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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Japanese lexical phonology and morphology Ross, Martin John Elroy 1985

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JAPANESE LEXICAL PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY By  MARTIN JOHN ELROY ROSS B . S c , The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1977 M.Ed., The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1980  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS  in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department o f L i n g u i s t i c s  We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s a s conforming to the required  standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA  ©  copyright:  September,  1985  M a r t i n John E l r o y Ross, 1985  In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission.  Department  Of  Linguistics  The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall  Van couve r, Canada  V6T  1Y3  Date  /HI  Abstract  Over the years, phonologists working i n the generative  framework  have encountered a number of p e r s i s t e n t problems i n t h e i r descriptions of Japanese phonology.  Several of these problems concern phonological  r u l e s that sometimes do and sometimes do not apply i n seemingly i d e n t i c a l phonological  environments.  Many of the proposed analyses  achieve  observational adequacy, but, nonetheless, are i n t u i t i v e l y d i s s a t i s f y ing.  The f i r s t of two  such problems involves the desiderative s u f f i x  - t a and the homophonous p e r f e c t i v e i n f l e c t i o n - t a , both of which attach to verb roots.  When the verb root i s v o w e l - f i n a l , the d e r i v a t i o n s are  straightforward. (1)  (a)  tabe + t a + i mi + t a + i  (b)  tabe + t a mi + t a  > tabe-ta-i > mi-ta-i > tabe-ta > mi-ta  'want to e a t ' 'want to see'  'ate' 'see (past)'  Derivations are not so straightforward when the verb root i s consonant-final.  In such cases an intervening i_ i s i n s e r t e d between the  root and the desiderative s u f f i x , but not between the root and  the  perfective i n f l e c t i o n .  (2)  (a)  tat + ta + i kat + t a + i  (b)  tat + ta kat + t a  > tat-i-ta-i > kat-i-ta-i > tat-ta > kat-ta  'want to stand' 'want t o win'  'stood' 'won'  McCawley (1968) i s not s p e c i f i c i n how  he accounts f o r t h i s  t i a l i n s e r t i o n of _ i i n these phonological  ii  differen-  i d e n t i c a l environments, but  i t appears that he favours the adoption of a morphological r u l e such as (3) (from Koo,  (3)  1974).  > i / C]  0  v  +tai  Koo (1974) has attempted t o reanalyze the desiderative s u f f i x as - i t a , but, since there i s no evidence of W  cluster simplification i n  the  language, he i s l e f t with the even more d i f f i c u l t  ing  the i n i t i a l i_ of the s u f f i x f o l l o w i n g v o w e l - f i n a l verb roots.  (4)  tabe + i t a + i mi + i t a + i  > tabe-ta-i > mi-ta-i  problem of d e l e t -  'want t o e a t ' 'want t o see'  Maeda (1979) has chosen a boundary s o l u t i o n , p o s i t i n g that  t-initial  i n f l e c t i o n s are joined t o verb roots by morpheme boundaries (+), while other s u f f i x e s such as the desiderative s u f f i x are joined by a stronger boundary (:). of  level  By making the i_ i n s e r t i o n r u l e s e n s i t i v e t o boundaries  :, the c o r r e c t outputs can be derived.  This solution,  though,  i s u n s a t i s f a c t o r y since the assignment of boundaries i s not independentl y motivated.  A second d i f f i c u l t y encountered by McCawley (1968) and others involves a high vowel syncopation r u l e that deletes the f i n a l i or u of Sino-Japanese monomorphemes when the i n i t i a l consonant of a f o l l o w i n g Sino-Japanese monomorpheme i s v o i c e l e s s . (5)  i t i + too roku + ka  > it-too > rok-ka  'first class' 'sixth lesson'  However, a morpheme- or word-final high vowel at the boundary between a Sino-Japanese compound and a Sino-Japanese monomorpheme does not delete under those conditions.  iii  (6)  zi-ryoku zi-ryoku + k e i  > zi-ryoku-kei  'magnetism' (X-Y) 'magnetometer' (X-Y-Z)  hai-tatu betu + h a i - t a t u  > betu-hai-tatu  ' d e l i v e r y ' (Y-Z) 'special d e l i v e r y '  (X-Y-Z)  McCawley a c c o u n t s f o r t h i s p a t t e r n by i n v o k i n g i n t e r n a l b o u n d a r i e s different  (7)  s t r e n g t h s : + and  _#.  i t i + too r o k u + ka z i + ryoku # k e i betu # h a i + t a t u  He c l a i m s , then, t h a t h i g h v o w e l s y n c o p a t i o n i s s e n s i t i v e t o o f s t r e n g t h + and z i + ryoku dary  of  # kei.  boundaries  i s , t h e r e f o r e , blocked from a p p l y i n g t o the u of H i s a n a l y s i s i s c o r r e c t , b u t h i s a s s i g n m e n t of boun-  strengths i s rather arbitrary.  A n a l y s e s such as t h e two  above w h i c h a p p e a l t o boundary s t r e n g t h  h i e r a r c h i e s have o f t e n been i n t u i t i v e l y d i s s a t i s f y i n g because o f a l a c k o f independent  motivation.  The r e l a t i v e l y r e c e n t t h e o r y o f  lexical  morphology and phonology as f o r m u l a t e d by K i p a r s k y (1982) i s i d e a l l y s u i t e d f o r t h i s t y p e o f problem.  One  o f t h e theory's most c o m p e l l i n g  a t t r i b u t e s i s t h a t p h o n o l o g i c a l p r o c e s s e s may  be p u t i n t o a much  e r c o n t e x t t h a t i n c l u d e s m o r p h o l o g i c a l p r o c e s s e s as w e l l .  broad-  T h i s more i n -  t e g r a t e d approach i s o f t e n a b l e t o f i t f o r m e r l y i s o l a t e d f a c t s i n t o a network o f r e l a t e d f a c t s t o p r o v i d e c o m p e l l i n g independent  motivation  f o r d i v e r s e processes.  i s to f i t i  The p u r p o s e o f t h i s t h e s i s , then,  i n s e r t i o n , h i g h v o w e l s y n c o p a t i o n , and o t h e r Japanese p h o n o l o g i c a l p r o c e s s e s i n t o t h e l e x i c a l phonology n e t w o r k t o see e x a c t l y how  they  r e l a t e d t o e a c h o t h e r and t o t h e m o r p h o l o g i c a l phenomena o f t h e guage.  iv  are  lan-  .3.0..£.^ll«d}&:.'.$8S' P a t r i c i a A. Shaw Thesis Supervisor  v  (  Table of Contents Abstract  . .11  Table of Contents  . .vi  Acknowl edgement  ..viii  Chapter I:  . .1  Introduction  1.1:  T h e o r e t i c a l Outline  ..1  1.2:  Source of Data  ..4  Chapter I I :  L e x i c a l Morphology and  Phonology  Notes f o r Chapter I I  ..5 . .9  Chapter I I I : Phonological Representation of the S y l l a b l e  . .10  Chapter IV:  ..15  Japanese S y l l a b l e Structure  Chapter V:  High Vowel Syncopation: and I I  Evidence f o r Levels I 20  V.l:  High Vowel Syncopation  20  V.2:  Generative Analysis of High Vowel Syncopation  24  V.3:  L e x i c a l Phonology Analysis of High Vowel Syncopation  28  Notes f o r Chapter V Chapter VT:  Accent System: and I I  31 Further Evidence f o r Levels I .. .32  Notes f o r Chapter VT Chapter VII:  ...38  - ' s i , - 'ka, and - t e k i : Levels I and II  Further evidence f o r  Notes f o r Chapter VII Chapter VTII:  . .39 . .46  Stem Formatives and s/r Deletion  . .47  VIII.1:  Stem Formative i  ..47  VIII.2:  s/r Deletion  . .52  VIII.3:  Level I I Compounding R e v i s i t e d  . .55 . .57  Notes f o r Chapter VIII Chapter IX:  . .58  Level I I I  vi  IX.1:  Stem Formative Truncation  .  IX.2:  Infinitives/Connectives  ....60  IX.3:  Real Epenthesis  ....62  IX. 4:  s/r Deletion  IX.5:  Accent  63 ....64  Notes f o r Chapter IX Chapter X:  59  67  Conclusion  ....68  Bibliography  ....70  vii  AdaK>wledgenen.t My s p e c i a l t h a n k s a r e e x t e n d e d to.Dr. P a t r i c i a A. Shaw, my  thesis  s u p e r v i s o r , whose i n s i g h t f u l comments based on h e r i m p r e s s i v e knowledge o f t h e f i e l d made t h i s t h e s i s p o s s i b l e .  Also, I greatly appreciate her  p a t i e n c e and encouragement t h a t saw me t h r o u g h t h e i n e v i t a b l e low s p o t s a l o n g t h e way.  Despite t h e help I r e c e i v e d from a v a r i e t y of people, r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r any e r r o r s , o m i s s i o n s , o r o t h e r weaknesses i n t h i s work r e s t s s o l e l y on my own s h o u l d e r s .  viii  Chapter I Jjitroduction  1.1:  Theoretical Outline Over t h e y e a r s ,  phonologists  working i n the generative  have e n c o u n t e r e d a number o f p e r s i s t e n t p r o b l e m s i n t h e i r o f Japanese phonology.  Several  r u l e s t h a t sometimes do and c a l phonological observational  of these problems concern  framework  descriptions phonological  sometimes do n o t a p p l y i n s e e m i n g l y  environments.  adequacy, but,  Many o f t h e p r o p o s e d a n a l y s e s  nonetheless, are i n t u i t i v e l y  identi-  achieve  dissatisfy-  ing.  