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Sino-western historical accounts and imaginative images of women in battle May, Louise-Anne 1985

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WORTHY W A R R I O R S AND U N R U L Y A M A Z O N S SINO-WESTERN HISTORICAL ACCOUNTS AND IMAGINATIVE IMAGES OF WOMEN IN BATTLE by LOUISE ANNE MAY B . A . (HONS.) BROCK UNIVERSITY, 1973 M.A. UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 1976 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of H i s t o r y We accept th i s thesis as conforming to the required standar THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l 1985 c\ Louise. Anne May 1985 \ In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 DE-6 (3/81) ABSTRACT The intent of th i s thesis i s to analyse both the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of women in war and the s o c i a l and i d e o l o g i c a l con-text in which the imagery of the armed woman proved useful in two d i s t i n c t cu l tures which produced an inordinate number of h i s t o r i c a l and f i c t i o n a l women w a r r i o r s . S p e c i f i c a l l y , i t is intended to test the fo l lowing three hypotheses which ar i se from an analys i s of the secondary l i t e r a t u r e in th is f i e l d in the context of the s o c i e t i e s of seventeenth and eighteenth century France and Imperial China: 1. That women were general ly excluded from m i l i t a r y combat and leadership r o l e s . This exclus ion was the r e s u l t of gender and not b i o l o g i c a l c o n s t r a i n t s . 2. That some women in h i s t o r y were able to modify the masculine/ m i l i t a r y equat ion. This was based on one or more of three factors : rank, r e l i g i o n , r e b e l l i o n / r e v o l u t i o n . 3 . That the images of women warriors in imaginative l i t e r a t u r e and art did not r e f l e c t the actual scope or nature of women's p a r t i -c i p a t i o n in war. Rather, they r e f l e c t e d and re in forced a t t i tudes towards i d e a l s o c i a l and sexual h i erarch ie s and behaviours. The present study examines the subject of women and war within a more l i m i t e d c u l t u r a l and h i s t o r i c a l framework than that which i s usua l ly em-ployed in th i s f i e l d . While s i g n i f i c a n t v a r i a t i o n s are discovered in the analys i s of Chinese and French h i s t o r y and c u l t u r e , the f ind ing is that these three hypotheses prove to be c o r r e c t . This is not to suggest that the two cul tures were the same. Rather, i t suggests that within two very d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l h i e r a r c h i e s , there were comparable sexual h i erarch ie s which were underl ined and re in forced by s i m i l a r ideals in respect to the d i v i s i o n of labour and to the appropriate behaviour which accompanies th i s d i v i s i o n . TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract • • i Table of Contents 11 L i s t of I l l u s t r a t i o n s iv Acknowledgements v i Chapter 1: The Study of the Woman Warrior in Hi s tory and Cul ture : An Introduct ion to Research Issues and Methods 2 Chapter 2: The Woman Warrior in Seventeenth Century French Culture and His tory Introduct ion 29 Part 1: The Woman Warrior in E a r l y Seventeenth Century Novels , Drama and V i s u a l Art 31 Part 2: The Woman Warrior in E a r l y Seventeenth Century H i s t o r y 54 I l l u s t r a t i o n s 67 Notes 78 Chapter 3: The Woman Warrior in French Eighteenth Century and Revolut ionary H i s t o r y and Culture Introduct ion 84 Part 1: Images of Women in Eighteenth Century L i t e r a t u r e and Art 86 Part 2: The Woman Warrior in Eighteenth Century L i t e r a t u r e , Art and H i s t o r y 94 Part 3: The Woman Warrior in the French Revolut ion 101 Part 4: The Woman Warrior i n the Art and L i t e r a t u r e of the French Revolut ion 121 I l l u s t r a t i o n s 130 Notes 140 Chapter 4: The Woman Warrior in Imperial Chinese H i s t o r y and Culture Introduct ion 147 Part 1: The Status of Women in T r a d i t i o n a l Chinese Society 149 Part 2: The Woman Warrior in Imperial Chinese L i t e r a t u r e and Art 155 Part 3: The Woman Warrior in Imperial Chinese H i s t o r y 172 I l l u s t r a t i o n s • 183 Notes 193 Chapter 5: Women S o c i a l Bandits and Revo lut ion i s t s in Chinese Culture and H i s t o r y Introduct ion 198 Part 1: The Woman S o c i a l Bandit {nii-tviLa) in Chinese Imaginative L i t e r a t u r e 201 i i i i i . Part 2: The Role of Women in the Taip ing Revolut ion 216 2 I l l u s t r a t i o n s 238 Notes 240 Chapter 6: Conclusion 245 Notes 260 Bib l iography Western Language Source 261 Chinese Language Sources 285 Sources of Figures 293 Glossary of Chinese Characters .295" LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Chapter 2 Figure 1: The World Upside-Down According to a Pr in t Popular in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries 68 Figure 2: I l l u s t r a t i o n from an Eighteenth Century E d i t i o n of L'Heroine Mousquetaire 69 Figure 3: Catherine de Medic i and her Daughter-in-Law as Portrayed in the Royal Entry of Charles IX 70 Figure 4: Rubens: The Apotheosis of Henry IV 71 Figure 5: Images from Cesare Ripa's Iconologia (1602) 72 Figure 6: Rubens: Marie de Medic i at the Bat t l e of J u l ier s 73 Figure 7: Rubens: Marie de Medic i as the Goddess of War 74 Figure 8: Blanche of C a s t i l l e as Portrayed in Charles D ' A u t e u i l ' s Blanche Infante de C a s t i l l e 75 Figure 9: Deborah as Portrayed in P ierre Le Moyne's G a l l e r i e des Femmes Fortes 7 6 Figure 10: La Grande Mademoiselle as Portrayed by P i erre Bourguignon 77 Chapter 3 Figure 1: J . - B Greuze: The Beloved Mother 130 Figure 2: David: Oath of the H o r a t i i 131 Figure 3: Frontespiece of H i s t o i r e de la Dragone, Contenant les Act ions M i l i t a i r e s & Les Avantures de Genevieve Premoy 132 Figure 4: Le Barbier L ' A i n e : Le Siege de Beauvais 133 Figure 5: Athena Presenting the P o r t r a i t of Louis XV 134 Figure 6: France , Lorra ine and England Declare Peace 135 Figure 7: Prudhon's Rendit ion of the Republic with E q u a l i t y and L i b e r t y 136 Figure 8: Popular Images of the Republic and L i b e r t y 137 Figure 9: Images of the March to and from V e r s a i l l e s 138 Figure 10: David — Brutus 139 iv V . Chapter 4 Figure 1: T'ang Dynasty Pottery Figure Showing a Woman Play ing Polo 183 Figure 2: I l l u s t r a t i o n from the Eighteenth Century Novel Dream of the Red Chamber Showing a More Conven-t i o n a l P o r t r a i t of a nQJL-j&n 184 Figure 3: Mu-Lan Leaving Home, An I l l u s t r a t i o n from Wang Chau-Yuan, L ieh Nii Chuan Pu-Shu (1812) 185 Figure 4: Mu-Lan Returning Home, An I l l u s t r a t i o n from LusKun, Kuei Fan (1590) 186 Figure 5: She T 'a i - chun Leading the Yang Family Women's Army, an I l l u s t r a t i o n from Yang-Chih-Fu Y e n - i 187 Figure 6: Madam Hsien. Receiving Homage from T r i b a l Leaders, An I l l u s t r a t i o n from Wang Chuan-yuan, Lieh Nu Chuan Pu-shu (1812) 188 Figure77: Mu Kue i -y ing in Bat t l e with C h ' i h L i u - l a n g , An I l l u s t r a t i o n from Yang-chih Fu Y e n - i 189 Figure 8: Hua Mu-lan as portrayed in Chin K u - l i a n g , Wu Shuang Pu ( c i r c a 1690) 190 Figure 9: Madam Hsien as Portrayed in Chin Ku-Liang , Wu Shuang Pu ( c i r c a 1690) 191 Figure 10: Hsiang F e i as Portrayed by Guiseppe Cas t ig l ione . . . . 192 Chapter 5 Figure 1: Hung Hsien from an I l l u s t r a t i o n to a Ming Dynasty Play Based on the T'ang Dynasty Short Story 238 Figure 2: I l l u s t r a t i o n to the Play Wang Hua- t ing , c i r c a 1862 (Note Three rid-Ahla on the roof) 239 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would l i k e to thank my thes is supervisor Professor Edgar Wickberg who, in the course of my M.A. programme, guided me through my i n i t i a l study of Chinese h i s t o r y . Throughout the per iod of th i s present endeavour he has continued to of fer h is valuable advice and encouragement. I have been fortunate in my studies at UBC to encounter scholars who have shared with me t h e i r s k i l l s and t h e i r enthusiasm for the d i s c i p l i n e of h i s t o r y . I wish to acknowledge, in p a r t i c u l a r , the c o n t r i b u t i o n of Professor Harvey M i t c h e l l to my education in th i s f i e l d . F i n a l l y , spec ia l thanks to many treasured fr iends who have given me u n f a i l i n g support and encouragement. The example they provide in t h e i r own i n t e l l e c t u a l endeavours and in t h e i r d a i l y e f f o r t s to enr ich the l i ve s of t h e i r students, fr iends and neighbours is a cont inua l source of i n s p i r a t i o n to me. CHAPTER 1 THE STUDY OF THE WOMAN WARRIOR IN HISTORY AND CULTURE: AN INTRODUCTION TO RESEARCH ISSUES AND METHODS Contemporary s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l concerns bear great ly on the scope of h i s t o r i c a l research and on r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the past . In the post World War. II p e r i o d , new areas of h i s t o r i c a l inqu iry such as labour h i s t o r y , Black h i s t o r y , ethnic h i s t o r y and s o c i a l h i s t o r y may be seen, in p a r t , as attempts to ' r e c o l l e c t ' the h i s t o r y of groups formerly perceived as being powerless and therefore outside of the main currents of world development. However, When a group of people comes to think of themselves as s i g n i f i -cant beings or are pushing for such recogni t ion from soc ie ty , and f u r t h e r , when h i s t o r i a n s recognize or experience such pressure , then an in teres t in that group's past is enhanced."'-The second wave of feminism which or ig ina ted in North America in the 1960s has been responsible for a renewed in teres t in red i scover ing ' l o s t ' women. In the past , compensatory h i s t o r i e s ( i . e . c o l l e c t i o n s of biographies of notable women) have been compiled in response to the appearance of i n d i v i d u a l l y powerful women or women's r ight s movements and debates. U n c r i t i c a l of t h e i r sources and c a t h o l i c in t h e i r process of s e l e c t i o n , the authors of fered t h e i r b iograph ica l c o l l e c t i o n s in defense of the capaci ty of i n d i v i d u a l women to rule or groups of women to share p o l i t i c a l r ight s with men. Their defense rested in the numbers of women to be found in the annals of world h i s t o r y who had success fu l ly c a r r i e d out r e s p o n s i -b i l i t i e s in the pub l i c sphere. The present feminist movement, while producing countless of i t s own h i s t o r i e s , has also spawned a new d i s c i p l i n e , women's h i s t o r y . According to one s p e c i a l i s t in the f i e l d : 2. [Women's h i s t o r y ] must be understood not as being d e s c r i p t i v e of a past r e a l i t y but as a conceptual model, a s trategy by which to focus and i s o l a t e that which t r a d i t i o n a l h i s t o r y has obscured. Women's h i s t o r y , in order to compensate for the i n v i s i b i l i t y of women in t r a d i t i o n a l h i s t o r y c a l l s a t tent ion to women, focuses inqu iry upon them and asks questions de-signed to e l i c i t t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s and ideas from the past . Once that primary job of da ta - f ind ing has been accomplished, i t sets about ordering i t s f indings in ways that seem appro-p r i a t e to the experiences of women. Women's h i s t o r y , then, attempts to br ing these f indings and th i s knowledge in r e l a t i o n to t r a d i t i o n a l h i s t o r y and i t s f i n d i n g s . A synthes i s , which i n e v i t a b l y must occur, i s as yet premature.-Women's h i s t o r i a n s , when reviewing both primary and secondary sources, are a l e r t to the "dis junct ions between the categor ies , assumptions and 3 c r i t e r i a which shape most s c h o l a r l y w r i t i n g , and the experiences of women." They examine, for example, the relevance to women of standard p e r i o d i z a t i o n and they discover "a f a i r l y regular pattern of r e l a t i v e loss of status for 4 women p r e c i s e l y in those periods of s o - c a l l e d progress ive change." In a d d i t i o n , women's h i s t o r i a n s explore the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the image of women projected by the dominant cu l ture (often the most access ib le source of information on women) and women's actual l i f e experiences. In short , th i s new f i e l d introduces 'sex' as an a n a l y t i c a l category into s o c i a l h i s t o r y alongside c l a s s , race and e t h n i c i t y . In sp i te of th i s renewed h i s t o r i c a l focus on women, there has been a minimum of s c h o l a r l y e f f o r t devoted to the study of the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of women in war, p a r t i c u l a r l y as combatants and leaders . The study of war is judged by women's h i s t o r i a n s to be one of the more durable androcentric categor izat ions in t r a d i t i o n a l h i s t o r y and as such to be a major c o n t r i b u t i n g factor to the notion that women's h i s t o r i c a l experience is i r r e l e v a n t . ^ In a d d i t i o n , n a t i o n a l i s t and women's r ight s movements (and sometimes combinatio s of the two) have produced so many c o l l e c t i o n s of biographies 3 . of 'heroic women' that i t is now assumed by many that "the p a t r i o t i c contr ibut ions of women in wars and revolut ions is a twice t o l d ta le ."^ Moreover, these compensatory h i s t o r i e s are now out of fashion because of t h e i r methodology, which is l arge ly d e s c r i p t i v e , and t h e i r focus, which is on i n d i v i d u a l s and not groups. As one h i s t o r i a n has noted: They r a i s e consciousness, promote p r i d e , and restore a fu l lness to the h i s t o r i c a l event. But such studies of ac t iv i sm and heroism are often d e s c r i p t i v e rather than a n a l y t i c a l and v a l u -able as they remain, they re in force a sense that women deserve not ice only when they are ac t ive and h e r o i c . The i m p l i c i t contrast is to a pass ive , n o n p o l i t i c a l , t imid sex — and th i s praise is b u i l t upon d i s d a i n . F i n a l l y , I would suggest that the new scholarship has ignored the topic of women in war because the primary sources are d i f f i c u l t to locate-and few in number compared, for example, to sources on women in the fami ly . When these sources are unearthed they often appear to be of doubtful a u t h e n t i c i t y . The e a r l i e s t account of Hannah S n e l l , a B r i t i s h woman who disguised h e r s e l f as a man and served in the navy from 1745-1750, appeared in the Gentleman's Magazine in J u l y , 1750. Though replete with d e t a i l about her family and ear ly l i f e , the d e s c r i p t i o n of her l i f e at sea is presented as a ser ies of s t e r e o t y p i c a l adventures which had long been considered e s s e n t i a l ingredients in the warrior woman t a l e . The a r t i c l e re inforces th i s q u a l i t y of legend by ending with a r e n d i t i o n of a current b a l l a d which further standardized Hannah's s tory . As a consequence of these and other problems, the study of women in war has been abandoned, in great p a r t , to ant iquarians and enthusiasts 9 whose books bear names such as Women at War: A Deadly Species (1977) and whose a n a l y t i c a l depths are adequately represented by the fo l lowing quote from John L a f f i n ' s Women in Bat t l e (1967): 4. Thus accoutred she came to lead the troops of France, who admired her p r o f e s s i o n a l l y as wel l as for her f i g u r e . The French are h y p o c r i t i c a l and do Joan an i n j u s t i c e by never admitt ing that Joan had an a t t r a c t i v e f i g u r e . ^ ® The most ambitious of the recent spate of such pub l i ca t ions i s P i erre Samuel's Amazones, guerr ieres et g a i l l a r d e s (1975). Though c a r e f u l l y researched and comprehensive in i t s c u l t u r a l and chrono log ica l compass, i t does not d i f f e r apprec iably in scope, intent or methodology from s i m i l a r works compiled as ear ly as the seventeenth century. One such study of warrior women was Thomas Heywood's The Exemplary  Lives and Memorable Acts of Nine of the Most Worthy Women of the World (1640). Heywood's book was intended to serve as a defense of the appro-priateness of the r u l e of E l i z a b e t h the f i r s t who had proven to be 'above her sex' . He demonstrated th i s by present ing E l i z a b e t h as the la tes t in a l ine of "masculine and heroicke s p i r i t s " which included the B i b l i c a l Deborah, the amazonian queen Penthese l ia and the f i r s t century A . D . t r i b a l leader Bodicea. E l i z a b e t h had proven her readiness to lead B r i t i s h troops in b a t t l e by appearing at T i l b u r y "habited l i k e an Amazonian Queene, 11 Buskind and plumed, having a golden Truncheon, Gantlet and Gorget ." A s i m i l a r p u b l i c a t i o n was P i e r r e Le Moyne's G a l l e r i e des Femmes Fortes (1647) which was dedicated to the regent Anne of A u s t r i a . In the preface , Le Moyne addressed Anne as a v i c t o r i o u s general and a t t r i b u t e d recent French m i l i t a r y triumphs to her: A l l our V i c t o r i e s commence in your Cabinet , through your Zeal and Prayer , before the conduct of generals , and the valour of Souldiers compleat them in the f i e l d . . . . By th i s way of Com-bat t ing you make a Holy War, and f ight l i k e a C h r i s t i a n Heroesse. Le Moyne was p a r t i c u l a r l y concerned to encourage an i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of Anne with the B i b l i c a l heroine Deborah. However, in the rest of th i s 5 . l a v i s h l y i l l u s t r a t e d book, the author offered over one hundred biographies of heroic women from B i b l i c a l , Graeco-Roman and French h i s t o r y who rose above t h e i r sex to defend na t iona l and f a m i l i a l honour. C o l l e c t i o n s of biographies of warrior women seem to have been i n s p i r e d hot only by concerns as to a p a r t i c u l a r woman's 'manliness' but by fears for the manly strength of the nat ion i t s e l f . Nineteenth century France witnessed not only the r e s t o r a t i o n of Joan of Arc as a na t iona l symbol during the Napoleonic per iod but also the p u b l i c a t i o n of a v a r i e t y of books which d e t a i l e d the heroic response of French women to the nat ion's p e r i l throughout i t s h i s t o r y . One of the most extensive c o l l e c t i o n s of th i s kind was A l f r e d Tranchant's Les femmes m i l i t a i r e s de la France (1866) which surveyed French women warriors from the seventh to the nineteenth centur ie s . The author explains the i n s p i r a t i o n behind th i s work by quoting Lamartine: Toutes les nations ont, dans leurs annales, quelques-uns de ces mirac les de patr io t i sme dont une femme est 1'instrument dans les mains de Dieu. Quant tout est desespere dans une cause n a t i o n a l e , i l ne faut pas desesperer encore, s ' i l reste un foyer de res i s tance dans un coeur de ferame.^ It i s in the act ions of heroic women, according to the author, that one f inds the most exemplary i l l u s t r a t i o n s of p a t r i o t i s m . In the mid-nineteenth century when the French nat ion was more often than not symbolized by the f igure of a woman (rather than that of a king) and more often threatened with invasion and r e v o l u t i o n , i t is no wonder that authors searched through the annals of t h e i r nat ion ' s h i s t o r y for examples of , j ,14 'masculine s p i r i t e d women.' F i n a l l y , works about h i s t o r i c a l women warriors appeared in Europe and North America in response to the women's r ight s movements of the late nineteenth and ear ly twentieth century. In 1879, for example, the Eng l i sh 6. author E l l e n Clayton publ ished Female Warr iors : Memorials of Female Valour and Heroism from the Mytholog ica l Ages to the Present E r a . The two volume work was Clayton's contr ibut ion to the growing debate over the r i g h t of women to vote when, i t was popular ly b e l i e v e d , women would not be able to defend na t iona l p o l i c i e s on the b a t t l e f i e l d . As Clayton explained: Popular P r e j u d i c e , having decided that woman is a poor, weak creature , creadulous, e a s i l y inf luenced , holds that she is of necess i ty t imid ; that i f she were allowed as much as a voice in the government of her nat ive country, she would stand appal led i f war were hinted a t . ^ According to Clayton , in the past women's behaviour and at t i tudes toward them were d i f f e r e n t than in her time. Very few people deny that woman d i d , o c c a s i o n a l l y , f ight in olden times. AIT nat ions , from the rudest barbarians to the most advanced in c i v i l i z a t i o n , hold th i s b e l i e f . . . . An o ld Chinese t r a d i t i o n says that but for the wisdom of c e r t a i n mandarins in days gone by, the weaker sex might p o s s i b l y now be the stronger in the C e l e s t i a l Empire. Once upon a time, so the s tory runs , the Chinese women, discontented with the unequal share accorded to them in the government, rose in r e b e l l i o n . The r e v o l t so very near ly became a revo lu t ion that the Emperor and his m i n i s t e r s , to prevent a recurrence of the danger, decreed that henceforth the feet of g i r l s throughout China should be bandaged in such a way as to put i t out of t h e i r power ever to take the f i e l d as w a r r i o r s . ^ To support her c la im that the f r a i l woman was a modern invent ion , Clayton surveyed a mult itude of sources on world h i s t o r y and extracted from them the biographies of over three hundred women who led armies and fought in the ranks during the course of two thousand years . Re f l ec t ing current B r i t i s h p o l i t i c a l concerns, her f i n a l chapter i s devoted to Indian women warriors inc lud ing those, l i k e the Rani of Jhansi who were 17 renowned for r e s i s t i n g the t ide of B r i t i s h Imperial ism. Throughout the per iod of the suffrage debates and in the fo l lowing decades, the s ty l e and focus of h i s t o r y w r i t i n g was changing. Though comparatively few works were devoted to the study of women a f ter the 7. nineteen twenties , a s i g n i f i c a n t number of those who d i d choose women as t h e i r focus also borrowed from the techniques of s o c i a l h i s t o r y to explore th i s area. One of the most famous studies from th i s p e r i o d , Mary Beard's Women as a Force in Hi s tory (1946) used ins ights gained through a study of an thropo log i ca l , l i t e r a r y and s o c i o l o g i c a l sources, as well as conven-t i o n a l a r c h i v a l m a t e r i a l s , to argue that women had played an act ive and 18 e s sen t ia l ro l e throughout the course of h i s t o r y . Surrounded as i t is by such modern discuss ions as the evolut ion of women's l ega l r ights in Europe, Beard's sect ion on women in the m i l i t a r y seems a n a c h r o n i s t i c . It is doubtful that Roman accounts of barbarian 'hordes' accurate ly r e f l e c t the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of women in Germanic armies. It is also doubtful i f legendary heroines such as Zenobia, Tomyris and Cleopatra can be used to t y p i f y the ro le of a r i s t o c r a t i c women in m i l i t a r y engagements. In short , Beard's c r i t i c a l evaluat ion of sources on women's h i s t o r y appears to have been suspended for her d i scuss ion of women and war. The la tes t add i t i on to the study of women at war, P i erre Samuel's Amazones, guerr ieres et g a i l l a r d e s , while in sp i red by the women's movement, seems r e l a t i v e l y untouched by developments in the methodology of women's h i s t o r y . As in the case of Clayton's study publ ished one hundred years before his own, Samuel i s intent on proving that women have the capaci ty to equal men in phys i ca l s trength . It is modern soc ie ty which has created weak women. H i s t o r y , according to the author, i s reple te with examples of women who equaled men in feats of valour and mart ia l a r t s . To support his argument, Samuel o f fers over three hundred pages of worldwide legends of amazons; accounts of mysterious countries of women; f o l k l o r e about women who went to war in d i sgu i se ; epics which ce lebrated worthy warr iors ; and f i n a l l y , numerous accounts of ' h i s t o r i c a l ' women 8. w a r r i o r s . His conclusion i s again s i m i l a r to those of authors who had wri t ten about women warriors in the past : J 'espere avo ir montre q u ' i l est faux de d ire a p r i o r i que les femmes sont f a i b l e s . Un faisceau assez impressionant d'exemples et d ' ind ice s indique que la v igeur feminine peut etre c o n s i d -erablement developpee et raprochee de la viguer masculine par les condit ions s o c i a l e s , l ' e d u c a t i o n , 1'entrainement . . . et la d i spara t ion du 'double m o d e l e ' . ^ There have been recent ly a few departures from the t r a d i t i o n a l s t y l e , anecdotal catalogues of women w a r r i o r s . These have been, for the most p a r t , attempts to expla in the s o c i a l and i d e o l o g i c a l context in which the image of the woman warr ior has been u s e f u l . These studies have been c u l t u r e - and t i m e - s p e c i f i c , borrowing t h e i r methodology from women's h i s t o r y , s o c i a l h i s t o r y , l i t e r a r y h i s t o r y and the s o c i a l sc iences . They have, by and large , ignored the h i s t o r i c a l problem of women's actual p a r t i c i p a t i o n in warfare. In a journa l devoted to the study of Jungian theory, two studies have appeared which attempt to expla in and account for the image of the warrior woman. Rene Malamud's "The Amazon Problem" (1971) and Carol Rupprecht's "The M a r t i a l Maid and the Challenge of Androgyny" (1974) both describe the image of the warr ior woman as an 'archetype ' , an image generated by the c o l l e c t i v e unconscious. Quoting Alexander Humboldt, Malamud suggests that the myth of the Amazons "belongs to that uniform and narrow c i r c l e of dreams and ideas around which the poet ic and r e l i g i o u s imagination of a l l races of mankind, in every p e r i o d , revo lves ." Speculat ing on the o r i g i n and d u r a b i l i t y of th i s myth Malamud writes that: ev ident ly the archetypal image of the feminine by which man apprehends the being of woman possesses a m a r t i a l aspect . For whether or not a t r i b e of women s o l d i e r s a c t u a l l y ex is ted i s 9. not the quest ion: the archetypal image of these m a r t i a l beings ex is ts as a psychic r e a l i t y and refers to the psycho log ica l experience of man with woman. It is woman as experienced by man over the course of. the m i l l e n i a . ^ -According to th is i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , the image of the warr ior woman, i t s e l f t imeless , r e f l e c t s an unchanging aspect of the way in which men perceive women. It is not , then, a crea t ion of the c o l l e c t i v e unconscious, but of the c o l l e c t i v e male unconscious. The second a r t i c l e by Carol Rupprecht i n i t i a l l y appears to be more t i m e - s p e c i f i c as i t seeks to explore the warrior woman image in Renaissance epic poetry . In essence, however, th is a r t i c l e , l i k e the f i r s t , argues for the timelessness of the image. The author suggests that in her study of the epic woman w a r r i o r , archetypal psychology was the key to her under-standing of the s i g n i f i c a n c e of t h i s image. [s]he is . . . only one appearance of a l i t e r a r y type that has recurred in Western European l i t e r a t u r e since i t s c l a s s i c a l beginnings, o r i g i n a t i n g as ear ly as the mythologem of Pa l las Athene and recorded accounts of the Amazons . . . The v i t a l i t y of th i s type and i t s pers is tence in l i t e r a t u r e from a n t i q u i t y to the present time imply a hold on the imagina-t ion r e a d i l y suggesting the power of an archetype.--^ Rather than suggesting that th i s archetype is one aspect of 'woman as experienced by man', Rupprecht argues that the epic woman warrior i s an androgynous f igure which was used to experience the ' inner anima-animus r e l a t i o n s h i p ' and which could a lso serve to broaden the consciousness of i n d i v i d u a l s i n respect to gender d e f i n i t i o n s . These two psychoanalyt ic attempts to expla in the existence and p e r s i s -tence of the warrior woman image are unsat i s fac tory from the point of view of the s o c i a l h i s t o r i a n for they emphasize the t imeless q u a l i t y of th i s image and ignore , for the most p a r t , v a r i a t i o n s r e s u l t i n g from s p e c i f i c c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l cond i t i ons . Consequently, a more time s p e c i f i c approach 10. to these images has been undertaken by a small number of s o c i a l and l i t e r a r y h i s t o r i a n s . In her a r t i c l e "Woman on Top", Nata l i e Zemon Davis explores the image of the woman warrior as one v a r i a t i o n on the theme of the d i s o r d e r l y woman in E a r l y Modern European c u l t u r e . She is p a r t i c u l a r l y interes ted to d i s -cover how th i s image was used to comment upon and to c r i t i c i z e s o c i a l h ierarchy in p r e - i n d u s t r i a l Europe. Davis agrees, for the most p a r t , with anthropologists such as V i c t o r Turner who have suggested that symbolic invers ion is f u n c t i o n a l . By momentarily turning the world upside down, the image serves to c l a r i f y and to re in force the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . However, Davis adds that at c e r t a i n 24 times, the image could prove d i s f u n c t i o n a l . In her d i scuss ion of the uses of symbolic i n v e r s i o n , Davis d i s t inguishes between two types of woman w a r r i o r . The f i r s t i s the "virtuous v irago" such as Spenser's Britomart who proves that she can r i s e above her sex by c o n t r o l l i n g the ' lower' female elements in h e r s e l f . According to Davis these images "had the p o t e n t i a l to i n s p i r e a few females to exceptional ac t ion" and were also "a resource for feminist r e f l e c t i o n on women's c a p a c i t i e s — s p e c i f i c a l l y in compensation h i s t o r y where i t i s shown that 25 women can share greater equa l i ty with men." However, th i s image was intended more for the purpose of supporting the s o c i a l s tructure or a leg i t imate cause and less as a resource for quest ioning i t . On the other hand there was the unruly woman warrior such as Grimmel-hausen's Libuschka or Courage; one of a ser ies of picaresque heroines — f i g h t i n g in the army in s o l d i e r s c lo thes; r u l i n g her many husbands and lovers ; paying them back a hundredfold when they take revenge or betray her; whoring, t r i c k i n g , and trading to survive or get r i c h . " ^ 11. This f igure which "gave r e i n to the lower in h e r s e l f and [sought] ru le over super iors" , could serve in l i t e r a t u r e and r i t u a l to question the 27 s o c i a l h ierarchy and to v a l i d a t e "disobedient and r iotous behaviour." In her study Davis i s in teres ted in the use of the warr ior woman image as an expression of a t t i tudes to s o c i a l h ierarchy and not as a device to explore the nature and d e f i n i t i o n of gender. However, she does note that., the image seems to have been popular in an era when at t i tudes towards women and women's ro les were changing. According to Davis the subject ion of women was gradual ly deepening from the s ixteenth to the eighteenth centuries as the p a t r i a r c h a l family streamlined i t s e l f for more property a c q u i s i t i o n , s o c i a l m o b i l i t y , and the p r e s e r -vat ion of the l i n e , and as progress in s t a t e - b u i l d i n g and the extension of commercial c a p i t a l i s m were achieved at a cost in human autonomy. By the eighteenth century, married women in France and England had l a r g e l y lost what independent legal p e r s o n a l i t y they had formerly had, and they had less l ega l r i g h t to make decis ions ~on the ir own about t h e i r dowries and possessions than at an e a r l i e r p e r i o d . Propert ied women were involved less and less in l o c a l and reg ional p o l i t i c a l assemblies . Thus, the image of the woman warr ior was most apparent in c u l t u r a l products in a per iod in which the 'domesticat ion' of women was most intense . It may have served then, as a device to teach about these feminine ideals and as a device to provide release from the tensions created by attempts to enforce such i d e a l s . In h is book Amazons and Warrior Women (1981) Simon Sheperd notes that the warrior woman image was popular in England during and immediately a f ter the re ign of E l i z a b e t h the F i r s t . In Eng l i sh l i t e r a t u r e and drama of the p e r i o d , Shepherd discovers the same two categories of woman warriors as were suggested in the work of Nata l i e Zemon Davis . According to Shepherd the v ir tuous warr ior and the unruly amazon c o u M 12. be used to r e i n f o r c e the s o c i a l s tructure and to question i t . He is p a r t i -c u l a r l y in teres ted in the p o l i t i c a l uses to which these images were put in the El izabethan p e r i o d . He suggests, for example, that Spenser's character Britomart was intended by the author as a t h i n l y d isguised message to E l i z a b e t h that both she and nat ion had to become more 'manly' , more aggressive against c a t h o l i c s and more determined in t h e i r e f for t s i • • 2 9 at c o l o n i z a t i o n . The warr ior woman motif found i t s way into another aspect of seventeenth century p o l i t i c s : The L e v e l l e r p e t i t i o n s of 1649 and 1653 [wri t ten and presented by women to parl iament] made reference to Boadicea, who is presented by Heywood as a B r i t i s h type of c l a s s i c a l Amazon, a l i b e r a t i n g w a r r i o r . And we have met before the manner of response to the p e t i t i o n e r s ; they were t a l k a t i v e shrews or they wanted to wear the breeches. An i r o n i c commentator in May 1649 s a i d : 'What's become of a l l my brave Virago ' s the Ladyes-errants of the Seagreen Order . . . why doe ye not againe muster up your Pettycoates and white Apporns, and l i k e ga l l ent Lacedemonians, or bold Amazons advance your banners once more." What is i n t r i g u i n g about this inc ident i s that a group of women attempted to l e g i t i m i z e t h e i r publ i c act ions by as soc ia t ing themselves with the v ir tuous woman warr ior who t r a d i t i o n a l l y supported the s o c i a l order . Their d e t r a c t o r s , on the other hand, used the image of the unruly amazon to under-mine the legi t imacy of t h e i r cause and to mock t h e i r behaviour. As Shepherd notes : Ind iv idua l manly v i r t u e need not be s o c i a l l y d i s r u p t i v e , but a manly group of women requires s o c i a l space to be made for i t . The group can d i srupt where the i n d i v i d u a l merely insp i r es. ^ While agreeing in general with th is observat ion , I would suggest that the f i c t i o n a l model of the woman warr ior is so hedged about with contrivances that make the hero ine ' s act ions acceptable , that ac tua l women who attempt to adopt the persona walk a fine l i n e . I f one of the rules i s broken, the 13. v ir tuous warrior becomes the unruly amazon. It is a precarious image to depend on in order to leg i t imate one's a c t i o n s . The career of Joan of Arc is an exce l lent example of th is dilemma. While the previous four studies make only passing reference to women who a c t u a l l y p a r t i c i p a t e d in b a t t l e , Marina Warner in her book Joan of Arc attempts to unearth d e t a i l s of the l i f e of the Western world's most famous woman s o l d i e r . Y e t , as Warner notes in the beginning of her study: Joan was already in her l i f e t i m e s l i p p i n g away into a world of emblems, of p e r s o n i f i e d a b s t r a c t i o n s . Previous modes of thought tugged on her i n d i v i d u a l person so powerful ly that she could not withstand i t , she, the f igure of va lour and 3? ~ s trength . Of necess i ty then, Warner's book i s an i n v e s t i g a t i o n of s tereotypes , those which Joan seems to have chosen for h e r s e l f , those projected on to her by her contemporaries; and f i n a l l y , those chosen by her decendents to paraphrase her biography. In each case the stereotype serves to leg i t imate act ions not usua l ly equated with female norms of behaviour. In Joan's case, according to Warner, her search for legi t imacy led her to imitate the behaviour of female sa ints who had disguised themselves as men and had l i v e d as monks. By renouncing t h e i r sex these women were able to d i s s o c i a t e themselves from the moral and s p i r i t u a l f r a i l t i e s which C h r i s t i a n i t y ascr ibed to women. Given her p a r t i c u l a r mission however, Joan dressed, not as a monk, but as a kn ight , adopting the c o u r t l y behaviour of these medieval w a r r i o r s . F i n a l l y , Joan claimed that God communicated d i r e c t l y through her . As Warner w r i t e s , according to Joan "she was the medium through which the mandate of heaven could be known and she represented a chal lenge that had 33 to be met." This las t c la im was p a r t i c u l a r l y c r u c i a l for in Joan's day, "the 14. expectancy of prophets and the r e c e p t i v i t y to them were prevalent and very 34 high". Women prophets were p a r t i c u l a r l y popular in t h i s per iod and Joan's supporters qu ick ly a l l i e d her with th i s fashionable r o l e . In the dialogue of emblems and images, Joan and her supporters ra i sed her status in terms of her sex and her c lass in order to l eg i t imate her claims r i g h t f u l l y to lead French armies to v i c t o r y against the Eng l i sh invader. In sp i te of the prevalence of supporters who cast her in the image of the worthy w a r r i o r , her d e t r a c t o r s , who proved to be more powerful , were persuaded that she was an 'unruly amazon'. While the B r i t i s h re f erred to her as 'a p o l l u t e d s o r c e r e s s ' , her own countrymen branded her as a h e r e t i c , a witch who had converse with the d e v i l and not with God. Immediately a f ter her death, those who supported Joan began to write of her as a 'v ir tuous v i r a g o ' and to equate her with other examples of acceptable female heroism such as J u d i t h , Deborah and Penthese l ia . In the fo l lowing c e n t u r i e s , Joan's persona became so emptied of biography that she eventual ly became a cypher, a f igure l i k e Robin Hood, i d e n t i f i e d by a few a t t r i b u t e s and a v a i l a b l e to leg i t imate any number of diverse c la ims . As demonstrated in th i s b r i e f review, while the t r a d i t i o n a l studies such as those by Clayton and Samuel present a mixed bag of myth, legend and ' h i s t o r i c a l ' women w a r r i o r s , the new scholarship seems to concentrate almost e x c l u s i v e l y on the imagery of the woman warrior to the detriment of h i s t o r i c a l evidence of women's actua l p a r t i c i p a t i o n in warfare. Recent ly , in part due to the debate over the admission of women to the combat branches of the U.S . Army, there has been some a n a l y t i c a l work devoted to the subject of women's ro l e in armies. Of three representat ive a r t i c l e s , one out l ines the rami f i ca t ions of women's t r a d i t i o n a l exclus ion from the combat areas of 15. warfare, while the other two seek to change the general impression that women were absent from pr es-modern:.armies . In "Arms and the Woman", M.C. F e l d , though not pursuing the basis for the exclus ion of women from the armed forces , does discuss the re su l t s of such exc lus ion . According to F e l d , keeping women out of the m i l i t a r y has served to re in force c u l t u r a l d e f i n i t i o n s of women as the weaker sex and has served to j u s t i f y t h e i r exc lus ion from pos i t ions of p o l i t i c a l a u t h o r i t y : Their formal exclus ion countenances the conventional s tereo-types of women as a subspecies of the human race , p h y s i c a l l y and p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y i n f e r i o r to men; they are unstable , given to emotional extremes, incapable of sustained e f f o r t , c o n s t i -t u t i o n a l l y adverse to submerging themselves in a common cause. These a l l eged negative psycho log ica l f a c t o r s , and an added a l l u s i o n to p r i m i t i v e sexual r e a l i t i e s , project the image of women.not only as a body of s o c i a l non-achievers but also as a p o s i t i v e l y d i s r u p t i v e communal force . When women have p a r t i c i p a t e d in warfare, or at least the war e f f o r t : female m i l i t a r y service has been an a u x i l i a r y resource . It was c l e a r l y understood that whatever degree of p a r t i c i p a t i o n was achieved e i ther in the armed or work force would be renounced as soon as normal condit ions returned. As such, female m i l i t a r y service was an act of t r i b u t e rather than an asser t ion of e q u a l i t y . While Fe ld seems convinced that women were never in the m i l i t a r y in s i g n i f i c a n t numbers, two other a r t i c l e s suggest that in the armies of p r e - i n d u s t r i a 1 Europe and the American Revolut ion , women played a much more e s s e n t i a l ro le than previous b e l i e v e d . While the a r t i c l e s concentrate on the support services provided by women, they also comment on the p a r t i -c i p a t i o n of women in combat. In his a r t i c l e "Women and M i l i t a r y I n s t i t u t i o n i n E a r l y Modern Europe", Barton Hacker emphasizes the importance of women's labour in p r e - i n d u s t r i a l European armies. He notes , for example, that an eighteenth century French 16. army of 30,200T men may have had as many as 12,000 s u t l e r s , v ivandieres and camp fo l lowers , most of them women. His thes is is that as the army became more p r o f e s s i o n a l i z e d , p a r t i c u l a r l y in the eighteenth century, support services were also p r o f e s s i o n a l i z e d . This process tended to e l iminate women from a l l branches of the m i l i t a r y . While t h i s a r t i c l e emphasizes the support roles performed by women, the author does make some observations about the r o l e of women in combat. . . . army women . . . sometimes joined the b a t t l e . In the often f l u i d and i l l - d e f i n e d contexts of warfare before the mid-seventeenth century, women must have fought, or at least helped in the f i g h t i n g , as a matter of course in the p e r i l of the moment. As war grew more formal in the l a t e r seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and i r r e g u l a r r a i d i n g by units of uncer-ta in a l l eg iance d e c l i n e d , such chance encounters became r a r e r . Older patterns tended to p e r s i s t in c i v i l and revo lut ionary warfare, p a r t l y because such wars are inherent ly i r r e g u l a r , ^ 7 p a r t l y because of the depth of f e e l i n g they are l i k e l y to invoke. An example of th i s 'o lder p a t t e r n ' is provided by Linda Grant De Pauw in her a r t i c l e "Women in Combat; the Revolut ionary War Experience". De Pauw claims that during the American Revolut ion "tens of thousands of women were involved in ac t ive combat ."^ The author defines three categories of women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The f i r s t and largest group was named the 'women of the army'. Unl ike camp fo l lowers , these women were on the m i l i t a r y p a y r o l l , and subject to m i l i t a r y d i s c i p l i n e . Their ro le was to provide medical support s e r v i c e s . The second group cons is ted of women who e n l i s t e d as regular troops , some in d isguise and some not , and fought s ide by side with male s o l d i e r s . While i t was i l l e g a l to e n l i s t women in combat u n i t s , i t was d e f i n i t e l y done, most l i k e l y in response to chronic manpower shortages. In most cases, women who were discovered to be in d isguise were released from the army. 17. The most famous of these cases is that of Deborah Sampson, who e n l i s t e d under the name of Robert S h u r t l e f f . Long considered to be an imaginary f i g u r e , Sampson's m i l i t a r y papers were recent ly discovered in the Nat ional 39 Archives prompting new in teres t in s i m i l a r cases. F i n a l l y , De Pauw maintains that the major i ty of women who saw combat d id so while serving as i r r e g u l a r f ighters in m i l i t i a companies where "the l ine between c i v i l i a n and s o l d i e r often disappeared, although combat con-d i t i o n s were c l e a r l y p r e s e n t . . . In th is confused theatre of i r r e g u l a r warfare, 40 an indeterminate number of women saw combat." To summarize th i s review of the scholarship devoted to the subjects of the image and the r e a l i t y of women in war, the works created before the resurgence of the women's movement (and those such as P i e r r e Samuel's book which mirror t h e i r forms) have s i m i l a r i t i e s in i n t e n t , scope and methodology. They are a l l intended to defend p a r t i c u l a r women (or women as a group) against misogynist commonplaces which ascr ibe to women i n t e l l e c -t u a l , moral and p h y s i c a l i n f e r i o r i t y in order to l e g i t i m i z e female claims to greater pub l i c author i ty and r i g h t s . To support t h e i r c la ims , the authors have mined the sources of world h i s t o r y and legend in order to produce as many examples as poss ib le which prove that in the past numberless women have ' r i s e n above t h e i r sex' to imitate the c a p a b i l i t i e s u s u a l l y ascr ibed to men. The methodology of a l l of these works is d e s c r i p t i v e , though Samuel does include a b r i e f sect ion e n t i t l e d ' r e f l e c t i o n s ' at the end of each chapter. The newer studies depart from these "compensation" h i s t o r i e s in i n t e n t , scope and method. Their intent i s to describe and analyse the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the image of the woman warrior and the s o c i a l and i d e o l o g i c a l context 18. in which th i s image has proven to be useful both to the dominant cu l ture and to women wi th in i t . Only a few studies have examined the context in which women p a r t i c i p a t e d in b a t t l e . The scope of these newer works (both c u l t u r a l l y and c h r o n o l o g i c a l l y ) i s much more l imi ted than the t r a d i t i o n a l s tud ie s . Most focus on one Western country in one p e r i o d , while Marina Warner focuses on one character and follows her metamorphoses from the f i f t e en th to the twentieth century. F i n a l l y , a l l of the newer studies subject t h e i r mater ia l to a v a r i e t y of questions and theories borrowed from the s o c i a l sc iences , women's h i s t o r y and l i t e r a r y h i s t o r y . The intent of th i s thes is i s to analyze both the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of women in combat and the s o c i a l and i d e o l o g i c a l context in which the imagery of the armed woman proved u s e f u l . The scope of th i s work is much more l i m i t e d , c u l t u r a l l y and in time, than the t r a d i t i o n a l studies but is more extensive than the newer studies in that i t explores both the ro l e of women in combat and t h e i r imagery in two c u l t u r e s . This thes is w i l l examine these phenomena in representat ive Western and Eastern c u l t u r e s , those of p r e - i n d u s t r i a l France and China . These two diverse cu l tures appear to have produced an inordinate number of h i s t o r i c a l and f i c t i o n a l women warriors over an extensive per iod of time. The intent of th is c r o s s - c u l t u r a l study is not to suggest that the circumstances and the phenomena are the same but to gain mul t ip l e perspec-t ives on the type of s o c i a l s tructures and at t i tudes which give r i s e to h i s t o r i c a l and f i c t i o n a l women in war. Are the t r a d i t i o n a l compendiums r e a l l y unearthing the same phenomena world wide? Are the newer studies d i scover ing patterns which are s p e c i f i c to Western p r e - i n d u s t r i a l cu l tures? 