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The Tupilaq : image and label : understanding East Greenland carvings Romalis, Sheila Ruth 1985

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THE TUPILAO: IMAGE AND LABEL: UNDERSTANDING EAST GREENLAND CARVINGS by SHEILA RUTH ROMALIS A., The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1967 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Anthropology and S o c i o l o g y We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF March © S h e i l a Ruth BRITISH COLUMBIA 1985 Romalis, 1985 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced d e g r e e at the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I a g r e e t ha t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r a g r e e t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Depar tment o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d tha t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Depar tment o f The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1WS Date shrill / ? t me ABSTRACT Th i s t h e s i s attempts to understand the nature of the Green-l a n d i c image " T u p i l a q " i n t r a d i t i o n a l K a l a a d l i t c u l t u r e and i n i t s modern context. The same term i s a p p l i e d today i n Greenland to a v a r i e t y of images carved as small f i g u r e s f o r the t o u r i s t or a r t markets. This t h e s i s examines the ways i n which the images and the a p p l i c a t i o n of the term have changed. T h i s study d e s c r i b e s the t r a d i t i o n a l context of the TUPILAQ image and e s t a b l i s h e s a time frame f o r the i n c e p t i o n of c a r v i n g s l a b e l l e d "Tupilaq";. Data used to support t h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n were drawn from ethnographic r e c o r d s , h i s t o r i c a l accounts, and museum e x h i b i t r e p o r t s . I t becomes c l e a r that the T u p i l a q f i g -ure e x i s t s as a d i s t i n c t and new category of m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e which stands apart from i t s mythic image. An a n a l y s i s of these c a r v i n g s and i n t e r v i e w s with t h e i r c a r v e r s show that the content of T u p i l a q f i g u r e s i s not what t h e i r l a b e l i m p l i e s . The a n a l y s i s i s c a r r i e d a step f u r t h e r , examining the development of t h i s c a r v i n g p r o d u c t i o n , the market f o r these c a r v i n g s as c u l t u r a l a r t i f a c t s , and the concerns of t h e i r producers and consumers. This i n v e s t i g a t i o n demonstrates that the ways i n which East Greenlanders m o d i f i e d and continue to modify t h i s c a r v i n g p r o d u c t i o n r e l a t e s d i r e c t l y to t h e i r ne-c e s s i t y to e s t a b l i s h t h e i r group's i d e n t i t y i n a changing c u l t u r a l environment. This t h e s i s shows that the l a b e l - T u p i l a q - i s the symbolic l i n k between t r a d i t i o n a l and contemporary s o c i e t y . In c o n c l u s i o n , i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e i s d i s -cussed as i t a p p l i e s to T u p i l a q f i g u r e s ; we need to go beyond the l a b e l f o r a more adequate i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the content and the occurrence of c u l t u r a l images as m a t e r i a l o b j e c t s . PREFACE The reader w i l l f i n d s e v e r a l word usages i n t h i s study which are perhaps u n f a m i l i a r . The word KALAADLIT i s more commonly used i n East Greenland, i n s t e a d of the term INUIT, and r e f e r s to "the people". In West Greenland i t i s s p e l l e d KALAALLIT, but I use the East Greenlandic form. The word ANGAKKOK ( p l u r a l - ANGAKKUT) r e f e r s to "shaman", but there are v a r i a n t v e r s i o n s of the s p e l l i n g used by w r i t e r s and ethnograph-ers of Greenland's indigenous c u l t u r e . I use the s p e l l i n g , ANGAKKOK, throughout t h i s paper, as i t i s the v e r s i o n used by my East Greenlandic informants and t r a n s l a t o r s . Where I have quot-ed from p r e v i o u s w r i t e r s , I use t h e i r own s p e l l i n g of Greenland-i c words. The same holds f o r the term TUPILAQ ( p l u r a l TUPILAT) which r e f e r s to "a humanly created malevolent non-human be i n g " . I use c a p i t a l l e t t e r s f o r the word "TUPILAQ" to d e s i g -nate the t r a d i t i o n a l s p i r i t being of that name and i t s t r a d i -I t i o n a l c u l t u r e image. I use lower case l e t t e r s f o r the word " T u p i l a q " to r e f e r to the image of the s p i r i t being i n con t a c t times, and to the carved forms that represent s p i r i t beings which are g i v e n t h i s same l a b e l . Other KALAADLIT and INUIT words used i n t h i s t h e s i s , and t h e i r E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n s are g i v e n i n the g l o s s a r y . i v TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE LIST OF TABLES v i i LIST OF FIGURES v i i i LIST OF PLATES i x INTRODUCTION 1 A. Problems of I n t e r p r e t a t i o n 2 B. C u l t u r a l S i t u a t i o n and Area 5 C. T h e o r e t i c a l Problems 8 D. Met h o d o l o g i c a l Approach 10 I: The TUPILAQ Being: R e a l i t y , T r a d i t i o n , and Knowledge 12 I n t r o d u c t i o n 12 A. Mythic R e a l i t y 15 B. Or a l T r a d i t i o n 16 C. S p i r i t Beings Known and Accounted For 18 D. The Semantic F i e l d of the TUPILAQ 21 E. Old V i s i o n s : Knowledge and C r e a t i o n 23 I I : C o n f r o n t a t i o n and A c c u l t u r a t i o n 35 I n t r o d u c t i o n 35 A. H i s t o r i c a l Accounts: C o l o n i z a t i o n , Conversion, and Convenience 35 1. C o l o n i z a t i o n 35 2. Conversion 38 3. Convenience 41 B. Dawning H i s t o r y , Fading Images 42 C. Knowledge of a V i s i o n , Knowledge of a Form 53 I I I . C r e a t o r s and C r e a t i o n s : A r t s of A c c u l t u r a t i o n 57 I n t r o d u c t i o n 57 A. I n v e s t i g a t i o n and Co n f i r m a t i o n 57 1. V i s u a l and Ethnographic Study 58 2. V e r b a l Study 70 v TABLE OF CONTENTS (continued) PAGE B. Image and I d e n t i t y 77 1. Promotion and Support of a " C u l t u r a l A r t R e v i v a l " 8 2 2. A c c u l t u r a t e d A r t : Promotion of the T u p i l a q Label and Form 86 3. The Consumer Market: Promotion of an Image 9 2 4. Consumer A r t : P r e s e r v a t i o n of an Image 98 IV: C o n c l u s i o n s 107 A. V i s u a l P r e s e n t a t i o n of C u l t u r a l Knowledge 108 B. I n t e r p r e t a t i o n : Refocus Through A c c u l t u r a t i o n 110 B i b l i o g r a p h y 116 G l o s s a r y 128 Appendices 129 v i LIST OF TABLES TABLE PAGE I. Mythic S p i r i t Beings and Matching S p i r i t R e p resentations 60 I I . R e c o g n i t i o n of S p i r i t Being Representations 72-73 v i i LIST OF FIGURES FIGURES PAGE Map o f G r e e n l a n d 6 L I S T OF PLATES P L A T E PAGE 1. " T u p i l a q f i g u r e s " 13 2a and 2b " T u p i l a q f i g u r e s " 14 3. Harpoon throwing board 47 4. T u p i l a q f i g u r e 49 5. Model of a " s p i r i t h e l p e r " 51 6. Four " T u p i l a q f i g u r e s " , 1950-1965 54 7a and 7b. S p i r i t f i g u r e c a r v i n g 61 8. S p i r i t r e p r e s e n t a t i o n f i g u r e 63 9. S p i r i t r e p r e s e n t a t i o n f i g u r e 64 10. Transformation f i g u r e c a r v i n g 65 11. Transformation f i g u r e c a r v i n g 66 12. Transformation c a r v i n g 68 13. Transformation c a r v i n g 69 14. Transformation c a r v i n g 69 15. " T u p i l a q f i g u r e " c a r v i n g 78 16. " T u p i l a q f i g u r e " c a r v i n g 79 17. " T u p i l a q f i g u r e " c a r v i n g 80 18. " T u p i l a q f i g u r e " c a r v i n g 81 19. Figure c a r v i n g 84 20. Figure c a r v i n g , 1930-1945 85 i x LIST OF PLATES PLATE PAGE 21. KUNSTFORENINGEN f i g u r e 89 22. Goat horn T u p i l a q f i g u r e 90 23. I d e n t i t y tag 95 24. I d e n t i t y tag 96 25. T u p i l a q f i g u r e stamp 97 26. Stamp " T u p i l a q f i g u r e " 97 27. Figure c a r v i n g by Aron K l e i s t 99 28. Figure c a r v i n g s by Aron K l e i s t 100 29. Figure c a r v i n g s by Ole Kreutzmann 101 30. Figure c a r v i n g s by Duge Utuak 102 31. Figure c a r v i n g s by Johan E l i o 103 32. M u l t i - f i g u r e c a r v i n g s 105 33. "AJUMAQ" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g 133 34. "AJUMAQ" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g 133 35. "AJUMAQ" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g 134 36. "AJUMAQ" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g 135 37. "AJUMAQ" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g 136 38. "APERKETEQ/ANGUIT" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g 137 39. "APERKETEQ/ANGUIT" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g 137 40. "APERKETEQ/ANGUIT" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g 138 41. "APERKETEQ/ANGUIT" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g 138 42. "APERKETEQ/ANGUIT" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g 139 x LIST OF PLATES PLATE PAGE 43a & 43b. "ERKIGDLEK/ERQQILIK" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g 140 44. "ERKIGDLEK/ERQQILIK" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g 141 45. "ERKIGDLEK/ERQQILIK" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g 141 46. "ERKIGDLEK/ERQQILIK" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g 142 47. "ERKIGDLEK/ERQQILIK" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g 143 48. "INGNERSSUAK" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g 144 49. "INGNERSSUAK" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g 145 50. "TIMERTSEQ" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g 146 51. "TIMERTSEQ" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g 147 52. "TIMERTSEQ" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g 148 53. "TIMERTSEQ" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g 149 54. "TIMERTSEQ" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g 150 55. "TORNAK/TOORNAARSUK" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g 151 56. "TORNAK/TOORNAARSUK" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g 151 57. "TORNAK/TOORNAARSUK" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g 152 58. "TORNAK/TOORNAARSUK" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g 152 59. "TUPILAQ" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g 153 60. "TUPILAQ" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g 154 61a, 61b, 61c "TUPILAQ" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g 155 62. " T u p i l a q f i g u r e " 158 63. " T u p i l a q f i g u r e " 159 x i L I S T OF PLATES P L A T E PAGE 64. " T u p i l a q f i g u r e " 161 65. " T u p i l a q f i g u r e " 163 66. " T u p i l a q f i g u r e " 165 67. " T u p i l a q f i g u r e " 167 68. " T u p i l a q f i g u r e " 172 69. " T u p i l a q f i g u r e " 173 70. " T u p i l a q f i g u r e " 175 71. " T u p i l a q f i g u r e " 178 72. " T u p i l a q f i g u r e " 181 73. " T u p i l a q f i g u r e " 183 x i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I owe the completion of t h i s t h e s i s to the support and s t i m u l a t i o n of many people. I have c e r t a i n people to thank f o r t h e i r v a l u a b l e help i n f u r t h e r i n g my r e s e a r c h . I am very g r a t e -f u l to my East G r e e n l a n d i c p a r e n t s , Thorvald and K a m i l l a K u i t s e , who gave me warmth, concern, and d i r e c t i o n wherever and whenever p o s s i b l e . I am much o b l i g e d to Anna Kuitse-Meyer, S t i g Meyer, Anna Kemper and V i k k t o r i a Sanimuinaq my Greenland i n t e r p r e t e r s , and to Grethe K. R u s s e l l my Danish i n t e r p r e t e r , a l l of whom gave me v a l u a b l e help and guidance. Many others helped me i n the f i e l d , both i n Greenland and Denmark and thus I extend my g r a t i -tude to them. In a l p h a b e t i c a l order they are: N i k o l a j Abelsen Peter and Anna Andersen Giddeon Bianco J a f f e t Boassen Johan E l i o C a therine Enel Karula Engel Jonas Faber Norman Gloag E l i s a b e t h Hasselager Norma Hundborg Ebbe and Gudrun Josvassen K a r i n K l o s t e r Inge Kreutzmann Adam and E l i s a b e t h K u i t s e Anda K u i t s e I s s i a s and J u d i t h e K u i t s e K o r n e l i u s and Thada K u i t s e Madse and K r i s t i a n e K u i t s e M i l k a K u i t s e Thomas and K r i s t i a n e K u i t s e W i l l i e Lafrance A u r o l i a Manikutleq Jorgen Meldgaard Fred and B o d i l Meyer Thorvald Mikkaelsen T i t u s Nakinge Ruth N i e l s e n Gert Nooter Eunice and U l r i k e Pape Robert Petersen K i t t y Pope Egon Poulsen P i e r r e and Bernadette Robbe Kuneserq Rosing Henrik S i n g e r t a t K r i s t i a n and Katherine S i n g e r t a t To a l l of them I say, " Q u j a n a r t i v a g a i " . x i i i I a l s o thank B o d i l Seieroe-Andersen f o r access to v a l u a b l e i n f o r m a t i o n on the management and d i s t r i b u t i o n of T u p i l a q f i g -ures and to c a r v i n g s which I was able to photograph. I extend my g r a t i t u d e a l s o to Lome Balshine of the Vancouver I n u i t A r t Foundation, to Rol f G i l b e r g at the N a t i o n a l Museum, Copenhagen, and to Klaus Andreasen at the Gronlands Landsmuseum, Godthab-Nuuk f o r access to T u p i l a q f i g u r e s which I was able to photo-graph f o r t h i s study. For t h e i r i n v a l u a b l e guidance and c r i t i c i s m , I wish to thank my committee members, Dr. M. Kew, my chairman, and Dr. K.O.L. Bu r r i d g e , Dr. M.F. Guedon, and Dr. M. Ames. Many f r i e n d s have helped with d i f f e r e n t stages of t h i s t h e s i s , but a g r e a t debt i s owed to Joanne Richardson, a f e l l o w graduate student, f o r her support and v a l u a b l e comments. I a l s o extend my g r a t i -tude to C a r e l l Alden f o r t y p i n g my manuscript i n i t s e n t i r e t y and f o r her i n t e r e s t i n my work. I r e c e i v e d constant encourage-ment from my husband, Dr. G. Romalis, and our daughters, L i s a , Tara, and Dana, thus I thank them most s i n c e r e l y . I d e d i c a t e t h i s t h e s i s to the memory of my l a t e mother, Molly B a l s h i n e , who nurtured my i n t e r e s t i n indigenous peoples, and who i n s i s t e d t h a t I "do anthropology". INTRODUCTION Images seem to speak to the eye, but they are r e a l l y addressed to the mind. They are ways of t h i n k i n g , i n the guise of ways of s e e i n g . The eye can sometimes be s a t i s f i e d with form alone, but the mind can only be s a t i s f i e d with meanings, which can be contemplated, more c o n s c i o u s l y or l e s s , a f t e r the eye i s c l o s e d . (Duff 1975:12) The aim of t h i s t h e s i s i s to f u r t h e r our understanding of East Greenland c u l t u r e by f o c u s i n g on one image of that c u l t u r e , the TUPILAQ^ i n a l l i t s forms of thought and r e p r e s e n t a t i o n . Today i n Greenland (and other c o u n t r i e s such as Canada and Denmark) the word " T u p i l a q " r e f e r s to a small carved f i g u r e of stone, a n t l e r , wood, walrus or whale t o o t h . I t has many carved forms a l l of which are the supposed concrete images of the mythic TUPILAQ; a humanly created harmful s p i r i t being. In East Greenland today, one hears s t o r i e s of Angakut (pi.-shamans) and I l i s i t s u t ( p i . - e v i l doers) c o n s t r u c t i n g TUPILAT ( p i . ) and send-ing them o f f s p e c i f i c a l l y to k i l l p a r t i c u l a r hunters. Given the v a r i o u s v e r b a l and v i s u a l images which the TUPILAQ may take, i t i s not p o s s i b l e f o r the western observer to f i n d one image which i s somehow more r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the East Greenland concept of TUPILAQ than are the o t h e r s . The meaning of these images can only be grasped by examining them w i t h i n the context of t h e i r In q u o t a t i o n s from the ethnographic r e c o r d s , I use the l e t t e r e d word forms d i r e c t from those ethnographers. There i s " T u p i l e k " and " T u p i l a k " , but they both r e f e r to the same mythic being, "TUPILAQ". - 2 -own c u l t u r a l r e a l i t y . I propose that a new approach to a cross-c u l t u r a l interpretation might lead us to a better understanding of such non-western c u l t u r a l images.2 Central to this study, and to anthropology, is the problem of t r a n s l a t i o n . I propose to broaden the scope of this study to deal with the more general problem of 11 interpretation of c u l t u r -a l a rt". By enquiring into the production of Tupilaq figures, I intend to explicate t h e i r significance for both East Greenland-ers and non-Greenlanders to provide a more adequate interpreta-tion of their possible meanings. I confine the subject of my study to the images produced by one culture, East Greenland. This has the advantage of keeping the data semantically inte-grated. Furthermore, confining the analysis to a single concept or image benefits the study, by allowing for a more controlled body of information. On the other hand, I have included in the context of the TUPILAQ/Tupilaq a l l available pertinent sources of information. My investigation encompasses not only carvers, but also t h e i r physical environment, ethnographic records, mar-keting personnel and consumers. A. Problems of Interpretation In order to develop an interpretation of the Tupilaq image, 2 However, i t must be kept in mind that an interpretation can-not stand as a truth, for i t is but one way of looking at a phenomenon, translating what is seen, and then communicating what is understood. - 3 -I have e l e c t e d to study both the v e r b a l and v i s u a l images i n order to g i v e a more complete p i c t u r e of " T u p i l a q " , from mythic being to c a r v i n g s u b j e c t . My study covers images of " T u p i l a q " that are a v a i l a b l e i n both a r t i s t i c t r a d i t i o n s ; that of c a r v e r and of raconteur. A non-western c u l t u r a l phenomenon can be b e t t e r understood by western c u l t u r e i f an a p p r o p r i a t e frame of refere n c e i s found i n which to t r a n s l a t e t hat phenomenon i n t o a comparable western idiom. For the TUPILAQ image, a f i r s t problem of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n a r i s e s i n the o b j e c t i f y i n g of the i d e a , of t r a n s l a t i n g mythic r e a l i t y i n t o documentary r e a l i t y , or r a t h e r , a thought image i n -to a v i s u a l image. Western s c i e n t i f i c language has a l i n e a r q u a l i t y which b i a s e s western i n t e r p r e t a t i o n towards a v i s u a l and l i n e a l c o d i f i c a t i o n of r e a l i t y , and makes i t d i f f i c u l t to grasp a r e a l i t y b u i l t on the concept of t r a n s f o r m a t i o n and m u l t i -dimensional images, such as: M a n - S p i r i t being - Seal-Man. L i n e a l c o n d i f i c a t i o n of r e a l i t y i s premised on apprehending and f o r m u l a t i n g experienced r e a l i t y i n a v i s u a l documentary form based on s e q u e n t i a l p a t t e r n s . Dorothy Lee has s t a t e d t h i s suc-c i n c t l y i n her assumption, t h a t a member of a given s o c i e t y not only c o d i f i e s experienced r e a l i t y through the use of s p e c i f i c language and other p a t t e r n -ed behaviour c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of h i s c u l -t u r e , but that he a c t u a l l y grasps r e a l i t y as i t i s presented to him i n t h i s code. (1950:151) - 4 -K a l a a d l i t r e a l i t y i s not l i m i t e d to a l i n e a l or f i x e d dimension, and t h e i r mythic r e a l i t y i s organized through v e r b a l n o n - s t a t i c , n o n - l i n e a l c o d i f i c a t i o n systems. Rink acknowledges a d i f f e r e n c e between v e r b a l and v i s u a l c o d i f i c a t i o n systems and remarked: Greenland t a l e s and legends presuppose an o r a l r e c i t a t i o n and an audience which f e e l s q u i t e at home i n the c o n d i t i o n s and the l i f e d e p i c t e d i n them. In other words, i f they are to be p r o p e r l y appre-c i a t e d , they should be heard i n the Green-l a n d i c tongue and i n Greenland i t s e l f , and the hearer ought to be able to enter i n t o the Greenland mode of thought. ( [1887] 1912:309 ) They are intended f o r an audience who mere-l y r e q u i r e a h i n t to understand the mean-ing . ([1887] 1912:317) A mythic image t h a t i s conveyed as a v e r b a l image can only be-come a concrete v i s u a l image when i t has gone through an adap-t i v e p r o c e s s . One has to attend to the meanings contained i n the c u l t u r a l c o n s t r u c t of TUPILAQ and of " T u p i l a q f i g u r e s " before one i s able to o f f e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s that might enhance our understanding of the carved f i g u r e s . I suggest that ethnographers and a r t - h i s -t o r i a n s have missed the e s s e n t i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e of " T u p i l a q carved f i g u r e s " i n that they have f a i l e d to p e r c e i v e these a r t i -f a c t s as a unique and d i s t i n c t category of m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e which e x i s t s apart from the mythic image of TUPILAQ. Ethno-graphers know of both the mythic TUPILAQ and the more recent carved T u p i l a q , yet they remain q u i t e i n d i f f e r e n t to the unique-- 5 -ness of the carved form. The T u p i l a q f i g u r e has seemed a pro-duct of a complex e v o l u t i o n of i d e a , and t h e r e f o r e the t o t a l o c c u r r e n c e , p r o d u c t i o n , and p r e s e n t a t i o n , a complex e v o l u t i o n of form. But i s the e v o l u t i o n of the form concordant with the a c c u l t u r a t i o n of the idea or image of TUPILAQ being? I think not. The impact of the a c c u l t u r a t i o n process on the idea or image of TUPILAQ d i d not r e s u l t i n v a r i o u s carved r e p r e s e n t a -t i o n s of that s i n g l e image. The uniqueness of the T u p i l a q phe-nomenon i s p o r t r a y e d i n the way i n which i n d i v i d u a l c a r v e r s give t a n g i b l e form to a l l Greenlandic mythic images under the umbrel-l a l a b e l , " T u p i l a q " . I t i s w i t h i n t h i s c u l t u r a l context that I f i n d c l u e s which westerners may use to r e i n t e r p r e t the images presented i n the d i s t i n c t category of " T u p i l a q f i g u r e s " . B. C u l t u r a l S i t u a t i o n and Area I focus on East Greenland as the c u l t u r a l context f o r the TUPILAQ because i t appears to o f f e r the most c o n s i s t e n t h i s t o r -i c a l data. Although these s p i r i t beings are mentioned i n ethno-graphies of North, East, and West Greenland, I c o n f i n e my r e -search to the east coast as that i s where the carved form of these mythic beings f i r s t appeared. Today the p r o d u c t i o n of " T u p i l a q f i g u r e s " has spread to a l l populated areas of Green-l a n d , but the d i s t r i c t with the l a r g e s t p r o d u c t i o n output i s t h a t of Angmagssalik (Kaalund, 1983:70). - 7 -Most K a l a a d l i t of East Greenland are descendents of what was once the Inugsuk c u l t u r e or Dorset people of the Northwest of Canada. These people came to Greenland i n a major m i g r a t i o n wave between 1000 AD - 1300 AD (Bandi 1969:69, R i c h i e 1979:27). They were hunter-gatherers who l i v e d along the east coast of Greenland, north of Tingmiarmiut and south of Scoresbysund, cen-t e r i n g i n the area of Angmagssalik f i o r d . P r i o r to 1900 AD, they l i v e d i n extended f a m i l y groupings during the winter, d i -v i d i n g i n t o n u c l e a r f a m i l i e s f o r nomadic summer hunting. Before the 1890s, East Greenlanders had very few c o n t a c t s