year away. Tennyson was at f i r s t f l a t t e r e d by Palgrave's admiration, which, as his daughter s a i d , remained "a hero-worship most u t t e r l y l o y a l and true" u n t i l the former's death in 1892 ( L i f e , p. 40). But Tennyson was a shy man, embarrassed by Palgrave's effusiveness and i r r i t a t e d by his often abrasive and i n s e n s i t i v e nature. They remained friends throughout the f i f t i e s and s i x t i e s , taking a number of summer walking tours together which Palgrave seems to have engineered. As Emily Tennyson wrote to Edward Lear, " A l f r e d goes with Mr. Palgrave to Brittany, or scarcely goes but w i l l be taken 22 perhaps." Tennyson's patience was tested constantly by Palgrave's unique mixture of deference and arrogance, and he eventually sought le s s t r y i n g companionship. On one of these summer tours Palgrave suggested the idea of the Golden Treasury to Tennyson, who encouraged the younger man to proceed with the project before he cut the holiday short i n order to fl e e from what S i r 27 Charles Tennyson, perhaps with too much f i l i a l l o y a l t y , c a l l e d Palgrave's pertinacious d e v o t i o n . F o r Palgrave, however, the relationship held a central place even a f t e r Tennyson had l a r g e l y withdrawn his fri e n d s h i p , and he continued to act and write p u b l i c l y as i f they were s t i l l close. Like so many of the other less-talented younger men who formed Tennyson's "entourage," Palgrave was not unaware of the help which a connection with the Laureate could be to his career, and his anthologies and c r i t i c i s m echo with references to his talented f r i e n d . By making known Tennyson's e d i t o r i a l involvement with the Treasury, Palgrave c a p i t a l i z e d on Tennyson's reputation and helped to ensure the success of the book. In the la t e s i x t i e s , Tennyson severed t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p altogether f o r reasons which reveal as much about Palgrave's d i s t i n c t i v e style as they do about Tennyson himself. Tennyson had tolerated the many references to t h e i r f r i e ndship i n Palgrave's writings, but the poet drew the l i n e at allowing Palgrave to aggrandise himself by showing Tennyson's unpublished manuscripts to outsiders. In 1849, Palgrave had succeeded Coventry Patmore, who had been dismissed for showing the manuscript of In Memoriam to strangers against Tennyson's express orders, as Tennyson's acolyte, so i t was only f i t t i n g that Palgrave should himself be replaced i n 1868 by William Allingham when he not only showed the manuscript of the new unpublished I d y l l s to an outsider, Max Muller, but also wrote to Tennyson d e t a i l i n g the stranger's c r i t i c i s m s of the poems, to which he added his own complaints, l e c t u r i n g Tennyson on what he regarded as the poetic shortcomings of the manuscripts which Tennyson had lent him. Tennyson had a notoriously thin skin for c r i t i c i s m , and only a man of monumental i n s e n s i t i v i t y would have flouted Tennyson's orders and 28 then presumed to attack unpublished material lent i n confidence. Tennyson was understandably reluctant to allow Palgrave to c r i t i c i s e his work i n p r i n t , and he vetoed his i n c l u s i o n i n the Treasury, a decision which led Palgrave to omit a l l l i v i n g authors. He also apparently declined to allow Palgrave to review any of his volumes, and no Tennyson poems appeared i n any of Palgrave's c o l l e c t i o n s u n t i l Tennyson's move to Macmillan, Palgrave's own publisher, made re f u s a l d i f f i c u l t . Tennyson's suspicions seem j u s t i f i e d : on 18 January 1884, three days a f t e r Tennyson's contract with Kegan Paul expired and he decided to sign a contract with Macmillan, Palgrave wrote to Macmillan planning a s e l e c t i o n from Tennyson's l y r i c s i n the Golden Treasury Series. That e d i t i o n , discussed i n the bibliography below, c l e a r l y i l l u s t r a t e s the l i m i t a t i o n s of Palgrave's assessment of Tennyson's l y r i c s . In p a r t i c u l a r , his selections from In Memorlam confirm his intense antipathy to mannered language and obscurity which, though consistent with Palgrave's c r i t i c a l views expressed elsewhere, reveals a serious i n a b i l i t y to comprehend the true nature of Tennyson's d i s t i n c t i v e genius. When Tennyson died at the end of 1892, t h e i r r e l ationship had been a token one for many years, yet Palgrave wrote almost immediately to Tennyson's widow Emily and son Hallam to o f f e r help i n dealing with Tennyson's papers and to suggest contributions to the memoir which he knew Hallam was planning. He was thus able to gain an access to the Laureate's private l i f e and f e e l i n g s that he had never been able to achieve during his l i f e t i m e . His o f f e r was g r a t e f u l l y accepted by the Tennysons, who were swamped with material, but who were s e l e c t i v e i n choosing t h e i r helpers because, as Robert Martin says: 29 The process of making Tennyson's memory respectable was well i n hand, and i t was so successful that i t took another half-century before the world began to suspect that behind the bland features of the Watts portraits and Hallam Tennyson's biography was the complicated mind and awkward personality of one of England's greatest poets. They recognised i n Palgrave a man with p a r a l l e l aims. Palgrave always took a p a r t i c u l a r l y strong interest i n the l i t e r a r y memorials erected to his friends—he had been involved by this time with the memoirs of Clough, Shairp, and Eastlake—and i n each case, as has already been noted i n reference to Clough, he was w i l l i n g to make whatever concessions were necessary to ensure that no unflattering stories or unsatisfactory poems appeared i n pri n t . His work on Tennyson's reputation was made considerably easier by the fact that Emily and Hallam were already united i n their desire to protect and idealise the Laureate. Palgrave's f i r s t act consisted of an offer to read and, where necesary, destroy Tennyson's papers. The Tennysons sent him large batches of unread incoming correspondence which he had absolute authority to destroy as he saw f i t : Palgrave and Henry Sidgwick helped him [Hallam Tennyson] to read and sort out some 40,000 l e t t e r s , then to destroy three-quarters of them, including p r a c t i c a l l y a l l of Tennyson's l e t t e r s to Emily before their marriage and those he had received from Arthur Hallam, as well as anything else Hallam and Emily Tennyson had decided was unworthy of the tame, s a i n t l y character whose image they wanted to perpetuate. He did this unsupervised, but on their direct orders, and many of his comments show that he took an almost malicious pleasure i n destroying the l e t t e r s of those who had replaced him as Tennyson's intimates: 30 Palgrave's only serious f a u l t as an advisor was his jealousy of other w r i t e r s : Stedman i s "a U. S. A. nobody," James Spedding's s t y l e i s "very unequal," Kingsley's s t y l e i s "always i n t o l e r a b l e , " Sidgwick's l e t t e r about In Memoriam i s uns a t i s f a c t o r y , "The only l i g h t i t throws i s not on the poem, but on the professor," Lowell's d e s c r i p t i o n of Maud as "the antiphonal voice to In Memoriam" i s a "nonsensical expression." The family was thus able to ensure that the o f f i c i a l image which they erected i n the Memoir could be permanently protected. Palgrave not only a s s i s t e d by destroying documents i n i m i c a l to the family's o f f i c i a l p o r t r a i t , he also subedited the memoir extensively, correcting Hallam's grammar, and may even have suggested the t i t l e f o r the published record: A l f r e d , Lord Tennyson, a Memoir by h i s Son. He wrote a number of t r a v e l memoirs and a memorial l e t t e r on Tennyson's l a t e son, L i o n e l , for i n c l u s i o n , but, while these appeared i n the printed Materials for a L i f e of A. T. (2.48), they were subsequently rejected by Hallam in the f i n a l proof stage before p u b l i c a t i o n . A l l that remains of Palgrave's contributions to the Memoir i s his "Personal Recollections of A l f r e d Tennyson...(Including Some C r i t i c i s m s by Tennyson)" placed i n an appendix at the end of the second volume along with a number of s i m i l a r r e c o l l e c t i o n s by other f r i e n d s , such as Froude and Jowett. Tennyson and h i s Friends (1911), edited by Hallam and published long a f t e r Palgrave's death, has few references to him, but there i s no question that his friendship with Tennyson was one of the most important events i n his l i f e . i v When Palgrave began work on the Golden Treasury i n 1860, he could not have dreamt how much impact the l i t t l e green book would have on his l i f e . He c a p i t a l i z e d on his newly gained status as a recognised man of l e t t e r s 31 following the publication of the Golden Treasury to place his own poetry and to secure commissions for other editions and "Treasuries," such as the Children's Treasury (1875) and the Treasury of Sacred Song (1889). But while he published nearly 50 separate volumes of poetry, art and l i t erary cr i t i c i sm, anthologies, hymns, and lectures in the years between 1861 and his death, none of these came remotely close to r iva l l ing the success of the Treasury. That he himself was fu l ly cognizant of the book's centrality in his l i f e and reputation is reflected in his continuing edi tor ia l involvement with i t throughout his l i f e . The Golden Treasury made Palgrave's name a household word in the eighteen s ixt ies , and his reputation was sure enough by 1867 for him to consider standing as a candidate for Professor of Poetry at Oxford when Matthew Arnold ret ired. He withdrew from the contest in favour of his uncle, Sir Francis Doyle, but stood again in 1877, when his opponents included Walter Pater, J . A. Symonds, and J . C. Shairp, his old B a l l i o l fr iend. After an acrimonious contest, during which the old animosity with Symonds over the Clough memoir resurfaced, he withdrew again from the competition. Shortly after his retirement, in 1884, the incumbent Professor of Poetry, J . C. Shairp, died unexpectedly, and Palgrave was prompted once again to put his name forward, this time successfully. His four lecture series, on l iterature and the fine arts , on neglected English poets, on the Renaissance in English l i terature , and on landscape in poetry, were widely regarded as both dull and unoriginal, but he was after a l l 61 and already a i l ing when he was elected, and by the time he retired after two five-year terms he was only two years from death. He f ina l ly persuaded Macmillan to publish his last series of 32 lectures as Landscape i n Poetry from Homer to Tennyson, but he died, f o r t u i t o u s l y , before the generally unfavourable reviews appeared. Thus, the 36 years between 1861 and his death i n 1897 were c e r t a i n l y not uneventful, however a n t i - c l i m a c t i c they may have been i n terms of Palgrave's successes and recognition. The Treasury has been noted as an ongoing and l i f e - l o n g enterprise, but Palgrave's other a c t i v i t i e s were many and varied. Between 1862 and 1865, he was engaged p r i n c i p a l l y as an art c r i t i c . In connection with his p o s i t i o n on the Saturday Review, which engaged him on the strength of h i s Handbook to the International E x h i b i t i o n , he contributed a r t i c l e s r e g u l a r l y on current a r t i s t s and e x h i b i t i o n s . While much of his c r i t i c a l work can be described as journeyman t a s k s — e s p e c i a l l y his e d i t o r i a l contributions to the l i v e s of Clough, Shairp, and Tennyson—his own publications were s u f f i c i e n t l y numerous and frequent to keep his name before the public, and as his reputation grew, new opportunities opened to him. Throughout these years, Palgrave maintained a highly active s o c i a l l i f e , counting among his friends and associations a wide range of successful writers and a r t i s t s . His p a r t i c u l a r a r t i s t i c friends were Thomas Woolner, William Holman Hunt, and S i r Charles Eastlake, president of the Royal Academy and d i r e c t o r of the National Gallery, who was married to Palgrave's cousin Elizabeth. While he moved only on the fringe of Tennyson's l i t e r a r y c i r c l e , he was acquainted with Browning and Richard Monckton Milnes, and, for a time, with Swinburne, who l a t e r took a great d i s l i k e to Palgrave and refused to allow him to include any of his poems i n the Second Series of the Treasury. At the same time, Palgrave c u l t i v a t e d friendships with those 33 members of his old B a l l i o l c i r c l e who had entered the church, p a r t i c u l a r l y Frederick Temple and A. C. T a i t , both of whom became Archbishops of Canterbury, and with Arthur Stanley, Dean of Westminster. As he became older and l o s t his youthful reforming z e a l , he strengthened his t i e s with members of the aristocracy and p o l i t e society, including the Duke of A r g y l l , whose poetry appears i n the Second Series of the Golden Treasury. By the time of his e l e c t i o n as Professor of Poetry i n 1885, Palgrave was a member of the l i t e r a r y , p o l i t i c a l , and s o c i a l establishment, and one of the c r i t i c i s m s of his Second Series of the Golden Treasury of the works of l i v i n g poets, published i n 1897, was that i t was reactionary, r e f l e c t i n g the taste of a man who not only rejected much of the work of poets of his own generation, notably William Morris, but who also had l i t t l e taste for the new poets of the n i n e t i e s , such as Wilde, Yeats, Symons, and Dowson. Palgrave's marriage, which lasted u n t i l his wife's death in 1890, was a happy one. Ten years younger than he, his wife knew of his long unhappy obsession with his "Preciosa," and she seems to have treated him with great kindness, e s p e c i a l l y during his recurrent periods of depression. In return, he addressed her i n many poems as his "Eugenia": What pearl of price within her lay I could not know when f i r s t I met her So l i t t l e studious for h e r s e l f , Almost she ask'd we should forget her. (2.29) After C e c i l ' s death, t h e i r f i v e children took care of him with equal care and concern. His f i n a l years were spent working on Tennyson's Memoir and a l i f e of Benjamin Jowett, whose biographers c a l l e d upon Palgrave for reminiscences and e d i t o r i a l help. A f t e r a long, slow d e t e r i o r a t i o n of his health, Palgrave 34 died on 24 October 1897, having outlived almost a l l his old and close f r i e n d s . Palgrave was a t y p i c a l V i c t o r i a n man of l e t t e r s , amateur art c r i t i c , and minor poet. He was also representative of the B a l l i o l men of the eighteen f o r t i e s and f i f t i e s who were swept up i n a reforming enthusiasm that was translated into a conviction that the best changes would come through popular education. He summed up the best and the worst of his times: he was an outsider, and he knew i t , but his Oxford t r a i n i n g and i n t e l l e c t u a l i s m led him to want to raise others to his l e v e l of learning and pleasure i n the arts and poetry, rather than to look down on the less fortunate. He had been a passionate young republican, and i n l a t e r l i f e he became a j i n g o i s t i c old Tory, but he never l o s t his f a i t h that, i f the best poetry and art were made av a i l a b l e to the widest possible audience, they would educate and i n s p i r i t even the most u n c i v i l i s e d and ignorant. His greatest enthusiasm was, as h i s old f r i e n d G. D. Boyle said, "the high elevation of poetry, a r t , and music...as the goal for a l l r i g h t l y directed human e f f o r t " ( L i f e , p. 39). His v i o l e n t l y expressed opinions and his abrasive personality helped to make him heard i n that strident age, but underneath his bluster and arrogance lay the strong b e l i e f , which he shared with his fr i e n d Matthew Arnold, that the su r v i v a l of poetry and the fine arts was fundamental to the salvation of what he perceived as an increasingly m a t e r i a l i s t i c and soulless society. The qu a l i t y of the Golden Treasury sprang from that conviction. 35 NOTES Henry Adams, The Education of Henry Adams, ed. Ernest Samuels (Boston: Houghton M i f f l i n , 1974), p. 214. 2 Todd M. Endelman, The Jews of Georgian England, 1714-1830:  Tr a d i t i o n and Change i n a L i b e r a l Society (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1979), pp. 259-60. J. H. Burton, " S i r Francis Palgrave and his Books," Blackwood's  Magazine, 81 (June 1857), 731. ^ Quoted i n Lewis Edwards, "A Remarkable Family: the Palgraves," i n Remember the Days: Essays on Anglo-Jewish History, ed. John Shaftesley (London: the Jewish H i s t o r i c a l Society of England, 1966), p. 306. 5 To Charlotte Symonds Green, 24 Feb. 1877, Letter 1037, The Letters of J . A. Symonds, ed. H. M. Schueller and R. L. Peters, 2 v o l s . (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1968), 2, p. 460. 6 10 Aug. 1891, Le t t e r 1570, The Swinburne L e t t e r s , ed. C e c i l Lang, 6 v o l s . (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1962), 6, p. 16. ^ William G i f f o r d Palgrave (1826-1888) was a Jesuit p r i e s t , Arabian t r a v e l l e r , spy f o r Napoleon the Third, and diplomat. Robert Harry Ing l i s Palgrave (1827-1919) entered the family bank and became the editor of The  Economist magazine and of Palgrave's Dictionary of P o l i t i c a l Economy. Reginald Francis Douce Palgrave (1829-1904) was Clerk of the House of Commons and edited several editions of the Parliamentary Standing Orders. The two youngest boys were both knighted. 8 J . W. Mackail, "Francis Turner Palgrave," DNB (1921-2). Gwenllian F. Palgrave, Francis Turner Palgrave: His Journals and  Some Memories of his L i f e (London: Longmans Green, 1899), p. 5. Henceforth referred to as L i f e and documented i n t e r n a l l y . *° P. G. Scott, "Tennyson and Clough," Tennyson Research B u l l e t i n , 1 (Nov. 1969), 68. ~~" H The Education of Henry Adams, p. 215. I o William Holman Hunt, Pre-Raphaelitism and The Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood, 2 v o l s . (London: Macmillan, 1905), 2, p. 214. '36 1 3 The Education of Henry Adams, p. 215. ^ Evelyn Abbott and Lewis Campbell, The L i f e and Letters of  Benjamin Jowett, M. A., Master of B a l l i o l College, Oxford, 2 v o l s . (London: John Murray, 1897), 1, p. 126. 1 5 H. W. Carless Davis, et a l . , A History of B a l l i o l College, 2nd. ed. (1899; r p t . Oxford: Blackwell, 1963), p. 188. 1 6 16 July [1848], Letter 181, The Correspondence of Arthur Hugh  Clough, ed Frederick L. Mulhauser, 2 v o l s . (London: Oxford University Press, 1957), 1, p. 216. Note: contractions i n quotations such as this have been s i l e n t l y expanded. ^ Katharine Chorley, Arthur Hugh Clough: the Uncommitted Mind (Oxford: Clarendon, 1962), pp. 143-4. 1 Q Robindra Biswas, Arthur Hugh Clough: Towards a Reconsideration (Oxford: Oxford Uni v e r s i t y Press, 1972), p. 195. 1 9 Frederick Temple to Arthur Hugh Clough, 10 May 1853, Letter 364, The Correspondence of Arthur Hugh Clough, 2, p. 364. 2 0 Charles Alderson, l e t t e r to F. T. Palgrave, 20 July 1857, Add. MS. 45741, B r i t i s h L i b r a r y , London. 21 Diana Holman-Hunt, My Grandfather, His Wives and Loves (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1969), pp. 211-2. 22 August 1860, quoted i n Charles Tennyson, A l f r e d Tennyson (London: Macmillan, 1949), p. 327. 2 3 A l f r e d Tennyson, p. 327. 23 December 1868, L e t t e r 6074, Tennyson Research Centre, L i n c o l n , England. 25 See John 0. Waller, "Francis Turner Palgrave's C r i t i c i s m s of Tennyson's In Memoriam," V i c t o r i a n Newsletter, 52 ( F a l l 1977), 13-17, and Marion Shaw, "Palgrave's In Memoriam," V i c t o r i a n Poetry, 18 ( F a l l 1980), 199-201. Robert Martin, Tennyson: the Unquiet Heart (Oxford: Clarendon, 1980), p. 583. 2 7 P h i l i p L. E l l i o t t , The Making of the Memoir (Greenville, South Carolina: p r i v a t e l y printed, 1978), p. 18. 37 CHAPTER TWO: PALGRAVE AS CRITIC It would be absurd to place him beside Matthew A r n o l d — t o whose genius, to whose c h a r a c t e r i s t i c accomplishments, to whose authority and influence, he had no pretension. And yet i t may be questioned whether, a f t e r Arnold, any other c r i t i c of our time contributed so much to educate public taste where, i n t h i s country, i t most needs such education. I f , as a nurse of poets and i n poetic achievement, England stands second to no nation i n Europe, i n no nation i n the world has the standard of popular taste been so low, has the i n s e n s i b i l i t y to what i s excellent, and the perverse preference of what i s mediocre to what i s of the f i r s t order, been so s i g n a l l y , so deplorably, conspicuous. * i : Introduction Like a number of h i s V i c t o r i a n contemporaries, such as William Michael Rossetti and Walter Pater, Palgrave was a c r i t i c of both l i t e r a t u r e and the f i n e a r t s . From the l a t e f o r t i e s onward, he wrote a r t i c l e s and gave public lectures addressed to the emerging general audience which his work i n the state education system had helped to create. Because t h i s audience had l i t t l e or no c r i t i c a l t r a i n i n g and almost no exposure to art and l i t e r a t u r e , h i s commentaries tend to be narrowly focussed, r e p e t i t i v e , and highly d i d a c t i c . Notwithstanding Palgrave's long as s o c i a t i o n with many of the best poets and l i t e r a r y c r i t i c s of the nineteenth century, his c r i t i c a l vocabulary i s derived primarily from the f i n e a r t s . Unlike his c r i t i c a l a r t i c l e s on poetry, which depend too e x c l u s i v e l y on unsupported i m p r e s s i o n i s t i c assertions about poets and h i s t o r i c a l eras, with i n s u f f i c i e n t references to p a r t i c u l a r poems or i n d i v i d u a l l i n e s , his writings on painting, sculpture, and architecture are informed discussions buttressed by ample documentation. As a r e s u l t , his art c r i t i c i s m i s i n v a r i a b l y superior to his l i t e r a r y 38 c r i t i c i s m , which i s too dependent on a l l u s i o n s to and comparisons with the art and poetry of ancient Greece. Although Palgrave c l e a r l y loved Greek sculpture and poetry, i n which he was highly versed, regarding c l a s s i c a l works as the greatest achievements of art and l i t e r a t u r e , the examples he provides as c r i t i c are often too vague to support his generalisations, which reveal more about his perception of the f a u l t s of modern art than they do about his understanding of the Greeks. The lack of s p e c i f i c i t y i n his c r i t i c a l writings on art and l i t e r a t u r e obscures even the l i m i t e d set of c r i t i c a l terms he employs to indicate his approval of works i n the f i n e a r t s : "unity" and "propriety" are never r e a l l y f u l l y explained, and, except for " f i n i s h , " most of his d e f i n i t i o n s can only be derived negatively from his reviews of works i n which these properties are e i t h e r , i n his view, absent or d e f i c i e n t i n comparison to the c l a s s i c s . Palgrave's persistent references to the unity, s i m p l i c i t y , and o b j e c t i v i t y of Greek poetry, and his insistence that English art and poetry should emulate these v i r t u e s , almost c e r t a i n l y r e f l e c t his aim to make art and l i t e r a t u r e more widely ac c e s s i b l e , and while this commitment may appear to contradict his repeated disapproval of didacticism among a r t i s t s , i t i s nevertheless cen t r a l to a l l his c r i t i c a l w ritings. Most of Palgrave's strengths and weaknesses as a c r i t i c were i d e n t i f i e d by his contemporaries. His r i g i d a p p l i c a t i o n of c r i t e r i a formed by the time he l e f t Oxford led William Michael Rossetti to complain that Mr. Palgrave remains somewhat too much of a Greek when he passes to the contemplation of other cycles and developments of a r t ; and that, not entering into the motives of these phases of art with quite the same a s s i m i l a t i v e thoroughness which he commands when the Greek art i s i n question, he i s too anxious to f i n d i n them a 39 c e r t a i n sort of f i n i s h , of which a kind of i d e a l or echo abides i n his mind from the models of Grecian perfection, but which does not, and hardly can, assume a l i k e shape in modern a r t . Hence Mr. Palgrave appears to have a somewhat excessive craving for " f i n i s h " i n work of our own d a y — f o r a c e r t a i n completeness of execution which, were modern art as harmonious a concrete as the Greek, would r i g h t l y be demandable, and would indeed constitute the outer manifestation of i t s harmony, but which i s not equally i n t r i n s i c to the idea of modern a r t , and may be i n s i s t e d upon by the c r i t i c beyond the expedient point. Following the publication of the Golden Treasury, Palgrave found a ready market for the promulgation of his c r i t i c a l ideas, and some of these, such as his insistence on the use of simple language, the fusion of form and content, and the s u p e r i o r i t y of the short poem have since found popular acceptance. But his influence derived p r i n c i p a l l y , i n d i r e c t l y , from the Golden Treasury i t s e l f . As a c r i t i c , Palgrave was best known for his v i o l e n t denunciations of those who disagreed with him or who produced works which did not conform absolutely to his narrow c r i t i c a l p r i n c i p l e s . Although his vehement sty l e p a r t l y r e f l e c t s the c r i t i c a l climate i n which he wrote, i t impeded his development as a c r i t i c and even provoked an attack by Matthew Arnold i n "The L i t e r a r y Influence of Academies": Thus i n the famous Handbook, marks of a fine power of perception are everywhere d i s c e r n i b l e , but so, too, are marks of the want of sure balance, of the check and support afforded by knowing one speaks before good and severe judges.... Mr. Palgrave, on the other hand, fe e l s himself to be speaking before a promiscuous multitude, with the few judges so scattered through i t as to be powerless; therefore, he has no calm confidence and no s e l f - c o n t r o l ; he r e l i e s on the strength of his lungs; he knows that big words impose on the mob, and that, even i f he i s outrageous, most of his audience are apt to be a great deal more so . 3 The s a l i e n t l i m i t a t i o n of Palgrave's c r i t i c i s m , however, i s his repeated assertion that there are "immutable laws of a r t " which a l l a r t i s t s and 4 0 c r i t i c s must acknowledge, a view which he a r t i c u l a t e s i n his introduction to Essays on A r t : The main object of the book i s , by examples taken c h i e f l y from the works of contemporaries, to i l l u s t r a t e the truths, that art has f i x e d p r i n c i p l e s , of which any one may a t t a i n the knowledge who i s not wanting i n natural taste, and that this knowledge adds greatly to our pleasure, by giving i t depth, permanence, and i n t e l l i g i b i l i t y . (2.15, v-vi) In his writings, he makes constant reference to such a set of laws, when, i n f a c t , they are at best eccentric generalisations based on his own perceptions of the i d e a l t r a i t s possessed by the Greeks. His most e x p l i c i t attempt to define these t r a i t s i s contained in his a r t i c l e "On the S c i e n t i f i c Study of Poetry," i n which he argues that i n the Greek poetry, the words come nearer to the thought than i n any other; the dress or expression i s a more simple and a more f a i t h f u l rendering of the soul; the form and the matter are i n a closer and more v i t a l union. You w i l l recognise at once that these conditions create a more perfect work of a r t . Hence, i r r e s p e c t i v e of i t s singular charm and power, the Greek poetry, not i n i t s externals nor as a mode for copyists, but i n i t s f u l f i l m e n t of the immutable laws of a r t , i s invaluable as a study for those who would use a modern language to i t s f u l l e s t extent. And, as a natural consequence, i t i s worth remarking that, with hardly one c l e a r exception, no English writer, but those who have been acquainted with Greek l i t e r a t u r e , out of the hundreds who have attempted poetry, have succeeded i n i t . (4.12, 172) "Unity" i s thus the f i r s t of these laws, and i t i s Palgrave's basic tenet. It i s the c e n t r a l guideline he adopted i n compiling the Golden Treasury, and, i n i t s name, Palgrave made his most controv e r s i a l and sweeping e d i t o r i a l excisions. In the Treasury, he defines the l y r i c i n terms of unity of subject matter—"some single thought, f e e l i n g , or s i t u a t i o n " ( i x ) — a d e f i n i t i o n which illuminates his preference for the short poem, which i s more l i k e l y to deal with a single idea than i s a lengthy n a r r a t i v e . In the 41 d e f i n i t i o n quoted above, however, Palgrave extends the meaning of "unity" to include "words," "metre," and " s t y l e " ; and i t also encompasses other elements from his c r i t i c a l vocabulary: " s i m p l i c i t y , " "clearness," "conciseness," and "moderation." What Palgrave means by unity i s best expressed negatively as the absence of extremes: no obscure or ornate language, no "commonplaces" or c l i c h e s of language or s i t u a t i o n s , and no complexities of form or content. This i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s supported by a l a t e r d e f i n i t i o n of unity i n one of his Oxford lectures where he discusses the influence of the fine arts on poetry: It i s through Unity and Beauty that the severity, s i m p l i c i t y , repose, s e l f - r e s t r a i n t , which are t h e i r technical characters, f i n d t h e i r s p i r i t u a l and emotional expression. And this beauty w i l l , n e cessarily, at once be of the most impressive and the most inward nature: the most reserved, and hence the most permanently powerful. (4.18, 360) Unity here means that the a r t i s t must refuse to "decorate" poetry with r h e t o r i c a l f i g u r e s , and i t incorporates i n large measure the essence of his second term, "propriety." Borrowed from sculpture c r i t i c i s m , "propriety" describes an a r t i s t ' s mastery of the technical d e t a i l s of his a r t , which enables him to sustain not only mastery over the mysteries of curve and plane, truthfulness i n surface, and the s p e c i a l adaptations or conve n t i o n a l i t i e s which separate sculpture from the arts of design, but also the sense of beauty i n general o u t l i n e , of l i g h t and shade i n mass, and a l l that belongs to sc u l p t u r a l propriety. (2.15, 296) It i s also an immutable law that, inasmuch as the painter's materials, however admirably handled, w i l l never reach the expression of the face or i t s colour or texture, i n t h e i r actual i n t e n s i t y , we learn that a nearer i m i t a t i o n of subordinate matters, as of dress, or f u r , or small implements, i s an error which throws the whole picture, so to speak, out of scale. (3.37, 174) 42 Therefore, the central figure deserves closer and more careful painting than the background. In less technical terms, "propriety" refers also to a general sense of balance in sculpture and poetry, which Palgrave defines as one of the admirable characteristics of Greek art, which, from i t s singular balance and perfection in a l l the essentials of excellence may always assist us greatly in learning how to judge, i s particularly useful from the marvellous observance of propriety in every work, whether in i t s wholeness or in i t s details. And the lesson i t teaches thus is of peculiar value, because propriety i s the same in a l l ages, and applies as much to Gothic or modern art as to that of ancient Athens. It is an essential touchstone of goodness and of the artist's right comprehension of his work; and the constant reference to i t as a law is of more use than any other test of judging in architecture. (3.37, 174-5) This quotation also makes clear his concern with the whole form rather than with individual details or, in poetry, purple passages, highlighted at the expense of overall unity. Such a lack of propriety he finds particularly evident in the modern decorative arts: Turn now to modern decorative art i n this sphere. We find at once that these simple principles of propriety have disappeared. So far from that adherence to form as the f i r s t law...it i s d i f f i c u l t to find a form, beautiful in i t s e l f , in any eminent or exquisite degree, among the thousands of costly vases produced by Chelsea or Sevres, Dresden or Vienna. On the contrary, the ambition of the makers seems always to have been to produce, not new forms of appropriate beauty, but new forms anyhow, and at any price. (3.38, 441) Closely linked with "propriety" i s another term from the fine arts, " f i n i s h , " which Palgrave uses in both his art and his literary criticism. Technically, "finish" refers to the f i n a l , careful polishing which a sculptor must give his work, and Palgrave finds i t lacking in both English art and poetry, especially in the contemporary poets' in a b i l i t y to balance "matter" 43 and "workmanship," as i n the poetry of Clough, which he finds wanting i n a r t ; the language and the thought are often unequal and incomplete; the po e t i c a l fusion into a harmonious whole, imperfect. Here, and i n his other writings, one f e e l s a doubt whether i n verse he chose the right v e h i c l e , the t r u l y natural mode of utterance. His poetry, i n a word, belongs to that uncommon class i n which the matter everywhere far outruns the workmanship. (4.6, 530) In his art c r i t i c i s m , Palgrave applies the term most often negatively, as a qu a l i t y too often missing i n English sculpture. Of Marochetti's bust of Thackeray i n Westminster Abbey, for example, he says, A l l i n the bust are smooth, rounded surfaces, which follow each other l i k e the waves i n a bad sea-piece. This i s j u s t the q u a l i t y , as we have said, of an amateur's work; he suppresses and smooths because he cannot model and f i n i s h . (3.35, 759) Palgrave complains that what he c a l l s "working the marble" i s an art almost l o s t i n England: Very few, we believe, since the flimsy manufacturing system was established by Chantrey, have been thorough masters i n f i n i s h i n g the marble. Some well-known a r t i s t s hardly even attempt i t . No f i r s t - r a t e sculpture i s , however, to be had without i t . It was the touch of Phidias which gave the true and consummate expression of the design of Phidias. (3.18, 136) Palgrave's contemporaries found his obsession with f i n i s h a serious l i m i t a t i o n of his c r i t i c i s m . For example, William Michael Rossetti cited Palgrave's f a i l u r e to acknowledge the fact that "the Greek f i n i s h , so subtle and elusive i s i t , may almost be regarded as one of the animating and informing p r i n c i p l e s of that form of a r t , rather than as a d i s t i n c t l y executive q u a l i t y . " ^ Palgrave's determination to force " f i n i s h " on English poetry i s re f l e c t e d i n the unscrupulous excisions he made i n many of the poems which he anthologised i n the Golden Treasury. The extract from Marvell's "The Nymph Complaining of the Death of her Fawn" i n the t h i r d e d i t i o n , for example, i s printed without any acknowledgment that the poem i s not complete, and indeed, his note on the poem can be construed as bordering on deception: Perhaps no poem i n this c o l l e c t i o n i s more d e l i c a t e l y fancied, more ex q u i s i t e l y f i n i s h e d . . . . The poet's imagination i s j u s t i f i e d i n i t s seeming extravagance by the i n t e n s i t y and unity with which i t invests i t s picture. (425) Only by consciously s t r i v i n g for s i m p l i c i t y and o b j e c t i v i t y can the a r t i s t achieve unity, propriety, and f i n i s h . Palgrave opposed the use of "far-sought conceits and a l l u s i o n s " (4.5, 449), a bias mirrored i n the Golden Treasury by the v i r t u a l exclusion of Metaphysical poetry i n Book I I . He f e l t that the obscurity and "frostwork i n g e n u i t i e s " (4.5, 456) of poets l i k e Donne led to a "loss of power more than equal to the gain i n grace or v i v a c i t y " (4.5, 444), but there i s also a moral issue involved: what are c a l l e d conceits or fancies became so engrossing as to have p r a c t i c a l l y ruined the works of many men of true genius; Cowley perhaps being the most distinguished example. Now the poetry of Donne and of Herbert i s i t s e l f thoroughly pervaded by these forced, over-ingenious turns of thought and language. (4.24, 193) When he does include a Metaphysical work i n the Golden Treasury—Crashaw's "Wishes for the (Supposed) Mistress," for example—he cuts i t so savagely to bring i t "within the l i m i t s of l y r i c a l unity " (309) and to remove i t s conceits that the poem i s almost unrecognisable. But Palgrave's opposition to conventional language extends beyond conceits to such poetic techniques as allegory and p e r s o n i f i c a t i o n , and to forms such as the p a s t o r a l . Allegory he l a b e l s "inherently feeble" because i t i s , as i n the case of Chaucer's Romaunt of the Rose, 45 a vehicle so elastic that anything may be poured into i t ; and in the Middle Ages the fine sense of poetical form and poetical unity, in which the great writers of Greece and Rome are supreme, had l i t t l e existence. (4.22, 344) Personification, in such poems as Drayton's "Polyalbion," he condemns in his ar t i c l e on "The Growth of English Poetry": whilst cities and villages are faintly traceable on the vast canvas, every brook and river between Hayle and Eden is made the subject of awkward personification, and county contends with county, mountain with mountain, like the monstrous struggles of the Indian mythology, through thirty tedious cantos. (4.5,447) In the same article he also rejects the pastoral, a dismissal closely related to his view of landscape discussed in Chapter Four on the Golden Treasury, as creating a "mirage" (4.5, 446) and replacing the natural description he admired in Wordsworth's poetry with tired conventions. Just as the Pre-Raphaelites, in Palgrave's view, provided a healthy reaction against worn-out conventions in painting, so the non-Metaphysical seventeenth-century poets, led by Dryden, provided a welcome revolution in English poetry after the "prodigal power" of the Elizabethan poets, of whom he says that i t was their defect that, liv i n g in an inexperienced age, they were not only unable to discover in a l l cases the f i t form and style for each subject, but that—hampered by models not f u l l y understood, and led away by false foreign lights and the desire to display ingenuity and learning—they f e l l into the graver faults of conceit in expression and caprice of thought; that they were unable fully to break in the language to poetry, and are hence f u l l of obscurity; l a s t l y , that their own prodigal power led them to neglect that fine finish and perfection of work which, like the polish on marble, at once sets off and gives duration to Art. (4.7, 151) Guilty of "obscurity" and the "neglect" of "fine finish," the Elizabethans—even Shakespeare, of whom Palgrave says, "no one can be simpler when he chooses; the only regret l e f t , i s that he has not oftener preferred 46 s i m p l i c i t y " (4.20, 212)—are condemned because they are unable to rein i n t h e i r p r o d i g a l i t y . However, the Golden Treasury does not r e f l e c t Palgrave's c r i t i c a l preference f o r Dryden's works over those of the Elizabethans. Palgrave praises Dryden and his followers for t h e i r success i n being able To give clearness to language and plainness to thought; to i n s i s t on the vast importance of Form and of F i n i s h ; to bring down poetry, as Socrates was said to have attempted for philosophy, from heaven to earth; to make her capable of representing not only common l i f e , but also the i n