19. The methodology of th i s thes i s w i l l be to test the fo l lowing three hypotheses which have or ig ina ted from the .preceding review of secondary mater ia l in t h i s f i e l d : 1) Women are genera l ly excluded from m i l i t a r y combat and leadership r o l e s . This exc lus ion i s the r e s u l t of gender and not of b i o -l o g i c a l c o n s t r a i n t s . In sp i t e of t r a d i t i o n a l compendiums which contain hundreds of biographies of women who p a r t i c i p a t e d in war, the need to q u a l i f y the term s o l d i e r by adding a feminine pref ix: (woman s o l d i e r , femme m i l i t a i r e ) suggests immediately that these women were exceptions . However, the fact that many nations recorded and r e t o l d such s t o r i e s , also suggests that the general exclus ion of women from the m i l i t a r y was and remains based on d e f i n i t i o n s of behaviour normally judged appropriate to the sexes ( i . e . gender) and not on women's phys i ca l incapac i ty to bear arms ( i . e . b i o l o g y ) . Gender has been further defined as: the c u l t u r a l d e f i n i t i o n of behaviour appropriate to the sexes. It i s a c u l t u r a l ro le or set of ro les and i t s d e f i n i t i o n sh i f t s over time and p l a c e , depending on c l a s s , race , r e l i g i o n and e t h n i c i t y . Gender is created by c u l t u r a l p r e s c r i p t i o n ; main-tained by sex ro l e i n d o c t r i n a t i o n , as manifested in education; and i s re in forced by s o c i a l mores, values and i n s t i t u t i o n s . Gender is a lso embedded in the sexual d i v i s i o n of labor and in the forces which determine i t . As th i s quote suggests, d e f i n i t i o n s of behaviour appropriate to the sexes are var i ed and a l t e r a b l e . However, the equation of the m i l i t a r y with mascu l in i ty and with men appears to be one of the most pers i s t en t of gender d e f i n i t i o n s , c r o s s - c u l t u r a l l y and throughout h i s t o r y . Warfare is the r o l e , par exce l l ence , of the male for two apparent reasons. The f i r s t is that i t r e i n f o r c e s , symbol ica l ly and in p r a c t i c e , the s o c i a l s tructures and a t t i tudes which accompany p a t r i a r c h y . As one h i s t o r i a n notes: 2 0 . Women as a group have remained subordinate to men as a .group. To speak of the subordinat ion of women and the superoretinat ion of men r e f l e c t s the d i f f e r i n g r e l a t i o n of women and men to power in the sense of 'power o v e r ' , of dominance. A power d i f ference i s part of the i n e q u a l i t y of the male-female r e l a -t ionship under p a t r i a r c h y : male dominance is the other side of women's subordinat ion . The enforced economic dependence of many women on male providers has contr ibuted grea t ly to the perpetuat ion of that power d i f ference and the s u r v i v a l of p a t r i a r c h y . So, too, has the r e s t r i c t i o n of women's access to arms and the m i l i t a r y . ^ -The second reason for the pers i s tence of the m a l e - m i l i t a r y equation is that warfare is i d e n t i f i e d as a c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y that takes place in the publ i c sphere and is thus more appropriate for men. As Simone de Beauvoir has w r i t t e n : i t i s not the k i l l i n g that i s the relevant and valued aspect of hunting and warfare, rather i t is the transcendental ( s o c i a l / c u l t u r a 1 ) nature of these a c t i v i t i e s , as opposed to the naturalness of the process of b i r t h . . . ^ J Sherry Ortner and Miche l l e Rosaldo have enlarged upon the theme suggested by de Beauvoir . Every cu l ture . . . is engaged in the process of generating and sus ta in ing systems of meaningful forms (symbols, a r t i f a c t s , e t c . ) by means of which humanity transcends the givens of natura l ex is tence , bends them to i t s purposes, contro ls them in i t s i n t e r e s t . We may thus broadly equate cu l ture with the notion of human consciousness ( i . e . systems of thought and technology) by means of which humanity attempts to assert contro l over nature . . . Since i t is always c u l t u r e ' s projec t to subsume nature , i f woman were considered part of nature , then c u l t u r e w^ould f ind i t na tura l to subordinate , not to say oppress them. C r o s s - c u l t u r a l l y , to a greater or lesser extent, women have been thought to be c lo ser to nature because of the content and the l o c a t i o n of t h e i r primary r o l e s . Ortner notes that while women's e s s e n t i a l c rea t ive funct ion , that of g iv ing b i r t h , seems n a t u r a l , men "lacking natura l crea t ive funct ions , must . . . assert [ t h e i r ] c r e a t i v i t y e x t e r n a l l y , a r t i f i c i a l l y , through the medium of technology and symbols." This state of a f f a i r s i s 21. responsible for the fact that "Male a c t i v i t i e s i n v o l v i n g the des truc t ion of l i f e . . . are often given more pres t ige than the female's a b i l i t y to 45 give b i r t h , to create l i f e . . . " 2) As a consequence of the mutab i l i t y of gender, some women have been able to modify the m a l e / m i l i t a r y equat ion. There are three factors which appear to be responsible for th i s m o d i f i c a t i o n : rank, r e l i g i o n and r e v o l u t i o n / r e b e l l i o n . Rank: The majori ty of women who have led armies, as recorded in the t r a d i t i o n a l h i s t o r i e s , have been in possession of c u l t u r a l l y leg i t imate author i ty because of t h e i r l ineage or the p o l i t i c a l pos i t ions of t h e i r male r e l a t i v e s . The ir ro les have been undertaken as an expedient when the male r e l a t i v e has been incapac i ta ted or absent. The act ions of these women are usua l ly undertaken in defense of the dominant s o c i a l s tructure and re in force the notion that a l l eg iance is owed to a p a r t i c u l a r sector of soc i e ty , regardless of sex. Re 1 ig ion: As demonstrated most f o r c i b l y i n the career of Joan of A r c , i t i s poss ib le for women to transcend gender d i s a b i l i t y and to acquire leg i t imate author i ty as a r e s u l t of t h e i r d i r e c t communion with d e i t i e s . However, i t i s l i k e l y that th i s w i l l happen only when there is a recognized ro le for women wi th in the r e l i g i o n , and/or female d e i t i e s with which the woman can i d e n t i f y . Revolution/Rebe 1 l i o n : It has been sa id that "Women gain most from periods of s o c i a l dysfunct ion such as war or r e b e l l i o n in which the normal 45 connections of power are severed." Indeed, the few recent a r t i c l e s on women's armed p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n warfare emphasize that women are most l i k e l y to appear in combat ro les in nonprofess iona l , m i l i t i a or revo lut ionary warfare . It i s important to note that i n these circumstances women take up arms not because of a de l ibera te r e d e f i n i t i o n of gender- spec i f i c behav-iours and occupat ions , but because of temporary manpower shortages and the 22. i n a b i l i t y to enforce idea l s o c i a l s tructures and pat terns . While there may be numerous accounts of p a t r i o t i c heroines who fought in revo lut ionary b a t t l e , many of those accounts speak of women who were forced to d isguise themselves as men. Even in periods of s o c i a l chaos such as these, the des ire to ban women from the m i l i t a r y can be s trongly f e l t and enforced. U l t i m a t e l y , women's f a i l u r e to gain contro l of the means of coercion in r e v o l u t i o n , r e s u l t s in t h e i r i n a b i l i t y to enforce t h e i r in teres t s in the p o s t - r e v o l u t i o n a r y s o c i e t y . 3) The images of women warriors i n imaginative l i t e r a t u r e and art do not r e f l e c t the actual scope or nature of women's p a r t i c i p a -t ion in war. Rather, they r e f l e c t and re in force a t t i tudes towards idea l s o c i a l and sexual h i e r a r c h i e s and behaviours . Roland Barthes has wr i t t en that "myth has a double funct ion: i t points out and i t n o t i f i e s , i t makes us understand something and i t imposes 47 i t upon us ." In the same essay he cautioned scholars to remember that there are no e ternal [myths]; for i t is human h i s t o r y which converts r e a l i t y into speech, and i t alone ru les the l i f e and death of mythical language. Ancient or not mythology can only have a h i s t o r i c a l foundation, for myth is a type of speech chosen by h i s t o r y ; i t cannot poss ib ly evolve from the 'nature' of th ings . ^ A r t i s t i c products are not mechanical records that reproduce, unproblem-a t i c a l l y , h i s t o r i c a l r e a l i t y . They are rather expressions of a t t i tudes and instruments to teach about and re in force these a t t i t u d e s . Consequently, images and myths which appear to be t imeless , such as the Amazon myth, are in fact repeatedly rechosen by various generations and soc i e t i e s because 49 they are useful in a v a r i e t y of s o c i a l contexts . The image of the woman warrior has proven to be useful p r e c i s e l y because, in sp i te of the numerous examples of worthy w a r r i o r s , women for the most part have not engaged in armed combat. Thus the image is empty of biography and a v a i l a b l e to comment on s o c i a l and sexual h i e r a r c h y , to teach about i t , to r e i n f o r c e i t and sometimes, to question i t . While the image of the warr ior woman may seem t imeless , i t appears to be most popular in those times when there is unusual s tress on, and anxiety equated wi th , asymmetrical gender d e f i n i t i o n s . The amazons, for example, were most apparent in the publ i c art of Athens when l e g a l , s o c i a l and i d e o l o g i c a l forces were at work to r e s t r i c t the ro le of women to the domestic sphere and to the bearing of c h i l d r e n . They symbolized a not ion current in the f i f t h century, and r e f l e c t e d i n other a r t i s t i c forms, that the preservat ion and e laborat ion of cu l ture rested on the contro l of women's nature . F a i l u r e to contro l women would lead to barbarism and a world turned upside down."^ F i n a l l y , i t i s important to note that while imaginative images of women warriors do not accurate ly r e f l e c t the nature of women's h i s t o r i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n in war, the images inf luence to some extent the primary records on such i n c i d e n t s . Because women s o l d i e r s are r a r e , there is a tendency to borrow stereotypes from l i t e r a t u r e and the arts to describe and explain t h e i r ac t ions . The images, laden with value judgements t e l l us more about the observer's a t t i t u d e to women s o l d i e r s than they do about the women themselves. To c a l l a woman an amazon is not the same as c a l l i n g a man a s o l d i e r . It i s for t h i s reason that the few a v a i l a b l e primary sources on women s o l d i e r s seem to be of doubtful a u t h e n t i c i t y . It is also for th is reason that women s o l d i e r s are so d i f f i c u l t to locate in h i s t o r y and to describe s a t i s f a c t o r i l y . This thes is suggests, there fore , that i t i s necessary to study a l l three aspects of th is problem in order adequately to comprehend i t and 24. that i t i s b e n e f i c i a l to study these in two cul tures in order to i d e n t i f y c u l t u r e - s p e c i f i c and s t r u c t u r a l elements of th i s problem. Consequently these three hypotheses w i l l be examined in the fo l lowing contexts: 1) Gender d e f i n i t i o n s in seventeenth century France which equated m i l i t a r y roles and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s with men. How a r i s t o c r a t i c women were able to transcend these d e f i n i t i o n s i n s p e c i f i c circumstances; How, in sp i te of these exceptions, the s u r v i v a l of gender d e f i n i t i o n s allowed the image of the warr ior woman to be used to define appropriate patterns of behaviour for the sexes i' 2) Gender d e f i n i t i o n s in eighteenth century France and in p a r t i c u l a r during the French Revo lut ion . Did the revo lu t ion change the rules by which French women were allowed to p a r t i c i p a t e in armed combat? Did the image of the warr ior woman prove useful in the same ways as i t had in the previous century? 3) Gender d e f i n i t i o n s in pre-modern China which equated m i l i t a r y ro les and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s with men. Were the rules by which women were able to transcend these d e f i n i t i o n s the same i n China as in France? Was the image of the woman warr ior the same in a l l respects and was i t used for the same purposes? 4) What happened to these d e f i n i t i o n s during the Taip ing Revolution? Did the r e v o l u t i o n change the rules by which women were allowed to p a r t i c i -pate in warfare? Did the image of the woman warrior p e r s i s t during and a f ter the revo lu t ion and did i t s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and usefulness change? This thes is is an exercise in the f i e l d of women's h i s t o r y . It i s not so much a thes is about women as i t i s a thes is about men as c u l t u r a l a r b i t e r s and t h e i r a t t i tudes towards women. Whenever poss ib le women's act ions and t h e i r thoughts have been included in th is study. Unfortunate ly , 25. in the case of China in p a r t i c u l a r , I have been unable to locate much that was produced by women. I s trongly suspect that 'women's c u l t u r e ' r e g u l a r l y understood and made use of the image of the woman warr ior in ways that d i f f e r e d from the dominant c u l t u r e . Modern Chinese biographies and f i c t i o n a l lude to the idea that Chinese mothers passed on to t h e i r daughters the story of Hua Mu- lan , a legendary s ix th century g i r l who went to war d i s -guised in her fa ther ' s armor to defend China from a northern invas ion . According to one woman, the s tory was a r e f l e c t i o n of the dreams that mothers had he ld for themselves and now held for t h e i r daughters in a soc ie ty that of fered l imi ted p o s s i b i l i t i e s to women. As Maxine Hong Kingston has wr i t t en in her recent ly publ ished autobiographica l nove l , The Woman Warr ior : Memoirs of a Gir lhood Among Ghosts: Af ter I grew up, I heard the chant of [Hua] Mulan, the g i r l who took her fa ther ' s place in b a t t l e . Ins tant ly I remembered that as a c h i l d I had followed my mother about the house, the two of us s inging about how [Hua] Mulan fought g l o r i o u s l y and returned a l i v e from war to s e t t l e in the v i l l a g e . I had f o r -gotten th i s chant that was once mine, given me by my mother, . . . who may'.not have known i t s power to remind. She sa id I would grow up a wife and a s lave , but she taught me the song of the warr ior woman, [Hua] Mulan. I would have to grow up a warr ior woman. The fourth hypothesis suggested by the study of the image and h i s t o r y of the woman w a r r i o r , that 'women's c u l t u r e ' r e g u l a r l y character ized and used th i s imagery to a d i f f e r e n t purpose, w i l l have to be examined and tested in a future work. The present thes is however, i s an important step towards that g o a l . 26. Notes for Chapter 1 1. H i l d a Smith, "Feminism and the Methodology of Women's H i s t o r y " , in Bernice C a r r o l l ed. L i b e r a t i n g Women's Hi s tory (Urbana: U n i v e r s i t y of I l l i n o i s Press , 1976), p. 369. 2. Gerda Lerner , Teaching Women's H i s t o r y (Washington: American H i s t o r i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n , 1981), p. 2. 3. Bernice C a r r o l l , e d . , L i b e r a t i n g Women's H i s t o r y , op. c i t . , p . x i . 4. Joan K e l l y - G a d o l , "The Soc ia l Relat ions of the Sexes: Methodological Implicat ions of Women's H i s t o r y " , Signs, v o l . 1, no. 4, (1976), p. 310. 5. Gerda Lerner , "Placing Women in H i s t o r y " , in L i b e r a t i n g Women's . H i s t o r y , op. c i t . , p . 362. 6. Carol B e r k i n , e d . , Women, War and Revolut ion (New York: Holmes and Meier , 1980), p . 3. 7. Ib id . , p . 3 . 8. "Some Account of Hannah S n e l l , The Female S o l d i e r " , in The Gentleman's Magazine for J u l y , 1750, pp. 291-293. 9. J . David Truby, Women at War: A Deadly Species (Boulder: Paladin Press , 1977). 10. John L a f f i n , Women in B a t t l e (London: Abelard-Schuman, 1967), p . 18. 11. Thomas Heywood, The Exemplary Lives and Memorable Acts of Nine of the Most Worthy Women i n the World (London: Thomas Cotes and Richard Royston, 1640), p . 211. 12. P ierre LeMoyne, G a l l e r y of Heroicke Women (London: R. Norton, 1652), unpaginated. 13. A. Tranchant, Les femmes m i l i t a i r e s de la France ( P a r i s : Cournol , 1866), 2 v . 14. See a l s o , Paul de T r a i l l e s , Les femmes de France pendant la guerre et les deux sieges de Par i s ( P a r i s : F . Polo , 1872). 15. E l l e n Clayton , Female Warriors (London: T ins l ey B r o s . , 1879), p. 3. 16. I b i d . , p . 4. 17. On the Rhani of J h a n s i , who has become a nat iona l symbol in Ind ia , The Ranee of J h a n s i , D . V . Takmankar (London: MacGibbon and Yee, 1968). 27. 18. Mary Beard, Woman as a Force in H i s t o r y (New York: The Macmillan C o . , 1946). 19. P i erre Samuel, Amazones, guerr iere et g a i l l a r d e s ( B r u s s e l l s : Presses U n i v e r s i t a i r e s de Grenoble, 1975), p. 310. 20. Rene Malamud, "The Amazon Problem" in Spr ing , (1971), pp. 1-21 and Carol Rupprecht, "The M a r t i a l Maid and the Challenge of Androgyny", in Spr ing , (1974), pp. 269-293. 21. Malamud, op. c i t . , p. 1. 22. I b i d . , p. 8. 23. Rupprecht, op. c i t . , p . 270. 24. Nata l i e Zemon David , "Women on Top" in Society and Culture in E a r l y  Modern France (Stanford: Stanford U n i v e r s i t y Press , 1975), p . 131. 25. I b i d . , p . 144. 26. I b i d . , p. 134. 27. I b i d . , p. 147. 28. I b i d . , p. 126. 29. Simon Shepherd, Amazons and Warrior Women (Brighton: Harvester Press , 1981), p . 27-28. 30. I b i d . , p. 68. 31. I b i d . , p . 39. 32. Marina Warner, Joan of A r c : The Image of Female Heroism (Harmondsworth: Penguin • Book, 1983 r e p r i n t ) , p. 34. 33. I b i d . , p . 70. 34. I b i d . , p . 97. 35. M . C . F e l d , "Arms and the Woman" in Armed Forces and Soc ie ty , v o l . 4, no. 4, (1978), p. 564. 36. I b i d . , p . 563. 37. Barton Hacker, "Women and M i l i t a r y I n s t i t u t i o n s in E a r l y Modern Europe: A Reconnaissance", in Signs, v o l . 6, no. 4 (1981), p . 658. 38. Linda Grant De Pauw, "Women in Combat: The Revolut ionary War Exper-ience", in Armed Forces and Soc ie ty , v o l . 7, no. 2, (1981), p. 209. 28. 39. J u l i a Ward S t i c k l e y , "The Records of Deborah Sampson Gannet", in Prologue: The Journal of the Nat ional Arch ives , v o l . 4, no. 4 (1972), pp. 233-241. 40. De Pauw, op. c i t . , p. 219. 41. Gerda Lerner , Teaching Women's H i s t o r y , op. c i t . , p . 27. 42. Ruth P ierson , " J i l l Canuck: CWAC of A l l Trades, But No P i s t a l Packing Momma", in H i s t o r i c a l Papers (London: Canadian H i s t o r i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n , 1978), p . 106. 43. Simone de Beauvoir , The Second Sex (New York: Vintage Books, 1974 r e p r i n t ) , p. 72 . 44. Sherry Ortner , "Is'Female to Male as Nature i s to Cul ture?" , in Woman, Culture and Society (Stanford: Stanford Un ivers i ty Press , 1974), p . 72. 45. I b i d . , p . 75. 46. H i l d a Smith, "Feminism and the Methodology of Women's H i s t o r y " , op. c i t . , p. 382. 47. Roland Barthes , A Barthes Reader. Ed i ted by Susan Sontag. (New York: H i l l and Wang, 1982), p. 102. 48. I b i d . , p. 94. 49. For a more extended d i scuss ion of the use of l i t e r a t u r e in the study of s o c i a l h i s t o r y see, Louise May, Chinese S o c i a l Bandits and Their  Role in H i s t o r y : Some Poss ib le Sino-Western P a r a l l e l s . U . B . C . , M.A. Thes i s , 1976, pp. 1-19. 50. Louise May, "Above Her Sex: The Enigma of Athena Parthenos", in The Annual of V i s i b l e R e l i g i o n , forthcoming, 1985. 51. Wei Tao-ming, My Revolut ionary Years (New York: Charles S c r i b n e r ' s , 1943), p . 1-5. 52. Maxine Hong Kingston , The Woman Warrior (New York: Vintage Press , 1977 r e p r i n t ) , p. 23-24. CHAPTER 2 THE WOMAN WARRIOR IN SEVENTEENTH CENTURY FRENCH CULTURE AND HISTORY INTRODUCTION On Ju ly 2, 1652, at a c r u c i a l moment in the c i v i l war known as the Fronde, Anne Marie d 'Orleans , La Grande Mademoiselle, rushed to the top of the B a s t i l l e . There she ordered the cannons to be turned and f i r e d on 1 the forces of the young Louis XIV. This ac t ion was her second m i l i t a r y in tervent ion in the c o n f l i c t and i t allowed the opposing army, led by the Prince de Conde, to enter Par i s and to hold the c i t y for four months. But the r e b e l l i o u s n o b i l i t y were not strong enough to win the war. The Fronde would come to be known as the las t revo l t against absolutism and with i t s defeat , Louis XIV recommenced the task of c e n t r a l i z i n g his govern-ment and disarming the French n o b i l i t y , p o l i t i c a l l y and m i l i t a r i l y . Re-es tabl i shed at V e r s a i l l e s , Louis and his advisors began to mete out punishment to those who had challenged the author i ty of h is mother Anne (regent from 1642-1652) and through her , h imse l f . As La Grande Mademoiselle packed her bags for an i n d e f i n i t e ex i l e in the prov inces , her father Gaston i n f e r r e d that h is daughter's m i l i t a r y explo i t s had been i n s p i r e d by her love of f i c t i o n . "Vous avez ete s i a ise de f a i r e 1'heroine. Denying the charge, Mademoiselle claimed that her act ions at .Orleans and Par i s had been a na tura l consequence of her a r i s t o c r a t i c b i r t h : Je ne sais ce que c 'est que d 'etre heroine: je suis d'une naissance a ne jamais r i e n f a i r e que de grandeur et de hauteur en tout ce que je me melerai [de f a i r e ] , et 1'on appelera ce la comme l ' o n voudra: pour moi, j ' appe le ce la suivre mon i n c l i n a - ^ t i o n et suivre mon chemin; je sxiiis nee a n' en pas prendre d ' a u t r e . " A study of the cu l ture and soc ie ty of the ear ly seventeenth century, in add i t i on to the m i l i t a r y act ions of Mademoiselle in the Fronde, suggests 30. that both father and daughter were correct in t h e i r evaluat ions of the events. Seventeenth century France has been character ized as a per iod in which the t r a d i t i o n a l asymmetry in the c u l t u r a l evaluat ion of men and women was becoming more pronounced. The s o c i a l order rested f i r m l y on the assump-t i o n of male dominance in pub l i c a f f a i r s and an ever increas ing moral and lega l contro l of women in the domestic sphere. In sp i te of the general lessening of women's presence in the publ i c sphere, the vest iges of the feudal s o c i a l s tructure meant that some a r i s t o c r a t i c women wielded p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y power in times of emer-gency. Though France recognized a S a l i c law which forbade women from occupying the throne, from the mid-s ixteenth to the mid-seventeenth century, three women ru led as regents for infant monarchs. In a d d i t i o n , the r e l i g i o u s wars and the Fronde required a r i s t o c r a t i c women to assume m i l i t a r y r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s when t h e i r male r e l a t i v e s were absent or i n c a p a c i t a t e d . F i n a l l y , in part due to the s h i f t i n g r e l a t i o n s between the sexes and among s o c i a l ranks , and in part due to the unusual occurrence of:' three female regencies , a v a r i e t y of c u l t u r a l products incorporated the f igure of the woman w a r r i o r . In the sprawling, romantic novels of the day and in tragi-comedy, the woman warr ior in d isguise was one of the most popular examples of symbolic sexual i n v e r s i o n . By temporari ly turning the world upside down, these mart ia l women served to teach about and re in force idea l patterns of behaviour ascr ibed to various ranks and to men and women. At the same time, images of women warriors appeared in royal p o r t r a i t u r e and in l a v i s h l y i l l u s t r a t e d compendiums of heroic women dedicated to 31. a r i s t o c r a t i c women. In th i s case however, the images were modeled on the f igure of Athena. Born from her fa ther ' s head, Athema patronized the arts and fought against the Amazons. I d e n t i f i c a t i o n with Athena symbolized that a p a r t i c u l a r woman was be l ieved to have r i s e n above her sex, to have r i g o r o u s l y distanced h e r s e l f from d i s o r d e r l y female behaviour. Anne Marie d'Orleans was i n s p i r e d by the heroic examples of her foremothers who had led armies in the r e l i g i o u s wars. In a d d i t i o n , she had spent much of her young l i f e in a palace which was decorated with overs ized p o r t r a i t s of her grandmother, Marie de M e d i c i , in the guise of Pa l la s Athena. However, had i t not been for the circumstances of the Fronde, she would never have had the opportunity to l i v e out her dream of becoming a famous genera l . PART 1: THE WOMAN WARRIOR IN EARLY SEVENTEENTH CENTURY NOVELS, DRAMA AND  VISUAL ART W r i t i n g of the manners and tastes of the a r i s t o c r a c y in the ear ly seventeenth century, Maurice Magendie has suggested that : . . . les moeurs sont brutales et les gouts peu a f f i n e s . . . . E p r i s d 'exercises physiques v i o l e n t s , passionnes pour la chasse, les c a r r o u s e l s , les combat a la b a r r i e r e , obstinement attaches a la sanglante manie des due ls , preferant aux lenteurs de l i ca te s de la g a l a n t e r i e , les r e a l i t e s immediates, prat iquant v o l o n t i e r s 1'enlevement, quand i l s rencontraient une res i s tance inattendue, pauvres de cu l ture in te1 lec tue1 le , et peu enc l ins aux divert issements de 1 ' e s p r i t , les nobles se p l i e r o n t avec peine aux ob l iga t ions des bienseances, e t , souvent, le vernis mince et recent de la p o l i t e s s e , e c la tera sous la poussee d'un temperament trop vigoureux. As the century wore on and e s p e c i a l l y during the personal ru le of Louis XIV, th is unref ined , a n t i - i n t e l l e c t u a l a r i s t o c r a c y , would come to demand a soc ie ty and cu l ture which r e f l e c t e d the bLeruseance, the decorum and elegance, of the salons and the c o u r t , not the rough and ready manliness of the hunt and the b a t t l e f i e l d . The m a r t i a l s p i r i t of the ear ly part of the century was due, in p a r t , to the s ixteenth century r e l i g i o u s and c i v i l wars in which the n o b i l i t y temporari ly rediscovered a " m i l i t a r y and p o l i t i c a l ro l e of which a f a r -seeing monarchy had, for a long time, been gradual ly and s k i l f u l l y , 4 depr iv ing them." With the dec lara t ion of peace in 1598 the monarchy set about with the a id of powerful advisors such as R i c h e l i e u and Mazarin to e s t a b l i s h i t s author i ty at the expense of the n o b i l i t y . Now more often to be found in P a r i s i a n salons that in the cast les and manor houses of t h e i r f i e f s , the seventeenth century n o b i l i t y patronized a cu l ture which g l o r i f i e d the heroism and depicted the p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y might which they had wielded in the d i s tant past . Charac ter i z ing as i t d i d , an ent i re sector of soc i e ty , the cu l ture portrayed heroic women as wel l as men. However, the dep ic t ion of warring knights in a time when the king had banned d u e l l i n g in the s treets was simply i r o n i c and a n a c h r o n i s t i c . On the other hand, the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of images of armed women presented a more complex problem. For women had seldom in the past been granted the r i g h t to bear arms while contemporary legal and r e l i g i o u s commonplaces questioned t h e i r moral , i n t e l l e c t u a l and phys i ca l c a p a c i t i e s , indeed t h e i r very humanness.^ Novels The vast and sprawling novels produced in the f i r s t h a l f of the seventeenth century have been categorized as /lomarvi de. Vavarutmte and /toma/iA he/ioZque.. The p lo t s of the novels have been l ikened to a Chinese ivory b a l l in which "endless episodes and d igres s ions , and vast insets are worked into a general t h e m e . " E n d l e s s " i s an appropriate term for Artemene, ou le 33. Grand Cyrus (1649). Reputed to be the most popular novel of the day,^ i t is approximately fourteen thousand pages in length, a d igress ion in the p lo t at least one thousand pages. S i m i l a r l y , the 1653 e d i t i o n of La Calprenede's Cleopatre ( o r i g i n a l l y publ ished in 1648) i s approximately nine thousand pages in length, while Gombervi1le's Polexandre (1632) is an equal s i z e . It is somehow, appropriate that the n o b i l i t y of the ear ly seventeenth century, who patronized a cu l ture which g l o r i f i e d the past , should choose a novel which in form more c l o s e l y resembled the Graeco-Roman epic and the medieval charvion. de ge/ii.e. than i t did the eighteenth century domestic, psycho log ica l nove l . The /lomafiA de V'averutune, l i k e the tragi-comedies of the stage, are p r i n c i p a l l y concerned with love and adventure set in ancient and medieval times. They abound in w a r r i o r s , both male and female. However, the novels do not place warrior queens or amazons on centre stage but rather use them to complement the gM.an.de heJiolne.. A t y p i c a l gA.an.de keJioZne is Mandane in Madeleine de Scudery's Artemene, ou le Grand Cyrus . Set in Alexandrian times, the novel concerns Cyrus the Great and his love for Mandane, the daughter of King Cyaxes. Mandane's beauty is beyond d e s c r i p t i o n , for her phys i ca l appearance remains vague throughout the s tory . This may be due, in p a r t , to the fact that Mandane, l i k e a l l grand heroines of th i s genre, is constant ly being adbucted. She begins the s tory having been abducted from her ' l o v e r ' (and abductor) by another. Her purpose in the novel is to be s to l en , thereby al lowing Cyrus to carry about a mantle of seventeenth century bLensSean.ee.. For now i t is love and not b l i n d ambition which causes him to war across h a l f of the Middle Eas t . 34. Near the end of th i s sprawling nove l , Mandane f a l l s into the hands of Thomyris, the barbarian queen of the Massagetae. Thomyris is a warr ior queen who persona l ly leads her troops into b a t t l e . But for a l l her actua l power, her m a r t i a l s k i l l s and her beauty, she is portrayed as a v i c t i m of her passions which overwhelm her reason. Her unrequited love for her enemy Gyrus i s but one example of th i s f o l l y . When the armies of Cyrus and Thomyris meet on the f i e l d of b a t t l e , the queen demands that Cyrus meet her in s ing le combat. Cyrus refuses , having "repugnance a t i r e r l 'Epee contre une Femme". Though p h y s i c a l l y g l o r i o u s , t h i s unruly amazon is described as having an e v i l heart and she eventual ly beheads a man she bel ieves to be Cyrus and plunges his head into a vat of b lood. When the r e a l Cyrus triumphs and marries Mandane, Thomyris i s forced to f lee into the unknown. In other novels of this genre, women do get an opportunity to d i sp lay command of weapons, but as in the plays of the p e r i o d , they must do so in d i sgu i se . In the novel Cassandre (1642) the ; knight ;.Lysimachus,-overhears another knight c r i t i c i z i n g his l i ege lord and challenges him to a j u d i c i a l combat. The b a t t l e is long and minutely de ta i l ed in the text . It is an equal f ight u n t i l Lysimachus wounds his opponent, knocking his helmet to the ground: Lysimachus had l i f t up his arm again, when looking upon his enemies head he saw a f a i r e , long h a i r , which forc ing c e r t a i n knots and f i l l e t s wherewith i t was i l l t i ed up, i n s t a n t l y covered his shoulders , and part of h is body and cons ider ing his face more heedfu l ly , he at las t perceived i t was a woman, and one of the f a i r e s t in the world, against whom he had fought with so much animosity . While he was beginning to repent himself and let f a l l the point of his sword, stepping back a l i t t l e , that Warlike dame to whose cheekes shame and anger had given a c o l l o u r which i n c r e a s ' d her beauty, flew at him more f i e r c e l y than before and thrus t ing her Sword at h is very eyes, with a threatening c r y . F l y not , . s a i d she, 35. nei ther be ashamed to have us 'd they armes against a woman, who hath died the f i e l d s , in the blood of such as thou a r t ; 1 am not so weak that thou should's t need to despise me; and there is more honour to be wonne with me then thou thinkest for . . . Madam (sa id he) I w i l l rather turn the point of my Sword against my own heart than make use of i t against you; I know too wel l what i s due your sex and to your beauty, and I should be glad i f 1 could with a good part of my own blood, repaire the losse of that which s a c r i l i g i o u s hands have drawn from your f a i r body; i f th i s s a t i s f a c t i o n content you not, p ierce th is brest which 1 o f fer to you . . . you are armed so many several ways to conquer men, that the v i c t o r y w i l l always be yours i n f a l l i b l y . . . I des ire none (answered the Amazone) but what I can winne with the point of my sword, and though I be a woman, my p r o -fess ion is to f ight with men; nor have I gained so l i t t l e reputat ion in that exerc i se , that you should need to be ashamed of our combat . . . . ^ Lysimachus soon discovers that his chal lenger i s T h a l e s t r i s , the las t queen of the Amazons and the main act ion of the novel pauses for a chapter on the l i f e of th i s woman. She explains that she is a 'reformed' amazon who blushes at the mention of sex. She reveals that her mother laboured to make her sweeter than the other women of the t r i b e . Because of th i s she f e l l in love with a man who v i s i t e d the women's kingdom and subsequently abandoned her . Thus, as in the tragi -comedies , T h a l e s t r i s has disguised h e r s e l f in armor to wander far from home in search of th i s man. In another novel by the same author (Cleopatre , 1648), the Amazon queen Menalippe f a l l s in love with the 'knight ' Alcamene, king of the Scythes. When Menalippe f i r s t appears in the novel she is p a r t i c i p a t i n g in a hunt. For th is a c t i v i t y she is dressed in c l o t h of go ld , with a jeweled dress and g i lded quiver f i l l e d with golden arrows. This feminine image is abrupt ly abandoned when Menalippe must engage in s ing le combat with a kn ight . In the mistaken b e l i e f that Alcamene has been k i l l e d , she d isguises h e r s e l f in h is bloody armor in order to challenge his murde 36. . . . e l l e mit sur son beau corps la casque, quoy que sanglante en quelques endrats , & en su i te par l 'ayde de Leandre e l l e se couvr i t de ses armes, q u ' e l l e b a i s o i t en les mettant sur son corps , avec des sanglots & des larmes qui couloient tousiours malgre e l l e . Quand e l l e fut entierement armee, e l l e parut semblable a Be l lone , ou a quelque chose de plus t e r r i b l e . . . Once again the b a t t l e , this time in front of a g a l l e r y of roya l spec-t a t o r s , is an equal one u n t i l the heroine's helmet is knocked to the ground. Discover ing that he has been f i g h t i n g a woman, the enemy knight (who is a c t u a l l y Alcamene) is d i s t r e s s e d . "0 Dieux! quel fut 1'estonnement 11 du Prince Alcamene a un s i estrange spectac le ." He regrets aloud having presented "le fer menacent a son beau visage" and refuses further combat. Needless to say, the combatants eventual ly marry. In one of the las t novels of th i s genre, Madeleine .d:e Scudery' s C l e l i e (1656), T u l l i a , future queen of Rome, stands with her b e a u t i f u l s i s t e r and two princes watching a process ion of Ves ta l v i r g i n s . During a conversat ion about the l i ve s of the Vesta ls T u l l i a remarks: . . . i f I should f ree ly say what I th ink , perhaps I should t e l l you, that were i t in my choice , e i ther to be a v a l i a n t Souldier or a V e s t a l , or even what I am, I should make Choice of being rather v a l i a n t , then a Ves ta l or a Princess as I am: so l i t t l e am I s a t i s f i e d with my sex. How Madam ( r e p l i e d the Prince of Moriola) can you renounce your beauty, and the Empire which i t give unto your Sex over the hearts of men, to be a s i l l y Sou ld i er , rather than a great Princess? Yes ( r e p l i e d she sharply) & I am some-times so ashamed at my being born a Slave, that were my f e t t ers such as could be broken, i t should not be long before I would break them. Tarquin , the future king of Rome;.and husband of T u l l i a supports her view. "I am of the Princess T u l l i a ' s mind, and had rather be a pr iva te Souldier than any woman. For to t e l l you t r u l y , a Souldier may become a 1? king but a woman can never be f r e e . " In spi te of T u l l i a ' s brave words, Scudery presents her as the a n t i -heroine who balances the unearthly goodness and beauty of the grand heroine 37. of the nove l , C l e l i e . T u l l i a , who is described as "big , f a i r . . . but not love ly ; her Tjooks [were] b o l d , her ac t ion d i sordered , her voice s h r i l l , her s p i r i t imperious, her soul ambitious . . . " loses her husband Tarquin to the 13 ethereal C l e l i e . While these fan tas t i c romances would continue to be republ ished s p o r a t i c a l l y throughout the late seventeenth and eighteenth centur i e s , they were gradual ly replaced with shorter novels , set in contemporary times and deal ing with more mundane s i t u a t i o n s . This image of the woman warrior in novels evolved in tandem with th i s trend. In what would be the f i r s t of a genre that would enjoy i t s greatest p o p u l a r i t y in the eighteenth century, Jean de Prechac publ ished L'heroine 14 mousquetaire in 1678. The novel t e l l s the story of C h r i s t i n e , daughter of the Baron de Meyrac, who displayed a passion for arms from a young age. One day she is c a l l e d upon by a peasant to k i l l a wi ld boar that i s destroying the f i e l d s . In the dark C h r i s t i n e takes aim at what she be-l ieves to be the boar and acc ident ly k i l l s her brother . Fearing the wrath of her parents , C h r i s t i n e d isguised h e r s e l f as a man and f led to P a r i s . Adopting the name St -Aubin , she presented herse l f to the Marquis de Forbin and asked to enter h is company as mousquetaires. In th is ro l e she ass i s ted in the taking of Limbourg (1675) and was wounded in the siege of Conde (1676) where, in recogni t ion of her valour she was given command of a company. F i n a l l y , she served as an aide-de-campe with Louis XIV at Valenciennes (1677). In 1678 she was morta l ly wounded at Ypres and i t was only upon her death that her true sex was d i scovered . This evo lut ion of the woman warrior f igure in novels , from the medieval kn ight -errant to the seventeenth century k ing ' s s o l d i e r i s a lso r e f l e c t e d 38. in the theatre of the p e r i o d . Drama In times of peace during the ear ly seventeenth century, the majori ty of armed women in France could be found wearing armor made of f e l t and b a t t l i n g t h e i r way with wooden swords across the.stages of P a r i s . T r a g i -comedy, the most popular dramatic form of the f i r s t part of the century, took i t s themes from the /tomarui de V avervtiine of the day. This p a r t i c u l a r genre, always set in some f a n t a s t i c landscape, required a c e n t r a l love i n t e r e s t , an i n f i n i t e l y complex p lo t and a d i sp lay of m a r t i a l a r t s . It was the drama, pan. ex.ceJJ-ence, of the warrior woman. One of the most ce lebrated tragi-comedies of the time was Andre Mareschal 's 1634 production of La Soeur Valeureuse. Set in and around B y t h i n i a , in bygone days, i t i s the story of three princes (Gel iandre , Dorame, Lucidor) who love three princesses (Melinde, Oronte and Olympia). While the end of the play sees each one married to the appropriate mate, ge t t ing there is a l l the fun. Oronte i s in love with her brother Lucidor and follows him to Byth in ia d isguised in armor and carry ing a s h i e l d with h i s p o r t r a i t on i t . One day while she is asleep in the f o r e s t , Olympia s teals her armor in order to s e t t l e a score with Dorame by engaging him in s ingle combat. On the verge of defeat and c e r t a i n death, Olympia is saved by Oronte, whom she be l i eves ; to be a man and with whom she f a l l s in love. Oronte, now disguised in her armor again, meets her brother in s ing le combat, eventual ly reveals her i d e n t i t y , and t e l l s him of her love for him. Lucidor is disgusted by th i s news and bat t l e s with his s i s t e r again . Later in the day, Dorame, b e l i e v i n g Oronte to be a man and his enemy, 39. sends four as sa i lant s to k i l l her but she defeats them a l l . Then Dorame arr ive s and attempts to k i l l her h imse l f . Oronte is wounded and her i d e n t i t y revealed to the p r i n c e . The play i n s i s t s upon one las t b a t t l e between s i s t e r and brother before the k i n g , t h e i r fa ther , a r r i v e s to expla in a l l of the confusions and to s e t t l e a l l the arguments. A l l marry 15 and s e t t l e into a peaceful domestic l i f e . The play was pra ised by leading dramatists inc lud ing P i erre C o r n e i l l e who compared Oronte to the v i r g i n warrior Camil la in V i r g i l ' s Aenead, to Bradamante in A r i o s t o ' s Orlando F u r i o s o , and to tfre-:goddesses Venus and 16 Minerva (Pal las Athene). In f a c t , Oronte, l i k e most m a r t i a l women in tragi -comedies , i s more c l o s e l y re la ted to the f i c t i o n a l warriors than to the goddesses. The heroines are a l l young v i r g i n s who wander throughout the play disguised in armor and often mistaken for men. They are a l l far away from t h e i r homeland or hearth having l e f t in search of a loved one. 17 Thus, the heroine of Rotrou's La Be l l e Alphrede (1634) is d isguised en cavaLLen. throughout the p l a y . Searching for Rodolphe who has abandoned her for another woman, Alphrede is shipwrecked on a desert i s l and where she discovers Rodolphe in mortal combat with p i r a t e s . Af ter saving him from the p i r a t e s , she turns her sword on Rodolphe and lectures him on his ungentlemanly behaviour towards her . 18 In a s i m i l a r play by the same author, La Cel iane (1631), the heroine wanders, d isguised as a knight in search of her ' l o v e r ' Pamphile. Meeting him in a fores t , she engages him in s ing le combat. Here as in most tragi-comedies which included a warr ior woman, the woman engages in an extended ba t t l e with a man who is the man she loves and who w i l l one day become her husband. The women are usua l ly defeated, not by lack of m a r t i a l 40. s k i l l but by t h e i r sex. In most cases the woman's helmet i s acc ident ly knocked to the ground at which point her male opponent usua l ly refuses to engage in further combat. The reason given for th i s r e f u s a l i s , in some instances , the recogni t ion of a loved one but more often the idea that formal combat with a woman is dishonourable . The motives for the combats are so contr ived that i t i s c l e a r l y the f.ad of th i s ba t t l e between the sexes which i s of importance, the added element of the fan tas t i c which i t introduced into these p l a y s , which . , . . , 19 accounts for i t s presence. In George Scudery's Le Prince Deguise (1634), two lovers Argenie and Clearque each make c la im to a greater degree of g u i l t in f a i l i n g to meet the complex demands of t h e i r ch iva lrous c o u r t s h i p . To discover which is the g u i l t i e r p a r t y , each must f ind a champion to represent them in a j u d i c i a l combat. Both lovers d isguise themselves in armor and enter the l i s t s on the other 's behalf . When Argenie 's helmet is knocked to the ground during the course of the combat, Clearque throws down his sword in horror at having fought against a woman and his beloved. In 1695 Thomas C o r n e i l l e , brother of P i e r r e , presented his tragedy Bradamante, based on a theme from A r i o s t o ' s Orlando F u r i o s o . In the course of th i s p l a y , Bradamante declares that she w i l l only marry the man who can defeat her in s ing le combat. Af ter a ba t t l e with the knight Roger, the man she t r u l y loves , Bradamante is duly defeated. In the in troduct ion to Bradamante, C o r n e i l l e explained that the play had been wri t ten f i f t e e n years before , but that he had been hes i tant to produce i t then and remained so in 1695 because "he feared that despite A r i o s t o ' s fame, the publ i c would not to l era te a s i t u a t i o n in which a lover fought against h is mi s t re s s ." Indeed, tastes and the rules of dramatic 41. art had changed since the 1634 production of La Soeur Valeureuse. 22 The las t tragi-comedy had been produced in 1666. Beginning in the 1640s c l a s s i c a l tragedy had grown in p o p u l a r i t y . The rules governing the content and s tructure of th i s genre were c l e a r l y a r t i c u l a t e d . Set in h i s t o r i c a l t imes, "[ la tragedie] s ' i n t e r d i t strictement tout ce qui est geste physique, tout ce qui n'est pas pure et abs tra i t e expression des 23 pensees et des sentiments." The content of c l a s s i c a l tragedy was governed by a growing taste:,'for VA.aL4emblan.ce. ( v e r i s i m i l i t u d e ) and bLenAean.ce. (decorum), what the audience bel ieved to be within the realm of the poss ib le and of the acceptable . Displays of phys i ca l v io lence ( su ic ide excepted) were no longer acceptable and power r e l a t i o n s h i p s were d isp layed in a manner judged to be more r e -f i n e d . While the a r i s t o c r a c y s t i l l portrayed themselves in heroic images, heroines in p a r t i c u l a r took on a less fan tas t i c a i r . A recent study of the p o r t r a y a l of women in the plays of P i erre C o r n e i l l e (the foremost tragedian of h is day) has suggested that , l i k e the women of seventeenth century French soc i e ty , C o r n e i l l e ' s heroines l i v e in a p a t r i a r c h a l world where p o l i t i c a l and moral author i ty are granted the hero and where d i r e c t c , 2 4 act ion is the preserve of the men alone. The m a r t i a l women of tragedy are a far cry from heroines l i k e Alphrede who pursued Rodolphe across the seas and threatened him p h y s i c a l l y for having dared to abandon her. H i s t o r i c f igures such as Zenobie (queen of Palmyra), C leopatra , Camil la and Joan of A r c , who were a l l known to have led armies in the in teres t s of t h e i r nat ions , were now more often than not presented at a vulnerable ( i . e . t r a g i c ) moment in t h e i r l i v e s , v ic t ims of more personal concerns. 42. 25 D'Aubignac's tragedy Zenobie (1640) does not depict Zenobie's ba t t l e with the Romans to save Palmyra for her son. Rather, i t concentrates on a per iod of time a f t er a major defeat of Zenobie's forces and culminates in her s u i c i d e . S i m i l a r l y , Cleopatra is usual ly shown as a v i c t i m of her 26 passion for Anthony, not as a powerful stateswoman and genera l . F i n a l l y , and perhaps most revea l ing in th i s trend is D'Aubignac's La Pucel le 2 7 d'Or leans. The only play devoted to the subject of Joan of Arc in the seventeenth century, i t concentrates on the las t day of her l i f e . In despair and in pr i son Joan must fend of f the sexual advances of the Duke of Warwick. Af ter her death (of f stage) the play ends with a d i scuss ion among a group of judges about her g u i l t and innocence. With the advent of c l a s s i c a l tragedy, a genre which would r e t a i n i t s p o p u l a r i t y u n t i l wel l into the eighteenth century, sword-wielding women did not e n t i r e l y disappear from the stage. They simply moved into comedies ? 8 such as Montf leury's F i l l e Capita ine (1672)" The story concerns a bour-geoise named M. le Blanc who has conceived an inappropriate passion for demoiselle Lucinde. He is too old for her and he is marr ied . Lucinde is unable to cope with the advances of M. le Blanc and turns to her adven-turous f r i e n d Angelique for he lp . Angelique disguises h e r s e l f in the m i l i t a r y uniform of Lucinde's brother who is described as a "sergent d'une companie au regiment du r o i . " With th is new found author i ty Angelique sets out to put M. le Blanc back in h is p lace . She pretends to seduce his wife; she pretends to be ignorant of his marriage and threatens to k i l l him i f he does not marry Lucinde; f i n a l l y she pretends to r e c r u i t him into the army and helps to prepare the despondent le Blanc for a long march to F landers . 43. As in the case of her image in novels , the woman warrior of the stage doffed her medieval armor and put on contemporary d i sgu i se ; the uniform of the k ing's s o l d i e r . In th is guise the woman s o l d i e r continued to appear in late seventeenth century and eighteenth century l i t e r a t u r e and drama. While the gA.ande. kojiouia. of the novel and c l a s s i c a l stage charac ter i zed idea l norms of female behav iourj the woman warrior d isguised h e r s e l f for a journey outside of those norms. There, she pursued lovers and did b a t t l e with them; she reprimanded those who had forgotten the behaviour appro-p r i a t e to t h e i r s ta t ion in l i f e and she helped to c a j o l or to force them back into that p lace . At the s tory ' s end she layed down her arms and resumed her own proper r o l e , or , l i k e Thomyris, she disappeared. V i s u a l Arts The woman w a r r i o r , one of the most popular expressions of symbolic sexual invers ion in l i t e r a t u r e and drama, was also found i n popular p r i n t s which depicted the world upside down. These p r i n t s , which were popular in the seventeenth and eighteenth century, included images of an ox guiding a plow drawn by two men; a mule leading i t s master to market; f i s h swimming in the sky; and a woman dressed in modern m i l i t a r y a t t i r e preparing to ?9 r -| leave for b a t t l e while her husband nurses t h e i r baby. [Figure 1J Given i t s apparent a s soc ia t ion with d i s o r d e r , i t is i n i t i a l l y s t a r t l i n g to discover that three queen regents were coupled with the woman warrior in image and text . However, in t h i s context , i t was not meant to suggest that the catas trophic a l t e r n a t i v e of Amazonian ru le had returned. In a land where popular b e l i e f in women's moral , phys i ca l and mental i n f e r i o r i t y complemented a S a l i c Law which forbade them from i n h e r i t i n g the throne, 44. i t was n e c e s s a r y t o ensure the c o n t i n u e d b e l i e f i n the a u t h e n t i c i t y o f the monarchy by c u l t u r a l l y l e g i t i m i z i n g the e x p e d i e n t r u l e by women. T h i s was a c c o m p l i s h e d , i n p a r t , by a l i m i t e d m a s c u l i n i z a t i o n of the r e g e n t s t h r o u g h an i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of them w i t h c a r e f u l l y s e l e c t e d h i s t o r i c a l and l e g e n d a r y a r i s t o c r a t i c female w a r r i o r s . O f t e n , t h i s w a r r i o r was Athe n a . A c c o r d i n g t o N a t a l i e Zemon D a v i s , the female i n s e v e n t e e n t h c e n t u r y F r a n c e was p o p u l a r l y r e f e r r e d t o as "une b e s t e i m p a r f a i t e ... san f o y , 30 san l o y , sans c r a i n t e , sans C o n s t a n c e . " I t was thought t h a t women were i m p e r f e c t and c l o s e r t o the b e a s t s because of t h e i r p h y s i o l o g y . U n l i k e men who were thought t o be composed of more r e a s o n a b l e hot and d r y humours, women were a p p a r e n t l y made of the change a b l e wet and c o l d humours. I n a d d i t i o n , the womb i t s e l f was b e l i e v e d t o be an a n i m a l which "when not p r o p e r l y f e d by s e x u a l i n t e r c o u r s e o r r e p r o d u c t i o n ... was l i k e l y t o 31 wander about [ a woman's] body, o v e r p o w e r i n g h e r speech and s e n s e s . " As the B i b l i c a l example of Eve and the more r e c e n t t r i a l s o f w i t c h e s had de m o n s t r a t e d , women's p e c u l i a r p h y s i o l o g y l e f t them c l o s e r t o n a t u r e and more prone t o d i s o r d e r . The w i t c h c r a z e o f the s i x t e e n t h and s e v e n t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s u n d e r l a y and encouraged h a t r e d of women and r e i n f o r c e d the image of femaleness as something f r e n z i e d and i r r a t i o n a l . As the s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r y j u r i s t J e an B o d i n w r o t e : ... f o r e v e r y male w i t c h t h e r e a r e f i f t y female w i t c h e s ... In my o p i n i o n t h i s i s not due t o t h e f r a i l t y o f the sex — f o r most of them a r e :.'