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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Social service agents and Indo-Canadian immigrants in Vancouver : implications of models of social exchange… Wood, Marjorie Rodgers 1984

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SOCIAL SERVICE AGENTS AND INDO-CANADIAN IMMIGRANTS IN VANCOUVER: IMPLICATIONS OF MODELS OF SOCIAL EXCHANGE FOR INTERCULTURAL TRANSACTIONS by MARJORIE RODGERS WOOD .A., Barnard C o l l e g e , Columbia U n i v e r s i t y , 1968 M.A., U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1972 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Anthropology and S o c i o l o g y We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October 1984 © M a r j o r i e Rodgers Wood, 1984 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and study. I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the head o f my department o r by h i s or her r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood t h a t copying or p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date Or^h^leA, / a > l^^H )E-6 (3/81) i i A b s t r a c t The p r e s e n t d i s s e r t a t i o n s e e k s t o a s c e r t a i n t h e i m p l i c a t i o n s o f c o n t r a s t i n g m o d e l s o f s o c i a l e x c h a n g e f o r i n t e r c u l t u r a l t r a n s a c t i o n s , s p e c i f i c a l l y , f o r t r a n s a c t i o n s b e t w e e n E u r o - C a n a d i a n s o c i a l s e r v i c e a g e n t s a n d I n d o - C a n a d i a n i m m i g r a n t c l i e n t s . I n s o d o i n g , i t m e e t s a t w o - f o l d o b j e c t i v e t o a p p l y s o c i a l e x c h a n g e t h e o r y t o i n t e r c u l t u r a l e x c h a n g e , and t o e x a m i n e t h e c u l t u r a l c o n t e x t o f a g e n t - c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The r e s e a r c h i n v o l v e d t h r e e b a s i c s t e p s : d e v e l o p m e n t o f an a n a l y t i c a l f r a m e w o r k , i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f t h e a g e n t s ' a n d c l i e n t s ' m o d e l s o f s o c i a l e x c h a n g e , a n d i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f t h e p a t t e r n s o f t r a n s a c t i o n o b t a i n i n g b e t w e e n t h e a g e n t s and c l i e n t s . The a n a l y t i c a l f r a m e w o r k d e v e l o p e d e x p l i c i t l y a n d s i m u l t a n e o u s l y i n c o r p o r a t e s t h r e e m o d i f i c a t i o n s t o c l a s s i c s o c i a l e x c h a n g e t h e o r y s u g g e s t e d by s y m b o l i c i n t e r a c t i o n i s m , e t h n o m e t h o d o l o g y , and t r a n s a c t i o n a l a n a l y s i s . I t p o s i t s c u l t u r a l l y s p e c i f i c v a l u e s a s u n d e r l y i n g e a c h a c t o r ' s p e r c e p t i o n of an e x c h a n g e s i t u a t i o n . I t p o s i t s c u l t u r a l l y s p e c i f i c g o a l s a s u n d e r l y i n g e a c h a c t o r ' s e x c h a n g e d e c i s i o n s . And i t p o s i t s c u l t u r a l l y s p e c i f i c modes o f t r a n s a c t i o n a s u n d e r l y i n g m a n i f e s t e x c h a n g e b e h a v i o u r . A c c o r d i n g l y , t h e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f t h e a g e n t s ' and c l i e n t s ' m o d e l s o f s o c i a l e x c h a n g e e n t a i l e d t h e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f t h e i r v a l u e s , g o a l s , a nd t r a n s a c t i o n a l modes. F o r s o c i a l s e r v i c e a g e n t s , a c c o r d i n g t o t h e s o c i a l s e r v i c e l i t e r a t u r e , t h e r i g h t s a n d r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l c o n s t i t u t e an u l t i m a t e v a l u e . To r e a l i z e t h i s v a l u e , a g e n t s p u r s u e t h e g o a l o f c l i e n t s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t , i d e a l l y t h r o u g h t h e t r a n s a c t i o n a l mode o f p r o f e s s i o n a l m u t u a l e x c h a n g e . F o r I n d o - C a n a d i a n c l i e n t s , a c c o r d i n g t o t h e e t h n o g r a p h i c l i t e r a t u r e , t h e h o n o u r o f t h e f a m i l y u n i t c o n s t i t u t e s t h e u l t i m a t e v a l u e . Honour a c c r u e s t o t h e f a m i l y w h i c h f u l f i l l s i t s dharma o r a s c r i b e d d u t i e s o f s e l f -s u f f i c i e n c y , c a s t e - p u r i t y , and s e r v i c e t o o t h e r s . I f s e r v i c e f r o m o t h e r s i s r e q u i r e d , i t i s b e s t t r a n s a c t e d i n t h e m u t u a l e x c h a n g e mode w h i c h c h a r a c t e r i z e s f r i e n d s h i p s . A c o m p a r i s o n o f t h e two m o d e l s o f s o c i a l e x c h a n g e s u g g e s t s t h a t d i f f i c u l t i e s i n t h e E u r o - C a n a d i a n a g e n t / I n d o - C a n a d i a n c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p w i l l emerge where a g e n t t r a n s a c t i o n s a r e p e r c e i v e d by c l i e n t s t o i m p i n g e on f a m i l y h o n o u r , a n d where c l i e n t t r a n s a c t i o n s a r e p e r c e i v e d by a g e n t s t o i m p i n g e on t h e r i g h t s a n d r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l . The p a t t e r n s o f t r a n s a c t i o n , i d e n t i f i e d t h r o u g h i n t e r v i e w s w i t h 40 I n d o - C a n a d i a n c l i e n t s , 37 E u r o - C a n a d i a n a g e n t s , a n d 21 I n d o - C a n a d i a n a g e n t s , t e n d t o c o n f i r m t h i s h y p o t h e s i s . A g e n t s f e e l f r u s t r a t e d by c l i e n t r e s i s t a n c e t o i n t e r v e n t i o n , r e l u c t a n c e t o d i s c l o s e and d i s c u s s p r o b l e m s , e x p e c t a t i o n s o f d i r e c t a n d c o n t i n u o u s a d v i c e , a nd n o n - i m p l e m e n t a t i o n o f a d v i c e t h a t i s g i v e n . C l i e n t s e x p r e s s i r r i t a t i o n a t a g e n t r e l u c t a n c e t o p r o v i d e p e r s o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n , a t t r i b u t i o n o f p r o b l e m s t o I n d o - C a n a d i a n l i f e - s t y l e , w i t h d r a w a l f r o m t h e h e l p i n g r o l e , a n d r e f u s a l t o a c c e p t p r e s t a t i o n s . The m o d e l s o f s o c i a l e x c h a n g e s e r v e t o e x p l i c a t e n o t o n l y t h e p o i n t s o f d i f f i c u l t y i n t h e a g e n t - c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p b u t a l s o t h e c o r r e s p o n d e n c e s b e t w e e n t h e a g e n t s ' a n d c l i e n t s ' i v p a t t e r n s o f t r a n s a c t i o n s . A g e n t s who d i s c l o s e p e r s o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n , i n t e r p r e t p r o b l e m s i n c u l t u r a l t e r m s , p r o v i d e d i r e c t o r e x t e n s i v e c o u n s e l l i n g , a nd a c c e p t c l i e n t p r e s t a t i o n s t e n d t o r e p o r t t h a t c l i e n t s d i s c l o s e p r o b l e m s t o them, d i s c u s s p r o b l e m s w i l l i n g l y , i m p l e m e n t s u g g e s t i o n s , a nd c a r r y on i n d e p e n d e n t l y . C o n s i s t e n t l y , t h e p a t t e r n s o f c l i e n t t r a n s a c t i o n s c o r r e s p o n d more t o t h e p a t t e r n s o f a g e n t t r a n s a c t i o n s t h a n t h e y do t o t h e e t h n i c b a c k g r o u n d o f t h e a g e n t s . T a b l e o f C o n t e n t s A b s t r a c t i L i s t o f T a b l e s v i i L i s t o f F i g u r e s A c k n o w l e d g e m e n t x C h a p t e r I INTRODUCTION B a s i c R e s e a r c h P r o b l e m T h e o r e t i c a l Framework D a t a C o l l e c t i o n 1 B a s i c R e s e a r c h C o n c l u s i o n s 2 N o t e s : C h a p t e r One 2 PART ONE: MODELS OF SOCIAL EXCHANGE 3 C h a p t e r I I THE EURO-CANADIAN AGENTS: THEIR CULTURAL REFERENTS OF SOCIAL EXCHANGE P r o f i l e o f E u r o - C a n a d i a n A g e n t s I n t e r v i e w e d D i m e n s i o n s o f S o c i a l S e r v i c e V a l u e s P r o f e s s i o n a l v e r s u s O r g a n i z a t i o n a l G o a l s .. T r a n s a c t i n g Power The C o u n s e l l i n g R e l a t i o n s h i p N o t e s : C h a p t e r Two C h a p t e r I I I THE INDO-CANADIAN CL I E N T S : THEIR CULTURAL REFERENTS OF SOCIAL EXCHANGE The V a l u e o f F a m i l y Honour The G o a l o f Dharma  T r a n s a c t i n g S t a t u s v i E x c h a n g e i n t h e I m m i g r a n t C o n t e x t 91 No n - E x c h a n g e w i t h C a n a d i a n S o c i a l S e r v i c e s 99 N o t e s : C h a p t e r T h r e e 110 C h a p t e r I V THE INDO-CANADIAN AGENTS: THEIR DUAL MODEL OF SOCIAL EXCHANGE 115 S o c i a l S e r v i c e P r o v i d e r s i n I n d i a 118 I n d i a n S o c i a l S e r v i c e P r o v i d e r s O v e r s e a s ...125 N o t e s : C h a p t e r F o u r 132 C h a p t e r V MODELS OF SOCIAL EXCHANGE COMPARED 134 PART TWO: PATTERNS OF INTERACTION 143 C h a p t e r VI "WHO ARE YOU?" THE INTRODUCTORY PHASE 144 P a t t e r n s o f I n i t i a l C o n t a c t 145 I d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f A g e n t a s an O f f i c i a l 154 I d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f A g e n t a s an I n d i v i d u a l 162 N o t e s : C h a p t e r S i x 169 C h a p t e r V I I WHEN THE POT I S BOILING: THE STUDY PHASE 172 D i s c l o s u r e o f t h e P r o b l e m 172 D i s c u s s i o n o f t h e P r o b l e m 182 N o t e s : C h a p t e r S e v e n 198 v i i Chapter VIII A MIRACULOUS SOLUTION: THE ASSESSMENT PHASE 201 C l i e n t E x p e c t a t i o n s of Agents 202 Agent Response to C l i e n t E x p e c t a t i o n s 206 Agent E x p e c t a t i o n s - C l i e n t Response 215 Mutually Acceptable Treatment Plans 225 Notes: Chapter E i g h t 232 Chapter IX "WILL YOU TAKE TEA?" THE TREATMENT PHASE 235 Implementation 236 Independence 246 Notes: Chapter Nine 268 Chapter X CONCLUSION 271 Pa t t e r n s of Agent and C l i e n t T r a n s a c t i o n s 272 S i g n i f i c a n c e of C u l t u r a l R e f e r e n t s of S o c i a l Exchange 283 I m p l i c a t i o n s f o r I n t e r c u l t u r a l S o c i a l S e r v i c e s 289 I m p l i c a t i o n s f o r S o c i a l Exchange Theory 293 Works C i t e d 296 APPENDICES 312 Appendix A. SAMPLING PROCEDURES 313 Appendix B INTERVIEW SCHEDULES 323 L i s t of Tables v i i i Table I CULTURAL ASPECTS OF EURO-CANADIAN AGENTS' PERSONAL BACKGROUNDS 36 Table II CROSS-CULTURAL CONTENT OF EURO-CANADIAN AGENTS' EDUCATIONAL BACKGROUNDS 37 Table III MULTI-CULTURAL CONTENT OF EURO-CANADIAN AGENTS' OCCUPATIONAL BACKGROUNDS 39 Table IV FORM OF INITIAL CONTACT BY MODE OF CLIENT RESPONSE 146 Table V AGENT. DISCLOSURE OF PERSONAL INFORMATION BY ETHNIC BACKGROUND OF AGENT '164 Table VI CLIENT DISCLOSURE OF PROBLEM BY ETHNIC BACKGROUND OF AGENT 175 Table VII CLIENT DISCUSSION OF PROBLEM BY ETHNIC BACKGROUND OF AGENT 184 Table VIII AGENT INTERPRETATION OF PROBLEM BY ETHNIC BACKGROUND OF AGENT 189 Table IX AGENT INTERPRETATION OF PROBLEM BY CLIENT DISCUSSION OF PROBLEM 192 Table X AGENT APPROACH TO COUNSELLING BY ETHNIC BACKGROUND OF AGENT 209 Table XI CLIENT IMPLEMENTATATION OF SUGGESTIONS BY ETHNIC BACKGROUND OF AGENT 237 Table XII AGENT APPROACH TO COUNSELLING BY CLIENT IMPLEMENTATION OF SUGGESTIONS 243 i x Table XIII AGENT INTERPRETATION OF PROBLEMS BY CLIENT IMPLEMENTATION OF SUGGESTIONS ..244 Table XIV CLIENT INDEPENDENCE DURING TREATMENT BY ETHNIC BACKGROUND OF AGENT 247 Table XV AGENT ACCEPTANCE OF REFRESHMENTS BY ETHNIC BACKGROUND OF AGENT 252 Table XVI AGENT ACCEPTANCE OF REFRESHMENTS BY CLIENT INDEPENDENCE DURING TREATMENT 262 Table XVII DISTRIBUTION OF AGENT INTERVIEWS BY AGENTS' ETHNIC BACKGROUND AND AGENTS' SECTOR OF EMPLOYMENT 315 Table XVIII DISTRIBUTION OF AGENT INTERVIEWS BY AGENTS' ETHNIC BACKGROUND AND NATURE OF PROBLEM ADDRESSED 317 Table XIX DISTRIBUTION OF DESCRIBED RELATIONSHIPS BY AGENTS' ETHNIC BACKGROUND AND AGENTS' SECTOR OF EMPLOYMENT 320 Table XX DISTRIBUTION OF DESCRIBED RELATIONSHIPS BY AGENTS' ETHNIC BACKGROUND AND NATURE OF PROBLEM ADDRESSED 321 L i s t of F i g u r e s x F i g u r e 1 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK FOR THE ANALYSIS OF INTERCULTURAL EXCHANGE RELATIONSHIPS 18 F i g u r e 2 MODELS OF SOCIAL EXCHANGE COMPARED 135 F i g u r e 3 PERCENTAGES OF AGENTS TRANSACTING POSITIVELY COMPARED WITH PERCENTAGES OF AGENTS REPORTING POSITIVE CLIENT TRANSACTIONS 276 F i g u r e 4 PERCENTAGES OF EURO-CANADIAN AGENTS TRANSACTING POSITIVELY COMPARED WITH PERCENTAGES OF INDO-CANADIAN AGENTS TRANSACTING POSITIVELY 278 F i g u r e 5 PERCENTAGES OF EURO-CANADIAN AGENTS REPORTING POSITIVE CLIENT TRANSACTIONS COMPARED WITH PERCENTAGES OF INDO-CANADIAN AGENTS REPORTING POSITIVE CLIENT TRANSACTIONS 280 F i g u r e 6 PERCENTAGES OF EURO-CANADIAN AGENTS TRANSACTING POSITIVELY COMPARED WITH PERCENTAGES OF EURO-CANADIAN AGENTS REPORTING POSITIVE CLIENT TRANSACTIONS 281 F i g u r e 7 PERCENTAGES OF INDO-CANADIAN AGENTS TRANSACTING POSITIVELY COMPARED WITH PERCENTAGES OF INDO-CANADIAN AGENTS REPORTING POSITIVE CLIENT TRANSACTIONS 282 F i g u r e 8 CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN CLIENT TRANSACTIONS AND AGENT TRANSACTIONS COMPARED WITH CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN CLIENT TRANSACTIONS AND AGENT ETHNIC BACKGROUND 284 x i Acknowledgement I would l i k e f i r s t of a l l to express s i n c e r e g r a t i t u d e to my respondents, the agents and c l i e n t s , f o r t h e i r acceptance, t r u s t , and p a t i e n t d i s c u s s i o n s . I t i s my hope that the r e s u l t s of t h e i r time and e f f o r t s with me w i l l serve t h e i r i n t e r e s t s i n some way. Many other i n d i v i d u a l s i n the community, i n p a r t i c u l a r Maud Dias, S h e i l a Munnalal, and Marion P o l i a k o f f i n s p i r e d and e n r i c h e d my f i e l d e xperience. At the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, P r o f e s s o r Brenda Beck has been my valued a d v i s o r and f r i e n d throughout my graduate student years. P r o f e s s o r . C y r i l Belshaw always understood where I wanted to go and helped me to get t h e r e . P r o f e s s o r R i c h a r d Nann introduced and o r i e n t e d me to the complex world of s o c i a l s e r v i c e s . And P r o f e s s o r M a r t i n Silverman p r o v i d e d i n s i g h t s to the connections between the academic f i e l d s I hoped to tap. A very s p e c i a l word of a p p r e c i a t i o n to P r o f e s s o r Anne-Marie Furness of the School of S o c i a l Work, U.B.C., f o r her s e l f l e s s and t h o u g h t f u l c r i t i q u e of s e v e r a l c h a p t e r s . For f i n a n c i a l support I am indebted to the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia f o r t h e i r award of an H.R. MacMillan Family F e l l o w s h i p (1980-82), and to the S o c i a l Sciences and Humanities Research C o u n c i l of Canada f o r t h e i r award of a D o c t o r a l F e l l o w s h i p (1982-84). F i n a l l y to my f a m i l y , who has taught me most about g i v i n g and r e c e i v i n g , my deepest g r a t i t u d e . 1 C h a p t e r One INTRODUCTION The p r e s e n t d i s s e r t a t i o n s e e k s t o a s c e r t a i n t h e i m p l i c a t i o n s o f m o d e l s o f s o c i a l e x c h a n g e f o r i n t e r c u l t u r a l t r a n s a c t i o n s , s p e c i f i c a l l y , f o r t r a n s a c t i o n s b e t w e e n E u r o -C a n a d i a n s o c i a l s e r v i c e a g e n t s a nd I n d o - C a n a d i a n i m m i g r a n t c l i e n t s . I n P a r t One, I d e s c r i b e t h e v a l u e s , g o a l s , a n d t r a n s a c t i o n a l modes c o m p r i s i n g t h e two p a r t i e s ' s o c i a l e x c h a n g e m o d e l s , a n d s u g g e s t how c o n t r a s t s b e t w e e n them may a f f e c t i n t e r a c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e i r a d h e r e n t s . I n P a r t Two, I d e s c r i b e t h e p a t t e r n s o f i n t e r a c t i o n c h a r a c t e r i z i n g c o u n s e l l i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s b e t w een E u r o - C a n a d i a n a g e n t s a n d I n d o - C a n a d i a n c l i e n t s , a n d n o t e t h e e x t e n t t o w h i c h p o i n t s o f d i f f i c u l t y i n t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p s c o r r e s p o n d t o p o i n t s o f c o n t r a s t b e t w e e n t h e p o s i t e d m o d e l s o f s o c i a l e x c h a n g e . Two r e l a t e d i s s u e s emerge a s c o n s e q u e n c e s o f t h e c e n t r a l t h e s i s . On a t h e o r e t i c a l l e v e l , c l a s s i c s o c i a l e x c h a n g e t h e o r y p r o v e s i n a d e q u a t e t o t h e t a s k o f a n a l y s i n g i n t e r c u l t u r a l t r a n s a c t i o n s . I i d e n t i f y a n d e m p l o y t h r e e m o d i f i c a t i o n s . S e c o n d l y , on an e m p i r i c a l , a p p l i e d l e v e l , key s o c i a l s e r v i c e p r a c t i c e s a p p e a r c o u n t e r - p r o d u c t i v e when u s e d w i t h I n d o - C a n a d i a n c l i e n t s . A l t h o u g h c h a n g e s i n t h e s e p r a c t i c e s a r e f e a s i b l e , I recommend c h a n g e s i n t h e manner o f i n t r o d u c i n g them t o c l i e n t s . T h u s , i n a s c e r t a i n i n g t h e i m p l i c a t i o n s o f s o c i a l e x c h a n g e m o d e l s f o r i n t e r c u l t u r a l t r a n s a c t i o n s , t h e p r e s e n t d i s s e r t a t i o n a l s o 2 ' i d e n t i f i e s c e r t a i n i m p l i c a t i o n s of i n t e r c u l t u r a l t r a n s a c t i o n s f o r s o c i a l s e r v i c e p r a c t i c e and f o r s o c i a l exchange theory. By way of i n t r o d u c t i o n , I f i r s t e s t a b l i s h the parameters of the b a s i c r e s e a r c h problem i n r e l a t i o n to the l i t e r a t u r e which addresses i t . I then d e f i n e the t h e o r e t i c a l framework w i t h i n which I analyse the problem, and i n d i c a t e the methods used to res e a r c h i t . F i n a l l y , I d i s c u s s the nature of the ba s i c r e s e a r c h c o n c l u s i o n s , and note t h e i r l i m i t a t i o n s . Basic Research Problem My academic i n t e r e s t i n e x p l a i n i n g the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Euro-Canadian agents and Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s a r i s e s from a per s o n a l concern about i n d i c a t i o n s of d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with that r e l a t i o n s h i p expressed by both p a r t i e s . In e s t a b l i s h i n g the parameters of the academic r e s e a r c h problem, I am i n f l u e n c e d by the nature and scope of the e m p i r i c a l s i t u a t i o n . In 1975, when I returned to Vancouver a f t e r a two-year stay in I n d i a , I was struck by the extent to which Indo-Canadians were s i n g l e d out by the media as abusers of s o c i a l s e r v i c e s . They were s a i d to be " m i l k i n g the system," and " r i p p i n g i t o f f " (see Indra, 1979: 179). 1 At the same time, Indo-Canadians known to me p e r s o n a l l y recounted i n c i d e n t s i n which they or t h e i r f r i e n d s f e l t rudely or u n j u s t l y t r e a t e d by Euro-Canadians r e p r e s e n t i n g v a r i o u s s o c i a l s e r v i c e a g e n c i e s . Again, i n 1979 while i n t e r v i e w i n g d i r e c t o r s of agencies, I heard r e p e a t e d l y that Indo-Canadians c o n s t i t u t e d the most problematic c l i e n t e l e . They were the "chronic complainers" and the " b e l l i g e r e n t 3 r e q u e s t o r s . " Yet I was a l s o aware of Indo-Canadian e f f o r t s to e s t a b l i s h s e l f - h e l p mechanisms which would r e p l a c e "unsympathetic" Euro-Canadian sources of h e l p . Obviously, r e l a t i o n s between Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s and Euro-Canadian agents were, and to a l a r g e extent s t i l l a re, t r o u b l e d . Before a t r o u b l e d r e l a t i o n s h i p can be improved, the sources of the d i f f i c u l t i e s must be understood. In my view, the e x p l a n a t i o n s o f f e r e d by agents and c l i e n t s are "necessary but not s u f f i c i e n t " to provide such understanding. On the one hand, i t i s g e n e r a l l y accepted that Indian c u l t u r e discourages the acceptance of a s s i s t a n c e from anyone o u t s i d e the intimate c i r c l e of f a m i l y and c l o s e f r i e n d s . How then do Indo-Canadians come to be p e r c e i v e d as s e r v i c e abusers? On the other hand, s o c i a l s e r v i c e p r o f e s s i o n s s t r e s s empathy, openness, and c a r i n g . How then do they give the impression of being rude and unsympathetic? In other words, the reasons given by agents and c l i e n t s f o r t h e i r negative r e l a t i o n s are not e x p l a n a t i o n s at a l l ; they are p a r t of the r e l a t i o n s h i p which begs e x p l a i n i n g . Thus a r t i c u l a t e d , the r e s e a r c h problem at hand lodges s q u a r e l y i n the f i e l d of i n t e r c u l t u r a l s o c i a l s e r v i c e . As an area of r e s e a r c h , the f i e l d has developed r e l a t i v e l y r e c e n t l y . One survey of four major s o c i a l work j o u r n a l s p u b l i s h e d between 1947 and 1961 notes that only three a r t i c l e s d e a l "even remotely" with s e r v i c e s to immigrants (Kent, 1972: 42). Although a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l and s o c i o l o g i c a l s t u d i e s of immigrant c u l t u r e s were a v a i l a b l e d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d , they were not i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o s o c i a l s e r v i c e p o l i c y or p r a c t i c e (Devore and S c h l e s i n g e r , 4 1981: v ) . Instead, the h e l p i n g p r o f e s s i o n s r e l i e d h e a v i l y on p r i n c i p l e s of psychology to inform t h e i r approaches to a l l c l i e n t s , r e g a r d l e s s of c u l t u r a l background ( T r i s e l i o t i s , 1972: v i i ) . In r e t r o s p e c t , s o c i a l s e r v i c e p r o f e s s i o n a l s a t t r i b u t e the i n f l u e n c e of psychology over that of anthropology to the s t r e n g t h of e g a l i t a r i a n i d e a l s embedded in North American and B r i t i s h c u l t u r e at the time (Jenk i n s , 1981: 4). A l l persons were to be t r e a t e d e q u a l l y , i n accordance with c e r t a i n p r e c e p t s about b a s i c needs and d e s i r e s . Such ideas l i n k e d w e l l to the then p r e v a l e n t image of s o c i e t y as a m e l t i n g pot (Green, 1982: 3-4). Any d i f f e r e n c e s between immigrant and non-immigrant c l i e n t s would soon disappear through a process of a s s i m i l a t i o n . Even the more re c e n t , and supposedly more Canadian, p l u r a l i s t image of s o c i e t y d i d not d i s p e l the b e l i e f that a l l people were e n t i t l e d to and d e s i r o u s of the same kind of h e l p when i n s i m i l a r circumstances. With the dramatic i n c r e a s e i n non-European immigration of the past twenty years, the need f o r a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l input to the s o c i a l s e r v i c e s has become apparent. Many s c h o l a r s now recognize that the b a s i c assumptions of the h e l p i n g p r o f e s s i o n s are those of a p a r t i c u l a r c u l t u r e (Kent, 1972: 45). To be t r u l y e g a l i t a r i a n -- a culture-bound i d e a l i n i t s e l f , but one which has s u r v i v e d s o c i a l s e r v i c e agents must pr o v i d e a s s i s t a n c e to people i n ways which are c u l t u r a l l y a c c e p t a b l e to them (Green, 1982: 4). The goal of s e r v i c e , c l i e n t s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t , remains the same f o r a l l c l i e n t s , but the means to t h i s end may have to 5 vary c o n s i d e r a b l y . Recent works in t r a n s c u l t u r a l nursing ( L e i n i n g e r , 1978; Spector, 1979), m u l t i - c u l t u r a l social-work (Cheetham, 1981; Green, 1982), and c r o s s - c u l t u r a l c o u n s e l l i n g (Kleinman, 1978; Pederson et a l . , 1981) a t t e s t to the readiness of the h e l p i n g p r o f e s s i o n s to apply a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l understandings to t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e s e r v i c e s . In g e n e r a l , the l i t e r a t u r e p r o v i d e s ethnographic i n f o r m a t i o n on p a r t i c u l a r c u l t u r e s p e r t i n e n t to the problems which the v a r i o u s s e r v i c e s address. Thus, a nurse may l e a r n about H a i t i a n c h i l d b i r t h customs; a c h i l d c a r e worker may r e a l i z e the o b l i g a t i o n s of a Chinese daughter-in-law, and a h i g h - s c h o o l c o u n s e l l o r may understand the a s p i r a t i o n s of a Greek student's p a r e n t s . To a l e s s e r extent, the l i t e r a t u r e a l s o focusses on the need f o r s o c i a l s e r v i c e agents to s e n s i t i z e themselves to t h e i r own c u l t u r a l b i a s e s (Herberg, 1982; Mayes, 1978; M i z i o and Delaney, 1981; Sikkema and Niyekawa-Howard, 1977) . However, with one s i g n i f i c a n t exception (Green, 1982), few s t u d i e s examine c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s as they p e r t a i n to the agent-c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p i t s e l f . Many authors note i n p a s s i n g that immigrant c l i e n t s may not be f a m i l i a r with s o c i a l s e r v i c e s (Ferguson, 1964; Vikram, 1981), and o t hers emphasize the stigma atta c h e d to seeking h e l p o u t s i d e the f a m i l y (Great B r i t a i n , Community R e l a t i o n s Commission, 1976; Selyan, 1978). American s c h o l a r s i n p a r t i c u l a r weigh t h e . e f f e c t s of r a c i a l d i f f e r e n c e s on a g e n t - c l i e n t i n t e r a c t i o n (Banks, 1971; E r i k s o n , 1979), while B r i t i s h and Canadian s t u d i e s u s u a l l y mention language as a major 6 b a r r i e r ( A s s o c i a t i o n of D i r e c t o r s of S o c i a l S e r v i c e s , 1978; Head, 1979). But the r elevance of c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s to the nature of a g e n t - c l i e n t i n t e r a c t i o n remains, f o r the most p a r t , unexamined. T h i s omission i s somewhat s u r p r i s i n g given the long-s t a n d i n g i n t e r e s t of the s o c i a l s e r v i c e s i n a g e n t - c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s , and the c e n t r a l i t y of human i n t e r a c t i o n to s o c i a l s c i e n c e thought. 2 S o c i a l s e r v i c e agents s t r i v e to e s t a b l i s h rapport with c l i e n t s ; students of c r o s s - c u l t u r a l communication i d e n t i f y c u l t u r a l l y s p e c i f i c approaches to s o c i a l t r u s t and l i k i n g (Johnson and Johnson, 1975). S e r v i c e agents hope to f o s t e r c l i e n t i n i t i a t i v e and i n p u t ; s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s i n d i c a t e c u l t u r a l l y s p e c i f i c modes of s e l f - a s s e r t i o n that go unrecognized i n i n t e r c u l t u r a l c o ntexts ( T r i a n d i s et a l . , 1968). In the s o c i a l s e r v i c e s , the success of a h e l p i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p may depend on the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of a n e g o t i a t e d c o n t r a c t between agent and c l i e n t ; i n the s o c i a l s c i e n c e s , s t y l e s of n e g o t i a t i o n are found to vary c o n s i d e r a b l y a c r o s s c u l t u r e s (Glenn et a l . , 1977). In sum, s o c i a l s c i e n c e has much to o f f e r the f i e l d of i n t e r c u l t u r a l s o c i a l s e r v i c e , not only by p l a c i n g the problems of c l i e n t s i n t h e i r c u l t u r a l c o n t e x t s , but a l s o by p r o v i d i n g a c u l t u r a l p e r s p e c t i v e on the a g e n t - c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p i t s e l f . The present study focusses on the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Euro-Canadian agents and Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s , not on the problems which the c l i e n t s have. However, the relevance of c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s to c l i e n t problems on the one hand and to a g e n t - c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s on the other i s d i f f i c u l t to 7 d i f f e r e n t i a t e w i t h i n the context of a given h e l p i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p , or even a number of r e l a t i o n s h i p s concerned with s i m i l a r problems. For example, n u t r i t i o n c o u n s e l l o r s may f a i l to "reach" f a m i l i e s , e i t h e r because of c u l t u r a l l y s p e c i f i c b e l i e f s c o n c erning d i e t , or because of c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s i n modes of h e l p i n g behaviour, or both. To i s o l a t e the c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s p e r t a i n i n g to the agent-c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p from those p e r t a i n i n g to the c l i e n t s ' problems, I examine the p a t t e r n s of i n t e r a c t i o n between a v a r i e t y of s o c i a l s e r v i c e p r o f e s s i o n a l s and t h e i r Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s (see Appendix A). The term " s o c i a l s e r v i c e agent" r e f e r s not only to a wide range of i n d i v i d u a l s employed as s o c i a l workers, but a l s o to community h e a l t h workers and school workers. The s e r v i c e s rendered a l l e n t a i l c o u n s e l l i n g , but they address themselves to v a r i o u s e d u c a t i o n a l , health,, and f a m i l y -r e l a t e d problems. Thus, I i d e n t i f y p a t t e r n s of i n t e r a c t i o n which manifest themselves between Euro-Canadian agents and Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s r e g a r d l e s s of the employment context of the agent or the problem of the c l i e n t . I examine the a g e n t - c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p i n c u l t u r a l terms not j u s t because such a focus has been overlooked to date, but a l s o because I b e l i e v e i t s omission s e r i o u s l y impedes i n t e r c u l t u r a l s o c i a l s e r v i c e i n p r a c t i c a l , a p p l i e d terms. The need to understand what happens between an agent from one c u l t u r e and a c l i e n t from another may be seen i n the d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n of c l i e n t s , e s p e c i a l l y i n t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n of agents as "rude" and "unsympathetic." The need i s a l s o 8 expressed by some agents from immigrant c u l t u r e s , persons who c a l l f o r an a l t e r n a t i v e to the " p r o f e s s i o n a l / c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p i n which the c l i e n t i s made to f e e l inadequate.... l e a v i n g h i m s e l f / h e r s e l f open to m a n i p u l a t i o n " (Sondhi, 1982: 72-73). Most c o n v i n c i n g l y , the need to understand the dynamics of i n t e r c u l t u r a l h e l p i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s i s evidenced by the Euro-Canadian agent who s t a t e s : "I know about Indian c h i l d - r e a r i n g [ p r a c t i c e s ] . I j u s t can't get through to the p a r e n t s . " T h e o r e t i c a l Framework The present d i s s e r t a t i o n a n a l y ses the problem of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Euro-Canadian agents and Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s w i t h i n the framework of s o c i a l exchange theory. S o c i a l exchange theory has long been u t i l i z e d by a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s and other s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s to account f o r human i n t e r a c t i o n . In 1907, Georg Simmel wrote: Most r e l a t i o n s h i p s among men can be c o n s i d e r e d under the category of exchange.... [E]very i n t e r a c t i o n i s p r o p e r l y viewed as a kind of exchange (quoted i n Levine, 1971: 43-44). The f i r s t s c h o l a r to analyse s o c i a l exchange as a means of e x p l a i n i n g s o c i a l behaviour was Marcel Mauss ( t r a n s . 1954). L i k e the s t r u c t u r a l - f u n c t i o n a l i s t s who adopted h i s approach, Mauss emphasized a normative or i n s t i t u t i o n a l o b l i g a t i o n to g i v e , to r e c e i v e , and to repay a g i f t . The "norm of r e c i p r o c i t y " became accepted by some students as both b i n d i n g on the i n d i v i d u a l and u n i v e r s a l to mankind (Gouldner,1960). As such, the a n a l y s i s of 9 exchange concerned a given group's set of r u l e s , and the i m p l i c a t i o n s of these f o r group s t r u c t u r e ( L e v i - S t r a u s s , 1969). Other s c h o l a r s , notably Homans (1958; 1961), argued that c u l t u r a l norms and i n s t i t u t i o n s are but the consequences of i n d i v i d u a l p s y c h o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s , e s p e c i a l l y m o t i v a t i o n . Between the moral i n j u n c t i o n to exchange and a c t u a l exchange behaviour l a y the process of i n d i v i d u a l decision-making (Barth, 1966). In making a d e c i s i o n , people acted to maximize t h e i r rewards and to minimize c o s t s (Belshaw, 1965). Thus, the study of exchange behaviour r e q u i r e d the a n a l y s i s of i n d i v i d u a l c h o i c e and s t r a t e g y . R e c o n c i l i n g the i n s t i t u t i o n a l and i n d i v i d u a l approaches to exchange are suggestions that one "emerges" from the other i n chicken-and-egg f a s h i o n (Blau, 1964). Human i n t e r a c t i o n should be c o n s i d e r e d i n l i g h t of i t s i n s t i t u t i o n a l "before" and " a f t e r " (Arensberg, 1972). By f o c u s s i n g on the p r o p e r t i e s which emerge, the a n a l y s i s of t r a n s a c t i o n s l i n k s i n d i v i d u a l behaviour with i t s i n s t i t u t i o n a l context (Kapferer, 1976). S o c i a l exchange theory, p a r t i c u l a r l y as developed by t r a n s a c t i o n a l a n a l y s i s , appears w e l l s u i t e d to the study of s o c i a l s e r v i c e s g e n e r a l l y and a g e n t - c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s s p e c i f i c a l l y . Recent p u b l i c a t i o n s i n the f i e l d of s o c i a l s e r v i c e a t t e s t to the a p p l i c a b i l i t y and relevance of s o c i a l exchange concepts. Paul W i l d i n g (1982) pro v i d e s an e x t e n s i v e review of the l i t e r a t u r e p e r t a i n i n g to the "power" of the s e r v i c e " g i v e r " over the s e r v i c e " r e c e i v e r . " Edward Wynne (1980) analyses the s o c i a l s e c u r i t y system of the Un i t e d S t a t e s as a system of 10 " r e c i p r o c i t y " : Each act of d e l i v e r i n g a donation and each subsequent r e t u r n of a counter-donation c o n s t i t u t e s a t r a n s a c t i o n , while the complete sequence of donation and counter-donation c o n s t i t u t e s an exchange (p. 10). As f a r back as 1968, R.J. Lawrence p u b l i s h e d "A S o c i a l T r a n s a c t i o n a l Model f o r the A n a l y s i s of S o c i a l Welfare." In i t he argues that s e r v i c e s to c l i e n t s are "products of i n t e r a c t i v e processes between the consumer and producer" (p. 51). The c l i e n t "enters i n t o the t r a n s a c t i o n to achieve some g o a l . U s u a l l y he does so at some s p e c i f i e d c o s t " (p. 55). However, d e s p i t e the demonstrated s u i t a b i l i t y of exchange theory f o r the study of s o c i a l s e r v i c e s , students of i n t e r c u l t u r a l s o c i a l s e r v i c e s r a r e l y r e f e r even i n passin g to i t s concepts. T h i s may be due i n part to the preo c c u p a t i o n i n the f i e l d with the c u l t u r a l context of c l i e n t problems. Since the a g e n t - c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p i s not examined, the explanatory p o t e n t i a l of s o c i a l exchange theory i s not p e r t i n e n t . But the omission of such concepts as g o a l , c o s t , and t r a n s a c t i o n may a l s o be due to the f a c t that s o c i a l exchange theory has not been, and i n i t s c l a s s i c form cannot be, a p p l i e d to i n t e r c u l t u r a l s i t u a t i o n s . The confinement of c l a s s i c s o c i a l exchange theory to homogeneous c u l t u r a l c o n t e x t s r e s t s on the u n d e r l y i n g assumptions which i t makes. As one a n a l y s i s p o i n t s out (Michener et a l . , 1977: 524)', " t h e o r i s t s as f a r back as Edgeworth (1881) have found i t u s e f u l to make r e s t r i c t i v e assumptions regarding 11 the exchange processes." Michener et a l . i d e n t i f y four such assumptions: 1. A l l persons i n the system have f u l l i n f o r m a t i o n about the i n t e r e s t s i n and c o n t r o l over events [ i . e . commodities or s e r v i c e s ] . 2. A l l t r a d e r s are guided by r a t i o n a l s e l f -i n t e r e s t and seek to i n c r e a s e t h e i r g a i n s . 3. Persons' i n t e r e s t s are s t a b l e and not s u b j e c t to change. 4. Events are d i v i s i b l e . As s t a t e d , the f i r s t three assumptions cannot be made with regard to t r a n s a c t i o n s between persons of d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r e s . The g r e a t e r the d i f f e r e n c e s between the c u l t u r e s , the more c r i t i c a l i t i s that the assumptions be e x p l i c i t l y recognized and m o d i f i e d before concepts of s o c i a l exchange are a p p l i e d . The f i r s t assumption, that of f u l l i n f o r m a t i o n , most o b v i o u s l y r e q u i r e s m o d i f i c a t i o n f o r i n t e r c u l t u r a l t r a n s a c t i o n s , p a r t i c u l a r l y when one of the i n t e r a c t a n t s i s a recent immigrant to the country i n which the exchange takes p l a c e . The immigrant has an idea or p e r c e p t i o n of "what the others want and what the others c o n t r o l " (Michener et a l . , 1977: 524). But h i s p e r c e p t i o n may vary c o n s i d e r a b l y from the p e r c e p t i o n s of those o t h e r s , and from the o b j e c t i v e " f a c t s " of the s i t u a t i o n . Conversely, the i n t e r a c t a n t of the country of immigration, a Euro-Canadian s o c i a l s e r v i c e agent i n t h i s i n s t a n c e , does not always "know" what an immigrant c l i e n t wants or c o n t r o l s , but he may b e l i e v e that he knows. 1 2 Michener et a l . regard the second assumption, that of s e l f -i n t e r e s t , as the most c r i t i c a l and l i m i t i n g one of s o c i a l exchange theory. They c r e d i t Meeker (1971) with having p l a c e d the concept of s e l f - i n t e r e s t i n p e r s p e c t i v e : [ P l e r s o n s can adopt any of s e v e r a l m o t i v a t i o n a l o r i e n t a t i o n s i n f a c e - t o - f a c e i n t e r a c t i o n . In a d d i t i o n to s e l f - i n t e r e s t , these i n c l u d e a l t r u i s m , c o m p e t i t i o n , group g a i n , e q u i t y , s t a t u s c o n g r u i t y , r e c i p r o c i t y , e t c . (Michener et a l . , 1977: 526). Without d i s m i s s i n g the p o s s i b i l i t y that i n d i v i d u a l s may i d i o s y n c r a t i c a l l y act on m o t i v a t i o n s other than that of s e l f -i n t e r e s t , i t i s important to r e a l i z e that a c t i o n s motivated by any one of the o r i e n t a t i o n s l i s t e d above may be c o n s i d e r e d by the a c t o r to f u r t h e r h i s s e l f - i n t e r e s t i n so f a r as the o r i e n t a t i o n i s d e f i n e d as an accep t a b l e goal w i t h i n h i s c u l t u r e . For example, an i n d i v i d u a l whose c u l t u r e esteems a l t r u i s t i c behaviour may decide that i t i s i n h i s best i n t e r e s t to d e c l a r e that he d e s i r e s no r e t u r n f o r something he has g i v e n . I f the r e c e i v e r i s from a c u l t u r e which deems a l t r u i s m f o o l h a r d y , the g i v e r w i l l be regarded as a f o o l , l a c k i n g i n s t r a t e g y to promote s e l f - i n t e r e s t . L i m i t a t i o n s imposed by the t h i r d assumption, t h a t of s t a b i l i t y of i n t e r e s t s , have been p a r t i a l l y overcome by the i n t r o d u c t i o n to exchange theory of the concept of emergent p r o p e r t i e s . P r o p e r t i e s which emerge from one set of t r a n s a c t i o n s r e d e f i n e the s i t u a t i o n before the next exchange o c c u r s . S t a b i l i t y of i n t e r e s t s i s assumed only f o r one sequence of g i v e -r e c e i v e - r e t u r n . Depending on the outcome of that exchange, 1 3 p e r c e p t i o n and hence behaviour may vary i n subsequent i n t e r a c t i o n s . Thus amended, the assumption of i n t e r e s t s t a b i l i t y serves the purposes of i n t e r c u l t u r a l t r a n s a c t i o n a l a n a l y s i s with one f u r t h e r m o d i f i c a t i o n . A s h i f t i n i n t e r e s t s may manifest i t s e l f not only i n response to p r o p e r t i e s emerging from previous exchanges but a l s o i n response to s h i f t s between d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r a l modes of t r a n s a c t i o n . As M i l l e r p o i n t s out (1982: 182): [ A ] l l m i n o r i t y group people i n t h i s s o c i e t y are b i c u l t u r a l at l e a s t . The percentage may be 90-10 i n e i t h e r d i r e c t i o n , but they s t i l l have had the task of i n t e g r a t i n g two value systems that are o f t e n i n c o n f l i c t . A c o n f l i c t between c u l t u r a l systems of values may r e s u l t i n an a c t o r ' s employing a t r a n s a c t i o n a l mode from one c u l t u r e i n one exchange, and a mode from h i s o p p o s i t e ' s c u l t u r e i n a subsequent exchange. 3 To r e t u r n to the example given above, an i n d i v i d u a l whose c u l t u r e p o s i t s a l t r u i s m as a goal may choose to pursue s e l f - i n t e r e s t on one o c c a s i o n by a c t i n g a l t r u i s t i c a l l y . On another o c c a s i o n , he may decide i t i s i n h i s best i n t e r e s t to act a c c o r d i n g to what he p e r c e i v e s to be the g o als of the c u l t u r e of h i s exchange p a r t n e r . The s h i f t i n behaviour may be due to p r o p e r t i e s emerging from the p r e v i o u s exchange: perhaps the t r a n s a c t a n t f a i l e d to r e c e i v e the non-material r e t u r n he expected f o r a l t r u i s m . But behaviour may a l s o s h i f t simply as a f u n c t i o n of the i n t e r a c t a n t ' s awareness of a l t e r n a t i v e t r a n s a c t i o n a l modes." 1 4 To summarize, the f i r s t three assumptions of s o c i a l exchange theory as i d e n t i f i e d by Michener et a l . must be m o d i f i e d as f o l l o w s f o r the a n a l y s i s of i n t e r c u l t u r a l exchange r e l a t i o n s h i p s : 1. Each person has a p e r c e p t i o n about h i s and o t h e r s ' i n t e r e s t s i n commodities or s e r v i c e s which i s based on c u l t u r a l l y s p e c i f i c v a l u e s . 2. Each person makes d e c i s i o n s guided by r a t i o n a l s e l f - i n t e r e s t as d e f i n e d by c u l t u r a l l y s p e c i f i c g o a l s . 3. Each person's behaviour r e f l e c t s c u l t u r a l l y s p e c i f i c t r a n s a c t i o n a l modes, and may s h i f t as the c u l t u r a l p o i n t of r e f e r e n c e s h i f t s . In other words, c l a s s i c s o c i a l exchange theory makes another assumption, one which u n d e r l i e s the o t h e r s . I t assumes that p a r t i e s to an exchange belong to the same c u l t u r e , and that they t h e r e f o r e agree on the values of exchange commodities, on the goals d e f i n i n g s e l f - i n t e r e s t , and on the modes f o r t r a n s a c t i o n a l behaviour. As Befu puts i t (1977: 259), the c u l t u r a l context " i s that part of an exchange model which i s assumed as given i n so f a r as the model i s concerned." 5 When a p p l y i n g s o c i a l exchange theory to i n t e r c u l t u r a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , however, the c u l t u r a l context cannot be assumed. I t i s not a "given." The a n a l y t i c a l frameworks employed by many contemporary exchange t h e o r i s t s accommodate one or another of the three m o d i f i c a t i o n s suggested f o r c l a s s i c s o c i a l exchange t h e o r y . 6 For example, i n K a p f e r e r ' s e d i t e d volume T r a n s a c t i o n and Meaning (1976), the c o n t r i b u t i o n s by G i l s e n a n (pp. 191-219) and by Cohen 15 and Comaroff (pp. 87-107) focus on ways i n which a c t o r s c o n t r o l each other's p e r c e p t i o n s of exchange s i t u a t i o n s through the man i p u l a t i o n of in f o r m a t i o n or the manipulation of s e l f - i m a g e . The authors r e l y on a symbolic i n t e r a c t i o n i s t or phenomenological approach which holds that a c t o r s i n t e r p r e t each o t h e r ' s behaviour and r e a c t to i t a c c o r d i n g l y ( c f . Blumer, 1969; Schutz, 1966). A l s o i n Kapferer, the c o n t r i b u t i o n s by M a r r i o t t (pp. 109-142) and by Pa r k i n (pp. 163-190) focus on the c u l t u r a l c ontexts w i t h i n which exchange d e c i s i o n s are made. P a r k i n i n p a r t i c u l a r s t r e s s e s that an i n d i v i d u a l ' s "choices are based on a n o t i o n of r a t i o n a l i t y i n the terms of the p a r t i c u l a r c u l t u r e " (1976: 165): The d i s t i n c t i o n i s e s s e n t i a l l y (and not merely analogously) the c l a s s i c a l Saussurian one between p a r o l e , by which i n d i v i d u a l c r e a t i v e n e s s i s manifested i n unique u t t e r a n c e s , and langue, which p a r a d o x i c a l l y d i r e c t s t h i s c r e a t i v e n e s s by r e q u i r i n g i t to be expressed by r e f e r e n c e t o, though not n e c e s s a r i l y i n s l a v i s h i m i t a t i o n o f , an e x i s t i n g body of grammatical r u l e s (1976: 164) . P a r k i n and M a r r i o t t r e l y h e a v i l y on ethnographic d e t a i l to account f o r the exchange behaviour of a c t o r s . F i n a l l y , Kapferer himself and a l s o the a r t i c l e s by Handleman and by S t r a t h e r n speak to the need to r e - e v a l u a t e an exchange s i t u a t i o n at each j u n c t u r e of a t r a n s a c t i o n a l sequence. Handleman (pp. 223-275) i l l u s t r a t e s how behaviour of exchange p a r t n e r s may feed back i n t o t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p , a l t e r i n g i t over time. S t r a t h e r n (pp. 277-287) d i r e c t s a t t e n t i o n to the changes 16 in t r a n s a c t i o n a l behaviour a f f e c t e d by changes in the l a r g e r s o c i o - c u l t u r a l environment. Both authors u t i l i z e the concept of emergent p r o p e r t i e s to f a c i l i t a t e the p r o c e s s u a l a n a l y s i s of exchange. Thus, i f c o n s i d e r e d c o r p o r a t e l y , the a n a l y t i c a l frameworks employed by contemporary exchange t h e o r i s t s accommodate a l l three of the m o d i f i c a t i o n s to c l a s s i c s o c i a l exchange theory i d e n t i f i e d above. The i n t r o d u c t i o n of a phenomenological or symbolic i n t e r a c t i o n i s t approach serves to i d e n t i f y s u b j e c t i v e p e r c e p t i o n s a c c o r d i n g to the c u l t u r a l values of i n t e r a c t a n t s . A t t e n t i o n to ethnographic d e t a i l p l a c e s exchange d e c i s i o n s i n the context of c u l t u r a l l y d e f i n e d g o a l s . And the concept of emergent p r o p e r t i e s p r o v i d e s a mechanism by which s h i f t s i n c u l t u r a l modes of t r a n s a c t i o n may be recognized, and t h e i r impact e v a l u a t e d . If c o n s i d e r e d i n d i v i d u a l l y , however, the analyses of most exchange t h e o r i s t s may be seen to focus e x p l i c i t a t t e n t i o n on only one or another of the m o d i f i c a t i o n s i d e n t i f i e d . I b e l i e v e that the e x p l i c i t focus on one m o d i f i c a t i o n and the n e g l e c t or i m p l i c i t assumption of the others i s p o s s i b l e because symbolic i n t e r a c t i o n i s t s , ethnomethodologists, and t r a n s a c t i o n a l a n a l y s t s seldom address themselves to i n t e r c u l t u r a l s i t u a t i o n s . 