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Trying to make a life : the historical political economy of Kitsumkalum McDonald, James Andrew 1985

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TRYING TO MAKE A LIFE THE HISTORICAL POLITICAL ECONOMY OF KITSUMKALUM by JAMES ANDREW MCDONALD B.A.(Honours), University Of Manitoba, 1973 M.A., University Of Alberta, 1977 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Anthropology and Sociology We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA February 1985 © James Andrew McDonald, 1985 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements fo r an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by h i s or her representatives. I t i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department O f Anthropology and Sociology The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date June 29, 1984 DE-6 (3/81) ABSTRACT Anthropological i n q u i r i e s into the human condition have long been tempered with a concern for the d i f f i c u l t i e s experienced by non-Western s o c i e t i e s faced with prolonged contact with the expanding Western social.systems. In economic anthropology, studies of contemporary t r i b a l and peasant s o c i e t i e s have turned to the l i t e r a t u r e on development and underdevelopment to explain the features and processes that are associated with that contact. This d i s s e r t a t i o n i s the result of such research into the s o c i a l and economic problems on the Northwest Coast. The work examines the history and ethhography of the Tsimshian Indians to determine the underlying s o c i a l forces that led to and s t i l l maintain the underdevelopment of the soc i a l and economic po t e n t i a l of Tsimshian groups. Particular attention i s given to the form and dynamics of the Tsimshian economy, of the regional expression of the expanding world market economy, and the r e l a t i o n s between the two. The d i s s e r t a t i o n thus explores the socioeconomic aspects of the interlock between Indian development and the evolving development of c a p i t a l . The Tsimshian v i l l a g e of Kitsumkalum was the focus of the inquiry. Using i t s history, I document how the changes which brought about an economic reversal for the native people were at the same time favourable to the establishment and growth of i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l in the region. Two sets of factors are c r i t i c a l for understanding.this s h i f t : (1) new forms of property which, through government intervention, transferred ownership and control of the factors of production to the i n d u s t r i a l i s t s , and in the process redefined the resources, technology and labour in terms consistent with the development of c a p i t a l ; (2) the diversion of Tsimshian resources, technology and labour out of t r a d i t i o n a l production into the modern economy, where they were transformed and ultimately became dependent on the vagaries of a global market in which the Tsimshians had l i t t l e or no c o n t r o l . The s p e c i f i c information in the d i s s e r t a t i o n explains how these processes occurred, how the independence of the old p o l i t i c a l economy was undermined, how an ostensibly "peaceful penetration" of the area occurred as a re s u l t , and how the Tsimshian responded by a l t e r n a t e l y accommodating and r e s i s t i n g the s i t u a t i o n . i v TABLE OF CONTENTS A b s t r a c t i i L i s t of T a b l e s v i i i L i s t of F i g u r e s ix Acknowledgements x PART I : BACKGROUND 1 1. I n t r o d u c t i o n 2 T h e o r e t i c a l G u i d e l i n e s 3 A b o r i g i n a l and Commodity S e c t o r s : What i s Meant . 15 Format of the D i s s e r t a t i o n 19 The Research - A D e s c r i p t i o n 22 2. The P e o p l e : S o c i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n and P r o p e r t y . . . . 30 S o c i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n 30 P r o p e r t y 36 Changes 40 3. Ki t sumkalum, The People 47 The W r i t t e n Record 47 Land H o l d i n g s 50 Economic Development of the Reserves 56 The V i l l a g e S e t t i n g 58 The P o p u l a t i o n 60 O c c u p a t i o n s 66 PART I I : THE POLITICAL ECONOMY 70 4. Kitsumkalum as a U n i t of M a t e r i a l A p p r o p r i a t i o n . 71 Kitsumkalum as a U n i t of S o c i a l P r o d u c t i o n 71 Househo lds , Gender , and P r o d u c t i o n 72 Segmentary O r g a n i z a t i o n - 75 An A l t e r n a t e Model 78 Gender P r o d u c t i o n : The E t h n o g r a p h i c Case 80 C o n c l u s i o n 88 5. S e c t i o n A . , The A b o r i g i n a l Economy 90 I n t r o d u c t i o n 90 P r o p e r t y R e l a t i o n s h i p s 90 G e n e r a l I n f o r m a t i o n 94 Land Use 94 Seasona l C y c l e 98 V 6. Hunting 105 Means of Production .... 105 The Resource 105 Technology 112 Labour Organization 115 Non-labourers 119 Property Rights 120 Loss of Legal Ownership 120 Erosion of Economic Control 121 Maintenance of Possession 124 Control of Processing 125 Control of Di s t r i b u t i o n 127 7. Fishing 128 Means of Production 128 The Resource 128 Technology 135 Labour 142 Non-labourers 147 Property Rights 149 Legal Ownership . 149 Loss of Economic Control 152 Erosion of Possession 159 Property in the Product 162 Rights to Product in Circulation 162 8. Gathering 168 Means of Production 168 The Resource 168 Technology 169 Labour 171 Property Relations 175 Loss of Legal Ownership 175 Erosion of Economic Control 178 Loss of Possession 180 Control of Di s t r i b u t i o n 183 9. Horticulture 184 Aboriginal Horticulture 185 H i s t o r i c Gardens 191 Gardening Practices 193 10. Conclusion to Section A: The Aboriginal Sectors . 195 11. Section B., The Commodity Economy 199 v i 12. Trapping 202 Means of Production 204 The Resource 204 Traplines 207 Labour 213 The Commodif ication of the Resource 221 Property Relationships 227 13. Commercial Fishing 245 Resources 246 Fish 246 Locales 254 Technology and Labour 259 Fishing 259 Fish Camps 270 Plants 271 Subsumption of Labour 279 The F i r s t Canneries 279 Contractors 282 The F i r s t Commercial Fishermen 284 Government Structures 292 Declining Way of L i f e 299 14. Commercial Logging 303 The Resource ; 303 Merchantable Timber 304 Alienation of the Resource 309 Technology and Labour 316 Subsumption of Labour 322 Pre-Confederation 322 Confederation Period 325 15. Businesses 359 Transportation 360 Manufactures 365 Arts and Crafts 366 Merchants . 368 Reserve Economic Development 373 Conclusion 374 16. Wages 377 Mercantile Period 377 The' Hudson Bay Company 377 Opening the Interior 386 Metlakatla 389 Early Confederation Period 390 D i v e r s i f i c a t i o n 390 Backsliding 393 v i i Small Commodity Production Period 394 Post Second World War 400 Organizations 402 17. Conclusion to Section B: The Commodity Economy .. 407 18. Conclusion t 411 Bibliography 418 v i i i LIST OF TABLES 1. Population Estimates, D i s t r i b u t i o n and Seasonal Dispersal of Game Species 108 2. The Food Trade at Port Simpson 164 3. Merchantable Timber on the Kitsumkalum Indian Reserves 306 4. Relative Importance of Merchantable Species on the Kitsumkalum Indian Reserves 308 5. Estimate of Use of Indian Labour at Port Simpson . 384 ix LIST OF FIGURES 1. Map of Northwestern B r i t i s h Columbia Showing the Location of the Main Tsimshian V i l l a g e s at the Turn of the Century 31 2. The Property Holdings of the Kitsumkalum Phratries in the Kitsumkalum and Zimacord Valleys 52 3. Population Pyramids of Kitsumkalum and the Kitimat-Stikine Regional D i s t r i c t ... 63 4. The Land Use Areas of the Kitsumkalum During This Century 95 5. The Close Seasons for Subsistence A c t i v i t i e s 101 6. The Seasonal Cycles of Kitsumkalum 104 7. Animal Distributions for the Middle Skeena River . 107 8. Early Settlements Near Kitsumkalum Valley, Circa 1920 182 9. Trapline Areas of the Kitsumkalum in the 1920s ... 236 10. Current Trapline Areas of the Kitsumkalum 239 11. Cannery Locations Near the Skeena River and the Nass River 258 12. M i l l s in the Tsimshian Lands 311 13. Land Pre-empted in the Kitsumkalum Land Use Area . 313 14. The Spread of Logging Operations in the Southern Portion of the Kitsumkalum Valley After the T.F.L was Granted 315 X ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS There are so many people who I should acknowledge, whose names I c a r e f u l l y recorded during my research. Now that i t i s time to do so, I find the l i s t impossibly long. There are names from Ottawa, Montreal, Toronto, London, Winnipeg, Vancouver, V i c t o r i a , Alaska, and throughout Northwestern B r i t i s h Columbia. The research depended on them. They gave generously of their time and knowledge, and I thank them for making the f i n a l work possible. The people of Kitsumkalum deserve special thanks for their encouragement, assistance, patience, and friendship. This d i s s e r t a t i o n i s for them, even though i t serves me well at the same time. I also wish to express appreciation to my teachers, especially those who sat on my committee. F i n a l l y , i t i s especially important to acknowledge my family and friends (many of whom have already been mentioned) who endured th i s production and provided a l l manner of support. 1 PART I : BACKGROUND 2 1 . INTRODUCTION Anthropological inquiries into the human condition have long been tempered with a concern for the d i f f i c u l t i e s experienced by non-Western s o c i a l formations that encounter our own. In economic anthropology, studies on contemporary t r i b a l and peasant socie t i e s have turned to the l i t e r a t u r e on development and underdevelopment to explain the features and processes that are associated with that contact. The dissert a t i o n that follows i s the result of this type of research into the s o c i a l and economic problems of Indians on the Northwest Coast. This work i s a study of the history and ethnography of the Canadian Tsimshian Indians. Very l i t t l e has been recorded about their s o c i a l economy, and I provide as detailed a description as possible in order to reconstruct how they have made a l i v i n g since Confederation. My s p e c i f i c purpose i s to determine the underlying forces in their productive economy that led to and s t i l l maintain their underdevelopment and the underdevelopment of their s o c i a l and economic p o t e n t i a l . To do t h i s , I examine in d e t a i l the form and dynamics of Tsimshian s o c i a l production, of the regional expression of the expanding world market economy, and of the relations between the two. The dissert a t i o n thus explores the socioeconomic aspects of the 3 interlock between Indian development and the evolving development of c a p i t a l . The focus of my inquiry i s the Tsimshian community of Kitsumkalum. They have never been described by ethnographers and very l i t t l e was known about them prior to thi s research. Using the s o c i a l history of t h i s group, I document how Tsimshian society a r t i c u l a t e d with the world economy, how this a r t i c u l a t i o n varied during i t s history, and how the e f f o r t s of the Indian people to make a . successful l i v i n g for themselves have been continually undermined. THEORETICAL GUIDELINES My theoretical orientation comes from studies which analyse how independent economies become dependent and underdeveloped. These studies operate with the basic hypothesis that development and underdevelopment are p a r t i a l , interdependent structures of a single system of world capitalism (O'Brien 1975:12). The interdependency consists of a relationship, between the economies of di f f e r e n t groups of countries, that prevents one economy (the dependent economy) from growing and developing without an expansion in another economy (in the dominant country). The dependent economy lacks the a b i l i t y for independent 4 growth because i t is structured by i t s relationship with a central and dominant economy. The work of A.G. Frank provided an important stimulus to research on the "development of underdevelopment" by presenting i t as the outcome of a set of contradictions in a met r o p o l i s / s a t e l l i t e model (e.g., Frank 1969). These contradictions are conditions that govern, hinder, and di s t o r t the development of the s a t e l l i t e economy by draining potential economic surpluses to the metropolis. Frank found that the basic structures that make this possible are constant through a l l the minor changes that a dependent area might experience. Dos Santos refers to the structural relationships of dependency as a "conditioning s i t u a t i o n " which determines the l i m i t s and p o s s i b i l i t i e s in the s a t e l l i t e s . The metropolitan countries "are endowed with technological, commercial, c a p i t a l , and s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l predominance over dependent countries - the form of this predominance varying according to the p a r t i c u l a r h i s t o r i c a l moment - and can therefore exploit them" (Dos Santos 1978:76). Dependency i s , in thi s view, a part of an international d i v i s i o n of labour that allows development in some places while r e s t r i c t i n g i t in others. Therefore, to understand the conditioning s i t u a t i o n , i t is necessary to analyse the economic relationships in the metropolis, the external expansion of the metropolis, the 5 economic relationships in the s a t e l l i t e , and the compromises and agreements made between both areas (O'Brien 1975:15). This procedure makes i t possible to show how the conditioning situation results in the development of some parts of the global economic system at the expense of others, and how resources are transferred from the underdeveloped countries to the developed countries (e.g., Dos Santos 1978:64). The dependency approach i s i n s i g h t f u l and useful. However, for anthropological purposes, i t i s incomplete, and especially for studies of economic formations such as the one found in Kitsumkalum. A narrow use of the met r o p o l i s / s a t e l l i t e dichotomy would not bring into focus the d i v e r s i t y of s o c i a l relationships- that exist l o c a l l y and that connect people in small communities to broader (regional, national, international) economic formations. The models df the dependency school are useful for macro-frameworks and general statements, but not suitable for the micro-analysis of f i e l d work (Foster-Carter 1978:212, Long 1 975:263). A part of t h i s d i f f i c u l t y stems from an argument that the dependency school was making concerning the cause of underdevelopment. Some development theory (e.g., Rostow 1962, Hoselitz 1960) posited that the underdeveloped economies had two sectors: t r a d i t i o n a l and modern. The t r a d i t i o n a l one was seen as conservative and constraining to 6 the growth of the dynamic, modern, c a p i t a l i s t sector. For these theorists, underdevelopment was a f a i l u r e to overcome the t r a d i t i o n a l economy and to become a f u l l y functioning c a p i t a l i s t economy. For development to take o f f , i t was, therefore, necessary to find ways to remove the re s t r a i n t s of t r a d i t i o n . Frank determined that t h i s dualist thesis was false (1969:5). For him, underdevelopment was a direct consequence of c a p i t a l i s t development and there was no dual economy. In i t s extreme expression, the Frankian model claims that the expansion of capitalism " e f f e c t i v e l y and e n t i r e l y " penetrated even the most isolated economies around the world ( i b i d . ) . This approach was useful in c a l l i n g attention to the important h i s t o r i c a l impact capitalism had on other cultures and s o c i e t i e s . But i t was t h e o r e t i c a l l y limited in that i t l a b e l l e d everything as capitalism and reduced so c i a l relationships in the underdeveloped countries to s p e c i f i c variants around a c a p i t a l i s t type. F i e l d studies have repeatedly noted that dependent economies are not as homogeneous as a l i t e r a l reading of Frank would imply. Complex l o c a l economies e x i s t , and are in an important sense integrated wholes, even though they operate within the o v e r a l l context of a c a p i t a l i s t economic formation (e.g., Foster-Carter 1978:213). 7 With these studies in mind, c r i t i c s have argued that the m e t r o p o l i s / s a t e l l i t e model of dependency erred by focusing too much on the d i s t r i b u t i o n of economic surpluses, and by locating the or i g i n of underdevelopment only in the way the dependent economies are inserted into the world market (e.g., Laclau 1977:34). To deepen the analysis, they suggest that i t i s necessary to examine the s o c i a l relations of production which generated those surpluses. An early e f f o r t to conceptualize underdevelopment along the l i n e s of production was advanced by Sahlins who attempted to define a "domestic mode of production" as the ch a r a c t e r i s t i c structure for s o c i a l relationships in non-in d u s t r i a l economies (1972, see espe c i a l l y p. 85). In doing so, Sahlins provided a way to discuss how producers make decisions concerning the a l l o c a t i o n of the factors of production and how production for use and production for exchange can have very d i f f e r e n t consequences for a community. He took the "segmentary society approach" that is associated with Durkheim and i s conventional in many anthropological analyses. With t h i s orientation, he examined the operations of the most basic s o c i a l units of the economy: the households. As I demonstrate in chapter four, this emphasis on independent production units had two major problems. F i r s t , i t d istorted the nature of the relationships within a domestic community. Second, the model prevented him from 8 finding connections, in terms of the rel a t i o n s of production, between the autonomous segments themselves, or between the segments and the broader economic formation. The idea of a domestic mode of production reduced communities to sets of self-contained productive economies, whose internal structures prevented development from occurring. This position not only lent i t s e l f to a thesis of the dual i s t type, with a constraining domestic (t r a d i t i o n a l ) sector; i t also created a problem that was the mirror image of the problem with Frank's model. The domestic mode of production was an anthropological micro-model that was d i f f i c u l t to translate into the macro-framework which studies of development also required. Laclau provided some very s p e c i f i c d i rections as a way out of these recurrent problems. According to him, dependent economies can be analysed and understood by f i r s t looking at the "ensemble of relations of production linked to the ownership of the means of production" (Laclau 1977:34). These are the most essential relations because they provide the basis for the channelling of the economic surplus, for the d i v i s i o n of labour, and for the expansion of the forces of production. This approach avoids some of the analytic d i f f i c u l t i e s that the macro-theories of dependency have for anthropological f i e l d studies. 9 The study of relations of production has recently become familiar in anthropology (see for example Clammer ed. 1978, O'Laughlin 1975, Seddon ed. 1978). Relations of production involve two fundamental, related phenomena: production and reproduction. The approach t r i e s to c l a r i f y the organization of the relations by which people organize themselves in order to exploit resources in the environment for the purposes of producing things that they need or want (Oxaal, et a l . 1975:3). Production processes involve the combinations of (1) the means of production (resources and technology), and (2) the labour, a pattern of combination that constitutes a pa r t i c u l a r mode of production. The relations of production define how people enter into the arrangements that govern the i r modes of production technically and s o c i a l l y . The technical side i s the physical relationship between people and their means of production; the soc i a l side organizes the relationships that exist between people (O'Laughlin 1975:349). Thus, to understand the production processes of a community, i t is necessary to understand the u t i l i z a t i o n of the means of production and the d i v i s i o n of labour. But i t is also important to understand s o c i a l relations such as how the means of production are controlled, how labour i s allocated, and how products are c i r c u l a t e d . 10 Production is also a process that occurs over time and that must recur as people consume what they produce. In order for this to happen, the various relationships between people and the means of production must be reproduced, and the processes repeated (Meillassoux 1972). Because the process of reproduction can be modified over time by many factors, i t i s an important source of s o c i a l change. For example, the removal of a l l or some of the means of production, including labour power, w i l l a l t e r or destroy a process of production. Changes in the relationships between people, such as ownership patterns, w i l l also a f f e c t how the productive economy functions. Thus, i t i s important to have detailed knowledge about both the mode of production and i t s reproduction over time. In order to understand the development of Kitsumkalum's underdevelopment, I have traced the modifications that occurred in the d i f f e r e n t elements of production (means of production, labour, property) after Confederation. Since these changes are primarily related to the development of capitalism, the analysis demonstrates how structures of dependency were established in the Tsimshian area and i l l u s t r a t e s how underdevelopment occurred. This establishes a relationship between the broader economy and the l o c a l community. 11 There is s t i l l the question of how a l l these form an integrated whole, that i s , how they " a r t i c u l a t e " together. In answering t h i s , a problem can develop from too great an orientation to the structures of the mode of production (Laclau I977:42ff.). Accordingly, Foster-Carter warned against conceptualizations that describe either a separate and unequal development of d i f f e r e n t modes of production, or a hierarchy of domination (1978:217). Neither of these solutions t h e o r e t i c a l l y provides much more than a juxtaposition of d i f f e r e n t structures of production. Rey had a t h i r d solution in which " a r t i c u l a t i o n " becomes a p o l i t i c a l question involving a l l i a n c e s between classes which are defined by the modes of production. These al l i a n c e s are a part, of a process whereby one mode of production becomes dominant over another (Foster-Carter 1978:219). Following Rey, the analysis of dependency and underdevelopment i s to be found in the history of the process of domination, in the d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l relationships that are a part of i t , and in the confrontations and a l l i a n c e s that occurred between the d i f f e r e n t classes. This is a useful position for analysing the a r t i c u l a t i o n of di f f e r e n t modes of production in regional and national economic formations. The position presents a problem i f a researcher makes an overly f o r m a l i s t i c , structural analysis of the classes (Foster-Carter 1978:224). F i e l d studies of small 12 communities are p a r t i c u l a r l y vulnerable to thi s d i f f i c u l t y . In small populations, such as Kitsumkalum, i t i s possible s t r u c t u r a l l y to identif y class positions within production processes (with regard to the control of the means of production), but the productive economy i s usually heterogeneous and individuals are not necessarily operating from only one ( s t r u c t u r a l l y defined) class position. In other words, people p a r t i c i p a t e in complex patterns of relationships within d i f f e r e n t modes of production. Long found observations of this type to be a valuable contribution to understanding dependency in f i e l d studies: When people create complex patterns, they also create linkages between d i f f e r e n t modes of production (Long 1975). One must r e c a l l at th i s point that production is a s o c i a l process and that the ultimate goal i s the production of the t o t a l s o c i a l needs of a society (O'Laughlin 1975:346). In a small community, th i s goal i s achieved through the operation of a l l the processes of production, not only one. People and their p a r t i c u l a r households become dependent on the continuity of several sets of relations of production. Thus various connections and exchanges result between the modes of production, and between l o c a l economic formations and broader ones. The way these connections are established structures the dependency condition of the community. Clement's work on the development of capitalism in Canada i s helpful for studying this process (Clement 1 3 1983). His analysis i s relevant for examining how the transformation of property rights in the northwest structured the relations of production and created dependency. (I w i l l expand on the method in chapter five.) Following Poulantzas (1975), Clement defined class "at the economic le v e l in terms of relationships to property and control over labour" (Clement 1983:216). This statement refines the approach to dependency by distinquishing between two basic forms of ownership: legal and real (ibid.:217). Legal ownership refers to a j u d i c i a l r e l a t i o n , which may or may not e n t a i l actual economic control (that i s , the a b i l i t y to exercise property r i g h t s ) . In other words, there may be a disjuncture between the legal d e f i n i t i o n of, and the real situation of control over property. Real ownership, on the other hand, e n t a i l s an a b i l i t y to actually exercise c o n t r o l . Real ownership can be further analysed into either the a b i l i t y to command the means of production (economic ownership) or, more simply, the capacity to use the means of production (possession). Economic ownership permits broad decisions a f f e c t i n g development. Possession permits more limited decisions concerning only the labour process. A c r i t i c a l aspect of the di f f e r e n t forms of property involves the relations between labour and the means of production. Clement notes that the development of c a p i t a l alienates labour from control of the production processes. (ibid.:218). Thus an understanding of dependency must 1 4 examine how the r e l a t i o n of labour to production is structured, and how labour may be linked to d i f f e r e n t relations of production, in ways such as Long (1975) suggested. With these refinements to dependency theory, the analysis of complexly structured economies may be conceptually integrated from the l e v e l of the diverse s o c i a l relationships observed in fieldwork situations, to the levels of regional, national and international economic formations. This d i s s e r t a t i o n i s an attempt to demonstrate that integration for one region. The broad theore t i c a l considerations that I have outlined provide the orientation for my research on the p o l i t i c a l economy of Kitsumkalum. Using them as guidelines, I examine Kitsumkalum's development within the context of the development of the regional c a p i t a l i s t economy. The emphasis of the research is on two sets of questions: (1) How new s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s , in the form of property arrangements and through government intervention, transferred ownership and control of the factors of production to the i n d u s t r i a l i s t s , and in the process redefined the resources, technology and labour in terms consistent with the development of c a p i t a l ; (2) How Tsimshian labour was gradually diverted from t r a d i t i o n a l production into the modern economy, where i t was transformed and ultimately incorporated into a global market in which 15 the Tsimshians had l i t t l e or no control. The data in the disser t a t i o n are used to c l a r i f y how these processes occurred, how the independence of the old p o l i t i c a l economy was undermined, how an ostensibly "peaceful penetration" of the area occurred as a resu l t , and how the Tsimshian responded by alternately accommodating and re s i s t i n g the si t u a t i o n . ABORIGINAL AND COMMODITY SECTORS: WHAT IS MEANT While the economic formation of Kitsumkalum i s not a dual economy, i t is s t i l l useful to d i f f e r e n t i a t e between sectors which I w i l l c a l l the "aboriginal" and "commodity" sectors. The aboriginal sectors of Kitsumkalum are derived from the o r i g i n a l , pre-contact economic formation. In the twentieth century, these sectors mainly involve production for subsistence use (creation of 'use-values') by and for members of the community. This contrasts with production for commercial market exchange (commodity economies). The la t t e r e x i s t s under the regime of c a p i t a l i s t production, in which Kitsumkalum produces goods that are wanted for their commercial exchange value and that are marketed. There are two related reasons for making th i s d i s t i n c t i o n . One i s more theoretical and germaine to the 16 question of relations of production. The other i s more p r a c t i c a l in terms of research. F i r s t , production in the aboriginal and the commodity sectors has diff e r e n t s o c i a l implications. The object of commodity economies organized in a c a p i t a l i s t mode of production i s p r o f i t , which i s sought with exchange values and found as surplus values expressed as money. The object of the current aboriginal economy, on the other hand, i s to f u l f i l l the needs of the producers d i r e c t l y , whether these be their personal consumption or the replacement of their various items or means of production. Thus, even though the community has a single, integrated economic formation, the operation of i t s parts reproduces d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . As I show in chapter four, the aboriginal sectors help Kitsumkalum survive as a Tsimshian community di f f e r e n t from the rest of the regional population. The commodity sectors are important for Kitsumkalum, but these a c t i v i t i e s also are a part of the more general reproduction of the relations of c a p i t a l i s t production in the region. These sectors link Kitsumkalum to the world market system. The economic formation was structured d i f f e r e n t l y in pre-contact times. It was, by d e f i n i t i o n , p r e - c a p i t a l i s t . Accordingly, the consequences of the exchange of goods were d i f f e r e n t . Some of the use-values were appropriated into - the potlatch system, or otherwise u t i l i z e d by the n o b i l i t y as a function of their o f f i c e . Others were marketed between 17 v i l l a g e s or internationally at such great gatherings as the spring oolachan fishery or the markets held by trading c h i e f s . Thus, production in the p r e - c a p i t a l i s t economy was a part of a di f f e r e n t set of s o c i a l relationships and provided a base for the s o c i a l classes that existed then. To f u l l y understand the consequences of t h i s , i t would be necessary to examine the complex role that exchange played in s o c i a l reproduction before Confederation (Meillassoux 1972, Long 1975:266). Unfortunately, the data are incomplete, and i t is not possible to attempt the important task of reconstruction here. These last comments raise the second reason for i d e n t i f y i n g some sectors of the economy as ab o r i g i n a l : To iso l a t e information that links the pre-contact economic formation d i r e c t l y with the present. Thus I mean the word "aboriginal" in i t s s t r i c t sense of "from the o r i g i n a l " . The category " t r a d i t i o n a l economy" i s more conventional, but i t has an inappropriately synchronic overtone, p a r t i c u l a r l y i f i t i s thought of in terms of stages, such as t r a d i t i o n a l versus modern, or underdeveloped versus developed. The pre-contact economies of aboriginal peoples in Canada are generally not well known, and we cannot posit a pre-contact, " t r a d i t i o n a l " economy with any precison. In fact, some ethnohistorians take the extreme view that every Indian society had been r a d i c a l l y altered 18 before any written record had been made (see Trigger 1976:13-14). The ethnographic concept of " t r a d i t i o n a l " Tsimshian economy i s a good example. Our knowledge about i t is very s u p e r f i c i a l and unreliable due to a lack of early research or ethnohistorical reconstruction. G a r f i e l d noted t h i s during the 1944 Alaska land claims hearings (Garfield 1948). The situation has not improved s i g n i f i c a n t l y , although G a r f i e l d (1966) made a contribution and a thesis by Darling (1955) correlated some published data. The rel a t i o n s h i p between the o r i g i n a l economic formation and the early documentary or ethnographic descriptions of la t e r periods i s also problematic (as Knight 1978 has demonstrated for the Indians in B r i t i s h Columbia in general). For these reasons, the topic of Tsimshian s o c i a l and economic evolution before Confederation i s a complex one involving many changes that are either unknown or have not been analysed (McDonald 1984). Somewhat paradoxically, the best we can do, I believe, is to provide a reconstruction of the many changes that occurred, before attempting to describe the pre-contact sit u a t i o n , and to work backwards in time to develop a picture of the e a r l i e r s i t u a t i o n . It i s useful, therefore, to distinquish aboriginal practices from those related to the commodity sectors. I do so by grouping them into d i f f e r e n t sections of the 19 d i s s e r t a t i o n . For convenience, I sometimes refer to them c o l l e c t i v e l y as the aboriginal economy, and the various commodity sectors as the commodity economy. FORMAT OF THE DISSERTATION Part One i s a Proloque and contains information which is a background to the rest of the text. Part Two, the Corpus, includes the body of the research results and documents the p o l i t i c a l economy of the Kitsumkalum as a community. I want to elaborate on the notion of "community" because one of the puzzles that fascinated me in the research was the question of defining who the Kitsumkalum are. While I l i v e d in t h e i r community of friends and r e l a t i v e s , I c e r t a i n l y had a sense of who was and who was not one of them. They, of course, not only shared t h i s sense, but were a c t i v e l y responsible for creating and shaping i t . Afterward, as I sorted through my notes and f i l e s , looking for some explanation of t h i s sense of unity, I examined the way in which they worked and provided the necessities of l i f e . The chapter on Kitsumkalum as a unit of s o c i a l production presents my analysis. To explain the unity of Kitsumkalum in that chapter, I choose to simplify the discussion temporarily by ignoring the property relations governing their s o c i a l economy. 20 Those relationships are obviously c r i t i c a l , but they are so complex that a proper understanding could only be gleaned with a lengthy discussion of their h i s t o r i c a l context: This is provided in the rest of the Corpus. These remaining chapters of Part Two examine the history and transformation of Kitsumkalum's economy. Each chapter deals with one of the major economic sectors. I specify for each sector the major means of production (resources, technology, labour), the productive organization, the u t i l i z a t i o n of labour power, and the evolving property relations that t i e i t a l l together. Each sector and each of i t s constituent elements i s considered over a considerable period of time, more or less from the pre-Confederation period of the mid-nineteenth century to the present (roughly 1980). The changes under study were associated with the expansion of the c a p i t a l i s t production, and in northwest B r i t i s h Columbia t h i s was a phenomenon that e s s e n t i a l l y started in the nineteenth century. The aboriginal economy i s centered around hunting, f i s h i n g , gathering and h o r t i c u l t u r e . These are a l l practices derived from the pre-contact past that remain important today. The resource l e g i s l a t i o n of B r i t i s h Columbia and the p a r t i c u l a r ways in which these four major sectors were re-structured by c a p i t a l i s t development provide them with d i s t i n c t h i s t o r i e s . 21 The commodity economy consists of many a c t i v i t i e s , the chief of which are: trapping, f i s h i n g , logging, business, and wage labour. Of these, trapping'and f i s h i n g are somewhat d i s t i n c t as t r a n s i t i o n a l sectors because of their peculiar development from pre-contact techniques, yet they are commodified. The other three sectors were more closely associated with and organized by c a p i t a l i s t production from their inception. I do not claim to have exhausted the description of Kitsumkalum's productive economy. I am only attempting to give an account of what were and are the major areas of productive a c t i v i t y . There is a s l i g h t difference in my examination of the aboriginal and commodity sectors. The story of the aboriginal economy i s coloured by the processes of the destruction of the e a r l i e r property relationships of that way of l i f e . On the other hand, the discussion of the commodity economy assumes the appropriation of the resources out of the aboriginal economy into the c a p i t a l i s t economy and goes on to examine how the means of production were commodified, esp e c i a l l y how labour power was commodified. Thus, these chapters look at the way Kitsumkalum's p a r t i c i p a t i o n in these sectors was structured under the domination of c a p i t a l i s t conditions of production. The Conclusion summarizes the findings. 22 THE RESEARCH - A DESCRIPTION In many ways the research for this d i s s e r t a t i o n grew around me and incorportated me into i t s own structure. I wanted to do a study that would help me understand the economic position of Indian socie t i e s in B r i t i s h Columbia. At the time when I was considering s p e c i f i c topics and seeking a study area, there occurred a happy coincidence: Kitsumkalum Band Council decided i t wanted an anthropologist to make a study of their s o c i a l history that would a s s i s t them in their land claims and economic development. Since I intended to do an h i s t o r i c a l study of the p o l i t i c a l economy of an Indian population, our paths came together in a mutually b e n e f i c i a l way. A relationship developed between the Council and myself in which the Band Council provided me with contacts, material support, guidance, and encouragement that not only f a c i l i t a t e d the study greatly, but also lent i t an orientation that incorporated Indian as well as academic expectations. For my part, I endeavoured to preserve some of their history and heritage and to a s s i s t in whatever ways I could with the development and u t i l i z a t i o n of that material. This text i s one of several reports and f i l e s that have resulted from our relationship. I should note here that the e f f o r t that I expended upon a l l t h i s has been more than the f u l f i l l m e n t of an obligation, i t i s an - expression of my gratitude to them - for many things. 23 My i n i t i a l contact with the Band Council came in February, 1979. The arrangements made then were extended in August when I attended a conference on Tsimshian studies that was held in the coastal v i l l a g e of Hartley Bay. This was an exciting meeting of academics, c i v i l servants, and Tsimshians from Canada and Alaska (see Seguin 1984). F i e l d work commenced in January, 1980, with my a r r i v a l in Terrace. I came f u l l y loaded with recording devices, sensitive theoretical orientations, and the greatest of expectations for what turned out to be a very rewarding period of association with Kitsumkalum and the Tsimshian that has lasted for four years. The recording devices proved to be more sensitive than the theoretical orientations, as the ethnographic tone of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n w i l l t e s t i f y . Because of housing shortages on the reserve, I l i v e d in the adjacent c i t y of Terrace. My schedule of f i e l d work consisted of periods of three, four, and sometimes eight weeks in the northwest, punctuated by t r i p s of one week or longer to conduct research in other locations or to work on my notes at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia. In the northwest, my research locations were concentrated in Kitsumkalum, Terrace, Prince Rupert, and Zimacord. Other areas included K i t s e l a s , Hazelton, - Kitwanga, Port Edward, K i t k a t l a , Hartley Bay, Port Simpson, and New Aiyansh in B r i t i s h Columbia, as well as Metlakatla 24 and Ketchikan in Alaska. I usually met with people as a representative of Kitsumkalum Band Council, although the d i s t i n c t i o n between my own work and theirs was not clear-cut. My support from the Council permitted me entry into many sit u a t i o n s , ranging from private homes to public meetings. The nature of the research rel a t i o n s h i p that I had with Kitsumkalum lead me to depart from the usual anthropological custom of giving anonymity to the people I discuss. The names used for people and places are a l l real names. It was my understanding that the Kitsumkalum wished to have as much personal h i s t o r i c a l information in the text as possible. I also conducted archival research in the northwest. In Terrace there were important records at the Northwest Community College, and in various l i b r a r i e s of private individuals, the c i t y government, the Stikine/Kitimat Regional D i s t r i c t , and the public l i b r a r y . In Prince Rupert, records were found in the public l i b r a r y , federal government o f f i c e s , North Coast T r i b a l Council, and the Diocese of Caledonia of the Anglican Church. Among the government informants, Federal c i v i l servants - usually the manager of a department or o f f i c e - were very h e l p f u l . Only the Game Wardens, unfortunately, matched t h i s s p i r i t in the p r o v i n c i a l o f f i c e s . Municipal o f f i c i a l s were especially cold, possibly because they interpreted my purposes to be that of a paid consultant seeking free 25 information. Aside from that assessment, the municipal o f f i c i a l s had very l i t t l e information on the Indians in the c i t i e s , but very large assumptions. F i n a l l y , some informants from the academic staff at the Northwest Community College helped me immensely. To a l l of these people I owe sincere gratitude. My research methods in the northwest primarily consisted of interviews and participant observation. I questioned people extensively on their l i f e h i s t o r i e s and th e i r knowledge of Tsimshian l i f e . The s i t u a t i o n was often a formal one, arranged by appointment,and with recording devices. Our meetings were staged in homes or at the Band Council building. There were also many informal interviews. Some of these amounted to l i t t l e more than participant observation i t s e l f , but others involved thematic conversations while d r i v i n g to and from more formal research, at parties, while walking the land, or in various other s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n s . No immediate record was kept, unless something s p e c i f i c was said that was expected to be noted. For some topics, highly structured interview schedules were followed and an e f f o r t was made to contact a l l the appropriate individuals in the community. The land use and occupancy study is an example of t h i s . A l l the adult members of the Band were requested to appear for an interview at the Band Council building where a set of 26 topographic maps was available. A l l those who were w i l l i n g and able to do so then responded to a l i s t of questions concerning their use of the land and resources, with the answers being taped and mapped. Questions were extremely s p e c i f i c , but the open-ended nature of the interview was also important because i t allowed some respondants to discuss related matters at great length. Non-band members were also contacted and arrangements made for interviews. Portable and durable maps were created to enable the entire interview apparatus to go to the homes of people who could not t r a v e l to the Council building. This allowed me to question people in far away v i l l a g e s and thereby f i l l in more of the picture. Maps were only one of several formal "props" that f a c i l i t a t e d research. Such materials helped to s t i r dormant memories, extend conversation beyond what I could anticipate simply from the development of the interview, and to provide some focus. Heritage a r t i f a c t s always fascinated people. Old cedar boxes or tools prompted older people to reminisce about their childhood and what their grandparents said. Once started on these l i n e s , they-could be encouraged to go into d e t a i l about p a r t i c u l a r things and happenings. Old photographs and maps were s i m i l a r l y useful. Examining a photograph with an elder often revealed ethnographic information that otherwise would have remained hidden in the 27 background of the photo, perhaps behind an aunt's head. The discovery of a picture of people canoeing on a lake could lead to an e f f o r t to identify the lake, then a sudden scramble to record the flow of information on why they were there, what they were fi s h i n g , who l i v e d nearby and why, who made the canoe and how dug-outs were used, the relationships of the people in the canoe, the la s t time those canoes had been used, and so on. Another type of aid was on s i t e exploration and discussion. Although time-consuming and often physically exhausting, these pleasurable outings were always p r o f i t a b l e for the amount of the information that resulted. These props evoked information, but also served to focus attention. The land u t i l i z a t i o n study was an intensive encounter with a broad subject. As people expanded upon their comments, the materials used in the interviews brought them back to topic. Less formal sessions had the potential of going off on exciting t r a i l s of thought, but never returning to complete any one. When a pa r t i c u l a r l y informed respondant begins to esp e c i a l l y enjoy the conversation/interview, i t can be d i f f i c u l t to constrain him or her to the topic that was of o r i g i n a l importance. Props did so in an unobtrusive manner - most of the time. My personal observations were also important. Sometimes these were recorded on the spot, i f that was within the bounds of what was s o c i a l l y appropriate. It was 28 not always acceptable, for example, to suddenly become the anthropologist in a downtown bar, p u l l out a notebook and jot down a conversation that was evolving over a couple of beers. Yet, those conversations often were intended, obliquely, for the f i l e s of the anthropologist who was relaxing behind the s o c i a b i l i t y of the evening. Mental notes were taken to be converted into questions for a later and less ambiguous s i t u a t i o n . My relationship with the Band Council was also a ri c h source of participatory knowledge. Band Council a f f a i r s include not only matters of p o l i t i c a l and economic concern, but also ceremonial events and sometimes recreational functions. Not a l l the research occurred in the northwest. I examined the bulk of the materials concerning the Tsimshian (Port Simpson Journals) to 1870 in the Hudson Bay Company Archives in Winnipeg. (There was not time to study some additional materials on the Hudson Bay Company that are stored in Vi c t o r i a . ) The Public Archives of Canada (Ottawa) is another r i c h source containing photographs, maps, and government papers r e l a t i n g to Kitsumkalum. A Band Council Resolution permitted me access to the current and active f i l e s of the Department of Indian A f f a i r s (Ottawa); the government provided me with a l l the Kitsumkalum materials they could i d e n t i f y . I also consulted the following the B r i t i s h Columbia Public Archives ( V i c t o r i a ) , B r i t i s h Columbia Provincial Museum (Victoria) the University of B r i t i s h Columbia L i b r a r i e s and the Vancouver Public L i b r a r i e s . 