.r.n t r a c t a b l y o b s t i n a t e — i t i s more l i k e l y t h a t what reduced them t o t h i s e x t r e m i t y was b e s t i a l c u p i d i t y ... And i t i s l i k e l y t h a t t h i s i s why P l a t o p l a c e d woman be-tween man and the b r u t e b e a s t ... F o r one sees t h a t women's v i s c e r a l p a r t s a r e b i g g e r t h a n t h o s e o f men whose c u p i d i t y i s l e s s v i o l e n t . On the o t h e r hand, men have l a r g e r heads and t h e r e f o r e have more b r a i n s and sense than women. The p o e t s e x p r e s s e d t h i s m e t a p h o r i c a l l y when t h e y s a i d t h a t P a l l a s A t h e n a , 45. goddess of wisdom, was born from the bra in of J u p i t e r and had no mother: they meant to show that wisdom never comes from women, whose nature is nearer to that of brute beasts . We may as well add that Satan f i r s t addressed himself to woman, who then seduced man. -Such b e l i e f s complemented a t ighten ing of l ega l r e s t r i c t i o n s upon women's a c t i v i t i e s and a modi f i ca t ion of t h e i r work in the extra-domestic sphere. From the s ixteenth to the eighteenth centuries there was an i n -creas ing l ega l subject ion of women which has been l inked to the "stream-l i n i n g of the p a t r i a r c h a l family which was c a r r i e d out in the in teres t s of more e f f i c i e n t property acquis i t ion , , s o c i a l mob i l i t y and preservat ion of the l i n e . " Now, more than ever before , women were the l ega l wards of fathers and husbands and t h e i r obedience to these men was seen as an exce l lent model for the l o y a l t y of the subject to the increas ing ly 33 c e n t r a l i z e d s ta te . Women's work and act ive presence in the pub l i c sphere was a lso lessening . "Working, women in prosperous fami l i e s were beginning to withdraw from productive labor; those in poor fami l i e s were i n c r e a s i n g l y f i l l i n g the 34 most i l l - p a i d pos i t i ons of wage l a b o r . " One female ro le which had been diminishing for quite some time in France was that of the queen. While the S a l i c Law prevented women from d i r e c t l y i n h e r i t i n g the throne, queens had once been thought of as the governing partner of the king and shared in h is dec i s ion making. However, with the c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of power in the k ing ' s person and in his bureaucracy, the "queen vanished from the p o l i t i c a l arena ." For a l l of these reasons, the phenomenon of three female regents between 1560 and 1652 created the need for some spec ia l explanat ions . The queens had to be distanced from those q u a l i t i e s which were assoc iated with women's d i s o r d e r l i n e s s , t h e i r supposed moral , i n t e l l e c t u a l and 46. p h y s i c a l f r a i l n e s s . They had to d i s c r e d i t the accusation of one s ixteenth century l e g a l i s t who charged that the state could not be entrusted "a une femme incapable d'en garent ir la sauvegarde. L ' e x c l u s i o n du beau sexe, inapte a la guerre est done la condi t ion Aine. qua non de la survive 3 6 Royaume." At the same time, the queens and t h e i r supporters r i g o r o u s l y distanced t h e i r images from those of the unruly amazons. Not for the French monarch was the image of the pipe smoking, gun to t ing woman of the woodblock p r i n t s . Nor the immodest image of C h r i s t i n e de Meyrac as she bares her breasts to a l l a y the jea lous ies of one woman's husband. [Figure 2] Instead, the regents chose the warrior v i r g i n Athena. Born from her . f a t h e r ' s head, Athena's biography d e t a i l e d a career devoted to the serv ice of the p a t r i a r c h y . She person i f i ed a soc ie ty which saw in the contro l of women's natura l d i s o r d e r l i n e s s and i l l i c i t powers, the key to i t s s t a b i l i t y . In the seventeenth century, a comparable gendre h ierarchy and the accompanying fears of unruly women, led the regents to i d e n t i f y themselves with Athena and other women who had r i s e n 'above t h e i r sex' and demonstrated t h e i r a l l eg iance to the p a t r i a r c h y . The a r t i s t i c event of Par i s in the 1620s was Rubens' p o r t r a i t g a l l e r y 37 of the l i f e of Marie de M e d i c i . Mar ie , who had served as regent from 1610 to 1617, ordered Rubens to paint the heroic deeds of her l i f e . Searching for an image to symbolize her a b i l i t y to r i s e above her sex y 38 "d'un courage toute heroique" during her :.regency, i t i s poss ib le that she considered the warrior aspect of her patron s a i n t , the V i r g i n Mary. From at least the s i x t h century A . D . the V i r g i n had been thought of as a warrior goddess in addi t ion to a holy mother. She had l i t e r a l l y taken 47. over the shrines from Athena and a seventh century report of her on the walls of Constant inople , brandishing a spear and leading the people against the invading Avars , seems to have been i n s p i r e d by the Athena Parthenos and Athena Promachos which had been moved to th i s c i t y in the f i f t h 39 century A . D . In France i t s e l f : the greatest French warriors i n s i s t e d on her leading them into bat t l e and in the actua l melee when men were k i l l i n g each other , on every b a t t l e - f i e l d in Europe, for at least f ive hundred years , Mary was present , leading both s i d e s . ^ ® In the n inth century defense of Chartres , the robe of the V i r g i n flew from the tower and in medieval ta les of c h i v a l r y the V i r g i n could be found 41 taking the piace of devout knights in the l i s t s . However, while l i t e r a r y a l l u s i o n s to the warr ior V i r g i n abounded, images were extremely r a r e . More abundant and more relevant to her ro le as regent were examples of c l a s s i c a l iconography used in connection with the previous regent Catherine de Medic i ( r . 1560-1571). In June of 1549, Henri I I , King of France, made a triumphal entry into P a r i s . Two days l a t e r h is queen, Catherine de Medic i made a s i m i l a r progress . The two imperia l processions were used to make v i s i b l e aspects of the monarchy and the s o c i a l order of the realm. To th is end, c i t i z e n s were organized into gui lds and s o c i a l orders and monuments erected along 42 the route which presented various concepts in an a l l e g o r i c a l fash ion . Two of these monuments are of p a r t i c u l a r in teres t to a study of the image of the a r i s t o c r a t i c female w a r r i o r . In the rue St . Denis , a monument was erected on which J u p i t e r (Zeus) stood surrounded by three female f igures representing the ' fortunes ' of 48. the k i n g , the n o b i l i t y and the people . The fortune of the k ing was represented as a woman holding a cornucopia in one hand and the rudder of state in the o ther . The people were r e a l i z e d as a woman r e s t i n g her hand on her breast in a gesture of h u m i l i t y . F i n a l l y , the n o b i l i t y were represented by a f igure dressed as Athena in the act of drawing her sword from her scabbard "pour donner a offendre ou 'defendre , a i n s i que le bon 3 p l a i s i r du Roy gouverne par r a i s o n , est de le commander." A second monument of note , r e f erred to as the Obe l i sk , had at i t s top a f igure of Za t/lance.. In th i s sculpture France was embodied in the f igure of a warrior woman, also in the act of unsheathing her sword but wearing a 44 tunic shorter than that of the Athena f i g u r e . While there were many such images in the process ion of 1549, Catherine was not i d e n t i f i e d with any of them. However, twenty-two years l a t e r , having served as regent for eleven of those years , Catherine again made a triumphal entry into P a r i s , th i s time accompanied by her son Charles IX. In t h i s triumph, a monument was dedicated e s p e c i a l l y to the queen mother. At the top of the monument stood G a l l i a (France) , a f igure apparently given the face of Cather ine . Dressed a la antique., she held a lo f t a map of the kingdom. At her feet were four c l a s s i c a l heroines remembered for t h e i r bravery; L u c r e t i a , Artemesia, C l o e l i e and C a m i l l a . In the poems engraved at the base of the monument, the heroic v i r t u e s of the women were re la t ed to those of the queen and i t was often t h e i r m i l i t a r y v i r tues which were emphasized. Thus, C l o e l i e was r e f e r r e d to as raaACula vLngx) while the fo l lowing l ines were dedicated to Cami l la and the queen: 49. Une lance, un b o u c l i e r , un coutelas trenchant, Un escadron carre en b a t a i l l e marchant, Sont les p l a i s i r s que i ' a y s u i v i s des mon enfance. Ceste Roine a plus f a i t : car sans e f for t de bras Par v i c t o i r e & mercy a mis f i n aux combatz Et uni les Francois soubs une o b e i s s a n c e . ^ i Eighteen days l a t e r , Char les ' new wife E l i z a b e t h made her own entry into Par i s and many of the monuments were h u r r i e d l y rearranged for her bene f i t . The queen regent's monument was feminized, the heroic aspects removed. In the place of G a l l i a , there now stood F l o r a dropping flowers into the laps of the three Graces. This metamorphosis suggests that while the queen was acceptable as a representat ive of French womankind with t h e i r s p e c i a l t i e s to nature (indeed her primary ro le was to give b i r t h to an h e i r ) , the queen regent was mascul inized and a l l i e d to h i s -t o r i c a l and legendary women who had evinced unusual bravery even on the f i e l d of b a t t l e . Of note is the fact that Catherine h e r s e l f was not given ta: sword but was encouraged to achieve v i c t o r y "sans e f for t de b r a s . " The sight of a monumental image of Catherine wielding a sword was perhaps too threatening for th i s generation of P a r i s i a n s . [Figure 3] As the preceding pages i l l u s t r a t e , when Marie de Medic i came to create a monument to her own regency, she was able to re f er to a t r a d i t i o n of women's p u b l i c author i ty presented in the guise of the a r i s t o c r a t i c warrior woman of myth and legend. Of the twenty-four paint ings of the c y c l e , three of them attempt to proc la im the legit imacy of her r u l e . The f i r s t pa in t ing depicts the death of Henri IV and Marie ' s assumption of the regency in 1610. As Henri ascends heavenward, Za £/iance. in the same guise as the s ixteenth century Obel isk s tatue , kneels to present Marie with a symbol of the monarchy. At Marie ' s back, Athena stands 50. helmeted and armed bearing a s h i e l d engraved with the severed head of Medusa. The goddess leans p r o t e c t i v e l y toward the new monarch, a gesture repeated in a number of paint ings in the eye l e . " ' [ Figure 4] It is important to note that while Henri i s dressed in contemporary armor, J.a Bsiance. and Athena are depicted in Graeco-Roman m i l i t a r y a t t i r e . This conforms to the model presented in Cesare Ripa 's Iconolog ia , a source book for a r t i s t s and wri ters in ear ly modern Europe. In th i s book, L a t i n words with feminine endings air.e'.realized as women and those with masculine endings as men. A p a r t i c u l a r group of concepts which appear to deal with masculine, pub l i c v i r t u e s , 1 , concepts such as courage, n o b i l i t y and j u s t i c e , are represented as armed women. However, in every case the women appear in ant ique , c l a s s i c a l armor, v a r i a t i o n s on the theme of Athena Parthenos, while :th:e.-. men-appear dressed for a seventeenth century b a t t l e . Thus i t would seem that the acceptable or worthy woman warrior is a mythological one and that any woman i d e n t i f y i n g with the image of Athena would probably 48 be thought of as symbolizing a v i r t u e as well as the goddess h e r s e l f . [Figure 5] In the second p a i n t i n g , Marie attempted to suggest that her m i l i t a r y c a p a b i l i t i e s were equal to those of her late husband's by having h e r s e l f portrayed at the ba t t l e of J u l i e r s . However, while the queen wears a m i l i t a r y helmet reminiscent of Athena's , the rest of her a t t i r e is decidedly n o n - m a r t i a l . While the r e a l s o l d i e r s meet on the f i e l d , Marie s i t s atop her horse accompanied by two female images represent ing the concepts of V i c t o r y and F o r t i t u d e . Thus, while c la iming to be the general of the nat ion ' s army, a r t i s t i c formula lead the queen to portray h e r s e l f as a f igure from a d is tant time. [Figure 6] 51. Throughout the Medici c y c l e , the goddess Athena appears in a v a r i e t y of a c t i v i t i e s . She i s depicted he lp ing Marie to read, standing with Henri IV as he receives the queen's p o r t r a i t and guiding Marie as she escapes from B l o i s . In only one p a i n t i n g , the ba t t l e between the gods and the g ian t s , is Athena portrayed in b a t t l e . Thus, i t is noteworthy, that when Marie f i n a l l y takes on the guise of th is de i ty she i d e n t i f i e s unquestionably with the goddess's warrior a t t r i b u t e s . In the t h i r d and f i n a l p a i n t i n g which was concerned to procla im the legi t imacy of the regency, Marie i s depicted standing v i c t o r i o u s on the f i e l d of b a t t l e . With the enemy's armor and weapons at her feet , the queen of fers the onlooker a statue of V i c t o r y . [Figure 7] While this p a i n t i n g places the queen squarely in the masculine sphere and grants her some tokens of m i l i t a r y dress , i t continues to mythologize her author i ty in th i s area. The only su i tab le image for the process of mascu l in i z ing the regent, and thus exp la in ing her unusual r o l e , is one which i d e n t i f i e s her with a p le thora of abstract notions p e r s o n i f i e d by armed women, rather than with her husband and the t r a d i t i o n of male author i ty which he represented. The same metaphorical warrior status was conferred upon the regent Anne of A u s t r i a ( r . 1642-1652). She was twice presented as Athena and often as other female warriors of the past . In an undated pa in t ing by G i l b e r t de Seve which may be from 1652, Anne is shown seated in c l a s s i c a l a t t i r e with Athena's spear in one hand and her plumed helmet re s t ing near the other . In a second p a i n t i n g by Simon Renard de Sa int -Andre , the regent is depicted seated across from her daughter- in- law, queen Marie Therese. Just as in the s ixteenth century process ion , the regent is presented with 4' mascul inized m i l i t a r y persona, while the young queen i s portrayed as F l o r a . In honour of Anne of A u s t r i a , Charles d ' A u t e u i l publ ished a biography of Blanche of C a s t i l l e , mother of Louis IX. Made regent in the late t h i r t e e n t h century, Blanche spent a good deal of her re ign leading armies in an attempt to smother revo l t and to save the throne for her infant son. The biography begins with a p o r t r a i t of Blanche in f u l l armor on the f i e l d of v i c t o r y and standing on the head of Medusa. Once again , th i s queen is portrayed , not in the m i l i t a r y a t t i r e of her own century, but in modified c l a s s i c a l dress . Though mascul in ized , she is distanced and indeed the author is hes i tant about female ru le in general and his opening remarks undermine the power of the v i s u a l imagery. D 'Auteu i l suggests that women could become acceptable r u l e r s because s i quelquefois i l paro i s t q u ' e l l e le deviennent a proport ion en leur Sexe; au moins par la fo ib lesse de leur c o n s t i t u t i o n , e l l e s n'ont pas toujours tant de moyens de s a t i s f a i r e a leurs desseins ambitieux. [Figure 8] In 1647, the Jesu i t wr i ter P i e r r e Le Moyne, dedicated to Anne h i s 5? l a v i s h l y i l l u s t r a t e d G a l l e r i e des Femmes F o r t e s . The f i r s t pages of the Ga1ler ie portray Anne standing on a pedestal s i m i l a r to that of Cather ine 's triumphal monument of the previous century. In the o r i g i n a l e d i t i o n the fo l lowing words were p r i n t e d on th is monument: "Si ie n'ay 53 le Sexes des Roys; i ' e n ay recu du C i e l l ' E s p r i t et le Courage." In the preface Le Moyne addresses Anne as a v i c t o r i o u s general and a t t r i b u t e s recent French m i l i t a r y triumphs to her . However, he goes on to q u a l i f y the meaning of th i s generalship when he writes that: A l l our V i c t o r i e s commence in your Cabinet [apartments] , through your Zeal and Prayer , before the conduct of genera l , and the Valour of Souldiers compleat them in the f i e l d . . . By th i s way of Combatting you make a Holy War, and f ight l i k e a C h r i s t i a n H e r o e s s e . ^ 53. Le Moyne s p e c i f i c a l l y i d e n t i f i e d Anne with the B i b l i c a l warr ior queen Deborah to. whom he. re fers as a regent. According to.; the. Old Testament, Deborah led her people in ba t t l e against t h e i r oppressors , the Canaanites . Why was a woman chosen for th is ro le? Concerning the choice God hath made of Women for the p r e s e r -vat ion of states reduced to extremity . . . in occasions wherein the Arms of the strong were born down, and wise Heads exhausted; he hath r a i s e d up Women, who perform the functions of the v a l i a n t and wise. . . . It sutes very neer with the manner of Gods a c t i n g , when.in the '.Tumult of ...Affairs , ".and admldst the noise of f a l l i n g s ta tes , he re jec t s the Arms of Giants , and the Heads of P o l i t i c i a n s , and makes choice of weak women and tender maids to subdue the v i c t o r i o u s and to ra i se up the 5 5 vanquished, to support the Ruines and r e p a i r Shipwracks. While c l e a r l y suggesting that most women are weak and unreasonable, Le Moyne compliments the regent by i d e n t i f y i n g her with the e lec t among women whom God has chosen to br ing order to the wor ld . The image of Deborah [Figure 9] which accompanies the text , places both women f i rmly in the t r a d i t i o n of Athena, another woman chosen by a more d i s tant god to a id him in the task of b u i l d i n g c i v i l i z a t i o n . However, Le Moyne i n s i s t s that he is not encouraging his female readers to take up arms l i k e Deborah f o r : I dispute not here against the general p r a c t i c e ; nor pretend by p r i v a t e author i ty to d i s card an Immemorial D i s c i p l i n e , and a p o l i c i e as ancient as nature. Lesse also is i t my des ire to pub l i sh an edic t by which a l l women should be summoned to war. They ought keep to the d i s t r i b u t i o n which Nature and the Laws have made and custom received . . . " ^ The 'natura l law' which seemed immemorial to Le Moyne was one wherein women laboured in the domestic sphere and men in the p u b l i c sphere. The problem presented by th i s law was the need to expla in those women who, by act of God or accident of fa te , found themselves obl iged to operate in the masculine domain. The so lu t ion which presented i t s e l f seems to have been a l imi ted mascu l in i za t ion of p a r t i c u l a r women, a task accomplished 54. by symbol i ca l ly arming them. However, t h i s was c l e a r l y not a comfortable s o l u t i o n . For i f one armed woman could preserve c i v i l i z a t i o n , many armed women' could sure ly destroy i t . PART 2: THE WOMAN WARRIOR IN EARLY SEVENTEENTH CENTURY HISTORY The i n t e r n a l h i s t o r y of France in the seventeenth century is mainly the s tory of the establishment of absolute monarchy by the prime minis ters R i c h e l i e u and Mazarin and by the k i n g , Louis XIV. The process which had begun i n earnest in the preceding century had been in terrupted by the r e l i g i o u s wars, complicated by two female regencies , chal lenged by a ser ies of peasant, bourgeois and noble revo l t s and only brought to f r u i t i o n during the'l.personal ru le of Louis XIV. With the r e a l i z a t i o n of absolutism and the r e d i r e c t i o n of m i l i t a r y energies to fore ign conquests, the a r i s t o c r a t i c woman warr ior v i r t u a l l y disappeared from French h i s t o r i c a l records u n t i l the revo lu t ion of 1789. The s ixteenth century witnessed an a c c e l e r a t i o n in the development of a number of trends e s s e n t i a l to the establishment of an a b s o l u t i s t s ta te . It was the age of urbanizat ion when nobles , bourgeois and indeed, the monarchs themselves, a l l began to e s t a b l i s h p a l a t i a l residences in the c i t i e s , most notably P a r i s . The c i t y began to dominate the countryside as a centre of power and of c u l t u r a l development."^ The s ixteenth century also witnessed the increas ing monetization of the French economy. Due to the i n f l u x of gold from the Americas wealth was i n c r e a s i n g l y based on specie rather than land. The cash poor n o b i l i t y , l i k e the monarchy i t s e l f , became progres s ive ly impoverished and dependent upon the merchant bourgeois ie for money. The n o b i l i t y derived i t s much needed income through intermarriage with the merchant orders and through 55. pensions granted by the monarchy. For i t s p a r t , the monarchy derived i t s funds from the merchant orders by increas ing t h e i r tax load, but more important ly , by s e l l i n g them government o f f i c e s , some of which were made hered i tary in the ear ly seventeenth century. French soc i e ty , as described by the ear ly seventeenth century j u r i s t Charles Loyseau [1564-1627] was s t i l l in h is day a soc ie ty of orders in which esteem was accorded one's funct ion and not one's mater ia l wealth. The most esteemed funct ion was that of bearing arms in the service of the n a t i o n , a ro le which was granted almost e x c l u s i v e l y to the n o b i l i t y and which was t h e o r e t i c a l l y the bas is of t h e i r p r i v i l e g e s . As a member of the new order of government bureaucrats , Loyseau hoped that time would see an equal measure of esteem and p r i v i l e g e s granted to men of ta lent who served the monarch with t h e i r pens.~^ In the f i n a l years of Louis XIV, the memoirs of S t . Simon record the lamentations of an a r i s t o c r a t who was c e r t a i n that Loyseau's p r e d i c t i o n s had been r e a l i z e d . He repeatedly mourned the dec l ine of the n o b i l i t y , the loss of pres t ige to the new ' n o b i l i t y of the robe' and demanded the r e s t o r -59 a t ion of the n o b i l i t y to i t s former g l o r y , in p a r t i c u l a r i t s m i l i t a r y g l o r y . But a l l of these trends had been i n t e r r u p t e d , f i r s t by the r e l i g i o u s wars, which lasted from 1563 to 1598. These wars were so d i s r u p t i v e that the-, au thor i ty of the Crown disappeared at times almost completely . . . The whole nat ion seemed on the point of d i s i n t e g r a t i n g into a loose f edera t ion , which would have meant the end of nat iona l uni ty and absolutism.60 While the wars were devastat ing to the monarchy and the country as a whole, they allowed a b r i e f moment of g lory to the n o b i l i t y . As noted e a r l i e r in th i s chapter , the n o b i l i t y rediscovered "the m i l i t a r y and p o l i t i c a l ro le of which a far seeing monarchy had, for some time, been 56. 61 gradual ly and s k i l l f u l l y depr iv ing them." Among these nobles there were many women who, more than l i k e l y , alL6c.ovesied t h e i r p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y power for the f i r s t time in th i s anarchic p e r i o d . Sixteenth century annals contain many examples of a r i s -t o c r a t i c women who, in the absence of t h e i r spouses, or in the extremity of c e r t a i n defeat of town or manor, organized t h e i r peasantry and townsmen or bought an army to preserve t h e i r property . Having assembled these fo r c e s , the women are often described as leading them into b a t t l e . In 1524, G a b r i e l l e and C l a i r e de L a v a l , daughters of the governor of M a r s e i l l e s , led the women of that c i t y against the forces of Charles de Bourbon who was besieging t h e i r town. In 15'60, Catherine de Parthenay and her mother organized the defense of Partenay. (Cather ine 's daughters, Anne and Catherine helped to lead the defense of La Rochelle in 1628.) Catherine de Claremont-Tonnere, in 1561, in the absence of her husband, piuichaAed troops and defeated Catho l i c forces which were ravaging her lands. Claudine de la Tour de Turrene, mother of Catherine de M e d i c i , defended the c i t y of Turrene on two separate occas ions , in 1567 and 1570. Claudine s 'etant mise, ces deux f o i s , a la tete de p lus i eurs compagnies de gens de guerre q u ' e l l e avai t assembles a A&A ^JiaJiA, ccjntribua puissament a la de fa i te des ennemis qui furent forces de l eve l honteusement le siege.62 F i n a l l y , in 1588, Catherine-Marie de L o r r a i n e , Duchess de Montpensier and ancestor of Mademoiselle, helped to organize and lead res i s tance to Henri I I I . A la journee des Barr i cades , 12 mai 1588, on l a v i t , casque en t e te , et l 'epee a la main, commander une trgupe de Rei tres allemande a <La. AolzLe. de la maison de L o r r a i n e . For th is and other m i l i t a r y ac t ions , Catherine de Lorra ine was 57. popular ly known as the Heine. deA BcuuilcadeA. The seventeenth century would be devoted to r e s t o r i n g the power and pres t ige of the monarchy which had been severely damaged during these protracted c i v i 1 / r e 1igious wars. A f t e r a promising s tar t under the ru le of Henri IV, the process was imperi led by his death in 1610 and two female regencies in a space of for ty years . While the regencies helped to confuse attempts to create appropriate symbols for the new monarchy, the f i r s t min is ters R i c h e l i e u and Mazarin s t e a d i l y i n t e n s i f i e d the ac tua l process of the c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of power in the person of the k i n g . Discontent was d irec ted more often against the k ing ' s min is ters than against the king h imsel f . In 1637 a p lo t to assassinate R i c h e l i e u was engineered by a number of nobles i n c l u d i n g Mademoiselle's father Gaston and h i s f r i e n d Madame de Chevreuse. A number of contemporary memoirs report that when the p lo t f a i l e d Madame de Chevreuse escaped to Spain dressed en cavalLeA..^^ The o f f i c i a l r e p o r t , ordered by Riche 1 i e u , .r e;axls l i k e a contemporary /loman de 1'avenlu/te as Madame l e i s u r e l y moved from inn to inn recounting her imaginary exp lo i t s in various wars and dressed in a casaque n o i r e , chausses et pourpoint n o i r s , bot tes . Pour d i ss imuler ses t r a i t s e l l e co lora sa f igure avec un melange de suie et de brique rouge, ce qui la f a i s a i t resembler a une gitane . . . sur ses cheveux, e l l e posa une perruque blonde q u ' e l l e ajusta au moyen d'une bande de ta f fe tas noirs dont e l l e se banda le f r o n t , se proposant de d i re q u ' e l l e avant recu une blessure a la tete dans un duel . . . 65 While the n o b i l i t y continued to p lo t against R i c h e l i e u , the f i r s t extensive revo l t s against a b s o l u t i s t trends in government came from the peasants and townsmen. According to Porchnev and other students of these r e v o l t s , one of t h e i r most noteworthy c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s is 58. le ro le extraordinairement important des femmes, non seu le -ment comme p a r t i c i p a n t s aux mouvements, mais encore en tant que d i r igeant s et meneurs appelant a la r e v o l t . ^ In Quercy, in 1637, according to the governor general of Cahors: . . . nous avions avec les soings des consuls et au l tres bons habitants conserve la v i l l e dans l 'obeissance jusque au septiesme du courant , qune troupe du bas peuple se mutina soubs pretexe de lentree t r o i s o f f i c i e r s du regiment de B i scarras quon leur avoit persuade que les consuls voulo int f a i r e entre pour les mettre en guarnison dans la v i l l e , on les appaisa pour le s o i r et tout demeura dans le clame jusques au neufviesme, qu'au grand matain nombre de fames sassambla et avoant quon i eust pr ins guarde eust rompeu le banq des esleus qui e'stoit dans l ' e l i s e et en sui te antra et p i l l a dans t r o i s ou quatre de leurs maisons . . Reporting on the revo l t at Valencen in 1644, the pres ident of the Cour des Comptes de Vienne noted that: la fureur des femmes passa jusques a la personne de Monsieur Fouguet et de deux c o n s e i l l e r s du parlement dont lun a este blesse en p lus i eurs endroi tz de sa personne et l ' a u t r e tue sur la p l a c e , despoui l l e et j e t t e dans la r i v i e r e du R o s n e . ^ F i n a l l y , Robert Mandrou provides a report from the same per iod which comments that "There is a group from the Figeac e l e c t i o n d i s t r i c t which held several armed meetings . . . And there were more armed women in th is meeting than men." What can account for the presence' arid leadership of women in these revo l t s? While i t i s poss ib le that d e f i n i t i o n s of behaviour deemed appropriate to the sexes d i f f e r e d in these v i l l a g e communities, i t i s more l i k e l y the nature of the c o n f l i c t i t s e l f . These popular upr is ings were spontaneous, b r i e f , d i s o r d e r l y and e a s i l y d i spersed . The ir intent was to r e c t i f y i n j u s t i c e s in the p r i c i n g and d i s t r i b u t i o n of foodstuffs and in the leve ls of t a x a t i o n . In other words, the upr i s ings could be in terpre ted as the use of v io lence to protect the domestic sphere. A l l of these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s make them 59. • n • . . . 70 more s u i t a b l e f o r women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n . In c o n t r a s t , the woman-out-of-place i n the woodblock p r i n t s and i n ot h e r forms of c u l t u r e d e s c r i b e d i n t h i s c h a p t e r i s a woman d r e s s e d i n a m i l i t a r y u n i f o r m engaged or p r e p a r i n g t o engage i n b a t t l e . I t i s the f o r m a l i t y , the l o c a t i o n and the i n t e n t o f warfar e t h a t made i t seem more a p p r o p r i a t e as an a c t i v i t y of men. While groups :0:fe armed women are thus a s s o c i a t e d w i t h lower r a n k i n g , e m o t i o n a l mob v i o l e n c e or the defense of towns i n the l a s t moment b e f o r e c e r t a i n d e f e a t , a r i s t o c r a t i c women are r e c o r d e d most o f t e n as l e a d i n g formal t r o o p s i n s i t u a t i o n s which are midway between spontaneous v i o l e n c e and the p r e c i s e l y e n g i n e e r e d encounters of the g r e a t n a t i o n a l armies of the l a t e s e v e n t e e n t h and e a r l y e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s . However, when a l l the accounts have been s t u d i e d , i t i s c l e a r t h a t the p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f women i n for m a l w a r f a r e was r a r e and of a ve r y l i m i t e d n a t u r e . The Fronde The Fronde (1648-1652) was a co n f u s e d and o f t e n a n a r c h i c r e v o l t of p a r l i a m e n t a r i a n s and the n o b i l i t y a g a i n s t o p p r e s s i v e t a x a t i o n on the one 71 hand and l o s s o f p r i v i l e g e s and powers on the o t h e r . The Fronde fcd/ile^. • mentcusie. was q u i c k l y s e t t l e d i n A p r i l of 1649 w i t h the s i g n i n g of the Peace of R u e i l , w i t h i t s somewhat l i m i t e d c o n c e s s i o n s . The Fronde d/.o'bVLLaijLe. may be s a i d t o have begun i n March o f 1649 w i t h the l i s t o f Demandes des P r i n c e s et Seigne u r s que ont p r i s l e s armes avec l e Parlement 7? et Peuple de P a r i s . The demands amounted to r e q u e s t s f o r p o l i t i c a l power, p r i v i l e g e s and l a n d . 60. Monsieur le Prince de Conty demande d 'avo ir entree et place dans le Conse i l du Roy; une Place forte dans son governeraent de Champagne; le retour de Madame de Chevreuse; . . . qu'on l u i donne 42,000 l i v r e s ; qu'on accorde le tabouret a la femme du Prince de M a r s i l l a c . . . While the party of the n o b i l i t y was gradual ly organ iz ing , Mazarin made the t a c t i c a l error of a r r e s t i n g three of i t s leaders , the Prince de Conde, h is brother Conty and the Due de L o n g u e v i l l e . Upon l earning of her husband's a r r e s t , the duchesse de Longuevi l le f l ed to her husband's lands in Normandy. There she attempted, unsuccess-f u l l y , to ra i se the populat ion and an army to oppose Mazar in . Short ly-a f t e r , Claire-Clemence de Breze, the princess de Conde, was expel led from Par i s and eventual ly reached her husband's lands in Bordeaux. There, in J u l y 1650, she presented a p e t i t i o n to the parliament of Bordeaux o u t l i n i n g the poor treatment of the n o b i l i t y by Mazar in . She 73 demanded pro tec t ion for h e r s e l f and her son and a id in r a i s i n g an army. While parliament met to consider her request , a l e t t e r a r r i v e d from Mazarin in the name of the king demanding .that the princess be expel led from the c i t y . The pairrllrameri.t decided that, they could not obey the l e t t e r , "sans a t t i r e r un reproche e ternal d 'avo ir abandonne les in tere t s d'un pr ince 74 du sang." They resolved unanimously that "le v i l l e s 'armeroit contre les oppressions du Cardina l Mazarin . . . le tout sous le bon p l a i s i r et pour le service du R o i . " ^ While the forces of Mazarin eventual ly defeated the troops of Bordeaux, popular sentiment against the Cardinal was increas ing and he was forced to re lease the three princes and to f lee the country . On 30 January 1652, Mazarin returned to France with an army of German s o l d i e r s and began to march towards P a r i s . 61. In March, Mazarin reached Orleans and demanded entry in the name of the k i n g . The c i t i z e n s refused and c a l l e d for the a id of Gaston, due d 'Orleans . Ever the coward, Gaston sent h is daughter Anne, La Grande Mademoiselle, in h is stead. Accompanied by Madame de Frontenac and escorted by f ive hundred s o l d i e r s she rode to the a id of Orleans . "Je commensal, d is la a donner mes o r d r e s . W i t h the help of c i t i z e n s shouting "Vive le r o i , les p r i n c e s , et point de Mazarin", Mademoiselle gained entry to the c i t y . With the help of experienced generals and of par 1 lament, ishe ru led Orleans l i k e a feudal domain for f ive weeks. In her address to the town's parliament (her f i r s t p u b l i c speech), she began by exp la in ing her fa ther ' s absence. "Son Al tesse Royale (Gaston) n'ayant pu qu i t t er les grandes et importantes a f f a i r e s q u ' i l a a P a r i s . S h e went on to expla in that she had come to Orleans: . . . pour vous proteger contre les mauvais desseins du c a r d i n a l Mazarin , ou pour p e r i r avec vous, s i 1'on ne s'en peut defendre. Son Al tesse Royale est non-seulement persudee du zele que vous avez pour son serv ice et pour la conversat ion de ce pays; mais e l l e m'a command! de vous f a i r e connoitre qu'en cette rencontre vos propres in tere t s l u i sont auss i chers que les siens . . . Son Al tesse Royale ne doubte pas que, s i cette armee mettoit les pieds dans Orleans , e l l e ne t r a i t a t cette v i l l e avec beau-coup plus de r i g u e r , puisque e'est la c a p i t a l e de l 'apanage, et c e l l e dont Son Al tesse Royale porte le nom, et , comme tout ce qui y a r r i v e r o i t l u i s e r o i t plus s ens ib l e , e l l e m'a envoyee pour defendre l'honneur les biens et les v ies de ses habitants . . . Af ter her p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the success ful defense of Orleans (a p a r t i c i p a t i o n which did not include a c t u a l l y leading an army into bat t l e Mademoiselle returned to P a r i s . That c i t y had now become a batt leground for the forces of the n o b i l i t y led by Conde and the forces of the king led by Turesne. On Ju ly 2, 1652, Conde attempted to enter the c i t y proper but was refused admittance at the Porte St . Denis . He appealed to Gaston to come to h i s a i d , to persuade the c i t i z e n s to f ight on his 62. behal f . Gaston pleaded i l l n e s s and his daughter rushed to the Luxembourg only to f ind her father walking around the palace . "I expected to f ind you in bed" she s a i d . Gaston r e p l i e d that he was not s i ck enough to go 79 to bed but was d e f i n i t e l y too i l l to go out. Once again Mademoiselle took her fa ther ' s p lace . A r r i v i n g at the meeting place of the Par is garlUament-, Mademoise 1 le spoke for her fa ther: "Monsieur s 'etant trouve un peu mal et ayant a tout moment des ordres a donner, n'a pu ven ir i c i . . . " In his behalf she demanded, and rece ived , two thousand men to be sent to the r e l i e f of Conde and free entry for him into the c i t y . ^ It was l a t e r that same day that Mademoiselle went to the B a s t i l l e , neutral to that moment. . . . je me promenai longtemps sur les tours , et je f i s changer (or charger) le canon, qui e t o i t tout pointe du cote de la v i l l e : i ' en f i s mettre du cote de l ' eau et ducote du faubourg pour defendre le bas t ion . According to her memoirs, i f the word is read as "changed" and not " f i r e d " , Mademoiselle l e f t the B a s t i l l e beforecthe f i g h t i n g began. However. 8? contemporary accounts tend to exaggerate her ro l e in th i s event. What-ever the nature of her r o l e , th i s act ion helped Conde to take the c i t y of Paris which he held for the next four months. During th i s time he i n v i t e d Mademoiselle to ra i se twelve companies of so ld i er s in her name. While she found i t to be rather expensive, she notes in her memoirs that she de l ighted in reviewing her troops: J'avoue que je les t rouva i b e l l e s ; e l l e s v inrent au-devant de moi en escadron, les o f f i c i e r s , l 'epee a la main, a la tete . . . J'avoue que je fus un peu enfant, et que j ' e n senteSg^ asses de j o i e , et que le son des trompettes me r e j o i s s o i t . . . In the f i n a l month of his triumph, Conde i n v i t e d Mademoiselle to inspect the troops of the princes which were camped outside of the c i t y . 63. (Apres d i n e r , je raontai a cheva l , et je m'en a l l a i v o i r l'armee . . . ) ^ ^ It was to be her las t taste of the m i l i t a r y l i f e . On October 13, the forces of the Fronde having become d i s u n i f i e d in the face of popular demands for peace, Conde l e f t Paris for a b r i e f per iod of e x i l e . Short ly af ter Louis XIV entered the c i t y to begin his personal r u l e . Af ter the Fronde: The Age of Louis XIV According to V o l t a i r e , Louis XIV awarded a m i l i t a r y pension in 1692 to P h i l i s de la Charce, daughter of the l a t e . P i e r r e , Marquis de la Charce. The pension was in recogni t ion of her ro le in the defense of her fa ther ' s lands during an invasion by V i c t o r Amedie, due de Savoie, leader of the 85 Austr ian troops sent against France. P h i l i s organized the vassals and peasants l i v i n g on her fami ly ' s f i e f and going at t h e i r head she drove of f the invader. What l i s s i g n i f i c a n t about th i s report is that a woman s t i l l res ident on her f i e f , organized her vassals and peasants in a t r a d i t i o n a l manner and r e s i s t e d an invader. Of more s i gn i f i cance is the comment that Louis awarded her a m i l i t a r y pension. By the end of the seventeenth century, a r i s t o c r a t i c warriors of former times could now be c a l l e d a l l the King:',s s o l d i e r s and a l l the King:',s men. Descr ib ing the n o b i l i t y as they appeared t h i r t y years a f ter the Fronde, Robert Mandrou has wr i t ten that: . . . the n o b i l i t y who, u n t i l the 1650s, were unruly , boisterous and dangerous to roya l a u t h o r i t y , are by 1680 domesticated and arranged in f i l e s or groups according to the ceremonies, are occupied day i n , day out, with the monarch and his a c t i o n s . A century e a r l i e r , the hottest heads were taking up arms and con-ducting war upon war against the k ing ; at the end of the seven-teenth century, the most exalted of the great men (St . Simon) takes up his men and exhales forty volumes of h is b i t t erness . . . Forge t t ing the honor and g lory of combat, and that medieval m i l i t a r y idea l that won i t p r i v i l e g e d place at the head of soc i e ty , that n o b i l i t y now places i t s ambitions in the d a i l y service of the court . . . ^ 64. During the course of the 1650s and '60s, Louis XIV reorganized his government and among other changes he removed his mother, the princes of the blood and other great noblemen from the grand c o u n c i l . The Conse i l d' en haut was thereaf ter manned by bourgeoise (the rwbi.eA4e de /tobe) as was the ever expanding bureaucracy. While the nobles lost t h e i r p o l i t i c a l in f luence , more important to th i s study was the loss of t h e i r personal inf luence in the m i l i t a r y sphere. The Pragmatique Sanct ion, a law invoked in 1439, which gave to the king the exc lus ive r i g h t to ra i se armies, was large ly i n e f f e c t u a l u n t i l the 8 7 personal re ign of L o u i s . It was only in the mid-seventeenth century that a combination of factors inc lud ing the impoverishment of the n o b i l i t y and the increas ing costs of m i l i t a r y technology allowed the monarch to make the army a branch of the machinery of government. The term rtobLeAAe-mlJJjtaAjie, which came into use during the eighteenth century, is but one i n d i c a t i o n that the r e l a t i o n s h i p of th is s o c i a l order to t h e i r ro le as defenders of the nation had changed. In the time of Henri I I , the n o b i l i t y had been p e r s o n i f i e d as an armed woman. Now the m i l i t a r y was fast becoming a p r o f e s s i o n , a sc ience , adopted and studied by some members of the n o b i l i t y . Af ter 1684 the French n o b i l i t y could 88 no longer supply enough men to f i l l the ranks of the o f f i c e r s . Af ter the Fronde, Anne Marie d'Orleans was forced to endure a fourteen year ex i l e in the prov inces . In those years she composed her memoirs and turned her pen to l i t e r a t u r e . In her memoirs, Mademoiselle informs us that she had always been interes ted in the s o l d i e r i n g l i f e : 65. . . . j 'aime tous ceux qui en ont un de p a r t i c u l i e r en leur pro fe s s ion . Par-dessus tous les autres , j 'aime les gens de guerre, & a les ouir p a r l e r de leur metier; & quoique j 'aye d i t aue je ne par le de r i e n que je ne fache & qui ne me convienne, j 'avoue que je par le v o l o n t i e r s de la guerre; je me sens fort brave; j ' a i beaucoup de courage & d'ambition . . . ^ 9 As noted in the beginning of this chapter, when Mademoiselle's father claimed that her act ions in the Fronde had been insp i red by f i c t i o n a l heroines , his daughter had answered that she was moved instead by the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of her c l a s s . Indeed Anne d 'Orlean's act ions during the Fronde would have been impossible had i t not been for her a r i s t o c r a t i c b i r t h and the i n a b i l i t y of her father to carry out h is r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . However, Mademoiselle d id see h e r s e l f and was seen by others in the garb of the mythic woman w a r r i o r . During the Fronde she was portrayed in a popular p r i n t , along with Madame de Frontenac as . a Graeco-Roman amazon queen or Athena f igure in the act of br ing ing down the ruthless Mazarin . During her e x i l e , Mademoiselle wrote a novel e n t i t l e d H i s t o i r e de la  Princesse de Paphlagonie. Inspired by de Scudery's novel Artemene, th i s novel i s of in teres t because the author i d e n t i f i e d each character in her s tory with a personal f r i e n d . Thus we learn that Cyrus the Great i s the Prince de Conde and that the hero ine , the princesse of Paphlagonie, i s her f r i e n d Mademoiselle de Vandi . The th in p lo t l ine has Cyrus f a l l in love with the b e a u t i f u l pr incess who is forced to ru le Paphlagonie upon the sudden death of her fa ther . The princess manages th i s task even '! though she i s so de l i ca te that at times she cannot r a i s e her head from '. her day bed. One day however, the country is attacked by bandits and the pr incess must c a l l for the a id of the ' formidable' Queen of the Amazons, 66. i d e n t i f i e d by Mademoiselle as. h e r s e l f . The Queen of the Amazons "vint avec des troupes for t lestes et fort aguerries; e l l e t a i l l a en pieces tous 91 ces r e v o l t e s , chassa les conjures hors de la Paphlagonie F i n a l l y , in March of 1671, with Mademoiselle back in favour and in P a r i s , a young p a i n t e r , P i erre Bourguignon was asked by the Academie to paint as h is rn.on.ce.au. de AeceptLon a p o r t r a i t of Mademoiselle hL4t.0A.Le. Like the subject h e r s e l f , the painter chose to commemorate Mademoiselle's h i s t o r i c m i l i t a r y act ions by dress ing her in ant ique, a l l e g o r i c a l armor. [Figure 10] Unl ike the male p a r t i c i p a n t s of the Fronde who were portrayed in contemporary bat t l e dress , Mademoiselle and her act ions are distanced from the viewer. She could be the ancient goddess Athena or indeed the a l l e g o r i c a l f igure of F o r t i t u d e . Searching for an acceptable image to describe her courage and m i l i t a n c y , both the a r t i s t and Mademoiselle h e r s e l f v e i l e d her persona l i ty in a mythological haze, for the idea l woman warrior of the mid seventeenth century was more the s tu f f of dreams 99 than of r e a l i t y . In 1673 a book appeared with the chal lenging t i t l e L ' E g a l i t e de  I'homme et de la femme. The author, P o u l l a i n de la Barre , saw himself as a new type of champion in the cause of j u s t i c e for women. In his study he no longer searches for h i s t o r i c a l examples to expla in how i t i s poss ib le for some women to r i s e above t h e i r sex. Rather, he searches for the roots of the oppression and prejudice which he sees in his soc i e ty . In the face of th is bias he suggests that women are equal to men, not on the basis of h i s t o r i c a l example but on the author i ty of La RaLdon et du Bon SenA. According to reason and good sense, P o u l l a i n demonstrates that women are capable of a l l profess ions , inc lud ing the m i l i t a r y . 67. As for myself , I am no more surpr i sed to see a women in m i l i t a r y a t t i r e than I am to see a woman wearing a crown. Nor am I surpr i sed to see her pres id ing at a counc i l of war, nor at a counc i l of s tate; to see her t r a i n i n g s o l d i e r s or ranging them in ba t t l e . . . The m i l i t a r y art is no l o f t i e r than the others of which women are capable, even i f i t i s more v i o l e n t and more b r u t a l . The eyes are s u f f i c i e n t for f ind ing the best routes on a map . . . and there are no good s o l d i e r s who do not know wel l (the best s trateg ies to use in the attempt to defeat the enemy.) A woman can do a l l th is t o o . ^ 3 While popular and i n t e l l e c t u a l opinion would come to support the notion that the m i l i t a r y arts were as much the art of the mind as of the strong arm, they would never come to accept the notion that women should be allowed to learn th is new a r t . P r o f e s s i o n a l i z a t i o n of the army and the exclus ive deployment of troops outside of the borders of the nat ion meant that a r i s t o c r a t i c French women were removed in terms of s k i l l s and distance from p a r t i c i p a t i n g as they once had. In 1789, however, a revo lu t ion of unprecedented scope took place in France. The annals of the Revolut ion record the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of numbers of women in th i s armed s trugg le . The ir images abound in the revo lut ionary iconography of the late eighteenth century. Were these women given weapons by the leadership which no longer held to the old prejudice banning women from the m i l i t a r y ? Or have the multitude of images bl inded us to an unchanging current in a world turned upside down? 68. F I G U R E 1: THE WORLD U P S I D E - D O W N A C C O R D I N G TO A P R I N T P O P U L A R I N THE S E V E N T E E N T H AND E I G H T E E N T H C E N T U R I E S 6 9 . FIGURE 2: ILLUSTRATION FROM AN EIGHTEENTH CENTURY EDITION OF L'HEROINE MOUSQUETAIRE 70. FIGURE 3: CATHERINE DE MEDICI AND HER DAUGHTER-IN-LAW AS PORTRAYED IN THE ROYAL ENTRY OF CHARLES IX 71 FIGURE 4: RUBENS: THE APOTHEOSIS OF HENRY IV 72. 7 3 . F I G U R E 7: R U B E N S : M A R I E DE M E D I C I A S THE GODDESS OF WAR 75. FIGURE 8: BLANCHE OF CASTILLE AS PORTRAYED IN CHARLES D'AUTEUIL'S BLANCHE INFANTE DE CASTILLE 7 6 . 77. FIGURE 10: LA GRANDE MADEMOISELLE, AS PORTRAYED BY PIERRE BOURGUIGNON 78. Notes for Chapter 2 1. Memoires de Mademoiselle de Montpensier ( P a r i s : B ib l io teque Charpent ier , 1891), v o l . 2, p . 197. The 1776 e d i t i o n of these memoirs reads, "je f i s charger le canon", I f i r e d the cannon. Memoires de Mademoiselle  de Montpensier ( P a r i s : Chez J . Edme Dufour, 1776), v o l . . 2 , p. 195. 2. I b i d . , (1891), v o l . 2, p. 197. 3. Maurice Magendie, Le Roman francaise au X V I I 6 s i e c l e ( P a r i s : E . Droz, 1932), p . 11. 4. Robert Mandrou and George Duby, A His tory of French C i v i l i z a t i o n (New York: Random House, 1964), p. 287. 5. Ian MacClean, Woman Triumphant (Oxford: The Claredon Press , 1977). 6. G. Saintsbury, A H i s t o r y of the French Novel (London: Macmil lan, 1917), p . 214. 7. I b i d . , p. 176. 8. Madeleine de Scudery, Artemene ou le grand Cyrus ( P a r i s : Corbe, 1653), Part 9, Book 2, p . 834. 9.. La Calprenede, Cassandre (London: H. Moseley, 1652), Part 2, Book 3, pp. 240-242. 10. La Calprenede, Cleopatre ( P a r i s : Antoine de Somavi l le , 1653). "Menalippe as Diana", tome 8, p. 264-265 ; "Menalippe in ba t t l e" , p . 503-523. 11. I b i d . , p. 523. 12. Madeleine de Scudery, C l e l i a (London: H. Moseley, 1655), Book 2, part 1, p. 25. 13. I b i d . , p. 33. Other novels which portray women warriors inc lude: Romant des Dames du Verdier 1629 Praziemene le Mair i e 1638 Ariane des Marets 1639 Rosane des Marets 1639 Berenger Bonnet 1645 Polexandre Gomberville 1647 14. Jean:, de" Prechac, L'heroine mousequetaire (Paris ; Amsterdam : J . Le Jeune, 1678). The e d i t i o n used for th is study was publ ished in Par i s in 1722 by P. Wit te . 15. H . C . Lancaster , A His tory of French Dramatic L i t e r a t u r e in the Seventeenth Century (Balt imore: Johns Hopkins, 1929), part 1, v o l . 2, p. 510. 79. 16. I b i d . , p . 509. 17. "La Be l l e Alphrede", in Oeuvres de Jean Rotrou (Geneve: S l a t k i n , 1967), Tome 2, pp. 341-433. 18. "Cel iane", in I b i d . , Tome 2, pp. 253-337. 19. Georges de Scudery, Le Prince Deguise (New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y Press , 1929). 20. "Bradamante", in Oeuvres de T. C o r n e i l l e ( P a r i s : Nyon, 1758), Tome IX, pp. 204-259. 21. As quoted in Lancaster , op. c i t . , Part IV, v o l . 1, p. 362. 22. A p a r t i a l l i s t of tragi-comedies which contain women warriors would inc lude: PLAY AUTHOR DATE Solimon Da 1ibray 1620 Lisandre et C a l i s t e Du Ryer 1630 Les aventures amoureuses d'Omphale Grandchamp 1630 Indienne Amoureuse Du Rocher 1631 Ce 1 iane Routrou 1631 L ' O r i z e l l e Chabroul 1631 Le IP.omp.e' Funebre Da 1Ibray 1632 Le Vassal Genereux Scudery 1632 Les passions egarees de Richemont 1632 La f i d e l l e tromperie Gougenot 1633 Amelie Rotrou 1633 La be l l e Alphrede Rotrou 1634 La soeur valeureuse Marescha1 1634 Grand et Dernier Solimon Mairet 1635 Bradamante La Calprenede 1637 Eurimedon Desfontaines 1637 Les trahizons d ' a r b i r a n le Metel 1638 L'esc lave Couronne de Bourzac 1638 23. Antoine Adam, L'Age c lass ique ( P a r i s : Artaud, 1968), p . 168. 24. Mi lorad R. M a r g i t i c , " C o r n e i l l e , un humaniste i n t e g r a l " , in Papers  on French Seventeenth Century L i t e r a t u r e , (Winter 1977-78), p. 153. 25. Francois d'Aubignac, Zenobie ( P a r i s : Augustin Corbe, 1647). 26. P. C o r n e i l l e , Rodogune, t raged ie , ed. Jacques Scherer ( P a r i s : Droz, 1946). See also Cami l la in C o r n e i l l e ' s Horace, ed. W i l l Moore (Oxford: B l a c k w e l l , 1938). 27. Francois d'Aubignac, La Pucel le d'Orleans ( P a r i s : Francois Targa, 1642). 80. 28. Montleury, "La F i l l e Capi ta ine" , in Chefs d'oeuvre des auteurs comiques ( P a r i s : F irmin Didot , 1859-60), p . 67-142. 29. P i e r r e Ronzeaud, "La femme au pouvoir ou le monde a l ' envers" , in XVII S i e c l e , no. 108, (1975), p. 9. For i l l u s t r a t i o n s see Giuseppe Cocch iar ia II mondo a l i a rovesc ia (Tor ino: Paolo B o r i n g h i e r i , 1963). 