with other c u l t u r e s and other Greenlanders ( L . J . Dorais 1981: 43) as they were cut o f f from west Greenland by the p o l a r i c e cap and heavy east A t l a n t i c i c e flows (Rink [1887] 1912:206-210). East Greenlanders spoke t h e i r own d i a l e c t , which was markedly d i f f e r e n t from the West Green l a n d i c language, which was d i r e c t l y d e r i v e d from the language spoken by the Inugsuk people (Dorais 1981:59). The i s o l a t e d p r e - c o n t a c t p o p u l a t i o n (416 i n d i v i d u a l s - Holm [1887] 1912:68) l i v e d mainly along the shores of three f i o r d s : S e r m i l i q a q , Angmagssalik, and S e r m i l i k . Danish c o l o n i z a t i o n , begun i n West and South Greenland i n 1721, reached the Angmagssalik d i s t r i c t i n 1885. The people underwent g r e a t s o c i a l upheavals connected with c o l o n i z a t i o n , the i n t r o d u c t i o n of C h r i s t i a n i t y , and the Danish Reform P o l i c y of the 1950s (Lynge 1976:32). During the e a r l y y e a r s , and con-t i n u i n g from when Greenland was f o r m a l l y i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o the - 8 -Danish kingdom in 1953 (Erngaard 1 9 7 2 : 1 8 2 ) , East Greenlanders underwent intensive c u l t u r a l change due to the influence of Danish culture. Acculturation and assimilation were active pro-cesses i n Greenland for 200 years. The pre-contact cosmology consisted of the acknowledgement of s p i r i t s which inhabited the world and were perceived mostly by Angakkut ( p i . shaman) (Holm [1887] 1 9 1 2 : 8 2 ) . It was by the agency of the Angakkok that the s p i r i t s were rendered helpful or harmful to these people, and supernatural power was sought by a l l able-bodied i n d i v i d u a l s . S p i r i t beings were capable of com-municating with the people and their images were familiar to everyone. In the proper sense of the t r a d i t i o n a l ^ cognitive image, "TUPILAQ" refers to a malevolent, transformational s p i r i t being which is composed and animated by someone knowledgable in magic and who sends this off to harm a s p e c i f i c individual (Rink 1 8 7 5 : 5 3 ) . Ethnographers now translate the mythic TUPILAQ into the western idiom of c u l t u r a l art as carved images and representations c a l l e d "Tupilaq figures". C. Theoretical Problems This paper is an attempt to enquire into the manner of giving symbolic and physical form to c u l t u r a l knowledge that is 3 I define " t r a d i t i o n a l " as the time before Danish colonization on the east coast. - 9 -undergoing internal and external change. When speaking of carv-ed images whose meanings and understanding are posited within a s p e c i f i c c u l t u r a l r e a l i t y , "What we must acknowledge most of a l l i s that our world of r e a l i t y is very d i f f e r e n t from the world of r e a l i t y within which they were created." (Duff 1975:15) Interpretation of such culture s p e c i f i c images as the TUPILAQ must include recognition of the multi-faceted c u l t u r a l knowledge that is the context of the image. Misunderstandings of c u l t u r a l imagery due to the imposition of foreign categories can be c l a r -i f i e d through the study of indigenous categories. My research approach i s an example for western interpretation of non-western c u l t u r a l constructs or images. For Tupilaq figure carvings, there is a basic problem: "How i s a s p e c i f i c c u l t u r a l thought capable of being translated into carved images for sale to out-of-culture buyers?" I pro-pose that East Greenlanders do not relate to a carved "Tupilaq" image in the same way as they do to a verbal TUPILAQ image, be-cause the v i s u a l image is the antithesis of the Kalaadlit seman-t i c code for TUPILAQ. My hypothesis is that the contemporary Tupilaq figures are a c u l t u r a l art form whose subjects r e f l e c t a range of concepts which may have l i t t l e or nothing to do with the o r i g i n a l c u l t u r a l notion of TUPILAQ. I s h a l l determine empirically: - 10 -1. the range of subjects for Tupilaq figures. 2. what c u l t u r a l and outside influences d i r e c t the carver's decision to produce a p a r t i c u l a r subject or form. 3. c u l t u r a l l y viable explanations for the maintenance of the label "Tupilaq figure" in use for this entire genre of carving. 4. consumers' expectations of these figure carvings. 5. a c r o s s - c u l t u r a l interpretation of "Tupilaq figure" carvings. D. Methodological Approach This study i s , to a large extent, an inductive search for empirical r e g u l a r i t i e s . My method of research i s three-fold: 1. an analysis of the mythic and oral traditions of s p i r i t beings and the TUPILAQ, with a thorough examin-ation of the ethnographic l i t e r a t u r e . 2. an analysis of l i t e r a t u r e on colonization of West and East Greenland, and the acculturation process as i t affected changes in the t r a d i t i o n a l knowledge of s p i r i t beings. 3. an analysis of the form and content of Tupilaq f i g -ures, interviews with carvers and s t o r y - t e l l e r s , as well as, of consumers and marketing management. In order to carry out the t h i r d step of my analysis, four summer f i e l d studies were undertaken in the v i l l a g e s of Angmagssalik, Kap Dan and Kungmiut, and in Copenhagen. A t o t a l of 15 weeks were spent in East Greenland, 3 weeks in West Greenland, and 3 weeks in Copenhagen. In Angmagssalik, Thorvald Kuitse and his family took me into their home and accepted me as a daughter, which gave me an entrance into K a l a a d l i t homes as well as access - 11 -to carvers. Thorvald's oldest daughter, Anna Kuitse Meyer, was my major interpreter/informant over a three year period and Thorvald's s t e p - s i s t e r , Anna Kuitse Kemper, spent two weeks as my interpreter. F i e l d research was conducted in three stages: 1. Participant-observation studies of carvers, marketing managers, consumers (purchasers of Tupilaq figures) and v i l l a g e r s . 2 . Interviews with carvers, shop-keepers, Royal Greenland Trade Department personnel and consumers. 3 . Questionnaires were given to carvers and to consumers (following a purchase of a. Tupilaq figure) (see Appendix VI). The objective of this thesis i s to provide a more complete translation of the TUPILAQ image in a l l i t s o r a l , documentary and v i s u a l forms. My aim is to develop a new out-of-culture i n -terpretation of "Tupilaq figures" and to document an ethno- h i s -tory of the development of t h i s s p e c i f i c carving production. Few westerners have ever questioned what they see when they look at carved Tupilat, and I intend to show how westerners might look at non-western images and see with more understanding. In-terpretations of c u l t u r a l images must not be set apart from the culture which created the images. Just as cultures are not sta-t i c so interpretations of c u l t u r a l phenomena are not s t a t i c . I also intend to reveal how the present use of the term "Tupilaq" is misleading with respect to understanding what image has been carved, but is helpful for understanding and i d e n t i f y i n g the art form. - 12 -I. The TUPILAQ Being; R e a l i t y , T r a d i t i o n , and Knowledge.  I n t r o d u c t i o n T u p i l a q f i g u r e s have not been given the c r i t i c a l a t t e n t i o n they deserve by h i s t o r i a n s and ethnographers of East G r e e n l a n d i c c u l t u r e (e.g. T h a l b i t z e r 1914, 1936; Meldgaard 1940, 1983; R i t c h i e 1975, 1979). These w r i t e r s and others were s a t i s f i e d with the term " T u p i l a q " f o r these m u l t i f a r i o u s f i g u r e s , assuming that the c a r v i n g s were i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of mythic TUPILAQ beings (PLATES 1 and 2, pages 13 and 14). The purpose of t h i s chapter i s to c l a r i f y the K a l a a d l i t category of TUPILAQ being. The d e s c r i p t i o n s of other s p i r i t beings are presented to help s i t u a t e the TUPILAQ being i n the s t r u c t u r e of East G r e e n l a n d i c r e a l i t y . I examine d e s c r i p t i o n s of such beings ( e x t r a c t e d from the myths), c r e a t o r s of such beings, and c o n d i t i o n s under which such beings were thought to be a l i v e . In the f i r s t s e c t i o n of t h i s chapter I give my i n t e r p r e t a -t i o n of East G r e e n l a n d i c r e a l i t y and show how that r e a l i t y i s maintained. In the second s e c t i o n I i d e n t i f y and d i f f e r e n t i a t e s p i r i t beings from the category of TUPILAQ being. The semantic f i e l d of the TUPILAQ i s explored to show that the K a l a a d l i t con-s i d e r i t to be a d i f f e r e n t category from the contemporary T u p i -l a q f i g u r e s . - 13 -PLATE 1 " T u p i l a q f i g u r e s " , i v o r y and p l a s t i c . Both carved by Anton Utuak, 1978, Kap Dan, East Greenland.* ** ( P r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. C o l l e c t e d as T u p i -l a q f i g u r e s , 1978; l e f t s i d e c a r v i n g - i n Kap Dan, r i g h t s i d e c a r v i n g - i n Copenhagen.) Unless otherwise acknowledged, a l l photographs taken by the author. ** U n l e s s o t h e r w i s e s t a t e d , " p l a s t i c " r e f e r s t o t h e b l a c k s u b -s t a n c e p l a c e d i n t h e eye s o c k e t s o f a l l t h e c a r v e d f i g u r e s . PLATES 2a and 2b " T u p i l a q f i g u r e s " , i v o r y and p l a s t i c . Carved by Mathias U l r i k s e n , 1979, Kap Dan, East Greenland. ( P r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. C o l l e c t e d as a T u p i -l a q f i g u r e , 1979, in Copenhagen.) - 15 -A. Mythic Reality "Culture exists on the conceptual l e v e l and consists of a set of concepts, ideas, be-l i e f s , and attitudes about the universe of action and being. Cultural concepts do not just (or even necessarily) i d e n t i f y what exists in the objective world; c u l t u r a l systems, in one sense, create the world. Reality i t s e l f i s c u l t u r a l l y defined, and cu l t u r a l constructs p a r t i t i o n this r e a l i t y into numerous categories. Cultural cate-gories are thus conceptual categories." (Witherspoon, 1977:412) Cultural knowledge consists of prescribed relations which set out rules of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . An individual's thoughts and observations are perceived as facts when they are placed in a c l a s s i f i c a t o r y system. Co l l e c t i v e acknowledgement of that sys-tem offers a c u l t u r a l r e a l i t y : c e r t a i n t i e s whose meanings are understood and agreed upon through group experience. One can say, then, that: " A l l there is to know about the world is already known because the world was organi-zed according to this knowledge." (Witherspoon, 1977:33) Tra d i t i o n a l East Greenlandic knowledge maintains that the world i s inhabited by people (KALAADLIT) and s p i r i t s (INUE) (Rink, 1875:37). The people know that the events having to do with the creation of the world (to which many of their s t o r i e s and myths refer) took place on the same coast, which they them-selves or their immediate ancestors have seen (Thalbitzer, 1912: 331). They know that s p i r i t beings are everywhere in their world, that "the sky is also peopled with s p i r i t s " (Holm [1887] - 16 -1912:85), and that INUE are e v e r - p r e s e n t . Such c u l t u r a l know-ledge i s supported through t h e i r o r a l t r a d i t i o n , wherein thought images are transformed i n t o v e r b a l images thus p r o v i d i n g the b a s i s of t h e i r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n system. The idea of beings transforming from man to beast to man to s p i r i t and back i s a p a r t of t h e i r knowledge (Graburn 1978:14). They express t h i s through the symbolic u n i t s which make up t h e i r system of myth. These beings m i r r o r the o p p o s i t i o n between im-p o r t a n t s o c i a l and moral elements and thus f u n c t i o n as symbolic c l a s s i f i c a t o r y agents which mediate between s o c i a l r e a l i t y and mythic r e a l i t y . These c o g n i t i v e images of s p i r i t beings become i n t e r p r e t a n t s of east G r e e n l a n d i c c u l t u r a l knowledge and g i v e order to t h e i r c u l t u r a l r e a l i t y through v o c a l e x p r e s s i o n . B. O r a l T r a d i t i o n "Words, l i k e thoughts, are considered to have c r e a t i v e power. In mythology t h i n g s came i n t o being or happened as people thought or t a l k e d about them." (Witherspoon, 1978:22) East Greenlanders base t h e i r c u l t u r a l r e a l i t y on the myths, s t o r i e s , e xperiences and customs which are handed down o r a l l y from one g e n e r a t i o n to the next. S t o r i e s and legends are o f t e n t o l d i n the long winter evenings. "Another pastime f o r winter evenings i s the s i n g i n g of o l d songs which have been handed down from olden days. The young are taught to s i n g by t h e i r e l d e r s . Every e x p r e s s i o n , every tone, every sound, every movement i s - 17 -t r a d i t i o n a l and i s handed down from the o l d to the young." (Holm [1887] 1912:125-26) The l i m i t s of the East Greenlandic conceptual world are c l e a r l y d e f i n e d through t h i s o r a l t r a d i t i o n . Myths and o l d s t o r i e s give e x p l a n a t i o n s of experiences that are concurrent with the conceptual forms of t h e i r c u l t u r e . These pat t e r n e d v e r b a l images are harboured i n and r e l e a s e d through t h e i r spoken language. T h e i r knowledge and ideas of l i f e are, t h e r e f o r e , c o n s t i t u t e d by s p e c i f i c v e r b a l images. Osargag e x p l a i n s t h i s as f o l l o w s : "Our t a l e s are men's experiences, and the thi n g s one hears are not always l o v e l y t h i n g s . But one cannot deck a t a l e to make i t p l e a s a n t , i f at the same time i t s h a l l be t r u e . The tongue must be the echo of the event and cannot adapt i t s e l f to t a s t e or c a -p r i c e . To the words of the new born none give much credence, but the experience of o l d e r g e n e r a t i o n s c o n t a i n s t r u t h . When I na r r a t e legends, i t i s not I who speak, i t i s the wisdom of our f o r e f a t h e r s , speaking through me." (Rasmussen 1908:97) Through myth the people know what was, what i s , and what w i l l be. T h e i r o r a l t r a d i t i o n f u n c t i o n s as a mechanism of c u l t u r a l maintenance i n that i t c o n t a i n s responses to and p r e s c r i p t i o n s f o r a l l e xperience. R e f e r r i n g to t h e i r p r e s c r i p t i o n s and r e -sponses, Rasmussen e x p l a i n s t h i s as f o l l o w s : "They are to them, not the only p o s s i b l e ones, but merely the best that they know, through the t r a d i t i o n s of t h e i r f o r e f a t h e r s " (Rasmussen 1908: 124) . - 18 -East Greenlandic stories and myths contain accounts of helpful and of malevolent beings who inhabit their world. Each of these beings is described in the myths according to i t s own s p e c i f i c domain and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n (Thalbitzer 1938:82). As symbolic agents of their mythic r e a l i t y , these s p i r i t beings are a natural part of the t o t a l consciousness of the East Greenland-ers. C. S p i r i t Beings Known and Accounted For The concept and abundance of s p i r i t beings constantly men-tioned by the Kal a a d l i t is known to have intrigued early western oriented authors and t r a v e l l e r s in Greenland (Holm [1887] 1912, Rasmussen 1908, Thalbitzer 1912). Several of these beings are noted, but no corroboration or compilation of attributes is at-tempted. The data recorded on s p i r i t beings is peripheral to descriptions of amulets and the ornamentation of a r t i f a c t s (Thalbitzer 1912:617). Records of the myths, tales, and legends include minimal descriptions of s p i r i t beings (Holm [1887] 1912: 232-305, Rink [1887] 1912:311-17, Rasmussen 1908:308-357). Sym-bo l i c content and subject matter are of far less importance to these early observers than straight description. The l o g i c of individual human beings and s p i r i t beings occupying the same s p a t i a l t e r r i t o r y r e f l e c t s the East Greenland s o c i a l order and the importance of s p i r i t beings. Throughout Kala a d l i t imagery, transformation is a power given to a l l - 19 -beings, human and otherwise, and one i d e n t i f i e s a s p i r i t being by the symbolic components that are present at a s p e c i f i c time. Each person might see a s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t form of the same s p i r i t being due to i t s being in a d i f f e r e n t stage of transform-ation, or due to his or her own personal v i s i o n at a p a r t i c u l a r time. A l l the beings are known; they exist and have names. Bodil Kaalund writes: "....as these beings were accepted as hav-ing a d e f i n i t e appearance and manifesta-t i o n . Nobody doubted that they looked the way they were described by the Shaman. They were r e a l i t i e s . " (1983:64) They are ever-present and have the a b i l i t y to lead l i v e s that correspond to those of the East Greenlanders (Holm [1887] 1912: 257,66). According to Kal a a d l i t verbal categories, s p i r i t beings are thought of as belonging to two non-oppositional states; those that are a l i v e as human-like or animal s p i r i t beings having the i r own INUA-SPIRIT, and those s p i r i t beings not having their own INUA, but rather the s p i r i t of someone or something else (as in our notions of ghosts or shades). Both types are fear pro-voking for ordinary humans but both types can also be helping s p i r i t s i f the individual to whom they present themselves has the power and a b i l i t y to subjugate them. Each verbal image is known and recognizable, as a d i s t i n c t defined being. They a l l belong to the indigenous category of TORNAK (a s p i r i t helper who - 20 -i s a l i v e of i t s own power) (Ebbe Josvassen, Angmaqssalik , 1 9 8 3 ) . East Greenlanders are f a m i l i a r with the individual verbal symbolic patterns of s p i r i t beings. Although, according to the enthnographic records of mythic accounts, each being is not characterized i d e n t i c a l l y in a l l physical aspects, there are certain attributes which do not vary. Many of the names of s p i r i t beings are concomitant with their attributes. There are the INGNERSSUIT = noseless f i r e people (Rasmussen 1 9 0 8 : 3 2 7 , 3 3 9 ) and the ERKILIK = giant dog people that l i v e inland (Holm [1887] 1 9 1 2 : 8 4 , 2 6 6 ) . In these instances the names define the beings in both form and attr i b u t e s . Therefore, i f an East Greenlander were to meet one of these beings, he would need only one d e t a i l from the t o t a l symbolic pattern ascribed to the being in order for him to recount the incident knowing which being he had met (Egon Poulsen, Kap Dan, 1 9 8 2 ) . For example, he might report that he had seen an ERKILIK that looked l i k e a human but sprang l i k e a dog (Holm [1887] 1 9 1 2 : 2 6 7 ) . There are seven s p i r i t beings that are often mentioned i n both Holm's and Rasmussen's records. I l i s t them with others in Appendix I according to their physical descriptions and a t t r i -butes. 4 These seven more common s p i r i t s are: ERKINGASEK, APERKETEQ, INGNERSSUIT, ERKIGDLIT, TIMERSIT, AMOTORTOK, and TORNAK (the s p e l l i n g of s p i r i t names varies according to i n d i v i -4 Many s p i r i t being names have been recorded, and I include 15 of the more common names with physical descriptions according to texts in Appendex I. - 21 -du a l ethnographers). -According to K a l a a d l i t t r a d i t i o n a l knowl-edge, a l l of these beings can be met when hunting i n l a n d , on the water, or on the i c e , or they can be requested to appear f o r s p e c i f i c p e r s o n a l a s s i s t a n c e i f one has the s p e c i a l power to do so. When a TORNAK i s subjugated i t becomes a TARTOK (the per-sona l h e l p i n g s p i r i t of the powerful i n d i v i d u a l who made i t t h u s ) . The TORNAK and TARTOK are of the same indigenous c a t e -gory (Poulsen 1982), and ANGAKKUT o f t e n c a l l on t h e i r TARTOK to help them l o c a t e and de s t r o y TUPILAT (Holm [1887] 1912:290, Mikkaelsen 1982). The presence of TARTUT ( p l u r a l ) i s acknow-ledged and accepted; they share the same s p a t i a l area as East Greenlanders and lead i d e n t i c a l d a i l y l i v e s . For these s p i r i t beings and o t h e r s , the a t t r i b u t e s are s p e c i f i c yet the t o t a l v i s u a l image, as i t i s v e r b a l l y recounted, may vary. D. The Semantic F i e l d of the TUPILAQ The TUPILAQ being i s t r a d i t i o n a l l y thought of as d i f f e r i n g from other s p i r i t beings. I t i s not a TORNAK or a TARTOK, r a t h -e r , i t i s "a l i v i n g c r e a t u r e , made by a human being, f o r the purpose of doing harm or b r i n g i n g misfortune over another" (Rasmussen 1938:159). As c o g n i t i v e images, TUPILAT are man-made s p i r i t beings that transform i n t o m u l t i - d i m e n s i o n a l malevolent s p i r i t beings; " m a g i c a l l y c r e a t e d beasts, composed and animated by a person s k i l l e d i n s o r c e r y who might be a shaman though not n e c e s s a r i l y one" (Petersen 1964:73). According to Rasmussen, - 22 -the maker of a TUPILAQ "would have put the bones of various ani-mals together, covered them with turf and clo t s of blood, and conjured the object into l i f e by a special magic song" (IBID 1908:156). Most TUPILAQ beings are i n v i s i b l e , except to the person they are sent out to k i l l and/or to an ANGAKKOK during a seance. They are the most feared of a l l s p i r i t beings for i t i s known that they have the power to k i l l , they are created for that s p e c i f i c purpose, and that they accomplish their purpose. "Tupilat were considered to be so dangerous that i f they merely appeared to the person they were to harm, he would die." (Rasmussen 1938:164) The person who creates a TUPILAQ is an ANGAKKOK or an ILISITSOQ, either a man or a woman who believes he or she can control supernatural power, and who is endowed with special wis-dom or power (Rink 1875:39). "An Angakok who can c a l l down misfortune on his fellows i s called an I l i s i t s o q ; without showing himself to his victim, he can k i l l him with a "Tupilak", an animal made by the magician himself, as a rule a seal, which appears to the man against whom he bears a grudge." (Rasmussen 1908:155) East Greenlanders know who are the ANGAKKUT in the i r v i l l a g e s ; they know which persons have special powers and to whom they can go for personal aid. "Whereas the Angakut commune with the s p i r i t world in the presence of others and as a general rule help rather than harm their fellow creatures, the I l i s i t s u t commune with the s p i r i t world in secret and only in order to - 23 -harm their enemies or society. Women can become I l i s i t s u t and make Tupilaks as well as men" (Holm [1887] 1912:100). The TUPILAQ, known to a l l East Greenlanders as malevolent, is thought to be created by a human being for the sole purpose of bringing harm to another person. This r e a l i t y is expressed o r a l l y in the following ways: a) personal accounts of how a TUPILAQ appeared to a hunting group and then k i l l e d a family member or friend of the raconteur; b) shamanic seances wherein TUPILAT are discovered by the ANGAKKOK as being the cause of an i l l n e s s (Rasmussen 1938:165); c) personal accounts of old ANGAKKUT who have confessed to having made TUPILAT; d) t r a d i -t i o n a l stories of hunters who are k i l l e d by or escape from TUPILAT (Holm [1887] 1912:280). As a cognitive image, the TUPILAQ i s a product of the fundamental knowledge system of