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Japanese lexical phonology and morphology 1985

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JAPANESE LEXICAL PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY By MARTIN JOHN ELROY ROSS B.Sc, The Un i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1977 M.Ed., The Un i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1980 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of L i n g u i s t i c s We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming t o the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA © September, 1985 copyright: Martin John Elroy Ross, 1985 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make i t freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It i s understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department O f L i n g u i s t i c s The University of British Columbia 1956 Main Mall Van couve r, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date /HI Abstract Over the years, phonologists working in the generative framework have encountered a number of persistent problems i n their descriptions of Japanese phonology. Several of these problems concern phonological rules that sometimes do and sometimes do not apply i n seemingly identi- cal phonological environments. Many of the proposed analyses achieve observational adequacy, but, nonetheless, are i n t u i t i v e l y dissatisfy- ing. The f i r s t of two such problems involves the desiderative suffix -ta and the homophonous perfective in f l e c t i o n -ta, both of which attach to verb roots. When the verb root i s vowel-final, the derivations are straightforward. (1) (a) tabe + ta + i > tabe-ta-i 'want to eat' mi + ta + i > mi-ta-i 'want to see' (b) tabe + ta > tabe-ta 'ate' mi + ta > mi-ta 'see (past)' Derivations are not so straightforward when the verb root i s consonant-final. In such cases an intervening i_ i s inserted between the root and the desiderative suffix, but not between the root and the perfective i n f l e c t i o n . (2) (a) tat + ta + i > t a t - i - t a - i 'want to stand' kat + ta + i > k a t - i - t a - i 'want to win' (b) tat + ta > tat-ta 'stood' kat + ta > kat-ta 'won' McCawley (1968) i s not specific i n how he accounts for this differen- t i a l insertion of _i i n these phonological identical environments, but i i i t appears that he favours the adoption of a morphological rule such as (3) (from Koo, 1974). (3) 0 > i / C ] v +tai Koo (1974) has attempted to reanalyze the desiderative suffix as - i t a , but, since there i s no evidence of W cluster simplification i n the language, he i s l e f t with the even more d i f f i c u l t problem of delet- ing the i n i t i a l i_ of the suffix following vowel-final verb roots. (4) tabe + i t a + i > tabe-ta-i 'want to eat' mi + i t a + i > mi-ta-i 'want to see' Maeda (1979) has chosen a boundary solution, positing that t - i n i t i a l inflections are joined to verb roots by morpheme boundaries (+), while other suffixes such as the desiderative suffix are joined by a stronger boundary (:). By making the i_ insertion rule sensitive to boundaries of level :, the correct outputs can be derived. This solution, though, i s unsatisfactory since the assignment of boundaries i s not independent- ly motivated. A second d i f f i c u l t y encountered by McCawley (1968) and others involves a high vowel syncopation rule that deletes the f i n a l i or u of Sino-Japanese monomorphemes when the i n i t i a l consonant of a following Sino-Japanese monomorpheme i s voiceless. (5) i t i + too > it-too ' f i r s t class' roku + ka > rok-ka 'sixth lesson' However, a morpheme- or word-final high vowel at the boundary between a Sino-Japanese compound and a Sino-Japanese monomorpheme does not delete under those conditions. i i i (6) zi-ryoku 'magnetism' (X-Y) zi-ryoku + k e i > z i - r y o k u - k e i 'magnetometer' (X-Y-Z) h a i - t a t u ' d e l i v e r y ' (Y-Z) betu + h a i - t a t u > betu-hai-tatu 'special d e l i v e r y ' (X-Y-Z) McCawley accounts f o r t h i s pattern by invoking i n t e r n a l boundaries of d i f f e r e n t strengths: + and _#. (7) i t i + too roku + ka z i + ryoku # k e i betu # h a i + t a t u He claims, then, t h a t high vowel syncopation i s s e n s i t i v e t o boundaries of strength + and i s , therefore, blocked from applying t o the u of z i + ryoku # k e i . His a n a l y s i s i s c o r r e c t , but h i s assignment of boun- dary strengths i s rather a r b i t r a r y . Analyses such as the two above which appeal t o boundary strength h i e r a r c h i e s have o f t e n been i n t u i t i v e l y d i s s a t i s f y i n g because of a lack of independent motivation. The r e l a t i v e l y recent theory of l e x i c a l morphology and phonology as formulated by Kiparsky (1982) i s i d e a l l y s u i t e d f o r t h i s type of problem. One of the theory's most compelling a t t r i b u t e s i s t h a t phonological processes may be put i n t o a much broad- er context t h a t includes morphological processes as w e l l . T h i s more i n - tegrated approach i s o f t e n able t o f i t formerly i s o l a t e d f a c t s i n t o a network of r e l a t e d f a c t s t o provide compelling independent motivation f o r d i v e r s e processes. The purpose of t h i s t h e s i s , then, i s t o f i t i i n s e r t i o n , high vowel syncopation, and other Japanese phonological pro- cesses i n t o the l e x i c a l phonology network t o see e x a c t l y how they are r e l a t e d t o each other and t o the morphological phenomena of the l a n - guage. i v .3.0..£.^ll«d}&:.'.$8S' P a t r i c i a A. Shaw Thesis Supervisor v ( Table of Contents Abstract Table of Contents Acknowl edgement Chapter I: Introduction 1.1: Theoretical Outline 1.2: Source of Data Chapter II: Lexical Morphology and Phonology Notes for Chapter II Chapter III: Phonological Representation of the Syllable Chapter IV: Japanese Syllable Structure Chapter V: High Vowel Syncopation: Evidence for Levels I Chapter VT: Accent System: Further Evidence for Levels I and II Notes for Chapter VT Chapter VII: - ' s i , - 'ka, and -t e k i : Further evidence for Levels I and II Notes for Chapter VII Chapter VTII: Stem Formatives and s/r Deletion VIII.1: Stem Formative i VIII.2: s/r Deletion VIII.3: Level II Compounding Revisited Notes for Chapter VIII Chapter IX: Level III . .11 . .vi . . v i i i . .1 ..1 ..4 ..5 . .9 . .10 ..15 and II 20 V . l : High Vowel Syncopation 20 V.2: Generative Analysis of High Vowel Syncopation 24 V.3: Lexical Phonology Analysis of High Vowel Syncopation 28 Notes for Chapter V 31 .. .32 ...38 . .39 . .46 . .47 ..47 . .52 . .55 . .57 . .58 v i IX.1: Stem Formative Truncation . 59 IX.2: Infinitives/Connectives ....60 IX.3: Real Epenthesis ....62 IX. 4: s/r Deletion 63 IX.5: Accent ....64 Notes for Chapter IX 67 Chapter X: Conclusion ....68 Bibliography ....70 v i i AdaK>wledgenen.t My s p e c i a l thanks are extended to.Dr. P a t r i c i a A. Shaw, my t h e s i s supervisor, whose i n s i g h t f u l comments based on her impressive knowledge of the f i e l d made t h i s t h e s i s p o s s i b l e . Also, I g r e a t l y appreciate her patience and encouragement that saw me through the i n e v i t a b l e low spots along the way. Despite the help I re c e i v e d from a v a r i e t y of people, r e s p o n s i - b i l i t y f o r any e r r o r s , omissions, o r other weaknesses i n t h i s work r e s t s s o l e l y on my own shoulders. v i i i Chapter I Jjitroduction 1.1: Theoretical Outline Over the years, phonologists working i n the generative framework have encountered a number of p e r s i s t e n t problems i n t h e i r d e s c r i p t i o n s of Japanese phonology. Several of these problems concern phonological r u l e s t h a t sometimes do and sometimes do not apply i n seemingly i d e n t i - c a l phonological environments. Many of the proposed analyses achieve observational adequacy, but, nonetheless, are i n t u i t i v e l y d i s s a t i s f y - i n g . The f i r s t of two such problems involves the d e s i d e r a t i v e s u f f i x - t a and the homophonous p e r f e c t i v e i n f l e c t i o n - t a , both of which a t t a c h t o verb roots. When the verb root i s v o w e l - f i n a l , the d e r i v a t i o n s are straightforward. (1) (a) tabe + t a + i > t a b e - t a - i 'want t o e a t ' mi + t a + i > m i - t a - i 'want t o see' (b) tabe + t a > tabe-ta 'ate' mi + t a > mi-ta 'see (past) ' In (la), the f i n a l i. i s the i n d i c a t i v e , a d j e c t i v a l i n f l e c t i o n (see Chapter IX). Derivations are not so s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d when the verb root i s consonant-final. In such cases an i n t e r v e n i n g i i s i n s e r t e d between the root and the d e s i d e r a t i v e s u f f i x , but not between the root and the p e r f e c t i v e i n f l e c t i o n . 1 (2) (a) tat + ta + i — ; > t a t - i - t a - i 'want to stand' kat + ta + i > k a t - i - t a - i 'want to win' (b) tat + ta > tat-ta 'stood' kat + ta > kat-ta 'won' McCawley (1968) i s not specific i n how he accounts for this differen- t i a l insertion of i i n these phonological identical environments, but i t appears that he favours the adoption of a morphological rule such as (3) (from Koo, 1974). (3) 0 > i / C ] y +tai Koo (1974) has attempted to reanalyze the desiderative suffix as - i t a , but, since there i s no evidence of W cluster simplification i n the language, he i s l e f t with the even more d i f f i c u l t problem of delet- ing the i n i t i a l i of the suffix following vowel-final verb roots. (4) tabe + i t a + i > tabe-ta-i 'want to eat' mi + i t a + i > mi-ta-i 'want to see' Maeda (1979) has chosen a boundary solution, positing that t - i n i t i a l inflections are joined to verb roots by morpheme boundaries (+), while other suffixes such as the desiderative suffix are joined by a stronger boundary (:). By making the i. insertion rule sensitive to boundaries of level :, the correct outputs can be derived. This solution, though, i s unsatisfactory since i t s main motivation i s merely that t - i n i t i a l inflections behave differently from t - i n i t i a l derivational suffixes with respect to i_ insertion. Hence, the proposed weaker boundary before t - i n i t i a l inflections serves as l i t t l e more than a d i a c r i t i c exempting such suffixes from i. insertion. 2 A second d i f f i c u l t y encountered by McCawley (1968) and others involves a high vowel syncopation rule that deletes the f i n a l i or u of Sino-Japanese monomorphemes when the i n i t i a l consonant of a following Sino-Japanese monomorpheme i s voiceless. (5) i t i + too > it-too ' f i r s t class' roku + ka > rok-ka 'sixth lesson' However, a morpheme- or word-final high vowel at the boundary between a Sino-Japanese compound and a Sino-Japanese monomorpheme does not delete under those conditions. (6) zi-ryoku 'magnetism' (X-Y) zi-ryoku + kei > zi-ryoku-kei 'magnetometer' (X-Y-Z) hai-tatu 'delivery' (Y-Z) betu + hai-tatu > betu-hai-tatu 'special delivery' (X-Y-Z) Like Maeda (1979), McCawley accounts for this pattern by invoking i n - ternal boundaries of different strengths: + and _#. (7) i t i + too roku + ka z i + ryoku # kei betu # hai + tatu He claims, then, that high vowel syncopation i s sensitive to boundaries of strength + and i s , therefore, blocked from applying to the u of z i + ryoku # kei. His analysis i s correct, but as w i l l be shown later, his assignment of boundary strengths i s rather arbitrary. Analyses such as the two above which appeal to boundary strength hierarchies have often been i n t u i t i v e l y dissatisfying because of a lack of independent motivation. The rel a t i v e l y recent theory of lexical morphology and phonology as formulated by Kiparsky (1982) i s ideally 3 suited for this type of problem. One of the theory's most compelling attributes i s that phonological processes may be put into a much broad- er context that includes morphological processes as well. This more integrated approach to the grammar of a language i s often able to f i t formerly isolated facts into a network of related facts to create a convincing whole that can provide compelling independent motivation for any number of different processes. The purpose of this paper, then, i s to f i t i insertion, high vowel syncopation, and other Japanese phono- logical processes into the lexical phonology network to see exactly how they are related to each other and to the morphological phenomena of the language. 