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The dialectics of exploitation and discrimination in the labour market : toward a Marxist theory of racial.. Whitney, Stuart B. 1985

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THE D I A L E C T I C S OF EXPLOITATION AND DISCRIMINATION IN THE LABOUR MARKET: TOWARD A MARXIST THEORY OF RACIAL CONFLICT By STUART B. WHITNEY B.A., U n i v e r s i t y  of D u b l i n ,  1977  A THESIS SUBMITTED I N PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE  REQUIRE-  MENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of A n t h r o p o l o g y and S o c i o l o g y , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia  We a c c e p t t h i s  t h e s i s as conforming  .to t h e r e q u i r e d  standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF B R I T I S H COLUMBIA September  1985  ©Stuart Whitney,  1985  In  presenting  degree freely  at  this  the  thesis  in  partial  University  of  British  available for  copying  of  department publication  this or of  reference  thesis by  this  for  his thesis  scholarly  or for  her  The University of British C o l u m b i a 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3  I further  purposes  the  requirements  gain  that the  agree  may  representatives.  financial  Department  of  Columbia, I agree  and study.  permission.  DE-6(3/81)  fulfilment  It  shall not  be is  that  Library  permission  granted  by  understood be  for  allowed  an  advanced  shall make for  the that  without  it  extensive  head  of  my  copying  or  my  written  i i  ABSTRACT Since  the  nation-state  conjoint  in  development  eighteenth  of  century  capitalism  and  the  Europe, the p r a c t i c a l  t h e o r e t i c a l p r o b l e m s of s o c i o - e c o n o m i c  reproduction  political  s c i e n t i s t s of a l l i l k s  order  different  have c o n f r o n t e d  sides  of  drew i t s f o r m a t i v e and  long a f t e r  from  the  same c o i n .  inspiration  t h e new  social  from c l a s s i c a l  d i s c i p l i n e had  persisted,  dialogue  carved the  social  political out  its  studies.  The  and  labour  economic  i n the  market related  economic  and  are manifest  myriad, racial  c o n t r a d i c t o r y forms. i n e q u a l i t y and  This  on how  the contemporary M a r x i s t ,  market theory purpose  is  and  to  the  Marxist  meet  theory  the  reformulation  between and  c o m m u n i t y , s t a t e and  a of  in their dyad  i s conceived and  of  of r a d i c a l  racial  racial  class  labour  conflict.  class  theory  framework f o r  groups  struggle  international  of  in  system.  and the  in  Weberian  The  c h a l l e n g e e x t e n d e d by a r e c e n t ,  theoretico - methodological  conflict  and  of  unified,  racial  problems  the  economic  contribution  critique  relationship  is  racial conflict  Weberian  the  form  neoclassical  examines  to a  such  of  conflict.  t h e s i s focuses  literature,  One  order  field  constitutes  s o c i e t y where t h e social  theory  Nowhere i s  microcosm of c a p i t a l i s t reproduction  niche  r i s e of n e o c l a s s i c a l  r e l a t i o n s h i p more a p p a r e n t t h a n  market  as  economy,  own  e s p e c i a l l y w i t h i n the M a r x i s t t r a d i t i o n .  t h i s symbiotic labour  between  socio-  In i t s i n f a n c y , s o c i o l o g y  t h e t h e o r e t i c a l vacuum c r e a t e d by  economics, the  and  and  neoas  a  articulating  social labour  classes, market,  It concludes an  important  and c l a s s . with  departure  exploitation, production  tradition  like  radical  by  relations  to  theory  by  labour market  distinguishing  discrimination,  and  Methodologically  l a b o u r market  represents  from p r e v i o u s M a r x i s t approaches t o  Theoretically,  Marxist  domination  that r a d i c a l  from  relating  group  racial  conflict  significant  is  the  theory group  class and  attempt  breaks  forms  forms  class,  and  open-ended  class  c o n t e x t of c o l l e c t i v e formation process.  class  t h e o r e t i c a l and m e t h o d o l o g i c a l of  race,  class  and  directives  to apply a  the State are c r i t i c a l l y  n o n - r e d u c t i o n i s t model o f r a c i a l preliminary conflict.  step  toward  a  conflict Marxist  is  theory  and  Marxist  nonnexus  dynamic,  i m p l i c a t i o n s of for  like  struggle.  struggles in a The  of  market  r e d u c t i o n i s t c l a s s a n a l y s i s that s i t u a t e s the race - c l a s s in the h i s t o r i c a l  race  these  theories  e v a l u a t e d , and a proffered of  as  a  inter-group  iv  Acknowledgement I am unwieldy  indebted project  to in  Neil  thanks  for  mid-course,  completion with endless special  Guppy  goes  to  and  taking  over  guiding  patience,  advice  and  David  Schweitzer  it  grateful  to  t o John McMullan f o r h i s  numerous  through a d i f f i c u l t Last,  but  not  least,  colleagues  b i r t h and  and  for his  I thank L u c i l l e  through  ideas  to  Ratner  have  and  f o r b e l i e v i n g and  A  consistent  encouragement.  f r i e n d s who  contributed  an  enthusiasm.  s u p p o r t , t o T i s s a F e r n a n d o f o r h i s f r i e n d s h i p , t o Bob h i s humour, and  such  for  I  am  suffered  criticism. caring.  V  Table of Contents  Abstract  i  Acknowledgements  iv  Chapter 1 Introduction  1  Chapter 2 Racism or C l a s s i s m ? M a r x i s t  T h e o r i e s o f Race a n d  Class  2.1  Introduction  19  2.2  The c o n c e p t s o f e x p l o i t a t i o n a n d d i s c r i m i n a t i o n  2.3  Racism or c l a s s i s m ?  ....20 24  2.3.i.  Internal colonialism  25  2.3.ii  Class  30  2.3.iii  World c a p i t a l i s t  2.3.iv  Summary  stratification system  36 42  Chapter 3 The  Economics  Market  of D i s c r i m i n a t i o n :  Neoclassical  and Dual  Labour  Theory  3.1  Introduction  3.2  Neoclassical  44 l a b o u r market  3.2.i  Human c a p i t a l  3.2.ii  Racial discrimination  theories  theory  3.2.ii.a  Employer  model  3.2.ii.b  White c a r t e l model  47 49  theories  52 53 54  vi  3.2.ii.c  Employee  3.2.ii.d  Statistical  3.2.iii 3.3  model  55  model  Summary o f n e o c l a s s i c a l  56 theories  57  D u a l l a b o u r market t h e o r y  58  3.3.i  Economic  3.3.ii  Market dualism  61  3. 3. i i i  M a r k e t outcomes  63  3.3.iv  Concept of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n  64  3.3.v  C r i t i q u e of d u a l l a b o u r market t h e o r y  65  Chapter  dualism  60  4  The D i a l e c t i c s o f E x p l o i t a t i o n a n d D i s c r i m i n a t i o n :  Radical  Labour Market Theory 4.1  Introduction  70  4.2  Radical  74  d u a l l a b o u r market theory  4.2.i  Worker  4.2. i i  Employer s t r a t e g i e s  76  4.2.iii  Centre-periphery  78  4.2.iv  Concept of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n  4.3  Radical  resistance  segmented  74  relations  79  l a b o u r market t h e o r y  system of c o n t r o l  81  4.3.i  The  4.3.ii  Structural control  83  4.3.ii.a  Technical control  83  4.3.ii.b  Bureaucratic control  84  4.3.iii  Segmented m a r k e t s a n d d i v i d e d  4.3.iv  Concept of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n  4.4  Split  l a b o u r market t h e o r y  82  workers  85 87 89  vii  4.4.i  P r i c e of l a b o u r  ..90  4.4.ii  D i s p l a c e m e n t of l a b o u r  92  4.4.iii  Reactions  93  4.4.iv  Concept of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n  to displacement  4.5  C r i t i q u e of r a d i c a l  4.6  The  Chapter The  96  labour market theory  d i a l e c t i c s of e x p l o i t a t i o n and  98  discriminaion  ..102  5  Politics  M a r k e t and  of E x p l o i t a t i o n :  G r o u p Power  5.1  Introduction  5.2  Class theory  5.3  The  C l a s s and  State  i n R a d i c a l Labour  Theories 108 and  s t a t e and  l a b o u r market models  112  l a b o u r market t h e o r y  119  5.3.i  I n s t r u m e n t a l i s t approach  120  5.3.ii  Structuralist  120  5.3.iii  C l a s s t h e o r e t i c a l approach  121  5.3.iv  Capital logic  122  5.3. v  Toward a c l a s s c o n f l i c t  5.4  approach  approach theory  G r o u p power a p p r o a c h e s t o c l a s s ,  of the S t a t e s t a t e and  conf1ict Parkin's bourgeois  5.4.ii  C l a s s and  5.4.iii  C l a s s f o r m a t i o n , power and  5.4.iv  E x p l o i t a t i o n and  5.4. v  Conclusion  6  racial 126  5.4.i  Chapter  123  critique  127  forms of s o c i a l c l o s u r e the State  racial conflict  128 131 134 138  viii  Beyond t h e Labour M a r k e t : Racial  C l a s s F o r m a t i o n , C l a s s S t r u g g l e and  Conflict  6.1  Introduction  140  6.2  Marxist  142  6.3  A class conflict  t h e o r i e s of c l a s s f o r m a t i o n  6.3.i  Class  6.3.ii  Class  6.3. i i i  Hegemony  theory of c l a s s formation  146 146  struggle  148 150  6.4  Toward a c l a s s c o n f l i c t model of r a c i a l c o n f l i c t . . . 1 5 2  6.5  Beyond t h e l a b o u r market  158  6.5.i  The s u r p l u s p o p u l a t i o n  160  6.5.ii  C u l t u r e s of r e s i s t a n c e and t h e c o n c e p t of community  6.5.iii 6.6  L a b o u r m i g r a t i o n a n d l i b e r a t i o n a r y movements Conclusion  Bibliography  162 ....164 166  169  1  CHAPTER 1 Introduction An  eminent  race  "declining  significance  explaining  inequality  three broad stages J . Wilson  relations theorist of in  race" the  recently heralded the  as  opposed  United  States.  i n the h i s t o r y  of  U.S. r a c e  to  class  Distinguishing relations,  the  'preindustrial  best  explanation  p e r i o d ' , and s p l i t  f o r the ' r a c i a l  neither  approach  oppression' is  'racial  oppression  of  of t h e  applicable  recent  economic  blacks, Wilson black and  concludes  and  'industrial the  'modern  transition' to  the  from 'class  C i t i n g e m p i r i c a l data  increasing stratification  (1978) p r e d i c t s w i d e n i n g  community,  declining  mobility  to  a l l blacks',  subordination of a black underclass'.  during  labour market theory the  i n d u s t r i a l p e r i o d ' which marks a ' p r o g r e s s i v e the  W.  (1978) argued t h a t , w h i l e o r t h o d o x M a r x i s m o f f e r s t h e  most c o n v i n c i n g a c c o u n t o f t h e ' r a c i a l - c a s t e o p p r e s s i o n '  period',  in  on  among  c l a s s cleavages  i n the  t h e emergence of d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l  agendas,  racism a g a i n s t b l a c k s as a  whole.  Moreover,  that:  "Whereas t h e r a c i a l antagonism i n the United States d u r i n g t h e p e r i o d of i n d u s t r i a l race relations (such as t h e J i m Crow s e g r e g a t i o n movement i n t h e S o u t h a n d the race r i o t s i n t h e n o r t h e r n c i t i e s ) tended t o be e i t h e r d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d t o l a b o u r market conflicts, racial a n t a g o n i s m i n t h e p e r i o d o f modern i n d u s t r i a l r e l a t i o n s tends t o o r i g i n a t e o u t s i d e of the economic o r d e r and t o have little connection with labour-market s t r i f e " ( I b i d : 15).  he  2  Wilson's from b l a c k evidence was  no  (1978)  academics of  black  longer  Willhelm,  p r e c i p i t a t e d a storm of  were  in  oppression  was  won  about  labour  market  the c o n t e n t i o n  the c h i e f  variable  approval  from  economic  the  provocative  events  basis  for  thesis  a  however, dead  political  Right  capitalist  s t a t e s s i n c e the  unprecedented  (Hill,  in  white  during  the  fiscal  soon  letter.  The  1978;  contemporary Marxists  for  inequality  (see  late  1970s has  restraint, a s s a u l t s on  civil  has  witnessed  a  resurgence  of  fundamentalist,  racist  Wilson's  ascendancy  of  and  and  Rioting  r a c i a l l y and Britain  and  violence  in  throughout  and  police  ethnically South  the  segregated  Africa,  Toronto,  and  sporadic and  testified  conflict  in  inadequacy of p r e v a i l i n g  military  other  t o the western  It  religious  growing  and racial  r e p r e s s i o n i n the in  the  U.S.,  o u t b r e a k s of  racial  Canadian  cities  'enduring  reality'  capitalist  sociological  and  ideologies  urban enclaves  Vancouver  1980s has  i n e q u a l i t y and  and  of  rights.  conservative,  o r g a n i z a t i o n s , a l l of w h i c h have c o n t r i b u t e d t o unrest.  era  welfare  labour  neo-fascist  the  i n western  u s h e r e d i n an  unemployment,  and  also  rendered  r e c u r r i n g economic c r i s e s  cutbacks,  the  racism  that class rather  black  education  and  empirical  1979).  Subsequent  racial  protest  spurned the c l a i m t h a t  the  Conversely,  acknowledging the  dubious  m o b i l i t y , and  inequality  Willie,  who  ubiquitous  1983).  than r a c i a l black  findings  of  society,  explanations.  3  The lived, and  controversy  over Wilson's  s e r v e d t o b r e a t h e new  drew c r i t i c a l  r a c e r e l a t i o n s and failed  life  attention Marxist  as W i l l h e l m  explain issue  racial  issues, i n May  and  conflict?"  First,  basis  1980,  informed the  and  by  In the gender  the  of  c l a s s - group of  conceived  as  or  nexus.  an  is  the  an  is  constitutes T h e s e two  had  issue  feasible, Marxism specific  the  primary  fundamental  in My  1  April  at  away'  class analysis  o u t l i n e of  a l l , they  race form  by of  has  p r o p e r , or as  can  thesis.  be  'added on'  a  ethnic,  analyses been  domination  both  elaborate,  tended  focusing  1981,  to  now  the  have  deterministic Marxism  of  response  have a d d r e s s e d r a c i a l ,  Western  that  general  more  f o r reasons which I w i l l  exogenous  ideology  alike  d i l e m m a : "Can  London  study.  a h i s t o r i c a l and  'explaining  p a r a m e t e r s of element  South  this  conflicts by  debate,  sociological  conflict  i s the  short-  t r a g i c e v e n t s of L i b e r t y C i t y , M i a m i  main a r g u m e n t , and  group  that  conflict  Second, t h e r e  p a s t when M a r x i s t s  characterized  culpable  inter-group  Brixton,  inception  the  there  for r a c i a l c o n f l i c t .  questions i s affirmative along with  racial  l a b o u r market s t i l l  highlighted of  of  race-class,  issues  (1980) t e r s e l y c o n v e y s t h e  of w h e t h e r the  source of,  the  key  theories  of w h e t h e r a c l a s s t h e o r y of or  into  t o two  to s e r i o u s l y confront.  (1978) s t u d y , a l b e i t  to of  or be the  especially  on  'racism',  outside  the  'superstructural' to c l a s s  categories  Both of t h e s e ' r i o t s ' t r i g g e r e d u p r i s i n g s i n o t h e r U.S. and B r i t i s h c i t i e s i n the months t h a t f o l l o w e d . See M a r a b l e ( 1 9 8 0 b ) on t h e M i a m i r e b e l l i o n , and S i v a n a n d a n ( 1 9 8 2 ) and 'Notes and documents' on riots in B r i t a i n i n R a c e & C l a s s 23: 2/3, pp. 2 2 3 - 2 3 2 , 1981/82. 1  4  at  the t h e o r i s t ' s convenience.  also  arisen  c l a s s as  from  an  the Marxist  'objective'  analysis  the analysis  conflict  between  'objective' theories  propensity  economic  concrete  l e v e l , and  classes  f o r conceiving  Missing  conception  the  i n by c o l l e c t i v e a g e n t s .  rendering  sweeping  of  historical  have,  more  often  r e d u c t i o n i s t and f u n c t i o n a l i s t a n a l y s e s  than  reduce race t o c l a s s , or c l a s s t o race, and  versa  Willhelm,  1980; S i v a n a n d a n ,  relation  role  i s usually  intra-class  to class struggle  cries  out  class,  racial  reproduction  and  There i s a p r e s s i n g  analysis and  class  transformation  c l a s s e s — r e m a i n s uncharted  race - c l a s s  and  and c l a s s  and  n o t , been m a r r e d by which  1978;  tend  groups  Parkin,  Marxist  with 1979;  discourse  inter-group formation.  has  conflictsin  Precisely  what  r e l a t i o n s h i p between r a c e and struggle of  in  racial  the  historical  groups and s o c i a l  territory.  need t h e n ,  for a  reappraisal  debate w i t h i n Marxism, and a c r i t i q u e t h a t  beyond t h e p o l a r i z e d c u l - d e - s a c s of  c l a s s reductionism.  to  a s s u m e d t o be t h e 'motor  from  for explanation—the conflict  to  1982).  struggle  of  by  engaged  approaches  and c o n f l a t e  (Geschwender,  of h i s t o r y ' , c o n s p i c u o u s l y a b s e n t the  processes  Marxist  static,  classes  Marxist  i n the struggles  Consequently,  the  human a g e n c y a t t h e  conflict  been  class  by  f r o m many  racial  Although class  social  'always-already-formed'  form, deform and r e f o r m  vice  has  of c l a s s s t r u c t u r e , and c l a s s s t r u g g l e t h e classes  i s any  determinism  relation,  r e l a t i o n s of production.  intra-class which  The p r o b l e m o f  As W a l l e r s t e i n  racial  of  the  propels  autonomism  ( 1 9 8 1 : 5) h a s o b s e r v e d :  5  "to debate t h e primacy of race scholastic, The  first  Marxism  i t i s to mislead  issue as  i s not  us p o l i t i c a l l y  i s not simply  i t is  or c l a s s  topical  assume,  2  positivist  versus  at least  sense of p r e d i c t i o n and c o n t r o l .  I b e l i e v e , i s t h e o r e t i c a l and m e t h o d o l o g i c a l ; of  a  non-reductionist,  racial,  inter-group  regarded  as mutually  another, rather contingent  challenge  methodological transforming context  to other  race  not i n here  construction  Marxist  theory of  and  class  are  o r a s s u b s e t s o f one  distinct,  remain a h i s t o r i c a l  Marxism  framework social  but  historically  and  tautological.  The  i s to conceive a u n i f i e d theoreticofor articulating  r e l a t i o n s between race  o f a g l o b a l economy.  would, i d e a l l y ,  'white'  r e l a t i o n s , the theories generated t o explain  will  before  as  exclusive categories,  than as a n a l y t i c a l l y  social  racial conflict  So l o n g  way."  The i s s u e  the  non-functionalist,  conflict.  be  nor i s i t a matter of  whether Marxism can ' e x p l a i n ' r a c i a l c o n f l i c t , the  to  in a critical  a case of 'black' to  merely  Such  a  mode  the  historically  and c l a s s w i t h i n t h e of  class  analysis  have m u l t i f o c a l and c r o s s - c u l t u r a l a p p l i c a b i l i t y  f o r m s o f communal g r o u p  conflict.  I am g r a t e f u l t o P r o f e s s o r C h r i s M u l l a r d o f t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f L o n d o n f o r i n t r o d u c i n g me t o the contemporary black Marxist literature, and e x p l a i n i n g what distinguishes i t from w h i t e Marxism. P e r s o n a l l y , I b e l i e v e t h a t i t i s not t h e c o l o u r or sex o f t h e o b s e r v e r s o much a s t h e i r t h e o r e t i c a l a n d methodological perspective ^ that leads to racist or s e x i s t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s . T h i s t h e s i s "may speak f r o m a n d t o t h e s o - c a l l e d ' w h i t e Marxist' t r a d i t i o n o f Western Europe and N o r t h A m e r i c a , but t h a t does not mean I h o p e , t h a t i t s c o n c l u s i o n s a r e i n e v i t a b l y r a c i s t ! 2  6  The  second • i s s u e  Marxist theory  is  over  the  of r a c i a l c o n f l i c t .  appropriate  According  focus  to Wilson  (1978),  "economic c l a s s t h e o r i e s which a s s o c i a t e l a b o u r market with  racial  antagonism  period"  (Ibid:  shifted  from the  (Ibid:  150).  have l i t t l e  16), because the industrial While  if  not  'prima f a c i e '  starting  present  conflict  s e c t o r t o the s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l t h i s may  line  of  be  the  has order"  case,  reasoning,  the c o n t r a r y , t h a t l a b o u r market t h e o r y  sufficient,  conflicts  t o the  " c e n t r e of r a c i a l  s e v e r a l r e s e r v a t i o n s about t h i s a r g u e on  application  for a  I have  and  is a  will  necessary,  point for a Marxist theory  of  racial  conf1ict. First, and  i f i t i s reasonable  racial  conflict  t o assume t h a t r a c i a l  a r e h i s t o r i c a l l y and  i n terms of s o c i a l  r e l a t i o n s of  then,  since  labour market i s s t i l l  racial  inequality,  conflict,  the  if  no  it  remains  longer  the  primary  ( 1 9 7 8 ) ' b l a c k u n d e r c l a s s ' may  labour  market,  displacement can  o n l y be  from grasped  m a r k e t t h a t has  capitalist  of  the  practice  in capitalist  main of  collectivities,  loci  for  racial  have  source  'de  e x c h a n g e and  h i s t o r i c a l l y been  subordination,  of  l o c u s of t h a t be  racial  conflict.  facto' outside and  the  permanent  production  relations  of the d y n a m i c s of a  labour  racist.  been  imported  into  the  s o c i e t y the l a b o u r market has the  related  a f u n d a m e n t a l b a s i s of  marginalization  from the c o n t e x t  S e c o n d , r a c i s m may market, but  its  and  principal  Wilson's  but  theoretically  domination  a  inequality  r e p r o d u c t i o n of r a c i s m  discrimination  as w e l l as t h e S t a t e .  by  labour been  one  through  the  individuals  and  R a c i a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n may  7  not  have  declined  i n s t e a d changed  as  the  inside,  labour market. conflict  presumes, but to discern  by  indicators.  apparent  shift  l a b o u r m a r k e t t o t h e community changes  (1978) s a n g u i n e l y  i n f o r m , m a k i n g i t more d i f f i c u l t  means o f c o n v e n t i o n a l Third,  Wilson  as  in  racial  and s t a t e  transformations  The l a b o u r m a r k e t  may  conflict  from t h e  owe  much  as  to  o u t s i d e t h e w o r k p l a c e and  i s an  arena  of  inter-group  ' p a r e x c e l l e n c e ' , where t h e i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p o f c l a s s  and group forms of d o m i n a t i o n and s t r u g g l e i s a c c e n t u a t e d . sense, t h e l a b o u r market c o n s t i t u t e s a microcosm society,  comprising  the  interface  of  class,  of  In a  capitalist  i n t r a - c l a s s and  i n t e r - g r o u p r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n , exchange, and  distribution  that  human a g e n t s  structure  the  struggles  which, i n t u r n , a f f e c t a n d communal black,  urban  education  the formation  groups. poor  among  The  collective  of c l a s s e s , c l a s s  community^based  for better  jobs,  fractions  struggles  housing,  of  policing  the and  a r e a f f e c t e d b y , a n d have r a m i f i c a t i o n s f o r , s t r u g g l e s  i n s i d e t h e w o r k p l a c e and l a b o u r market.  Hence, a M a r x i s t  theory  o f r a c i a l c o n f l i c t must  production  market  relations, concrete  commence  with  but should a l s o l i n k c o n f l i c t struggles  at  the  community,  and  i n t h e l a b o u r market t o s t a t e and i n t e r n a t i o n a l  levels. R a d i c a l l a b o u r market t h e o r y , a g e n e r i c the o f f s p r i n g of n e o c l a s s i c a l approaches t o s t r u c t u r a l the  United  important  States  and  economic,  term used t o denote  Weberian  i n e q u a l i t y and r a c i a l Britain  move i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n .  during The work  the  and  Marxist  discrimination in 1970s,  of Bonacich  marks a n (1972),  8  Reich  et a l  (1973),  Friedman  (1977),  Edwards  e t a l (1982) r e p r e s e n t s a s i g n i f i c a n t Marxist the  tradition  by  l a b o u r p r o c e s s , and  to  approach.  3  attends  to  g r o u p f o r m s of  radical  I  labour  have  perspective  the p r o c e s s e s  theories  stratification.  of  the  labour  the  workplace  and  inter-group  conflict  as  process,  analysis  relationship  labour  s t r u g g l e s of  market  collective  economy  class  historical,  to  neoclassical  conflict class  labour  situates  context  of  the  by  Marxist approach  struggle  in  intra-class  market.  A  race -  collective  formation process,  s t r u c t u r e determined  and  an  i s m e d i a t e d by,  the  therefore  i n the h i s t o r i c a l  class  conflict'  l a b o u r m a r k e t , and a  and  in  i n a dynamic, open-ended c l a s s inert  is  non-reductionist  the  a n a l y s i s of  i t mediates, conflicts  theory  'class  Applying  W e b e r i a n t h e o r i e s of t h e  produces a s y n t h e t i c h i s t o r i c a l  an  of  collective  domination.  a a  as  class  of l a b o u r market segmentation  r e l a t i o n a l method of M a r x i s t p o l i t i c a l e c o n o m i c and  and  market  designated  t h e e f f e c t s of t h e c o n c r e t e  class  race  i n the h i s t o r i c a l c o n t e x t of  A class conflict  human a g e n t s on working  relate  for self-consciously attempting that  previous  attempting  Methodologically,  analysis  from  t h e l a b o u r market as w e l l  s t r u g g l e s a g a i n s t b o t h c l a s s and  class  departure  Gordon  f o c u s i n g on  relations dialectically,  significant  (1979) and  class class  struggles  in contrast to  'objective' production  The c o n c e p t i o n of a ' c l a s s c o n f l i c t ' a n a l y s i s h e r e i s d e r i v e d from Reich (1981: 186-203) whose ' c l a s s c o n f l i c t m o d e l o f t h e e c o n o m i c p r o c e s s ' r e c o g n i z e s i n t e r p e r s o n a l c o m p e t i t i o n and c l a s s struggle. I have added the c a t e g o r y of i n t e r - g r o u p c o n f l i c t to the model to a c c o u n t f o r c o m p e t i t i o n and c o n f l i c t b e t w e e n and among c l a s s f r a c t i o n s and communal g r o u p s . 3  9  relations. Theoretically, Marxist  tradition  like  racial  and  relating  In  r a d i c a l labour by  distinguishing  discrimination  so d o i n g ,  them  market  from c l a s s  to both r a c i a l  i t integrates  breaks  forms  like  exploitation,  c o n f l i c t and c l a s s  concept  discrimination'  competition'  and a M a r x i s t concept of ' c l a s s e x p l o i t a t i o n '  class  conflict  analysis  that  h i s t o r i c a l c o n t e x t of c o n c r e t e and  discrimination  organized  in  a  economic  struggle.  'individual  a  Weberian n o t i o n  relates  struggles  of  o f 'group  race and c l a s s against  into i n the  exploitation  t h e p r o c e s s e s by w h i c h t h e w o r k p l a c e i s  , and t h e l a b o u r market formed.  theory therefore  with  group forms of d o m i n a t i o n  a neoclassical with  theory  Radical  labour  market  c o n c e i v e s t h e r a c e - c l a s s nexus I s u g g e s t ,  in  terms of t h e ' d i a l e c t i c s o f e x p l o i t a t i o n and d i s c r i m i n a t i o n ' . This  thesis  methodological Marxist  critically  implications  analysis  of  class  conflict  perspective  l a b o u r market t h e o r y h i n t s relationships process  In the on  endeavour  racial  departure  and  for a  to  tease  conflict  out  that  a  radical  a t , but never a r t i c u l a t e s , t h e myriad and g r o u p s ,  the  labour  and t h e l a b o u r m a r k e t , p r o d u c t i o n and market r e l a t i o n s ,  of  contemporary  a r e e x p l o r e d and c o n c e p t u a l i z e d Marxist  C o n s e q u e n t l y , t h i s i s n o t an e m p i r i c a l and  theoretical  c o n f l i c t i n p a r t i c u l a r , and i n t e r -  b e t w e e n a n d among c l a s s e s  domination and a p p r o p r i a t i o n terms  the  of t h i s important  racial  group c o n f l i c t i n general.  evaluates  class  theoretical  struggle  in  the  labour  t r e a t i c e on how c l a s s  and  Weberian  theories.  study of r a c i a l market,  struggle  and  so  in  conflict  much  racial  as  a  conflict  10  are  conceived i n the l i t e r a t u r e ,  be c o n c e i v e d i f M a r x i s t  and how  t h e o r y i s t o h a v e any  s e r i o u s q u e s t i o n s p o s e d by c o n t e m p o r a r y group  conflicts.  p e r h a p s , they ought relevance  racial,  and o t h e r  As s u c h , a number o f c a v e a t s a n d  s h o u l d be e n t e r e d b e f o r e  proceeding  with  to  an  to the  inter-  disclaimers  outline  of  the  thesis. Since the Marxist  'modus o p e r a n d i ' I c h o s e was  theories  contrast  them  of  to  which  were e i t h e r  spectrum,  are  altogether.  Banton,  neo-Weberian  by P a r k i n  Cases  1967;  critique  to  only  in  and  theory (Glazer & Moynihan,  Rex  (Clegg  theories  of  (1978; and  1967;  Rex,  1970/83;  (Sivanandan,  (Williams,  1980;  s c h o o l of  Hill,  1966; G e n o v e s e ,  1982; M a r a b l e , 1980;  In  addition,  many  grey a r e a s between theoretical  camp.  conflict  eclectic the  to  Marxist  1974; F o g e l and school  societies  adopted  1964,  industrial  ( H a l l et  resistance 1976),  (Lane,  t h e o r i e s undoubtedly f a l l  typologies  of  Giddens  1981),  1981; H a l l e t a l . ,  in socialist  field  Schermerhorn,  1 9 8 0 ) , c o n t e m p o r a r y w r i t i n g s on b l a c k  t h e o r i e s of r a c i a l  omitted  approaches l i k e  1981b), t h e r a d i c a l Dunkerley,  slavery  1978; H a l l ,  or  narrow  1963, G o r d o n ,  Engermann, 1 9 7 4 ) , t h e B r i t i s h p o s t - S t r u c t u r a l i s t al,  approaches  i n p o i n t here i n c l u d e the s o - c a l l e d  v a n den B e r g h e ,  sociology  passing,  and  alternative  ( 1 9 7 9 ) , numerous a l l i e d  1970; Newman, 1 9 7 1 ) , o t h e r n e o - W e b e r i a n (1973)  and  not c o n g r u e n t w i t h , o r o u t s i d e of t h i s  referred  'race r e l a t i o n s '  recent  r a c e and c l a s s and t h e l a b o u r m a r k e t ,  a  formulation offered  to s c r u t i n i z e  1971).  into  represent  and  the each  11  Another s i l e n c e i n the between  racial  conflict  group c o n f l i c t .  Here the  less convincing distinguished  in  other  communalistic  assumptions are  by  study  (i)  conflict  gender are  gender  be  group  forms  of  pitched  conflict, at  applicable,  a  level  and  to  some  conflict,  cross-cut  a l l  simplifying after a l l ,  other  ethnicity  that  is,  and  racial  forms  it  of  a l l  similar  conflict  that  and  are  manifest  to  that:  race,  such  a l l  is  situation is  d i s t i n g u i s h e d from  status,  to  scope'  I h a v e assumed  (ii)  abstraction  extent,  the  which  Therefore,  analytically  inter-  g r o u p s a r e more e a s i l y  i t i s theory  ( i i i ) a model of  of  forms of  Nevertheless,  group c a t e g o r i e s , "  and  relationships  'limited  relations  a l l forms of a s c r i p t i v e  socio-culturaly defined  of  ethnic  boundaries.  can  gender  t h a n i n p r a c t i c e , and  i s addressed.  communal  and  plea  a necessary e v i l ,  which t h i s  of  ethnic  standard  theory  complicated  forms  and  b e c a u s e r a c i a l and  further  racial  t h e s i s p e r t a i n s t o the  can  may  be be  inter-group  conflict. And It  will  finally, be  ideological  two  related caveats  observed that r e l a t i o n s play  of c o l l e c t i v e a g e n t s i n the  little  should  acknowledged.  a t t e n t i o n i s p a i d to the  i n s t r u c t u r i n g the labour  be  m a r k e t , and  concrete  role  struggles  paradoxically  for  Setting aside t h e i n t e r e s t i n g i s s u e s r a i s e d by s o c i o b i o l o g y ( s e e Van den B e r g h e , 1 9 8 1 ) , r a c e and e t h n i c i t y a r e assumed here to be social rather than primordial categories. Both are r e p r o d u c e d by the assignation of communal g r o u p status to persons sharing the same i n h e r i t e d p h y s i c a l , or s o c i a l i z e d c u l t u r a l , t r a i t s r e s p e c t i v e l y . Hence, race and ethnicity are analytically d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e i n t e r m s o f o r i g i n , b u t t e n d t o be c o n c r e t e l y r e l a t e d s i n c e b i o l o g i c a l and c u l t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are not autonomous. 4  12  a non-reductionist  Marxist  and  c l a s s appears cast  and  discrimination. First,  quite is  the bias  t h e o r y , t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between  in a deterministic  dyad  of  exploitation  towards economic and p o l i t i c a l  relations i s  d e l i b e r a t e , but does not c o m p l e t e l y p r e c l u d e i d e o l o g y .  intended  to counterbalance the Marxist  the  reproduction  p r a c t i c e of r a c i a l  of  racist  which  has  knowledge  production  concrete'  (Oilman,  conflict and  been  and  proceeding  and  Israel,  as  the  a  process  'abstract  1979) relations  the  between  determinations',  t h e c o n t e x t of a 'concrete t o t a l i t y ' .  to  abstracted  and  placed  The d i a l e c t i c s o f  do n o t p u r p o r t t o r e p r e s e n t  'essence'  relationship,  concrete  way  interrelations  race/class  of  conceptualizing  between  and  among  the  groups i n t h e l a b o u r market of c a p i t a l i s t  but rather  complex  social  the  racial  e x p l o i t a t i o n and d i s c r i m i n a t i o n the  of  multifarious  i n t h e l a b o u r market a r e  'simplist  analysis  Employing Marx's r e f l e x i v e  from  ideological  and c l a s s s t r u g g l e  of  to  through the  conflict  characterized  1971;  i d e a l i z e d into the  within  ideology  guise of c l a s s  i s a c t u a l l y more s e m a n t i c t h a n r e a l .  economic, p o l i t i c a l  It  discrimination.  Second, t h e r e d u c t i o n i s t  methodology  5  tendency t o c o n c e i v e  r a c e a s an i d e o l o g i c a l e p i p h e n o m e n o n o f c l a s s s t r u g g l e , underscore  race  classes  the  a more  chain  of  and r a c i a l  society.  Miles (1982: 167-181) f o r e x a m p l e , a r g u e s t h a t 'racial c a t e g o r i z a t i o n ' i s an i d e o l o g i c a l p r o c e s s t h a t i s s t r u c t u r e d b y , and i n t u r n , h a s e f f e c t s o n , e c o n o m i c and p o l i t i c a l relations w i t h i n and between c l a s s e s . 5  13  The  terrain  for  conflict  i s surveyed  framework  for  providing class.  the  discussion  concepts  and of  concrete  racial  intra-class  specified,  of  labour  conflict,  conflict,  following  market.  Working  discrimination  relations  grounded  in  of p r o d u c t i o n ,  Marxists theories  often  expense of c l a s s that  the  r a c e and c l a s s .  reverse also  A critical and  as the  conflicts  in  the  e x p l o i t a t i o n and  both  concepts  are  and i d e o l o g i c a l  positions,  both the  relations  of  but  'internal  (autonomist) equally failure  seldom  theories  of  colonialism',  system'  c o n c e p t i o n s of race  'racism'  to  race  f o r Marxist  'world c a p i t a l i s t  either  attributed  the  struggle,  holds  review  to  is  theory,  r e l a t i o n s and p r o c e s s e s a t  r e l a t i o n s and c l a s s  have  problem  such that  inter-group  inadequate Marxist  (reductionist)  are  are posited  sociological  suggests that lead  racial  class  struggle  market  economic, p o l i t i c a l ,  criticize  stratification'  o f r a c e and  group,  class  and  exchange a n d d i s t r i b u t i o n .  f o r emphasizing  recognize  communal  d e f i n i t i o n s of c l a s s  are devised  theory,  theories  labour  racial  a conceptual  market  and  radical  of  by i n t r o d u c i n g  social relations structuring  'class  analysis  e x p l o i t a t i o n and d i s c r i m i n a t i o n  conceptually  the  conflict  a background c r i t i q u e of M a r x i s t  fraction,  racial  class  i n C h a p t e r Two  Key t e r m s l i k e  labour  a  or  theories  and  class  'classism'  deterministic.  This  to clearly distinguish  between c l a s s and g r o u p r e l a t i o n s o f d o m i n a t i o n , and t h e l a c k o f both a systematic mode in  of  conception  class analysis  the h i s t o r i c a l  process  that of  of  racial  discrimination,  f o c u s e s more on c o n c r e t e class  formation,  than  and  a  struggles abstract  14  struggle  imposed  The  static  foundation  conflict  is laid  career  of  for  conflict  i n Chapters  Three  and  dual  concept  into  underpinnings  concept  of  of  two  the  simple  argue,  even w i t h i n  neither  proposes  racial  conflict.  marginalist the a  economic and  l i m i t a t i o n s of t h e  Dual  labour  and  c h a l l e n g e to orthodoxy,  beyond  individual-based,  to  the  embrace a  'Radical market of and  theories  struggle being  are  'radical  reviewed  i d e n t i f i e d as  reproduced  discrimination  is  theory  and  6  the  in  Chapter  approaches to  racial  theory--both  l a b o u r m a r k e t , but neoclassical  paradigm,  explanation for  theory  yet does not  I  tenders  an  I contend,  move  neoclassical  production-centred,  model  conflict  conflict.  dual', are  where  neoclassical  evaluated  market-centred,  collectivity-based,  approach to r a c i a l  The  the  through  theories,  plausible  market  interesting  racial  tracing  discrimination  model of t h e  consistent  of  discrimination  are c r i t i c a l l y  c a p i t a l theory,  expand  of  by  of e x p l o i t a t i o n .  main n e o c l a s s i c a l  conflict--human  Four  r a d i c a l l a b o u r market  discrimination  The  analysis  r a d i c a l l a b o u r market  with a concept  economic  Three.  structures.  class  economic  and  i s married  class a  the  neoclassical it  on  by,  regarded  segmented',  i n Chapter the  class  racial as  Four,  and  'split'  and  different  dynamics  conflict.  emerging  from  labour foci  reproducing,  The the  concept  of  radical  One of the unspoken themes a d d r e s s e d i n C h a p t e r T h r e e , and running through this thesis i s the historical relationship between e c o n o m i c and s o c i o l o g i c a l t h e o r y . See C l a r k e (1982) f o r a thoughtful rendering of the relationship between the ' m a r g i n a l i s m r e v o l u t i o n ' and 'modern s o c i o l o g y ' . 6  15  literature  in  a  particular  c l a s s form, i n the context of the  d i a l e c t i c s of ' r e s i s t a n c e and c o n t r o l ' i n and  'displacement  labour  and r e a c t i o n '  market t h e o r i e s  become l e s s d i r e c t , overt  not  declined  relationship left  between  Racial  a t t e s t , tends t o of  of competition  racial  conflict  i n r a d i c a l labour  because  appropriation  racial  in  around  i t has i n the  the  the  and  class  market theory i s exploitation  labour  and  market,  interface  of  I  class  and domination, and group r e l a t i o n s  and domination.  forms, contingent state  conflict  crystallize  d e f i n i t i o n , may a l s o  and  discrimination  market under monopoly c a p i t a l i s m .  untheorized  discrimination'.  about  Radical  or i n t e n t i o n a l behaviour,  then c o n c e i v e d i n terms of the ' d i a l e c t i c s of  relations  market.  of the workplace, and i n the s t r u c t u r e and  formation of the labour  struggle,  i n the labour  process,  so much as i t has become ' i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d '  organization  The  labour  suggest t h a t , while r a c i a l  has  social  the  It  is difficult  to  theorize  c o n f l i c t , although always i n t e r - g r o u p by assume  intra-class  or  even  inter-class  on the h i s t o r i c a l conjuncture of market, c l a s s  formation p r o c e s s e s .  forms of s t r u g g l e manifest  I t i s the complex,  in r a c i a l c o n f l i c t  the d i a l e c t i c s of e x p l o i t a t i o n and  overlapping  that the notion of  discrimination  attempts  to  capture. A  s k e l e t a l framework and some conceptual landscaping  c l a s s c o n f l i c t a n a l y s i s of Chapters  Five  racial  conflict  and S i x by e x p l o r i n g  theories  of  class  and  initiated  in  some of the t h e o r e t i c a l and  m e t h o d o l o g i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s of r a d i c a l labour Marxist  are  for a  state,  market theory  contrasting  them  for to  16  Parkin's  (1979)  alternative, extending  neo-Weberian  class  conflict  revision,  model  of  constructing  racial  T h i r d W o r l d l i b e r a t i o n movements.  o f m a r k e t and  class  the  conflict,  and  i t beyond the l a b o u r market t o i n c l u d e community-based  s t r u g g l e s and  theory  an  are  f o r m a t i o n d e s c r i b e d by  considered  'boundary  i n Chapter  problem'  radical  processes  labour  market  F i v e from the p e r s p e c t i v e of theory.  The  c o n t r i b u t i o n of r a d i c a l  l a b o u r market t h e o r y , I m a i n t a i n ,  i s not  a  'boundary p r o b l e m ' p r e s e n t e d  resolution  middle  to  class',  attention struggles treatment regarded  but  on in  the  of  some  (Gramsci,  focuses  and  inter-group  process.  The  abbreviated  radical  logic'  that  'new  intra-class  labour and  market theory i s is  compared  'structuralist',  t h e o r i e s of the  to  'class  State.  With  the c l a s s t h e o r e t i c a l v a r i a n t i s endorsed  with a class c o n f l i c t  of c l a s s and  state  a n a l y s i s a t t e n d i n g more  formation  than  structures  (1979) r e c e n t t h e o r y of communal c o n f l i c t  critically  e v a l u a t e d on  struggle  and  framework. exploitation  racial  He  conflict  within  i s credited with recognizing  the  same  the  relations  of  wholly  class  conceptual  centrality  t o an e x p l a n a t i o n f o r r a c i a l c o n f l i c t ,  the  i s then  the b a s i s of h i s c l a i m t o e x p l a i n  r e f o r m u l a t i n g the concept  neglecting  analysis  by t h e  1971).  Parkin's  for  class  'instrumentalist',  qualifications,  the processes  class  liability,  'capital  a s most c o m p a t i b l e to  in  critical  t h e o r e t i c a l ' , and  of  formation  State  Marxist  Marxist  class,  class  the a  contemporary  mode  concrete the  as  a  of  The  but  faulted  i n terms of d o m i n a t i o n ,  appropriation  that  of  and  constitute  17  exploitation.  I  conclude  that  Parkin's  ( 1 9 7 9 ) model o f c l a s s  f o r m a t i o n has s u b s t a n t i a l l y l e s s e x p l a n a t o r y p o t e n t i a l nascent c l a s s c o n f l i c t a n a l y s i s In  Chapter  radical  Six a  associated  with  Thompson, c l a s s 'process'; classes class as  of r a d i c a l l a b o u r market  theory of c l a s s  l a b o u r market t h e o r i e s ,  interpretations  of  the  struggles  (Przeworski,  British  historical  formation and  as ' c l a s s  as  an  reform struggle  agents and  and  through  conflict  a  materialist  1977; Wood, 1982; K a y e ,  i s then and  discrimination.  their  ' r e l a t i o n s h i p ' and  and c l a s s  struggle  racial  conflict  around  the d i a l e c t i c s of  This  social practices,  analysis.  model  the h i s t o r i c a l  conflicts  i n the  specifies  which,  F i n a l l y , an a t t e m p t  i s made  to  the  conditions, I  argue,  revisiting Marxist theories  analysis  o f race and c l a s s .  