East Greenlanders. A person might control power and use i t in secret for e v i l purposes. Only a shaman could discover who might be responsible for this as, according to East Greenland culture, " i t i s the ANGAKKOK who has the g i f t of special power and knows how to discover TUPILAT and their makers" (Holms [1887] 1912: 101) . E. Old Visions: Knowledge and Creation It i s known that the TUPILAQ is not carved - i t is assem- bled, always in a p a r t i c u l a r pattern, and always in private. Most often i t is constructed of the bones of several animals, - 24 -moss and/or t u r f , seaweed, and implements or possessions that are taken from a proposed victim. The assemblage could also contain parts of a corpse (Holm [1887] 1912:281, Rasmussen 1939:159). It is of less importance whether a whole animal, bones from several beasts of the same kind, or those from d i f -ferent beasts are used, for i t is known that using bones from various birds or animals means that the TUPILAQ w i l l possess the identity of these d i f f e r e n t creatures at d i f f e r e n t stages in i t s l i f e . A TUPILAQ can a l t e r i t s size and shape, transforming from one animal to the next in i t s search for i t s victim, but attacks in the mode of whichever animal form i t is in when i t locates i t s victim (Holm [1887] 1912:102). The symbolic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of TUPILAT l i e in the c u l t u r a l logic that harbours the images of their creation. Since ANGAKKUT know when TUPILAT are about and have the knowledge to detect and catch them without being harmed themselves, i t i s through ANGAKKUT descriptions and discovery seances that most East Greenlanders become familiar with the ch a r a c t e r i s t i c s of TUPILAT (Poulsen 1983). Descriptions do vary for they depend on who has seen a TUPILAQ.and who t e l l s the story of the experience. Three exam-ples of these accounts provide i l l u s t r a t i o n s . F i r s t i s the story "Navagijak" told by Kutuluk: "One day, when Navagijak was out hunting, he hurled his harpoon at a tupilak, a l -though he was well aware that i t was one; for i t had a hood on i t s head, and i t s hin-der parts were l i k e those of a dog." (G. Holm [1887] 1912:272) - 25 -Second i s "A T u p i l a k Story" t o l d by Kutuluk: "The angakok a r t s commenced, and p r e s e n t l y the t u p i l a k came i n t o the passageway. I t gave f o r t h a l l manner of sounds; now i t s h r i e k e d : ungal, now erko!, now i t c r i e d l i k e a fox, now l i k e a grouse. I t kept i n the passageway a l l the w h i l e . The sounds changed; i t sounded now l i k e umiaks, now l i k e k a i a k s , now l i k e the r u s t l i n g of bush-es, and now l i k e s e a l s . I t u t t e r e d a l l these sounds because i t was made of a l l these t h i n g s . " (G. Holm [1887] 1912:282) And t h i r d i s the c o n f e s s i o n of P e r k i t i g s a k , r e l a t i n g how he had been an ILISITSOQ, and r e v e a l i n g i n f o r m a t i o n about the TUPILAT he had sent out. His c o n f e s s i o n i s recorded by Holm: "In h i s anger he made a t u p i l a k of walrus s k i n , fragments of the man's game and many other t h i n g s . I t resembled a walrus wear-ing women's drawers. He crea t e d and made i t grow i n the usual way, a f t e r which he sent i t f o r t h to k i l l the man who had taken the walrus from him." (Holm [1887] 1912:102) To c r e a t e a TUPILAQ being, bones and other m a t e r i a l are placed i n t o a p r e s c r i b e d p o s i t i o n by an ILISITSOQ who uses only h i s or her thumb and f o r e f i n g e r (Peterson 1964:72). According to s e v e r a l ethnographic r e p o r t s of t h i s p r o c e s s , i t i s the ILISITSOQ who knows t h i s s e c r e t procedure and who passes t h i s knowledge on to other ILISITSUT. If any p r e s c r i b e d step i s l e f t out or done i n an i n c o r r e c t manner, the p a r t i c u l a r TUPILAQ thus made l o s e s i t s power (Rasmussen 1938:162). An example of how one goes about making a TUPILAQ i s given by G. Holm: "The most important a r t of the i l i s i t s u t i s to c r e a t e t u p i l e k s which w i l l k i l l the peo-p l e a g a i n s t whom they are sent. They are - 26 -made from d i f f e r e n t animals, such as bears foxes, ptarmigan, and seals. The tupilek must also contain a piece of the anorak, or the hunting s p o i l , or something else of the man against whom i t is to be sent. It is then animated by chanting a magic charm over i t . In order that the tupilek may grow, the i l i s i s o k makes i t suckle himself between his legs. Before doing this he turns his anorak so that he has the back of i t in front; then he draws up the hood before his face. He s i t s on a heap of stones close to where a ri v e r discharges i t s e l f into the sea and makes the tupilek suckle. When the l a t t e r has grown big, i t glides down into the water and disappears. It i s to bring death or misfortune to the man for whom i t is destined." (Holm [1887] 1912:100) ANGAKKUT and ILISITSUT know magic songs of a malevolent nature that blow l i f e into TUPILAT, but these secret songs are the per-sonal knowledge of these powerful people (Peterson 1964:75). Often other s p i r i t beings under the power of an ILISITSOQ w i l l aid him in composing a TUPILAQ (Holm [1887] 1912:290,299). When l i f e i s successfully given to a TUPILAQ i t does not mean that revenge w i l l occur immediately, as i t may take some time for the TUPILAQ to locate the person for whom i t is des-tined. The TUPILAQ does not have i t s own power or w i l l so i t obeys i t s master, the possessor of such powers. It i s the maker who t e l l s the TUPULAQ whom to attack, when to attack, and where the revenge should take place (Rasmussen, 1938:162). Once a TUPILAQ has attacked i t s victim i t disappears with no trace, but i f i t f a i l s to reach the intended victim i t can turn against i t s - 27 -creator. Tale 126, from "Tales and Traditions of the Eskimo", makes thi s knowledge e x p l i c i t l y c lear: "126. THE TUPILAK - An old man named Nikook, who had given up seal-hunting, once, e n t i r e l y by chance, brought home a walrus. The middle one of some brothers with whom he l i v e d grew jealous of him at t h i s , and every morning repaired to the opposite shore of an island, where he secretly worked at a tupilak. Nikook got a suspicion of t h i s , and following him, he surprised the wretch in the act of allowing his own body to be sucked by the monster, at the same time repeating the words, "Thou shalt take Nikook." But Nikook hurried down, and seized him, crying, "What art thou doing there?" At that moment the man f e l l down l i f e l e s s . Meanwhile the brothers had also reached the island, and on being guided to the place by Nikook, they found the tupilak s t i l l sucking the dead. They then k i l l e d i t with stones, sinking i t , as well as the maker of i t , into the sea. During f i v e nights Nikook was disturbed by a bubbling sound, but afterwards nothing more was perceived." (Rink 1875:461-62) It is the duty of ANGAKKUT to locate and catch TUPILAT that have turned on th e i r makers and to overcome TUPILAT that are searching for intended victims. There are many stories in the ethnographic records that explain how this is done. A TUPILAQ being can be overpowered by the helping s p i r i t s of an ANGAKKOK. An example of this is provided by Narsingertek and Adlagdlak, "When the angakut are catching tupileks, they c a l l Erkingasek, who then catches them with his bird-dart. The angakut have him now and then for their tartok, and even sometimes v i s i t him." (Holm [1887] 1912:290) - 28 -Ethnographic accounts do contain descriptive stories of ANGAKKUT who have caught and destroyed TUPILAT (Holm and Rasmussen). Men and women who are known to have ANGAKKOK power t e l l s t ories of their experiences in locating TUPILAT, and how they and t h e i r helping s p i r i t s (TARTOK) k i l l these malevolent beings. ANGAKKUT are known through the acts they perform, and these become known as people talk about them. Once a TUPILAQ i s discovered by an ANGAKKOK i t is k i l l e d during a special public ANGAKKOK performance. Once the intended victim is r i d of his or her pursuer he or she can talk about the experience and often give an e x p l i c i t description of that p a r t i c u l a r TUPILAQ. The TUPILAQ may also be described by the ANGAKKOK who has given the performance or by a spectator. If an individual has an ANGAKKOK as a r e l a t i v e or ancestor, he or she w i l l often recount stories that prove the strength and power of his or her kin in order to raise his or her own s o c i a l standing. It is through these sto-r i e s that Kalaadlit have formed th e i r cognitive images of the TUPILAQ beings and have come to know and fear them. The follow-ing presentation of one such story w i l l provide an example of an East Greenland verbal image of "TUPILAQ". 29. A TUPILEK STORY told by Kutuluk "In olden days an old c h i l d l e s s married couple came here from the south and winter-ed up here. When spring came, a bear was caught by the people who l i v e d in the near-est dwelling-place up the f i o r d . The old folks now tra v e l l e d up to them to get some of the bear to eat; but when they had en-t e r e d the house, the man who had caught the bear s a i d : "Who i n the world wants to have these o l d f o l k s as guests?" However, they gave them some bear's f l e s h and blubber; but the o l d people d i d not eat of i t , but t i e d i t up to make a t u p i l e k of i t . When the bear's paws were b o i l e d , the o l d people s a i d : " I f they would only g i v e us some of them!", and when the food was d i v i d e d amongst the guests, they d i d r e c e i v e a couple of toes. But they d i d not eat these e i t h e r , but took them home with them. When they got home they began to long f o r the s p r i n g , so that they could t r a v e l south a g a i n . In the meantime the wife of the man who had caught the bear brought f o r t h a c h i l d , which d i e d , and the o l d married cou-p l e took i t to make a t u p i l e k o f . They now t r a v e l l e d south, and the wife wrapped up the c h i l d w e l l and put i t i n f r o n t of them on the horns of the umiak. When they touched l a n d , the wife stepped out of the boat, and then the husband handed the c h i l d to her. This they d i d the whole way while they were j o u r n e y i n g south. It was not t i l l they came to t h e i r own country again that they made from the corpse a t u p i l e k which could k i l l a l l the c h i l d r e n the bea r - c a t c h e r ' s wife bore. The t u p i l e k was gi v e n a fox's jaw and a grouses jaw, and i t s head was covered with dog-s k i n . I t was then made a l i v e . When there came time of s c a r c i t y , the bear-catcher k i l l e d h i s dog and sang magic charms over i t , because he wanted h i s c h i l d r e n to l i v e . Once when the bea r - c a t c h e r ' s wife had brought f o r t h a c h i l d which died j u s t l i k e the o t h e r s , she journeyed up to Ker n e r t u a r -suk. She heard someone s i n g i n g from up the f i o r d , and as she walked she saw an umiak coming down the f i o r d . The people i n the boat were going out to have a drum-match, and they took her with them. As she was s o r r o w f u l , they d i d not have a drum-match, but angakok a r t s were to be performed by s i x angakut to cheer her up. She went and sat down near the p l a c e where the angakut were to perform their arts, and the lamps were extinguished. The f i v e angakut performed their arts, and she expected that they should say something to her, but they said nothing. It was now the turn of the sixth angakut, who was c a l -led Akerdlegsanalik, to begin. The lamps were l i t , he was given a new skin to s i t on, and a smaller lamp was placed by his side. He began to beat the drum and the dried skin before the passage, and the skin on which he sat began to move. As he was drumming, his natit slipped down and at l a s t f e l l off altogether. As he drummed, he sometimes made the back of his head almost touch the ground, and he threw the drum aside and i t began to move of i t s own accord. A l l this the angakok did to gladden the heart of the sorrowful one. Then the lamps were extinguished. While Akerdlegsanalik was performing angakok arts, and the drum was moving by i t s e l f , he said to the grieving woman: "It is as i f you had a c h i l d in your bosom". They stay-ed up the whole night and performed angakok arts . When they were about to depart, the griev-ing woman said to the angakut: "It would be well i f you would come over to Umivik to k i l l the tupilek." They now a l l went over to Umivik, and when they came there, they cut a seal in pieces and ate i t . When they had finished eating, they began to perform angakok arts in order to catch the tupilek. F i r s t the fi v e performed angakok arts, but did not say anything to the grieving woman. It was now Akerdlegsanalik's turn to begin. The smaller lamp was l i t , and Akerdlegsana-l i k drummed and sang. He cast the drum aside, and i t went on moving by i t s e l f un-t i l at l a s t i t stood quite s t i l l . The angakok sometimes nearly touched the ground with the back of his neck and his neck and his feet were firmly planted on the ground. At the time when Akerdlegsanalik was learn-ing to perform angakok arts and stood in front of the house, he saw some asagisat behind the house, and i t was them he used as h i s t a r t o k s . When the drum rose i n the a i r , the lamp was put out, and the a r t s were continued. "There i s the t u p i l e k ! " s a i d A k e r d l e g s a n a l i k . I t was s i t t i n g at the bottom of the p l a t f o r m . He l i f t e d up the s k i n of the p l a t f o r m to stab i t ; but as he stabbed he chanced to p u l l the l i n e , so t h a t the harpoon head f e l l o f f , and the t u p i l e k s l i p p e d away. " I t i s as i f the t u p i l e k had not gone f a r away," s a i d the angakok. The tornak a r t s now ceased f o r t h i s evening. The f o l l o w i n g evening they took seven p i e c e s of the g r i e v i n g woman's garments, t i e d them up i n a bundle, and hung them up under the r o o f . The t u p i l e k was to creep i n t o the garments, and then when he was w e l l i n s i d e , they were to p u l l the s t r i n g . The angakok a r t s commenced, and p r e s e n t l y the t u p i l e k came i n t o the passageway. I t gave f o r t h a l l manner of sounds; now i t s h r i e k e d : unga!, now erko!, now i t c r i e d l i k e a fox, now l i k e a grouse. I t kept i n the passageway a l l the w h i l e . The sounds changed; i t sounded now l i k e umiaks, now l i k e k a i a k s , now l i k e the r u s t l i n g of bushes, and now l i k e s e a l s . I t u t t e r e d a l l these sounds because i t was made of these t h i n g s . I t now entered the house and c r e p t i n t o the garments. The angakok s a i d : "Dava 1" and the others p u l l e d the s t r i n g . Then they s t r u c k i t with t h e i r clenched f i s t s ; but while they were s t r i k i n g i t , i t s l i p p e d away through a l i t t l e hole i n the outermost garment, a g u t - s k i n coat, a l -though there was no hole i n the other gar-ments; but now a hole b u r s t i n the o t h e r s , and i t s l i p p e d out. The lamps were l i t , the garment was examin-ed, and the hole was sewn up; then the lamps were again e x t i n g u i s h e d , so that they might catch the t u p i l e k . I t came now i n t o the passageway u t t e r i n g s i m i l a r sounds as b e f o r e , and came to the p l a c e where i t was to creep i n t o the garments. Then i t made i t s way i n t o the garments s h r i e k i n g : "Erko! Erko!" As soon as i t was w e l l i n -- 32 -side, they pulled the string and began to beat i t . Those that beat i t cried, "Ala, a l a ! " , because the tupilek b i t them. When at l a s t i t was quiet, the lamps were l i t , and the angakok had the tupilek in his bo-som; and she who had made the tupilek ran round about, in and out, putting out the lamps, while the others were trying to l i g h t a f i r e . The angakok said that those who were not quite well were to turn th e i r faced inwards, and f i r e was d r i l l e d down in a urine-tub, in order that the tupilek's mother might not p u l l i t out. When the lamps had now been properly l i t , they saw a nice l i t t l e c h i l d with grouse's feet in i t s breast; but when the angakok had breathed on i t , a l l the grouse feathers f e l l o f f . It was red as i f with dried blood in the corners of the mouth, from a l l the dead children's souls i t had eaten. It had s t i l l a dog-skin on i t s head, but this they ripped up. Gradually a whole p i l e of grouse feathers and a l l the things the tupilek had been made up of were heaped up about i t . When they had finished with i t , they went up to the mountain above Umivik and boiled i t . The bear-catchers wife brought forth a c h i l d for the l a s t time, and i t l i v e d , as well as the c h i l d she had born (sic.) be-fore the tupilek had been made. The tupilek was now caught, and so this is the end of our t a l e . " (Holm [1887] 1921:280-83) Thus, according to East Greenland knowledge, a TUPILAQ being i s : 1) composed and created by a human being; 2) al i v e for a s p e c i f i c time; 3) in a form with the properties and images of d i f f e r e n t animals also present in capable of being seen by an ANGAKKOK ers, and by the intended victim; 5) the natural environment; 4) or person with special pow-capable of being k i l l e d by - 33 -an ANGAKOQ and/or h i s h e l p i n g s p i r i t ; 6 ) a f e a r i n s p i r i n g image; and 7 ) assembled and given l i f e f o r the s o l e purpose of k i l l i n g human beings. Thus i t s v e r b a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s come from the c o g n i t i v e image which i s set i n the l i f e - w o r l d of East Green-l a n d e r s and i s imbedded i n the mythic r e a l i t y of K a l a a d l i t c u l -t u r e . The semantic f i e l d of TUPILAT i s the l i f e - w o r l d of East Greenlanders, yet these beings occupy a very d i s t i n c t c o g n i t i v e category amongst Gree n l a n d i c c a t e g o r i e s and images. A l l non-human beings evolve from the same Greenlandic cog-n i t i v e system ( c u l t u r a l r e a l i t y ) , but a d i s t i n c t i o n i s made bet-ween a) s p i r i t beings that are ever-present and capable of l e a d -ing l i v e s s i m i l a r to and coextensive with those of East Green-l a n d e r s , and b) beings that are humanly cre a t e d with a s p e c i f i c l i f e expectancy and f o r the s p e c i f i c purpose of c a r r y i n g out the i n t e n t of the c r e a t o r . T h e r e f o r e , as the c o g n i t i v e images of these two indigenous c a t e g o r i e s are not s i m i l a r , there can be no s i n g u l a r c l a s s i f i c a t o r y system i n which to group both s p i r i t beings and TUPILAT. TUPILAT are unique and d i s t i n c t e n t i t i e s i n the semantic f i e l d of East Greenlanders. Thus, i t i s the indigenous c a t e g o r i e s which ho l d c l u e s to  c u l t u r a l meanings and to the understanding of c u l t u r a l images. Yet due to the i m p o s i t i o n of f o r e i g n c a t e g o r i e s and/or the mis-a p p l i c a t i o n of Greenlandic c a t e g o r i e s these c u l t u r a l images are o f t e n misunderstood. In order to o f f e r an adequate i n t e r p r e t a -t i o n of contemporary east Greenlandic c u l t u r a l images i t i s - 34 -necessary to e x p l i c a t e the way i n which the process of a c c u l t u r -a t i o n a f f e c t e d t r a d i t i o n a l K a l a a d l i t images. - 35 -I I . C o n f r o n t a t i o n and A c c u l t u r a t i o n I n t r o d u c t i o n In t h i s s e c t i o n I present ethnographic data and h i s t o r i a l accounts which r e c o r d the e a r l y p e r i o d of contact between Danish and East G r e e n l a n d i c c u l t u r e s . I a l s o i n c l u d e data concerning the a c c u l t u r a t i o n of the p r o d u c t i o n of east G r e e n l a n d i c m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e . My purpose i n t h i s chapter i s to i n d i c a t e how the i n -t r o d u c t i o n and p r o d u c t i o n of mythic images as a r t i f a c t s occur-red, and through the a c c u l t u r a t i o n p r o c e s s , allowed f o r the form and l a b e l T u p i l a q f i g u r e . T h i s s e c t i o n i s organized so that the events of c o n t a c t , c o l o n i z a t i o n , c o n v e r s i o n , and communication and t h e i r e f f e c t s on the image of the TUPILAQ are examined i n sequence. I t i s i n the l a t t e r h a l f of t h i s chapter that I address the problem of the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and m i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e . An examination of the c o l o n i z a t i o n process presents evidence of p r e s s u r e s to r e s t r u c t u r e t r a d i t i o n a l K a l a a d l i t imag-ery i n the form of adaptations i n t h e i r m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e . T h i s i n t u r n , by r e c h a n n e l i n g mythic knowledge, permits b i - c u l t u r a l p r e s e n t a t i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l images as e t h n i c a r t i f a c t s . A. H i s t o r i c a l Accounts: C o l o n i z a t i o n , Conversion, and  Convenience 1. C o l o n i z a t i o n East Greenlanders were a b r u p t l y confronted with aspects of - 36 -west European Danish c u l t u r e as a r e s u l t of Captain Gustov Holm's so j o u r n i n Angmagssalik i n 1884-1885. According to Holm's account, the a c c u l t u r a t i o n process began as f o l l o w s : "We found at Angmagssalik a branch of Eskimo who had not p r e v i o u s l y been i n t o c o n t a c t with Europeans." "In 1884 I went to Angmagssalik with the screwbark "HVIDBJRNEN" f o r the purpose of e s t a b l i s h i n g the m i s s i o n a r y and t r a d i n g s t a t i o n j u s t mentioned. The l a t t e r was p l a c e d under the command of my former i n t e r p r e t e r JOHAN PETERSON, now c o l o n i a l governor, and of the m i s s i o n a r y RUTTEL. These two men have worked with rare energy, perserverance and p a t i e n c e f o r the c i v i l i -z a t i o n of the n a t i v e s . Some of the people have now been c h r i s t e n e d , and murder, p o l y -gamy, and other heathen p r a c t i c e s are now r a r e , i f not e n t i r e l y a b o l i s h e d . " (Holm [1887] 1912:16) A process of r a p i d a c c u l t u r a t i o n was begun i n East Greenland, "due to the Danish c o l o n i a l power's wish to b r i n g East Greenland to the same l e v e l of western European modernization, as there was i n West Greenland, i n h a l f the time that i t took the l a t t e r ( c o l o n i z e d by the j o i n t kingdom of Denmark and Norway i n 1721)" (Lynge 1976:5). B o d i l Kaalund s t a t e d : " I t was only i n 1884 that contact was e s t a b l i s h e d on the east c o a s t , however, which, i s why the development of East and West Greenland has been q u i t e d i f f e r e n t . " (IBID, 1983:36) The c o l o n i a l p o l i c y of Denmark encouraged r a p i d change w i t h i n an o v e r a l l p o l i c y of i s o l a t i o n : "The b a s i c p r i n c i p l e of Danish r u l e s i n c e Egede has been to a s s i s t the people of - 37 -Greenland to achieve the f u l l e s t p o s s i b l e l i f e , p r o t e c t e d as f a r as may be from the disadvantages which might accrue from con-n e c t i o n with the o u t s i d e world." (Danish M i n i s t r y f o r Foreign A f f a i r s 1952:35) The a t t i t u d e of the c o l o n i a l government towards East Greenland-ers was p a t e r n a l i s t i c : "an a t t i t u d e which over c e n t u r i e s was con-firmed by s t r i c t p o l i t i c a l , economic and r e l i g i o u s measures of a p r o t e c t i o n i s t nature." (Lynge, 1976:6) The Danes f e l t i t t h e i r duty to rescue East Greenlanders from t h e i r backward c o n d i t i o n . Danish c u l t u r e s t r e s s e d and promoted a l i b e r a l ( f a v o u r a b l e to democratic reform and i n d i v i d u a l l i b e r -t y ) , i n d u s t r i a l i z e d western s o c i e t y that maintained s p e c i f i c a l l y Danish moral and r e l i g i o u s i d e o l o g i e s . Thus, Danes extended t h e i r Greenland c o l o n i a l p o l i c y to i n c l u d e the e n t i r e p o p u l a t i o n on the east c o a s t . Danes b e l i e v e d that the people of Angmagssa-l i k had been saved from e x t i n c t i o n by the t i m e l y i n t e r v e n t i o n of Gustav Holm and h i s crew (Williamson 1953:46), and i n t h e i r de-s i r e to b r i n g them to "the f u l l e s t p o s s i b l e l i f e " (Holm [1887] 1912:16), there was an i m p l i c i t urge to i n t e g r a t e them i n t o western European Danish c u l t u r e . The p r i n c i p l e aim of the c o l o n i z e r s was "to C h r i s t i a n i z e the Eskimos, to suppress a l l Eskimo t r a d i t i o n a l b e l i e f s and r e -place them with C h r i s t i a n i t y i n i t s Lutheran form" (Lynge 1976: 14). The most c a t a c l y s m i c f o r c e i n Danish c o l o n i z a t i o n was C h r i s t i a n i t y . C h r i s t i a n s suppressed K a l a a d l i t t r a d i t i o n a l knowledge and s t r e s s e d t h e i r own b e l i e f system and s o c i a l - 38 -v a l u e s . The e f f e c t was to undermine the e n t i r e c u l t u r a l system as i t had e x i s t e d p r i o r to c o l o n i z a t i o n . 