t e r e s t s of the day i n science, and speculation, and p o l i t i c s ; to try what moderation and subdued colour might do for this a r t , as the former age what could be effected by glow and enthusiasm: this was their vocation.... So far from being against the s p i r i t of poetry, the q u a l i t i e s which they sought to introduce had distinguished almost a l l great writers. (4.7, 151-2) Palgrave l a t e r found i n the Elizabethan madrigal poets, p a r t i c u l a r l y Thomas Campion, plainer language and more restrained imagery, but the madrigals were not widely known or reprinted i n 1861, and i t was only i n the expanded editions of the Treasury that he was able to include more than twenty such l y r i c s . Related to Palgrave's di s t a s t e for obscurity i s his disapproval of what, borrowing from the terminology of the fin e arts again, he refers to as "mannerism," where "the f e e l i n g of novelty i n the word—i.e. the manner of speech or expression used—appears more prominent and impresses the mind more deeply than i t s force or s i g n i f i c a n c e . " ^ His use of the term becomes cle a r e r i n his a p p l i c a t i o n of i t to the work of Tennyson. Palgrave's serious reservations about Tennyson's use of language are obvious in his copious annotations to a copy of the f i r s t e d i t i o n of In Memoriam preserved i n the Tennyson Research Centre. In his notes, he co n s i s t e n t l y draws Tennyson's attention to words which he argues the poet uses i n a "peculiar" way, giving 47 them a private or personal s i g n i f i c a n c e : The main words, a cer t a i n p e c u l i a r i t y i n the use of which does not appear to me altogether counterbalanced by the i r expressions—and which may hence be considered mannerisms—are 'large,' ' s k i r t , ' 'quick,' 'the v a s t , 1 to 'sphere, 1 'orb,' 'round,'all mathematical or astronomical. (Waller, p. 17) Simp l i c i t y i n d i c t i o n , then, i s one of the major components of a u n i f i e d poem, and Palgrave l i s t s i t f i r s t i n one of his descriptions of the chief merits of Greek poetry: What are the f i r s t or s a l i e n t q u a l i t i e s of the Greek, and, above a l l , of the Athenian poetry? S i m p l i c i t y and exquisiteness i n the use of words, v a r i e t y and beauty i n metre, clearness of s t y l e , conciseness i n phrase, moderation i n colour, avoidance of commonplace, close and v i t a l interpenetration of the scene described or the i l l u s t r a t i o n s employed with the sentiments of the p o e t — i n one word, p o e t i c a l unity. (4.10, 303) But achieving that "close interpenetration of the scene...and the sentiments" also requires o b j e c t i v i t y . Palgrave argued for a change i n the subject matter of English art and poetry, and he f e l t strongly that two subjects—landscape and incidents from English h i s t o r y — s h o u l d take a cen t r a l place. In his view, such a change i n subject matter would improve both art and poetry by making them less "subjective." Central to Palgrave's c r i t i c i s m i s the concept of the s u p e r i o r i t y of "objective" poetry, which he admits borrowing from Goethe,*' whom he quotes i n his introductory lecture as Professor of Poetry thus: A l l eras i n a state of decline and d i s s o l u t i o n are subjective; on the other hand, a l l progressive eras have an objective tendency. Our present time i s retrograde, for i t i s subjective; we see this not merely i n poetry, but also i n painting and much besides. Every healthy e f f o r t , on the contrary, i s directed from the inward to the outward world, as you w i l l see i n a l l great eras, which have been i n a state of progression, and a l l of an objective nature. (4.15, 344-5) 48 Both Browning and Arnold had serious reservations about subjective poetry, but Palgrave condemned " s u b j e c t i v i t y " out of hand, pr a i s i n g " o b j e c t i v i t y " as an anodyne to what he perceived as one of the cardinal shortcomings of English poetry. Palgrave sharply c r i t i c i s e d the sentimentalism created by outpourings of "personal passion" i n English poetry, both i n his own age and i n the past, and he hoped to promote a reaction against overly "subjective" works by proposing impersonal t o p i c s . He found i n William Barnes, the Dorset poet, who eschewed any expression of personal emotion and a l l references to morality and s o c i a l commentary, a model worth emulating: In a "subjective age," as Goethe described i t s i x t y years since, Barnes has been obstinate i n his o b j e c t i v i t y . He i s i n d i f f e r e n t to coloured d i c t i o n , to sensuous metaphor, to al l u s i o n s and ornaments added for decoration's sake. P o l i t i c s , r e l i g i o n , e t h i c s , are only implied. He avoids a l l display of personal f e e l i n g , a l l self-conscious confession, a l l inward c o n f l i c t , and, keeping his eye always on his subject, leaves the reader to be moved or not by i t s simple presentation. (4.17, 838) The major poetic form that best conforms to Palgrave's p r e s c r i p t i v e standards for poetry i s the b a l l a d , and the Golden Treasury i s dominated by the ballad form, both t r a d i t i o n a l and Romantic. But he also found examples of his ideals i n Wordsworth's shorter descriptive poems. In such works, he says, poetry returns to her true natural function of tra n s l a t i n g ideas and f e e l i n g s into sensible images; when, i n the old-fashioned phrase, she works as an imi t a t i v e a r t , r e a l i z i n g thus and embodying i n l i v i n g words the subject or idea given to the Maker's mind by the creative imagination—putting things before us ob j e c t i v e l y : when, i n short, Poetry i s most at home, most h e r s e l f . (4.18, 354) Applying s i m i l a r p r i n c i p l e s to a r t , Palgrave praised the Pre-Raphaelites; i t was as much the i r choice of new s u b j e c t s — e s p e c i a l l y paintings i l l u s t r a t i n g scenes from Shakespeare's plays and the poetry of Keats—and t h e i r i n t e r e s t i n landscape as t h e i r painting techniques that led him to support them during the s i x t i e s : The four or f i v e men of genius whose doings began to create such a s t i r f i f t e e n years ago set out, as genius must e t e r n a l l y do, with an energetic protest against conventionality. The "respectable sham," as the great b e l l i g e r e n t of the day in this warfare might have c a l l e d i t , which the young a r t i s t s f i r s t encountered was that careless style of working and that commonplace se l e c t i o n of incident which had become rather prominent i n the English school. Art i s always, and i n a l l countries, apt to get away from Nature, and to try to persuade herself that the comparatively f a c i l e a r t i f i c e s of the s t u d i o — f a l s e l i g h t s , and t h e a t r i c a l a t t i t u d e s , and showy colour, and generalised d e t a i l s , — a r e her legitimate methods. (3.26, 750) Because they rebelled against t r a d i t i o n a l views of a r t , he was f o r g i v i n g even when he did perceive shortcomings, as i n the case of Ford Madox Brown: In the vigour and success of his protest against the f a l s e l i g h t and f a l s e colouring, the f a c i l e sentimentalisms and c o n v e n t i o n a l i t i e s , to which weaker men are compelled to have resort, a b r i e f lapse into crudity and quaintness, an occasional want of ease and of charm, may be here and there remarked, and forgiven. (3.30, 346) The intense concentration on d e t a i l and c a r e f u l f i n i s h which i s the strength of a painting l i k e Brown's Work,', i s so t y p i c a l of the Pre-Raphaelites that Palgrave elsewhere r e l u c t a n t l y protests that another Pre-Raphaelite, William Holman Hunt, puts too much e f f o r t and care into his paintings: there has been an a i r of almost too strenuous and perfect elaboration about some of his greatest p i c t u r e s . It i s true that the f i n i s h was never what the ignorant supposed i t , photographic or microscopic i n i t s character, and that every added incident and touch increased the t o t a l e f f e c t through the imaginative i n t e n s i t y of the painter's mind; yet we have wished that he would not always concentrate so much on a single canvas, but give the reins more f r a n k l y to his invention, and employ his force of idea and his mastery over art on more numerous, i f less highly wrought, productions. (3.26, 751) Palgrave's c r i t i c i s m i s unashamedly d i d a c t i c . However much he admired the Pre-Raphaelites, he found l i t t l e to praise i n most of the art and poetry of his own age. But the passion with which he attacked what he regarded as the shortcomings of contemporary poets and a r t i s t s was based on two l i f e l o n g convictions, one aesthetic, the other s o c i a l with moral overtones: f i r s t , that the v i s u a l and l i t e r a r y arts are central to a nation's culture; and, second, that the attempts to improve the populace of England through education depended not only on schools but, equally, on making poetry and a r t accessible to the widest possible audience. To this end, Palgrave f e l t that i t was imperative that a r t i s t s and poets adopt subjects and techniques compatible with the prescriptions outlined i n his c r i t i c i s m . If the p r i n c i p l e s he advances are too narrow i n scope, too r i g i d i n ap p l i c a t i o n , or too vaguely grounded i n naive assumptions about the values of Hellenic models, his motives were, at l e a s t , unassailable. Palgrave's didacticism may not f i n d ready adherents today, but i t was shared by many of the leading c r i t i c s and aestheticians of the V i c t o r i a n period who were intent on imposing t h e i r own reforms on art and l i t e r a t u r e . His p a r t i c u l a r v i s i o n of art borders, to some degree, on the s p i r i t u a l , i n i t s assumptions about the elevated role that the arts should play i n the molding of personal and national character, and i n th i s view he i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y a man of h i s age. His 1886 inaugural lecture as Oxford Professor of Poetry provides his most unequivocal statement on the role of poetry, which he saw as "a high and holy Art, as a motive power over men—in opposition to the sentiment which 51 regards i t as the creation and the recreation of an i d l e day,—as a mere source of transient or sensuous pleasure" (4.15, 333). He would have assigned a no less noble p o s i t i o n to painting, sculpture, and arc h i t e c t u r e . i i : Art C r i t i c i s m Palgrave's f i r s t love was not poetry but the fine a r t s , and from childhood he had pored over engravings and p r i v a t e l y studied architecture. Even af t e r the unexpected success of the Golden Treasury redirected his e f f o r t s into l i t e r a t u r e , he continued for several years to write a c t i v e l y about the fine a r t s , and when he was Professor of Poetry at Oxford, years a f t e r he had ceased serious publishing on a r t , one of his best-known lecture series was on the rel a t i o n s h i p of poetry to the fine a r t s . Indeed, his f i n a l series of le c t u r e s , published i n 1897, was Landscape i n Poetry from Homer to  Tennyson. Palgrave's i n t e r e s t i n the fine arts began ear l y , i n the summers of his childhood spent i n his grandfather's house behind the family bank i n Great Yarmouth. Dawson Turner was a well-known and wealthy c o l l e c t o r whose acqu i s i t i o n s included a T i t i a n , a Rubens, a B e l l i n i , and several paintings by John Crome, who had tutored the Turner daughters i n painting. Turner also had a large number of rare and expensive books of early I t a l i a n engravings, which the young Francis Turner examined so c a r e f u l l y that i n l a t e r l i f e he was known as something of an authority on th i s subject. As indicated already i n the biographical chapter, Palgrave's e a r l i e s t ambition was to become an a r c h i t e c t . Thwarted i n this desire, he maintained his in t e r e s t i n 52 architecture not only by discussing i t i n his c r i t i c i s m , but also by designing a number of small projects for f r i e n d s , including a school house and a number of gravestones for members of his family. By the time Palgrave reached Oxford, his taste was f u l l y formed. His love of early I t a l i a n engravings of the V i r g i n and Ghild, with which he hung hi s B a l l i o l rooms, earned him the nickname of "Madonna" Palgrave, and he made his f i r s t venture into art c r i t i c i s m while he was s t i l l at the u n i v e r s i t y . In 1847, Sharpe's London Magazine published his "Michaelangelo's 'Raising of Lazarus' i n the National Gallery," which i s also the e a r l i e s t expression of his b e l i e f i n the natural taste and i n s t i n c t i v e a t t r a c t i o n for the fine arts among the uneducated classes: We have sometimes amused ourselves on the afternoon of a f i n e summer's day, whilst we accompanied round the eloquent walls of the National Gallery some chance party of rough v i s i t o r s — a n d l i s t e n e d to the remarks which t h e i r natural taste gave b i r t h to at the sight of the several pictures. (3.1, 121) This "natural taste" should not, he argues, be impeded by a r t i s t s choosing subjects, such as incidents from c l a s s i c a l mythology, which "rough v i s i t o r s " w i l l not recognize. An important r e s u l t of his popularism i s his f a s c i n a t i o n with contemporary "public" a r t s — s c u l p t u r e and a r c h i t e c t u r e — b o t h of which he condemns as a e s t h e t i c a l l y inadequate and because they f a i l to provide i d e a l examples for improving the taste of the p u b l i c , few of whom ever enter art g a l l e r i e s or read c r i t i c i s m of any kind. Much of Palgrave's career was devoted to reaching this audience: through his c r i t i c i s m i n a r t i c l e s such as "How to Form a Good Taste i n Art" (3.37), and i n books, such as Gems of 53 English Art of This Century (2.23, [1869]), which provides examples of great art from e a s i l y accessible national c o l l e c t i o n s along with b r i e f c r i t i q u e s . He also addressed the public i n h i s Handbook to the fine art exhibits of the International E x h i b i t i o n of 1862 (2.28) and through lectures to students at the newly formed government schools of design, and he lectured and conducted g a l l e r y v i s i t s f o r the Working Men's Colleges. In his own way, Palgrave was following the example of his f r i e n d John Ruskin, who had f i r s t pointed out the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the workman's s e n s i b i l i t y and good design i n The Stones of Venice and who had himself begun the practice of teaching art c r i t i c i s m at the Working Men's Colleges. Palgrave was p a r t i c u l a r l y v i r u l e n t i n his attacks on those who wished to r e s t r i c t the access of the general public to the a r t s . When the government t r i e d (unsuccessfully) i n 1864 to pass a b i l l which would have permitted the removal of the National Gallery from Trafalgar Square on the grounds that too many working people were walking over from Charing Cross Station to spend time and even to eat buns i n the Gallery, Palgrave entered the l i s t s , i n s i s t i n g art should not be relegated to a dim r e l i g i o u s grove, from which a l l profane persons should be r i g i d l y excluded, and to which access should be given, even to the cognoscenti, only a f t e r pious l u s t r a t i o n s and pur i f y i n g r i t e s . The simple fact i s , that educated appreciators of old pictures are about one i n ten thousand. But whether they understand them or not, works of the highest art can do no harm, and may do the greatest good, even to the most thoughtless and ignorant. The vulgar do gain, whether they know i t or not, by being brought into the presence of the mighty achievements of ar t ; and even the s o l d i e r s , and housemaids, and bun-eaters are a l l the better for Michael Angelo and R a f f a e l l e . (3.25, 716) While i n f u r i a t e d by the government's r e f u s a l to educate the poor i n art appreciation, or even to give them easy entry to national c o l l e c t i o n s , Palgrave was also angry with the Royal Academy. Ruskin and the Pre-Raphaelites had rebelled against the Academy a decade e a r l i e r . In the eighteen s i x t i e s , i t continued to exercise a v i r t u a l monopoly on ex h i b i t i o n s , and could s t i l l make or break any a r t i s t i n England. Along with many contemporary c r i t i c s , Palgrave never t i r e d of pointing out the nepotism and bigotry which made the Academy the subject of a number of Royal Commissions during those years. The continuing r e f u s a l of Royal Academy members to recognise the q u a l i t y of the work of many of the younger men, p a r t i c u l a r l y the Pre-Raphaelite pa i n t e r s , made Palgrave p e r s i s t i n attacking the Academy, both i n his reviews of the annual summer ex h i b i t i o n s , and i n a r t i c l e s such as "An R. A. Painted by Himself," which quotes the testimony of one of the academicians, F r i t h , who claimed that the Pre-Raphaelites were r i g h t l y excluded because "the members of the Academy have a right to show disfavour to a school which they think mischievous." Palgrave comments: This i s not the place for entering into a c r i t i c i s m of Mr. F r i t h ' s works, on which, moreover, the opinion of this journal has been recently expressed. But, whatever may be t h e i r true q u a l i t y , i t was c e r t a i n l y desirable that, when the painters of the "Huguenot," the "Order of Release," the "Light of the World," and many other works which might be named with these i n fame and excellence, were to be v i r t u a l l y disposed of as a "mischievous school," the painter of the "Railway Station" should bring forward some better backer for his opinion than even his own ipse d i x i t . (3.17, 727) In his review of the Royal Academy i n 1863—a p a r t i c u l a r l y low point in the exhibition's h i s t o r y — h e begins by cas t i g a t i n g the Academicians who hung t h e i r own mediocre works prominently while re j e c t i n g superior works by younger men: 55 We have already, i n common with most of our contemporaries, drawn attention to the mode i n which the Hanging Committee have t h i s year exercised t h e i r always ungracious, though necessary, function. This has not only proved an unusually large stone of stumbling to the promising younger occupants of our studios, but has, i n a very singular manner, and one l i k e l y to t e l l upon the re c e i p t s , affected the aspect of the Ex h i b i t i o n i t s e l f . We do not mean that a l l the pictures which people nat u r a l l y crowd to see have been ex i l e d from the celebrated l i n e . But the Academy, l i k e the Empire, has i t s Cayenne; and there can, unfortunately, be no doubt that Messrs. F r i t h , A. Cooper, and C. Landseer—the petty Napoleons of the season—have, with imperial i m p a r t i a l i t y , consigned to the highest or the lowest limbo a large proportion of works by men possessed of an inconvenient f a c u l t y of r i s i n g , whilst they have f i l l e d the space with canvasses which, except that they happen to be t h e i r own, would never have occupied any post which could be c a l l e d a post of honour. (3.11, Part 1, 627) Palgrave's disappointment with the a u t h o r i t i e s extends also to educators, as he shows i n h i s a r t i c l e "Women and the Fine Arts." In spite of his fearsome reputation as a c r i t i c for whom, as Henry Adams sa i d , " a l l the art of a thousand—or ten thousand—years had brought England to s t u f f which Palgrave and Woolner brayed i n t h e i r mortars, derided, tore i n t a t t e r s , growled at, and howled at, and treated i n terms beyond l i t e r a r y usage," 7 Palgrave i s e x t r a o r d i n a r i l y sympathetic to the place of women i n the f i n e a r t s . In discussing the reasons for the lack of women among major a r t i s t s , Palgrave refuses to accept the common opinion that women were incapable of producing great works, arguing, instead, That i t i s altogether premature to decide whether women are not intended f o r such success by natural organization u n t i l they have, for a s u f f i c i e n t period, received i n t e l l e c t u a l advantages equal to those received by men.... That t h e i r non-success i s the r e s u l t not of external circumstances, or want of endeavour, but of d e f i c i e n t general t r a i n i n g , and the absence of a f a i r judgment on men's part. (3.32, Part 1, 119) His s o l u t i o n i s to re v o l u t i o n i s e women's education and put i t on a par with that of men because "education p a r t l y gives us materials and, p a r t l y , s k i l l to use them. So f a r as i t gives s k i l l , by c u l t i v a t i n g and t r a i n i n g the mind, 56 women's education i s o r d i n a r i l y arrested at the point before which s k i l l cannot se r i o u s l y be given" (3.32, Part 1, 121). His commitment to improving the l e v e l of public taste was t o t a l , but his desire to expose what he regarded as the widespread charlatanism of the Vi c t o r i a n art world did get Palgrave into serious trouble early i n his career. In 1862, with only a handful of a r t i c l e s on art to his c r e d i t , Palgrave managed, by a great stroke of luck, to be awarded the commission to write the guidebook to the fine art e x h i b i t s , including not only painting and sculpture, but even the ironwork, i n the gi g a n t i c International E x h i b i t i o n . It i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the age that the imbroglio generated by his highly intemperate, even l i b e l l o u s , remarks simultaneously caused a scandal and established him as a formidable c r i t i c . Palgrave's luck came i n the form of his f r i e n d Thomas Woolner, the Pre-Raphaelite sculptor, who e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y recommended him to the Commissioners of the Exhibition and thus secured him the job. The commission for the book, the only o f f i c i a l art guidebook sold on the s i t e , was a l u c r a t i v e one, and i t also provided Palgrave, as he was quick to perceive, with an unprecedented opportunity to influence public taste. Ignoring the Commissioners' stated wish that the book be a simple, non-judgmental guide to the e x h i b i t s , he wrote ruthless c r i t i q u e s of a l l the works shown, f i r s t s t i p u l a t i n g prudently to the Commissioners "that he should express his Q personal opinion on the whole question." Unsuspecting, they agreed. When the Exhibition was opened by Queen V i c t o r i a on 1 May 1862, the Commissioners had not read the red-covered handbook, priced at one s h i l l i n g , and i t went on sale i n the ex h i b i t i o n grounds and was bought by thousands of people i n the course of the next two weeks, u n t i l a l e t t e r appeared i n The Times on 15 May over the signature " J . 0.," beginning: I desire to c a l l the attention of the Commissioners of the International Exhibition to an indecent and discourteous act which i s being perpetrated within the walls of the E x h i b i t i o n with their avowed sanction, and, I am assured, to t h e i r p r o f i t . ^ The following day, " J . 0." continued his attack: Mr. Palgrave i s a clerk i n the Privy-Council O f f i c e , and one of the Government Examiners connected with the Education Department. He has t r i e d his hand at novel-writing and as a poet, with moderate success. He now comes forward as an art c r i t i c , whose d i c t a are to be accepted as f i n a l , supported as they are by the patronage of the Royal Commissioners—for no dog of that breed may bark within the E x h i b i t i o n but Mr. Palgrave. He claims i n his preface a s p e c i a l aptitude for c r i t i c i z i n g sculpture, "an art to which he has given many years' close a t t e n t i o n . " * 0 " J . 0." c o r r e c t l y states that Palgrave's Handbook i n fact heaps abuse on almost every item on display, and p a r t i c u l a r l y on the sculpture, c i t i n g Palgrave's tirade against Munro's statue, "Child's Play," as t y p i c a l : these vague writhing forms have not even a good d o l l ' s likeness to human ch i l d r e n . We must class them Mollusca not Vertebrata.... Gaps, scratches, lumps, and swellings stand here, alas! for the masterpieces of Nature's modelling; the eyes are squinting c a v i t i e s , the toes i n a r t i c u l a t e knobs; whilst the very dresses of the poor c h i l d r e n , — i n r e a l i t y so f u l l of charm and p r e t t i n e s s , — become cl i n g i n g cerements of no nameable texture, and thrown into no possible f o l d s . We should not have thought i t worthwhile to s c r u t i n i z e work of an ignoramus so grotesque and babyish as a l l we have ever seen by Munro with any d e t a i l , i f i t did not appeal i n subject to popular i n t e r e s t s , and i f we had not some f a i n t hope that—arduous as are the steps from Child's Play to marble in a r t , — t h e author of these works may r e t r i e v e himself by recommencing his art before i t i s too l a t e . (2.8, 99-100) Palgrave can c e r t a i n l y be faulted for attacking most of the exhibits i n a show to which a r t i s t s had been i n v i t e d to contribute and where by doing so they found, to th e i r surprise, they had exposed themselves to intemperate c a s t i g a t i o n by the Exhibition's o f f i c i a l c r i t i c , but i t must in fairness be 58 pointed out that " J . 0." was not acting out of a purely d i s i n t e r e s t e d love of art and f a i r play as his f i r s t l e t t e r suggests. His follow-up l e t t e r of 16 May reveals the t r u t h . " J . 0.," "Jacob Omnium," was the pen-name of Matthew Higgins, an inveterate writer of l e t t e r s to the editor and a well-known s o c i a l figure who numbered among his closest friends not only Thackeray—who wrote "Jacob Omnium's Hoss" in his honour—but, more s i g n i f i c a n t l y , the wealthy and fashionable sculptor, Baron Marochetti—one of the primary targets of Palgrave's wrath i n his Handbook—whom Palgrave continued to attack throughout his career as an art c r i t i c . Higgins' second l e t t e r accuses Palgrave not j u s t of attacking Marochetti unjustly, but of the more serious crime of favouring the work of Thomas Woolner i n order to further Woolner's f l e d g l i n g career: "the object of this evidently i s to f i l l Mr. Woolner's pockets at the expense of his fellow labourers." In f a c t , Palgrave i n the Handbook, as elsewhere i n his c r i t i c i s m , i s expressing his sincere b e l i e f that Woolner's work represents the height of achievement in modern B r i t i s h sculpture, j u s t as he argues that Marochetti's work represents i t s nadir. In support of his charge, Higgins points out that Palgrave and Woolner shared lodgings, a fact which suggests that Palgrave had written the book under Woolner's d i r e c t i o n , although Woolner, i n a l e t t e r the following day, protested his innocence. By this time, the p u b l i c i t y had brought the book to the attention not only of e x h i b i t o r s , but also of the Commissioners who had o r i g i n a l l y given Palgrave the contract. Several more l e t t e r s from various a r t i s t s for and against the book, and from Palgrave himself, appeared i n The Times, and the following anonymous comic doggerel was even written on the t o p i c : 59 I p o s i t i v e l y shudder when I look Within the pages of this crimson book, For a l l that once seemed l o v e l y , g r a c e f u l , chaste, Is shown to be i n execrable taste On reading further on, I learn with pain That Baron Marochetti t r i e s i n vain, "Like other men of s i m i l a r pretensions, To puff and blow himself to B u l l dimensions." I'm sure that Woolner, who's refined and modest, Although his fellow-lodger's of the oddest, Must blush at eulogy so coarse and stupid, And own there's something i n the tin t e d C u p i d . ^ After several days, Palgrave announced i n The Times that the Commissioners had ordered the book withdrawn under the p o l i t e f i c t i o n that he had misunderstood the nature of the commission, even though he had e l i c i t e d f u l l c r eative permission at the outset. Unabashed, Palgrave immediately arranged for a heavily edited version to be published by Macmillan and sold i n the bookstores around the E x h i b i t i o n s i t e , and neither then nor ever afterwards did Palgrave suggest that he was anything but correct i n his behaviour throughout the a f f a i r . Palgrave's friendship with Woolner survived the debacle, as did Woolner's career, the apparent impropriety of Palgrave's c r i t i c i s m notwithstanding, and Palgrave's c r i t i c a l reputation was, i f anything, enhanced by the whole episode. His book brought him to the attention of the Saturday Review of P o l i t i c s , L i t e r a t u r e , Science and A r t , whose e d i t o r i a l s t y l e tended to the same intemperance and recurrent sense of moral outrage that characterised Palgrave's work. The Saturday hired him i n 1863 as i t s resident art c r i t i c , and he reigned there for more than two years, developing, i n the process, as Henry Adams said, a reputation that "as an art c r i t i c he was too ferocious to be l i k e d ; even Holman Hunt found his temper 60 humorous; among many r i v a l s , he may perhaps have had a righ t to claim the 12 much-disputed rank of being the most unpopular man i n London." As a c r i t i c , Palgrave wrote almost e x c l u s i v e l y about the art of his own age, even though his c r i t i c a l p r i n c i p l e s were based on c l a s s i c a l a r t . Apart from a lengthy e a r l y "Essay on the F i r s t Century of I t a l i a n Engraving" (3.3), published as an appendix to F. T. Kugler's Handbook of I t a l i a n Art i n 1855 and well-received by the c r i t i c s , even by Ruskin himself, Palgrave's c r i t i c a l a r t i c l e s dealt with the a r t , architecture, and sculpture of his own time, and p a r t i c u l a r l y with English examples. His c r i t i c i s m i s divided into four broad types: defences of the Pre-Raphaelite painters; attacks on the debased state of sculpture and architecture i n England and Europe; challenges to the art establishment; and general synopses of his c r i t i c a l p r i n c i p l e s . In his role as c r i t i c for the Saturday Review between 1863 and 1865, Palgrave was perhaps best known for his defence of the Pre-Raphaelites, whose cause had been espoused from the beginning by the Saturday. As his praise of Woolner i n the Handbook a t t e s t s , Palgrave regarded the Pre-Raphaelites as the most talented a r t i s t s of the day, and never missed an opportunity to further t h e i r cause c o l l e c t i v e l y and i n d i v i d u a l l y : his annual reviews of the Royal Academy summer ex h i b i t i o n , f o r example, always have the theme of the poor treatment of the Pre-Raphaelites threaded through them. Whether their works were hung prominently or not, Palgrave always gave good space i n his column to such works as Holman Hunt's The Light of the World, M i l l a i s ' Huguenot and Order of Release, and Ford Madox Brown's Work. It was not painting, however, but sculpture that provoked the Handbook controversy, and Palgrave's intemperance on the subject came from his 61 conviction that sculpture i s , i f not the "noblest of the a r t s , " then c e r t a i n l y the "most d i f f i c u l t " to master (3.28, 118), requiring the greatest knowledge of form, the most extensive and varied t r a i n i n g , the greatest d i s c i p l i n e , and the highest t a l e n t . Palgrave argues that i t should be the most admired of the f i n e a r t s , but that i t has been neglected in favour of the more e a s i l y enjoyed e f f e c t s of painting: i t i s of painting that we have been speaking h i t h e r t o — a n art to the comprehension of which the public had educated i t s e l f up to a c e r t a i n creditable point, and over which the public exercises consequently a very wholesome influence, p r o f i t i n g i t s e l f i n turn by the lessons i n good art which the painters, encouraged and upheld by national taste, give i t . In sculpture, unhappily, the same comprehension and the same check appear to be s t i l l almost wholly wanting. (3.31, Part 1, 601) Angry at the neglect of his favourite art and the fact that "sculpture i n England remains mainly an a f f a i r , not of p u b l i c l y recognised a b i l i t y , but of p o l i t e patronage," Palgrave predicted that "the present time w i l l probably be looked on i n future years as the nadir of English sculpture, j u s t as the lowest point i n our imaginative poetry i s assigned by Mr. Hallam to the reign of William and Mary" (3.31, Part 4, 698). The debased state of English sculpture occupied much of Palgrave's attention as a c r i t i c . One-fifth of his a r t i c l e s i n the Saturday Review are devoted to sculpture, and many more deal with i t i n passing. A number concentrate on p a r t i c u l a r examples of bad sculpture commissioned through patronage and the waste of government money on expensive s c u l p t u r a l f o l l i e s . At a time when c r i t i c a l i n t e r e s t was almost e n t i r e l y devoted to painting, great sums of money were being expended on commissions for large public monuments such as Nelson's Column and the Albert Memorial. For Palgrave, the irony was too pointed to be ignored: 62 The modern practice of putting up public statues and monuments, with the demand for p o r t r a i t - b u s t s , has c a l l e d into a c t i v i t y a number of patrons who commission sculpture without having taken the pains to l e a r n i t s f i r s t elements, and a number of p r a c t i t i o n e r s whose work shows more or le s s incompetence for the d i f f i c u l t art they profess. Want of knowledge of natural form, want of e f f e c t i n modelling, want of mind and of c u l t i v a t i o n , are conspicuously marked upon nineteen out of twenty works exhibited. (3.18, Part 4, 698) In "Landseer among the Lions," Palgrave examines the causes for the lengthy delay i n the d e l i v e r y of the stone l i o n s f o r the base of Nelson's column, the commission for which had been awarded to the Royal Academy's most famous animal painter, S i r Edwin Landseer: "people are now beginning to pass Trafalgar Square with ejaculations of despair as they see the vivacious ragamuffins of London p e l t i n g each other on the parallelograms where the l i o n s should be" (3.28, 118). Palgrave i s c e r t a i n that the d e c i s i o n to give the job to a painter rather than a sculptor caused the delay: "we think we have made i t clear that for an a r t i s t , be he never so s k i l l e d i n painting, to take up serious sculpture, i s l i k e l y to be a task of no s l i g h t d i f f i c u l t y " (3.28, 119). Palgrave also c r i t i c i s e d G i l b e r t Scott's plans for the Albert Memorial i n 1863 on the grounds of expense, taste, and the d i f f i c u l t i e s of ensuring that such an ambitious design could be s u f f i c i e n t l y well c a r r i e d out. He uses the Albert Memorial as an example of the p a r t i c u l a r l y low state of a r c h i t e c t u r a l sculpture which has produced "the figures which, manufactured by the dozen as they turn out i d o l s for the A f r i c a n trade i n Birmingham, decorate the Houses of Parliament" (2.15, 287). He contrasts the a r c h i t e c t u r a l sculpture of the present unfavourably with that of ancient Greece: 6 3 Let the reader think for a moment of the thought and labour which Phidias bestowed on every square inch of the Parthenon Marbles,—how he summed up here the leading r e l i g i o u s and p o l i t i c a l t r a d i t i o n s of the country,—with what exquisite care he car r i e d out every d e t a i l ; and then turn to the d o l l s i n stone which f i l l the niches of the Palace, without t r u t h , or i n t e r e s t , or character. I t w i l l a useful lesson i n a r c h i t e c t u r a l sculpture. (2.15, 287) In his f i n a l a r t i c l e f o r the Saturday, Palgrave turns once more on his nemesis, Baron Marochetti. Furious that Marochetti, an old friend of Thackeray's, had been commissioned to do the nov e l i s t ' s bust for Westminster Abbey, Palgrave was further enraged by the high fees which Marochetti demanded and which were apparently a feature of that a r t i s t ' s p r a c t i c e : And we l a s t l y drew attention to the enormous sum, twice or three times that commonly asked, which was, or seemed to be, required on the part of Mr. Marochetti; being a kind of miniature reproduction, as i t were, of the vigorous absorbing powers with which this a r t i s t has f a m i l i a r i s e d every one i n the case of the Scutari Memorial, the Clyde Memorial, and the Nelson Memorial. (3.35, 758) In addition, Palgrave was concerned that Marochetti's production would i n e v i t a b l y add yet another poor specimen to the ex i s t i n g bad art works i n the Abbey, which Palgrave regarded as having s p e c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e i n English culture as B r i t a i n ' s "Pantheon": "the i n t r i n s i c badness of the sculpture within the Abbey, and i t s injuri o u s e f f e c t on the look of the bui l d i n g , are grievances of long standing and public notoriety." Palgrave regarded the bust as an i n s u l t to Thackeray, of whom "no more thorough specimen of the Englishman of our century existed," and he was incensed by Marochetti's technical incompetence. His rendition of Thackeray, Palgrave says, succeeds only i n creating "a f a i r s u p e r f i c i a l likeness of those points i n his face which would be remembered by a casual v i s i t o r " (759). 64 Palgrave's essay on the Thackeray memorial amply i l l u s t r a t e s the intemperance of his c r i t i c i s m and his impatience with a system which patronised a "charlatan" l i k e Marochetti and neglected a far greater sculptor l i k e William Behnes, whose obituary he wrote for the Saturday. Palgrave points out that Behnes died i n poverty j u s t at the time the Thackeray memorial was being debated at length i n the newspapers, and that these same papers had v i r t u a l l y ignored his death. Although Behnes, he says, lacked the greatest s c u l p t u r a l g i f t of " p o e t i c a l inventiveness," he "almost compensated" with a "modelling of exquisite truth and a great power (when he was w i l l i n g to exert i t ) i n the rendering of texture and of surface" (3.18, 135). And he performed one great service to sculpture: he opened his studio to pupils, several of whom—most notably Woolner—were developing into the "good men and true" whom Palgrave hoped would redeem B r i t i s h sculpture. By devoting so much of his energy to sculpture, Palgrave hoped to reverse the negative e f f e c t s of years of c r i t i c a l neglect: "the recognised low state of our sculpture...is singular proof of the results following upon a comparative abeyance of the functions of judgment during a long series of years" (3.34, 661). While he did not succeed i n de-throning Marochetti and replacing him with Woolner, Palgrave was credited, by the end of his l i f e , with having raised public consciousness about sculpture and having t r i e d to reverse some of the more flagrant examples of jobbery and bad taste erected i n the name of B r i t i s h sculpture. Palgrave also reserved a s p e c i a l enthusiasm for architecture, and he was a committed follower of Ruskin's views on the importance of Gothic as the natural s t y l e for V i c t o r i a n buildings, large and small: 65 Modern Gothic was, i n i t s beginning, l i k e the Lombard i t s e l f from which i t was o r i g i n a l l y developed, e s s e n t i a l l y an i m i t a t i v e s t y l e . In the hands of Woodward, B u t t e r f i e l d , Street, Burges, Waterhouse, and others not yet so well known, i t i s rapidly passing from t h i s f i r s t phase into an architecture as c l o s e l y adapted to our wants as that of the thirteenth century to mediaeval requirements. (2.15, 285) He also followed Ruskin i n his condemnation of the V i c t o r i a n passion for r e s t o r a t i o n . In an a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "Taste i n France," he attacked the French government's wholesale destruction of medieval buildings i n the name of restoring them: "new Rouen and Amiens w i l l present the ancient outlines to the sky, but nearer approach w i l l show the hard, cold labour of a r t i s t s working in a s t y l e dead for f i v e hundred years" (3.5, 586). But he reserved h i s s p e c i a l anger for the e l i t i s m of architects who divorced themselves from any r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for designing houses for the general public and the poor, pr e f e r r i n g to spend t h e i r time designing large public buildings i n a v a r i e t y of dead r e v i v a l s t y l e s : And, during the whole period [after the Renaissance and before the Gothic r e v i v a l ] the I t a l i a n , Renaissance, or Modern-classical s t y l e s were never able to f u l f i l ' the f i r s t duty of A r c h i t e c t u r e , — t h e y never produced one single pleasing or appropriate design for the dwellings of the poor, hardly even of the middle-class c i t i z e n . (3.9, 1160) Palgrave's indignation over a lack of d i s t i n c t i v e national architecture which would be appropriate for even the humblest dwelling, and his resentment of those who had allowed architecture to degenerate into a r i c h man's toy, while poor men l i v e d i n slums, was f u e l l e d by his b e l i e f that architecture, l i k e sculpture, would be a painless way to encourage good a r t i s t i c taste i n the general public. 