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Trying to make a life : the historical political economy of Kitsumkalum McDonald, James Andrew 1985

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TRYING TO MAKE A LIFE THE HISTORICAL POLITICAL ECONOMY OF KITSUMKALUM  by JAMES ANDREW MCDONALD B.A.(Honours), U n i v e r s i t y Of Manitoba, 1973 M.A., U n i v e r s i t y Of A l b e r t a , 1977  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Anthropology and S o c i o l o g y  We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d  standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA February 1985  ©  James Andrew McDonald, 1985  In p r e s e n t i n g  t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of  requirements f o r an advanced degree a t the  the  University  o f B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make it  f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e for reference  and  study.  I  further  agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may  be  department o r by h i s o r her  granted by  the head o f  representatives.  my  It i s  understood t h a t copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l gain  s h a l l not be  allowed without my  permission.  Department  Of  Anthropology and  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3  Date  DE-6  (3/81)  June 29,  1984  Sociology  Columbia  written  ABSTRACT Anthropological  inquiries  i n t o the human c o n d i t i o n  long been tempered with a concern f o r the experienced by non-Western  societies  contact with the expanding Western  have  difficulties  faced with prolonged  social.systems.  In  economic a n t h r o p o l o g y , s t u d i e s of contemporary t r i b a l  and  peasant s o c i e t i e s have turned to the l i t e r a t u r e on development and underdevelopment  to e x p l a i n the f e a t u r e s and  processes that are a s s o c i a t e d with t h a t c o n t a c t . dissertation  This  i s the r e s u l t of such r e s e a r c h i n t o the s o c i a l  and economic problems on the Northwest Coast. The work examines the h i s t o r y and ethhography of the Tsimshian Indians to determine the u n d e r l y i n g s o c i a l that l e d to and s t i l l  forces  maintain the underdevelopment of the  s o c i a l and economic p o t e n t i a l of T s i m s h i a n groups. Particular attention the  i s given to the form and dynamics of  Tsimshian economy, of the r e g i o n a l e x p r e s s i o n of the  expanding world market economy, and the r e l a t i o n s between the  two.  The d i s s e r t a t i o n thus e x p l o r e s the socioeconomic  aspects of the i n t e r l o c k between Indian development and the e v o l v i n g development of c a p i t a l . The Tsimshian v i l l a g e of Kitsumkalum was the  inquiry.  the focus of  Using i t s h i s t o r y , I document how  which brought about an economic r e v e r s a l  the changes  f o r the n a t i v e  people and  were at the same time  f a v o u r a b l e to the  growth of i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l Two  establishment  i n the r e g i o n .  s e t s of f a c t o r s are c r i t i c a l  for understanding.this  shift: (1)  new  forms of property which, through  government  i n t e r v e n t i o n , t r a n s f e r r e d ownership and c o n t r o l of the f a c t o r s of p r o d u c t i o n to the  (2)  i n d u s t r i a l i s t s , and  in the  process r e d e f i n e d the r e s o u r c e s , technology  and  in terms c o n s i s t e n t with the development of  capital;  the d i v e r s i o n of Tsimshian  r e s o u r c e s , technology  labour  and  labour out of t r a d i t i o n a l p r o d u c t i o n  i n t o the modern  economy, where they were transformed  and u l t i m a t e l y  became dependent on the v a g a r i e s of a g l o b a l market i n which the Tsimshians The how  specific  had  little  or no  control.  i n f o r m a t i o n i n the d i s s e r t a t i o n e x p l a i n s  these processes occurred, how  o l d p o l i t i c a l economy was  the independence of the  undermined, how  an o s t e n s i b l y  " p e a c e f u l p e n e t r a t i o n " of the area o c c u r r e d as a r e s u l t ,  and  how  and  the Tsimshian  r e s i s t i n g the  responded by a l t e r n a t e l y accommodating  situation.  iv  TABLE OF CONTENTS  Abstract L i s t of T a b l e s L i s t of F i g u r e s Acknowledgements  ii viii ix x  PART I : BACKGROUND  1  1.  2  Introduction Theoretical Guidelines A b o r i g i n a l and Commodity S e c t o r s : Format of t h e D i s s e r t a t i o n The R e s e a r c h - A D e s c r i p t i o n  2.  3.  The P e o p l e :  Organization  is  and P r o p e r t y  3 15 19 22  . . . .  30 30 36 40  Kitsumkalum,  The P e o p l e  47  The W r i t t e n R e c o r d Land H o l d i n g s E c o n o m i c Development of The V i l l a g e S e t t i n g The P o p u l a t i o n Occupations  47 50 56 58 60 66  the  Reserves  THE POLITICAL ECONOMY  K i t s u m k a l u m as  a Unit  of  Material Appropriation  K i t s u m k a l u m as a U n i t of S o c i a l P r o d u c t i o n H o u s e h o l d s , G e n d e r , and P r o d u c t i o n Segmentary O r g a n i z a t i o n An A l t e r n a t e M o d e l Gender P r o d u c t i o n : The E t h n o g r a p h i c Case Conclusion 5.  .  Meant  Social Organization Property Changes  PART I I : 4.  Social  What  Section  A . , The A b o r i g i n a l Economy  Introduction Property Relationships General Information Land Use Seasonal Cycle  70 .  71  -  71 72 75 78 80 88 90 90 90 94 94 98  V  6. Hunting  105  Means of Production .... The Resource Technology Labour O r g a n i z a t i o n Non-labourers Property Rights Loss of Legal Ownership E r o s i o n of Economic C o n t r o l Maintenance of Possession C o n t r o l of P r o c e s s i n g C o n t r o l of D i s t r i b u t i o n  105 105 112 115 119 120 120 121 124 125 127  7. F i s h i n g  128  Means of Production The Resource Technology Labour Non-labourers Property Rights L e g a l Ownership . Loss of Economic C o n t r o l E r o s i o n of Possession Property i n the Product Rights to Product i n C i r c u l a t i o n  128 128 135 142 147 149 149 152 159 162 162  8. Gathering  168  Means of Production The Resource Technology Labour Property R e l a t i o n s Loss of Legal Ownership E r o s i o n of Economic C o n t r o l Loss of Possession C o n t r o l of D i s t r i b u t i o n  168 168 169 171 175 175 178 180 183  9. H o r t i c u l t u r e  184  Aboriginal Horticulture H i s t o r i c Gardens Gardening P r a c t i c e s 10. C o n c l u s i o n to S e c t i o n A: The A b o r i g i n a l S e c t o r s 11. S e c t i o n B., The Commodity Economy  185 191 193 .  195 199  vi  12. Trapping  202  Means of Production The Resource Traplines Labour The Commodif i c a t i o n of the Resource Property R e l a t i o n s h i p s 13. Commercial  Fishing  245  Resources Fish Locales Technology and Labour Fishing F i s h Camps Plants Subsumption of Labour The F i r s t Canneries Contractors The F i r s t Commercial Fishermen Government S t r u c t u r e s D e c l i n i n g Way of L i f e  246 246 254 259 259 270 271 279 279 282 284 292 299  14. Commercial Logging The Resource Merchantable Timber A l i e n a t i o n of the Resource Technology and Labour Subsumption of Labour Pre-Confederation Confederation P e r i o d  303 ;  15. Businesses Transportation Manufactures A r t s and C r a f t s Merchants Reserve Economic Development Conclusion 16. Wages Mercantile Period The' Hudson Bay Company Opening the I n t e r i o r Metlakatla E a r l y Confederation P e r i o d Diversification Backsliding  204 204 207 213 221 227  303 304 309 316 322 322 325 359  .  360 365 366 368 373 374 377 377 377 386 389 390 390 393  vi i  Small Commodity Production Post Second World War Organizations 17. C o n c l u s i o n  Period  to S e c t i o n B: The Commodity Economy  18. C o n c l u s i o n Bibliography  t  394 400 402 ..  407 411 418  vi i i  LIST OF TABLES 1. P o p u l a t i o n Estimates, D i s t r i b u t i o n and D i s p e r s a l of Game Species  Seasonal 108  2. The Food Trade at Port Simpson 3. Merchantable Timber on the Kitsumkalum Reserves  164 Indian 306  4. R e l a t i v e Importance of Merchantable Species on the Kitsumkalum Indian Reserves  308  5. Estimate  384  of Use of Indian Labour at Port Simpson  .  ix  LIST OF FIGURES  1. Map of Northwestern B r i t i s h Columbia Showing the L o c a t i o n of the Main Tsimshian V i l l a g e s at the Turn of the Century  31  2. The Property Holdings of the Kitsumkalum in the Kitsumkalum and Zimacord V a l l e y s  52  Phratries  3. P o p u l a t i o n Pyramids of Kitsumkalum and the K i t i m a t - S t i k i n e Regional D i s t r i c t  ...  4. The Land Use Areas of the Kitsumkalum During T h i s Century  63  95  5. The Close Seasons f o r Subsistence A c t i v i t i e s  101  6. The Seasonal C y c l e s of Kitsumkalum  104  7. Animal D i s t r i b u t i o n s f o r the Middle Skeena River 8. E a r l y Settlements Near Kitsumkalum V a l l e y ,  .  107  Circa  1920  182  9. T r a p l i n e Areas of the Kitsumkalum  i n the 1920s ...  10. Current T r a p l i n e Areas of the Kitsumkalum  236 239  11. Cannery L o c a t i o n s Near the Skeena River and the Nass River 12. M i l l s  i n the Tsimshian Lands  13. Land Pre-empted i n the Kitsumkalum Land Use Area . 14. The Spread of Logging Operations in the Southern P o r t i o n of the Kitsumkalum V a l l e y A f t e r the T.F.L was Granted  258 311 313  315  X  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS There are so many people who whose names I c a r e f u l l y  I should acknowledge,  recorded during my  that i t i s time to do so, I f i n d the l i s t  research.  Now  impossibly  long.  There are names from Ottawa, Montreal, Toronto, London, Winnipeg, Vancouver, V i c t o r i a , A l a s k a , and throughout Northwestern B r i t i s h Columbia. them.  The r e s e a r c h depended on  They gave generously of t h e i r time and knowledge, and  I thank them f o r making the f i n a l work p o s s i b l e . The people of Kitsumkalum deserve s p e c i a l thanks f o r t h e i r encouragement, a s s i s t a n c e , p a t i e n c e , and f r i e n d s h i p . This d i s s e r t a t i o n  i s f o r them, even though i t serves me  well  at the same time. I a l s o wish to express a p p r e c i a t i o n to my e s p e c i a l l y those who especially  sat on my committee.  important to acknowledge my  teachers,  Finally,  i tis  family and f r i e n d s  (many of whom have a l r e a d y been mentioned) who endured t h i s production and p r o v i d e d a l l manner of support.  1  PART I :  BACKGROUND  2  1.  INTRODUCTION  Anthropological inquiries  i n t o the human c o n d i t i o n have  long been tempered with a concern  f o r the d i f f i c u l t i e s  experienced by non-Western s o c i a l  formations that  our own.  In economic anthropology,  t r i b a l and peasant  encounter  s t u d i e s on contemporary  s o c i e t i e s have turned t o the l i t e r a t u r e  on development and underdevelopment to e x p l a i n the f e a t u r e s and processes that are a s s o c i a t e d with that c o n t a c t . dissertation  The  that f o l l o w s i s the r e s u l t of t h i s type of  r e s e a r c h i n t o the s o c i a l and economic problems of Indians on the Northwest  Coast.  T h i s work i s a study of the h i s t o r y and ethnography the Canadian  Tsimshian I n d i a n s .  recorded about  Very  little  of  has been  t h e i r s o c i a l economy, and I p r o v i d e as  d e t a i l e d a d e s c r i p t i o n as p o s s i b l e how they have made a l i v i n g s p e c i f i c purpose  i n order to r e c o n s t r u c t  since Confederation.  i s t o determine  My  the u n d e r l y i n g f o r c e s i n  t h e i r p r o d u c t i v e economy that l e d to and s t i l l  maintain  t h e i r underdevelopment and the underdevelopment of t h e i r s o c i a l and economic p o t e n t i a l .  To do t h i s , I examine i n  d e t a i l the form and dynamics of Tsimshian s o c i a l p r o d u c t i o n , of  the r e g i o n a l e x p r e s s i o n of the expanding  world market  economy, and of the r e l a t i o n s between the two. d i s s e r t a t i o n thus e x p l o r e s the socioeconomic  The  aspects of the  3  i n t e r l o c k between  Indian development and the e v o l v i n g  development of c a p i t a l . The focus of my Kitsumkalum.  inquiry  i s the Tsimshian community of  They have never been d e s c r i b e d by  ethnographers and very l i t t l e t h i s research.  was  known about them p r i o r to  Using the s o c i a l h i s t o r y of t h i s group, I  document how Tsimshian s o c i e t y a r t i c u l a t e d with the world economy, how and how  t h i s a r t i c u l a t i o n varied during i t s h i s t o r y ,  the e f f o r t s of the Indian people to make a .  s u c c e s s f u l l i v i n g f o r themselves have been c o n t i n u a l l y undermined.  THEORETICAL GUIDELINES My t h e o r e t i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n comes from s t u d i e s which analyse how  independent economies become dependent and  underdeveloped.  These s t u d i e s operate with the b a s i c  h y p o t h e s i s that development and underdevelopment are partial,  interdependent s t r u c t u r e s of a s i n g l e system of  world c a p i t a l i s m  (O'Brien 1975:12).  c o n s i s t s of a r e l a t i o n s h i p , between  The interdependency the economies of  d i f f e r e n t groups of c o u n t r i e s , that prevents one economy (the dependent economy) from growing and d e v e l o p i n g without an expansion in another economy ( i n the dominant The dependent economy l a c k s the a b i l i t y  country).  f o r independent  4  growth because i t i s s t r u c t u r e d by i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p with a c e n t r a l and dominant economy. The  work of A.G. Frank provided an important  stimulus  to r e s e a r c h on the "development of underdevelopment" by p r e s e n t i n g i t as the outcome of a s e t of c o n t r a d i c t i o n s i n a m e t r o p o l i s / s a t e l l i t e model (e.g., Frank 1969).  These  c o n t r a d i c t i o n s are c o n d i t i o n s that govern, hinder, and distort  the development of the s a t e l l i t e economy by d r a i n i n g  p o t e n t i a l economic s u r p l u s e s t o the m e t r o p o l i s .  Frank  found  that the b a s i c s t r u c t u r e s that make t h i s p o s s i b l e are constant might  through a l l the minor changes that a dependent area  experience. Dos  Santos r e f e r s to the s t r u c t u r a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s of  dependency as a " c o n d i t i o n i n g s i t u a t i o n " which determines the l i m i t s and p o s s i b i l i t i e s  i n the s a t e l l i t e s .  The  m e t r o p o l i t a n c o u n t r i e s "are endowed with t e c h n o l o g i c a l , commercial, c a p i t a l , and s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l predominance over dependent c o u n t r i e s - the form of t h i s predominance v a r y i n g a c c o r d i n g to the p a r t i c u l a r h i s t o r i c a l moment - and can t h e r e f o r e e x p l o i t them" (Dos Santos 1978:76). is,  Dependency  i n t h i s view, a p a r t of an i n t e r n a t i o n a l d i v i s i o n of  labour that allows development i n some p l a c e s while restricting  i t in others.  T h e r e f o r e , to understand i s necessary  to analyse  the c o n d i t i o n i n g s i t u a t i o n , i t  the economic r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n the  m e t r o p o l i s , the e x t e r n a l expansion  of the m e t r o p o l i s , the  5  economic r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n the s a t e l l i t e , and the compromises and agreements made between both areas (O'Brien  1975:15).  This procedure makes i t p o s s i b l e to show how the c o n d i t i o n i n g s i t u a t i o n r e s u l t s i n the development of some p a r t s of the g l o b a l economic system at the expense of o t h e r s , and how resources are t r a n s f e r r e d from the underdeveloped c o u n t r i e s to the developed c o u n t r i e s  (e.g.,  Dos Santos 1978:64). The dependency approach i s i n s i g h t f u l and u s e f u l . However, f o r a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l purposes, i t i s incomplete, and e s p e c i a l l y f o r s t u d i e s of economic formations such as the one found i n Kitsumkalum.  A narrow use of the  m e t r o p o l i s / s a t e l l i t e dichotomy would not b r i n g  into  the d i v e r s i t y of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s - that e x i s t  focus  l o c a l l y and  that connect people i n small communities t o broader (regional, national,  i n t e r n a t i o n a l ) economic  formations.  The models df the dependency school are u s e f u l f o r macroframeworks and general statements, but not s u i t a b l e f o r the m i c r o - a n a l y s i s of f i e l d work ( F o s t e r - C a r t e r  1978:212, Long  1 975:263). A part of t h i s d i f f i c u l t y  stems from an argument  that  the dependency school was making concerning the cause of underdevelopment. 1962, H o s e l i t z  Some development theory  (e.g., Rostow  1960) p o s i t e d that the underdeveloped  economies had two s e c t o r s : t r a d i t i o n a l and modern.  The  t r a d i t i o n a l one was seen as c o n s e r v a t i v e and c o n s t r a i n i n g t o  6  the growth of the dynamic, modern, c a p i t a l i s t  sector.  For  these t h e o r i s t s , underdevelopment was a f a i l u r e to overcome the t r a d i t i o n a l economy and to become a f u l l y capitalist  economy.  functioning  For development to take o f f , i t was,  t h e r e f o r e , necessary to f i n d ways to remove the r e s t r a i n t s of t r a d i t i o n . false  Frank determined that t h i s d u a l i s t  (1969:5).  thesis  was  For him, underdevelopment was a d i r e c t  consequence of c a p i t a l i s t  development and there was no dual  economy. In i t s extreme e x p r e s s i o n , the Frankian model c l a i m s that the expansion of c a p i t a l i s m " e f f e c t i v e l y and e n t i r e l y " penetrated even the most i s o l a t e d economies around the world (ibid.).  T h i s approach was u s e f u l i n c a l l i n g a t t e n t i o n to  the important h i s t o r i c a l  impact c a p i t a l i s m had on other  c u l t u r e s and s o c i e t i e s .  But i t was t h e o r e t i c a l l y  that  limited in  i t l a b e l l e d e v e r y t h i n g as c a p i t a l i s m and reduced s o c i a l  r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n the underdeveloped c o u n t r i e s to s p e c i f i c v a r i a n t s around a c a p i t a l i s t Field  type.  s t u d i e s have r e p e a t e d l y noted that dependent  economies are not as homogeneous as a l i t e r a l Frank would imply.  reading of  Complex l o c a l economies e x i s t , and are  in an important sense i n t e g r a t e d wholes, even though they operate w i t h i n the o v e r a l l context of a c a p i t a l i s t formation  (e.g., F o s t e r - C a r t e r  1978:213).  economic  7  With these s t u d i e s i n mind, c r i t i c s have argued that the m e t r o p o l i s / s a t e l l i t e model of dependency e r r e d by f o c u s i n g too much on the d i s t r i b u t i o n of economic s u r p l u s e s , and by l o c a t i n g the o r i g i n of underdevelopment only i n the way the dependent economies a r e i n s e r t e d i n t o the world market suggest  (e.g., L a c l a u 1977:34). that i t i s necessary  of p r o d u c t i o n which generated  To deepen the a n a l y s i s , they  to examine the s o c i a l those  relations  surpluses.  An e a r l y e f f o r t to c o n c e p t u a l i z e underdevelopment  along  the l i n e s of production was advanced by S a h l i n s who attempted to d e f i n e a "domestic mode of p r o d u c t i o n " as the characteristic  structure for social  r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n non-  i n d u s t r i a l economies (1972, see e s p e c i a l l y p.  85). In  doing so, S a h l i n s p r o v i d e d a way to d i s c u s s how make d e c i s i o n s concerning  producers  the a l l o c a t i o n of the f a c t o r s of  production and how p r o d u c t i o n  f o r use and production f o r  exchange can have very d i f f e r e n t consequences f o r a community.  He took the "segmentary s o c i e t y approach" that  i s a s s o c i a t e d with Durkheim and i s c o n v e n t i o n a l anthropological analyses.  i n many  With t h i s o r i e n t a t i o n , he  examined the o p e r a t i o n s of the most b a s i c s o c i a l u n i t s of the economy: the households. As I demonstrate i n chapter  four, t h i s emphasis on  independent p r o d u c t i o n u n i t s had two major problems.  First,  i t d i s t o r t e d the nature of the r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h i n a domestic community.  Second, the model prevented  him from  8  f i n d i n g connections, production,  i n terms of the r e l a t i o n s of  between the autonomous segments themselves, or  between the segments and the broader economic The  formation.  idea of a domestic mode of p r o d u c t i o n  reduced  communities to sets of s e l f - c o n t a i n e d p r o d u c t i v e  economies,  whose i n t e r n a l s t r u c t u r e s prevented development from occurring.  T h i s p o s i t i o n not only l e n t i t s e l f  of the d u a l i s t type,  to a t h e s i s  with a c o n s t r a i n i n g domestic  ( t r a d i t i o n a l ) s e c t o r ; i t a l s o c r e a t e d a problem that was the mirror  image of the problem with Frank's model.  domestic mode of production model that was d i f f i c u l t  was an a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l  micro-  t o t r a n s l a t e i n t o the macro-  framework which s t u d i e s of development a l s o L a c l a u provided  The  some very  required.  s p e c i f i c d i r e c t i o n s as a way  out of these r e c u r r e n t problems.  According  dependent economies can be analysed  t o him,  and understood by f i r s t  l o o k i n g at the "ensemble of r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n to the ownership of the means of p r o d u c t i o n " 1977:34).  linked  (Laclau  These are the most e s s e n t i a l r e l a t i o n s because  they provide  the b a s i s f o r the c h a n n e l l i n g  s u r p l u s , f o r the d i v i s i o n of labour, of the f o r c e s of p r o d u c t i o n . the a n a l y t i c d i f f i c u l t i e s  of the economic  and f o r the expansion  This approach avoids  some of  that the macro-theories of  dependency have f o r a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l  field  studies.  9  The  study of r e l a t i o n s of production has r e c e n t l y  become f a m i l i a r 1978,  i n anthropology  O'Laughlin  production  (see f o r example Clammer ed.  1975, Seddon ed. 1978).  R e l a t i o n s of  i n v o l v e two fundamental, r e l a t e d phenomena:  p r o d u c t i o n and r e p r o d u c t i o n .  The approach t r i e s to c l a r i f y  the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the r e l a t i o n s by which people themselves i n order to e x p l o i t f o r the purposes of producing  organize  resources i n the environment t h i n g s that they need or want  (Oxaal, et a l . 1975:3). Production processes the means of production  i n v o l v e the combinations  of (1)  (resources and t e c h n o l o g y ) , and (2)  the labour, a p a t t e r n of combination p a r t i c u l a r mode of p r o d u c t i o n .  that c o n s t i t u t e s a  The r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n  d e f i n e how people enter i n t o the arrangements that govern t h e i r modes of p r o d u c t i o n t e c h n i c a l l y and s o c i a l l y .  The  t e c h n i c a l s i d e i s the p h y s i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between  people  and t h e i r means of p r o d u c t i o n ; the s o c i a l s i d e o r g a n i z e s the r e l a t i o n s h i p s that e x i s t between people  (O'Laughlin  1975:349). Thus, to understand  the p r o d u c t i o n processes of a  community, i t i s necessary  to understand  the u t i l i z a t i o n of  the means of production and the d i v i s i o n of l a b o u r . i s a l s o important  to understand  But i t  s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s such as how  the means of production are c o n t r o l l e d , how labour i s a l l o c a t e d , and how products are c i r c u l a t e d .  10  Production  i s a l s o a process that occurs over time  that must recur as people consume what they produce.  and  In  order f o r t h i s to happen, the v a r i o u s r e l a t i o n s h i p s between people and  the means of p r o d u c t i o n must be reproduced,  the processes  repeated  ( M e i l l a s s o u x 1972).  and  Because the  process of r e p r o d u c t i o n can be m o d i f i e d over time by many factors,  i t i s an important  source of s o c i a l change.  For  example, the removal of a l l or some of the means of p r o d u c t i o n , i n c l u d i n g labour power, w i l l a l t e r or d e s t r o y a process of p r o d u c t i o n . people,  Changes i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between  such as ownership p a t t e r n s , w i l l a l s o a f f e c t how  p r o d u c t i v e economy f u n c t i o n s .  Thus, i t i s important  the  to have  d e t a i l e d knowledge about both the mode of p r o d u c t i o n and i t s r e p r o d u c t i o n over  time.  In order to understand  the development of Kitsumkalum's  underdevelopment, I have t r a c e d the m o d i f i c a t i o n s t h a t occurred i n the d i f f e r e n t elements of p r o d u c t i o n  (means of  p r o d u c t i o n , labour, p r o p e r t y ) a f t e r C o n f e d e r a t i o n .  Since  these changes are p r i m a r i l y r e l a t e d to the development of c a p i t a l i s m , the a n a l y s i s demonstrates how  s t r u c t u r e s of  dependency were e s t a b l i s h e d i n the Tsimshian i l l u s t r a t e s how  underdevelopment o c c u r r e d .  a r e l a t i o n s h i p between the broader community.  area  and  This establishes  economy and the  local  11  There i s s t i l l  the question  i n t e g r a t e d whole, that i s , how  of how  a l l these form an  they " a r t i c u l a t e "  together.  In answering t h i s , a problem can develop from too great o r i e n t a t i o n to the s t r u c t u r e s of the mode of ( L a c l a u I977:42ff.).  Accordingly,  production  F o s t e r - C a r t e r warned  a g a i n s t c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n s that d e s c r i b e e i t h e r a and  an  separate  unequal development of d i f f e r e n t modes of p r o d u c t i o n ,  a h i e r a r c h y of domination  (1978:217).  s o l u t i o n s t h e o r e t i c a l l y provides j u x t a p o s i t i o n of d i f f e r e n t Rey  had  Neither  of these  much more than a  s t r u c t u r e s of  a t h i r d s o l u t i o n i n which  becomes a p o l i t i c a l q u e s t i o n  production.  "articulation"  i n v o l v i n g a l l i a n c e s between  c l a s s e s which are d e f i n e d by the modes of p r o d u c t i o n . a l l i a n c e s are a part, of a process production  Following  Rey,  underdevelopment i s to be process  whereby one  becomes dominant over another  1978:219).  a l l i a n c e s that occurred  These  mode of  (Foster-Carter  the a n a l y s i s of dependency found in the h i s t o r y of  of domination, in the d i f f e r e n t  that are a part of i t , and  or  and  the  social relationships  in the c o n f r o n t a t i o n s  and  between the d i f f e r e n t c l a s s e s .  This  i s a u s e f u l p o s i t i o n f o r a n a l y s i n g the a r t i c u l a t i o n of d i f f e r e n t modes of production economic The  in r e g i o n a l and  national  formations. p o s i t i o n presents  an o v e r l y f o r m a l i s t i c , (Foster-Carter  a problem i f a researcher  s t r u c t u r a l a n a l y s i s of the  1978:224).  F i e l d s t u d i e s of  small  makes  classes  12  communities are p a r t i c u l a r l y v u l n e r a b l e t o t h i s  difficulty.  In small p o p u l a t i o n s , such as Kitsumkalum, i t i s p o s s i b l e s t r u c t u r a l l y to i d e n t i f y c l a s s p o s i t i o n s w i t h i n processes  production  (with regard to the c o n t r o l of the means of  p r o d u c t i o n ) , but the p r o d u c t i v e economy i s u s u a l l y heterogeneous and i n d i v i d u a l s a r e not n e c e s s a r i l y o p e r a t i n g from only one ( s t r u c t u r a l l y d e f i n e d ) c l a s s p o s i t i o n . other words, people  participate  i n complex p a t t e r n s of  r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h i n d i f f e r e n t modes of p r o d u c t i o n . found  In  Long  o b s e r v a t i o n s of t h i s type t o be a v a l u a b l e  c o n t r i b u t i o n to understanding When people  dependency i n f i e l d s t u d i e s :  c r e a t e complex p a t t e r n s , they a l s o c r e a t e  l i n k a g e s between d i f f e r e n t modes of production  (Long 1975).  One must r e c a l l a t t h i s p o i n t that p r o d u c t i o n  isa  s o c i a l process and that the u l t i m a t e goal i s the production of the t o t a l s o c i a l needs of a s o c i e t y 1975:346).  (O'Laughlin  In a small community, t h i s goal i s achieved  through the o p e r a t i o n of a l l the processes not only one.  of p r o d u c t i o n ,  People and t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r households become  dependent on the c o n t i n u i t y of s e v e r a l s e t s of r e l a t i o n s of production.  Thus v a r i o u s connections  and exchanges r e s u l t  between the modes of p r o d u c t i o n , and between l o c a l economic formations  and broader  ones.  The way these connections are  e s t a b l i s h e d s t r u c t u r e s the dependency c o n d i t i o n of the community.  Clement's work on the development of c a p i t a l i s m  in Canada i s h e l p f u l  f o r studying t h i s process  (Clement  13  1983).  H i s a n a l y s i s i s r e l e v a n t f o r examining how the  t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of p r o p e r t y  r i g h t s i n the northwest  s t r u c t u r e d the r e l a t i o n s of production and c r e a t e d dependency.  (I w i l l expand on the method i n chapter  F o l l o w i n g Poulantzas economic l e v e l c o n t r o l over  five.)  (1975), Clement d e f i n e d c l a s s "at the  i n terms of r e l a t i o n s h i p s t o property and  labour"  (Clement 1983:216).  T h i s statement  r e f i n e s the approach t o dependency by d i s t i n q u i s h i n g between two  b a s i c forms of ownership: l e g a l and r e a l ( i b i d . : 2 1 7 ) .  Legal ownership r e f e r s to a j u d i c i a l  r e l a t i o n , which may or  may not e n t a i l a c t u a l economic c o n t r o l (that i s , the a b i l i t y to e x e r c i s e property  rights).  In other words, there may be  a d i s j u n c t u r e between the l e g a l d e f i n i t i o n o f , and the r e a l s i t u a t i o n of c o n t r o l over p r o p e r t y .  Real ownership, on the  other hand, e n t a i l s an a b i l i t y to a c t u a l l y e x e r c i s e c o n t r o l . Real ownership can be f u r t h e r analysed ability  t o command the means of p r o d u c t i o n  ownership) o r , more simply, production  (possession).  (economic  the c a p a c i t y to use the means of  Economic ownership permits  d e c i s i o n s a f f e c t i n g development. l i m i t e d d e c i s i o n s concerning A c r i t i c a l aspect  i n t o e i t h e r the  broad  Possession permits more  only the labour  of the d i f f e r e n t  process.  forms of property  i n v o l v e s the r e l a t i o n s between labour and the means of production.  Clement notes  that the development of c a p i t a l  a l i e n a t e s labour from c o n t r o l of the p r o d u c t i o n (ibid.:218).  Thus an understanding  processes.  of dependency must  14  examine how  the  r e l a t i o n of labour to p r o d u c t i o n i s  structured,  and  how  labour may  be  l i n k e d to d i f f e r e n t  r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n , in ways such as Long (1975) suggested. With these refinements to dependency theory,  the  a n a l y s i s of complexly s t r u c t u r e d  economies may  conceptually  l e v e l of the d i v e r s e  integrated  from the  r e l a t i o n s h i p s observed in fieldwork l e v e l s of r e g i o n a l , n a t i o n a l and formations. that  s i t u a t i o n s , to  social  the  i n t e r n a t i o n a l economic  T h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n i s an attempt to demonstrate  integration The  be  f o r one  region.  broad t h e o r e t i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s  o u t l i n e d provide the o r i e n t a t i o n f o r my p o l i t i c a l economy of Kitsumkalum.  that I have research  Using them as  on  the  guidelines,  I examine Kitsumkalum's development w i t h i n  the context  the development of the  economy.  The  regional c a p i t a l i s t  emphasis of the  questions:  (1) How  new  research  i s on two  s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s , in the  property arrangements and  through government  t r a n s f e r r e d ownership and  c o n t r o l of the  p r o d u c t i o n to the redefined consistent  the  sets  i n d u s t r i a l i s t s , and  gradually  diverted  process  labour i n terms  ultimately  incorporated  How  from t r a d i t i o n a l  production i n t o the modern economy, where i t was and  form of  intervention,  with the development of c a p i t a l ; (2)  Tsimshian labour was  of  f a c t o r s of  in the  r e s o u r c e s , technology and  of  transformed  i n t o a g l o b a l market i n which  15  the Tsimshians had l i t t l e  or no c o n t r o l .  The data i n the d i s s e r t a t i o n are used t o c l a r i f y how these processes occurred, how the independence of the o l d p o l i t i c a l economy was undermined, how an o s t e n s i b l y "peaceful p e n e t r a t i o n " of the area occurred as a r e s u l t , and how  the Tsimshian responded by a l t e r n a t e l y accommodating and  r e s i s t i n g the s i t u a t i o n .  ABORIGINAL AND COMMODITY SECTORS: WHAT IS MEANT While the economic formation of Kitsumkalum i s not a dual economy, i t i s s t i l l  useful to d i f f e r e n t i a t e  between  s e c t o r s which I w i l l c a l l  the " a b o r i g i n a l " and "commodity"  sectors. The a b o r i g i n a l s e c t o r s of Kitsumkalum are d e r i v e d from the o r i g i n a l , pre-contact economic formation.  In the  t w e n t i e t h century, these s e c t o r s mainly i n v o l v e production for s u b s i s t e n c e use ( c r e a t i o n of 'use-values') by and f o r members of the community.  T h i s c o n t r a s t s with p r o d u c t i o n  for commercial market exchange  (commodity economies). The  l a t t e r e x i s t s under the regime of c a p i t a l i s t p r o d u c t i o n , i n which Kitsumkalum produces goods that are wanted  for their  commercial exchange value and that a r e marketed. There a r e two r e l a t e d reasons f o r making distinction.  this  One i s more t h e o r e t i c a l and germaine t o the  16  q u e s t i o n of r e l a t i o n s practical  of p r o d u c t i o n .  s e c t o r s has d i f f e r e n t  i n the a b o r i g i n a l and the commodity social  implications.  commodity economies organized production  of  i s more  i n terms of r e s e a r c h .  F i r s t , production  and  The other  The object of  i n a c a p i t a l i s t mode of  i s p r o f i t , which i s sought with exchange values  found as surplus values expressed  as money.  The o b j e c t  the c u r r e n t a b o r i g i n a l economy, on the other hand, i s to  fulfill  the needs of the producers  d i r e c t l y , whether  these  be t h e i r personal consumption or the replacement of t h e i r v a r i o u s items or means of p r o d u c t i o n . community has a s i n g l e ,  i n t e g r a t e d economic formation, the  o p e r a t i o n of i t s p a r t s reproduces relations.  Thus, even though the  As I show i n chapter  different  social  f o u r , the a b o r i g i n a l  s e c t o r s h e l p Kitsumkalum s u r v i v e as a Tsimshian different  from the r e s t  of the r e g i o n a l p o p u l a t i o n .  commodity s e c t o r s are important  The  f o r Kitsumkalum, but these  a c t i v i t i e s a l s o are a p a r t of the more general of the r e l a t i o n s  community  of c a p i t a l i s t production  reproduction  i n the r e g i o n .  These s e c t o r s l i n k Kitsumkalum to the world market system. The  economic formation  pre-contact  times.  was s t r u c t u r e d d i f f e r e n t l y i n  I t was, by d e f i n i t i o n ,  pre-capitalist.  A c c o r d i n g l y , the consequences of the exchange of goods were different.  Some of the use-values  - the p o t l a t c h system, or otherwise as a f u n c t i o n of t h e i r o f f i c e .  were a p p r o p r i a t e d  into  u t i l i z e d by the n o b i l i t y  Others were marketed between  17  v i l l a g e s or i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y at such great g a t h e r i n g s as the s p r i n g oolachan  f i s h e r y or the markets h e l d by t r a d i n g  chiefs. Thus, production part of a d i f f e r e n t  i n the p r e - c a p i t a l i s t economy was a  s e t of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s and provided  a base f o r the s o c i a l c l a s s e s that e x i s t e d then. understand  the consequences of t h i s ,  To f u l l y  i t would be necessary  to examine the complex r o l e that exchange played i n s o c i a l r e p r o d u c t i o n before C o n f e d e r a t i o n 1975:266).  ( M e i l l a s s o u x 1972, Long  U n f o r t u n a t e l y , the data are incomplete,  i s not p o s s i b l e t o attempt the important reconstruction  and i t  task of  here.  These l a s t comments r a i s e the second reason f o r i d e n t i f y i n g some s e c t o r s of the economy as a b o r i g i n a l : To isolate  i n f o r m a t i o n that l i n k s the p r e - c o n t a c t economic  formation d i r e c t l y with the p r e s e n t . "aboriginal" in i t s s t r i c t The  category  Thus I mean the word  sense of "from the o r i g i n a l " .  " t r a d i t i o n a l economy" i s more  c o n v e n t i o n a l , but i t has an i n a p p r o p r i a t e l y synchronic overtone,  particularly  i f i t i s thought  of i n terms of  stages, such as t r a d i t i o n a l versus modern, or underdeveloped versus developed. peoples  The p r e - c o n t a c t economies of a b o r i g i n a l  i n Canada are g e n e r a l l y not w e l l known, and we  cannot p o s i t a p r e - c o n t a c t , " t r a d i t i o n a l " economy with any precison.  In f a c t , some e t h n o h i s t o r i a n s take the extreme  view that every Indian s o c i e t y had been r a d i c a l l y  altered  18  before any w r i t t e n record had been made (see T r i g g e r 1976:13-14). The ethnographic  concept  economy i s a good example.  of " t r a d i t i o n a l "  Tsimshian  Our knowledge about i t i s very  s u p e r f i c i a l and u n r e l i a b l e due to a lack of e a r l y or e t h n o h i s t o r i c a l r e c o n s t r u c t i o n .  G a r f i e l d noted  d u r i n g the 1944 Alaska land c l a i m s hearings The  this  (Garfield  s i t u a t i o n has not improved s i g n i f i c a n t l y ,  Garfield  research  1948).  although  (1966) made a c o n t r i b u t i o n and a t h e s i s by D a r l i n g  (1955) c o r r e l a t e d some p u b l i s h e d data. The  r e l a t i o n s h i p between the o r i g i n a l economic  formation and the e a r l y documentary or ethnographic d e s c r i p t i o n s of l a t e r p e r i o d s i s a l s o problematic 1978  has demonstrated f o r the Indians  general).  For these reasons,  (as Knight  i n B r i t i s h Columbia i n  the t o p i c of Tsimshian  and economic e v o l u t i o n before Confederation  social  i s a complex one  i n v o l v i n g many changes that a r e e i t h e r unknown or have not been analysed  (McDonald 1984).  Somewhat p a r a d o x i c a l l y , the best we can do, I b e l i e v e , i s to p r o v i d e a r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of the many changes that occurred, before attempting  t o d e s c r i b e the p r e - c o n t a c t  s i t u a t i o n , and to work backwards i n time to develop a p i c t u r e of the e a r l i e r  situation.  It i s u s e f u l , t h e r e f o r e , t o d i s t i n q u i s h  aboriginal  p r a c t i c e s from those r e l a t e d t o the commodity s e c t o r s . so by grouping  them i n t o d i f f e r e n t  s e c t i o n s of the  I do  19  dissertation.  For convenience,  I sometimes r e f e r to them  c o l l e c t i v e l y as the a b o r i g i n a l economy, and  the  various  commodity s e c t o r s as the commodity economy.  FORMAT OF THE  DISSERTATION  Part One  i s a Proloque  and c o n t a i n s i n f o r m a t i o n which  i s a background to the r e s t of the t e x t . Part Two,  the Corpus, i n c l u d e s the body of the  r e s u l t s and documents the p o l i t i c a l economy of Kitsumkalum as a community.  research  the  I want to e l a b o r a t e on  the  notion of "community" because one  of the p u z z l e s that  f a s c i n a t e d me  the q u e s t i o n of d e f i n i n g  who  i n the r e s e a r c h was  the Kitsumkalum are.  of f r i e n d s and and who  was  While I l i v e d  i n t h e i r community  r e l a t i v e s , I c e r t a i n l y had a sense of who  not one  of them.  They, of course, not  was  only  shared t h i s sense, but were a c t i v e l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r c r e a t i n g and notes and  shaping  files,  i t . Afterward,  as I s o r t e d through  my  l o o k i n g f o r some e x p l a n a t i o n of t h i s sense  of u n i t y , I examined the way  i n which they worked  provided the n e c e s s i t i e s of l i f e .  The chapter  and  on  Kitsumkalum as a u n i t of s o c i a l p r o d u c t i o n presents  my  analysis. To e x p l a i n the u n i t y of Kitsumkalum i n that chapter, I choose to s i m p l i f y the d i s c u s s i o n t e m p o r a r i l y by i g n o r i n g the property r e l a t i o n s governing  t h e i r s o c i a l economy.  20  Those r e l a t i o n s h i p s are o b v i o u s l y c r i t i c a l , complex that a proper  understanding  but they are so  c o u l d only be  gleaned  with a lengthy d i s c u s s i o n of t h e i r h i s t o r i c a l c o n t e x t : i s provided  i n the r e s t of the Corpus.  chapters of Part Two  These  examine the h i s t o r y and  of Kitsumkalum's economy.  major means of p r o d u c t i o n  remaining transformation  Each chapter d e a l s with one  the major economic s e c t o r s .  This  of  I s p e c i f y f o r each s e c t o r the  ( r e s o u r c e s , technology,  labour),  the p r o d u c t i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n , the u t i l i z a t i o n of labour power, and  the e v o l v i n g p r o p e r t y r e l a t i o n s that t i e i t a l l  together. Each s e c t o r and each of i t s c o n s t i t u e n t elements i s c o n s i d e r e d over a c o n s i d e r a b l e p e r i o d of time, more or from the p r e - C o n f e d e r a t i o n p e r i o d of the century to the present  (roughly  1980).  p r o d u c t i o n , and  mid-nineteenth The  study were a s s o c i a t e d with the expansion  less  changes under  of the  capitalist  i n northwest B r i t i s h Columbia t h i s was  phenomenon that e s s e n t i a l l y s t a r t e d i n the  a  nineteenth  century. The  a b o r i g i n a l economy i s centered around  f i s h i n g , g a t h e r i n g and h o r t i c u l t u r e .  hunting,  These are a l l  p r a c t i c e s d e r i v e d from the p r e - c o n t a c t past that remain important  today.  The  resource l e g i s l a t i o n of  British  Columbia and the p a r t i c u l a r ways i n which these four major s e c t o r s were r e - s t r u c t u r e d by c a p i t a l i s t them with d i s t i n c t  histories.  development provide  21  The  commodity economy c o n s i s t s of many a c t i v i t i e s ,  the  c h i e f of which a r e : t r a p p i n g , f i s h i n g , l o g g i n g , business, and wage labour.  Of these, trapping'and  fishing  are  somewhat d i s t i n c t as t r a n s i t i o n a l s e c t o r s because of t h e i r p e c u l i a r development from p r e - c o n t a c t techniques, yet are commodified.  The  other three s e c t o r s were more c l o s e l y  a s s o c i a t e d with and organized by c a p i t a l i s t their  inception.  production  I do not c l a i m to have exhausted  d e s c r i p t i o n of Kitsumkalum's p r o d u c t i v e economy. attempting  to give an account  areas of p r o d u c t i v e  they  from  the I am  only  of what were and are the major  activity.  There i s a s l i g h t d i f f e r e n c e i n my a b o r i g i n a l and commodity s e c t o r s .  The  examination  of the  s t o r y of the  a b o r i g i n a l economy i s c o l o u r e d by the processes of the d e s t r u c t i o n of the e a r l i e r p r o p e r t y r e l a t i o n s h i p s of that way  of l i f e .  On  the other hand, the d i s c u s s i o n of the  commodity economy assumes the a p p r o p r i a t i o n of the out of the a b o r i g i n a l economy i n t o the c a p i t a l i s t and goes on to examine how commodified, e s p e c i a l l y how  domination The  economy  the means of p r o d u c t i o n were labour power was  Thus, these chapters look at the way participation  resources  i n these s e c t o r s was  commodified.  Kitsumkalum's  s t r u c t u r e d under the  of c a p i t a l i s t c o n d i t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n .  C o n c l u s i o n summarizes the  findings.  22  THE  RESEARCH - A DESCRIPTION In many ways the research  around me  and  i n c o r p o r t a t e d me  wanted to do a study  for t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n grew i n t o i t s own  that would h e l p me  structure.  understand the  economic p o s i t i o n of Indian s o c i e t i e s in B r i t i s h At the time when I was seeking  considering s p e c i f i c  to make a study  coincidence:  i t wanted an  anthropologist  of t h e i r s o c i a l h i s t o r y that would a s s i s t  them i n t h e i r land c l a i m s and intended  economic development.  to do an h i s t o r i c a l study  b e n e f i c i a l way.  the C o u n c i l and myself  Since I  of the p o l i t i c a l economy  of an Indian p o p u l a t i o n , our paths came together mutually  Columbia.  t o p i c s and  a study area, there occurred a happy  Kitsumkalum Band C o u n c i l decided  I  in a  A r e l a t i o n s h i p developed between i n which the Band C o u n c i l provided  with c o n t a c t s , m a t e r i a l support,  guidance, and  that not only f a c i l i t a t e d the study  me  encouragement  g r e a t l y , but a l s o l e n t  i t an o r i e n t a t i o n that i n c o r p o r a t e d Indian as w e l l as academic e x p e c t a t i o n s . preserve  For my  p a r t , I endeavoured to  some of t h e i r h i s t o r y and  h e r i t a g e and  whatever ways I c o u l d with the development and of that m a t e r i a l .  T h i s t e x t i s one  f i l e s that have r e s u l t e d from our note here that the e f f o r t  to a s s i s t in utilization  of s e v e r a l r e p o r t s  relationship.  and  I should  that I expended upon a l l t h i s  has  been more than the f u l f i l l m e n t of an o b l i g a t i o n , i t i s an - expression  of my  g r a t i t u d e to them - f o r many t h i n g s .  23  My  initial  February,  1979.  contact with the Band C o u n c i l came in The  arrangements made then were extended in  August when I attended that was was  a conference  on Tsimshian  h e l d in the c o a s t a l v i l l a g e of H a r t l e y Bay.  an e x c i t i n g meeting of academics, c i v i l  Tsimshians  from Canada and Alaska  in T e r r a c e .  I came f u l l y  1984).  with my  arrival  the g r e a t e s t of  f o r what turned out to be a very  p e r i o d of a s s o c i a t i o n with Kitsumkalum and that has  and  loaded with r e c o r d i n g d e v i c e s ,  s e n s i t i v e t h e o r e t i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n s , and expectations  This  servants,  (see Seguin  F i e l d work commenced in January, 1980,  l a s t e d for four y e a r s .  The  proved to be more s e n s i t i v e than the o r i e n t a t i o n s , as the ethnographic will  studies  rewarding  the  Tsimshian  recording devices theoretical  tone of t h i s  dissertation  testify. Because of housing  the adjacent  shortages  c i t y of T e r r a c e .  My  on the r e s e r v e , I l i v e d in schedule  c o n s i s t e d of p e r i o d s of t h r e e , f o u r , and weeks i n the northwest, punctuated  of f i e l d work  sometimes e i g h t  by t r i p s of one  week or  longer to conduct r e s e a r c h i n other l o c a t i o n s or to work on my  notes at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h In the northwest, my  concentrated Zimacord. -  Columbia.  r e s e a r c h l o c a t i o n s were  in Kitsumkalum, T e r r a c e , P r i n c e Rupert,  Other areas  included K i t s e l a s ,  Hazelton,  Kitwanga, Port Edward, K i t k a t l a , H a r t l e y Bay, and New  Aiyansh  and  Port Simpson,  in B r i t i s h Columbia, as w e l l as M e t l a k a t l a  24  and Ketchikan  i n Alaska.  I u s u a l l y met with people as a  r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of Kitsumkalum Band C o u n c i l , although the d i s t i n c t i o n between my own work and t h e i r s was not c l e a r cut.  My support  many s i t u a t i o n s , meetings.  from the C o u n c i l permitted me entry  into  ranging from p r i v a t e homes t o p u b l i c  The nature of the r e s e a r c h r e l a t i o n s h i p that I  had with Kitsumkalum l e a d me to depart  from the usual  a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l custom of g i v i n g anonymity to the people I discuss. names.  The names used f o r people I t was my understanding  and p l a c e s a r e a l l r e a l  that the Kitsumkalum wished  to have as much p e r s o n a l h i s t o r i c a l  i n f o r m a t i o n i n the text  as p o s s i b l e . I a l s o conducted  a r c h i v a l r e s e a r c h i n the northwest.  In T e r r a c e there were important  records at the Northwest  Community C o l l e g e , and i n v a r i o u s l i b r a r i e s of p r i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l s , the c i t y government, the S t i k i n e / K i t i m a t Regional D i s t r i c t , and the p u b l i c l i b r a r y . Rupert,  r e c o r d s were found  In P r i n c e  i n the p u b l i c l i b r a r y ,  federal  government o f f i c e s , North Coast T r i b a l C o u n c i l , and the Diocese  of Caledonia of the A n g l i c a n Church.  Among the government informants, F e d e r a l c i v i l  servants  - u s u a l l y the manager of a department or o f f i c e - were very helpful. spirit  Only  the Game Wardens, u n f o r t u n a t e l y , matched t h i s  i n the p r o v i n c i a l o f f i c e s .  M u n i c i p a l o f f i c i a l s were  e s p e c i a l l y c o l d , p o s s i b l y because they  i n t e r p r e t e d my  purposes t o be that of a p a i d c o n s u l t a n t seeking  free  25  information.  Aside  o f f i c i a l s had very cities,  from that assessment, the little  information on the Indians  but very l a r g e assumptions.  informants  i n the  F i n a l l y , some  from the academic s t a f f at the Northwest  Community C o l l e g e helped me people I owe My  municipal  immensely.  To a l l of  these  sincere gratitude.  research methods i n the northwest p r i m a r i l y  c o n s i s t e d of i n t e r v i e w s and questioned  participant observation.  people e x t e n s i v e l y on t h e i r l i f e  t h e i r knowledge of Tsimshian  life.  a formal one,  arranged  devices.  meetings were staged  Our  The  histories  s i t u a t i o n was  by appointment,and with  I and often  recording  i n homes or at the Band  Council building. There were a l s o many i n f o r m a l i n t e r v i e w s . these amounted to l i t t l e itself,  but others  d r i v i n g to and walking  more than p a r t i c i p a n t o b s e r v a t i o n  i n v o l v e d thematic  conversations  immediate r e c o r d was  kept,  social  situations.  unless something s p e c i f i c  expected to be  were f o l l o w e d and  an e f f o r t was  was  schedules  made to c o n t a c t a l l the  i n d i v i d u a l s in the community.  occupancy study  No  noted.  For some t o p i c s , h i g h l y s t r u c t u r e d i n t e r v i e w  appropriate  while  from more formal r e s e a r c h , at p a r t i e s , while  the land, or in v a r i o u s other  s a i d that was  Some of  i s an example of t h i s .  members of the Band were requested  The  land use  A l l the a d u l t  to appear f o r an  i n t e r v i e w at the Band C o u n c i l b u i l d i n g where a set of  and  26  topographic maps was  available.  A l l those who  and able to do so then responded  to a l i s t  were w i l l i n g  of q u e s t i o n s  concerning t h e i r use of the land and resources, with the answers being taped and mapped.  Questions were extremely  s p e c i f i c , but the open-ended nature of the i n t e r v i e w was a l s o important because  i t allowed some respondants to  d i s c u s s r e l a t e d matters at great l e n g t h .  Non-band members  were a l s o contacted and arrangements made f o r i n t e r v i e w s . P o r t a b l e and durable maps were c r e a t e d to enable the e n t i r e i n t e r v i e w apparatus to go to the homes of people who c o u l d not t r a v e l to the C o u n c i l b u i l d i n g .  T h i s allowed me  to  q u e s t i o n people i n f a r away v i l l a g e s and thereby f i l l  in  more of the p i c t u r e . Maps were only one of s e v e r a l formal "props" that facilitated  research.  Such m a t e r i a l s helped to s t i r dormant  memories, extend c o n v e r s a t i o n beyond what I c o u l d a n t i c i p a t e simply from the development of the i n t e r v i e w , and to p r o v i d e some f o c u s . H e r i t a g e a r t i f a c t s always  f a s c i n a t e d people.  Old cedar  boxes or t o o l s prompted o l d e r people to r e m i n i s c e about t h e i r c h i l d h o o d and what t h e i r grandparents  said.  s t a r t e d on these l i n e s , t h e y - c o u l d be encouraged d e t a i l about p a r t i c u l a r t h i n g s and happenings. photographs photograph  and maps were s i m i l a r l y u s e f u l .  Once to go  into  Old  Examining  a  with an e l d e r o f t e n r e v e a l e d ethnographic  i n f o r m a t i o n that otherwise would have remained  hidden  i n the  27  background  of the photo, perhaps  behind an aunt's head.  The  d i s c o v e r y of a p i c t u r e of people canoeing on a lake c o u l d lead to an e f f o r t to i d e n t i f y the l a k e , then a sudden scramble t o r e c o r d the flow of i n f o r m a t i o n on why they were there, what they were f i s h i n g , who l i v e d nearby and why, who made the canoe and how dug-outs were used, the r e l a t i o n s h i p s of  the people i n the canoe, the l a s t time those canoes had  been used, and so on.  Another  e x p l o r a t i o n and d i s c u s s i o n .  type of a i d was on s i t e  Although time-consuming  and  o f t e n p h y s i c a l l y exhausting, these p l e a s u r a b l e o u t i n g s were always p r o f i t a b l e f o r the amount of the i n f o r m a t i o n that resulted. These props evoked focus a t t e n t i o n .  i n f o r m a t i o n , but a l s o served to  The land u t i l i z a t i o n  study was an  i n t e n s i v e encounter with a broad s u b j e c t . expanded upon t h e i r comments, i n t e r v i e w s brought  As people  the m a t e r i a l s used  them back to t o p i c .  i n the  Less formal s e s s i o n s  had the p o t e n t i a l of going o f f on e x c i t i n g t r a i l s of thought, but never r e t u r n i n g t o complete particularly  informed respondant  any one. When a  begins to e s p e c i a l l y  the c o n v e r s a t i o n / i n t e r v i e w , i t can be d i f f i c u l t him or her to the t o p i c that was of o r i g i n a l  enjoy  to c o n s t r a i n  importance.  Props d i d so i n an unobtrusive manner - most of the time. My p e r s o n a l o b s e r v a t i o n s were a l s o  important.  Sometimes these were recorded on the spot, i f that was w i t h i n the bounds of what was s o c i a l l y a p p r o p r i a t e .  I t was  28  not always a c c e p t a b l e , f o r example, to suddenly become the anthropologist jot  i n a downtown bar, p u l l out a notebook and  down a c o n v e r s a t i o n that was e v o l v i n g over a couple of  beers.  Yet, those c o n v e r s a t i o n s o f t e n were intended,  o b l i q u e l y , f o r the f i l e s of the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t who was r e l a x i n g behind the s o c i a b i l i t y of the evening.  Mental  notes were taken to be converted i n t o q u e s t i o n s f o r a l a t e r and l e s s ambiguous  situation.  My r e l a t i o n s h i p with the Band C o u n c i l was a l s o a r i c h source of p a r t i c i p a t o r y knowledge.  Band C o u n c i l a f f a i r s  i n c l u d e not only matters of p o l i t i c a l and economic concern, but a l s o ceremonial events and sometimes r e c r e a t i o n a l functions. Not a l l the r e s e a r c h o c c u r r e d i n the northwest.  I  examined the bulk of the m a t e r i a l s concerning the Tsimshian (Port Simpson J o u r n a l s ) t o 1870 i n the Hudson Bay Company A r c h i v e s i n Winnipeg.  (There was not time to study some  a d d i t i o n a l m a t e r i a l s on the Hudson Bay Company that are s t o r e d i n V i c t o r i a . ) The P u b l i c A r c h i v e s of Canada (Ottawa) i s another  r i c h source c o n t a i n i n g photographs,  government papers  maps, and  r e l a t i n g to Kitsumkalum.  A Band C o u n c i l R e s o l u t i o n p e r m i t t e d me access to the c u r r e n t and a c t i v e f i l e s of the Department of Indian A f f a i r s (Ottawa); the government p r o v i d e d me with a l l the Kitsumkalum m a t e r i a l s they c o u l d i d e n t i f y .  I a l s o c o n s u l t e d the f o l l o w i n g  the B r i t i s h  Columbia  P u b l i c A r c h i v e s ( V i c t o r i a ) , B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l Museum ( V i c t o r i a ) the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h  Columbia  L i b r a r i e s and the Vancouver P u b l i c L i b r a r i e s .  30  2.  THE  PEOPLE: SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND  PROPERTY  SOCIAL ORGANIZATION The  Tsimshian  l i v e d along the lower Skeena R i v e r  and  throughout the a r c h i p e l a g o of i s l a n d s s p i l l i n g out of i t s mouth, south to the Estevan  Group (see F i g u r e  1).  The  people s c a t t e r e d a c r o s s t h i s t e r r i t o r y during most of year  for the harvest of the abundant resources  necessary  that were  f o r t h e i r complex s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n ,  annually c o n s o l i d a t e d themselves i n t o  the  the winter  and residential  groups which are u s u a l l y r e f e r r e d to as winter  villages  "tribes".  particular  Each v i l l a g e was  p o p u l a t i o n and On  a s s o c i a t e d with a  territory.  the Skeena there were at l e a s t  to have occupied tributary  11 such groups known  the mountainous v a l l e y s of the major  streams.  The  lower nine of these  formed a loose  c o n f e d e r a t i o n d u r i n g the merchant p e r i o d of history,  and  the name of the Hudson Bay  Company post where they  the tenth group u p r i v e r .  the i n d u s t r i a l stage, residential  Tsimshian  became known as the Port Simpson t r i b e s ,  Kitsumkalum" was  or  i n the  after  settled.  At the s t a r t  of  1870s, Kitsumkalum formed a  a l l i a n c e with K i t s e l a s ,  the f i n a l  Tsimshian  131° ~i  Figure  130° 1  1.  129° 1  12B° 1  127° 1  126°  T"  Map o f n o r t h w e s t e r n B r i t i s h Columbia showing the l o c a t i o n of the main . T s i m s h i a n v i l l a g e s a t the t u r n of c e n t u r y (Coast T s i m s h i a n , G i t k s a n , and N i s g a ) .  32  v i l l a g e group on the Skeena.  Together they l i v e d i n the  cannery centre of Port E s s i n g t o n .  Since the d e c l i n e and  abandonment of t h i s town, Kitsumkalum and K i t s e l a s have returned to t h e i r a n c i e n t v a l l e y s ,  i n the shadow of the c i t y  of T e r r a c e . In g e n e r a l , the t e r r i t o r i e s of Kitsumkalum were the adjacent  v a l l e y s of the Zimacord and Kitsumkalum R i v e r s (see  McDonald 1982b, 1983).  They a l s o u t i l i z e d the Skeena River  v a l l e y and the ocean a t i t s mouth. These residence p a t t e r n s were one s o c i a l that played an important organization.  p a r t i n the Tsimshian  connection social  A second was the k i n s h i p connections  d e f i n e d the descent  groups.  People were organized  that along  m a t r i l i n e a l p r i n c i p l e s i n t o l i n e a g e s that l i v e d and worked together.  Of these groups, the minor ones were organized  i n t o l o c a l r e s i d e n t i a l u n i t s c a l l e d houses that were l e d by c l o s e l y r e l a t e d , but more important  lineages.  l i n e a g e s and houses h e l d resource p r o p e r t y vested  i n the t i t l e  Each of the  r i g h t s which were  given t o and a c q u i r e d by t h e i r  leader.  Between v i l l a g e s , s e t s of l i n e a g e s and house groups that were descended from a common known ancestor  formed  recognized c l a n s . The m a t r i l i n e a g e s were the property-owning, p r o d u c t i v e u n i t s and, although -  the economy chapter,  I would not c a l l  f o r reasons  them the b a s i c u n i t s of  that w i l l be e x p l a i n e d i n a l a t e r  they p r o v i d e d a focus i n s o c i a l p r o d u c t i o n  which  33  was  sharpened by the set of mutual o b l i g a t i o n s shared by the  members of the l i n e a g e .  Some of these d u t i e s  a c t i v i t i e s such as p r o d u c t i o n , There were a l s o other  involved  p o t l a t c h i n g , and war.  important o b l i g a t i o n s , both  s o c i a l and economic, that bound people t o t h e i r m a t r i l i n e a l group.  