2. Conversion When Danish a u t h o r i t i e s e s t a b l i s h e d a settlement i n east Greenland i n 1895 i t became c l e a r to the K a l a a d l i t that admis-s i o n to the Danish community r e q u i r e d the adoption of Lutheran-ism (Danish M i n i s t r y f o r Foreign A f f a i r s 1952:134). T h a l b i t z e r wrote: "Heathens regard baptism as e q u i v a l e n t to i n c o r p o r a t i o n i n the European community." (1912:343) C h r i s t i a n i t y not only introduced new b e l i e f s , but a l s o new morals, a new p a t t e r n of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , and a new symbolic/semantic domain. These brought about almost immediate changes i n East G r e e n l a n d i c s o c i e t y , b e l i e f , and knowledge. East Greenlanders had to adapt and r e o r g a n i z e . Rasmussen recorded a c o n v e r s a t i o n with Autdaruta, who was a newly b a p t i z e d " C h r i s t i a n " , and who had been an ANGAKKOK. Autdaruta explained h i s newly a c q u i r e d r e l i g i o u s s i t u a t i o n as a b e t r a y a l of s p e c i f i c c u l t u r a l knowledge: "I had a great many h e l p i n g - s p i r i t s among the f i r e people. When I made up my mind to journey to the West Coast to be b a p t i z e d , they appeared to me and urged me not to do so. But I d i d what I w i l l e d , a l l the same. Since then they have not shown themselves to me, because I betrayed them by my bap-t i s m . " (Rasmussen 1908:308) - 39 -The K a l a a d l i t were not immediately converted - they acknow-ledged C h r i s t i a n b e l i e f s and teachings as r e q u i r e d f o r adapta-t i o n to t h e i r changing world. A s s i m i l a t i o n was a p o s i t i v e as-pect of t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l way of l i f e as i n t h e i r c o u n t l e s s mi-g r a t i o n s new m a t e r i a l s and p r o d u c t i o n methods were c o n s t a n t l y being a s s i m i l a t e d with the o l d . Thus with the a r r i v a l of the Danes o l d symbolic s e t s were not negated, they became l e s s im-p o r t a n t , but they could s t i l l be r e c o g n i z e d . Rasmussen e x p l a i n -ed t h i s e a r l y stage i n the a c c u l t u r a t i o n process: "the accounts which I have r e c e i v e d from o l d shamans who have t r i e d to t e l l me about t h e i r a p p r e n t i c e s h i p s and communion with the s p i r i t s made the d e f i n i t e impression on me that they themselves b e l i e v e d i n i t ; and even shamans who have been b a p t i z e d and have had e x p l a i n e d to them by t h e i r p r i e s t s and teachers that t h e i r a n c i e n t a r t s were nothing but l i e s and s e l f d e c e i t , to me have e x p l a i n e d the whole ques t i o n by saying that the s u p e r - n a t u r a l world i n which they had f o r m e r l y l i v e d had not ceased to e x i s t , but that they themselves through t h e i r C h r i s t i a n f a i t h had turned t h e i r backs on i t and given up i n t e r c o u r s e with i t . " (Rasmussen 1938:103) Mythic and o r a l t r a d i t i o n s were no longer adequate as instruments of s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l communication and t r a d i t i o n a l mythic symbols were no longer the paramount c o n t a i n e r s of c u l -t u r a l knowledge (see page 17). D e s c r i p t i o n s and c o g n i t i v e imag-es of s p i r i t beings were s t i l l known, but t h e i r value had been d i s c r e d i t e d . C h r i s t i a n i t y was ushered i n v i a the w r i t t e n word and was promoted by e a r l y c a t e c h i s t s : - 40 -" c l e r g y and c a t e c h i s t s had, from 1900 taught at schools f o r East Greenland c h i l d -ren." (Danish M i n i s t r y f o r Foreign A f f a i r s 1952:140) With the a v a i l a b i l i t y of l i t e r a c y , a documentary r e a l i t y began to r e p l a c e mythic r e a l i t y as a major instrument of c u l t u r -a l communication. C h r i s t i a n i t y was introduced and maintained through the w r i t t e n word, and thus i t promoted and s t r e s s e d l i t e r a c y , a t o o l of Danish s o c i e t y : "A documentary r e a l i t y i s fundamental to the process of governing, managing, and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of t h i s form of s o c i e t y . The primary mode of a c t i o n and d e c i s i o n i n the s u p e r s t r u c t u r e s of b u s i n e s s , govern-ment, the p r o f e s s i o n s , and other l i k e agen-c i e s , i s i n symbols, whether words, mathe-m a t i c a l symbols, or some other. I t i s a mode of a c t i o n which depends upon a r e a l i t y c o n s t i t u t e d i n documentary form." (Smith 1973:252) L i t e r a c y was another f o r c e which brought East Greenlanders new modes f o r the apprehension of r e a l i t y . To K a l a a d l i t , the w r i t -ten document presented a v i s u a l image c o n t a i n i n g s t r i c t v i s u a l symbols with which to r e g u l a t e the semantic domain. L i t e r a c y , as i t was o f f e r e d by Danish s o c i e t y , c a r r i e d with i t s p e c i f i c p e r c e p t u a l and e x p e r i e n t i a l communicative forms: w r i t t e n Danish and w r i t t e n West Gr e e n l a n d i c Eskimo. Danish documentary r e a l i t y presented new symbols to East Greenlanders and aided i n the a c c u l t u r a t i o n p r o c e s s . L i t e r a c y r e p l a c e d o l d boundaries of cog-n i t i o n with new v i s u a l images which were accorded c u l t u r a l v alue. Mythic t r a d i t i o n s which were presented o r a l l y were not - 41 -c o n s i d e r e d concomitant with C h r i s t i a n i t y , as they contained no semblance to Lutheran d o c t r i n e , and so the K a l a a d l i t became r e -c e p t i v e to the new, w r i t t e n communications. Thus Greenlanders accepted the r e c h a n n e l i n g of t h e i r own c u l t u r a l knowledge be-cause of t h e i r d e s i r e to be accepted i n t o the Danish community. Yet i t was a slow process as Kaalund wrote: " I t was only i n 1921 that a l l East Green-l a n d e r s were b a p t i z e d . " (1983:62) 3. Convenience I t was the Danes who, removed from the experience of t r a d i -t i o n a l K a l a a d l i t c u l t u r e , c r e a t e d w r i t t e n accounts and explana-t i o n s of how the Greenlanders had l i v e d and what t h e i r b e l i e f system had e n t a i l e d . These Danish i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s were given f o r the convenience of e x p l i c a t i n g the u n f a m i l i a r , and became a documentary r e a l i t y that imposed Danish images and c l a s s i f i c a -t i o n s on East Greenland c u l t u r e . They were Danish accounts of Danish e x p e r i e n c e , presented i n Danish. These i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s tended to bypass c u l t u r a l i n f o r m a t i o n that East Greenlanders coded (through v e r b a l imagery) as r e l e v a n t to t h e i r system of meaning, and consequently remained n e c e s s a r i l y incomplete. For example, o r a l mythic accounts of s p i r i t beings l o s t t h e i r meaning when t r a n s l a t e d . Rink put the case c l e a r l y : "When these emmanations from the s p i r i t u a l l i f e of a people are committed to w r i t i n g , and s t i l l more, when they are t r a n s l a t e d , the p o e t i c s p i r i t with which they are i n -bred more or l e s s evaporates." (Rink 1912:309) - 42 -A c c u l t u r a t i o n brought about a s y n t h e s i s of v e r b a l and v i s u a l images. For the K a l a a d l i t to render a l l s p i r i t beings v i s i b l e and powerless r e q u i r e d a r e o r g a n i z a t i o n of t h e i r o l d ideas con-c e r n i n g these beings and r e s u l t e d i n a modified symbolic c l a s s i -f i c a t i o n s e t . Such m o d i f i c a t i o n s were generated by C h r i s t i a n p recepts which negated, i n v a r y i n g degrees, the c u l t u r a l v a l i d -i t y of t r a d i t i o n a l images. Rasmussen met with some newly bap-t i z e d Angmagssalikers and commented t h a t : " A l l those former East Greenlanders were, i n s p i t e of t h e i r baptism, only very s l i g h t l y regenerated s p i r i t u a l l y , and s t i l l spoke t h e i r own d i a l e c t . . . . they by no means, i n t h e i r h e a r t s , c o nsidered t h e i r pagan b e l i e f s to be d e c e p t i o n , r a t h e r r e g a r d i n g them as something f o r b i d d e n to them by t h e i r new f a i t h . " (Rasmussen 1908:285) B. Dawning H i s t o r y , Fading Images The change i n the p e r c e p t i o n of the TUPILAQ image had as i t s o r i g i n the purpose of b e n e f i t i n g a western European c l a s s i -f i c a t o r y system ( T h a l b i t z e r 1912:643). I t was westerners who f i r s t gave i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of the TUPILAQ f i g u r e s and which began "the a c c u l t u r a t i o n process of the T u p i l a q image" as i t was from t h i s p o i n t i n time that westerners i n c l u d e d these f i g u r e s i n t h e i r category of "Eskimo A r t . " My d e f i n i t i o n of a c c u l t u r a -t i o n i s as f o l l o w s : "Those phenomena which r e s u l t from groups of i n d i v i d u a l s having d i f f e r i n g c u l t u r e s coming i n t o f i r s t - h a n d c o n t a c t , with subse-- 43 -quent changes in the o r i g i n a l culture of either or both groups." (Redfield, Linton, Herskovitz 1936:149) In order to be included in the European community East Greenlanders turned their supernaturally powered s p i r i t images into impotent carved forms and accepted a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n system which was provided to them by the Danes. Prior to colonization, the Kaaladlit had produced potent carvings of their helping s p i r i t s in order to aid their hunting or general well-being (Kaalund, 1979:19,110). Carved figures, once t r a d i t i o n a l expressions of wide ranging m u l t i - l e v e l images, became secular and bounded images ca t e g o r i c a l l y l a b e l l e d "Tupilaq" under the western construct of "Eskimo art", and considered by westerners to be representative of the s p i r i t being "TUPILAQ." Thus, carv-ed figures became the acculturated rendition of TORNAT ( s p i r i t beings) and TUPILAT. A restructured category and a modified form evolved, which had meaning to both Danes and East Green-landers. Non-Greenlanders began to request and purchase speci-f i c carved figures c a l l e d "Tupilaq", and a new source of econo-mic assistance and c u l t u r a l pride became available to Greenlan-ders. Since i t was "Tupilaq figures" that were requested, i t was convenient for both cultures to attach this label to a l l figure carvings that could be placed in the new category -"representational a r t " . Ivory r e l i e f ornamentation and minature figures have been carved in Greenland from 500 A.D. to the present day (Erngaard - 44 -1973:8; Kaaland, 1983:12). According to Carpenter the Dorset people (early East Greenlanders) produced tiny carvings of both animals and humans (1973:126,129,149). Figures that could not be neatly c l a s s i f i e d as human or animal were also produced, and have been considered in many Danish enthnographies as s p i r i t re-presentations or transformational beings (Thalbitzer 1912:617-618) . In Gustav Holm's account of his f i r s t stay in Angmagssalik, he mentions several figures as being "representations of helping s p i r i t s " (Holm [1887] 1912:120). In the e a r l i e r Danish l i t e r a -ture he is credited with asking for a carved "Tupilaq" and this is thought to be the beginning of the present day "Tupilaq" pro-duction throughout Greenland (Royal Greenland Trade Department 1976:3). Yet Holm makes no mention of this in any of his ethno-graphic records. Thus, the p r i o r statement is uncorroborated. Holm did document s p e c i f i c s p i r i t beings which were carved as miniature toys, models, and as ivory r e l i e f ornamentation on various implements, (Figure 1) (Holm [1887] 1912:120) but these did not include "TUPILAQ". Carving has been a c u l t u r a l medium u t i l i z e d by the East Greenlanders to express and communicate c u l t u r a l images having both secular and/or mythic natures. It i s important to note that the label "Tupilaq Figure" i s not seen in ethnographic records describing carving, models, art or ornamentation p r i o r to Thalbitzer's written account in 1912. Both Hans Egede (1721) and Henry Rink (1875) have recorded - 45 -s t o r i e s of TUPILAQ beings i n West Greenland and have in c l u d e d i n t h e i r w r i t i n g s accounts of angakkut who t r i e d to d i s c o v e r TUPILAT (Rink 1875: 148,197,414,461). Nowhere i n t h e i r r e c o r d s  do they mention s p e c i f i c carved f i g u r e s designated " T u p i l a q " by  Greenlanders. V e r b a l accounts of TUPILAQ beings are recorded by Holm i n h i s m a t e r i a l on myths and Angakkut performances (Holm [1887] 1912:101,272,280,289). A f t e r h i s 1887 stay on the east coast of Greenland, Holm o f f e r s a lengthy d e s c r i p t i o n of Angmag-s s a l i k a r t and ornamentation. Of t h i s a r t he w r i t e s : "As f o r m e r l y they are not acquainted with drawing, engraving and p a i n t i n g , t h e i r a r -t i s t i c ideas are always represented i n c a r v i n g . T h e i r d o l l s and models of animals show a keen p e r c e p t i o n , prominence being given to e s s e n t i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . As examples of these c a r v i n g s may be named a human head on a drum handle ( f i g . 362), and a bear's head on a k n i f e ( f i g . 42) e x c e l l e n t l y carved i n i v o r y , f u r t h e r a so-c a l l e d angakok-bear ( f i g . 45), r e c o g n i z a b l e by i t s t h i c k neck and t h i n body, and a block of wood with carved faces on a l l s i d e s , the f a c e s being s a i d to r e p r e s e n t INERSUAKS ( f i g . 45). Both t h i s block of wood and the angakok-bear are carved as t o y s . " (Holm [1887] 1912:115-116) And of t h e i r c a r v i n g he w r i t e s : "Another form which the a r t of t h i s people assumes are the ornaments which are carved i n the shape of low r e l i e f f i g u r e s of i v o r y and bone, and are fastened by means of bone n a i l s on to hunting implements ( e s p e c i a l l y throwing s t i c k s ) , eye-shades, and cooper's work." (Holm [1887] 1912:118) - 46 -"Among r e l i e f ornaments there occur occa-s i o n a l l y e f f i g i e s of certain mythical f i g -ures ( f i g s . 48 and 49). On the throwing stick ( f i g . 48) several of these figures are seen; these occur not merely in the bottom row, but also higher up in the wood. The natives told us they were meant to represent TORNARSUKS (p. 83), and the low figures in the bottom-most row but one represent APERKETEKS, which, according to the description, are furnished with claws. These figures are, however, ce r t a i n l y quite conventional." (PLATE 3, page 47) "As we might naturally suppose, the c r a f t s -men execute with their own hand the orna-ments on the objects they have made; more-over - with the exception of the conven-t i o n a l seals and TORNARSUKS - they always produce something o r i g i n a l , yet without departing to any great extent from the current type." (Holm [1887] 1912:119-122) Thus, the e a r l i e s t ethnographic records from East Greenland do not include descriptions of carvings designated as represen- tations of TUPILAQ beings. Because of a c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n of carving and carved ornamentation ethnographers after Holm have assumed that the subjects depicted in the carvings are categori-c a l l y the same subjects that are mentioned in the myths. Yet,  as has been said, Holm never mentions a carved form of a TUPILAQ being. From the time of Holm's v i s i t to Angmagssalik in 1884 u n t i l Thalbitzer's v i s i t in 1905, there is no ethnographic record from East or West Greenland which mentions a carved "TUPILAQ" or a carved representation of a TUPILAQ being. "The f i r s t figures were carved in 1905 by the shaman Mitsivarniannga PLATE 3 Harpoon t h r o w i n g b o a r d , wood and i v o r y , f r o m E a s t G r e e n l a n d . C a r v e r unknown, d a t e unknown. ( N a t i o n a l Museum o f G r e e n l a n d , Godthab-Nuuk.) - 48 -f o r the Danish e t h n o l o g i s t W i l l i a m T h a l b i t z e r , and were " t u p i l a k p o r t r a i t s " of the shaman and h i s f a m i l y ' s a l t o g e t h e r concrete m i s f o r t u n e - b e i n g s " (Kaalund, 1983:68). I t i s W i l l i a m T h a l b i t z e r who i n 1912, f i r s t l a b e l s some carved f i g u r e s that Johan Petersen c o l l e c t e d i n Angmagssalik as " T u p i l a q f i g u r e s " (1912:643-644) and i d e n t i f i e s them as models of TUPILAQ beings. I t was at T h a l b i t z e r ' s request that these carved r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of TUPILAQ beings were made. He w r i t e s : " F i g . 365c a l s o shows a wooden model of a t u p i l a k made by Mi t s u a r n i a n g a , who h i m s e l f was sure that he had seen i t a l i v e . The r e a l t u p i l a k c o n s i s t e d of the body of a dog with the legs of a fox and a human head. I t had o r i g i n a l l y been made by a man c a l l e d P i k i n a k who had been dead f o r s e v e r a l years when M i t s u a r n i a g a and h i s companion P e r q i l -aak suddenly one day caught s i g h t of the t u p i l a k while they were rowing along the f o o t of the Angeen mountain i n S e r m i l i k . The t u p i l a k was then on the p o i n t of creep-ing on shore dragging behind i t two i n f l a t -ed s e a l i n g b l a d d e r s , which were made f a s t on i t s back by means of long l i n e s , because i t had once been harpooned, unknown by whom." ( T h a l b i t z e r 1912:644) (PLATE 4, page 49) T h a l b i t z e r sees the same forms and the use of the same mediums as d i d Holm, with the e x c e p t i o n of the " T u p i l a q f i g u r e s . " "The three wood c a r v i n g s of r e l i g i o u s f i g -ures seen i n f i g s . 354-355 (Johan Peterson c o l l . ) have probably not been used as true amulets; l i k e the angakoq bear ( f i g . 355a) probably found i n a grave, they are o l d or modern i m i t a t i o n s showing us the n a t i v e - 49 -PLATE 4 T u p i l a q f i g u r e , wood, fox f u r and s e a l s k i n ; made by M i t s i v a r n i a n n g a , Angmagssalik, East Greenland. The c a r v i n g r e p r e s e n t s a TUPILAQ once seen by the c a r v e r . ( N a t i o n a l Museum, Copenhagen, No. L5359. C o l l e c t e d by Johan Petersen, 1911) - 50 -a r t i s t ' s conception of the a u x i l i a r y s p i r -i t s of the angakut. The shape which he allows his phantasy to give these carvings is in accordance with the Ammassaliker's conventional conception of these. It is possible that these dol l s are old i d o l s , or that l i k e the wooden masks they are the l a s t v i s i b l e remnants of a r e l i g i o u s cult long forgotten. Fig. 355A and b are wooden carvings of two d i f f e r e n t f e a r - i n s p i r i n g s p i r i t s (gimarrat) in the service of the angakok;" (PLATE 5, page 51) Thus the f i r s t documentary statements attesting to the appearance of carved "Tupilaq" representations occur in 1912. Both C h r i s t i a n i t y and l i t e r a c y had been present in East Green-land for 15 years prior to Thalbitzer's documentation of "Tupi-laq" models. Although I question his category for "Tupilaks", Jorgen Meldgaard confirmed that when there was extreme fear of a being, there were no carved r e p l i c a s . He wrote: "But in the Angmassalik culture the commun-i t y was so dominated by fear that even the ordinary hunter would have Helping S p i r i t s , known as tupilaks. Except in a few rare cases these creatures of ill-omen do not appear in the form of sculpture u n t i l re-cent times." (1960:33) The acculturation process, with established by 1912, and East adaptive measures to ensure the s p i r i t beings. S p i r i t beings, been acknowledged and accepted i t s constant pressures, was well Greenlanders had already begun maintenance of their ideas about whose visu a l images had always in a carved medium, had th e i r powers refuted by the b e l i e f structure of C h r i s t i a n i t y and thus PLATE 5 Model of s p i r i t h e l p e r , wood; Angmagssalik, East Green-la n d . Carver unknown. ( N a t i o n a l Museum, Copenhagen, No. L5357. C o l l e c t e d by Johan Petersen, 1911; termed by c o l l e c t o r "a r e l i g i o u s animal.") - 52 -became secular and non-powerful.The private and sacred realm of the TUPILAQ being, never having a visu a l image in a carved med-ium, was reconstructed through the adaptive process with the re-sult that the "TUPILAQ" became a secular vis u a l image; a carv-ing, having no connotation of power or fear. This being the case, verbal images of TUPILAT were transformed and transferred into carved representations. Acculturated ideas were stressed through this newly accepted medium for mythic subjects, and thus the carved form took precedence over the image in the myths and minds of Greenlanders. A synthesis of visua l images occured in the transformation process: the two once separate image cate-gories of s p i r i t being and TUPILAQ coalesced to become a single category of representational s p i r i t carvings labelled "Tupilaq." As the development of this new and labe l l e d carved form gained momentum, the t r a d i t i o n a l images of i t s o r i g i n a l subject lo s t t h e i r relevance to everyday society, but the t r a d i t i o n a l knowledge that they were man-made remained. Therefore we must look at where and what innovations were accepted, and by whom, for the development process of this genre of carving in order to begin to interpret i t s forms. It i s , however, interesting to note that of a l l the labels given to p a r t i c u l a r s p i r i t beings, i t i s the term "Tupilaq" which gained precedence over the other terms to designate this new genre of carved figures. As we have seen, the lab e l 'TUPILAQ' o r i g i n a l l y belonged to man-made beings - so from the man-made being to the man-made a r t i f a c t , there is one symbolic connection l e f t , the l a b e l . C. Knowledge of a Vision, Knowledge of a Form Western-oriented writers have given various interpretations of "Tupilaq Figures" and have produced many d e f i n i t i o n s and labels in attempts to explain them. One such interpretation states: "A Greenland tupilak, as known to t o u r i s t s , i s a small grotesque figure carved in stea-t i t e or in a sperm whale tooth. It has a body, head and four limbs, but resembles some sort of composite animal. It often possessed a distorted face and sometimes i s adorned with skeleton ornamentation." (PLATE 6, page 54) " S t r i c t l y speaking, experts do not c a l l these "tupilaks", but "tupilak figures", as in r e a l i t y they are depictions of the gen-uine tupilak, but without i t s magical pro-perties . However, i t is only in recent years that the eyes of the outside world have been opened to the fact that these figures con-s t i t u t e art in an international c l a s s . " (Royal Greenland Trade Department 1972:67) Such interpretations f a i l to incorporate the indigenous ideas behind the subject and forms of these carved figures. P e r t i -nent information is bypassed in favour of acculturated informa-tion which i s considered to be more palatable to westerners. Danes categorize acculturated visions of the TUPILAQ being or s p i r i t beings " i n a modern context and idiom as "art", which - 54 -PLATE 6 Four " T u p i l a q f i g u r e " c a r v i n g s , i v o r y and p l a s t i c . Carvers unknown, ca. 1955-1965, Kap Dan, East Green-la n d . Photographed by W.J.G. Garvi e . ( P r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver, c o l l e c t e d as T u p i l a q f i g u r e s , ca. 1960's, Kap Dan, East Greenland.) - 55 -suggests a new way of seeing them" (Duff 1975:12). As Duff states, they seek "ways of seeing" as the interpretive route to "ways of knowing". I contend that i t is not the v i s i o n alone that explains the form and the idea, but also the knowledge be-hind the v i s i o n . As the carved form is now the acculturated rendition of Kalaadlit imagery, i t contains the symbolic sets of both West Europe and East Greenland. Interpretation is deter-mined by whichever c u l t u r a l knowledge base is used as the r e f e r -rant system. Misunderstandings of Tupilaq figures arise from the con-fusion of images r e v i t a l i z e d through acculturation and recon-s t i t u t e d in a contemporary context. For example: 1. Unlike s p i r i t beings, whose l i v e s mirrored those of the East Greenlanders but on the s p i r i t plane, TUPILAT did not lead i d e n t i -cal l i v e s to Greenlanders, nor did they come al i v e in the same manner; TUPILAT were of a d i f f e r e n t conceptual category than s p i r i t beings (Holm [1887] 1912:100). 