1.2: Source of Data Data used throughout this paper were drawn from a variety of sources. By far the most useful sources were: (1) Takenobu, Y. 1940. Kenkyusha's New Japanese-English Dictionary, and (2) Martin, S.E. 1975. A Reference Grammar of Japanese. Lesser amounts of data were obtained from Block (1946), Kageyama (1982), McCawley (1968, 1977), and Parker (1939). In addition to these published sources, several examples were drawn from f i e l d notes based on utterances supplied by Mrs. Keiko Shibanuma, a native speaker of the Tokyo (standard) dialect. 4 Chapter II Lexical Morphology and Phonology The b a s i c i n s i g h t of l e x i c a l morphology and phonology i s t h a t the l e x i c o n i s d i v i d e d i n t o a s e r i e s of l e v e l s , each with i t s own component of morphological and phonological r u l e s . The generalized diagram i n (8) shows the r o u t i n g t h a t a basic, underived l e x i c a l item may take on i t s way t o Decerning a f u l l y d e r i v e d and p h o n o l o g i c a l l y well-formed word. ;.8) (from Kiparsky, 1982) l e x i c o n underived l e x i c a l items l e v e l I morphology < > l e v e l I phonology / / / l e v e l I I morphology < > | l e v e l I I phonology / / / / / / l e v e l n morphology | < > [ l e v e l n phonology / / / L/ syntax < > p o s t l e x i c a l phonology According t o ( 8 ) , b a s i c l e x i c a l items are fed d i r e c t l y i n t o the phonological component of l e v e l I. Rules of s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n and m e t r i - 5 c a l s t r u c t u r e ( s t r u c t u r e - b u i l d i n g r u l e s ) may apply immediately at t h i s point, i f such r u l e s are i n f a c t found a t l e v e l I i n the p a r t i c u l a r language under dis c u s s i o n . Structure-changing r u l e s of l e v e l I are blocked by the S t r i c t Cycle Condition from applying t o these forms that are, as yet, nonderived. From l e v e l I phonology, the items proceed t o l e v e l I morphology. I f and when a morphological r u l e i s a p p l i e d t o an item, th a t item i s f e d immediately back to l e v e l I phonology where the newly derived form i s run through a l l the phonological r u l e s of th a t l e v e l t o see i f any apply. At the end of the bat t e r y of phonological r u l e s , t h a t c y c l e of l e v e l I i s s a i d t o be complete. Any i n t e r n a l brac- kets remaining a t t h i s stage are erased.-*" The item i s then returned t o l e v e l I morphology where the next c y c l e begins. L e x i c a l items are cyc- l e d back and f o r t h i n t h i s manner between the phonological and morpholo- g i c a l components of l e v e l I u n t i l no more r u l e s apply and the items e x i t l e v e l I. Kiparsky (1982) claims th a t the outputs of each l e v e l must con- s t i t u t e well-formed l e x i c a l e n t r i e s . In the case of Japanese nouns, i t i s true t h a t only f r e e l y o c c u r r i n g nouns ever emerge from a l e v e l . How- ever, Kiparsky's c l a i m i s untenable f o r Japanese verbs and a d j e c t i v e s , which are not well-formed u n t i l a t l e a s t one i n f l e c t i o n i s attached t o the stem. These indispensable i n f l e c t i o n s are not a v a i l a b l e u n t i l l a t e i n the grammar. This means that verbal and a d j e c t i v a l outputs from low- er l e v e l s c o n s i s t of a stem only and are not able t o stand on t h e i r own as words. I t w i l l be assumed throughout t h i s paper, then, th a t the ver- b a l and a d j e c t i v a l outputs of each l e v e l need not be well-formed l e x i c a l e n t r i e s , a t l e a s t as f a r as the presence or absence of i n f l e c t i o n s i s concerned. 6 There i s some discussion i n the literature about how the levels are linked — whether the link goes from the phonology of one level to the phonology of the next level, or whether i t goes from phonology to morphology (as shown in (8)). Kiparsky (1982) argues i n favour of the former possiblity. However, inconsistencies i n his argumentation, a f u l l discussion of which i s beyond the scope of the present work, sug- gest that the latt e r alternative i s the correct one. Indeed, subsequent work of Kiparsky's (1985) reverts to the e a r l i e r direction of flow mod- elle d i n (8), albeit without e x p l i c i t discussion of the issue. Follow- ing Kiparsky (1985), therefore, I w i l l assume in this paper a phonology to morphology link. From level I, then, items advance dire c t l y to the morphological component of level II and are cycled back and. forth through that level and, subsequently, through a l l the later levels i n the lexicon. Upon emerging from the lexicon, the items are fed into the syntactic compo- nent of the grammar and, from there, into the post-lexical phonological component. In contrast to lexical rules, post-lexical rules are noncyc- l i c and are sometimes called post-cyclic rules. They are characterized by exceptionless, across-the-board application. Also, they are exempt from the S t r i c t Cycle Condition and, unlike c y c l i c rules, may apply i n a structure-changing function i n nonderived environments. There are no published accounts of lexical morphology and phono- logy treatments of Japanese grammar. However, a level-ordered descrip- tion of Japanese word formation has been worked out by Kageyama (1982) and i s a useful reference. Recently, an unpublished Ph.D. thesis has been completed on the subject by Grignon (1985).^ The theory has been 7 successfully applied with interesting results to Malayalam (Mohanan, 1981), Spanish (Harris, 1982), English (Rubach, 1984), and Dakota (Shaw, 1985). 8 Notes for Chapter II: 1. Kiparsky (1982) argues for a weaker Bracket Erasure Convention which applies only at the end of each level. There i s no crucial evidence i n this thesis for the weaker convention, so the stronger version, which applies at the end of each cycle, i s adopted here. 2. Unfortunately, the Grignon thesis was not available at the time this thesis was being prepared. 9 Chapter III Phonological Representation of the Syllable The phonological component of Japanese grammar includes many s y l - lable sensitive rules that are best characterized by a three dimensional representation of the syllable. Background information on that repre- sentation i s provided i n this section. Three dimensional phonology represents an area of overlap between autosegmental phonology and metrical phonology. The contribution of autosegmental phonology i s that, within that framework, the lexical rep- resentation of morphemes consists of a segmental t i e r with i t s individu- al members mapped onto an independent skeletal t i e r . One conception of the skeletal t i e r sees i t composed of strings of C and V positions (9), a conception that works well i n analyses of Arabic (McCarthy, 1981) and reduplication (Marantz, 1982; Yip, 1982). (9) Skeletal Tier C V C C I I I I Segmental Tier b e t s baits The purpose of the skeleton i n such analyses i s to act as a relatively stable "backbone" to ensure that correct temporal structure i s main- tained independently from whatever processes take place i n the segmental t i e r . An important objection to the autosegmental approach i s that, despite the supposed independence of the two ti e r s , there remains an element of redundancy between the two. In particular, since i t i s ex- p l i c i t l y required that [+syllabic] segments be matched with V positions ([+syllabic]) on the skeleton and [-syllabic] with C positions ([-syl l a - 10 bic]) (Marantz, 1982), the feature [+syllabic] can be predicted, one t i e r from the other. Kaye and Lowenstamm (1982) argue that this redun- dancy can be eliminated by reducing the CV positions to bare skeletal points (x) unspecified for the feature [+syllabic]. (10) Skeletal Tier X X X Segmental Tier b e t 'bait' They further argue that [+syllabic] information which i s unquestionably important i n most analyses i s recoverable from a third t i e r , the proso- dic t i e r , which i s a contribution from metrical phonology. (11) $ / \ Prosodic Tier / \ / / \ Skeletal Tier X X X Segmental Tier b e t 'bait' To best understand the workings of the prosodic t i e r , i t i s necessary to start with a lexical entry and trace i n detail the estab- lishment of syllable structure, the most relevant aspect of prosodic structure as far as this thesis i s concerned. Starting with a lexical entry such as (10), rules of s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n attempt to syll a b i f y the string. A useful analogy i n this regard i s to imagine that the skeletal positions are portholes i n the side of a ship. Rules of s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n use these portholes to peer into the ship to see what segments l i e with- in. Depending on what segments are discovered, a unique s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n based on universal principles i s erected. In this case, b, e, and t are discovered and a syllable i s erected with the structure shown in (12). 