linking racial c o n f l i c t inside  community-based struggles  struggles  against  i n the Third  extrapolate  c o n f l i c t outside the labour  Concepts from each type a r e r e j u v e n a t e d t o c o n t r i b u t e  imperialist  struggles;  n e c e s s a r y , but n o t s u f f i c i e n t framework f o r a c l a s s  m a r k e t by b r i e f l y  to  school  1983).  constructed  from t h e model t o a c c o u n t f o r r a c i a l  conflict  from  Following  concrete  analysis';  t h e outcomes of c o n c r e t e r a c i a l  comprise  drawing  'about c l a s s ' a s w e l l a s 'between o r among c l a s s e s '  market  exploitation  theory.  open-ended p r o c e s s whereby  A s i m p l e c l a s s c o n f l i c t model o f labour  by  the  implicit in  1975; 1978a,b).  i s c o n c e i v e d a s an h i s t o r i c a l  form, deform analysis  formation,  i s outlined  E.P. Thompson ( 1 9 6 3 ;  class  than  World.  the  to a class  the workplace,  State,  and  anti-  18  In  the  concluding  t o u t e d as a t e n t a t i v e  remarks,  action  framework  for  a  promising  further  on q u e s t i o n s o f r a c i a l and o t h e r  capitalist  society.  conflict  analysis i s  s t e p t o w a r d s a r a p p r o c h e m e n t between  and w h i t e M a r x i s m , t h a t p r o f f e r s methodological  class  theoretical  research  and  black and  political  inter-group c o n f l i c t s in  19  • Chapter Racism or C l a s s i s m ? :  2  Marxist Theories  o f R a c e and  Class  "...the L e f t ' s recent w r i t i n g s on the subject of racial politics remain p a r a l y z e d by an i n a b i l i t y t o c o n c e i v e r a c e and c l a s s as r e l a t e d . Race is either shorn o f a l l d e t e r m i n a c y and a l l o w e d t o a s c e n d t o t h e r a r i f i e d h e i g h t s of i d e o l o g i c a l autonomy, from where it 'only subsequently' i n t e r v e n e s a t the l e v e l of the economy, o r i t i s subsumed e n t i r e l y by class. The experience of r a c i a l d o m i n a t i o n i s so d i s t o r t e d t h a t i t s c l a s s character evaporates" (Gilroy, 1981: 208209) . 2.1  Introduction  The  purpose  introduce labour  some  market  specifically,  second,  to  theory  Chapters  the  exploitation (1982)  place  that  s e c t i o n 2.2,  endless  relations  dynamic  Race  economic,  of  racial  discussion  Three  and  F o u r , and  racial  for  more  some  discrimination.  against  conflicts  debate  key And  the b a c k d r o p of  two  in  the  concepts  social  a  set aside  labour  as And  i n favour 'class  second,  market.  of  of  Wright's  relations the  are  relations  w i t h i n Marxism over the concept  definition  concept  of of  i n a p r e l i m i n a r y f a s h i o n i n t e r m s of  economic, and  of  the  as t h e most i m p o r t a n t  defined  to  race.  domination'.  is  First,  for  definitions  discussion  i s d u l y n o t e d , but  discrimination  twofold.  labour market t h e o r y ,  compromise  domination.  working  economy o f  radical  a p p r o p r i a t i o n and  group  in  devise  s t r u c t u r i n g concrete First,  is  c l a s s e x p l o i t a t i o n and  Following in  chapter parameters  Marxist p o l i t i c a l  posited  this  conceptual  to  concepts l i k e  of  political,  c l a s s are  political  and  and  ideological  thus c o n c e p t u a l l y grounded i n ideological  relations  of  20  production, Three  exchange and d i s t r i b u t i o n . main  types  identified  in section  adumbrate  some  racial  of  conflict.  is  either  and  2.2  of  'world  by  a  derived  capitalist but  spans  here  and  coherent  non-reductionist  definitions  close. also  to  class  of  an  merit  Racial  r e f e r s t o forms o f  of  different  collectivities  that  status  have based  a  analysis  of  critical of  racial  literature,  on  the  sustain  made t o keep  and for  and  consistent  to  been  as p o s s i b l e ,  allow instance,  other  hand,  the to is  and i s u n c h a n g e d a t t h e  encountered conflict,  groups.  been  assigned,  along  the  t o which t h i s  inter-group  racial  on  by  theory.  discrimination,  key t e r m s f r e q u e n t l y  addressed,  discrimination  provide  has  from t h e o u t s e t ,  some comment.  from  exploitation  difficult  effort  Exploitation,  pragmatically  themselves,  framework  racial  the t e x t .  suffer  and d i s c r i m i n a t i o n  as g e n e r a l and c o n c i s e  Other  members  or  'class  highlight  i n s o c i a l t h e o r y , making a  Consequently,  concept  evolve with defined  paradigms  to  to  a n a l y s e s of  i n which  from r a d i c a l l a b o u r market  conceptual  throughout.  pivotal  a l l tend  is  order  systems' each  s t u d y c o v e r s an e x t e n s i v e amount  several  in  colonialism',  discrimination,  The c o n c e p t s o f e x p l o i t a t i o n This  theories are  problems w i t h c l a s s 'internal  conflict,  The i n t e n t i o n  for  conflict  major  criticized  or ' f u n c t i o n a l i s t ' analyses  exploitation.  is  the  subsumed  contrast  r a c e and c l a s s  2.3, and b r i e f l y  a s p e c t s of r a c i a l  'reductionist'  Marxist  Theories  stratification' key  of  conflict Racial or  shared p h y s i c a l  thesis between  groups  have traits  way  are  assigned like  skin  21  colour.  Communal  status  i s  cultural. between  based  and  distinction within  in  conflict  and  as  to  competition struggles  over  i s assumed  made  between  framework  or s t r u g g l e s  of laws,  outside  between  for  resources, power.  struggles  on a p a r t i c u l a r  territorial  pursuing  class  social  any s i n g l e  to struggles interests,  and  forms The  struggles  conventions,  inter-group  inter-group  groups  and  conflict  fractions, such  the as  domain  Marxist  occupation  like  collectivity. or  as between  an  Finally,  among  class  denotes  a r e s o - c a l l e d because  between  as well  or  are  they urban class  collectivities  o r among  organized  classes.  The is  class  or d i s t r i b u t i v e  than  non-legal  and  Intra-class  Community-based  refers  among  norms  and  or  rather  and  conflict  of competition.  intra-class  f o r market  struggle  scarce  t h e law i n v o l v i n g v i o l e n c e ,  designation  district,  or  struggles  power,  'competition',  distinguish scarce  of  to involve  between  centred  territorial  political  definitions  struggles  are  ascribed  conscious  as l e g i t i m a t e forms  for political  income.  whose  whether  signifies  minimal  well  i s also  'conflict',  origin,  collectivities  an e s t a b l i s h e d  order  commom  Racial conflict  coercion,  collectivities  and i d e o l o g i e s .  maximal  employed.  and  among  values,  Both  are  o n some  Inter-group  resources,  of  groups  relationship  usually^ predicated  'racism' formulation relation,  (a  group  i s that while  between on  race  and c l a s s  'exploitation' relation).  t h e one  the other  i s reduced  (a c l a s s  The  i s treated  i n Marxist  relation),  difficulty as  t o an  theories  simply  with an  ideological  and this  economic relation  22  which i s e i t h e r radical  l a b o u r market t h e o r y  struggle, that  subsumed by c l a s s , o r a u t o n o m o u s f r o m c l a s s .  and  the focus  Racial  by,  and  the  theorized.  analysis  are  can  for  of  social class.  Morishima,  neither  remains  i s defined,  and  i s never  exploitation  within  theory  Marxism  and  of value  i n p a r t i c u l a r , as  Fine  and  a  Harris,  the  theoretical  1979;  i n part,  'neo-Ricardian  Classicists  tend  to  conceive of  producers  the  owners  surplus value extraction  between t h e  Weeks,  1981;  revisionists'  theory ( e . g.,  following  Sraffa  t h e c e n t r a l i t y of  class.  t r a d i t i o n as t h e a p p r o p r i a t i o n the  basis  the labour  labour value theory, but a f f i r m  to social  the  i n g e n e r a l , and t h e  1973; Meek, 1977; B o s e , 1975) who,  reject  concerns  The t h e o r e t i c a l d i s p u t e s c o n t i n u e  and  by  relation  nexus  discrimination' of  1982) who a c c e p t , a t l e a s t  exploitation  'practice  T h i s more d y n a m i c  concept  and  racial  r e q u i s i t e b e f o r e any t h e o r e t i c a l  debates  labour  ( e . g.,  value,  (1960),  therefore  oldest  the  'classicists'  of  as t h e  race/class  definitions  of e x p l o i t a t i o n  Dostaler,  and  proceed.  One o f t h e relevance  discrimination  struggle  groups.  the  exploitation  Working  discrimination  concept  of  i m p l i c i t however, s i n c e of  concrete  an e c o n o m i c a n d p o l i t i c a l  conception  'dialectic  to  and  i s conceived  b e t w e e n o r among r a c i a l  historical  largely  class  discrimination  of r a c i s m ' , and as p r i m a r i l y of domination  shifted  t h e r e l a t i o n s of e x p l o i t a t i o n  a f f e c t , and a r e a f f e c t e d  conflict.  is  In  of  exploitation surplus means  f r o m one c l a s s  value  i n the Marxian from  of p r o d u c t i o n .  by a n o t h e r  direct This  occurs at the  23  macro l e v e l  ( s o c i e t y as a  accumulation.  Revisionists  exploitation  i n t e r m s of  control  production.  micro  of  level  the This  in  are  include  encompass  unequal  transfers  (Yago and  Blee,  b a s e d w h o l l y on p r o p e r t y Without attempting  process  more  likely  class  initiatives  exchange,  the  appropriation  i n the labour p r o c e s s .  exploitation  value  whole)  to  revisions  of  concept  to  the  it  reduced  theory  1982). knot  of  labour  (1982).  contends t h a t the concept  t o an  economic r e l a t i o n ,  combines economic r e l a t i o n s of a p p r o p r i a t i o n  s u r p l u s p r o d u c t ) , and  state  be d e f i n e d h e r e by i n c o r p o r a t i n g  a c r i t i q u e o f Roemer ( 1 9 8 2 ) , W r i g h t c a n n o t be  and  to create a general  (Roemer,  and the  e l e m e n t s f r o m b o t h p o s i t i o n s i n t h e manner o f W r i g h t  exploitation  conceive  occurs at  pricing,  to u n r a v e l the Gordian  theory, e x p l o i t a t i o n w i l l  capital  ownership  recent  expand  monopoly  relations  to  domination  Some  1 9 8 2 ) , and  of  of  of  because  (extraction  p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s of d o m i n a t i o n  In  of  (control  of p r o d u c t i o n ) . "The Marxist a c c o u n t of c l a s s subsumes b o t h o f t h e s e images o f class relations through the concept of exploitation. Class relations are the unity of a p p r o p r i a t i o n r e l a t i o n s ( t h e M a r x i s t way o f t h e o r i z i n g categories of distribution) and domination. The justification f o r t h i s view of c l a s s r e l a t i o n s r e s t s on two a r g u m e n t s . F i r s t , within production r e l a t i o n s , domination without a p p r o p r i a t i o n and appropriation without domination are u n r e p r o d u c i b l e s t r u c t u r e s of social relations. Second, the coincidence of domination and appropriation within production relations provides the basis for understanding collective actors i n the e p o c h a l p r o c e s s e s of s o c i a l c o n f l i c t and s o c i a l c h a n g e " ( W r i g h t , 1982: 333). While  e s s e n t i a l l y an e c o n o m i c r e l a t i o n  r e f e r r i n g t o the  primary  24  division  of  political  dimension,  wage  the  labour  allows  Thus  The  inherent  conceived,  i n capitalist  the  concept  of  c l a s s analysis to explain the reproduction  t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of s o c i a l  a dynamic  e x p l o i t a t i o n a l s o subsumes a  1  the c l a s s domination  relations.  exploitation and  social product,  relations  in capitalist  society  as  process. concept  be d e f i n e d  here  as any f o r m o f e c o n o m i c , p o l i t i c a l  or i d e o l o g i c a l domination  of  members o f one r a c i a l  members  domination t h i s case, realm  here  denotes  production.  discrimination  by  asymmetrical  In  Chapters  i s d e f i n e d more n a r r o w l y  market,  neoclassical 2.3  group,  discrimination will  of  others.  restricted  Three with  and  dual to r a d i c a l  but i n t o the  Four  reference  and t h e e v o l u t i o n of t h e concept  through  Again,  2  power r e l a t i o n s ,  b e t w e e n o r among g r o u p s , a n d n o t  of  labour  of r a c i a l  racial t o the  i s traced  labour market  from  theory.  Racism or c l a s s i s m ? Turning  conflict  we  to Marxist explanations are  confronted  with  for racial a broad,  inequality  and  amorphous r a n g e o f  t h e o r i e s and models a l l p u r p o r t i n g t o d i s c l o s e  the  'objective'  Social p r o d u c t r e f e r s h e r e t o t h e t o t a l w e a l t h p r o d u c e d by a s o c i e t y , t h a t i s , t h e v a l u e o f t h e 'economic p i e ' t o be d i v i d e d between a n d among t h e s o c i a l c l a s s e s . 1  The c o n c e p t of domination i s u s e d r a t h e r p e r m i s c u o u s l y by M a r x i s t s , a n d c l e a r d i s t i n c t i o n s a r e n o t a l w a y s made between class and group forms. Although i t often carries the c o n n o t a t i o n o f ' o p p r e s s i o n ' , l i k e t h e c o n c e p t o f power t o w h i c h it is allied, I am u s i n g d o m i n a t i o n i n a n e u t r a l , r e l a t i o n a l sense of 'having c o n t r o l o v e r ' . D o m i n a t i o n t h e n , c a n be d e f i n e d as 'structured, asymmetrical power relations which, while conducive t o c o e r c i o n and c o n f l i c t , a l s o c o n t a i n t h e p o t e n t i a l for transforming s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s ' . 2  25  relationship  between  shortcomings surface initial  source is  or  of  the  economic  racism  relation.  r e f e r e n c e t o the  or  racial  class  the  The  critique.  to  i s the  two  provide  The  first,  often  propensity  related to  reduce  reduce  second  is  racism  conflict;  static  dynamics  to  'functionalism'  i n d i c a t i v e of  racial  c l a s s because of  historical  class  an  which  tautologically,  i t s e r v e s f o r the  B o t h themes a r e of  social  the  dominant  class  the  same f l a w  in  an  inability  to  concepts which  fail  of c o n c r e t e c l a s s and  to  inter-  struggles.  world  systems  contributions, racial  colonialism,  theories  discrimination,  each  stratification  made  unique  and  a l l  suffer  to  some  of  racial  and  theoretical i n terms extent  f u n c t i o n a l i s t c l a s s analyses which y i e l d  a h i s t o r i c a l theories Internal  have  class  none c o n c e i v e s r a c i s m s y s t e m a t i c a l l y  r e d u c t i o n i s t and  2.3.i  to  'functions'  Although i n t e r n a l  and  and  for explaining  analyses  r a c e and  capture group  group.  One  critical  t o a homogeneous r a c e o r c l a s s , and  proclivity  by  Marxist  analyses.  Two  however, which  'determinism', r e f e r s  predisposition  d e s i g n a t e s the  relate  capitalism.  in this literature,  t e n d e n c i e s of M a r x i s t  other  and  benchmarks f o r t y p o l o g i z a t i o n  'reductionism'  the  racism  of from  static  conflict.  colonialism  "Black people are a s t o l e n people held i n a colonial s t a t u s on s t o l e n l a n d , and any a n a l y s i s w h i c h d o e s n o t a c k n o w l e d g e t h e c o l o n i a l s t a t u s of b l a c k p e o p l e c a n n o t hope to deal w i t h the r e a l problem" ( C l e a v e r , 1969: 61 ) . Internal colonialism powerful  political  tool,  has  b e e n , and  not  only  c o n t i n u e s t o be because  of  its  a  most  emotive  26  n a t i o n a l / c u l t u r a l appeal,  but a l s o because i t c o n f r o n t s  problem' and proposes a s o l u t i o n . is that racism  i s a form o f ' n e o - c o l o n i a l i s m ' , a wider system of  exploitation,  oppression  o f a b l a c k , c o l o n i z e d n a t i o n by The  metropolitan  cultural  exploitation enclaves  qualitatively  different  material Black  class,  interest  is  and  of  domination,  from  States  Racism, not  endemic  to  therefore  white  can  of  colonizing  blacks  ploy  labour  share a  economic  system.  be a c h i e v e d  by n a t i o n a l  inevitably  r e g a r d l e s s of c l a s s .  'black  nation'  or  initially  conceived  by b l a c k  American  Communist  Party  'submerged  nationalists  had  thesis  was  joined  the  e n d o r s e d a n d p r o m o t e d by Moscow u n t i l W o r l d War I I when  i t was  ( G e s c h w e n d e r , 1978: 7 0 - 7 9 ) . the  guise  of  migration  of a black p r o l e t a r i a t I t resurfaced  'internal  n a t i o n a l i s t s who d i s a g r e e d  1920s.  will  i t was  eschewed i n f a v o u r  the  nation'  that  Later  gradually  during  autonomy  who  the  who  black  The  as  of  s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n , by some f o r m o f be r e s i s t e d by a l l w h i t e s  i n the  regarded  a  stratified only  political  m i n o r i t i e s , or the  simply  white  and  is  that of other  i n the r a c i a l l y  liberation  a  segregation  United  working c l a s s as a whole. capitalist  'real  The main t h r u s t o f t h e t h e o r y  economic  nation.  a  colony',  a  in  1960s  concept  w i t h t h e Communist  that  black  North  had undermined the b l a c k n a t i o n t h e s e s ,  assimilationist  the  perspective under  employed  Party's  by  position  from t h e a g r a r i a n South t o t h e i n d u s t r i a l  b i a s of s o c i o l o g i c a l  race  and  rejected  relations.  the  27  Equating than  the  absentee white  the  Southern  education  and  state  Carmichael  &  Blauner  economic  work;  m e d i a ; and  domination  with  oppression with  theorists Allen  like  Clark  white  (1965),  ( 1 9 7 0 ) , Tabb ( 1 9 7 0 ) ,  and  r a c i a l dimension  of  encompasses  of b l a c k e x p e r i e n c e , b u t a s a M a r x i s t t h e o r y  Blauner's  most  Oppression  discrimination (1972)  it  classic  characteristic  i n America  arguing f o r c e f u l l y a t h e o r y t h a t can view  immediately the  capitalism  of  presents  several  study h i g h l i g h t s  is  feature  in  American s o c i a l  structure,  which he  our  colonial  some of  t h a t r a c i s m and are u l t i m a t e l y yet  on  t h e one  racial  that  his  c o l o n i a l i s m of the  12).  He  hand  imperialist  causal he  embedded." lacks  dynamics"  era  and  that,  American  a (  "idea  f o r c e s but  determinants"  asserts  to  industrial  study  independent  a  then  "tends  are  s t r u c t u r e and  for  with  hand B l a u n e r w a n t s t o r e f u t e t h e  reducible to other other  (Ibid:  own  by  is essential  oppression  arrangements  Racial  (1972) b e g i n s  perspective  r a c i a l o p p r e s s i o n a r e not  the  pervades  the c o n t e x t of advanced  acknowledges  On  racial  structure"  " s y s t e m a t i c e x p o s i t i o n of c a p i t a l i s t 13).  Blauner  t h a t a " f o c u s on c o l o n i a l i s m i n t e g r a t e r a c e and  total  which  ambiguity.  concedes that the  Furthermore  2),  with  cultural  political  (1967),  exploitation  difficulties. The  Ibid:  w i t h urban g h e t t o s r a t h e r  T h e i r a r g u m e n t i s p r o v o c a t i v e and  spectrum  problems.  miss  dirty  Hamilton  institutionalized  large  Belt;  bureaucracy,  capitalism.  these  within'  (1972) a l l s t r e s s e d the d i s t i n c t i v e  the e n t i r e of  Black  l a n d l o r d s and  p o l i c e and  U.S.  ' T h i r d World  (Ibid:  "classical racism  both  28  developed  out  o f t h e same h i s t o r i c a l s i t u a t i o n a n d r e f l e c t e d a  common w o r l d e c o n o m i c a n d power s t r a t i f i c a t i o n " Paradoxes  of  'colonialism' they  and  were  but  'racial'  at  kind  the  'imperialism'  are  specifically  than  The  concepts  theories),  sense which i n c r e a s e s  cost  of  analytic  and  ' c o l o n i a l ' about  from t h e c l a s s  'racial  relations  of  often  i s used i n  i t s descriptive  rigour,  relations  of  used u n c r i t i c a l l y (as i f  The M a r x i a n c o n c e p t o f e x p l o i t a t i o n  r o o t l e s s l y above u n s p e c i f i e d  differs  abound.  'facts' • rather  interchangably. a wider  this  (Ibid; 83).  leaving  i t  of p r o d u c t i o n .  floating What  exploitation', industrial  range,  is  a n d how i t  capitalism  is  never c l e a r l y a r t i c u l a t e d . The  historical  played  by  class  political  role  struggle  relations  capitalist  social  homogeneous  of  of  Ibid; on  is  relations,  racial  or  i n the actual  agency  i n Marxist  subordinated  domination  that  but  national  (1972) c l a i m s t o be s t u d y i n g located  human  to  cultural  and  supposedly rest  upon  somehow  entities.  occur Although  " r a c i s m a s an o b j e c t i v e  imprecise  r a c e and c l a s s  differentiation  benefits  that  Blauner  e x i s t e n c e of domination and h i e r a r c h y "  between  the  he s e e k s .  (  founded  colonial  c a p i t a l i s t modes o f p r o d u c t i o n , p r e c l u d e s t h e t h e o r e t i c a l of  between  phenomenon,  1 0 ) , h i s vague c o n c e p t i o n o f ' r a c i a l c a p i t a l i s m '  an  theory  and linkage  T h i s makes t h e q u e s t i o n o f who  from r a c i a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n  p r e d e t e r m i n e d as opposed t o  genuinely h i s t o r i c a l i n nature. "Whether or not p a r t i c u l a r racist practices are followed c o n s c i o u s l y i n order t o benefit whites i s not the issue. Whatever t h e i n t e n t , t h e system b e n e f i t s a l l s t r a t a of the white p o p u l a t i o n , at l e a s t i n the  29  short run - t h e l o w e r and w o r k i n g c l a s s e s t h e m i d d l e and u p p e r c l a s s e s " ( I b i d : 2 2 ) .  If  the  white majority  "presumably objective admits,  will  gains  defend  these  i n t e r e s t s " ( I b i d : 44),  i s p r o b a b l y not  between  but  'First'  With  the  privileges then black  struggle  once a g a i n t h e and  racial  'Third'  and  possible,  or  capitalist  dialectical that  it  modes  by  Hechter  blacks that  blacks  i n the the  relations perceive  S.  more  inapplicable  to  cases  survive.  i n North America at the  complicity  of  Lately  the  the  racial level  3  not  where  non-  the  in  Chicanos i n the  model  concept  l e a s t , the  greater  white working  analyses (1980)  the  United  barrios,  class  and  appears  race to the  of  Hill  However, i t relates  more  model are  ( 1 9 7 7 ) , and of C e l t s  from  that  i n more s o p h i s t i c a t e d  American c i t i e s .  rigourously  relations  the  t o say the  Africa;  g h e t t o s , of  World  discourse.  remains at  T h i s i s not  'superexploitation' in  class  of  been i n v o k e d  seems  diverge dramatically  ( 1 9 7 5 ) , Wolpe ( 1 9 7 5 ) , B a r r e r a  to account f o r the Kingdom;  is  he  "Third  conceptions  of p r o d u c t i o n  i n t e r n a l c o l o n y has  Instead,  and  Blauner  e x p l o i t a t i o n e c l i p s e d by  mainstream race r e l a t i o n s theory.  and  rational  worlds never e n t e r s the  a n a l o g y , w h i c h i r o n i c a l l y does not  rigourous  as  s p e c i f i c r a c e and  c l a s s c o n t e n t of  as  inequality,  i n s t i g a t e d by  f o r m s of d o m i n a t i o n , i n t e r n a l c o l o n i a l i s m of  well  independence  a very v i a b l e option.  t o s u g g e s t a w i d e r a r e n a of militancy",  from  as  class  tendency within  to the  The c o n c e p t r e f e r s t o a h i g h e r r a t e of e x p l o i t a t i o n r e s u l t i n g f r o m t h e c o i n c i d e n c e of r a c i a l / e t h n i c d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . 3  30  context  o f c l a s s s t r u g g l e , a n d t h e l e s s t h e s i t u a t i o n assumes a  colonial  character  discrimination The the  so  much  as  of segmented l a b o u r  model  seems  the  markets.  most u s e f u l  status  dependency Aberle,  on  state  1969;  scholar  is  reflected  and  in  proffers this  1977).  succinct  South  their  bureaucracies  Watkins,  4  f o r d e s c r i b i n g the p l i g h t of  n a t i v e peoples of N o r t h , C e n t r a l  colonial  institutionalized  America  subordination  (Gonzalez-Casanova, A  well  whose  known r a c e  and 1965;  relations  summary:  "...internal colonialism describes the p o s i t i o n of Amerindians quite w e l l , of C h i c a n o s somewhat, o f b l a c k s p o o r l y , of A p p a l a c h i a n w h i t e s hardly at a l l , and o f women, o l d p e o p l e , h o m o s e x u a l s , a n d c o n v i c t s o n l y by t h e most fanciful s t r e t c h of t h e academic i m a g i n a t i o n .... I n t e r n a l c o l o n i a l i s m i s b u t one o f many ways o f g e t t i n g t h e s h o r t e n d o f t h e s t i c k " (van den B e r g h e , 1978: 2 7 1 - 2 ) . 2.3.ii  Class  stratification  T h e o r i e s of t h i s genre a r e u s u a l l y r e f e r r e d t o as 'orthodox Marxist'  because  category,  and t o concur  blacks  differs  they  in  tend  to  c o n c e i v e c l a s s a s an e c o n o m i c  therefore,  that  indispensable  that  the notion  instrumental placed viewed  feature  the  historical  racial of  as  Chapter  a  response  capitalist  to  both  t h e o r i e s which are  Four  Racism i s  of  other  regarded  as  development of c a p i t a l i s m  discrimination  on c l a s s a s o p p o s e d t o r a c i a l  sociological  See  to of  exploitation  d e g r e e , but not i n k i n d , from t h a t of  m i n o r i t i e s and t h e w h i t e w o r k i n g c l a s s . so  the  becomes  exploitation.  almost  The p r e m i u m  forms of d o m i n a t i o n can neo-colonial  perceived  as  and  an  be  bourgeois  undermining  the  31  revolutionary Winston,  potential  the  produced  by  is  European  a  imperialists  the  exploitation  reproduce  capitalist  discrimination consciousness'  that  of  The  5  leads be  logically  achieved  of  have  critical  and  class  functions  production,  and r a c i a l the  'false  a m a t e r i a l stake  i n the  other  minorities  d i s c r i m i n a t i o n are the c a p i t a l i s t  class  t o the c o n v i c t i o n that black  that  l i b e r a t i o n can only  of s o c i a l i s m , but there i s to  be  i s no  achieved.  Some  r e v o l u t i o n a r y vanguard, others argue that leadership should  white  be f o l l o w e d ; some v i e w w o r k i n g are  more  pessimistic  (1929/69)  was  one  work  of  O.C.  Cox  of o f an  the  first  and  orthodox  t o r e j e c t the class  model,  ( 1 9 4 8 ) r e m a i n s t h e benchmark f o r  M a r x i s t a n a l y s i s of race and c l a s s . " . . . r a c i a l e x p l o i t a t i o n i s m e r e l y one a s p e c t of the problem of p r o l e t a r i a n i z a t i o n of labour, r e g a r d l e s s of  5  are chief  submerged n a t i o n t h e s i s i n f a v o u r the  and d i v i d e the  workers with s u s p i c i o n .  Nearing  but  to  the  c l a s s u n i t y w i t h hope, w h i l e o t h e r s view white  and  Racism  assumption  by t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t  envision a black  originally  bourgeoisie  labour  factions.  o r g a n i z a t i o n a l c o n s e n s u s on how t h i s  working  ( e . g.,  slavery  working c l a s s represents  a l l whites  b e n e f i c i a r i e s of r a c i a l  justify  cheap  s t a t u s quo, which a l l b l a c k s  threatening.  to  relations  by t h e w h i t e  ideology  e m p l o y e d by t h e  working c l a s s i n t o competing r a c i a l  racial  proletariat  capitalist  s u b j u g a t i o n , and l a t e r  rationalize  to  black  1973).  Racism, i t i s h e l d ,  colonial  of  See P e r l o  ( 1 9 7 5 ) f o r an e x t r e m e v e r s i o n o f t h i s  position.  32  the c o l o u r of the l a b o u r e r . Hence, r a c i a l a n t a g o n i s m is essentially political-class conflict. The capitalist exploiter, being opportunistic and p r a c t i c a l , w i l l u t i l i z e any c o n v e n i e n c e t o keep h i s labour and other resources f r e e l y e x p l o i t a b l e . He will devise and employ race prejudice when that becomes c o n v e n i e n t . As a m a t t e r o f f a c t , t h e w h i t e p r o l e t a r i a t of every c a p i t a l i s m had t o endure burdens of exploitation quite similar t o t h o s e w h i c h many c o l o u r e d p e o p l e s must b e a r t o d a y " ( I b i d ; 3 3 3 ) . This  t r a d i t i o n a l a p p r o a c h h a s c h a n g e d so r e m a r k a b l y l i t t l e  twenty-five  y e a r s l a t e r a prominent European study  that  observed:  "there is no e s s e n t i a l d i f f e r e n c e between t h e prejudice towards coloured immigrants and the prejudice towards non-coloured immigrant groups i n Western Europe. Most d e f i n i t i o n s o f r a c i a l i s m would fit both situations. Both have similar c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a n d c a u s e s " ( C a s t l e s a n d K o s a c k , 1973: 457) . After critique 'token' at  t h e C o l d War, B a r a n a n d Sweezy ( 1 9 6 6 ) by  noting  black  bourgeoisie  empirical  Cox's  t h a t t h e 'economic o l i g a r c h y ' had c o o p t e d a t h r o u g h p u b l i c s e c t o r employment,  the expense of the u n s k i l l e d b l a c k  the  updated  question—who  discrimination?—has  proletariat.  benefits  been o b f u s c a t e d  Since  from  but then,  racial  to a c e r t a i n extent  by t h e  theoretical  problem of a s s i g n i n g a unique p o s i t i o n f o r t h e b l a c k  proletariat  i n the c l a s s s t r u c t u r e of c a p i t a l i s t  In a study  of c l a s s consciousness i n D e t o i t , Leggett  described  black workers  as  working  class'  suffered  who  p r o l e t a r i a n i z a t i o n and supplemented n o t i o n of reserve  Baran  the  potentially the  militant  dual  segregation.  and Sweezy's t r u n c a t e d  'relative  high  a  racial  army', a r g u i n g  who e x p e r i e n c e  society.  surplus  exploitation  analysis with or  of  unemployment  are  of  (1974) Marx's  'industrial  t h a t b l a c k s , women, a n d o t h e r  rates  'marginal  Braverman  population'  (1968)  a  minorities necessary  33  byproduct cheap  of  labour  monopoly (Ibid:  'subproletariat' who the the  are  c a p i t a l i s m that creates 386-401),  For  Oppenheimer  c o m p r i s e s a p o p u l a t i o n of  confined to  i t s own  black  (1974)  'darkskinned'  ' d i r t y work' i n what O'Connor  ' c o m p e t i t i v e s e c t o r ' of monopoly c a p i t a l i s m . community  response from Headley  in  Atlanta  recently  pool  the  workers  (1973)  The  calls  ordeal  prompted a  of  of  similar  (1981).  "The u l t i m a t e s i g n i f i c a n c e of the Atlanta killings lies i n the r e a l i t y t h a t t h e r e e x i s t s w i t h i n A t l a n t a (as in a number o f major U.S. cities) a vast underclass and s u b p r o l e t a r i a t who ... h a v e been permanently trapped i n t o a lumpen ghetto existence, and unable to e x e r c i s e any c o n t r o l o v e r t h e i r own c o m m u n i t i e s , become p r e y to terror, violence, and e x p l o i t a t i o n .... The youthful males within the underclass are merely part of a redundant labour force, valuable to the system o n l y as a r e s e r v e of cheap labour; consequently they are viewed as p h y s i c a l l y expendable" ( I b i d : 82-84).  On  the  t h e o r i s t s tend racial  of  assume  who  quantitative discrimination  benefits,  that The  a material interest  internal  1976).  to  discrimination.  c l a s s has by  question  (Reich,  on 1972;  These s t u d i e s m a i n t a i n  capitalists  stratification benefit  assumption t h a t the white in racial  colonialists--has research  a l l  class  been monetary 1981;  from  working  inequality—widely hotly  contested  gains Dowdall,  from 1974;  held  by  some  racial Syzmanski,  that  "racist policies against blacks do not benefit a l l whites e q u a l l y ; as with other issues i n American i n e q u a l i t y , g a i n s a c c r u e more r a p i d l y t o t h o s e a t the top .... M o s t whites, i n c l u d i n g manual workers, probably gain little from black subordination d i r e c t l y " ( D o w d a l l , 1974: 182).  34  Of  course  direct  advantage served evidence and  of  other  white  1935;  white  is  Castles  and  if  we  explain  this  with  to  by  Kosack,  1973).  ( 1 9 7 3 : 283)  white  the  black  the  least  1974;  Foner,  In  a  notes t h a t "the been  a  'racism',  a a  class.  of The  Both  lead  it  'false  history  is  results  ideology,  treated  rule  reproduction  d i s c r i m i n a t i o n among  the  working  False  i s c l e a r l y a r e s i d u a l concept s l o t t e d  consciousness  cannot. this  to e x p l a i n Based  notion  distinction  of as  on  a  phenomenon  which  racism  community-  the  class  is  a crude correspondence theory  ideology  accepts  'concrete'  rather  the than  and  largely  the  racial ignored.  theory of  'duped', o t h e r w i s e  why  into  itself  knowledge,  base/superstructure merely  'analytical'.  O r t h o d o x t h e o r i e s a r e t h e r e f o r e c o n s t r a i n e d t o assume t h a t w o r k e r s must be  the  ahistorical,  r o l e o f c l a s s and of  as  'racial  s t r a t e g y t o d i v i d e and  i n which the  so  primacy  or  to  as to  consciousness'  i n race being  willy-nilly  (or  in  theory  of  difficult  problem i s t h a t the  capitalist  capitalist  f u n c t i o n a l i s t analyses  the  wry whole  o f , r a t h e r than  workers,  notion  accorded to c l a s s determination  struggles  only  historical  say  1965;  and  i n orthodox t h e o r i e s .  discrimination',  the  the  Marshall,  r e f e r t o the p e r c e p t i o n  a c t u a l gains  prevalent  be  apartheid."  w e l l as)  based  and  of t h e A m e r i c a n l a b o u r movement has  Even  working  not  extensive  1968;  of M a r x , K i l l e n s  racism  either  may  c o l l u s i o n w i t h employers against  workers  1975;  paraphrasing history  union  Jacobson,  Allen,  gain  racial discrimination,  minority  (Dubois, 1974;  by  monetary  would they  embrace  white racist  35  policies  t h a t do  not  Paradoxically historical only  victim  more  of  defined)  f o r M a r x was  The  and  alone  charges  the  tendency suggested  it  must  itself  have  has  germinating been  of  consciousness.  t h e c l a s s camp  as  does  been  Since  the  particularly  Wilson's  m e n t i o n e d e a r l i e r , and  (1978)  fertile programs. the  theories  colonialism tend  the  black  transcend  eclectic  the  f o r c e i n i t s own  to  I n v a r i a b l y these  but  downplayed  attempts  internal  orthodox  type,  revolutionary  by  the  conflict,  appropriate  dilemma  both  models.  not  more  capitalists.  this  p e r c e i v e d as a p o l i t i c a l  stratification  theory  be  often cited against  'economism'  of  racist  p e r c e i v e d as  h y p o s t a s i z i n g c l a s s s t r u g g l e has  aspects  to  of  autonomist/reductionist combine  be  is  which  logic  of b i g o t e d  the o r t h o d o x model  There  the  ingenious design  i m p o r t a n c e of b l a c k c u l t u r e and  for  empirically  intra-class  for  ground  by  I f the concept  proclivity  right,  than  becomes i n s t e a d a f u n c t i o n o f t h e  seldom  the  class  'surplus population'  be u n f a i r t o some t h e o r i e s o f  is  capitalist  theory  M a r x i s m may  community  s y s t e m becomes  the  outcome of c l a s s s t r u g g l e and  simply the  The  by  then  world  b e n e f i t s from r a c i a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n ,  ruling class.  descriptive,  not  That  u s e f u l concept of  accumulation,  historical  'objective interests'?  c l a s s entrusted with the  ideology!  an h i s t o r i c a l  s t r a t e g i e s of the than  t h e one  assumed  demonstrated.  their  to t o p p l e the c a p i t a l i s t  its  often  capital  then,  mission  (howsoever is  reflect  which  and  class  to s l i p back  'historical  G e s c h w e n d e r ' s (1978)  into  stages'  unsuccessful  36  merger of race and c l a s s i n t o t h e concept of " n a t i o n - c l a s s " . Even  Willhelm's  (1980:  as  incorporate  economics of u s e l e s s n e s s  of b l a c k s a r e malaise  of  permanently  the  to  critique  interpretations an  "unable  98) concede  unemployed",  To a r g u e  "declassed  p e r s o n s inasmuch as they  of  position" suspect  production (Ibid:  blacks  and  of  analysis  social  overlooked  i n the polemical  is  of  relationship  general  t o a r a d i c a l new  United  States  are  cannot  possess  a  class  Once  again,  without  a  on c l a s s s t r u g g l e a n d r a c i a l  view o f c a p i t a l i s m as a world-embracing economic  system  World C a p i t a l i s t  course  not  between  race  and  fray.  System  particularly  novel.  Luxembourg,  h a v e e x p o u n d e d on t h e e x p a n s i o n a r y  mode  of  production  European c o l o n i a l i s m and t h e Great  by  a  gets  capitalist  wake.  the  to  class  L e n i n , and T r o t s k y the  class.  that focuses  the  The  points  h o l d no r e l a t i o n s h i p t o t h e  therefore  conflict,  2.3.iii  in  intellectually  1 0 8 ) , i s t o s u b s c r i b e t o t h e same p r e s u m a b l y  conception  dialectical  that  Marxist  i n w h i c h l a r g e numbers  orthodox approach r a t h e r than  departure.  means  and  of  6  War  i n an that  effort  (Frank,  1967; C a r d o s o ,  nature  of  to explain  followed  The c o n t e m p o r a r y r e j u v e n a t i o n o f i n t e r e s t  the 'dependentistas'  Bukharin,  in  i t s  i n imperialism  1 9 7 2 ; Dos  Santos,  G e s c h w e n d e r ( 1 9 7 8 : 264) c l a i m s t o be c o m b i n i n g t h e two m o d e l s , b u t h i s u s a g e o f t h e t e r m ' n a t i o n ' a c t u a l l y h a s l i t t l e i n common w i t h the notion of i n t e r n a l colony. As W i l l h e l m ( 1 9 8 0 : 105) n o t e s , he i s r e a l l y " w r e s t l i n g w i t h t h e c o n c e p t o f r a c e w i t h i n a class a n a l y s i s " , and s i n c e that analysis i s basically an orthodox one, t h e concept o f ' n a t i o n - c l a s s ' does n o t c o n s t i t u t e a t h e o r e t i c a l advance. 6  37  1973),  and  the  Wallerstein,  1974;  q u e s t i o n of emphasis  the  1974),  unilinear  modernization  imperialism  alike.  perspectives  have  'articulationist' Hirst,  Amin,  The  t h e dominant  and  most  come  1975; T a y l o r ,  addressed  t o the  by  the  (Dupre  1979; H a l l ,  classical  vociferous  from  capitalist,  1972;  been  mystified  theory,  school  has  (Emmanual,  ideological  e v o l u t i o n o f c a p i t a l i s m by  i s c o n c e i v e d of as the r e s u l t of  proponents  'underdevelopment'  on  Rostowian  'world-system'  the and  Rey,  theories  critics  of  of both  post-Structuralist 1973;  1980), wherein  of t h e complex  liberal,  Hindess and  underdevelopment  interrelationships  a n d v a r i o u s n o n - c a p i t a l i s t modes o f  production. As C h e v a l i e r articulationist  (1982) h a s commented, t h e u n d e r d e v e l o p m e n t  and  approaches represent  "two e x t r e m e n o t i o n s o f c a p i t a l i s m : one w h i c h e m b r a c e s a l l r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n and exchange found i n t h e world-system, and [ t h e ] other which produces a rigidly-eroded model t o which everything else i s externally articulated" (Ibid: 92). There  is  no  production' recap the  of  point  debate the  here  (Hilton,  basic  in  entering  the  ongoing  1976; F o s t e r - C a r t e r ,  f e a t u r e s of underdevelopment  1978),  but  (Laclau,  i s a useful preliminary exercise for evaluating  i n f l u e n c e on t h e o r i e s o f r a c e a n d c l a s s . As a r e c e n t o v e r v i e w o f t h e f i e l d  put i t :  "Because w o r l d - s y s t e m t h e o r y i s i n most ways m e r e l y a N o r t h American a d a p t i o n of dependency t h e o r y , t h e r e i s little to distinguish them from each other as t h e o r e t i c a l c o n s t r u c t s " ( C h i r o t a n d H a l l , 1982: 9 0 ) . Both p e r s p e c t i v e s attempt t o e x p l a i n  how  a  t h e o r i e s , and  by now f a m i l i a r c r i t i q u e o f t h e i r m u t u a l w e a k n e s s e s  1971/77),  'modes o f  their  38  "one and t h e same h i s t o r i c a l p r o c e s s of e x p a n s i o n and development of c a p i t a l i s m throughout the world has simultaneously generated—and continues to g e n e r a t e both economic development and structural u n d e r d e v e l o p m e n t " ( F r a n k , 1967: 1 3 ) .  The  main  concomitantly  its  Wallerstein's system'  he  facets  of  most  underdevelopment  serious  flaws,  are  (1974) s e m i n a l m a c r o s o c i o l o g y . a s s e r t s , evolved w i t h the  capital  i n s i x t e e n t h century Europe.  emerge  at  this  time,  first Not  it  prospered,  d o m i n a n t mode o f p r o d u c t i o n .  The  key  and  epitomized The  'modern  by  world-  s i g n s of m e r c a n t i l e  only  but  theory,  did  and  capitalism  soon became  to i t s success  we  the  are  told  is that i t represented "a new f o r m o f s u r p l u s a p p r o p r i a t i o n ... b a s e d n o t on direct a p p r o p r i a t i o n of a g r i c u l t u r a l s u r p l u s i n the form e i t h e r of t r i b u t e ( a s had been the case for world-empires) or of feudal r e n t s (as had been t h e s y s t e m of E u r o p e a n feudalism). Instead what would develop now i s t h e a p p r o p r i a t i o n of a s u r p l u s w h i c h was b a s e d on more e f f i c i e n t and e x p a n d e d productivity (first i n a g r i c u l t u r e and l a t e r i n i n d u s t r y ) by means of a w o r l d market mechanism w i t h the "artificial" (that i s n o n m a r k e t ) a s s i s t o f s t a t e m a c h i n e r i e s , none of w h i c h c o n t r o l l e d the w o r l d market i n i t s e n t i r e t y " (1974: 37-8).  According  to  Wallerstein,  t h a t d i s t i n g u i s h e d the empires  that  preceded  extensive division economy. reasons, the  The but  nascent  world-system  i t : territorial  o f l a b o u r ; and  first  t h e r e were t h r e e m a i n f e a t u r e s  resulted  the  o f t r a n s p o r t and  and  expansion;  s e p a r a t i o n of p o l i t y  from  from a c o n j u n c t u r e  (Ibid:  worldmore  in particular  communication"  the a  s i z e , W a l l e r s t e i n (1974) n o t e s ,  s t a t e of t e c h n o l o g y ,  from  349).  "is a of t h e With  of  historical  function  of  possibilities expansion,  an  39  international division  of labour developed  as w e l l as t h e o c c u p a t i o n a l l e v e l . is  compatible  ranging  many  from serfdom  regulated fostered 2).  with  by  slavery,  geographical  'modes o f l a b o u r to  free  control'  wage-labour, a l l  t h e o p e r a t i o n of the w o r l d market which, i n t u r n ,  regional specialization  In  the  As he d e p i c t s i t , c a p i t a l i s m  different  and  at  short,  the  regional  e c o l o g i c a l and g e o g r a p h i c a l  o f e c o n o m i c r o l e s (I b i d : disparities  which  arose  d i f f e r e n c e s , were e x a c e r b a t e d  s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n of p r o d u c t i o n , and  the  third  Chap. from by t h e  factor,  the  r o l e of t h e n a t i o n - s t a t e . "The s t a t e s do n o t d e v e l o p a n d c a n n o t be u n d e r s t o o d except w i t h i n t h e c o n t e x t of t h e development of the w o r l d - s y s t e m " ( W a l l e r s t e i n , 1974: 6 7 ) .  