2. According to Kal a a d l i t knowledge, a repre-sentation was equivalent to the l i v i n g ani-mal or s p i r i t , having a soul and possessing the same inherent power or potential danger (Thalbitzer 1912:630); TUPILAT formed a d i f f e r e n t substantive category from s p i r i t beings, and a representation of a TUPILAQ would not have been desired by a non-magical person, as i t would contain the power to k i l l . 3. Unlike TARTUT, s p i r i t beings who were cap-able of communicating with and being recog-nized by K a l a a d l i t , TUPILAT were avoided at a l l costs, seldom mentioned and greatly feared. (Thalbitzer 1912:219) - 56 -Westerners request " T u p i l a q f i g u r e s " , and so K a l a a d l i t name t h e i r carved images " T u p i l a q " . However i t must be kept i n mind th a t westerners a s s i g n t h e i r own meanings to these carved forms and that those meanings may have l i t t l e or nothing to do with the o r i g i n a l K a l a a d l i t n o t i o n of "TUPILAQ". If the c a r v e r l a b e l s h i s c a r v i n g " T u p i l a q " , then westerners, accustomed to documentation as a mode f o r c u l t u r a l understanding, accept the carved f i g u r e as a r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of a TUPILAQ being, bypassing the content f o r the c u l t u r a l l o g i c of the l a b e l . - 57 -I I I . Creators and Creations: Arts of Acculturation  Introduction Tupilaq figures that are produced today are intended for sale to non-Greenlandic consumers. In this chapter I w i l l des-cribe the subjects represented in carvings, indicate those images which are stimulated by consumers, indicate the marketing procedure which governs the production output of these s p e c i f i c carvings, and e l i c i t carvers' views of what consumers want in a Tupilaq figure. Also, I o f f e r an explanation for the maintenance and con-t i n u i t y of the Greenlandic a r t i f a c t l abelled "Tupilaq figure". To understand th i s label we must look at out-of-culture i n t e r -pretations of this material culture because Tupilaq figures have become consumer ar t . A. Investigation and Confirmation During and p r i o r to my f i e l d t r i p s to Greenland and Den-mark, I have observed that although there are a variety of carved Greenlandic figures of non-human beings for sale in shops, they are a l l labelled "Tupilaq figure." Why are they a l l assigned the same label? Perhaps few, i f any, are tangible re-presentations of mythic TUPILAT. My premise is that carvers are not only carving representations of TUPILAT known from t r a d i -- 58 -t i o n a l s t o r i e s , but a l s o t h e i r own v i s i o n s of s p i r i t beings and of the many s p i r i t beings whose d e s c r i p t i o n s are known through Gree n l a n d i c o r a l t r a d i t i o n . The l a b e l i s not n e c e s s a r i l y des-c r i p t i v e of the content of a l l of t h i s genre of c a r v i n g s . The c a r v i n g s today seem to be a new m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e form with an o l d l a b e l . I set out to e x p l i c a t e t h i s by conducting two s t u d i e s . The o b j e c t of my f i r s t a n a l y s i s i s s u b j e c t determina- t i o n - the v i s u a l and ethnographic c o r r e l a t i o n of p h y s i c a l char-a c t e r i s t i c s - p h y s i c a l a t t r i b u t e s c o r r o b o r a t e a named s p i r i t being, and the o b j e c t of my second a n a l y s i s i s s u b j e c t r e c o g n i - t i o n - the v e r b a l consensus of c a r v e r s and consumers p e r t a i n i n g to s p e c i f i c names f o r s p e c i f i c c a r v i n g s . 1. V i s u a l and Ethnographic Study a) Method I took photographs of the f i r s t 300 " T u p i l a q f i g u r e s " (designated as such by e i t h e r the owner or the l a b e l ) that I saw i n homes, shops, books, and museums both p r i o r to and d u r i n g my f i r s t two f i e l d t r i p s . I used these as my r e -search sample, as the photographs encompassed ca r v i n g s made dur i n g the years 1912-1982. I s t u d i e d these photographs i n c o n j u n c t i o n with mythic s t o r i e s and ethnographic accounts of s p i r i t beings and TUPILAT. In s e v e r a l p u b l i c a t i o n s of East G r e e n l a n d i c myths there were accompanying drawings which i l l u s t r a t e d s p e c i f i c named s p i r i t beings ( G i t z -- 5 9 -Johansen, 1 9 4 9 : 1 0 , 1 4 , 1 8 , 3 0 ) . I also used translations of my own di r e c t recordings of stories concerning mythic beings taken from present day Greenlanders (Egon Poulsen, 1 9 8 2 , Thorvald Mikkaelsen, 1 9 8 2 , Ebbe Josvassen, 1 9 8 3 , Henrik Singertat, 1 9 8 3 ) . I read the ethnographic descrip-tions repeatedly in order to discern whether s p e c i f i c phy-s i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s were associated with s p e c i f i c named beings, and then I looked for these same ch a r a c t e r i s t i c s in the photographs of the carved figures. I looked for sty-l i s t i c and physical s i m i l a r i t i e s between carvings in order to ascertain t h e i r designated subjects. b) Results i) In the t r a d i t i o n a l stories there was no single  label given to a l l beings i d e n t i f i a b l e according to physical a t t r i b u t e s . No one being name could be matched to a l l of the carvings in my research sample. i i ) Twenty-nine photographed carvings (see Appendix I) from my sample corresponded in carved characteris-t i c s with the physical descriptions of s p e c i f i c mythic beings encountered in ethnographic records. One matched with a p a r t i c u l a r story about the s p i r i t of a deceased Angakkok (Appendix V), and I have since seen - 60 -several carvings of this s p e c i f i c s p i r i t figure. (PLATES 7a and 7b, page 61). i i i ) The twenty-nine photographed carvings that match-ed mythic descriptions (as in [ i i ] ) matched with eight named s p i r i t beings: TABLE I MYTHIC SPIRIT BEINGS AND MATCHING.CARVED REPRESENTATIONS* 1) Name of S p i r i t Being Plate No. of Matching Carved Representation 2) . Total No. of Carvings Matching .Mythic Being AJUMAQ PLATES 33 and 34 ... 2 AMOTORTOQ PLATES 35 - 37 3 APERKETEQ/ANGUIT(3) PLATES 38 - 42 5 ERKIGDLEK/ERQQILIK. PLATES 43 - 47 5 INGNERSSUAK PLATES - 48 and 49 2 TIMIRTSEQ PLATES 50 - 54 5 TORNAT/TOORNAARSUK PLATES 55 - 58 . . 4 TUPILAQ PLATES 59 - 61a, b and . c 3 (1) Matching by author of carved representations with mythic beings. (2) These photographs are found in Appendix I I , Plates 2 - 5 . (3) west Greenlandic i s before East Greenlandic, but i t is the same being. - 61 -PLATES 7a and 7b F i g u r e c a r v i n g , i v o r y , wood, and s t r i n g . Carver un-known, c a . 1973-78, Kap Dan, East Greenland. ( P r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. C o l l e c t e d as a "T u p i -l a q f i g u r e " , i d e n t i f i e d as "angakkok s p i r i t " r e p r e -s e n t a t i o n by J . Faber, 1983.) Note: P l a t e 7b shows the lack of shoulder blade and l e g bone on s k e l e t o n . Refer to Appendix 4, f o r s t o r i e s c o l l e c t e d by Holm and author which d e s c r i b e a s p i r i t being of t h i s nature. Ten percent of my photographic sample, t h e r e f o r e , matched d e s c r i p t i o n s of s p i r i t beings, and one percent matched d e s c r i p t i o n s of TUPILAT. iv ) E i g h t y - n i n e percent of my sample had no p h y s i c a l match to d e s c r i p t i o n s of s p i r i t beings to be found i n the a v a i l a b l e l i t e r a t u r e . The m a j o r i t y of s u b j e c t s were not s p e c i f i c named s p i r i t beings e x i s t i n g w i t h i n what my informants know of East Greenlandic mythology. v) I t was d i f f i c u l t to recognize s p e c i f i c named s p i r i t beings by c o r r e l a t i n g mythic d e s c r i p t i o n s with p h y s i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s presented i n c a r v i n g s . Very few c a r v i n g s from the t o t a l sample were obvious match-es to s p e c i f i c d e s c r i b e d beings, i n p a r t i c u l a r to TUPILAT. S e v e r a l of the ca r v i n g s had symbolic charac-t e r i s t i c s of s p i r i t beings, such as prominent s k e l e t a l p a r t s or f a c i a l s t r i a t i o n (Kaalund, 1983:68) ( P l a t e s 8 and 9, pages 63 and 64), but d i d not c o n t a i n s p e c i -f i c p h y s i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that would connect them to a named mythic being. Many of the f i g u r e s were r e -p r e s e n t a t i o n s of mul t i - f o r m beings and/or beings i n the process of transforming (PLATES 10 and 11, pages 65 and 66). Many of the myths t o l d of people who transformed i n t o animals, or of animals that t r a n s -PLATE 8 S p i r i t r e p r e s e n t a t i o n f i g u r e , i v o r y and p l a s t i c . Carver unknown, ca. 1960's, East Greenland. ( P r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. C o l l e c t e d as a " T u p i l a q f i g u r e " , 1980, Vancouver.) PLATE 9 S p i r i t r e p r e s e n t a t i o n f i g u r e , i v o r y and p l a s t i c . Car-ver unknown, ca. 1945-1957, Angmagssalik, East Green-land. ( P r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. C o l l e c t e d from E l i s a -beth Seward C o l l e c t i o n , 1978, San F r a n c i s c o . C o l l e c t -ed as a " T u p i l a q f i g u r e " . ) - 6 5 -PLATE 10 Transformation f i g u r e c a r v i n g , i v o r y . Carver un-known, ca. 1970-78, East Greenland. Photographed by F. Cheng. ( P r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. C o l l e c t e d i n 1978, i n Copenhagen. C o l l e c t e d as a " T u p i l a q f i g u r e " , and termed by c o l l e c t o r , "Transformation f i g u r e " . ) - 66 -PLATE 11 Transformation f i g u r e c a r v i n g , i v o r y and p l a s t i c . Carved by Tobias Utuak, 1980, Kap Dan, East Green-land. ( P r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. C o l l e c t e d as a " T u p i l a q f i g u r e " , i n 1981, i n Godthab- Nuuk, West Greenland. Termed by c o l l e c t o r , "Transformation f i g -ure of man and s p i r i t being".) - 67 -formed i n t o other animals, but o f t e n no s p e c i f i c s p i r -i t being name was g i v e n . The m a j o r i t y of c a r v i n g s i n my sample had a t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l nature - images of s e v e r a l beings f l o w i n g i n t o one another (PLATES 12 -14, pages 68 and 69) - and were l i n k e d to mythic s t o r -i e s through that imagery ( T h a l b i t z e r , 1938:82; Kaa-lund, 1983:35). T r a d i t i o n a l K a l a a d l i t l o g i c assumes t r a n s f o r m a t i o n as a c a p a c i t y inherent i n a l l beings (Holm [1887]1912: 257-64), thus, K a l a a d l i t r e p r e s e n t a -t i o n a l f i g u r e s are by d e f i n i t i o n f i g u r e s capable of t r a n s f o r m a t i o n . C. Conclusions " T u p i l a q f i g u r e " c a r v i n g s have t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l na-t u r e s , but they are not a l l of one s i n g l e s u b j e c t - a TUPILAQ, nor do they o f t e n represent a s p e c i f i c TUPILAQ. T u p i l a q f i g u r e s are not only r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of mythic TUPILAT, but a l s o r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of the c a r v e r s ' own c u l -t u r a l images. The q u a l i t y and q u a n t i t y of my data are f u n c t i o n s of my photographic sample. Although t h i s e x e r c i s e could be expanded by using a l a r g e r sample of " T u p i l a q f i g u r e s " , I do not thi n k that the percentage that would match s p e c i f i c mythic d e s c r i p t i o n s would d i f f e r s i g n i f i c a n t l y from that - 68 -PLATE 12 Transformation c a r v i n g , Caribou a n t l e r and p l a s t i c . Carved by Asser S i n g e r t a t , 1982, Angmagssalik, East Greenland. ( P r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. C o l l e c t e d as a " T u p i l a q f i g u r e " , i n 1983, i n Angmagssalik. Termed by c a r v e r E. Jossvassen, " s p i r i t beings together".) - 69 -PLATE 13 Transformation c a r v i n g , i v o r y and p l a s t i c . Carved by U l r i k Keke, Kungmiut, East Greenland. ( P r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. C o l l e c t e d as a " T u p i -l a q f i g u r e " , 1981, Godthab-Nuuk, West Greenland. PLATE 14 Transformation c a r v i n g , bone. Carver unknown, 1970's, Amgmagssalik, East Greenland. ( P r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. C o l l e c t e d as a " T u p i -l a q s p i r i t " , 1980, Sondre Stromfjord, West Greenland.) - 70 -which I f i r s t obtained.5 My findings substantiate my hypo-thesis that most of the carvings do not possess carved c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which are s p e c i f i c to either the s p i r i t and name TUPILAQ or to other s p i r i t beings within the Kalaadlit c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n . What each of the carved figures does contain i s imagery from t r a d i t i o n a l Greenland culture with-in a contemporary c u l t u r a l context and presentational form. 2. Verbal Study a) Method I proposed to ask contemporary carvers what was repre-sented in the photographs. If Greenland carvers could i d e n t i f y s p e c i f i c s p i r i t beings by name or s p e c i f i c TUPI-LAT, by viewing these photographed figures, i t would corro-borate the findings of my f i r s t analysis. For convenience in the f i e l d , I chose a smaller sample consisting of two photographs from each of the seven named s p i r i t being sets, two from the TUPILAQ set, one of the Angakkok s p i r i t , and thirteen from the unmatched remaining 270. I took a t o t a l of 30 photographs to Greenland (See Appendix I I I ) . I re-quested my interpreters, Anna Kuitse Meyer, Anna Kemper, and Vikk t o r i a Sanimuinaq to arrange interviews with old and Since 1983 I compared another set of 200 photographs with the same corpus of mythic descriptions and found only 11 of these to be close matches in physical c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s to s p e c i f i c described s p i r i t beings. Only one matched a mythic TUPILAQ description. - 71 -young c a r v e r s i n the v i l l a g e s of Kap Dan, Kungmiut and Angmagssalik i n East Greenland (See Appendix V). I a l s o proposed to ask Danes who had l i v e d i n Greenland what was represented i n the photographs, b) Procedure I numbered each photograph on the upper r i g h t back-s i d e corner and kept them a l l together i n an unmarked enve-lo p e . A l l the photographs had been mixed together. As I met with each c a r v e r and the wife of a deceased c a r v e r , I exchanged p e r s o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n (place and date of b i r t h , o c c u p a t i o n , and m a r i t a l s t a t u s ) and asked permission to tape r e c o r d h i s or her responses. I a l s o asked p e r m i s s i o n to i n c l u d e t h e i r name and i n f o r m a t i o n i n the body of my t h e s i s . I then asked him or her to look at the photographs i n order and to t e l l me anything about the f i g u r e p r e s e n t -ed. I tape recorded the responses to enable a cross-check on the data obtained. - 72 -c) Results TABLE II RECOGNITION OF.SPIRIT.BEING REPRESENTATIONS NO. SPIRIT REPRESENTED INFORMANTS J 0 S V A S S E N p 0 u L S E N E L I 0 M I K K A E L S E N N A K I N G E A M A G T A N G N E Q s I N G E R T A T G I L B E R G (1) N I E L S E N (1) 1 AJUMAQ X X X X X X 2 INGNERSSUAK X 3 NSN(2) 4 NSN 5 APERKETEQ/ANGUAK X 6 NSN 7 AMOTORTOQ X X 8 NSN 9 TUPILAQ X X . X X X X X X 10 NSN 11 TIMERTSEQ X 12 NSN 13 AJUMAQ X X X X X 14 TORNAK/TOORNAARSUK X 15 NSN 16 INGNERSSUAK X X - 73 -TABLE II (continued) RECOGNITION OF SPIRIT BEING REPRESENTATIONS NO. SPIRIT REPRESENTED INFORMANTS J 0 S V A S S E N p 0 u L S E N E L I 0 M I K K A E L S E N N A K I N G E A M A G T A N G N E Q S I N G E R T A T G I L B E R G (1) N I E L S E N (1) 17 NSN 18 NSN 19 ERKIGDLEK/ERQQILIK X X X 20 NSN 21 TIMERTSEQ - • •• 22 ANGAKKOK SPIRIT X X X X X X X 23 NSN 24 TORNAK/TOORNAARSUK X 25 APERKETEQ/ANGUAK - X X 26 NSN 27 AMOTORTOQ 28 NSN 29 ERKIGDLEK/ERQQILIK X 30 TUPILAQ X X X X X. X X X X 1 Danish informants who agreed to allow their information to be included in this study. 2 NSN - Not a s p e c i f i c named c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . being according to physical - 74 -i) A l l six carvers recognized both TUPILAT represen-tations, and the ANGAKKOK SPIRIT representation. Five carvers recognized more than one other representation. i i ) The deceased carver's wife recognized the two TUPILAT representations and the ANGAKKOK SPIRIT repre-sentation. She also recognized one of the AJUMAQ re-presentations . i i i ) The Greenlandic respondents had heard stories describing these s p i r i t beings, and others, and they knew s p e c i f i c names for most of the represented beings that they recognized in my sample. iv) Both Danes recognized at least one of the TUPI-LAQ representations, but no other representation was recognized by name. A l l the photographs of carvings that I had matched to mythic being descriptions and names other than TUPILAQ were v e r i f i e d by east Greenland carvers as not representing known mythic TUPILAQ. Many of the unmatched photographs were commented upon by the informants, but these comments referred to aesthetic preferences, quality of carving, and presentational form, p a r t i c u l a r l y with my Danish inform-- 75 -ants. Several carvers recognized the work of other car-vers. Two of the photographed figures were executed by two of the carvers interviewed.6 d) Conclusions The interviewed carvers a l l concurred that the major-i t y of carved figures were not representations of a mythic TUPILAQ. They indicated that only a few of the many known s p i r i t beings were depicted as these carved figures. A l l informants i n s i s t e d that the majority of Tupilaq figures represent beings that took shape through the thoughts and imagination of the carvers who created them. Each carver maintained that unpleasant or frightening figures sold better to the non-Greenlandic public than did n a t u r a l i s t i c carvings. "Today i t i s hard to hunt seal and f i s h so that men have l i t t l e time to be o r i g i n a l in what they carve. They take a kind (form) they know and do i t over and over with l i t t l e changes. In other times men got ideas from their fathers l i k e I did, but today Tupilaq figures are of spirit-men or s p i r i t s from the old stories or they come from the head of the carver." (Egon Poulsen, 1982, Kap Dan) Carvers said that they sold their Tupilaq figures to to u r i s t s on a one-to-one basis, to a Royal Greenland Trade Department representative, or d i r e c t l y to shop keepers 6 Photograph No. 4 was carved by Thorvald Mikkaelsen, 1980; Kap Dan; photograph No. 24 was carved by Johan E l i o , 1978, Kap Dan - 76 -(thi s l a t t e r opportunity is not often a v a i l a b l e ) . Non-Greenlanders had always requested "Tupilaq figures" by that name, and whatever the carver created, i f i t was non-human, was accepted as such. "We s e l l Tupilat to tour i s t s and the Royal Greenland Trade Department representative, for that i s what they ask us to carve. They do not ask for other s p i r i t s , they ask only for Tupilat. Whatever we make them, i f i t i s not l i k e a real animal or man, they take as a Tupilaq. (Johan E l i o , 1980, Kap Dan) A l l the carvers interviewed avowed that natural figure carvings ( r e a l i s t i c and n a t u r a l i s t i c animals, birds, and humans) did not s e l l as well as the ones called "Tupilaq", which possessed non-human or quasi-animal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . Bodil Kaalund wrote that, "It soon proved that the more bizzare and alarming the figure appeared, the more f a s c i n -ating i t was to the European purchasers" (1983:n7). Thus, i t was more p r o f i t a b l e to carve the type requested and to c a l l them a l l "Tupilaq". None of the carvers kept these figures on display in their homes, and they did not carve them at the request of other Ka l a a d l i t . The carvers a l l maintained that they sold every Tupilaq figure that they made, and that Kalaadlit did not purchase them unless they were to be a g i f t for a t o u r i s t or non-Greenlandic r e s i -dent. The carvers produced these figures as representa-tions of their c u l t u r a l imagery not necessarily as repre-sentations of a s p e c i f i c TUPILAQ. - 77 -The data obtained in this study are a dir e c t result of my interviews with a number of s p e c i f i c carvers and inform-ants. With a d i f f e r e n t test group of carvers my results may have altered s l i g h t l y due to the t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r a l knowledge held by d i f f e r e n t individuals. Some of the younger carvers did not know certain t r a d i t i o n a l stories and thus they may not have known the s p e c i f i c physical c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of certain s p i r i t beings. Yet carvers to-day, both young and old, are aware of transformational powers attributed to s p i r i t beings in their own c u l t u r a l context. They u t i l i z e the symbols and logic of their own culture in order to carve non-human transformation f i g -ures. Carvers maintain that these carvings may not a l l be representations of mythic TUPILAT but, as they are sold as Tupilaq figures, they are uniquely Greenlandic (Thorvald Mikkaelsen, 1982, Kap Dan) (PLATES 15 - 18, pages 78 -81). Their l o g i c i s that they are not misrepresenting t h e i r work, as i t contains Greenlandic imagery, and thus, i t is a part of their material culture production. B. Image and Identity Tupilaq figures stand today as one of the symbols of the indigenous culture of Greenland. It is mainly this image which maintains the e t h n i c i t y of Kalaadlit to out-of-culture v i s i t o r s and consumers of this c u l t u r a l art form. A Tupilaq figure is depicted on a Greenland postage stamp, on sweatshirts, on news-- 78 -PLATE 15 "Tupilaq figure" carving, ivory and p l a s t i c . Carved by Josef Nakinge, 1979, Kap Dan, East Greenland. (Private c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. Collected as a "Tupilaq f i g u r e " , 1981, in Sondre Stromfiord, West Greenland.) PLATE 16 " T u p i l a q f i g u r e " c a r v i n g , i v o r y and p l a s t i c . Carved by Johan K i l i m e , 1980, Kap Dan, East Greenland. ( P r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. C o l l e c t e d as a " T u p i -l a q f i g u r e " , 1981, Sondre S t r o m f i o r d , West Greenland.) - 80 -PLATE 17 "Tupilaq figure" carving, Caribou antler and p l a s t i c . Carved by Otto Kilime, 1981, Godthab-Nuuk, West Green-land. (Private c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. Collected as a "Tupi-laq figure", but carver termed i t " s p i r i t helpers".) Note: 0. Kilime is from Kap Dan, but he was residing in Godthab-Nuuk, 1980-1982. - 81 -PLATE 18 "Tupilaq figure" carving, ivory and p l a s t i c . Carved by Titus Nakinge, 1980, Kap Dan, East Greenland. (Private c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. Collected as a "Tupi-laq figure", but carver termed i t "a s p i r i t helper".) - 82 -paper logos, and on shopping bags from the Greenland supermarket chain Bruggsen (operated by the Royal Greenland Trade Depart-ment). These occurrences pose several questions: What do these images say to the out-of-culture art consumers? Why is the Tupilaq image (in a carved form) one which should symbolically represent Greenlandic indigenous culture, and who chose i t ? In the following sections I o f f e r possible answers to these prob-lems . 