11 (12) $ / \ / \ / rime / A / / \ / / \ onset nucleus coda X b X I e X t Throughout this thesis, (12) w i l l be simplified to (13) (13) $ / \ / \ 0 = onset / / \ 0 N C 1 1 1 N = nucleus 1 1 1 X X X C = coda b e t If the segments b, a, and y_ had been discovered, the syllable structure erected would have been that shown in (14a) or, simplified, (14b). (141 (a) $ / \ / \ / rime (b) / / onset X b nucleus / \ / \ X X $ / \ / \ 0 N 1 / \ X X X I I I b a y As a consequence of sy l l a b i f i c a t i o n , the onset, nucleus, or coda status of each skeletal position i s established. Since only consonants can occupy onset or coda positions and only vowels can occupy nucleus 12 positions, i t i s indirectly determined which skeletal positions are "C" and which are "V". In this manner, then, [+syllabic] information about skeletal positions i s recoverable, even though the positions themselves are unspecified for that feature. In a three dimensional (or three tiered) representation, the terminal nodes of the syllabic hierarchy correspond to positions on the skeletal t i e r rather than to segments, as has more traditionally been supposed. The advantage of the three dimensional version i s that seg- ments are freed from their one to one correspondence with terminal nodes. This new independence permits configurations such as those in (15) to occur, which characterize geminate consonants (15a), long vowels (15b), and complex segments (15c). (15) (a) X X (b) X X (c) X \ / \ / / \ C V c c Notice that the phonetic length of a segment i s determined by the number of skeletal positions or points associated with i t . The independence between the segmental and skeletal t i e r s permits unassociated or floating segments to exist (16). (16) $ $ I / \ N 0 N X X X 'causative s u f f i x ' (Japanese) F l o a t i n g segments are not a s s o c i a t e d with "portholes" and hence are i n v i s i b l e , a t l e a s t i n i t i a l l y , t o r u l e s of s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n . However, i f 13 " w r i n k l e s " i n t h e s y l l a b l e c o n t o u r p e r s i s t a f t e r i n i t i a l s y l l a b i f i c a - t i o n , t h e f l o a t i n g s e g m e n t m a y b e p r o v i d e d w i t h a s k e l e t a l p o i n t a n d may p a r t i c i p a t e i n s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n i f i t s p r e s e n c e i s r e q u i r e d . S e v e r a l e x a m p l e s o f f l o a t i n g s e g m e n t s w i l l b e e n c o u n t e r e d i n l a t e r c h a p t e r s . T h e s e g m e n t a l a n d s k e l e t a l t i e r s a r e a l s o i n d e p e n d e n t i n t h e s e n s e t h a t c h a n g e s i n t r o d u c e d b y r u l e s t o o n e t i e r d o n o t n e c e s s a r i l y e f f e c t c h a n g e s i n t h e o t h e r . B y t h e s a m e t o k e n , t h o u g h , r u l e s c a n e x i s t t h a t d o i n t r o d u c e c h a n g e s i m u l t a n e o u s l y t o b o t h t i e r s . 14 Chapter IV Japanese Syllable Structure The unmarked s y l l a b l e shape of Japanese i s the u n i v e r s a l l y un- A marked C V ( s k e l e t a l t i e r not shown). Other p o s s i b l e s y l l a b l e shapes are: (17) (a) $ (b) $ (c) $ $ I / \ / \ / N / \ / \ / I O N / / \ / X I / \ 0 N C 0 I X X X I I I ! V I I I X X X X (C) V V I I I I (C) V C C Of p a r t i c u l a r relevance t o t h i s t h e s i s i s the nature of the coda i n Japanese s y l l a b l e s (see 17c).. ..F i r s t of a l l , there are severe r e s - t r i c t i o n s governing which consonants can occupy the coda p o s i t i o n . Dealing f i r s t w ith word-final p o s i t i o n , the only consonant that can apparently stand as a coda i s n. (18) p r e l i m i n a r y v e r s i o n $ / \ / \ / / \ 0 N C 1 I I X X X b u n ] N 'part' Even t h i s n has a tenuous existence as a coda. Whenever a l t e r n a t e s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n i s p o s s i b l e , the n i s whisked out of the apparent coda p o s i t i o n and i n t o an onset p o s i t i o n . 15 (19) bun + e i > bun-ei 'separate camp' $ / \ $ / \ / \ / / \ 0 N 0 N N 1 X X X X 1 X b u e Normally a f u l l - f l e d g e d coda p e r s i s t s as a coda throughout subsequent r e s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n s . In other words, p r e v i o u s l y e s t a b l i s h e d s y l l a b l e s t r u c t u r e tends t o be respected. The hal f - h e a r t e d nature of the word- f i n a l coda n suggests th a t i t may not be a coda a t a l l . I t i s proposed here and substantiated f u r t h e r i n Chapter VIII th a t w o r d - f i n a l conso- nants are a c t u a l l y e x t r a m e t r i c a l and are l a r g e l y i n v i s i b l e t o r u l e s of s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n . The c o r r e c t v e r s i o n of (18), then, i s found i n (21). (20) e x t r a m e t r i c a l i t y X | > [ex] / _ C (21) $ / \ 0 N X X I I u n ] N part [ex] Despite the s y l l a b l e s t r u c t u r e e s t a b l i s h e d i n (21), i f bun i s used independently as a word, the n must be pronounced and, hence, must be incorporated i n some way i n t o the s y l l a b l e s t r u c t u r e of the language. Following e a r l i e r proposals, then, i t i s the o r i z e d t h a t the p o t e n t i a l coda n becomes l o o s e l y attached t o the s y l l a b l e as an appendix (A) and X b 16 r e t a i n s i t s e x t r a m e t r i c a l i t y . (22) $ / \ / \ / / 0 N A X X X In c o n t r a s t t o word-final p o s i t i o n , genuine codas are found i n medial p o s i t i o n wherever an onset d i r e c t l y f o l l o w s . (23) bun + san > bun-san 'break-up' $ / \ / \ $ / / \ / \ 0 N C 0 N X X X X X b u n s a [ex] Throughout the language i t can be seen tha t there i s a c l o s e r e l a t i o n - s h i p between coda and f o l l o w i n g onset. In f a c t , almost the e n t i r e set of features of the coda i s copied d i r e c t l y from the onset. The only independent feature possessed by the coda i s n a s a l i t y . T h i s means that a nasal consonant i n coda p o s i t i o n w i l l r e t a i n i t s n a s a l i t y regardless of the n a s a l i t y of the f o l l o w i n g onset. However, a l l the features of place w i l l be copied from the onset, a process which creates a homorga- n i c nasal coda. (24) bun + betu > bum-betu 'separation' bun + k a i > bun-kai ' d i s s o c i a t i o n ' 17 Where the coda i s non-nasal, i t s s et of features i s e n t i r e l y copied from the onset ( t o t a l a s s i m i l a t i o n ) and a geminate c l u s t e r i s produced. (25) (a) kaw + ta —-> kat-ta 'buy (past)' (b) wakar + t a r i > wakat-tari 'understand (alternative)' The dependency of the coda on the following onset suggests that the onset i n some sense governs (Kaye, Lowenstamm, and Vergnaud (1985)) the coda. Furthermore, since no genuine codas exist i n the language without governing onsets, i t i s reasoned that a coda government principle exists. (26) Coda Government Principle: Only those consonants that are governed dire c t l y by following onsets may be s y l l a b i f i e d as codas. With the exception of nasality, the features of the coda consonant are copied d i r e c t l y from the gover- ning onset. To i l l u s t r a t e the action of the Coda Government Principle, a complete derivation of (25a) i s presented. (27) kaw + ta > kat-ta (from (25a)) (preliminary version) (a) extrametricality, s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n $ / \ / \ / / ". 0 N A X X X 1 I I k a w] v [ex] The appendix (A) cannot be analyzed as a coda since there i s no follow- ing onset present to govern the coda position. 18 (27) (b) infl e c t i o n , loss of extrametricality, re s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n $ / \ • / \ $ / / \ / \ 0 N C 0 N X X X X X 1 I I i I k a w t a]y In (27b) the appendix of (27a) i s reanalyzed as a coda following the introduction of the onset (t) which can govern the coda position. By the coda government principle (26) the features of the coda consonant are copied d i r e c t l y from the governing onset (t) to produce a geminate cluster ( t t ) . (27) (c) coda government principle $ / \ / \ $ / / \ / \ 0 N C 0 N 1 I I I I X X X X X I I I I I k a t t a ] v By the obligatory contour principle, (27c) automatically reduces to (27d). (27) (d) obligatory contour principle $ / \ / \ $ / / \ / \ 0 N C 0 N X X X X X 1 I \ / I k a t a]y 19 Chapter V High Vowel Syncopation: Evidence for Levels I and II V.l: High Vowel Syncopation Over the cent u r i e s , Japanese has borrowed a large number of mor- phemes from Chinese. The shape of these Sino-Japanese morphemes i s gov- erned by s t r i c t morpheme s t r u c t u r e c o n s t r a i n t s . S p e c i f i c a l l y , the mor- phemes must be from two t o four segments i n length and must conform to one of the patterns described i n (28). (28) {V } (C)V({N }) {CV} Of p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t are the morphemes of the shape (C)VCV, composed of two l i g h t s y l l a b l e s . In these three and four segment morphemes the f i n a l p a i r of segments must be a member of the f o l l o w i n g set: k i , ku, t i , or tu^. A widespread r u l e of high vowel syncopation deletes the f i n a l high vowel of such p a i r s when the next morpheme i s a l s o Sino- Japanese and begins w i t h a v o i c e l e s s consonant . (29) High Vowel Syncopation X I — > 0 / C ] N C V [+Sino] [+Sino] [+hi] [-vcd ] [-vcd ] As i n d i c a t e d , the a p p l i c a t i o n of the r u l e deletes the high vowel toge- ther with i t s associated s k e l e t a l point — an example of a r u l e t h a t acts simultaneously on two t i e r s . 20 (30) t e k i + koku > tek-koku 'enemy country' (a) Sino-Japanese compounding, s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n $ $ $ $ / \ / \ / \ / \ 0 N 0 N 0 N 0 N X 1 X X X X X X 1 X 1 t e k k o 1 k (b) high vowel syncopation $ $ $ / \ / \ / \ 0 N 1 0 1 N 0 N X 1 X X 1 X I X X 1 X t e 1 k o 1 k (c) r e s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n $ / \ / \ $ $ / / \ / \ / \ 0 1 N C 1 1 0 N 1 1 0 N 1 1 1 X 1 I X X 1 1 X X 1 1 1 1 X X t 1 1 e k ] N 1 1 k o k u ] N In (30c), the k i s permitted t o be r e s y l l a b i f i e d as a coda because i t i s governed by a f o l l o w i n g onset. (d) o b l i g a t o r y contour p r i n c i p l e $ / \ / \ $ $ / / \ / \ / Y 0 1 N C 0 N 1 1 1 1 0 N 1 1 1 X 1 1 1 1 X X X X 1 1 X X 1 1 \ / 1 1 1 t e k o k u] N 21 (31) more applications of high vowel syncopation roku + ka > rok-ka 'sixth lesson' i t i + too > it-too ' f i r s t class' butu + t a i > but-tai 'solid object' High vowel syncopation does not usually occur when either or both of the elements are native. (32) miti + kusa > mitikusa ' l o i t e r ' (road + grass) [+nat] [+nat] ' kutu + s i t a > kutusita 'socks' (shoe + under)\ [+nat] [+nat] The deletion of the high vowel i n the examples of (30) and (31) creates consonant clusters that are permitted i n Japanese. That i s not always the case. [33) (a) i t i + sen •> *itsen 'one thousand' (b) i t i + k i > * i t k i ' f i r s t period' (c) butu + s i t u > *butsitu 'substance' The underlined clusters i n (33) are not permitted i n Japanese because they are i n violation of the coda government principle (26), as revealed i n (34). (34) butu + s i t u > bus-situ (33c) (a) Sino-Japanese compounding, sy l l a b i f i c a t i o n $ $ $ $ / \ / \ / \ / \ 0 1 N 0 1 N 1 1 X 1 X 1 X 1 X 1 s i t ii] U t U J n o U j N 22 (b) high vowel syncopation $ $ $ / \ / \ / \ 0 1 N 0 N 1 X 1 X X 1 X X 1 1 b u 1 t; l N s 1 i u] N The i s o l a t e d t i n (34b) i s r e s y l l a b i f i e d as a coda and, by the coda government p r i n c i p l e , takes on the features of i t s governing onset and becomes an s. (c) coda government $ / \ / \ $ $ / / \ / \ / \ 0 N C 0 N 0 N X X X X X X X b u s ] N s i t u ] N (d) o b l i g a t o r y contour p r i n c i p l e $ / \ / \ $ $ / / \ / \ / \ 0 N C 0 N 0 N 1 I I I I I I X X X X X X X I I \ / I I I b u s i t u ] N The'correct d e r i v a t i o n s f o r the words i n (33), then, r e s u l t from the ap- p l i c a t i o n of high vowel syncopation, the coda government p r i n c i p l e , and the o b l i g a t o r y contour p r i n c i p l e . (36) i t i + sen > i s - s e n 'one thousand' i t i + k i > i k - k i ' f i r s t p e r i o d ' butu + s i t u > b u s - s i t u 'substance' 23 V . 