66 In his capacity as art c r i t i c at the Saturday Palgrave also wrote about a v a r i e t y of miscellaneous topics, including the frescoes for the new Houses of Parliament i n "Mr. Herbert's and Other Frescoes'" (3.27), "Japanese Art" (3.13), about which he was enthusiastic, and what he regarded as the irr e s p o n s i b l e a c q u i s i t i o n and conservation practices of the B r i t i s h Museum i n "The Farnese Antiques" (3.29) and "Lost Treasures" (3.20), respectively. And i n a l l these a r t i c l e s , he manifests an absolute commitment to the su r v i v a l of art as a c u l t u r a l force and a good grasp of both art hist o r y and the technical d e t a i l s of painting and sculpture. After the publ i c a t i o n of Essays on Art i n 1866, Palgrave transferred his c r i t i c a l energies to poetry, but his love of the arts l o s t none of i t s i n t e n s i t y , and he did publish two i l l u s t r a t e d books, Gems of English Art of This Century (2.23) i n 1869, and The L i f e of Jesus Christ I l l u s t r a t e d from  the I t a l i a n Painters (2.39) i n 1885, both for popular audiences. He also continued to lecture on the arts and to publish the occasional a r t i c l e , but for a l l intents and purposes his active influence i n the world of art was over by 1866. People were somewhat surprised, therefore, to find him publishing one more a r t i c l e , "The Decline of Art," (3.40) i n 1888, eighteen years a f t e r his "Some Notes on the Louvre C o l l e c t i o n s " i n the P o r t f o l i o i n 1870 (3.39). The surprise turned to suspicion, however, when a monograph by Sir Wyke Bayliss e n t i t l e d The Professor of Poetry at Oxford and the Witness of Art, A  Cu r i o s i t y of Modern L i t e r a t u r e , appeared l a t e r i n that year, accusing Palgrave of p l a g i a r i s i n g the enti r e a r t i c l e from his book The Witness of Art (1877). Bayliss marshalled i l l u s t r a t i o n s and quotations from Palgrave's work and printed p a r a l l e l passages i n order to demonstrate that " i f we do not say the thing i n the same words, at least we contrive to say the same thing i n the same p l a c e . H i s evidence i s convincing, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the common use of abstruse Abyssinian and Egyptian references, and i n the extraordinary p a r a l l e l s i n the complex arguments developed i n the two works. Palgrave did not respond to B a y l i s s ' charges as he had to Jacob Omnium's complaints i n 1862, apparently dismissing Ba y l i s s ' accusations out of hand. But It may be s i g n i f i c a n t that he r e t i r e d permanently from publishing art c r i t i c i s m . Despite t h i s f i n a l scandal and his intemperate s t y l e , Palgrave's love and understanding of the f i n e arts manifest themselves i n every piece of writing which he produced during his c o l o u r f u l and controv e r s i a l career. Paramount i n his art c r i t i c i s m are his concern with educating the general public i n the f i n e arts and h i s conviction that the stamp of a nation or society could be gauged by the quality of i t s art and the way i t treated i t s a r t i s t s . His complaints about the unnatural divorce between "national f e e l i n g " and the f i n e arts i n architecture and sculpture and about the re f u s a l of a r t i s t s to e x p l o i t d i s t i n c t i v e l y English subjects i n t h e i r work, along with his encouragement of these same topics as a means of reforming Eng l i s h poetry are major themes i n his l i t e r a r y c r i t i c i s m and his own poetry. i i i : L i t e r a r y C r i t i c i s m Palgrave's l i t e r a r y c r i t i c i s m conspicuously lacks v i o l e n t l y expressed opinions, but i t i s equally serious In i t s commitment to art and l i t e r a t u r e 68 as c i v i l i s i n g agents i n English society. Above a l l , i t uses the same "Hel l e n i c " c r i t e r i a which dominate his art c r i t i c i s m and the Golden Treasury. But i n spite of the number of works he produced, his career as a l i t e r a r y c r i t i c does not have landmarks comparable to his work on a r t . Although he published a r t i c l e s and reviews from 1847 onwards, he produced only one major piece of l i t e r a r y c r i t i c i s m , Landscape i n Poetry, which did not appear u n t i l the month of his death i n 1897. The single most distinguishing feature of his l i t e r a r y c r i t i c i s m i s his campaign to introduce English l i t e r a t u r e into school c u r r i c u l a . As a professional educator, Palgrave was p a r t l y motivated, i n producing the Golden Treasury, by the need to ensure that a q u a l i t y text of English l y r i c s would be a v a i l a b l e for school use, and his l a t e r Children's Treasury (1875) was intended to expose younger children to the same excellence. As he claims i n h i s introductory lecture as Professor of Poetry at Oxford: English l i t e r a t u r e c a l l s loudly for f u l l and free recognition as one of the studies of an English University. If ever so recognized, I claim for L i t e r a t u r e , — A r t though i t be,—the whole rights and methods of s c i e n t i f i c pursuit. And for those thus who may pursue i t , I claim also, i n the highest measure, a l l that Science, i n the l a t e s t and widest sense of the word, of f e r s i n the way of i n t e l l e c t u a l advance, of moral invigoration and pleasure, as the reward of her v o t a r i e s . (4.15, 334) Palgrave also foresaw that the only way i n which English l i t e r a t u r e would be accepted into schools and u n i v e r s i t i e s would be for his beloved c l a s s i c s to be i n some measure displaced. He argues that the change would i n fact be a benefit to the education system because The amount of trouble and time which i s spent i n d r i v i n g into men a sort of knowledge they detest would i n e v i t a b l y produce more f r u i t , i f spent i n teaching them something i n behalf of which their tastes and f e e l i n g s were e n l i s t e d . We would y i e l d to no one i n reverent admiration of the poetry of Greece, but we regard as useless and f o o l i s h the attempt to make those minds appreciate i t who never could do so a f t e r a l i f e t i m e ' s work with a dictionary and a grammar. 69 English l i t e r a t u r e could provide the same pleasure and the same lessons as the Greek, and, as Palgrave says, English l i t e r a t u r e i s innately more accessible than the c l a s s i c s : Its genius i s a bond to l i n k i t with the soul of every Englishman. Its authors were men of l i k e minds and passions with ourselves.... The thoroughly English character of our l i t e r a t u r e , breathing f o r t h the mountain a i r of freedom and the freshest odours of the morning, w i l l i n f a l l i b l y reach the heart, and through i t , the i n t e l l e c t of every Englishman who seeks to understand i t . (4.9, 83) There are benefits on both sides to be gained from a strong r e l a t i o n s h i p between a culture and i t s l i t e r a t u r e . Not only i s there a "national vigour and health concurrent with a l i t e r a t u r e which stands i n close r e l a t i o n s of sympathy to the nation" (5.5, 501), but "as the r i v e r shapes the v a l l e y , and the v a l l e y gives the r i v e r i t s bias, so the poet i s at once moulded by the general current of thought and f e e l i n g prevalent in each age,—and then himself aids i n moulding them" (4.15, 338). Palgrave's work as a l i t e r a r y c r i t i c and editor i s a l l based on his b e l i e f that English poetry must be "read much, and by many" i n "the i n t e r e s t s of a l i v i n g l i t e r a t u r e . " And i n e v i t a b l y , he admits, "something must...be j u s t l y s a c r i f i c e d , i f needful, to obtain t h i s " (4.8, 779-800). Palgrave's c r i t i c i s m and the Golden Treasury are based on that readiness to make whatever adjustments are necessary to make poetry a t t r a c t i v e and accessible. His c r i t i c a l a r t i c l e s and reviews concentrate on English l y r i c poetry from Wyatt and Surrey onwards, although as Oxford Professor of Poetry, he gave a lecture series on the Renaissance movement i n English poetry, one l e c t u r e — l a t e r published as 4.22—dealing with "Chaucer and the I t a l i a n Renaissance." It i s , i n f a c t , primarily a survey of Chaucer's works, but i t 70 also l i n k s Chaucer to Dante and Boccaccio and finds i n Chaucer what Palgrave regards as the d i s t i n c t i v e shortcomings of English poetry. Palgrave argues that, while exposure to I t a l i a n l i t e r a t u r e had a salutary effect on Chaucer, the poet's work has f a t a l l i m i t a t i o n s : I t was, i n short, i n the region of art that he p r o f i t e d most [but] he i s wanting i n form. The art of concealing art has not dawned on him. There i s l i t t l e perspective i n his work...his sense of p o e t i c a l unity i s i n some degree immature. Hence he does not succeed i n short pieces; he has no command over the pure l y r i c : despite his knowledge of Petrarch, he does not attempt sonnet or canzone. Chaucer stands thus between the old world and the new; but on the whole, to use again a phrase of the day, he i s reactionary i n temperament; he i s s i n g u l a r l y wanting i n enthusiasm. (4.22, 354) English poetry, i n Palgrave's view, begins with the Elizabethan l y r i c . Palgrave's best known a r t i c l e , "The Growth of English Poetry" (4.5) published four months aft e r the Treasury appeared, begins, a f t e r a b r i e f dismissal of Chaucer as a "retrospective" poet who looks backward toward the middle ages rather than forward toward the Renaissance, with an analysis of l y r i c poetry from Wyatt to Dryden. It i s a l l wanting i n Palgrave's terms, f a l l i n g short of his ideals of unity, f i n i s h , and s i m p l i c i t y . The second a r t i c l e i n the three-part manifesto, published i n 1862, deals with "English Poetry from Dryden to Cowper" (4.7), and uses s i m i l a r l y dismissive terms, although Palgrave praises the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century poets f o r widening the subject matter of poetry and providing, i n many cases, r e l i e f from the "extravagance" of the Elizabethans. Only i n the f i n a l a r t i c l e of the t r i l o g y , "Descriptive Poetry i n England from Anne to V i c t o r i a , " does Palgrave f i n a l l y reach the era in which he feels most comfortable—that of the Romantics and the poetry of Wordsworth: 71 Hence i n Wordsworth more of the modern elements and tendencies appear to be united than i n his contemporaries; and united also with greater balance and moderation than i n any one of them. Less so i n appearance, he i s thus more e s s e n t i a l l y Greek than they...on the whole, I think the voices of the best judges would reckon Wordsworth as the most representative man among his contemporary p o e t s — a s the man who has done f u l l e s t j u s t i c e to his powers, and had l e f t us the most valuable and d e l i g h t f u l legacy i n song which has f a l l e n to England during the l a s t two centuries. That which i s here given to Wordsworth, i f he deserves i t , i s the best praise, as i t i s the r a r e s t : — T o have the highest powers, and to bring them a l l into harmony; to combine them i n j u s t unity. (4.10, 317) These three a r t i c l e s covering the h i s t o r y of modern English poetry sum up Palgrave's c r i t i c a l a r t i c l e s of f a i t h : h i s focus on the l y r i c , his insistence on a narrow range of poetic laws and what he regards as "Greek" c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , and his r i g i d v i s i o n of English poetry. A l l his subsequent a r t i c l e s r e i t e r a t e these views i n r e l a t i o n to subjects such as English hymns (4.11) and Elizabethan madrigal poets (4.19). As a reviewer, Palgrave tackled a wider range of subjects, though he obviously f e l t most at home dealing with poetry. A revealing review deals with the vers d'occasion of Praed and Milnes, the l a t t e r a close f r i e n d , and i n i t Palgrave f a i l s to hide his contempt for occasional verse: Lamentable as the confession may be, we are bound to make i t : — E x c e p t s a t i r i c a l l y (when the idea i s to point out that the thing i s unpoetical), as i n some of the indignant phrases of 'Maud,' Poetry pure can hardly enter a 'good' house, or j o i n i n a v a l s e ; — s h e can accept kid gloves and t a r l a t a n , suppers and dowagers, but i n silence only; i f she has to speak of them, i t i s too l i k e l y to be with something of the white and serene scorn which might wreathe the l i p s of the Praxitelean Aphrodite. (5.15, 417) Palgrave concentrated also on biography, p a r t i c u l a r l y the l i v e s of a r t i s t s , and he reviewed G i l c h r i s t ' s L i f e of Blake e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y twice, at l e a s t p a r t l y from the baser motive of helping Macmillan get r i d of the r e l a t i v e l y unsuccessful volume. His love of Blake's engravings, which he 72 c o l l e c t e d , was joined by an admiration for Blake's Songs of Innocence, but he condemned Blake's mystical experiments unreservedly: Unhappily for himself and for us, that obstinate element which i s r a r e l y absent from genius, and from which natural quickness of mind combined with imperfect mental culture always i n t e n s i f y to the uttermost, l e d Blake into that unsafe prophetic region, where, whilst we sympathise throughout with the noble nature and unworldly l o f t i n e s s of the man, and are amazed at the imaginative power of his work, we have to lament that so much grandeur and so much s k i l l should be wasted on the u n i n t e l l i g i b l e . (5.8, 13) Like so many of his contemporaries, Palgrave did not hesitate to use his p o s i t i o n as a reviewer to further the reputations of his f r i e n d s . His reviews of The Roman Poets of the Republic (5.6) and a ballad t r a n s l a t i o n of V i r g i l ' s Aeneid (5.18) praise books by his Oxford friends W. Y. S e l l a r and John Conington, respectively, although he takes the opportunity i n the l a t t e r review to attack Matthew Arnold for his suggestion i n "On Translating Homer" that the quantitative hexameter should be used f o r such t r a n s l a t i o n s . Palgrave c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y makes his attack personal: Mr. Arnold...loves a good unbroken l e v e l of generalisation upon which to b u i l d his argument, and, l i k e the French, the convenience of the argument i s occasionally disposed to overlook or to l e v e l away the f a c t s . (5.18, Part 2, 406) These remarks may have been sparked by Arnold's recently published negative views on Palgrave's Handbook and notes to the Golden Treasury i n Essays i n C r i t i c i s m , f i r s t s e r i e s (1865). Despite his own attempts i n the genre, Palgrave had l i t t l e c r i t i c a l i n t e r e s t i n the novel. An early survey of Thackeray's works i s so unsympathetic to the man that Macmillan's Magazine refused to publish i t . Palgrave objects to Thackeray's novels f i r s t l y for the author's "early habit of viewing l i f e and reproducing i t with an impassive and m i r r o r - l i k e f i d e l i t y [which] i s a q u a l i t y which, under the name Cynicism, i s familar to a l l his 73 readers" (5.5, 507). Secondly, he condemns Thackeray because he deals e x c l u s i v e l y with p o l i t e society and does not consider "the common people" (517). On that ground, Palgrave compares him unfavourably with Scott: the difference we f e e l i s wider than the difference between the atmosphere of a theatre and the atmosphere of Freshwater; of a b a l l supper-room and the "uncorruptible sea." We close "The Bride of Lammermoor" with a sense of healthy pain and healthy pleasure; Pendennis with a "Vanitas Vanitatum." (512) Palgrave's love of Scott's novels, among the e a r l i e s t he read as a c h i l d , i s p a r a l l e l e d by a love of his poetry, so evident i n the generous s e l e c t i o n i n the Golden Treasury. His only other novel review i s an early one evaluating A l f r e d de Musset's works (5.3). The a r t i c l e concentrates on his poetry and, where i t considers the novels at a l l consists mainly of plot o u t l i n e s . Given the narrow range of Palgrave's views, i t i s hardly s u r p r i s i n g that his influence on Engl i s h c r i t i c i s m has been l a r g e l y i n d i r e c t , d e r i v i n g from the Golden Treasury and his f i f t e e n other ed i t i o n s and anthologies, including the Second Series of poets a l i v e i n 1850, the two books by his brother G i f f o r d , Hermann Agha (2.30) and A V i s i o n of L i f e (2.45), and his two Treasuries, The Children's Treasury of En g l i s h Song (2.32) i n 1875 and The Treasury of Sacred Song (2.44) i n 1889, which both follow the e d i t o r i a l pattern of the o r i g i n a l , though with le s s success. The Children's Treasury i s e s s e n t i a l l y and i n t e n t i o n a l l y a school textbook, which Palgrave distinguished from other texts already on the market, as he pointed out to Macmillan, by the fact that the selections were made on the basis of "po e t i c a l merit" rather than t h e i r "suitableness to ch i l d r e n " (Macmillan Papers, 2 Oct. 1874). There i s considerable overlap with the o r i g i n a l Treasury. Although compiled with the hope of "being able to show our 'sacred' poetry i n a much better l i g h t , qua poetry, than people have been i n the way of thinking" (Macmillan Papers, 3 May 1887), the Treasury of Sacred  Song f a i l s to avoid the stumbling-block of didacticism which, as he states i n the preface, he t r i e d to avoid i n preparing the anthology, hymns being "subject to the common penalty, the i n f e r i o r i t y i n a r t , inherent i n a l l d i d a c t i c verse" ( v i i ) . The s e l e c t i o n r e l i e s too heavily on poets of the Oxford Movement, from whom about half the selections are taken. The c r i t i c a l unevenness of the Treasury of Sacred Song i s apparent i n the juxtaposition of s i n g u l a r l y poor hymns such as Christopher Wordsworth's "Hark, the sound of holy voices, chanting at the c r y s t a l sea" (no. 398), with Clough's far-superior "Qui Laborat Orat" (no. 346), which i s thematically discordant i n terms of the Treasury's avowed purpose, and with Tennyson's "In the Children's Hospital" (no. 423), which i s c l e a r l y not a hymn at a l l . His editions of l y r i c poets mirror his taste, as expressed i n his a r t i c l e s and i n the Golden Treasury, c l o s e l y : he produced selections from Shakespeare, Wordsworth, Scott, Herrick, and Keats between 1865 and 1884. The Shakespeare s e l e c t i o n , eventually published i n the Golden Treasury Series, i s the most controv e r s i a l because i t i s so heavily bowdlerised. Leaning on the authority of Henry Hallam, Palgrave condemned the " i d o l a t r y " of the sonnets (2.11, 242) and s i l e n t l y omitted f i v e , renumbering the sequence to hide the omission and adding seven i n f e r i o r poems from the Passionate P i l g r i m c o l l e c t i o n to provide a more acceptable conclusion. He also omitted the Venus and Adonis and The Rape of Lucrece because they were 75 "too highly coloured for mamas and parsons" (Macmillan Papers, 30 March 1864), even though a l l of Shakespeare's work was r e a d i l y available elsewhere. The Wordsworth s e l e c t i o n of l y r i c s , i n the Moxon Miniature Poets Series, was i n essence commissioned by the Wordsworth family which, as Palgrave told Macmillan, have "expressed a wish that I should make the Selection from h i s Poems for Moxon—Payne's new s e r i e s " (Macmillan Papers, 3 Dec. [1865]). Palgrave used his e d i t i o n s , l i k e his reviews, to further the fortunes of his f r i e n d s , such as J. C. Shairp, and to make his favourite poets—Wordsworth, Shakespeare, Herrick, and Keats—more popular, but h i s most revealing s e l e c t i o n i s the one from the l y r i c s of Alfred Tennyson, b r i e f l y mentioned i n Chapter One and i n the bibliography below, which Palgrave intended to compensate for Tennyson's o r i g i n a l r e f u s a l to allow his verses to appear i n the Golden Treasury. The volume, however, reveals Palgrave's l i m i t e d appreciation of Tennyson's work, p a r t i c u l a r l y In Memoriam, which Palgrave cut severely, from 131 to 42 sections, and rearranged into an e n t i r e l y new sequence, without the prologue, which presents the theme of "personal love and sorrow" followed by the same theme " i n f i g u r e s , or connected with aspects of nature and r e l i g i o u s thought" (2.37, 262). Palgrave's readiness to cut and rearrange the poem suggests that he did not see In Memoriam as a single unit, and hence saw no development within the sequence i t s e l f , one of many examples of his l i m i t a t i o n s as a c r i t i c . In s p ite of the Treasury's success, i t was nearly 30 years before Palgrave achieved his ambition of being elected Professor of Poetry at Oxford, a l a r g e l y nominal p o s i t i o n which Matthew Arnold had held when the Golden Treasury was published. Palgrave was eager to be granted the same 76 honour, but although he stood for e l e c t i o n f i r s t when Arnold r e t i r e d i n 1867, he had to wait u n t i l 1885, when, on his t h i r d nomination, he was f i n a l l y elected. Following Arnold's example, Palgrave chose to lecture i n English, rather than the t r a d i t i o n a l L a t i n , although he gave the Creweian Oration i n Latin at Convocation i n alternate years, devoting the 1888 oration to Matthew Arnold, who had died suddenly a few months previously. Palgrave took his r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s s e r i o u s l y , and, again following Arnold, he published as many of his lectures as he could i n Macmillan's Magazine, The National Review, and The Nineteenth Century. These lectures deal with his d i s t i n c t i v e i n t e r e s t s . Of the four known s e r i e s , two deal with poetry and the a r t s — poetry's r e l a t i o n s h i p to the fine a r t s , and landscape i n poetry—while the other two deal with the Renaissance movement i n English poetry and poets who Palgrave f e l t had been neglected by the c r i t i c s . The l a t t e r are not i d e n t i f i e d , but one of them i s probably Henry Vaughan, f or whose poetry Palgrave had developed a taste i n l a t e r l i f e on the basis of Vaughan's place i n the Welsh l y r i c t r a d i t i o n . Although his own Welsh blood must have been minimal, Palgrave was an enthusiastic member of the Cymmrodorion Society; he spoke Welsh and named one of his daughters Gwenllian.*^ His f i n a l set of Oxford lectures formed the basis of his only book of l i t e r a r y c r i t i c i s m , Landscape i n Poetry from Homer to Tennyson. The discussion of landscape i s by no means new: not only does i t r e i t e r a t e Palgrave's Wordsworthian concept of English poetry, f i r s t manifested i n the Treasury and repeated throughout his c r i t i c a l w r itings, but i t also covers ground already considered, f i r s t of a l l by Ruskin and then by his 77 P r o f e s s o r i a l predecessor, J . C. Shairp, i n his On the P o e t i c a l Interpretation of Nature, published twenty years previously. The c r i t i c s d i s l i k e d the book, f i n d i n g i n i t "much which i s Irrelevant, and much which i s s u r p r i s i n g l y d e f e c t i v e . " ^ They condemned h i s translations of Greek and L a t i n and expressed t h e i r disappointment that his survey of English l i t e r a t u r e was so s e l e c t i v e : "Mr. Palgrave hurries over the Elizabethan poets with too much expedition, and the poets of the eighteenth century fare even worse. Great i n j u s t i c e i s done to Thomson."*7 Palgrave's only other contribution to l i t e r a t u r e i s a serie s of a r t i c l e s i n Chambers Cyclopedia of English L i t e r a t u r e on Keats, Sidney, A l f r e d and Charles Tennyson, and Wordsworth (4.25-29). By the end of his l i f e , his l i t e r a r y c r i t i c a l powers, which had hardly developed beyond the f i x e d p r i n c i p l e s applied i n the Golden Treasury, were l a r g e l y overlooked by the new generation of c r i t i c s . His c r i t i c a l reception i n the twentieth century i s epitomized by George Saintsbury i n his History of English C r i t i c i s m , who says, i n discussing the Oxford chair of poetry: The great achievement of Mr. Shairp's successor, Francis Turner Palgrave, i n regard to l i t e r a r y c r i t i c i s m , i s an i n d i r e c t one, and had been mostly done years and decades before he was elected to the Chair. L i t t l e indeed, though something, was given to the world as a d i r e c t r e s u l t of his p r o f e s s o r i a l work. As an actual c r i t i c or reviewer, Palgrave was no doubt distinguished not over-favourably by that tendency to "splash" and tapage of manner which he shared with Kinglake and some other writers of the mid-nineteenth century, and which has been recently revived. But his r e a l taste was i n a manner warranted by his friendships; and his friendships must almost have kept him right i f he had had less t a s t e . He may have pr o f i t e d l a r g e l y by these friendships i n the composition of that r e a l l y Golden Treasury, which, i f i t does not achieve the impossible i n gi v i n g everybody what he wants, a l l he wants, and nothing that he does not want, i s by general confession the most successful attempt i n a quite a p p a l l i n g l y d i f f i c u l t kind. 78 NOTES * J. Churton C o l l i n s , "An Appreciation of Professor Palgrave," Saturday Review, 84 (30 Oct. 1897), 487. o William Michael Ro s s e t t i , review of Essays on Ar t , Fine Arts  Quarterly, NS 1 (1866), 309. Matthew Arnold, "The L i t e r a r y Influence of Academies," i n Essays i n C r i t i c i s m (London: Macmillan, 1865), pp. 71-3. 4 William Michael Ro s s e t t i , 309. ^ John 0. Waller, "Francis Turner Palgrave's C r i t i c i s m s of Tennyson's In Memoriam," V i c t o r i a n Newsletter, 52 (1977), 13. ^ Palgrave i s quoting from The Conversation of Goethe with Eckermann  and Soret, trans. J. Oxenford (London: B e l l , 1850). 7 The Education of Henry Adams, p. 220. Q William Holman Hunt, Pre-Raphaelitism and The Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood, 2, p. 225. 9 " J . 0.," Letter to The Times, 15 May 1862, p. 9. 1 0 , Lett e r to The Times, 16 May 1862, p. 12. ^ Anonymous poem, quoted i n Holman Hunt's Pre-Raphaelitism and The  Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood, 2, p. 233. 1 2 The Education of Henry Adams, p. 214. 1 3 John Ruskin, l e t t e r of 22 March [1855], Collected Works, ed. E. T. Cook and Alexander Wedderburn (London: Macmillan, 1892), 36, pp. 193-4: " i t i s a most valuable contribution to the hi s t o r y of painting. I s h a l l use i t for reference when I come to the subject of engraving." ^ Wyke B a y l i s s , The Professor of Poetry at Oxford and the Witness  of A r t , a C u r i o s i t y of Modern L i t e r a t u r e (London: W. H. A l l e n , 1888), p. 7. ^ For a f u l l e r c h e c k l i s t of Palgrave's lectures as Professor of Poetry, including publication d e t a i l s , see the Appendix to Part 1, Section 4, of the bibliography. l fi J. Churton C o l l i n s , review of Landscape i n Poetry, Ephemera  C r i t i c a (London: Constable, 1901), p. 237. 1 7 C o l l i n s , p. 247. 1 Q George Saintsbury, A History of English C r i t i c i s m (Edinburgh and London: Blackwood's, 1911), pp. 538-9. i 79 CHAPTER THREE: PALGRAVE AS POET But never was there seen so strange an instance of a mind, e x q u i s i t e l y judicious i n regard to the compositions of others, powerless to c r i t i c i z e i t s own productions. Thought, and even fancy were.often present i n Palgrave's verse, but melody never. His metrical i n f e l i c i t i e s were i n c o r r i g i b l e . It may be said without exaggeration that he has l e f t behind him not a single l i n e of good poetry.* Of a l l Palgrave's l i t e r a r y writings, his poetry was the least successful, never a t t a i n i n g either the c l a s s i c a l unity and f i n i s h he demanded of the English l y r i c or the recognition that he desperately sought. As a man of l e t t e r s , Palgrave f e l t that writing verse was part of his r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , and as time went on he devoted more and more attention to public verse. Moreover, he l i v e d i n an age of great poets and numbered many of them among his f r i e n d s , p a r t i c u l a r l y Tennyson, but also Browning and the Pre-Raphaelite poets, Ro s s e t t i , Patmore, Woolner, and Allingham. But Palgrave was both i n s u f f i c i e n t l y able to transfer the conscious p r i n c i p l e s he employed i n shaping the Treasury to his own poetry and i n s u f f i c i e n t l y s e l f - c r i t i c a l to recognise his own poetic shortcomings. While his innate talent for poetry was obviously s l i g h t , he composed verses most of his l i f e , refusing to be diverted by l i m i t e d sales or adverse c r i t i c i s m . The i n t e r e s t of Palgrave's l y r i c s , thus, l i e s not i n his poetic achievements, but i n the extent to which his poetic practice mirrors his c r i t i c a l theories and i n his contemporary reputation as a minor member of the "contemplative" school to which Edmund 2 Stedman also relegated Arnold and Clough. Palgrave published six volumes of poetry between 1854 and 1892: Idyls  and Songs (1854)Hymns (1867), L y r i c a l Poems (1871), A Lyme Garland (1874), 80 The Visions of England (1880), and Amenophis (1892); i n addition he published some 40 poems i n p e r i o d i c a l s and an equal number i n contemporary anthologies and c o l l e c t i o n s . In a l l , he composed more than 250 poems, Including t r a n s l a t i o n s , on a wide range of subjects, many of which i l l u s t r a t e concerns s i m i l a r to those emphasised i n his c r i t i c a l prose, e s p e c i a l l y English h i s t o r y and landscape. Idyls and Songs shows his early and enduring enthusiasm f o r the c l a s s i c a l Greek and L a t i n l y r i c s In the number of t r a n s l a t i o n s from Sappho, Catullus, and Horace, an enthusiasm l a t e r extended i n experiments with c l a s s i c a l forms and subjects i n L y r i c a l Poems. It also contains early commemorative verses, works modelled on the b a l l a d , and personal l y r i c s of love and l o s t childhood, early examples of the strong elegaic s t r a i n which runs through his verse. His Hymns deals l a r g e l y with the challenge of Darwinism to conventional f a i t h , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the context of the Oxford Movement. The Lyme Garland, a pamphlet of fourteen poems written to aid a school c h a r i t y i n h i s adopted town of Lyme Regis, gathers a number of his experiments i n describing landscape and reveals h i s talent f o r w r i t i n g simpler hymns and the s t i r r i n g s of h i s i n t e r e s t i n English h i s t o r y , which finds i t s f u l l e s t development i n The Visions of England, a sequence of l y r i c s on events from the country's past. Amenophis, his l a s t volume, a s e l e c t i o n of mainly reprinted poems, i l l u s t r a t e s the v a r i e t y of Palgrave's poetic Interests. The ambitious and lengthy t i t l e poem, "Amenophis," though unsuccessful, considers "the Egyptian, Greek, and Jewish ideas of the existence of God before such ideas had been 'consciously analysed'" ( L i f e , p. 228). 81 His f i r s t volume, Idyls and Songs, contains 83 poems, nearly one-third of his poetic canon, dealing with most of the subjects and themes mentioned above. His i n t e r e s t i n the Greek and L a t i n l y r i c , a mainstay of his c r i t i c i s m , i s shown i n translations and i n poems l i k e "The F a l l of Paganism" and "On Reading Theocritus." The ten translations are a l l b r i e f , from eight to 44 l i n e s . Occasionally, as i n "The B r i d a l , " Palgrave succeeds i n capturing the simple, d i r e c t images of the o r i g i n a l Sapphic poem, as i n t h i s example of the meeting of the bride and bridegroom: High l i f t the beams of the chamber, Workmen, on high; Like Ares i n step comes the Bridegroom; Like him of the song of Terpander, Like him in majesty. — 0 f a i r — 0 sweet! As the sweet apple blooms high on the bough, High on the highest; forgot of the gatherers: So Thou:— Yet not so: nor forgot of the gatherers; High o'er t h e i r reach i n the golden a i r , — 0 sweet—O f a i r ! But more often, by adopting tetrameter couplets, Palgrave s p o i l s the sense with an i n t r u s i v e metre and rhyme, as these l i n e s from Sappho's "Hymn to Aphrodite" show: Come, as once to Love's imploring Accents of a maid's adoring, Wafted 'neath the golden dome Bore thee from thy father's home. The l i m i t e d capacity of the English language to render accurately the m e t r i c a l and s y l l a b i c values of Greek poetry i s evident i n Palgrave's own poems and t r a n s l a t i o n s ; i t also accounts for much of the confusion surrounding his aesthetic demands that English poets should emulate c l a s s i c a l poetry. In his dedicatory poem to L y r i c a l Poems, "To the Immortal Memory of Free Athens," Palgrave c l e a r l y recognises the f u t i l i t y of the i d e a l he espouses, but this dedication, perhaps more c l e a r l y than any comment i n his c r i t i c a l w r itings, defines the c l a s s i c a l values towards which he aspires: Where are the flawless form, The sweet propriety of measured phrase, The words that clothe the idea, not disguise, Horizons pure from haze, And calm clear v i s i o n of H e l l e n i c eyes? Strength ever v e i l ' d by grace; The mind's anatomy implied, not shown; No graspings for the vague, no f r u i t l e s s f i r e s ; — Yet, heard 'neath a l l , the tone Of those far realms to which the soul a s p i r e s . Upon l i f e ' s f i e l d they look'd With f e a r l e s s gaze, t r u s t i n g their s i g h t , — t h e while Conscious the God's whole scheme they could not see; But smiled a manly smile, And the sane song spoke the heart's sanity. That unfantastlc s t r a i n , Void of weak fever and self-conscious c r y , — Truth bold and pure i n her own nakedness,— What modern hand can t r y , Tracing the d e l i c a t e l i n e 'twixt More and Less? Yet as one who, aiming high, Must aim f a r o'er the mark that he can gain, — 0 shining C i t y of the Maiden S h r i n e . — I name not thee i n vain, If these l a t e Northern lays be kin to thine. In his o r i g i n a l verse and t r a n s l a t i o n s , Palgrave conducted many of the experiments he urged on other poets, and one of the j u s t i f i c a t i o n s for examining his poetry i n d e t a i l i s to i d e n t i f y those changes i n poetic technique and subject matter which he f e l t would improve Engl i s h poetry. Besides t r a n s l a t i o n s , Idyls also contains poems dealing with the f i n e a r t s , such as "The B i r t h of Art," dedicated to Benjamin Jowett, which s p e c i f i c a l l y points to past "happy days" when We held discourse, dear Friend, on art and verse: What s t y l e , what metre, f i t t i n g as a robe The naked thought beneath, endraping i t In thousand-fold expression—adding grace Where i t received i t — b e s t might s u i t the modes And giddy-paced invention of our age. In i t , Palgrave imagines art "from the p r i n c i p l e s / And canons of the b e a u t i f u l , deduced" which now, "by need / Of a l l - i n v e n t i n g man, and fond requirement" are "faded" under the "fever'd weight" of man's "busy l i f e " and day-long care." Others include occasional sonnets addressed to h i s father's f r i e n d Henry Hallam; h i s Oxford f r i e n d s , l i n g u i s t Max Muller and diplomat Burnet Morier; and two women, his "Preciosa," Georgina Alderson, and "Childhood's Interpreter," E. V. Boyle, whose children's books he was l a t e r to praise again i n Macmillan's Magazine (5.20). More pu b l i c are a poem addressed to "Louis Napoleon Bonaparte," written i n December 1848 a f t e r a v i s i t to the French Republic and p r a i s i n g France as "The F i r s t among the Free," and an elegy f o r Robert Peel, k i l l e d i n a sudden f a l l from his horse. The longer poems i n the volume include a remarkably bad one i n blank verse interspersed with l y r i c s and e n t i t l e d "Blanche and Ada: an Operetta." Among the more i n t e r e s t i n g poems i n Idyls and Songs are those i n which the highly sentimental, "subjective" side of Palgrave's nature i s given f u l l r e i n In l y r i c s on the "Preciosa" theme of unrequited love, i n a number of poems addressed to l i t t l e g i r l s , and i n a group of b a l l a d s . "Night and Morning" reprises the "Preciosa" theme of romantic despair: In dreams I heard thy mother say 'She yet i s ours at dawn of day, And h i s before the s e t t i n g ' : — And thou wast by thy mother's side, And gav'st a sigh of happy pride, And sweetness past a l i f e ' s f o r g e t t i n g . — I wake to know the v i s i o n has f l e d ; The slumberous sweetness vanished, And dreary daylight gleaming. —And i s the hand—the s m i l e — t h e s i g h — Love, a l l thy tokens vanity? And art thou Love alone i n dreaming? Not unrelated i n i t s elegaic tone, but i n a d i f f e r e n t view, i s "The Dream C h i l d , " lamenting the death of a l i t t t l e g i r l : —And around my neck Her l i t t l e arms she flung: then on my l i p s Press'd treasured soft caresses: more than o f t Regardless Childhood lavish e s : sure proof, Sweet, undesign'd, of love that knew no s t i n t , No looking back, or forward: the pure love Of self-unconscious confidence. Apart from the barely suppressed sexuality of this stanza, the language, with the conventional phrasing so commmon i n Palgrave's poetry, i s hackneyed, and i t s syntax i s so disrupted as to be almost incomprehensible i n a l i n e l i k e "more than o f t / Regardless Childhood lavishes." Images of childhood, coupled with sublimated eroticism, appear frequently i n Palgrave's poetry, sometimes even i n poems seemingly t o t a l l y unrelated to the theme. In "The Age of Innocence: Sonnet to S i r J. Reynolds," f o r example, Palgrave expresses his admiration for Reynolds' paintings of chi l d r e n , which he himself c o l l e c t e d , and for the erot i c i s m which he semi-consciously perceived i n the paintings: Reynolds, thou art a l i v e i n children y e t — Where'er the i r smiles are gay, th e i r tresses b r i g h t , Where'er the young eyes glance, the feet t r i p l i g h t , Thine all-presaging s k i l l i t s stamp hath set. On l i t t l e A l i c e l a t e one morn I gazed, Darling of many hearts, half r i s e n from sleep: The long loose locks, the moist f u l l eyes set deep 85 In c h i s e l l ' d shade: translucent hands upraised From sleep-flush'd cheeks the wavy stream to part: C o r a l l i n e l i