1. Promotion and Support of a "Cultural Art Revival" In order to begin to answer the questions stated above, I went to the o f f i c e s of the Royal Greenland Trade Department cen-tred in Copenhagen, Denmark. This department was established by the Danish government in order to control both the inte r n a l trade between Greenland and Denmark and the external trade bet-ween Greenland and a l l other countries. I quote from one of the i r own publications: "Since 1774 the Danish State has, through thi s o f f i c i a l body, taken care of manifold r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s towards the population of A r c t i c Greenland.... From this Greenland there comes a stream of highly processed consumer goods to the world market.... The Royal Greenland Trade Department is now, as before, the natural link between the world market and the Greenland f i s h e r -men, hunters and farmers...." (Welcome to Greenland, 1972:14) Another issue stated: - 83 -"The Danish Parliament, by decree in 1952, set out the tasks of the Royal Greenland Trade Department. We were charged to buy a l l produce from Greenland's own fishermen, farmers, and hunters. We also had to innovate, manufacture and find outlets for new products on the world market - however remote from Greenland." (Welcome to Greenland, 1973:10) Thus i t became the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the R.G.T.D.7 to look for marketable products that were made in Greenland from indigenous materials and by the indigenous population. It was during World War II that Denmark became aware that East Greenlanders were producing s p i r i t figures from whale tooth and s e l l i n g them to American, Danish, and Canadian army person-nel stationed in the Angmagssalik-Kulussuk area (PLATES 19 and 20, pages 84 and 85). As some carvers stated: " I t was Tupilaq figures that the soldiers wanted and that i s what the carvers made. The carvers carved beings which they knew from our old s t o r i e s , but sold them as "TUPILAQ". "During the big war the hunters had more time to carve for th e i r hunting was re-s t r i c t e d by the s o l d i e r s . Also the white men wanted to buy everything we carved." (Ebbe Josvassen, 1983, Angmagssalik) An American and Joint-Forces service base was situated on Kulus-suk Island, East Greenland thus supplying the indigenous popula-tion with readily available consumers of their carvings. As 7 The abbreviation for the Royal Greenland Trade Department used by the Danish government when using the English language. PLATE 19 Figure carving, ivory. Carver unknown, Angmagssalik East Greenland. (Private c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. Collected from E l i s a beth Seward C o l l e c t i o n , 1978, in San Francisco. Col lected as as a "Tupilaq figure".) - 85 -PLATE 20 Figure c a r v i n g , 1930-45, i v o r y and wood. Carver un-known, East Greenland. Photographed by F. Cheng. ( P r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. C o l l e c t e d from E l i s a -beth Seward C o l l e c t i o n , 1978, i n San F r a n c i s c o . C o l -l e c t e d as a " T u p i l a q f i g u r e " . ) - 86 -more carvings were requested, more hunters turned to carving and found that they had an aptitude for i t . Thus the R.G.T.D. encouraged a large scale r e v i v a l of carving in the early 1960's in order to establish a market production which would u t i l i z e an already viable product native to Greenland. In the 1960's a separate d i v i s i o n of the R.G.T.D. was es-tablished as an autonomous umbrella organization to support, promote, market and d i s t r i b u t e the c r a f t s , carvings and art of the K a l a a d l i t (Bodil Seieroe-Andersen, 1982, Copenhagen). This sparked a resurgence of figure carving the success of which was attested to by a l l of my informants. 2. Acculturated Art: Promotion of the Tupilaq Label and Form Nelson Graburn defined the arts of acculturation as "art production, which d i f f e r s s i g n i f i c a n t l y from t r a d i t i o n a l expres-sions in form, content, function, and medium, and which also d i f f e r s from the various forms of art production indigenous to ever-growing c i v i l i z a t i o n " (1969a:457). As a marketable commod-i t y for to u r i s t s and art c o l l e c t o r s , Tupilaq figures offered t r a d i t i o n a l Greenlandic c u l t u r a l elements carved in an A r c t i c Greenland medium (whale tooth) as well as a culture s p e c i f i c l a b e l . The combinations of these three phenomena were accept-able to both Greenlandic and western-European aesthetic systems. These carvings were a e s t h e t i c a l l y acceptable to Greenlanders because they maintained a t r a d i t i o n a l material form of c u l t u r a l - 87 -expression while they were ae s t h e t i c a l l y acceptable to non-Greenlanders because they reflected an "other-culture" quality presented in a t r a d i t i o n a l western form of art - that of sculp-ture. Kaalund recently wrote: "Apart from the fact that the old concepts are s t i l l remembered in East Greenland, ex-ceptionally many and talented a r t i s t s are found there. This i s probably the reason why so many people automatically associate Greenlandic sculpture with tupilak f i g -ures" . (1983:67) My study showed that the out-of-culture public associated Greenland sculpture with Tupilaq figures due to the strong pub-l i c i t y campaign and promotional programmes developed and main-tained by the Royal Greenland Trade Department. The R.G.T.D. played a most decisive and i n f l u e n t i a l role in formulating the non-Greenlander's aesthetic attitude to this carving production and i n s p i r i n g the creation of new subjects to be sold within the genre of "Tupilaq figures", under the umbrella label "Tupilaq" carvings. An excerpt from a R.G.T.D. promotional pamphlet en-t i t l e d "Greenland Tupilaks" states: "The t r a d i t i o n a l Eskimo art is represented in d i f f e r e n t types of Tupilak figures, such as: 1) the "magic" s t y l i z e d art in the gro-tesque animal and human figures 2) the spontaneous, often n a t u r a l i s t i c productions" (R.G.T.D., 1978:2) Carvers' reconstructions of t r a d i t i o n a l beings were guided by ground rules set out by the R.G.T.D., which defined what was - 88 -acceptable to the consumer market and what could be included in the western category of a r t . The concept of acculturated art must be applied to Tupilaq figure production in order to under-stand i t s c u l t u r a l content and context. Contemporary Tupilaq figure production occurred under the auspices of the Royal Greenland Trade Department. R.G.T.D. re-presentatives lectured east coast carvers on what consumers ex-pected of Tupilaq figures (Thorvald Mikkaelsen, 1982, Kap Dan). A r t i s t s ' guilds, call e d KUNSTFORINEGEN in Danish, were estab-lished in the major v i l l a g e s of the east coast area. The more p r o l i f i c carvers were sent to attend seminars held at various centres, such as Godthab-Nuuk, so that they might learn a more standardized carved form and size and they might discuss combin-ations of subjects along with their own work. By the late 1960's there were a r t i s t s ' guilds also established in major v i l -lages on the westcoast and southcoast of Greenland. Some Tupilaq figures carved in the 1970's were attributed to a v i l -lage a r t i s t s ' guild rather than an a r t i s t . (PLATE 21, page 89). R.G.T.D. v i l l a g e representatives gave their support to both men and women who wished to become carvers or who were already well known carvers. It was through the influence of these R.G.T.D. representatives that some carvers' works became more popular with the consumer public than others. Raw materials such as whale teeth from Japan (Etudes/Inuit/Studies, 1981, Vol.5 No.2:125), narwal tusk and goat horn (PLATE 22, page 90) - 89 -PLATE 21 KUNSTFORENINGEN figure, ivory and p l a s t i c . Attributed to the a r t i s t s ' g u i l d , 1979, Kap Dan, East Greenland. (Private c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. Collected i n 1981, in Sondre Stromfiord, West Greenland. Collected as a "Tupilaq figure".) PLATE 22 Goat horn Tupilaq figure, ivory and goat horn. Carved by Kora Tukula, 1972, Angmagssalik, East Greenland. (Private c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. Collected in 1978, in Copenhagen as a "Tupilaq figure".) - 91 -were distributed by the R.G.T.D. through their representatives (Bodil Seieroe- Andersen, 1983, Copenhagen), to carvers whose own hunting had not procured enough quality material for the carving of Tupilaq figures. Most figures were purchased with personal d i s c r e t i o n by the R.G.T.D. representative in the pro-duction output v i l l a g e s and sent to the warehouse and d i s t r i b u -tion centre in Copenhagen. By 1981 the R.G.T.D. i n s t i t u t e d a monthly quota for how many carvings a v i l l a g e representative could buy (Seieroe- Andersen, 1982, Copenhagen). This warehouse and connecting o f f i c e s became the o f f i c i a l R.G.T.D. marketing centre for Tupilaq carvings. Carvers were given a certain amount for a carving by the R.G.T.D. representative and that carving, then sent to the d i s t r i b u t i o n centre would have i t s price raised by approximately ten percent. Shopkeepers who pur-chased stock at the R.G.T.D. warehouse would then s e l l the carv-ings in their own shops with their own markup added to the pur-chase price (Ruth Nielsen, 1983, Angmagssalik). A carver from East Greenland who was paid 150 Kroner for his carving might see i t offered for sale at 350 Kroner in Denmark or West Greenland. Often i f the R.G.T.D. representative did not purchase a carving, the carver would s e l l i t to a t o u r i s t or a resident Dane for "ready cash". Consumers of Tupilaq figures were not hard to fi n d , as Kaalund stated: " I f , for some reason, you don't have any other work, you can make a l i t t l e money s e l l i n g figures to t o u r i s t s , resident Danes, the l o c a l furniture store, or the - 92 -Royal Greenland Trading Company's home craf t s department." (1983:42) Thus Denmark played a s i g n i f i c a n t role in encouraging, formulat-ing, and maintaining this r e v i t a l i z e d form of Greenland material culture. One culture produced the object that was marketed and consumed by the other, yet both cultures contributed to the acculturated carving production of labeled "Tupilaq". 3. The Consumer Market: Promotion of an Image It was the government d i v i s i o n , centred in Copenhagen, which set the po l i c y and determined western attitudes towards these l a b e l - s p e c i f i c Greenland carvings. The R.G.T.D., through promotional campaigns and publications, established the Tupilaq image (in a carved form) as an image which would symbolically represent t r a d i t i o n a l Greenland culture to western-oriented society. This combination, a carved form of TUPILAQ or rather l a b e l - s p e c i f i c carvings c a l l e d Tupilaq Figures, could not have occured in pre-European contact years. Yet, according to western-European society, these acculturated figures remained ae s t h e t i c a l l y appropriate for the i r own out-of-culture concep-tion of Greenlandic context because of the carved form and the cu l t u r e - s p e c i f i c l a b e l . These figures are presented to the public as being contain-ers of Greenlandic t r a d i t i o n a l culture and the i r production is - 93 -supported by a western-oriented public as a vehicle to maintain t r a d i t i o n a l Greenlandic knowledge. Kaalund wrote: "There i s tru l y a broad t r a d i t i o n in East Greenland, and also the r e a l i z a t i o n that as an a r t i s t one has roots in the past and builds on the experience of one's fore-fathers . " (1979, p.86) Promoted through R.G.T.D. publications, out-of-culture consumers of t h i s art form are t o l d , " i t i s only in recent years that the eyes of the outside world have been opened to the fact that these figures constitute art in an international c l a s s . It has also been realized that this old culture w i l l die out unless something e f f e c t i v e i s done to preserve i t . " ("Welcome to Greenland", 1972:67) The consumer market has deemed Tupilaq figures c o l l e c t i b l e . They are now classed as "art" and are marketed as such: "The Danish National Museum in Copenhagen has sumptuous c o l l e c t i o n s from the "undis-turbed" era in the art of East Greenland, in which the grotesque masks and mythical e f f i g i e s - the so-called tupilaks - are espe c i a l l y i n t r i g u i n g . Olaf Olsen, State Antiquary and Director of the National Museum Copenhagen, Denmark. (Kaalund, 1983:overleaf) By the 1970's an " o f f i c i a l " R.G.T.D. identity tag was de-signed and designated for a l l carvings authenticated as "Green-landic" - made in Greenland by a native Greenlander. A l l Tupilaq figures required this tag in order to be sold in the i n -ternational marketplace, and after 1975 the name of the carver, the date and place of the carving were included on the back of - 94 -the card (Seieroe-Andersen, 1982, Copenhagen) (PLATES 23 and 24, pages 95 and 96). Those carvings that were not marketed through the proper R.G.T.D. channels did not receive this tag, and carv-ers could not request a similar price for a non-tagged carving. The R.G.T.D. promoted the growth of this now economically viable product for out-of-culture markets through pictures in the i r publications. Their brochures explained just what the consumer should expect in the d i f f e r e n t "types" of Tupilaq figures. The most far reaching promotional mechanism for this s p e c i f i c carv-ing production was the issuance, in 1976, of a Greenland stamp imprinted with the image of a whale tooth Tupilaq figure on a purple background (PLATE 25, page 97). From 1976-1980 the con-sumer public was guided by visua l information which gave proof that authenticated "art" Tupilaq figures were carved from whale tooth (PLATE 26, page 97). This, too, was devised and executed under the auspices of the R.G.T.D.: "In 1953, when Greenland changed status from a colony to a province on equal foot-ing with the rest of the Danish kingdom, the Greenland Post-Office remained an i n -ter n a t i o n a l l y recognized postal organiza-tion under the Royal Greenland Trade Department (R.G.T.D.)." ("Welcome to Greenland", 1972:71) According to R.G.T.D. publications, Greenland stamps contained t r a d i t i o n a l Greenlandic content and were expressions of Green-landic context: "Greenland stamps are greatly esteemed and sought after amongst p h i l a t e l i s t s . This is probably due to the choice of themes and motifs and not least because the Greenland-PLATE 23 Identity tag for authentic Greenland art. A r t i s t ' s name - Johan Kilime, place and date of carving - Kap Dan, August, 1980, and east or west Greenland - East Greenland. (Private c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. Carving on l e f t side was collected in Copenhagen in 1978, and carving on right side was collected in Sondre Stromfiord in 1981. Both carvings were collected as "Tupilaq figures".) - 96 -PLATE 24 Identity tag for authentic Greenland art. Front of card has the R.G.T.D. crest. Figure carved by Ole Poulsen, 1976-78, Kap Dan, East Greenland. Ivory and p l a s t i c . (Private c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. Collected in 1978 in Copenhagen. Collected as a "Tupilaq figure".) PLATE 25 T u p i l a q f i g u r e stamp. Issued i n 1976 by the Green-land Post O f f i c e . PLATE 26 Stamp " T u p i l a q f i g u r e " , made i n image of t u p i l a q stamp, i v o r y and p l a s t i c . Carved by Duge Utuak, 1976-78, Kap Dan, East Greenland. ( P r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. C o l l e c t e d i n 1978, i n Copenhagen, as an a u t h e n t i c T u p i l a q c a r v -i n g . ) - 98 -born designer, Jens Rosing, who does the majority of such work for the Greenland Post-Office, knows just how to give the stamps the i r genuine Greenland character." ("Welcome to Greenland", 1972:79) While the R.G.T.D. continues to present the tupilaq image as an important symbol of t r a d i t i o n a l Greenland culture, the art mar-ket and the consumer public continue to accept i t as such. 4. Consumer Art: Preservation of an Image The tupilaq image was not chosen by Kalaadlit as the image which symbolically represented their t r a d i t i o n a l or contemporary culture. F i r s t carvers and then the general Greenland popula-tio n , came to accept the label and various images that i t might imply after years of continued p u b l i c i t y maintained by out-of-culture consumers and the art marketplace. As carvers consented to a material culture commodity production in the form of these s p e c i f i c a l l y labelled figures, Tupilaq carvings were imbued with not only images and ideas from the carvers' t r a d i t i o n a l culture, but also contemporary images and ideas held by the in d i v i d u a l carvers. Referring to Tupilaq figures, Bodil Kaalund wrote: "I t would appear that the Greenlandic a r t -i s t gets a great deal of release for his imagination and sense of the surreal in making these dread-inspiring figures." (1983:24) Through th e i r carving style carvers expressed their i n d i v i d u a l -i t y within an accepted acculturated a r t i f a c t form (PLATES 27 -31, pages 99 - 103), and one's trademark became one's s t y l e , - 99 -PLATE 27 Figure c a r v i n g by Aron K l e i s t , i v o r y and p l a s t i c . Carved i n Julianehab-Qakortoq, 1973. Photographed by L. B a l s h i n e . ( P r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. C o l l e c t e d i n 1973, and termed by c o l l e c t o r , "a s p i r i t r e p r e s e n t a t i o n " . ) - 100 -PLATE 28 Figure carvings by Aron K l e i s t , ivory and p l a s t i c . Carved In Julianehab-Qakortoq, Southwest Greenland, 1972. (Private c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. Collected i n 1973 in Vancouver. Collected as " s p i r i t figures".) - 101 -PLATE 29 Figure c a r v i n g s by Ole Kreutzmann, i v o r y . Carved i n Kangaamiut, West Greenland, ca. 1930-1950. ( P r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. C o l l e c t e d i n 1978 from the E l i s a b e t h Sewart C o l l e c t i o n , San F r a n c i s c o . No s u b j e c t a t t r i b u t i o n f o r these three c a r v i n g s . ) - 102 -PLATE 30 Figure c a r v i n g s by Duge Utuak, i v o r y and p l a s t i c . Carved i n Kap Dan f East Greenland, 1976-1978. ( P r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. C o l l e c t e d i n 1978, i n Kap Dan. C o l l e c t e d as T u p i l a q f i g u r e s . ) - 103 -PLATE 31 Figure carvings by Johan E l i o , soapstone. Carved in Kap Dan, East Greenland, 1972. (Private c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. Collected in 1978, in Copenhagen. Collected as "real TUPILAQ represen-tations" . ) - 104 -"Some s t i l l carry on the old t r a d i t i o n , others blend something of the tupilak style into ordinary figures, but each follows his own bent and invents his individual s t y l e . " (Bodil Kaalund, 1983:77) Through the process of acculturation their t r a d i t i o n a l TUPILAQ image was transformed into the consumer's Tupilaq image. The Greenlanders' ideas of Tupilat coalesced under a single c u l t u r a l image with a single c u l t u r a l label which they deemed worth pre-serving because of an international marketplace. For western-ers, the a r t i s t i c image was i n t r i g u i n g l y non-western and thus covetable, and for Greenlanders, the a r t i s t i c image was inher-ently Greenlandic and thus desirable (Ruth Nielsen, 1983, Angmagssalik). Greenlanders, then, had an a r t i f a c t , classed by westerners as a r t i s t i c , which was desired as a symbol and appre-ciated by consumers for i t s "other-cultureness". Those images which were represented in figure carvings became a c u l t u r a l pro-duct requested and preserved by the consumer market: "The t o u r i s t s ask for Tupilaq figures and t e l l me that they think they are t r u l y Greenlandic. I think i t is because other Eskimo people don't make these types of figures." (Ruth Nielsen, 1983, Angmagssalik) The contemporary western marketplace expects t r a d i t i o n a l themes and subjects in the art of an indigenous people, for ex-ample - a hunter harpooning a TUPILAQ (PLATE 32, page 105). Tupilaq carvings are considered ethnic art by the international art marketplace and as such they offe r Greenlanders a place in which to present and to preserve their c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y . But - 105 -PLATE 32 Multi-figure carvings, ivory, p l a s t i c and s t r i n g . Carver unknown, ca. 1970's, East Greenland. (Private c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. Collected in 1979 in Vancouver. Collected as a "hunter who has harpooned a real TUPILAQ".) - 106 -c u l t u r a l images are not s t a t i c and objects are not perceived in a l i n e a r fashion. Today's Tupilaq figures are multi-vocal ima-ges which have emerged from the multi-dimensional thought pro-cesses of the K a l a a d l i t . Their label and their imagery l i n k Tupilaq figures to the past, but they stand as an art of accul-turation - a v i t a l ethnic art s t i l l in the process of develop-ment. It is an a r t i f a c t controlled and influenced by the out-of-culture market, and purchased and nurtured by the out-of-culture consumer. Yet, through i t s development process, Tupilaq figure production ensures the presentation of t r a d i t i o n a l Kalaadlit images because of i t s c u l t u r a l l y symbolic l a b e l . The out-of-culture consumer ensures the preservation of "that other culture's images" through his or her continued support of this labeled material culture production - as "ethnic a r t " . - 107 -IV. Conclusions Through this study of Greenland Tupilaq figures, I have demonstrated that material culture embodies accessible informa-tion that can increase our understanding of the culture from which i t i s created. E a r l i e r , I have shown that the subject these carvings is thought to portray is not the sole subject depicted but, rather, i t i s the subject whose name is adopted as the label for this genre of carvings. My research has shown that the c u l t u r a l information expressed through these figures becomes accessible to out-of-culture observers only when the acculturated context as well as the mythic content of each Tupi-laq figure i s studied simultaneously. As I have demonstrated through t h i s study, the content of these figures i s not what th e i r name implies. My comprehension of certain expressions of Kalaadlit c u l -ture was made possible through a study of two aspects of Tupilaq carvings. The f i r s t , content and form, communicate v i s i b l e statements about s p i r i t beings, transformational beings and TUPILAQ beings. Something of the nature of each of these be-ings, and the i r relationship to the Kal a a d l i t , is transmitted through the carvers' use of form, medium, and s t y l e . The second aspect, symbolic imagery, is less obvious. It was necessary to examine TUPILAT as they existed in pre-contact times in conjunc-tion with the 'Tupilat' that arose out of the process of accul-- 108 -turation, once establishing the major symbolic connection to be the l a b e l . 