2 : Generative Analysis of High Vowel Syncopation The story of high vowel syncopation as described above would be neat and tidy i f i t were not for other facts. F i r s t of a l l , some high vowels that are i n a position to be deleted by (29) are immune to the rule. (39) hai + tatu > hai-tatu 'delivery' (Y-Z) betu + hai + tatu > betu-hai-tatu 'special delivery' (X-Y-Z) sya + z i t u > sya-zitu 'realism' (X-Y) sya + z i t u + ha > sya-zitu-ha 'realist movement' (X-Y-Z) z i + ryoku > zi-ryoku 'magnetism' (X-Y) z i + ryoku + kei > zi-ryoku-kei 'magnetometer' (X-Y-Z) As noted by McCawley (1968), the exceptionality of these cases i s sys- tematic. The immediate constituent structure of the three i n (39) i s as follows: (40) A A A / \ / \ / \ / A A \ A \ / / \ / \ \ / \ \ betu-hai-tatu sya-zitu-ha zi-ryoku-kei [specia1[delivery]] [[realist]movement] [[magnetism]instrument] Clearly, i n each example, the vowel that f a i l s to delete i s the one that f a l l s at the major constituent break. To account for this pattern, McCawley proposes that high vowel syncopation i s sensitive to boundaries of strength + (morpheme boundary) and not to boundaries of strength # (internal word boundary). Thus, the components of (39) betuhaitatu are joined as betu#hai+tatu and the u of betu i s not i n the appropriate environment to be deleted. McCawley j u s t i f i e s this assignment of boun- daries by noting that the constituents of hai-tatu, sya-zitu, and zi-ryoku are bound i n the sense that they never stand alone as words. 24 The immediate constituents of the words in (40), on the other hand, are freely occurring words. Hence, the words of (40) are examples of "words embedded within words" which by convention carry internal word boun- daries. What McCawley i s apparently claiming, then, i s that high vowel syncopation can only apply between bound morphemes: Note now that i n the [examples i n 40] the constituents zi-ryoku, sya-zitu, and hai-tatu are not merely sequen- ces of Sino-Japanese morphemes but are indeed words i n the sense that these compounds are formed by rules which embed a word within a word (as contrasted with rules which form compounds by joining together two pieces neither of which i s a word, as i n psychology, telegraph, etc.). According to convention, when a word i s aitedded within a word, i t carries an internal word boundary with i t . (McCawley 1968; 117) McCawley's claim i s demonstrably inadequate. There are many instances of high vowel syncopation between one bound and one free morpheme and even between two free morphemes. (41) (a) free + bound (i) t e t - t e i 'horseshoe' from tetu]p 'steel' and - t e i ] g 'hoof ( i i ) tak-ken 'far-sightedness' from taku]p 'desk' and -ken] B 'view' (b) bound + free (i) hit-tan 'stroke of the pen' from hitu]g 'writing' and tan]p originate ( i i ) bos-syo 'dead l e t t e r ' from botu] R 'dead' and syo] p 'writing' 25 (c) free + free (i) has-sya 'departure of t r a i n ' from hatu 'leaving' and sya 'train' ( i i ) hap-pyaku 'eight hundred' from hati 'eight' and hyaku 'hundred' ( i i i ) gyak-kyoo 'adversity' from gyaku 'contrary' and kyoo 'state' (iv) tak-kyuu 'ping pong' from taku 'table' and kyuu ' b a l l ' The components of the words i n (41c) are obvious'examples of "words em- bedded within words", and as such should be joined by McCawley's inter- nal word boundary (#) and thus be i n e l i g i b l e for high vowel syncopation. That something other than boundary information i s involved i n the high vowel syncopation story i s demonstrated by the behavior of the verb suru 'to do'. Suru i s an unusual verb i n that i t can stand on i t s own or i t can be affixed to verbal nouns to derive verbs. Verbal nouns com- prise a special lexic a l category i n Japanese that function i n some res- pects lik e nouns and i n other respects l i k e verbs (Kageyama, 1982). Many Sino-Japanese elements count as verbal nouns and can participate i n suru derivation. Suru i s also unusual i n that i t i s a native element that triggers high vowel syncopation. As i l l u s t r a t e d i n (42) and (43), suru can combine with bound as well as free Sino-Japanese forms. (42) bound + suru (a) mes-suru 'perish' (from metu-]g) (b) tas-suru 'reach' (from tatu-] B) (c) bos-suru 'sink' (from botu-] R) 26 (43) f r e e + suru (a) r i s - s u r u 'measure' (from r i t u - ] F ) (b) has-suru 'discharge' (from hatu-]p) (c) kes-suru 'decide' (from ketu-]p) Suru can a l s o a t t a c h t o Sino-Japanese compounds. In a l l such cases suru f a i l s t o t r i g g e r high vowel syncopation. (44) compound + suru (a) koo-tatu-suru ' n o t i f y v e r b a l l y ' ( c f . 42b) from koo-tatu ' o f f i c i a l announcement' (b) ma-metu-suru 'wear down' ( c f . 42a) from ma-metu 'abrasion' (c) s e n - r i t u - s u r u 'shudder' ( c f . 43a) from s e n - r i t u 'a s h i v e r ' The obvious f a c t t o be accounted f o r i n a l l these data (40-44) i s that, regardless of whether i n d i v i d u a l elements are f r e e or bound, high vowel syncopation can only apply t o the high vowel a t the boundary bet- ween the innermost two elements. High vowel syncopation w i l l not apply to high vowels adjacent t o boundaries created by the a d d i t i o n of t h i r d elements. T r a d i t i o n a l boundary n o t a t i o n can handle t h i s pattern, but only i n a c o n t r i v e d way. (45) (a) metu + suru > mes-suru 'perish' (42a) (b) ma + metu # suru > ma-metu-suru 'wear down' (44b) Since, as noted i n (29), the s t r u c t u r a l d e s c r i p t i o n of high vowel synco- p a t i o n includes a morpheme boundary, the r u l e operates on (45a) and along with c l u s t e r s i m p l i f i c a t i o n and spreading produces the c o r r e c t output. The # boundary i n (45b) c o r r e c t l y blocks the a p p l i c a t i o n of the r u l e . T h i s a n a l y s i s , however, i s objectionable f o r one main reason. 27 Evidently, the rank of the boundaries i n (45) i s determined solely by a rule something l i k e (46) that t o t a l l y disregards the nature of the ele- ments that are being joined together. (46) Assign rank + to the boundary between the innermost pair of elements i n a compound. Assign rank # to any other boun- daries that may occur. This indiscriminate assignment of rank ignores the fact that hatu and sya (41c), for example, are free forms that would normally be joined as hatu#sya. V . 3 : Lexical Phonology Analysis of High Vowel Syncopation Consider now how these several facts might be treated i n a lexical phonology framework. Since the output from each level must be a lexical entry, bound morphemes cannot survive unoompounded to level II. The fact that Sino- Japanese compounding often involves bound forms has lead Kageyama (1982) to conclude that such compounding occurs at level I i n Japanese. One would also want to include Sino-Japanese and suru compounding at level I since suru also attaches to bound Sino-Japanese morphemes (42). If these processes do i n fact occur i n the morphological component of level I, then high vowel syncopation must occur i n the phonological component of level I since the rule i s sensitive to the-boundary information bet- ween Sino-Japanese elements of compounds. That boundary information i s lost through bracket erasure by the time the compound reaches level II. An interesting fact about Japanese i s that one never finds com- pounds of three bound forms. The th i r d element, i f present, i s always 28 free. Also, as p r e v i o u s l y noted, high vowel syncopation never occurs a t the boundary created by the t h i r d element. I t i s d i f f i c u l t t o imagine how these two f a c t s c o u ld be accounted f o r i n any framework other than the one o u t l i n e d here. Apparently, the compounding of monomorphemes (usually Sino-Japanese morphemes) takes place a t l e v e l I and a l l subse- quent compounding i n v o l v i n g t h i r d members must be postponed u n t i l l e v e l II. As an example of t h i s l e v el-ordered process, the d e r i v a t i o n a l h i s - t o r i e s of (42a) and (44b) (see-(45)) are compared i n (47). (47) (a) /metu + suru/ (b) /ma + metu + suru/ Level I moncmorphemic compd metu + suru ma + metu high V syncopation 0 coda government s Level I I compounding ma-metu + suru mes-suru ma-metu-suru In (47), the u of. ma-metu cannot be d e l e t e d a t l e v e l I since i t i s not i n a s u i t a b l e environment f o r high vowel syncopation. At l e v e l I I , i t cannot be deleted, because high vowel syncopation i s not a v a i l a b l e a t t h a t l e v e l . In the same manner, i t i s easy t o account f o r the f a i l u r e of the u of z i - r y o k u (39) t o d e l e t e . 29 (48) Level I monomorphemic compd high V syncopation Level I I compounding / z i + ryoku + k e i / z i + ryoku zi-ryoku + k e i zi-ryoku-kei 30 Notes for Chapter V: 1. Instances of t u and ku outnumber those of t i and k i by over f i v e t o one. 2. The a p p l i c a t i o n of high vowel syncopation i s more r e s t r i c t e d i n the case of morphemes ending i n k i and ku than i t i s f o r those ending i n t i and tu. In the former, the high vowel i s only d e l e t e d when the fol l o w i n g consonant i s a k. (a) t e k i + koku > tek-koku 'enemy country' gaku + koo > gak-koo 'school' (b) s e k i + tan > sek i - t a n ' c o a l ' toku + hon > toku-hon 'anthology' Of the two, ku morphemes are l e s s p r o b lematical t h a t k i morphemes which sometimes d i s p l a y o p t i o n a l high vowel d e l e t i o n and sometimes do not permit i t a t a l l . (c) s e k i + kan > seki-kan or sek-kan 'sarcophagus' heki + ken > heki-ken 'prejudice' (*hek-ken) t e k i + ka > t e k i - k a ' d r i p ' (*tek-ka) 31 Chapter VT Accent System: Further Evidence for Levels I and II The rudimentary level-ordered d e s c r i p t i o n developed i n the pre- ceding chapter helps t o e x p l a i n a very s t r i k i n g p a t t e r n i n v o l v i n g the accentual system. S y l l a b l e s of Japanese may c a r r y e i t h e r a high tone (H) or a low tone (L). Only c e r t a i n patterns of tones are permitted. For example, amongst t r i s y l l a b i c nouns t h a t are f o l l o w e d by monosyllabic case mark- ers , only four surface patterns are p o s s i b l e . (49) H L L L makura ga ' p i l l o w ' L H L L kokoro ga 'heart' L H H L atama ga 'head' L H H H sakana ga ' f i s h ' •Since there i s no more than one p i t c h f a l l from H to L per word, each pa t t e r n can be p r e d i c t e d from the placement of an accent mark (') mark- ing t h a t p i t c h f a l l . Words without a p i t c h f a l l are l e f t unaccented, as i n sakana ga (50). (50) ma'kura ga koko'ro ga atama' ga sakana ga A l l s y l l a b l e s f o l l o w i n g the accent mark c a r r y L tones, while most of those preceding the accent mark c a r r y H tones. The exception i s the f i r s t s y l l a b l e which, i n the Tokyo d i a l e c t , i s L i f the f o l l o w i n g tone 32 i s H. Notice that i n isolation atama' and unaccented sakana carry iden- t i c a l tone patterns. Thus, the accentedness of a word often cannot be determined conclusively from i t s tone pattern heard i n isolation. In contrast to nouns, verbs and adjectives have only two accen- tual p o s s i b l i t i e s regardless of length. To best understand these pat- terns i t i s easiest to think i n terms of rnorae rather than syllables. The mora has been lightheartedly defined by McCawley (1977) as "some- thing of which a [heavy] syllable consists of two and a [light] s y l - lable consists of one". Since a heavy syllable consists of what would make up a ligh t syllable, plus additional material, one can take the i n i t i a l (C)V- of a heavy syllable to be i t s f i r s t mora and the remaining -V or -C to be i t s second mora. Thus semboo envy' can be divided into two syllables (sem-boo) and four morae (se-m-bo-o). Verb and adjective stems are accented either on the penultimate mora (i.e. the pitch f a l l s after the penultimate mora) or not at a l l . (52) (a) ta'be-] v 'eat' (51) L H H atama L H H sakana tano'm-] V 'ask for' ake-] V 'open' (unaccentable) susum- ] V 'advance' (unaccentable) (b) ta'ka-] A 'high' kura-] A 'dark' (unaccentable) 33 Concatenations of d e r i v a t i o n a l s u f f i x e s may be attached t o the verb or a d j e c t i v e stem. The s u f f i x a t i o n of each successive morpheme creates a new, longer stem that, l i k e the shorter stems, i s accented on the stem penultimate mora. P r e v i o u s l y e s t a b l i s h e d accents are dropped i n favour of the newest, rightmost accent. Concatenations b u i l t on un accented stems remain unaccented ( 5 3 a ) . In ( 5 3 ) the s u f f i x e s i n paren- theses are present i n d i c a t i v e i n f l e c t i o n s t h a t w i l l be ignored f o r the time being"'". ( 5 3 ) (a) ake]y+ (ru) > ake-(ru) 'open' ake] v+ sase] v+ (ru) > ake-sase-(ru) 'makes open' (b) tabe] v+ (ru) > ta'be-(ru) 'eat' ta'be] v+ sase] v+ (ru) > tabe-sa'se-(ru) 'makes e a t ' tabe-sa'se] v+ r a r e ] v + (ru) > tabe-sase-ra're-(ru) 'makes eat (pas)' (c) yom] v+ (ru) > yo'm-(ru) 'read' yo'm] v+ t a ] A + ( i ) > y o m - i ' - t a - ( i ) 2 'want t o read' yam-i'-ta] A+ gar ] v + (ru) > yom-i-ta-ga'r-(ru) 'behaves l i k e he wants t o read' R e l a t i n g t h i s s e c t i o n t o the previous one, verbs can be derived . from Sino-Japanese monomorphemes, compounds, and other verbal nouns by suru. One might expect t h a t the d e r i v e d verbs would a l l be accented on the stem-penultimate mora (i.e. stem] V N+ s u r u ] v > stem-su'ru]^) according t o the pattern evident i n ( 5 3 ) . Yet the expected accent placement only occurs when suru i s attached t o a monomorpheme ( 5 4 a ) . When suru i s attached t o a compound, the o r i g i n a l accent of the compound p r e v a i l s ( 5 4 b ) . 