30 2. THE PEOPLE: SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND PROPERTY SOCIAL ORGANIZATION The Tsimshian l i v e d along the lower Skeena River and throughout the archipelago of islands s p i l l i n g out of i t s mouth, south to the Estevan Group (see Figure 1). The people scattered across this t e r r i t o r y during most of the year for the harvest of the abundant resources that were necessary for their complex s o c i a l organization, and annually consolidated themselves into the winter r e s i d e n t i a l groups which are usually referred to as winter v i l l a g e s or " t r i b e s " . Each v i l l a g e was associated with a p a r t i c u l a r population and t e r r i t o r y . On the Skeena there were at least 11 such groups known to have occupied the mountainous valleys of the major tributary streams. The lower nine of these formed a loose confederation during the merchant period of Tsimshian history, and became known as the Port Simpson t r i b e s , after the name of the Hudson Bay Company post where they s e t t l e d . Kitsumkalum" was the tenth group upriver. At the start of the i n d u s t r i a l stage, in the 1870s, Kitsumkalum formed a r e s i d e n t i a l a l l i a n c e with Kits e l a s , the f i n a l Tsimshian 131° 130° 129° 12B° 127° 126° ~ i 1 1 1 1 T " Figure 1. Map of northwestern B r i t i s h Columbia showing the l o c a t i o n of the main . Tsimshian v i l l a g e s at the turn of century (Coast Tsimshian, Gitksan, and Nisga). 32 v i l l a g e group on the Skeena. Together they l i v e d in the cannery centre of Port Essington. Since the decline and abandonment of this town, Kitsumkalum and Kitselas have returned to their ancient v a l l e y s , in the shadow of the c i t y of Terrace. In general, the t e r r i t o r i e s of Kitsumkalum were the adjacent valleys of the Zimacord and Kitsumkalum Rivers (see McDonald 1982b, 1983). They also u t i l i z e d the Skeena River valley and the ocean at i t s mouth. These residence patterns were one s o c i a l connection that played an important part in the Tsimshian s o c i a l organization. A second was the kinship connections that defined the descent groups. People were organized along m a t r i l i n e a l p r i n c i p l e s into lineages that l i v e d and worked together. Of these groups, the minor ones were organized into l o c a l r e s i d e n t i a l units c a l l e d houses that were led by close l y related, but more important lineages. Each of the lineages and houses held resource property rights which were vested in the t i t l e given to and acquired by their leader. Between v i l l a g e s , sets of lineages and house groups that were descended from a common known ancestor formed recognized clans. The matrilineages were the property-owning, productive units and, although I would not c a l l them the basic units of - the economy for reasons that w i l l be explained in a la t e r chapter, they provided a focus in s o c i a l production which 33 was sharpened by the set of mutual obligations shared by the members of the lineage. Some of these duties involved a c t i v i t i e s such as production, potlatching, and war. There were also other important obligations, both s o c i a l and economic, that bound people to their father's m a t r i l i n e a l group. Even though the paternal lineage was another family, children were raised in their father's house. When they matured, they eventually returned to the houses of their mother's brothers to assume the duties of adulthood (Garfield 1966:23). A t h i r d set of obligations was based upon marriage. Ideally such unions were contracted to maximize t i e s of aff e c t i o n between lineages, to consolidate hereditary property, and to extend the p r i v i l e g e s of use of resources ( i b i d . ) . With lineage exogamy, the ideal marriage was mat r i l a t e r a l cross cousin - for example, between a man and the daughter of his mother's brother, or a woman and the son of her father's s i s t e r . This was an ideal marriage for consolidating wealth and pos i t i o n . It came under pressure from missionaries who preached against "close" marriages of this type, just at the time that many other changes were taking place in the common property laws of the region at the end of the nineteenth century (Garfield 1939:232). Overlaying residence, descent, and marriage were the influences of two major s o d a l i t i e s of Tsimshian society: phratry and class-based associations. These were important 34 mechanisms that cross cut the d i v i s i o n s inherent in re s i d e n t i a l and descent groupings and united people, at the same time that the phratries also created other divisions within the soc i a l structure. There were four phratries: laksqi ik, laqybaaw, ganhada, qispawadawada. Based upon m a t r i l i n e a l p r i n c i p l e s and common mythical origins, these exogamous associations were, in a way, simply extensions of the lineage/house/clan hierarchy. Although they were l i t t l e more than weak federations of groups of clans, the phratries did, nonetheless, generate some sense of obligation for mutual sharing and protection among phratry members, even among those who otherwise were strangers. This sense of obligation provided a basis for interaction between v i l l a g e s and v i l l a g e members that could be activated in times of p r a c t i c a l or ceremonial need (e.g., G a r f i e l d I939:244ff., 257ff.). Class was the basis for other Tsimshian s o d a l i t i e s of importance. To the best of our knowledge, slaves and the non-titled free people had l i t t l e opportunity to unite on the basis of their c l a s s , but the t i t l e h o l d e r s tended to exert a pan-village influence through feasting, r e l i g i o u s ceremonialism, and the associated secret s o c i e t i e s . Their power on such occasions depended on the strength of their t i t l e s , a strength created by their own a b i l i t i e s , the support of their followers, and the inheritance associated with the t i t l e . 35 Kinship and the communal nature of lineage property provided the t i t l e h o l d e r s with their perogatives, at the same time that i t divided them and worked' against their forming stronger pan-village associations. A l l i a n c e s , exemplified by mutual p r i v i l e g e s to resources, could break down in c r i s i s . T i t l e h o l d e r s were not a caste, although there was a set of royal lineages. Neither were they a closed class for there were a series of graded ranks. Unfortunately, these features and the e f f e c t s of c o l o n i a l depopulation have confounded anthropological analysis of Tsimshian classes. The high t i t l e h o l d e r s of Kitsumkalum did not need to work hard. In one old story, i t was said that the Kitsumkalum smoogyt (chief) did not need to work at a l l , as his slaves and followers provided a l l he needed (Boas 1916:278). This was not true for a l l the t i t l e h o l d e r s . Another history said that a prince hunted for his people (McDonald 1983). Both statements explain, in part, the obligations attached to the status and p a r t i a l l y refer to the nature of lineage property. They also suggest that the rank of prince was not of s u f f i c i e n t stature to avoid obligations towards his family (lineage) in the realm of production. Nonetheless, a prince would have a bodyguard, as b e f i t his station in l i f e , and his death would require the payment of a s p e c i a l l y high price - obligations which si g n i f y the s o c i a l p o s i t i o n . 36 PROPERTY This provides an outline of the so c i a l organization of the Tsimshian. Now i t i s possible to give an account of property relationships under which the Tsimshian l i v e d . Anthropologically understood, property i s a s o c i a l l y embedded d e f i n i t i o n of relationships between persons within a society. The property piece i t s e l f , usually a material object, is a mediation of these relationships, a focus of attention for how persons and groups are to relat e , one to the other. Thus, property defines the rights and obligations people and groups have to each other, setting the l i m i t s to the use of the item, while demanding adherence to the dominant mores of the community, and re-establishing these relationships in the process. Any p a r t i c u l a r form of property i s always stamped by the impression of the society in which i t exists and by which i t i s defined. The properties of concern to t h i s research were production properties, some of which were resource t e r r i t o r i e s owned by i d e n t i f i a b l e lineage groups. The s p e c i f i c i t y of ownership of these enabled houses to exploit e x p l i c i t t e r r i t o r i e s for their productive requirements. In looking at Tsimshian productive property, we encounter a form of ownership of resources that i s thoroughly permeated by the elements of their s o c i a l formation which I have just described and with which much of 37 the p o l i t i c a l economy of the Tsimshians was enacted. These are interactive property connections. The fundamental legal relationship for many resources was to the house, with ownership being vested in the house leader, i t s t i t l e h o l d e r . The event at which th i s investment occurred and was pub l i c l y validated was the feast (potlatch). Tsimshian people have described the feast to me as their court of law. It was, in many ways, a p o l i t i c a l forum where d i f f e r e n t t i t l e h o l d e r s , potential t i t l e h o l d e r s , and others could express their claims to resources, or be compensated for various offences. The transmission of Tsimshian properties was not simple and the feast served as a mediating device to resolve c o n f l i c t s and to ensure orderly t r a n s f e r r a l s . (A recent review of the Tsimshian feast and a review of the l i t e r a t u r e i s contained in Seguin 1983). The property relationships held by the lineage groups were not independent of other l e v e l s in the s o c i a l structure. For example, the transmission of property after war by retribut i o n could be a r e l a t i o n between r e s i d e n t i a l units, that i s between the v i l l a g e groups. Further, although t e r r i t o r y i s referred to as belonging to such and such a t i t l e h o l d e r , when i t i s given, for example as retr i b u t i o n payment, i t i s given by the " t r i b e " , that i s by the p a r t i c u l a r group, not just the smoogyt or household. This recognizes the role of both the descent and the re s i d e n t i a l p r i n c i p l e s in c o n t r o l l i n g resource properties. 38 The smoogyt, despite the c h i e f l y powers consolidated by members of that class, was not above the communal nature of his society. Each t i t l e h o l d e r had resource areas of his own, and could be punished for a crime by the loss of the use of t e r r i t o r i a l property. Such a retribu t i o n was considered to be a high price, f i t t i n g for a crime such as the k i l l i n g of a prince or the wife of a prince (see McDonald 1983a). Since resource t e r r i t o r y was a source of wealth for this c l a s s , i t s loss was a severe blow to the position and power of a smoogyt. It was not simply broad t e r r i t o r i e s that were owned but s p e c i f i c resources as well, with c a r e f u l l y defined rights attached to d i f f e r e n t ones. Thus, one lineage, represented by t i t l e d persons, could be given the p r i v i l e g e of hunting or trapping upon the t e r r i t o r y of a p a r t i c u l a r house, without a f f e c t i n g either the overa l l claim of the house to the t e r r i t o r y or the exploitation of other resources on that t e r r i t o r y . This recognition of different resource usufruct prevents the simple i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of a geographic area with a group. For example, just above the Gitlan v i l l a g e was a place where some Kitsumkalum went for their spring salmon or trout. Elders said Kitsumkalum's claim to t h i s deep pool was stronger than that of the Gitlans even though i t was on the l a t t e r ' s t e r r i t o r y . Thus, priv i l e g e s were e x p l i c i t l y defined, and contingent upon intergroup arrangements. 39 War retribut i o n property was not simply transferred from one group to another by conquest. Although victorious houses apparently exercised a l l the p r i v i l e g e s associated with ownership, a f i n a l legal validation had to be made through a feast to s e t t l e the arrangement. This would e n t a i l either providing an alternative type of retribut i o n to replace the property or the ultimate va l i d a t i o n of ownership over the conquered area. In theory t e r r i t o r y could not be alienated permanently, but in practice there i s evidence that rights to t e r r i t o r y did change hands and that there was precedence for permanent transfers (Garfield 1966:14). In the present case, the o r i g i n a l expectation of Kitsumkalum was that the Gitlan would erect a memorial and make payment of a yet to be determined quantity of wealth at a public feast. The Gitlan never " f i l l e d the table" and u n t i l that occurs to the s a t i s f a c t i o n of appropriate parties, the question could go either way. F a i l i n g any such settlement, f u l l control would rest with the conquering and offended group that held the land. Tsimshian property concepts were sophisticated and organized through the feast. When European traders came and made new demands on the resources in the Tsimshian t e r r i t o r i e s , the feast must have been instrumental in re-organizing the manner by which the resources and labour power was u t i l i z e d . It i s d i f f i c u l t to find information on this question for that early period, but i t must be noted 40 that the Tsimshian were not passively swallowed up by an expanding B r i t i s h imperialism. As I w i l l show l a t e r , their o r i g i n a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n with the Europeans was on terms that were largely set by the propertied t i t l e h o l d e r s - at least u n t i l the union of B r i t i s h Columbia with Canada which led to massive p o l i t i c a l intervention from the p r o v i n c i a l and Dominion governments. CHANGES The Europeans represented a new source of economic and p o l i t i c a l power that was soon expressed in the feast. Unfortunately there has not been a systematic study of the changes in Tsimshian society during the early nineteenth century. Robinson reconstructed the r i s e of the Legaic family around that time and discussed some of the p o l i t i c s of the feast (Robinson 1978); and the s o c i a l h i s t o r i a n Fisher suggested at least f i v e important changes that occurred in the aboriginal s o c i a l organization and that were correlated to the fur trade: 1. ) The creation of new mercantile leaders. 2. ) The concentration of wealth in their hands. 3. ) The consolidation of the power of the leaders. 41 4. ) The c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of nine tribes around Port Simpson. 5. ) The use of the European trade as a factor in i n t e r - t r i b a l (and i n t e r - v i l l a g e ? ) p o l i t i c s (Fisher 1977:46-47). As I pointed out in an e a r l i e r paper, the actual anthropological data that would explicate these suggestions i s incomplete (McDonald 1984:43). In a r e l a t i v e l y short period of time, these internal and indigenous s o c i a l changes slowed as property concepts were changed by external forces after Canadian Confederation. Beginning with the d i s t o r t i n g c o d i f i c a t i o n of Tsimshian property concepts during the establishment of the Indian Reserve system, the property relationships were r a d i c a l l y altered in the twentieth century: the feast was banned in the Indian Act, making i t d i f f i c u l t for the Tsimshian to follow their usual legal procedures; the Canadian government assumed legal ownership of the Tsimshian t e r r i t o r i e s ; and a set of laws (that w i l l be discussed in the rest of this dissertation) were developed by the p r o v i n c i a l and Dominion governments to bring the resources of the region under the e x p l i c i t control of those outside ("foreign" for the Tsimshian) governments. A l l t h i s happened during the period that the Indians of Canada were disenfranchised under the Indian Act. 42 The transformation from smoogyt lands to crown lands took less than seventy years to accomplish. But even now, an additional seventy years l a t e r , the process i s s t i l l not complete as property i s being re-defined and land claims are slowly re-considered. The changes that occurred had a cumulative effect on the s o c i a l organization of Kitsumkalum. What I am about to describe concentrates on the changes in Kitsumkalum. Their history i s d i f f e r e n t from most of the other v i l l a g e s because their lands were extensively occupied by European s e t t l e r s at the turn of the century, and because they had a strong r e s i d e n t i a l attachment to the coastal cannery town of Port Essington. The community's use of their aboriginal t e r r i t o r i e s and the associated s o c i a l patterns were d i s t i n c t i v e l y influenced by these circumstances. Other v i l l a g e s , with the exception of K i t s e l a s , experienced less extensive physical alienation or d i s l o c a t i o n from their properties. Since Confederation, there was a general displacement of the m a t r i l i n e a l system to one that i s more b i l a t e r a l although oriented to the male side. I w i l l make s p e c i f i c references to the changes at the appropriate places in this d i s s e r t a t i o n , as I discuss the s o c i a l relationships in the Kitsumkalum economy, but I want to suggest that the transformation of property relations that occurred after Confederation was at the heart of the changes in kinship 43 structures and the s o c i a l organization in general. The loss of property rights to productive resources seriously eroded the bases of the matrilineages as corporate groups. Continued occupancy and use of o r i g i n a l resource t e r r i t o r i e s safeguarded Tsimshian ownership to some extent, but there was a decreasing a b i l i t y for the t i t l e h o l d e r s and their lineages to exercise sovereignty. They could not enforce their rights as they had before. This applied esp e c i a l l y to those resources that had been incorporated into the commodity economy and were under the e x p l i c i t scrutiny of government agents. Ambiguities r e s u l t i n g from the new ownership system re f l e c t e d these changes. During t h i s century, people have needed government licences to trap, log or f i s h . Licence holders function as managers of these resources, and occupy a comparable position in the productive relationships to the o r i g i n a l holders of t i t l e over hunting grounds, f i s h i n g grounds, berry patches and so on. Sometimes they were the same person (e.g., when the t i t l e h o l d e r successfully obtained a licence to trap on his hunting grounds) but these cases are no longer s i g n i f i c a n t . Nonetheless, kinship structures continued to be important to the Tsimshian as a means of r e c r u i t i n g and organizing labour for productive a c t i v i t i e s in both the aboriginal and the commodity sectors of t h e i r economy. Whether or not a licence holder was also a t i t l e h o l d e r , his 44 access to a labour force was f a c i l i t a t e d through kinship r e l a t i o n s . The obverse was also important: Access to resources for people who did not have a licence was f a c i l i t a t e d through their kinship to a licence holder. Since no females in Kitsumkalum held government licences, the focus of the kinship link was shifted to the males. This re-orientation was strengthened when the government sometimes recognized the right of the Indian licencee to designate who would receive a licence when i t was transferred. To a limited extent, inheritance could be directed through the man. The importance of kinship as a source of labour and as a means of organizing production decreased with the increasing alienation of the resources from small producers, and with the increasing importance of wage work in the v i l l a g e . People did not need family t i e s in order to work and make a l i v i n g . There i s now an orientation to the smaller nuclear family and there are even some bachelor households established. Kinship i s increasingly limited to a b i l a t e r a l kindred formed around a natal nuclear family, and less on the basis of corporate descent groups. The knowledge of older s o c i a l forms and practices (for example the phratries and names of the t i t l e h o l d e r s ) that does p e r s i s t , survives primarily in the context of the aboriginal economy. But, in Kitsumkalum, the importance of those aboriginal forms i s of minor 45 p r a c t i c a l importance today. What I have just described concerns the situation in Kitsumkalum. This is a necessary q u a l i f i c a t i o n . Other v i l l a g e s on the coast, where I did not do research, may have a dif f e r e n t history and experience. Another q u a l i f i c a t i o n i s that the changes in the kinship structures are not clear to either me or the Kitsumkalum. What I have described is stated t e n t a t i v e l y . One problem i s the dearth .of appropriate information available at the moment. When I attempted to conduct systematic research on the topic, the h i s t o r i c a l complexity of the transformation frustrated a l l e f f o r t s . Massive changes had obviously occurred, but i t was necessary to f i r s t comprehend the evolving p o l i t i c a l economy of the region before following the changes in the kinship groups in a meaningful way, and in a way consistent with the form of analysis in the rest of the research. This was my conclusion after my i n i t i a l i n q u i r i e s , and seemed especially true for the corporate, resource-owning descent groups. In other words, I decided the questions on kinship were premature. As an alternative approach, I referred to previous authors who mention Tsimshian kinship patterns. When I did, another type of problem quickly emerged: the Kitsumkalum, by their evidence and own interpretations, show features t y p i c a l of both their downriver Coastal compatriots and their upriver Gitksan neighbours. Yet, I could not determine whether th i s was a result of their ancient 46 r e s i d e n t i a l intermediacy between the two groups or a result of the more recent changes in the rest of the p o l i t i c a l economy of a l l these groups. Again, questioning on kinship changes seemed premature. Now, with the other research analysed (and presented in this d i s s e r t a t i o n ) , i t w i l l be possible to go on and study the changes in other aspects of Kitsumkalum's s o c i a l l i f e over time. 47 3. KITSUMKALUM, THE PEOPLE THE WRITTEN RECORD The Kitsumkalum were the tenth v i l l a g e group on the Skeena. Downriver, to the west, were the Gitlan and Gilutsau, and to the east were the upriver K i t s e l a s . The main land areas exploited by the Kitsumkalum were the Kitsumkalum River Valley, areas along the Skeena to i t s mouth, certain islands off the mouth, and a fishery on the Nass River. Occasionally, individuals would activate s o c i a l connections and join the production at other v i l l a g e s , both along the coast and on the Nass, thereby extending the resources available to the v i l l a g e r s . Very l i t t l e i s known of early Kitsumkalum. It barely receives mention in the ethnography. Boas records i t as one of the Tsimshian v i l l a g e s , probably basing his information on Kitsumkalum informants l i v i n g in Port Essington, where he did f i e l d work. Thus, some of his description of Tsimshian society i s based upon information from Kitsumkalum people and myths from Kitsumkalum. Despite such close contact with the group, Boas makes l i t t l e s p e c i f i c reference to the 48 v i l l a g e . 1 G a r f i e l d was much more s p e c i f i c in her study on Tsimshian society and, following Boas's c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of the t r i b e s , concentrated upon the Port Simpson people. Her only reference to Kitsumkalum i s to mention i t as one of the neighbouring Indian v i l l a g e s (1939:176). The f i r s t h i s t o r i c reference that I have to the Kitsumkalum comes from an entry in the Hudson Bay Company journal for November 13, 1852, when a canoe of people came to trade at the f o r t . Other Skeena River canoes had been recorded before, but t h i s was the f i r s t s p e c i f i c mention of the v i l l a g e "Kith lum ki lum", as the trader spelled i t (Hudson Bay Company Archives, B.20l/a/7 fo.40d). 1 "G.its!Emaga'Ion" i s l i s t e d as one of the six tribes of the Tsimshian proper, found below the canyon of the Skeena River (Boas 1916:482). (Port Simpson i s l i s t e d as the composite group of Tsimshian with nine towns.) Their town i s described as having three rows of houses, arranged side by side, facing the water, with the street stretching in front of the houses p a r a l l e l with the river (ibid.:395). The hunting grounds and berry picking areas were on the shores of a lake (Kitsumkalum Lake). Hunters had hunting huts in their t e r r i t o r i e s , and one man had a hut in each of the four valleys owned by him ( i b i d . : 4 0 l ) . (I suspect t h i s man was the ganhada smoogyt.) A war between the phratries is mentioned, as i s the T l i n g i t o r i g i n of the Gun-hut laksgi ik clan in the v i l l a g e . Boas was t o l d in 1888 that t h i s migration had occurred six generations e a r l i e r , about 1740 in his reckoning (ibid.:486). He also records myths that deal with Kitsumkalum and that contain various s p e c i f i c t i d b i t s about their everyday l i v e s (ibid.rmyths #1.38, #3, #6, #24, #36, #39, #41, #43, #56, supplement 3). 49 The e a r l i e s t record I found of a v i s i t to the lands of the Kitsumkalum by Europeans was an expedition lead by Major Downie of the Royal Navy, as he surveyed his way inland in 1859. The Major was f i l l e d with praise for what he saw: "a large stream, c a l l e d the Kitchumsala, comes in from the north; the land on i t is good, and well adapted to farming, and that the Indians grow plenty of potatoes. To the south ... i s the Plumbago Mountain ... [which] runs in veins of quartz." (Downie in Mayne 1862:451) Unfortunately for anthropology, describing the Indians' society did not interest him as much as the economic potential of the land, especially the surrounding mountains with their signs of mineral wealth. After exploration started, rive r t r a f f i c became brisk, and doubtless a large number of European v i s i t o r s stopped at Kitsumkalum or saw i t in passing. In 1866, the steamboat Mumford succeeded in reaching Kitsumkalum before turning back two miles above the v i l l a g e . The waters there were too rapid and d i f f i c u l t (Dawson 1881:12B). When the Dominion's geological explorer, George Dawson, passed through the area he was mainly concerned with the geography. About the Kitsumkalum he only said: "A small Indian v i l l a g e is situated at the mouth of the r i v e r " (Dawson 1881:12B). This was the s i t e of the new v i l l a g e . By the time of his v i s i t commercial fi s h i n g had captured the interest of Kitsumkalum, and many people were l i v i n g either at the cannery v i l l a g e of Port Essington or the mission v i l l a g e of Metlakatla. 50 Dorsey described the results of t h i s s h i f t : "Kit zim-gay-lum ... Another almost deserted v i l l a g e ; i t s population of 150 in 1885 has been scattered u n t i l at present not more than sixty remain. Many have gone to New Metlakatla, others have settled in Port Essington, while s t i l l others have joined the Kiksians." (Dorsey 1897:280). The missionary Tomlinson brought the Christian Church to Kitsumkalum in 1874 as he t r a v e l l e d to begin his mission further up the r i v e r . Perhaps prophetically, a f u l l lunar eclipse occurred that night and shortly afterwards Kitsumkalum v i l l a g e went into a slow decline as t h e i r productive energies were turned evermore to the r i s i n g i n d u s t r i a l order on the coast. The story of the e c l i p s e of this v i l l a g e during a period of otherwise phenomenal economic growth w i l l be analysed in t h i s text. LAND HOLDINGS The T l i n g i t ethnographer, Louis Shotridge, recorded the time of the desertion of the main Kitsumkalum v i l l a g e of Dalk ka qilaquoex to have been around 1878, a date that roughly coincided with information I received from an elder. Shotridge had been able to see the wreckage of an old town in 1918 (presumably on Indian Reserve 1) when there were s t i l l some foundations and corner posts standing, although hidden by a thick cover of weeds (1919:119). These structures do not appear on any of the old r a i l r o a d survey maps, nor are they reported by other ethnographers. 51 However, I have seen evidence of such buildings when the Band Council cleared the ground, exposing the s o i l and i t s discolourations. Oddly, Shotridge refers to the present v i l l a g e s i t e as i f i t were the ancient r e s i d e n t i a l centre. Most people now claim the old v i l l a g e s i t e at the canyon of the Kitsumkalum River (which i s fiv e miles north of the mouth) to have been the " c a p i t a l " . Travellers seem to have lost interest in describing Kitsumkalum during the 1890s. The a r r i v a l and report of the Indian Reserve Commission in 1891 was one of the l a s t important records, and signalled a massive change in Kitsumkalum history by d r a s t i c a l l y reducing their land holding. The focus of aboriginal Kitsumkalum's property holdings was the r i c h Kitsumkalum va l l e y . Broad areas were recognized as belonging to each of the four phratries, and individual smoogyt held p r i v i l e g e s to various resources within each area. The map in Figure 2 shows the basic land holdings in the nineteenth century. This i s a tentative reconstruction based on archival and interview sources. It is being investigated further by band members. Broad tenure patterns over large areas are generally considered to have been f a i r l y stable. Evidence emerging from the reconstruction of Kitsumkalum's property holdings indicates that t h i s was the rule, but not necessarily an inv i o l a t e condition. In the recent past, the adjacent 52 Figure 2. The abori g i n a l property holdings of the Kitsumkalum phratries i n the Kitsumkalum and Zimacord Valleys (reconstructed from a r c h i v a l m a t e r i a l s ) . Key; to phratry holdings: g:i spawadawada ganhada ?==. l a k s k i i k 53 Zimacord Valley was annexed by Kitsumkalum and claimed by certain smoogyt as the result of a dispute between Kitsumkalum and the G i t l a n . The resolution of t h i s issue, which was interrupted by the c o l o n i a l developments of the last century, s t i l l awaits the public decision of the feast. The story of the c o n f l i c t i s studied in McDonald 1983. Kitsumkalum also had pr i v i l e g e s to t e r r i t o r i e s along the Skeena and Nass Rivers and on the coast. The exact nature of these are not clear to the Kitsumkalum now, although the Band Council i s conducting research into the question by interviewing other Tsimshian people. One si t e far from their valley was at the oolachan fishery on the Nass River. Kitsumkalum, along with other Tsimshian, had the right to l i v e opposite Red C l i f f s for the purposes of making grease in the spring. This right was recognized ^ later when the Indian Reserve Commission made a reserve for the Tsimshians in common. It i s generally assumed in Kitsumkalum that their recent pattern of using the land along the Skeena and coast r e f l e c t s the aboriginal pattern, and therefore, their old legal status to resources in their t e r r i t o r i e s . Certainly, traplines that are registered between Terrace and the coast have an h i s t o r i c link to ancient hunting t e r r i t o r i e s and family associations, but, as Brody has pointed out, registrations were defined by and served non-native interests more than native (Brody 1982:86ff.). Thus, the 54 precise interpretation of these depends upon our knowledge of the h i s t o r i c contingencies a f f e c t i n g each l i n e . When the Indian Reserve Commission allocated reserves, Kitsumkalum received three parcels outright, and others in common. Indian Reserve 1, Kitsumkalum, has 1124.7 acres located at the confluence of the Kitsumkalum and Skeena Rivers, adjacent to the community of Terrace. This was an old f i s h i n g spot, with residences associated with i t . Indian Reserve 2, Dalk ka qilaguoex, was the s i t e of the main v i l l a g e but was abandoned in the 1880s, p a r t i a l l y because people's orientation shifted to the Skeena and the coast, but also in response to p o l i c i e s of the Department of Indian A f f a i r s which encouraged people to move closer to schools and employment. This i s a 182 acre reserve located on the canyon of the Kitsumkalum River. Indian Reserve 3, Zimacord, i s located at the confluence of the Zimacord and Skeena Rivers, where the Kitsumkalum had a trapping and hunting cabin. There were 73.99 acres reserved for Kitsumkalum, but much of this has been u t i l i z e d by other interests such as highways, railroads, logging. A special reserve exists at Port Essington, on the coast. I n d u s t r i a l i s t Robert Cunningham conveyed five acres to Kitsumkalum, and Kit s e l a s , in common in 1882. Indian Reserve #88, near Red C l i f f on the Nass River consists of 240 acres a l l o t t e d to a l l the Tsimshian bands in common. 55 Two other reserves were temporarily registered under Kitsumkalum band: K i l l u t s a l 1 and 1a. A l l o t t e d to the K i l l u t s a l Band in 1893, they seem to have passed into Kitsumkalum's hands as a result of the absorption of members of that band, during the present century. In 1959 Port Simpson successfully disputed the r e g i s t r a t i o n , received the transfer of the lands, and subsequently alienated them to a logging company. Indian Reserve 1 was 196 acres; Indian Reserve 1a was f i v e acres. Both were at the mouth of the Lakesle River. Neither are Reserve lands today. A Royal Commission on Indian A f f a i r s investigated a l l the land a l l o c a t i o n s made to Indians in the Province (Canada and B r i t i s h Columbia 1916). In 1916, they confirmed those which had been allowed to Kitsumkalum, but turned down two new applications. One was for land away from the r a i l r o a d after that Company had appropriated a disastrous right of way through Indian Reserves 1 and 3 (see the history in McDonald 1981a and 1981b). This was not accepted by the Commission (Canada and B r i t i s h Columbia 1916:568). The other was an application for a four-acre f i s h i n g station at Mud Lake, made by Charles Nelson. This request was not entertained either, because the land already was taken by the forest industry. The reductions in their property holdings concerned the Kitsumkalum in 1891. When the Commissioner v i s i t e d them at their v i l l a g e they expressed their fears, he responded that 56 the government's intentions were to protect the rights of the Indians. They were told that the reserve lands would safeguard 'their f i s h i n g spots, and that they would always be able to roam the mountains as they were accustomed, for the harvest of game and berries. The government guaranteed them that. (Public Archives of Canada, R.G. 10, v o l . 1022, Handscript of Minutes). There i s no indication in the archival records of how the government determined the location of the three reserves, or to whom the Commissioner spoke. Contemporary fo l k l o r e about the event claims that i t was the expedition's Port Simpson interpreters who informed the Commissioner of the important f i s h i n g stations of the Kitsumkalum, not the Kitsumkalum smoogyt. Whatever the reason, few s i t e s were i d e n t i f i e d . ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF THE RESERVES The Royal Commission described the economic potential of these three reserves. Indian Reserve 1 was a "potential farming area l i t t l e developed and p a r t i a l l y timbered, containing t r i b a l v i l l a g e and graveyard". Indian Reserve 2 was a "good timbered area v i r t u a l l y unused - f i s h i n g station and old v i l l a g e s i t e " . Indian Reserve 3 was a "potential farming area and fi s h i n g station - timbered. Old V i l l a g e " . Port Essington was a " v i l l a g e s i t e and fishing base". 57 K i l l u t s a l 1 and la had "good land, timbered and c h i e f l y used by Indians as a berry patch" (Canada and B r i t i s h Columbia 1916:552). A l l except Indian Reserve 2 were being used for gardens and produced good crops. A l l produced f i s h . A l l were expected to provide merchantable timber, which they eventually did (Canada and B r i t i s h Columbia 1916:557). Since that time, most economic development of the reserves has been through forestry and rights of way. The contracts produced small benefits for the Kitsumkalum because the terms tended to favour the business side. This is currently being investigated and corrected by the Band Council. Some of t h i s i s in active negotiation, and p o t e n t i a l l y a legal issue, so I w i l l not enter further discussion. Future Band Council controlled developments are also being considered. The making of these plans i s a long and d i f f i c u l t process, as the Band Council studies i t s needs and a b i l i t i e s , and encounters pressures from outside interests. Current interests are oriented towards handicrafts, tourism, and further involvement with l o c a l i n d u s t r i a l development. Whatever path i s chosen w i l l depend upon the resolution of discussions in the community and the people's a b i l i t y to define their own needs against those of competitive business and the governmental agencies with which Band Council economic developments must cope. 58 THE VILLAGE SETTING In 1980, Kitsumkalum v i l l a g e was a community of seventeen houses and t r a i l e r s snuggled in the forest on Indian Reserve 1. Bounded by Kitsumkalum mountain to the north and west, the Skeena River to the South, and the Kitsumkalum River to the east, the v i l l a g e has a d i s t i n c t i v e setting, despite i t s mutual administrative boundary with the c i t y of Terrace. This proximity i s both a blessing and a nuisance. It is a blessing for the f a c i l i t i e s and services i t provides, but a nuisance for the numerous c o n f l i c t s i t generates. For one example: a recent c i t y development plan included the reserve land without consulting the Band Council. Kitsumkalum's l o c a l u t i l i t i e s are s u f f i c i e n t , but not luxurious. The residents are serviced by reserve f a c i l i t i e s . A 70,000 gallon reservoir behind a dam on one of the mountain streams that flows across the f l a t s provides untreated drinking water. Sewage i s disposed by lines from the houses to a b a c t e r i a l tank and t i l e f i e l d . Garbage is col l e c t e d from a communal bin twice weekly. E l e c t r i c i t y comes from a B.C. Hydro l i n e , and cost the residents approximately $25 a month in 1980. Most of the houses have wood stoves for heat, with or without o i l burners or e l e c t r i c a l heaters. 