'Man' produces the being, the a r t i f a c t , and the l a b e l . Statements are made through these carvings about man's interpersonal relationships , about man's relations with the s p i r i t world and about society's adaptations to a colonizing society. After the process of acculturation accelerated in the 1950's (when Greenland became a province of Denmark), these car-vings came to represent images which resided in the realm of humankind and at the same time in the contemporary logic of Greenlanders. Once both the c u l t u r a l content and context of Tupilat are revealed and considered through the knowledge that is expressed in the phenomenon of these carvings, a more adequate interpretation is possible. To conclude t h i s study, I would l i k e to consider two issues: one i s the v i s u a l presentation of c u l t u r a l knowledge through material culture; the other is out-of-culture interpre-tation of c u l t u r e - s p e c i f i c carved objects. A. Visual Presentation of Cultural Knowledge The contrast between s p i r i t beings and TUPILAT is e x p l i c i t i n K alaadlit myth and this opposition is v e r i f i e d in the c u l t u r -a l context within which both beings have their place. In ethno-graphic accounts there was never any stated contrast between TUPILAT representations, the production of which began in 1905, - 109 -and other s p i r i t being representations. Although the contrast-ing sets of mythic images are fam i l i a r to Greenlanders, they leave unchallenged the out-of-culture d e f i n i t i o n s that have designated these multi-subject carvings as representations of one single s p i r i t , TUPILAQ. I suggest that there evolved a di f f e r e n t category which was imbued with new c u l t u r a l knowledge combined with certain mythic elements of t r a d i t i o n a l knowledge and which, in turn, f a c i l i t a t e d creation of a new material c u l -ture form shaped by the demands of the out-of-culture consumer. Mythic images which are produced by a culture undergoing accul-turation present many dimensions of the d i a l e c t i c between the two cultures involved. In this case, the visu a l images present-ed in this new art form are influenced simultaneously by know-ledge from both cultures. I assume that the entire context of these visual images as carved figures r e f l e c t s the thoughts and day-to-day r e a l i t y of the carvers. Images in the carvings present multi-vocal charac-ters that both express and challenge acculturation as i t affects today's native Greenlanders. Carvers present images that come from t h e i r acculturated knowledge as does the use of the c l a s s i -f i c a t o r y l a b e l ; they are now increasing the r e l a t i v e quantity of images that are not s t a t i c . Images presented in this p a r t i c u l a r ethnic art form come from an acculturated r e a l i t y . These newer images are vi s u a l presentations that stand as representations of what t r a d i t i o n a l knowledge was capable of and what acculturated - 110 -knowledge might be capable of today. It is through the use of the l a b e l , "Tupilaq figure", that these carved images take on new meanings and p o s s i b i l i t i e s for both cultures. By the very act of applying the label "Tupilaq" to carved figures, Green-landers ensure that their image in myth no longer corresponds to thei r image in a r t . The c u l t u r a l knowledge of the Kalaadlit i s s t i l l undergoing many changes due to the s t i l l active process of acculturation, and the occurrence of Tupilaq carvings attests to some of those changes. As they now make their own 'Tupilat', the Kalaadlit no longer look to s p i r i t beings and men with supernatural power to control their d a i l y l i v e s . These figure carvings are therefore a v i t a l , v i s u a l aspect of the contempor-ary knowledge of the K a l a a d l i t . "Tupilaq figure" has become the categoric label of a genre of carvings containing acculturated Greenlandic imagery. Tupilaq figures, as a visual presentation of c u l t u r a l knowledge, have become a vehicle for i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s between native Greenlandic and Danish populations in Greenland. B. Interpretation: Refocus Through Acculturation It seems i r o n i c that the ethnographic record demonstrates the distinctiveness of Tupilaq figures but that the meanings of-fered for the i r form and content are obscure. In many publica-tions, usually no meaning i s usually given, and the di f f e r e n t forms are attributed to the a r t i s t i c interpretation of the carv-er. For example: - I l l -"The a r t i s t was inspired by the shape of the tooth, and consequently no two figures are ever exactly a l i k e . " (R.G.T.D. pamphlet, 1976:3) When meaning i s given, e s p e c i a l l y when i t is given by by out-of-culture i n d i v i d u a l s , interpretations of Tupilaq carvings have  always been made in reference to their position in the interna- t i o n a l art marketplace. Prior to 1979, ethnographers, writers, and art historians f a i l e d to explain the individual differences in subject, shape, s t y l e , and content, subsuming a l l the non-human or multi-subject figure carvings under one label and thus one category c a l l e d , "Tupilaq figures". As "Tupilaq figures", they become one genre of Eskimo Art, and even as s p i r i t repre-sentational carvings and carved models of TUPILAT, they are ab-sorbed into the secular category, "contemporary Eskimo Art" (Blodgett, 1978:7; Graburn, 1976:40). Graburn wrote that the agents of c o l o n i a l i s t powers collected arts and crafts as sou-venirs of t h e i r sojourns in the service of the empire, but that they were usually unable to t e l l whether the items they had bought were t r u l y t r a d i t i o n a l or whether they were s p e c i f i c a l l y made for the souvenir market (1976:2). Their ways of knowing these figures disregards the multi-dimensionality of the images and stops at the label "Tupilaq figure". I suggest that the misconception of the label was begun and perpetrated by t r a v e l l e r s , ethnographers, and historians who f a i l e d to think about or to include the Greenlanders' accultura-- 112 -ted knowledge of the represented beings. It is "Tupilaq" that is requested in a carved form, no longer is i t "a representation of a TUPILAQ (the representational image of a t r a d i t i o n a l man-made death-bringing s p i r i t being) so Greenlanders experience the word as their own image of c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y . Carvers s u b s t i -tute images which approximate th e i r acculturated logic of the la b e l . Carvers use the label "Tupilaq figure" for these carv-ings so that out-of-culture consumers w i l l recognize which carv-ings to purchase. In many instances today, "Tupilaq" refers to a carving style not to a subject (Kaalund, 1983:77). As Graburn wrote: "A special case of "art metamorphosis" oc-curs when objects produced in one society are transported to another and labelled as art . " (1976:3) It follows that out-of-culture interpretations of these figures are made on the basis of the carvings' r e l a t i o n to the c u l t u r a l art market. Once these l a b e l - s p e c i f i c carvings are subsumed un-der the western category of 'art' western observers seek no deeper understanding of them beyond that categorization and thei r l a b e l . I propose that a label alone cannot answer a l l the ques-tions concerning meanings and images presented in the visions that are "Tupilaq figures". Material culture cannot be defined with merely a l a b e l , be i t the term 'implement', 'weapon', or 'art*. Labels are the product of interpretive processes ground-- 113 -ed in c u l t u r e - s p e c i f i c knowledge. The cognitive plane from  which these s p e c i f i c carvings emerged i s not the designator nor  the perpetrator of th e i r s p e c i f i c l a b e l . The influences of Danish knowledge on Kalaadlit knowledge, and the other way around, and the continuation of the acculturation process in East Greenland have a l l in combination taken part in the design-ation and perpetration of the l a b e l , "Tupilaq". Frequently an ethnographer f a i l s to look at inferred background information or overlooks the subjective content because western society's de-signated label for these carvings is already in place. The labe l "Tupilaq" qualifys which culture area to refer to for i n -terpretation of the forms, but does not explain the content or the c u l t u r e - s p e c i f i c logic within these forms. The label "Tupi-laq" i s the bridge between the man-made s p i r i t beings and the man-made a r t i f a c t s ; i t is a link between t r a d i t i o n a l society and acculturated society. To begin to understand the c u l t u r a l continuum of the East Greenland carver, which makes possible the evocation of a t r a d i -t i o n a l image within a contemporary acculturated form and c l a s s i -f i c a t i o n , w i l l be to begin to know and to "see" his or her a r t i -f a c t s . For Tupilaq figures, we must try to understand their creators. One needs to consider the place that these people oc-cupy in the i r own c u l t u r a l continuum in order to e f f e c t i v e l y of-fer interpretations of the c u l t u r a l logic within their carved images. We must look to the everyday l i v e s of the Greenlanders - 114 -for clues to the interpretation of their material culture. The day-to-day r e a l i t y of the carvings and of the carvers w i l l pro-vide meanings for these figures now labelled "Tupilaq". Thus my interpretation of this carving form i s : Tupilaq carvings seem to be tangible expressions of Kalaadlit knowledge undergoing change. For this genre of carving, the l a b e l "Tupilaq" i s the imaging podium from which Greenlanders create and re-create t h e i r acculturated images in an ongoing process through this ethnic form. As one aspect of Greenlandic material culture, figure carving has changed as the Greenlandic culture has changed. Material culture contains meanings within i t s forms, content, and c u l t u r a l context - not s o l e l y within i t s l a b e l s . Labels define, but they are not absolute d e f i n i t i o n s , and i f they are set by one culture or society upon another culture's objects, then meanings become obfuscated. Images, subjects, s t y l e s , and materials span the bridge of acculturation as do the producers of the a r t i f a c t s . The Kalaadlit produce their material culture for people, so that new forms occur when innovation and adaptation are call e d for because of a new audience. "Tupilaq figures" are perhaps that innovation of Greenlandic material culture that is c a l l e d for to bring the out-of-culture public into a relationship of acceptance and understanding with the Greenlander of today. Ethnographers, art h i s t o r i a n s , and out-of-culture consumers of "ethnic art" must remember: " t h a t meaning i s not i n t r i n s i c i n the ob-j e c t s , a c t s , p r o c e s s e s , and so on, which bear i t , but - imposed upon them; and the e x p l a n a t i o n of i t s p r o p e r t i e s must t h e r e -f o r e be sought i n that which does the im-posing - men l i v i n g i n s o c i e t y " . (Geertz, 1973:405) - 116 -BIBLIOGRAPHY Aagaard, K. and Coachman, L.K. "The East Greenland Current North of Denmark S t r a i t , Part I " . A r c t i c , 21(3), 1968:pp.181-200 "The East Greenland Current North of Denmark S t r a i t , Part I I " . A r c t i c , 21(4), 1968:pp. 267-90 Anderson, Douglas D. 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New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y P ress, 1971:412 - 128 -GLOSSARY In order to help the reader who is not familiar with those Greenlandic words used in the text or in quotes, such words have been assembled and explained here. (Specific named s p i r i t beings are l i s t e d in Appendix I.) Angakkok (Angakkut, pi.) - shaman, necromancer, exorcist. Anorak - skin parka, upper clothing with hood attached. Asagisat - "your lover", one's lover or loved one. Dava - "stop, enough". I l i s i t s o k ( I l i s i t s u t , pi.) - e v i l p r a c t i t i o n e r . Inua (Inue, pi.) - s p i r i t , soul, one's inner l i f e essence. Kajak (Kaiak) - a man's boat, made from seal skin sewn together, used in the a r c t i c . K a l a a d l i t - native born Greenlanders (East Greenlandic s p e l l i n g ) . Kroner - Danish money, used in Denmark, Faroe Islands and Greenland. Natit - shorts, seal skin short panty, used as undergarment by women. Quanartivagai - "thank-you very much", East Greenlandic s p e l l i n g . Tartoq - one's personal s p i r i t . Tornak (Tornat, pi.) - future s p i r i t helper. Tornarssuk - special personal s p i r i t helper (a s p i r i t under control by a person). Umiak - women's boat, open boat made of seal or walrus skin sewn together, can take 10-20 women rowers, used in the a r c t i c . - 129 -APPENDIX I SPIRIT BEING NAMES AND ETHNOGRAPHIC MYTHIC DESCRIPTIONS SPIRIT BEING NAME 1. AJUMAQV 2. AMAGAIAT 3. AMOTORTOQ* 4. APERKETEQ/ ANGUIT* DESCRIPTION "Ajuraaq i s a familiar s p i r i t of a very un-pleasant type. Everything that i t touches rots and perishes. It has a dog's head but a human body. Its arms and legs are black, and i t has only three fingers on each hand and three toes on each foot. It never walks, but hovers." (Gitz-Johansen, 1949:14) (Bak, 1977:22) (Plates 33 and 34, Appendix II) "Deep in the heart of the mountains l i v e s a horrible old t r o l l who takes lonely t r a -v e l l e r s by surprise and puts them in her knapsack (amauten) and carries them home to her hut, where she devours them." (Gitz-Johansen, 1949:54) as their formances e, bring-answering has long approach, read, and - "Most Angakut have an Amotortok tartok. It acts during the per of the angakok as a kind of oracl ing news from far distances and questions l a i d before i t . It black arms and is dangerous to .... It walks with a heavy t roars crying out, "Amo." (Holm [1887]1912:88) (Bak, 1977:8) - "Amo i s a f a m i l i a r s p i r i t ; quite indispen-s i b l e to any sorcerer. It has a huge head and p r a c t i c a l l y no body, but rather long arms." (Gitz-Johansen, 1949:10) (Plates 35, 36 and 37, Appendix II) - "Aperketek may be as much as four feet long. He is black and has nippers in his head." (Holm [1887]1912:83) - "It can resemble a seal for the hind part, i t has long arms and can have claw feet. It i s the helper of the s p i r i t helper of the Angakuk." (Rink, 1975:43) (*Denotes S p i r i t description which matched study sample photo-graphs ) - 130 -APPENDIX I DESCRIPTION "When people are i l l or require informa-tion about the success of a seal hunt, the sorcerer must c a l l upon Anguit, a s p i r i t who looks l i k e a seal." (Gitz-Johansen, 1949:22) (Plates 38-42, Appendix II) " It has happened more than once that a whole settlement has been t e r r i f i e d to death because there appeared an Agajarop-siorpua, a huge monster which k i l l s every-one at the mere sight of i t s horrible form as i t thunders down to the settlement l i k e a l i v e boulder." (Gitz-Johansen, 1949:34) "Asiaq is the goddess of the weather and l i v e s somewhere out in the pack i c e . When the ice f a i l s to crack in the springtime the sorcerer (Angakkok) must go to her and pacify her, so that she may unloose the warm mountain winds and rain , break up the ice and send i t out to sea." (Gitz-Johansen, 1949:26) (Bak, 1977:23-25) "The ERKILIKS have the form of a man above and that of a dog below. They dwell on the inland ice and are inimical to man." (Holm [1887]1912:83) (Rink, 1975:47 (Bak, 1977:34-7) (Gitz-Johansen, 1949:30) (Plates 43a-47, Appendix II) "On a large island for out to sea l i v e s a s o l i t a r y man, called ERKINGASEK. He throws his harpoon with his l e f t hand, and he catches people at very long distances with his bladder-dart. He crushes them up so that they die .... When the Angakut are catching TUPILEKS, they c a l l ERKINGA-SEK, who then catches them with his b i r d -dart." (Holm [188711912:289-90) - 131 -SPIRIT BEING NAME 9. INGNERSSUIT/ INERSUAK* 10. QIVITTOQ 11. TIMERTSEQ/ TIMERSIT* 12. TORNAK/ TOORNAARSUK* APPENDIX I DESCRIPTION "When a kaiaker is at sea, he is surround-ed by INERSUAKS. They l i v e under the sea but otherwise engage in the same occupa-tions as men. They are somewhat broader than men, are closely cropped and have no noses." (Holm [1887]1912:82-3) (Rink, 1875:46) "He heard a man c a l l out - "Help me; I am upset." He paddled up to him and put his kayak right side up, then saw he was one of the noseless people, the f i r e people." (Rasmussen, 1908:327 and 339) (Gitz-Johansen, 1949:46) (Plates 48 and 49, Appendix II) "a man who has fled mankind to the i n t e r -ior and returned as a s p i r i t in another state. He understands the speech of ani-mals and has their powers." (Rink, 1875:45) "Timerseks have the form of a man, but are much bigger, being as t a l l as an umiak i s long. Their soul alone i s as large as a man. They l i v e by the chase, ... they are at enmity with the human race, ...." (Holm [1887]1912:83) (Rasmussen, 1903:339) Tale 7, told by Utuak (Holm [1887]1912: 246) Tale 12, told by Kutuluk (Holm [1887]1912: 256) (Plates 50-54, Appendix II) "Tornarssuk i s chief of the familiar s p i r -i t s . If there i s anything that other fam-i l i a r s cannot do, Tornarssuk can do i t , but he must l i v e a fearless and lonely l i f e . He goes through mountains as i f they were a i r ; for him there are no obsta-c l e s . " (Gitz-Johansen, 1949:18) (Bak, 1977:14) - 132 -APPENDIX I SPIRIT BEING NAME DESCRIPTION 12. TORNAK/ - "He has long arms, a short neck and short TOORNAARSUK* legs. His hind part can be the body of a seal with a human head resting on i t . He is the guardian s p i r i t of the Angakok." (Holm [1887]1912:82) - "Three days af t e r , the c h i l d made her do l l s perform TORNAK incantations; (Holm [1887]1912:252) (Plates 55-58, Appendix II) 13. TUPILAQ* - "Tupilak i s an e v i l s p i r i t , which may be created by sorcerers or witches. Bones of animals or birds are pi l e d together and hidden in a lonely place. When, one fine day, the sorcerer feels so disposed, he v i s i t s his heap of bones and puts them to-gether in the shape of a fantastic crea-ture, but he must touch i t only with his thumb and l i t t l e finger, otherwise the Tupilak loses i t s strength. As he is re-c i t i n g magic words over i t , i t draws nour-ishment from the sorcerers sexual parts. When i t has reached the required s i z e , he sends i t out to sea. One day, when he has need of i t , he summons i t and orders i t to go and k i l l his enemy. The l a t t e r usually dies at the mere sight of the Tupilak's horrible shape." (Gitz-Johansen, 1949:58) - Tale 22, told by Kutuluk (Holm [1887]1912: 272) Tale 29, told by Kutuluk (Holm [1887]1912: 280) (Bak, 1977:49-52) - "For some time she had been c o l l e c t i n g the various parts - snarls of hair, finger-n a i l s , and bi t s of clothing that had be-longed to the intended victims - to make the tupilak, which was moreover tricked out with a male sex organ on i t s chest. The g i r l had been assisted in working on the tupilak by one of the older women of the settlement, who wanted revenge on her divorced husband." (Kaalund, 1983:23-4) (Plates 59-61a, b, and c, Appendix II) - 133 -APPENDIX II PHOTOGRAPHS OF CARVINGS THAT MATCHED WITH NAMED MYTHIC SPIRIT BEINGS PLATE 33 "AJUMAQ" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g , wood and p a i n t . Car-ved by S i n g e r t a t , 1983, Angmagssalik, East Greenland. ( P r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. C o l l e c t e d i n Angmags-s a l i k , 1983. C o l l e c t e d as a " s p i r i t f i g u r e " . ) PLATE 34 "AJUMAQ" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g , wood. Carved by Gert S i n g e r t a t , 1981, Angmagssalik, East Greenland. (Royal Greenland Trade Department C r a f t s Centre C o l l e c -t i o n , Copenhagen. Termed by c o l l e c t o r " l i k e the Ajumaq s p i r i t i n Ove Bak's book".) APPENDIX II PLATE 35 "AMOTORTOQ" representational carving, ivory and p l a s t i c Carved by Axel Nuko, 1978, Kap Dan, East Greenland. (Private c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. Collected in 1980, i Kap Dan. Collected as a "Tupilaq figure".) APPENDIX II - 135 -PLATE 36 "AMOTORTOQ" representational carving, Buffalo horn. Carved by P e r i t a r Kuitse, 1966, Kap Dan, East Greenland. (R.G.T.D. Crafts Centre Collection, Copenhagen. Col-lected as a " s p i r i t figure".) APPENDIX II - 136 -PLATE 37 "AMOTORTOQ" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g , i v o r y and p l a s t i c Carved by Anders S i a n i a l e , 1980, Kap Dan, East Green-land. ( P r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. C o l l e c t e d i n 1980 i n Angmagssalik. C o l l e c t e d as a " T u p i l a q s p i r i t " . ) APPENDIX II - 137 -PLATE 38 "APERKETEQ/ANGUIT" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g , i v o r y . Carver unknown, ca. 1930-1932, Angmagssalik, East Green-land. ( N a t i o n a l Museum, Copenhagen. C o l l e c t e d by Therkel Mathiassen, 1931-32, Angmagssalik. Termed by c o l l e c t o r , " h e l p i n g s p i r i t " . ) PLATE 39 "APERKETEQ/ANGUIT r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g , wood and p a i n t . Carver unknown, ca. 1920-30, East Greenland. ( N a t i o n a l Museum of Greenland, Godthab-Nuuk, West Green-la n d . C o l l e c t e d as an "Angakkok's help e r " . ) - 138 -APPENDIX II PLATE 40 "APERKETEQ/ANGUIT" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g , wood, i v o r y , and p a i n t . Carver unknown, caT 1930-32, Angmags-s a l i k , East Greenland. ( N a t i o n a l Museum, Copenhagen. C o l l e c t e d by Therkel Mathiassen, 1931-32, i n Angmagssalik. PLATE 41 "APERKETEQ/ANGUIT" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g , goat horn and i v o r y . Carver unknown, 1972, Kap Dan, East Green-land . ( P r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. C o l l e c t e d i n 1978, Copenhagen. C o l l e c t e d as a " r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of a h e l p -ing s p i r i t " . ) APPENDIX II - 139 -PLATE 42 "APERKETEQ/ANGUIT" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g , goathorn and i v o r