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Land, community, corporation : intercultural correlation between ideas of land in Dene and Inuit tradition.. Piddocke, Stuart 1985

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LAND, COMMUNITY, CORPORATION: INTERCULTURAL CORRELATION BETWEEN IDEAS OF LAND IN DENE AND INUIT TRADITION AND IN CANADIAN LAW by STUART MICHAEL PIDDOCKE M.A., The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, I960 M.A., The U n i v e r s i t y o f London, 1962 LL.B., The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , 1975 A THESIS SUBMITTED I N PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY  in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department o f A n t h r o p o l o g y and S o c i o l o g y  We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the required  standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA January  19^5  © Stuart Michael Piddocke,  19^5  In p r e s e n t i n g  t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of  requirements f o r an advanced degree at the  the  University  o f B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make it  f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference  and  study.  I  further  agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may  be granted by the head of  department or by h i s or her  representatives.  my  It is  understood t h a t copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l gain  s h a l l not be allowed without my  permission.  Department of The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3  DE-6  (3/81)  Columbia  written  ABSTRACT The  present  enquiry i s a study of s p e c i f i c s o c i a l p o s s i -  b i l i t i e s i n a c u l t u r e - c o n t a c t s i t u a t i o n , namely t h e  encounter  o f t h e Dene and I n u i t o f t h e Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s w i t h Canadian society;  and shows how  by a n a l y z i n g the b a s i c c o n t e n t  two t r a d i t i o n s i n c o n t a c t w i t h one a n o t h e r ,  the  of  possibilities  f o r mutual adjustment o f one t r a d i t i o n t o t h e o t h e r , o r the l a c k o f such p o s s i b i l i t i e s , may content.  The  be l o g i c a l l y d e r i v e d from t h a t  s t u d y a l s o uses the p e r s p e c t i v e o f c u l t u r a l eco-  l o g y t o d e v i s e and demonstrate a way l a n d - t e n u r e may  i n w h i c h any system o f  be compared w i t h any o t h e r , w i t h o u t the con-  c e p t s o f one system b e i n g imposed upon the The  other.  p a r t i c u l a r problem o f t h e e n q u i r y i s t o compare the  t r a d i t i o n a l i d e a s o f l a n d and l a n d - t e n u r e w i t h the i d e a s o f l a n d and l a n d - t e n u r e d i s c o v e r a way  among Dene and  i n Canadian law;  whereby the Dene and I n u i t may  Inuit and  to  use the concepts  o f t h e dominant Canadian system t o p r e s e r v e t h e i r own  tradi-  t i o n a l ways o f h o l d i n g l a n d . The  a n a l y s i s b e g i n s by o u t l i n i n g the c u l t u r a l ecosystem  o f each p e o p l e , t h e i r b a s i c modes o f s u b s i s t e n c e , the  resources  used, the kinds of t e c h n i c a l operations a p p l i e d to those  re-  s o u r c e s , t h e work o r g a n i z a t i o n , and r e l e v a n t p a r t s o f s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and w o r l d - v i e w .  Then, i n o r d e r , t h e i d e a of l a n d  w h i c h t h e p e o p l e appear t o be f o l l o w i n g , t h e k i n d s o f l a n d - r i g h t s and p r i n c i p l e s o f l a n d - h o l d i n g r e c o g n i z e d by the" p e o p l e ,  and  t h e k i n d s o f "persons" who may h o l d l a n d - r i g h t s , a r e d e s c r i b e d . The  systems a r e t h e n compared i n o r d e r t o d i s c o v e r t h e p o s s i -  b i l i t i e s for "reconciliation". The  e n q u i r y concludes  t h a t t h e b a s i c premises and c h a r -  a c t e r s o f t h e Dene and I n u i t systems o f l a n d - t e n u r e a r e f u n d a m e n t a l l y i r r e c o n c i l a b l e w i t h t h o s e o f Canadian r e a l p r o p e r t y law, b u t t h a t t h e Dene and I n u i t systems can be e n c a p s u l a t e d w i t h i n t h e dominant Canadian system by means o f t h e Community Land-Holding  C o r p o r a t i o n (CLHC).  The CLHC as proposed i n t h i s  e n q u i r y would a l l o w t h e members o f a community t o h o l d l a n d among themselves a c c o r d i n g t o t h e i r own r u l e s , w h i l e t h e c o r p o r a t i o n h o l d s t h e l a n d o f t h e whole community a g a i n s t o u t s i d e r s a c c o r d i n g t o t h e p r i n c i p l e s o f Canadian l a w .  - iv  TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE Abstract Table  i i  o f Contents  iv  Acknowledgements I  viii  QUESTION AND CONTEXT  1  A  The Problem  1  B  Method  7  C  Anthropological Perspectives  14  1.  General A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l P e r s p e c t i v e s  14  2.  S p e c i f i c T h e o r e t i c a l and T o p i c a l C o n t r i butions  3.  4. D  18  S p e c i f i c Ethnographic o r D e s c r i p t i v e Contributions  21  C o n t r i b u t i o n s from A p p l i e d Anthropology  24  The L o g i c o f the Present  Study  Notes t o Chapter I II  28 35  DEFINITION OF LAND. PROPERTY, LAND-TENURE. AND PERSON IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE  39  A  Land  39  B  Property,  C  Land-Tenure  59  D  Person  74  Ownership, and P o s s e s s i o n  Notes t o Chapter I I  45  80  -  III  IV  V  -  DENE AND INUIT IDEAS OF LAND AND LAND-TENURE  86  A  Dene  86  B  Inuit  104  C  A Summary  110  Notes t o Chapter I I I  112  IDEAS OF LAND AND LAND-TENURE IN CANADIAN LAW  120  A.  Contexts  120  B  The Law o f Real P r o p e r t y i n the Common Law  133  1.  The L e g a l Concept o f Land  133  2.  The Idea o f E s t a t e  137  3.  Other I n t e r e s t s i n Land  144  4.  " L e g a l " and " E q u i t a b l e " "Trusts"  149  5.  G a i n i n g and L o s i n g I n t e r e s t s i n Land  152  6.  Persons, o r Who May Hold Rights t o Land  156  7.  Summary:  8. C  Interests;  Comparative C l a s s i f i c a t i o n o f  Land-Rights  159  Summary:  l62  The P r o p r i e t o r i a l System  The Second System: " A d m i n i s t r a t i v e " Elements i n t h e Canadian Law o f Land-Tenure  D  Canadian Law Concerning N a t i v e Rights t o Land, including Aboriginal T i t l e  V  164  170  Notes t o Chapter IV  178  THE TWO SYSTEMS COMPARED  182  A  Comparison  182  1.  182  The Idea o f Land  - vi 2. Ownership and P o s s e s s i o n Regarding  B  Land  3« Persons H o l d i n g Rights t o Land  186  R e c o n c i l i n g t h e Two Systems  188  Notes tb.eChapter V VI  196  THE IDEA OF THE COMMUNITY LAND-HOLDING  CORPORA-  TION (CLHC)  198  A  What I t I s Not  198  1.  Not a J u r i d i c a l l y S o v e r e i g n U n i t  199  (a) The Denendeh P r o p o s a l  199  (b) The Nunavut P r o p o s a l  202  Not a Share-Holding  206  2.  B  Corporation  (a) The Menomini T e r m i n a t i o n  207  (b) The A l a s k a Native Claims Settlement  213  3.  Not a M u n i c i p a l C o r p o r a t i o n  219  4.  Not a Band Under the I n d i a n A c t  220  The S t r u c t u r e o f the Proposed Community LandHolding Corporation  C  Probable  D  223  Consequences o f Becoming a Community  Land-Holding  VII  183  Corporation  The CLHC and A b o r i g i n a l R i g h t s  246 251  Notes t o Chapter VI  253  CONCLUDING ASSESSMENTS  255  A  The Problem and I t s S o l u t i o n  255  B  M e t h o d o l o g i c a l Assessment  267  C  I m p l i c a t i o n s f o r Anthropology  273  Notes t o Chapter V I I v »  275  - vii  -  LIST OF SOURCES  276  Books, A r t i c l e s , and Pamphlets  276  Cases and S t a t u t e s  289  Other Sources  290  - viii -  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I should l i k e t o thank t h e f o l l o w i n g f o r p e r m i s s i o n t o reproduce  copyright material:  U n i v e r s i t y o f H a w a i i P r e s s , f o r e x c e r p t from Henry P. Lundsgaarde, e d . , Land Tenure i n O c e a n i a , H o n o l u l u :  The U n i -  v e r s i t y P r e s s o f H a w a i i , 1974-• Doubleday and Co., I n c . , f o r e x c e r p t from Asen B a l i k c i , The N e t s i l i k Eskimo, c o p y r i g h t (§) 1970 by Asen B a l i k c i . O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s (Canada),  f o r e x c e r p t s from ( a )  G. W. P a t o n , A Textbook o f J u r i s p r u d e n c e , O x f o r d : P r e s s , 1951* second ed.; Procedures  Clarendon  and ( b ) Max Gluckman, ed., I d e a s and  i n A f r i c a n Customary Law, London: O x f o r d  University  P r e s s f o r t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l A f r i c a n I n s t i t u t e , 1969. M i n i s t e r o f Supply and S e r v i c e s Canada, f o r e x c e r p t s from Hugh Brody, "Land Occupancy:  Inuit Perceptions," i n Inuit  Land Use and Occupancy P r o j e c t , R e p o r t , v i c e s Canada, 1976, v o l . one.  Ottawa: Supply and Ser-  -  ix  The head c h i e f t o l d us t h a t t h e r e was not a f a m i l y i n t h a t whole n a t i o n t h a t had not a home o f i t s own. There was n o t a pauper i n t h a t n a t i o n , and t h e n a t i o n d i d not owe a d o l l a r . . . Y e t t h e d e f e c t o f t h e system was a p p a r e n t . They have g o t as f a r as t h e y can go, because t h e y own t h e i r l a n d i n common . . . There i s no s e l f i s h ness w h i c h i s a t t h e bottom o f c i v i l i z a t i o n . * T i l l " t h i s p e o p l e w i l l consent t o g i v e up t h e i r l a n d s , and d i v i d e them among t h e i r c i t i z e n s so t h a t each can own t h e l a n d he c u l t i v a t e s , t h e y w i l l n o t make much more p r o g r e s s . t  — U, S . S e n a t o r Henry L. Dawes, i n t h e e a r l y l8c30*s, a f t e r a v i s i t t o t h e Cherokee N a t i o n i n Oklahoma, quoted i n Waters ( 1 9 7 0 : 125).  - 1 -  I  QUESTION AND  CONTEXT  A The  Problem  The purpose o f t h i s e n q u i r y i s t o compare the i d e a s o f l a n d and l a n d - t e n u r e i n t h e " t r a d i t i o n a l " c u l t u r e s o f t h e Dene and I n u i t o f Canada's Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s w i t h the i d e a s o f l a n d and l a n d - t e n u r e i n Canadian law, s p e c i f i c a l l y t h e Common Law  t r a d i t i o n ; and t o d i s c o v e r a way,  i f any i s p o s s i b l e , i n  which Dene and I n u i t communities might use t h e l e g a l  concepts  o f t h e dominant Canadian system o f l a n d - l a w t o p r e s e r v e t h e i r own ways o f l a n d - t e n u r e w i t h o u t s e r i o u s d i s t o r t i o n . The  e n q u i r y i s an essay i n t h e a p p l i c a t i o n o f  anthropo-  l o g i c a l understanding to a p a r t i c u l a r i n s t a n c e of a r e c u r r e n t problem  i n the contact of c u l t u r e s .  That problem  i s , what  happens when the system o f l a n d - t e n u r e o f a g i v e n s o c i e t y comes s u b o r d i n a t e t o , i n law o r i n p r a c t i c e , a n o t h e r  be-  society  whose system o f l a n d - t e n u r e i s r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t i n k i n d ? Must t h e s u b o r d i n a t e s o c i e t y l o s e i t s own ( w h i c h w i l l now  system o f l a n d - t e n u r e  l i k e l y be l a b e l l e d " t r a d i t i o n a l " ) t o the  new  and dominant system, o r can t h e s u b o r d i n a t e s o c i e t y somehow p r e s e r v e ( i f i t d e s i r e s t o ) i t s own system o f l a n d - t e n u r e  and  t h e p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t s founded on t h a t system? C l e a r l y , f o r one system o f l a n d - t e n u r e t o become s u b o r d -  i n a t e t o a n o t h e r , t h e dominant system must have b o t h t h e power to  dominate t h e o t h e r and t h e w i l l t o a l l o w the  subordinate  p e o p l e some e x i s t e n c e as a d i s t i n c t i v e c u l t u r e , i n c l u d i n g some maintenance o f the s u b o r d i n a t e people's w i t h the l a n d .  own ways o f d e a l i n g  I f the would-be dominator l a c k s t h e power t o  dominate, t h e o t h e r s o c i e t y w i l l n o t become s u b o r d i n a t e and the q u e s t i o n o f a s e r v i e n t l a n d - t e n u r e system s u r v i v i n g not a r i s e .  will  ( A t t h i s p o i n t , l e t me adopt t h e usage o f l e g a l  w r i t e r s such as Hooker  (1975:55)  and Smith  (1974:4)  and l a b e l  t h e s u b o r d i n a t e l e g a l system o r system o f l a n d - t e n u r e t h e " s e r v i e n t " one. The word " s u b o r d i n a t e " . w i l l t h e n be r e s e r v e d f o r the p e o p l e o r s o c i e t y w h i c h i s t h u s b e i n g dominated.)  On t h e  o t h e r hand, i f the dominator r e f u s e s t o r e c o g n i z e t h e o t h e r group as c o n t i n u i n g i n some measure t o be a d i s t i n c t group having  i t s own ways o f d e a l i n g w i t h i t s own l a n d , t h e s u b o r d i n a t e  group l o s e s i t s l a n d anyway except as i t can persuade t h e domi n a n t group t o l e t t h e s u b o r d i n a t e people h o l d l a n d a c c o r d i n g to  t h e ways o f the dominant group;  and so t h e people's o l d  system o f l a n d - t e n u r e i s a b o l i s h e d and swept away.  I n other  words, t h e s i t u a t i o n o f a s e r v i e n t l e g a l system o r a s e r v i e n t system o f l a n d - t e n u r e , emerges where t h e c u l t u r a l and l e g a l d i f f e r e n c e between the two p e o p l e s o r s o c i e t i e s i n c o n t a c t i s m a i n t a i n e d , w h i l e one o f the p e o p l e s o r s o c i e t i e s  possesses  t h e power t o i n t e r v e n e t o change t h e laws and p r a c t i c e s o f t h e other. The problem o f r e c o n c i l i n g d i f f e r e n t systems o f l a n d - t e n u r e a r i s e s , t h e r e f o r e , i n the i n t e r m e d i a t e zone bounded by, on t h e  one  extreme, the meeting o f independent s o c i e t i e s o f e q u a l power,  and, on t h e o t h e r , the t o t a l d o m i n a t i o n s o c i e t y by One  and a s s i m i l a t i o n o f  one  another."*"  v a r i e t y of t h i s intermediate c o n d i t i o n characterizes  the l a n d i n t e r e s t s o f I n d i a n and I n u i t p e o p l e s  i n Canada.  Al-  2  though p o l i t i c a l l y c o m p l e t e l y dominated  by Canadian s o c i e t y ,  t h e s e p e o p l e s have n e v e r t h e l e s s been r e c o g n i z e d i n Canada as b e i n g m o r a l l y and l e g a l l y e n t i t l e d t o some s p e c i a l r e g a r d t h e a b o r i g i n a l peoples  of the country.  as  They a r e r e c o g n i z e d i n  Canadian law as p o s s e s s i n g v a r i o u s a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s .  One  of  t h e s e r i g h t s i s t o the t r a d i t i o n a l use and occupancy o f t h e i r land,  except  i n s o f a r as t h e y have g i v e n away t h i s r i g h t by  t r e a t y w i t h o r s a l e t o the Crown, o r except i n s o f a r as  they  have abandoned the l a n d , o r perhaps have l o s t i t t o the Crown by t h e Crown's conquering i n Canada).  them i n war  ( w h i c h has not happened  This r e c o g n i t i o n of a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e i s a r i g h t  g r a n t e d i n Canadian law, i . e . by t h e law o f t h e dominant s o c i e t y , and r e s t s on v a r i o u s m o r a l i d e a s and h i s t o r i c a l p r e c e d e n t s w i t h i n b o t h Canadian s o c i e t y p a r t i c u l a r l y and Western c i v i l i z a t i o n 3 generally. As p a r t o f i t s own  n o t i o n s about what i s and what i s not  l e g a l l y p r o p e r , the Canadian government has been o b l i g e d t o make t r e a t i e s w i t h t h e v a r i o u s I n d i a n peoples the Indians' " a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e "  i n order to extinguish  ( t h e l a s t v e s t i g e s o f former  I n d i a n s o v e r e i g n t y ) and p r o p e r t y c l a i m s o v e r t h e l a n d , and c l e a r t h e way i t deems f i t . ^ "  to  f o r the Crown l e g a l l y t o d e a l w i t h t h e l a n d as I n Canadian eyes a t l e a s t , t h e s e t r e a t i e s i n -  v o l v e d t h e r e c o g n i t i o n by t h e I n d i a n s t h a t u l t i m a t e l e g a l cont r o l o v e r the l a n d had passed from the I n d i a n s and was now v e s t e d i n the Crown. 1921,  T r e a t i e s No.  8,  in  1899»  and No.11, i n  supposedly e x t i n g u i s h e d a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e f o r the  o f the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s . w i t h the  Indians  No such t r e a t i e s were s i g n e d  Inuit.  However, the Dene, t h a t i s , the I n d i a n p e o p l e o f t h e Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s , i n t h e i r own eyes s i g n e d o n l y t r e a t i e s o f peace and f r i e n d s h i p .  As they viewed, and s t i l l v i e w , what  happened, they d i d not g i v e away t h e i r l a n d t o anyone.  This  f a c t was brought t o l i g h t as a r e s u l t o f i n t e r v i e w s conducted, s i n c e 1966,  by members o f t h e Company o f Young C a n a d i a n s , by  t h e I n d i a n B r o t h e r h o o d o f t h e N.W.T., and by a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s from the U n i v e r s i t y o f Iowa (Fumoleau  1973:15), and was made  more w i d e l y known i n Fumoleau's book, As Long As T h i s Land S h a l l Last  (1973)-  The d i s c r e p a n c y between the Dene and Canadian i n -  t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f the t r e a t i e s persuaded Mr.  J u s t i c e Morrow o f  t h e Supreme C o u r t o f the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s , i n  1973» t o  d e c i d e t h a t T r e a t i e s 8 and 11 had n o t c l e a r l y e x t i n g u i s h e d t h e a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e o f the Dene (Re P a u l e t t e e t a l . and R e g i s t r a r o f T i t l e s (No.  2) (1973), 42  D.L.R.  (3d) 8,  a t p.  35).  T h i s f a c t i n f l u e n c e d the c o n t e x t o f p r o p o s a l s t o b u i l d p i p e l i n e s f o r gas and o i l t r a v e r s i n g the Mackenzie R i v e r v a l l e y from A l a s k a ( v i a t h e n o r t h e r n Yukon and the Mackenzie d e l t a ) to  A l b e r t a and p o i n t s f u r t h e r s o u t h .  i n March 1974  t h e r e f o r e appointed  The f e d e r a l government  a R o y a l Commission under  Mr. J u s t i c e Thomas R. B e r g e r t o i n q u i r e i n t o and r e p o r t upon  the s o c i a l , e n v i r o n m e n t a l , and economic impacts o f c o n s t r u c t i n g such p i p e l i n e s .  P r e l i m i n a r y h e a r i n g s began i n A p r i l 1974,  full  f o r m a l h e a r i n g s i n March 1975» community h e a r i n g s began i n A p r i l 1975  and ended i n August 1976,  e r n Canadian  c i t i e s i n May  concluded i n November 1976  h e a r i n g s were h e l d i n t e n s o u t h -  and June 1976,  and f o r m a l h e a r i n g s  i n Y e l l o w k n i f e , N.W.T.^  Dene and I n u i t l e a d e r s , i n the Denendeh and the Nunavut p r o p o s a l s ( t o be d e s c r i b e d i n c h a p t e r V I , s e c t i o n A,  below),  have s t r i v e n and a r e s t i l l s t r i v i n g f o r some form o f l a n d s e t t l e m e n t w h i c h w i l l g i v e them maximum c o n t r o l o v e r t h e ways i n w h i c h the r e s o u r c e s o f t h e i r l a n d s ( a s they r e g a r d t h e s e ) w i l l be e x p l o i t e d .  Through Denendeh and Nunavut, t h e Dene and  Inuit  seek p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l o v e r the economic development o f the North.  I f t h e y get what t h e y seek, namely, something  somewhat  more autonomous t h a n a p r o v i n c e and a k i n t o Home Rule  (Patter-  son 1976), t h e y w i l l be a b l e t o m a i n t a i n , i f they w i s h , a b o r i g i n a l i d e a s o f l a n d - t e n u r e i n l a r g e measure, o r t o change them, a g a i n i n l a r g e measure, as they see f i t .  Someone coming from  ( t h e r e s t o f ) Canada t o Denendeh o r Nunavut would t h e n be moving from a c o u n t r y w i t h one k i n d o f l a n d - l a w t o a c o u n t r y w i t h ano t h e r k i n d , and t h e problem o f a d j u s t i n g one's e x p e c t a t i o n s would be no d i f f e r e n t t h a n i n p a s s i n g from the o f on s o v e r e i g n t y t o a n o t h e r .  jurisdiction  The problem o f two d i s s i m i l a r  systems o f l a n d - t e n u r e b e i n g i n c o n t a c t would be s o l v e d by p o l i t i c a l l y and l e g a l l y s e p a r a t i n g the two systems so t h a t n e i t h e r c o u l d dominate t h e o t h e r . The p r e s e n t e n q u i r y , on t h e o t h e r hand, e n v i s a g e s the  ?  l i k e l i h o o d t h a t t h e Dene and I n u i t w i l l not r e a l i z e t h e i r Denen deh and Nunavut p r o p o s a l s .  The t e r r i t o r i e s would t h e n remain  u n d e r t h e j u r i s d i c t i o n o f Canada ( o r perhaps become Common Law p r o v i n c e s ) and t h e p r e s e n t l a n d - l a w would p r e v a i l .  I s there  s t i l l any way, a more modest way, whereby such Dene and I n u i t as may w i s h t o , might p r e s e r v e t h e i r own ways o f r e g a r d i n g l a n d and h o l d i n g i t ?  Could t h e Dene and I n u i t u s e Canadian l e g a l  i d e a s c o n c e r n i n g l a n d and l a n d - t e n u r e t o p r e s e r v e i d e a s and practices  c o n c e r n i n g l a n d w h i c h r i s e out o f d i f f e r e n t  ences and c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s and f o l l o w d i f f e r e n t T h i s i s t h e problem addressed  by t h i s  enquiry.  experi-  premisses?  - 7 -  B  Method The problem i t s e l f d i c t a t e s t h e method o f i t s s o l u t i o n . I f we c o u l d e x t r a c t , from r e l e v a n t s o u r c e s , t h e i d e a s o f l a n d and l a n d - t e n u r e h e l d r e s p e c t i v e l y by t h e Dene and I n u i t and i n Canadian l a w , and compare them, we s h o u l d be a b l e a t once to p e r c e i v e how t h e y might ( o r might n o t ) f i t t o g e t h e r .  The  more s i m i l a r t h e two systems, t h e e a s i e r i t s h o u l d be f o r t h e s e r v i e n t systems ( t h o s e o f t h e Dene and I n u i t ) t o e x p r e s s and m a i n t a i n themselves i n t h e terms o f t h e dominant ( t h a t o f Canada). E x t e n s i v e l y d e t a i l e d i n q u i r y i n t o e i t h e r s i d e o f t h e comp a r i s o n s h o u l d n o t be n e c e s s a r y . We would be comparing t h e s t r u c t u r e s o f each system, and e s p e c i a l l y t h e b a s i c p o s t u l a t e s or  fundamental assumptions o f each system, w i t h t h o s e o f t h e  other.  The more r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t t h e systems b e i n g compared,  the  sooner s h o u l d t h e s e d i f f e r e n c e s d i s p l a y t h e m s e l v e s , and  the  fewer d e t a i l s be n e c e s s a r y . As i t happens ( i f I may a n t i c i p a t e f o r a moment t h e r e -  s u l t s o f t h e e n q u i r y ) , when we compare t h e " t r a d i t i o n a l " Dene and I n u i t systems w i t h t h e Canadian system, we f i n d t h a t Dene and I n u i t approaches t o l a n d and l a n d - t e n u r e a r e c l o s e l y  similar  v a r i e t i e s o f a k i n d o f l a n d - t e n u r e w h i c h might be l a b e l l e d (though awkwardly) " t r i b a l " , w h i l e t h e Canadian system b e l o n g s to  a v e r y d i f f e r e n t k i n d w h i c h may be l a b e l l e d  (What " t r i b a l "  "proprietorial".  and " p r o p r i e t o r i a l " systems a r e , w i l l be e x p l a i n e d  - 8 i n the next chapter.)  The two systems are so d i f f e r e n t ,  indeed,  t h a t they cannot be f i t t e d t o g e t h e r without one system d e s t r o y i n g the o t h e r . There i s one way out, however. " c o r p o r a t i o n , " found i n Canadian  By means o f the i d e a o f  law, a community o f people  f o l l o w i n g a t r i b a l system o f land-tenure may encapsulate thems e l v e s as a s i n g l e p r o p e r t y - h o l d i n g person w i t h i n a p r o p r i e t o r i a l system.  Something resembling t h i s s o l u t i o n i s , indeed,  a l r e a d y f o l l o w e d w i t h i n Canadian s o c i e t y by such groups as the H u t t e r i t e s , and i s f a m i l i a r as a minor theme i n Western  civil-  ization generally. The argument w i l l t h e r e f o r e proceed i n f o u r s t e p s .  First,  I s h a l l d e s c r i b e the i d e a s o f l a n d and land-tenure which the Dene and I n u i t o f the Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s have.  My data  sources are ethnographic m a t e r i a l s and the community hearings o f the Berger Commission.  The Dene o f the N.W.T. belong t o  the wider f a m i l y o f Athapaskan-speaking  peoples who d w e l l not  only i n the western Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s (mostly i n the D i s t r i c t o f Mackenzie), but a l s o i n n o r t h e r n A l b e r t a , n o r t h e r n and c e n t r a l B r i t i s h Columbia,  the Yukon, and A l a s k a .  Although  t h e r e are a p p r e c i a b l e d i f f e r e n c e s among the v a r i o u s Athapaskan r e g i o n a l groupings (see Jenness  1958:377-404; N a t i o n a l Museum  of Man 1974:20-37; Vanstone 1974:1-22), the peoples are nevert h e l e s s s u f f i c i e n t l y s i m i l a r t h a t the d e s c r i p t i o n o f the Dene o f the N.W.T. may be c a u t i o u s l y enlarged by data from o t h e r n o r t h e r n Athapaskan  groups.  Second, I s h a l l d e s c r i b e the i d e a s o f l a n d and land-tenure  _ 9 found i n Canadian l a w , s p e c i f i c a l l y t h o s e f r o m t h e common-law t r a d i t i o n , s i n c e t h i s i s t h e l e g a l t r a d i t i o n w h i c h governs t h e Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s .  My d a t a sources  c i s i o n s , s t a t u t e s , and t e x t b o o k s  a r e w r i t t e n l e g a l de-  i n law and j u r i s p r u d e n c e ,  p l u s t h e advantage o f a B a c h e l o r o f Laws degree. T h i r d , h a v i n g d e s c r i b e d each system, I s h a l l t h e n s e t them s i d e by s i d e so t h a t they can d i s p l a y t h e i r own s i m i l a r i t i e s and d i f f e r e n c e s .  From t h i s d i s p l a y , t h e d i f f i c u l t i e s o f r e -  c o n c i l i n g t h e two systems s h o u l d appear q u i t e p l a i n l y . F o u r t h , I s h a l l o u t l i n e t h e i d e a o f a community l a n d h o l d i n g c o r p o r a t i o n w h i c h seems t o be t h e o n l y means o f r e c o n ciliation at t h a t ) .  (and " r e c o n c i l i a t i o n " i n a somewhat s t r a i n e d meaning, I n d o i n g so I s h a l l have not o n l y t o s p e c i f y t h e  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s w h i c h such a c o r p o r a t i o n must have, b u t a l s o to  d i s t i n g u i s h i t from a number o f o t h e r l e g a l e n t i t i e s  as t h e s h a r e - h o l d i n g c o r p o r a t i o n ) w i t h w h i c h i t may be  (such confused.  F i n a l l y , I s h a l l draw t h e argument t o g e t h e r i n a c o n c l u d i n g assessment and t h e r e t r y t o d e a l w i t h any d i f f i c u l t i e s w h i c h may have emerged. B e f o r e I can b e g i n t o d e s c r i b e t h e Dene and I n u i t l a n d s y s t e m s , however, I s h a l l have t o i n t e r p o s e a c h a p t e r d i s c u s sing the d e f i n i t i o n s of " l a n d " , "land-tenure", "ownership" and " p o s s e s s i o n " , and "person" purposes.  "property",  f o r comparative  This d i s c u s s i o n w i l l f o l l o w i n the next  chapter.  The same c h a p t e r w i l l a l s o d i s c u s s t h e t h r e e g e n e r a l t y p e s o f l a n d - t e n u r e w h i c h ( f o r want o f b e t t e r names) I s h a l l c a l l "Type A" o r " t r i b a l " , "Type B" o r " a d m i n i s t r a t i v e " , and "Type C" o r  -  10  -  "proprietorial"• I n comparing systems o f any k i n d , and not o n l y systems o f l a n d - t e n u r e , however, i t i s a g r e a t h e l p t o have i n mind a g e n e r a l p a t t e r n , a p p r o p r i a t e t o the k i n d o f systems b e i n g comp a r e d , whereby the d e s c r i p t i o n s o f t h e p a r t i c u l a r systems be s e t o u t .  may  Then the s i m i l a r i t i e s and d i f f e r e n c e s between the  p a r t i c u l a r systems can s t a n d out a l m o s t by  themselves.  F o r comparing the Dene and I n u i t l a n d systems w i t h the Canadian l e g a l land-system, i d e a l order.  I s h a l l have i n mind t h e f o l l o w i n g  F i r s t , s i n c e i d e a s o f l a n d and o f l a n d - h o l d i n g  a r e p a r t o f a mode o f s u b s i s t e n c e o r o f p r o d u c t i o n  relating  t h e s o c i e t y t o i t s environment, each d e s c r i p t i o n b e g i n s w i t h a s k e t c h o f t h e c u l t u r a l e c o l o g y o f the people whose i d e a s are t o be d e s c r i b e d .  T h i s d e s c r i p t i o n c o v e r s , i n o r d e r , the e n v i r o n -  ment and r e s o u r c e s used by the p e o p l e , t h e c h i e f t e c h n i q u e s  by  w h i c h t h e people a p p r o p r i a t e and use t h e s e r e s o u r c e s , t h e work o r g a n i z a t i o n o f t h e p e o p l e , and f i n a l l y r e l e v a n t p o r t i o n s o f t h e s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and ( p e r h a p s ) w o r l d - v i e w  o f the  people.  I n a word, t h e f i r s t s t e p ( i d e a l l y ) i n c l u d e s d e s c r i b i n g t h e "use and occupancy" o f t h e l a n d by t h e The  people.  second s t e p i s t o d e s c r i b e the i d e a o f l a n d w h i c h t h e  p e o p l e have.  How  do they p e r c e i v e o r c o n c e i v e t h e l a n d on  w h i c h t h e y l i v e and t h e r e s o u r c e s w h i c h t h e y use?  I s the l a n d  a b l a n k on w h i c h t h e y w r i t e w h a t e v e r t h e y d e s i r e , o r i s i t something w i t h i t s own  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s w h i c h must be a p p r e c i -  a t e d and c o o p e r a t e d w i t h ? as the p e o p l e ' s  own  I s i t something p a s s i v e , t o be used  purposes d i c t a t e , o r i s i t perhaps:a p l a c e  o f powers a c t i v e l y i n t e r a c t i n g w i t h t h e p e o p l e ? o r i s i t f u l l o f meaning? and s u b d i v i d e d ; interdependent  I s i t empty,  I s i t bounded, and can i t be d i v i d e d  o r i s i t p e r c e i v e d more as an i n d i v i s i b l e and whole?  A r e t h e people s e p a r a t e from t h e l a n d ,  o r a r e t h e y themselves a l s o p a r t o f t h e l a n d ?  And so on.  W h i l e we may n o t be a b l e , g i v e n t h e d a t a , t o answer a l l such q u e s t i o n s as t h e s e , s t i l l t h e s e q u e s t i o n s i n d i c a t e t h e scope o f what we s h o u l d c o n s i d e r when s e a r c h i n g f o r a p e o p l e ' s  idea  of l a n d . T h i r d , t h e n , come t h e r u l e s and p r a c t i c e s c o n c e r n i n g who may and may n o t u s e what a s p e c t o r p o r t i o n o f l a n d , and who may and may n o t enjoy what r i g h t s and d u t i e s , c l a i m s and l i a b i l i t i e s , concerning the l a n d . Such i s t h e g e n e r a l p a t t e r n w h i c h w i l l o r g a n i z e t h e des c r i p t i o n s o f t h e p a r t i c u l a r l a n d systems b e i n g compared i n t h i s enquiry.  I s h a l l n o t t r y t o m a n i f e s t t h e whole p a t t e r n ,  however, b u t o n l y so much o f i t as i s n e e d f u l f o r t h e argument. In  d i s c u s s i n g t h e r i g h t s and d u t i e s connected w i t h l a n d ,  i t w i l l be e s p e c i a l l y u s e f u l t o keep i n mind t h e d i s t i n c t i o n between s o v e r e i g n t y and p r o p e r t y .  S o v e r e i g n t y concerns t h e  r i g h t and power o f t h e whole community t o admit o u t s i d e r s t o t h e l a n d o r t o e x c l u d e them from t h e l a n d , and t o d e t e r m i n e , w i t h o u t o u t s i d e i n t e r f e r e n c e , what r u l e s and p r a c t i c e s t h e members o f t h e community may p r o p e r l y have among themselves concerning the land. t i c e s themselves;  P r o p e r t y concerns t h o s e r u l e s and p r a c -  i t i s t h e r i g h t s and d u t i e s w h i c h t h e mem-  b e r s o f t h e community e x e r c i s e between themselves  concerning  -  11a-  the l a n d . The  d i s t i n c t i o n between s o v e r e i g n t y and ownership ( o r  p r o p e r t y ) b e a r s upon the problem o f the e n q u i r y as f o l l o w s . The  q u e s t i o n t o be answered asks i f t h e r e i s any way  t h e Dene and I n u i t can use t h e i d e a s o f l a n d and i n Canadian law t o p r e s e r v e t h e i r own and l a n d - t e n u r e .  The  i n which  land-tenure  t r a d i t i o n a l ideas of land  q u e s t i o n assumes ( f o r purposes o f  argu-  ment) t h a t t h e Dene and I n u i t have l o s t s o v e r e i g n t y and must t h e r e f o r e s e c u r e t h e i r c l a i m s t o t h e l a n d by means o f t h e c o n c e p t s o f Canadian law, i . e . t h e law o f the dominant s o c i e t y . I f t h e y had s o v e r e i g n t y , namely, i f t h e y were r e c o g n i z e d t h e r u l e r s o f the t e r r i t o r y on w h i c h t h e y d w e l l , t h e y  as  could  s e c u r e t h e i r c l a i m s a c c o r d i n g t o t h e i r own  law and would not  need t o use Canadian law concepts  Then the problem  at a l l .  w h i c h t h i s essay seeks t o r e s o l v e would not a r i s e , except a p u r e l y h y p o t h e t i c a l problem.  as  The problem presupposes t h a t  t h e Dene and I n u i t have l o s t s o v e r e i g n t y , and so must defend themselves by means o f Canadian l e g a l i d e a s . The v e r y n o t i o n o f " a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e " o r o f " a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s " as a s p e c i a l b a s i s f o r l a n d c l a i m s presupposes t h a t t h e " a b o r i g i n e s " have l o s t s o v e r e i g n t y .  This i m p l i c a t i o n  made v e r y c l e a r by C h i e f J u s t i c e M a r s h a l l o f t h e U.S. C o u r t , i n an argument w h i c h has been a c c e p t e d Canadian c o u r t s .  was  Supreme  as c o r r e c t by  The o r i g i n a l i n h a b i t a n t s (he s a i d )  . . . were a d m i t t e d t o be the r i g h t f u l occupants o f the s o i l , w i t h a l e g a l as w e l l as j u s t c l a i m t o r e t a i n p o s s e s s i o n o f i t , and t o use i t a c c o r d i n g t o t h e i r own d i s c r e t i o n ; but t h e i r r i g h t s t o complete sovereignty« as independent n a t i o n s , were:/ necessarily d i m i n i s h e d , and t h e i r power t o d i s p o s e o f t h e s o i l , a t t h e i r own w i l l , r  - 12  -  to whomsoever they p l e a s e d , was denied by the o r i g i n a l fundamental p r i n c i p l e , t h a t d i s c o v e r y gave e x c l u s i v e t i t l e to those who made i t . (Johnson v. Mcintosh, 21 U.S. (8 Wheat.) 240 (1823) at p. 254; c i t e d i n Cumming and Mickenberg 1972:34) (Emphasis mine — S.P.) The  Dene D e c l a r a t i o n (McCullum and McCullum, n.d.;  Wat-  k i n s 1977:3-4) c a l l s f o r the r e c o g n i t i o n o f the Dene Nation as a d i s t i n c t people, and  says t h a t "Nowhere i n the New  World have  the Native peoples won  the r i g h t to s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n and  the  r i g h t t o r e c o g n i t i o n by the w o r l d as a d i s t i n c t people and Nations."  The  Governments o f Canada and  of the Northwest  r i t o r i e s , says the D e c l a r a t i o n , "were not the Dene, they were imposed upon the Dene."  as  choice o f  Ter-  the  In these words the  Dene concede t h a t they do not have s o v e r e i g n t y  (and  also that  they have not v o l u n t a r i l y r e l i n q u i s h e d i t ) . The  p a r t i c u l a r problem o f the present  enquiry  therefore  presupposes a s i t u a t i o n which i n f a c t e x i s t s at the time o f the enquiry,  even though some Dene and  are working to change t h a t s i t u a t i o n . t o say, and  i s not p u r e l y h y p o t h e t i c a l , but  I n u i t may  themselves d i s c o v e r , and  Inuit also desire The  and  problem, t h a t i s  i s one which the Dene the s o l u t i o n proposed  i s one which they might f i n d u s e f u l . I have r e f e r r e d above to " t r a d i t i o n a l " ways o f  land-  7 holding. may  The word " t r a d i t i o n a l " has  v a r i o u s meanings.  be used to c h a r a c t e r i z e s o c i e t i e s which are i n some  not ".modern" and  way  t h e r e f o r e are open to o r perhaps r e s i s t a n t  to " m o d e r n i z a t i o n " . c u l t u r e as i t was  It  I t may  be used to mean the s o c i e t y o r  p r i o r to contact w i t h Western c i v i l i z a t i o n ,  o r those elements i n the present  s o c i e t y o r c u l t u r e which sup-  posedly s u r v i v e from p r e - c o n t a c t  times.  Or the word " t r a d i t i o n  a l " may be used t o name t h o s e items o f s o c i e t y and c u l t u r e w h i c h t h e p e o p l e themselves  c o n s i d e r t o be e s t a b l i s h e d as t h e i r  own way o f d o i n g t h i n g s , whether t h e s e items be i n f a c t p r e contact o r recent i n o r i g i n .  " T r a d i t i o n a l " i n the l a t t e r  sense means " a c c e p t e d " and i s c o n t r a s t e d w i t h "imposed from outside".  A g i v e n b e l i e f o r b e h a v i o u r may, o f c o u r s e , be  " t r a d i t i o n a l " i n a l l f o u r o f t h e s e meanings a t once; and an i t e m b e g i n n i n g as "imposed" may i n t i m e become " t r a d i t i o n a l " . But t h e d i f f e r e n c e between t h e s e meanings i s i m p o r t a n t f o r o u r e n q u i r y as r e g a r d s t h e Dene and I n u i t .  "Traditional"  i n t h e f o u r t h meaning now i n c l u d e s t r a p p i n g f o r f u r s t o be s o l d f o r money o r s t o r e - g o o d s .  Such t r a p p i n g f o r f u r s t o be  s o l d e t c . , i s not a pre-contact p r a c t i c e , although i t i s p a r t l y s i m i l a r t o s e t t i n g t r a p s as p a r t o f h u n t i n g ;  and t h e word  " t r a p p i n g " i s used t o name b o t h h u n t i n g f o r f o o d and t r a p p i n g for furs.  H u n t i n g f o r f o o d i s i t s e l f an a c t i v i t y  continuous  w i t h p r e - c o n t a c t p r a c t i c e s , and o l d t e c h n i q u e s c o n t i n u e t o be used;  b u t t h e major h u n t i n g weapon i s t h a t p o s t - c o n t a c t i n -  s t r u m e n t , t h e gun. F o r t h e purposes o f t h i s e n q u i r y , t h e r e f o r e , I s h a l l mean by " t r a d i t i o n a l " t h o s e items o f c u l t u r e o r s o c i e t y w h i c h have been a c c e p t e d by t h e p e o p l e as t h e p e o p l e ' s own, and w h i c h w h a t e v e r t h e i r o r i g i n s a r e now regarded as w o r t h w h i l e p a r t s o f a way o f l i f e thought w o r t h w h i l e p r e s e r v i n g by t h e p e o p l e . " T r a d i t i o n a l " i n t h i s meaning c o n t r a s t s w i t h "imposed by o u t siders" •  - 14  -  C Anthropological I described  t h i s enquiry  Perspectives a t the beginning  as an  essay  i n the a p p l i c a t i o n of a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l u n d e r s t a n d i n g .  I could  a l s o have c a l l e d i t a t e s t of the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of anthropol o g i c a l ideas.  Every attempt to apply an approach or a s e t  o f ideas i s a u t o m a t i c a l l y a l s o a t e s t of whether those  ideas  can o r cannot be a p p l i e d ;  their  applicability  and  there i s no way  except by t r y i n g to apply  In t h i s s e c t i o n of chapter  one,  to t e s t  them.  I should  l i k e to review  b r i e f l y what a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l ideas I have found to be a p p l i c a b l e to the p a r t i c u l a r problem of t h i s enquiry.  I will  con-  c e n t r a t e on what has been p o s i t i v e l y h e l p f u l , because to r e view a l s o what i s not a p p l i c a b l e would be tantamount to a r e view of the whole of c u l t u r a l and  s o c i a l anthropology.  As a f i r s t approximation, the a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l i v e s used i n the present  enquiry, may  be s o r t e d under f o u r  headings, namely, ( l ) g e n e r a l a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l (2) s p e c i f i c t h e o r e t i c a l and ific  perspect-  perspectives,  t o p i c a l c o n t r i b u t i o n s , (3) s p e c -  ethnographic or d e s c r i p t i v e c o n t r i b u t i o n s , and  (4)  con-  t r i b u t i o n s from a p p l i e d anthropology.  General Anthropological I f I were to t r y to sum  Perspectives up  i n one  phrase the golden  thread,  as i t were, which u n i t e s the p e r s p e c t i v e s of anthropology, I would say, "Cognizing  human phenomena i n context•"  There are  -  15  many c o n t e x t s i n a n t h r o p o l o g y ,  -  and many ways o f c o n s t r u i n g  items i n t h e s e s e v e r a l c o n t e x t s .  