The  growth of s t r o n g s t a t e apparatuses  the w o r l d market  on  behalf  of  for intervention in  'national'  interests  created  c o n d i t i o n s of 'unequal exchange', and l e d t o t h e d i v i s i o n world-system and  into  'periphery'  Thus,  'core'  (hinterland/satellite)  capitalism  for  e x p l o i t a t i o n of d i r e c t  Wallerstien  producers,  s u r p l u s from t h e p e r i p h e r y 'zero-sum' l o g i c  (centre/metropolis),  but  t o the core.  'semi-periphery',  areas  (Ibid:  entails also  u n d e r l y i n g what F r a n k c a l l s  not  the  This  of the  Chap.5). only  transfer  the of  i s the fundamental t h e 'development of  underdevelopment'. The dramatic sciences.  virtues  of  world-system  theory  i m p a c t o n , a n d 'new p a r a d i g m ' Nonetheless,  i t shares  are manifest  status  i n , the  inits social  w i t h dependency t h e o r y  rather dubious assumptions which d i m i n i s h i t s t h e o r e t i c a l  some  punch.  40  Wallerstein's denotes  broad,  market-based  conception  an e x e r c i s e i n r e v i s i o n i s m w h i c h ,  h a r d l y an a u t h o r a t i v e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n determinancy is  process,  allowing  capitalist industrial theory  mode  of  diverse  him of  in  capital forms  determined The  the  capitalism.  lacking  logic  all  from  interesting, i s  of h i s t o r y .  The h i s t o r i c a l  production  long  The end r e s u l t  historical  capital,  the  Marxist  dominance  before  of  of  the  i s a capital  specificity  theory,  to the c i r c u l a t i o n the  advent  supposedly  of  subsumption  ( L a c l a u , 1977). subsumes  The  several  l a b o u r e x p l o i t a t i o n , and t h e S t a t e ,  i n some way by an e m e r g i n g w o r l d  treatment  necessarily  maintain  accumulation  of  in  production process  to  capitalism  while  of the r e l a t i o n s of production  dispatched  of  pre-capitalist  modes  market.  of  production  is  sketchy.  "The general tendency t o lump a l l p r e c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t i e s i n t o two s i m p l e types (and "mini-systems" are an e v e n more s i m p l i s t i c type than "worldempires"), i s perilously close to the a h i s t o r i c a l eurocentrism that characterizes modernization t h e o r i e s " ( C h i r o t a n d H a l l , 1982: 9 9 ) .  Differences are determined by  the  i n development between c o r e and p e r i p h e r y  largely  actions  by r e l a t i o n s o f u n e q u a l e x c h a n g e  states  little  (Wallerstein,  Apart 1974:  from  Chap.  successful  appropriation  development  of economic  of  surplus  the  the  discussion  5 ) , there  a n a l y s i s of the d i f f e r e n c e s i n c l a s s  of s t r u g g l e between c o r e and p e r i p h e r y . the  created  of i n s t r u m e n t a l i s t s t a t e s s e e k i n g advantage i n  the t r a n s n a t i o n a l marketplace. core  areas  i s precious  f o r m a t i o n and  The i m p l i c a t i o n core  from  i s the result  the  of  periphery,  forms i s that of the which  41  leaves  the  nexus between a s t a t e ' s  unexplained.  This  induces  one  (1977) whether dependency i s not 'effect'  of economic  'strength'  and  to  along  query  so  much  i t s 'location'  the  with  Brenner  'cause'  as  an  backwardness.  Most w o u l d a g r e e w i t h W a l l e r s t e i n  that,  "if world-systems are the only r e a l s o c i a l systems (other than truly i s o l a t e d subsistence economies), t h e n i t must f o l l o w t h a t t h e e m e r g e n c e , c o n s o l i d a t i o n , and p o l i t i c a l r o l e s of c l a s s e s and s t a t u s g r o u p s must be appreciated as elements of this world-system" (1974: 351). However,  within  relations  like  this the  macro  class  perception  struggle  racial  itself,  and  tend  o v e r s h a d o w e d by a g l o b a l e c o n o m i c p r o c e s s i n w h i c h t h e actors  are  nation-states,  ideal-types. relegated and  Moreover, p o l i t i c a l  to  receives  t r e a t e d as more o r  a  supporting  little  and  r o l e as  attention.  As  ethnic to  be  principal  l e s s homogeneous  cultural  domination  is  a pre-capitalist attribute,  Rex  (1981a) p o i n t s  out:  "This i s questionable. While i t i s c e r t a i n l y true t h a t e m p i r e s e v e n t u a l l y f a d e away and t h a t c o l o n i a l i s m continues through exploitation by multinational c o r p o r a t i o n s , t h e a c t u a l p o s i t i o n s of various ethnic groups, segments, and classes within the total i m p e r i a l system i s o n l y e x p l i c a b l e i n terms of their s u b j e c t i o n t o power o t h e r t h a n t h a t o f a s i m p l e m a r k e t type" ( I b i d : 362).  The  beneficiary  p r e d e t e r m i n e d by  the  i n t o e x p l o i t e r s and redefined  from  geographical 'strong'  core  of  racial  discrimination  essentially dualistic exploited.  the  context states  point as and  The  division  concept of  relation  of  of t h e  projected  domination  'weak' p e r i p h e r y  therefore world  exploitation  of c i r c u l a t i o n , and a  is  areas.  is  onto a between  Similarly,  42  racial  discrimination  means  of,  the  i s consigned  or a j u s t i f i c a t i o n  ' b l a c k ' p e r i p h e r y by t h e  the  function  (racism) 'white'  of  either  a  f o r , t h e e x p l o i t a t i o n of core  through  the  world  market. "Global unequal exchange, t h e s t r u c t u r a l antinomy of c o r e and p e r i p h e r y , i s i n t e g r a l t o t h e f u n c t i o n i n g of capitalism. Racism is then the ideological l e g i t i m a t i o n of t h i s mechanism" ( W a l l e r s t e i n , 1981: 51 ) . Consequently, struggle the  f o r W a l l e r s t e i n "the struggle against racism, the  for national rights,  struggle  for  socialism"  ' a l t e r n a t i v e world-system' socialism  (Ibid:  i s t o be a c h i e v e d  conjecture,  while  i s an i n e s c a p a b l e  in  which  represents  51).  Polemics  i n the core  the  centrepiece  periphery  the  of only  aside,  how  remains i n t h e realm of this  logic  smacks  of  n a t i o n a l i s m and a u t a r k y . 2.3.iv  Summary  In  summary,  theories exhibit Although world  they  these  three  some i n t e r e s t i n g share  s i m i l a r i t i e s and  much o f t h e same c o n c e p t u a l  systems theory a c t u a l l y has l e s s  colonialism,  than  Both  Marxism and w o r l d  orthodox  racial  to  class analyses.  internal  approaches.  systems t h e o r i e s tend t o  reduce  from  very  I n t e r n a l c o l o n i a l i s m , w h i l e i t may be colonial  an e q u a l l y p r o b l e m a t i c  t o d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , and c l a s s of these  with  class exploitation, albeit  quite apt f o r d e s c r i b i n g the displays  i n common  divergences. nomenclature,  i t does w i t h c l a s s s t r a t i f i c a t i o n  discrimination  different  none  t y p e s of M a r x i s t r a c e and c l a s s  status  of  tendency t o reduce  r e l a t i o n s t o group  t h e o r i e s do we g e t a c l e a r  Amerindians, exploitation  relations.  In  s e n s e o f how c l a s s a n d  43  race are h i s t o r i c a l l y agents this is  against  t h e o r e t i c a l s h o r t c o m i n g seems t o be n o t o n l y conceived,  Marxist  as  'racism',  analysis  formation rather discrimination  Marxist  an e c o n o m i c  the  way  theories  relation. lack  a concept of r a c i a l  structure.  class  i n t h e p r o c e s s of c l a s s The e c o n o m i c  conception  i s e x a m i n e d i n t h e n e x t c h a p t e r by t r a c i n g i t s  of race and c l a s s a r e r e v i s i t e d  some i n s i g h t s f r o m e a c h t y p e  non-reductionist  race  a l s o t h e way s o c i a l c l a s s i s  on c o n c r e t e s t r u g g l e s  than c l a s s  human  The r e a s o n f o r  t h r o u g h n e o c l a s s i c a l and d u a l l a b o u r market  integrate  of  g r o u n d e d i n g r o u p r e l a t i o n s , a n d a mode o f  focusing  evolution  but  a n a l y s e s of race and c l a s s  discrimination  to  i n the ongoing s t r u g g l e s  e x p l o i t a t i o n and d i s c r i m i n a t i o n .  c o n c e i v e d as s t r i c t l y  of  related  class analysis  of r a c i a l  theories.  i n Chapter  i n t o an o u t l i n e conflict.  Six fora  44  Chapter The  3  E c o n o m i c s o f D i s c r i m i n a t i o n : N e o - c l a s s i c a l and Market  Dual  Labour  Theory  "Though r a c i a l p r i v i l e g e p e r v a d e s a l l i n s t i t u t i o n s , i t i s e x p r e s s e d most s t r a t e g i c a l l y i n t h e labour market and t h e s t r u c t u r e o f o c c u p a t i o n s .... I f t h e r e i s any one key t o t h e s y s t e m a t i c p r i v i l e g e t h a t u n d e r g i r d s a r a c i a l c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y , i t i s the s p e c i a l advantage of the white population i n the labour market" ( B l a u n e r , 1972: 2 3 ) . 3 .1  Introduct ion Labour m a r k e t s a r e s e t s of s o c i a l  to  allocate  workers  production process in  modes  formation  relations largely  terms of t h e i r  and  and  Hence,  on  markets  are  between  individuals,  between groups, classes  and  and  for  Class  A  exclusively.  groups,  can  be  ( i i )structures, ( i i i )  outcomes.  How  these  social  theoretical  for  'class  perspective  of  economic t h e o r i s t s in  terms  of  they are  they  relations  conflict'  the labour  relations  Weberians are  is  relations between  p e r s p e c t i v e of  the  borrows from a l l t h r e e approaches  to  t h e o r y assumes t h a t t h e a g e n t s i n v o l v e d a r e c l a s s e s and  states,  inclusively  rather  than  Labour market s t r u c t u r e s denote the dynamic s e t  i n s t i t u t i o n s and exchanged  They  viewpoint.  conflict  individuals,  ( i ) agents,  Marxists  l a b o u r market e c l e c t i c a l l y o f f e r a broader  1979).  predominantly while  states.  Mok,  neoclassical  conceived  operate  w h i c h s p e c i f y them a r e c o n c e i v e d  the  for  which  power t o p o s i t i o n s w i t h i n t h e  and  (iv)  the concepts  contingent  observer.  labour  (Loveridge  specified of  or  relations  social  (bought  and  r e l a t i o n s through sold),  and  w h i c h l a b o u r power  distributed  (allocated  of is to  45  positions). processes re-form the  By modes by  which  of  formation  is  rules  Of p a r t i c u l a r  of submarkets o r 'segments',  and  the  historical  l a b o u r market s t r u c t u r e s form, de-form and  under c o n d i t i o n s of s t r u g g l e .  formation  meant  conventions  governing  each  exchange.  interest i s  with  i t s own  Labour  market  outcomes s p e c i f y p a t t e r n s and r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n t h e l a b o u r such  as  income  distribution,  occupational  force  segregation,  and  communal d i v i s i o n s o f l a b o u r . Communal  d i v i s i o n s of labour  collectivities  in  the  labour  ascriptive attributes like like The  ethnicity concept  individuals  of  force  race  and r e l i g i o n ,  refer to  and  groups  sex,  or l e g a l  ascribed  neoclassical  labour  unequal  p e r s i s t e n t poverty post-war U n i t e d with  States.  inter-personal  surprising Marxist  theories  of  race has  emerging  class  theories  as  was an  developed  radical from of  or  neoclassical the  of  by  explanation for  its  inter-group  bourgeois  association  conflict,  i t  i s not  t h a t t h e c o n c e p t l e a d s a r a t h e r shadowy e x i s t e n c e  racial discrimination  aspects  treatment  i n e q u a l i t y amidst the a f f l u e n c e of  Considering and  citizenship.  market.  theorists  and r a c i a l  affinities  outcomes a c c r u i n g t o  discrimination  market  and  t o such s o c i a l c a t e g o r i e s - - i s  d i f f e r e n t communal g r o u p s i n t h e l a b o u r of  communal  status l i k e  u s u a l l y a p p l i e d t o account f o r d i f f e r e n t i a l  The e c o n o m i c t h e o r y  groups  who a r e d i s t i n g u i s h e d by  'discrimination'—the  or  various  and  class.  entered  Significantly  Marxist  discourse  conflict  paradigm  economic,  Weberian  labour market.  in  however, in  the  which combines and  The n e x t two c h a p t e r s  Marxist analyse  46  the  relationships  inequality,  and  between the agents,  of t h e l a b o u r m a r k e t theory.  As  radical  the  a  as  first  they  are  step,  racial  inequality  and  'discrimination'  developed  a  of  conflict  explanation The  i n s e c t i o n 3.2.  theory  are  the  of  concept  labour  'Human c a p i t a l '  explanations  model  are theory  approaches which limited  by  the  N e i t h e r c a n be s a i d t o  and  is  market  empiricaly  plausible  conflict.  examined  t o the s t a t i c ,  in  section  3.3.  i t draws a t t e n t i o n t o t h e i n f l u e n c e o f market s t r u c t u r e  formation a  market,  dual  dual theory  on  individual  choices  theory  stops  short  of  Instead of t r a n s c e n d i n g ends  up  straddling  n e o c l a s s i c a l a n d t h e new r a d i c a l , labour  to  discriminate,  more e m p i r i c a l a n d d y n a m i c c o n c e p t i o n  explanation.  truncated  of  economic theory t o  pioneering  consistent  neoclassical  contemporary  underpinnings  c h a l l e n g e of 'dual l a b o u r market' t h e o r y  provides  the  the  f o r the p e r s i s t e n c e of r a c i a l  abstract, Although  in  the n e o c l a s s i c a l model.  logically  racial  evaluated.  individual-based  assumptions  of  in  the n e o c l a s s i c a l  two main a p p r o a c h e s o f n e o c l a s s i c a l  d e s c r i b e d and c r i t i c i z e d  and  presented  l a b o u r market t h e o r y , and i n p a r t i c u l a r  The  offer  outcome  s t r u c t u r e s , a n d modes o f f o r m a t i o n  discrimination, are c r i t i c a l l y  and  market  market. review  comprehensive, contributions.  of nor  A caveat major to  the  speak  of the labour  embracing  a  conflict  i t s theoretical heritage, fence  between  or c l a s s c o n f l i c t  the o l d  paradigms of  s h o u l d be e n t e r e d h e r e t h a t  theories to  and  cannot  the  merits  presume of  to  this be  individual  47  3.2  Neoclassical  l a b o u r market  N e o c l a s s i c a l economics of  scarce  resources  through the a t o m i s t i c  by  theories  concerns i t s e l f w i t h the the  price  therefore,  characteristics, discrimination  tends  temporary market  is  The  to  prejudice, which  which operates  b e h a v i o u r of i n d i v i d u a l economic  more o r l e s s c o m p e t i t i v e m a r k e t s . conflict  mechanism  allocation  be  and  assumed  explanation sought  motives to  be  a  agents i n  for  in  racial  individual  conducive  to  manifestation  of  imperfections.  "Economic e x p l a n a t i o n s f o r d i s c r i m i n a t i o n or o t h e r phenomena tend t o run in individualistic terms .... E c o n o m i s t s a s k what m o t i v a t e s an e m p l o y e r or an individual worker. They tend not t o a c c e p t a s an e x p l a n a t i o n a statement that employers as a class would g a i n by d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , f o r t h e y a s k what w o u l d prevent an individual employer from refusing to d i s c r i m i n a t e i f he p r e f e r s a n d t h e r e b y p r o f i t " ( A r r o w , 1972: 9 9 ) .  The an  ideal  so-called type  employers act  which  rests  on  five  of the l a b o u r market basic  and w o r k e r s a r e r a t i o n a l e c o n o m i c  to maximize  knowledge'  ' c o m p e t i t i v e model'  p r o f i t s or wages);  about  the market;  assumptions: actors,  ( i i ) actors  have  ( i i i ) actors operate  their  freely  they  'perfect  or  supply  d e c i s i o n s h a v e no i n f l u e n c e o v e r wages; ( i v ) l a b o u r  i s a homogeneous and is  (i)  individually,  a n d e a c h c o m p r i s e s s u c h a s m a l l p r o p o r t i o n o f demand that  (i.e.,  is  mobile  L o v e r i d g e a n d Mok,  i n t e r c h a n g e a b l e c o m m o d i t y ; and (cf.  1979).  Lipsey  (v)  and S p a r k s a n d S t e i n e r ,  labour 1979;  48  Wages a r e d e t e r m i n e d l i k e the  forces  of  supply  and  " b l a d e s of a s c i s s o r " . labour  demand  any  commodity,  operating  Since fluctuations  like  in  the  a r e assumed t o be s h o r t - r u n a b e r r a t i o n s ,  or m a r k e t - c l e a r i n g p r i c e the  the p r i c e of  marginal  for labour i s therefore  productivity  of  labour.  'queue' t h e o r y , s o - c a l l e d b e c a u s e  for  equilibrium  determined  This  1  Marshall's demand  the  by  by  i s known as t h e  t h e f i r m ' s demand  for  labour  i s c o n c e i v e d by e c o n o m i s t s a s a l i n e  of w o r k e r s queued a c c o r d i n g  to  In i t s pure  their  marginal productivities.  c o n s t i t u t e s a microeconomic is ahistorical,  n o n i n s t i t u t i o n a l and  What d i s t i n g u i s h e s is  the degree  racial  'liberal'  income  that  inequality  competition  macro  theorists  s k e p t i c a l about inequality, all  dead!'),  Conservative  from  which  universal.  'conservative'  the  (Keynes and views  and  in  economists  'discontinuities',  actual and  intervention.  of  labour  the  who  markets.  monetarists  eliminate racial  Keynesians  ability  or  theorists  will  t h e l o n g - r u n , a n d eschew s t a t e be  supposedly,  for imperfections  C o n s e r v a t i v e s t e n d t o be m i c r o maintain  behaviour  t o which the a s s u m p t i o n s of t h e c o m p e t i t i v e model  are r e l a x e d to account like  a n a l y s e s of market  f o r m , t h e model  inequality in  Liberals are  market  tend  inclined to  erode  be were  advocates supported  of by  public the  to  t o be racial  famous d i c t u m b e i n g ' i n t h e l o n g - r u n we to  who  are  planning. structural-  Productivity is a c o n c e p t of n e o c l a s s i c a l c o s t t h e o r y w h i c h deals with the efficiency of production. 'Marginal productivity' i s t h e r a t e of "change i n t o t a l p r o d u c t r e s u l t i n g f r o m t h e use of one u n i t more o f t h e v a r i a b l e factor" (Lipsey, S p a r k s and S t e i n e r , 1979). 1  49  functionalist racial  school  of  inequality  American  would  diminish  gemeinshaft t o g e s e l l s h a f t ; ascription,  of  theorists  cleavages  complacency  persuasion  movement, b l a c k  racial  conflict  communal  ideological  Economists  of  that  evolved  from  roles  based  Marx),  were e q u a l l y  capitalist  assimilationist  on  suddenly  simply  in  the  The  civil  rights  t h e 1960s.  f o r c e d t o e x p l a i n t h e p e r s i s t e n c e of labour  m a r k e t s w h i c h was  terms of p r o d u c t i v i t y .  discrimination,  culpable  society.  power, and t h e urban u p r i s i n g s d u r i n g  were  who  t h e o r i e s of e i t h e r  was r u d e l y s h a t t e r e d by  r e s p o n s e t o t h i s anomaly racial  held  (including  thesis, in  i n e q u a l i t y i n 'competitive'  explicable  society  traditional  to a class polarization  ignoring  political  from  as  which  t o modern r o l e s b a s e d on a c h i e v e m e n t .  Ironically, subscribed  sociology  was  theories  and- l a t e r ,  of  not  The n e o c l a s s i c a l  human  capital  various dual  labour  and  market  models. 3.2.i  Human c a p i t a l Human c a p i t a l  attempts States  to  theory  theory,  explain  pioneered  group  income  Becker  (1964;  disparities  skills  over t h e simple  n e o c l a s s i c a l model  homogeneity  education  of  and e d u c a t i o n .  labour,  making  wages  The o p p o r t u n i t y  are  a  a clear  market,  whilst  i s considered  like  maintaining  According  ' r e t u r n t o i n v e s t m e n t i n human  cost of education  advance  institutions  the n o t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l o p t i m i z i n g b e h a v i o u r . theory,  capital',  by r e l a x i n g t h e a s s u m p t i o n o f  and  endogenous t o t h e l a b o u r  I t marked  1967),  i n the United  i n t e r m s o f t h e u n e q u a l d i s t r i b u t i o n o f 'human  or o c c u p a t i o n a l  the  by  to the  capital'.  comparable  to  50  the  cost  incurred  represent of  capital  by  the  firm  investments  cognitive  skills,  chain  of  education  assumes t h a t t h e o c c u p a t i o n a l industrial  positive  skill  the  by  in  terms  correlations  requirements  I t also  of  labour  advanced  market,  the  stock  o f human c a p i t a l  The  workers  that they  bring  obvious s o l u t i o n t o black  income  was t o i n c r e a s e b l a c k their  i n c o m e s was  t h e low p r o d u c t i v i t y of b l a c k  market.  expanding  labour  gap between b l a c k and w h i t e  of  from t h e lower  inequality  'rate  i s t e c h n o l o g i c a l l y determined.  Hence, t h e enduring  to  both  economies a r e c o n s t a n t l y c l i m b i n g , and t h e r e f o r e t h e  demand f o r l a b o u r ,  resulting  This  and p r o d u c t i v i t y .  r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n human c a p i t a l a n d t h e  explicable  since  to raise productivity.  r e t u r n ' a p p r o a c h assumes a  linking  for job training  skill  levels  educational  and  and  productivity  vocational  training  opportunities. Human c a p i t a l  theory  n e o c l a s s i c a l wisdom,  but  structural-functionalist gradually liberal  since  may  system. also  1971), a ' s i g n a l ' 1970)  and  t h e 1970s.  the  i t s critics  failure  of  relations  argue,  are  functions  i t s instrumental  a  by  h a v e been  the non-cognitive  from  (Spence, 1974), o r  attributes'.  shared  The c a u s a l  f u n c t i o n as a 'screening  facilitating  'status c u l t u r a l  postulates,  theory  neglects Aside  of c o n v e n t i o n a l  of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n ,  a n d income,  the theory  of t h e e d u c a t i o n  (Berg,  theories  efforts during  p o s i t e d between education  education  i t s central  d i s c r e d i t e d by c o n f l i c t policy  spurious  remains the foundation  device'  'credentialing  role,  (Collins, system'  employers' s e l e c t i o n s of d e s i r e a b l e  51  Other  studies  individual to  have  contended  demand-side  and  effects  on  ignores income  t h e o r i s t s have d e m o n s t r a t e d variables  have  more  that  pronounced  ( B i b b a n d Form, 1 9 7 7 ) .  approaches capital  have  accrue  suggested in  different  assumption  of  occupational effects  Marxist  1974;  labour  Clawson,  education  in  process  the  Evidence  United  of  States  returns  of  the  the  currency.  p o l i c i e s of e d u c a t i o n a l expansion d u r i n g  market  prospects  have  And the  reached  f o r reducing  r e f o r m s b a s e d on s k i l l  returns  to  of  supply,  that i s responsible f o r finally, last  Jenck's  (1972)  thesis  1974; M a r g l i n ,  abundance  like  educational  human  1970), and i n Canada  u n d e r a t t a c k by r a d i c a l s a n d c o n s e r v a t i v e s  about  to  of labour'  come  conclusions  market  labour  declining  (Berg,  i t is  educational  et a l . ,  industrial  labour  (Braverman,  t h a n t h e r i s i n g demand f o r s k i l l s  inflating  and  1975).  theory  ( G o y d e r , 1980) s u g g e s t t h a t rather  Organization  dual  by t h e ' d e g r a d a t i o n  1980). the  and  on i n c o m e t h a n human  different  sectors  on  r i s i n g demand f o r t e c h n i c a l s k i l l s h a s  been s e r i o u s l y q u e s t i o n e d of  structural  distribution.  Similarly,  that  emphasis  g e n e r a l l y , tends  important  ( G o r d o n , 1972; P i o r e , 1973; O s t e r m a n , The  the  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and t h e s u p p l y - s i d e  'blame t h e v i c t i m ' ,  capital  that  decade  alike.  very  racial  allocation  liberal have  Studies  pessimistic i n e q u a l i t y by  r a t h e r than  income  redistribution. The to  c o n t r i b u t i o n o f M a r x i s m t o t h e d e b a t e h a s been  stress  the  reproductive  i d e o l o g i c a l nature  function  o f human c a p i t a l  of  theory  education, itself.  largely and t h e In  their  52  • orthodox c r i t i q u e Bowles and G i n t i s  (1975) a r g u e  that  "by restricting i t s analysis to the i n t e r a c t i o n of exogenously given individual preferences, raw materials (individual abilities), and a l t e r n a t i v e p r o d u c t i o n t e c h n o l o g i e s , human c a p i t a l t h e o r y f o r m a l l y e x c l u d e d t h e r e l e v a n c e of c l a s s and c l a s s c o n f l i c t i n the explication of labour m a r k e t phenomena" ( I b i d ; 75) . The  f o c u s on  technological  individual  characteristics  and  the  residue  of  d e t e r m i n i s m a c t u a l l y b o i l down, B o w l e s a n d G i n t i s  c o n c l u d e , t o an a n a l y s i s  o f f e t i s h i z e d exchange r e l a t i o n s .  "The theory o f human c a p i t a l like the rest of n e o c l a s s i c a l economics, u l t i m a t e l y l o c a t e s the sources of human h a p p i n e s s and m i s e r y i n t h e i n t e r a c t i o n of human n a t u r e ( p r e f e r e n c e s a n d ' a b i l i t i e s ' ) w i t h n a t u r e i t s e l f ( t e c h n o l o g i e s and r e s o u r c e s ) . This framework provides an e l e g a n t a p o l o g y f o r a l m o s t any p a t t e r n o f inequality (under capitalism, state socialism or whatever), for i t ultimately attributes s o c i a l or personal ills either to the shortcomings of i n d i v i d u a l s or the unavoidable t e c h n i c a l r e q u i s i t e s of production" (Ibid; 82). 3.2.ii  Racial  The racial  discrimination  theories  other approach of n e o c l a s s i c a l inequality  theory t o the problem of  i n t h e l a b o u r m a r k e t was f r o m t h e demand s i d e ,  employing  marginal  utility  analysis.  The c o n c e p t o f d i s c r i m i n a t i o n  explain  why  workers  with  receive  unequal rewards.  2  rather  the  (pre-entry  marginal  productivities  may be m a n i f e s t  discrimination),  discrimination).  productivity  i s employed i n o r d e r t o  Discrimination  f o r m o f u n e q u a l wages ( p o s t - e n t r y jobs  same  than m a r g i n a l  The  i nthe  or  unequal  neoclassical  models  U t i l i t y i s a k e y c o n c e p t o f n e o c l a s s i c a l consumer t h e o r y w h i c h attempts t o index t h e e f f e c t o f c o m m o d i t y c o n s u m p t i o n on t h e subjective estimation of i n d i v i d u a l welfare. The 'marginal utility' o f a c o m m o d i t y i s t h e c h a n g e i n an i n d i v i d u a l ' s t o t a l u t i l i t y c r e a t e d by a one u n i t c h a n g e i n h i s o r h e r c o n s u m p t i o n o f t h a t c o m m o d i t y , c e t e r i s p a r i b u s ( C o l e , 1973: 3 8 - 4 1 ) . 2  53  presented  here  are  discrimination,  preoccupied  a n d i t was l e f t  with  forms  of  wage  t o d u a l labour market t h e o r y t o  a r t i c u l a t e a model of j o b d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . 3.2.ii.a The  Employer model first  attempt  to  develop  discrimination within a neoclassical Becker a  (1957/71).  'coefficient  Becker's  a  theory  framework was o n c e a g a i n by  from  the  function  i n t o t h e wage d e t e r m i n a t i o n p r o c e s s .  country  model  assumed  to  hypothetical Considering Becker's very  have  international a  dislike the  account  'taste  trade,  employer's  white  employers  association  importance  of  utility  I n h i s s i m p l e two  for discrimination'  for physical  central  racial  n o v e l c o n t r i b u t i o n was t o i n t r o d u c e  of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n '  of  of  the  of d i s c r i m i n a t o r y p r e f e r e n c e  based  are on  a  with  blacks.  'taste'  notion,  formation  i s not  compelling. " B e c k e r ' s c o n c e p t u a l f r a m e w o r k w a s n ' t so much wrong a s i t was empty; t a s t e s f o r d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a r e n o t an e x p l a n a t i o n f o r behaviour but merely a ghost t h a t gets b l a m e d f o r o b s e r v e d e v e n t s " ( S a m u e l s o n , 1973 i n R e i c h , 1981: 8 3 ) .  If  a l l  coefficient, will  then  actually  discrimination. with  lower  employers Becker's lose,  shared  same  model p r e d i c t s t h a t  and  white  However, r e l a x t h i s  coefficients  the  will  workers  the  white  gain,  assumption  possess  I n o t h e r words, as Arrow  employers  from and  racial  employers  a c o m p e t i t i v e edge, and  d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a g a i n s t black workers w i l l the long-run.  discrimination  tend t o  disappear  in  ( 1 9 7 2 b : 192) p o i n t s o u t ,  e m p l o y e r m o d e l " p r e d i c t s t h e a b s e n c e o f t h e phenomenon t h a t  54  it  was  designed  to  explain".  equally  prejudiced  concludes  that  and  anti-monopolistic  empirical  in  that  case  Daymont,  (see  Shepard,  White c a r t e l  B u i l d i n g on Thurow  (1969)  discrimination 'economic  not  Flanagan,  1973;  Becker's p i o n e e r i n g  the  are  less and  Kaufman  contend is  not  gain'.  that  the  exogenous  They  argue  e f f o r t s , Krueger predominant  individual that  a l l  in and  value  of  receiving  competitive in  the  full  conditions.  The  self-interest  discrimination  preferences,  but  the  a c t u a l l y c o n t r i b u t e d to black  long-run,  white  was  black  discrimination,  independence and  the p o l i t i c a l  theory  nor  convincing.  Although  the  blacks  products  under  prevailing  unfounded  and  underdevelopment  was  seven  support  self-determination.  economic  different  p a r t i c u l a r l y appealing  n a t i o n a l i s t s because i t l e n t t h e o r e t i c a l for  from  markets to e l i m i n a t e  Thurow's (1969) a n a l y s i s w h i c h i n c o r p o r a t e s of  benefit  excludes  t h e i r marginal  competitive  and for  model s u g g e s t s t h a t the  and in  (1963) motive  whites  from  calls  racial  model  systematically  black  to  ( 1 9 5 7 : 38-46) e x p e c t a t i o n s  that  forms  problem,  forthcoming,  discriminatory collusion  racial  Becker  1981).  3.2.ii.b  faith  real  industries  ones i s  1970;  the  not  Unfortunately,  competitive  to Becker's  are  persists,  solution,  market.  than m o n o p o l i s t i c  t o run c o n t r a r y  is  the  labour  employers  inequality  policy  the  evidence  discriminatory seems  racial  a l l  immunity from c o m p e t i t i o n  discriminaton  any  and  Since  model  Thurow ( 1 9 6 9 ) p r e s e n t s  is  to  to  their Neither  particularly  aggregate data  to  55  estimate whites  white  gains  from d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , t h e a s s e r t i o n t h a t a l l  b e n e f i t from m o n o p o l i s t i c  demonstrated.  Moreover, white  absence  sanctions  formal  apartheid policy). model  empirically  t h e p r a c t i c a l p r o b l e m s of f o r m i n g and  p o l i c i n g a systematic of  p r a c t i s e s i s never  Despite  cartel  seem  insurmountable  against  these  i n the  cartel-breakers  shortcomings the white  (like cartel  does i n t r o d u c e macroeconomic and c o l l e c t i v e a c t i v i t y  the a n a l y s e s , factors like  with the i m p l i c i t  assumption  that  into  institutional  t h e S t a t e may h e l p t o e x p l a i n d i s c r i m i n a t o r y m a r k e t  behaviour. 3.2.ii.c  Employee model  Another  departure  from  Becker's  initiative  'employee d i s c r i m i n a t i o n ' m o d e l d e v e l o p e d by Arrow  (1972b).  Instead  of w h i t e  Welch  a  trade-off;  worker  the  (1967)  and  employers i t i s white  who a r e a s s u m e d t o d i s l i k e a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h b l a c k s . predicted  was  workers  Becker  d i s c r i m i n a t i o n would r e s u l t i n  racial  segregation,  model  assumes t h a t a s s o c i a t i o n between b l a c k s and w h i t e s  workplace  creates  productivity.  which  results  i s a b s o r b e d by b l a c k s ,  leaving  workers and employers u n a f f e c t e d .  this position slightly compensated  in  The  a  employee  by a s s u m i n g t h a t w h i t e  f o r working  with  blacks,  income f r o m b l a c k s t o some ( s k i l l e d ) w h i t e incomes o f o t h e r  Arrow  ( u n s k i l l e d ) whites  the  i n the  loss  I n Welch's (1967) model t h e c o s t o f w h i t e  discrimination white  b u t n o t wage d i s c r i m i n a t i o n .  confict  had  worker  incomes  (1972b) workers  of  of  modifies must  be  i m p l y i n g a t r a n s f e r of workers  leaving  and employers unchanged.  the  56  The that  employee  racial  model  has  segregation  and  simultaneously  in  describe racist  behaviour  it  r e s t s on  workplace neither  wage  competitive  because i t holds  discrimination  markets,  and  d o e s seem t o  the c r i t i c a l assumption t h a t r a c i a l c o n f l i c t  i n the  author  white  p r o v i d e s any  presented  by  competing  'crowding'  t h e s e s , and  were  Doeringer  like  and  support 3  of  which  S i n c e the  Bergmann's  P i o r e ' s (1971) ' d u a l  and  institutionally  the r e l e v a n c e of the employee  data  (1971) labour  t h a t o c c u p a t i o n a l s e g r e g a t i o n and  structurally  questioned  in  concrete evidence.  theories  m a r k e t ' seemed t o s u g g e s t discrimination  workers,  On  occur  hand,  by  by w h i t e w o r k e r s .  it  can  the other  i s caused  economists  i n t u i t i v e appeal  wage  related,  model,  and  l o o k e d t o more s o p h i s t i c a t e d d e m a n d - s i d e e x p l a n a t i o n s . 3.2.ii.d  Statistical  Recent  model  theories  f r o m t h e management and evolved  alongside  the  of  discrimination  'revised  theory  of the  firm'  Accordingly, Phelps  in  procuring employees. trait  a  c o m p e t i t i v e market.  information  about  have  (1972)  their  of  on and the  labour  o f t h e s e c o s t s i s t h a t of of  prospective  R a c e , so t h e t h e o r y g o e s , i s a r e a d i l y  identifiable  that conveys general  the  One  cues  based  ( 1 9 7 2 a ) r e g a r d r a c i a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a s an e x i g e n c y  r a t i o n a l p r a c t i c e s of employers s e e k i n g t o m i n i m i z e costs  their  employment r e l a t i o n s t h e o r i e s t h a t  'cost m i n i m i z a t i o n ' s t r a t e g i e s . Arrow  have t a k e n  productivity  information  about  productivity  to  There i s , of c o u r s e , an a b u n d a n c e o f e v i d e n c e of w h i t e u n i o n discrimination (see Chapter Two, section 2.3.iii for r e f e r e n c e s ) , b u t u n i o n s and o t h e r i n s t i t u t i o n s a r e e x c l u d e d f r o m t h i s i n d i v i d u a l - b a s e d model. 3  57  cost-conscious  managers.  possess a lower  s t o c k o f human c a p i t a l  parsimonious specific the  to  Since  assume  lower  i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t any  'statistical'  b l a c k s as a group a r e  model  whites,  productivity  individual  combines  m o d e l , t h e q u e u e , human c a p i t a l and By  than  r e l a x i n g the a s s u m p t i o n of  known t o  it  than  is  to  obtain  black worker.  elements  more  Hence,  from t h e  employer  signaling theories. ' p e r f e c t knowledge' t h e n ,  the  s t a t i s t i c a l m o d e l e x p l a i n s t h e p e r s i s t e n c e of r a c i a l  inequality  in  management  a  way  from  that conveniently exonerates  personal  racial  responsibility  for  d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . However, t h e model p o s i t s the h i g h  cost  of d e t e r m i n i n g  motivation  and  e m p l o y e r s and  collective  the p r o d u c t i v i t y of b l a c k  t h a t a l l employers share  the  workers,  same r a c i a l  and  stereotypes.  assumes B o t h seem  r a t h e r dubious e x p e c t a t i o n s g i v e n c o m p e t i t i v e market c o n d i t i o n s . The  marginal  revenue  d e r i v e d from changing  h i r i n g p r a c t i c e s should, c e t e r i s paribus, cost  of  standard resumes,  obtaining accurate personnel  information provided employers  do  harbour  second assumption  is  include  training  by  race racial  is  largely  given  To  marginal Since  applications, periods  superfluous,  unless  As a l r e a d y n o t e d , the  supposed  minimize  the  the  economic  costs.  Summary o f n e o c l a s s i c a l t h e o r i e s s u m m a r i z e , t h e r e h a v e been two  approaches to employing  racist  long-run.  probation  prejudice.  irrational  the  detailed  and  i n c e n t i v e s t o i n c r e a s e p r o d u c t i v i t y and 3.2.iii  exceed  i n f o r m a t i o n i n the  procedures  references,  inefficient  racial  marginal  inequality  in  p r o d u c t i v i t y theory  predominant n e o c l a s s i c a l the  labour  market,  (human c a p i t a l ) , and  one the  58  other  marginal  simple  utility  model of the  discontinuities,  theory  labour  but  ( d i s c r i m i n a t i o n ) . Both extend market  e v e n on  their  by  acknowledging  numerous  own  terms, n e i t h e r  succeeds  i n p r e s e n t i n g a l o g i c a l l y c o n s i s t e n t and explanation 1981; of  (Marshall,  Cherry,  neoclassical  distribution (1981: that  1977)  economics,  has  racial  the  and most  the  have  done  1971;  underpinnings  models.  "none o f t h e s e increased  M a r x i s t s who  so a t t h e p e r i l  As  Reich  models p r e d i c t s  inequality  have d i s m i s s e d  of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n as p a r t of a w h o l e s a l e theory,  (Reich,  ideological  of  produces  Nonetheless,  plausible  t h e c o n s e q u e n t n e u t r a l income  counterposed,  inequality  empirically  Marxist critiques  have a t t a c k e d  i m p l i c a t i o n s of  113)  whites."  1974).  the  the  r e j e c t i o n of  of a c l a s s t h e o r y  among concept  bourgeois of  racial  conf1ict. 3.3  Dual l a b o u r market  theory  M a r k e t s e g m e n t a t i o n has i n n e o c l a s s i c a l economic as Economists  since  assumption discrete  of  as  equilibrium  given  it  has  Marshall  l o n g and in  labour  n a t i o n a l labour  paribus,  questioned  market,  market.  apply.  market into  have  and  industrial These  The  segments  familiar  can  career theory."  submarkets  segments  are  partial  social/demographic then  marginalist  be  translated  variables,  Examples are Weber's (1978) n o t i o n of ' s o c i a l c l o s u r e ' Durkheim's ( i 9 6 0 ) n o t i o n of ' o c c u p a t i o n a l group'. 4  the  identified  i m p e r f e c t i o n s to which the u s u a l  assumptions of  cherished a  sociological  (1927/61)  homogeneous  short-run  characteristics ceteris  as  o c c u p a t i o n a l , l o c a l - r e g i o n a l and  w i t h i n any treated  a  had  or  and  59  attributed  to  institutional  influences  exogenous  to the  analysis. The been  major c o n t r i b u t i o n of 'dual labour market'  the  integration  (Averitt,  1968),  concept  observations  (Dunlop,  of 'dual of  economy'  the  1944; R o s s , 1948; K e r r ,  has  American 1954), and  s o c i o l o g i c a l n o t i o n s of m o b i l i t y and s t r a t i f i c a t i o n ,  l a b o u r market r e s e a r c h formation like  ( i ) the  ( i i ) the  'institutionalists' (iii)  of  theory  i n an e f f o r t  tenets social  t o e x p l a i n t h e s t r u c t u r e and  of labour markets, and t h e e f f e c t s of market  income d i s t r i b u t i o n . of  neoclassical  o r g a n i z a t i o n of  structural  B r a c k e t i n g many orthodoxy,  the  determine  wages  individual  to  and  Ultimately,  the  the  that  outcomes  fundamental  focuses  i s , the  on t h e  matrix  of  of j o b s , f i r m s , and i n d u s t r i e s t h a t  income  distribution.  institutional  however, and f a l l s  of  dual theory  market,  characteristics  into  This  characteristics  s h o r t o f an o v e r h a u l  shift  i s not complete  of n e o c l a s s i c a l  dual approach presents  from  theory.  a new 'queue' t h e o r y i n  which workers a r e p e r c e i v e d as queued a c c o r d i n g  to their  market  segment. The  conception  of  s e v e r a l s t u d i e s of l o c a l  the  dual  (Doeringer  et a l . ,  1968),  Detroit  (Bluestone,  1969),  t o human c a p i t a l ,  revealing  for racial  important  Chicago  1970;  ( V i e t o r i s z and H a r r i s o n , 1970).  explanations  m a r k e t emerged  from  labour markets i n the black enclaves of  Boston  challenge  labour  (Baron  Wachtel,  At t h a t time  structural  sources  in  Hymer,  1970), and Harlem i t posed a  d i s c r i m i n a t i o n and s t a t u s inequality  and  the  direct  attainment  U n i t e d S t a t e s by  o f income i n e q u a l i t y .  A  60  proliferation  of  i n c r e a s i n g l y by  dual  analyses  yet to d e l i v e r  its  the absence of as  the  g.,  l i m i t a t i o n s on of  the  labour market theory  known and  Sorensen,  i s t h a t of D o e r i n g e r  o f d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , and  l o o s e l y on  their  Economic dual  (with  the  and  In  often  structural  and  preferences  distribution  (e.  theorists  P i o r e (1971). 'dual  The  economy'),  c r i t i q u e of d u a l i s m a r e  p o s t u l a t e the h i s t o r i c a l  economies  sector,  sector  Galbraith,  entry  into the core core  dual  based  dualism  capitalist  'primary'  of  model.  1970;  to  bifurcate  and  of 1973;  and  the  'periphery',  production Beck  sector are periphery  (Averitt,  et a l . , 1978). assumed, is  and  usually  tendency  of  into  distinct  'core',  'monopoly'  ' c o m p e t i t i v e ' or 1968;  Bluestone,  High the  barriers  to  relationship  specified  Some M a r x i s t s h a v e a d d e d a t h i r d ' s t a t e ' s e c t o r to economy m o d e l c o m p r i s e d o f f o r m s o f p u b l i c p r o d u c t i o n 1973; H o d s o n , 1 9 7 8 ) . 5  is  version  e x c e p t i o n of  economic s e c t o r s r e f e r r e d t o v a r i o u s l y as the  between  the  that  1979).  perspective  most c o m p l e t e  conception  'secondary'  methodology  income d e t e r m i n a t i o n and  postulates  or  followed  the p e r s p e c t i v e  i n d i v i d u a l c h o i c e s and  following  advanced  dual  (and  1972) .  Perhaps the best  Many  and  ( s e e K a l l e b e r g and  consensus,  processes  Gordon,  3.3.i  paradigm),  a s e r i e s of p o s t u l a t e s r e l a t i n g  institutional to  a  economists  over a decade l a t e r  the s y s t e m a t i c theory  proponents promised  •rendered  by  s o c i o l o g i s t s h e r a l d i n g a new  t h e s e benchmark s t u d i e s , b u t has  devised  a s one  of  the dual (O'Connor,  61  interdependence. A the  5  p l e t h o r a of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s  two  sectors, ranging  levels,  concentration  capability,  from market power, and  unionization,  intervention.  