p s , and curved i n wakening g l e e : — I sigh'd to think thou were not there to see The gracious incarnation of thine a r t : — — S o t h i s f a i n t sketch upon thy shrine I place, Pleased thy suggestion with thy name to grace. Palgrave, as noted i n Chapter Two, condemned Tennyson for his use of mannerist vocabulary, but Palgrave himself r e l i e d upon the same conventional, even c l i c h e d , poetic d i c t i o n that he condemns i n his c r i t i c i s m : "tresses," f e e t which " t r i p , " and the use of the archaic "thou," a persistent locution i n his verse. The rhyme scheme of the Reynolds' sonnet i s i r r e g u l a r , c o n f l a t i n g the I t a l i a n and Shakespearean forms, but the metre i s awkward, as, for example, i n l i n e s 2 and 3, where the heavy caesuras and endstopped l i n e s draw attention away from Reynold's " s k i l l " i n l i n e 4 rather than emphasizing i t . "Thine all-presaging s k i l l i t s stamp hath set" i s intended to convey that, as Oscar Wilde said l a t e r , l i f e had come to imitate art and that a l l b e a u t i f u l g i r l - c h i l d r e n resemble Reynold's paintings, but the compression of the idea into a single l i n e weakens the force of the statement. Palgrave's admiration for the ballad form so strongly represented i n the Treasury i s evident i n the s i x ballads i n Idyls and Songs: "Romance," "Cospatrick," "The Lass of Lochroyan," "Redbreast's Dirge," "Mary of Lochleven," and "Amy Robsart." Palgrave's ballads rely too heavily on s t i l t e d " l i t e r a r y " language, such as "plash" and "salt-sea billows" and the s e l f - c o n s c i o u s l y archaic "roof-tree" and the rhyme "groaning-moaning" i n "The Lass of Lochroyan" seems almost parodic: 86 Lord Gregory heard the raindrops plash, He heard the roof-tree groaning; He heard the salt-sea billows crash: But he heard not his true love moaning. Palgrave's f i r s t volume epitomizes both his l i f e - l o n g poetic preoccupations with subject and form and those technical deficiences that are compounded i n his l a t e r volumes. That he was himself aware of his poetic l i m i t a t i o n s i s apparent, i f only t a n g e n t i a l l y , i n his poem dedicating Idyls and Songs to Tennyson, from whose work he acknowledges unauthorized borrowings ("grace-conferring t h e f t s " ) . Tennyson c l e a r l y was, for Palgrave, the model of poetic perfection, the i d e a l towards which he unashamedly a s p i r e d — " A soul i n friendship and i n song"; and Palgrave's volume was intended as an imperfect t r i b u t e to the Laureate, whom he regarded as a "royal" judge. Yet, i n the dedication, he s o l i c i t s neither Tennyson's patronage nor protection from h o s t i l e c r i t i c s ; Tennyson's approval of the poems and acceptance of the dedication are a l l he seeks: "I hold you judge i n l a s t r e s o r t , / And to your v e r d i c t y i e l d me": When to the Gods our prayers we bring, 'Tis with t h e i r names we grace them: I dedicate the songs to you, As on your knees I place them. Tennyson's response to the dedication has not been recorded and Idyls and Songs appears to have attracted no reviewers. That the book went unnoticed i s not s u r p r i s i n g , given the competition fo r review space i n journals of the day deluged with minor volumes of verse written by poetic nonentities. But, with a l l i t s obvious weaknesses, Idyls and Songs i s neither t o t a l l y devoid of merit nor the worst f i r s t volume of poems ever issued—and i t was published rather than p r i v a t e l y printed as a 87 vanity p u b l i c a t i o n . In f a c t , a l l of Palgrave's poetry was published, with the exception of the Visions of England, which was i n i t i a l l y printed at Palgrave's expense, but was quickly picked up by Macmillan and published commercially, and the Lyme Garland, expressly produced by Palgrave for sale by a c h a r i t y . While often clumsy i n expression and highly sentimental, his e a r l y poems have at least the virtues of s i m p l i c i t y and s i n c e r i t y , i n contrast to the a r t i f i c i a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l experiments that characterize so many poems i n the l a t e r volumes. Their value for contemporary readers i s perhaps best summarized i n an i n s c r i p t i o n made i n the volume by a former owner of Professor Fredeman's copy, one James Galbraith Porter, who i n March 1855 composed the following endorsement on the pasted-down endpaper: Mr. Palgrave's strength does not l i e i n invention, but i n the f e e l i n g he throws into what he writes. He i s e s p e c i a l l y a Poet of the Af f e c t i o n s and his heart furnishes him with his best i n s p i r a t i o n s . Few depict better a father's or a husband's l o v e — f e w sing sweeter or more a e r i a l dirges over the dead—than the author of this s c h o l a r l y , tender l i t t l e volume of Poems. In the t h i r t e e n years between Idyls and Songs and his volume of Hymns i n 1867, Palgrave was c h i e f l y engaged i n his work for the Education O f f i c e , the preparation of the Golden Treasury, and his fin e art c r i t i c i s m . Palgrave's poetry during the f o r t i e s and f i f t i e s dealt with secular issues, but with the publication of Darwin's Origin of Species i n 1859, which he not only read himself but also urged on Tennyson's attention, Palgrave perceived a need for poetry which dealt with the challenges of the new science of evolution to conventional r e l i g i o u s f a i t h , and this volume of Hymns i s a delayed response to his involvement i n the theological debates at Oxford i n the mid-forties which assailed the f a i t h of so many of his friends 88 with c r i p p l i n g doubts. The twelve r e l i g i o u s verses, f i r s t c o llected i n h i s Hymns (1867), address the challenges to r e l i g i o u s f a i t h i n two d i s t i n c t ways. Many of them, such as "A L i t t l e Child's Hymn f o r Night and Morning," express a tr u s t i n g f a i t h i n simple c h i l d - l i k e language. This stanza has a straightforwardness of s t y l e which made the hymns popular for singing: Be beside me i n the l i g h t , Close by me through a l l the night; Make me gentle, kind, and true, Do what mother bids me do; Help and cheer me when I f r e t , And forgive me when I forget. Seven of them were popular enough to be set to music, and the "Child's Hymn" was separately published as a school "Broad Sheet" f o r that very purpose. But Palgrave was better known for his complex, philosophical l y r i c s dealing with the challenges of Huxleyan scepticism that dominated the d i a l e c t i c a l poetry of the V i c t o r i a n s . Palgrave's speculative the o l o g i c a l verses i n this volume—obviously never intended to be set to music or sung—are characterized by weak reassurances that, i n the face of apparently overwhelming evidence to the contrary, man should continue to believe. His evocations of the landscape of despair are much more v i v i d l y expressed than the subjects of his simple hymns of affirmation. In these two stanzas of "The Reign of Law," i n the t h i r d e d i t i o n , perhaps the r e l i g i o u s poem by Palgrave most admired by his contemporaries, he f i r s t evokes man's helplessness and then attempts to reassure by asserting that "God may f u l f i l h i s thought": We may not hope to read Nor comprehend the whole Or of the law of things Or of the law of soul: 89 E'en in the eternal stars Dim perturbations rise; And a l l the searchers' search Does not exhaust the skies; He who has framed and brought us hither Holds in his hands the whence and whither. Then, though the sun go up His beaten azure way, God may f u l f i l his thought And bless his world to-day; Beside the law of things The law of mind enthrone, And, for the hope of a l l , Reveal Himself in One; Himself the way that leads us thither, The A l l - i n - a l l , the Whence and Whither. The repetition of the conditional "may" in the passage suggests the possibility that God may not "bless his world to-<iay," which tends to subvert the affirmation the poem is intended to stress. As Edmund Stedman says in the course bf comparing Palgrave with Arnold, "Palgrave's 'Reign of Law,' after a l l , is but making the best of a dark matter. It reasons too closely to be highly poetical." That readers should make comparisons between Palgrave and other poets writing on similar themes was inevitable, and in his lifetime Palgrave was perhaps best known as a lesser satellite of a constellation that included, according to Henry Adams, Arnold and Clough: "Among the minor poets of our own day and generation, there have been three in England who seem to f a l l most easily and naturally into a single group. These are Clough, Matthew Arnold, and Palgrave."^ Palgrave was thus part of an established poetic tradition which counselled, as Tennyson did in In Memoriam (section 55), that in the absence of scientific proof, man's only recourse is to "trust the larger hope." Even 90 closer to the mood of Palgrave's poems such as "The Reign of Law" or "The Voices of Nature," which asks "Who i s man and what his place?," i s Clough's statement i n "What we, when face to face we see" (1850) that S t i l l what we hope we must believe, And what i s given us receive; Must s t i l l believe, f or s t i l l we hope That i n a world of larger scope, What here i s f a i t h f u l l y begun W i l l be completed, not undone. But, while mid-century c r i t i c s praised Palgrave f o r attempting to attack such issues head on, by the time Amenophis appeared in 1892, the c r i t i c s found his work dated and naive: There have been r e l i g i o u s poets l i k e Dante, Milton, and even Keble, and i n his own way Browning, whose f a i t h interpreted the world to them. There are no such poets now. There are poets s t i l l , and Mr. Palgrave i s one of them, whose f a i t h enables them to l i v e above the world as a stout s a i l o r i n a tight boat may l i v e above a rough sea, without a chart, under the s t a r s . Palgrave had unquestionably addressed the question of f a i t h honestly i n the context of the i n t e l l e c t u a l ferment of the day, but where Arnold and Clough had faced the r e a l p o s s i b i l i t y of God's "disappearance," Palgrave became a p i l l a r of the established church, e d i t i n g a Treasury of Sacred Song l a t e r i n the century and continuing to publish his hymns for c h i l d r e n . By the time the t h i r d e d i t i o n of Hymns was printed i n 1870, Palgrave was well advanced i n experiments with "Greek" s t y l e and subject matter and a year l a t e r he produced h i s L y r i c a l Poems with i t s dedication to Athens noted above. In spite of his insistence on the use of English subjects i n poetry, many of h i s "Greek" experiments use c l a s s i c a l subjects which were unfamiliar, as he had himself said, to a general audience. This contradiction i s 91 compounded by his unsuccessful attempt to copy the externals of Greek form. As Henry Adams pointed out about Palgrave's " A l c e s t i s " : Neither Euripides nor Sophocles would have cared to throw their treatment of A l c e s t i s into a mould which was d i f f i c u l t for t h e i r countrymen to appreciate, and i f they had done so, the sense of e f f o r t would have taught them and th e i r audience that they were following an unnatural process.... [The] study of Greek art i s therefore only the stepping-stone to success, and Mr. Palgrave, a f t e r showing, as i n " A l c e s t i s , " how c a r e f u l his study had been, was yet to f i n d his natural vein and to prove the q u a l i t y of his genius. That this i s refined i s obvious enough. That i t i s generous i n i t s sympathies, i s evident. Palgrave's e f f o r t s were of necessity inauthentic because he refused, as his review "On a Translation of V i r g i l ' s Aeneid" (5.18) discussed above explains, to employ the Greek quantitative hexameter which his f r i e n d Arnold had been urging on modern translators of Homer. " A l c e s t i s , " written i n f i v e - l i n e iambic pentameter stanzas, rhyming a b c c b , bears l i t t l e m e t rical r e l a t i o n to i t s Greek model. " A l c e s t i s " r e t e l l s the Greek legend of the woman who s a c r i f i c e s herself to the underworld to save her husband: So her young days upon her soul came back:— Iolkos: the white walls: the purple crest Of Pelion hung above them, whence a cry Of clanging eagles vex'd the summer sky, And loosen'd crags scarr'd the dark mountain b r e a s t : — And how Apollo o'er the purple crest Came with the morn, and sent his golden beam Slant on the dancing waves: and how she fear'd, That day, when by the e c l i p s e his locks were shear'd, U n t i l the God shot f o r t h a sword-like gleam. These verses read l i k e awkward l i t e r a l t r a n s l a t i o n s , and they contain weak phrases i n the Homeric s t y l e , such as "purple crest" and "sword-like," together with bald language and r e s t r i c t e d word choice, intended to approximate to the Greek " f i n i s h " and s i m p l i c i t y Palgrave so much admired. 92 The general impression, as Henry Adams says i n his review, i s one of subdued tone and careful f i n i s h ; a subordination of passion to form; a s e l f - r e s t r a i n t which i s not t i m i d i t y , but the r e s u l t of the e f f o r t to r e a l i z e a Greek i d e a l . The drawback i s obviously i n the too great sense of e f f o r t which such a task i n e v i t a b l y c a r r i e s with i t . (440) Most c r i t i c s agreed with Adams that Palgrave's "Greek" experiments were unsuccessful because they were neither creative nor o r i g i n a l , but rather an attempt to copy s l a v i s h l y the externals of a dead l i t e r a t u r e . The Greek-style poems over which Palgrave laboured so long and for which he held out such hopes i n his c r i t i c i s m as a way of saving English poetry from i t s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c excesses were f a i l u r e s . While these experiments had l i t t l e apparent influence, and Palgrave eventually abandoned them, his other prescriptions for improving the English l y r i c , c h i e f l y the adoption of the two new subject matters which he promoted i n his c r i t i c i s m , landscape and English h i s t o r y , were more favourably received and may well have influenced, at least i n d i r e c t l y , K i p l i n g and the other "Empire" poets at the end of the century. He had long subscribed to Ruskin's passion for the use of landscape i n the a r t s , and, as has already been shown, he both supported e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y Pre-Raphaelite paintings and admired intensely Wordsworth's and Tennyson's a b i l i t i e s to describe landscape r e a l i s t i c a l l y . But, while he admits English hi s t o r y has "from days very remote...supplied matter for song" (2.34, v i i ) , only the plays of Shakespeare and Tennyson's verses on "the mythical glory and gloom of the Arthurian Epos," i n his view, create " l i v i n g pictures of our magnificent histor y " ( v i i i ) . His a t t r a c t i o n for the "matter of England" led him consequently, in his next b r i e f volume, the p r i v a t e l y printed Lyme Garland, to produce his 93 earliest attempts to employ these "objective" subjects. In "A Summer Sunset, Wooton from Westover," for example, Palgrave tries to combine carefully drawn detai l with metaphorical phrasing, but his diction is strained and overly "mannerist," in his own terms: Upon the green slope sward The hedgerow elms l i e penci l l 'd by the sun In greener greenness: and, athwart the sky, Dotted l ike airy dust, the rooks Oar themselves homeward with a distant cry. His metaphors are more vivid than is customary in his work, but the rooks "dotted l ike airy dust" which "oar themselves homeward" seem more l ike a stage effect than rea l i s t i c deta i l ; rooks, after a l l , are by no means "airy." Yet in spite of this clumsiness, Palgrave's attempts at "pure" description, though prone to plagiarism—as in his "Autumn," whose personified figure owes much to Keats—are satisfying in a way that his more consciously didactic verses are not. Similarly, his f i r s t l y r i c based on English history, "A Danish Barrow," relies largely on description for i ts effect: Lie s t i l l , old Dane, below thy heap! —A sturdy-back and sturdy-limb, Who'er he was, I warrant him Upon whose mound the single sheep Browses and tinkles in the sun, Within the narrow vale alone. Lie s t i l l , old Dane! This restful scene Suits well thy centuries of sleep: The soft brown roots above thee creep, The lotus flaunts his ruddy sheen, And,—vain memento of the spot,— The turquoise-eyed forget-me-not. This largely descriptive style was quickly superseded by the more ponderously didactic approach which dominates The Visions of England, his 94 1880 l y r i c c o l l e c t i o n which gathers 70 cameo scenes, from the a r r i v a l of J u l i u s Caesar to the death of the Prince Consort. From his teaching and reading and the e d i t i n g of his father's works, Palgrave had a strong grasp of the d e t a i l s of English h i s t o r y , and he approached the subject with enthusiasm. Like his father and Henry Hallam, to both of whom h i s Visions of England i s dedicated, " i n devoted love of J u s t i c e , Truth and England," Palgrave had decided h i s t o r i c a l views, and he propounded them with vigour both i n the poems themselves and i n the lengthy notes which accompany them. Palgrave's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of English h i s t o r y dominates the volume: his d i s l i k e of Cromwell and praise of the monarchy are unequivocal, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n "The Mourning Muses," which laments Cromwell's destruction of the art and architecture of England; i n "Dunnottar Castle," where Cromwell's forces are described as " i r o n power, f a n a t i c , coarse,/ The unheavenly kingdom of the s a i n t s " ; and i n "The Return of Law," i n which Cromwell himself i s "The monster below, f o u l scales of the serpent and s l i m e , — c o u l d we gaze / On Tyranny s t r i p t of her t i n s e l , what v i s i o n of dool and dismay!" He evokes England's celebration of the return of Charles I I to the throne i n glowing terms which bear l i t t l e r e l a t i o n to the f a c t s : Peace i n her car goes up; a rainbow curves for her road; Law and f a i r Order before her, the r e i n l e s s courses of God;— Plenty i s with them, and Commerce; a l l g i f t s of a l l lands from her horn Raining on England profuse. These l i n e s also i l l u s t r a t e Palgrave's penchant for allegory and s t y l i z e d poetic d i c t i o n — b o t h contrary to his c r i t i c a l b e l i e f s and contradicting his 95 stated i n t e n t i o n i n the introduction to the volume: to write...with a straightforward eye to the subject alone; not studious of ornament for ornament's sake; allowing the least possible overt i n t r u s i o n of the writer's personality...and convinced that the truest pathos l i e s i n the s i t u a t i o n , not i n the pathetic s e t t i n g f o r t h , — t h e truest poetry, not i n the decorative overlay, but in the form and matter, (x) Visions had a tepid reception from the c r i t i c s , who suspected, r i g h t l y , that Palgrave had undertaken the volume more out of a desire to reform English poetry by s e t t i n g an example for other poets and to pass on his prejudices about English h i s t o r y than from any true poetic i n s p i r a t i o n : Without any i n j u s t i c e to the vividness and f e l i c i t y of much i n Mr. Palgrave's h i s t o r i c a l verse, i t s fine q u a l i t i e s cannot hinder a regret that i t has preoccupied l e i s u r e which might else have been free to construct twenty other exquisite r e l i e f s of gold-green h i l l sides standing out against mellowed memories of V i r g i l , and Theocritus, Pindar, and Homer.8 Palgrave's i n a b i l i t y , or r e f u s a l , to decide whether the book's purpose was d i d a c t i c or poetic i s further evidenced by the lengthy notes attached to the volume, notes which follow the format of those i n the Golden Treasury. Palgrave added almost a f u l l page of explanatory notes for most poems, explaining abstruse points or suggesting further reading. A note to "The Poet's Repentance," about Cromwell i n Ireland, for example, glosses Palgrave's epithet f o r Cromwell, "Caesar-Attila" thus: The d i s c r e d i t a b l e attempt made recently by more than one writer, i n defiance of h i s t o r y and common human f e e l i n g , to whitewash or g l o r i f y the misdeeds committed by the English government on the I r i s h between 1642 and 1658 renders i t necessary to place the truth before readers, who may have been thus deceived. (348) He apparently did not see any irony i n the fact that he could not convey his 96 ideas i n the poems themselves, but had to rely on lengthy glosses. Visions suffers ultimately from Palgrave's mixed motives. The obvious didacticism of the poems mi l i t a t e s against the book as poetry, and Palgrave's reliance on blank verse and experimental stanza forms and the borrowings of the subjects and language of other poets further weaken i t s eff e c t , as, for example, i n "The Death of Sir John Moore," i n which Palgrave borrows openly and at length from Wolfe's "The Burial of S i r John Moore at Corunna," a poem anthologised i n the Golden Treasury. The verbal echoes i n many of these poems are s t a r t l i n g : "They bore him toward the ramparts, while the f a i n t e r , farther, gun," recycles Wolfe's "Not a drum was heard, not a funeral note,/ As his corpse to the rampart we hurried." "The Valley of Death," a poem about the war i n Afghanistan, borrows i t s t i t l e from Tennyson's "Light Brigade"; and "Crossing Solway," beginning "Blow from the North, thou b i t t e r North Wind," d i r e c t l y parrots Shakespeare's "Blow, blow, thou winter wind" (Golden Treasury, no. 42). The concluding poem of the series, "England Once More," with i t s patent dependency on the old song, "Hearts of Oak," refl e c t s both his simple patriotism and his lack of o r i g i n a l i t y : Old keel, old heart of oak, Though round thee roar and chafe A l l storms of l i f e , thy helmsman Shall make the haven safe! Then with Honour at the head, and Fai t h , And Peace along the wake, Law blazon'd f a i r on Freedom's f l a g , Thy stately voyage t a k e : — While now on Him who long has bless'd To bless thee as of yore Once more we cry for England, England once more! 97 Macmillan was not sanguine about the book's chances for success, and Palgrave i n i t i a l l y published i t p r i v a t e l y i n an e d i t i o n of 50 copies at his own expense; however, the volume attracted a s u f f i c i e n t number of readers f o r Macmillan to reprint i t commercially i n a revised and expanded form within a year. Palgrave's fears that "the V i s i o n s . . . w i l l soon be ready for a public which w i l l not, I f e a r , be very ready for them" proved groundless and the volume did s e l l , as he predicted i t might, as a school prize book (Macmillan Papers, 26 Sept. 1881). Eight years l a t e r , Cassell's National Library Series included i t i n a textbook e d i t i o n which also reprinted his j u b i l e e Ode for Queen V i c t o r i a . Some c r i t i c s hoped that Palgrave's experiment would inspi r e followers who would open up a whole new school of p a t r i o t i c poetry. As A. W. Ward said i n a review in Macmillan's Magazine: an experiment i n poetic l i t e r a t u r e , which i f not absolutely new, i s at a l l events, made under t o t a l l y new conditions, these Visions of England may be destined to occupy and i n t e r e s t c r i t i c i s m when much of the verse that i s now popular or fashionable has f l u t t e r e d away with the leaves of the season.... Should his book, in an ampler and f u l l e r form, achieve an enduring success, i t can hardly f a i l to become the beginning of a new species of p a t r i o t i c poetry. Should i t happen otherwise, the age too may i n some measure be i n f a u l t . 9 Visions was Palgrave's most ambitious experiment i n poetry, but i t was, as his f r i e n d Henry James pointed out i n a l e t t e r of 7 February 1881, i n the f i n a l analysis a work of "commemoration" by a c r i t i c of the h i s t o r y of English poetry, rather than an o r i g i n a l work: It seems to me very much the poetry of r e f l e c t i o n , of a s s o c i a t i o n — r a t h e r than of whatever t'other thing i s that makes l y r i c verse. It s t r i k e s one as begotten very much by the love of poetry and the knowledge and study of i t , and as being f u l l of echoes and reverberations of poetic l i t e r a t u r e . I don't accuse you 98 of ' l i f t i n g , ' but you write from such a l e t t e r e d mind that your s t r a i n i s a kind of c o i l of memories. A l l this to me i s a merit, and I suppose the merit you aimed a t — t h a t of commemoration. ( L i f e , pp. 163-4) James' acute comment applies generally to the whole of Palgrave's poetry: his own l i m i t e d o r i g i n a l i t y seems to have been swamped by his encyclopedic reading. One of the more d i s t i n c t i v e features of Palgrave's l a t e r poetic career i s his p r e d i l e c t i o n for public ceremonial poetry, an in t e r e s t p a r t l y explained by his devotion to the Poet Laureate, whose o f f i c i a l poems on events i n the l i v e s of the Royal Family seem to have been the models for Palgrave's two Jubilee Odes and for several other such poems, including a Prothalamion for the Duke of York. The Golden Treasury enhanced Palgrave's standing i n English poetic c i r c l e s , but the authority acceded him had more to do with his work as an editor than with his a b i l i t y as a poet. To be the editor of what one reviewer c a l l e d "our national anthology"^ gave Palgrave a special status, and he seems to have f e l t that he held a s e m i - o f f i c i a l Laureate-like p o s i t i o n . This sense of authority was, i f anything, reinforced by his e l e c t i o n to the chair of Poetry at Oxford i n 1885, and i n 1887 he persuaded Clarendon press to publish his Jubilee Ode for Queen V i c t o r i a i n a l i m i t e d e d i t i o n of 50 copies as a s e m i - o f f i c i a l document representing the Un i v e r s i t y as a whole. This Ode i s perhaps his most d i s t i n c t i v e "public" poem. It covers the course of V i c t o r i a ' s l i f e i n eight 17-line stanzas, a l l with the same elaborate rhyme scheme, the concluding couplet of each stanza ending i n the word "QUEEN." He attempts to survey the hi s t o r y of the 99 monarchy through important events i n V i c t o r i a ' s l i f e , such as the death of Prince A l b e r t , before praising V i c t o r i a extravagantly for her feats of Empire: 0 much enduring, much revered! To thee Bring sun-dyed m i l l i o n s love more sweet than fame, And happy roles that star the purple sea Homage;—and children at the mother's knee With her's [sic] unite the name; And f a i t h f u l hearts that throb 'neath palm and pine, From East to West are thine. The d i c t i o n c l e a r l y v i o l a t e s Palgrave's own c r i t i c a l p r i n c i p l e s : c l i c h e d language such as " f a i t h f u l hearts" and "purple seas" combines with a syntax so clumsy that i n an expression l i k e "Children at the mother's knee / With her's unite the name," the idea i s so compressed as to be v i r t u a l l y u n i n t e l l i g i b l e . He also contravenes his own rules on p e r s o n i f i c a t i o n with phrases l i k e "happy i s l e s , " while a l i n e l i k e "And f a i t h f u l - hearts, that throb 'neath palm and pine," i s i n f e l i c i t o u s at best. Any discussion of Palgrave's poetry must address his a b i l i t y as a metrist. As the epigraph to this chapter shows, he had a reputation f o r " i n c o r r i g i b l e " "metrical i n f e l i c i t i e s , " and a reviewer of Amenophis pointed out that "the thought i s more to him than i t s metrical s e t t i n g . Palgrave obviously shared what he regarded as the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c English poetic preference for content over form. His experiments are almost a l l r e s t r i c t e d to changes i n subject matter, h i s t o r i c a l and public, and as a l y r i c i s t he r e l i e d heavily upon the native iambic tetrameter and pentameter l i n e s . He e x p l i c i t l y rejected the hexameter being urged on translators of Homer by Arnold, and, with the exception of a few excursions into blank verse, he generally employed rhyme. The length of his stanzas does vary from 100 a common quatrain (a b a_ _b) and a favoured f i v e - l i n e stanza with an embedded couplet (a b c c b) to the elaborately constructed seventeen-line form used i n the Ode for V i c t o r i a ' s j u b i l e e . Despite his concern with form, the scansion of many l i n e s reveals inappropriate emphasis, and syntax i s frequently d i s t o r t e d or d i c t i o n forced to conform to the rhyme scheme. In the Visions of England, for example, Palgrave says that he attempted a greater v a r i e t y of stanza forms i n order to r e f l e c t the wide-ranging subject matter of the volume: As therefore Horace, even i n his impersonal l y r i c s , went back to the simpler Aeolic models which preceded the choral ode, so here resort has been made, i n general, to native forms of stanza:—although where the subject seemed of i t s e l f imperatively to require some peculi a r , perhaps novel, arrangement in metre and rhyme, or even the (symmetrical) use of more than one system, I have ventured upon essays which are commended to the reader's kind l y judgment, ( x i i i ) Where his c r i t i c i s m i n s i s t s on " f i n i s h , " his poetry concentrates on subject matter or t r i e s unsuccessfully to revive a long-dead poetic form; and where his c r i t i c i s m demands "objective" poetry, his own poetry deals l a r g e l y with personal emotion and r e l i g i o u s f a i t h . Although his Hymns went to three editions and much of his verse was published i n magazines and c o l l e c t e d i n anthologies such as those by Miles and Stedman, his p r o l i f i c output was generally ignored by the reviewers. And i t i s probably a sign of his contemporary reputation that he was excluded from both editions of Kegan Paul's L i v i n g English Poets (1882, 1893). Palgrave's reasons for persevering i n the writing and publishing of poetry l i e i n his conviction that poetry must remain a central force i n English c u l t u r e , and his own verses are a testimony to his f a i t h i n the 101 powers of poetry. While his poetry did not r i s e to meet his exacting standards, his intentions cannot be faulted f o r , as Henry Adams recognised, Palgrave had elected to embark upon a perilous course as a poet, which held l i t t l e promise of popular recognition: His highest ambition would be to o f f e r the c l a s s i c a l beauty of Greek form to an age and generation which has hardly a notion of form at a l l ; which loves roughness and extravagance for i t s own sake rather than for what i t i s pleased to think these exteriors conceal; or which loves only such beauty of form as the time has to o f f e r . . . . Such a poet can expect no large audience and few warm admirers. He must consider himself s u f f i c i e n t l y rewarded i f by any chance some verse or stanza of his s h a l l l i n g e r long enough on the ear of the public to vindicate his claim to a place, as Mr. Palgrave has elsewhere sa i d , above the vast and pathetic array of singers now s i l e n t , who have been honoured with the name of poet, and among the smaller and more fortunate body of those who for some moment at least have attained e x c e l l e n c e . * 2 102 NOTES 1 Obituary of F. T. Palgrave, Saturday Review, 84 (30 Oct. 1897), 457. 2 E. K. Stedman, The Victorian Poets, 13th ed. (1875; rpt. Boston: Houghton M i f f l i n , 1899), pp. 24-6. J Stedman, p. 247. ^ Henry Adams, review of Lyrical Poems, Hymns, and The Lyme Garland, North American Review, 120 (1875), 438. G. A. Simcox, review of Amenophis, Bookman, 3 (3 Jan. 1893), 29. ^ J. H i l l i s Miller, The Disappearance of God (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1963). 7 Adams, 440. o Anon., review of The Visions of England, The Times, 6 Dec. 1881, p. 3. o A. W. Ward, review of The Visions of England , Macmillan's Magazine, 6 (Dec. 1881), 430. 1 0 Anon., "An Authority in Poetical Criticism," Saturday Review 82 (19 Sept. 1896), 312. ** E. K. Chambers, review of Amenophis, Academy, 43 (14 Jan. 1893), 123. 1 2 Adams, 439. 103 CHAPTER FOUR: PALGRAVE AS TREASURER It was to impose a s p e c i a l kind of f i n e , e c l e c t i c , c i v i l i z e d , romantic taste on generations of English readers; so that a c u l t i v a t e d mind would f o r ever be conscious of echoing notes: heroic and martial (through Campbell and Scott); pensive and c i v i l i z e d (through Cowper and M i l t o n ) ; p l a i n t i v e and moving (through S c o t t i s h laments and b a l l a d s ) . It would also f i x i n the English imagination—not l e a s t through Wordsworth—that verdant, p r e - i n d u s t r i a l , pastoral scene which many urban dwellers to t h i s day h a z i l y think i s the England i n which they l i v e . At the same time i t was to give the odd impression that what was not i n i t s pages simply d i d not e x i s t at a l l . Nothing i n i t , by the terms of the thing, i s t o p i c a l , s a t i r i c a l , or argumentative. Nothing i s i n blank verse or the heroic c o u p l e t — t h e s e are not the metres f o r l y r i c and song. As a r e s u l t , the c l a s s i c a l E n g l i s h eighteenth century was to disappear underground well into our own day. So, fo r more complex reasons of time and taste, did the metaphysical poets of the seventeenth century. i : Genesis and Publ i c a t i o n Palgrave's Golden Treasury has had a unprecedented success as an anthology, as i t s p u b l i c a t i o n h i s t o r y makes abundantly c l e a r : the book has never been out of p r i n t since i t f i r s t appeared i n 1861, and r e p r i n t s and modern adaptations continue to be published with great frequency, although Palgrave himself oversaw only the f i r s t four editions of the book. The circumstances of I t s inception, nevertheless, were r e l a t i v e l y humble. The Treasury was not, as Is repeatedly s a i d , conceived by Tennyson, who then drafted Palgrave as an e d i t o r i a l amanuensis, but by Palgrave himself. Thomas Woolner reported to Emily Tennyson on 8 October 1860 that "Palgrave...is busy reading a l l the Poets f o r the purpose of making a c o l l e c t i o n to publish which 2 he intends to beat that of Allingham. Allingham's anthology, Nightingale  V a l l e y , had appeared i n the previous year under the pseudonymous authorship 104 of "Giraldus," and i n compiling a competing anthology, Palgrave was at least p a r t l y motivated by h i s jealousy of Allingham's intimacy with the Laureate, whom Palgrave wished to regard as h i s s p e c i a l f r i e n d and patron. Tennyson's involvement, then, may have been even l e s s i n t e n t i o n a l than i s generally thought, and h i s r o l e may even have been i n i t i a l l y something of an embarrassment, owing to Palgave's obvious indebtedness to Allingham's c o l l e c t i o n . The r e l a t i o n s h i p between the two books begins with p a r a l l e l s between the t i t l e s . "A C o l l e c t i o n including a great number of the choicest L y r i c s and Short Poems i n the Eng l i s h Language," as "Giraldus" s u b t i t l e d Nightingale  V a l l e y , i s a c l e a r model f o r the Treasury's "Best Songs and L y r i c a l Poems i n the English Language." In extending Allingham's mandate from "great number" to "best," Palgrave examined a wider range of poetry i n the cause of assembling a narrower but more d e f i n i t i v e compilation, but h i s borrowings from Allingham are f a r more extensive than e i t h e r he acknowledged or c r i t i c s have heretofore recognised, e s p e c i a l l y In terms of a common canon. The two works share 51 t i t l e s — r o u g h l y one-quarter of the contents of Nightingale  V a l l e y . However, when the 60 poems by l i v i n g poets (in c l u d i n g seven by himself) are subtracted f rom Allingham's t o t a l (211), the common t o t a l r i s e s to over one-third. Palgrave c i t e s h i s r i v a l ' s anthology as the copy-text source f o r only one poem—Wotton's "The Character of a Happy L i f e " (no. 7 2 ) — i n the Treasury, but Nightingale V a l l e y must f i g u r e prominently i n any c r i t i c a l examination of influences on Palgrave's work. That the Treasury f l o u r i s h e d and Nightingale Valley was relegated to a mere footnote In 105 publishing h i s t o r y i s one of those l i t e r a r y accidents for which there i s no single explanation. Palgrave's personal taste, p a r t i c u l a r l y his i n c l u s i o n of a considerable number of poems new to his readers, his decision to exclude l i v i n g w r i t e r s , and the active involvement of Tennyson a l l contributed to the prestige and fame of the Golden Treasury. The story of the Treasury begins with Palgrave's discussion of the need for a good l y r i c anthology with A l f r e d Tennyson while the two men were on a walking tour of Cornwall i n the summer of 1860. Tennyson had published the f i r s t four I d y l l s of the King the previous year, and hoping to gather atmosphere for the next installment, they set out f o r Tintagel, accompanied by Val Prinsep and two members of the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood, William Holman Hunt and Thomas Woolner. These facts are well-known, but considerable c r i t i c a l confusion exists about who was a c t u a l l y responsible for the idea of the book. The view of modern c r i t i c s already alluded to above, that Palgrave was only the "nominal compiler," i s founded on the assumption that Palgrave's minor status i n nineteenth-century l e t t e r s i s inconsistent with the considerable achievement 3 of the Golden Treasury. Christopher Clausen, for example, i n a long a r t i c l e on the Treasury e n t i t l e d "The Palgrave Version," states c a t e g o r i c a l l y that "because Tennyson suggested to Palgrave the idea of producing an anthology and collaborated i n making the s e l e c t i o n s , the book has often been 4 regarded as a monument to o f f i c i a l V i c t o r i a n taste." Clausen i s mistaken on both counts. Not only was Tennyson not the prime mover behind the book, but contemporary c r i t i c s and friends of the two men are quite adamant i n asserting that Palgrave himself suggested the idea of the anthology and, 106 encouraged by the older man, immediately began to consider i t s e r i o u s l y . As Palgrave says, "I had put the scheme of my Golden Treasury before him during a walk near the Land's End i n the l a t e summer of 1860, and he encouraged me to proceed, barring only any poems by himself from i n s e r t i o n i n an anthology whose t i t l e claimed excel1 ence for i t s contents" (2.49, 500). This version i s confirmed by Holman Hunt i n his memoirs: Palgrave was a man of s o l i d culture, and was engaged at the time on his u n r i v a l l e d forthcoming s e l e c t i o n The Golden Treasury.... Palgrave refers i n his e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y graceful acknowledgement i n the dedication to his volume to the advice and assistance he had gained from the great poet i n these c r i t i c a l i n v e s t i g a t i o n s ; they were at times continued throughout the day, at times on the heights of a c l i f f or on the shore below, while we painters were l o i t e r i n g over notes of features of the scene which fascinated us.