A g i v e n event, custom, o r  datum (whatever i t may be) can be viewed as something w i t h i n an e v o l u t i o n , as an i t e m o f c u l t u r e l e a r n e d and d i f f u s e d , as an e x p r e s s i o n o f human n a t u r e , as p a r t o f an ecosystem, a s an element i n a s t r u c t u r e , as h a v i n g a f u n c t i o n i n a l a r g e r s y s tem,  as a t o o l o f a d a p t a t i o n , as an e x e m p l i f i c a t i o n o f a c u l -  t u r a l theme, as something w i t h i n o r h a v i n g a h i s t o r y , as p a r t o f a p r o c e s s o f some k i n d , as b e i n g caused and h a v i n g as something w i t h i n a s p i r a l o f f e e d b a c k s ,  effects,  as an element i n a  system o f meanings, a s something r e l a t e d t o v a r i o u s human mot i v e s , as p a r t o f a s a n c t i o n system, and so on.  I t can be v i e w -  ed a g a i n s t t h e background o f t h e s o c i e t y o r c u l t u r e i n w h i c h i t o c c u r s , o r a g a i n s t t h e background o f o t h e r human s o c i e t i e s o r c u l t u r e s ( t h e comparative  p e r s p e c t i v e ) , o r w i t h i n a geo-  g r a p h i c a l s e t t i n g , o r w i t h i n t h e c o n t e x t o f t h e whole p l a n e t . But w h i c h e v e r p a r t i c u l a r c o n t e x t may be chosen by t h e o b s e r v e r , s t i l l t h e p a r t i c u l a r m a t t e r b e i n g observed in  w i l l be observed  context. A l o n g w i t h t h i s sense o f c o n t e x t , goes a sense t h a t t h e  m a t t e r b e i n g r e c o r d e d i n c o n t e x t i s somehow a p a r t o f a system, t h a t t h e r e i s an o r d e r w i t h a s t r u c t u r e w h i c h can somehow be apprehended and d e s c r i b e d .  T h i s sense o f , o r f e e l i n g f o r ,  system has t r a d i t i o n a l l y ( i n a n t h r o p o l o g y )  expressed by  s a y i n g t h a t s o c i e t y o r c u l t u r e i s " i n t e g r a t e d " , i s some s o r t o f a Vwhole". Radcliffe-Brown  I would i n s t a n c e K r o e b e r (1952),  and F i r t h  (I96l)  (1948),  Malinowski  as g i v i n g , each i n  (1944),  -  16  -  h i s own way and from h i s own p e r s p e c t i v e , well-known statements o f context, system, and s t r u c t u r e ;  exemplary  these p a r t i c u l a r  works have a l s o shaped my own b a s i c a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e very c o n s i d e r a b l y (even when I do not agree w i t h t h e i r particular assertions). (To say t h a t s o c i e t y o r c u l t u r e i s a "whole" should n o t , however, be taken t o mean t h a t t h e r e i s no c o n f l i c t w i t h i n s o c i e t y , o r even t h a t s o c i e t i e s o r c u l t u r e s a r e n e c e s s a r i l y m a i n t a i n i n g systems. the Kaingang struction.  self-  There a r e i n s t a n c e s ( e . g . Henry 1964 on  o f B r a z i l ) o f s o c i e t i e s d r i v i n g p e l l - m e l l f o r deAnd y e t even t h e r e , behind the appearance  o f de-  s t r u c t i o n some s o r t o f o r d e r i s b e i n g r e a l i z e d . ) A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l enquiry has, I t h i n k , two a s p e c t s which complement one another.  One i s the nomothetic  a s p e c t , whereby the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t "attempts  o r law-seeking  t o subsume p a r t -  i c u l a r f a c t s o r events under g e n e r a l r u l e s o r laws." 1951:191)  (Nadel  T h i s i s sometimes c a l l e d the " s c i e n t i f i c " aspect  o f anthropology.  The o t h e r i s the i d i o g r a p h i c o r (as i t i s  sometimes c a l l e d ) the " h i s t o r i c a l " a s p e c t , whereby t h e e n q u i r e r t r i e s t o p o r t r a y the p a r t i c u l a r i t y and uniqueness i s observing.  o f what he  Nadel (1951:194) w h i l e . c h a r a c t e r i z i n g a n t h r o -  pology as s c i e n c e , wrote a l s o t h a t anthropology i s something more.  I t reaches out t o t h e " t o t a l i t y o f experience" t o touch  something which the p u r e l y nomothetic  cannot r e a c h .  The nomothetic and the i d i o g r a p h i c , I t h i n k , depend upon one another.  The u n i v e r s a l must be sought f o r i n t h e p a r t i c u -  l a r s , but the p a r t i c u l a r i s a l s o ( b e s i d e s being i t s e l f ) the  -  17  -  coming t o g e t h e r of many u n i v e r s a l s .  I n the g e n e r a l  l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e , as I would l i k e t o c o n c e i v e  anthropo-  it,  these  two a r e j o i n e d . The  h a b i t of mind w h i c h I am here d e s c r i b i n g as the gen-  e r a l a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e , informs the present from b e g i n n i n g  t o end.  The  enquiry  i d e a s of l a n d and o f l a n d - t e n u r e  of  each s o c i e t y i n c o n t a c t are seen as p a r t s o f a l a r g e r s o c i o c u l t u r a l and  e c o l o g i c a l context.  But the p a r t i c u l a r problem  o f the e n q u i r y , and the method o f s o l u t i o n , are such t h a t c o n t e x t may answered.  be v e r y much reduced and s t i l l t h e q u e s t i o n The  the  fully  g e n e r a l a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l h a b i t o f mind works h e r e ,  p a r a d o x i c a l l y , i n d e c i d i n g what a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l t h e o r i e s  and  d e s c r i p t i o n s are r e l e v a n t and what i r r e l e v a n t t o the problem —  i n s e t t i n g , that i s , c r i t e r i a f o r exclusion. H a v i n g s a i d t h a t a n t h r o p o l o g y views s o c i a l phenomenon i n ,  c o n t e x t , I must i m m e d i a t e l y r e c o g n i z e t h a t f o r a g i v e n phenomenon not a l l p a r t s o f the c o n t e x t are e q u a l l y This i s fortunate: otherwise  a d e s c r i p t i o n of the  would be l o g i c a l l y bound t o i n c l u d e the whole w o r l d and p a s t and p o s s i b l e . vance.  important.  context present  C o n t e x t i s graded i n t o degrees o f r e l e -  Degrees o f r e l e v a n c e  are d e f i n e d by one's problem  purposes as w e l l as by t h e n a t u r e vestigated.  social  and  o f the phenomenon b e i n g i n -  They are a l s o d e f i n e d by one's n o t i o n o f  relevance  o r s i g n i f i c a n c e , and t h a t n o t i o n i s g u i d e d by one's t h e o r i e s o r , i n t h e absence of t h e o r y , by one's hunches o r d e t e c t i v e ' s intuition.  - 18 2.  S p e c i f i c T h e o r e t i c a l and T o p i c a l C o n t r i b u t i o n s One d i v i s i o n o f anthropology has proven immediately r e -  l e v a n t and s p e c i f i c a l l y h e l p f u l . c u l t u r a l ecology.  That i s the d i s c i p l i n e o f  Interpreted broadly, t h i s d i s c i p l i n e  views  human p o p u l a t i o n s and c u l t u r e s as l i v i n g i n environments both a f f e c t and a r e a f f e c t e d by the humans; t h e i r environment  which  the people and  form a s i n g l e system every p a r t o f which i s  sooner o r l a t e r a f f e c t i n g every o t h e r p a r t .  As I see i t ,  this  broad i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i m p l i e s t h a t each p a r t (however d e f i n e d ) both has i t s own c h a r a c t e r which cannot be reduced t o the exp r e s s i o n o r r e s u l t o f the o t h e r p a r t s and a l s o i s what i t i s p a r t l y because system.  o f i t s p o s i t i o n i n and i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h the whole  Each p a r t c o n d i t i o n s , but does not wholly determine,  the o t h e r p a r t s .  T h i s broad i n t e r p r e t a t i o n accomodates both the  narrower viewpoint which Asch (1979:82-88), f o r i n s t a n c e , w i t h the Dene i n mind, has l a b e l l e d the " e c o l o g i c a l - e v o l u t i o n a r y model" and c r i t i c i z e d as inadequate, and the "mode o f p r o d u c t i o n approach"  (Asch 1979:88-90) which he h i m s e l f p r e f e r s .  view, t h e environment  I n my  o f a people should be construed t o i n c l u d e  not only the n a t u r a l o r non-human environment, but a l s o the o t h e r human s o c i e t i e s and c u l t u r e s w i t h which the people  interact.  Thus the c o l o n i a l s i t u a t i o n , which the Dene and I n u i t are i n (compare Watkins first  1977;  Brody 1975)> i s an e c o l o g i c a l f a c t o r o f  importance t o which a people must adapt. C u l t u r a l ecology has u s u a l l y been i n t e r p r e t e d more narrowly  as b e i n g concerned w i t h the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between a people and  - 19 t h e i r n a t u r a l environment, c u l t u r e b e i n g r e g a r d e d as t h e human means o f a d a p t a t i o n , and t h e mode o f s u b s i s t e n c e as t h e c h i e f mode o f a d a p t a t i o n ( f o r examples o f t h i s approach see N e t t i n g  1977;  Cohen 1968, e s p . pp. 40-60),  Other v a r i a t i o n s i n c l u d e  concerns w i t h system and feedback and n a t u r a l s e l e c t i o n ( r e peated themes i n t h e c o l l e c t i o n e d i t e d by Vayda 1969), and w i t h t h e c o n t r o l o f energy by humans ( C o t t r e l l 1955;  Vayda 1969).  These v a r i o u s concerns i n f o r m my approach, even though they may n o t be e x p l i c i t l y a p p l i e d .  The concept o f a d a p t i v e s t r a t e g y  a l s o i n f o r m s Vanstone's (1974:121-126) summary o f n o r t h e r n Athapaskan c u l t u r e , w h i c h has been a c o n s i d e r a b l e h e l p i n t h e present enquiry. Ideas o f l a n d and l a n d - t e n u r e f a l l v e r y n e a t l y i n t o a c u l t u r a l e c o l o g i c a l framework,  i n c l u d i n g a framework  w i t h a d a p t a t i o n and modes o f s u b s i s t e n c e .  concerned  In particular,  Julian  Steward's (1955:40-42) " t h r e e fundamental p r o c e d u r e s o f c u l t u r a l e c o l o g y " have s p e c i f i c a l l y p r o v i d e d t h e model f o r t h e i d e a l o r d e r f o r comparing t h e Dene and I n u i t systems w i t h t h e Canadi a n system, o u t l i n e d i n s e c t i o n B o f t h e p r e s e n t c h a p t e r . The t h e o r y o f a c c u l t u r a t i o n  i s another d i v i s i o n of anthro-  p o l o g y w h i c h b e a r s on t h e p r e s e n t e n q u i r y . e l e m e n t a r y framework  I n p a r t i c u l a r , the  g i v e n by Dohrenwend and S m i t h (1962) has  h e l p e d t o g u i d e my p e r c e p t i o n s and c o n s t r u c t i o n s o f t h e Dene and I n u i t meeting t h e C a n a d i a n s .  S i g n i f i c a n t l y enough, Dohren-  wend and S m i t h s i n g l e out as a major f a c t o r i n c u l t u r e - c o n t a c t s i t u a t i o n s t h e degree o f power w h i c h one o f t h e c u l t u r e s enjoys over the other.  They q u i t e e x p l i c i t l y i n c l u d e t h e c o l o n i a l  s i t u a t i o n as a v a r i a b l e a f f e c t i n g a c c u l t u r a t i o n .  A p a r t from  - 20 -  t h e i r paper, however, t h e l i t e r a t u r e on a c c u l t u r a t i o n i s l a r g e l y m a r g i n a l t o t h e s p e c i f i c problem o f t h e e n q u i r y .  The f o c i o f  a c c u l t u r a t i o n t h e o r y and o f t h e p r e s e n t e n q u i r y a r e d i f f e r e n t enough so t h a t t h e two e n q u i r i e s t o u c h o n l y o b l i q u e l y . I f power i s a concern o f t h e e n q u i r y , however, perhaps t h e d i s c i p l i n e o f p o l i t i c a l a n t h r o p o l o g y has something t o o f f e r ? The p r o p o s a l o f t h e Community L a n d - H o l d i n g C o r p o r a t i o n i s a p r o p o s a l f o r a means whereby t h e Dene o r I n u i t communities can g a i n o r r e t a i n a measure o f power w i t h i n a l e g a l system on p r e m i s s e s a l i e n t o t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e s . way  based  I ti s a  o f u s i n g t h e dominant s o c i e t y ' s own r u l e s t o p r o t e c t t h e  subordinate s o c i e t y .  Power i s s u r e l y a t s t a k e h e r e .  P o l i t i c a l a n t h r o p o l o g y may be s o r t e d i n t o t h e s t u d y o f p o l i t i c a l systems ( e x e m p l i f i e d by F o r t e s and E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d 1940)  and t h e s t u d y o f p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s e s ( e x e m p l i f i e d by  Bailey  1969,  and by S w a r t z , T u r n e r , and Tuden  1966).  Apart  from b e i n g i n c l u d e d i n the g e n e r a l a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e d i s c u s s e d above, t h e s t u d y o f p o l i t i c a l systems as such has not been a p p l i c a b l e . not much more.  The s t u d y o f p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s e s adds  I t does, however, emphasize t h a t r u l e s ,  as l a w s , a r e r e s o u r c e s t o be used i n p o l i t i c a l c o n f l i c t olas ted  1968), and so  such (Nich-  reminds me t h a t t h e m a t t e r s b e i n g i n v e s t i g a -  i n t h e p r e s e n t e n q u i r y o c c u r a g a i n s t a ground o f p o l i t i c a l  activity.  Bailey's  (1969:144-185)  discussion of "encapsula-  t i o n " g i v e s a name t o t h e s o l u t i o n p r o v i d e d by t h e  proposed  Community L a n d - H o l d i n g C o r p o r a t i o n . But t h e e n q u i r y i s n o t an e n q u i r y i n t o p r o c e s s (we s h a l l  - 21  -  f i n d out f u r t h e r on j u s t what s o r t o f e n q u i r y i t i s ) , and so t h e m i n i m a l a p p l i c a b i l i t y o f p o l i t i c a l a n t h r o p o l o g y i s not s u r prising. Legal anthropology i s r e l e v a n t i n an.oblique s o r t of way.  Hoebel*s  (1954) s u g g e s t i o n t h a t t h e l e g a l systems o f  v a r i o u s c u l t u r e s can be summarized as s e t s o f j u r a l p o s t u l a t e s and so compared, p a r a l l e l s what I am d o i n g i n t h e p r e s e n t quiry.  I am a b s t r a c t i n g t h e g u i d i n g i d e a s o f two systems (name-  l y t h e Dene and I n u i t ) and comparing  them w i t h t h e g u i d i n g i d e a s  of a t h i r d (namely, Canadian l a w ) , j u s t as Hoebel was his  en-  doing i n  summaries o f j u r a l p o s t u l a t e s . ( I would n o t , however, go  so f a r as t o c h a r a c t e r i z e my summaries as summaries o f j u r a l postulates.)  But o t h e r w i s e , l e g a l a n t h r o p o l o g y i s not p r e c i s e l y  9  applicable. These, t h e n —  c u l t u r a l ecology, a c c u l t u r a t i o n ,  and l e g a l a n t h r o p o l o g y — ,  political  are the p a r t s of the t h e o r e t i c a l  s i d e o f a n t h r o p o l o g y w h i c h have a n y t h i n g t o c o n t r i b u t e t o t h e s o l u t i o n o f t h e s p e c i f i c problem o f t h i s e n q u i r y .  Has  the  d e s c r i p t i v e side anything to offer? 3.  S p e c i f i c Ethnographic or D e s c r i p t i v e C o n t r i b u t i o n s . The s h o r t answer t o t h e q u e s t i o n , "What e t h n o g r a p h i e s  ;  ( in  a broad sense) a r e r e l e v a n t t o t h e p r e s e n t s t u d y ? " i s ,  "None, u n l e s s t h e y d e s c r i b e Dene, I n u i t , o r Canadians." t h i s s h o r t answer r e q u i r e s e x p l a n a t i o n and  But  qualification.  The problem and t h e method compare two c u l t u r e s (Dene and I n u i t on t h e one s i d e , Canadian on t h e o t h e r ) and examine t h e  -  22  -  l o g i c a l - s t r u c t u r a l c o m p a t i b i l i t y o f t h e two.  This l o g i c a l -  s t r u c t u r a l c o m p a t i b i l i t y depends on t h e c h a r a c t e r s o f t h e c u l t u r e s b e i n g compared, and n o t on a n y t h i n g e l s e .  I t i s there-  f o r e m e t h o d o l o g i c a l l y c o r r e c t t o compare t h e two c u l t u r e s as i f nothing else existed i n the world.  W h i l e i t may be i n t e r -  e s t i n g t o note congruent o r non-congruent phenomena elsewhere i n t h e w o r l d , t h o s e phenomena do n o t r e v e a l t h e c h a r a c t e r s o f t h e Dene o r I n u i t o r Canadian s o c i e t i e s . i d i o g r a p h i c and n o t n o m o t h e t i c .  The p r e s e n t e n q u i r y i s  We a r e i n v e s t i g a t i n g t h e  p o s s i b i l i t i e s i n h e r e n t i n one p a r t i c u l a r s i t u a t i o n , namely t h e e n c o u n t e r o f Dene and I n u i t w i t h Canada, and n o t anywhere e l s e . We a r e n o t p r o p o s i n g a g e n e r a l l a w , n o t even a g e n e r a l l a w about t h e e n c o u n t e r o f s o c i e t i e s l i k e t h e Dene and I n u i t w i t h s o c i e t i e s l i k e Canada. Of c o u r s e , d a t a about what has happened elsewhere can throw l i g h t on t h e p a r t i c u l a r e n c o u n t e r w h i c h we a r e c o g n i z i n g . But t h a t l i g h t depends on o u r f i r s t c o g n i z i n g t h e e n c o u n t e r . B e f o r e I can d e c i d e , f o r example, i f happenings i n ( s a y ) O c e a n i a h e l p me t o u n d e r s t a n d what i s happening i n t h e Northwest t o r i e s , I must f i r s t  Terri-  c l e a r l y know what i s happening i n t h e  Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s . i s happening i n O c e a n i a .  And o f c o u r s e I must a l s o know what O t h e r w i s e I am s i m p l y comparing u n -  known w i t h unknown. I can u s e t h e b e t t e r known t o h e l p me d i s c o v e r more about the  l e s s e r known, p r o v i d e d I assume a t l e a s t h y p o t h e t i c a l l y  t h a t t h e l e s s e r known i s s i m i l a r t o t h e b e t t e r known.  Then  I can propose hypotheses about t h e l e s s e r known and u s e them  - 23 as g u i d e s t o e x p e r i e n c e  -  the l e s s e r known.  The  r e s u l t of these  e x p e r i e n c i n g s w i l l t h e n r e v e a l t o me whether o r not my t h e s e s were t r u e and whether my true.  hypo-  assumption o f s i m i l a r i t y  I f I were t r y i n g t o e x p l a i n something about t h e  u l a r s i t u a t i o n , and were d e v e l o p i n g t h i s p r o c e d u r e would be a p p l i c a b l e . i s not t h a t s o r t o f The  partic-  a g e n e r a l law t o do But the p r e s e n t  was  so,  enquiry  enquiry.  g e n e r a l p r i n c i p l e here i n v o l v e d i s t h a t t h e p a r t i c u -  l a r f a c t s must be e s t a b l i s h e d l o . g i c a l l y p r i o r t o the  general  law, and t h a t comparisons presuppose t h a t t h e o b j e c t s t o compared have a l r e a d y been s e p a r a t e l y c o g n i z e d p o r a l l y beforehand or c o n c u r r e n t l y ) .  be  (whether tem-  More s p e c i f i c a l l y ,  before  I can d e c i d e whether o t h e r s i t u a t i o n s are r e l e v a n t t o t h e DeneInuit-Canadian t h a t encounter.  e n c o u n t e r , I must f i r s t know the c h a r a c t e r And  s i n c e the problem o f the p r e s e n t  of  enquiry  a s k s o n l y about a p o s s i b i l i t y w i t h i n t h a t e n c o u n t e r , o t h e r happ e n i n g s are n e i t h e r d i r e c t l y r e l e v a n t nor p a r t i c u l a r l y h e l p f u l i n my  c o n s t r u i n g t h a t e n c o u n t e r f o r what i t i s i d i o g r a p h i c a l l y . M e t h o d o l o g i c a l l y , t h e r t f o r e , t h e problem o f the  can be answered w i t h o u t  r e f e r e n c e t o any  e t h n o g r a p h i e s except  t h o s e about t h e Dene, the I n u i t , o r t h e C a n a d i a n s . are, of course,  enquiry  These l a t t e r  indispensable.  Other ethnographic  e v i d e n c e would become r e l e v a n t , how-  e v e r , once I have c o n c l u d e d t h e e n q u i r y and proposed the Community Land-Holding C o r p o r a t i o n . " W i l l t h e CLHC r e a l l y work? to face?  Then one may  properly  ask,  What d i f f i c u l t i e s might i t have  Perhaps the e x p e r i e n c e  o f . s i m i l a r corporations e l s e -  - 24 where i n s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n s w i l l shed l i g h t on t h e s e q u e s t i o n s . " Indeed, not o n l y s i m i l a r i t e s but a l s o d i f f e r e n c e s would t h e n be relevant.  (See s e c t i o n A o f c h a p t e r VI f o r examples.)  Co-  v a r i a t i o n s between d i f f e r e n c e s i n c o n t e x t and d i f f e r e n c e s i n outcome would a l l o w us t o propose nomothetic hypotheses i m p l e m e n t i n g CLHC's w h i c h we  about  could then apply to the Dene-Inuit-  Canadian s i t u a t i o n i n o r d e r t o a n t i c i p a t e p o s s i b l e outcomes there.  But t h a t a p p l i c a t i o n a l r e a d y presupposes  t h a t we  have  done what t h e p r e s e n t e n q u i r y does.  4.  C o n t r i b u t i o n s from A p p l i e d A n t h r o p o l o g y I n s o f a r as a p p l i e d a n t h r o p o l o g y i n v o l v e s t h e t h e o r e t i c a l  and d e s c r i p t i v e s i d e s o f a n t h r o p o l o g y , i t s a p p l i c a b i l i t y t o t h e p r e s e n t e n q u i r y has a l r e a d y been a s s e s s e d above. something more t o c o n s i d e r . work o f a p p l i e d a n t h r o p o l o g y .  But t h e r e i s  The p r e s e n t e n q u i r y i s i t s e l f  a  Even i f t h e e x t e n t o f a n t h r o p o l -  ogy's a p p l i c a b i l i t y be thought t o be not l a r g e , t h e i n g r e d i e n t i s p r e s e n t and  essential.  By " a p p l i e d a n t h r o p o l o g y " I u n d e r s t a n d t h e a p p l i c a t i o n of  a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l i d e a s and methods towards t h e  achievement  of purposes and g o a l s o t h e r t h a n a c q u i r i n g a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l d a t a o r making and t e s t i n g a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l t h e o r i e s .  In other  words, a p p l i e d a n t h r o p o l o g y uses a n t h r o p o l o g y t o a c h i e v e ends outside anthropology i t s e l f . may  Those ends, o f c o u r s e , may  or  not be consonant w i t h t h e aims o f a n t h r o p o l o g y . Let  me presume, f o r t h e purposes o f argument, t h a t t h e  aim o f a n t h r o p o l o g y i s t o u n d e r s t a n d , b o t h n o m o t h e t i c a l l y and  i d i o g r a p h i c a l l y , the nature o f humankind and human c u l t u r e and s o c i e t y , and i s n o t , qua anthropology, t o change the w o r l d . ( T h i s i s what B a s t i d e (1974:170) c a l l s the " l i b e r a l " o f anthropology.)  conception  Then the attempt t o change the w o r l d , o r t o  r e s i s t changes i n i t , w i l l be another s o r t o f a c t i v i t y , and when i t uses anthropology as a means may be c a l l e d  "applied  anthropology"• As a f i r s t approximation, the ends, o r v a l u e s and purposes, which a p p l i e d anthropology s e r v e s , may be c h a r a c t e r i z e d as e i t h e r l i b e r a t i n g (promoting autonomy) o r dominating  (promoting  heteronomy) ( B a r c l a y 1968:5;  Libera-  B a s t i d e 1974:8, 158).  t i o n o r autonomy i s the d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f an a c t by the uncoerced w i l l s o f the a c t o r s themselves;• domination o r heteronomy i s the d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f an a c t by purposes o r a c t o r s o t h e r than the a c t o r s a c t u a l l y performing the a c t and a g a i n s t the u n p r e s s ured c h o i c e o f the l a t t e r .  The d i s t i n c t i o n between the two i s  not i n p r a c t i c e always so simple, but i t w i l l serve as a g e n e r a l note f o r the p r e s e n t e n q u i r y .  The t a s k s o f the a p p l i e d a n t h r o -  p o l o g i s t may be d i v i d e d i n t o i n t e l l i g e n c e g a t h e r i n g and i m p l e menting  ends.  I n " i n t e l l i g e n c e g a t h e r i n g " , the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t  simply gathers f a c t s and a n a l y z e s p o s s i b i l i t i e s , but the f a c t s which he seeks t o gather and the p o s s i b i l i t i e s which he analyzes are s e t f o r him by the requirements o f o t h e r s and w i l l be used by those o t h e r s f o r t h e i r purposes  ( o r by the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t  himself to r e a l i z e h i s non-anthropological purposes).  Thus the  f a c t s and a n a l y s e s produced by the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t have f a i r l y direct implications f o r social  action.  - 26 A r e v i e w o f a n a t i v e l a n d c l a i m i s an example o f such " i n t e l l i g e n c e g a t h e r i n g " and a n a l y s i s .  I n " i m p l e m e n t i n g ends", the  a p p l i e d a n t h r o p o l o g i s t u s e s h i s a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l knowledge t o d i r e c t people's a c t i v i t i e s to achieve seek t o educate them, o r he may politician.  c e r t a i n goals.  He  may  be an a d m i n i s t r a t o r o r even a  Indeed, as soon as the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t communicates  h i s f i n d i n g s beyond the e s o t e r i c c i r c l e o f h i s f e l l o w a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s , he i s ^ e d u c a t i n g " at l e a s t beginning (Tax 1964: How  o r " i n f l u e n c i n g by words" and  t o implement ends.  "Action  so  anthropology"  256-7), f o r example, i s l i b e r a t o r y e d u c a t i o n . do t h e s e remarks b e a r on t h e p r e s e n t  enquiry?  The  problem o f the e n q u i r y i s t o compare t h e Dene and I n u i t i d e a s o f l a n d and l a n d - t e n u r e  w i t h the i d e a s o f l a n d and  i n Canadian law i n o r d e r t o d i s c o v e r i f the two  land-tenure  sets of  ideas  a r e " r e c o n c i l a b l e " and i f the Dene and I n u i t can use the o f Canadian l a n d - l a w  to preserve  land-holding.  t h a t i s t o say, e x p l o r i n g two  I am,  t h e i r own  t r a d i t i o n a l ways o f traditions  t o d i s c o v e r i f t h e y a l l o w c e r t a i n k i n d s o f a c t i o n t o be The  ideas  realized.  e n q u i r y i s an e n q u i r y i n t o s o c i a l p o s s i b i l i t i e s , i n t o the  p o t e n t i a l i t i e s f o r a p a r t i c u l a r kind of a c t i o n permitted the t r a d i t i o n s . anthropology.  by  This k i n d of enquiry i s i t s e l f a type of a p p l i e d To s e a r c h out a s o c i a l p o s s i b i l i t y i s t o  a p o s s i b i l i t y e i t h e r f o r domination or f o r l i b e r a t i o n ;  discover t o pub-  l i s h one's f i n d i n g i s a p o l i t i c a l a c t open-endedly r e l e v a n t t o i n c r e a s i n g e i t h e r ( o r b o t h ) d o m i n a t i o n and  liberation.  (Know-  l e d g e i s always two-edged.) But, and not p a r a d o x i c a l l y , t h i s i s the n a t u r e  of  the  anthropological enterprise i t s e l f .  The s t u d y o f human s o c i a l  and c u l t u r a l phenomena, and o f t h e c o n n e c t i o n s among them, by i t s e l f r e v e a l s p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r human a c t i o n , and t h e communic a t i o n o f t h o s e f i n d i n g s b e a r s d i r e c t l y on human d o m i n a t i o n and human l i b e r a t i o n .  The p r e s e n t e n q u i r y i s t h e r f o r e a n t h r o -  p o l o g i c a l a t i t s v e r y r o o t , where t h e d i f f e r e n c e between "pure" and " a p p l i e d " a n t h r o p o l o g y d i s a p p e a r s and t h e terms "pure" and " a p p l i e d " become m e a n i n g l e s s . "^ The r e c o r d s o f a p p l i e d a n t h r o p o l o g y c o n t a i n  s t u d i e s made  f o r v a r i o u s p u r p o s e s , and s t o r i e s o f i n t e r v e n t i o n s involving anthropologists. of  community development.  actively  I n p a r t i c u l a r we may note t h e f i e l d S t o r i e s o f s u c c e s s and f a i l u r e i n  community development a r e e t h n o g r a p h i c m a t e r i a l r e l e v a n t t o t h e q u e s t i o n whether a Community L a n d - H o l d i n g C o r p o r a t i o n might f a i l o r succeed.  Most p a r t i c u l a r l y , t h e y remind us t h a t com-  m u n i t i e s e x i s t i n l a r g e r p o l i t i c a l systems, and must cope w i t h t h e s e p o l i t i c a l environments. exemplary  The s t o r y o f V i c o s i n P e r u i s  (Dobyns, Doughty, and L a s s w e l l , e d s . , 1971).  very a c t of forming a c o r p o r a t i o n i s p o l i t i c a l .  The  But t h e s e  q u e s t i o n s , as I have a l r e a d y n o t e d , a r i s e beyond t h e s t r i c t bounds o f t h e problem s e t o u t a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h i s e n q u i r y .  - 28 -  D The L o g i c o f t h e P r e s e n t Study This enquiry i s a study of s o c i a l p o s s i b i l i t i e s , but of a very s p e c i f i c sort of p o s s i b i l i t i e s .  The q u e s t i o n i s whether  one n o r m a t i v e t r a d i t i o n , namely t h e l a n d - l a w o f t h e dominant Canadian s o c i e t y , can be used t o defend and p r e s e r v e a n o t h e r n o r m a t i v e t r a d i t i o n , namely t h e i d e a s and p r a c t i c e s c o n c e r n i n g l a n d o f t h e s u b o r d i n a t e Dene and I n u i t s o c i e t i e s .  We a r e com-  p a r i n g c u l t u r a l " p a t t e r n s " e x i s t i n g i n t h e form o f e x p l i c i t and i m p l i c i t r u l e s about how t o d e a l w i t h l a n d , and a s s e s s i n g t h e l o g i c a l c o m p a t i b i l i t y o f t h e s e two " p a t t e r n s " . On t h e Canadian s i d e , we have a t r a d i t i o n o f r u l e s and p r e c e d e n t s whose a d h e r e n t s a r e aware t h a t t h e y a r e f o l l o w i n g and a p p l y i n g a t r a d i t i o n o f r u l e s and p r e c e d e n t s . t h a t i s t o s a y , i s an e x p l i c i t system.  The l a w ,  I t i s what E. T. H a l l  (1977:106-107) has c a l l e d a " l o w - c o n t e x t system".  That i s ,  t h e l e g a l t r a d i t i o n l e a n s towards making i t s r u l e s and p r e c e dents e x p l i c i t , and towards, as i t were, s p e l l i n g m a t t e r s o u t . A l s o , i t tends t o t r y t o be s e l f - c o n t a i n e d , s e p a r a t e d and s p e c i a l i z e d from t h e r e s t o f t h e c u l t u r e .  As s u c h , t h e t r a d i t i o n  becomes a body o f knowledge w h i c h can be used as r e s o u r c e s f o r i n f l u e n c i n g and s a n c t i o n i n g p e o p l e ' s b e h a v i o u r s .  The knowing  and u s i n g o f t h i s t r a d i t i o n becomes something w h i c h  particular  persons can s p e c i a l i z e i n . That i s t o s a y , t h e t r a d i t i o n becomes t h e o b j e c t o f a t e c h n i c o r c r a f t , and p r a c t i t i o n e r s , namely l a w y e r s , become t e c h n i c i a n s .  Because the Canadian l a n d - l a w  i s a normative t r a d i t i o n  w h i c h has been e x p l i c i t l y c r y s t a l l i z e d o r e x t e r i o r i z e d i n docu mentary f o r m , namely i n s t a t u t e s ,  the r e c o r d s o f j u d i c i a l  c i s i o n s , t e x t b o o k s , and commentaries, we t e n t and s t r u c t u r e  fairly easily.  i s t h e dominant s o c i e t y ,  de-  can d i s c o v e r i t s con-  Because Canadian  Canadian l a n d - l a w  society  i s the t r a d i t i o n  i n t o w h i c h t h e i d e a s of l a n d and of l a n d - h o l d i n g o f the subo r d i n a t e Dene and I n u i t s o c i e t i e s must be c a s t i f t h e y are t o be defended.  (Note how  the p r a c t i c a l o r p r a g m a t i c c o n c e r n be-  h i n d t h e problem i s s h a p i n g t h e l o g i c o f problem and method.) T h e r e f o r e , we must c o n s t r u e t h e Dene and I n u i t i d e a s o f l a n d and l a n d - h o l d i n g as i f they a r e , o r c o u l d become, as a n o r m a t i v e t r a d i t i o n as t h e Canadian law; t h e t r a d i t i o n s p e r m i t , t r y t o express o f l a n d and l a n d - t e n u r e  explicit  and we must, i f  the Dene and I n u i t  as i f t h e y were a body o f r u l e s  p r i n c i p l e s and c a t e g o r i e s .  ( I n so d o i n g , we  and  are a l s o i m p l i c i t  l y a s s e s s i n g the p o t e n t i a l i t y o f t h e Dene and I n u i t  traditions  t o g i v e r i s e t o a body o f law d i f f e r e n t i n c o n t e n t and u r a l f o r m f r o m Canadian law, p e r h a p s , but s t i l l a l e g a l order.)  ideas  struct-  recognizably  Thus t h e o v e r a l l p o l i t i c s o f t h e s i t u a t i o n ,  namely a c o n c e r n t o h e l p t h e Dene and I n u i t g a i n o r r e t a i n a measure o f s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n i n t h e i r p o s i t i o n o f s o c i e t a l s u b o r d i n a t i o n t o Canadian s o c i e t y ,  s e t s Canadian law as  t a r g e t - f o r m (as i t were) w i t h r e f e r e n c e t o w h i c h and w h i c h t h e Dene and I n u i t t r a d i t i o n s are t o be  towards  translated.  H a v i n g n o t i c e d t h i s d i r e c t i o n o f t r a n s l a t i o n , we ask o u r s e l v e s i f we  the  can o f  could or should a l s o t r a n s l a t e  course  i n the othe  - 30 direction;  and we s h a l l t h e r e f o r e d e s i r e a method w h i c h a l l o w s  t r a n s l a t a b i l i t y (where such i s p o s s i b l e ) i n e i t h e r d i r e c t i o n . When we examine Dene and I n u i t s o c i e t i e s , however, we f i n d t h e r e no t r a d i t i o n w h i c h i s an e x p l i c i t and s p e c i a l i z e d n o r m a t i v e t r a d i t i o n l i k e t h e Canadian l e g a l t r a d i t i o n .  The  c l o s e s t t o such i s t h e body o f "mythology" ( a s we c a l l i t ) c o l l e c t e d by ethnographers and o t h e r s from Dene and I n u i t . T h i s "mythology" i s drawn from t h e s t o r i e s w h i c h t h e p e o p l e t e l l from g e n e r a t i o n t o g e n e r a t i o n .  The s t o r i e s a r e a c c o u n t s  o f t h e remembered p a s t and a l s o paradigms f o r a c t i o n and j u s t i f i c a t i o n s of present p r a c t i c e s .  Some s t o r i e s a r e a l s o about  what ought n o t t o be done, and what ought n o t t o have been done.  They e x p r e s s and p o r t r a y an o r d e r o f l i v i n g . . (The c l o s e -  e s t p a r a l l e l t o them i n t h e Canadian l e g a l t r a d i t i o n would be the c o l l e c t i o n s o f law r e p o r t s which c o n t a i n the statements d e l i v e r e d by judges when t h e y made t h e i r d e c i s i o n s . r e c o r d s r e l a t e what happened a t t h e t r i a l s ;  The c o u r t  the j u d i c i a l de-  c i s i o n s , on t h e o t h e r hand, j u s t i f y t h e j u d g e s ' d e c i s i o n s i n terms o f t h e l e g a l t r a d i t i o n , and have t h e r e b y a c e r t a i n n e a r m y t h i c q u a l i t y about them. regulations —  Both l a w —  even a d m i n i s t r a t i v e  and mythology a r e c o l l e c t i v e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s  maintaining the "mechanical s o l i d a r i t y "  (Durkheim 1964:130)  of a s o c i a l order.) F u r t h e r m o r e , Dene and I n u i t s o c i e t i e s were a b o r i g i n a l l y , and s t i l l a r e , n o n - l i t e r a t e c u l t u r e s .  They a r e t r a n s m i t t e d  by example o f b e h a v i o u r and by word o f mouth. are heard, not read.  The s t o r i e s  The i d e a s o f l a n d and l a n d - t e n u r e w h i c h  - 31 the Dene and Dene and and  -  I n u i t have, are communicated i n the p r a c t i c e s of  I n u i t regarding  t h e i r use  and  occupancy of the  i n the s t o r i e s they t e l l which r e v e a l the meaning of  l a n d to them. contained Project We  T h i s i s very  c l e a r , f o r i n s t a n c e , i n the  i n the Report of the I n u i t Land Use  and  land the materials  Occupancy  (1976). must t h e r e f o r e t r a n s f o r m  I n u i t v i a t h e i r o r a l and materials  the ideas of the Dene and  behavioural  expression  into written  corresponding t o the w r i t t e n m a t e r i a l s  legal tradition.  Fortunately,  of the  t h i s task has been done f o r us,  at l e a s t s u f f i c i e n t l y f o r our purpose, by ethnographers other w r i t e r s d e s c r i b i n g the Dene and m a t e r i a l has been f u r t h e r d i g e s t e d h e l p f u l and u s e f u l surveys.  Canadian  Inuit;  and  and  and  this written  summarized i n t o some  Many Dene and  some I n u i t have a l s o  t o l d t h e i r s t o r i e s at the community hearings o f the Mackenzie V a l l e y P i p e l i n e I n q u i r y , and provide The  the t r a n s c r i p t s o f these hearings  another source of w r i t t e n  data.  ethnographic l i t e r a t u r e and  the  t r a n s c r i p t s , on the s i d e of the Dene and law  r e p o r t s , textbooks, and  a d i a n law, which we  provide  may  From these two t e n words, we i d e a s , and  I n u i t , and  the  statutes,  commentaries, on the s i d e o f Can-  t h e r e f o r e the two  draw f o r our  community-hearings  deposits  o f t r a d i t i o n upon  comparisons.  deposits  of t r a d i t i o n , these s e t s of w r i t -  then draw out the g u i d i n g themes or p r i n c i p a l  express these,  again i n words, as a d e s c r i p t i o n of  the o v e r a l l s t r u c t u r e , o r s t r u c t u r a l form ( t o borrow and pose a n o t i o n from R a d c l i f f e - B r o w n  trans-  1952:192-193), of each t r a d -  - 32  -  ition. These ' s t r u c t u r a l forms' a r e t h e n compared and l o g i c a l c o m p a t i b i l i t y i s a s c e r t a i n e d . I f t h e two a r e l o g i c a l l y c o m p a t i b l e , t h e n one t r a d i t i o n may  their  structures be c a s t i n t o  t h e form o f t h e o t h e r w i t h o u t b e i n g d i s t o r t e d o r d e s t r o y e d , and i t s h o u l d be p o s s i b l e t o defend Dene and I n u i t i d e a s o f l a n d and l a n d - h o l d i n g by means o f Canadian l a n d - l a w i d e a s , b o t h i n t h e o r y and i n p r a c t i c e . Let manner.  us now  l o o k a t t h i s problem i n a somewhat d i f f e r e n t  We have c o n s t r u e d t h e problem as one o f comparing  two  t r a d i t i o n s , v a r i o u s l y e x p r e s s e d i n deeds, spoken words, and w r i t ten  words, and have t r a c e d how  t h e s e two t r a d i t i o n s can be  t r a n s p o s e d o r t r a n s f o r m e d i n t o t h e same medium o f w r i t t e n words and t h e r e f o r e made l o g i c a l l y comparable.  Now  l e t us  con-  s i d e r b r i e f l y t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e s e t r a d i t i o n s , thus c o n s t r u e d and compared, and t h e " s o c i a l p r o c e s s e s " o r " s o c i a l a c t i o n s " from w h i c h t h e y have been, as i t were, a b s t r a c t e d . Ideas o f l a n d and o f l a n d - h o l d i n g o c c u r i n c o n t e x t s . They a r e p a r t o f t h e d e a l i n g s w h i c h human b e i n g s have w i t h l a n d and w i t h one a n o t h e r .  Ideas a r e models, w i t h i n human  minds, " o f " and " f o r " ( c f . G e e r t z 1966:7) t h e w o r l d and human a c t i o n s w i t h i n the w o r l d .  A system o f l a n d - t e n u r e i s , i n a l l  i t s f u l l n e s s , p e o p l e a c t i n g upon t h e l a n d and upon one  another,  and v a r i o u s l y c o p i n g w i t h t h e e f f e c t s o f t h e i r d o i n g s .  Actions  f o l l o w one a n o t h e r i n sequences,  and sequences o f a c t i o n s i n t e r -  s e c t one a n o t h e r i n i n t e r w o v e n s t r a n d s . i n t e r w e a v i n g o f a c t i o n s i s what we  This following  and  c a l l " p r o c e s s " , and t h e  - 33 shape o f the f o l l o w i n g and i n t e r w e a v i n g i s what we " s t r u c t u r e " o f the " p r o c e s s " .  T h i s s t r u c t u r e may  call  the  be viewed  as a p a t t e r n o r form p e r s i s t i n g t h r o u g h t i m e , much as the shape o f a human body p e r s i s t s t h r o u g h the i n c e s s a n t b i o c h e m i c a l b i o p h y s i c a l a c t i v i t i e s of l i f e . "synchronic".  Such a f o r m may  be  Or the s t r u c t u r e o f the p r o c e s s may  and  labelled be t h e form  o r shape o f i t s changes t h r o u g h t i m e , namely s u c h changes as a r e l a b e l l e d "growth", "development", " e v o l u t i o n " , " o s c i l l a t i o n " , and " f e e d b a c k " .  Such forms may  be l a b e l l e d " d i a c h r o n i c " .  B o t h s y n c h r o n i c and d i a c h r o n i c s t r u c t u r e s may  be p e r c e i v e d by  the' a c t o r s i n v o l v e d i n them, as w e l l as by o u t s i d e a c t o r s , and mentally modelled  accordingly.  The m e n t a l models o f  s t r u c t u r e s can t h e n e n t e r t h e p r o c e s s e s  these  o f a c t i o n as models  f o r t h e a c t o r s t o f o l l o w , models w h i c h b l e n d w i t h and  transform  t h e models f o r and o f b e h a v i o u r w h i c h t h e a c t o r s a r e a l r e a d y following. I n t h i s e n q u i r y , however, we a r e not d e s c r i b i n g s o c i a l processes.  We  a r e s e e k i n g t o d i s c o v e r and t o summarize and  t o compare t h e g e n e r a l c h a r a c t e r o f the m e n t a l models used w i t h i n t h a t k i n d o f s o c i a l p r o c e s s w h i c h may  be c a l l e d " l a n d - h o l d i n g " .  P r o c e s s i s t h e ground a g a i n s t w h i c h we s h a l l make our  observa-  t i o n s , but i d e a s and t h e s t r u c t u r a l forms o f i d e a s a r e the f i g u r e s w h i c h we t u r e s w h i c h we  s h a l l be d e s c r i b i n g and comparing.  s h a l l seek o u t , f u r t h e r m o r e , a r e  The  struc-  synchronic  r a t h e r than d i a c h r o n i c . I n t h i s way, able.  t h e problem o f the e n q u i r y becomes manage-  That problem i s C l r e p e a t ) t o compare the i d e a s o f l a n d  - 34 and l a n d - h o l d i n g t r a d i t i o n a l l y h e l d by t h e Dene and I n u i t o f t h e Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s w i t h t h e i d e a s o f l a n d and l a n d - h o l d i n g i n Canadian l a w , and t o d i s c o v e r a way ( i f there i s a way) whereby Dene and I n u i t might use t h e i d e a s o f l a n d and l a n d h o l d i n g i n Canadian law t o p r e s e r v e t h e i r own way o f r e g a r d i n g and u s i n g and h o l d i n g l a n d .  