The  f i r s t o f two  such problems i n v o l v e s the d e s i d e r a t i v e  - t a and t h e homophonous p e r f e c t i v e i n f l e c t i o n - t a , b o t h o f w h i c h to verb roots.  suffix attach  When t h e v e r b r o o t i s v o w e l - f i n a l , t h e d e r i v a t i o n s  are  straightforward.  (1)  In  (a)  tabe + t a + i mi + t a + i  (b)  tabe + t a mi + t a  ( l a ) , the  C h a p t e r IX).  final  perfective  > tabe-ta > mi-ta  'want t o 'want t o  eat' see'  'ate' 'see (past) '  i. i s the i n d i c a t i v e ,  D e r i v a t i o n s are not  i s consonant-final. t h e r o o t and  > tabe-ta-i > mi-ta-i  adjectival  inflection  (see  so s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d when t h e v e r b r o o t  I n s u c h c a s e s an i n t e r v e n i n g i  i s i n s e r t e d between  t h e d e s i d e r a t i v e s u f f i x , b u t n o t between t h e r o o t and inflection.  1  the  (2)  (a)  tat + ta + i — > tat-i-ta-i kat + t a + i > kat-i-ta-i  (b)  tat + ta kat + t a  'want t o stand' 'want t o win'  ;  > tat-ta > kat-ta  'stood' 'won'  McCawley (1968) i s not s p e c i f i c i n how  he accounts f o r t h i s d i f f e r e n -  t i a l i n s e r t i o n of i i n these phonological i d e n t i c a l environments, but i t appears that he favours the adoption of a morphological r u l e such as (3) (from Koo,  (3)  0  1974).  > i / C]  Koo  y  +tai  (1974) has attempted t o reanalyze the desiderative s u f f i x as  - i t a , but, since there i s no evidence of W  cluster simplification i n  the language, he i s l e f t with the even more d i f f i c u l t problem of d e l e t ing  (4)  the i n i t i a l i of the s u f f i x f o l l o w i n g v o w e l - f i n a l verb roots.  tabe + i t a + i mi + i t a + i  > tabe-ta-i > mi-ta-i  'want to e a t ' 'want t o see'  Maeda (1979) has chosen a boundary s o l u t i o n , p o s i t i n g that t - i n i t i a l i n f l e c t i o n s are joined t o verb roots by morpheme boundaries (+), while other s u f f i x e s such as the desiderative s u f f i x are joined by a stronger boundary (:). of  level  By making the  i. i n s e r t i o n r u l e s e n s i t i v e t o boundaries  :, the c o r r e c t outputs can be derived.  This solution,  though,  i s u n s a t i s f a c t o r y since i t s main motivation i s merely that t - i n i t i a l i n f l e c t i o n s behave d i f f e r e n t l y from t - i n i t i a l d e r i v a t i o n a l s u f f i x e s with respect t o i_ i n s e r t i o n .  Hence, the proposed weaker boundary  before t - i n i t i a l i n f l e c t i o n s serves as l i t t l e more than a d i a c r i t i c exempting  such s u f f i x e s from i. i n s e r t i o n .  2  A second d i f f i c u l t y encountered by McCawley (1968) and others involves a high vowel syncopation  r u l e that deletes the f i n a l i or u of  Sino-Japanese monomorphemes when the i n i t i a l consonant of a f o l l o w i n g Sino-Japanese monomorpheme i s v o i c e l e s s .  (5)  i t i + too roku + ka  > it-too > rok-ka  'first class' 'sixth lesson'  However, a morpheme- or word-final high vowel a t the boundary between a Sino-Japanese compound and a Sino-Japanese monomorpheme does not delete under those conditions.  (6)  zi-ryoku zi-ryoku + k e i  > zi-ryoku-kei  'magnetism' (X-Y) 'magnetometer' (X-Y-Z)  hai-tatu betu + h a i - t a t u  > betu-hai-tatu  'delivery' (Y-Z) 'special d e l i v e r y ' (X-Y-Z)  Like Maeda (1979), McCawley accounts f o r t h i s pattern by invoking i n t e r n a l boundaries of d i f f e r e n t strengths: + and _#. (7)  i t i + too roku + ka z i + ryoku # k e i betu # h a i + t a t u  He claims, then, that high vowel syncopation  i s s e n s i t i v e t o boundaries  of strength + and i s , therefore, blocked from applying t o the u of z i + ryoku # k e i . his  His a n a l y s i s i s correct, but as w i l l be shown l a t e r ,  assignment of boundary strengths i s rather a r b i t r a r y . Analyses such as the two above which appeal t o boundary strength  h i e r a r c h i e s have often been i n t u i t i v e l y d i s s a t i s f y i n g because of a lack of independent motivation.  The r e l a t i v e l y recent theory of l e x i c a l  morphology and phonology as formulated  3  by Kiparsky  (1982) i s i d e a l l y  suited f o r t h i s type of problem.  One of the theory's most compelling  a t t r i b u t e s i s that phonological processes may  be put i n t o a much broad-  er context that includes morphological processes as well.  This more  integrated approach t o the grammar of a language i s o f t e n able to f i t formerly i s o l a t e d f a c t s i n t o a network of r e l a t e d f a c t s t o create a convincing whole that can provide compelling independent motivation f o r any number of d i f f e r e n t processes.  The purpose of t h i s paper, then, i s  to f i t i i n s e r t i o n , high vowel syncopation, and other Japanese phonol o g i c a l processes i n t o the l e x i c a l phonology network t o see exactly how they are r e l a t e d t o each other and t o the morphological phenomena of the  1.2:  language.  Source of Data Data used throughout t h i s paper were drawn from a v a r i e t y of  sources.  By f a r the most useful sources were:  Kenkyusha's New  (1) Takenobu, Y.  Japanese-English Dictionary, and (2) Martin, S.E.  A Reference Grammar of Japanese.  1940. 1975.  Lesser amounts of data were obtained  from Block (1946), Kageyama (1982), McCawley (1968, 1977), and Parker (1939).  In a d d i t i o n t o these published sources, several examples were  drawn from f i e l d notes based on utterances supplied by Mrs. Keiko Shibanuma, a native speaker of the Tokyo (standard) d i a l e c t .  4  Chapter II Lexical Morphology and Phonology  The  b a s i c i n s i g h t o f l e x i c a l morphology and  phonology i s t h a t  l e x i c o n i s d i v i d e d i n t o a s e r i e s o f l e v e l s , e a c h w i t h i t s own o f m o r p h o l o g i c a l and  phonological  rules.  The  ;.8)  t o Decerning a f u l l y d e r i v e d and  (from K i p a r s k y ,  component  generalized diagram i n  shows t h e r o u t i n g t h a t a b a s i c , u n d e r i v e d l e x i c a l i t e m way  the  may  (8)  t a k e on i t s  p h o n o l o g i c a l l y w e l l - f o r m e d word.  1982) lexicon  underived l e x i c a l items  level I  morphology  <  >  level  I  phonology  / /  / level  I I morphology  <  >  | l e v e l I I phonology  / / / /  /  / level n  morphology  | <  >  /  [ level n  phonology  /  / syntax  According phonological  t o (8),  L/  <  >  basic lexical  component o f l e v e l I.  p o s t l e x i c a l phonology  items are fed d i r e c t l y i n t o the  R u l e s o f s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n and  5  metri-  cal structure  ( s t r u c t u r e - b u i l d i n g r u l e s ) may  apply immediately at t h i s  p o i n t , i f such r u l e s a r e i n f a c t found a t l e v e l language  under d i s c u s s i o n .  I i n the  particular  Structure-changing r u l e s of l e v e l I are  b l o c k e d by t h e S t r i c t C y c l e C o n d i t i o n f r o m a p p l y i n g t o t h e s e f o r m s t h a t a r e , as y e t , n o n d e r i v e d . l e v e l I morphology.  From l e v e l  I phonology,  the items proceed t o  I f and when a m o r p h o l o g i c a l r u l e i s a p p l i e d t o an  i t e m , t h a t i t e m i s f e d i m m e d i a t e l y back t o l e v e l I phonology  where t h e  newly d e r i v e d form i s run through a l l the p h o n o l o g i c a l r u l e s o f t h a t level  t o see i f any a p p l y .  rules, that c y c l e of l e v e l  A t t h e end o f t h e b a t t e r y o f p h o n o l o g i c a l I i s s a i d t o be complete.  k e t s r e m a i n i n g a t t h i s s t a g e a r e erased.-*"  The  l e v e l I morphology where t h e n e x t c y c l e b e g i n s .  Any  internal  brac-  i t e m i s then returned t o L e x i c a l items are cyc-  l e d back and f o r t h i n t h i s manner between t h e p h o n o l o g i c a l and m o r p h o l o g i c a l components o f l e v e l I u n t i l no more r u l e s a p p l y and t h e i t e m s  exit  l e v e l I.  K i p a r s k y (1982) c l a i m s t h a t t h e o u t p u t s o f each l e v e l must c o n s t i t u t e well-formed l e x i c a l entries.  In t h e c a s e o f Japanese  nouns, i t  i s t r u e t h a t o n l y f r e e l y o c c u r r i n g nouns e v e r emerge f r o m a l e v e l . e v e r , K i p a r s k y ' s c l a i m i s u n t e n a b l e f o r Japanese v e r b s and  How-  adjectives,  w h i c h a r e n o t w e l l - f o r m e d u n t i l a t l e a s t one i n f l e c t i o n i s a t t a c h e d t o t h e stem.  These i n d i s p e n s a b l e i n f l e c t i o n s a r e n o t a v a i l a b l e u n t i l  i n t h e grammar.  T h i s means t h a t v e r b a l and a d j e c t i v a l o u t p u t s f r o m  e r l e v e l s c o n s i s t o f a stem o n l y and a r e n o t a b l e t o s t a n d on t h e i r as words.  