7 Were G i l s e n a n ' s Lebanese to i n t e r a c t with Canadians i n s t e a d of with each other, t h e i r k i z b or l y i n g would s t i l l be s y m b o l i c a l l y meaningful, but i n d i f f e r e n t ways to d i f f e r e n t p a r t i e s , not w i t h i n the " c u l t u r a l u n i v e r s e as a whole" (1976: 191). S i m i l a r l y , i f M a r r i o t t ' s Indians r e f u s e d to 17 exchange, not with each other but with Canadians, t h e i r c u l t u r a l frame of r e f e r e n c e would s t i l l e x p l a i n t h e i r a c t i o n s , but the r e a c t i o n s of t h e i r o p p o s i t e s c o u l d . o n l y be accounted f o r with r e f e r e n c e to the Canadian understanding of t r a n s a c t i o n a l behaviour. In other words, the study of i n t e r c u l t u r a l exchange throws i n t o sharp r e l i e f the interconnectedness of c u l t u r a l v a l u e s , g o a l s , and t r a n s a c t i o n a l modes, and t h e i r r e l e v a n c e to the p a t t e r n s of i n t e r a c t i o n which emerge in exchange r e l a t i o n s h i p s . A t h e o r e t i c a l framework f o r the a n a l y s i s of i n t e r c u l t u r a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s must gi v e equal weight to a l l three m o d i f i c a t i o n s of s o c i a l exchange theory a l t e r n a t i v e l y emphasized i n the l i t e r a t u r e , and i t must do so i n such a way as to i n d i c a t e t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to one another. I suggest that the v a l u e s , g o a l s , and modes of t r a n s a c t i o n o b t a i n i n g i n a given c u l t u r e c o n s t i t u t e the c u l t u r a l r e f e r e n t s of s o c i a l exchange f o r members of that c u l t u r e (Figure 1). They i n f l u e n c e an a c t o r ' s p e r c e p t i o n of an exchange s i t u a t i o n , hence h i s d e c i s i o n r e g a r d i n g that exchange, and hence h i s o b j e c t i v e l y observable exchange behaviour. I n i t i a l l y , v a l u e s appear most r e l e v a n t to the formation of p e r c e p t i o n , goals most r e l e v a n t to decision-making, and modes of t r a n s a c t i o n most r e l e v a n t to behaviour. But i n an on-going exchange r e l a t i o n s h i p , a l l three r e f e r e n t s of exchange u l t i m a t e l y manifest themselves i n the observable behaviour of one a c t o r . In so doing, they become p r o p e r t i e s of the exchange s i t u a t i o n on which the o p p o s i t e a c t o r ' s p e r c e p t i o n - d e c i s i o n -behaviour i s based. F i g u r e 1 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK FOR THE ANALYSIS OF INTERCULTURAL EXCHANGE RELATIONSHIPS I n d i v i d u a l A I n d i v i d u a l B -Perception -Decision -Behaviour Perception-D e c i s i o n -Behaviour 19 In sum, the t h e o r e t i c a l framework proposed f o r the a n a l y s i s of i n t e r a c t i o n between s o c i a l s e r v i c e agents and immigrant c l i e n t s d i f f e r s from that of c l a s s i c s o c i a l exchange theory i n three ways. F i r s t , l i k e the framework of symbolic i n t e r a c t i o n i s m , i t p o s i t s a p e r c e p t i o n of the exchange s i t u a t i o n based . on c u l t u r a l v a l u e s . Secondly, borrowing from ethnomethodology, i t p l a c e s the d e c i s i o n s r e s u l t i n g from p e r c e p t i o n w i t h i n the context of c u l t u r a l l y d e f i n e d g o a l s . F i n a l l y , i n l i n e with t r a n s a c t i o n a l a n a l y s i s , i t examines the exchange behaviour r e s u l t i n g from d e c i s i o n s i n r e l a t i o n to c u l t u r a l modes of t r a n s a c t i o n which may s h i f t i n response to emergent p r o p e r t i e s . Data C o l l e c t i o n James Green, one of the few students of i n t e r c u l t u r a l s o c i a l s e r v i c e to focus on a g e n t - c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s as w e l l as on c l i e n t problems, c a l l s f o r "r e s e a r c h procedures which w i l l i d e n t i f y communication p a t t e r n s i n d i f f e r e n t e t h n i c groups as these are manifest i n s o c i a l s e r v i c e encounters" (1982: 16): C l e a r l y , [such i n f o r m a t i o n ] w i l l have to come from a v a r i e t y of sources, i n c l u d i n g academic r e s e a r c h and p u b l i c a t i o n s , i n t e n s i v e p a r t i c i p a n t - o b s e r v a t i o n , and d e t a i l e d c o n s u l t a t i o n with e t h n i c and m i n o r i t y group s o c i a l workers (1982: 17). I use a combination of these sources of i n f o r m a t i o n , and a l s o i n t e r v i e w s with c l i e n t s , to e x p l i c a t e p a t t e r n s of i n t e r a c t i o n between Euro-Canadian s o c i a l s e r v i c e agents and Indo-Canadian 20 immigrants. 8 My three years i n I n d i a , one spent in the s t a t e of Gujarat and two i n the c a p i t a l c i t y of New D e l h i , p r o v i d e me with a " f e e l " f o r the c u l t u r a l frame of r e f e r e n c e of Indo-Canadians from those areas. However, s c h o l a r l y p u b l i c a t i o n s supplement and c o n c r e t i z e the hands-on exp e r i e n c e . L i t e r a t u r e on f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s h i p s (Das, 1976; Vatuk, 1975), c a s t e r e l a t i o n s ( M a r r i o t t , 1976; Orans, 1968) and s o c i a l s e r v i c e s (Desai and K h e t a n i , 1979; Weisner, 1978) a l l speak to the i s s u e of s o c i a l exchange as i t e x i s t s i n I n d i a . Academic p u b l i c a t i o n s a l s o h e l p to map out the c u l t u r a l r e f e r e n t s of s o c i a l exchange of Euro-Canadian s e r v i c e agents. S t u d i e s by Blau (1964) and Goffman (1963; 1969) i n d i c a t e North American p a t t e r n s of i n t e r a c t i o n g e n e r a l l y . Numerous other works a r t i c u l a t e the s p e c i f i c goals and v a l u e s of the h e l p i n g p r o f e s s i o n s ( H o l l i s , 1964; K e i t h - L u c a s , 1972; Perlman, 1979). As i t was not p r a c t i c a b l e to cover a l l the l i t e r a t u r e of a l l the s e r v i c e p r o f e s s i o n s r e presented i n the study, I made an e f f o r t to f a m i l i a r i z e myself' with those t e x t s which Euro-Canadian agents recommended as "good" ones on the s u b j e c t of a g e n t - c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s . 9 As an a n t h r o p o l o g i s t , and by p e r s o n a l i n c l i n a t i o n , I endeavored to e s t a b l i s h the " o b j e c t i v e l y observable behaviour" between agents and c l i e n t s through p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h e i r j o i n t a c t i v i t i e s . For s e v e r a l reasons, however, my o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r p a r t i c i p a n t - o b s e r v a t i o n were more l i m i t e d than I had hoped they would be, both q u a l i t a t i v e l y and q u a n t i t a t i v e l y . 21 In the f i r s t i n s t a n c e , i t was r a r e l y p o s s i b l e to observe f i r s t - h a n d i n t e r a c t i o n between Euro-Canadian agents and Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s . The urban s e t t i n g of Vancouver does not c o n t a i n a neighborhood where the two p a r t i e s l i v e or work to g e t h e r . More c r i t i c a l l y , agency r e g u l a t i o n s p r o h i b i t the presence of t h i r d p a r t i e s at meetings between c l i e n t s and agents. The few encounters which I chanced to witness i n d i c a t e d how v a l u a b l e such o b s e r v a t i o n s c o u l d be, but they were too few to permit g e n e r a l i z a t i o n . P a r t i c i p a n t - o b s e r v a t i o n was f u r t h e r c o n s t r a i n e d by my i n a b i l i t y to "be" an Indo-Canadian c l i e n t . S e v e r a l .days each week were spent with Indo-Canadians i n t h e i r homes, temples, or on s i t e s of impromptu g a t h e r i n g s such as s c h o o l - y a r d s and shopping c e n t r e s . However, i n the m a j o r i t y of these s i t u a t i o n s my companions were not i n the r o l e of c l i e n t s . Two exceptions bear mention: the four Indo-Canadian i n t e r p r e t e r s who accompanied me to about h a l f of the i n t e r v i e w s with c l i e n t s were themselves s o c i a l s e r v i c e agents. While the i n t e r a c t i o n noted d u r i n g these i n t e r v i e w s was not i n t e r c u l t u r a l , i t d i d provide data on the behaviour of Indo-Canadians as c l i e n t s w i t h i n t h e i r own c u l t u r a l c o n t e x t . Secondly, I telephoned each agency whose employees I i n t e r v i e w e d , once as a Euro-Canadian i n q u i r e r and at l e a s t once on behalf of Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s . Again, although not based on i n t e r c u l t u r a l i n t e r a c t i o n , the i n f o r m a t i o n thus obtained c o n t r i b u t e d n i c e l y to the o v e r a l l p i c t u r e which emerged. The main o p p o r t u n i t y f o r p a r t i c i p a n t - o b s e r v a t i o n presented 22 i t s e l f i n the world of s o c i a l s e r v i c e agents apart from t h e i r meetings with c l i e n t s . Once a week I served as r e c e p t i o n i s t f o r an agency d e a l i n g p r i m a r i l y with Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s . Approximately once a week I attended s o c i a l s e r v i c e committee meetings, i n - s e r v i c e workshops, or conferences sponsored by the v a r i o u s h e l p i n g p r o f e s s i o n s . On a monthly b a s i s , I p a r t i c i p a t e d as a board or committee member i n the meetings of three agencies r e p r e s e n t i n g r e s p e c t i v e l y government s e r v i c e s , p r i v a t e non-p r o f i t community s e r v i c e s , and p r i v a t e n o n - p r o f i t immigrant s e r v i c e s . The time spent as a p a r t i c i p a n t - o b s e r v e r among s o c i a l s e r v i c e agents provided me with a " f e e l " f o r t h e i r c u l t u r a l frame of r e f e r e n c e , much as my years i n India had s e n s i t i z e d me to the c u l t u r a l r e f e r e n t s of Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s . Nonetheless, my i n a b i l i t y to observe a g e n t - c l i e n t i n t e r a c t i o n f i r s t - h a n d (except by chance), or to p a r t i c i p a t e i n i t (except as a r e c e p t i o n i s t ) , meant that i n a n a l y s i n g my f i e l d notes I was o b l i g e d to r e l y h e a v i l y on the data generated through i n t e r v i e w s . I n i t i a l l y I intended to conduct s e m i - s t r u c t u r e d i n t e r v i e w s only with Euro-Canadian agents and Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s . However, p r e - t e s t s of the i n t e r v i e w schedules i n d i c a t e d that Indo-Canadian agents had to be i n c l u d e d . In r e c a l l i n g s o c i a l s e r v i c e encounters, c l i e n t s named agents from t h e i r own c u l t u r a l background as o f t e n as Euro-Canadian agents, and o c c a s i o n a l l y d i s t i n g u i s h e d between the two on c u l t u r a l grounds. A l s o , i n d e s c r i b i n g t h e i r Indo-Canadian cases, Euro-Canadian agents 23 f r e q u e n t l y mentioned having c o n s u l t e d Indo-Canadian agents or having r e f e r r e d cases to them. The i n t e r v i e w s with Indo-Canadian agents proved q u i t e v a l u a b l e , f o r they shed l i g h t on both the Euro-Canadian agents' and the Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s ' p e r s p e c t i v e s . Between September, 1981 and September, 1982 I inter v i e w e d a t o t a l of 98 respondents, i n c l u d i n g 40 Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s , 37 Euro-Canadian agents, and 21 Indo-Canadian agents. In so f a r as Indo-Canadian agents c o n t r i b u t e d to my understanding of both the agents' and the c l i e n t s ' p o i n t s of view, i t i s s i g n i f i c a n t that the t o t a l number of agents i n t e r v i e w e d (both Indo-Canadian and Euro-Canadian) approximates the t o t a l number of Indo-Canadians i n t e r v i e w e d (both agents and c l i e n t s ) . D e t a i l s concerning the composition of the three p o p u l a t i o n s and the sampling proceedures used i n o b t a i n i n g them are given i n Appendix A. The i n t e r v i e w schedules e l i c i t e d " f a c t s " about the t r a n s a c t i o n s of c l i e n t s and agents and a l s o i n d i c a t i o n s of the " f e e l i n g s " which preceded and followed the t r a n s a c t i o n s (see Appendix B). Agents were asked about c l i e n t manner of p r e s e n t a t i o n , response to c o u n s e l l i n g , and s i g n s of acceptance or r e j e c t i o n of the h e l p i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p g e n e r a l l y . Agents were a l s o asked to d e s c r i b e t h e i r own behaviout i n e l i c i t i n g the problem, c o u n s e l l i n g the c l i e n t , and responding to signs of acceptance or r e j e c t i o n . I s y s t e m a t i c a l l y i n q u i r e d about any p e r c e i v e d c o n t r a s t between the behaviour of Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s and that of Euro-Canadian c l i e n t s . I nterviews with agents u s u a l l y took p l a c e i n t h e i r o f f i c e s 24 and l a s t e d j u s t over one hour. They tended to be b u s i n e s s - l i k e encounters. Although only one agent appeared r e l u c t a n t to share s u b j e c t i v e i n f o r m a t i o n with me, most agents responded with a degree of f o r m a l i t y . They f r e q u e n t l y requested c o p i e s of the in t e r v i e w schedule and fo l l o w e d i t p o i n t by p o i n t . I sensed an immediate r e c o g n i t i o n on t h e i r p a r t of my purpose i n meeting with them and of t h e i r r o l e i n s e r v i n g that purpose. In c o n t r a s t , most i n t e r v i e w s with c l i e n t s took p l a c e i n t h e i r homes and l a s t e d on an average of two hours. There were long p e r i o d s of s o c i a l i z i n g i n which i n f o r m a t i o n on pe r s o n a l background was exchanged (see Stebb i n s , 1972). These p e r i o d s merged with c o n v e r s a t i o n s intended to answer the q u e s t i o n s of the i n t e r v i e w schedule. I r a r e l y produced the schedule except to convey the contents of the i n t r o d u c t o r y paragraph a s s u r i n g them of c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y . P r e - t e s t s had i n d i c a t e d that responses would be c o n s i d e r a b l y f u l l e r i f e l i c i t e d i n the context of c a s u a l c o n v e r s a t i o n . I u s u a l l y s t a r t e d the i n t e r v i e w proper by asking c l i e n t s about t h e i r experiences i n o b t a i n i n g accommodation, employment, and f i n a n c i n g i n Canada. I then i n q u i r e d about any problems they had had r e g a r d i n g h e a l t h , c h i l d r e n ' s e d u c a t i o n , and f a m i l y l i f e , and how they had d e a l t with these problems. When the r e s o l u t i o n of a problem i n v o l v e d a s o c i a l s e r v i c e agent, I e l i c i t e d the same i n f o r m a t i o n on " f a c t s " and " f e e l i n g s " about the t r a n s a c t i o n s that I d i d with agents. F i n a l l y , I asked c l i e n t s to c o n t r a s t t h e i r experience of s o l v i n g problems i n Canada with t h e i r experience of s o l v i n g them i n I n d i a . 25 The i n t e r v i e w s with agents and c l i e n t s produced a wealth of i n f o r m a t i o n about the way i n which each p e r c e i v e d the other to t r a n s a c t and the way i n which each b e l i e v e d h i m s e l f to respond. But the i n t e r v i e w s a l s o c o n t r i b u t e d to my awareness of the " o b j e c t i v e l y observable behaviour" between agents and c l i e n t s (see I c h h e i s e r , 1973: 160). Of 34 r e l a t i o n s h i p s which Indo-Canadian respondents d e s c r i b e d i n d e t a i l , 26 (76%) were with s o c i a l s e r v i c e agents i n c l u d e d i n my sample. In s e v e r a l i n s t a n c e s , the agents a l s o gave examples of t h e i r Indo-Canadian cases in s u f f i c i e n t enough d e t a i l (e.g. "a Punjabi lady with f i v e k i d s whose husband d i e d i n a sawmill a c c i d e n t " ) to enable me to match them with my c l i e n t respondents. Thus I was o f t e n able to r e c o n s t r u c t the " f a c t s " of the i n t e r a c t i o n from both s i d e s , and to compare two or more p e r c e p t i o n s of the same r e l a t i o n s h i p . In sum, data f o r the present t h e s i s d e r i v e from a combination of sources which complement and supplement one another. The c u l t u r a l r e f e r e n t s of each model of s o c i a l exchange emerge from analyses of f i r s t - h a n d o b s e r v a t i o n s and p u b l i s h e d accounts. The t r a n s a c t i o n a l p a t t e r n s c h a r a c t e r i z i n g the r e l a t i o n s h i p to be e x p l i c a t e d a l s o d e r i v e from analyses of d i r e c t o b s e r v a t i o n s , and from e x t e n s i v e v e r b a l r e c o l l e c t i o n s of the p a r t i e s i n v o l v e d . Each of the sources of i n f o r m a t i o n a l e r t e d me to i n s i g h t s r e g a r d i n g the o t h e r s . In combination, they u l t i m a t e l y enabled me to p o s i t the i m p l i c a t i o n s of the i d e n t i f i e d models f o r the i d e n t i f i e d a g e n t - c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s . 26 Basic Research Concl u s i o n s In Part One, a n a l y s i s of the s o c i a l s e r v i c e model of s o c i a l exchange r e v e a l s two p a r a l l e l s e t s of c u l t u r a l r e f e r e n t s . S o c i e t a l v a l u e s , o r g a n i z a t i o n a l goals, and c o n t r o l l i n g t r a n s a c t i o n a l modes c o - e x i s t a l o n g s i d e i n d i v i d u a l v a l u e s , p r o f e s s i o n a l g o a l s , and mutual exchange t r a n s a c t i o n a l modes. Without e x c e p t i o n , the s e r v i c e agents inter v i e w e d i n p r i n c i p l e favour mutual exchange behaviour, d e c i s i o n s based on the p r o f e s s i o n a l g o als of c l i e n t s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t , and r e a l i z a t i o n of the r i g h t s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of the c l i e n t as an i n d i v i d u a l . In p r a c t i c e , some agents may u t i l i z e the a l t e r n a t i v e set of exchange r e f e r e n t s depending on the nature of the case. A n a l y s i s of the Indo-Canadian model of s o c i a l exchange r e v e a l s an u n d e r l y i n g o r i e n t a t i o n to the value of f a m i l y honour. Family honour i s maintained, enhanced or damaged depending on the attainment of a s c r i b e d g o a l s , p r i m a r i l y f a m i l y s u f f i c i e n c y , c a s t e p u r i t y , and s e r v i c e to o t h e r s . If s e r v i c e from others i s necessary, Indo-Canadians favour a mutual exchange mode of t r a n s a c t i o n , as between f r i e n d s , i n order to maintain f a m i l y honour. C o n t r a s t s between the two models of s o c i a l exchange le a d to the l o g i c a l e x p e c t a t i o n that agent t r a n s a c t i o n s h i n d e r i n g the c l i e n t ' s pursuance of a s c r i b e d d u t i e s and mutual f r i e n d s h i p , and c l i e n t t r a n s a c t i o n s h i n d e r i n g the agent's e f f o r t s at p r o f e s s i o n a l m u t u a l i t y and c l i e n t s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t , w i l l pose problems f o r each p a r t y . In Part Two, the p a t t e r n s of behaviour and response d e s c r i b e d by agents and c l i e n t s f o r t h e i r 27 c o u n s e l l i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s g e n e r a l l y support t h i s h y p o t h e s i s . Agents express p a r t i c u l a r f r u s t r a t i o n with c l i e n t r e l u c t a n c e to d i s c l o s e problems, c l i e n t e x p e c t a t i o n s of d i r e c t a d v i c e , and l a c k of c l i e n t follow-through on treatment p l a n s . C l i e n t s are p a r t i c u l a r l y t r o u b l e d by agent i n i t i a l i n t e r v e n t i o n and subsequent r e f e r r a l s , agent d i s c u s s i o n of problems in r e l a t i o n to l i f e - s t y l e , and agent r e l u c t a n c e to p rovide p e r s o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n and to accept p r e s t a t i o n s . The i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the i d e n t i f i e d p a t t e r n s of agent-c l i e n t i n t e r a c t i o n in terms of the p o s i t e d models of s o c i a l exchange produces' as w e l l as t e s t s hypotheses. The models of s o c i a l exchange appear r e l a t e d not only to the p o i n t s of d i f f i c u l t y experienced by agents and c l i e n t s , but a l s o to c e r t a i n correspondences between agent t r a n s a c t i o n s and c l i e n t t r a n s a c t i o n s . Agents who p r o v i d e p e r s o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n , c u l t u r a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of problems, and d i r e c t or e x t e n s i v e c o u n s e l l i n g , and agents who accept p r e s t a t i o n s tend to report that c l i e n t s w i l l i n g l y d i s c l o s e and d i s c u s s problems with them, and that they implement c o u n s e l l i n g suggestions independently. Two l i m i t a t i o n s on the r e s e a r c h f i n d i n g s warrant mention. F i r s t , d e s p i t e p r e - t e s t i n g of the i n t e r v i e w schedules, a number of u n a n t i c i p a t e d f a c t o r s p e r t i n e n t to a g e n t - c l i e n t i n t e r a c t i o n emerged d u r i n g the course of r e s e a r c h . For example, s e v e r a l agents spontaneously remarked on the high i n c i d e n c e of p e r s o n a l q u e s t i o n s from c l i e n t s d u r i n g the i n i t i a l phase of c o u n s e l l i n g . S i m i l a r l y , s e v e r a l c l i e n t s , u s u a l l y a f t e r the i n t e r v i e w was o f f i c i a l l y concluded, r e v e a l e d that they a t t r i b u t e t h e i r 28 problems to aspects of Canadian c u l t u r e . Such remarks provide explanatory i n s i g h t to the a g e n t - c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p and as such have weighed i n the a n a l y s i s , d e s p i t e the l i m i t e d number of respondents making them. Secondly, the s i g n i f i c a n c e of c e r t a i n f i n d i n g s may be c o n f i n e d to the s p e c i f i c p o p u l a t i o n s to which they r e f e r . Although the i d e n t i f i e d models of s o c i a l exchange p e r t a i n to Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s and s o c i a l s e r v i c e agents g e n e r a l l y , t h e i r i d e n t i f i e d i m p l i c a t i o n s may or may not extend to Indo-Canadian p o p u l a t i o n s having d i f f e r e n t socio-economic compositions than that of Vancouver's, or to s o c i a l s e r v i c e agents engaged i n r e l a t i o n s h i p s other than that of c o u n s e l l i n g . 1 0 In sum, f o r both q u a n t i t a t i v e and q u a l i t a t i v e reasons, the data analysed f o r the present t h e s i s do not permit the pronouncement of general c a u s a l c l a i m s . Instead, as one symbolic i n t e r a c t i o n i s t puts i t , such data permit the f o r m u l a t i o n of "embedded c a u s a l c l a i m s " (Menzies, 1982: 35): [T]hese c l a i m s are embedded i n the a n a l y s i s and cannot be detached from the s i t u a t i o n about which they are made. An embedded c a u s a l c l a i m s t a t e s that some concrete a c t i o n has a p a r t i c u l a r e f f e c t (another conc r e t e a c t i o n or b e l i e f ) . I t i s my hope that the c a u s a l c l a i m s embedded i n my i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the Euro-Canadian agent/Indo-Canadian c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p w i l l f o s t e r what Blumer c a l l s (1969: 147-8) s e n s i t i z i n g concepts, concepts which impart a "general sense of r e f e r e n c e and guidance i n approaching e m p i r i c a l i n s t a n c e s . " 29 Notes: Chapter One 1 My data do not permit an e v a l u a t i o n of the p r o p o r t i o n a t e use of s e r v i c e s by Indo-Canadians. However, one agent who p r e d i c t e d that the c a s e l o a d of her o f f i c e was "about 50-50 white and e t h n i c " d i d a s t a t i s t i c a l summary f o r me. Of 481 c l i e n t s , 339 were Canadian-born. Only 54 had immigrated from Hong Kong or China, and 48 from India or F i j i . The manager of t h i s o f f i c e had s t a t e d "Immigrants are the mainstream as f a r as we're concerned." 2 For an overview of l i t e r a t u r e on a g e n t - c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s see Beck (1983). Beck's own study concludes (p. 10) that "Beyond a l l e l s e , the f i n d i n g s confirm the c r i t i c a l importance to outcomes of the c l i e n t s ' g l o b a l p e r c e p t i o n of the c o u n s e l o r / c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p . " 3 Barth argues (1969: 18) that value d i f f e r e n c e s c o n s t r a i n i n t e r c u l t u r a l exchange by s a n c t i o n i n g s h i f t s i n t r a n s a c t i o n a l modes: "Persons would be r e l u c t a n t to act i n new ways f o r fear that such behaviour might be i n a p p r o p r i a t e f o r a person of t h e i r i d e n t i t y . " I would argue that c u l t u r a l v alues themselves determine whether behaviour borrowed from another c u l t u r e ' s t a n s a c t i o n a l modes i s to be s a n c t i o n e d or applauded. * In so f a r as a Euro-Canadian agent i s f a m i l i a r with the c u l t u r e of a non-Euro-Canadian c l i e n t , h i s t r a n s a c t i o n a l mode may a l s o s h i f t from one exchange to the next. However, such changes on the part of an agent are more l i k e l y to r e s u l t from "emergent p r o p e r t i e s " than from d e c i s i o n s u n r e l a t e d to p r e v i o u s 30 exchanges. 5 Befu suggests (1977: 259-260) that w i t h i n the c u l t u r a l context l i e s a "model of s o c i a l exchan.ge" comprised of the c u l t u r a l l y adapted norm of r e c i p r o c i t y and the r u l e s f o r exchange of the c u l t u r e . While I agree that a person's t r a n s a c t i o n a l behaviour i s p a r t i a l l y based on such a model, I b e l i e v e h i s p e r c e p t i o n s and d e c i s i o n s , which a l s o i n f l u e n c e behaviour, are based on a wider range of c u l t u r a l r e f e r e n t s i n c l u d i n g c e r t a i n v a l u e s and g o a l s . 6 Some game t h e o r i s t s e x p l i c i t l y recognize a l l three assumptions of c l a s s i c exchange theory but e l i m i n a t e them as f a c t o r s i n t h e i r a n a l y s e s . A x e l r o d (1984: 17-18), f o r example, suggests a framework i n which " p a y o f f s , " or the values to be r e a l i z e d through exchange, need not be comparable, symmetrical, or measured on an a b s o l u t e s c a l e ; a c t o r s need not be r a t i o n a l , or t r y i n g to maximize t h e i r rewards; and behaviour need not r e f l e c t c o n s c i o u s or d e l i b e r a t e c h o i c e . Such a framework i s tempting in i t s s i m p l i c i t y . T h e o r e t i c a l l y , i t renders c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s i n v a l u e s , g o a l s , and even t r a n s a c t i o n a l modes a l l but i r r e l e v a n t . However, Axelrod's framework makes assumptions of i t s own which l i m i t i t s s u i t a b i l i t y f o r the study of a g e n t - c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s (1984: 11-12). Among other t h i n g s , i t assumes that no a c t o r can make an e n f o r c e a b l e t h r e a t ; that no i n f o r m a t i o n on the opposite a c t o r i s a v a i l a b l e except i n f o r m a t i o n based on p r e v i o u s t r a n s a c t i o n s with him; and t h a t n e i t h e r a c t o r can "run away from the i n t e r a c t i o n . " As A x e l r o d h i m s e l f notes (1984: 19), the a n a l y s i s of a b s t r a c t 31 i n t e r a c t i o n "puts a s i d e many v i t a l f e a t u r e s that make any a c t u a l i n t e r a c t i o n unique." 7 I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t t h a t S a l i s b u r y , the one c o n t r i b u t o r to K a p f e r e r ' s volume to analyse exchange in an i n t e r c u l t u r a l s i t u a t i o n , chooses to c o n s i d e r the i n d i v i d u a l , r a t h e r than the dyad, as the " l o c u s of d e c i s i o n making" (1976: 42). He thus circumvents "the q u e s t i o n of whether both p a r t i e s are d e c i d i n g on the same b a s i s . " Where s c h o l a r s do address themselves to both s i d e s of i n t e r c u l t u r a l exchange, they tend to p o s i t a common b a s i s f o r i n t e r a c t i o n . Barth, f o r example, suggests that " i n t e r a c t i o n both r e q u i r e s and generates congruence of codes and v a l u e s " (1969: 16). 8 Green's own answer to the need to i d e n t i f y communication p a t t e r n s i s to study e t h n i c i t y as d e f i n e d and r e d e f i n e d by i n t e r c u l t u r a l i n t e r a c t i o n . My own p o s i t i o n would appear to be the r e v e r s e : I h o l d p a t t e r n s of i n t e r a c t i o n to be d e f i n e d and r e d e f i n e d through r e f e r e n c e to c u l t u r a l c o n t e x t s . However, the c o n t r a s t i s more apparent than r e a l . Green t r e a t s e t h n i c i t y , and I c u l t u r e , as "an element of b e h a v i o u r a l and c o g n i t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the d e c i s i o n s and symbolic c o n s t r u c t s which supply meaning to communication" (1982: 9). 9 Suggestions came p r i m a r i l y from s o c i a l workers. P u b l i c h e a l t h workers and s c h o o l c o u n s e l l o r s had d i f f i c u l t y i n c i t i n g r e l e v a n t r e f e r e n c e s , although s t u d i e s i n t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e f i e l d s do address the t o p i c ( c f . Gazda et a l . , 1975; La Monica and Karshmer, 1978; Sue, 1981; Westwood and Massey, 1982). 1 0 For example, the c u l t u r a l r e f e r e n t s of s o c i a l exchange 32 appear to have very d i f f e r e n t i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r r e l a t i o n s h i p s between f i n a n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e workers ("welfare workers") and Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s . 33 PART ONE: MODELS OF SOCIAL EXCHANGE 34 Chapter Two THE EURO-CANADIAN AGENTS: THEIR CULTURAL REFERENTS OF SOCIAL EXCHANGE Who are the Euro-Canadian s o c i a l s e r v i c e agents? One student of the h e l p i n g p r o f e s s i o n s suggests that they are i n d i v i d u a l s with "a need to he l p people i n a p r o f e s s i o n that enjoys c o n s i d e r a b l e p r e s t i g e and a l l o w s one to e x e r c i s e a degree of power over the l i v e s of o t h e r s " (Ginsburg, 1951: 321). As i n d i c a t e d below, other s c h o l a r s d i s p u t e the amount of p r e s t i g e enjoyed and power e x e r c i s e d , but they g e n e r a l l y agree that "an i n t e r e s t i n people and t h e i r a f f a i r s , " and a " g e n e r a l i z e d concern f o r o t h e r s , " motivate many who enter the s o c i a l s e r v i c e s ( H o l l i s , 1964: 84; Shenk, 1981: 98). C e r t a i n c u l t u r a l values of North American s o c i e t y render such motives p o s i t i v e and honourable w i t h i n that s o c i e t y . The same values a l s o u n d e r l i e the g o a l s of the p r o f e s s i o n s and o r g a n i z a t i o n s which the agents r e p r e s e n t . Together, the value s and goals h e l p determine the t r a n s a c t i o n a l modes to be u t i l i z e d by s e r v i c e agents, and pro v i d e c r i t e r i a f o r e v a l u a t i n g agent behaviour (Upham, 1973: 20). The va l u e s , g o a l s , and t r a n s a c t i o n a l modes c o n s t i t u t e the c u l t u r a l r e f e r e n t s on which agents base t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n s , d e c i s i o n s , and behaviour regarding c l i e n t s . In the present chapter, I i n d i c a t e the c u l t u r a l v a l u e s which s c h o l a r s p o s i t as the foundations of North American s o c i a l 35 s e r v i c e s . I a l s o d i s c u s s the p r o f e s s i o n a l and agency goals p e r t a i n i n g to the d e l i v e r y of s e r v i c e s , and the t r a n s a c t i o n a l modes employed by agents i n each phase of a c o u n s e l l i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p . F i r s t , however, a b r i e f b i o g r a p h i c a l p r o f i l e of the s p e c i f i c agents i n v o l v e d i n the study: who are they w i t h i n Canadian s o c i e t y , w i t h i n t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n s , and w i t h i n t h e i r agencies? In p a r t i c u l a r , what o r i e n t a t i o n might they have towards immigrant c l i e n t s ? P r o f i l e of Euro-Canadian Agents Interviewed A l l Euro-Canadian respondents i n the study are Canadian born and r a i s e d (see Appendix A). A l l provide c o u n s e l l i n g s e r v i c e s to c l i e n t s r a i s e d i n v a r i o u s non-European c u l t u r e s . However, c o n s i d e r a b l e d i f f e r e n c e s e x i s t i n the i n t e r c u l t u r a l content of these agents' p e r s o n a l , e d u c a t i o n a l , and o c c u p a t i o n a l backgrounds. The m a j o r i t y of the 23 Euro-Canadian respondents f o r whom info r m a t i o n i s a v a i l a b l e comes from a B r i t i s h or B r i t i s h and northern European background (Table I ) . 1 1 A l l but four r e c a l l t h e i r c h i l d h o o d environments as predominantly Euro-Canadian or, as many of them put i t , "WASP." Sixte e n respondents have t r a v e l l e d abroad, most as t o u r i s t s , but four with the i n t e n t i o n of l e a r n i n g about d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r e s . The e d u c a t i o n a l background of the agents i s somewhat more r e s t r i c t e d i n terms of c r o s s - c u l t u r a l or m u l t i c u l t u r a l content (Table I I ) . Six respondents have taken courses devoted e x p l i c i t l y to c u l t u r a l i s s u e s . F i v e of these have completed a 36 Table I CULTURAL ASPECTS OF EURO-CANADIAN AGENTS' PERSONAL BACKGROUNDS Family O r i g i n B r i t . / N . Eur. 10 (44%) B r i t i s h 6 (26%) E. European 5 (22%) S. European 1 ( 4%) Amer. ( B r i t . ) 1 ( 4%) TOTAL 23 Childhood Environment WASP 19 (83%)' I t a l i a n 1 ( 4%) Jewish 1 ( 4%) Ukranian 1 ( 4%) m u l t i - e t h n i c 1 ( 4%) 23 Purpose o f T r a v e l H o l i d a y s 12 (52%) Study 2 ( 8%) L i v e 2 ( 8%) (no t r a v e l ) 7 (30%) 23 3 7 Table II CROSS-CULTURAL CONTENT OF EURO-EUROPEAN AGENTS' EDUCATIONAL BACKGROUNDS Degree Obtained Cross-Cultural Courses by Degree Cross-Cultural Courses i n Total Social Work: 7 (30%) None: 5 Intro. Anth.: 1 Adv. Anth.: 1 None: 1 7 ( 7 4 % ) Intro. Anth.: 5 (22%) -Adv. Anth.: 1 ( 4 % ) 23 Nursing: 6 (26%) None: 4 Intro. Anth.: 2 Education: 6 (26%) None: 5 Intro. Anth.: 1 Arts: 4 ( 1 7 % ) None: 3 Intro. Anth.: 1 TOTAL: 2 3 23 38 s i n g l e course i n i n t r o d u c t o r y anthropology or s o c i o l o g y -anthropology. The s i x t h respondent, a graduate of McMaster U n i v e r s i t y , has taken a v a r i e t y of courses concerned with e t h n i c i t y , n o n - C h r i s t i a n values,and Black c u l t u r e . 1 2 Many of the agents spontaneously remarked d u r i n g i n t e r v i e w s on the f a i l u r e of t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n a l t r a i n i n g to prepare them f o r "the r e a l world" of m u l t i c u l t u r a l c l i e n t e l e . Only one, a recent graduate of the U n i v e r s i t y of B.C., f e e l s that c u l t u r a l i s s u e s were adequately addressed w i t h i n the context of "the u s u a l " c ourses. I n t e r e s t i n g l y , although c u r r i c u l a (at l e a s t i n schools of s o c i a l work) have s h i f t e d from a Freudian to a more e c l e c t i c approach over the past twenty years, agents of a l l ages tended to c i t e c l a s s i c e g o - p s y c h o l o g i c a l t e x t s . These t e x t s r e f e r to c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s as f a c t o r s i n c o u n s e l l i n g only i n t h e i r more recent and r e v i s e d e d i t i o n s (compare, fo r example, H o l l i s , 1964 and H o l l i s and Woods, 1981). Despite t h e i r e s s e n t i a l l y mono-cultural p e r s o n a l and e d u c a t i o n a l backgrounds, almost h a l f the respondents have worked e x c l u s i v e l y , at one time or another, with non-European c l i e n t e l e (Table I I I ) . Some have been employed i n programmes developed f o r Native Canadians (4), Indo-Canadians (2), or Black Canadians ( 1 ) . Three were designated as persons i n charge of t h e i r agencies' s e r v i c e s to e t h n i c c l i e n t s i n g e n e r a l . Only two respondents, one a school c o u n s e l l o r and the other a community h e a l t h nurse, have ever worked e x c l u s i v e l y with Euro-Canadian c l i e n t s . Seventy percent of the agents have attended i n - s e r v i c e 39 Table I I I MULTI-CULTURAL CONTENT OF EURO-CANADIAN AGENTS' OCCUPATIONAL BACKGROUNDS P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Work i n C r o s s - C u l t u r a l Nature of Employment E t h n i c Programmes Workshops F a m i l y - r e l a t e d : 8 (35%) 5 (22%) 6 (26%) H e a l t h - r e l a t e d : 8 (35%) 2 ( 9 % ) 5 (22%) S c h o o l - r e l a t e d : 7 (30%) 3 (13%) 5 (22%) TOTAL: 23(100%) 10 (44%) 16 (70%) 40 t r a i n i n g s e s s i o n s focussed on non-European c l i e n t s and t h e i r c u l t u r e s . In some instances i t was d i f f i c u l t to judge whether agents attended on t h e i r own i n i t i a t i v e or on the d i r e c t i v e s of t h e i r agencies. The value of some of the workshops was a l s o questioned by s e v e r a l respondents. N e v e r t h e l e s s , i t appears that some e f f o r t i s made, e i t h e r by the agents or by t h e i r agencies, to compensate f o r the lack of m u l t i c u l t u r a l t r a i n i n g in the agents' e d u c a t i o n a l background. The p e r s o n a l , e d u c a t i o n a l , and o c c u p a t i o n a l backgrounds of s o c i a l s e r v i c e agents may have i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r t h e i r a t t i t u d e s and e x p e c t a t i o n s regarding immigrant c l i e n t s . However, the evidence f o r such i m p l i c a t i o n s i s both scanty and mixed. On the one hand, a random sample of 95% of Canada's p o p u l a t i o n found that an i n d i v i d u a l ' s own c u l t u r a l background and h i s l e v e l of education are the two most important p r e d i c t o r s of h i s a t t i t u d e toward immigrants: A n g l o - C e l t s and persons with academic degrees -- both c a t e g o r i e s to which my respondents belong -- f e e l more p o s i t i v e l y d i s p o s e d toward immigrants than do other groups surveyed (Berry et a l . , 1980: 264-266). On the other hand, s e v e r a l s t u d i e s which p o s i t the e x i s t e n c e of an "ethnic h i e r a r c h y " in Canada p l a c e Indo-Canadians at the bottom of the ranking order ( K a l i n , 1981: 139-140.) One of these s t u d i e s suggests that the more h i g h l y s k i l l e d Indo-Canadians are d i s l i k e d f o r the economic c o m p e t i t i o n they are p e r c e i v e d to represent ( F r i d e r e s , 1978: 26). A second study i n d i c a t e s t h at persons with Indo-Canadian accents are pre-judged as l e a s t s u i t a b l e f o r s k i l l e d jobs ( K a l i n et a l . , 1980). 41 If any suggestion may be made on the b a s i s of such minimal and somewhat c o n t r a d i c t o r y evidence, i t i s that Euro-Canadian s o c i a l s e r v i c e agents are u n l i k e l y to f e e l n e g a t i v e l y towards immigrant c l i e n t s , but i f they do, they may d i r e c t such f e e l i n g s towards Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s before c l i e n t s of other c u l t u r a l groups. The present study does not focus on s t e r e o t y p i n g , p r e j u d i c e or racism as these phenomena are commonly c o n c e i v e d . I t focusses on p e r c e p t i o n s of i n t e r c u l t u r a l behaviour. Nonetheless, as T a y l o r p o i n t s out (1981: 151): [P]ast experience must be organized and s t o r e d c o g n i t i v e l y so that i t can serve as a guide to behaviour.... The major c o g n i t i o n s i n the f i e l d of i n t e r g r o u p r e l a t i o n s are e t h n i c s t e r e o t y p e s and e t h n i c a t t i t u d e s ... [or] p r e j u d i c e s . S t e r e o t y p e s , as T a y l o r d e f i n e s them (1981: 155), " c l e a r l y r e f e r to people's p e r c e p t i o n s and b e l i e f s about other c a t e g o r i e s of people." In t h i s sense, a l l but one or two of the Euro-Canadian agents inte r v i e w e d h o l d some s t e r e o t y p i c a l images of the Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s with whom they work. Indeed, my q u e s t i o n n a i r e was designed to e l i c i t p r e c i s e l y such images. For example, when asked to d e s c r i b e the c l i e n t ' s manner of p r e s e n t i n g problems, agents o f t e n began with "East Indians u s u a l l y ..." or "Most of them tend to A l s o , while r e c o u n t i n g a s p e c i f i c response from a p a r t i c u l a r c l i e n t , agents o f t e n added such remarks as " t h i s i s t y p i c a l of East I n d i a n s . " Only one agent c o n s i s t e n t l y and, I b e l i e v e , c o n s c i e n t i o u s l y 42 answered q u e s t i o n s without r e f e r e n c e to s t e r e o t y p e s . In c o n t r a s t , p r e j u d i c e may be d e f i n e d as a t t i t u d i n a l or e v a l u a t i v e o r i e n t a t i o n s , u s u a l l y negative ones ( T a y l o r , 1981: 159). Applying t h i s d e f i n i t i o n , I c o n s i d e r a maximum of three agents to have r e v e a l e d themselves as p r e j u d i c e d a g a i n s t Indo-Canadians d u r i n g my i n t e r v i e w s with them. Comments l i k e "they want anything they can get," or " t h e y ' l l l i e through t h e i r t e e t h to get you out of [ t h e i r home]" i n d i c a t e negative a t t i t u d e s , not j u s t s t e r e o t y p i c a l b e l i e f s . However, 92% of the 37 Euro-Canadian agents responded to my q u e s t i o n s without such p r e j u d i c e d remarks. The apparent lack of p r e j u d i c e among the respondents may be due i n part to the f a c t t h at the values and goals of the h e l p i n g p r o f e s s i o n s discourage agents from acknowledging, to o t h e r s but a l s o to themselves, g e n e r a l i z i n g negative a t t i t u d e s : A d m i t t i n g there i s a [racism] problem can be extremely t h r e a t e n i n g to s o c i a l workers who have an emotional and p r o f e s s i o n a l stake i n viewing themselves as able to cut across c l a s s , r a c i a l , and e t h n i c l i n e s ( M i z i o , 1972: 83). About h a l f of the Euro-Canadians i n t e r v i e w e d i n t e r r u p t e d themselves at some p o i n t with a p o l o g e t i c remarks such as "Heavens, I sound so p r e j u d i c e d ! " or "You understand I'm g e n e r a l i z i n g here. I don't do that with c l i e n t s . Each c l i e n t i s an i n d i v i d u a l case." In sum, the Euro-Canadian s o c i a l s e r v i c e agents of the present study belong to a segment of Canadian s o c i e t y and to 43 p r o f e s s i o n s w i t h i n that s o c i e t y which are u n l i k e l y to express p r e j u d i c i a l a t t i t u d e s . But they do h o l d s t e r e o t y p i c a l b e l i e f s about the immigrant c l i e n t s with whom they work, b e l i e f s which may w e l l e f f e c t t h e i r behaviour with those c l i e n t s . The s i g n i f i c a n c e of s t e r e o t y p e s f o r the present study l i e s i n the f a c t that they are shared b e l i e f s : "One person's b e l i e f s about a group do not c o n s t i t u t e a s t e r e o t y p e " (Taylor,1981: 1 5 5 ) . 1 3 I t i s the cumulative impact of many i n d i v i d u a l s ' shared p e r c e p t i o n s and b e l i e f s which give r i s e to the p a t t e r n s of i n t e r a c t i o n between them and o t h e r s . Dimensions of S o c i a l S e r v i c e Values The m o t i v a t i o n of s o c i a l s e r v i c e agents to "help people," t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n a l experience i n programmes designed f o r s p e c i f i c c u l t u r a l groups, even t h e i r r e l u c t a n c e to appear p r e j u d i c e d , a l l r e f l e c t v a l u e s of the p r o f e s s i o n s which they r e p r e s e n t . However, as Loewenberg p o i n t s out (1977:38), the v a l u e s manifest i n North American s o c i a l s e r v i c e s c o n s t i t u t e c o n t i n u a , not a b s o l u t e s t a n d a r d s . 