The method f o l l o w s from t h e p r o b -  lem, and has a l r e a d y been o u t l i n e d . The method has i t s own e l e g a n t s i m p l i c i t y .  I t i s , as I  have a l r e a d y n o t e d , i d i o g r a p h i c i n t h a t i t r e q u i r e s no comparat i v e m a t e r i a l from s o c i e t i e s o t h e r t h a n t h e s o c i e t i e s whose p o s s i b i l i t i e s are a c t u a l l y being assessed.  I n o r d e r t o demon-  s t r a t e t h e s i m p l i c i t y o f t h e method, I s h a l l i n t h e f o l l o w i n g chapters  c o n f i n e t h e d i s c u s s i o n s t r i c t l y t o what i s d i r e c t l y  r e q u i r e d by t h e method o u t l i n e d .  I n t h i s way, t h e n a t u r e and  l o g i c of the i d e a t i o n a l structures of the three t r a d i t i o n s of l a n d - h o l d i n g w h i c h we a r e comparing, s h o u l d be p l a i n l y  evident,  and t h e p o s s i b i l i t i e s o r i m p o s s i b i l i t i e s o f r e c o n c i l i n g them equally p l a i n l y  evident.  - 35 -  Notes t o Chapter 1  Hooker (1975:56)  I  w r i t e s concerning the d i s t i n c t i o n be-  tween dominant and s e r v i e n t : I t should be s t r e s s e d a t t h i s p o i n t t h a t the s y s tems which we d e s i g n a t e 'dominate* a l l operate and were o r are e f f e c t i v e from a p o s i t i o n o f p o l i t i c a l s u p e r i o r i t y i n any p a r t i c u l a r a r e a . I n both p r a c t i c a l and t h e o r e t i c a l terms t h i s means t h a t the l e g a l system o f the dominant p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e possesses a b s o l u t e and unq u a l i f i e d power on i t s own terms t o admit, a l t e r , o r suppress any e x i s t i n g indigenous laws. These powers were o r a r e e x e r c i s e d w h o l l y i n terms o f the dominant l e g a l p o l i c y o r p o l i c i e s as t o what i s f e l t t o be d e s i r a b l e f o r the indigenous p o p u l a t i o n . I n many cases, o f course, the p o l i c y i t s e l f o f t e n v a r i e d e i t h e r i n time o r i n space, a l l o w i n g f o r changes i n l e g a l a t t i t u d e t o wards t h e ( p o l i t i c a l l y ) i n f e r i o r systems. However, " a b s o l u t e and u n q u a l i f i e d power" o v e r s t a t e s the matter.  The power i s " a b s o l u t e and u n q u a l i f i e d " i n a  l e g a l sense.  The dominator i s l e g a l l y s o v e r e i g n .  But  i n a p o l i t i c a l sense t h e power i s not a b s o l u t e and unqualified.  I t must be e x e r c i s e d w i t h some awareness o f  the s e n s i b i l i t i e s o f the s u b o r d i n a t e people, who a r e , a f t e r a l l , b e i n g l e f t i n some measure t o f o l l o w t h e i r own ways.  The power i s t h e r e , n o n e t h e l e s s .  I f t h e dominant s o c i e t y has both the w i l l and the power t o a s s i m i l a t e the s u b o r d i n a t e s o c i e t y , and has s u f f i c i e n t time t o do so, the s u b o r d i n a t e people's system w i l l not l o n g be s e r v i e n t —  i tw i l l  legal  disappear.  Where the w i l l t o a s s i m i l a t e i s l a c k i n g , o r the power i s i n s u f f i c i e n t t o accomplish t h i s g o a l , then the subordi n a t e people w i l l s u r v i v e as a d i s t i n c t people and t h e i r s o c i a l system w i l l s u r v i v e a l b e i t i n a s e r v i e n t  role.  - 36 -  Dohrenwend and Smith (1962:31-32) r e c o g n i z e t h e power r e l a t i o n s h i p s between c u l t u r e s as a major d i f f e r entiating character i n acculturation, 2  Dohrenwend and Smith (1962:31-32; 1957:80) u s e t h e f o l l o w ing three conditions, ance.  combined, as t h e c r i t e r i a o f domin-  C u l t u r e A dominates c u l t u r e B, i f A can (1) r e -  c r u i t members o f B i n t o i t s a c t i v i t i e s i n p o s i t i o n s o f low s t a t u s , (2) e x c l u d e members o f B who w i s h  admission  to i t s a c t i v i t i e s i n p o s i t i o n s of high o r equal s t a t u s , and (3) g a i n a d m i s s i o n t o a c t i v i t i e s o f B i n p o s i t i o n s of high status.  By t h e s e c r i t e r i a , as w e l l as by t h e  c r i t e r i o n suggested by Hooker (1975:56) i n note 1, above, t h e I n d i a n s and I n u i t o f Canada a r e c l e a r l y  subordinate  t o Canadian s o c i e t y .  The Canadian power t o dominate i s  not always  b u t i t i s n o n e t h e l e s s always t h e r e .  exercised,  The h i s t o r y o f r e l a t i o n s h i p s between t h e I n d i a n s and t h e I n u i t , on t h e one s i d e , and Canadian s o c i e t y , on t h e o t h e r , i s w e l l documented by Brody (1975)» Hawthorn (1966-67), K n i g h t (1978), P a t t e r s o n (1972). 3  These statements  about a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s a r e based  i a l l y , on Cumming and Mickenberg  espec-  (1972:13-50) and on  C a l d e r e t a l . v . A t t o r n e y - G e n e r a l o f B.C. [1973] S.C.R. 313.  4  W i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n o f most o f t h e I n d i a n s o f B r i t i s h umbia.  Col-  F o r a d i s c u s s i o n of the law r e l a t i n g to Indian  t r e a t i e s , see Cumming and Mickenberg  (1972:53-62).  The  e a r l y t r e a t i e s , t o T r e a t y No. 7, a r e g i v e n , t o g e t h e r w i t h a s s o c i a t e d documents, i n M o r r i s (1880).  A history of  T r e a t i e s Nos. 8 and 11 i s g i v e n by Fumoleau (1973:  the  t e x t o f t h e t r e a t i e s a t pp. 70-73, 165-168). The Commission's at  p. 203 o f v o l .  r e p o r t i s B e r g e r (1977), w i t h a n o t e one on t h e h i s t o r y o f t h e i n q u i r y .  Background on I n d i a n l a n d c l a i m s , w i t h s p e c i f i c  refer-  ence t o t h e B e r g e r Commission, and from a v i e w p o i n t symp a t h e t i c t o t h e I n d i a n s , i s i n McCullum and McCullum (1975)*  A c o l l e c t i o n o f m a t e r i a l s u p p o r t i n g t h e Dene  c l a i m and r e v i s e d f r o m m a t e r i a l o r i g i n a l l y p r e s e n t e d a t the of  i n q u i r y , i s g i v e n i n Watkins.(1977).  A s h o r t account  t h e h e a r i n g s , a l s o s y m p a t h e t i c t o t h e I n d i a n s ' cause,  and c o n t a i n i n g p o r t i o n s o f t h e I n d i a n s ' t e s t i m o n i e s , i s p r o v i d e d by O'Malley (1976).  Background on t h e P i p e l i n e  d e b a t e , s e v e r e l y c r i t i c a l o f B e r g e r ' s a p p r o a c h , may found i n Peacock  be  (1977).  These p e o p l e a r e v a r i o u s l y c a l l e d "Athapaskan" o r " A t h a bascan".  "Athapaskan" seems t o be t h e a c c e p t e d a n t h r o -  p o l o g i c a l usage ( e . g . , as i n Jenness 1958:377; 1974; it,  Vanstone  and N a t i o n a l Museum o f Man 1974), and I w i l l  e x c e p t where my s o u r c e s use a d i f f e r e n t  follow  spelling.  Brody (1975:141-142, 214) d i s t i n g u i s h e s between t h e " c l a s s i c a l s o c i a l anthropologist's" d e f i n i t i o n of " t r a d i t i o n a l " as " t h e customs o f p r e - c o n t a c t c u l t u r e " and t h e I n u i t v i e w o f " t r a d i t i o n " as what i s "now  r e g a r d e d as t r a d i -  t i o n a l by contemporary Eskimos." An e x c e l l e n t summary h i s t o r y o f t h e l i t e r a t u r e on a c c u l t u r a t i o n i s p r o v i d e d by Voget (1975:721-785). not,  Voget does  however, c i t e Dohrenwend and S m i t h (1962).  - 38  9  -  One problem I do not need t o canvass i s whether t h e Dene and I n u i t systems o f l a n d - t e n u r e a r e " l e g a l " , o r whether  s  o r not Dene and I n u i t had " l a w " ,  I am comparing systems  o f l a n d - t e n u r e , not l e g a l systems as s u c h .  It is (ina  sense) c o i n c i d e n t a l t h a t one o f t h o s e systems ( i . e . , t h e Canadian) i s p a r t o f a system o f l a w .  My approach i n t h e  p r e s e n t e n q u i r y does not depend upon f i r s t  ascertaining,  o r even assuming, whether a g i v e n r u l e o r p r a c t i c e o r system i s o r i s not " l a w " , 10  T h i s i s a l s o t h e p l a c e where a n t h r o p o l o g y becomes p h i l o sophy.  - 39 -  II DEFINITION OF LAND, PROPERTY, LAND-TENURE, AND PERSON IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE  A Land Land, i n the widest meaning o f the word, i s the space which an i n d i v i d u a l human being (occupies,  o r a group o f humans"'" i n h a b i t s  e x i s t s i n ) and uses ( e x p l o i t s ) .  here we should  But by "space"  not mean merely an empty v o i d t o be f i l l e d o r  a frame o f r e f e r e n c e , but r a t h e r a stage o r scene f o r human a c t i v i t i e s which i s comprised o f phenomena and powers r e l e v a n t 2 to those a c t i v i t i e s .  So d e f i n e d , " l a n d " does not mean merely  dry l a n d , but i n c l u d e s water and t h i n g s i n water; three-dimensional  and i t i s  as w e l l , going above and below the s u r f a c e  o f t h e e a r t h on which humans d w e l l (Crocombe 1974:1; 1951:411).  So d e f i n e d , furthermore, land becomes l a n d (and  not merely space o r m a t e r i a l u n i v e r s e ) t a i n general  Paton  because i t i s i n a c e r -  r e l a t i o n s h i p t o human b e i n g s .  Barlowe (1958, as c i t e d and summarized i n Clawson 1968: 551) (l)  has d i s t i n g u i s h e d seven major meanings t o t h e word " l a n d " : space, o r room and s u r f a c e , where l i f e occurs;  ( 2 ) natural  environment, i n c l u d i n g s u n l i g h t , r a i n f a l l , wind, and o t h e r matic c o n d i t i o n s , s o i l , and n a t u r a l v e g e t a t i o n ; of p r o d u c t i o n ,  along w i t h l a b o u r and c a p i t a l ;  cli-  (3) a f a c t o r (4) a consump-  t i o n good, used, f o r example, as a s i t e f o r d w e l l i n g s and parks;  - 40  (5)  -  a s i t u a t i o n o r l o c a t i o n w i t h r e g a r d t o m a r k e t s , geograph-  i c a l f e a t u r e s , o t h e r r e s o u r c e s and o t h e r c o u n t r i e s ;  (6)  pro-  p e r t y , e n t e r i n g i n t o l e g a l r e l a t i o n s between i n d i v i d u a l s between governments;  and  (7)  and  even c a p i t a l i n an economic s e n s e .  These d i f f e r e n t meanings themselves r e f l e c t the d i f f e r e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s w h i c h members o f one s o c i e t y , namely Barlowe's  own,  can t a k e up towards l a n d . Bohannan (1963:222) d i s t i n g u i s h e s between l a n d as and  l a n d as " f a c t o r o f p r o d u c t i o n " .  Though s i t e and  "site"  factor  o f p r o d u c t i o n are c o n n e c t e d , they can be examined i n d e p e n d e n t l y o f one a n o t h e r .  I n some s o c i e t i e s , he s a y s , l a n d as a f a c -  t o r o f p r o d u c t i o n , and w i t h i t " l a n d - t e n u r e " , m a r i l y i n r e l a t i o n t o l a n d as s i t e .  are d e f i n e d  pri-  Thus i n a s o c i e t y based  on p r i n c i p l e s o t h e r t h a n c o n t r a c t , some e x i s t i n g s o c i a l groups l i v e t o g e t h e r and so make a community.  The members o f  these  groups e x p l o i t the l a n d on w h i c h they f i n d themselves as memb e r s o f t h o s e g r o u p s , and  e x e r t t h e i r r i g h t s t o e x p l o i t i t be-  cause they a r e members o f t h o s e g r o u p s .  In other s o c i e t i e s ,  namely s o c i e t i e s based on c o n t r a c t , such as Western s o c i e t i e s , where l a n d e n t e r s the market, " l o c a l groups come i n t o because l a n d has been p a r c e l l e d  existence  out i n a c e r t a i n s e t o f ways  i n o r d e r t o maximize p r o d u c t i o n , and t h e n s o l d . "  (Bohannan  1963:223)  T h i s happens, Bohannan s a y s , " o n l y i n a c o n t r a c t  society."  Thus l a n d comes t o be viewed p r i m a r i l y not as a  p l a c e where p e o p l e l i v e , but as a s e t o f r e s o u r c e s w h i c h  can  be u s e d . These c o n t r a s t s a r e shown i n the " f o l k geography" w h i c h  the members o f a s o c i e t y have.  Bohannan (1963:223-226) con-  t r a s t s t h e Western i d e a o f a r i g i d g r i d e s t a b l i s h e d by c e l e s t i a l r e f e r e n c e p o i n t s , w i t h t h e T i v " g e n e a l o g i c a l map" o f t h e i r country  and t h e P l a t e a u Tonga system o f o v e r l a p p i n g  hoods f o c u s s e d  neighbour-  on r a i n s h r i n e s w h i c h a c t e d as " r a l l y i n g p o i n t s " .  I n n o t i n g t h a t , a p a r t from names f o r r i v e r s and h i l l s , T i v p l a c e names a r e t h e names o f l i n e a g e s l i v i n g i n c e r t a i n a r e a s , Bohannan i n t i m a t e s t h a t p l a c e names r e f l e c t t h e  folk-geography  and t h e view o f l a n d w h i c h i s p a r t o f i t . Bohannan's d i s c u s s i o n i m p l i e s t h a t l a n d , qua l a n d , has a dual character.  I t i s something w i t h i t s own i n h e r e n t  nature,  1  w i t h w h i c h t h e people who l i v e on i t ( o r i n i t ) must cope; and  i t i s a l s o what i t i s because o f t h e p e o p l e ' s view and  a c t i v i t i e s and, g e n e r a l l y , r e l a t i o n s h i p t o i t .  Land as s i t e  and l a n d as f a c t o r o f p r o d u c t i o n a r e b o t h elements i n t h e a c t i o n of the people i n the world. The  i d e a s o f " l a n d " proposed by Barlowe and by Bohannan,  but e s p e c i a l l y by t h e l a t t e r , a r e a n a l y t i c a l ^ c o n c e p t s proposed w h i l e v i e w i n g t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p s between a p e o p l e and t h e w o r l d from o u t s i d e , from t h e p o s i t i o n o f t h e detached o b s e r v e r , f o r the purpose o f comparing t h e s e r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p s between o t h e r p e o p l e s and t h e i r w o r l d s .  The p e o p l e ' s  own'view o f t h e " l a n d " i s p a r t o f t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p t o t h e w o r l d , namely what Bohannan would c a l l a " f o l k c o n c e p t " .  But  the d i s t i n c t i o n between l a n d as s i t e and l a n d as a f a c t o r o f p r o d u c t i o n i s a l s o i n f l u e n c e d by t h e e c o n o m i s t s ' i d e a s o f l a n d , l a b o u r , c a p i t a l , and e n t e r p r i s e (Bohannan p r e f e r s t h e term  - 42 -  " i n g e n u i t y " ) as t h e f a c t o r s o f p r o d u c t i o n , and t h e economists themselves a r e w o r k i n g w i t h i n a c u l t u r e devoted t o t h e p r o d u c t i o n o f goods f o r s a l e on a market.  The i d e a o f f a c t o r s o f  p r o d u c t i o n , t h a t i s t o say, i s i t s e l f a f o l k - c a t e g o r y o f E u r o 3 1  pean^ c u l t u r e , s u b - c u l t u r a l v a r i a n t ' e c o n o m i c s .  Bohannan has  t h u s begun, b u t n o t a c c o m p l i s h e d , t h e t r a n s i t i o n t o a t r u l y cross-cultural analytical notion.  He has g i v e n us a d i r e c t i o n  to f o l l o w . F i r s t , we have l a n d as p l a c e , s i t e , o r scene .  I t i sa  r e g i o n i n t h e w o r l d where t h e p e o p l e a r e p l a c e d o r s e t , a g a i n s t w h i c h t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s can appear as f i g u r e a g a i n s t ground, and something t o w h i c h t h e y must r e l a t e . i t s own c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . a source o f experiences it.  As scene, l a n d has  I t i s n o t empty, b u t a p l a c e o f powers, f o r p e o p l e , any p e o p l e , who e n c o u n t e r  We can d i s e n t a n g l e l a n d thus d e f i n e d , f u r t h e r m o r e ,  into  l a n d as t h e p o s s i b i l i t y f o r experience,^*" a p o t e n t i a l i t y w a i t i n g t o be evoked by some human o b s e r v e r as e x p e r i e n c e d ,  t h e e n c o u n t e r made a c t u a l .  scene i n t h e s t r i c t sense. still,  encountering  it;  and l a n d  This l a t t e r i s  Land as p l a c e , s i t e , o r scene i s  however, a l s o p a r t o f an i n t e r a c t i o n between i t s e l f and  the people. w i t h people.  Land, i n t h i s f i r s t meaning, i s p l a c e i n t e r a c t i n g A p a r t i c u l a r l a n d i s what i t i s , t h a t i s t o s a y ,  because o f a p a r t i c u l a r p l a c e and a p a r t i c u l a r p e o p l e w i t h their particular interactions. Second, we have l a n d as an element i n a t e c h n i c a l o p e r a tion.  T h i s i s l a n d as ( a ) t h e s i t e o f t h e o p e r a t i o n , ( b ) t h e  raw m a t e r i a l s t r a n s f o r m e d  by t h e o p e r a t i o n , and ( c ) t h e f u e l  - 43 o r energy used t o e f f e c t t h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n .  T h i s i s l a n d as  a f a c t o r o f p r o d u c t i o n where we a r e t h i n k i n g o f p r o d u c t i o n as human a c t i o n s h a p i n g t h e w o r l d , o r t h e l a n d , i n accordance w i t h human p u r p o s e s . T h i r d , we have l a n d as p r o p e r t y , namely as t h e o b j e c t o f r i g h t s and d u t i e s , o r c l a i m s and l i a b i l i t i e s , between p e o p l e . F o u r t h , we have l a n d as a commodity, namely something w h i c h can be bought and s o l d on t h e market.  Commodity i s p r o p -  e r t y , b u t p r o p e r t y i s n o t n e c e s s a r i l y commodity.  The econ-  o m i s t s ' f a c t o r s o f p r o d u c t i o n combine l a n d as an element o f a t e c h n i c a l o p e r a t i o n w i t h l a n d as a commodity:  production  i s f o r s a l e on t h e market. Of t h e s e f o u r n o t i o n s o f l a n d , t h e f i r s t t h r e e w i l l be found i n a l l human c u l t u r e s i n one way o r a n o t h e r .  They a r e ,  as r e f l e c t i o n w i l l show, a l l n e c e s s a r y a s p e c t s of* human ecol o g i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h t h e non-human w o r l d .  But l a n d as  commodity depends upon a p a r t i c u l a r way o f d e a l i n g w i t h l a n d , and t h e r e f o r e upon a p a r t i c u l a r k i n d o f human c u l t u r e . F i f t h * , w e have l a n d as an element i n a m o r a l o r d e r , namely something towards w h i c h people may r e g a r d themselves as h a v i n g duties or obligations.  As an element i n a t e c h n i c a l o p e r a t i o n ,  l a n d i s m e r e l y a means t o human ends.  As an element i n a m o r a l  o r d e r , l a n d i s r e c o g n i z e d as an end i n i t s own r i g h t .  (The  c o n t r a s t between t e c h n i c a l o p e r a t i o n and m o r a l o r d e r f o l l o w s R e d f i e l d * s (1957:20-21) d i s t i n c t i o n between " t e c h n i c a l o r d e r " and " m o r a l o r d e r " . )  Land as an element i n a m o r a l o r d e r need  not be found i n a l l human c u l t u r e s .  - 44  -  A l l o f t h e s e f i v e n o t i o n s o f " l a n d " view l a n d as p a r t o f the r e l a t i o n s h i p between l a n d and p e o p l e , and d e f i n e l a n d according  t o the k i n d o f r e l a t i o n s h i p .  no p e o p l e w i t h o u t  land," i s implied.  "No  land without  Land w i t h o u t  people,  people i s  m e r e l y p o t e n t i a l l y l a n d , and does not become l a n d u n t i l p e o p l e arrive.  But when the p e o p l e do a r r i v e , what happens n e x t  de-  pends on b o t h what the l a n d i s and what t h e p e o p l e a r e . Land i s an element i n t h e i n t e r a c t i o n between p e o p l e the l a n d .  and  T h i s i n t e r a c t i o n i n c l u d e s not o n l y t h e " o b j e c t i v e " ,  " m a t e r i a l " b e h a v i o u r s w h i c h an o u t s i d e o b s e r v e r might p e r c e i v e , but a l s o the ways i n w h i c h the p e o p l e p e r c e i v e and the l a n d .  construe  Land i s not o n l y something e x i s t i n g a p a r t from the  p e o p l e , but a l s o something c o n s t r u e d  by the p e o p l e i n t h e i r  w o r l d - v i e w and something c o n s t r u c t e d by the p e o p l e t h r o u g h 5  t h e i r a c t i o n s upon i t .  I t t h e r e f o r e f o l l o w s t h a t the  t i o n o f l a n d w h i c h a p e o p l e have i s an i m p o r t a n t  part both of  t h e i r ecosystem, i . e . t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h t h e i r ment, and o f t h e i r  culture.  concep-  environ-  - 45 -  B P r o p e r t y , Ownership, and P o s s e s s i o n The word " p r o p e r t y " u s u a l l y means b o t h t h e t h i n g s "owned" ( i n a wide meaning) and t h e v a r i o u s r i g h t s w h i c h t h e owner o r owners and o t h e r persons have c o n c e r n i n g the t h i n g s owned. Even w r i t e r s who  i n s i s t t h a t p r o p e r t y i s r e a l l y the r i g h t s which  p e o p l e have o v e r t h e t h i n g o f t e n f a l l back i n t o language s c r i b i n g p r o p e r t y as t h e t h i n g s . to  de-  I t seems b e s t , t h e r e f o r e ,  a c c e p t t h a t " p r o p e r t y " may mean one o r more elements o f a  g i v e n complex, and t o use s p e c i a l words t o r e f e r t o t h e s e s p e c i f i c elements.  That s a i d , we may  f o r c o m p a r a t i v e purposes  s i m p l y d e f i n e " p r o p e r t y " as a n y t h i n g c o n c e r n i n g w h i c h persons have r i g h t s and d u t i e s , o r c l a i m s and l i a b i l i t i e s ,  among them-  selves. "Own", "owner", and "ownership" have w i d e r and meanings a l s o .  narrower  I n t h e w i d e s t s e n s e , t h e y mean no more t h a n  h a v i n g some r i g h t o f p r o p e r t y ;  i n t h e narrower s e n s e , t h e y  mean h a v i n g t h e r i g h t t o complete and e x c l u s i v e c o n t r o l o v e r the  t h i n g o f p r o p e r t y (see P a t o n 1951:419-425).  F o r compara-  t i v e p u r p o s e s , t h e i d e a o f ownership may p r o p e r l y be w i d e r 7  than i n English-speaking or Anglican  law.  We s h o u l d d i s -  t i n g u i s h , t h a t i s t o s a y , between "ownership" as an a n a l y t i c a l concept (Bohannan 1963:10-13) i n t h e a n t h r o p o l o g y o f law o r of  p r o p e r t y , and "ownership" as a f o l k - c a t e g o r y ( I b i d . ) o f an  English-speaking legal order.  On t h e o t h e r hand, i t i s con-  v e n i e n t , and reduces c o n f u s i o n , i f t h e two meanings can be  - 46 c l o s e o r even the same. A system o f p r o p e r t y e x i s t s where we f i n d the f o l l o w i n g : (a)  T h i n g s , o r r e s , w h i c h are t h e o b j e c t s o f p r o p e r t y  rights. (b)  P r o p e r t y r i g h t s , o r r e c o g n i z e d c l a i m s t o the  right-  f u l use o f and c o n t r o l o v e r the t h i n g s ( r e s ) . (c)  P e r s o n s who  c l a i m p r o p e r t y r i g h t s and whose c l a i m s  a r e r e c o g n i z e d by the community. (d)  A community, o r group o f p e o p l e , w h i c h i n c l u d e s  t h e r i g h t - h o l d e r s , and w h i c h r e c o g n i z e s and s u p p o r t s t h e h o l d e r s ' claims. (e)  A - s e t o f p r a c t i c e s and/or r u l e s , a r i s i n g from the  community's r e c o g n i t i o n o f c l a i m s , w h i c h d e f i n e s p r o p e r t y rights. (f)  A s e t o f s a n c t i o n s and p r o c e d u r e s f o r e n f o r c i n g  p r o p e r t y r i g h t s , w h i c h comes i n t o p l a y when r e c o g n i z e d a r e breached o r not (g)  P e r s o n s who  claims  met. i n f r i n g e upon p r o p e r t y , o r who  make  c o u n t e r - c l a i m s , and so provoke t h e emergence o f s a n c t i o n s  and  p r o c e d u r e s and t h e d e f i n i t i o n o f r i g h t s i n r u l e s and p r a c t i c e s . By " p r a c t i c e " I mean a b e h a v i o u r a l mode w h i c h i s t a k e n t o p r o v i d e an example b o t h o f what i s done and o f what ought t o be done.  A " p r a c t i c e " i s thus b o t h a mode o f b e h a v i o u r  a model o f b e h a v i o u r ,  and  even i f i t i s not s t a t e d i n a f o r m a l  rule. Of t h e seven c r i t e r i a , ( a ) , ( b ) , ( c ) , and (d) a r e l y necessary  f o r property to e x i s t .  logical-  - 47 A good d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e n a t u r e o f a t h i n g o r r e s as the object o r matter o f a l e g a l r e l a t i o n s h i p i s given i n Paton, A Textbook o f J u r i s p r u d e n c e  (1951:409-410), from w h i c h I quote:  . . . 'A t h i n g i s , i n law, some p o s s i b l e m a t t e r o f r i g h t s and d u t i e s , c o n c e i v e d as a whole and a p a r t from a l l o t h e r s , j u s t a s , i n t h e w o r l d o f common e x p e r i e n c e , w h a t e v e r can be s e p a r a t e l y p e r c e i v e d i s a t h i n g . ' I n t h i s sense every l e g a l r i g h t has a r e s as i t s o b j e c t . A c c o r d i n g t o t h e c l a s s i c a l a n a l y s i s , a r i g h t - d u t y r e l a t i o n s h i p conc e r n s two p e r s o n s , r e l a t e s t o an a c t o r f o r b e a r a n c e , w i t h r e g a r d t o some p a r t i c u l a r r e s . Thus t h e o b j e c t of,' a r i g h t o f ownership may be B l a c k a c r e , t h e o b j e c t o f my r i g h t n o t t o be defamed i s my r e p u t a t i o n . I n t h i s s e n s e , r e s concerns much more t h a n i s covered by t h e law o f p r o p e r t y , b u t as t h e a n a l y s i s o f a r e s i s so bound up w i t h t h i s s u b j e c t , i t i s more c o n v e n i e n t t o d i s c u s s i t a t t h i s p l a c e . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , however, l e g a l usage i s n o t c o n s i s t e n t , and t h e r e a r e r e a l l y many d i f f e r e n t elements o f t h o u g h t . A t h i n g may mean: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.  A t h i n g i n t h e m a t e r i a l sense w h i c h i s c o r p o r e a l and t a n g i b l e and has an o r g a n i c o r p h y s i c a l u n i t y , e.g. a horse o r a b l o c k o f m a r b l e . A t h i n g w h i c h i s c o r p o r e a l and t a n g i b l e , b u t consists of a c o l l e c t i o n of s p e c i f i c things, e.g. a f l o c k o f sheep. A t h i n g which e x i s t s i n the p h y s i c a l world but i s not m a t e r i a l i n t h e p o p u l a r s e n s e , e.g. e l e c tricity . A t h i n g which i s n e i t h e r m a t e r i a l , c o r p o r e a l , nor t a n g i b l e b u t i s an element o f w e a l t h , e.g. a copyright o r a patent.... A t h i n g w h i c h i s n o t m a t e r i a l and w h i c h i s n o t d i r e c t l y an economic a s s e t o r element o f w e a l t h , e.g. r e p u t a t i o n . I f every r i g h t concerns a r e s , t h e n we must admit t h i s w i d e r c o n c e p t i o n . The law o f d e f a m a t i o n b i n d s o t h e r s by a duty n o t u n j u s t i f i a b l y to i n t e r f e r e with the thing i n q u e s t i o n , my r e p u t a t i o n .  Some German w r i t e r s suggest t h a t a t h i n g i s 'a l o c a l l y l i m i t e d p o r t i o n of v o l i t i o n l e s s nature*. T h i s may be t r u e o f t h e p o p u l a r usage, b u t i t i s n o t t r u e o f t h e l e g a l . A s l a v e may be a r e s , an i d o l may be a l e g a l p e r s o n . Law d i s t i n g u i s h e s n o t between t h o s e who p o s s e s s v o l i t i o n and t h i n g s w h i c h do n o t , b u t between l e g a l p e r s o n s t o whom t h e law imputes a w i l l ( J o h n S m i t h o r an i d o l ) and t h i n g s w h i c h cannot h o l d r i g h t s b u t can m e r e l y be t h e o b j e c t s t h e r e o f . Law i n t h i s i n s t a n c e has r e f i n e d common usage.  - 4$  -  A g a i n , i t i s i n c o n v e n i e n t t o say t h a t a r e s n u l l i u s i s not a t h i n g u n t i l i t has been a c q u i r e d by someone. I t may be t h a t , i f the law s p e c i f i c a l l y r e f u s e s some r e s t o be i n any c i r c u m s t a n c e s the o b j e c t o f a r i g h t , i t s h o u l d f a l l o u t s i d e the d e f i n i t i o n o f a r e s . But whatever i s a p o t e n t i a l object of l e g a l r i g h t s should be c o n s i d e r e d a r e s . A l i o n i s a r e s even b e f o r e i t i s caught. It  f o l l o w s from t h i s t h a t a n y t h i n g may  become a t h i n g o r  a r e s t o t h e law o f a community, whether o r not t h a t t h i n g have any  c o r p o r e a l e x i s t e n c e o r even be r e c o g n i z e d  the o b s e r v e r from o u t s i d e the community. res of a p r o p e r t y - r i g h t .  as a r e a l i t y  by  So l i k e w i s e f o r the  Anything whatsoever, corporeal  or  i n c o r p o r e a l , v i s i b l e o r i n v i s i b l e , phenomenal o r noumenal, be t r e a t e d as a t h i n g o f p r o p e r t y  by a l e g a l system, and  the o b j e c t o f l e g a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s .  The  may  be  r e s i s a r e s because  i t i s c o n c e i v e d so by t h e l e g a l system, and not  otherwise.  'j'There are a number o f d i f f e r e n t ways o f c l a s s i f y i n g  res.  P a t o n (1951:410-419) i n s t a n c e s t h e f o l l o w i n g d i s t i n c t i o n s : corporeal vs. incorporeal;  chose i n a c t i o n v s . chose i n p o s -  s e s s i o n ; res m a n c i p i v s . r e s nec m a n c i p i ; able;  r e a l vs. personal;  movable v s . immov-  fungible vs. non-fungible;  consumed by use v s . t h o s e not consumed by u s e . a r i e s between t h e s e c l a s s e s v a r y a c c o r d i n g  i c a l immovable i s l a n d and t h e t h i n g s a t t a c h e d  considered  c e r t a i n l y be moved.  But the bound-  t o the l e g a l system  and are o f t e n a f f e c t e d by h i s t o r i c a l a c c i d e n t s .  l a n d as m a t e r i a l may  those  Thus the to i t .  Houses are  typ-  But often  as immovables i n law, but are movable i n f a c t .  In  some l e g a l systems s h i p s a r e -immovable i n law, though as P a t o n remarks, "a v e s s e l t h a t i s immovable i n f a c t i s of v e r y  little  - 49 use."  S i m i l a r v a r i a t i o n s occur f o r the other d i s t i n c t i o n s .  I n g e n e r a l , says P a t o n (1951:419), The main l e g a l r e a s o n f o r c l a s s i f y i n g t h i n g s i s t h a t d e a l i n g s i n them may be f a c i l i t a t e d by t h e growth o f s u c h s p e c i a l r u l e s as a r e n e c e s s a r y f o r each c l a s s . But t h e methods o f d i v i s i o n v a r y so much i n each system t h a t i t i s i m p o s s i b l e t o do more t h a n i n d i c a t e some o f t h e more i m p o r t a n t methods o f c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . N o t e a g a i n t h a t what d e t e r m i n e s t h e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i n a g i v e n l e g a l system i s not a l o n e t h e c h a r a c t e r o f t h e t h i n g i t s e l f , but t h e way i n w h i c h t h e t h i n g i s viewed and used by t h e community whose l e g a l system i s b e i n g examined.  To say  t h i s i s not t o say t h a t t h e c h a r a c t e r o f t h e t h i n g i s i r r e l e vant.  There a r e f e a t u r e s about l a n d , f o r i n s t a n c e , w h i c h make  i t d i s t i n c t i v e and t h e r e c u r r e n t c o r e i n t h e c l a s s o f  immovable  res.  hence  I t i s more e n d u r i n g t h a n p e r s o n a l p r o p e r t y , and  f u t u r e i n t e r e s t s i n i t have a r e a l v a l u e .  I t i s n o t , as space  a t l e a s t , movable and so may be used as a s e c u r i t y .  I t can  be s u b d i v i d e d w i t h o u t n e c e s s a r i l y l o s i n g i t s v a l u e .  I t can-  not be s e c r e t l y s t o l e n and h i d d e n .  I t remains t h e same, and  does not m u l t i p l y by n a t u r a l i n c r e a s e , and i s thus t h e o r i g i n a l s c a r c e good ( P a t o n 1951:416).  I t can become e a s i l y encumbered  w i t h a l l s o r t s o f c l a i m s , so t h a t t h e r e i s no g u a r a n t e e t h a t t h e p o s s e s s o r o f l a n d i s i t s owner ( C h e s h i r e 1962:5-6, c i t e d i n Gluckman 1972:114-116).  And f i n a l l y , because o f i t s r e l a t i v e  i m m o v a b i l i t y , i t can p r o v i d e a f i x e d framework f o r s o c i a l cont i n u i t y w h i c h movable p r o p e r t y does n o t .  Gluckman ( 1 9 7 2 : 1 1 6 -  117) w r i t e s : I propose t o s u g g e s t t h a t i n t r i b a l s o c i e t y a t l e a s t  - 50 . . . immovable p r o p e r t y and c h a t t e l s have d i f f e r e n t f u n c t i o n s i n t h e maintenance, t h r o u g h t i m e , o f a s o c i a l system as an o r g a n i z e d p a t t e r n o f r e l a t i o n s . Immovable p r o p e r t y p r o v i d e s f i x e d p o s i t i o n s w h i c h endure through t h e p a s s i n g o f g e n e r a t i o n s , through q u a r r e l s , and even t h r o u g h i n v a s i o n s and r e v o l u t i o n s , and many s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s a r e s t a b i l i z e d about t h e s e p o s i t i o n s . Movables e s t a b l i s h l i n k s between i n d i v i d u a l s o c c u p y i n g d i f f e r e n t immovable p r o p e r t i e s , and t r i b a l p r a c t i c e a r t i f i c i a l l y a c c e l e r a t e s movement o f t h e s e goods. The two k i n d s o f property t h e r e f o r e acquire d i f f e r e n t symbolic values i n t h e l a w and r i t u a l o f t r i b a l s o c i e t y . The d i f f e r e n c e i n s o c i a l f u n c t i o n i s based on t h e o b v i o u s f a c t t h a t a l l s o c i a l systems, i n c l u d i n g those o f nomads, a r e s e t t l e d on l a n d w h i c h changes b u t s l o w l y , w h i l e t h e l i v i n g p e r s o n n e l o f t h e system and t h e i r i n t e r r e l a t i o n s change comparat i v e l y r a p i d l y . These a t t r i b u t e s may h e l p t o account f o r the f a c t t h a t t h e d i s t i n c t i o n i s so sharp i n t r i b a l s o c i e t y , a l t h o u g h t h e i r ownership o f c h a t t e l s , u n l i k e o u r s , was n o t g e n e r a l l y f r e e o r unencumbered by demand-rights h e l d by o t h e r s t h a n t h e p r o d u c e r o r p o s s e s s o r . I n Bar o t s e l a n d , as i n o t h e r A f r i c a n s o c i e t i e s , any c h a t t e l may be s u b j e c t t o a number o f r i g h t s h e l d by d i f f e r e n t persons. P u r s u i n g Gluckman's s u g g e s t i o n f u r t h e r , and t h i n k i n g t o o about Bohannan's d i s c u s s i o n o f f o l k geography and t h e i m p o r t ance o f l a n d as s i t e , we may d i s t i n g u i s h between people f o r whom t h e l a n d i s n o t j u s t a r e s o u r c e t o be e x p l o i t e d b u t i s a l s o an e x t e r i o r i z a t i o n , as i t were, o f t h e i r p e r s o n a l and s o c i a l i d e n t i t i e s , and people who may u s e l a n d b u t r e g a r d i t m e r e l y as a r e s o u r c e t o be e x p l o i t e d and d i s c a r d e d when i t has s e r v e d i t s purpose.  I n t h e f o r m e r , we might expect a sharp  between l a n d and c h a t t e l s ;  distinction  and i n t h e l a t t e r , n o t . F o r t h e  l a t t e r p e o p l e , d i s p o s s e s s i o n from t h e l a n d i s an  inconvenience  and an o f f e n c e a g a i n s t p r o p e r t y , b u t does n o t s t r i k e a t t h e i r i d e n t i t y and s e l f - r e s p e c t . F o r t h e f o r m e r p e o p l e ,  dispossession  from the land i s a d i s a s t e r which s t r i k e s a t t h e i r very b o t h as i n d i v i d u a l s and as a group, and may l e a d t o  being  - 51 anomie, d e s p a i r , and s u i c i d e .  The f o r m e r p e o p l e may be ex-  p e c t e d t o have an a t t i t u d e o f s t e w a r d s h i p t o t h e i r l a n d , t o r e g a r d i t as put t h e r e not merely f o r themselves t o use but a l s o f o r t h e i r unborn d e s c e n d a n t s , and t o r e g a r d i t as somet h i n g t o be c h e r i s h e d and not w a n t o n l y d e s t r o y e d . the  People of  l a t t e r s o r t , on t h e o t h e r hand, may be expected t o have  a much more u t i l i t a r i a n and e x p l o i t a t i v e view o f t h e l a n d , and t o have no g r e a t o b j e c t i o n t o the d e s t r u c t i o n o f t h e l a n d , e s p e c i a l l y i f such d e s t r u c t i o n i s e c o n o m i c a l l y p r o f i t a b l e t o them.  When p e o p l e o f t h e one k i n d meet p e o p l e o f t h e o t h e r  s o r t , m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g s a r e v e r y l i k e l y as each imputes t o the o t h e r i t s own view o f t h e l a n d .  But even i f no such misunder-  s t a n d i n g o c c u r s , t h e r e w i l l s t i l l be c o n f l i c t . the  To p e o p l e o f  l a t t e r s o r t , t h e f o r m e r p e o p l e w i l l appear t o be c a u t i o u s  and backward, r e f u s i n g t o e x p l o i t t h e i r l a n d s f u l l y , and p e r haps b e i n g r a t h e r s o p p i l y s e n t i m e n t a l about i t . the  To p e o p l e o f  f o r m e r s o r t , t h e l a t t e r p e o p l e w i l l appear as a horde o f  l o c u s t s d e v o u r i n g t h e l a n d and p a s s i n g on t o l e a v e d e v a s t a t i o n behind. Having drawn t h e c o n t r a s t so s t a r k l y , I must a l s o say t h a t i n r e a l i t y t h e two a t t i t u d e s o c c u r i n v a r i o u s m i x t u r e s .  In a  s o c i e t y where t h e l a t t e r a t t i t u d e predominates ( s u c h as Canada, i f I may  t r u s t my own i m p r e s s i o n s and a l s o s t u d i e s such as  G u t s t e i n 1975), r e s i s t a n c e t o u r b a n e x p r o p r i a t i o n and t o r e z o n i n g s w h i c h p e r m i t and even encourage l a n d "development"  is  m o t i v a t e d by " s e n t i m e n t a l " attachments t o p l a c e as w e l l as concerns t o p r e s e r v e one's " i n v e s t m e n t " .  Zoning laws a r e them-  -  52  -  s e l v e s p a r t l y t o p r o t e c t attachments t o l a n d , as w e l l t o p r o t e c t a m e n i t i e s and t h e c h a r a c t e r s o f neighbourhoods and t h e values of r e a l estate.  But t h e law w h i c h r e q u i r e s compensa-  t i o n f o r e x p r o p r i a t i o n s e t s t h e compensation as a money payment based on t h e market v a l u e o f t h e p r o p e r t y , and does n o t r e c o g n i z e attachment t o t h e l a n d , o r i t s i n v o l v e m e n t i n one's sense o f i d e n t i t y , as m o n e t a r i l y  compensible.  So much f o r t h e n a t u r e o f t h i n g s o r r e s .  Now l e t us  l o o k a t t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p c a l l e d " o w n e r s h i p " , and a t t h e v a r i e t y o f r i g h t s w h i c h persons may have v i s - a - v i s one a n o t h e r w i t h regard t o the r e s . P a r t o f t h e d i f f i c u l t y o f d e f i n i n g "ownership" f o r comp a r a t i v e purposes i s t h a t o w n e r s h i p , even i n E n g l i s h , i s n o t an a l l - o r - n o t h i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p . I t admits o f d e g r e e s , and i t s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s v a r y from l e g a l system t o l e g a l system and even w i t h i n l e g a l system.  The "owner" f o r one purpose may n o t be  the "owner" f o r a n o t h e r p u r p o s e . s a r i l y a complementary  Furthermore, there i s neces-  t e n s i o n between t h e r i g h t s o f t h e i n d i -  v i d u a l and t h e r i g h t s o f t h e community as a whole.  The i n d i -  v i d u a l owner i s always an owner because he i s s u p p o r t e d by t h e s a n c t i o n and a u t h o r i z a t i o n by t h e community, namely h i s f e l lows.  But he may t r y t o use h i s owner's r i g h t s and p r i v i l e g e s  t o t h e d e t r i m e n t o f h i s f e l l o w s , and so t h e community may i n some sense have t o modify h i s e x e r c i s e o f t h o s e r i g h t s and privileges.  I n some s i t u a t i o n s t h i s m o d i f i c a t i o n may go so  f a r t h a t t h e community o r i t s l e a d i n g r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s a r e des c r i b e d as t h e "owner".  We  can d e a l w i t h t h e s e u n c e r t a i n t i e s , however, by  speci-  f y i n g what the f u l l r i g h t s o f an owner would be, and a l l o w i n g t h a t these r i g h t s might be c o n s i d e r a b l y d i m i n i s h e d by any p a r t i c u l a r p r o p e r t y system b e f o r e we became r e l u c t a n t t o d e s c r i b e t h e p r o p e r t y r e l a t i o n s h i p as "ownership".  The f u l l r i g h t s o f  an owner, a c c o r d i n g t o P a t o n (1951:420), a r e : (a)  (b) (c) (d)  the power o f enjoyment ( e . g . t h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f the use t o w h i c h t h e r e s i s t o be p u t , the power to d e a l w i t h produce as he p l e a s e s , the power t o destroy); possession which i n c l u d e s the r i g h t to exclude others power t o a l i e n a t e i n t e r v i v o s , o r t o charge as s e c urity; power t o l e a v e t h e r e s by w i l l .  Where t h e s e a r e , t h e r e i s no doubt t h a t ownership e x i s t s .  The  most i m p o r t a n t o f t h e s e p o w e r s . i s t h e r i g h t t o e x c l u d e o t h e r s . Indeed, t h i s c r i t e r i o n ' c o u l d be t a k e n as the one wheieby the owner i s d e t e r m i n e d .  I f one i n d i v i d u a l a l o n e has the power,  he i s t h e owner and ownership i s i n d i v i d u a l .  I f he can do  so  o n l y i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h o t h e r s , the whole group o f h i m s e l f and t h o s e o t h e r s i s the owner, though he may  be t h e group's o f f i c i a l  r e p r e s e n t a t i v e and spoken o f as the "owner".  