59 Education f a c i l i t i e s were once provided on the reserve, but since the 1930s the only schools have been in Terrace where there are several elementary and high schools. There is no single school that Kitsumkalum children attend, and some children attend a succession of schools. Upgrading, vocational training, and college transfer courses are available at a l o c a l college. The one university student, however, chose to attend a university in the lower mainland of the province rather than take advantage of the college transfer courses in Terrace. Communication services at Kitsumkalum include B.C. Telephone connections and radio and t e l e v i s i o n f a c i l i t i e s which are transmitted or relayed from Terrace. Other media sources are available in the c i t y , as i s the Canada Post O f f i c e . Transportation includes Highway 16, which i s a major, two lane, blacktop road. The Canadian National Railway passes through the reserve, but no longer stops there. The nearest station i s Terrace. Buslines and a i r l i n e s are located in Terrace. River transportation i s now unimportant. Most community f a c i l i t i e s (recreational, shopping, health, etc.) are located in the c i t y of Terrace. Kitsumkalum has i t s own f i r e f i g h t i n g system: a f i r e truck, f i r e pump, and eight f i r e hydrants. There i s a Band Council garage/tool shed, snow clearing equipment, truck, and 60 storage shed. A handicraft shop, c a l l e d the House of Sem-oi-gyets, was established as an outlet for community a r t i s t s . It caters to the t o u r i s t trade, and sometimes s e l l s soft drinks to the residents. Associated with the shop are o f f i c e s for the Band Council Administration and a large community meeting room. A smoke house that was set up for the t o u r i s t trade has sat i d l e for many years because of legal r e s t r i c t i o n s . Most houses have the i r own smoke house and do not need to use the commercial one. THE POPULATION The population size of Kitsumkalum i s d i f f i c u l t to determine. I c o l l e c t e d genealogies from the people who now l i v e at the v i l l a g e and I received names for l i v i n g members of the community. At the time, my d e f i n i t i o n of the community was vague and I r e l i e d upon three women who l i v e in the v i l l a g e to go through my charts and t e l l me who was and who was not considered a member of Kitsumkalum. This is how I derived a figure of 461 - i t i s an estimate. Since then, I have analyzed the basis of their evaluation, and that forms a part of a later chapter on the unity of Kitsumkalum. A number of conditions divide the community. Paramount is the legal d i s t i n c t i o n made by the Indian Act between status and non-status Indians. There are only 125 status 61 Kitsumkalum at the time of writing (according to the chief c o u n c i l l o r ) . This is comparable to the populations noted in most o f f i c i a l and s e m i - o f f i c i a l census (on the Band L i s t s of Department of Indian A f f a i r s ) , and I would suggest that i t represents a stable number of people who h i s t o r i c a l l y form a r e s i d e n t i a l core, with the rest moving about the land or v i s i t i n g / l i v i n g in other v i l l a g e s . Once an elder told me that the aboriginal population l i v i n g in the resource abundant Kitsumkalum Valley t o t a l l e d nearly one thousand people. I have not been able to confirm his estimate and i t does c o n f l i c t with early nineteenth century observations, which gave counts of around one hundred. But these may be low because only residents were counted and the migration of Kitsumkalum for work or the de-population of the region by disease was not considered. Thus my estimate of under 500 in the community may be closer to the aboriginal population l e v e l , but i f Duff's conclusion that the Indian population trends are s t i l l well below pre-contact levels i s true (1965:44), then the estimate made by the Kitsumkalum elder of a large population inhabiting the valley may not be as extravagant as o f f i c i a l counts would suggest. Residence also divides the population. People l i v e throughout North America from Metlakatla, Alaska to Seattle, Washington; from Vancouver to Halifax. The non-status population is very widely dispersed. The status people l i v e 62 primarily at Kitsumkalum, Zimacord, and Terrace. The Kitsumkalum v i l l a g e was the permanent home of fort y - s i x people in 1981, but the number varies around f i f t y , depending on the work season and other circumstances. One status family l i v e s at Zimacord, near the town of Remo, and w i l l be joined by others. At least twenty-five people l i v e d in Terrace in 1981, but that number can fluctuate more than at any other location. The rest of the Band l i v e s elsewhere, in Prince Rupert, Holberg, Vancouver, Prince George, V i c t o r i a , and other parts of the country. The addresses of some are not known. The o f f i c i a l membership of the Band, according to the 1978 Band Council L i s t , consists of one hundred six people; fifty-two l i v i n g on reserve, forty-nine o f f ; fi f t y - o n e males and forty-nine females. The majority of the population i s young, under twenty-five years of age (sixty-two people). The age/sex structure of the Band i s shown in Figure 3. A regional population pyramid i s also shown, although Kitsumkalum's small size does not permit s i g n i f i c a n t comparisons. Kitsumkalum V i l l a g e i s the r e s i d e n t i a l centre, both in terms of numbers and as a s p i r i t u a l home. There are two housing subdivisions there. The older one i s located on the f l a t s which supported a small f i s h i n g v i l l a g e in pre-contact times. There were seventeen l o t s containing thirteen houses and a t r a i l e r home in 1980. The houses were purchased from 63 A 9 e Female Male 6 4 2 0 0 2 4 6 10 8 6 4 2 0 0 2 4 6 8 10 Percentage of tot . pop. Percentage of tota l Population - 1971 census - - 1981 census -KITIMAT-STIK1NE REGIONAL DISTRICT KITSUMKALUM BAND Figure 3. Population pyramids of Kitsumkalum and the Kitimat-Stikine. Regional D i s t r i c t , (source: Kitsumkalum Band Administration) 64 Alcan af t e r i t finished the preliminary construction of i t s smelter town of Kitimat. A new subdivision, situated on top of a bluff overlooking the f l a t s and the Skeena Valley, had sixteen l o t s occupied by two houses and a t r a i l e r home in 1980, but four additional homes have been b u i l t subsequently. These are a l l wood frame houses b u i l t with assistance from government programmes. One i s owned by the Band Council and rented to a Band member. At Zimacord, a Band member i s building his own house (and recently another member has contracted with carpenters to build a second house there). No one l i v e s at Indian Reserve 2, or at Port Essington. The population i s further divided into family units. My genealogies record one hundred twenty-three families in the community. These are b a s i c a l l y nuclear families consisting of parents and children. The matrilineages are no longer central to family structure, given the changed property relationships, the decline in the e f f e c t i v e control by the t i t l e h o l d e r s over productivity resources, and the tendency towards neolocal residence by newly-wed wage earners. Couples and their children w i l l l i v e on or off the reserve, depending on such factors as their legal status as Indians, the a v a i l a b i l i t y of housing, rents, job location, desire to exhibit some freedom from the natal home. Among status Indians, there are f i f t e e n nuclear families l i v i n g on 65 reserve and twenty-six off reserve. There are 82 non-status families involved with Kitsumkalum. Two l i v e on the reserve. There are also larger l o c a l i z e d name groups of families that perceive a connection with a common ancestor - t h i s seems similar to the aboriginal clans. I i d e n t i f i e d seven major name groups in the community today (Boltons, Roberts, Spaldings, Wesleys, Nelsons, St a r r s ) , and an eighth that was previously important but has become absorbed.by another (Kennedy). The s i m i l a r i t y of these groups to the old clans is limited by the lessened importance of the m a t r i l i n e a l p r i n c i p l e . The groups are i d e n t i f i e d by their p a t r i l i n e a l l y inherited family names, and the father or grandfather i s perceived as the s i g n i f i c a n t l i n k i n g r e l a t i v e for a number of them. People are aware of the female linkage with brothers and s i s t e r s and use i t in order to connect some families with d i f f e r e n t surnames, but this i s not the same as matriclans. Cross-cutting these family relationships are the phratry memberships of individuals. Not everyone recognizes the names of the phratries, and many, espe c i a l l y among the young, do not know their crest. Logical deductions based on the genealogies has cleared up the old c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s , but the p r i n c i p l e s of phratic membership and the obligations associated with i t are s t i l l not clear. The older women carry some of this knowledge, and the older men seem to 66 attach.some sentimental importance to knowing who their phratic brothers and s i s t e r s are but I did not discover any functional application of the system in Kitsumkalum. Nonetheless, I found growing interest. Since other v i l l a g e s are manipulating such symbols more and more, I suspect the crest system w i l l have a resurgence in Kitsumkalum, at least as a means of handling relationships external to the v i l l a g e . The r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n s of the members of the community'do not pose any major sources of unity or disunity. OCCUPATIONS Kitsumkalum can also be described as a community structured by occupation. The majority of working-age women are housewives, whether they are on Canada pensions or not. As w i l l become clearer later on, housewifery at Kitsumkalum involves more than the tasks of maintaining the home f a c i l i t i e s - i t can involve the women in the processing of food and other items from the aboriginal economy. The few women who have other jobs, that i s wage jobs, work in o f f i c e s , bars, or r e t a i l stores. An ethic that I sometimes heard expressed, and which seemed to be important o v e r a l l was that a married woman should not need to work outside of the home, and that women should be married. The women who 67 are employed by wage are either single (with or without having been married previously), experiencing domestic f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s that necessitate their employment, or are p a r t i c u l a r l y determined to f u l f i l l t h eir personal desire for a job. Otherwise, handicraft production provides an a l t e r n a t i v e that i s compatible with housework and at the same time generates a l i t t l e income. Men, on the other hand, are expected to work at a wage job. There was a time when commercial f i s h i n g was important, but that has been superseded by the forestry industry. Now, the majority of men, e s p e c i a l l y the young men, work as loggers. The next largest employer i s the Band Council Administration. There are a small number of men (around seven) who perform the tasks of administration and general maintenance/repair in the v i l l a g e . The remainder of the wage jobs vary from a r t i s t , court workers, cannery employees, or o f f i c e work. There was only one person receiving unemployment insurance benefits in 1980, quite remarkable for northern reserve communities. Yet this does not f u l l y r e f l e c t the strength of the wage labour economy. Logging i s a highly seasonal employer, and every year there are l a y - o f f s , sometimes of great duration. Further, the funds for the Band Council Administration are subject to a number of pressures and sometimes the administration s t a f f i s cut sharply, leaving some without income u n t i l the funding l e v e l 68 i s restored. Fortunately, community resources are such as to provide some buffer against the e f f e c t s of these periods of l a y - o f f s , as w i l l be described l a t e r . Nonetheless, when la y - o f f s come, there are few alternate jobs available and the workers suffer as a r e s u l t . Kitsumkalum is a community dependent upon the uncertainties of a job market over which i t has l i t t l e or no contr o l . They are no longer the independent people that their ancestors were, able to determine when to work, when to rest, or (even) what to work. The aboriginal sectors of the economy are also regulated by forces external to the community and natural environment. Processing of f i s h , for example, must be conducted in the short periods allowed by wage employment: evenings, weekends. Some individuals attempt to break out of t h i s straight-jacket by forming their own businesses. In the past, the f i s h i n g boat was the exemplary form of t h i s solution; now they try trucking, carpentry, or whatever. But success comes only with great d i f f i c u l t y and luck for the small businessman in Canada, and the Kitsumkalum are no exception. As time goes on their options seem to become ever more narrow, and t h e i r dependency upon outside jobs greater. E f f o r t s to develop-the reserves economically recognize t h i s fact, and seem oriented to fostering employment p o s s i b i l i t e s , rather than regenerating productive capacities and entering into i n d u s t r i a l or commercial enterprises. The choice did not 69 rest e n t i r e l y with the Kitsumkalum, but was largely imposed by the structure of the larger economy. It i s to these restr a i n t s that this dissertation now turns in an attempt to better understand the position of t h i s community in the larger order of things. The Kitsumkalum are no longer representative of the Tsimshian society described in the ethnographic l i t e r a t u r e . Many changes have transformed their l i v e s into the condition I have just described. To provide some understanding of these changes, I w i l l take their productive economy, sector by sector, and examine the means of production and the property relationships that d i r e c t production. My discussion w i l l not examine the entire s o c i a l formation, even though more than the practices of production influence the topic I am considering. For example, missionization and schools are two important aspects of the superstructure that w i l l not be studied - to allow a concentration upon the productive sectors themselves. Developments within each sector are s u f f i c i e n t l y complex to demand close attention of this sort. Indeed, to try to make a comprehensive review of even just the major sectors condemns the research to a l e v e l of generality which may frustrate readers with more s p e c i f i c and intensive interest in any p a r t i c u l a r sector. PART I'l : THE POLITICAL ECONOMY 71 4. KITSUMKALUM AS A UNIT OF MATERIAL APPROPRIATION KITSUMKALUM AS A UNIT OF SOCIAL PRODUCTION The unity of the aboriginal sectors of the economy (hunting, f i s h i n g , gathering, and horticulture) is c r i t i c a l to understanding the p o l i t i c a l economy of Kitsumkalum and their continued existence as a s o c i a l group. What is produced in t h i s sector, and the manner in which i t i s produced and di s t r i b u t e d for consumption provides the material basis which maintains the relationship between those who were and who continue to be Kitsumkalum. It i s in their aboriginal production that we can fi n d the kernel of their s o c i a l relationships and also the h i s t o r i c a l continuity to the group. In the chapters to follow I describe c o n s t r i c t i o n s placed upon the aboriginal economy in order to examine how a self-sustaining economy was reduced to the point of being only one part of many sectors in a commodity economy. However, the continuity in th i s history is in the real appropriation of natural resources, which has been the kernel around which the other sectors were developed by the Kitsumkalum. How a l l these were incorporated into the t o t a l s o c i a l production c i r c u i t i s the topic of the present work. 72 Thus, the importance of material appropriation to the thesis l i e s in t h i s : the aboriginal economy, which in the v i l l a g e i s the basic aspect of s o c i a l production and reproduction, provides a focus on Kitsumkalum as a real group and allows us to follow their s o c i a l history from their o r i g i n a l independence to the modern, distorted formation of dependency. The bases of the unity of the aboriginal sector are the people's relationships to resources, a gender d i v i s i o n of labour, and associated rights to the products in d i s t r i b u t i o n . For purposes of presentation, i t w i l l be best to deal with these l a s t two gen e r a l i t i e s before discussing the alienation of resources, changes in labour, and property rights. HOUSEHOLDS, GENDER, AND PRODUCTION Discussion of the current aboriginal production in Kitsumkalum is most e a s i l y begun in terms of a gender d i v i s i o n of labour. This notion i s important, for on the face of things the basic productive s o c i a l unit i s the household with a d i v i s i o n of labour by sex in which men procure faunal resources, while women are the procurers of fl o r a and stationary fauna and are the "main processors (e.g., Boas 1916:45-49; G a r f i e l d 1966:15-17). 73 The older picture of the "sexual d i v i s i o n of labour" f a i l s to convey the broader implications of the nature of the so c i a l relationships between the sexes and within the production units. As a result there are a number of errors in the way that we conceive of Tsimshian production and their units of production. These are problems that can be avoided by concentrating on the s o c i a l aspects of what might be described as a technical d i v i s i o n of labour between the sexes. To be clear that t h i s i s my intention, I w i l l adhere to a terminological convention that i s intended to keep ideas straight: I w i l l refer to the soc i a l d i v i s i o n of labour by sex as a "gender d i v i s i o n of labour". What are the implications of this? A gender d i v i s i o n implies that men act upon the world in similar ways, as do women, but in diff e r e n t ways from the other sex, and that each relate to the world accordingly. This formulation helps us move from considering a technical d i v i s i o n of labour by gender to the notion of gender productive capacities, as explored by Silverman (1979:83ff.): men produce certain use-values, develop the productive capacities of other males in thi s regard, and supervise the production engaged by other men. Simi l a r l y for women. There are, in other words, certain things which must be done by and which are the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of one gender (men's work, women's work), and for which they are trained. 74 One consequence of this i s that the labour of men (or women) can be viewed as gender-specific s o c i a l labour. Social labour i s here defined in terms of overa l l s o c i a l production, not individual production. Another consequence is that the labour of one man i s interchangeable with that of another. This is important for the implication i t carries which i s : that of the men's work that has to be done for the reproduction of the group, i t does not matter materially who does i t , only that i t i s done, and done by a man. Of course s k i l l , experience, and other personal factors enter into the s p e c i f i c consideration of the quality of any individual's contribution, but, as far as the s o c i a l l y necessary labour i s concerned, these factors are matters of e f f i c i e n c y . It is also important to note at t h i s point that I am only considering simple reproduction - the more complex occurrences of extended reproduction e n t a i l consideration of p o l i t i c a l and ideological factors from the economic formation, and would include other sectors of the t o t a l s o c i a l formation. For example, the i r o r i g i n a l l s o c i a l structural features (class, lineages, property, etc.) mediated the productive relationships, creating cleavages, just as p o l i t i c a l factionalism and economic development does now. How these factors were reproduced is the s o c i a l history of the v i l l a g e . A l l t h i s is beyond my focus here. 75 The point being made is that the community i s primarily unif i e d through i t s h i s t o r i c a l relations of cooperative production. When, with the help of the notion of gender productive capacities, t h i s unity i s revealed, i t then becomes apparent that the community of exchange occurs much further along in the process. SEGMENTARY ORGANIZATION In the study of non-capitalist (primitive) economies, scholars often assume the existence of basic segments which are units of production. 1 The household i s often put forward 1 The grouping of members of a population into various segments i s central to the concepts of primitive s o c i a l organization, to the point that the so c a l l e d "primitive s o c i e t i e s " are frequently referred to as segmentary or segmental socie t i e s (e.g., Schneider 1965). This conceptualization i s pervasive throughout the l i t e r a t u r e . For example, David Schneider, in his paper "Some Muddles in the Models..." analyzed the views of such diverse theorists as Levi-Strauss, Dumont, Leach, and Needham ( i . e . , the a l l i a n c e theorists) on one hand, and Fortes, Goody, Gough, Gluckman, and F i r t h ( i . e . , the descent theorists) on the other, and showed that despite their differences, they are a l l founded on a premise of a type of segmented society composed of discrete units (Schneider 1965:45). Schneider traced the premise back to Durkheim and Mauss who reconstruct s o c i a l unity in the realm of exchange (e.g., Mauss's "The G i f t " , 1925). Many c u l t u r a l ecologists and evo l u t i o n i s t s , to give another example, also f a l l into t h i s model and i t is not surprising that Marshall Sahlins, in his t r a n s i t i o n from the evolutionary paradigm to structuralism wrote the exemplary book on household economies and the Domestic Mode of Production (1972). So too, with writers such as Meillasoux and Godelier. 76 as the basic unit (e.g., Sahlins 1972). As a discrete entity, this s o c i a l segment is supposed to contain within i t a technical d i v i s i o n of labour by age and sex, which is a r e p l i c a t i o n of the d i v i s i o n of labour in the society at large, a petite economy. These are not the only speci a l i z a t i o n s recorded for primitive economies, but they are the dominant forms. However they are structured, basic productive units are allegedly more or less self s u f f i c i e n t atoms in which production and consumption occur, with the hearth as their focus. In hunting and gathering s o c i e t i e s , the idea of membership flux between units leaves the structures with an ephemeral content but, as with the more stable s e l f -s u f f i c i e n t a g r i c u l t u r a l community, the segmented structure remains (e.g., Meillassoux I98l:14ff.). Of course, c o l l e c t i v e forms of labour a r i s e , especially in the more complex societies, but these are h i e r a r c h i c a l l y l a i d over the o r i g i n a l basic unit. Thus, in non-industrial s o c i e t i e s production i s "acephalous and fragmented into small autonomous" segments (Sahlins 1972:134) requiring superstructural means to overcome the profound cleavages and "to counteract and transcend production" (ibid.:129). This conceptualization appears to reveal a fundamental contradiction, between productive disunity and superstructural e f f o r t s towards 77 unity. Some theorists go so far as to say household production i s , accordingly, a n t i - s o c i a l in nature and that the s o c i a l project of primitive soc i e t i e s i s , f i r s t and foremost, to overcome this nature. Sahlins, who pushed th i s view of household production to i t s extreme in developing his notion of the Domestic Mode of Production, made the a n t i - s o c i a l premise e x p l i c i t : "nothing within the structure of production for use pushes i t [the household] to transcend i t s e l f . The entire society i s constructed on an obstinate economic base, therefore on a contradiction, because unless the domestic economy i s forced beyond i t s e l f the entire society does not survive. Economically, primitive society i s founded on an antisociety." (Sahlins 1972:86, c f . Godelier 1981:14) And what i s beyond the segments? Nothing less than the nastiness of the Hobbesian chaos (Sahlins 1972:186). As Godelier says about kinship groups: "beyond [them] i s a world that i s no longer one of g i f t s , mutual sharing and reciprocal guarantees, but one of raiding, rape, war and expropriation." (1981:15) So how do households allegedly create s o l i d a r i t y and form society? It cannot be through production, for the di v i s i o n of labour i s blamed for s a c r i f i c i n g s o c i a l unity for household autonomy (Sahlins 1972:95). Various answers have been proposed: for some i t is through a l l i a n c e s , especially those of marriage or clas s , for others through descent and level s of segmentation (see 78 Schneider 1965). Perhaps more generally, i t i s through the various forms of exchange that have been documented ethnographically, whether these be based on economic behaviour or some form of s o c i a l contract. In Mauss' words, "societies have progressed in the manner in which they, their sub-groups and their members, have been able to s t a b i l i z e their contracts and to give, receive, and repay. In order to trade, man must f i r s t lay down his spear... There i s no other recourse f e a s i b l e . " (1925:80-81, emphasis mine)"1 In the economic sphere u n i f i c a t i o n i s thus seen to occur in c i r c u l a t i o n , either through the personalized exchanges in the absence of a market (that i s , reciprocity and r e d i s t r i b u t i o n ) , or through a marketing mechanism (that i s , exchange proper). AN ALTERNATE MODEL The model of the segmentary society reveals the u n i f i c a t i o n function of exchange, but at a late point in economic a c t i v i t i e s , e s p e c i a l l y when the s o c i a l relationships are the milieu of th e i r occurrences. Such a location for u n i f i c a t i o n i s in accordance with the 'production as a n t i - s o c i a l ' view. However, there is another 1 I quote Mauss p a r t i a l l y to affirm my awareness of the soc i a l t o t a l i t i e s of phenomena,, in order that I can continue to concentrate on the economy without seeming vulgar. 79 important formula that i s universal to a l l so c i e t i e s which must be considered f i r s t : that of production for consumpt ion. 1 The phrase "production for consumption" summarizes s o c i a l production, and represents the s o c i a l unity or t o t a l i t y of the production process i t s e l f . Without th i s t o t a l i t y there could be no exchange of any kind and so the position of exchange in this process must now be located: i t is found between production and consumption P...C-C...C, or simply P...C-C. 2 To begin to understand the basis of the community of Kitsumkalum, i t is necessary to start with the basic process (production for consumption) and i t s organization. In doing so, I am going to look only at the organization of labour in one sector, and at the d i s t r i b u t i o n of products, ignoring for now, but with some d i f f i c u l t y , other areas of s o c i a l relationships, notably the property r e l a t i o n to the means of production. 1 This is sometimes stated as a formula: P...C, where P i s production, C is consumption, and Is the process of " r e a l i z a t i o n " . 2 This can be diagrammed in terms of the formula. If "v" represents the objects exchanged and "-" represents the act of exchange, then the so c i a l location of the exchange i s thus: P...v-v...C. Or, in the simple case of u t i l i a r e a n exchange, thus: P . . . V - C . 80 GENDER PRODUCTION: THE ETHNOGRAPHIC CASE Hunting and fishing in Kitsumkalum i s predominantly done by men (as is trapping), who also provide women transportation in gas boats and trucks, and, from time to time, provide security against predatory animals. Men also par t i c i p a t e in general processing, but to a limited extent, and in the manufacture of certain a r t i c l e s of their own equipment. The supervision of their work i s currently accomplished informally through da i l y interactions and discussion. Resource management, production l e v e l s , and d i s t r i b u t i o n are under the immediate control of the individual procurers, but considerable discussion occurs with other men. Seniors t r a i n juniors, and continue to exert influence throughout their l i f e t i m e s on the basis of s o c i a l knowledge and kinship. Partners, friends, neighbours, and others share information informally. One result i s that men (and in their realm, women) tend to know the needs of the community and to develop t a c t i c s , more or less in common, to f u l f i l l those needs. But not a l l can act upon (or need to act upon) those problems. Thus, some men are considered to be the hunters, and others are the fishermen, not because each could not engage in both a c t i v i t e s at some time, but because that i s the way individuals can express th e i r productive capacities, given their l i f e conditions in the long run and in practice. 81 The overa l l effect of such labour allotments i s a gross s o c i a l product that provides the needs of the whole v i l l a g e and community. For example, a hunter may hunt with or share with members of one set of families that include r e l a t i v e s plus some neighbours, and a related fisherman w i l l do the same. Another effect of this d i v i s i o n of labour i s that the completion of one technical process does not terminate the relationship of the people engaged in the o v e r a l l relationship of s o c i a l production. Further, as one stage i s completed, those who finished i t , are already associated in other technical processes. Thus, through a system of complex co-operation in the labour processes, s o c i a l relationships are continually in a state of renewal. The common expression "sharing" was just used, which implies an o r i g i n a l exchange, often conceived of as re c i p r o c i t y or pooling with subsequent d i s t r i b u t i o n . Yet the relationship does not involve sharing in t h i s way. Sahlins (1972:185ff.) explains the phenomenon with the Maussian concept of prestation which he uses with i t s connotation of t o t a l i t y , not simply the exchange function some theorists appropriate as i f that were the t o t a l i t y . This helps, but Sahlins remains within c i r c u l a t i o n and does not address productive unity, where sharing involves a providing of raw materials that cannot be consumed without further labour, incorporated through processing. If an 82 analogy i s selected for productive unity, i t should not be that of the market (c i r c u l a t i o n ) relations between sectors of an economy, but that of the pin factory where labour unites to complete a product. It i s strange to consider the contribution of each factory hand as an exchange of something (except in the prior labour market), although i t is possible to stretch the exchange model that way. So too with the aboriginal sectors. This analogy has l i m i t i o n s , of course, since i t describes a technical and very s p e c i f i c d i v i s i o n of labour, while the Tsimshian process, in i t s diffuseness, is also a s o c i a l d i v i s i o n , the reproduction of which i s the s o c i a l history of the community. Interestingly, and in c o n f l i c t with modernization theory, the diffuse nature of the d i v i s i o n i s a part of the r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of production, and does not necessarily result in underproduction. Production f u l f i l l s needs, the d e f i n i t i o n and l i m i t s of which are s o c i a l l y determined. The set of families which are provided for by each of the hunters and fishermen do not form complementary pairs. The e f f e c t i s that, o v e r a l l , the v a r i a b l i t y in the composition of the sets productively interlocks most of the families horizontally at the stage of procurement. It also extends beyond the v i l l a g e r e s i d e n t i a l community and the government's legal boundaries for the reserve society, into the broader population to include the h i s t o r i c a l l y linked 83 populations of Kitsumkalum, of the Tsimshians, and portions of the foreign population which no longer are foreign in the flow of the c i r c u i t . I am not simply expanding the d e f i n i t i o n of a segment to the l e v e l of the v i l l a g e or something higher. How the c i r c u i t flows depends upon the reproduction of the s o c i a l whole. Struggles between chiefs and lineages, between the old and the new, between sports fishermen and food fishermen, a l l af f e c t the relationships and their reproduction, so that there are both da i l y practices (manifestations) of the c i r c u i t and the formation of long run structures (such as c l a s s , families, lineages). The mediation of the gender productive relationships by non-economic s o c i a l factors redefines the interchangeability of men's labour in such a way that there i s a tendency for certain fishermen to provide for a s p e c i f i c group, and hunters who also provide for a s p e c i f i c group, and less often for other groups of families. These groupings tend to be long-run family a l l i a n c e s . This l a t t e r feature i s a manifestation of the reproduction of p o l i t i c a l (superstructural) cleavages at the l e v e l of production. But the separations are not well defined because, in fact, the boundaries are loose in the f i r s t place, and are not necessarily coincidental between hunters and fishermen. There are also individuals who find i t d i f f i c u l t to practice aboriginal pursuits to any economically s i g n i f i c a n t 84 extent because of wage work, legal r e s t r i c t i o n s , lack of appropriate technology, age, or i n f i r m i t y , and others who simply do not want to. These men are minor contributors, a reserve labour supply, or else r e t i r e d seniors who exert influence based upon experience and pos i t i o n . Even amongst those who are considered the hunters and fishermen, the practices of their current conditions and interests vary the extent to which they actually combine both a c t i v i t i e s throughout the year. In the pre-contact period, d i f f e r e n t i a l property rights may have been another mediating factor. For example, halibut and cod banks were held as property and Gar f i e l d (1966:16) mentions that only some men engaged in the off-shore fishery. Turning now to women, these contributors procure more stationary forms of l i f e (gather for food and manufacture) and process. Both a c t i v i t i e s are important, but in dif f e r e n t ways. Women's productive capacities in procurement are conceptually similar to men's, and much of what has just been said applies to women - but there are certain differences. One i s that the tasks are usually more communal. Garfield's descriptions (1966:17) imply women working alone for their families, but th i s i s d e f i n i t e l y contrary to my information for the early periods on two counts: women t y p i c a l l y procure in groups and, in the sense of gender production used here, not s t r i c t l y for their own 8 5 families. Another difference from the organization of men's work is (and was) that female work groups routinely include children, notably young males. Men rarely include young females in their a c t i v i t i e s , and male children begin their t r a i n i n g at an older age then i s the practice in the t r a i n i n g of female c h i l d r e n . Hence, young males gain experiences with t h e i r mothers and aunts. The resulting f a m i l i a r i t y draws them back into the female work groups, primarily for recreation, as adults. The tendency towards s p e c i a l i z a t i o n described within male gender productive capacities is less and not e n t i r e l y comparable for female work. There is some d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between marine and inland work, based on r e l a t i v e access, so that some family a l l i a n c e s are fortunate to have females who go to the coast with fishermen husbands or l i v e there permanently and provide marine produce such as seaweed. But for most family groups, the major internal d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i s between those who harvest resources and those who cannot or do not. Thus, there occurs l i t t l e i nternal s p e c i a l i z a t i o n in female work. In the past, a s i t u a t i o n similar to that described for the men may have existed, based upon the variations in resources a v a i l a b l e at d i f f e r e n t camping locations (e.g., inland vs. coastal camps) or on p r a c t i c a l decisions concerning d a i l y work routines. According to G a r f i e l d , senior wives of chiefs made these 86 decisions and supervised schedules (1966:15). In the current s i t u a t i o n , there does not seem to be a tendency to unify the women in society through the processes of s p e c i a l i z a t i o n or interchangeability within female gender production, at least not during the procurement process, as is the case with men. Integration occurs through the sp e c i f i c composition of work teams but only to some extent, defined mainly through marriage t i e s of the females who are usually consanquineally related through the senior member. This i s not so true in the realm of processing where women from several families w i l l come together to dry f i s h , can food, etc. The boundaries of these work groups are more open, providing one locale in female production where the extension of s o c i a l ti.es occurs. As a result of their labour contributions to processing, women who had no input during procurement are able to establish a claim to some of the produce, thus d i s t r i b u t i n g i t through the networks of individuals and families p a r t i c i p a t i n g in the v i l l a g e community. Another locale of extension i s in the interchangeability of women's processing labour: not a l l women smoke f i s h , some jar great quantities of berries, and so on. Who does what varies from year to year, but there i s a continual sharing of processed foods. Thus, from the time the resource i s appropriated u n t i l i t i s a l l f i n a l l y consumed, i t has passed through a series 87 of hands: f i r s t , according to the gender procurement capacity and interchangability of labour, then into processing, which i s p a r t i a l l y across gender, and f i n a l l y into individual homes. Par t i c i p a t i o n in a gender d i v i s i o n of labour, the development of productive capacities, and the associated d i s t r i b u t i o n of the produce does more than allocate jobs amongst household members. It creates a more generalized situation in which members of one gender labour with each other, and for and with the other gender. In so doing, a so c i a l u n i f i c a t i o n i s produced that meshes everyone in the v i l l a g e . Any discrepancies are even further reduced by f i n a l d i s t r i b u t i o n s to those on the basis of need or prestations to those who have not participated to th i s point, e.g., the infirm or old, young related loggers, distant r e l a t i v e s , friends. P a r t i c i p a t i o n not only provides the basis for unity across households, i t also reaches beyond the geographic and soci a l bounds of the v i l l a g e when off-reserve families or non-status people become productively involved. The extent of their involvement i s a measure of their belonging, but can be constricted by mobility factors and, in the case of non-status, by exclusionary laws which define aboriginal rights s t r i c t l y in terms of the government's Indian Act. The result i s a set of concrete relationships between the men and women id e n t i f i n g themselves as Kitsumkalum. 88 This forms part of their s o c i a l relationships which are elaborated in other economic sectors and s o c i a l areas. Let me add a f i n a l comment regarding t h i s l a s t point. In Kitsumkalum a considerable amount of d i s t r i b u t i o n occurs without s i g n i f i c a n t consideration of exchange ( r e c i p r o c i t i e s , r e d i s t r i b u t i o n s , barter, s a l e ) . For one category of people, individual rights to use-values are rooted in their c o l l e c t i v e labour contributions. There i s then a d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n within the processes that connect production to consumption: between those who receive'as a right of labour and those who receive as a result of rec i p r o c i t y , r e d i s t r i b u t i o n , and market exchanges. The f i r s t category i s the s i t e of u n i f i c a t i o n through production, the second of u n i f i c a t i o n through exchange. The f i r s t i s of major importance to Kitsumkalum's u n i f i c i a t i o n and h i s t o r i c a l continuity, the second to the reproduction of the p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l formation of Kitsumkalum. CONCLUSION Now, we are returned to the beginning of thi s chapter, but with a twist. Now.the productive base i s unifi e d and the cleavages appear to be in the so c i a l superstructures. Thus the contradiction: how to dissolve the productive unity to reproduce a new unity under a par t i c u l a r relationship of domination, a par t i c u l a r s o c i a l formation. 89 Resolution of t h i s can be seen in the practices of the aboriginal s o c i a l organization, which was i n t e r n a l l y more complex than reserve society. Those practices produced greater surpluses, and deeper cleavages within the generalization of productive capacities of the genders. The more recent diversion of surplus production into c a p i t a l i s t enterprises and the appropriation of resources by c a p i t a l became a major disruption that husked the c i r c u i t down into the kernel just described. The special h i s t o r i c a l significance of the unity in production of the Kitsumkalum i s in i t s processual continuity and in the fact that i t s reproduction was the base around which the other sectors of the economy (petty commodity production, business, wage labour) were developed. In subsequent chapters, I s h a l l examine how each of these sectors were s o c i a l l y incorporated into the t o t a l production c i r c u i t and how relations of distorted dependency were established as the p o l i t i c a l economy of Kitsumkalum was transformed by new s o c i a l and economic practices. 90 5. SECTION A., THE ABORIGINAL ECONOMY INTRODUCTION Today, as in the past, the process of real appropriation provides the basis for the Kitsumkalum s o c i a l group. This should not imply that the h i s t o r i c and soc i a l continuity which results from material production i s composed of the same s o c i a l structures now as i t was two hundred years ago. They have been subject to variation in practice and have changed. The question i s : how? In the section that follows some of these variations w i l l be examined h i s t o r i c a l l y and in d e t a i l . The resources, technology, and labour that are the elements of the four productive sectors of the aboriginal economy (hunting, f i s h i n g , gathering, and horticulture) w i l l each be described and I w i l l discuss the interferences that affected their use and re-use. Property Relationships In accordance with my the o r e t i c a l guidelines, I w i l l not r e s t r i c t myself to the technical aspects of appropriation but also examine the relationships people have 91 to productive property. These relationships are both an integral part of, and separate from the real material process of appropriation. In other words, property i s a s o c i a l connection between people that defines and makes possible the technical aspects of production. It w i l l be used as an important focus for the present work's e f f o r t s to determine how Kitsumkalum forms i t s s p e c i f i c relationships and character - i t s economic structure and associated s o c i a l formation. The main purpose of this section on the aboriginal sectors of the economy w i l l be to show the transformation of property relations from the aboriginal state to the current condition. To do t h i s , I w i l l examine Tsimshian control over their means of production from three angles: legal ownership, economic control, and simple possession. By legal ownership, I refer to the dominant legal t r a d i t i o n s under which production proceeds. Most of the history that I w i l l be presenting documents the transfer of property rights from the Tsimshian to the Crown. The resulting formal statements of legal ownership that are written in l e g i s l a t i o n defined productive relations, but they did not always correspond to the real practices that occurred in Tsimshian production. This was especially true in the more remote f r o n t i e r areas. Thus, there were contradictions between legal ownership and real economic control, and i t w i l l be useful to discuss how the p r i n c i p l e s of the 92 pro v i n c i a l or federal (dominion) l e g i s l a t i o n were applied. The struggle over real economic control i s the second aspect of property that I w i l l describe sector by sector. The t h i r d , possession, i s perhaps the most fundamental aspect of ownership, what Poulantzas defined as "the capacity to put the means of production into operation" (1975:17). It i s the most basic r e l a t i o n a producer has to the means of production, and attention must also be paid to i t as a si g n i f i c a n t aspect of the transformation of the Tsimshian economy. Even though much of the dispossession of the Kitsumkalum can be described with the loss of both legal and real economic control, in many cases the way the laws were written or applied allowed them to continue to compete with other people for the use of various resources. This a b i l i t y to retain some control over their means of production maintained their economy and community. How th e i r possession of the means of production was undermined (through ecological destruction or resource depletion) w i l l be documented to show the f i n a l and complete dispossession of the Kitsumkalum. I w i l l also discuss ways in which the new regime interfered with Tsimshian control over the products of their labour, both during processing and in d i s t r i b u t i o n . A l l this w i l l help to bu i l d an understanding of the actual production and the variation in the aboriginal material base of Kitsumkalum. The next section (Section B, 93 on the commodity sectors of Kitsumkalum's economy) w i l l examine how commodity production was defined and organized under the new and dominant property laws that replaced the aboriginal ones. By the end of the present section a picture should emerge of how the people of Kitsumkalum ( i . e . , how their labour in the productive process of material appropriation) were separated from the resources necessary to the labouring processes. Because the s o c i a l relationships of appropriation are complex, as are the multitude of changes that occurred in their structure, I t r i e d to keep dates closely associated with the d e t a i l s reported. I w i l l follow each of the four major sectors of the aboriginal economy (hunting, f i s h i n g , gathering, horticulture) one by one. This method of presentation w i l l mean that after I have completed the task of discussing the changes in each sector, there w i l l be l i t t l e reference made to the commodity economy that has been an integral part of Tsimshian production for at least two centuries. The influences of commodity production w i l l be picked up in the subsequent section, when experiments with the commodity economy and the encounter between labour and c a p i t a l are examined. 