34 (54) (a) a ' i ] ^ ai-su'ru] v 'love' s a ' n ] ^ san-su'ru] v 'produce' (b) s e ' i - r i ] ^ , se ' i - r i - s u r u ] v 'arrange' *sei-ri-su'ru k i - t o ' ] ^ ki-to'-suru] v *ki-to-su'ru] V 'scheme' The difference between the (a) and (b) patterns i n (54) can easily be accounted for by placing the verbal and adjectival accent rule i n the phonological component of level I. (55) level I monomorphemic compd V/A accent level II compounding (a) / a ' i + suru/ (b) /se' + i r i + suru/ a'i]™ + suru] v ai-su r u ] v s e ' W i r i ] VN se'-irilyj^i- suru] ai-su ru se - l r i - s u r u -V As shown i n (53), the following suffixes provide input to the level I V/A accent rule: -rare (passive), -sase (causative), -ta (desiderative), and -gar (A—>V). Consequently, consider the effects of the concatenation i n (56) (from Martin (1975)): 35 (56) tabe]v+sase]y+rare]v+ta]A+gar]y-i-(ru) > tabe-sase-rare-ta-gar-ru 'make him behave l i k e he wants to be eaten' Another suffix, the semblative - r a s i 'seems like', can f i t into this sequence of suffixes before -gar, e.g. otoko] N~rasi] A~gar] v~(ru) "behaves i n a manly fashion', - r a s i derives adjectives from nouns (primarily), from a few verbs, and even from a few adjectives. (57) o t o k o ] N ~ r a s i ] A - i > otoko-rasi ' - i 'man-1ike ' ame] N~rasi] A-i > ame-rasi'-i 'rain-like' ' k i t a n a ] A ~ r a s i ] A - i >kitana-rasi'-i 'dirty-looking' n i k u ] A - r a s i ] A ~ i > niku-rasi'-i 'hateful-looking' The suffix -kata i s a verb nominalizer that can attach to v i r - tually any verb (derived or nonderived) to derive an abstract noun. The nouns created by -kata are unusual^ i n that they seem capable of being accented by the V/A accent rule. Unaccentable verb stems y i e l d unaccen- table nouns (58a) and accentable become accentable on the penultimate mora (58b), just l i k e ordinary verbs and adjectives. (58) (a) unaccentable verb stems ake] v+ kata]^ > ake-kata 'way to open' umare]v+ kata] N > umare-kata 'way of being born' (b) accentable verb stems mi]y+sase]v+ kata] N > mi-sase-ka'ta 'way of causing to see' kawai] A+ garJ v+ kata] N > kawai-gar-(i)-ka'ta 'way of being loved' Since a l l the suffixes -sase, -rare, -ta, - r a s i , -gar, and -kata . provide input to the V/A accent rule, a l l of them must be added at the 36 same l e v e l as the r u l e , i.e. l e v e l I. If t h i s were not so and -rare, for example, were added at a later level, then *tabe-sa'se-rare-(ru) 'cause to be eaten' would be the expected accentuation. The suffixes of (59) occur at level I. (59) -; sase -rare -ta -rasi -gar -kata (causative) (passive) (desiderative) (semblative) (A—>V) (N,V,A—>N) Up to this point, then, the following morphological and phonolo- gical processes have been identified at the f i r s t two levels of Japanese grammar. ;60) Level I rnonomorphemic compd derivation: -sase -rare -ta - r a s i -gar -kata high vowel syncopation V/A accent Level II compounding 37 Notes for Chapter VI 1. As noted i n Chapter II, these inflections are not available u n t i l later i n the grammar. The minor effects on accent of a few i n f l e c - . tions w i l l be discussed i n Chapter IX. 2. The extra i i s a stem formative which i s automatically suffixed to consonant-final verb stems. However, under certain conditions, the i may not be expressed. See Chapter IX. 3. Suru i s an irregular verb, making i t impossible to decide exactly what constitutes the verb root and what constitutes the inflection. Since this issue does not affect the analysis, suru i s introduced here as a complete unit rather than as two separate morphemes. 4. Normally the accentuation of derived nouns i s much less predictable. 38 Chapter VII - ' s i , -"ka, and -teki: Further Evidence for Levels I and II Using the l e v e l ordered d e s c r i p t i o n i n (60), 'si 'regard as', 'ka '-ize', and teki '-type, - i c , - i c a l ' can now be placed at appropriate levels. Traditionally these morphemes have been analyzed as suffixes (Martin, 1975), but evidence presented i n this section challenges that view. The traditional analysis i s based mainly on the observation that these morphemes usually occupy positions to the right of l e x i c a l mor- phemes, slots t y p i c a l l y occupied by suffixes. Also, as with suffixes, their function seems primarily grammatical. F i r s t consider 'si and "ka. Both attach almost exclusively to foreign nouns and adjectival nouns (mostly Chinese and English origin) to derive verbal nouns. Adjectival nouns (AN), l i k e verbal nouns, com- prise a special lexica l category in Japanese. They share properties of both nouns and adjectives. Interestingly, a l l borrowed foreign adjec- tives f a l l into the adjectival noun category (Kageyama, 1982). Martin (1975) suggests that 'si derivatives are bound in the sense that they are usually followed d i r e c t l y by suru. The verbal nouns created by 'ka, on the other hand, may optionally take suru. Both morphemes are lex- i c a l l y pre-accented which causes the pitch of a derived form to f a l l after the penultimate mora of the stem. 39 > b e ' s - s i 'disregard' from betu- 'contempt' > ge'n-si 'visual h a l l u c i n a t i o n ' from gen- 'supernatural' > ko'k-ka 'blackening' from koku- 'black' > ko'k-ka ' o s s i f i c a t i o n ' from kotu 'bone' The examples i n (61) show that both ' s i and 'ka attach to (Sino- Japanese) morphemes (bound and free) and t r i g g e r high vowel syncopation. This involvement with high vowel syncopation " f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h e s ' s i and "ka a t l e v e l I. But there i s evidence t h a t these morphemes may a l s o be added a t l e v e l I I . When attached t o Sino-Japanese compounds of two or more elements, high vowel syncopation does not occur. (62) (a) toku + betu] A Ig+ "si]y^+ suru]y > toku-betu'-si-suru 'regard as s p e c i a l ' (from tokubetu 'special') *toku-be 's - s i - s u r u (b) doo + i t u ] ^ * "si]yfl+ s u r u ] v > d o o - i t u ' - s i - s u r u 'regard as i d e n t i c a l ' (from d o c i t u 'sameness') *d o o - i ' s - s i - s u r u (c) gen + z i t u ] y ^ + ' k a ] ^ > gen-zitu'-ka ' a c t u a l i z a t i o n ' *gen-zi'k-ka The p a t t e r n i n (62) i s s t r i k i n g l y s i m i l a r t o t h a t i n v o l v i n g suru i n (44), which i n d i c a t e s t h a t ' s i (63) and Tea must be a v a i l a b l e a t l e v e l I I as w e l l as a t l e v e l I. ( 6 1 ) betu] B+ 'SOJVN gen] B+ ' s i ] ^ — koku] B+ 'JsaJvN kotu] F+ 'kalyjj 40 (63) Level I S-J compounding Level I I ' s i attachment compounding Conclusive evidence of the l e v e l I I nature of ' s i i s found i n (64) where 'si i s c l e a r l y attached outside a l e v e l I I compound. (64) (a) kiken-zimbutu 'a dangerous c h a r a c t e r ' (b) kiken-zimbutu'-si-suru 'regard as a dangerous character' (c) *zimbutu'-si-suru (d) k i k e n ' - s i - s u r u 'look askance a t ' In (64b), ' s i must be attached t o the compound kiken-zimbutu as a whole, and not t o the s i n g l e word zimbutu, since *zimbutu'-si-suru (64c) i s ungrammatical. Since the type of compounding shown i n (64a) i s a l e v e l I I phenomenon and since ' s i i s added a f t e r the compounding (i.e. i s attached t o the compound), ' s i must occur a t l e a s t a t l e v e l II. I t would a l s o appear tha t lea i s attached outside l e v e l I I com- pounds, since 'ka i s never found compound-internally (65c). Therefore, 'ka must a l s o be found a t l e a s t a t l e v e l I I . (65) (a) zyuukagaku-koogyoo 'heavy chemical i n d u s t r y ' (b) zyuukagaku-koogyoo-ka "heavy chemical i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n ' (c) *zyuukagaku'-ka-koogyoo There i s strong evidence, then, t h a t ' s i and "ka are added a t both l e v e l s I and I I . Using the same type of arguments, i t can be determined t h a t t e k i i s a l s o a b i - l e v e l morpheme, t e k i attaches t o nouns, the v a s t m a j o r i t y of which are [+foreign] (mostly Sino-Japanese), t o d e r i v e a d j e c t i v a l nouns. Translated i n t o E n g l i s h , t e k i imparts a /toku + betu + ' s i + suru/ (62a) t o k u ] A N + k^-^AN t o k u - b e t u ] ^ + ' s i j y j j toku-betu- 3 1 ] ^ + suru]y toku-betu- 'si-suru 41 meaning something l i k e "-type, - i c , or - i c a l " . A l l teki derivatives are unaccented even i f the stem or i g i n a l l y carried a l e x i c a l accent"'". As exemplified i n (66a), teki attaches to Sino-Japanese monomorphemes and undergoes high vowel syncopation, establishing i t at level I. As expected, high vowel syncopation does not apply after attachment to Sino-Japanese bimorphemes (66b), which indicates that a level II teki i s involved. (66) (a) s i - t e k i 'poetic' (from s i ] N 'poetry') but-teki 'physical' (from butu] N 'material') (b) g i - z u t u - t e k i 'technical' (from gi-zutu] N 'technique') *gi-zut-teki hoo-katu-teki 'inclusive' (from hoo-katu] N 'inclusion' *hoo-kat-teki The fact that teki can be attached to various kinds of elements ranging ing from simple nouns to long compounds such as taisyuu-syoosetu-teki 'popular-novelish' has lead Kageyama (1982) to also conclude that teki i s found at level II . So i t would seem that 'si, Tea, and teki each occur on at least two different levels. If the -three are i n fact suffixes as i s commonly supposed, then the situation i s theoretically complex. Amongst the lan- guages of the world, i t i s usually observed that each language has a fixed sequence to i t s suffixes, whereby suffix X always precedes suffix Y (if present) which, i n turn, precedes a f f i x Z ( i f present), and so on. The ordering of the sequence i s determined i n two ways. F i r s t l y , each suffix i s ordered (if necessary) with respect to the other suffixes 42 within i t s level and, secondly, suffixes of lower levels always precede those of higher levels. Thus, i n (67), a permissible suffix sequence i s A-C-Z, but not *C-A-Z or *A-Z-C. (67) level I A > B > C level II X > Y > Z Needless to say, i f the same suffixes appear at more than one level, then numerous ordering paradoxes are possible. In (68), for example, a sequence such as A-B-A would be possible even though A i s ordered before B at level I. (68) level I A > B > C level II A > Y > Z If some suffixes i n Japanese have bi-level membership, then one would expect to find ordering paradoxes throughout the language. In actual- i t y , such paradoxes are at best rare. It i s possible that the grammar of Japanese i s complex enough to ensure that paradoxes are f i l t e r e d out before they surface. In this case, though, there i s evidence that the three "suffixes" are actually bound lexical morphemes and not suffixes at a l l . Dealing f i r s t with 'si, examination of (61), (62a, b), and (64) reveals certain s i m i l a r i t i e s between the English glosses for 'si "suffixed" words. Most glosses take the form 'regard as X'. For exam- ple, i n (61a) ge'n-si 'visual hallucination', gen- i s more related to to 'halluc i n a t i o n ' than to 'visual'. In zu'nsi- 'tour of inspection', zun- means 'tour'. In these two words, then, 'si seems to mean 'visual' and 'inspection' respectively, both of which are related to "seeing". Even 43 regard as X' i n t u i t i v e l y involves "seeing", i.e. 