Where t h i s  power i s l a c k i n g , the o t h e r powers w i l l be s e r i o u s l y  restrict-  ed a l s o . Even where ownership as so d e f i n e d i s s u b s t a n t i a l l y p r e sent, there are various q u a l i f i c a t i o n s . may  The powers o f t h e owner  be r e s t r i c t e d by law o r by agreements w h i c h he has made,  f o r b i d d i n g him from e x e r c i s i n g h i s powers i n p a r t i c u l a r ways. Then, a g a i n , he may  g r a n t away a l l h i s r i g h t s o f enjoyment  u n t i l a l l t h a t i s l e f t i s "a magnetic core • . . w h i c h a t t r a c t s  - 54 to  i t s e l f t h e v a r i o u s elements t e m p o r a r i l y h e l d by o t h e r s as  t h e y l a p s e . " ( P a t o n 1951:421, c i t i n g Noyes, I n s t i t u t i o n o f P r o p e r t y , 310) (a) (b) (c)  P a t o n (1951:422) t h e r e f o r e d i s t i n g u i s h e s  between:  u l t i m a t e o w n e r s h i p , where but t h e r e s i d u a l c o r e i s l e f t t o the owner, t h e r i g h t s o f p r e s e n t enjoyment b e i n g h e l d t e m p o r a r i l y by o t h e r s ; complete o r b e n e f i c i a l o w n e r s h i p , where t h e owner e n j o y s a l l t h e r i g h t s and p r i v i l e g e s w h i c h i t i s l e g a l l y p o s s i b l e f o r an owner t o have; f r a c t i o n s s p l i t o f f from o w n e r s h i p , some o r a l l o f w h i c h may be h e l d by persons o t h e r t h a n t h e owner, so l o n g as t h e 'magnetic c o r e ' remains i n t h e owner.  P r o p e r t y systems may  t h u s i n p r i n c i p l e be a r r a n g e d a l o n g  a continuum, r a n g i n g from t h o s e where i n d i v i d u a l ownership i s g i v e n an a b s o l u t e v a l u e and l e a s t r e s t r i c t e d by communal o r p u b l i c i n t e r e s t s t o t h o s e where i n d i v i d u a l ownership d i s a p p e a r s so t h a t t h e community o r t h e s t a t e must be spoken o f as t h e s o l e owner.  Even i n t h e l a t t e r i n s t a n c e , t h e r e w i l l be a d i s -  t i n c t i o n between r i g h t f u l and w r o n g f u l p o s s e s s i o n . Even i n the f o r m e r , t h e r e w i l l be a community i n t e r e s t as w e l l as t h e i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r e s t s of t h e  owners.  D e f i n e d i n t h e n a r r o w e r s e n s e , ownership i s o n l y one form of  a r r a n g i n g p r o p e r t y r i g h t s ; and we t h e n need a n o t h e r term  for  t h e g e n e r a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e r e s and t h e h o l d e r o f  the  rights.  " P r o p r i e t o r " and " p r o p r i e t o r s h i p " might do, i f  t h e y d i d not mean (as t h e y do) owner and ownership i n t h e n a r rower s e n s e . the  "Tenure" and " t e n a n t " on t h e o t h e r hand, e s p e c i a l l y  l a t t e r , suggest r e l a t i o n s h i p s l e s s t h a n o w n e r s h i p , and i n  any event a p p l y s p e c i f i c a l l y t o l a n d . say,  At l e a s t , t h a t i s t o  we do n o t u s u a l l y r e f e r t o someone who  has r e n t e d a motor  -  55 -  car  as t h e " t e n a n t " o f t h e c a r . We need terms w h i c h w i l l name  the  h o l d e r o f p r o p e r t y - r i g h t s whether t h e s e be t h e r i g h t s o f  ownership o r o f tenancy o r o f s t e w a r d s h i p o r o f whatever: perhaps f o r t h e time b e i n g , " p r o p e r t y - h o l d e r " w i l l do. A n o t h e r d i s t i n c t i o n between p r o p e r t y systems concerns the  r e l a t i o n s h i p between ownership and p o s s e s s i o n . I s own-  e r s h i p t o be d e f i n e d i n terms o f r i g h t f u l p o s s e s s i o n , o r i n terms o f a bundle o f l e g a l r i g h t s and r e l a t i o n s s e p e r a b l e from the  l a n d and c h a t t e l s w h i c h a r e t h e o b j e c t s o f t h e l e g a l r i g h t s  and r e l a t i o n s ?  Modern l e g a l systems c l e a r l y o p t f o r t h e l a t t e r Q  view.  An e s t a t e i n A n g l i c a n  land law i s not the land  but t h e bundle o f r i g h t s a s s o c i a t e d t o t h e l a n d .  itself  But i t has  been a s s e r t e d by some l e g a l w r i t e r s ( s e e , e.g., S m i t h 1974*6; 1976:213-216) t h a t i n p r i m i t i v e and a r c h a i c l e g a l systems p o s s e s s i o n and ownership a r e n o t thus d i s t i n g u i s h e d .  I n disputes  o v e r p o s s e s s i o n ( i t i s s a i d ) , t h e q u e s t i o n was n o t , "who owns the  o b j e c t ? " b u t "does t h e p r e s e n t p o s s e s s o r h o l d i t r i g h t f u l l y ,  or has a wrong been done t o t h e p r i o r p o s s e s s o r ? " ( S m i t h 1976: 214)•  I am n o t m y s e l f c o n v i n c e d t h a t ownership and p o s s e s s i o n  are  n o t d i s t i n g u i s h e d i n p r i m i t i v e o r a r c h a i c systems.  The a c t -  ual  s i t u a t i o n s i n t h e s e s o c i e t i e s a r e t o o complex t o be so sum-  m a r i l y d i s m i s s e d . The case s t u d i e s o f Oceanian l a n d - t e n u r e c o l l e c t e d i n Lundsgaarde (1974) show t h i s f a c t v e r y c l e a r l y . The i d e a o f " o w n e r s h i p " , i n t h e meaning g i v e n t h a t word i n E n g l i s h , i s r e a l l y t o o crude t o d e s c r i b e a d e q u a t e l y t h e s e s y s tems, and perhaps i s b e t t e r l e f t u n a p p l i e d . N e v e r t h e l e s s , once a g i v e n system has t h e i d e a o f ownership i n i t , o r o f some near  - 56 e q u i v a l e n t , t h e q u e s t i o n does come up c o n c e r n i n g t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between ownership and p o s s e s s i o n .  Furthermore,  t h e degree  t o w h i c h r i g h t s can become a b s t r a c t e d from p h y s i c a l o b j e c t s i s s t i l l i m p o r t a n t i n d i s t i n g u i s h i n g p r o p e r t y systems ( c f . Capp a n n a r i 1960:140-141, i n h i s essay on p r o p e r t y among t h e Shoshone) • What, t h e n , a r e we t o mean by " p o s s e s s i o n " ?  Here i s  a n o t h e r concept w h i c h we a r e t a k i n g from a p a r t i c u l a r l e g a l t r a d i t i o n (namely, t h e E n g l i s h common law t r a d i t i o n ) i n o r d e r t o u s e i t f o r a n a l y z i n g and comparing o t h e r p r o p e r t y systems. As b e f o r e , i t i s c o n v e n i e n t  i f t h e comparative  meaning and t h e  meaning i n t h e o r i g i n a l t r a d i t i o n a r e t h e same o r v e r y  similar.  A n a l y z i n g t h e i d e a o f p o s s e s s i o n i n E n g l i s h law, P o l l o c k and W r i g h t (1888:26-27) d i s t i n g u i s h t h r e e s e p a r a b l e  aspects  to possession: i . P h y s i c a l c o n t r o l , d e t e n t i o n , o r de f a c t o p o s session. . . . i i . Legal possession, the s t a t e of being a possess o r i n t h e eyes o f t h e law . . . . iii. R i g h t t o possess o r t o have l e g a l p o s s e s s i o n . This includes the r i g h t t o p h y s i c a l possession. P h y s i c a l p o s s e s s i o n o r p o s s e s s i o n - i n - f a c t o c c u r s when t h e human a c t o r e f f e c t i v e l y o c c u p i e s o r c o n t r o l s t h e o b j e c t , so t h a t he can e x c l u d e o t h e r s from i t s enjoyment, and i n t e n d s i f n e c e s s a r y so t o e x c l u d e those o t h e r s ( P o l l o c k and W r i g h t 1888:1214;  P a t o n 1951:454)•  I t i s therefore p o s s i b l e f o r a possessor  t o l o s e p o s s e s s i o n e i t h e r by a c c i d e n t ( a s when I l o s e my watch) o r by w r o n g f u l p o s s e s s i o n ( a s when my watch i s s t o l e n ) w i t h o u t t h e consent o f t h e p o s s e s s o r ;  w h i l e an owner cannot i n g e n e r a l  l o s e ownership w i t h o u t h i s consent ( P a t o n 1951:453-454), except  - 57 -  by t h e d e c i s i o n o f t h e community.  Legal possession  occurs  when de f a c t o p o s s e s s i o n i s r e c o g n i z e d by t h e l a w . The r i g h t t o possess  i s a normal i n c i d e n t o f ownership o r p r o p e r t y  l o c k and W r i g h t 1888:27),  and i s s e p a r a b l e from b o t h  i n f a c t and l e g a l p o s s e s s i o n .  (Pol-  possession  But though ownership n o r m a l l y  e n t a i l s t h e r i g h t t o p o s s e s s , t h e r i g h t t o possess  does n o t  n e c e s s a r i l y e n t a i l ownership. P u t t i n g t h e s e and o t h e r c o n s i d e r a t i o n s t o g e t h e r , and p r e f e r r i n g t o mean by " p o s s e s s i o n " s i m p l i c i t e r " p o s s e s s i o n i n l a w " , P a t o n (1951:455) sums up t h e p o s s i b l e r e l a t i o n s o f a p e r s o n t o an o b j e c t as f o l l o w s : (a)  (b) (c)  (d)  Custody — where t h e h o l d e r e i t h e r l a c k s f u l l cont r o l o r e l s e has no animus t o exclude o t h e r s , e.g. a customer examining a r i n g i n t h e presence o f t h e jeweller. D e t e n t i o n — p o s s e s s i o n i n f a c t w h i c h f o r some reason i s n o t regarded as p o s s e s s i o n i n l a w . P o s s e s s i o n — l e g a l p o s s e s s i o n . I n most cases t h e l e g a l n o t i o n i s b u i l t on t h e p o p u l a r n o t i o n , b u t each l e g a l system has c e r t a i n anomalous cases e i t h e r where a p o s s e s s o r i n f a c t i s d e n i e d p o s s e s s i o n i n law o r where one who does n o t possess i n f a c t i s given the r i g h t s of possession. Ownership.  Paton's summary shows, as i n d e e d does P o l l o c k and W r i g h t ' s  dis-  c u s s i o n , t h a t t h e i d e a o f " p o s s e s s i o n " i n E n g l i s h has i t s penumbras o f u n c e r t a i n a p p l i c a t i o n as much as does " o w n e r s h i p " . A l s o (and P o l l o c k and W r i g h t d i s c u s s t h i s t o o ) ,  "possession"  f o r t h e purposes o f c r i m i n a l law i s n o t t h e same as " p o s s e s s i o n " f o r t h e purposes o f t h e law o f p r o p e r t y , a l t h o u g h t h e v a r i o u s meanings a r e s t i l l  linked.  The u n c e r t a i n t i e s i n t h e i d e a o f " p o s s e s s i o n " a r e p r o b ably inherent i n the s i t u a t i o n .  There i s a c o n s t a n t t e n s i o n  - 58  -  between " p o s s e s s i o n - i n - f a c t " and  "possession-by-right",  because  a person's de f a c t o c o n t r o l o v e r an o b j e c t depends not o n l y  on  whether he o r she has the p h y s i c a l , b o d i l y c o n t r o l o v e r i t , but a l s o on whether o t h e r p e r s o n s r e c o g n i z e ert  that -physical c o n t r o l .  h i s or her r i g h t to  I f they do not r e c o g n i z e  that  ex-  right,  t h e y w i l l (when t h e i r powers p e r m i t and t h e i r i n t e n t i o n s so i n c l i n e them)  f o r c e the p o s s e s s o r t o r e l i n q u i s h c o n t r o l .  more, r i g h t f u l p o s s e s s i o n t i o n s and  contingent  may  be hedged about w i t h  qualifica-  upon t h e performance o f v a r i o u s  Perhaps we might put the m a t t e r t h i s way.  Further-  duties.  Possession  i s immedi-  a t e c o n t r o l o v e r the o b j e c t , b u t , humans b e i n g s o c i a l a c t o r s , t h a t c o n t r o l i s n e c e s s a r i l y c o n d i t i o n e d by a l l the p o s i t i v e and n e g a t i v e ,  sanctions,  t o w h i c h the p o s s e s s o r i s s u b j e c t .  t h i s q u a l i f i c a t i o n , we may  t h e n say t h a t p r o p e r t y  as c o r r e l a t i v e s o f each o t h e r , are found i n one n e c e s s a r i l y i n a l l human s o c i e t i e s ;  and  possession,  form o r a n o t h e r  but t h a t o w n e r s h i p , i n the  s t r i c t meaning o f t h a t word i n A n g l i c a n law, need not 11 Any  i n s t i t u t i o n of property  With  must have  be."^  r u l e s or accepted  p r a c t i c e s p r o v i d i n g f o r c r e a t i n g or f o r recognizing  property-  r i g h t s , r u l e s or accepted p r a c t i c e s p r o v i d i n g f o r t r a n s f e r r i n g p r o p e r t y - r i g h t s from one member o f the community t o a n o t h e r , and  r u l e s or accepted p r a c t i c e s determining  t y - r e l a t i o n s h i p may  how  a given proper-  be ended so t h a t o t h e r p e r s o n s may  acquire  t h e r e s ( t h i s l a s t s e t of r u l e s i s e s p e c i a l l y r e q u i r e d where the p r o p e r t y The  r i g h t s a r e t o ownership o r e x c l u s i v e c o n t r o l ) .  content of these r u l e s w i l l vary according  s o c i a l system.  t o the p a r t i c u l a r  - 59 -  C Land Tenure Land t e n u r e  comes i n t o b e i n g when l a n d , as d e f i n e d i n  s e c t i o n A, becomes a r e s f o r a p r o p e r t y system, as d e f i n e d i n s e c t i o n B.  B r i e f l y d e f i n e d , land tenure  i n a s o c i e t y i s the  c o l l e c t i o n o f r u l e s and p r a c t i c e s d e f i n i n g who f u l use and  c o n t r o l o f the use of l a n d  B i e b u y c k 1968:562;  M o r r i s 1964:376).  has t h e  right-  (compare Crocombe 1974:1; T h i s i n c l u d e s ownership  as one form o f t e n u r e , but much more b e s i d e s  (see Clawson  1968:  552). Crocombe ( 1 9 7 4 : 5 - 6 ) l i s t s s i x c l a s s e s o f r i g h t s r e l a t i n g to land: 1. Rights of or claims t o d i r e c t use, which i n c l u d e the r i g h t s t o p l a n t , to harvest, to gather, or to b u i l d . I t s h o u l d be noted t h a t v a r i o u s r i g h t s o f d i r e c t use may be h e l d by v a r i o u s p e r s o n s i n r e s p e c t o f the same p a r c e l o f l a n d . F o r i n s t a n c e one p e r s o n may have r i g h t s t o c o l l e c t w i l d - f r u i t s , a n o t h e r t o p l a n t s h o r t - t e r m cash c r o p s , and a n o t h e r t o h a r v e s t t r e e c r o p s . A p a r t from t h e above r i g h t s w h i c h govern p r o d u c t i o n from t h e l a n d , we may r e c o g n i z e s u b s i d i a r y r i g h t s o f u s e r s , w h i c h i n c l u d e r i g h t s o f a c c e s s and r i g h t s t o the use of w a t e r . 2. R i g h t s o f i n d i r e c t economic g a i n such as t h o s e t o t r i b u t e o r t o r e n t a l income. 3. R i g h t s of c o n t r o l . R i g h t s of use are a l m o s t i n v a r i a b l y l i m i t e d by r i g h t s o f c o n t r o l , w h i c h a r e h e l d by p e r s o n s o t h e r t h a n t h e u s e r . F o r i n s t a n c e , a man w i t h t h e e x c l u s i v e r i g h t t o p l a n t l a n d may n e v e r t h e l e s s be r e q u i r e d t o p l a n t a s p e c i f i c crop o r t o conform t o c e r t a i n t e c h n i c a l r e q u i r e m e n t s o f husbandry o r t o e r e c t a s p e c i f i c t y p e o f house. On the o t h e r hand, the c o n t r o l may be n e g a t i v e , r e s t r a i n i n g the u s e r f r o m a l l o w i n g the l a n d t o be used f o r such purposes as the growth of noxious p l a n t s . ...  4. R i g h t s o f t r a n s f e r , w h i c h a r e t h e e f f e c t i v e power t o t r a n s m i t r i g h t s , e i t h e r t h o s e i n t h e l a n d i t s e l f o r those i n other property attached t o the l a n d , by w i l l , s a l e , mortgage, g i f t , o r o t h e r conveyance. 5. R e s i d u a l r i g h t s i n c l u d e t h e r e v e r s i o n a r y i n t e r e s t a c q u i r e d i n t h e event o f death o f t h e f o r m e r r i g h t h o l d e r s w i t h o u t descendants o r c o l l a t e r a l h e i r s ; o f noncompliance w i t h s p e c i f i e d c o n d i t i o n s , as when persons are e v i c t e d f o r breaches o f s o c i a l norms; and o f extreme need by t h e h o l d e r o f t h e r e s i d u a l r i g h t s , such as t h e power o f eminent domain w h i c h i s h e l d by governments. 6. S y m b o l i c I n many s o c i e t i e s s h i p s between men nomic o r m a t e r i a l ant p s y c h o l o g i c a l  rights or rights of identification. there are c l e a r l y recognized r e l a t i o n and l a n d w h i c h have no apparent ecof u n c t i o n , though they may s e r v e i m p o r t or social functions.  So p e r v a s i v e i s l a n d t e n u r e t o a s o c i e t y , t h a t a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n o f l a n d t e n u r e systems i s a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n o f whole s o c i e t i e s from t h e v i e w p o i n t  of land tenure.  This i s c l e a r  not o n l y from Crocombe's l i s t o f l a n d r i g h t s , b u t a l s o from such surveys  as t h e a r t i c l e on "Land Tenure" i n t h e E n c y c l o -  paedia of the S o c i a l Sciences  (Brinkmann e t a l . 1963:73-127)»  and t h e many s t u d i e s o f l a n d t e n u r e s i n c e t h a t t i m e .  Biebuyck  ,  (1968:566) c o u l d i n t h e mid 1960 s s t i l l note t h a t "a t h e o r e t i c a l , p r e c i s e framework f o r d e a l i n g w i t h l a n d - t e n u r e  systems and  a c r o s s - c u l t u r a l l y v a l i d and a p p l i c a b l e method o f i n v e s t i g a t i o n was b a d l y needed.  Nonetheless, a beginning  of a c l a s s i f i c a -  t i o n was made e a r l i e r , from an a g r o n o m i s t ' s p e r s p e c t i v e , by L i v e r s a g e (1945)*  (The p i c t u r e p r e s e n t e d  i n b r i e f by L i v e r s a g e  i s s u s t a i n e d a t l e n g t h c o u n t r y by c o u n t r y by Meek 1949•) Liversage distinguished eight v a r i e t i e s of a g r i c u l t u r a l land t e n u r e , o f w h i c h t h e f i r s t two a r e founded on s t a t u s , and t h e r e s t on c o n t r a c t ( L i v e r s a g e 1945:1):  (l) Tribal  tenure,  - 6l (2) F e u d a l tenure, (3) Labour tenancy, (ZjJ). Share tenancy, (5) Produce-rent tenancy ( L i v e r s a g e 1945:36).  (6)  (7) Emphyteusis, and (8) Owner-occupancy.  Cash tenancy,  In a given  society,  more than one o f these v a r i e t i e s may c o - e x i s t , though one perhaps i s l i k e l y  t o dominate.  T r i b a l tenure ( L i v e r s a g e  1945:2-18; compare Meek 1949:  11-31) i s marked, f i r s t , by the c l a i m o f the whole group, be i t f a m i l y , c l a n , o r t r i b e , t o l a n d developed o r undeveloped, c u l t i v a t e d o r u n c u l t i v a t e d , w i t h i n the group's area o f c o n t r o l . T h i s c l a i m i s analogous t o the t e r r i t o r i a l t y by s t a t e systems, o r as L i v e r s a g e  claims  of sovereign-  (1945:4) puts i t , "We may  look upon claims based on t h i s c o n s i d e r a t i o n e i t h e r as a del i n e a t i o n of p o l i t i c a l  boundaries o r as something  t o the schoolboy's 'bags I ' . "  Within  equivalent  t h i s group c l a i m , the  i n d i v i d u a l members o f the group have the r i g h t t o take undeveloped it,  land f o r t h e i r use,  and t o keep i t so long as they use  and t o d i s t r i b u t e the produce as they see f i t , s u b j e c t t o  the group's r u l e s as t o how produce should 3  be d i s t r i b u t e d .  Sometimes the r i g h t e s t a b l i s h e d by use i s permanent, i n o t h e r instances  the r i g h t l a p s e s when use ceases.  These r i g h t s pass  from an i n d i v i d u a l t o h i s h e i r s , who hence can c l a i m r e c o g n i t i o n o f these r i g h t s f o r themselves. and  t o dispose  These r i g h t s t o use the land  o f i t s produce a r e v a r i a b l y s u b j e c t t o c o n t r o l  by f a m i l y and c l a n heads, c o u n c i l s o f e l d e r s , c h i e f s , and kings o r paramounts, who represent  the a u t h o r i t y o f the community  and  o f land and c o n t r o l  may d i r e c t the a l l o t m e n t  production.  Land t h e r f o r e i s not s a l e a b l e o r d e v i s a b l e by w i l l ,  and can  be a l i e n a t e d from the community only by the community as a  - 62 whole o r by i t ' s acknowledged r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s .  (This i s pre-  c i s e l y analogous t o t h e c e s s i o n o f l a n d by one s o v e r e i g n to another.)  state  But t h i s does n o t p r e v e n t an o u t s i d e r from a c -  q u i r i n g , w i t h t h e community's c o n s e n t , t h e r i g h t t o use t h e community's l a n d .  Within these general l i m i t s , t r i b a l  are quite v a r i o u s ;  tenures  t h e degree o f c o n t r o l by t h e community  v a r i e s from s t r o n g c o n t r o l by t h e h i g h e s t c h i e f t o an i n c h o a t e sort of public opinion; siderably fractured.  l a n d r i g h t s o v e r l a p , and may be c o n -  I n t h e s e s o c i e t i e s , an i n d i v i d u a l  gets  l a n d r i g h t s because o f who he i s i n t h e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e o f t h e group, who h i s p a r e n t s , f a m i l y , o r spouses a r e ; o r i n a word, f u n d a m e n t a l l y  because o f h i s s t a t u s i n t h e group.  This  s t a t u s i s n o t n e c e s s a r i l y f i x e d o r p u r e l y a s c r i b e d , however, and  l a n d t e n u r e arrangements a r e o f t e n q u i t e f l e x i b l e . Thus f a r L i v e r s a g e ' s  C l e a r l y " t r i b a l tenure" notwithstanding  account.  Some comment i s needed.  i s a d i s t i n c t type o f l a n d  tenure,  the v a r i a t i o n w i t h i n i t , associated with r e -  l a t i v e l y s m a l l - s c a l e s o c i e t i e s mostly but not e x c l u s i v e l y w i t h out t h e s t a t e as a p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n .  I t i s not w e l l de-  s c r i b e d e i t h e r as " p r i m i t i v e communism" o r as "communal t e n u r e " , f o r t h e communal element i s t h e e q u i v a l e n t o f s o v e r e i g n t y o r eminent domain i n s t a t e p o l i t i e s .  Nor, as Gluckman (1972:85-  86, 100) has n o t e d , i s " u s u f r u c t a r y " r e a l l y a s a t i s f a c t o r y name f o r t h e r i g h t s o f i n d i v i d u a l s under " t r i b a l t e n u r e " , f o r t h e i n d i v i d u a l s have more t h a n j u s t a r i g h t t o t h e f r u i t s o f t h e i r l a b o u r on t h e l a n d .  - 63 The  term " t r i b a l t e n u r e " i s a l s o i n e x a c t .  I t suggests  t h a t t h i s k i n d of l a n d - t e n u r e i s t h a t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of " t r i b e s " . But what are " t r i b e s " ?  The  term " t r i b e " has  meanings.  F o r example, i n S e r v i c e ' s  ification,  " t r i b e " i s a p a r t i c u l a r l e v e l of s o c i a l  more e v o l v e d t h a n "bands" and b o t h "bands" and  (1962;  a wide range o f 1978:4-9) c l a s s organization  l e s s so t h a n " c h i e f d o m s " .  " t r i b e s " , so d e f i n e d ,  show " t r i b a l  But  tenure".  "Chiefdoms," on the o t h e r hand, commonly show a t y p e i n t e r m e d i a t e between " t r i b a l t e n u r e " and  "feudal tenure".  Helm, ed.,  the word " t r i b e " as f i g u r i n g  1968:5) has  described  Fried ( i n  " p r o m i n e n t l y on the l i s t o f p u t a t i v e t e c h n i c a l terms ranked i n o r d e r o f degree of a m b i g u i t y as r e f l e c t e d i n m u l t i f a r i o u s definitions." and  But perhaps s i n c e the term has  i n l i e u o f a b e t t e r , we  so many meanings,  can l e a v e t h i s f i r s t t y p e o f  land-  t e n u r e l a b e l l e d " t r i b a l " w i t h o u t the term " t r i b e " h a v i n g t o mean a n y t h i n g i n p a r t i c u l a r . Feudal tenure (Liversage  1945:19-27) i s marked by  the  existence  o f an a r i s t o c r a c y e x i s t i n g between the k i n g o r p a r a -  mount and  the r e s t o f the p e o p l e , the f o c u s s i n g  and  e s p e c i a l l y m i l i t a r y r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s i n the  and  the d i s t i n c t i o n between the p r o d u c e r s and  o f governmental aristocracy,  the  aristocracy.  I n r e t u r n o s t e n s i b l y f o r p r o t e c t i o n by the a r i s t o c r a c y , p r o d u c e r s pay  dues i n produce and  or t a x a t i o n .  These s e r v i c e s may  ments o f money.  labour,  the  as a s o r t o f t i t h e  be commuted t o customary pay-  I n r e t u r n f o r m i l i t a r y s e r v i c e , the k i n g  paramount g r a n t s governmental powers i n v a r y i n g degrees t o members o f the a r i s t o c r a c y , whose domains a r e thus  or the  simultan-•  - 64 e o u s l y b o t h u n i t s o f a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and g r o u p i n g s o f u n i t s o f production.  The k i n g o r paramount s t i l l i n t h e o r y  t h e w e l f a r e and s o v e r e i g n t y  represents  o f t h e e n t i r e community;  though  i n t h e l a r g e r systems, t h i s may be more i d e a l t h a n a c t u a l as f a r as t h e l o c a l p r o d u c e r s a r e concerned.  The v a r i o u s payments  between t h e s t r a t a o f t h e s o c i e t y a r e g e n e r a l l y i n s e r v i c e o r i n k i n d r a t h e r t h a n i n money, and a r e customary r a t h e r t h a n contractual. the B a r o t s e *  Liversage  i n c l u d e s A f r i c a n kingdoms, such as  and t r a d i t i o n a l I n d i a under t h i s h e a d i n g .  On t h e one s i d e , t r i b a l t e n u r e b l e n d s i n t o f e u d a l t e n u r e as t r i b a l s o c i e t i e s become l a r g e r and t h e p o l i t i c a l o f s o c i e t y becomes d i s t i n c t .  stratum  On t h e o t h e r hand, as t h e c u s -  tomary element d e c l i n e s and s e r v i c e s and p r o d u c t s a r e r e p l a c e d by money payments, f e u d a l t e n u r e s t u r n i n t o landowner-tenant r e l a t i o n s h i p s , f o r example t h e z a m i n d a r - c u l t i v a t o r r e l a t i o n s h i p i n B r i t i s h India. Feudal tenure,  as L i v e r s a g e  describes  it,  i s thus  charac-  t e r i s t i c o f a g r a r i a n s t a t e s where money i s e i t h e r absent o r not a major o r g a n i z i n g medium o f s o c i e t y , and n e i t h e r market n o r c o n t r a c t appear except i n s p e c i a l i z e d c o n t e x t s .  "Feudal t e n -  u r e " i s n o t t h e b e s t term f o r t h i s t y p e o f t e n u r e (Gluckman (1965:40-41; 1972:88), f o r i n s t a n c e , c o n s i d e r s  f e u d a l terms  i n a p p r o p r i a t e f o r t r a d i t i o n a l A f r i c a . ) , b u t we a r e a g a i n  clearly  d e a l i n g w i t h a d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e t y p e o f s o c i a l o r d e r and t e n u r e system, n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g  the existence of s o c i e t i e s t r a n s i t i o n a l  t o o t h e r systems as w e l l . A g a i n we have a problem o f l a b e l l i n g .  However,rsince  _ 65 the existence o f higher a d m i n i s t r a t i v e l e v e l s o s t e n s i b l y regul a t i n g t h e u s e o f t h e l a n d i n t h e i n t e r e s t s o f t h e whole s o c i e t y i s a d e f i n i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f t h i s t y p e , i t might be called "administrative". a l l y bureaucratic.  The system i s p o t e n t i a l l y o r a c t u -  F e u d a l s o c i e t y i n t h e s t r i c t sense ( a s i n  m e d i a e v a l Europe) i s a s p e c i a l v a r i a n t o f t h i s t y p e .  An i m p o r t -  ant f e a t u r e o f any p a r t i c u l a r i n s t a n c e o f t h i s type would be t h e degree t o w h i c h t h e h i g h e r l e v e l s a c t u a l l y r e g u l a t e o r i n t e r f e r e w i t h l o c a l i n i t i a t i v e s , o r a r e "merely"  recognized  by l o c a l p e o p l e as r i g h t f u l l y due r e c o g n i t i o n . T h i s i s t h e g e n e r a l type under w h i c h Gluckman's (1965:  40-41; 1972:89-92) d i s t i n c t i o n between " e s t a t e s o f p r o d u c t i o n " and " e s t a t e s o f a d m i n i s t r a t i o n " a r i s e s .  This d i s t i n c t i o n  roughly  p a r a l l e l s Crocombe's d i s t i n c t i o n between " r i g h t s o f d i r e c t u s e " and " r i g h t s o f c o n t r o l " . The  n e x t v a r i e t i e s o f t e n u r e a r e d e s c r i b e d by L i v e r s a g e  as c o n t r a c t u a l .  They a r e n o t t o t a l systems o f t e n u r e , u n l i k e  the two p r e c e d i n g , b u t a r e r e l a t i o n s h i p s w h i c h i n v a r y i n g d e g r e e s can c o e x i s t w i t h one a n o t h e r , w i t h t r i b a l o r w i t h admini s t r a t i v e t e n u r e , and w i t h c o n t r a c t - b a s e d eties.  money-and-market s o c i -  But perhaps i f we l o o k a t them as a w h o l e , we w i l l g e t  an i n t i m a t i o n o f a t h i r d g r e a t type o f l a n d - t e n u r e  system,  w h i c h we can p u t b e s i d e t r i b a l t e n u r e and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e t e n u r e and w h i c h we can c a l l  "proprietorial".  Labour tenancy i s d e s c r i b e d by L i v e r s a g e (1945:28-30) as an arrangement o b t a i n i n g i n Kenya and South A f r i c a whereby native labourers, i n return f o r a contractually defined mini-  - 66 mum o f l a b o u r , a r e a l l o w e d t o r e s i d e w i t h t h e i r f a m i l i e s on farms o p e r a t e d  by Europeans.  I n s h a r e tenancy ( L i v e r s a g e 1945:31-36.  This i s a l s o  c a l l e d metayage.), l a n d i s l e t n o t f o r a f i x e d r e n t b u t f o r a s h a r e o f t h e produce.  L i v e r s a g e c i t e s i n s t a n c e s from I n d i a ,  Europe, t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s , A r g e n t i n a , South A f r i c a , B r a z i l , t h e Sudan, and t h e West I n d i e s . Many v a r i a t i o n s a r e found i n t h e d e t a i l e d a r r a n g e ments o f s h a r e t e n a n c y . I n t h e most common form t h e l a n d l o r d p r o v i d e s the l a n d and i t s permanent equipment; t h e t e n a n t p r o v i d e s t h e l a b o u r and t h e implements o f husbandry and t h e produce i s s h a r e d e q u a l l y between t h e two p a r t i e s . I n o t h e r c a s e s , t h e l a n d l o r d p r o v i d e s oxen and implements, and even advances t h e t e n a n t money f o r h i s p e r s o n a l expenses u n t i l t h e crops a r e marketed, d e d u c t i o n i n t e r e s t and repayment from t h e t e n a n t ' s s h a r e . Somet i m e s l i v e s t o c k e n t e r p r i s e s a r e s h a r e d as w e l l as c r o p s , t h e l a n d l o r d p r o v i d i n g h i s share o f t h e b r e e d i n g s t o c k . ( L i v e r s a g e 1945:35) Most o f L i v e r s a g e ' s  examples, b u t n o t a l l , a r e concerned w i t h  t h e p r o d u c t i o n o f crops f o r s a l e . P r o d u c e - r e n t ( L i v e r s a g e 1945:36) s h a r e tenancy i n t h a t i n p r o d u c e - r e n t i n g  i s d i s t i n g u i s h e d from the tenant i s o b l i g e d  t o pay a f i x e d q u a n t i t y o f t h e crop r a t h e r t h a n a s h a r e p r o p o r t i o n a t e t o the t o t a l crop.  I t d i f f e r s from cash tenancy  o n l y i n t h a t t h e money v a l u e o f t h e f i x e d q u a n t i t y o f produce v a r i e s w i t h t h e market.  I t d i f f e r s from share t e n a n c y i n t h a t  the t e n a n t b e a r s a l a r g e r p r o p o r t i o n o f t h e r i s k s and t h e opportunities • Cash-tenancy ( L i v e r s a g e 1945:37-50) occurs,where t h e t e n a n t r e n t s t h e l a n d f o r cash, and o c c u p i e s  and uses t h e l a n d  g e n e r a l l y as he sees f i t and keeps t h e produce t o s e l l as he  - 67 will.  The agreement between l a n d l o r d and t e n a n t may  o t h e r c o n d i t i o n s o f tenancy as w e l l ;  the t e n a n t who  specify fulfills  t h e s e c o n d i t i o n s and pays h i s r e n t t h e n remains on t h e l a n d as l o n g as he w i l l .  Depending on the l e n g t h o f the l e a s e and  the  s e c u r i t y o f t e n u r e , cash-tenancy grades i n t o emphyteusis o r lease-hold  tenure.  Emphyteusis o r l e a s e - h o l d t e n u r e  ( l i v e r s a g e 1945*.41-43)  o c c u r s where the c o n d i t i o n s o f l e a s e and occupancy g i v e t h e occupier a long-term  i n t e r e s t i n the l a n d w h i c h shades i n t o  t h e i n t e r e s t s o f an o w n e r - o c c u p i e r .  Thus i n f o r m e r t i m e s ,  E n g l i s h t e n a n c i e s might r u n f o r a term o f y e a r s , t h e l i f e  of  t h e o c c u p a n t , a:term o f t h r e e l i v e s , and sometimes f o r e v e r . O t h e r i n s t a n c e s are c i t e d from Kenya, I n d i a , and  Holland.  Owner-occupancy ( L i v e r s a g e 1945*44) i n c l u d e s b o t h f r e e h o l d and a l l o d i a l t e n u r e .  I t i s the dominant form o f f a r m  t e n u r e i n the g r e a t e r p a r t o f N o r t h e r n Europe, N o r t h and A m e r i c a , A u s t r a l i a , New  Zealand,  being a notable exception).  The  and South A f r i c a  South  (Britain  t e n a n t i s an owner i n t h e  f u l l sense d e f i n e d i n t h e p r e c e d i n g s e c t i o n . S t a n d i n g back from L i v e r s a g e ' s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n and ing  i t i n the l i g h t o f t h e p r e v i o u s s e c t i o n s , we  o u t l i n e s of a t h i r d general type of land-tenure we may  c a l l the " p r o p r i e t o r i a l " .  land-owner may  system, w h i c h  corporations.  r e s i d e on the l a n d h i m s e l f o r he may  i t t o some t e n a n t o r t e n a n t s  the  In t h i s , land i s normally  owned i n t h e s t r i c t sense by i n d i v i d u a l s and The  can see  view-  rent  i n r e t u r n f o r l a b o u r , produce,  o r money.  G e n e r a l l y the purpose o f p r o d u c t i o n  i s sale rather  t h a n consumption, and t h i s system t h r i v e s i n a money-and-market economy.  The  powers o f t h e s t a t e v i s - a - v i s t h e l a n d may  reduced t o g e n e r a l p o l i t i c a l s o v e r e i g n t y ,  the power of eminent  domain, and t a x a t i o n , p r e f e r a b l y i n money. t h e amount o f l a n d w h i c h t h e y own,  be  People d i f f e r i n  and t h e r e may  be  classes  o f g r e a t p r o p r i e t o r s , l i t t l e p r o p r i e t o r s , p e r s o n s who  do  own  rent  l a n d but r e n t i t , and persons who  land.  Land may  duce a r e .  The  n e i t h e r own  nor  be s o l d on t h e market, j u s t as l a b o u r and emphasis on o w n e r s h i p , w i t h i t s c l a i m t o  p a r c e l s may  At the same t i m e ,  become the o b j e c t s o f d i f f e r i n g k i n d s o f  encumbering the s t r i c t powers o f the owner. the p r o p r i e t o r i a l system o f l a n d t e n u r e ,  The  proexclus-  i v e c o n t r o l , promotes an emphasis on sharp b o u n d a r i e s and d i v i s i o n of land i n t o t i d y p a r c e l s .  not  the  these  rights,  essence o f  however, whether the  l a n d be d i v i d e d i n t o s m a l l t r a c t s owned by many o r l a r g e t r a c t s owned by a few,  i s t h a t ownership i n the narrow sense i s t h e  n o r m a t i v e p a t t e r n o f t e n u r e and t h a t t h i s ownership i s d i s t r i b u t ed t h r o u g h o u t the s o c i e t y and  not c o n f i n e d t o the s t a t e as a  whole. Liversage*s way  review of land-tenure  to a t r i p a r t i t e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n .  We  systems t h u s p o i n t s  might l a b e l t h e s e t y p e s  r e s p e c t i v e l y " t r i b a l " , "administrative", or a l t h o u g h t h e term " t r i b a l " i s m i s l e a d i n g i s t r a t i v e " i s o n l y weakly d e s c r i p t i v e . even more i n a d e q u a t e t h a n " t r i b a l " . ) t o l a b e l them "A",  "B",  and  "C".  the  "proprietorial",  and the term "admin(The  term " f e u d a l " i s  Or we might p r e f e r  simply  - 69 The t h r e e t y p e s can be thought as o c c u p y i n g t h e t h r e e a n g l e s o f a t r i a n g l e , w i t h t h e pure t y p e s a t t h e v e r t i c e s , and c o m b i n a t i o n s and i n t e r m e d i a t e t y p e s o c c u p y i n g t h e a r e a i n b e tween.  The change from one type t o a n o t h e r t h e n i s a movement  from one c o r n e r t o a n o t h e r , and t h e r e a r e s i x such movements where t h e change i s from one pure t y p e t o a n o t h e r . Type A c h a r a c t e r i z e s r e l a t i v e l y s m a l l communities  without  a d i s t i n c t i o n between r u l e r s and r u l e d , and c e r t a i n l y w i t h o u t a s t a t e t y p e o f p o l i t i c a l system.  The community as a whole  c o n t r o l s t h e l a n d , and t h e members o f t h e community (be i t v i l l a g e o r l i n e a g e o r o t h e r k i n d o f group) a l l have a say i n the d i s p o s i t i o n of the l a n d .  I f t h e r e i s a head t o t h e com-  munity he ( o r more r a r e l y , she) c o n t r o l s t h e l a n d c l e a r l y on b e h a l f o f t h e community.  A l l members o f t h e community have  t h e r i g h t t o u s e t h e l a n d t o meet t h e needs o f themselves and t h e i r dependents,  and t h e community a s s u r e s t h i s r i g h t .  But  t h e l a n d cannot be a l i e n a t e d w i t h o u t t h e express consent o f t h e community.  I n such a s o c i e t y , e x c l u s i v e c o n t r o l b e l o n g s  t o t h e community as a w h o l e , w h i c h i s a l s o t h e p o l i t i c a l ereign.  sov-  Thus ownership and s o v e r e i g n t y b e l o n g t o t h e same  s o c i a l u n i t , w h i c h i s , o f c o u r s e , t h e community.  But admin-  i s t r a t i o n and p r o d u c t i o n a r e n e v e r t h e l e s s i n t h e same p e r s o n s ' hands. I n t y p e s B and C, t h e s e u n i t i e s a r e s e p a r a t e d , b u t i n d i f f e r e n t ways.  The " a d m i n i s t r a t i v e " and " p r o p r i e t o r i a l "  types  a r e o p p o s i t e ways o f h o l d i n g l a n d i n s o c i e t i e s w h i c h have b e come l a r g e enough t o be s t r a t i f i e d , t h a t i s , t o have d i s t i n c t -  - 70 i o n s between r u l e r s and r u l e d o r between r i c h and p o o r .  They  a r e t h u s opposed b o t h t o each o t h e r and t o t y p e A. I n pure t y p e B, ownership and s o v e r e i g n t y The  are s t i l l  s t a t e , o r t h e head o f s t a t e , has ( o f f i c i a l l y )  fused.  exclusive  c o n t r o l o v e r t h e l a n d , and t h e members o f t h e s o c i e t y h o l d r i g h t s o v e r and o b l i g a t i o n s c o n c e r n i n g t h e l a n d dependent on t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n t h e s t a t e ' s a d m i n i s t r a t i v e system.  The p e o p l e  who a c t u a l l y work and l i v e on t h e l a n d need n o t have much, i f any,  say i n c o n t r o l l i n g o r a d m i n i s t e r i n g t h e l a n d .  speak ( i f we w i s h ) o f " e s t a t e s o f p r o d u c t i o n "  Thus we can  and " e s t a t e s o f  administration". I n t y p e C, ownership and s o v e r e i g n t y The  are c l e a r l y  separated.  s t a t e ' s l a n d - l a w s s e t t h e frame w i t h i n w h i c h ownership may  be e x e r c i s e d ;  b u t t h e p r o p r i e t o r enjoys o t h e r w i s e t h e e x c l u s i v e  c o n t r o l over h i s o r h e r l a n d .  The p r o p r i e t o r may be an i n d i v -  i d u a l o r ( i n some v a r i e t i e s ) a c o r p o r a t i o n . may u s e t h e l a n d d i r e c t l y and l i v e on i t ,  The p r o p r i e t o r  o r may n o t .  Inthe  l a t t e r e v e n t , some t e n a n t u s e s t h e l a n d and l i v e s on i t , i n r e t u r n f o r r e n t o r some o t h e r c o n s i d e r a t i o n p a i d t o t h e owner. S t r a t i f i c a t i o n may be m i n i m a l , as i n a community o f independent but r o u g h l y  equal p r o p r i e t o r s ;  o r i t may be maximal, w i t h  g r e a t p r o p r i e t o r s , p e t t y p r o r i e t o r s , and n o n - p r o p r i e t o r s . The  r i g h t t o t a x l a n d i s not p r e c i s e l y t h e same as t h e  r i g h t t o c o n t r o l t h e u s e o f l a n d , even though t h e f a i l u r e t o pay  t a x e s may l e a d t o t h e l o s s o f t h e r i g h t t o c o n t r o l t h e u s e  of l a n d .  The e x i s t e n c e o f t a x a t i o n , and t h e degree o f t a x a t i o n ,  however, p r o v i d e  one measure o f t h e importance o f t h e a d m i n i s -  t r a t i v e element i n l a n d - t e n u r e systems.  Taxation of land  amounts t o a payment made by the owner o r t e n a n t t o the e r e i g n i n r e t u r n f o r the r i g h t t o use the l a n d . p r i e t o r i a l system would not t a x l a n d as  sov-  A purely pro-  such.  T a x a t i o n l i e s between the s o v e r e i g n and the l a n d - h o l d e r . Rent s i m i l a r l y l i e s between the owner o r s u p e r i o r l a n d - h o l d e r and the t e n a n t o r i n f e r i o r l a n d - h o l d e r .  The  i n f e r i o r pays r e n t  i n r e t u r n f o r the r i g h t t o use the l a n d , and l o s e s t h a t r i g h t when he ceases t o pay t h e r e n t .  Rent i s c o n s i s t e n t w i t h pure  p r o p r i e t o r i a l systems. Where t h e r e a r e b o t h l a n d - t a x e s and r e n t , however, and  a  complex arrangement o f s u b - t e n a n c i e s , the r e s u l t i n g system w i l l be e i t h e r an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e system o r a system p a r t l y t r a t i v e and p a r t l y p r o p r i e t o r i a l .  adminis-  Perhaps the most s i g n i f i c -  ant f e a t u r e a f f e c t i n g such systems, i s the e x t e n t t o w h i c h t a x e s and r e n t a r e p a i d i n goods o r s e r v i c e s o r i n money. Each o f t h e s e t h r e e t y p e s as o u t l i n e d here i s a pure t y p e , s i g n i f i e d by a c o r n e r o f t h e t r i a n g l e .  By changing the degree  o f s t r a t i f i c a t i o n w i t h i n t h e system, and by changing t h e degree o f s e p a r a t i o n between ownership and s o v e r e i g n t y , one pure type 12 can be t r a n s f o r m e d o f more t h a n one  i n t o another.  A c t u a l systems may  partake  type.  So v i e w e d , t h e t h r e e t y p e s exhaust • • l t i e s . 