1 " Loewenberg i d e n t i f i e s nine value dimensions p e r t i n e n t to the h e l p i n g p r o f e s s i o n s : As Loewenberg notes, "value h e t e r o g e n e i t y i s i t s e l f a value " of Importance of i n d i v i d u a l Importance of group Interdependence Co-operation D e c i s i o n by experts L i m i t s S o c i a l c o n t r o l Homogeneity S t a b i l i t y F a t a l i s m Autonomy S e l f - h e l p S e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n Freedom Personal l i b e r t y H e t erogeneity Progress Act i v i sm 44 North American s o c i a l s e r v i c e s (1977: 39). Seven of the nine value dimensions p o s i t e d concern the r i g h t s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of the i n d i v i d u a l as opposed to those of s o c i e t y . The t e n s i o n emerging from the c o - e x i s t e n c e of these p o l a r p o s i t i o n s has been termed "a uniquely American s c h i z o p h r e n i a " (Wynne, 1980: 95). In d i s c u s s i n g the s o c i a l s e c u r i t y system of the United S t a t e s , Wynne suggests that American s o c i a l s e r v i c e p o l i c y r e s o l v e s the t e n s i o n to some extent by t r e a t i n g the r i g h t s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of s o c i e t y as the predominant valu e , but those of the i n d i v i d u a l as the predominant norm. An examination of the development of, f o r i n s t a n c e , Canada's Unemployment Insurance p o l i c y r e v e a l s a s i m i l a r t e n s i o n between the i n d i v i d u a l and s o c i e t a l ends of the value c o n t i n u a : In the 1920's, most Canadians b e l i e v e d that o b t a i n i n g and r e t a i n i n g employment and p r o v i d i n g the b a s i c e s e n t i a l s of l i f e were l a r g e l y an i n d i v i d u a l matter.... The economic d e p r e s s i o n of the 1930's f o r c e d a change i n the s o c i a l a t t i t u d e s . . . [ w h i c h ] gave r i s e to pressure f o r a wider range of s o c i a l programs.... The preamble to the [1935] Act s t a t e d that i t was e s s e n t i a l f o r the peace, order and good government of Canada ( D i n g l e d i n e , 1981: 5). Both the r i g h t of the i n d i v i d u a l to b a s i c e s s e n t i a l s and the r i g h t of s o c i e t y to peace and order were h e l d to j u s t i f y unemployment insurance. But n e i t h e r the i n d i v i d u a l Canadian nor Canadian s o c i e t y was, or i s , completely comfortable with the t r a n s f e r of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . Repeated surveys of p u b l i c o p i n i o n i n d i c a t e that 45 f l u c t u a t i n g but s i g n i f i c a n t percentages of Canadians disapprove of the system and c o n s i d e r i t s use s t i g m a t i z i n g ( D i n g l e d i n e , 1981: 72-114). Canadian s o c i e t y , as represented by government p o l i c y , takes care to phrase i t s r e p o n s i b i l i t y i n r e s t r i c t e d terms: unemployment insurance o f f e r s only " p r o t e c t i o n " ; i t concerns the " t e m p o r a r i l y " unemployed; a b a s i c o b j e c t i v e i s to " a i d r e - e n t r y " i n t o the labour market ( D i n g l e d i n e , 1981: 52-59). It may be that Canadian s o c i a l s e r v i c e s , i n a m i r r o r image of t h e i r American c o u n t e r p a r t s , accord the r i g h t s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of the i n d i v i d u a l predominant value, while a s s u r i n g that those of s o c i e t y c o n s t i t u t e the predominant norm. In any case, t e n s i o n between the p o l a r p o s i t i o n s of the value continua does manifest i t s e l f i n the h e l p i n g p r o f e s s i o n s . The s e r v i c e s which they p r o v i d e e x i s t because of the value p l a c e d on interdependence, on decision-making by e x p e r t s , and on s o c i a l c o n t r o l . Yet the core v a l u e s a t t r i b u t e d to the s e r v i c e s by the p r o f e s s i o n a l s themselves i n e v i t a b l y concern "the worth and d i g n i t y of the i n d i v i d u a l , " h i s r i g h t s , r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , and p o t e n t i a l (Boehm, 1958; H o l l i s , 1964; Loewenberg and D o l g o f f , 1971). In t h e i r more gen e r a l statements, the Euro-Canadian agents i n t e r v i e w e d c o n s i s t e n t l y expressed strong support f o r the i n d i v i d u a l ends of the value c o n t i n u a . For n o n - s t a t u t o r y cases, they s t a t e d a b e l i e f i n the " c l i e n t ' s r i g h t to choose" whether to accept s e r v i c e or not. For s t a t u t o r y cases, they were very aware of a " r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to inform c l i e n t s of t h e i r r i g h t s . " Euro-Canadian agents a l s o i n d i c a t e d an o r i e n t a t i o n toward 46 " g e t t i n g the c l i e n t to thin k f o r h i m s e l f " and towards developing i n c l i e n t s "a sense of p e r s o n a l i d e n t i t y . " However, agents' comments on s p e c i f i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s with Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s i n d i c a t e that a dis c r e p a n c y sometimes e x i s t s between the values u n d e r l y i n g i d e a l behaviour and those manifest i n a c t u a l t r a n s a c t i o n s . As the data presented i n Part Two i l l u s t r a t e , agents r e f e r to " s p e c i a l needs of immigrant c l i e n t s , " and to t h e i r own f r u s t r a t i o n s with c l i e n t behaviour, to e x p l a i n t r a n s a c t i o n s which r e f l e c t the value p l a c e d on d e c i s i o n by e x p e r t s , homogeneity, and s o c i a l c o n t r o l . The d i s c r e p a n c y between the value o r i e n t a t i o n s of d i f f e r e n t agent t r a n s a c t i o n s e x e m p l i f i e s the t e n s i o n that e x i s t s between the ends of s o c i a l s e r v i c e value c o n t i n u a . The p o t e n t i a l i s there to emphasize s o c i e t a l ends, but the agents f e e l c a l l e d upon to r a t i o n a l i z e the e x e r c i s i n g of t h i s p o t e n t i a l . I d e a l l y , i n t h e i r o p i n i o n , the r i g h t s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of the c l i e n t as an i n d i v i d u a l c o n s t i t u t e the u l t i m a t e value to be r e a l i z e d through s o c i a l s e r v i c e , whatever t r a n s a c t i o n s may be deemed necessary i n p a r t i c u l a r cases. P r o f e s s i o n a l versus O r g a n i z a t i o n a l Goals The h e l p i n g p r o f e s s i o n s appear to r e c o n c i l e the p o l a r p o s i t i o n s of t h e i r value continua by d e f i n i n g the purpose of " s o c i a l - v a l u e " s e r v i c e s i n " i n d i v i d u a l - v a l u e " t e r m s . 1 5 Thus, "one of the goals of h e l p i s something c a l l e d ' s e l f -f u l f i l l m e n t ' " (Keith-Lucas, 1972: 12). The purpose of the agent-c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p i s "to enable a person to r e s o l v e or cope i n 47 some more e f f e c t i v e ways with some i d e n t i f i e d problem" (Perlman, 1979: 62). C o u n s e l l i n g i t s e l f i s d e f i n e d as p r e p a r i n g the c l i e n t to manage f o r himself the source of h i s problem (Green, 1982: 15-16). But f o r h e l p i n g p r o f e s s i o n a l s employed by s o c i a l s e r v i c e agencies, the r e c o n c i l i a t i o n between s o c i e t a l and i n d i v i d u a l ends of the value continua o f t e n remains incomplete. Such agents may concur with the p r o f e s s i o n a l goals of c l i e n t s e l f -f u l f i l l m e n t , but more p r a c t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n a l goals can impede t h e i r r e a l i z a t i o n (Mencher, 1967: 138). To maintain funding, some agencies encourage repeat v i s i t s with c l i e n t s , expand c o n t a c t s with c l i e n t s ' f a m i l i e s , and emphasize "outreach" work. Other agencies, f o r s i m i l a r reasons, s t r i v e to c l o s e f i l e s and open new ones as r a p i d l y as p o s s i b l e ( c f . Handleman, 1976: 228). In e i t h e r case, a numbers game i s played which prevents the i n t e r e s t s of c l i e n t s from being the s o l e determinants of agents' d e c i s i o n s r e g a r d i n g them. 1 6 The c o n t r a s t between p r o f e s s i o n a l and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l g o a l s , l i k e that between i n d i v i d u a l and s o c i e t a l v a l u e s , may c a t c h s o c i a l s e r v i c e agents i n the middle. On the one hand, by v i r t u e of t h e i r education and t r a i n i n g , most agents c o n s i d e r themselves p r o f e s s i o n a l s ( E t z i o n i , 1969: v i ; S c o t t , 1969: 82-83). On the other hand, they are s a l a r i e d employees, s u b j e c t to a l l the f e a t u r e s of b u r e a u c r a t i c s t r u c t u r e s . According to Blau and S c o t t (1962: 60-61), the dual i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of s o c i a l s e r v i c e agents should have l i t t l e e f f e c t on t h e i r goals r e g a r d i n g c l i e n t s . Both independent and 48 s a l a r i e d p r o f e s s i o n a l s are expected to meet s i m i l a r standards: 1. B a s i s of i n t e r a c t i o n c o n f i n e d to area of p r o f e s s i o n a l e x p e r t i s e . 2. Nature of i n t e r a c t i o n maintained as a f f e c t i v e l y n e u t r a l . 3. Content of i n t e r a c t i o n determined by u n i v e r s a l i s t i c standards. 4. Course of i n t e r a c t i o n d i r e c t e d by c l i e n t ' s needs. The main f e a t u r e d i s t i n g u i s h i n g independent and s a l a r i e d p r o f e s s i o n a l s i s the nature of c o n t r o l over them (Blau and S c o t t , 1962: 62r63). The independent p r o f e s s i o n a l i s subject to the a u t h o r i t y of knowledge as judged by peers ( E t z i o n i , 1964: 76). The employee of a s e r v i c e o r g a n i z a t i o n i s subject to a d m i n i s t r a t i v e a u t h o r i t y as e x e r c i s e d by a h i e r a r c h i c a l s t r u c t u r e ( E t z i o n i , 1964: 88; see a l s o Loewenberg, 1977: 116, 1 35) . But t h i s c e n t r a l c o n t r a s t between sources of c o n t r o l would i t s e l f appear to have i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the goals of a g e n t - c l i e n t i n t e r a c t i o n (see Toren, 1969). Blau and S c o t t argue that the p r i n c i p l e of c l i e n t i n t e r e s t over s e l f - i n t e r e s t i s more e a s i l y r e a l i z e d by a s a l a r i e d p r o f e s s i o n a l than by an independent one, s i n c e the l a t t e r ' s income depends on c l i e n t f e e s . In the case of the independent p r o f e s s i o n a l , i t i s only the p o t e n t i a l s a n c t i o n of h i s peers which "tends to make the p r a c t i t i o n e r ' s own i n t e r e s t dependent on h i s s e r v i n g the i n t e r e s t s of h i s c l i e n t s " (Blau and S c o t t , 1962: 62). 1 would argue that the p o t e n t i a l s a n c t i o n of b u r e a u c r a t i c 49 s u p e r v i s o r s may exert j u s t as great an i n f l u e n c e on the s a l a r i e d p r o f e s s i o n a l as a d e s i r e f o r fees e x e r t s on the independent p r o f e s s i o n a l . The s u p e r v i s o r and the h i e r a r c h y above him determine an employee's s t a t u s and car e e r advancement. His income depends on t h e i r e v a l u a t i o n of h i s performance. Thus, i f o r g a n i z a t i o n a l goals demand more c l i e n t s , or i f they demand a high r a t e of c l i e n t t urn-over, the s a l a r i e d p r o f e s s i o n a l may f e e l p r e s s u r e d to o f f e r or to with h o l d s e r v i c e s , r e g a r d l e s s of the needs of the c l i e n t . In other words, as a p r o f e s s i o n a l , a s o c i a l s e r v i c e agent i s s u b j e c t to peer c o n t r o l and p r o f e s s i o n a l goals of c l i e n t s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t . As an employee, he i s s u b j e c t to a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c o n t r o l and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l g o a l s of c l i e n t management. Where p r o f e s s i o n a l and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l goals c o n f l i c t , an agent may f e e l p u l l e d i n opposite d i r e c t i o n s . I n t e r e s t i n g l y , d e s p i t e the p o t e n t i a l c o n f l i c t between p r o f e s s i o n a l and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l g o a l s , none of the p u b l i c h e a l t h workers, s c h o o l c o u n s e l l o r s , or s o c i a l workers i n t e r v i e w e d acknowledged f e e l i n g pressured by b u r e a u c r a t i c g o a l s . As the data presented i n Part Two i n d i c a t e , when ex p r e s s i n g t h e i r hopes or e x p l a i n i n g t h e i r d e c i s i o n s r e g a r d i n g c l i e n t s , the agents r e f l e c t e d only the p r o f e s s i o n a l goals of c l i e n t s e l f -f u l f i l l m e n t . Moreover, agents who commented on t h e i r s u p e r v i s o r s in t h i s regard a l l i n d i c a t e d that the l a t t e r are s u p p o r t i v e of the same g o a l s . About h a l f of the agents noted that l a c k of o f f i c e space, lack of time, or r e s t r i c t i o n s i n t h e i r mandates and budgets 50 prevent them from p r o v i d i n g the kind of s e r v i c e they f e e l t h e i r c l i e n t s r e q u i r e . But these l i m i t a t i o n s , a c c o r d i n g to the agents, r e s u l t from p r i o r i t i e s set by "them," persons high up i n the h i e r a r c h y of government. Immediate s u p e r v i s o r s and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e personnel w i t h i n the agencies are p e r c e i v e d by the employees i n t e r v i e w e d to share t h e i r f r u s t r a t i o n s over lack of r e s o u r c e s . Without e x c e p t i o n , the Euro-Canadian agents appear to pursue p r o f e s s i o n a l goals of c l i e n t s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t , unhindered by any o r g a n i z a t i o n a l goals of c l i e n t management. T r a n s a c t i n g Power Ju s t as c u l t u r a l v a l u e s u n d e r l i e p r o f e s s i o n a l and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l g o a l s , so do those goals o r i e n t exchange behaviour between s o c i a l s e r v i c e agents and t h e i r c l i e n t s . Agents o f f e r and c l i e n t s r e c e i v e (or r e f u s e to r e c e i v e ) "help," a commodity e v a l u a t e d " i n terms of s p e c i f i c h e l p i n g g o a l s , which depend u l t i m a t e l y on v a l u e s " (Keith-Lucas, 1972: v i i i ) . Since the values and goals range from one end to the other of i n d i v i d u a l - s o c i e t a l c o n t i n u a , i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g t h a t p a t t e r n s of a g e n t - c l i e n t i n t e r a c t i o n can vary along s i m i l a r l i n e s . Grosser suggests (1972: 379) that whereas the o l d " r e s i d u a l practice...makes s o c i a l work an instrument of c o n t r o l . . . [ t h e new] p e r s p e c t i v e p r o v i d e s a b a s i s f o r p a r t i s a n s h i p and advocacy." I d e a l l y then, i n accordance with the p r o f e s s i o n a l goal of c l i e n t s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t , h e l p should be p e r c e i v e d by both agent and c l i e n t as a mutual e f f o r t : 51 [ G l e n e r a l l y the worker attempts to promote an environment of e q u a l i t y i n which he or she and the c l i e n t work together to search f o r answers to the problems at hand. Worker and c l i e n t are both experts i n t h e i r own r i g h t ; they both share r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r how the treatment progresses ( H o l l i s and Woods, 1981: 285-299). The goal of s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t i s met, and the value of the i n d i v i d u a l r e a l i z e d , through a continuous, mutual exchange of i n f o r m a t i o n , meaningful f e e l i n g s , and feedback on these (Loewenberg and D o l g o f f , 1971: 11; Perlman, 1979: 137; Upham, 1973: 10). P o t e n t i a l l y , however, an i n t e r e s t i n c l i e n t management and i n the r e a l i z a t i o n of s o c i e t a l v a l u e s may determine an agent's mode of t r a n s a c t i o n . The q u e s t i o n i s one of c o n t r o l , not j u s t between i n d i v i d u a l and s o c i e t a l v a l u e s or between p r o f e s s i o n a l and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l goals but a l s o between agent and c l i e n t : who c o n t r o l s what the other wants? What an agent wants and how much he wants i t , h i s " i n t e r e s t i n the event," i s determined by h i s v a l u e - o r i e n t a t i o n and g o a l s . But the extent to which an agent o b t a i n s h i s d e s i r e d ends depends upon the degree of c o n t r o l he has over what the c l i e n t wants, and the c l i e n t ' s r e c i p r o c a l c o n t r o l over what the agent w a n t s . 1 7 On the one hand, the c l i e n t may be thought to c o n t r o l very l i t t l e . By d e f i n i t i o n , he has a f f i l i a t e d h imself with an agent, or has been c o n t a c t e d by an agent, because he has needs which the agent can meet: employment c o u n s e l l i n g , medical advice, homemaker s e r v i c e , e t c e t e r a . The c l i e n t cannot repay i n kind, f o r even i f he c o n t r o l s comparable resources the agent i s not 52 p e r m i t t e d to have an i n t e r e s t i n them and would r e f u s e to r e c e i v e them. Rather, the c l i e n t repays by not repaying. His dependency on and indebtedness to the agent t r a n s l a t e s i n t o power f o r the agent: [ I f ] one person needs something another has to o f f e r ... but has nothing the other needs to r e c i p r o c a t e ... he must subordinate himself to the other and comply with h i s wishes, thereby rewarding the other with power over himself (Blau, 1964: 21). According to Blau (1964: 22), " u n i l a t e r a l s e r v i c e s t h a t meet b a s i c needs are the penultimate source of power." On the other hand, the very f a c t that a c l i e n t i s w i l l i n g to express g r a t i t u d e and deference, to make a "symbolic counter-d o n a t i o n , " i t s e l f amounts to a source of c l i e n t power: The norms which r e q u i r e symbolic counterdonations ... serve [a] v i t a l purpose ... blame i s l e v i e d only a g a i n s t those wealthy groups which f a i l to meet requests f o r h e l p ... which the p o t e n t i a l donees are o b v i o u s l y w i l l i n g to t r e a t as r e c i p r o c a l o b l i g a t i o n s (Wynne, 1980:30). The e x p r e s s i o n of g r a t i t u d e and deference u l t i m a t e l y s h i f t s power to the agent. But i n i t i a l l y , the promise of such symbolic counterdonations a i d s the c l i e n t i n g e t t i n g what he wants. Agents may or may not be i n t e r e s t e d i n r e c e i v i n g g r a t i t u d e and deference, but they are q u i t e l i k e l y i n t e r e s t e d i n a v o i d i n g blame. To a l e s s e r extent, the c l i e n t who i s u n w i l l i n g to promise 53 or d e l i v e r symbolic counterdonations a l s o e x e r c i s e s power in the a g e n t - c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p i n so f a r as he i s p e r c e i v e d by the agent to be "owed" the requested commodities. As a taxpayer, the c l i e n t may a l s o p e r c e i v e himself as a c o n t r i b u t o r to the agent's resources and thereby e n t i t l e d to b e n e f i t from them (Blau and S c o t t , 1962: 75). Agents may have l i t t l e to gain by r e d i s t r i b u t i n g tax d o l l a r s , but, again, they have an i n t e r e s t i n a v o i d i n g blame: [B]lame i s [ a l s o ] l e v i e d a g a i n s t those wealthy groups which f a i l to meet requests fo r h e l p that are a l r e a d y o b l i g a t i o n s due through the p r e v i o u s donations of the now dependent donors (Wynne, 1980: 30). However, as E t z i o n i p o i n t s out (1964: 95), "the degree to which a given segment of the p u b l i c consumes p u b l i c s e r v i c e s i s i n v e r s e l y r e l a t e d to i t s p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n f i n a n c i n g . " Moreover, even where a c l i e n t has p a i d or i s s t i l l paying taxes, h i s power as a consumer i s l i m i t e d : The s m a l l e s t degree of c o n t r o l by consumers w i l l be found in p u b l i c monopolies ... next are p u b l i c s e r v i c e s such as p u b l i c schools ... h e a l t h s e r v i c e s , and s o c i a l welfare agencies ( E t z i o n i , 1964: 95). Consumer i n f l u e n c e over p u b l i c o r g a n i z a t i o n s depends on p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and a r t i c u l a t i o n , f e a t u r e s which seldom c h a r a c t e r i z e s o c i a l s e r v i c e c l i e n t s as a group ( E t z i o n i , 1964: .103-104; see a l s o Blau and S c o t t , 1962: 81-82). Thus, a l i m i t e d degree of power r e s t s with the c l i e n t on 54 the b a s i s of h i s r i g h t s as a person i n need who i s w i l l i n g to make symbolic counterdonations and/or who has p r e v i o u s l y made m a t e r i a l donations. These sources of c o n t r o l are l i m i t e d because they do not represent anything the agent wants, but only something he wants to a v o i d : blame f o r r e f u s i n g to grant a c l i e n t a commodity f o r which he pays. The more s i g n i f i c a n t source of c l i e n t power v i s a v i s agents r e l a t e s to the r o l e which c l i e n t s p lay i n the agents' attainment of g o a l s . To the extent that agents want the approval of t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n a l peers, they s t r i v e to r e a l i z e the p r o f e s s i o n a l goal of c l i e n t s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t . To the extent that agents want the approval of t h e i r s u p e r v i s o r s , they t r y to gain the c o o p e r a t i o n of c l i e n t s i n meeting o r g a n i z a t i o n a l g o a l s . F i n a l l y , agents may, to v a r y i n g degrees, d e s i r e the approval of the c l i e n t h i m s e l f as manifested i n exp r e s s i o n s of l i k i n g and a p p r e c i a t i o n . The agents' i n t e r e s t i n c l i e n t s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t , c l i e n t c o o p e r a t i o n , and p o s s i b l y i n c l i e n t approval grants the c l i e n t power. I t e s t a b l i s h e s a balance of c o n t r o l between the h e l p -g i v e r and the help-needer. Throughout the c o u n s e l l i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p , the c l i e n t ' s c o n t r o l over what the agent wants combines with the agent's c o n t r o l over what the c l i e n t wants to i n f l u e n c e the p a t t e r n s of agent and c l i e n t t r a n s a c t i o n s . The C o u n s e l l i n g R e l a t i o n s h i p Textbooks of the h e l p i n g phases i n the c o u n s e l l i n g p r o f e s s i o n s o f t e n i d e n t i f y f i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p : i n t r o d u c t i o n , study, 55 assessment, treatment, and e n d i n g . 1 8 As Part Two of the present t h e s i s amply i l l u s t r a t e s , the f u n c t i o n s of each phase may be mixed c h r o n o l o g i c a l l y . Agents o f t e n have the f e e l i n g that they "take one step forward, two steps backward." N e v e r t h e l e s s , f o r purposes of r e s e a r c h and a n a l y s i s , the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of f i v e phases pro v i d e s a u s e f u l and convenient framework. The t e x t s c i t e d by the agents s t r e s s t h a t , i n each phase, the p r o f e s s i o n a l helper should e x e r c i s e s k i l l s which promote and support the c l i e n t ' s e x e r c i s i n g of h i s own a b i l i t i e s . The agent g i v e s of h i s e x p e r t i s e i n such a way that the c l i e n t gains a sense of being h i s own h e l p e r . In other words, these t e x t s suggest that c o n t r o l of the h e l p i n g process r e s t s with the agent, but that i n order to meet the p r o f e s s i o n a l g o a l of c l i e n t s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t and, more i m p o r t a n t l y , i n order to be e f f e c t i v e , the agent must f a c i l i t a t e a p e r c e p t i o n of c o n t r o l i n the c l i e n t . 1 9 To i n t r o d u c e the c l i e n t to the c o u n s e l l i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p , an agent c l a r i f i e s h i s r o l e as one of e n a b l e r , not a u t h o r i t y . He i d e n t i f i e s any negative f e e l i n g s the c l i e n t may have towards working with a p r o f e s s i o n a l h e l p e r , and reassures him that the h e l p e r ' s r o l e w i l l enhance, not t h r e a t e n , h i s own r o l e . The agent a l s o m o d i f i e s any e x c e s s i v e e x p e c t a t i o n s the c l i e n t may have of the h e l p i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p , and assures him that he i s h i s own best r e s o u r c e . The message i s one of t r u s t i n the agent and confidence i n the s e l f . In the terms of s o c i a l exchange theory, the agent p e r c e i v e s hims e l f to be g i v i n g to the c l i e n t . He o f f e r s the c l i e n t not 56 only an o p p o r t u n i t y f o r a h e l p i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p , but a l s o the o p p o r t u n i t y to c o n t r o l the outcome of that r e l a t i o n s h i p . He e x p l i c i t l y promises to r e s t r a i n h i s powers so that the c l i e n t may e x e r c i s e h i s . In r e t u r n , the agent wants the c l i e n t to t r u s t him. He wants c l i e n t acceptance of h i s o f f e r of h e l p . However, d u r i n g t h i s i n t r o d u c t o r y phase, the balance of powers may be determined by the c l i e n t as w e l l as at the d i s c r e t i o n of the agent. If a c l i e n t has l i t t l e i n t e r e s t i n a h e l p i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p , or i s p e r c e i v e d as u n i n t e r e s t e d , he holds a good b a r g a i n i n g p o s i t i o n . To o b t a i n such a c l i e n t ' s t r u s t , an agent must i d e n t i f y something the c l i e n t does want, that i s , the c o n d i t i o n under which the p r o f f e r e d r e l a t i o n s h i p w i l l be accepted: [A] sense of r e l a t i o n s h i p i n the help needer ... w i l l o f t e n be the consequence, not the b e g i n n i n g c o n d i t i o n , of the h e l p e r ' s meeting of b a s i c s u r v i v a l needs or the r e c e i v i n g of some wished-for resource (Perlmam, 1979: 15) . In the s o c i a l s e r v i c e l i t e r a t u r e , such f u l f i l l m e n t s of c l i e n t s ' wishes have been termed " ' g i f t s of l o v e ' [which] go beyond s e r v i c e s that would be given r o u t i n e l y " ( H o l l i s , 1964: 88-89). In s o c i a l exchange terms, they c o n s t i t u t e payments for the acceptance d e s i r e d by agents. If an agent wants a r e l a t i o n s h i p more than does h i s c l i e n t , he pays more f o r i t . In the study phase, an agent o f f e r s the c l i e n t an o p p o r t u n i t y to d i s c u s s h i s problem. He u t i l i z e s non-judgmental, empathetic l i s t e n i n g techniques to enable the c l i e n t to explore f o r himself the " r e a l i t y " of h i s s i t u a t i o n and h i s f e e l i n g s 57 about i t . Once again, the agent p e r c e i v e s h i m s e l f to be g i v i n g , not only of h i s support and s k i l l s , but a l s o of h i s p o t e n t i a l power. He r e s t r a i n s any "impulse to rush i n with suggestions" (Shulman, 1979: 49). In r e t u r n , the agent wants the c l i e n t to r e v e a l f a c t s and f e e l i n g s p e r t a i n i n g to the problem. He d e s i r e s c l i e n t openness in s e l f - d i s c l o s u r e . But j u s t as the c l i e n t may set terms fo r the acceptance of the h e l p i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p , so too may he e s t a b l i s h c o n d i t i o n s under which d i s c l o s u r e w i l l be forthcoming. Indeed, many of the p r o f e s s i o n a l s k i l l s intended to promote c l i e n t d i s c l o s u r e appear to have been developed i n response to demands of c l i e n t s , both spoken and unspoken. In the f i r s t i n s t a n c e , a c l i e n t wants reassurance that the agent w i l l accept him d e s p i t e the f a c t s and f e e l i n g s he r e v e a l s . Armed with such understandings as " a l l behaviour has purposiveness," agents are t r a i n e d to convey acceptance, "an expression of good w i l l toward the p e r p e t r a t o r " of unacceptable behaviour ( H o l l i s , 1964: 85; Perlman, 1979: 105). . Moreover, c l i e n t s may demand f a r more p e r s o n a l input and feedback than the p r e s c r i b e d p r o f e s s i o n a l standards permit (see p. 48). Recent t e x t s p o s i t the importance of s h a r i n g r e l e v a n t p e r s o n a l thoughts and f e e l i n g s , and suggest how t h i s may be done w i t h i n the c o n f i n e s of the p r o f e s s i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p ( H o l l i s and Woods, 1981: 290-291; Shulman, 1979: 78-82). Such agent s e l f -d i s c l o s u r e does not extend to the r e v e l a t i o n of p e r s o n a l , b i o g r a p h i c i n f o r m a t i o n . For example, i f a c l i e n t asks whether the agent has c h i l d r e n , the agent should r e p l y "are you 58 wondering i f I can understand you?" (Shulman, 1979: 14-15). But the c l i e n t who "holds out" f o r two-way communication of thoughts and f e e l i n g s d u r i n g the study phase of a c o u n s e l l i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p may w e l l r e c e i v e i t . Once a c l i e n t has responded with t r u s t to the o f f e r of a h e l p i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p , and with d i s c l o s u r e to the o p p o r t u n i t y of s h a r i n g h i s problem, the assessment phase begins. To assess a problem and what can be done about i t , the agent o f f e r s the c l i e n t i n f o r m a t i o n on s p e c i f i c , r e l e v a n t r e s o u r c e s . But to meet the p r o f e s s i o n a l goal of c l i e n t s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t , the agent must enable the c l i e n t to decide f o r h i m s e l f which resources to accept, and which c o n t r i b u t i o n s he h i m s e l f can make to the r e s o l u t i o n of the problem. Through h i s " p r o f e s s i o n a l use of s e l f , " the agent helps h i s c l i e n t to " p a r t i a l i z e " the problem, to set p r i o r i t i e s , to e s t a b l i s h short-range and long-range g o a l s , and to decide which e x t e r n a l a i d s he w i l l u t i l i z e to a t t a i n these g o a l s . In r e t u r n , the agent wants the c l i e n t to a r r i v e at and commit hi m s e l f to a treatment p l a n . He wants c l i e n t s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n . At t h i s p o i n t i n the c o u n s e l l i n g process, c l i e n t c o n t r o l of the exchange r e l a t i o n s h i p d i m i n i s h e s . The c l i e n t who has accepted the o f f e r of h e l p , and the o p p o r t u n i t y to share h i s problem, i s l i k e l y to be i n t e r e s t e d i n the r e s o l u t i o n of that problem. He wants something the agent has to o f f e r . If he i s unable or u n w i l l i n g to r e c i p r o c a t e with even a semblance of s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n , or i f h i s s e l f - d e t e r m i n e d treatment p l a n i s not a c c e p t a b l e to the agent, i t i s the agent who decides whether 59 the d e s i r e d resource w i l l be d e l i v e r e d . The q u e s t i o n of c l i e n t s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n probably r e p r e s e n t s the most widely debated issue i n North American s o c i a l s e r v i c e l i t e r a t u r e . I t i s " a l t e r n a t e l y t r e a t e d as i n e v i t a b l e , up to the agent, and as an i l l u s i o n " (Keith-Lucas, 1972: 36). I suggest that the degree of s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n e x h i b i t e d by a c l i e n t depends to a l a r g e extent upon the degree of i n t e r e s t the agent has i n c l i e n t s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t , and the degree of i n t e r e s t the c l i e n t has i n resources h e l d by the agent. However, as the t r a n s a c t i o n s d e s c r i b e d i n Part Two suggest, the c a p a c i t y f o r s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n may a l s o be s u b j e c t to f a c t o r s of c u l t u r a l , and e s p e c i a l l y e d u c a t i o n a l , background. As p r o f e s s i o n a l s , agents have a great d e a l of i n t e r e s t i n c l i e n t s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t . They s t r i v e to r e f l e c t i n t h e i r t r a n s a c t i o n s the value p l a c e d on the i n d i v i d u a l . To t h i s end, they t e l l one another that c l i e n t s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n i s " i n e v i t a b l e " because t h e i r a u t h o r i t y i s only one of knowledge, that the power of c h o i c e r e s t s with the c l i e n t (Perlman, 1979: 72) : [T]he worker i s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r what i s o f f e r e d ... but the c l i e n t e x e r c i s e s c o n t r o l over what i s accepted ( H o l l i s and Woods, 1981 : 301) . An agent's i n f l u e n c e i s r e c o g n i z e d as g r e a t e r i f he has been s u c c e s s f u l i n a c q u i r i n g the t r u s t of h i s c l i e n t and i n e n a b l i n g him to d i s c l o s e the " r e a l i t y " of h i s s i t u a t i o n . But, " u l t i m a t e l y , " the c h o i c e i s the c l i e n t ' s : he i s f r e e to decide what kind of treatment plan he w i l l f o l l o w , or to withdraw from 60 the h e l p i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p a l t o g e t h e r (Keith-Lucas, 1972: 15; S c o t t , 1969: 123-127). As employees of o r g a n i z a t i o n s , however, agents may r e f l e c t i n t h e i r behaviour the b u r e a u c r a t i c goals of c l i e n t management. The values u n d e r l y i n g these goals grant s o c i e t a l r i g h t s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t e s p r i o r i t y , and render c l i e n t s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n an " i l l u s i o n " : [T]he consumer's freedom of c h o i c e i s r e s t r i c t e d i n the name of other v a l u e s such as h e a l t h , e d u c a t i o n , or i n c r e a s e d p o s s i b i l i t i e s of c h o i c e i n the f u t u r e . . . . [ S e p a r a t i o n between consumption and c o n t r o l i s supported by a s t r o n g ideology ... namely, that those who a d m i n i s t e r the s e r v i c e are i n a b e t t e r p o s i t i o n to judge what i s good f o r the consumer than he i s hims e l f ( E t z i o n i , 1964: 97-98). To the extent that agents accept s o c i e t a l ends of the value continua over i n d i v i d u a l ends, or o r g a n i z a t i o n a l goals over p r o f e s s i o n a l ones, they and not t h e i r c l i e n t s may determine treatment p l a n s . The c l i e n t ' s one o p t i o n i s to f o r f e i t a s s i s t a n c e a l t o g t h e r , that i s , to decide that the payment r e q u i r e d f o r i t i s too h i g h . Otherwise, i f the c l i e n t wants the resources of the agent more than the agent wants the s e l f -d e t e r m i n a t i o n of the c l i e n t , c o n t r o l r e s t s with the a g e n t . 2 0 The balance of power which emerges d u r i n g the assessment phase of c o u n s e l l i n g c o n t i n u e s i n t o the treatment phase. The agent con t i n u e s to o f f e r r esources r e l e v a n t to the r e s o l u t i o n of the c l i e n t ' s problem, i n c l u d i n g h i s s k i l l s at e n a b l i n g the c l i e n t to use h i s own r e s o u r c e s . In r e t u r n , he wants the c l i e n t 61 to implement the treatment p l a n . He wants c l i e n t f o l l o w -through. A c l i e n t may f a i l to f o l l o w through e i t h e r by a c t i n g i n a manner too independent of the treatment plan or too dependent upon i t . I f the content of the p l a n has not been mutually developed and agreed upon, the c l i e n t may "drag h i s f e e t " or express h o s t i l i t y toward the p l a n , the agent, or the agency. I d e a l l y , a p r o f e s s i o n a l helper committed to c l i e n t s e l f -f u l f i l l m e n t r e c o g n i z e s apathy or h o s t i l i t y as i n d i c a t i o n s that the assessment and/or study phases of c o u n s e l l i n g must be repeated with an even g r e a t e r emphasis on c l i e n t input (Perlman, 1979: 89; Shulman, 1979: 76). However, the o f f i c i a l r e l u c t a n c e to "take over" at t h i s p o i n t i s o f t e n stronger than the a c t u a l r e s e r v a t i o n h e l d by the agent ( H o l l i s , 1964: 89). An agent p u r s u i n g o r g a n i z a t i o n a l g o als may respond to c l i e n t apathy with c o e r c i v e techniques, and to c l i e n t h o s t i l i t y with b u r e a u c r a t i c a u t h o r i t y ( S c o t t , 1969: 125-128). As long as the c l i e n t wants the agent's resources more than the agent wants c l i e n t s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t , the agent remains in c o n t r o l . He "teaches the c l i e n t how to behave and what to request i f b e n e f i t s are to be forthcoming" (Handleman, 1976: 229) . A c l i e n t may a l s o f a i l to f o l l o w through with the i n t e n t of the treatment p l a n : he may implement i t s content but do so with an a t t i t u d e of dependency on the agent. In p a r t i c u l a r , a l e s s educated person with no experience as a c l i e n t w i l l "tend more to expect a d v i c e and a somewhat more a u t h o r i t a t i v e approach" ( H o l l i s , 1964: 149). For the agent i n t e r e s t e d i n c l i e n t 62 a p p r e c i a t i o n or one according s o c i e t a l r i g h t s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s p r i o r i t y , c l i e n t dependency presents l i t t l e problem -- indeed, i t may serve to f u l f i l l h i s wants -- unless and u n t i l o r g a n i z a t i o n a l g o a l s r e q u i r e that the f i l e be c l o s e d , and that the c l i e n t be ab l e to continue h i s l i f e unaided. The agent committed to c l i e n t s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t , however, must respond to dependency by c l a r i f y i n g the a t t i t u d i n a l d i f f e r e n c e s between himsel f and h i s c l i e n t , by ensuring that "the bridge of dependence he prov i d e s i s no stronger than necessary," and by guarding a g a i n s t the p r o l o n g a t i o n of what should be a pa s s i n g phase ( H o l l i s , 1964: 95; Keith-Lucas, 1972: 9; Perlman, 1979: 73). The p r o f e s i o n a l l y o r i e n t e d agent, l i k e h i s b u r e a u c r a t i c a l l y o r i e n t e d c o l l e a g u e , accepts dependency, but he a l s o a p p l i e s s k i l l s developed to overcome i t : Nothing i s more c r u e l or l e s s p r o d u c t i v e than to t e l l someone that the ch o i c e i s h i s and, so to speak, to t e l l him to go i n t o a corner and d e c i d e . . . . [0]ur job i s to prov i d e him with a medium, a s i t u a t i o n , and an experience i n which c h o i c e i s p o s s i b l e (Keith-Lucas, 1972: 46). Thus, whether the c l i e n t expresses too much independence or too much dependence, as long as h i s i n t e r e s t i n the agent's resources exceeds the agent's i n t e r e s t i n h i s s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t , c o n t r o l r e s t s . w i t h the agent. To the extent that agents aim to achieve o r g a n i z a t i o n a l g o a l s , they may command compliance or accept dependency. To the extent that they focus on p r o f e s s i o n a l g o a l s , agents may balance d i r e c t i v e techniques with the e x e r c i s e 63 of c l i e n t s ' powers; acceptance with e x p e c t a t i o n , and support with s t i m u l a t i o n (Perlman, 1979: 149). In e i t h e r case, the balance of power during the treatment phase i s e s t a b l i s h e d at the d i s c r e t i o n of the agent. T h i s s i t u a t i o n may change somewhat at the end of a c o u n s e l l i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p , depending on which p a r t y has more to gain and l e s s to l o s e from t e r m i n a t i o n . I f the c l i e n t wants "out" when the agent wants to maintain t i e s , the c l i e n t r e g a i n s some of the c o n t r o l he enjoyed d u r i n g the i n t r o d u c t o r y and study phases. However, i f the agent i n i t i a t e s t e r m i n a t i o n before the c l i e n t f e e l s ready, the c l i e n t remains r e l a t i v e l y powerless (but see Handleman, 1976: 234 on c l i e n t d e l a y i n g t a c t i c s ) . In g e n e r a l , i t i s the h e l p i n g p r o f e s s i o n a l who, using h i s "ending s k i l l s , " prepares the c l i e n t f o r the t r a n s i t i o n to non-p r o f e s s i o n a l support systems (Shulman, 1979: 92-105). An end to the c o u n s e l l i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p i s c o n s i d e r e d both i n e v i t a b l e and in the best i n t e r e s t of the c l i e n t : "There i s nothing so f r i g h t e n i n g or d e b i l i t a t i n g as u n l i m i t e d time" (Keith-Lucas, 1972: 57). Termination may a l s o be i n the best i n t e r e s t of the o r g a n i z a t i o n , i f c l i e n t turnover i s a c r i t e r i o n of agency success (Handleman, 1976: 228). If the c l i e n t does not want the r e l a t i o n s h i p to end, i f he wants to prolong i t , he may renew h i s o f f e r s of what the agent has wanted from him a l l along: acceptance, d i s c l o s u r e , s e l f -d e t e r m i n a t i o n and f o l l o w - t h r o u g h . In so doing, he i m p l i e s or e x p l i c i t l y s t a t e s a d d i t i o n a l o f f e r s of l i k i n g and g r a t i t u d e . Since the purpose of the r e l a t i o n s h i p has supposedly been met --64 the problem has come as c l o s e to r e s o l u t i o n as the agent's and c l i e n t ' s r esources permit -- such o f f e r s no longer serve to f u l f i l l the agent's p r o f e s s i o n a l or o r g a n i z a t i o n a l g o a l s . However, they may s a t i s f y more p e r s o n a l needs: "[T]here i s o f t e n the p u l l to stay with the r e s p o n s i v e , a p p r e c i a t i v e c l i e n t -- i t i s so g r a t i f y i n g to be needed and wanted!" (Perlman, 1979: 64). S o c i a l s e r v i c e agents are t r a i n e d to o f f e r a t t e n t i v e n e s s and responsiveness on a one-way s t r e e t , without e x p e c t a t i o n of c l i e n t g r a t i t u d e or l i k i n g (Keith-Lucas, 1972: 47-48, 50, 67). They are a d v i s e d that e x p r e s s i o n s of p r a i s e or l i k i n g may i n d i c a t e "the c l i e n t expects the r e l a t i o n to be more pers o n a l than the p r o f e s s i o n a l i s able or w i l l i n g to make i t " ( E t z i o n i , 1964: 10). Such c l i e n t " f a n t a s i e s " of p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s with the agent are to be removed through r e c o g n i t i o n and d i s c u s s i o n ( H o l l i s , 1964: 109). R e l a t i o n s h i p needs f o r both agents and c l i e n t s should be "met i n our n a t u r a l environments" (Perlman, 1979: 64). Such t r a i n i n g no doubt reduces the i n f l u e n c e which o f f e r s of g r a t i t u d e and l i k i n g by the c l i e n t have on the c o u n s e l l i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p . But agents are human; they have per s o n a l goals as w e l l as p r o f e s s i o n a l and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l ones. As Perlman w r i t e s (1979: 208) of the need for "immediate e x p e r i e n t i a l rewards:" [T]he warm glance and s i g h of r e l i e f ... the v e r b a l e x p r e s s i o n of g r a t i t u d e ... the determined e f f o r t , to behave i n some more c o n s t r u c t i v e ways.... How n o u r i s h i n g to the ego i d e a l of the h e l p g i v e r these i n s t a n c e s a r e . 65 To the extent that an agent has an i n t e r e s t i n c l i e n t l i k i n g or g r a t i t u d e , the c l i e n t who o f f e r s such e x p e r i e n t i a l rewards may c o n t r o l the ending phase of the c o u n s e l l i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p more than the l e s s rewarding c l i e n t . To conclude, the r e l a t i o n s h i p which evolves dur i n g the f i v e phases of c o u n s e l l i n g depends very much on the v a l u e - o r i e n t a t i o n of the agent, the goals on which he bases h i s d e c i s i o n s , and h i s consequent mode of t r a n s a c t i o n . But the nature of the r e l a t i o n s h i p a l s o depends on the c l i e n t ' s response to the manifest a t t i t u d e s and behaviour of h i s agent. The Euro-Canadian agents whom I in t e r v i e w e d a l l sub s c r i b e to i n d i v i d u a l - o r i e n t e d v a l u e s . They acknowledge only p r o f e s s i o n a l goals of c l i e n t s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t . And they s t r i v e to pursue these goals i n the t r a n s a c t i o n a l mode of mutual exchange. A p r o f e s s i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p of mutual exchange i s c o n f i n e d to the agent's area of e x p e r t i s e , but i t encourages the sha r i n g of c o n t r o l or power with regard to that a r e a . I t remains a f f e c t i v e l y n e u t r a l , but permits the agent to share h i s thoughts and f e e l i n g s with the c l i e n t . In Part Two, I examine the Indo-Canadian c l i e n t ' s response to agent t r a n s a c t i o n s which are based on these c u l t u r a l r e f e r e n t s of s o c i a l exchange. But I a l s o i d e n t i f y agent t r a n s a c t i o n s which appear to r e f l e c t a s o c i e t a l - o r i e n t a t i o n , o r g a n i z a t i o n a l goals, and a c o n t r o l l i n g t r a n s a c t i o n a l mode, and I examine the response of c l i e n t s to these agent t r a n s a c t i o n s as w e l l . 66 Notes: Chapter Two 1 1 B i o g r a p h i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n i s not a v a i l a b l e f o r 14 Euro-Canadian agents who were i n t e r v i e w e d i n two groups of 6 and 8 persons, r e s p e c t i v e l y (see Appendix A). 1 2 The agents ranged i n age from 22 to 53 ye a r s . In ge n e r a l , the younger agents had taken the c r o s s - c u l t u r a l courses, but agents of a l l ages had p a r t i c i p a t e d i n m u l t i c u l t u r a l i n - s e r v i c e t r a i n i n g workshops. 1 3 As noted i n Chapter Four (pp. 129-130), Indo-Canadian agents a l s o h o l d s t e r e o t y p i c a l b e l i e f s , not about Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s as a group, but about d i f f e r e n t sub-groups. These b e l i e f s are not shared or agreed upon, however. They tend to be unique to i n d i v i d u a l agents and as such probably have l i t t l e e f f e c t on the o v e r a l l p a t t e r n of i n t e r a c t i o n between Indo-Canadian agents and Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s . 1 < t The roo t s of s o c i a l s e r v i c e values l i e deep w i t h i n the J u d a i c - C h r i s t i a n t r a d i t i o n ( c f . C a p o n i g r i , 1971: 104; Wynne, 1980: 99-102). However, even w i t h i n t h i s t r a d i t i o n , v a l u e s have been expressed i n a d u a l i s t i c manner. As Shenk notes (1981: 99): "The a l t r u i s t i c value of being one's 'brother's keeper' i s c o n t r a d i c t o r y to the i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c value of 'God helps those who he l p themselves.'" 1 5 Green i d e n t i f i e s (1982: 13-22) four s t y l e s of i n t e r c u l t u r a l s o c i a l s e r v i c e d e l i v e r y : advocacy, brokerage, r e g u l a t i o n , and c o u n s e l l i n g . Although many of the agents in t e r v i e w e d p rovide each of these from time t o time, my t h e s i s , 67 and hence my d i s c u s s i o n of agent goals and t r a n s a c t i o n a l modes, focus on c o u n s e l l i n g . F u r t h e r r e s e a r c h i s needed to e s t a b l i s h the i m p l i c a t i o n s of exchange models f o r other forms of s o c i a l s e r v i c e r e l a t i o n s h i p s . 1 6 C o n s i d e r a t i o n s other than funding ones may a l s o a f f e c t c l i e n t s ' i n t e r e s t s . For example, Blau and S c o t t note (1962: 78) that "the p r o f e s s i o n a l p r i n c i p l e of the importance of a s t a b l e and c o n t i n u i n g r e l a t i o n between worker and c l i e n t was s a c r i f i c e d f o r the d i s t i n c t l y b u r e a u c r a t i c p r i n c i p l e of the i n t e r c h a n g e a b i l i t y of one worker f o r another." 