^ Even i f contemporary accounts giving Palgrave credit for the idea did not e x i s t , an examination of the Treasury's e d i t o r i a l theory and practice reveals not only that Palgrave made the basic s e l e c t i o n of poems before consulting Tennyson and did not always defer to Tennyson i n making the f i n a l e d i t o r i a l d e cisions, but also that Tennyson perhaps undertook to help with the project " o r i g i n a l l y through a combination of generosity to Palgrave and a thoroughly understandable willingness to f a l l i n with anything that would keep him quiet. On t h e i r return from Cornwall to London i n late September 1860, Tennyson went immediately to his house on the Isle of Wight; he did not see Palgrave again u n t i l Christmas, which Palgrave was i n v i t e d to spend with the Tennysons. By the end of October, Palgrave had completed his preliminary planning on the Treasury, and he began s o l i c i t i n g assistance from his other two advisers, Thomas Woolner and George M i l l e r , the l a t t e r a colleague from the Education O f f i c e . The tone of the closing sentence of Palgrave's October 1860 l e t t e r to Tennyson makes clear that Tennyson intended his i n i t i a l 107 encouragement to be his only contribution to the anthology: Since I returned I have worked s t e a d i l y f or two or three hours A a day at making the c o l l e c t i o n of English L y r i c a l Poems which we discussed i n Cornwall; and I have spoken about i t to Macmillan, who gives a conditional consent to act publisher. I have gone through the whole of Chalmers' C o l l e c t i o n , and through several of the writers not included i n i t , and have thus made a preliminary l i s t of contents, which I am going over with Woolner. Whenever this i s i n order I hope you w i l l l e t me go through i t with you. ( L i f e , p. 64) Under pressure from Palgrave, however, Tennyson agreed to a r b i t r a t e the f i n a l choice of poems, and he l e f t Palgrave to complete his preliminary s e l e c t i o n . Throughout the f a l l of 1860, Palgrave read extensively i n the English l y r i c . His contemporaries agree that he went to extraordinary lengths to ensure that he had missed nothing of importance. Charles Morgan, h i s t o r i a n of the house of Macmillan, says that the book was "gathered together by the compiler with immense labour," 7 and Thomas Woolner wrote on 9 December 1860 to Emily Tennyson that Palgrave has nearly fini s h e d making his Selections from the Poets, and has throughout shown the most extraordinary interest i n his work; i n fact he scarcely seems to think of anything else than the work he i s engaged upon. He c e r t a i n l y has an astonishingly acute and quick mind in reading an enormous amount and extracting the best t h i n g s . 8 While Palgrave examined almost every major eighteenth- and nineteenth-century c o l l e c t i o n of l y r i c poetry i n the course of h i s preparations, the issue of his sources for the Golden Treasury cannot be f u l l y or f i n a l l y resolved. Fortunately, however, Palgrave's manuscripts f o r both the f i r s t and second series of the Treasury are extant, and their' marginalia make i t possible to i d e n t i f y p o s i t i v e l y the copy texts for 20 percent of the poems i n the f i r s t series of 1861. 108 Bound i n two separate f o l i o volumes—whether by Palgrave or someone else i s u n c e r t a i n — t h e manuscripts were presented to the B r i t i s h L i b r a r y i n 1930 by Palgrave's daughter, Margaret (Add. MS. 42126). According to an i n s c r i p t i o n by Palgrave i n the f i r s t volume, "the book was printed from this M. S." However, since the poems i n the manuscript are numbered according to an e a r l i e r organisation p r i n c i p l e , and the sources i d e n t i f i e d i n the manuscript and the marginalia were not included i n the printed volume, Palgrave must have made extensive revisions i n proof stage, but no proofs of the Treasury are known to have survived. The manuscript texts are of two main so r t s . Holograph f a i r copies, mostly Palgrave's, but some i n the hand of an u n i d e n t i f i e d amanuensis (perhaps George M i l l e r ) , constitute by f a r the greatest number; but the volume also contains many pasted-in cuttings, p r i n c i p a l l y of poems by Wordsworth and Mi l t o n , both of whom are l a v i s h l y represented i n the volume, selected presumably from r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e , but unspecified, e d i t i o n s . Because the manuscript contains so l i t t l e evidence of textual r e v i s i o n or c o r r e c t i o n — t h e texts of the poems have already l a r g e l y been excised or rearranged—and l i t t l e i n d i c a t i o n — o t h e r than the number changes—or i n t e r n a l r e s t r u c t u r i n g , i t seems l i k e l y that Palgrave's preliminary e d i t i n g was done previous to the compilation of the manuscript. The p r i n c i p a l worth of the manuscript, therefore, i s not textual. Its main value l i e s i n the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of sources and i n the marginalia, the d e t a i l s of which w i l l be discussed l a t e r i n this chapter. There i s no evidence, however, that the three "collaborators" ever a c t u a l l y handled the manuscript; indeed, the facts that the marginalia are a l l i n Palgrave's hand, 109 that the manuscript records e d i t o r i a l assessments which Palgrave did not i n every instance follow, and that the f i n a l printed ordering departs i n some cases from the m a n u s c r i p t — a l l t e s t i f y to the e d i t o r i a l control that he exerted i n compiling the Treasury. Notwithstanding the breadth of his reading and researches, Palgrave does not seem to have consulted f i r s t editions or manuscript sources. Scholarly e d i t i n g of non- c l a s s i c a l l i t e r a r y texts was, of course, i n i t s infancy i n 1860, and that Palgrave r e l i e d e n t i r e l y on r e p r i n t s , c o l l e c t i o n s , and anthologies for his copy-texts for poetry, even for editions of the Romantic poets, i s hardly s u r p r i s i n g . The result of this practice i s that the text of v i r t u a l l y every one of the 288 poems In the f i n a l published version i s suspect i n one way or another by modern standards. The copy texts for 64 poems—one-fifth of the t o t a l — a r e i d e n t i f i e d i n the manuscript, and they come from sixteen separate sources. A further 74 poems have been cut out of u n i d e n t i f i a b l e printed sources and pasted into the manuscript, with several poems made up from two or more d i f f e r e n t printed versions. Palgrave also referred to a wide v a r i e t y of works of the English poets which he borrowed from Macmillan although he did not cut poems from those texts, returning a l l the volumes i n t a c t . In a l e t t e r to his publisher, he asked for unspecified editions of Wordsworth, Campbell, Milton, Burns, Gray, C o l l i n s , Hartley Coleridge, Motherwell, Thomas Moore, and Joanna B a i l l i e and also for suggestions for "good c o l l e c t i o n s of Scotch Songs: besides Scott and Burns: I mean, c o l l e c t i o n s i n which I should f i n d A l l a n Cunninghams [ s i c ] or such as The Land o' the Le a l . " I n t e r e s t i n g l y , i n the same l e t t e r he also asked for c o l l e c t i o n s by American poets on the grounds 110 that "I wish that no one whom I can overhaul s h a l l go by d e f a u l t : however u n l i k e l y , " although no works by Americans a c t u a l l y appear i n the f i n a l 9 e d i t i o n . In spite of his thorough and c a r e f u l preparation, Palgrave was ready to accept any available reading, however u n r e l i a b l e , for his copy-text, and he was equally w i l l i n g to "overhaul" any poems which he regarded as having p o t e n t i a l . Lacking the modern reverence for the authority of text, he saw the editor's role as being i n a very r e a l sense c r e a t i v e . About one-third of the poems whose d i r e c t source can be i d e n t i f i e d come from Alexander Chalmers' highly unreliable expanded e d i t i o n of Doctor Johnson's Works of the English Poets (1810). Twenty-four known copy-texts f o r Golden Treasury poems derive from Chalmers, primarily the l y r i c s of the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century poets who were out of fashion and whose poems had hence not been reprinted. Palgrave supplemented Chalmers' coverage with B e l l ' s Annotated E d i t i o n of the English Poets (1845-7), Campbell's Specimens of the B r i t i s h Poets (1819), and Chambers' Cyclopedia of English  L i t e r a t u r e (1843-4), a l l large early nineteenth-century c o l l e c t i o n s and a l l fraught with inaccuracies and misattributed poems. Even with th e i r f a u l t s , though, they did provide texts for the hard-to-find l y r i c s of those e a r l i e r periods. For the Elizabethans, Palgrave was forced to r e l y on badly edited re p r i n t s of the great Elizabethan anthologies, such as England's Helicon (1600) and Davison's A P o e t i c a l Rapsody (1602), both of which had been reissued e a r l y i n the century i n editions by S. W. Singer (1810, 1812). The need f o r reputable modern texts of the Elizabethan poets was met soon after the p u b l i c a t i o n of the Treasury by good, cheap reprints not only of the I l l mainstream l y r i c i s t s but also of the Elizabethan song-book poets, p a r t i c u l a r l y Thomas Campion, whom Palgrave preferred to the better-known poets. He included more than twenty poems by madrigal poets i n the l a t e r editions of the Treasury. In f a c t , the Treasury's r e v i v a l of some of the lesser-known Elizabethans, such as Nash, Lyly, and Lodge, was at least p a r t l y responsible for the l a t e r popular reprints by Bullen, Arber, and Grosart, a l l of whom Palgrave acknowledged i n the preface to the expanded e d i t i o n s . He also used E l l i s ' Specimens of the Early English Poetry (1790) f or the ballads which play such a large role i n the c o l l e c t i o n . The prominence of the ballad i n the Golden Treasury r e f l e c t s Palgrave's admiration for the great ballad c o l l e c t i o n s of the eighteenth and early nineteenth century: Percy's Reliques (1765), Scott's Minstrelsy (1802), Blackie's c o l l e c t i o n of Scottish songs (1843), and Ritson's ballad c o l l e c t i o n s (1783-94), a l l of which are sources for the Golden Treasury. However, his emphasis on the ballad springs also from his distaste for much, i f not most, of the l y r i c poetry of preceding periods; rather than include poetry he d i s l i k e d , he fleshed out the f i r s t three books of the Treasury with ballads. Palgrave's e d i t o r i a l practice was quite straightforward. From his encyclopedic reading, he gathered a tentative l i s t of poems. He then assembled the poems into a preliminary order either by cutting the texts from printed sources, copying the poems d i r e c t l y himself, or allowing an un i d e n t i f i e d amanuensis to do so, probably without checking the tra n s c r i p t i o n s for accuracy. Although he worked alone during the compilation stage, he wisely took the work to Woolner and M i l l e r for approval. The three 112 men—Tennyson was not present—convened often that f a l l f o r what Palgrave c a l l s i n the manuscript "courts of poetry," during which the poems under consideration were read aloud and discussed at length. While Woolner and M i l l e r discussed t h e i r v e r d i c t s , Palgrave noted th e i r comments i n the margins of the manuscript, along with th e i r f i n a l "grade" for each poem. The code they used i s set out i n the manuscript: "p x" for "print decidedly"; "p?" f o r "not decidedly; "P" f o r " p r i n t " : " p o w - for prin t "on the whole"; and "0," though not recorded, obviously stands for "omit." Only a few poems were omitted at this stage, and even poems which the collaborators agreed on dismissing were sometimes included i n the f i n a l version on Palgrave's own authority. A l l but a handful of the poems were commented upon by one or more of the c o l l a b o r a t o r s . These annotations reveal not only how much the collaborators d i f f e r e d from Palgrave and from one another, but also how often Palgrave was prepared to r e j e c t t h e i r opinions altogether and to publish a poem he p a r t i c u l a r l y l i k e d . Poem 127, Logan's "Braes of Yarrow," for example, rates only \ an "on the whole," the lowest of the four "acceptable" categories, from Tennyson and Woolner and an "omit" from M i l l e r , but Palgrave printed i t anyway, along with poem 104, Fletcher's "Hence, a l l you vain d e l i g h t s , " which received "omits" from Woolner and M i l l e r and an "on the whole" from Tennyson. Yet i n spite of his extensive preparations and the hours spent working with Woolner and M i l l e r , Palgrave did not f e e l that the book was complete u n t i l he had obtained Tennyson's approval. Accordingly, he took the manuscript with him when he went to spend Christmas with the Tennysons at Farringford, and by 22 December 1860, Emily Tennyson's journal records that "Alfred reads the 113 poems to us chosen by Mr. Palgrave for his 'Golden Treasury'." Palgrave and Tennyson spent the days around Christmas going over the entire c o l l e c t i o n , which Tennyson read aloud to test every poem's excellence. Palgrave also read poems aloud to his advisers, but, unlike Tennyson, who found r e c i t a t i o n an inv a r i a b l e guide to q u a l i t y , Palgrave gives no sign that he considered reading aloud an important e d i t o r i a l g uideline. Tennyson also commented on almost every poem, disagreeing v i o l e n t l y with Palgrave on occasion. Palgrave included six poems against Tennyson's express wishes—Wyat's "And w i l t thou leave me thus" (no. 33), Barnefield's "As i t f e l l upon a day" (no. 34), and Wither's " S h a l l I, wasting i n despair" (no. 103), remained i n a l l the e d i t i o n s , but three others, Constable's "Diaphenia" (no. 15), Sewell's "The Dying Man i n h i s Garden" (no. 163), and Shelley's " L i f e of L i f e " (no. 271), were dropped i n deference to Tennyson's opinion i n l a t e r e d i t i o n s (2.49, 500). Tennyson could be adamant about his choices, and Palgrave notes i n the marginalia to the manuscript of "Lycidas" that "he would not hear of the book unless i t had th i s [poem and] A l l e g r o , Penseroso—Gray's Elegy," but although Palgrave deferred to him i n this case, he was not e n t i r e l y convinced, stating i n the preface to the Treasury that "poems, as Gray's Elegy, the Allegro and Penseroso, Wordsworth's Ruth or Campbell's Lord U l l i n , might be claimed with perhaps equal j u s t i c e f o r a narrative or descriptive s e l e c t i o n " ( i x - x ) . Tennyson's most i n t e r e s t i n g choices, apart from his predictable fondness f o r Scott, Byron, Shelley, and Wordsworth, were from the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century poets. He greatly admired Vaughan's "Retreat" (no. 75), Waller's "Go, l o v e l y rose" (no. 89), which, Palgrave notes i n the manuscript, 114 Tennyson "read...aloud twice from sheer admiration to Mrs. Tennyson and me," Lyly's "Cupid and Campaspe" (no. 51), which he c a l l e d "one of the most elegant things i n English," and Lovelace's "On Lucasta, on Going to the Wars" (no. 83), of which Tennyson "said with perfect seriousness, I would rather have written this than a l l I have w r i t t e n — h e admired i t s gallant high hearted tone so greatly." Tennyson also encouraged Palgrave to include more poems by Cowper and C o l l i n s , p a r t i c u l a r l y "The Passions" (no. 141), of which Palgrave says, Tennyson " i n s i s t e d on t h i s , as I now see, r i g h t l y . C o l l i n s ' obscurity caused us with great regret to omit some of his other Odes." Tennyson's taste was obviously broader and less r i g i d than Palgrave's own: i n discussing Marvell, as Palgrave also records, he "greatly pleaded for the lover ["To his Coy M i s t r e s s " ] — b u t I thought one or two l i n e s too strong for this age." Tennyson was less successful i n his attempts to influence the book by tampering with the texts of the poems. As B. If o r Evans says i n his a r t i c l e , "Tennyson and the Origins of the Golden Treasury," "Tennyson had one f o i b l e that must have been disconcerting to his collaborators. When he found a l i n e which appeared to him f l a t or meaningless he sometimes 'improved' i t without apparently consulting any authority beyond the dictates of his own t a s t e . I n his "Recollections" f or Tennyson's Memoir, Palgrave gives an example of t h i s habit: And the i n f e l i c i t o u s "mermaid's song condoles" of the "Battle of the B a l t i c " tempted him to a "How e a s i l y could a l i t t l e blot l i k e t h i s be cured! If we had but Tom Campbell i n the room to point i t out to him"; adding, however, a tale how Rogers had done the same o f f i c e for another poem; and how Campbell had bounced out of the 115 room with a "Hang i t ! I should l i k e to see the man who would dare to correct me!" (2.49, 502-3) The manuscript also reveals that Tennyson t r i e d to have Palgrave adapt Lovelace's "To Lucasta, On Going to the Wars" by s u b s t i t u t i n g f or "A sword, a horse, a s h i e l d , " the new l i n e "A sword, a lance, a s h i e l d , " but Palgrave comments that "unhappily the o r i g i n a l e d i t i o n gives no warrant for this improved reading of h i s . " Evans describes Tennyson's habit of "improving" the l y r i c s i n the Treasury w e l l , but he does not reveal that while Palgrave f a i t h f u l l y recorded Tennyson's proposed "improvements" i n the manuscript, none of them appear i n the f i n a l published texts. Palgrave's personal admiration of Tennyson did not extend to condoning his actual rewritings of texts, notwithstanding his own readiness to allow s i l e n t omissions and trans p o s i t i o n s . Tennyson d i d , however, encourage Palgrave to make the e d i t o r i a l excisions which are the hallmark of the Golden Treasury. He suggested, for example, that Palgrave cut the two central stanzas of Hood's "The Death Bed," (no. 235) and the fourth to l a s t stanza of Cowper's "Alexander Selkirk" (no. 160). Although Tennyson did not succeed i n rewriting the texts of the poems i n the Golden Treasury, he influenced the f i n a l form of the book i n two s i g n i f i c a n t ways. The f i r s t and more important i s that by refusing to allow his own poetry to appear, he led Palgrave to exclude a l l work by poets a l i v e a f t e r 1850, with the exception of Samuel Rogers, who i s represented in Book I I I , the eighteenth century, although he did not die u n t i l 1855. Palgrave had o r i g i n a l l y intended to follow Allingham's plan i n Nightingale Valley and include work by contemporary poets, but one of the weaknesses of the e a r l i e r 116 book was the large number of second-rate poems by Patmore, Landor, and Allingham himself, which jeopardised the q u a l i t y of the whole book. Palgrave's taste i n the work of his contemporaries was equally f a l l i b l e , as h i s Second Series of the Golden Treasury of l y r i c s by l i v i n g poets (1897) shows; by terminating h i s coverage i n the i n i t i a l Treasury with the Romantics, Palgrave brought his best and most objective c r i t i c a l judgments into play. Thus, by vetoing the i n c l u s i o n of his own works, Tennyson i n d i r e c t l y ensured the Treasury's success. Tennyson also recognised the imbalance i n Book IV of the Golden  Treasury, and he t r i e d to persuade Palgrave to reduce the number of Wordsworth l y r i c s i n the book. The e x t r a o r d i n a r i l y large number of Wordsworth poems i n the Golden Treasury—41 out of a t o t a l of 288—has always been c o n t r o v e r s i a l , most c r i t i c s agreeing that i t i s a flaw; Tennyson t r i e d to reduce the number, but managed to remove only one poem. Palgrave wanted to add "Yarrow Revisited" to the "Yarrow Unvisited" (no. 257) and "Yarrow V i s i t e d " (no. 258) already included, but Tennyson "however i n s i s t e d on the omission of Yarrow Unvisited with many other of Wordsworth's l a t e r poems—give the best of so great a man—not what he wrote i n old age etc." Tennyson's open-minded and enthusiastic approach to the little-known poems i n the Golden Treasury speaks for h i s obvious love of the English poetic t r a d i t i o n , a love which was broader and more tolerant than Palgrave's. In the f i n a l a n a l y s i s , the advice he gave to Palgrave, had i t been followed to the l e t t e r , would have produced an e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t "treasury" of Tennyson's personal f a v o u r i t e s , v e r b a l l y "improved" where they f e l l short of the Laureate's i d e a l s . 117 A f t e r Tennyson's exhaustive scrutiny of the poems that Christmas, Palgrave noted i n the manuscript that afterwards he added only a few poems, "about most [of which] I know he would have approved," and he f e l t the book was ready for publication soon a f t e r the New Year. Palgrave wrote to Macmillan on 24 January 1861 that the manuscript was complete, apart from some copyright permissions, and he predicted that i t would a r r i v e at the publishers by the end of the month. In early February, he was inspecting paper samples, and two weeks l a t e r he was reading proofs and discussing advertising for the book. On 23 A p r i l a proof page was sent to Tennyson for approval, and Palgrave was looking at possible bindings and a vignette for the t i t l e page. By the end of the month, the book was v i r t u a l l y i n f i n a l proof-copy form: only one poem—Shakespeare's "Farewell! thou art too dear fo r my possessing" (no. 31)—was added afterwards. S t i l l , i t was more than two months before the book f i n a l l y appeared. Part of the delay can be blamed on a p r i n t i n g error which Palgrave had f a i l e d to pick up i n the proofs. He had overlooked the duplication of an unspecified sonnet, and on 24 May 1861 he overrode the p r i n t e r s ' objections that no one would notice and demanded that the error be corrected at his expense on the grounds that "I should never look on i t with s a t i s f a c t i o n . — A s I made i t , i t i s proper that I should pay for i t " (Berg). Palgrave also contributed to the long delay by his i n a b i l i t y to decide upon an engraved vignette for the t i t l e page. He had begun discussing suitable subjects as e a r l y as A p r i l 1861, but he did not come to a f i n a l decision u n t i l the end of June. His i n i t i a l choice, an engraving from Raphael, was rejected by Macmillan because the p r i n t e r decided that i t would not reproduce w e l l , and 118 a f t e r considering the engraving of a Greek carved gem l i k e that which appeared i n his l a t e r (1865) s e l e c t i o n from Shakespeare, Palgrave f i n a l l y chose a sketch of a Pan-like f i g u r e , drawn by his f r i e n d Woolner and engraved by Jeens, which appeared i n a l l editions of the Treasury i n h i s l i f e t i m e . When the Golden Treasury was f i n a l l y issued, around 17 July 1861—no f i n a l date appears anywhere i n Palgrave's papers or i n the Macmillan Papers, but one copy ex i s t s with that date on the f l y l e a f i n Palgrave's hand—a few days a f t e r the death of S i r Francis Palgrave, the book's reception with the public was anxiously watched by the Macmillan brothers because the volume marked t h e i r entry into poetry publishing. The company was less than twenty years old when Palgrave brought his idea for an anthology to i t , and, as the t i t l e page of the Treasury shows, Macmillan was s t i l l i n the process of moving from i t s o r i g i n a l small bookshop headquarters in Cambridge to a larger o f f i c e i n London's Covent Garden. A perusal of t h e i r B i b l i o g r a p h i c a l  Catalogue reveals that t h e i r l i s t i n 1860 was composed almost e n t i r e l y of textbooks, p a r t i c u l a r l y mathematics texts, sermons, and theology, a l l slanted towards the C o l o n i a l market. Palgrave never explained why he had chosen Macmillan to publish the Treasury: possible reasons might be that the Macmillan brothers moved i n h i s l i t e r a r y c i r c l e s or that no larger firm would touch such a r e l a t i v e l y unpromising project as an anthology. As the o f f i c i a l biographer of Macmillan r e l a t e s , the company approached the publishing of the Treasury warily: Alexander, i n t u i t i v e l y aware of i t s importance, determined to "make a gem of i t " but published i t cautiously, p r i n t i n g at f i r s t only 2000 copies. There was, he acknowledged, a sense i n which i t was true to say that verse was a drug on the market. Had not David Masson mournfully calculated that there were some twenty-thousand respectable v e r s i f i e r s i n the B r i t i s h Isles? 119 Although Palgrave and Macmillan had taken considerable time and trouble to ensure that the handsomely bound olive-green book i n a handy pocket-octavo size was a t t r a c t i v e to buyers, both editor and publisher had few hopes that the book would make much of an impact. The unexpectedly large sales of the book encouraged the company to make popular editions of poetry a mainstay of t h e i r o f f e r i n g s , and before long the Macmillan brothers had cornered a large portion of that l u c r a t i v e and expanding market. The Golden Treasury also spawned the highly successful Golden Treasury Series, a t i t l e suggested by Woolner, which s p e c i a l i s e d i n "improving" works, anthologies, poetry (including Arnold's selections of Wordsworth and Byron), f i c t i o n , and prose for a general audience. The f i r s t book i n the Golden Treasury Series, which began i n 1862, seems to have been Roundell Palmer's r e l i g i o u s anthology, The Book of Praise, followed by Coventry Patmore's The Children's Garland from  the Best Poets. Within twenty years the company was transformed from a parochial publisher of c o l o n i a l textbooks into one of the most important l i t e r a r y publishers of the nineteenth century and one of the few who were i n a f i n a n c i a l p o s i t i o n to b i d — s u c c e s s f u l l y — f o r the exclusive publishing r i g h t s to Tennyson's works i n 1884. i i : E diting P r i n c i p l e s The enormous success of the Golden Treasury, which amazed both i t s ed i t o r and publisher, can l a r g e l y be attributed to i t s timeliness. It was the f i r s t anthology consciously to consider a general audience and the f i r s t to gather poems intended to constitute part of a u n i f i e d and complete corpus i l l u s t r a t i n g the English l y r i c t r a d i t i o n . Previous anthologies, including 120 Nightingale V a l l e y , had c o l l e c t e d "a great many" such poems, but the Treasury was the f i r s t to declare i t s e l f complete. The rapidly growing education system i n which Palgrave worked catered not only to children but also to artisans who attended the new Schools of Design. Palgrave's understanding of the weak general knowledge of these students made him aware of th e i r s p e c i a l needs. As mentioned i n Chapter One, because he had himself taught l i t e r a t u r e at one of the e a r l i e s t teacher t r a i n i n g schools i n England, he was acquainted at f i r s t hand with the d i f f i c u l t i e s of teaching poetry to students who knew l i t t l e of either English or c l a s s i c a l l i t e r a t u r e . He recognised that a new kind of poetry textbook was required for this audience, which was eager to become f a m i l i a r with the l i t e r a t u r e of i t s own country. Previous anthologies had f a l l e n into three groups: those anthologies, such as Nightingale V a l l e y , which consisted of selections of "gems," representing only the personal taste of the c u l t i v a t e d e d i t o r , those for the "poor," such as the "Railway" and "Cottage" s e r i e s , or morally d i d a c t i c c o l l e c t i o n s , such as Charles Mackay's The Home Affections Pourtrayed  by the Poets (1858). The Treasury, the f i r s t anthology d e l i b e r a t e l y directed at England's newly educated classes, presented the best l y r i c poetry in English i n a pocket-sized book with notes. That the l y r i c had received less formal c r i t i c a l attention than other l i t e r a r y works in the nineteenth century may also have attracted Palgrave to i t , as a genre more r e a d i l y adapted to his p a r t i c u l a r d i d a c t i c resolve to educate public taste. It was among the e a r l i e s t c o l l e c t i o n s intended to give i t s readers a course i n taste without attempting to improve t h e i r moral natures. As Palgrave says i n the Treasury dedication to A l f r e d Tennyson: 121 If this C o l l e c t i o n proves a storehouse of delight to Labour and to P o v e r t y , — i f i t teaches those i n d i f f e r e n t to the Poets to love them, and those"who love them to love them more, the aim and the desire entertained i n framing i t w i l l be f u l l y accomplished, ( v i i i ) By c a l l i n g his c o l l e c t i o n The Golden Treasury of the Best Songs and  L y r i c a l Poems i n the English Language, Palgrave meant, as he says i n the preface, "to include i n i t a l l the best o r i g i n a l L y r i c a l pieces and Songs i n our Language, by writers not l i v i n g , — a n d none beside the best" ( i x ) . In a l e t t e r to Macmillan written while the Treasury was being readied for p u b l i c a t i o n , he was adamant that the t i t l e should not read "a c o l l e c t i o n of the best" because " i f i t i s put 'a c o l l e c t i o n o f i t does not c l e a r l y express that the book d i f f e r s from others i n attempting to contain a l l the best. If you don't l i k e the above, i t might be The G. T.: containing a l l etc" (Berg, [Apr.-June] 1861). The Golden Treasury was to be a diadem of touchstones f o r English l y r i c poetry, u n i f i e d and complete i n i t s e l f . Palgrave's f i r s t s i g n i f i c a n t e d i t o r i a l decision was that he would not attempt a representative h i s t o r y of the l y r i c from 1526 to 1850. He did not try to i l l u s t r a t e the r i c h d i v e r s i t y and great experimentalism of the genre over the years as i t absorbed foreign forms and themes and moulded them into a native t r a d i t i o n . Instead, he combed the l y r i c s of past centuries looking f o r poems which conformed to his predetermined ideals of poetic p e r f e c t i o n . In his introduction to the Treasury, he posits an e s s e n t i a l l y Platonic view of poetry: i t i s hoped that the contents of this Anthology w i l l thus be found to present a c e r t a i n unity, 'as episodes,' i n the noble language of Shelley, 'to that great Poem which a l l poets, l i k e the cooperating thoughts of one great mind, have b u i l t up since the beginning of the world'." ( x i - x i i ) 122 I f Palgrave rejected a s t r i c t l y evolutionary view of the English l y r i c i n the Golden Treasury i n favour of presenting 288 examples of vari a t i o n s on the same few subjects and narrow poetic techniques, he also d e l i b e r a t e l y rejected chronological order within each of the four "books," which cover the Elizabethans (1526-1616), the seventeenth century (1616-1700), the eighteenth century (1700-1800), and the f i r s t f i f t y years of the nineteenth century. Within the i n d i v i d u a l Books, the poems are presented without regard for t h e i r date of composition or t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n the author's canon: poems by Shakespeare, for example, are scattered randomly throughout Book I. Instead, the poems within each Book are arranged thematically. Palgrave used what he c a l l s a "symphonic" method of presentation: A r i g i d l y chronological sequence, however, rather f i t s a c o l l e c t i o n aiming at i n s t r u c t i o n than at pleasure, and the Wisdom which comes through P l e a s u r e : — w i t h i n each book the pieces have therefore been arranged in gradations of f e e l i n g or subject. The development of the symphonies of Mozart or Beethoven has been thought of as a model, and nothing placed without caref u l consideration.(xi) Palgrave unfortunately does not define this term here or elsewhere, nor does he specify to which symphonies, or sections of symphonies, he r e f e r s . This thematic p r i n c i p l e of organization i s one of the achievements of the Golden  Treasury. Seemingly simple in o u t l i n e , the concept i s apparently untranslatable, and the plan has defied imitation i n the century or so since i t s f i r s t p u b l i c a t i o n , although "Q"'s e d i t i o n of the Oxford Book of English  Verse attempts something of the same kind of unity. Each of the four Books follows much the same thematic development: from nature, through the various phases of l o v e — i n f a t u a t i o n , passion, and 123 disappointment—to mutability and death. Palgrave presents a series of poems on the same theme, each poem presenting s l i g h t v a r i a t i o n on that theme, so that the sequence moves gradually through a gamut of responses to the theme of, f o r example, absence or mutability. The concluding poems of Book I I I show his technique: 156, Burns' "John Anderson," 157 Lady Nairn's "The Land o' the Leal," which concludes: "We'll meet and aye be f a i n / In the land o' the l e a l , " 158 Gray's "Ode on a Distant Prospect of Eton College," with i t s "Alas! regardless of t h e i r doom / The l i t t l e victims play! / No sense have they of i l l s to come, / Nor care beyond to-day," 159 Gray's "Hymn to Adversity," 160 Cowper's "The Solitude of Alexander S e l k i r k , " 161 and 162 Cowper's two "Mary Unwin" poems, the second s t a t i n g that "Thy s p i r i t s have a f a i n t e r flow, / I see thee d a i l y weaker grow," 163 Sewell's "The Dying Man i n his Garden," 164 C o l l i n s ' "In the downhill of l i f e , when I fi n d I'm d e c l i n i n g , " 165 Mrs. Barbauld's " L i f e ! I know not what thou a r t . " These nine poems explore a v a r i e t y of responses towards age, enduring love and devotion, responses to adversity, and f i n a l resignation to the i n e v i t a b i l i t y of death. Each poem can be read alone, l i k e a sonnet from a sequence, and s t i l l make a self-contained comment, yet, as i n a sequence, the poems' themes provide commentaries on each other. Each poem i s also part of a larger concept—the Golden Treasury. In order to sustain the image of the Golden Treasury as a complete u n i t , rather than simply a random s e l e c t i o n , Palgrave rejected a conventional contents page or t i t l e index, no doubt p a r t l y because so many of the t i t l e s are his own, rather than the o r i g i n a l or well-known t i t l e s . He provides only an alphabetical f i r s t l i n e index and an author index i n which the poem 124 numbers for each author are given. This comparative lack of documentation means that the reader looking for a p a r t i c u l a r t i t l e i s forced to browse through the book and to refer to the poems themselves more often than i n a conventional c o l l e c t i o n . In the process, he w i l l , Palgrave hoped, be d i s t r a c t e d by other i n t e r e s t i n g — a n d possibly new—poems and thus gradually increase his acquaintanceship with English l y r i c poetry. Palgrave's r e j e c t i o n of a l l but a token sense of chronology i n the Golden Treasury i n favour of what he c a l l s "the most p o e t i c a l l y e f f e c t i v e order" ( x i ) i s based on his conviction that a l l great poetry conforms to the same eternal c r i t e r i a . The disproportionate sizes of the four books confirm this view: Palgrave did not f e e l bound to provide as much coverage for the poetry of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (55 and 49 poems r e s p e c t i v e l y ) , which he generally found obscure and too r e l i a n t on rhetoric and poetic convention, as he did for the poetry of the Romantics (123 poems), which conforms much more c l o s e l y to his i d e a l of s i m p l i c i t y . In f a c t , the s e l e c t i o n i s i n many ways so eccentric and personal that i t i s remarkable i t made such an impact on i t s own time, l e t alone that i t was, fo r several generations of readers, the standard introduction to the h i s t o r y of the English l y r i c . The book does not even attempt a representative survey, yet i t i s generally regarded as an indispensable document on the h i s t o r y of the l y r i c and a monument to conventional V i c t o r i a n taste; what Angus Ross, i n the Penguin Companion to English L i t e r a t u r e entry on the Golden Treasury, c a l l s " r i v e t t i n g a mid-Victorian s e n s i b i l i t y on the English readers of poetry," even though Palgrave's contemporaries found his choices 11 somewhat revolutionary. His e d i t o r i a l p e c u l i a r i t i e s include 125 not only his highly personal s e l e c t i o n of poems, but also his sometimes odd glosses to poems i n the notes, where his p o l i t i c a l and personal prejudices often intrude, and, most s i g n i f i c a n t l y his technique of using deletions, transpositions and c o l l a t i o n s i n order to obtain a text which conforms more c l o s e l y than the o r i g i n a l to his touchstone q u a l i t i e s . His writings on l i t e r a t u r e reveal that Palgrave's general c r i t i c a l p r i n c i p l e s are his own version of quasi-Arnoldian c l a s s i c i s m , but, despite t h i s debt to Arnold, Palgrave lacks Arnold's f l e x i b i l i t y , tolerance, and a b i l i t y to develop new ideas. He also places severe r e s t r i c t i o n s on appropriate metres and the possible range of subjects. He i s not interested, for example, i n imperfectly crafted poems which r e f l e c t a v i v i d sense of the time i n which they were written, and he refuses on those grounds to consider Chaucer. Neither does he f e e l obliged to present the generally accepted "masterpieces" or works by poets revered by the p u b l i c , p r e f e r r i n g , he says, to believe that "popular estimate i s serviceable as a guidepost more than a compass" (x). Such contemporary favourites as Leigh Hunt, Walter Savage Landor, and F e l i c i a Hemans are omitted, or, as i n the case of Southey and Rogers, given meagre space. Only works which meet a very narrow d e f i n i t i o n of perfection are admissible: c a r e f u l p o l i s h , a single subject, and undecorated expression. His i d e a l poem, above a l l , has as i t s subject a romantic, s i m p l i f i e d image of England, her h i s t o r y , and her landscape, as represented i n such poems as Wordsworth's "Reaper" (no. 250) and "She dwelt among the untrodden ways" (no. 177), Thomson's "Rule Britannia" (no. 122), and Cowper's "Loss of the Royal George" (no. 129). 