late lowown  I t w i l l be assumed t h r o u g h o u t t h i s paper, then, t h a t t h e v e r -  b a l and a d j e c t i v a l o u t p u t s o f e a c h l e v e l need n o t be w e l l - f o r m e d e n t r i e s , a t l e a s t as f a r as t h e p r e s e n c e o r absence concerned.  6  lexical  of i n f l e c t i o n s i s  There i s some d i s c u s s i o n i n the l i t e r a t u r e about how the l e v e l s are linked —  whether the l i n k goes from the phonology of one l e v e l to  the phonology of the next l e v e l , or whether i t goes from phonology t o morphology  (as shown i n (8)). Kiparsky (1982) argues i n favour of the  former p o s s i b l i t y .  However, inconsistencies i n h i s argumentation, a  f u l l d i s c u s s i o n of which i s beyond the scope of the present work, suggest that the l a t t e r a l t e r n a t i v e i s the c o r r e c t one.  Indeed,  subsequent  work of Kiparsky's (1985) reverts t o the e a r l i e r d i r e c t i o n of flow mode l l e d i n (8), a l b e i t without e x p l i c i t d i s c u s s i o n of the issue.  Follow-  ing Kiparsky (1985), therefore, I w i l l assume i n t h i s paper a phonology to morphology  link.  From l e v e l I, then, items advance d i r e c t l y t o the morphological component of l e v e l II and are cycled back and. f o r t h through that l e v e l and, subsequently, through a l l the l a t e r l e v e l s i n the lexicon.  Upon  emerging from the lexicon, the items are f e d i n t o the s y n t a c t i c component of the grammar and, from there, i n t o the p o s t - l e x i c a l phonological component.  In contrast t o l e x i c a l r u l e s , p o s t - l e x i c a l r u l e s are noncyc-  l i c and are sometimes c a l l e d p o s t - c y c l i c rules.  They are characterized  by exceptionless, across-the-board a p p l i c a t i o n .  Also, they are exempt  from the S t r i c t Cycle Condition and, unlike c y c l i c r u l e s , may apply i n a structure-changing function i n nonderived environments. There are no published accounts of l e x i c a l morphology and phonology treatments of Japanese grammar.  However, a level-ordered d e s c r i p -  t i o n of Japanese word formation has been worked out by Kageyama (1982) and i s a useful reference.  Recently, an unpublished Ph.D. t h e s i s has  been completed on the subject by Grignon (1985).^  7  The theory has been  s u c c e s s f u l l y applied with i n t e r e s t i n g r e s u l t s t o Malayalam (Mohanan, 1981), Spanish (Harris, 1982), E n g l i s h 1985).  8  (Rubach, 1984), and Dakota (Shaw,  Notes for Chapter II: 1. Kiparsky (1982) argues f o r a weaker Bracket Erasure Convention which applies only a t the end of each l e v e l . There i s no c r u c i a l evidence i n t h i s t h e s i s f o r the weaker convention, so the stronger version, which applies a t the end of each cycle, i s adopted here. 2. Unfortunately, the Grignon t h e s i s was not a v a i l a b l e a t the time t h i s t h e s i s was being prepared.  9  Chapter III Phonological Representation of the Syllable  The phonological component of Japanese grammar includes many s y l l a b l e s e n s i t i v e r u l e s that are best characterized by a three dimensional representation of the s y l l a b l e .  Background information on that repre-  sentation i s provided i n t h i s s e c t i o n .  Three dimensional phonology represents an area of overlap between autosegmental phonology and m e t r i c a l phonology.  The c o n t r i b u t i o n of  autosegmental phonology i s that, w i t h i n that framework, the l e x i c a l  rep-  resentation of morphemes c o n s i s t s of a segmental t i e r with i t s i n d i v i d u a l members mapped onto an independent s k e l e t a l t i e r .  One conception of  the s k e l e t a l t i e r sees i t composed of s t r i n g s of C and V positions (9), a conception  that works w e l l i n analyses of Arabic (McCarthy, 1981) and  r e d u p l i c a t i o n (Marantz, 1982; Yip, 1982).  (9)  Skeletal Tier Segmental T i e r  C  V  I  I  C  C  I I  b e t s  baits  The purpose of the skeleton i n such analyses  i s t o a c t as a r e l a t i v e l y  stable "backbone" t o ensure t h a t c o r r e c t temporal structure i s maintained independently from whatever processes take place i n the segmental tier. An important objection t o the autosegmental approach i s that, despite the supposed independence of the two t i e r s , there remains an element of redundancy between the two.  In p a r t i c u l a r , since i t i s ex-  p l i c i t l y required that [+syllabic] segments be matched with V p o s i t i o n s ([+syllabic]) on the skeleton and [ - s y l l a b i c ] with C p o s i t i o n s  10  ([-sylla-  bic]) (Marantz, 1982), the feature t i e r from the other.  [+syllabic] can be predicted,  one  Kaye and Lowenstamm (1982) argue that t h i s redun-  dancy can be eliminated by reducing the CV p o s i t i o n s t o bare s k e l e t a l points  (10)  (x) unspecified f o r the feature [ + s y l l a b i c ] .  Skeletal Tier Segmental T i e r  X X X b e t  'bait'  They further argue that [+syllabic] information which i s unquestionably important i n most analyses i s recoverable  from a t h i r d t i e r , the proso-  d i c t i e r , which i s a c o n t r i b u t i o n from m e t r i c a l phonology.  (11)  $ / \ Prosodic T i e r  / /  / \  Skeletal Tier Segmental T i e r  \ X X X  b  e  t  'bait'  To best understand the workings of the prosodic t i e r , i t i s necessary to s t a r t with a l e x i c a l entry and trace i n d e t a i l the establishment of s y l l a b l e structure, the most relevant aspect of prosodic structure as f a r as t h i s t h e s i s i s concerned.  S t a r t i n g with a l e x i c a l  entry such as (10), r u l e s of s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n attempt to s y l l a b i f y the string.  A useful analogy i n t h i s regard i s t o imagine that the s k e l e t a l  p o s i t i o n s are portholes i n the side of a ship.  Rules of s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n  use these portholes t o peer i n t o the ship to see what segments l i e within.  Depending on what segments are discovered,  based on universal p r i n c i p l e s i s erected.  a unique s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n  In t h i s case, b, e, and t are  discovered and a s y l l a b l e i s erected with the structure shown i n (12).  11  (12)  $ / \ /  \ rime A / \  / / /  / / \ onset nucleus coda X  X  X  I  b  t  e  Throughout t h i s t h e s i s , (12) w i l l be s i m p l i f i e d t o (13)  (13)  $ / \ / \ / / \ 0 N C 1 1 1 1 1 1 X  b  X  0 = onset N = nucleus C = coda  X  e  t  If the segments b, a, and y_ had been discovered, the s y l l a b l e structure erected would have been that shown i n (14a) or, s i m p l i f i e d , (14b). (141  (a)  $  (b)  / \ / \ / rime /  1  X  nucleus / \ /  X  0  /  onset  $ / \ / \  X  N  I  b  \ X  / \  X  X  I  a  y  I  b  As a consequence of s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n , the onset, nucleus, or coda status of each s k e l e t a l p o s i t i o n i s established.  Since only consonants  can occupy onset or coda p o s i t i o n s and only vowels can occupy nucleus  12  p o s i t i o n s , i t i s i n d i r e c t l y determined which s k e l e t a l p o s i t i o n s are and which are "V".  "C"  In t h i s manner, then, [+syllabic] information about  s k e l e t a l p o s i t i o n s i s recoverable, even though the p o s i t i o n s themselves are unspecified f o r that feature.  In a three dimensional  (or three tiered) representation,  the  terminal nodes of the s y l l a b i c hierarchy correspond to p o s i t i o n s on the s k e l e t a l t i e r rather than t o segments, as has more t r a d i t i o n a l l y been supposed.  The advantage of the three dimensional  v e r s i o n i s that seg-  ments are freed from t h e i r one t o one correspondence with terminal nodes.  This new  (15) to occur,  independence permits configurations such as those i n  which characterize geminate consonants (15a), long vowels  (15b), and complex segments (15c).  (15)  (a)  X  X  (b)  X  \ /  X  (c)  \ /  C  X  c  V  / \  c  Notice that the phonetic length of a segment i s determined by the number of s k e l e t a l p o s i t i o n s or points associated with i t .  The independence between the segmental and s k e l e t a l t i e r s permits unassociated or f l o a t i n g segments t o e x i s t (16)  $ I  N  (16).  $ 0  /  \  N  X X X 'causative s u f f i x '  F l o a t i n g segments a r e n o t a s s o c i a t e d w i t h invisible, at least  initially,  (Japanese)  " p o r t h o l e s " and  hence a r e  t o r u l e s of s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n .  13  However, i f  "wrinkles" tion,  the  i n the  s y l l a b l e contour  persist after  initial  syllabifica-  f l o a t i n g s e g m e n t may b e p r o v i d e d w i t h a s k e l e t a l p o i n t a n d  participate in syllabification if examples of  f l o a t i n g segments w i l l  i t s presence i s required. be e n c o u n t e r e d  in  later  Several chapters.  