94 GENERAL INFORMATION  Land Use A reconstruction of the location of the o r i g i n a l t e r r i t o r i e s was presented e a r l i e r . These were, b a s i c a l l y , the formerly owned hunting, f i s h i n g , trapping, and f l o r a l resource t e r r i t o r i e s that lay inland from the ocean. There is also considerable suggestive evidence to indicate that marine resource s i t e s were once owned by Kitsumkalum lineages, but their tenures have been forgotten. For now, these are being ignored. The land use patterns during t h i s century are summarized on the maps (Figure 4). My information covers a period dating approximately from the 1930s to the present. Unfortunately, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to reconstruct the e a r l i e r decades. Barbeau's information was included in the reconstruction of the o r i g i n a l t e r r i t o r i e s , but his records do not provide much assistance regarding Kitsumkalum's land use in the intervening years, or even for the time of his v i s i t s just prior to the period I coyer. The general movement that occurred was a s h i f t i n g of attention away from the Kitsumkalum Valley towards the coast as a result of interest in the c a p i t a l i s t i c a l l y organized economic a c t i v i t i e s situated there and because Kitsumkalum's lands in the the Valley were being occupied by foreign interests. With the dissolution of the way of l i f e that 96 evolved with this s h i f t , after World War II, and with the subsequent move back to Kitsumkalum V i l l a g e in the 1960s, attention eventually was re-focused on the Valley and surrounding area. These changes in land use areas were mirrored by the r e s i d e n t i a l movements of the major families over the past 50-60 years. During the 1930s, use of the Valley became intermittent and seasonal. Only two families remained resident, the Nelsons and Starrs, a c t i v e l y exploiting i t s resources. The others had moved to Port Essington and worked near there. The Roberts family used the middle and lower portions of the Tsimshian Skeena River, along with the coastal areas near Port Essington. The Boltons maintained a camp at Salvus u n t i l i t was destroyed by the disastrous 1936 flood, when they moved from the mid-region of the rive r to a campsite on the E c s t a l l . Rights to this area were acquired when Mark Bolton helped bury the chief of the G i t z a k l a t h l , the people who owned the r i v e r . The Boltons also exploited the coastal areas near Port Essington. A family cl o s e l y associated with them, through marriage, the Spaldings, also had rights, based on paternal lineage t i e s , along the E c s t a l l and camped there for many years. The Wesley family seems to have been engaged primarily in wage work, and u t i l i z e d the area around their place of employment, Brown's M i l l on the E c s t a l l , or v i s i t e d the camping spots of the other families. 97 By the 1950s, the Boltons had re-established themselves at Arthur Island and on their t r a p l i n e on Grenville Channel. The Wesleys had also moved, back to Kitsumkalum V i l l a g e in 1952, so as to take advantage of the better and new employment opportunities in Terrace. Their return ended the sixteen year hiatus of r e s i d e n t i a l use of the v i l l a g e s i t e that had followed the flooding of 1936. After the mass return to Kitsumkalum V i l l a g e in the early 1960s, a l l these families concentrated t h e i r attention in the Valley and on the Skeena River, locating suitable s i t e s wherever they could but also maintaining a loose association with the s p e c i f i c areas that their grandparents had used along the Skeena before the 1936 flood. The use patterns of the Nelsons and Starrs, or at least those with ancestral li n k s to these families, r e f l e c t e d the changing conditions of the developing new s o c i a l formation of the area. Whereas the aboriginal economy of these people had focused on their ancestral t e r r i t o r i e s up to the 1930s, the old patterns became much looser after the 1939 war, when forest development began in earnest. The result i s that families are now oriented to new resource locations, which often change each time they go out, similar to the pattern of other wage workers. (To make thi s observation stronger: these families "went off the Indian Act" in the 1940s and now lack l e g a l Indian status to food fish.) 98 Other, minor branches of the old families are either extinct or assimilated into the major branches. Seasonal Cycle There i s a seasonal cycle, naturally, to the aboriginal economy. People refer to the changes that occurred in i t s structure in terms of two periods, to which I w i l l add an ' e a r l i e r ' and s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t t h i r d arrangement. The changes which occurred from the f i r s t to the last are the result of modifications to accommodate other a c t i v i t i e s , e s p e c i a l l y wage work, which aff e c t people's mobility and time. Canadian resource l e g i s l a t i o n also interferes with the cycles, seasonally r e s t r i c t i n g access to some species, pro h i b i t i n g i t to others. How a l l t h i s a c tually occurs w i l l be discussed in d e t a i l throughout the rest of thi s study: now, only broad outlines of the yearly schedules w i l l be presented. Boas provides information for a reconstruction of the e a r l i e s t cycle (Boas 1916:399): end of winter (before rive r ice breaks up) - oolachan fi s h i n g on the Nass after oolachan run - return to Metlakatla (or other winter vil l a g e s ? ) when salmon run - move to salmon f i s h i n g v i l l a g e s on Skeena River F a l l - go to hunting grounds Winter - some hunting, most people at winter v i l l a g e s Midwinter - some go back to hunting grounds 99 The myths were gathered well into the Confederation period, decades after the introduction of resource l e g i s l a t i o n . The effects of these laws and the many other changes on the myths are not known. Ga r f i e l d provides another early cycle, t h i s time based upon f i e l d research during the 1930s (Garfield 1966:15): February/March - start of oolachan fishery May/late June to October - salmon fi s h i n g and gathering (at the f i s h camps) 1 ( F a l l - hunting) October/November to February - winter camp By the time her information was co l l e c t e d , there were serious li m i t a t i o n s on the harvest of f l o r a l and faunal resources, and the e f f e c t s of l e g i s l a t i o n on the society observed by G a r f i e l d are more problematic than for that observed by Boas. The Provincial Game Protection Act had been introduced in the 1880s, with closed seasons on deer, caribou, goats, and sheep (June 10 to September 1), on grouse (February 1 to September 1), and on ducks (March 1 to September 1) (R.S.B.C. 1888 C52 s 5 ) . 2 These were further extended by the Province in 1897 (R.S.B.C. 1897 C88) and 1 The information in parentheses i s only found in her 1939 work. 2 Standard legal c i t a t i o n styles are used here to refer to statutes of Canada and B r i t i s h Columbia. (S.C. or S.B.C. respectively) and the revised statutes (R.S.C. or R.S.B.C. respectively). 100 1911 (R.S.B.C. 1911 C.95). (After t h i s , such seasonal r e s t r i c t i o n s were handled by regulations and do not show in the l e g i s l a t i o n . I only examined the l e g i s l a t i o n . ) The Dominion had also passed r e s t r i c t i o n s in 1917 (R.S.C. 1927 C130) that applied to Indians and limited their productive a c t i v i t i e s . These closed seasons are shown in Figure 5. Unfortunately, G a r f i e l d , not being d i r e c t l y concerned with the economy, did not mention what relationship, i f any, these laws had to the seasonal cycle she reported. The oral history I co l l e c t e d from l i v i n g members of the older generation suggests that by the 1930s a pattern had emerged that i s now considered to be the closest to an ideal or t r a d i t i o n a l one. We begin i t in the early spring, which i s when halibut season opens (March/April to June). At t h i s time people who were more oriented to camp l i f e began commercial f i s h i n g . Residence for them was the camp where the f i s h were being caught and prepared for food as well as for sale. Some gathering of seaweed, herring eggs, and abalone would occur also. Elsewhere, on the Skeena River, people who did not have ocean camps planted their gardens along the r i v e r when conditions permitted, usually some time in May. The end of the halibut season turned the fishermen's attention to the salmon fishery and when whole families would move to Port Essington to p a r t i c i p a t e . It was JAN. FEB. MAR. APR. MAY JUNE JULY AUG. SEPT. OCT. NOV. DEC. 1888 • deer grouse — duck 1897 -beaver, e t c . — birds grouse 1911 deer 1917 birds Figure 5. The close seasons for subsiste/nce a c t i v i t i e s . Dashed l i n e s i n d i c a t e close periods. 102 especially important for them to be near the canneries for the women to work there. Salmon season closed in the early F a l l (usually September), allowing people to disperse again to their F a l l residences u n t i l freeze up, in order to dry f i s h , hunt, and harvest the gardens. For children near Terrace, this also meant a period of schooling; for the other children, schooling was more intermittent. Men who had logging claims worked these whenever they were at camp and, as winter progressed, fur trapping took on greater importance. Winter was not a slack season during the 1930s -trapping, hunting, and logging kept the men busily occupied. Some Port Essington families only stayed in town for short periods of a few weeks, in order to p a r t i c i p a t e in Christian celebrations (notably Christmas and New Year's) and to send the children to school. If the weather conditions were poor, the men would leave their families behind for s l i g h t l y longer periods, but t h i s was not popular. The a r r i v a l of the f i r s t oolachan in March signalled the end of the winter period. People followed t h i s routine u n t i l after World War II, when the joint e f f e c ts of the collapse of the trapping industry in the 1950s and the enactment of the 1946 Forestry Act changed major sectors of the camp economy (see Chapter 14). 103 The current cycle i s simple. Berry-collecting occurs as the resource ripens during the late spring and into the f a l l . Seaweeds and sea food are gathered throughout the late spring and summer, as they become av a i l a b l e . Hunting of small game and fowl occurs as the regulated seasons permit, or, in the case of non-regulated species, as available throughout the year. Food f i s h i n g commences with the spring oolachan runs, and continues with the f i r s t salmon run in June, u n t i l the people have s u f f i c i e n t supplies, often as early as July. Some minor fis h i n g a c t i v i t y then continues u n t i l the l a s t runs in September which allow people to take the occasional fresh f i s h , or to take a preferred species (different species run at different months). People who were unable to f i s h e a r l i e r can often go out in the early f a l l . These are the three patterns found for the Kitsumkalum: the early, the t r a d i t i o n a l (1930s), the present. Figure 6 reproduces them for comparison and the text in the chapters that follow w i l l help in conceptualizing them as something more than discrete stages. SOURCES SEASONAL C Y C L E S P E R I O D S BOAS 1 9 1 6 G A R F I E L D 1 9 3 9 G A R F I E L D 1 9 6 6 K I T S U M K A L U M V e r s i o n A V e r s i o n B Abst rac t Fema1e K ITSUMKALUM J A N FEB MAR APR MONTHS OF THE YEAR MAY JUNE J U L Y AUG S E P T OCT NOV DEC win Le_r_ y i 1_1 a^e s Nass o o l a c h a n Metj^akat|a_sa l^mon^f i s i n ng_v i_]_!a£GS_ sa Imon f i sli i ng h u n t i n g grounds w i n t e r camp Nass o o l a c h a n w i n t e r camp f i sh i ng/ga t h e r i n g -saImon g a t h e r i n g f a l l dry i ng f a l l hunt w i n t e r camp w i n t e r r e s i d e n e e : P t. E s s i n g t o n , or T e r r a c e w i n t e r , r e s i d e n c e p l a n t gardens c a n n e r i e s hun t / f i s h / g a r d e n l o g on c o a s t * ha I i hut /gather on c o a s t * commerieal f i s h * d r y f i s h * V o r t E s s i n g t o n f r e e z e up end h a l i b u t season c l o s e d salmon f r e e z e up g a t h e r i n g l o g and t r a p -gardens f i s h and garden garden/hunt - g a t h e r i ng--ooIachnn- -salmon -hun t i tl s e a s o n s -' E A R L Y ' T R A D I T I O N A L " C U R R E N T " Figure 6. T! he seasonal cycles of Kitsumkalum (see text for explanatorv information) 105 6. HUNTING -MEANS OF PRODUCTION  The Resource The Kitsumkalum regularly hunted a variety of land animals. Apart from the fur-bearers that they trapped (Chapter 12), I encountered s p e c i f i c references to the following species: deer, elk (Boas 1889:803), seal, sea li o n s , sea otter, mountain goat, mountain sheep, bear, porcupine, raccoons, eagles (Boas 1916:44, 51, 52, 401, 404, respectively), marmots (groundhogs) (see McDonald 1983), caribou, moose, cougar, hares, lynx, swans, geese, ducks, waterfowl. This i s , in ef f e c t , a l i s t of a l l available fauna, other than most small rodents, insectivores, r e p t i l e s , and amphibians. Population estimates for the game species in the 1970s were: moose (500), deer (scarce, but replaced by moose), black bear (common), g r i z z l y bear (good population, but normally scarce) mountain goat (abundant), wolf (50), mountain caribou ( e r r a t i c ) (Canadian National Railway 1975:6.Iff.); lynx (rare). Such r i c h faunal resources may 106 account for ancient Kitsumkalum 1s reputation as a storehouse. The lands used by Kitsumkalum in t h i s century are depicted in Figure 4. In summary, they include the Kitsumkalum Valley, Skeena Valley, and, in the past espe c i a l l y , the E c s t a l l Valley and c e r t a i n coastal islands. Occasionally, hunting t r i p s w i l l take men to the Hazelton/Prince George area, or even as far away as the Yukon T e r r i t o r y . No s p e c i f i c d i s t r i b u t i o n maps or general works on the l o c a l natural history of the game animals were available for this study other than a minor report by Canadian National Railway (1975, c f . B r i t i s h Columbia, P r o v i n c i a l Museum, various dates). I have combined that study with more generalized information provided to me by Game Warden Crack on d i s t r i b u t i o n s (during 1979 and 1980) to produce the map in Figure 7 and the summary ecological information in Table 1. Some of my information on family land use over the past century suggests that animal d i s t r i b u t i o n s have recently become more r e s t r i c t e d . A comparison of d i s t r i b u t i o n s to the maps of the o r i g i n a l land holdings of the Kitsumkalum families suggests some resource l i m i t a t i o n s within the lands of each lineage. The gispawadawada and la k s q i i k, for example, did not have access to deer winter range; the gispawadawada had the smallest goat area; the qanhada had the most diverse Fieure 7 Animal d i s t r i b u t i o n s for the middle Skeena River,(source: D, Crack, Fi s h and W i l d l i f e O f f i c e r , Fxgure 7. Animal di.jtri .bu h a t c h ± n g i n d i c a t e s l a n d use area. V e r t i c a l hatching in d i c a t e s water fowl Terrace, areas. o T A B L E 1 P O P U L A T I O N E S T I M A T E S , D I S T R I B U T I O N AND S E A S O N A L D I S P E R S A L OF GAME S P E C I E S ( S O U R C E S : D. CRACK ; GAME WARDEN; C . N . R . 1975: CHAPTER 6) S P E C I E S P O P U L A T I O N E S T I M A T E S D I S T R I B U T I O N S E A S O N A L D I S P E R S A L S P R I N G SUMMER j F A L L j WINTER MOOSE Abundant Throughout A r e a V a l l e y bottoms Upper V a l l e y s and Wetlands. 1 Upper. V a l l e y s and 1 Wetlands 1 V a l l e y bottoms BLACK TAIL DEER Common Throughout Area Throughout 1 E a s t s i d e o f 1 V a l l e y L a k e l s e t A r e a MULE DEER S m a l l P o p u l a t i o n Kitsumakluro Canyon, A l i c e and L e a n - t o C r e e k s V a l l e y bottoms Va l 1 e y bottoms t o A l p i n e 1 V a l l e y bottoms 1 t o A l p i n e 1 Lower R i v e r 1 benches MOUNTAIN GOAT Abundant Upper mountain a r e a s throughout a r e a A l p i n e and r o c k b l u f f a r e a s i n mountains A l p i n e 1 A l p i n e 1 A l p i n e and rock 1 b l u f f a r e a s i n 1 mountains CARIBOU 12-15 Poupard and Douglas Creeks Subalp ine A l p i n e 1 A l p i n e 1 S u b a l p i n e 1 N o r t h e a s t a r e a 1 of V a l l e y BLACK BEAR Abundant Throughout A r e a V a l l e y Bottoms Throughout 1 Throughout 1 H i b e r n a t i n g GRIZZLY BEAR Small P o p u l a t i o n Throughout Area V a l l e y Bottoms A l p i n e ) V a l l e y Bottoms 1 H i b e r n a t i n g COUGAR Smal1 P o p u l a t i o n Lower Kitsumkalum V a l l e y V a l l e y Bottoms Throughout 1 Throughout 1 Lower R i v e r 1 benches WOLF S m a l l P o p u l a t i o n Throughout Area V a l l e y Bottoms T h r o u g h o u t 1 Throughout \ V a l l e y Bottoms LYNX Rare 109 t e r r i t o r y with concentrations of a l l big game and fowl. Interestingly, the area around the winter v i l l a g e s i t e (Dalk  ka gilaguoex), is a major winter range for deer. A l l a i r e has suggested that resource variation between v i l l a g e groups figured symbolically in the reproduction of so c i a l relationships during the potlatch (1984). The above mentioned differences between phratries may have had similar, important p o l i t i c a l implications, but a more careful comparison and study cannot be made from present sources of information. The o r i g i n a l condition of Kitsumkalum's resources has been .severely affected by alternate land uses that accompanied economic development. These uses have often been ec o l o g i c a l l y i n s e n s i t i v e . Government policy has been primarily narrowly oriented to economic development, which means the effects upon non-related resources are not a p r i o r i t y concern. In addition, the use of a considerable amount of the resources from Kitsumkalum's aboriginal economy has been prevented or constricted by resource l e g i s l a t i o n , alternate forms of resource appropriation, and new land uses. The l e g i s l a t i o n of access to animals was discussed in the previous section on seasonal cycles, and the chapter on trapping w i l l deal with the fur bearing animals, which are the bulk of the game hunted. Here, we w i l l examine alternate uses of the resource and i t s ecological setting. n o The interruption of Kitsumkalum's relationships to the faunal resources by new uses of the land began with the a r r i v a l of large numbers of miners in the neighbourhood of Lome Creek during the 1880s (estimated at over 200 in 1887, B r i t i s h Columbia Sessional Papers 1887:268). Next, but only shortly a f t e r , the a g r i c u l t u r a l s e t t l e r s started to arrive and took over the hunting grounds around Kitsumkalum Lake. This stopped the movement of many of the people between Port Essington (during the f i s h i n g season) and the Valley (to hunt, dry f i s h , garden, and gather). After the s e t t l e r s , many other immigrants came. A l l of these newcomers attempted to supplement their diets with hunting, competing with Tsimshian hunters and depleting every game population. Some of the worst examples include a small caribou population that was nearly extinct by the 1930s, and the once p l e n t i f u l deer population that was devastated when the army stationed a large number of sol d i e r s in Terrace for World War I I . It may only be a l o c a l f o l k t a l e that the soldiers used the deer for target practice, but they are known to have put heavy pressure on the resource as sports hunters, leaving deer scarce to t h i s day. Later, intensive urban development compounded these problems, especially since the war, when the regional population grew dramatically. 111 The increasing sophistication and effectiveness of hunting took i t s t o l l as well. The Game Warden gave me as an extreme example of thi s the serious depletion of goats in large areas by helicopter hunting during the 1960s. A l l bi o l o g i c a l resources in the Valley may be endangered by the acid rain that is caused by industry and other i n d u s t r i a l developments also have their peculiar e f f e c t s (see the Northwestern Development Conference Archives, North West Community College). On the brighter side, the massive a l t e r a t i o n of the forest by clear-cut logging altered the ecological relationships in favour of the browsing moose, which apparently replaced the deer, which, in turn, had great d i f f i c u l t y in the deep snow cover that resulted from the logging. I was to l d moose had been rare in the Valley before the war, but that within the past few decades they had become common even closer to the coast. This observation was offered to me as evidence that there had been a gradual but steady westward movement by that species in the aftermath of habitat changes. Apparently the fauna of the Valley and Skeena River basin have undergone s i g n i f i c a n t changes since settlement. Unfortunately, without animal population studies, the effects of these changes on hunting patterns cannot be documented properly. 1 12 Technology Bows and arrows were standard pieces of equipment before firearms became available, but deadfalls, traps and snares were also used for big game, and deer were often taken while swimming by hunters in canoes (described in Wicks 1976:39). In some hunting st o r i e s , goats were k i l l e d by being chased over precipices and dispatched with knives where they f e l l . Dogs were used for some game (Boas 1916:402-403, 471) and occasionally eagles were grabbed from below by hunters hidden in covered p i t s (Boas 1916:404). The l i s t could go on, but, without developing a detailed argument here, I w i l l only say that Drucker's suggestion that the Tsimshians were generally not great hunters (1955:49) was (and is) not true. Their legends, h i s t o r i e s , and technology a l l indicate land game was important. Furthermore, the use of mountain valleys was common to a l l the other v i l l a g e groups, notably, perhaps, the Kits e l a s and Gilutsau in the broad Kitimat Valley, and, of course, the Kitsumkalum, whom I suspect had the greatest opportunity of a l l the Tsimshian to develop the s k i l l s of the chase, l i v i n g as they did on a large plateau. Hunters have abandoned the old weapons and rely upon firearms of various c a l i b e r s , the size depending upon the species sought. They also select from the ever changing variety of modern, mass produced camping gear, and buy factory made processing equipment that varies from 1 13 butchering tools to home freezers. Many changes occurred within the hunting technology as the world market brought innovation after innovation to the Skeena, either in the form of new tools or, simply, materials that could be turned into e n t i r e l y new inventions by the Tsimshians themselves. Access to books, magazines, and newspapers accelerated this process, as did mail order services which made available an even wider range of goods from which to choose. Contact with neighbouring and v i s i t i n g hunters who carr i e d proven new technology enriched the tool k i t s of the Kitsumkalum hunters and brought them into the most interesting d i f f u s i o n c i r c u i t s . One such case was the recent acceptance of a t i n can moose c a l l e r borrowed from related Tahltans who got the idea from Dene Indians in the North West T e r r i t o r i e s , who said they learned about i t from Manitoba Indians that had v i s i t e d with a group of Iroquois Indians of Quebec, one of whom had a subscription to a hunter's magazine f i l l e d with interesting suggestions on cheap gadgets that could be made at home! Most innovation, however, has had a more l o c a l o r i g i n in general stores and/or home workshops. O r i g i n a l l y , ri v e r transportation was important, but now has been replaced by roadways. The old sty l e of cedar canoe was last used in the Valley at the time of World War II, probably before the death of the la s t p r a c t i s i n g canoe craftsman of Kitsumkalum, Charles Nelson, Sr. Two or three 1 14 older Kitsumkalums fe e l they could construct such canoes, but none have been made recently. The Nelson family, who hunted the area' in the 1930s, sometimes used dog-power to haul supplies in l i n e canoes (and possibly on sleds) as recently as the Depression of the 1930s. Since then, ski-doos or human labour alone have been the means for overland packing, after the truck or motor boat has been taken to the l i m i t s of i t s passage. For overland t r i p s , there were well recognized t r a i l s that took hunters to their hunting grounds. These have been replaced by logging roads and highways that give access to new locales. Few people now know where the old t r a i l s were, and i t i s doubtful i f even those who had used them in the past could find them in the aftermath of clear cut logging, farming, and other i n d u s t r i a l destruction. Of course the modern means of transportation that are u t i l i z e d include trucks, cars, ski-doos, motorized boats, and canoes. There i s l i t t l e that resembles the old ways of hunting. The Kitsumkalum are responsible for most of these changes, but the differences between "then" and "now" do not en t i r e l y r e f l e c t a free choice, or a perception on the part of the Kitsumkalum of the superiority of foreign ideas and technology. S i g n i f i c a n t changes were simply dictated by provincial l e g i s l a t i o n that put great l i m i t s on the development of the o r i g i n a l technology. The l i s t i s varied. 1 15 Dogs were outlawed for hunting any of the species put under the regulation of the Game Protection Act (R.S.B.C. 1887 C52 s14) and s p e c i f i c a l l y banned for deer by 1897 (R.S.B.C. 1897 C88 s14). Traps, nets, snares, baited l i n e s , and other contrivances for ducks were outlawed by 1887 (R.S.B.C. 1888 C52 S15), as were certain types of guns (R.S.B.C. 1911 C95 S11). Nocturnal hunts for game birds and members of the deer family were prohibited by 1924 (R.S.B.C. 1924 C98 s11), as was the use of traps (Boas 1916:404), drugs, and poisons and the use of s a i l or motor boats ( i b i d . , s 14.1). The l a t t e r prohibition corresponds to the appearance of gasboats in the f i s h i n g industry on the Skeena River. These laws prevented the Tsimshian from experimenting with major aspects of their technology, and thereby from developing the hunting economy along their own l i n e s . Labour Organization Hunting is organized according to technological and s o c i a l p r i n c i p l e s . The technology i s simple and generally does not require a d i v i s i o n of labour. In fact, most hunting can be conducted, now as in the past, by a s o l i t a r y hunter (with certain minor exceptions such as porcupine hunting which seems to require more than one person to lure and club the animal). Since there are no gregarious species suited to communal hunts, this mode of organization does not 1 16 occur. Nonetheless, for the sake of companionship, safety, and the sharing of opinions and s k i l l s , most hunting actually occurs in the company of others. Generally, each hunter has a s p e c i f i c partner for a season, usually selected from his b i l a t e r a l kindred and usually a Kitsumkalum or Terrace resident. The pa r t i c u l a r partner may vary from season to season, depending on personal considerations (e.g., friendships, health), the special knowledge or equipment in the possession of another, or employment patterns. In the past, the partner system in hunting was often associated with the camp l i f e s t y l e , and partners came from the larger group that logged, fished, or trapped in an area. Gender and age d i s t i n c t i o n s also p e r s i s t and structure the labour force. Men are expected to be able to hunt, although whether or not they actually do i s another matter. As I explained e a r l i e r , in Kitsumkalum there are certain men who hunt, others who f i s h , some who do both, and some who do neither. There is also a 'home guard' of older hunters who no longer go out as often, but who have a wealth of stories and experiences to share. Their information i s , unfortunately, somewhat r e s t r i c t e d to the t e r r i t o r i e s frequented near the coast during the Port Essington days. Worse, the knowledge their ancestors had of the Valley has been l o s t , or of l i t t l e use because of the logging and a g r i c u l t u r a l changes. 1 1 7 Consequently, young, l o c a l l y - o r i e n t e d hunters must find much of their own way in exploring the environment closer to home. Hunting is generally perceived as a man's a c t i v i t y but women w i l l participate on occasion, sometimes helping their husbands or fathers, sometimes k i l l i n g an animal during a chance encounter. Wozney,of the Kitimat Centennial Museum, feels that in the past huntresses may have been more active (Wozney 1980: 6-7). This may have depended on p r a c t i c a l needs, but not enough i s known of the extent of the practice to draw conclusions. Generally, the handling of guns i s l e f t to men; women say they do not fee l comfortable with firearms. Children w i l l occasionally help their fathers. One old woman with whom I talked remembered packing gear for her father over tough mountainous ter r a i n as a c h i l d in the last century. More generally, i t was only in porcupine hunting that I saw children play a prominent role, along with their mothers, aunts, and older s i s t e r s . When men are involved with the group, i t i s to provide transportation and armed protection against bears; The quality of the community's hunting labour is a product of the trai n i n g and a v a i l a b i l i t y of the labour, as well as the personal s k i l l of the individual hunters. The knowledge of the present generation of hunters comes mainly from hunting experiences gained during their childhood on 118 t r i p s with the older generation. After a certain age, when a boy i s old enough to endure a hunt, an older man, usually the father or older brother but sometimes another close r e l a t i v e or friend of the family, takes the boy out as a partner to pass on the necessary s k i l l s . This was easier when the family's seasonal rounds included camp l i f e , with i t s integrated economy. Elsewhere, espe c i a l l y in Kitsumkalum and Terrace, l i f e i s not so naturally suited for children to learn hunting. Centrifugal factors such as school, work or off-reserve residence, a l l require special e f f o r t to overcome. For example, boarding schools and compulsory school laws had a very negative effect on the transmission of knowledge at camps. Men born in the 1930s and 1940s, who went through the federal schools, often do not f e e l comfortable on the land, unless they were able to find a partner sometime during adulthood to acquaint them with the s k i l l s of hunting. Not a l l the men were so fortunate, for their peers who would be their partners usually had the same problem. Consequently, some of the men took to the l i b r a r y to read books to augment the l i t t l e knowledge they remembered from childhood while hunting during school holidays. Others conduct mini-ethnographic investigations to learn the old ways from elders. 1 19 After school age, wage work patterns have another impact, especially on the younger loggers who simply do not have much time or energy to spend "crawling around" in the thick bush for game on the weekend and then log during the week. The a v a i l a b i l t y of supermarkets for food and of urban entertainment for relaxation i s more a t t r a c t i v e to these men, in p r a c t i c a l terms at least, and they find i t d i f f i c u l t to p a r t i c i p a t e in the aboriginal economy. Non-labourers There were certain class-based d i s t i n c t i o n s and orientations to hunting. It i s reported that chiefs hunted sea lions.and mountain goats, a c t i v i t i e s that were claimed to require courage and endurance, but that they seldom participated in the dangers of mundane hunting, except to perform a supervisory role (Garfield 1966:17). As ch i e f s , they could send out other hunters or slaves to provide for them (Boas 1916:429). In Kitsumkalum, at l e a s t , the chief did not need to hunt for himself at a l l . His people were said to have given him a l l he needed ( i b i d . : 278). It i s unclear how extensive slave production was in Northwest Coast economies. The recent and growing attention that this question i s receiving, however, has had surprising results that indicate a high l e v e l of surplus production for c h i e f l y use (e.g., see Ruyle 1973), which supports Garfield's 1 20 accounting for the Tsimshian (1966:30) Such clear class d i s t i n c t i o n s do not exist now in Kitsumkalum. Hunters simply provide for their wives and children, their parents, and other s o c i a l l y close people, as described e a r l i e r . PROPERTY RIGHTS Loss Of Legal Ownership O r i g i n a l l y , property rights in hunting resources were held by the lineage and vested in the o f f i c e of the chief through the mechanism of holding a validated claim to crests. This has already been discussed, as has the usurpation of legal resource ownership by the Provincial and Federal governments during the Confederation period. The reserve system l e f t Kitsumkalum with three small parcels ,of land for the i r exclusive use, u n f u l f i l l e d promises for continual access to off-reserve resources, and ever increasing r e s t r i c t i o n s on these resources as l e g i s l a t i o n and alternate land uses developed. 121 Erosion Of Economic Control Foreign ownership of the resources i s organized under Federal and pro v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n . Game laws, which evolved as the pr o v i n c i a l a g r i c u l t u r a l development expanded, and which were applied against Indian food production practices are especially c r i t i c a l to the usurpation of real economic control. On the reserves, the Provincial laws do not apply and regulation i s a Federal matter. As a Canadian version of indirec t rule, the Indian Act does not recognize the old authority structure d i r e c t l y , but, instead, allows the Chief Councillor to regulate hunting a c t i v i t i e s . In Kitsumkalum, this i s rarely exercised, unless some safety problem arises which cannot be handled through alternate s o c i a l channels. Off-reserve they must comply with Provincial l e g i s l a t i o n . Restrictions contained in the B r i t i s h Columbia l e g i s l a t i o n not only interfered with and disrupted Kitsumkalum's hunting, they further eroded control over the resource as a property within Tsimshian society. How thi s occurred i s possible to reconstruct from the law archives. The result shows the d i s t o r t i o n of hunting a c t i v i t i e s and of the development of "aboriginal r i g h t s " to the resources. The e a r l i e s t Game Protection Act of significance was passed in 1887. Since then there have been r e s t r i c t i o n s on the k i l l i n g of deer, caribou, mountain goats, mountain sheep, bear, grouse, ducks, hare, and many birds. These 122 r e s t r i c t i o n s on appropriation refer to seasons (discussed above) and in the case of big game, the age of the animal (usually no immature animals less then one year old since R.S.B.C. 1897 C88 s3), the sex (female moose, sheep since R.S.B.C. 1897 C88 s3), and bag l i m i t s (250 ducks per person per season R.S.B.C. 1897 C88 s23; one moose, two goats, three deer of one species or four altogether, two sheep, R.S.B.C. 1924 C98 slO). Seasons and bag l i m i t s extend to the simple possession of parts of the animal, as well as to the actual hunting of them. In addition, the k i l l i n g of deer for hide was prohibited (R.S.B.C. 1888 C52 s8), as was that of mountain sheep and goats (R.S.B.C. 1960 C160 s16). In 1917 the Dominion government approved a convention signed with the government of the U.S.A. to regulate the hunting of migratory birds. Through this Migratory Birds Convention Act (R.S.C. 1927 C130), close seasons and bag li m i t s were placed upon game and non-game birds. By A r t i c l e III, migratory game birds were under a close season from March 10 to September 1, and i t was prohibited to hunt them or even to possess them during that time. Migratory non-game birds (e.g., g u l l s , terns, herons, loons, grebes) were closed a l l year, except to Indians who could use their eggs for food or their skins for clothing, providing no t r a f f i c k i n g in these items occurred. A r t i c l e III established a close season on swans, shorebirds, and the whooping and sandhill cranes, without exception. This Act 123 is s t i l l in force, keeping hunters in the double jeopardy of simultaneously v i o l a t i n g Provincial and Federal laws on game birds. Other relevant r e s t r i c t i o n s prevented hunting on enclosed land (which was defined to include any land i d e n t i f i e d for enclosement by natural or a r t i f i c a l landmarks) , without the permission of the owners or leasees (R.S.B.C. 1911 C95 s13). This was in recognition of alternate land uses, such as farming. Exemptions to the game laws protect aboriginal rights to a degree, but have also been the source of fru s t r a t i o n to Indians who resent being put into a pos i t i o n , v i s - a - v i s the regional population, of being allowed to break a (foreign) law. As a point of p r i n c i p l e and j u s t i c e , they would prefer a law that recognises their aboriginal rights d i r e c t l y . In the case of deer, Indians had special exemptions which allowed them to k i l l deer to feed their immediate families (R.S.B.C. 1897 C88 s l 7 ) , although t h i s was cu r t a i l e d by seasons, sex and age l i m i t s (R.S.B.C. 1911 C95 s3). The sale of such k i l l s and the clause governing k i l l i n g for hides was not exempted. Fines for breeches of these game laws, in 1888, varied from $10 to $25, and more. Thus, access to these Tsimshian resources was c u r t a i l e d very early in the post-Confederation period. This, however, is s t i l l just part of the process of loss. 124 Maintenance Of Possession Under the threat of police , and even m i l i t a r y enforcement, the Skeena River Indians found i t necessary to incorporate the new legal system, but they resisted the assumption of possessors rights by foreigners. The early c r i s e s and troubles that occurred because of t h i s erosion of simple possession of the i r hunting resources have been discussed (above and Chapter 4). In the twentieth century, a remnant of economic ownership over the hunting grounds survived within the pr o v i n c i a l trapline r e g i s t r a t i o n system. The concept of lineage or v i l l a g e property was transformed into that of a "trapping company", a corporate individual that could hold and manage a trapping area (see chapter 12). Thus i t provided a small measure of possession over the old hunting grounds, insofar that understanding of trappers and f i e l d o f f i c e r s a l i k e , these Indian l i n e s tended to be viewed in terms of the larger category of hunting grounds and were treated accordingly. Before World War II , when trapping was s t i l l v iable, the legal exclusiveness of a re g i s t r a t i o n was used to prevent/control trespassing by hunters. Generally, other Indians respected t h i s form of ownership. But trap l i n e r e g i s t r a t i o n s , being foreign, were not an e f f e c t i v e means of internal control. Some disputes are reported in the archival records of Fish and W i l d l i f e which involve non-1 25 registered Indians u t i l i z i n g the trapping areas registered to another. Now, since the decline in the economic importance of trapping, l i n e ownership is largely just a matter of c u r i o s i t y to hunters. 1 People w i l l go where they w i l l , in fu l f i l l m e n t of the government's t r a d i t i o n a l view of Indian hunting practices, and the Commissioner's expectations in 1891. Control Of Processing Rights other than those d i r e c t l y related to the raw resources also exist to game after i t i s brought home to be processed. As has been discussed, each hunter has a set of people who w i l l a s s i s t in the processing of the food and thereby have rights to i t s d i s t r i b u t i o n . Closely related women, especially wives, but also mothers, s i s t e r s , aunts, and/or friends w i l l be involved. In some cases, men such as the hunter's partner, or father, or brother, w i l l prepare the big game but more than kinship i s involved. One time I observed a bear butchered by the hunter's father with the assistance of the 'home guard', the r e t i r e d hunters who now 1 Since 1980, there has been some renewed interest in the fur market and in trapping. Consequently, i t has been reported to me by several Kitsumkalum that the ownership of trap l i n e registrations has a new importance. 126 work together on v i l l a g e projects. Two of them cut up the carcass while two others tended the f i r e , gathered firewood, made cooking racks, etc. Those who helped process the food received a share for their work, which gave every family in the community access to the meat. Commercial establishments are occasionally employed to butcher big game. In these cases, a claim i s made on the cash resources of the hunter, or, infrequently, a payment in kind i s made. Where cash payment occurs, the hunter must have access to a source of cash - usually the wage work that prevented him from having time to take care of the job in the f i r s t place. The game laws put constraints on a hunter's rights to dispose of the meat during processing. One clause prohibits possession of game out of season (R.S.B.C. 1888 C52 s6) and makes such possession prima facie evidence of i l l e g a l hunting, laying a hunter open to charges of game law vi o l a t i o n even i f the meat is in storage (S.B.C. 1966 C55 s9). To f a c i l i t a t e enforcement, processing cannot destroy certain parts that indicate species, sex, and age of the animal, except at the place of consumption (S.B.C. 1966 C55 s1 1 ). 