1 7 Handleman w r i t e s (1976: 22.5) that "the e v a l u a t i o n of r e l a t i v e power" i n a g e n t - c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s depends on "the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the resources which e i t h e r p a r t y can i n t r o d u c e to o b t a i n b e n e f i t s from the o t h e r . " Thus, he goes beyond c o n s i d e r a t i o n of what one p a r t y can repay the other to a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of how one p a r t y can coerce the o t h e r . He suggests (p. 231-234) that c l i e n t circumstances such as h e a l t h and age, and c l i e n t t a c t i c s such as d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n of demand, c o n s t i t u t e sources of c l i e n t c o e r c i v e power. I agree that c l i e n t c ircumstances and t a c t i c s a f f e c t a g e n t - c l i e n t i n t e r a c t i o n , but I suggest that the degree to which they do so depends upon the extent to which the agent has an i n t e r e s t i n something the c l i e n t can g i v e or w i t h h o l d . 1 8 The f i v e phases d e r i v e from the "medical model" b a s i s of some schools of s o c i a l s e r v i c e thought. I t i s beyond the scope of the present t h e s i s to d e s c r i b e the many v a r i a t i o n s and d i f f e r e n c e s of o p i n i o n which e x i s t w i t h i n the s o c i a l s e r v i c e 68 l i t e r a t u r e r e g a r d i n g c o u n s e l l i n g p r a c t i c e s . I have attempted a c o m p i l a t i o n based on the t e x t s recommended to me by agents. Most of these present a Freudian or neo-Freudian p e r s p e c t i v e on c o u n s e l l i n g . (The one exception i s Bronfenbrenner, 1979.) For a comprehensive a n a l y s i s of s e v e r a l d i f f e r e n t c o u n s e l l i n g approaches see Turner (1979). For a b e h a v i o u r a l approach to i n t e r c u l t u r a l c o u n s e l l i n g see Higginbotham and Tanaka-Matsumi (1981). 1 9 Experience and experiments have shown t h a t , at l e a s t f o r North American c l i e n t s , a c l i e n t ' s p e r c e p t i o n of c o n t r o l over the a g e n t - c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p i s p o s i t i v e l y r e l a t e d to h i s progress and s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h i n that r e l a t i o n s h i p (Anne-Marie Furness, p e r s o n a l communication; see a l s o Rogers, 1973: 240-245) . 2 0 Handler suggests (1973: 137) that i f the agent o f f e r s p r i m a r i l y " t a l k i n g " s e r v i c e s , c l i e n t s f e e l f r e e r to refuse h i s a d v i c e than when "hard" s e r v i c e s are at stake. 69 Chapter Three THE INDO-CANADIAN CLIENTS: THEIR CULTURAL REFERENTS OF SOCIAL EXCHANGE Indo-Canadian immigrants who i n t e r a c t with s o c i a l s e r v i c e agents do so from a h y b r i d p e r s p e c t i v e . In v a r y i n g degrees, they view exchange encounters with r e f e r e n c e to the model of exchange o b t a i n i n g i n t h e i r regions of e m i g r a t i o n , to t h a t o b t a i n i n g i n t h e i r l o c a l immigrant communities, and/or with r e f e r e n c e to t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n of Euro-Canadian exchange p a t t e r n s . Each of these bases f o r p e r s p e c t i v e i s i n f l u e n c e d i n tu r n by s e v e r a l f a c t o r s , i n c l u d i n g c o l o n i a l h e r i t a g e i n the regions of emigration and r a c i a l b i a s e s i n the c o u n t r i e s of immigration (Djao, 1982: 91-95). Des p i t e the h e t e r o g e n e i t y of superimposed v a r i a b l e s , however, a core model of Indian s o c i a l exchange emerges from an a n a l y s i s of the ethnographic and s o c i o l o g i c a l l i t e r a t u r e . In the f i r s t three s e c t i o n s of the present chapter, I i d e n t i f y the key c u l t u r a l r e f e r e n t s of t h i s model: the main v a l u e s , g o a l s , and t r a n s a c t i o n a l modes p e r t a i n i n g to exchange r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n the regions of e m i g r a t i o n . Since 28 of the 40 c l i e n t s i n t e r v i e w e d (70%) i d e n t i f y themselves as J a t Sikhs from v i l l a g e s i n India's Punjab S t a t e , most r e f e r e n c e s are to the Jat farming c a s t e or c l a s s , the Sikh r e l i g i o n , and the r u r a l Punjab (see Appendix A). However, the c u l t u r a l r e f e r e n t s of exchange r e l a t i o n s h i p s among Hindus i n I n d i a and Hindus i n F i j i are a l s o noted. 70 In the f i n a l two s e c t i o n s of the chapter I i n d i c a t e the extent to which the model of s o c i a l exchange, p o s i t e d f o r the r e g i o n s of e m i g r a t i o n , p e r s i s t s i n the c o u n t r i e s of immigration. W i t h i n the Indian immigrant communities, the v a l u e s , g o a l s , and p o s s i b l y , the t r a n s a c t i o n a l modes appear not only to o b t a i n but a l s o to a s s i s t i n the maintenance of community l i f e . Between the immigrants and the non-immigrant p o p u l a t i o n s , the same c u l t u r a l r e f e r e n t s are seen to c r e a t e d i f f i c u l t i e s , s p e c i f i c a l l y with regard to the d e l i v e r y of s o c i a l s e r v i c e s . The Value of Family Honour There i s no dearth of i n f o r m a t i o n on s o c i a l exchange i n Indian c u l t u r e . Most ethnographic accounts, whether they focus on marriage or on c a s t e , on p o l i t i c s or on r e l i g i o n , document exchange as symbolic of and c e n t r a l to the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n v o l v e d . A few s c h o l a r s have suggested South Asian exchange as a phenomenon demanding focus i n and of i t s e l f : I f I were to sum up the core theme of Indian c u l t u r e i n one word, I should choose the word g i v i n g .... G i v i n g as a kind of repeated exchange i s at the center of the n a t u r a l and moral u n i v e r s e ( M c C l e l l a n d , 1975: 134). These s c h o l a r s p o i n t not only to the p e r v a s i v e n e s s but a l s o the complexity of exchange i n I n d i a : South Asian s o c i e t y has developed t r a n s a c t i o n a l t h i n k i n g perhaps f u r t h e r than has any o t h e r . I t e x h i b i t s an e l a b o r a t e t r a n s a c t i o n a l c u l t u r e , c h a r a c t e r i z e d by e x p l i c i t , i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d concern f o r 71 g i v i n g s and r e c e i v i n g s ( M a r r i o t t , 1976: 109) . But exchange, even i f i t c o n s t i t u t e s an ethos i n Indian c u l t u r e , i s not an end i n i t s e l f . I t i s a means to the attainment of v a l u e - r e l a t e d g o a l s . Most f r e q u e n t l y , the l i t e r a t u r e suggests that c o r r e c t form and content i n g i v i n g and r e c e i v i n g serves to f u l f i l l dharma, one's duty a c c o r d i n g to one's s t a t i o n i n l i f e . E s p e c i a l l y f o r Hindus, the f u l f i l l m e n t of dharma r e l a t e s to the value of moksha or r e l e a s e from the c y c l e of l i f e , death, and r e b i r t h . A Hindu who g i v e s and r e c e i v e s a c c o r d i n g to h i s dharma, and who d i e s without debt, may be r e - u n i t e d with the e t e r n a l l i f e - f o r c e , or at l e a s t be reborn to a higher s t a t i o n i n h i s next l i f e ( M c C l e l l a n d , 1975: 135-136). For Sikhs, although they a l s o b e l i e v e i n r e i n c a r n a t i o n and the d e s i r a b i l i t y of moksha, the goal of behaving a c c o r d i n g to one's dharma ( P u n j a b i : dharam) and the decision-making behaviour a s s o c i a t e d with that goal i s more f r e q u e n t l y r e l a t e d i n the l i t e r a t u r e to the value of honour or i z z a t ( a l s o : mann). Honour, d e f i n e d as p o s i t i v e community a p p r a i s a l , may be bestowed by a community on an i n d i v i d u a l , a f a m i l y , or on a group. But most commonly i n p a t r i l i n e a l , a g r a r i a n s o c i e t i e s i t i s the f a m i l y which c o n s t i t u t e s "the bearer of v i r t u e , and of i t s p u b l i c r e f l e c t i o n , r e p u t a t i o n " (Wolf, 1966: 8 ) : Because the f a m i l y i n v o l v e s the "whole" man, p u b l i c e v a l u a t i o n s of a man are u l t i m a t e l y l e d back to c o n s i d e r a t i o n s of h i s f a m i l y . Moreover, any gross infringement of v i r t u e by one of i t s members r e f l e c t s on the amount 72 of v i r t u e h e l d by the o t h e r s . Family honour a f f e c t s i t s members' s o c i a l s t a n d i n g . Members' behaviour a f f e c t s the f a m i l y ' s honour. In the v i l l a g e s of the Punjab, the " f a m i l y " whose honour i s so h i g h l y valued may be conceived of as a s e r i e s of c o n c e n t r i c c i r c l e s based on a g n a t i c k i n s h i p t i e s . An i n d i v i d u a l ' s r e p u t a t i o n accrues f i r s t of a l l to h i s nuclear f a m i l y , secondly to h i s r e s i d e n t i a l household which may be p a t r i l i n e a l l y j o i n t or extended, and t h i r d l y to the head of household's "brotherhood" of a g n a t i c kinsmen, the b a r a d a r i , and t h e i r f a m i l i e s (Hershman, 1981: 94-106). When an i n d i v i d u a l i s exhorted to a l t e r h i s behaviour i n c o n s i d e r a t i o n of f a m i l y i z z a t , i t i s u l t i m a t e l y the honour of the l a r g e r grouping which i s at stake: An i n d i v i d u a l ' s i z z a t i s e s p e c i a l l y v u l n e r a b l e as i t i s c o n s i d e r e d l a r g e l y i n the context of group membership.... One f a m i l y member's behaviour a f f e c t s the whole k i n group (Helweg, 1979: 11,18). In Hindu I n d i a , the c o n c e n t r i c c i r c l e s of nuclear f a m i l y , j o i n t f a m i l y , sub-caste, and c a s t e f u n c t i o n i n a s i m i l a r manner to a r t i c u l a t e standards of behaviour, apply pressure f o r conformity to them, and reap the consequences of i n d i v i d u a l members' compliance or non-compliance. At one time i t may have been the sub-caste whose r o l e was most s i g n i f i c a n t and whose honour most at stake i n r e l a t i o n to i t s members' f u l f i l l m e n t of dharma. In contemporary Hindu I n d i a , the j o i n t f a m i l y appears to have assumed these f u n c t i o n s : 73 The b a s i c r o l e of the j o i n t f a m i l y i s to do honour to i t s h e r i t a g e , improve upon i t i f p o s s i b l e , and enable youth to c a r r y t h i s h e r i t a g e i n t o the next generation (Howard, 1971: 18). As i n Sikh s o c i e t y , the Hindu i n d i v i d u a l ' s p r e s t i g e i s subordinated to that of a group, and h i s behaviour w i l l a f f e c t the honour accorded that group. However, i n d i v i d u a l r e p u t a t i o n i n Hindu s o c i e t y appears to a f f e c t and r e f l e c t a more c o n f i n e d grouping than that of a brotherhood, namely, the j o i n t f a m i l y . In F i j i , the l o c u s of honour i n r u r a l Hindu s o c i e t y i s l e s s c l e a r , and may have s h i f t e d s i n c e the a b o l i t i o n of the indenture system in 1 920. 2 1 A recent study suggests that r e s i d e n t i a l c l u s t e r s of nuclear u n i t s r e l a t e d by k i n s h i p " c o n s t i t u t e the key groupings i n F i j i Indian r u r a l s o c i e t y " (Jayawardena, 1983: 147). Any one such c l u s t e r , termed a "household," ...carves out of r e l a t i o n s between ki n and a f f i n e s a u n i t that can be c a l l e d a f a m i l y : producing the new g e n e r a t i o n , s o c i a l i z i n g them and f o s t e r i n g sentiments of s o l i d a r i t y between c o n c e n t r i c a l l y widening r i n g s of consanguines (Jayawardena, 1983: 178). However, p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a "household" i s v o l u n t a r y . I n d i v i d u a l s or nuclear u n i t s can s h i f t r e s i d e n c e w i t h i n t h e i r consanguineal and a f f i n a l networks to "avoid being enmeshed in a c l u s t e r with d e c l i n i n g r e s o u r c e s , " or, presumably, to terminate a s s o c i a t i o n with a c l u s t e r of q u e s t i o n a b l e honour (Jayawardena, 1983: 148). Once o u t s i d e the r e s i d e n t i a l "household," an i n d i v i d u a l ' s t i e s " d i s s o l v e i n t o k i n s h i p . " H i s behaviour cannot a f f e c t t h e i r i z z a t , nor does the l a t t e r determine h i s 74 r e p u t a t i o n . In sum, the emphasis on f a m i l y honour appears to i n c r e a s e with the s i z e and i m m u t a b i l i t y of the " f a m i l y " whose p r e s t i g e a f f e c t s and i s a f f e c t e d by i t s members, from the c l u s t e r of n u c l e a r u n i t s i n Hindu F i j i , to the j o i n t f a m i l y i n Hindu I n d i a , to the e n t i r e brotherhood in the S i k h Punjab. Co r r e s p o n d i n g l y , the value p l a c e d on p o s i t i v e community a p p r a i s a l of the i n d i v i d u a l , on p e r s o n a l honour per se, appears to decrease with these f a c t o r s . Among Hindus in r u r a l F i j i , i t was the i n d i v i d u a l who s u f f e r e d a l o s s of i z z a t at the time of indenture ( A l i , 1979: 67). Afterwards, as Hindu s o c i e t y r e e s t a b l i s h e d i t s e l f , d i f f e r e n c e s i n p r e s t i g e and r e l a t i v e rank "were as much between  i n d i v i d u a l s " as between other u n i t s (Mayer, 1973: 160, i t a l i c s o r i g i n a l ) . To t h i s day, d e s p i t e the apparent i n c r e a s e i n kinship-based r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n s , a r u r a l F i j i a n Hindu r e l i e s upon h i s " i n d i v i d u a l r e p u t a t i o n ... to c a l l upon f r i e n d s to support him i n time of d i f f i c u l t y " (Brenneis and Padarath, 1979: 5 7 ) . 2 2 In c o n t r a s t , f o r Hindus i n I n d i a , sources of support and o b j e c t s of duty are more l i k e l y to be the f a m i l y than the s e l f . True, a person's i n t e r e s t i n f u l f i l l i n g dharma i n order to a t t a i n moksha suggests at l e a s t a p o t e n t i a l f o r emphasis on i n d i v i d u a l honour as a goal i n i t s e l f (Wood, 1975: 53). But s e c u r i t y i n t h i s l i f e r e q u i r e s the " s u b o r d i n a t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l d e s i r e s to the f a m i l y ' s good" (Howard, 1971: 18): [Members] must understand that m a i n t a i n i n g a s t r o n g f a m i l y means that they themselves w i l l have a secure and d i g n i f i e d l i f e . 75 The nature and a l l o c a t i o n of r o l e s w i t h i n the j o i n t f a m i l y promote such f a m i l i a l l o y a l t i e s : [ T ] r a d i t i o n a l p a t t e r n s of s o c i a l i z a t i o n ... ensured d i f f u s i o n of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and p a r t i a l i n d i v i d u a t i o n i n the i n d i v i d u a l . He t h e r e f o r e tended to r e l y upon norms, r u l e s and c o n s t r a i n t s which were more ag g r e g a t i v e in nature and t h i s r e l i a n c e was p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y v a l i d a t e d by h i s extended f a m i l y , c a s t e , and v i l l a g e r e p u b l i c (Nandy, 1970: 67). In other words, the f a m i l y both f a c i l i t a t e s behaviour conducive to m a i n t a i n i n g i t s honour and r e i n f o r c e s such behaviour. "Personal achievement and i n i t i a t i v e ... are even now p e j o r a t i v e ideas and they have to be s a n c t i f i e d with r e f e r e n c e to p a r t i c u l a r i s t i c group g o a l s " (Nandy, 1970: 68). S i m i l a r l y , d e s p i t e the s t a t e d emphasis i n S i k h r e l i g i o u s d o c t r i n e on an i n d i v i d u a l ' s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r h i s own moksha (James, 1974: 30), S i k h s o c i a l p h ilosophy emphasizes an i n d i v i d u a l ' s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r h i s brotherhood's i z z a t . Among Sikhs, group p r e s t i g e and i n t e r e s t s q u i t e e x p l i c i t l y take precedence over p e r s o n a l p r e s t i g e and i n t e r e s t s (C. B a l l a r d , 1979: 111): One who c l a i m s to be a S i k h c l a i m s a framework w i t h i n which he can be expected to honor general p r a c t i c a l o b l i g a t i o n s and d e f e r i n d i v i d u a l and f a m i l y requirements (Leaf, 1972: 220). In r e t u r n , i t i s to the l a r g e r kin group that "the i n d i v i d u a l looks f o r f i n a n c i a l and p r a c t i c a l help, as w e l l as emotional support i n any c r i s i s " (James, 1974: 17). 76 To summarize, honour, d e f i n e d as p o s i t i v e community a p p r a i s a l , c o n s t i t u t e s a s i g n i f i c a n t value f o r Indian Sikhs, Indian Hindus, and F i j i a n Hindus a l i k e . Each group v a r i e s i n the nature of the locus to which honour accrues, and hence in the degree to which group members pressure one another to achieve and maintain i t . But f o r each group, the value p l a c e d on p o s i t i v e community a p p r a i s a l renders decision-making and r e l a t e d behaviour s u b j e c t to community standards. The Goal of Dharma The community standards r e l e v a n t to the e v a l u a t i o n of f a m i l y honour " i n v a r i a b l y ... r e f e r back to the way i n which people handle t h e i r domestic a f f a i r s " (Wolf, 1966: 8). Both i n h e r i t e d r e p u t a t i o n s and those generated i n the present are based on i n t r a - f a m i l i a l p a t t e r n s of "economic p r o v i s i o n i n g , s o c i a l i z a t i o n , the exchange of sexual s e r v i c e s , [and] the bestowal of a f f e c t " (Wolf, 1966: 7): A r e l a t i o n c o n t i n u e s to e x i s t between the way i n which a f a m i l y c a r r i e s out these multi-purpose f u n c t i o n s and the ways in which i t i s e v a l u a t e d i n the eyes of the l a r g e r community (Wolf, 1966: 8). In making d e c i s i o n s , i t i s i n an i n d i v i d u a l ' s i n t e r e s t to ensure that community standards r e g a r d i n g f a m i l i a l f u n c t i o n s are met. But j u s t as the d e f i n i t i o n s of the " f a m i l y " whose honour i s so h i g h l y valued vary from one group to another, so too do the agreed-upon standards f o r e v a l u a t i n g f a m i l i a l behaviour. P a r t i c u l a r l y i n Indian c u l t u r e , where the o v e r a l l goal of 77 f u l f i l l i n g one's dharma by d e f i n i t i o n c r e a t e s "as many moral codes as appointed s t a t i o n s i n l i f e ... the concept of Tightness and goodness v a r i e [ s ] with c a s t e , occupation, age, and sex r o l e s " (Nandy, 1970: 72). For the Sikhs of India's Punjab, the f u l f i l l m e n t of dharam e n t a i l s s p e c i f i c modes of behaviour r e l a t i n g not only to the i n d i v i d u a l and h i s immediate f a m i l y but a l s o to h i s l a r g e r community: Man's Dharam i s to l i v e i n s o c i e t y , r a i s i n g a f a m i l y , h e l p i n g h i s f e l l o w s , t r y i n g t o f r e e h i m s e l f of i n s t i n c t s of greed, f e a r , anger and so on.... C e r t a i n l y duty to the f a m i l y and community, i n c l u d i n g the maintenance of t h e i r t r a d i t i o n s , i s e s s e n t i a l l y a r e l i g i o u s Dharam (James, 1974: 31 ) . The observance of s o c i a l customs and r e l a t i o n s i s an i n t e g r a l p a r t of dharam, "probably more important than s u b s c r i b i n g to a set of b e l i e f s of a metaphysical kind that we would c a l l ' r e l i g i o n ' " (James, 1974: 24). The emphasis on community-related aspects of dharam i s evidenced by the s p e c i f i c b e h a v i o u r a l goals c o n s i d e r e d conducive to high i z z a t . Helweg i d e n t i f i e s seven such goals (1979: 12-15) which may be summarized as f o l l o w s : 2 3 1. B r o t h e r l y l o v e : deep a f f e c t i o n and l o y a l t y manifested through l e n d i n g money, a i d i n g i n s i c k n e s s , and p r o v i d i n g food and s h e l t e r without e x p e c t a t i o n of r e t u r n . 2. H o s p i t a l i t y : p r o v i s i o n of food and s h e l t e r f o r i n d e f i n i t e p e r i o d s of time without e x p e c t a t i o n of any r e t u r n save a bond of mutual f r i e n d s h i p . 78 3. S e r v i c e to o t h e r s : help or g i f t s f o r i n d i v i d u a l s or the community rendered without e x p e c t a t i o n of r e t u r n . 4. Caste p u r i t y : behaviour devoid of p o l l u t i n g , d e f i l i n g , and immoral consequences. 5. Power: measured by the number of f o l l o w e r s a q u i r e d through the bestowal of goods and favours. 6. Wealth: an end i n i t s e l f , but a l s o a means to power through patronage, or through the a q u i s i t i o n of c o n t a c t s which can b e n e f i t o t h e r s . 7. Landownership: e s s e n t i a l f o r a p e r s o n a l sense of manliness, i t i s a l s o a measure of wealth and hence a means to power. Six out of these seven concepts r e l a t i n g to the e v a l u a t i o n of i z z a t i n S i k h s o c i e t y i n v o l v e g i v i n g of o n e s e l f or one's reso u r c e s . The f i r s t three goals of b r o t h e r l y l o v e , h o s p i t a l i t y , and s e r v i c e to o t h e r s represent standards of e v a l u a t i o n d i r e c t l y p e r t a i n i n g to one's t r a n s a c t i o n s with others i n the community. The l a s t three g o a l s of power, wealth, and landownership may be construed as ends in themselves, but, i f they are to c o n t r i b u t e to the enhancement of f a m i l y honour, they must be employed as a means of g i v i n g to community members. Only c a s t e p u r i t y , "present i n Punjabi l i f e ... i n s p i t e of the Sikh gurus r e j e c t i n g c a s t e " (Helweg, 1979: 13), c o n s t i t u t e s a b e h a v i o u r a l goal u n r e l a t e d to one's p r o p e n s i t y or c a p a c i t y to g i v e . For S i k h s , the maintenance of c a s t e p u r i t y e n t a i l s adherence to c e r t a i n moral codes, in p a r t i c u l a r that of female modesty, and adherence to c e r t a i n r i t u a l p r a c t i c e s , o c c u p a t i o n a l c o n d i t i o n s , and codes of dress and d i e t (James, 1974: 24, 81). 79 Caste p u r i t y a l s o i n f l u e n c e s the d e f i n i t i o n s of endogamy and exogamy when marriages are arranged (H. Singh, 1977). However, i t does not r e s t r i c t other dimensions of i n t e r - c a s t e r e l a t i o n s . Indeed, one c e n t r a l i n s t i t u t i o n of Sikhism, the langar or common k i t c h e n , both in p r i n c i p l e and i n p r a c t i c e r e j e c t s c a s t e as a b a s i s f o r p a t t e r n s of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n (James, 1974: 40; Leaf, 1972: 153; Mukherjee, 1982: 129). Although the b e h a v i o u r a l standards by which i z z a t i s gauged emphasize community o r i e n t a t i o n , they r e f l e c t a brotherhood's handl i n g of i t s i n t e r n a l , domestic a f f a i r s . The attainment of wealth and landownership e s t a b l i s h e s a f a m i l y ' s success i n "economic p r o v i s i o n i n g . " The maintenance of c a s t e p u r i t y and demonstrations of h o s p i t a l i t y i n d i c a t e f a m i l i a l success i n s o c i a l i z i n g the young. And by p r o v i d i n g s e r v i c e to others and by m a n i f e s t i n g b r o t h e r l y love to non-family members, i n d i v i d u a l s are a l s o evaluated f o r t h e i r i n t r a - f a m i l i a l "bestowal of a f f e c t : " The b a s i c element i n S i k h moral t e a c h i n g i s sewa, s e r v i c e done without d e s i r e f o r reward.... In d a i l y l i f e , i t i s the i d e a l of s e l f l e s s s e r v i c e to the community, but above a l l doing one's duty (Dharam) in one's own f a m i l y and immediate c i r c l e " (James, 1974: 46) . A S i k h brotherhood a c q u i r e s honour not only because i t s members c o n t r i b u t e to the community, but a l s o because such c o n t r i b u t i o n s r e f l e c t i n t e r n a l order, l o y a l t y , and good management: S e r v i c e w i t h i n the k i n group i s as important, i f not more so, than s e r v i c e t o . o u t s i d e r s . . . . [C]oncern of consanguines i s 80 very important i n g a i n i n g a high e v a l u a t i o n . I f f a m i l y members are l o y a l and h e l p f u l to one another, they are c o n s i d e r e d an i z z a t w a l i f a m i l y , a f a m i l y with high honour (Helweg, 1979: 18). For Hindus in I n d i a , the c a s t e - p u r i t y aspect of dharma appears more r e l e v a n t to b e h a v i o u r a l standards and goals i n g e n e r a l , and to i n t e r - c a s t e t r a n s a c t i o n s i n p a r t i c u l a r . To r e f l e c t c a s t e s t a t u s and thereby maintain f a m i l y honour, an i n d i v i d u a l should give c e r t a i n commodities to lower c a s t e persons, but r e c e i v e those commodities only from persons of higher c a s t e . Commodities of the same kind .-- s y m b o l i c a l l y , cooked foods -- are both given and r e c e i v e d only between equals. A communal k i t c h e n such as found i n S i k h temples c o u l d not e x i s t among s t r i c t Hindus. Along with exchange i t s e l f , h i e r a r c h y must be c o n s i d e r e d an "immutable" of Hindu c u l t u r e (Galey, 1983: 120; Nandy, 1970: 69). But w i t h i n the c o n f i n e s of the h i e r a r c h i c a l c a s t e s t r u c t u r e , emphasis i s p l a c e d on g i v i n g , an act which earns r e l i g i o u s merit f o r Hindus as i t does f o r Sikhs (Hershman, 1983: 192). A second set of b e h a v i o u r a l standards and goals r e l a t e s not to the Indian Hindu's dharma a c c o r d i n g to c a s t e but to h i s dharma a c c o r d i n g to stage of l i f e and r o l e i n the f a m i l y . For example, i t i s a mother-in-law's duty to i n s t r u c t her son's wife; i t i s a duty of the daughter-in-law to r e c e i v e the advice and to g i v e her husband's mother devoted s e r v i c e , or seva (Vatuk, 1975: 149-155). P o s i t i v e community a p p r a i s a l accrues to the f a m i l y whose members i n t e r a c t with one another, as w e l l as 81 with members of other c a s t e s , a c c o r d i n g to t h e i r dharma. Indeed, with the d e c r e a s i n g relevance of c a s t e and sub-caste as a locu s of honour, i t may w e l l be the dharma p e r t a i n i n g to f a m i l i a l r e l a t i o n s which r e f l e c t s most d i r e c t l y on an i n d i v i d u a l ' s r e p u t a t i o n , and hence on fami l y honour. Among Hindus i n r u r a l F i j i , where the systems of both c a s t e and j o i n t f a m i l y have been h i g h l y transformed, the r e l i g i o u s precept of duty to others appears to have s u r v i v e d i n a d i f f u s e d but no l e s s commanding s t a t e . When asked to i n d i c a t e what b e h a v i o u r a l guidance they d e r i v e from t h e i r r e l i g i o n , Hindu v i l l a g e r s most f r e q u e n t l y i n d i c a t e "the i d e a l of concern f o r o t h e r s " (Wilson, 1979: 98-99). They d e f i n e dharma as the duty "to feed the hungry, to help the b l i n d ... to help those who are in need of your h e l p . " No mention was made of the a t t i t u d e toward r e c e i v i n g , but laudable behaviour i n v o l v e d benevolence: The framework prov i d e s what might be termed s e l f i s h motives f o r being u n s e l f i s h . . . . R e l i g i o n has i n c u l c a t e d the f e e l i n g expressed by some that the very purpose of l i f e i s to be found i n s e r v i c e to o t h e r s . . . . S e l f - i n t e r e s t and the i n t e r e s t of others c o i n c i d e then (Wilson, 1979: 100-101). Within the c l u s t e r s of nuc l e a r f a m i l y u n i t s , the "households," much of the d u t i f u l behaviour between members as i t i s known i n Ind i a may be observed " i n the breach" or acknowledged "as an i d e a l " (David, 1964: 391-393; Mayer, 1973: 165-166). In p a r t i c u l a r , the r o l e of women w i t h i n the household appears l e s s bound by the dharma of s e r v i c e to o t h e r s , although the l i t e r a t u r e d i s a g r e e s somewhat on t h i s p o i n t . 2 " However, the 82 behaviour of women o u t s i d e the f a m i l y c o n s t i t u t e s one of the key sources of honour or dishonour f o r household members. A man's r e p u t a t i o n i s l i n k e d to that of h i s c l o s e female r e l a t i v e s (Brenneis, 1979: 50). As among Punjabi Sikhs, F i j i a n Hindu men r e l y on the c h a s t i t y of t h e i r women for t h e i r own community standing (Brenneis and Padarath, 1979: 57). Desp i t e the obvious d i s s i m i l a r i t i e s , the a s c r i b e d goals of Indian S i k h s , Indian Hindus, and F i j i a n Hindus have i n common s e v e r a l f e a t u r e s . A l l are based on a concept of a s c r i b e d duty, duty which i s determined by one's r e l i g i o n , s o c i a l c a s t e or c l a s s , and p o s i t i o n w i t h i n the f a m i l y u n i t . Secondly, i n each group the f u l f i l l m e n t of t h i s dharam or dharma e n t a i l s adherence to c e r t a i n i n t r a - f a m i l i a l p a t t e r n s of behaviour, and to c e r t a i n p a t t e r n s of i n t e r a c t i o n with the l a r g e r community. F i n a l l y , the a s c r i b e d duty v i s a v i s the l a r g e r community i n each case i n v o l v e s g i v i n g , h e l p i n g , and s e r v i n g without thought of r e t u r n . A member of a Sikh brotherhood, an Indian Hindu j o i n t f a m i l y , or a F i j i a n Hindu household who f u l f i l l s h i s f a m i l i a l and community d u t i e s c o n t r i b u t e s to the honour of the s o c i a l u n i t which i n turn e s t a b l i s h e s h i s own p r e s t i g e . T r a n s a c t i n g Status Given the goal of m a i n t a i n i n g and demonstrating family s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y , i t comes as no s u r p r i s e that s o l u t i o n s to f a m i l y members' problems are sought w i t h i n the f a m i l y . With only one e x c e p t i o n , respondents i n d i c a t e d that i n t h e i r c o u n t r i e s of em i g r a t i o n , r e l a t i v e s would have handled the d i f f i c u l t i e s the 83 respondents are now e x p e r i e n c i n g : In I n d i a , you t e l l your r e l a t i v e s a c c o r d i n g to the f r i e n d s h i p you have [with them]. They w i l l t a l k with your c h i l d r e n , t e l l them to show r e s p e c t , how you are s u f f e r i n g . There i s no d i v o r c e i n the Punjab. Parents thi n k " i t i s our duty to make them r e u n i t e . " Or your b r o t h e r s and s i s t e r s h e l p i f there i s a d i s p u t e . In the e x c e p t i o n a l case, a respondent who f e l t "ashamed" of the way h i s b r o t h e r s t r e a t e d him says he shared h i s problem with f r i e n d s : I got no h e l p from my f a m i l y i n F i j i . But from f r i e n d s , yes. They w i l l g i v e you i d e a s , d i s c u s s t h i n g s when your mind i s not working p r o p e r l y . None of the f o r t y respondents had ever r e c e i v e d c o u n s e l l i n g advice p r i o r to immigration except from r e l a t i v e s or c l o s e f r i e n d s . To i d e n t i f y f a c t o r s r e l e v a n t to h e l p i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s between non-family members, i t i s t h e r e f o r e necessary to e x t r a p o l a t e from the p a t t e r n s of i n t e r a c t i o n p o s i t e d f o r Indian s o c i e t y g e n e r a l l y . F o l l o w i n g the a n a l y s i s done by M a r r i o t t (1976), four i n t e r a c t i v e modes or " t r a n s a c t i o n a l t a c t i c s " o b t a i n : g i v i n g , exchanging, non-exchanging, and r e c e i v i n g . Each of these modes has i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the s t a t u s of the person employing i t , and hence f o r h i s f u l f i l l m e n t of a s c r i b e d goals and the r e a l i z a t i o n of f a m i l y honour. Persons who give stand above those who r e c e i v e i n power and p r e s t i g e ( M a r r i o t t , 1976: 1 1 2 ) . 2 5 In the h i e r a r c h y of the c a s t e 84 system, Brahmins at the apex of the pyramid epitomize the t r a n s a c t i o n a l t a c t i c of bestowing on a l l but r e c e i v i n g from none. They are accorded the highest rank through, among other t h i n g s , " t h e i r great g i f t s to other t e r r e s t r i a l men -- cosmic knowledge ... t e a c h i n g , and a d v i c e " ( M a r r i o t t , 1976: 129). In the h i e r a r c h y of the f a m i l y u n i t , a comparable rank i s h e l d by e l d e r s who, through experience, have a c q u i r e d knowledge which i s "'donated' for s o c i a l purposes" (Wynne, 1980: 57). Persons who u n i l a t e r a l l y bestow money, c l o t h i n g , food or other commodities a l s o rank above those who r e c e i v e them, but f o r present purposes i t i s important to note that p r e s t a t i o n s of knowledge and advice are a s s o c i a t e d with the highest ranking p o s i t i o n s of Indian s o c i e t y : "The person who g i v e s a d v i c e , i n the Indian value system has more power than the one r e c e i v i n g i t " ( M c C l e l l a n d , 1975: 159). From the p e r s p e c t i v e of the g i v e r , power over r e c e i v e r s may be a l e s s important consequence of g i v i n g than the attainment of other g o a l s . Indeed, i t i s necessary "to d i s g u i s e one's a s s e r t i v e powers i n the form of doing good to and f o r o t h e r s " i f p r e s t a t i o n s are to q u a l i f y as t r u l y u n i l a t e r a l and t r u l y s e l f l e s s ( M c C l e l l a n d , 1975: 146-147). Of g r e a t e r s i g n i f i c a n c e to the g i v e r i s the f a c t that g i v i n g serves to f u l f i l l h i s dharma, thus e a r n i n g him r e l i g i o u s merit and p o s i t i v e community a p p r a i s a l . For example: H o s p i t a l i t y i n t h e i r own homes i s regarded by Sikhs as p a r t of t h e i r Dharam or duty.... A l l work ceases, and no e f f o r t i s spared to make [a guest] comfortable — t h i s i s thought to b r i n g great c r e d i t and b l e s s i n g s 85 to the host (James, 1974:40). While the attainment of power over others c o n s t i t u t e s a d i r e c t r e t u r n f o r p r e s t a t i o n s and should be d i s g u i s e d , s o c i a l approval accrues i n d i r e c t l y and does not compromise the g i v e r : Although a J a t does not ask f o r an y t h i n g i n r e t u r n f o r h e l p , i t i s proper f o r him to expect and r e c e i v e r e c o g n i t i o n f o r i t . . . . a humble person serves others and i s p u b l i c l y recognized f o r i t (Helweg, 1979: 16,155). Since community a p p r a i s a l of an i n d i v i d u a l ' s behaviour r e f l e c t s on h i s f a m i l y , the t r a n s a c t i o n a l t a c t i c of g i v i n g without r e c e i v i n g , whether i t r e s u l t s i n power over others or not, c o n t r i b u t e s to the honour of both the r e c e i v e r and h i s f a m i l y . From the p e r s p e c t i v e of the r e c e i v e r , the a l l o c a t i o n of power i m p l i e d by u n i l a t e r a l t r a n s a c t i o n s bears more d i r e c t l y on the f u l f i l l m e n t of dharma and on the maintenance of f a m i l y honour. On the one hand, where d i f f e r e n c e s i n power and p r e s t i g e are a l r e a d y e s t a b l i s h e d , i t may be the r e c e i v e r ' s duty to accept p r e s t a t i o n s , and to acknowledge subordinate s t a t u s through a c t s of s e r v i t u d e , g r a t i t u d e , and deference. Within the c a s t e system, indebtedness of lower c a s t e s to hig h e r c a s t e s i s c o n s i d e r e d i n e v i t a b l e and a p p r o p r i a t e ( M a r r i o t t , 1976: 128). Within the f a m i l y u n i t , members of l e s s e r s t a t u s are expected to r e c e i v e from those of higher s t a t u s . 2 6 J u n i o r females i n p a r t i c u l a r f u l f i l l . their dharma and preserve f a m i l y honour by r e c e i v i n g from, and demonstrating, indebtedness t o , males and s e n i o r females ( M a r r i o t t , 1976: 137). On the other hand, where d i f f e r e n c e s i n power and p r e s t i g e 86 do not a l r e a d y e x i s t , u n i l a t e r a l t r a n s a c t i o n s c r e a t e them. In r e q u e s t i n g or a c c e p t i n g p r e s t a t i o n s , a r e c e i v e r acknowledges the r e l a t i v e s u p e r i o r i t y of the g i v e r , r e g a r d l e s s of h i s s o c i a l l y acknowledged rank: The person who asks f o r h e l p a u t o m a t i c a l l y assumes an i n f e r i o r p o s i t i o n and admits from the o u t s e t : "You are stronger and more powerful than I am, t h e r e f o r e give to me" ( M c C l e l l a n d , 1975: 155). As M a r r i o t t notes (1976: 114), " ' a t t r i b u t i o n a l 1 rankings ... and ' i n t e r a c t i o n a l ' rankings ... thus amount in South A s i a n theory to two aspects of the same t h i n g . " If r e c e i v i n g from a would-be s o c i a l equal or subordinate, r a t h e r than from a s u p e r i o r , i t i s l e s s incumbent upon the r e c e i v e r to acknowledge indebtedness through demonstrations of g r a t i t u d e and d e ference. In such i n s t a n c e s , the very a c t of r e q u e s t i n g or a c c e p t i n g p r e s t a t i o n s " i s i n i t s e l f a s i g n of r e s p e c t " ( M c C l e l l a n d , 1975: 155). N e v e r t h e l e s s , the r e -a l l o c a t i o n of power im p l i e d by u n i l a t e r a l t r a n s a c t i o n s between would-be equals amounts to a v i o l a t i o n of the r e c e i v e r ' s dharma, and hence a t h r e a t to h i s f a m i l y honour. U n l i k e the g i v e r , whose t r a n s a c t i o n a l t a c t i c c o n t r i b u t e s to i z z a t whether or not i t gains him power, the r e c e i v e r i n v i t e s negative community a p p r a i s a l — shame — p r e c i s e l y because he has l o s t power. 2 7 Given the p o s i t i v e consequences of bestowing p r e s t a t i o n s , and the n e g a t i v e i m p l i c a t i o n s of r e c e i v i n g them, a p o t l a t c h - 1 i k e competition i n g i v i n g might be expected. In f a c t , the l i t e r a t u r e does note a c e r t a i n amount of c o m p e t i t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y between 87 Punjabi S i k h brotherhoods, with regard to donations to the temple and other community causes ( c f . R. B a l l a r d , 1979: 154). However, such competition can only r e s u l t i n the a c q u i s i t i o n of i z z a t . No one i n d i v i d u a l or group l o s e s i z z a t because none has r e c e i v e d from another: p r e s t a t i o n s are accepted on behalf of the impersonal, g e n e r a l i z e d community as a whole. Three other f e a t u r e s of Indian c u l t u r e a l s o modify com p e t i t i v e tendencies by not d i s c o u r a g i n g r e c e i v i n g while encouraging g i v i n g . F i r s t of a l l , as noted above, the h i e r a r c h i c a l s t r u c t u r e s of c a s t e and f a m i l y ensure that f o r most d u t i f u l g i v e r s there are d u t i f u l r e c e i v e r s . In a c c e p t i n g p r e s t a t i o n s , subordinates i n c a s t e or f a m i l y rank f u l f i l l t h e i r dharma j u s t as much as do the s u p e r i o r s who bestow them. Secondly, the accruement of honour to s o c i a l groupings rather than to i n d i v i d u a l s f r e e s t r a n s a c t i o n s w i t h i n those groupings from i m p l i c a t i o n s of indebtedness. Members of a Punjabi S i k h brotherhood, an Indian Hindu j o i n t f a m i l y , or a F i j i a n Hindu c l u s t e r of n u c l e a r f a m i l i e s give and r e c e i v e f r e e l y among themselves in what S a h l i n s (1972: 193) would r e f e r to as a system of g e n e r a l i z e d r a t h e r than balanced r e c i p r o c i t y : The more imprecise the r e c i p r o c i t y system, the broader the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s that can be generated to the b e n e f i t of a l l . Presumably, that i s why many p r e - i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s p l a c e such a h i g h premium on honor, l o y a l t y , courage and other evidences of f i d e l i t y w i t h i n t h e i r b a s i c group: the assumption i s that what the members of such groups "owe" one another i s i n c a l c u l a b l e (Wynne, 1980: 41). By engaging f r e e l y i n g e n e r a l i z e d exchange, members of the u n i t s 88 to which honour accrues not only f a c i l i t a t e the attainment of common goals — s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y and s e r v i c e to o u t s i d e r s — but a l s o earn p o s i t i v e community a p p r a i s a l f o r t h e i r l o y a l t y and g e n e r o s i t y to one another. F i n a l l y , among s o c i a l equals o u t s i d e of f a m i l y groupings, c o m p e t i t i o n in g i v i n g i s c o n t r o l l e d and r e c e i v i n g i s rendered non-stigmatic through the employment of M a r r i o t t ' s t h i r d t r a n s a c t i o n a l t a c t i c , t h a t of exchange. Persons who c o n s i d e r themselves s o c i a l equals and who can a f f o r d to g i v e equal p r e s t a t i o n s r e c e i v e from one another without a l t e r i n g t h e i r r e l a t i v e p r e s t i g e or power. The a b s o l u t e power of both p a r t i e s may i n f a c t i n c r e a s e , s i n c e such mutual exchange r e l a t i o n s h i p s c o n s t i t u t e the bases f o r a l l i a n c e s and f r i e n d s h i p s . M a r r i o t t suggests (1976: 125) that the t r a n s a c t i o n a l t a c t i c of symmetrical exchange c h a r a c t e r i z e s the K s h a t r i y a or w a r r i o r c a s t e s of Indian s o c i e t y -- c a s t e s with which the m a j o r i t y of the Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s i n t e r v i e w e d a s s o c i a t e themselves. By maximizing the s i z e and number of t h e i r exchange r e l a t i o n s h i p s , s o c i a l groupings b u i l d powerful p o l i t i c a l a l l i a n c e s (Leaf, 1972: 109). At the i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l , repeated a c t s of mutual g i v i n g and r e c e i v i n g c r e a t e f a s t f r i e n d s h i p s (Helweg, 1979: 12). In an a n a l y s i s of a f o l k t a l e f e a t u r i n g North Indian K s h a t r i y a s , Todorov concludes (1983: 48-51): " A f f e c t i v e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n r e p l a c e s the t r a n s f e r of goods..... f r i e n d s h i p , f o r example, i s the best c r e d i t . " Once an exchange r e l a t i o n s h i p has been i n i t i a t e d , c o n s i d e r a b l e pressures e x i s t to maintain i t . R e f u s a l to accept a 89 p r e s t a t i o n ' would terminate the a l l i a n c e or f r i e n d s h i p and might shame or anger the g i v e r (Hershman, 1981: 204). F a i l u r e to r e t u r n a p r e s t a t i o n would a l s o d i s r u p t r e l a t i o n s and shame the r e c e i v e r . As one s o c i a l s e r v i c e agent, a P u n j a b i , put i t : Once the c y c l e of r e c i p r o c i t y i s broken, the person gets condemned, d e s p i s e d . He i s . r e a l l y excommunicated. Since shame, l i k e honour, accrues to the f a m i l y grouping, pressure to maintain approved exchange r e l a t i o n s h i p s and m a t e r i a l support f a c i l i t a t i n g t h e i r maintenance come from the f a m i l y grouping as a whole. In sum, the h i e r a r c h i c a l nature of c a s t e and f a m i l y , the f a m i l i a l l o c u s of i z z a t , and the b e n e f i t s obtained through mutual exchange modify most tendencies toward c o m p e t i t i v e g i v i n g . G i v i n g i s encouraged and rewarded, but r e c e i v i n g — from a s c r i b e d s u p e r i o r s , from members of one's own f a m i l y grouping, or from s o c i a l equals who accept r e t u r n p r e s t a t i o n s -- i s not d i s c o u r a g e d or punished. Rather, i t c o n t r i b u t e s to the f u l f i l l m e n t of dharma, and hence to the maintenance of f a m i l y honour. However, r e c e i v i n g between persons who c o n s i d e r themselves s u p e r i o r to each other, or between acknowledged equals who cannot a f f o r d equal p r e s t a t i o n s , v i o l a t e s dharma and t h r e a t e n s f a m i l y p r e s t i g e . As Todorov notes (1983: 65): [W]hereas maximum i n e q u a l i t y seems to guarantee an harmonious conducting of t r a n s a c t i o n s , near e q u a l i t y of s t a t u s combined with great m a t e r i a l d i s c r e p a n c y leads to power s t r u g g l e s . . . . 