30. Nata l i e Zemon Davis , "Women on Top", in Society and Culture in E a r l y  Modern France (Stanford: Stanford U n i v e r s i t y Press , 1975), p. 124. G. Fagniez , La femme et la societe francaise dans la premiere motie  du XVII s i e c l e ( P a r i s : L i b r a i r i e U n i v e r s i t e , 1929). 31. I b i d . , p . 124. 32. Jean Bodin, Dela demonomanie des sorc i er s ( P a r i s , 1580), p. 225. Trans lated in Not in God's Image, e d i t o r s , J u l i a 0 ' F a o l a i n and Laro Martines (New York: Harper Books, 1973), pp. 209-210. 33. Nata l i e Zemon Davis , op. c i t . , p. 126. Jean Portemer, "La femme dans la l e g i s l a t i o n royale des deux derniers s i ec l e s de l ' A n c i e n Regime", in Etudes d ' h i s t o i r e du d r o i t p r i v e , o f fer tes a P i erre Petot ( P a r i s : L i b r a r i e generale de d r o i t et de jur i sprudence , 1959), p. 441-452. 34. Nata l i e Zemon Davis , op. c i t . , p. 126. 35. Marion F . Fac inger , "A Study of Medieval Queenships: Capetian France 987-1237" in Studies in Medieval and Renaissance H i s t o r y 5 (1968) p. 4. 36. Claude de Seysse l , quoted in Ronzeaud, op. c i t . , p. 12. 37. Anthony B lunt , Art and Arch i t ec ture in France, 1500-1700 (Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin, 1957), p. 129. 38. F l o r e n t i n Du Ruau, Tableau h i s t o r i a l des regences . . . ( P a r i s : Isaac Mesnier, 1615). The author wrote that in France, female regents had, in the past , shown themselves capable of overcoming " l ' i n f i r m i t e de leur sexe d' un courage tout heroi'que p. 33. 39. A v e r i l Cameron, "Images of A u t h o r i t y : E l i t e s and Icons in Late S ixth Century Byzantium", in Past and Present (August 1979), p. 6. R. Jenkins , "The Bronze Athena at Byzantium," in Journal of H e l l e n i c Studies L LXVII' (1947), pp. 31-33. R . J . Hopper, The A c r o p o l i s , p. 186. 40. Henry Adams, Mont-Saint -Michel and Chartres (Boston: Houghton M i f f l i n , 1932), p . 94. 41. I b i d . , p. 265-266. 42. The Entry of Henri II into P a r i s , 16 June 1549, in troduct ion by I . D . McFarlane (New York: Centre for Medieval and E a r l y Renaissance Studies , 1982). 81. 43. I b i d . , p . 4a. (The o r i g i n a l is i r r e g u l a r l y paginated. ) 44. I b i d . , p . 1 l a . 45. La joyeuse entree de Charles IX, Roy de France, en Paris 1572, i n t r o -duction by Frances Yates . (Amsterdam: Theatrum orbis terrarum, 1976), p . 16a. 46. I b i d . , p . 52. 47. The most complete study of th i s cyc le is J . T h u i l l i e r , Rubens' L i f e  of Marie de Medic i (New York: Abrams, 1970). See a lso Beverly Heisner , "Marie de M e d i c i : Se l f Promotion Through A r t " , The Feminist  Art J o u r n a l , v o l . 6 no. 1 (Spring 1977), pp. 21-26. 48. Cesare R ipa , Iconologia (Padua, 1611), reproduced by Garland P u b l i s h e r s , New York, 1976. 49. Franc i s Dowley, "French P o r t r a i t s of Ladies as Minerva", in Gazette  des Beaux Arts ( P a r i s , 1955), p. 264-265. 50. Charles d ' A u t e u i l , Blanche, Infante de C a s t i l l e ( P a r i s : Antoine Sommaville, 1644). 51. I b i d . , p . 3-4. 52. My copy is the Eng l i sh t r a n s l a t i o n with o r i g i n a l engravings e n t i t l e d The G a l l e r y of Heroick Women (London: R. Norton, 1652). 53. Henri Cherot , Etude sur la v ie et les oeuvres du P. Le Moyne (Geneve: S l a t k i n , 1971), p . 159. 54. Le Moyne, G a l l e r y of Heroick Women, op. cit . . , . unpaginated i n t r o d u c t i o n . 55. I b i d . , p. 36-37. 56. I b i d . , p . 122. 57. On trends in s ixteenth and seventeenth century h i s t o r y and soc ie ty see R. Mandrou, op. c i t . ; R. Mousnier, The I n s t i t u t i o n s of France  under Absolute Monarchy (Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press , 197.9) ; David Maland, Culture and Society in Seventeenth Century France (London: Bat s ford , 1970) ; J . Lough, An Introduct ion to Seventeenth  Century France (New York: McKay, 1961). 58. Mousnier, op. c i t . , p. 59. I b i d . , pp. 4-25. 60. Lough, op. c i t . , p. 108. 61. Mandrou, op. c i t . , p . 287 . 82. 62. A l f r e d Tranchant, Les femmes m i l i t a i r e s de l a France ( P a r i s : Cournol , 1866), p. 195. 63. I b i d . , p . 225. 64. For example see the Memoires du Cardina l de R i c h e l i e u in Memoires  R e l a t i f s a l ' h i s t o r i e de France ( P a r i s : D i d i e r , 1857), tome 23, p . 232. 65. Louis B a t i f f o l , La Duchesse de Chevreuse ( P a r i s : Hacette , 1913), p . 159. 66. Bor is Porchnev, Les soulevements populaires en France de 1623 a 1648 ( P a r i s : Sevpen, 1963), p. 274. 67 . I b i d . , p . 75. 68. I b i d . , p . 238. 69. R. Mandrou, op. c i t . , p. 297. See also Yves Marie Berce, H i s t o i r e s  des croquants: Etude des soulevements populaires au XVII s i e c l e (Geneve: Droz, 1974). 2 v . 70. Olwen Hufton, "Women in Revolut ion , 1789-1796", Past and Present , no. 53 (Nov. 1971), p. 94. 71. On the Fronde see Ernst Kossmann, La Fronde (Leiden: U n i v e r s i t a i r e Pers Le iden , 1954) ; P i erre L o r r i s , La Fronde ( P a r i s : A . M i c h e l , 1961) 72. Reproduced in Choix de mazarinades, ed. C. Moreau ( P a r i s : Renouard, 1853). 73. I b i d . , Tome 1, pp. 431-436. 74. Dubuisson-Aubenay, Journal des Guerres C i v i l e s ( P a r i s : Champion, 1885), Tome 1, p. 293. (Written in 1648-1653). 75. I b i d . , p . 294. 76. I b i d . , p . 294. 77. Memoires de Mademoiselle de Montpensier (1891), op. c i t . , v o l . 1, p . 352 • 78. I b i d . , v o l . 2, p . 79. I b i d . , p . 4. 80. I b i d . , p . 91. 81. I b i d . , p . 94. 83. 82. See for example Dubuisson-Aubeny, op. c i t . , v o l . 2, p . 246. " . . . (Mademoiselle) montant a la B a s t i l l e , f i t t i r e r du r a v e l i n qui est devant, sept ou hui t coups de canon sur les gens du Roi qui venoient t i r e r mousquetades jusqes dans la porte S a i n t - A n t o i n e . " Memoires de P. de la Porte in Memoires r e l a t i f s a l ' h i s t o i r e de  France, Tome 32, p . 31. 83. Memoires de Mademoiselle v o l . 2, pp. 157-158. 84. I b i d . , p . 167. 85. Biographie U n i v e r s e l l e ( P a r i s : Desplace) , Tome XXII , p . 354. 86. R. Mandrou, op. c i t . , p. 335-337. 87. A . C o r v i s i e r , "La noblesse m i l i t a i r e : aspects m i l i t a r i e s de la noblesse franca i s du XV et XVII s i e c l e " , H i s t o i r e Socia le v o l . XI. no. 22 (May 1978), p . 343. 88. A. C o r v i s i e r , Armies and Soc ie t i e s in Europe, 1494-1789 (Bloomington: Indiana U n i v e r s i t y Press , 1976), p. 174. See also C o r v i s i e r , L'armee franchise de la f i n du XVII s i e c l e ( P a r i s : Presses U n i v e r s i -t a i r e s de France, 1964) ; and Hans Speier " M i l i t a r i s m in the Eighteenth Century", in Soc ia l Research (August, 1936), pp. 304-336. 89. Memoires de Mademoiselle ( 1776.ed.) , op. c i t . , v o l . 8, p. 130. 90. M. Kle in-Rebour , "Les femmes soldats a travers les ages", La Revue  H i s t o r i q u e , v o l . 16 no. 1 (1960), p . 19. 91. I b i d . , p . 67. 92. Franc i s Dowley, "French P o r t r a i t s of Ladies as Minerva", op. c i t . , p. 272. 93. P o u l l a i n de la Barre , De l ' e g a l i t e des deux sexes ( P a r i s : Jean Dupuis, 1673), p . 168. CHAPTER 3 THE WOMAN WARRIOR IN FRENCH EIGHTEENTH CENTURY AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY AND CULTURE INTRODUCTION On June 26, 1793, a young a r t i s t named Catherine Pochetat appealed to the Nat ional Convention to be allowed to r e t a i n her post in the French volunteer army. Her lengthy p e t i t i o n out l ined an impressive career of armed p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the events of the r e v o l u t i o n . Beginning as a cannoneer at the storming of the B a s t i l l e on July 14, 1789, she went on to f ight along with her father and brother at the attack on the T u i l e r i e s Palace in August of 1792. Short ly a f ter th i s incident Catherine heard that the Prussian forces had invaded France and she joined the b a t t a l i o n of St . Denis and fought with them in the North of France . Wounded in three h i s t o r i c b a t t l e s , Catherine was eventual ly awarded the rank of sub- l i eutenant .^ In spite of her exemplary r e c o r d , the Convention i n s i s t e d that Catherine leave the army in accordance with a law which had been passed in A p r i l of 1793. This law severely r e s t r i c t e d the numbers of female support workers allowed to t r a v e l with the army and i t banned outr ight a l l women bearing 2 arms. This ban came at a time when the French m i l i t a r y s i t u a t i o n was desperate. The new Republic had challenged the monarchies of Europe without adequate m i l i t a r y resources , inc lud ing manpower. Consequently, they had c a r r i e d out an extensive and continuous propaganda campaign to encourage volunteer enl i s tment . Many women apparently responded to the appeal but t h e i r m i l i t a r y careers were cut short by the new law and repeated threats against those in the m i l i t a r y who continued to employ them. 84 85. While the ban on women so ld i er s went against the t ide of rap id democratizat ion and enlargement of the armed forces , i t was nevertheless in accordance with the ideals of female conduct frequently expressed in the Convention and by the popular press of the day. Although revo lut ionary propaganda encouraged greater mass p a r t i c i p a t i o n in various aspects of pub l i c l i f e , i t a lso p r o s e l y t i z e d in favour of the ' ideology of dom es t i c i ty ' . This ideology promoted the r e s t r i c t i o n of women to the domestic sphere and the e laborat ion of t h e i r ro le as mothers in apparent c o n t r a d i c t i o n to much of the iconography of the r e v o l u t i o n . The f igures of women, most of them armed, were omnipresent in the v i s u a l a r t s , pub l i c processions and a l l e g o r i c a l t h e a t r i c a l presenta t ions . Armed women represented a p le thora of c i v i c v i r t u e s inc lud ing l i b e r t y , e q u a l i t y , j u s t i c e , peace and indeed, the republ i c i t s e l f . However, these women were distanced from the present by t h e i r antique mode of dress , by t h e i r venue (the theatre or process ions) and by t h e i r lack of personal i d e n t i t y . While the major i ty of human images produced in the course of the revo lu t ion were female, the images were c l e a r l y symbolic . On the other hand the major i ty of male images were recognizable p e r s o n a l i t i e s in the events of the day. In other words, women represented the dreams of the revo lu t ion while men were the dreamers.^ The ' ideology of domest ic i ty ' and the adoption of images of armed women to represent c i v i c v i r tu e s were not creat ions of the French Revo lut ion . Rather, they were prominent features of the eighteenth century c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l landscape. They proved su i tab le to the Revolut ionary env iron-ment because the intended s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l changes did not extend to a r a d i c a l modi f i ca t ion of a t t i tudes towards women's idea l ro les and 86. behaviour. Consequently, an apprec ia t ion of the ro le of armed women in the h i s t o r y and art of the Revolut ion must begin with an explorat ion of e a r l i e r eighteenth century prototypes . PART 1: IMAGES OF WOMEN IN EIGHTEENTH CENTURY LITERATURE AND ART It is the consensus eamo.ng-. many scholars s p e c i a l i z i n g in the s o c i a l h i s t o r y of France that: . . . the ideology of domest ic i ty was created by the middle c lasses and they associate i t s spread with changes in economic r e l a t i o n s rather than with p o l i t i c a l developments. In th i s by now t r a d i t i o n a l view, the commercial middle c lass i n i t i a l l y developed domest ic i ty in the seventeenth century and a c t i v e l y p r o s e l y t i z e d for i t in the e ighteenth. Gradua l ly , as market c a p i t a l i s m , i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , and urbanizat ion transformed soc i e ty , the domestic idea l spread into the working c lasses and e l i t e s . ^ The ideology of domest ic i ty as i t was promoted in the revo lu t ion had i t s antecedents in the c u l t u r a l products of the eighteenth century. These creat ions provide a dramatic contrast to those studied in Chapter 2. P a r t i c u l a r l y in the second h a l f of the century, novels , plays and works of art s i tuated t h e i r characters in the contemporary period and in the middle ranks of s o c i e t y . The characters and s tor i e s were intended not just to provide entertainment but to provide examples of a new m o r a l i t y . While there is no adequate measure of the reading publ i c in the eighteenth century, i t i s known that i t was a much larger and more var i ed pub l i c than in previous times. John Lough has suggested that "probably ttie. best s e l l e r of the eighteenth century" was Rousseau's J u l i e , ou la nouve l i e Hel oTse (1761). This and Rousseau's second nove l , the equal ly popular Emile contained some of the most extreme statements and i l l u s t r a -t ions of the new domestication of women. Many of the statements and sentiments from these novels would be quoted by some of the most r a d i c a l 87. leaders of the r e v o l u t i o n as they demobilized women from the army and dismantled t h e i r p o l i t i c a l organ iza t ions . The aouveJU.e. of the eighteenth century is quite unl ike the heroic romance of the seventeenth century. In add i t ion to being much shor ter , i t deals with contemporary times and characters who come as often as not from the middle c la s se s . 'Realism' is a word frequent ly used to describe these works but Eng l i sh Showalter cautions that: It i s e n t i r e l y fa l se and misleading to suppose that the r i s i n g bourgeois ie had any desire to see i t s e l f r e a l i s t i c -a l l y described . . . It does appear l i k e l y that the r i s i n g new class enjoyed the f l a t t e r i n g p o r t r a y a l of i t s e l f as capable of f e e l i n g and act ing l i k e romance heroes.: and heroines . [However, i t is not enough to give the charac-ters bourgeoise names]. Enough rea l i sm was needed to make the tome pa la table and the s tory c r e d i b l e .6 . While th is warning serves to prevent a poss ib le misunderstanding of the c lass in genera l , P i erre Fauchery, :iin a study of the image of women in the eighteenth century novel has suggested that , given t h e i r secondary status in soc i e ty , women appear as c en tra l characters in f i c t i o n with d i sproport ionate frequency. This was so because women were, more often than not , portrayed as v ic t ims of fa te , a c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n which served the new domestic ideology: S i 1 ' on s'y t i e n t , la r e l a t i v e serv i tude , a l a q u e l l e , en derniere?an :aly:s :e la fable romanesque semble vouer l ' e t r e feminin, se d e c h i f f r e r a comme une entreprise del iberee de la societe androcratique pour enchainer la femme a sa c o n d i t i o n - entrepr i se qui se j u s t i f i e suffisammerit dans un plan <<bourgeois>> de la fami l l e et de l ' E t a t . I c i p a r f a i t s ' a f f i rmer le ro le de <<police>> assigne a ces mythes. Le <<destin des femmes>> ne s e r a i t en f i n de compte que la p r o -j e c t i o n hypostasiee de la volonte c o l l e c t i v e (male sans son p r i n c i p e ) - m y s t i f i c a t r i c e ::o.u. t u t e l a i r e suivant la v i s i o n -d'accord pour confiner le sexe dans une p o s i t i o n flatteusement subal terne . A travers les p e r i l s et les catastrophes qui a s s a i l l e n t une existence touchee par la suspect g l o i r e roman-esque, la societe a f i n a l i t e bourgeoise in t imera i t a la femme la croyance que son renouncement a une c a r r i e r e h.ors ser ie est le p r i x de la part de <<bonheur>> a laque l le e l l e peut pretendre, de cette t r a j e c t o i r e preservee qui la conduira sans sursaut de la naissance a la mort.^ J u l i e i s a ta l e of great passions tempered by a strong sense of duty to family and soc ie ty set in the upper and middle c la s se s . J u l i e is in love with her tutor but out of respect to her parents she consents to marry an o ld m i l i t a r y f r i e n d of her f a t h e r ' s . The important message of th i s novel is that J u l i e f'rndis great happiness in her ro l e as mother and wife and indeed, gives her l i f e in an attempt to save one of her c h i l d r e n from drowning. As one wr i ter has described her: J u l i e . . . is the perfect embodiment of the new feminine idea l . . . Her husband is enl ightened and J u l i e f inds pleasure in winning his approval . She organizes her l i f e l arge ly around the needs of her c h i l d r e n , nurses and persona l ly cares for her own infant and undertakes the complete education of her daughter . . . The education of her son, however, i s another matter; when he reaches the age of reason he is handed over to h is fa ther . "I nurse c h i l d r e n " , says J u l i e , "but I am not presumptuous enough to wish to t r a i n men . . . More worthy hands w i l l be charged with th i s noble task. I am a woman 8 and a mother and know how to keep my proper sphere." The appropriate education for male and female c h i l d r e n is further explored in Rousseau's Emi le . The novel centres on a young man who is ra i s ed in the countryside away from the corrupt ing inf luences of the c i t y He is given the type of education that w i l l insure h i s a b i l i t y to carry out h is c i v i c r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s in the idea l soc ie ty out l ined in Rousseau' Soc ia l Contract . His future wife Sophie, on the other hand, is educated by her mother according to Rousseau's understanding of the education of Athenian women. She is fed on milk and honey and informed by her mother that women are made for the de l igh t of men and that bearing c h i l d r e n is the proper business of the weaker sex. It i s repeatedly emphasized that motherhood is an al l -consuming career and that Sophie cannot expect to 89. 9 be a nursing mother today and a s o l d i e r tomorrow. As the seventeenth century stage borrowed from and ref lectedlithe heroic romances of i t s time, so too the eighteenth century nouvetle. had i t s counterpart in a new t h e a t r i c a l forme, the dname. The dname. according to one of i t s most notable p laywrights , D iderot , was developed to f i l l the void between tragedy and comedy, somewhat as the tragi-comedy of the seventeenth century had d o n e . ^ But i t s content and i t s intended audience were quite d i f f e r e n t . There was no place in the dname for the woman w a r r i o r . Like the nouveUe, the dname. is set in contemporary times and has as i t s main charac ters , representat ives of the middle c lasses as often as those from the a r i s t o c r a c y . However, the dname. often placed the v ir tuous bourgeois in oppos i t ion to the decadent a r i s t o c r a t and eonse-11 quently provided an appealing model for t o p i c a l revo lu t ionary drama. While the family and i t s problems was one of the most popular subjects of the dname and while the family as an i n s t i t u t i o n is s a n c t i f i e d by i t s p o r t r a y a l in these product ions , i t is i n t r i g u i n g , as one scholar has noted, that the s t r i c t and d i s tant father is such a frequent character . This scholar suggests that the s t r i c t father is meant to demonstrate h is concern for the family by refus ing to allow his c h i l d r e n to carry through with inappropriate marriages. I would suggest however, that the v i s u a l arts of the per iod give a further clue to the ambiguous ro le of the s t r i c t 12 fa ther . The more v o c i f e r o u s l y the nuclear family and i t s strong emotional bonds was promoted in th is soc i e ty , the more s t r a i n was placed on the bonds between the family and the s ta te . The so lut ion to th is poss ib le s t r a i n was, I would suggest, to delegate the mother as the emotional core 9 0 . of the fami ly . The fa ther , on the other hand, while the l ega l head of the fami ly , was required to stand back from his family and to act p o l i t i -c a l l y in the in teres t s of the c o l l e c t i v e of nuclear f a m i l i e s . Thus, while motherhood was ce lebrated in this century, i t s obverse, the s to i c fa ther , was also ce l ebrated . The h i g h l i g h t of the Salon of 1765 in Paris was Greuze's p a i n t i n g The Beloved Mother. [Figure l ] The pa in t ing depicts a peasant enter ing his home and gazing upon a happy wife and t h e i r s ix c h i l d r e n . The p a i n t i n g was h e a r t i l y pra i sed by the phi losopher Diderot who commented that: Cela preche la populat ion , et peint trds pathetiquement le bonheur et le p r i x inestimables de la paix domestique. Cela d i t a tout homme qui a de 1'ame et du sens: ' E n t r e -t iens ta fami l l e dans l ' a i s a n c e ; fa i s des enfans a ta femme; f a i s - l u - e n tant que tu pourras; n'en f a i s qu'a " e l l e , et sois sur d 'etre bien chez t o i . ' l ^ Genre p a i n t i n g c e l e b r a t i n g lov ing fami l i es enjo/yeda vogue in the 14 last h a l f of the eighteenth century. While there had always been p o r -t r a i t s of fami l i es they had never been charged with such dramatic emotions and sense of moral duty. Most of these p a i n t i n g s , as in the case of The  Beloved Mother h igh l igh ted maternal devotion and only a few included the love of fathers for t h e i r c h i l d r e n . These genre paint ings had t h e i r ". ~ counterparts in h i s t o r y p a i n t i n g s . In these paint ings the moral paradigm i l l u s t r a t e d in the n.ouvaJU.e. and the cbiame. was placed in a c l a s s i c a l m i l i e u . However, the c l a s s i c a l m i l i e u was used, not only to speak of pr ivate v i r t u e 15 but more important ly , of c i v i c or pub l i c v i r t u e . In th is c l a s s i c a l m i l i e u , the lov ing mother took on the persona of C o r n e l i a , the Roman mother of the G r a c c h i . In one p a i n t i n g when asked to show a v i s i t o r h:er;treasures, she points to her two sons, for C o r n e l i a ' s fame rested on her complete devotion to the correct upbringing of her sons, 91. the future heroes of Rome. In addi t ion to the loving mother, the c l a s s i -c a l l y - i n s p i r e d paint ings ce lebrated the inconsolable widow. The most popular of the widows was Andromache who was shown in countless pa int ings mourning the death of Hector. However, there were more exot ic examples of th i s theme such as a pa in t ing d isp layed in the Salon of 1783 which 16 depic ted , with equanimity, a widow s a c r i f i c e in Ind ia . In the c l a s s i c a l m i l i e u , one which was to be borrowed by the new r e p u b l i c , fathers are often shown to be capable of transcending family t i e s in the in teres t s of the s ta te . Thus, in the Salon of 1785, paint ings depicted Manlius Torquatus, a Roman consul , who sentenced his son to death for v i o l a t i n g his orders not to engage the enemy in combat. The same Salon saw Anne-Louis Girode t ' s Death of Camil la in which Horatius k i l l s h i s own s i s t e r Camil la because she mourns the death of her f iance , one of the enemy k i l l e d by her brother . However, the most i n f l u e n t i a l p a i n t i n g of th is genre and one which would come to symbolize the s p i r i t of the Revol tu ion , was David's Oath of the H o r a t i i . [Figure 2] The theme of t h i s p a i n t i n g is the oath of a l l eg iance to Rome taken before departing for combat against A l b a . As one art h i s t o r i a n has described th is p a i n t i n g : In David's four rherio'ies" — father and sons — th i s new proclamation of moral energy pervades mind and body, from the determined gaze of t h e i r f irm heads to the tautened muscles of t h e i r outstretched l imbs. In dramatic contras t , the women and c h i l d r e n at the r i g h t - . . . are overcome by a he lp less res ignat ion and g r i e f . Such p o l a r i t y between mas-cu l ine strength and feminine weakness had already been suggested in many of Greuze's family dramas . . . In the H o r a t i i , however, th i s schism becomes even more pronounced. Not only does the composit ion, in i t s separate groupings of male and female, rupture d e c i s i v e l y the uni ty of the fami ly , but even the drawing s ty le d i s t ingui shes between v i r i l e se l f -de terminat ion and feminine abandonment to weaker passions . . . In the group of women at the r i g h t , [the] 92. v ibrant r e c t i l i n e a r i t y — the s t y l i s t i c equivalent of the sternest moral dec i s ion — gives way to a s ty l e of mal leable , f luent contours which, in the ascent from Sabina's l e f t foot to the e x p i r a t i o n in Cami l la ' s l e f t arm, create a b s t r a c t l y the image of limp and hopeless mourning.-'''' Such images of happy mothers and inconsolable widows are far d i s tant from the dramatic representat ions of heroic women which were popular in the seventeenth century. It w i l l be r e c a l l e d that one of the sources for these images was the genre of women's books wri t ten by the 'cham.pi.orv4 deA fi-emm&A' who re ferred to heroic women in h i s t o r y in order to j u s t i f y t h e i r claims to women's equa l i ty or indeed s u p e r i o r i t y . In the eighteenth century the ' ch.arnpi.oriA ' and t h e i r methods faded away to be replaced by the ' s c i e n t i f i c sexism' of the philosophes and the reasoned arguments of wri ters who tended to focus on the various forms of oppression of women in soc ie ty and not on t h e i r h i s t o r i c triumphs. The argument for women's r ight s was not one of the cen tra l concerns of the phi losophes . When women were d iscussed , the argument was often confused and stereotyped. In the voluminous and i n f l u e n t i a l Encyc lopedia for example, one a r t i c l e on women Femme (drot . na t . ) claimed that women were unequal not because of nature but because of man-made c i v i l laws. Another a r t i c l e Femme (morale) claimed that women were by nature moral ly and p h y s i c a l l y weaker than men, more t imid and dissembl ing. The idea l woman was described by using a f i f t h century Athenian funeral orat ion de l ivered by P e r i c l e s in which he suggested that the f ines t women were 18 those who were never spoken of whether in pra i se or in blame. D idero t ' s views on women have already been suggested by his comments on Greuze and his contr ibut ions to the d/iame.. Diderot also pra ised Rousseau's Emile and, when given the opportunity to plan a u n i v e r s i t y in 93. Russ ia , he proceeded to ban a l l women from i t s campus. Reviving an ancient medical theory, Diderot also suggested that women were the v ict ims of t h e i r phys io logy , most e s p e c i a l l y , the wandering womb. As a r e s u l t he 19 bel ieved that women were to be p i t i e d above a l l e l s e . The debate in favour of women's equa l i ty was not c a r r i e d on in the major wri t ings of the day but by a number of lesser known authors. In works such as Caf f i eux ' s Defense du beau sexe (1753) and Mme. de Coicy ' s Les femmes commeiii.l convient de les v o i r (1785) authors suggested to a greater or lesser degree more e q u a l i t y for women. However, these wri ters too were inf luenced by the domestic ideology of the day and in a trend which was to appear in women's p e t i t i o n s to the Estates General in 1789, the wr i ters used the new importance given to motherhood as a c la im on 20 soc ie ty for better treatment of women. The most r a d i c a l proponent of women's r ights in th i s per iod was the Marquis de Condorcet. In h i s essays, Condorcet argued that women should refuse to pay taxes unless they were given suffrage r i g h t s . He suggested that domestic author i ty should be shared, that sexual i n e q u a l i t y was recent and not h i s t o r i c a l and that almost a l l pos i t i ons should be open to women. The exceptions appeared to be p o l i t i c a l leadership and the m i l i t a r y . In his "Lettre d' un bourgeoise d;e New Haven a un c i toyen de V i r g i n i e " (1787), he posed the r h e t o r i c a l question " d i r a - t - o n , ne s e r a i t - i l pas r i d i c u l e qu'une femme commandat l 'armee, pres idat le t r i b u n a l ? " That is why, he suggests, i t would not be necessary to p r o -scr ibe such a c t i v i t i e s by law, confident that good sense would prevent such p o s s i b i l i t i e s . However, s ix years l a t e r , in the most r a d i c a l phase of the r e v o l u t i o n , laws would be enacted which banned women from the 94. ? 1 army and from gathering in p o l i t i c a l organizat ions .~ PART 2: THE WOMAN WARRIOR IN EIGHTEENTH CENTURY LITERATURE, ART, AND  HISTORY In sp i te of the immense changes in ar t forms and content in the eighteenth century due in great part to the inf luence of the ideology of domest ic i ty , images of m i l i t a r y women did not disappear. Nevertheless they were also inf luenced by the various art trends out l ined in previous pages. Now that the duties of motherhood and domestic labour were invested with great moral s i g n i f i c a n c e , the images of warr ior women became less h e r o i c , more prur ien t and almost completely suggestive of an inverted order . In the years preceding the revo lu t ion and i n contrast to the ear ly per iod of the seventeenth century, images of warrior women were v i r t u a l l y absent from the stage. One exception Les Amazones, a play by M a r i e -Anne Le Page, was performed in 1749. The play was not f emin i s t , nor in the s p i r i t of the champLonA deA femmeA. Instead i t pra ised only those Amazons who chose to abandon the l i f e of the t r i b e and to marry into more c i v i l i z e d soc i e ty . The Amazons who chose to remain in t h e i r homeland were portrayed as b l o o d - t h i r s t y k i l l e r s who c a r r i e d out human s a c r i f i c e s and who r o u t i n e l y offered husbands and lovers to th i s p r a c t i c e . As the p lay ends, one of the leaders of the t r i b e is depicted as threatening to 2? j o i n forces with the Scyth ians in order to take over the world. Most m i l i t a r y women in eighteenth century arts were found i n novels which claimed to be memoirs. The most popular was Prechac's L'Heroine Mousquetaire, f i r s t publ ished in 1677 and republ ished nine times, the 23 las t being in 1775. An equal ly popular and v i r t u a l l y i d e n t i c a l novel 95. was H i s t o i r e de la dragone, contenant les act ions mil i taires- i& les aventures de Genevieve Premoy publ ished in 1703. Like i t s model, the s tory t e l l s of a young woman from the lower a r i s t o c r a c y who, because of an unfortunate i n c i d e n t , leaves home in d isguise and jo ins the armies of Louis XIV in 24 F landers . While not republ ished as often as i t s predecessor i t is i n t e r e s t i n g to note that during the revo lu t ion one of the many p e t i t i o n s from women's groups asking for the r i g h t to arm themselves contained a 25 reference to the heroism of Genevieve Premoy and Joan of A r c . In one of the few s tor i e s of th i s genre that does not deal with a r i s -t o c r a t i c heroines , Rustaing de la J o r y ' s 1735 novel Les femmes m i l i t a i r e s re la tes the story of a young merchant and two merchant's daughters who are shipwrecked on an i s l a n d in the Caribbean. The young women must dress in men's c lothes because they have los t t h e i r own and are thus re f erred to by the.narrator as h is l i t t l e amazons. There is much sexual inuendo in th is novel as the narrator ruminates on the many aspects of being cast away with two young women. Eventua l ly the t r i o discover an i s l and community in which women have equal r ight s with men. Long ago the women had saved the c a p i t a l c i t y by f i g h t i n g of f at tackers from a neighbouring i s l a n d . For th i s they were granted suf frage , the r i g h t to arm and form armies, and the r i g h t to be e lected to the leadership of the i s l a n d . Af ter th i s exot ic in ter lude the narrator and one of the young women return to England 2 6 to marry and l i v e happ i ly ever a f t e r . Another popular book in" th i s genre was Louis Dupre d'Aulnay's Aventures  s i n g u l i e r e s du faux cheva l i er de Warwick (1750, 1752, 1763). The s tory concerns a beaut i fu l a r i s t o c r a t who is wronged by a fa l se l o v e r . In revenge she dresses as a man and pursues him to England where she shoots 96. him on a country road. The s tory is re la ted in the l e t t e r s of a man who shares her pr i son c e l l and who is i n i t i a l l y unaware that his companion is a woman. When her sexual i d e n t i t y is d iscovered, the p a i r qu ick ly become 27 lovers and t h e i r lovemaking becomes a cen tra l element of the n o v e l . One of the most serious blows to the image of the once heroic warrior woman was dealt by V o l t a i r e in his epic poem La Pucel le (1758). The p o p u l a r i t y of t h i s work is at tested by the countless p i r a t e d ed i t ions which appeared before the author managed to get h is own vers ion to press . Intended as an attack and mockery of Catho l i c s u p e r s t i t i o n and i d o l a t r y , the poem mocks the deeds and person of Joan of A r c . The story begins with an attack on a convent and the rape of the nuns. Soon Joan is introduced, r i d i n g in the nude, to the rescue. She quick ly becomes the object of the lust of the at tackers and a major theme of the poem becomes the time and place and method of Joan's loss of v i r g i n i t y . In one inc ident Joan's v i r g i n i t y is threatened when she loses a ba t t l e and the v i c t o r prepares to rape her on the f i e l d of combat. Saved by a s a i n t , Joan eventual ly loses her v i r g i n i t y to the warrior Dunois in the las t l ines of the poem. While V o l t a i r e has simply made overt many of the subl imina l themes in the warrior woman genre, the fact that th i s work along with others by V o l t a i r e was ce lebrated in one of the greatest revo lut ionary processions cannot have helped those women who were attempting to gain p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y r ight s 79 by r e f e r r i n g to the h i s t o r i c a l precedence of heroines l i k e Joan. Unl ike the s ixteenth and seventeenth centuries which enjoyed heroic images of women in pa int ings , • book i l l u s t r a t i o n s , processions and wal l decorat ions , eighteenth century images of th i s type are r a r e . The images found in the novels under d i scuss ion [Figure 3] are not heroic but suggestive 97. of symbolic i n v e r s i o n . A review of the Salon catalogues for the eighteenth century reveals one p a i n t i n g of a c l a s s i c a l woman warrior in the person of 30 Tasso's Glor inda from h i s epic poem Jeruselem D e l i v e r e d . In a d d i t i o n , the Salon of 1781 displayed a p a i n t i n g by Le Barbier l ' A i n e e n t i t l e d Le Siege de Beauvais [Figure 4 ] . The pa in t ing i l l u s t r a t e s the attack on Beauvais in 1472 in which the women of the town, led by Jean Hachette, played a c r u c i a l ro le in the defense of the town. It i s s i g n i f i c a n t that these admirable women warriors are seen f i g h t i n g with weapons such as 31 b o i l i n g water, b o i l i n g o i l and s t i c k s . While images of h i s t o r i c a l warr ior women are rare in th is p e r i o d , there appears to have been an enormous growth in the p o p u l a r i t y of the symbolic or a l l e g o r i c a l image based on the model of Athena/Minerva. A review of the Salon catalogues indicates that every b i e n n i a l show contained 32 at least two paint ings on th is subject . The 1767 show alone had four . However, there are two s i g n i f i c a n t d i f ferences in the eighteenth century images of Athena/Minerva. F i r s t , i t i s rare in the eighteenth century for women to have themselves portrayed as Athena. I have been able to locate only two such p a i n t i n g s . The f i r s t i s a 1737 p a i n t i n g by N a t t i e r e n t i t l e d Mademoiselle de Lambesc et son frere le comte de Brionne. While the young count is c l e a r l y dressed for b a t t l e , Mademoiselle's Athena is so modified as to be barely recognizable 33 were i t not for the p a i n t e r ' s notes. The second image is a b a s - r e l i e f by the scu lptor Pajou. Presented in 1761 i t i s described in the catalogue as: Un b a s - r e l i e f de marbre de t r o i s pieds de haut sur deux de large , representant la Princesse de Hesse-Hambourg, sous le f igure de Minerve, qui depose dans un vase & consacre sur l ' A u t e l de Immortal i te , le Cordon de l ' o r d r e de Sainte Cather ine , dont e l l e fut decoree par 1'Imperatrice regnante de toutes les R u s s i e s . 3 ^ 98. I have as yet been unable to discover why the princess was given th is order but i t would be i n t e r e s t i n g to discover the character of the accomplish-ment that warranted her p o r t r a y a l as Athena. Given the eighteenth century trend i t could wel l have been a c u l t u r a l achievement as much as a heroic one . The second d i f ference in eighteenth century images of Athena is in the i n -frequent p o r t r a y a l of her 'b iography' . In th i s period Athena's image tends to stand for a wide range of concepts rather than for h e r s e l f . In Armand Dayot's i l l u s t r a t e d h i s t o r y of the eighteenth century, Athena is one of the most frequently portrayed subjects . She is seen most often standing beside the monarch or members of his fami ly . [Figure 5] She is also p o r -trayed frequent ly ho ld ing images of deceased, famous men. In two p r i n t s , Athena- l ike images are used to represent the nations of France, Lorra ine and England. [Figure 6] F i n a l l y , in the Salon of 1767, two paint ings i l l u s t r a t e Athena hovering in the a i r over the court to announce the peace 35 of 1763. Thus, in the course of the eighteenth century, the worthy warrior came to be represented in a p le thora of Athena- l ike images. These images seldom portrayed Athena in an episode from her 'b iography' . Less often did they present h i s t o r i c a l women dressed in the costume of the warrior goddess. Instead, Athena- l ike images represented a host of abstract notions inc lud ing nationhood and leg i t imate r u l e . Thus was the idea of the worthy warrior removed from the immediate sphere of women's experience. She was now, indeed, above her sex. During the same p e r i o d , the unruly amazon came to be portrayed, more often than not, with a contemporary face. No longer d isguised in medieval 99. armor and wandering through legendary lands, the unruly amazon was portrayed in the uniform of a k ing ' s s o l d i e r and she l i v e d in towns with f a m i l i a r • names. In t h e i r contemporary guise , f i c t i o n a l characters such as Genevieve Premoy, presented a much more immediate and t r u t h f u l mirror image of the norms of feminine behaviour which were a counterpart to the eighteenth century domestic ideology. In spi te of the increas ing p o p u l a r i t y of th is ideology of domest ic i ty , most women continued to work in order to surv ive . According to Nata l ie Zemon Davis , "While women in prosperous fami l i es were withdrawing from productive labour, working c lass women were forced into the most i l l paid. pos i t i ons in wage labour ." By the beginning of the eighteenth century women were excluded from a l l gui lds and men were taking over t r a d i t i o n a l l y female occupations such as dress making and s i l k weaving. As women were forced out of work or forced to take less than subsistance wages they founded themselves dependent on labour in tens ive , domest ical ly s i tuated 3 6 employment such as lace making, embroidery and domestic s e r v i c e . The abysmal state of job opportuni t ies for women, a state which worsened during the r e v o l u t i o n , accounts for the high incidence of p r o s -37 t i t u t i o n in t h i s p e r i o d . I would also suggest that i t accounts for the high numbers of women described as 'camp fo l lowers ' as wel l as reports of women working as s o l d i e r s in the army. V i r t u a l l y no research has been c a r r i e d out to date on the army as an occupation for women. U n t i l th i s research is a v a i l a b l e , i t w i l l be impossible to determine to what extent the women found in revo lut ionary armies were simply fo l lowing es tabl i shed patterns of female labour. In any case, i t has been estimated that in France, for an army of 70,000 men, 20,000 women would be found working in 100. support services and accompanying family members. M i l i t a r y h i s t o r i a n Andre C o r v i s i e r has wr i t ten that the m i l i t a r y archives contain some i n t e r e s t i n g documents on women who were found to be working as s o l d i e r s in eighteenth century French armies: En 1749 par exemple, le major du Regiment de Saintonge re^oit une demande de renseignements "au sujet du nomme Claude Nicq ancien soldat au regiment de Saintonge, qui est une v i e i l l e f i l l e qui affirme avoir s e r v i au Reg[imen]t . . . Demandes a Dupont poursui t le correspondant, s ' i l y a quelques-uns des anciens r e g i s t r e s . II faut les f a i r e p a r c o u r i r pour v e r i f i e r s ' i l y a eu un soldat de ce nom et s ' i l est note que le soldat a i t eu son conge absolu pour avo ir f a i t connaitre son sexe." . . . Les archives de la Guerre ont reuni une quinzaine de dossiers i n d i v i d u e l s a ce sujet pour 1'Ancien Regime. En 1718, une f i l l e e t a i t reconnue dans la compagnie Gouve du regiment de Solre "ou e l l e s erva i t en qua l i t e de s o l d a t . " L' intendant de Hainaut propose de la f a i r e h a b i l l e r aux depens du r o i et l u i donner quinze l i v r e s pour l u i permettre de se r e t i r e r . Le Conse i l de la Guerre approuve et ordonne auss i de l ' a v e r t i r que "s i e l l e est retrouvee dans les troupes on la fera f u s t i -ger ." C ' e s t , s e m b l e - t - i l , ce qu'on avai t l 'habi tude de f a i r e 39 en occurence. Even before the opening years of the r e v o l u t i o n , women were found in the armies of the n a t i o n , as support workers and as s o l d i e r s . While women found working i n male d isguise were sent home there was no law against them and no threat of p r i s o n . Yet in the course of dramatic changes in the s ize and membership of the army during the revo lu t ion women were l e g a l l y banned from the occupation of s o l d i e r i n g and the numbers of women permitted to work in support occupations was severely r e s t r i c t e d . It could be suggested that the barr ing of women from the army was but one further step in the eighteenth century profes s iona1 iza t ion of the armed s e r v i c e s . However, in the r e v o l u t i o n , the bulk of the army was composed of c i t i z e n vo lunteers . It would seem that women lost access to th i s occupation, in great p a r t , because of the triumph of the ideology of domest ic i ty . 101. PART 3: THE WOMAN WARRIOR IN THE FRENCH REVOLUTION In a recent study of the r o l e of women in the French Revo lut ion , the wr i ters note that: Women f ind t h e i r place among the c o l o r f u l images of r e v o l u - . t ionary France, sometimes as r e a l h i s t o r i c a l f i gures , more often as legends — Amazons, f u r i e s , heroines — or as invented characters — the "Madame Defarges and the n e o c l a s s i c a l goddesses of l i b e r t y . Such h i s t o r i c a l memories have d i s t o r t e d or sur -pressed the very r e a l contr ibut ions that women made to the r e v o l u t i o n . ^ ® These authors f a i l to note that the c o l o u r f u l images were not simply creat ions of nineteenth century wr i ters such as Michelet and Lamartine who 41 rhapsodized over the role of women in the days of the r e v o l u t i o n . The images were promoted in the course of the revo lu t ion i t s e l f and the images often served to cons tra in the a c t i v i t i e s of women during th i s p e r i o d . Women who demonstrated or organized c o l l e c t i v e l y were r o u t i n e l y re f erred to and re f erred to themselves as 'Amazons'. Not only d id th i s contr ibute to the image of women's c o l l e c t i v e ac t ion as threatening to publ i c order but i t a lso placed these women in s tark contrast to the image of Athena who c u r r e n t l y represented the republ i c and h i s t o r i c a l l y represented the an t i thes i s of the d i s o r d e r l y amazon. In a d d i t i o n , the ant i -marr iage , h u s b a n d - k i l l i n g reputat ion of the Amazons led the r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s to r i g o r o u s l y separate the few chosen revo lut ionary heroines from th i s image. The separat ion was accomplished by a l l y i n g them with images of motherhood. The Rousseauist antidote to amazonian misrule was used not only by r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s to make t h e i r heroines appear more benef icent , i t was also used by astute female p e t i t i o n e r s to make t h e i r requests to the various governing bodies seem more acceptable . When women asked for 102. increased p o l i t i c a l , educat ional and economic r i g h t s , they quick ly learned to do so only in the in teres t s of improving t h e i r conduct within the fami ly . This connection becomes impossibly s tra ined when women requested the r i g h t to bear arms along with men. It also became s tra ined when a m i l i t a n t feminist p o l i t i c a l organizat ion began to challenge author i ty in the summer of 1793. In both cases, the government used arguments and even phrases from the works of Rousseau to l e g i t i m i z e the f i r s t formal laws against women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n in both of these a c t i v i t i e s . And yet , while women were encouraged time and again to emulate the ro le of the happy mother, the same group of men consc ious ly r e a l i z e d the dreams of the revo lu t ion in the shapes of a mult itude of v i r g i n w a r r i o r s . Throughout the r e v o l u t i o n , women were excluded from the newly created or expanded formal s t r u c t u r e s . While some women had, as landowners, p a r t i c i p a t e d in the e l e c t i o n of o f f i c i a l s to the Estates General which convened in May of 1789, th is l i m i t e d suffrage was soon abol ished along with the feudal p r i v i l e g e s themselves. Henceforth, women would have no vot ing r ight s u n t i l the twentieth century. At the same time however, suffrage was extended to the largest group of c i t i z e n s in the h i s t o r y of France. A l l ac t ive c i t i z e n s , those men who were independent householders or paid the equivalent of three days wages in taxes, were given a vote and the r ight to carry arms in the Nat ional Guard, the newly formed volunteer 42 army. Women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the r e v o l u t i o n was therefore ' in formal ' but extensive . They sent p e t i t i o n s to the various governing bodies and sat in the g a l l e r i e s to monitor the sess ions . They p a r t i c i p a t e d in a l l of the ^ounrie.aA or demonstrations, the most famous of which was the women's 103. march to V e r s a i l l e s on October 5th, 1789. They joined the army, often in d i s g u i s e . F i n a l l y , they p a r t i c i p a t e d in popular p o l i t i c a l s o c i e t i e s , most often as spectators , once as organizers and leaders . Beginning on the eve of the revo lu t ion with the convening of the Estates General and cont inuing through i t s metamorphoses into the Nat ional Assembly (1789) and Nat ional Convention (1792), women continuously presented p e t i t i o n s to the c e n t r a l governing body. These p e t i t i o n s which werer often publ ished in the form of pamphlets, asked for education, the r i g h t to work, marriage reform and sometimes, the r ight to bear arms. In most cases, the p e t i t i o n s met with l i t t l e success. It is with the p e t i t i o n s that the stereotyped images of happy mothers begin to accumulate. In an a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "Rousseau's Sexism Revolu-43 t i o n i z e d " Ruth Graham i l l u s t r a t e s how the language of J u l i e and Emile was repeated in women's p e t i t i o n s . While Graham claims that the p e t i t i o n e r s had adopted Rousseau's image of themselves, I would suggest that the astute p o l i t i c i a n s among the wr i ters qu ick ly learned to couch t h e i r requests for r ights in terms acceptable to the bourgeois leaders of the government. Statements which p e r i o d i c a l l y o r i g i n a t e d in the government chambers on the appropriate ro les and behaviour of women suggest that the p e t i t i o n e r s were wise to present themselves in th i s most beneficent guise . Thus, as Graham points out, women "advocated one cure" for the i l l s 44 of France, "Rousseau's moral regeneration of rn.otz.unA or m o r a l i t y . " Rousseau had claimed that women were moral ly superior to men and so women claimed a v a r i e t y of r ight s which would allow them to regain th i s ' n a t u r a l ' moral ascendancy and to help men to regenerate the n a t i o n . Using Rousseau's language "they concluded that they were e n t i t l e d to r i g h t s which were 104. 45 undreamed of by Rousseau." The most frequent ly requested r ight s were those deal ing with educat ion, work, marriage and p o l i t i c s . Women demanded a better education to equip them adequately for t h e i r ro les as mothers, spouses and workers. As one pamphlet s tated: "We ask for enlightenment and jobs not to usurp men's author i ty but to r i s e in 46 t h e i r esteem and to have the means of l i v i n g free from misfortune ." Thus, female p e t i t i o n e r s requested free schools for t h e i r daughters and job pro tec t ion for themselves. This pro tec t ion was to take the form of des ignat ing c e r t a i n occupations, such as the needle trades , as e x c l u s i v e l y female while others would be l e f t to men. A measure of economic s e c u r i t y , the p e t i t i o n s c la imed, would go far towards ending the problem of p r o s t i t u t i o n The women's p e t i t i o n s and pamphlets also demanded increased r i g h t s within marriage. Of paramount importance was freedom from phys i ca l v io lence 48 and increased l ega l contro l over common property and c h i l d r e n . F i n a l l y , women's wri t ings demanded p o l i t i c a l r ights equal to those of men, i n c l u d i n g female representat ion in the Nat ional Assembly. Some wri ters claimed that women had only recent ly los t t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s under the inf luence of a corrupt monarchy. Another wr i t er suggested that 49 the time had come to designate a fourth estate composed e n t i r e l y of women. In sp i te of these reasoned arguments, women were never given represen-t a t i o n in the na t iona l assemblies and they managed to a t t a i n only l i m i t e d p a r t i c i p a t i o n in t h e i r popular p o l i t i c a l soc i e t i e s which became i n c r e a s i n g l y i n f l u e n t i a l . However, the p a t r i o t i c oath which was sworn on numerous pub l i c occasions was the most fundamental p o l i t i c a l r ight and i t would appear that women were refused this as w e l l . The oath was "one of the c e n t r a l means of demonstrating acceptance of the revo lut ionary ideals and of p a r t i c i p a t i n g 105. in communal l i f e " . However, on most occasions i t was decided that women were not ' c i t i z e n s enough' to take th i s oath.