127 Control Of Di s t r i b u t i o n There are several sets of claims within the sphere of d i s t r i b u t i o n of the products of hunting. Many of these have been mentioned already, and l i k e so much else i s constrained by the intervention of the law at this late point of the production c i r c u i t . Certain possession clauses r e s t r i c t accumulation of carcasses. This prevents the s o c i a l i z a t i o n of surpluses, which was a factor in e a r l i e r Tsimshian s o c i a l formations. The l e g i s l a t i o n also s p e c i f i c a l l y prohibits Indians from k i l l i n g deer for commercial sale, a business that once earned income for Tsimshians from hotels and other establishments during the 19th century. The sale of other game i s r e s t r i c t e d by low bag l i m i t s (R.S.B.C. 1924 C98 S 1 0.2) and other minor regulations that also have been applied from time to time. 128 7. FISHING MEANS OF PRODUCTION  The Resource The Kitsumkalum fished a variety of fresh water, marine, and anadromous f i s h . A l l five species of P a c i f i c salmon migrate up the Skeena River which i s one of the major salmon streams on the coast. The Kitsumkalum drainage system was, in turn, one of the major salmon supporting t r i b u t a r i e s of the Skeena. The nearby Lakelse River was another. The Zimagotitz was a minor supporter of pinks, coho, and chum. The steelhead trout, the si x t h anadromous species in the area i s found in the Kitsumkalum and Zimagotitz systems as well. The famous candlefish, the oolachan, i s the other major river fishery species. The Kitsumkalum f i s h for these off sandbars in the Skeena near t i d a l l i m i t s below Kwinitsa. This seems to be an ancient fishing l o c a l i t y for them, but t r a d i t i o n suggests that the annual t r i p s to the Nass River Fishery at Red Bluff were also of major importance for the procurement of oolachan. A reserve in that area is held by 1 29 Kitsumkalum in common with other Tsimshians for the purposes of the oolachan fishery. The Kitimaat oolachan runs to the south of Kitsumkalum were also of importance, but according to some Kitsumkalum sources the i n d u s t r i a l pollution of that area has led to a steady decline in quantity and quality over the past three decades. Marine species for which I have s p e c i f i c reference on u t i l i z a t i o n include: cod, halibut, salmon, herring, c u t t l e f i s h , occasional d r i f t whales (Boas 1889:816), oolachan (Boas 1916:44), dogfish (ibid.:67), porpoise, bullhead (ibid.:396), d e v i l f i s h (ibid.:400), eels (ibid.:404), flounders, red snapper (Nolan 1977:167), shrimp, and pilchard. Fresh water species available and taken in the Tsimshian t e r r i t o r i e s include sturgeon, trout (rainbow, cutthroat, brook, dol l y varden, char), whitefish, suckers, chubs, and the landlocked kokanee salmon. Oddly, the ethnographic l i t e r a t u r e only mentions the use of trout (Boas I9l6:l95ff., although not the char species), but not the other fresh water f i s h . A l l species are found throughout the main Kitsumkalum River, Kitsumkalum Lake, and tributary streams. Their d i s t r i b u t i o n s seem f a i r l y ubiquitous, with one major exception: the mountainous east side of the lake. According to the Canadian National Railway study on current d i s t r i b u t i o n s , the streams there do not have suitable habitat for any of these species (1975: f i g . 7-1). The 1 30 lagybaaw lands were there, but also extended to the north and south, where they probably procured their supplies of fresh water f i s h . Despite the widespread d i s t r i b u t i o n , f i s h were not taken at random, wherever a fisherman happened to be. Specific s i t e s were suitable and productive, and these were a part of the resource. If a d i s t r i c t had no potential locations for f i s h i n g stations, i t might just as well have had no f i s h . Unfortunately, locating these i s d i f f i c u l t . The Kitsumkalum elders who knew a l l the s p e c i f i c stations are long dead and time has produced a p a r t i c u l a r l y forgetful effect upon their survivors. The neglect of t h i s group of Tsimshians by researchers, with the exception of Barbeau, affords no r e l i e f for the problem. Consequently, the reconstruction of o r i g i n a l resource use must be incomplete. The land use map for this century (Figure 4) shows the more recent, documentable use patterns and suggests the wider pattern. The Kitsumkalum are not so dependent upon regional populations and runs now that they have greater access to coastal resources as a result of technological developments, especially the gas boats. Thus, throughout the century, commercial fishermen could exploit marine resources a l l along the coast (cf. Hawthorn, Belshaw & Jamieson 1958:109). This is not to imply, however, that people were home-bound by aboriginal transportation technology. Even the e a r l i e s t 131 Hudson Bay Company factors in Port Simpson employed Tsimshian canoes as a courier service to V i c t o r i a , and commented in their d i a r i e s about the frequent Indian passages up and down the protected coast, and across the open water to the Queen Charlotte Islands. Sedentariness was a phenomenon related to and governed by s o c i a l , in addition to technological factors. The people's exploitation of the f i s h seems to have been moderate and rather consistent throughout the h i s t o r i c a l period. Fishery o f f i c i a l s estimate 15,000 sockeye are taken in the Terrace-Lakelse area alone by l o c a l Indians as food f i s h , and an additional 10,000 by outside bands, as well as 3,800 of other species (Canada, Department of Fisheries, Annual Narratives, 1979:2). Comparing t h i s to an escapement after commercial fi s h i n g of 365,000 in the area in the same year (Canada, Department of Fi s h e r i e s , Annual Narratives 1979:2-4), only 7.9% of the escapement into the l o c a l system near Terrace was taken in the food fishery. It was estimated that 20,000 to 30,000 f i s h were taken in pre-contact times for food on the Skeena (Canada, Department of Fisheries, Annual Reports 1889:255). This figure probably refers to what i s now c a l l e d the lower Skeena, and therefore compares well with the current estimates. 132 O r i g i n a l l y , f i s h seem to have been p l e n t i f u l on the Skeena. Not only were the salmon runs large (to judge from early escapement figures) but their four year cycles are not synchronized across species so that c y c l i c a l patterns of scarcity did not occur. These are points noted by the early fishery o f f i c e r s who remarked in 1889 (Canada, Department of Fis h e r i e s , Annual Reports 1889:257) that there had not been a salmon shortage on the Skeena since 1863, and that then scarcity had been avoided through trade. (No mention was made of population r e d i s t r i b u t i o n or surplus redistribution through potlatching during that year.) Thus, I do not have evidence of any s i g n i f i c a n t resource f a i l u r e s generalized s c a r c i t i e s for the area u n t i l the h i s t o r i c a l period. The causes of these are s o c i a l in o r i g i n , not b i o l o g i c a l . Clues regarding the location of such s o c i a l s c a r c i t i e s come more readily from the later h i s t o r i c a l period than from the e a r l i e r one. No serious suffering i s reported in the Hudson Bay Company d i a r i e s (1832 to 1870) but t h i s changed with the establishment of the canning industry on the Skeena in the 1870s. Fisheries reports contain records of the run sizes, and fears that the stocks could not withstand the new—onslaught. The lessons learned from the extinction of the C a l i f o r n i a runs within the pioneering generation's l i f e t i m e weighed heavily on the minds of the Fishery O f f i c e r s but i t was o p t i m i s t i c a l l y expected that careful management would 1 33 maintain an abundance of f i s h . Unfortunately, for the present purposes, their reports were primarily concerned with the condition of the general f i s h stock, which does not relate to the key question of lo c a l needs and supply. The Tsimshian, however, were keenly attuned to the s p e c i f i c populations which they u t i l i z e d , and their petitions to the government provide an alternate source of information for the question. In those records, shortages in certain s p e c i f i c f i s h e r i e s show up almost immediately and are attributed to c a p i t a l i s t f i s h i n g . As early as 1882, just six years after the establishment of the f i r s t cannery on the Skeena at Port Essington, Tsimshians complained that their winter f i s h supplies were in jeopardy from the canners. This report was recorded by the DIA but, distracted as i t was by the property question of Tsimshian ownership of the resource, the Department refused to believe the Indians or to accept their analysis of the cause of the shortages (Canada, Department of Fisheries, Annual Reports 1882:83). At that point, damage such as occurred in 1882 was probably s t i l l r e s t r i c t e d to s p e c i f i c runs of s p e c i f i c species. Canneries were not interested in a l l types of salmon, and for a long time they ignored the favoured food f i s h of the Tsimshians, the coho. Also, the staggered timing of the commercial and food f i s h runs allowed a general situation where the Indians could work and s t i l l 1 34 f i s h coho for their own use after the canneries had closed. However, as foreign tastes and markets grew, pressure was placed upon a l l the species of salmon and, as the industry expanded, upon a l l runs. Less and less was available for the Tsimshian economy. Similar disruptions were a f f e c t i n g other f i s h populations. By 1900, the c a p i t a l i s t dog f i s h fishery was well underway, to the extent that Fishery O f f i c e r s could only reminisce on i t s previous importance as an item of the Tsimshian diet (Canada, Department of Fis h e r i e s , Annual Reports 1900:156). This i s contrary to the more common ethnographic view that dogfish were only eaten to a limited extent (e.g., Nolan 1977:169-170). The common view i s possibly more a consequence of the appropriation and use of that f i s h by the c a p i t a l i s t economy (mainly as i n d u s t r i a l o i l , e.g., in forestry) than of t r a d i t i o n . The Narratives of 1914 also describe the depletion of the halibut banks, and discuss the beginning of the search for new, less accessible, but commercially viable banks. Bit by b i t , c a p i t a l captured ever more of the f i s h resource, taking i t physically out of Tsimshian production. Even within the Kitsumkalum'.s own lands, so far inland, the effe c t of these i n d u s t r i a l disturbances could be f e l t , although there are no data on how extensive i t was. A l l these changes that occurred in the resources around the turn of the century, within a single l i f e t i m e , must have 1 35 been staggering to the people who watched them. Technology The f i s h resources were exploited by the Tsimshians with a varied fishing technology. Too diverse to be discussed in d e t a i l here, the o r i g i n a l technology has been reviewed by Nolan (1977) from the l i t e r a t u r e dealing with the coastal communities and studied in depth by Berringer (1982) for the salmon resource. Included were gaffs, clubs, traps, wiers, t r o l l i n g hooks, drag seines, g i l l nets, t i d a l traps, spears and harpoons, dip nets, ice f i s h i n g bags, hooks on l i n e s , and f i s h rakes. Most of these were specialized to p a r t i c u l a r environments and species. In Kitsumkalum, for example, the f i s h trap and.dip nets were only used at canyon s i t e s ; the gaff was used in slower water such as the sluggish creeks at the mouth of the Kitsumkalum River McDonald 1981c). As w i l l be documented in th i s chapter, nearly a l l of these techniques were eventually prohibited under Provisions of the Act of Union of 1871 and by the p o l i c i n g regulations that ensued. As a re s u l t , in my own f i e l d work I observed the Kitsumkalum and other Tsimshians employing a much attentuated technology. Aside from the marine capture of f i s h using commercial gear by the few remaining commercial fishermen, the food fishery now only u t i l i z e s r i v e r nets set 136 with the aid of a motor boat, nets operated from shore with a pole and pulley system, occasional gaffing with landing gaffs, and sports equipment. Tools to mend nets, overhaul motors, and maintain the boats are also a part of t h i s tool assembly, l i t t l e of which i s homemade. Most of the gear i s purchased in l o c a l stores or from the canneries. Access to this technology i s limited by cost and ownership. Not everyone can afford motor boats and nets, the two standard pieces of equipment. Consequently, in 1979, only two men had riverboats in operating condition, although by 1980, two more had b u i l t or bought boats, and in the following year another person had acquired one. This s l i g h t trend of buying equipment was arrested by the 1981/1982 slowdown in the forestry industry and the resulting unemployment. Cheaper are the gaff and pole net, both of which are used occasionally. These tools have drawbacks, however. Besides being i l l e g a l , the gaff only takes a few f i s h at a time, and must be used in times of low water. People t i e d to wage jobs must evaluate their labour time, and i f they are going to f i s h seriously, they must use the most e f f i c i e n t means possible. In the past, t h i s meant weirs, traps, or dip nets. Now i t means the set nets. Pole nets are the most e f f i c i e n t of the inexpensive methods, requiring only a second hand piece of net, pulleys, and a pole, set from shore. The trouble with these i s that 1 37 they are very susceptible to vandalism from sports fishermen, many of whom passionately resent Indian fishing r i g h t s . Their interference with the sets i s probably the most important reason why more people do not put out the simple pole nets. 1 It i s d i f f i c u l t , seemingly impossible to protect the nets from the sportsmen, but within the Tsimshian population l o c a l arrangements are usually respected. Access to the f i s h was controlled by membership in the resource owning group. Now, in the aftermath of the loss of legal ownership, Federal f i s h i n g rights and use rights structure people's relations. When a Band member establishes himself at a certain back eddy, for example, his use rights are generally accepted by other natives, and he may continue in that location for many years. Associated with the processing of the food are butchering tools, home canners, freezers, and smoke houses. A great deal of f i s h i s preserved by smoking i t in much the same manner as in the time of the grandmothers. The architecture of the f a c i l i t i e s has changed, however, so that the buildings are constructed from milled lumber with steel n a i l s , and the structure i s separated from the main 1 To give one i l l u s t r a t i v e case, an elderly woman abandoned her shore station because, she said, the sportsmen stole or cut her nets three or four times. Considering how expensive nets are to replace, t h i s was too often and she quit f i s h i n g . 138 dwelling. While smoke houses are common in the v i l l a g e , not everyone maintains them from year to year, and off-reserve people rarely have one, es p e c i a l l y i f they l i v e where urban f i r e regulations prevent them. Sharing of smoke house f a c i l i t i e s i s common within family groups or with friends. When the people l i v e d in the cannery v i l l a g e s on the coast, smoke houses were not allowed because of the f i r e hazard they posed amongst the dry cedar buildings of the plants. Older people complained to me that t h i s meant home canning equipment was necessary, at least u n t i l such time as the families could escape to .their f i s h drying s i t e s . Such work patterns meant fewer of the people who drew upon the f i s h resource went to camp, which physically concentrated the o v e r a l l camp a c t i v i e s of the group and reduced the time available for camp jobs, making the work period shorter and more intensive. A l l t h i s must have put an unusual pressure on the camp f a c i l i t i e s and resources to produce and preserve s u f f i c i e n t winter supplies. In the past century, great changes have occurred in the procurement technology used by the Kitsumkalum. Some of these were of a developmental nature, based upon the older techniques - the use of metals, imported wood, ropes, etc. -but there has been a major trend of displacement towards adopting, for use in the food fishery, e n t i r e l y new gear from the c a p i t a l i s t fishery on the coast, or other i n d u s t r i a l l y produced gear. This change was undoubtedly a 139 result of some appreciation for the r e l a t i v e merit of such equipment, but i t also can be read as a sign of the pressures bearing upon the established methods. These include l e g i s l a t e d prohibitions and incremental pressures such as the vandalism of pole nets, the alt e r a t i o n s in time schedules to accommodate new forms of work, s h i f t s in the occurrence and organization of camp l i f e , etc. A l l these also altered the r e l a t i v e proportion of f i s h being captured for food or for c a p i t a l . A major factor in producing the technological change was the government's l e g i s l a t i o n that outlawed many Indian f i s h i n g methods and defined c a p i t a l i s t methods according to industry standards (Ross Ms.). Under the Terms of Union, the Dominion fishery laws were to be applied to B.C., but i t was not u n t i l after the appointment of Guardians in the late 1880s that pressure on Indian technology mounted on the Skeena. Although policy towards Indians was supposedly lenient (cf. Hawthorn, Belshaw & Jamieson 1958:98), there i s no documentation to demonstrate how lenient and the general oral history in Kitsumkalum i s that i t most c e r t a i n l y was not. A review of the early laws, even without the numerous regulations and interpretations, makes one wonder how any moderation on the part of the government towards Indians could be claimed. 1 40 Already by 1889, the newly appointed Guardian of the Skeena brought with him an accumulation of laws to dir e c t his work. The o f f i c i a l extension into B r i t i s h Columbia of the Dominion's Fishery Act, in 1874, contained the following r e s t r i c t i o n s : salmon spearing (used at the Kitsumkalum Canyon) was banned except with special licence for food f i s h i n g ; dip nets for oolachan required licences, but were banned for salmon (s.13.7), and for trout (fished on the Zimagotitz) (s.8); ice f i s h i n g bags for salmon (used on Kitsumkalum Lake) were banned (s.13.7); trawl or g i l l nets required licences; tidewater salmon traps were banned (s.13.7); traps and wiers on small streams were r e s t r i c t e d (s.13.11, s.13.14) and licenced (s.13.7); angling trout was placed under seasons (s.3.8, c l a r i f i e d with regard to open season for Indian food f i s h i n g by 1889 regulations); and nets were required for cod. In addition, the Fisheries Act, through O/C 26 November 1888, had banned food f i s h i n g of salmon using d r i f t nets and spears, while the Provincial Fisheries Act prohibited the use of nets, seining, dragnets, or other l i k e engine for f i s h i n g in fresh water (R.S.B.C. 1888 C52 s.13). During the ensuing years, salmon drag seines were prohibited (O/C 7 November 1890), as were purse seines (S.C. 1891 C44). Nets, weirs, fascine f i s h e r i e s , and other devices which obstruct passage were prohibited in 1894, d r i f t nets were required for t i d a l f ishing of salmon, and 141 explosives were banned (S.C. 1894 C51 s.1-3). In 1897 trout were protected in freshwater and lakes under 50 square miles from explosives, poisons, nets, seines, dragnets, and other l i k e devices, except hooks and l i n e s (R.S.B.C. 1897 C88 s.12). The Provincial Fisheries Act of 1911 re-enforced the right of passage over f i s h e r i e s and allowed for the instant capture and destruction of i l l e g a l seines, nets, and other materials (R.S.B.C. 1911 C89 s.17, s.45, these being part of the 1901 l e g i s l a t i o n , S.B.C. C25 s.41). O/C 2 May 1904 defined the size of nets, trap locations, and prohibited their use within three miles of navigable r i v e r s and one-half mile from salmon streams. Food f i s h i n g required permission from the Inspector and could not be conducted with spears, traps or pens on spawning grounds, lease areas or propagation areas (O/C 12 March 1910). The same order prohibited ice f i s h i n g , the use of a r t i f i c a l l i g h t s , spears or snares for trout, and r e s t r i c t e d the herring and pilchard fishery to d r i f t or g i l l nets of sp e c i f i e d size and only within harbours. In addition, there was an ambiguous clause in the Pro v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n that made i t necessary to have a licence for the f i s h - o i l r e f i n e r i e s (R.S.B.C. 1924 C92 s.17). How this applied to the grease rendering stations is not c l e a r , but the clause was subsequently modified to refer only to whale o i l r e f i n e r i e s . A l l these laws defined f i s h i n g technology and hindered the development of Tsimshian 142 methods and modes of organizing f i s h i n g . In so doing they also r e s t r i c t e d in absolute amounts the number of f i s h controlled by Indians r e l a t i v e to c a p i t a l . Labour Fishing i s an a c t i v i t y that involves labour contributions during the acts of procurement and processing from a large c i r c l e of people before the food i s consumed. The actual procurement, however, no longer involves very many people. In fact, one summer while I was in Kitsumkalum, there were only two motor boats, a canoe, and a pole net active. The next year, two additional motor boats were purchased with the intent of using them for f i s h i n g , but the pole net had been abandoned. During t h i s time there were also some non-status Kitsumkalum f i s h i n g commercially who contributed to the t o t a l v i l l a g e production (two in the f i r s t year, three the next). Similar r e s t r a i n t s existed during the Port Essington days when not everyone had a boat. Consequently, a degree of s p e c i a l i z a t i o n occurred then, as i t does now, with some people being the fishermen of the community. The procurement technology currently in use that can be handled by an individual includes: - gaffs - spears 143 - food f i s h i n g from a boat with a set net. This requires only a single person, who normally i s a man. Although men often f i s h alone, a partner may accompany a fisherman to help clear the net, to talk, and sometimes to explore the r i v e r . The partner tends to also be a hunting partner, so the pair are a team of friends, often related, but not necessarily. If there is a p r i n c i p l e to t h i s informal group i t derives from the tendency to c i r c u l a t e the f i s h within a p a r t i c u l a r section of the population. Those who accompany the fisherman are usually a part of this group, thus conserving labour. Children are often taken out, as well, and they learn the s k i l l s of f i s h i n g through participant observation. Other methods no longer in use were easier to perform with more than one person, e.g., - halibut long l i n e s , 600 feet long, which require two men to haul in - trawling, which was performed with an oarsman aiding the fisherman - traps and weirs necessitated communal labour to b u i l d , maintain, and operate. (Detailed descriptions appear in Berringer 1982.) Some fi s h i n g not only had a c o l l e c t i v e aspect to the labour but also had a mass aspect. The oolachan fishery on the Nass River annually attracted thousands of Indians from a l l over. Local chiefs claimed in 1887 that over 5000 144 Tsimshian, T l i n g i t , Haida, and other Indians had come to Fishery Bay to procure and process oolachan into grease ( B r i t i s h Columbia Sessional Papers, 1887:260). They did so in separate, uncoordinated groups, which I c a l l a mass e f f o r t . The attractions were the quantity of the run and the on-shore f a i r that had grown up in consequence of the presence of di f f e r e n t groups. Processing the landed f i s h today primarily involves women in smoking, canning, or freezing. Modern freezing methods are the simplest, requiring a minimal amount of work to clean and package the f i s h . Canning i s somewhat more complicated, but an individual task because home canning machines are small and manually operated by a single person. The work may become somewhat communal i f a group of women share the tasks of butchering and canning. This sometimes occurs simply because i t is more e f f i c i e n t in organizational terms and also more pleasant. The sharing of some equipment, notably pressure cookers or canners which are expensive and not commonly owned, i s another focal point for sharing the work. Smoking and other aboriginal methods of preservation are more complex in labour terms than are modern methods. The technology requires more training, smoking f a c i l i t i e s , firewood of a certain type for flavour, and a great deal of time to do i t properly. It is the most time consuming of the methods and i s more easily performed c o l l e c t i v e l y , 145 usually in a mass e f f o r t of many hands working many f i s h (a form of simple cooperation). As a result of the requirements of these methods, which are a l l e s s e n t i a l l y camp s k i l l s , there are not many young women in Kitsumkalum who smoke f i s h , although there are several smoke houses which are kept going throughout the season. This is the current situation (1980). Unfortunately, looking back in time, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to reconstruct the use of labour in fi s h i n g from ethnographic sources, which only mention the sexual and class d i v i s i o n s . In the intervening period of the past ninety years, however, there have been a number of factors a f f e c t i n g Kitsumkalum's fishing labour, which reduced the a v a i l a b i l i t y of time to handle f i s h . People with wage jobs procured or processed f i s h after supper or on days o f f , just as they do now. This would also include s t r i k e days and i t i s interesting to make the comparative note that during a recent logging strike there was an increase in f i s h i n g by non-Indian fishermen, i l l e g a l l y setting r i v e r nets for food, just as there have been noticeable s h i f t s to food f i s h i n g by Indians in times of unemployment, even as early as 1885 ( B r i t i s h Columbia Sessional Papers 1885:284). The canneries were important disruptive factors deflecting Tsimshian labour away from the aboriginal economy. At f i r s t , cannery fi s h i n g and employment were eas i l y integrated into the seasonal round. Food f i s h were 146 caught and dried at camps after the commercial runs were finished (Canada, Department of Indian A f f a i r s 1889:119). But the gradual inclusion of a l l runs into the c a p i t a l i s t fishery destroyed t h i s too by encroaching further upon the yearly schedule and by creating problems for people in trying to conduct camp production. Later s t i l l , during the period around 1950, changes in the trapping and forestry industries (described in chapters 12 and 14) had a major effect on the camp l i f e of the Kitsumkalum, which discouraged families from moving to the camps with the loggers and trappers. When thi s happened, the camp work performed by the women (e.g., drying fish) was, accordingly, halted and, eventually, men took to rive r f i s h i n g near to home as their means of obtaining necessary food supplies. Laws governing f i s h i n g times, s i t e s , and gear a l l a f f e c t the application of labour. Most prominent are those concerning the working of the food fishery. The e a r l i e s t regulation of labour through food f i s h licences, was passed by O/C 12 May 1910 which required Indians to have s p e c i f i c permission from the Inspector in order to f i s h . The Inspector's powers were la t e r extended to regulate where, how, and when the labour was employed (O/C 11 September 1917), which i s e s s e n t i a l l y the position the food fishery i s in now. 147 These rules have created a pa r t i c u l a r problem for the labour force. I was told several times that before the laws, people could pace their productive a c t i v i t i e s c a r e f u l l y , just catching what they needed and what they could process e a s i l y . The e f f i c i e n c y of the aboriginal technology allowed t h i s . Now, however, with a l l the regulations on when fishing can occur, the f i s h must be caught a l l at once, with the result that the women have to work very hard for a short period of time to preserve i t . Such a heavy concentration of e f f o r t discourages any people who have other demands on their time, especially from such i n f l e x i b l e sources as wage labour or school. Even non-employed individuals (r e t i r e d elders, f u l l time housewives, for example) find i t d i f f i c u l t to schedule both f i s h preparation and t h e i r other work into the same time period. If a choice is forced, and there i s money available for market substitutes, the aboriginal productive a c t i v i e s often suf fer. Non-labourers Currently, the d i s t r i b u t i o n of f i s h includes people who cannot contribute labour because of problems associated with other work, age, sickness, etc. They w i l l receive according to need. Young loggers who make good wages w i l l get whatever the surplus production allows (which i s usually a 1 48 function of the fisherman's own time budget); a working widow with a small income w i l l receive a l l she needs. Who is supplied by whom i s a function of relatedness, but also of friendship, and sometimes of cha r i t y . Whether or not this i s governed by a r a t i o n a l i t y of exchange r e c i p r o c i t y i s d i f f i c u l t to confirm. Some cases could only be explained as extreme forms of generalized r e c i p r o c i t y , but the moral obligation to help i s the major explanatory device given by the people themselves. Another non-labourer that receives a portion of the fisherman's work, and who i s often overlooked, i s the Fishery O f f i c e . Annual fines can amount to several months wage for an o f f i c e r (I do not know i f these are placed d i r e c t l y in the salary budget) or to a s i g n i f i c a n t amount of the operating costs of the o f f i c e . Indians claim that o f f i c e r s i l l e g a l l y consume confiscated f i s h and take f i s h d i r e c t l y from nets. While Indian p o l i t i c k i n g around the issue of fis h i n g rights make use of these points, I do not have any evidence, other than hearsay, of corruption in the study area. 1 H i s t o r i c a l l y , the government found i t necessary to insert into the Fishery Act a clause concerned with v i o l a t i o n s of the law by o f f i c i a l s . 1 49 PROPERTY RIGHTS Legal Ownership Pre-contact ownership patterns are d i f f i c u l t to reconstruct. Darling's e f f o r t s , through a review of the l i t e r a t u r e , only found reference to the ownership of cod and halibut banks and stretches of beach. These were the property of households (1955:11). The t r i b e s (villages) were not reported to own any f i s h i n g resources, but, as Nolan states ( 1 977:99ff.), there i s a dearth of information. Nonetheless, the archives give reason to assume general and widespread ownership over aquatic resources. The Beynon and Barbeau f i e l d notes, for example, refer to a number of s p e c i f i c Kitsumkalum f i s h i n g stations along the r i v e r and, espe c i a l l y , through the canyon area. Other sources, such as the Indian A f f a i r s reports (e.g., Cananda, Department of Indian A f f a i r s 1878:68-69), mention hereditary f i s h i n g rights and grounds. In the coastal v i l l a g e s elders s t i l l remember the location of lineage fishing s i t e s that were in use when they were young. Hence, there is good reason to assume t r i b a l property rights existed to f i s h e r i e s , although I was not able to compile adequate information in Kitsumkalum on the s p e c i f i c forms of tenure. 1 50 B r i t i s h Columbia's union with the Canadian Confederation marked the loss of legal ownership. The l e g i s l a t i o n which attacked Tsimshian ownership by r e s t r i c t i n g access to the resource and defining the property relationship i s embodied in both Federal and Provincial Acts, both of which are now administered only by the Federal Fisheries o f f i c e r s , in Terrace and Prince Rupert. P r o v i n c i a l l y , the laws were o r i g i n a l l y incorporated in the 1877 Game Protection Act, which was superceded in 1901 by the Provincial Fisheries Act. Federally, i t was the Fisheries Act, which was extended to the province in 1874 (S.C. 31V. C60S15). The declaration of these laws was not coincident with their enforcement. In the northern areas they pre-dated any in d u s t r i a l development of the f i s h e r i e s . Naturally, with the a r r i v a l of foreign interests in the f i s h e r i e s , and associated concepts of property, c o n f l i c t s arose over resource ownership. The contempt of the cannery owners for the established l o c a l tenure system was an early source of troubles. Immediately after the establishment of the f i r s t cannery, the Superindendent of Indian A f f a i r s was reporting on the concern of coastal Tsimshians that their hereditary rights to f i s h e r i e s were being encroached upon by the c a p i t a l i s t fishery (1878:68). Some of the complaints were over interference with f i s h i n g grounds by cannery directed g i l l 151 netters, others over the establishment of cannery plants on top of shore stations or v i l l a g e s (such plants were protected under S.C. 31V C60 s.3). For example, the troubles at K i t k a t l a in 1878, which lead to p o l i c i n g actions by an imperial gunboat, stemmed from the invasion of some fish i n g grounds belonging to the K i t k a t l a people (Canada, Department of Indian A f f a i r s 1879:114, Canada, Department of Fisheries, Annual Narratives 1878:296). Such encroachments were most frequent on the Skeena River i t s e l f , where the c a p i t a l i s t fishery was both concentrated and more intensive (e.g., Canada, Department of Indian A f f a i r s 1881:154; 1884:277-78, 1886; 1890). To reduce the tension and ostensibly protect Indian rights, the Fishery Inspector suggested the reserve system be established (Canada, Department of Indian A f f a i r s 1879:134). The government's response, in 1881, was to commission Mr. O'Reilly to investigate the problems (Canada, Department of Indian A f f a i r s 1881:154). Ten years later the same man was requested to a l l o t reserves on the Skeena. In the meantime, the government's cynical but accurate analysis of the problem was that the Tsimshians f e l t they owned the country (Canada, Department of Indian A f f a i r s I886:xi, c f . B r i t i s h Columbia, Sessional Papers, 1887). The method of overcoming this attitude was the enforcement of the Canadian l e g i s l a t i o n . The next section w i l l outline how th i s transfer of economic control, from the 152 Tsimshian lineages to c a p i t a l , was effected. Loss Of Economic Control After assuming ownership, a number of years went past during which the government f e l t a lenient policy was "suitable" ( i f not necessary, given the expensive gunboat diplomacy that was involved) in enforcing i t s l e g i s l a t e d control. This policy changed with the growth of the c a p i t a l i s t f i s h e r i e s . Gradually, Fisheries o f f i c e r s entered the area and applied the l e g i s l a t i o n and regulations which made the legal ownership e f f e c t i v e . The establishment of the reserve system in 1891 was a manifestation of th i s and defined where the Kitsumkalum would be able to maintain a few of their own f i s h e r i e s against foreign intrusion, although s t r i c t l y under the tutelage of the Dominion. Elsewhere, the resources were to be kept more open and the province would deny vigorously, that Indians had any exclusive rights to f i s h i n g grounds (Canada, Department of Indian A f f a i r s 1884:278). Regionally, the f i s h e r i e s acts were not immediately applied to the Tsimshian d i s t r i c t s . A Fis h e r i e s O f f i c e r f i r s t v i s i t e d the area in 1877, to show the f l a g for the canners, in the company of the Superinendent of Indian A f f a i r s and on board the DIA's vessel, H.M. Gunship Rocket. He returned again in 1878 and 1881, in the same manner. 153 These were not much more than token v i s i t s , but powerfully symbolic. It was not u n t i l F. Morrison was appointed to Port Essington and region to be the f i r s t resident Fishery Guardian in 1885, that regulation began in earnest. The o f f i c e was soon expanded, in 1889, when an o f f i c e r was appointed s p e c i f i c a l l y for the Skeena River. Even with t h i s new s t a f f , i t i s l i k e l y that application of the l e g i s l a t i o n inland was not made u n t i l the 1890s. Even up to the turn of century, confusion over Indian rights and the disquiet of the Tsimshian probably made the application uneven, especially in the more remote areas. Nonetheless, by the 1880s, there were numerous r e s t r i c t i o n s upon the resource and tensions were growing between the Tsimshian and immigrant populations. When the Guardian arrived in 1885, he had to find some way to enforce, without causing too much trouble, a rather large corpus of laws governing the resource, technology, and labour. Besides a l l those which have already been discussed, there were, in 1885, close seasons on trout, whitefish, and salmon from July 31 to May 1 (S.C. 1885 C60 s/7 and 8). The trout close season was changed to November 15 to March 24 in 1910. That same year, a close season for halibut was declared between March 1 and 31 (both by O/C 12 March 1910), and l i f t e d in 1912 (by O/C 19 November 1912). C a p i t a l i s t fishing was prohibited on most of Sunday by the 1 54 same Act, and any type of fis h i n g on any part of Sundays by Christian Indians was r e s t r i c t e d by missionaries. It i s l i t t l e wonder that Tsimshians were becoming angry. In l i e u of their old control over f i s h i n g , a special set of exemptions - the food f i s h i n g clauses - were being developed. The l e g i s l a t i o n that recognized the continuing importance of the aboriginal economy for the survival of the Indian, was established by an 1878 O/C1 and c l a r i f i e d by O/C 26 November 1888. With a subtle assertion of the new property relationship and of the re-organization of salmon into the commodity economy, the orders allowed Indians certain p r i v i l e g e s within the law when they were fishing to provide food for themselves and their f a m i l i e s . It did not protect the Tsimshian (or, more generally, Indian) trade in f i s h , which was an important part of their economy. On the contrary, the law e f f e c t i v e l y attacked and destroyed i t . In 1908, additional r e s t r i c t i o n s were added to the food f i s h i n g laws which required Indians to report where, when, and how they had fished (O/C/8 June 1908). F i n a l l y , O/C 11 September 1917 placed l i m i t s on the number of food f i s h taken and the time of the f i s h i n g . The l i m i t s were to be regulated by the Inspector. 1 I could not locate t h i s Order in Council in the government records. 1 55 Salmon, the symbolic heart of the aboriginal economy, and focus of aboriginal rights, was now t o t a l l y embedded within and defined by c a p i t a l i s t property r e l a t i o n s . This situ a t i o n has remained e s s e n t i a l l y unchanged to the present, with the Federal Government c o n t r o l l i n g food f i s h i n g by a lic e n c i n g system that provides the Fishery O f f i c e r the power to define access to the resource (S.B.C. 1981 C 60 s.29) It i s in t h i s context that the o f f i c i a l understanding of f i s h i n g rights i s made. Given the c o l o n i a l origins o.f the si t u a t i o n , a precise d e f i n i t i o n of these rights and their status in law has become a moot point, generating considerable p o l i t i c a l energy in the province. My intention has been to indicate the general alienation of the Tsimshians (and Kitsumkalum) from their resource, and the way that the government's r e - d e f i n i t i o n of their r e l a t i o n to the f i s h was redefined by the government s t r i c t l y in terms of a subsistence food resource (see later in t h i s Chapter). As a r e s u l t , any other options for i t s appropriation were reserved for c a p i t a l . This attack on Tsimshian control of the resource was to be so thorough that o f f i c e r s were empowered to inspect, without warrants, buildings, boats, and cars for evidence of a v i o l a t i o n of the Act (R.S.B.C. 1911 C89 s.27). Any such evidence became prima facie evidence of the v i o l a t i o n ( i b i d . S.29). 156 For the non-status portion of Kitsumkalum, the situa t i o n i s worse. They have no righ t s . While status members can at least obtain a special food f i s h i n g licence, subject to the r e s t r i c t i o n s discussed e a r l i e r , these other members cannot, although exceptions can be won. In one case involving a Kitsumkalum before World War II, a woman who had become enfranchised received a special permit before World War II to food f i s h for her elderly grandmother who could no longer do so for herself. But even during t h i s exception, Fisheries surveillance was sharp. Kitsumkalum has lost most forms of control over the f i s h resource, but food f i s h i n g leaves a modicum of a real property relationship. This i s continually under attack throughout the province by allegations of widespread wastage such as leaving f i s h to rot in nets. Some stories are undoubtedly true, but the problem i s over emphasized. A hundred rotting f i s h were once reported removed from a net i d e n t i f i e d as belonging to a Kitsumkalum, but while t h i s i s deplorable to conservationists and Kitsumkalums a l i k e , I found no evidence to suggest that such incidents were common, or that the Kitsumkalum food fishery devastates the runs in any other ways - even though t h i s i s feasible technologically, e s p e c i a l l y in the aftermath of i n d u s t r i a l damage on the Kitsumkalum and Skeena Rivers. 157 It i s from the organized sports fishermen that the greatest agitation comes over the question of Indian depletion and wastage. Indian usage is limited to food f i s h i n g , without the p o s s i b l i t y of commercial development on the p r i n c i p l e of expanded accumulation used by the canners and commercial outlets that encourage sports f i s h i n g . Only a small proportion of the run seems affected by t h i s , and only after i t has escaped the commercial interests. Given the documentable near-extinction of runs by loggers, the depletion at the coast, etc., the food f i s h use seems l i k e a r e l a t i v e l y i n s i g n i f i c a n t portion. Within these p o l i t i c a l tensions and ecological concerns, relationships between the Federal Department of Fisheries and food fishermen have always been strained. The government's supervision of the f i s h e r i e s i s s t r i c t when i t comes to the p o l i t i c a l l y weakest sector, food f i s h i n g , and i t i s generally assumed by Indian fishermen that they are under continual observation while they tend their nets. This would be impossible, of course, but the p o l i t i c a l protest around the problem has uncovered a surprising number of incidents of clandestine operations against Indian people. As a res u l t , the police presence i s f e l t very strongly when one discusses the fishery or accompanies a fisherman. 158 An e f f o r t has been made to dif f u s e the tension between Indians and Fisheries by giving charge of the licences to the Band Council. A certain section of the Skeena, including the Kitsumkalum River, i s under the licencing of Kitsumkalum's Band Manager, who issues licences that have already been signed by the Fisheries O f f i c e r . Kitsumkalum has no policy of exclusion, unlike the upriver Kitselas and Gitksan bands which reserve their licences for their own band members. This system has not been e n t i r e l y successful, but i t does divert some of the d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n away from the government by focusing attention on the Band Manager, who is put in the unfortunate position of explaining the regulations to others. At times, resentment can become serious, exposing the Manager to harassment and threats. This i s a greater problem for him than for the O f f i c e r , since the Band Manager l i v e s on the reserve. Other c o n f l i c t s occasionally arise over the j u s t i f i c a t i o n of the Kitselas/Kitsumkalum l i c e n c i n g boundary. Sometimes a Kitselas w i l l occupy a Kitsumkalum fi s h i n g spot on the Skeena. So far, such situations have been e a s i l y handled by discussion or the removal of the offending net. 159 Erogion Of Possession During his tour of inquiry in 1891, the Reserve Commissioner promised the Kitsumkalum that the f i s h in their d i s t r i c t would not be interfered with by the foreigners (Public Archives of Canada, R.G. 10, v o l . 