90 Thus, where p a r t i e s r i v a l one another for s t a t u s , n e i t h e r w i l l r e c e i v e from the other, so n e i t h e r g i v e s to the other. S i m i l a r l y , i f an i n d i v i d u a l p e r c e i v e s the e q u a l i t y of another's s t a t u s , but cannot r e c i p r o c a t e the other's p r e s t a t i o n s , he w i l l d e c l i n e to accept them. Both s i t u a t i o n s r e s u l t i n M a r r i o t t ' s f o u r t h t r a n s a c t i o n a l t a c t i c , that of non-exchange. The employment of non-exchange as a mode of t r a n s a c t i o n i s i n f l u e n c e d by the same f e a t u r e s of Indian c u l t u r e which render r e c e i v i n g an a c c e p t a b l e t a c t i c . The h i e r a r c h i c a l s t r u c t u r e of s o c i e t y o b l i g e s c l o s e l y ranked i n d i v i d u a l s and groups to decide whether to r e c e i v e from one another or not. At times, as noted above, b e n e f i t s may be gained through the acknowledgement of e q u a l i t y and the i n i t i a t i o n of exchange r e l a t i o n s h i p s . But i f g r e a t e r b e n e f i t s are thought to accrue from a c l a i m to s u p e r i o r rank, non-exchange r e s u l t s . Instead of a c o m p e t i t i o n i n g i v i n g , there i s a c o m p e t i t i o n i n not r e c e i v i n g . Even c o n v e r s a t i o n with r i v a l s , s i n c e i t means l i s t e n i n g to them, i s avoided, because i t b r i n g s one "down to the common l e v e l " ( M a r r i o t t , 1976: 132). S i m i l a r l y , the a c c r u i n g of honour to the f a m i l y grouping and the n e c e s s i t y of r e c i p r o c a t i n g p r e s t a t i o n s to maintain that honour not only r e s u l t i n f a m i l i a l support fo r exchange r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Where resources are s c a r c e , they may a l s o l e a d to d e c i s i o n s not to exchange: The h e l p needed by any one household can be p r o v i d e d by a few other households, and a l a r g e number of f r i e n d s i s , i n a sense, l e s s u s e f u l than a few f r i e n d s (Leaf, 1972: 77). Rather than r i s k t h e i r m a t e r i a l w e l l - b e i n g by having to make 91 r e t u r n p r e s t a t i o n s , or t h e i r s o c i a l s t a t u s by not making them, f a m i l i e s r e l y on t h e i r own r e s o u r c e s . A f t e r a l l , g i v i n g o u t s i d e the f a m i l y i s s i g n i f i c a n t p r i m a r i l y as an i n d i c a t i o n of success w i t h i n the f a m i l y . S e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y more than e x t e r n a l exchange or g i v i n g i s the cornerstone of f a m i l y honour. To summarize, each of the four t r a n s a c t i o n a l t a c t i c s i d e n t i f i e d f o r Indian c u l t u r e has i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the r e l a t i v e s t a t u s of the person employing i t . M a r r i o t t i l l u s t r a t e s t h i s p o i n t s u c c i n c t l y (1976: 133) with o b s e r v a t i o n s from North I n d i a : Feast encounters ... y i e l d ranked c a t e g o r i z a t i o n s of the a c t o r s as " r e f i n e d men" (those who are feeders but not f e d ) , "men" (those who are sometimes feed e r s , sometimes f e d ) , " t h e i r own men" ( n e i t h e r feeders nor f e d ) , and "dogs" ( f e d , but not f e e d e r s ) . Conversely, the r e l a t i v e s t a t u s of a person determines i n l a r g e measure the t r a n s a c t i o n a l t a c t i c he w i l l employ i n a p a r t i c u l a r s i t u a t i o n : g i v i n g to s u b o r d i n a t e s , r e c e i v i n g from s u p e r i o r s , exchanging with equals, and r e f r a i n i n g from exchange with r i v a l s . In other words, the t a c t i c employed a f f e c t s the a c t o r ' s s t a t u s , and the a c t o r ' s s t a t u s i n f l u e n c e s h i s mode of t r a n s a c t i o n : "Actors and t h e i r i n t e r a c t i o n s are never to be separated from each other, they change to g e t h e r " ( M a r r i o t t , 1976: 112). Exchange i n the Immigrant Context S t u d i e s of Indian immigrant communities do not focus on s o c i a l exchange as a c e n t r a l c u l t u r a l theme to the extent that 92 s t u d i e s of Indian s o c i e t y do. But the c u l t u r a l r e f e r e n t s of exchange p o s i t e d f o r the regions of em i g r a t i o n do appear r e l e v a n t to the immigrant context. Both p u b l i s h e d accounts of overseas communities and data generated f o r the present t h e s i s suggest at l e a s t an i n f l u e n c e on exchange behaviour of the value of f a m i l y honour, the goal of f u l f i l l i n g a s c r i b e d d u t i e s , and the s t a t u s i m p l i c a t i o n s of the four t r a n s a c t i o n a l modes. Most n o t i c e a b l y , the value of fa m i l y honour as ap p r a i s e d by the community appears a l i v e and w e l l i n the immigrant context, p a r t i c u l a r l y among Punjabi S i k h s : [T]hose who have gone overseas a r e very much conscious of the bonds of duty and a f f e c t i o n w i t h i n the f a m i l y . . . . [They] are s u b j e c t to pressure from t h e i r own e l d e r s , and f e a r f o r the good name of t h e i r f a m i l y (James, 1974: 15,18). The community which a p p r a i s e s a f a m i l y ' s r e p u t a t i o n c o n s i s t s of f e l l o w immigrants and of f e l l o w v i l l a g e r s s t i l l r e s i d e n t i n the Punjab. Yet concern with f a m i l y honour a l s o i n f l u e n c e s i n t e r a c t i o n with n a t i v e s of the country of immigration: The c u l t u r a l n o t i o n of honour or i z z a t , along with r e l a t e d concepts, g r e a t l y c o l o u r s the Punjabi migrant's a t t i t u d e s and p e r c e p t i o n s of h i s experience i n England.... I z z a t i s so entrenched i n Sikh J a t c u l t u r e that an a p p r e c i a t i o n of i t can be p r o j e c t e d on to o u t s i d e r s (Helweg, 1979: 10-11). Although my i n t e r v i e w s with Punjabi S i k h s focused on t r a n s a c t i o n s between them and Euro-Canadians, r e f e r e n c e s to f a m i l y r e p u t a t i o n c o n s t i t u t e d a r e c u r r i n g theme. Interviews with non-Punjabi Indian Hindus and with F i j i a n 93 Hindus a l s o c o n t a i n e d r e f e r e n c e s to p r i d e or honour, but almost i n e v i t a b l y i t was p e r s o n a l p r i d e or the honour of a married couple that was i n d i c a t e d . S e v e r a l f a c t o r s probably c o n t r i b u t e to t h i s c o n t r a s t with Punjabi S i k h s . F i r s t of a l l , as d e s c r i b e d above, a l r e a d y i n the regions of emigration the l o c i to which honour accrues are more c o n f i n e d f o r Hindus than for S i k h s . Secondly, at l e a s t i n Vancouver, immigrant Hindus have not e s t a b l i s h e d i n t e g r a t e d communities to the extent that Sikhs have (Wood, 1980: 277; but see a l s o Dusenbery, 1981). F i j i a n Hindus base t h e i r i n t e r p e r s o n a l networks on a s e l e c t i o n of r e l a t i v e s , "not a s l a v i s h maintenance of k i n t i e s " (Buchignani, 1983: 83). F i n a l l y , the ab s o l u t e s i z e of Vancouver's Hindu communities i s r e l a t i v e l y s m a l l . 2 8 H i s t o r i c a l a n a l y ses of overseas Sikhs i n d i c a t e t h at i t was only with s i g n i f i c a n t numbers of immigrants that " f a m i l y honour became a concern, even o b s e s s i o n , r e p l a c i n g a more l a i s s e z - f a i r e a t t i t u d e " (LaBrack, 1983: 228; see a l s o Helweg, 1979: 56-58). Whether p e r s o n a l honour or the honour of a f a m i l y grouping i s at stake, the a s c r i b e d goals r e l e v a n t to a t t a i n i n g honour i n the immigrant context appear d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to those p o s i t e d in the r e g i o n s of e m i g r a t i o n . In p a r t i c u l a r , s c h o l a r s note the extent to which the goals of landownership, c a s t e p u r i t y , and s e r v i c e to o t h e r s o r i e n t exchange r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h i n overseas Indian communities. These same goals a l s o have i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the way i n which overseas Indians i n t e r a c t with non-immigrants in the c o u n t r i e s of immigration. The d e s i r e to own p r o p e r t y c o n s t i t u t e s "the fundamental 94 m a t e r i a l o b j e c t i v e " of F i j i a n Hindus and Indian Sikhs a l i k e (Buchignani, 1983: 77): Owning a home means s e c u r i t y and symbolizes p r o s p e r i t y and the s t a b l e f a m i l y . I t i s a l s o important as a s t a t u s marker. Indeed, c o o p e r a t i v e e f f o r t s to o b t a i n land may c h a r a c t e r i z e Indian immigrant behaviour when the goal of c a s t e p u r i t y , even at the time of marriage, i s ignored ( c f . LaBrack, 1983; Leonard, 1981). To non-immigrant Canadians, "East Indians seem f a r more eager to buy p r o p e r t y than they themselves are" (Mayer, 1959: 25), a p e r c e p t i o n which c o n s t i t u t e s a main source of negative f e e l i n g towards Indo-Canadians i n general (Buchignani, 1980b: 83). The p r i o r i t y accorded landownership may a l s o perplex and f r u s t r a t e s o c i a l s e r v i c e agents who f e e l p r i o r i t y should go to an improved standard of l i v i n g , a l b e i t i n rented accommodation ( T r i s e l i o t i s , 1972:10). For the present t h e s i s , however, the primary s i g n i f i c a n c e of the goal of landownership l i e s i n i t s s y m b o l i z a t i o n of the s t a b l e , s u f f i c i e n t f a m i l y . The goal of c a s t e p u r i t y appears more r e l e v a n t to S i k h immigrants than to Hindus, e s p e c i a l l y F i j i a n Hindus. As i n d i c a t e d with r e f e r e n c e to the value of f a m i l y honour, the d i f f e r e n c e may be due to the f a c t that the Hindu communities in Vancouver are s m a l l e r and l e s s i n t e g r a t e d : Sikh a t t e n t i o n to codes of d r e s s , d i e t , and r i t u a l behaviour tend to i n c r e a s e with i n c r e a s e s i n m i g r a t i o n . In a d d i t i o n , i t i s argued by s c h o l a r s and by some s o c i a l s e r v i c e agents that F i j i a n and Indian Hindus possess a more cosmopolitan outlook. They appear "pre-adapted" 95 to Canadian values and p r a c t i c e s , and more a c c e p t i n g of them (Buchignani, 1980b: 90; 1983: 73). Ne v e r t h e l e s s , adherence to moral codes, i n p a r t i c u l a r those p e r t a i n i n g to the r o l e and p o s i t i o n of female f a m i l y members, sets both Sikhs and Hindus apart from the bulk of Canadian s o c i e t y . Interviewed agents p r o v i d i n g s o c i a l , h e a l t h , and e d u c a t i o n a l c o u n s e l l i n g a l l d e s c r i b e problems which they p e r c e i v e the Indian a t t i t u d e towards women poses f o r themselves as agents and f o r t h e i r female c l i e n t s . The " s e r v i c e to o t h e r s " noted f o r immigrant Indian communities i n c l u d e s h o s p i t a l i t y to recent a r r i v a l s . New immigrants from F i j i , Punjab State and elsewhere i n Ind i a o f t e n stay with r e l a t i v e s or f r i e n d s f o r extended p e r i o d s of time (Buchignani, 1983: 74; Helweg, 1979: 12). Of the 40 immigrants in the present study, 26 (65%) l i v e d with k i n or f i c t i v e k i n upon a r r i v a l f o r between s i x weeks and two y e a r s . Only one, a F i j i a n Hindu, p a i d cash f o r room and board, although others presented g i f t s to t h e i r hosts and/or purchased food f o r common consumption. A l l of the remaining 14 respondents rented t h e i r i n i t i a l accommodation "from f r i e n d s , " e i t h e r through d i r e c t p r e v i o u s arrangement or i n d i r e c t l y through r e l a t i v e s . F a c i l i t a t i n g employment, guaranteeing loan's, and o r i e n t i n g newcomers g e n e r a l l y to the country of immigration c o n s t i t u t e other important forms of s e r v i c e to others (Buchignani, 1980a: 134; Helweg,1979: 59-61). Of the 47 jobs h e l d by the respondents s i n c e t h e i r a r r i v a l i n Canada, 28 (60%) were obtained through f e l l o w countrymen. A l l but two f a m i l y d o c t o r s were s e l e c t e d on 96 the b a s i s of recommendations from Indo-Canadian f r i e n d s , although the do c t o r s themselves tended to be Chinese or Euro-Canadian. Information on medical insurance, f a m i l y allowance, r e g i s t r a t i o n f o r s c h o o l , and so f o r t h , even when r e c e i v e d i n w r i t t e n form at the time of immigration, was acted upon under i n s t r u c t i o n from r e l a t i v e s and f r i e n d s . Since a l l but one of the immigrants were sponsored by r e l a t i v e s , i t cannot be suggested that t h e i r b e n e f a c t o r s are motivated by the goal of s e r v i c e to others r a t h e r than by t h e i r commitment to the Canadian government's terms of sponsorship. C l e a r l y , however, the immigrants r e c e i v i n g the h e l p c o n s i d e r i t to f u l f i l l a s c r i b e d goals r e c o g n i z e d i n the regions of e m i g r a t i o n . A s s i s t a n c e from r e l a t i v e s demonstrates devoted s e r v i c e or seva w i t h i n the f a m i l y : My husband's f a t h e r ' s brother met us at the a i r p o r t and took us to h i s house....He took my husband to the Manpower o f f i c e . . . . T h i s i s our way. In the Punjab, f a m i l i e s do e v e r y t h i n g f o r each o t h e r . A s s i s t a n c e from f r i e n d s demonstrates b r o t h e r l y l o v e and seva to o t h e r s . I t q u i t e o f t e n leads to k i n - l i k e t i e s , or at l e a s t to k i n s h i p terms of r e f e r e n c e : One fa m i l y from the same v i l l a g e as my husband saw to a l l our needs. A f t e r them the r e was nobody. They are our f a m i l y here. F i n a l l y , the s e r v i c e s of persons u n r e l a t e d by k i n s h i p or f r i e n d s h i p r e c e i v e p a r t i c u l a r g r a t i t u d e and p u b l i c acknowledgement ( c f . Helweg, 1979: 60-61). The o l d S i k h lady who 97 b e f r i e n d e d a d e s e r t e d G u j a r a t i b r i d e , and the F i j i a n Hindu youth who found employment f o r h i s Sikh neighbor from C a l c u t t a are openly p r a i s e d f o r having provided t r u l y s e l f l e s s seva. One repeatedly-mentioned Sik h man who "helps anyone and everyone who needs h e l p " holds an e l e c t e d p o s i t i o n i n a Sikh temple a s s o c i a t i o n . Other i n d i v i d u a l s who a l s o a s s i s t newcomers but who ask m a t e r i a l remuneration f o r t h e i r s e r v i c e s are not c o n s i d e r e d to demonstrate true s e r v i c e to others (Helweg, 1979:77-78): Indian l a n d l o r d s and ' j o b - f i x e r s ' were in a p o s i t i o n to e x t r a c t a l o t of money from [recent immigrants], though the e t h i c s of the v i l l a g e - f a m i l y system made those who d i d t h i s s o c i a l o u t c a s t e s i n the end (James, 1974: 11). However, response to remunerated s e r v i c e v a r i e s . Labour c o n t r a c t o r s u n r e l a t e d to the respondents by k i n s h i p or v i l l a g e t i e s are not condemned, although i t i s known that they take c u t s from the wages earned and/or charge high fees f o r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n to j o b - s i t e s . "This i s t h e i r b u s i n e s s , " " They want to make a p r o f i t so they do t h i s " (see a l s o Helweg, 1979: 42-43). But a r e l a t i v e or f e l l o w v i l l a g e r who p r o f i t s from s i m i l a r s e r v i c e s "has no p r i d e . He does not care f o r o t h e r s , what they t h i n k " : My husband's c o u s i n - b r o t h e r helped with my I.C.B.C. c l a i m . But we should [e.g. were expected to] give him such b i g d i n n e r s , so many b o t t l e s of Black L a b e l . I t was t e r r i b l e . How can he do that? He i s our b r o t h e r . Just as e x p r e s s i o n s of a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r f r e e s e r v i c e s i n c r e a s e 98 with the s o c i a l d i s t a n c e between helper and helped, e x p r e s s i o n s of scorn f o r p a i d s e r v i c e s i n c r e a s e with s o c i a l p r o x i m i t y . 2 9 To Euro-Canadians, however, e x p l o i t a t i o n w i t h i n the immigrant communities i s abhorrent r e g a r d l e s s of the s o c i a l d i s t a n c e i n v o l v e d (Buchignani, 1980b: 83). In f u l f i l l i n g the a s c r i b e d goals of fami l y s u f f i c i e n c y , c a s t e p u r i t y , and s e r v i c e to o t h e r s , immigrant Indians u t i l i z e one or more of the t r a n s a c t i o n a l modes p o s i t e d f o r t h e i r regions of e m i g r a t i o n . They g i v e , r e c e i v e , exchange and/or decide not to exchange i n t h e i r e f f o r t s to maintain or enhance f a m i l y honour. However, i n f o r m a t i o n concerning the s o c i a l i m p l i c a t i o n s of each mode i n the immigrant context has yet to be s y s t e m a t i c a l l y o b t a i n e d . Judging from the data on s e r v i c e to ot h e r s , g i v i n g appears to r e s u l t i n i n c r e a s e d honour and s t a t u s . But i t i s not c l e a r whether r e c e i v i n g h e l p from f e l l o w countrymen r e s u l t s i n a l o s s of s t a t u s . 3 0 C o l l a b o r a t i v e e f f o r t s to a c q u i r e land i n d i c a t e the u t i l i z a t i o n of exchange t a c t i c s among s o c i a l e q uals, but l e s s i s known about the employment of non-exchange between r i v a l s f o r s t a t u s . The a p p l i c a t i o n of M a r r i o t t ' s model of s o c i a l exchange to the Indian immigrant context would, I b e l i e v e , p r o v i d e answers to many qu e s t i o n s r a i s e d by the l i t e r a t u r e p r e s e n t l y a v a i l a b l e . To summarize, the c u l t u r a l r e f e r e n t s of s o c i a l exchange p o s i t e d f o r the regions of emigration appear r e l e v a n t to exchange behaviour w i t h i n the communities of immigration. Some r e f e r e n t s r e c e i v e g r e a t e r n o t i c e from s c h o l a r s than o t h e r s . S o c i a l i m p l i c a t i o n s of the v a r i o u s t r a n s a c t i o n a l modes remain, 99 for the most p a r t , r e l a t i v e unknowns. Perhaps, as i n I n d i a , they are a l l but sub-conscious i n f l u e n c e s on t r a n s a c t o r s , blending as they do with e x p l i c i t awareness of a s c r i b e d d u t i e s and hence with concern f o r f a m i l y honour. The value of f a m i l y honour and the goals of f a m i l y s u f f i c i e n c y , c a s t e p u r i t y , and s e r v i c e to others are comparatively w e l l documented. Immigrants themselves r e a d i l y a r t i c u l a t e them, and non-immigrants i d e n t i f y them f o r the ways in which they c o n t r a s t with t h e i r own values and g o a l s , and f o r the problems which the c o n t r a s t s p r e s e n t . The q u e s t i o n remains as to whether the " s o c i a l i m p l i c a t i o n s of the t r a n s a c t i o n a l modes, however s u b t l e they may be, might not a l s o pose problems f o r i n t e r c u l t u r a l exchange. Non-Exchange with Canadian S o c i a l S e r v i c e s Data o b t a i n e d f o r the present t h e s i s i n d i c a t e that at l e a s t in t h e i r d e a l i n g s with s o c i a l s e r v i c e agents, Indo-Canadian immigrants are indeed i n f l u e n c e d by the s o c i a l i m p l i c a t i o n s of the a l t e r n a t i v e t r a n s a c t i o n a l modes, as w e l l as by the goals and values c h a r a c t e r i z i n g the Indian model of s o c i a l exchange. In Part Two, the i m p l i c a t i o n s of g i v i n g , r e c e i v i n g , and exchanging are examined i n r e l a t i o n to the p a t t e r n s of a g e n t - c l i e n t i n t e r a c t i o n i d e n t i f i e d . The i m p l i c a t i o n s of not exchanging of course l e a d to a l a c k of i n t e r a c t i o n , and as such might appear to warrant l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n here. But the p a t t e r n of s e r v i c e n o n - u t i l i z a t i o n , as i t i s known i n the s o c i a l s e r v i c e l i t e r a t u r e , e x e m p l i f i e s the e f f e c t s of the c u l t u r a l r e f e r e n t s of 100 exchange, and foreshadows some of the main f a c t o r s i n v o l v e d in p a t t e r n s of u t i l i z a t i o n . Much of the l i t e r a t u r e p e r t a i n i n g to s e r v i c e non-u t i l i z a t i o n by immigrants notes how a l i e n the concept and s t r u c t u r e of s o c i a l s e r v i c e s can be to newcomers (Ferguson, 1964: 100; Selyan, 1978: 3; T r i s e l i o t i s , 1972: 6). For a person accustomed to seeking h e l p v i a e s t a b l i s h e d personal r e l a t i o n s h i p s , the very idea of a p r o f e s s i o n a l h e l p i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p may simply be too f o r e i g n to e n t e r t a i n . Furthermore, immigrants who lack the language and other communication s k i l l s may get l o s t i n the maze of r e f e r r a l s and c o u n t e r - r e f e r r a l s , a p p l i c a t i o n forms, and appointment procedures. Newcomers from s o c i o - e c o n o m i c a l l y d i s t i n c t backgrounds are l i k e l y to f e e l p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t i m i d a t e d : I t i s d i f f i c u l t f o r Canadians brought up i n an urban s o c i e t y to understand the shyness and the f e e l i n g s of i n f e r i o r i t y with which [ r u r a l immigrants] approach even a minor c l e r k (Ferguson, 1964: 100). C e r t a i n l y l a c k of f a m i l i a r i t y with the context of s e r v i c e s must account f o r some n o n - u t i l i z a t i o n of those s e r v i c e s by new Canadians. However, the i n t e r v i e w s with Indo-Canadians of the present study r e v e a l few examples where shyness, c o n f u s i o n , or language b a r r i e r s r e s t r i c t e d immigrants from a v a i l i n g themselves of s e r v i c e s . 3 1 Instead, r e f e r e n c e s to the r o l e of the f a m i l y i n n o n - u t i l i z a t i o n p r e v a i l : how the f a m i l y prevents problems from a r i s i n g i n the f i r s t p l a c e , how the f a m i l y r e s o l v e s problems 1 0 1 which do a r i s e , and how the f a m i l y d i s c o u r a g e s the use of o u t s i d e h e l p even f o r problems which i t cannot r e s o l v e . U n d e r l y i n g each of these r o l e s i s an o r i e n t a t i o n toward the a s c r i b e d goals which, i f met, demonstrate the h o n o u r a b i l i t y of the f a m i l y u n i t . S t u d i e s of North American s e r v i c e u t i l i z a t i o n p a t t e r n s i n d i c a t e that a c l o s e - k n i t f a m i l y , an a c t i v e l y connected extended network, and a sense of community d i m i n i s h the need f o r s o c i a l s e r v i c e s ( c f . P a t t i s o n , 1977). For Vancouver's Indo-Canadians, these f a c t o r s appear p a r t i c u l a r l y r e l e v a n t . For example, a m a j o r i t y of immigrant respondents care f o r an aged r e l a t i v e or have done so r e c e n t l y , i n some cases u n t i l the death of the r e l a t i v e . None has a parent l i v i n g alone, e i t h e r here or abroad: "This i s not our way, we must look a f t e r them." P u b l i c h e a l t h workers and Homemakers b e l i e v e that t h e i r case loads of Indo-Canadian e l d e r l y are d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y l i g h t : East Indian f a m i l i e s are much more su p p o r t i v e of o l d people. Old age i s venerated so we don't get many requests [ f o r s e r v i c e ] . S i m i l a r l y , the e x t e n s i v e involvement of Indo-Canadian mothers with t h e i r young c h i l d r e n i s thought by some to d i m i n i s h the need f o r s e r v i c e s to that age group: I t i s n ' t the East Indian kids who are mal a j u s t e d . They get what i t takes at home. The problem j u s t i s n ' t there the way i t i s f o r whites. For the mothers themselves, at l e a s t one post-partum c o u n s e l l o r 102 f e e l s that the Indian f a m i l y system o b v i a t e s the need f o r her s e r v i c e s : East Indian mums have such a l o t of h e l p . They have such l a r g e extended f a m i l i e s . I don't need to worry so much about them. As i l l u s t r a t e d i n Part Two, exceptions to a l l these examples e x i s t and may r e s u l t i n s e r v i c e u t i l i z a t i o n . But the b e l i e f i s t h e r e , among immigrants and agents a l i k e , that many of the problems c h a r a c t e r i z i n g l e s s c l o s e - k n i t and l e s s extended f a m i l i e s do not occur as f r e q u e n t l y w i t h i n Indo-Canadian f a m i l i e s . When problems do a r i s e , the c o n c e n t r i c c i r c l e s of f a m i l y and f r i e n d s become i n v o l v e d i n t h e i r r e s o l u t i o n , s t a r t i n g with the inner-most grouping of r e s i d e n t k i n . Minor t r o u b l e s are p e r c e i v e d to c o n s t i t u t e a n a t u r a l p a r t of f a m i l y l i f e , and the f a m i l y j u s t as n a t u r a l l y d e a l s with them. As one Indo-Canadian agent put i t : Family problems are important f o r East Indian l a d i e s . They spend a l o t of time t a l k i n g about them. I t ' s a Western p o i n t of view to go to an agency with a problem to " s o l v e " i t . In I n d i a , everyone has problems and t h a t ' s what you dwell on. E x t r a - o r d i n a r y t r o u b l e s o f t e n r e q u i r e h e l p from g r e a t e r g e n e a l o g i c a l and g e o g r a p h i c a l d i s t a n c e s , but i t i s s t i l l the "duty" of f a m i l y and c l o s e f r i e n d s to a s s i s t those i n need: Two years ago I had open-heart surgery. I was very weak. They s a i d they would send one lady to h e l p me i n the house. But we had a l r e a d y c a l l e d [e.g. i n v i t e d ] my husband's 1 03 c o u s i n - b r o t h e r ' s wife from G u j a r a t . She d i d a l l the necessary. Some s c h o l a r s suggest that i t i s the a l i e n nature of s e r v i c e agencies which throws immigrants back onto t h e i r own res o u r c e s : Because of these d i f f i c u l t i e s , immigrants come to r e l y h e a v i l y on r e l a t i v e s and f r i e n d s f o r adv i c e , as w e l l as sometimes depending on the s e r v i c e s of unscrupulous f e l l o w countrymen ( T r i s e l i o t i s , 1972: 6). But judging from the examples given by the respondents of the present study, n o n - u t i l i z a t i o n more o f t e n appears a t t r i b u t a b l e to the general b e l i e f that f a m i l y and f r i e n d s can, should, and w i l l r e s o l v e problems which a r i s e . As one young woman s a i d , When my husband deser t e d me, I d i d n ' t think of going to an agency. Since I was new to t h i s country I would n a t u r a l l y r e l y on people I know, ra t h e r than go to unknown people. In other words, even before they f i n d the s e r v i c e s i n t i m i d a t i n g , immigrants turn to customary, f a m i l i a r sources of h e l p . When f a m i l y members do not r e s o l v e a problem to the s a t i s f a c t i o n of the i n d i v i d u a l concerned, they may a c t i v e l y discourage the i n d i v i d u a l from using o u t s i d e sources of h e l p . 3 2 My husband was be a t i n g me too much [ i . e . a l o t ] . His younger brother t o l d him "Stop i t ; she has done nothing." When i t got too much for me I wanted to go to [a f a m i l y c r i s i s worker]. But he [HuYoBro] d i d not l i k e t h i s . He s a i d "When I can he l p , why go o u t s i d e ? " 1 0 4 A c c e p t i n g h e l p from s o c i a l s e r v i c e agents c o n s t i t u t e s an admission of f a i l u r e to meet a s c r i b e d f a m i l i a l g o a l s . 3 3 Depending on the nature of the s e r v i c e , i t s u t i l i z a t i o n r e f l e c t s on the f a m i l y ' s a b i l i t y to pr o v i d e f o r i t s e l f e c o n o m i c a l l y , to s o c i a l i z e i t s young, and/or to manage the "bestowal of a f f e c t " among i t s members. An admission of f a i l u r e i n any one of these areas j e o p a r d i z e s the honour of the f a m i l y u n i t . With regard to the acceptance of s e r v i c e s i n v o l v i n g f i n a n c i a l income, Indo-Canadians c l e a r l y d i s t i n g u i s h between those s e r v i c e s which imply economic i n s u f f i c i e n c y and those which enhance f a m i l y f i n a n c e s without compromising the r e c i p i e n t . Without e x c e p t i o n , u n i v e r s a l b e n e f i t s such as o l d age pensions and f a m i l y allowance cheques are welcome: A l l s e n i o r s i n Canada get these cheques. I t i s one of the great t h i n g s about t h i s . country. Insurance b e n e f i t s ( i . e . m e dical, automobile) are a l s o accepted on the grounds that the i n d i v i d u a l has c o n t r i b u t e d to them d i r e c t l y . Indeed, two Indo-Canadian agents and one Euro-Canadian s t a t e d that "some people t r y to get a l l they can, even c h e a t i n g , because they have put i n t o i t . " 3 4 However, about h a l f of the immigrants expressed mixed f e e l i n g s about unemployment insurance benef i t s : I a p p l i e d f o r U.I.C. when I was l a i d o f f . I t i s not good to take i t but sometimes there i s nothing e l s e so we are g l a d to f i n d out at l e a s t there i s some h e l p . I d i d n ' t want U . I . C , l i v i n g o f f some government grant as i f you were so h e l p l e s s . 1 0 5 I t wasn't a good idea f o r me at a l l . But my f r i e n d s s a i d " a f t e r working you get U.I.C. There i s nothing wrong with i t . " They d i d n ' t mean I should r e l y on i t . Respondents who had never used unemployment insurance s a i d so with p r i d e and/or r e l i e f . In c o n t r a s t to the g e n e r a l l y a c c e p t i n g a t t i t u d e towards u n i v e r s a l and insurance b e n e f i t s , the a t t i t u d e towards s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e ("welfare") i s s i n g u l a r l y r e j e c t i n g . Interviews d i s c l o s e d at l e a s t f i v e cases of r e f u s a l to accept t h i s form of income supplement: My [ e l d e r l y ] f a t h e r would not put us on we l f a r e , even though the s o c i a l worker s a i d he should. We got he l p from the community, and I worked b e r r y - p i c k i n g and then housecleaning. Most respondents who have accepted s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e are women with dependent c h i l d r e n l i v i n g without t h e i r husbands. Even under such circumstances, however, other respondents have d e c l i n e d : A f t e r my husband was k i l l e d , I managed the [th r e e ] c h i l d r e n on my [widow's] pension and I got a job washing d i s h e s . My E.S.L. teacher t o l d me to apply f o r welfar e but I s a i d " i t i s not d i g n i f i e d . " Respondents r e l a t e t h e i r r e j e c t i o n of s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e q u i t e e x p l i c i t l y to the goal of economic s u f f i c i e n c y and the value of p o s i t i v e community a p p r a i s a l : I have never taken w e l f a r e . I am always a f r a i d i t w i l l come to t h a t . Then people 106 w i l l t a l k . Your p r e s t i g e goes down i f you take w e l f a r e . In I n d i a i t i s very bad to beg and when you get welfare i t ' s l i k e begging. To get a monthly cheque from welfare i s demeaning, i t ' s o b v i o u s l y i n d e b t i n g . We say "moffat ka khanna," to eat f o r f r e e . That i s very bad. People w i l l say "he's no good. He can't p u l l himself up." U n l i k e b e n e f i t s which a l l persons r e c e i v e or to which r e c i p i e n t s c o n t r i b u t e d i r e c t l y , s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e s i n g l e s out a f a m i l y as needy, as having f a i l e d to provide f o r i t s e l f e c o n o m i c a l l y , and thus i t i m p e r i l s f a m i l y h o n our. 3 5 A few of the s e r v i c e s commented on by respondents are s u b s i d i z e d programmes which e n t a i l f i n a n c i a l o u t l a y by us e r s . In ge n e r a l , the f a c t of s u b s i d i z a t i o n does not i n f l u e n c e Indo-Canadian response to these s e r v i c e s : only two respondents even seemed aware that the users' fees do not cover the t o t a l c o s t s of the programmes. Rather, i t i s the q u e s t i o n of expenditure which a f f e c t s the p a t t e r n of u t i l i z a t i o n . According to two agents, one of them Indo-Canadian and one Euro-Canadian, any s e r v i c e r e q u i r i n g f i n a n c i a l o u t l a y may be r e j e c t e d : East Indian men r e s i s t any s e r v i c e they have to pay f o r . They want a b i g house, a b i g c a r , a c o l o u r TV. If t h e i r wives need h e l p in the house t h a t ' s j u s t too bad. However, data from i n t e r v i e w s , with the immigrants themselves suggest that acceptance does occur, depending on the s e r v i c e o f f e r e d . I f i n the region of emigration o u t s i d e r s normally p r o v i d e the s e r v i c e — f o r example, d e n t a l examinations 107 -- Indo-Canadians g e n e r a l l y agree to i t and u s u a l l y d e c l i n e to have the fee waived. But i f f a m i l y members normally p r o v i d e the s e r v i c e -- f o r example, daycare -- n o n - u t i l i z a t i o n f r e q u e n t l y r e s u l t s . The f a m i l y ' s resources must be conserved f o r the attainment of goals having higher p r i o r i t y . 3 6 One man who had r e j e c t e d daycare f o r h i s son accepted the idea of p r e - s c h o o l e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y : T e l l me where the best s c h o o l i s . We w i l l send him t h e r e . We can a f f o r d . As with s e r v i c e s i n v o l v i n g f i n a n c i a l income, the c r i t i c a l f a c t o r with regard to s e r v i c e s r e q u i r i n g f i n a n c i a l o u t l a y appears to be the way i n which u t i l i z a t i o n a f f e c t s and r e f l e c t s on the f a m i l i a l goal of "economic p r o v i s i o n i n g . " Acceptance of c o u n s e l l i n g s e r v i c e s which i n v o l v e n e i t h e r income nor expenditure r e f l e c t s on a f a m i l y ' s a b i l i t y to s o c i a l i z e i t s young and to engender devoted s e r v i c e among i t s members. Even acknowledging b e h a v i o u r a l problems c o n s t i t u t e s an admission of f a i l u r e i n these areas and t h r e a t e n s f a m i l y honour ( A l l o d i , 1978: 8; Great B r i t a i n , Community R e l a t i o n s Commission, 1976: 32). I f o u t s i d e r s become i n v o l v e d , the t h r e a t i n c r e a s e s : [Family members] expect to s o r t out each other's t r o u b l e s , not l e a s t because i f those t r o u b l e s were to become p u b l i c -- to the B r i t i s h , but p a r t i c u l a r l y to t h e i r compatriots -- the i z z a t of the group as a whole would be a f f e c t e d (R. B a l l a r d , 1979: 154) . The f o l l o w i n g o b s e r v a t i o n by a Vancouver mental h e a l t h worker i s echoed by most of the agents i n t e r v i e w e d , both Euro-Canadian and 108 Indo-Canadian (see a l s o Lobo, 1978: 55). There remains a tremendous stigma p a r t i c u l a r l y pronounced among m i n o r i t i e s , East Indian and Chinese e s p e c i a l l y . They t r y to d e a l with the problem w i t h i n the f a m i l y . If i t ' s a b s o l u t e l y not c o n t a i n a b l e , then we see them. We get them a f t e r the c r i s i s has been reached. The acceptance of o u t s i d e h e l p may a l s o be p e r c e i v e d as a per s o n a l i n s u l t by the head of the household who f e e l s most r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the f a m i l y ' s attainment of i t s g o a l s . During an inte r v i e w with two generations of a f a m i l y , a young couple s a i d they thought marriage c o u n s e l l i n g c o u l d be b e n e f i c i a l . The fa t h e r of the woman turned to me: You see, when people come here and stay f o r a longer p e r i o d , they have l i t t l e respect f o r the f a m i l y . They don't a p p r e c i a t e what the f a m i l y says. When my c h i l d r e n have no more respect f o r me, then they w i l l go to these agencies. Before i n d i v i d u a l s decide to seek a s s i s t a n c e o u t s i d e the f a m i l y , they must weigh s i g n i f i c a n t probable consequences. As a workshop on b a t t e r e d women i n Vancouver noted, to turn to s o c i a l s e r v i c e s o f t e n means that a person " w i l l be shunned by f r i e n d s and r e l a t i v e s ... i f you go o u t s i d e of the f a m i l y c i r c l e d i t ' s extremely d i f f i c u l t to come back i n " (Globe and M a i l , 1977). In sum, the Indo-Canadian f a m i l y ' s pursuance of a s c r i b e d goals and i t s o v e r r i d i n g concern wih f a m i l y honour c l e a r l y d i m i n i s h s e r v i c e u t i l i z a t i o n by rende r i n g the s e r v i c e s e i t h e r unnecessary or unacceptable. Whether the s e r v i c e i n q u e s t i o n 109 r e f l e c t s on a f a m i l y ' s economic s u f f i c i e n c y or on i t s s o c i o -emotional s u f f i c i e n c y , i t s t i l l i m p e r i l s f a m i l y honour. As one Indo-Canadian agent remarked: I t ' s demeaning to accept money. I t ' s demeaning to accept c o u n s e l l i n g . They are very d i f f e r e n t but they are both r e s i s t e d . The i n t e n s i t y of r e s i s t a n c e and the breadth of n o n - u t i l i z a t i o n d e r i v e , I b e l i e v e , from the f a c t that i n a c c e p t i n g a s e r v i c e a f a m i l y p e r c e i v e s i t s e l f to have f a i l e d at three l e v e l s of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y : the p r e v e n t i o n of problems i n the f i r s t p l a c e , the r e s o l u t i o n of problems which do a r i s e , and the containment of unresolved problems w i t h i n the f a m i l y c i r c l e . 1 10 Notes: Chapter Three 2 1 Although David suggested (1964:391-393) that " k i n - s t y l e r e l a t i o n s " appeared to be e s t a b l i s h e d on the b a s i s of " p r o p i n q u i t y , " Mayer r e p o r t e d (1973: 173-175, 202-203) "strong e x p e c t a t i o n s among agnates" and a decrease i n c l u s t e r s of nucle a r f a m i l i e s based on shipmate t i e s . 2 2 Hindu F i j i a n s are c r i t i c a l of F i j i a n n a t i v e s f o r the extent to which they f e e l o b l i g e d to meet demands from k i n (Mayer, 1973: 180). 2 3 Helweg notes (1979: 15) an e i g h t h concept, p i r h i , which " r e f e r s to the p r e s t i g e that has accrued to a f a m i l y through i t s h i s t o r y . " However, p i r h i r e p r e s e n t s an a s c r i b e d goal only i n so f a r as f a m i l y members make d e c i s i o n s with the honour of f u t u r e g e n e r a t i o n s i n mind. 2 * David suggests (1964: 392) that because of t h e i r s c a r c i t y d u r i n g the indenture p e r i o d , F i j i a n Hindu women ac q u i r e d "an immeasurably stronger b a r g a i n i n g p o s i t i o n " w i t h i n the household. But Jayawardena argues (1983: 143-144) that the s c a r c i t y of women l e d to "the e x e r c i s e of a g r e a t e r c o n t r o l of females by males.... F i j i a n Indian women p l a y a much more t r a d i t i o n a l and c i r c u m s c r i b e d r o l e " than t h e i r c o u n t e r p a r t s i n I n d i a . 2 5 There i s one major exception to the r u l e of s u p e r i o r i t y of g i v e r s . Where hypergamous marriages p r e v a i l , i n c l u d i n g among Punjabi S i k h s , the f a m i l y which g i v e s the b r i d e p l a c e s i t s e l f i n a p o s i t i o n of i n f e r i o r i t y v i s a v i s the f a m i l y which r e c e i v e s 111 her (Hershman, 1981: 191). To counter-balance t h e i r s t a t u s , the b r i d e ' s f a m i l y g i v e s as dowry and other p r e s t a t i o n s a l l they can, and they c a r e f u l l y a v o i d r e c e i v i n g any but p r e s c r i b e d , token p r e s t a t i o n s from the groom's fami l y (Das, 1976: 27). M a r r i o t t attempts to e x p l a i n t h i s anomally by terming the t a k i n g of a b r i d e an a c t of v i o l e n c e which the b r i d e g i v e r r e c e i v e s (1976: 133). 2 6 A c c o r d i n g to Vedic t r a d i t i o n , a l l men are born indebted to t h e i r a n c e s t o r s , to the gods, and to the s a i n t s (Malamoud, 1983: 26-27). A l a t e r Veda adds a debt to men. 2 7 There may be a d i f f e r e n c e between Hindu and Sikh community awareness of such t r a n s a c t i o n s . Among Hindus, "the person asked i s supposed to share h i s gr e a t e r resources ... p r i v a t e l y " ( M c C l e l l a n d , 1975: 156). Among Si k h s , although a person should be humble i n h i s r o l e as g i v e r , " h u m i l i t y does not r e q u i r e o p e r a t i n g i n s e c r e t " (Helweg, 1979: 155; see a l s o F l e u r e t , 1974: 32). 2 8 S t a t i s t i c s are f r u s t r a t i n g l y u n a v a i l a b l e . C i t y o f f i c i a l s , v e r n a c u l a r newspapers, and temple r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s agree there are roughly 60,000 Indo-Canadians l i v i n g i n the Greater Vancouver area. However, Sikhs c l a i m up to 85% of t h i s p o p u l a t i o n , and Hindus c l a i m 33%. S i m i l a r l y , F i j i a n Hindus b e l i e v e they c o n s t i t u t e the m a j o r i t y of the Hindu p o p u l a t i o n , and Indian Hindus b e l i e v e they do, once the d i s p a r a t e sub-communities ( B e n g a l i , G u j a r a t i , e t c . ) are co n s i d e r e d . 2 9 My data i n c l u d e s one exce p t i o n to t h i s s u g g e s t i o n . A woman, who complained to her husband that h i s uncle had charged 1 12 her f o r t a k i n g her to the Workers' Compensation Board, was t o l d : " I f someone helps you, what does i t matter i f you pay them?" The woman added that her husband a l s o took money for h e l p i n g f r i e n d s with t h e i r income tax r e t u r n s . 3 0 One young F i j i a n Hindu borrowed h i s a i r f a r e from the r e l a t i v e s with whom he now l i v e s . His wife r e p o r t s that he i s " t r e a t e d l i k e a servant. I f they want a d r i n k of water, he has to get i t f o r them." 3 1 Lack of awareness of s e r v i c e s probably c o n t r i b u t e s to n o n - u t i l i z a t i o n as w e l l , but only two agents suggest i t as a f a c t o r . H y p o t h e t i c a l q u e s t i o n s of c l i e n t s ("Would you have gone to t h i s agency had you known about i t at the time?") were not very s a t i s f a c t o r y . They r e c e i v e d f o r the most p a r t n o n - r e p l i e s . The few answers obtained r e f l e c t the same o r i e n t a t i o n toward f a m i l y as do the reasons f o r n o n - u t i l i z a t i o n when awareness does e x i s t : "We would not go to anyone i f our son behaved i n t h i s way. We can s o l v e o u r s e l v e s . We know more about our c h i l d r e n . " 3 2 Indo-Canadians can and do go to medical d o c t o r s with the p h y s i o l o g i c a l m a n i f e s t a t i o n s of t h e i r problems: s l e e p l e s s n e s s , weight l o s s , and "nerves." A d o c t o r ' s advice i s sought, not as a c o n s c i o u s l y chosen a l t e r n a t i v e to c o u n s e l l i n g , but as the c u l t u r a l l y f a m i l i a r and a c c e p t a b l e response to one of the consequences of containment, namely, s o m a t i z a t i o n ( c f . L e f f , 1973). 3 3 When asked whether members of h i s f a m i l y ever used the p u b l i c l i b r a r y , one man r e p l i e d with p r i d e : "My son had to go be f o r e , but now we have our own e n c y c l o p e d i a so we don't need to 1 1 3 go." 3 " Indo-Canadians are not alone i n attempting to recover insurance c o n t r i b u t i o n s ( D i n g l e d i n e , 1981: 44-47), nor are they unanimous i n t h e i r a t t i t u d e towards t h i s p r a c t i c e . One respondent i s p a r t i c u l a r l y c r i t i c a l of Euro-Canadians who "have the f e e l i n g they should be supported by government, l i k e get a l i t t l e i n j u r y and c l a i m d i s a b i l i t y . I t i s c h e a t i n g to your own country and your own people. The same t h i n g a p p l i e s to people who come from other c o u n t r i e s . " 3 5 T r i s e l i o t i s w r i t e s (1972: 6) that "there i s no welfare s t e r e o t y p e " among Indian immigrants to B r i t a i n . I am at a l o s s to e x p l a i n the sharp c o n t r a s t between h i s f i n d i n g s and my own. Three Indo-Canadian agents intimate that acceptance of s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e would i n c r e a s e were i t not f o r the f a c t that sponsors are o b l i g e d by law to support t h e i r r e l a t i v e s f o r a c e r t a i n p e r i o d of time. And one c l i e n t r e f u s e d welfare because acceptance would render her i n e l i g i b l e to sponsor her mother. But respondents agree that even with the e l i m i n a t i o n of these f a c t o r s , w e l f a r e u t i l i z a t i o n among Indo-Canadians would s t i l l be l e s s than among the general p o p u l a t i o n . 3 6 The p r i o r i t y accorded earning a f f e c t s p a t t e r n s of s e r v i c e u t i l i z a t i o n as w e l l as p a t t e r n s of n o n - u t i l i z a t i o n . Two agents note a l i g h t e n i n g of t h e i r Indo-Canadian case loads during b e r r y - p i c k i n g season: "Business i s slow r i g h t now; they've gone to the farms. That's top p r i o r i t y with them." Others remark on the n o t i c e a b l e decrease i n Indo-Canadian enrollment i n E n g l i s h c l a s s e s s i n c e the f i n a n c i a l i n c e n t i v e f o r 1 1 4 t a k i n g them was removed (no s i g n i f i c a n t change i n Chinese Canadian enrollment o c c u r r e d ) . One agent proposes, somewhat in j e s t , t h a t there ought to be a tax b e n e f i t to c o u n s e l l i n g s e r v i c e s : "To convince an East Indian man to change i t has to be f i n a n c i a l l y advantageous" (see Chadney, 1976). 1 1 5 Chapter Four THE INDO-CANADIAN AGENTS: THEIR DUAL MODEL OF SOCIAL EXCHANGE Persons born and r a i s e d i n one c u l t u r e who provide s o c i a l s e r v i c e s i n another are g e n e r a l l y presumed to operate with ease in both worlds. The agency h i r i n g them to work with f e l l o w immigrants takes f o r granted t h e i r f a m i l i a r i t y with the v a l u e s , goals and modes of i n t e r a c t i o n o b t a i n i n g i n the country of emigration and a l s o with those of the country of employment. A major task of such e t h n i c workers, as they are r e f e r r e d to i n Vancouver, i s to i n t e r p r e t not j u s t a l i n g u i s t i c idiom but a l s o a c u l t u r a l idiom to t h e i r c l i e n t s and o f t e n to t h e i r Euro-Canadian c o l l e a g u e s . 3 7 But while an e t h n i c worker may be q u i t e aware of two c u l t u r a l systems, he cannot operate i n both simultaneously, any more than he can speak two languages s i m u l t a n e o u s l y . H i s own i n t e r a c t i o n with c l i e n t s , r e g a r d l e s s of the c u l t u r a l i n f o r m a t i o n he i s conveying, w i l l be based e i t h e r on the model of exchange he shares with h i s c l i e n t s , or on the model he shares with h i s p r o f e s s i o n a l c o l l e a g u e s -- or on a t h i r d model which combines elements of the other two. B i o g r a p h i c a l data on the Indo-Canadian agents of the present study r e v e a l at l e a s t two f a c t o r s which suggest a p r e d i s p o s i t i o n to a Euro-Canadian p r o f e s s i o n a l exchange r e l a t i o n s h i p with c l i e n t s . F i r s t l y , few of the agents share the 1 1 6 same r e g i o n a l background as the m a j o r i t y of t h e i r c l i e n t s . The 21 agents i n t e r v i e w e d emigrated to Canada from 11 d i f f e r e n t s t a t e s w i t h i n I n d i a or c o u n t r i e s other than I n d i a . Only two came from v i l l a g e s of the Punjab, and f i v e from c i t i e s of Punjab S t a t e . Six emigrated from c i t i e s elsewhere i n I n d i a , and the remaining e i g h t from England, P a k i s t a n , and c o u n t r i e s of East A f r i c a and Southeast A s i a . None of those i n t e r v i e w e d i s from F i j i . As one workshop p a r t i c i p a n t noted: " C u l t u r a l brokers are cons i d e r e d South Asian by s e r v i c e agencies, but they are marginal as f a r as the e t h n i c c l i e n t s are c o n c e r n e d . " 3 8 Secondly, many of the Indo-Canadian agents do share a s i m i l a r e d u c a t i o n a l background with t h e i r Euro-Canadian c o l l e a g u e s . Six earned t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n a l degrees i n n u r s i n g , education, and s o c i a l work i n Canada. Another f i v e have taken c r e d i t courses r e l a t e d to the s e r v i c e s they provide from Canadian i n s t i t u t i o n s . Even the four agents with p r o f e s s i o n a l degrees' from South A s i a probably le a r n e d a b a s i c a l l y North American approach to s o c i a l s e r v i c e s , s i n c e the c u r r i c u l a l e a d i n g to such degrees i s based on American s o c i a l work philosophy (Gangrade, 1970: 8; Nagpaul, 1971: 14). Moreover, s t u d i e s i n the s o c i a l s e r v i c e f i e l d s suggest that with or without p r o f e s s i o n a l t r a i n i n g , e t h n i c workers soon "conform to the s t y l e of the m a j o r i t y worker" (R. B a l l a r d , 1979: 160; see a l s o Perlman, 1979: 144-146). N e v e r t h e l e s s , as the i n t e r a c t i o n s d e s c r i b e d i n Part Two of. the present t h e s i s i n d i c a t e , c o n t r a s t s i n s t y l e do e x i s t between Indo-Canadians and Euro-Canadians as p r o v i d e r s of s e r v i c e s to 1 17 Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s . A f t e r a l l , Indo-Canadian agents are asked to handle Indo-Canadian cases p r e c i s e l y because they are c o n s i d e r e d able to r e l a t e to the c l i e n t s i n a p p r o p r i a t e c u l t u r a l as w e l l as l i n g u i s t i c idioms. Furthermore, any p r o f e s s i o n a l t r a i n i n g they have r e c e i v e d has been superimposed r e l a t i v e l y l a t e i n t h e i r l i v e s upon a b a s i c a l l y Indian u p b r i n g i n g . On the one hand, general p a t t e r n s of i n t e r a c t i o n w i l l have been e s t a b l i s h e d e a r l y i n l i f e and are r e s i s t a n t to change. As Johnson and Johnson note (1975: 453) with regard to Japanese-Americans: Although a s s i m i l a t i o n i s evident i n d r e s s , speech, s t y l e of home, and r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n , i t . w i l l be shown that i n norms governing day-to-day i n t e r a c t i o n , the e f f e c t s of the c u l t u r e of o r i g i n remain i n f l u e n t i a l . On the other hand, p e r c e p t i o n s about the r o l e of a s o c i a l s e r v i c e p r o v i d e r w i l l a l s o have been e s t a b l i s h e d p r i o r to enrollment i n a p r o f e s s i o n a l course of t r a i n i n g . An Indo-Canadian who has chosen to become a " s o c i a l worker" i n h i s region of emigration or an " e t h n i c worker" i n an immigrant community has i d e n t i f i e d h i m s e l f with a s p e c i f i c r o l e a s c r i b e d to such persons w i t h i n those c u l t u r a l c o n t e x t s : [T]he v e r b a l i z a t i o n of s o c i a l type, which we c a l l a c u l t u r a l l y r e c o g n i z e d r o l e , c o n t a i n s w i t h i n i t s p a r t i c u l a r symbolic c o n f i g u r a t i o n s p e c i f i c i n f o r m a t i o n about the e x p e c t a t i o n s , aims, and q u a l i t i e s of a c t o r s , and even about some of the r u l e s f o r i n t e r a c t i o n ( P a r k i n , 1976: 177). 