~*^ The l inks between c i t i z e n s h i p , the m i l i t a r y and p a t r i o t i s m were made ear ly on in the revo lu t ion and re in forced throughout. It should come as no surpr i se that women also pe t i t i oned the government for the r i g h t to bear arms. While some were-wise to couch t h e i r requests in the language of motherhood, most discovered that the connection was impossibly s tra ined and abandoned the attempt. In the summer of 1789, a group of young P a r i s i a n women c a l l i n g them-selves "amazones" devised a q u a s i - m i l i t a r y uniform and went about the s treets working up enthus iasm for the r e v o l u t i o n . During th i s per iod a p r i n t was publ ished i l l u s t r a t i n g t h e i r o u t f i t and conta in ing the fo l lowing prayer: Et nous a u s s i , nous savons combattre et va incre ; nous savons manier d'autres armes que 1 ' a i g u i l l e et le fuseau . . . 0 Bellone compagne de Mars! A ton exemple, toutes les femmes ne devra ient -e l l e s pas marcher d'un pas egal avec les hommes? Deese de la force et du courage, du moins tu n'auras pas a rougir des Franchises . . . From J u l y of 1790, women throughout France began to organize quas i -m i l i t a r y groups in the i r towns and v i l l a g e s . Many of these groups wrote to the Assembly request ing formal recogni t ion or simply pro te s t ing t h e i r p a t r i o t i c devotion to the n a t i o n . The women of Clermont-Ferrand explained t h e i r group in terms of the Rousseauist ideals of devoted motherhood. In t h e i r p e t i t i o n they claimed that: Nous faisons sucer a nos enfants un l a i t i n c o r r u p t i b l e et que nous c l a r i s o n s a cet e f fect avec l ' e s p r i t nature l et agreable se l a l i b e r t e (Applaudissements). Nous repetons toutes et nous vous jurons qu'au premier s igna l nous apprendrons aux uns ^ q u ' i l s ne sont pas meme f a i t s pour se s e r v i r de la quenoui l le . . . 106. The women of Mauberge however, were much more m i l i t a n t in t h e i r message to the assembly. They claimed that they were determined to s p i l l the las t drop of the ir blood to protect the nation and asked the l e g i s l a t o r s to give them the r ight to arm on the basis of the proven heroism of h i s t o r i c women such as Genevieve Premoy and Joan of A r c . The l e g i s l a t o r s thanked them for th i s d i sp lay of p a t r i o t i s m but t o l d them to keep to t h e i r own work, that of regenerating the mora l i ty in the n a t i o n . The government was 53 confident that i t s brave s o l d i e r s could adequately defend the na t ion . On January 3, 1792, the feminist E t t a Palm d'Aelders addressed the Gercle Soc ia l on the r ight s of women. She re f erred to the numerous p e t i t i o n s by 'amazones' for the r i g h t to bear arms. However, she gave these requests a feminist s i g n i f i c a n c e which was l i k e l y not intended by p e t i t i o n e r s , yet" was feared, by the l e g i s l a t o r s . She suggested that the r ight to bear arms was "the f i r s t shock against the prejudices that envelope our existence". Using m i l i t a n t metaphors and examples of warrior women from h i s t o r y , she went on to ask the members of th is p o l i t i c a l soc iety to 54 f ight for a second r e v o l u t i o n which would free women a l l over France. On the s i x t h of March, 1792, Pauline Leon, a member of the Corde l i er s club and future pres ident of the Society of the Revolut ionary Republican Women, came before the Assembly to ask them to authorize a women's m i l i t i a . She i n s i s t e d that women had an equal r e s p o n s i b i l i t y with men to defend the c o n s t i t u t i o n and she i n s i s t e d on the r ight of every c i t i z e n to defend l i f e and l i b e r t y . In an i n t e r e s t i n g part of her p e t i t i o n , she claimed that , i f enemies overran the state women would be in p a r t i c u l a r danger of lo s ing t h e i r l i ve s as a r e s u l t of t h e i r v a l i a n t act ions in the women's march to 107. V e r s a i l l e s . Protest ing that the women of her organizat ion had no in tent ion of abandoning the care of home and fami ly , Leon went on to ask the Assembly to give these women 1) permission to obtain a v a r i e t y of weapons, 2) permission to assemble in the Champ de La Federat ion to prac t i ce m i l i t a r y manoeuvers, and 3) to have the former French Guards appointed to command them."^ In his rep ly M. le president noted that h i s t o r y at tes ted to the courage and heroism of French women and that they applauded th i s most recent example. He hoped that tih'.ts gesture would serve to shame those able men who had not yet volunteered for the army. His comments were re ferred to in the news-paper Revolutions de P a r i s , one of the most widely read journals of the 56 t lme. In an angry a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "Encore un p e t i t i o n de femmes", the ed i tor sharply c r i t i c i z e d E t t a Palm d'Aelders for present ing yet another p e t i t i o n to the Convention on behalf of women. He reminded her that , since the beginning of the r e v o l u t i o n , women had displayed t h e i r p a t r i o t i s m . Some had given t h e i r jewels to the country while the women of the people had saved the nat ion by t h e i r march to V e r s a i l l e s . Some women had even come to the Assembly asking for the r i g h t to bear arms, but the Assembly had smiled on them and sent them back to t h e i r husbands and f a m i l i e s . Now E t t a had dared to in terrupt the important work of the l e g i s l a t o r s by demanding a proper education for women, the r ight to d ivorce , and the r i g h t to a l l occupations. The ed i tor had a r e b u t t a l for every request , his language borrowed wholesale from the works of Rousseau. He suggested that marriage reform was necessary but women had no business asking for the r i g h t for d ivorce . Women d id not need the same education as men because domestic education 108. taught by mothers and supervised by fathers was the only education women needed. F i n a l l y , women could not poss ib ly take on the same tasks as men because women had a sacred duty to stay in t h e i r homes to nurture t h e i r c h i l d r e n and to serve t h e i r h u s b a n d s . ^ What is i n t r i g u i n g about th i s emotional a r t i c l e on the duties of motherhood, i s that the ed i tor was c u r r e n t l y involved in r a i s i n g money for one of the heroines of the women's march to V e r s a i l l e s who had recent ly been re leased from p r i s o n . This woman, who supposedly led th.emarch with sabre in hand was also reported to have fought in hand-to-hand combat with the k ing's bodyguard. But the ed i tor of Les Revolutions de P a r i s , along with many other c i t i z e n s , lauded her as the saviour of the country and the saviour of Par i s from s t a r v a t i o n . Paule Duhet in the in troduct ion to Cahiers de doleances des femmes en 1789 notes that the often inadequate coverage in h i s t o r i e s and textbooks of women's contr ibut ions to the revo lu t ion is i n e v i t a b l y accompanied by a 5 8 p r i n t i l l u s t r a t i n g the women's march to V e r s a i l l e s . This is not simply a modern prejudice however. It was during the course of revo lut ionary events, most p a r t i c u l a r l y in 1793, that the women's march was declared the women's event of the p e r i o d . By that time, four years a f ter the event, the p o l i t i c a l swing to the l e f t made the demonstration seem more acceptable . In a d d i t i o n , by the summer of 1793, an apparent r i o t by working women had been metamorphosed into a p a t r i o t i c ce l ebrat ion of motherhood. George Rude has termed the October March one of the most mysterious 59 events of the r e v o l u t i o n . A tangle of contemporary p o l i t i c a l and personal motives in add i t ion to the weight of stereotypes of women's c o l l e c t i v e ac t ion make ana lys i s of the motives and nature of th i s event extremely 109. d i f f i c u l t in re t rospec t . [Even among contemporaries, there was confusion as to the motives, the p a r t i c i p a n t s and the events of th is march.] It would seem however, that a t r a d i t i o n a l form of women's p r o t e s t , the bread r i o t , was manipulated by c o n s t i t u t i o n a l monarchists for p o l i t i c a l ends. The r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s who encouraged th is r i o t benefited when the king was forced to move to Paris and forced to recognize the c o n s t i t u t i o n . To sum up a complicated ser ies of events: On October 5, 1789, a group of poorly dressed women (with some bourgeois women among them) a r r i v e d at the Hotel de V i l l e , the seat of municipal government, to protest the lack of bread and to demand that Lafayet te , the commander of the National Guard, lead them to V e r s a i l l e s to seek bread from the k i n g . Suddenly, a great number of armed men a r r i v e d on the scene and the protest became v i o l e n t . The men's v io lence apparently infected the women who now began to ransack the Hotel de V i l l e . At th i s moment, S tanis las M a i l l a r d , one of the heroes of the B a s t i l l e , a r r i v e d and persuaded the women to allow him to lead them to V e r s a i l l e s . He persuaded them to disarm and to present themselves as suppl iants to the king and the Assembly. Behind the women, estimated at between 800 and four thousand, marched armed men and eventual ly members of the Nat ional Guard. The Nat ional Guard however, appear to have had d i f f e r e n t motives for t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n . They explained to Lafayette that they were going to V e r s a i l l e s to avenge a rumored i n s u l t to the nat iona l symbol by the roya l family and to bring the king back to P a r i s . At V e r s a i l l e s , M a i l l a r d presented a p e t i t i o n to the Assembly on behalf of the women demanding bread and denouncing hoarders . A small delegat ion of women were taken to the King who promised to send bread to Paris immediately. 1 1 0 . That evening, an a l t e r c a t i o n between the k ing ' s guards and the Nat ional Guard led to a r i o t and the deaths of two k ing ' s men. The v io lence increased u n t i l the l i ves of the roya l family were in danger and at that point Lafayette persuaded the king and h i s family to move, with the Assembly, „ • 6 0 to P a r i s . The immediate accounts of th i s event were mixed, but i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that two accounts employed t r a d i t i o n a l images of symbolic sexual invers ion to describe women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the events of October 5. The Moniteur, a paper sympathetic to the Revolut ion and to women's r i g h t s , s t i l l termed the women "amazones, fur i e s and bacchantes". The ed i tor suggested that the heroic M a i l l a r d was responsible for saving these h y s t e r -i c a l women from themselves (toutes en d e l i r e ) and was also responsible for present ing them success fu l ly to the Assembly and the k i n g . ^ A second d e s c r i p t i o n contained in a feminist newspaper warned men that the women's act ions had proven them to be capable of avenging themselves on husbands 62 who ' lorded i t over them' as a r i s t o c r a t s ' lorded i t over' honest Frenchmen. The Nat ional Assembly immediately launched a c r i m i n a l i n v e s t i g a t i o n which lasted for approximately one year . Though the deposit ions must be treated with caut ion , most observors suggested that the march was the r e s u l t of a conspiracy on the part of an assemblyman, Mirabeau, and the k ing's brother the Due d 'Orleans . It is also notable that the only w i t -nesses who exaggerated the v io lence of the women were those who were charged with p a r t i c i p a t i n g in the r i o t . M a i l l a r d claimed that he had saved the nat ion by c o n t r o l l i n g the h y s t e r i c a l women. Other women charged that they had been forced to p a r t i c i p a t e by vast numbers of dangerous women. Many observors also claimed that among the crowds there were many men dressed I l l . 63 as women. The proceedings at an end, the judges ru led that the event was the re su l t of a conspiracy by Mirabeau and d 'Orleans . The Assembly refused to allow the prosecut ion of e i ther man and so the court looked for someone else to accuse. They chose a market woman named Reine Audu who had been • J u r , • 6 4 recognized by some of the witnesses. On October 11, 1790, the Moniteur reported the f i r s t cross-examination of Reine Audu. In her testimony she claimed not to have been at V e r s a i l l e s on the f i f t h and s i x t h of October. When t o l d that f i f t y people had recog-nized her, she then said that she had been forced by a number of women, whose demand for bread seemed reasonable, to go with them to V e r s a i l l e s . She emphasized that she was not armed and had s lept through the v i o l e n t events of the evening of the f i f t h / s i x t h . ^ In th i s same month Reine's lawyer p e t i t i o n e d the assembly to drop the charges against h i s c l i e n t and to consider the event as a crime of -teste natLon. The Assembly refused and Reine Audu spent almost a year in p r i s o n . She was released in September of 1791 when a general amnesty was dec lared . Her lawyer, not s a t i s f i e d with her re lease , set out to make a martyr of his c l i e n t . For months, the lawyer v i s i t e d a v a r i e t y of p o l i t i c a l clubs speaking of his c l i e n t ' s actions on behalf of the nat ion in the famous days of October 1789. He exaggerated her p a r t i c i p a t i o n and claimed that , for a l l her courage and devotion to the country, a l l she had won was a year in p r i s o n . By January of 1792, he had managed to c o l l e c t three hundred s ignatures on a p e t i t i o n which was presented to the Assembly asking i t 6 6 to recompense th i s woman whose only crime was love of country. While 112. the Assembly refused th i s request many other r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s answered the c a l 1. As noted, the ed i tor of Les Revolutions de P a r i s , who decr ied women's pub l i c a c t i v i t i e s , was r a i s i n g money for Reine Audu qui contr ibua a rassurer les representants de la Nat ion, a ranimer leur zele et a les mettre a l ' a b r i des p e r f i d i e s de la cour. G'est au devouement de cette femme etonnante que Par i s dut la cessat ion de la famine et l'avortment de plus no irs complots contre la C o n s t i t u t i o n et la L i b e r t e . 6 7 Reine Audu's r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the events of October 5th was growing and on A p r i l 5th, in response to a c i t i z e n ' s de legat ion , the mayor of Par i s awarded Reine with an honorary sword and pra i sed her as one of the heroines of French h i s t o r y : "Reine Audu, vous avez echappe a l 'esc lavage de 1'education de votre sexe; vous avez deploye une grande energie , vous avez rendu d'importants s erv i ce s , le persecut ion en a ete le p r i x . . . Five months l a t e r , a f ter having p a r t i c i p a t e d in yet another great revo lut ionary event, the storming of the T u i l e r i e s Palace , Reine Audu asked the Jacobin society to help her get a job in the army. She was refused, whether by the Jacobins or by the government is not c l e a r . Instead of a job in the army, she was given a job as a guard at a storage depot in 69 the Par i s suburbs. While Reine Audu requested permission to j o i n the army, most women simply disguised themselves as men and departed with the troops . In response to an announcement by the Assembly in September of 1792 that the nat ion was in danger, many women, most in d i s g u i s e , joined volunteer ba t ta l i ons throughout the country. As ear ly as Ju ly of '72, the Moniteur c a r r i e d a report from Maulde where French troops were f i g h t i n g the A u s t r i a n s . The report was the f i r s t on the a c t i v i t i e s of the Fernig s i s t e r s : 113. Dans la derniere attaque du camp de Maulde par un detachement de hulans on a vu deux femmes, les demoiselles Fernig c o u r i r a l 'enemie, et a la tete des volunteers et des troupes de l igne combattre avec eux, les encourager et f a i r e elle-memes le A • 70 coup de mam. During the year, as reports of t h e i r exp lo i t s continued to appear, inc lud ing those from government observers who l ikened them to Joan of A r c , the F e r n i g ' s s tory came to be known. It was sa id that the s i s t e r s had followed t h e i r father into the army (unbeknownst to him) and had fought in d isguise for many months. They were f i n a l l y discovered when t h e i r father was sent to review t h e i r b a t t a l i o n . From the summer of '92 u n t i l the f a l l of '93 the Fernigs fought in the army as women and were repeated pra ised for t h e i r d e e d s . ^ On A p r i l 30, 1793, the Convention placed new r e s t r i c t i o n s on female support services and banned outr ight women bearing arms. From a l l reports i t appears to have been an attempt to 'clean up' the army, a task accom-p l i s h e d in large part by c l e a r i n g out the women. According to the new law a l l women were to leave the army except four laundresses per b a t t a l i o n and a l imi ted number of food s u p p l i e r s . Wives of o f f i c e r s and s o l d i e r s , along 72 with a l l women s o l d i e r s , were to leave or face imprisonment. The vast major i ty of women s o l d i e r s who were demobilized have l e f t no record . Many most l i k e l y continued to work in the army as records indicate 73 that the new law proved d i f f i c u l t to enforce . A few women presented p e t i t i o n s to various governing bodies asking for recompense for t h e i r s er -v ices and in some cases asking to be allowed to remain in the army. These p e t i t i o n s provide one of the most r e l i a b l e records of women's armed p a r t i -c i p a t i o n in combat, not only in the r e v o l u t i o n , but in the eighteenth century army in genera l . 114. Most women joined the army in the summer of 1792 or the winter of 1793 when the m o b i l i z a t i o n propaganda was at i t s he ight . As Catherine Pochetat had explained in her p e t i t i o n , she was moved to j o i n the army 74 when she heard that the Prussians were about to invade. Of the t h i r t y - f i v e women about whom information seems most r e l i a b l e , ^ eight were married and supposedly jo ined the army with t h e i r husbands. Madeleine P e t i j e a n , 49 years o ld when she pe t i t i oned the Convention, claimed that she had lost three husbands in the service of the country; two in the marines and one at the storming of the B a s t i l l e . She had given b i r t h seventeen times but only two of her c h i l d r e n had surv ived , both c u r r e n t l y serving in the marines. Hearing of the counter -revo lu t ion in the Vendee, she jo ined the cannoneers of her d i s t r i c t and departed for i 7 6 the rebe l area . Single women, l i k e Reine Chapuy, also joined the army from a sense of p a t r i o t i s m as well as i n s p i r a t i o n from male family members. Appearing before the Convention in her cavalry uniform, Reine explained that she was moved by the sacred f i r e of l i b e r t y and the example of her s ix brothers to j o i n the army. She was a lso quick to d i s soc ia te h e r s e l f from female camp fol lowers "qu'un f o l amour a peut-etre entrainees a la sui te des camps . . . The archives of the Sarthe provide information on Marie Savonneau who, at t h i r t y years of age, pe t i t i oned the municipal a u t h o r i t i e s for permission to j o i n the army. Af ter many p e t i t i o n s , her request was f i n a l l y granted: Considerant que le courage se rencontre chez la femme comme chez l'homme, que 1'un et l ' a u t r e peuvent [pretendre] au devoir et au d r o i t de vo ler au secours de la pa tr i e et de se s a c r i f i e r pour e l l e , que le des ir de Marie Savonneau doit etre a c c u e i l l i et merite des applaudissements, p u i s q u ' e l l e se s a c r i f i c e vo lon-tairement pour la p a t r i e . . . 7 ^ In another inc ident in L o i r e t , a young domestic named Reine Chatton, 115. attempted to j o i n the army in d isguise as Louis Chatton. Her r e a l i d e n t i t y was quick ly discovered and she was reprimanded by the a u t h o r i t i e s . However, when she threatened to j o i n the b a t t a l i o n i n a neighbouring d i s t r i c t , her d i s t r i c t submitted a request to the d i r e c t o r of the department and on 79 A p r i l 4, 1793 she joined the army. While most women c la im that they joined the army in d i sgu i se , a l l a v a i l a b l e evidence suggests that they were allowed to remain in the ranks when t h e i r i d e n t i t i e s were d iscovered. An example of th i s i s the career of Anne D u l i e r r e . Anne joined the army in 1792 with .her brother and served as a cannoneer. Her i d e n t i t y was apparently known wi th in a short time. On the twenty-fourth of March, 1793, a c i t i z e n ' s delegat ion asked the Convention for a formal acknowledgement of her courage. At the same time Anne requested the rank of l i eutenant . On March 30th she was nominated to the rank of sub- l ieutenant and posted to the northern armies. In June, when the commanding general , Cust ine , received word of the. new law banning women s o l d i e r s , he attempted to demobilize Anne. However, at her request , he was persuaded to al low her to remain. Custine was to regret th is ac t ion for h is p o l i t i c a l enemies, among them the r a d i c a l Jacobins , used the presence of a woman in his army as evidence against him. As one member of the Jacobin Club noted at a meeting on June 9: Vous ne devez pas ignorer quecnos generaux font de leurs camps des l i eux de p l a i s i r . l i s ont des femmes pours aides de camp. C e l u i que la Republique appel le a l'honneur de commander les armees de la Republique, doi t renouncer aux femmes, i l ne doi t s ' e lancer dans les bras de 1'amour qu'apres avo ir remporte des v i c t o i r e s . Custine a dans son armee des femmes habi lees en m i l i t a i r e s . Un general ne doi t connaitre d'autre passion que c e l l e de la g l o i r e . u 1 i 6 -Custine responded to th i s charge by noting that he d id have a woman in his army, Anne D u l i e r r e , but that she was a ranking o f f i c e r who had been pra i sed by the Convention and that she had demonstrated her bravery on many occasions. Nevertheless , Anne was quick ly t rans ferred to another unit and l e f t the army soon a f t e r . ^ It i s i n t e r e s t i n g , in l i g h t of the Jacobin involvement in th is case, that they were also instrumental in passing on to the government another denounciation of a woman s o l d i e r . According to the Moniteur for 26 September, 1793, the Jacobin Society transmitted a denounciation to the Convention from a woman who claimed that in sp i te of the law of A p r i l , she knew of a woman who was s t i l l f i g h t i n g in the armies of the nor th , a s i t u a t i o n which 8 2 was apparently causing the s o l d i e r s to fee l d i sgraced . As many of these s tor i e s i n d i c a t e , many women were permitted to remain in the army long af ter the proclamation of the law of A p r i l 30, 1793. In a d d i t i o n , women were being accepted into the ranks and given t i t l e s just weeks before the new law. Of the p e t i t i o n s presented to the Convention, i t appears that some women were knowingly given lesser commands. For example, Marie-Anne Bara was a sergeant-major; Anne D u l i e r r e and Catherine Pochetat, sub- l ieutenants ; Marie Sche l l inck a sergeant and femme Favre 8 3 a c a p t a i n , in honour of the rank held by her husband. It appears that the pressure to demobilize women did not come from the armies themselves but 'from the c e n t r a l government and from the defense committees which were c u r r e n t l y preparing for a r a d i c a l swing to the l e f t . In sp i te of a severe manpower shortage, the concern to strengthen.',mor.a.lity in t h i s new c i t i z e n s ' army outweighed any other c o n s i d e r a t i o n . A f i n a l note of in teres t in connection with these p e t i t i o n s is that 117. a l l p e t i t i o n e r s received money, on the average 500 l i v r e s . Anne D u l i e r r e however, received 1,200 l i v r e s . Both Anne and Catherine married in t h e i r t h i r t i e s and became property owners. A t h i r d woman s o l d i e r was given money s p e c i f i c a l l y for her dowry and c lo thes . Given Olwen Hufton's studies on the d i f f i c u l t y faced by working c lass women when attempting to save enough money for t h e i r marriages, i t would be i n t e r e s t i n g to know how often the army served as an occupation which would provide women with s u f f i c i e n t funds in a r e l a t i v e l y short t i m e . ^ Nowhere in the p e t i t i o n s of women s o l d i e r s i s there a h int that the women were f i g h t i n g for economic or p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s , or that they bel ieved that women as a group were oppressed in French s o c i e t y . To express feminist sentiments in the chambers of the Nat ional Convention would have brought no monetary rewards or p r a i s e . At the same time that women s o l d i e r s were being thanked for t h e i r e f for t s and sent on the ir way, another group of m i l i t a n t feminists were being treated with much less c i v i l i t y . One of the most p o l i t i c a l l y sophis t i ca ted women's organizat ions which appeared during the revo lu t ion was the Club des Citoyennes Repub1icaines y» 85 Revo lut ionnaires . Throughout the revo lu t ion women had p a r t i c i p a t e d to some extent in popular s o c i e t i e s and r a d i c a l c lubs . But the leadership of these organizat ions , as wel l as the major i ty of t h e i r members had always been male. On May 10, 1793, a p o l i t i c a l soc ie ty e x c l u s i v e l y for women, most from the lower c la s se s , was i n s t i t u t e d . The soc ie ty had elaborate rules of procedure and membership. In the preface to t h e i r rules the women s tate : Convinced that there i s no l i b e r t y without customs and p r i n c i p l e s , and that one must recognize one's s o c i a l duties in order to f u l -f i l one's domestic duties adequately, the Revolut ionary Republican citoyennes have formed a Society to i n s t r u c t themselves, to learn wel l the C o n s t i t u t i o n and laws of the Republ ic , to attend to pub l i c a f f a i r s , to succor s u f f e r i n g humanity, and to defend a l l human 118. beings who become vict ims of a r b i t r a r y acts whatever. . . . A r t i c l e 1: The Soc ie ty ' s purpose is to be armed to rush to the defense of the Fatherland . . . ^ The organizat ion was formed jus t as the r a d i c a l Jacobins and moderate Girondins were engaged in the f i n a l struggle which saw the Girondins expel led from the Convention. The cJjtoaewneA supported the Jacobins because they bel ieved that t h i s fac t ion would bring about the laws against hoarding of food and laws in favour of just pr ices in the marketplace. The Jacobins , in need of support, allowed and indeed encouraged the women to demonstrate on t h e i r behalf in the s treets of P a r i s . They a lso allowed the women to p a t r o l the g a l l e r i e s of the Convention, e j ec t ing any v i s i t o r who was not in favour of the Jacobins . Only one account of a meeting of the Club des Citoyennes has survived and th i s account i s suspect. The author, P i erre Joseph R o u s s e l l , found the idea of a women's p o l i t i c a l meeting laughable. When he attended a session i n the f a l l of 1793, the topic for d i scuss ion was the u t i l i t y of women in a Republican government. The speaker, i d e n t i f i e d as s i s t e r Monique, made a speech in favour of women's p o l i t i c a l ro le which uses the techniques of the o ld chom.pi.orui d&A fce/nmeA of the seventeenth century. In i t she r e c a l l s women's past accomplishments, to argue for t h e i r r i g h t to govern now: From the famous Deborah, who succeeded Moses and Joshua, to the two F r e i [ s i c . Fernig] s i s t e r s , who fought so v a l i a n t l y in our republ ican armies, not a s ing le century has passed which has not produced a woman w a r r i o r . See how Thomyris, queen of the Scythians , ba t t l e s and conquers the great Cyrus; the Marullus g i r l chases the Turks from [Sty l imene] . . . . Joan of Arc who forced the Eng l i sh to f lee before her, shamed them into r a i s i n g the seige of Orleans , and the name of the c i t y is added to hers . . . I do not know why I am burying myself in the dust of h i s t o r y to search for traces of the courage and s a c r i f i c e of women, since we have them in our revo lu t ion r i g h t before our 119. eyes. It was a b a t t a l i o n of women, commanded by the brave Reine Audu, who went to seek the despot at V e r s a i l l e s and led him triumphantly back to P a r i s , a f ter having bat t l ed the arms of the gardes-du-corps and made them put them down. . . . I f women are su i ted to combat, they are no less su i ted for government . . . ^ Unfortunately for t h i s organizat ion the Jacobins , in power, had no use for a m i l i t a n t group of feminists and began to organize a move against them. The cXAoueniteA had become an embarrassment as they continued to demand that the Jacobins punish hoarders and f i x p r i c e s . On October 28, a mob of market women who apparently resented the attempts by the c lub to f i x p r i c e s , stormed t h e i r headquarters and near ly beat to death a number of i t s members. This same 'mob' then sent a delegat ion to the Convention 88 demanding that the club be banned. With unusual speed, a parl iamentary committee de l ivered a report on October 30. The speaker Andre Amar, began by g iv ing a questionable account of the attack on the women's headquarters. He suggested that the cJJioy.enn.e4 had been t r y i n g to force market women to dress in pantaloons and to carry weapons l i k e themselves. Af ter discuss ing-:the r i o t he noted that the committee be l ieved that i t s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y included a statement on whether or not women could exercise p o l i t i c a l r ights and whether they could debate together in p o l i t i c a l c l u b s . To the f i r s t question he answered that the committee bel ieved that women lacked the knowledge, devot ion, moral and phys i ca l strength for government. To the second quest ion, he answered that women could not meet in p o l i t i c a l soc i e t i e s because: they would be obl iged to s a c r i f i c e the more important care to which nature c a l l s them. The p r i v a t e functions for which women are dest ined by t h e i r very nature are re la ted to the general order of soc ie ty ; th i s s o c i a l order re su l t s from the 120. d i f ferences between man and woman. Each sex is c a l l e d to the kind of occupation which i s f i t t i n g for i t ; i t s ac t ion is c i r -cumscribed within th i s c i r c l e which i t cannot break through, because nature , which has imposed these l i m i t s of man, commands imperiously and receives no law. Man i s s trong, robust , born with great energy . . . he i s f i t for the a r t s , d i f f i c u l t labours; and he is most e x c l u s i v e l y dest ined for a g r i c u l t u r e , commerce, nav iga t ion , voyages, war — everything that c a l l s for force , i n t e l l i g e n c e , c a p a b i l i t y . . . . . . Woman is n a t u r a l l y dest ined to make v i r t u e loved. When they have f u l f i l l e d a l l these ob l iga t ions [ i n the home], they w i l l have deserved wel l of the Fatherland . . . Immediately af ter th i s address the Convention voted to ban, not only the Club des Citoyennes Republicaines Revo lut ionnaires , but a l l women's 90 p o l i t i c a l organ iza t ions . Not content to give up e a s i l y , the women sent a delegation to the municipal government, the Par i s Commune, asking for t h e i r support. There they were met with a j eer ing recept ion: A deputation headed by women wearing red caps [the L i b e r t y cap] comes before the C o u n c i l . There is furious hooting in the g a l -l e r i e s , where they cry out "Off with the women's red caps" . . . Chaumette: [the Pres ident] . . . It i s h o r r i b l e , i t is contrary to a l l the laws of nature for a woman to want to make h e r s e l f a man. The counc i l must r e c a l l that some time ago these denatured women, these v i ragos , wandered through the markets with the red cap to s u l l y that badge- of l i b e r t y and wanted to force a l l women to take of f the modest headdress that is appropriate for them . . . Since when is i t permitted to give up one's sex? Since when is i t decent to see women abandoning the pious cares of t h e i r households, the c r i b s of t h e i r c h i l d r e n , to come to pub l i c p laces , to harangue in the g a l l e r i e s , at the bar of the senate? . . . Remember th i s haughty wife of a s t u p i d , per f id ious hus-band, la Roland, who thought h e r s e l f f i t to govern the republ i c and who rushed to her downfal l ; remember the impudent Olympe de Gouges who was the f i r s t to set up women's s o c i e t i e s , who aban-doned the cares of her household to get mixed up in the r e p u b l i c , and whose head f e l l beneath the avenging knife of the laws. Is i t the place of women to propose motions? Is i t the place of women to place themselves at the head of our armies? If there was a Joan of A r c , that i s because there was a Charles VII ; i f the fate of France was in the hands of a woman, that is because there was a king who d id not have the head of a man and because 91 his subjects were worth less than nothing . The women of France who had attempted to speak before the p o l i t i c a l assemblies , who had sought the r i g h t to bear arms in the serv ice of t h e i r 121. country could be forgiven for misunderstanding the s i t u a t i o n . These women and men were d a i l y surrounded by an iconography which r e a l i z e d and promoted the dreams of the r e v o l u t i o n . The most pers i s t ent images employed in th i s consc ious ly created iconography were images of v i r g i n warrior goddesses. However, unl ike the images of Brutus and the H o r a t i i , these Graeco-Roman images were not intended to provide mode Is for behaviour. Rather, they stood for the r a t i o n a l e for that behaviour, they stood for the dream of the revo lu t ion and not the dreamers. PART 4: THE WOMAN WARRIOR IN THE ART AND LITERATURE OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION Censors fear and r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s hope that the arts have the power to move people to a c t i o n . While censorship removes suspect mater ia l from the purview of the audience, the greater task is l e f t to the revo lut ionary who must create innovat ive , yet recognizable and i n t e l l i g i b l e art which serves to teach about and i n s p i r e devotion to the new s o c i e t y . Throughout the eighteenth century the arts were subject to censorship . Af ter a b r i e f per iod of freedom in the ear ly years of the r e v o l u t i o n , r e s t r i c t i o n s were once again imposed by the government. The urgent need for art forms which i n s p i r e d and educated became acute in the autumn of 1792 . In A p r i l of 1792, France declared war on A u s t r i a . In response, A u s t r i a and Pruss ia invaded France and Louis XVI refused to co-operate in the nat ion ' s defense. In consequence, in order to secure united ac t ion against the enemy, the L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly suspended the king from his functions and (as the c o n s t i t u t i o n required) ordered the e l e c t i o n of the Nat ional Convention to - i 9? meet in September. In September, the monarchy was abol ished and the Republic e s t a b l i s h e d . France's m i l i t a r y s i t u a t i o n began to improve and people r a l l i e d to the new Republic because i t appeared to have snatched v i c t o r y out of the jaws of defeat . However, a problem now fac ing the government was how to ensure that the people of France would continue to support the Republ i c . How could they insp ire devotion to th is new nat ion and the ideals for which i t stood? In the AncJen RagUma the n a t i o n , a p o l i t i c a l l y i l l - d e f i n e d u n i t , had been p e r s o n i f i e d in the image of the re igning monarch or in the form of a c l a s s i c a l l y a t t i r e d , armed woman. In 1792, when the monarchy was abol i shed , the long-es tabl i shed t r a d i t i o n of r e a l i z i n g the hypostat ized state in the form of the armed woman was continued. In a d d i t i o n , the armed woman was used to r e a l i z e a number of c i v i c v i r tu e s popular ly associated with the new Republ ic . [Figures 7 and 8] As the art scholar Renouvier has suggested, a l l of these images were interchangeable because time did not al low for 93 them to develop f ixed and separate a t t r i b u t e s . While a l l e g o r i c a l images of armed women were omnipresent, images of i d e n t i f i a b l e female p a r t i c i p a n t s in Revolut ionary events were much less common. One of the most famous por traya l s of female ac t ion is the ser ies of p r i n t s produced immediately a f ter the events of October 5, 1789. [Figure 9] Often reproduced in general texts as i f they were a mechanical record of the events, these images are in t h e i r own way a l l e g o r i c a l . They suggest, as d id the ed i tor of the Moniteur, that the women were "amazones, fur ies and bacchantes". This impression is conveyed not only in the menacing and chaot ic progress ion of the crowd but also in the weapons which are being brandished, inc lud ing the t r a d i t i o n a l amazon axe. In a d d i t i o n , the images which s p e c i f i c a l l y represent the progress back to Paris are s trongly 123. reminiscent of woodblock p r i n t s which portrayed the world upside down and 94 f e s t i v a l s of i n v e r s i o n . F i n a l l y , the ideology of domest ic i ty was promoted during the Revolut ion in popular images of women who as mothers, s i s t e r s and lovers ce lebrated of: 95 grieved for the heroes of the Revo lut ion . David continued to contr ibute to these images of women. While the Oath of the H o r a t i i was engraved and d i s t r i b u t e d throughout the n a t i o n , David painted a scene from the l i f e of the Roman Brutus . In th i s scene, Brutus gazes s t o i c a l l y into the distance as the bodies of h is sons, k i l l e d for treason on his orders , are brought back to t h e i r home. In contrast to Brutus' strong and heroic demeanor, the women of the fami ly , who have been described as ' h y s t e r i c a l bacchantes' are depicted as shr iek ing and f a i n t i n g in g r i e f . [Figure 10] David's greatest contr ibut ions to the iconography of the revo lu t ion however, were made in h i s designs for the great fcetieA or processions held 96 p e r i o d i c a l l y throughout the per iod 1790-99. These processions were designed to mourn the heroes or sa ints of the r e v o l u t i o n ; ce lebrate the events of the r e v o l u t i o n ; and f i n a l l y to promote the new r e l i g i o n of the supreme being in 1794. The images of women in these fJzteA were consistent with the a t t i tudes to women's ro les expressed in other forms. Great funeral processions were held for 'heroes' such as V o l t a i r e , Marat and Mirabeau. Two more funeral fJzteA were planned, but not c a r r i e d out, for two young men, V i a l a and Bara , who were sa id to have s a c r i f i c e d t h e i r l i v e s f i g h t i n g in the armies of the 97 n a t i o n . In the funeral processions women were used as symbolic mourners and as symbols of the dreams for which a l l of these men had l i v e d and d i e d . 124. One of the greatest jL&leA which ce lebrated the events of the revo lu t ion was the Fete, de la Reunion, held in August of 1793. This f-ete was in fact a tableau of revo lu t ionary events up u n t i l that date. At the f i r s t ' s t a t i o n ' of the process ion , there stood a co lo s sa l statue of Nature which je t ted from her breasts the waters of regenerat ion . As contemporary p r i n t s i l l u s -t r a t e , each member of the Convention stood beneath the statue and drank the sacred waters. The second s t a t i o n was a triumphal arch dedicated to the heroines of the march to V e r s a i l l e s . Though a cannon used in the attack on the palace was present , the heroines had been transformed from ' f u r i e s , amazones and bacchantes' into the mothers of the n a t i o n . At the a r c h , a member of the Assembly made the fo l lowing speech: Quel spectac le ! la fa ib les se du sexe et 1'heroTsme du courage! 0 L i b e r t e , ce sont la tes mirac l e s ! c 'est t o i qui dans ces deux journees ou le sang, a V e r s a i l l e s , commenca a expier les crimes des r o i s , alluma dans le coeur de quelques femmes cette audace qui f i t f u i r ou tomber devant e l l e s les s a t e l l i t e s des tyrans . . . 0 femmes! la l i b e r t e attaquee par tous les tyrans , pour etre defendue a besoin d'un peuple de heros. C'est a vous a 1 'enfanter . Que toutes les v i r t u s guerr ieres et gener-euses coulent avec le l a i t maternal dans le coeur des nourrisons de l a France . Les representants du peuple souverain, au l i e u de f l eurs qui parent la beaute, vous of frent le l a u r r i e r , embleme du courage et de la v i c t o r i e . Vous le t r a n s l e t t e z a 99 vos enfants . The Fete de la 'Reunion and many other fieteA were repeated on the stages of P a r i s . Though the theatre changed i t s s ty l e and content to .' r e f l e c t the p a t r i o t i c currents of the day, the images of male and female p a t r i o t i s m were, as may be expected, quite d i s s i m i l a r . Armed women were often to be found descending from the 'sky' as a l l e g o r i c a l representat ions of L i b e r t y or the Republ ic . In a very few cases, contemporary armed women were presented as heroines . In January 125. of 1793 , playwrights presented a t h e a t r i c a l vers ion of the Fate, de la Reunion. Act 2, a ' b a l l e t ' of the events of October 5, 1789 was p r e s e n t e d . 1 0 0 One other play suggests an image of heroism on the part of a woman. In a play deal ing with the l i f e of the young Bara, the hero is shown k i l l i n g rebels in the Vendee. At one point in the story his future wife 101 i s sa id to have k i l l e d three rebels h e r s e l f . A play which is more representat ive of the popular image of women is L'Heureuse Decade. In th i s p l a y , a wise father sets about to write a book of 'good deeds '-.(a subst i tute for the Bib le?) that may be read each week to h i s fami ly . Among the v ir tuous deeds recorded for the women of his family were the care of the wounded by his wife , the g iv ing of her f i chu to some s o l d i e r s by one daughter, and the s a c r i f i c e of the l inen of her trousseau for bandages for the army by another. A married daughter spent the night helping to equip the army, while a daughter- in- law discovered a p lo t against the govern-ment. Among the men, one son- in- law and a son were s o l d i e r s , one son- in- law was a shop keeper who did not ra i se pr ices and ^ t ry to make large p r o f i t s . . . and one son was a v ir tuous mayor. In the tumultuous years of the r e v o l u t i o n , novels were few and tempor-a r i l y ceased to be a major art form. More immediate p r i n t mediums such as newspapers and pamphlets were the r e a l schools of p a t r i o t i s m at th i s time. At the peak of the revo lu t ion republ ican propagandists also sought to mold the young by p r i n t i n g accounts of the deeds of revo lut ionary heroes. The most ambitious projec t of th i s k ind was the p e r i o d i c a l e n t i t l e d Recuei l des  act ions heroiques et c iv iques compiled by the Jacobin Bourdin , on orders from the Committee of Publ ic I n s t r u c t i o n and the Convention. The c o l l e c t i o n , eventual ly numbering f ive booklets , was to be d i s t r i b u t e d to m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , 103 the army, popular soc i e t i e s and a l l schools . The f i r s t four booklets dealt with a v a r i e t y of i n d i v i d u a l s but the 126. las t booklet concentrated on the s tory of the s o l d i e r s f i g h t i n g in the region of the Rhine and Mose l l e . The vast majori ty of subjects are men who have volunteered for the army. This included s tor i e s of the young Bara and V i a l a . What was the image of female heroism? In one s tory women burned down t h e i r homes so that the Austr ians could not use them while in another a woman threatened to blow h e r s e l f and her c h i l d r e n up i f the enemy should enter t h e i r home. Women were also described in the beginning of the revo lu t ion donating t h e i r jewels to the 104 Estates General . What is i n i t i a l l y s u r p r i s i n g , given the date of th i s p u b l i c a t i o n , is that the f i r s t and last issues contain each one story of a woman s o l d i e r . As women were being demobilized under threat of arres t and as women's p o l i t i c a l organizat ions were outlawed, c h i l d r e n a l l over France were being read the s tor i e s of ' L i b e r t y ' Barreau and Rose B o u i l l o n . L i b e r t y and Rose were both married to s o l d i e r s and followed them into the army. L i b e r t y ' s husband one day f e l l by her side wounded by an enemy b u l l e t . But her love of the country temporari ly overcame her love for her husband and she fought on. F i n a l l y when she and her comrades had fought back the enemy, she returned to help her husband: bande sa p l a i e , le presse dans ses bras , et le porte , avec ses freres d'armes, a l 'hosp ice m i l i t a i r e ; l a , en l u i p r o -diguant les soins de la tendresse conjugale , e l l e prouve q u ' e l l e n'a pas renounce aux vertus de son sexe, qu ioqu 'e l l e a i t deployee toutes c e l l e s qui ne semblent devoir etre l'apanage aui de 1' autre . Rose B o u i l l o n was also portrayed as a model wife and mother. Rose followed her husband to war leaving her two c h i l d r e n with her mother, the youngest c h i l d being only s ix months o l d . She found i t necessary to disguise her sex in order to stay by her husband's s ide . Her husband 127. was k i l l e d by her side but Rose fought on u n t i l her job of defending the country was done. In her representat ion to the Convention she s a i d : Je ne vous demande . . . mon conge, que pour a l l e r rendre a mes enfans les soins que je leur dois comme mere, apres avo ir remple, autant q u ' i l a dependu de moi, ceux qui je devois a mon mari et a ma patr ie . -*-^ In the f i n a l a n a l y s i s , the idea l woman of the revo lu t ion was one whose devotion to her husband and c h i l d might include the necess i ty of her leaving the hearth and accompanying her husband onto the b a t t l e f i e l d . In the past , th is permission had only been granted to the women of the a r i s t o c r a c y , but the new a r i s t o c r a t s were the bourgeois ie . At the end of Chapter 2, i t was noted that the annals of the Revolution were said to contain the records of women who had p a r t i c i p a t e d in armed c o n f l i c t . It was also noted that images of armed women were abundant throughout the Revolut ionary p e r i o d . The question was asked i f these two phenomena represented a change in a t t i tudes to the appropriate behaviour and roles for women which had been noted in the seventeenth century. It is now apparent that the appearance of women in the armies of the French Revolut ion was not a reversa l of the trend toward the 'domest icat ion' of women. Instead, i t was an example of a phenomenon described in Chapter 1 in which scholars suggested that manpower shortages and the 'emotional ' and ' inherent ly i r r e g u l a r ' context of revo lut ionary warfare accounted for the appearance of women in the ranks. In a d d i t i o n , M . C . Fe ld noted that such ac t ion on the part of i n d i v i d u a l women is often judged to be a t r ibute to men. In the French Revolut ion , those women who were s ingled out for pra i se of t h e i r m i l i t a r y act ions were described as having s a c r i f i c e d themselves for husbands and country. At the same time that women were banned from p a r t i c i p a t i o n in formal 128. armed c o n f l i c t (1793), the thousands of women who had brandished guns and other weapons in the course of the march to V e r s a i l l e s were pra i sed as saviours of the nat ion . From h y s t e r i c a l amazons and f u r i e s , the women were metamorphosed into the image of lov ing but m i l i t a n t mothers. Apparent ly , while formal warfare (with i t s accompanying c i v i c r i g h t s and dut ies) was inappropriate for women, the spontaneous, b r i e f , and i l l - d e f i n e d v io lence of the food r i o t was judged a su i tab le form of female m i l i t a n c y . The p r o l i f e r a t i o n of images of armed women in revo lut ionary i c o n -ography was not a c o n t r a d i c t i o n of this l ega l ban of armed women. Fol lowing long-es tabl i shed Western a r t i s t i c t r a d i t i o n s , female images draped in c l a s s i c a l garb were adopted to symbolize the dreams of the Revo lut ion . Many of them were helmeted and armed in the manner of Athena, the warrior goddess who was born from the head of her father and who l i v e d her mytho-l o g i c a l l i f e in the male sphere. Thus, while the 'unworthy amazon' d isguised h e r s e l f in the uniform of the revo lut ionary s o l d i e r , the worthy warrior came to be represented by a f igure whose 'biography' and antique garments placed her far 'above her sex' . A r i s t o c r a t i c women leading armies in times of c r i s i s , lower-ranking women serving in the ranks and in d isguise and f i n a l l y , a p r o l i f e r a t i o n of imaginative images of women warriors were not features unique to seven-teenth and eighteenth century France . As the secondary l i t e r a t u r e reviewed in Chapter 1 emphasized, these phenomena may be discovered in a number of cu l tures and h i s t o r i c a l per iods . However, the secondary l i t e r a t u r e has f a i l e d to explore these s i m i l a r i t i e s in any depth, to account for t h e i r recurrence , or to note c r o s s - c u l t u r a l v a r i a t i o n s . Consequently, the fo l lowing two chapters w i l l inves t igate both h i s t o r i c a l and f i c t i o n a l women warriors 129. in Imperial China, a soc iety d i s s i m i l a r in most respects from that of France, but which also produced an inordinate number of h i s t o r i c a l accounts and a r t i s t i c images of women in b a t t l e . FIGURE 1: J . - B . GREUZE: THE BELOVED MOTHER 130. 131. FIGURE 2: DAVID: OATH OF THE HORATII 132. FIGURE 3: FRONTESPIECE OF HISTOIRE DE LA DRAGONE, GONTENANT LES ACTIONS MILITAIRES & LES AVANTURES DE GENEVIEVE PREMOY FIGURE 4: LE BARBIER L'AINE: LE SIEGE DE BEAUVAIS 134. FIGURE 5: ATHENA PRESENTING THE PORTRAIT OF LOUIS XV 135. FIGURE 6: FRANCE, LORRAINE AND ENGLAND DECLARE PEACE 136. F I G U R E 7 : P R U D H O N ' S R E N D I T I O N OF THE R E P U B L I C WITH E Q U A L I T Y AND L I B E R T Y FIGURE 8: POPULAR IMAGES OF THE REPUBLIC AND LIBERTY 137. 138. FIGURE 9: IMAGES OF THE MARCH TO AND FROM VERSAILLES 139. 140. NOTES FOR CHAPTER 3 1. Proces-verba 1 de la Convention Nat iona le , June 26, 1793, V o l . 14, p. 327 . 2. Proces-verbal de la Convention Nat ionale , A p r i l 30, 1793, V o l . 10, p . 228-230. 3. See, for example, J . Renouvier, H i s t o i r e de l ' a r t pendant la Revolut ion , considere principalement dans les estampes ( P a r i s : Vve. J . Renouard, 1963). 