1022, handscript minutes of Indian Reserve Commission, Kitsumkalum, October 7, 1891). Thus, Kitsumkalum would continue to exercise economic control as i f , the implication was, no change had occurred. The r e a l i t y of the situation was d i f f e r e n t , however, as the growth of the fishery regulations and development of alternate resource uses proved. More than t h i s , the cumulative e f f e c t s of governmental p o l i c i e s for economic development meant a gradual depletion of the resource by business and other interests. The effect of the c a p i t a l i s t f i s h i n g industry has been discussed, but in the twentieth century more harm was i n f l i c t e d on the f i s h , t h i s time at the spawning grounds by s e t t l e r s , saw m i l l s , and gravel borrowing (see Canadian National Railway 1975:7-23). Some of the e a r l i e s t of these i n j u r i e s were to the Kitsumkalum River salmon runs. Despite a l l t h i s , the recent Fishery Narratives indicate large salmon populations on the Kitsumkalum system even at the time of World War II. It was not u n t i l after the war that the environment was completely devastated as a result of revised forest policy and l e g i s l a t i o n , and the subsequent entry of multinational corporations into the 1 60 industry. They brought new techniques that included clear cutting and river log running practices. These ended a l l s i g n i f i c a n t salmon runs in'to the system. The annual Fisheries Narratives c l e a r l y connect the extension of logging operations, which was rapid, to the simultaneous, near extinction of the salmon run in each of the streams that passed through the affected areas. Removal of shore cover, hauling across the streams and other practices, a l l contributed to the disaster but, as i f to make the effe c t complete, river beds were gouged by running logs, log jams and blockages, and f i n a l l y altered with a r t i f i c a l shoring of the unstable banks u n t i l the main Kitsumkalum River was also nearly devoid of salmon. In other locales, these problems were compounded by road and powerline construction across sensitive v a l l e y s . The Cedar River at the north end of Kitsumkalum Lake, for example, was seriously affected in this manner (Canadian National Railway 1975:7-24). With such an unfortunate history of interference with the raw resource i t i s not surprising that the Kitsumkalum, along with other Indians in the area, now fee l concern over the growing numbers of sports fishermen, many of whom are lo c a l residents, but more and more of whom are vacationers. Tourists are coming from a l l over the world, on their own or as a part of commercial lodge operations, and the Skeena i s gaining a reputation as a sportsman's paradise. (One 161 to u r i s t advertisement says the largest l i n e caught salmon was taken from the mouth of the Kitsumkalum River). The effect of a l l this upon people's procurement a b i l i t i e s i s obvious. Today many streams and r i v e r s are so de-populated that they are no longer suitable for f i s h i n g . The resulting i n a b i l i t y of Kitsumkalum to be able to enjoy f u l l y even the food rights they had been granted i s an ongoing source of concern. The old fi s h i n g stations at Dalk  ka gilaguoex v i l l a g e , are excellent examples of i t . These once highly productive and famous locales are now overgrown and nearly forgotten - the f i s h are no longer there and the people have been forced to disperse to other areas. 1 Kitsumkalum has often joined in formal protests and sought solutions to these problems through various means, including salmonid enhancement programmes. When a l l else i s f a i l i n g , their unorganized protests are recorded with those 1 Beyond the material issues, there is also a more subjective but equally real e f f e c t . A gap exists in the c u l t u r a l l i f e and memory of the Kitsumkalum, who are one community of the Salmon-Eater Peoples of the Northwest Coast. The big runs no longer choke the streams and the old stories speak that much less emphatically to the young. The relationship of these people to the f i s h that were once so v i t a l a part of their culture i s a t r a d i t i o n that i s slowly disappearing. Even the old, associated land use patterns are being forgotten, and entire v i l l a g e s i t e s are never seen by the grandchildren of the people who knew them. These are a l l roots pulled up by the transfer of property rights out of Tsimshian hands. What the nature of th i s transfer was and how extensive i t became w i l l be examined next. 162 of many others by Fisheries in the form of prosecutions under the Fishery Act. Property In The Product Rights of labour to the resource as i t was being processed after procurement have been discussed in my introductory comments. The e f f e c t of the food fishing rights and other l e g i s l a t i o n l i m i t s the l e g a l i t y of these claims to status members of the community. In fact, this amounts to a nuisance factor only, given the lack of industry on the part of Fisheries to patrol people's homes, but i t i s an important, c o n s t r i c t i n g nuisance. Before Confederation, such rights were governed by p r i n c i p l e s of s o c i a l organization, clan and lineage ri g h t s . Rights To Product In C i r c u l a t i o n Aboriginal d i s t r i b u t i o n occurred within the lineage, v i l l a g e , and clan, with some trade occurring beyond these s o c i a l groupings. When the Hudson Bay Company arrived there quickly developed an important trade in f i s h , p rior to the c a p i t a l i s t f i s h i n g period. 163 The f i s h market on the Skeena (production for exchange to the Hudson Bay Company and other foreigners) became an important source of revenue for the Indians, who were the main suppliers i f not the only suppliers for many years. This t r a f f i c began immediately upon the establishment of Fort (Port) Simpson. As at other Company posts throughout the continent, the European traders r e l i e d upon native production for a s i g n i f i c a n t portion of their d i e t . Information on the extent of t h i s trade can be found in the journals kept by the factors at the f o r t . Although this source i s an inconsistent record, i t shows that the trade was important and, compared to later figures on consumption, of r e l a t i v e l y large volume for the Indians involved. Table 2 l i s t s the tabulated trade at the fort during the years the traders made regular mention of food items. Additional information comes from the early Confederation period. In 1878, the Fishery Narratives estimated that from 20,000 to 30,000 f i s h were annually being sold to Fort Babine by Indians (Canada, Department of Fisheries, Annual Reports 1878:296), compared to an estimated 20,000 caught for consumption by Skeena River Indians in 1889 (Canada, Department of Fisheries, Annual Reports 1889:257). . Without evidence to the contrary, i t may be assumed that t h i s trade o r i g i n a l l y was for the procurement of other use-values, possibly prestige goods for feasting, but not for the purposes of accumulation. Later, i t may have grown 164 T A B L E 2 THE FOOD TRADE AT PORT SIMPSON (COMPILED FROM HUDSON BAY COMPANY ARCHIVE FILES., SEE TEXT) ITEM 1834 1835 1836 1837 1840 1858 18£ Deer Meat(pieces) 49 25 166 - - _ _ Deer 265 324 307 i 558 56 65 6 Salmon - Dry 2020 5638 5052 5487 400 - -- i Dry - 198 46 - - - -- Fresh - 99 823 2520 627 300 -Halibut - 124 808 1145 59 - -Grease (pounds) 632 360 J 1233 J 274 ( 86 - -Whale O i l (gallons) 32 82 44 614 - 150 -Beaver - Meat - - 27 - - -- Dry - - 5 - - - -Potatoes (bushels) 4 1006 7 4 485 r 854 - - -Eggs - 877 1130 2236 - - -Berries - Dry Cakes 68 58 - 36 - - -Cranberries (cakes) 2 8 - 24 - - -Ceesc 23 240 177 185 15 22 2 Ducks 14 86 54 90 - - -Smoked Fish - 30 - - - - -Porcupine - 15 - - - - -Cod - 2 352 64 - " - -Smoked Cod - - 2 - - - -Crabs - 27 - 36 - - -Seals - 3 - - - - -Dry Meat - 5 1434 532 1101 - -Swan - - 1 1 - - -Fresh Meat (pounds) - - 21 - - - -Lynx Meat - - - 1 - - -Flounders - - - 240 - - -Small Fish - - - - 78 _ _ 165 into a small business of petty accumulation in the hands of some individuals. Such capture was ultimately treated as i l l e g a l (Canada, Department of Fisheries, Annual Reports I887:vii), and the methods used were severely defined and cu r t a i l e d by l e g i s l a t i o n . At the same time, some control over production for exchange was enhanced when Indians resident in the USA were banned from the Nass oolachan fishery (Canada, Department of Indian A f f a i r s , 1888:202). This put the Canadian Indians in a favourable position, e s p e c i a l l y against t h e i r own Tsimshian r e l a t i v e s who had undertaken an exodus to Alaska under the leadership of the missionary Duncan. L i t t l e i s known about the e f f e c t s of the l e g i s l a t i o n , but since the oolachan fishery was also an international f a i r ground on shore, the overall e f f e c t must have reduced trade between the Indian nations and altered associated c r a f t s p e c i a l i z a t i o n s and v i l l a g e r e l a t i o n s . The government's reasons for passing t h i s regulation are unclear. Oolachans were outside of the i n d u s t r i a l requirements, and not a concern of Fishe r i e s . The more general issue for the government may have been with international transportation and freight in the border area, as much as with Indian ri g h t s . A myriad of port laws and regulations do appear in the same time period. 166 The a r r i v a l of salmon canning companies placed the Tsimshians in a competitive position within the market. I l l e g a l fishing by Indians for sale to the canneries was an immediate concern of the f i r s t Guardian (Canada, Department of Fisheries, Annual Reports 1888:vii). As a result, Indians were e x p l i c i t l y forbidden from transporting f i s h caught above t i d a l boundaries to areas below, unless the f i s h was in processed form and thus of no value to the canners (O/C 4 May 1916). This regulation was tightened in 1917 to forbid the purchase of any food f i s h , and placed upon the Indian the burden of proving any f i s h that he possessed or otherwise disposed of was indeed not caught as food f i s h (O/C 11 September 1917). These two realms, food f i s h and commercial f i s h , were now separated c l e a r l y as production for use values and for exchange values, to be used in either the natural or commodity economy but not both. The enforcement of the regulations now involves considerable surveillance, spot checks, and searches on the highways, towns, in public areas, and prosecutions. Nonetheless, a blackmarket exists between individual food fishermen and closed c i r c l e s of trusted customers. Prices in 1980 started at $5 a piece compared to over $12 in a store. I suspect (because i t i s improper to question on t h i s topic) that such sales, although not large, do contribute several hundred d o l l a r s a year to the few 167 fishermen who engage in the t r a f f i c . At the same time, g i f t s of f i s h to non-status people (Indian and others) are an important non-economic exchange that occurs s u r r e p t i t i o u s l y . Most d i s t r i b u t i o n occurs within the t o t a l production unit, as outlined in the introductory remarks. This i s regulated by the Federal s p e c i f i c a t i o n that food f i s h are only to be for the consumption of the family, although, how family i s defined gives some f l e x i b i l i t y . The d i f f i c u l t y in supervising this d i s t r i b u t i o n , leaves i t , by and large, within the control of the Kitsumkalum. 168 8. GATHERING MEANS OF PRODUCTION The Resource The b i o t i c d i v e r s i t y of the area provided the Kitsumkalums with a r i c h storehouse of raw materials. The f u l l range of b i o l o g i c a l resources that were gathered and used for food, medicines, manufactures, etc., by the Tsimshians before contact with Europeans i s probably more extensive than we can reconstruct, but I have d e f i n i t e references to the use of the following (based on f i e l d work and the major ethnographies): land f l o r a - berries, roots (Boas 1889:816), maple wood (Boas 1916:396), fern roots (ibid.:404), hemlock sap, lichen (ibid.:44), skunk cabbage (ibid.:405), barks, shoots, crabapples (Garfield 1966:13), cedars, f i r , yew, hazelnuts, grasses, high-bush and low-bush cranberries, d e v i l club, fireweed, f i r e wood, mushrooms; marine f l o r a -seaweeds, kelp (Boas 1889:816, 1916:44); aquatic fauna - f i s h eggs, clams, mussels, (Boas 1885:816), cockies(Boas 1916:404), 169 barnacles, chitons, s h e l l f i s h (Garfield 1966:13), china slippers, sea cucumbers, abalone, crabs, sea prunes; land fauna - birds' eggs. I include the fauna in gathering a c t i v i t i e s because that i s how they are associated by the Kitsumkalum. Gathered species also are r e l a t i v e l y immobile, unlike the species pursued in the hunt. Immobility i s a resource c h a r a c t e r i s t i c linked to the d i s t i n c t i o n between male/female procurement a c t i v i t i e s . The species l i s t e d have a f a i r l y widespread d i s t r i b u t i o n , although for many of them, their actual occurrence may be in concentrations. The only major regional d i s t i n c t i o n that can be noted i s between the coast and the i n t e r i o r . Technology The basic means of production for gathering are simple: resource s i t e s , hands, carrying containers, and simple tools such as a digging stick i f roots or clams are being sought, or a long pole with a hook for abalone (Canada, Department of F i s h e r i e s , Annual Report 1914:R122). The processing of the harvest for consumption or storage often involves more sophisticated technological f a c i l i t i e s , e.g., woodworking tools, storage buildings, home canners and even freezers during t h i s century, but could be as simple and unrefined as 170 a drying rock for seaweed. Men provide transportation to and from resource s i t e s , because i t i s they who are the usual owners of the vehicles. This is an essential role for island locations, but not so much so as far as inland crops are concerned. Today, motor boats have replaced canoes on the major waterways. Inland, trains , motor cars, and roadways have generally replaced the river transportation and much foot t r a f f i c . (See Garfield's summary of the evolution of the transportation technology of the Tsimshian (1966:12).) To a large extent, the technological changes in th i s century have been towards time-saving devices. Disposable carrying and storage containers (e.g., t i n s , p l a s t i c s ) are mass produced and therefore cheap in cash costs and in labour time compared to woven cedar bark baskets or bent-wood boxes. Home canners allow a large amount of food to be preserved in a day; freezers are even faster. Time saving devices are incorporated into both daily tasks and also aboriginal handicraft uses of resources. Examples range from small e l e c t r i c spinners used with commercially purchased Indian wools and flatbed drays for transporting cedar poles to the carvers' workshops. Women, who spend so much time processing subsistence products, are the immediate be n e f i c i a r i e s of these changes. There are other changes, mainly in transportation, that increase safety, comfort (especially the insect r e p e l l a n t s ) , and pleasure (e.g., 171 tra n s i s t o r radios). The most important component of gathering technology is the knowledge of the resources, their locations, seasons of a v a i l a b i l i t y , management, and processing. Much of this was the monopoly of women, and remains so today. Although there were no open assaults on the material technology, technological knowledge has been seriously disrupted. Wage labour patterns and compulsory education in Canadian schools, e s p e c i a l l y the r e s i d e n t i a l schools that took children away from the home, broke the transmission of information to a large portion of the younger generation. Since then, the attractions of urban centres for the young who are t i e d to wages, t e l e v i s i o n , and downtown entertainment provides an appealing substitute to the work of the mysterious bush, a place of perceived and real hardship which i s not considered necessary so long as there are supermarkets nearby with imported foods. Some individuals try to salvage the ancient knowledge, but much of i t is disappearing as quickly as the forest cover i t s e l f . Labour Gathering of resources was primarily the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the women at the r e s i d e n t i a l s i t e s . Keeping in mind my e a r l i e r comments, the groups were generally composed of members of a family unit, the kindred of a recognized head 172 i n d i v i d u a l . G a r f i e l d describes the early organization as a household lineage with a core of mat r i l i n e a l consanguines related to the resource owning t i t l e h o l d e r (either a husband, lineage chief, or v i l l a g e chief, depending on the seasonal/residential' location and a c t i v i t y 1966:17), plus some people who were re l a t i v e s by s o c i a l f i c t i o n s only (1966:22), and attached slaves (1966:15). The women of thi s group worked under the supervision of the senior wife (1966:15). Labour was organized through the corporate, resource-owning kin group. By the 1930s, property rights had been appropriated by the Crown and the corporate group was less s i g n i f i c a n t . It no longer ensured access to resources, but i t did remain a source of labour and an idiom for organizing labour. The core of the camp work groups were the grandmothers, s i s t e r s , and brothers' wives. Evolving property relations within the structure of Canadian law also permitted both greater b i l a t e r a l i t y in the group and more informal supervision, usually through the senior, more experienced women. The b i l a t e r a l i t y was indicated by the appearance of brothers and their a f f i n a l r e l a t i v e s , as well as friends, at the camps. This was the result of the combined breakdown of the m a t r i l i n e a l property system, and a continued occupation of t e r r i t o r i e s for reasons of production in the new, mixed economy. 173 Other changes in the t o t a l economy which occurred during the twentieth century prevented some families from going to camps. In fact, for a period, only two groups regularly went out from Port Essington, and the others participated only to a limited extent through v i s i t s by their representatives. Some of those who did not maintain a camp simply u t i l i z e d the resources growing near their place of employment and residence, e.g., the Brown's Lake area behind Brown's M i l l on the E c s t a l l River. Then, as now, going onto the land or islands to gather, even for a short time, afforded not only a chance for gaining access to food, but also for relaxation and friendly exchanges. The work group at camp was assisted in numerous ways by the children, who babysat, did chores appropriate to their age and experience, and received the training necessary to partic i p a t e d i r e c t l y when they matured. Certain jobs, such as pulverizing and drying hemlock bark, or c o l l e c t i n g sea bird eggs were routinely shared by both sexes. Others such as the gathering of the barks for baskets, or grasses for weaving, or fireweed for nets, the gathering and drying of seaweeds and berries; digging s h e l l f i s h ; or crabbing, were more exclusively women's work. So too was most of the preparation and preservation of these foods, or of grasses for weaving. Men had no s p e c i f i c gathering jobs, but they would help the women from time to 174 time, joining in when they were at home, usually between periods of fi s h i n g , hunting, trapping, logging, or whatever. In some cases men were responsible for providing transportation in the i r fishboats to the resource s i t e s . The requirements of camp l i f e no longer provide structure for gathering, and the work is organized around reserve l i f e instead. Nonetheless, the basic pattern remains: related women, with the aid of children and friends, s t i l l do most of the harvesting, and men provide transportation. This p a r t i c i p a t i o n by the men i s often appreciated by the berry pickers who were usually glad for the-men's presence because the women were very conscious of their ecological competition to the bear population and the r i f l e s that the men would often carry provided reassurance. Women do not fe e l as comfortable with r i f l e s and, on their own, tend not to carry one when gathering. Even though the basic arrangement has not changed greatly over the years, the relationship of the wild harvest to other a c t i v i t i e s in their productive l i v e s has become much more mechanical, that i s less integrated. The performance and organization of the harvest suffers from increasing interference by the other uses of time and labour, especially those which became predominant with the decline of camp l i f e since World War II, wage labour in pa r t i c u l a r . 175 PROPERTY RELATIONS Loss Of Legal Ownership The establishment of the three reserves for the Kitsumkalums in 1891 marked the legal loss of their ownership of resource s i t e s , and caused serious damage to the corresponding s o c i a l relationships. Yet the loss was not immediate or t o t a l u n t i l the areas became occupied by foreign peoples and industries. In a l l o t t i n g the reserves, the Indian Reserve Commissioner summarized his interpretation of Tsimshian economic relationships: "You w i l l not be confined to your reserves. You can go on the mountain to hunt and gather berries as you have always done. Some think i t would be a hardship that the hunting grounds should not be defined, but the govt, does not see how that could be done, for an Indian goes where he w i l l to hunt, or gather berries. No survey could be made of them." (Public Archives of Canada RG 10 v.1022 handscript of minutes) This was a simple statement, but misleading in what i t assumed. Tsimshians c e r t a i n l y gathered much more than berries and they could have surveyed their properties because precise knowledge of their relationships to the raw materials of the harvest were t i e d to the lineage and v i l l a g e structures. 176 The d e t a i l s of these o r i g i n a l relationships are not well documented, but some reconstruction i s possible from the l i t e r a t u r e and f i e l d notes in archives. Darling, in his review of the ethnography, notes that patches of edible roots, cedar stands, and certain generalized t e r r i t o r i e s were sp e c i f i e d as lineage property. On the coast, kelp beds were also owned by lineages, although clam beds were v i l l a g e property (1955:10-12). G a r f i e l d added to t h i s l i s t lineage ownership of berry patches (1966:23) and stated that "there were no unclaimed land or sea food resources of a kind important to the Indian's economy" (1966:14), although she did not have detailed data. The Sessional Papers reporting on "Indian troubles" also indicated widespread ownership of "fruit-gathering preserves" and timber lands (cedar stands?) ( B r i t i s h Columbia, Sessional Papers 1885:289; 1887:260ff.). According to informants, such properties generally had names and associated packages of ownership r i g h t s . The Beynon/Barbeau fieldnotes l i s t named t e r r i t o r i e s which included designations such as sqaw.a ms, "where grows devil's club", as well as m /qE'Id , "burnt shrubs", in the Kitsumkalum Valley, and others in Zimacord D i s t r i c t (see McDonald, 1983). If the women had been interviewed, many more names undoubtedly would have been preserved to ident i f y s p e c i f i c l o c a l e s . 177 This additional aspect of the property relationships, which was l e g a l l y l o s t in 1891, was the symbolic relationship between the v i l l a g e s based upon v i l l a g e specializations in production for the feasts (Kitsumkalum was noted as a producer of dried f i s h and mats. See Boas 1916:398, cf. , p. 274). The specialty dishes each v i l l a g e contributed were probably related to ecological differences and possible craft s p e c i a l i z a t i o n s in the respective t e r r i t o r i e s ( i b i d . , and G a r f i e l d 1966:16). But there was a larger s o c i a l significance also. A l l a i r e draws this out when he argues for a symbolic interpretation in which the dishes are viewed as a c o d i f i c a t i o n of a mental map of the Tsimshian v i l l a g e s (1984). Given the context of feasting, the p o l i t i c a l content of the code .must have been high, s i g n i f y i n g the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the v i l l a g e s to the host. Now, the only clue we have specifying that content i s the r e l a t i v e ranking of the v i l l a g e s in the myth studied by A l l a i r e . The loss of property rights undermined the relationship nearly a century ago and the information is l o s t . This is the nature of what was lost with the imposition of the reserve system. Its f u l l e f f e c t was not f e l t by gatherers u n t i l s e t t l e r s and police began to a r r i v e in the Valley. 1 78 Erosion Of Economic Control Then came resource l e g i s l a t i o n : the Forestry Act, Fisheries Act, Game Act, Bird Convention. Some old people s t i l l remember and complain about how they could not take bark from the hemlock or cedar trees which was necessary to many manufactures. This apparently refers to a clause in the Forestry Act which made i t i l l e g a l to remove any products of the forest on Crown Lands (R.S.B.C. 1924 C93 S10.1). In sp e c i f i c cases, women were prevented from stripping trees as they had been accustomed, and men could no longer cut timber for boxes pr canoes without a timber licence or lease. I could not trace the forestry l e g i s l a t i o n on this beyond the date given (1924), but in 1887, a delegation of chiefs was to l d by the Premier of the province that timber on crown lands was protected by timber lease and that people cutting trees for house construction or storage boxes could be stopped l e g a l l y by the Tsimshian owners of the lands i f they held a lease ( B r i t i s h Columbia Sessional Papers 1887:253ff.). In fact, the complicated requirements for tenure inhibited widespread r e g i s t r a t i o n of timber lands by Indians (see chapter 14) and there i s convincing evidence of prejudice against Indian re g i s t r y (Pritchard 1977:115ff.). 179 I did not see the s p e c i f i c regulations governing other products harvested in the northwest forest or other foreign controls, but the l e g i s l a t i o n c e r t a i n l y provided for such. In the case of land fauna, r e s t r i c t i o n s were placed on the c o l l e c t i o n of the eggs of the grouse, robin, blackbird, thrush, and wild ducks by the Game Protection Act of 1887 (R.S.B.C. 1888 C52S12). This was extended by the Dominion's Migratory Bird Convention Act of 1917 to include the eggs of other migratory birds, insectivorous birds, swans, shorebirds, and the cranes (R.S.C. 1917 C130 A r t i c l e IV). A r t i c l e III of t h i s Act allowed Indians to take the eggs of migratory non-game birds for food only. With the development of the c a p i t a l i s t f i s h e r i e s , there was an increasing number of r e s t r i c t i o n s and controls placed upon marine resources by p r o v i n c i a l and Dominion l e g i s l a t i o n . Shell f i s h e r i e s were regulated in 1874 when the Dominion Fisheries Act was applied to B.C. shortly after Confederation. (S.C. 1874 C60 S15). By 1908, licences were required for clam, abalone, and crab f i s h e r i e s . Abalone was closed every t h i r d year, size l i m i t s were placed on crabs, and supervision of clam beds by the l o c a l fishery o f f i c e r was required (O/C 1908, p. ccxxxi). Indians were to be exempt from licence requirements only. P r o v i n c i a l laws were largely an extension of Dominion l e g i s l a t i o n . In 1901 the p r o v i n c i a l Fisheries Act established provision to set close seasons on f i s h in 180 p r o v i n c i a l waters. Section 38 included the s h e l l f i s h resource in the Act (R.S.B.C. 1911 C89 s38). Since 1946, licences have been required to harvest kelp and other aquatic plants (R.S.B.C. 1948 C125 s30). The imposition of these controls upon the material appropriation of the resources were not only manifestations of the loss of legal ownership, they were also examples of the erosion of actual economic control of the resource s i t e s . In other words, ownership had been assured l e g a l l y long before i t meant anything in real terms, i t was through the development of the l e g i s l a t i v e controls that the loss was defined and structured. Loss Of Possession As l e g i s l a t i v e control extended over the raw materials a d i f f e r e n t kind of loss gained momentum, that of the destruction of resource s i t e s by alternate land uses. The Indian Reserve Commissioner had promised that there would be no interference with gathering a c t i v i t i e s , but his word was broken as s e t t l e r s and industry appeared. It began immediately after the reserves were established, when Tom Thornhill moved to the present s i t e of Terrace to begin homesteading. By 1910 a f a i r sized community existed at Eby's Landing (Terrace), with homesteaders fanning across the Kitsumkalum Valley, 181 establishing farms and settlements according to Pr o v i n c i a l , not Tsimshian, laws and tenures. Pre-emptor maps (in the map c o l l e c t i o n , University of B r i t i s h Columbia Libraries) show the extensiveness of settlement at the turn of the century (e.g., Figure 8). This homesteading and the associated settlements caused considerable losses to berry patches. One woman, who was nearly a hundred years old, t r i e d to explain to me where her family took berries but was sure that I would not be able to locate the si t e s because they were overgrown with flowers ( a g r i c u l t u r a l use) and destroyed by roadways. She could remember the time of their destruction as the turn of the century. Of course, not a l l the land was so changed. Some of i t was saved, apparently because i t was unsuitable for farming, esp e c i a l l y that on the west side of the Valley. As a result, the children of the families which remained in the Terrace area to work were able to remember c o l l e c t i n g food even after World War II . Although they could not say whether they had done so in the o r i g i n a l lineage areas, their descriptions indicate heaviest use on the qanhada properties, and their father was a qanhada sm'ooqyit. After the enactment of new forestry laws in the 1940s (Chapter 14), multinational companies moved quickly and clear cut the forest from Terrace north, a process which is s t i l l taking the industry into the more inaccessible locations. Along with the timber went the rest of the 182 y Figure 8. Early settlements near Kitsumkalum Valley, c i r c a 1920. (source: P r o v i n c i a l pre-emptor maps, 1919, 1924.) 183 important vegetation cover. Consequently, the s p e c i f i c locations for harvesting the d i f f e r e n t resources have been destroyed and now do not have any productive relevance to the present generation. Only the cranberry f l a t s at the north end of Kalum Lake seem to be remnants of a s i g n i f i c a n t ancient resource s i t e . Most of the present harvest occurs along the logging roads, where the secondary growth often takes the form of berry bushes. Control Of D i s t r i b u t i o n The loss of ownership extended beyond production to the d i s t r i b u t i o n s of the produce. S p e c i f i c a l l y , the sale or even possession of prohibited birds' eggs was i l l e g a l under the Migratory Birds Convention Act of 1917, and the P r o v i n c i a l Fisheries Act prevented the sale or purchase of s h e l l f i s h , clams, and oysters without a licence (R.S.B.C. 1936 C101 s 28). Nonetheless, people have a history of r e s i s t i n g the imposition of these regulations and now a small blackmarket i s said to exist that ignores quotas for s h e l l f i s h . I did not c o l l e c t information on t h i s . 184 9. HORTICULTURE The standard ethnographies on the Tsimshian do not refer to the practice of any form of ho r t i c u l t u r e , but the c u l t i v a t i o n of crops is c e r t a i n l y popular now, and seems to have had a much longer history and more important role in the past than the l i t e r a t u r e suggests. To emphasize the position of plant care in the aboriginal economy, and to present some knowledge about plant care that I learned in Kitsumkalum, I decided to isol a t e the information in a chapter separate from that dealing with gathering. This i s not to over-emphasize the topic - the Tsimshian were not farmers - but only to note that they did have knowledge of plant c u l t i v a t i o n . The general impression of the coastal peoples i s that they were not oriented to the land. There is a tendency to correct t h i s by looking at hunting a c t i v i t i e s and this chapter joins that c r i t i q u e by extending i t beyond the faunal resources to the f l o r a . Unfortunately, the quantity and quality of available information on horticulture i s d i f f e r e n t than for the rest of the aboriginal.economy and th i s w i l l a l t e r the structure of the chapter from the previous ones. In order to avoid losing sight of" the h i s t o r i c a l development of gardening, which i s important to the point I am trying to tease out, the information w i l l be sorted into pre- and post-contact 185 periods, and followed in i t s d i f f e r e n t branches. ABORIGINAL HORTICULTURE There i s a difference between the use of resources as they are found naturally and the c u l t i v a t i o n of them to enhance their usefulness to a population. Meillassoux c a l l e d t h i s the d i s t i n c t i o n between land as a subject of labour and an instrument of labour (1972:98-99). In the present work, i t is represented as the d i s t i n c t i o n between gathering and gardening. Nowadays, the two are quite separate in Kitsumkalum, yet certain references that were made to me about past practises blurred the categories, and lead me to speculate that some plant care may have been practiced before contact with Europeans. G a r f i e l d (1939:199) mentions the trade of wild celery and other vegetable products for European commodities at the Hudson Bay Company post, and the trade of potatoes from the Haida. Darling's review of the Tsimshian l i t e r a t u r e provides an unreferenced comment that potatoes were cult i v a t e d in the early years of contact, implying the produce was used mainly for the brewing of an a l c o h o l i c potato liquor. The recipe, he states, was learned in V i c t o r i a by Tsimshian t r a v e l l e r s to that port (Darling 1955:26). 186 This i s very l i t t l e to go on, but at Kitsumkalum people remember more. Berry bushes, for example, were cleared of overgrowth after the f r u i t season to ensure a healthy supply during the following year, and to allow pickers to move more ea s i l y through them. Sometimes pruning was accomplished by setting f i r e to the bushes (e.g., cranberries). These preferred patches had t r a i l s to them that were maintained so that people with cedar baskets strung from their necks could reach and harvest the berries. Some plants that naturally grew in scattered patches were tended to ensure a concentration. Others, such as high bush cranberries, soapberries, and blueberries, were transplanted to r e s i d e n t i a l s i t e s and c u l t i v a t e d . It may be speculative to extend t h i s information back to pre-European times but I was told about i t under the most apt circumstances: while picking berries on a mountain slope as people t r i e d to push through the tangled bushes of the less used berry patches, or when we happened across a lonely example of an edible plant. Darling fuels the speculation when he comments that the early post-contact gardens were situated at s i t e s previously used only for gathering edible roots. (The main root crops are the bracken fern and T r i t i l l a r i . ) Upon inquiring, I found no further information on caring for root crops that would f i l l out Darling's comment. 187 The Tsimshian took care of other naturally grown plants. Wild rice was weeded in the early spring and summer, and (labrador) tea was also weeded when necessary. Fr u i t trees were frequently tended and people consider the presence of nut trees and crabapple trees a sure sign of an old v i l l a g e or camp s i t e . I was often t o l d that "wherever the old people camped, there are crabapples". The nut trees in Kitsumkalum valley were reportedly transplanted as saplings from Kitselas canyon. F i n a l l y , the people used to cut down apple trees, leaving a portion so that new growth would come and provide both more f r u i t and f r u i t that was within reach. Information on plant care i s important in understanding the extent and nature of Tsimshian land use, but i t may be a moot point whether the a c t i v i t y deserves the label h o r t i c u l t u r e . I would not want to c a l l the pre-contact Tsimshian gardeners on the basis of the practices described above. These mainly improve the environment of wild plants. However, there are two important plant species that the f i r s t European t r a v e l l e r s recognized as being c u l t i v a t e d : 188 potatoes and tobacco. 1 It is certain that the Hudson Bay Company traders were surprised to find the northern Indians prepared to trade potatoes to the company. An early explorer and v i s i t o r to Port Simpson perhaps knew the answer: "attached to their houses most of them have large potatoe gardens: t h i s vegetable was f i r s t given to them by an American captain; i t i s now grown in abundance, i s traded by them to vessels v i s i t i n g their harbour, and to the traders at Fort Simpson. I have known for 5-8 hundred bushels being traded in one season, from these indians at Fort Simpson." (Dunn I845:n.p.) However old the gardening of potatoes may be, i t has always been an important feature of the productive economy of h i s t o r i c Kitsumkalum. One of the e a r l i e s t references I have to h o r t i c u l t u r e among the Kitsumkalum involves potatoes. It comes from the f i r s t European to see their v i l l a g e , Major Downie who explored the Skeena ri v e r in 1855, and who remarked that the Indians at Kitsumkalum "grow plenty of potatoes" (1859:72). Those gardens continued to be worked 1 Where these "Haida potatoes" originated i s a mystery. Lawrence, in a popularized account, feels that potato c u l t i v a t i o n was learned by the Tsimshian during a trans-p a c i f i c voyage to a land where people ate maggots (rice) and were c a l l e d kakayoren. He c i t e s a Hartley Bay legend as evidence and gives further support with a description of the circum-global d i f f u s i o n of potato c u l t i v a t i o n that resulted from the Spanish and Portugese trade (Lawrence 1972:44). More general opinion among ethnobotanists doubts t h i s explanation, p a r t i a l l y because of a l i k e l y English etymology for the Haida word for potato. 189 u n t i l they were destroyed in two separate disasters: the railway, which blasted i t s way through the reserve (McDonald 1981a, 1981b) and the 1936 flood which washed away an important section of v i l l a g e land. Downie only mentioned the one garden s i t e on the Skeena River, but t h i s was one of the f i r s t populated s i t e s at which he stopped on his journey. He did not go up the Kitsumkalum river to the main v i l l a g e where, I was told by an elderly woman who l i v e d there, there were potato gardens in the l a t e r part of the nineteenth century. And he may not have noticed temporarily unoccupied s i t e s along the way, such as at Peak creek, Salvas, Zimacord, or Spalding point. These spots were gardened by Kitsumkalum people (Jonah Roberts, Annie Starr, Mark Bolton) at least u n t i l the 1930s. He t o t a l l y missed their other s i t e s on t r i b u t a r i e s , for example at Lockerby creek on the E c s t a l l r i v e r . Thus, as a l i s t , these locations are probably a minimal catalogue of si t e s for Kitsumkalum, but they do provide clues to the extent of gardening a c t i v i t y . The o r i g i n of tobacco in the region i s not known. It was c u l t i v a t e d and used as a narcotic by the Haida and their northern trade partners before the merchant traders appeared. Captain Vancouver provided the following description of the growing of tobacco (on the Queen Charlotte Islands) in 1798: 190 in the v i c i n i t y of these habitations were found some square patches of ground in a state of c u l t i v a t i o n , producing a plant that appeared to be tobacco; and which we understood is by no means uncommon amongst the inhabitants of Queen Charlotte Islands, who c u l t i v a t e much of t h i s plant (in Turner and Taylor 1972:250). Another explorer mentioned tobacco associated with wild celery ( i b i d . ) . Boas (1916:52) thought i t was probably cu l t i v a t e d in the v i l l a g e gardens a l l along the Skeena. The s p e c i f i c s of the c u l t i v a t i o n were given by S e t c h e l l : the seeds were planted at the end of A p r i l at the same time as potatoes. Each pod was placed in a small' mound of earth, as in planting potatoes. The gardens were deeply c u l t i v a t e d and kept clear of weeds. The plants were harvested and t i e d in bundles at the beginning of September, and rotten wood was mixed into the s o i l to enrich- i t for the next year, a common practice in tobacco c u l t i v a t i o n throughout North America ... (in Turner and Taylor 1972:250-251). Tobacco was not smoked in pre-contact times but chewed in a mixture with lime (from burnt abalone or clam shells) to prevent the tobacco from burning the mouth. When European smoking tobacco became popular, the aboriginal practice died out, and apparently the plant i s now extinct (ibid.s 251 ). 191 HISTORIC GARDENS One woman told me how the old people feed plants: f i s h guts would be buried nearby and blood s p i l l e d over the plants (as f e r t i l i z e r ) . Sometimes seal s l i c e s were placed in the d i r t for a good garden. Moss from s a l t water (seaweed) was used as well. It was suggested that this might have been done for berry bushes as well as the gardens. A l l these practices correspond to and therefore seem imitative of the gardening of the Hudson Bay Company, but i f the Tsimshian knew how to prepare the s o i l for tobacco, they might have had similar knowledge for other plants. At present, i t would be f u t i l e to attempt to evaluate the antiquity of the patterns. Instead, I w i l l turn to what is known from the h i s t o r i c period. In the Hudson Bay Company Archives, there are numerous references to the company's e f f o r t s to introduce farming for their own purposes. The experimental plots around Fort Simpson were tended by hired Tsimshian and frequently raided by i r a t e , mischievous, hungry, and/or curious Tsimshian, both adults and youths. (A l a t e r chapter on jobs documents thi s relationship.) The experience gained from both of these a c t i v i t i e s provided the Tsimshian with knowledge of the modern European practices. The Government of Canada furthered the introduction of European-style farming with p o l i c i e s and programmes that saw f r u i t trees, vegetables, etc., planted on reserves. 1 92 Later s t i l l , the appearance of s e t t l e r s and the development of an a g r i c u l t u r a l region concentrated in the Terrace area provided the Tsimshian with greater opportunity to adopt European-style produce and methods. So great was their involvement that some Kitsumkalum even participated in a g r i c u l t u r a l e x h i b i t i o n s . 1 The older people at Kitsumkalum remember the training and encouragement they received from their farming neighbours, as well as the small orchards and gardens that they set up with the benefit of direct interaction with the s e t t l e r s . There are s t i l l plum trees on I.R.I that were started with the help of Henry Frank, a s e t t l e r . European gardening became even more popular, peaking in importance during the 1930s when some of the people were involved in small-scale farming up r i v e r from the v i l l a g e . This peak of a c t i v i t y corresponded to a similar interest in s e t t l i n g the land by immigrants (Asante 1972). The tendency in both populations declined after the war in reaction to deteriorating environmental and market conditions. Since the decline of camp l i f e , gardening has been r e s t r i c t e d to backyard plots in r e s i d e n t i a l lots at the v i l l a g e and in the urban areas. 1 One year, during the Great Depression, Charles Nelson won f i r s t prize for his turnips at the Prince Rupert a g r i c u l t u r a l f a i r . 