Even though the p a t e r n a l l i n e a g e was  another f a m i l y , c h i l d r e n were r a i s e d i n t h e i r house.  father's  father's  When they matured, they e v e n t u a l l y returned  houses of t h e i r mother's b r o t h e r s adulthood  (Garfield  t o the  t o assume the d u t i e s of  1966:23).  A t h i r d s e t of o b l i g a t i o n s was based upon marriage. I d e a l l y such unions were c o n t r a c t e d  to maximize t i e s of  a f f e c t i o n between l i n e a g e s , t o c o n s o l i d a t e  hereditary  property,  and t o extend the p r i v i l e g e s of use of resources  (ibid.).  With lineage exogamy, the i d e a l marriage was  m a t r i l a t e r a l c r o s s c o u s i n - f o r example, between a man and the daughter of h i s mother's b r o t h e r , of her f a t h e r ' s s i s t e r .  T h i s was an i d e a l marriage f o r  c o n s o l i d a t i n g wealth and p o s i t i o n .  I t came under  from m i s s i o n a r i e s who preached a g a i n s t t h i s type,  or a woman and the son  pressure  " c l o s e " marriages of  j u s t at the time that many other changes were  taking place  i n the common p r o p e r t y  the end of the nineteenth Overlaying  residence,  century  laws of the region a t  (Garfield  1939:232).  descent, and marriage were the  i n f l u e n c e s of two major s o d a l i t i e s of Tsimshian s o c i e t y : p h r a t r y and c l a s s - b a s e d  associations.  These were important  34  mechanisms that c r o s s cut the d i v i s i o n s inherent i n r e s i d e n t i a l and descent groupings and u n i t e d people, at the same time that the p h r a t r i e s a l s o c r e a t e d other d i v i s i o n s w i t h i n the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . There were four p h r a t r i e s : l a k s q i ik, qispawadawada. mythical  laqybaaw, ganhada,  Based upon m a t r i l i n e a l p r i n c i p l e s and common  o r i g i n s , these exogamous a s s o c i a t i o n s were, i n a  way, simply  extensions  of the lineage/house/clan  hierarchy.  Although they were l i t t l e more than weak f e d e r a t i o n s of groups of c l a n s , the p h r a t r i e s d i d , nonetheless,  generate  some sense of o b l i g a t i o n f o r mutual s h a r i n g and p r o t e c t i o n among p h r a t r y members, even among those who otherwise were strangers.  T h i s sense of o b l i g a t i o n provided  a basis for  i n t e r a c t i o n between v i l l a g e s and v i l l a g e members that c o u l d be a c t i v a t e d i n times of p r a c t i c a l or ceremonial need Garfield  (e.g.,  I939:244ff., 2 5 7 f f . ) .  C l a s s was the b a s i s f o r other Tsimshian s o d a l i t i e s of importance.  To the best of our knowledge, s l a v e s and the  n o n - t i t l e d f r e e people had l i t t l e  opportunity  to u n i t e on  the b a s i s of t h e i r c l a s s , but the t i t l e h o l d e r s tended to exert a p a n - v i l l a g e i n f l u e n c e through f e a s t i n g , r e l i g i o u s ceremonialism, and the a s s o c i a t e d s e c r e t s o c i e t i e s . power on such occasions  Their  depended on the s t r e n g t h of t h e i r  t i t l e s , a s t r e n g t h c r e a t e d by t h e i r own a b i l i t i e s , the support  of t h e i r f o l l o w e r s , and the i n h e r i t a n c e a s s o c i a t e d  with the t i t l e .  35  K i n s h i p and provided  the communal nature of l i n e a g e  property  the t i t l e h o l d e r s with t h e i r p e r o g a t i v e s ,  same time that i t d i v i d e d them and forming stronger  worked' a g a i n s t  pan-village associations.  there was  the  their  Alliances,  e x e m p l i f i e d by mutual p r i v i l e g e s to resources, down i n c r i s i s .  at  c o u l d break  T i t l e h o l d e r s were not a c a s t e , although  a set of r o y a l l i n e a g e s .  Neither  were they a  c l o s e d c l a s s f o r there were a s e r i e s of graded ranks. Unfortunately, depopulation  these f e a t u r e s and  the e f f e c t s of  colonial  have confounded a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s of  Tsimshian c l a s s e s . The  high t i t l e h o l d e r s of Kitsumkalum d i d not need to  work hard.  In one  o l d s t o r y , i t was  s a i d that  the  Kitsumkalum smoogyt ( c h i e f ) d i d not need to work at a l l , h i s s l a v e s and 1916:278).  f o l l o w e r s provided  T h i s was  a l l he needed  not true f o r a l l the  as  (Boas  titleholders.  Another h i s t o r y s a i d that a p r i n c e hunted f o r h i s people (McDonald 1983).  Both statements e x p l a i n , in p a r t ,  o b l i g a t i o n s attached  to the s t a t u s and  the nature of l i n e a g e p r o p e r t y . rank of p r i n c e was  production.  r e f e r to  They a l s o suggest that  not of s u f f i c i e n t  o b l i g a t i o n s towards h i s f a m i l y  partially  the  the  s t a t u r e to a v o i d  ( l i n e a g e ) i n the realm of  Nonetheless, a p r i n c e would have a bodyguard,  as b e f i t h i s s t a t i o n i n l i f e ,  and  h i s death would r e q u i r e  the payment of a s p e c i a l l y high p r i c e - o b l i g a t i o n s which s i g n i f y the s o c i a l p o s i t i o n .  36  PROPERTY T h i s provides an o u t l i n e of the s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n of the Tsimshian.  Now i t i s p o s s i b l e to give an account of  property r e l a t i o n s h i p s under which the Tsimshian A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l l y understood,  property  lived.  is a socially  embedded d e f i n i t i o n of r e l a t i o n s h i p s between persons a society.  The p r o p e r t y p i e c e i t s e l f ,  o b j e c t , i s a mediation  usually a material  of these r e l a t i o n s h i p s , a focus of  a t t e n t i o n f o r how persons the o t h e r .  within  and groups are to r e l a t e , one to  Thus, p r o p e r t y d e f i n e s the r i g h t s and  o b l i g a t i o n s people and groups have to each o t h e r ,  setting  the l i m i t s to the use of the item, while demanding adherence to the dominant mores of the community, and r e - e s t a b l i s h i n g these r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n the p r o c e s s . Any  particular  form of p r o p e r t y i s always stamped by  the impression of the s o c i e t y i n which i t e x i s t s and by which i t i s d e f i n e d .  The p r o p e r t i e s of concern  to t h i s  r e s e a r c h were p r o d u c t i o n p r o p e r t i e s , some of which were resource t e r r i t o r i e s owned by i d e n t i f i a b l e l i n e a g e groups. The  s p e c i f i c i t y of ownership of these enabled  exploit explicit  territories  for their  houses to  productive  requirements. In l o o k i n g at Tsimshian encounter  p r o d u c t i v e p r o p e r t y , we  a form of ownership of resources that i s  thoroughly permeated by the elements of t h e i r  social  formation which I have j u s t d e s c r i b e d and with which much of  37  the p o l i t i c a l  economy of the Tsimshians  are i n t e r a c t i v e property c o n n e c t i o n s . relationship  was enacted.  These  The fundamental l e g a l  f o r many resources was to the house, with  ownership being vested i n the house l e a d e r , i t s t i t l e h o l d e r . The event at which t h i s investment validated  was the f e a s t  d e s c r i b e d the f e a s t  (potlatch).  Tsimshian  people  to me as t h e i r c o u r t of law.  many ways, a p o l i t i c a l potential  o c c u r r e d and was p u b l i c l y  forum where d i f f e r e n t  have  I t was, i n  titleholders,  t i t l e h o l d e r s , and others c o u l d express  their  claims t o resources, or be compensated f o r v a r i o u s o f f e n c e s . The  t r a n s m i s s i o n of Tsimshian  the f e a s t  p r o p e r t i e s was not simple and  served as a mediating  and t o ensure o r d e r l y  device to resolve c o n f l i c t s  transferrals.  (A recent review  of the  Tsimshian  feast and a review of the l i t e r a t u r e i s contained  in Seguin  1983).  The  property r e l a t i o n s h i p s  h e l d by the l i n e a g e groups  were not independent of other l e v e l s structure. war  For example, the t r a n s m i s s i o n of p r o p e r t y  by r e t r i b u t i o n  units,  i n the s o c i a l after  c o u l d be a r e l a t i o n between r e s i d e n t i a l  that i s between the v i l l a g e groups.  although t e r r i t o r y i s r e f e r r e d  Further,  to as belonging to such and  such a t i t l e h o l d e r , when i t i s g i v e n , f o r example as r e t r i b u t i o n payment, i t i s given by the " t r i b e " , that i s by the p a r t i c u l a r group, not j u s t the smoogyt or household. T h i s recognizes the r o l e of both the descent residential principles  in controlling  and the  resource p r o p e r t i e s .  38  The  smoogyt, d e s p i t e the c h i e f l y powers c o n s o l i d a t e d by  members of that c l a s s , was his  not above the communal nature of  society. Each t i t l e h o l d e r had  c o u l d be punished territorial  resource areas of h i s own,  and  f o r a crime by the l o s s of the use of  property.  Such a r e t r i b u t i o n was  be a high p r i c e , f i t t i n g  c o n s i d e r e d to  f o r a crime such as the k i l l i n g of  a p r i n c e or the wife of a p r i n c e (see McDonald 1983a). Since resource t e r r i t o r y was class, of  i t s l o s s was  a source of wealth  for t h i s  a severe blow to the p o s i t i o n and power  a smoogyt. It was  specific  not simply broad  t e r r i t o r i e s that were owned but  resources as w e l l , with c a r e f u l l y d e f i n e d r i g h t s  a t t a c h e d to d i f f e r e n t ones. by t i t l e d persons,  Thus, one l i n e a g e , represented  c o u l d be given the p r i v i l e g e of hunting  or t r a p p i n g upon the t e r r i t o r y of a p a r t i c u l a r house, without  a f f e c t i n g e i t h e r the o v e r a l l c l a i m of the house to  the t e r r i t o r y or the e x p l o i t a t i o n of other resources on that territory. prevents a group.  T h i s r e c o g n i t i o n of d i f f e r e n t  the simple  resource u s u f r u c t  i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of a geographic  area  with  For example, j u s t above the G i t l a n v i l l a g e was  a  place where some Kitsumkalum went for t h e i r s p r i n g salmon or trout. was  E l d e r s s a i d Kitsumkalum's c l a i m to t h i s deep pool  stronger than that of the G i t l a n s even though i t was  the l a t t e r ' s t e r r i t o r y .  Thus, p r i v i l e g e s were e x p l i c i t l y  d e f i n e d , and contingent upon i n t e r g r o u p arrangements.  on  39  War r e t r i b u t i o n property was not simply t r a n s f e r r e d from one group to another  by conquest.  Although  victorious  houses a p p a r e n t l y e x e r c i s e d a l l the p r i v i l e g e s a s s o c i a t e d with ownership, a f i n a l l e g a l v a l i d a t i o n had t o be made through a f e a s t to s e t t l e the arrangement.  T h i s would  e n t a i l e i t h e r p r o v i d i n g an a l t e r n a t i v e type of r e t r i b u t i o n to  r e p l a c e the property or the u l t i m a t e v a l i d a t i o n of  ownership over the conquered a r e a .  In theory  territory  c o u l d not be a l i e n a t e d permanently, but i n p r a c t i c e there i s evidence  that r i g h t s t o t e r r i t o r y d i d change hands and that  there was precedence f o r permanent t r a n s f e r s ( G a r f i e l d 1966:14).  In the present case, the o r i g i n a l e x p e c t a t i o n of  Kitsumkalum was that the G i t l a n would e r e c t a memorial and make payment of a yet to be determined q u a n t i t y of wealth at a public feast.  The G i t l a n never " f i l l e d  the t a b l e " and  u n t i l that occurs to the s a t i s f a c t i o n of a p p r o p r i a t e p a r t i e s , the question c o u l d go e i t h e r way. settlement, offended  f u l l c o n t r o l would r e s t with the conquering and  group that h e l d the l a n d .  Tsimshian organized  F a i l i n g any such  property concepts  through the f e a s t .  When European t r a d e r s came and  made new demands on the resources territories,  were s o p h i s t i c a t e d and  i n the Tsimshian  the f e a s t must have been i n s t r u m e n t a l  in re-  o r g a n i z i n g the manner by which the resources and labour power was u t i l i z e d . t h i s question  It i s d i f f i c u l t  to f i n d  i n f o r m a t i o n on  f o r that e a r l y p e r i o d , but i t must be noted  40  that the Tsimshian were not p a s s i v e l y swallowed up by expanding B r i t i s h  imperialism.  I will  As  show l a t e r ,  o r i g i n a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n with the Europeans was  an their  on terms that  were l a r g e l y set by the p r o p e r t i e d t i t l e h o l d e r s - at l e a s t u n t i l the union of B r i t i s h Columbia with Canada which l e d to massive p o l i t i c a l  i n t e r v e n t i o n from the p r o v i n c i a l and  Dominion governments.  CHANGES The  Europeans represented  p o l i t i c a l power that was Unfortunately  there has  a new  soon expressed i n the not  been a systematic  changes i n Tsimshian s o c i e t y d u r i n g century.  Robinson r e c o n s t r u c t e d  f a m i l y around that time and of the  feast  source of economic  (Robinson 1978); and  feast. study of  the e a r l y  the  nineteenth  the r i s e of the  discussed  and  Legaic  some of the  politics  the s o c i a l h i s t o r i a n  F i s h e r suggested at l e a s t f i v e important changes that occurred  i n the a b o r i g i n a l s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n  c o r r e l a t e d to the  fur  and  that were  trade:  1. ) The  c r e a t i o n of new  mercantile  leaders.  2. ) The  concentration  3. ) The  c o n s o l i d a t i o n of the power of the  of wealth in t h e i r hands. leaders.  41  4. ) The c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of nine t r i b e s around Port Simpson. 5. ) The use of the European trade as a f a c t o r i n inter-tribal  (and i n t e r - v i l l a g e ? ) p o l i t i c s  (Fisher  1977:46-  47). As I p o i n t e d out  i n an e a r l i e r paper, the a c t u a l  a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l data that would e x p l i c a t e these i s incomplete  (McDonald 1984:43).  In a r e l a t i v e l y short p e r i o d of time, these and  suggestions  indigenous  s o c i a l changes slowed as property  internal concepts  were changed by e x t e r n a l f o r c e s a f t e r Canadian Confederation. of Tsimshian  Beginning  with the d i s t o r t i n g  property concepts  codification  d u r i n g the establishment  of  the Indian Reserve system, the property r e l a t i o n s h i p s were radically altered  i n the t w e n t i e t h century: the f e a s t  banned i n the Indian Act, making i t d i f f i c u l t Tsimshian  was  f o r the  to f o l l o w t h e i r usual l e g a l procedures;  the  Canadian government assumed l e g a l ownership of the  Tsimshian  t e r r i t o r i e s ; and a set of laws (that w i l l be d i s c u s s e d in the r e s t of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n ) were developed  by  p r o v i n c i a l and Dominion governments to b r i n g the  the resources  of the r e g i o n under the e x p l i c i t c o n t r o l of those o u t s i d e ( " f o r e i g n " f o r the Tsimshian)  governments.  A l l this  happened d u r i n g the p e r i o d that the Indians of Canada were d i s e n f r a n c h i s e d under the Indian Act.  42  The  t r a n s f o r m a t i o n from smoogyt lands to crown lands  took l e s s than seventy years to accomplish.  But even  an a d d i t i o n a l seventy years l a t e r , the process complete as property i s being r e - d e f i n e d and  now,  is s t i l l  not  land claims are  slowly r e - c o n s i d e r e d . The  changes that occurred had a cumulative  the s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n of Kitsumkalum.  effect  What I am about to  d e s c r i b e concentrates on the changes i n Kitsumkalum. history  is different  on  Their  from most of the other v i l l a g e s because  t h e i r lands were e x t e n s i v e l y occupied by European  settlers  at the t u r n of the century, and because they had a strong r e s i d e n t i a l attachment to the c o a s t a l cannery town of Port Essington.  The community's use of t h e i r  aboriginal  t e r r i t o r i e s and the a s s o c i a t e d s o c i a l p a t t e r n s were distinctively  i n f l u e n c e d by these circumstances.  Other  v i l l a g e s , with the exception of K i t s e l a s , experienced extensive p h y s i c a l a l i e n a t i o n or d i s l o c a t i o n  less  from t h e i r  properties. Since C o n f e d e r a t i o n , there was of the m a t r i l i n e a l system to one  a general  displacement  that i s more b i l a t e r a l  although o r i e n t e d to the male s i d e .  I w i l l make s p e c i f i c  r e f e r e n c e s to the changes at the a p p r o p r i a t e p l a c e s i n t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n , as I d i s c u s s the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n the Kitsumkalum economy, but I want to suggest  that the  t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of property r e l a t i o n s that o c c u r r e d Confederation was  after  at the heart of the changes i n k i n s h i p  43  s t r u c t u r e s and The  the s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n i n g e n e r a l .  l o s s of p r o p e r t y  s e r i o u s l y eroded groups.  resources  the bases of the m a t r i l i n e a g e s as corporate  Continued  occupancy and use of o r i g i n a l  t e r r i t o r i e s safeguarded but there was  r i g h t s to p r o d u c t i v e  Tsimshian  resource  ownership to some extent,  a decreasing a b i l i t y  f o r the t i t l e h o l d e r s  t h e i r l i n e a g e s to e x e r c i s e s o v e r e i g n t y .  They c o u l d not  enforce t h e i r r i g h t s as they had b e f o r e .  This applied  e s p e c i a l l y to those  r e s o u r c e s that had been i n c o r p o r a t e d  i n t o the commodity economy and were under the s c r u t i n y of government Ambiguities  explicit  agents.  r e s u l t i n g from the new  r e f l e c t e d these changes.  ownership system  During t h i s c e n t u r y , people have  needed government l i c e n c e s to t r a p , l o g or f i s h .  Licence  h o l d e r s f u n c t i o n as managers of these r e s o u r c e s , and a comparable p o s i t i o n  grounds, berry patches  occupy  i n the p r o d u c t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p s to the  o r i g i n a l h o l d e r s of t i t l e  same person  and  over hunting grounds, so on.  fishing  Sometimes they were the  (e.g., when the t i t l e h o l d e r  successfully  obtained a l i c e n c e to t r a p on h i s hunting grounds) but cases are no longer Nonetheless, important  these  significant.  k i n s h i p s t r u c t u r e s continued to be  to the Tsimshian  as a means of r e c r u i t i n g  o r g a n i z i n g labour f o r p r o d u c t i v e a c t i v i t i e s a b o r i g i n a l and  and  i n both  and the  the commodity s e c t o r s of t h e i r economy.  Whether or not a l i c e n c e h o l d e r was  also a t i t l e h o l d e r , his  44  access to a labour relations. resources  f o r c e was f a c i l i t a t e d through  The obverse was a l s o important: Access to f o r people who d i d not have a l i c e n c e was  facilitated Since  through t h e i r k i n s h i p to a l i c e n c e  holder.  no females i n Kitsumkalum held government  l i c e n c e s , the focus males.  kinship  of the k i n s h i p l i n k was s h i f t e d to the  T h i s r e - o r i e n t a t i o n was strengthened when the  government sometimes recognized l i c e n c e e t o designate was t r a n s f e r r e d .  the r i g h t of the Indian  who would r e c e i v e a l i c e n c e when i t  To a l i m i t e d extent,  i n h e r i t a n c e could be  d i r e c t e d through the man. The  importance of k i n s h i p as a source of labour  a means of o r g a n i z i n g production  decreased with the  i n c r e a s i n g a l i e n a t i o n of the resources and  and as  from small  producers,  with the i n c r e a s i n g importance of wage work i n the  village.  People d i d not need family t i e s  and make a l i v i n g . smaller  nuclear  i n order  to work  There i s now an o r i e n t a t i o n t o the  f a m i l y and there are even some  bachelor  households e s t a b l i s h e d . Kinship  i s i n c r e a s i n g l y l i m i t e d to a b i l a t e r a l  kindred  formed around a n a t a l nuclear  f a m i l y , and l e s s on the b a s i s  of corporate  The knowledge of o l d e r  descent groups.  social  forms and p r a c t i c e s ( f o r example the p h r a t r i e s and names of the t i t l e h o l d e r s ) that does p e r s i s t , s u r v i v e s p r i m a r i l y i n the context the  of the a b o r i g i n a l economy.  But, i n Kitsumkalum,  importance of those a b o r i g i n a l forms i s of minor  45  practical  importance today.  What I have j u s t d e s c r i b e d concerns the s i t u a t i o n i n Kitsumkalum.  T h i s i s a necessary  qualification.  Other  v i l l a g e s on the c o a s t , where I d i d not do research, may have a d i f f e r e n t h i s t o r y and experience.  Another q u a l i f i c a t i o n  i s that the changes i n the k i n s h i p s t r u c t u r e s are not c l e a r to  e i t h e r me or the Kitsumkalum.  stated t e n t a t i v e l y . appropriate  What I have d e s c r i b e d i s  One problem i s the dearth .of  i n f o r m a t i o n a v a i l a b l e a t the moment.  attempted t o conduct systematic h i s t o r i c a l complexity  When I  r e s e a r c h on the t o p i c , the  of the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n  frustrateda l l  efforts.  Massive changes had o b v i o u s l y occurred,  necessary  to f i r s t  but i t was  comprehend the e v o l v i n g p o l i t i c a l economy  of the r e g i o n before  f o l l o w i n g the changes i n the k i n s h i p  groups i n a meaningful way, and i n a way c o n s i s t e n t with the form of a n a l y s i s i n the r e s t of the r e s e a r c h . c o n c l u s i o n a f t e r my i n i t i a l true f o r the c o r p o r a t e ,  i n q u i r i e s , and seemed e s p e c i a l l y  resource-owning descent  In other words, I decided premature.  T h i s was my  the q u e s t i o n s  groups.  on k i n s h i p were  As an a l t e r n a t i v e approach, I r e f e r r e d t o  previous authors  who mention Tsimshian  kinship patterns.  When I d i d , another type of problem q u i c k l y emerged: the Kitsumkalum, by t h e i r evidence  and own i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s , show  f e a t u r e s t y p i c a l of both t h e i r downriver C o a s t a l and t h e i r u p r i v e r G i t k s a n neighbours.  compatriots  Y e t , I c o u l d not  determine whether t h i s was a r e s u l t of t h e i r  ancient  46  residential  intermediacy between  the two groups or a r e s u l t  of the more recent changes i n the r e s t economy of a l l these groups.  of the p o l i t i c a l  Again, q u e s t i o n i n g on k i n s h i p  changes seemed premature. Now,  with the other r e s e a r c h analysed  this dissertation),  i t will  (and presented i n  be p o s s i b l e to go on and study  the changes i n other aspects of Kitsumkalum's s o c i a l over time.  life  47  3.  KITSUMKALUM, THE PEOPLE  THE WRITTEN RECORD The Kitsumkalum were the t e n t h v i l l a g e group on the Skeena.  Downriver, t o the west, were the G i t l a n and  G i l u t s a u , and to the east were the u p r i v e r K i t s e l a s .  The  main land areas e x p l o i t e d by the Kitsumkalum were the Kitsumkalum River V a l l e y , areas along the Skeena to i t s mouth, c e r t a i n Nass R i v e r . connections  i s l a n d s o f f the mouth, and a f i s h e r y on the  O c c a s i o n a l l y , i n d i v i d u a l s would a c t i v a t e s o c i a l and j o i n the p r o d u c t i o n at other v i l l a g e s ,  along the coast and on the Nass, thereby  both  extending the  resources a v a i l a b l e to the v i l l a g e r s . Very l i t t l e  i s known of e a r l y Kitsumkalum.  r e c e i v e s mention i n the ethnography. of  the Tsimshian  v i l l a g e s , probably  on Kitsumkalum informants did  f i e l d work.  society  living  I t barely  Boas records  i t as one  basing h i s i n f o r m a t i o n  i n Port E s s i n g t o n , where he  Thus, some of h i s d e s c r i p t i o n of Tsimshian  i s based upon i n f o r m a t i o n from Kitsumkalum  people  and myths from Kitsumkalum.  Despite such c l o s e c o n t a c t  the group, Boas makes l i t t l e  s p e c i f i c r e f e r e n c e t o the  with  48  village.  1  Garfield Tsimshian  was much more s p e c i f i c  i n her study on  s o c i e t y and, f o l l o w i n g Boas's c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of  the t r i b e s , concentrated  upon the Port Simpson people.  Her  only r e f e r e n c e to Kitsumkalum i s to mention i t as one of the neighbouring  Indian v i l l a g e s  The f i r s t  historic  (1939:176).  r e f e r e n c e that I have to the  Kitsumkalum comes from an entry i n the Hudson Bay Company j o u r n a l f o r November 13, 1852, when a canoe of people came to trade at the f o r t . recorded  Other Skeena R i v e r canoes had been  before, but t h i s was the f i r s t  the v i l l a g e  " K i t h lum k i lum", as the t r a d e r s p e l l e d i t  (Hudson Bay Company A r c h i v e s , B.20l/a/7  1  s p e c i f i c mention of  fo.40d).  "G.its!Emaga'Ion" i s l i s t e d as one of the s i x t r i b e s of the Tsimshian proper, found below the canyon of the Skeena River (Boas 1916:482). (Port Simpson i s l i s t e d as the composite group of Tsimshian with nine towns.) T h e i r town i s d e s c r i b e d as having three rows of houses, arranged s i d e by s i d e , f a c i n g the water, with the s t r e e t s t r e t c h i n g i n f r o n t of the houses p a r a l l e l with the r i v e r ( i b i d . : 3 9 5 ) . The hunting grounds and berry p i c k i n g areas were on the shores of a lake (Kitsumkalum Lake). Hunters had hunting huts i n t h e i r t e r r i t o r i e s , and one man had a hut i n each of the four v a l l e y s owned by him ( i b i d . : 4 0 l ) . (I suspect t h i s man was the ganhada smoogyt.) A war between the p h r a t r i e s i s mentioned, as i s the T l i n g i t o r i g i n of the Gun-hut l a k s g i ik c l a n i n the v i l l a g e . Boas was t o l d i n 1888 that t h i s m i g r a t i o n had occurred s i x generations e a r l i e r , about 1740 in h i s reckoning ( i b i d . : 4 8 6 ) . He a l s o records myths that deal with Kitsumkalum and that c o n t a i n v a r i o u s s p e c i f i c t i d b i t s about t h e i r everyday l i v e s (ibid.rmyths #1.38, #3, #6, #24, #36, #39, #41, #43, #56, supplement 3).  49  The  earliest  record I found  the Kitsumkalum by Europeans was  of a v i s i t  an e x p e d i t i o n l e a d by Major  Downie of the Royal Navy, as he surveyed 1859.  The Major was  to the lands of  h i s way  i n l a n d in  f i l l e d with p r a i s e f o r what he  saw:  "a l a r g e stream, c a l l e d the Kitchumsala, comes i n from the north; the land on i t i s good, and w e l l adapted to farming, and that the Indians grow p l e n t y of potatoes. To the south ... i s the Plumbago Mountain ... [which] runs i n v e i n s of quartz." (Downie i n Mayne 1862:451) Unfortunately s o c i e t y d i d not  f o r anthropology,  d e s c r i b i n g the  Indians'  i n t e r e s t him as much as the economic  p o t e n t i a l of the land, e s p e c i a l l y the surrounding with t h e i r signs of mineral  mountains  wealth.  After exploration started, river t r a f f i c  became b r i s k ,  and d o u b t l e s s a l a r g e number of European v i s i t o r s stopped Kitsumkalum or saw  i t in passing.  In 1866,  at  the steamboat  Mumford succeeded i n reaching Kitsumkalum before t u r n i n g back two  m i l e s above the v i l l a g e .  r a p i d and d i f f i c u l t  The  waters there were too  (Dawson 1881:12B).  When the Dominion's g e o l o g i c a l e x p l o r e r , George Dawson, passed through the area he was geography.  mainly  concerned with  About the Kitsumkalum he only s a i d : "A  Indian v i l l a g e  i s s i t u a t e d at the mouth of the  (Dawson 1881:12B).  T h i s was  By the time of h i s v i s i t  the s i t e of the new  river" village.  were l i v i n g  the cannery v i l l a g e of Port E s s i n g t o n or the  v i l l a g e of M e t l a k a t l a .  small  commercial f i s h i n g had captured  i n t e r e s t of Kitsumkalum, and many people at  the  the  either  mission  50  Dorsey d e s c r i b e d the r e s u l t s of t h i s  shift:  " K i t zim-gay-lum ... Another almost deserted v i l l a g e ; i t s p o p u l a t i o n of 150 i n 1885 has been s c a t t e r e d u n t i l at present not more than s i x t y remain. Many have gone to New M e t l a k a t l a , o t h e r s have s e t t l e d i n Port E s s i n g t o n , while s t i l l o t h e r s have j o i n e d the K i k s i a n s . " (Dorsey 1897:280). The missionary Tomlinson brought the C h r i s t i a n  Church  to Kitsumkalum i n 1874  as he t r a v e l l e d to begin h i s m i s s i o n  f u r t h e r up the r i v e r .  Perhaps p r o p h e t i c a l l y , a f u l l  e c l i p s e occurred that night and  shortly  lunar  afterwards  Kitsumkalum v i l l a g e went i n t o a slow d e c l i n e as  their  p r o d u c t i v e energies were turned evermore to the  rising  i n d u s t r i a l order on the c o a s t .  The  s t o r y of the e c l i p s e of  t h i s v i l l a g e during a p e r i o d of otherwise economic growth w i l l be analysed  in this  phenomenal text.  LAND HOLDINGS The T l i n g i t  ethnographer,  L o u i s S h o t r i d g e , recorded  the  time of the d e s e r t i o n of the main Kitsumkalum v i l l a g e of Dalk ka qilaquoex to have been around 1878,  a date t h a t  roughly c o i n c i d e d with i n f o r m a t i o n I r e c e i v e d from an e l d e r . Shotridge had been able to see the wreckage of an o l d town in 1918 still hidden  (presumably on Indian Reserve 1) when there were  some foundations and corner posts standing, by a t h i c k cover of weeds (1919:119).  s t r u c t u r e s do not appear on any  although  These  of the o l d r a i l r o a d  maps, nor are they reported by other  ethnographers.  survey  51  However, I have seen evidence  of such b u i l d i n g s when the  Band C o u n c i l c l e a r e d the ground, exposing discolourations.  Oddly, Shotridge  the s o i l and i t s  r e f e r s to the  present  v i l l a g e s i t e as i f i t were the a n c i e n t r e s i d e n t i a l Most people  now  c l a i m the o l d v i l l a g e s i t e at the canyon of  the Kitsumkalum R i v e r  (which i s f i v e m i l e s north of  mouth) to have been the  Kitsumkalum during the  1890s.  interest  The  Indian Reserve Commission i n 1891 records, and  the  "capital".  T r a v e l l e r s seem to have l o s t  important  centre.  in describing  a r r i v a l and was  one  r e p o r t of  of the  the  last  s i g n a l l e d a massive change i n  Kitsumkalum h i s t o r y by d r a s t i c a l l y reducing  their  land  holding. The was  focus of a b o r i g i n a l Kitsumkalum's p r o p e r t y  the r i c h Kitsumkalum v a l l e y .  