13  the l o g i c a l  possibil-  Any a c t u a l t e n u r e system can be p l a c e d w i t h i n t h e  tri-  a n g l e , a t some p o s i t i o n between the t h r e e p o i n t s , depending on i t s c o m b i n a t i o n o f c h a r a c t e r s o f t y p e s A, B, and C.  One  - 72  -  need not t h i n k o f the a c t u a l system as o c c u p y i n g a p o i n t ; i n s t e a d , t h i n k of i t as o c c u p y i n g an a r e a w i t h i n the t r i a n g l e , depending on t h e r e l a t i v e i m p o r t a n c e s of the v a r i o u s A land-tenure  system need not be w h o l l y  logically  elements.  consistent,  so l o n g as i t p o s s e s s e s w i t h i n i t some means of s e t t l i n g i n p a r t i c u l a r i n s t a n c e s w h i c h r u l e s govern t h o s e  instances.  F u r t h e r m o r e , the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n o f l a n d - t e n u r e  systems  as " t r i b a l " , " a d m i n i s t r a t i v e " , o r " p r o p r i e t o r i a l " , t u r n s t o be not merely a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n o f l a n d - t e n u r e o f whole s o c i a l systems f r o m the p o i n t - o f - v i e w Each t y p e o f l a n d - t e n u r e  a l s o must t h e l a n d - t e n u r e  of  land-tenure. possibili-  and as t h e s e systems change so  w h i c h goes w i t h them.  Viewing land-tenure t r i a n g l e , we  systems, but  goes w i t h a d i s t i n c t s e t o f  t i e s f o r p o l i t i c a l systems;  out  systems as thus l o c a t e d w i t h i n t h i s  can t h e n ask what c o n d i t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n ,  e c o l o g i c a l c o n d i t i o n s , cause them t o be i n such and p o s i t i o n o r t o move from one  or '  such a  p a r t of t h e t r i a n g l e t o a n o t h e r .  Thus the t y p e A c h a r a c t e r o f t h e t r a d i t i o n a l Dene o r I n u i t s y s tem,  as we  s h a l l d i s c o v e r below, f o l l o w s q u i t e l o g i c a l l y from  the Dene o r I n u i t mode o f s u b s i s t e n c e . change, t h e i r l a n d - t e n u r e  Were t h a t mode t o  would be changed  accordingly.  • E c o l o g i c a l c o n d i t i o n s ' , however, i n c l u d e s not o n l y t a t and  s u b s i s t e n c e , but a l s o t h e p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y  habienviron-  ments w i t h i n w h i c h a community must l i v e and w i t h w h i c h i t must cope.  F o r the Dene and  I n u i t , f o r example, t h a t p o l i t i c a l  m i l i t a r y environment t o d a y c o n s i s t s of Canada and the towards n o r t h e r n  resource  e x p l o i t a t i o n . The  Dene and  and  pressures Inuit  l a n d - h o l d i n g system must today h e l p t h e p e o p l e t o cope w i t h t h i s s o c i a l environment as w e l l as w i t h t h e non-human e n v i r o n ment;  o r a t l e a s t i t must not g r e a t l y h i n d e r t h e i r  coping.  - 74 -  D  Person I f we a r e t o c o n s t r u e p r o p e r t y and l a n d - t e n u r e as i n v o l v ing  r i g h t s , o r c l a i m s made by human i n d i v i d u a l s and r e c o g n i z e d  as r i g h t by t h e community, t h e n we must c o n s t r u e p r o p e r t y and l a n d - t e n u r e as i n v o l v i n g p e r s o n s .  By " p e r s o n " I mean not a  human i n d i v i d u a l p e r c e i v e d t h r o u g h t h e senses as s u c h , b u t a human i n d i v i d u a l o r o t h e r e n t i t y c o n c e i v e d as t h e b e a r e r o f r i g h t s and d u t i e s and t h e r e c i p i e n t o f o t h e r s ' d u t i e s . (res)  Things  as t h e o b j e c t s o f r i g h t s and d u t i e s i m p l y persons who  p e r f o r m t h e s e r i g h t s and d u t i e s v i s - a - v i s one a n o t h e r c o n c e r n ing the things.  I f one i s g o i n g t o t h i n k i n terms o f p r o p e r t y  o r o f r i g h t s and d u t i e s one i s t h e r e f o r e l o g i c a l l y  impelled,  whether i m p l i c i t l y o r e x p l i c i t l y , t o t h i n k about persons i n t h e sense o f " r i g h t - a n d - d u t y - b e a r i n g u n i t s " . "Legal p e r s o n a l i t y , " w r i t e s Paton  (1951:315),  i s an a r t i f i c i a l c r e a t i o n o f t h e l a w . Not a l l human b e i n g s n e c e s s a r i l y possess l e g a l p e r s o n a l i t y : thus i n e a r l y systems s l a v e s were r e g a r d e d as mere c h a t t e l s and a l i e n s were n o t p e r m i t t e d t o sue i n t h e c o u r t s . Many human b e i n g s may p o s s e s s a r e s t r i c t e d l e g a l p e r s o n a l i t y , such as i n f a n t s and l u n a t i c s . L e g a l p e r s o n a l i t y may be g r a n t e d t o e n t i t i e s o t h e r t h a n i n d i v i d u a l human b e i n g s , e.g. a group o f human b e i n g s , a f u n d , an i d o l . . . . Twenty men may form a c o r p o r a t i o n w h i c h may sue and be sued i n t h e c o r p o r a t e name. An i d o l may be regarded as a l e g a l persona i n i t s e l f , o r a p a r t i c u l a r f u n d may be i n c o r p o r a t e d . I n t h e s e two cases i t i s c l e a r t h a t t h e i d o l and t h e fund cannot c a r r y o u t t h e a c t i v i t i e s i n c i d e n t a l t o l i t i g a t i o n o r t h e s i g n i n g o f a c o n t r a c t , and, of n e c e s s i t y , t h e law i s f o r c e d t o s e t up c e r t a i n human agents as r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f t h e w i l l o f t h e i d o l and t h e f u n d . But t h e a c t s o f such an agent ( w i t h i n l i m i t s s e t by t h e law) would be imputed t o t h e l e g a l persona of t h e i d o l , and would not be j u r i s t i c a c t s o f t h e human  - 75 agent. T h i s i s no mere academic d i s t i n c t i o n , f o r i t would be t h e l e g a l p e r s o n a o f t h e i d o l t h a t would be bound, n o t t h a t o f t h e agent. L e g a l p e r s o n a l i t y i s a p a r t i c u l a r d e v i c e by w h i c h t h e law c r e a t e s u n i t s t o w h i c h i t a s c r i b e s c e r t a i n powers. Hence j u s t as t h e l a w can r e c o g n i z e a n y t h i n g as a r e s , i n c l u d i n g t h i n g s i m p e r c e p t i b l e t o t h e s e n s e s , so t h e l a w can r e c o g n i z e a n y t h i n g as a l e g a l p e r s o n , i n c l u d i n g b e i n g s c e p t i b l e t o the senses.  imper-  Legal personality i s a theoretical  e n t i t y , o r an e n t i t y by p o s t u l a t i o n , t o borrow a term from F.S.C. N o r t h r o p (1959:83).  Legal personality i s therefore  d e f i n e d i n terms o f t h e b a s i c concepts o f a l e g a l o r d e r o r a l e g a l system, and t h e r e i s no guarantee t h a t what i s reckoned as a l e g a l p e r s o n i n one system w i l l be reckoned as one, o r even one o f t h e same k i n d , i n a n o t h e r . N e v e r t h e l e s s , we may, as i n E n g l i s h law, d i s t i n g u i s h between " n a t u r a l p e r s o n s " and " a r t i f i c i a l p e r s o n s " (though t h e s e terms t a k e n l i t e r a l l y  i m p o r t m e t a p h y s i c a l judgments w h i c h o t h e r  l e g a l systems need n o t s h a r e ) .  By " n a t u r a l p e r s o n " I mean a  l e g a l p e r s o n e p i s t e m i c a l l y c o r r e l a t e d (See N o r t h r o p 1959:119) w i t h a s i n g l e human organism as a p e r c e i v a b l e e n t i t y (See d i s c u s s i o n i n P a t o n 1951:316-319).  An " a r t i f i c i a l p e r s o n " i s any  l e g a l p e r s o n n o t e p i s t e m i c a l l y c o r r e l a t e d w i t h a s i n g l e human organism;  i t t h e r e f o r e r e q u i r e s t h e law a r t f u l l y t o r e c o g n i z e  some n a t u r a l p e r s o n t o a c t as i t s agent ( P a t o n 1 9 5 1 : 3 l 6 ) . " ^ The way i n w h i c h t h i s agency i s c o n c e i v e d may, o f c o u r s e , v a r y from one l e g a l system t o a n o t h e r .  We might a l s o d i s t i n g u i s h  "aggregate p e r s o n s " where t h e l e g a l p e r s o n i s e p i s t e m i c a l l y c o r r e l a t e d w i t h a group o f human b e i n g s who a r e t h e r e f o r e as  - 76 a whole spoken o f as t h e p e r s o n ;  i n such an i n s t a n c e , any  a c t by any member o f t h e group c o u l d be imputed t o t h e whole group and so t o t h e o t h e r members as w e l l ( f o r example, as i n the b l o o d f e u d ) . "corporation"  (An a g g r e g a t e p e r s o n i s n o t t h e same as a  i n E n g l i s h law.)  As w i t h t h e d i s t i n c t i o n between ownership and p o s s e s s i o n i n respect  t o t h i n g s , so i n r e s p e c t  t o persons there i s the  d i s t i n c t i o n between l e g a l p e r s o n a l i t y r e c o g n i z e d  as d i s t i n c t  from s e n s o r i l y apprehended human i n d i v i d u a l s , g r o u p s , e t c . , and  l e g a l p e r s o n a l i t y f u s e d w i t h s e n s o r i l y apprehended human  i n d i v i d u a l s , groups, e t c . L e g a l p e r s o n a l i t y i s a s p e c i a l i n s t a n c e o f something w h i c h we might c a l l "moral p e r s o n a l i t y " , t h a t i s , t h e q u a l i t y of being recognized  as a p e r s o n , o r a c t o r , i n a m o r a l  i . e . someone r e c o g n i z e d to the recognizer  order,  as h a v i n g r i g h t s and d u t i e s i n r e s p e c t  or observer.  Operating w i t h i n the t e c h n i c a l  o r d e r , one t r e a t s o t h e r s as t h i n g s , means t o one's own ends; but w i t h i n t h e m o r a l o r d e r , one t r e a t s o t h e r s as ends i n t h e i r own r i g h t , and n o t merely as means t o s a t i s f y one's own p u r poses.  There can be no l e g a l p e r s o n a l i t y except i n a system  of l a w ; and i t i s a t l e a s t a r g u a b l e t h a t l a w i s n o t found i n a l l c u l t u r e s , , ( t h e argument depends p a r t l y on one's d e f i n i t i o n o f l a w as w e l l as upon t h e e t h n o g r a p h i c f a c t s ) .  But t h e r e can  be m o r a l p e r s o n a l i t y w i t h o u t l e g a l p e r s o n a l i t y , and t h e r e a r e ( I v e n t u r e t o s a y ) no human groups whose members do n o t r e g a r d a t l e a s t t h e m s e l v e s as m o r a l p e r s o n s , t h a t i s , as "human". The  i s s u e i s b o t h p h i l o s o p h i c a l and a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l , and I do  not want t o g e t i n t o i t i n t h e p r e s e n t e n q u i r y .  But f o r com-  p a r a t i v e c r o s s - c u l t u r a l p u r p o s e s , a " p e r s o n " may be d e f i n e d as some b e i n g r e c o g n i z e d by t h e p e o p l e o f a g i v e n c u l t u r e as a s o u r c e o f a c t i o n who can be communicated w i t h i n ways a n a l o g ous t o t h e ways o f communicating w i t h someone who speaks one's own l a n g u a g e , who can m e a n i n g f u l l y be d e s c r i b e d as h a v i n g r i g h t s and d u t i e s o f some s o r t , and who i s i n some sense t r e a t e d as someone who must be reasoned and argued w i t h . organisms need be " p e r s o n s " i n t h i s meaning; " p e r s o n s " be human organisms.  Not a l l human n o r need  all  Personhood i s a s t a t u s c o n f e r r e d  upon some b e i n g by t h e members o f a c u l t u r e .  That  conferral  depends upon t h e p e o p l e ' s w o r l d - v i e w and p u r p o s e s , i n c l u d i n g t h e i r own i d e a s o f who and what t h e y t h e m s e l v e s a r e .  And some-  one might be reckoned a p e r s o n f o r some purposes and not f o r others.  Viewed from o u t s i d e t h e c u l t u r e , personhood i s a s t a t u s  " r e a d i n t o " o r "imposed upon" a g i v e n b e i n g ;  viewed from i n s i d e  t h e c u l t u r e , personhood i s a s t a t u s " g i v e n t o " t h e e n t i t y , o r " r e c o g n i z e d " j u s t as t h e e n t i t y ' s e x i s t e n c e i s r e c o g n i z e d . H a l l o w e l l ' s (1964) s t u d y o f Ojibwa o n t o l o g y and t h e Ojibwa i d e a o f p e r s o n i l l u s t r a t e s t h e importance o f m o r a l p e r s o n a l i t y as a c r o s s - c u l t u r a l c a t e g o r y , p r o v i d e d we t a k e i n t o account how each c u l t u r e (and w i t h i n complex c u l t u r e s , each s u b - c u l t u r e ) recognizes persons i n i t s w o r l d .  I n Western p s y c h o l o g y and s o c i a l  s c i e n c e s , o b s e r v e s H a l l o w e l l , persons and human organisms a r e categorically identified.  But t o t h e O j i b w a , t h i s i s n o t s o .  The O j i b w a t r e a t as persons n o t o n l y human b e i n g s b u t a l s o a v a r i e t y o f s p i r i t u a l b e i n g s , c e r t a i n s t o n e s and s h e l l s , t h u n d e r ,  - 78 b e i n g s who  f  appear i n myths (" a t x s o k a n a k " r e f e r s b o t h t o t h e  b e i n g s t o l d about i n t h e n a r r a t i v e s and t o t h e n a r r a t i v e s as t h e y a r e b e i n g t o l d ) , the sun, c e r t a i n a r c h e t y p a l a n i m a l s , a n i m a l s sometimes, and dream-personages.  The Ojibwa g o a l o f  l i f e i s p l m a d a z l w i n , l i f e i n the f u l l e s t s e n s e , i n t h e sense of  l o n g e v i t y , h e a l t h , and freedom from m i s f o r t u n e .  This goal  cannot be reached w i t h o u t h e l p and c o o p e r a t i o n from both human and other-than-human persons as w e l l as by one's own  efforts.  Some o f t h e s e other-than-human persons a r e , i n Ojibwa o n t o l o g y , communicated w i t h i n dreams and v i s i o n q u e s t , and a r e p r o p e r l y a d d r e s s e d as " g r a n d f a t h e r s " . These p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s mesh one i n a network o f mutual o b l i g a t i o n s .  T h i s i d e a i s expressed  i n the e c o l o g i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s of the Ojibwa.  Hallowell  (1964:  77) w r i t e s : The Ojibwa a r e h u n t e r s and f o o d g a t h e r e r s . S i n c e t h e v a r i o u s s p e c i e s o f a n i m a l s on w h i c h t h e y depend f o r a l i v i n g a r e b e l i e v e d t o be under t h e c o n t r o l o f "masters" o r "owners" who b e l o n g t o t h e c a t e g o r y o f o t h e r - t h a n human p e r s o n s , t h e h u n t e r must always be c a r e f u l t o t r e a t t h e a n i m a l s he k i l l s f o r f o o d o r f u r i n t h e p r o p e r manner. I t may be n e c e s s a r y , f o r example, t o throw t h e i r bones i n t h e w a t e r o r t o p e r f o r m a r i t u a l i n t h e case o f b e a r s . O t h e r w i s e , he w i l l o f f e n d t h e "masters" and be t h r e a t e n e d w i t h s t a r v a t i o n because no a n i m a l s w i l l be made a v a i l a b l e to him. C r u e l t y t o a n i m a l s i s l i k e w i s e an o f f e n s e t h a t w i l l provoke t h e same k i n d o f r e t a l i a t i o n . And, a c c o r d i n g t o one anecdote, a man s u f f e r e d i l l n e s s because he t o r t u r e d a f a b u l o u s w i n d l g o a f t e r k i l l i n g him. A m o r a l d i s t i n c t i o n i s drawn between t h e k i n d o f conduct demanded by t h e p r i m a r y n e c e s s i t i e s o f s e c u r i n g a l i v e l i h o o d o r d e f e n d i n g o n e s e l f a g a i n s t a g g r e s s i o n , and unnecessary a c t s o f c r u e l t y . The m o r a l v a l u e s i m p l i e d document the c o n s i s t e n c y o f t h e p r i n c i p l e o f mutual o b l i g a t i o n s w h i c h i s i n h e r e n t i n a l l i n t e r a c t i o n s w i t h "persons" throughout t h e Ojibwa w o r l d . The Ojibwa do have a term, a n i c i n a b e k , f o r humans as d i s t i n c t from other-than-human p e r s o n s .  In the Ojibwa world-view,  t h e Western d i s t i n c t i o n between  " n a t u r a l " and " s u p e r n a t u r a l " i s m e a n i n g l e s s .  The terms " n a t -  u r a l p e r s o n a l i t y " and " a r t i f i c i a l p e r s o n a l i t y " t a k e n  literally  would t h e r e f o r e a l s o be m i s l e a d i n g a p p l i e d t o t h e Ojibwa. r  a t i s o k a n a k are c e r t a i n l y not a r t i f i c i a l c o r p o r a t i o n i s i n A n g l i c a n law.  persons  The  i n t h e way a  They a r e much more l i k e n a t u r a l  p e r s o n s , except t h a t they do not o r d i n a r i l y appear as human b o d i e s i n d a i l y , s e n s o r y l i f e ( b u t they m i g h t ! ) . t h i s way, however, sometimes i n s t o r i e s  They do appear  and i n dreams.  O r d i n a r y human b e i n g s , o r a n i c i n a b e k , a r e n a t u r a l persons i n t h e s t r i c t meaning.  There a r e t e c h n i c a l problems i n communi-  e a t i n g w i t h a t i s o kanak w h i c h a r e absent  i n communicating w i t h  a n i c i n a b e k , and t h e d i s t i n c t i o n between t h e two p a r a l l e l s i n t h i s r e s p e c t t h e d i s t i n c t i o n between a r t i f i c i a l persons.  and n a t u r a l  - 80  -  Notes t o Chapter I I 1  To e n l a r g e the meaning f u r t h e r , "organisms" may s t i t u t e d f o r "humans". l a n d and  land-tenure,  sub-  But I s h a l l be d i s c u s s i n g human and what I s h a l l w r i t e may  a p p l i c a b l e t o o t h e r organisms b e s i d e s 2  be  not  humans.  Thus P a t o n (1951:411-412) regards, l a n d as b e i n g  both  space and m a t e r i a l , even though some l e g a l systems w r i t e r s d e f i n e l a n d as t h r e e - d i m e n s i o n a l 3  is 4  and  space.  I use "European" t o i n c l u d e c u l t u r e s h i s t o r i c a l l y from Europe s i n c e the l 6 t h c e n t u r y ;  be  derived  so Canadian c u l t u r e  included.  " P o s s i b i l i t y f o r experience"  echoes J.S. M i l l ' s d e f i n i -  t i o n o f m a t t e r as "the permanent p o s s i b i l i t y o f 5  Compare Hyams, S o i l and C i v i l i z a t i o n  6  Here a r e some o f the d e f i n i t i o n s o f p r o p e r t y and  sensation".  (1976). owner-  s h i p o f f e r e d by j u r i s t s , a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s , and o t h e r  social  scientists: P r o p e r t y i s t h e name f o r a concept t h a t r e f e r s t o the r i g h t s and o b l i g a t i o n s and the p r i v i l e g e s and r e s t r i c t i o n s t h a t govern t h e b e h a v i o u r o f man i n any s o c i e t y toward the s c a r c e o b j e c t s o f v a l u e i n t h a t s o c i e t y . . . . What i s owned i s p r o p e r t y . ( B e a g l e h o l e 1968:590) The concepts of p r o p e r t y and ownership are c l o s e l y l i n k e d . Ownership i s b e s t d e f i n e d as the sum t o t a l of r i g h t s w h i c h v a r i o u s persons o r groups o f persons have o v e r t h i n g s ; the t h i n g s thus owned are property. (Royal Anthropological I n s t i t u t e 1951:148)  - 81 P r o p e r t y i n i t s most g e n e r a l usage denotes ownership o r the t h i n g owned. ( F l o u d 1964:549) As an i n s t i t u t i o n , p r o p e r t y may be d e s c r i b e d as the s e t o f r i g h t s and o b l i g a t i o n s w h i c h d e f i n e the r e l a t i o n s between i n d i v i d u a l s o r groups i n r e spect of t h e i r c o n t r o l over m a t e r i a l t h i n g s ( o r persons t r e a t e d as t h i n g s ) . ( G i n s b e r g 1934:181-182;  c i t e d i n F l o u d 1964:550)  P r o p e r t y i s a euphonious c o l l o c a t i o n o f l e t t e r s w h i c h s e r v e s as a g e n e r a l term f o r the m i s c e l l a n y o f e q u i t i e s t h a t p e r s o n s h o l d i n the commonwealth. ... I n essence p r o p e r t y i s a c o n d i t i o n a l e q u i t y i n the v a l u a b l e s o f the community. ( H a m i l t o n and  T i l l 1962:528-529)  " P r o p e r t y " i s a word o f d i f f e r e n t meanings. I t may mean a t h i n g owned (my watch o r my house i s "my p r o p e r t y " ) ; i t may mean ownership i t s e l f as when I speak o f "my p r o p e r t y " i n my watch w h i c h may pass t o the p e r s o n t o whom I s e l l the w a t c h b e f o r e I a c t u a l l y hand t h e watch o v e r . . . ; o r i t may even mean an i n t e r e s t i n a t h i n g l e s s t h a n ownership but n e v e r t h e l e s s c o n f e r r i n g c e r t a i n r i g h t s . • . . I n E n g l i s h law, t h e r e f o r e , " p r o p e r t y " comprehends t a n g i b l e s and i n t a n g i b l e s , movables and immovables; i t means a t a n g i b l e t h i n g ( l a n d o r a c h a t t e l ) i t s e l f , o r r i g h t s i n r e s p e c t o f t h a t t h i n g , o r r i g h t s such as c o p y r i g h t , i n r e l a t i o n t o w h i c h no t a n g i b l e t h i n g e x i s t s . ( V a i n e s 1962:3) '•' The term ' p r o p e r t y ' . . . sometimes means owne r s h i p o r t i t l e and sometimes the r e s over w h i c h ownership may be e x e r c i s e d . ( P a t o n 1951:408) P r o p e r t y i s a s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n whereby people r e g u l a t e t h e a c q u i s i t i o n and use o f the r e s o u r c e s o f our environment a c c o r d i n g t o a system o f r u l e s . ( S m i t h 1974:2) P r o p e r t y i s not w e a l t h o r p o s s e s s i o n s , but t h e r i g h t t o c o n t r o l , t o e x p l o i t , t o u s e , o r t o enjoy wealth or possessions. ( M a c l v e r , c i t e d i n Lowie  1948:129)  Though Lowie c i t e s M a c l v e r ' s  d e f i n i t i o n and r e f l e c t s upon  i t , he soon f a l l s back i n t o r e f e r r i n g t o t h e goods thems e l v e s as p r o p e r t y .  T h i s i s t h e same usage as i n h i s  e a r l i e r work, P r i m i t i v e S o c i e t y (Lowie 196l:  205-256),  w h i c h showed t h a t p r i m i t i v e s o c i e t i e s had s i m u l t a n e o u s communal and i n d i v i d u a l o w n e r s h i p .  I n t h a t work, however,  Lowie d i d n o t e x p l i c i t l y d e f i n e " p r o p e r t y " . I n modern l a w t h e term ' p r o p e r t y ' has two meani n g s , l a n d o r c h a t t e l s , and t h e l e g a l r e l a t i o n s t h r o u g h w h i c h human b e h a v i o u r i s c o n t r o l l e d i n r e g a r d t o them. ( S m i t h 1976:213) The word " p r o p e r t y " f u r n i s h e s a s t r i k i n g example. Both w i t h l a w y e r s and non-lawyers t h i s term has no d e f i n i t e o r s t a b l e c o n n o t a t i o n . Sometimes i t i s employed t o i n d i c a t e t h e p h y s i c a l o b j e c t t o which various l e g a l r i g h t s , p r i v i l e g e s , e t c . , r e l a t e ; t h e n a g a i n — w i t h f a r g r e a t e r d i s c r i m i n a t i o n and a c c u r a c y — t h e word i s used t o denote t h e l e g a l i n t e r e s t ( o r aggregate o f l e g a l r e l a t i o n s ) a p p e r t a i n i n g t o such p h y s i c a l o b j e c t . F r e q u e n t l y t h e r e i s a r a p i d and f a l l a c i o u s s h i f t from t h e one meaning t o t h e o t h e r . A t t i m e s , a l s o , t h e term i s used i n such a " b l e n d e d " sense as t o convey no d e f i n i t e meaning w h a t e v e r . ( H o h f e l d 1966:28) Wigmore (1936) has used t h e term " A n g l i c a n " t o name t h e f a m i l y o f l e g a l systems i n c l u d i n g t h e E n g l i s h common law and a r i s i n g from t h a t common law, such as t h e l e g a l s y s tems o f t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s , Canada, A u s t r a l i a , and New Zealand.  I t i s a good term f o r them because  "English  law" does i m p l y t h e l e g a l system o f England and Wales. New Z e a l a n d , A u s t r a l i a , Canada, and t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s , e s p e c i a l l y t h e l a s t - n a m e d , have l o n g gone t h e i r s e p a r a t e ways and we can no l o n g e r t a k e i t f o r g r a n t e d t h a t what i s l a w i n one i s law i n t h e o t h e r .  Yet there i s a strong  f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s h i p and c o n t i n u a l i n t e r c o u r s e between t h e systems.  They a l s o a l l u s e E n g l i s h as t h e c h i e f  language o f t h e l a w . Compare S m i t h (1974:2), who s p e c i f i e s t h a t a p r o p e r t y  - 83 system must have a t l e a s t : 1 2 3  4 5  a community a quantity o f l i m i t e d o r scarce resources a s e t of r u l e s r e g u l a t i n g the a c q u i s i t i o n , access t o , and use o f these r e s o u r c e s . T h i s s e t o f r u l e s w i l l be made up o f a t l e a s t t h e f o l l o w i n g s u b s e t s : A a s e t o f r u l e s w h i c h p r o v i d e s t h e manner i n which the property r e l a t i o n i s created. B a s e t o r r u l e s which provides f o r the t r a n s f e r o f t h i s r e l a t i o n from one member o f t h e community t o a n o t h e r . C a s e t o f r u l e s w h i c h determines how and when the p r o p e r t y r e l a t i o n i s t e r m i n a t e d so t h a t t h e r e s o u r c e s a r e open t o a c q u i s i t i o n by o t h e r s . a s e t o f p o s s e s s i v e pronouns such as 'mine,' 'yours,' ' h i s , ' ' h e r s , ' and ' t h e i r s , ' e t c . whereby t h i s r e l a t i o n can be e x p r e s s e d . a s e t o f rules p r o t e c t i n g the property r e l a t i o n by, f o r i n s t a n c e , p r o v i d i n g s a n c t i o n s when i t i s wrongfully interfered with.  9  See note 7, above.  10  Compare, e.g., Cappannari's  (i960) d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e con-  cept o f p r o p e r t y among Shoshoneans. 11  G e n e r a l i z i n g from and m o d i f y i n g Smith (1974:2), who r e f e r s t o ownership as much as p r o p e r t y , and t o r u l e s r a t h e r t h a n r u l e s and p r a c t i c e s .  12  Regarding  t h e s e c r i t e r i a as two d i m e n s i o n s , we a c t u a l l y  get a f o u r - f o l d c l a s s i f i c a t i o n , t h u s : Division into R u l e r s and Ruled:  S e p a r a t i o n o f S o v e r e i g n t y and Ownership: NO  YES Type C l Proprietorial I"  NO  Type A "Tribal"  II  YES  Type B "Administrative"  Type C 2 "Proprietorial II"  - 84 13  A f u r t h e r complexity would be t o have one type between l a n d - h o l d i n g e.g.,  obtaining  u n i t s , and another w i t h i n the u n i t s ;  a corporate p r o p r i e t o r i a l type w i t h the c o r p o r a -  tions following administrative  or t r i b a l patterns  within  themselves. 14  The phrase i s from Buckland and McNair, Roman Law and Common Law (I952:54f)>  c i t e d i n A l l o t t , E p s t e i n , and G l u c k -  man 1969:39n. 15  The terms " n a t u r a l " and " a r t i f i c i a l "  persons used here  as v a r i e t i e s o f l e g a l person f o l l o w Paton.  Allott  (1969:  183-184) uses " n a t u r a l p e r s o n a l i t y " t o mean i n d i v i d u a l human p e r s o n a l i t y i n c o n t r a s t t o " l e g a l p e r s o n a l i t y " : R e c o g n i t i o n o f an i n d i v i d u a l as a l e g a l person i s u s u a l l y the c o r o l l a r y o f h i s r e c o g n i t i o n as a human b e i n g . The model f o r i n d i v i d u a l l e g a l p e r s o n a l i t y i s provided by n a t u r a l p e r s o n a l i t y . S i m i l a r l y , the r e c o g n i t i o n o f a r t i f i c i a l l e g a l p e r s o n a l i t y i s by extension from the r e c o g n i t i o n o f n a t u r a l p e r s o n a l i t y . . . . J u r i s t i c personality i s attributed, and i t i s a t t r i b u t e d by_ analogy w i t h human p e r s o n a l ity. The p e r s o n i f i c a t i o n o f n a t u r a l f o r c e s and t h e r e c o g n i t i o n o f group p e r s o n a l i t y do not imply a t o t a l (and hence n e c e s s a r i l y absurd) i d e n t i f i c a t i o n between such e n t i t i e s and n a t u r a l persons; they mean t h a t f o r c e r t a i n l i m i t e d purposes t h e l e g a l system and those who operate i t t r e a t the e n t i t y as i f i t possessed l e g a l p e r s o n a l i t y . Thus . . . Ibo law w i l l accept the agent o f a d e i t y as being an agent f o r someone; Akan law w i l l permit someone c l a i m i n g t o speak f o r a 'family* t o i n i t i a t e l e g a l proceedings; Nuer law w i l l r e c o g n i z e t h a t t h e w i f e i n a ghostmarriage i s l a w f u l l y married t o h e r dead husband. In each case we have a l o g i c a l f i c t i o n . I n each case both law and common sense r e c o g n i z e the l i m i t s o f the f i c t i o n : t h e Ibo d e i t y must be r e p r e s e n t e d by a p r i e s t ; t h e l i v i n g members o f t h e Akan f a m i l y are c o l l e c t i v e l y e n t i t l e d t o bind t h e dead members and those who a r e y e t t o be born; the w i f e i n a Nuer ghost-marriage enjoys normal r e l a t i o n s w i t h a p r o husband who performs a l l the u s u a l m a r i t a l o f f i c e s  1  - 85 w h i c h t h e ghost-husband i s i n c a p a b l e o f d o i n g . . . . The a t t r i b u t i o n o f p e r s o n a l i t y i s a d e v i c e used t o implement a m e n t a l o r s o c i a l r e a l i t y . The f a m i l y members f e e l s o l i d a r i t y , b o t h w i t h one a n o t h e r and w i t h t h e i r d e p a r t e d a n c e s t o r s , w h i c h t h e y w i s h t o express i n u n i t y o f a c t i o n . The d e i t y i s c o n c e i v e d of as a r e a l p e r s o n , though o f a d i f f e r e n t o r d e r o f r e a l i t y from persons on e a r t h . The d e p a r t e d husband may have d i e d , but he i s not s o c i a l l y n o n - e x i s t e n t . I n t h e same way, a l i m i t e d l i a b i l i t y company such as I m p e r i a l C h e m i c a l I n d u s t r i e s , t h e Crown, o r t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f London do not ' e x i s t ' ; but we behave, f o r l i m i t e d p u r p o s e s , as i f t h e y d i d . Thus A l l o t t . the or  But I wonder.  D i d t h e I b o , t h e Akan,  and  Nuer r e s p e c t i v e l y r e a l l y r e g a r d t h e d e i t y , t h e f a m i l y t h e ghost-husband as f i c t i o n s ?  Or d i d t h e y not r a t h e r  p e r c e i v e them as r e a l i t i e s w h i c h b e i n g what t h e y were had to work t h r o u g h agents?  The l i m i t e d l i a b i l i t y  company  was thought o f from t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e i d e a as a f i c t i o n , b u t n o t t h e d e i t y , f a m i l y , o r ghost-husband.  Allott's  analogy, I suspect, there misrepresents the ideas of l e g a l p e r s o n a l i t y as seen from i n s i d e t h o s e l e g a l systems.  - 86 -  III DENE AND INUIT IDEAS OF LAND AND LAND-TENURE  A Dene The Dene o f o u r e n q u i r y b e l o n g t o t h e f a m i l y o f p e o p l e s known t o e t h n o l o g i s t s as t h e A t h a p a s k a n - s p e a k i n g p e o p l e s o f northwestern North America.  A c c o r d i n g t o Vanstone  (1974:9-20),  t h e n o r t h e r n Athapaskans a r e d i v i d e d i n t o f i v e e c o l o g i c a l zones, namely, A r c t i c Drainage Lowlands, C o r d i l l e r a n , Yukon and Kuskokwim R i v e r B a s i n s , Cook I n l e t — S u s i t n a R i v e r B a s i n , and Copper River Basin.  W i t h i n t h e s e zones, t h e p e o p l e a r e d i v i s i b l e  into  groups d i s t i n g u i s h e d by t h e i r own v a r i a n t s o f t h e Athapaskan languages.  The Dene o f t h e Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s comprise t h e  f o l l o w i n g such groups: • A.  A r c t i c Drainage Lowlands: 1.  Chipewyan  ( o v e r l a p p i n g i n t o M a n i t o b a and Sask-  atchewan) ;  B.  2.  Slave (overlapping into Alberta);  3.  Dogrib;  4.  Bear Lake;  5.  Hare;  and  Cordilleran: 6.  K u t c h i n ( e x t e n d i n g westward a c r o s s n o r t h e r n Yukon Territory into Alaska);  7.  Mountain; and  - 87 8.  Kaska ( e x t e n d i n g  i n t o southeastern  t o r y and n o r t h e a s t e r n The  Yukon T e r r i -  B r i t i s h Columbia).  c l i m a t e o f the A r c t i c Drainage Lowlands i s c o n t i n e n t a l  and r e l a t i v e l y u n i f o r m .  W i n t e r s are s e v e r e .  I n the Mackenzie  b a s i n , snow i s on the ground from October u n t i l l a t e A p r i l e a r l y May.  or  The Mackenzie R i v e r u s u a l l y f r e e z e s i n e a r l y Novem-  b e r , and s t a y s f r o z e n u n t i l May.  The G r e a t S l a v e Lake l i k e -  w i s e f r e e z e s i n e a r l y November, and i s not f r e e o f i c e u n t i l mid-June.  Mean d a i l y t e m p e r a t u r e s f o r December, J a n u a r y ,  F e b r u a r y , have been -12*F/-24.5*C, - l S ' F / ^ . S ' C , and -23.9*C r e s p e c t i v e l y ;  and  -ll'F/  and t e m p e r a t u r e s from -40*F/-40*C t o  -60*F/-51.1*C are not a t a l l u n u s u a l d u r i n g t h e s e months.  The  s h o r t summer, on the o t h e r hand, can be q u i t e warm, w i t h c o n s i d e r a b l e v a r i a t i o n w i t h i n a s i n g l e day. noted t h a t on one  J u l y day  i n 1958  Vanstone (1974:11)  a t F o r t Good Hope the temper  a t u r e v a r i e d from 83^/26.3*0 t o 40*F/4.5*C. The  v e g e t a t i o n o f the a r c t i c d r a i n a g e l o w l a n d s i s m o s t l y  coniferous.  The  almost no p i n e .  commonest t r e e i s w h i t e s p r u c e , and t h e r e i s I n swampy p a r t s o f the c o u n t r y , a r e  s p r u c e , tamarak, w i l l o w , and a l d e r . i n b e t t e r drained areas.  black  P o p l a r o c c u r s i n clumps  At the east o f the r e g i o n , t r e e s  s m a l l and s c a t t e r e d , c o n c e n t r a t e d  i n sheltered valleys;  t h e f o r e s t d e n s i t y i n c r e a s e s as one goes westward. heavy ground c o v e r , bush i n u n c l e a r e d a r e a s and n e a r human s e t t l e m e n t s .  are  but  There i s  a r e a s , and g r a s s i n c l e a r e d  E d i b l e b e r r i e s , such as  b l u e b e r r i e s , c r a n b e r r i e s , and s t r a w b e r r i e s , are p l e n t i f u l i n season.  D u r i n g e a r l y summer, w i l d r o s e s , f i r e w e e d ,  Labrador  - 88 tea,  and o t h e r f l o r a bloom p r o f u s e l y . The a n i m a l l i f e i s t y p i c a l l y n o r t h w e s t e r n  Canadian.  The  Dene hunt and use moose, c a r i b o u , b l a c k and brown b e a r , f o x e s , muskrat, beaver, porcupine, f i s h e r , wolf,--.and  h a r e , marten, l y n x , w o l v e r i n e ,  red s q u i r r e l .  otter,  They f i s h f o r w h i t e f i s h , g r a y -  l i n g , n o r t h e r n p i k e , l a k e t r o u t , s h e e f i s h , s u c k e r s , and b u r b o t . S e a s o n a l l y , ducks and geese appear i n l a r g e numbers. v e r y common.  Loons a r e  (Vanstone 1974:14)  The b a s i c mode o f s u b s i s t e n c e i n a b o r i g i n a l times  was  h u n t i n g , and e s p e c i a l l y t h e h u n t i n g o f c a r i b o u and moose  —  c a r i b o u p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t h e n o r t h and e a s t o f o u r a r e a , where t h e s u b - a r c t i c f o r e s t o r t a i g a meets t h e t u n d r a ;  and moose  p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t h e more mountainous s o u t h w e s t e r n p o r t i o n . O t h e r a n i m a l s were a l s o h u n t e d , and f i s h were caught i n l a k e s and r i v e r s , w i t h w h i c h t h e a r e a i s l i b e r a l l y s u p p l i e d . C a r i b o u were most n o t a b l y hunted by i n t e r c e p t i n g them a t key p o i n t s on t h e c a r i b o u m i g r a t i o n r o u t e s , and s t e e r i n g them by means o f a c o m b i n a t i o n to  o f b e a t e r s and c a r i b o u  fences  p l a c e s where they c o u l d be c o n v e n i e n t l y caught and k i l l e d .  B a r r e n Ground c a r i b o u move t o t h e t u n d r a i n s p r i n g and r e t u r n to  t h e edge o f t h e f o r e s t s i n l a t e f a l l .  The Chipewyan i n t e r -  cepted t h e c a r i b o u by means o f c a r i b o u d r i v e s i n open c o u n t r y in  late f a l l or early winter.  The a n i m a l s were urged between  two l o n g rows o f wooden s t i c k s c o n v e r g i n g c l o s u r e o f branches.  towards a l a r g e en-  W i t h i n t h e e n c l o s u r e were s e t s n a r e s o f  b a b i c h e ( h a l f - t a n n e d c a r i b o u o r moose h i d e ) , and t h e c a r i b o u were caught i n t h e s e .  Then the h u n t e r s  k i l l e d the animals  by  - 89 means o f bows and a r r o w s .  A n o t h e r way o f c a t c h i n g c a r i b o u was  t o d r i v e them i n t o l a k e s , and t h e r e l a n c e o r s t a b them w i t h k n i v e s from canoes.  (Vanstone 1974:24)  Moose, l i v i n g i n h e a v i e r f o r e s t c o u n t r y , and n o t b e i n g herd a n i m a l s , were hunted d i f f e r e n t l y . and hunted them w i t h bows and a r r o w s . coming upon f r e s h moose-tracks  The S l a v e y s snared them I n the w i n t e r , a hunter  i n t h e snow, would make wide  s e m i - c i r c l e s t o leeward o f t h e t r a c k , one a f t e r t h e o t h e r l i k e f  this,  ~~\  Moose  Hunter  Wind  u n t i l t h e moose-tracks  disappeared.  The h u n t e r would  t h e n know t h a t t h e a n i m a l had doubled back and was s t o p p i n g to f e e d o r l i e down.  He would t h e n h i m s e l f double back i n  s m a l l e r s e m i c i r c l e s u n t i l he found t h e moose.  This type of  h u n t i n g was b e s t done by h u n t e r s as i n d i v i d u a l s o r i n p a i r s . (Vanstone 1974:25;  the technique i s described i n d e t a i l f o r  t h e Western K u t c h i n o f n o r t h e r n A l a s k a by N e l s o n 1973:102-106.) Both f i s h i n g and t h e h u n t i n g o f s m a l l game were a l s o imp o r t a n t t o t h e A r c t i c d r a i n a g e l o w l a n d p e o p l e , such as t h e Chipewyan and t h e S l a v e .  F i s h i n g was done i n bothe summer and  w i n t e r ( t h r o u g h t h e i c e ) , f i s h b e i n g speared from canoes, i n w e i r s , o r caught by g i l l n e t s .  caught  Animals r a n g i n g from b l a c k  b e a r s and w o l v e r i n e s , t h r o u g h beaver and musk-rat, t o h a r e , p t a r m i g a n , and p o r c u p i n e , were caught b o t h as f o o d and f o r f u r  -  ( e x c e p t the p t a r m i g a n ,  90  -  o f c o u r s e ) by a v a r i e t y o f methods, such  as t r a p p i n g w i t h d e a d f a l l s , s h o o t i n g w i t h bow  and arrow, c a t c h -  i n g i n n e t s , s p e a r i n g a f t e r b e i n g d r i v e n from t h e i r homes, and snaring.  W h i l e the h u n t i n g o f c a r i b o u and moose was  primary,  h u n t i n g o f o t h e r animals and f i s h i n g were e s s e n t i a l when t h e numbers o f c a r i b o u and moose d e c l i n e d , o r when these were u n a v a i l a b l e because o f season o r w e a t h e r . f l u c t u a t e d both r e g u l a r l y and i r r e g u l a r l y .  Game numbers  I t was  f o r the p e o p l e t o be c o m p l e t e l y assured o f any one source o f f o o d .  beasts  impossible particular  There were o c c a s i o n a l p e r i o d s o f s t a r v a t i o n ,  and sometimes d u r i n g such t i m e s t h e r e was  cannibalism.  (Van-  stone 1974:25-27) T r a v e l was  by f o o t e x c l u s i v e l y d u r i n g w i n t e r , and some-  t i m e s a l s o by canoe d u r i n g the summer.  Snowshoes made w i n t e r  t r a v e l much e a s i e r t h a n i t would o t h e r w i s e have been. seem not t o have been used u n t i l p o s t - c o n t a c t t i m e s .  Sleds (Vanstone  1974:26) Corresponding  t o t h e requirements  of s u b s i s t e n c e , the  p e o p l e were grouped i n t o r e g i o n a l bands, l o c a l bands ( o r l o c a l g r o u p s ) , f a m i l i e s , and a number o f t a s k groups w h i c h came t o g e t h e r as n e c e s s a r y . 1974:37-41;  S l o b o d i n (1962:73-74;  Helm 1965:34;  compare Vanstone  1968:118), f o r example, d e s c r i b i n g  t h e P e e l R i v e r K u t c h i n , d i s t i n g u i s h e s the f o l l o w i n g groups: (a) w i n t e r t r a p p i n g p a r t y o f some 4 t o 8 f a m i l i e s , concerned t o t r a p marten and f o x and t o hunt f o r meat;  (b) l o c a l group,  o f some 4 t o 8 f a m i l i e s , l a s t i n g one t o two g e n e r a t i o n s , concerned w i t h t r a p p i n g , h u n t i n g , c o l l e c t i v e h o s p i t a l i t y ,  and and  - 91 some c o l l e c t i v e t r a d i n g ;  -  ( c ) meat camp, o f some 15 t o 20 f a m i l i e s ,  l a s t i n g p a r t o r a l l o f w i n t e r , and concerned w i t h c a r i b o u and w i t h s c e r e m o n i e s ;  (d) f i s h camp, c o m p r i s i n g 10 t o 30  hunting families,  l a s t i n g a l l o r p a r t o f t h e summer season and sometimes b e i n g r e c o n s t i t u t e d from season t o season, concerned w i t h f i s h i n g , monies, and games;  (e) t r a d i n g p a r t y  (now  cere-  obsolete), f a i r l y  l a r g e , o c c u r r i n g i n w i n t e r o r e a r l y summer, and concerned w i t h t r a d i n g , ceremonies, and games; ing  and  ( f ) band assembly, c o n s i s t - •  o f 50 t o 70 f a m i l i e s and b e i n g s h o r t i n d u r a t i o n , concerned  w i t h ceremonies, games, and  (formerly) trading.  In addition,  where groups were l a r g e ( c , e, and f ) , men  might form s p e c i a l -  i z e d war p a r t i e s (now  parties.  