The s e g m e n t a l a n d s k e l e t a l t i e r s a r e a l s o i n d e p e n d e n t s e n s e t h a t changes i n t r o d u c e d by r u l e s t o one t i e r do n o t effect  changes i n the o t h e r .  By t h e  same t o k e n ,  t h a t do i n t r o d u c e change s i m u l t a n e o u s l y t o b o t h  14  though, tiers.  may  in  the  necessarily r u l e s can  exist  Chapter IV Japanese Syllable Structure  The unmarked s y l l a b l e shape o f J a p a n e s e i s t h e u n i v e r s a l l y  un-  A marked C  V ( s k e l e t a l t i e r n o t shown).  Other p o s s i b l e s y l l a b l e  shapes  are: (17)  (a)  $  (b)  $  I  (c)  $  / \  N  /  I  O  X  I  I  X  V  I  \  /  N X  N  X  I  I  V  X  I  V  /  / \  0  \  / \  / /  (C)  $  / \ / C I  X  0 I  X  !  X  I  I  I  I  (C)  V  C  C  Of p a r t i c u l a r r e l e v a n c e t o t h i s t h e s i s i s t h e n a t u r e o f t h e coda i n Japanese s y l l a b l e s  (see 17c).. . . F i r s t o f a l l ,  there are severe r e s -  t r i c t i o n s g o v e r n i n g w h i c h c o n s o n a n t s can occupy t h e coda  position.  D e a l i n g f i r s t w i t h w o r d - f i n a l p o s i t i o n , t h e o n l y c o n s o n a n t t h a t can a p p a r e n t l y s t a n d a s a coda i s n.  (18)  preliminary version  $ / \ / \ / / \ 0  1  X b  N  C  I  X  I  X u  n]  N  'part'  Even t h i s n has a tenuous e x i s t e n c e a s a coda.  Whenever a l t e r n a t e  s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n i s p o s s i b l e , the n i s whisked out o f the apparent coda p o s i t i o n and i n t o an o n s e t p o s i t i o n .  15  (19)  bun + e i  > bun-ei  ' s e p a r a t e camp'  $ / \  $  /  / \ 0  N  X  X  b  u  \  /  /\  0  N  X  X  N  1  1 X  e  N o r m a l l y a f u l l - f l e d g e d coda p e r s i s t s a s a coda t h r o u g h o u t resyllabifications.  I n o t h e r words, p r e v i o u s l y e s t a b l i s h e d  s t r u c t u r e t e n d s t o be r e s p e c t e d .  (20)  I t i s proposed  f u r t h e r i n Chapter V I I I t h a t w o r d - f i n a l  nants a r e a c t u a l l y e x t r a m e t r i c a l syllabification.  syllable  The h a l f - h e a r t e d n a t u r e o f t h e word-  f i n a l coda n s u g g e s t s t h a t i t may n o t be a coda a t a l l . h e r e and s u b s t a n t i a t e d  subsequent  conso-  and a r e l a r g e l y i n v i s i b l e t o r u l e s o f  The c o r r e c t v e r s i o n o f ( 1 8 ) , t h e n , i s found i n ( 2 1 ) .  extrametricality X | C  > [ex] /  (21)  _  $ / \ 0 N X  X  X  b  I  I  u  n] [ex]  N  part  D e s p i t e t h e s y l l a b l e s t r u c t u r e e s t a b l i s h e d i n (21), i f bun i s used i n d e p e n d e n t l y a s a word, t h e n must be pronounced incorporated Following  and, hence, must be  i n some way i n t o t h e s y l l a b l e s t r u c t u r e o f t h e language.  e a r l i e r p r o p o s a l s , then, i t i s t h e o r i z e d t h a t t h e p o t e n t i a l  coda n becomes l o o s e l y a t t a c h e d t o t h e s y l l a b l e a s an a p p e n d i x  16  (A) and  retains i t sextrametricality.  (22)  $ /  \  /  \  /  /  0 X  N X  A X  In c o n t r a s t t o w o r d - f i n a l  p o s i t i o n , g e n u i n e codas a r e found i n  m e d i a l p o s i t i o n wherever an o n s e t d i r e c t l y  (23)  bun + s a n  > bun-san  follows.  'break-up'  $  / \  0  / /  N  \ / \  C  0  $ / \  N  X  X  X  X  X  b  u  n  s  a [ex]  Throughout t h e language i t can be seen t h a t t h e r e i s a c l o s e s h i p between coda and f o l l o w i n g o n s e t .  relation-  In fact, almost the e n t i r e set  o f f e a t u r e s o f t h e coda i s c o p i e d d i r e c t l y f r o m t h e o n s e t . i n d e p e n d e n t f e a t u r e p o s s e s s e d by t h e coda i s n a s a l i t y .  The  only  T h i s means t h a t  a n a s a l consonant i n coda p o s i t i o n w i l l  r e t a i n i t s nasality regardless  o f the n a s a l i t y o f the f o l l o w i n g onset.  However, a l l t h e f e a t u r e s o f  place w i l l nic  (24)  nasal  be c o p i e d  f r o m t h e o n s e t , a p r o c e s s w h i c h c r e a t e s a homorga-  coda.  bun + b e t u bun + k a i  > bum-betu > bun-kai  'separation' 'dissociation'  17  Where t h e c o d a i s n o n - n a s a l , i t s s e t o f f e a t u r e s i s e n t i r e l y c o p i e d f r o m t h e o n s e t ( t o t a l a s s i m i l a t i o n ) and a geminate c l u s t e r i s p r o d u c e d .  (25)  (a) kaw + t a —-> kat-ta (b)  wakar + t a r i  'buy (past)'  > wakat-tari  'understand ( a l t e r n a t i v e ) '  The dependency of the coda on the f o l l o w i n g onset suggests that the onset i n some sense governs (Kaye, Lowenstamm, and Vergnaud (1985)) the coda.  Furthermore, since no genuine codas e x i s t i n the language without  governing onsets, i t i s reasoned that a coda government p r i n c i p l e e x i s t s .  (26)  Coda Government Principle: Only those consonants that are governed d i r e c t l y by following onsets may be s y l l a b i f i e d as codas. With the exception of n a s a l i t y , the features of the coda consonant are copied d i r e c t l y from the governing onset.  To i l l u s t r a t e the a c t i o n of the Coda Government P r i n c i p l e , a complete d e r i v a t i o n of (25a) i s presented.  (27)  kaw + t a (a)  > kat-ta  (from (25a))  (preliminary version)  extrametricality, s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n  $ / \ / \ / / ".  0 X  1  k  N  X  A  X  I  I  a  w] [ex]  v  The appendix (A) cannot be analyzed as a coda since there i s no f o l l o w ing onset present t o govern the coda p o s i t i o n .  18  (27)  (b)  i n f l e c t i o n , loss of e x t r a m e t r i c a l i t y , r e s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n $  / \ / \ / / \  •  $ / \  0  N  C  0  X  X  X  X  I  I  i  I  k  a  w  t  a]y  1  N  X  In (27b) the appendix of (27a) i s reanalyzed as a coda f o l l o w i n g the i n t r o d u c t i o n of the onset (t) which can govern the coda p o s i t i o n .  By  the coda government p r i n c i p l e (26) the features of the coda consonant are copied d i r e c t l y from the governing onset (t) t o produce a geminate cluster  (27)  (tt).  (c)  coda government p r i n c i p l e $ / \  / \ / / \ 0 N C  0  X  X  I  I  k  a  1  I  I  $ / \  N  X  I  X  I  I  I  I  t  t  a]  X v  By the o b l i g a t o r y contour p r i n c i p l e ,  (27c) automatically reduces t o  (27d). (27)  (d)  o b l i g a t o r y contour p r i n c i p l e $ / \  / \ / / \ 0 N C  0  X  X  X  I  \/  k  a  t  1  X  $ / \  N  X  I a]y  19  Chapter V High Vowel Syncopation: Evidence for Levels I and II  V.l:  High Vowel Syncopation Over t h e c e n t u r i e s , Japanese  phemes f r o m C h i n e s e .  has b o r r o w e d a l a r g e number o f mor-  The shape o f t h e s e S i n o - J a p a n e s e morphemes i s gov-  e r n e d by s t r i c t morpheme s t r u c t u r e c o n s t r a i n t s .  S p e c i f i c a l l y , t h e mor-  phemes must b e f r o m two t o f o u r segments i n l e n g t h and must c o n f o r m t o one o f t h e p a t t e r n s d e s c r i b e d i n ( 2 8 ) .  (28)  {V } (C)V({N }) {CV}  Of p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t a r e t h e morphemes o f t h e shape (C)VCV, composed o f two l i g h t s y l l a b l e s .  I n t h e s e t h r e e and f o u r segment morphemes t h e  f i n a l p a i r o f segments must be a member o f t h e f o l l o w i n g s e t : ti,  or tu^.  A widespread  k i , ku,  r u l e o f h i g h vowel syncopation d e l e t e s t h e  f i n a l h i g h v o w e l o f s u c h p a i r s when t h e n e x t morpheme i s a l s o S i n o Japanese  (29)  and b e g i n s w i t h a v o i c e l e s s consonant .  H i g h Vowel S y n c o p a t i o n  X I  —  V [+hi]  >  0 / C [+Sino] [-vcd ]  ]  N  C [+Sino] [-vcd ]  As i n d i c a t e d , t h e a p p l i c a t i o n o f t h e r u l e d e l e t e s t h e h i g h v o w e l t o g e ther with i t s associated skeletal point — a c t s s i m u l t a n e o u s l y on two t i e r s .  20  an example o f a r u l e t h a t  (30)  teki  + koku  > tek-koku  (a)  S i n o - J a p a n e s e compounding,  $ / \  $ / \  'enemy c o u n t r y ' syllabification  $ / \  $ / \  0  N  0  N  0  N  0  N  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  e  k  k  o  k  1  1  1  t  (b)  h i g h vowel s y n c o p a t i o n  $ / \  (c)  1  $ / \  0  N  X  X  t  e  0  N  0  N  X I  X  X  X  k  o  k  1  1  1  1  X  $ / \  1  1  1  resyllabification  $ / \  /  \  /  N  0  1 1  t  In  0  1  I X  1  1  e  k]  / \ N  1  1  X  $  / \  C  1  X  $  / \  1  X 1  X  o  k  1  1  1  X 1 k  0  1  1  N  1  1  1  X  u]  N  N  (30c), t h e k i s p e r m i t t e d t o be r e s y l l a b i f i e d  g o v e r n e d by a f o l l o w i n g o n s e t .  (d)  o b l i g a t o r y contour  principle  $ / \  \  $  $  N  / \C  0  / \N  0  X  X  X  X  X  X  t  e  0  /  /  1 1  1  1 1  1  1 1  \k /  1 1  1 1  1o  / Y 1  N  1  1  1  1  1u]  k  21  X  N  a s a coda because i t i s  (31)  more a p p l i c a t i o n s of high vowel syncopation roku + ka i t i + too butu + t a i  > rok-ka > it-too > but-tai  'sixth lesson' 'first class' 'solid object'  High vowel syncopation does not u s u a l l y occur when e i t h e r or both of the elements are native.  (32)  m i t i + kusa [+nat] [+nat]  > mitikusa  ' l o i t e r ' (road + grass)  ' kutu + s i t a [+nat] [+nat]  > kutusita  'socks' (shoe + under)\  The d e l e t i o n o f the high vowel i n the examples of (30) and (31) creates consonant c l u s t e r s that are permitted i n Japanese. the [33)  That i s not always  case.  (a) i t i + sen (b) i t i + k i (c) butu + s i t u  •> * i t s e n > *itki > *butsitu  'one thousand' ' f i r s t period' 'substance'  The underlined c l u s t e r s i n (33) are not permitted i n Japanese  because  they are i n v i o l a t i o n of the coda government p r i n c i p l e (26), as revealed i n (34).  (34)  butu + s i t u (a)  > bus-situ  (33c)  Sino-Japanese compounding, s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n $  $  / \  / \  U  t  $  / \  U J  n  0 1 1 X 1 1 o s  $  / \  N  0  X  1 X  i  t  22  1  N 1  1 X U  jii]  N  (b)  h i g h vowel s y n c o p a t i o n  $  $ / \  / \ N  0  1  1  X  X  X  1 1  1  t ;l  / \  0  N  X  X  s  i  1  u  b  $  N  1  1  u] N  The i s o l a t e d t i n (34b) i s r e s y l l a b i f i e d as a coda and,  by t h e  coda  government p r i n c i p l e , t a k e s on t h e f e a t u r e s o f i t s g o v e r n i n g o n s e t becomes an  (c)  and  s.  coda government  $ / \  / /  (d)  \  $  $  / \  / \  / \  0  N  C  0  N  0  N  X  X  X  X  X  X  X  b  u  s ]  s  i  t  u]  N  o b l i g a t o r y contour  $ / \ / \  /  principle  $  / \  $  / \  / \  0  N  C  0  N  0  X  X  X  X  X  X  1 I I  b  I  I  I  \/  u  s  N  I  i  I  N  I  X  I I I t  u]  N  T h e ' c o r r e c t d e r i v a t i o n s f o r t h e words i n (33), t h e n , r e s u l t f r o m t h e p l i c a t i o n o f h i g h v o w e l s y n c o p a t i o n , t h e coda government p r i n c i p l e , the o b l i g a t o r y contour  (36)  i t i + sen iti + ki butu + s i t u  principle.  > is-sen > ik-ki > bus-situ  'one t h o u s a n d ' 'first period' 'substance'  23  apand  V.2:  Generative Analysis of High Vowel Syncopation The story of high vowel syncopation  as described above would be  neat and t i d y i f i t were not f o r other f a c t s .  F i r s t of a l l , some high  vowels that are i n a p o s i t i o n to be deleted by (29) are immune to the rule.  (39)  hai + tatu betu + hai + t a t u  > hai-tatu > betu-hai-tatu  'delivery' (Y-Z) 'special d e l i v e r y ' (X-Y-Z)  sya + z i t u sya + z i t u + ha  > sya-zitu > sya-zitu-ha  'realism' (X-Y) ' r e a l i s t movement' (X-Y-Z)  z i + ryoku z i + ryoku + k e i  > zi-ryoku > zi-ryoku-kei  'magnetism' (X-Y) 'magnetometer' (X-Y-Z)  As noted by McCawley (1968), the e x c e p t i o n a l i t y of these cases i s systematic.  The immediate constituent structure of the three i n (39) i s as  follows:  A  (40) /  /  /  A  A  /  \ \  A  /  /  A \  \  \  A  \  betu-hai-tatu  sya-zitu-ha  [specia1[delivery]]  [[realist]movement]  /  /  \ \  \  \  zi-ryoku-kei [[magnetism]instrument]  C l e a r l y , i n each example, the vowel that f a i l s to delete i s the one f a l l s at the major constituent break.  that  To account f o r t h i s pattern,  McCawley proposes that high vowel syncopation  i s s e n s i t i v e to boundaries  of strength + (morpheme boundary) and not t o boundaries of strength # (internal word boundary).  Thus, the components of (39) betuhaitatu  joined as betu#hai+tatu and the u of betu i s not i n the environment to be deleted.  are  appropriate  McCawley j u s t i f i e s t h i s assignment of boun-  daries by noting that the constituents of hai-tatu, s y a - z i t u , and zi-ryoku are bound i n the sense that they never stand alone as words.  24  The immediate constituents of the words i n (40), on the other hand, are f r e e l y occurring words.  Hence, the words of (40) are examples of "words  embedded w i t h i n words" which by convention carry i n t e r n a l word boundaries.  What McCawley i s apparently claiming, then, i s that high vowel  syncopation  can only apply between bound morphemes:  Note now that i n the [examples i n 40] the constituents zi-ryoku, s y a - z i t u , and h a i - t a t u are not merely sequences of Sino-Japanese morphemes but are indeed words i n the sense that these compounds are formed by r u l e s which embed a word within a word (as contrasted with r u l e s which form compounds by j o i n i n g together two pieces neither of which i s a word, as i n psychology, telegraph, e t c . ) . According to convention, when a word i s aitedded within a word, i t c a r r i e s an i n t e r n a l word boundary with it. (McCawley 1968; 117)  McCawley's c l a i m i s demonstrably inadequate.  There are many instances  of high vowel syncopation between one bound and one f r e e morpheme and even between two f r e e morphemes.  (41)  (a) f r e e + bound (i) t e t - t e i 'horseshoe' from tetu]p ' s t e e l ' and - t e i ] g ( i i ) tak-ken  'hoof  'far-sightedness'  from taku]p  'desk' and - k e n ]  B  'view'  (b) bound + f r e e (i) h i t - t a n 'stroke of the pen' from h i t u ] g 'writing' and tan]p o r i g i n a t e ( i i ) bos-syo 'dead l e t t e r ' from b o t u ] 'dead' and s y o ] 'writing' R  p  25  (c) free + free (i) has-sya 'departure of t r a i n ' from hatu 'leaving' and sya ' t r a i n ' ( i i ) hap-pyaku 'eight hundred' from h a t i 'eight' and hyaku 'hundred' ( i i i ) gyak-kyoo 'adversity' from gyaku 'contrary' and kyoo 'state' (iv) tak-kyuu 'ping pong' from taku 'table' and kyuu  'ball'  The components of the words i n (41c) are obvious'examples of "words embedded w i t h i n words", and as such should be joined by McCawley's i n t e r nal word boundary (#) and thus be i n e l i g i b l e f o r high vowel syncopation.  That something other than boundary information i s involved i n the high vowel syncopation story i s demonstrated by the behavior of the verb s u r u 'to do'.  Suru i s an unusual v e r b i n t h a t i t can s t a n d on i t s own  or i t can be a f f i x e d t o verbal nouns t o derive verbs.  Verbal nouns com-  p r i s e a s p e c i a l l e x i c a l category i n Japanese that function i n some r e s pects l i k e nouns and i n other respects l i k e verbs (Kageyama, 1982). Many Sino-Japanese suru d e r i v a t i o n .  elements count as verbal nouns and can p a r t i c i p a t e i n Suru i s a l s o unusual i n t h a t i t i s a native element  that t r i g g e r s high vowel syncopation.  As i l l u s t r a t e d i n (42) and (43),  suru can combine with bound as w e l l as free Sino-Japanese  (42) bound + suru (a) mes-suru  'perish'  (from metu-]g)  (b) tas-suru  'reach'  (from t a t u - ] )  (c) bos-suru  'sink'  (from botu-] )  B  R  26  forms.  (43) f r e e + s u r u (a) r i s - s u r u  'measure'  (from  ritu-] )  (b) h a s - s u r u  ' d i s c h a r g e ' (from  hatu-]p)  (c)  'decide'  ketu-]p)  kes-suru  F  (from  S u r u c a n a l s o a t t a c h t o Sino-Japanese cases suru f a i l s  (44)  t o t r i g g e r h i g h vowel  compounds.  I n a l l such  syncopation.  compound + s u r u (a) k o o - t a t u - s u r u 'notify verbally' ( c f . 42b) from koo-tatu ' o f f i c i a l announcement' (b) ma-metu-suru 'wear down' ( c f . 42a) from ma-metu 'abrasion' (c)  sen-ritu-suru 'shudder' ( c f . 43a) from s e n - r i t u 'a s h i v e r '  The  obvious  f a c t t o be a c c o u n t e d  f o r i n a l l t h e s e d a t a (40-44) i s  t h a t , r e g a r d l e s s o f whether i n d i v i d u a l e l e m e n t s a r e f r e e o r bound, h i g h vowel s y n c o p a t i o n can o n l y a p p l y t o t h e h i g h vowel a t t h e boundary b e t ween t h e i n n e r m o s t to  two e l e m e n t s .  High vowel syncopation w i l l  high vowels adjacent t o boundaries  elements.  c r e a t e d by t h e a d d i t i o n o f  third  T r a d i t i o n a l boundary n o t a t i o n can h a n d l e t h i s p a t t e r n , b u t  only i n a contrived  (45)  not apply  way.  (a) metu + s u r u (b) ma + metu # s u r u  > mes-suru > ma-metu-suru  'perish' 'wear down'  (42a) (44b)  S i n c e , as n o t e d i n (29), t h e s t r u c t u r a l d e s c r i p t i o n o f h i g h v o w e l p a t i o n i n c l u d e s a morpheme boundary, t h e r u l e o p e r a t e s on along with output. rule.  The  (45a)  synco-  and  c l u s t e r s i m p l i f i c a t i o n and s p r e a d i n g p r o d u c e s t h e c o r r e c t # boundary i n (45b) c o r r e c t l y b l o c k s t h e a p p l i c a t i o n o f  T h i s a n a l y s i s , however, i s o b j e c t i o n a b l e f o r one  27  main r e a s o n .  