2 v . 4. Margaret Darrow, "French Noblewomen and the New Domesticity", Feminist Studies , v o l . 5, no. 1 (Spr ing , 1979), p. 42. It is the thes is of Darrow's a r t i c l e that "the domestication of French noblewomen was abrupt and conscious", a r e s u l t of the events of the Revo lut ion . 5. John Lough, Writer and Publ ic in France from the Middle Ages to the Present Day (Oxford: Claredon.. Press , 1978), p. 210. 6. Eng l i sh Showalter, The Evo lut ion of the French Novel , 1641-1782 (New Jersey: Pr inceton U n i v e r s i t y Press , 1972), p. 193. 7. P i erre Fauchery, La destinee deminine dans le roman europeen au d i x -huitieme s i e c l e , 1713-1807: essa i de gyhecomythie romanesque ( P a r i s : A C o l i n , 1972), p. 834. 8. Carol Duncan, "Happy mothers and other new ideas in French ar t" in The Art B u l l e t i n (March, 1973), p. 582. 9. J . J . Rousseau, Emi le , t rans la ted B. Foxley (London: Dent, r epr in ted 1963), p. 371. 10. D iderot , quoted in Lough, Writer and Publ ic in France, op. c i t . , p. 268. 11. F e l i x G a i f f e , Le drame en France au XVIII s i e c l e ( P a r i s : Armand C o l i n , 1910), p. 96-97. 12. I b i d . , p. 263. 13. D. D iderot , Salons, ed. J . Seznec and J . Adhemar (Oxford: Claredon Press , 1960), v o l . 2, p. 155. 14. Carol Duncan, "Happy Mothers op. c i t . , p. 571. 15. Robert Rosenblum, Transformation in Late Eighteenth Century Art (New Jersey: Princeton U n i v e r s i t y Press , 1967), p . 66. 16. I b i d . , pp. 44-45. 17. I b i d . , pp. 70-71. 141. 18. D. D iderot , ed. Encyclopedie ( P a r i s : Br ias son , 1757-65), v o l . 6, pp. 471-74. Abby Kleinbaum, "Women in the Age of L ight" in Becoming  V i s i b l e : Women in European H i s t o r y , eds. R. Br identha l and C. Koonz (Boston: Houghton and M i f f l i n , 1977), pp. 217-235. David W i l l i a m s , "The P o l i t i c s of Feminism in the French Eng1ightenment", in The Var ied  Pat terns: Studies in the Eighteenth Century, eds. P. Hughes and D. Wil l iams (Toronto: A . M . Hakkert , 1971), pp. 333-357. 19. Abby Kleinbaum, op. c i t . , pp. 222-223. 20. Jane Abray, "Feminism in the French Revolut ion" in The American H i s t o r i c a l Review, v o l . 80, no. 1 (February, 1975), pp. 44-45. 21. Condorcet, "Lettre d'un bourgeois de New-Haven a un c i toyen de V i r g i n i e " in Oeuvres de Condorcet (S tu t tgar t : Cannstatt , 1968), v o l . 9, p. 17. 22. H . C . Lancaster , French Tragedy in the Time of Louis XV and V o l t a i r e (Balt imore: Johns Hopkins, 1950), pp. 294-297. 23. Jean Prechav-.c, L'Heroine mousquetaire (Amsterdam: J . LeJeune, 1677). Reprinted 1697, 1680, 1692, 1702, 1722, 1723, 1732, 1744, 1775. 24. H i s t o r i e de la dragone, contenant les act ions m i l i t a i r e s & les aventures de Genevieve Premoy, sous le nom Cheval ier Bal tazar ( P a r i s : A. Auroy , ; Brusse l s : G. Backer, 1703). 25. Marc de V i l l i e r s , H i s t o i r e des clubs de femmes ( P a r i s : P l o n - N o u r r i t , 1910), p . 98. 26. Louis Rustaing de S a i n t - J o r y , Les femmes m i l i t a i r e s : Re lat ion h i s t o r i q u e d'une i s l e nouvellement decouverte ( P a r i s : C. Simon, 1735). 27. Louis Dupre d'Aulnay, Aventures s ingu l i ere s du faux cheva l i er de Warwick ("Londres": V a i l l a n t , 1750) repr in ted ( P a r i s : L i b r a i r i e s des b i b l i o -p h i l s , 1880). 28. V o l t a i r e , La Pucel le d 'Orleans , in Les Oeuvres Completes de V o l t a i r e , ed. Jeroom Vercruysse (Geneve: I n s t i t u t et Musee V o l t a i r e , 1970), v o l . 7, pp. 13-70. 29. Marie -Louise B i v e r , Fetes revo lu t ionna ires a Par i s ( P a r i s : Presses U n i v e r s i t a i r e s de France, 1979). 30. C o l l e c t i o n des l i v r e t s des anciennes expos i t ions : Expos i t ion de 1704 P a r i s : Liepmannssohn et Dufour, 1869), p. 29. 31. D iderot , Salons, op. c i t . , v o l . 4, p. 374, Figure 167. 32. I b i d . , v o l . 3, p. 171-72, 71-72. 33. C o l l e c t i o n des l i v r e t s des anciennes expos i t ions: Expos i t ion de 1737 ( P a r i s : Liepmannssohn et Dufour, 1869), p. 19. 142. 34. C o l l e c t i o n des l i v r e t s des anciennes expos i t ions: Expos i t ion de 1759 ( P a r i s : Liepmannssohn et Dufour, 1869), p . 30. 35. The notorious Cheval ier d'Eon was also portrayed as Athena in the i l l u s t r a t i o n accompanying Peyraud de Beaussol , La v ie m i l i t a i r e  p o l i t i q u e et privee de demoisel le Charles-Genevieve-Lbuise-August- Andree-Thimothee Eon ou d'Eon de Beaumont ( P a r i s : Chez Lambert, 1779). From 1756 to 1777, the Cheval ier served Louis XV as an o f f i c e r in the army, as a secret agent in Russia and as an envoy in England. In 1777, persuaded by gossip that the Cheval ier was in fact a woman, Louis ordered her to return to France and to henceforth dress as a woman on pain of death. The C h e v a l i e r ' s memoirs are revea l ing of the humi l i a t i on suffered by the loss of status incurred by th i s change of sex. The scandal gave r i s e to countless p r i n t s and books mocking the Cheval ier as a warrior woman. In 1792, in response to appeals by the Nat ional Convention for volunteers for the armed forces , the Cheval ier appealed to the Convention to allow her to resume her m i l i t a r y career and to f ight for the n a t i o n . The request was refused and the Cheval ier f l e d to England, there to end her days d i s p l a y i n g her sword-manship in pub l i c duels . 36. Nata l i e Zemon Davis , "Women on Top", op. c i t . , p. 126. Evelyne S u l l e r o t , H i s t o i r e et Socio logie du T r a v a i l Feminin ( P a r i s : Gonthier , 1968), p. 68-72. Olwen Hufton, "Women and the Family Economy in Eighteenth Century France", in French H i s t o r i c a l Studies , v o l . 9, no. 1 (Spring 1976), pp. 1-22. 3 7 . S u l l e r o t , op. c i t . , p. 76. 38. Barton Hacker, "Women and M i l i t a r y I n s t i t u t i o n s in E a r l y Modern Europe", in Signs, v o l . 6, no. 4 (1981), p . 647. 3 9 . A. C o r v i s i e r , L'armee f r a n c a i s e , de la f i n du X V I I e s i e c l e au minis tere de Choiseul ( P a r i s : Presses U n i v e r s i t a i r e s de France, 1 9 6 4 ) , v o l . 1, p. 3 3 7 . 40. D. Levy, e d . , Women in Revolut ionary Paris (Urbana: U n i v e r s i t y of I l l i n o i s , 1979), p. 4. 41. Jules Miche l e t , Les femmes de la Revolut ion ( P a r i s : A. Delahays, 1858). A. Lamartine, H i s t o i r e des Girondins ( P a r i s : Furne, 1848). 42. J . - P . Bertaud, La Revolut ion armee ( P a r i s : Ed i t i ons R. L a f f o n t , 1979), p . 63. 43. Ruth Graham, "Rousseau's Sexism Revolut ionized", in Women in the Eighteenth  Century and Other Essays, ed. Paul F r i t z , (Toronto: Hukkert and C o . , 1976), pp. 127-139. 143. 44. I b i d . , p . 128. 45. I b i d . , p. 129. 46. P e t i t i o n des Femmes du T i e r s - E t a t au Roi (Jan. 1, 1789) as quoted in E l i z a b e t h Racz, "The Women's Rights Movement in the French Revolut ion", Science and Society , no. 16 (1952), p. 47. Olympe de Gouges, Dec larat ion des Droi t s de la Femme et la Gitoyenne. See also Archives parlementaires , Feb. 13, 1792 , v o l . 38, p. 466 for a p e t i t i o n request ing the reduct ion of the r i g h t s of fathers and husbands. 48. P e t i t i o n des femmes du T i e r s - E t a t au R o i : Motion de la pauvre Javot te , deputee des pauvres femmes, P a r i s , 1790. 49. P e t i t i o n des femmes du T i e r s - E t a t s du R o i : Requete des dames a l'Assemblee na t iona le , 1789 ; Requete des femmes pour leur admission aux Etats-Generaux, 1788. 50. Jane Abray, op. c i t . , p. 55. 51. As quoted in A. Chal lemal , Histoire-musee de la Republique Franchise ( P a r i s : G. Havard, 1857-8), p. 205. 52. Archives parlementaries , v o l . 36, p . 171. 53. As quoted in Marc de V i l l i e r s , H i s t o i r e des clubs de femmes, op. c i t . , p. 98. 54. Bouche de f e r , Jan. 3, 1791, as reproduced in T . J . B. Bouchez and P . C . Roux, H i s t o i r e parlementaire de la Revolut ion francaise ( P a r i s : Pau l in L i b r a r i e , 1834-38), v o l . 8, pp. 424-427. 55. Reimpression de 1'Ancien Moniteur, v o l . 11 (March 9, 1792), p. 575. 56. J . G i l c h r i s t , The Press in the French Revolut ion (Melbourne: Cheshire Press , 1971), p. 9. 57. "Encore un p e t i t i o n de femmes", in Revolutions de P a r i s , no. 143 (1792), pp. 20-24. 58. Paule Duhet, "Introduct ion" to Cahiers de doleances des femmes en 1789 P a r i s : Des femmes, 1981), p. 11. 59. George Rude, The Crowd in the French Revolut ion (Oxford: Oxford Univer -s i t y Press , 1967), p. 63. 60. I b i d . Also Procedure c r i m i n e l l e , i n s t r u i t e au Chatelet de P a r i s , sur la denonciat ion des f a i t s arr ive s a V e r s a i l l e s dans la journee du  6 octobre 1789 ( P a r i s : Baudoin, 1790), 2 v. 144. 61. Moniteur, v o l . 2, no. 70 (Oct. 10, 1789), p . -26 . 62. Etrennes Nationales des dames, Le t t re de Madame la M. deM. Reproduced in Cahiers de doleances de femmes en 1789, op. c i t . , pp. 101-106. 63. Approximately one-fourth of the witnesses claimed to have seen men dressed as women in the crowds. Very few witnesses gave the impression that th is event was dominated by women but rather that i t was a mixture of men and women. 64. M. de V i l l i e r s , Reine Audu: les legendes des journees d'octobre ( P a r i s : Emile -Paul F r e r e s , 1917). 65. Moniteur, v o l . 6 (October 1790), pp. 78-79. 66. M. de V i l l i e r s , Reine Audu, op. c i t . , p. 340. 67. Revolutions de P a r i s , no. 124 (November 19, 1791), p . 307. 68. As quoted in Mi de V i l l i e r s , Reine Audu, op. c i t . , pp. 344-345. 69. I b i d . , p. 348. 70. Moniteur, v o l . 13 (July 23, 1792), p. 205. 71. Correspondance inedi te de mademoiselle Theophile de F e r n i g , ed. Honore Bonhomme ( P a r i s : F irmin Didot , 1873), i n t r o d u c t i o n . 72. Proces -verbal de la Convention N a t i o n a l , v o l . 10 ( A p r i l 30, 1793), pp. 228-230. 73. Var ia t i ons on this law were repeated on August 1, 1793 and 22 Frimaire An I I . 74. See Note 1 ( th i s chapter) . 75. The majori ty of women so ld i er s included in my sample are recorded in the Proces-verba1 and in the s c h o l a r l y a r t i c l e s c i t e d in th i s chapter. While there are many other biographies a v a i l a b l e in books about the Revolut ion , the ones based on a r c h i v a l sources appear to be the most authent i c . 76. Proces-verba1, 25 p r a i r i a l , an 11, v o l . 39, pp. 254-255. On the a r i s t o -c r a t i c women who fought for the r o y a l i s t s in the Vendee, see Memoirs  of the Marquise de la Rochejaquelein (London: Routledge, 1933). The marquise re la tes the s tory of a young woman who she discovered to be f i g h t i n g in d i s g u i s e . She also notes many of her a r i s t o c r a t i c acquaintances who engaged in b a t t l e . However, she suggests that there were a lot of exaggerated s tor i e s about these ac t ions , inc lud ing those which re la t ed her own deeds. She claims that , in f a c t , she never fought in b a t t l e because she had nei ther the des ire nor the r e q u i s i t e courage (pp. 146-149). 145. 77. P . . v.- 5 ventose, an 11, v o l . 32, p. 180. 78. Leon Deschamps, "Les femmes-soldats dans la Sarthe" in La Revolut ion Franca i se , v o l . 47 (Ju ly /Dec . 1904), p. 328. 79. Camil le B l o c h , "Reine Chatton, Vo lonta ire (1793)" in La Revolut ion Franca i se , v o l . 49 (Ju ly /Dec . 1905), pp. 44-441. 80. Leon Hennet, "Une femme-soIdat: Anne-Francoise-Pelagie Du l i erre" , Annales Revo lut ionnaires , v o l . 1 (1908), pp. 610-621. 81. I b i d . , p. 617. 82. Moniteur, v o l . 17 (Sept. 26, 1793), p. 739. "Un c i toyen denonce une femme q u i , au meprise des l o i s qui excluent ce sexe des armees, a conserve un emploi dans c e l l e du Nord, ou les soldats ont tous les jours la honte de recevo ir ses ordres , c^ e qui leur dep la i t in f in iment ." 83. For example, the testimony of Femme Favre , quoted in Women in Revolu-t ionary P a r i s , op. c i t . , pp. 225-227. 84. Olwen Hufton, "Women and the Family Economic in Eighteenth Century France", op. c i t . , 85. For the most complete study of th is organizat ion see, Marie C e r a t i , Le Club des Citoyennes republ ica ines revo lut ionna ires ( P a r i s : Ed i t i ons Soc ia l e s , 1966). 86. Trans lated in Women in Revolut ionary P a r i s , op. c i t . , p. 161. 87. Quoted and t rans la ted in I b i d . , pp. 167-8. 88. Moniteur, v o l . 18, pp. 298-300. 89. I b i d . , p . 300. Trans la ted in Women in Revolut ionary P a r i s , op. c i t . , p . 215. 90. I b i d . , pp. 298-300. 91. I b i d . , pp. 450-51. Trans lated in Women in Revolut ionary P a r i s , op. c i t . p . 219. 92. H. Parker , The Cult of A n t i q u i t y and the French Revolut ionar ies (New York: Octagon Books, repr in ted 1965), p . 119. 93. Renouvier, op. c i t . , pp. 402-403. 94. For example, see the engraving e n t i t l e d "Le Carnaval des Rues de P a r i s " , reproduced in A. Dayot, De la regence a la r evo lu t ion ( P a r i s : Flam, 146. 95. For example, see a reproduction of the popular p r i n t "Mais au premier son du tambour" in Jean Adhemar, Graphic Art of the Eighteenth Century (London: Thames & Hudson, 1964), p. 181. 96. David Dowd, David: Pageant Master of the Republic (New York: Books for L i b r a r i e s , repr in ted 1969). 97. I b i d . , p. 109. 98. Moniteur, v o l . 17, p. 367. 99. I b i d . , p. 367. 100. Beatr ice Hyslop, "The Theatre during a C r i s i s : The P a r i s i a n Theatre during the Reign ofi:Terror", in The Journal of Modern H i s t o r y , v o l . 18 (December 1945), p. 345. 101. Marvin Car l son , The Theatre in the French Revolut ion (I thaca: C o r n e l l Un ivers i ty Press , 1966), p . 181. 102. Hyslop, op. c i t . , p. 338. 103. Recuei l des act ions hero'iques et c iv iques des Republ icains frangais ( P a r i s : Imprimerie Nat ionale , Year 2). A u l a r d , "Le Recuei l des act ions heroiques", La Revolution Franca i se , J u l y / D e c . 1914, pp. 193-211. 104. I b i d . , Book 2, p. 6 ; Book 3, p. 19. 105. I b i d . , Book 1, pp. 23-24. 106. I b i d . , Book 5, pp. 7-8. CHAPTER 4 THE WOMAN.WARRIOR IN IMPERIAL CHINESE HISTORY AND CULTURE INTRODUCTION In 1630, the las t Ming emperor, I - t sung, s t rugg l ing to defend the nat ion against .the\ onslaught of the Manchu forces , summoned the famed woman commander C h ' i n Liang-yu to the c a p i t a l , Peking. For the second time in ten years , C h ' i n Liang-yu l e f t Szechwan with her forces to a id in the defence of China. In recogni t ion of her p a t r i o t i s m and bravery, the emperor presented her with four poems of his own composit ion. The poems placed Liang-yu in the time-honoured t r a d i t i o n of the l oya l widows who rose above the customary i n c a p a c i t i e s a t t r i b u t e d to t h e i r sex to complete a m i l i t a r y mission begun by t h e i r husbands. However, the emperor's poetry also equated C h ' i n Liang-yu with the exotic foreign princesses created by the authors of Ming dynasty plays and novels , who used t h e i r m a r t i a l arts s k i l l s to defend t h e i r adopted Chinese homeland.''' The t r a d i t i o n of the 'worthy woman warr ior ' [n'u chan-shih] of which C h ' i n Liang-yu was a r e l a t i v e l y late example, began at least as ear ly as the f i f t h century A . D . In that p e r i o d , accounts of mothers, widows, wives and daughters who defended towns, v i l l a g e s and fami l i es began to appear in l o c a l and dynast ic h i s t o r i e s and the worthy warrior continued as a minor but constant theme in c o l l e c t i o n s of biographies of notable women [ l i e n - n i l chuan]. Within these c o l l e c t i o n s , the woman warrior was far outnumbered by examples of more conventional Confucian heroines who s a c r i f i c e d t h e i r l i ves to defend t h e i r c h a s t i t y . In a d d i t i o n , the worthy warr ior was under-stood to have performed her brave deeds in the midst of chaot ic h i s t o r i c a l 147 148. t imes. Nevertheless , the pers i s tence with which these women were presented as exemplary h i s t o r i c a l p e r s o n a l i t i e s suggests the need to examine t h e i r biographies in the context of the norms of behaviour ascr ibed to the idea l Confucian woman and to discover in what way m i l i t a r y a c t i v i t y , such as that undertaken by C h ' i n L i a n g - y u , was countenanced wi th in these p r e s c i p t i o n s . Far more numerous than h i s t o r i c a l women w a r r i o r s , were those depicted in the imaginative l i t e r a t u r e and art of China. These f igures have been re ferred to as 'amazons' and 'anti-women' for throughout the centuries they came to serve i n c r e a s i n g l y as representat ions of symbolic sexual 2 i n v e r s i o n . Dressed in armor, r i d i n g t h e i r horses l i k e the wind in pur -su i t of a husband or the enemy, the masculine behaviour of these women was instrumental i n def in ing norms of Confucian conduct prescr ibed for women by demonstrating t h e i r mirror opposi te . In a d d i t i o n , the barbarian p r o -venance of so many of these characters allowed for explorat ions and explanations of the Chinese c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y . F i n a l l y , as attempts to c ircumscribe the a c t i v i t i e s of women through the enforcement of widow c h a s t i t y and the p r a c t i c e of footbinding became more widespread the f i c t i o n a l images of women warriors may have provided some release for the s o c i a l and i n d i v i d u a l tensions that must have accompanied such changes. There has been v i r t u a l l y no s c h o l a r l y research devoted to e i ther the h i s t o r i c a l or the f i c t i o n a l Chinese woman w a r r i o r . This is so, to a great extent, because research into the l i ve s of Chinese women in general is recent and s t i l l l arge ly confined to the inves t i ga t ion of Confucian p r e -3 s c r i p t i v e l i t e r a t u r e and the twentieth century women's movement. Given the embryonic state of th i s f i e l d i t may seem premature to attempt to analyze h i s t o r i c a l p e r s o n a l i t i e s and l i t e r a r y f igures which appear to 149. contrad ic t what l i t t l e we do know about the l i ves of Chinese women. However as th i s chapter w i l l attempt to demonstrate, a study of the h i s t o r i c a l 'worthy w a r r i o r s ' serves to expand our understanding of the norms of behaviour deemed appropriate for the idea l Confucian woman. On the other hand, a study of the 'unruly amazons' of imaginative l i t e r a t u r e may c o n t r i -bute to our knowledge of h i s t o r i c a l v a r i a t i o n s in e f f o r t s to enforce these i d e a l s . This chapter w i l l begin with a review of the status of women in t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese soc i e ty , the idea l ro les and behaviour recommended for them in p r e s c r i p t i v e l i t e r a t u r e . It w i l l proceed to describe and analyze imaginative l i t e r a r y and a r t i s t i c images of the woman warrior and w i l l end with an examination of the h i s t o r i c a l evidence of Chinese women in b a t t l e . PART 1: THE STATUS OF WOMEN IN TRADITIONAL CHINESE SOCIETY According to the author of one of the most recent surveys of the h i s t o r y of Chinese women: Over the centuries the p o s i t i o n of women in t r a d i t i o n a l China gradual ly de ter iora ted u n t i l the degree of subordinat ion and contro l of women, whether in the family or in soc i e ty , has become p r o v e r b i a l . With few exceptions scholars accept th i s image of a steady dec l ine in the status of women in pre-twent ieth century China. In one of the f i r s t studies of the h i s t o r y of the l i ve s of Chinese women publ ished in 1928, the author, Ch'en Tung-yuan claimed that "women's l i v e s in the Ch' ing per iod [1644-1911] were worse than they had ever been in Chinese h i s t o r y . " He charac ter i zed t h e i r existence as ' b e s t i a l ' or 'inhuman' [ f e i - j e n sheng-hui For Ch'en and other scho lars , the most important elements of women's 150. oppression included Confucian a t t i tudes towards women and p r e s c r i p t i o n s for t h e i r behaviour in addi t ion to the p r a c t i c e of footb inding . In the second century B . C . when Confucianism became the state canon, the Five C l a s s i c s [Wu-ching] became the core of the dominant ideology. The Five C l a s s i c s , which included the Book of Odes [ S h i h - c h i n g ] , the Book of H i s t o r y [Shu-ching] , the Book of Changes [ l - c h i n g ] , the Book of Rites [ L i - c h i ] , and the Spring and Autumn Annals [ C h ' u n - c h ' i u ] , provided the c h i e f formative experience of the r u l i n g e l i t e of t r a d i t i o n a l China and helped to provide also the common percept ion they held of t h e i r world. And just as the Five C l a s s i c s defined the q u a l i t i e s of the s o - c a l l e d "superior man" [chun- tzu] , so too they def ined, though in a less d i rec t way, the q u a l i t i e s of the i d e a l women.^ In p a r t i c u l a r , the Book of Changes and the Book of Rites de l ineated the accepted elements of women's nature and prescr ibed behavioural patterns to ' c o n t r o l ' th is nature . It is in the Book of Changes that one finds the primary d e f i n i t i o n s of male and female c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s in the e laborat ion of the concepts of yift [ female/feminine] and g.ang. [male/mascul ine] . These elements were " o r i g i n a l l y conceived as i n t e r a c t i n g and complementary", with uang. being equated with heaven/sun and uiit with earth/moon. Soon, however, the r e l a t i o n s h i p became h i e r a r c h i c a l and a d d i t i o n a l a t t r i b u t e s such as dark, pass ive , moist and e v i l came to be associated with yJ-n, the feminine element.^ In the Book of R i t e s , an elaborate code of s o c i a l conduct i s o u t l i n e d . It emphasizes the s p a t i a l separat ion of the sexes with women being charac-t e r i z e d as ixeM-J.eJi or ' ins ide peop le ' , those who attend to c h i l d care , food p r e p a r a t i o n , weaving and the care of other family members. This separat ion of men and women is minutely d e t a i l e d throughout the course 151. of the work in such i n s t r u c t i o n s as: The men should not speak of what belongs to the ins ide (of the house), nor the women of what belongs to the outs ide . Except at s a c r i f i c e s and funeral r i t e s , they should not hand vessels one to another . . . They should not share the same mat in ly ing down; they should not ask to borrow anything from one another . . . While the Five C l a s s i c s were intended as a p r e s c r i p t i o n for soc iety in genera l , in the f i r s t century A . D . a ser ies of books appeared which were intended s p e c i f i c a l l y to educate women i n t h e i r proper r o l e s . The most notable of these were Pan Chao's Admonitions for Women [Nu-chieh] and L i u Hsiang's Biographies of Notable Women [Lieh-nu chuan]. In her work, which remained a primary text for female education into the twentieth century, Pan Chao out l ined four ideals of female conduct. According to the author, the idea l woman was, To guard c a r e f u l l y her c h a s t i t y ; to contro l c ircumspect ly her behavior; in every motion to exh ib i t modesty; and to model each act on the best usage, th i s i s womanly v i r t u e . To chose words with care; to avoid vulgar language; to speak at appropriate times; and not to weary others (with much conversat ion) , may be c a l l e d the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of womanly words. To wash and scrub f i l t h away; to keep c lothes and orna-ments fresh and c lean; to wash the head and bathe the body r e g u l a r l y , and to keep the person free from d i s g r a c e f u l f i l t h , may be c a l l e d the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of womanly bear ing . With whole-hearted devotion to sew and to weave; to love not gossip and s i l l y laughter; in c l ean l ines s and order (to prepare) the wine and food for serving guests, may be c a l l e d the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of womanly work..-. These four q u a l i f i c a t i o n s charac ter i ze the greatest v i r t u e of woman. No woman can a f ford to be without them. 9 The second important text wri t ten for women, L i u Hsiang's Biographies  of Notable Women, was intended to provide a ser ies of biographies which i l l u s t r a t e d the various behavioural ideals out l ined in the Confucian c l a s s i c s . In one analys i s of th i s c o l l e c t i o n , the author has c a l c u l a t e d that L i u Hsiang provided nineteen examples of benevolent women; nineteen 152. who were chaste; eighteen who refused to remarry af ter the death of a husband or to marry af ter the death of a betrothed; eighteen ce lebrated widows; eighteen minatory f igures ; s ixteen model mothers; and s ixteen 10 women who were ce lebrated for t h e i r d o c i l i t y and constancy. This p r a c t i c e of c o l l e c t i n g biographies of women to serve as ro le models was adopted i n l o c a l , p r o v i n c i a l , and dynast ic h i s t o r i e s . In a d d i t i o n , a number of separate p u b l i c a t i o n s , l i k e that of L i u Hsiang, were publ ished throughout the century and drew upon the examples furnished in the h i s t o r i e s . It would seem that r e l a t i v e l y soon af ter th i s genre was i n i t i a t e d , examples of biographies of women who had p a r t i c i p a t e d in 11 warfare were included in the c o l l e c t i o n s . Underlying and r e i n f o r c i n g the conceptua l i za t ion of the idea l Confucian woman as domestic, obedient and pass ive , was the p r a c t i c e of footb inding . Footbinding seems to have begun in the ear ly Sung Dynasty [960-1126 A . D . ] , a per iod noted for i t s promotion of orthodox Confucianism. From that time, footbinding seems to have become more popular and more widespread u n t i l i t reached i t s greatest extent in the Ch' ing Dynasty. This per iod has been re ferred to d e r i s i v e l y as "an age of small feet f o o l s . " " Footb inding , which involved the breaking of the arch and the bending of the toes under the foot , resu l ted in the idea l of the 'three inch golden l i l y ' . Through necess i ty and choice the prac t i ce was r e s t r i c t e d to those who could a f ford to do without women's labour. In a d d i t i o n , the Manchus and various ethnic groups wi th in China such as the Hakka, d id not encourage the binding of c h i l d r e n ' s fee t . However, as in the case of the other behaviours out l ined in th is s ec t i on , footbinding remained an i d e a l 153. and thus af fected a l l women's l i v e s . Wri t ing of the inf luence of ideals in general , C a r r o l l Smith Rosenberg has suggested that : P r e s c r i p t i o n is not behavior, yet i n d i v i d u a l fami l i es and women functioned as part of a cu l ture that accepted., norma-t ive a t t i tudes towards women's ro les and ro le d i v i s i o n s wi th in the fami ly . Even those who re jec ted a l i f e e n t i r e l y consistent with such ideals could not elude them completely for they ex is ted as parameters with which and against which i n d i v i d u a l s e i ther conformed or defined the nature of t h e i r d e v i a n c e . ^ While there is l i t t l e disagreement among scholars as to the basic out l ines of the Confucian p r e s c r i p t i o n s for i d e a l female conduct, there has been recent ly some debate over the r e l a t i o n s h i p between these ideals and the actual l i ve s of women in Chinese h i s t o r y . As noted at the beginning of th is chapter , the major i ty of scholars agree with the assessment of Ch'en Tung-yuan who i n s i s t e d that the actual status of women had dec l ined over the cen tur i e s . In other words, the Confucian idea l s were succes s fu l l y enforced in everyday l i f e . Two recent studies which examined the records of legal cases in the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries support th i s contention by revea l ing that footbinding and concern for widow c h a s t i t y 14 had reached the v i l l a g e l eve l by the Ch' ing dynasty. However, two a r t i c l e s publ ished in the c o l l e c t i o n Women in Chinese  Society question the image of continuous d e t e r i o r a t i o n . Joanna Handl in , in her a r t i c l e "Lu Kun's New Audience" suggests that u r b a n i z a t i o n , the expansion of the t e x t i l e i n d u s t r y , the spread of a money economy and the increase in women's l i t e r a c y a l l contr ibuted to an improvement in the ac tua l l i ve s of women. The percept ion that women's power was growing led to the negative response of greater r e s t r i c t i o n s on women and the p o s i t i v e response of wr i ters such as Lu Kun who suggested the ' comparabi l i ty ' of 154. men and women. The i d e a l i z e d view of the p o s i t i o n of women had gone unaltered for centur i e s , but in the s ixteenth century widespread female l i t e r a c y provoked men for the f i r s t time to perceive not the equa l i ty of women but t h e i r comparabi l i ty , and to ask just how given t h e i r obvious t a l e n t s , they d i f f e r from men. Those quest ions, once a r t i c u l a t e d during the Ming, continued to worry wri ters during the Ch ' ing . Handl in ' s contention that increased r e s t r i c t i o n s during the Ming were in response to an actual improvement in the l i v e s of women is cha l l eng ing . Unfortunate ly , the v a r i e t y of records necessary to support such a view are not yet a v a i l a b l e to the h i s t o r i a n . However, there is no doubt, as she suggests, that there was an increas ing concern to de l ineate yet again, the idea l roles and behaviour expected of men and women. The increase in the imaginative l i t e r a t u r e deal ing with the warr ior woman appears to have been p r e c i s e l y in response to th is purpose. In th is context , i t is i n t e r e s t i n g to note that in i l l u s t r a t i n g her contention that Lu Kun was sympathetic to the new woman, Handlin quotes his laudatory comments on Hua Mu-lan . While Lu Kun was using Mu-lan to discuss the comparabi l i ty of men and women, h is contemporaries were using the same f igure to emphasize t h e i r d i f f e r e n c e s . In a second a r t i c l e in Women in Chinese Soc ie ty , Mary Rankin suggests that the general ized image of the dec l ine in the status of Chinese women needs m o d i f i c a t i o n : Although the h i s t o r y of women during the Ch' ing has been l i t t l e s tudied , there is evidence that the usua l ly accepted dark p i c ture needs m o d i f i c a t i o n . Such e v i l s as bound feet , s ec lus ion , c u r t a i l e d educat ion, and a r i g i d , one-sided moral -i t y epitomized in the c u l t s of chas t i ty and v i r g i n i t y were r e a l enough. However, the actua l l i ves of gentry women often deviated markedly from the r e s t r i c t i v e Confucian i d e a l . The sympathetic male a t t i tudes that Joanna Handlin describes for the end of the Ming p e r s i s t e d and broadened. There were gen-e r a l trends toward l i b e r a t i o n that prepared the way for more f a r - r e a c h i n g , Western i n s p i r e d change. 155. The fragmenting of government power and the diminution of f a i t h in Neo-Confucianism during the late Ming and ear ly Ching, gave women unusual opportuni t ies to p a r t i c i p a t e in publ i c l i f e — C h ' i n Liang-yu (d . 1688) was the most s t r i k i n g of several women famed for t h e i r p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y exp lo i t s . 16 As in the case of Handl in ' s remarks, Rankin's suggestion that women's l i ves and status were not s t e a d i l y d e t e r i o r a t i n g is cha l l eng ing . However, once again, the evidence to support such a c la im for the ear ly Ch' ing i s weak. While the work of Paul Ropp has given more substance to the claims that a number of i n t e l l e c t u a l s were questioning the poor treatment of women in t h e i r soc i e ty , the a s soc ia t ion of C h ' i n Liang-yu with th is trend toward l i b e r a l i z a t i o n i s misplaced. In hindsight we can see that while C h ' i n Liang-yu may have provided i n s p i r a t i o n for some twentieth century women r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s , in her own time she was regarded as a loya l widow who c a r r i e d on the work of her husband as a service to the na t ion . While I would argue that the experience of C h ' i n Liang-yu does not contr ibute s i g n i f i c a n t l y to the debate over trends in the status of women, I would also argue that an analys is of the countless images of warr ior women in Chinese ar t and l i t e r a t u r e supports the argument that the concern to r e s t r i c t women to the domestic sphere was becoming more pronounced in the Ming and Ch' ing per iods . PART 2: THE WOMAN WARRIOR.T-N IMPERIAL CHINESE LITERATURE AND ART In 1822, L i u K ' a i , a res ident of the renowned Tung-cheng county in Anhui , completed h i s c o l l e c t i o n of biographies of notable women e n t i t l e d £ u a n g l i eh-n i l c h u a n . ^ While adhering to the t r a d i t i o n a l chapter d i v i s i o n s e s tab l i shed for th i s genre in the f i r s t century A . D . (empresses; v ir tuous mothers; chaste wives, e t c . ) , L i u K ' a i added many new and more recent 156. b iographies . In a d d i t i o n , the author appended an innovative chapter e n t i t l e d "Remarkable Women" [ c h ' i - n i i ] . In h i s in troduct ion to this s ec t ion , L i u K ' a i noted that while women had t r a d i t i o n a l l y been pra i sed for t h e i r c h a s t i t y and l o y a l t y , they had seldom been remembered for t h e i r serv ice on the b a t t l e -f i e l d . To r e c t i f y t h i s overs ight , L i u K ' a i presented f i f t y - f i v e examples of courageous women, most of them involved in some m i l i t a r y a c t i o n . A review of the author's sources reveals that , while most of the biographies had been taken from the nu-JJ^eh-chuari sect ions of the dynast ic h i s t o r i e s , most had never before been included i n the frequent ly publ ished b iograph ica l c o l l e c t i o n s of exemplary women. L i u K ' a i began his chapter with an inc ident recorded in the f i r s t century A . D . work The Annals of Wu and Yueh [Wu Yueh Ch' un-ch ' iu] . In th i s s tory the k ing of Wu asked h i s minis ter to explain to him the art of war. In answer, the minis ter suggested that the king summon to court the Yueh Woman [yueh-nu] who l i ved in the jungle and was renowned for her swordsmanship. Af ter an encounter with a div ine monkey who tested her s k i l l s , the maiden a r r i v e d at court where she explained to the king that the art of swordsmanship was acquired by learning the balance between the forces of yjM. and uang.. A good swordsman, she expla ined, should always appear calm l i k e a lady but be ready to spr ing into ac t ion l i k e a t i g e r . The k i n g , impressed with her s k i l l , i n v i t e d her to remain as the tutor ot h i s troops . A contemporary of L i u K ' a i , the Chekiang scholar Yen K'o-chun, recorded an equal ly ancient legend about a female tutor of the m i l i t a r y a r t s . In his c o l l e c t i o n of prose l i t e r a t u r e from remote a n t i q u i t y Yen included the legend of the Dark (or Mysterious) Woman [Hsuan nu] . A f t e r 157. lo s ing nine bat t l e s to C h ' i h Yu, Huang-t i (Ch ina ' s , legendary f i r s t emperor), journeyed to the holy T 'a i - shan in search of t h i s goddess who is described in the test as having a head l i k e that of a b i r d . The goddess explained to Huang-ti the mysteries of warfare and made for him eighty war drums to a id further his cause. According to Yen, there were four ancient books of m i l i t a r y s trategy which bore the goddess's name, and sections of them are quoted in h is c o l l e c t i o n . ^ In s tark contrast to these legends, with t h e i r supernatural elements, i s the equal ly famous account of women s o l d i e r s in the biography of Sun Tzu, an h i s t o r i c a l m i l i t a r y t u t o r . Sun Tzu, reputed to be the author of The Art of War [Ping Fa] wri t ten i n the f i r s t century B . C . , was described in Ssu-ma C h ' i e n ' s Records of the H i s t o r i a n [Shih c h i ] . According to the h i s t o r i a n , Sun Tzu's book resu l t ed in an interview with the k ing of Wu, H o - l u : Ho- lu s a i d , "I have read your th i r t een chapters , S i r , in t h e i r e n t i r e t y . Can you conduct an experiment in contro l of the movement of troops? Sun Tzu r e p l i e d , "I can ." Ho-lu asked, "Can you conduct th is test using women?" Sun Tzu s a i d , '.'Yes". The King thereupon agreed and sent from the palace one hundred and eighty b e a u t i f u l women. Sun Tzu d iv ided them into two companies and put the King's two favour i te concubines in command. He ins truc ted them a l l how to hold ha lberds . He then s a i d , "Do you know where the heart is and where the r ight and l e f t hands and the back are?" The women s a i d , "We know". "Sun Tzu s a i d , "When I give the order ' F r o n t ' , face in the d i r e c t i o n of the heart ; when I say ' L e f t ' , face toward the l e f t hand . . . " The women s a i d , "We understand". When these regulat ions had been announced the execut ioner's weapons were arranged. Sun Tzu then gave the orders three times and explained them f ive times, a f ter which he beat on the drum the s igna l 'Face R i g h t ' . The women a l l roared with laughter . Sun Tzu s a i d , "If regulat ions are not c l ear and orders are not thoroughly explained i t is the commander's f a u l t . " 158. [Sun Tzu repeated the orders but the women again burst into laughter . ] Sun Tzu s a i d , "If i n s t r u c t i o n s are not c l ear and commands not e x p l i c i t , i t is the commander's f a u l t . But when they have been made c l e a r , and are not c a r r i e d out in accordance with m i l i t a r y law, i t i s a crime on the part of the o f f i c e r s " . Then he ordered that the commanders of the r i g h t and l e f t U ranks be beheaded. [The king of Wu was h o r r i f i e d but Sun Tzu pointed out to him the commander as head of the army need not accept the King's o r d e r s . ] Thereupon he repeated the s ignals on the drum, and the women faced l e f t , r i g h t , to the f ront , to the r e a r , knelt and rose a l l in s t r i c t accordance with the prescr ibed d r i l l . They did not dare to make the s l i g h t e s t no i se . Sun Tzu then sent a messanger to the King and informed him: "The troops are now in good order . . . They may be employed as the King des i re s , even to the extent of going through f i r e and water.~0 The s i gn i f i cance of these three ta les for the h i s t o r y of both imagina-t ive and actual women warriors in China is two- fo ld . In the f i r s t ins tance , the f igure of the c e l e s t i a l female tutor would reappear frequent ly in novels , plays and short s tor i e s where she would be responsible for t r a i n i n g women and men in the magical elements of the ar t of war, and in p r o f f e r r i n g m i l i t a r y advice . While th i s magic element is completely absent from h i s -t o r i c a l accounts of a r i s t o c r a t i c 'worthy women w a r r i o r s ' , i t is a r e c u r r i n g theme in accounts of women who led and p a r t i c i p a t e d in heterodox r e l i g i o u s upr i s ings and bandit gangs. Secondly, while the Taois t s tory of the Woman of Yueh suggests that the m a r t i a l a r t i s t requires a balance of yJ-n and. y.ang., the 'Confucian' biography of Sun Tzu suggests that uarig. must overwhelm LJAJI in order for m a r t i a l s k i l l to be acquired . While the story of the woman of Yueh pos i t s the existence of a masculine and feminine p r i n c i p l e with separate c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , i t does not suggest that one is more valued than the other . Indeed, i t c l e a r l y 159. states that the ta lented mart ia l a r t i s t i s an androgynous i n d i v i d u a l , one who achieves a perfect balance in the q u a l i t i e s of uln and uang. On the other hand, the Confucian ta l e of Sun Tzu t r a i n i n g the palace women suggests that while warfare is an a r t , i t is an art which requires a manly s p i r i t . In order to test h is ta lents as a m i l i t a r y t u t o r , the King of Wu provided Sun Tzu with i n d i v i d u a l s apparently judged the least l i k e l y of s o l d i e r s , young, b e a u t i f u l concubines. Before the concubines could be taught how to wie ld weapons, t h e i r characters had to be mascul in-i z e d , a process which was achieved through t e r r o r . There i s , in th i s t a l e , a very strong element of s o c i a l and sexual symbolic i n v e r s i o n . The e a r l i e s t imaginative accounts of women w a r r i o r s , such as the ba l lad of Hua. Mu-La -.!, are c l o s e r in s p i r i t to the ta le of the Woman of Yueh. The s t o r i e s recognize the existence of yJ-n and uang. and suggest that men have more uang and women yJjz. However, they also suggest that women can move in and out of the male sphere, adopting uang c h a r a c t e r i s -t i c s and abandoning them as the occasion r e q u i r e s . While the T'ang dynasty s tor i e s of the nu-hsi-La (female knightsee'rnant) r e t a i n much of th i s q u a l i t y , by the Ming Dynasty, the f i c t i o n a l warrior women inhabited a world turned upside down. The story of Hua Mu- lan , perhaps the best-known warrior woman in Chinese c u l t u r e , made i t s f i r s t appearance in the s i x t h century A . D . in b a l l a d form. The b a l l a d opens with a d e s c r i p t i o n of the young woman performing women's work at her door-way: C l i c k , c l i c k , for ever, c l i c k , c l i c k ; Mulan s i t s at the door and weaves. L i s t e n , and you w i l l not hear the shut t l e ' s sound, But only hear a g i r l ' s sobs and s ighs . Oh, t e l l me, lady, are you th inking of your love, Oh, t e l l me, lady, are you longing for your dear? Oh no, oh no, I am not th inking of my love, Oh no, oh no, I am not longing for my dear. 160. Mu-lan explains that the Khan has summoned many s o l d i e r s , inc lud ing her fa ther , to defend the northern f r o n t i e r . But her father is too o ld and i l l and she has no e lder brother to take his p lace . Mu-lan has decided that she must go to war in his stead. The b a l l a d goes on to describe Mu-lan v i s i t i n g various markets in the town to purchase m i l i t a r y equipment. The next morning she leaves for the f r o n t . Disguised as her fa ther , Mu-lan f ights for twelve years . When the war ends, the Khan asks her what she would l i k e as her reward, th ink ing of course that Mu-lan is a man. However Mulan asks not to be made A Counsel lor at the Khan's court ; I only beg for a camel that can march A thousand leagues a day, To take me back to my home. Accompanied by her 'camp-fire companions' of the past twelve years , Mu-lan returns home where there is great r e j o i c i n g . Leaving her fe l low s o l d i e r s outs ide , Mu-lan goes to her old room and resumes female dress . She cast aside her heavy s o l d i e r ' s cloak And wore again her old-t ime dress . She stood at the window and bound her cloudy h a i r ; She went to the mirror and fastened her yellow combs. She l e f t the house and met her messmates in the road; Her messmates were s t a r t l e d out of t h e i r wi t s . They had marched with her for twelve years of war And never known that Mulan was a g i r l . For the male hare s i t s with i t s legs tucked i n , And the female hare is known for her bleary eye; But set them both scampering side by s ide , And who so wise could t e l l you "This i s he"? This b a l l a d c l e a r l y indicates that there were, in the s ix th century, recognized spheres of appropriate male and female a c t i v i t y . However, at c e r t a i n times, e s p e c i a l l y when men were incapac i ta t ed , women were capable of taking on t h e i r r o l e s . This pat tern may be found in a la ter period 161. when tales of female s o c i a l bandits [nu-hs ia] became popular in the T'ang dynasty. In these s t o r i e s , women who are t ra ined by c e l e s t i a l t u t o r s , use t h e i r m a r t i a l arts s k i l l s to r ight the wrongs of soc i e ty . Most often they do so by assass inat ing e v i l o f f i c i a l s . While these s tor i e s have obvious elements of sexual and s o c i a l i n v e r s i o n , they seem to point out d i f ferences without ass igning moral weight to the observance of idea l female behaviour. In this context i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that in the T'ang dynasty as w e l l , a r t i s t i c images and commentaries suggest that a r i s t o c r a t i c women enjoyed horseback r i d i n g and even polo p l a y i n g . [Figure l ] In the Former H i s t o r y of the T'ang [ C h ' i u T'ang--Shu] i t is recorded that: At the beginning of the K'a i -yuan per iod [713-742] the palace ladies who rode behind the carr iages a l l wore c e n t r a l Asian hats , exposing the:-.face, without a v e i l . Suddenly, t h e i r h a i r also was exposed when they broke into a g a l l o p . Some were wearing men's dress and boots. While women of the upper c lasses seem to have engaged in some outdoor and a t h l e t i c p u r s u i t s , i t i s also s i g n i f i c a n t that , in th i s p e r i o d , women s t i l l appeared on stage and some of them were experts in r i t u a l s of the m a r t i a l a r t s . In a famous poem by Tu Fu [712-720] he r e c a l l s a Lady Kung-sun who was the only member of the Imperial theatre who could perform the sword dance: There l i v e d years ago the b e a u t i f u l Kung-sun, Who, dancing with her sword, drew from a l l four quarters An audience l i k e mountains lost among themselves. Heaven and earth moved back and f o r t h , fo l lowing her motions, Which were br ight as when the Archer shot the nine suns down the sky. And rap id as angles before the wings of dragons. She began l ike a thunderbol t , venting i t s anger, ^ And ended l i k e the shining calm of r i v e r s and sea . . . According to the biographies of actresses contained in the Green Bower C o l l e c t i o n [Ch' ing lou c h i ] which has been t rans la ted by Arthur Waley, 162. women continued to perform in the theatre u n t i l the end of the Yuan dynasty [1260-1368]. It would appear that women played male as wel l as female roles and that at least two of them noted i n the c o l l e c t i o n s were m a r t i a l arts s p e c i a l i s t s . Pingyang Slave s p e c i a l i z e d in brigand ro les and robber ro les while. Jade Lotus was renowned for her acrobat ic and m a r t i a l arts 24 performances. What is not apparent from th i s information is whether these women were por tray ing female warriors as wel l as male w a r r i o r s . While the ba l lad of Mu-lan and the s tor i e s of female kn ights -errant con-tinued to be t o l d , I have not been able to locate any t h e a t r i c a l pieces which portray female w a r r i o r s . The most famous t h e a t r i c a l incarnat ion of Mu-lan was performed in the s ix teenth century during the Ming dynasty. By the date of th i s performance, a t t i tudes to women and t h e i r roles had d e f i n i t e l y changed and the new Mu-lan r e f l e c t s these changes. Hsu Wei [1521-1573] included his i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Mu-lan in a c o l l e c t i o n of four plays e n t i t l e d Four Cries of the Gibbon [Ssu-shen yuan]. The s tory follows the b a l l a d c l o s e l y with some s i g n i f i c a n t changes. It is noteworthy that the ro l e of Mu-lan was most l i k e l y performed by a male actor who could have s p e c i a l i z e d in Ahjji-Ah,a tan or female m a r t i a l arts r o l e s . Secondly, he would be p laying a woman who walked with the p e c u l i a r ga i t of one who has bound feet . In this p l a y , Mu-lan (who has been given the surname Hua) must p r a c t i c e the m a r t i a l arts exercises taught to her by her father before going of f to war. While these exercises allowed the actor to demonstrate a v a r i e t y of m a r t i a l arts s k i l l s , they a lso allowed the author and audience to r e f l e c t on the fact that women of Hua Mu-lan's rank were now p h y s i c a l l y impeded from undertaking a c t i v i t i e s of t h i s nature . 163. According to the stage d i r e c t i o n s , the actor was, slowly and with demonstration of great p a i n , to unwrap the bindings from h i s / h e r f ee t . Then the author has Mu-lan lament that i t has taken years to perfect her "pheasant head" feet but she remembers that her family has a magic formula that w i l l reduce the s ize of her feet upon her r e t u r n . Apparently the audience needed th is assurance in order to see any merit in th i s dec i s ion of Mu-lan's to go to war. Af ter a prolonged and t e a r f u l f a r e w e l l , Mu-lan sets o f f for war where she performs v a l i a n t l y . In th i s p l a y , when she re turns , a scene is added in which the woman warrior meets her future husband, who turns out to be a former commander. Af ter twelve years on the b a t t l e f i e l d , Mu-lan d isp lays appropriate feminine shyness by turning away bashfu l ly from an encounter with th i s man. Thus, there i s a b r i e f but s a t i s f y i n g and complete ro le r e v e r s a l that does not leave the audience in doubt, as does the b a l l a d , as to the future of the f i l i a l woman who was apparently twenty-nine years 25 o ld when she returned from b a t t l e . The evo lut ion of the story of Hua Mu-lan reached an extreme in the novel Romance of the Sui and T'ang [Sui T'ang yen-- i , 1675]. In a minor but s i g n i f i c a n t episode, Mu-lan is described as leaving for ba t t l e in sp i te of strenuous'.objections from her parents . While she is away, the neighbours, who are outraged by th i s ac t , harrass her father u n t i l he dies of shame. In th is v e r s i o n , when the Khan discovers her i d e n t i t y , he orders her to j o i n h i s harem. Appearing to accede to th is request , Mu-lan asks to f i r s t ?6 v i s i t the grave of her fa ther . While there , she commits s u i c i d e . This t r a g i c Mu-lan is an unusual permutation in t h i s constant ly repeated legend. It has been suggested that the author of Sui T'ang y e n - ' i 164. used th is s tory to express h is opinion of the Manchu dynasty. It would be very i n t e r e s t i n g to know how often male scholars i d e n t i f i e d with the f igure of Mu-lan or , indeed, any f i c t i o n a l woman w a r r i o r . However, of equal s i g n i f i c a n c e in th i s episode is the expression of a concern that must have underla in th i s legend in the Ming and C h ' i n g . The concern would be whether the noble intent of the young woman could ever overcome the shame f e l t by the fami ly , most l i k e l y over doubts about her c h a s t i t y . How i n t e r e s t i n g that , in the s i x t h century, Mu-lan was offered a p o l t i c a l post ing by the Khan, whereas in the ear ly C h ' i n g , he orders her to become one of his concubines. A second legend, that of the Yang family women generals , seems to have appeared only in the Ming. However, in i t s r e l a t i v e l y short h i s t o r y th i s legend also underwent an i n t e r e s t i n g and s i g n i f i c a n t - evo lu t ion . The Yang legend had i t s roots in h i s t o r y . Yang Yeh, the p a t r i a r c h of the c l a n , was a documented f igure whose biography appears in the H i s t o r y of the Sung [Sung-shih, 960-1279]. In th i s biography he is described as a famous general whose constant devotion to the emperor often went unrewarded because of machinations on the part of e v i l and jealous c o u r t i e r s . There i s , however, no record in h i s t o r y of the famous 2 8 Yang women, in sp i te of many attempts to f ind one. The Yang women seem to appear for the f i r s t time in Ming dynasty plays and novels . I n i t i a l l y , the focus of a t tent ion seems to be Yang Yeh 1 wife , the matr iarch She T ' a i - c h u n . In a Ming dynasty p lay Hsieh Chin-wu, and i n the various vers ions in novel form of th i s s t o r y , she is presented as a woman who accompanies her husband to bat t l e and who possesses great magical s k i l l s which she uses against enemies inc lud ing the Liao empresses 165. However, as the s tory was further elaborated during the Ming, new generations were added and new daughters- in- law were brought into the fami ly , inc lud ing three barbarian women s k i l l e d in mart ia l a r t s . These women accompany Yang-Yeh's son, the only surv iv ing Yang male, on a mission to destroy the cAe/i or supernatural m i l i t a r y formation of the L i a o . 