obsolete) or hunting  Reconstinucting the ways i n w h i c h t h e g r o u p i n g s  of the  a b o r i g i n a l Chipewyan corresponded t o the demands o f s u b s i s t ence, J.G.E. S m i t h (1975:391)  concludes:  The major s o c i o - t e r r i t o r i a l g r o u p i n g s , denoted by names and minor d i a l e c t d i s t i n c t i o n s , were r e l a t e d t o the exp l o i t a t i o n o f t h e t h r e e major c a r i b o u herds i n t h e i r territory; the r e g i o n a l bands t o the s e a s o n a l m i g r a t o r y p a t h s and-major f o r a g i n g r a n g e s , and l o c a l bands t o more l i m i t e d areas w i t h i n the w i n t e r and summer f o r a g i n g ranges. He c o n t i n u e s  (Smith  1975:445):  H u n t i n g and t r a p p i n g t e r r i t o r i e s do not c o r r e s p o n d , i n t h e t a i g a , t o t h e well-known A l g o n k i a n p a t t e r n s o f t h e b o r e a l f o r e s t . The m i g r a t o r y herds o f c a r i b o u do not l e n d themselves t o a f a m i l y owned h u n t i n g t e r r i t o r y , nor w i t h o u t the modern r e p e a t i n g r i f l e , t o h u n t i n g by i n d i v i d u a l s o r v e r y s m a l l g r o u p s . The o t h e r l a r g e game a n i m a l , the moose, i s a l s o t r a c k e d wherever the t r a i l l e a d s , a l t h o u g h the c a r i b o u e a t e r s have n e v e r a p p a r e n t l y been o v e r l y concerned w i t h t h i s a n i m a l . T r a p p i n g t e r r i t o r i e s d i d d e v e l o p , but not t o t h e degree found f u r t h e r s o u t h among t h e T h i l a n o t t i n e and  - 92 t h e Cree. Among t h e t r a p p e r s o f t h e B a r r e n Lands band, throughout t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y , a man was f r e e t o e s t a b l i s h h i s t r a p l i n e i n any a r e a n o t i n u s e . I f a t r a p l i n e s h o u l d n o t be u s e d , i t was open t o any o t h e r t r a p p e r . Among t h e Chipewyan, t h e r e g i o n a l bands had no c l e a r l y d e f i n e d territoriality.  The u n p r e d i c t a b i l i t y o f t h e movements o f t h e  c a r i b o u p r e c l u d e d t h e development o f concepts o f t e r r i t o r i a l i t y and ownership  ( S m i t h 1975:453).  G i v e n t h a t l a n d as such i s i m p o r t a n t c h i e f l y as t h a t w h i c h s u p p o r t s t h e a n i m a l s w h i c h p r o v i d e f o o d , c l o t h i n g , and m a t e r i a l , and t h a t t h e a n i m a l s a r e g e o g r a p h i c a l l y m o b i l e , demog r a p h i c a l l y v a r i a b l e , and n o t e n t i r e l y p r e d i c t a b l e , e x c l u s i v e l a n d - t e n u r e between members o f t h e same r e g i o n a l o r l o c a l group, is contra-survival.  Access t o t h e a n i m a l s on t h e l a n d must be  maximized f o r t h e whole l o c a l community.  Each member o f t h e  community must be f r e e t o move o v e r t h e l a n d i n s e a r c h o f f o o d , to  s e t t r a p s wherever he ( o r she) w i l l s , and t o combine w i t h  o t h e r members i n p u r s u i n g and c a t c h i n g a n i m a l s .  A t t h e same  t i m e , o t h e r members* t r a p s , w e i r s , and c a r i b o u f e n c e s must n o t be d e s t r o y e d o r damaged.  I f t h e s e : a r e abandoned, t h e y may be  r e b u i l t and used a g a i n , by anyone, w i t h o u t f u s s .  Once animals  have been caught, they b e l o n g t o t h e p e r s o n who has caught them. At t h i s p o i n t t h e i d e a t h a t game s h o u l d be shared e n t e r s t o i n c r e a s e t h e e f f e c t i v e n e s s o f t h e p r o p e r t y system.  The f l u c t -  u a t i o n s i n game s u p p l y cause h u n t e r s t o d i f f e r from time t o t i m e and p l a c e t o p l a c e i n t h e i r s u c c e s s .  One who i s s u c c e s s -  f u l now may be, p r o b a b l y w i l l b e , u n s u c c e s s f u l l a t e r ; who i s u n s u c c e s s f u l now, s u c c e s s f u l l a t e r .  and one  I f food i s shared  between them, t h e s u r v i v a l chances o f b o t h a r e enhanced.  W i t h i n t h e l o c a l community, t h e r e f o r e , we have a p r o p e r t y s y s t e m w h i c h emphasizes b o t h t h e i n d i v i d u a l ownership and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r t o o l s and m a t e r i a l ( i n c l u d i n g food) a p p r o p r i a t e d from n a t u r e , and t h e advantages and goodness o f s h a r i n g t h e s e t o o l s and m a t e r i a l ( e s p e c i a l l y f o o d ) , b u t w h i c h  emphasizes  common and n o t e x c l u s i v e i n d i v i d u a l a c c e s s t o t h e l a n d and i t s resources The e f f e c t i v e l a r g e s t l o c a l community among t h e Dene was t h e r e g i o n a l band, w h i c h tended t o e x p l o i t t h e r e s o u r c e s o f a given t e r r i t o r y . m u n i t i e s met?  What happened when members o f d i f f e r e n t com-  F o r t h e Dene o f t h e Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s , t h e r e  seems t o have been no p a r t i c u l a r advantage t o e x c l u d i n g members o f o t h e r communities, p r o v i d e d they r e c o g n i z e d t h a t t h e y were coming where t h e home community u s u a l l y hunted.  Indeed, i n  t i m e s o f famine a t home i t would be u s e f u l t o be a b l e t o v i s i t ' n e i g h b o u r i n g communities and s h a r e b o t h t h e i r h o s p i t a l i t y and t h e i r r e s o u r c e s . So b o u n d a r i e s between t h e t e r r i t o r i e s o f r e g i o n a l bands were n o t always s h a r p l y d e f i n e d .  Still,  each  r e g i o n a l band seems t o have e x e r c i s e d a sense o f s o v e r e i g n t y o v e r t h e l a n d o v e r w h i c h i t s members c u s t o m a r i l y hunted.  This  c l a i m c o u l d be c o n s t r u e d by u s a s a s o r t o f communal ownership over the land; f o r becoming  p a r t l y i t was s o , p a r t l y i t was a p o t e n t i a l i t y  s o . I n t h i s c l a i m , s o v e r e i g n t y and ownership o f 2  land are blended but n e i t h e r are c l e a r .  I n aboriginal times,  t h e y d i d n o t need t o b e . W a r f a r e , under t h e l e a d e r s h i p o f i n d i v i d u a l s p o s s e s s i n g t h e a p p r o p r i a t e p e r s o n a l q u a l i t i e s o f f i g h t i n g prowess and a g -  - 94 g r e s s i v e behaviour,  was  -  q u i t e w i d e s p r e a d among t h e Athapaskans.  G e n e r a l l y , i t consisted of r e t a l i a t i o n f o r offences  committed  by r e l a t i v e s t r a n g e r s , and took p l a c e t h e r e f o r e between groups n e a r enough t o i n t e r a c t o c c a s i o n a l l y but not f r e q u e n t l y enough t o p e r m i t o t h e r ways o f r e s o l v i n g d i s p u t e s .  W a r f a r e between  Athapaskan groups and t h e i r non-Athapaskan n e i t h b o u r s was mon.  W i t h i n the a r e a o f t h e p r e s e n t  e n q u i r y , the Chipewyan  f o u g h t I n u i t (and o u t s i d e t h e a r e a , the f o u g h t C r e e ) . Athapaskans who  com-  The  f o u g h t I n u i t d i d so t o c a p t u r e t h e i r p o s s e s s -  i o n s as t r o p h i e s (Vanstone 1974:48-50).^ F a c i l i t i e s , such as c a r i b o u f e n c e s , w h i c h r e q u i r e a measure of cooperation  i n o r d e r f o r them t o be b u i l t and  maintained,  were under t h e f o r m a l s u p e r v i s i o n o f r e s p o n s i b l e i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h i n ^ t h e community.  F o r example, W i l l i a m I r v i n g r e p o r t s  about t h e Vunta K u t c h i n o f O l d Crow i n t h e n o r t h e r n Yukon:^ The q u e s t i o n o f l a n d t e n u r e i n p r e h i s t o r i c t i m e s cannot be approached d i r e c t l y w i t h the e v i d e n c e t h a t we now have. However i t i s c l e a r from our e t h n o g r a p h i c data drawn from such i n f o r m a n t s i n Old Crow as Joe K i k a v i c h i k , now deceased; C h a r l i e P e t e r C h a r l i e and o t h e r s , t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s h e l d such i m p o r t a n t f a c i l i t i e s as the c a r i b o u c o r r a l s i n t r u s t as i t were f o r t h e community t h a t depended on them. T h i s I b e l i e v e i m p l i e s t h e r e c o g n i t i o n of the r i g h t of u s u f r u c t . The f o r m a l i z a t i o n o f t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p between the p e o p l e and the l a n d i s e x e m p l i f i e d by a s e r i e s o f "owners" and t h a t s h o u l d be put i n q u o t e s , o f t h e Thomas Creek c a r i b o u c o r r a l r e p o r t e d t o me by K i k a v i c h i k . The c o r r a l was downed" by s i x named i n d i v i d u a l s p r i o r t o i t s abandonment i n about 1899. Now, I e s t i m a t e t h a t each owner o r perhaps he s h o u l d be c a l l e d a c u s t o d i a n , s e r v e d i n t h i s c a p a c i t y f o r an average o f t e n y e a r s and t h a t the f e n c e was i n o p e r a t i o n c o n t i n u o u s l y from a t l e a s t as e a r l y as 1840. ... The  a b o r i g i n a l p e r i o d t u r n e d i n t o the e a r l y c o n t a c t  period  a f t e r 1700 when t r a d e goods o f European o r i g i n (meaning t h e r e b y a l s o R u s s i a n and American) began t o appear i n t h e Athapaskan c o u n t r y (Vanstone  1974:90-96).  were among these t r a d e goods.  I r o n c h i s e l s , k n i v e s , and axes I n 1778, P e t e r Pond e s t a b l i s h e d  a p o s t n e a r Lake Athabasca and t r a d e d w i t h t h e Chipewyan ( a s w e l l as w i t h t h e C r e e ) .  The 1780's saw t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f  European d i s e a s e s , such as s m a l l p o x , and t h e b e g i n n i n g o f c o n 5 sequent d e p o p u l a t i o n .  The Chipewyan, B e a v e r , and l e l l o w k n i f e  p e o p l e s were t h e f i r s t t o g e t f i r e a r m s from t h e t r a d e r s . I n 1821  r i v a l r y between f u r t r a d e r s e a s t o f t h e R o c k i e s  when t h e Hudson Bay Company absorbed  ceased  t h e Northwest Company.  A f t e r 1821, t h e f u r t r a d e s t a b i l i z e d and t h e m i s s i o n s e n t e r e d and s p r e a d t h r o u g h t h e c o u n t r y .  Contacts o f whites  w i t h Dene were l i m i t e d t o few r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f t r a d i n g company and c h u r c h .  However, o v e r time t h e I n d i a n s t a n d a r d  o f l i v i n g s h i f t e d towards g r e a t e r and g r e a t e r dependence on items o f European manufacture (Vanstone 49-52).  1974:96-97;  Asch 1977:  The p e o p l e had d i r e c t access t o t r a d e goods, b u t t h i s  a c c e s s depended d i r e c t l y upon t h e i r a b i l i t y t o produce f u r s . The t r a d i n g monopoly enjoyed by t h e Hudson's Bay Company u n t i l 1900  a l l o w e d a s t a b l e c r e d i t r e l a t i o n s h i p t o grow between t r a d e r  and t r a p p e r .  The people were f r e e on t h e l a n d , b u t became  q u i c k l y dependent on t h e t r a d i n g p o s t f o r c l o t h i n g and t o o l s . W h i l e w i l d game and f i s h remained i m p o r t a n t f o r f o o d , European foods were a l s o d e s i r e d .  Housing and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n d e v i c e s ,  however, c o n t i n u e d t o be made o f l o c a l m a t e r i a l s .  - 96 I n 1899,  t h e Chipewyan and t h e S l a v e , among t h e A t h a p a s k -  ans, s i g n e d T r e a t y No. i n 1921,  -  8 w i t h the Canadian government;  t h e S l a v e , D o g r i b , Hare, Loucheux ( B e a r L a k e ) ,  o t h e r Athapaskan groups i n t h e Mackenzie D i s t r i c t s i g n e d No.  11 (Cumming and M i c k e n b e r g 1972:118;  and and Treaty  S l o b o d i n 1962:40, on  the P e e l R i v e r K u t c h i n ) . Vanstone (1974:101-102) summarizes t h e e f f e c t s o f t h e dependence on the f u r t r a d e , and o f t h e i n c r e a s e i n t r a p p i n g , i n t h e f o l l o w i n g words:  ,'-J  T r a p p i n g i s e s s e n t i a l l y an i n d i v i d u a l a c t i v i t y , and a l t h o u g h a t r a p p e r may work w i t h one o r more p a r t n e r s , t h e t r a p s he s e t s are h i s own, as are t h e proceeds from the s k i n s t h a t he t r a d e s . We have noted t h a t i n d i v i d u a l ism was a s i g n i f i c a n t a s p e c t o f Athapaskan a d a p t a t i o n , and t h u s t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f commercial t r a p p i n g d i d not c r e a t e as much d i s r u p t i o n as i t might i n a c u l t u r e t h a t s t r e s s e d communal s u b s i s t e n c e a c t i v i t i e s . Those c o o p e r a t i v e p u r s u i t s t h a t d i d e x i s t , such as t h e c a r i b o u d r i v e , d e c l i n e d i n i m p o r t a n c e , and some changes i n p a t t e r n s of s h a r i n g a l s o o c c u r r e d , but the s h a r i n g o f b i g game and o t h e r r e s o u r c e s i n t h e environment, a d e e p l y r o o t e d c o n cept i n t r a d i t i o n a l Athapaskan c u l t u r e , has c o n t i n u e d t o be s i g n i f i c a n t . A b o r i g i n a l s u b s i s t e n c e a c t i v i t i e s d i d not i n v o l v e e x t e n s i v e t r a p p i n g and most o f t h e f u r b e a r i n g a n i m a l s d e s i r e d by the f u r t r a d e were not s u i t a b l e f o r f o o d . Only t h e b e a v e r was i m p o r t a n t a b o r i g i n a l l y as a s o u r c e o f b o t h f o o d and s k i n s f o r c l o t h i n g . I t was the need t o p r o c u r e f o o d t o s u p p o r t l i f e d u r i n g p e r i o d s when a n i m a l s w i t h o u t f o o d v a l u e were b e i n g hunted t h a t e v e n t u a l l y bound the I n d i a n s c l o s e l y t o t h e p o s t s where t h e y t r a d e d . T r a p p i n g e f f e c t i v e l y s i g n a l e d t h e end t o e x p l o i t a t i o n o f the t o t a l environment. S p e c i a l i z e d knowledge o f a n i m a l b e h a v i o u r was s t i l l an i m p o r t a n t a d a p t i v e s t r a t e g y , but i t s emphasis s h i f t e d c o n s i d e r a b l y . Knowledge o f the h a b i t s o f f u r b e a r i n g a n i m a l s and t h e i r environment was now o f g r e a t e r importance t h a n a s i m i l a r knowledge o f l a r g e game a n i m a l s and f i s h . T h i s s h i f t o f emphasis and i t s commercial i m p l i c a t i o n s a l s o d i s t u r b e d the b a l a n c e d r e c i p r o c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e h u n t e r and h i s a n i m a l s p i r i t h e l p e r s , thus undermining a b a s i c aspect of the t r a d i t i o n a l r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f system.  - 97  -  D i d t h i s change a f f e c t l a n d - h o l d i n g p r a c t i c e s among the Dene o f the Mackenzie r e g i o n ?  Data t o answer t h i s  question  d i r e c t l y a r e not apparent e i t h e r i n t h e e t h n o g r a p h i c  record  o f i n the B e r g e r Commission t r a n s c r i p t s . However, Nelson's (1973:156-159 e s p e c i a l l y ) s t u d y  of  h u n t i n g , g a t h e r i n g , and t r a p p i n g among the Western K u t c h i n o f A l a s k a s u g g e s t s what l i k e l y happened elsewhere as t r a p p i n g i n creased i n importance.  Among t h e s e p e o p l e , t r a p l i n e s a r e  areas  i n w h i c h i n d i v i d u a l s o r f a m i l i e s have e x c l u s i v e r i g h t s t o a l l f u r - b e a r i n g a n i m a l s (and o n l y t o f u r - b e a r i n g a n i m a l s ) .  A trap-  l i n e i s a c i r c u i t o u s complex o f t r a i l s , p l u s s u r r o u n d i n g t o r y and b o d i e s o f w a t e r a l o n g t h e s e n t r a i l s .  terri-  T r a p l i n e s are  e s t a b l i s h e d by u s e , and i f l e f t unused f o r s e v e r a l y e a r s , be c l a i m e d by someone e l s e . c l e a r i n g or reopening  T r a p l i n e s a r e a c q u i r e d by  o t h e r persons* upon them;  (a)  t r a i l s , (b) r e c e i v i n g them by g i f t  i n h e r i t a n c e , and ( c ) by p u r c h a s i n g them.  may  or  People a v o i d u s i n g  t r a p l i n e s , even i f p o s s i b l e a v o i d i n g t r a v e l l i n g  t h e y do not s e t t r a p s on o t h e r p e r s o n s '  and t h e y do not s t e a l f u r s from one a n o t h e r ' s  traps.  traplines; Trap-  l i n e s a r e thus i n d i v i d u a l o r f a m i l y p r o p e r t y . S t a g e r (1974:40, 42)  d e s c r i b e s a s i m i l a r happening f o r  t h e Vunta K u t c h i n o f O l d Crow,  Y.T.:  T r a p p i n g i n t r o d u c e d and encouraged the concept o f i n d i v i d u a l e n t r e p r e n e u r s h i p , and p r o p e r t y . Granted t h a t t h e o l d c o r r a l s and f i s h t r a p s "belonged" t o c e r t a i n f a m i l i e s o r i n d i v i d u a l s and were handed down, but t h e r e was t h e n a s t r o n g s h a r i n g and c o o p e r a t i v e e t h i c i n K u t c h i n c u l t u r e . The b e g i n n i n g o f t r a d e by i n d i v i d u a l s r e q u i r e d i n d i v i d u a l t r a p l i n e s and t e r r i t o r i e s . The l o c a t i o n o f t r a p l i n e s v a r i e d from y e a r t o y e a r , so t h a t "ownership" o f an a r e a a p p l i e d t o the time t h a t a p e r s o n a c t u a l l y  - 98  -  t r a p p e d t h e r e . D e c i s i o n s as t o w h i c h t r a p p e r would o c cupy w h i c h a r e a seem t o have been e s t a b l i s h e d i n f o r m a l l y , e i t h e r t h r o u g h c o n v e r s a t i o n o r on a f i r s t - c o m e f i r s t s e r v e d b a s i s , o r by r e p e a t e d use so t h a t the "owner" of a l i n e was common knowledge. There was ah e s t a b l i s h e d code t h a t whoever b r e a k s t r a i l f i r s t had r i g h t t o t r a p t h a t t r a i l ; he c o u l d d e l e g a t e the use t o any p a r t o f his t r a i l . T h i s i s a l o g i c a l response t o t h e o p p o r t u n i t i e s by t h e f u r t r a d e , and paskan c u l t u r e . ^  provided  f i t s the i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c s i d e o f A t h a -  I t would a l s o be encouraged by the  Canadian  government's p r a c t i c e o f t r a p - l i n e r e g i s t r a t i o n , though t h i s does not come about u n t i l the mid-1940's. R i v e r K u t c h i n t r a p - l i n e r e g i s t r a t i o n was A f t e r 1947,  t r a p p i n g was  Thus among the introduced  in  Peel  1946.  p r o h i b i t e d by the government on  terri-  t o r y not r e g i s t e r e d i n t h e name o f the t r a p p e r o r h i s f a m i l y , or w i t h o u t the trapper's R e g i s t r a t i o n was  express permission  supposed t o p r o v i d e  1962:41).  a s t a t i s t i c a l basis f o r  a n a l y z i n g muskrat p r o d u c t i v i t y ( S t a g e r A f t e r 1946-47, and  (Slobodin  1974*50).  e a r l i e r i n some p l a c e s ,  the f u r t r a d e  d e c l i n e d as a major s o u r c e of income f o r t h e Dene, and government and country for  e x t r a c t i v e i n d u s t r y moved i n upon the  (Vanstone 1974:107;  Asch 1977:52).  t h e I n d i a n s were i n t r o d u c e d  i n d u s t r i e s which entered i t i e s t o the Indians. labour.  and  the country  The  enlarged.  The  imported  I n some p l a c e s , I n d i a n s  f i n d j o b s i n f i s h i n g , s m a l l - s c a l e l u m b e r i n g , and c o n s t r u c t i o n work.  had  neither  t o t a k e advantage o f such employ-  ment o p p o r t u n i t i e s as d i d a r i s e .  and  extractives  gave o n l y l i m i t e d o p p o r t u n -  f i r m s p r e f e r r e d t o use  nor the s k i l l s  north  Welfare services  I n most i n s t a n c e s , f u r t h e r m o r e , t h e I n d i a n s  the education  both  did  some m i n i n g  - 99 As t h e t r a p p i n g d e c l i n e d , t h e t r a d i n g p o s t became a comm e r c i a l s t o r e , s e l l i n g manufactured goods t o t h e I n d i a n s i n r e t u r n f o r cash. Nevertheless, t o be i m p o r t a n t  h u n t i n g , s f i s h i n g , and t r a p p i n g  continued  t o t h e l i v e l i h o o d o f t h e p e o p l e , f a r more i m -  p o r t a n t t h a n most White o b s e r v e r s  thought.  By t h e 1970's,  however, t h e " t r a d i t i o n a l " mode o f s u b s i s t e n c e was s e r i o u s l y threatened  by t h e i n c r e a s e i n p r o s p e c t i n g f o r o i l , by an e s -  p a n d i n g network o f r o a d s , by t h e p i p e l i n e p r o p o s a l s , and by the f u r t h e r resource  e x t r a c t i o n which these portended.  Accord-  i n g l y i n 1973 s i x t e e n c h i e f s r e p r e s e n t i n g t h e v a r i o u s Dene bands i n t h e Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s a p p l i e d t o l o d g e a c a v e a t w i t h t h e R e g i s t r a r o f (Land) T i t l e s c l a i m i n g a b o r i g i n a l t i t l e t o some 400,000 square m i l e s o f t h e Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s . sought t o f o r b i d t h e r e g i s t r a t i o n o f any t i t l e to the claim. Supreme C o u r t .  The c a v e a t  except s u b j e c t  The R e g i s t r a r r e f e r r e d t h e q u e s t i o n t o t h e N.W.T. The f e d e r a l government o b j e c t e d .  Mr J u s t i c e  Morrow o f t h a t c o u r t n e v e r t h e l e s s h e l d t h a t a prima f a c i e case was made o u t t h a t t h e Dene had a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s i n t h e l a n d , t h a t t h e s e r i g h t s c o n s t i t u t e d an i n t e r e s t w h i c h might be p r o t e c t e d by c a v e a t , and t h a t t h e R e g i s t r a r had t h e duty t o r e c o r d and  l o d g e t h i s caveat (Re P a u l e t t e e t a l . and R e g i s t r a r o f T i t l e s  (No._2) ( 1 9 7 3 ) ,  42 D.L.R. ( 3 d ) 8 ) . D u r i n g t h e p r o c e e d i n g s  v a r i o u s Dene t e s t i f i e d c o n c e r n i n g  the nature  o f t h e i r u s e and  occupancy o f t h e l a n d , and t h e judge's d e c i s i o n summarizes and quotes t h a t t e s t i m o n y .  Testimony was a l s o g i v e n by a n t h r o p o l o -  g i s t s M r s . B e r y l G i l l e s p i e and Dr. June Helm, and by F a t h e r Rene Fumoleau.  C o n c e r n i n g t r a d i t i o n a l i d e a s o f l a n d and l a n d - h o l d i n g ,  - 100 the testimony r e v e a l e d was  the l a n d - h o l d i n g  -  t h a t the band, i . e . the r e g i o n a l band,  e n t i t y , t h a t the people o f each band knew  what p l a c e s were p a r t of the t e r r i t o r y o f t h e i r band and what p a r t o f some other band's t e r r i t o r y , t h a t people other bands' areas but f e l t f r e e to cross s a r y , and  conversely  "respected"  i n t o them i f neces-  t h a t people allowed persons from  bands to come onto t h e i r t e r r i t o r y to hunt.  other  Dene " d i d not  s i d e r t h a t each o f them owned s m a l l p a r c e l s o f land to the c l u s i o n of others" Then i n 1974  came the Mackenzie V a l l e y P i p e l i n e g i v e n by Mr.  Inquiry.  Dene took the o p p o r t u n i t y  out  e s p e c i a l l y at the community hearings t h e i r claims to something of t h e i r way  ideas about the land and  the Whites came, and  J u s t i c e Berger to s e t  of l i f e on the land and  i t s dwellers.  on the f a c t s t h a t the Dene had used and  The  testimony  occupied  the their  focussed  the land  t h a t they were s t i l l u s i n g and  While the ways i n which they used i t were d e s c r i b e d ,  was  no d e s c r i p t i o n as such o f the ways i n which they h e l d The  t h r u s t o f the testimony was  wards, a g a i n s t the claims  and  pressures  before  occupying  it.  among themselves.  ex-  (Ibid.:14).  The  l a n d and  con-  there land  directed out-  of White s o c i e t y , r a t h e r  g than inwards, towards the a n a l y s i s o f Dene s o c i e t y . But  nonetheless some p r i n c i p l e s about land and  among the Dene can be (l) i v e l y , who use  e x t r a c t e d from the  land-tenure  testimonies:  Land belongs to the people, i n d i v i d u a l l y and l i v e on the land and who  t h a t l a n d and  collect-  t h e r e f o r e have the r i g h t  to c l a i m i t s products a c c o r d i n g l y .  to  Residence  - I d as a member o f t h e community o f p e o p l e l i v i n g on t h a t land confers the r i g h t t o use t h a t l a n d . ^ (2)  Land i s a w h o l e , i n c l u d i n g t h e e a r t h , t h e p l a n t s ,  the animals,  and even t h e p e o p l e who l i v e on i t .  o f a whole way o f l i f e , and s u p p o r t s  t h a t way o f l i f e .  t h i n k o f the land i s t o t h i n k of a l l these t h i n g s . is  life. (3)  I t i s a part To  Land i s f o o d  1 0  Going a l o n g w i t h t h i s wholeness o f l a n d , i s an e t h i c  of stewardship  o r p a r t n e r s h i p w i t h t h e l a n d and t h e a n i m a l s .  Though t h i s c e r t a i n l y does n o t p r e v e n t u s i n g t h e a n i m a l s and p l a n t s f o r human w e l l - b e i n g , t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between p e o p l e 11 and l a n d i s a m o r a l as w e l l as a t e c h n i c a l one. (4)  The m o r a l o r d e r b i n d i n g l a n d and p e o p l e , b i n d s t h e  people not only w i t h t h e i r land today, but both o f these w i t h 12 the ancestors (5)  o f t h e p e o p l e and w i t h f u t u r e  generations.  The p r o d u c t s o f t h e l a n d , e s p e c i a l l y f o o d , and a c c e s s  t o r e s o u r c e s , a r e t o be s h a r e d among t h e members o f t h e commun13 i t y , so t h a t no one may be i n want when a n o t h e r p e r s o n i s r i c h . ^ Thus i n 1975 t h e Dene o f t h e Mackenzie V a l l e y were f o l l o w i n g much t h e same i d e a s o f l a n d and l a n d - t e n u r e ancestors  still  as t h e i r  had f o l l o w e d when t h e W h i t e s f i r s t a r r i v e d .  At t h e r i s k o f some r e p e t i t i o n , l e t me now t r y t o sum up t h o s e i d e a s .  Land "belongs'  who l i v e on t h e l a n d .  1  t o t h e whole community o f p e o p l e  This "belonging"  b i l i t y o f b o t h s o v e r e i g n t y and p r o p e r t y .  has i n i t t h e p o s s i The community has  t h e r i g h t and power t o e x c l u d e from t h e l a n d persons who a r e n o t  - 102 members o f t h e community.  -  Any member o f the community has  r i g h t t o l i v e on t h e l a n d and t o use i t s r e s o u r c e s t o h i m s e l f / h e r s e l f and h i s / h e r dependents.  maintain  Membership i s r e c o g -  n i z e d by the community on t h e b a s i s o f k i n s h i p and  residence.  F a c i l i t i e s , such as c a r i b o u f e n c e s , w h i c h enhance t h e use t h e l a n d and i t s animals  the  of  and w h i c h r e q u i r e some c o o p e r a t i o n  t o b u i l d and m a i n t a i n , are under the c u s t o d i a n s h i p , as i t were, o f s p e c i f i c l e a d e r s o f t h e community, and the passage of t h i s c u s t o d i a n s h i p f o l l o w s the s u c c e s s i o n o f l e a d e r s h i p .  Traplines,  however, b e l o n g t o the i n d i v i d u a l t r a p p e r and h i s f a m i l y , and he has t h e r i g h t t o e x c l u d e o t h e r persons from h i s t r a p l i n e . These t r a p l i n e s , however, a r e o n l y f o r c a t c h i n g f u r - b e a r i n g a n i m a l s , whose p e l t s w i l l be s o l d t o t r a d e r s . a r e not a f f e c t e d by t h i s r u l e .  Food  animals  There i s a l s o a g e n e r a l  oblig-  a t i o n o f h o s p i t a l i t y , f o o d - s h a r i n g , and mutual a i d i n t i m e s  of  trouble. I f t h e c r i t e r i o n o f ownership o f l a n d be t a k e n t o be  the  r i g h t o r t h e power t o e x c l u d e o t h e r p e r s o n s from a c c e s s t o  and  use o f t h e l a n d , t h e n t h e Dene land-owner i s c l e a r l y the comm u n i t y , w i t h the i m p o r t a n t  p a r t i a l exception of t r a p l i n e s ,  which are i n d i v i d u a l or f a m i l y property.  What i n d i v i d u a l s pos-  s e s s i s t h e r i g h t t o c a t c h game f o r c l o t h i n g and f o o d and a p p r o p r i a t e o t h e r r e s o u r c e s f o r s h e l t e r and f u e l . l i n e s are o f t h i s k i n d :  Even t r a p -  what the t r a p p e r has i s not the l a n d ,  but t h e e x c l u s i v e r i g h t t o s e t t r a p s a l o n g t h e p a t h o f the trapline.  to  - 103  The  -  d a t a do not i n d i c a t e , i n t h i s system, a c l e a r d i s -  t i n c t i o n between ownership and p o s s e s s i o n r e g a r d i n g l a n d . G i v e n the freedom o f access t o r e s o u r c e s f o r community memb e r s , and the r e l a t i v e ease w i t h w h i c h members o f o t h e r comm u n i t i e s c o u l d e s t a b l i s h r e s i d e n c e i n t h e community, t h e r e perhaps no need t o develop  such a d i s t i n c t i o n .  Other c r i t e r i a of ownership, at l e a s t concerning are absent.  was  land,  N e i t h e r i n d i v i d u a l s nor the community were c o n s i d -  ered t o have the power t o a l i e n a t e the l a n d — d i d not a r i s e — ;  the  question  and t h e power t o l e a v e l a n d by w i l l does  not a p p l y t o t h e community, and d i d not e x i s t f o r i n d i v i d u a l s . F u r t h e r m o r e , the Dene d i d not have any i n t e n t i o n t o g i v e away t h e l a n d when they s i g n e d t h e T r e a t i e s . As Rene Fumoleau ([1973]*• 307)  has w r i t t e n ,  The I n d i a n d i d not see h i m s e l f as owner o f l a n d , nor 'as empowered t o bestow ownership on a n o t h e r . He c o n s i d e r e d t h a t t h e l a n d and i t s a n i m a l s , the w a t e r and i t s f i s h e s , were f o r h i s u s e . He would n e v e r r e f u s e t o share them, compelled by c o n v i c t i o n t o do s o . Nor d i d he c o n s i d e r t h a t the a c t o f s h a r i n g d e p r i v e d him o f h i s own r i g h t t o f r e e l y use t h e l a n d as he had p r e v i o u s l y done.  - 104 -  B Inuit The I n u i t o f t h e Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s b e l o n g t o t h r e e of the four ecological  types i n t o which the Danish e t h n o l o g i s t 1  K a i B i r k e t - S m i t h d i v i d e d t h e Eskimo. ^"  The H i g h A r c t i c  type,  r e p r e s e n t e d o n l y by t h e P o l a r I n u i t , depended upon sea-mammal h u n t i n g , £rom t h e i c e ( t h e y had l o s t t h e knowledge o f b o a t b u i l d i n g ) , w i t h b i r d - c o l l e c t i n g i n t h e s h o r t summer.  The A r c t i c  t y p e , r e p r e s e n t e d by most o f t h e o t h e r I n u i t i n Canada, depended c h i e f l y on sea-mammal h u n t i n g a l l y e a r round, from t h e i c e i n w i n t e r , from b o a t s i n summer.  1  The C a r i b o u I n u i t , d w e l l i n g i n -  l a n d on t h e t u n d r a o f Keewatin d i s t r i c t , depended on t h e c a r i bou f o r s u r v i v a l ; following  their interests  c l a s h e d w i t h t h e Chipewyan  t h e c a r i b o u onto t h e t u n d r a .  found i n South Greenland  The S u b a r c t i c t y p e ,  and s o u t h w e s t e r n  A l a s k a (no Canadian  r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s ) , depended c h i e f l y on sea-mammal h u n t i n g by means o f b o a t s . W i t h i n t h e s e f o u r g e n e r a l t y p e s , t h e r e were  variations.  F o r example, t h e N e t s i l i k who o c c u p i e d t h e n o r t h e r n p a r t o f K e e w a t i n d i s t r i c t used b o t h s e a l and c a r i b o u ;  the caribou  reached t h e N e t s i l i k c o u n t r y by m i d - A p r i l and d e p a r t e d i n S e p t ember.  The N e t s i l i k a l s o hunted musk-oxen and p o l a r b e a r s ,  and caught a l s o v a r i o u s k i n d s o f f i s h ( B a l i k c i  1970:xviii-xix).  The N e t s i l i k c o u l d hunt s e a l s o n l y from t h e i c e , and t h e r e f o r e o n l y i n w i n t e r ( B a l i k c i 1970:23).  - 105 H u n t i n g was  -  e x t e n s i v e , r a t h e r t h a n i n t e n s i v e , as t h e a n i -  mals tended t o be d i s p e r s e d o v e r the c o u n t r y . h u n t i n g and c o l l e c t i n g were done by i s o l a t e d O t h e r k i n d s r e q u i r e d teams.  Some k i n d s o f individuals.  B a l i k c i ' s (1970:127-128) summary  o f N e t s i l i k p r a c t i c e s i l l u s t r a t e s the v a r i e t y w h i c h c o u l d o c c u r : N e t s i l i k s u b s i s t e n c e a c t i v i t i e s may be c l a s s i f i e d by t h e e x t e n t and n a t u r e o f c o l l a b o r a t i o n they e n t a i l . F i r s t , o f c o u r s e , come the p u r e l y i n d i v i d u a l a c t i v i t i e s i n v o l v i n g t h e e f f o r t s o f an i s o l a t e d , s i n g l e i n d i v i d u a l : s t a l k i n g t h e s e a l i n s p r i n g , t r a p p i n g sea g u l l s , c o l l e c t i n g eggs, f i s h i n g f o r l a k e t r o u t , some bow-and-arrow c a r i bou h u n t i n g , e t c . Second, t h e r e a r e the non-simultaneous but s i m i l a r a c t i v i t i e s o f p e o p l e r e s i d i n g t o g e t h e r , f o r example, autumn f i s h i n g f o r salmon t r o u t t h r o u g h t h e r i v e r i c e . I n t h i s case an extended f a m i l y may camp t o g e t h e r and every a d u l t w i l l have a f i s h i n g h o l e . The men w i l l go back and f o r t h f i s h i n g whenever t h e y d e s i r e , and no c o - o r d i n a t i o n o f e f f o r t i s n e c e s s a r y . T h i r d a r e t h o s e a c t i v i t i e s i n v o l v i n g the c o - o p e r a t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l s i n a s y n c h r o n i z e d manner w i t h o u t any d i v i s i o n o f t a s k s . S t o n e - w e i r f i s h i n g r e q u i r e d a group e f f o r t t o b u i l d the dam, a s u b s t a n t i a l u n d e r t a k i n g . And i t was i m p e r a t i v e f o r a l l present to enter the c e n t r a l b a s i n simultaneously i n order to equalize f i s h i n g returns. Breathing-hole s e a l i n g . i n w i n t e r was a c o l l e c t i v e a c t i v i t y because o f the n e c e s s i t y to c o n t r o l simultaneously the l a r g e s t poss i b l e number o f b r e a t h i n g h o l e s . I n b o t h cases a l l the members o f t h e f i s h i n g o r h u n t i n g p a r t y performed e x a c t l y t h e same t a s k s s i m u l t a n e o u s l y . F o u r t h , a c t i v i t i e s r e q u i r i n g d i v i s i o n of l a b o r and c o o r d i n a t i o n . Such was t h e case o f c a r i b o u h u n t i n g from kayaks, where b e a t e r s d i r e c t e d t h e c a r i b o u toward a c r o s s i n g p o i n t i n the l a k e to be ambushed by k a y a k e r s , who d i d a l l the a c t u a l k i l l i n g . Land f o r the I n u i t was, and hunt o v e r .  and i s , a p l a c e t o l i v e  on  Weyer (1932:173), summing up the e a r l i e r  ethno-  g r a p h i e s , wrote: The Eskimos have v e r y l i t t l e c o n c e p t i o n o f ownership o f l a n d s i m p l y as l a n d . T h e i r i n t e r e s t , as i s t y p i c a l of hunting peoples, l i e s c h i e f l y i n the animals r a t h e r t h a n i n t e r r i t o r i e s a p a r t from t h e i r f a u n a l l i f e . Hence t h e i r l a n d laws a r e r e a l l y game l a w s .  - 106  -  Among t h e Copper I n u i t , l a n d belonged t o t h e community w h i c h u s e d i t as a h u n t i n g and f i s h i n g ground.  S t r a n g e r s were not  a l l o w e d t o hunt t h e r e u n l e s s t h e community a c c e p t e d them as members a t l e a s t t e m p o r a r i l y , and t h e y conformed t o t h e customs of t h e community. community was territory. belonged  Among t h e C a r i b o u I n u i t , no i n d i v i d u a l o r  supposed t o l a y c l a i m t o any p a r t i c u l a r h u n t i n g  Wood, s o a p s t o n e , and o t h e r m a t e r i a l s , l i k e game,  t o t h e p e r s o n who  T h i s a t t i t u d e was  f i r s t took p o s s e s s i o n o f them.  a l s o f o l l o w e d by t h e G r e e n l a n d Eskimo.  The  A l a s k a n Eskimo, on t h e o t h e r hand, sometimes r e g a r d e d t h e more p r o d u c t i v e p l a c e s as b e i n g p r i v a t e l y owned.  (Weyer 1932:174-5)  Weyer (1932:188) e x t r a c t e d t h r e e p r i n c i p l e s from t h e ethnographies: (1) H u n t i n g grounds, o r r a t h e r , t h e p r i v i l e g e o f h u n t i n g on them, i s a communal r i g h t , except i n r a t h e r r a r e i n stances . (2) The h u n t e r o r h u n t e r s almost always have t h e p r e f e r e n t i a l s h a r e i n t h e game s e c u r e d , but p a r t o f each c a t c h i s g e n e r a l l y d i v i d e d among t h e community o r among t h o s e present at the a p p o r t i o n i n g . (3) S t o r e d p r o v i s i o n s a r e n o r m a l l y t h e p r o p e r t y o f t h e f a m i l y o r household; but i n time o f s c a r c i t y t h e r i s a tendency towards communalism. H o s p i t a l i t y i s s t r e s s e d under a l l c i r c u m s t a n c e s . I n Weyer's (1932:189) o p i n i o n , i n t h i s p r o p e r t y  regime:  ... i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r e s t s r a t h e r t h a n group i n t e r e s t s a r e dominant. The group s e r v e s as an i n s u r a n c e o r g a n i z a t i o n , towards w h i c h thei« i s l i t t l e f e e l i n g o f r i g h t e o u s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , save i n t h a t k i n s h i p among i t s members makes t h e p r o s p e r i t y o f one member t h e concern o f a n o t h e r . F u n d a m e n t a l l y , i t i s not s o l i c i t u d e toward t h e group as a group t h a t prompts t h e i n d i v i d u a l t o f o r f e i t h i s p r e mium; r a t h e r i t i s t h e c o n v i c t i o n t h a t u n l e s s he does so he w i l l not d e r i v e t h e b e n e f i t s when h i s p e r s o n a l o r f a m i l y i n t e r e s t s are at stake.  - 107 Houses belonged t o f a m i l i e s o r t o heads o f f a m i l i e s , but o f t e n when t h e s e houses were no l o n g e r u s e d , p r o p e r t y r i g h t s i n them l a p s e d . longed t o i n d i v i d u a l s c o u l d be i n h e r i t e d The society  Tools, clothes,  (Weyer 1932:193-194).  objects be-  These l a t t e r  (Weyer 1932:201).  I n u i t went t h r o u g h s t a g e s o f c o n t a c t w i t h White  s i m i l a r t o t h e s t a g e s passed t h r o u g h by t h e Dene.  F i r s t came w h a l e r s and t r a d e r s , ally  ritual  policemen.  t h e n m i s s i o n a r i e s , and f i n -  The I n u i t became i n c r e a s i n g l y  dependent on  t h e f u r t r a d e , w h i c h c o l l a p s e d i n t h e 1940's l e a v i n g  the Inuit  in.i,a s t a t e o f d e s t i t u t i o n i n t h e 1950*s, and dependent on government w e l f a r e .  I n t h e 1950's, t h e government i n c r e a s e d i t s  c o n c e r n f o r t h e I n u i t , and i n c r e a s e d i t s p e n e t r a t i o n o f t h e ; north.  One move was t o e s t a b l i s h c o o p e r a t i v e s w h i c h would  produce a r t i f a c t s and a r t o b j e c t s f o r o u t s i d e m a r k e t s .  By  t h e 1970's t h e s e a r c h f o r p e t r o l e u m was r e a c h i n g t h e I n u i t country.  (Brody 1975:14-15, 2 1 - 3 1 )  1 5  No t r e a t i e s were s i g n e d by Canada w i t h any I n u i t . I n 1973 t h e I n u i t T a p i r i s a t o f Canada proposed t o t h e Minister  o f I n d i a n and N o r t h e r n A f f a i r s t h a t r e s e a r c h be done  t o produce "a comprehensive and v e r i f i a b l e r e c o r d o f I n u i t  land  use and occupancy i n t h e Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s o f Canada."  In  1976,  t h i s r e s e a r c h was p u b l i s h e d as t h e R e p o r t o f t h e I n u i t  Land Use and Occupancy P r o j e c t . munity o f I n u i t i n t h e N.W.T.  T h i s s t u d y covered  every com-  I t l i s t s t h e f a u n a hunted,  t r a p p e d , o r f i s h e d , t h e p l a c e s and seasons where and when fauna  - 108 are  -  caught, t h e changes from o l d e n t o modern t i m e s , and t h e  v a r i o u s t e r r i t o r i e s o c c u p i e d by t h e I n u i t .  The s t u d y i n c l u d e s  a s p e c i a l d i s c u s s i o n , by Hugh Brody, o f how t h e I n u i t p e r c e i v e d t h e i r occupation of the l a n d . Brody's o b s e r v a t i o n s a r e h i g h l y r e l e v a n t t o t h e p r e s e n t enquiry.  He notes t h a t t h r o u g h o u t t h e Canadian A r c t i c , t h e  I n u i t f o u g h t the I n d i a n s whenever t h e y found t h e s e l a t t e r on I n u i t hunting lands.  The I n u i t f e a r e d t h e I n d i a n s .  " T h i s one  s i m p l e f a c t e s t a b l i s h e s t h a t I n u i t d i d have a s t r o n g sense o f the  r i g h t o f occupancy, even though t h a t r i g h t was  enjoyed by  every Inuk and i t c r o s s e d every l o c a l c u l t u r a l boundary."  (Inuit  . . . P r o j e c t 1976:224) The I n u i t language d i s t i n g u i s h e s between r e s i d i n g , h a v i n g , and owning t h i n g s , i n c l u d i n g  using,  land:  There a r e two main ways o f a s k i n g where a p e r s o n i s from: "Nani n u n a g a r p i t ? " "Where do you have l a n d ? " and " N a n i r m i u t a u v i t ? " "Where a r e you o f ? " The key i n f i x i n t h e f i r s t case i s qaq, w h i c h means " h a v i n g i n one's p o s s e s s i o n " , though i t does not i m p l y a n y t h i n g as f o r c e f u l as o w n e r s h i p . A l t h o u g h n e i t h e r o f t h e "where do you l i v e " questions i s e x p l i c i t l y d i r e c t e d t o the i d e a of ownership, i t i s p o s s i b l e t o d i s c u s s ownership i n t h e I n u i t language. The word f o r owning i s n a n g m i n i q w h i c h , l i k e most I n u i t words, can be used i n b o t h v e r b a l and noun f o r m s . As a noun, i t t a k e s c o n v e n t i o n a l p o s s e s s i v e e n d i n g s : n a n g m i n i r a , my own, o r n a n g m i n i t , y o u r own, e t c . And i n i t s v e r b a l f o r m , i t can, l i k e a l l v e r b s , be c o n j u g a t e d : nanminiungi t u q , i t i s not my p r o p e r t y , o r nangminingitara» I do not own i t . t  Nangimiq i s opposed t o a t u q , merely u s i n g . A Pond I n l e t man, t a l k i n g about Q a l l u n a a t i n t h e A r c t i c , s a i d , "Nangminingitanga a t u r t u i i n a t a n g a " , "He doesn't own i t , he j u s t used i t . " When I n u i t ask, '.Whose a r e t h e s e ? " t h e y do so i n a way t h a t l e a v e s open t h e q u e s t i o n o f owners h i p . The form o f such q u e s t i o n s and answers i s — Q: " K i a ukka?" "Whose t h e s e ? " ; A: "Ukkua uvanga", "These  - 109 mine"; o r Q: " P u a a a l u r u u k k a t a k k u a ? , "My r o t t e n o l d gloves those?" Such q u e s t i o n s and answers do not i n c l u d e a v e r b a l r o o t t h a t i n d i c a t e any r e l a t i o n s h i p t o t h e o b j e c t s . They suggest a tendency toward n o n - d e s i g n a t i o n o f owners h i p . But t h i s tendency i s n o t , c o n t r a r y t o w i d e s p r e a d b e l i e f , a r e s u l t o f t h e r e b e i n g no sense o f ownership among t h e I n u i t . Here t h e term nangminiq has i t s p l a c e . A s s e r t i o n o f ownership i s l i k e l y t o a r i s e when t h e r i g h t s o f ownership a r e n o t b e i n g r e s p e c t e d , o r when t h e b e n e f i t s o f ownership a r e t h r e a t e n e d . ( I n u i t • . . P r o j e c t 1976: 1:234 Thus t h e I n u i t do have an i d e a o f o w n e r s h i p , and words t o express that idea.  