recognized as belonging  Broad areas were  to each of the four p h r a t r i e s , and  i n d i v i d u a l smoogyt h e l d p r i v i l e g e s to v a r i o u s w i t h i n each area.  The  holdings  map  resources  i n F i g u r e 2 shows the b a s i c land  h o l d i n g s i n the n i n e t e e n t h century.  This i s a t e n t a t i v e  r e c o n s t r u c t i o n based on a r c h i v a l and  i n t e r v i e w sources.  i s being  It  i n v e s t i g a t e d f u r t h e r by band members.  Broad tenure p a t t e r n s over c o n s i d e r e d to have been f a i r l y  l a r g e areas are g e n e r a l l y stable.  Evidence  from the r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of Kitsumkalum's p r o p e r t y i n d i c a t e s that t h i s was inviolate condition.  emerging holdings  the r u l e , but not n e c e s s a r i l y an  In the recent past, the  adjacent  52  Figure  2.  The a b o r i g i n a l p r o p e r t y h o l d i n g s of the Kitsumkalum p h r a t r i e s i n the Kitsumkalum and Zimacord V a l l e y s ( r e c o n s t r u c t e d from archival materials). Key; to p h r a t r y holdings: g:i spawadawada ganhada ?==. lakskiik  53  Zimacord V a l l e y was annexed by Kitsumkalum and claimed by c e r t a i n smoogyt  as the r e s u l t of a d i s p u t e  Kitsumkalum and the G i t l a n .  between  The r e s o l u t i o n of t h i s  issue,  which was i n t e r r u p t e d by the c o l o n i a l developments of the l a s t century, s t i l l  awaits the p u b l i c d e c i s i o n of the f e a s t .  The s t o r y of the c o n f l i c t  i s s t u d i e d i n McDonald 1983.  Kitsumkalum a l s o had p r i v i l e g e s to t e r r i t o r i e s along the Skeena and Nass R i v e r s and on the c o a s t .  The exact  nature of these are not c l e a r t o the Kitsumkalum now, although the Band C o u n c i l i s conducting r e s e a r c h i n t o the q u e s t i o n by i n t e r v i e w i n g other Tsimshian people. far from t h e i r v a l l e y was at the oolachan Nass R i v e r .  One s i t e  f i s h e r y on the  Kitsumkalum, along with other Tsimshian, had  the r i g h t to l i v e o p p o s i t e Red C l i f f s making grease  i n the s p r i n g .  f o r the purposes of  T h i s r i g h t was r e c o g n i z e d ^  l a t e r when the Indian Reserve Commission made a r e s e r v e f o r the Tsimshians It  i n common.  i s g e n e r a l l y assumed i n Kitsumkalum that t h e i r  recent p a t t e r n of using the land along the Skeena and coast r e f l e c t s the a b o r i g i n a l p a t t e r n , and t h e r e f o r e , t h e i r o l d l e g a l s t a t u s to resources i n t h e i r t e r r i t o r i e s .  Certainly,  t r a p l i n e s that are r e g i s t e r e d between Terrace and the coast have an h i s t o r i c  l i n k to a n c i e n t hunting t e r r i t o r i e s and  family a s s o c i a t i o n s , but, as Brody has p o i n t e d out, r e g i s t r a t i o n s were d e f i n e d by and served i n t e r e s t s more than n a t i v e (Brody  non-native  1982:86ff.).  Thus, the  54  p r e c i s e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of these depends upon our knowledge of the h i s t o r i c c o n t i n g e n c i e s a f f e c t i n g each l i n e . When the Indian Reserve Commission  allocated  reserves,  Kitsumkalum r e c e i v e d three p a r c e l s o u t r i g h t , and others i n common.  Indian Reserve 1, Kitsumkalum, has 1124.7 acres  l o c a t e d a t the confluence R i v e r s , adjacent  of the Kitsumkalum and Skeena  to the community of T e r r a c e .  T h i s was an  o l d f i s h i n g spot, with r e s i d e n c e s a s s o c i a t e d with i t . Indian Reserve 2, Dalk ka qilaguoex, main v i l l a g e but was abandoned  was the s i t e of the  i n the 1880s,  partially  because people's o r i e n t a t i o n s h i f t e d to the Skeena and the coast, but a l s o i n response to p o l i c i e s of the Department of Indian A f f a i r s which encouraged people to move c l o s e r to schools and employment.  T h i s i s a 182 acre reserve l o c a t e d  on the canyon of the Kitsumkalum R i v e r . Zimacord, i s l o c a t e d a t the confluence  Indian Reserve 3, of the Zimacord and  Skeena R i v e r s , where the Kitsumkalum had a t r a p p i n g and hunting c a b i n .  There were 73.99 acres reserved f o r  Kitsumkalum, but much of t h i s has been u t i l i z e d by other i n t e r e s t s such as highways, r a i l r o a d s , l o g g i n g .  A special  reserve e x i s t s a t Port E s s i n g t o n , on the c o a s t . I n d u s t r i a l i s t Robert Cunningham conveyed f i v e a c r e s to Kitsumkalum, and K i t s e l a s , Reserve #88, near Red C l i f f  i n common i n 1882.  Indian  on the Nass R i v e r c o n s i s t s of  240 acres a l l o t t e d to a l l the Tsimshian  bands i n common.  55  Two  other  r e s e r v e s were t e m p o r a r i l y r e g i s t e r e d under  Kitsumkalum band: K i l l u t s a l Killutsal  Band i n 1893,  1 and  1a.  A l l o t t e d to the  they seem to have passed  into  Kitsumkalum's hands as a r e s u l t of the a b s o r p t i o n of members of that band, d u r i n g the present c e n t u r y .  In 1959  Simpson s u c c e s s f u l l y d i s p u t e d the r e g i s t r a t i o n , t r a n s f e r of the lands, and l o g g i n g company. Reserve 1a was Lakesle R i v e r .  subsequently  Indian Reserve 1 was  five acres.  196 a c r e s ;  the land a l l o c a t i o n s made to Indians  new  1916).  been allowed  applications.  One  Indian  Both were at the mouth of the  A Royal Commission on Indian A f f a i r s  which had  r e c e i v e d the  a l i e n a t e d them to a  N e i t h e r are Reserve lands  and B r i t i s h Columbia  Port  In 1916,  today. investigated a l l  i n the Province they confirmed  (Canada those  to Kitsumkalum, but turned down was  for land away from the  two  railroad  a f t e r that Company had a p p r o p r i a t e d a d i s a s t r o u s r i g h t of way  through Indian Reserves 1 and  McDonald 1981a Commission other was Mud  and  1981b).  (Canada and  3 (see the h i s t o r y i n  T h i s was  not accepted  B r i t i s h Columbia  by  1916:568).  the The  an a p p l i c a t i o n for a f o u r - a c r e f i s h i n g s t a t i o n at  Lake, made by C h a r l e s Nelson.  T h i s request  e n t e r t a i n e d e i t h e r , because the land a l r e a d y was  was  not  taken  by  the f o r e s t i n d u s t r y . The  r e d u c t i o n s i n t h e i r property h o l d i n g s concerned the  Kitsumkalum i n 1891.  When the Commissioner v i s i t e d them at  t h e i r v i l l a g e they expressed  their  f e a r s , he responded that  56  the government's i n t e n t i o n s were t o p r o t e c t the r i g h t s of the I n d i a n s .  They were t o l d that the reserve lands would  safeguard 'their f i s h i n g spots, and that they would always be a b l e to roam the mountains as they were accustomed, f o r the harvest of game and b e r r i e s . that.  The government guaranteed  them  ( P u b l i c A r c h i v e s of Canada, R.G. 10, v o l . 1022,  Handscript  of Minutes).  There i s no i n d i c a t i o n the government determined  i n the a r c h i v a l r e c o r d s of how  the l o c a t i o n of the three  r e s e r v e s , or t o whom the Commissioner spoke. f o l k l o r e about the event  claims that i t was the e x p e d i t i o n ' s  Port Simpson i n t e r p r e t e r s who informed the important  Contemporary  the Commissioner of  f i s h i n g s t a t i o n s of the Kitsumkalum, not the  Kitsumkalum smoogyt.  Whatever the reason,  few s i t e s were  identified.  ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF THE RESERVES The  Royal Commission d e s c r i b e d the economic p o t e n t i a l  of these three r e s e r v e s .  Indian Reserve 1 was a " p o t e n t i a l  farming area l i t t l e developed  and p a r t i a l l y  c o n t a i n i n g t r i b a l v i l l a g e and graveyard". was  a "good timbered  timbered, Indian Reserve 2  area v i r t u a l l y unused - f i s h i n g  and o l d v i l l a g e s i t e " .  station  Indian Reserve 3 was a " p o t e n t i a l  farming area and f i s h i n g s t a t i o n - timbered. Port E s s i n g t o n was a " v i l l a g e s i t e and f i s h i n g  Old V i l l a g e " . base".  57  Killutsal  1 and  l a had  "good land, timbered  by Indians as a berry patch" 1916:552).  A l l except  used  (Canada and B r i t i s h Columbia  Indian Reserve 2 were being used f o r  gardens and produced good c r o p s . were expected  and c h i e f l y  A l l produced f i s h .  All  to provide merchantable timber, which they  e v e n t u a l l y d i d (Canada and B r i t i s h Columbia  1916:557).  Since that time, most economic development of the reserves has been through  f o r e s t r y and  r i g h t s of way.  The  c o n t r a c t s produced small b e n e f i t s f o r the Kitsumkalum because the terms tended  to favour the business s i d e .  This  i s c u r r e n t l y being i n v e s t i g a t e d and c o r r e c t e d by the Band Council.  Some of t h i s  potentially a legal  i s in a c t i v e n e g o t i a t i o n , and  i s s u e , so I w i l l not enter f u r t h e r  discussion. Future Band C o u n c i l c o n t r o l l e d developments are a l s o being c o n s i d e r e d .  The making of these plans i s a long and  d i f f i c u l t process, as the Band C o u n c i l s t u d i e s i t s needs and a b i l i t i e s , and encounters Current and  pressures from o u t s i d e  interests.  i n t e r e s t s are o r i e n t e d towards h a n d i c r a f t s , tourism,  f u r t h e r involvement  Whatever path  with l o c a l  i n d u s t r i a l development.  i s chosen w i l l depend upon the r e s o l u t i o n of  d i s c u s s i o n s i n the community and the people's d e f i n e t h e i r own  ability  needs a g a i n s t those of c o m p e t i t i v e  business  and the governmental agencies with which Band C o u n c i l economic developments must cope.  to  58  THE VILLAGE SETTING In  1980, Kitsumkalum v i l l a g e  seventeen houses and t r a i l e r s Indian Reserve 1.  was a community of  snuggled i n the f o r e s t on  Bounded by Kitsumkalum mountain to the  north and west, the Skeena R i v e r to the South, and the Kitsumkalum River to the east, the v i l l a g e  has a  distinctive  s e t t i n g , d e s p i t e i t s mutual a d m i n i s t r a t i v e boundary with the city  of T e r r a c e .  nuisance.  T h i s p r o x i m i t y i s both a b l e s s i n g and a  It i s a blessing  f o r the f a c i l i t i e s and  services  i t p r o v i d e s , but a nuisance f o r the numerous c o n f l i c t s i t generates.  For one example: a recent c i t y development  plan  i n c l u d e d the reserve l a n d without c o n s u l t i n g the Band Council. Kitsumkalum's l o c a l luxurious. facilities. of  but not  The r e s i d e n t s are s e r v i c e d by reserve A 70,000 g a l l o n r e s e r v o i r behind a dam  the mountain streams that flows a c r o s s the f l a t s  untreated d r i n k i n g water. the  u t i l i t i e s are s u f f i c i e n t ,  on one provides  Sewage i s d i s p o s e d by l i n e s  houses to a b a c t e r i a l tank and t i l e f i e l d .  c o l l e c t e d from a communal b i n twice weekly.  from  Garbage i s  Electricity  comes from a B.C. Hydro l i n e , and cost the r e s i d e n t s approximately $25 a month i n 1980.  Most of the houses have  wood stoves f o r heat, with or without o i l burners or electrical  heaters.  59  Education but  f a c i l i t i e s were once provided on the r e s e r v e ,  s i n c e the 1930s the only schools have been i n Terrace  where there are s e v e r a l elementary and high s c h o o l s .  There  i s no s i n g l e school that Kitsumkalum c h i l d r e n a t t e n d , and some c h i l d r e n attend a s u c c e s s i o n of s c h o o l s .  Upgrading,  v o c a t i o n a l t r a i n i n g , and c o l l e g e t r a n s f e r courses are a v a i l a b l e at a l o c a l c o l l e g e .  The one u n i v e r s i t y  however, chose to a t t e n d a u n i v e r s i t y of  student,  i n the lower mainland  the province rather than take advantage of the c o l l e g e  t r a n s f e r courses  in Terrace.  Communication s e r v i c e s at Kitsumkalum i n c l u d e B.C. Telephone connections  and r a d i o and t e l e v i s i o n  f a c i l i t i e s which are t r a n s m i t t e d or r e l a y e d from T e r r a c e . Other media sources are a v a i l a b l e i n the c i t y , as i s the Canada Post  Office.  T r a n s p o r t a t i o n i n c l u d e s Highway 16, which i s a major, two  lane, b l a c k t o p road.  The Canadian N a t i o n a l Railway  passes through the r e s e r v e , but no longer stops t h e r e . nearest  station  i s Terrace.  located in Terrace.  The  B u s l i n e s and a i r l i n e s are  R i v e r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i s now  unimportant. Most community f a c i l i t i e s  (recreational,  shopping,  h e a l t h , e t c . ) are l o c a t e d i n the c i t y of T e r r a c e . Kitsumkalum has i t s own f i r e f i g h t i n g  system: a f i r e  f i r e pump, and e i g h t f i r e hydrants.  There i s a Band C o u n c i l  garage/tool  truck,  shed, snow c l e a r i n g equipment, t r u c k , and  60  storage  shed.  o i - g y e t s , was artists.  A h a n d i c r a f t shop, c a l l e d the House of e s t a b l i s h e d as an o u t l e t  I t c a t e r s to the t o u r i s t  shop are o f f i c e s  the  f o r the Band C o u n c i l A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  and  trade has  legal restrictions.  do not need to use  THE  POPULATION population  determine.  genealogies  At the time, my  vague and  how  was  then, I have analyzed  up  smoke house  one.  to  from the people who  definition  of  now  the  I r e l i e d upon three women who  not c o n s i d e r e d  I derived a figure  set  I r e c e i v e d names f o r l i v i n g members  in the v i l l a g e to go through my and who  own  a  because of  s i z e of Kitsumkalum i s d i f f i c u l t  l i v e at the v i l l a g e and  community was  sat i d l e f o r many years  the commercial  I collected  of the community.  A smoke house that was  Most houses have t h e i r  and  The  sometimes  A s s o c i a t e d with  l a r g e community meeting room. for the t o u r i s t  f o r community  trade, and  s e l l s s o f t d r i n k s to the r e s i d e n t s .  Sem-  c h a r t s and  t e l l me  who  a member of Kitsumkalum.  of 461  was  This i s  - i t i s an e s t i m a t e .  Since  the b a s i s of t h e i r e v a l u a t i o n ,  that forms a part of a l a t e r chapter  live  and  on the u n i t y of  Kitsumkalum. A number of c o n d i t i o n s d i v i d e the community.  Paramount  i s the l e g a l d i s t i n c t i o n made by the Indian Act between s t a t u s and  non-status Indians.  There are only  125  status  61  Kitsumkalum at the time of w r i t i n g (according to the c h i e f councillor).  This i s comparable to the p o p u l a t i o n s noted in  most o f f i c i a l  and s e m i - o f f i c i a l census (on the Band L i s t s of  Department of Indian A f f a i r s ) , and  I would suggest  represents a s t a b l e number of people  who  that i t  historically  form a  r e s i d e n t i a l core, with the r e s t moving about the land or visiting/living  in other  villages.  Once an e l d e r t o l d me living  i n the resource abundant Kitsumkalum V a l l e y t o t a l l e d  n e a r l y one his  that the a b o r i g i n a l p o p u l a t i o n  thousand people.  estimate and  I have not been able to confirm  i t does c o n f l i c t with e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h  century o b s e r v a t i o n s , which gave counts of around hundred.  But  counted and  these may  be low because only r e s i d e n t s were  the m i g r a t i o n of Kitsumkalum f o r work or the  p o p u l a t i o n of the region by d i s e a s e was Thus my to  one  estimate of under 500  not  considered.  i n the community may  the a b o r i g i n a l p o p u l a t i o n l e v e l , but  de-  be c l o s e r  i f Duff's conclusion  that the Indian p o p u l a t i o n trends are s t i l l  w e l l below pre-  contact l e v e l s i s true (1965:44), then the estimate made by the Kitsumkalum e l d e r of a l a r g e p o p u l a t i o n i n h a b i t i n g the v a l l e y may  not be as extravagant  as o f f i c i a l  counts would  suggest. Residence a l s o d i v i d e s the p o p u l a t i o n .  People  live  throughout North America from M e t l a k a t l a , Alaska to S e a t t l e , Washington; from Vancouver to H a l i f a x . population  i s very widely d i s p e r s e d .  The  The  non-status  s t a t u s people  live  62  p r i m a r i l y at Kitsumkalum, Zimacord, and T e r r a c e .  The  Kitsumkalum v i l l a g e was the permanent home of f o r t y - s i x people  i n 1981, but the number v a r i e s around  fifty,  depending on the work season and other circumstances.  One  s t a t u s f a m i l y l i v e s a t Zimacord, near the town of Remo, and w i l l be j o i n e d by o t h e r s . in Terrace at  At l e a s t t w e n t y - f i v e people  lived  i n 1981, but that number can f l u c t u a t e more than  any other l o c a t i o n .  The r e s t of the Band  lives  elsewhere, i n P r i n c e Rupert, Holberg, Vancouver, P r i n c e George, V i c t o r i a , and other p a r t s of the c o u n t r y . addresses The 1978  The  of some are not known. o f f i c i a l membership of the Band, a c c o r d i n g t o the  Band C o u n c i l L i s t , c o n s i s t s of one hundred s i x people;  f i f t y - t w o l i v i n g on r e s e r v e , f o r t y - n i n e o f f ; f i f t y - o n e males and  f o r t y - n i n e females.  The m a j o r i t y of the p o p u l a t i o n i s  young, under twenty-five years of age ( s i x t y - t w o p e o p l e ) . The  age/sex s t r u c t u r e of the Band i s shown i n F i g u r e 3.  r e g i o n a l p o p u l a t i o n pyramid i s a l s o shown, Kitsumkalum's small s i z e does not permit  A  although  significant  comparisons. Kitsumkalum V i l l a g e  i s the r e s i d e n t i a l c e n t r e , both i n  terms of numbers and as a s p i r i t u a l home. housing  subdivisions there.  f l a t s which supported times.  There a r e two  The o l d e r one i s l o c a t e d on the  a small f i s h i n g v i l l a g e  i n pre-contact  There were seventeen l o t s c o n t a i n i n g t h i r t e e n houses  and a t r a i l e r home i n 1980. The houses were purchased from  63  A  6  4  2  9  Female  e  0  0  2  4  6  Percentage of t o t . pop. - 1971 census KITIMAT-STIK1NE REGIONAL DISTRICT  F i g u r e 3.  10  8  Male  6  4  2  0  0  2  Percentage of t o t a l - 1981 census  4  6  8  Population -  KITSUMKALUM BAND  P o p u l a t i o n pyramids o f Kitsumkalum and the Kitimat-Stikine. Regional D i s t r i c t , (source: Kitsumkalum Band A d m i n i s t r a t i o n )  10  64  Alcan a f t e r smelter  i t f i n i s h e d the p r e l i m i n a r y c o n s t r u c t i o n of i t s  town of K i t i m a t .  A new s u b d i v i s i o n , s i t u a t e d on top  of a b l u f f o v e r l o o k i n g the f l a t s and the Skeena V a l l e y , had s i x t e e n l o t s occupied 1980,  by two houses and a t r a i l e r home i n  but four a d d i t i o n a l homes have been b u i l t  subsequently.  These a r e a l l wood frame houses b u i l t  a s s i s t a n c e from government programmes.  with  One i s owned by the  Band C o u n c i l and rented to a Band member. At Zimacord, a Band member i s b u i l d i n g h i s own house (and r e c e n t l y another  member has c o n t r a c t e d with  to b u i l d a second house t h e r e ) . Reserve 2, or at Port The  carpenters  No one l i v e s at Indian  Essington.  population i s further divided into family units.  My genealogies  r e c o r d one hundred twenty-three  families in  the community. These are b a s i c a l l y nuclear parents and c h i l d r e n .  f a m i l i e s c o n s i s t i n g of  The m a t r i l i n e a g e s are no longer  c e n t r a l to f a m i l y s t r u c t u r e , given the changed property r e l a t i o n s h i p s , the d e c l i n e i n the e f f e c t i v e c o n t r o l by the t i t l e h o l d e r s over p r o d u c t i v i t y r e s o u r c e s , and the tendency towards n e o l o c a l r e s i d e n c e by newly-wed wage e a r n e r s . Couples and t h e i r c h i l d r e n w i l l  l i v e on or o f f the reserve,  depending on such f a c t o r s as t h e i r l e g a l s t a t u s as Indians, the a v a i l a b i l i t y of housing, exhibit  r e n t s , job l o c a t i o n , d e s i r e to  some freedom from the n a t a l home.  Among s t a t u s  Indians, there are f i f t e e n nuclear f a m i l i e s l i v i n g on  65  reserve  and  twenty-six o f f r e s e r v e .  f a m i l i e s i n v o l v e d with Kitsumkalum.  There are 82 Two  l i v e on  non-status the  reserve. There are a l s o l a r g e r l o c a l i z e d name groups of f a m i l i e s that p e r c e i v e  a connection  with a common ancestor  seems s i m i l a r to the a b o r i g i n a l c l a n s .  - this  I identified  major name groups in the community today (Boltons, Spaldings,  Wesleys, Nelsons, S t a r r s ) , and  previously  important but has  (Kennedy).  The  The  lessened  groups are  i d e n t i f i e d by t h e i r the  of them.  People are aware of the s i s t e r s and  use  patrilineally  f a t h e r or grandfather  as the s i g n i f i c a n t  is  l i n k i n g r e l a t i v e f o r a number female l i n k a g e  i t i n order  f a m i l i e s with d i f f e r e n t surnames, but as  was  become absorbed.by another  perceived  and  an e i g h t h that  importance of the m a t r i l i n e a l  i n h e r i t e d family names, and  brothers  Roberts,  s i m i l a r i t y of these groups to the o l d c l a n s  i s l i m i t e d by the principle.  seven  with  to connect some  this  i s not  the same  matriclans. Cross-cutting  phratry  these f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s h i p s are  memberships of i n d i v i d u a l s .  the names of the p h r a t r i e s , and young, do not  everyone  recognizes  many, e s p e c i a l l y among the  know t h e i r c r e s t .  the genealogies has  Not  the  L o g i c a l deductions based on  c l e a r e d up the o l d c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s ,  the p r i n c i p l e s of p h r a t i c membership and  the  obligations  associated  The  o l d e r women  with i t are s t i l l  not c l e a r .  c a r r y some of t h i s knowledge, and  the older men  seem to  but  66  attach.some sentimental p h r a t i c brothers and  importance to knowing who  their  s i s t e r s are but I d i d not d i s c o v e r  any  f u n c t i o n a l a p p l i c a t i o n of the system i n Kitsumkalum. Nonetheless,  I found growing i n t e r e s t .  are manipulating crest  Since other  villages  such symbols more and more, I suspect  system w i l l have a resurgence  i n Kitsumkalum, at  the least  as a means of handling r e l a t i o n s h i p s e x t e r n a l to the village. The  religious a f f i l i a t i o n s  of the members of the  community'do not pose any major sources of u n i t y or disunity.  OCCUPATIONS Kitsumkalum can a l s o be d e s c r i b e d as a community s t r u c t u r e d by o c c u p a t i o n .  The m a j o r i t y of working-age women  are housewives, whether they are on Canada pensions As w i l l become c l e a r e r l a t e r on, housewifery  or not.  at Kitsumkalum  i n v o l v e s more than the tasks of m a i n t a i n i n g the home facilities  - i t can  i n v o l v e the women i n the p r o c e s s i n g of  food and other items from the a b o r i g i n a l economy. women who  few  have other jobs, that i s wage jobs, work i n  o f f i c e s , bars, or r e t a i l s t o r e s . heard expressed, was  The  An e t h i c that I sometimes  and which seemed to be important  overall  that a married woman should not need to work o u t s i d e of  the home, and  that women should be married.  The  women  who  67  are employed by wage are e i t h e r s i n g l e (with or without having  been married  p r e v i o u s l y ) , experiencing  financial difficulties  that n e c e s s i t a t e t h e i r employment, or  are p a r t i c u l a r l y determined to f u l f i l l for a job.  domestic  t h e i r personal  Otherwise, h a n d i c r a f t p r o d u c t i o n  provides  a l t e r n a t i v e that i s compatible with housework and same time generates a l i t t l e Men, job.  on the other  There was  men,  Now,  work as l o g g e r s .  was  been superseded by the f o r e s t r y  the m a j o r i t y The  Council Administration.  of men,  e s p e c i a l l y the young  next l a r g e s t employer i s the Band  There are a small number of  men  perform the tasks of a d m i n i s t r a t i o n  g e n e r a l maintenance/repair i n the v i l l a g e . the wage jobs vary  the  income.  a time when commercial f i s h i n g  (around seven) who  at  an  hand, are expected to work at a wage  important, but that has industry.  desire  The  and  remainder of  from a r t i s t , court workers, cannery  employees, or o f f i c e work. There was insurance  only one  person r e c e i v i n g unemployment  b e n e f i t s i n 1980,  reserve communities.  Yet  t h i s does not  s t r e n g t h of the wage labour seasonal  employer, and  Band C o u n c i l A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  sharply,  and  economy.  fully  northern  reflect  the  Logging i s a h i g h l y  every year there are  sometimes of great d u r a t i o n .  pressures  q u i t e remarkable f o r  F u r t h e r , the are subject  lay-offs, funds f o r the  to a number of  sometimes the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n  l e a v i n g some without income u n t i l  staff  i s cut  the funding  level  68  is restored.  F o r t u n a t e l y , community resources are such as  to provide some b u f f e r a g a i n s t the e f f e c t s of these of  l a y - o f f s , as w i l l be d e s c r i b e d l a t e r .  periods  Nonetheless,  when  l a y - o f f s come, there are few a l t e r n a t e jobs a v a i l a b l e and the workers s u f f e r as a  result.  Kitsumkalum i s a community dependent upon the u n c e r t a i n t i e s of a job market over which i t has control.  little  They are no longer the independent people  or  no  that  t h e i r a n c e s t o r s were, a b l e to determine when to work, when to  r e s t , or (even) what to work.  The  a b o r i g i n a l s e c t o r s of  the economy are a l s o r e g u l a t e d by f o r c e s e x t e r n a l to the community and n a t u r a l environment.  P r o c e s s i n g of f i s h ,  example, must be conducted i n the short p e r i o d s allowed wage employment: evenings,  weekends.  businesses.  c a r p e n t r y , or whatever. and  forming  In the past, the f i s h i n g boat was  exemplary form of t h i s s o l u t i o n ; now  difficulty  by  Some i n d i v i d u a l s  attempt to break out of t h i s s t r a i g h t - j a c k e t by t h e i r own  for  But  the  they t r y t r u c k i n g ,  success comes only with  great  luck f o r the small businessman in Canada, and  the Kitsumkalum are no e x c e p t i o n .  As time goes on  options seem to become ever more narrow, and dependency upon outside jobs g r e a t e r . the reserves economically  their  E f f o r t s to  recognize t h i s f a c t , and  o r i e n t e d to f o s t e r i n g employment p o s s i b i l i t e s , r e g e n e r a t i n g p r o d u c t i v e c a p a c i t i e s and e n t e r i n g i n d u s t r i a l or commercial e n t e r p r i s e s .  their  developseem  rather  than  into  The c h o i c e d i d not  69  r e s t e n t i r e l y with the Kitsumkalum, but was by the s t r u c t u r e of the  l a r g e r economy.  r e s t r a i n t s that t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n now  l a r g e l y imposed  I t i s to these  turns  in an attempt  to  b e t t e r understand the p o s i t i o n of t h i s community i n the l a r g e r order The  of  things.  Kitsumkalum are no longer  Tsimshian s o c i e t y d e s c r i b e d  i n the ethnographic  Many changes have transformed t h e i r I have j u s t d e s c r i b e d .  representative  To provide  property  economy, sector and  r e l a t i o n s h i p s that d i r e c t p r o d u c t i o n .  My  d i s c u s s i o n w i l l not examine the e n t i r e s o c i a l  schools  are two  the  formation,  even though more than the p r a c t i c e s of production considering.  condition  some understanding of  examine the means of production  the t o p i c I am  the  literature.  l i v e s i n t o the  these changes, I w i l l take t h e i r p r o d u c t i v e by s e c t o r , and  of  influence  For example, m i s s i o n i z a t i o n  important aspects of the s u p e r s t r u c t u r e  w i l l not be s t u d i e d - to allow a c o n c e n t r a t i o n  upon  Developments w i t h i n  and that  the  productive  s e c t o r s themselves.  sector are  s u f f i c i e n t l y complex to demand c l o s e a t t e n t i o n of  this sort.  Indeed, to t r y to make a comprehensive review of  even j u s t the major s e c t o r s condemns the research of g e n e r a l i t y which may and  each  to a  level  f r u s t r a t e readers with more s p e c i f i c  i n t e n s i v e i n t e r e s t in any  p a r t i c u l a r sector.  PART I'l : THE POLITICAL ECONOMY  71  4.  KITSUMKALUM AS A UNIT OF MATERIAL  APPROPRIATION  KITSUMKALUM AS A UNIT OF SOCIAL PRODUCTION The u n i t y of the a b o r i g i n a l s e c t o r s of the economy (hunting,  f i s h i n g , gathering,  and h o r t i c u l t u r e ) i s c r i t i c a l  to understanding the p o l i t i c a l economy of Kitsumkalum and t h e i r continued  existence  as a s o c i a l group.  What i s  produced i n t h i s s e c t o r , and the manner i n which i t i s produced and d i s t r i b u t e d f o r consumption p r o v i d e s the m a t e r i a l b a s i s which maintains the r e l a t i o n s h i p between those who were and who continue t o be Kitsumkalum. t h e i r a b o r i g i n a l production  It i s in  that we can f i n d the kernel of  t h e i r s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s and a l s o the h i s t o r i c a l c o n t i n u i t y to the group. In the chapters t o f o l l o w I d e s c r i b e c o n s t r i c t i o n s placed  upon the a b o r i g i n a l economy i n order  to examine how a  s e l f - s u s t a i n i n g economy was reduced to the p o i n t of being only one part of many s e c t o r s  i n a commodity economy.  However, the c o n t i n u i t y i n t h i s h i s t o r y i s i n the r e a l appropriation  of n a t u r a l resources,  kernel around which the other Kitsumkalum.  which has been the  s e c t o r s were developed by the  How a l l these were i n c o r p o r a t e d  s o c i a l production  circuit  i n t o the t o t a l  i s the t o p i c of the present  work.  72  Thus, the importance of m a t e r i a l a p p r o p r i a t i o n to the thesis l i e s village  i n t h i s : the a b o r i g i n a l economy, which i n the  i s the b a s i c aspect of s o c i a l p r o d u c t i o n and  r e p r o d u c t i o n , provides a focus on Kitsumkalum as a r e a l group and allows us to f o l l o w t h e i r s o c i a l h i s t o r y from their original  independence t o the modern, d i s t o r t e d  formation of dependency. The bases of the u n i t y of the a b o r i g i n a l s e c t o r are the people's r e l a t i o n s h i p s t o r e s o u r c e s , a gender d i v i s i o n of labour, and a s s o c i a t e d r i g h t s t o the products i n distribution.  