1 18 The present chapter examines the r o l e a s c r i b e d to s o c i a l s e r v i c e p r o v i d e r s i n Indian c u l t u r e and i n Indian immigrant communities. I t i d e n t i f i e s the v a l u e s , g o a l s , and modes of t r a n s a c t i o n a s s o c i a t e d with the h e l p i n g p r o f e s s i o n a l s i n each c o n t e x t . Having done so, the chapter concludes with a summary of the d i f f e r e n c e s between the models of s o c i a l exchange of Indo-Canadian agents and Euro-Canadian agents, d i f f e r e n c e s which, I suggest, u n d e r l i e the d i f f e r e n c e s between t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e p a t t e r n s of i n t e r a c t i o n with Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s . S o c i a l S e r v i c e P r o v i d e r s i n I n d i a Since i t s i n c e p t i o n as an independent n a t i o n i n 1947, India has acknowledged s t a t e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the s o c i a l w e l f a r e of i t s c i t i z e n s . While a Gandhian emphasis on s e l f - h e l p pervades most as p e c t s of the Government's F i v e Year Plans, three other sources of s o c i a l p o l i c y a l s o d i r e c t a c t i v i t i e s . B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l experiments in a g r i c u l t u r a l extension and community education continue to i n f l u e n c e h e a l t h and w e l f a r e p r o j e c t s and demonstration programmes, p r i m a r i l y i n r u r a l areas (Weisner, 1978: 222). American-style s c h o o l s of s o c i a l work, now over t h i r t y i n number, graduate i n d i v i d u a l s who hope to work i n the government's s p e c i a l s e r v i c e s f o r u n d e r p r i v i l e g e d groups, the "weaker s e c t i o n s " of Indian r u r a l and urban s o c i e t y (Nagpaul, 1971: 7). F i n a l l y , the F i v e Year Plans r e l y h e a v i l y on the t r a d i t i o n a l Indian i n s t i t u t i o n of v o l u n t a r y w e l f a r e a s s o c i a t i o n s for the implementation of t h e i r p o l i c i e s , e s p e c i a l l y i n urban areas (Caplan, 1983: 5). Through a g r a n t - i n - a i d system, the 119 Government of India funds some 3000 e s t a b l i s h e d v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s , and another 3000 newly c r e a t e d ones (Nagpaul, 1971: 6). Accor d i n g to Nagpaul (1971: 3), s o c i a l s e r v i c e i n India "has always been understood to be synonymous with v o l u n t a r y s e r i v c e . " The v o l u n t a r y welfare o r g a n i z a t i o n s , which may be based on c a s t e , s e c t , or common cause, tend to be run by upper-middle and upper c l a s s women. 3 9 In p r o v i d i n g unpaid s e r v i c e to others, u s u a l l y to persons beneath them i n the s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y , they are f u l f i l l i n g t h e i r dharma. Women's o r g a n i z a t i o n s . . . . p l a y a s i g n i f i c a n t p a r t i n the formation of c l a s s boundaries by d i s t i n g u i s h i n g between a c l a s s whose duty i t i s to dispense c h a r i t y , and one which needs to r e c e i v e i t (Caplan, 1983: 11). The women's a c t i v i t i e s a l s o r e f l e c t p o s i t i v e l y on the i z z a t of t h e i r f a m i l i e s . In one case, f o r example, a young b r i d e who had "shamed" her f a m i l y by being d e s e r t e d by her husband redeemed the f a m i l y ' s r e p u t a t i o n through s e l f l e s s s e r v i c e to g i r l s of her v i l l a g e (Helweg,. 1979: 19). The t r a n s a c t i o n a l mode u t i l i z e d by the v o l u n t e e r s of s o c i a l w e l f a r e o r g a n i z a t i o n s i s outspokenly that of g i v i n g . As the p r e s i d e n t of one a s s o c i a t i o n exhorted her members, "One should sympathize with the people who have sinned [ i n t h e i r p revious l i v e s ] and share what we have with the have-nots" ( c i t e d i n Caplan, 1983: 15). One may argue, as Caplan does, that the t r a n s a c t i o n a l mode chosen c o n t r i b u t e s to the c r e a t i o n of d i f f e r e n c e s i n c l a s s s t a t u s . However, the i n d i v i d u a l s served by 120 the v o l u n t e e r s a l r e a d y represent the most d e s t i t u t e elements of Indi a ' s p o p u l a t i o n : c h i l d r e n , women, and s e n i o r s without f a m i l y or means of support (Desai and Khet a n i , 1979: 110; Gangrade, 1970: 10; Nagpaul, 1971: 13). As i n d i c a t e d i n Chapter Three, u n i l a t e r a l g i v i n g u s u a l l y c h a r a c t e r i z e s t r a n s a c t i o n s between persons of p r e v i o u s l y e s t a b l i s h e d s u p e r i o r rank and t h e i r s o c i a l s u b o r d i n a t e s . The t r a n s a c t i o n a l mode of g i v i n g i n the context of vo l u n t a r y w e l f a r e s e r v i c e r e f l e c t s assumptions not only about the s e r v i c e p r o v i d e r but a l s o about the s e r v i c e r e c i p i e n t . In an a n a l y s i s of speeches and p r i n t e d m a t e r i a l produced by s o c i a l w elfare a s s o c i a t i o n s , Caplan notes (1983: 16) f i v e p a i r s of " c o n s t a n t l y r e c u r r i n g " terms used to d e s c r i b e v o l u n t e e r s on the one hand and b e n e f i c i a r i e s on the o t h e r : active/dynamic - h e l p l e s s generous - d e s e r v i n g e n l i g h t e n e d - ignorant forward - backward munificent - g r a t e f u l These terms are probably not intended to be as p e j o r a t i v e as they might sound to North American e a r s . Perhaps South Asians have yet t o adopt the euphemistic E n g l i s h phrases employed elsewhere. S t i l l , to some extent each term does r e f l e c t the nature of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between a p r o v i d e r and a r e c e i v e r of s o c i a l s e r v i c e . While i n I n d i a , I became f a m i l i a r with two s o c i a l welfare o r g a n i z a t i o n s . One, i n Gu j a r a t , a d m i n i s t e r e d an employment programme f o r b a t t e r e d and d e s e r t e d wives. The other, i n New 121 D e l h i , ran a pre-school/daycare f o r c h i l d r e n of beggars. In both cases, I was struck by the mixture of compassion with which the v o l u n t e e r s d e s c r i b e d t h e i r c l i e n t s , and the almost abrupt manner in which they i n t e r a c t e d with them. I b e l i e v e t h i s mixture i l l u s t r a t e s the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the above p a i r s of terms in three ways. F i r s t l y , l i t t l e or no background i n f o r m a t i o n was gathered beyond what the c l i e n t p r o v i d e d spontaneously. Lack of time and i n t e r e s t , and/or respect f o r p r i v a c y and i z z a t may have been f a c t o r s i n t h i s p a t t e r n (see Dasgupta, 1981: 25). But c e r t a i n l y the need f o r i n f o r m a t i o n was reduced s i n c e the " h e l p l e s s n e s s " and "deservingness" of c l i e n t s was assumed: who but a t o t a l l y d e s t i t u t e person would request u n i l a t e r a l p r e s t a t i o n s ? Moreover, i n some ins t a n c e s the r e c i p i e n t s ' circumstances were alre a d y known to the v o l u n t e e r . Where they were not, " v i s i b l e s i g n s " of d r e s s , grooming, and demeanor conveyed the necessary i n f o r m a t i o n (Wynne, 1980: 49). With the h e l p l e s s n e s s and deservingness of the c l i e n t e s t a b l i s h e d , i t was encumbent upon the v o l u n t e e r s to proceed i n t h e i r "dynamic" and "generous" r o l e s . Secondly, the v o l u n t e e r s i n t e r a c t i n g with the b a t t e r e d women and the beggars manifested an a s s e r t i v e , even bossy a t t i t u d e . Since the r e c i p i e n t of s e r v i c e was " i g n o r a n t " and "backward," the r o l e of the s e r v i c e p r o v i d e r was to inform, a d v i s e , and d i r e c t him. As M c C l e l l a n d notes (1975: 147) with regard to the e x c e p t i o n a l l y domineering manner of Indian c h i l d r e n towards one another, a s e l f l e s s m o t i v a t i o n and other-1 2 2 o r i e n t a t i o n on the part of a d v i c e - g i v e r s renders d i r e c t i n s t r u c t i o n a c c e p t a b l e : For a c h i l d to say to another "Stop e a t i n g t h a t , i t w i l l make you s i c k " i s p e r f e c t l y a l l r i g h t i n the value system: i t i s pro-s o c i a l dominance or g i v i n g good a d v i c e to another. The f a c t that v o l u n t e e r s of s o c i a l welfare a s s o c i a t i o n s are "e n l i g h t e n e d " and "forward" r e l a t i v e to t h e i r c l i e n t s renders t h e i r p r o - s o c i a l dominance p a r t i c u l a r l y a p p r o p r i a t e . F i n a l l y , d e s p i t e the constant recurrence of the phrase " g r a t e f u l " to d e s c r i b e b e n e f i c i a r i e s , the r e c i p i e n t s of s e r v i c e i n both the G u j a r a t i and New D e l h i programmes e x h i b i t e d a wide range of r e a c t i o n s to t h e i r b e n e f a c t o r s . Some were obsequious, touching the f e e t of v o l u n t e e r s and l i k e n i n g them to gods. Others gave no outward sign of deference and remained v e r b a l l y uncommunicative throughout t h e i r time at the s e r v i c e c e n t r e s . The m a j o r i t y of c l i e n t s f e l l somewhere i n between, s m i l i n g and a r t i c u l a t i n g o c c a s i o n a l l y what the s e r v i c e meant to them. In my experience, the degree to which a c l i e n t d e c l a r e d g r a t i t u d e d i d not g r e a t l y a f f e c t the v o l u n t e e r s ' i n t e r a c t i o n with them. S e r v i l e e x p r e s s i o n s of a p p r e c i a t i o n were g e n t l y but f i r m l y cut s h o r t . Lack of v e r b a l thanks d i d not r e s u l t i n l e s s e r s e r v i c e . Perhaps, j u s t as the request f o r u n i l a t e r a l p r e s t a t i o n s s u f f i c e s to e s t a b l i s h h e l p l e s s n e s s , t h e i r acceptance i s assumed to e n t a i l g r a t e f u l n e s s , ' and to i n d i c a t e the "munificence" of the s e r v i c e p r o v i d e r . The p a i d workers of Indi a ' s community development p r o j e c t s 123 and of i t s s p e c i a l programmes f o r weaker s e c t i o n s are a l s o a t t r a c t e d to t h e i r r o l e s by the c u l t u r a l "emphasis on the value of s e l f - s a c r i f i c e and s e r v i c e to lower c a s t e s " (Howard, 1971:81). T h e i r "commitment to the underdog" and " i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with s u f f e r i n g humanity" render t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s honourable, at l e a s t i n t h e i r own eyes (I y e r , 1969: 38-39). But the f a c t that they r e c e i v e monetary compensation f o r t h e i r s e r v i c e s can r e s u l t i n h o s t i l i t y between them and v o l u n t a r y workers, and between them and t h e i r c l i e n t s (Howard, 1971: 19; Iye r , 1969: 39). I f per s o n a l f i n a n c i a l gain accrues from p u b l i c s e r v i c e , i z z a t does not. A p a i d s o c i a l worker, at l e a s t i n i t i a l l y , may be viewed as "suspect," as an e x p l o i t i v e government bureaucrat, "not to t r u s t but to manipulate" (Helweg, 1979: 155). In an a n a l y s i s of h e a l t h c e n t r e u t i l i z a t i o n p a t t e r n s i n Gujarat S t a t e , Weisner's "most s t r i k i n g f i n d i n g " (1978: 235) i s the non-impact of p a i d community workers. He recommends that planners "look f o r a c t i v e v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s i n a s s e s s i n g p o t e n t i a l u t i l i z a t i o n p a t t e r n s and l o c a t i n g h e a l t h f a c i l i t i e s . " To a c e r t a i n extent, the f a c t that many of the pa i d s o c i a l s e r v i c e p r o v i d e r s are graduates of American-style schools of s o c i a l work may h e l p to r e l i e v e i n i t i a l s u s p i c i o n s . Presumably the worker thus t r a i n e d seeks to e s t a b l i s h rapport with c l i e n t s , a t r u s t i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p , before proceeding. But i n s e v e r a l r e s p e c t s , American p r a c t i c e techniques i l l prepare an i n d i v i d u a l f o r s o c i a l work i n I n d i a (see S c h l e s i n g e r , 1960: 264). Some of these are almost c o m i c a l : students l e a r n "about the traumatic i m p l i c a t i o n s of o v e r s t r i c t t o i l e t t r a i n i n g i n a country with an 124 e x t r a o r d i n a r i l y c a s u a l a t t i t u d e to d e f e c a t i o n " (Mukundarao, 1969: 31). Others are more s o b e r i n g : Indian s o c i e t y i s s t i l l s t r u g g l i n g with the b a s i c problems of poverty, d e p r i v a t i o n , unemployment, i l l h e a l t h , inadequate housing, m a l n u t r i t i o n and i l l i t e r a c y . . . . In t h i s context, s o c i a l work education based upon American s o c i a l work philosophy .... o r i e n t e d p r i m a r i l y towards the problems of the i n d i v i d u a l ... seems not only i r r e l e v a n t but p o t e n t i a l l y d y s f u n c t i o n a l (Nagpaul, 1971: 13-14). The needs of I n d i a ' s p o p u l a t i o n are so gre a t , and the resources c u r r e n t l y a v a i l a b l e so few, that i n s t i t u t i o n a l care r a t h e r than i n d i v i d u a l r e h a b i l i t a t i o n c o n s t i t u t e s the most common form of s e r v i c e (Desai and Khetani, 1979: 110; Gangrade, 1970: 10). Even i n the p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y few in s t a n c e s where one-to-one a g e n t - c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s are p o s s i b l e , North American approaches to c o u n s e l l i n g are c r i t i c i z e d p r e c i s e l y f o r t h e i r focus on the i n d i v i d u a l . In the f i r s t p l a c e , Indian s o c i a l workers view the i n d i v i d u a l as an i n e x t r i c a b l e part of, and " c e n t r i p e t a l l y p r o p e l l e d " towards, a fa m i l y (Gangrade, 1970: 6-7). An i n d i v i d u a l ' s problems should be analysed and r e s o l v e d using "the e n t i r e network of f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s h i p s " (Howard, 1971: 25). Moreover, experience has taught the Indian s o c i a l worker that a c l i e n t i s more l i k e l y to change, to overcome r e s i g n a t i o n to f a t e , i f he i s reminded of h i s a s c r i b e d duty i n l i f e r a t her than of h i s r i g h t to s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t : [A] s t y l e of m o b i l i z a t i o n which s t r e s s e s p e r s o n a l ambitions, hopes and achievement concerns ... cannot be e f f e c t i v e f o r many (Nandy, 1970: 62). 125 F i n a l l y , the Indian s o c i a l worker c o n s i d e r s the " d e s i r a b i l i t y of an element of choice f o r the i n d i v i d u a l , " c l i e n t s e l f -d e t e r m i n a t i o n , to be " p e c u l i a r l y American" (Gangrade, 1970: 8). The s e r v i c e p r o v i d e r should not deny any a u t h o r i t y a t t r i b u t e d to him by c l i e n t s , but should "use t h i s a u t h o r i t y , o f f e r i n g d i r e c t p r a c t i c a l a d v i c e and a s s i s t a n c e " (Howard, 1971: 26). Thus, alt h o u g h s e r v i c e r e c i p i e n t s in India may i n i t i a l l y regard p a i d s o c i a l workers d i f f e r e n t l y from the way they do v o l u n t e e r s , subsequent pat t e r n s of i n t e r a c t i o n may not be too d i s s i m i l a r . Both p a i d and unpaid s o c i a l s e r v i c e p r o v i d e r s i n t e r a c t f o r the most part with extremely disadvantaged persons. a 0 There i s a "hidden assumption that those served are b a s i c a l l y i n f e r i o r " (Howard, 1971: 19). T h i s assumption, combined with the necessary p r e v a l e n c e of i n s t i t u t i o n a l c a r e , minimizes inf o r m a t i o n - g a t h e r i n g : [Workers are] tempted to see p a r t i c u l a r community members i n predetermined p e r s p e c t i v e s ( i . e . to apply s t e r e o t y p e s and r e l y on the c r i t e r i o n of s o c i a l s t a t u s ) to escape the burden of making endless segmented judgments (Wynne, 1980: 49). The same assumption a l s o leads to a p a t e r n a l i s t i c , or m a t e r n a l i s t i c , approach to a d v i c e - g i v i n g (Caplan, 1983: 17; Howard, 1971: 19). As noted i n Chapter Three, the person who requests h e l p a u t o m a t i c a l l y assumes a subordinate s t a t u s ; the person with s u p e r i o r s t a t u s assumes the r o l e of a d v i c e - g i v e r . Indian S o c i a l S e r v i c e P r o v i d e r s Overseas In the immigrant context, s o c i a l welfare s e r v i c e s may a l s o 1 26 be d e l i v e r e d by v o l u n t e e r s as w e l l as by s a l a r i e d persons. V o l u n t a r y work c o n s t i t u t e s an extension of the seva p r o v i d e d to r e l a t i v e s and f e l l o w v i l l a g e r s . V o l u n t e e r i n g i n d i v i d u a l s , who may be termed " s o c i a l workers" by community members, enhance t h e i r i z z a t through s e l f l e s s a c t i o n taken on behalf of others (Helweg, 1979: 80, 157). Groups of v o l u n t e e r s , o r g a n i z e d very much along the l i n e s of Indian s o c i a l welfare a s s o c i a t i o n s , a l s o provide some immigrants with an o p p o r t u n i t y to "do good works" f o r t h e i r f e l l o w countrymen. Although both i n d i v i d u a l v o l u n t e e r s and groups of v o l u n t e e r s e x i s t i n Vancounver as d e s c r i b e d below, i t i s important to note that most of the Indo-Canadians i n t e r v i e w e d c o n s i d e r v o l u n t a r y welfare a c t i v i t y to be compa r a t i v e l y l a c k i n g i n the immigrant c o n t e x t . ' 1 Some suggest t h a t , once i n Canada, immigrants get "caught up i n the r a t race:" People here do not have time f o r other people's l i v e s . Everyone j u s t works. That i s why they come to Canada, to get more money and get ahead. Everybody i s busy with h i s own a f f a i r s so they say "I can't lend a hand." You are a l l alone, nobody c a r e s , nobody has time to spare. Comments by other Indo-Canadians suggest that the r u r a l and m i d d l e - c l a s s background of the m a j o r i t y of immigrants p r e c l u d e s much f a m i l i a r i t y with v o l u n t a r y welfare s e r v i c e s i n I n d i a , and hence any p r e d i s p o s i t i o n to v o l u n t e e r i n g here: We do not have the custom of s o c i a l s e r v i c e s i n our country. J u s t , your f a m i l y i s the r e , and you make c o n t r i b u t i o n to the temple. 1 27 One lady from [a Neighborhood House] t o l d me to come to Volunteer Evening. In the Punjab there i s no vol u n t e e r p o s i t i o n . Only i f you are i n bad t r o u b l e , then you go out and get hel p . But we were w e l l o f f . V o l u n t a r y s o c i a l s e r v i c e s do e x i s t i n the reg i o n s of emigration, but most of the Indo-Canadian respondents were n e i t h e r poor enough to have r e c e i v e d such h e l p nor wealthy enough to have provided i t . Backgrounds of the i n d i v i d u a l s who do provide v o l u n t a r y s e r v i c e w i t h i n Vancouver's immigrant communities i n d i c a t e that both r e l i e f from the " r a t race," and pre v i o u s f a m i l i a r i y with community work, f a c i l i t a t e the s e l e c t i o n of a vo l u n t e e r r o l e . F i v e such i n d i v i d u a l s were encountered d u r i n g f i e l d w o r k , three of them women whose husbands provide amply f o r t h e i r f a m i l i e s , and two of them comfortably r e t i r e d men. Only one of these, formerly the headman of h i s v i l l a g e , had engaged i n anything that c o u l d be c o n s i d e r e d community work before moving to Canada. But the remaining four had emigrated from urban c e n t r e s of Ind i a or F i j i and were f a m i l i a r with v o l u n t a r y w e l f a r e a s s o c i a t i o n s t h e r e . In Canada, two of the f i v e work as unpaid s t a f f at immigrant s e r v i c e s c e n t r e s . Three help run v o l u n t a r y s e r v i c e groups, one f o r sen i o r men and two f o r immigrant women. In g i v i n g t h e i r reasons f o r becoming v o l u n t e e r s o c i a l s e r v i c e p r o v i d e r s , each of the f i v e i n d i v i d u a l s a l l u d e d to the h o n o r a b i l i t y of the r o l e , g i v e n the neediness of the c l i e n t s : My c h i l d r e n were busy with t h e i r schoolwork, t h e i r f r i e n d s . I was g e t t i n g i r r i t a t e d s i t t i n g at home. So my f r i e n d got me in v o l v e d i n immigrant s e r v i c e s . I t was a 128 r e s p e c t a b l e t h i n g to do. Some of these people can't even read. I t e l l them what t h e i r papers [ o f f i c i a l forms] say; what they must do. There are so many problems here f o r s e n i o r s . I t i s the opposite of I n d i a . The daughter-in-law says "get a job d e l i v e r i n g papers." You must beg your own son f o r pocket money even. But many [ s e n i o r s ] won't do t h a t . They come here and we gi v e them a l l the in f o r m a t i o n , l i k e about bus pass.... Everyday I am going with them to doct o r , c i t i z e n s h i p c o u r t . I do t h i s f o r no pay. I am " c o u n s e l l o r of s e n i o r c i t i z e n s " i n our community [ t h i s s a i d with a c h u c k l e ] . I was unanimously e l e c t e d P r e s i d e n t of t h i s S o c i e t y . In other words, i n Canada as i n I n d i a , the neediness of the c l i e n t not only prompts v o l u n t e e r a c t i v i t y , but a l s o ensures that that a c t i v i t y f u l f i l l s the goal of s e r v i c e to others and c o n t r i b u t e s to i z z a t . With two or three notable e x c e p t i o n s , the p a i d Indo-Canadian s o c i a l s e r v i c e p r o v i d e r s are a l s o f i n a n c i a l l y w e l l o f f in comparison with most of t h e i r c l i e n t s . L i k e t h e i r v o l u n t e e r c o u n t e r p a r t s , most emigrated from urban c e n t r e s where they were f a m i l i a r with s o c i a l s e r v i c e s . U n l i k e the v o l u n t e e r s , however, the s a l a r i e d workers tend to e x p l a i n t h e i r c h o i c e of occupation in terms of p r o f e s s i o n a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s rather than c l i e n t need: I always thought I wanted to be a teacher, but I switched to psychology and s o c i o l o g y a f t e r two years [ i n e d u c a t i o n ] . . . . I t j u s t seemed more i n t e r e s t i n g t o me. I had been i n charge of insurance and pensions f o r the f a m i l i e s [of employees i n former b u s i n e s s ] , so when'I came here and heard about t h i s job I thought I co u l d use my s k i l l s . My experience was r e l e v a n t . 1 29 A few of the p a i d s e r v i c e agents a l s o remarked spontaneously on t h e i r s a l a r y , e i t h e r as an i n d i c a t i o n of the importance of t h e i r work, or as a source of i r r i t a t i o n that t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n a l backgrounds were not b e t t e r remunerated. There was no h i n t of apology or r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n f o r a c c e p t i n g money for d e l i v e r i n g s e r v i c e s to o t h e r s . If p a i d Indo-Canadian agents base t h e i r sense of honour on the p r o f e s s i o n a l nature of t h e i r r o l e , the p o s s i b i l i t y e x i s t s that they are f r e e of the need to d e f i n e t h e i r c l i e n t s as h e l p l e s s and i g n o r a n t . They may be a b l e to use the t r a n s a c t i o n a l mode of mutual exchange, as opposed to that of u n i l a t e r a l g i v i n g , and s t i l l f u l f i l l t h e i r g o a l s . And i f c l i e n t s are not p e r c e i v e d as h e l p l e s s or i g n o r a n t , i f mutual exchange c h a r a c t e r i z e s i n t e r a c t i o n , agents may a l s o be open to i n f o r m a t i o n - g a t h e r i n g , and to c l i e n t s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n . I t must be noted, however, that although few Indo-Canadian agents r e l a t e the worthiness of t h e i r r o l e to the neediness of t h e i r c l i e n t s , most do h o l d s t e r e o t y p i c a l b e l i e f s regarding d i f f e r e n t c a t e g o r i e s of t h e i r c l i e n t e l e . Whereas Euro-Canadians u s u a l l y s a i d they "can't s o r t out who's from where," and r a r e l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d between Hindus and Sikhs, Indo-Canadian agents i n e v i t a b l y conveyed f i r m s o c i o l o g i c a l p e r c e p t i o n s of each group. No d i s c e r n i b l e p a t t e r n emerges from these p e r c e p t i o n s . One agent from East A f r i c a d e p i c t s F i j i a n Hindus as "very r e l i g i o u s . T h e i r blood has been mixed with that of t r i b e s . " Another agent from Southeast A s i a d e s c r i b e s F i j i a n Hindus as "more Westernized than P u n j a b i s . Punjabis care more about t h e i r r e l i g i o n . " But a 130 general c l a s s consciousness i s t h e r e . C e r t a i n agents ho l d c e r t a i n groups to be "uneducated." Other agents h o l d the same or other groups to be "modern." The honour of a p a i d s o c i a l s e r v i c e agent may not depend of the neediness of the c l i e n t e l e , but i n t e r a c t i o n between agent and c l i e n t may s t i l l be i n f l u e n c e d by e s t a b l i s h e d n o t i o n s of "we" and "they." To summarize, Indo-Canadian s o c i a l s e r v i c e agents may r e f e r to one of two models of s o c i a l exchange when i n t e r a c t i n g with c l i e n t s . T h e i r urban backgrounds, Western-style t r a i n i n g , and p r o f e s s i o n a l reasons f o r becoming s e r v i c e p r o v i d e r s suggest that t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n s , d e c i s i o n s , and behaviour might w e l l be based on c u l t u r a l r e f e r e n t s of s o c i a l exchange s i m i l a r to those of t h e i r Euro-Canadian c o l l e a g u e s . But t h e i r Indian u p b r i n g i n g , t h e i r f a m i l i a r i t y with Indian v o l u n t a r y welfare s e r v i c e , and the r o l e s they are asked to play i n Canada suggest that t h e i r i n t e r a c t i o n with c l i e n t s might l o g i c a l l y be based on Indian v a l u e s , g o a l s , and t r a n s a c t i o n a l modes. Reference to one exchange model versus the oth e r , or s h i f t s between the two, would have s i g n i f i c a n t i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r Indo-Canadian agent/Indo-Canadian c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Operating w i t h i n the Indian framework, an agent might e l i c i t l e s s i n f o r m a t i o n d u r i n g the study phase of c o u n s e l l i n g . He might i n c l u d e the c l i e n t ' s f a m i l y , and the c l i e n t ' s duty to h i s fa m i l y , i n the assessment phase. Most o b v i o u s l y , r e f e r e n c e to the Indian model of exchange would render an agent's t r a n s a c t i o n s more d i r e c t i v e and a u t h o r i t a r i a n d u r i n g the 131 assessment and treatment phases of the c o u n s e l l i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p . In Part Two, c o n t r a s t s between the t r a n s a c t i o n a l p a t t e r n s of Indo-Canadian agents and Euro-Canadian agents are examined f o r such m a n i f e s t a t i o n s of the two models of s o c i a l exchange. 1 32 Notes: Chapter Four 3 7 The term "e t h n i c worker" i s used by Euro-Canadian agents and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e personnel to r e f e r to s o c i a l s e r v i c e agents who are themselves immigrants. I t can be m i s l e a d i n g , sinc e many such persons c a r r y the same c u l t u r a l l y heterogeneous case-loads that non-immigrant agents do. Of the 21 Indo-Canadian agents in t e r v i e w e d , 10 deal with c l i e n t s of v a r i o u s e t h n i c backgrounds, and 11 d e a l e x c l u s i v e l y with Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s . 3 8 The r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n of the Indo-Canadian agents i s more s i m i l a r to that of the c l i e n t s . Among the 21 agents, there are 10 Sikhs, 8 Hindus, 2 C h r i s t i a n s and 1 Muslim. 3 9 E l d e r l y persons of e i t h e r sex may a l s o perform community welfare work as part of the dharma of t h e i r stage of l i f e (Desai and Khetani, 1979: 101). ft0 Weisner assumed (1978: 243-244) t h a t members of higher s t a t u s c a s t e s would be o f f e r e d more re s p e c t and b e t t e r care by the p a i d workers at l o c a l h e a l t h c e n t r e s . He f e e l s h i s assumption was confirmed by h i s f i n d i n g t h a t the higher the c a s t e , the higher the r a t e of u t i l i z a t i o n . * 1 Examples given by Indo-Canadians t o i l l u s t r a t e l a c k of support o f t e n i n c l u d e behaviour which Euro-Canadians would c o n s i d e r s u p p o r t i v e . For example: In. F i j i , my husband went two-three times with other women. Then I went to my b r o t h e r ' s house. Now he [Hu] has gone to t h i s l a d y . I have f a m i l y here but nobody wants to get i n v o l v e d . They say, " I f you want to leave him, that i s your problem." My 1 33 [other] b r o t h e r ' s wife drove me to [an agency]. I should get h e l p t h e r e . 134 Chapter F i v e THE MODELS OF SOCIAL EXCHANGE COMPARED To understand i n t e r c u l t u r a l t r a n s a c t i o n s , i t i s necessary not only to examine the models of s o c i a l exchange o b t a i n i n g i n the c u l t u r e s i n v o l v e d but a l s o to compare those models. The d i f f e r e n c e s and s i m i l a r i t i e s emerging from such a comparison suggest l i k e l y sources of c o n f l i c t and l i k e l y p o i n t s of c o m p a t i b i l i t y to be found i n r e l a t i o n s h i p s between members of the two c u l t u r e s . The present chapter compares the c u l t u r a l r e f e r e n t s of s o c i a l exchange as p o s i t e d i n Chapters Two and Three f o r Euro-Canadian agents and Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s r e s p e c t i v e l y . I t i d e n t i f i e s d i f f e r e n c e s and s i m i l a r i t i e s i n the valu e s i n f l u e n c i n g p e r c e p t i o n of an exchange s i t u a t i o n , i n the goals u n d e r l y i n g decision-making, and i n the t r a n s a c t i o n a l modes g u i d i n g observable exchange behaviour. On the b a s i s of t h i s comparison, the chapter concludes by suggesting the l o g i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s of the c o n t r a s t s between the models of s o c i a l exchange f o r c o u n s e l l i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s between Euro-Canadian agents and Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s . Judging by the i n t e r v i e w s conducted, both Euro-Canadian agents and Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s focus on single,predominant values w i t h i n t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e c u l t u r e s ( F i g u r e 2 ) . Although the s o c i a l s e r v i c e s p o s i t value c o n t i n u a with both s o c i e t a l ' and i n d i v i d u a l ends, the Euro-Canadian agents c o n s i s t e n t l y express 1 3 5 F i g u r e 2 MODELS OF SOCIAL EXCHANGE COMPARED Euro-Canadian Indo-Canadian C u l t u r a l R e f e r e n t Agent Model C l i e n t Model Primary value I n d i v i d u a l r i g h t s Family honour u n d e r l y i n g and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s p e r c e p t i o n s : Primary g o a l u n d e r l y i n g d e c i s i o n s : C l i e n t s e l f - f u l f i l l -ment through a) d i s c l o s u r e o f problem b) d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f treatment c) f o l l o w - t h r o u g h w i t h treatment F u l f i l l m e n t o f dharma through a) f a m i l y s u f f i c i e n c y b) c a s t e p u r i t y c) s e r v i c e to ot h e r s Primary mode u n d e r l y i n g behaviour: Mutual exchange which i s a) c o n f i n e d to area of e x p e r t i s e b) a f f e c t i v e l y n e u t r a l Mutual exchange which i s a) p e r v a s i v e b) deeply a f f e c t i v e c) u n i v e r s a l i s t i c c) i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c 1 36 support f o r the r i g h t s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of the i n d i v i d u a l . Although Indian r e l i g i o u s philosophy emphasizes an o t h e r - w o r l d l y concern with personal r e l e a s e from r e b i r t h , the immigrant c l i e n t s r e v e a l an o r i e n t a t i o n toward Indian s o c i a l philosophy emphasizing a t h i s - w o r l d l y concern with f a m i l y honour. The fundamental val u e s of the agents and c l i e n t s resemble one another i n so f a r as they p e r t a i n to present, t h i s - w o r l d l y r i g h t s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of s o c i a l u n i t s . Each p a r t y ' s p e r c e p t i o n of an exchange s i t u a t i o n i s based on c o n s i d e r a t i o n s of what the valued s o c i a l u n i t can and should g i v e or r e c e i v e , here and now. The agents' and c l i e n t s ' v a l u e s d i f f e r from one another i n so f a r as they r e f e r to d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l u n i t s , to i n d i v i d u a l s on the one hand and to f a m i l i e s on the ot h e r . In p e r c e i v i n g an exchange s i t u a t i o n , an agent asks "What does t h i s mean f o r him?" The c l i e n t asks "What does t h i s mean f o r my f a m i l y ? " O v e r a l l goals present themselves as means to the r e a l i z a t i o n of the primary v a l u e s . The Euro-Canadian aims to achieve the approval of h i s p r o f e s s i o n a l peers by pursuing the p r o f e s s i o n a l goal of c l i e n t s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t . The Indo-Canadian works toward the p o s i t i v e a p p r a i s a l of h i s community by f u l f i l l i n g h i s a s c r i b e d duty, or dharma, to that community and even more so to h i s f a m i l y . The d e c i s i o n s which the agents and c l i e n t s make reg a r d i n g exchange s i t u a t i o n s r e f l e c t .these c u l t u r a l l y s p e c i f i c g o a l s . Euro-Canadian s e l f - i n t e r e s t l i e s i n the o f f e r i n g or a c c e p t i n g of p r e s t a t i o n s which f u r t h e r the f u l f i l l m e n t of a c l i e n t as an 1 37 i n d i v i d u a l . Indo-Canadian s e l f - i n t e r e s t expresses i t s e l f i n the t r a n s a c t i n g of p r e s t a t i o n s which serve to f u l f i l l d u t i e s to f a m i l y and community. Both agents and c l i e n t s have the c l i e n t ' s i n t e r e s t at heart, but t h e i r c u l t u r a l g o a l s and the v a l u e s u n d e r l y i n g them e f f e c t d i s t i n c t d e f i n i t i o n s of that i n t e r e s t . The understanding of what c o n s t i t u t e s c l i e n t i n t e r e s t i s f u r t h e r complicated by the f a c t that the two o v e r a l l goals of c l i e n t s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t and f u l f i l l m e n t of dharma each c o n t a i n s s e v e r a l sub-goals. Euro-Canadian agents t r y to achieve c l i e n t s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t by e n a b l i n g a c l i e n t to d i s c l o s e h i s problem, to determine h i s own treatment p l a n , and to f o l l o w through with that p l a n . Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s t r y to f u l f i l l dharma by demonstrating f a m i l y s u f f i c i e n c y , c a s t e p u r i t y , and s e r v i c e to o t h e r s . Whereas the o v e r a l l goals have i n common the i n t e r e s t s of the c l i e n t , the means to those goals have l i t t l e i n common. Indeed, they would appear to c o n t r a - i n d i c a t e one another. By a d m i t t i n g to a problem, an Indo-Canadian c l i e n t b e l i e s f a m i l y s u f f i c i e n c y . In implementing a treatment p l a n , he r i s k s v i o l a t i n g c a s t e mores and p r a c t i c e s . The very e x i s t e n c e of a c o u n s e l l i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p not only i m p l i c a t e s a c l i e n t ' s c a p a c i t y to serve others but a l s o renders him a r e c i p i e n t of s e r v i c e . The modes of t r a n s a c t i o n c h a r a c t e r i z i n g Euro-Canadian and Indo-Canadian exchange behaviour a l s o vary one from the other at the s p e c i f i c r a t h e r than at the g e n e r a l l e v e l . An agent p e r c e i v e s h i m s e l f as t r a n s a c t i n g power on a p o t e n t i a l l y two-way s t r e e t . I d e a l l y , b e aring i n mind the g o a l of c l i e n t s e l f -138 s u f f i c i e n c y and the value of the i n d i v i d u a l , an agent aims to f o s t e r i n the c l i e n t a sense of h i s own power, both with regard to the c o u n s e l l i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p and with regard to the problem at hand. In p a r t i c u l a r , an agent wants to t r a n s f e r to the c l i e n t the power of determining f o r hi m s e l f what treatment plan he w i l l f o l l o w . An Indo-Canadian c l i e n t p e r c e i v e s h i m s e l f as t r a n s a c t i n g s t a t u s , i n one of four ways. I f he g i v e s , he e s t a b l i s h e s h i s own s t a t u s as s u p e r i o r ; i f he r e c e i v e s , he acknowledges i n f e r i o r s t a t u s . Mutual exchange i n d i c a t e s equal s t a t u s , and non-exchange leaves the q u e s t i o n of r e l a t i v e s t a t u s open to debate. Bearing in mind the goal of dharma and the value of f a m i l y honour, an Indo-Canadian c l i e n t might l o g i c a l l y be expected to favour the t r a n s a c t i o n a l mode of g i v i n g . But h i s p o s i t i o n as help-needer, w i t h i n the Indian model of s o c i a l exchange, e l i m i n a t e s g i v i n g as an o p t i o n a v a i l a b l e to him. By d e f i n i t i o n , the person r e q u i r i n g s e r v i c e cannot a l s o enjoy the power and s t a t u s which accompany the determining of that s e r v i c e . Of the t r a n s a c t i o n a l modes remaining, non-exchange and mutual exchange are p r e f e r a b l e to u n i l a t e r a l r e c e i v i n g . While not i n c r e a s i n g s t a t u s , at l e a s t they do not d i m i n i s h i t . However, non-exchange means that h e l p cannot be r e c e i v e d . I f hel p i s r e q u i r e d , then mutual exchange re p r e s e n t s the p r e f e r r e d mode w i t h i n which to t r a n s a c t i t . Thus, at a general l e v e l , Euro-Canadians and Indo-Canadians agree that u n i l a t e r a l r e c e i v i n g by c l i e n t s c o n s t i t u t e s the l e a s t p r e f e r a b l e mode of t r a n s a c t i o n . Agents f e e l i t renders c l i e n t 1 39 s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t unobtainable and ignores i n d i v i d u a l r i g h t s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t e s . C l i e n t s f e e l i t s a c r i f i c e s any hope of f u l f i l l i n g dharma or of r e a l i z i n g f a m i l y honour. Furthermore, the two p a r t i e s would appear to agree that mutual exchange c o n s t i t u t e s the optimal mode of t r a n s a c t i o n . Agents d e s c r i b e an "environment of e q u a l i t y " in which mutual s h a r i n g of in f o r m a t i o n and f e e l i n g s l e a d s to c l i e n t s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t . C l i e n t s r e f e r to k i n s h i p - s t y l e r e l a t i o n s w i t h i n which t r a n s a c t i o n s are f r e e from i m p l i c a t i o n s of indebtedness by v i r t u e of the f a c t t h at they are mutual and g e n e r a l i z e d . However, as with the understanding of c l i e n t i n t e r e s t as a go a l , the understanding of mutual exchange as a t r a n s a c t i o n a l mode i s s u b j e c t to c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s at the s p e c i f i c l e v e l . Euro-Canadian agents f e e l p r o f e s s i o n a l l y o b l i g e d to c o n f i n e i n t e r a c t i o n to t h e i r area of e x p e r t i s e . T r a n s a c t i o n s must be a f f e c t i v e l y n e u t r a l , notwithstanding the empathy to be conveyed, and they should be based on u n i v e r s a l i s t i c standards. Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s a s s o c i a t e mutual exchange with group a l l i a n c e s or p e r s o n a l f r i e n d s h i p s . The b r o t h e r l y love c h a r a c t e r i z i n g the l a t t e r e n t a i l s deep l o y a l t y and a f f e c t i o n . I t i s p e r v a s i v e , t i m e l e s s , and — i r o n i c a l l y — based on i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c standards. Within t h i s context, a help-needer r e c e i v e s d i r e c t i o n and a d v i c e from the f r i e n d able to provide i t . But the he l p -p r o v i d e r a l s o r e c e i v e s , from the person he h e l p s , other i n d i c a t i o n s of f r i e n d s h i p . To summarize, the b a s i c s i m i l a r i t i e s between the Indo-Canadian and Euro-Canadian models of s o c i a l exchange r e s i d e i n 1 40 the e m p i r i c a l , s o c i a l - u n i t bases of p e r c e p t i o n ; the c l i e n t -o r i e n t e d bases of decision-making, and the mutual exchange mode of t r a n s a c t i o n a l behaviour. The d i f f e r e n c e s between the two models r e l a t e to the d i s t i n c t d e f i n i t i o n s accorded these common r e f e r e n t s . Euro-Canadian agents t r a n s a c t with c l i e n t s i n such a way as to grant them power, that they may become s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t and r e a l i z e t h e i r p o t e n t i a l as i n d i v i d u a l s . Indo-Canadian h e l p -needers exchange with others so as to grant them the st a t u s of a d v i c e - g i v e r s while m a i n t a i n i n g t h e i r own s t a t u s , thus f u l f i l l i n g an a s c r i b e d duty and r e a l i z i n g f a m i l y honour. How might these d i f f e r e n c e s and s i m i l a r i t i e s a f f e c t i n t e r a c t i o n between Euro-Canadian s o c i a l s e r v i c e agents and Indo-Canadian immigrant c l i e n t s ? Since t r a n s a c t i o n a l behaviour r e f l e c t s g o a l - o r i e n t e d d e c i s i o n s made by each p a r t y , and s i n c e the d e c i s i o n s i n turn r e f l e c t each p a r t y ' s p e r c e p t i o n of the exchange s i t u a t i o n i n accordance with c u l t u r a l v a l u e s , the fundamental i m p l i c a t i o n of c o n t r a s t s between exchange models would l o g i c a l l y r e s i d e at the l e v e l of p e r c e p t i o n and valu e . I suggest the f o l l o w i n g h y p o t h e s i s : DIFFICULTIES IN THE EURO-CANADIAN AGENT/INDO-CANADIAN CLIENT RELATIONSHIP WILL EMERGE WHERE AGENT TRANSACTIONS ARE PERCEIVED BY CLIENTS TO IMPINGE ON FAMILY HONOUR, AND WHERE CLIENT TRANSACTIONS ARE PERCEIVED BY AGENTS TO IMPINGE ON INDIVIDUAL RIGHTS AND RESPONSIBILITIES. Furthermore, I expect agents w i l l f e e l f r u s t r a t e d or confused by c l i e n t t r a n s a c t i o n s o r i e n t e d toward f a m i l y honour, and that c l i e n t s w i l l respond s i m i l a r l y to agent t r a n s a c t i o n s o r i e n t e d 141 toward i n d i v i d u a l s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t . In Part Two, I d e s c r i b e the p a t t e r n s of i n t e r a c t i o n o b t a i n i n g between the Euro-Canadian agents and Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s i n t e r v i e w e d , and suggest the extent to which the p o i n t s of c o m p a t i b i l i t y and p o i n t s of c o n f l i c t support the above h y p o t h e s i s . Four phases of the c o u n s e l l i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p i n t r o d u c t i o n , study, assessment, and treatment -- are each examined f o r the d e c i s i o n s which the agents and c l i e n t s make, the t r a n s a c t i o n a l modes i n which they c a r r y them out, and the responses of the opposite p a r t i e s to those d e c i s i o n s and t r a n s a c t i o n s . The ending phase of c o u n s e l l i n g i s not i n c l u d e d f o r lack of dat a . Only four of the 40 immigrants i n the study were not c u r r e n t l y engaged with agents at the time of i n t e r v i e w i n g . However, c l i e n t and agent e v a l u a t i o n of outcome -- normally a s s o c i a t e d with the ending phase of c o u n s e l l i n g and c r i t i c a l to the a n a l y s i s of a g e n t - c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s -- i s i n c l u d e d as much as p o s s i b l e i n the d i s c u s s i o n of the f i r s t four phases (see B r i a r and M i l l e r , 1971: 167-170). I note i n d i c a t i o n s of agent e v a l u a t i o n of c l i e n t acceptance, d i s c l o s u r e , s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n , and f o l l o w - t h r o u g h . I a l s o examine c l i e n t s ' statements f o r e v a l u a t i o n s of agents' offer's of help, i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of problems, approaches t o c o u n s e l l i n g , and support d u r i n g treatment. As i n d i c a t e d i n Appendix B, the in t e r v i e w schedules were designed to e l i c i t r e l a t i v e i n f o r m a t i o n , not only oh Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s i n comparison with Euro-Canadian c l i e n t s , but 1 42 a l s o on Indian Sikh, Indian Hindu, and F i j i a n Hindu c l i e n t s i n comparison with one another. However, as e x p l a i n e d i n Appendix A, Indian Sikhs c o n s t i t u t e d the bulk of my c l i e n t p o p u l a t i o n . Furthermore, as noted i n Chapter Four, Euro-Canadian agents seldom d i s t i n g u i s h e d between Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s on the b a s i s of r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n or region of e m i g r a t i o n . Indo-Canadian agents d i d d i f f e r e n t i a t e on these grounds, but no c l e a r p a t t e r n emerges from the d i s t i n c t i o n s they suggested. Thus, given the data generated, the t r a n s a c t i o n s d e s c r i b e d i n Part Two are p o s i t e d as p e r t a i n i n g to the c o u n s e l l i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p between s o c i a l s e r v i c e agents and a l l three c a t e g o r i e s of Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s . PART TWO: PATTERNS OF INTERACTION 144 Chapter Six "WHO ARE YOU?" THE INTRODUCTORY PHASE In the i n t r o d u c t o r y phase of a c o u n s e l l i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p , an agent and c l i e n t g ive and r e c e i v e information about themselves and about t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n s of one another. What in f o r m a t i o n i s " conveyed and the way in which i t i s t r a n s a c t e d bear d i r e c t l y on how i t i s r e c e i v e d and responded t o . Judging by the i n t e r v i e w s conducted, the nature of the r e l a t i o n s h i p e s t a b l i s h e d between a s o c i a l s e r v i c e agent and an Indo-Canadian c l i e n t depends h e a v i l y on the l a t t e r ' s understanding of who the agent i s and why he i s th e r e . As one Indo-Canadian agent puts i t : A stranger walks i n and says "I am concerned about you." But who are you? You are not a d o c t o r . Who are you? The present chapter examines p a t t e r n s of i n t e r a c t i o n between agents and c l i e n t s d u r i n g the i n i t i a l phase of c o u n s e l l i n g . F i r s t , I d e s c r i b e how contact i s made, and how each p a r t y p e r c e i v e s h i s own and h i s opposite's response to i n i t i a l c o n t a c t . I then d i s c u s s how an agent i d e n t i f i e s himself to a c l i e n t , and how the c l i e n t i n t e r p r e t s t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n . F i n a l l y , the chapter concludes with an examination of c l i e n t e f f o r t s to i d e n t i f y agents to t h e i r own s a t i s f a c t i o n , and agent responses to these e f f o r t s . 