126 Palgrave's d e f i n i t i o n of the l y r i c i s based on his concept of "unity." In the preface to the Treasury, he argues that "each Poem s h a l l turn on some singl e thought, f e e l i n g , or s i t u a t i o n " ( i x ) , an idea which immediately l i m i t s d r a s t i c a l l y the number of l y r i c s a v a i l a b l e f o r consideration and ensures that the book constitutes a series of v a r i a t i o n s on single themes rather than extended arguments. Many of the l y r i c s are taken from sonnet sequences, such as those by Shakespeare, Drayton, and Sidney, but Palgrave regards each l y r i c as e a s i l y separable from i t s fellows, although the Treasury i t s e l f follows such a thematic arrangement. And even when he selects more than one sonnet from a sequence he does not, for example i n his use of Shakespeare's sonnets i n Book I, present them i n t h e i r o r i g i n a l order. His concern with unity extends from the subject to the form of the poem: his b e l i e f that "Excellence should be looked for rather i n the Whole than i n the Parts" challenges the contemporary taste for the "purple passage." Indeed, he states c a t e g o r i c a l l y that "a few good l i n e s do not make a good poem" (x). That brevity i s a desirable a t t r i b u t e for the l y r i c i s evident also i n his conviction that "we should require f i n i s h i n proportion to brevity," and this turns out to be the case, with j u s t over 50 percent of the poems at twenty l i n e s or l e s s (x). For Palgrave, the more c a r e f u l l y polished, or " f i n i s h e d , " a poem i s , the more admirable i t i s , and i n e v i t a b l y short poems are more l i k e l y to display such consistent p o l i s h . Palgrave prefers poems with modest aims—no lengthy or complex argument, no expansive and elaborate expression, and no reliance on r h e t o r i c a l d e v i c e s — a poem " s h a l l reach a perfection commensurate with i t s aim" (x)—because they are more l i k e l y to approach that perfection of form. Palgrave examined every prospective l y r i c i n i s o l a t i o n i n order to 127 assess the l e v e l of i t s conformity to his i d e a l s . Although the t r a d i t i o n a l "great" poets—Shakespeare, Mi l t o n , Gray, and Wordsworth—are l a v i s h l y represented i n the Treasury, he t r i e d to ensure that t h e i r works were not included merely because of t h e i r authorship. In f a c t , he attempted to avoid that p i t f a l l by his c r i t e r i o n that "a Poem s h a l l be worthy of the writer's genius" (x), so that bad poems by great poets would not be more highly regarded than excellent poems by minor neglected poets. And he did include a large number of poems by writers of whom i t can be f a i r l y said that they wrote only one good poem: Sewell's "The Dying Man i n his Garden" (no. 163), Mrs. Barbauld's " L i f e " (no. 165), and Charles Wolfe's "The B u r i a l of S i r John Moore at Corunna" (no. 218), for example. If Palgrave had r i g i d and highly exclusive e d i t o r i a l c r i t e r i a concerning the form of the l y r i c , he was equally narrow i n his d e f i n i t i o n s of the possible metres and contents. He immediately rejected, for example, a l l poetry written i n blank verse and "the t e n - s y l l a b l e couplet" (ix) on the grounds that such metres are inherently u n l y r i c a l . His exclusion of the t e n - s y l l a b l e couplet i n p a r t i c u l a r even further l i m i t e d the number of poems ava i l a b l e to represent the eighteenth century, for which he had l i t t l e taste i n any case. He did include "L'Allegro" (no. 112) and "II Penseroso" (no. 113), however, even though they are i n blank verse, but only, as already noted, at Tennyson's i n s i s t e n c e . But even more r e s t r i c t i n g than his r e j e c t i o n of two important metres are his s t r i c t u r e s on content. Palgrave c l a s s i f i e d c e r t a i n subjects and approaches to these subjects as inappropriate for the l y r i c : 128 n a r r a t i v e , d e s c r i p t i v e , and d i d a c t i c poems,—unless accompanied by r a p i d i t y of movement, brevity, and the colouring of human passion,—have been excluded. Humourous poetry, except i n the very unfrequent instances where a t r u l y p o e t i c a l tone pervades the whole, with what i s s t r i c t l y personal, occasional, and r e l i g i o u s , has been considered foreign to the idea of the book ( i x ) . As h i s 1865 review of the verse of Praed and Milnes shows (5.15), he resented the t r i v i a l i z i n g of poetry for "occasional" ends, and he condemned humour for the same reason—although he was unable to r e s i s t the whimsy of "On a Favourite Cat, Drowned i n a Tub of Gold Fishes" (no. 120). " S t r i c t l y personal" poetry i s rejected because i t does not conform to Palgrave's b e l i e f that poetry should do more than simply express private emotions such as love. Palgrave elsewhere makes a d i s t i n c t i o n within the "subjective" love l y r i c : The l y r i c , whilst expressing i n d i v i d u a l f e e l i n g , may also represent universal f e e l i n g . The Poet's personality may be f e l t to be that of human kind. The objective q u a l i t y may be latent i n the subjective.... The poem which expresses a single mind, which does not appeal to the common human heart, w i l l often spring from an exceptional or f a n t a s t i c temperament. Such are the f a n c i f u l l y r i c s of the seventeenth century which we owe to writers such as Donne, Crashaw, or Lovelace: nor i s the race extinct i n our own time. (4.15, 345) In discussing his own love or mutability, the poet must also provide some general "universal" comment on the theme of love or mutability i t s e l f . Narrative and d e s c r i p t i v e poems are excluded because they tend to contravene the c r i t e r i a of unity and " f i n i s h , " although Palgrave's personal passion for "objective" landscape poetry and ballads led him to include a number of poems, such as "Ruth" (no. 273), which come close to defying his s t r i c t u r e s . And he also l e f t himself a loophole by specifying that any or a l l of the above excluded areas would be considered i f they conformed to any of the q u i n t e s s e n t i a l l y l y r i c a l c r i t e r i a of " r a p i d i t y of movement, brevit y , and the colouring of human passion" ( i x ) . 129 Other appropriate subjects for the l y r i c include a v a r i e t y of secular ph i l o s o p h i c a l issues such as romantic interpretations of nature, m u t a b i l i t y , and patriotism, which comprises the range of subjects presented over and over again i n the Treasury. The book as a whole paints a picture of the hi s t o r y of the English l y r i c which, by omitting poets l i k e Donne and Raleigh, misrepresents the true va r i e t y and d i v e r s i t y of the genre. Despite his disclaimer against i t i n the preface, Palgrave also considered r e l i g i o n an appropriate subject for the l y r i c . Conventional r e l i g i o u s f a i t h i s represented i n poems such as Drummond's "Saint John Baptist" (no. 61) and Milton's "On the Morning of Christ's N a t i v i t y " (no. 62), and Palgrave also accepted only l y r i c s which deal with death within the context of f a i t h . The speculative theology and r e l i g i o u s agonies of the Metaphysicals are too tortured i n content and expression f o r Palgrave's taste. Patriotism i s permitted, indeed encouraged, as a subject for an anthology whose editor was trying to create a d i s t i n c t i v e l y English poetic t r a d i t i o n , but Palgrave accepted almost no questioning of the conventional view of English h i s t o r y , as r e f l e c t e d i n poems such as C o l l i n ' s "How sleep the brave" (no. 124), Marvell's "Horation Ode upon Cromwell's Return from Ireland," (no. 65), and Campbell's "Battle of the B a l t i c " (no. 207). The only challenge to t r a d i t i o n comes in the gentle cynicism of Southey's "After Blenheim" (no. 216) which concludes: 'But what good came of i t at l a s t ? ' Quoth l i t t l e Peterkin. 'Why that I cannot t e l l , ' said he, But 'twas a famous v i c t o r y . ' 130 An examination of the proportional representation given to each theme i n the Golden Treasury i s revealing. More than half of a l l the poems deal with the theme of love i n one of i t s acceptable aspects, and there are more than twice as many poems on love as on any other subject. In Book I, the Elizabethans, for example, there are 46 love l y r i c s (almost half of which are Shakespeare's sonnets), out of 61 poems, and the image of love presented in Book I i s summed up by Sidney's "My true love hath my heart" (no. 24) and Shakespeare's "Shall 1 compare thee to a summer's day?" (no. 18), both passionate love poems which nevertheless avoid the extravagant language and poetic conventions which Palgrave so much d i s l i k e d . Palgrave also generally rejected the c y n i c a l or l a s c i v i o u s treatment of love i n Elizabethan poetry, exemplified for him by Spenser's "Epithalamion," which he "omitted with great reluctance as not i n harmony with modern manners" (311), by Marvell's "To his Coy Mistress," and by many of Shakespeare's sonnets, and he considered b r i e f l y , as a companion to Marlowe's "Passionate Shepherd" (no. 5), Raleigh's more cy n i c a l "Nymph's Reply," but ultimately decided to present only the more i d e a l i s e d and romanticised image of love. Not himself prudish, Palgrave personally regretted his emasculation of the English love l y r i c t r a d i t i o n , apologising i n a l e t t e r to Macmillan for his "'Golden Treasury' prudery," and he excused his bowdlerizations by arguing that he was not putting together an anthology for his sophisticated f r i e n d s , who included the c o l l e c t o r of pornography Richard Monckton Milnes, but for an audience p r i m a r i l y composed of ch i l d r e n and newly l i t e r a t e adults (Macmillan Papers, 8 November 1870). He also contemplated preparing an "amorous" anthology of e r o t i c l y r i c s c a l l e d Under the Rose, but unfortunately he never carried out his plan ( L i f e , p. 65). 131 After love, the predominant theme i n the Golden Treasury i s nature, presented in romantic and p a r t i c u l a r l y Wordsworthian terms. Like so many of his contemporaries, Palgrave was greatly influenced by Ruskin's descriptions of Turner's landscapes i n Modern Painters, and he combed English poetry looking for l y r i c s which deal with landscape through pure r e a l i s t i c d e s c r i p t i o n , rather than the more c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y English pastoral of England's Helicon: "There i s , indeed, serious and statesmanlike thought.... There i s truth to passion and to nature; but these q u a l i t i e s are generally v e i l e d beneath that dress of pastoralism which i n those days divided public favour with Allegory" (4.5, 444). Palgrave distinguishes betweeen r e a l i s t i c landscape and the pastoral t r a d i t i o n , which he d i s l i k e d , because i t degenerates, i n his opinion, so e a s i l y into c l i c h e and convention and because i t i s so often an excuse for allegory and moralising. He contrasts e a r l i e r depictions of nature with those of Wordsworth, his i d e a l landscape poet: Like Milton, Dyer, i n what we have termed before the older method, refers every feature i n the landscape to man and human i n t e r e s t , and, i n the fashion of the day, moralizes on a l l he sees.... Neither can frankly trust himself to paint Nature only, and must have some human subject as an excuse for landscape—how remote from that art which, with Turner and Wordsworth, has unsealed for us the inmost enchanted fountains of natural beauty! (4.6, 167) Apart from Wordsworth's poetry, Shakespeare's "Winter" (no. 27) and the opening poem of Book I, Nash's "Spring" (no. 1) are good examples, and Palgrave included a wide range of ballads for t h e i r d e s c r i p t i v e powers. The sole representative of Pope's poetry, his "Ode on S o l i t u d e " — r e t i t l e d by Palgrave as "The Quiet L i f e " (no. 118)—was written when Pope was twelve, and i t i s e n t i r e l y a t y p i c a l of Pope's talents i n i t s praise of the simple country 132 l i f e : "Happy the man whose wish and care/ A few paternal acres bound,/ Content to breathe his native a i r / In his own ground." Death and mutability are the least common subjects, and the selections are squarely within the context of t r a d i t i o n a l C h r i s t i a n teaching, avoiding despair or n i h i l i s m . The a l t e r n a t i v e treatment of mutability i s the theme of carpe diem best r e f l e c t e d i n Waller's "Go, l o v e l y rose"-or i n c a r e f u l l y chosen Shakespeare sonnets such as "That time of year thou may'st i n me behold" (no. 28). But perhaps most t e l l i n g of a l l i s Palgrave's refusal to include, apart from Hood's "The Bridge of Sighs" (no. 231), any attempts to present a r e a l i s t i c picture of the problems of his own age. This false image derives i n part from his decision not to include works by poets a l i v e after 1850, but he i s s t i l l highly s e l e c t i v e i n choosing poems with r u s t i c s e t t i n g s . Palgrave's decision to represent only an i d y l l i c r u r a l England has had a narrowing e f f e c t on popular poetic taste. While the two major strengths of the Treasury are the e x t r a o r d i n a r i l y high q u a l i t y of the selections and the coherence with which they are f i t t e d together, i t s main weakness i s that although i t purports to be a c o l l e c t i o n of a l l the best l y r i c s i n English, i t a c t u a l l y only represents a complete and u n i f i e d h i s t o r y of a small section of the English l y r i c . The narrow scope of the Treasury i s the r e s u l t of the small range of permitted subjects, Palgrave's r e j e c t i o n of so much r h e t o r i c a l language, and his insistence on unity of subject. He looked at many sources in his search for appropriate poems, but there are only twelve anonymous and 75 named poets i n a volume which purports to cover more than 300 years of English l y r i c poetry, and of those 87 poets, 44 have only one poem each, and Shakespeare, Shelley and 133 Wordsworth among them have more than a t h i r d of the poems. Another obvious weakness of the Golden Treasury i s Palgrave's c a v a l i e r use of chronology. Book I, the Elizabethans, has seven poems by the now little-known Jacobean poet William Drummond (1589-1649), who belongs in fa c t i n Book I I , but whose placement Palgrave j u s t i f i e s on the grounds of The curious fact that the s t y l e followed by Wyat[t] and Surrey...was brought to perfection i n Scotland a hundred years l a t e r . Drummond of Hawthornden, a poet l i t t l e known i n proportion to h i s merits, i s i n most respects the l i n e a l representative of these early amourists. (4.5, 441) Drummond writes "Elizabethan" l y r i c s which are better, i n Palgrave's view, than the o r i g i n a l s . On the other hand, Robert Herrick, whom Palgrave also refers to as having "a r e a l note of the 'Elizabethan' poets" and as being "the l a s t of Elizabethans," i s c o r r e c t l y placed i n Book I I , the seventeenth century (4.13, 476). A general awakening of i n t e r e s t i n the Elizabethans i n the three decades following the Treasury's pu b l i c a t i o n gave Palgrave a much wider group of l y r i c s from which to choose (see Appendix F for d e t a i l s ) . The fragmentary nature of Book I, with seventeen of the 61 poems by d i f f e r e n t minor authors, also suggests that although Palgrave mined a l l possible sources, in c l u d i n g the drama and sonnet sequences, i n his search for appropriate poems, his appreciation of the Elizabethans was so l i m i t e d that he had trouble f i l l i n g i t . But i f the eroticism and conventions of the Elizabethan l y r i c were not e n t i r e l y to his t a s t e , Palgrave had an even narrower appreciation of the seventeenth-century l y r i c . Book I I , 1616-1700, consists of only 55 poems, or 18 percent of the book. In common with most of his contemporaries, Palgrave did not appreciate the Metaphysicals, and they are represented in the 134 Treasury only by one l y r i c each by Herbert, Vaughan, and Crashaw. Later editions do atone, to a c e r t a i n extent, for this o r i g i n a l intolerance by presenting newly rediscovered Metaphysicals such as Quarles and Habington, whose works had not been r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e i n 1861. Palgrave's disapproval of obscurity and s o p h i s t i c a t i o n of language and argument severely l i m i t e d the seventeenth-century canon open to him. Instead, he turned to Herrick and the Cavalier poets Lovelace and Suckling, although, of course, t h e i r poems, l i k e Herrick's, are c a r e f u l l y chosen to avoid any hint of indecency, and Palgrave n a t u r a l l y deferred to Mi l t o n , who has eleven poems, the l i o n ' s share of the book. Marvell and Dryden are almost ignored i n favour of a heavy emphasis on seventeenth-century versions of ballads, which Palgrave j u s t i f i e s i n a note to "The Twa Corbies" (no. 108) by s t a t i n g that "If not i n t h e i r o r i g i n , i n t h e i r present form t h i s and the two preceding poems ["0 waly waly up the bank" and "I wish I were where Helen l i e s " ] appear due to the Seventeenth Century, and have therefore been placed i n Book I I " (315). As he says in "On P r i n t i n g and Reprinting," "The difference between a ballad reprinted by Scott and the f i r s t rude text i s sometimes equivalent to the difference between poetry and archeology. We want both versions, but we want Scott's for pleasure" (4.8, 781). Book I I contains two serious e d i t o r i a l errors which suggest that Palgrave's understanding of the nature of the h i s t o r y of English poetry was often as inaccurate as i t was coloured by his c r i t i c a l biases. One of the eight anonymous l y r i c s , " I t i s not Beauty I demand" (no. 86), i s a c t u a l l y a recognisably romantic l y r i c by George Darley (1795-1846), who affected a pseudo-Metaphysical s t y l e . Palgrave also included a l y r i c by Walter Scott, 135 "Thy hue, dear pledge, i s pure and bright" (no. 105) from Old M o r t a l i t y , on the highly dubious grounds that i t was "written i n the character of a Soldier of Fortune i n the Seventeenth Century" (315), although he acknowledged his error by removing the poem i n l a t e r e d i t i o n s . This lack of appreciation and understanding of the seventeenth century becomes a d i s t i n c t bias when Palgrave dismisses the eighteenth century almost out of hand. Book I I I , which covers the longest period, 1700 to 1800, i s the shortest of the four, containing only 49 poems, or 17 percent of the t o t a l . Granted that Palgrave was pa r t l y responding to the general V i c t o r i a n distaste for the eighteenth century and that eighteenth-century poetry i s not pr i m a r i l y l y r i c a l , Book I I I of the Golden Treasury i s s t i l l the weakest of the four. While Swift i s not a l y r i c poet as such, the absence of any poem by him i s remarkable, and Pope i s represented, as stated above, by only a juv e n i l e and u n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c pastoral l y r i c . Instead, Palgrave turned f i r s t to the t r a d i t i o n a l and modern b a l l a d , p a r t i c u l a r l y that of Burns, and then to the English ode. Book I I I presents the eighteenth century i n terms of the bal l a d t r a d i t i o n and pre-Romantic landscape poetry, p a r t i c u l a r l y the work of Gray, whose "Elegy" sets the tone of the Book, and Palgrave completely r e j e c t s the work of the "urban" poets of the period, such as Addison and Doctor Johnson. Palgrave's p a r t i a l i t y for romantic poetry, which seems most e a s i l y to f i t his e d i t o r i a l c r i t e r i a , i s evident i n the imbalance i n Book IV which, with 123 s e l e c t i o n s , occupies almost h a l f the Treasury, although chronologically the Book spans only the f i r s t three decades of the century, notwithstanding i t s cut-off point of 1850, the year of Wordsworth's death, 136 and of those 123 poems, 75 are written by Wordsworth, Shelley, and Campbell alone. Palgrave's s e l e c t i o n from the English l y r i c t r a d i t i o n throughout shows a r e s t r i c t e d appreciation of a l l poetry written before 1800, and he unashamedly set out to recast English l y r i c a l poetry i n his preferred image. Palgrave concludes his introductory lecture as Oxford Professor of Poetry by pointing to the work of Wordsworth [who] i n his s o l i t a r y "Highland Reaper" expresses the q u a l i t y we look for most, and fin d most frequently, i n f i r s t - r a t e l y r i c s ; — t h e voice of humanity, the cry of the h e a r t ; — o u r own experience given back to us i n song; the commonplace of l i f e transmuted into novelty and beauty. (4.15, 346) And when he could not f i n d poems from the past which conformed completely to hi s i d e a l s , he simply made excisions from the e x i s t i n g texts u n t i l they did. Palgrave's insistence on what he regarded as the long-neglected c r i t e r i o n of "unity" i n English l y r i c poetry often l e f t him without s u f f i c i e n t suitable material but he created what he could not fin d by e d i t i n g what he had. He argued that i f by such changes "the piece could thus be brought to a closer l y r i c a l unity" ( x i ) , then the action was j u s t i f i e d , and i n fact he believed that he had improved the poem. In the expanded e d i t i o n s , Palgrave allowed t h i s tendency more scope, moving from making serious cuts i n poems to c u t t i n g sections from longer poems—most notably Marvell's "The Nymph Complaining of the Death of her Fawn" (no. 135, 3rd. ed), which he r e t i t l e d "The G i r l Describes her Fawn"—and presenting them as separate l y r i c s . The o r i g i n a l Treasury contains 28 severely-condensed poems, and Shelley's "Euganean H i l l s " (no. 274) and Crashaw's "Wishes for the (Supposed) Mistress" (no. 79), i n p a r t i c u l a r , have each been reduced by 137 almost h a l f . In making his changes, Palgrave altered the nature of the poems so r a d i c a l l y that they bear l i t t l e r e l a t i o n to the o r i g i n a l s . In the Crashaw poem, for example, Palgrave removed stanzas 11 to 25, which are devoted to a s e r i e s of conceits about the mistress' appearance, from "A cheek where grows / More than a morning rose, / Which to no box his being owes," which was presumably too strained a comparison for Palgrave's taste, to "Tears, quickly f l e d / And vain, as those are shed / For a dying maidenhead," which he doubtless found improper. Even more controv e r s i a l i s his reorganisation of the remaining stanzas i n order to d i s t o r t Crashaw's argument. In what he had l e f t of the poem, Palgrave d r a s t i c a l l y reorganized the stanzas to d i s t o r t Crashaw's argument and turn the poet's r e l a t i o n s h i p with his supposed mistress from a physical to a s p i r i t u a l one. The whole stanzas are too long to quote i n t h e i r e n t i r e t y , but the transpositions and reversals given below indic a t e his methods. Stanzas 31 and 32 of the o r i g i n a l are transposed, and stanza 30 follows stanza 10, thereby cutting the argument. Palgrave declares i n the preface that he has noted a l l major textual condensations i n the notes, but as the l i s t of such changes i n the Appendix a t t e s t s , this i s by no means the case. Palgrave also f e l t free, as in the Crashaw poem, to transpose l i n e s or even stanzas i n the name of that closer l y r i c a l unity. As well as using omission and transposition, he also c o l l a t e d up to six versions of poems, p a r t i c u l a r l y ballads, as he did with Wotton's "Happy L i f e , " i n his search for "the most poet i c a l version" ( x i ) . Palgrave was adamant that a c o l l e c t i o n of poetry intended for a modern audience must contain edited poems. As he explains i n an a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "On P r i n t i n g and Reprinting" i n 1863: 138 a popular e d i t i o n must necessarily contain omissions. These w i l l be regulated by the same general p r i n c i p l e s of e d i t i n g . Sometimes a stanza breaks the current of thought, or refers onward to other portions of the writer's works. Here by effacement the poem i s restored to unity. Sometimes a few l i n e s are so f a n c i f u l or obscure, that the average reader would be repelled from proceeding. Sometimes fashion has changed, and what seemed f a i r outspeaking to Pope or Burns seems already coarseness to us.... Again, there have been writers of whom i t i s no presumption to assert, that t h e i r many g i f t s did not include the knowledge of when to stop.... No man i s i n truth so immortal that the world cannot a f f o r d to lose some drops of him. (4.8, 782) Palgrave made equally serious changes i n shorter poems also, either to remove what he regarded—for a v a r i e t y of reasons—as inappropriate or to recast the form of the poem. A good example of the l a t t e r i s Sidney's "My true love hath my heart" (no. 24), which appears as two quatrains, each followed by the f i r s t l i n e as a chorus, but was o r i g i n a l l y a sonnet. Palgrave simply omitted the sestet, which i s perhaps too "ingenious." The complete poem reads: My true love hath my heart, and I have h i s , By just exchange one to the other given. I hold his dear, and mine he cannot miss: There never was a better bargain driven. His heart i n me keeps me and him i n one, My heart i n him his thoughts and senses guides. He loves my heart, for once i t was his own, I cherish h i s , because i n me i t bides. [His heart his wound received from my sight; My heart was wounded with his wounded heart; For as from me on him his hurt did l i g h t , So s t i l l methought i n me his hurt did smart. Both, equal hurt, in this chance sought our b l i s s , My true love hath my heart, and I have his.] By turning a sonnet into a two-stanza " d i t t y , " as he t i t l e d his version, Palgrave opened himself to charges of e d i t o r i a l deception.*^ He also r o u t i n e l y "compressed" poems, omitting stanzas, as he did i n Thomas Hood's "The Death Bed" (no. 235), an expurgation which he admits i n the notes thus: 139 "Two intermediate stanzas have been here omitted. They are very ingenious, but, of a l l p o e t i c a l q u a l i t i e s , ingenuity i s least i n accordance with pathos" (322). The poem i n f u l l reads: We watched her breathing through the night, Her breathing soft and low, As i n her breast the wave of l i f e Kept heaving to and f r o . [So s i l e n t l y we seemed to speak, So slowly moved about, As we had lent her half our powers To eke her l i v i n g out. Our very hopes belied our fears, Our fears our hopes b e l i e d — We thought her dying when she s l e p t , And sleeping when she died.] For when the morn came dim and sad, And c h i l l with early showers, Her quiet eyelids closed—she had Another morn than ours. In the two examples quoted above, Palgrave has taken r e l a t i v e l y short poems and cut them by almost 50 percent, and i n both cases he has j u s t i f i e d the change by arguing that he was omitting "ingenious" language, conceits of expression, or obscurity of ideas. It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that Palgrave restored the two intermediate stanzas of the Hood poem i n the fourth e d i t i o n . Palgrave f e l t no compunction i n making textual substitutions and omissions even though he knew that his chosen readings would provoke controversy. He was r i g h t . Reviewers of the f i r s t e d i t i o n complained that well-known versions of t h e i r favourite poems had not been included, and he received quite a number of l e t t e r s through his publisher c r i t i c i s i n g his e d i t o r i a l p r a c t i c e s . However, he was buttressed by his f a i t h that in presenting the "best" l y r i c s i n t h e i r "most po e t i c a l versions," he was 140 serving the larger cause of ensuring that poetry would survive as an important c u l t u r a l force i n England. As he says i n his defence of h i s e d i t o r i a l methods i n the a r t i c l e c i t e d above: Our f i r s t object i s now, not to help students to see Shakespeare or Scott as they were, but to teach the young, or the ignorant, or the i n d i f f e r e n t to love poetry. Those who learn to love i t w i l l soon turn to the author's works i n the i r i n t e g r i t y . One lesson they may then learn w i l l be, how much many poems have gained by the s i l e n t changes which have crept i n . (4.8, 781) He had no real sense, i n other words, of the sanc t i t y of the text, of reta i n i n g the reading intended by the author. In spite of his readiness to omit sections of text, Palgrave did have a strong sense of the authority of e x i s t i n g variant texts. He distinguished c l e a r l y between omissions or textual variants j u s t i f i e d by the authority of e x i s t i n g texts and the a r b i t r a r y changing of words or l i n e s to "improve" the text purely on the editor's personal authority. Palgrave made no apparent verbal s u b s t i t u t i o n s , apart from a few corrections of "misprints" (309)—as opposed to omissions or c o l l a t i o n s of variant t e x t s — s o l e l y on his own authority; unlike Tennyson, he did not use his own poetic talents to rewrite and improve upon the o r i g i n a l language of a l y r i c . He distinguished between omissions (which are acceptable, even encouraged) and a r b i t r a r y substitutions (which are not). Unfortunately, he f e l t no such compunction about other textual changes. A l i s t of a l l s i g n i f i c a n t textual and t i t l e changes i n the Golden Treasury appears i n Appendix C. Palgrave's e d i t o r i a l p r a c t i c e , based on the p r i n c i p l e of presenting what he c a l l s "the most poe t i c a l version," encompasses a v a r i e t y of other changes to the poems. In the preface, he announces that he has endeavoured "to 141 present each poem, i n d i s p o s i t i o n , s p e l l i n g , and punctuation, to the greatest advantage" (xi) , and i n fact the text of almost every poem i n the Golden Treasury has been altered i n some way or another. Apart from the textual omissions and transpositions, the poems have been l a r g e l y r e t i t l e d by Palgrave or simply l e f t u n t i t l e d . As he says i n the notes, "The Edi t o r . . . has risked the addition (or the change) of a T i t l e , that the aim of the verses following may be grasped more c l e a r l y and immediately" (321). Palgrave's reasons for changing t i t l e s vary from his desire to red i r e c t the reader's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , as i n Shakespeare's "0 Mistress mine" (no. 26), which i s misleadingly r e t i t l e d "Carpe Diem," to cases i n which he wishes to d i s t r a c t the reader from an improper i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , as i n Herrick's "To the Vi r g i n s , to Make Much of Time" (no. 82), which he r e t i t l e d "Counsel to G i r l s , " and "Upon J u l i a ' s Clothes" (no. 93), from which he removed the t i t l e altogether. Palgrave also routinely altered punctuation, turning periods into dashes, commas, and semi-colons, often changing the meaning s i g n i f i c a n t l y . Although he does announce some changes of punctuation i n his preface, he does not admit how widespread and, i n some cases, how r a d i c a l these changes are. Perhaps his most frequent change i s the addition of the exclamation mark, as i n the conclusion of Wordsworth's "A slumber did my s p i r i t seal" (no. 180), which i n the Treasury reads: No motion has she now, no force; She neither hears nor sees; Roll'd round i n earth's diurnal course With rocks, and stones, and trees! The added punctuation gives an e n t i r e l y inappropriate sense of enthusiasm to these well-known l i n e s . 142 Palgrave also r o u t i n e l y modernised the s p e l l i n g s , on the grounds that he wanted to a t t r a c t an audience which would be repelled by archaic s p e l l i n g and that such h i s t o r i c a l accuracy would also create a needless b a r r i e r to the enjoyment of a general audience. As he says i n "On P r i n t i n g and Reprinting": The reasons which, even i n c r i t i c a l republications, have led most editors to modernize the s p e l l i n g and rearrange the punctuation are much stronger when the book i s not for scholars, but for the people. If r e l i g i o n i s to be served, they are d e c i s i v e ; i f the book be for chil d r e n , they are decisive also; i f for average readers, as our "Railway" and "Cottage" s e r i e s , they are not less powerful. (4.8, 781) More serious i s his routine c a p i t a l i s a t i o n of abstract nouns such as "Love," "Death," and " L i f e " i n order to give the personal expression of the poet a more universal s i g n i f i c a n c e i n keeping with his e d i t o r i a l p r i n c i p l e that the "purely personal" has no place i n his anthology. A good example i s the Epitaph to Gray's "Elegy" (no. 147), which begins: "Here rests his head upon the lap of Earth,/ A Youth, to Fortune and to Fame unknown." In the o r i g i n a l , a l l the nouns are lowercase. Just as serious i s his readiness to remove c a p i t a l i s a t i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n Shakespeare's sonnet, "Being your slave, what should I do but tend" (no. 10), which i n the o r i g i n a l concludes "So true a f o o l i s love, that in your W i l l , / Though you do anything, he thinks no i l l . " Palgrave removed the pun on Shakespeare's name i n order to d i r e c t the reader away from an unhealthy, personal i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and to avoid a compromising footnote. In conclusion, then, an examination of Palgrave's e d i t o r i a l practices in the Golden Treasury reveals that the texts of the anthology's poems, which 143 for many years were the most widely known in English, are completely u n r e l i a b l e . In the cause of ensuring that poetry would continue to be known and loved, Palgrave f e l t f r e e — i n d e e d , compelled—to change the texts on every l e v e l from s p e l l i n g , punctuation, and stanza form to the omission of upwards of 100 l i n e s of a l y r i c . The Treasury contains a number of serious e d i t o r i a l blunders, noted i n Appendix E, including misdated and misattributed poems. The notes to the Treasury reveal, as Matthew Arnold says, "a delicacy of f e e l i n g i n these matters which i s quite indisputable and very rare," but " a l l the more s t r i k i n g , conjoined with so much justness of perception, are certain freaks and violences i n Mr. Palgrave's c r i t i c i s m , " which shortcoming, Arnold laments, "simply astounds and i r r i t a t e s the hearer by contradicting without a a word of proof or preparation, his fixed and f a m i l i a r notions."*"' Palgrave did temper the violence of some of the notes i n the l a t e r e d i t i o n s , but i n general the intemperance that i s so c a r e f u l l y suppressed i n the Treasury preface resurfaces i n the notes. Palgrave's c r i t i c a l vagaries i n the notes to the Golden Treasury can be divided into two groups. The f i r s t consists of unsupported statements of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , such as his note to Gray's "Elegy," which he labels "Perhaps the noblest Stanzas i n our language" (318) without providing any reasons for hi s choice, and to Herrick's "Poetry of Dress" and "Whenas i n s i l k s my J u l i a goes" (nos. 92-3), which he glosses as "These are quite a Painter's poems" (315), although Herrick was not a painter, and Palgrave does not explain what he means by his comment. But these are r e l a t i v e l y harmless i n comparison to hi s use of the notes to attack other c r i t i c a l viewpoints and h i s t o r i c a l 144 f i g u r e s . He glosses Milton's reference to "the Emathian Conqueror" i n "When the Assault was Intended to the City" (no. 70) thus; "He was as incapable of appreciating the Poet as Louis XIV of appreciating Racine: but even the narrow and barbarian mind of Alexander could understand the advantage of a showy act of homage to Poetry" (314). Palgrave wisely replaced t h i s comment i n expanded editions with a simple explanatory sentence. He also used the notes to the Treasury to correct what he regarded as general c r i t i c a l misconceptions. In his note to the mythological references i n Drummond's "Phoebus a r i s e " (no. 2) he comments that It has been thought worth while to explain these a l l u s i o n s , because they i l l u s t r a t e the character of the Grecian Mythology, which arose i n the P e r s o n i f i c a t i o n of natural phenomena, and was t o t a l l y free from those debasing and ludicrous ideas with which, through Roman and l a t e r misunderstanding or perversion, i t has been associated. (308-9) This note was dropped altogether i n l a t e r e d i t i o n s . In both examples Palgrave i s attempting, without supporting evidence, to persuade his audience about issues beyond the scope of the anthology. But i n spite of the many e c c e n t r i c i t i e s and l i m i t a t i o n s of the Golden Treasury, i t s publishing h i s t o r y r e f l e c t s the remarkable power which the book exerted over i t s audience almost from the day of p u b l i c a t i o n . i i i : C r i t i c a l Reception When the Golden Treasury f i n a l l y appeared i n July 1861, Palgrave was understandably worried that the long delays i n getting the book onto the booksellers' shelves would harm i t s chances for success. Anthologies t r a d i t i o n a l l y had few chances for serious attention from reviewers, but the Treasury was further handicapped by being held up at the printers for more 145 than two months. By the time the book appeared in the bookstores, the major reviewing for the season was over, and Palgrave and Macmillan had real grounds for fearing that the book would attract no important reviews. Palgrave's apprehensions about the Treasury's reception were based not only on the fact that the publishing industry acknowledges that summer books rarely succeed, but also that, as discussed above, Macmillan had l i t t l e experience with publishing and marketing poetry. A further worry to editor and publisher was the number of excellent volumes of poetry, such as Tennyson's Idyls (1859), already on the market. A l l these factors doubtless contributed to the general c r i t i c a l silence which greeted the Treasury's publication. Worried that there would be no reviews at a l l , Palgrave did his part to get the book noticed. In fact, he assumed a far greater role in the marketing of the Treasury than any publisher could expect, and more than many would find desirable. However, given the firm's limited experience outside of textbooks, Macmillan may have welcomed Palgrave's intervention in this instance. Even before the Treasury went on sale, Palgrave arranged for complimentary copies to be sent to a number of "Schoolmasters and others lik e l y to be of use" (Berg, 3 July 1861). That he had l i t t l e positive feedback from this action is suggested by his concern over the placement of review copies. Palgrave was particularly eager to have The Times review the book, and, less than two weeks after publication, he began a campaign to secure a notice from that newspaper: "considering the advanced season, i t would be a great advantage i f the G. T. were reviewed in the Times shortly" (Berg, 22 July 1861). The Times, ever magisterial in its manipulation .of the 146 book wor ld , confirmed the f i r s t of Palgrave's fears by i t s continuing neglect of the Treasury. Macmillan c e r t a i n l y made the e f f o r t to place the Treasury with The Times, sending out the f i r s t of what would be severa l review copies to no e f f e c t . Palgrave himself asked his superior i n the Education O f f i c e , S i r Robert Lowe, to intercede on his behalf with The Times reviewer l a t e r i n 1861. Lowe apparently agreed, but from Palgrave's report to Macmil lan, he was not hopeful that he could he lp : I have given a copy of my book to R. Lowe, who appears w i l l i n g to recommend i t to the "Times" for a review, but sa id that to send a copy to the E d i t o r would probably be the more e f f ec t ive course. (Berg, [ O c t . - D e c ] 1861) Whatever Lowe's r o l e , i t had l i t t l e p r a c t i c a l e f fect i n advancing the fortunes of the Treasury with The Times. The paper did not deign to not ice the book for ten years , u n t i l 20 December 1871, when i t was given one sentence i n a general d i scuss ion of Christmas g i f t books. Palgrave also s o l i c i t e d reviews from his f r i e n d s . According to Palgrave, h is o l d Oxford col league J . A. Froude found the book "perfect ly exce l lent" and agreed to review i t i n F r a s e r ' s , which he edi ted (Berg, 25 J u l y 1861). Froude produced the review for the October i s s u e , but i t was d i s a p p o i n t i n g l y shor t , appearing only as part of a longer a r t i c l e on admirable recent p u b l i c a t i o n s . Froude was, however, wholly en thus ia s t i c about the book, as he had promised. Palgrave also asked an un ident i f i ed f r i end to recommend the book to W. H. Smith, the bookse l ler and l i b r a r y owner, but he reported to Macmillan that Smith "appears to have taken his h ints k i n d l y . E i t h e r Smith or one of his partners remarked that the pr ice was h igh—I must say a l l the other remarks I have heard on th i s point were quite 147 opposite" (Berg, 25 July 1861). In the same l e t t e r he t o l d Macmillan that he had also spoken to a sub-editor at the D a i l y News, but no review has been located for that p u b l i c a t i o n . Woolner t r i e d to help by writing to "his f r i e n d Watts e d i t o r of the Melbourne Argus, who has a more than Times authority i n those parts, and got 500 of Patmore's 'Angel' sold there. I am sure that the G. T. i s much more angelic than Mrs. P[atmore]—so I hope he w i l l help i n c l e a r i n g the shelves" (Berg, 22 July 1861). Woolner also e n l i s t e d another A u s t r a l i a n supporter, Dr. Woolley, who he maintained "has great powers of recommending books, [and] that he did much for Patmore's, and would be sure to do so for mine" (Berg, [Oct.