the  Evidently, the rank of the boundaries i n (45) i s determined s o l e l y by a r u l e something l i k e (46) that t o t a l l y disregards the nature of the e l e ments that are being joined together.  (46)  Assign rank + t o the boundary between the innermost p a i r of elements i n a compound. Assign rank # t o any other boundaries that may occur.  This i n d i s c r i m i n a t e assignment of rank ignores the f a c t that hatu and sya (41c), f o r example, are f r e e forms that would normally be joined as hatu#sya.  V . 3 : Lexical Phonology Analysis of High Vowel Syncopation Consider now how these several f a c t s might be treated i n a l e x i c a l phonology framework.  Since the output from each l e v e l must be a l e x i c a l entry, bound morphemes cannot survive unoompounded t o l e v e l II. The f a c t that SinoJapanese compounding often involves bound forms has lead Kageyama (1982) to conclude that such compounding occurs a t l e v e l I i n Japanese.  One  would a l s o want t o include Sino-Japanese and suru compounding a t l e v e l I since suru a l s o attaches t o bound Sino-Japanese morphemes (42).  If  these processes do i n f a c t occur i n the morphological component of l e v e l I, then high vowel syncopation must occur i n the phonological component of l e v e l I since the r u l e i s s e n s i t i v e t o the-boundary information between Sino-Japanese elements o f compounds.  That boundary information i s  l o s t through bracket erasure by the time the compound reaches l e v e l I I .  An i n t e r e s t i n g f a c t about Japanese i s that one never finds compounds of three bound forms.  The t h i r d element, i f present, i s always  28  free.  A l s o , as p r e v i o u s l y noted,  h i g h vowel syncopation never occurs a t  t h e boundary c r e a t e d by t h e t h i r d element. how  t h e s e two  f a c t s c o u l d be a c c o u n t e d  t h e one o u t l i n e d here. ( u s u a l l y Sino-Japanese  It i s difficult to  f o r i n any framework o t h e r t h a n  A p p a r e n t l y , t h e compounding o f monomorphemes morphemes) t a k e s p l a c e a t l e v e l  I and a l l s u b s e -  quent compounding i n v o l v i n g t h i r d members must be p o s t p o n e d II.  As an example o f t h i s  tories  of  (42a) and  (44b)  (47) Level  until  l e v e l - o r d e r e d process, the d e r i v a t i o n a l  level his-  ( s e e - ( 4 5 ) ) a r e compared i n ( 4 7 ) .  (a) /metu + s u r u /  (b) /ma  + metu + s u r u /  I moncmorphemic compd high V syncopation coda government  metu + s u r u 0 s  ma  Level I I compounding  + metu  ma-metu + s u r u  mes-suru  In  imagine  (47), t h e u of. ma-metu c a n n o t  ma-metu-suru  be d e l e t e d a t l e v e l  i n a s u i t a b l e environment f o r h i g h vowel syncopation.  I s i n c e i t i s not At l e v e l I I , i t  c a n n o t be d e l e t e d , because h i g h v o w e l s y n c o p a t i o n i s n o t a v a i l a b l e a t that  level.  In t h e same manner, i t i s e a s y t o a c c o u n t u o f z i - r y o k u (39) t o d e l e t e .  29  f o r the f a i l u r e of the  (48)  / z i + ryoku + k e i / Level I monomorphemic compd high V syncopation  z i + ryoku  Level I I compounding  zi-ryoku + k e i  zi-ryoku-kei  30  Notes for Chapter V: 1. I n s t a n c e s o f t u and k u outnumber t h o s e o f t i and k i by o v e r f i v e t o one. 2. The a p p l i c a t i o n o f h i g h v o w e l s y n c o p a t i o n i s more r e s t r i c t e d i n t h e c a s e o f morphemes e n d i n g i n k i and k u t h a n i t i s f o r t h o s e e n d i n g i n t i and t u . I n t h e f o r m e r , t h e h i g h v o w e l i s o n l y d e l e t e d when t h e f o l l o w i n g consonant i s a k. (a)  t e k i + koku gaku + koo  > tek-koku > gak-koo  (b)  seki + tan t o k u + hon  > seki-tan > toku-hon  'enemy c o u n t r y ' 'school' 'coal' 'anthology'  Of t h e two, ku morphemes a r e l e s s p r o b l e m a t i c a l t h a t k i morphemes w h i c h sometimes d i s p l a y o p t i o n a l h i g h v o w e l d e l e t i o n and sometimes do not permit i t a t a l l . (c)  s e k i + kan h e k i + ken t e k i + ka  > s e k i - k a n o r sek-kan 'sarcophagus' > heki-ken ' p r e j u d i c e ' (*hek-ken) > teki-ka ' d r i p ' (*tek-ka)  31  Chapter VT Accent System: Further Evidence for Levels I and II The  rudimentary  l e v e l - o r d e r e d d e s c r i p t i o n developed  i n the pre-  ceding chapter helps t o e x p l a i n a very s t r i k i n g p a t t e r n i n v o l v i n g accentual  system.  S y l l a b l e s o f J a p a n e s e may tone  (L).  the  c a r r y e i t h e r a h i g h tone  Only c e r t a i n p a t t e r n s o f tones a r e p e r m i t t e d .  (H) o r a For  low  example,  amongst t r i s y l l a b i c nouns t h a t a r e f o l l o w e d by m o n o s y l l a b i c c a s e markers,  (49)  only four surface patterns are possible.  H L L L makura ga  'pillow'  L H L L k o k o r o ga  'heart'  L H H L atama ga  'head'  L H H H sakana ga  'fish'  •Since t h e r e i s no more t h a n one p i t c h f a l l  f r o m H t o L p e r word, e a c h  p a t t e r n c a n be p r e d i c t e d f r o m t h e p l a c e m e n t o f an a c c e n t mark (') marking  that pitch f a l l .  i n sakana ga  (50)  All  Words w i t h o u t a p i t c h f a l l  a r e l e f t unaccented,  (50).  ma'kura ga k o k o ' r o ga atama' ga sakana ga  s y l l a b l e s f o l l o w i n g t h e a c c e n t mark c a r r y L t o n e s , w h i l e most o f  t h o s e p r e c e d i n g t h e a c c e n t mark c a r r y H t o n e s .  The e x c e p t i o n i s t h e  f i r s t s y l l a b l e w h i c h , i n t h e Tokyo d i a l e c t , i s L i f t h e f o l l o w i n g t o n e  32  as  i s H.  Notice that i n i s o l a t i o n atama' and unaccented sakana carry iden-  t i c a l tone patterns.  (51)  L H H atama  L H H sakana  Thus, the accentedness of a word often cannot be determined c o n c l u s i v e l y from i t s tone pattern heard i n i s o l a t i o n .  In contrast t o nouns, verbs and adjectives have only two accent u a l p o s s i b l i t i e s regardless of length.  To best understand these pat-  terns i t i s e a s i e s t t o think i n terms of rnorae rather than s y l l a b l e s . The mora has been l i g h t h e a r t e d l y defined by McCawley (1977) as "somet h i n g of which a [heavy] s y l l a b l e c o n s i s t s of two and a [ l i g h t ] s y l l a b l e c o n s i s t s of one".  Since a heavy s y l l a b l e c o n s i s t s of what would  make up a l i g h t s y l l a b l e , plus a d d i t i o n a l material, one can take the i n i t i a l (C)V- of a heavy s y l l a b l e t o be i t s f i r s t mora and the remaining -V or -C t o be i t s second mora.  Thus semboo envy' can be divided i n t o  two s y l l a b l e s (sem-boo) and four morae (se-m-bo-o).  Verb and a d j e c t i v e stems are accented e i t h e r on the penultimate mora ( i . e . the p i t c h f a l l s a f t e r the penultimate mora) or not at a l l . (52)  (a)  ta'be-]  v  'eat'  tano'm-]V  'ask f o r '  ake-]  'open'  V  susum- ]V (b) ta'ka-]  A  kura-]  A  (unaccentable)  'advance'  (unaccentable)  'high' 'dark'  (unaccentable)  33  Concatenations  o f d e r i v a t i o n a l s u f f i x e s may  v e r b o r a d j e c t i v e stem. c r e a t e s a new,  The  s u f f i x a t i o n o f e a c h s u c c e s s i v e morpheme  l o n g e r s t e m t h a t , l i k e t h e s h o r t e r stems, i s a c c e n t e d  t h e stem p e n u l t i m a t e mora. in  be a t t a c h e d t o t h e  on  P r e v i o u s l y e s t a b l i s h e d a c c e n t s a r e dropped  f a v o u r o f t h e newest, r i g h t m o s t a c c e n t .  a c c e n t e d stems r e m a i n u n a c c e n t e d  (53a).  Concatenations  In  b u i l t on  un  (53) the s u f f i x e s i n paren-  theses are present i n d i c a t i v e i n f l e c t i o n s t h a t w i l l  be i g n o r e d f o r t h e  t i m e being"'".  (53)  (a)  ake]y+ (ru)  > ake-(ru)  ake] + sase] + v  (b)  tabe] + v  ta'be] + v  (ru)  (ru)  v  v  yom] + (ru)  rare] + v  yo'm] + t a ] + A  (i)  yam-i'-ta] + gar] + A  v  'makes o p e n '  'eat'  > tabe-sa'se-(ru) (ru)  >  2  suru.  One  'want t o r e a d '  yom-i-ta-ga'r-(ru) 'behaves l i k e he wants t o r e a d '  R e l a t i n g t h i s s e c t i o n t o t h e p r e v i o u s one, from Sino-Japanese  (pas)'  'read'  > yom-i'-ta-(i) (ru)  'makes e a t '  > tabe-sase-ra're-(ru) 'makes e a t  > yo'm-(ru)  v  v  > ake-sase-(ru)  > ta'be-(ru)  sase] +  tabe-sa'se] +  (c)  (ru)  v  'open'  v e r b s c a n be d e r i v e d .  monomorphemes, compounds, and o t h e r v e r b a l nouns by  m i g h t e x p e c t t h a t t h e d e r i v e d v e r b s w o u l d a l l be a c c e n t e d  the stem-penultimate  mora ( i . e . s t e m ] + s u r u ] V N  according t o the p a t t e r n evident i n (53).  v  on  > stem-su'ru]^)  Yet the expected  accent  p l a c e m e n t o n l y o c c u r s when s u r u i s a t t a c h e d t o a monomorpheme  (54a).  When s u r u i s a t t a c h e d t o a compound, t h e o r i g i n a l a c c e n t o f t h e compound prevails  (54b).  