1 45 Pat t e r n s of I n i t i a l Contact S o c i a l s e r v i c e agents r e f e r to three ways i n which they f i r s t come i n t o c ontact with c l i e n t s : i n t e r v e n t i o n , r o u t i n e s e r v i c e s , and s e l f - r e f e r r a l . Each of these means of con t a c t tends to correspond with one of three t r a n s a c t i o n a l modes i n i t i a l l y employed by c l i e n t s (Table I V ) . In g e n e r a l , Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s manifest negative or non-exchange behaviour i n response to i n t e r v e n t i o n ; p o s i t i v e or mutual exchange behaviour i n response to r o u t i n e s e r v i c e s , and dependent or r e c e i v i n g behaviour i n response to co n t a c t through s e l f - r e f e r r a l . An examination of the circumstances surrounding f i r s t c o n t a c t s helps to e x p l a i n t h i s correspondence. INTERVENTION, i n the jargon of the h e l p i n g p r o f e s s i o n s , r e f e r s to those c o n t a c t s i n i t i a t e d by agents i n response to inf o r m a t i o n r e c e i v e d from someone other than the p r o s p e c t i v e c l i e n t . Although normally a s s o c i a t e d with the r o l e s of s o c i a l workers, i n t e r v e n t i o n may a l s o b r i n g p u b l i c h e a l t h workers and school workers i n t o c o n t a c t with c l i e n t s . By d e f i n i t i o n , i n t e r v e n t i o n i s problem-oriented and i m p l i e s need on the part of the c l i e n t . Agents b e l i e v e that Indo-Canadian and Euro-Canadian r e s i d e n t s of East and South Vancouver are e q u a l l y l i k e l y to r e q u i r e i n t e r v e n t i o n . However, more Euro-Canadian cases concern i n f a n t and c h i l d abuse, and more Indo-Canadian cases concern abuse of wives and a d o l e s c e n t s . " 2 Depending on t h e i r r o l e w i t h i n the network of h e l p i n g agencies, workers r e c e i v e the m a j o r i t y of t h e i r Indo-Canadian r e f e r r a l s from p o l i c e and other emergency s e r v i c e s , and 146 Table IV FORM OF INITIAL CONTACT BY MODE OF CLIENT RESPONSE I n i t i a l C ontact w o G, w <u cn •p G OJ •H U I n t e r v e n t i o n Routine S e l f - R e f e r r a l TOTAL Non-Exchange 11 (32%) 1 ( 3%) - 12 (35%) Mutual Exchange - 7 (20%) 2 ( 6%) 9 (26%) Dependent R e c e i v i n g 5 (15%) 2 ( 6%) 6 (18%) 13 (39%) TOTAL 16 (47%) 10 (29%) 8 (24%) 34(100%) 147 s e c o n d a r i l y from h o s p i t a l s , p r i v a t e d o c t o r s , and p u b l i c h e a l t h workers making r o u t i n e v i s i t s . Less f r e q u e n t l y , teachers and " f r i e n d s " of the p r o s p e c t i v e c l i e n t b r i n g h i s problem to the a t t e n t i o n of agents. Although t h i s p a t t e r n of r e f e r r a l may or may not be r e p r e s e n t a t i v e , based as i t i s on i m p r e s s i o n i s t i c and non-random data, i t does make sense i n l i g h t of the Indian p r e f e r e n c e f o r containment and f o r f a m i l i a r sources of h e l p . " 3 Agents i n d i c a t e that whatever the source of r e f e r r a l , t h e i r consequent i n t e r v e n t i o n u s u a l l y e l i c i t s a h o s t i l e response from c l i e n t s . Whereas the r e a c t i o n of Euro-Canadians tends to be d e f e n s i v e ("I'm a good parent. I haven't done anything wrong"), the r e a c t i o n of Indo-Canadians tends to convey r e s i s t a n c e : I t ' s not your concern what happens in my f a m i l y . T h i s i s the way t h i n g s are done i n our community. There was a l i t t l e problem but there's no need f o r you to be i n v o l v e d . Next time w e ' l l get i n touch with you. He's a p i e c e of my h e a r t . I w i l l look a f t e r him. I don't need you. I don't want you. Get out. The Indo-Canadian's d i s p u t e i s j u r i s d i c t i o n a l ; he c h a l l e n g e s the agent's r i g h t to i n t e r v e n e . As one f a m i l y worker puts i t : "Whites don't want to be seen as c a u s a l , but with East Indians i t ' s j u s t 'none of your b u s i n e s s . ' " Agents note that while both Euro-Canadian and Indo-Canadian men r e s i s t i n t e r v e n t i o n more than do t h e i r wives, Indo-Canadian men resent the " i n t r u s i o n i n t o t h e i r domain" most of a l l . In the o p i n i o n of one agent, they act as i f they have been p e r s o n a l l y 148 a t t a c k e d . When c h i l d r e n are i n v o l v e d , Indo-Canadian women may i n i t i a l l y appear " r e a l l y open" to the prospect of a h e l p i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p . However, "onqe the f a t h e r has expressed h i s r e s i s t a n c e , the mother u s u a l l y goes al o n g . " Where the case i n v o l v e s w i f e - b a t t e r i n g , Indo-Canadian women oft e n r e f u s e "even to l e t the worker i n , " p a r t i c u l a r l y i f the husband i s pre s e n t : A t y p i c a l p a t t e r n i s to have the wife deny the problem and the man t r i e s to get us out of t h e r e . H e ' l l say, "Sure, I got drunk one day and h i t her. I f i t happens again w e ' l l phone you." Of the 34 r e l a t i o n s h i p s which c l i e n t s r e c a l l e d i n d e t a i l , 16 were e s t a b l i s h e d as a r e s u l t of agent i n t e r v e n t i o n s . Of these, 11 (69%) were c h a r a c t e r i z e d at the outset by c l i e n t r e s i s t a n c e . The remaining 5 cases (31%) a l l i n v o l v e d women who were i n the process of s e p a r a t i n g , or were a l r e a d y separated from, t h e i r husbands. Each of these cases was c h a r a c t e r i z e d i n i t i a l l y by c l i e n t dependence. ROUTINE SERVICES, as the term i m p l i e s , are s e r v i c e s o f f e r e d as a matter of course to a l l i n d i v i d u a l s of a given category, f o r example, to post-partum mothers. By d e f i n i t i o n , such s e r v i c e s are co n s i d e r e d e q u a l l y a v a i l a b l e to a l l q u a l i f y i n g persons w i t h i n the g e o g r a p h i c a l area of the agency a d m i n i s t e r i n g them. They are t a s k - o r i e n t e d or p r e v e n t a t i v e , r a t h e r than problem-oriented. Although most f r e q u e n t l y a s s o c i a t e d with p u b l i c h e a l t h workers, school workers and s o c i a l workers o u t s i d e of the M i n i s t r y of Human Resources may a l s o e s t a b l i s h c o n t a c t 149 with c l i e n t s through the d e l i v e r y of r o u t i n e s e r v i c e s . In s t a r k c o n t r a s t to the h o s t i l e c l i e n t response to i n t e r v e n t i o n , c l i e n t response to r o u t i n e s e r v i c e s i s g e n e r a l l y q u i t e p o s i t i v e . Agents i n d i c a t e that both Euro-Canadians and Indo-Canadians u s u a l l y a f f o r d t h e i r o f f e r s of s e r v i c e a c o n s i s t e n t welcome, but that Indo-Canadians seem to take them l e s s f o r granted and to be more g r a t e f u l f o r them. P a r t i c u l a r l y persons who have heard about the s e r v i c e but who have not yet r e c e i v e d i t "say 'yes' before I can get my s p i e l out." When any r e s e r v a t i o n s to the acceptance of r o u t i n e s e r v i c e s are expressed, they tend to be expressed by men. Agents r e p o r t that while Euro-Canadian men remain n e u t r a l or become p o s i t i v e l y i n v o l v e d , Indo-Canadian men remain n e u t r a l or "need to check out what t h i s i s a l l about": East Indian men have more q u e s t i o n s about why you are t h e r e . I t ' s the more p r o t e c t i v e r o l e they f e e l they have to p l a y . They want a v a l i d reason f o r your being t h e r e . Indo-Canadians a l s o o c c a s i o n a l l y ask whether the s e r v i c e c o s t s anything, and how the agent got t h e i r name: Sometimes they seem to wonder why I am th e r e . They thi n k I am d e f i n i n g them as a problem, j u s t because they are immigrants. As soon as I e x p l a i n that i t i s r o u t i n e f o r a l l mums, i t ' s okay. As one man s a i d with regard to r o u t i n e d e n t a l examinations f o r h i s grandson: 1 50 We have taken a l l the necessary h e l p we t h i n k i s e s s e n t i a l . But we would not want to r e c e i v e more than the next f e l l o w . Of the 10 a g e n t - c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s which were e s t a b l i s h e d as a r e s u l t of r o u t i n e d e l i v e r y of s e r v i c e s , 7 were c h a r a c t e r i z e d from the beginning by r e l a t i v e l y f r e e - f l o w i n g , two-way t r a n s a c t i o n s . The 2 r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n which the c l i e n t assumed dependent a t t i t u d e s from the outset i n v o l v e d women i n very poor h e a l t h and severe f i n a n c i a l s t r a i t s . In only one case d i d an Indo-Canadian immigrant of the present sample i n i t i a l l y r e j e c t an o f f e r of r o u t i n e s e r v i c e s . SELF-REFERRAL denotes those c o n t a c t s between agents and c l i e n t s i n i t i a t e d by the c l i e n t . L i k e i n t e r v e n t i o n s , s e l f -r e f e r r a l s are problem-oriented and tend to be a s s o c i a t e d with s o c i a l workers. However, u n l i k e some cases of i n t e r v e n t i o n , s e l f - r e f e r r a l occurs when the c l i e n t h i m s e l f f e e l s he has a problem with which he would l i k e o u t s i d e a s s i s t a n c e . A l l of the agents i n t e r v i e w e d remarked on the p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y low r a t e of Indo-Canadian s e l f - r e f e r r a l s i n comparison with that of Euro-Canadians. They estimate that between 5% and 12% of t h e i r Indo-Canadian cases are s e l f -r e f e r r e d , i n c o n t r a s t to up to 50% of t h e i r Euro-Canadian cases, depending on the nature of the s e r v i c e . Most Euro-Canadian agents a t t r i b u t e the r e l a t i v e s c a r c i t y of Indo-Canadian s e l f -r e f e r r a l s to f a c t o r s of language, lack of awareness, and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n d i f f i c u l t i e s . Most Indo-Canadians, both c l i e n t s and agents, e x p l a i n the p a t t e r n i n terms of Indian c u l t u r a l 151 v a l u e s : They see i t as a negative t h i n g to get h e l p . The a b i l i t y to handle t h e i r own problems i s the s t r o n g e s t v a l u e . The f a m i l y i s the be-a l l and the e n d - a l l . You j u s t don't t a l k o u t s i d e . When Indo-Canadians do r e f e r themselves f o r h e l p , the s i t u a t i o n i s i n e v i t a b l y a s e r i o u s one. Almost as i n e v i t a b l y , i t i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a dependent c l i e n t demeanor: No East Indian case i s not desperate. If they are a s k i n g f o r h e l p , i t means they are completely dependent on you. The f a m i l y has broken down. Agents note that " r a r e l y " or "never" do Indo-Canadian men r e f e r themselves f o r a problem. Of the 11 men i n t e r v i e w e d , only one had i n i t i a t e d c o n t a c t with an agent: I was so ashamed. My daughter-in-law shouted at me, I should get a job. My son l i s t e n s o n l y to her.... I t o l d my f r i e n d s how i t was f o r me. One guy t o l d me about [an agency]. Another guy t o l d me to go there a l s o . So I openly went to that p l a c e . S e v e r a l agents suggested that s e l f - r e f e r r a l s are most l i k e l y to come from i n d i v i d u a l s who have "no one e l s e to turn t o " w i t h i n t h e i r own community. But i n t e r v i e w s with the s e l f -r e f e r r i n g c l i e n t s i n d i c a t e not only that they do have someone to turn to but a l s o that they have turned to them and have been adv i s e d by them to seek p r o f e s s i o n a l h e l p : 1 52 I d i d n ' t t e l l anyone f o r a long time. Then I t o l d a f r i e n d how my husband was bo t h e r i n g me. She t o l d me to go to [a p a r t i c u l a r a g e n t ] . She gave me the number. When my husband l e f t to l i v e with that woman, I c a l l e d [ t h a t a g e n t ] . On the one hand, encouragement from f r i e n d s a l l e v i a t e s the fear of what people would say i f they "found out." Help-seeking cannot v i o l a t e community standards as d r a s t i c a l l y i f community members suggest i t . On the other hand, encouragement from f r i e n d s a l l e v i a t e s the fear of appearing, to on e s e l f or to ot h e r s , as s e l f - s e r v i n g . Most of the immigrants who i n i t i a t e d c o n t a c t with agents emphasized that they "would .have put up" with the s i t u a t i o n , but that others " i n s i s t e d " that they look a f t e r themselves. E i g h t of the 34 r e l a t i o n s h i p s d e s c r i b e d by c l i e n t s r e s u l t e d from c o n t a c t s made by them. Six of these s e l f - r e f e r r e d cases (75%), a l l i n v o l v i n g women, were c h a r a c t e r i z e d at the outset by a dependent c l i e n t manner. The two remaining r e l a t i o n s h i p s , one i n v o l v i n g a male c l i e n t and one a female, were c h a r a c t e r i z e d by open, mutual exchanges from the beginning. The g e n e r a l correspondence between the form of contact and the p a t t e r n of response to co n t a c t may be understood i n terms of the c l i e n t s ' r e f e r e n t s of s o c i a l exchange. Contact by i n t e r v e n t i o n , because i t i m p l i e s e x c e p t i o n a l need, i m p l i c a t e s the s u f f i c i e n c y of a c l i e n t ' s f a m i l y and thre a t e n s i t s honour. If f a m i l y honour can s t i l l be preserved, the c l i e n t responds to i n t e r v e n t i o n i n the non-exchange mode of t r a n s a c t i o n . Contact through r o u t i n e s e r v i c e s i s more ac c e p t a b l e , once the u n i v e r s a l 1 53 nature of the s e r v i c e i s understood. A c l i e n t responds i n the mutual exchange mode, assured that the s u f f i c i e n c y of h i s p a r t i c u l a r f a m i l y i s not being c h a l l e n g e d . Contact through s e l f -r e f e r r a l , while problem-oriented, i s acc e p t a b l e because the fa m i l y -- the obj e c t of goals and the b a s i s of value s — has broken down. S e l f - r e f e r r e d c l i e n t s t r a n s a c t with agents as u n i l a t e r a l r e c e i v e r s . Without f a m i l y , they p e r c e i v e themselves as having l i t t l e to give and a great need to r e c e i v e . Most of the exceptions to t h i s general r e l a t i o n s h i p between form of co n t a c t and response to co n t a c t f u r t h e r underscore the relevance of these c u l t u r a l r e f e r e n t s . The c l i e n t s who responded i n a dependent manner to i n t e r v e n t i o n (5) or to r o u t i n e s e r v i c e s (2) were a l l women more or l e s s without t h e i r husbands. They had no f a m i l y i n Vancouver who would h e l p them, and none whose honour they c o u l d p r o t e c t except at great p e r s o n a l c o s t . The two c l i e n t s who t r a n s a c t e d i n the mutual exchange mode f o l l o w i n g s e l f - r e f e r r a l p e r c e i v e d themselves to be a c t i n g from a p o s i t i o n of r e l a t i v e s t r e n g t h . One, a F i j i a n Hindu woman, had her own f a m i l y of p r o c r e a t i o n r e s i d e n t i n Vancouver. They shared her r i g h t e o u s i n d i g n a t i o n over her husband's behaviour, and advi s e d her to seek h e l p . The other, a se n i o r Punjabi Sikh man, had v i l l a g e b r o t h e r s who shared h i s ri g h t e o u s i n d i g n a t i o n over h i s daughter-in-law's behaviour and ad v i s e d him to seek h e l p . The one c l i e n t who responded to r o u t i n e s e r v i c e s i n the non-exchange mode had a complicated s i t u a t i o n of bigamy to h i d e . He f e a r e d d e p o r t a t i o n , and was r e l u c t a n t to t a l k to any o f f i c i a l person. I r e t u r n to the f a c t o r of fe a r of d e p o r t a t i o n l a t e r i n 1 54 t h i s c h a p ter. I d e n t i f i c a t i o n of Agent as an O f f i c i a l When they f i r s t phone or v i s i t a p r o s p e c t i v e c l i e n t , agents t y p i c a l l y i n t r o d u c e themselves by p e r s o n a l name, then by the name of the agency which they r e p r e s e n t , and f i n a l l y by t h e i r reason f o r c a l l i n g . I f the pe r s o n a l name i s an Indian one, the c l i e n t may surmise s e v e r a l items of i n f o r m a t i o n about the c a l l e r . The s i g n i f i c a n c e of t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n i s d i s c u s s e d below i n r e l a t i o n to the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the agent as an i n d i v i d u a l . If the name pronounced i s a European one, no i n f o r m a t i o n i s conveyed, u n l e s s the c l i e n t happens to have heard the name mentioned by o t h e r s . The c l i e n t then r e l i e s e n t i r e l y on the name of the agency. He hears, f o r example, "I am a nurse with the Vancouver H e a l t h Department," or "I am your son's c o u n s e l l o r at such-and-such s c h o o l . " As i n d i c a t e d above, the subsequent statement concerning the reason f o r the c a l l has broad i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the nature of response to i t . However, the key words used i n the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the agent serve to modify or r e i n f o r c e t h i s response. In the f i r s t example, the key term f o r Indo-Canadians seems to be "nurse": A nurse i s okay, because nurses they know. But i t i s d i f f i c u l t f o r them to d i f f e r e n t i a t e between nurses, to c o n c e p t u a l i z e the d i f f e r e n t r o l e s . The immigrants i n t e r v i e w e d e x p l i c i t l y a s s o c i a t e p u b l i c h e a l t h 155 workers i n Canada with the nurses of government c l i n i c s i n t h e i r r e g i o n s of e m i g r a t i o n . For example, one man accepted an unexpected p o s t - o p e r a t i v e v i s i t understanding that "the h o s p i t a l must have given our records to the area s i s t e r s . In F i j i we have t h i s i n urban areas f o r i n j e c t i o n s . " The only d i f f e r e n c e i s that "here, the government pays nurses to come to people's homes," and to care f o r c h i l d r e n i n the s c h o o l s . V i s i t s from p u b l i c h e a l t h workers, from "nurses," are the most widely known p e r s o n a l l y d e l i v e r e d r o u t i n e s e r v i c e . Perhaps because of these agents' high p r o f i l e , but a l s o because of the ease with which "nurse" f i t s p r e v i o u s l y e x i s t i n g c o g n i t i v e c a t e g o r i e s , other persons are sometimes confused with them. Immigrants who spoke of r e c e i v i n g h e l p from a "nurse" or " h o s p i t a l s i s t e r " o f t e n turned out to have had Homemaker S e r v i c e , d e l i v e r e d by i n d i v i d u a l s with no nursing background. When the s e r v i c e p r o v i d e r i n t r o d u c e s h i m s e l f as a c o u n s e l l o r from a s c h o o l , the key term f o r Indo-Canadians i s " s c h o o l " : If I phone East Indians and say I am c a l l i n g from the s c h o o l , they are r e a l l y open. They have respect f o r the education system. They are w i l l i n g to come to the school at once. The respect accorded schools r e l a t e s on the one hand to the a u t h o r i t a r i a n education system of the regions of o r i g i n , and on the other hand to the importance p l a c e d on a c h i l d ' s success i n the school system here. Although Chinese Canadian parents are c o n s i s t e n t l y p e r c e i v e d as p l a c i n g the g r e a t e s t emphasis on ed u c a t i o n , the " s u c c e s s f u l a d a p t a t i o n of a c h i l d i s extremely 1 56 important to a l l immigrant pa r e n t s . S e r v i c e s o f f e r e d by the school are r e a d i l y accepted." School workers f o r the most part recognize the a t t i t u d e of u n d e r l y i n g respect and use i t : I always present myself as working i n the sc h o o l , f o r the school board. I want them to connect me with the s c h o o l . East Indians --a l l e t h n i c groups -- have a p o s i t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p to the s c h o o l . I t i s o f t e n negative with s o c i a l s e r v i c e s . The only two agents who p e r c e i v e Indo-Canadian males as " j u s t as r e c e p t i v e " to s e r v i c e s as females are both school workers. While the education system i s p r e v i o u s l y known, awareness of i t s s e r v i c e s i s l i m i t e d to the d i s c i p l i n a r y and academic f u n c t i o n s of teacher and p r i n c i p a l . With one ex c e p t i o n , immigrants who were con t a c t e d by a c o u n s e l l o r r e f e r r e d to him as e i t h e r "teacher" or as " p r i n c i p a l " ("He i s not [my daughter's] teacher; maybe the p r i n c i p a l " ) . Nonetheless, the resp e c t accorded the school system as an i n s t i t u t i o n f a c i l i t a t e s acceptance of i t s s e r v i c e s , even i f the r o l e s of those d e l i v e r i n g them are not re c o g n i z e d : East Indian parents have the same a t t i t u d e to the c o u n s e l l o r and the teacher. They don't know the d i f f e r e n c e . They are not used to school c o u n s e l l i n g , but once you e x p l a i n , i t ' s okay. C o u n s e l l o r s r e p o r t that Euro-Canadian parents i n South and East Vancouver a l s o respond fa v o u r a b l y to c o n t a c t , but that "they a l r e a d y know about us. East Indians have to grasp the idea b i t by b i t . I t ' s new to them." 1 57 Perhaps the most c o n f u s i n g of co n t a c t s f o r Indo-Canadians to deal with c o g n i t i v e l y are those made by s o c i a l workers, e s p e c i a l l y agents from the M i n i s t r y of Human Resources. U n l i k e "nurse," " s o c i a l worker" i s not a w e l l known r o l e i n the regions of e m i g r a t i o n . U n l i k e " s c h o o l , " " M i n i s t r y of Human Resources" t e l l s p r o s p e c t i v e c l i e n t s l i t t l e , and i t can be m i s l e a d i n g . As i n d i c a t e d i n Chapter Three, a negative a t t i t u d e toward s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e i s e s t a b l i s h e d soon a f t e r a r r i v a l i n Canada. Persons r e c e i v i n g f i n a n c i a l a i d r e f e r to the M i n i s t r y of Human Resources as "the we l f a r e o f f i c e , " and to a f i n a n c i a l a i d worker as "welfare worker" or " s o c i a l worker." Who, then, i s t h i s person on the other end of the l i n e wanting to v i s i t ? Although the evidence i s scanty, i t suggests that a s o c i a l worker with the M i n i s t r y of Human Resources may be a s s o c i a t e d with the p r e v i o u s l y e x i s t i n g category of " p o l i c e . " For example, when asked whether there was anything l i k e M.H.R. i n the Punjab, Indo-Canadians r e p l i e d "We spent our whole l i v e s there and never saw the p o l i c e , " or, "The p o l i c e there do not bother about f a m i l y problems." One woman who was co n t a c t e d by a s o c i a l worker a f t e r being beaten by her husband " j u s t laughed and t o l d the p o l i c e i t was nothing." The frequency with which a c t u a l p o l i c e i n t e r v e n t i o n i s fo l l o w e d by c a l l s from s o c i a l workers, and the s t a t u t o r y power of M.H.R. to apprehend c h i l d r e n at r i s k , would c e r t a i n l y a c t to r e i n f o r c e any tendency on the part of Indo-Canadians to regard M i n i s t r y of Human Resources agents as p o l i c e . Workers c a l l i n g from the Immigrant S e r v i c e s Centre (now 158 OASIS) appear to be most r e a d i l y and most a c c u r a t e l y i d e n t i f i e d by p r o s p e c t i v e c l i e n t s . Not only are t h e i r p e r s o n a l names Indian ones, but the name of the agency and i t s l o c a t i o n are a l s o f a m i l i a r . Some of the immigrants in t e r v i e w e d had been taken by t h e i r sponsors to • the Centre d u r i n g t h e i r f i r s t days i n Vancouver to apply f o r medical insurance, e t c e t e r a . Others had read about the Centre i n Indian language newspapers as a place to go f o r E n g l i s h or c i t i z e n s h i p c l a s s e s . A few respondents had "seen the board" over the s t o r e - f r o n t door and had come i n to i n q u i r e about sponsoring r e l a t i v e s . Thus, i n the case of the Immigrant S e r v i c e s Centre, the agency name i s not a s s o c i a t e d with any p r e v i o u s l y known i n s t i t u t i o n ; i t i s a c c u r a t e l y i d e n t i f i e d as an o f f i c e that meets immediate needs: That immigrant o f f i c e i s the most important. They t o l d us about U.I.C. I went to I.S.C. to get my papers f i l l e d out. When my husband was a l c o h o l i c I went there a l s o . Because the Centre's workers meet a gamut of impersonal, uncompromising needs, they are o f t e n known to and accepted by c l i e n t s p r i o r to i n t e r v e n t i o n or s e l f - r e f e r r a l . The i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of agents i n t h e i r o f f i c i a l c a p a c i t i e s i n many i n s t a n c e s r e i n f o r c e s the p a t t e r n of response to contact d i s c u s s e d above. S o c i a l workers are not only most f r e q u e n t l y a s s o c i a t e d with s t i g m a t i z i n g i n t e r v e n t i o n , they are a l s o a s s o c i a t e d with s t i g m a t i z i n g w e l f a r e a s s i s t a n c e and p o l i c e 1 59 s e r v i c e s . R e s i s t a n c e to c o n t a c t through i n t e r v e n t i o n may a l s o be r e s i s t a n c e to h e l p o f f e r e d by agents n e g a t i v e l y i d e n t i f i e d . P u b l i c h e a l t h workers are not only most f r e q u e n t l y a s s o c i a t e d with n o n - s t i g m a t i z i n g r o u t i n e s e r v i c e s , they are a l s o a s s o c i a t e d with the r o l e of "nurse" known from the regions of o r i g i n . Acceptance of c o n t a c t s made in the course of r o u t i n e s e r v i c e d e l i v e r y may a l s o be acceptance of h e l p o f f e r e d by agents i d e n t i f i e d i n a p o s i t i v e l i g h t . Workers from the Immigrant S e r v i c e s Centre, who r e c e i v e d f i v e out of the e i g h t cases of s e l f - r e f e r r a l , do not i d e n t i f y themselves to c l i e n t s as " s o c i a l worker" or " c o u n s e l l o r . " T h e i r problem-oriented s e r v i c e s are accepted because, as i n d i v i d u a l s , they are p r e v i o u s l y and p o s i t i v e l y known to the c l i e n t s through the d e l i v e r y of other, n o n - s t i g m a t i z i n g s e r v i c e s . S e v e r a l of the s o c i a l s e r v i c e agents i n t e r v i e w e d suggest t h a t , r a t h e r than a s s o c i a t i n g them with any p a r t i c u l a r r o l e , Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s i d e n t i f y them with government o f f i c i a l s i n g e n e r a l : East Indians new to the country g i v e me the impression that they f e e l they don't have a c h o i c e . I say I'm from the H e a l t h Department and they s l o t me i n with government. P r e t t y soon they f i n d out we don't have any a u t h o r i t y . Newcomers accept i n t e r v e n t i o n more e a s i l y . There i s some f e e l i n g that " T h i s i s a government agency. We should't r e f u s e or i t might go a g a i n s t us." L a t e r i t ' s more l i k e whites; you're j u s t doing your job. Agents f e e l t h a t Euro-Canadian c l i e n t s a l s o a s s o c i a t e them with 1 60 government, but that they are l e s s i n t i m i d a t e d by the f a c t than are Indo-Canadians, and more aware of the l i m i t s to the agents' a u t h o r i t y . The q u e s t i o n a r i s i n g from the agents' suggestions i s two-f o l d . F i r s t , to what extent do Indo-Canadians " s l o t workers i n " with government? And, secondly, how i s "government" regarded? When asked who pays the s a l a r i e s of the v a r i o u s agents, c l i e n t s almost i n v a r i a b l y r e p l i e d "government." A few have no idea how agents get p a i d , and one woman b e l i e v e s that her medical insurance covers the s e r v i c e s of p u b l i c h e a l t h workers. A l s o , i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g that s e v e r a l respondents d i s t i n g u i s h between workers p a i d by the school board and those p a i d by government. However, the m a j o r i t y of c l i e n t s answered immediately that h e a l t h , s c h o o l , and s o c i a l workers are p a i d by government.* f t As to whether t h i s a s s o c i a t i o n with government i s a negative or p o s i t i v e one, the evidence i s mixed. On the one hand, the Canadian government i s the government of the country of c h o i c e . Persons are u n l i k e l y to immigrate to a place where they c o n s i d e r the government t e r r i b l y o p p r e s s i v e or f r i g h t e n i n g . As one community worker remarked: There i s no negative r e a c t i o n to the f a c t t h a t we are funded by government. You are i n Canada and t h i s i s the Canadian government. C l i e n t s from both F i j i and Ind i a c h a r a c t e r i z e the Canadian government as trustworthy and benevolent i n i t s p r o v i s i o n of s e r v i c e s : 161 The government i s so n i c e here; they p r o v i d e t h i s kind of h e l p . A f t e r my baby was born and I had the a c c i d e n t , whoever came and s a i d "I am here to h e l p you from the government," I was very g l a d . •In a recent sampling of a l l immigrants to B r i t i s h Columbia, 86% expressed s a t i s f a c t i o n with government h e a l t h and education s e r v i c e s (Canada, Manpower and Immigration, 1974: 111-118). C e r t a i n l y great a p p r e c i a t i o n , not to mention s a t i s f a c t i o n , was expressed by no l e s s a percentage of the Indo-Canadians in t e r v i e w e d f o r the present study. On the other hand, some evidence suggests t h a t a r e s i d u a l m i s t r u s t of government agents does e x i s t . Two Indo-Canadians who had p a i d f e l l o w countrymen f o r s e r v i c e s had been t o l d by them that the a l t e r n a t i v e sources of h e l p " s i d e with the government. We are on your s i d e " (see Ferguson,. 1964: 102). Three c l i e n t s who f e a r e d d e p o r t a t i o n f o r reasons of i l l e g a l e n t r y , bigamy, or t u b e r c u l o s i s were most c a u t i o u s i n i n t e r a c t i n g with agents, and a l s o c a u t i o u s in t a l k i n g to me. A f i l m on B.C.'s farmworkers notes that c o n t r a c t o r s manipulate doubts of immigrant s t a t u s to ensure the acquiescence of l a b o u r e r s (Patwardhan, 1980). In sum, while the government as a p r o v i d e r of s e r v i c e s i s p o s i t i v e l y regarded, the government as immigration a u t h o r i t y may be regarded with f e a r . In most cases, however, the a s s o c i a t i o n of an agent with government promotes c o o p e r a t i o n , or feigned c o o p e r a t i o n , not r e s i s t a n c e . I suggest that r e s i s t a n c e to government i n t e r v e n t i o n i s r e s i s t a n c e to i n t e r v e n t i o n , not to government. 162 I d e n t i f i c a t i o n of Agent as an I n d i v i d u a l I d e n t i f i c a t i o n of an agent f o r an Indo-Canadian c l i e n t demands more i n f o r m a t i o n than the usual name-role-agency statement conveys. In the o p i n i o n of one agent, "to an East Indian, g e t t i n g to know you means g e t t i n g to know your p l a c e i n s o c i e t y . " A t o t a l of 13 agents (38%) spontaneously remarked on the tendency of Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s to ask p e r s o n a l q u e s t i o n s of them: East Indians want to know a l o t about your p e r s o n a l l i f e . Are you married? Where do you l i v e ? How much money do you make? I t used to be j u s t the men but now the women ask too. Chinese don't ask that much. When a Euro-Canadian agent i n i t i a t e s c o n t a c t , such q u e s t i o n s serve to e s t a b l i s h who he i s as an i n d i v i d u a l , to " f l e s h out" the o f f i c i a l person: East Indians ask the i n t e r p r e t e r t h i n g s l i k e "Does the nurse have k i d s ? " I t e l l her to say "She's t r a i n e d to a d v i s e you." I don't l i k e to give p e r s o n a l d a t a . But that i s what they want; they're a s k i n g about you. There's no c h a l l e n g e to your a b i l i t y l i k e you get from whites. As noted below, however, to the Indo-Canadian c l i e n t i t i s p r e c i s e l y the p e r s o n a l data which e s t a b l i s h an agent's q u a l i f i c a t i o n s . 0 5 When an Indo-Canadian agent i n i t i a t e s c o n t a c t , the f i r s t q u e s t i o n s from c l i e n t s u s u a l l y concern h i s plac e i n Indian soc i e t y : 163 A Hindu grandmother w i l l ask what c a s t e you a r e . The mother wants to know what your f a t h e r or husband does. My Sik h c l i e n t s never ask about my r e l i g i o n . Maybe they know from my name. But they always ask which v i l l a g e I am from. A f t e r e s t a b l i s h i n g the Indo-Canadian agent's p l a c e w i t h i n Indian s o c i e t y , c l i e n t s then ask the same f a m i l y - r e s i d e n c e - s a l a r y q u e s t i o n s that they pose Euro-Canadian agents. Not a l l s o c i a l s e r v i c e p r o v i d e r s r e a c t favourably to p e r s o n a l q u e s t i o n s from c l i e n t s . Of the 13 who commented on t h e i r occurence, 8 (61%) s a i d they answer w i l l i n g l y , or provide i n f o r m a t i o n v o l u n t a r i l y . F i v e withhold i n f o r m a t i o n , or p r o v i d e i t r e l u c t a n t l y . As i n d i c a t e d i n Table V, the d i v i s i o n tends to c o r r e l a t e with the e t h n i c background of the agent. In g e n e r a l , Indo-Canadian agents respond favourably to q u e s t i o n s from c l i e n t s , while Euro-Canadian agents tend to respond with i n d i f f e r e n c e or with m i s g i v i n g s . " 6 The agents who express m i s g i v i n g s about p e r s o n a l q u e s t i o n s c o n s i d e r them " i n a p p r o p r i a t e , " f o r two reasons. F i r s t of a l l , they are "time-consuming." S o c i a l s e r v i c e p r o f e s s i o n a l s are taught that the i n t r o d u c t o r y phase of c o u n s e l l i n g i s c r u c i a l ; i t i s then that the "dynamics of the r e l a t i o n s h i p and the q u a l i t y of i n t e r a c t i o n " are determined ( A q u i l a r , 1972: 67; see a l s o M i z i o , 1972: 83). However, the t r a n s a c t i o n s c o n s i d e r e d conducive to i n i t i a t i n g a p o s i t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p vary between Indo-Canadian and Euro-Canadian c u l t u r e s . Euro-Canadian agents allow time to assure c l i e n t s of t h e i r r i g h t s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s w i t h i n the proposed r e l a t i o n s h i p . Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s a l l o t time to 164 Table V AGENT DISCLOSURE OF PERSONAL INFORMATION BY ETHNIC BACKGROUND OF AGENT C O M tn X O (0 m +J c tn Agent D i s c l o s u r e W i l l i n g U n w i l l i n g TOTAL Indo-Canadian 6 (46%) 1 ( 8%) 7 (54%) Euro-Canadian 2 (15%) 4 (31%) 6 (46%) TOTAL 8 (61%) 5 (39%) 13(100%) 165 a s c e r t a i n p e r s o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n about the proposed exchange p a r t n e r . In g e n e r a l , the agents do not p e r c e i v e requests f o r inf o r m a t i o n as requests, nor do they regard t h e i r answers as o f f e r i n g s i n the t r a n s a c t i o n a l sequence. Personal q u e s t i o n s merely "waste time." Personal q u e s t i o n s are a l s o c o n s i d e r e d i n a p p r o p r i a t e because they are "too p e r s o n a l " or "rude." As one agent s a i d , "you j u s t don't ask things l i k e that of a p e r f e c t s t ranger i n our s o c i e t y . " As noted i n Chapter Three, however, you j u s t don't share problems with a p e r f e c t s t ranger i n Indian s o c i e t y . In t h e i r attempts to get to know the agent and to e s t a b l i s h an exchange r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r own s a t i s f a c t i o n , Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s may o f f e n d North American s e n s i b i l i t i e s . A study of r e l a t i o n s between Japanese-Americans and whites i n Hawaii p o i n t s to the c r i t i c a l r o l e p layed by concepts of e t i q u e t t e i n determining the extent to which i n t e r c u l t u r a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s can develop: The i n t e r a c t i o n r u l e s which tend to deter the development of m u t u a l i t y c e n t r e around the p o l a r d i f f e r e n c e s i n s t y l e s of d i s c l o s u r e (Johnson and Johnson, 1975: 461). While the i n t e r a c t i o n r u l e s of North American and Indian s o c i e t y may not c o n t a i n "polar d i f f e r e n c e s , " the e t i q u e t t e surrounding how, when, and which p e r s o n a l q u e s t i o n s to ask c e r t a i n l y v a r i e s . A Euro-Canadian agent may f e e l imposed upon by a c l i e n t ' s requests f o r i n f o r m a t i o n , and an Indo-Canadian c l i e n t may f e e l that a h e l p i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p i s unacceptable from an agent who 1 6 6 r e f u s e s to d i s c l o s e i n f o r m a t i o n about h i m s e l f . The agents who respond p o s i t i v e l y to p e r s o n a l q u e s t i o n s , many of them Indo-Canadians, do so i n the b e l i e f t h a t a sense of t r u s t i n the agent comes e a s i l y once the c l i e n t "knows" who the agent i s : In the beginning, East Indian c l i e n t s are a l l tense. They are s i t t i n g t i g h t , u s i n g b r i e f answers which are very formal, and t h e i r f a c i a l e x p r e s s i o n s are very l i m i t e d . Then we chat: "Where are you from?" I have l i v e d everywhere. The whole t h i n g changes then. They s t a r t t a l k i n g l o u d l y . I t takes j u s t f i v e minutes. I f not, I know i t ' s going to be a b i g problem. Euro-Canadian agents who provide p e r s o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n f e e l that a sense of t r u s t develops once the c l i e n t has found a way i n which to " i d e n t i f y with" them: If they ask how much I make, I j u s t say " l o t s , and I love i t ! " But I t r y to e s t a b l i s h a non-threatening rapport before g e t t i n g i n t o a problem. I t comes out that my mother [from Europe] never spoke good E n g l i s h . That makes a l l the d i f f e r e n c e . S e v e r a l Euro-Canadians, i n c l u d i n g a few who view q u e s t i o n s with i n d i f f e r e n c e , note a "remarkable e f f e c t " when they inform c l i e n t s of t h e i r s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t i n Indian c u l t u r e (cooking, r e l i g i o n ) , or i n v i s i t i n g I n d i a . The importance to an Indo-Canadian of knowing h i s agent as an i n d i v i d u a l i s evidenced by the f a c t that a l l of the s e l f -r e f e r r a l s i n the present study took p l a c e with agents a l r e a d y known to the c l i e n t s , e i t h e r p e r s o n a l l y or by r e p u t a t i o n : 1 6 7 C u l t u r a l l y , East Indians would never think of using t h i s agency. But they come anyway because they have heard about me. I am known in the community. East Indians s e l f - r e f e r to the baby c l i n i c only i f they speak E n g l i s h , l i v e c l o s e by, and i f they know that I am the nurse that w i l l be t h e r e . I t ' s at the c l i n i c that l o t s of problems come out. Freq u e n t l y , when I asked c l i e n t s i f they had ever had con t a c t with a p a r t i c u l a r agency, they answered i n the ne g a t i v e ; but when I then asked whether they had had contact with p a r t i c u l a r workers from that agency, the answer was a f f i r m a t i v e . As one s e r v i c e agent put i t , "They go on p e r s o n a l i t i e s . " The p e r s o n a l q u e s t i o n s asked of unknown agents serve at l e a s t two purposes from the p e r s p e c t i v e of an Indo-Canadian c l i e n t . In the f i r s t p l a c e , i n a s c e r t a i n i n g an agent's "place i n s o c i e t y , " the c l i e n t a l s o e v a l u a t e s h i s q u a l i f i c a t i o n s and r e s p e c t a b i l i t y as a p o t e n t i a l source of c o u n s e l l i n g . Since, w i t h i n the Indian model of s o c i a l exchange, h e l p may only be r e c e i v e d from persons of equal or higher s t a t u s , i t i s necessary to have c e r t a i n i n f o r m a t i o n about an agent before a d e c i s i o n regarding the proposed r e l a t i o n s h i p can be made. Secondly, once a d e c i s i o n has been made to accept h e l p , answers to pers o n a l q u e s t i o n s serve to e s t a b l i s h the nature of the r e l a t i o n s h i p as one of mutual exchange. Agent d i s c l o s u r e of perso n a l i n f o r m a t i o n appears a p r e - r e q u i s i t e to c l i e n t d i s c l o s u r e of problems, as the f o l l o w i n g chapter i n d i c a t e s . In sum, both the content of the i n f o r m a t i o n and the f a c t t h a t i t i s o f f e r e d f a c i l i t a t e acceptance of a p r o f e r r e d h e l p i n g 168 r e l a t i o n s h i p . To conclude, the establishment of a c o u n s e l l i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p between a s o c i a l s e r v i c e agent and an Indo-Canadian immigrant depends on the p r o s p e c t i v e c l i e n t ' s p e r c e p t i o n of three t h i n g s : the reason f o r the r e l a t i o n s h i p , the o f f i c i a l r o l e of the agent o f f e r i n g i t , and the agent's a t t i t u d e toward d i s c l o s i n g p e r s o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n . An Indo-Canadian p e r c e i v e s the reason f o r the r e l a t i o n s h i p to have g r e a t e r or l e s s e r i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the maintenance of f a m i l y s u f f i c i e n c y . He p e r c e i v e s a r e l a t i o n s h i p with any given agent to be more or l e s s s t i g m a t i z i n g depending on the agent's o f f i c i a l i d e n t i t y . And he p e r c e i v e s an agent's a t t i t u d e toward pe r s o n a l q u e s t i o n s to have i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the m u t u a l i t y and hence the h o n o u r a b i l i l t y of the proposed r e l a t i o n s h i p . The i n t r o d u c t o r y phase of c o u n s e l l i n g between Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s and t h e i r agents may f a l t e r over any one of these dimensions of the answer to the q u e s t i o n , "Who are you?" 169 Notes: Chapter Six * 2 Throughout t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n , statements concerning Euro-Canadian c l i e n t s d e r i v e s o l e l y from my i n t e r v i e w s with agents. U 3 The l a r g e number of r e f e r r a l s from emergency s e r v i c e s r e f l e c t s the emphasis on containment and the f a m i l i a r i t y with p o l i c e as a resource (see D. Singh, 1975: 29-39). Often a problem does not come to the a t t e n t i o n of o u t s i d e r s u n t i l a l i f e i s i n danger: I never wanted to go a g a i n s t my husband. In I n d i a a woman must always b e l i e v e i n her husband. But then he threatened my daughter with a k n i f e . Then I thought to phone 911 [emergency s e r v i c e s ] . Not a l l r e f e r r a l s from p o l i c e r e s u l t from c a l l s made by the p r o s p e c t i v e c l i e n t s . Neighbors o f t e n r e p o r t d i s t u r b a n c e s before those i n v o l v e d i n them e i t h e r have the o p p o r t u n i t y to do so or before they deem i t necessary. The l a r g e number of Indo-Canadian r e f e r r a l s from medical sources i l l u s t r a t e s the i n c i d e n c e of s o m a t i z a t i o n and the a c c e p t a b i l i t y of medical a d v i c e . Although some r e f e r r a l s from h o s p i t a l s and doctors concern p a t i e n t s with i n j u r i e s r e s u l t i n g from f a m i l y v i o l e n c e , o t hers concern p a t i e n t s who have sought h e l p f o r a v a r i e t y of i l l s and who have then "opened up" to d o c t o r s or nurses. S t i l l other p a t i e n t s , however, reach even medical s e r v i c e s only a f t e r e x p e r i e n c i n g mental breakdown. The l e s s e r frequency of r e f e r r a l s by f r i e n d s may a l s o be 170 understood i n l i g h t of the emphasis on containment and the stigma a t t a c h e d to emotional problems. On the one hand, p r o s p e c t i v e c l i e n t s are l i k e l y to keep problems from f r i e n d s u n t i l , as one Indo-Canadian woman put i t , " i t becomes too much to bear." On the other hand, f r i e n d s who are aware of problems are a l s o aware of the stigma a t t a c h e d to r e v e a l i n g them f u r t h e r : If an East Indian phones, they want to be anonymous. Sometimes they won't even say who they are c a l l i n g about; they j u s t want to f e e l out the p o s s i b i l i t i e s . When I ask why they won't give any i n f o r m a t i o n , they say they must p r o t e c t the r e p u t a t i o n of the f a m i l y . I t i s a l s o p o s s i b l e that f r i e n d s a n t i c i p a t e anger r a t h e r than g r a t i t u d e from the p r o s p e c t i v e c l i e n t f o r r e f e r r i n g t h e i r problem. The number of r e f e r r a l s from s c h o o l s , although not much gre a t e r than those from f r i e n d s , i s i n t e r e s t i n g i n that i t does not r e l a t e to any prev i o u s h e l p - s e e k i n g p a t t e r n . As i n d i c a t e d i n the present chapter, schools i n In d i a and F i j i a s s i s t p r i m a r i l y with academic matters. In Canada, however, Indo-Canadian c h i l d r e n l e a r n that t e a c h e r s , c o u n s e l l o r s , school nurses and p r i n c i p a l s may be turned to f o r pe r s o n a l problems (see Westwood and Massey, 1982): Kids who came here when they were young a t t a c h much l e s s stigma to g e t t i n g h e l p . They say " I t ' s my r i g h t to t a l k to someone." School workers r e p o r t that Indo-Canadian parents are o f t e n " s p e e c h l e s s " when they l e a r n that t h e i r c h i l d has i n i t i a t e d c o n t a c t with them. 171 *  *  No c l i e n t mentioned community-based sources of funding such as the U n i t e d Way, although some of the agents were funded at l e a s t p a r t i a l l y through them. Sev e r a l Euro-Canadian agents and two Indo-Canadian agents expressed i r r i t a t i o n at the c l i e n t s ' f a i l u r e to recognize and a p p r e c i a t e the p r i v a t e s e c t o r ' s r o l e i n s o c i a l s e r v i c e s . In p a r t i c u l a r , these agents c r i t i c i z e d Indo-Canadians f o r making c o n t r i b u t i o n s to t h e i r temples but not to the s e r v i c e agencies who a s s i s t them: They want a l l the b e n e f i t s of l i v i n g here but they don't want to give anything. The temple backs the wife s t a y i n g with her husband even i f her l i f e i s threatened. We [ s o c i a l s e r v i c e agencies] are t h e i r only hope, but they g i v e only to the temple. The m u l t i p l e , p o s i t i v e r o l e s which temple o r g a n i z a t i o n s do p l a y are d i s c u s s e d by Dusenbery, 1981. * 5 Works i n s o c i a l psychology i n d i c a t e the interconnectedness of p e r s o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n exchange, l i k i n g , and getting-to-know you i n Western c u l t u r e ( c f . Altman and T a y l o r , 1973; Jourard, 1973). For the most p a r t , however, such f a c t o r s are examined with regard to p e r s o n a l r a t h e r than to p r o f e s s i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . * 6 When Indo-Canadian and Euro-Canadian agents v i s i t c l i e n t s j o i n t l y , t h i s c o n t r a s t may produce i n t e r - a g e n t t e n s i o n : If [an Indo-Canadian worker] i s there, e v e r y t h i n g takes l o n g e r . She l i k e s to have c h a t t y times with the c l i e n t s : "How long have you been here?" Things l i k e t h a t . 