30 After his death, they led a v i c t o r i o u s campaign against the Ta-Ta kingdom. E v e n t u a l l y , due to the frequent p o r t r a y a l of her character in Peking opera, the Yang saga came to focus on the most recent addi t ion to the fami ly , Mu K u e i - y i n g . The bas ic elements of Mu K u e i - y i n g ' s s tory are common to many other f i c t i o n a l Chinese women w a r r i o r s . A young, beaut i fu l barbarian p r i n c e s s , Mu Kue i -y ing made contact with Chinese c i v i l i z a t i o n when Yang Tsung-pao, the grandson of Yang Yeh, came to her country in search of a magic wood which would vanquish dragons. Mu Kue i -y ing f e l l in love with Tsung-pao and pursued him, s u c c e s s f u l l y , with the a id of her various d iv ine ly - taught m a r t i a l a r t s , inc lud ing f l y i n g swords and archery . Upon the l overs ' re turn to China, Tsung-pao's grandfather re jected t h e i r match but was persuaded eventual ly of the value to the Yang family of a s k i l l e d warr ior woman to help in t h e i r ongoing bat t l e s with the Liao Kingdom. There i s , in the character of Mu Kue i -y ing and in her l i t e r a r y counter-parts such as Fan L i - h u a , a strong current of the absurd. In these f i c t i i o n a l representat ions we can t r u l y see the an t i thes i s of the idea l Confucian woman, the 'anti-woman' and amazon. From e a r l i e r images of Chinese women who adopted the warr ior ro le in times of emergency, we have progressed to a young barbarian woman who pursues her husband across a b a t t l e f i e l d . While the e a r l i e r image remains, both in f i c t i o n and in the biographies 166. of notable women to be discussed in the next s ec t i on , I would suggest that the 'absurd' women warriors who are c l e a r l y perceived as examples of the world upside down, p r o l i f e r a t e throughout the Ming and C h ' i n g . In the late C h ' i n g , as w i l l be seen in the fo l lowing chapter, the c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n of many of these f i c t i o n a l women warriors as bandi ts , further adds to t h e i r s i gn i f i cance as examples of symbolic sexual and c u l t u r a l i n v e r s i o n . Two further examples of the 'absurd' woman warrior w i l l su f f i ce to make this p o i n t . 31 In what has been c a l l e d one of the most famous Ming dramas The Peony P a v i l i o n [Mu-tan t ' i n g , 1598], the c e n t r a l charac ters , the ever popular scholar and beauty, are counterbalanced by the u n c i v i l i z e d L i s , a m i l i t a r y couple who are f i g h t i n g on the side of the barbarian Chin against the Sung dynasty. The L i s are repeatedly introduced amidst the language and inc ident of symbolic i n v e r s i o n , both c u l t u r a l and sexual . Introducing himself to the audience, L i remarks: My problem is that I'm long on v a l o r and short on strategy; but l u c k i l y my wife , from the Yang fami ly , has mastered the 'pear blossom spear' and is more than a match for a whole army. What majesty when husband and wife r ide out together in b a t t l e . . . T r u l y r u s t i c dame is queen of the camp, the snake that swallowed the elephant; bandit ch ie f enfeoffed as a p r i n c e , Dame L i (enters c a r r y i n g spear): A hundred bouts to s t i r my amazon z e a l , Y o u ' l l see more blood than rouge. (she performs spear dance) Great c h i e f , a thousand years . I 've got my armor on, ^ So I won't pros trate myself . Later in the p l a y , Dame L i is r e f e r r e d to as a ' t i g r e s s ' who d ic ta tes ba t t l e plans from the d i s t a f f s ide . She is a lso presented in a h i l a r i o u s 167. d i scuss ion with a Chin emissary whom she struggles to please even though the 'barbar ian ' is so u n c i v i l i z e d that he can only make grunting noises and a n i m a l - l i k e gestures . F i n a l l y , Dame L i decides that she and her husband w i l l switch sides and j o i n the Sung when that court wise ly of fers her an a r i s t o c r a t i c t i t l e equal to that awarded by the Chin to her husband. The f i n a l example of the woman warr ior as an extreme representat ion of the world upside down is to be found in the seventeenth century novel K o - l i e n hua y i n g . This novel i s meant to serve as a sequel to the e r o t i c novel Chin Ping Mei and to provide a mirror image to the characters in the e a r l i e r s tory . In K o - l i e n hua-ying we see the characters of the f i r s t novel re incarnated and frequent ly l i v i n g l i ves which are the obverse of t h e i r former exis tence . In the scene of in teres t to th i s t h e s i s , a woman who was b r u t a l l y treated as a servant in her past l i f e , now has a chance to pay her former mistress back when she discovers that her husband i s having an a f f a i r with her. Madam Sung, the daughter of a general , who is described by the author as being more l i k e a man than a woman, sets out to deal with her husband and h i s new mis tre s s . She immediately mobi l i sed a l l the female members of her household. She se lected a troop of muscular wenches, armed them with long k i tchen knives , cudgels and broom handles and set them on horseback. She h e r s e l f p u l l e d on her t h i c k , leather r i d i n g boots, threw her war-cloak embroidered with gold snakes over her shoulders , clapped a ve lvet helmet on her head, ornamented with pear ls and a tuf t of feathers , buckled a sharp sword around her hips . . . and mounted her horse at the head of her troop of amazons. They set of f for a c e r t a i n estate not far from the Bridge of the Heavenly Current . It was as i f the troop were r i d i n g to w a r . 3 3 How can we account for the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of the image of the warr ior woman i n Ming and Ch' ing f i c t i o n and drama? C T . Hsia and Y.W. Ma have suggested, in pass ing , that there is a l i t e r a r y reason for th is development. 168. The f i r s t author notes That the female warrior should have gradual ly gained ascen-dancy appears inev i tab l e when one r e a l i z e s that each romance, while i n h e r i t i n g the formulas from his predecessors, was also obl iged to depart from the f a m i l i a r and of fer something n e w . 3 4 Ma, on the other hand, suggests that warr ior women, such as the Yang women generals , appeared in f i c t i o n because they did not appear in the h i s t o r i c a l r e c o r d . Consequently, the n o v e l i s t s were free to invent and 35 elaborate upon these characters . Given the d i scuss ion in the previous chapters of th i s phenomenon in Europe, and given the i n t e r n a l evidence of the plays and novels and f i n a l l y , given what we know about the evo lut ion of a t t i tudes to women and t h e i r ro les in Chinese h i s t o r y , I would suggest at th i s point that there is a s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l explanation for these images. The imaginative ta les of women warriors had, i n i t i a l l y , an intent s i m i l a r to that of Chinese legends of the kingdoms of women which were bel ieved to ex is t on the bounds of the known world. According to the c l a s s i c of the Mountains and the Seas [Shan ha i ch ing , c i r c a f i r s t century A . D . ] for example: Among the south western barbarians . . . there is a Kingdom of Women. Its women are f i e r c e and i t s men r e s p e c t f u l . A woman is the r u l e r of the people and takes a nobleman to husband . . . Men are appointed as concubines . . . at most a hundred men; at least a s ing le mate . 3 ^ These legends and the ear ly imaginative accounts of warrior women served to define idea l behaviour for men and women by demonstrating the mirror opposi te . Throughout the centuries however, the numbers of such images increased and t h e i r characters became more 'unruly ' and amazon-l ike. More often than not they used the ir m a r t i a l s k i l l s , not on behalf of the 169. nat ion but for s e l f - i n t e r e s t . Mu K u e i - y i n g ' s pursu i t of her future husband^ Fan L i - h u a ' s murder of family members, and Madam Sung's beating of her husband are e x p l i c i t l y and i n t e n t i o n a l l y a n t i - C o n f u c i a n . These images p r o l i f e r a t e d not simply as an inev i tab l e l i t e r a r y e v o l u t i o n . Rather, they r e f l e c t a more widespread and intense adherence to Confucian norms of behaviour. These s tor i e s teach about the norms but also provide momentary release from the tensions which must have accompanied attempts to put them into p r a c t i c e or simply the general pressures to conform. Tha-IVisua! Image .of Chine'se>Warrior/ Woman'.• ' V i s u a l images of f i c t i o n a l and h i s t o r i c a l warr ior women are to be found most often in woodblock p r i n t s which accompanied publ ished novels , plays and c o l l e c t i o n s of biographies of notable people. The representat ions of these women d i f f e r e d from conventional female imagery in that warr ior women were depicted out -o f -doors , engaged in masculine occupations and dressed, to a greater or lesser extent, in masculine c l o t h i n g . With the exception of some l i v e l y s c u l p t u r a l and painted images of T'ang dynasty horsewomen, [Figure: l ] Chinese a r t i s t i c t r a d i t i o n s d i c ta ted that women be portrayed ins ide the domestic environment. [Figure 2] While the gentleman scholar was usua l ly portrayed as contemplating i n f i n i t e and symbolic landscapes, ' l a d i e s ' were depicted as p a i n t i n g , p lay ing music or engaged in other domestic occupations . In dramatic c o n t r a s t , the woman warrior was i n v a r i a b l y portrayed outside of the domestic sphere. The t r a n s i t i o n was made e x p l i c i t in images of Hua Mu-lan who was frequent ly depicted standing on or just 170. outside of the threshold of her parent 's home. [Figures. 3 and 4] These 'women on the outs ide ' not only occupied the masculine sphere but were portrayed as undertaking male a c t i v i t i e s and adopting masculine gestures . Even the matr iarch She T 'a i - chun is portrayed as r i d i n g her horse into ba t t l e [Figure 5] while the h i s t o r i c a l Lady Hsien is frequently depicted r i d i n g through the ' u n c i v i l i z e d ' areas of Kwangtung to accept the homage of t r i b a l l eaders . [Figure 6] While these respectable women are shown r i d i n g in a l a d y - l i k e manner, Mu K u e i - y i n g , true to charac ter , i s shown as ga l lop ing in pursu i t of her quarry. [Figure 7] F i n a l l y , in an image which is also unusually 'mascul ine ' , Hua Mu-lan is depic ted , in a seventeenth century i l l u s t r a t i o n , as r e s t i n g with her r i g h t foot on a high rock. It is a decidedly unfeminine stance. [Figure 8] A c h a r a c t e r i s t i c also noteworthy about Mu Kue i -y ing and Hua Mu-lan i s the extent of t h e i r masculine a t t i r e . As in the European t r a d i t i o n , the a r i s t o c r a t i c women who lead armies are depicted in modified m i l i t a r y a t t i r e . Thus, in a seventeenth century i l l u s t r a t i o n , Lady Hsien is p o r -trayed in an elegant combination of armor and feminine dress . [Figure 9] On the other hand, the barbarian Mu Kue i -y ing and Hua Mu- lan , who is in d i sgu i se , are usua l ly portrayed in a more masculine manner, perhaps the most c h a r a c t e r i s t i c element being the prominent d i s p l a y of t h e i r feet , which are c lad in boots. One of the most mysterious images of a warrior woman produced in China is c u r r e n t l y housed in the Nat ional Museum of Taiwan. [Figure 10] The p a i n t i n g is be l ieved to be by the Jesu i t a r t i s t C a s t i g l i o n e , who 37 became court pa inter to the emperor Ch' ien Lung in 1736. The p a i n t i n g 171. is genera l ly held to represent the emperor's favouri te concubine, H s i a n g - f e i . - H s i a n g - f e i was the wife of the governor or Yarkand in Chinese Turkestan;." Her husband joined in a revo l t against Ch' ien Lung but was k i l l e d in b a t t l e and H s i a n g - f e i was taken p r i s o n e r . Although Ch' ien Lung apparently lavished a t tent ion and luxuries on her, H s i a n g - f e i refused to accept the r o l e of concubine and eventual ly committed s u i c i d e . Why did Ch' i en Lung order or accept an image of h is "concubine" dressed for bat t le? And why did C a s t i g l i o n e portray her in th i s p a r t i c u l a r manner? In both cases , I would suggest, there was a des ire to represent symbol i ca l ly the chaste and loya l widow. From the point of view of the European a r t i s t , this pa in t ing is an image of ' f o r t i t u d e ' or ' s t r e n g t h ' . It i s s trongly reminiscent of the Athena- l ike images discussed in the second chapter of th i s t h e s i s . In Cesare Ripa's Iconolog ia , a seventeenth century a r t i s t ' s handbook with which the a r t i s t must have been f a m i l i a r , the author explains why f.o/vto.^a or strength should be depicted as an armed woman: . . . not to declare that a strong man should emulate feminine ways, but to make the f igure su i t the way we speak; or be-cause, as every v i r t u e is an image of the t r u t h , the beaut i fu l and the d e s i r a b l e , . . . and as beauty is commonly a t t r i b u t e d to women, one can use them to represent them convenient ly; or , r a t h e r , because just as women, depr iv ing themselves of those pleasures to which nature i n c l i n e s them acquire and keep the reputat ion of s p e c i a l honour, so should the strong man, with r i s k s to h is own body, with the dangers of his l i f e , and with his s p i r i t on f i r e with v i r t u e , give b i r t h to reputat ion and fame of high esteem. 3 ^ Consequently, I would suggest that Cas t ig l i one was responding to the information that H s i a n g - f e i c a r r i e d a kni fe in order to enforce her re fusa l to become Ch' ien Lung's concubine. Ch' ien Lung, for his p a r t , must have accepted th i s image as being comparable to those of other m a r t i a l , but 172. chaste , widows such as Lady Hs ien . It is an i n t e r e s t i n g admission of his attempt, and f a i l u r e , to have H s i a n g - f e i abandon one of the Ch' ing dynasty's most cherished Confucian p r e s c r i p t i o n s for women; that of widow c h a s t i t y . PART 3: THE WOMAN WARRIOR IN IMPERIAL CHINESE HISTORY While images of women warriors in the arts were p l e n t i f u l in t r a d i t i o n a l Chinese soc i e ty , h i s t o r i c a l accounts of 'worthy women w a r r i o r s ' were r e l a -t i v e l y scarce . In a d d i t i o n , these accounts were to be found most often in the sect ion of l o c a l , p r o v i n c i a l and dynast ic h i s t o r i e s which was devoted to the biographies of women who could serve as ro le models for female readers . W r i t i n g of the philosophy which i n s p i r e d Chinese biography, Arthur Wright has noted that: The Confucian curr i cu lum, designed to i n s t i l l ul t imate ideals and operat ing p r i n c i p l e s in the minds of the young, gave r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e weight to e t h i c a l theory, to abstract l o g i c -a l l y r e la t ed statements about 'the good'. Instead, i t tended to teach by parable and example and, in th i s process to make intens ive use of minatory and exemplary f igures of the past . These f igures were not treated simply as bundles of des irable or undesirable character t r a i t s operating in concrete s i t u a -t i ons ; t h e i r dilemmas, t h e i r choices , and the circumstances surrounding them were usua l ly known. In this way the youth gradual ly came to know a v a r i e t y of character t r a i t s operating in concrete s i t u a t i o n s . 3 9 As a consequence of th i s phi losophy, the a v a i l a b l e biographies of warrior women are in fact 'parables ' which re la t e inc idents or a ser ies of inc idents in which a p a r t i c u l a r woman responded to a s i t u a t i o n with exemplary behaviour. They are in no sense well-rounded p o r t r a i t s of i n d i v i d u a l s and provide us with minimal information as to the character ' s 'dilemmas and c h o i c e s ' . In sp i te of these shortcomings, the biographies are worthy of study because they were c o n t i n u a l l y r e p r i n t e d , added to and, in the case of L i u K ' a i ' s n i n e t e e n t h century work Kuang l i eh -nu chuan, the warrior women 173. were a l l o t t e d a separate chapter . If the f i c t i o n a l images of the warrior women may be understood as represent ing elements of symbolic sexual i n v e r -s i o n , how is i t poss ib le for another group of warrior women to be considered exemplars of Confucian v ir tue? The answer to th i s may be found in a study of a number of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s common to the women included in L i u K'a i ' ; s chapter . In most cases, L i u K ' a i reproduced these biographies verbatim from dynast ic h i s t o r i e s . In a d d i t i o n , explanations may be sought in the study of other ro les p e r i o d i c a l l y granted a r i s t o c r a t i c women, in the a t t i tude towards warfare i t s e l f , and in the p o s s i b i l i t y that the exemplary woman warr ior was meant to serve as a ro le model for men as much, i f not more so, than for women. L i u K ' a i ' s chapter e n t i t l e d "Remarkable Women" contains f i f t y - f i v e short b iographies , the majori ty of which portray women in m i l i t a r y s i t u a -t i o n s . While the f i n a l biographies are undated, i t would appear that the chapter covers the period from the f i r s t century A . D . to the late Ming and ear ly C h ' i n g . However, seventy- f ive per cent of the biographies are placed in a per iod before the Ming and the majori ty of them appear to be from the per iod 221-906 A . D . In add i t i on to p lac ing his women warriors in e a r l i e r , unsett led times, L i u K ' a i tends to choose them from areas which l i e on the borders of Chinese c i v i l i z a t i o n . Thus, in a biography from the Han, he notes that a woman named L i Y i - n u was the daughter of the prefect [ t z ' u shih] of Chang-chou. In an attempt to que l l the barbarians her father was k i l l e d and so the people of the area se lected h i s daughter to succeed him. With the help of an army she restored order and b u i l t a wall which was known as The Heavenly Woman Wall [ T ' i e n - n u ch'eng] . 174. In add i t i on to l i v i n g in unset t led times, and often in out ly ing areas, the exemplary woman warr ior was almost always the daughter, wife or mother of an o f f i c i a l , magistrate [ t ' a i - shou]be.ingLEhe mos t frequent rank mentioned in these b iographies . The women who led armies consequently were l inked to fami l i e s with legi t imate p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y author i ty in t h e i r area . In a d d i t i o n , the women are frequent ly mentioned as having bought an army, something only higher ranking fami l i es could a f f o r d . For example, in the Hi s tory of the Chin [Chin shu, 263-316 A . D . ] Hsu--.n Kuan is i d e n t i f i e d as the daughter of a magistrate in present-day Hupeh. When t h e i r c a p i t a l c i t y was attacked and surrounded by the forces to Tu Tseng, the magistrate was unable to break through the blockade to send for reinforcements . To help her fa ther , the t h i r t e e n - y e a r - o l d Hsu .n Kuan gathered a small army and l e f t the c i t y at n ight . Leading them in a successful ba t t l e she broke through enemy l ines and managed to send 40 word to neighbouring areas who responded with m i l i t a r y a i d . In another examp le > ..which comes from the T'ang dynasty, an o f f i c i a l in the western part of Szechwan was away when enemy forces attacked his c a p i t a l . Consequently, his wife Madam Jen,who is described as unusually v a l i a n t , went out and employed thousands of s o l d i e r s . She got on her '. ~ 41 horse and led these s o l d i e r s in a successful defense of the c i t y . In the three examples c i t e d , the male r e l a t i v e of the e l i t e women had been incapac i ta ted , away, or k i l l e d in b a t t l e . In order for the act ions of these women to be considered praiseworthy, some explanation must be given for the i n a b i l i t y of the male r e l a t i v e to carry out the task. Hua Mu-lan's aging and i l l father who can no longer serve in the army is perhaps the most famous example of t h i s . 175. In another example c i t e d by L i u K ' a i from the northern Wei [386-535] Madam L i u is i d e n t i f i e d as the wife of the magistrate of Tzu t'ung (Shans i?) . When the Liang army came to attack the town, the magistrate was s e r i o u s l y i l l . Consequently, Madam L i u took up the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of organ iz ing , p r o v i s i o n i n g and defending the town. She i n s t i t u t e d severe d i s c i p l i n e and threatened with death anyone who t r i e d to desert . Madam L i u success fu l ly 42 defended the town for one hundred days. F i n a l l y , a l l 'worthy' women warriors of the Ueh-n'il chuan are presented as defenders of f a m i l i e s , towns or nat ions . Unlike the 'amazonian' f igures of h i s t o r i c a l romance, they are never presented as m i l i t a r y aggressors . Except for Hua Mu- lan , who is presented in v i r t u a l l y a l l b iographica l c o l l e c t i o n s of notable women along with h i s t o r i c a l f i gures , the exemplary 43 women warriors lead armies wi th in the confines of t h e i r towns and c i t i e s . In a t y p i c a l example of the Chin dynasty c i t e d by L i u K ' a i , Madam Han, the mother of the prefect of Liang chou, heard that the enemy was coming to attack her town. Consequently, she decided to take r e s p o n s i b i l i t y in preparing the town for defense. To th i s end she organized one hundred maid servants and several women from the town and together they b u i l t a two hundred foot add i t ion to the c i t y w a l l . This a d d i t i o n , which served to protect the c i t y , was named the Lady's Wall [Fu- jen c h ' e n g ] . ^ In summary, the dynast ic h i s t o r i e s in general and the publ ished c o l l e c t i o n s of notable women such as L i u K ' a i ' s Kuang l i eh -nu chuan locate exemplary women warriors in a context which includes unset t led times, barbarian populat ions , the i l l n e s s or death of a high-ranking male r e l a t i v e and the necess i ty of defending a town or a country from enemy at tack . Two biographies in L i u K ' a i ' s chapter , widely separated 176. in time, i l l u s t r a t e wel l th i s combination of f a c t o r s . The f i r s t i s the biography of Madam Hsien , a s i x t h century res ident of Kwangtung, and the second is the biography of C h ' i n L i a n g - y u , a seventeenth century res ident of Szechwan. As her name suggests, Madam Hsien was not of Han o r i g i n but was born to a family of nat ive ch i e f ta ins in Kwangtung. According to her biography, 45 which is recorded in a number of publ ished sources, Madam Hsien ra i sed an army to a id her parents in the p a c i f i c a t i o n of neighbouring t r ibes while she was s t i l l young. In most vers ions of her biography the people of Kwangtung or Yueh are described as being quarrelsome and her brother is given as an example. As prefect of Nan-Liang chou, he was frequent ly engaged in a t tack ing his neighbours without just cause and his s i s t e r , Madam Hsien , admonished her brother and put an end to the s t r i f e . Around the year 535, Feng Yeh, the prefect of Lo'.,chou in Kwangsi, heard of Madam Hs ien . His family had been pasted in the south for many generations but apparently had some d i f f i c u l t y e s t a b l i s h i n g t h e i r a u t h o r i t y . Consequently, he arranged a marriage between Madam Hsien and his son Feng Pao, the magistrate of K a o - l i a n g . Af ter t h e i r marriage, Madam Hsien found i t necessary to continue her m i l i t a r y a c t i v i t i e s . The.pre.fect of Kao Chou, L i Ch ieh - sh ih , decided to rebel against the emperor and summoned Feng Pao to discuss th is with him. Madam Hsien encouraged her husband to feign i l l n e s s and set out in h i s place with an army at her back. Judging c o r r e c t l y that L i would not expect any m i l i t a r y ac t ion on her p a r t , Madam Hsien e a s i l y occupied the town and arrested the t r a i t o r . A f t e r her husband d i e d , h i s widow c a r r i e d on the work of ' p a c i f y i n g ' 177. the south. Wearing armor she rode through the t e r r i t o r i e s of the south q u e l l i n g upr i s ings and obtaining oaths of a l l eg iance to the emperor from native c h i e f t a i n s . [Figure 6] One of the rebels was her grandson, whom Madam Hsien qu ick ly j a i l e d in sp i te of her close family r e l a t i o n to him. Throughout her career , Madam Hsien was awarded a number of feudal t i t l e s , some of them r e s u l t i n g in t i t l e s for her son. It may also be that some of these '. t i l t ' 1 e ;s :\c a r x; i.e d with them p o l i t i c a l and f i n a n c i a l powers and remunerations. While the people re ferred to her as Sheng-mu, sage or holy mother, her best-known o f f i c i a l t i t l e was Lady Ch' iao Kuo [Ch'iao-kuo fu-j 'en] . The second example, Ch' in L i a n g - y u , was born c i r c a 1575, in Chung*-Chou, Szechwan, to a family reknowned as Ming l o y a l i s t s . Perhaps because of his p o l i t i c a l c o n v i c t i o n s , L iang 'yu ' s father appears to have given a l l of h i s c h i l d r e n , inc lud ing his daughter, m i l i t a r y t r a i n i n g . However, though Ch' ing dynasty accounts of Liang-yu and her brothers C h ' i n M i n - p ' i n g and C h ' i n Pang-p ' ing , laud them as l o y a l i s t s , they tend to dwell on the fami ly ' s e f f o r t s to suppress rebels and bandits rather than on t h e i r bat t l es against the Manchu invaders . C h ' i n Liang-yu married Ma Ch' ien-cfu' eng who was a U-AA'LL, or hered i tary c h i e f , in Shih-chu, Szechwan. Together, Liang-yu and her husband led an army known as the VaL-kan, ping, which they used to q u e l l many l o c a l u p r i s i n g s . Liang-yu became the sole leader of th i s army when her husband died in p r i s o n a f ter having been accused, f a l s e l y , of treason. Along with her brothers , C h ' i n Liang-yu continued to suppress r e b e l l i o n s in her prov ince . However, on two occas ions , in 1620 and 1630, the emperor summoned Liang-yu and her troops to a i d in the defense of the country 178. against Manchu invas ions . On the second occas ion , Liang-yu was accompanied by her son Ma H s i a n g - l i n and daughter- in- law Ma Feng- i who were both capable m i l i t a r y leaders . Af ter rece iv ing the emperor's poet ic t r i b u t e , C h ' i n Liang-yu l e f t her son and daughter- in- law in charge of the Szechwanese troops in Peking and returned home, yet again , to help que l l r e b e l l i o n in her native prov ince . Three years l a t e r , having lost her brothers , her son and daughter- in- law in various b a t t l e s , C h ' i n Liang-y'u fought many successful bat t l e s against the rebel Ch'ang hsien-chung. In recogni t ion of her l o y a l t y C h ' i n Liang-yu received many honourable t i t l e s inc luding that of Marquis Chung-chen [Cheng-chen hou]. As demonstrated in th i s review, the act ions of women warriors appear to contradic t many of the norms of conduct prescr ibed for the idea l Confucian woman. The women conducted t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s in the pub l i c sphere and among men. In th i s sphere they led armies, wielded weapons and dressed in masculine armor. And yet , they were presented as exemplary h i s t o r i c a l p e r s o n a l i t i e s . A number of factors may be suggested as expla in ing th i s apparent c o n t r a d i c t i o n . Within the context of the biographies of notable women, whether in l o c a l and dynast ic h i s t o r i e s or in separate p u b l i c a t i o n s , the warrior woman was far outnumbered by examples of more conventional Confucian heroines . P a r t i c i p a t i o n in warfare was presented, then, as an exceptional act iv i t y . Within the context of the volumes of h i s t o r y in which they i n i t i a l l y appeared, the warr ior women were understood to be responding to except ion-a l l y chaot ic t imes. Dennis Twitchett has remarked that dynast ic and l o c a l h i s t o r i e s were wr i t ten to be read from cover to cover and that b iograph ica l 179. 47 sect ions can only be understood as an extension of the ent i re saga. Thus, many of the biographies of women who p a r t i c i p a t e d in warfare would only be encountered af ter lengthy descr ipt ions of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l d i s i n t e g r a t i o n . The m i l i t a r y act ions of women may also be seen in the context of c u l t u r a l a t t i tudes towards warfare i t s e l f . While warfare was considered to be an a r t , i t was not the pre ferred art of s o c i a l c o n t r o l . According to the ed i tor of a recent volume of essays on Chinese m i 1 i t a.r y ..h i s ,t o r y t h e r e were three acceptable ways by which to main-t a i n s o c i a l order and they were ranked in order of preference . The f i r s t was education, the second was a system of rewards and punishments and the last was the use of the m i l i t a r y . It was employed as a las t resort when d isorder had reached such proport ions that ne i ther i n d o c t r i n a t i o n in the c l a s s i c a l teachings nor suasion by reward and punishments was e f f i c a c i o u s . If the r u l e r had set the proper moral tone and the i n s t i t u t i o n s of state and soc ie ty had functioned p r o p e r l y , the v i o l e n t coercion of large numbers as in warfare should be unnecessary. Thus, the very need to resort to arms s i g n a l l e d a breakdown in the s o c i a l order . This context was re in forced by inc lud ing among the women warriors examples of women who l i v e d in areas such as Szechwan and Kwangtung which were considered to be c u l t u r a l l y marginal in terms of the depth to which Confucian norms of behaviour had penetrated the s o c i a l f a b r i c . For example, in the biography of Madam Hs ien , as i t is recorded in the Pei s h i h , the author notes, in pass ing , that the people of Yueh seemed to f ight a 49 great d e a l . Though l i t t l e other b iograph ica l information is included in these accounts, the woman's s o c i a l rank is always s tated . However, even with 180. t h i s s ta tus , the woman warrior only takes on a m i l i t a r y ro le when her male r e l a t i v e i s incapac i ta ted or absent. In Chinese h i s t o r y , a s i m i l a r permission was granted to women who served as regents . While there was no S a l i c law in China, Confucian a t t i tudes towards women and the norms of behaviour set for th for them, made a woman r u l e r seem aberrant . And yet , on many occas ions , women served as empress .regents.. In one of the few studies ever untaken of empress regents , Chao Feng-chieh suggested that throughout Chinese h i s t o r y , empresses had served as regents in three types of emergency: when the emperor was very young; when the emperor was i l l or otherwise incapac i ta ted; and f i n a l l y , when the emperor died suddenly and had l e f t a posthumous edic t which designated the empress as h i s representat ive . Under these cond i t i ons , empresses in the Han, Northern Wei, L i a o , Sung, Yuan and Ch' ing dynasties had wielded both p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y power. Chao further suggested that what had begun in the Han as a temporary so lu t ion to an emergency, had by the Ch' ing become an i n s t i t u t i o n . ^ 0 The condit ions under which women were allowed to rule are s i m i l a r to those in which women were pra i sed for undertaking m i l i t a r y a c t i v i t y . It i s a pra i se which rests on respect for the author i ty invested in p a r t i c u l a r ranks or o f f i c e s . When the male author i ty f igure is i n c a p a c i -ta ted , h is r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s are temporari ly invested in his c loses t family member who, in many cases, is a woman. F i n a l l y , I would suggest tha t , unl ike many other Confucian heroines , the woman warr ior was intended as a ro le model or i n s p i r a t i o n for men as much as for women. As noted p r e v i o u s l y , in h is book on women, Lu Kun 181. proclaimed that Hua Mu-lan was h i s teacher. ~"1 Once again , the i n s p i r a t i o n re su l t s from a b e l i e f in women's lesser i n t e l l e c t u a l and moral c a p a c i t i e s . If a woman has proven able to r a l l y and command an army, how much more should one expect a man to prove equal ly competent and w i l l i n g in s i m i l a r circums tances. It is in th i s context that I would suggest an important r a t i o n a l e behind L i u K ' a i ' s dec i s ion to include a spec ia l chapter on warr ior women in his c o l l e c t i o n of biographies of notable women. L i u K ' a i was a res ident of Teng-cheng county in Anhui . An important element in the philosophy of pub l i ca t ions which emanate from this area was a b e l i e f in s o c i a l a c t i v i s m . ^ The f i n a l chapter of h is c o l l e c t i o n contains many examples of women who overcame customary r e s t r i c t i o n s and the general i n c a p a c i t i e s ascr ibed to t h e i r sex to defend the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l order . Their act ions were presented as a t r i b u t e to that system and as an i n s p i r a t i o n to others who would act in order to defend i t . While the worthy warriors obeyed the s o c i a l rules insofar as c ircum-stances al lowed, the unruly amazons of f i c t i o n i n c r e a s i n g l y f launted those same r u l e s . Disguised in men's c lo thes , pursuing husbands or beating them for some transgress ion , these women served as examples of symbolic invers ion in which they i l l u s t r a t e d what a world without s o c i a l p r o p r i e t i e s would look l i k e . There i s , in the annals of Chinese h i s t o r y , another group of women warriors whose act ions and descr ip t ions bear a c lose resemblance to those of the unruly amazons of f i c t i o n . The group cons is t s of women in r e l i -gious sects and bandit organizat ions who p a r t i c i p a t e d in and led many 182. m i l i t a r y act ions in an attempt to undermine the s o c i a l and/or p o l i t i c a l s tructure of China. Their act ions w i l l be analysed in the fo l lowing chapter . 183. FIGURE 1: T'ANG DYNASTY POTTERY FIGURE SHOWING A WOMAN PLAYING POLO 184. FIGURE 2: ILLUSTRATION FROM THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY NOVEL DREAM OF THE RED CHAMBER SHOWING A MORE CONVENTIONAL PORTRAIT OF A NEI-JEN 186. FIGURE 4: MU-LAN RETURNING HOME, AN ILLUSTRATION FROM LU KUN, KUEI FAN (1590) 187. FIGURE 5: SHE T'AI-CHUN LEADING THE YANG FAMILY WOMEN'S ARMY, AN ILLUSTRATION FROM YANG-CHIR-FU YEN-I 188. MADAM HSIEN RECEIVING HOMAGE FROM TRIBAL LEADERS, AN ILLUSTRATION FROM WANG CHUAN-YUAN, LIEH NU CHUAN PU-SHU (1812) 189. FIGURE 7: MU KUEI-YING IN BATTLE WITH CH'IH KU-LIANG, AN ILLUSTRATION FROM YANG-CHIH FU YEN-I 190. FIGURE 8: HUA MU-LAN AS PORTRAYED IN CHIN KU-LIANG, WU SHUANG PU ( c i r c a 1690) 191. FIGURE 9: MADAM HSIEN AS PORTRAYED IN CHIN KU-LIANG, WU SHUANG PU ( c i r c a 1690) HSIANG FEI AS PORTRAYED BY GUISEPPE CASTIGLIONE 193. NOTES FOR CHAPTER 4 1. Chang, Ting-yl l [ ] , Ming shih [ ^ ] (Peking: Chung-kuo shu-chu, 1974), pp. 6944-6948 ; Wang, F a n - t ' i n g , [ j £ _ ^ J g £ _ ] Chung-kuo l i - t a i fu-nu [ ^ <&j5 A± ] ( T a i p e i : T'ai-wan shang-wu y in-shu kuan ching hs iao , 1966). 2. E . Shafer, The Vermi l ion B i r d (Los Angeles: U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press , 1967), p . 80. 3. See, for example, R. Witke and M. Wolf, eds . , Women in Chinese Society (Stanford: Stanford U n i v e r s i t y Press , 1974) ; L i , Yu-ning ] , C h i n - t a i Chung-kuo nil ch'iian yiln-tuhg s h i h - l i a o , 1842-( T a i p e i : Fu—chi wen-hsueh she, 1975), 2 v . 4. E l i z a b e t h C r o l l , Feminism and Soc ia l i sm in China (New York: Schocken Books, repr in ted 1980), p . 12. 5. Ch'en, Tung-yuan [ ^ ] , Chung-kuo fu-nii sheng-huo shih [ ^ l^ j Jt^f ] (Shanghai: Commercial Press , r e p r i n t e d 1935), p. 221. 6. Richard Guisso , "Thunder over the Lake: The Five C l a s s i c s and The Perception of Women in E a r l y China", in R. Guisso and eds . , Women in China (New York: Ph i lo Press , 1981), p. 48. 7. E l i z a b e t h C r o l l , op. c i t . , p. 12. 8. James Legge, L i C h i : Book of Ri tes (New York: U n i v e r s i t y Books, repr in ted 1967), v o l . 2, pp. 454-455. 9. Nancy Lee Swann, Pan Chao: Foremost Woman Scholar of China (New York: The Century C o . , 1932), p. 86. 10. Ida Lewis, The Education of G i r l s in China (New York: The Teachers' College of Columbia U n i v e r s i t y , 1911), p . 19. 11. On the development of th i s genre see, Chang Ching [ "Lieh-nu chuan yii c h ' i - t s o che" in Chung-kuo fu-nu s h i h - l u n wen-chi [ H ^ A \ j % % ^ % ] , ^ Yu-n ing , ed. [4 ^  ] T a i p e i : T'ai-wan shang-wu y in-shu kuan ching h s i a o , 1981), pp. 50-60. 194. 12. Ch'en, Tung-yuan [ ^ ] , op. c i t . , p. 225. On the h i s t o r y of footbinding see, Howard Levy, Chinese Footbinding: The H i s t o r y of a  Chinese E r o t i c Custom (New York: Walt in Rawls, 1966). 13. C a r r o l l Rosenberg, "The New Woman and the New H i s t o r y " , Feminist Studies , v o l . 3, no. 1/2 (1975), p. 193. 14. J . Spence, The Death of Woman Wang (New York: V i k i n g Press , 1978) ; Alan Sweeten, "Women and the Law in Rural China: Vignettes from Sectar ian Cases (Chiao-an) in K i a n g s i , 1872-1878", in Ch' ing Shih Wen- t ' i , v o l . 3, no. 2 (Dec. 1978), pp. 49-68. 15. Joanna H u d l i n , "Lu K'un's New Audience", in Women in Chinese Soc ie ty , op. c i t . , p. 16. 16. Mary Rankin, "The Emergence of Women at the end of the C h ' i n g : The Case of Chiu Chin" in Women in Chinese Soc ie ty , op. c i t . , p. 40. 17. L i u , Kai [/|MJ ] , Kuang l i e h - n u chuan [ kx\ -^ti% ] ( s . l . : s . n . , ca . 1888). 18. 19. This s tory is included in James L i u , The Chinese Knight -errant (London: Routledge and Kegan P a u l , 1967), pp. 85-86. Yen K'o-chun I/j^ jj? ] , Chuan shang ku san t a i C h ' i n Han San-kuo L i u - c h i a o wen ( s . l . : s . n . , 1887-1893 ; repr in ted Shanghai: Chung-hua s.hu-chu, 1958), 4 v. 20. As t rans la ted in Samuel G r i f f i t h , Sun Tzu: The Art of War (London: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press , 1963), pp. 57-58. See also Jaros lav Prusek. " L ' a r t de guerre de Sun Tzu", in Chinese H i s t o r y and L i t e r a t u r e (Dordrecht: . D. R e i d e l , 1970), pp. 49-75. 21. Mu. . Lan Shi [ ^ | | "f^f ] in Yueh-fu-shih hsilan [-jf^  -^^ L J ( T a i p e i : Cheng chung shu chii, 1969), pp. 15-16. T r a n s l a t i o n by Arthur Waley in Chinese Poems (London: A l l e n Unwin, 1956), pp. 113-115. On the h i s t o r y of th i s b a l l a d see Margret Barthe l " K r i t i s c h e Betrachtungen zu dem Lied -Ged ic t Mulan", in Akademie der  Wisenshaften, B e r l i n ( I n s t i t u t fur Orientforschung M i t t e i l u n g e n ) , v o l . 8 (1961), pp. 435-465. 22. As quoted in Michael S u l l i v a n , The Arts of China. Rev. E d i t i o n (Berkeley: U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a , 1977), p. 148. 23. Trans la ted by Witter Bynner, Three Hundred Poems of the T'ang Dynasty (New York: Paragon, 1963), pp. 167-168. Note that in Bynner's t r a n s l a t i o n the character is t rans la ted as dagger. I have chosen the word sword as being a more probable t r a n s l a t i o n . 195. 24. Arthur Waley, "The Green Bower C o l l e c t i o n " , in The Secret H i s t o r y of the Mongols and Other Pieces (London: A l l e n Unwin, 1967), pp. 89-107 W. Dolby, A H i s t o r y of Chinese Drama (London: Paul E l e r , 1976), p. 62. 25. Hsu Wei v1| . ] , "Tz'u Mu-Lan T' i Fu Ts'ung Chun" [ }^ ^tL^f- 3 in Chuan Ming tsa chu [ ^ 8^ jjffi ] ( T a i p e i : Chung-kuo hs'ueh-shu l e i - p i e n , 1979), v o l . 5, pp. 2543-2570. On the h i s t o r y of Chinese drama see, W. Dolby, A His tory of Chinese Drama, op. c i t . ; and C. Mackerras, The Rise of Peking Opera, 1770-1870 (Oxford: Claredon, 1972). 26. Ch'u Jen-huo /^J|_ ] , Sui T'ang y e n - i [ t\ % J ,^ ] (Shanghai: Ku- t i en wen-hsueh chu-fan s h i h , 1956), pp. 465-466. 27. Robert Hegel , The Novel in Seventeenth Century China (New York: Columbia Un ivers i ty Press , 1981), p. 206. 28. On the Yang saga see, Ma L i ^) 1> "Lun Mu Kue i -y ing te Yen Hua he Yang Tsung-pao ch' i - j e n " [ ^ £ % ^ ^ ^ t l ^ « a% % 1 ^ A. ] in Ming Pao [ &*j ] , May 1971, pp. 72-76 ; also C . T . H s i a , "The M i l i t a r y Romance: A Genre in Chinese F i c t i o n " , in C y r i l B i r c h , e d . , Studies in Chinese L i t e r a r y Genres (Berkeley: U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press , 1974), pp. 339-390. 29. "Hsieh Chin-wu" [ l ^ ^ - f - ] in Yuan-chu hsiian [ ] (Shanghai: Chung-hua shu-chu, 19 ) , v o l . 2, pp. 576-613. 30. There are many vers ions of the Yang saga in novel form. A l l conform to the same basic chapter o u t l i n e . My'ed i t ion is a twentieth-century p u b l i c a t i o n e n t i t l e d , Yang-chia yen- - i [ X\1JQ ^ J^JQ ] (Hong Kong: Kuang-chih shu-chii, 19—). 31. T;ang, Hs ien- t su [>|j ] , Mu-tan t ' ing [ tfj-.-^-^ ] (Peking: Wen-hsueh k u - c h i k 'an-hs ing she, 1954) ; C y r i l B i r c h , The Peony  Pavi1 ion (Bloomington: Indiana U n i v e r s i t y Press , 1980). 32. B i r c h , op. c i t . , p. 96. 33. V lad imir Kean, t r a n s l . , K o - l i e n Hua-ying • (New York: Pantheon, 1959). 34. C . T . H s i a , "The M i l i t a r y Romance . . . " , op. c i t . , p. 373. 35. Y.W. Ma, "The Chinese H i s t o r i c a l Novel: An Out l ine of Themes and Contexts", Journal of As ian.'-Studies, v o l . xxx iv , no. 2 (1975), p. 292 . 196. 36. P. Pel H o t , Notes on Marco Polo ( P a r i s : L i b r a r i e Adrien-Maisonneuve, 1963), v o l . 2, p. 679. 37. The Selected Paint ings of Lang Shih-Ning (Kowloon: The Arts and Let ters Press , 1971) ; Cec i l e Beurdeley, Guiseppe C a s t i g l i o n e : A  Jesu i t Painter at the Court of the Chinese Emperor (Tokyo: C . E . T u t t l e , 1972), pp. 71-73. 38. Cesare R ipa , Iconologia (Mi lan , 1602), as t rans la ted in M. Warner, Joan of Arc ( . . . - . ) , p. 2 29 . 39. Arthur Wright , "Values, Roles and P e r s o n a l i t i e s " , in Confucian P e r s o n a l i t i e s (Stanford: Stanford U n i v e r s i t y Press , 1962), p . 9. 40. The story of Hsiian Kuan is also found i n , Fang, Hsi ian- l ing [jffif ?\ 1^ 1^  ]> Chin shu ] (Peking: Chung-hua shu-chii, r epr in ted 1974), p. 2516. 41. See a l s o , L i u , Hsu [ ^ J ^ ] , Ch 1 iu T'ang shu [ I I I ] (Pek ing: Chung-hua shu-chii , r epr in ted 1975), p. 42. L i , Yen-shou [ ^ ] , Pel shih [ j\j ] (Peking: Ku- t i en yen-chiu h u i , repr in ted 1971), v o l . 3, p . 1615. 43. An i n t e r e s t i n g exception to th i s rule is the story of Chen Nu from the T'ang(?) Dynasty. According to L i u K ' a i , when Sezchwan was invaded by Ming Yu-chen, Chen Nu was worried and disguised h e r s e l f as a man to j o i n the army. She remained in the army for seven years . One day however, she met her uncle who paid for her release whereupon Chen Nu marr ied . 44. See a l s o , Chin shu, op. c i t . , pp. 2132-2133. 45. See a l s o , Ch' u, Ta-chun [ J$\ bty ] , Kuang-tung hs in-yu [ ^ . ^ -t^  <Je ] Peking: Chung-hua shu-chii , r e p r i n t e d 1974), pp. 256-257 ; Pei s h i h , op. c i t . , pp. 1617-1619 ; Juan, Yuan [ f ] , Kuang-tung t 'ung-ch ih L" /H. ^ ^ i L ^ J (Shanghai: Commercial Press , r epr in ted 1934), pp. 5450-5452. 46. See Footnote 1 ( th i s chapter ) . 47. Denis Twi tchet t , "Problems of Chinese Biography", in Arthur Wright, e d . , Confucian P e r s o n a l i t i e s , op. c i t . , pp. 24-39. 48. John Fairbank, ed. , Chinese Ways in Warfare (Cambridge: Harvard U n i v r -s i t y Press , 1974), pp. 6-7. 197. 49. Pei s h i h , op. c i t . , p. 1618. 50. Chao, Feng-chieh [ ] , Chung-kuo fu-nu t s a i fa - lu-shang chih t i - w e i [ [f !§} r^/fi.>i4^  i- ] (Peking: Shang-wu y in-shu kuan, 1937),; Yang, Lien-sheng, "Female Rulers in Imperial China", in Harvard Journal of Asian Studies , v o l . 23 (1960/61), pp. 47-61. 51. Joanna Handl in , op. c i t . , p. 52. Benjamin Elman, "Ch'ing Dynasty 'Schools of S c h o l a r s h i p ' " , in C h ' i n g -shih wen- t ' i [ ] , v o l . 4, no. 6 (1981), pp. 1-44. CHAPTER 5 WOMEN SOCIAL BANDITS AND REVOLUTIONISTS IN CHINESE CULTURE AND HISTORY INTRODUCTION Two hundred years af ter C h ' i n Liang-yu led her Szechwan forces in opposi t ion to a Manchu invasion of China another woman, th i s time from the South, led armies against the Manchu. In the mid-nineteenth century however, the Manchu were the r u l e r s of China, and Hsiao San—niang was one of the few woman commanders in the vast army of the Ta ip ing Revolut ion . Because of her unusual r o l e , she gained instant and l a s t i n g n o t o r i e t y , not only in h i s t o r i c a l w r i t i n g s , but as the subject of poems and legends a l l of which placed her in the t r a d i t i o n of the woman warrior ( r i f u chan-shih) • and woman s o c i a l bandit (nu-hsia) . From the i n i t i a l records compiled by her contemporaries to present day studies of the T a i p i n g , those l i t e r a r y stereotypes have been presented in the place of a c r i t i c a l assessment of her ro le and that of other women in th is s o c i a l movement. Thus, one a r t i c l e on the status of women in the Taiping refers to her as a b e a u t i f u l woman s o c i a l bandit whose armies s to le 1 from the r i c h to give to the poor, while another essay on Taip ing women describes her as " t a l l and long armed, a great general on horseback. She could shoot an arrow with e i ther hand [and] was braver and f i e r c e r than the man." Such d e s c r i p t i o n s , i n s p i r e d by imaginative images of men... w a r r i o r s , have contr ibuted to a misunderstanding of the nature and extent of the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of women in the Taip ing r e v o l t . The Ta ip ing Revolution began in December, 1850, in a v i l l a g e in Kwangsi Province when the leader of the God Worshippers Society declared that the Ta ip ing Heavenly Kingdom had a r r i v e d . One month l a t e r , in 198 199. response, to harrassment by l o c a l o f f i c i a l s , the members of th i s r e l i g i o u s organizat ion rose up in r e v o l t . For the next twenty-seven months the Taipings ba t t l ed t h e i r way through four prov inces , gaining considerable popular support in the process . In March 1853, they a r r i v e d at Nanking and renamed i t the Heavenly C i t y . In the fo l lowing years the Taipings extended the ir p o l i t i c a l and m i l i t a r y ru le to areas surrounding t h e i r c i t y and attempted, unsuccess fu l ly , to take the northern c a p i t a l of Peking. Internal f i gh t ing among the leadership contr ibuted to a weakening of th i s revo l t so that in 1864, with the help of fore ign armies, government forces were able to take Nanking and to smash the remnants of the Ta ip ing 3 Heavenly Kingdom. The Ta ip ing Revolut ion has received more s c h o l a r l y a t tent ion than any other pre-twent ieth century Chinese s o c i a l movement. This i s so because of i t s s i z e , the presence of fore ign observers , and i t s ambitious p o l i t i c a l , r e l i g i o u s and s o c i a l program which aimed not merely to e s t a b l i s h a new dynasty but to e f fect a subs tant ia l reorganizat ion of Chinese soc i e ty . In reference to one aspect of th i s r e o r g a n i z a t i o n , several scholars have suggested that the Ta ip ing s o c i a l p o l i c i e s combined with t h e i r r e l i -gious b e l i e f s resu l t ed (to quote one representat ive source) "in the emancipation of women from t h e i r lowly status in t r a d i t i o n a l society.""' In the Ta ip ing Heavenly Kingdom women apparently enjoyed f u l l equa l i ty ~:. with men as c h i l d r e n of God. To i l l u s t r a t e this a l leged e q u a l i t y , scholars tend to focus t h e i r d iscuss ions on the v a r i e t y of occupations undertaken by women during the course of the r e v o l t . C i t i n g a number of nineteenth century sources which describe women engaged in the roles of labourer, government o f f i c i a l and most p a r t i c u l a r l y , s o l d i e r , they suggest that , 200. p r i n c i p a l l y through t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n in these t r a d i t i o n a l l y male tasks , women gained p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l equa l i ty with men. In a d d i t i o n , Ta ip ing C h r i s t i a n b e l i e f s which at tes ted the u n i v e r s a l fatherhood of God and which thus made a l l men brothers and a l l women s i s t e r s apparently gave further support to the equa l i ty a t ta ined through t h e i r n o n t r a d i t i o n a l occupations. This conventional assessment of the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the ro les assigned to Taip ing women is based on an u n c r i t i c a l review of primary mater ia ls such as Ta ip ing p u b l i c a t i o n s , Ch' ing government reports and the memoirs of con-temporary gentry observers . While l i v e l y debates rage over other sources of Taip ing h i s t o r y , mater ia l s r e l a t i n g to the l i ve s of women are genera l ly accepted at face value and presented with l i t t l e comment. It is assumed that they speak for themselves. As demonstrated in the opening paragraphs of th is chapter , th is is a p a r t i c u l a r problem when reviewing the documents on women who p a r t i c i p a t e d in the m i l i t a r y for these descr ip t ions are often informed by l i t e r a r y stereotypes . The present chapter seeks to modify the conventional assessment of the nature and extent of the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of women in the Taiping by means of an analys i s of the imaginative l i t e r a t u r e devoted to the n'u-rvsla which, combined with the l i t e r a t u r e on the rill chaJi-AhJJl provided many of the images for the descr ipt ions of women s o l d i e r s . It suggests that the nu-rvdla, an example of symbolic sexual i n v e r s i o n , contr ibuted to the image of Ta ip ing women s o l d i e r s as elements of the world turned upside-down by exaggerating t h e i r power and a u t h o r i t y . Second, an analys i s of the primary mater ia l s which describe the ro les of women in the Taip ing and at t i tudes toward them w i l l be undertaken. The analys i s w i l l suggest that Taiping documents f a i l to i l l u s t r a t e male/female e q u a l i t y . They point to the 201. conclus ion that the adoption of Protestant C h r i s t i a n b e l i e f s and p r a c t i c e s , combined with an emphasis in Taiping l i t e r a t u r e on some aspects of orthodox Confucian images of women and the simultaneous r e j e c t i o n of popular r e l i -gious t r a d i t i o n s e f f e c t i v e l y barred women from t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l ro les in Chinese popular u p r i s i n g s . PART 1: THE WOMAN SOCIAL BANDIT (NU-HSIA) IN CHINESE IMAGINATIVE LITERATURE According to James L i u in h is book The Chinese K n i g h t - e r r a n t , a study of the h i s t o r i c a l and l i t e r a r y aspects of this f i g u r e , knight errantry was "an important i l l u s t r a t i o n of the s p i r i t of protest and nonconformity in China . . . However, while h i s t o r i c a l k n i g h t - e r r a n t r y (or to use a more appropriate term, s o c i a l bandi try) may wel l have been an example of popular p r o t e s t , an examination of the imaginative l i t e r a t u r e on s o c i a l banditry suggests that i t was used to teach about and support the s o c i a l h ierarchy in China . It is the ro le of s o c i a l bandits in novels and plays to correct abuses in the system and not to change the system i t s e l f . The genre suggests that s o c i a l problems or ig ina te in the bad character of i n d i v i d u a l s and that good i n d i v i d u a l s [knights^errant] can el iminate s o c i a l problems by e l iminat ing these e v i l i n d i v i d u a l s . James L i u notes, but does not treat as problemat ic , the appearance in the T'ang and the increas ing p o p u l a r i t y of the female s o c i a l bandit image. It would appear that while she c a r r i e d out the same functions as the male s o c i a l bandi t , the riu.