-Dec] 1861). Whether these antipodean c r i t i c s had the required e f f e c t has not been determined. But i n s p i t e of a l l t h e i r e f f o r t s , the Treasury was not reviewed widely: only twelve reviews have been located f or the whole of the nineteenth century, and several of the more important were delayed by several months. In a l l , only f i v e s i g n i f i c a n t reviews appeared i n the f i r s t three months: i n the Saturday Review, the Scotsman, the Spectator, the Westminster Review, and the Working Men's College Magazine. By the end of August, the book's fortune had changed, however, and with the appearance of a handful of f l a t t e r i n g reviews, Palgrave was writing to Macmillan, "I am glad to learn the success of the book" (Berg, 5 Sept. 1861). By 15 September, he could avow that "altogether I have l i t t l e to complain of from the c r i t i c s . Whenever you prin t from fresh type, I s h a l l s e r i o u s l y consider t h e i r suggestions" (Berg, 15 Sept. 1861). The notices of the book are generally complimentary and perspicacious i n recognising i t s s p e c i a l q u a l i t i e s . They praised not only i t s unique arrangement of poems, Palgrave's 148 c r i t i c a l a b i l i t y i n making the s e l e c t i o n s , and the book's challenge to e x i s t i n g standards of t a s t e , but a l s o , and most s i g n i f i c a n t l y , they voiced the general opinion that the Treasury advanced the genre of the anthology beyond the simple arrangement of poetic gems to become i t s e l f a creative work. Typical of the tone of the reviews i s that by H. B. Wilson i n the Westminster Review; We are accustomed to turn away from s i m i l a r c o l l e c t i o n s with disgust, because they usually consist of a heap of good, bad, and abominable poems selected without taste and arranged without care. We are delighted to be able to acknowledge that t h i s "Golden Treasury" i s . . . o n the whole, so excellent a work, that we unhesitatingly recommend every lover of English poetry to get the volume and read i t . Wilson recognises what subsequent c r i t i c s confirmed: the Golden Treasury i s s u i g e n e r i s — n o t merely an improvement on the form of the anthology, but a q u a l i t a t i v e advance i n the nature of the anthology i t s e l f and an innovation so substantial that i t would e s t a b l i s h a standard by which a l l other anthologies would be judged. But i f Wilson admires the q u a l i t y of the book's contents and the manner In which the poems are combined, he has some serious reservations about Palgrave's habitual abridgments of texts which did not conform to his i d e a l of "unity," reservations which the reviewer expresses through a homely but v i v i d analogy: Mr. Palgrave has a perfect r i g h t to reject t h i s , or any other poem from his c o l l e c t i o n , j u s t as he may refuse to receive as a v i s i t o r a man whom he d i s l i k e s . Were he to ordain, however, that a l l h i s v i s i t o r s who wore beards must cut them off with a view of improving t h e i r personal appearance, he would act f o o l i s h l y and deserve to be r i d i c u l e d . It might happen that some of them looked handsomer af t e r their beards were cut o f f , yet they would j u s t l y complain that i t was t h e i r beards which distinguished them from other men. (606) 149 Wilson was, however, prepared to embrace the Golden Treasury despite these c r i t i c i s m s because he recognised the book's extraordinary q u a l i t y . The Saturday Review c r i t i c also has some reservations. He i d e n t i f i e s as one of the shortcomings of the book i t s willingness to supply new t i t l e s to well-known poems or to omit commonly used and f a m i l i a r ones. He complains that the practice of giving t i t l e s to Shakespeare's sonnets i s not only dangerous, but also that "to give a new t i t l e i s a kind of retouching pro  tanto, and a modern Shakesperian heading generally looks l i k e a r e s t o r a t i o n i n an Elizabethan s t r u c t u r e — t h a t i s , very r a r e l y of a piece with the r e s t . " * 7 He also objects to the omission of the customary t i t l e of Cunningham's "A wet sheet and a flowing sea"—"The Snoring Breeze"—on the grounds that "as Mr. Palgrave does not object to manufacturing new headings, i t i s not unfair to ask him to p r e f i x an old one when tolerably expressive" (176). In his commendation of the book, the Saturday c r i t i c also unwittingly reveals the extent to which Palgrave condensed his texts, assuming, erroneously, that the book i s in fact a c o l l e c t i o n of extracts: " i n the arrangement and c a r e f u l l y considered j u x t a p o s i t i o n of the d i f f e r e n t e x t r a c t s , i t i s c e r t a i n l y superior to any book of the class we have yet seen" (176). Palgrave d e l i b e r a t e l y rejected extracts from his c o l l e c t i o n , but his heavy e d i t i n g of many of the poems produced a book which to the informed but casual observer might appear to be composed of them. In spite of these c r i t i c i s m s , however, the Saturday c r i t i c ultimately praises the book i n terms which are t y p i c a l of i t s reception: he expresses his delight that the book had proved that the anthology need not be "a book of extracts for school-room consumption, jumbled together without rhyme or reason, and where Dr. Watts' 150 i n v a r i a b l e busy bee alternates with a platitude of Mrs. Barbauld's" (175). The Saturday c r i t i c p a r t i c u l a r l y admires the i n c l u s i o n of many "detached poems of the highest excellence by authors whose very names many w i l l probably meet here for the f i r s t time" (176). The Scotsman review by John Brown echoes the Saturday's comments: We have, generally speaking, a d i s l i k e of these ultraneous anthologies. The sturdy perversity of human nature d i s l i k e s to be t o l d what to l i k e , or why; and most people think t h e i r own Elegant Extracts and Golden Treasuries, which nobody, except possibly t h e i r wife or t h e i r s i s t e r , can be prevailed upon to l i s t e n to and applaud, far better than any "Carcanet of L i t e r a r y Gems" or "Beauties," from the heavy Burnett to the s c h o l a s t i c Scrymgeour. But t h i s of Mr. Palgrave's i s " f u l l of blessed conditions," and has for these l a s t three hours "ta'en our 'prisoned soul and la p t i t i n Elysium;" and—what a rare m i n t — t h i s i s greatly owing to the e d i t o r and h i s notes. Af t e r such l a v i s h praise, Brown has l i t t l e to f i n d f a u l t with i n the book, although he regrets that Palgrave had excluded Spenser's "Epithalamion" on moral grounds, arguing that "we would have l i k e d you better s t i l l had you not despised 'modern manners,' and printed i t " ( 3). The Spectator reviewer foreshadows Brown's favourable assessment of the Treasury, stating that i t i s the best l y r i c c o l l e c t i o n he has ever seen: On the whole no s e l e c t i o n from the English l y r i c a l poets has ever been made which gives so adequately the very essence and aroma of t h i s , perhaps not the most c h a r a c t e r i s t i c , but the most o r i g i n a l , and i n one d i r e c t i o n also the most expressive side of our l i t e r a t u r e . He points out that Palgrave's choice of the l y r i c was an extraordinary one f o r the time. No one had previously taken such care over what was generally regarded as a minor genre of English poetry. But perhaps the highest praise for the Golden Treasury came from A. J . Munby i n an extended review i n the Working Men's College Magazine's f i r s t number. 151 Munby praises the book u n c r i t i c a l l y . While he i s sorry that some of his favourites have been omitted, he acknowledges that Palgrave had covered himself by setting out his e d i t o r i a l p r i n c i p l e s i n his preface: There are several poems which one misses much, and notably the 'Ancient Mariner;' but even while regre t t i n g t h e i r absence, one cannot help seeing that they are only absent because the selectors have r i g i d l y followed out the judicious canons l a i d down by them for t h e i r own guidance, and announced i n the editor's preface. Palgrave never relented about the "Mariner," but he did include "Kubla Khan" in the expanded e d i t i o n s . Munby also p a r t i c u l a r l y praises Palgrave's readiness to reject mediocre poems, a p r i n c i p l e of e d i t i n g which he argues has been greatly neglected by anthologists: "there are only two questions to ask—Have a l l the best l y r i c a l poems been admitted? and, Have any been l e t i n which are not of the best? This l a s t question i s easy to answer. None" (171). In summary, therefore, the c r i t i c s recognised immediately that the Golden Treasury was an e n t i r e l y new and admirable v a r i a t i o n on the t r a d i t i o n a l or conventional anthology format. While they note that Palgrave used copy-texts of which they did not approve and that he omitted poems which they admire, they generally agree that the Golden Treasury represented an advance i n the d i f f i c u l t art of anthology making and a r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the accepted poetic canon of the day. A l l acknowledge i t s quality and recommend the book strongly to t h e i r readers. As the Saturday reviewer says i n an a r t i c l e about the 1891 expanded e d i t i o n : Considerable courage was needed, i n 1861, to publish such a volume as the "Golden Treasury," but to t h i s courage tact and a d e l i c a t e sense of the f i t t i n g moment were added. The actual condition of the production of poetry and the taste of poetical 152 readers was much i n advance of the c r i t i c i s m of the age. The fourth section of his book, covering from 1800 to 1850, was that i n which Mr. Palgrave showed the most temerity. The old Scotch tyranny s t i l l i n part prevailed, and to readers of middle l i f e i n 1861 i t was s t a r t l i n g to f i n d Southey almost e n t i r e l y omitted, Rogers represented by two t r i f l e s , such mediocrities as James Montgomery, Pr i n g l e , Croly, and Charlotte Smith, hitherto so beloved of the makers of anthologies, r e s o l u t e l y ignored, and even the soft claims of F e l i c i a Remans and L. E. L. sto u t l y disregarded. In counterpoise, a prominence never before awarded i n any book appealing to the wide public was given to Wordsworth, to Shelley, to Keats. Wordsworth, indeed, was represented more copiously than any other poet, and to this preponderance some readers, then young, objected. 2* i v : Subsequent Editions Pleased as he was with the general tenor of the reviews, Palgrave began to be concerned about the unexpectedly brisk sales of the book af t e r the f i r s t two slow months. While i n i t i a l sales proved heavier than expected, Palgrave was s t i l l not confident that the sales would l a s t , so he urged Macmillan to produce a second impression quickly because "I have had so many notices that the book was out of p r i n t , that I am anxious this should not occur again, i n case the sale goes on" (Berg, [Oct.-Dec] 1861). While i t i s not possible to determine the exact number of copies of the Treasury i n print by the time of Palgrave's death i n 1897—the l a s t i d e n t i f i e d i s the 67th thousand i n 1886—the demand for the Treasury continued s t e a d i l y long after the copyright expired i n 1911. The book r i v a l l e d a l l but a few of the b e s t s e l l e r s of the nineteenth century. The Treasury could not of course compete with Enoch Arden, which sold an amazing 17,000 copies on the f i r s t day of pu b l i c a t i o n i n 1864 and 60,000 i n the f i r s t year, but i t exceeded In  Memoriam, which appeared i n May 1850 and sold only 8,000 copies the f i r s t oo year. And i t c e r t a i n l y outstripped i n sales a l l previous one-volume 153 anthologies. Upon r e a l i s i n g the magnitude of the Treasury's success, Palgrave was understandably reluctant to tamper with his winning formula, and he l e f t the book almost unchanged f o r 23 years. The contents and arrangement of the Treasury did not vary from 1861 to 1884, through twenty impressions. In 1884, Palgrave made the f i r s t r e v i s i o n s , and between 1884 and 1891 the Treasury went through three editions and sixteen further impressions for a t o t a l of 36 impressions before his death. These figures do not include the American e d i t i o n s , which have generally been excluded from this study. Apart from the 1872 o f f i c i a l Macmillan American e d i t i o n , nineteenth-century reprints using the Treasury t i t l e i n the United States are usually p i r a c i e s and often include a s e l e c t i o n of poems by l i v i n g English and American authors. One of the remarkable points about the Treasury's publishing h i s t o r y , given Palgrave's i n i t i a l lack of confidence about i t s future, i s h i s in s i s t e n c e that he r e t a i n f u l l control of the book. Indeed, his e d i t o r i a l supremacy was one of the terms he required i n his contract with Macmillan. When the book was at the printers i n January 1861, he demanded assurances that there be "no subtraction or addition to the text, and no i l l u s t r a t i o n s be added without the Editor's consent" (Berg, 24 Jan. 1861). This s t i p u l a t i o n covering future editions of a volume with no p a r t i c u l a r chances of success probably seemed overly o p t i m i s t i c and groundless to Macmillan at the time, but the unexpected and extended popularity of the anthology j u s t i f i e d Palgrave's concern. The i n i t i a l p r i n t i n g of 2,000 copies was exhausted within two months of p u b l i c a t i o n . S t i l l c a r e f u l , Macmillan issued an extra 1,200 copies i n 154 mid-October, but these did not come close meeting the demand, and by the end of the year another 5,800 were c a l l e d for—3,800 i n November and two separate reprintings of 1,000 each i n December to s a t i s f y the Christmas trade. In a l l , i n the f i r s t six months aft e r the book's appearance, from July to December 1861, the Treasury went through 9,000 copies i n f i v e impressions. Only the f i r s t four impressions of 1861 have any b i b l i o g r a p h i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e . In the second impression of October, Palgrave corrected a number of typographical errors, including a mis-numbered poem, some small s p e l l i n g e r r o r s , and what Palgrave c a l l e d i n a l e t t e r to Macmillan making "a few verbal changes" and "correcting stops etc" (Berg, 5 Sept. 1861). More s i g n i f i c a n t l y , he also amended a footnote to Keats' "nature's patient sleepless Eremite" (no. 198), which in the f i r s t impression he had erroneously glossed as a reference to the Wandering Jew. This error, which had been pointed out by Munby, was the only one which he corrected i n the f i r s t impression i n response to published c r i t i c i s m . He also added two more notes to the f i n a l page and dropped an unnecessarily admonitory paragraph addressing "those who take up the book i n a serious and scholarly s p i r i t " from the f i r s t page of the preface. He refused, however, to amend any of the texts of the poems, although he t o l d Macmillan i n September 1861 that he was "much obliged for every body's hi n t s , but u n t i l we set the book up again I think very few w i l l be a v a i l a b l e . When I return to my books I w i l l reconsider the questions raised" (Berg, 5 Sept. 1861). The texts of the l a t e r editions of 1884, 1890, and 1891 had the benefit of not only these early reviews, but, more important, of the many authoritative reprints of e a r l i e r poets from which he prepared the texts i n l a t e r e d i t i o n s . 155 The t h i r d and fourth impressions continued the correction of minor flaws i n the book, and the changes are detailed i n Appendix A. The fourth impression remained the copy text u n t i l 1890. Although Palgrave kept a now-lost running f i l e of changes he intended to make when the book was reset, he refused to allow Macmillan to vary the text of the Treasury u n t i l 1884, on the grounds that he was a f r a i d the competing versions would hurt sales of the o r i g i n a l and that i f he continued to tamper with the contents, the implication would be that his basic premise—that the book included a l l the best l y r i c s — w a s f a u l t y . He was obviously reluctant to undermine his authority with constant revisions of his "great t r a d i t i o n . " In 1884, Palgrave issued an expanded second e d i t i o n , although he continued to refer to i t as part of the f i r s t . His revisions added only fourteen new poems from d i f f e r e n t periods to the end of the o r i g i n a l sequence. Author and f i r s t - l i n e indices were reset to r e f l e c t the changes, and a paragraph was added to the preface, which was redated "1861-1883." Apart from extra selections from some of his favourite poets, the new poems i n the second e d i t i o n show the e a r l i e s t awakening of Palgrave's i n t e r e s t i n the Elizabethan song-book poets, some softening of his prejudice against the Metaphysicals, and a move towards correcting the scanty coverage of the eighteenth century. However, the additions also reveal that the qua l i t y of his o r i g i n a l judgment had started to f a l t e r , and certain defects introduced i n 1884 were i n t e n s i f i e d i n the two subsequent e d i t i o n s , p a r t i c u l a r l y a f a i l u r e to adhere to h i s — a d m i t t e d l y l o o s e — o r i g i n a l e d i t o r i a l guidelines and a tendency to allow his personal sentimentalism to overcome his c r i t i c a l judgment. 156 The four poems chosen to enlarge the Elizabethan complement should a c t u a l l y count as three since both the additions from Shakespeare—"Where the bee sucks" and "Come unto these yellow sands"—are numbered 289. Like the song-book poets, the Metaphysical writers Quarles, Habington, and Vaughan had been systematically reprinted f o r the f i r s t time since the f i r s t p u b l i c a t i o n of the Treasury, and Palgrave added Quarles' "E'en l i k e two l i t t l e bank-dividing brooks" (no. 292) and Vaughan's "I saw Et e r n i t y the other night" (no. 293) to the seventeenth-century section to complement the three Metaphysical poems that appeared i n the o r i g i n a l e d i t i o n . S t i l l , Palgrave's d i s t a s t e for the Metaphysical conceit and complex language caused him to edit both the Vaughan and Quarles poems so severely that they are almost unrecognisable. Five of the add i t i o n a l poems i n the 1884 e d i t i o n are from the eighteenth century, in c l u d i n g Cowper's "The Shrubbery" (no. 297) and "The Castaway" (no. 298). The former had been requested by the Spectator reviewer i n 1861, and he also had asked f o r the anonymous "When I think on the happy days" (no. 296), also included i n th i s e d i t i o n . But works by Christopher Smart and William Blake are the most i n t e r e s t i n g additions. Palgrave turned three poems from Smart's recently rediscovered song-cycle "A Song to David" into a synthetic l y r i c e n t i t l e d "The Song of David" (no. 295). This corruption of Smart's poem i s the clearest example i n this e d i t i o n of Palgrave's increasing willingness to present extracts as complete works, always a flaw i n the book, and a d i r e c t contravention of the stated e d i t o r i a l p o l i c y l a i d out i n the preface to the f i r s t e d i t i o n : "as e s s e n t i a l l y opposed to th i s unity, ex t r a c t s , obviously such, are excluded ( x i ) . " 157 Unlike Smart, Blake was not new to Palgrave: an early admirer of Blake's a r t i s t i c works and a c o l l e c t o r of his engravings, Palgrave reviewed G i l c h r i s t ' s L i f e of Blake twice i n 1863 (5.7-8). Nevertheless, he apparently did not know Blake's poetry well, which was not reprinted as a whole u n t i l William Michael Rossetti's Aldine e d i t i o n i n 1874. After he read Blake, Palgrave was eager to incorporate his simpler l y r i c s i n the l a t e r editions of the Treasury, and i n 1884 he included "Infant Joy" (no. 299) from the Songs  of Innocence. The mystical poems do not, of course, conform to his e d i t o r i a l c r i t e r i a of s i m p l i c i t y and c l a r i t y . The nature of Book IV, the nineteenth century, was not b a s i c a l l y altered for the 1884 e d i t i o n . Palgrave added only Wordsworth's "There's not a nook within this solemn Pass" (no. 301) and the mediocre "If I had thought thou couldst have died" (no. 300) by Charles Wolfe, which joins h i s "The Bu r i a l of S i r John Moore at Corunna" (no. 218). The 1884 e d i t i o n thus generally r e f l e c t s both Palgrave's willingness to include material which had been brought to l i g h t since 1861 and a broadening of his taste. In 1890, the Treasury was reset i n a t o t a l l y new e d i t i o n . For the f i r s t time, Palgrave dropped as well as added poems to bring the t o t a l up to 326. Three of the six omitted poems are by Shelley: "Rarely, r a r e l y , comest thou" (no. 226) and " L i f e of L i f e " (no. 271), both of which Tennyson had d i s l i k e d and argued against including, and "A widow-bird sate mourning" (no. 265). With 22 l y r i c s , Shelley had been the most heavily represented Romantic poet i n the o r i g i n a l e d i t i o n a f t e r Wordsworth, and the manuscript notes to the f i r s t e d i t i o n reveal that Tennyson fought unsuccessfully to reduce the number 158 of Shelley poems from the beginning. Palgrave also dropped Bacon's "The World's a Bubble" (no. 57), for no stated reason, and Sewell's delightful "The Dying Man in his Garden" (no. 163). Tennyson disliked the poem, but i t was greatly admired by other reviewers, and they cr i t i c i s e d Palgrave's decision to remove i t . The sixth omission, Scott's "Thy hue, dear pledge, is pure and bright" (no. 105), was a romantic copy of the seventeenth century style. The 1890 edition also added 30 new poems scattered throughout the four books, with one-half (sixteen) in Book I, reflecting Palgrave's delight in the newly reprinted song-book and madrigal l y r i c s . In 1888 and 1889, he had reviewed Bullen's Lyrics from the Song-Books of the Elizabethan Age (5.30) favourably, and in 1888 he had written an equally enthusiastic general article on the song-book poets (4.19). His critiques quote extensively from the poems, and many of the same ones appear in the revised editions of the Treasury. Palgrave reserved special enthusiasm for Thomas Campion who has seven poems in the 1890 edition and three more in that of 1891, although unbeknownst to Palgrave, Campion was already represented in the Treasury. His "Cherry Ripe" (no. 91) appeared anonymously in Book II of the f i r s t edition, and although Campion's work was reprinted in the late eighties, Palgrave neglected to reattribute the poem to him in the third and fourth editions. There are six other song-book lyrics in Book I, a l l anonymous, so that the f i r s t Book was radically affected by the "constant rediscovery of exquisite things lost among obscure Elizabethans," as the Saturday Review 23 c r i t i c said. Palgrave's antipathy towards much of the poetry of the seventeenth century, which he had partly overcome in the 1884 edition, resurfaces 159 i n the t h i r d e d i t i o n . He adds only f i v e of the 30 new poems to Book I I , and three of them are i n f a c t Elizabethan l y r i c s , one by Campion and two anonymous, which should have properly been placed i n Book I. Also included i s a truncated version of Marvell's "The Nymph Complaining of the Death of her Fawn" (no. 135). If the seventeenth century i s shortchanged i n the 1890 e d i t i o n , the eighteenth century i s even more severely treated. Palgrave dropped one of the meagre 49 poems of the 1861 e d i t i o n and added only two more, both by Blake, whose work also appears i n Book IV of t h i s e d i t i o n , an inconsistency which further j u s t i f i e s the c r i t i c i s m that by 1890 Palgrave had at least p a r t l y l o s t the powers of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n which made his 1861 s e l e c t i o n so su c c e s s f u l . One of the Blake songs i s from the Songs of Innocence: "Never seek to t e l l thy love" (no. 165). The appropriateness of most of the additions to Book IV i s questionable for d i f f e r e n t reasons. The other Blake poem—"Whether on Ida's shady brow" (no. 199) i s accompanied by two more works by Wordsworth, the lengthy "Lucy Gray" (no. 217) and "Glen-Almain" (no. 313), taking the t o t a l number of Wordsworth poems to 44. This further swelling of Wordsworth's l y r i c s provoked complaints from the Saturday Review c r i t i c : We y i e l d to none i n reverence of Wordsworth; but i n 1861 he already covered more space than any other poet, and Mr. Palgrave i s always s l i p p i n g one more of his (and our) f a v o u r i t e s , so that of Wordsworth there are now p o s i t i v e l y some forty-four examples. The worst of i t i s that to make room f o r these fresh pieces the Editor s i l e n t l y drops one lov e l y o ld l y r i c a f t e r another. (312) A further example of Palgrave's f a i l i n g judgment l i e s i n h i s i n c l u s i o n of two l y r i c s , "I meet thy pensive moonlight face" (no. 215), an extract from 160 "Sad Thoughts," and "Agnes" (no. 280), both by H. F. Lyte, author of "Abide with Me," leading the same c r i t i c to wonder of Palgrave "what strange madness has urged him to admit among his l i t t l e masterpieces two feeble songs by H. F. Lyte, an i n t e r e s t i n g person who was e s s e n t i a l l y not a poet" (312). These flaws i n Book IV are somewhat counteracted by Keats' "Ode on a Grecian Urn" (no. 316) and "To one who has been long i n c i t y pent" (no. 282). The 1890 e d i t i o n shows that, while Palgrave was capable of appreciating poets newly brought to his attention, p a r t i c u l a r l y Campion and Blake, and thereby of broadening the range of the anthology, he also marred the book by some s i g n a l weaknesses in c r i t i c a l taste. The 1891 e d i t i o n , completely reset only a year a f t e r the t h i r d e d i t i o n , i s the f i r s t to contain the words "revised and enlarged" on i t s t i t l e page, and Palgrave referred to i t as the "second e d i t i o n , " although i t was i n fact the fourth. He was reluctant to l a b e l the second and t h i r d editions as such, as he said i n a l e t t e r to Macmillan dated 27 November 1890, " l e s t this should discourage purchases of the small e d i t i o n , " stocks of which were s t i l l on hand (Macmillan Papers). He i n s i s t e d that Macmillan advertise the f i r s t e d i t i o n along with the expanded ones, "otherwise the new w i l l be supposed to supersede the old" (Macmillan Papers, 1 Jan. 1891). He obviously regarded the new editions as var i a t i o n s on the o r i g i n a l rather than as d e f i n i t i v e updatings of i t . Four more poems were dropped i n 1891. One of them, Constable's "Diaphenia" (no. 15), Tennyson had always d i s l i k e d . The removal of Campbell's "Freedom and Love" (no. 183) i s balanced by the i n c l u s i o n of his 161 "The Beech Tree's P e t i t i o n , " an act which s t i l l l e f t Campbell over-represented with eleven s e l e c t i o n s . Palgrave also dropped Vere's " F a i r Fools," o r i g i n a l l y included under the p o l i t e r t i t l e , "A Renunciation" (no. 41), and Darley's " I t i s not Beauty I demand." Palgrave l e f t the poem i n Book I I i n the 1884 e d i t i o n , although a t t r i b u t i n g i t c o r r e c t l y to Darley, but i n 1891 he dropped i t altogether, leading the Saturday Review c r i t i c to defend the poem because " i t i s not merely a marvellous piece of pastiche, i t i s also a poem of rare and sustained beauty, e n t i r e l y worthy of a niche i n the 'Golden Treasury'" (312). As l a t e as 1957, the editor of the abridged Cambridge History of English L i t e r a t u r e remarked indignantly that the poem had been u n f a i r l y removed: "his true century being quickly discovered, his 24 song was unjustly cast out." Palgrave also reattributed an anonymous l y r i c i n Book I, "Absence, hear thou my protestation" (no. 9), to Donne, perhaps to a l l a y c r i t i c i s m that he had ignored the poet, for whose work he had l i t t l e sympathy, although modern l i t e r a r y h i s t o r i a n s believe the poem to be by John Hoskins. The additions to the fourth e d i t i o n follow much the same l i n e s as those of the e d i t i o n of the previous year. Campion gets three more l y r i c s , two i n Book I and one i n Book I I . Book I I i s also enlarged by s i x poems, including the Campion "Jack and Joan" (no. 143), another Marvell l y r i c , "The Picture of L i t t l e T. C. i n a Prospect of Flowers" (no. 105), and an a t y p i c a l l y respectable Rochester l y r i c , "I cannot change as others do" (no. 107). As i n the second e d i t i o n , Palgrave added some Metaphysical poems to Book I I : Habington's "When I survey the bright C e l e s t i a l sphere" (no. 148), Vaughan's "They are a l l gone into the world of l i g h t " (no. 138), and Cowley's "On the 162 Death of Mr. William Hervey" (no. 137). Unfortunately, Palgrave's prejudice against these poets' tendencies towards what he regarded as extravagance and obscurity of expression again led him to make substantial cuts to both the Vaughan l y r i c , which l o s t i t s f i n a l three stanzas, and the Cowley poem, which l o s t 96 of i t s 152 l i n e s . Book I I I i s enlarged by only one poem, C o l l i n s ' "Ode to S i m p l i c i t y " (no. 153), which brings h i s t o t a l contribution to four. Book IV contains, remarkably, no a d d i t i o n a l Wordsworth poems, and one Shelley poem i s added, "Rough wind that moanest loud" (no. 334), to compensate for the dropping of three l y r i c s i n the previous e d i t i o n . The most i n t e r e s t i n g additions to Book IV are Charles Lamb's "A c h i l d ' s a plaything for an hour" (no. 183), a t t r i b u t e d by Palgrave to Mary Lamb, and Coleridge's "Kubla Khan" (no. 316), making Coleridge's t o t a l contributions only three. This "revised and enlarged" f o u r t h e d i t i o n of the Treasury was the l a s t expanded e d i t i o n to appear before Palgrave's death. After 1891 Palgrave l e f t the book alone, turning his attention to the project which occupied his f i n a l years: h i s " f i f t h book" or "Second Series" of the Golden Treasury, devoted to the work of poets a l i v e a f t e r 1850, although by the time the book appeared only s i x of the 38 poets represented were s t i l l a l i v e . By the time he began work on the Second Series, Palgrave was nearly 70 and already almost c r i p p l e d with i l l n e s s . Not s u r p r i s i n g l y , the book, which appeared i n September 1897, when he was dying, was a great disappointment to c r i t i c s and public a l i k e . His f a i l i n g judgment, readiness to bowdlerise t e x t s , and the many e d i t o r i a l idiosyncrasies and biases which had i n c r e a s i n g l y marred the expanded editions of the Treasury combined to 163 undermine the q u a l i t y of the book. Palgrave was also apparently c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l y incapable of appreciating the work of the young poets of the eighties and n i n e t i e s , and the book includes scarcely anything written a f t e r 1870. The book's q u a l i t y i s further impaired by h i s personal l o y a l t i e s and, i t must be admitted, his snobbery. The works of Lord Houghton and the Duke of A r g y l l , f o r example, would surely not have been considered for i n c l u s i o n on t h e i r own merits. The book consists of poetry by Palgrave's contemporaries of the 1850's and 1860's: both talented poets such as Tennyson, the Brownings, the Rossettis, Arnold, and Clough, and also lesser l i g h t s such as Frederick and Charles Tennyson, Barnes, 0'Shaughnessy, Shairp, Patmore, and Archbishop Trench, a l l of whom were personal friends of the e d i t o r . Palgrave's taste i n contemporary poetry was so f a l l i b l e that, for example, he gave Charles Tennyson Turner twelve l y r i c s and Arthur Hugh Clough only f i v e , but the book was cr e d i t e d , by H. A. Beers, with giving Arthur 0'Shaughnessy's talent f or l y r i c s s p e c i a l a t t e n t i o n : a g i f t not f u l l y recognised t i l l Mr. Palgrave accorded him, i n the second series of h i s "Golden Treasury" (1897), a greater s e l e c t i o n than any V i c t o r i a n poet but Tennyson: a larger space than he gave ei t h e r to Browning or Rossetti or Matthew Arnold. As his obituary i n the Saturday Review says, "his taste was not supple enough to bend to new forms of expression, and probably a f t e r 1871 no new verse 26 succeeded i n giving him the least pleasure." The reviews of the Second Series are almost u n i v e r s a l l y condemnatory, damning the book for being 27 "incomplete, i l l balanced, and wanting i n c r i t i c a l authority." The Academy reviewer i s even more negative: "the present s e l e c t i o n w i l l only b a f f l e and d i s t r e s s everybody who believed, as we did, i n Mr. Palgrave's 164 preparedness for his task. Its sins of omission and commission a l i k e are mortal and past b l o t t i n g out." ° Fortunately, Palgrave did not l i v e to read the reviews and see the c r i t i c a l f a i l u r e of this book. The l a t e r editions of the Golden Treasury w i l l never replace the o r i g i n a l . The f i r s t e d i t i o n , biased and unrepresentative as i t i s , i s nevertheless a complete and u n i f i e d work, creative i n i t s p r i n c i p l e s and arrangements. The expanded editions do not manifest the same l e v e l of taste and judgment, and as a r e s u l t they lack that sense of unity and confidence which the f i r s t e d i t i o n r e f l e c t s . His contemporaries warned him against continuing his practice of issuing new e d i t i o n s : "Mr. Palgrave's hand, we fancy, i s not so firm as i t was; he should hesitate before he tampers any 29 further with the admirable product of his youth." While one must conclude that the l a t e r editions show a f a l l i n g - o f f i n Palgrave's c r i t i c a l s e n s i t i v i t y , i n some ways his expansions and revisions of the Golden Treasury improved the book, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n terms of the texts of the poems. The success of this l i t t l e anthology, edited by a minor c i v i l servant, has been remarkable. As a reviewer i n 1897 said of the o r i g i n a l e d i t i o n of the Treasury: What renders this success more remarkable i s the fact that the book o r i g i n a l l y won i t s way e n t i r e l y on i t s own merits.... Mr. Palgrave...never occupied any commanding po s i t i o n i n that region of l e t t e r s . No one has ever suggested that people l i k e d "The Golden Treasury" because they were devotees of Mr. Palgrave's c r i t i c a l judgments. 3 0 Contemporary c r i t i c s and readers i n s t i n c t i v e l y recognised that the Treasury was an e n t i r e l y new kind of anthology which dealt with poetry i n a way which was l a r g e l y independent of established contemporary taste. The book also broke with t r a d i t i o n i n addressing, along with the usual sophisticated audience for such books, a new, large uneducated audience without recourse to 165 the didacticism of e a r l i e r anthologies for the " p l a i n man." Palgrave's d i r e c t i o n of his work towards this audience i s one of the most obvious reasons for the book's success. A Spectator review of 1897 pointed out that t h i s choice of audience, which i n 1861 was unique to the Treasury, had ensured the volume's s u r v i v a l even while r a d i c a l changes in taste had taken place among c r i t i c s and the i n t e l l i g e n t s i a ; t h i s choice of audience means that "'The Golden Treasury' i s never l i k e l y to be superseded, and for this reason. There are only a l i m i t e d number of poems on which the p l a i n man and 31 the c r i t i c agree, and p r a c t i c a l l y Mr. Palgrave has got them a l l . " Palgrave's f r i e n d Froude pointed out also that Palgrave's decision to address that group meant that, while the book i s not d i r e c t l y d i d a c t i c , i t s survey of the English l y r i c w i l l "make i t i n s t r u c t i v e , so to speak, as a primer of p o e t i c a l education, to those who may be commencing their studies 32 among the great English writers of songs and l y r i c s . " Palgrave's desire to address " p l a i n men" meant also that the c r i t i c a l reception of the Golden Treasury was, to a c e r t a i n extent, i r r e l e v a n t to i t s success because that audience did not read l i t e r a r y journals or even most newspapers, although the reviews the book received c e r t a i n l y helped to widen i t s c i r c u l a t i o n among a d e f i n i t e class of readers and thereby to extend i t s influence among an educated audience. The dearth of serious reviews suggests that the success of the book, early established and enduring, had more to do with word of mouth among an uneducated audience than i t did with the l i t e r a r y c i r c l e s of the eighteen s i x t i e s . Reviewers may have quibbled about some of Palgrave's e d i t o r i a l practices and complained that t h e i r favourite poems did not appear, but to a man they 166 recognised that the appearance of the Golden Treasury marked a qualitative change i n the nature of the English anthology. As A. J. Munby says i n his review i n the Working Men's College Magazine, the Golden Treasury f u l f i l l s a l l the expectations anyone could have for the perfect anthology of l y r i c poetry: we must have for our task a consensus of poetic minds; each favouring most some one portion of that period which they a l l traverse together; each taking, i t may be, a different view of the comparative value of popular fame and of the "audience f i t though few;" each representing, but i n different proportions, these great constituents—Strength, Beauty, Wisdom; and a l l harmonized by some one of them (a poet he should be, i f possible) who has s k i l l to arrange and learning to explain and comment, and, above a l l , firmness and sense to s t r i k e the balance true between past and present, and between fl e e t i n g popularity and permanent worth. Last l y , i f this work were to be done i n an age whose poetry i s emphatically l y r i c a l , and done, too, with the sanction and help of the chief poet of that age; then we might expect to see something l i k e a trustworthy c o l l e c t i o n of the best songs and l y r i c a l poems i n the English language. What a number of requisitions! some one may say; what a task i t must be to demand such an unprecedented combination of talent! Marry, and so i t i s : but i f I make requi s i t i o n s , i t i s only to show that they are already complied with; f o r , de te fabula narratur. D e t e , simple l i t t l e Book, whose very exterior i s a l l refinement, and for whom a place i s ever prepared i n my handiest shelf alongside 'In Memoriam' and the ' I d y l l s . ' (171) The Golden Treasury, therefore, i s a remarkable book. Its corrupt texts and Palgrave's idiosyncratic editing methods combine with a narrow v i s i o n of the acceptable subject matter of English l y r i c poetry and the forms and conventions appropriate to i t s expression. These limitations are compounded by palgrave's i n a b i l i t y to do j u s t i c e to poems which do not conform to his view of poetic perfection. His insistence on s i m p l i c i t y of language and form and unity of content and expression certainly produces a uniform but rather 167 romantic and Idealised v i s i o n of England's l y r i c t r a d i t i o n . As a r e s u l t of Palgrave's e d i t o r i a l approach, the Golden Treasury presents a homogeneous t r a d i t i o n , complete i n i t s e l f and i n many ways appealing, but i t can scarcely be considered a representative survey of the English l y r i c . The book does, however, bring together a group of a l l the l y r i c poems that Palgrave considered s u i t a b l e f o r the a l t e r n a t i v e l y r i c a l t r a d i t i o n which was to replace the e x i s t i n g accepted canon. As Naomi Lewis says i n her a r t i c l e celebrating the centenary of the Treasury's p u b l i c a t i o n , quoted i n the epigraph to t h i s chapter, Palgrave managed to impose his highly s e l e c t i v e v i s i o n of the l y r i c , i t s form and content, not only on l y r i c poetry but on poetry i n general, so that the term " l y r i c poetry" tends, at least i n the popular sense, to be viewed as synonymous with the term "poetry" i t s e l f . The other r e s u l t of Palgrave's unique e d i t o r i a l method i s that he succeeded i n e s t a b l i s h i n g a d i s t i n c t i o n between the "educated" taste for sophisticated and obscure verse and the taste f o r Wordsworthian s i m p l i c i t y which the Treasury helped to f o s t e r i n the general reader. As Christopher Clausen has noted, Palgrave probably did more than anyone else to create l a t e - V i c t o r i a n poetic taste and assumptions about p o e t r y — a taste and set of assumptions which, so f a r as nonacademic readers go, have probably not changed very much i n the eight decades since he l e f t the scene. The Golden Treasury has never gone out of p r i n t and e x i s t s today i n a v a r i e t y of updated e d i t i o n s . Updating i t i s a r e l a t i v e l y easy task because the popular poets of the twentieth c e n t u r y — K i p l i n g , Housman, Bridges, Masefield, Frost, and so o n — f i t so well into the t r a d i t i o n that Palgrave defined.... One reason that the nonacademic audience for poetry i s so small today i s undoubtedly the enormous gap i n taste between most of those who write poetry (the heirs of modernism) and most ordinary readers (the h e i r s of Palgrave). Among poets, c r i t i c s , and professional students of l i t e r a t u r e In the l a s t half-century, Palgrave's reputation has paid the p r i c e of t h i s s p l i t , f o r h i s l a s t i n g influence on taste has been a potent source of f r u s t r a t i o n to the modernist movement and i t s s u p p o r t e r s . 