y . Carved by Henning A g t i g k a t , 1972, Kap Dan, East Greenland. ( P r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. C o l l e c t e d i n 1978, Ang-magssalik. C o l l e c t e d as a " T u p i l a q f i g u r e " . ) Photo-graph by F. Cheng. APPENDIX II - 140 -PLATES 43a and 43b "ERKIGKLEK/ERQQILIK" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g s , soap-stone and p a i n t . Carver unknown, ca. 1920-30, T a s i i l a q , East Greenland. P l a t e 43b shows the bones of the spi n e . ( P r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n , Angmagssalik. C o l l e c t e d as "a s p i r i t that can be very powerful".) APPENDIX II - 141 -PLATE 44 "ERKIGKLEK/ERQQILIK" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g , soap-stone. Carved by Johan E l i o , 1973, Kap Dan, East Green-land . ( P r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. C o l l e c t e d as a " T u p i l a q f i g u r e " . ) PLATE 45 "ERKIGKLEK/ERQQILIK" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g , i v o r y and p l a s t i c . Carver unknown, ca. 1950-70, Kap Dan, East Greenland. ( P r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. C o l l e c t e d , 1980 as a " T u p i l a q f i g u r e " . ) APPENDIX II - 142 -PLATE 46 "ERKIGKLEK/ERQQILIK" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g , bone and wood. Carver unknown, ca. 1940-1957, Kulusuk, East Greenland. ( P r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. C o l l e c t e d from the E l i s a b e t h Sewart C o l l e c t i o n , 1978, San F r a n c i s c o . Term-ed by c o l l e c t o r , " T u p i l a q S p i r i t " . ) APPENDIX II - 143 PLATE 47 "ERKIGKLEK/ERQQILIK" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g , i v o r y . Carved by Ole Kreutzmann, 1940's, Kangaaraiut, Southwest Greenland. ( P r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. C o l l e c t e d from the E l i -sabeth Sewart C o l l e c t i o n , 1978, San F r a n c i s c o . Termed by c o l l e c t o r , " s p i r i t c a r ving".) APPENDIX II - 144 -PLATE 48 "INGNERSSUAK" representational carving, bone and plas-t i c . Carver unknown, Kap Dan, East Greenland. (Private c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. Collected from the E l i -sabeth Sewart C o l l e c t i o n , 1978, San Francisco. Termed by c o l l e c t o r , "a s p i r i t representation".) APPENDIX II - 145 -PLATE 49 "INGNERSSUAK" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g , bone and p l a s -t i c . Carver unknown, ca. 1950's, Kulusuk, East Green-la n d . ( P r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. C o l l e c t e d from the E l i -sabeth Sewart C o l l e c t i o n , 1978, San F r a n c i s c o . Termed by c o l l e c t o r , " s p i r i t r e p r e s e n t a t i o n " . ) APPENDIX II - 146 -PLATE 50 "TIMERTSEQ" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g , i v o r y . Carver un-known, ca. 1940's, Kap Dan, East Greenland. ( P r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. C o l l e c t e d from the E l i -sabeth Sewart C o l l e c t i o n , 1978, San F r a n c i s c o . Termed by c o l l e c t o r , "an e v i l s p i r i t " . ) APPENDIX II - 1 4 7 -PLATE 5 1 "TIMERTSEQ" representational carving, ivory and p l a s t i c . Carver unknown, ca. 1 9 4 0 - 1 9 5 5 , location unknown. (Private c o l l e c t i o n , Godthab-Nuuk. Termed by c o l l e c t o r , "an e v i l s p i r i t " . ) APPENDIX II - 148 -PLATE 52 "TIMERTSEQ" representational carving, ivory and p l a s t i c . Carver unknown, ca. 1940, Kulusuk, East Greenland. (Private c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. Collected from the E l i -sabeth Sewart C o l l e c t i o n , 1978, San Francisco. Termed by c o l l e c t o r , "Tupilaq figure".) APPENDIX II - 149 -PLATE 53 "TIMERTSEQ" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g , i v o r y and p l a s t i c . Carver unknown, ca. 1955-1965, Kap Dan, East Greenland. ( P r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. C o l l e c t e d as a " T u p i l a q f i g u r e " . ) APPENDIX II - 150 -PLATE 54 "TIMERTSEQ" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g , i v o r y and p l a s t i c . Carver unknown, ca. 1940's, Kulusuk, East Greenland. ( P r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. C o l l e c t e d from the E l i -sabeth Sewart C o l l e c t i o n , 1978, San F r a n c i s c o . C o l l e c t -ed as a, " T u p i l a q f i g u r e " . ) - 151 -APPENDIX II PLATE 55 "TORNAK/TOORNAARSUK" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g , wood, i v o r y , and p a i n t . Carver unknown, ca. 1930, t a s i i l a q , East Greenland. ( N a t i o n a l Museum, Copenhagen. C o l l e c t e d by Therkel Mathiassen, 1931-32, Angmagssalik. PLATE 56 "TORNAK/TOORNAARSUK" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g , i v o r y . Carved by Johan E l i o , 1976, Kap Dan, East Greenland. ( P r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. C o l l e c t e d as a " T u p i l a q f i g u r e " . ) Photograph by F. Cheng. APPENDIX II PLATE 57 "TORNAK/TOORNAARSUK" representational carving, ivory. Carver by Johan E l i o , 1978, Kap Dan, East Greenland. (Private c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. Collected as a "Tupi-laq" . ) I PLATE 58 "TORNAK/TOORNAARSUK" representational carving, wood and paint. Carved by Jonathan Kilime, 1982, Amgmagssalik, East Greenland. (Private c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. Collected as a "Tupilaq figure".) Photograph by F. Cheng. APPENDIX II - 153 -PLATE 59 A "TUPILAQ" representational carving, soapstone. Carved by Johan E l i o , 1965-70, Kap Dan, East Greenland. Refer to Appendix IV, page 188, for matching t r a d i t i o n a l story. (Royal Greenland Trade Department Crafts Centre Collec-t i o n , Copenhagen. Termed by collected "a Tupilaq repre-sentation" . ) APPENDIX II - 154 -PLATE 60 A "TUPILAQ" r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l c a r v i n g , i v o r y . Carved by Lunde Kuko, 1970, Kungmiut, East Greenland. Refer to Appendix IV, page 190, f o r matching t r a d i t i o n a l s t o r y . (Royal Greenland Trade Department C r a f t s Centre C o l l e c -t i o n , Copenhagen. Termed by c o l l e c t e d "a T u p i l a q f i g -ure".) APPENDIX II - 155 -6 1 a 61c PLATES 61a, b, and c A "TUPILAQ" representational carving, ivory and p l a s t i c . Carved by Kora Tukula, 1980, Kap Dan, East Greenland. Refer to Appendix IV, page 192, for matching t r a d i t i o n a l story. (Private c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. Collected as a "Tupilaq figure".) #1 PLATE 34 APPENDIX II, page 133 APPENDIX III - 157 #2 PLATE 48 APPENDIX II, page 144 APPENDIX I I I - 158 -( P r i v a t e c o l l e c t i o n , V a n c o u v e r . C o l l e c t e d i n 1978 f r o m E l i s a b e t h Seward C o l l e c t i o n . ) APPENDIX III #4 PLATE 63 "Tupilaq f i g u r e " , ivory and p l a s t i c . Carved by Thorvald Mikkaelsen, 1980, Kap Dan, East Greenland. (Private c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. Collected as a "Tupilaq figure", 1981, Godthab-Nuuk, West Greenland.) APPENDIX III PLATE 38 APPENDIX II, page APPENDIX III #6 PLATE 64 "Tupilaq fig u r e " , ivory and p l a s t i c . Carved 5 y A r o n K l e i s t , 1981, Q'kortoq, Southwest Greenland. (Private c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. Collected i n 1973, Vancouver.) - 162 -APPENDIX III #7 PLATE 35 APPENDIX II, page 134 APPENDIX III (Private c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. Collected in 1978 from the Elisabeth Seward C o l l e c t i o n , San Francisco.) APPENDIX III - 164 PLATE 60 APPENDIX II, page 154 APPENDIX III #10 PLATE 66 "Tupilaq figure", ivory and p l a s t i c . Carved by Nikolai Abelsen, 1978, Kap Dan, East Greenland. (Private c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. Collected in 1980, Angmagssalik, East Greenland. APPENDIX III - 166 -#11 PLATE 54 APPENDIX II, page 150 APPENDIX III #12 PLATE 67 "Tupilaq figure", ivory and p l a s t i c . Carver unknown, 1974-76, Kap Dan, East Greenland. (Private c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. Collected in 1978, Kap Dan, East Greenland. APPENDIX I I I 168 -#13 PLATE 33 APPENDIX I I , page 133 APPENDIX I I I 169 -APPENDIX III - 170 -#15 PLATE 10 Page 66 APPENDIX III - 171 -APPENDIX III #17 PLATE 68 "Tupi1aq figure", ivory and p l a s t i c . Carved by Georg Nuko, 1980, Kap Dan, East Greenland. (Private c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. Collected in 1981, Godthab-Nuuk, West Greenland. APPENDIX III #18 PLATE 69 "Tupilaq figure", ivory and p l a s t i c . Carved By Jakob U i t s a l i k t s e k , 1979, Kungmiut, East Greenland. (Private c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. Collected i n 1980, Angmagssalik, West Greenland. APPENDIX III - 174 PLATE 43a APPENDIX II, page 140 APPENDIX III (Private c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. Collected in 1978 from the Elisabeth Seward C o l l e c t i o n , San Francisco.) APPENDIX III - 176 -#21 PLATE 50 APPENDIX II, page 146 APPENDIX III - 177 -#22 PLATE 7b Page 62 APPENDIX III (Private c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. Collected in 1978, Copenhagen.) APPENDIX III - 179 -# 2 4 PLATE 56 APPENDIX II, page 151 APPENDIX III - 180 -#25 PLATE 39 APPENDIX II, page 137 APPENDIX III #26 PLATE 72 "Tupilaq figure", ivory and p l a s t i c . Carver unknown, ca. 1940's, East Greenland. (Private c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. Collected in 1978 from the Elisabeth Seward C o l l e c t i o n , San Francisco.) APPENDIX III - 182 -APPENDIX II, page 135 APPENDIX III (Private c o l l e c t i o n , Vancouver. Collected in 1978 from the Elisabeth Seward C o l l e c t i o n , San Francisco.) APPENDIX III - 184 -#29 PLATE 44 APPENDIX II, page 141 PLATE 59 APPENDIX II, page - 186 -APPENDIX IV MYTHIC ACCOUNTS OF A SPIRIT BEING AND TUPILAT  WHICH MATCH TO PHOTOGRAPHS IN MY STUDY SAMPLE PLATES 7a and 7b Story told to S. Romalis by Jonas Faber, Vancouver, 1983 "One time in the v i l l a g e of T a s i i l a p there was a great angakkok. He was old and when he died the people buried him close to the v i l l a g e . Many times the children of the v i l l a g e played b a l l near the place where the angakkok was buried. Many times the children ran over his grave or played on his grave or made so much noise around his grave that the soul of the angak-kok was disturbed and angry. One day the soul of the angakkok became so angry that he de-cided to teach the children the way to behave. The next day when the children came to play, the soul of the angakkok took the shoulder-blade from his skeleton and also one of his leg bones and he decided to frighten the children. As the children played over his grave, he suddenly came up from the grave. He drum danced on his grave stone with his shoulder blade as the drum and his leg bone as the drumstick and the words he sang frightened the children. The children never played over the graves again and they never disturbed the souls of the dead. The great angakkok could then rest in peace and quiet." - 187 -APPENDIX IV PLATES 7a and 7b Collected by G. Holm, translated by J. Petersen, 1887, Angmagssalik, and told by Kutuluk: ARIAGSUAK (Tale 35) "Ariagsuak was having a drum-match with a dear friend of hi s . While his friend was having some new clothes sewn for him, because he wanted to travel to Ariagsuak, the l a t t e r died. The other went on a journey with four umiaks, one of which had an alugsugak (a foster) as an amulet. As they approached Ariag-suak' s house, they sang in the umiak, and he that was to have the drum-match, c r i e d : "Ariagsuak! When one of us dies, s h a l l we s t i l l have our drum-match?" It was quite s t i l l up in the house, but the stone on the top of the grave began to turn around. The people in the umiak shouted: "A...h", and saw Ariagsuak come f l u t t e r i n g down from the sky to the stone, which raised i t s e l f off the grave; and out of the grave he took the shoulder-blade for a drum and the thigh-bone for a drumstick. The eyes hung out of the head on their f i b r e s . As he went up into the a i r , he went round the same way as the sky. The umiaks r o l l e d in his d i r e c t i o n and capsized; only the one which had an alugsugak as an amulet righted i t s e l f again, turned her stern-post towards him, and got home. 'Kutuluk has seen with his own eyes the grave which l i e s between Igdloluarsuk and Akorninar-miut'." (G. Holm [188711912:290) - 188 -APPENDIX IV PLATE 59 Story told to S. Romalis by Thorvald Mikkaelsen and Egon Poulsen, Kap Dan, 1982. "There were two brothers who l i v e d in Sermiligaq in Ulorgar-m i i t . There was an island nearby that they c a l l , Nunagitsit, and a family there that had four sons in a row, ca l l e d Amerdar-d i v a g a i i t . One day in spring the older brother from Ulorgarmiit said to his younger brother, "I w i l l f i s h the Ammassat and you hunt seals for drying." The younger brother did what he was t o l d . The older brother told him not to go near where the Amerdardiv-g a i i t hunt, but to go south near Kungmiut. After the older brother came back from hunting to the f j o r d , he heard that his younger brother was dead. He discovered that his brother had been standing on a small island watching seals when the four brothers pursued him to k i l l him. He had hidden in a hole in a c l i f f at low tide while the Amerdardivagaiit waited for him to come out at high tide. When the tide came in he had preferred to drown then to be k i l l e d by the harpoons of the four brothers. The older brother decided to revenge his brother's death, to make a Tupilaq. He thought to himself, "I must do this in the right way, and I must get a seal s k u l l from the cache of the Amerdardivagaiit. There should be skins l e f t and bones from when they took the seal meat away." He was never in that place, but he hoped that there was a sk u l l l e f t behind that was facing the house of the four brothers. He set out to look for i t . When he arrived at the i r cache the sku l l was lying the right way, so he took i t and some seal skin. Now he was hopeful in f i n i s h i n g his work. Then he started to make his Tupilaq, not by his tent, but not far away, beside the water. When he started to make his Tupilaq he needed help from his grandparents who had been buried a long time ago. He thought, "If they loved me when they were a l i v e , so they can now help me revenge my brother through the Tupilaq". He dug out his grandmother's grave and he heard, "Mmmmmmm". That meant she had loved him, so he cut off her ribs - 189 -and her leg, she s t i l l had clothes on, and he buried the rest. Then he started the Tupilaq: what the Angakkok used to do when they made a Tupilaq was just to put a l l the things into the skin and the Tupilaq would be formed by the Angakkok's breath. When he finished forming the Tupilaq, there was no doubt that i t was a seal but i t s other side had ribs and a leg l i k e a human side. When an Angakkok has finished forming a Tupilaq, he has to give i t l i f e energy. When he finished making the Tupilaq he could see that i t was f u l l of energy and l i f e , and he told i t to go. He knew that i f he made a mistake in making the Tupilaq he could be k i l l e d by i t himself. he had to t e l l i t with his own voice what to do. It went into the water and he followed i t on land. The Tupilaq came up in the water close by and said "What am I going to do?" So he said to i t , "Go to the Amerdardivagaiit and k i l l them and take even the women." It went down into the water showing the leg with the kamik (boot) on. Then he went home with the hope he would get revenge. He listened a l l summer, but heard nothing about the four brothers. He heard that they went to their winter place near T i i l e r i l a q . Then he also went there and was welcomed by the people. He f o r -got about his Tupilaq because he was having such a good time. Suddenly one day someone said, "Look, a seal!", so everyone rushed to their kayaks. The seal come up near the four brothers and went down again, and he thought, " i t w i l l come up near me". He was ready with his harpoon ... i t came up, but only the eyes were above water .. . then he remembered the Tupilaq. If he had harpooned the Tupilaq he could have been k i l l e d , but now he said, "Ah, at l a s t i t came." He waited for what would happen next. It came up again in front of the oldest brother, he harpooned i t , and when i t went down, the brother held the harpoon l i n e to p u l l in the seal. It was too heavy, and the other brothers came to help him. They pulled three times but the kayak went down more and more and he f e l l into the water. Foam and bubbles came up and then he floated up dead. Then he was the f i r s t one to be k i l l e d by the Tupilaq. When autumn came, he heard that the youngest brother had drowned, and after that the middle two brothers died. Then he heard that one of the wives had disappeared when the women went out to pick blueberries. They had gone to look for her and found out that she had put her ear down into the bush and she was dead. - 190 -The older brother smiled when he heard this and said that i t was the truth of the Tupilaq. This was the proof that the Tupi-laq had taken the l i f e of the g i r l in the way that she died. Then he went back to Sermiligaq and he heard that the other wives had died in the same way. Then he went back to Ulorgar-miit and l i v e d in peace afterwards. - 191 -APPENDIX IV PLATE 60 Story told to S. Romalis by Egon Poulson, Kap Dan, 1982: Translated by Anna Kuitse-Meyer "Once there was a family that l i v e d in Sermilik. The man was a good hunter and he had several wives. It was a large fam-i l y with many children. One of the man's daughters became very s i c k . Nothing could cure her so f i n a l l y the angakkok asked her to make a confession of what she had done. She confessed that she had wanted to k i l l her whole family, her father, her step-mothers, her brothers, and her s i s t e r s . In order to k i l l her family she had made a tupilaq which looked l i k e an ordinary woman but i t had male sex organs on i t s chest. She had made this tupilaq by c o l l e c t i n g things that belonged to a l l her fami-ly members - cuttings of their hair, their f i n g e r n a i l s , a tooth, and pieces of clothing. When she had gathered a l l these things she had gone off with another older woman from the settlement who was i l i s i t s o q , and the older woman had helped her to make the tupilaq. She had decided to make i t in the form of a woman so that i t would be able to ea s i l y follow a l l her family members and k i l l them, but i t had many powers to overcome the men be-cause i t had the male parts also. Then they sent the tupilaq out. The g i r l was sure that she had made i t in the wrong way so that now i t was going to k i l l her. The tupilaq had not k i l l e d her family members and she was sure that the old woman had done things, not to help, but in order to k i l l her, so now the t u p i -laq was causing the i l l n e s s . After the g i r l confessed this about her strange tupilaq they heard a cry. Then the g i r l be-came well." - 192 -APPENDIX IV PLATE 60 "Johan Petersen, f i r s t manager of the trading station established in Angmagssalik in 1894, ten years after Gustav Holm's uniak expedition, relates: "Our neighbours, who had returned from a v i s i t in Sermilik, said that a young g i r l in Sermilik had been very sick. During her i l l n e s s , she had confessed that in order to harm her family - she wanted to k i l l her father and stepmother, or rather her two stepmothers and her brothers and s i s t e r s - she had fashioned herself a tupilak. For some time she had been c o l l e c t i n g the various parts - snarls of hair, f i n g e r n a i l s , and bi t s of c l o t h -ing that had belonged to the intended victims - to make the tup-i l a k , which was moreover tricked out with a male sexual organ on i t s chest. The g i r l had been assisted in working on the tupilak by one of the older women of the settlement, who wanted revenge on her divorced husband." (Kaalund, 1980, p.23-24) - 193 -APPENDIX IV PLATES 32 and 61a, b and c Story related by Gustav Holm: "The most s k i l l f u l hunter on the Angmagsalik f j o r d , P e r t i -tigsak, who had gone through the training without openly pro-claiming himself as an angakok, was the sworn enemy of the anga-kut and l o s t no opportunity of holding them up to r i d i c u l e . When he was a f f l i c t e d with a b o i l on his back and afterwards caught fever, angakut appeared from a l l sides to cure him. When the fever got worse they declared that he was in danger of going mad. We have already described the treatment to which he would be subjected in this eventuality. He then had to confess that he was an i l i s i t s o k and t e l l a great deal of absurd nonsense a-bout his having sent out four tupileks, who had managed together to k i l l a score of persons, some of whom were members of his own family. The l a s t tupilek he made in spring. He was just about to harpoon a walrus, when someone else anticipated him and caught i t . In his anger he made a tupilek of walrus skin, fragments of the man's game and many other things. It resembled a walrus wearing women's drawers. He created and made i t grow in the us-ual way, after which he sent i t forth to k i l l the man who had taken the walrus from him. One day after this he saw a walrus at Ikerasarsuak, and was just about to harpoon i t , when he d i s -covered that i t was the tupilek. It made for the shore and went on land, where i t turned into a human being. Some time after i t k i l l e d the man against whom i t was sent A water-poultice which we sent Perkitigsak caused the b o i l to open, and the fever l e f t him. His cure was ascribed solely to his confession of the crimes he had committed." Holm [1887]1912:p.102-103. - 194 -APPENDIX V EAST GREENLAND CARVERS INTERVIEWED NAME WORK DATE OF BIRTH/ PLACE OF BIRTH Titus A.J.J. Nakinge R.G.T.D. Worker and Hunter 18 Sept. 1947 Kap Dan, Kulussuk Is. J. Thorvald J.S.P. Mikkaelsen Hunter 19 Aug. 1928 Noordi i t , Kulussuk Is. J.J.G. Egon Poulsen Hunter 10 Feb. 1925 Kap Dan, Kulussuk Is. K.K.E. Johan E l i o Hunter 12 Sept. 1938 Kap Dan, Kulussuk Is. Aurolia K.A. Amagtangneq (Wife of Jacob Amagtangneq 1897-1975 - Hunter & Carver) Ebbe Josvassen Parish Clerk and Hunter Dec. 1903 Ikkatseq Autumn, 1909 Ikkatseq Henrik Singertat Hunter 1907 T i n i t e q i l a a q - 195 -APPENDIX V I QUESTION GUIDE FOR CARVING SURVEY 1. Where were you born? Where do you l i v e ? Please look at these photographs. Please comment on each one, i n the i r sequential order. (Use additional page). Are there any of these carvings that you p a r t i c u l a r l y like? Which one(s)? Why? Are there any of these carvings that you p a r t i c u l a r l y d i s l i k e ? Which one(s)? Why? Do you ever buy any of this type of carving? If yes, what and why? Do you consider Tupilaq figure carving to be authentic Greenland art? How do you fe e l about the fact that most of the contemporary art forms are made for sale to non-Greenlanders? Does this have an ef f e c t on the carving? Choose the 5 factors that most strongly influence your decision when you are buying a Tupilaq figure (in order of t h e i r importance to your decision). price design quality of workmanship subject matter size investment pot e n t i a l a r t i s t ' s name media(material) advice of acquaintance What other kinds of art do you c o l l e c t or own? 10. Your age: under 20 20 - 29 30 - 39 40 - 49 50 - 59 60 - 69 70 and over 11. Your sex: 12. Your occupation: professional executive sales c l e r i c a l s k i l l e d labour unskilled labour male female homemaker re t i r e d unemployed other 13. How were you introduced to Tupilaq figure carvings? family, or friends museum exhibits Greenlander acquaintances noticed them in stores books newspaper or magazine a r t i c l e s other (please specify) 

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