For purposes of p r e s e n t a t i o n , i t w i l l be best  to deal with these l a s t  two g e n e r a l i t i e s before d i s c u s s i n g  the a l i e n a t i o n of r e s o u r c e s , changes i n labour, and property rights.  HOUSEHOLDS, GENDER, AND PRODUCTION D i s c u s s i o n of the c u r r e n t a b o r i g i n a l production i n Kitsumkalum  i s most e a s i l y begun  d i v i s i o n of labour.  i n terms of a gender  T h i s n o t i o n i s important,  face of t h i n g s the b a s i c p r o d u c t i v e s o c i a l u n i t  f o r on the i s the  household with a d i v i s i o n of labour by sex i n which men procure  f a u n a l r e s o u r c e s , while women a r e the p r o c u r e r s of  f l o r a and s t a t i o n a r y fauna and a r e the "main processors (e.g., Boas  1916:45-49; G a r f i e l d  1966:15-17).  73  The o l d e r p i c t u r e of the "sexual d i v i s i o n of labour" f a i l s t o convey the broader  i m p l i c a t i o n s of the nature of  the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s between production u n i t s .  the sexes and w i t h i n the  As a r e s u l t there are a number of e r r o r s  in the way that we conceive  of Tsimshian  t h e i r u n i t s of p r o d u c t i o n .  These are problems that can be  avoided  p r o d u c t i o n and  by c o n c e n t r a t i n g on the s o c i a l aspects of what might  be d e s c r i b e d as a t e c h n i c a l d i v i s i o n of labour between the sexes. to  To be c l e a r that t h i s i s my i n t e n t i o n , I w i l l adhere  a t e r m i n o l o g i c a l convention  ideas s t r a i g h t : I w i l l  that i s intended  t o keep  r e f e r t o the s o c i a l d i v i s i o n of  labour by sex as a "gender d i v i s i o n of l a b o u r " .  What are  the i m p l i c a t i o n s of t h i s ? A gender d i v i s i o n  i m p l i e s that men a c t upon the world  in s i m i l a r ways, as do women, but i n d i f f e r e n t ways from the other sex, and that each r e l a t e t o the world a c c o r d i n g l y . T h i s f o r m u l a t i o n helps us move from c o n s i d e r i n g a t e c h n i c a l d i v i s i o n of labour by gender t o the notion of gender p r o d u c t i v e c a p a c i t i e s , as e x p l o r e d by Silverman (1979:83ff.): men produce c e r t a i n use-values,  develop the  p r o d u c t i v e c a p a c i t i e s of other males i n t h i s regard, and supervise the p r o d u c t i o n engaged by other men. for  women.  Similarly  There a r e , i n other words, c e r t a i n t h i n g s which  must be done by and which are the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of one gender  (men's work, women's work), and f o r which they are  trained.  74  One  consequence of t h i s i s that the labour of men  women) can be viewed as g e n d e r - s p e c i f i c s o c i a l S o c i a l labour  individual production.  i s that the labour of one man of  another.  labour.  i s here d e f i n e d i n terms of o v e r a l l  p r o d u c t i o n , not  T h i s i s important  social  Another consequence  i s interchangeable  with that  f o r the i m p l i c a t i o n i t  c a r r i e s which i s : that of the men's work that has for  (or  to be done  the reproduction of the group, i t does not matter  m a t e r i a l l y who  does i t , only t h a t i t i s done, and done by a  man. Of course  skill,  experience,  and  other personal f a c t o r s  enter i n t o the s p e c i f i c c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the q u a l i t y of i n d i v i d u a l ' s c o n t r i b u t i o n , but, as f a r as the necessary  labour  i s concerned, these  any  socially  f a c t o r s are matters of  efficiency. It  i s a l s o important  only c o n s i d e r i n g simple occurrences political  to note at t h i s p o i n t that I am  r e p r o d u c t i o n - the more complex  of extended r e p r o d u c t i o n e n t a i l c o n s i d e r a t i o n of  and  i d e o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s from the economic  formation, and would i n c l u d e other social  formation.  s e c t o r s of the  For example, t h e i r o r i g i n a l l  s t r u c t u r a l f e a t u r e s ( c l a s s , l i n e a g e s , property,  total  social etc.)  mediated the p r o d u c t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p s , c r e a t i n g c l e a v a g e s , j u s t as p o l i t i c a l now.  How  these  f a c t i o n a l i s m and  economic development does  f a c t o r s were reproduced  h i s t o r y of the v i l l a g e .  A l l this  i s the  i s beyond my  social focus  here.  75  The  p o i n t being made i s that the community i s p r i m a r i l y  u n i f i e d through i t s h i s t o r i c a l production. productive  r e l a t i o n s of c o o p e r a t i v e  When, with the h e l p of the notion of gender c a p a c i t i e s , this unity  i s revealed,  i t then  becomes apparent that the community of exchange occurs much f u r t h e r along  i n the p r o c e s s .  SEGMENTARY ORGANIZATION In the study of n o n - c a p i t a l i s t ( p r i m i t i v e ) economies, s c h o l a r s o f t e n assume the e x i s t e n c e are u n i t s of p r o d u c t i o n .  1  1  of b a s i c segments which  The household i s o f t e n put forward  The grouping of members of a p o p u l a t i o n i n t o v a r i o u s segments i s c e n t r a l to the concepts of p r i m i t i v e s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , to the p o i n t that the so c a l l e d " p r i m i t i v e s o c i e t i e s " are f r e q u e n t l y r e f e r r e d to as segmentary or segmental s o c i e t i e s (e.g., Schneider 1965). T h i s c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n i s p e r v a s i v e throughout the literature. For example, David Schneider, i n h i s paper "Some Muddles i n the Models..." analyzed the views of such d i v e r s e t h e o r i s t s as L e v i - S t r a u s s , Dumont, Leach, and Needham ( i . e . , the a l l i a n c e t h e o r i s t s ) on one hand, and F o r t e s , Goody, Gough, Gluckman, and F i r t h ( i . e . , the descent t h e o r i s t s ) on the other, and showed that d e s p i t e t h e i r d i f f e r e n c e s , they are a l l founded on a premise of a type of segmented s o c i e t y composed of d i s c r e t e u n i t s (Schneider 1965:45). Schneider t r a c e d the premise back to Durkheim and Mauss who r e c o n s t r u c t s o c i a l u n i t y i n the realm of exchange (e.g., Mauss's "The G i f t " , 1925). Many c u l t u r a l e c o l o g i s t s and e v o l u t i o n i s t s , t o g i v e another example, a l s o f a l l i n t o t h i s model and i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g that M a r s h a l l S a h l i n s , i n h i s t r a n s i t i o n from the e v o l u t i o n a r y paradigm t o s t r u c t u r a l i s m wrote the exemplary book on household economies and the Domestic Mode of Production (1972). So too, with w r i t e r s such as M e i l l a s o u x and G o d e l i e r .  76  as the b a s i c unit  (e.g.,  Sahlins  1972).  As a d i s c r e t e  e n t i t y , t h i s s o c i a l segment i s supposed to c o n t a i n a t e c h n i c a l d i v i s i o n of labour  by age and sex, which i s a  r e p l i c a t i o n of the d i v i s i o n of labour l a r g e , a p e t i t e economy.  within i t  i n the s o c i e t y at  These are not the only  s p e c i a l i z a t i o n s recorded f o r p r i m i t i v e economies, but they are the dominant  forms.  However they are s t r u c t u r e d , a l l e g e d l y more or l e s s s e l f production focus.  basic productive  u n i t s are  s u f f i c i e n t atoms i n which  and consumption occur, with the hearth as t h e i r  In hunting and gathering  membership f l u x between  s o c i e t i e s , the idea of  u n i t s leaves  the s t r u c t u r e s with an  ephemeral content but, as with the more s t a b l e  self-  s u f f i c i e n t a g r i c u l t u r a l community, the segmented  structure  remains (e.g., M e i l l a s s o u x  I98l:14ff.).  c o l l e c t i v e forms of labour  a r i s e , e s p e c i a l l y i n the more  complex  Of course,  s o c i e t i e s , but these are h i e r a r c h i c a l l y l a i d over  the o r i g i n a l basic  unit.  Thus, i n n o n - i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s production "acephalous and fragmented i n t o small autonomous"  is segments  (Sahlins  1972:134) r e q u i r i n g s u p e r s t r u c t u r a l means to  overcome  the profound cleavages and "to counteract  transcend production"  (ibid.:129).  This  conceptualization  appears to r e v e a l a fundamental c o n t r a d i c t i o n , productive  d i s u n i t y and s u p e r s t r u c t u r a l  and  between  e f f o r t s towards  77  unity.  Some t h e o r i s t s go so f a r as to say household  production i s , accordingly, a n t i - s o c i a l the  i n nature and that  s o c i a l p r o j e c t of p r i m i t i v e s o c i e t i e s  i s , f i r s t and  foremost, to overcome t h i s nature. S a h l i n s , who pushed t h i s view of household p r o d u c t i o n to  i t s extreme  i n d e v e l o p i n g h i s n o t i o n of the Domestic Mode  of  P r o d u c t i o n , made the a n t i - s o c i a l premise  explicit:  "nothing w i t h i n the s t r u c t u r e of p r o d u c t i o n f o r use pushes i t [the household] to transcend i t s e l f . The e n t i r e s o c i e t y i s c o n s t r u c t e d on an o b s t i n a t e economic base, t h e r e f o r e on a c o n t r a d i c t i o n , because u n l e s s the domestic economy i s f o r c e d beyond i t s e l f the e n t i r e s o c i e t y does not s u r v i v e . Economically, p r i m i t i v e s o c i e t y i s founded on an a n t i s o c i e t y . " (Sahlins 1972:86, c f . G o d e l i e r 1981:14) And what i s beyond  the segments?  n a s t i n e s s of the Hobbesian chaos  Nothing l e s s than the ( S a h l i n s 1972:186).  As  G o d e l i e r says about k i n s h i p groups: "beyond [them] i s a world that i s no longer one of g i f t s , mutual s h a r i n g and r e c i p r o c a l guarantees, but one of r a i d i n g , rape, war and e x p r o p r i a t i o n . " (1981:15) So how do households a l l e g e d l y c r e a t e s o l i d a r i t y and form s o c i e t y ?  I t cannot be through p r o d u c t i o n , f o r the  d i v i s i o n of labour i s blamed f o r s a c r i f i c i n g for  household autonomy ( S a h l i n s  social  unity  1972:95).  V a r i o u s answers have been proposed: f o r some i t i s through a l l i a n c e s , e s p e c i a l l y those of marriage or c l a s s , for  o t h e r s through descent and l e v e l s of segmentation (see  78  Schneider  1965).  Perhaps more g e n e r a l l y ,  v a r i o u s forms of exchange that have been  i t i s through the documented  e t h n o g r a p h i c a l l y , whether these be based on economic behaviour or some form of s o c i a l c o n t r a c t .  In Mauss' words,  " s o c i e t i e s have progressed i n the manner in which they, t h e i r sub-groups and t h e i r members, have been able to s t a b i l i z e t h e i r c o n t r a c t s and to g i v e , r e c e i v e , and repay. In order to t r a d e , man must f i r s t l a y down h i s spear... There i s no other recourse f e a s i b l e . " (1925:80-81, emphasis mine)" 1  In the economic sphere u n i f i c a t i o n occur i n c i r c u l a t i o n , e i t h e r  through the p e r s o n a l i z e d  exchanges i n the absence of a market and r e d i s t r i b u t i o n ) , i s , exchange  i s thus seen to  (that i s , r e c i p r o c i t y  or through a marketing mechanism  (that  proper).  AN ALTERNATE MODEL The model of the segmentary s o c i e t y r e v e a l s the unification  f u n c t i o n of exchange, but at a l a t e p o i n t i n  economic a c t i v i t i e s ,  especially  when the s o c i a l  r e l a t i o n s h i p s are the m i l i e u of t h e i r o c c u r r e n c e s . location  for u n i f i c a t i o n  i s i n accordance with the  'production as a n t i - s o c i a l ' view.  1  Such a  However, there i s another  I quote Mauss p a r t i a l l y to a f f i r m my awareness of the s o c i a l t o t a l i t i e s of phenomena,, i n order that I can continue to concentrate on the economy without seeming v u l g a r .  79  important  formula  must be considered consumpt i o n .  that i s u n i v e r s a l to a l l s o c i e t i e s first:  which  that of production f o r  1  The phrase "production  f o r consumption"  summarizes  s o c i a l p r o d u c t i o n , and represents the s o c i a l u n i t y or t o t a l i t y of the production process totality  simply  Without  this  there could be no exchange of any kind and so the  p o s i t i o n of exchange i s found  itself.  i n t h i s process must now be l o c a t e d : i t  between p r o d u c t i o n and consumption P...C-C...C, or  P...C-C.  2  To begin to understand Kitsumkalum, i t i s necessary  the b a s i s of the community of to s t a r t with the b a s i c  (production f o r consumption) and i t s o r g a n i z a t i o n .  process In doing  so, I am going to look only at the o r g a n i z a t i o n of labour i n one s e c t o r , and at the d i s t r i b u t i o n  of products,  ignoring  for now, but with some d i f f i c u l t y , other areas of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , notably the p r o p e r t y r e l a t i o n  t o the means of  production.  1  T h i s i s sometimes s t a t e d as a formula: P...C, where P i s p r o d u c t i o n , C i s consumption, and Is the process of "realization".  2  T h i s can be diagrammed i n terms of the formula. I f "v" represents the o b j e c t s exchanged and "-" r e p r e s e n t s the a c t of exchange, then the s o c i a l l o c a t i o n of the exchange i s thus: P...v-v...C. Or, i n the simple case of u t i l i a r e a n exchange, thus: P . . . V - C .  80  GENDER PRODUCTION: THE ETHNOGRAPHIC CASE Hunting  and f i s h i n g  i n Kitsumkalum i s predominantly  done by men (as i s t r a p p i n g ) , who a l s o p r o v i d e women t r a n s p o r t a t i o n i n gas boats and t r u c k s , and, from time to time, p r o v i d e s e c u r i t y a g a i n s t predatory animals. participate and  Men a l s o  i n general p r o c e s s i n g , but t o a l i m i t e d extent,  i n the manufacture of c e r t a i n a r t i c l e s of t h e i r own  equipment. The  s u p e r v i s i o n of t h e i r work i s c u r r e n t l y  i n f o r m a l l y through d a i l y  accomplished  i n t e r a c t i o n s and d i s c u s s i o n .  Resource management, p r o d u c t i o n l e v e l s , and d i s t r i b u t i o n are under the immediate c o n t r o l of the i n d i v i d u a l p r o c u r e r s , but c o n s i d e r a b l e d i s c u s s i o n occurs with other men.  Seniors  train  j u n i o r s , and continue t o exert i n f l u e n c e throughout  their  l i f e t i m e s on the b a s i s of s o c i a l knowledge and  kinship.  P a r t n e r s , f r i e n d s , neighbours,  information i n f o r m a l l y .  One r e s u l t  and others  share  i s that men (and i n  t h e i r realm, women) tend to know the needs of the community and t o develop t a c t i c s , more or l e s s i n common, to f u l f i l l those needs.  But not a l l can a c t upon (or need to a c t upon)  those problems.  Thus, some men are c o n s i d e r e d to be the  hunters, and others are the fishermen, not because each could not engage i n both a c t i v i t e s at some time, but because that i s the way i n d i v i d u a l s can express t h e i r p r o d u c t i v e c a p a c i t i e s , given t h e i r l i f e c o n d i t i o n s i n the long run and in  practice.  81  The  o v e r a l l e f f e c t of such labour a l l o t m e n t s  s o c i a l product  i s a gross  that p r o v i d e s the needs of the whole v i l l a g e  and community.  For example, a hunter  with members of one  may  hunt with or  share  set of f a m i l i e s that i n c l u d e r e l a t i v e s  p l u s some neighbours,  and a r e l a t e d fisherman  w i l l do  the  same. Another e f f e c t of t h i s d i v i s i o n of labour completion  of one  i s that  the  t e c h n i c a l process does not terminate  the  r e l a t i o n s h i p of the people  engaged i n the  r e l a t i o n s h i p of s o c i a l p r o d u c t i o n . completed, those who  finished  other t e c h n i c a l p r o c e s s e s . complex c o - o p e r a t i o n  overall  F u r t h e r , as one  stage i s  i t , are a l r e a d y a s s o c i a t e d i n  Thus, through a system of  i n the labour processes,  social  r e l a t i o n s h i p s are c o n t i n u a l l y i n a s t a t e of renewal. The  common e x p r e s s i o n  " s h a r i n g " was  j u s t used, which  i m p l i e s an o r i g i n a l exchange, o f t e n conceived  of as  r e c i p r o c i t y or p o o l i n g with subsequent d i s t r i b u t i o n . the r e l a t i o n s h i p does not Sahlins  involve sharing in t h i s  (1972:185ff.) e x p l a i n s the phenomenon with  Maussian concept connotation  Yet  way. the  of p r e s t a t i o n which he uses with i t s  of t o t a l i t y , not simply  the exchange f u n c t i o n  some t h e o r i s t s a p p r o p r i a t e as i f that were the  totality.  T h i s h e l p s , but S a h l i n s remains w i t h i n c i r c u l a t i o n and not address  does  p r o d u c t i v e u n i t y , where s h a r i n g i n v o l v e s a  p r o v i d i n g of raw  m a t e r i a l s that cannot be consumed  f u r t h e r labour, i n c o r p o r a t e d through p r o c e s s i n g .  without If an  82  analogy i s s e l e c t e d  for productive unity,  i t should not  that of the market  ( c i r c u l a t i o n ) r e l a t i o n s between  of an economy, but  that of the pin f a c t o r y where labour  unites  to complete a product.  contribution  be  sectors  I t i s strange to c o n s i d e r  the  of each f a c t o r y hand as an exchange of  something (except i n the p r i o r labour market), although i t is possible  to s t r e t c h the exchange model that way.  with the a b o r i g i n a l  l i m i t i o n s , of course, s i n c e i t  a t e c h n i c a l and  very s p e c i f i c d i v i s i o n of  while the Tsimshian process, i n i t s d i f f u s e n e s s , s o c i a l d i v i s i o n , the  reproduction  h i s t o r y of the community.  division  i s a part of the  does not  necessarily  of which i s the s o c i a l  I n t e r e s t i n g l y , and  in c o n f l i c t  r e s u l t i n underproduction.  and  Production  l i m i t s of which  are  determined. set of f a m i l i e s which are provided f o r by each of  the hunters and The  the  r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of p r o d u c t i o n ,  f u l f i l l s needs, the d e f i n i t i o n and  The  labour,  is also a  with modernization theory, the d i f f u s e nature of  socially  too  sectors.  T h i s analogy has describes  So  fishermen do not  form complementary p a i r s .  e f f e c t i s that, o v e r a l l , the v a r i a b l i t y i n  composition of the  sets productively  f a m i l i e s h o r i z o n t a l l y at the  the  i n t e r l o c k s most of  stage of procurement.  It a l s o  extends beyond the v i l l a g e r e s i d e n t i a l community and  the  government's l e g a l boundaries f o r the reserve s o c i e t y , the broader population  to i n c l u d e  the h i s t o r i c a l l y  the  into  linked  83  populations  of Kitsumkalum, of the Tsimshians,  and  portions  of the f o r e i g n p o p u l a t i o n which no longer are f o r e i g n i n the flow of the I am  circuit.  not  simply  expanding the d e f i n i t i o n of a segment  to the l e v e l of the v i l l a g e or something h i g h e r . circuit  flows depends upon the reproduction  whole.  S t r u g g l e s between c h i e f s and  o l d and  the new,  fishermen,  reproduction,  of the  the  social  l i n e a g e s , between the  between s p o r t s fishermen  a l l affect  How  and  the r e l a t i o n s h i p s and  food  their  so that there are both d a i l y p r a c t i c e s  ( m a n i f e s t a t i o n s ) of the c i r c u i t and run s t r u c t u r e s (such as c l a s s , The mediation  the formation  of  long  families, lineages).  of the gender p r o d u c t i v e  r e l a t i o n s h i p s by  non-economic s o c i a l f a c t o r s r e d e f i n e s the i n t e r c h a n g e a b i l i t y of men's labour certain  in such a way  fishermen  hunters who  to provide  a l s o provide  that there  for a s p e c i f i c  family a l l i a n c e s .  manifestation  group,  f o r a s p e c i f i c group, and  o f t e n f o r other groups of f a m i l i e s . be long-run  i s a tendency for  ( s u p e r s t r u c t u r a l ) cleavages  of  less  These groupings tend  This l a t t e r  of the r e p r o d u c t i o n  and  feature i s a  political  at the l e v e l of p r o d u c t i o n .  the s e p a r a t i o n s are not w e l l d e f i n e d because, i n f a c t , boundaries are loose i n the f i r s t p l a c e , and n e c e s s a r i l y c o i n c i d e n t a l between hunters and There are a l s o i n d i v i d u a l s who p r a c t i c e a b o r i g i n a l p u r s u i t s to any  to  are  But the  not  fishermen.  find i t d i f f i c u l t economically  to  significant  84  extent because of wage work, l e g a l r e s t r i c t i o n s , lack of a p p r o p r i a t e technology,  age, or i n f i r m i t y , and others who  simply do not want t o .  These men a r e minor c o n t r i b u t o r s , a  reserve labour supply, or e l s e r e t i r e d s e n i o r s who exert i n f l u e n c e based upon experience and p o s i t i o n .  Even amongst  those who a r e c o n s i d e r e d the hunters and fishermen, the p r a c t i c e s of t h e i r c u r r e n t c o n d i t i o n s and i n t e r e s t s vary the extent t o which they a c t u a l l y combine both throughout  the year.  activities  In the p r e - c o n t a c t p e r i o d ,  d i f f e r e n t i a l property r i g h t s may have been another factor.  mediating  For example, h a l i b u t and cod banks were h e l d as  p r o p e r t y and G a r f i e l d  (1966:16) mentions t h a t only some men  engaged i n the o f f - s h o r e f i s h e r y . Turning now t o women, these c o n t r i b u t o r s procure more s t a t i o n a r y forms of l i f e and p r o c e s s .  (gather f o r food and manufacture)  Both a c t i v i t i e s a r e important,  but i n  d i f f e r e n t ways. Women's p r o d u c t i v e c a p a c i t i e s i n procurement a r e c o n c e p t u a l l y s i m i l a r t o men's, and much of what has j u s t been s a i d a p p l i e s t o women - but there a r e c e r t a i n differences. communal.  One i s that the tasks a r e u s u a l l y more  G a r f i e l d ' s d e s c r i p t i o n s (1966:17) imply women  working alone for t h e i r f a m i l i e s , but t h i s i s d e f i n i t e l y c o n t r a r y t o my i n f o r m a t i o n for the e a r l y p e r i o d s on two counts: women t y p i c a l l y procure  i n groups and,  of gender production used here, not s t r i c t l y  i n the sense  f o r t h e i r own  85  families. Another d i f f e r e n c e is  (and  was)  children,  from the  o r g a n i z a t i o n of men's work  that female work groups r o u t i n e l y  notably young males.  Men  females i n t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s , and training  at an  training  of  older age  rarely  aunts.  f a m i l i a r i t y draws them back i n t o the  The  for r e c r e a t i o n ,  as  between marine and  inland  to the  not.  similar  harvest resources and  In the  to that d e s c r i b e d f o r the  based upon the different or on  major i n t e r n a l  in female work.  variations  live  men  seaweed.  But  differentiation those who  cannot  internal past, a may  situation  have  existed,  (e.g., i n l a n d  vs.  at  coastal  camps)  p r a c t i c a l d e c i s i o n s concerning d a i l y work r o u t i n e s .  According to G a r f i e l d ,  who  there  i n resources a v a i l a b l e  camping l o c a t i o n s  so  f o r t u n a t e to have females  Thus, there occurs l i t t l e  specialization  entirely  r e l a t i v e access,  p r o v i d e marine produce such as  i s between those who  not  There i s some d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n  are  f o r most family groups, the  resulting  described within  coast with fishermen husbands or  permanently and  or do  The  i s l e s s and  work, based on  that some family a l l i a n c e s  the  female work groups,  tendency towards s p e c i a l i z a t i o n  comparable for female work.  in  their  adults.  male gender p r o d u c t i v e c a p a c i t i e s  go  practice  begin  Hence, young males gain  experiences with t h e i r mothers and  primarily  i n c l u d e young  male c h i l d r e n  then i s the  female c h i l d r e n .  include  s e n i o r wives of c h i e f s  made these  86  d e c i s i o n s and s u p e r v i s e d schedules  (1966:15).  In the c u r r e n t s i t u a t i o n , there does not seem to be a tendency t o u n i f y the women i n s o c i e t y through the processes of  s p e c i a l i z a t i o n or i n t e r c h a n g e a b i l i t y w i t h i n female gender  p r o d u c t i o n , at l e a s t not during the procurement process, as i s the case with men. s p e c i f i c composition d e f i n e d mainly  I n t e g r a t i o n occurs through the  of work teams but only to some extent,  through marriage t i e s of the females who a r e  usually consanquineally  r e l a t e d through the s e n i o r member.  T h i s i s not so t r u e i n the realm of p r o c e s s i n g where women from s e v e r a l f a m i l i e s w i l l come together can  food, e t c . The boundaries  t o dry f i s h ,  of these work groups a r e more  open, p r o v i d i n g one l o c a l e i n female p r o d u c t i o n where the extension of s o c i a l ti.es occurs.  As a r e s u l t of t h e i r  labour c o n t r i b u t i o n s to p r o c e s s i n g , women who had no input during procurement a r e able t o e s t a b l i s h a c l a i m t o some of the produce, thus d i s t r i b u t i n g  i t through the networks of  i n d i v i d u a l s and f a m i l i e s p a r t i c i p a t i n g  i n the v i l l a g e  community. Another l o c a l e of extension  i s i n the  i n t e r c h a n g e a b i l i t y of women's p r o c e s s i n g labour: not a l l women smoke f i s h ,  some j a r great q u a n t i t i e s of b e r r i e s , and  so on. Who does what v a r i e s from year t o year, but there i s a c o n t i n u a l s h a r i n g of processed  foods.  Thus, from the time the resource it  i s appropriated  until  i s a l l f i n a l l y consumed, i t has passed through a s e r i e s  87  of hands: f i r s t ,  according to the gender procurement  c a p a c i t y and i n t e r c h a n g a b i l i t y of labour, then i n t o p r o c e s s i n g , which i s p a r t i a l l y across gender, and f i n a l l y i n t o i n d i v i d u a l homes. Participation  i n a gender d i v i s i o n of labour, the  development of p r o d u c t i v e c a p a c i t i e s , and the a s s o c i a t e d d i s t r i b u t i o n of the produce does more than a l l o c a t e amongst household members. situation  I t c r e a t e s a more g e n e r a l i z e d  i n which members of one gender labour with each  other, and f o r and with the other gender. social unification village.  jobs  In so doing, a  i s produced that meshes everyone i n the  Any d i s c r e p a n c i e s are even f u r t h e r reduced by  f i n a l d i s t r i b u t i o n s to those on the b a s i s of need or p r e s t a t i o n s to those who have not p a r t i c i p a t e d to t h i s p o i n t , e.g., the i n f i r m or o l d , young r e l a t e d distant  relatives,  loggers,  friends.  P a r t i c i p a t i o n not only p r o v i d e s the b a s i s f o r u n i t y across households, i t a l s o reaches beyond the geographic and s o c i a l bounds of the v i l l a g e when o f f - r e s e r v e f a m i l i e s or non-status people become p r o d u c t i v e l y of t h e i r  involved.  The extent  involvement i s a measure of t h e i r belonging, but  can be c o n s t r i c t e d by m o b i l i t y f a c t o r s and, i n the case of non-status, by e x c l u s i o n a r y laws which d e f i n e a b o r i g i n a l rights s t r i c t l y The r e s u l t  i n terms of the government's  Indian A c t .  i s a set of concrete r e l a t i o n s h i p s  between  the men and women i d e n t i f i n g themselves as Kitsumkalum.  88  T h i s forms part of t h e i r  social relationships  which are  e l a b o r a t e d i n other economic s e c t o r s and s o c i a l areas. Let  me add a f i n a l comment regarding t h i s l a s t  In Kitsumkalum a c o n s i d e r a b l e amount of d i s t r i b u t i o n  point. occurs  without s i g n i f i c a n t c o n s i d e r a t i o n of exchange (reciprocities, redistributions, category of people, i n d i v i d u a l  barter, s a l e ) .  rights  For one  to use-values are  rooted i n t h e i r c o l l e c t i v e labour c o n t r i b u t i o n s .  There i s  then a d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n w i t h i n the processes that connect p r o d u c t i o n to consumption: between those who r e c e i v e ' a s a r i g h t of labour and those who r e c e i v e as a r e s u l t of reciprocity, first  redistribution,  and market exchanges.  category i s the s i t e of u n i f i c a t i o n  p r o d u c t i o n , the second of u n i f i c a t i o n first  The  through  through exchange.  The  i s of major importance to Kitsumkalum's u n i f i c i a t i o n  and  h i s t o r i c a l continuity,  the  particular  the second to the r e p r o d u c t i o n of  s o c i a l formation of Kitsumkalum.  CONCLUSION Now, we are returned to the beginning of t h i s chapter, but  with a t w i s t .  Now.the p r o d u c t i v e base i s u n i f i e d and  the  cleavages appear t o be i n the s o c i a l  Thus the c o n t r a d i c t i o n :  how to d i s s o l v e  superstructures. the p r o d u c t i v e u n i t y  to reproduce a new u n i t y under a p a r t i c u l a r domination, a p a r t i c u l a r  social  formation.  r e l a t i o n s h i p of  89  R e s o l u t i o n of t h i s can be seen i n the p r a c t i c e s of the a b o r i g i n a l s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , which was i n t e r n a l l y more complex  than reserve s o c i e t y .  Those p r a c t i c e s produced  g r e a t e r s u r p l u s e s , and deeper cleavages  w i t h i n the  g e n e r a l i z a t i o n of p r o d u c t i v e c a p a c i t i e s of the genders. more recent d i v e r s i o n of s u r p l u s p r o d u c t i o n  into  The  capitalist  e n t e r p r i s e s and the a p p r o p r i a t i o n of resources by c a p i t a l became a major d i s r u p t i o n that husked the c i r c u i t down i n t o the k e r n e l j u s t  described.  