That i d e a was u s u a l l y a p p l i e d t o p e r s o n a l  but c o u l d be a p p l i e d t o l a n d .  goods,  A b o r i g i n a l l y , the idea of land  ownership d i d n o t a r i s e v e r y o f t e n , because t h o s e r i g h t s were customarily respected.  But t o d a y , f a c e d w i t h t h e l o s s o f t h e i r  l a n d t o t h e W h i t e s o r Qallunaat« t h e i d e a t h a t t h e I n u i t own t h e i r l a n d has come c l e a r l y t o t h e f o r e . The  I n u i t sense o f i d e n t i t y b o t h as a p e o p l e and as i n d i -  v i d u a l p e r s o n s i s bound up w i t h t h e i r f e e l i n g f o r t h e l a n d , f o r h u n t i n g as a way o f l i f e , and f o r I n u i t t r a d i t i o n a l customs. As w i t h t h e Dene, though w i t h a d i f f e r e n t s t y l e and f l a v o u r , t h e l a n d and t h e p e o p l e a r e t o t h e I n u i t i n d i v i s i b l e .  Separate  them, o r d e s t r o y t h e l a n d , and t h e I n u i t d i e . I n summary, l a n d among t h e I n u i t b e l o n g s t o t h e community whose members make use o f t h e r e s o u r c e s , on o r i n t h a t l a n d .  The community c o n s i s t s o f t h e p e o p l e who  d w e l l on t h e l a n d and use i t . appropriated,  Once a r e s o u r c e  i s caught o r  i t becomes t h e p r o p e r t y o f t h e p e r s o n who has  so caught o r a p p r o p r i a t e d . t h i s resource  e s p e c i a l l y game, found  But t h e r e i s an o b l i g a t i o n t o share  among t h e members o f t h e community.  As Weyer  w r o t e , t h e l a n d laws o f t h e I n u i t a r e b a s i c a l l y game l a w s .  - 110 -  c A Summary L e t us now, i n c o n c l u s i o n t o t h i s c h a p t e r , apply t h e s e t o f s i x c l a s s e s o f l a n d - r i g h t s d i s t i n g u i s h e d by Crocombe 5-7) and quoted i n c h a p t e r I I , s e c t i o n C, o f t h e p r e s e n t to land-tenure (1)  (1974: enquiry  among t h e Dene and I n u i t .  Use-rights:  among the Dene and I n u i t b o t h , r i g h t s  t o use t h e f a u n a and f l o r a o f t h e community's l a n d f o r f o o d , c l o t h i n g , and s h e l t e r f o r o n e s e l f and one's f a m i l y were t o members o f t h e community.  granted  A member o f t h e community was any-  one who had r e s i d e d t h e r e l o n g enough t o be a c c e p t e d as a member. V i s i t o r s had a s i m i l a r g u e s t - r i g h t , p r o v i d e d t h e y were a c c e p t e d as such by some member o f t h e community.  K i n s f o l k o f members  were r e a d i l y a c c e p t e d as welcome v i s i t o r s and e a s i l y became members. (2)  R i g h t s o f " i n d i r e c t " economic g a i n , e.g. t r i b u t e and  r e n t : t h i s c a t e g o r y was not a p p l i c a b l e i n a b o r i g i n a l t i m e s , and  i s not p a r t o f t r a d i t i o n a l i d e a s .  But i n modern c o n d i t i o n s ,  Dene and I n u i t a r e p r e p a r e d t o argue t h a t r o y a l t i e s from  resource-  e x p l o i t a t i o n by m i n i n g companies, o i l companies, and so on, s h o u l d be p a i d t o t h e communities w h i c h i n Dene and I n u i t i d e a s own t h e l a n d . (3)  Control rights:  whose l e a d e r s , w i t h p o p u l a r  t h e s e were h e l d by t h e community, support,  c o u l d deny a c c e s s t o persons  f r o m o u t s i d e t h e community, and sometimes (among t h e Dene) def i n e d c e r t a i n a r e a s as r e s e r v e s  closed to hunting.  I l l  -  (4)  -  Rights of t r a n s f e r :  u s e - r i g h t s were n o t t r a n s f e r r e d ,  b e i n g a c q u i r e d by r e s i d e n c e ( a s member o r g u e s t ) i n t h e community.  C h i l d r e n a c q u i r e d them by b e i n g b o r n t o members o f t h e  community; ents.  t h e y d i d not a c t u a l l y i n h e r i t them from t h e i r  par-  Only t h e community c o u l d a l i e n a t e l a n d , and a l i e n a t i o n  was not an i m p o r t a n t a b o r i g i n a l c o n c e r n .  Rights to t r a p l i n e s ,  a p o s t - c o n t a c t phenomenon, c o u l d on t h e o t h e r hand be t r a n s f e r r e d by g i f t , p u r c h a s e , o r i n h e r i t a n c e . (5)  Residual rights:  t h i s c a t e g o r y was n o t r e a l l y ap-  plicable i n aboriginal conditions.  I f such r i g h t s had had t o  be r e c o g n i z e d , t h e community would presumably have been t h e holder. (6)  Symbolic  r i g h t s or r i g h t s of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n :  were n o t d e s c r i b e d i n my  sources.  these  - 112  -  Notes t o C h a p t e r I I I Compare summary statement i n D r i v e r (1964:250-251): I n t h e M a c k e n z i e S u b - A r c t i c most t e r r i t o r i a l r i g h t s were c o n t r o o l e d by l o o s e and f l u i d bands r a t h e r t h a n by i n d i v i d u a l s o r f a m i l i e s . The k i n s h i p s t r u c t u r e o f t h e s e bands f o l l o w e d no r e g u l a r p a t t e r n and t h e y seem t o have i n c l u d e d members from a number o f u n r e l a t e d f a m i l i e s . Trap l i n e s , however, were owned and o p e r a t e d by i n d i v i d u a l s and f a m i l i e s i n the western p a r t of the area. T h i s k i n d o f p r o p e r t y system i s d e s c r i b e d c l e a r l y by Guedon (1974:52, 129, 140, 147, 149) f o r t h e Upper Tanana o f T e i t l i n , i n west c e n t r a l A l a s k a .  Here t h e band u s u a l l y  l i v e d i n i t s own t e r r i t o r y , b u t was n o t bound t o i t . B o u n d a r i e s between band t e r r i t o r i e s were n o t permanently fixed.  T e r r i t o r i e s were not e x c l u s i v e , f o r band members  o n l y , b u t t h e d w e l l e r s t h e r o n had some r i g h t t o l i m i t others. had k i n .  A p e r s o n c o u l d move f r e e l y w h e r e v e r he o r she S h a r i n g and h o s p i t a l i t y were h i g h l y v a l u e d .  V i l l a g e s were meeting p l a c e s f o r t h e p e o p l e o f t h e band. Each v i l l a g e was l i n k e d t o a h i l l w h i c h s t o o d as a l a n d mark as w e l l as symbol.  There was o n l y one such  per v i l l a g e , whether t h i s " h i l l " hill,  o r even j u s t a r i v e r bank.  hill  was a mountain, a s m a l l A p e r s o n c o u l d hunt  anywhere w i t h i n t h e l i m i t o f h i s band's t e r r i t o r y .  On  a n o t h e r band's t e r r i t o r y , one had t o go w i t h someone b e l o n g i n g t o t h a t band.  P e o p l e might r e s i d e f o r a l o n g  t i m e i n a g i v e n v i l l a g e , b u t were e x p e c t e d t o remember t h e v i l l a g e where t h e y were r a i s e d " o r where t h e i r p a r e n t s  - 113  -  came f r o m . The people o f T e i t l i n are o u t s i d e the  territories  o f t h e Dene of t h e N.W.T,, and are t o the w e s t , where p r o p e r t y seems t o have been a g r e a t e r c o n c e r n and where p r o p e r t y r i g h t s were more s p e c i f i c a l l y demarcated. U n l e s s my memory m i s l e a d s me B i r k e t - S m i t h i n The  (as w e l l i t m i g h t ) ,  Kai  Eskimos ( n o t e 14 below) says t h a t  Dene and I n u i t fought o v e r access t o l a n d and  caribou  and t h e use o f c a r i b o u f e n c e s , such f i g h t i n g t a k i n g p l a c e i f the two p e o p l e s s h o u l d happen t o meet d u r i n g t h e i r seasonal  rounds.  Dr. I r v i n g , d e s c r i b i n g h i s r e s e a r c h i n t o the  prehistoric  way  o f l i f e o f the a n c e s t o r s of t h e p e o p l e o f O l d Crow,  was  t e s t i f y i n g a t t h e f o r m a l h e a r i n g s o f the B e r g e r Com-  mission i n Yellowknife. pp. F23052-23053»  q u o t a t i o n i s from T r a n s c r i p t s  I r v i n g ' s complete t e s t i m o n y  pages F23042-23081. concerning  The  The  occupies  passage c i t e d i s the o n l y passage  n a t i v e I n d i a n and I n u i t t r a d i t i o n a l  land-tenure  p r a c t i c e s w h i c h can be r e t r i e v e d from the f o r m a l u s i n g the i n d e x p r o v i d e d . land-tenure  The  i n f o r m a t i o n indexed  and l a n d - u s e m o s t l y  tenure or land-tenure  hearings under  concerns Canadian l a n d -  i n o t h e r p a r t s o f the  The Y e l l o w k n i f e group has s i n c e  world.  disappeared.  Guedon (1974:129), r e f e r r i n g t o t h e Upper Tanana i n A l a s k a n o t e d t h a t t h e r e the o l d b a l a n c e  between s t r o n g  individ-  u a l i s m and t h e f e e l i n g o f s o l i d a r i t y w i t h i n t h e community had been l o s t .  I n d i v i d u a l i s m was  accentuated  by  new  - 114 h u n t i n g weapons and by t h e cash economy. (p. 7  Nonetheless  1 4 0 ) , s h a r i n g and h o s p i t a l i t y remain h i g h l y v a l u e d .  S l o b o d i n (1962:36) d a t e s what he c a l l s t h e Musk-Rat P e r i o d o f P e e l R i v e r K u t c h i n h i s t o r y from 1917 t o 1947.  8  T r a n s c r i p t s o f Mackenzie V a l l e y P i p e l i n e I n q u i r y H e a r i n g s , h e n c e f o r t h i n t h e s e notes c i t e d s i m p l y as T r a n s c r i p t s . The community h e a r i n g s a r e c o n t a i n e d i n volumes C I to  C77.  S i n c e p a g i n a t i o n i s c o n t i n u o u s from volume t o  volume, c i t a t i o n s w i l l be by page number o n l y , prededed by t h e c a p i t a l l e t t e r C, t h u s : T r a n s c r i p t s , p. C886 Since p a g i n a t i o n i s continuous a l s o f o r the formal h e a r i n g s , c i t a t i o n s from the f o r m a l hearings w i l l a l s o be by page number o n l y , t h u s : T r a n s c r i p t s , p. F21917 There i s _ an i n d e x .  But u s i n g t h e i n d e x ( a s a l r e a d y  remarked i n note 4, above), one can r e t r i e v e o n l y one passage c o n c e r n i n g t r a d i t i o n a l I n d i a n and I n u i t l a n d tenure. 9  The f u l l l i s t o f s p e c i f i c t e s t i m o n i e s f o r t h i s  principle  from t h e f i r s t t h i r t e e n volumes o f t h e community h e a r i n g s , i s as f o l l o w s : (The p e o p l e , meaning t h e whole community and i t s l e a d e r s ) " . . . a r e t h e owners o f t h e l a n d and t h a t what t h e y d e c i d e s h o u l d happen on t h e l a n d . " Joe Naedzo, a t F o r t F r a n k l i n , 24 June 1975, T r a n s c r i p t s , p. C605  "He says t h e n a t i v e people a r e on t h i s l a n d b e f o r e t h e whitemen came by r i g h t , and when we say we own t h i s l a n d , he says i t s ours becouse we're t h e f i r s t one t h a t was here b e f o r e t h e w h i t e man." W i l l i a m M a r t e l , a t New I n d i a n V i l l a g e , Hay R i v e r , 30 May 1975, T r a n s c r i p t s , pp. C510-511  - 115 -  "We were b o r n i n one w o r l d . The A l m i g h t y d i d not b u i l d t h i s w o r l d t o f i g h t o v e r i t . I don't t h i n k i t i s f a i r f o r e i t h e r o f us t o s a y i t i s y o u r l a n d o r my l a n d because nobody owns i t . " L o u i s B l o n d o n , a t F o r t Norman, 2 7 June 1 9 7 5 , T r a n s c r i p t s , p.  C967.  A f u l l l i s t of s p e c i f i c testimonies f o r t h i s  principle,  from t h e f i r s t t h i r t e e n volumes o f t h e community  hearings,  i s as f o l l o w s : " N a t i v e p e o p l e f i n d meaning i n t h e l a n d , and t h e y need i t and they l o v e i t . They l o v e n o t o n l y the l a n d b u t t h e t h i n g s God p u t on i t . . . . I n t h e w i n t e r you see f l o w e r s , t r e e s , r i v e r s and streams covered w i t h snow and f r o z e n . I n t h e s p r i n g i t a l l comes back t o l i f e . T h i s has a s t r o n g meaning f o r my p e o p l e and me, and we need i t . " Ray S o n f e r e , a t New I n d i a n V i l l a g e , Hay R i v e r , 30 May 1 9 7 5 , T r a n s c r i p t s , p. C 5 5 2 .  ". . .When they r e f e r t o f o o d , i t means t h e l a n d . " Joe Naedzo, a t F o r t F r a n k l i n , 24 June 1 9 7 5 , Transcripts,  p. C 6 0 4  "My f a t h e r r e a l l y l o v e d h i s l a n d and he says t h a t we t o o l o v e d o u r l a n d . The g r a s s and t h e t r e e s are o u r f l e s h , t h e a n i m a l s a r e o u r f l e s h . He s a y s we do n o t have any money, we w i l l n e v e r be r i c h , but t h e a n i m a l s t h a t e a t o f f t h e g r a s s , t h e a n i m a l s t h a t e a t o f f t h e b i r c h e s and t h e b a r k s and s t u f f l i k e t h a t , t h a t we l i v e o f f . . . . " Suza Touchou, a t F o r t F r a n k l i n , 25 June 1975, T r a n s c r i p t s , p. C684» " T h i s l a n d i s o u r b l o o d . We were b o r n and r a i s e d on i t . We l i v e and s u r v i v e by i t . " J o e B i s t a p e , a t F o r t F r a n k l i n , 25 June 1 9 7 5 , T r a n s c r i p t s , p. C 7 6 l "We c a l l t h i s l a n d o u r grub." F r e d Wido, a t B r a c k e t t Lake, 26 June 1975, T r a n s c r i p t s , p. C855. " T h i s l a n d i s y o u r food bank. . . . " T e r r y Blond a t W i l l o w L a k e , 26 June 1975, T r a n s c r i p t s , p. C867 The l a n d i s compared t o a bank. The I n d i a n s go t o t h e l a n d t o g e t f o o d , j u s t as t h e w h i t e p e o p l e go t o t h e bank t o g e t money. V a r i o u s p e o p l e , T r a n s c r i p t s , pp. C 8 9 1 C 9 5 2 , C 9 9 0 , C 1 1 2 9 , CI263. f  - 116  -  "To the I n d i a n p e o p l e our l a n d r e a l l y i s our l i f e . W i t h o u t our l a n d we cannot o r we c o u l d no l o n g e r e x i s t as p e o p l e , " R i c h a r d Nerysoo, a t F o r t McPherson, 10 J u l y , 19-75* T r a n s c r i p t s , p. C11&4. "Why we t a l k about t h e l a n d so much i s because we can grow more a n i m a l s , " C h a r l e s Koe, a t F o r t McPherson, 10 J u l y 1975, T r a n s c r i p t s , p. C1236. "Here, we. t o o , t h e Crow F l a t , i s j u s t l i k e a farm o r a l a n d t h a t we own, where we can go and make a l i v i n g from," John Moses, a t O l d Crow, Y.T., 11 J u l y 1975, T r a n s c r i p t s , p. C1337 A f u l l l i s t of s p e c i f i c testimonies f o r t h i s  principle,  from t h e f i r s t t h i r t e e n volumes o f t h e community  hearings,  i s as f o l l o w s : P a r t s o f the c o u n t r y s i d e were s e t a s i d e as game r e s e r v e s where t h e r e would be no h u n t i n g o r t r a p p i n g . C h i e f T. Somfere, a t New I n d i a n V i l l a g e , Hay R i v e r , 30 May 1975, T r a n s c r i p t s , pp. C522-523. The woods were t h e I n d i a n s * f u e l , and the I n d i a n s d i d n ' t have t o d e s t r o y t h e woods. J i m L a m a l i c e , a t New I n d i a n V i l l a g e , Hay R i v e r , 30 May 1975, T r a n s c r i p t s , P.C565.  "... you must always keep y o u r food good. I f you t r e a t y o u r f o o d good, t h e f o o d i n r e t u r n w i l l t r e a t you good. . . . When they r e f e r t o f o o d , i t means the l a n d . . . . Whatever t h e a n i m a l s e a t , the b r u s h e s , the bushes, the mud, a n y t h i n g t h a t the a n i m a l e a t s , t h e y t h e m s e l v e s eat of i t t o o . Like i t i s a s o r t o f c y c l e . . . . always keep y o u r f o o d good. P r o t e c t i t from any f i r e s t h a t might o c c u r . Because the f i r e s d e s t r o y s t h e f o o d f o r t h e a n i m a l , and t h e r e f o r e you wouldn't have anyaanimals t o f e e d off." Joe Naedzo, a t F o r t F r a n k l i n , 24 June 1975, T r a n s c r i p t s , pp. C604-605 The o l d p e o p l e passed on the words, " i f you keep y o u r l a n d good, t h e l a n d w i l l t r e a t you good." Joe Naedzo, T r a n s c r i p t s , p. C64I "... r e s p e c t the l a n d . . . . " Lucy V a n e l t s i , a t F o r t McPherson, 10 J u l y 1975, T r a n s c r i p t s , p. C1154.  - 117  -  "Being an I n d i a n means b e i n g a b l e t o u n d e r s t a n d and l i v e w i t h t h i s w o r l d i n a v e r y s p e c i a l way. It means l i v i n g w i t h the l a n d , w i t h the a n i m a l s , b i r d s and f i s h as though they were y o u r s i s t e r s and b r o t h ers. I t means s a y i n g the l a n d i s an o l d f r i e n d and an o l d f r i e n d t h a t y o u r f a t h e r knew, y o u r g r a n d f a t h e r knew, indeed y o u r p e o p l e have always known." R i c h a r d Nerysoo, a t F o r t McPherson, 10 J u l y 1975» T r a n s c r i p t s , p. C1183. "We w i l l always see o u r s e l v e s as p a r t o f R i c h a r d Nerysoo, T r a n s c r i p t s , p. C1188  nature."  "We l o v e our l a n d , because l o n g b e f o r e u s , f o r many y e a r s , our a n c e s t o r s they have been l i v i n g on t h i s l a n d and made t h e i r l i v i n g on t h i s l a n d and t h a t i s t h e reason why we t a l k so much about our l a n d nowa-days." C h a r l i e A b e l , a t O l d Crow, Y.T., 11 J u l y 1975, T r a n s c r i p t s , p. C1331. The  d i s t i n c t i o n between m o r a l and t e c h n i c a l o r d e r s i s , of  c o u r s e , from R e d f i e l d (1957:20-21). A f u l l l i s t of s p e c i f i c testimonies f o r t h i s  principle,  from the f i r s t t h i r t e e n volumes o f the community h e a r i n g s , i s as f o l l o w s : "We have l i k e , our f a t h e r s have h e l p e d us s u r v i v e u n t i l t o d a y . Then we must i n t u r n h e l p our c h i l d r e n f o r t h e f u t u r e . " Joe Bayah, a t F o r t F r a n k l i n , 24 June 1975, T r a n s c r i p t s , p. C657. When the p e o p l e go out f i s h i n g , h u n t i n g , t r a p p i n g , "we don't t r y and c l e a n t h e c o u n t r y , we always leave [a] l i t t l e f o r next year. . . . " We want t o keep the l a n d u n d e s t r o y e d f o r f u t u r e g e n e r a t i o n s . C h i e f John C h a r l i e , a t F o r t McPherson, 8 J u l y 1975, T r a n s c r i p t s , p. C990. "For thousands o f y e a r s , we have l i v e d w i t h the l a n d , we have t a k e n care o f t h e l a n d , and the l a n d has t a k e n care o f u s . . . .We have l i v e d w i t h the l a n d , not t r i e d t o conquer o r c o n t r o l i t , o r rob i t o f i t s r i c h e s . That i s not our way. . . . We have been s a t i s f i e d t o see our w e a l t h as o u r s e l v e s and t h e l a n d we l i v e w i t h . I t i s our g r e a t e s t w i s h t o be a b l e t o pass t h i s on, t h i s l a n d t o s u c c e e d i n g gene r a t i o n s i n the same c o n d i t i o n t h a t our f a t h e r s have g i v e n i t t o u s . We d i d not t r y t o improve the l a n d and we d i d not t r y t o d e s t r o y i t . That i s not our way." P h i l l i p B l a k e , a t F o r t Mcpherson, 9 J u l y 1975, T r a n s c r i p t s , pp. C I O 8 4 - 8 5 .  - 118 A f u l l l i s t of s p e c i f i c testimonies f o r t h i s  principle,  from t h e f i r s t t h i r t e e n volumes o f t h e community h e a r i n g s , i s as f o l l o w s : Food i s shared among t h e community, w i t h t h o s e i n need. R o s i e S a v i , a t F o r t F r a n k l i n , 24 June 1975, T r a n s c r i p t s , p. C6l4. "He says when you go t o a d i f f e r e n t community t h e n a t i v e p e o p l e there r e c e i v e you and t h e y r e a l l y welcome y o u . They g i v e you t e a and t h e g i v e you f o o d . . . ." Suza Touchou, a t F o r t F r a n k l i n , 25 June 1975, T r a n s c r i p t s , p. C684.  o  H o s p i t a l i t y i s p r a c t i c e d among a l l t h e n a t i v e p e o p l e o f t h e n o r t h . T h i s was t a u g h t by t h e a n c e s t o r s . J o e Naedzo, a t F o r t F r a n k l i n , 2 6 June 1975, T r a n s c r i p t s , pp. C810-811. " I n them days p e o p l e used t o go a l l o v e r wheree v e r they know t h e r i s c a r i b o u and t h e y go a l l over t h e c o u n t r y l i v i n g o f f t h e l a n d . " C h i e f Johnny Kay, a t F o r t McPherson, 8 J u l y 1975, T r a n s c r i p t s , p. C1008.  Kai  B i r k e t - S m i t h , The Eskimo.  S i n c e t h e book i s n o t p r e s -  e n t l y a v a i l a b l e t o me, I cannot g i v e p u b l i c a t i o n d a t a ; and my account i s g i v e n from memory. On c o o p e r a t i v e s , P a t e r s o n  (1976:49) w r o t e :  The f i r s t attempt t o a s s e s s t h e economic s i t u a t i o n o f t h e Canadian I n u i t , w i t h d e c l i n i n g f u r f o x p o p u l a t i o n and low market p r i c e s , was i n 1946. The r e p o r t proposed ( a ) t o a s s i m i l a t e t h e I n u i t where t h e y l i v e d c l o s e t o w h i t e s e t t l e m e n t s , ( b ) where game was abundant, t o encourage t h e I n u i t t o c o n t i n u e t h e i r o l d h u n t i n g and t r a p p i n g e x i s t e n c e , and ( c ) where l o c a l r e s o u r c e s were i n s u f f i c i e n t , t o r e s e t t l e t h e I n u i t i n areas where game was more abundsant. Brody (1975) d e s c r i b e s p r e s e n t - d a y White and I n u i t s o c i e t i e s i n the North. I n u i t Land Use and Occupancy P r o j e c t (1976), 3 v o l s . ,  - 119  -  h e n c e f o r t h r e f e r r e d to as I n u i t The  * . . Project  (1976).  study of I n u i t p e r c e p t i o n of l a n d i s Hugh Brody,  "Land Occupancy: pp.185-242.  Inuit Perceptions," i n v o l .  one,  - 120 -  IV IDEAS OF LAND AND LAND-TENURE IN CANADIAN LAW  A Contexts The method s e t out i n t h e f i r s t c h a p t e r o f t h e p r e s e n t e n q u i r y proposes t h a t i n d i s p l a y i n g t h e i d e a s o f l a n d and o f land-tenure responding  o f a s o c i e t y i n o r d e r t o compare them w i t h t h e c o r ideas i n another,  one s h o u l d b e g i n w i t h a s k e t c h o f  the c u l t u r a l ecology o f t h e s o c i e t y .  That s k e t c h b e g i n s  with  the environment and r e s o u r c e s used by t h e p e o p l e , and t h e n p r o ceeds t o t h e i r t e c h n i q u e s  and work o r g a n i z a t i o n and f i n a l l y  t o t h e r e l e v a n t p a r t s o f t h e i r s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and w o r l d view.  Such a s k e t c h was e a s i l y enough done f o r t h e Dene and  the I n u i t .  Their societies  aboriginally  depended upon h u n t i n g  and f i s h i n g and g a t h e r i n g from t h e immediate l o c a l environments o f t h e communities o f p e o p l e , d i d n o t depend upon t r a d e , and d i d n o t have a l o n g c h a i n o f a c t i v i t i e s m e d i a t i n g  between t h e  raw m a t e r i a l and t h e f i n a l good t o be consumed o r enjoyed by the people.  The coming o f t h e f u r - t r a d e and l a t e r o f wage  l a b o u r and w e l f a r e s e r v i c e s and t h e c o o p e r a t i v e s added t o t h i s a b o r i g i n a l system ( i n t h e main) r a t h e r t h a n e n t i r e l y it:  displacing  t h e people were drawn i n t o t h e economic system o f Canada  and became a s u b o r d i n a t e p a r t t h e r e o f , b u t d i d n o t g i v e up t h e i r f o r m e r mode o f s u b s i s t e n c e .  A l l t h i s c o u l d be r e l a t i v e l y  - 121 simply described.  -  But t o s k e t c h the c u l t u r a l ecology o f Canada  would a t f i r s t g l a n c e seem a much d i f f e r e n t t a s k . s o c i e t y i s p a r t o f a w o r l d - w i d e system.  Canadian  L o c a l communities i n  Canada do not depend f o r t h e i r s u b s i s t e n c e merely on l o c a l r e s o u r c e s , but must i n t e r a c t w i t h o t h e r communities b o t h i n s i d e and o u t s i d e Canada.  O r g a n i z a t i o n spans the c o u n t r y , and  there  i s a complex economic d i v i s i o n of l a b o u r as w e l l as a complex s t r u c t u r e of government q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from the s o c i e t i e s of the Dene and I n u i t . munity was  Among the Dene and I n u i t , one  much t h e same as a n o t h e r .  l o c a l com-  I n Canada, l o c a l commun-  i t i e s d i f f e r i n s i z e from s m a l l camps t o l a r g e m e t r o p o l i s e s . To d e s c r i b e t h i s s i m p l y might seem an i m p o s s i b l e  task.  Upon a second l o o k , however, the c u l t u r a l ecology t u r n s out t o be r e l a t i v e l y s i m p l e . i s r e a l , but may e t y may  The  of Canada  c o m p l e x i t y o f the system  s t i l l be s i m p l y c h a r a c t e r i z e d . . Canadian s o c i -  be l a r g e l y u n d e r s t o o d from a c u l t u r a l e c o l o g i c a l v i e w -  p o i n t as a system f o r e x t r a c t i n g p r i m a r y  resources,  processing  them i n a p r e l i m i n a r y manner, and s e l l i n g the r e s u l t s o f the processes  o u t s i d e the s o c i e t y .  I n r e t u r n f o r the goods  exported,  goods a r e imported w h i c h are e s s e n t i a l t o the c o n t i n u a t i o n o f t h e system, o r w h i c h can be used t o expand t h e system, o r w h i c h meet o t h e r wants o f t h e p e o p l e . l i v e o f f a process  The p e o p l e , t h a t i s t o  of c o n v e r t i n g Canadian  land-as-the-resource-  f a c t o r - i n - p r o d u c t i o n and d i s p a t c h i n g those r e s o u r c e s the l a n d - a s - t e r r i t o r y .  say,  outside  Energy, drawn from the l a n d i t s e l f  h y d r o e l e c t r i c i t y , p e t r o l e u m , n a t u r a l gas, c o a l , wood, and  as animal  - 122 and v e g e t a b l e c a l o r i e s ( i . e .  -  f o o d ) , o r imported as  petroleum  and f o o d , i s used t o power and m a i n t a i n the humans, machines, and t e c h n i c a l o p e r a t i o n s w h i c h t r a n s f o r m t h e raw m a t e r i a l s o f a n i m a l s ( f u r , h i d e s , bones, meat, m i l k ) , f i s h , wheat and  other  a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t s , s o i l (used up i n a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n , w a t e r (used i n f o o d p r o d u c t i o n and a l s o as an  industrial  m a t e r i a l , t r e e s ( l u m b e r i n g b e i n g Canada's most widespread i n d u s t r y ) , and m i n e r a l s ( i n c l u d i n g not o n l y m e t a l s and  industrial  m a t e r i a l s such as s u l p h u r and p o t a s h but a l s o p e t r o l e u m  (source  o f b o t h f u e l s and m a t e r i a l s f o r p l a s t i c s ) and uranium) i n t o p r o d u c t s some o f w h i c h w i l l be used t o m a i n t a i n the system d i r e c t l y ( e . g . b e i n g eaten by Canadians) but a s i g n i f i c a n t amount of which i s s o l d ( l a r g e l y —  some i s g i v e n i n a i d ) abroad i n  Europe ( i n c l u d i n g U.K.), t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s , and, eastern A s i a .  increasingly,  Some o f the machinery used t o e x t r a c t and  t h e s e r e s o u r c e s i s made i n Canada;  process  much t h a t i s e s s e n t i a l , how-  e v e r , i s made o u t s i d e and i m p o r t e d .  Though the system and  pro-  cesses w h i c h I s k e t c h here c e r t a i n l y do not exhaust what goes on i n Canada, they have stamped themselves  so much on Canada  as t o g i v e i t a major p a r t o f i t s d i s t i n c t i v e That s t r u c t u r e may  f i r s t be seen i n the c u l t u r a l and  nomic geography o f Canada ( e . g . T a y l o r 1950; Sametz 1965;  structure.  Putnam and Putnam 1979;  Camu, Weeks, and  Horwood 1966,  for  a l s o see C a r t o g r a p h i c Department o f the C l a r e n d o n P r e s s esp. pp 7 6 f f ) .  eco-  B.C.; 1967,  The l a r g e s t p o p u l a t i o n c e n t r e i n Canada i s  the S t . Lawrence l o w l a n d , r u n n i n g , say, from Quebec C i t y i n  - 123  -  the n o r t h e a s t t o Windsor, Ont.,  i n the southwest.  Secondary-  c e n t r e s o f p o p u l a t i o n o c c u r a t W i n n i p e g , Edmonton, and on t h e P r a i r i e s , and i n the s o u t h w e s t e r n umbia.  Calgary  corner of B r i t i s h C o l -  Elsewhere p o p u l a t i o n t h i n s o u t , but s t i l l i s m o s t l y  found  i n the s o u t h e r n p a r t s o f the c o u n t r y , away from the Canadian Shield  and t h e B o r e a l f o r e s t .  Population i s scattered f a i r l y  e v e n l y o v e r the P r a i r i e s , w h i c h a r e the l a r g e s t a r e a i n Canada.  agricultural  R a i l w a y s and roads l i n k t h e s e areas o f p o p u l a -  t i o n from e a s t t o w e s t , and from t h e s e main communication l i n e s , roads and a few r a i l w a y s r e a c h n o r t h l i k e f i n g e r s grasp.  Roads form a f a i r l y dense c r i s s - c r o s s  reaching to  network o n l y i n  the S t . Lawrence l o w l a n d and i n t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l p r a i r i e s ; o t h e r w i s e such networks are c o n f i n e d t o t h e p o p u l a t i o n c e n t r e s and t h e l a n d s i m m e d i a t e l y additional  network.)  around them.  ( L o g g i n g roads form an  The a g r i c u l t u r a l p a r t s o f Canada a r e ,  most, the P r a i r i e s and the S t . Lawrence l o w l a n d , w i t h areas i n s o u t h w e s t e r n  B.C.  fore-  secondary  and the Okanagan v a l l e y , P r i n c e Edward  Island,  and some p a r t s o f New  Brunswick  and Nova S c o t i a .  culture  i s f o u n d , however, even as f a r n o r t h as Hay R i v e r ,  (Agri-  N.W.T.) F o r e s t r y , p r o d u c i n g lumber and pulpwood, i s found c h i e f l y i n New  Brunswick,  p o r t i o n s o f O n t a r i o and Quebec n o r t h  o f the a g r i c u l t u r a l l o w l a n d s , i n the woodlands n o r t h o f the P r a i r i e a g r i c u l t u r a l l a n d s , and over most o f B r i t i s h Columbia. Timber i s more i m p o r t a n t i n B.C., e a s t e r n Canada.  Manufacturing  pulpwood more i m p o r t a n t i n  i s c o n c e n t r a t e d i n t h e S t . Law-  rence l o w l a n d a r e a , w i t h some l e s s e r  c e n t r e s i n W i n n i p e g , Ed-  - 124 monton, C a l g a r y , and s o u t h w e s t e r n B.C.  Thus t h e p o p u l a t i o n  c e n t r e s o f Canada appear l i k e base-camps from w h i c h from t i m e t o t i m e e x p e d i t i o n s a r e made i n t o the h i n t e r l a n d t o f o r a g e f o r resources.  (The maps o f t h e Canada Land I n v e n t o r y a r e p r e c i s e l y  a s u r v e y and assessment o f t h o s e r e s o u r c e s and o f t h e i r ability.)  The b i g g e s t camp o f a l l , as i t were, i s s t i l l  p o p u l a t i o n c e n t r e o f t h e S t . Lawrence what t h e h i s t o r i a n C r e i g h t o n (1956;  exploitthe  lowlands, the centre of 1972:157) c a l l e d " t h e empire  o f t h e S t . Lawrence". The k i n d o f economy w h i c h t h i s c u l t u r a l geography  reflects,  i s what Canadian economic h i s t o r i a n s s i n c e t h e 1920*s have c a l l e d " t h e s t a p l e s economy" ( s e e papers c o l l e c t e d i n p a r t one o f E a s t e r b r o o k and Watkins 1967, esp. t h a t by Watkins a t pp. 4973).  Such an economy i s devoted t o the p r o d u c t i o n and e x p o r t  o f a few m a t e r i a l s , such as f i s h , f u r , t i m b e r , wheat, and m i n e r a l s i n t h e Canadian i n s t a n c e .  M a n u f a c t u r i n g i s , i n such an eco-  nomy, c h i e f l y devoted t o p r o c e s s i n g t h e s e m a t e r i a l s f o r e x p o r t . As a c o r o l l a r y , t h e p r o f i t s from t h e s a l e o f t h e s e m a t e r i a l s abroad a r e used t o buy o t h e r goods from a b r o a d , t h u s r e d u c i n g t h e need f o r t h e p o p u l a t i o n t o devote t h e i r e n e r g i e s t o s u b s i s t ence as such and a l l o w i n g them t o s p e c i a l i z e i n p r o d u c i n g s t a p l e s f o r export.  Improvements i n communication and r e f r i g e r a t e d  p o r t a t i o n f a c i l i t a t e such s p e c i a l i z a t i o n .  The development  transof  l o c a l i n d u s t r i e s i n such an economy depends v e r y much on t h e c o s t s o f i m p o r t e d goods, because t h e cheaper t h e i m p o r t e d goods a r e , t h e g r e a t e r i s t h e t e m p t a t i o n t o r e l y on i m p o r t s and not  - 125 produce them a t home ( H e r e i n i s t h e dilemma o f Canadian t a r i f f policies;  c f . t h e arguments f o r and a g a i n s t t a r i f f s i n B e l l a n  1967:292-312.);  b u t t h e more t h e s o c i e t y r e l i e s on i m p o r t s , t h e  more i t s p e c i a l i z e s as a p r o d u c e r o f s t a p l e s and t h e more i t b e comes dependent on buyers a b r o a d .  Such an economy i s n o t a sub-  s i s t e n c e economy, and cannot be u n d e r s t o o d except as p a r t o f a l a r g e r system.  I t i s a t t h e mercy o f i n t e r n a t i o n a l m a r k e t s .  S h o u l d t h o s e f a l t e r , p r o f i t s w i l l d e c l i n e , and t h e p e o p l e w i l l be f o r c e d ( o n t h e average) t o reduce t h e i r s t a n d a r d o f l i v i n g a c c o r d i n g l y , o r t o d e v e l o p cheaper ways o f e x t r a c t i n g and p r o c e s s i n g t h e s t a p l e s , o r e l s e t o move t o a d i f f e r e n t k i n d o f economy. From t h e b e g i n n i n g s o f Canadian h i s t o r y (see E c c l e s 1969; E a s t e r b r o o k and W a t k i n s 1967), t h e s t a p l e s economy has been t h e dominant c h o i c e  o f Canadians.  Canadians have chosen, as a n e t  e f f e c t o f a l l t h e i r a c t i o n s , t o e x t r a c t and p r o c e s s t h e r e s o u r c e s o f t h e c o u n t r y f o r s a l e a b r o a d , f i r s t t o France and B r i t a i n , l a t e r t o t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s , now i n c r e a s i n g l y a l s o t o Japan and A s i a and t h e r e s t o f t h e w o r l d . much i n f l u e n c e d b u t n o t w h o l l y  T h i s c h o i c e was p r o b a b l y v e r y d e t e r m i n e d by t h e r e l a t i v e s c a r c -  i t y and d i f f i c u l t y o f a g r i c u l t u r e i n Canada.  A large popula-  t i o n c o u l d a r g u a b l y n o t s u b s i s t i n Canada except by p r o c e s s i n g r e s o u r c e s and s e l l i n g them abroad."'"  B u t t h e west o f Canada, f o r  i n s t a n c e , was s e t t l e d i n o r d e r t o produce wheat f o r s a l e t o t h e growing p o p u l a t i o n s  o f Europe and t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s , and so  e v e n t u a l l y t o pay o f f t h e b u i l d e r s and o r g a n i z e r s  o f t h e Can-  a d i a n P a c i f i c R a i l w a y ( s e e , e.g., Fowke 1957:59-61).  - 126  -  From the o u t s e t , Canadians were e x p l o i t i n g r e s o u r c e s s a l e i n a money-and-market economy. t o l i v e on —  although  commodities.  I t was  sold.  i t was  Land was  t h i s too — ,  for  not m e r e l y a p l a c e  but i t was  a place  i t s e l f something w h i c h c o u l d be bought  Land s p e c u l a t i o n i s a w e l l - e n t r e n c h e d  of  and  p a r t o f Canadian  c u l t u r e ( e . g . B e r t o n 1974:269-285 on the M a n i t o b a land-boom o f 1881-1882;  G u t s t e i n 1975,  and d e v e l o p e r s  i n shaping  on the r o l e o f l a n d  speculators  Vancouver).  T h i s p a t t e r n o f the s t a p l e s economy i s r e i n f o r c e d when we  l o o k a t the k i n d s o f communities t o be f o u n d i n Canada.  Marsh (1970) has assembled s o u r c e s t i e s , and has  d e s c r i b i n g these  communi-  c l a s s i f i e d them under f i v e h e a d i n g s .  f r o n t i e r communities, he mentions I n u i t and d i s p e r s e d r u r a l communities and r a n c h e s ; e x t r a c t i n g s e t t l e m e n t s o r towns.  Indian  Under ( l ) settlements;  and o n e - i n d u s t r y  Under (2) r u r a l o r  communities, he mentions d i s p e r s e d f a r m i n g  farming  communities w i t h a  c e n t r e where s c h o o l , community h a l l , and the l i k e a r e t o found; Quebec;  v i l l a g e - b a s e d communities;  resource-  be  the p a r i s h e s o f f o r m e r r u r a l  and t h e p o s t - f i f t i e s d e p o p u l a t i o n  of r u r a l areas.  Under  t h e h e a d i n g o f (3) s m a l l towns, Marsh d e s c r i b e s a P r a i r i e town; u r b a n i z a t i o n i n Quebec; O n t a r i o , A l b e r t a , and B.C.  and  r e s o u r c e towns i n Newfoundland, Under the h e a d i n g o f (4)  s u b u r b s , he has m a t e r i a l s on suburbs;  urban renewal;  a t e d n e i t h b o u r h o o d s i n the " i n n e r c i t y " ; and town c e n t r e s :  city  and  deterior-  housing p r o j e c t s ;  the common theme r u n n i n g t h r o u g h a l l t h e s e  might be c a l l e d the u r b a n and suburban n e i g h b o u r h o o d .  Under  - 127  -  t h e h e a d i n g o f (5) m e t r o p o l i s , Marsh l o o k s a t l a r g e c i t i e s metropolitan areas;  urbanization;  and m e t r o p o l i t a n  t h e s c a l e i s l a r g e r t h a n t h e neighbourhood.  and  planning:  C l e a r l y we  are  d e a l i n g w i t h a s i n g l e system i n w h i c h the c o u n t r y i s d i v i d e d e f f e c t i v e l y i n t o o t h r e e zones:  c e n t r e s where p o p u l a t i o n i s c o n -  c e n t r a t e d and where the e x p l o i t a t i o n o f the o t h e r zones i s o r g a n ized;  farming  zones, p r o d u c i n g  f o o d f o r the p e o p l e i n the u r b a n  a r e a s and f o r e x p o r t , and becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y e x t r a c t i v e and capital-intensive;  and t h e r e s o u r c e  zone, marked by o n e - i n d u s -  t r y r e s o u r c e - e x t r a c t i o n c e n t r e s and temporary communities. resource  zone o c c u p i e s  the g r e a t e r p a r t o f Canada.  The  These zones  a l s o c o n t a i n remnants of e a r l i e r k i n d s o f human o c c u p a t i o n  and  use o f Canada. Along w i t h t h i s p a t t e r n of resource  e x p l o i t a t i o n , namely,  t h e e x t r a c t i o n , p r o c e s s i n g , and s a l e abroad o f s t a p l e p r o d u c t s , p a r t i a l l y supported  by a domestic economy p r o t e c t e d by  tariffs  and a d e t e r m i n a t i o n not t o be absorbed by t h e growing American economy and p o l i t y ( a r e c u r r e n t theme i n Canadian h i s t o r y ) , grown up an economy marked by an i n c r e a s i n g d i v i s i o n o f o r s p e c i a l i z a t i o n of o c c u p a t i o n s  has  labour  and a r e c u r r e n t tendency t o  be dominated i n each sphere o f p r o d u c t i o n by a few l a r g e f i r m s (on t e n d e n c i e s 224;  t o monopoly and o l i g o p o l y , see H a r d i n  Fowke 1957:256-278).  t e d and s u p p o r t e d  Both p u b l i c e n t e r p r i s e s ( c o n s t i t u -  by p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l governments) and  p r i v a t e e n t e r p r i s e s e x i s t i n Canada; between t h e two  1974:173-  i s blurred —  sometimes the  t h u s , e.g.,  distinction  a p r i v a t e l y owned  - 128 f i r m i n a monopoly p o s i t i o n w i l l have i t s f e e s and p r i c e s and i t s services  regulated  B.C. Telephone Co.).  by some government i n s t r u m e n t a l i t y ( e . g . A l o n g w i t h t h i s d i v i s i o n o f l a b o u r , and  a m u l t i t u d e o f d i f f e r e n t f i r m s , goes a p r o p e r t y system s u i t a b l e t o t h e e x t r a c t i o n , p r o c e s s i n g , and s a l e o f p r o d u c t s on both domestic and f o r e i g n m a r k e t s . So much, t h e r e f o r e ,  f o r the e c o l o g i c a l context of the  Canadian system o f l a n d - t e n u r e . and  Much more c o u l d be w r i t t e n ,  t h e s k e t c h I have g i v e n i s n e c e s s a r i l y  could, f o r instance,  incomplete.  One  view Canadian l i t e r a t u r e as p a r t o f t h e  p e o p l e ' s coming t o terms w i t h and -exploring t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p s between themselves and t h e l a n d ( c f . Atwood 1972).  The h i s t o r y  o f i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c i e s , s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , and t h e e t h n i c i n t e r a c t i o n s w i t h i n Canada a r e p a r t o f t h e whole w h i c h s h o u l d be r e c o g n i z e d ( c f . P o r t e r 1965, and some o f t h e m a t e r i a l s  col-  l e c t e d i n B l i s h e n , J o n e s , Naegele, and P o r t e r 1 9 6 l , and i n Ramu and  Johnson 1976).  But enough has been s a i d t o o u t l i n e a c u l t u r a l  e c o l o g i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f Canada, and t o show t h a t  materials  a l r e a d y e x i s t f o r such a n ^ ' i i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . (A c u l t u r a l e c o l o g i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , p r o p e r l y  conceived,  i s n o t one o f e n v i r o n m e n t a l d e t e r m i n i s m , n o r i n d e e d o f any monocausal  reductivism.  R a t h e r , i t i n s i s t s on t h e i n t e r a c t i o n b e -  tween l a n d and p e o p l e , and between t h e p e o p l e and t h e i r s o c i o c u l t u r a l environment as w e l l as t h e i r n a t u r a l environment.  