'seeing as X'. This, impression i s borne out by the words i n (69) where 'si i s the f i r s t member of compounds and, just l i k e the alleged suffix 'si, carries the meaning "seeing, visual, etc.". (69) si-tyoo 'sight and hearing' si'-wa ' l i p reading (visible speech)' si'-ya ' f i e l d of vision' Incidently, i t may also be pointed out that 'si i s written i n Japanese with the same character no matter whether i t s position i s word-initial or - f i n a l . It i s hypothesized here, therefore, that the two 'si's (word-initial and word-final) are the same morpheme. Since true suf- fixes never occupy a word-initial position, a case can be made that 'si i s just an ordinary Sino-Japanese verbal noun that i s capable of com- pounding with other Sino-Japanese morphemes. As with 'si, 'ka may also appear as the f i r s t member of a com- pound and can be considered a lexical Sino-Japanese morpheme. An inter- esting twist i s that, at least i n the case of (70), the ordering of the members has no discernable effect on the meaning of the compound. (70) ko'k-ka 'ossification' (from kotu 'bone' + 'ka) ka-kotu 'ossification' (from 'ka + kotu) It i s more d i f f i c u l t to prove that teki may occur as the f i r s t element of a compound. There are a few instances of compounds that begin with a teki (71) that i s written with the same Japanese character as the su f f i x - l i k e teki of (66), but the problem i s demonstrating that the two are one and the same. 44 (71) t e k i - t y u u ' h i t the mark' teki-kaku 'accurate' Neither of the two teki's has a c l e a r l y defined semantic content that i s c a r r i e d w i t h i t from compound t o compound, so a d i r e c t comparison of the meanings of the two teki's i s problematical. However, since, i n the examples I have studied, Japanese characters are r e l i a b l e "tags" i d e n t i - f y i n g which morpheme i s which, I w i l l assume that the t e k i of (66) i s the same as t h a t i n (71). Under tha t assumption, t e k i i s a l e x i c a l morpheme. I t can be c o n c l u d e d , then, t h a t ' s i , 'ka, and t e k i a r e a l l bound l e x i c a l morphemes t h a t may appear a t any l e v e l t h a t permits compounding ( i . e . l e v e l s I and I I ) . 45 Notes for Chapter VTI 1. The p r e c i s e mechanism of t h i s phenomenon i s unclear, and a complete i n v e s t i g a t i o n i s beyond the scope of t h i s t h e s i s . 2. Kageyama apparently r e j e c t s the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t t e k i might a l s o be found a t l e v e l I. However, since h i s work i s based s o l e l y on morpho- l o g i c a l data, he has not considered the c r u c i a l phonological evidence t h a t has lead me t o my b i - l e v e l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . 46 Chapter VIII Stem Formatives and s/r Deletion Most verb roots are consonant-final (e.g. kak- 'write') rather than v o w e l - f i n a l (e.g. tabe- 'eat'). Complicated phonological i n t e r - a c t i o n s may r e s u l t when these r o o t - f i n a l consonants are brought adjacent other consonants. Two of these i n t e r a c t i o n s involve stem formatives and s/r d e l e t i o n . VTII.l: Stem Formative i When t - and k - i n i t i a l s u f f i x e s a r e attached t o consonant-final roots a t l e v e l I, an i n t e r v e n i n g i m a t e r i a l i z e s (72b-e). This i n t e r - vening i does not appear f o l l o w i n g a v o w e l - f i n a l root (72a). (72) (a) tabe + t a + ( i ) > t a b e - t a - ( i ) 'want t o e a t ' (b) t a t + t a + ( i ) > . t a t - i - t a - ( i ) • 'want t o stand' (c) kak + t a + ( i ) > k a k - i - t a - ( i ) 'want t o w r i t e ' (d) kak + kata > kak-i-kata 'way t o w r i t e ' (e) s i n + kata > s i n - i - k a t a 'way t o d i e ' The nature of t h i s i n t e r v e n i n g _ i has been the subject of considerable debate i n the l i t e r a t u r e . As noted i n the i n t r o d u c t i o n to t h i s paper, phonological and morphological analyses have been propounded t o account f o r the i n s e r t i o n , non-insertion, and/or d e l e t i o n of the i.. Evidence f o r t r e a t i n g the i_ as epenthetic i s weak, since i t does not appear t o serve a phonological function. I f the i_ were servi n g a phonological function, i t s presence would reduce the markedness of the system by breaking up unacceptable consonant c l u s t e r s , smoothing out s y l l a b l e contours, or maximizing the number of unmarked s y l l a b l e s . Examination of (72), f o r example, reveals t h a t the f u n c t i o n of the i n t e r v e n i n g i i s p l a i n l y not 47 to break up unacceptable consonant clusters and thereby maximize the number of unmarked CV syllables. Geminate stops such as the t - t and k-k broken up i n (72b) and (72d) respectively, and the n-k cluster broken up i n (72e) are a l l perfectly acceptable. Furthermore, the same inter- vening i appears after consonant-final i n i t i a l members of verb com- pounds, regardless of whether the second member of the compound i s consonant- (73a) or vowel-initial (73b). —> kak-i-yam-(ru) 'write-stop' -> yob-i-das-(ru) 'call-stop' —> oycg-i-kir-(ru) 'swim-through' -> yart-i-owar-(ru) 'read-finishes' —> kik-i-akir-(ru) "hear-wearies' -> ur-i-isog-(ru) 'sell-busy The data of (73b) show clearly that the purpose of the i_ i s not phono- logical, since i t s presence adds to the markedness of the string by creating two nuclei adjacent to each other. It would appear that the only consistent function of the i i s a morphological one to act as a stem formative to create vowel-final verb roots i n a l l cases. As w i l l become clearer subsequently, i t turns out that a morphological analysis involving a stem formative i s best able to handle the observed data. The stem formative i i s introduced by rule (74) following each consonant-final verb stem at level I. Once introduced, the stem forma- tive has a rather tenuous existence. As w i l l be shown later, i f the derivational function of the stem formative i s unused, the _i w i l l simply drop. This ephemeral nature suggests the stem formative lacks the per- manence of an associated skeletal point. For this reason, the i i s 48 (73) (a) kak] v+ yam] v + (ru) - yob] v+ das] v+ (ru) — ° y ° g ] v + k i r ] v + ~ (b) yom]v+ owar]v+(ru) — kik] v+ akir] v+ (ru) - ur] v+ isog] v+ (ru) — introduced as a f l o a t i n g segment (see chapter III] (74) stem formative 0 > i ] v / C ] v To see how the stem formative functions, consider the three dimensional a n a l y s i s of (72e) presented i n (75). (75) s i n + kata > s i n - i - k a t a (72e) (a) l e v e l I, c y c l e I: e x t r a m e t r i c a l i t y , s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n $ / \ 0 1 N 1 X 1 X X 1 s i n] [ex] V (b) l e v e l I, c y c l e I I : stem formative $ / \ 0 N X X X s i n ] v i ] v [ex] I t i s assumed here t h a t the mere segmental presence of the f l o a t i n g i of the stem formative does not d i s r u p t the e x t r a m e t r i c a l i t y of the n. That i s , s i n c e i t i s the s k e l e t a l X points r a t h e r than the segments them- selves which are p r o s o d i c a l l y relevant, i t may be hypothesized" 1- th a t the s k e l e t a l p o i n t dominating n w i l l r e t a i n i t s extraprosodic status as long as i t i s the rightmost s k e l e t a l p o i n t i n the s t r i n g . Presumably only a segment with an associated s k e l e t a l p o i n t would p r e c i p i t a t e the l o s s of e x t r a m e t r i c a l i t y . 49 Rules of s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n are obligated to s y l l a b i f y a l l skeletal points that are v i s i b l e to them. Once that i s accomplished, and i f the resultant s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n i s unmarked, then s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n i s complete and the rules are "content". In (75b), an unmarked syllable has been created and the extrametrical consonant and the floating i_ are prosodi- c a l l y invisible. Therefore, s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n i s complete for that cycle. [75) (c) level I, cycle III: bracket erasure, derivation, loss of extrametricality $ $ $ / \ / \ / \ 0 1 N 0 N 1 X X I X X X s 1 i n i ] v k a a] N The addition of the new material -kata, forces the loss of extrametrical- i t y . The formerly extrametrical n i s now v i s i b l e to the rules of s y l - l a b i f i c a t i o n and must be syl l a b i f i e d . In this case, the n cannot be s y l l a b i f i e d as a coda, because i t cannot be governed direc t l y by the following onset k due to the presence of the intervening _ i . With no other options, the rules of s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n are forced to punch some holes i n the side of the ship and look for segments without portholes that might be of assistance. The floating i i s discovered, provided with a porthole (point), and i s pressed into syllabic service (75d). (75) (d) level I, cycle III: r e s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n $ $ $ $ / \ / \ / \ / \ 0 1 N 1 0 | 1 X 1 X 1 1 X s 1 i n ] v k a t a ] N 50 Consideration of a second type of example shows that the level I floating stem formative accounts well for patterns evident at level II where the i appears between elements of verbal compounds (73). The derivational history of (73a) i s traced i n (76). (76) kak + yam + (ru) > kak-i-yam-(ru) (73a) (a) level I, cycle II: extrametricality, s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n , stem formative $ / \ 0 N 1 I X X X k a k ] y i ] y At level I, yam- follows a similar derivational history to kak-. At level II, however, there are some differences which, though i l l u s t r a t e d below, w i l l be discussed i n detail i n chapter IX. (75) (b) level II, cycle I: compounding, loss of extrametricality $ $ / \ / \ O N O N I I I I X X X X X X ' [ k a k i l y t y a m [ex] (c) level II, cycle I: s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n (cf. (75d)) $ $ $ / \ / \ . / \ 0 1 N 1 0 N 0 N 1 X 1 X 1 X 1 X 1 X X l [I 1 a 1 k 1 . 