193 GARDENING PRACTICES Darling stated the Tsimshian gardens were cu l t i v a t e d by household groups at the camps' (1955:26). This was generally true, but when the men were away fi s h i n g the adult women were the p r i n c i p a l workers. They were helped in the work by young children, and by adult children when they v i s i t e d or li v e d with their families between periods of wage labour. Use of these si t e s rested with the family. Reference was always made to a garden as 'belonging' to the head of the unit, either male or female. Sometimes people remembered that the location was part of the family's o r i g i n a l t e r r i t o r y . This conforms with Darling's statement that the gardens were on land already claimed by householders. Thus, he wrote, "the new practice of c u l t i v a t i o n did not disturb t r a d i t i o n a l rights in land" (Darling 1955: 27). Produce was consumed by the family, although in some cases surplus was sold or traded. One Kitsumkalum resident who operated a small store on the reserve in the 1930s sold some of the meat and vegetables to l o c a l Indians and s e t t l e r s . The type of crops grown throughout the century suggests th e i r dual potential for both subsistence gardening and market gardening: potatoes, turnips, carrots, cabbage, lettuce, onions, radish, nut trees, crabapples, prune plum trees, berry bushes, chickens, turkeys, geese, ducks, pigs, cows. 194 The imposition of Canadian property laws and the reserve system usurped legal control over these garden areas, but apparently the effect on use rights by the Kitsumkalum were mixed. The reserves protected the main si t e s , and other locations, such as at Feak Creek, continued to be used as long as the combined economy of the camp was viable and people continued to l i v e there on the trap l i n e . Other v i l l a g e s were less fortunate with their off-reserve gardens and experienced interference when c o n f l i c t i n g land use patterns (e.g., settlement, logging) took precedence to the gardens. Even on protected lands there were problems in this regard. At Kitsumkalum Indian Reserve, the r a i l r o a d right-of-way destroyed a c u l t i v a t e d area, requiring people to relocate their plots elsewhere on the reserve. The Kitsumkalum have a history of c u l t i v a t i n g plants. The antiquity of the practice may be cloudy at present, but for the past two centuries, at least, the Tsimshian have had gardens. This i s a considerable period of time and predates the e a r l i e s t ethnographic description of the i r way of l i f e . Whether they invented or borrowed the practice of gardening, the Kitsumkalum have been h o r t i c u l t u r a l i s t s for as long as ethnologists have known them. 195 10. CONCLUSION TO SECTION A: THE ABORIGINAL SECTORS Or i g i n a l l y , hunting, f i s h i n g , gathering, and horticulture were the mainstay of Kitsumkalum's economy and, through the associated rel a t i o n s h i p of the people to the resources available in their t e r r i t o r i e s , provided the material basis of their broader s o c i a l relationships. The people developed t h i s base and these relationships themselves in order to take advantage of the new economic opportunities afforded by the expansion of the European economy. But the growth of colonialism and Imperialism soon distorted internal s o c i a l evolution. The Act of Union inaugurated a new era for Tsimshian a r t i c u l a t i o n s with the world market during which the property connections to the means of production were re-organized to meet the needs of c a p i t a l . The f i r s t consequence of Confederation was the extension of Canadian and Provincial laws and the establishment of the reserve system, which took the formal legal ownership of those resources, and the associated s o c i a l control of them, out of the hands of the lineages, c h i e f s , and the emerging Tsimshian entrepreneurs. There then followed a disintegration of the old economic order, as people attempted to adjust t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s to find an e f f e c t i v e blend with the new and old rules of production. New 196 patterns of land use and occupancy emerged and evolved, and Tsimshians and foreigners alike claimed ancient s i t e s for their respective, often fundamentally d i f f e r e n t , purposes. With the further extension of economic control over the resources by foreign interests, the Tsimshian a b i l i t y to incorporate and re-incorporate f l o r a l and faunal resources into their changing productive processes or to develop them on their own terms was c u r t a i l e d by either legal r e s t r i c t i o n s , over-exploitation, or waste of the materials. Labour found i t s tools under l e g i s l a t e d attack, i t s resources alienated, and even i t s very existence increasingly t i e d to the conditions of commodity production. Gradually, real control shifted out of Tsimshian hands, into those of industry and of a government in which the Tsimshian had no e l e c t o r a l say and which necessarily represented the interests of the foreign economic structure. Gradually, a l l the chief productive resources were captured by c a p i t a l , separated from the Tsimshian labour that worked them, and dislocated from the Tsimshian economic formation. As more and more wedges were driven, Tsimshian labour was e f f e c t i v e l y freed from other modes of production and moved into a firmer position for i t s dir e c t encounter with c a p i t a l as just another commodity, ready to serve the requirements of c a p i t a l . 1 97 Aboriginally, Tsimshian hunting, f i s h i n g , gathering, and horticulture had been located in the context of s o c i a l production primarily for use value. The changes discussed in t h i s section show the displacement of labour out of the aboriginal economy into the overa l l context of production for the market. Thus " t r a d i t i o n a l production" was wrenched out of the t o t a l i t y provided by the former s o c i a l relations of Tsimshian society and slowly dissected. The history of the government's self-espoused leniency in i t s p o l i c i e s to native claims may be treated as a barometer of the needs for resources or for labour that were developing with the d i f f e r e n t sectors of c a p i t a l in the area. As far as the Kitsumkalum were concerned, the curtailment and c o n s t r i c t i o n of hunting, f i s h i n g , gathering, and horticulture was an attack on their s o c i a l formation. For Indian organizations, a l l that remains of these a c t i v i t i e s is the package of t r a d i t i o n a l a c t i v i e s that they fight for as aboriginal rig h t s : the food fishery rights, hunting rights, and so on. The tension underlying their struggle is a single tendency: so long as the needs of c a p i t a l for the resource associated with each of these rights do not become too aggressive, and so long as the p o l i t i c a l organizations maintain their struggles, aboriginal rights w i l l e x i s t , and with these rights the s o c i a l basis of Kitsumkalum (or any other v i l l a g e community) w i l l remain. 198 Hunting, f i s h i n g , gathering, and hort i c u l t u r e remain a t o t a l i t y that provides a basis for Kitsumkalum's community, as well as a continuity with the past. These a c t i v i t i e s can be seen as indicators of who the Kitsumkalums are, and, impr e s s i o n i s t i c a l l y speaking, the more intense a person's p a r t i c i p a t i o n in these a c t i v i t i e s i s (whether as a producer or a consumer), the more certain i s that person's i d e n t i f i c a t i o n as a Kitsumkalum. An interpretive answer now emerges from the question that had no conscious answer in the f i e l d : who is a Kitsumkalum? - or to put i t in a more d i f f i c u l t form: why i s a person with no legal status, who i s l i v i n g away from the v i c i n i t y of the v i l l a g e , and who appears to have l e f t the past behind, s t i l l considered to be a member of the community? There seems, after a l l , to be a certain group of people here who have more in common than ethnic background, or r a c i a l stereotypes, or c o l o n i a l laws. The answer that now comes is simply t h i s : a person i s a Kitsumkalum because that person pa r t i c i p a t e s , at some point, in the aboriginal process of production and consumption. They share a material base necessary for their l i v e l i h o o d , and c r i t i c a l for their ways of behaving. As certain Indian organizations describe the relationship: "The Land i s our Culture". 199 11. SECTION B., THE COMMODITY ECONOMY To remark upon the existence of the market economy in Canada i s in some ways to state the obvious, but i t is important to do so because, as Knight (1978) pointed out in his province-wide study of the a r t i c u l a t i o n of Indians to . the c a p i t a l i s t economy, ethnographers have not noted i t adequately or often enough when they described or analyzed native s o c i e t i e s . I do not want to repeat a previous study that rehearsed the problems associated with the neglect of the c o l o n i a l history of the Tsimshian (McDonald 1984). Instead, I w i l l go d i r e c t l y to the actual a r t i c u l a t i o n of Kitsumkalum (and the Tsimshians) with the emerging c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l formation. There are two major aspects to the history of thi s process. The f i r s t i s the evolution of the form of the a r t i c u l a t i o n i t s e l f . The reproduction of Kitsumkalum involves various c i r c u i t s of c a p i t a l that are present in the region. In the chapters that follow, I w i l l examine this involvement as i t occurred in each of the major sectors of the economy (trapping, logging, commercial f i s h i n g , businesses, wages, and government monies). This w i l l not be a description of a dual economy: part aboriginal, part commodity. The reproduction of Kitsumkalum depended upon 200 both sections, and each section was integrated and dependent upon the other in ways. This should become apparent during the discussion. The second aspect of the a r t i c u l a t i o n concerns the concentration of more and more of the means of production by c a p i t a l . This is the progressive commodification of the resources, technology, and labour power necessary for s o c i a l production. Part of the history of the appropriation of these factors by c a p i t a l was covered in the examination of the destruction of the aboriginal economy and the dispossession of the Kitsumkalum. Now I am turning more to the needs of c a p i t a l and to the evolution of c a p i t a l i s t production in the region. The history is complex, and I w i l l need to be somewhat s u p e r f i c i a l in my treatment of i t . Nonetheless, without such an attempt i t w i l l be impossible to understand the development of the relationships of production in the region, whether they be within Kitsumkalum's economic formation, or the broader regional s o c i a l formation dominated by c a p i t a l . The result, when combined with the previous section, should be an understanding of the class relationships of Kitsumkalum, of the development of a commodity market, the domination of c a p i t a l , and ultimately, the transformation of a Native society. The analysis w i l l also provide information on the forms of resistance that aboriginal societies in B r i t i s h Columbia and Canada have made to the c o l o n i a l experience, 201 that i s , to their subsumption under c a p i t a l and to the t o t a l destruction of the i r aboriginal economy. Thus, some reasons w i l l emerge for the continuing importance of land claims and aboriginal rights, and some guide posts w i l l appear for reading the p o l i t i c a l map of aboriginal B r i t i s h Columbia. 202 12. TRAPPING It w i l l be useful to start by schematically o u t l i n i n g the (simple) process of trapping. The f i r s t thing a trapper must do i s find an area to trap. In some cases t h i s may be assumed, i f i t i s an inheritance; in other cases, i t must be located and then bought, borrowed, granted, or "stolen". Having found a suitable area, the trapper must next ensure that he has some legal connection to i t ; that i s , a property claim that is recognized and defendable. At one time this was accomplished through the practices of the feast; l a t e r , for a while, i t was informally acknowledged through " t r a d i t i o n " ; and now, in bureaucratic times, through some type of r e g i s t r a t i o n via the p r o v i n c i a l administration. The establishment of the property connection allows a trapper to engage in the actual labour of trapping, which can be extensive. It involves preparing the l i n e , buildings, caches, etc., running a l i n e , and turning the pelts into commodities. The commodities then must be taken to market and, through the medium of a buyer, sold to producers who convert the p a r t i c u l a r pelt into whatever products they can. With the f i n a l marketing, purchase and use of these products, the path of the material object i s completed. The cycle of his labour ends after the trapper is paid and he reinvests his money (or, previously, the 203 traded commodities) into new means of production in order to return to trap once again. Now the cycle starts anew. In the case of contemporary non-Indian trappers, the cycle technically begins with the property question, of renewing the annual licences. In fact, however, lines are more or less reserved, and the usual practice is lenient towards any trapper who conforms to the rules. For Indian l i n e s , this u n o f f i c i a l policy for the reservation of the l i n e i s more s i g n i f i c a n t . Even their infrequently u t i l i z e d l i n es are reserved, often against pressure from outsiders. Given this s i t u a t i o n , the r e p e t i t i v e production cycles actually commence somewhere in the labour process proper, somewhere past the establishment of the l i n e , at or before the work of running the traps. This describes the simple process of trapping. It becomes more complex as other, complementary or antagonistic production practices are associated with i t (logging, for example), or i f expansion i s attempted. In Kitsumkalum the cycles have been broken. Now only one Band member is seriously considering trapping and, unlike other v i l l a g e s , none of their indigenous areas are under their control. How t h i s came to be i s the subject of t h i s chapter. The d e t a i l s that follow focus on the Kitsumkalum, and w i l l show how the history of their trapping has been a destruction of their relationship to the resource and a transformation of the s o c i a l determinants of the process. 204 MEANS OF PRODUCTION The Resource Of the sixteen furbearers harvested in' B r i t i s h Columbia, I have records of ten being taken and sold by the Kitsumkalum: fox, beaver, marten, lynx, mink, muskrat, river otter, s q u i r r e l , weasel, and wolf (those not taken are fish e r , bobcat, raccoon, skunk, wolverine and coyote). The act of actually capturing these animals varies from species to species. Beaver, for example, are often taken underwater with a Conibear trap, while marten can be.caught with a certain size of leg hold trap. There are also some governmental regulations of the type of trapping permitted for a species. Other differences in the trapping of each species are the seasonal limitations that the government established to conserve the species and control the industry. The regulations vary according to zones which are defined in law by broad climatic indicators. The Tsimshian (and the Kitsumkalum) trap across two di f f e r e n t zones, and therefore must deal with two sets of regulations. Overlaid on the zone map are management units (MU) which do not correspond 205 geographically with the zones. The Tsimshian are within a single MU, which i s subdivided into sub-units, each with an o f f i c e , records, and o f f i c i a l s . The f i r s t p r o v i n c i a l l i m i t a t i o n s were applied in the 1880s on deer, elk, mountain goats, mountain sheep, and hares in the form of a hunting prohibition from January to September (R.S.B.C. C s)(1888,52,3.1)!. These are game animals hunted for their skins as well as their meat. By 1897, caribou and moose were added to the l i s t and the f i r s t r e s t r i c t i o n s on the "fur-bearing" species were created permitting the trapping of beaver, marten and land otter only between November 1 and March 31 (R.S.B.C. 1897 C88 s6.4). Fox, f i s h e r , lynx, mink, muskrat, racoons, weasels, ermine, and wolverine were put under seasonal regulation by 1924 (R.S.B.C. C s)(1924,98,9)! and the taking of imprime skins was made i l l e g a l . Thus, before the Great Depression of the 1930s, most furbearers were under r e s t r i c t e d exploitation regulations that defined the trapping seasons. How these laws and regulations affected the seasonal round of the Kitsumkalum i s d i f f i c u l t to reconstruct because ethnographies are vague on trapping a c t i v i t i e s , and generally post-date the i n i t i a t i o n of regulation. One early source that is available i s the Fort Simpson journals (Hudson Bay Company Archives) in which there are data d e t a i l i n g when di f f e r e n t pelts were traded over the year and 206 how many. These show that beaver and other animals were traded throughout the year, which suggests that either people were trapping year round during the early land-based fur trade period, or they rationed their pelts to provide an income over several months. Both practices might have occurred, but since pelts have a natural season, being prime in winter, rationing i s the most l i k e l y explanation. Thus, given the dearth of information, i t can be assumed that the regulations only contributed to the establishment of a more sharply and narrowly defined seasonal cycle. The p r o v i n c i a l laws ostensibly function to conserve the resource, but there are other aspects to conservation as well. It i s not unusual to hear the metaphor of "farming" a trapping area. That i s , the animal population i s seen to be cult i v a t e d , so as to maximize the trapper's returns, to maintain a healthy population size (preventing disease, demographic cycles), and to re-establish an ecological balance when the environment suffers damage from other encroachment ( B r i t i s h Columbia, Ministry of Environment n.d. Pamphlet). This can be a p o l i t i c a l metaphor as well. Some Indians l i k e to d i f f e r e n t i a t e Indian/white methods of conservation: whites deplete, but Indians conserve. They say that Indians stop trapping when female animals are taken several times in succession and that traps are closed after a certain point when i t i s perceived that the population is dropping too low 207 to sustain i t s e l f . In.support of these claims there are comments by non-Indians, such as that by Game Warden Muirhead who, in 1933, reported that some white trappers often "trap very close" in the Terrace area because they view the trapline as a short term venture (in Orlando f i l e , Fish and W i l d l i f e , Terrace). Traplines The term "trapline" refers to a recognized geographic area or location which is defined and registered according to p r o v i n c i a l regulations (which are governed by the W i l d l i f e Act, R.S.B.C. 1979 c.433). Within t h i s area ("on the trapline") are situated items necessary for trapping there: the actual l i n e s , habitation structures, transportation equipment, traps, other supplies and gear. There is an actual l i n e along which traps are placed, or "run", or "set". A t r a i l must be cut, locations blazed, and the whole line maintained in a fashion that a t t r a c t s animals (e.g., some trappers run bait even during the o f f -season when traps are not set), or at least in a way that does not scare the animal population. Habitation structures vary from a simple lean-to to cheap frame houses, depending upon needs and o v e r a l l use of the area. One Kitsumkalum man, Gordon Nelson, had two cabins on his line near the mouth of the Gitnadoix River; 208 the Roberts had a frame house at Feak Creek u n t i l i t was washed away some 30 years ago. Another l i n e in the northern Kitsumkalum Valley had three trap houses along a t r a i l . According to the Game Warden, who v i s i t e d i t in 1933, there were ...the remains of an old lean-to [by a creek], b u i l t probably 40 or 50 years ago. Another, what they c a l l a large lean-to, about 10' x 16', a mile [upriver], was b u i l t about 20 or 25 years ago. It shows signs of having been used quite a b i t . . . A makeshift cabin across from ...[the mouth of the riv e r ] was apparently erected 6 or 8 years ago, used for a while one winter or spring and never occupied since. (Olando f i l e , Fish and W i l d l i f e , Terrace) These structures are for the trappers' comfort i f they stay overnight or for extended periods - in which case i t i s also necessary to store blankets, food, clothing, and other supplies suitable for winter camping. In the past, i t was more common for families to l i v e on the l i n e during the winter, especially those lines close to the coast where other camp a c t i v i t i e s persisted u n t i l recently. Sometimes there were also structures to cache supplies for use on the longer l i n e s and to protect gear off season. Canoes, riverboats, motors, and/or snowmobiles are often part of a t r a p l i n e . Snowmobiles are very useful in checking traps where the ground i s suitable. Elsewhere, boats are necessary to get to d i f f i c u l t areas: Some Kitsumkalum lines on the south side of the Skeena cannot be 209 reached from the highway and railway. Others have limited access via a creek or rive r that allows penetration through the bush for a short distance with a canoe and towline. Often on major r i v e r s , l i k e the Kitsumkalum, boat travel i s used because i t i s easier than carrying supplies on the body. In the old days, and u n t i l recently, the Nelson family had canoes cached at three portage stations on the Kitsumkalum River, to allow them to move e a s i l y up the river to their traplines and hunting grounds. In the past, some, i f not most, trapl i n e s included bear traps or snares of some kind. I have reports of such things in Kitsumkalum Valley, on Indian Reserve 1, and good descriptions of two d i f f e r e n t types on the Roberts l i n e at Feak Creek. If the trapper i s also a hunter, which i s t y p i c a l , additional preparations may be made on the l i n e for hunting, such as shelters, or t r a i l s . The same would be true for other types of economic a c t i v i t y that might be performed on the t r a p l i n e . To i l l u s t r a t e , the following description of an Indian l i n e during the 1930s reveals more than a picture of a t r a p l i n e . It was written by a Game Warden during a dispute over a r e g i s t r a t i o n . It was intended to be used as evidence that no Indians were a c t i v e l y trapping in the area: There were no f i s h , meat or berry drying racks, snare poles, old snowshows, unhairing and fleshing stands, fleshing posts, smoke stands, smoke p i t s , f i s h -net f l o a t s , or f i s h net sinkers. And he could not show me even one cache of 210 traps. And might I point out that there i s no t r i c k to building a lean-to, i t only takes a few hours to s p l i t enough cedar boards and stand them around and lay them on a frame, which is a l l a lean-to consists of. (Muirhead, B r i t i s h Columbia Fish and W i l d l i f e Branch, Terrace D i s t r i c t Archives, Orlando f i l e ) . (I might point out that although "there i s no t r i c k " to lean-tos, they are " t r i c k y " i f you have not learned how to build one.) Traplines are worked upon and developed. They are also susceptible to destruction: by a short period of careless use; by natural disasters such as floods that wash away river s i d e buildings; by snowslides that clear mountain slopes and deposit debris in the valleys; by man-made disturbances such as right of ways of railways, highways, i n d u s t r i a l access roads, hydro l i n e s , communication l i n e s , and structures,-etc. - a l l of which disrupt animal habits and habitats, destroy lines and t r a i l s , and make access d i f f i c u l t ; by i n d u s t r i a l developments such as urban centres with intensive land use, recreational needs, p o l l u t i o n ; by farming which converts the land to a single-purpose use and also a f f e c t s surrounding areas with f a c i l i t i e s and an i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of land use by the farming community; or by mining. Overall, the most destructive development has been forestry with i t s clear cutting of the forest. Many of the l i n e s in the Kitsumkalum Valley were seriously affected by 21 1 logging. Clearcutting destroys any of the trapper's improvements, t r a i l s , blazes, etc. The changes are so s t a r t l i n g that people, once intimate with the land, are unable to find their way around i t after the new growth returns. I i d e n t i f i e d each of these types of damage from the history of the Kitsumkalum trappers that I reconstructed with archival f i l e s (Fish and W i l d l i f e and Fisheries, both in Terrace), and interviews (McDonald 1982a). Unfortunately, problems continue to e x i s t . Clearcutting, for example, is currently destroying several areas and threatening one of the remaining Kitsumkalum traplines that s t i l l contains structures, bear traps, and other c u l t u r a l items. A new hydro l i n e may go through other areas. Not a l l logging or i n d u s t r i a l use i s incompatible with trapping. Multiple use of areas for trapping and selective logging occurred for several decades in the Kitsumkalum and Skeena Valleys (Canadian National Railway 1973:6.5). A few loggers allege that clearcut logging creates favourable secondary growth conditions for fur-bearing animals. However, such arguments ignore the necessary fallow years and the loss of labour spent preparing a l i n e or re-establishing one and e a s i l y can be used to avoid proper planning for developments that minimize land use c o n f l i c t . A l l these items (the registered t r a p l i n e , traps, snares, established l i n e s , transportation equipment and t r a i l s , structures, camps, and gear), which are the 212 trapper's means of production, are a part of the " t r a p l i n e " . They are considered to be an investment by the trapper that should be protected over the years. The investment i s also considered to be s o c i a l and as such can be used to support the land claims struggle. In cases where the tr a p l i n e i s transferred through a sale, the various means of production are calculated in the pri c e . Technically, a tr a p l i n e r e g i s t r a t i o n is not the property of the holder to s e l l since i t i s the sole right of the government to assign these licenses. Nonetheless, since the development of a l i n e more or less assures an active trapper of perpetual r e - r e g i s t r a t i o n , the sale of these developments and equipment is generally an accepted manner of i n d i c a t i n g the d i r e c t i o n of transfer of r e g i s t r a t i o n . The terms of the sale vary each time. In one case a l i n e was sold containing three cabins, a rive r boat, traps, guns, etc. This was a f a i r l y complete deal and the o r i g i n a l owner reportedly received $33,000. In the case of a non-status Kitsumkalum, the sale of their small l i n e did not include the cabin which the family continued to use, on occasion, for a number of years. The price received was only a few hundred d o l l a r s . The transfer of trap l i n e s held under a form of native control are more complicated and conducted d i f f e r e n t l y . Current registrations in Kitsumkalum are from the 1920s and, although I have l i t t l e information concerning what their 213 practice would be i f somebody decided to dispose of a l i n e , a few past incidents can be mentioned as an indication of the possible modes of transfer. A form that i s considered t r a d i t i o n a l occurred as recently as the 1930s when some Kitsumkalum men gained access (although not legal ownership in the Tsimshian way) to a l i n e with the receipt of a special name and t i t l e at a feast. Now such arrangements are o f f i c i a l l y superseded by the game regulations, but in the 1930s, th i s l e g i s l a t i o n was being developed and the t r a d i t i o n a l form was s t i l l practiced. Yet, even then the effect of the l e g i s l a t i o n was to disrupt and confuse aboriginal procedures, an effect which l e f t a legacy that continues to snare trappers. This was recently i l l u s t r a t e d in a case when a Kitsumkalum man twice attempted to u t i l i z e a t r i b a l l i n e belonging to another v i l l a g e . He received permission but complained shortly after that he had became involved in an ownership c o n f l i c t internal to the l i n e . The fact that the issue lay dormant in that v i l l a g e u n t i l an outsider activated i t i s p a r t i a l l y due to the long depression in the industry. Labour  The a l l o c a t i o n of labour in trapping i s derived from a complex equation of s o c i a l factors. The result is that there have been several forms taken by the Kitsumkalum trapping unit. A gender d i v i s i o n of labour i s basic to a l l 214 of them and in this section, I w i l l describe some of the ways thi s has been organized, starting with the men who procure, and ending with some of the problems faced by women. Trapping is done by men, preferably in association. When trappers go out alone, t h i s i s usually because of the d i s c i p l i n e demanded by wage employers. The one Kitsumkalum trapper who is becoming active goes out on the weekends, which is the only time he i s not working in wage employment. Solitude i s not considered wise in the mountains, so he i s often accompanied by his hunting partner who is a non-Kitsumkalum a f f i n e , but the rest of his family (wife and children) stays at home. This general d i v i s i o n of family labour seems to have been the pattern over the past two decades whenever Kitsumkalums attempted to trap. I was able to trace the e a r l i e r organizational outlines of trapping that preceded this pattern. One variant that occurred in the 1930s I would also associate with regular wage employment. It lasted u n t i l the 1950s. The best example to i l l u s t r a t e t h i s arrangement was a family who a b o r i g i n a l l y held t e r r i t o r y in the Valley. The men had forestry-related jobs and trapped their l i n e mainly on days off and during l a y - o f f s . They remember trapping as a more cooperative e f f o r t than i t i s today, involving various combinations of the brothers and father. This suggests they were a r t i c u l a t i n g a t r a n s i t i o n a l form in the face of 215 economic development and new property l e g i s l a t i o n . The tr a n s i t i o n ended for the family in the early 1960s, when the single son (brother) who had r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the li n e sold i t . By then the trapping industry had floundered in the Valley - when the market had f a l l e n apart in the 1950s. It completely ended for the family when the l i n e was logged. Elsewhere, along the Skeena and on the coast, the cooperative unit was usually an extended kin group related through the senior person who held the re g i s t r a t i o n and the licence, plus occasional v i s i t i n g friends. Associated with camp l i v i n g , this grouping tended to shrink over the years to the point of being only the nuclear family. Eventually i t was simply the trapper and his partner(s), just as i t was in the Valley. Pressures external to the unit forced t h i s trend throughout the v i l l a g e and some of the factors that contributed to this change w i l l be described l a t e r . Of these families, the Boltons trapped for the last time in the early 1950s when the father and eldest son t r i e d their luck. The other Kitsumkalum l i n e s also f e l l into disuse at the same time - always after the sole remaining active trapper q u i t . It i s important to note that trapping was cl o s e l y integrated as part of the ov e r a l l production of the commodity economy of the early part of the century. It would be a r t i f i c i a l to is o l a t e trapping as an a c t i v i t y since i t has been associated, at least from the 1880s to the 216 1950s, with hunting and food f i s h i n g , handlogging, and commercial f i s h i n g . The extent of these complementary a c t i v i t i e s i s refl e c t e d in the trapline r e g i s t r a t i o n forms which l i s t the registrant's occupation as fisher and trapper in nearly a l l of the instances of Indian r e g i s t r y . These a c t i v i t i e s were part of the way of l i f e that was followed by Kitsumkalum families along the Skeena, E c s t a l l River, and Grenville Channel. Non-native trappers also engaged in complementary a c t i v i t i e s , but the occupations l i s t e d on their registrations indicate s o c i a l differences. Instead of fis h i n g , they were farmers, labourers (which was the most common category, and included s k i l l e d and non-skilled jobs l i k e logging, sawyer, mechanics, f i s h grader, forest ranger, welder, powder man, railroadman, trucker), contracters, m i l l owners, prospectors and miners, and one was a handyman. Although the l i s t for s e t t l e r s d i f f e r s from the one for Kitsumkalum, there i s the common point that most occupations were oriented to the outdoors and to moving about the land. Knowledge gained in any one sector would contribute to the performance of the other. Such multiple u t i l i z a t i o n of the land was important to the trapper's a b i l i t i e s to produce. At the turn of the century, there were camps throughout the river system 217 i d e n t i f i e d by the name of the family heads. 1 In the camps, labour time was organized to include a l l the a c t i v i t i e s , for example logging. The camp at Feak Creek became a part of the beachcombing area licenced to Jonah's son Don, when Don took over the r e g i s t r a t i o n of the t r a p l i n e . So, too, Matt Wesley's trapline was incorporated into his beachcombing area. The camps came to be viewed as commercial and subsistence s i t e s . Physically, there was l i t t l e change in the aboriginal appearance of the area. The adoption of gas boats f a c i l i t a t e d t h i s evolution by providing quicker transportation and a mechanical source of energy for use in the commercial enterprises. This describes most areas, but in the Kitsumkalum Valley, at least since the 1930s, the same extension of time was not made and there i s no evidence of any of the trapping and hunting grounds being used for logging by the Kitsumkalum group. Here the trappers were working in the employ of others, and trapping in slack times. Settlement patterns changed with the r i s e and decline of the f i s h i n g town of Port Essington and t h i s altered access to and use of l i n e s . Natural disasters destroyed 1 There were people l i k e Mark Bolton who had a cabin at Salvus on the Skeena River, just as the Starrs and Nelsons did in the Kitsumkalum Valley, and Benjamen Bennet in the Valley of the Zimacord, or Jonah Roberts who took his family to Feak Creek where they l i v e d with Moses Feak. These camps were probably very similar to the one described by the Game Warden in the Kitsumkalum Valley and recorded above. 218 f i s h camps (e.g., Bolton's Salvus camp), houses (Feak Creek), and prompted s h i f t s and new beginnings. There were c o n f l i c t s between economic sectors. Beachcombers, for example, preferred to have a licence to an area that included their t r a p l i n e , but few did. One who did not (a Port Essington man) attempted to trap on a l i n e that was more convenient and l i t t l e used. When the legal owner discovered this the beachcomber was chased out by the trapper and later warned to stay away by government o f f i c i a l s . Other interferences included the apparent increase in reliance on commodities obtained through a cash market, i t s e l f in a c r i s i s with post-war i n f l a t i o n . This dependency continually eroded the freedom of .a family to go off to a subsistence style camp for a s i g n i f i c a n t portion of the year, and more often men took temporary wage jobs to supplement their incomes, while women produced handicrafts for sale. But i t was the general attack on the way of l i f e , including that against the sectors of commercial f i s h i n g and logging, that r a d i c a l l y undermined the camps and put an end to them. Since 1914, trappers themselves were licensed (R.S.B.C. 1914 C33 22). These licenses controlled access to the resource by organizing the trapping force across the land, but did not generally r e s t r i c t the trappers who managed to get a licence - at least, I did not hear 219 complaints. The system was superseded by the 1926 registrations which required non-Indians to have both a trapping license and a firearm l i c e n s e . Indians were exempt from the requirements of a firearm license, but in several cases t h i s aboriginal right was ignored by the Game Warden, apparently to manipulate claimants in trapline disputes. For a while Indians were also exempt from a l l the q u a l i f i c a t i o n requirements of the trappers license (R.S.B.C. 1978C433S2.5). Now they must, as must a l l trappers, present evidence of the accreditation of their s k i l l s , which i s reported to mean an approved trapper's education course (Vancouver Province 1981:10:23). The ideal seems to be for a gender d i v i s i o n of labour within the trapping process with the women as processors. In the 1930s there were female trappers, but in Kitsumkalum they were usually children, or women who trapped close to home without a licence and on a l i n e with few improvements. My impression i s that the few females were casual trappers in the sense that they wanted to earn only a l i t t l e pocket money during the Depression. The trapper, may, depending on circumstances and species, skin some animals on the l i n e or at the camp, and on occasion he may even begin to prepare the p e l t . But generally, t h i s work i s performed at home where a female member of the family (wife, mother, either aunt, grandmother) may help with the cleaning and stretching. In the past, when trapping was viable, men 2 2 0 taught boys how to trap and skin the animals, while g i r l s learned from women the way to clean and dress hides and furs, and to u t i l i z e the meat and other parts of the body (cf. Hawthorn, Belshaw & Jamieson 1958:102). In recent years, there has not beem much direct p a r t i c i p a t i o n in trapping by the women. There seem to be two explanations for the present non-participation of women. F i r s t , there has been a lengthy break from such a c t i v i t y , due to unfavourable economic conditions in the fur industry. Second, as a result of the general i n a c t i v i t y in this sector for the past twenty years, there i s now a generation of women who lack the experience needed for trapping and who have very di f f e r e n t interests in l i f e . To make this situation worse, the older women with experience are now often involved in other economic a c t i v i t i e s , that would make i t d i f f i c u l t for them to re-incorporate trapping. This in turn makes i t even more d i f f i c u l t for the young women to gain s k i l l s . A l l t h i s puts the wives in a d i f f i c u l t p o s i t i o n . If trapping does grow, they w i l l be expected to pa r t i c i p a t e more than they do now, but they are not s k i l l e d or so i n c l i n e d . These observations on the d i v i s i o n of the trapping labour are part of a larger problem faced by potential Kitsumkalum trappers. Since the collapse of the industry in the 1950s very l i t t l e trapping has occurred and the t r a d i t i o n s have not been passed on f u l l y . This break i s 221 forcing interested individuals to research both the aboriginal and newer methods by taking trapper courses, which are useful to' thenf just as they are for non-natives, and by consulting with older men for their memory of techniques and experiences. The Kitsumkalum men are motivated to do t h i s , even in the absence of economic incentives, by their enjoyment of bush a c t i v i t i e s . On the other hand, women, espe c i a l l y young ones, are accustomed to planning for a diff e r e n t economic l i f e and no longer relate to camp work in the same way men do, espe c i a l l y the hunters. This w i l l be a serious problem for r e v i t a l i z i n g trapping and w i l l undoubtedly have an effect on i t s eventual re-organization . The Commodification Of The Resource The prepared pelt i s a commodity that i s exchanged in a market setting. For the Tsimshian, the world fur market opened with the B r i t i s h exploration of the coast by Captains Colnett and Duncun who v i s i t e d K i t k a t l a in 1781 (Moeller 1966). The maritime trade began in earnest a few years la t e r and lasted u n t i l about 1825 when the sea otter was depleted. At f i r s t , from 1785 to 1787, only B r i t i s h vessels traded. There soon was a minor Spanish presence, and then an American one which grew u n t i l the Americans dominated the 222 trade, p a r t i a l l y as a result of the European wars of 1793 to 1815. The main source of competition to the maritime trade during these times was the land-based Russian American Fur Company, which had set up a headquarters at Sitka (Alaska) in 1799. They established monopoly control of the European side of the land trade through s t r a t e g i c a l l y located posts. This was challenged by the Hudson Bay Company. After i t s merger with i t s r i v a l s in 1821, the expanding B r i t i s h company t r i e d to gain entry into the coastal region by following the r i v e r s westward. Then they changed their t a c t i c s in 1825 and sent Mr. Alexander Mackenzie up the coast to reach the Tsimshian v i l l a g e s (Hudson Bay Company Archives B.223.a.1,fo.5). In the 1830s they decided to abandon altogether the attempt to reach the mouth of the Skeena along an inland route and Fort Simpson was constructed on the coast, to be serviced by maritime transportation. The establishment of Fort Simpson in 1832 was a t a c t i c designed to beat out both their European r i v a l s on the coast, and also the native traders. The Bay wanted to go right into Tsimshian t e r r i t o r y in an e f f o r t to break the successful diversion of the Skeena trade by Tsimshian mercantile chiefs who, with their cedar trade canoes, were taking Gitksan and Carrier furs to the Russian posts and American ships on the coast. This gamble was never f u l l y successful or f i n a n c i a l l y 223 rewarding to the Bay; however, i t did permit the Company to make some major incursions into the businesses of individual Tsimshian Houses and " t r i b e s " . The Baymen give us our f i r s t h i s t o r i c record of the Kitsumkalum, who were already a people producing for the c a p i t a l market. Kitsumkalum ("Kitsimchalean") came d i r e c t l y to the fort to trade with the Company in 1841 in their own canoes (and again in 1852, 1857, 1866). In 1866 the HBC began to extend i t s system of a u x i l i a r y trading stations inland. They established depots along the Skeena, which took the market inland. ' A short-lived depot existed in or near the t e r r i t o r y of the Kitsumkalum ( i t was described to be located ca. 90 miles inland), and a more permanent one became the present town of Hazelton. In 1870, Robert Cunningham, a former missionary of the Church Missionary Society who turned trader, quit the HBC to set up his own store at Port Essington. The success of this venture, and his d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n into other economic a c t i v i t i e s led to the growth of the f i s h i n g community that took i t s name from the port. A key to Cunningham's success was his location on the gold and exploration route of the Skeena River where, more convenient to travelers than was the Bay at Port Simpson, Cunningham's business thrived. I n i t i a l l y , however, i t i s l i k e l y that Cunningham put his f a i t h in an a l l i a n c e with the Kitsumkalum and Kitselas Indians, who claim a f a l l camping s i t e at Port Essington. 