The  approach a l s o has t o be h i s t o r i c a l , e m p h a s i z i n g human c h o i c e s as w e l l as t h e c o n s t r a i n t s  on t h o s e c h o i c e s and t h e consequences  - 129 of  those choices.  Each p a r t y t o t h e i n t e r a c t i o n b o t h has i t s  own c h a r a c t e r and i s what i t i s because o f t h e i n t e r a c t i o n . ) The Canadian system o f l a n d - t e n u r e i s governed by r u l e s and p r e c e d e n t s c o n t a i n e d w i t h i n t h e l e g a l t r a d i t i o n o f Canada. "Law"  i s a f o l k - c a t e g o r y o f Canadian c u l t u r e , and a l s o  corres-  ponds t o a sub-system o f Canadian s o c i e t y whech i s concerned to  r e g u l a t e t h e a f f a i r s o f t h e whole s o c i e t y .  That sub-system  i s s u f f i c i e n t l y complex t h a t few Canadians (perhaps none, even p r o f e s s i o n a l s ) have a f u l l y tradition.  d e t a i l e d knowledge o f t h e e n t i r e  Even l a w y e r s s p e c i a l i z e i n branches o f t h e law,  and p a r t o f "knowing t h e law" i s knowing, not n e c e s s a r i l y t h e p a r t i c u l a r c o n t e n t o f t h e law i n any p a r t i c u l a r i n s t a n c e , but where t o l o o k t o f i n d t h e p a r t i c u l a r c o n t e n t when one needs t o know i t ; of  a n o t h e r p a r t o f "knowing t h e law" i s knowing t h e s o r t  t h i n g s one needs t o l o o k up.  I t w i l l not be n e c e s s a r y , how-  e v e r , i n t h e p r e s e n t e n q u i r y t o t r y t o d e s c r i b e even c u r s o r i l y the  whole o f t h e Canadian l e g a l system;  i n s t e a d , only those  p a r t s o f t h e t r a d i t i o n concerned w i t h r e g u l a t i n g t h e use o f and c l a i m s t o l a n d w i l l be r e q u i r e d , and o f t h o s e o n l y the g e n e r a l structure.  (A u s e f u l d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e Canadian l e g a l system,  as seen from w i t h i n by a l a w y e r , i s p r o v i d e d by G a l l (1977).) W i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n o f Quebec p r o v i n c i a l law (sometimes c a l l e d " t h e c i v i l law" i n c o n t r a s t t o t h e E n g l i s h - d e r i v e d mon  "com-  law" ) , t h e l e g a l t r a d i t i o n o f Canada i s d e r i v e d from t h e  law o f E n g l a n d ( n o t o f B r i t a i n , f o r S c o t l a n d has i t s own tinct legal tradition).  dis-  Each o f t h e c o l o n i e s w h i c h l a t e r be-  - 130  came t h e s e v e r a l p r o v i n c e s  -  and t e r r i t o r i e s o f Canada developed  i t s own l e g a l t r a d i t i o n d i s t i n c t from b u t h a v i n g a f a m i l y r e semblance t o t h e law o f E n g l a n d .  The date a t w h i c h a p a r t i c u -  lar  c o l o n i a l t r a d i t i o n becomes d i s t i n c t from t h e law o f E n g l a n d ,  and  t h e c o l o n y becomes a d i s t i n c t i v e l e g a l e n t i t y w i t h i t s own  j u r i s d i c t i o n , i s known as t h e d a t e o f " r e c e p t i o n " o f t h e E n g l i s h Common Law ( c f . G a l l 1977:37-51, i s taken).  from w h i c h t h e f o l l o w i n g account  A t t h a t same d a t e , E n g l i s h law up t o t h a t d a t e became  the l e g a l l y r e c o g n i z e d  foundation  of the l e g a l t r a d i t i o n of the  colony. Quebec, o f c o u r s e , was e s t a b l i s h e d o r i g i n a l l y as t h e F r e n c h c o l o n y o f New F r a n c e , and t o o k i t s l e g a l t r a d i t i o n from F r a n c e . A f t e r Quebec was conquered by t h e B r i t i s h , E n g l i s h c i v i l law and c r i m i n a l l a w were i n t r o d u c e d o f 1763«  (private)  by t h e R o y a l P r o c l a m a t i o n  I n 1774, however, t h e Quebec A c t r e i n s t a t e d F r e n c h  c i v i l law.  I n 1866, Quebec ( t h e n Lower Canada) adopted i t s own  code o f laws m o d e l l e d c l o s e l y upon t h e F r e n c h C i v i l Code o r Code Napoleon. English  The c r i m i n a l l a w , however, c o n t i n u e d t o f o l l o w t h e  tradition.  I n 1791 t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n a l A c t d i v i d e d Canada i n t o Upper Canada ( l a t e r t o be c a l l e d O n t a r i o ) and Lower Canada (Quebec). A l e g i s l a t u r e was d u l y c r e a t e d  i n Upper Canada and i n 1792 i t s  f i r s t s t a t u t e made E n g l i s h c i v i l law a p p l i c a b l e i n Upper Canada. The d a t e f o r t h e r e c e p t i o n o f E n g l i s h law i n O n t a r i o  i s there-  f o r e 15th O c t o b e r 1792. The M a r i t i m e p r o v i n c e s and  were e s t a b l i s h e d by  settlement,  t h e r e f o r e t h e date f o r t h e r e c e p t i o n o f E n g l i s h law i s t h e  - 131 date a t w h i c h each o f t h e c o l o n i a l l e g i s l a t u r e s was i n s t i t u t e d . F o r New Brunswick and Nova S c o t i a , t h i s was 1758;  and f o r New-  f o u n d l a n d , 1832. I n P r i n c e Edward I s l a n d , though t h e c o l o n i a l l e g i s l a t u r e was i n s t i t u t e d i n 1773» E n g l i s h law was a c t u a l l y r e c e i v e d i n 1763 p u r s u a n t t o a r o y a l For the P r a i r i e provinces  proclamation.  and t h e t e r r i t o r i e s t h e d a t e o f  r e c e p t i o n o f E n g l i s h law i s 1 5 t h J u l y 1870. I n t h a t y e a r , unde the combined e f f e c t o f t h e R u p e r t ' s Land A c t , 1868, t h e M a n i t o b a A c t , 1870, and t h e O r d e r - i n - C o u n c i l  o f 23rd June 1870, t h e  HudsonlssBay Company s u r r e n d e r e d R u p e r t ' s Land and t h e N o r t h w e s t e r n T e r r i t o r y t o t h e Dominion o f Canada and t h e p r o v i n c e o f M a n i t o b a was c r e a t e d .  I n 1905 t h e p r o v i n c e s  o f A l b e r t a and  Saskatchewan were formed, and t h e y c o n t i n u e d t h e E n g l i s h l a w e s t a b l i s h e d i n t h e t e r r i t o r i e s from 1870. B r i t i s h Columbia a c q u i r e d The  E n g l i s h law by  settlement.  E n g l i s h Law A c t (R.S.B.C. I 9 6 0 , c. 129) p r o v i d e s f o r t h e  r e c e p t i o n o f E n g l i s h l a w as i t e x i s t e d on 1 9 t h November 1858. By t h e terms o f t h e B r i t i s h N o r t h A m e r i c a A c t , 1867,  now  the C o n s t i t u t i o n A c t , 1867, w h i c h e s t a b l i s h e d Canada as a f e d e r a l s t a t e , "Property  and C i v i l R i g h t s  i n the Province" (by  s e c . 92, s u b . s e c . 13) were i n c l u d e d among t h o s e concerns over w h i c h t h e p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t u r e s were g i v e n e x c l u s i v e diction.  S i n c e Canada now has t e n p r o v i n c e s  juris-  and two t e r r i t o r -  i e s ( t h e t e r r i t o r i e s b e i n g under f e d e r a l j u r i s d i c t i o n ) ,  there  a r e now t w e l v e p o s s i b l e d i s t i n c t t r a d i t i o n s o f l a n d - t e n u r e i n Canada, none o f w h i c h a r e n e c e s s a r i l y l e g a l l y bound by any othe E l e v e n a r e based on t h e E n g l i s h l a w as t h a t was f o r m e r l y .  The  - 132 o t h e r , Quebec, as a l r e a d y n o t e d , has i t s own v a r i a n t o f European or N a p o l e o n i c C i v i l Law.  One cannot s i m p l y assume t h a t t h e p r e -  c i s e c o n t e n t o f one p r o v i n c e ' s l a n d - l a w i s always t h e same as another's.  But i n t h e main, t h e s t r u c t u r e o r b a s i c p r i n c i p l e s ,  and much o f t h e c o n t e n t , o f one E n g l i s h Common Law p r o v i n c e ' s l a n d - l a w c l o s e l y resembles  that of another's.  E n g l i s h s t a t u t e s and cases b e f o r e t h e dates o f r e c e p t i o n w i l l be b i n d i n g on Canadian c o u r t s , u n l e s s c o u n t e r e d by Canadian legislation  or the decisions of courts of higher authority;  and  cases d e c i d e d a f t e r a r e f r e q u e n t l y a c c e p t e d as p e r s u a s i v e though not b i n d i n g .  T h e r e f o r e E n g l i s h c a s e s , as w e l l as Canadian,  may  be used as i l l u s t r a t i o n s i n t h e p r e s e n t e n q u i r y . The account w h i c h f o l l o w s w i l l be based upon t h e l a w o f B r i t i s h Columbia, w h i c h i s t h e law I s t u d i e d a t t h e U.B.C. law s c h o o l i n 1972-75•  But except where o t h e r w i s e n o t e d , t h e same  p r i n c i p l e s a p p l y t o t h e law o f t h e Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s , where t h e Dene and I n u i t  live.  - 133 -  B The Law o f R e a l P r o p e r t y i n t h e Common Law " R e a l P r o p e r t y " i s a c a t e g o r y w i t h i n t h e Common Law t r a d i tion.  I t c o v e r s l e s s t h a n an a n t h r o p o l o g i s t would want t o i n -  c l u d e under t h e heading o f "Canadian l a n d law"  ( s e e below, s e e s .  C and D), b u t n o n e t h e l e s s a f f o r d s a c o n v e n i e n t p l a c e t o b e g i n . The d e s c r i p t i o n w h i c h f o l l o w s w i l l  be p a r t l y based upon Todd  and McClean ( 1 9 6 8 ) , ^ w h i c h was i n 1972-73 used f o r t h e  first-  y e a r course i n r e a l p r o p e r t y a t t h e U.B.C. l a w s c h o o l .  The  c h a p t e r headings  o f t h i s casebook show how two t e a c h e r s o f l a w  c o n s i d e r e d i t most h e l p f u l t o o r g a n i z e m a t e r i a l s i n o r d e r t o teach f i r s t - y e a r law students.  They d i s c u s s i n t u r n ( I ) t h e  l e g a l concept o f l a n d , ( I I ) t h e g e n e r a l p r i n c i p l e s o f l a n d l a w , (III)  the c r e a t i o n of i n t e r e s t s i n land, (IV) the fee simple  e s t a t e , (V) t h e l i f e e s t a t e , ( V I ) co-ownership  and c o n c u r r e n t  estates, (VII) future interests, (VIII) incorporeal interests, ( I X ) l i c e n c e s , (X) f a m i l y p r o p e r t y , and ( X I ) t h e r e g i s t r a t i o n of  title.  ( M e r e l y r e c o r d i n g such a t a b l e o f c o n t e n t s t e l l s us  at  once t h a t we a r e i n a v e r y d i f f e r e n t t h o u g h t - w o r l d from  of  t h e Dene and t h e I n u i t . )  L e t us f o l l o w t h e i r o u t l i n e ( m o s t l y ) ,  a l t h o u g h i n c l u d i n g m a t e r i a l s ( s u c h as B l a c k s t o n e ) which did  those  they  not.  1. The L e g a l Concept o f Land. "Land", i n t h e Common Law, i s (a) l a n d , and (b) a n y t h i n g w h i c h t h e l a w agrees t o t r e a t as l a n d .  Blackstone's d e f i n i t i o n  - 134 o f " l a n d " , though now  -  a r c h a i c i n f l a v o u r ( i t was  published  f i r s t i n 1766), g i v e s the i d e a c l e a r l y ( E h r l i c h 1959:1:123124): F o r l a n d comprehendeth i n i t s l e g a l s i g n i f i c a t i o n any ground, s o i l , o r e a r t h whatsoever; as a r a b l e meadows, p a s t u r e s , woods, moors, w a t e r s , marshes, and h e a t h s . I t l e g a l l y i n c l u d e t h a l s o a l l c a s t l e s , houses, and o t h e r b u i l d i n g s : f o r t h e y c o n s i s t o f two t h i n g s ; l a n d , w h i c h i s the f o u n d a t i o n , and s t r u c t u r e t h e r e u p o n : so t h a t , i f I convey the l a n d o r ground, the s t r u c t u r e o r b u i l d i n g passeth therewith. I t i s o b s e r v a b l e t h a t w a t e r i s here mentioned as a s p e c i e s o f l a n d , w h i c h may seem a k i n d o f s o l e c i s m ; but such i s the language of t h e law: and t h e r e f o r e I cannot b r i n g an a c t i o n t o r e c o v e r p o s s e s s i o n o f a p o o l o r o t h e r p i e c e o f w a t e r , by t h e name o f w a t e r o n l y ; e i t h e r by c a l c u l a t i n g i t s c a p a c i t y , a s , f o r so many c u b i c a l y a r d s ; o r , by s u p e r f i c i a l measure, f o r twenty a c r e s of w a t e r ; o r by g e n e r a l d e s c r i p t i o n , as f o r a pond, a w a t e r c o u r s e , o r a r i v u l e t ; but I must b r i n g my a c t i o n f o r the l a n d t h a t l i e s a t the bottom, and must c a l l i t twenty a c r e s o f l a n d covered by w a t e r . F o r w a t e r i s a movable, wanderi n g t h i n g , and must o f n e c e s s i t y c o n t i n u e common by t h e law o f n a t u r e ; so t h a t I can o n l y have a temporary, t r a n s i e n t , p r o p e r t y t h e i d n ; w h e r e f o r e , i f a body o f w a t e r runs out of my pond i n t o a n o t h e r man's, I have no r i g h t t o r e c l a i m i t . But the l a n d w h i c h t h a t w a t e r covers i s permanent, f i x e d , and immovable: and t h e r e f o r e i n t h i s I may have a c e r t a i n , s u b s t a n t i a l p r o p e r t y ; o f w h i c h t h e law w i l l t a k e n o t i c e . Land h a t h a l s o , i n i t s l e g a l s i g n i f i c a t i o n , an i n d e f i n i t e e x t e n t , upwards as w e l l as downwards. He who owns t h e ground p o s s e s s e s a l s o t o t h e s k y , i s t h e maxim o f the law, upwards; t h e r e f o r e no man may e r e c t any b u i l d i n g , o r t h e l i k e t o overhang a n o t h e r ' s l a n d ; and downwards, w h a t e v e r i s i n a d i r e c t l i n e between t h e s u r f a c e o f any l a n d and t h e c e n t r e of t h e e a r t h , b e l o n g s t o t h e owner o f the s u r f a c e ; as i s every day's e x p e r i e n c e i n m i n i n g c o u n t r i e s . So t h a t the word " l a n d " i n c l u d e s not o n l y the f a c e of the e a r t h , but e v e r y t h i n g under i t , or over i t . T h e r e f o r e , i f a man g r a n t s a l l h i s l a n d s , he g r a n t s theaby a l l h i s mines of m e t a l and o t h e r f o s s i l s , h i s woods, h i s w a t e r s , and h i s houses, as w e l l as h i s f i e l d s and meadows. The p a r t i c u l a r names o f t h e t h i n g s a r e e q u a l l y s u f f i c i e n t t o pass them, except i n the i n s t a n c e o f w a t e r ; by a g r a n t o f w h i c h , n o t h i n g p a s s e s but a r i g h t o f f i s h i n g ; but the c a p i t a l d i s t i n c t i o n i s this; t h a t by the name of a c a s t l e , messuage, t o f t , c r o f t ,  - 135 o r t h e l i k e , n o t h i n g e l s e w i l l p a s s , except what f a l l s w i t h t h e utmost p r o p r i e t y under t h e term made u s e o f , but by t h e name o f l a n d , w h i c h i s t h e most g e n e r a l name, everything t e r r e s t r i a l w i l l pass. The  conception  o f land represented  by t h i s passage i s  s t i l l t h e b a s e l i n e f o r t h e i d e a o f l a n d i n t h e l a w t o d a y , even though modern developments, such as a i r c r a f t ( w h i c h t h e l a w i n Blackstone's  time d i d n o t have t o w o r r y a b o u t ) ,  have compelled  m o d i f i c a t i o n o f t h e landowner's c l a i m t o own a l l above h i s l a n d t o t h e heavens and below t o t h e e a r t h ' s c e n t r e .  This r i g h t i s  q u a l i f i e d by s t a t u t e s w h i c h r e s e r v e m i n e r a l r i g h t s t o t h e Crown, by r u l i n g s w h i c h d e c i d e t h a t a i r c r a f t p a s s i n g overhead a r e n o t c o m m i t t i n g t r e s p a s s , and t h e l i k e . f i c a t i o n s on t h e b a s i c i d e a .  But t h e s e a r e s t i l l modi-  I n summary, " l a n d " i n c l u d e s ( l )  t h e s u r f a c e o f t h e e a r t h , ( 2 ) t h e s o i l beneath t h e s u r f a c e and t h e r i g h t t o t h e a i r s p a c e above t h e s u r f a c e , ( 3 ) b u i l d i n g s and c h a t t e l s w h i c h have by s u f f i c i e n t attachment t o t h e s o i l o r t o b u i l d i n g s , become f i x t u r e s , and ( 4 ) f r u c t u s n a t u r a l e s ( o r n a t u r a l c r o p s ) , i n c o n t r a s t t o f r u c t u s i n d u s t r i a l e s ( o r i n d u s t r i a l growing  crops)  (Harwood 1975:21).  The term " l a n d " may a l s o be  extended t o i n c l u d e any i n t e r e s t i n l a n d w h i c h i s t r e a t e d as a property  i n t e r e s t (Harwood 1975:21).  Land so c o n c e i v e d  comes w i t h b o u n d a r i e s .  ought n o t t o be c r o s s e d w i t h o u t  These b o u n d a r i e s  t h e owner's p e r m i s s i o n .  p e r s o n s and t h i n g s do e n t e r upon t h e l a n d w i t h o u t  But  permission.  Thus t h e r e a r i s e s t h e wrong o r t o r t o f t r e s p a s s t o l a n d o r t r e s pass quare clausum f r e g i t ( " b r e a k i n g t h e c l o s e " ) ( B l a c k s t o n e , i n E h r l i c h 1959:11:129-134;  Salmond 1969:48-63).  Since land thus  - 136  -  comes i n p a r c e l s w i t h b o u n d a r i e s , w h i c h a d j o i n one a n o t h e r , and use t h e s e l a n d s may, to  and the p e o p l e who  r e s p e c t i v e l y own  land-owner's use and  as  enjoyment  Thus t h e r e a r i s e s the wrong o f n u i s a n c e  ( B l a c k s t o n e , i n E h r l i c h 1959:11135-136;  to land  Salmond 1969:64-115).  Land, i n t h i s c o n c e p t i o n , i s a s i t e f o r p r o d u c t i v e ities  lands  w i t h o u t t r e s p a s s i n g , s t i l l a c t so  i n t e r f e r e w i t h the adjacent  of h i s land.  t h e r e come a l s o t o be  activ-  ( o r i g i n a l l y a g r i c u l t u r a l ) , i s a p o s s i b l e f a c t o r of pro-  d u c t i o n ( a g a i n o r i g i n a l l y a g r i c u l t u r a l ) , i s a p i e c e o f bounded space t o whose c o n t e n t s t h e owner i s p r i m a f a c i e e n t i t l e d , i s something the r i g h t s t o w h i c h may wise a l i e n a t e d .  and  be bought and s o l d o r o t h e r -  Of t h e s e v a r i o u s meanings, t h e elements o f  s i t e and space come t o the f o r e when i t i s n e c e s s a r y  to define  what p i e c e o f p r o p e r t y t h e land-owner owns, the element o f space comes i n t o f o r e when the c o n c e r n i s t o p r o t e c t w h a t e v e r a c t i v i t i e s t h e owner i s d o i n g upon and waith t h e l a n d , and t h e element o f l a n d as t h e s u b j e c t of a t r a n s a c t i o n comes t o the f o r e when l a n d r i g h t s a r e t r a n s f e r r e d from one p e r s o n t o a n o t h e r . common law o f r e a l p r o p e r t y does not c o n c e r n i t s e l f w i t h l a n d as a f a c t o r of p r o d u c t i o n ; always i n the background.  The  directly  although that concern i s  I f l a n d has t o be v a l u e d , however,  the v a l u e w i t h w h i c h t h e law w i l l be c h i e f l y concerned, i s t h e market-value of the l a n d . To make a l o n g s t o r y s h o r t , t h e law i s not p r i m a r i l y concerned w i t h t h e upward o r downward e x t e n s i o n o f the land-owner's r i g h t s , but w i t h t h e p r o t e c t i o n o f t h e land-owner's f u l l and  "use  enjoyment" o f h i s p r o p e r t y (see Jack E. R i c h a r d s o n , " P r i -  - 136av a t e P r o p e r t y R i g h t s i n t h e A i r Space a t Common Law," Canadian B a r Review, F e b r u a r y 1953, c i t e d and a p p l i e d by F o u r n i e r , J . , L a C r o i x v. The Queen, 1954 Ex C R , 69, 4 D.L.R. 470, a t pp.  474-5, i n t u r n e x c e r p t e d i n Todd and McClean 1968:1-10).  He i s  e n t i t l e d t o extend h i s use and occupancy o f t h e l a n d as f a r up o r down as he can.  (That i s why t h e Canadian P a r l i a m e n t i n  t h e A e r o n a u t i c s A c t , R.S.C. 1952, c. 2 (am R.S.C. 1952, c. 302), sec 4 ( j ) , had s p e c i f i c a l l y t o g i v e t h e M i n i s t e r o f T r a n s p o r t t h e power t o r e g u l a t e t h e h e i g h t o f b u i l d i n g s n e a r a i r p o r t s ( c i t e d i n Todd and McClean 1968:1-13).) z o n t a l boundaries mine h i s l a n d ;  are protected.  The landowner's h o r i -  H i s neighbour may n o t u n d e r -  n o r may he by removing s o i l from h i s own l a n d ,  cause h i s neighbour's  l a n d t o c o l l a p s e (see t h e cases  i n Todd and McClean 1 9 6 8 : I - 4 0 f f ) .  excerpted  Other persons may n o t e n t e r  h i s l a n d w i t h o u t h i s p e r m i s s i o n ( t o do so would be t r e s p a s s ) , nor a c t on t h e i r own l a n d so as t o i n t e r f e r e w i t h h i s a c t i v i t i e s on h i s ( t o do so would be n u i s a n c e ) , n o r a l l o w p o t e n t i a l l y dangerous s u b s t a n c e s  ( o r o t h e r t h i n g s ) t o escape from t h e i r l a n d s  onto h i s and do m i s c h i e f t h e r e ( t h e r u l e i n Rylands v , F l e t c h e r , see Salmond 1969:401-430).  A t common law, t h e landowner owned  t h e s t a n d i n g w a t e r and m i n e r a l s ( e x c e p t i n g g o l d and s i l v e r ) on t h e l a n d , and owned t h e bed o f streams o f w a t e r f l o w i n g a c r o s s his property; changed:  i n Canada, t h e s e r i g h t s have been e x t e n s i v e l y  thus i n B.C., Crown g r a n t s o f l a n d have r e s e r v e d base  m e t a l s o t h e r t h a n c o a l s i n c e 1897, c o a l and p e t r o l e u m s i n c e 1899, and n a t u r a l gas s i n c e 1951 (Todd and McClean 1968:1-17), and s i n c e 1892 t h e r i g h t t o u s e w a t e r i s v e s t e d i n t h e Crown and  - 137 must be a c q u i r e d by o b t a i n i n g o r h o l d i n g a water l i c e n c e the exception  (with  o f u s i n g "unrecorded" water f o r domestic purposes)  (Todd and McClean 1 9 6 8 : I - 2 1 f f ) . F o r our purposes, t h e key i d e a i s t h a t l a n d i s something which can be p a r c e l l e d and bounded and (as we s h a l l see) made the o b j e c t o f complex bundles o f a l i e n a b l e r i g h t s .  Even space  can be so d i v i d e d and owned ( f o r example: S t r a t a T i t l e s A c t , S.B.C. 1966 c. 46 (am 1968 c. 54;  1970 c. 58 s. 17); and A i r  Space T i t l e s A c t , S.B.C. 1971 c.2, but s t i l l not y e t proclaimed in  force.)• T h i s i s q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from the i d e a o f l a n d among the  Dene and I n u i t ,  2.  The Idea o f E s t a t e The  concept o f " l a n d " i n t h e common law l i n k s t h e a c t u a l  e a r t h , the a c t u a l l a n d , w i t h the land as an o b j e c t f o r " r e a l perty" r i g h t s .  pro-  I n other words, the concept o f " l a n d " i n the  l e g a l t r a d i t i o n l i n k s t h e t h e l e g a l t r a d i t i o n t o the l a n d .  The  concept o f " e s t a t e " c a t e g o r i z e s the r i g h t s o f t h e p r o p e r t y  holder  w i t h i n t h e l e g a l t r a d i t i o n i t s e l f , and l i n k s " r i g h t s " and " r e medies" t o the " t i t l e "  t o the g i v e n p o r t i o n s o f l a n d . A l l  " e s t a t e s " a r e groups o f " r i g h t s " concerning r i g h t s concerning tates".  land f a l l  Nevertheless,  l a n d , but not a l l  (as we s h a l l d i s c o v e r ) w i t h i n " e s -  the i d e a o f " e s t a t e " i s a key concept  to u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e common law o f r e a l p r o p e r t y .  (The account  of tenure and e s t a t e which f o l l o w s i s taken from Todd and McClean 1968;  Cheshire  1972; Megarry and Wade 1966; P o t t e r 1948:  - 138  -  470-549.) The  l a n d law, w r i t e s P o t t e r (1948:470-471),  i s not v e r y much concerned w i t h l a n d , but w i t h i n t e r e s t s i n l a n d t h a t have o n l y a n o t i o n a l e x i s t e n c e . No man e v e r saw a f e e s i m p l e , w h i c h i s the g r e a t e s t i n t e r e s t w h i c h any c i t i z e n can h o l d and i s u s u a l l y d e s c r i b e d as owners h i p o f the l a n d . I n f a c t , what i s owned i s not the l a n d but t h e l e g a l e s t a t e i n f e e s i m p l e . A g a i n , t h e same p i e c e o f l a n d may be s u b j e c t t o a number o f d i f f e r e n t i n t e r e s t s owned by d i f f e r e n t p e r s o n s . Thus, B l a c k a c r e may be owned i n f e e s i m p l e by J o n e s , but h i s i n t e r e s t may be s u b j e c t to a l e a s e of Blackacre to Smith f o r n i n e t y - n i n e years who may i n t u r n have u n d e r l e t the p r e m i s e s t o Robinson f o r twenty-one y e a r s . Here a r e t h r e e p e o p l e who w i l l t a l k o f B l a c k a c r e as " h i s " . I n f a c t each i s an owner, but each owns an i n t e r e s t and does not own t h e l a n d . Each has an " e s t a t e " . But B l a c k a c r e may a l s o be s u b j e c t t o a r i g h t o f way, i n f a v o u r o f the owner and o c c u p i e r s o f t h e a d j o i n i n g p r o p e r t y o f Greenacre and s u b j e c t t o a r i g h t t o l i g h t enjoyed o v e r B l a c k a c r e by the owner and occupiers of Yellowacre. T h i s r i g h t o f way and r i g h t o f l i g h t a r e i n t e r e s t s , f o r m i n g p a r t o f t h e " l a n d law", enjoyed i n B l a c k a c r e . C o n s e q u e n t l y , the l a n d law must be l o o k e d upon not as t h e law r e l a t i n g t o l a n d , most o f w h i c h i s concerned w i t h t h e r i g h t s o f u s e r and e n j o y ment and forms p a r t o f our law o f t o r t and c o n t r a c t , but as t h e law o f i n t e r e s t s i n l a n d w h i c h may c o n f e r r i g h t s o v e r t h e l a n d . We a r e concerned, t h e r e f o r e , m a i n l y w i t h t h e f a c t s o f t h e i r c r e a t i o n and t r a n s f e r and t r a n s m i s s i o n on d e a t h . Todd and McClean ( l 9 6 8 : I I - 4 f )  remind us a l s o t h a t the  r e l a t i n g t o l a n d i s v e r y w i d e , w i d e r t h a n t h e law interests i n land.  "The  by-laws and s t a t u t e s r e g u l a t i n g , . the use The  concerning  study o f l a n d law c o u l d t h u s encompass  c o n t r a c t , t o r t , t a x , the law o f w i l l s and  t i o n of land."  succession, and  even t h e  municipal expropria-  law o f e s t a t e s , however, i s concerned  w i t h " c o n v e y a n c i n g " , namely the c r e a t i o n and t r a n s m i s s i o n interests i n land.  law  chiefly of  Todd and McClean d i s t i n g u i s h f o u r main b a s i c  p r i n c i p l e s , namely ( l ) t e n u r e ,  (2) c o r p o r e a l and  incorporeal  i n t e r e s t s , i n c l u d i n g t h e concept o f the e s t a t e , (3) l e g a l v e r s u s  - 139 e q u i t a b l e i n t e r e s t s , and  -  (4) freedom o f a l i e n a t i o n (1968:11-  6ff).  (Corporeal  i n t e r e s t s e n t i t l e a person to possession  of  land;  i n c o r p o r e a l i n t e r e s t s e n t i t l e a p e r s o n t o some r i g h t s  c o n c e r n i n g a p i e c e of l a n d but f a l l s h o r t of a c l a i m t o p o s s e s s ion. ) I n l e g a l t h e o r y , the o n l y owner of l a n d i n Canada, as i n E n g l a n d , i s the Crown.  Everybody e l s e h o l d s l a n d ,  again  i n t h e o r y , from the Crown on c o n d i t i o n o f s e r v i c e o r payment. T h i s goes back t o m e d i e v a l f e u d a l i s m . t o r y , and  But t h r o u g h E n g l i s h h i s -  l a t t e r l y Canadian h i s t o r y , the number o f c o n d i t i o n s ,  or tenures,  on w h i c h l a n d might be h e l d has been reduced t o  one  a l o n e , namely f r e e h o l d t e n u r e , and t h e c o n d i t i o n s themselves have v a n i s h e d as w e l l .  Thus the f e e s i m p l e t e n a n t o f today  h o l d s f o r a l l p r a c t i c a l purposes i n u n c o n d i t i o n a l t h a t i s t o say, h i s h o l d i n g i s not c o n t i n g e n t specific services. and  ownership;  on h i s p e r f o r m i n g  ( Y e t t h e advent o f l a n d t a x e s , zoning  t h e l i k e has t a k e n away the promise o f n e a r - a l l o d i a l owner-  s h i p w h i c h t h e r e d u c t i o n o f t e n u r e s seemed t o g i v e . (1848:488) dubs E n g l i s h p l a n n i n g  The  tenures";  i n section  C.)  importance o f the i d e a o f t e n u r e i s t h a t i t led:.too  the idea of e s t a t e .  I f one  h o l d s l a n d from the Crown —  when the d o c t r i n e of e s t a t e s was  i t s a s s o c i a t e d d u t i e s were i m p o r t a n t c o n s i d e r a t i o n s  t h a t one  and  d e v e l o p e d , t h e k i n d of t e n u r e  i s not t h e owner, what does one have? was  Potter  l e g i s l a t i o n "the new  I s h a l l n o t i c e b r i e f l y the Canadian e q u i v a l e n t s  and  laws,  The  answer o f t h e  h e l d an e s t a t e , o r a time i n the l a n d .  not t h e l a n d , but c e r t a i n r i g h t s t o the l a n d ;  One  —,  but  lawyers held  and t h e s e r i g h t s  - 140 would r u n f o r an i n d e f i n i t e  time.  Today i n Canada t h e e s t a t e s a r e c h i e f l y o f t h r e e k i n d s : t h e f e e s i m p l e , t h e l i f e e s t a t e , and t h e l e a s e h o l d .  A fourth  k i n d , f e e t a i l , i s not i m p o r t a n t , and has been a b o l i s h e d i n some j u r i s d i c t i o n s . A f e e s i m p l e e s t a t e i s an i n t e r e s t i n t h e l a n d w h i c h w i l l be i n h e r i t e d by t h e h e i r s o f t h e "owner" i f he does n o t o t h e r w i s e d i s p o s e o f t h e l a n d by g r a n t o r s a l e o r by making a w i l l . A f e e s i m p l e a b s o l u t e i s one i n w h i c h no c o n d i t i o n would t e r m i n a t e t h e i n t e r e s t b e f o r e t h e f u l l p e r i o d o f time f o r w h i c h i t might p o s s i b l y c o n t i n u e .  A determinable  f e e s i m p l e i s one w h i c h  c o u l d come t o an end b e f o r e t h e f u l l p e r i o d o f time  (example:  a g r a n t o f p r e m i s e s t o a s o c i e t y f o r so l o n g as t h e premises a r e used s o l e l y f o r t h e purposes o f t h e s o c i e t y ) . The  l i f e e s t a t e i s a time i n t h e l a n d g r a n t e d f o r t h e l i f e -  t i m e u s u a l l y o f t h e h o l d e r o f t h e e s t a t e , and i t ends when t h e life  ends.  A variety of the l i f e  estate i s the estate pur  a u t r e v i e , where t h e time i s measured by t h e l i f e o f some p e r s o n other than the holder of the e s t a t e . Both f e e s i m p l e e s t a t e s and l i f e  estates are f r e e h o l d  e s t a t e s , and t h e i r d u r a t i o n i s i n d e f i n i t e :  that i s , there i s  no way o f s a y i n g u n t i l t h e event i t s e l f i n what y e a r t h e e s t a t e w i l l end. L e a s e h o l d for  estates are i n t e r e s t s i n land which run  a s p e c i f i e d i n t e r v a l of time, u s u a l l y i n r e t u r n f o r a s p e c i -  fied rent.  Non-payment o f r e n t t h e n g i v e s t h e g r a n t o r o f t h e  l e a s e good r e a s o n f o r ending t h e g r a n t . Next, t h e r e a r e what a r e c a l l e d " f u t u r e i n t e r e s t s " , o r  - 141 " i n t e r e s t s i n expectancy".  -  These a r e i n t e r e s t s w h i c h convey  t h e p o s s e s s i o n o f the p r o p e r t y not now  but a t some f u t u r e t i m e .  F o r example, A. might convey B l a c k a c r e t o B. f o r l i f e and on B.'s  death t o C. i n f e e s i m p l e .  of a f u t u r e i n t e r e s t .  C. w i l l  C.'s  then  i n t e r e s t i s an example  gain c o n t r o l of Blackacre  after  B. d i e s , but i n the meantime C. cannot enjoy o r use o r do anyt h i n g w i t h the p r o p e r t y , except  ensure t h a t B. does not "waste"  o r u n d u l y d i m i n i s h the v a l u e o f the p r o p e r t y b e f o r e i t comes t o C.  However, C's  i n t e r e s t i s s t i l l a d e f i n i t e one w h i c h C.  convey o r mortgage and w h i c h w i l l C's  h e i r s a f t e r C.'s The  can  pass ( i f C. s t i l l has i t ) t o  death.  l i f e e s t a t e , l e a s e h o l d e s t a t e , and the f u t u r e i n t e r e s t s  i f t h e s e l a t t e r a r e l e s s t h a n the f e e s i m p l e a b s o l u t e , a r e a l l c a r v e d o u t , as i t were, from the unencumbered f e e s i m p l e a b s o l u t e e s t a t e , and the h o l d e r o f t h a t o r i g i n a l e s t a t e i s t h e  per-  son t o whom as the o t h e r e s t a t e s e x p i r e the i n t e r e s t s thus  granted  return. L e t us t a k e B l a c k a c r e a g a i n . fee simple absolute —  J . acquires Blackacre i n  perhaps he purchased i t , o r was  i t , o r i n h e r i t e d i t , o r o b t a i n e d i t as a Crown g r a n t . one-quarter  given He  o f B l a c k a c r e t o K. f o r n i n e t y - n i n e y e a r s , and  a second q u a r t e r t o L. f o r l i f e . t e r e s t i n B l a c k a c r e t o M.,  leases gives  He t h e n s e l l s h i s e n t i r e i n -  and d i s a p p e a r s from the s t o r y .  M.  has p u r c h a s e d , t h e r e f o r e , a p r e s e n t f e e s i m p l e a b s o l u t e e s t a t e for  h a l f B l a c k a c r e p l u s the r i g h t s o f r e v e r s i o n f o r the  two  quarters.  L.'s  life  The s a l e does not e x t i n g u i s h K.'s  estate.  M. t h e n draws up h i s w i l l .  other  l e a s e h o l d nor  I n i t he  provides  - 142 t h a t when he d i e s , B l a c k a c r e w i l l  go t o h i s w i f e N. f o r l i f e  and thence i n f e e s i m p l e a b s o l u t e t o h i s son, o r i f M. s h o u l d d i e w i t h o u t a son, then t o P.  A t t h i s t i m e , M. has no s o n .  At t h i s p o i n t n e i t h e r N. n o r P. has any i n t e r e s t i n B l a c k a c r e . I t i s s t i l l p o s s i b l e f o r M. t o change h i s w i l l B l a c k a c r e i n any way he p l e a s e s . w i f e N. b u t no son.  o r t o convey  M. t h e n d i e s , l e a v i n g h i s  A t t h i s p o i n t , N. r e c e i v e s t h e l i f e  estate  i n B l a c k a c r e , and P. r e c e i v e s a f u t u r e i n t e r e s t , v i z . t h e f e e s i m p l e a b s o l u t e i n expectancy.  L. d i e s .  T i t l e t o t h e one  q u a r t e r o f B l a c k a c r e w h i c h he had enjoyed t h e n r e v e r t s t o , n o t P., b u t N.  N. d u l y d i e s , and P. e n t e r s i n t o p o s s e s s i o n o f B l a c k -  a c r e , except f o r t h e one q u a r t e r w h i c h i s s t i l l l e a s e d t o K. (the  ninety-nine years are not y e t concluded).  he d i e d had had a son.  Suppose M. when  Then B l a c k a c r e would have gone f i r s t t o  N. f o r l i f e and t h e n t o M.'s son, who u n t i l N. d i e d would have had t h e f e e s i m p l e absolute, e s t a t e i n expectancy. would have t e r m i n a t e d s t i l l - b o r n , as i t were.  P.'s i n t e r e s t  I f M.'s s o n d i e d  b e f o r e N., t h e e s t a t e would go n o t t o P. b u t t o M.'s son's h e i r , whoever t h a t might have been, u n l e s s M.'s s o n had a l r e a d y conveyed h i s i n t e r e s t , say, t o R., who would t h e n d u l y t a k e acre.  And so B l a c k a c r e ' s h i s t o r y  Black-  continues.  Though t h e d i s c u s s i o n so f a r has spoken o f t h e owner o r e s t a t e - h o l d e r i n t h e s i m g u l a r , i t i s p o s s i b l e under t h e common law and f r e q u e n t i n p r a c t i c e , f o r two o r more l e g a l persons t o have s i m u l t a n e o u s  r i g h t s t o p o s s e s s i o n o f t h e same l a n d .  a r e t h e n known as co-owners, and a r e s a i d t o have i n t e r e s t s (Todd and McClean 1 9 6 8 : V T - l f f , X - 4 ) .  They  concurrent  The common l a w  - 143 d i s t i n g u i s h e d f o u r k i n d s o f co-ownership: tenancy,  coparcenary,  joint  tenancy by e n t i r e t i e s , and tenancy i n common.  Coparc-  enary was t h e s h a r i n g j o i n t l y by t h e deceased e s t a t e - h o l d e r ' s daughters i n t h e p r o p e r t y .  I t occured when t h e deceased owner  had no male h e i r s (who would have t a k e n t h e p r o p e r t y ) , and has been a b o l i s h e d by s t a t u t e s w h i c h changed t h e r u l e s o f i n h e r i t ance.  J o i n t tenancy i s h a v i n g a common r i g h t t o p o s s e s s i o n  s u b j e c t t o t h e .jus a c c r e s c e n d i o r r i g h t o f s u r v i v o r s h i p . I f A and B own B l a c k a c r e j o i n t l y , t h e n i f A d i e s , B becomes a u t o m a t i c a l l y t h e s o l e owner o f B l a c k a c r e , p r o v i d e d t h a t n e i t h e r A nor B has a c t e d i n h i s o r h e r l i f e t i m e t o " s e v e r " t h e tenancy and t u r n i t i n t o a tenancy i n common.  Tenancy by e n t i r e t y  arose  when a j o i n t tenancy was c r e a t e d between a husband and w i f e . Tenants by t h e e n t i r e t y c o u l d m u t u a l l y agree t o d i s p o s e o f t h e p r o p e r t y d u r i n g t h e marriage  but n e i t h e r could u n i l a t e r a l l y  s e v e r t h e tenancy and d e s t r o y t h e r i g h t o f s u r v i v o r s h i p .  Var-  i o u s s t a t u t e s c o n c e r n i n g t h e f a m i l y and t h e r i g h t s o f m a r r i e d women have p r o b a b l y made tenancy by e n t i r e t i e s o b s o l e t e The  f o u r t h k i n d o f co-ownership i s tenancy i n common.  today. Here t h e  co-owners each have t h e r i g h t t o p o s s e s s i o n , b u t t h e r e i s no r i g h t o f s u r v i v o r s h i p . A co-owner i n a tenancy i n common may w i t h o u t c o n s u l t i n g t h e o t h e r co-owners s e l l o r g i v e o r o t h e r w i s e a l i e n a t e h i s e s t a t e i n whole o r i n p a r t t o a t h i r d p e r s o n who t h e n becomes co-owner w i t h e r i n p l a c e o f o r i n a d d i t i o n t o the a l i e n a t o r , depending on t h e d e t a i l s o f t h e conveyance. Thus a c c o r d i n g t o t h e common l a w o f r e a l p r o p e r t y , t h e owner o f l a n d may so s p l i t up h i s f e e s i m p l e a b s o l u t e  interest  - 144 t h a t ownership ( o f the land) i n the sense o f f u l l  exclusive  c o n t r o l w i t h r i g h t o f a l i e n a t i o n i s reduced almost to nothing, and  the land becomes the o b j e c t o f a c o l l e c t i o n o f r i g h t s some  o f which are p r e s e n t l y i t were, w a i t i n g on stage.  e x e r c i s e d and others  o f which a r e , as  i n the wings u n t i l t h e i r time comes to step  And ( t h i n k i n g o f time) n o t i c e the r o l e o f time and  o f contingency o r hypothesis ( i f . . . then) i n t h i s  complex  of r i g h t s . The  d o c t r i n e o f e s t a t e s separates land from r i g h t s t o  the l a n d , and allows be  conveyed.  Ownership and p o s s e s s i o n  i n t h i s system. the o c c a s i o n ,  these r i g h t s , even f u t u r e i n t e r e s t s , t o are c l e a r l y  separated  The land becomes the o b j e c t , o r even merely  f o r a network o f n o t i o n s  about r i g h t s , i n c l u d i n g  h y p o t h e t i c a l r i g h t s , which can be created and a l i e n a t e d even though the persons i n v o l v e d never see o r step onto the l a n d . (Thus K., i n the example e a r l i e r , could be an absentee l e s s e e , p u t t i n g S. i n a c t u a l p o s s e s s i o n  o f the q u a r t e r l e a s e d ;  and P.,  once h i s e s t a t e i n expectancy became an e s t a t e i n p o s s e s s i o n , could have decided  t o l e a s e t h a t out too.)  A l l t h i s i s very d i f f e r e n t from Dene and I n u i t ideas  about  land-holding.  3.  Other I n t e r e s t s i n Land The  name " i n c o r p o r e a l i n t e r e s t s " i s used t o l a b e l  inter-  e s t s i n the l a n d o f another person f a l l i n g s h o r t o f a c l a i m t o possession Book I I ;  ( c f . Todd and McClean 1968, c. V I I I ; Megarry and Wade 1966).  C h e s h i r e 1972,  Examples o f such i n c o r p o r e a l  - 145 i n t e r e s t s a r e : easements, p r o f i t s a p r e n d r e , and c o v e n a n t s . Each o f these d e s e r v e s some d e s c r i p t i o n . Easements may be d e f i n e d as p o s i t i v e o r n e g a t i v e easements. P o s i t i v e easements gove t h e owner o f t h e l a n d b e n e f i t e d  (known  as t h e "dominant tenement") t h e r i g h t t o e n t e r t h e l a n d burdened ( t h e " s e r v i e n t tenement") f o r a purpose w h i c h must f a l l  short  o f t a k i n g away from t h e burdened l a n d a n y t h i n g o f v a l u e and w h i c h w i l l enhance t h e use and enjoyment o f t h e dominant tenement. commonest example i s a r i g h t o f way.  The  N e g a t i v e easements ( w h i c h  a r e sometimes hard t o d i s t i n g u i s h from r e s t r i c t i v e c o v e n a n t s ) do not convey a r i g h t o f e n t r y on t o t h e s e r v i e n t tenement, but r e s t r i c t t h e owner's use o f t h a t tenement i n a way w h i c h b e n e f i t s t h e dominant tenement.  The r i g h t t o l i g h t e n j o y e d  o v e r B l a c k a c r e by t h e o c c u p i e r s o f Y e l l o w a c r e , i n t h e q u o t a t i o n from P o t t e r a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f s e c t i o n B 2 , i s an example.  Among  t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f an easement a r e t h a t t h e burden on t h e s e r v i e n t tenement must have a " n e c e s s a r y c o n n e x i o n " w i t h t h e normal use and enjoyment o f t h e dominant tenement;  and t h a t  t h e burden does not compel t h e owner o f t h e s e r v i e n t tenement t o do a n y t h i n g , b u t r a t h e r t o a l l o w something t o be done o r hims e l f t o r e f r a i n from d o i n g s o m e t h i n g .  Easements a r e c r e a t e d  by " g r a n t " , b u t t h e " g r a n t " may be " e x p r e s s " ( i . e . conveyed t o t h e owner o f t h e dominant tenement by a d e e d ) , " i m p l i e d "  (i.e.  n e c e s s a r i l y f o l l o w i n g from what t h e owner o f t h e s e r v i e n t t e n e ment does t r a n s f e r t o t h e owner o f t h e dominant t e n e m e n t ) , o r •'presumed" ( i . e . e s t a b l i s h e d by " p r e s c r i p t i o n " , o r c o n t i n u o u s and u n q u e s t i o n e d use f o r not l e s s t h a n a c e r t a i n s e t p e r i o d o f  - 146 time);  t h e y may a l s o be c r e a t e d by s t a t u t e , b u t t h i s  intro-  duces a n o t h e r s e t o f concerns i n t o t h e r e a l p r o p e r t y l a w . A p r o f i t a p r e n d r e i s Va r i g h t t o e n t e r on t h e l a n d o f a n o t h e r p e r s o n and t a k e some p r o f i t o f t h e s o i l such as m i n e r a l s , o i l , s t o n e s , t r e e s , t u r f , f i s h o r