172 Chapter Seven WHEN THE POT IS BOILING: THE STUDY PHASE During the second phase of a c o u n s e l l i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p , an agent and c l i e n t convey i n f o r m a t i o n and a t t i t u d e s to each other about the problem at hand. In exchange f o r assurances of c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y and acceptance, the agent d e s i r e s c l i e n t openness i n d i s c l o s i n g and d i s c u s s i n g h i s problem. An Indian proverb s t a t e s : "When the pot i s b o i l i n g , i t i s covered." During the study phase o f . c o u n s e l l i n g , the c h a l l e n g e f o r an agent i s to get the c l i e n t to uncover the pot and to examine i t s c o n t e n t s . The present chapter i d e n t i f i e s the p a t t e r n s of agent and c l i e n t t r a n s a c t i o n s p e r t a i n i n g to the i n i t i a l d i s c l o s u r e of problems and to the subsequent d i s c u s s i o n of them. I t notes the agents' e x p l a n a t i o n s f o r c l i e n t n o n - d i s c l o s u r e and the c l i e n t s ' understanding of agents' e f f o r t s to d i s c u s s what i s d i s c l o s e d . The chapter concludes by s u g g e s t i n g how c u l t u r a l r e f e r e n t s of s o c i a l exchange combine with other c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s to a f f e c t t r a n s a c t i o n a l p a t t e r n s d u r i n g the study phase of c o u n s e l l i n g . D i s c l o s u r e of the Problem Whether they deal with problems of h e a l t h , e d u c a t i o n , or f a m i l y , agents d e s c r i b e two b a s i c ways i n which Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s present t h e i r problems. Over h a l f of the agents r e f e r to a r e s t r i c t e d p a t t e r n of communication: 1 73 East Indians don't r e a l l y come out and t e l l you what's wrong. You come i n c o l d through the door. People open up only i f you stumble onto something. I t comes out through my a s k i n g q u e s t i o n s . Sikhs and F i j i a n s w i l l only present part of the problem. T h e y ' l l say "my husband l e f t me," and l a t e r you f i n d out there was a t h i r d p a r t y i n v o l v e d . Whites are l e s s w i t h h o l d i n g . They're p r e t t y open compared to East Indians, unless common-law i s i n v o l v e d . In c o n t r a s t , the remaining agents d e s c r i b e an outpouring of emotions and d e t a i l s on the p a r t of Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s : They have a d i f f e r e n t way of d e s c r i b i n g a problem. I t ' s e x t e n s i v e . You get d e t a i l s of what i s wrong today, what happened yes t e r d a y . Grudges from years ago come out. Every s t o r y has a long h i s t o r y d a t i n g back to I n d i a . E t h n i c groups, e s p e c i a l l y East Indians, speak more from the h e a r t . They are not as r e s e r v e d ; they express more v e r b a l l y . Whites are more i n t e l l e c t u a l , l e s s emotional i n p r e s e n t i n g a problem. C l i e n t s ' accounts of meetings with agents support the impression that communications may be e i t h e r wide open or q u i t e r e s t r i c t e d . However, whereas any given agent tends to b e l i e v e that "most" c l i e n t s f o l l o w one p a t t e r n and an " e x c e p t i o n " f o l l o w s the other, a given c l i e n t o f t e n i n d i c a t e d that h i s p a t t e r n of communication v a r i e s from one agent to another. For example, a woman e x p e r i e n c i n g m a r i t a l d i f f i c u l t i e s f e l t f r e e to " t e l l e v e r y t h i n g " to a school worker, but asked "why should she know?" re g a r d i n g a p u b l i c h e a l t h worker. The q u e s t i o n i s , then, what enables c e r t a i n c l i e n t s , with c e r t a i n agents, to d i s c l o s e 174 t h e i r problems? Many of the Euro-Canadian agents r e p o r t i n g c l i e n t r e t i c e n c e in d i s c l o s u r e a t t r i b u t e the p a t t e r n to the u n a l t e r a b l e f a c t that they are not themselves Indo-Canadian.' 7 As Table VI i n d i c a t e s , the p a t t e r n s of c l i e n t d i s c l o s u r e and n o n - d i s c l o s u r e do tend to c o r r e l a t e with the e t h n i c backgrounds of the agents. Eighty-one percent of the Indo-Canadian agents, but only 30% of the Euro-Canadian agents, report open i n i t i a l p r e s e n t a t i o n . O v e r a l l , a 74% correspondence e x i s t s between the agents' e t h n i c background and t h e i r experience of c l i e n t i n i t i a l d i s c l o s u r e . On the one hand, some Euro-Canadian agents suggest that c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s render the c l i e n t s unable or u n w i l l i n g to communicate to them: East Indians have great d i f f i c u l t y i n understanding what we do. I am a f o r e i g n e r to them. Most c l i e n t s say I don't understand t h e i r way. They have a d i f f e r e n t l i f e - s t y l e . On the other hand, other Euro-Canadian agents f e e l that t h e i r non-Indian background renders them unable to communicate e f f e c t i v e l y with c l i e n t s . As one agent put i t , "I'm a f r a i d I can do more harm than good not knowing t h e i r c u l t u r e . " In p a r t i c u l a r , the language b a r r i e r , even when i n t e r p r e t e r s are used, i s p e r c e i v e d to compromise communication: I t ' s a q u e s t i o n of nuances. With whites we can pick up on a problem, pursue i t . With East Indians you might be g e t t i n g only one-tent h of the s i t u a t i o n . You j u s t don't know because you can't p i c k up on the nuances. 175 Table VI CLIENT DISCLOSURE OF PROBLEM BY ETHNIC BACKGROUND OF AGENT C l i e n t D i s c l o s u r e c o . u Cn u PQ +J c OJ < Open R e s t r i c t e d TOTAL Indo-Canadian 17 (29%) 4 ( 7 % ) 21 (36%) Euro-Canadian 11 (19%) 26 (45%) 37 (64%) TOTAL 28 (48%) 30 (52%) 58(100%) 176 Indo-Canadian agents hold s h a r p l y c o n t r a s t i n g views on the s i g n i f i c a n c e of an agent's e t h n i c background to the c l i e n t ' s d i s c l o s u r e of a problem. I n t e r e s t i n g l y , most of the Indo-Canadian agents who are best l i k e d by t h e i r own c l i e n t s suggest t h a t f a c t o r s other than e t h n i c i t y are more important: I t i s a q u e s t i o n of p e r s o n a l approach. I t makes no d i f f e r e n c e i f you are not P u n j a b i . You must be s i n c e r e . I f they see you can be t r u s t e d then they w i l l t r u s t you. Two Indo-Canadian agents who f e e l t h a t " i t j u s t doesn't work between East Indians and whites" are themselves not t r u s t e d by t h e i r c l i e n t s whom I i n t e r v i e w e d . The Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s g e n e r a l l y support the Euro-Canadian view that language poses a major o b s t a c l e to a h e l p i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p . " 8 Many named language as t h e i r "biggest problem" as immigrants: "I can't t e l l my f e e l i n g s . I say so much and then the i n t e r p r e t e r says [ t r a n s l a t e s ] two-three words." N e v e r t h e l e s s , the c l i e n t s a l s o named nine Euro-Canadian agents as t h e i r "best f r i e n d " or "biggest h e l p " i n Canada. Apparently, a Euro-Canadian agent may be e n t r u s t e d with problems, d e s p i t e h i s c u l t u r a l background, depending on h i s p e r s o n a l manner: One lady from [an agency] saw me o u t s i d e . She was very f r i e n d l y . She saw I f e l t shy. She s a i d , "Don't be a f r a i d . " Because of her only I came to know a l l these s e r v i c e s . Now my worker t r e a t s me so r u d e l y : "Do t h i s ; don't do t h a t . " Before, I had [another Euro-Canadian]. Then e v e r y t h i n g was so f i n e . 1 77 She was l i k e my s i s t e r . Even i f my E n g l i s h i s not good, we t a l k e d so much. As one c l i e n t put i t , " I t ' s j u s t l i k e the Punjab. There are some good people and some bad." A m i n o r i t y of Euro-Canadian agents e x p e r i e n c i n g r e s t r i c t e d d i s c l o s u r e a t t r i b u t e the p a t t e r n to t h e i r sex rat h e r than to t h e i r e t h n i c i t y . F i v e female agents suggested that Indo-Canadian men ref u s e to d i s c u s s t h i n g s with them because "they c o n s i d e r themselves s u p e r i o r " to women. The men "don't respect a woman worker" because "they don't b e l i e v e that women have any a u t h o r i t y . " These agents have read or heard that such a t t i t u d e s are "part of Indian c u l t u r e . " " 9 One male agent a t t r i b u t e d h i s success with c l i e n t s to the same f a c t o r s : The men accept me because I'm male. They thi n k I ' l l understand t h e i r p o i n t of view. I have a l o t e a s i e r time of i t than some of the women [a g e n t s ] . No Indo-Canadian agent suggested that the sex of an agent i s a f a c t o r i n c l i e n t d i s c l o s u r e , except where the problem to be d i s c u s s e d i n v o l v e s i n t i m a t e t o p i c s such as impotence. At one i n -s e r v i c e t r a i n i n g workshop, the suggestion was made, somewhat i n j e s t , that only male s o c i a l workers should be given East Indian cases i n v o l v i n g males. A female Indo-Canadian agent responded with vehemence: Women have [command] great r e s p e c t i n the Indian f a m i l y system. Family problems are always looked a f t e r by women. In Indian 1 78 s o c i e t y too, look at I n d i r a Gandhi. These men are j u s t t r y i n g to i n t i m i d a t e you. They don't want anyone to i n t e r f e r e i n t h e i r b u s i n e s s . I t doesn't matter whether you're a lady or a man. C e r t a i n l y the male c l i e n t s i n t e r v i e w e d showed no si g n of d i f f e r i n g a t t i t u d e s towards t h e i r agents based on sex. In the few i n s t a n c e s where p a r t i c u l a r respect was expressed, i t r e f e r e d to the employment s t a t u s of an agent ("she i s D i r e c t o r now"), or to an e x c e p t i o n a l s e r v i c e which the agent had p r o v i d e d . The experience of female Euro-Canadian agents and t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n s of i t cannot be denied and may i n f a c t represent something of a s e l f - f u l f i l l i n g prophecy. But i n terms of the Indian model of s o c i a l exchange, i t i s the p e r c e p t i o n of the Indo-Canadian agents which appears l o g i c a l . Outside of the fa m i l y , any i n d i v i d u a l ' s s t a t u s depends on h i s f a m i l y ' s r e p u t a t i o n , h i s caste or v i l l a g e , and h i s employment. A woman e s t a b l i s h e s her r e s p e c t a b i l i t y on these grounds j u s t as a man does. Moreover, as the Indo-Canadian agent p o i n t e d out, i n s i d e the f a m i l y i t i s a woman's r o l e to de a l with problems that a r i s e . I n t e r v e n t i o n by another male might be p e r c e i v e d as a gre a t e r t h r e a t to honour, and prevent or postpone the establishment of m u t u a l i t y . In other words, whether an Indo-Canadian man p e r c e i v e s a female agent as having comparable a u t h o r i t y or l e s s a u t h o r i t y than a male, h i s w i l l i n g n e s s to d i s c l o s e a problem to her should not be l e s s than i f she were a ma 1 e. The agents r e p o r t i n g an open p a t t e r n of d i s c l o s u r e with Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s a t t r i b u t e i t e i t h e r to the s e v e r i t y of 179 t h e i r c l i e n t s ' problems or to the t r u s t which t h e i r c l i e n t s have i n them, e s t a b l i s h e d d u r i n g the i n t r o d u c t o r y phase. Since severe problems may be w i t h h e l d from some agents but r e v e a l e d to o t h e r s , i t i s the f a c t o r of t r u s t that warrants s p e c i a l examination. Judging by the i n t e r v i e w s conducted, the i s s u e of agent d i s c l o s u r e of p e r s o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n , d i s c u s s e d i n Chapter S i x , shades i m p e r c e p t i b l y i n t o the i s s u e of c l i e n t d i s c l o s u r e . Without e x c e p t i o n , those agents who say they provide p e r s o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n w i l l i n g l y to c l i e n t s a l s o report that c l i e n t s present problems openly to them. The agents who have r e s e r v a t i o n s about d i s c l o s i n g p e r s o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n a l l d e s c r i b e a r e s t r i c t e d p a t t e r n of communication on the part of c l i e n t s . The evidence i s f a r from c o n c l u s i v e : only 13 of the 58 agents remarked on q u e s t i o n s from c l i e n t s (see Table V, p. 164). Moreover, agent a t t i t u d e toward s e l f - d i s c l o s u r e i s probably not alone i n determining c l i e n t a t t i t u d e to problem d i s c l o s u r e . A c l u s t e r of s u b t l e , r e l a t e d v a r i a b l e s i n p e r s o n a l manner and non-v e r b a l behaviour l i k e l y accompany an agent's acceptance or r e j e c t i o n of p e r s o n a l q u e s t i o n s , and together i n f l u e n c e the c l i e n t ' s d e c i s i o n to d i v u l g e or to withhold i n f o r m a t i o n ( c f . Gumperz, 1978). N e v e r t h e l e s s , i n s e v e r a l ways the r e l a t i o n s h i p between agent d i s c l o s u r e and c l i e n t d i s c l o s u r e f o l l o w s the l o g i c of the models of s o c i a l exchange p o s i t e d . F i r s t of a l l , given the goal of f a m i l y s u f f i c i e n c y , c l i e n t s p e r c e i v e d i s c l o s u r e of problems to e n t a i l c e r t a i n c o s t s . In r e v e a l i n g a problem to an o u t s i d e r , 180 a c l i e n t acknowledges f a i l u r e on the part of h i s fa m i l y to prevent, r e s o l v e , and c o n t a i n the problem. The o u t s i d e r e n t r u s t e d with t h i s knowledge must be r e s p e c t a b l e , a person of equal or higher s t a t u s . To r e v e a l i n f o r m a t i o n to a person of lower s t a t u s would compromise the c l i e n t s t i l l f u r t h e r . Through p e r s o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n about an agent, the c l i e n t determines h i s r e s p e c t a b i l i t y . As one Indo-Canadian agent put i t : In I n d i a you do not go to a stranger with a problem. You go to someone you know and re s p e c t . Here I have a u t h o r i t y , but I do not command respect j u s t because I have a u t h o r i t y . Before t h e y ' l l t a l k , they must come to know me. R e s p e c t a b i l i t y must be e s t a b l i s h e d not only p r i o r to the acceptance of an o f f e r of he l p (Chapter S i x ) , but a l s o p r i o r to the d i s c l o s u r e of a problem. Secondly, the i m p l i c i t a t t r i b u t i o n of s t a t u s to the person e n t r u s t e d with a problem renders the act of d i s c l o s u r e an act of g i v i n g i n the eyes of the c l i e n t . If the r e l a t i o n s h i p i s to be one of mutual exchange, the agent must a l s o g i v e . 5 0 As one Indo-Canadian woman s a i d , an agent seems "more l i k e a f r i e n d " when the c o n v e r s a t i o n i n c l u d e s i n f o r m a t i o n from both p a r t i e s . T h i s woman had concealed her main problem from a p u b l i c h e a l t h worker, one of the agents who c o n s i d e r s p e r s o n a l q u e s t i o n s rude: "She a c t e d l i k e a b i g o f f i c i a l , t a k i n g down i n f o r m a t i o n on our l i v e s . " Since d i s c l o s u r e i s an act of g i v i n g , agents who vo l u n t e e r i n f o r m a t i o n about themselves i n i t i a t e a t r a n s a c t i o n a l sequence. 181 As one f a m i l y worker remarked, " I f I am open with them, then they must be open with me." Most agents c o n f i n e i n f o r m a t i o n about themselves to b i o g r a p h i c a l f a c t s , but four Indo-Canadians o c c a s i o n a l l y t e l l c l i e n t s about problems they have faced — s i n g l e p a r e n t i n g , "Canadian" behaviour i n c h i l d r e n , and even p s y c h i a t r i c problems i n a f a m i l y member — i f these r e l a t e to the c l i e n t s ' problems. In terms of the p r e s c r i b e d p r o f e s s i o n a l mode of t r a n s a c t i o n , such d i s c l o s u r e s go beyond the l i m i t s set by "area of e x p e r t i s e . " But the Indo-Canadian agents p e r c e i v e that an acknowledgement of t h e i r own problems serves to reduce the sense of stigma and promote a sense of m u t u a l i t y conducive to c l i e n t d i s c l o s u r e : I always say, "Well, don't worry about i t . Everyone faces problems, I face problems, and I want someone to t a l k t o . " Then they t a l k to me. F i n a l l y , the apparent r e l a t i o n s h i p between agent d i s c l o s u r e and c l i e n t d i s c l o s u r e makes sense given the value p l a c e d on f a m i l y honour. When an Indo-Canadian d i v u l g e s a problem, he not only i n c u r s d e f i n i t e c o s t s i n terms of f a m i l y s u f f i c i e n c y , he a l s o r i s k s p o s s i b l e c o s t s to h i s f a m i l y ' s r e p u t a t i o n . Personal i n f o r m a t i o n about the agent, p a r t i c u l a r l y an Indo-Canadian agent, helps determine how great these r i s k s a r e : East Indian men need to c l a r i f y who I am, p a r t l y to determine how much they can share, i f I can be t r u s t e d . The f i r s t t h i n g I do i s make sure a Punjabi 182 S i k h understands where I am from and that I o f f e r a b s olute c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y . He f e e l s more comfortable when he knows where I'm from, as long as he knows I ' l l , repeat n o t h i n g . C o n f i d e n t i a l i t y by Euro-Canadians i s not always assumed by c l i e n t s ("I t h i n k she t a l k e d about our son to her o f f i c e meeting"), but n e i t h e r i s i t a major concern. Family i z z a t r i s e s and f a l l s a c c o r d i n g to one's own community's e v a l u a t i o n . As one E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g Indo-Canadian s a i d : I would not go to an Indian worker because I would f e e l v u l n e r a b l e . I would go to a white worker because I am not known in t h e i r community and they are not known i n mine. In sum, the data suggest that agents who w i l l i n g l y p r o v i d e p e r s o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n are more l i k e l y to experience open communication from t h e i r c l i e n t s . Personal i n f o r m a t i o n from agents f a c i l i t a t e s c l i e n t d i s c l o s u r e by i n d i c a t i n g the r e s p e c t a b i l i t y , m u t u a l i t y , and c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y of the r e l a t i o n s h i p . The f a c t that a g r e a t e r percentage of Indo-Canadian agents experience open i n i t i a l d i s c l o s u r e from c l i e n t s may w e l l be r e l a t e d to the f a c t that a g r e a t e r percentage of them w i l l i n g l y d i s c l o s e i n f o r m a t i o n to c l i e n t s . D i s c u s s i o n of the Problem Whether c l i e n t s "pour out" t h e i r problems i n i t i a l l y or present them i n a r e s t r i c t e d manner, agents procede with the study phase by asking f u r t h e r q u e s t i o n s about the i n f o r m a t i o n 183 which has been provided them. As with i n i t i a l c l i e n t d i s c l o s u r e , agents experience two d i s t i n c t p a t t e r n s of c l i e n t d i s c u s s i o n of problems. P r e c i s e l y h a l f of the agents r e p o r t that c l i e n t s w i l l i n g l y answer q u e s t i o n s and explore the i s s u e s i n v o l v e d (Table V I I ) . The other h a l f b e l i e v e that Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s are e i t h e r unable or u n w i l l i n g to examine t h e i r problems. As i n d i c a t e d by Table V I I , the p a t t e r n of c l i e n t d i s c u s s i o n c o r r e l a t e s to some extent with the e t h n i c background of the agents. However, whereas 81% of the Indo-Canadian agents experience i n i t i a l c l i e n t d i s c l o s u r e (see Table VI, p. 175), only 71% r e p o r t w i l l i n g d i s c u s s i o n of the problem. In c o n t r a s t , the percentage of Euro-Canadian agents e x p e r i e n c i n g c l i e n t openness i n c r e a s e s from 30% to 38% between i n i t i a l d i s c l o s u r e and subsequent d i s c u s s i o n . The i n t e r v i e w s with agents and c l i e n t s suggest a number of p o s s i b l e e x p l a n a t i o n s f o r these p a t t e r n s . Judging by statements from the c l i e n t s , the ask i n g of f u r t h e r q u e s t i o n s i s a c r i t i c a l issue f o r the c o u n s e l l i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p . On the one hand, when e l a b o r a t i n g on why they c o n s i d e r a p a r t i c u l a r agent "good," at l e a s t four immigrants mentioned that the agent q u e s t i o n s them f u l l y : The court worker i s very n i c e . She l i s t e n s to whatever I have to say. She asks so many q u e s t i o n s . She asks a l l the background i n f o r m a t i o n . One agent i s "not good. He d i d n ' t ask me about a n y t h i n g . He s a i d he would t a l k to my son's t e a c h e r . What does [the teacher] know? 184 Table V II CLIENT DISCUSSION OF PROBLEM BY ETHNIC BACKGROUND OF AGENT C o i-1 Cn M O CO -P d) C l i e n t D i s c u s s i o n W i l l i n g R e t i c e n t TOTAL Indo-Canadian 15 (26%) 6 (10%) 21 (36%) Euro-Canadian 14 (24%) 23 (40%) 37 (64%) TOTAL 29 (50%) 29 (50%) 58 (100%) 185 We know our son best." On the other hand, s e v e r a l c l i e n t s and a l s o s e v e r a l Indo-Canadian agents f e e l that q u e s t i o n s from agents can be o f f e n s i v e , and can c r e a t e a wa l l of r e s i s t a n c e between c l i e n t and agent (see Vikram, 1981: 8): When the nurse v i s i t e d I was very g l a d . She t o l d me so many t h i n g s , what to do f o r the baby. Then she came again, I don't know why. She asked rude q u e s t i o n s , "How do you s i t so many people at the t a b l e ? " I t o l d her we w i l l move, we are saving our money. She wanted to come again, but I s a i d we w i l l be away. There was no p o i n t . Most c l i e n t s who obj e c t to q u e s t i o n s p e r c e i v e them as c r i t i c i s m , or as c h a l l e n g e s to p r e v i o u s statements made. In p a r t i c u l a r , c l i e n t s express nothing short of outrage at q u e s t i o n s from c e r t a i n agents about how they spend t h e i r money. Many of the agents e x p e r i e n c i n g d i f f i c u l t y i n g e t t i n g c l i e n t s to d i s c u s s t h e i r problems a t t r i b u t e the p a t t e r n to aspects of Indian c u l t u r e . They suggest that the emphasis on containment, and a lack of emphasis on i n t r o s p e c t i v e reasoning, complicate the study phase of c o u n s e l l i n g : Indians are mostly reserved people. They do not l i k e to t a l k about t h e i r problems o u t s i d e the f a m i l y . The men f e e l they are not doing t h e i r duty. The women don't show t h e i r f e e l i n g s . F e e l i n g s have always been shoved a s i d e a l l t h e i r l i v e s . T h e i r f e e l i n g s might inconvenience someone e l s e . Agents who experience no d i f f i c u l t y with c l i e n t d i s c u s s i o n , but 186 who do experience d i f f i c u l t y with i n i t i a l d i s c l o s u r e , a l s o p o i n t to l a c k of f a m i l i a r i t y with i n t r o s p e c t i v e c o u n s e l l i n g . The agent must " e l i c i t the d e t a i l s but they are forthcoming": People from I n d i a are not used to t a l k i n g l i k e t h i s . You must not be so formal, but be f r i e n d l y . They are not h i d i n g , but you must l e a d them to what you want. Be d i r e c t and they w i l l be d i r e c t a l s o . A few of the agents having d i f f i c u l t y with c l i e n t d i s c u s s i o n suggest that c o n s c i o u s w i t h h o l d i n g may occur, p a r t i c u l a r l y i f a c l i e n t f e e l s t h r e a t e n e d . 5 1 As i n d i c a t e d i n Chapter S i x , Indo-Canadians do not appear to regard agents with fear u n l e s s t h e i r s t a t u s as immigrants i s i n q u e s t i o n . However, i n t e r v i e w s with at l e a s t two c l i e n t s suggest that a c l i e n t may decide to withhold i n f o r m a t i o n because of a d e s i r e to l i m i t d i s c u s s i o n to the problem f o r which he has accepted help. One woman agreed to c o u n s e l l i n g f o r her c h i l d ' s b e h a v i o u r a l problems, but refu s e d to d i s c u s s her husband's d r i n k i n g problem. A second woman, deserte d by her husband a f t e r the b i r t h of a c h i l d , accepted Homemaker S e r v i c e but would not t a l k about her marriage. In l i m i t i n g d i s c l o s u r e , a c l i e n t may p e r c e i v e h i m s e l f as l i m i t i n g the c o s t s to f a m i l y s u f f i c i e n c y and f a m i l y honour. I t would seem that c l i e n t openness to d i s c u s s i o n , so p i v o t a l to the attainment of agents' goals, must be encouraged by agents with more than assurances of c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y . One agent, c o n s i s t e n t l y h e l d i n hig h esteem by the c l i e n t s i n t e r v i e w e d , suggests that a ge n e r a l e x p l a n a t i o n of e x p e c t a t i o n s 187 should p r e f a c e s p e c i f i c q u e s t i o n s : In the f i r s t hour people can say anything. In the same c o n v e r s a t i o n , the s t o r y changes. Don't l a b e l them as l i a r s , as unco-o p e r a t i v e . Say "That's okay, I understand. You are nervous, confused. Come out i n the open with me. I am not going to judge you. If I am to h e l p you, I must know the t r u t h . I w i l l not make i t worse f o r you." Such an expl a n a t o r y p r e f a c e covers the range of p o s s i b l e reasons noted above f o r c l i e n t w i t h h o l d i n g of i n f o r m a t i o n . I t both d e f i n e s c o u n s e l l i n g content and i d e n t i f i e s openness as behaviour which w i l l c o s t l i t t l e and may gain a l o t . In terms of the Indian model of exchange, such an explanatory statement c l a r i f i e s f o r the c l i e n t what he i s expected to g i v e and what he may expect i n r e t u r n . As one agent notes, " I t ' s u s e l e s s to ask q u e s t i o n s i n the beginning. They won't t e l l you anything u n t i l they're ready t o . " I f a c l i e n t understands t h a t open d i s c u s s i o n i s a necessary p a r t of the p r i c e of help , that i t may i n f a c t engender f u l l e r support from the agent, he may f e e l ready to share i n f o r m a t i o n sooner than i f asked q u e s t i o n s without such understanding. A n a l y s i s of the i n t e r v i e w s conducted suggests one f u r t h e r e x p l a n a t i o n f o r c l i e n t r e t i c e n c e r e g a r d i n g agents' q u e s t i o n s , namely, the nature of agent acceptance conveyed when the c l i e n t i n i t i a l l y d i s c l o s e s h i s problem. A l l Euro-Canadian agents and a l l but one of the Indo-Canadian agents say they t r y to convey a sense of acceptance when a c l i e n t d i s c l o s e s a problem: 188 I have to be non-threatening i f I want to get anywhere. I ask "How do you handle your daughter's rages?" I keep pushing: "What i f that doesn't work?" They f e e l g u i l t y . I have to v a l i d a t e them: "Sometimes you get to that p o i n t . " Yet, i n r e l a t i n g the c l i e n t s ' problems to me, the agents a l s o r e v e a l c e r t a i n p r e - conceived and g e n e r a l i z e d e x p l a n a t i o n s f o r the problems. I b e l i e v e such e x p l a n a t i o n s have s i g n i f i c a n t i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r continued d i s c l o s u r e by c l i e n t s during the study phase of c o u n s e l l i n g . Over h a l f of the agents, most of them Euro-Canadians, base t h e i r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of c l i e n t s ' problems p r i m a r i l y on d i r e c t o b s e r v a t i o n s made over time with other Indo-Canadian f a m i l i e s (Table V I I I ) . For example, when a mother phones to complain that her baby c r i e s too much, a p u b l i c h e a l t h worker may a t t r i b u t e the problem to " o v e r s t i m u l a t i o n " : When you go i n t o East Indian homes, there i s so much going on at once. The baby i s always with them; i t ' s r i g h t there i n the k i t c h e n with the pots and pans banging. Most of the remaining agents r e l y f o r the most pa r t on in f o r m a t i o n about Indian c u l t u r e a c q u i r e d , i n the case of Indo-Canadians, through p e r s o n a l experience or, i n the case of Euro-Canadians, through formal l e a r n i n g and t r a v e l . 5 2 They tend to i n t e r p r e t a problem i n i t s wider c u l t u r a l c o n t e x t . For i n s t a n c e , when a Sikh boy i s beaten by h i s f a t h e r f o r smoking, ah Indo-Canadian worker or an informed Euro-Canadian may o f f e r the f o l l o w i n g e x p l a n a t i o n : 189 Table V I I I AGENT INTERPRETATION OF PROBLEM BY ETHNIC BACKGROUND OF AGENT C o u X o (0 PQ -P C 0) Cn < Agent I n t e r p r e t a t i o n I ndian C u l t u r e Indo-Canadian L i f e - S t y l e TOTAL Indo-Canadian 15 (26%) 6 (10%) 21 (36%) Euro-Canadian 12 (21%) 25 (43%) 37 (64%) TOTAL 27 (47%) 31 (53%) 58 (100%) 190 C i g a r e t t e s are shocking to the Punjabi f a m i l y . But they are important to peer i n t e r a c t i o n . I f a teen e x p l o r e s t h i s new behaviour, the f a t h e r takes i t as a pe r s o n a l a f f r o n t , or h u r t . I t ' s an i n s u l t to him. The d i f f e r e n t bases of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n have i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the nature of "acceptance" conveyed by agents. A s i n g l e kind of problem — f o r example, the exhaustion of post-partum mothers — may be responded to i n very d i f f e r e n t ways, depending on the agent's understanding of the s i t u a t i o n . An agent who depends on d i r e c t o b s e r v a t i o n may focus q u e s t i o n s on f e a t u r e s of Indo-Canadian l i f e - s t y l e : When I see an East Indian mum i s run down, I ask what her husband's schedule i s . So o f t e n they have two jobs, or s h i f t work. I t e l l her she should l i e down f o r h a l f an hour i n the morning and a f t e r n o o n . I ask i f he can h e l p out when he's home. An agent who r e l i e s on broader, a c c u r a t e knowledge of Indian c u l t u r e may focus c o u n s e l l i n g i n q u i t e a d i f f e r e n t d i r e c t i o n : In I n d i a everyone has t h e i r own support network. Not a l l women can cope without i t . E s p e c i a l l y new mothers need encouragement to l e t f r i e n d s or r e l a t i v e s h e l p . Sometimes I can arrange i t . In both of these cases, the a t t i t u d e toward the c l i e n t i s a c c e p t i n g , but the ques t i o n s based on d i r e c t o b s e r v a t i o n may convey an a t t i t u d e of non-acceptance of the c l i e n t ' s behaviour. I suggest that q u e s t i o n s which i m p l i c a t e aspects of behaviour or f e a t u r e s of l i f e - s t y l e may a l s o be p e r c e i v e d by Indo-Canadian 191 c l i e n t s to thr e a t e n standards of c a s t e p u r i t y . I f the questions c h a l l e n g e c a s t e mores and p r a c t i c e s , the cost of answering them i s c o n s i d e r a b l e . No agent e x p l i c i t l y i d e n t i f i e d h i s b a s i s f o r i n t e r p r e t i n g c l i e n t s ' problems, nor d i d any agent connect h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of problems to h i s experience of continued c l i e n t d i s c l o s u r e . However, as Table IX i n d i c a t e s , a high degree of o v e r l a p e x i s t s between those agents who i n t e r p r e t e d c l i e n t s ' problems to me i n terms of the c l i e n t s ' l i f e - s t y l e , and those agents who reported c l i e n t r e t i c e n c e i n d i s c u s s i n g the problems. Whereas the c o r r e l a t i o n between agent e t h n i c background and c l i e n t d i s c u s s i o n of problems i s 66% (see Table V I I , p. 184), the c o r r e l a t i o n between agent b a s i s of i n t e r p r e t i n g problems and c l i e n t d i s c u s s i o n of them i s 89%. The relevance of the goal of caste p u r i t y to Indo-Canadians' d i s c u s s i o n of problems i s suggested by an examination of t h e i r own bases of i n t e r p r e t i n g those problems. Although I d i d not s y s t e m a t i c a l l y ask a l l of the c l i e n t s what they h e l d r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e i r d i f f i c u l t i e s , i n the course of c o n v e r s a t i o n eleven of them i m p l i c a t e d some aspect of Canadian c u l t u r e or Canadian l i f e - s t y l e . P a r t i c u l a r l y i n cases i n v o l v i n g c h i l d r e n , p a rents look to Western i n f l u e n c e s to e x p l a i n d i f f i c u l t i e s (see Kurian and Ghosh, 1983: 133). My daughter i s g e t t i n g i n t o bad company. They t e l l her she should go with them; don't come home a f t e r s c h o o l . Canadian c h i l d r e n have no respect f o r t h e i r p a r e n t s . 192 Table IX AGENT INTERPRETATION OF PROBLEM BY CLIENT DISCUSSION OF PROBLEM Agent I n t e r p r e t a t i o n G Indian Indo-Canadian 0 •H W C u l t u r e L i f e - S t y l e TOTAL t Discus W i l l i n g 25 (43%) 4 ( 7 % ) 29 (50%) t Discus R e t i c e n t 2 ( 4 % ) 27 (46%) 29 (50%) ien1 rH u TOTAL 27 (47%) 31 (53%) 58(100%) 1 9 3 The k i d s see e v e r y t h i n g on T.V. They see you get married j u s t l i k e that [simply, q u i c k l y ] , then get d i v o r c e d . They stop l i s t e n i n g to me. The problems which c l i e n t s a t t r i b u t e to f e a t u r e s of Canadian c u l t u r e agents term " c u l t u r a l c o n f l i c t . " As one worker s a i d , "Immigrants don't i d e n t i f y c u l t u r a l adjustment problems, we do." Perhaps c l i e n t s i d e n t i f y the same problems, but do not p e r c e i v e them to c a l l f o r "adjustment." In cases concerning m a r i t a l c o n f l i c t , agents r e p o r t that Indo-Canadian men "blame the women f o r e v e r y t h i n g " or that husbands and wives " u s u a l l y accuse each other" of c a u s i n g the problems. Study then focuses on the i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p i n v o l v e d : "We work with the men on t h e i r a t t i t u d e toward women." However, c l i e n t s who were asked why t h e i r spouses a c t i n a p a r t i c u l a r way tended to i m p l i c a t e Canadian c u l t u r e : My husband has too much money here. He can d r i n k because there i s so much money; he doesn't c a r e . A l l h i s f r i e n d s have too much money. Indian l a d i e s see white l a d i e s can do as they p l e a s e . Then they say, "Why should I stay home and do a l l t h i s drudgery?" So, many people get d i v o r c e here. I t i s not good. Agent d i s c u s s i o n of c l i e n t understandings of Canadian c u l t u r e would probably ease d i s c u s s i o n of c l i e n t adjustment to i t . Indo-Canadians who a t t r i b u t e t h e i r problems to f e a t u r e s of Canadian c u l t u r e may t r y to r e s t r i c t c o n t a c t between f a m i l y members and the out s i d e world. One woman's husband f o r b i d s her 194 to leave the house without him. S e v e r a l f a m i l i e s have purchased video equipment so that Indian f i l m s can re p l a c e Canadian t e l e v i s i o n . .Many parents refuse t h e i r c h i l d r e n p ermission to p a r t i c i p a t e i n e x t r a - c u r r i c u l a r school a c t i v i t i e s . The c o u n s e l l i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p i t s e l f may be p e r c e i v e d by a c l i e n t as e x a c e r b a t i n g r a t h e r than r e s o l v i n g problems. The fear t hat a worker w i l l " l i b e r a t e the wives and young g i r l s " c o n s t i t u t e s yet another reason f o r male r e s i s t a n c e to s e r v i c e s (Vikram, 1981: 9). Rather than expose the f a m i l y to t h i s dimension of Canadian c u l t u r e — the c u l t u r e h e l d r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the problem — men may t r y to prevent t h e i r wives from u t i l i z i n g s e r v i c e s , and parents may "whisk away" t h e i r c h i l d r e n : I f M.H.R. [a M i n i s t r y of Human Resources agent] comes anywhere near, the c h i l d simply d i s a p p e a r s . She's o f f on a v i s i t to a r e l a t i v e somewhere. We never see her a g a i n . One boy, whose parents had been a d v i s e d to l e t a youth worker t a l k with him once a week, now l i v e s with an aunt and uncle i n northern B.C.: "We miss him too [very] much, but now he w i l l l e a r n respect from our people." In sum, both s o c i a l s e r v i c e agents and t h e i r Indo-Canadian c l i e n t s enter the study phase with c e r t a i n understandings of the problems at hand. Agents tend to i n t e r p r e t d i f f i c u l t i e s i n terms of Indo-Canadian l i f e - s t y l e and Indian c u l t u r e . C l i e n t s tend to a t t r i b u t e d i f f i c u l t i e s to Canadian l i f e - s t y l e and Canadian c u l t u r e . I suggest that the agent's b a s i s f o r i n t e r p r e t i n g problems determines to some extent the q u e s t i o n s which he poses 195 c l i e n t s , and hence the nature of the acceptance which he conveys to them. The c l i e n t ' s understanding of problems, and h i s p e r c e p t i o n of the agent's a t t i t u d e towards them, a f f e c t h i s d e c i s i o n s r e g a r d i n g continued d i s c l o s u r e and d i s c u s s i o n . In terms of the Indian model of s o c i a l exchange, the e x p l a n a t i o n s o f f e r e d for problems have i m p l i c a t i o n s not only f o r the goal of c a s t e p u r i t y but a l s o f o r the c l i e n t ' s p e r c e p t i o n of himself and h i s agent as t r a n s a c t o r s . The c l i e n t ' s a t t r i b u t i o n of problems to Canadian c u l t u r e may d i m i n i s h h i s sense of indebtedness: i t i s e a s i e r to r e c e i v e h e l p i f h e l p i s n e c e s s i t a t e d by circumstances beyond one's c o n t r o l . Agents who i n t e r p r e t problems i n terms of t h e i r knowledge of Indian c u l t u r e may appear to c l i e n t s to agree with t h i s p e r c e p t i o n . They convey the a t t i t u d e that r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the o r i g i n of the problem l i e s o u t s i d e the c l i e n t , although r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r i t s r e s o l u t i o n i s s t i l l w i t h i n the c l i e n t ' s powers. In c o n t r a s t , agents who r e l y on d i r e c t o b s e r v a t i o n to e x p l a i n d i f f i c u l t i e s , without r e f e r e n c e to Indian c u l t u r a l p a t t e r n s , appear to p l a c e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r both the problem and i t s s o l u t i o n on the c l i e n t . They convey the impression that they b e l i e v e the c l i e n t i s r e c e i v i n g h e l p because of h i s own way of doing t h i n g s . Thus, they i n c r e a s e the c l i e n t ' s sense of indebtedness, and h i s e s t i m a t i o n of the c o s t s e n t a i l e d i n c o n t i n u i n g the r e l a t i o n s h i p . In c o n c l u s i o n , agent attainment of c l i e n t i n i t i a l d i s c l o s u r e and subsequent d i s c u s s i o n of problems appears r e l a t e d 196 to s e v e r a l f a c t o r s . One of these, c l i e n t f a m i l i a r i t y with i n t r o s p e c t i v e or r e f l e c t i v e c o u n s e l l i n g , does not p e r t a i n to the models of s o c i a l exchange p o s i t e d . I t c o n s t i t u t e s a s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r f o r some c o u n s e l l i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s , however, both d u r i n g the study phase and again d u r i n g assessment and treatment (see p. 223). To some extent, the d i f f i c u l t y posed by a c l i e n t ' s lack of f a m i l i a r i t y with i n t r o s p e c t i o n may be overcome by an explanatory statement o f f e r e d by the agent before he begins to d i s c u s s the c l i e n t ' s problem. Other f a c t o r s a f f e c t i n g p a t t e r n s of c l i e n t d i s c l o s u r e and d i s c u s s i o n do p e r t a i n to the Indian model of s o c i a l exchange. The goal of f a m i l y s u f f i c i e n c y m a nifests i t s e l f i n the c l i e n t ' s emphasis on containment and i n h i s d e s i r e to l i m i t d i s c u s s i o n to the problem f o r which he has accepted h e l p . The goal of c a s t e p u r i t y i s r e f l e c t e d i n c l i e n t s ' understandings of t h e i r problems and i n c l i e n t response to agent i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of those problems. But the c u l t u r a l r e f e r e n t of s o c i a l exchange having g r e a t e s t s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r the study phase of c o u n s e l l i n g appears to be that of the t r a n s a c t i o n a l mode. With regard to the d i s c u s s i o n of problems, an agent's b a s i s of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n not only has i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r ca s t e p u r i t y , i t a l s o has i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the extent to which c l i e n t s f e e l beholden or indebted. S i m i l a r l y , a c l i e n t ' s d e s i r e to l i m i t d i s c u s s i o n may r e f l e c t a d e s i r e to l i m i t indebtedness, as w e l l as a d e s i r e to maintain f a m i l y s u f f i c i e n c y . F i n a l l y , the s i g n i f i c a n c e of t r a n s a c t i o n a l modes may be seen i n the high degree of o v e r l a p between agents 197 who d i s c l o s e p e r s o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n and those who experience open communication from c l i e n t s . In the Indian model of s o c i a l exchange, i f a problem must be r e v e a l e d and d i s c u s s e d o u t s i d e the f a m i l y , i t should be r e v e a l e d and d i s c u s s e d w i t h i n the context of a mutual exchange r e l a t i o n s h i p . 198 Notes: Chapter Seven * 7 The four Indo-Canadian agents e x p e r i e n c i n g non-d i s c l o s u r e by c l i e n t s a t t r i b u t e the p a t t e r n to c l i e n t f e a r s of d e p o r t a t i o n , c h i l d - a p p r e h e n s i o n , e t c e t e r a . I d i s c u s s fear as a f a c t o r in c l i e n t communication p a t t e r n s l a t e r in the present chapter. * 8 In a study of a m u l t i c u l t u r a l c l i e n t e l e i n New York, Beck r e p o r t s (1983:22) that e t h n i c matching of agent and c l i e n t was a s s o c i a t e d with p o s i t i v e outcomes but not at a s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t l e v e l . However, the "unusually l a r g e d i f f e r e n t i a l f o r H i s panic c l i e n t s i s undoubtedly i n f l u e n c e d by the added language b a r r i e r . " " 9 Beck notes (1983:19-20) t h a t , among her m u l t i c u l t u r a l c l i e n t e l e , male as w e l l as female c l i e n t s r e p o r t b e t t e r c o u n s e l l i n g outcomes when t h e i r agent i s female. 5 0 If the r e l a t i o n s h i p i s one of u n i l a t e r a l , dependent r e c e i v i n g , r e c i p r o c a l i n f o r m a t i o n from the agent does not appear as necessary. None of the d e s c r i b e d r e l a t i o n s h i p s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by c l i e n t dependence at the outset was repor t e d to have i n c l u d e d p e r s o n a l q u e s t i o n s to agents u n t i l a f t e r the f i r s t few s e s s i o n s (see Table IV, p. 146). In the 6 of these cases that were based on s e l f - r e f e r r a l s , the c l i e n t s a l r e a d y knew the agents. But i n the 7 . i n i t i a l l y dependent r e l a t i o n s h i p s e s t a b l i s h e d through i n t e r v e n t i o n and r o u t i n e s e r v i c e s , the c l i e n t s n e i t h e r knew the agents nor d i d they ask pers o n a l q u e s t i o n s of them before d e s c r i b i n g t h e i r own problems. The c l i e n t s ' desperate 199 circumstances rendered them t o t a l l y beholden, unable to contemplate the mutual exchange mode which p e r s o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n from the agent would have e s t a b l i s h e d . 5 1 A few agents b e l i e v e that c l i e n t s may a l s o c o n s c i o u s l y misrepresent f a c t s . Three of these agents, a l l Indo-Canadians, f e e l that the very c o n n o t a t i o n of the word honesty v a r i e s between Canadian c u l t u r e , in which i t i s c o n s i d