34  (54) (a) a ' i ] ^ ai-su'ru]  'love'  v  sa'n]^ san-su'ru]  (b)  'produce'  v  se'i-ri]^, se ' i - r i - s u r u ]  v  'arrange'  *sei-ri-su'ru  ki-to']^ ki-to'-suru]  'scheme'  v  *ki-to-su'ru]  V  The d i f f e r e n c e between the (a) and (b) patterns i n (54) can e a s i l y be accounted f o r by p l a c i n g the verbal and a d j e c t i v a l accent r u l e i n the phonological component of l e v e l I.  (55)  (a) / a ' i + suru/  level I monomorphemic compd V/A accent  a'i]™ + s u r u ] ai-su r u ]  (b) /se' + i r i + suru/  v  s  e  ' W  i  r  i  ]  VN  v  level II compounding  s e ' - i r i l y j ^ i - suru]  ai-su ru  se - l r i - s u r u -V  As shown i n (53), the f o l l o w i n g s u f f i x e s provide input t o the level  I V/A accent r u l e :  -rare (passive), -sase  (desiderative), and -gar (A—>V).  Consequently,  the concatenation i n (56) (from M a r t i n  35  (1975)):  (causative), - t a consider the e f f e c t s of  (56)  tabe] +sase]y+rare] +ta] +gar]y-i-(ru) v  v  > tabe-sase-rare-ta-gar-ru  A  'make him behave l i k e he wants to be eaten'  Another s u f f i x , the semblative - r a s i 'seems like', can f i t i n t o t h i s sequence of s u f f i x e s before -gar, e.g. o t o k o ] ~ r a s i ] ~ g a r ] ~ ( r u ) N  "behaves i n a manly fashion',  A  v  - r a s i derives a d j e c t i v e s from nouns  (primarily), from a few verbs, and even from a few adjectives.  (57)  otoko] ~rasi] -i  > otoko-rasi ' - i  'man-1ike '  ame] ~rasi] -i  > ame-rasi'-i  'rain-like'  N  A  N  A  ' kitana] ~rasi ] - i A  > k i t a n a - r a s i ' - i 'dirty-looking'  A  niku] -rasi] ~i A  > niku-rasi'-i  A  'hateful-looking'  The s u f f i x -kata i s a verb nominalizer that can attach to v i r t u a l l y any verb (derived or nonderived) t o derive an a b s t r a c t noun.  The  nouns created by -kata are unusual^ i n that they seem capable of being accented by the V/A accent r u l e .  Unaccentable  verb stems y i e l d unaccen-  t a b l e nouns (58a) and accentable become accentable on the penultimate mora (58b), just l i k e ordinary verbs and adjectives. (58) (a)  unaccentable verb stems ake] + k a t a ] ^ v  umare] + k a t a ] v  (b)  N  > ake-kata  'way t o open'  > umare-kata  'way of being born'  accentable verb stems mi]y+sase] + k a t a ] v  kawai] + garJ + k a t a ] A  v  > mi-sase-ka'ta 'way of causing to see'  N  > kawai-gar-(i)-ka'ta 'way of being loved'  N  Since a l l the s u f f i x e s -sase, -rare, - t a , - r a s i , -gar, and -kata . provide input t o the V/A accent r u l e , a l l of them must be added a t the  36  same l e v e l as t h e r u l e , i.e. l e v e l I. I f t h i s were not so and - r a r e , f o r example, were added a t a l a t e r l e v e l , then *tabe-sa'se-rare-(ru) 'cause t o be eaten' would be the expected accentuation.  The s u f f i x e s of  (59) occur a t l e v e l I .  (59)  -;sase  (causative)  -rare  (passive)  -ta  (desiderative)  -rasi  (semblative)  -gar  (A—>V)  -kata  (N,V,A—>N)  Up t o t h i s point, then, the f o l l o w i n g morphological and phonolog i c a l processes have been i d e n t i f i e d a t the f i r s t two l e v e l s of Japanese grammar. ;60)  Level I rnonomorphemic compd  high vowel syncopation  d e r i v a t i o n : -sase -rare -ta -rasi -gar -kata  V/A accent  Level I I compounding  37  Notes for Chapter VI 1. As noted i n Chapter I I , these i n f l e c t i o n s are not a v a i l a b l e u n t i l l a t e r i n the grammar. The minor e f f e c t s on accent of a few i n f l e c . t i o n s w i l l be discussed i n Chapter IX. 2. The extra i i s a stem formative which i s automatically s u f f i x e d t o consonant-final verb stems. However, under c e r t a i n conditions, the i may not be expressed. See Chapter IX. 3. Suru i s an i r r e g u l a r verb, making i t impossible t o decide exactly what c o n s t i t u t e s the verb root and what c o n s t i t u t e s the i n f l e c t i o n . Since t h i s issue does not a f f e c t the a n a l y s i s , suru i s introduced here as a complete u n i t rather than as two separate morphemes. 4. Normally the accentuation  of derived nouns i s much l e s s p r e d i c t a b l e .  38  Chapter VII - ' s i , -"ka, and -teki:  Further Evidence for Levels I and II  U s i n g the l e v e l o r d e r e d d e s c r i p t i o n i n (60), ' s i 'regard as', 'ka '-ize', and levels.  be placed a t  appropriate  T r a d i t i o n a l l y these morphemes have been analyzed as s u f f i x e s  (Martin, view.  t e k i '-type, - i c , - i c a l ' can now  1975), but evidence presented i n t h i s section challenges that  The t r a d i t i o n a l a n a l y s i s i s based mainly on the observation  that  these morphemes u s u a l l y occupy p o s i t i o n s t o the r i g h t of l e x i c a l morphemes, s l o t s t y p i c a l l y occupied by s u f f i x e s .  Also, as with s u f f i x e s ,  t h e i r function seems p r i m a r i l y grammatical.  F i r s t consider  ' s i and  "ka.  Both attach almost e x c l u s i v e l y to  f o r e i g n nouns and a d j e c t i v a l nouns (mostly Chinese and t o derive verbal nouns.  A d j e c t i v a l nouns (AN),  p r i s e a s p e c i a l l e x i c a l category i n Japanese. both nouns and adjectives.  English o r i g i n )  l i k e verbal nouns, comThey share properties  of  Interestingly, a l l borrowed f o r e i g n adjec-  t i v e s f a l l i n t o the a d j e c t i v a l noun category (Kageyama, 1982).  Martin  (1975) suggests that ' s i d e r i v a t i v e s are bound i n the sense that they are u s u a l l y followed d i r e c t l y by suru. on the other hand, may  The verbal nouns created  o p t i o n a l l y take suru.  39  'ka,  Both morphemes are l e x -  i c a l l y pre-accented which causes the p i t c h of a derived form t o a f t e r the penultimate mora of the stem.  by  fall  (61)  betu] +  gen] +  'si]^  B  > be's-si 'disregard' from b e t u 'contempt'  'SOJVN  B  —> ge'n-si 'visual h a l l u c i n a t i o n ' from gen'supernatural'  koku] +  'JsaJvN  > ko'k-ka 'blackening' from koku'black'  kotu] +  'kalyjj  > ko'k-ka 'ossification' from k o t u 'bone'  B  F  The examples i n ( 6 1 ) show t h a t b o t h Japanese) morphemes (bound and This involvement "ka a t l e v e l  I.  ' s i and  'ka a t t a c h t o ( S i n o -  f r e e ) and t r i g g e r h i g h v o w e l  w i t h h i g h v o w e l s y n c o p a t i o n " f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h e s ' s i and But t h e r e i s e v i d e n c e t h a t t h e s e morphemes may  added a t l e v e l I I .  When a t t a c h e d t o Sino-Japanese  more elements,  h i g h vowel s y n c o p a t i o n does n o t  (62)  + betu] g+  (a) t o k u  syncopation.  AI  "si]y^+ suru]y  'regard as s p e c i a l '  also  compounds o f two  be or  occur.  > toku-betu'-si-suru  (from t o k u b e t u  'special')  *toku-be ' s - s i - s u r u  (b) doo + i t u ] ^ *  "si]yfl+ s u r u ]  v  'regard as i d e n t i c a l '  > doo-itu'-si-suru (from d o c i t u 'sameness')  *doo-i's-si-suru  (c) g e n  + zitu]y^+ ' k a ] ^  > gen-zitu'-ka  'actualization'  *gen-zi'k-ka  The  pattern i n (62) i s s t r i k i n g l y s i m i l a r t o that i n v o l v i n g suru i n  (44), w h i c h i n d i c a t e s t h a t ' s i ( 6 3 ) and I I a s w e l l a s a t l e v e l I.  40  Tea must be  available at  level  /toku + betu +  (63) Level I S-J  compounding  t o k u ]  Level II ' s i attachment compounding  AN  +  ' s i + suru/  (62a)  k^-^AN  t o k u - b e t u ] ^ + 'sijyjj toku-betu- 3 1 ] ^ + suru]y toku-betu- 'si-suru  C o n c l u s i v e evidence o f the l e v e l I I nature o f ' s i i s found 'si i s c l e a r l y  (64)  (a) (b) (c) (d)  kiken-zimbutu kiken-zimbutu'-si-suru *zimbutu'-si-suru kiken'-si-suru  In (64b), and  attached outside a level  i n (64) where  I I compound.  'a dangerous c h a r a c t e r ' 'regard a s a dangerous c h a r a c t e r ' 'look askance a t '  ' s i must be a t t a c h e d t o t h e compound k i k e n - z i m b u t u  n o t t o t h e s i n g l e word zimbutu,  ungrammatical.  s i n c e *zimbutu'-si-suru  S i n c e t h e t y p e o f compounding  (64c) i s  shown i n (64a) i s a l e v e l  I I phenomenon and s i n c e ' s i i s added a f t e r t h e compounding a t t a c h e d t o t h e compound),  a s a whole,  (i.e. i s  ' s i must o c c u r a t l e a s t a t l e v e l I I .  I t would a l s o appear t h a t lea i s a t t a c h e d o u t s i d e l e v e l I I compounds,  s i n c e 'ka i s n e v e r found  compound-internally  (65c).  Therefore,  'ka must a l s o be found a t l e a s t a t l e v e l I I .  (65)  (a) (b) (c)  zyuukagaku-koogyoo 'heavy c h e m i c a l i n d u s t r y ' zyuukagaku-koogyoo-ka "heavy c h e m i c a l i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n ' *zyuukagaku'-ka-koogyoo  There i s s t r o n g evidence, both  levels  determined  then,  t h a t ' s i and "ka a r e added a t  I and I I . U s i n g t h e same t y p e o f arguments, i t c a n be t h a t t e k i i s a l s o a b i - l e v e l morpheme,  nouns, t h e v a s t m a j o r i t y o f w h i c h a r e [ + f o r e i g n ] to derive adjectival  nouns.  