-tvii.CL was also used to comment upon gender, the c u l t u r a l d e f i n i t i o n of behaviour appropriate to the sexes. While her image appeared f i r s t in the late T'ang , the most elaborate l i t e r a r y evoca-t ions of riu-husLa appeared in the late Ch' ing in a period character ized as 202 . one of the most conservative in terms of women's roles and a t t i tudes towards them.^ Added to the popular images of the nil <zhaJZ-4riLh., the f i c t i o n a l rul-rviLa provided an exce l l ent resource for i l l u s t r a t i n g and r e i n f o r c i n g t r a d i t i o n a l gender d e f i n i t i o n s . They also added to a c o l l e c -t i o n of images and phrases a v a i l a b l e to those who witnessed the Ta ip ing Revolut ion and thought, perhaps, that the world had turned upside-down. H i s t o r i c a l uu-hAi.a ( s o c i a l bandits) were f i r s t recorded in the Co l l ec t ed Traditons of the Yu-hs ia [yu-hs ia l ieh-chuan] found in the Shih Chi wr i t ten by Ssu-ma Ch' ien (c . 145-86 B . C . ) and in the H i s t o r y of  the Han [Han shu] wr i t ten by Pan Ku (A.D. 32-92). In both of these h i s -t o r i c a l c h r o n i c l e s , the rvsLa are described as male commoners who overcame low rank, poverty and misfortune to serve as examples of r ighteousness . In the most frequent ly quoted passage in wri t ings about the tbiLa, Ssu Ma-chien character izes t h e i r conduct when he writes that: As for the wandering kn ights , though t h e i r act ions may not always conform to perfect r ighteousness , yet they are always true to t h e i r word. What they undertake they i n v a r i a b l y carry out. Without th ink ing of themselves they hasten to the side of those who are in t roub le , whether i t means s u r v i v a l or d e s t r u c t i o n , l i f e or death. Yet they never boast of t h e i r accomplishments but rather consider i t a disgrace to brag of what they have done for others .^ While i n d i v i d u a l s i d e n t i f i e d as uu-h-O-La continued to appear in h i s t o r i c a l c h r o n i c l e s , a p a r a l l e l t r a d i t i o n of aii-fuila l i t e r a t u r e also developed. According to L i u , s o c i a l bandit l i t e r a t u r e f l our i shed for the f i r s t time at the end of the T'ang dynasty when i t s appearance coincided 9 with the d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l order . It survived in the o r a l t r a d i t i o n of s t o r y t e l l e r s and on the stage, enjoying another surge of p o p u l a r i t y in the late C h ' i n g . 203. The f l o u r i s h i n g of s o c i a l bandit l i t e r a t u r e at the end of the T'ang witnessed the appearance of the nu-hkila, or woman s o c i a l bandi t . In h is d i scuss ion of the h i s t o r i c a l rvsLa, L i u does not include any examples of women for the n.u-ti4i.a, do not seem to share the h i s t o r i c a l roots of t h e i r male counterparts . Their images appear to have been created i n th is per iod to deal with an a d d i t i o n a l source of s t r a i n in the s o c i a l f a b r i c . As i n d i v i d u a l s without status who assass inate s o c i a l leaders who abuse t h e i r power, these f igures represent symbolic s o c i a l i n v e r s i o n . However, as women who adopt the ro le s of men, they also represent symbolic sexual i n v e r s i o n . Two s tor i e s which proved to be the most popular in t h e i r time and the most enduring w i l l serve to i l l u s t r a t e t y p i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of th i s genre. In the n inth century s tory of Red Thread [Hung Hsien ] the main character is a maid in the home of the m i l i t a r y governor of Lu-chou. Because Hung Hsien is wel l -versed in l i t e r a t u r e and h i s t o r y she serves as the governor's secretary and adv i sor . In this capac i ty she discovers that her patron is being threatened by a neighbouring r u l e r who is p r e -paring to attack Lu-chou. Hung Hsien decides to use her magic s k i l l s and mart ia l arts to save her patron. Dressing in male t r a v e l l i n g clothes (a d e t a i l ignored in many images of her) and w r i t i n g a Taois t s p e l l on her forehead, Hung Hsien f l i e s to the bedroom of the s leeping enemy governor. While there , she s teals a box which contains h is horoscope and d e l i v e r s i t to her patron . The next day, the governor of Lu chou returns the box to a t e r r i f i e d and humbled enemy, who renounces h is plans for invas ion . Having completed her task, Hung Hsien asks permission to take her leave. She explains to the governor that in her previous l i f e she had 204. been a male doctor and had been responsible for tho accide-nta'. deaths of twin fetuses . As punishment for th i s deed, Hung Hsien had been reborn as a woman, but she explains that her good deed may prove to release her from the 'wheel of r e t u r n ' . ' ' ' 0 In the second story the heroine , Yinniang , is the.daughter of a general and is kidnapped by a mendicant nun when she is ten years o l d . The nun takes Yinniang to a remote area where she teachers her to cl imb along the c l i f f s , to f l y and fence and to use various types of magic to dispense with the e v i l people of the wor ld . Upon her r e t u r n , Yinniang choses an unassuming man for her husband and he follows her when she goes to work for the m i l i t a r y governor of Wei and Po. This governor sends the rtu-tviLa to ass imi la te h i s enemy who has been threatening to invade his t e r r i t o r y . A r r i v i n g at the enemy's c i t y on a magic donkey which she has fabr i ca ted out of paper, Yinniang discovers that the r i v a l governor has admirable powers of d i v i n a t i o n and she decides to work for him. In the remaining pages of th is t a l e , Yinniang c a l l s upon her various magical powers to do ba t t l e with her new patron's enemies, thereby saving his l i f e . U l t imate ly she leaves to roam the countryside dispensing j u s t i c e for many years and f i n a l l y disappearing without a t r a c e . The rul-hA-La in these two seminal ta les may be character ized as women who are outside of or at the bottom of the s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y . With the a id of m a r t i a l s k i l l s , based more on magic than on c r a f t , these two i n d i -v iduals deal d i r e c t l y with men who are shown to be abusing t h e i r leg i t imate author i ty by threatening to attack t h e i r neighbours. The riii-tvlLa brings the mighty down by use of s t e a l t h , cunning and v io lence rather than the 205. the more formal and s o c i a l l y a c c e p t a b l e use o f w a r f a r e . S t o r i e s of d i v i n e l y s k i l l e d female s o c i a l b a n d i t s were kept a l i v e by Sung and Yuan dy n a s t y s t o r y t e l l e r s and by Ming and Ch'ing dynasty d r a m a t i s t s and s h o r t s t o r y w r i t e r s . However, w h i l e two n'u-h-4-La make a b r i e f appearance i n the famous b a n d i t n o v e l The Water Margin [ S h u i - h u chuan], i t i s not u n t i l the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , w i t h the appearance of the n o v e l A T a l e o f Compassionate Heroism [Erh-nu Y i n g - h s i u n g chuan] t h a t the n'tl-rviZa r e c e i v e d the extended treatment which had been accorded the woman w a r r i o r . yu-hA-La l i t e r a t u r e ( i n c l u d i n g s t o r i e s of women s o c i a l b a n d i t s ) e x p e r i e n c e d a r e s u r g e n c e of p o p u l a r i t y i n the mid- to l a t e C h ' i n g . While i t has been argued i n t h i s t h e s i s t h a t hyi-la t a l e s were i n t e n d e d to be f u n c t i o n a l i n r e s p e c t to s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , i t has been argued by o t h e r s c h o l a r s t h a t two Ch'ing dynasty w r i t e r s may have been u s i n g these and ot h e r images o f s t r o n g women to argue f o r women's e m a n c i p a t i o n . I t has been s a i d of the seventeenth c e n t u r y w r i t e r Pu S u n g - l i n g , author of Strange S t o r i e s from a Chinese S t u d i o [ L i a o - c h a i c h i h - i ] , t h a t he was one of the e a r l i e s t f i g h t e r s a g a i n s t the enslavement of women i n the p a t r i a r c h a l f a m i l y ; and t h a t i n h i s s t o r i e s he c r e a t e d the type of i d e a l woman, b o l d ^ independent, t h a t has become a r e a l i t y o n l y i n our own day. ~ While Pu S u n g - l i n g may have been a r g u i n g f o r the ema n c i p a t i o n o f women, he o f t e n r e s o r t e d to t r a d i t i o n a l images of symbolic i n v e r s i o n to do so. For example, i n one s t o r y e n t i t l e d "• M a d a m Yeh" [Yen S h i h ] , the author seems to be a r g u i n g f o r g r e a t e r r e c o g n i t i o n o f women's i n t e l l e c t u a l c a p a c i t i e s . He does so, however, by r e s o r t i n g t o the t r a d i t i o n a l d e v i c e of a woman who d i s g u i s e s h e r s e l f as a man i n ord e r to compete ( s u c c e s s f u l l y ) 206. 13 in the o f f i c i a l government examinations. Pu Sung- l ing also uses the character of rili-fvila in a number of h i s s t o r i e s . In the most elaborate of these s tor i e s the heroine , H s i a o - e r h , jo ins the White Lotus Sect, a messianic r e l i g i o u s organizat ion which was involved in many upr i s ings during the author's l i f e t i m e . Hsiao-erh proves to be so i n t e l l i g e n t that the leader of the sect t r a i n s her i n a v a r i e t y of magical and m a r t i a l arts s k i l l s and he subsequently places her in charge of m i l i t a r y matters . Soon, however, a childhood f r i e n d of the heroine's persuades her to leave the sect and to marry him. For the remainder of the s tory , Hsiao-erh uses her magical s k i l l s to defeat neighbourhood b u l l i e s and bandits and to provide h e r s e l f and her husband with a s u b s t a n t i a l l i v e l i h o o d . In the one innovative element of the s t o r y , Hs iao-erh decides to support her household l e g i t i m a t e l y by becoming a businesswoman... She founds a glass factory which produces b e a u t i f u l l y coloured lamps and becomes a wealthy, though compassionate, entrepreneur. Though Hsiao-erh thus brings employment to her town through the use of her i n t e l l i g e n c e , she also brings r a i n through her in terses s ion 14 with the s p i r i t s when she performs an ancient r i t u a l . It has also been sa id of the nineteenth century w r i t e r L i Ju-chen, author of Flowers in the M i r r o r [Ch' ing Hua Yuan], that his great novel 15 is an argument for the emancipation of women. And yet , l i k e Pu Sung- l ing , L i Ju-chen uses symbolic invers ion to argue his case. Not only is th is story populated by riil-hAla and female s cho lars , but takes place during the re ign of China's only female 'emperor'. The empress Wu is portrayed with extreme ambivalence, as a drunken autocrat who orders the flowers to bloom in the .winter. When they do so, the one hundred flower s p i r i t s are 207. punished by sending them to earth to l i v e as women. The rest of the novel d e t a i l s the adventures of the scholar Tang Ao who, in h is t rave l s beyond the borders of China , encounters each of the flower spir i t ' s and brings them back to China to p a r t i c i p a t e in the spec ia l examinations which the empress has ~set. for women. As Tang Ao d i scovers , the world beyond the boundaries of Chinese c i v i l i z a t i o n is a world turned upside-down. In his t r a v e l s , the scholar v i s i t s countries in which customers i n s i s t on paying pr ices higher than those demanded by merchants; where people grow eyes on t h e i r hands; in which eat ing is a s o c i a l embarrassment and where androgynous i n d i v i d u a l s populate t h e i r country by r e i n c a r n a t i o n . One of the most famous v i s i t s of Tang Ao is h i s sojourn in the Country of Women. In what must sure ly be a parody of the court of the Empress Wu, the author describes the country as a place ru led by a woman who is ever watchful for new male concubines. She spots Merchant L i n and demands that he be readied for her bed. To th i s end, Merchant L i n is forced to su f f er , in a few days, what Chinese women experienced through t h e i r ent i re l i v e s . His ears are p i e r c e d , he is bathed and perfumed and, much to his h o r r o r , his feet are bound. In due course, his feet los t much of t h e i r o r i g i n a l shape. Blood and f lesh were squeezed into a pulp and then l i t t l e remained of h i s feet but dry bones and s k i n , shrunk, indeed, to a dainty s i z e . Responding to d a i l y v.anoint ing , his h a i r became shiny and smooth and his body, a f ter ablut ions of perfumed water, began to look very a t t r a c t i v e indeed. His eyebrows were plucked to resemble a new moon. With blood^red l i p s t i c k and powder adorning his face, and jade and pear l adorning his c o i f f u r e and ears , Merchant L i n assumed, at l a s t , a not unappealing appearance.^^ In sp i te of th i s dramatic episode, the majori ty of the one hundred flowers who are incarnate in the f igures of women, a l l are described as 208. beauties with bound feet . Even the three nu-rusixi, who per form many heroic deeds, are bound-footed. These three young women, who were a l l t ra ined in mart ia l arts by male r e l a t i v e s but who a l l possess remarkable magic as w e l l , serve in the novel to protect other women and to rescue an unjus t ly imprisoned P r i n c e . One of the A-d-i.cz becomes a Taois t immortal, one simply disappears from the s t o r y , and a t h i r d becomes, along with many of the other flower s p i r i t s , a woman w a r r i o r . One of the dangers inherent in using symbolic invers ion to argue for women's c a p a b i l i t i e s and r ights is that the invers ion is usua l ly reversed at the end of the s t o r y . Or i t i s understood, through f a m i l i a r i t y with th i s p a t t e r n , that the world w i l l be put r i g h t - s i d e - u p eventua l ly . At the end of Flowers in the M i r r o r , many of the flower s p i r i t s j o i n with t h e i r men to ba t t l e against the forces of the Empress, who i s i d e n t i f i e d as an usurper. The empress i s defeated, the r i g h t f u l emperor enthroned, the flower s p i r i t s married off or k i l l e d , the world set r i g h t - s i d e - u p . However, the ambivalent image of women and t h e i r proper ro les conveyed by th i s genre of l i t e r a t u r e is made even more apparent in a novel wr i t t en shor t ly a f ter the p u b l i c a t i o n of Flowers in the M i r r o r . In 1844, the Manchu o f f i c i a l Wen K'ang produced one of the most elaborate s tor i e s of a nu-fvila and also one of the most extensive and sustained treatments of the theme of symbolic i n v e r s i o n . While Flowers in the M i r r o r r e la t ed numerous examples of invers ion in exot ic l oca t ions , A Tale of Compassionate Heroism [Erh-nu Ying-hsiung chuan] is the story of a young woman and man who spend t h e i r adolescence ac t ing out ro les and behaviour appropriate to the opposite sex. By the end of the novel they have both passed through a dangerousi:.M.imina 12..phasecand are.;put^safely 209. into t h e i r proper ro les by novel ' s end. The heroine of the nove l , Shih San-mei, is introduced as a v a l i a n t rui-La: This i n d i v i d u a l , possessed of both a heroic temperament and a compassionate nature , was a v a l i a n t among the group of rouged and powdered, foremost in the c i r c l e of the v ir tuous and just hsiLa. But she harboured a grievance which pene-trated her bones and made her heart b i t t e r . As a re su l t of t h i s , though she was a young woman, yet i t aroused in her the i n c l i n a t i o n to ' r e s t r a i n the powerful and a id the weak' and to fo l low the a c t i v i t i e s of those who k i l l and scat ter money. If she saw an i n j u s t i c e in her path, she would p u l l out her sword to he lp . Once she had made an a l l i a n c e , she would carry l o y a l t y to the utmost extent. If she encountered the corrupt k i n d , though t h e i r power burned to heaven, yet to her they were l i k e c lay pigs and ceramic dogs. However, i f she encountered just people , though they were poor and co ld and begging for food, yet she loved them l i k e the awesome phoenix and the dazz l ing un icorn . C l e a r l y she was a mercur ia l dragon s p i r i t , to be compared to the merc i fu l Boddhisat tva . ^ The b i t t erness in her heart i s the inc ident which forced her into the l i f e of an outlaw. Her father was thrown into pr i son by an e v i l o f f i c i a l in r e t a l i a t i o n for h is r e fusa l to allow Shih-san Mei to become the concu-bine.. o"f'; the o f f i c i a l ' s son. When the father dies in j a i l , Shih-san Mei has to f lee in order to save her own l i f e and that of her mother. The major purpose of her l i f e a f t e r th i s i s to assassinate th i s o f f i c i a l but she delays th i s projec t u n t i l the death of her mother. While the heroine i s l i v i n g in the forest and deal ing with bandits her hero, An C h i , is l i v i n g the l i f e of a or ins ide -person , a phrase used to describe the i d e a l Chinese woman. An Chi i s the spo i l ed son of an o f f i c i a l and is described on more than one occassion as act ing l i k e a l i t t l e g i r l . An effeminate, s c h o l a r l y young man, he seems fr ightened of the coarse world outside of his home. Then a ser ies of separations from an ordered family environment and 210. from parenta l f igures mark the l i m i n a l phase of the s t o r y . An C h i ' s fa ther , An Hsueh-hai , is appointed to a post in South-east China and he and h i s wife depart , leaving the ir son in Peking to study for the examinations. Soon af ter his a r r i v a l , An Hsueh-hai is held responsible for the co l lapse of a f lood dam whereupon he is deprived of h i s post and ordered to pay a considerable amount of money in damages. On hearing t h i s news, An Chi manages to borrow h a l f of the required sum and sets out, accompanied by two trusted servants , on a long and per i lous journey to save his fa ther . Throughout th is journey the author repeatedly employs images of darkness and death and depicts the e x t r a -domestic environment as a h o s t i l e wi lderness . A second separat ion occurs when the two t r a v e l l i n g companions abandon An C h i , one because of his mother's death, the second because of a serious i l l n e s s . Thereupon, An Chi is entrusted to the care of two s i n i s t e r donkey d r i v e r s . These men leave him alone at an inn , pretending to d e l i v e r a l e t t e r to An C h i ' s r e l a t i v e s at a nearby v i l l a g e but in fact they p lo t to rob and k i l l the inexperienced young man. At th is p o i n t , when An Chi i s symbol i ca l ly an orphan, portrayed as a weak and helpless v i c t i m , int imidated by the environment and the strangers at the inn , a mysterious young woman his own age r ides into^ ..the - courtyard Though she too is alone, her demeanour is the opposite of An C h i ' s . She is in complete command, order ing about the employees of the inn . The young woman s i t s in the courtyard outside An Chi ' s room and stares at him. An Chi is both fr ightened by th is boldness and at the same time sexual ly 211. a t t rac ted to a woman for the f i r s t time. In an e f f o r t to protect himself from th i s woman, An Chi asks the employees of the inn to place a great stone r o l l e r in front of his door. The men are unable to move th i s stone but the young woman picks i t up with one hand and asks An Chi where he would l i k e her to put i t . Anonymity is the keynote as the two young people converse for the f i r s t time. An Chi attempts to conceal his true i d e n t i t y and the young woman refuses to divulge her own name. Eventual ly An Chi breaks down in tears and t e l l s the woman his name and a l l of h is t roub le s . She then departs i n s t r u c t i n g An Chi to wait for her r e t u r n . However, the donkey d r i v e r s come back to the inn and force An Chi to continue the journey. On the evening of the f i r s t day they stop at a monastery where the monks s e c r e t l y murder the donkey d r i v e r s . The abbot attempts to k i l l An C h i , f i r s t by poison and f i n a l l y by ty ing him to a post and preparing to cut out h is heart and eat i t . Just as the monk ra i ses the kni fe to s t r i k e he is k i l l e d by a p r o j e c t i l e shot from the bow of a f igure dressed in red and s i lhouet ted against the f u l l moon. At th i s moment An Chi f a i n t s , taking on the appearance of death. The f igure turns out to be the young woman from the inn; and she unties An Chi and helps him to stand by handing him one end of her crossbow. At th is point An Chi proclaims her to be the father and mother of his r e b i r t h . Put t ing An Chi in a safe p l a c e , the young woman proceeds s i n g l e -handedly to k i l l a l l of the monks in the monastery. Fol lowing this bloodbath the young woman discovers the three members of the Chang family who had been captured by the monks and whose daughter, Golden Phoenix, is a mirror image of h e r s e l f . In order that Golden Phoenix 212. and An Chi may t r a v e l together without impropriety , the young woman (who now c a l l s h e r s e l f Shih-san Mei) arranges her b e t r o t h a l . She gives An Chi the rest of the funds for h is fa ther ' s re l ease , and gives Golden Phoenix the money for her dowry. Shih-san Mei accompanies the Chang family and An Chi part of the way on t h e i r journey but must re turn to care for her aged mother. Therefore she gives An Chi her crossbow and t e l l s him that at the s ight of i t any bandit in the region w i l l become submissive. She also promises to return to the monastery and recover an inkstone engraved with the name of An C h i ' s fa ther . On the journey the group does meet with bandits and An Chi handles the s i t u a t i o n with a new-found maturity and a u t h o r i t y . Recognizing the crossbow, the bandits o f fer the t r a v e l l e r s an escort for the rest of the passage. An Chi i s subsequently reunited with his parents who are taken aback by his a u t h o r i t a t i v e demeanour. He pays h i s fa ther ' s debt and is married to Golden Phoenix. This marks the beginning of the p o s t l i m i n a l phase of the novel and i t is now necessary to put the world r i g h t - s i d e - u p by deal ing with Shih-san Mei . By put t ing various clues together An Hsueh-hai , An C h i ' s rescued fa ther , discovers the true i d e n t i t y of Shih-san Mei . Apparently her r e a l name is Jade Phoenix and she is the daughter of An Hsueh-hai's late f r i e n d General Ho. From this moment An Hsueh-hai takes over the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for Jade Phoenix's l i f e . Discover ing the whereabouts of her mountain dwe11ing, An Hsueh-hai goes to Jade Phoenix in disguise with her crossbow over his shoulder. 213. (Had she known that he was coming to reward her for saving his son she would have refused to see him.) A few days p r i o r to An Hsueh-hai's a r r i v a l , Jade Phoenix's mother had died and from this point in the s tory the author emphasizes the fact that Jade Phoenix is an orphan in need of p r o t e c t i o n . An Hsueh-hai t e l l s her of her true i d e n t i t y and d e t a i l s of her c h i l d -hood. He also informs Jade Phoenix that the enemy she has been preparing to k i l l for so many years i s a lready dead. At th i s moment Phoenix attempts to commit su ic ide because, as she says, the main purpose of her l i f e i s over. However, she is prevented from doing so because one of the adults has hidden her kn i fe and for the f i r s t time her l i f e i s l i t e r a l l y out of her hands. An Hsueh-hai reveals h is i d e n t i t y and persuades Jade Phoenix to accompany her mother's c o f f i n to a proper b u r i a l in Peking. He promises that at the end of the year's mourning he w i l l al low her to become a nun. On the journey back to Peking Jade Phoenix has a dream i n which her dead parents do not recognize her but t e l l her that her dest iny l i e s with the An fami ly . In th is dream An Chi appears and angers Jade Phoenix to the point that she ra i ses her hand to s t r i k e him. At th i s moment however, she discovers that she has los t a l l of her m a r t i a l powers and she awakes with a s t a r t . By the end of the year of mourning, An Hsueh-hai has already decided that Jade Phoenix w i l l become An C h i ' s second wife . On the day that she is to assume her r e l i g i o u s vocat ion An Hsueh-hai presents Jade Phoenix with her parents ' s p i r i t tab le t and lectures her at length on her f i l i a l duty to marry and bear c h i l d r e n . Using various arguments, inc lud ing the 214. idea that she has symbol i ca l ly exchanged engagement g i f t s with An Chi (the cross-bow and the inkstone) , An Hsueh-hai convinces Jade Phoenix to marry his son. Aft er the ceremony Jade Phoenix becomes a conventional- 1 /i£^^^^/x,\.i:immef s-Lng h e r s e l f in domestic a f f a i r s and g iv ing b i r t h to a boy. For his p a r t , An Chi takes the examinations and continues h is r i s e in the h ierarchy by be-coming a respected and renowned o f f i c i a l . The riu-hA-la, l i k e t h e i r male counterparts , are f i c t i o n a l characters who point out and singlehandedly attempt to r i g h t the wrongs of soc i e ty . While they are w a r r i o r s , they do not f ight against external barbarians who would destroy Chinese c i v i l i z a t i o n , but rather i n t e r n a l barbarians who threaten the s o c i a l s tructure by taking advantage of and abusing the r ight s accorded to them by v i r t u e of the i r place in i t . Rather than a protest against soc i e ty , hdla l i t e r a t u r e i s a statement of f a i t h in i t , for i t suggests that a s ing l e i n d i v i d u a l can deal adequately with any problems that may a r i s e . While tiA-La l i t e r a t u r e appears to be a veh ic l e for teaching about s o c i a l s t ructure and perhaps r e l i e v i n g tensions which r e s u l t from perceived i n j u s t i c e , the nXi-haLa character has the add i t i ona l task of teaching about gender and the tensions which may r e s u l t from th i s a r t i f i c i a l order ing of the behaviour of the sexes. More than the au chart-Ahull, such as the Yang matr iarch , the nu-hA-La are examples of symbolic sexual i n v e r s i o n . They are 'status—less '',)'.-.because of t h e i r rank or because they chose to l i v e outside of c i v i l i z e d p laces . As young women, t h i s loss of status is further exaggerated and they become the perfect veh ic l e for i l l u s t r a t i n g the world turned up-side down. 215. In order to move from the bottom of the h ierarchy to the top, where they can put the mighty in t h e i r place and bring down those with i l l e g i t i -mate author i ty ( b u l l i e s and band i t s ) , the nu-rvola must take c e r t a i n steps. They must dress as men, and then they must behave as men. Dressed in men's c l o t h i n g , Shih San-mei not only k i l l s e v i l monks but she also arranges a marriage. In the same nove l , when Shih San-mei defeats a great bandit ch ie f on behalf of an e l d e r l y f r i e n d , she t e l l s him that he has to put on women's clothes and parade around a stage. The bandit of fers to commit 18 su ic ide rather than suffer such h u m i l i a t i o n . It would seem that dressing and behaving as men i s not enough to ra i se the nu-rhdla to the heights from which they can reorder soc i e ty . What separates them most from nu chan-AhJJx is that they f l y , e i ther with the a id of magic donkeys or t h e i r own myst i ca l s p e l l s . In i l l u s t r a t i o n s of fvila [Figures 1 and 2] they can be i d e n t i f i e d as separate from nil cAan. AHJJX and from t h e i r male counterparts by t h e i r pos i t ions on clouds or dancing on roof tops . While the male f igures in the i l l u s t r a t i o n of the play about the just o f f i c i a l Shih Sh ih- lun and the hAla who protect him, are a l l poised to use t h e i r m a r t i a l arts s k i l l s , the three ntl-riAla are c l e a r l y using magic to help him. While the i r t i n y bound feet would make i t impossible for them to be of much use of the ground, t h e i r super-natura l s k i l l s give them the a b i l i t y to f ight e v i l while r e t a i n i n g the 'golden : l i . ly ' which seems to have reached new levels of p o p u l a r i t y in the late C h ' i n g . The njl-fvila are then b e a u t i f u l young women who dress in masculine c lothes and take to the a i r armed with t h e i r swords to f ight for j u s t i c e . Along with images of the f i c t i o n a l nil ch.a/1-Artlh., these f igures contr ibuted 216. to descr ip t ions of Ta ip ing women s o l d i e r s . Not only do these descr ip t ions seem c u r i o u s l y ambivalent, (never has the enemy seemed so a t t r a c t i v e ) , but they have contr ibuted to a general misunderstanding of the nature and extent of the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of women in the Taiping Revo lut ion . PART 2: THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN THE TAIPING REVOLUTION The Ta ip ing Revolut ion has received more s c h o l a r l y a t t ent ion than any other pre-twentieth century s o c i a l movement. This is so because of i t s s ize and the presence of fore ign observers . In a d d i t i o n , the Taip ing s o c i a l and r e l i g i o u s program is be l ieved by many scholars to have been unprecedented. As Franz Michael has wri t ten in the in troduct ion to his three volume c o l l e c t i o n of Ta ip ing documents: The Taiping Rebe l l i on d i f f e r e d from the others [at that t ime] , and from e a r l i e r r e b e l l i o n s , in the ro le that a r e l i g i o u s ideology played in i t s organizat ion and the sanct ioning of i t s l eadersh ip , and in the new p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l s tructure that i t attempted to e s t a b l i s h . Its leaders wanted not only to overthrow and replace the imper ia l government but to e s t a -b l i s h a new r e l i g i o u s i d e o l o g i c a l system as the foundation for the new state and the t r a i n i n g of i t s new e l i t e . In th i s sense the Taipings were r e v o l u t i o n a r y . The s c h o l a r l y debates concerning the Ta ip ing have been devoted to a number of i t s aspects inc lud ing the c lass background of i t s leadership and i t s fo l lowers; the exact nature of i t s ideology (the r e l a t i v e weight of C h r i s t i a n i t y and nat ive r e l i g i o n ) ; the d e r i v a t i o n of i t s p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l i d e a l s ; the extent to which i t s Ideals were put into p r a c t i c e ; and the reasons for i t s f a i l u r e . In the most recent c o l l e c t i o n of essays devoted to the Taiping,/."which were publ ished in China in 1981, a l l of the above aspects , and many more, are discussed in great depth. C u r i o u s l y , the question of the status of women in the Ta ip ing received no comment. It is as i f the question has 217. 20 been s e t t l e d . Over the past century there have been comparatively few studies devoted to the role of women in th i s s o c i a l movement and yet , those studies which have addressed the quest ion, and general studies on the Ta ip ing which mention women, agree that Taip ing women enjoyed a 21 'higher s tatus ' than other Chinese women at the time. It would appear that th i s assessment is based on the observation that Ta ip ing women worked as labourers , palace o f f i c i a l s and s o l d i e r s and the b e l i e f that C h r i s t i a n i t y promoted equa l i ty of the sexes. In the remaining pages of th i s chapter the primary mater ia ls which describe women engaged in these occupations w i l l be given a more c r i t i c a l assessment. In a d d i t i o n , the Ta ip ing a t t i tudes towards women, as expressed in t h e i r p r e s c r i p t i v e l i t e r a t u r e , w i l l be examined. F i n a l l y , a b r i e f examination of the ro le s adopted by women in e a r l i e r revo l t s w i l l be made in order to determine i f , in respect to women, the Taiping can be considered ' r e v o l u t i o n a r y ' . At the foundation of the Heavenly Kingdom in 1850, men and women (who were accompanied by t h e i r ch i ldren) were placed in separate camps and were ordered on pain of death to observe the ban on a l l sexual r e l a -t i o n s . Famil ies were not reunited u n t i l 1855 when marriages seem to have been forced on s ing le men and women. The men's camp was a m i l i t a r y organizat ion mobi l ized for combat. The women's camp, la ter renamed the women's quarters , adopted an adminis-t r a t i v e s tructure s i m i l a r to the Ta ip ing m i l i t a r y organ iza t ion . Thus there were women s o l d i e r s and t h e i r supervisors were re f erred to as sergeants, c o l o n e l s , e t c . However, i t is important to note that th i s was not a regular army but a uni t designed to carry out a number of supportive 218. t a s k s . ^ During the per iod of mobile warfare the majori ty of women seem to have been engaged in construct ing defense works, gathering prov i s ions and burying the dead. Thus we f ind descr ip t ions of women digging ditches and b u i l d i n g earthen w a l l s , c a r r y i n g baskets of br icks and rocks and f e l l i n g bamboo with which to fashion staves for the tops of the w a l l s . At Nanking, women aided in the cons truc t ion of the various palaces and c a r r i e d out general maintenance work wi th in the grounds of the imper ia l res idences . F i n a l l y , women were apparently sent out from the occupied c i t i e s in order to harvest g r a i n s , gather s a l t , firewood and water and 23 to bury f a l l e n comrades. Taip ing s cho lars , e s p e c i a l l y h i s t o r i a n s from mainland China, s tress not only that such labour was except ional for Chinese women but that p a r t i c i p a t i o n in th i s labour was the fundamental condi t ion for the improve-ment of t h e i r p o s i t i o n in soc i e ty . However, the gentry authors who provide the majori ty of the descr ipt ions imply that such manual labour was unpre-cedented for only some women. As one contemporary noted: The rebels came o r i g i n a l l y from the mountainous regions and the women were used to farming. . . . They did not r e a l i z e that the women of Nanking were not used to doing work l i k e th i s . . . Thinking that whatever t h e i r women could do others could do too, they ordered them to do the ir share of the work . . . Since the bound feet of the Nanking women made working d i f f i -c u l t for them they were ordered to loosen the b indings . The Taipings d id not r e a l i z e that t h e i r feet would not grow again once they had been bound. Such mater ia l does not support the contention that manual labour was the exception for the majori ty of Chinese women. Instead, the authors appear to be commenting f i r s t of a l l on the contrast in the strength and c a p a b i l i -t i e s of women from r u r a l and urban areas . Secondly, these descr ip t ions often ind icate an awareness of reg iona l v a r i a t i o n s in women's labour 219. patterns and in the incidence of bound feet . Many authors note that women from Kwangtung and Kwangsi were strong and used to manual labour while the author just c i t e d adds that women from Anhwei d id not f ind such tasks unusua1. In a d d i t i o n , many Taip ing scholars suggest that the Hakka women from the o r i g i n a l God Worshippers soc ie ty were exceptional in t h e i r f a i l u r e to adopt the custom of bound feet . Consequently, they contend that the Taip ing regu la t ion against footbinding must have or ig ina ted in th i s Hakka custom and must have meant a r a d i c a l change in the customs of women in the Taip ing areas . However, contemporaries d id not make th is d i s t i n c -t ion but be l ieved footbinding to be rare among women from a number of areas and c l a s s e s . In his recent study of footb inding , Howard Levy also concluded that The d i f ference in the extent to which footbinding was adhered to in China dep:e irded l a r g e l y on s o c i a l c l a s s . Women of the poorer c la s se s , such as those who worked in the f i e l d s , were often barefooted: (for example) in areas such as Kwangtung and Kweichow, meticulous footbinding was associated only with fami l i e s of wealth and eminence . . . Footbinding was uncommon in that part of Kiangsu province north of the Yangtze R i v e r , v i l l a g e s in Kwangsi and Szechwan provinces , northern Anhwei, K i a n g s i , Fukien , Hunan and parts of Hupei and Chekiang.-- ' Thus the Ta ip ing c o n s c r i p t i o n of women to carry out manual labour and the ban on the b inding of feet (probably insp ired by the need for th i s labour) may have meant a d r a s t i c change in the l i f e s t y l e s of only some women, p r i n c i p a l l y those in the urban areas and in the wealthy f a m i l i e s . It i s , in a d d i t i o n , d i f f i c u l t to support the c la im that p a r t i c i p a t i o n in such manual labour contr ibuted to an improvement in the p o s i t i o n of women in Ta ip ing soc i e ty . The Heavenly Kingdom was a complex, h i e r a r c h i c a l soc ie ty in which manual labourers and peasants were found at the bottom. A document e n t i t l e d "The Land System of the Heavenly Dynasty" repeatedly states that a v a r i e t y of offences w i l l be punished with a demotion to the status of peasant: Among a l l o f f i c i a l s and subjects throughout the empire, those who u n i v e r s a l l y keep and obey the Ten Commandments of Heaven and who obey orders and f a i t h f u l l y serve the state s h a l l thus be considered l oya l subjects , and s h a l l be ra i sed from a low to a high s t a t i o n . . . Those o f f i c i a l s who break the Ten Com-mandments e tc . . . . s h a l l be considered t r a i t o r s and s h a l l be degraded from a high to a low p o s i t i o n and reduced to mere husbandry.~^ She Ta ip ing scholar reports that when women volunteers were asked by government o f f i c i a l s why they had jo ined the Taipings they usua l ly c la imed, 27 "I am going to be a lady, no longer a r u s t i c woman . . . " The opportunity to become a lady was a v a i l a b l e within the courts of the various kings of the Heavenly Kingdom. In 1852 at Yung-an, a number of women were drawn from the women's quarters to serve in the imper ia l cour t s . Their numbers increased u n t i l at Nanking, thousands of women served in th i s capac i ty . Ta ip ing p u b l i c a t i o n s ind icate that the palace women were encouraged to adopt an a r i s t o c r a t i c demeanor resembling the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the exemplary women of orthodox Confucian w r i t i n g s . To these women the Heavenly King addressed a number bf poems i l l u s t r a t i n g aspects of th i s l a d y l i k e behaviour. For example, he wrote: When you walk, proceed step by step; When you speak be prudent and mannerly; When you s i t , be s t r a i g h t and proper; When you stand be upright of posture and manner; . . . On the march of in camp, your faces should not be .shown to others; Why is i t that you have not yet discarded your lowly manners? De l i ca te g i r l s and b e a u t i f u l women with low voices are prec ious; Why sound l i k e a dog barking beside the c i t y w a l l s ? ^ Within the palaces , women were employed in tasks t r a d i t i o n a l l y assigned to eunuchs in the imper ia l cour t s . They acted, for example, as s e c r e t a r i e s , 221. messengers, keepers of the wardrobe and supervisors of court r i t u a l , genera l ly ensuring the smooth running of the imperia l households. As the women's quarters adopted an adminis trat ive s tructure s i m i l a r to the Ta ip ing army organ iza t ion , so too the palace women were organized in a system of ranks with t i t l e s r e f l e c t i n g those of the c i v i l bureaucracy. Thus there were women prime m i n i s t e r s , c h a n c e l l o r s , e t c . Consequently, scholars have suggested that the Ta ip ing government employed both male and female o f f i c i a l s and that through yet another occupation women at ta ined an equal status with men. However, s i m i l a r t i t l e s d id not confer an equal degree of au thor i ty and pres t ige on male and female o f f i c i a l s . In the f i r s t p l a c e , a document o u t l i n i n g Ta ip ing ceremonial regulat ions indicates that the ranks and t i t l e s accorded male o f f i c i a l s automat ica l ly resu l ted in a number of t i t l e s for various members of t h e i r f a m i l i e s . Women's t i t l e s had no corresponding inf luence on t h e i r fami l i es and they are dismissed in a few l ines in th i s lengthy document. This document also indicates that men could pass t h e i r t i t l e s on to t h e i r sons and indeed, th i s was known to have been c a r r i e d 29 out in the case of two kings k i l l e d in b a t t l e . This indicates that in Taip ing soc ie ty succession was p a t r i l i n e a l . F i n a l l y , meri tor ious male o f f i c i a l s were allowed to p r a c t i c e polygamy, r e t a i n i n g from two to eleven wives, the number contingent upon t h e i r rank."""* In contras t , meri tor ious female o f f i c i a l s were given the opportunity of becoming one of the e ighty -eight wives of the Heavenly King or one of the numerous wives and concubines of the other k ings . Ta ip ing pub l i ca t ions also ind ica te that the t i t l e s of women o f f i c i a l s did not carry with them author i ty extending beyond the confines of the 222 . imper ia l households. As one document suggests, . . . i t is proper to make a d i s t i n c t i o n between men and women. Men are to manage outside a f f a i r s ; i t is not proper that they hear what goes on w i t h i n . Women are to manage i n t e r n a l con-cerns; i t i s not proper that they hear what goes on wi thout . 3 ^ The chain of c i v i l and m i l i t a r y author i ty extended from the kings down through such ranks as that of c h a n c e l l o r , corps genera l , c o l o n e l , down to sergeant. I d e a l l y , the sergeant was to be the m i l i t a r y , p o l i t i c a l and j u d i c i a l au thor i ty over a group of twenty-five f a m i l i e s . He was also to serve as the l o c a l teacher and m i n i s t e r . As far as can be determined, no women were included in th i s h i e r a r c h y , nor would be in the future . In a c o l l e c t i o n of two hundred biographies of Taiping leaders holding a v a r i e t y of c i v i l and m i l i t a r y posts , there are no women's names. Even 32 the rank of supervisor of the women's quarters was bestowed on a man. To see the ro les of women o f f i c i a l s in th is l i g h t helps to assess the s i g n i f i c a n c e of reports that one examination was held for women in the Ta ip ing kingdom. This examination, reminiscent of the women's examinations described in the novel Flowers in the M i r r o r , seems to have been given in the hope of a t t r a c t i n g some of the many educated women of Nanking to the 33 serv ice of the cour t s . The Eastern King complained in one document that palace functions did not always run smoothly because many of the 34 women were "of l i m i t e d knowledge". Regular examinations were held to r e c r u i t men for the bureaucracy and the names of the winning candidates 35 were c a r e f u l l y recorded. No woman's name appears on these l i s t s . F i n a l l y , i t would seem that unl ike women r e c r u i t e d for manual labour, palace women were not forced to unbind t h e i r feet . This seems to be in l ine with the attempts to mold women from a v a r i e t y of backgrounds into a r i s t o c r a t i c l a d i e s . While these images of obedient, decorous women 223 . hardly suggest the presence of a great women's l i b e r a t i o n movement, i t i s c l ear that Ta ip ing leaders had some d i f f i c u l t y re fashioning the conduct of t h e i r palace o f f i c i a l s . For example, as a surv iv ing document s tates : Chance 1loress Fu , when drunk, insu l t ed the Eastern King , thereby displaying'extreme d i s r e s p e c t . Her punishment should be immediate d e c a p i t a t i on, but cons ider ing that she has p r e -v i o u s l y d isplayed considerable mer i t , and also since she was under the inf luence of a lcohol when she lost contro l of her words, mercy is granted and the l i g h t e s t punishment s h a l l be given.36 The f i n a l occupation discussed by Taip ing scholars is that of women s o l d i e r s . Once again they suggest that the presence of women in the Taip ing army i l l u s t r a t e s not only equa l i ty of men and women within the organizat ion but also that women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n in such m i l i t a r y a c t i v i t i e s was extraordinary and unprecedented. The extent of women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the Ta ip ing army is d i f f i c u l t to assess p r i n c i p a l l y because, for a number of reasons, descr ip t ions of women so ld iers in sources such as gentry memoirs are somewhat u n r e l i a b l e . B r i e f l y , I would suggest that by accept-ing these and other sources u n c r i t i c a l l y , and by neglect ing the t r a d i t i o n a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n of Chinese women in m i l i t a r y ro les (both in cu l ture and h i s -tory) scholars have tended to exaggerate the extent and the s ign i f i cance of women's ro le in the Ta ip ing army. Some of the most c o l o u r f u l descr ip t ions of Taiping women are those which purport to describe t h e i r m i l i t a r y a c t i v i t i e s . Both Western and Chinese sources a t tes t to the fact that women fought in Ta ip ing armies. However, while Western sources are more or less rout ine in t h e i r d e s c r i p -t i o n s , the Chinese sources borrow heav i ly from descr ip t ions of women warriors and women s o c i a l bandi t s . Indeed, many poems were wr i t ten about Ta ip ing women which contr ibuted to the genre of the f i c t i o n a l warrior" 224. woman. Augustus L i n d l e y , the E n g l i s h o b s e r v e r and s u p p o r t e r o f the T a i p i n g n o t e d t h a t ... v e r y many of the women accompany t h e i r husbands upon m i l i t a r y e x p e d i t i o n s , i n s p i r e d w i t h e n t h u s i a s m t o share the dangers and se v e r e h a r d s h i p s o f the b a t t l e - f i e l d . I n such cases t h e y a r e g e n e r a l l y mounted upon the Chi n e s e p o n i e s , donkeys and m u l e s . 3 ^ A n o t h e r f o r e i g n o b s e r v e r , Theodore Hamberg, wrote t h a t a t t h e b e g i n n i n g of the r e v o l t ... two female r e b e l c h i e f s o f g r e a t v a l o u r , named Kew-urh and S z u - s a n , e a c h ' b r i n g i n g about two thousand f o l l o w e r s , j o i n e d the army o f the God-worshippers and were r e c e i v e d upon s u b m i t t i n g t o the a u t h o r i t y o f Hung and the r u l e s of the c o n g r e g a t i o n . S i u - t s h u e n p l a c e d t h e s e two female c h i e f s w i t h t h e i r f o l l o w e r s a t a d i s t a n c e from the main body o f h i s army, s e r v i n g as o u t p o s t s one on each side. 3® Ch i n e s e d e s c r i p t i o n s , on the o t h e r hand, owed much t o the w r i t e r s ' o p i n i o n t h a t T a i p i n g women were e x o t i c b a r b a r i a n s . As one g e n t r y o b s e r v e r wrote The women of Kwangtung were bo r n i n c a v e s ; they have bare f e e t and bound heads and can c l i m b a l o n e the f a c e s o f c l i f f s . 7 Q They a re b r a v e r and more c a p a b l e t h a n men. An o t h e r i n f o r m a n t w r o t e t h a t , "The o l d e r women r e b e l s a r e a l l from Kwangsi. They have bare f e e t and a r e c a p a b l e of w a l k i n g l o n g d i s t a n c e s . 40 They are no weaker than the men." The same w r i t e r compared the T a i p i n g women w i t h t h o s e who were c a p t u r e d by the r e b e l s i n Hupei and Hunan who he d e s c r i b e d as b e i n g " p i g g i s h and i g n o r a n t , weak and f r a g i l e . These v i l l a g e women were no match f o r the b r a v e r y and v i o l e n c e of the Kwangsi , 141 women." Many of the most r o m a n t i c d e s c r i p t i o n s were w r i t t e n about the woman r e b e l whose name Theodore Hamberg knew as Su San-niang but who was a l s o 225. known as Hsiao San-niang. I would suggest that there is v i r t u a l l y no r e l i a b l e information on t h i s woman's l i f e . Jen Yu-wen claims that she 4? was a bandit c h i e f t a i n for ten years before j o i n i n g the T a i p i n g s . She apparently took to th is l i f e because her husband was unjus t ly k i l l e d by a u t h o r i t i e s and as a devout widow she sought revenge. During her years' as a bandit she s to le from the r i c h to give to the poor, gaining a repu-t a t i o n as a hiAla. However, i t i s important to note that Hsiao San-niang a t t rac ted instant mythmaking as the fo l lowing contemporary descr ip t ions w i l l demonstrate. One gentry observer, c a l l i n g her the Woman General , wrote: She is over twenty years o ld and very b e a u t i f u l . She leads hundreds of women s o l d i e r s and is the lover of the Eastern K i n g . In an e f f o r t to a id in the capture of Chenkiang, the c a p i t a l of K i a n g s i , she led troops to climb over the c i t y w a l l . Her appearance there amazed people.^" 3 Another contemporary wrote of her: Green f lags and yellow banners mark the Woman General 's army, Jewelled turbans c o i l e d l i k e dragons and s k i l l f u l l y knotted. Eight hundred women s o l d i e r s , a l l barefoot , 4 4 In t h e i r barbar ic costumes they r ide l i k e the wind. F i n a l l y , another contemporary poem makes use not only of f i c t i o n a l imagery but of heroic women in Chinese h i s t o r y to pra i s