1 M Y 1 a 51 . The examples i n (73b) are especially interesting since the second members of the compounds are vowel-initial. They w i l l be examined fur- ther i n section VIII.3. VIII.2: s/r Deletion When one of the s_- or r - i n i t i a l suffixes of level I attaches to a consonant-final verb root, the s or r deletes. (77) (a) ake + sase + (ru) > ake-sase-(ru) 'open (caus) ' (b) ake + rare + (ru) > ake-rare-(ru) 'open (pas)' (c) hanas + sase + (ru) > hanas-ase-(ru) 'speak (caus)' (d) isog + sase + (ru) > isog-ase-(ru) 'hurry (caus)' (e) isog + r a s i + (i) > isog-asi-(i) 'is busy' (f) itam + r a s i + (i) > itam-asi-(i) 'is sad' (g) yorokob + r a s i + (i) > yorokob-asi-(i) 'is j o y f u l ' (h) wakar + rare + (ru) > wakar-are-(ru) 'understand.(pas) ' (i) sin + rare + (ru) > sin-are-(ru) 'die (pas)' There are two possible analyses of this process, one involving a special s/r deletion rule and the other, with a slight modification, being a consequence of three dimensional representation. Under the former analysis, the appropriate s/r deletion rule can- not simply delete every s or r i n the language that follows a consonant (*s/r > 0 / C ] v ). The clusters s-s and n-r, for example, are very common even though the s/r deletion rule functions to delete the second segment i n cases l i k e (77c) and (77i). Neither can the appropri- ate rule simply delete every s_ or r that follows a consonant-final stem (*s/r > 0 / C] ), since clusters such as n-r and n-s are regulari- ly found across ] N boundaries (e.g. ken] N+ r o ] N > ken-ro 'steep path') (cf. 77i). In fa c t , s/r d e l e t i o n only applies to the i n i t i a l s or r of verbal suffixes, following consonant-final verb roots. A suitable s/r deletion rule, then, would be (78). Note that the rule also deletes the 52 s k e l e t a l p o i n t a s s o c i a t e d with the s or r . (78) s/r d e l e t i o n X | > 0 / c ] v _ _ s/r A sample a n a l y s i s u t i l i z i n g (78) i s presented i n (79). (79) hanas + sase + (ru) > hanas-ase-(ru) (77c) (a) l e v e l I, c y c l e I: e x t r a m e t r i c a l i t y , s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n $ $ / \ / \ 0 N 0 N 1 X X 1 X 1 X h 1 a n a s ] v [ex} (b) l e v e l I, c y c l e I I : d e r i v a t i o n , l o s s of e x t r a m e t r i c a l i t y $ $ $ $ / \ / \ / \ / \ 0 1 N 0 1 N 1 1 X 1 X 1 1 X l l X l 1 h 1 a 1 n 1 a N 0 l N 1 X 1 X 1 1 X 1 a 1 s 1 e] SJy S a o ^ J y At t h i s p o i n t the formerly e x t r a m e t r i c a l s_ can be s y l l a b i f i e d as a coda s i n c e i t i s governable by a f o l l o w i n g onset. (c) l e v e l I, c y c l e I I : s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n $ / \ $ / \ $ $ / \ / / \ / \ / \ 0 N 1 1 0 N 1 1 C 1 0 N 1 1 0 N 1 1 1 1 X X 1 1 1 1 X X 1 1 1 X 1 1 1 X X 1 1 1 1 X X I 1 1 1 h a 1 1 n a 1 s ] v 1 1 s a 1 1 s e 53 The i n i t i a l s of sase i s then dele t e d by r u l e (78). (79) -(d) l e v e l I, c y c l e I I : £ d e l e t i o n $ / \ $ / \ $ / \ / / \ / \ 0 N 1 1 0 N C N 0 N 1 1 1 1 X X 1 1 X 1 X X 1 1 X | 1 1 X X 1 1 1 1 h a 1 n I 1 a s ] v 1 a 1 1 s e] V Under t h i s a n a l y s i s , the d e l e t i o n of the js seems unmotivated since i t d i s r u p t s a s t a b l e s y l l a b l e structure. F o l l o w i n g t h i s d i s r u p t i o n , the former coda JB i s reanalyzed as an onset f o r the i s o l a t e d nucleus a. (e) l e v e l I, c y c l e I I : r e s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n $ $ $ $ / \ / \ / \ / \ 0 N 0 N 1 1 0 N 0 N X X 1 1 X X X X X X 1 1 h a n a s ] v a 1 1 s e] V The second p o s s i b l e a n a l y s i s of s/r d e l e t i o n p o s i t s t h a t the i n i - t i a l s or r of verbal s u f f i x e s i s l e x i c a l l y f l o a t i n g . The r e s u l t a n t a n a l y s i s i s more elegant than (79) since a r u l e t h a t d i s r u p t s s t a b l e s y l l a b l e s t r u c t u r e i s not required. (80) hanas + sase + (ru) > hanas-ase-(ru) (77c) (a) l e v e l I, c y c l e I: e x t r a m e t r i c a l i t y , s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n $ $ / \ / \ 0 1 N 1 0 1 N 1 1 X 1 X I 1 X 1 X h 1 a n a [ex] 54 0 1 N 1 0 1 N 1 1 X 1 X 1 X 1 X h a n a (80) (b) l e v e l I, c y c l e I I : d e r i v a t i o n , l o s s of e x t r a m e t r i c a l i t y $ $ $ $ / \ / \ I / \ N 0 N I I I X X X X s ] v s a s e ] v Rules of s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n proceed t o s y l l a b i f y (80b). In t h i s case, the f i n a l s_ of hanas- can a c t as an onset f o r the i s o l a t e d nucleus a of -sase. The r e s u l t a n t s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n i s completely unmarked and the r u l e s are content. The f l o a t i n g s, then, i s not required and simply drops out. (80) (c) l e v e l I, c y c l e I I : r e s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n , d e l e t i o n of f l o a t i n g segment $ $ $ $ / \ / \ / \ / \ 0 N 1 I X X s e ] v T h i s second, more elegant a n a l y s i s i s chosen i n t h i s t h e s i s as the best a l t e r n a t i v e . 0 1 N 0 N | 0 1 N I 1 X X X 1 X 1 X 1 X h a n a. s" l v a V T I I . 3 : L e v e l I I Ccn ipour id ing R e v i s i t e d Returning t o the examples i n (73b), the s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n of verb compounds whose second elements are v o w e l - i n i t i a l i s not as one might p r e d i c t a t f i r s t . Consider (81). 55 (81) yom + owar + (ru) > ycm-i-owar-(ru) (a) level II, cycle I: loss of extrametricality (cf. 76b) • $ $ $ / \ | / \ 0 N 1 I X X X I I I r [ex] Based on (80b) and (80c), the following s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n and subsequent deletion of the floating _i might be expected. (82) * $ $ $ / \ / \ / \ N 0 1 N 1 X 1 1 X 1 1 X 1 I i ] v [ o 1 w 1 a 0 N 1 1 0 I N 1 1 X X 1 1 1 X X | 1 1 m] v[o w 1 a [ex] However, (82) does not occur. Instead, the floating _i i s provided with a point, and resy l l a b i f i c a t i o n produces (81b). (81) (b) level II, cycle I: re s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n $ $ $ $ / \ / \ I / \ 0 N N 0 1 N X 1 X X 1 1 1 X 1 X 1 1 m 1 1 i ] v [ o 1 w 1 a r... [ex] Apparently s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n across a ][ boundary i s prohibited, a con- straint that prevents (82) above from occurring. 56 Notes for Chapter VIII: 1. Following a suggestion of Shaw (personal communication). 57 Chapter IX Level III The principal morphological process that takes place at level III i s the affixation of verbal and adjectival inflections. Ten verbal and nine adjectival inflections are recognized by Bloch (1946). Verbal Adjectival indicative (Ind) -ru - i past indicative (PInd) -ta - 'katta non-past presumptive (Pve) -yo'o -karo 'o past presumptive (PPve) -taro 'o - 'kattaroo conditiona1 (Cnd) -ta 'ra - 'kattara alternative (Alt) -ta ' r i -'kattari provis iona1 (Pro) -re'ba - 'kereba i n f i n i t i v e (Inf) -0 -ku gerundive (Ger) -te - 'kute imperative (Imp) -0, -e, -ro As exemplified throughout this paper by the inflections -ru and - i , every verb and adjective must have one (and only one) inflectional suffix^ attached at the very end of the word. Inflections are always found outside the derivational suffixes of level I, and are never found inside level II compounds (e.g. *mi-ru]y+ k i r - ( r u ) ] v 'see-cut'). These facts indicate that inflections are added later than level II compound- ing. In fact, phonological process associated with the affixation of these inflections show that they are found at a completely different l e v e l — l e v e l III. 58 IX. 1: Stem Formative Truncation F i r s t of a l l , i t i s evident from (84) that, i n most cases, no stem formative i. or any other type of i n t e r v e n i n g i i s i n s e r t e d between consonant-final roots and c o n s o n a n t - i n i t i a l i n f l e c t i o n s . (84) (a) t a t ] v + t a ] v > t a t - t a 'stood' * t a t - i - t a (b) kaw] v+ t a ] y > k a t - i a 'bought' *kaw-i-ta (c) hur] v+ t a ] v > hut-ta 'rained' * h u r - i - t a C l e a r l y the stem fornv-.tive t h a t p e r s i s t e d through l e v e l s I and I I i s somehow truncated by the time i t gets t o l e v e l I I I . In some sense t h i s t r u n c a t i o n i s reasonable. At e a r l y l e v e l s , the stem formative's func- t i o n was d e r i v a t i o n a l , t o ensure th a t a l l verb roots were v o w e l - f i n a l . Since a l l d e r i v a t i o n a l morphology i s completed by the end of l e v e l II i n Japanese, there i s no need f o r stem formatives beyond that point. The complete d e r i v a t i o n of (84c), then, i s presented i n (85). (85) hut + t a > hut-ta (84c) (a) l e v e l I: e x t r a m e t r i c a l i t y , s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n , stem formative $ / \ 0 N 1 I X X X I I I h u t ] v i ] v [ex] 59 (b) level III: stem formative truncation, inflection, loss of extrametricality $ $ / \ / \ O N O N X X X X X I I I I I h u t ] v t a ] v (c) level III: s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n , coda government principle, obligatory contour principle $ / \ / \ $ / / \ / \ 0 N C 0 N 1 I I ! I X X X X X I I \ / I h u t a ] v IX.2: I n f i n i t i v e s / C o n n e c t i v e s The Japanese language frequently uses i - f i n a l verbal constructions. These are known variously as i n f i n i t i v e s (Martin, 1975) or connectives. (86) (a) yom]v+[ > yam-i 'read (inf).' (b) sin] v+[ > s i n - i 'die (inf) ' (c) oyog]y+[ > oyog-i 'swim (inf) ' Traditional grammarians identify this f i n a l i as a stem formative, presuming i t to be of the same origin as any other stem formative^. However, i t has been shown i n the previous section that stem formatives are truncated at the beginning of level III. This means that the f i n a l i of the examples i n (86) cannot possibly be a stem formative, since i t persists through level III. Furthermore, unlike a stem formative, the f i n a l i_ of the i n f i n i t i v e must be introduced complete with a skeletal 60 point. Consider (87). (87a) represents the f i r s t step i n the d e r i v a - t i o n of yom-i read (inf)'. The t a r g e t s t r u c t u r e i s represented i n (87b). [87) yom +• i > yom-i (86a) (a) level I: extrametricality, s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n , stem formative $ / \ 0 N X X X y o m] v i ] v [ex] (b) level III: $ $ / \ / \ 0 N 0 N X X X X y o m] v i ] v [ex] If the floating stem formative i n (87a) were the same i_ present in (87b), then i t would be d i f f i c u l t to motivate the target s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n of (87b). In the f i r s t place, the i does not start out with a skeletal point for s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n rules to work on and, secondly, the m i s extrametrical and, hence, i n v i s i b l e to the s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n rules. Instead, i t i s more plausible to truncate the stem formative at the beginning of level III (87c) and then reintroduce an i_ (with a skeletal point) as an i n f i n i t i v a l i n f l e c t i o n (87d). I conclude, there- fore, that the f i n a l i_ of yom-i i s actually an i n f i n i t i v a l i n f l e c t i o n rather than a stem formative. A major difference between the two i/s, 61 then, is that the inflectional i is accompanied by a skeletal point, whereas the stem formative i_ is not. (87) (c) level III: stem formative truncation $ / \ 0 1 N 1 1 X 1 1 X X 1 y o i i ] [ex] (d) level III: inflection, loss of extrametricality, resyllabification $ $ / \ / \ 0 N 0 N 1 I I I X X X X y o m]v i ] v [ex] IX.3: R e a l E p e n t h e s i s An true case of i_ epenthesis at level III occurs between s-final roots and consonant-initial inflections. (88) hanas]v+ t a ] v > hanas-i-ta 'speak (PInd)' os]v+ t a ] v > os-i-ta 'push (PInd)' mas]v+ tara] v > mas-i-tara 'increase (PInd) ' Unlike the derivational stem formative - i _ and the infinitival inflec- tional i. discussed above, this - i has no morphological function whatso- ever. It is strictly phonological, occurring to break up the impermis- sible sequence s-t. Consequently, I propose to introduce the - i by the rule formulated in (89). 