The s p e c i a l h i s t o r i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e of the u n i t y i n p r o d u c t i o n of the Kitsumkalum  i s in i t s processual  c o n t i n u i t y and i n the f a c t that i t s r e p r o d u c t i o n was the base around which the other s e c t o r s of the economy (petty commodity p r o d u c t i o n , business, wage labour) were developed. In subsequent c h a p t e r s , s e c t o r s were s o c i a l l y circuit  I s h a l l examine how each of these  i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o the t o t a l  production  and how r e l a t i o n s of d i s t o r t e d dependency were  e s t a b l i s h e d as the p o l i t i c a l economy of Kitsumkalum was transformed  by new s o c i a l and economic p r a c t i c e s .  90  5.  SECTION A., THE ABORIGINAL ECONOMY  INTRODUCTION Today, as i n the past, appropriation group.  provides  T h i s should  the process of r e a l  the b a s i s f o r the Kitsumkalum  social  not imply that the h i s t o r i c and s o c i a l  c o n t i n u i t y which r e s u l t s from m a t e r i a l production i s composed of the same s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s now as i t was two hundred years ago.  They have been subject  p r a c t i c e and have changed.  The question  to v a r i a t i o n in  i s : how?  In the s e c t i o n that f o l l o w s some of these v a r i a t i o n s w i l l be examined h i s t o r i c a l l y and i n d e t a i l . technology, and labour productive  resources,  that are the elements of the four  s e c t o r s of the a b o r i g i n a l economy  f i s h i n g , gathering,  The  (hunting,  and h o r t i c u l t u r e ) w i l l each be d e s c r i b e d  and  I w i l l d i s c u s s the i n t e r f e r e n c e s that a f f e c t e d t h e i r use  and  re-use.  Property  Relationships  In accordance with my t h e o r e t i c a l g u i d e l i n e s , I w i l l not  r e s t r i c t myself to the t e c h n i c a l aspects of  appropriation  but a l s o examine the r e l a t i o n s h i p s people have  91  to p r o d u c t i v e p r o p e r t y . i n t e g r a l p a r t of, and  These r e l a t i o n s h i p s are both  separate  process of a p p r o p r i a t i o n .  from the r e a l m a t e r i a l  In other words, p r o p e r t y i s a  s o c i a l connection between people  that d e f i n e s and makes  p o s s i b l e the t e c h n i c a l aspects of p r o d u c t i o n . used as an important determine how  an  It w i l l  be  focus f o r the present work's e f f o r t s to  Kitsumkalum forms i t s s p e c i f i c  relationships  and c h a r a c t e r - i t s economic s t r u c t u r e and a s s o c i a t e d s o c i a l formation. The main purpose of t h i s s e c t i o n on the s e c t o r s of the economy w i l l  aboriginal  be to show the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of  property r e l a t i o n s from the a b o r i g i n a l s t a t e to the c u r r e n t condition.  To do t h i s , I w i l l  examine Tsimshian  control  over t h e i r means of p r o d u c t i o n from three a n g l e s : ownership, economic c o n t r o l , and  simple p o s s e s s i o n .  l e g a l ownership, I r e f e r to the dominant l e g a l under which production proceeds.  legal By  traditions  Most of the h i s t o r y that I  w i l l be p r e s e n t i n g documents the t r a n s f e r of property from the Tsimshian statements  to the Crown.  The  resulting  rights  formal  of l e g a l ownership that are w r i t t e n i n  l e g i s l a t i o n d e f i n e d p r o d u c t i v e r e l a t i o n s , but they d i d not always correspond Tsimshian  to the r e a l p r a c t i c e s that occurred i n  production.  remote f r o n t i e r areas.  T h i s was  e s p e c i a l l y t r u e i n the more  Thus, t h e r e were c o n t r a d i c t i o n s  between l e g a l ownership and  r e a l economic c o n t r o l , and i t  w i l l be u s e f u l to d i s c u s s how  the p r i n c i p l e s of  the  92  p r o v i n c i a l or f e d e r a l (dominion) l e g i s l a t i o n were a p p l i e d . The of  s t r u g g l e over  r e a l economic c o n t r o l i s the second  p r o p e r t y that I w i l l d e s c r i b e s e c t o r by s e c t o r .  t h i r d , possession,  aspect  The  i s perhaps the most fundamental aspect of  ownership, what Poulantzas the means of p r o d u c t i o n  d e f i n e d as "the c a p a c i t y to put  i n t o o p e r a t i o n " (1975:17).  the most b a s i c r e l a t i o n a producer  It i s  has to the means of  p r o d u c t i o n , and a t t e n t i o n must a l s o be p a i d t o i t as a s i g n i f i c a n t aspect of the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of the Tsimshian economy.  Even though much of the d i s p o s s e s s i o n of the  Kitsumkalum can be d e s c r i b e d with the l o s s of both r e a l economic c o n t r o l ,  i n many cases the way the laws were  w r i t t e n or a p p l i e d allowed other people to  l e g a l and  them to continue  t o compete with  f o r the use of v a r i o u s r e s o u r c e s .  This  ability  r e t a i n some c o n t r o l over t h e i r means of p r o d u c t i o n  maintained  t h e i r economy and community.  How  their  p o s s e s s i o n of the means of production was undermined (through  e c o l o g i c a l d e s t r u c t i o n or resource d e p l e t i o n )  will  be documented to show the f i n a l and complete d i s p o s s e s s i o n of  the Kitsumkalum. I w i l l a l s o d i s c u s s ways i n which the new regime  i n t e r f e r e d with Tsimshian  c o n t r o l over  the products  of t h e i r  labour, both during p r o c e s s i n g and i n d i s t r i b u t i o n . All  t h i s w i l l h e l p to b u i l d an understanding  a c t u a l production and the v a r i a t i o n m a t e r i a l base of Kitsumkalum.  of the  i n the a b o r i g i n a l  The next  s e c t i o n ( S e c t i o n B,  93  on the commodity s e c t o r s of Kitsumkalum's economy) w i l l examine how  commodity p r o d u c t i o n was  under the new  and dominant property  d e f i n e d and  organized  laws that r e p l a c e d the  a b o r i g i n a l ones. By the end of the present emerge of how labour  the people  s e c t i o n a p i c t u r e should  of Kitsumkalum ( i . e . , how  in the p r o d u c t i v e process  were separated processes.  their  of m a t e r i a l a p p r o p r i a t i o n )  from the resources necessary  to the l a b o u r i n g  Because the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s of  a p p r o p r i a t i o n are complex, as are the m u l t i t u d e that o c c u r r e d  of changes  in t h e i r s t r u c t u r e , I t r i e d to keep dates  c l o s e l y a s s o c i a t e d with the d e t a i l s r e p o r t e d .  I w i l l follow  each of the four major s e c t o r s of the a b o r i g i n a l economy (hunting, f i s h i n g , g a t h e r i n g , h o r t i c u l t u r e ) one  by  one.  T h i s method of p r e s e n t a t i o n w i l l mean t h a t a f t e r I have completed the task of d i s c u s s i n g the changes i n each s e c t o r , there w i l l be l i t t l e  r e f e r e n c e made to the commodity economy  that has been an i n t e g r a l part of Tsimshian at  l e a s t two  centuries.  The  production for  i n f l u e n c e s of commodity  p r o d u c t i o n w i l l be p i c k e d up in the subsequent s e c t i o n , when experiments with the commodity economy and between labour and c a p i t a l are examined.  the encounter  94  GENERAL INFORMATION  Land Use A r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of the l o c a t i o n of the o r i g i n a l t e r r i t o r i e s was presented  earlier.  the formerly owned hunting, resource  These were, b a s i c a l l y ,  f i s h i n g , t r a p p i n g , and f l o r a l  t e r r i t o r i e s that l a y i n l a n d from the ocean.  i s a l s o c o n s i d e r a b l e suggestive evidence marine resource  to i n d i c a t e that  s i t e s were once owned by Kitsumkalum  l i n e a g e s , but t h e i r tenures have been f o r g o t t e n . these are being  There  For now,  ignored.  The land use p a t t e r n s d u r i n g t h i s century are summarized  on the maps (Figure 4 ) . My i n f o r m a t i o n covers a  p e r i o d d a t i n g approximately Unfortunately, decades.  from the 1930s t o the present.  i t is difficult  to r e c o n s t r u c t the e a r l i e r  Barbeau's information was i n c l u d e d i n the  r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of the o r i g i n a l t e r r i t o r i e s , but h i s records do not p r o v i d e much a s s i s t a n c e r e g a r d i n g Kitsumkalum's land use i n the i n t e r v e n i n g years, or even f o r the time of h i s visits  j u s t p r i o r to the p e r i o d I coyer.  The general movement that occurred was a s h i f t i n g of a t t e n t i o n away from the Kitsumkalum V a l l e y towards the coast as a r e s u l t of i n t e r e s t  i n the c a p i t a l i s t i c a l l y  organized  economic a c t i v i t i e s s i t u a t e d there and because Kitsumkalum's lands i n the the V a l l e y were being occupied interests.  by f o r e i g n  With the d i s s o l u t i o n of the way of l i f e  that  96  evolved with t h i s s h i f t , a f t e r World War  I I , and with  subsequent move back to Kitsumkalum V i l l a g e a t t e n t i o n e v e n t u a l l y was surrounding  i n the  the  1960s,  re-focused on the V a l l e y and  area.  These changes i n land use areas were m i r r o r e d by  the  r e s i d e n t i a l movements of the major f a m i l i e s over the past 50-60 y e a r s .  During the  i n t e r m i t t e n t and  seasonal.  r e s i d e n t , the Nelsons resources.  1930s, use of the V a l l e y became Only  two  f a m i l i e s remained  and S t a r r s , a c t i v e l y e x p l o i t i n g i t s  The others had moved to Port E s s i n g t o n  worked near t h e r e .  The  Roberts  lower p o r t i o n s of the Tsimshian  f a m i l y used the middle  i t was  The  on the E c s t a l l .  destroyed by the d i s a s t r o u s  a  1936  of the r i v e r to a  Rights to t h i s area were a c q u i r e d  when Mark Bolton helped bury the c h i e f of the the people who  the  Boltons maintained  f l o o d , when they moved from the mid-region campsite  and  Skeena R i v e r , along with  c o a s t a l areas near Port E s s i n g t o n . camp at Salvus u n t i l  and  owned the r i v e r .  The  Gitzaklathl,  Boltons a l s o e x p l o i t e d  the c o a s t a l areas near Port E s s i n g t o n .  A family c l o s e l y  a s s o c i a t e d with them, through marriage,  the S p a l d i n g s , a l s o  had  r i g h t s , based on p a t e r n a l l i n e a g e t i e s , along  E c s t a l l and camped there f o r many y e a r s . seems to have been engaged p r i m a r i l y  the  The Wesley f a m i l y  i n wage work, and  u t i l i z e d the area around t h e i r place of employment, Brown's M i l l on the E c s t a l l , or v i s i t e d the camping spots of the other  families.  97  By the  1950s, the Boltons had  r e - e s t a b l i s h e d themselves  at Arthur I s l a n d and on t h e i r t r a p l i n e on G r e n v i l l e Channel. The Wesleys had a l s o moved, back to Kitsumkalum V i l l a g e i n 1952,  so as to take advantage of the b e t t e r and  employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n T e r r a c e .  new  T h e i r r e t u r n ended the  s i x t e e n year h i a t u s of r e s i d e n t i a l use of the v i l l a g e that had  f o l l o w e d the f l o o d i n g of  1936.  A f t e r the mass r e t u r n to Kitsumkalum V i l l a g e early  site  1960s, a l l these f a m i l i e s concentrated  i n the  their attention  in the V a l l e y and on the Skeena R i v e r , l o c a t i n g  suitable  s i t e s wherever they c o u l d but a l s o m a i n t a i n i n g a loose a s s o c i a t i o n with the s p e c i f i c areas that t h e i r had used a l o n g the Skeena before the The  use p a t t e r n s of the Nelsons  1936  grandparents  flood.  and S t a r r s , or at l e a s t  those with a n c e s t r a l l i n k s to these f a m i l i e s , r e f l e c t e d changing  c o n d i t i o n s of the d e v e l o p i n g new  of the a r e a . had  social  formation  Whereas the a b o r i g i n a l economy of these  focused on t h e i r a n c e s t r a l t e r r i t o r i e s up to the  the o l d p a t t e r n s became much l o o s e r a f t e r the f o r e s t development began i n e a r n e s t . f a m i l i e s are now  o r i e n t e d to new  The  1939  result  the  people 1930s,  war,  when  i s that  resource l o c a t i o n s , which  o f t e n change each time they go out, s i m i l a r to the p a t t e r n of other wage workers.  (To make t h i s o b s e r v a t i o n s t r o n g e r :  these f a m i l i e s "went o f f the Indian Act" i n the 1940s and now  lack l e g a l Indian s t a t u s to food  fish.)  98  Other, minor branches of the o l d f a m i l i e s are e i t h e r e x t i n c t or a s s i m i l a t e d i n t o the major  Seasonal  branches.  Cycle  There i s a seasonal c y c l e , n a t u r a l l y , t o the a b o r i g i n a l economy.  People  r e f e r to the changes that o c c u r r e d i n i t s  s t r u c t u r e i n terms of two p e r i o d s , to which I w i l l add an ' e a r l i e r ' and s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t  t h i r d arrangement.  changes which occurred from the f i r s t  The  to the l a s t are the  r e s u l t of m o d i f i c a t i o n s to accommodate other  activities,  e s p e c i a l l y wage work, which a f f e c t people's m o b i l i t y and time.  Canadian resource l e g i s l a t i o n a l s o i n t e r f e r e s with  the c y c l e s , s e a s o n a l l y r e s t r i c t i n g access t o some s p e c i e s , prohibiting  i t to others.  How a l l t h i s a c t u a l l y occurs w i l l  be d i s c u s s e d i n d e t a i l throughout  the r e s t of t h i s  study:  now, only broad o u t l i n e s of the y e a r l y schedules w i l l be presented. Boas p r o v i d e s i n f o r m a t i o n f o r a r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of the earliest cycle  (Boas 1916:399):  end of winter (before r i v e r i c e breaks up) - oolachan f i s h i n g on the Nass a f t e r oolachan run - r e t u r n to M e t l a k a t l a (or other winter villages?) when salmon run - move to salmon f i s h i n g v i l l a g e s on Skeena River F a l l - go t o hunting grounds Winter - some hunting, most people a t winter v i l l a g e s Midwinter - some go back to hunting grounds  99  The myths were gathered w e l l i n t o the C o n f e d e r a t i o n p e r i o d , decades a f t e r the i n t r o d u c t i o n of resource l e g i s l a t i o n .  The  e f f e c t s of these laws and the many other changes on the myths are not known. G a r f i e l d p r o v i d e s another e a r l y c y c l e , t h i s time upon f i e l d r e s e a r c h d u r i n g the 1930s ( G a r f i e l d February/March fishery May/late June to f i s h i n g and camps) ( F a l l - hunting) October/November camp  based  1966:15):  s t a r t of oolachan October - salmon g a t h e r i n g (at the  fish  1  to February - winter  By the time her i n f o r m a t i o n was  c o l l e c t e d , there were  s e r i o u s l i m i t a t i o n s on the harvest of f l o r a l  and faunal  r e s o u r c e s , and the e f f e c t s of l e g i s l a t i o n on the s o c i e t y observed by G a r f i e l d are more problematic than f o r that observed by Boas.  The P r o v i n c i a l Game P r o t e c t i o n Act had  been i n t r o d u c e d i n the 1880s, with c l o s e d seasons on deer, c a r i b o u , goats, and sheep (June grouse  10 to September 1), on  (February 1 to September 1), and on ducks (March  September extended  1) (R.S.B.C. 1888  C52  by the Province i n 1897  s5).  2  1 to  These were f u r t h e r  (R.S.B.C. 1897  C88)  and  1  The i n f o r m a t i o n i n parentheses work.  2  Standard l e g a l c i t a t i o n s t y l e s are used here to r e f e r to s t a t u t e s of Canada and B r i t i s h Columbia. (S.C. or S.B.C. r e s p e c t i v e l y ) and the r e v i s e d s t a t u t e s (R.S.C. or R.S.B.C. r e s p e c t i v e l y ) .  i s only found i n her  1939  100  1911  (R.S.B.C. 1911  C.95).  ( A f t e r t h i s , such  r e s t r i c t i o n s were handled by r e g u l a t i o n s and the l e g i s l a t i o n . Dominion had C130)  do not show i n  I only examined the l e g i s l a t i o n . )  a l s o passed r e s t r i c t i o n s  that a p p l i e d to Indians and  activities.  seasonal  in 1917  The  (R.S.C.  limited their  productive  These c l o s e d seasons are shown i n F i g u r e  Unfortunately,  1927  G a r f i e l d , not being d i r e c t l y concerned  5. with  the economy, d i d not mention what r e l a t i o n s h i p , i f any, these  laws had  to the seasonal  c y c l e she  reported.  The  oral  h i s t o r y I c o l l e c t e d from l i v i n g members of the o l d e r generation  suggests that by the  that i s now  considered  traditional We  1930s a p a t t e r n had  to be the c l o s e s t to an  i d e a l or  one.  begin  i t i n the e a r l y s p r i n g , which i s when h a l i b u t  season opens (March/April  to June).  At t h i s time people  were more o r i e n t e d to camp l i f e began commercial Residence f o r them was caught and  emerged  prepared  who  fishing.  the camp where the f i s h were being  f o r food as w e l l as f o r s a l e .  Some  g a t h e r i n g of seaweed, h e r r i n g eggs, and abalone would  occur  also. Elsewhere, on the Skeena R i v e r , people who  d i d not have  ocean camps p l a n t e d t h e i r gardens along the r i v e r when c o n d i t i o n s permitted, The  end  u s u a l l y some time i n  May.  of the h a l i b u t season turned the  a t t e n t i o n to the salmon f i s h e r y and would move to Port E s s i n g t o n  fishermen's  when whole f a m i l i e s  to p a r t i c i p a t e .  It  was  JAN.  FEB.  MAR.  APR.  MAY  1888  JUNE •  grouse duck 1897  AUG.  SEPT.  OCT.  NOV.  DEC.  deer —  -beaver, e t c . — birds grouse  1911  deer  1917  Figure  JULY  birds  5.  The c l o s e seasons f o r subsiste/nce a c t i v i t i e s .  Dashed l i n e s i n d i c a t e c l o s e  periods.  102  especially  important  f o r them to be near the canneries  for  the women to work t h e r e . Salmon season c l o s e d in the e a r l y F a l l  (usually  September), a l l o w i n g people to d i s p e r s e again residences harvest  until  f r e e z e up,  the gardens.  i n order  to dry  to t h e i r  Fall  f i s h , hunt,  For c h i l d r e n near T e r r a c e ,  and  this also  meant a p e r i o d of s c h o o l i n g ; f o r the other c h i l d r e n , s c h o o l i n g was  more i n t e r m i t t e n t .  Men  who  had  worked these whenever they were at camp and, progressed,  fur t r a p p i n g took on g r e a t e r  Winter was  and  Some Port E s s i n g t o n  f a m i l i e s only stayed  1930s -  busily  occupied.  i n town f o r short  Year's) and  to send  If the weather c o n d i t i o n s were  would leave t h e i r f a m i l i e s behind f o r s l i g h t l y  longer p e r i o d s , but t h i s was the f i r s t  winter  to p a r t i c i p a t e i n C h r i s t i a n  (notably Christmas and New  the c h i l d r e n to s c h o o l .  claims  importance.  l o g g i n g kept the men  p e r i o d s of a few weeks, i n order  poor, the men  as  not a s l a c k season during the  t r a p p i n g , hunting,  celebrations  logging  not popular.  The  oolachan i n March s i g n a l l e d the end  arrival of the  of  winter  period. People followed  t h i s r o u t i n e u n t i l a f t e r World War  when the j o i n t e f f e c t s of the c o l l a p s e of the i n d u s t r y in the  1950s and  the enactment of the  II,  trapping 1946  Forestry  Act changed major s e c t o r s of the camp economy (see Chapter 14).  103  The c u r r e n t c y c l e i s simple.  Berry-collecting  as the resource r i p e n s d u r i n g the l a t e s p r i n g and fall.  occurs  i n t o the  Seaweeds and sea food are gathered throughout  l a t e s p r i n g and summer, as they become a v a i l a b l e . of small game and  the  Hunting  fowl occurs as the r e g u l a t e d seasons  permit, or, i n the case of non-regulated s p e c i e s , as a v a i l a b l e throughout  the year.  Food f i s h i n g commences with  the s p r i n g oolachan runs, and continues with the salmon run i n June, u n t i l  first  the people have s u f f i c i e n t  s u p p l i e s , o f t e n as e a r l y as J u l y .  Some minor  a c t i v i t y then continues u n t i l the l a s t  fishing  runs i n September  which allow people to take the o c c a s i o n a l f r e s h f i s h , or to take a p r e f e r r e d s p e c i e s ( d i f f e r e n t s p e c i e s run at d i f f e r e n t months).  People who  go out i n the e a r l y  were unable to f i s h e a r l i e r can o f t e n fall.  These are the three p a t t e r n s found f o r the Kitsumkalum: the e a r l y , the t r a d i t i o n a l  (1930s), the p r e s e n t .  reproduces them f o r comparison  and the t e x t  i n the chapters  that f o l l o w w i l l h e l p i n c o n c e p t u a l i z i n g them as more than d i s c r e t e stages.  Figure 6  something  SEASONAL  SOURCES  MONTHS JAN  FEB  MAR  APR  w i n Le_r_ y i 1_1 a^e s BOAS  1916  Nass  MAY  OF  JUNE  CYCLES  THE  PERIODS  YEAR  JULY  AUG  SEPT  OCT  a  M e t j ^ a k a t | a _ s a l^mon^f i s i n ng_v i_]_! £GS_  NOV  hunting  DEC  grounds  sa Imon f i sli i ng  oolachan  'EARLY ' GARFIELD  1939  winter  camp  winter Nass  GARFIELD  1966  winter  oolachan  f i sh i ng/ga t h e r i n g -  fall  camp  d r y i ng  camp saImon  gathering  fall  hunt  KITSUMKALUM Version  A  winter or  residenee:  Pt. Essington,  winter, residence  Terrace plant  Version  B  log  on c o a s t  * freeze  ha I i h u t / g a t h e r up  gardens  canneries  on c o a s t  hun t / f i s h / g a r d e n  *  end h a l i b u t  commerieal season  fish  *  closed  dry fish  * Vort  salmon  f r e e z e up  Essington  TRADITIONAL  Abst rac t Fema1e  gathering log  and t r a p  -gardens  KITSUMKALUM  garden garden/hunt  "CURRENT"  -gather i ng-ooIachnn-  -salmon -hun t  F i g u r e 6.  and fish  T!he seasonal c y c l e s of Kitsumkalum  i tl s e a s o n s -  (see t e x t f o r e x p l a n a t o r v i n f o r m a t i o n )  105  6.  HUNTING  -MEANS OF PRODUCTION  The  Resource The Kitsumkalum  animals.  r e g u l a r l y hunted a v a r i e t y of land  Apart from the f u r - b e a r e r s that they trapped  (Chapter 12), I encountered s p e c i f i c  r e f e r e n c e s to the  f o l l o w i n g s p e c i e s : deer, e l k (Boas 1889:803), l i o n s , sea o t t e r , mountain goat, mountain  s e a l , sea  sheep, bear,  porcupine, raccoons, e a g l e s (Boas 1916:44, 51, 52, 401, r e s p e c t i v e l y ) , marmots (groundhogs)  (see McDonald  404,  1983),  c a r i b o u , moose, cougar, hares, lynx, swans, geese, ducks, waterfowl.  This i s , i n e f f e c t , a l i s t  of a l l a v a i l a b l e  fauna, other than most small rodents, i n s e c t i v o r e s , r e p t i l e s , and amphibians. Population e s t i m a t e s f o r the game s p e c i e s i n the 1970s were: moose (500), deer (scarce, but r e p l a c e d by moose), black bear (common), g r i z z l y bear (good p o p u l a t i o n , but normally scarce) mountain mountain c a r i b o u  (erratic)  1975:6.Iff.); lynx  (rare).  goat (abundant), wolf (50), (Canadian N a t i o n a l Railway Such r i c h  faunal r e s o u r c e s may  106  1  account f o r ancient Kitsumkalum s r e p u t a t i o n as a storehouse. The  lands used by Kitsumkalum i n t h i s century  d e p i c t e d i n F i g u r e 4.  In summary, they  i n c l u d e the  Kitsumkalum V a l l e y , Skeena V a l l e y , and,  in the past  are  e s p e c i a l l y , the E c s t a l l V a l l e y and c e r t a i n c o a s t a l i s l a n d s . O c c a s i o n a l l y , hunting Hazelton/Prince  t r i p s w i l l take men  to the  George area, or even as f a r away as  the  Yukon T e r r i t o r y . No  s p e c i f i c d i s t r i b u t i o n maps or general works on  l o c a l n a t u r a l h i s t o r y of the game animals  the  were a v a i l a b l e f o r  t h i s study other than a minor r e p o r t by Canadian N a t i o n a l Railway (1975, c f . various dates).  B r i t i s h Columbia, P r o v i n c i a l Museum,  I have combined t h a t study with more  g e n e r a l i z e d i n f o r m a t i o n provided to me on d i s t r i b u t i o n s  (during 1979  and  1980)  in F i g u r e 7 and the summary e c o l o g i c a l 1.  Some of my  century  by Game Warden Crack to produce the  map  i n f o r m a t i o n i n Table  i n f o r m a t i o n on f a m i l y land use over the past  suggests  that animal  d i s t r i b u t i o n s have r e c e n t l y  become more r e s t r i c t e d . A comparison of d i s t r i b u t i o n s to the maps of the o r i g i n a l land h o l d i n g s of the Kitsumkalum f a m i l i e s  suggests  some resource l i m i t a t i o n s w i t h i n the lands of each l i n e a g e . The  gispawadawada and  access to deer winter  l a k s q i i k , f o r example, d i d not have range; the gispawadawada had  s m a l l e s t goat area; the qanhada had  the  the most d i v e r s e  Fieure Fxgure  7 7.  Animal d i s t r i b u t i o n s Animal di.jtri.bu Terrace, areas.  f o r the middle Skeena R i v e r , ( s o u r c e : D, C r a c k , F i s h and W i l d l i f e O f f i c e r , use a r e a . V e r t i c a l h a t c h i n g i n d i c a t e s water fowl h  a  t  c  h  ±  n  g  i  n  d  i  c  a  t  e  s  l  a  n  d  o  T A B L E POPULATION  ESTIMATES,  (SOURCES:  SPECIES  POPULATION  ESTIMATES  D.  DISTRIBUTION CRACK;  GAME  1 AND  SEASONAL  WARDEN;  C.N.R.  Abundant  1975:  Throughout  Area  OF  CHAPTER  DISTRIBUTION  GAME  Valley  bottoms  TAIL  Common  Throughout  Area  DISPERSAL  SUMMER  j  Upper  1  Upper. V a l l e y s a n d  1  Wetlands  V a l l e y s and  Wetlands. BLACK  SPECIES  6)  SEASONAL SPRING  MOOSE  DISPERSAL  FALL  j WINTER  Throughout  1 Valley  1 East  DEER  bottoms  side of  1 Valley  Lakelse  t Area MULE DEER  Small  Population  Kitsumakluro Alice  MOUNTAIN  GOAT  Abundant  Canyon,  Valley  bottoms  and L e a n - t o C r e e k s  Upper mountain a r e a s throughout area  Alpine bluff  and r o c k  Val1ey  bottoms t o  1  Valley  Alpine  1  to Alpine  bottoms  Alpine  1  Alpine  Poupard  12-15  and Douglas  Subalp ine  River  1 benches 1 Alpine  areas i n  1 bluff  mountains CARIBOU  1 Lower  and rock areas i n  1 mountains Al p i n e  1  Alpine  1 Subalpine  Creeks  1 Northeast  area  1 of Valley BLACK  BEAR  GRIZZLY COUGAR  BEAR  Abundant  Throughout  Area  Valley  Bottoms  Throughout  1  Throughout  1 Hibernating  Small  Population  Throughout  Area  Valley  Bottoms  Alpine  )  Valley  1 Hibernating  Smal1  Population  Lower K i t s u m k a l u m  Valley  Bottoms  Throughout  1  Throughout  Bottoms  WOLF  Small  LYNX  Rare  Population  Throughout  1 Lower  River  1 benches  Valley Area  Valley  Bottoms  Throughout  1  Throughout  \ Valley  Bottoms  109  t e r r i t o r y with c o n c e n t r a t i o n s of a l l b i g game and fowl. I n t e r e s t i n g l y , the area around the winter v i l l a g e s i t e  (Dalk  ka g i l a g u o e x ) , i s a major winter range f o r deer. A l l a i r e has suggested  that resource v a r i a t i o n between  v i l l a g e groups f i g u r e d s y m b o l i c a l l y i n the r e p r o d u c t i o n of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s during the p o t l a t c h  (1984).  The above  mentioned d i f f e r e n c e s between p h r a t r i e s may have had similar,  important  political  i m p l i c a t i o n s , but a more  c a r e f u l comparison and study cannot  be made from present  sources of i n f o r m a t i o n . The  o r i g i n a l c o n d i t i o n of Kitsumkalum's resources has  been .severely a f f e c t e d by a l t e r n a t e land uses that accompanied economic development. been e c o l o g i c a l l y p r i m a r i l y narrowly  insensitive.  These uses have o f t e n  Government p o l i c y has been  o r i e n t e d to economic development, which  means the e f f e c t s upon n o n - r e l a t e d resources a r e not a p r i o r i t y concern.  In a d d i t i o n , the use of a c o n s i d e r a b l e  amount of the resources from Kitsumkalum's a b o r i g i n a l economy has been prevented  or c o n s t r i c t e d by resource  l e g i s l a t i o n , a l t e r n a t e forms of resource a p p r o p r i a t i o n , and new land uses. The  l e g i s l a t i o n of access to animals was d i s c u s s e d i n  the p r e v i o u s s e c t i o n on seasonal c y c l e s , and the chapter on t r a p p i n g w i l l deal with the f u r bearing animals, which are the bulk of the game hunted.  Here, we w i l l  examine  a l t e r n a t e uses of the resource and i t s e c o l o g i c a l  setting.  no  The  i n t e r r u p t i o n of Kitsumkalum's r e l a t i o n s h i p s to  faunal resources  by new  uses of the  land began with  the  the  a r r i v a l of l a r g e numbers of miners i n the neighbourhood of L o m e Creek during  the  1880s (estimated  at over 200  B r i t i s h Columbia S e s s i o n a l Papers 1887:268).  in  Next, but  1887, only  s h o r t l y a f t e r , the a g r i c u l t u r a l s e t t l e r s s t a r t e d to a r r i v e and  took over the hunting grounds around Kitsumkalum Lake.  T h i s stopped the movement of many of the people between Port Essington  (during the  hunt, dry  f i s h , garden, and  many other  f i s h i n g season) and gather).  the V a l l e y  A f t e r the  settlers,  immigrants came.  A l l of these newcomers attempted to supplement d i e t s with hunting,  was  and  Some of the worst examples  i n c l u d e a small c a r i b o u p o p u l a t i o n 1930s, and  their  competing with Tsimshian hunters  d e p l e t i n g every game p o p u l a t i o n .  by the  (to  that was  nearly extinct  the once p l e n t i f u l deer p o p u l a t i o n  that  d e v a s t a t e d when the army s t a t i o n e d a l a r g e number of  soldiers local  i n Terrace  f o r World War  f o l k t a l e that the  p r a c t i c e , but  II.  It may  only be a  s o l d i e r s used the deer f o r t a r g e t  they are known to have put heavy pressure  on  the resource  as sports hunters, l e a v i n g deer scarce to t h i s  day.  i n t e n s i v e urban development compounded these  Later,  problems, e s p e c i a l l y s i n c e the war, population  grew d r a m a t i c a l l y .  when the  regional  111  The  i n c r e a s i n g s o p h i s t i c a t i o n and e f f e c t i v e n e s s of  hunting took i t s t o l l as w e l l .  The Game Warden gave me as  an extreme example of t h i s the s e r i o u s d e p l e t i o n of goats i n l a r g e areas by h e l i c o p t e r hunting during b i o l o g i c a l resources a c i d r a i n that  the 1960s. A l l  i n the V a l l e y may be endangered by the  i s caused by i n d u s t r y and other  industrial  developments a l s o have t h e i r p e c u l i a r e f f e c t s (see the Northwestern Development Conference A r c h i v e s ,  North West  Community C o l l e g e ) . On the b r i g h t e r s i d e , the massive a l t e r a t i o n of the f o r e s t by c l e a r - c u t l o g g i n g a l t e r e d the e c o l o g i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n favour  of the browsing moose, which  apparently  replaced  difficulty  i n the deep snow cover that r e s u l t e d from the  logging. before had  the deer, which, i n t u r n , had great  I was t o l d moose had been rare i n the V a l l e y  the war, but that w i t h i n the past  few decades they  become common even c l o s e r t o the c o a s t .  