Since  i s used t o e m p i r i c a l l y  organizational internal  some  of  these  ongoing  debate  analysis'. firm  1968;  is  the  and  there  'appropriate i s based  on  market  industrial  differentiation  periphery on  sectors.  the  l a b o u r m a r k e t i n t o two  market  an  1976).  relationship  (Doeringer Each  operate  'primary' 'good'  and  versus  &  market  separate  without  1971;  'secondary' jobs,  markets  production Piore, wage and  and  job  procedures  becomes  the orthodox  Clairmont,  the  1975;  differentiation  therefore  r a t h e r than  of  necessarily  r u l e s and  The  by  multi-segmented)  between  Piore,  interdependently.  'bad'  (and  segment e x h i b i t s d i s t i n c t  There are exceptions. See (1980) f o r a Canadian example.  6  Dual  segments  a l l o c a t i o n m e c h a n i s m s g o v e r n e d by which  (Beck  6  other hand, p o s i t the d i v i s i o n  ( o r more)  isomorphic  structures  Freedman,  the  d i f f e r e n c e s i n t h e demand f o r l a b o u r g e n e r a t e d  theories  assuming  the  dualism  from  t h e c o r e and  is  u n i t of  D u a l economy t h e o r i s t s a r g u e t h a t a d u a l i z e d l a b o u r results  state  a r e germane t o  industries,  literature  Tolbert et a l . , 1980).  Market  planning  B a r o n & B i e l b y , 1 9 8 0 ) , w h i l e most o f  r e s e a r c h u t i l i z e s an  e t a l . , 1978; 3.3.ii  which  Much o f t h e t h e o r e t i c a l  (Averitt,  empirical  over  profit  to  markets  features of  size,  form,  labour  f i r m s , while others are c h a r a c t e r i s t i c an  firm  index  one  of of  'skilled'  M a c D o n a l d and  Wien  62  versus  ' u n s k i l l e d ' workers.  'Primary status,  jobs'  are  those  security, opportunity  with  relatively  f o r advancement, r e t u r n s  c a p i t a l a n d good w o r k i n g c o n d i t i o n s . have  lower  wages,  opportunities working in  status  inequality  Workers a r e p e r c e i v e d  i s thought t o l i e i n t h i s  Extending  Kerr's  'unstructured' conceive  the  (1954)  markets, limited  mobility  segments i n terms o f ' i n t e r n a l ' In  the  latter,  competitive firm  or  developing  forces.  and  are  market,  'trapped'  and  racial  mobility.  (1971:  and  39-46)  p r i m a r y and secondary labour  largely  markets.  dictated  constituted  arose out of the c o m p e t i t i v e  at  by the  m a r k e t by  s e p a r a t e wage r a t e s , j o b a l l o c a t i o n a n d j o b t r a i n i n g r e s t r i c t e d access or 'ports  hallmark  of e n t r y ' ,  s a l i e n t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of primary  is  'behavioural  requirements'.  enterprise-specific (administrative  controlled  jobs.  of t h e i n t e r n a l market i s j o b s t a b i l i t y , and  the  The  Piore  and ' e x t e r n a l '  functions  fewer  'structured'  employers or p r i v i l e g e d workers i n p r o t e c t e d The  and  of  to  attractive  as g e t t i n g  restricted  between  The i n t e r n a l  industry l e v e l ,  functions with by  market  and l e s s  f o r poverty  notion  Doeringer  tend  t o human c a p i t a l ,  turnover,  secondary j o b s , and t h e e x p l a n a t i o n  wages, t o human  'Secondary jobs'  and r e t u r n s  f o r promotion, high  conditions.  high  skills,  rules)  has  evolution  u n i o n i z a t i o n and w e l f a r e  The  the authors  increasing  on-the-job  training  raised the cost  fostered d i f f e r e n t behavioural institutional  jobs  traits  in  importance of and  custom  of labour  turnover  internal  markets.  o f t e c h n o l o g y , work  legislation  suggest,  organization,  h a v e a l s o been c o n d u c i v e t o  63  encouraging  employment s t a b i l i t y  concomitantly, 3.3.iii The has  instability  Market  i n external labour  markets.  of labour t h a t ensues from d u a l l a b o u r  implications forracial  observation  l a b o u r m a r k e t s , and  outcomes  division  direct  in internal  that  in the secondary  inequality.  b l a c k s , women, a n d y o u t h market i s e x p l a i n e d  by  The  to  the  cost  employment. convenient  of  training  them  Doeringer  f o r more  for desireable  and  or as  Piore  Workers a r e  market ranked  R a c e , g e n d e r a n d age f u n c t i o n 'screens'  empirical  are over-represented  (1971) by means o f t h e p r o v e r b i a l 'queue' m e t a p h o r . p e r c e i v e d as queued t o e n t e r t h e p r i m a r y  markets  less  according permanent  inexpensive  behavioural  and  traits  like  'reliability'. B l a c k s , women a n d o t h e r m i n o r i t i e s who t e n d working  careers  in  secondary  jobs  find  because  they  primary  jobs blocked, not  skills,  e d u c a t i o n and b e h a v i o u r a l requirements,  they  are perceived  to  simply  may  possess  v i c i o u s c y c l e i s created i n which confers the stigma in  the  primary  secondary  is  styles. seen  as  inequality.  t h e i r access t o may  the  but a l s o because  market  A  experience  p e r c e i v e as i n d i c a t i v e of u n d e s i r e a b l e work  Thus, i n d u a l l a b o u r market t h e o r y perpetuating  lack  on w o r k e r s w h i c h e m p l o y e r s  b e h a v i o u r a l p a t t e r n s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h secondary life  their  ' u n s t a b l e work h i s t o r i e s ' .  of ' u n r e l i a b i l i t y ' market  t o begin  already  existing  habits  and  discrimination  forms  of  social  64  3.3.iv  C o n c e p t of  Although  a l l  are d i s c e r n i b l e Piore  discrimination  (1971)  of  the d i s c r i m i n a t i o n models reviewed  in dual rely  labour  mainly  on t h e  m o d e l s t o e x p l a i n r a c i a l and States.  The  treatments  crucial  emphasis  on  dyachronic  gender  focus  measurement  inequality  in  is principally forms  of  on  employers'  provides  a  discrimination  c r e d e n t i a l s and  actuarial  another  human  what  practices'. process  in either  generally  jobs  tend  through  that  to  the  s u b c o n t r a c t i n g and  such  i n job a l l o c a t i o n o c c u r s , the  division  shift of  interests change.  labour,  become To  institutional  inert,  and  refers  'rooted'  evolution  in  Kerr's  'institutional  technically  become  union  implicit  beyond  called  practices like a  capital  capital  of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n  could  whereby  market  individual  systematic  T h i s embryonic model  segment  objective,  assessments.  conception  is  This  invite  be  analysis,  secondary  job  latter.  i n t h e human  (1954)  performed  and  than  elaborated  historical  United  neoclassical  more  d u a l l a b o u r market t h e o r y , but never  s t r u c t u r e and  the  wage  the  t h a t v i s i b l e m i n o r i t y s t a t u s may  Moreover,  'statistical'  in  both  r e v e a l s s e r i o u s shortcomings  d e v a l u a t i o n of s k i l l s , through  ' e m p l o y e r ' and  and  c o e x i s t i n a d u a l labour market s i t u a t i o n , u n l i k e  pre-entry  p r e j u d i c e , and  Doeringer  d i f f e r e n c e between d u a l and  t h e o r i e s , the  account,  theory,  of t h e phenomenon i s t h a t w h i l e  discrimination orthodox  market  above  of  to  the  can  be  in  the  institutional  classification.  Once  resultant technical  structures  hence, expensive  and  and  vested  difficult  some e x t e n t t h i s n o t i o n f o r e s h a d o w s a s p e c t s  of  to the  65  degradation  of  labour t h e s i s ,  and r e p r e s e n t s p e r h a p s t h e f i r s t  h i n t of a concept of ' i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d d i s c r i m i n a t i o n ' l a t e r by r a d i c a l 3.3.v  was  labour market  theory.  C r i t i q u e of d u a l l a b o u r market  ( 1 9 7 2 : 52) p r e d i c t e d , d u a l l a b o u r  to  a  economics." market  "short  half-life  On t h e one h a n d ,  homogeneity,  institutional  and  i n f l u e n c e s on  emphasis  hand,  burning  unresolved  question  with  Marxist  critique  of  recently  reiterated  dual  theory by  1979; Kaufman e t a l . , some  the  serious  structural  choice  were  of  social  political  to  economy.  (see Wachtel, sociologists  i t  left  integrate  the  The n e o c l a s s i c a l  1974;  Cain,  been  the  1982),  t h e o r e t i c a l and m e t h o d o l o g i c a l  chief to  pointed  deficiencies, assimilated  paradigm. criticism develop  of t h e d u a l p e r s p e c t i v e has and  systematic  t h e o r e t i c a l model, l e a v i n g the a n a l y s i s a t t h e l e v e l  of typology  and  i t s inability  1976),  ( K a l l e b e r g and Sorensen,  many o f w h i c h were a l s o v o i c e d b y , b u t u n c r i t i c a l l y  Perhaps  and  gradually  inequality  1 9 8 1 ; Hodson a n d K a u f m a n ,  i n t o , the emerging r a d i c a l  of  f r a m e w o r k , w h i l e on t h e o t h e r  l e d some o f t h e o r i g i n a l d u a l i s t s  perspective  theory  an i n t e g r a l p a r a d i g m i n  on  individual  into the n e o c l a s s i c a l  the  as  market  i t s r e b u t t a l of the assumption  incorporated  out  theory  As G o r d o n have  advanced  a  rigorous  taxonomy. "The t h e o r i e s a r e s k e t c h y , vague, and d i v e r s e i f n o t internally conflicting. D e s c r i p t i o n , n a r r a t i v e s and taxonomies crowd o u t m o d e l d e v e l o p m e n t " ( C a i n , 1976: 1221 ) .  Key c o n c e p t s l i k e  'primary  'discrimination'  remain  jobs', 'behavioural requirements' loosely  defined  and  and  inconsistently  66  related.  An  example  ( 1 9 7 1 ) p l a c e on The  problems  subjective  is  t h e premium t h a t D o e r i n g e r  'job s t a b i l i t y ' of  measuring  evaluation  as  as a source  job an  of m a r k e t  stability  objective  proposition its  area  argue,  the  that  labour  for dual a  been  the  the  periphery  sectors,  subordinate  social  The  correspondence and  g r o u p s has  t h e o r e t i c a l l y d e f i n e d and  bad  been  empirically  dualism,  of of  not  advanced economic  be m i r r o r e d i n  and  often  alone  necessarily  between  jobs, more  assess.  between f i r m s  i t does  the  d u a l economy  complexity  interdependence  good  make  Economic  d u a l i z e d economic s t r u c t u r e w i l l  market.  to  the m u l t i - d i m e n s i o n a l i t y  f o r m a t i o n , and  division.  criterion,  'parallelism'.  R e l a t i o n s of  cannot account  has  misrepresents  e c o n o m i e s , and  segmentation.  follow  contention  or a s s u m p t i o n of  critics  industrial  of  Piore  w h i c h i s as much a  p o s t u l a t e of d u a l market f o r m a t i o n v e r y d i f f i c u l t Another  and  core  and  dominant asserted  and than  demonstrated.  "A dual mold cannot be f o r c e d on e m p i r i c a l r e a l i t y w i t h o u t any a l l o w a n c e f o r t r a n s i t o r y , anomalous, or residual categories. The reification of what a r e r i g h t f u l l y a n a l y t i c c o n s t r u c t s , e v e n when t h e a n a l y t i c c o n s t r u c t s are v a l i d ones, leads to a stifling of theoretical development and an i n a b i l i t y t o g e n e r a t e new k n o w l e d g e " (Hodson and K a u f m a n , 1982: 732).  Weak  conceptual  distinguishing  linkaging  and  b e t w e e n s e c t o r s and  susceptible  to charges  debate  in  the  causal  and  rages  variables  over to  criteria  s e g m e n t s h a s made d u a l  of c i r c u l a r i t y .  literature  outcome  imprecise  A current  for theory  methodological  t h e p r o p r i e t y of operationalize  combining  independent  67  variables  generated  by d u a l h y p o t h e s e s .  t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between j o b and  Confusion  reigns  over  individual characteristics  and  7  c a u s a l outcome v a r i a b l e s i n d e f i n i n g l a b o u r market Theories  which  characteristics composition terms  bifurcate suggest  market  a relatively  of workers,  of  the  in  segmentation. terms  homogeneous  characteristics  dichotomization with a d i v i s i o n  of l a b o u r by  job  intrasectoral  w h i l e t h e o r i e s which conceive  individual  of  dualism  tend  to  in  equate  race, e t h n i c i t y  and  gender. R e s o l v i n g these d i f f i c u l t i e s p r e s e n t s a c l a s s i c situation.  Further  input,  e m p i r i c a l a n a l y s i s i s c o n f o u n d e d by  nature  but  dualism  methodology. thus  far  s u p p o r t i v e of d u a l i s m 1979)  In  has  fact, been  1981;  suggesting  market segmentation  ( B r i d g e s , 1980;  Kalleberg,  rather  h a v e r e s t e d on t h e d u b i o u s  e c o n o m i c and  research  the  ( A n d r i s a n i , 1973;  while c o u n t e r v a i l i n g evidence of  refinement  awaits  o f t e s t i n g d u a l h y p o t h e s e s on t h e t e r r a i n  t h e o r y and  Oster,  theoretical  Zucker  Kaufman and and  has  the of  empirical  empirical problematic  neoclassical evidence  inconclusive. Beck e t a l . , grounds  of  Studies  1978;  1980;  aforementioned,  the m u l t i d i m e n s i o n a l i t y been c o m p i l e d  Daymont, 1981;  Rosenstein,  double-bind  by  Wallace  recent and  1981).  An e x a m p l e i s t h e use o f b o t h i n d u s t r i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s s u c h as firm size (a causal variable), and labour force characteristics such as wage l e v e l (an outcome v a r i a b l e ) t o operationalize a dual economy h y p o t h e s i s . See Hodson and Kaufman ( 1 9 8 1 ) f o r c r i t i q u e , and H o r a n e t a l ( 1 9 8 1 ) f o r c o u n t e r argument . 7  68  The argues  Marxist that  it  critique is  an  of d u a l l a b o u r market t h e o r y  hypothesis  theoretical  perspective  and  distinction  between p r i m a r y  and  interpreted  in  these concepts  bereft  of  historical secondary  explicit  methodology.  markets can  t e r m s o f c l a s s , c o n f l i c t and are c o n s p i c u o u s l y absent  an  simply  The  easily  be  s o c i a l change,  yet  from the d u a l  analysis.  "The dual labour market theory, h o w e v e r much i t e m p h a s i z e s t h e d y n a m i c s o f c h a n g e , d o e s n o t p r o v i d e an e x p l i c i t a n a l y s i s o f c o n f l i c t and i t i s n o t o r i e n t a t e d t o w a r d l o o k i n g f o r t h e s o u r c e s and e f f e c t s o f c o n f l i c t i n s o c i e t y " ( G o r d o n , 1972: 8 7 ) .  In the p r o c e s s abstract  static  a  empirical  more  dual theory  the r i g o r o u s hypotheses of  an  m o d e l i n f a v o u r o f t h e s p e c u l a t i v e h y p o t h e s e s of  fails  neoclassical  of s a c r i f i c i n g  and to  dynamic c o n c e p t i o n transcend  the  of t h e l a b o u r  narrow  confines  market, of  the  paradigm.  "Its most important hypotheses are explicitly h i s t o r i c a l ; t h e y c o n c e r n t h e d y n a m i c s and dialectics of changes in jobs, people and labour market o p e r a t i o n s o v e r a p e r i o d o f f i f t y o r more y e a r s . Most of t h e s e h y p o t h e s e s have not a r i s e n from historical research however, but have been a d d u c e d f r o m l o c a l labour market investigation and cross-section analysis. The dual l a b o u r market t h e o r y suggests a m e t h o d o l o g y , i n o t h e r w o r d s , w h i c h i t s p r o p o n e n t s have n o t been a p p l y i n g i n i t s c o n c e p t i o n " (Gordon, 1972: 52) .  From  a  sociological  p o i n t of v i e w ,  d u a l theory poses  q u i n t e s s e n t i a l q u e s t i o n of a c o n f l i c t  perspective—cui  but  addresses  having  done s o , n e v e r a d e q u a t e l y  not d u a l t h e o r y ...  rather  than  represents ...  a  a  "conceptual  theoretical  bono?—  i t . Whether  point  destination"  of (Beck  the  or  departure etal.,  69  1980), i t marks a t r a n s i t i o n a r y shift  from  view of the conflict review  an  position  individual-based,  in  the  paradigmatic  market-centred,  neoclassical  labour market, to a class-based,  approach.  The  next  two  of r a d i c a l or c l a s s c o n f l i c t  chapters  production-centred present  labour market  a  critical  theory.  70  Chapter The  4  D i a l e c t i c s o f E x p l o i t a t i o n and Labour Market  Discrimination; Radical  Theory  "Whereas t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s s e e s i t s e l f e x p l o i t e d a s a class and comes f a c e to face with i t s exploiter c a p i t a l , the capitalist exploitation of blacks is veiled by racial oppression. As a r e s u l t , t h e y a r e c a u g h t up i n a t w o - f o l d c o n s c i o u s n e s s : a s a c l a s s and as a r a c e , each of w h i c h o f t e n c o n t r a d i c t s the o t h e r w i t h o u t a f f o r d i n g a s y n t h e s i s " ( S i v a n a n d a n , 1982: 7 5 ) . 4.1  Introduction Over the p a s t  model  of  the  decade or  conflict'  'individual/job  and  outcomes  sociological First,  the from  The  draws  'group  concepts  political  power' Each  1  nascent r a d i c a l eclectically  and  'class  type  of  of or  from  strategy'  labour  market  of a g e n c y , s t r u c t u r e , f o r m a t i o n  differing,  neoclassical the  workers  to  bring  o u t c o m e s , and  individual  to a lesser  explanation  and  exchange,  but  dual  often  labour  and  complementary  and  market  job-specific how  these  skills  provided  by  As  these  i n d i v i d u a l motives for pre-entry s t r u c t u r a l and  This is typology.  version  slightly  modified  that  d e t e r m i n e market  e n t r y d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , i n f l u e n c e d by  a  models are  e x t e n t , market f o r m a t i o n .  for racial c o n f l i c t  t e n d s t o be b a s e d on  1  economy  perspectives.  concerned with  the  traditions.  labour market.  conceives  Marxist  emerged f r o m t h e c o n f l u e n c e  paradigm  skill',  approaches t o the theory  a  l a b o u r m a r k e t has  three disparate t h e o r e t i c a l 'class  so  a  rule,  theories  and  post-  institutional  of F i n d l a y ' s  (1983)  71  constraints.  2  Second, tradition  ' g r o u p power' a p p r o a c h e s , d e r i v e d  of  labour  market  analysis,  and p r o f e s s i o n a l  institutions.  t o be a f o r m o f d o m i n a t i o n a r i s i n g over  the  social  Labour market are  segmentation,  generally  activity  distribution  construed  to monopolize  institutionalists 1948;  Kerr,  1954),  'occupational (Kalleberg  call  et a l . ,  'mobility  closure'  from i n t e r - g r o u p  as  the and  and  and  theorists  the  ( G i d d e n s , 1973)  income.  of  collective what  ( D u n l o p , 1944;  a n d H u b e r , 1976)  1981),  competition  exercising  ' b a r g a i n i n g power'  (Form  i s assumed  discrimination  consequences j o b s by  of  through  o f j o b s , wages, and h e n c e  organization  power'  interests  Discrimination  stratification  skills  Weberian  f o c u s on t h e a b i l i t y  groups of w o r k e r s t o promote t h e i r c o l l e c t i v e union  from the  refer  Ross,  to  or 'worker  neo-Weberians  the  as  power'  designate  or ' s o c i a l c l o s u r e '  (Parkin,  1979). Third,  Marxist  rejuvenated  by  Stone,  Marglin,  1974;  extended theory For  into  labour  'class strategy'  capitalist specific  individual  B u r a w o y , 1979;  market 1973;  the  recently  Clawson,  been  marketplace  'sui  point  an  and  segmentation  is  generis', as  1974;  1980),  Gordon e t a l . ,  starting  'mode o f p r o d u c t i o n ' , c o n c e i v e d set  has  a n a l y s i s by r a d i c a l  E d w a r d s , 1979;  theories or  economy  p r o c e s s t h e o r y ( e . g., B r a v e r m a n ,  1974;  labour  (Reich et a l . ,  abstract  political  1982). not  but  an the  historically  of s o c i a l as w e l l as t e c h n i c a l r e l a t i o n s .  Social  F o l l o w i n g C a i n ( 1 9 7 6 ) , I am i n c l u d i n g d u a l t h e o r y i n t h i s t y p e because, a l t h o u g h i t c h a l l e n g e s n e o c l a s s i c a l economic t h e o r y , i t f a i l s to t r a n s c e n d the paradigm. 2  72  r e l a t i o n s are perceived among as  individuals,  not merely as f r e e exchange  Labour  fundamentally  market  and  historical  outcomes of c l a s s s t r u g g l e  struggle  employer  market  relations  relations,  Class  at the point  strategies to resist  conflict tactics  as  of  'intra-class'  are  and  tradition  conflict  social  relations  classes  f o r instance,  skill  takes  the  form  Racial  conflict  employers  use  of  worker  tends  ( b e t w e e n o r among c l a s s 'impera  of  to  be  fractions) et  divide'  highlights  important  aspects  a f f e c t s and i s a f f e c t e d  between  and  in  the  among  to  of  racial  account  for  by, the s t r u c t u r e s ,  labour  market.  individuals,  The  groups and  remain t h e o r e t i c a l l y u n s p e c i f i e d . neoclassical  Radical notions  and d i s c r i m i n a t i o n w i t h Weberian n o t i o n s of c o m p e t i t i o n  authority,  means o f  an  and M a r x i s t  historical  workplace,  as  inter-group  conflicts in  market  the  and i n t r a - c l a s s c o n f l i c t .  l a b o u r market t h e o r y a t t e m p t s t o i n t e g r a t e  theories  class  stratification  b u t t a k e n i n d i v i d u a l l y , none i s a b l e  racial  'class  therefore  the labour process versus  modes o f f o r m a t i o n , a n d o u t c o m e s  and  class  t o m a i n t a i n c o n t r o l and ensure c a p i t a l a c c u m u l a t i o n .  conflict,  of  antagonistic  production  control.  r e p r o d u c e d by  Each  how  segmentation  strategies to control  conceived  or  o r c o m p e t i t i o n b e t w e e n o r among g r o u p s , b u t  unequal, e x p l o i t a t i v e and  relations.  between  analysis  of  class  struggle  i n the  i t m e d i a t e s and i s m e d i a t e d by, i n t r a - c l a s s and  conflict'  racial  the  perspective  which d i f f e r and  n o t i o n s o f c l a s s a n d e x p l o i t a t i o n by  labour  market.  This  i s r e p r e s e n t e d h e r e by a t r i o o f  somewhat i n t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n conflict,  synthetic  but  tend  to  of the labour  share  a  Marxist  73  c o n c e p t i o n o f c l a s s , a n d an e m p h a s i s on t h e h i s t o r i c a l of  class  struggle,  racial  m a r k e t s e g m e n t a t i o n and The market  respectively, class  The  particular  class  foci  of  discrimination  form,  in  the  context  in  the  reaction'  may  have  in  become  4.3  reproduced  4.4  as  the  by, r a c i a l  reappears  s i g n i f i c a n t l y as W i l s o n market  process, market.  overt,  or  (1978) a n t i c i p a t e d .  theories  suggest  ingrained  market i t s e l f  under monopoly  A critical presented  in  evaluation section  that  between  class  conceptualized  i n section  exploitation  and  Racial  has  declined radical become of the  capitalism. market  highlighting  struggle  4.6 i n t e r m s  discrimination'.  argued, tends t o a r i s e a t the i n t e r f a c e appropriation  and  and f o r m a t i o n of the labour  weaknesses of each approach t o r a c i a l relationship  Instead, i t  of r a d i c a l labour 4.5,  a  intentional  i n the s o c i a l organization  l a b o u r p r o c e s s , and i n t h e s t r u c t u r e  in  of t h e d i a l e c t i c s of  labour  less  and  struggle  labour  the  labour  i n t h e l a b o u r market, but i t has p r o b a b l y not  'institutionalized',  and  of  concept  control'  being  4.2,  and  and  discrimination  labour  sections  reproducing  and  'displacement  as  in  each i d e n t i f y d i f f e r e n t  conflict.  behaviour  ' r a d i c a l segmented' and ' s p l i t '  reviewed  dynamics  'resistance  c o n f l i c t and t h e p r o c e s s e s of l a b o u r  stratification.  'radical dual', theories  relations  the  of  and  Finally,  the  racial the  Racial of  conflict is  'dialectics  conflict,  class  is  strengths  conflict. and  theory  of  i t is  relations  of  and d o m i n a t i o n , and group r e l a t i o n s o f c o m p e t i t i o n  domination.  C o n c r e t e r a c i a l c o n f l i c t s a r e aways  inter-group  74  by  definition,  b u t may  a l s o assume e i t h e r i n t e r - c l a s s o r  class  f o r m s , d e p e n d i n g on t h e h i s t o r i c a l  state,  3  4.2  and c l a s s  Radical dual Although  the  other  periphery conflict skill,  of  market,  formation.  4  l a b o u r market  developed  r e g i o n a l economic  processes  intra-  in  theory Britain  as  an  explanation  d i s p a r i t i e s , and c h r o n o l o g i c a l l y  r a d i c a l models, Friedman's relations' paradigm.  has It  become combines  preceded  (1977) t h e o r y  an  exemplar  for  of  of  by  'centre-  the  class  i n s i g h t s from i n d i v i d u a l / j o b a  theory  w h i c h r e s e m b l e s a r a d i c a l v e r s i o n o f D o e r i n g e r and P i o r e  (1971).  This  g r o u p power and c l a s s s t r a t e g y a p p r o a c h e s i n t o  heritage  labour  market  makes  i t an a p p r o p r i a t e  theory,  and  accounts  introduction to radical for  its  theoretical  importance as w e l l as i t s l i m i t a t i o n s . 4.2.i  Worker r e s i s t a n c e Friedman  (1977)  begins  from a c l a s s s t r a t e g y  a n a l y z i n g c l a s s s t r u g g l e at the p o i n t premium leads  placed to  of  perspective  production,  but  the  on t h e r o l e o f w o r k e r r e s i s t a n c e t o e x p l o i t a t i o n  conclusions  usually  associated  with  group  theories. "Worker r e s i s t a n c e must be s e e n a s a f o r c e ... w h i c h a f f e c t s c a p i t a l i s t development, r a t h e r than simply a force w h i c h may e v e n t u a l l y r e s u l t i n t h e d e s t r u c t i o n o f t h e c a p i t a l i s t mode o f p r o d u c t i o n " ( F r i e d m a n , 1977: 49).  3  See C h a p t e r F i v e .  4  See C h a p t e r S i x  power  75  The  homogenization  predicted  by  Marx  of  and  wages  occurred  under  Friedman  (1977).  Differentials  monopoly  a n d age p e r s i s t , he a r g u e s , due cultural  working  a s s e r t e d by B r a v e r m a n  actually  factors;  and  customs,  army, and most c r u c i a l l y ,  conditions  (1974) has  capitalism  according  to  b a s e d on r a c e , e t h n i c i t y , to  a  combination  of  sex  related  the s i z e of the i n d u s t r i a l  worker  never  reserve  resistance.  "Unequal worker r e s i s t a n c e and strategic managerial counterpressure i n the labour process generate a p a t t e r n o f d i s p a r i t y among w o r k e r s w h i c h has been a fundamental feature of c a p i t a l i s m a t l e a s t s i n c e t h e b e g i n i n g s o f Modern I n d u s t r y " ( I b i d : 1 0 8 ) . Labour market  s e g m e n t a t i o n and s t r a t i f i c a t i o n  as the h i s t o r i c a l resistance  o u t c o m e s o f t h e uneven  to exploitation  are therefore  development  seen  of  worker  i n t h e form of d o m i n a t i o n or  control  in the workplace. Friedman resistance  ( 1 9 7 7 : 56)  since  t h i s argument. resistance  the  First, has  institutionalized  i d e n t i f i e s two m a j o r  and  increasingly  and l e s s m i l i t a n t .  reasonably working least  labour  successful  conditions.  in  Unionization  as  agreements. l a b o u r market  embodied  in  the  real has  role  Moreover, organized labour discrimination.  centralized,  with the growth i n  led  of  firm  r e s i s t a n c e has  wages  t o the e x t e n t of a t a c i t a c c e p t a n c e of  relations  worker  Second, w i t h the post-war  markets, worker raising  worker  t o augment  w i t h the e x p a n s i o n of u n i o n i z a t i o n become  internal  in  advent of monopoly c a p i t a l i s m  s h r i n k i n g o f t h e r e s e r v e army, c o m b i n e d size  trends  and  been  improving  to c o o p t a t i o n , at capitalist  'policing'  is clearly  social  collective  implicated in  76  " I n p a r t t h e a t t i t u d e t o w a r d s women, u n s k i l l e d w o r k e r s and i m m i g r a n t s r e f l e c t s d e e p s o c i a l p r e j u d i c e s , b u t i n part i t r e f l e c t s a basic economic motive that has u n d e r l i n e d much t r a d e u n i o n a c t i v i t y " ( F r i e d m a n , 1977: 75) . 4.2.ii  Employer  The  principal  production the  strategies  and  'exercise  Friedman  'control'  products,  constrained  degree  of  their  77).  Control,  power a n d t h e r i g h t  'absolute  control'  by t h e d i c t a t e s o f c a p i t a l  worker  as  peculiar to capitalist  While employers purchase labour  historically the  the l a t t e r defined (Ibid:  i s an a m b i v a l e n t n o t i o n  to e x p l o i t i t and i t s  and  of p r o d u c t i o n ,  of a u t h o r i t y over workers'  notes,  production.  f u n c t i o n s o f management a r e ' c o o r d i n a t i o n ' o f  resistance  is  accumulation  ('relative  Management, a s he s e e s i t , i s c o n f r o n t e d  with  approaches  They c a n choose e i t h e r  coercive and  t o c o n t r o l of the workplace.  or adaptive  'Responsible  c o n t r o l s w h i c h he  Autonomy'  effective within limits, historical  calls  respectively.  a n d h a v e been  alternative  'Direct  Control'  Both s t r a t e g i e s are  applied  throughout  the  c l a s s s t r u g g l e t o d i f f e r e n t groups of workers.  Direct  control  supervision  of the  has  assumed  early  piece-rates,  management.  A l l represent  'soldiering'  (work  individualistic  and  many  forms  entrepreneur,  regressive  machine  weakly  what  Braverman  coercive  conception  from e x e c u t i o n ' ,  s t r a t e g i e s f o r Friedman.  and  attempts  the  foremen, scientific  to  overcome  conditions  resistance.  called  represents  from t h e d i r e c t  despotic  under  organized (1974)  to  pacing  slowdowns)  promoting  control  two  control').  the  of  Taylorism,  'separation  epitome  However, s c i e n t i f i c  of  of  direct  management  77  he  c l a i m s , was  inflexible labour,  l i m i t e d by  control.  By  deskilling  and  opposite  effect  solidarity  to  i t s own extending  the  that  r a n k s of the  was  a profitable  the  capitalism, the and  - 1945  autonomy strategies with  The  B r i t i s h Tavistock enrichment'  of  these  reorganizing  satisfaction,  is  the  work  (Recent  while  and  at  increase the  maintaining  same  steady  the  1960s.  But  monopoly with  financial  planning The  and latter  loyalty  mental the  or  and were  white-collar  'human  relations'  C h i c a g o , and  the  ' q u a l i t y of work' and  'job  under t h i s  rubric).  e n c o u r a g e d management t o  r e l i n q u i s h a degree  'group assembly' concept  plant during  of  approaches  to  of  greater  same  s o c i o l o g y a t H a r v a r d and  Institute.  control  i n manual w o r k e r s , t h a t  traits  i m p r o v e w o r k i n g c o n d i t i o n s , and  solidarity,  the  s t u d i e s w o u l d no d o u b t a l s o f a l l  Proponents  by  period  corporate  examples Friedman c i t e s are  industrial  direct  approaches.  instill  company g o a l s  workers.  organized  worker r e s i s t a n c e a l o n g  favoured  to  and  s t r a t e g i e s were n e e d e d .  long-run  the  the b e h a v i o u r a l  of  discontent  m a r k e t p o w e r , and  made  previously  schools  the  c o n d i t i o n s changed under  expansionary  s i z e and  t e c h n i c a l resources  identification  a u t o n o m y , i t had  worker  as t h e s e  i n c r e a s i n g l y organized  represents  of  r e s e r v e army were s w o l l e n ,  post  responsible  division  W h i l e w o r k e r s were p o o r l y  s t r a t e g y , but  growth i n f i r m  detailed  worker  intended;  m o n o p o l y c a p i t a l i s m more f l e x i b l e In  the  reducing  were m a g n i f i e d .  and  c o n t r a d i c t i o n s which produced  worker time  profits. introduced  responsible  of  autonomy diminishing The  classic  i n the  control and  job  worker example  Swedish auto  autonomy,  Friedman  78  allows,  remains •  e x p l o i t a t i o n , and During  an  ideal  in  long-run  Centre  The  - periphery  technological strategy  job  production  is  if  it  Instead Friedman  conceals  is profitable. quickly  become  and  an is  that  security.  relations i n b o t h management s t r a t e g i e s i s  in relation  climate  alone  firm  contradictions  c o n t r a d i c t i o n inherent  inflexibility  only  s t r a t e g i e s t o f o s t e r company l o y a l t y  a r e n e c e s s a r i l y p r e d i c a t e d on 4.2.iii  that  i s only f e a s i b l e w h i l e the  p e r i o d s of r e c e s s i o n the  visible  their  approach  to  the  changing  economic  forms of worker r e s i s t a n c e .  appropriate applied  method  to  a l l  of  workers  and  Neither  controlling unequivocally.  (1977) c o n t e n d s ,  " s p l i t t i n g workers i n t o v a r i o u s g r o u p s and applying different t y p e s of m a n a g e r i a l s t r a t e g i e s toward t h e s e g r o u p s r e p r e s e n t s a m a j o r method whereby flexibility is gained, and the capitalist mode of p r o d u c t i o n i t s e l f i s m a i n t a i n e d " ( I b i d : 108). Management  distinguishes  categories  of  responsible  autonomy  c o n t r o l to the This relations,  workers  between  'centre'  in  labour  its  approaches  to  and force,  the  former,  'periphery' and and  applies direct  latter.  b i f u r c a t i o n of the i n t e r n a l and  labour  force into  external labour  centre-periphery  markets,  " a r i s e s out of s t r u g g l e , out of a combination of differential worker resistance and managerial strategies for counter-pressure. I t i s not simply a function of attributes s u c h as d i f f e r e n c e s i n r a c e , sex, c o l o u r , n a t i o n a l i t y or s k i l l s " ( I b i d : 117). Centre  workers  expendable;  therefore  strongly  t e c h n i c a l or c r a f t  tend  to  organized  s k i l l s , and  be  those  workers,  those  who  those  involved  in  are with  least scarce  supervisory  79  positions. skilled, higher market  This  white,  skilled,  and  greater  periphery  lower  to  an  internal  male n a t i o n a l s who e n j o y  wages, of  amounts  clerical,  market  more autonomy a t  job security.  workers  labour  comprises  The e x t e r n a l  the  of  work, labour  unskilled,  semi-  women, b l a c k s a n d i m m i g r a n t s who  "will generally be p e r i p h e r a l l a r g e l y b e c a u s e o f t h e l a c k o f s o l i d a r i t y w i t h them on t h e p a r t o f male, white n a t i v e workers, r e f l e c t i n g general p r e j u d i c e i n society" (Ibid; 111).  Centre-periphery monopoly  power  differing as  for  Typical  other  of  many  i s implicit  ascriptive  structure,  worker  managerial  countries  flexibility  analyses,  in radical  dual  group a t t r i b u t e s  of  to  8,9).  both  labour  process  struggle,  and ' c o n s p i r a t o r i a l '  increasing stratification by  conscious  labour  concept  df  theory.  struggle.  theories  labour  the  Race  remain exogenous t o c l a s s  but i n c o n t r a s t , not t o c l a s s  perpetuated  between  different  e x c h a n g e ) , c a n a l s o be v i e w e d  Marxist  of  working  and  of  r e s i s t a n c e ( I b i d : Chaps.  critical  perceive  firms  ofd i s c r i m i n a t i o n  discrimination and  (unequal  increasing  accommodate o r g a n i z e d Concept  between  (subcontracting),  economic wealth  strategies  4.2.iv  relations  Friedman  that  segmentation  ignore  class  t h e o r i e s that  under monopoly c a p i t a l i s m  employer  strategies  is  to  as  d i v i d e the  class.  " S y s t e m a t i c d i v i s i o n s on t h e b a s i s o f s e x , r a c e , s k i l l or other educational attributes not only predate Monopoly C a p i t a l i s m , but a l s o they p r e d a t e c a p i t a l i s m . Certainly there was no g o l d e n a g e o f harmony b e f o r e c a p i t a l i s m among p e o p l e f r o m whom s u r p l u s p r o d u c t was e x t r a c t e d " ( I b i d : 114).  80  The  failure  underestimating always and  o f c l a s s s t r a t e g y t h e o r i e s he  the s t r e n g t h  of  worker  been u n e v e n l y d i s t r i b u t e d .  dualized  racial  market  periphery For  and  of  worker the  w h i l e on  the  other  reserve  army  the  comprehended  54),  resistance  has  encourage  operation  the  of  in  terms of  key  to  explaining  which  is  a  centre-  acts  as  a  "double-edged  hand, workers r e s i s t m a n a g e r i a l  they  endeavour  to  protect  this  the c o n t r a d i c t o r y  one  control,  themselves  from  T h i s b a s i c c o n t r a d i c t i o n b e t w e e n what  revolutionary the  the  discrimination,  pressures.  called in  (1977:  therefore  On  results  which  relations.  sword".  Lenin  be  is in  i n the l a b o u r market,  i n e q u a l i t y through  should  Friedman  dynamic, nature  of  resistance  W h i l e e m p l o y e r s do  t a k e a d v a n t a g e of r a c i a l d i v i s i o n s  reproduction  suggests,  and  resistance  (centre) workers t a k i n g the  of  trade  organized  form of  entry d i s c r i m i n a t i o n against other  union  both  consciousness,  groups of pre-entry  f i r m s , r e g i o n s and  privileged and  post-  countries.  "The r e l a t i o n between c e n t r e and p e r i p h e r y w o r k e r s i s that c e n t r e workers are able to exclude others from c e r t a i n t a s k s ; they are able to p r o t e c t themselves, i n the short-run, f r o m t h e r e s e r v e army o f l a b o u r ; t h e y are able (with managerial encouragement), to divide the working c l a s s i n t o non-competing groups" ( I b i d : 129) .  T h i s t r a n s l a t e s i n t o a n o t i o n of behaviour and and  institutionalized  f o r m a t i o n , and a  labour  behavioural  forged  in internal  as  Crudely  group  labour market s t r u c t u r e  i n the c l a s s s t r u g g l e between  aristocracy.  traits  discrimination  Capital  stated, job s t a b i l i t y  remain c h a r a c t e r i s t i c  f e a t u r e s of  and  Friedman's  81  internal  labour  dualization  by w o r k e r  discrimination employer 4.3  resistance, shifting  (significantly  for a  segmented l a b o u r  Radical influential  segmented  or  work o f s e v e r a l d u a l  States  who  gravitated  both  (Reich  et a l . ,  individual skill  segmented l a b o u r excellence.  market  Its  1973;  production  Marxist  Edwards,  1975;  intellectual  l i n e a g e may (1977)  be more more  1979;  elements  par  pronounced, in  emphasis  than c o n t r a d i c t .  statement of the t h e o r y  Edwards  and  its  'control';  former  need n o t .  the  latter  involving  L i k e Braverman  (1979:  under c a p i t a l i s m n e c e s s a r i l y  'top-down'  form,  and  hence  than k i n d .  The  social  equates with  the  distinction  relations  of  coercion  (1974) h o w e v e r ,  notes that coordination  discipline  perspective  F r i e d m a n , d i s t i n g u i s h e s between t h e ' c o o r d i n a t i o n '  the  "direction  the  i s a c l a s s s t r a t e g y approach  t h a n s u b s t a n c e ; t o complement r a t h e r  like  a  i s the  theorists in  A l t h o u g h i t borrows  but i t tends t o depart from Friedman  Edwards'  the  and g r o u p power t r a d i t i o n s , r a d i c a l  theory  I n t h e most c o m p l e t e  market  towards  1981; G o r d o n e t a l . , 1 9 8 2 ) .  rather  from  segmentation' theory  labour  Reich,  while  theory)  theory  'labour  t h e 1970s  17)  the p r i m a r y source of  Marxist  market  during  from  factors in  to p r i v i l e g e d workers.  Radical  United  market, but a r e superseded as c a u s a l  assumes  i s one o f  degree he  t h e " s y s t e m o f c o n t r o l " , o r t h e manner i n w h i c h  the  or focus  reward is  from the h i s t o r i c a l  are  the  a  firm  o f work t a s k s , e v a l u a t i o n  within  he  of worker p e r f o r m a n c e ,  coordinated"  (Edwards,  1979:  on t h e s y s t e m o f c o n t r o l and how c l a s s s t r u g g l e at the p o i n t  of  and 18).  i t evolves  production.  82  4.3.i  The  system of c o n t r o l  For Edwards, c o n t r o l i s the p r i m a r y production, ability process  and  the  r e v o l u t i o n a r y nature  to r e s t r u c t u r e the in  capital  order  to  on  the  muzzle  nineteenth  century  'simple  worker  of  the  level  control',  the  ('hierarchical  control').  complexity  of  the  The  firm,  resistance  worker  direct  ('entrepreneurial  g r a d u a l l y u n d e r m i n e d by  the  labour  and  maintain  process of  resistance.  supervision  control'),  During  their  the  i n the  organization  by  foremen  e f f e c t i v e n e s s of s i m p l e  and  system  of w o r k e r s  or  the mutual i n c r e a s e  is  production,  c a p i t a l i s m the predominant  owner-operators  was  of  f i r m , the type  of  capitalist  of c a p i t a l i s m i s i t s  'restructuring' the  competitive  of  organization  This  size  m a r k e t c o n d i t i o n s and  was  social  accumulation.  contingent  feature  control  scale  and  of  worker  like  welfare  resistance. While  experimenting  capitalism,  scientific  the  half  first  monopoly  of  capital  structural  cannot; the  the  control  The  more  three  firms  worker r e s i s t a n c e .  The  what been  responsible incorporated  of of  notion  autonomy into  the  o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e of work, making  systems  (1979)—simple,  t e c h n i c a l and  to  stages  progressive  'core'  systems  to i d e n t i f y w i t h the main  the  throughout  sophisticated  recognizes  s y s t e m o f c o n t r o l has  more d i f f i c u l t  company u n i o n s  twentieth century,  to subjugate  t e c h n i c a l and/or s o c i a l it  alternatives  management and  developed  'structural control' of  with  of  r e l a t i o n s of  production.  control according  bureaucratic—correspond  t o Edwards roughly  i n t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of t h e c a p i t a l i s t  mode  83  of p r o d u c t i o n , but  since  alternative  have  forms  that  development  tended  to  has  been  uneven,  c o e x i s t w i t h i n the  Simple c o n t r o l p e r s i s t s  in  the  general  historical  trends.  periphery  s e c t o r s o f t h e economy, w h i l e v a r i o u s c o m b i n a t i o n s  s t r u c t u r a l c o n t r o l a r e p r a c t i s e d i n the monopoly criterion capital  i s the  sectors.  same; a c c o m m o d a t i n g w o r k e r r e s i s t a n c e t o  of The  ensure  accumulation.  4. 3 . i i 4.3.ii.a The  Structural control Technical control concept  of t e c h n i c a l c o n t r o l acknowledges Braverman's  ( 1 9 7 4 ) a s s e r t i o n t h a t s c i e n c e and the  competitive  technology  r e p r o d u c t i o n of r e l a t i o n s o f d o m i n a t i o n  are  implicated  i n the  in  workplace.  "Technical c o n t r o l i n v o l v e s d e s i g n i n g m a c h i n e r y and p l a n n i n g t h e f l o w of work t o m i n i m i z e t h e problem of transforming labour power i n t o l a b o u r , a s w e l l a s t o maxmize t h e p u r e l y p h y s i c a l l y b a s e d p o s s i b i l i t i e s for achieving efficiencies. Thus a s o c i a l d i m e n s i o n , the inherent c l a s s nature of capitalist production is added t o t h e e v o l u t i o n o f t e c h n o l o g y " ( E d w a r d s , 1979: 112). It  i s related  numerical  to,  but  control,  management w h i c h may  distinguishable  and  a  whole.  The  the  production  industry,  later  Henry  Ford.  machine  techniques  Edwards  first  introduced  of  pacing,  scientific  of l a b o u r  social organization  example  continuous-flow and  various  i n c r e a s e the e x p l o i t a t i o n  necessarily transforming as  the  from  (1979:  of 117)  e s t a b l i s h e d i n the i n t o automobile  without  production cites  is  meatpacking production  by  84  Each  system  of  contradictions. force  and  worker firm.  The  its  own  r o u t i n i z a t i o n of work h o m o g e n i z e d t h e  work  s o c i a l i z e d the  resistance  therefore  both  each  the  labour  industry.  from p r o d u c t i o n  f o r m of to  Bureaucratic p u b l i c and  entire the  unionization,  the  production useful  workers  accommodating  for  (e.  g.  organized  control  post -  their  of  workers.  1945  period  s t r u c t u r a l c o n t r o l has  mitigate  and  non-production  resistance  Bureaucratic  locus  foster  increasingly  i t became l e s s e f f e c t i v e i n  the  helped  force  While  unorganized,  Since  the  i n d i v i d u a l workplace to the  Clerical),  4.3.ii.b  creates  i n d u s t r i a l (as opposed t o c r a f t )  integrating  controlling  the  control  for  p r o c e s s e s of  invariably  labour process, s h i f t i n g  from  Technical  preconditions by  control  evolved alongside technical  vulnerability  control, corporate  Edwards  to  organized  contends,  bureaucracies  p r o d u c t i o n sphere with  of m o n o p o l y c a p i t a l i s m a  considerable  and  was then  new  forms  resistance.  devised applied  in to  the the  success.  "In i t s most f u n d a m e n t a l a s p e c t , b u r e a u c r a t i c control i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d t h e e x e r c i s e of h i e r a r c h i c a l power w i t h i n the f i r m . The d e f i n i t i o n and d i r e c t i o n of work tasks, t h e e v a l u a t i o n of w o r k e r p e r f o r m a n c e s , and the d i s t r i b u t i o n of r e w a r d s and i m p o s i t i o n of punishments all came to depend upon established rules and p r o c e d u r e s , e l a b o r a t e l y and s y s t e m a t i c a l l y l a i d out" (Ibid: 131).  The exactly  e f f e c t s of the  hierarchies autonomy,  bureaucratic  opposite of  job  supervisory  of  c o n t r o l on technical  the  labour  control.  classifications specifying power,  s e c u r i t y and  force  are  Extensive wages,  advancement  job  greatly  85  enhance s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , than  differences  promotes  competition  apparatus market"  for  the  force.  or  security  among  workers  flexibility. and  prompting  the  Productivity  exploitation.  resistance  Variable  And  managerial  costs  finally,  to the  flexibility  'social  struggle arenas.  Hence,  c o n c l u d e s , has the  firm  only  the  of  resolved  risk  i n s o c i e t y at  4.3.iii  Segmented m a r k e t s and  toward  the the  a r g u e s , the the  historical  the  it the  internal  control  also  labour  aims  and  testify tend  failure  become  operations  corporation  and  to  into  fixed,  to cheap  labour  security  and  involved  state  organized  labour  national Edwards  reuniting  to  conceal  thereby d i s p l a c i n g the  control,  of  'work  more  between job  increasingly  job  managerial  increasing  to the to  for  at  labour  requires  class  political  (1979:  p r o b l e m of c o n t r o l a t the  struggle  If  of  problems  production  the  the  same  and  bureaucratic  at  "establishes  system  trade-off  institutions',  over c o n t r o l  the  move  has  intervention, transforming into  I n sum,  b o u r g e o i s v a l u e s i n the  suffers,  multinationals  countries.  and  bureaucratic  l o y a l t y and  creates  wildcat  to r e s i s t .  rather  183).  l o n g - r u n n a t u r e of and  ability  autonomy,  company  The  status d i s t i n c t i o n s  e m p l o y e r ' s model ...  responsible  inculcating  b a s e d on  skill  ( E d w a r d s , 1979:  Like  rule'  in  now  i t with  162)  level the  of  class  large.  trend  divided  during  h o m o g e n i z a t i o n of  the  labour,  workers nineteenth  century  was  t h e n , Edwards (1979:  163)  dominant t e n d e n c y of monopoly  ' r e d i v i s i o n ' of t h e  capitalism  has  been  working c l a s s i n t o 'enduring f r a c t i o n s '  86  through  the o p e r a t i o n  markets.  He  of  rejects  institutionalized,  the  individual/job s k i l l  e x p l a n a t i o n s f o r market segmentation buyers  of  labour  power  not  exchange  either  (monopsonists),  or  monopoly  i m p l a u s i b l e (Edwards,  themselves  monopoly  has  (the  buying  of l a b o u r power), but  through  control  i n the labour p r o c e s s  ( t h e c o n s u m p t i o n of l a b o u r  States,  he  segments,  to  dual  labour  tentatively  the d i f f e r e n t  market  identifies  o u t c o m e s , and  a predominant system of  and  systems  of  power).  r e s e a r c h i n the  three  each a s s o c i a t e d w i t h p a r t i c u l a r  164-  occurred  selling  Referring  sellers  1979:  that segmentation  relations  labour  g r o u p power  on  I n s t e a d , Edwards m a i n t a i n s through  and  based  ( u n i o n s ) a s c o n t r a d i c t o r y and 165).  segmented  United  distinct  market  m a r k e t s t r u c t u r e s and  control.  "Thus t h e f u n d a m e n t a l b a s i s for d i v i s i o n i s to be found i n t h e w o r k p l a c e , n o t i n t h e l a b o u r m a r k e t ; so to d e f i n e the t h r e e market segments we now have a single criterion—the type of c o n t r o l system—rather than simply a cluster of market behaviour c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s " ( I b i d : 178). (a) and  The  'secondary  nonproduction  minimal,  market'  a r e a s where s k i l l s ,  advancement  relatively  e n t a i l s casual jobs i n production  high.  practically  Most  wages  n i l , and  secondary  jobs  and  security  voluntary  are  found  turnover in  c o m p e t i t i v e p e r i p h e r y s e c t o r o f m o n o p o l y c a p i t a l i s m where control continues and  illegal  to p r e v a i l .  aliens  Edwards denotes the (b)  The  and  nonproduction  tend  'working  'subordinate primary  poor'  (Ibid:  market'  simple  h i g h wages and  youth  i n what  167).  includes  j o b s w h i c h t e n d t o be  u s u a l l y have r e a s o n a b l y  the  B l a c k s , h i s p a n i c s , females,  t o be h e a v i l y o v e r r e p r e s e n t e d  are  both  unionized.  security,  but  production These  jobs  advancement  87  is  limited,  control.  tasks  This  routine,  segment  and  Edwards  work (1979)  ' t r a d i t i o n a l p r o l e t a r i a t ' comprised of w o r k e r s , and female c l e r i c a l (c) in  The  'independent  lower-level  upper-level Public of  this  administrative,  segment  Following  'middle l a y e r s ' 4.3.iv  with  industrial  operatives  work,  where  wages,  of s k i l l e d  and t h e  high,  benefits,  and b u r e a u c r a t i c  manual  ( I b i d : 170).  t e c h n i c a l and s u p e r v i s o r y craft  the  job  jobs  areas,  professions. proportion  security  control  and  usually  Braverman, Edwards r e f e r s t o t h i s group as  the the  ( I b i d : 174).  Concept of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n  The  concept  i s more e x p l i c i t the  and  technical  employees c o m p r i s e a l a r g e and g r o w i n g  advancement a r e o f t e n norm.  male  and f a c t o r y  to  associates  primary market' c o n s i s t s  industrial  sector  subject  line  of  of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n  i n Edwards'  and c o m p l e x t h a n i n r a d i c a l  argument  (1979) a n a l y s i s  dual  a p p e a r s t o be r e v e r s e d .  theory,  and  Edwards (1979:  163) c o n t e n d s t h a t "both exogenous d i v i s i o n s (expecially racial sexual o n e s ) a n d new d i s t i n c t i o n s o f c a p i t a l i s m ' s making h a v e become embedded i n the s t r u c t u r e soc i e t y " . Acknowledging  that  various  c o n t i n u e t o be p r a c t i s e d  within  overt  forms  of  and own of  discrimination  e a c h market segment,  he  claims  that "intentional discrimination remains important, but i n c r e a s i n g l y i t h a s been s u p p l a n t e d by institutional discrimination .... T h u s i n probing the causes of segmented labour m a r k e t s , we seek in part to understand how racial discrimination and sexual discrimination have become incorporated in the institutional processes of labour markets" ( I b i d : 178).  88  The  l a b o u r market however, i s n o t t h e o n l y l o c u s o f  discrimination,  and  segments, t h e p r o c e s s explain  racial  since  i t tends  of market  to  racial  c r o s s - c u t a l l market  formation  can  only  partially  inequality.  'Blacks, and o t h e r minorities a n d women come t o c o n s t i t u t e y e t f u r t h e r f r a c t i o n s of t h e working c l a s s , because racial and s e x u a l relations continue to develop a c c o r d i n g t o d i s t i n c t processes of development or 'separate d i a l e c t i c s ' " ( I b i d : 194). Race  constitutes  a 'separate  consciousness',  f o r Edwards w h i c h i s n o t s i m p l y a d e r i v a t i v e process.  a 'special  status'  of the accumulation  Nevertheless, the  " g r o w i n g r e s e a r c h on t h e r o l e s o f women a n d b l a c k s i n capitalist society suggests one c e n t r a l c o n c l u s i o n : change i n t h e i r situations has occurred mostly i n response t o the i n t e r a c t i o n of the d i a l e c t i c s of race and s e x w i t h t h a t o f c a p i t a l i s t development" (Ibid: 196) .  In  sum  then,  institutional markets,  forms  integral  as  endemic  f e a t u r e s of  capitalism. implicated,  the  control  discrimination  to  racial  society,  i n conjunction like  inequality. but  structure  a l l  agents  in  the  market  must  p r o f i t s from i t .  be  These  under labour  assumed  by  tend  to  they a r e monopoly are  i s i n the  racial the  labour  market  of segmentation  t h e onus o f r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r  with  t o reproduce  in actuality,  market  source  internal  that operates  labour  because the primary  labour  ultimately  and  While  labour process, in  of  of  produce market segmentation  racial discrimination appear  systems  conflict  class  which  89  4.4  Split  l a b o u r market  Split  l a b o u r m a r k e t t h e o r y , f o r m u l a t e d by  1975;  1976;  First,  i t i s the only c l a s s c o n f l i c t  t h e o r y of material 17).  1979;  theory  "race  and  bases  is  ethnic  which  includes  in  And the  struggle,  approach t h a t i s avowedly a which  as  labour opposed  This  market theory  from the o t h e r  of  (Bonacich,  inter-group  i t  market to  1979:  r a t h e r than  on  from beliefs  inter-group  i n the c o n t e x t of at  an  concept  to racist  the  societal  point  distinguishes split  two c l a s s c o n f l i c t  similar  the  conflict  focuses  struggle  p a r t i c u l a r aspect  i t s conclusions are very  models,  of  labour although  t o the r a d i c a l d u a l model,  and  some g r o u p power t h e o r i e s .  Bonacich  begins  with  essentially a 'political originates  in  the  assumptions  a l a b o u r market d i v i d e d a l o n g  t e n e t of s p l i t  market theory  i s the ' p r i c e of labour'.  difference  differentials  antagonism, within  and the  racial  antagonism  conflict  can  t h e most i m p o r t a n t  of  racial  conversely,  associated with increasing racial  is  The  The h y p o t h e s i s  working  race  lines.  i s that r a c i a l  i n the p r i c e of labour along  inter-group  that  c o n s t r u c t ' , and t h a t r a c i a l  be e x p l a i n e d by e c o n o m i c c l a s s p r o c e s s e s , which  emphasizes  by a s o c i o l o g i s t ,  finally,  production.  central  reasons.  and i n s t i t u t i o n a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n ,  competition  indeed,  for several  'antagonism', a s o c i o l o g i c a l  a l l forms  ideologies.  class  (1972;  o f r a c e and e t h n i c a n t a g o n i s m "  Hence t h e t e r m  intentional  distinctive  relations  S e c o n d , i t was c o n c e i v e d  economist.  and  1980)  Bonacich  class  i s that a large  lines will decreasing will  tend  i n t e g r a t i o n and working  foster price to  be  class  90  solidarity. divisions concrete and  In  the  within  the  material  course,  working  division  'cheap', black Of  complex dynamic of c l a s s s t r u g g l e , class  between  therefore  racial  conceal  'high-priced', white  the labour  labour.  Bonacich  ( 1 9 7 9 : 34-5)  i s aware  that  " r a c e i s not the o n l y l i n e a l o n g w h i c h a division in t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s b a s e d on p r i c e of l a b o u r d i f f e r e n c e s is drawn. Sex and n a t i o n a l i t y mark o t h e r important i n s t a n c e s .... R a c e , sex and nationality become the s y m b o l i s m i n w h i c h t h e c o n f l i c t i s e x p r e s s e d , but t h e y a r e not i n themselves i t s cause. Nor i s i t i n e v i t a b l e that race, sex, e t c . , s h o u l d mark a p r i c e o f l a b o u r d i s t i n c t i o n .... R a c e i s i m p o r t a n t o n l y so l o n g as it i s rooted in c l a s s processes." Her  argument  determinants  proceeds of  'displacement'  the of  from price  expensive  of h i g h - p r i c e d l a b o u r  to  s t r u g g l e w i t h c a p i t a l and 4.4.i  P r i c e of Bonacich  racial cannot  be  of  labour,  in  and  labour the  f u n d a m e n t a l one.  analysis the  by c h e a p l a b o u r , and  the  threat  the  State.  of  of  the  process  of  the  reactions  displacement  in  the  5  20)  readily  division  concedes  i s the only c l a s s labour  The  that  "ethnic  a r e h i g h l y c o m p l e x phenomena  reduced to a s i n g l e f a c t o r . "  the p r i c e of conflict  historical  labour (1979:  conflict  an  market;  p r i c e of  issue  only  labour  Nor  d o e s she  that  i s defined  it  is  which  hold  underlying  and  that  racial the  most  as  " l a b o u r ' s t o t a l c o s t to the employer, including not only wages, but the cost of recruitment, t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , room and b o a r d , e d u c a t i o n , h e a l t h c a r e ( i f t h e e m p l o y e r must b e a r t h e s e ) , and the cost of l a b o u r u n r e s t " ( B o n a c i c h , 1972: 549).  See B o n a c i c h ( 1 9 7 5 ; 1976) f o r a n a l y s i s o f b l a c k s market i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s . 5  i n the  labour  91  As  such,  i t i s a c a t c h - a l l concept encompassing n o t i o n s  p r i c e of l a b o u r  p o w e r , w o r k e r r e s i s t a n c e , and  of  the  worker c o n t r o l  of  production. The  causes  labour  market  development, 1979:  20).  underlying are  identified  imperialism,  as  price differential  the  migration,  level and  t h e p r i c e of  indigenous  and  middlemen tend  to  drive  development  processes:  labour, while  is  the  associated  ( i ) the development  increasing  productivity,  accompanied  by  consciousness p o w e r , and  (ii)  and  (iii)  capitalist modernization  of  and  middlemen  (Bonacich,  with  down.  Bonacich,  For  three  forces  rising  of  a  interrelated  of  production,  standard  of  not  welfare  been r e p r o d u c e d  class  bargaining autonomous  function. as  later  in  Bonacich  North  (1979)  America, led to imperialism.  associates  'underdevelopment'  and  huge  w h i c h h a v e downward e f f e c t s  with reserve  on  the  'white  This  successfully  i n the T h i r d World however, because c a p i t a l i s m i n Western and  living  spawning  relatively  increasing  effect  migration  organizations to increase  an  s c e n a r i o has  upward  imperialism,  proletarianization  worker  the  economic  with  the  a  the c o n s t r u c t i o n  state  price  in  of  E c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t t e n d s t o h a v e an  on  economic  a racial  Europe  Imperialism domination',  a r m i e s of l a b o u r , a l l of price  of  labour  in  the  hinterland. The change. labour labour  period First to  the  of  i m p e r i a l i s m was  the m i g r a t i o n of colonies,  one  settlers,  followed  of massive demographic s l a v e s and  later  from the h i n t e r l a n d to the m e t r o p o l i s .  by  indentured  the m i g r a t i o n Migration  of  lowers  92  the  p r i c e of immigrant  s e v e r a l ways.  l a b o u r r e l a t i v e to indigenous workers  I m m i g r a n t l a b o u r i s more  because i t o f t e n  faces l i n g u i s t i c  prone  the host c o u n t r y .  workers  who  The  exploitation  and c u l t u r a l p r o b l e m s ,  c i t i z e n s h i p r i g h t s a r e l i m i t e d by t h e t e r m s by  to  phenomenon o f  plan to return to their  of e n t r a n c e  and i t s dictated  'sojourning'—temporary  families  i n the  hinterland—  a l s o p l a c e s downward p r e s s u r e on t h e p r i c e o f i m m i g r a n t Still  another  factor  is  the  role  i n t e r m e d i a r i e s b e t w e e n c a p i t a l and c o n t r a c t i n g and 4.4.ii  Bonacich two  groups  labour  in  simplest  is actively  cheaper  1979).  labour  for  the  more e x p e n s i v e ,  o f e x p l o i t a t i o n and  larger  displacement'  is  25)  still  real,  insists and  that  presents  the six  to thus  profits. because i t  r e s i s t e d by o r g a n i z e d l a b o u r ( i t i s a l s o (1979:  between  attempt  t y p e o f d i s p l a c e m e n t r a r e l y o c c u r s now  Bonacich  labour  that, given a price d i f f e r e n t i a l  p e r m i t t i n g a h i g h e r degree  but  immigrant  a c t as  of l a b o u r  assumes  the  labour.  'middlemen' who  of workers, c e t e r i s p a r i b u s , c a p i t a l w i l l  substitute  The  of  subcontracting (Bonacich,  Displacement  in  illegal!), 'threat more  of  subtle  p r o c e s s e s of d i s p l a c e m e n t t h a t c a p i t a l employs t o u n d e r c u t h i g h priced labour. The i s an  indirect  priced, The  'deskilling'  p r o c e s s which Braverman  (1974) d e s c r i b e s  form of d i s p l a c e m e n t t h a t aims t o  skilled  by  indirect  form.  high-  labour with less expensive, s e m i - s k i l l e d labour.  displacement  farmers)  replace  of  monopoly The  petit  bourgeois,  producers 'maintenance  owner-operators  (agribusiness)  is  of d e p r e s s e d p o c k e t s '  (small another through  93  j o b or s e c t o r s e g r e g a t i o n  i s also i n d i r e c t displacement.  'Dirty  work' p e r f o r m e d by g a s t a r b e i t e r s i n E u r o p e , f a r m w o r k e r s i n A m e r i c a and are  allowed  l a b o u r has  priced  access  bourgeois  most r e c e n t  and  imports'  to import  and  the  of c h e a p l a b o u r , a n d  employers high-priced  minorities  can  threaten  by d r i v i n g u n i o n i z e d  high-  competitors  latter  reduce labour c o s t s .  The  two  indirect  f o r m s of d i s p l a c e m e n t  are  by  'runaway s h o p ' .  The  multinationals in  r u l i n g c l a s s e s i n the T h i r d World can  manufactured items  labour  foreign  middlemen  important  because  welfare.  unless the  c o l l u s i o n w i t h the  cheap  to sources  labour with displacement  of b u s i n e s s  'cheap  a l i e n s everywhere e x i s t s  t h e o p t i o n of  Petit  out  illegal  North  c o u n t r i e s who  choose  f r o m , o r p r o d u c e them r i g h t  i n , the  c o m p e t e among t h e m s e l v e s t o  attract  capital.  "Thus i m m i g r a t i o n and t h e runaway s h o p a r e e s s e n t i a l l y o p p o s i t e s i d e s o f t h e same c o i n , and should be so analysed. The particular form d i s p l a c e m e n t takes undoubtedly corresponds to stages of capitalist development, and also to the dialectic of class struggle. Thus, as high-priced labour achieves a resolution t o t h i s p r o b l e m , c a p i t a l d e v i s e s a new way to reach and exploit the world's cheap labour" ( B o n a c i c h , 1979: 3 0 ) . 4.4.i ii As  Reactions  to  displacement  l o n g as a s u p p l y  of cheap l a b o u r  serious threat to high-priced  i s a v a i l a b l e i t poses a  labour.  "While the p r o c e s s of d i s p l a c e m e n t of h i g h - p r i c e d w i t h cheaper labour may o c c u r f o r e c o n o m i c r e a s o n s a l o n e , i t has i m p o r t a n t p o l i t i c a l consequences, namely, i t undermines the c l a s s s t r u g g l e between c a p i t a l and (high-priced) labour. The t h r e a t of d i s p l a c e m e n t a c t s a s a damper on t h e c l a s s s t r u g g l e , a f a c t t h a t c a p i t a l makes use o f t o k e e p l a b o u r s u b d u e d " ( I b i d : 2 5 ) . According  to Bonacich  (1979: 3 0 ) ,  high-priced  labour  has  two  94  alternatives  for dealing  obstruct c a p i t a l ' s access to  avert displacement,  cheap  with  the  problem.  They c a n e i t h e r  t o cheap l a b o u r u s i n g p o l i t i c a l  or they can attempt t o r a i s e  l a b o u r , and thereby  means  the p r i c e of  remove t h e g r o u n d s f o r a s p l i t  labour  market and t h e t h r e a t of d i s p a c e m e n t . Attempts t o block c a p i t a l ' s access according  t o t h e type of displacement  the cheap l a b o u r , and t h e p o l i t i c a l T y p i c a l of these 'caste' labour  protectionism.  i s outside  the  country  i s to enlist  of  on  Australia' labour  cheap  aliens  movements, the source  racial of cheap  effective  means  of  immigration  i n N o r t h A m e r i c a , and t h e power  of  When e f f o r t s t o b l o c k t h e e n t r y  a r e not s u c c e s s f u l , as i n the case of i l l e g a l  'caste'  lobbying  systems  occurs  develop  the entry of non-organized firms  or  differentials  and  divisions  labour  process.  most  labour.  for repatriation  and  measures.  industries,  largely,  If  vary  the source of  p o l i c y a r e examples of t h e p o l i t i c a l  Mexico,  Racial restrict  labour  t h e S t a t e t o impose i m m i g r a t i o n c o n t r o l s .  oriental  labour  deportation  the  to protect i t s e l f .  from  threatened,  exclusion  and  Restrictions  white  are  cheap  c l o u t of h i g h - p r i c e d  systems,  exclusion  'white  approaches  to  of  Bonacich  a  jobs,  dualized  when ' w h i t e '  black  labour  creating labour  colour  market.  trade into bars, The  unions certain price racial  i n t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s and South A f r i c a a r e  believes,  a  product  of  this  historical  95  Protectionism by  erecting  campaigns  tariff  to  buy  protectionism demanding  r e f e r s t o p o l i c i e s t o r e s t r i c t cheap walls, national  import  quotas,  brands.  h a s been d i r e c t e d more  the  repeal  of t a r i f f s  and  Lately, at  the  labour  countries.  advertising  Bonacich runaway  notes,  shop  by  that permit m u l t i n a t i o n a l s t o  e s c a p e d u t y c h a r g e s on c o m m o d i t i e s p r o d u c e d by cheap  imports  Consequently,  subsidiaries  recent  in  protectionist  s l o g a n s have tended t o a p p e a l t o n a t i o n a l i s t r a t h e r  than  racial  solidarity. The  problem f a c i n g h i g h - p r i c e d  prophylactic  efforts  differential,  and t h e r f o r e  the  long-run.  labour State to  The  by o r g a n i z i n g  paradoxically  the  maintain  often  those  workers,  oppressed  exception  dilemma B o n a c i c h consciousness' the  price  market  in  than  workers  the  cooptation  enormous d i f f i c u l t i e s  pressure  on  the  s t a n d a r d s f o r a l l w o r k e r s , and i n cheap labour,  to  labour  have  Explanations point  of h i g h - p r i c e d  confronting  countries.  o f f e r s the only  rule.  (1979) a r g u e s , t e n d and  short-run  racial  labour  putting  s u c h s t r a t e g i e s by h i g h - p r i c e d  the  a  its  a l t e r n a t i v e i s t o r a i s e the p r i c e of cheap  Although e q u a l i z i n g the p r i c e of labour solution,  i s that  perpetuate a s p l i t  t o e s t a b l i s h minimum l a b o u r  support  labour  long-run  to labour  long-run  been  more  for this the  'false  i n s t e a d of  strategies.  "...the f a i l u r e of e q u a l i z i n g strategies by highpriced labour i s not only a p r o d u c t o f t h e i r own f a i l i n g s ( t h o u g h t h e s e may be c o n s i d e r a b l e ) , b u t a l s o of t h e s t r u c t u r e and dynamics of s p l i t labour markets w h i c h make e q u a l i z i n g s o l u t i o n s d i f f i c u l t t o a c h i e v e . Protectionism o f v a r i o u s s o r t s i s f a r more s i m p l e a n d d i r e c t , p r o v i d i n g immediate r e l i e f . I t i s primarily f o r t h i s reason that i t predominates" ( I b i d ; 34).  96  4.4.iv  Concept  of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n  Bonacich  argues  that  c a p i t a l i s m , and c h i e f l y cheap  in  because  the  of  uneven  development  colonialism,  the  role  l a b o u r h a s been most o f t e n p l a y e d by ' n o n - w h i t e '  and women. attempts  The r e s i s t a n c e o f h i g h - p r i c e d to  displace  i t with  labour  cheaper  monopolize expense  skills,  of b l a c k s ,  powerful market  jobs,  groups  ethnic in  the  unions,  and  politico-legal  minorities, labour  women  market.  s t r u c t u r e c r e a t e d by t h e d i s p l a c e m e n t  stratifying  e t h n i c and s e x u a l  the  peoples, capital's  exclusionary  W h i t e , male w o r k e r s h a v e t e n d e d t o  the c l a s s s t r u g g l e has a l l o w e d labour,  of  labour has r e s u l t e d i n  i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d d i s c r i m i n a t i o n by t r a d e movements a n d p r o t e c t i o n i s m .  to  of  capital  working  to  resources and  at the  other  The d u a l i z e d  less labour  - r e a c t i o n c y c l e of superexploit  c l a s s i n t o competing  cheap racial,  factions.  "In sum, t h i s a p p r o a c h s u g g e s t s that there a r e two distinct types of r a c i a l - n a t i o n a l oppression, one stemming from c a p i t a l , and t h e other from labour" ( B o n a c i c h , 1980: 1 4 ) .  Bonacich  i s critical  strategy approaches  of  individual/job  to racial conflict  skill  i n the labour  and c l a s s  market.  "In c o n t r a s t to dual labour market theory, split labour market theory sees t h e p r i c e of labour of different groups of workers as r o o t e d in their historical experiences. S t a b i l i t y i n t h e j o b market i s o n l y one o f t h e f a c t o r s w h i c h a f f e c t s price. The price d i f f e r e n c e s a r e n o t s o much a p r o d u c t o f t h e sector i n which workers a r e congregated as of the bargain they are able t o s t r i k e up w i t h e m p l o y e r s . "Racial" d i f f e r e n c e s i n t h e p r i c e of labour a r e materially based i n the h i s t o r y of t h e group i n q u e s t i o n and not merely a handy v i s i b l e tool upon which employers make an actuarial prediction" ( B o n a c i c h , 1979: 3 6 ) .  97  She  agrees  segmentation the  uneven  with  and  radical  stratification  development  assumption  that  manipulation  of  racial  by c a p i t a l  by w h i t e l a b o u r "  segmented  theory  that  are the h i s t o r i c a l  capitalism,  but  discrimination  market  outcomes of  challenges  the  i s more a " p r o d u c t o f  than a r a t i o n a l p u r s u i t of s e l f - i n t e r e s t  ( I b i d ).  "For what s p l i t l a b o u r m a r k e t t h e o r y t r i e s t o do i s t o show how t h e m a t e r i a l conditions of w h i t e workers produced by i m p e r i a l i s m d i s t o r t t h e p r o g r e s s i v e c l a s s struggle against c a p i t a l i n t o a reactionary stance on t h e r a c e q u e s t i o n " ( B o n a c i c h , 1979: 4 0 ) .  Split  labour  r a d i c a l dual  positon  (1977), Bonacich class  has  theory  on r a c i a l  production  more  from  faulted  relations  for  and  is  clearly  theorized  segmented models.  established  and r a c i a l , than  by  (Ibid: 37).  market  focusing  on t h e  market,  rather  and  process. between  among c l a s s  inter-group  conflict  i n e i t h e r the r a d i c a l dual or a relationship  between  d i s c r i m i n a t i o n i s t h e o r e t i c a l l y and historically  sexism) t o the c l a s s s t r u g g l e a s i t imperialism"  i n the  labour  relationship  relations,  working  forces  i n the labour  the  Specifically,  worker r e s i s t a n c e and r a c i a l empirically  this,  market  intra-class conflict  radical  i n the labour  Friedman  "white  split  g r o u p power t h e o r y ,  struggle, more  the  i s that  control - resistance dialectic  W h i l e i t may be  c l o s e s t to the  been among t h e more r e a c t i o n a r y  The m a i n d i f f e r e n c e  borrows  the  comes  d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , and l i k e  displacement - reaction d i a l e c t i c than  then,  ( 1 9 7 9 : 40) c o n c l u d e s t h a t  often  modern w o r l d . " theory  market  linking  i s made  more  "racism (and complex  by  98  4.5  C r i t i q u e of r a d i c a l  l a b o u r market  Since,  exception  with  t h e o r i e s tend labour for  the  t o f o c u s on  class  conflict  criticism.  between  class  labour market  before  struggle  and  struggle  in  (1972), the  tentative,  suggested,  and  but  (1977)  concern  of worker r e s i s t a n c e w h i c h , control  is  in  the  reproduces  reintroduce class, Marxist  as  control'),  control')  the  the is  exclusively  of c e n t r e  social  is  contradictions strategies!)  potency  of  an  economic  i n , but  levels  forms  r a t h e r than  worker  stratification.  purchasers  racial  resistance  of vice and  i t that d u a l i z e s the labour  laudatory,  overestimated,  in  to different  process,  of  and t h e r o l e o f t h e S t a t e  authority',  of  radical  This e f f o r t to  i n t r a - c l a s s and i n t e r - g r o u p s t r u g g l e s  analysis  prerogative  by  to demonstrate that  labour  s t r a t e g i e s t o accommodate  and  to  i n the process  i n t u r n , produce d i f f e r e n t  I t i s the combination  managerial  explanations  relationship  untheorized  i n the labour market a r e conducive  managerial  of  vulnerable  the  conflict  left  context  t h e n , a few, p o i n t s on  contemplating racial  these  theory.  Friedman's  a  Bonacich  of lengthy c r i t i q u e s  suffice  market f o r m a t i o n  divisions  are a t best  Instead  each theory w i l l  market  of  market as opposed t o c l a s s f o r m a t i o n , t h e i r  racial  versa.  theory  worker  but  given  labour  the  power  within  managerial ('absolute  in 'buttressing  managerial  resistance  ('relative  a n d t e n d s t o be i n t e r p r e t e d a l m o s t sense.  (There  are  apparently  no r e s i s t a n c e t o , r e s p o n s i b l e autonomy  99  The been  p o i n t t h a t worker r e s i s t a n c e t o e x p l o i t a t i o n  unevenly  satisfactory and  the  criteria  distributed  i s historically  of  solidarity  concrete  class,  t h e y a r e a s much t h e o u t c o m e s a s t h e s o u r c e s  theory  conflicts  in  the  concept of  market  radical  r a t h e r than  and  inter-group  segmentation  segmentation,  organization  which expresses  and  t h e dominance  tenet  racial  The s y s t e m o f c o n t r o l  the  workplace  that  i s the  r e l a t i o n s over t h e  The c e n t r a l  stratification  of  theory  t h e e x c h a n g e o f l a b o u r power  i n s i g h t f u l and p r o v o c a t i v e . social  from  of t h e s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n  c o o r d i n a t i o n , and t h e s o c i a l  r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n .  consumption  Missing  6  of t h e 'system of c o n t r o l '  technical  societies.  l a b o u r market t h a t m e d i a t e , and a r e m e d i a t e d  c o n t r i b u t i o n of  c o n t r o l over  Indeed,  of market s t r u c t u r e  and t h e forms of i n t r a - c l a s s  by, c l a s s s t r u g g l e . The  in capitalist  are systematic accounts  of t h e w o r k p l a c e ,  group  h i s t o r i c a l l y c o n t i n g e n t on  i n t r a - c l a s s and i n t e r - g r o u p s t r u g g l e s .  modes o f f o r m a t i o n  a  Social prejudice  f o r t h e p e r s i s t e n c e o f r a c i a l a n d o t h e r communal because they a r e themselves  this  yet  among w o r k e r s a r e n o t s u f f i c i e n t  conflicts  and  founded,  e x p l a n a t i o n i s never forthcoming.  lack  has always  that  the  reproduces  conflict  is  refers t o the  evolves  from t h e  The e m p i r i c a l e v i d e n c e of dualism i s also inconclusive. Friedman (1977) uses case s t u d i e s of the n i n e t e e n t h century h a b e r d a s h e r y , -and t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y a u t o m o b i l e i n d u s t r i e s i n support of h i s theory, but the evidence of d u a l i s m i n the British labour market ( L o v e r i d g e a n d Mok, 1979; B l a c k b u r n a n d Mann, 1979; H i l l , 1 9 8 1 ) , h a s been j u s t as contentious as the U.S. r e s e a r c h . Similarly, s t u d i e s of t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between u n i o n i s m ( a l b e i t o n l y one f o r m o f i n t e r n a l m a r k e t ) , and racial inequality do n o t seem t o s u p p o r t r a d i c a l d u a l i s m ( A s h e n f e l t e r , 1972; L e i g h , 1978; R e i c h , 1 9 8 1 ) . 6  100  interface  of c l a s s  conflicts. structure  struggle  and  intra-class  and  inter-group  I t i s a ' c o n t e s t e d t e r r a i n ' , a n d a t t h e same t i m e , a of c l a s s  Perhaps  as  domination. a r e s u l t of t h i s c o n t r a d i c t i o n ,  Edwards  tends t o downplay the r o l e of t h e w h i t e working c l a s s discrimination capital.  i n the labour market, p l a c i n g  For  Edwards  assumed on t h e b a s i s the  working  struggle  ( 1 9 7 9 ) , uneven worker r e s i s t a n c e  i s itself  and i n t r a - c l a s s  problem with  omits.  Edwards  conflict;  resistance the  this class  (1979)  in political  economic  is  both  in  labour  a c k n o w l e d g e d a s one o f t h e f o r c e s  specified.  control,  is  never  strategy inclined  market.  class, are  formulation to  the  worker play  to  f r a c t i o n s and conflict  is  struggle,  empirically  and hence, t h e  or  theoretically  the system of c o n t r o l  segmentation,  the  effects  on m a r k e t  of  outcomes  appraised.  dynamics of s p l i t  historical  of  i s what i t  interpret  Racial  i n t r a - c l a s s and i n t e r - g r o u p s t r u g g l e s  not f u l l y The  constitutive  a f f e c t i n g market f o r m a t i o n and  E v e n i f we were t o a c c e p t t h a t  i s t h e paramount f a c t o r c a u s i n g  like  object.  outcomes, but i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p t o c l a s s of  i s not  but  t e r m s , and d o e s n o t g i v e e q u a l  the  racial  outcome o f c l a s s  c o m p e t i t i o n b e t w e e n a n d among c l a s s  communal g r o u p s  system  force,  a contradictory  system of c o n t r o l , and i t s p r i n c i p a l The  in  most o f t h e onus on  of a heterogeneous l a b o u r  class,  (1979)  l a b o u r m a r k e t s seems t o  e x p e r i e n c e o f many r a c i a l a n d e t h n i c  explain  the  groups i n North  101  American  labour  markets,  r e s i s t a n c e to the  the  undoubtedly,  t h r e a t of d i s p l a c e m e n t  m a r k e t o u t c o m e s and emphasize  and  7  racial  collective  power of o r g a n i z e d role vis a  'liberal,  one,  paternalistic'  t h e wage l a b o u r  those  relation,  vis  conception  i n t e r e s t s , and labour  of  and  class  reducible to  aristocracy.  the  relatively It  class,  also  struggle  labour  is  racial  racism.  This  capital  and  paradoxical labour  position  f r o m any  Bonacich's  and  In  the  final  l a b o u r t h e o r y and approaches,  8  m e r e l y an  i t i s manifest analysis,  shared  by  i s untenable.  a  to e x p l a i n  the  America,  and  North  force unionized. of  race  actually to  and  class  harbouring  exonerate  both  r a c i s t motivation, since racism  endemic t o e i t h e r c l a s s , b u t  of c l a s s s t r u g g l e as  seems  of  t o economic  dimensions  d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , without  a  inherent  capital  makes i t p r o b l e m a t i c  ideological  in  struggles  limited  labour  historical  i n the labour  the  Theories  is  exigency  market.  c o n c l u s i o n reached  r a d i c a l d u a l and  to  as  l e a d i n g to the c u r i o u s assumption t h a t the working  practises  not  the  cheap  between  s m a l l p r o p o r t i o n of the denies  some  results  L i k e Friedman,  struggles  This  labour  desperate  l a t e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e l a b o u r movement i n the  for  i g n o r i n g the domination  groups engaged i n cheap l a b o u r .  (1972)  does a c c o u n t  worker  d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . However, the need  the d e p i c t i o n of c a p i t a l ' s  in  organized  some  b a s e d on g r o u p  by  group  split power  competition  See B o n a c i c h ( 1 9 7 5 ; 1976) and W i l s o n ( 1 9 7 8 ) on t h e experience of blacks i n the U.S. l a b o u r m a r k e t , and Chan ( 1 9 8 3 ) , Ward ( 1 9 7 8 ) , and H i l t o n (1977) f o r o r i e n t a l s i n the Canadian and U.S. labour markets. 7  8  See  critique  of P a r k i n  (1979) i n Chapter F i v e .  1 02  or monopoly s e l l e r s of l a b o u r power, p r o v i d e a some  empirical  useful  f i t  m a r k e t o u t c o m e s , b u t a r e m a r k e t - c e n t r i c , a n d do  n o t a l o n e c o n s t i t u t e an a d e q u a t e e x p l a n a t i o n f o r r a c i a l o r modes o f f o r m a t i o n 4.6  market.  m e r i t s of r a d i c a l l a b o u r market t h e o r y  accomplishes  analysis It  s o much a s what i t a t t e m p t s ;  of r a c i a l  integrates  a  discrimination a  Marxist  modes  neoclassical  notion  labour  process  context  o r g a n i z e d and t h e relations  of  structures  exploitation  encompasses  and  and  class  labour  by  market  exploitation  is  and  race/class  as  a  struggles  i n the  approach  i n the h i s t o r i c a l exploitation  which  the  formed.  and  workplace i s  Or  conversely, are  t h e c l a s s and r a c i a l  social  struggles  of t h e l a b o u r p r o c e s s , and  Hence, r a d i c a l l a b o u r nexus  structures,  discrimination  the s o c i a l organization  market f o r m a t i o n .  related  and  dynamic,  conflict  against  processes  a  agents,  class  are  struggles  the  the  This  w h i c h shape a n d l i m i t  affect  market.  of i n d i v i d u a l  into  outcomes of c o n c r e t e  market.  concrete in  class  that  race  discrimination  that  of  and  that of  class  w i t h a Weberian n o t i o n of group c o m p e t i t i o n ,  formation  suggests  economic  what  a dialectical  i n the labour  notion  of  l i e not i n  i n e q u a l i t y and c o n f l i c t  historical analysis  the  i n the labour  conflict  The d i a l e c t i c s o f e x p l o i t a t i o n a n d d i s c r i m i n a t i o n The  it  for  'dialectic  market of  theory  posits  exploitation  and  discrimination'. The two  three types of r a d i c a l theory  points.  First,  the process  reviewed  above concur  of market f o r m a t i o n  on  reproduces  r a c i a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , and ' v i c e v e r s a ' , and second, t h e form of  1 03  racial discrimination direct,  i n the  institutionalized  T h i s t r a n s f o r m a t i o n has and  struggle In  forms  radical  e x p l o i t a t i o n and dialectic  of  dual  and  control  resistance,  and  against those  groups  o r g a n i z a t i o n of  control  institutionalized  workplace,  in  from  which  to  exploitation  which  class  of  of  labour  conceived  from  been  the  but the  worker  discrimination markets.  f o c u s i n g on t h e  has  the  (1977) of  of  institutionalized  internal  process,  of  labour process,  forms  as t h e c o n t r o l o f w o r k e r s ' for  market  foci  terms  in  appropriation  terms  Both  context  t i m e and  social  conducive  forms of r a c i a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n .  conceive  intra-  of labour  Friedman  lead  t h e p e r s p e c t i v e by labour  class,  i s the uneven d i s t r i b u t i o n  excluded  the  institutionalized  domination,  For  institutionalized  (1979) a l t e r s  to  i n the  c l a s s vantage p o i n t s . formation  capitalism.  with different  d i s c r i m i n a t i o n are conceived  market  indirect,  formation.  r e s i s t a n c e t o e x p l o i t a t i o n which has  tend  concrete  from  segmented t h e o r i e s t h e r e l a t i o n s  r e s i s t a n c e and  from d i f f e r e n t  Edwards  under monopoly  i s concerned  of m a r k e t  shifted  to predominantly  occurred through  Each t h e o r y  i n the course  of  has  i n t e r - g r o u p s t r u g g l e s i n the process  segmentation.  crux  market  intentional post-entry^forms,  pre-entry,  class  labour  to  theories  of  resources is  of  the  class i n the assumed  rationale. For is  the  itself. class  split  labour market theory the  dialectic Bonacich struggle  of  displacement  (1972) c o n t e n d s t h a t creates  key  and  t o market  formation  r e a c t i o n i n the  economic  and  market  political  c o m p e t i t i o n among g r o u p s o f w o r k e r s i n  1 04  the  labour market which r e s u l t s i n  racial  discrimination  of  exploitation  of  class  from b o t h c a p i t a l and l a b o u r .  in split  struggle,  appropriation,  but  that  theory  remains i m p l i c i t  seems  to  i s , the  p r o d u c t between c a p i t a l and makes and  primary  None  r o l e i s acknowledged.  racial  labour  conflict  relations  market  to  these  theories  i n market  formation  discrimination,  although  latter,  only  to characterize  suggests  crystallize and  Radical  discrimination  relations  around  the  of economic  tend t o  focus  of the former.  i n terms of i n t r a - c l a s s  of c o m p e t i t i o n and d o m i n a t i o n .  labour  theory  competition  among c l a s s to  jobs,  denotes  the  In  radical  class market  economic r e l a t i o n s between o r  f r a c t i o n s and communal g r o u p s c o m p e t i n g  income and s t a t u s .  and  For both  relations  society.  