62 (89) epenthesis (level III) X [+cor] 0 > | / [+str] C i IX. 4: s/r Deletion An s/r deletion phenomenon has already been identified at level I (section VTII.2). The same floating segment analysis i s required at level III to delete the r of r - i n i t i a l inflections following consonant- f i n a l roots. (90) suwar]y+ ru]y > suwar-u ' s i t ' hanas] v+ £ul v > hanas-u 'speak' asob] v+ reba] v > asob-eba 'play (pro)' nom]v+ reba] v > nom-eba 'drink (pro)' (91) kaw + ru > kaw-u 'buy' (a) level III: infl e c t i o n , loss of extrametricality $ $ / \ I O N N I I I X X X X k a w] v r u ] v (b) level III: resy l l a b i f i c a t i o n , deletion of floating segment $ $ / \ / \ 0 N 0 N 1 I I I X X X X k a w] v u ] v 63 IX. 5 : A c c e n t Each Japanese word e x h i b i t s e i t h e r one accent or none a t a l l , r egardless of whether tha t word i s a noun, verb, compound, or stem with a long s t r i n g of s u f f i x e s . S i t u a t i o n s f r e q u e n t l y a r i s e where more than one accent may be assigned t o a word by accent r u l e s or by p r i n c i p l e s of l e x i c a l assignment during i t s d e r i v a t i o n . In these cases, there are ba s i c p r i n c i p l e s which decide which accent w i l l predominate and become the s i n g l e accent of the word. I t so happens that the accent predomin- a t i o n p r i n c i p l e of l e v e l I i s the same as that of l e v e l I I , while that of l e v e l I I I i s d i f f e r e n t . This provides a d d i t i o n a l evidence f o r the autonomous status of l e v e l I I I . At l e v e l I a verb root w i l l r e c e i v e an accent on i t s penultimate mora by the V/A a c c e n t r u l e on the f i r s t c y c l e (e.g. t a b e - 'eat'). When a d e r i v a t i o n a l s u f f i x i s added on a subsequent c y c l e , a second ac- c e n t i s added (e.g. ta'be-sa'se- 'eat (caus)'). I n such a ca s e i t i s always the second (or rightmost) accent th a t predominates (i.e. tabe- sa'se-), w h i l e the i n i t i a l accent i s eliminated. No matter how long the concatenation of s u f f i x e s i s , the Right Accent Predomination P r i n c i p l e (RAPP) s t i l l holds (e.g. t a b e - s a s e - r a r e - t a - g a r - ) . At l e v e l I I , c o n f l i c t i n g patterns of accentuation can a r i s e i n sever a l s i t u a t i o n s . For example, the accent of Sino-Japanese compounds of l e v e l I i s l e x i c a l l y determined. When 'ka i s added t o such com- pounds, the r e s u l t a n t combination may contain two accents. Once again, RAPP del e t e s the leftmost accent and preserves the r i g h t . 64 (92) ge'n + dai + 'ka > gen-da'i-ka 'modernization' /ge'n + dai + 'ka/ level I moncmorphemic compd ge'n + dai level II compounding RAPP ge'n-da'i + ka gen-da 'i-ka gen-da 'i-ka The compound noun accent rule of level II i s complex and a com- plete discussion of i t i s beyond the scope of this paper (see McCawley (1977)). Suffice i t to say that regardless of the accentuation of the individual elements, the accent of the compound, i f present, i s always borne by the rightmost member. (93) no'ogyoo]N+ kumiai] N > noogyoo-ku'miai 'agricultural union' tu'uka]N+ ryo'ori'J N > tuuka-ryo'ori 'Chinese cooking' iso'ppu] N+ monoga'tari]^ > isoppu-monoga'tari 'Aesop's fables' By contrast, at level III i t i s the leftmost accent that survives accentual conflicts. Several of the verbal and adjectival inflections in (83) contain lexical accents which surface when they are attached to unaccented stems. However, when these inflections are added to accented stems, the accent of the stem i s preserved by the Left Accent Predomina- tion Principle (LAPP) and the accent of the i n f l e c t i o n i s lost. (94) (a) unaccentable stems ake + ta'ra > ake-ta'ra susum + re'ba > susum-e'ba kura + 'katta > kura'-katta 'open (end) ' 'advance (pro)' 'was dark' (b) accentable stems ta'be + ta'ra > ta'be-tara 'eat (end)' tano'm + re'ba > tano'm-eba 'ask for (pro)' ta'ka + 'katta > ta'ka-katta 'was high' 65 On the t o p i c of accent, a r u l e of V/A accent adjustment w i l l a l s o be needed t o account f o r the "accent a t t r a c t i o n " phenomenon of the i n d i - c a t i v e a d j e c t i v a l i n f l e c t i o n - i _ and the r - i n i t i a l v e r b a l i n f l e c t i o n s f o l l o w i n g v o w e l - f i n a l stems. This readjustment r u l e w i l l draw the ac- cent from i t s b a s i c stem-penultimate mora p o s i t i o n and rea s s i g n i t t o the stem-final mora p o s i t i o n . (95) (a) a d j e c t i v e s ta'ka + ku > ta'ka-ku ' i s high ( i n f ) ' ta'ka + i > t a k a ' - i ' i s h i gh' (*ta 'ka-i) (b) verbs ta'be + t a > ta'be-ta 'eat (PInd)' ta'be + r u > tabe'-ru 'eat' ta'be + re'ba > tabe'-reba 'eat ( p r o ) ' (*ta 'be-ru) (*ta'be-reba) 66 Notes for Chapter IX: 1. Many of the adjectival inflections are clearly bimorphemic, being composed of an adjectival element followed by the corresponding ver- bal i n f l e c t i o n from column 1. The most common adjectival element i s 'kar which i s found i n -"kat-ta, -kar-ob, -'kat-taroo, -Tcat-tara, - and -"kat-tari. The coda government principle transforms the r of 'kar to t i n most of the examples. The adjectival inflections - i , - 'ker-eba, -ku, and - 'ku-te are exceptional. 2. Since traditional grammarians consider the f i n a l i to be a stem formative and not an inflection, and since each verb must end with an inflection, traditional grammarians have been forced to invoke a 0 i n f l e c t i o n a l suffix for i n f i n i t i v e s (see (83)). 67 Chapter X Conclusion The following morphological and phonological processes have been identified at the three levels within the Japanese lexicon. (96) morphology level I monomorphemic compounding stem formative derivation: -sase -rare -ta - r a s i -gar -kata phonology extrametrica1ity high vowel syncopation V/A accent PAPP level II compounding RAPP level III stem formative truncation epenthesis in f l e c t i o n LAPP accent adjsutment In addition to the phonological processes identified above, a principle of coda government defined i n (26) i s assumed to hold through- out the lexical component. The level ordered grammar outlined i n (96) provides elegant solu- tions to the two problems introduced i n Chapter I involving i_ insertion and high vowel syncopation. With respect to i insertion, the desidera- tive s u f f i x -ta behaves differently from the homophonous perfective i n f l e c t i o n because the two are found at different levels i n the grammar: the former at level I and the latter at level III. More spec i f i c a l l y , 68 the i which i s introduced as a stem formative a t l e v e l I and often appears i n conjunction with the l e v e l I - t a i s truncated a t the begin- ning of l e v e l I I I and, hence, i s never found i n conjunction with the l e v e l I I I - t a . In the same way, whether or not high vowel syncopation deletes the high vowel between two elements of a Sino-Japanese compound depends e n t i r e l y on what l e v e l the compound was e s t a b l i s h e d at. I f the compound was formed a t l e v e l I, then high vowel syncopation w i l l apply s i n c e the r u l e i s found a t l e v e l I. Compounds formed l a t e r than l e v e l I w i l l never t r i g g e r high vowel syncopation. Perhaps most s i g n i f i c a n t l y , evidence from numerous morphological and phonological i n t e r a c t i o n s has p o s i t i o n e d each of the various proces- ses of (96) a t i t s appropriate l e v e l . The r e s u l t i s a well-motivated grammar that can be expected t o shed l i g h t on issues beyond the scope of t h i s t h e s i s . 69 Bibliography Bloch, B. 1946. Studies i n Collcquial Japanese I: Inflections. JAOS, 66, 97-109. Bloch, B. 1946. Studies i n Colloquial Japanese III: Derivation of Inflected Words. JAOS, 66, 304-315. Chew, J.J. 1972. On Word Boundaries in Japanese. Journal Newsletter of the Association of Teachers of Japanese, 2 Grignoh, A-M. 1985. Phonologie Lexicale Tri-Dimensionnelle du Japonais. Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Universite de Montreal. Haraguchi, S. 1977. The Tone Pattern of Japanese: an autosegmental theory of tonoloqy. Tokyo: Kaitakusha Harris, J. 1983. Syllable Structure and Stress in Spanish: a non- linear analysis. Cambridge: M.I.T. Press. Ingria, R. 1980. Compensatory Lengthening as a Metrical Phenomenon. Linguistic Inquiry, 11, 465-495 Kageyama, T. 1982. Word Formation i n Japanese. Lingua, 57, 215-258 Kaye, J.D. and J. Lowenstamm. 1983. Compensatory Lengthening in Tiberian Hebrew: theoretical implications. MS. Kaye, J.D., J. Lowenstamm, and J.R. Vergnaud. (1985). Internal Struc- ture of Phonological Elements: A Theory of Charm and Government. MS. Kempf, Z. 1972. Japanese Verb Compounds. Gengo Kenkyu, 62 Kiparsky, P. 1982. Lexical Morphology and Phonology. In van der Hulst, H. and N. Smith, (eds.). The Structure of Phonological Representations (Part I ) . Kiparsky, P. 1982. How Are the Levels Linked? MS. Kiparsky, P. 1985. Some Consequences of Lexical Phonology. In Ewen, C.J. (ed.). Phonology Yearbook 2. Cambridge: University Press. Koo, J.H. 1974. Reinterpretation of the Desiderative - t a i and i t s Related Morphophonemics. Journal Newsletter of the Association of Teachers of Japanese, 9. Leben, W.R. 1980. A Metrical Analysis of Length. Linguistic Inquiry, 11,497-509. McCarthy, J. 1981. A Prosodic Theory of Nonconcatenative Morphology. Linguistic Inquiry, 12, 373-418. 70 McCawley, J. 1968. The Phonological Component of a Grammar of Japanese. The Hague: Mouton. McCawley, J. 1977. Accent i n Japanese. Studies i n Stress and Accent. Hyman, L. (ed.) Los Angeles: University of Southern California. Maeda, S. 1979. Boundaries i n Japanese Phonology. Gengo Kenkyu, 75 Marantz, A. 1982. Re Reduplication. Linguistic Inquiry, 13, 435 Martin, S.E. 1952. Morphophonemics of Standard Colloquial Japanese. Language Dissertation, no. 47. Baltimore: Linguistics Society of America. Martin, S.E. 1975. A Reference Grammar of Japanese. New Haven: Yale University Press. Mohanan, K.P. 1981. Lexical Phonology. Ph.D. Dissertation, M.I.T. Parker, C.K. 1939. A Dictionary of Japanese Compound Verbs. Tokyo: Maruzen. Rubach, J. 1984. Segmental Rules of English and Cyclic Phonology. Language, 60, 21-54. Shaw, P.A. 1985. Modularisation and Substantive Constraints i n Dakota Lexical Phonology. In Ewen C.J. (ed.). Phonology Yearbook 2. Cambridge: University Press. Takenobu, Y. (ed.) 1940. Kenkyusha's New Japanese-English Dictionary. Kenkyusha: Tokyo. van der Hulst, H. and N. Smith, (eds.) The Structure of Phonological Representations (Part I). An Overview of Autosegmental and Metrical Phonology, pp. 1-46 Yip, M. 1982. Reduplication and C-V Skeleta i n Chinese Secret Lang- uages. Linguistic Inquiry, 13, 637-661. Zubizaretta, M.L. 1979. A Metrical Account of the Tone Pattern of Japanese: the interaction of harmony and accent. M.I.T. MS. 71

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