3 3 168 Whether the Golden Treasury has had since 1861 a p o s i t i v e influence on poetic taste i s a question open to debate, and, i n any event, one that l i e s outside the purview of this d i s s e r t a t i o n . Indisputable, however, i s the fact that several generations of English and American school children and general readers were f i r s t exposed to the l y r i c a l heritage of England through the s e l e c t i o n included i n this extraordinary anthology. NOTES * Naomi Lewis, "Palgrave and his Golden Treasury," The L i s t e n e r , 4 Jan. 1962, 23. 2 Thomas Woolner, R. A., Sculptor and Poet: his L i f e i n L e t t e r s , ed. Amy Woolner (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1917), p. 199. C e c i l Lang, ed., The Swinburne L e t t e r s , 6 v o l s . (New Haven: Yale Uni v e r s i t y Press, 1974), 1, note, 94. ^ Christopher Clausen, "The Palgrave Version," Georgia Review, 34 (1980), 277. ^ William Holman Hunt, Pre-Raphaelitism and the Pre-Raphaelite  Brotherhood (London: Macmillan, 1905), 2, 157-8. ^ Robert Martin, Tennyson: the Unquiet Heart (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1980), p. 435. 7 Charles Morgan, The House of Macmillan, 1843-1943 (London: Macmillan, 1943), p. 62. 8 Thomas Woolner, p. 203. Q F. T. Palgrave to Macmillan, 21 Nov. 1860, Macmillan Papers, Berg C o l l e c t i o n , New York Public L i b r a r y . Subsequent l e t t e r s from the Berg C o l l e c t i o n w i l l be documented i n t e r n a l l y . Lady Tennyson's Journal, ed. James 0. Hoge ( C h a r l o t t e s v i l l e : University of V i r g i n i a Press, 1981), p. 152. ** B. Ifor Evans, "Tennyson and the Origins of the Golden Treasury," TLS, 8 Dec. 1932, 941. 1 2 Charles Morgan, The House of Macmillan, p. 62. 1 3 Angus Ross, The Penguin Companion to English L i t e r a t u r e (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1971), p. 411. In the notes to the fourth e d i t i o n , Palgave j u s t i f i e s this version of Sidney's sonnet by arguing that i t "appears, as here given, i n Puttenham's 'Arte of English Poesie,' 1589. A longer and i n f e r i o r form was published i n the 'Arcadia' of 1590: but Puttenham's prefatory words c l e a r l y assign his version to Sidney's authorship" (351). ^ Matthew Arnold, "On the L i t e r a r y Influence of Academies," Essays i n C r i t i c i s m (London: Macmillan, 1865), pp. 70-1. 170 1 6 [H. B. Wilson], review of the Golden Treasury, Westminster Review, 43 (Oct. 1861), 606. * 7 Anon., review of the Golden Treasury, Saturday Review, 12 (17 Aug. 1861), 176. 1 Q John Brown, review of the Golden Treasury, The Scotsman, 12 (Sept. 1861), 3. 1 9 Anon., review of the Golden Treasury, Spectator, 34 (27 July 1861), 813. 20 A. J . Munby, "A Noteworthy Book of Poems," Working Men's College  Magazine, 1 (Sept. 1861), 171. 21 Anon., 'An Authority on Poetical C r i t i c i s m , " Saturday Review, 82 (19 Dec. 1896), 312. 2 2 June Steffensen Hagen, Tennyson and his Publishers (London: Macmillan, 1979), pp. 84, 112. 23 • Anon., An Authority on P o e t i c a l C r i t i c i s m , " 312. O / George Sampson, The Concise Cambridge History of English  L i t e r a t u r e (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1957), p. 645. 25 H. A. Beers, A History of English Romanticism i n the Nineteenth  Century (New York: Henry Holt, 1918), p. 389. 2 6 Obituary of F. T. Palgrave, Saturday Review, 84 (30 Oct. 1897), 457. 27 Anon., review of the Second Series of the Golden Treasury, Athenaeum, 110 (30 Oct. 1897), 555. '. 28 Anon., review of the Second Series of the Golden Treasury, Academy, 52 (23 Oct. 1897), 317. y "An Authority on Poetical C r i t i c i s m , " 312. 3 0 Anon. "Anthologies," Spectator, 79 (30 Oct. 1897), 591. 3 1 "Anthologies," 591. 3 2 J . A. Froude, "Some Poets of the Year," Fraser's, 64 (Oct. 1861), 64. 3 3 Christopher Clausen, "The Palgrave Version," 289. 171 APPENDICES TO THE GOLDEN TREASURY These Appendices are r e s t r i c t e d to editions over which Palgrave had d i r e c t e d i t o r i a l c o n t r o l . Pirated American editions are thus not included, nor are the many expanded editions which appeared subsequent to Palgrave's death i n 1897 and the expiry of the copyright i n 1911. Every attempt has been made to secure copies of a l l the impressions and issues of the Treasury which appeared p r i o r to 1897, but because most of them are of no p a r t i c u l a r b i b l i o g r a p h i c a l i n t e r e s t , l i b r a r i e s i n North America have tended not to c o l l e c t them, and some have not been av a i l a b l e for examination. Appendix A consists of b i b l i o g r a p h i c a l descriptions of the seven important states of the Treasury: (1) the f i r s t four impressions of the f i r s t e d i t i o n , which appeared i n July, October, November, and December of 1861, and a l l of which contain i n t e r n a l d i s t i n g u i s h i n g features, although they are not formally i d e n t i f i e d as such; (2) the expanded e d i t i o n of 1884; (3) the reset e d i t i o n of 1890; and (4) the "Revised and Expanded" e d i t i o n of 1891. For purposes of discussion i n this section, the three l a t t e r are referred to as the second, t h i r d , and fourth editions (without quotation marks). These editions are quite d i f f e r e n t from the f i r s t , with poems added and subtracted i n the course of r a i s i n g the number of poems from 288 to 339. Other, b i b l i o g r a p h i c a l l y unimportant impressions which appeared i n Palgrave's l i f e t i m e are l i s t e d i n the notes. Appendix B l i s t s a l l the major e d i t o r i a l changes which Palgrave made to his texts, excluding punctuation and s p e l l i n g emendations. A l l s i g n i f i c a n t 172 omissions of one word or more, transpositions of words or l i n e s , and unsupported variant textual readings are included. A l l references to textual changes, e.g. "stanza 6 omitted," refer to the standard text or copy text, where that i s i d e n t i f i e d , of the poem; rather than to the Treasury text. Appendix C l i s t s a l l s i g n i f i c a n t changes i n t i t l e , including t i t l e s added and omitted. T i t l e changes between the f i r s t and fourth editions are added at the end of Appendix C. Texts and t i t l e s have been compared with the o r i g i n a l where Palgrave has i d e n t i f i e d i t i n the manuscript, or with texts Palgrave i s suspected strongly to have used. In the absence of a known or suspected copy-text, the comparison has been made with a reputable standard text, such as de Selincourt's e d i t i o n of Wordsworth, which l i s t s the textual variants published before 1861 to which Palgrave might have referred. Appendix D l i s t s a l l the added and omitted poems which make up the four s i g n i f i c a n t e d i t i o n s of the Golden Treasury. Poems are c l a s s i f i e d by t h e i r Treasury number, t i t l e or f i r s t l i n e , and Palgrave's own t i t l e where that d i f f e r s from the o r i g i n a l . Additions to the second e d i t i o n do not a f f e c t the numbering because fourteen poems were simply added to the end of the sequence, and none were subtracted, but the t h i r d and fourth e d i t i o n s , which were completely renumbered, contain both additions and omissions. These changes affect the continuous numbering of the Treasury, so that a l l numbers cited i n Appendices C and D refer to the placement of poems i n the revised e d i t i o n s . A l l omissions were made from the contents of the f i r s t e d i t i o n . Palgrave did not drop any of the poems added to the three expanded e d i t i o n s ; therefore, a l l omitted poems are numbered as i n the f i r s t e d i t i o n . 173 Appendix E l i s t s Palgrave's major e d i t o r i a l e r r o r s , including misattributed poems and incorrect placement of poets i n the four Books. Appendix F l i s t s the known sources for both the f i r s t e d i t i o n of the Treasury, most of which are i d e n t i f i e d i n the margins of the manuscript i t s e l f , which i s i n the B r i t i s h L i b r a r y , and for the expanded e d i t i o n s . The rather meagre l i s t of i d e n t i f i e d sources says as much about the state of s c h o l a r l y e d i t i n g i n 1861 as i t does about Palgrave's thoroughness as an e d i t o r . The e d i t i o n s , annotated i n Palgrave's hand, of Keats and Shelley which were donated by him to the B r i t i s h L i b r a r y can reasonably be assumed to have been used for the preparation of the Golden Treasury. No formal l i s t of sources exists for the l a t e r e d i t i o n s , but some can be i d e n t i f i e d f a i r l y confidently from the notes and prefaces of the expanded editions of the Treasury, and from Palgrave's reviews and c r i t i c a l a r t i c l e s , many of which applaud the resurgence of c r i t i c a l and popular i n t e r e s t i n the minor sixteenth and seventeenth century poets, e s p e c i a l l y the Elizabethan madrigal poets, and to a lesser extent the Metaphysical poets, both of whom are well represented i n l a t e r e d i t i o n s . Appendix F l i s t s only editions of such poets included i n the expanded editions reviewed by Palgrave or poets reprinted f or the f i r s t time a f t e r 1861. Appendix G l i s t s located contemporary reviews of the Treasury, which have proved s u p r i s i n g l y few, the book apparently becoming an i n s t i t u t i o n as much by word of mouth as by formal reviews. In his correspondence with Macmillan, Palgrave mentions a number of reviews that could not be traced. Several reviews l i s t e d appeared well a f t e r the Treasury's publication in 1861. Some others notice the l a t e r expanded e d i t i o n s . The Treasury was, presumably, reviewed i n the minor d a i l y press but, apart from the very b r i e f 174 Times not i c e , no a r t i c l e s have been i d e n t i f i e d i n accessible sources. The lack of reviews i s disappointing, but an unknown young editor's anthology bearing the imprint of a small Cambridge bookseller who had hitherto published C o l o n i a l textbooks and sermons would have roused l i t t l e or no i n t e r e s t from over-worked reviewers. Only i n retrospect does the appearance of the Golden Treasury occupy a s i g n i f i c a n t place i n the h i s t o r y of modern publishing. 175 APPENDIX A: BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTIONS OF THE FOUR SIGNIFICANT EDITIONS OF THE GOLDEN TREASURY IN PALGRAVE'S LIFETIME: 1861, 1884, 1890, 1891 F i r s t E d i t i o n , F i r s t Impression (July 1861): THE / GOLDEN TREASURY / OF THE BEST SONGS AND LYRICAL POEMS / IN THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE / SELECTED AND ARRANGED WITH NOTES BY / FRANCIS TURNER PALGRAVE / FELLOW OF EXETER COLLEGE OXFORD / [Vignette by Thomas Woolner, engraved by C. H. Jeens, of a boy playing a reed pipe, with a bird i n a tree, and a dog and pan pipes at his feet (5 X 3.5 cm.)] / Cambridge [gothic type]/ MACMILLAN AND CO. / AND / HENRIETTA STREET COVENT GARDEN / London [gothic type] / 1861 Pagination: [ i - x i i ] , [1] 2-40, [41] 42-106, [107] 108-165, [166] 167-307, [308] 309-323, [324] 325-326, [327] 328-332. Binding: Olive-green cloth-covered boards with chocolate-brown end-papers; s p i n e - t i t l e i n gold-stamped roman c a p i t a l s GOLDEN / TREASURY / OF / SONGS / AND / LYRICS / at head, and MACMILLAN & CO at base above price 4/6 at foot ["Carter A," see Ian Carter's Binding Variants, p. 32]. The cover has a two-line border i n gold on front cover with rosette i n centre containing the logo of the Golden Treasury Series designed for this volume; a gold-stamped casket or treasury occupies the central c i r c l e of a cruciform, the legs of which enclose (clockwise) a bee, three acorns, a b u t t e r f l y , and three stars; with the l e t t e r s G-T-M and C and L intertwined in each corner of the cruciform. Back has blind-stamped rules as on front cover. C o l l a t i o n : 16 X 10.8 cm.;TT 2, a 1 , b 2 , c 1 , B-X8, Y 6 (a and c are conjugate). 172 leaves. 176 Contents: [i] roman h a l f - t i t l e : THE GOLDEN TREASURY / OF ENGLISH SONGS AND LYRICAL POEMS; [ i i ] printer's imprint; [ i i i ] t i t l e page; [iv] blank; [v] contents; [vi] dedication: TO ALFRED TENNYSON / POET LAUREATE / MAY 1861; [ v i i ] text of dedication; [ v i i i ] preface; [ i x - x i i ] text of preface; [1]2-307 text of the Golden Treasury; [308] NOTES; 309-323 text of notes;[324] INDEX OF WRITERS / WITH DATES OF BIRTH AND DEATH; 325-326 text of index; [327] INDEX OF FIRST LINES; 328-332 text of index. Typography: Running t i t l e i s "Book" verso and " F i r s t " etc. recto, with pagination set on outer margin of headline. Poems are distinguished by roman c a p i t a l numbers, with t i t l e ( i f given) in i t a l i c i s e d roman c a p i t a l s , authors' names i n small i t a l i c s . Outer margins average 3.3 cm. l e f t and 3 cm. r i g h t . Gutter margins average 2.5 cm. l e f t and 2.7 cm. r i g h t . Ir Leaf 0 16 cm. X 10.5 cm.: gutter margin: 2.2 cm. outer margin: 3.3 cm. The average page contains 42 l i n e s plus headline. Paper: Buff woven paper with no watermark. Sheets bulk 1.5 cm. Notes: Published around 17 July 1861 at price 4/6; 2,000 copies make up the f i r s t impression. Palgrave took considerable trouble i n choosing the format, paper, and binding and i n s i s t e d on the pocket 8 v o s i z e , which he had admired i n Murray's 1855 e d i t i o n of Byron, for ease of carrying the book and consulting i t outdoors. Externally the f i r s t impression of the f i r s t e d i t i o n d i f f e r s from subsequent impressions by having the price printed on the base of the spine ("Carter A" i n Ian Carter's Binding Variants, p. 113). Int e r n a l l y , i t contains a number of di s t i n g u i s h i n g v a r i a n t s , including a roman h a l f - t i t l e ; the misprinting of "witheld" f o r "withheld" on page 43, l i n e 23; a number of minor errors i n the p r i n t i n g of the stops; and the 177 misnumbering of poem CCXLIII as CCLXIII. This impression, as i n a l l editions to 1884, has 288 poems, 323 arabic-numbered pages. Of the two most s i g n i f i c a n t variants i n the f i r s t impression, Simon Nowell-Smith notes i n an a r t i c l e i n the Book C o l l e c t o r (14 [Summer 1965], 185-193), " I l i k e to d i s t i n g u i s h the e a r l i e r two [impressions], not by their roman and b l a c k - l e t t e r h a l f - t i t l e s , but by th e i r notes on Keats's 'nature's patient • sleepless Eremite.' This i s not an a l l u s i o n , as Palgrave f i r s t quaintly supposed, to the fable of the Wandering Jew" (192n). Three copies of this impression were examined. Second Impression (October 1861): This impression consisted of 1,200 copies, and i s i d e n t i c a l with the f i r s t impression except for the following variants: two a d d i t i o n a l notes on page 323, bringing the number to six (unique to this impression); the note on Keats's "nature's patient sleepless Eremite" (p. 321) has been corrected to " l i k e a s o l i t a r y thing in Nature"; the three-line second paragraph on the f i r s t page of the preface has been permanently removed. There are a number of corrections, including some i n c o r r e c t l y printed stops, and poem CCXLIII has been c o r r e c t l y renumbered. The binding variant i s "Carter C," with the shorter wide-faced c a p i t a l s for the publisher's name on the spine. The Colbeck C o l l e c t i o n contains what appears to be a purple-leather publisher's binding without cover-ornaments done e s p e c i a l l y f o r this impression; another copy i n Colbeck has g i l t top edges. This and subsequent impressions have "Lewis," not "Louis" on page 314, l i n e 21. Two extra n o t e s — t o pp. 292 and 303—were added. Three copies of t h i s impression were examined. 178 Third Impression (November 1861): This impression of 3,800 copies (bringing the t o t a l to 7,000 over f i v e months) has only four notes on page 323. The notes to pp. 292 and 303 were dropped without Palgrave's permission. An apostrophe i s inserted i n "Hamlet's" on page 310 i n t h i s impression, which has binding variant "Carter B," which i s i d e n t i c a l with "Carter A" but without the price on the spine. There i s an olive-green leather publisher's binding for t h i s impression. Three copies were examined. Fourth Impression (December 1861): The fourth impression retains the binding variant of "Carter B," which i s standard thereafter. This impression consisted of only 1,000 copies bringing the t o t a l to 8,000, although another 1,000 copies, probably only a reissue of the fourth impression, were released i n December 1861. This fourth impression i s also the f i r s t to have b i b l i o g r a p h i c a l information printed on the verso of the h a l f - t i t l e . The missing notes were restored i n t h i s e d i t i o n , and subsequent impressions followed t h i s fourth impression as copy-text, although Palgrave continued to make a l i s t of changes he would make when the book was completely set up again, which did not happen u n t i l 1890. Two copies were examined. Sub se quen t Imp re s s ions: The book, as stated above, was reissued f o r a f i f t h impression i n l a t e December 1861, bringing the t o t a l number of copies printed i n the f i r s t s i x months to 9000. After that, the book was reissued frequently over the next 23 years, a l l copies formally remaining part of the f i r s t e d i t i o n and based on the corrected copy-text of the December 1861 fourth impression. A f t e r the f i r s t f i v e impressions of 1861, the f i r s t 179 edition was reissued sixteen times: 1862 (twice, 12th and 14th thousand); 1863, 1865, 1867 (29th thousand); 1870; 1872 (the year in which i t also appeared in North America for the f i r s t time, although pirated editions had already been circulating for a number of years); 1874; 1875; 1877; 1878; 1880; 1881; 1882; 1883 (twice: May and August). Second Edition (1884): THE GOLDEN TREASURY / OF THE BEST SONGS AND LYRICAL POEMS / IN THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE / SELECTED AND ARRANGED WITH NOTES BY / FRANCIS TURNER PALGRAVE / FELLOW OF EXETER COLLEGE OXFORD / [vignette as for f i r s t edition] / London [gothic type] / MACMILLAN AND CO. / 1884 / and New York [gothic type] Pagination: [ i - x i i ] , [1] 2-40, [41] 42-106. [107] 108-165, [166] 167-318, [319] 319-336, [337] 338-346 Binding and Cover: as i n f i r s t impression. Collation: 16 X 10.8 cm. ;T2, a 1, b 2, c 1, B-Y8, Z 6. 180 leaves. Contents: [i] gothic h a l f - t i t l e : THE GOLDEN TREASURY / OF ENGLISH SONGS AND LYRICAL POEMS; [ i i ] publisher's information (61st thousand); [ i i i ] t i t l e page; [iv] printer's imprint; [v] contents: [vi] four-line Greek motto; [vii] dedication; TO ALFRED TENNYSON / POET LAUREATE / MAY 1861; [ v i i i ] text of dedication; [ix] preface; [x-xii] text of preface / 1861-1883; [1] 2-318 text of the Golden Treasury; [319] NOTES; 320-336 text of notes / [337] INDEX OF WRITERS AND INDEX OF FIRST LINES; 338-346 text of indices. Typography: As i n the f i r s t edition. Paper: As in the f i r s t edition. 180 Notes; The book is identical to the f i r s t edition in format, except that i t has been lengthened by 23 pages to 346. It consists of the original 288 poems of the f i r s t edition, with fourteen additional poems added to the end of the volume, additions which were eventually intercalated into the text in subsequent editions. The sequence has been lengthened by only thirteen numbers because Palgrave grouped two short Shakespeare lyr i c s ("Where the bee sucks" and "Come unto these yellow sands") under one number, 289, and entitled them "The Fairy Life 1 and 2." Palgrave limited the changes in the book to the addition of a paragraph dated "1883" to the end of the preface, the addition of notes to cover the extra poems, and the resetting of the indices of authors and of f i r s t lines. The index of authors ret i t l e s "Unknown" poets as "Anonymous." This edition was reprinted in 1885, 1886 (twice for the 67th and 68th thousand); 1887; 1888; 1890. No complete copies have been examined because UBC Interlibrary Loan was unable to locate a copy in North America. This bibliographical description is derived by analogy from later expanded editions and an examination of a xerox of the indices obtained from the British Library. Third Edition (1890); THE / GOLDEN TREASURY / OF THE BEST SONGS AND LYRICAL POEMS / IN THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE / SELECTED AND ARRANGED WITH NOTES BY / FRANCIS TURNER PALGRAVE / PROFESSOR OF POETRY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD / [Vignette as in f i r s t edition] / London [gothic type] / MACMILLAN AND CO. / AND NEW YORK / 1890 Pagination: [ i - x i i ] , [1] 2-63, [64] 65-152, [153] 154-231, [232] 233-413, [414-6], [417] 418-436, [437] 438-439, [440-1] 442-448. 181 Binding: dark-green cloth-covered boards with matching end-papers and a single binder's l e a f at each end; spine has gold-stamped Roman c a p i t a l s GOLDEN TREASURY / OF / SONGS / AND / LYRICS / F. T. PALGRAVE. Four gold rules at base of spine match those on the cover, which has four narrow gold rules on a l l edges with a central gold ornament of a lute placed diagonally on a background of three dog-roses on four stems with f o l i a g e (19.5 X 13.4 cm.). C o l l a t i o n : 19 X 13 cm.;T 2, [ a ] 4 , B-Z 8, AA-FF 8. 230 leaves. Contents: [ i ] h a l f - t i t l e : The Golden Treasury [ i i ] f o u r - l i n e Greek motto; [ i i i ] t i t l e page; [iv] blank; [v] dedication: TO ALFRED TENNYSON / POET LAUREATE / MAY 1861; [vi] text of dedication; [ v i i ] PREFACE: [ v i i i - x i ] text of preface; [1] 2-413 text of the Golden Treasury; [414] blank; [415] NOTES / INDEX OF WRITERS / AND / INDEX OF FIRST LINES; [416] blank; [417]-436 text of notes; [437] INDEX OF WRITERS: [437]-439 text of index; [440] blank; [441] INDEX OF FIRST LINES; [442] 443-448 text of index. Typography: Running t i t l e "Book" verso and " F i r s t " etc. recto i n block c a p i t a l s . Pagination set outside outer margin of headline. Poems s t i l l distinguished by Roman numbers, but for the f i r s t time have Gothic upper and lowercase t i t l e s . Outer margins average 2.6 cm. l e f t and 2.5 cm. r i g h t . Gutter margins average 1.2 cm. l e f t and 1.5 cm. r i g h t . Leaf 0* r 19 X 12.7 cm.: outer margin: 2.5 cm. gutter margin: 1.2 cm. The average page contains 34 l i n e s plus headline. Paper: Off-white woven paper with no watermark. Sheets bulk 2.3 cm. 182 Notes: The t h i r d e d i t i o n appeared i n 1890 and was reissued twice: once i n the same year and again in 1891. The f i r s t e d i t i o n to be e n t i r e l y reset, i t i s also the f i r s t to appear i n a large-paper copy, which included a l i m i t e d vellum and gold-tooled Library Edi t i o n of 500, signed and numbered. This e d i t i o n omits s i x of the o r i g i n a l 288 poems, and adds a further 30 new poems which, added to the extra fourteen i n the second e d i t i o n , provides a t o t a l of 326. "It i s not Beauty" (no. 106) has been properly reattributed to George Darley, but i t i s l i s t e d i n the index twice, under Darley and the o r i g i n a l "Anonymous." The two short Shakespeare l y r i c s added i n 1884 under the single number 289 are now numbered separately. There are now 448 arabic-numbered pages, and the preface has been b r i e f l y added to and redated "1861-1883-1890." This e d i t i o n apparently also appeared i n pocket 8 v o. Two large copies, one small copy examined. Fourth E d i t i o n (1891): THE / GOLDEN TREASURY / OF THE BEST SONGS AND LYRICAL POEMS / IN THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE / SELECTED AND ARRANGED WITH NOTES BY / FRANCIS TURNER PALGRAVE / PROFESSOR OF POETRY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD / REVISED AND ENLARGED / London (gothic type) / MACMILLAN AND CO., LTD. / NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN CO. / 1891 Pagination: [ i - v i i i ] , [1] 2-55, [56] 57-132, [133] 134-196, [197] 198-346, [347-9], 350-369, [370-1], 372-373, [374-5], 376-381, [382]. Binding: Dark blue cloth-covered boards with white end-papers. Spine has gold-stamped roman caps: GOLDEN / TREASURY / OF / SONGS / AND / LYRICS. Base of spine has two gold-stamped rules and MACMILLAN & CO. The cover has two blind-stamped rules to match those on spine, and a publisher's ornament: a 183 gold-stamped rectangular s c r o l l containing (clockwise) two squares; one rectangle; two squares; and three squares, around a central oval containing gothic c a p i t a l s G-T-S. C o l l a t i o n : 15.8 X 10.5 cm.; 11 2 , b 4 , B-Z 8, AA-BB8. 198 leaves. Contents: [ i ] gothic h a l f - t i t l e : THE GOLDEN TREASURY; [ i i ] blank; [ i i i ] t i t l e page; [iv] p r i n t e r ' s imprint; [v] dedication TO ALFRED TENNYSON / POET LAUREATE / MAY 1861; [v] text of dedication; [vi] preface; [ v i i - i x ] text of preface; [x] contents; [xi] 4-line Greek motto; [1] 2-346 text of The Golden  Treasury; [347] NOTES / INDEX OF WRITERS / AND / INDEX OF FIRST LINES; [348] blank; [349] 350-69 text of notes; [370] blank; [371] 372-373 text of index of writers; [374] blank; [375] 376-382 text of index of f i r s t l i n e s . Typography: as i n f i r s t e d i t i o n . Paper: Off-white woven paper, with no watermark. Sheets bulk 2.1 cm. Notes: The fourth e d i t i o n , the f i r s t to contain the words "Revised and Enlarged" on the t i t l e page, appeared in 1891 i n the pocket 8 v o format, and also i n a l i m i t e d Library E d i t i o n 250-copy unsigned large-paper e d i t i o n (21 X 12.7 cm.). The preface i s dated 1861-1883-1890-1891. The poem numbers appear i n the Author Index as arabic numerals for the f i r s t time, rather than the roman ones used to that point. It was reissued f i v e times i n Palgrave's l i f e t i m e : again i n 1891, 1892, 1894, 1896, 1897. This e d i t i o n was the d e f i n i t i v e one: Palgrave subsequently turned his attention to other projects. He omitted four more poems and added seventeen new ones for a f i n a l t o t a l of 339. The notes were expanded in number from 126 i n the f i r s t e d i t i o n to 161 in this fourth e d i t i o n ; the o r i g i n a l notes were also extensively revised. 184 APPENDIX B: SIGNIFICANT TEXTUAL CHANGES IN THE GOLDEN TREASURY I. FIRST EDITION (1861) No Author 2 Drummond 5 Marlowe 7 9 Anon. 24 Sidney 36 Shakespeare 45 79 Crashaw 80 T i t l e or F i r s t Line Phoebus, a r i s e . . . Come l i v e with me.., Shakespeare Crabbed Age and... Under the greenwood., Absence, hear thou.. My true love hath... Take 0 take those l i p s . . , Fear no more the heat... Who'er she be... Anon.[Parker] Over the mountains... *Note: an a s t e r i s k i n d i c a t e s Palgrave declared Textual Change *3 l i n e s omitted ( l i n e s 29 & 30 and l i n e 36) *extra variant stanza (no. 6)from Walton and variant Walton readings throughout a 10-line poem printed by Palgrave i n h a l f - l i n e s stanza 3 omitted (8 l i n e s ) *stanza 3 omitted (6 l i n e s ) o r i g i n a l l y a sonnet, with sestet omitted and choruses added at the end of each quatrain stanza 2 omitted (8 l i n e s ) *stanza 4 omitted (6 l i n e s ) *using Chalmers as copytext, Palgrave's version consists of stanzas 1-7, 9, 10, 30, 32, 31, 26, 27, 29, 35, 36, 38, 39, 41, 42 l a s t two stanzas omitted (16 l i n e s ) the omission i n the notes. 185 No. Author 81 84 87 100 107 117 128 133 Sedley Wotton Carew Lovelace Anon. 114 Marvell 116 Dryden Gray Anon Graham 154 Mickle 160 Cowper 165 Barbauld 220 Lamb 227 Shelley T i t l e or F i r s t Line Ah, C h l o r i s ! . . . You meaner beauties... He that loves a rosy... If to be absent were... I wish I were where... Where the remote Bermudas 'Twas at the royal f e a s t . Now the golden Morn a l o f t Down i n yon garden... If doughty deeds... And are ye sure the news. I am monarch of a l l . . . L i f e ! I know not what... I have had playmates... The sun i s warm... Textual Change l a s t 2 stanzas omitted (8 l i n e s ) stanzas 2 and 3 transposed * l a s t stanza omitted (8 l i n e s ) *stanza 2 omitted (6 l i n e s ) 6 stanzas from Part I omitted ...lines 7&8 transposed to 9&10 . f i n a l 10-line Grand Chorus omitted . . . f i n a l 11 l i n e s omitted *stanza 6 omitted l a s t 4 l i n e s of stanza two omitted ,. *second l a s t stanza of o r i g i n a l omitted (8 l i n e s ) *4th to f i n a l stanza omitted *18 of the o r i g i n a l 30 l i n e s omitted (2 ce n t r a l stanzas) f i r s t stanza omitted * f i n a l stanza (9 l i n e s ) omitted 186 No Author 235 Hood 264 Shelley 265 Shelley 268 Shelley 274 Shelley 276 Wordsworth 277 Shelley 292 Quarles 294 Vaughan 295 Smart 34 Anon. 151 Marvell T i t l e or F i r s t Line We watched her... Art thou pale... A widow b i r d . . . I dream'd that as I... Many a green i s l e . . . I was thy neighbour... On a Poet's l i p s . . . I I . SECOND EDITION E'en l i k e two... I saw E t e r n i t y . . . He sang of God... I I I . THIRD EDITION Fine knacks for l a d i e s . . . With sweetest milk... Textual Change *2 middle stanzas omitted (restored i n l a t e r editions) l a s t 2 l i n e s omitted f i n a l stanza omitted l i n e 13 omitted *182 l i n e s omitted 18 l i n e s of stanza 1 and a l l of stanzas 2, and 6-10 stanza 6 omitted (4 l i n e s ) l a s t 2 l i n e s omitted 4 f i n a l stanzas (24 l i n e s ) omitted l a s t 8 l i n e s omitted only 3 of the 86 poems i n the sequence included f i n a l stanza omitted consists of l i n e s 55-92 of (1884) (1890) 187 No Author 172 Blake 215 Lyte 137 Cowley 138 Vaughan T i t l e or F i r s t Line Textual Change "The Nymph complaining of the Death of her Fawn," l i n e s 1-54 and 93-122 omitted Sleep, sleep, beauty... f i n a l f o u r - l i n e stanza omitted . I meet thy pensive... *6-quatrain extract from "Sad Thoughts" (stanzas 5-8, 20-21, 24 of the o r i g i n a l 96 l i n e s ) IV. FOURTH EDITION (1891) It was a dismal... They are a l l gone... stanzas 3-5, 7-9, 11, 13, 15, 17-19 excluded (96 l i n e s of the o r i g i n a l 152) f i n a l 3 stanzas (12 l i n e s ) omitted 188 APPENDIX C: TITLE VARIANTS I. FIRST EDITION (1861) No Author T i t l e or F i r s t Line Palgrave's T i t l e 1 Nash Spring, the sweet... "Spring" 2 Drummond Phoebus, a r i s e . . . "Summons to Love" 3 Shakespeare When I have seen... "Time and Love 1" 4 Shakespeare Since brass, nor stone... "Time and Love 2" 9 Anon. Absence, hear thou... "Present i n Absence 10 Shakespeare Being your slave... "Absence" 12 Shakespeare When i n disgrace... "A Consolation" 13 Shakespeare 0 never say that... "The Unchangeable" 15 Constable "Damelus* Song to his "Diaphenia" Diaphenia" 16 Lodge "Rosalynde's Description" "Rosaline" 17 "The Shepherd "To C o l i n Clout" "Colin" Tonie" [Anthony Munday] 18 Shakespeare Shall I compare thee... "To his Love" 19 Shakespeare When i n the chr o n i c l e . . . "To h i s Love" 20 Shakespeare "The Passionate Shepherd's "Love's P e r j u r i e s " Song" 21 Wyat[t] Forget not yet... "A Supplication" 22 Alexander 0 i f thou knew'st... "To Aurora" 23 Shakespeare Let me not... "Man's Love" 189 No. Author T i t l e or F i r s t Line 25 Sylvester Were I as base... 26 Shakespeare 0 Mistress mine... 27 Shakespeare When i c i c l e s hang... 29 Shakespeare When to the sessions... 30 Shakespeare Like as the waves... 32 Shakespeare They that have power... 33 Wyat[t] And w i l t thou leave me. 34 Barnefield As i t f e l l upon a day.. 37 Drayton Since there's no help.. 38 Drummond My l u t e , be as thou.... 39 Shakespeare 0 me! what eyes... 40 Anon. "Philon the Shepherd: His Song" 41 Vere "F a i r Fools" 44 Shakespeare Come away, come away... 45 Shakespeare Fear no more... 46 Shakespeare F u l l fathom f i v e . . . 47 Webster C a l l for the robin... 48 Shakespeare If Thou survive... 49 Shakespeare No longer mourn for me. 51 Lyly[e] Cupid and my Campaspe.. 54 Dekker "Sweet Content" 56 Shakespeare Poor Soul... 57 Bacon The World's a bubble... Palg rave's Ti11e "Love's Omnipresence" "Carpe Diem" " Winter" "Remembrance" "Revolutions" "The L i f e without Passion" "The Lover's Appeal" "The Nightingale" "Love's Farewell" "To his Lute" "Blind Love" "The U n f a i t h f u l Shepherdess" "A Renunciation" "Dirge of Love" "Fidele" "A Sea Dirge" "A Land Dirge" "Post Mortem" "The Triumph of Death" "Cupid and Campaspe" "The Happy Heart" "Soul and Body" " L i f e " 190 No Author T i t l e or F i r s t Line 58 Drummond Of this f a i r volume... 60 Shakespeare Tired with a l l these... 61 Drummond The l a s t and greatest... 68 Shirley Victorious men... 69 Shirley "Death's F i n a l Conquest" 71 Milton When I consider... 73 Jonson "Good L i f e , Long L i f e " 74 Herbert "The Pulley" 79 Crashaw "Wishes for h i s (Supposed) Mistress" 80 Anon [Parker] "Truth's I n t e g r i t y " 81 Sedley Ah, C h l o r i s ! could I... 82 Herrick "To the V i r g i n s , to Make Much of Time" 86 Anon. [Darley] It i s not Beauty... 87 Carew "Disdain Returned" 91 Anon [Campion] There i s a garden... 92 Herrick "Delight i n Disorder" 93 Herrick "Upon J u l i a ' s Clothes" 94 Anon. My Love i n her a t t i r e . . . 101 Suckling Why so pale and wan... 102 Cowley Awake, awake, my Lyre... 103 Wither "The Shepherd's Resolution 104 Fletcher Hence, a l l you vain ... Palgrave's T i t l e "The Lessons of Nature" "The World's Way" "Saint John Baptist" "The Last Conqueror" "Death the L e v e l l e r " "On His Blindness" "The Noble Nature" "The G i f t s of God" "Wishes for the Supposed Mistress" "The Great Adventurer" "Child and Maiden" "Counsel to G i r l s " "The Pursuit of the Ideal" "The True Beauty" "Cherry-Ripe" "The Poetry of Dress 1" "The Poetry of Dress 2" "The Poetry of Dress 3" "Encouragements to a Lover" "A Supplication" "The Manly Heart" "Melancholy" 191 No 105 106 111 114 118 121 125 132 135 144 154 160 161 164 167 169 Author Scott Anon. Marvell Marvell Pope P h i l i p s Burns Burns Rogers Burns Mickle Cowper Cowper [John] C o l l i n s Keats Byron T i t l e or F i r s t Line "The Verses found i n Bothwell's Pocketbook" 0 waly waly... "The Garden" "Bermudas" "Ode on Solitude" "To Miss Charlotte Pulteney i n her mother's arms" "The Flowers of the Forest" "My bonnie Mary" "On — Asleep" "To a Mouse on turning her up with a plough " "Colin's Return" "Verses supposed to be written by Alexander Selkirk " "To Mrs. Unwin" In the downhill of l i f e . . . "Ode" "Stanzas Written on the Road between Florence and Pisa" Palgrave's T i t l e "To a Lock of Hair" "The Forsaken Bride" "Thoughts i n a Garden" "Song of the Emigrants i n Bermuda" "The Quiet L i f e " "To Charlotte Pulteney" "Lament for Culloden" "A Farewell" "The Sleeping Beauty" "To a F i e l d Mouse" "The Sailor's Wife" "The Solitude of Alexander Selkirk " "To Mary Unwin" "To-Morrow" "Ode on the Poets" " A l l f o r Love" 192 No 170 171 176 177 179 183 185 186 187 188 189 191 194 195 197 199 200 202 204 Author Scott Byron Shelley Wordsworth Wordsworth Campbell Moore Scott Campbell Shelley Wordsworth Keats Scott Shelley Campbell Keats Wordsworth Byron Scott 210 Wordsworth T i t l e or F i r s t Line 0 B r i g n a l l Banks... "Stanzas for Music" "To She dwelt among the untrodden ways... Three years she grew... "Song" "Echo" Ah! County Guy... Gem of the crimson-colour 'd Even... "To Night" Why art thou s i l e n t . . . In a drear-nighted... A weary l o t i s thine... When the lamp i s . . E a r l March look'd., When I have fears., Surprized by joy.., And thou art dead., Pibroch of Donuil Dhu... "Thoughts of a Briton on the Subjugation of Switzerland" Palgrave's T i t l e "The Outlaw" u n t i t l e d u n t i t l e d "The Lost Love" "The Education of Nature" "Freedom and Love" "Echoes" "A Serenade" "To the Evening Star" "To the Night" "To a Distant Friend" "Happy I n s e n s i b i l i t y " "The Rover" "The F l i g h t of Love" "The Maid of Neidpath" "The Terror of Death" "Desideria" "Elegy on Thyrza" "Gathering Song of Donald the Black" "England and Switzerland 1802" 193 No Author T i t l e or F i r s t Line 216 Southey "The Battle of Blenheim" 217 Moore When he who adores thee... 221 Moore As slow our ship... 222 Byron "Stanzas for Music" 223 Wordsworth "The Small Celandine" 224 Hood I remember, I remember... 225 Moore Oft i n the s t i l l y night... 226 Shelley Rarely, r a r e l y . . . 228 Southey My days among the Dead... 230 Scott Proud Maisie... 232 Byron 0 snatch'd away... 236 Scott "Harold" 238 Wordsworth "The A f f l i c t i o n of — " 246 Shelley "Ozymandias" 247 Wordsworth "Composed at — Castle" 249 Wordsworth "To a Highland G i r l , at Inversneyde, upon Loch Lomond" 250 Wordsworth "The S o l i t a r y Reaper" 252 Shelley "With a Guitar, to Jane" 253 Wordsworth I wander'd lonely... Palgrave's T i t l e "After Blenheim" "Pro Patr i a Mori" "The Journey Onwards" "Youth and Age" "A Lesson "Past and Present" "The Light of Other Days" "Invocation" "The Scholar" "The Pride of Youth" "Elegy" "Rosabelle" "The A f f l i c t i o n of Margaret" "Ozymandias of Egypt" "Composed at Neidpath Castle, the property of Lord Queensberry, 1803 "To the Highland G i r l of Inversnaid" "The Reaper" "To a Lady, with a Guitar" "The D a f f o d i l s " ( 194 No 261 262 263 268 269 270 271 277 283 284 288 Author Wordsworth Campbell Scott Shelley Wordsworth Keats Shelley T i t l e or F i r s t Line Palgrave's T i t l e 273 Wordsworth 274 Shelley 276 Wordsworth Shelley Campbell Keats Shelley It i s a beauteous evening..."By the Sea" "Song to the Evening Star" "To the Evening Star The sun upon the lake... "The Question" Most sweet i t i s . . . "Fancy" L i f e of L i f e ! . . . "Ruth" "Lines Written Among the Euganean H i l l s " "Datur Hora Q u i e t i " "A Dream of the Unknown" "The Inner V i s i o n " "The Realm of Fancy" "Hymn to the S p i r i t of Nature" "Ruth: or the Influences of Nature" "Written i n the Euganean H i l l s , North I t a l y " "Elegaic Stanzas Suggested "Nature and the Poet" by a Picture of Peel Castle" On a Poet's l i p s I s l e p t . . . "The Poet's Dream" "A Thought Suggested by "The River of L i f e " the New Year" Four Seasons f i l l . . . "The Human Seasons" "To — " u n t i t l e d I I . SECOND EDITION (1884) No. 289 Author F i r s t Line Shakespeare Where the bee sucks.., Palgrave's T i t l e "The F a i r y L i f e 1' 195 No Author 289 Shakespeare 290 Sidney 291 Anon. 292 Quarles 293 Herrick 294 Vaughan 2 95 Smart 296 Anon. 300 Wolfe 301 Wordsworth T i t l e or F i r s t Line Come unto these yellow... Come Sleep: 0 Sleep... Weep you no more... E'en l i k e two... Get up, get up for shame. 1 saw Etern i t y the other night... "A Song to David" When I think on the happy If I had thought... There's not a nook... Palgrave's T i t l e "The Fairy L i f e 2" "Sleep" "A Song for Music" "A Mystical Ecstasy' . "Corinna's Maying" "A V i s i o n " "The Song of David" .."Absence" "To Mary" "The Trosachs" I I I . THIRD EDITION (1890) 6 13 22 26 34 48 52 Anon. Sidney Anon. Campion Anon. Campion Anon. Fain would I change... High-way, since you... Sweet Love, i f thou