on  I t remains  internal  capitalist  social Class  M a r x a n d Weber r e l a t i o n s o f c o m p e t i t i o n e p i t o m i z e in  that  r e l a t i o n s of domination  theories  but not t o the e x c l u s i o n  inter-group  therefore,  discrimination.  and p o l i t i c a l  of production.  the  class  of t h e s o c i a l  i n C h a p t e r Two a s t h e u n i t y  • r e l a t i o n s of a p p r o p r i a t i o n the point  theory  exploitation  e x p l o i t a t i o n was d e f i n e d  to  9  has tended  of  of r a c i a l  i n the notion  more  of  of  The c o n c e p t  division  much comment on t h e r o l e o f t h e S t a t e  Radical  at  refer  labour.  the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n  that  i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d forms  Competition therefore  for  access  represents a  See d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e S t a t e i n C h a p t e r F i v e , s e c t i o n 5.3. S i v a n a n d a n (1982) c a t a l o g u e s the role of the State i n the institutionalization of r a c i a l discrimination i n the B r i t i s h l a b o u r m a r k e t i n an a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d "Race, C l a s s and the State". 9  1 05  secondary  division  contingent  of  the  social  product,  on, c l a s s r e l a t i o n s of a p p r o p r i a t i o n .  D i s c r i m i n a t i o n was d e f i n e d i n i t i a l l y domination  which s p e c i f i e s asymmetrical  o r among members o f communal g r o u p s . theory  the  concept  among d i s t r i b u t i v e communal g r o u p s , of  related  domination  as  t o , and  1 0  any  relation  power r e l a t i o n s  In r a d i c a l  groupings  (class  and c o n c e i v e d  arising  between  labour  i s extended t o include r e l a t i o n s fractions),  of  market  between or  as  well  as p r i m a r i l y a p o l i t i c a l  as  relation  out of economic r e l a t i o n s of c o m p e t i t i o n .  Racial discrimination  becomes i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d  i n the structure  of t h e l a b o u r p r o c e s s  a n d m a r k e t when d o m i n a n t  class  and  communal  secure and  groups  use  the State t o p o l i t i c a l l y  the advantages gained  in  struggle  with  i n competition with  capital,  and i s r e p r o d u c e d And  discrimination  the  reproduction  to  class  segmentation,  and  appropriation If the  indirectly,  i n the production  racial  interface  conflict of  domination,  and  then  be  i t can  discrimination  class  theories  conversely, of  and/or  racial market  domination  and  process.  relations  as  of  'concrete  exploitation  reviewed,  Secondary divisions distribution within social 1 0  through the  appropriation  group r e l a t i o n s of c o m p e t i t i o n and defined  groups,  i n t h e l a b o u r market does germinate  g r o u p by members o f a n o t h e r market  to  and l e g a l l y  other  o p e r a t i o n of segmented l a b o u r m a r k e t s . contributes  fractions  of  or others'. concrete  of the classes.  struggles members In the  at and  domination,  against  the  o f one r a c i a l radical  labour  s t r u g g l e i n t h e p r o c e s s of  social  product  refer  to  106  market f o r m a t i o n t y p i c a l l y assumes t h r e e group of  and i n t r a - c l a s s .  c o n f l i c t b e t w e e n o r among  characterized and  Class struggle  by e x p l o i t a t i o n ; c l a s s  domination.  between  or  Inter-group  among  discrimination; Intra-class class  organized  usually class  are  groups,  the  are  f r a c t i o n s , and a r e  forms  also  inter-  represents forces,  forms  forms  and i s  appropriation of  conflict  h a l l m a r k of which i s  r e l a t i o n s of group c o m p e t i t i o n  struggles  class,  r e l a t i o n s of  struggle  communal  forms:  and  domination.  o f c o n f l i c t b e t w e e n o r among  distinguished  by  relations  of  discrimination. Racial  conflict  definition,  has  inter-group  been  treated  conflict.  thus  However,  radical  market t h e o r y suggests t h a t ,  since  i t i s structured  of  well  as  class  because  exploitation  as  discrimination  conflict  can  assume  transcends the  form  types.  I n d e e d , i t w o u l d seem t h a t  racial  conflict  and  class  forms  of  by r e l a t i o n s  struggle  racial  any, or a l l of these  a characteristic  three  feature  of  intra-class  i n the h i s t o r i c a l process of c l a s s  in the labour market.  labour  boundaries,  i s t h e o v e r l a p p i n g of i n t e r - g r o u p ,  struggles  by  group d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , and class  of  f a r as,  formation  I t i s t h i s i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p of d i f f e r e n t that  are  designated  the  'dialectics  of  e x p l o i t a t i o n and d i s c r i m i n a t i o n ' . The constitute which  dialectics  e x p l o i t a t i o n and d i s c r i m i n a t i o n  a theory of r a c i a l  Sivanandan  discussion  of  conflict,  (1982) a l l u d e s  between  the  synthesis  i n the opening quotation.  i s intended as a p r e l i m i n a r y  relationship  nor  do n o t  step i n  race and c l a s s , r a c i a l  theorizing  to This the  c o n f l i c t and c l a s s  107  struggle  i n the labour  market  further  by e x a m i n i n g some o f  market theory f o r M a r x i s t state.  and  .  Chapter Five the  takes the  implications  Weberian  of r a d i c a l  theories  of  analysis labour  class  and  108  Chapter 5 The  P o l i t i c s of E x p l o i t a t i o n : Class  and S t a t e  M a r k e t a n d G r o u p Power  in Radical  Labour  Theories  "There i s s o m e t h i n g t o be s a i d i n f a v o u r o f a s i n g l e framework o f i d e a s a n d a common v o c a b u l a r y w i t h which to conduct t h e d i s c o u r s e on s t r u c t u r a l i n e q u a l i t y i n a l l i t s f a m i l i a r guises. A l l t h i s amounts to a general declaration that internal class divisions s h o u l d be a c c o r d e d a s much t h e o r e t i c a l a t t e n t i o n as the 'boundary problem' itself; o r , more c o r r e c t l y , that t h e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of class and communal boundaries should be r e g a r d e d a s a s p e c t s o f a s i n g l e p r o b l e m a n d s h o u l d be a n a l y s e d a s s u c h " ( P a r k i n , 1979: 42). 5. 1  Introduct ion In t h e p o s t s c r i p t  Giddens  (1980)  t o h i s w e l l known work on  identifies  four  significant  Weber a n d p r o p o n e n t s o f t h e New L e f t t h a t confronted' "1. 2. 3. 4.  The  by a M a r x i s t  class analysis.  issues  should  be  theory, r a i s e d by 'directly  These a r e :  The r e l a t i o n between Marx's c o n c e p t i o n of c l a s s and t h e a n a l y s i s o f c l a s s a s 'market s i t u a t i o n ' . The p r o b l e m o f t h e 'new middle class' in capitalist society. The r e l a t i o n between c a p i t a l i s t development and bureaucracy. The n a t u r e of the c a p i t a l i s t State and i t s r e l a t i o n t o c l a s s c o n f l i c t " ( I b i d : 296).  first,  relations  between g r o u p s and c l a s s e s , and t h e  i m p o r t a n c e o f t h e m a r k e t a s a 'medium' directly  i f not c o n c l u s i v e l y  theory.  The c l a s s c o n f l i c t  reproduction  struggle, 'political'  and  of  bias  of  class  formation  is  market  approach t o t h e l a b o u r market draws  capitalist  intra-class  of  c o n f r o n t e d by r a d i c a l l a b o u r  from both Marxian and Weberian t h e o r i e s the  class  and  Marx's  of  class  to  explicate  s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s through inter-group abstract,  conflicts.  class The  production-based,  109  t h e o r e t i c a l m o d e l of interpreted  as  b a l a n c e d by  the  based,  Radical and  struggle  group c o n f l i c t ,  of  analysis  class of  as  third  bureaucracy  bureaucratic  by  i n t r a - c l a s s and  group c o n f l i c t  symbolic  rewards.  relations  role  of  the  f o r m a t i o n by  a  of  an  between  means of  class  The  r e l a t i o n s h i p between  theory  fractions  of  class  or  'qua in  Six. authority  a  critical  exploitation the and  relations  and  i s addressed in r a d i c a l  workplace  conflict  an  of  analysis  o v e r c o n t r o l of  inter-group  1  of  development  with  is  I t p r o v i d e s a l i m i t e d view  integrating  dialectics  relate class struggle  market-  of  in Chapter  capitalist  domination  The  of  market  f o r m s of d o m i n a t i o n , b o t h i n t h e market.  empirical,  is  'dialectics  suggests  the  be  distribution relations, class  formation  returned to  labour market theory  to  ' s t r u c t u r e ' , a theme w h i c h i s t o u c h e d on  issue,  in  posits  labour market.  process'  w e l l as  and  terms  and  the  segments i n the  and  in  discrimination'.  market formation  The  theory  g r o u p s , p r o d u c t i o n and  5.2,  Weber's  tends  reproductive,  w h i c h assumes t h a t  market  c l a s s and  section  of  than  d i s t r i b u t i o n of m a t e r i a l  processes  market  model  labour  and  historical  rather  'economic' b i a s  e x p l o i t a t i o n and the  i n which c l a s s s t r u g g l e  transformative  descriptive  waged o v e r t h e  classes  class  analysis  of c l a s s and and  in  and labour  the  of  group labour  discrimination process  and  c o m p e t i t i o n over s o c i a l  T h i s i s an o v e r s i m p l i f i c a t i o n w h i c h i s not t o deny that both abstract and concrete models of class (and c a p i t a l i s m ) a r e e x t a n t i n t h e w r i t i n g s of Marx and Weber, but o n l y t o g e n e r a l i z e about r a d i c a l l a b o u r market t h e o r y ' s debts to the Marxist and W e b e r i a n t r a d i t i o n s of c l a s s t h e o r y . 1  110  distribution market  in  the  segmentation  Bureaucratic structure  and  domination  working  over c o n t r o l of t h e  formation.  r a d i c a l labour  market  here.  As  embryonic t h e o r i e s theory  that  workplace  and  2  second and f o u r t h  comment  fractionalization.  i n t h e l a b o u r market which a f f e c t t h e p r o c e s s e s of  market and c l a s s The  class  i s c o n c e i v e d as s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s  concrete struggles  distribution  by  l a b o u r market, t o the p r o c e s s e s of labour  issues  a r e only  theory,  explanations  of c l a s s  contributes  and  require  f o r market  formation,  indirectly  dealt  with  obliquely  more  explicit  formation,  radical  to the recurring  and  labour  market  debates  within  M a r x i s m o v e r t h e s i g n i f i c a n c e o f t h e 'new m i d d l e c l a s s ' , a n d t h e r o l e of t h e S t a t e academic vital  i n class struggle.  interest to Marxist  importance  to  Left  political  fractions in particular,  crisis  theoretical  will  by  no  analysis  exploring  market t h e o r y  of  approach.  In section  a  i n general,  recent  during  the  present  any m a j o r  The p u r p o s e i s t o s e t up t h e presented  of  class  in  Chapter  of r a d i c a l labour and  controversial  state,  and power  market  and  class  See d i s c u s s i o n o f s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s , c l a s s s t r u g g l e formation i n Chapter S i x .  and  class  5.2 t h e  and  and  group  2  to  a l o n e , but of  and gender groups and  the implications  theories  of  i n Western s o c i e t i e s .  of r a c i a l c o n f l i c t  f o r Marxist  them  state  impasses.  some  comparing  ethnic  issues  a t t e m p t made h e r e t o r e s o l v e  or p o l i t i c a l  class conflict Six  be  practice  especially  of the l i b e r a l - d e m o c r a t i c  There  not  and Weberian s c h o l a r s  s t r a t e g i c a l l i a n c e s between r a c i a l , class  These a r e  processes  of  111  formation  posited  by  radical  l a b o u r market t h e o r y a r e viewed  from t h e c o n t e x t of t h e 'boundary problem' Marxist  c l a s s theory.  The  'embourgeoisification' 'new  middle  tendencies formation market  class'  polarized  positions are  'proletarianization'  assumed  considered  theory  to  market.  class  that  f o c u s e s on c l a s s In  section  i d e n t i f i e d as theory,  a  mode  the perfunctory  critical  silence  of  theories  of  theoretical  'class  the State. approach  in  analysis  focusing  theoretical'  class  labour  analysis  structure.  radical  labour  market  'instrumentalist',  and  'capital  historical,  logic'  non-reductionist  i s most c o m p a t i b l e w i t h  more  of  A q u a l i f i e d c a s e i s made f o r t h e c l a s s whose  conception of the State  both  treatment of the State i s  and compared t o c o n t e m p o r a r y M a r x i s t  'structuralist',  since  r e s o l u t i o n of the  formation as w e l l as c l a s s  5.3  a  t h e o r i s t s of t h e  contribution  i s not  boundary problem, i t i s argued, but a  and  i n the process of c l a s s  The  theory  by  misleading  c a n be e m p i r i c a l l y d i s c e r n e d i n the labour  ( S e e W a l k e r , 1978) o f  on  class  and s t a t e  a class  conflict  f o r m a t i o n t h a n on  structure. And  finally,  i n section  5.4  Parkin's  n e o - W e b e r i a n t h e o r y o f communal c o n f l i c t from  a class conflict  explain  class  conceptual recognizing  struggle framework.  terms  and  group  Parkin  provocative,  i scritically  on t h e b a s i s conflict (1979)  evaluated  of h i s c l a i m t o  within is  the  same  applauded  for  t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f e x p l o i t a t i o n t o an e x p l a n a t i o n f o r  racial conflict, in  perspective,  (1979)  of  but f a u l t e d f o r r e d e f i n i n g domination,  and  ignoring  the  concept  the  solely  relations  of  1 12  appropriation that c o n s t i t u t e e x p l o i t a t i o n . formation  he  presents  ultimately  developing class c o n f l i c t  analysis  The m o d e l o f  fails of  to  class  supersede  radical  labour  the  market  theory. 5.2  C l a s s theory and l a b o u r market models A  is  common  criticism  the d i f f i c u l t y  means  i tpresents  'pure'  of c l a s s  abstract  concepts  theory,  a  phrase  related  aspects  The  of  precisely  that  by  the  monopoly c a p i t a l i s m .  second,  'boundary  coined  who First,  belongs  demarcating  of  locating  problem'  concrete  (1975),  expresses  namely,  t o the working  i s the task of  Marxist  within  each  of  class  in  general,  and  the  explaining  main  and  the  positions  'concrete'  posterity,  orthodox  a b s t r a c t model d e r i v e d l a r g e l y questionable distinction generating),  and  class  of  class  I t i s the models  in particular,  t h e new m i d d l e  S i n c e Marx d i d n o t l e a v e a s y s t e m a t i c to  under  theoretically  protagonists.  and t h e second a s p e c t  which t h e c u r r e n t debate over  theory  of  t h e 'two g r e a t h o s t i l e camps', a n d  r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e ' a b s t r a c t ' class  two  that  ' i n t e r m e d i a t e c l a s s e s ' or ' s t r a t a ' , as w e l l as t h e v a r i o u s fractions  the  static,  facing  problematic;  there  to  the  i n t o dynamic,  Poulantzas  same  class  forms of c l a s s s t r u g g l e and  of c a p i t a l and l a b o u r  agents.  empirically  relations  formation; that i s , translating  historical  identifying  model of s o c i a l  in reconciling  of p r o d u c t i o n w i t h h i s t o r i c a l  processes  and  of Marx's  of  around  turns.  f o r m u l a t i o n of  class  c l a s s a n a l y s i s h a s a d h e r e d t o an from C a p i t a l  between  'unproductive'  , a n d r e s t i n g on t h e  'productive' (surplus  (surplus value  value  consuming)  113  labour.  This  industrial  workers  circulation Marx's  two-class  and  (in  the  nineteenth  assumed t h e  a b s o r p t i o n of i n t o the race,  of  century  the  the  corresponded  production)  state  increasing  homogenization  model  and  sector)  prognostications,  p o l a r i z a t i o n of  the  class  the  theory  structure, from the  the  period  of  and  gradual  a l l unproductive  by  (in  Following  d i s s o l v i n g of communal  nationality  to  workers  orthodox  working c l a s s proceeding  p r o l e t a r i a t , and and  service  respectively.  p e t i t e b o u r g e o i s i e and  ethnicity  concretely  labour  ties  progressive  like  forces  of  capitalism. In the this  p o s t W o r l d War  abstract  definition  'proletarianization' the  fastest  Two  of  t h e s i s had  g r o w i n g and  force  to  strata'  i n the  o r t h o d o x scheme.  concrete  proclaiming  the  identifying of  in  educated,  debate w i t h i n is  over the  map,  p r o b l e m of  See  the  Marxism, a belated  In  a sense t h e n ,  section  2.3.  an  the  new  and  a new  workers. of  of  the  'intermediate following reticent and  middle The  n a t u r e of  in class  current  the  their  class class  i t poses a dilemma s i m i l a r t o theory.  3  in  t h i s phenomenon,  m i d d l e c l a s s on the  or  consigning  bourgeoisie,  recognition  race i n orthodox M a r x i s t  C h a p t e r 2,  class,  section  less  sector  non-manual  e x a c t l o c a t i o n of  of  was  petite  expanding s e r v i c e  white-collar,  active  fate  class,  t h e i r probable destination,  interests.  3  the  working  Bourgeois sociology,  of of  capitalism  d u b i o u s v i r t u e of  transitional  model  survival  the  most p o l i t i c a l l y  labour  Weber's  the  the  monopoly  the  1 14  The 1960s  'proletarianization'  ouvriere'. advanced  class  they  A decade l a t e r in  the  labour process  United  theorists.  theory  Belleville  the  stratum  working  Marxists  during  ( 1 9 6 3 / 1 9 7 5 ) a n d G o r z (1967) who s t u d i e d a new t e c h n i c a l  labour  French  updated  Mallet  the  the  was  (1963),  of  by  thesis  designated  a  more  States  ' l a nouvelle  sophisticated by B r a v e r m a n  classe  defence  (1974) and o t h e r  Both approaches however,  of v a l u e and s t r e s s e d t h e c o n c r e t e  waived  and l o s s of c o n t r o l  the  objective  process  proletarianization  of  as the  the  'middle  layers'  the  c o n d i t i o n s of  n o n - o w n e r s h i p , wage l a b o u r , d e s k i l l i n g labour  was  over  criteria  of  under  monopoly  'post  industrial  capitalism . While  the  sociological  vision  the  society'  (Touraine,  of  two c l a s s m o d e l , t h e a b s t r a c t d e f i n i t i o n  the  1972; B e l l ,  of  c l a s s was a l s o b e i n g c h a l l e n g e d variously  referred  'embourgeoisification' criterion  of  ideological productive roles  class  to  as  the  and  'new  between  of  middle  and  and  revenue  or  orthodox  p o l i t i c a l and  manual  f u n c t i o n s , dominant and  wage  Marxists  class'  the  with concrete mental  demise  of t h e working  Supplementing  determination  and r e p r o d u c t i v e  the f i n a l  by a d i v e r s e g r o u p  theorists.  distinctions  i n production,  1973) h e r a l d e d  labour,  subordinate  components,  they  argued t h a t t h e e x i g e n c i e s of monopoly c a p i t a l i s m have c r e a t e d a new m i d d l e The  c l a s s alongside the t r a d i t i o n a l size  and c o m p o s i t i o n  t h e o r i s t t o t h e n e x t , and t h e r e destiny.  For  the  petite  bourgeoisie.  o f t h e new c l a s s v a r i e s f r o m one islittle  Ehrenreichs  consensus  (1978)  as  to i t s  the ' P r o f e s s i o n a l -  115  Managerial Class' distinct  constitutes  interests,  bourgeoisie'  while  remains  ambivalent  a  both  the  'global  function  'function  the s o c i a l  further  both  sides  defined  terms  which v i t i a t e s  influence class on  None  and s t i l l  further  boundaries  r e l a t i o n s of  the  of  seem  class'  by W r i g h t  (1978)  the  middle  new  to  class  eclipse  the  ( 1 9 7 8 ) , p a r t i c i p a n t s on c l a s s m o d e l , now and c o n c e i v e  the  makes  formation.  With  from s t a t i c ,  f u n c t i o n a l and a h i s t o r i c a l  the  importance  more  than  few  they  passing  exceptions  assign  t h e r o l e of r a c i a l and o t h e r  concrete  class  With  determinants, from  side  s a r d o n i c a l l y by P a r k i n  class  to  the  sheds  much  conflicts in  to  the  there  conflict  the  the workplace  inter-group respect  to  reference  f o r m a t i o n , and as a c o r o l l a r y , n e i t h e r  made r a t h e r  idea  w o r k e r ' and t h e  o f m a r k e t r e l a t i o n s o r phenomena o u t s i d e  on  This  production.  positions  d i s t i n g u i s h some o f t h e s e t h e o r i e s point  struggle.  i t occupies a 'contradictory  process of c l a s s f o r m a t i o n .  reliance  o n e ) , and  o f t h e s t r u c t u r a l l o c a t i o n o f t h e new c l a s s ,  tend t o s u f f e r  struggle.  the  large  the orthodox, two-tiered  t h a n i t s mode o f  analysis  light  class  A p a r t from t h e E h r e n r e i c h s maintain  in  theories  on  a  l a r g e l y i n terms of c o n c r e t e c r i t e r i a ,  problem rather  (albeit  petty  one moves away f r o m t h e h e a t o f t h e d e b a t e t h e  more t h e s i m i l a r i t i e s o f differences.  i t s own  ( 1 9 7 5 ) t h e 'new  of the c o l l e c t i v e  the o b j e c t i v e  class are indeterminate since within  with  ( 1 9 7 7 ) f o r whom t h e 'new m i d d l e  of c a p i t a l ' ,  who c o n t e n d s t h a t  class  f o r Poulantzas  stratum i n the h i s t o r i c a l  performs  The  separate  residual  i s d e v e l o p e d by C a r c h e d i  location'  a  general  i s l i t t l e to sociology,  (1979: 2 5 ) .  a  1 16  "The fact that these normally alien concepts of a u t h o r i t y r e l a t i o n s , l i f e - c h a n c e s , and m a r k e t rewards h a v e now been c o m f o r t a b l y a b s o r b e d by c o n t e m p o r a r y Marxist theory is a handsome, i f unacknowledged, t r i b u t e t o t h e v i r t u e s of b o u r g e o i s s o c i o l o g y . Inside every neo-Marxist there seems t o be a Weberian s t r u g g l i n g t o get o u t . "  Radical dramatic  l a b o u r market t h e o r y does not  solutions  to  the  class  implicated  in Parkin's accusation.  reference  to  footnote  class  boundaries  to the e f f e c t  'peripheral'  workers)  f r a c t i o n s of Bonacich has  to are  present  Although  and  never  is  antagonistic  relation  high-priced  labour  on  Edwards  We  authority are  c l a s s and  left  the d i s t i n c t i o n  to c a p i t a l a  made, in  the  29)  do  only  not  exploit  c l a s s , while (and  those  'indirectly  with essentially  a split  two  stratum.  labour  market  high-priced labour, between one  class,  assumes  class  j u s t as  be  inconclusive  class.  likely  and  group  from i t s  struggle  f r a c t i o n of the working  a r e v e r y vague, and  any  could also  an a m b i g u o u s m i d d l e  capital,  explicitly  is  the boundaries  r a c i a l as c l a s s  exercise  offer  (1977:  ' c e n t r e ' w o r k e r s who  classes:  cheap l a b o u r . "  again  Friedman's  states that " t y p i c a l l y  three  and  i s a t r u n c a t e d and  not.  the working  ( 1 9 7 9 : 24)  caste  equation,  w o r k e r s a r e p a r t of the w o r k i n g  whose f u n c t i o n i t i s exploit'  that  appear to  to  that Once rest  determinants.  (1979)  i s the only r a d i c a l  theory  model of c l a s s s t r u c t u r e , d e s c r i b i n g t h r e e c l a s s explaining  the boundaries  Wright's  (1978)  notion  (Edwards (1979: 240).  of the of  'middle  layers'  'contradictory  In c o n t r a s t to the  that presents fractions by  class  a and  reference  to  locations'  r a d i c a l d u a l and  split  1 17  theories  which suggest  aristocracy  or  the  embourgeoisification  contradictory  theories than that  p o s i t i o n s t a k e n by r a d i c a l l a b o u r  the d e s t i n a t i o n of the middle c l a s s e s ,  the issue, a c t u a l l y provide  p a r t i e s recognize existence  nature  Unfortunately,  firmly  market rather  an e x i t f r o m a d e b a t e As t h e m a t t e r  stands,  i n t e r n a l d i v i s i o n s i n the working c l a s s ,  of a l a r g e middle stratum,'  anachronistic  labour  ( I b i d : 108).  h a s g e n e r a t e d more h e a t t h a n l i g h t .  both the  regarding  clouding  a  m i d d l e s t r a t u m , r a d i c a l segmented t h e o r y  backs the p r o l e t a r i a n i z a t i o n t h e s i s The  of  of  neither  the  and  simple  considers  by  default,  two  the  the  class  model.  possibility  that  homogenization and s t r a t i f i c a t i o n  might c o e x i s t as complementary  tendencies  process  in  reproduced (Wright  by  and  the  uneven  development 1982).  in  the  workplace  on c l a s s s t r u g g l e , a n d Generalizing  ethnic of  a and  formation,  global  capitalism  labour  groups  like  market  potential the  theory  outcome  labour and  of  market,  inter-group  t r e n d s can h i d e t h e i r blacks,  women,  and  m i n o r i t i e s w h i c h , a l t h o u g h t h e y may c o m p r i s e t h e m a j o r i t y  the working c l a s s  objective class It  (Wright e t a l . , 1982), tend t o g e t l o s t i n  categories.  i s not s u r p r i s i n g that contemporary M a r x i s t  d e s c r i p t i o n s o f c l a s s s t r u c t u r e h a v e been Marx  of  class  intra-class  about h i s t o r i c a l  c o n c r e t e e f f e c t s on s p e c i f i c  of  Radical  each tendency represents  transformations  conflicts.  historical  Singlemann,  suggests that  contingent  the  nor  acolytes.  Weber was a s g u i l t y  and Weberian  converging.  Neither  of r e i f y i n g c l a s s theory as t h e i r  As a r u l e , t h e y d i d n o t c o n f u s e t h e i r a n a l y t i c m o d e l s  118  of c l a s s w i t h c o n c r e t e  social  relations  because  their  concerns  were t h e r o l e s o f human a g e n t s i n h i s t o r i c a l  Radical  labour  market t h e o r y  Its  neoclassical  i n t o what h a s been c a l l e d a ' c l a s s c o n f l i c t '  contribution  to  empirical  resolution  eclectic  conceptual  analysing concrete c l a s s as dynamic  class  theory  i s not  t o t h e boundary problem framework,  and  an  a  economic  perspective.  t h e o r e t i c a l or  as  such,  but  an  h i s t o r i c a l method f o r  s o c i a l c l a s s e s i n t e r m s o f an a b s t r a c t m o d e l ;  'process' as w e l l as  R a d i c a l l a b o u r market theory economically  processes.  integrates Marxist class strategy  and W e b e r i a n g r o u p power a p p r o a c h e s w i t h theory  primary  determined  'structure'.  provides  a  rather  limited,  view of t h e h i s t o r i c a l process  of c l a s s  f o r m a t i o n by a n a l y s i n g s t r u g g l e s b e t w e e n o r among c l a s s e s i n t h e labour process  as they mediate, and a r e mediated by, i n t r a - c l a s s  ( c l a s s f r a c t i o n ) and i n t e r - g r o u p ( r a c i a l , conflict and  i n t h e labour market.  discrimination  production struggles  and  from  dimension  is  market,  radical  of c l a s s  and  of  labour  market  shape  exploitation  and  form,  community-based  in  the  theory  limit  working  is  the  Chapter  de-form  Six  and  struggles  to  the p o l i t i c a l of s e l f -  workplace.  theory of c l a s s  (Thompson,  in  concrete  1963;  the  class.  A  more  formation  explain the process  re-form  how  process,  formation as a d i s c o n t i n u o u s process inside  etc.,)  conceptualizing  stratify  and s y s t e m a t i c c l a s s c o n f l i c t  presented  classes  way  relations  o r g a n i z a t i o n both o u t s i d e and explicit  a  of  of concrete agents t h a t transform the labour  segment t h e l a b o u r Absent  The d i a l e c t i c s  represent  distribution  e t h n i c , gender,  whereby  class  and  P r z e w o r s k i , 1977;  119  Wood, 1982; 5.3  The  Therborn,  s t a t e and  A vital  1983).  labour market  i s s u e r a i s e d by Weber's a n a l y s i s o f b u r e a u c r a c y  the middle c l a s s , Giddens in c a p i t a l i s t of  the  theory  (1980) n o t e s ,  d e v e l o p m e n t and  problematic  class  nature  of  i s the  struggle.  1982).  State'  The  decade has 'crisis  (Gold et a l . ,  unabating  crisis  been c h a r a c t e r i z e d  of  the  economy a n d  State'.  conservative  by  The  and  attempting on  the  State,  perspectives  only are  'structuralist', variants  are  conception  of  intra-class, account  of  recognized, conflict  the and the  r o l e of the  vacuum of  the  here.  The  theoretical'  and  here  on  between  inter-group struggles. in  radical  then c o n t r a s t e d to these  a p p r o a c h t o the S t a t e  of  the the The  labour  as  this period  a  has  filled  a  the absense of Rather  than  literature  four  important  'instrumentalist', 'capital basis State rather market  logic' of  and  their class,  inadequate theory  f o u r v a r i a n t s , and  is tentatively  past  political  S t a t e , and  of  the  Jessop,  Right  of M a r x i s t  presented  State  and  situation.  summaries  relationship  1977;  c r e a t e d by  the p r o l i f e r a t i o n  considered  theory  of b o t h r a d i c a l  brief  'class  each  Left  monetary p o l i c y d u r i n g  analyses  to catalogue  'general  c a p i t a l i s m over the  both  revival  ideological  liberal-pluralist  l e d to r e c u r r i n g  Panitch,  of w o r l d  drawn a t t e n t i o n t o t h e n e g l e c t e d theoretical  1975;  State  Acknowledgement  t h e S t a t e has  debate w i t h i n contemporary Marxism over a capitalist  r o l e of t h e  and  advanced.  is  a class  1 20  5.3.i  I n s t r u m e n t a l i s t approach Contrary  to pluralist  conceptions,  that  the State i s the d i r e c t  1967;  M i l i b a n d , 1969; Q u i n n e y ,  Manifesto's  caricature  usually  power  are  judicial  among  elites,  system  of  sub-central  In  perspective  a l s o those  members  holds  of  the  theory  of  to share c l a s s  interests.  struggle  intra-class  and  dominant  p o l i t i c a l and  The l a t t e r the  i s d e f i n e d as "government,  juridical  these  class  power, w h i c h t e n d s  and  infrequently i fat a l l .  5.3.ii  Structuralist structuralist  a  the  branch,  (Miliband,  institutions  are  couched  t o reduce group  is  in  a  political  agents  who,  s i m i l a r b a c k g r o u n d s , a r e assumed  As d y n a m i c s o f s o c i a l  picture  simply  Research  E x p l a n a t i o n s f o r the f u n c t i o n i n g of  they have d e m o n s t r a b l y  position.  power.  with  economic,  t o t h e m o t i v a t i o n s of i n d i v i d u a l and  The  those  interpersonal  t h e m i l i t a r y and p o l i c e , t h e  l a r g e l y a sham.  'positional'  the  and  comprising  t h e S t a t e on b e h a l f o f t h e  because  that  familial  5 0 ) . The o p e r a t i o n a l autonomy o f  action  with  government and p a r l i a m e n t a r y a s s e m b l i e s "  considered  (Domhoff,  accordance  with p o l i t i c a l  i n the State.  institutions  administration,  of c l a s s r u l e  and l i n k a g e s between t h e dominant c l a s s and t h e  v a r i o u s command p o s t s  be  1977).  assumes t h e f o r m o f t r a c i n g  relationships  1969:  instrument  argue  o f t h e S t a t e a s an ' e x e c u t i v e c o m m i t t e e  of t h e b o u r g e o i s i e ' , t h i s economic  instrumentalists  change,  class  inter-group c o n f l i c t s enter the  approach perspective takes a  completely  The S t a t e i s n o t a s y s t e m o f i n s t i t u t i o n s ,  opposing nor can i t  e q u a t e d w i t h t h e i n c u m b e n t s o f command p o s t s .  It is  121  an  ' o b j e c t i v e s t r u c t u r e ' , and i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p t o  class  i s an  'objective relation'  c o n s t r a i n t s on i t t o a c t on b e h a l f (Poulantzas,  1973)  .  The  relations  of  of t h e e n t i r e dominant  State  production  therefore  by  of  other.  Hence, t h e S t a t e  (Althusser, this  include 1971).  i s defined  Offe, the  the  1977).  r o l e of c l a s s and  absent,  a l l institutions  community-based  Class theoretical  (1971)  class  g a i n and h o l d  primacy and  human  of  to  economic  and  functionalist  theories  i s curiously t e n d s t o be  i n t h e economy.  approach  theoretical  of p o l i t i c a l  in society  ( O ' C o n n o r , 1973;  struggles  variant  i s derived  practice.  His  l o o s e l y c o n n e c t e d by t h e g e n e r a l  emphasize to  State  whose work i s n o t s o much a t h e o r y  a theory rather  capitalist In a l l these  r e p l a c e d by s t r u c t u r a l c r i s e s  The  State  subscribe  a n d human a g e n c y , i f n o t v i g o r o u s l y d e n i e d ,  5.3.iii  the  o f t h e S t a t e , a n d f o r some t h e c o n c e p t o f  of  1975; P a n i t c h ,  on  the ' I d e o l o g i c a l  Not a l l s t r u c t u r a l a p p r o a c h e s  functions  reproducing  solidarity  r e l a t i v e autonomy i s q u a l i f i e d by e m p h a s i z i n g t h e coercive  'relatively  f u n c t i o n a l l y , and s i n c e i t s  ideological,  practically  broad d e f i n i t i o n  class  c o u n t e r a c t i n g dominant c l a s s  on t h e one h a n d , a n d w o r k i n g c l a s s  Apparatuses'  is  cohesion'  disunity  functions are predominantly  dominant  d e t e r m i n e d by t h e s t r u c t u r a l  autonomous', and a c t s as t h e ' f a c t o r the  the  from  Gramsci  of the S t a t e as i t i s  theoretical  musings  are  theme o f 'hegemony', a n d  agency and c o n s c i o u s n e s s  i n the c l a s s struggle  state  (1971)  power.  Gramsci  conceded  the  t h e economic, b u t viewed t h e r e l a t i o n s between base  superstructure, c i v i l  society  and  state,  as  complex  and  1 22  dynamic He  rather  than o b j e c t i v e  r e c o g n i z e d the  on  its  coercive  ideological  legitimating class around  the  achieved  institutions  and  media, s c h o o l s , by  r u l e by  state  leadership  of  of c i v i l  unions, p o l i t i c a l  class  struggle  classes  develop o r g a n i c a l l y rather  institutions, This  necessarily and  contradictions first  latter  can  on  of  of  bloc' only  a l l i a n c e s and  The  ideological  hegemony  of  capital.  Hegemony i s  apparently  autonomous  society--family,  churches,  maintained  the forces  class  the  in  economy.  ideological  battle  the  civil  struggles  Capital  society  grasped therefore  conjunctures  and  for state  for  through c l a s s  the  by  and the  class  the  analysis  class  parties.  through  and  or  interests  l e v e l through  classes,  of  subordinate  Class  consciousness  subordinate  within  be  more  than a r i s i n g spontaneously  i n the  the  political  struggle  e n t a i l s m e d i a t i n g c o n f l i c t s between or among  historical  5.3.iv  consensus',  an  then expressed p o l i t i c a l l y  fractions  'historical  ' a r c h i t e c t of  focused  f o r i d e o l o g i c a l supremacy  Counter-hegemonic  evolution  but  1978).  domination.  power.  organized  (Williams,  State,  parties—and  takes precedence over  from o b j e c t i v e  the  the  state  are  the  requirements  control  t h a n by  society  as  of  organizing  agencies  Consequently, civil  determinant  character  function  structural  by  and  groups  forging State.  an The  of s p e c i f i c  fractions,  groups,  power.  l o g i c approach  m a t e r i a l i s t or c a p i t a l l o g i c t h e o r y of  the  its  o r i g i n s i n the  with  a c r i t i q u e of c l a s s t h e o r e t i c a l approaches f o r  State  has  German ' s t a t e d e r i v a t i o n ' d e b a t e w h i c h began failing  to  1 23  relate  politics,  production for  not  i d e o l o g y and  (Holloway  and  exploring  the  S t a t e by c a p i t a l  c u l t u r e t o t h e c a p i t a l i s t mode o f  Picciotto,  1978).  structural  accumulation,  and  limitations  attempt  to  relate  accumulation State.  The  as c o n t i n g e n t economy  and  not merely  the r e l a t i o n  instrument  structure,  an  form of p o l i t i c a l  continuous  c a p i t a l accumulation. instance'  however,  to a v o i d the economistic  form,  and  motion of 5.3.v  and  labour  impact  process,  jurisdiction  over racial/  part this  not  organizer  and the  regarded  changes i n  the  Thus, the S t a t e i s  of  By d e n y i n g the  a  logic  and  f u n c t i o n are  an  objectively  hegemony,  necessary  for  but  logic  r e d u c t i o n of the  an  securing  t h e autonomy of  capital  t h e o r y of the  o f t h e modern  to  welfare  r e c e i v e s s c a r c e l y any In  of  exploitation struggle  vice versa.  f o r m a t i o n a s r e g u l a t o r and  1 9 7 9 ) , and  means  the  variant is  State  to  its  capital.  C o n s i d e r i n g the  and  the  community-based s t r u g g l e s t o the laws of  Towards a c l a s s c o n f l i c t  market  class  domination  unable  class  of  of the dominant c l a s s , or  i m p o s e d on  By  between s t r u c t u r a l  historical  'political  of  i t s primary  c l a s s s t r u g g l e , and  an  determined  on  forms.  periods  forms  S t a t e ' s f o r m and  faulted  the proponents of c a p i t a l  historical  to p a r t i c u l a r  is  f o r not b e i n g a b l e t o e x p l a i n  t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of s p e c i f i c p o l i t i c a l h i g h l y a b s t r a c t 'form a n a l y s i s ' ,  Gramsci  ethnic  state  on  class  employer i n the labour mention  (Gough,  its  relations  be a t t r i b u t e d  and  market  politico-legal  1979), i m m i g r a t i o n (Sivanandan,  attention in radical  f a i l i n g can  State  1982),  labour market  to pragmatic  (Kubat, it  theory.  limitations  1 24  of  s c a l e , but  of  defining  i t i s no d o u b t a l s o due  to the p r o b l e m a t i c  and  the  theorizing  about  Friedman's  (1977:  130)  description  of t h e  shift  managerial  authority'  paralleling  the change from d i r e c t  of c o n t r o l . Friedman we  can  Why  only  Bonacich  i s s u e of  for  we  are  not  'unproductive'  told,  class  pitched  various  such  relationship nor  to  i t s primary  also  perceives  terrain',  and  accumulation the  class  polities', State  (Ibid:  could  call  theory,  and  o f c l a s s and  a  the  does  state workers,  so  o u t s i d e the pale  of  S t a t e as an  p o l i c i e s as p r o d u c t s  The  "arena  of  class  of c l a s s s t r u g g l e , the  State  problem here i s t h a t the a n a l y s i s i s  descriptive  State's  the dominant c l a s s i s never d i r e c t l y  broached,  f u n c t i o n s taken t h e S t a t e as  and  more  the  into  that  account.  extensive  Edwards  analysis  200-216).  in  Still,  a coherent theory  'contested  relates  the  of  democratic  there  of the  'class  State  is  capital  remain  form of  in radical  untheorized.  the  of  fraction  hardly  s t a t e i n t e r v e n t i o n on  market formation  the  (1979)  c o n t r o l to the p o l i t i c i z a t i o n  development  contradictions  the e f f e c t s of  level  i n c r e a s i n g l y p a r t of  bureaucratic  struggle,  pp.  forms  the  his  and  one,  relations.  fractions.  at  brief  nor  o f t e n e n t a i l i n g p e c u l i a r compromises" s t r u c k between and  a  t o r e s p o n s i b l e autonomy  concerns f a l l  (1979) p e r c e i v e s  and  reserved  case,  State's approach to ' b u t t r e s s i n g  occurred  the  are  I n any  a coercive role to a cooptive  surmise that these  centre-periphery  struggle,  i n the from  this  address  comments  State.  nature  what  the one  segmented processes  1 25  Although complicating theory If  factor,  f e a t u r e s of  dialectics  regarded  as  a  of  class  of c l a s s  theoretical  exploitation  formation  The  four  in radical  variants  qualified  by  class  concrete  theoretical the  capital  logic  conflict  the  of c l a s s and  determination process  of the  of  v a r i a n t s , but c l o s e r approach  autonomous s e t processes  and  of  perceives  historically fought.  relations  interests arising  b o t h an a g e n t i n c l a s s and specific How  the  theory  labour market.  Class  focus  broadly  and  and  with  struggle A  with  and  class  somewhere b e t w e e n  these  position. as  its  a own  relatively formative  from i t s c o n t r a d i c t o r y r o l e s  community-based  as  and  the  p o l i t i c o - l e g a l c o n d i t i o n s under which  they  the S t a t e mediates, formation  and  struggles,  i s m e d i a t e d by,  s t r u g g l e and  class  section  i n t h e c o n t e x t of a c l a s s c o n f l i c t m o d e l of  6.3,  while  concerned  accumulation.  State  on  ideological  formation,  to a c l a s s t h e o r e t i c a l  social  critique,  power  f o r m s of c l a s s  capital  class  group  state  theory of the S t a t e s h o u l d f a l l  Neither  are  to  are  logic variants  unlike  t h e o r i e s t e n d t o be more s t a t i c  economic  theory.  a  logic  capital  t o be d y n a m i c , and  i n the processes  t h e S t a t e by t h e  two  then  human a g e n t s i n v o l v e d i n c o n c r e t e p o l i t i c a l  struggles  the  t h e o r i e s tend  state  f i t for a class conflict  approaches  a  s t r u g g l e s i n the  the c a p i t a l  c l a s s t h e o r e t i c a l and  strategy  of  discrimination  tend t o e r r a t complementary extremes, not and  out as  l a b o u r market  and  of  bracketed  i n the labour market,  p r o v i d e the best  the S t a t e .  a l l  analysis  approach,  would probably of  been e s s e n t i a l l y  are c l e a r l y d i s c e r n i b l e  the  process  t h e S t a t e has  i s considered again  i n Chapter  class Six, racial  1 26  conf1ict. 5.4  G r o u p power a p p r o a c h e s t o c l a s s , A  recent  explanation  Giddens' four s i g n i f i c a n t formation  theory  f o r communal c o n f l i c t  (1979).  Parkin's  t h i s genre over  conflict  that  issues w i t h i n the context  i s Parkin  was c h o s e n t o r e p r e s e n t  s t a t e and r a c i a l  addresses a  class  'closure'  theory  Giddens'  of  (1973;  account of ' c l a s s s t r u c t u r a t i o n ' f o r s e v e r a l reasons. is of  explicitly  a g r o u p power t h e o r y  'modes o f c o l l e c t i v e  class  more  labour.  conventionally  Second, P a r k i n ' s  critique  directed  controversial other  action', as  while  Giddens'  emerging  at  from  Marxist  l i k e Dahrendorf  T h i r d , a n d more i m p o r t a n t ,  Parkin  r o l e of  communal  and  process  of  groups  class  formation,  guises" class  (Ibid;  formation  State, should serious  and  structured  meshed that  scrutinized  below  Weber's  in  refutes (1973).  conflict  of a s i n g l e  a l l i t s familiar  a  theory  of the  power a n d s t a t e power  forms of domination  unified  approach  of  from a c l a s s c o n f l i c t  i n the  (1979) c o n c e p t i o n o f  with  class  notion  t o s u f f e r f r o m a m a l a d y common t o  and a  w i t h which t o conduct  Parkin's  be d i s t i n g u i s h e d a s s e p a r a t e  i n e q u a l i t y , b a s e d on  theory,  and argues " i n favour  His  polemical  implicitly  'intra-class'  i s intricately  sees  ( 1 9 7 9 ) p l a c e s a p r e m i u m on t h e  4 2 ) . And f i n a l l y ,  consideration.  