observation  This  was o f f e r e d to me as evidence that there had  been a gradual  but steady westward movement by that  species  in the aftermath of h a b i t a t changes. Apparently the fauna of the V a l l e y and Skeena River basin have undergone s i g n i f i c a n t changes s i n c e Unfortunately,  without animal p o p u l a t i o n  s t u d i e s , the  e f f e c t s of these changes on hunting p a t t e r n s documented  properly.  settlement.  cannot be  1 12  Technology Bows and arrows were standard p i e c e s of equipment b e f o r e f i r e a r m s became a v a i l a b l e , but d e a d f a l l s , t r a p s and snares were a l s o used f o r b i g game, and deer were o f t e n taken while swimming by hunters i n canoes Wicks 1976:39).  (described i n  In some hunting s t o r i e s , goats were k i l l e d  by being chased over p r e c i p i c e s and d i s p a t c h e d with knives where they f e l l .  Dogs were used f o r some game  (Boas  1916:402-403, 471) and o c c a s i o n a l l y eagles were grabbed below by hunters hidden The  list  i n covered p i t s  (Boas  from  1916:404).  could go on, but, without d e v e l o p i n g a d e t a i l e d  argument here, I w i l l only say that Drucker's suggestion that the Tsimshians were g e n e r a l l y not great hunters (1955:49) was (and i s ) not t r u e .  T h e i r legends, h i s t o r i e s ,  and technology a l l i n d i c a t e land game was important. Furthermore,  the use of mountain v a l l e y s was common to a l l  the other v i l l a g e groups, n o t a b l y , perhaps, the K i t s e l a s and G i l u t s a u i n the broad K i t i m a t V a l l e y , and, of course, the Kitsumkalum, whom I suspect had the g r e a t e s t o p p o r t u n i t y of all  the Tsimshian t o develop the s k i l l s of the chase,  living  as they d i d on a l a r g e p l a t e a u . Hunters have abandoned the o l d weapons and r e l y upon f i r e a r m s of v a r i o u s c a l i b e r s , the s i z e depending s p e c i e s sought.  They a l s o s e l e c t  upon the  from the ever changing  v a r i e t y of modern, mass produced camping gear, and buy f a c t o r y made p r o c e s s i n g equipment that v a r i e s  from  1 13  b u t c h e r i n g t o o l s to home f r e e z e r s . Many changes o c c u r r e d w i t h i n the hunting technology as the world market brought Skeena, e i t h e r  innovation after  i n n o v a t i o n to the  i n the form of new t o o l s or, simply,  m a t e r i a l s that c o u l d be turned i n t o e n t i r e l y new i n v e n t i o n s by the Tsimshians themselves.  Access to books, magazines,  and newspapers a c c e l e r a t e d t h i s process, as d i d mail order s e r v i c e s which made a v a i l a b l e an even wider from which to choose.  range of goods  Contact with neighbouring and  v i s i t i n g hunters who c a r r i e d proven  new technology e n r i c h e d  the t o o l k i t s of the Kitsumkalum hunters and brought i n t o the most i n t e r e s t i n g d i f f u s i o n c i r c u i t s . was  the recent acceptance  them  One such case  of a t i n can moose c a l l e r borrowed  from r e l a t e d T a h l t a n s who got the idea from Dene Indians i n the North West T e r r i t o r i e s , who s a i d they l e a r n e d about i t from Manitoba  Indians that had v i s i t e d with a group of  I r o q u o i s Indians of Quebec, one of whom had a s u b s c r i p t i o n to a hunter's magazine f i l l e d with i n t e r e s t i n g on cheap gadgets  that c o u l d be made a t home!  suggestions Most  i n n o v a t i o n , however, has had a more l o c a l o r i g i n  in general  s t o r e s and/or home workshops. O r i g i n a l l y , r i v e r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n was important, but now has been r e p l a c e d by roadways. was  The o l d s t y l e of cedar canoe  l a s t used i n the V a l l e y at the time of World War I I ,  probably before the death of the l a s t p r a c t i s i n g canoe craftsman of Kitsumkalum, C h a r l e s Nelson, S r . Two or three  1 14  older Kitsumkalums f e e l they c o u l d c o n s t r u c t such  canoes,  but none have been made r e c e n t l y . The Nelson  f a m i l y , who  hunted  the area' i n the 1930s,  sometimes used dog-power to haul s u p p l i e s i n l i n e canoes (and p o s s i b l y on s l e d s ) as r e c e n t l y as the Depression of the 1930s.  Since then, ski-doos or human labour alone have been  the means f o r overland packing, a f t e r the t r u c k or motor boat has been taken to the l i m i t s of i t s passage. For overland t r i p s , there were w e l l r e c o g n i z e d t r a i l s that took hunters to t h e i r hunting grounds.  These have been  replaced by l o g g i n g roads and highways that g i v e access to new  locales.  Few  people now  know where the o l d t r a i l s were,  and i t i s d o u b t f u l i f even those who  had used them i n the  past c o u l d f i n d them i n the aftermath of c l e a r cut l o g g i n g , farming, and other i n d u s t r i a l  destruction.  Of course the modern means of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n that are utilized  i n c l u d e t r u c k s , c a r s , ski-doos, motorized  and canoes.  There  is l i t t l e  that resembles  boats,  the o l d ways of  hunting. The Kitsumkalum are r e s p o n s i b l e f o r most of these changes, but the d i f f e r e n c e s between "then" and  "now"  do not  e n t i r e l y r e f l e c t a f r e e c h o i c e , or a p e r c e p t i o n on the p a r t of  the Kitsumkalum of the s u p e r i o r i t y of f o r e i g n  technology.  ideas and  S i g n i f i c a n t changes were simply d i c t a t e d by  p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n that put great l i m i t s on the development of the o r i g i n a l technology.  The  list  i s varied.  1 15  Dogs were outlawed  f o r hunting any of the s p e c i e s put under  the r e g u l a t i o n of the Game P r o t e c t i o n C52  s14) and s p e c i f i c a l l y banned f o r deer by  1897  C88  s14).  1897  1887  (R.S.B.C.  Traps, nets, snares, b a i t e d l i n e s , and other  c o n t r i v a n c e s f o r ducks were outlawed C52  Act (R.S.B.C.  by 1887  (R.S.B.C.  S15), as were c e r t a i n types of guns (R.S.B.C. 1911  S11).  1888 C95  Nocturnal hunts f o r game b i r d s and members of the  deer f a m i l y were p r o h i b i t e d by as was  the use of t r a p s (Boas  1924  (R.S.B.C. 1924  s11),  1916:404), drugs, and poisons  and the use of s a i l or motor boats ( i b i d . ,  s 14.1).  l a t t e r p r o h i b i t i o n corresponds to the appearance in the f i s h i n g  C98  The  of gasboats  i n d u s t r y on the Skeena R i v e r .  These laws prevented the Tsimshian from experimenting with major aspects of t h e i r technology, and thereby d e v e l o p i n g the hunting economy along t h e i r own  from  lines.  Labour O r g a n i z a t i o n Hunting  i s o r g a n i z e d a c c o r d i n g to t e c h n o l o g i c a l  social principles.  The  technology i s simple and  does not r e q u i r e a d i v i s i o n of l a b o u r . hunting can be conducted, now hunter  and  generally  In f a c t , most  as i n the past, by a s o l i t a r y  (with c e r t a i n minor e x c e p t i o n s such as porcupine  hunting which seems to r e q u i r e more than one person to l u r e and c l u b the a n i m a l ) .  Since there are no g r e g a r i o u s s p e c i e s  s u i t e d to communal hunts, t h i s mode of o r g a n i z a t i o n does not  1 16  occur. Nonetheless,  f o r the sake of companionship, s a f e t y , and  the s h a r i n g of o p i n i o n s and s k i l l s , most hunting occurs  i n the company of o t h e r s .  a s p e c i f i c partner bilateral  actually  G e n e r a l l y , each hunter has  f o r a season, u s u a l l y s e l e c t e d from h i s  kindred and u s u a l l y a Kitsumkalum or Terrace  resident.  The p a r t i c u l a r p a r t n e r may vary  from season to  season, depending on p e r s o n a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s  (e.g.,  f r i e n d s h i p s , h e a l t h ) , the s p e c i a l knowledge or equipment i n the p o s s e s s i o n  of another,  or employment p a t t e r n s .  In the  past, the partner system i n hunting was o f t e n a s s o c i a t e d with the camp l i f e  s t y l e , and p a r t n e r s came from the l a r g e r  group that logged,  f i s h e d , or trapped  i n an a r e a .  Gender and age d i s t i n c t i o n s a l s o p e r s i s t and s t r u c t u r e the labour although  force.  Men a r e expected  to be a b l e t o hunt,  whether or not they a c t u a l l y do i s another  As I e x p l a i n e d e a r l i e r ,  matter.  i n Kitsumkalum there are c e r t a i n men  who hunt, others who f i s h ,  some who do both, and some who do  neither. There i s a l s o a 'home guard' of o l d e r hunters longer go out as o f t e n , but who have a wealth experiences  to share.  who no  of s t o r i e s and  T h e i r information i s , u n f o r t u n a t e l y ,  somewhat r e s t r i c t e d to the t e r r i t o r i e s frequented coast d u r i n g the Port E s s i n g t o n days.  near the  Worse, the knowledge  t h e i r a n c e s t o r s had of the V a l l e y has been l o s t , or of l i t t l e use because of the l o g g i n g and a g r i c u l t u r a l changes.  1 17  Consequently,  young, l o c a l l y - o r i e n t e d hunters must f i n d much  of t h e i r own way i n e x p l o r i n g the environment c l o s e r t o home. Hunting  i s g e n e r a l l y p e r c e i v e d as a man's a c t i v i t y but  women w i l l p a r t i c i p a t e on o c c a s i o n , sometimes h e l p i n g t h e i r husbands or f a t h e r s , sometimes k i l l i n g an animal d u r i n g a chance encounter.  Wozney,of the K i t i m a t C e n t e n n i a l Museum,  f e e l s that i n the past huntresses may have been more a c t i v e (Wozney 1980: 6-7).  T h i s may have depended on p r a c t i c a l  needs, but not enough i s known of the extent of the p r a c t i c e to draw c o n c l u s i o n s . left  G e n e r a l l y , the handling of guns i s  t o men; women say they do not f e e l comfortable  with  firearms. C h i l d r e n w i l l o c c a s i o n a l l y help t h e i r  fathers.  One o l d  woman with whom I t a l k e d remembered packing gear  f o r her  f a t h e r over tough mountainous t e r r a i n as a c h i l d  i n the l a s t  century.  More g e n e r a l l y , i t was only i n porcupine  hunting  that I saw c h i l d r e n p l a y a prominent r o l e , along with mothers, aunts, and o l d e r s i s t e r s .  their  When men a r e i n v o l v e d  with the group, i t i s t o provide t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and armed p r o t e c t i o n a g a i n s t bears; The q u a l i t y of the community's hunting labour i s a product of the t r a i n i n g and a v a i l a b i l i t y of the labour, as well as the p e r s o n a l s k i l l  of the i n d i v i d u a l hunters.  The  knowledge of the present generation of hunters comes mainly from hunting experiences gained during t h e i r c h i l d h o o d on  118  t r i p s with the older g e n e r a t i o n . a boy  A f t e r a c e r t a i n age, when  i s o l d enough to endure a hunt, an o l d e r man,  the f a t h e r or o l d e r brother  but sometimes another  r e l a t i v e or f r i e n d of the f a m i l y , takes the boy partner to pass on the necessary T h i s was  especially  close  out as a  skills.  e a s i e r when the f a m i l y ' s seasonal  i n c l u d e d camp l i f e ,  usually  rounds  with i t s i n t e g r a t e d economy.  i n Kitsumkalum and T e r r a c e , l i f e  Elsewhere,  i s not  n a t u r a l l y s u i t e d f o r c h i l d r e n to l e a r n hunting.  so  Centrifugal  f a c t o r s such as s c h o o l , work or o f f - r e s e r v e r e s i d e n c e , a l l require special e f f o r t  to overcome.  For example,  schools and compulsory school laws had a very  boarding  negative  e f f e c t on the t r a n s m i s s i o n of knowledge at camps. in the  1930s and  1940s, who  on the l a n d , unless  they were able to f i n d a partner sometime d u r i n g  men  them with the s k i l l s  of  of hunting.  were so f o r t u n a t e , f o r t h e i r peers who  p a r t n e r s u s u a l l y had the men  little  the same problem.  adulthood  Not  a l l the  would be  their  Consequently, some  took to the l i b r a r y to read books to augment the  knowledge they remembered from c h i l d h o o d  hunting d u r i n g school h o l i d a y s . ethnographic elders.  born  went through the f e d e r a l  s c h o o l s , o f t e n do not f e e l comfortable  to acquaint  Men  while  Others conduct m i n i -  i n v e s t i g a t i o n s to l e a r n the o l d ways from  1 19  A f t e r school age,  wage work p a t t e r n s have  impact, e s p e c i a l l y on the younger loggers who  another simply do  not  have much time or energy to spend "crawling around" i n the t h i c k bush f o r game on the weekend and week.  The  the  a v a i l a b i l t y of supermarkets for food and of urban  entertainment men,  then l o g during  f o r r e l a x a t i o n i s more a t t r a c t i v e to  i n p r a c t i c a l terms at l e a s t , and  to p a r t i c i p a t e  they f i n d  these  it difficult  in the a b o r i g i n a l economy.  Non-labourers There were c e r t a i n c l a s s - b a s e d d i s t i n c t i o n s o r i e n t a t i o n s to hunting.  and  I t i s reported that c h i e f s hunted  sea l i o n s . a n d mountain goats, a c t i v i t i e s that were claimed to r e q u i r e courage and endurance, but that they  seldom  participated  except  perform  i n the dangers of mundane hunting,  a supervisory role  (Garfield  they c o u l d send out other hunters them (Boas 1916:429).  1966:17).  As  In Kitsumkalum, at l e a s t , the  extensive s l a v e p r o d u c t i o n was  economies.  question  The  recent and  were It i s  i n Northwest  growing a t t e n t i o n that  i s r e c e i v i n g , however, has had  surprising  that i n d i c a t e a high l e v e l of s u r p l u s production use  chief  H i s people  s a i d to have given him a l l he needed ( i b i d . : 278).  Coast  chiefs,  or s l a v e s to p r o v i d e f o r  d i d not need to hunt f o r h i m s e l f at a l l .  unclear how  to  this  results  for c h i e f l y  (e.g., see Ruyle 1973), which supports G a r f i e l d ' s  1 20  accounting  f o r the Tsimshian  (1966:30)  Such c l e a r c l a s s d i s t i n c t i o n s do not e x i s t now i n Kitsumkalum.  Hunters simply provide f o r t h e i r wives and  c h i l d r e n , t h e i r p a r e n t s , and other s o c i a l l y c l o s e people, as described  earlier.  PROPERTY RIGHTS  Loss Of Legal Ownership O r i g i n a l l y , p r o p e r t y r i g h t s i n hunting resources were h e l d by the l i n e a g e and vested i n the o f f i c e of the c h i e f through the mechanism of h o l d i n g a v a l i d a t e d c l a i m to crests.  T h i s has a l r e a d y been d i s c u s s e d , as has the  u s u r p a t i o n of l e g a l resource ownership by the P r o v i n c i a l and F e d e r a l governments d u r i n g the Confederation p e r i o d . The  reserve system l e f t Kitsumkalum with three small  p a r c e l s ,of land f o r t h e i r e x c l u s i v e use, u n f u l f i l l e d promises f o r c o n t i n u a l access to o f f - r e s e r v e resources, and ever  i n c r e a s i n g r e s t r i c t i o n s on these resources as  l e g i s l a t i o n and a l t e r n a t e land uses  developed.  121  E r o s i o n Of Economic C o n t r o l F o r e i g n ownership of the resources i s organized under F e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n .  Game laws,  which  evolved as the p r o v i n c i a l a g r i c u l t u r a l development expanded, and which were a p p l i e d a g a i n s t Indian food p r o d u c t i o n p r a c t i c e s are e s p e c i a l l y c r i t i c a l  t o the u s u r p a t i o n of r e a l  economic c o n t r o l . On the r e s e r v e s , the P r o v i n c i a l laws do not apply and r e g u l a t i o n i s a F e d e r a l matter. indirect  As a Canadian v e r s i o n of  r u l e , the Indian Act does not recognize the o l d  a u t h o r i t y s t r u c t u r e d i r e c t l y , but, i n s t e a d , allows the Chief C o u n c i l l o r to r e g u l a t e hunting a c t i v i t i e s .  In Kitsumkalum,  t h i s i s r a r e l y e x e r c i s e d , unless some s a f e t y problem a r i s e s which cannot be handled  through  alternate social  O f f - r e s e r v e they must comply with P r o v i n c i a l R e s t r i c t i o n s c o n t a i n e d i n the B r i t i s h  channels.  legislation.  Columbia  l e g i s l a t i o n not only i n t e r f e r e d with and d i s r u p t e d Kitsumkalum's hunting,  they f u r t h e r eroded  resource as a property w i t h i n Tsimshian  c o n t r o l over the  society.  How t h i s  occurred i s p o s s i b l e t o r e c o n s t r u c t from the law a r c h i v e s . The  r e s u l t shows the d i s t o r t i o n of hunting a c t i v i t i e s and of  the development of " a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s " t o the r e s o u r c e s . The passed  e a r l i e s t Game P r o t e c t i o n Act of s i g n i f i c a n c e was  i n 1887. Since then there have been r e s t r i c t i o n s on  the k i l l i n g of deer, c a r i b o u , mountain goats, mountain sheep, bear, grouse,  ducks, hare, and many b i r d s .  These  122  r e s t r i c t i o n s on a p p r o p r i a t i o n r e f e r t o seasons  (discussed  above) and i n the case of b i g game, the age of the animal ( u s u a l l y no immature animals l e s s then one year o l d s i n c e R.S.B.C. 1897 C88 s 3 ) , the sex (female moose, sheep s i n c e R.S.B.C. 1897 C88 s 3 ) , and bag l i m i t s  (250 ducks per person  per season R.S.B.C. 1897 C88 s23; one moose, two goats, three deer of one s p e c i e s or four a l t o g e t h e r , two sheep, R.S.B.C. 1924 C98 s l O ) .  Seasons and bag l i m i t s extend t o  the simple p o s s e s s i o n of p a r t s of the animal, as well as to the a c t u a l hunting of them.  In a d d i t i o n , the k i l l i n g of  deer f o r hide was p r o h i b i t e d  (R.S.B.C. 1888 C52 s8), as was  that of mountain sheep and goats  (R.S.B.C. 1960 C160 s16).  In 1917 the Dominion government approved  a convention  signed with the government of the U.S.A. t o r e g u l a t e the hunting of migratory b i r d s .  Through t h i s M i g r a t o r y B i r d s  Convention Act (R.S.C. 1927 C130), c l o s e seasons and bag l i m i t s were p l a c e d upon game and non-game b i r d s .  By A r t i c l e  I I I , migratory game b i r d s were under a c l o s e season  from  March 10 t o September 1, and i t was p r o h i b i t e d to hunt them or even to possess them d u r i n g that time. game b i r d s  M i g r a t o r y non-  (e.g., g u l l s , t e r n s , herons, l o o n s , grebes) were  c l o s e d a l l year, except to Indians who c o u l d use t h e i r eggs for food or t h e i r s k i n s f o r c l o t h i n g , p r o v i d i n g no trafficking  i n these items o c c u r r e d .  A r t i c l e III  e s t a b l i s h e d a c l o s e season on swans, s h o r e b i r d s , and the whooping and s a n d h i l l cranes, without e x c e p t i o n .  T h i s Act  123  is s t i l l  i n f o r c e , keeping hunters i n the double  jeopardy of  s i m u l t a n e o u s l y v i o l a t i n g P r o v i n c i a l and F e d e r a l laws on game birds. Other  r e l e v a n t r e s t r i c t i o n s prevented hunting on  enclosed land identified  (which was d e f i n e d to i n c l u d e any land  f o r enclosement  by n a t u r a l or a r t i f i c a l  landmarks) , without the permission of the owners or leasees (R.S.B.C. 1911 C95 s13).  T h i s was i n r e c o g n i t i o n of  a l t e r n a t e land uses, such as farming. Exemptions to the game laws p r o t e c t a b o r i g i n a l to  rights  a degree, but have a l s o been the source of f r u s t r a t i o n to  Indians who resent being put i n t o a p o s i t i o n , v i s - a - v i s the r e g i o n a l p o p u l a t i o n , of being allowed to break a ( f o r e i g n ) law.  As a point of p r i n c i p l e and j u s t i c e , they would p r e f e r  a law that r e c o g n i s e s t h e i r a b o r i g i n a l r i g h t s In  the case of deer, Indians had s p e c i a l  which allowed them to k i l l deer to feed t h e i r families  exemptions immediate  (R.S.B.C. 1897 C88 s l 7 ) , although t h i s was  c u r t a i l e d by seasons, sex and age l i m i t s s3).  directly.  (R.S.B.C. 1911 C95  The s a l e of such k i l l s and the c l a u s e governing  killing  f o r hides was not exempted.  F i n e s f o r breeches of these game laws, i n 1888, v a r i e d from $10 to $25, and more. Thus, access to these Tsimshian resources was c u r t a i l e d very e a r l y is s t i l l  i n the p o s t - C o n f e d e r a t i o n p e r i o d .  j u s t part of the process of l o s s .  T h i s , however,  124  Maintenance Of Possession Under the t h r e a t of p o l i c e , and even m i l i t a r y enforcement, the Skeena River Indians  found  i n c o r p o r a t e the new l e g a l system, but they assumption of possessors  i t necessary to r e s i s t e d the  r i g h t s by f o r e i g n e r s .  The e a r l y  c r i s e s and t r o u b l e s that occurred because of t h i s e r o s i o n of simple possession of t h e i r hunting discussed  resources have been  (above and Chapter 4 ) .  In the twentieth century, a remnant of economic ownership over the hunting grounds s u r v i v e d w i t h i n the provincial  trapline  registration  system.  The concept of  l i n e a g e or v i l l a g e p r o p e r t y was transformed " t r a p p i n g company", a c o r p o r a t e and manage a t r a p p i n g area  individual  (see chapter  i n t o that of a that c o u l d hold  12). Thus i t  provided a small measure of p o s s e s s i o n over the o l d hunting grounds, i n s o f a r  that understanding  o f f i c e r s a l i k e , these terms of the l a r g e r  of t r a p p e r s and f i e l d  Indian l i n e s tended to be viewed i n  category  of hunting grounds and were  treated accordingly. Before World War I I , when t r a p p i n g was s t i l l  viable,  the l e g a l e x c l u s i v e n e s s of a r e g i s t r a t i o n was used to p r e v e n t / c o n t r o l t r e s p a s s i n g by hunters. Indians  respected t h i s form of ownership.  registrations,  being  internal control. archival  foreign,  Generally,  other  But t r a p l i n e  were not an e f f e c t i v e means of  Some d i s p u t e s are reported i n the  records of F i s h and W i l d l i f e which i n v o l v e non-  1 25  r e g i s t e r e d Indians u t i l i z i n g to  the t r a p p i n g areas r e g i s t e r e d  another. Now, since the d e c l i n e i n the economic importance of  t r a p p i n g , l i n e ownership c u r i o s i t y to h u n t e r s .  1  i s largely  People w i l l  j u s t a matter of go where they w i l l , i n  f u l f i l l m e n t of the government's t r a d i t i o n a l view of Indian hunting p r a c t i c e s , and the Commissioner's  expectations i n  1891.  C o n t r o l Of P r o c e s s i n g Rights other than those d i r e c t l y resources a l s o e x i s t processed.  to game a f t e r  r e l a t e d t o the raw  i t i s brought home to be  As has been d i s c u s s e d , each hunter has a s e t of  people who w i l l a s s i s t  i n the p r o c e s s i n g of the food and  thereby have r i g h t s t o i t s d i s t r i b u t i o n .  Closely  related  women, e s p e c i a l l y wives, but a l s o mothers, s i s t e r s , and/or  f r i e n d s w i l l be i n v o l v e d .  aunts,  In some cases, men such as  the hunter's p a r t n e r , or f a t h e r , or b r o t h e r , w i l l the b i g game but more than k i n s h i p i s i n v o l v e d .  prepare One time I  observed a bear butchered by the hunter's f a t h e r with the a s s i s t a n c e of the 'home guard', the r e t i r e d hunters who now  1  Since 1980, there has been some renewed i n t e r e s t i n the f u r market and i n t r a p p i n g . Consequently, i t has been r e p o r t e d to me by s e v e r a l Kitsumkalum that the ownership of t r a p l i n e r e g i s t r a t i o n s has a new importance.  126  work together on v i l l a g e p r o j e c t s .  Two of them cut up the  c a r c a s s while two others tended the f i r e , made cooking racks, e t c .  gathered  firewood,  Those who helped process the food  r e c e i v e d a share f o r t h e i r work, which gave every f a m i l y i n the community access to the meat. Commercial establishments a r e o c c a s i o n a l l y employed t o butcher b i g game.  In these cases, a c l a i m i s made on the  cash resources of the hunter, o r , i n f r e q u e n t l y , a payment i n kind i s made.  Where cash payment o c c u r s , the hunter must  have access to a source of cash - u s u a l l y the wage work that prevented him from having time t o take c a r e of the j o b i n the f i r s t p l a c e . The  game laws put c o n s t r a i n t s on a hunter's r i g h t s to  dispose of the meat d u r i n g p r o c e s s i n g . p o s s e s s i o n of game out of season makes such possession prima  One c l a u s e p r o h i b i t s  (R.S.B.C. 1888 C52 s6) and  f a c i e evidence of  illegal  hunting, l a y i n g a hunter open to charges of game law v i o l a t i o n even i f the meat i s i n storage (S.B.C. 1966 C55 s9).  To f a c i l i t a t e enforcement,  p r o c e s s i n g cannot  destroy  c e r t a i n p a r t s that i n d i c a t e s p e c i e s , sex, and age of the animal, except at the p l a c e of consumption s1 1 ).  (S.B.C. 1966 C55  127  C o n t r o l Of D i s t r i b u t i o n  There are s e v e r a l s e t s of claims w i t h i n the sphere of distribution  of the products of hunting.  Many of these have  been mentioned a l r e a d y , and l i k e so much e l s e i s c o n s t r a i n e d by the i n t e r v e n t i o n of the law at t h i s l a t e p o i n t of the production c i r c u i t . C e r t a i n possession carcasses.  clauses  r e s t r i c t accumulation of  T h i s prevents the s o c i a l i z a t i o n of s u r p l u s e s ,  which was a f a c t o r i n e a r l i e r Tsimshian s o c i a l The  formations.  l e g i s l a t i o n a l s o s p e c i f i c a l l y p r o h i b i t s Indians  k i l l i n g deer f o r commercial s a l e , a business  from  that once  earned income f o r Tsimshians from h o t e l s and other establishments  during the 19th century.  game i s r e s t r i c t e d by low bag l i m i t s S10.2)  The s a l e of other  (R.S.B.C. 1924 C98  and other minor r e g u l a t i o n s that a l s o have been  a p p l i e d from time to time.  128  7.  FISHING  MEANS OF PRODUCTION  The Resource The Kitsumkalum f i s h e d a v a r i e t y of f r e s h water, marine, and anadromous f i s h .  A l l f i v e s p e c i e s of P a c i f i c  salmon migrate up the Skeena River which i s one of the major salmon streams on the c o a s t . system was,  i n t u r n , one of the major salmon supporting  t r i b u t a r i e s of the Skeena. another.  The Kitsumkalum drainage  The nearby L a k e l s e R i v e r  was  The Zimagotitz was a minor supporter of p i n k s ,  coho, and chum.  The steelhead t r o u t , the s i x t h anadromous  s p e c i e s i n the area i s found i n the Kitsumkalum and Zimagotitz systems as w e l l . The famous c a n d l e f i s h , the oolachan, i s the other major river  fishery species.  The Kitsumkalum f i s h f o r these o f f  sandbars i n the Skeena near t i d a l l i m i t s below K w i n i t s a . T h i s seems to be an a n c i e n t f i s h i n g l o c a l i t y  f o r them, but  t r a d i t i o n suggests that the annual t r i p s to the Nass River F i s h e r y at Red B l u f f were a l s o of major importance f o r the procurement of oolachan.  A reserve i n that area i s h e l d by  1 29  Kitsumkalum in common with other Tsimshians f o r the purposes of the oolachan f i s h e r y .  The  K i t i m a a t oolachan runs to the  south of Kitsumkalum were a l s o of importance, but to some Kitsumkalum sources area has  l e d to a steady  the  according  i n d u s t r i a l p o l l u t i o n of that  d e c l i n e i n q u a n t i t y and q u a l i t y  over the past three decades. Marine species f o r which I have s p e c i f i c utilization  reference  on  i n c l u d e : cod, h a l i b u t , salmon, h e r r i n g ,  c u t t l e f i s h , occasional d r i f t  whales (Boas 1889:816),  oolachan  (Boas 1916:44), d o g f i s h ( i b i d . : 6 7 ) , porpoise,  bullhead  (ibid.:396), d e v i l f i s h  (ibid.:400), eels  ( i b i d . : 4 0 4 ) , f l o u n d e r s , red snapper (Nolan  1977:167),  shrimp, and p i l c h a r d . Fresh water s p e c i e s a v a i l a b l e and Tsimshian  territories  i n c l u d e sturgeon,  taken i n the trout  (rainbow,  c u t t h r o a t , brook, d o l l y varden, c h a r ) , w h i t e f i s h , suckers, chubs, and  the landlocked  ethnographic  Oddly, the  l i t e r a t u r e only mentions the use of t r o u t (Boas  I 9 l 6 : l 9 5 f f . , although other  kokanee salmon.  not  f r e s h water f i s h .  the char  s p e c i e s ) , but not  A l l s p e c i e s are found throughout  the main Kitsumkalum R i v e r , Kitsumkalum Lake, and streams.  the  tributary  T h e i r d i s t r i b u t i o n s seem f a i r l y u b i q u i t o u s ,  one major e x c e p t i o n : According  the mountainous east s i d e of the  to the Canadian N a t i o n a l Railway study on  with lake.  current  d i s t r i b u t i o n s , the streams there do not have s u i t a b l e habitat  f o r any  of these  species  (1975: f i g . 7-1).  The  1 30  lagybaaw lands were t h e r e , but a l s o extended to the north and  south, where they probably procured  f r e s h water  t h e i r s u p p l i e s of  fish.  D e s p i t e the widespread d i s t r i b u t i o n , taken at random, wherever a fisherman Specific  f i s h were not  happened to be.  s i t e s were s u i t a b l e and p r o d u c t i v e , and these were  a part of the r e s o u r c e . locations for f i s h i n g had no f i s h .  If a d i s t r i c t  potential  s t a t i o n s , i t might j u s t as w e l l have  U n f o r t u n a t e l y , l o c a t i n g these i s d i f f i c u l t .  The Kitsumkalum e l d e r s who are long dead and  knew a l l the s p e c i f i c s t a t i o n s  time has produced a p a r t i c u l a r l y  e f f e c t upon t h e i r s u r v i v o r s . Tsimshians  had no  The  n e g l e c t of t h i s group of  by r e s e a r c h e r s , with the exception of Barbeau,  a f f o r d s no r e l i e f  f o r the problem.  Consequently,  r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of o r i g i n a l resource use must be The  forgetful  land use map  f o r t h i s century  the incomplete.  (Figure 4) shows the  more r e c e n t , documentable use p a t t e r n s and  suggests  the  wider p a t t e r n . The  Kitsumkalum are not so dependent upon r e g i o n a l  p o p u l a t i o n s and  runs now  that they have g r e a t e r access  to  c o a s t a l resources as a r e s u l t of t e c h n o l o g i c a l developments, e s p e c i a l l y the gas boats. commercial fishermen along the coast  Thus, throughout  the  century,  c o u l d e x p l o i t marine resources a l l  ( c f . Hawthorn, Belshaw & Jamieson 1958:109).  T h i s i s not to imply, however, that people were home-bound by a b o r i g i n a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n technology.  