224 Eventually, Cunningham set up a special reserve for the Kitsumkalum, Kitselas and other Indians in common> probably for commercial reasons. Early canneries were often dependent upon native labour, and a r e s i d e n t i a l reserve situated beside his cannery would have assured him of a steady supply of labour. Cunningham's relationship to the Indians was not re s t r i c t e d to furs. From the point of view of the Kit s e l a s , such an a l l i a n c e with a competitor of the Bay would be appealing because Kitselas was h i s t o r i c a l l y in competition with the Port Simpson people over the trade monopoly. Since Kitsumkalum is generally viewed as a s i s t e r v i l l a g e of Kits e l a s , the whole a l l i a n c e at Port Essington i s understandable. With the establishment of the r a i l r o a d c i t y of Prince Rupert, more fur buyers became available and competition increased. During the 1930s and 1940s, Kitsumkalum and Port Essington trappers sold to various buyers in Prince Rupert and Hazelton. These were the only locales mentioned to me, and there was never reference made to the Hudson Bay Company in Port Simpson. These l o c a l buyers were necessary to the industry because they consolidated a s u f f i c i e n t quantity of furs to attr a c t larger buyers at the auctions (Newby 1969:64). They were licensed p r o v i n c i a l l y under the Game Act (now c a l l e d the W i l d l i f e Act). As middlemen the buyers were popular 225 because they could provide trappers with a source of immediate cre d i t , which the more distant auctions could not do. This was a feature that was especially a t t r a c t i v e to Indian trappers (and, in recent years, to part-time trappers, recreational trappers, and old time trappers) who wanted or needed cash to do other things, or to return to their l i n e s immediately (ibid.:63). The cost of this convenience, however, was lower prices. Worse s t i l l , in the case of the Indian trapper there i s evidence of a deeper exploitation in the form of a price even lower than that given to 'whites' (ibid.:60). (It is not clear whether a l l natives or just status Indians suffered such discrimination.) Local buyers kept the market close to the trappers, but the organization of the market has changed since World War II. My impression from interviews i s that fur markets have become more distant from Kitsumkalum trappers, to the point that now i t is necessary for trappers to study very distant auctions through reports received in the mail. As a result, some furs are shipped to the Ontario Trappers Association or Edmonton Fur Auction for sale. The prices received in t h i s way are the average price received for each graded l o t of furs and are out of the trappers' control. There i s a loss of control but prices are usually higher than those offered in l o c a l sales. Indian trappers do not face discrimination so they receive the same price as their non-Indian 226 counterparts (Newby 1969:67). Trapping as a way to make a l i v i n g has had i t s ups and downs. The Depression of the 1930s saw a growth in the industry as people explored various ways to augment their incomes. At this time, the Kitsumkalums seem to have reversed an early trend away from trapping. Some fishermen returned to family l i n e s after an absence of years, and a number of new registr a t i o n s suddenly appear. It i s not clear how much trapping had occurred after, the Great War ended in 1917. Most of the new registrants in the 1930s claimed to have been active on the l i n e for many years, but these claims were not always substantiated by o f f i c i a l investigations, of which there were several. Whatever the actual s i t u a t i o n had been, as the industry picked up, there were also numerous c o n f l i c t s and disputes over use rights. I am tempted to treat t h i s as an indication of a lack of interest in trapping, but I am not s u f f i c i e n t l y confident in the archival materials. They simply may not document the previous disputes. The market has always been an important factor in maintaining the l i f e s t y l e . As long as fur prices remained good, the way o f — l i f e was viable. Prices peaked in 1946, following which there occurred a steady decline (Newby 1969:42) that only recently has reversed i t s e l f . According to some trappers and game wardens with whom I talked, prices are now returning to a reasonable l e v e l . 227 The decline in fur prices on the world market became c r i t i c a l with the general i n f l a t i o n of commodity prices that followed the end of the Korean War. Asch calculated 1952 to be the c r i t i c a l year marking the collapse of the fur trade for the Dene in the North West T e r r i t o r i e s (see Asch 1979). The mid-1950s happens to correspond with a period during which, I was told by trappers, there occurred an abandonment of many l i n e s , e specially by the Kitsumkalum. This effect was not always apparent in o f f i c i a l records, which do not require Indians to report whether or not they trapped in any p a r t i c u l a r season. PROPERTY RELATIONSHIPS The history of Kitsumkalum's trapping has been dominated by their loss of control over the resources and various means of producing furs. Through a number of steps, the aboriginal property relationships in which the means of production were embedded were transformed u n t i l they were firmly within the control of the pr o v i n c i a l government - a l l within a l i f e t i m e . The Crown had assumed legal ownership over the Tsimshian lands during the nineteenth century, but t h i s occurred in various degrees and to various extents throughout the province. As Fisher (1977) has shown, the assumption of ownership by the Crown meant l i t t l e in many 228 areas u n t i l a number of years had passed. In the case of the watershed of the Skeena River, the symbolic date when the government's property rights were formally asserted to the Kitsumkalum was 1891, when the Indian Reserves were allocated. Nonetheless, there were s t i l l areas where the Tsimshian system was s t i l l more or less in operation. Confederation in 1871 had l e f t an ambiguous sit u a t i o n . On one hand there i s a report by a Game Warden that as late as 1893 a trespasser was k i l l e d under Tsimshian (Gitksan) law in the disputed northeast corner of Kitsumkalum Valley ( B r i t i s h Columbia Fish and W i l d l i f e Branch, Ridler f i l e ) . Yet, on other e a r l i e r occasions, gunboats and police had forced Imperial law and order onto bewildered townspeople. Some of the unevenness of the policy towards Indians stemmed from the province's hesitancy to interfere with internal a f f a i r s of Indian society, e s p e c i a l l y those in isolated ( i . e . , non-exploited) areas (see Fisher 1977:63-65). This l e f t leaders and legal systems less disturbed in areas not yet incorporated into the new economy. This was the case around Kitsumkalum for much longer than on the coast. The nineteenth century was a time of s o c i a l and economic t r a n s i t i o n . In the early merchant period, surplus was secured by c a p i t a l through the existing relations of production and there are indications that t h i s actually strengthened and developed aboriginal s o c i a l structures (see Fisher 1977:46-47, McDonald 1984). By the early part of the 229 twentieth century, however, a l l this was being by-passed. Kitsumkalum trappers were a r t i c u l a t i n g d i r e c t l y with the market forces, without much regard to the aboriginal obligations that allocated surplus. Today, the old connections to the smoogyt have disappeared and the young Kitsumkalum trapper disposes of the commodity and money within the nuclear family. At the turn of the century, there occurred a major a l t e r a t i o n in the strength of the lineage and a s h i f t in the transmission of the trap lines from a m a t r i l i n e a l base, validated at feasts, to the government system that seemed to favour the male l i n e and which was enforced by Provincial p o l i c e . At the same time, t r i b a l control was being weakened and s h i f t i n g control to the nuclear family. A l l this l e f t a very confusing h i s t o r i c a l picture of aboriginal ownership and transmission of ownership. The evolution of the aboriginal s o c i a l structure during th i s time was reflected in the trapping sector by the structuring of use r i g h t s . These were held in a more t r a d i t i o n a l manner in the early years of the century (e.g., the Bennett, Nelson, and other Kitsumkalum Valley trapping areas) but quickly became entrenched by Canadian law and custom. This change in tenure systems caused some re-arrangement of holdings which sometimes benefitted some of the older generation of the Kitsumkalum as they extended their use areas in ways that were deeply embedded in the 230 h i s t o r i c context. 1 As the lineage tenure weakened, obligations changed, interrupting the aboriginal flow of surpluses earned by trapping (and the other productive a c t i v i t i e s reproducing the camp unit) to the smoogyt and retaining more of i t within the production unit. S o c i a l l y i t must have been a d i f f i c u l t time. Aboriginal obligations continued to be strong for many years and leaders found i t hard not to continue to express t h e i r t r a i n i n g to act l i k e smoogyt, but these commitments were greatly reduced in the 1930s when most of Kitsumkalum's t i t l e h o l d e r s renounced the past for C h r i s t i a n i t y . After that, more of the returns remained with the registered owners, and the main drains were the fur buyer and the government. The influx of s e t t l e r s in the twentieth century also contributed to this decline of Tsimshian tenure. In normal 1 Mark Bolton, for example, camped on Lockerby Creek as a right received after he helped bury a G i t z a k l a l t h chief whose r e l a t i v e s were modern and not w i l l i n g to engage in a l l the aboriginal and sometimes onerous obligations. Another example was Herb Spalding who was a member of a G i t z a k l a t h l lineage which had trapping grounds on the E c s t a l l . His partner was his father, and eventually Herb became established on the lower portion of the r i v e r in his own right, registered the l i n e , and passed i t on to his son, the present owner who i s a Kitsumkalum without a c t i v e l y recognized t i e s to the G i t z a k l a t h l lineage. Yet another Kitsumkalum received a name and trapping p r i v i l e g e s from thi s group, but he never exercised them because he was pre-occupied by his own commercial interests at a Skeena River camp. This person i s a fine embodiment of the t r a n s i t i o n : he exploited his father's t r a p l i n e , and now his son has taken i t over. 231 day-to-day a f f a i r s , the customs of the l o c a l Indians were acknowleged to some extent by the neighbouring colonists who real i z e d the ambiquity of their situation on the f r o n t i e r . Canadian security, after a l l , was not that t i g h t . Whether or not any problem or danger existed, the immigrants had been inculcated with r a c i s t fears and r e a l - l i f e stories of the prowess of the Skeena River hunters. This may be part of the reason why one s e t t l e r contacted Benjamen Bennett, the head of the gispawadawada house of Kitsumkalum, before trapping in the Zimacord Valley. Bennett, who held the rights to the valley, generously assigned a portion of i t to the immigrant trapper. The tenuous position of the s e t t l e r s quickly changed as the presence of the Crown grew and, inevitably, when tensions became strong bet-ween native and immigrant, the government was active in defending the interests of the c o l o n i s t s . After the Game Act and Game Wardens were more established, the trapper just mentioned decided to resolve the ambiguity of holding tenure under two systems by asserting his status to the entire Valley and claiming the protection of pro v i n c i a l law. In the resulting dispute the aboriginal system was overruled and Bennett was stripped of a l l his power, as a Tsimshian, to assign resources (see McDonald 1982a). There were other, similar cases that were not resolved u n t i l recently, and some li n e s are s t i l l not considered to be properly under the control of the province ( i b i d . ) . This later situation i s very much 232 p o l i t i c a l , revolving around land claims positions. The major influence on property relationships was the i n s t i t u t i o n , in 1926, of the p r o v i n c i a l system of trapline r e g i s t r a t i o n . This was an attempt to develop the industry r a t i o n a l l y , to conserve the resource, and to resolve a common property problem (Newby 1969:70). Registration was intended to recognize existing crown control, and to orient i t through an i m p l i c i t assumption of p r i o r i t y to economic e f f i c i e n c y . The l e g i s l a t i o n organized trappers across the map by establishing well-defined t e r r i t o r i e s for them. Within these specified trapping areas, the r e g i s t r a t i o n holder(s) held exclusive rights to trap, and others could only acquire permits to trap those areas according to the wishes of the registrant and the requirements of the government. From th i s time on, there was no longer room for ambiguity between systems of tenure. The p r o v i n c i a l rules were clear and, with the improvements in transportation and administration, e f f e c t i v e . The Tsimshian way was formally replaced. For Indian lineages, the 1926 r e g i s t r a t i o n policy completed the loss of control over their trapping areas. Naturally the Tsimshian protested. In response, the administration developed a policy of distinquishing Indian and white traplines, based upon the status of the r e g i s t r a t i o n holder. Accordingly, some l i n e s (over a majority, Newby 1969:33) were recognized as "Indian", and an 233 attempt was made (sporadically, and not always sanctioned by policy, as far as I could determine) to keep them under Indian r e g i s t r a t i o n . The owners and their Bands came to have s i g n i f i c a n t influence in the r e g i s t r a t i o n and transfer of these l i n e s . As a r e s u l t , enforcement of the annual re-r e g i s t r a t i o n regulations has been less s t r i c t , and there has been less interference with the operation of the l i n e . In addition, there have been, from time to time, p o l i c i e s to give Indians p r i o r i t y to the r e g i s t r a t i o n of white lines that go vacant. Detractors sometimes use t h i s as evidence of loose standards for Indian trappers, but i t must be read in context and taken as a form of tolerance within a range accepted by the p r o v i n c i a l a u t h o r i t i e s . There were three alternate conclusions to the establishment of the r e g i s t r a t i o n system. These were the result of the new legal status of the resource and changed Tsimshian economic control over the enterprise of trapping: 1.) r e g i s t r a t i o n of some li n e s in compliance with customary rights for use; 2) r e g i s t r a t i o n of other l i n e s by a trapper without any previous history of personal aboriginal claim; 3) loss of some li n e s despite aboriginal r i g h t s . The happiest cases were where the registrations more or less conformed to both the aboriginal tenure ("hunting grounds"), and the expectations of the trappers. These cases involved both Tsimshian and s e t t l e r s . Some immigrant trappers f i r s t held permission from the Tsimshian 234 t i t l e h o l d e r s , and then secured their areas by r e g i s t r a t i o n . Unfortunately, the r e g i s t r a t i o n policy often meant absolute loss of trap l i n e s . Hawthorn', Bel'shaw & Jamieson referred to the phenomenon as "some displacement of Indian trappers by whites" (1958:101). This observation was true in the Skeena area generally, but constitutes an understatement for the Kitsumkalum Valley where re g i s t r a t i o n led to a near t o t a l displacement. The e a r l i e s t r e g i s t r a t i o n s mostly went to s e t t l e r s and foreign workers, taking the areas out of Indian use. While i t began as soon as settlement began, displacement happened more frequently after the 1926 l e g i s l a t i o n , and es p e c i a l l y on the east side of the Kitsumkalum Valley where the immediately previous Kitsumkalum owners had died without proper succession. It was a s o c i a l phenomenon structured by the times. Thus, i t occurred e a s i l y with l i n e s where the aboriginal owners were absent because of their preoccupation by missionaries and/or with the commerce on the coast. Several more Indian l i n e s were lo s t when their owners surrendered t h e i r Indian status (e.g., the Nelsons) or when the l i n e s were passed to non-Indian affines (the Richmond l i n e ) . Some were l e g a l l y appropriated (Bennett), or purchased under dubious conditions, sometimes, allegedly, involving liquor. And there were some that were lost through honest sale without any suggestion of impropriety. Some li n e s were also taken 235 by Indians in the same manner as newcomers had taken l i n e s elsewhere. The resolution of disputes under the l e g i s l a t i o n generally did not favour the Indian claims. The problems were often complex, as in the northern end of the Kitsumkalum Valley where disputes sometimes involved Kitsumkalum, Nishgas, Gitksan, and s e t t l e r claims. A l l of these went to the s e t t l e r s , and in one case there i s a record of a Gitskan a c t u a l l y being removed from the area and then prosecuted. Figure 9 shows the trapping areas as they were in the 1920s. It can be compared to the map of o r i g i n a l hunting areas of the Kitsumkalum (Figure 2). As can be seen, not a l l of t h e i r trapping areas were located within the Kitsumkalum Valley. Some Kitsumkalum trappers activated p r i v i l e g e s in other parts of the Tsimshian land and others had to search for new locales to compensate for losses in the Valley. Indian mobility was now increasingly r e s t r i c t e d . F i r s t there was the government's r e g i s t r a t i o n system which defined areas and access. Within that context, those Tsimshian who counted on aboriginal claims were limited by the number of l i n e s under Indian r e g i s t r a t i o n and control. Those who did find areas recognized as t r i b a l r e g i s t r a t i o n s were then constrained by Tsimshian customs. F i n a l l y , there were also c o n f l i c t s over the multiple use of some areas, as in the Figure 9. Trapline areas of Kitsumkalums i n the 1920s (sources: see t e x t ) . Single hatch indicates land use area, cross hatch indicates t r a p l i n e areas. ON 237 case of one Kitsumkalum (Mr. Spalding) who t r i e d to log on another man's (Mr. Bryant of Port Simpson) l i n e and was accused of poaching furs. Aboriginal practices lingered on, even up to the present. After the i n i t i a l r e g i s t r a t i o n period, many of the searches for new areas r e l i e d on various s o c i a l t i e s . Mark Bolton and his son James had locales on the Skeena, E c s t a l l and the coast for which they had some, now forgotten, aboriginal claim, but the r e g i s t r a t i o n system made i t more d i f f i c u l t to gain simple use rights to such areas, since permits were needed. The Nelsons and Boltons claimed traplines around the Salvus area. Again, the s p e c i f i c claims could not be found for t h e i r choosing l i n e s there, although the current opinion i s that these were probably not t r a d i t i o n a l hunting grounds in the sense that Kitsumkalum Valley was.1 On the E c s t a l l there were several claims by the. Kitsumkalum that either were developed while they l i v e d in Port Essington at the mouth of the r i v e r 2 or claimed on the strength of received r i g h t s . 3 In attempting to relocate themselves, several families 1 This opinion must be q u a l i f i e d : the informants were children at the time, and admit they do not know the p o l i t i c a l situation their fathers were manipulating. 2 For example the Spalding traplines or the c o n f l i c t over the Auckland area when Mark Bolton t r i e d to register the area, claiming that i t was not being used. 3 For example Mark Bolton or Don Roberts. 238 made more than one move. The Boltons, for example, went from the Zimacord area to Salvus to the E c s t a l l and, f i n a l l y , Grenville channel in the course of a generation. The displacement of the Kitsumkalum from th e i r Valley entailed numerous problems. It pushed them out of the convenient, more economically central areas around Terrace and Port Essington which increased the general inconveniences associated with trapping l i f e . Besides alienating them from their aboriginal lands, t h i s displacement often added to their costs in maintaining their lines and in transportation. In addition, many of the lost l i n e s were more productive than those that were found after, especially those on the coast. This loss in productivity would never be recovered. Thus, both the economic and s o c i a l returns from the a c t i v i t y were reduced, and the community was dispersed over an area reaching from the Terrace area to Grenville channel down the coast. Figure 10 shows the situation as i t exists today. So far, the discussion has traced the loss of legal and then economic control over the traplines, but a t h i r d factor should be considered: economic possession. This i s the most basic r e l a t i o n a producer has to the means of production. The current l e g i s l a t i o n (R.S.B.C- C S)(1979 C s433) has f i n a l l y and e x p l i c i t l y assumed t o t a l control of the resource and of the conditions under which i t can be exploited, so that the trapper i s , in this sense, Figure 10. Current trapline areas of Kitsumkalums (source; B r i t i s h Columbia F i s h and W i l d l i f e Branch, Terrace) Hatching indicates land use area, cross hatching indicates t r a p l i n e areas. 240 dispossessed. The dynamics of th i s process with regard to the t e r r i t o r i a l aspect of the means of production, which is a focus for the relationship of production, was completed in 1926. Dispossession occurred at a di f f e r e n t pace for the other elements of the means of production. Some information on th i s has been discussed already: for example, the seasonal prohibitions to trapping that were f i r s t introduced at the end of the nineteenth century and eventually came to include and define a l l commercial species, or the regulation of equipment and licencing of trappers. Registration was completed before the Second World War, but the administrative d e t a i l s were s t i l l being worked out and new r e s t r i c t i o n s continued to plague the Kitsumkalum. One trapper (Dave Spalding) was t o l d in 1946 that his son could not trap their l i n e unless he was registered or held an assistant's license. In another case, a man (W. Wright) was registered on a t r i b a l t r a p l i n e in K i t s e l a s D i s t r i c t as well as his own in Kitsumkalum's area. He was forced to choose one or the other, thus r e s t r i c t i n g his mobility and his ecological options. In this p a r t i c u l a r case, the man's own l i n e was distant and somewhat inaccessible. A greater commitment was required for him to trap there, compared to the t r i b a l l i n e that was more convenient. Trapping was a supplement to his other economic a c t i v i t i e s and each location had a purpose under di f f e r e n t economic conditions. To be r e s t r i c t e d to one reduced his margin of success. 241 Moreover, each l i n e undoubtedly had a purpose under di f f e r e n t s o c i a l conditions and i t i s interesting that his decision to choose one l i n e in the land of one Band was followed by a subsequent decision to declare legal membership in the other Band. This created a muddle and now people are not sure which group was h i s . Since he is long dead, he i s unable to explain himself or s e t t l e the membership question, but one can speculate. This p a r t i c u l a r man was well-known in both geographic areas and f e l t himself to belong to each of the groups which occupied the d i f f e r e n t areas in which the two l i n e s were located. His exploitation of resources in the respective d i s t r i c t s represented his two alignments. The government was destroying this s o c i a l statement, and only through his f i n a l decision could he continue to declare e f f e c t i v e l y both of his connections. Unfortunately, in the very di f f e r e n t c u l t u r a l world of today, this just seems confusing. In a t h i r d case, an Indian partnership was f a l l i n g apart and causing a row over ownership of the l i n e . At the time, the DIA, on behalf of the Indians, controlled the re-a l l o c a t i o n of Indian licenses (a function which s t i l l exists in an advisory capacity) -so the DIA stepped in to resolve the issue, dissolved the partnership, and a l l o t t e d ownership in an action that demonstrated that both the economic partnership and licence existed only under government approval. 242 F i n a l l y , beyond the acts of production and in the sphere of c i r c u l a t i o n , r e g i s t r a t i o n was a prerequisite to marketing and required payment of r o y a l t i e s . This interfered with and bounded the trapper's a b i l i t y to dispose of the product of his enterprise. There are several claims attached to commodified p e l t s . Buyers claim a portion of the value of the p e l t . The p r o v i n c i a l government makes a claim on the basis of general resource ownership rig h t s . These were expressly and s p e c i f i c a l l y incorporated into the W i l d l i f e Act in 1976 (R.S.B.C. 1979 C433). The form of the appropriation i s that of a royalty from each pelt that is processed ( i . e . , commodified) by the trapper. The remainder of the price stays with the trapper. The money trappers take home i s used to pay off the costs of trapping and then divided among the participants according to their perceived contribution to the work. The size of the share i s modified by individual needs, kinship status, obligation debts (previous or future), and age. Children, for example, may work on the l i n e but they would receive only a l i t t l e cash. Thus one person (Eddie Feak) told me that everyone shared during the 1930s, and the family never paid any wage. Another (Addie Turner) remembered how her father and his brother would work her grandfather's l i n e , and even after the grandfather was old and sick they would give him some money from the p e l t s . After the grandfather's 2 4 3 death, a part of the earnings went d i r e c t l y to his wife, their mother. This was not described as a form of rent, but as a family obligation. The amounts under discussion in both of these cases were not represented to me as being a large amount of money. Addie Turner said her family only got enough to get by on, to buy things for the children, and to provide fur for muskrat coats (a popular winter coat). She, herself, trapped a l i t t l e as a c h i l d , but only to supplement the family income by paying for some of her school supplies. The philosophy underlying t h i s d i s t r i b u t i o n in the family was the ethic that the work was for the c o l l e c t i v e good, and that the cash received was to meet the overall needs the family had for other commodities. The amount made was considered as a contribution to the ov e r a l l production of the group, allowing i t to l i v e as i t did. As an a c t i v i t y integrated into camp l i f e , trapping was seen as an e f f i c i e n t use of the camp time and resources. During trapping, the trapper could and would augment his f a m i l i a r i t y with the camp area with knowledge that benefitted his use of the area for hunting and f i s h i n g , and even logging. In t h i s way, each a c t i v i t y assisted a l l of the economic sectors of their way of l i f e . Not a l l the rewards were material. An important part of the payment, especially for some temporary members of the group, was the a b i l i t y to l i v e at the camp where access to 244 other resources was possible and where a cert a i n , much noted, psychological rejuvenation could occur. Since trapping faded, i t has been a l i t t l e more d i f f i c u l t to f i n d such r e l i e f . This has been an outline of more than a century of development of the industry. The result has been, for the Kitsumkalum, a dispossession from ownership of a resource that was once f u l l y part of their economic formation. A l l th i s eroded the trapper's a b i l i t y to assign the t e r r i t o r y and resources to the trapping purpose, and to put these factors plus his traps to use. The trend was completed and f u l f i l l e d in the 1970s by the W i l d l i f e Act when the government declared i t s t o t a l property rights to w i l d l i f e (R.S.B.C. 1979 C43 s78), but i t i s now becoming an issue of aboriginal rights and land claims. The further evolution of the industry w i l l be structured by that. 245 13. COMMERCIAL FISHING Fishing was part of the essence of Kitsumkalum's existence, yet when I f i r s t became acquainted with the v i l l a g e , there were no active fishermen or shoreworkers. Now there i s one fisherman. He employs women as net menders and occasionally fishes with younger band members. In the non-status community, there are other fishermen - less than half a dozen, plus wives or other family members - and an undetermined number of cannery workers. To understand how this reduction came to be, an overview of the means of production and of the exigencies of i n d u s t r i a l production w i l l be made, for the changes in these areas are important to the history of-Indian p a r t i c i p a t i o n and to an understanding of the position of Tsimshian.labour. In t h i s chapter, the Kitsumkalum's dispossession from ownership of the resources w i l l be assumed, and my focus w i l l s h i f t to the subsumption of Indian labour under c a p i t a l i s t relations of production. 246 RESOURCES The major resources of the commercial fishing industry include the particular f i s h species that are caught and the s i t e s for processing plants. Fish The Kitsumkalum have participated in the commercial fishery primarily as g i l l n e t salmon fishermen, but occasionally, l i k e other Tsimshians, they have been active in a number of the established f i s h e r i e s . A review of the components of the fishery w i l l be useful for placing the p a r t i c u l a r evolution of kitsumkalum's p a r t i c i p a t i o n in commercial fishing into context. Each fishery had a s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t history of development, and affected Indian labour d i f f e r e n t l y . My e a r l i e s t record of the capture of f i s h for i t s commercial exchange value comes from the Port Simpson journals (Hudson Bay Company Archives) written for the years 1834 to 1840 (see Table 2). During that time, the northern Indians (and this would mainly be Tsimshians from the coastal v i l l a g e s ) were trading salmon, halibut, oolachan grease, whale o i l , crabs, seals, cod, and flounder in exchange for European commodities. Although the Hudson Bay Company had a sizeable trade in West Coast f i s h through the Sandwich Islands (Canada, Department of Fisheries, Annual 247 Report 1874:168), there i s nothing in the Journals to suggest that the Tsimshian f i s h were being used other than for the l o c a l personal consumption of the Baymen. After Confederation, much of the government's energy was turned to the money-making p o s s i b i l i t i e s of f i s h . The e a r l i e s t Department of Fisheries reports l i s t e d the potential of B r i t i s h Columbia waters as involving salmon, herring, oolachan, halibut, smelt, haddock, dogfish, ground f i s h , shrimp, prawn, cod, whale, and walrus. An early Fishery Guardian, John McNab, described the p o t e n t i a l : "When on the coast I endeavoured to obtain a l l the information possible in reference to the sea f i s h e r i e s ; especially in regard to the grey and the so-called black cod. The result of my enquiries may be b r i e f l y summed up as follows: ...I saw and handled two cod of the A t l a n t i c or true cod caught in Mr. Cunningham's nets while d r i f t i n g for salmon in Telegraph Passage inside of Kennedy's Island, near the mouth of the Skeena, about the f i r s t of July. ... On my way home ... we had i t for breakfast next morning and I can vouch for i t s excellent q u a l i t y . Halibut are to be found over the whole extent of the coast between Skeena and Port Simpson in great quantities. On this section of the coast, marine vegetation i s very luxuriant, affording shelter and food for small bait f i s h ; mussel beds are very extensive. The shores are generally smooth, with good marginal sand and gravel beaches, favourable for landing and curing f i s h , and a l l the conditions exist here that are found in the v i c i n i t y of the most p r o l i f i c f i s h i n g grounds on the A t l a n t i c coast. If good cod-banks are not found within easy reach of t h i s section of the coast, I would ascribe i t to immense 248 number of voracious dog-fish which infest every bay and i n l e t on the coast...I beg to draw your attention to the Oolachan f i s h e r i e s at the Nasse [sic] River" (Canada, Department of Fisheries, Annual Reports 1887:254). Development of these f i s h e r i e s in B.C. eventually did occur, but i t was uneven along the length of the coast, with the north being s l i g h t l y behind the south. In the past century, the f i s h e r i e s have grown in size and variety u n t i l now they include salmon, halibut, herring (food, bai t , roe), tuna, groundfish (cod, perch, hake, sa b l e f i s h ) , spawn on kelp, and many invertebrates (geoducks, oysters, crabs, shrimp, prawns, abalone) (see Pearse 1982). It has become an industry s i g n i f i c a n t l y larger than that foreseen by the f i r s t Department of Fisheries superintendents. Fishing for a l l these species can involve Tsimshians in a variety of ways, although p a r t i c i p a t i o n can vary from direct involvement as fishermen, or by c o l l e c t i n g clams for a cannery, or establishing a kelp farm operation; or in less direct ways such as the community stores that might provision a passing geoduck boat. In t h i s chapter, however, I w i l l focus on salmon because salmon was the most s i g n i f i c a n t to Kitsumkalum's incorporation into the industry. Salmon has been the province's p r i n c i p a l commercial f i s h , although not necessarily the highest in terms of landed values ( S i n c l a i r 1978:211). It has been especially important for the Indian fishermen who t r a d i t i o n a l l y are 249 depicted as being salmon fishermen. This d e f i n i t e l y applies to the Kitsumkalum, who were mostly g i l l n e t t e r s , although some d i v e r s i t y , especially in the incorpora'tion of halibut, herring, clams, and some s h e l l f i s h , was important to the o v e r a l l organization of their f i s h i n g careers. The salmon fishery did not always include a l l the runs. The main attraction for the f i r s t canneries of the 1870s was the firm red flesh of the sockeye. It was not u n t i l the turn of the century that the species with lighter-coloured meat were s u f f i c i e n t l y important as commercial f i s h to be isolated in Fisheries tabulations. Even though these "spring and f a l l f i s h " were occasionally as much as one quarter of a particular cannery's pack, they were not considered valuable because of tastes in Europe. Humpies (pinks) were f i r s t to increase in market acce p t a b i l i t y and then, after 1910, chums were taken in s i g n i f i c a n t numbers (Sanford-Evans 1917; Ross n.d.:70). By 1907, packs of Red Springs, chums, pinks, cohoes, and an isolated pack of steelheads on the Nass were being reported separately in o f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c s (Canada, Department of Fisheries, Annual Report 1907:119). Once accepted, proportions of a l l these grew rapidly so that in 1908 the other salmon mentioned t o t a l l e d nearly half of the Skeena River pack ( i b i d . 1908:17). Of these, pinks and chums were the most important after the sockeye (Ross n.d.:70). The gradual extension of the salmon fishery to include a l l species 250 lengthened the f i s h i n g season and redefined the productive relationship of the resources to the resident population of the area. More and more f i s h and labour were being taken out of Tsimshian production. The Dominion's Department of F i s h e r i e s ' Acts, l i k e other laws, were not extended to B r i t i s h Columbia immediately following Confederation, but in 1874 (S.C. 1874 C60 s28). At that time weekly closures were o f f i c i a l l y introduced on salmon (ibid.:s.13). Application of the l e g i s l a t i o n was not s t r i c t even then, es p e c i a l l y for Indian fishermen and in the north. In fact, the f i r s t v i s i t to the north by the Superintendent was in 1878, to investigate the c o n f l i c t between K i t k a t l a Indians and a cannery that was accused of depleting one of the v i l l a g e ' s f i s h i n g grounds (Canada, Department of Indian A f f a i r s 1878:69). At that time, the Superintendent of Indian A f f a i r s reported that the Indian commercial fishermen appreciated the government's e f f o r t to conserve resources, i f not the property assumptions behind those e f f o r t s (e.g., Canada, Department of Indian A f f a i r s 1882:83). After the Tsimshian's loss of legal control over the fishery, the cry for conservation was taken up more energetically from within the government. As a re s u l t , several commissions have been appointed since 1910 to study the problem. But even in the nineteenth century, in the aftermath of the disastrous e f f e c t s of commercial f i s h i n g in C a l i f o r n i a , government o f f i c i a l s had begun their 251 documentation of declining runs. The p o l i t i c a l effect of th i s was that gradually, and despite information to the contrary, Indian u t i l i z a t i o n of the resource, which was once highly praised by the Fisheries o f f i c e r s (e.g., Canada, Department of Fisheries, Annual Reports 1877:289;1878:295), f e l l under attack for alleged devastation of the salmon. A few other fisheries.have been important to the Tsimshian a r t i c u l a t i o n with c a p i t a l , especially oolachans, herring, halibut, dogfish, and clams. Oolachans were being exploited commercially on the Nass before 1877 (Canada, Department of Fi s h e r i e s , Annual Reports 1877). Within ten years, the oolachan fishery was described in Department of Fisheries Reports as " f a i l i n g " , even though attempts were made to s e l l the f i s h as superior in taste to the popular Bay of Fundy herring. The oolachan producers turned to herring proper. It was more successful and the oolachan were quickly abandoned as a commercial product for Europe, leaving i t for Native production and trade. Shortly after i t s removal from the commercial sphere, oolachan became the focus of p o l i t i c a l gamesmanship with a regulation being passed in 1888 banning the "Boston Indians" of Alaska from fi s h i n g oolachan in Canada ( i . e . , at Fishery Bay, Nass River) (Canada, Department of Indian A f f a i r s 1888:202). The coincidence of the date with the migration of the dissident Tsimshian of Metlakatla to New Metlakatla in Alaska, suggests the regulation was a parting shot at the 252 emigrants. Many people were displeased by their public spurning of the Canadian way of l i f e , e specially government of f ic i a l s . The f i r s t herring operation started on the Nass in 1877 and produced smoked and fresh herring (Canada, Department of Fi s h e r i e s , Annual Reports 1888:259). Herring were not regulated u n t i l closures were introduced in 1908 (to 1913) and again in 1924. Technological r e s t r a i n t s were also introduced at that time. The f i r s t record of halibut being caught commercially, on the Cape Flatery Banks (Canada, Department of Fisheries, Annual Reports 1916:G77), i s for 1888 (Canada, Department of Fisheries, Annual Reports 1889:200). By 1900, t h i s fishery was well underway (Canada, Department of F i s h e r i e s , Annual Reports 1916:S77), and soon the halibut was being depleted on bank after bank f a i r l y rapidly. This forced fishermen further out in search of new and more productive banks. Such serious depletion had occurred that considerable o f f i c i a l time was being devoted to conservation issues. The f i r s t regulation of the halibut fishery in 1910 brought closures from March 1 to March 31 (O/C 12 March 1910). These were l i f t e d by O/C 19 November 1912. After t h i s , the main l i n e to the subsequent history of regulation of halibut is grounded in the formation and operation of an International Halibut Commission, which was formed in the 1920s and which started to regulate catches and quotas in 253 1932. A dogfish fishery opened in 1877 on the Queen Charlotte Islands (Canada, Department of Fisheries, Annual Reports 1877:293). Clams were f i r s t canned at Metlakatla, in a small quantity, in 1883 (Canada, Department of F i s h e r i e s , Annual Reports 1883:200). Thus, by the time of the Great War, the basic pattern of the commercial f i s h e r i e s was established (cf. Canada, Department of Indian A f f a i r s 1906 and Freidlaender 1975). Further expansion occurred, as the l i s t of extant f i s h e r i e s indicates, and i s s t i l l occurring, but these changes were of minor importance to the Kitsumkalum, according to their own r e c o l l e c t i o n s . 1 1 I should note that the pattern r e f l e c t s the main emphasis and history expressed to me by Kitsumkalum people. I have some information for the other Tsimshian v i l l a g e s , but i t i s limited. Two factors (a lack of s p e c i f i c information in archival sources on Tsimshian p a r t i c i p a t i o n , and a necessary p r a c t i c a l decision on my part not to conduct detailed interviews with_people from coastal v i l l a g e s on the history of t heir involvement in a l l aspects of the commercial fishery) prevent me from generalizing the pattern to those other v i l l a g e s except through a f i e l d worker's i n t u i t i o n . Nonetheless, I w i l l l a t er draw upon information about other v i l l a g e s to as s i s t the reconstruction of the f i s h i n g l i f e of the Kitsumkalum. 254 Locales The fishing industry in the northwest includes cannery plants on shore, the development of which involved an early property dispute. The spread of the cannery plants and of t h e i r associated f i s h camps led to direct competition with the Tsimshian for s i t e s (this was a general problem on the coast, Canada, Department of Fi s h e r i e s , Annual Narratives 1873:206) and many complaints were heard by the government that the canners were i n t e r f e r i n g with the aboriginal economy. Very l i t t l e was done to a l l e v i a t e the problem. The canners had f a i r l y s p e c i f i c requirements for s i t e location and these coincided with the Tsimshian needs (Fisher 1977:206). A delegation of chiefs revealed a l l t h i s to an unsympathetic government in V i c t o r i a in 1887 ( B r i t i s h Columbia, Sessional Papers 1888, e.g., pp.260-264), but the law protected the canners and gave them permission to use "vacant" public lands and forests (S.C. 31VC60S.3). The Tsimshian had l i t t l e recourse to j u s t i c e . In i t s place, the Dominion and p r o v i n c i a l governments set in motion the process that lead to the establishment of the reserve system, ostensibly to protect the Indian's economy. As a resu l t of defining Indian land, the government was also defining Crown land and establishing what would be recognized as l e g a l l y vacant lands that the canners could use. 255 Ross argued that five environmental features contributed to a successful cannery in the early days: good foreshore access, proximity to the sea for purposes of transportation as well as early access to the f i s h , a fresh water source to supply plant operations, a timber source for lumber and boxes, and an available supply of labour (1967:53, 68-69). Port Essington, with i t s foreshore, strategic location at the mouth of the Skeena, supply of fresh water from a small mountain lake, and a bounteous forest for Cunningham's sawmill, was an ideal location upon which to situate a cannery, as several companies did. In addition to a l l these fine features, the f l a t land behind the beach provided good settlement grounds that supported the industry. These are probably some of the same features that attracted the o r i g i n a l Tsimshian population. So good was i t s location that, had i t not been for decisions that caused the railway to bypass t h i s town, Port Essington was expected to grow into the c i t y that the railway terminous of Prince Rupert became. Since the cannery workers had to l i v e near the plants for p r a c t i c a l reasons, the location of canneries altered demographic patterns among the Tsimshian. The major i n i t i a l e f f e c t for the Kitsumkalum was to emphasize i t s r e s i d e n t i a l connection to the Port Essington area, a connection enhanced by cannery owner Cunningham's arrangement to provide a special reserve for Kitsumkalum, Ki t s e l a s , and other of his 256 Tsimshian workers. The requirements for a successful cannery s i t e did not remain s t a t i c , but evolved. The advent of the more seaworthy round bottom boats allowed canneries to be moved out of the river mouth area to locales closer to where the f i s h schooled in the s a l t water (Ross 1967:80). This improved the competitive advantage of the canneries by giving the fishermen better and e a r l i e r access to the f i s h resource. Further technological changes lessened the importance of the other determining geographic factors of location. At the same time, an influence was developing that came to give a new but focal importance to the f a c i l i t i e s around the r a i l r o a d and harbour in Prince Rupert. The r a i l r o a d shifted the centre of commerce to Prince Rupert and the north shore. At f i r s t , cannery operations stretched along i t s