a  (1959) and G i d d e n s  inequality  h i s contention  on  class  f r a m e w o r k o f i d e a s a n d a common v o c a b u l a r y t h e d i s c o u r s e on  (1973)  the d i v i s i o n of  rests  i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f Weber w h i c h  neo-Weberians  First, i t  which d e f i n e s c l a s s i n terms  (1979) t h e o r y  primarily  1979)  'social  to  demands social  closure'  is  p e r s p e c t i v e , and found  Weberian  reformulations;  an  1 27  abundance of d e s c r i p t i o n , but a d e a r t h 5.4.i  Parkin's Parkin  bourgeois  objective  The f i r s t  set  of  explanation.  critique  ( 1 9 7 9 ) h a s two p r i n c i p a l  class theories.  of  objections  t o 'neo-Marxist'  i s t h a t M a r x i s m c o n c e i v e s c l a s s a s an  social  relations,  and  s t r u c t u r e and l o c a t i o n above c l a s s f o r m a t i o n  emphasizes  class  and a c t i o n .  "The human raw m a t e r i a l of c l a s s a n a l y s i s that Weberian usage designates as ' a c t o r s ' , thereby singling out the r o l e of conscious agency and volition, i s transformed by M a r x i s t u s a g e i n t o t h e s t a t u s o f 'embodiments' o r r e p o s i t o r i e s o f systemic forces" (Ibid: 4). The  second  relations basis  i s that  i n Marxist  the primacy of production  conflict  distribution  c l a s s a n a l y s i s does not p r o v i d e  from which t o e x p l a i n t h e convergence  socialist  over  societies,  or the 'renaissance'  i n the 'heartlands  of  an a d e q u a t e  capitalist  and  of r a c i a l and e t h n i c  of Western c a p i t a l i s m ' .  "The Marxist preoccupation with the realm of production, increasingly held up a s i t s mark o f t h e o r e t i c a l r i g o u r , o b s c u r e s from view any r e c o g n i t i o n o f t h e p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t some l i n e of c l e a v a g e other than t h a t between c a p i t a l a n d l a b o u r c o u l d c o n s t i t u t e the p r i m a r y s o u r c e o f p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l a n t a g o n i s m " ( P a r k i n , 1979: 5 ) .  There i s a f a m l i a r r i n g these  themes  have  contemporary M a r x i s t  to  already  been  critiques.  been r e i t e r a t e d t h r o u g h o u t t h i s and  f u n c t i o n a l i s t Marxist  h i s a r g u m e n t s o much ideological of  a  as  Parkin's treated  study with  way  review  of  respect  to  have  orthodox  The o b j e c t i o n h e r e i s n o t  i t i s expressed,  Marxist  of  more i n t e n s i v e l y i n  u n d e r p i n n i n g s of t h e a u t h o r ' s c o n c l u s i o n s .  procrustean  Both  (The same b a s i c c r i t i c i s m s  theories). the  argument.  and  the  By means  theories, Parkin  (1979)  1 28  creates in  s t r u c t u r a l i s t e f f i g i e s of M a r x i s m w h i c h are  a ritual  p o l e m i c p r e v i e w i n g h i s own  class analysis.  The  critique  is  t h e o r y however, w a r r a n t s c l o s e r 5.4.ii  Class  and  forms of  Sociological  r e s u r r e c t i o n of  merely  window  captures  formation.  social  'status',  Dahrendorf  l a t e r Giddens explain latest the  (1973),  class  '(1959) the  formation  addition  hitherto  foundation  Mills  be  r e c o u n t e d as a  and  succession  superior  consciousness  model  in  class  (1951) e m p l o y e d  the  concept  of  the  'authority',  and  concept  concept  of  of  'mobility  closure'  i n Western c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y .  to these eminent ranks, P a r k i n obscure notion  the  closure  structure  H e n c e , C.W.  Weberian  attention.  c l a s s t h e o r y can  both  razed  dressing;  of W e b e r i a n r e v i s i o n s o f M a r x i s m i n s e a r c h o f a that  then  of  In  the  (1979) s e i z e s  on  'social closure'  for another a l t e r n a t i v e to Marxist  to  to provide  class  the  analysis.  "By s o c i a l c l o s u r e Weber means t h e process by which social c o l l e c t i v i t i e s seek to maximize r e w a r d s by r e s t r i c t i n g a c c e s s t o r e s o u r c e s and o p p o r t u n i t i e s t o a limited c i r c l e of eligibles. This entails the singling o u t of c e r t a i n s o c i a l o r p h y s i c a l a t t r i b u t e s as the justificatory basis of exclusion" (Parkin, 1979: 44).  For  Weber,  closure  described  d o m i n a n t communal g r o u p s t o by  excluding  logically closure',  also  groups aimed at " as  collective  'monopolize economic  concept to  forms of  'usurping'  include  collective  not  Parkin  only  action  strategies  by  (1979)  'exclusionary subordinate  r e s o u r c e s from below.  Exclusion and u s u r p a t i o n may t h e two m a i n g e n e r i c t y p e s o f  of  opportunities'  s u b o r d i n a t e groups from c o m p e t i t i o n .  e x t e n d s the but  the  t h e r e f o r e be r e g a r d e d social closure, the  1 29  latter always b e i n g a c o n s e q u e n c e o f , and response t o , the former" ( I b i d : 45).  W i t h s o c i a l c l o s u r e t h u s d e f i n e d , t h e way Parkin  i s now  ( 1 9 7 9 ) , i n a consummate f e a t o f t h e o r e t i c a l  to r e f o r m u l a t e s o c i a l c l a s s such that exploitation terms  collective  and  of c l o s u r e  internal  class  s t r u g g l e s over  class  clear  for  legerdemain,  formation,  power,  d i v i s i o n s are a l l r e l a t e d i n  social  distribution.  " . . . t h e f a m i l i a r d i s t i n c t i o n between b o u r g e o i s i e and proletariat ... may be c o n c e i v e d a s an e x p r e s s i o n o f c o n f l i c t between c l a s s e s d e f i n e d not specifically in relation t o t h e i r p l a c e i n the p r o d u c t i v e p r o c e s s but in relation to their p r e v a l e n t modes o f closure, e x c l u s i o n and u s u r p a t i o n , r e s p e c t i v e l y " ( I b i d : 4 6 ) .  Exclusionary by w h i c h  the dominant  direction'  to  opportunities'. of  exclusion  (cultural  s t r a t e g i e s a r e t h e p r i n c i p a l modes o f class  form  mobilizes  and  reproduce  According to Parkin are  'property'  (as  power  in  its  a  closure  'downward  'monopoly  ( 1 9 7 9 ) , t h e two main capital),  and  of forms  'credentials'  capital).  "Each r e p r e s e n t s a s e t of legal arrangements for r e s t r i c t i n g a c c e s s t o r e w a r d s and p r i v i l e g e s ; p r o p e r t y ownership is a form of c l o s u r e d e s i g n e d t o p r e v e n t g e n e r a l a c c e s s t o t h e means of p r o d u c t i o n and i t s f r u i t s ; c r e d e n t i a l i s m i s a form of c l o s u r e d e s i g n e d t o control and monitor e n t r y t o key p o s i t i o n s i n t h e d i v i s i o n of l a b o u r " ( I b i d : 47-8). E x c l u s i o n a r y p r a c t i c e s may  c o m b i n e b o t h f o r m s , and  differentiated  of  criteria,  in  similar  respectively.  terms to  'individualist'  Parsonian  Collectivist  on a s c r i p t i v e a t t r i b u t e s l i k e  and  achievement  are  further  'collectivist'  and  ascription  t y p e s of e x c l u s i o n a r e t h o s e race,  and  tend  to  based  subordinate  1 30  communal  groups  apartheid.  marked  Individualist  criteria,  and  by  the  a  meritocracy.  tend  a  total  types are  s t a t u s s t r a t i f i c a t i o n and  closure  subordinate  groups  collective  experience  include  labour's  equality. some  As  to  their  of  domination with  ways.  For  by  the  the  and  s c a l e of u s u r p a t i o n a r y  must  rely  more  d e m o n s t r a t i o n s and institutional the  on  challenge  not  distribution The  only  to the  the  notion  of  legal  ideology  c o n f l i c t , and  ...  by  a n o t h e r , most u s u a l l y on some labour  other may  the  of  be  i n v o l v e d i n two  forms  the  the  b a s i s of  collectivist attribute"  justice  of  and  devices  of  system  of  underlying i t . the  subordinate  (Ibid:  strikes,  c l o s u r e poses a  importance  "exclusion  race,  74).  legal  a l s o to the  recognizes  describes  segment  but  social  'dual c l o s u r e '  'intra-class'  one  of  like  the e x c l u s i o n a r y  order,  generated  (Ibid:  the  Consequently, usurpationary  and  employed  on  involves  Regardless  justice" tactics  for  closure  (1979) u s u r p a t i o n  than  ethnic  struggles  'upward d i r e c t i o n ' .  e n d o r s e m e n t e n j o y e d by  dominant c l a s s .  and  from e x c l u s i o n a r y  rituals  and  Examples  action, i t i s therefore  symbolic  of  status  racial  women's  'solidaristic'  of  responses  exclusion.  " a l t e r n a t i v e s t a n d a r d s of d i s t r i b u t i v e  It  typical  ascribed  capital,  Parkin  achievement  fragmentation  and  such, i t tends to d i f f e r  on  as  group c h a r a c t e r i z e d  negatively  t h e m o b i l i z a t i o n o f power i n an of  social  discrimination,  important  s t a t u s such  those based  describes  struggles  struggles against  negative  to produce a subordinate  Usurpationary  in  by  sex, 89).  closure;  of  strategies  class  against  ethnicity, Thus,  or  organized  usurpationary  131  strategies  against  closure against women and  capital  and/or the  l e s s powerful  S t a t e , and  exclusionary  groups of w o r k e r s l i k e  immigrants,  racial minorities.  "For d e f i n i t i o n a l p u r p o s e s , t h e n , t h e dominant class in a s o c i e t y c a n be s a i d t o c o n s i s t of t h o s e s o c i a l g r o u p s whose s h a r e o f r e s o u r c e s i s a t t a i n e d p r i m a r i l y by exclusionary means; w h e r e a s t h e s u b o r d i n a t e c l a s s c o n s i s t s of s o c i a l g r o u p s whose p r i m a r y strategy is one of usurpation, notwithstanding the occasional r e s o r t t o e x c l u s i o n as a s u p p l e m e n t a r y s t r a t e g y " ( I b i d : 93).  What i s p e r h a p s most s t r i k i n g a b o u t t h i s d e f i n i t i o n unabashed author  circularity  who  of  promises  d e s c r i p t i o n of g r o u p  t h e a r g u m e n t , and  class  analysis,  the  but  is  the  s o p h i s t r y of i t s  delivers  only  a  competition.  "Although Parkin p u r p o r t s to d e f i n e c l a s s e s i n terms of d i s t i n c t i v e modes of s o c i a l c l o s u r e , i t i s a p p a r e n t t h a t t h e s e modes o f social closure are themselves d e f i n e d by t h e c l a s s e s t o w h i c h t h e y r e f e r .... Within the circle of this tautology the meaning of the c o n c e p t of s o c i a l c l a s s evaporates" (Burris, 1983: 118-119). Closer  inspection  of  the  between c l a s s f o r m a t i o n exploitation circularity,  and and  the  thinking  associated  political  economy'.  5.4.iii  Class  Class it  is  and  relationship  kinds  formation,  class of  his  fitting  divisions  inconsistencies critique  power and  relations for Parkin  only  the  w i t h the  (Ibid:  between  reveals and  more  eliptical  'wastelands  ( 1 9 7 9 ) a r e power r e l a t i o n s ,  t h a t modes o f  struggle"  and  and  s o c i a l c l o s u r e be d e f i n e d  46).  of  State  " d i f f e r e n t means o f m o b i l i z i n g power f o r t h e in d i s t r i b u t i v e  (1979) a s s u m e s  g r o u p power r e l a t i o n s ,  internal  in  Parkin  p u r p o s e of  P o w e r , we  are  as  engaging  told,  is  a  1 32  "built-in  attribute  related.  of  closure",  The main p r o b l e m w i t h  formation results  i s the from  so  the  Parkin's  two a r e i n t i m a t e l y  (1979) t h e o r y  initial  assumption  (that  power  relations)  that  group  class  l i n k a g e b e t w e e n power a n d s o c i a l c l o s u r e .  of  on  other, and  State,  notion'  with  the  t h e c o n c e p t o f power r e m a i n s constantly  t o , but  r o l e of the State  contradict  Parkin's  power  state  and  alluded  (1979: pp.  power  be  a  on t h e  definition,  or predicated  vague  never  i n class  the  The s o u r c e  original  when t h e a r g u m e n t i s n o t c i r c u l a r  instrumentalist  formation  one h a n d , a n d t h e way i t i s e x e r c i s e d  a r e not always c o n s i s t e n t  in fact,  the  the  class  necessitates  conceptual power  of  'metaphorical  explained.  formation  The  seems  119-141) i n s i s t e n c e t h a t  conceived  as  on  distinct  to  class  types  of  dominat i o n . Usurpationary  closure,  relying  a c t i o n t o i n f l u e n c e employers and t h e with is  the conceptual that  the  c l a s s or group outside that on  State,  power  mobilized  itself  and  i n usurpation  i t s resources,  to  The  comply  inference  emanates from t h e rather  i t , o r m e r e l y c o n d u c t e d by i t . P a r k i n capacity'  solidaristic  seems  l i n k a g e o f power a n d c l o s u r e .  the 'usurpationary  two  p r i m a r i l y on  of the working  than  from  (1979) s u g g e s t s class  depends  resources:  "the ability t o command resources on t h e b a s i s o f s k i l l a n d m a r k e t c a p a c i t y , a n d t h e a b i l i t y t o command resources on t h e b a s i s o f ' d i s r u p t i v e p o t e n t i a l ' " ( Ibid: 80). Where  these  potential  resources  sources  than l e g a l i s t i c a l l y  of  come power  from,  and  mobilized  i s never p r o p e r l y  why  they  should  solidaristically  addressed.  be  rather  To do s o w o u l d  133  r e q u i r e recourse, to s t r u c t u r a l c o n d i t i o n s forming  c l o s u r e and  exogenous  c l a s s r e l a t i o n s conceived  soley  to  class-  i n terms  of  distribution. The  etatist  notion Power  account  o f power as a is  not  seen  of  to  reside  in their  the  authority  the  (1979:  against  present  by  the  of  in  another  p o l i c i e s of  relations  by  property  the  and  or  legal Nor  exclusionary  closure  d o m i n a t i o n and  (Ibid:  by  does i t r e s i d e  in  a  numerous  by  95).  subordination  action.  forms backed  "one  is usually facilitated state"  by In  are  the  credentials  closure,  reiterates  dual  belies  of c o l l e c t i v e  of t h e S t a t e ' .  48,50,52,57-8,138)  E v e n t h e power m o b i l i z e d workers  in  institutional  b o u r g e o i s c l a s s formed  Parkin  closure  'built-in attribute'  t h e m s e l v e s , but 'coercive  exclusionary  point times.  group the p a s t short,  t h o s e so  of or a l l  defined  State.  "In effect, arguments such as Parkin's propose ... t h a t the power m o b i l i z e d i n c l a s s f o r m a t i o n be u n d e r s t o o d t o have i t s source and not simply its sanction i n the s t a t e apparatus, r a t h e r than i n the c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n of the c l a s s group itself. The n o t i o n o f s o c i a l c l o s u r e can s t i l l be r e l e v a n t t o s u c h an account of class formation, but i t w o u l d be a supplementary significance only" (Barbalet, 1982: 488) .  The formation  prominent is  conflict,  especially  but  it  Parkin's  ( 1 9 7 9 : 136)  power.  He  about the  role  is  of  politico-legal  pertinent  hardly  distinction  novel,  a and  theory  State  of  communal  a p p e a r s a t odds  b e t w e e n c l a s s power  argues t h a t the M a r x i s t  r e l a t i o n between the  to  relations in class  and  with state  p r e d i l e c t i o n for theorizing and  the  dominant  class  134  should  be a b a n d o n e d , and  separate  t h a t c l a s s and  forms of d o m i n a t i o n .  relative  autonomy  essentially  is  a modified  Yet  eschewed,  s t a t e be  acknowledged  p a r a d o x i c a l l y , the and  we  are  concept  presented  i n s t r u m e n t a l i s t v e r s i o n of  the  as of  with  capitalist  state. "The c l o s u r e m o d e l conceptualizes the state as an agency t h a t b u t t r e s s e s and c o n s o l i d a t e s t h e r u l e s and i n s t i t u t i o n s of e x c l u s i o n g o v e r n i n g a l l r e l a t i o n s of domination and subjection. Indeed, a c l a s s , race, sex, or e t h n i c group o n l y a c c o m p l i s h e s domination to the extent that i t s exclusionary perogatives are b a c k e d by t h e p e r s u a s i v e i n s t r u m e n t s o f t h e s t a t e " ( I b i d : 138).  In f a c t , P a r k i n nature  of the  power  is  any  State  not  important  itself  ( 1 9 7 9 : 140) by  r e m i n d i n g us  g o v e r n e d by way  seems t o  i s tenuous at  particularly  reassuring  to  communal  not  5.4.iv  Parkin's  as  relations, a  dominant  best,  that  the  patterns  and  historical  racial  facts, theory"  not  it  problem of  and  not  (Ibid:  is  not  i s only and  dominant c l a s s  ...  (Ibid:  events to  be  114).  113).  His  conceptual  'intra-class' relations  same g e n e r a l  as mere d i s t u r b a n c e s  'pure' c l a s s model"  state  conflict  the a n a l y s i s of  phenomena o f t h e  in  class  closure  (1979) o b j e c t i v e i s t o c r e a t e a s i n g l e  to f a c i l i t a t e  "conflict  the  state  that d i f f e r  b e t w e e n s t a t e and  i n t o some jumbo s o c i a l  E x p l o i t a t i o n and  framework  Like  relations  a r e p r e s u m a b l y " ' j u s t so' incorporated  learn  concrete.  conflict,  class  D i s t i n g u i s h i n g b e t w e e n c l a s s and  formulation  and  criteria  which  power i n t h i s  conceptual  the  " d i r e c t access to  exclusionary  f r o m t h e means by  is constituted."  that  emphasize  order  as  inter-class  or c o m p l i c a t i o n s s o l u t i o n i s to  within redefine  135  the  concept  such that  of  e x p l o i t a t i o n i n terms of e x c l u s i o n a r y  closure,  " e x p l o i t a t i o n occurs w i t h i n the subordinate  w e l l as a g a i n s t  class  as  i t " (Ibid; 89).  "That i s , i n so f a r a s e x c l u s i o n a r y f o r m s o f c l o s u r e r e s u l t i n t h e downward u s e o f p o w e r , h e n c e creating s u b o r d i n a t e s o c i a l f o r m a t i o n s , t h e y c a n be r e g a r d e d by d e f i n i t i o n as e x p l o i t a t i v e . E x p l o i t a t i o n here d e f i n e s the nexus between c l a s s e s o r o t h e r c o l l e c t i v i t i e s t h a t stand in a relationship of dominance and s u b o r d i n a t i o n , on w h a t e v e r s o c i a l b a s i s " ( I b i d : 4 6 ) . All  c l a s s , i n t r a - c l a s s and i n t e r - g r o u p  by  domination  'neo-Weberian  are  therefore  defined  the exercise  production distinction a  matter  closure  as e x p l o i t a t i v e i n t h i s  o f power i n e x c l u s i o n a r y  a n e c e s s a r y and s u f f i c i e n t c o n d i t i o n 46)  characterized  sense'.  •Given t h a t  (1979:  relations  claims is  but  that one  for  exploitation,  the appropriation form  of  closure i s  of s u r p l u s  exclusion.  This  Parkin  value i n  makes  between r e l a t i o n s o f e x p l o i t a t i o n and d i s c r i m i n a t i o n of  semantics.  If  both  discrimination  a r e c o n c e i v e d as the r e s t r i c t i o n  of  access  and s o c i a l to  desired  g o o d s a n d s e r v i c e s on t h e b a s i s o f some a s c r i b e d c r i t e r i o n , they  are  forms  'competition'. and  of  what  Weber  p r o c e s s e s w h i c h may t o them.  signify result  in  then  ( 1 9 7 8 : 38,341-42) c a l l e d g r o u p  However, c o m p e t i t i o n  appropriation,  subject  the  and  exploitation,  qualitatively different  different  outcomes  access social  for  those  4  " B o t h c o m p e t i t i o n a n d e x p l o i t a t i o n a r e means o f s o c i a l distribution. Competition, though, cannot c r e a t e the  See C h a p t e r Two, section 2.2 f o r p r i m a r y d i v i s i o n s , and C h a p t e r F o u r , s e c t i o n 4.6 f o r s e c o n d a r y d i v i s i o n s o f t h e s o c i a l product. 4  1 36  material conditions i t d i s t r i b u t e s ; in a significant sense exploitation can .... The e x p l o i t a t i o n of one class by another... e n t a i l s an appropriation of productive capacities and therefore the social c r e a t i o n of m a t e r i a l c o n d i t i o n s ...'and not m e r e l y t h e o p p o r t u n i t i e s t o use them" ( B a r b a l e t , 1982: 490).  Exploitation as  and  discrimination  r a d i c a l l a b o u r market p o s i t s ,  clearly  a f o r m of  the  latter,  exist without necessarily occur without these the  two  two  they and  distinct,  Both  directly  related  affect  with class  operate  applicable  at to  c o m p e t i t i o n and  not  the  societal  intra-class  former.  and  can  and  exclusion  to  while  the  the and  which  one  other  relations  l e v e l of  is  domination  the  inter-group  domination operating at  confuses  singularly,  but  appropriation  may  Conflating  discrimination  level, and  Exploitation  abstraction  formation, of  is  (1979) does, o n l y of  related  closure  exploitation.  levels  relations  historically  exclusion,  Parkin  class  be  exclusionary  the  to  exploitation  relation,  associated  and  but  but  involving  s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s as  speak. in  that  leading  may  is of  individuals  groups. The  conceptual  proclivity  for  distribution into  'life  blurring  conceiving  r e l a t i o n s , and  results  production translating  from  Parkin's  relations structural  in  (1979) terms  of  inequality  chances'.  "It is simply inadequate t o r e g a r d e x p l o i t a t i o n as p r i v i l e g e d access to life-chances corresponding with diminished life-chances for the exploited .... E x p l o i t a t i o n r e l a t i o n s are concerned not just with the production of life-chances, but w i t h t h e p r o d u c t i o n of t h e means of p r o d u c t i o n o f life-chances" ( B a r b a l e t , 1982: 491-492). By  reducing class  exploitation  to a  form  of  group  domination  1 37  Parkin  (1979)  inequality  explanation  transformed.  of a v o l u n t a r i s t i c  social  classes,  structural never  any  i s reproduced or  description as  precludes  world  exercising  b a s i s , and  for  He  that  by  us groups  has  c o m p e t i n g f o r g o o d s and  with  no  a  posing  apparent  services that  are  produced. Since  exploitation  is  not  with  Parkin's  c l a s s and  i n t e r - g r o u p r e l a t i o n s as q u a l i t a t i v e l y  sustainable. aspects  intra-class  r e l a t i o n s of  whether  i t a d v a n c e s our  conflict  on  the  c o n t r i b u t i o n of argued  labour  class  important  inter-group  conflict  domination,  of  labour  be  studied i n  and  to  a  of t h e  class  exclusionary  Parkin  effects  intra-class  exclusion  exploitation  by c a p i t a l ,  suggest,  given  labour  (Ibid:  the  has so  it  l e g a l and 96),  'exploitation  that by  been is  beyond  s t r a t e g i e s by  57) a  fact  rational  hardly  exclusion (Ibid:  class  competition  concurs  that  response  of  indigenous  70).  (1972)  of  persuasive  by  the  organized  context  in  racial  Bonacich  economic v u l n e r a b i l i t y  proxy'  certain  of  formation  historical  (1979:  of  However, i t i s d o u b t f u l  market t h e o r y .  the  i n terms  d i s c r i m i n a t o r y r e a c t i o n s t o t h r e a t s of  from cheap l a b o u r .  constitutes  explain  understanding  racial  as  does  fragmentation.  that  should  struggle  radical  same i s n o t  and  process  intra-  the  closure  and  competition  working  exclusionary  rationale for treating class,  Exclusionary  of  extent,  (1979)  synonymous  closure,  has  structural  leaves  populated  power  how  then  to to  immigrant labour  138  5.4.v  Conclusion Parkin  heart  of  (1979) i s c o r r e c t class  analysis',  in  and  asymmetrical  power r e l a t i o n s .  of  class  social  domination, the  however,  'placing  in conceiving His  from  any  to  concrete  i t as  neo-Weberian  strips  reduces e x p l o i t a t i o n  concept  exploitation a  the  feature  of  reconstruction  appropriation  from  discrimination, historical  at  and  basis  class severs  for  class  formation. "Non-Marxist accounts of class stress either distribution (appropriation) or d o m i n a t i o n , but not t h e u n i t y of t h e s e two within a concept of class exploitation. The Marxist a t t e m p t t o combine t h e s e two e l e m e n t s w i t h i n a s i n g l e c o n c e p t p r o d u c e s a much more powerful theoretical tool, both in t e r m s of a n a l y z i n g t h e c o n d i t i o n s of t h e e x i s t e n c e of classes (the relational requirements of t h e i r r e p r o d u c t i o n ) and i n t e r m s o f a n a l y z i n g t h e c o n d i t i o n s for epochal s o c i a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n " ( W r i g h t , 1982: 335).  Consequently,  Parkin's  are  never c o n c e p t u a l l y  As  a  by  highlighting  descriptive  competition theoretical  and  Ironically, static With  as  has  the  respect  Marxist  class  and it  concept,  d o m i n a t i o n ; as because  state,  Marxist to  their a  analysis less  a p p r o a c h of  and an  of  class  enriches  inter-group analytic  of  class  was  then, Parkin's explanatory  i t becomes a the  formation to  fourth  relations  almost  r a d i c a l l a b o u r market  issues  than  theory.  as  mothball.  (1979) g r o u p power potential  of  transformation.  intended  (1980) s e c o n d and  theory  relations  to e x p l a i n and  state  applied.  class  concept  reproduction  it  and  systematically  it fails  model  theories  Gidden's  and  s o c i a l closure  intra-class  graces  demonstrably  conflict  integrated,  cul-de-sac  between c l a s s  (1979) t h e o r i e s  As  the  with  theory class  Mackenzie  1 39  ( 1 9 8 0 : 584)  has  observed,  the  " u s e f u l n e s s of t h e n o t i o n of s o c i a l c l o s u r e l i e s not in i t s a b i l i t y t o r e p l a c e the framework of P o l i t i c a l Economy, b u t i n the ease with which i t can be i n c o r p o r a t e d by i t . "  The  t h e o r e t i c a l and  i m p l i c a t i o n s of  radical  labour market theory  f o r a theory of r a c i a l c o n f l i c t are  pursued  in Chapter  Six.  broad  of  formation  class  c l a s s and  The  methodological  o u t l i n e s of a c l a s s  conflict  t h a t e n c o m p a s s e s c l a s s s t r u g g l e and  i n t e r - g r o u p c o n f l i c t s a r e d e l i n e a t e d by d r a w i n g  d i a l e c t i c s of e x p l o i t a t i o n  and  market,  tradition  and  represented  the  Marxist  by Thompson  (1963).  discrimination of c l a s s  in  the  formation  theory intraon  the  labour theory  1 40  Chapter  6  Beyond t h e Labour M a r k e t : C l a s s F o r m a t i o n , Racial  Class Struggle  And  Conflict  "Though f o r t h e s o c i a l a n a l y s t ' r a c e ' and class are necessary a b s t r a c t i o n s at different levels, black c o n s c i o u s n e s s of r a c e and c l a s s c a n n o t be e m p i r i c a l l y separated. The c l a s s c h a r a c t e r o f b l a c k s t r u g g l e s i s not the result of the fact that blacks are predominantly p r o l e t a r i a n , though t h i s i s t r u e . It is e s t a b l i s h e d i n the f a c t that t h e i r s t r u g g l e s f o r c i v i l rights, f o r f r e e d o m f r o m s t a t e h a r a s s m e n t o r as waged w o r k e r s a r e i n s t a n c e s of the process by which the working c l a s s i s c o n s t i t u t e d p o l i t i c a l l y , i s organized i n p o l i t i c s " ( G i l r o y , 1981: 219). 6. 1  Introduction Albeit  ( 1 9 7 9 ) and  from the  different  radical  theoretical  l a b o u r m a r k e t t h e o r i s t s s h a r e an  i n e x p l a i n i n g the e f f e c t s of r a c i a l Both r e j e c t conflict  static,  that  relationship  process.  And  Marxist of  race  reduction then,  in  of  only  adjunct  of  class  t o an  class analysis itself  radical centres  the n e g l e c t  inter-group  struggles  (1979) t h i s q u e s t i o n i n g revision  of  class  of  the  class,  a  problem  but  role  class  is total,  analysis.  of  the  racial formation in  reduction  important,  the  In each approach In  case  of  i s only p a r t i a l ,  and  class,  leads  racial  determinism  theoretical  formation, and  formation.  and  equally  this critique  interest  to conceive  of  i s interrogated.  Parkin  of  dynamic c l a s s  economic c a t e g o r y .  of the in  analyses tend  i n terms of the  l a b o u r market t h e o r y on  and  on c l a s s  exploitation  context  identify  not  class  agency,  class  the  both  analyses t o an  human  between  discrimination  conflict  functionalist  deny  perspectives,  the  intra-class while  to  a  and  for Parkin neo-Weberian  N e i t h e r a p p r o a c h c o n s t i t u t e s an  141  adequate c l a s s a n a l y s i s neither  posits  economic,  a  and  market w i t h t h o s e is  not  racial  systematic  political  exploitation  of  and  t h e o r y of c l a s s ideological  discrimination  class  formation  conflict  fall and  classical  in  section  e p i t o m i z e d by Following  of  from  and  whereby  as  and  as w e l l as  contested 1981;  Przeworski,  Which like  a theory of  of  racial  framework' t h a t P a r k i n  model t h a t  radical  formation  labour  materialist  class  is  conceived  form,  are  tradition, I978a,b).  as  an  historical  f o r m a t i o n as  an  open-ended  de-form  and  re-form  Class analysis i s s t r u g g l e as  i d e o l o g i c a l order Therborn,  the  i s outlined  1975;  1983;  in  the  're-cognized'  s t r u g g l e s 'about  'between o r among c l a s s e s ' ; a n d  1977;  schools,  theory  Thompson ( 1 9 6 3 ;  struggles.  and  theory,  i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of t h e s e c o n d  classes  cultural  labour  non-reductionist  analysis  a class conflict  'class struggle analysis'; class  class'  of  class  class  'process'; c l a s s  c r u c i b l e of c o n c r e t e  or  i n the community.  'single  Marxist  t h e work o f E.P.  Thompson,  'relationship' process  any  the B r i t i s h h i s t o r i c a l  6.3  against  promise.  c o m p a r e d i n s e c t i o n 6.2, in  linking  but o n l y t h a t w i t h o u t  s h o r t of t h e  traditions and  on  the c l a s s c o n f l i c t  market t h e o r y h o l d s Two  209),  formation  struggles  locomotive  undergirding i t ,  will  (1979) s e e k s ,  1981:  because  be m i r a c u l o u s l y h i t c h e d on  an e x t r a r a i l w a y c a r r i a g e t o t h e (Gilroy,  however,  i n s i d e the workplace  struggles carried  t o imply t h a t "race can  marxism"  conflict  (Kaye,  hegemony a s 1983;  Wood, 1 9 8 2 ) .  a  Palmer,  1 42  The  t h e o r e t i c a l and  conflict and  theory  of c l a s s  is  social  T h i s s i m p l e model practices,  outcomes of c o n c r e t e sufficient,  for  considered  the  circle,  racial  by  in  Chapter  criticized  purview.  Some key c o n c e p t s and  revitalized  racial conflicts  based s t r u g g l e s conclusion,  and  class  inside  Third  offers  a promising  r e s e a r c h and  a  the  labour  analysis  political  action  and and  and  the  analysis.  race a  from  model  to  market  are  and  class each  conflict market  conflict are  analysis  that  to  community-  movements.  i s t o u t e d as a white  class  type  By way  of  preliminary  Marxism,  that  framework f o r  on q u e s t i o n s o f r a c e and  class  in  society.  of c l a s s  formation  e x p l i c i t t h e o r y of c l a s s  formation  labour  methodological  formation  i n r a d i c a l l a b o u r market t h e o r y , but class  agents  simple  from  class  t h e o r e t i c a l and  Marxist theories An  Two,  b e t w e e n b l a c k and  contemporary c a p i t a l i s t 6.2  the  the  World l i b e r a t i o n  conflict  step i n bridge building  the  notions  by  labour  of e x p l o i t a t i o n  the  reexamining  and  6.4,  represents a necessary, i f  outside  6.5  theories  links  the  conditions,  ways o f e x t e n d i n g  conflict  in section  retrieved  in  specifying  racial conflicts  class  in section  conflict  historical  of a  framework f o r a n o n - r e d u c t i o n i s t c l a s s  Coming f u l l account  racial  t e a s e d out around the d i a l e c t i c s  discrimination. their  implications  formation are pursued  a c l a s s c o n f l i c t model of  market  not  methodological  theory  has  d i s c o u r s e , and  is currently  Structuralist  eclipse  a  contrary to Parkin  venerable  emerging  i s never a r t i c u l a t e d  from  to focus attention  (1979),  pedigree  in Marxist  over  decade  a  o n c e a g a i n on t h e  of role  1 43  of  human a g e n c y i n t h e r e p r o d u c t i o n a n d t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f s o c i a l  relations been  two  Marxism, The and  in capitalist distinct  the  debates  relationship  (Luxembourg, a s s u m e d by orthodox  among  ideologues  capitalist  development  of  Kautsky,  classical  notion  predicated  and c l a s s a s a s u b j e c t i v e ,  the  Lukacs).  on  revolutionism formation  the or  reformism.  teleological  the  and  and  the class  of c l a s s  large,  the  distinction ('in-itself'),  i d e n t i t y ('for-  transformation  or  lack  e i t h e r working theories  t o be e i t h e r  class  of  class  'historicist'  (class  from t h e r e l a t i o n s o f  overtones,  the  The p r o b l e m a t i c o f c l a s s  Classical  tend  over  concept  analytic  to the l a t t e r ;  i d e n t i t y a r i s e s spontaneously with  Marx's  by  political-ideological  former  consequently  The  was  i n t h e P o v e r t y of P h i l o s o p h y .  from  within  working  economic s t r u c t u r e  f o r m a t i o n was t h e need t o e x p l a i n thereof,  European  theorists  b e t w e e n c l a s s a s an o b j e c t i v e ,  itself')  have  International  revolutionary  consciousness  the  formation theory  t r a d i t i o n d a t e s from t h e Second  Lenin,  there  by t h e i r d i f f e r e n t c o n c e p t s o f c l a s s .  between  revolutionary  Broadly speaking,  t r a d i t i o n s of c l a s s  distinguished classical  society.  production)  or ' v o l u n t a r i s t ' (class i d e n t i t y  must be i m p o r t e d f r o m an o u t s i d e a g e n c y ) . Contemporary s t r a i n s of t h i s t r a d i t i o n a r e theories  in  of hegemonic v e r s u s c o r p o r a t i s t w o r k i n g c l a s s e s , and i n  'deradicalization 'reformism' (Foster,  discernible  theories  by e m p l o y i n g  1974;  corporatist  1  that  explain  Lenin's concept  Moorhouse,  1978).  The  working  class  of 'labour a r i s t o c r a c y ' deradicalization  or  t h e s i s h a s been f o i s t e d on c l a s s f o r m a t i o n t h e o r y i n  1 44  part  by t h e o r t h o d o x c o n c e p t o f c l a s s w h i c h  class a continuous h i s t o r i c a l all  subject  renders the working  determined  by t h e o b j e c t i v e r e l a t i o n s o f p r o d u c t i o n .  classical  tradition  therefore  once-and-for-  Missing  from the  i s any c o n c e p t i o n of t h e p o l i t i c a l  dimension of c l a s s as a d i s c o n t i n u o u s process of o r g a n i z a t i o n . "The d e b a t e a b o u t d e r a d i c a l i z a t i o n i s a d d r e s s e d t o an incorrectly formulated problem. What i t p r e s u p p o s e s ... i s t h a t t h e r e was some g l o r i o u s p a s t i n w h i c h t h e working class was m i l i t a n t .... History of the working class i n the now developed capitalist societies i s a history o f o r g a n i z a t i o n on t h e o n l y terrain i n which such an o r g a n i z a t i o n was not completely r e p r e s s e d a n d a t t h e same t i m e was t o some extent effective--the terrain of bourgeois institutions. I t i s a h i s t o r y of o r g a n i z a t i o n , not of " d e r a d i c a l i z a t i o n " ( P r z e w o r s k i , 1977: 3 8 3 ) .  The  second  associated Hobsbawm, avowedly  with Hill,  tradition several  British  Hilton  and  t o rescue h i s t o r y  formation  of  of  class Marxist  Thompson ( 1 9 6 3 ;  'from below',  human  tradition  historians--notably  that  i s , t o render  struggles  (Kaye,  historical  1983).  as  for  i t s lack 1980;  the  of t h e o r e t i c a l development  Hall,  orthodox  1981),  concept  of c l a s s formation theory.  Thompson  an  E.P.  A l t h o u g h h i s w o r k h a s been  Thompson  of  class  has  (Johnson, repeatedly  and t h e c l a s s i c a l  Rather than r e d u c i n g c l a s s  t o e i t h e r a s t r u c t u r e o r an i d e n t i t y , he i n v i t e s u s t o class  the  1975; I 9 7 8 a , b ) i s p e r h a p s most r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f  Anderson,  challenged  is  T h o m p s o n — w h o s e p r a c t i c e h a s been  the B r i t i s h h i s t o r i c a l m a t e r i a l i s t s .  1979;  theory  t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s v i s i b l e a s an a c t i v e  process punctuated with  criticized  formation  conceive  a c t i v e , s t r u c t u r e d p r o c e s s of ' s e l f - m a k i n g ' . For  (1963)  the  distinction  between  the  objective  and  1 45  subjective distinguish in  dimensions  of  class  two modes o f c l a s s  serves  as  formation, or  the 'self-making' of a c l a s s .  The c o n c e p t  an  analogy  to  historical  stages  mediating  between  t h e two modes i s t h e c a t e g o r y o f ' e x p e r i e n c e ' , by w h i c h Thompson refers specifically ideological  t o t h e e x p e r i e n c e of economic, p o l i t i c a l and  domination.  " C l a s s f o r m a t i o n s ... a r i s e a t t h e i n t e r s e c t i o n of determination and s e l f - a c t i v i t y : the working c l a s s "made i t s e l f a s much a s i t was made". We cannot put "class" here a n d " c l a s s c o n s c i o u s n e s s " t h e r e , a s two s e p a r a t e e n t i t i e s , t h e one s e q u e n t i a l upon t h e o t h e r , since both must be t a k e n t o g e t h e r — t h e e x p e r i e n c e o f d e t e r m i n a t i o n , and t h e " h a n d l i n g " of t h i s i n c o n s c i o u s ways. N o r c a n we d e d u c e c l a s s f r o m a s t a t i c " s e c t i o n " ( s i n c e i t i s a becoming over t i m e ) , nor as a f u n c t i o n of t h e mode o f p r o d u c t i o n , s i n c e c l a s s f o r m a t i o n s a n d consciousness (while subject t o determinate pressures) e v e n t u a t e i n an o p e n - e n d e d p r o c e s s o f r e l a t i o n s h i p — of s t r u g g l e w i t h o t h e r c l a s e s — o v e r t i m e " (Thompson, 1978a: 1 0 6 ) .  Accordingly, the problematic working logic and  c l a s s reformism  of the h i s t o r i c a l re-form  struggles.  Class  formation  p r o c e s s whereby  the  in  as  and  As a c o r o l l a r y  shaped  relations,  which  and  much  form,  de-form  a by  is  not  formation  class-bound.  complex p r o c e s s the  of  mundane  the  i n which  activities,  historical  agents  r e l a t i o n s c o n s t i t u t e d by t h e mode then, the process  limited  allows  as  struggles  i n v o l v e d , a s by t h e s o c i a l  be  classes  tradition,  i s conceived  practices  i s not  c o n c r e t e c l a s s and community-based  classical  outcomes a r e d e t e r m i n e d  may  formation  Thompson ( 1 9 6 3 ) p r o f f e r s a t h e o r y o f c l a s s  unlike  production.  class  or r e v o l u t i o n i s m per se, but r a t h e r the  themselves  which,  social  of  as  for a  of c l a s s  of  formation  much by n o n - c l a s s a s by c l a s s class  analysis  that  can  146  accommodate without  6.3  the  e f f e c t s o f r a c i a l c o n f l i c t on c l a s s  reifying either  race or c l a s s .  A c l a s s c o n f l i c t theory of c l a s s The r e l e v a n c e o f t h e  historiography placed  on  second  a  historical  realm  objective recent  specificity  of  class  subjective  germinating primarily  6. 3 . i  tradition  lies  (Kaye,  of  from  and  human  the process of  class  structures.  interpretations  formation  formation not  in  s o much a s t h e t h e o r e t i c a l and p o l i t i c a l  concomitant r e f u s a l to relegate to  formation,  priority  agency, and t h e class  formation  c o n s c i o u s n e s s c o n t i n g e n t on  Especially class,  the  class  Thompson's  pertinent struggle  are  some  a n d hegemony  (1963)  study  1983; Wood, 1982; P r z e w o r s k i ,  1977).  of  class  Class  In  opposition  Structuralist  to  class theories  i n terms of ' c a t e g o r i e s ' maintains  that  class  always a d i a l e c t i c a l  sociological  stratification  and  w h i c h he a r g u e s t e n d t o r e i f y  class  o r ' p o s i t i o n s ' , Thompson  (1963;  1978a)  i s an ' h i s t o r i c a l phenomenon', a n d h e n c e  ' r e l a t i o n s h i p ' and  'process'.  "The c o n c e p t o f c l a s s as r e l a t i o n s h i p and process stresses that objective relations t o t h e means o f p r o d u c t i o n a r e s i g n i f i c a n t i n s o f a r as they establish a n t a g o n i s m s and g e n e r a t e c o n f l i c t s and s t r u g g l e s ; that these c o n f l i c t s and s t r u g g l e s shape s o c i a l e x p e r i e n c e "in class ways", even when they do n o t e x p r e s s themselves i n c l a s s c o n s c i o u s n e s s and c l e a r l y v i s i b l e f o r m a t i o n s ; and t h a t over time we c a n d i s c e r n how t h e s e r e l a t i o n s h i p s impose t h e i r l o g i c , t h e i r p a t t e r n , on s o c i a l p r o c e s s e s " (Wood, 1982: 5 9 ) .  147  Class  as  ' r e l a t i o n s h i p ' Wood  i n v o l v e s two h i s t o r i c a l one  among  members  ( 1 9 8 2 : 59) s u g g e s t s ,  relationships; of  the  same  one b e t w e e n c l a s s e s , class.  The  r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n o r among c l a s s e s p o s i t e d by necessary, class  Marxism  is a  the  relations  among  heterogeneous  s i m i l a r p o s i t i o n s i n the r e l a t i o n s of production  are  given  directly  by  the  processes.  C l a s s f o r Thompson  than  the  conditions  c o n d i t i o n s and t h e c l a s s filled  by  (1963)  of c l a s s .  itself  i n the  Thompson w i t h t h e m e d i a t i o n  l i v e d experience struggle—that  of  exploitation,  can  i n t e r e s t s expressed  experience,  s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l  or  denotes  which  accumulation  something  more  The h i a t u s b e t w e e n  class  classical  tradition  of e x p e r i e n c e — a  competition,  is  common,  conflict  and  s h a p e a common i d e n t i t y a n d m o b i l i z e common in cultural  behave as a c l a s s ' . human  production  We  groups  occupying  just  since  a r e not r e d u c i b l e t o p r o d u c t i o n r e l a t i o n s .  specify  not  and  antagonistic  but not s u f f i c i e n t c o n d i t i o n t o d e f i n e a c l a s s ,  relations  must a l s o  i n fact  Constructed classes  forms,  into the ' d i s p o s i t i o n  from the h i s t o r i c a l m a t e r i a l of  f o r Thompson  are t h e r e f o r e always  f o r m a t i o n s , s t r u c t u r e d a s much by  i d e o l o g i c a l and c u l t u r a l  to  r e l a t i o n s a s by e c o n o m i c  political,  ones.  "The b u r d e n o f t h e t h e o r e t i c a l message c o n t a i n e d i n the concept o f " e x p e r i e n c e " i s , among o t h e r t h i n g s , that the operation of d e t e r m i n i n g pressures i s an historical q u e s t i o n , and t h e r e f o r e immediately an e m p i r i c a l o n e " (Wood, 1982: 6 2 ) .  Class formation regarded  as into  'process' the  as a complex  incorporates  very concept and  the  of c l a s s .  discontinuous  dynamic  of  class  Class formation i s  'structured  process'  1 48  which  is  n e i t h e r wholly determined  outcome.  I t i s a s o c i a l process  generate  economic,  political  heterogeneous groupings rise  to  nor c o m p l e t e l y  whereby and  historical  ideological  of human a g e n t s  arbitrary  in  conditions  s t r u g g l e s among  which,  in  turn,  give  the o r g a n i z a t i o n , d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n or r e o r g a n i z a t i o n of  those agents i n t o conscious  f o r m a t i o n s , as w e l l  as  changes  in  the o r i g i n a l c o n d i t i o n s . "The notion of class as "structured process" ... a c k n o w l e d g e s t h a t w h i l e t h e structural basis of class formation i s t o be f o u n d i n t h e a n t a g o n i s t i c r e l a t i o n s o f p r o d u c t i o n , t h e p a r t i c u l a r ways i n which the structural pressures e x e r t e d by t h e s e r e l a t i o n s a c t u a l l y o p e r a t e i n t h e f o r m a t i o n of classes remains an open question t o be resolved empirically by h i s t o r i c a l and s o c i o l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s . Such a concept of class a l s o r e c o g n i z e s t h a t t h i s i s where t h e most important and p r o b l e m a t i c q u e s t i o n s about class l i e , and that the usefulness of any class analysis ... r e s t s on i t s a b i l i t y t o a c c o u n t f o r t h e p r o c e s s o f c l a s s f o r m a t i o n " ( I b i d ; 63). 6.3.ii  Class struggle  The  historical  particular but  forms of s o c i a l  a central  are never the but  conditions  of  class  formation  r e l a t i o n s t h a t s t r u c t u r e the  t e n e t o f Thompson's (1963) t h e o r y 'passive victims'  conscious  agents,  are  the  of o b j e c t i v e  historical  v a l u e s and  institutions.  The  outcome  therefore  u l t i m a t e l y d e p e n d e n t on  the  the  process,  i s that classes  social  relations,  b e a r e r s of  traditions,  of  class  formation  'self-activity'  or  is  social  p r a c t i c e s of t h e c l a s s e s i n - t h e - m a k i n g .  Hence t h e p i v o t a l  role  of  (1978b)  must  class  struggle,  logically exist controversial concurs  prior position  which to  Thompson  conscious  i s shared  class  formations.  by P r z e w o r s k i  t h a t " c l a s s e s a r e not a datum p r i o r  contends  to  ( 1 9 7 7 : 370) the  history  This who of  1 49  concrete not  struggles".  determined  According to Przeworski  directly  they c o n s t i t u t e the historical  agents  the  organization,  As  the  r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n of  continuous  whose p r i m a r y g o a l disorganization  or  and  are  not  are  because  struggles  among  p o t e n t i a l outcome, i s  reorganization  of  classes.  s o c i a l p r a c t i c e s of c o n c r e t e a g e n t s ,  themselves  r e l a t i o n s of  the  "effects"  conflicting  struggles  by  (1977) c l a s s e s  uniquely  determined  class  by  the  production.  "Class struggles are n e i t h e r epiphenomenal nor f r e e from determination. They a r e structured by the totality of economic, p o l i t i c a l , and ideological r e l a t i o n s ; and have an autonomous e f f e c t upon the p r o c e s s of c l a s s f o r m a t i o n " ( I b i d : 3 6 7 ) .  The  'structuring'  r e f e r s to the  s h a p i n g and  'organization  of  which Przeworski choices"  or  'conditioning'  limiting  of  s o c i a l p r a c t i c e s ' by (1977:  presented  in  377) each  the  of  'form of  objective  defines  class  as  struggles'  social  the  c o n j u n c t u r e to the  struggles or  relations  "structure  of  individual  and  c o l l e c t i v e a g e n t s engaged i n c l a s s f o r m a t i o n .  These  objective  conditions  i n the  course  concrete  are  in  turn  themselves  altered  struggles.  " . . . t h e r o l e of s t r u g g l e s w i t h r e g a r d t o the p r o c e s s e s of c l a s s f o r m a t i o n i s t w o f o l d . F i r s t , class struggles t a k i n g p l a c e w i t h i n e a c h c o n j u n c t u r e h a v e e f f e c t s upon economic, p o l i t i c a l , and ideological relations and hence indirectly upon subsequent p r o c e s s e s of c l a s s formation. Second, given the p a r t i c u l a r s t r u c t u r e of economic, i d e o l o g i c a l , and p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s , c l a s s s t r u g g l e s a f f e c t d i r e c t l y the class organization of persons located differentially i n the system of production. The i n d i r e c t e f f e c t s of class struggles have consequences for the entire class structure, s i n c e they modify the system of production out of w h i c h c l a s s e s are formed" ( I b i d : 397).  of  150  From t h i s effect  on  standpoint,  the  p r o c e s s of c l a s s f o r m a t i o n ,  o u t c o m e s of h i s t o r i c a l struggle and  i f c l a s s s t r u g g l e s h a v e an  precedes  s t r u g g l e s , then  class  i n the  ideological struggles  formation'  before  are  they are  it  and  autonomous  c l a s s e s are  follows  that  sense t h a t economic,  always  struggles  struggles  the  class  political  'about  class  'between o r among c l a s s e s ' .  "...class struggles cannot be reduced to s t r u g g l e s b e t w e e n o r among c l a s s e s . Or, t o p u t i t differently, classes-in-struggle are an e f f e c t o f s t r u g g l e s a b o u t c l a s s .... The concrete actors who appear at the phenomenal level, "in struggle" in a particular h i s t o r i c a l s i t u a t i o n , need not c o r r e s p o n d t o p l a c e s i n b r o a d l y c o n c e i v e d r e l a t i o n s of production, precisely because they are an e f f e c t o f s t r u g g l e s a b o u t c l a s s formation .... T h u s , i n each c o n c r e t e conjuncture struggles to organize, disorganize or reorganize c l a s s e s a r e not l i m i t e d t o s t r u g g l e s between or among c l a s s e s " ( I b i d : 386). 6.3.iii  Hegemony  The  concept  to describe  o f hegemony w h i c h Thompson (1974; 1978b) u s e s  eighteenth  of c l a s s f o r m a t i o n . nor  class  domination, resisted,  necessarily  breaking  s t a t e power  England, a l s o r e f l e c t s h i s  Hegemony d e n o t e s n e i t h e r  perpetually  for  century  but  a  contested  renegotiated down  i n t o an  ( K a y e , 1983:  social  theory  consensus  socio-political  and  reproduced  order  without  open r e v o l u t i o n a r y  struggle  180).  " I t i s , a s Thompson and G e n o v e s e seem t o a g r e e , a way of defining t h e h i s t o r i c a l c o n t e n t of c l a s s s t r u g g l e d u r i n g t i m e s of a p p a r e n t quiescence" (Palmer, 1981: 88) . The of  process formation  ideologies, and  the  of c l a s s f o r m a t i o n  i s , at the  same t i m e ,  of p o t e n t i a l l y counter-hegemonic s o c i a l institutions  and  e x p e r i e n c e of p r e s e n t  values  out  struggles.  of the  a  practices,  legacy  Thompson's  process  of  past,  penchant  151  for  studying  c u l t u r a l forms of w o r k i n g c l a s s r e s i s t a n c e  of  grappling  e m p i r i c a l l y with  t h i s very h i s t o r i a l  i s a way  p r o c e s s , and  is " i n t e n d e d t o p e r m i t t h e r e c o g n i t i o n of " i m p e r f e c t " or "partial" forms of p o p u l a r c o n s c i o u s n e s s as a u t h e n t i c e x p r e s s i o n s of c l a s s and c l a s s struggle, valid in their historical circumstances even i f "wrong" f r o m the s t a n d p o i n t of l a t e r developments" (Wood, 1982: 69) . Like  Gramsci  ( 1 9 7 1 ) , hegemony f o r Thompson ( 1 9 7 4 ; 1978b) i s an  ' a t t r i b u t e of State has  power' w h i c h  no m e a n i n g a p a r t In  summary,  formation, reformulation (Kaye,  has  has  also,  in  of c l a s s a n a l y s i s  1983:  tradition  only  1 8 1 ) , and  of c l a s s  struggles  and  Thompson been i n s t r u m e n t a l  class, class struggle  he  class  f r o m them'.  not  reconceptualizing  'implies  to  formation  a  sense,  as the  a n d hegemony  qua  contributed  'class  redundancy  class to  struggle  in  the  analysis'  of the c l a s s i c a l  theory.  "A c o m p l e x v i e w o f c l a s s f o r m a t i o n w h i c h gives equal weight t o the s t r u g g l e t o organize c l a s s e s i n p o l i t i c s takes us far beyond the s i m p l i s t i c 'class i n itself/class for i t s e l f dichotomy. I t poses the question of forms of struggle and political o r g a n i z a t i o n " ( G i l r o y , 1981: 2 1 2 ) . Class  struggle  organization  is  of  conceived  class  as  conflict  over  r e l a t i o n s , which include  the  social  r e l a t i o n s among  members o f t h e same c l a s s a s w e l l a s r e l a t i o n s b e t w e e n o r classes. attention the  'Class  struggle  to the h i s t o r i c a l  objective  conditions,  economic,  analysis'  consequently d i r e c t s our  a g e n t s and t h e i r political,  and t h e o b j e c t i v e  among  social  ideological  outcomes  o v e r c l a s s f o r m a t i o n a n d b e t w e e n o r among  of  practices, and c u l t u r a l  concrete  classes.  struggles  1 52  This affect  is  not  class  to  assert  formation  are  that a l l concrete struggles that therefore  by  definition  s t r u g g l e s , o r t h a t a l l s o c i a l change i s d i r e c t l y class  struggle.  struggles like historical capitalist  Class  racial  context social  of  the  this which  de-formed  and  "directs  o n , t h e p r o c e s s by w h i c h re-formed.  historical  classes  are  (1977:  385)  For Przeworski  actors  p a r a l l e l s between Thompsonian  the  models of analyses  nascent  class that  'class  and  conflict  are  underplay  historical  processes  relations.  Both  political  analysis  with  regard  of the to  the  formation".  market theory a r e s t r i k i n g .  Both  of r a d i c a l  of  the importance  static,  and  analyse  functionalist  o f human a g e n c y i n t h e transforming  the  objective  and i d e o l o g i c a l c o n d i t i o n s d e t e r m i n i n g agents  labour  subscribe to multi-dimensional  critical  to  conflict  'class struggle analysis'  analysis'  reproducing  tend  of c o n c r e t e h i s t o r i c a l  the  i n the process of c l a s s  social economic, practices  formation.  b o t h t e n d t o f o c u s on c l a s s - f o r m i n g s t r u g g l e s s t r u c t u r e d by  r e l a t i o n s of share  i n the  r e p r o d u c t i o n and t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of  Towards a c l a s s c o n f l i c t m o d e l o f r a c i a l The  And  explicable  us t o a n a l y z e t h e o b j e c t i v e d e t e r m i n a n t s  p r o c e s s of c l a s s  and  only  stands as a 'methodological p o s t u l a t e ' f o r c l a s s  p r a c t i c e s of c o n c r e t e  6.4  are  that concrete  r e l a t i o n s when a n a l y s e d a s t h e e f f e c t s o f , a n d  i n t u r n , h a v i n g an e f f e c t formed,  attributable to  s t r u g g l e a n a l y s i s argues conflict  class  direct  appropriation, theoretical  with, class theoretical  domination  links  and  competition,  t o , or at least  t h e o r i e s of t h e S t a t e .  and  compatibility  Although  radical  1 53  labour  market  formation,  theory  it  lacks  does attempt  an  explicit  social organization  the processes  It  truncated  and  formation  that  and  criticized cultural  o f p r o d u c t i o n and  has  overly  been  structural,  struggles  class  to  formation theory  f o r r e l y i n g too h e a v i l y formations  to  economic d e t e r m i n a t i o n s  the  and  on  (Johnson,  working  view  over  class  of  a l l economic, of  class  political  production.  t h e o t h e r h a n d , has  subjective  neglect  of  for presenting a  realm on  analysis  exchange r e l a t i o n s i n  economic  the  class  struggles  faulted earlier  i s i n c l i n e d to r e s t r i c t  ideological  Thompsonian  inter-group  of l a b o u r market s e g m e n t a t i o n  fragmentation.  of  an a n a l o g o u s h i s t o r i c a l  t h e r o l e o f c l a s s , i n t r a - c l a s s and the  theory  been  experience  and  of t h e o r i z i n g s t r u c t u r a l  1979;  Anderson,  1980;  Hall,  outlined  above  is  1981). The  theory  preliminary  of  attempt  class  t o compensate f o r the complementary  of both a p p r o a c h e s .  The  this  continue  theory  analysis  shall  f o r reasons  c o n c e p t u a l l y between interests, class  mode o f c l a s s t o be  analysis  designated  o f c o n s i s t e n c y , and concrete  concrete  i n order  'conflicts'  'struggles'  failings  emerging 'class  to  a  from  conflict'  to d i s t i n g u i s h organize  b e t w e e n o r among  class  organized  forces. The  class  and  formation  t h e o r e t i c a l and  conflict  approach  racial conflict.  First,  dialectically  terms  in  methodological  implications  of  this  are s i g n i f i c a n t for a c l a s s theory the of  race/class relationship  nexus and  is  process  of  conceived within  a  1 54  concrete  totality.  determined  by,  They  historically  are  nor  totally  that  racial conflicts  the  process  f o r m a t i o n s , any  class  formation And  reductionist  calls A  the  class  it  model  conflict  in  class  that  sufficient (i)  a g e n t s and  their  conditions, Constructing  comprise  the  of r a c i a l  social  and such  a class  conflict of a  and  'general  genuinely must be  non-  conceived (1978a:  represents  role  process,,  which  of c o n c r e t e  theory.  between and  practices,  model  and  in different  the  The  for a class conflict  ( i i i ) the a  formation  outcomes,  conflict  apprehending  relations  on,  process'.  formation  conditions  specifies  any  sense  effect  class  racial  framework f o r a c l a s s a n a l y s i s itself  i n the  model m a p p i n g what Thompson  i d e a l i z e d mode o f  not  relating  relations.  an  indeterminant  follows  of s o c i a l  conflict  but does not  have  never approach the s t a t u s  abstract,  conceptual  struggle  by, and  directly  class  at d i f f e r e n t conjunctures  specific  the  from,  t h e o r y of r a c i a l c o n f l i c t  'logic  neither  Second, s i n c e  with  analysis  third, class  are  to c l a s s  formation.  would  a s an h i s t o r i c a l l y 291)  related  occur  social  theory'.  autonomous  process  conflicts  conflicts  are a f f e c t e d  of c l a s s  i s a complex s o c i a l racial  Racial  5  outcomes  of  for  labour  the  racial  provides  a  conflicts,  necessary,  if  model are t h a t i t  among t h e  ( i i ) the  of  an  historical  objective  concrete market  social  conflicts. will  be  Marxism rejects positivistic (holism) and nominalistic ( a t o m i s m ) n o t i o n s of t o t a l i t y w h i c h d u a l i z e s u b j e c t and o b j e c t , i n f a v o u r of a ' c o n c r e t e t o t a l i t y ' m e d i a t e d by human activity. Social phenomena a r e c o n c e i v e d a s i n t e r d e p e n d e n t relationships i n a d y n a m i c p r o c e s s of c o n f l i c t and c h a n g e ( s e e Oilman, 1971; I s r a e l , 1979; M i r k o v i c , 1 9 8 0 ) . 5  1 55  attempted filling (i)  in i n each  rather  programmatic  f a s h i o n b e l o w by  m o d e l of r a c i a l  conflict  their  social practices.  Since  r e d u c i b l e t o economic s t r u g g l e a l o n e , of  those  engaged i n the p r o c e s s  i n d i v i d u a l s and defined  collectivities  racial  groups  heterogeneous c l a s s sundry  relation  both  legal  an  structuring  contradiction guarantor  like  s c h o o l s , and  is  like  the  labour  are  a l l  political  and  i n the  State's  collective  victims  of  means  racial  racial discrimination  that  whether  discrimination, is  contingent  the  roles and  on  the  The  The  as  both  the  the  politico-  competition  and  champions  the  State  or a c t s t o  to  politico-legal  labour market.  rights,  to  parties,  agents.  the  s a n c t i o n f o r a l l r e l a t i o n s of d o m i n a t i o n ,  appropriation,  Thus  socially  groupings,  potential  participant,  inherent i n the the  include  formation. various  is  B l a c k s or C a u c a s i a n s ,  unions,  racial conflicts  of i n d i v i d u a l and  from  agents  conflict  t h e a g e n t s may  distributive  trade  media  active  ranging  or  racial  of c l a s s  Asians,  fractions  institutions  churches, State  in  s h o u l d s p e c i f y t h e r e l a t i o n s among t h e h i s t o r i c a l  i n v o l v e d and  any  briefly  category.  A class conflict  market  not  a  institutionalize self-activity  of  those agents i n v o l v e d i n s t r u g g l e . The  'self-activity'  i n terms of t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l , and effect  of h i s t o r i c a l  social practices.  a g e n t s can  P r a c t i c e s are  be  conceived  intentional,  c o l l e c t i v e a c t i v i t i e s whose o b j e c t and  potential  i s the r e p r o d u c t i o n or t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of n a t u r e  (economic  practices),  social  relations  (political  practices)  o r human  1 56  experience  (ideological practices).  types  practices  of  principal social  effect  and  on  labour  ideological  discrimination, reproducing  like  distinctions  a n a l y t i c a l one t h a t  of a p r a c t i c e  practices  political  also  i s an  The  6  social are  in  between  emphasizes the  relations.  Concrete  simultaneously  economic,  their  effects.  f o r example, i s p r i m a r i l y  Racial  a political  practice  r e l a t i o n s of d o m i n a t i o n and s u b o r d i n a t i o n , but i t i s  an e c o n o m i c p r a c t i c e  affecting  the d i s t r i b u t i o n  p r o d u c t , a n d an i d e o l o g i c a l p r a c t i c e  of  social  r e p r o d u c i n g r a c i s t v i e w s of  soc i e t y . (ii) the  A class concrete  c o n f l i c t model o f t h e l a b o u r market s h o u l d modes  of  exploitation  forms of r a c i a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n interrelationship conditions among  of  of r a c i a l  historical  those agents. political,  tended  to  these  social  exploitation  labour  market,  relations.  structure  and  ideological  r e l a t i o n s c a n be made  crystallize  posits around  exploitation  that  and r a c i a l  racial  relations  and  discrimination  the  objective relations  the s o c i a l practices  o f t h o s e r e l a t i o n s on s o c i a l  c o n f l i c t model  of  and  The  A g a i n , a n a l y t i c a l d i s t i n c t i o n s between  c o m p e t i t i o n and domination d e s c r i b e d 'dialectics  i n t h e l a b o u r p r o c e s s and  c o n f l i c t are the concrete s o c i a l  agents that  to t h e major e f f e c t A class  i n the  specify  in  of  Chapter  of  economic,  corresponding  practices. conflict  has  appropriation, Four  discrimination'.. are both objective  as  the Class  social  This combines L a r r a i n e ' s (1979) concept of 'reproductive praxis' with Wright's (1978) concept of 'practice' as transformation. 6  1 57  r e l a t i o n s , and practices  s u b j e c t i v e e x p e r i e n c e s which  o f human a g e n t s e n g a g e d i n s t r u g g l e .  f u n d a m e n t a l l y an e c o n o m i c resulting agents  from  that  the c l a s s  it  (Wright,  appropriation  their  jobs  groups,  but  both  the  those  t h e means dimension,  production  c o m p e t i t i o n over access to the s o c i a l and  wages  in  the  reproduce  may  subordination  and by  historically  group  c o n t i n g e n t on  exploitation  and  r e l a t i o n s among h i s t o r i c a l concrete and  c l a s s or group  social  class  Relations  discrimination agents  like  product  d o m i n a t i o n , but of  are  appropriation.  subsume  ideological  r a c i s m , w h i c h may  structuring  of  their  conceal social  i n the i n t e r e s t s of the dominant  Larraine,  1979). specify  the  Although  the  r e a l m of p o t e n t i a l outcomes or e f f e c t s of c o n c r e t e s t r u g g l e s  is  objective  determined t o any  finally,  relations  relations  1981;  distribution  market.  of  or  relation,  d i v i s i o n s of t h e s o c i a l  relations  thereby operate (Urry,  labour  relation  between  i t a l s o e n t a i l s an e c o n o m i c  which  And  classes  is essentially a political  represent secondary  (iii)  among  of s u r p l u s v a l u e from  r e l a t i o n s of d o m i n a t i o n and  practices,  or  However, i t a l s o subsumes a p o l i t i c a l  competition  the  Exploitation is  l a b o u r p o w e r , by t h o s e t h a t own  discrimination  racial  Both  the  1982).  namely group of  between  limit  w h i c h m a i n t a i n a p p r o p r i a t i o n and a r e r e p r o d u c e d  Racial  among  relation  r e l a t i o n s of d o m i n a t i o n a t  levels,  defining  the  sell  of p r o d u c t i o n .  state  shape a n d  outcomes  by  conflict  a c l a s s c o n f l i c t model  should  of c o n c r e t e r a c i a l c o n f l i c t s .  the h i s t o r i c a l  c o n d i t i o n s , more t h a n one  i s always p o s s i b l e .  Outcomes may  be  outcome  direct  or  1 58  indirect,  reproductive  or  transformative.  Concrete  s t r u g g l e s i n t h e l a b o u r m a r k e t may h a v e d i r e c t relations  which  effects  the  on o t h e r c o n c r e t e  working  reorganized. indirect  class  is  effects  fraction  class  agents,  the  and  therefore  struggles i n the process  organized,  on  racial conflicts  disorganized  by or  i n the labour market.  o c c u r s when a s u b o r d i n a t e  engaged i n s t r u g g l e f a i l s  of e x p l o i t a t i o n a n d d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . or  on  And c o n v e r s e l y , c l a s s s t r u g g l e s may h a v e d i r e c t o r  reproductive effect class  effects  o f e x p l o i t a t i o n a n d d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , a n d on t h e s o c i a l  o r g a n i z a t i o n and p r a c t i c e s of h i s t o r i c a l indirect  racial  fraction  structuring the  succeeds  conflict,  in  then  to a l t e r  group  or  the r e l a t i o n s  When t h e s u b o r d i n a t e changing  a  racial  A  the s o c i a l  transformative  group  relations  effect  has  occurred.  6.5  Beyond t h e l a b o u r The  market  h i g h l y a b s t r a c t model s k e t c h e d  p o s s i b l e way o f f r a m i n g a conflict for  i n the labour market.  racial conflict  merely  class  a  formal  exercise  A more f r u i t f u l  typology  Marxist  Chapter  conflict Extending  analysis  of  racial  t h i s model t o account  o u t s i d e t h e l a b o u r market however, would  development. of  i n a b o v e r e p r e s e n t s one  at  stage  a p p r o a c h w o u l d be  in theoretical to  review  the  t h e o r i e s of race and c l a s s e n c o u n t e r e d  Two, a n d r e j u v e n a t e a few  conflict perspective.  this early  key  concepts  be  from  a  in  class  159  To  recap  capitalist of  the  systems t h e o r i e s ,  relations  persistence inclined  of  of  class  at  exploitation analysis  at  Parkin's  and  the  with the  expense  conflict sum,  c l a s s and  perceive  also  the  an  as  R e g a r d l e s s of  not  world  importance, for  the  society,  are  racial  only but  struggles their the  conflict  analysis  other  relations classes which  a n a l o g y and  falls  i n the  equally  of  race/class  with  groups,  nexus  theories  the  movements i n T h i r d W o r l d  in  the  countries.  and  process,  among  type  organized  of of  failure  to  outcome  to organize  classes classes.  significant  which c o n t r i b u t e  and  race  adjunct  the  adumbrates  community  of  reduction  l i n k i n g r a c i a l c o n f l i c t s i n s i d e the  conflicts  strands  formation  B o t h stem from the  each  and  (Ironically,  r a c e t o an  important,  or  racial  appropriation,  class  concrete struggles  flaws,  accentuates  category).  historical  between  of  role  formation  effectively  of  reduction  an  hand,  description.  theory  into this  the  class  i d e o l o g i c a l r e l a t i o n s of  conflate  f o r m a t i o n as  of  racial  the  economic r e l a t i o n .  aspects  with  the  explanation  c e n t r a l p r o b l e m s of M a r x i s t  vice versa,  class  well  capitalist  discrimination,  w h i c h i s c o n t i n g e n t on  as  in  of  neo-Weberian  are  to  to  l e v e l of  (1979)  class  class  an  community-based s t r u g g l e s  e x h i b i t i n g a tendency  In  to  and  to c l a s s e x p l o i t a t i o n , t h e r e b y d e v a l u i n g the  p o l i t i c o - l e g a l , c u l t u r a l and  racial  stratification  underscoring  conflict  I n t e r n a l c o l o n i a l i s m on  domination  of  while  appropriation  racial  and  process. the  class  t o r e d u c e a l l n o n - c l a s s f o r m s of d o m i n a t i o n l i k e  discrimination of  critique,  to a  class  workplace  liberationary  1 60  6.5.i  The  surplus  A critical labour  population  element of r e c e n t  market  in  western  c o n f r o n t i n g black youth  capitalist  that  ' e c o n o m i c s of u s e l e s s n e s s ' . in  racial conflicts  Willhelm  outside  societies (1980)  B l a c k s a r e not  i s the  has  only  the  crisis  coined  the  overrepresented  t h e s e c o n d a r y l a b o u r m a r k e t s , t h e y a r e a l s o more s u s c e p t i b l e  than  white  labour  w o r k e r s t o temporary or permanent e x c l u s i o n from  market, p a r t i c u l a r l y  Although  they  defined,  i t is difficult  power i n t h e has  become  Sivanandan  remain  members  riot-torn  of  the  working  recession.  class  t o a v o i d the c o n c l u s i o n t h a t the  black enclaves  largely  ( 1 9 8 2 ) has  i n p e r i o d s of c o n t i n u o u s  expendable d e s c r i b e d the  of B r i t i s h and to  capitalist  situation  the  U.S.  broadly labour cities  production.  in his  inimitable  style. "They a r e not the unemployed, but the never employed. They h a v e n o t , l i k e t h e i r p a r e n t s , had j o b s and lost them--and so become d i s c i p l i n e d i n t o a r o u t i n e and a c u l t u r e t h a t p r e s e r v e s t h e s t a t u s quo. They h a v e not been organized into trade unions and had their p o l i t i c s d i s c i p l i n e d by a labour aristocracy. They have not been on t h e m a r c h e s o f t h e d i s - e m p l o y e d , so v a l i a n t l y r e c a l l e d by L a b o u r f r o m t h e hunger marches of t h e 1930s. T h e i r s i s a d i f f e r e n t h u n g e r - - a h u n g e r t o r e t a i n the freedom, the life-style, the dignity which they have c a r v e d out from the s t o n e of t h e i r l i v e s " ( I b i d : 49).  The  concept  population' other  of  industrial  reserve  i s u s e f u l f o r a n a l y z i n g the s i t u a t i o n  communal g r o u p s whose l a b o u r power has  or separated  from  production.  In  be c o n c e i v e d  army  any  form  of  or  'surplus  of b l a c k s  become m a r g i n a l i z e d  participation  in  capitalist  orthodox M a r x i s t t h e o r i e s the concept tends  f u n c t i o n a l l y as e v i d e n c e  of the  and  racist  to  strategies  161  of the c a p i t a l i s t class  along  c l a s s t o r e g u l a t e wages and  racial  lines.  In  a class conflict  s u r p l u s p o p u l a t i o n becomes a  dynamic  historical  processes  of  capital  formation.  The  of  promotes  logic  competition  productivity capital.  and  As  it  concept  increases  in  the  develops,  capitalism  of  directly  by  (1977),  Gilroy  this  surplus  labour  surplus labour  to  and  the class  Marx  noted,  for  higher  search  composition  of  d i s p l a y s a tendency  into a  reserve,  power i s n o t  the r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n . (1981)  a  organic  d i s p l a c e l a b o u r power f r o m p r o d u c t i o n distribution  related  accumulation  capitals,  working  a n a l y s i s the  accumulation  capital  among  d i v i d e the  but  to the  determined  Following  Przeworski  a r g u e s t h a t t h e f o r m o f o r g a n i z a t i o n of  is a direct  e f f e c t of c l a s s s t r u g g l e .  "At t h e s o c i a l f o r m a t i o n l e v e l , t h i s l a b o u r power is actual men and women e x p e l l e d f r o m production-' b l a c k ' , ' u n s k i l l e d ' , ' o l d ' , 'young'. But there are intense political s t r u g g l e s over the c o m p o s i t i o n of this surplus population. I t i s never determined mechanistically by the objective conditions (development of productive forces, phase of a c c u m u l a t i o n , e t c . ) , w h i c h o n l y d e l i n e a t e the range of p o s s i b l e outcomes" ( I b i d ; 211).  Thus, capitalism's concrete  from  a  class  surplus populations  accumulation  and and  their  class  s u r p l u s p o p u l a t i o n s can in Willhelm's  which  historical  members agents  on  the p r o c e s s e s  from  of  of  whose  f o r i n terms of t h e i r  self-  capital  R a c i a l groups t h a t c o n s t i t u t e  t h e r e f o r e o n l y be c o n s i d e r e d  (1980) s e n s e ,  analysis  effects  formation.  perspective,  are  s t r u g g l e s must be a c c o u n t e d  organization,  class  conflict  the  conceives  'declassed'  context  of  an  orthodox  classes  as  economically  162  determined p o s i t i o n s 6.5.ii  Cultures  Internal cultural on  of  i n the  r e l a t i o n s of  resistance  colonialism  and  and  the  focuses  the  that  cultural  liberation. and  class  and  on  the  the  ( 1 9 8 2 ) and of  in B r i t a i n to explain quickly  particularly class  of  race  political  on  come c l o s e s t  of  r a c e and  Gilroy  (1981)  of  racial  formation.  resistance  Sivanandan,  of  It is  ideological  state  black  analyses  and  workplace.  effects  1981;  r a c e and  1982), to a  in and  class  black  self-  class struggles  the  t h o s e of  r i o t s that  exploded  into  and  class  addressed  y o u t h , h a v e had formation  numerous  racial  the  struggle  in Brixton  slums of  (1981) c o n t e n d s t h a t black  have  class' structuring class  s p r e a d throughout the  Gilroy  struggle  fusion  black  struggles.  dialectic  summer.  the  the  and  and  exploitation  i n the  writings  their  to  fusion  culture  ( M a r a b l e , 1980a; 1981)  and  Sivanandan  that  of  than  oppression,  concrete economic,  Gilroy,  in  blacks  prerequisite  w e l l as  State,  Marxist  perspective  community-based  and  be  e n s u i n g p r o c e s s e s of c l a s s and  black  organization,  'unique  racial  against  role  capitalist  United States  1981  the  ( H a l l e t a l . , 1976;  conflict  f o r m of  community as  with  the  Contemporary  the  political,  discrimination  a n a l y s i s p o s i t s the  struggles  i n the  concerned  Britain  racial  e x p e r i e n c e s m e d i a t e d by  hegemony of  the  that  may  A class conflict  discrimination  struggles  one  revolution  ideological  more  on  community  i d e o l o g i c a l d o m i n a t i o n e x p e r i e n c e d by  l a b o u r market i s only  a  c o n c e p t of  more  t h e i r e x p l o i t a t i o n , r e m i n d i n g us  in  production.  in July cities  struggles,  and  profound e f f e c t s  on  in B r i t a i n that  h a v e been  163  virtually  i g n o r e d by  white  Marxists.  " I t i s p r e c i s e l y because r a c e b i n d s the processes by which ethico-political hegemony is presently reproduced that focusing a n a l y s i s around i t o f f e r s a privileged view of u n f o l d i n g s t a t e a u t h o r i t a r i a n i s m , t h e s t a g e of c a p i t a l a c c u m u l a t i o n and t h e balance of f o r c e s i n p o l i t i c a l s t r u g g g l e " ( I b i d : 208). Following  Sivanandan  struggles  in  conflicts'.  a  'perspective  Black culture  t o e x p l o i t a t i o n and the  institutions  political  struggle  Cabral of  of  their their  class, adopted  through race"  locates  racial  a t e r r a i n of  expression  of  class  resistance  for a people denied access  l i k e Rastafari, for Gilroy  " i n and  ( 1 9 7 3 ) , he  c u l t u r e as  becomes an  discrimination  s y s t e m s of  resistance'  (1982) and  and  to  the  countries. (1981) a r e  which a f f e c t c l a s s  to  economic  and  'Cultures  of  forms of  class  formation.  "Black struggles t o r e f u s e and t r a n s f o r m s u b j u g a t i o n a r e no r e a d y a n s w e r t o c l a s s s e g m e n t a t i o n , but b e c a u s e t h e y a r e ' a g a i n s t c a p i t a l i s m , a g a i n s t r a c i s m ' , t h e y do attempt to c o n s t i t u t e the class in p o l i t i c s where ' r a c e ' i s no l o n g e r r e l e v a n t ; w h e r e a s t h e r a c i s t i d e a s and practices of t h e w h i t e w o r k i n g c l a s s become ways i n w h i c h t h e c l a s s as a w h o l e i s d i s o r g a n i z e d " (Ibid: 210).  The cultures the  locus of  of  black  resistance,  w o r k p l a c e so much as  struggles  S i v a n a n d a n and the  black  and  the  reproduction  Gilroy point  out,  is  community.  "Localized struggles over education, r a c i s t v i o l e n c e and p o l i c e practices continually reveal how black people h a v e made use of notions of community t o p r o v i d e the a x i s along which to organize themselves. The concept of community i s c e n t r a l t o t h e v i e w of c l a s s struggle presented here. For i t l i n k s distinct cultural political traditions—which have a territorial dimension—to collective action and consciousness, and operates w i t h i n t h e r e l a t i o n s of ' e c o n o m i c p a t t e r n s , p o l i t i c a l a u t h o r i t y , and uses of space'. The idea of a racially demarcated c o l l e c t i v i t y of t h i s t y p e underlines the fact that  of not  164  community cannot be v i e w e d as e i t h e r s t a t i c or as d e t e r m i n e d by t h e e s s e n t i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the c l a s s o r c l a s s f r a c t i o n s w h i c h h a v e come t o c o n s t i t u t e i t " ( G i l r o y , 1981: 2 1 2 ) . The  c o n c e p t of community d e v e l o p i n g  a  useful  unit  of  'territorialization'  analysis,  in B r i t a i n , but a l s o racial  conflict  by t h e  theoretical  and t h e s u r p l u s  main c o n t r i b u t i o n  analysis  global  for disclosing capitalist  the State  relations  i t  population,  posits  and  Third  for a class conflict analysis.  L a b o u r m i g r a t i o n a n d l i b e r a t i o n a r y movements  The the  only  'Sus' l a w s a n d 'community p o l i c i n g '  f o r the  World l i b e r a t i o n s t r u g g l e s , 6.5.iii  not  of s o c i a l c o n t r o l  e p i t o m i z e d - by t h e n o t o r i o u s  between  i n black Marxist writings i s  of  racial  capitalism,  relations  the  'periphery'  states  which  historically  labour.  imperialist  i n the creation  Although  the  is  to  place  c o n f l i c t i n the context of d e v e l o p i n g  and t h e r o l e of t h e S t a t e .  between  has  of w o r l d systems t h e o r y  I t f o c u s e s on t h e  'centre'  and  colonized  of a world d i v i s i o n of labour  coincided  with  assumption  that  a  racial  racial  d i v i s i o n of  oppression  is  m e r e l y a means o f i m p e r i a l i s t o r c o m p r a d o r e x p l o i t a t i o n t e n d s t o blur  the  domination, of  racial,  distinction  between  racial  i t does serve t o h i g h l i g h t class,  national  and  and  class  t h e complex  religious  struggle  and c l a s s  A class conflict centre-periphery  formation  approach  relations  in  might a  in  the  centre,  and  accept  class  liberation  i n the  relationship  centre. the  world c a p i t a l i s t  would a n a l y s e t h e r e l a t i o n s between struggles  i n the  of  intermeshing  struggles  l i b e r a t i o n a r y movements o f t h e p e r i p h e r y , a n d t h e i r to c l a s s  forms  and  premise  of  system, but  community-based  struggles  i n the  165  periphery  in  formation,  terms  and  of  the  their  racial  effects  division  Some p r e l i m i n a r y work a l o n g t h e s e but  i t remains  fragmentary  perspective  with  the c a p i t a l i s t of the  radical  of  traditionally  migration labour  that  played  in  labour  the  Portes  and  Walter,  system which  1980;  literature,  the  social  1979;  and c o l o n i z e d s t a t e s ,  struggle  the  movements e v o l v e  systems  periphery.  She  emergence  system, and f o r  Portes,  groups  have  a t the centre 1980; 1981; 1978; 1979;  1975).  Bonacich  (1980)  presents  i n an i m p e r i a l i s t  relations  imperialist in  f o r the  Sassen-Koobe,  of 'ethnic* r e l a t i o n s  maps  world  processes  1978; B u r a w o y , 1976; C a s t e l l s ,  model  commenced, undeveloped.  immigrant  1981; P i o r e ,  Drawing from t h i s  a  as a labour supply  cheap  1982; F r o b e l e t a l . ,  simplified  already  integrate  state  i n the system.  theoretically  to  and  labour market t h e o r y and a theory of  (Miles,  Jenkins,  of labour  S t a t e i n t o a model t o account  international role  class  l i n e s has  and  R e c e n t s c h o l a r l y work a t t e m p t s  on  within  structuring concludes  and  a  world  between  forms of n a t i o n a l that  nationalist  from  "class relations generated by t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f c a p i t a l i s m and i m p e r i a l i s m , and r e p r e s e n t efforts to create alliances across class lines, or, a l t e r n a t i v e l y , t o prevent alliances from developing within major classes across national lines" (Ibid: 21 ) .  As a c o u n t e r p o i n t , i n h i s a n a l y s i s o f ' i m p e r i a l i s m silicon  age',  penetration development:  of an  Sivanandan the  (1982)  periphery  economic  argues  has  that  produced  i n the  imperialist "disorganic  s y s t e m a t odds w i t h t h e c u l t u r a l a n d  1 66  political that  i n s t i t u t i o n s of  the  people  l i b e r a t i o n a r y movements i n t h e  movements, b u t  it  exploits",  t h i r d world are  and  hence  often  'mass'  r a r e l y ' c l a s s ' movements.  "Revolutions in these c o u n t r i e s a r e not n e c e s s a r i l y c l a s s , s o c i a l i s t , r e v o l u t i o n s - - t h e y do not begin as s u c h anyway. They a r e mass movements w i t h n a t i o n a l and revolutionary components—sometimes religious, sometimes s e c u l a r , o f t e n b o t h , but always a g a i n s t the r e p r e s s i v e p o l i t i c a l s t a t e and i t s i m p e r i a l backers" (Ibid: 159). 6.6  Conclusion T h i s s t u d y was  of  two  within  fundamental issues contemporary  reductionist the  i n t e n d e d as  expository  a r i s i n g from the  Marxism;  class  appropriate  a critical,  the  t h e o r y of  race - c l a s s  feasibility  racial,  The  o v e r v i e w of  a  c l a s s a n a l y s i s , as  c o n f l i c t mode of  power a p p r o a c h ,  and  Marxist  sociology.  To and  wing of  to  summarize, the  class  approach  theory to  encourage  c r i t i q u e of  dual  highlighted  social relations  struggle  discrimination formation. implications directives  of for  and  and  i j i the  An  more  evaluation radical Marxist  of  conflict,  as  flaws  promote  i n the  critical  group  labour  market  groups  of  of  theories  and  classes,  exploitation  t h e o r e t i c a l and market  Marxist  review  p r o c e s s e s of m a r k e t  theories  so  race  conflict,  labour  not  opposed to a  dialogue  between  the  to  and  t h r e e i m p o r t a n t t y p e s of  radical  historical  non-  the  The  racial  a  within  conflict.  neoclassical,  class  field,  a d u m b r a t e d some s e r i o u s  racial  the  the  debate  p u r p o s e was  much t o p r o v i d e a c r i t i c a l class  of  inter-group  focus f o r such a t h e o r y .  treatment  class  methodological  theory  c l a s s and  and  and  the  yielded State,  some and  a  167  class,  conflict  extrapolated and  World  i t was  fruitfully  racial  liberation  argued  applied  reductionist issue,  of  or  i t was  that to  struggles. Marxist  racial  that  resolved  the f i r s t could  abstract,  without r e s o r t i n g to On  the  second  t h e l a b o u r market c o n s t i t u t e d  focus  for a  Marxist  c l a s s c o n f l i c t model of r a c i a l  proposed as conceptual inter-group  conflict  gender c o n f l i c t  a  theory  of  conflict  was  scaffolding that  within  would  for a  Marxist  theory  of  situate  racial,  ethnic  and  the h i s t o r i c a l  context  of  global  formation.  F u r t h e r t h e o r e t i c a l development i n s e v e r a l  prerequisite  to parlaying  methodological  framework  t h i s model i n t o a u n i f i e d  specified  that  shape  by,  'contradictions' contradictory conflict  and l i m i t  perhaps,  incorporating  r o l e s of t h e S t a t e ,  and c l a s s f o r m a t i o n c a l l  historical  racial conflict  them, c o u l d  i n t h e mode o f p r o d u c t i o n .  accorded here.  areas i s  theoretico-  between t h e c o n c r e t e s t r u g g l e s  c o l l e c t i v e a g e n t s , and t h e economic, p o l i t i c a l relations  class  f o r r e s e a r c h on i n t e r - g r o u p . c o n f l i c t .  To n o t e b u t a f e w , t h e l i n k a g e  the  be  conflict.  The  are  be  community-based  analysis  explanations.  that  could  Regarding  class  conflict,  functionalist  necessary, but not s u f f i c i e n t racial  conflict  beyond t h e l a b o u r market t o i n c l u d e  Third  issue,  analysis  And f i n a l l y ,  and  of  ideological  be more a d e q u a t e l y a  concept  of  Concomitantly, the  and t h e s t a t e  system i n r a c i a l  f o r more a t t e n t i o n  than  they  more t h e o r e t i c a l r e f i n e m e n t o f  r e l a t i o n s h i p s between c a p i t a l i s m , c o l o n i a l i s m and would h e l p t o e x p e d i t e t h i s  project.  1 68  This  s t u d y was  t o promote d i a l o g u e demonstrate that are  more  a l s o c o n c e i v e d as a b r i d g e - b u i l d i n g between  racist,  often  the  'black'  s e x i s t and  products  m e t h o d o l o g i c a l bases, than the analyst. as  The  ideological  and  ' w h i t e ' M a r x i s m , and  ethnocentric  of race,  inadequate sex  or  need f o r c r o s s - f e r t i l i z a t i o n  between M a r x i s t  manifest,  and  f e m i n i s t w r i t i n g s and  may  practice.  provide  fertile  exercise  interpretations theoretical  ethnicity  and  of  the  w i t h i n Marxism,  such  race - c l a s s theory  seeds  to  for  political  is and  169  BIBLIOGRAPHY A b e r l e , D. 1969 "A P l a n f o r Navajo Economic Development" E c o n o m i c C o m m i s s i o n , C o n g r e s s o f U.S., V o l . 1.  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