Even the  earliest  131  Hudson Bay Company Tsimshian  f a c t o r s i n Port Simpson employed  canoes as a c o u r i e r s e r v i c e to V i c t o r i a , and  commented i n t h e i r d i a r i e s about the frequent  Indian  passages up and down the p r o t e c t e d c o a s t , and a c r o s s the open water to the Queen C h a r l o t t e I s l a n d s .  Sedentariness  was a phenomenon r e l a t e d to and governed by s o c i a l , i n addition to technological factors. The  people's  e x p l o i t a t i o n of the f i s h seems to have  been moderate and r a t h e r c o n s i s t e n t throughout the h i s t o r i c a l period. sockeye are taken  F i s h e r y o f f i c i a l s estimate  15,000  i n the T e r r a c e - L a k e l s e area alone by l o c a l  Indians as food f i s h , and an a d d i t i o n a l 10,000 by o u t s i d e bands, as w e l l as 3,800 of other s p e c i e s (Canada, Department of F i s h e r i e s , Annual N a r r a t i v e s , 1979:2).  Comparing t h i s to  an escapement a f t e r commercial f i s h i n g of 365,000 i n the area  i n the same year  (Canada, Department of F i s h e r i e s ,  Annual N a r r a t i v e s 1979:2-4), only 7.9% of the escapement i n t o the l o c a l system near Terrace was taken fishery. taken  I t was estimated  i n pre-contact  times  i n the food  that 20,000 to 30,000 f i s h were f o r food on the Skeena  (Canada,  Department of F i s h e r i e s , Annual Reports 1889:255). f i g u r e probably  r e f e r s t o what i s now c a l l e d the lower  Skeena, and t h e r e f o r e compares w e l l with the c u r r e n t estimates.  This  132  Originally, Skeena. early  Not  f i s h seem to have been p l e n t i f u l on  only were the salmon runs l a r g e (to judge from  escapement f i g u r e s ) but t h e i r  synchronized scarcity fishery  o f f i c e r s who  not  These are p o i n t s noted by the  remarked in 1889  early  (Canada, Department of  Annual Reports 1889:257) that there had not been  a salmon shortage scarcity  four year c y c l e s are  across s p e c i e s so that c y c l i c a l p a t t e r n s of  d i d not occur.  Fisheries,  the  had  on the Skeena s i n c e 1863,  been avoided  made of p o p u l a t i o n  through t r a d e .  redistribution  and  that then  (No mention  or s u r p l u s  was  redistribution  through p o t l a t c h i n g during that year.) Thus, I do not have evidence  of any  scarcities  significant  f o r the area u n t i l  causes of these are s o c i a l Clues  resource  regarding  failures  generalized  the h i s t o r i c a l p e r i o d .  in o r i g i n , not  the l o c a t i o n  The  biological.  of such s o c i a l  scarcities  come more r e a d i l y  from the l a t e r h i s t o r i c a l p e r i o d than from  the e a r l i e r one.  No  Hudson Bay  serious suffering  Company d i a r i e s  with the establishment in the  (1832  i s reported  to 1870)  of the canning  t h i s changed  i n d u s t r y on the Skeena  1870s.  Fisheries  r e p o r t s c o n t a i n records of the run s i z e s ,  f e a r s that the stocks c o u l d not withstand The  but  in the  l e s s o n s learned from the e x t i n c t i o n  runs w i t h i n the p i o n e e r i n g generation's  the new—onslaught.  of the  expected that c a r e f u l  California  lifetime  h e a v i l y on the minds of the F i s h e r y O f f i c e r s optimistically  and  but  weighed i t was  management would  1 33  maintain an abundance of  fish.  U n f o r t u n a t e l y , f o r the present purposes, were p r i m a r i l y concerned  their reports  with the c o n d i t i o n of the general  f i s h stock, which does not r e l a t e to the key q u e s t i o n of l o c a l needs and supply.  The Tsimshian, however, were keenly  attuned to the s p e c i f i c p o p u l a t i o n s which they u t i l i z e d ,  and  t h e i r p e t i t i o n s to the government provide an a l t e r n a t e source of i n f o r m a t i o n f o r the q u e s t i o n . In  those r e c o r d s , shortages i n c e r t a i n  f i s h e r i e s show up almost capitalist  fishing.  immediately  and are a t t r i b u t e d to  As e a r l y as 1882,  j u s t s i x years a f t e r  the establishment of the f i r s t cannery E s s i n g t o n , Tsimshians complained  specific  on the Skeena at Port  that t h e i r winter  s u p p l i e s were i n jeopardy from the canners. recorded by the DIA  but, d i s t r a c t e d as i t was  property q u e s t i o n of Tsimshian ownership  fish  T h i s r e p o r t was by the  of the resource,  the Department r e f u s e d to b e l i e v e the Indians or to accept t h e i r a n a l y s i s of the cause of the shortages Department of F i s h e r i e s , Annual Reports  (Canada,  1882:83).  At that p o i n t , damage such as occurred i n 1882 probably s t i l l species.  r e s t r i c t e d to s p e c i f i c  runs of  was  specific  Canneries were not i n t e r e s t e d i n a l l types of  salmon, and  for a long time they ignored the favoured food  f i s h of the Tsimshians, the coho. timing of the commercial  and  A l s o , the staggered  food f i s h runs allowed a  general s i t u a t i o n where the Indians c o u l d work and  still  1 34  f i s h coho f o r t h e i r own use a f t e r the c a n n e r i e s had c l o s e d . However, as f o r e i g n t a s t e s and markets grew, pressure was p l a c e d upon a l l the s p e c i e s of salmon and, as the i n d u s t r y expanded, upon a l l runs. the Tsimshian  Less and l e s s was a v a i l a b l e f o r  economy.  S i m i l a r d i s r u p t i o n s were a f f e c t i n g other populations.  By 1900, the c a p i t a l i s t  w e l l underway, to the extent  fish  dog f i s h f i s h e r y was  that F i s h e r y O f f i c e r s could  only reminisce  on i t s previous  Tsimshian  (Canada, Department of F i s h e r i e s , Annual  diet  Reports 1900:156). ethnographic extent  importance as an item of the  T h i s i s c o n t r a r y t o the more common  view that d o g f i s h were only eaten  (e.g., Nolan  1977:169-170).  to a l i m i t e d  The common view i s  p o s s i b l y more a consequence of the a p p r o p r i a t i o n and use of that f i s h by the c a p i t a l i s t economy (mainly oil,  as i n d u s t r i a l  e.g., i n f o r e s t r y ) than of t r a d i t i o n . The  N a r r a t i v e s of 1914 a l s o d e s c r i b e the d e p l e t i o n of  the h a l i b u t banks, and d i s c u s s the beginning f o r new, l e s s a c c e s s i b l e , but commercially B i t by b i t , c a p i t a l captured resource,  of the search  v i a b l e banks.  ever more of the f i s h  t a k i n g i t p h y s i c a l l y out of Tsimshian  production.  Even w i t h i n the Kitsumkalum'.s own lands, so f a r i n l a n d , the e f f e c t of these although All  i n d u s t r i a l d i s t u r b a n c e s c o u l d be f e l t ,  there are no data on how e x t e n s i v e these changes that occurred  the turn of the century,  i t was.  i n the resources  around  w i t h i n a s i n g l e l i f e t i m e , must have  1 35  been s t a g g e r i n g to the people who  watched them.  Technology The  f i s h resources were e x p l o i t e d by the Tsimshians  with a v a r i e d f i s h i n g technology.  Too d i v e r s e to be  d i s c u s s e d i n d e t a i l here, the o r i g i n a l technology has been reviewed by Nolan  (1977) from the l i t e r a t u r e d e a l i n g with  the c o a s t a l communities and s t u d i e d i n depth by B e r r i n g e r (1982) f o r the salmon r e s o u r c e .  Included were g a f f s ,  t r a p s , w i e r s , t r o l l i n g hooks, drag s e i n e s , g i l l t r a p s , spears and harpoons,  nets, t i d a l  d i p nets, i c e f i s h i n g  hooks on l i n e s , and f i s h rakes.  clubs,  bags,  Most of these were  s p e c i a l i z e d to p a r t i c u l a r environments  and s p e c i e s .  In  Kitsumkalum, f o r example, the f i s h t r a p and.dip nets were only used at canyon s i t e s ;  the gaff was  used  i n slower water  such as the s l u g g i s h creeks at the mouth of the Kitsumkalum River McDonald  1981c).  As w i l l be documented i n t h i s chapter, n e a r l y a l l of these techniques were e v e n t u a l l y p r o h i b i t e d under P r o v i s i o n s of the Act of Union of 1871 that ensued.  As a r e s u l t ,  and by the p o l i c i n g i n my  own  f i e l d work I observed  the Kitsumkalum and other Tsimshians employing a t t e n t u a t e d technology. f i s h using commercial  regulations  a much  Aside from the marine capture of  gear by the few remaining  fishermen, the food f i s h e r y now  commercial  only u t i l i z e s r i v e r nets set  136  with the a i d of a motor boat, nets operated  from shore  with  a pole and p u l l e y system, o c c a s i o n a l g a f f i n g with l a n d i n g g a f f s , and  sports equipment.  T o o l s to mend nets, overhaul  motors, and maintain the boats are a l s o a p a r t of t h i s assembly, l i t t l e of which i s homemade. purchased  ownership.  1979,  Most of the gear i s  i n l o c a l s t o r e s or from the c a n n e r i e s .  Access to t h i s technology  the two  tool  i s l i m i t e d by cost and  Not everyone can a f f o r d motor boats and nets,  standard p i e c e s of equipment.  only two men  although by  1980,  Consequently,  in  had r i v e r b o a t s i n o p e r a t i n g c o n d i t i o n , two more had b u i l t  or bought boats, and i n  the f o l l o w i n g year another person had a c q u i r e d one. s l i g h t t r e n d of buying equipment was 1981/1982 slowdown i n the f o r e s t r y  This  a r r e s t e d by the  i n d u s t r y and  the  r e s u l t i n g unemployment. Cheaper are the gaff and pole net, both of which are used o c c a s i o n a l l y .  These t o o l s have drawbacks, however.  Besides being i l l e g a l ,  the gaff only takes a few  time, and must be used  i n times of low water.  f i s h at a  People  to wage jobs must evaluate t h e i r labour time, and  tied  i f they  are going to f i s h s e r i o u s l y , they must use the most e f f i c i e n t means p o s s i b l e . t r a p s , or d i p nets.  Now  In the past, t h i s meant weirs, i t means the set n e t s .  Pole nets are the most e f f i c i e n t of the  inexpensive  methods, r e q u i r i n g only a second hand p i e c e of net, p u l l e y s , and a p o l e , set from shore.  The  t r o u b l e with these i s that  1 37  they are very s u s c e p t i b l e t o vandalism  from s p o r t s  fishermen, many of whom p a s s i o n a t e l y resent Indian rights.  T h e i r i n t e r f e r e n c e with the s e t s i s probably the  most important  reason why more people do not put out the  simple pole n e t s . It  fishing  1  isdifficult,  seemingly  impossible to p r o t e c t the  nets from the sportsmen, but w i t h i n the Tsimshian p o p u l a t i o n l o c a l arrangements are u s u a l l y r e s p e c t e d .  Access to the  f i s h was c o n t r o l l e d by membership i n the resource owning group.  Now, i n the aftermath of the l o s s of l e g a l  ownership, F e d e r a l f i s h i n g r i g h t s and use r i g h t s s t r u c t u r e people's  relations.  When a Band member e s t a b l i s h e s himself  at a c e r t a i n back eddy, f o r example, h i s use r i g h t s are g e n e r a l l y accepted by other n a t i v e s , and he may continue i n that l o c a t i o n f o r many y e a r s . A s s o c i a t e d with the p r o c e s s i n g of the food are b u t c h e r i n g t o o l s , home canners, A great d e a l of f i s h  f r e e z e r s , and smoke houses.  i s preserved by smoking i t i n much the  same manner as i n the time of the grandmothers.  The  a r c h i t e c t u r e of the f a c i l i t i e s has changed, however, so that the b u i l d i n g s are c o n s t r u c t e d from m i l l e d  lumber with  steel  n a i l s , and the s t r u c t u r e i s separated from the main  1  To give one i l l u s t r a t i v e case, an e l d e r l y woman abandoned her shore s t a t i o n because, she s a i d , the sportsmen s t o l e or cut her nets three or four times. C o n s i d e r i n g how expensive nets are to r e p l a c e , t h i s was too o f t e n and she q u i t fishing.  138  dwelling. everyone  While smoke houses are common i n the v i l l a g e , maintains them from year to year, and  people r a r e l y have one, e s p e c i a l l y f i r e r e g u l a t i o n s prevent them. facilities  off-reserve  i f they l i v e where urban  Sharing of smoke house  i s common w i t h i n f a m i l y groups  When the people l i v e d  not  or with  friends.  i n the cannery v i l l a g e s on the  c o a s t , smoke houses were not allowed because  of the  fire  hazard they posed amongst the dry cedar b u i l d i n g s of the plants.  Older people complained  canning equipment was  to me  that t h i s meant home  necessary, at l e a s t u n t i l  such time as  the f a m i l i e s c o u l d escape to .their f i s h d r y i n g s i t e s . work p a t t e r n s meant fewer of the people who  Such  drew upon the  f i s h resource went to camp, which p h y s i c a l l y c o n c e n t r a t e d the o v e r a l l camp a c t i v i e s of the group and reduced the time a v a i l a b l e f o r camp jobs, making the work p e r i o d s h o r t e r more i n t e n s i v e .  A l l t h i s must have put an unusual p r e s s u r e  on the camp f a c i l i t i e s and resources to produce s u f f i c i e n t winter  and  and preserve  supplies.  In the past century, great changes have occurred i n the procurement  technology used by the Kitsumkalum.  these were of a developmental  Some of  nature, based upon the older  techniques - the use of metals, imported wood, ropes, e t c . but t h e r e has been a major t r e n d of displacement towards adopting, f o r use i n the food f i s h e r y , e n t i r e l y new from the c a p i t a l i s t  gear  f i s h e r y on the c o a s t , or other  i n d u s t r i a l l y produced  gear.  T h i s change was  undoubtedly a  139  r e s u l t of some a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r the r e l a t i v e merit of equipment, but  i t a l s o can be read as a sign of the  pressures bearing upon the e s t a b l i s h e d methods. i n c l u d e l e g i s l a t e d p r o h i b i t i o n s and such as the vandalism schedules  incremental  These pressures  of pole nets, the a l t e r a t i o n s i n time  to accommodate new  occurrence  such  forms of work, s h i f t s  and o r g a n i z a t i o n of camp l i f e ,  etc.  i n the  A l l these  a l s o a l t e r e d the r e l a t i v e p r o p o r t i o n of f i s h being  captured  for food or f o r c a p i t a l . A major f a c t o r was  i n producing  the t e c h n o l o g i c a l change  the government's l e g i s l a t i o n that outlawed many Indian  f i s h i n g methods and d e f i n e d c a p i t a l i s t methods a c c o r d i n g to i n d u s t r y standards  (Ross Ms.).  Under the Terms of Union,  the Dominion f i s h e r y laws were to be a p p l i e d to B.C., was  not u n t i l a f t e r the appointment of Guardians  1880s that pressure on Indian technology Skeena. lenient  Although  i n the  mounted on  p o l i c y towards Indians was  but i t late  the  supposedly  ( c f . Hawthorn, Belshaw & Jamieson 1958:98), there i s  no documentation to demonstrate how oral history  l e n i e n t and  the g e n e r a l  i n Kitsumkalum i s that i t most c e r t a i n l y  was  not. A review  of the e a r l y laws, even without  r e g u l a t i o n s and  the numerous  i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s , makes one wonder how  any  moderation on the p a r t of the government towards Indians could be  claimed.  1 40  Already by 1889,  the newly appointed Guardian  Skeena brought with him an accumulation his  work.  The  o f f i c i a l extension  Canyon) was  banned except  contained the f o l l o w i n g  (used at the Kitsumkalum  with s p e c i a l l i c e n c e f o r food  f i s h i n g ; d i p nets f o r oolachan  r e q u i r e d l i c e n c e s , but were  banned f o r salmon (s.13.7), and Zimagotitz)  of laws to d i r e c t  i n t o B r i t i s h Columbia of  the Dominion's F i s h e r y A c t , i n 1874, r e s t r i c t i o n s : salmon spearing  of the  for trout  ( f i s h e d on  the  (s.8); i c e f i s h i n g bags f o r salmon (used on  Kitsumkalum Lake) were banned (s.13.7); t r a w l or g i l l  nets  r e q u i r e d l i c e n c e s ; tidewater salmon t r a p s were banned (s.13.7); traps and wiers on small streams were r e s t r i c t e d (s.13.11, s.13.14) and  licenced  (s.13.7); a n g l i n g t r o u t  was  p l a c e d under seasons (s.3.8, c l a r i f i e d  with regard to open  season f o r Indian food f i s h i n g by  r e g u l a t i o n s ) ; and  nets were r e q u i r e d f o r cod. through O/C  In a d d i t i o n , the F i s h e r i e s Act,  26 November 1888,  salmon using d r i f t  nets and  1889  had banned food f i s h i n g of  spears, while the  Provincial  F i s h e r i e s Act p r o h i b i t e d the use of nets, s e i n i n g , dragnets, or other l i k e 1888  C52  for f i s h i n g  i n f r e s h water  (R.S.B.C.  s.13).  During prohibited 1891  engine  C44).  the ensuing years, salmon drag s e i n e s were (O/C  7 November 1890), as were purse  Nets, weirs, f a s c i n e f i s h e r i e s , and  seines other  d e v i c e s which o b s t r u c t passage were p r o h i b i t e d i n drift  nets were r e q u i r e d f o r t i d a l  (S.C.  1894,  f i s h i n g of salmon, and  141  e x p l o s i v e s were banned (S.C. 1894 C51 s.1-3).  In 1897 t r o u t  were p r o t e c t e d i n freshwater and lakes under 50 square  miles  from e x p l o s i v e s , poisons, nets, s e i n e s , dragnets, and other l i k e d e v i c e s , except hooks and l i n e s s.12). right  (R.S.B.C. 1897 C88  The P r o v i n c i a l F i s h e r i e s Act of 1911 r e - e n f o r c e d the of passage over f i s h e r i e s and allowed f o r the i n s t a n t  capture and d e s t r u c t i o n of i l l e g a l materials  s e i n e s , n e t s , and other  (R.S.B.C. 1911 C89 s.17, s.45, these being part of  the 1901 l e g i s l a t i o n , S.B.C. C25 s.41).  O/C 2 May 1904  d e f i n e d the s i z e of nets, t r a p l o c a t i o n s , and p r o h i b i t e d their  use w i t h i n three m i l e s of navigable r i v e r s and one-  h a l f m i l e from salmon  streams.  Food f i s h i n g r e q u i r e d permission from the Inspector and c o u l d not be conducted  with spears, t r a p s or pens on  spawning grounds, lease areas or propagation areas March 1910). of  artifical  (O/C 12  The same order p r o h i b i t e d i c e f i s h i n g , the use l i g h t s , spears or snares f o r t r o u t , and  r e s t r i c t e d the h e r r i n g and p i l c h a r d f i s h e r y t o d r i f t  or g i l l  nets of s p e c i f i e d s i z e and only w i t h i n harbours. In  a d d i t i o n , there was an ambiguous c l a u s e i n the  P r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n that made i t necessary t o have a l i c e n c e f o r the f i s h - o i l s.17).  refineries  (R.S.B.C. 1924 C92  How t h i s a p p l i e d t o the grease  rendering s t a t i o n s i s  not c l e a r , but the c l a u s e was subsequently m o d i f i e d to r e f e r only t o whale o i l r e f i n e r i e s .  A l l these laws d e f i n e d  f i s h i n g technology and hindered the development of Tsimshian  142  methods and modes of o r g a n i z i n g f i s h i n g . also restricted  In so doing they  i n a b s o l u t e amounts the number of f i s h  c o n t r o l l e d by Indians r e l a t i v e to c a p i t a l .  Labour F i s h i n g i s an a c t i v i t y that i n v o l v e s labour c o n t r i b u t i o n s during the a c t s of procurement and p r o c e s s i n g from a l a r g e c i r c l e of people before the food i s consumed. The a c t u a l procurement, however, no longer i n v o l v e s very many people.  In f a c t , one summer while I was i n  Kitsumkalum, there were only two motor boats, a canoe, and a pole net a c t i v e . were purchased  The next year, two a d d i t i o n a l motor boats  with the i n t e n t of using them f o r f i s h i n g ,  but the pole net had been abandoned.  During t h i s time there  were a l s o some non-status Kitsumkalum f i s h i n g  commercially  who c o n t r i b u t e d to the t o t a l v i l l a g e p r o d u c t i o n (two i n the first  year, three the n e x t ) .  Similar restraints  d u r i n g the Port E s s i n g t o n days when not everyone Consequently,  a degree  existed had a boat.  of s p e c i a l i z a t i o n o c c u r r e d then, as  i t does now, with some people being the fishermen of the community. The procurement technology c u r r e n t l y handled by an i n d i v i d u a l - gaffs - spears  includes:  i n use that can be  143  - food f i s h i n g from a boat with a set net. only a s i n g l e person,  who  normally  o f t e n f i s h alone, a partner may h e l p c l e a r the net, to t a l k , and river.  The  i s a man.  This requires Although  accompany a fisherman sometimes to explore  men to the  partner tends to a l s o be a hunting p a r t n e r ,  the p a i r are a team of f r i e n d s , o f t e n r e l a t e d , but necessarily.  so  not  If there i s a p r i n c i p l e to t h i s informal group  i t d e r i v e s from the tendency to c i r c u l a t e the f i s h w i t h i n a particular  s e c t i o n of the p o p u l a t i o n .  the fisherman conserving and  Those who  are u s u a l l y a p a r t of t h i s group,  labour.  C h i l d r e n are o f t e n taken  accompany thus  out, as w e l l ,  they l e a r n the s k i l l s of f i s h i n g through p a r t i c i p a n t  observation. Other methods no longer i n use were e a s i e r to with more than one person, - h a l i b u t long l i n e s , 600  perform  e.g., feet long, which r e q u i r e two  men  to haul in - t r a w l i n g , which was  performed with an oarsman a i d i n g the  fisherman - t r a p s and weirs n e c e s s i t a t e d communal labour to b u i l d , maintain, and  operate.  ( D e t a i l e d d e s c r i p t i o n s appear in B e r r i n g e r 1982.) Some f i s h i n g not only had a c o l l e c t i v e aspect labour but a l s o had a mass a s p e c t .  The  oolachan  to the  fishery  the Nass River a n n u a l l y a t t r a c t e d thousands of Indians all  over.  L o c a l c h i e f s claimed  in 1887  that over  5000  on  from  144  Tsimshian, T l i n g i t , Haida, and other Indians had come t o F i s h e r y Bay t o procure and process oolachan ( B r i t i s h Columbia  S e s s i o n a l Papers,  i n t o grease  1887:260).  They d i d so  in separate, uncoordinated groups, which I c a l l a mass effort.  The a t t r a c t i o n s were the q u a n t i t y of the run and  the on-shore  f a i r that had grown up i n consequence of the  presence of d i f f e r e n t  groups.  P r o c e s s i n g the landed f i s h today p r i m a r i l y women i n smoking, canning, or f r e e z i n g .  involves  Modern f r e e z i n g  methods a r e the s i m p l e s t , r e q u i r i n g a minimal amount of work to c l e a n and package the f i s h .  Canning  i s somewhat more  complicated, but an i n d i v i d u a l task because machines a r e small and manually  home canning  operated by a s i n g l e person.  The work may become somewhat communal i f a group of women share the tasks of butchering and canning. occurs simply because  i t i s more e f f i c i e n t  terms and a l s o more p l e a s a n t .  T h i s sometimes in organizational  The sharing of some  equipment, notably pressure cookers or canners which a r e expensive and not commonly owned, i s another f o c a l p o i n t f o r sharing the work. Smoking and other a b o r i g i n a l methods of p r e s e r v a t i o n are  more complex i n labour terms than are modern methods.  The technology r e q u i r e s more t r a i n i n g , smoking  facilities,  firewood of a c e r t a i n type f o r f l a v o u r , and a great d e a l of time to do i t p r o p e r l y .  I t i s the most time consuming of  the methods and i s more e a s i l y performed  collectively,  145  usually  i n a mass e f f o r t of many hands working many f i s h  form of simple c o o p e r a t i o n ) .  (a  As a r e s u l t of the  requirements  of these methods, which are a l l e s s e n t i a l l y  camp s k i l l s ,  there are not many young women i n Kitsumkalum  who  smoke f i s h , although there are s e v e r a l smoke houses  which are kept going throughout  the  T h i s i s the c u r r e n t s i t u a t i o n l o o k i n g back i n time,  season. (1980).  i t is difficult  Unfortunately,  to r e c o n s t r u c t the  of labour i n f i s h i n g from ethnographic  use  sources, which only  mention the sexual and c l a s s d i v i s i o n s .  In the i n t e r v e n i n g  p e r i o d of the past n i n e t y years, however, there have been a number of f a c t o r s a f f e c t i n g Kitsumkalum's f i s h i n g which reduced People  the a v a i l a b i l i t y of time to handle  with wage jobs procured  or processed  supper or on days o f f , j u s t as they do now. i n c l u d e s t r i k e days and comparative was  an  fish. after  T h i s would a l s o  i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to make the  note that d u r i n g a recent l o g g i n g s t r i k e  i n c r e a s e i n f i s h i n g by non-Indian  illegally  fish  labour,  there  fishermen,  s e t t i n g r i v e r nets f o r food, j u s t as there have  been n o t i c e a b l e s h i f t s to food f i s h i n g by Indians of unemployment, even as e a r l y as  1885  i n times  ( B r i t i s h Columbia  S e s s i o n a l Papers 1885:284). The c a n n e r i e s were important d e f l e c t i n g Tsimshian economy. easily  disruptive  factors  labour away from the a b o r i g i n a l  At f i r s t , cannery f i s h i n g and employment were  i n t e g r a t e d i n t o the seasonal round.  Food f i s h were  146  caught and d r i e d at camps a f t e r the commercial runs were finished But  (Canada, Department of Indian A f f a i r s  the gradual  i n c l u s i o n of a l l runs i n t o the  f i s h e r y destroyed y e a r l y schedule  1889:119).  t h i s too by encroaching  capitalist  f u r t h e r upon the  and by c r e a t i n g problems f o r people  in  t r y i n g to conduct camp p r o d u c t i o n . Later s t i l l , the t r a p p i n g and 12 and  d u r i n g the p e r i o d around 1950, forestry  changes i n  i n d u s t r i e s ( d e s c r i b e d in chapters  14) had a major e f f e c t on the camp l i f e of the  Kitsumkalum, which discouraged camps with the loggers and  f a m i l i e s from moving to the  trappers.  When t h i s happened,  the camp work performed by the women (e.g., d r y i n g was,  a c c o r d i n g l y , h a l t e d and,  e v e n t u a l l y , men  fish)  took to r i v e r  f i s h i n g near to home as t h e i r means of o b t a i n i n g  necessary  food s u p p l i e s . Laws governing  f i s h i n g times,  a f f e c t the a p p l i c a t i o n of l a b o u r . concerning  s i t e s , and  gear a l l  Most prominent are  the working of the food f i s h e r y .  The  earliest  r e g u l a t i o n of labour through food f i s h l i c e n c e s , was by O/C  12 May  permission  1910  which r e q u i r e d Indians  from the Inspector  those  passed  to have s p e c i f i c  in order to f i s h .  The  I n s p e c t o r ' s powers were l a t e r extended to r e g u l a t e where, how,  and  when the labour was  employed  (O/C  11 September  1917), which i s e s s e n t i a l l y the p o s i t i o n the food f i s h e r y i s in  now.  147  These r u l e s have c r e a t e d a p a r t i c u l a r problem f o r the labour f o r c e .  I was  t o l d s e v e r a l times that before  laws, people c o u l d pace t h e i r p r o d u c t i v e carefully,  activities  j u s t c a t c h i n g what they needed and what they  c o u l d process e a s i l y . technology  the  The  allowed t h i s .  e f f i c i e n c y of the a b o r i g i n a l Now,  however, with a l l the  r e g u l a t i o n s on when f i s h i n g can occur, the f i s h must be caught a l l at once, with the r e s u l t that the women have to work very hard f o r a short p e r i o d of time to preserve i t . Such a heavy c o n c e n t r a t i o n of e f f o r t discourages any who  people  have other demands on t h e i r time, e s p e c i a l l y from  i n f l e x i b l e sources as wage labour or s c h o o l . employed i n d i v i d u a l s for example) f i n d  (retired elders, f u l l  it difficult  to schedule  Even  such  non-  time housewives, both  fish  p r e p a r a t i o n and t h e i r other work i n t o the same time p e r i o d . If a choice i s f o r c e d , and there i s money a v a i l a b l e f o r market s u b s t i t u t e s , the a b o r i g i n a l p r o d u c t i v e a c t i v i e s o f t e n suf f e r .  Non-labourers C u r r e n t l y , the d i s t r i b u t i o n of f i s h i n c l u d e s people  who  cannot c o n t r i b u t e labour because of problems a s s o c i a t e d with other work, age, to need.  sickness, etc.  Young loggers who  They w i l l r e c e i v e a c c o r d i n g  make good wages w i l l  whatever the s u r p l u s production allows  (which  get  is usually a  1 48  f u n c t i o n of the fisherman's own time budget); a working widow with a small  income w i l l  r e c e i v e a l l she needs.  i s s u p p l i e d by whom i s a f u n c t i o n of r e l a t e d n e s s , of f r i e n d s h i p , and sometimes of c h a r i t y .  Who  but a l s o  Whether or not  t h i s i s governed by a r a t i o n a l i t y of exchange r e c i p r o c i t y i s difficult  to confirm.  Some cases c o u l d only be e x p l a i n e d as  extreme forms of g e n e r a l i z e d o b l i g a t i o n to help  r e c i p r o c i t y , but the moral  i s the major explanatory  device  given by  the people themselves. Another non-labourer that r e c e i v e s a p o r t i o n of the fisherman's work, and who i s o f t e n overlooked, i s the Fishery O f f i c e .  Annual f i n e s can amount t o s e v e r a l months  wage f o r an o f f i c e r directly  (I do not know i f these are p l a c e d  i n the s a l a r y budget) or t o a s i g n i f i c a n t amount of  the o p e r a t i n g  c o s t s of the o f f i c e .  Indians c l a i m  that  officers  i l l e g a l l y consume c o n f i s c a t e d f i s h and take  directly  from n e t s .  While Indian  fish  p o l i t i c k i n g around the  issue of f i s h i n g r i g h t s make use of these p o i n t s , I do not have any evidence, other study  area.  than hearsay, of c o r r u p t i o n  i n the  1  H i s t o r i c a l l y , the government found i t necessary t o i n s e r t into the F i s h e r y Act a c l a u s e concerned with v i o l a t i o n s of the law by o f f i c i a l s .  1 49  PROPERTY RIGHTS  Legal Ownership Pre-contact reconstruct.  ownership p a t t e r n s are d i f f i c u l t  Darling's e f f o r t s ,  l i t e r a t u r e , only found h a l i b u t banks and  through a review  of  s t r e t c h e s of beach.  were not reported to own  any  Nolan s t a t e s ( 1 977:99ff.),  The  fishing  tribes  (villages)  resources, but,  there i s a dearth of  the a r c h i v e s g i v e reason  Barbeau f i e l d notes,  especially,  as  information.  to assume general  f o r example, r e f e r  s p e c i f i c Kitsumkalum f i s h i n g  The  Beynon  to a number of  s t a t i o n s along the r i v e r  through the canyon a r e a .  and  These were the  and widespread ownership over a q u a t i c resources. and  the  r e f e r e n c e to the ownership of cod  property of households (1955:11).  Nonetheless,  to  Other sources,  and, su