t e k i attaches t o (mostly  Sino-Japanese),  Translated i n t o English, t e k i imparts  41  a  meaning something l i k e "-type, - i c , or - i c a l " .  A l l t e k i d e r i v a t i v e s are  unaccented even i f the stem o r i g i n a l l y c a r r i e d a l e x i c a l accent"'".  As  exemplified i n (66a), t e k i attaches t o Sino-Japanese monomorphemes and undergoes high vowel syncopation, e s t a b l i s h i n g i t a t l e v e l I.  As  expected, high vowel syncopation does not apply a f t e r attachment t o Sino-Japanese  bimorphemes (66b), which i n d i c a t e s that a l e v e l II t e k i i s  involved.  (66) (a)  si-teki  'poetic' (from s i ]  but-teki  (b)  N  'poetry')  'physical' (from b u t u ]  gi-zutu-teki  N  'material')  ' t e c h n i c a l ' (from g i - z u t u ]  'technique')  N  *gi-zut-teki hoo-katu-teki  ' i n c l u s i v e ' (from hoo-katu]  N  'inclusion'  *hoo-kat-teki  The f a c t that t e k i can be attached t o various kinds of elements ranging ing from simple nouns t o long compounds such as taisyuu-syoosetu-teki 'popular-novelish' has lead Kageyama (1982) t o a l s o conclude that t e k i i s found a t l e v e l II .  So i t would seem t h a t ' s i , two d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s .  Tea, and t e k i each occur on a t l e a s t  I f the -three are i n f a c t s u f f i x e s as i s commonly  supposed, then the s i t u a t i o n i s t h e o r e t i c a l l y complex.  Amongst the l a n -  guages of the world, i t i s u s u a l l y observed t h a t each language has a f i x e d sequence t o i t s s u f f i x e s , whereby s u f f i x X always precedes s u f f i x Y ( i f present) which, i n turn, precedes a f f i x Z ( i f present), and so on. The ordering of the sequence i s determined i n two ways.  F i r s t l y , each  s u f f i x i s ordered ( i f necessary) with respect t o the other s u f f i x e s  42  w i t h i n i t s l e v e l and, secondly, s u f f i x e s of lower l e v e l s always precede those of higher l e v e l s .  Thus, i n (67), a p e r m i s s i b l e s u f f i x sequence i s  A-C-Z, but not *C-A-Z or *A-Z-C.  (67)  level I  A > B > C  level II  X > Y > Z  Needless t o say, i f the same s u f f i x e s appear a t more than one l e v e l , then numerous ordering paradoxes are possible. sequence such as A-B-A  In (68), f o r example, a  would be p o s s i b l e even though A i s ordered before  B at level I.  (68)  level I  A > B > C  level II  A > Y > Z  If some s u f f i x e s i n Japanese have b i - l e v e l membership, then one would expect t o f i n d ordering paradoxes throughout the language. i t y , such paradoxes are a t best rare.  In a c t u a l -  I t i s p o s s i b l e that the grammar  of Japanese i s complex enough t o ensure that paradoxes are f i l t e r e d out before they surface.  In t h i s case, though, there i s evidence that the  three "suffixes" are a c t u a l l y bound l e x i c a l morphemes and not s u f f i x e s at a l l .  Dealing f i r s t with ' s i , examination of (61), (62a, b), and  (64)  reveals c e r t a i n s i m i l a r i t i e s between the English glosses f o r ' s i "suffixed" words.  Most glosses take the form 'regard as X'.  For exam-  ple, i n (61a) ge'n-si 'visual hallucination', gen- i s more r e l a t e d t o to ' h a l l u c i n a t i o n ' than t o ' v i s u a l ' . means 'tour'.  In zu'nsi- 'tour of inspection', zun-  In these two words, then, ' s i seems t o mean 'visual' and  'inspection' r e s p e c t i v e l y , both of which are r e l a t e d t o "seeing".  43  Even  r e g a r d as X' i n t u i t i v e l y i n v o l v e s "seeing", i.e. 'seeing as X'. impression  This,  i s borne out by the words i n (69) where ' s i i s the f i r s t  member of compounds and, just l i k e the a l l e g e d s u f f i x ' s i , c a r r i e s the meaning "seeing,  visual,  etc.".  (69)  si-tyoo  'sight and hearing'  si'-wa  ' l i p reading  si'-ya  'field of v i s i o n '  ( v i s i b l e speech)'  Incidently, i t may a l s o be pointed out that 'si i s w r i t t e n i n Japanese with the same character no matter whether i t s p o s i t i o n i s w o r d - i n i t i a l or - f i n a l .  I t i s hypothesized here, therefore, that the two 'si's  ( w o r d - i n i t i a l and word-final) are the same morpheme.  Since true suf-  f i x e s never occupy a w o r d - i n i t i a l p o s i t i o n , a case can be made that ' s i i s j u s t an ordinary Sino-Japanese verbal noun that i s capable of compounding with other Sino-Japanese morphemes.  As with ' s i , 'ka may a l s o appear as the f i r s t member of a compound and can be considered a l e x i c a l Sino-Japanese morpheme. An i n t e r e s t i n g t w i s t i s that, a t l e a s t i n the case of (70), the ordering of the members has no discernable e f f e c t on the meaning of the compound.  (70)  ko'k-ka  'ossification'  (from kotu 'bone' + 'ka)  ka-kotu  'ossification'  (from 'ka + kotu)  I t i s more d i f f i c u l t  t o prove that t e k i may occur as the f i r s t  element of a compound. There are a few instances of compounds that begin with a t e k i (71) that i s w r i t t e n with the same Japanese character as the s u f f i x - l i k e t e k i of (66), but the problem i s demonstrating that the two are one and the same.  44  (71)  teki-tyuu teki-kaku  Neither  o f t h e two  ' h i t t h e mark' 'accurate'  t e k i ' s has  a c l e a r l y defined  semantic content that i s  c a r r i e d w i t h i t f r o m compound t o compound, so a d i r e c t c o m p a r i s o n o f meanings o f t h e two  teki's i s problematical.  examples I have s t u d i e d ,  Japanese c h a r a c t e r s  However, s i n c e , i n a r e r e l i a b l e "tags"  the  the identi-  f y i n g w h i c h morpheme i s w h i c h , I w i l l assume t h a t t h e t e k i o f (66) i s t h e same as t h a t i n (71).  Under t h a t a s s u m p t i o n ,  teki is a lexical  morpheme.  I t c a n be c o n c l u d e d , t h e n , t h a t ' s i , 'ka, a n d t e k i a r e a l l b o u n d l e x i c a l morphemes t h a t may (i.e.  l e v e l s I and  appear a t any  II).  45  l e v e l t h a t p e r m i t s compounding  Notes for Chapter VTI 1. The p r e c i s e mechanism o f t h i s phenomenon i s u n c l e a r , and a c o m p l e t e i n v e s t i g a t i o n i s beyond t h e scope o f t h i s t h e s i s . 2. Kageyama a p p a r e n t l y r e j e c t s t h e p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t t e k i m i g h t a l s o be found a t l e v e l I. However, s i n c e h i s work i s b a s e d s o l e l y on morphol o g i c a l d a t a , he has n o t c o n s i d e r e d t h e c r u c i a l p h o n o l o g i c a l e v i d e n c e t h a t has l e a d me t o my b i - l e v e l interpretation.  46  Chapter VIII Stem Formatives and s/r Deletion  Most v e r b r o o t s than v o w e l - f i n a l a c t i o n s may  (e.g.  are  consonant-final  t a b e - 'eat').  (e.g. kak-  Complicated  'write')  rather  phonological  inter-  r e s u l t when t h e s e r o o t - f i n a l c o n s o n a n t s a r e b r o u g h t  o t h e r consonants.  Two  adjacent  o f t h e s e i n t e r a c t i o n s i n v o l v e stem f o r m a t i v e s  and  s/r d e l e t i o n .  VTII.l:  Stem Formative i  When t - a n d roots  at  level  k-initial  s u f f i x e s are attached  I, an i n t e r v e n i n g  i materializes  (72b-e).  v e n i n g i does n o t appear f o l l o w i n g a v o w e l - f i n a l r o o t  (72)  The  (a) (b) (c) (d) (e)  to  consonant-final This  inter-  (72a).  tabe + t a + ( i ) > tabe-ta-(i) 'want t o e a t ' tat + ta + (i) > . t a t - i - t a - ( i ) • 'want t o s t a n d ' kak + t a + ( i ) > kak-i-ta-(i) 'want t o w r i t e ' kak + k a t a > kak-i-kata 'way t o w r i t e ' s i n + kata > sin-i-kata 'way t o d i e '  n a t u r e o f t h i s i n t e r v e n i n g _i has  debate i n the phonological  literature. and  morphological analyses  i_ as e p e n t h e t i c  a phonological  considerable  As n o t e d i n t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n t o t h i s  f o r the i n s e r t i o n , non-insertion, t r e a t i n g the  been t h e s u b j e c t o f  paper,  have been propounded t o a c c o u n t  and/or d e l e t i o n o f t h e  i.. E v i d e n c e f o r  i s weak, s i n c e i t does n o t appear t o  f u n c t i o n . I f t h e i_ were s e r v i n g a p h o n o l o g i c a l  function,  i t s p r e s e n c e w o u l d r e d u c e t h e markedness o f t h e s y s t e m by b r e a k i n g unacceptable consonant c l u s t e r s , smoothing out m a x i m i z i n g t h e number o f unmarked s y l l a b l e s .  s y l l a b l e contours, Examination of  up or  (72), f o r  example, r e v e a l s t h a t t h e f u n c t i o n o f t h e i n t e r v e n i n g i i s p l a i n l y  47  serve  not  to break up unacceptable consonant c l u s t e r s and thereby maximize the number of unmarked CV s y l l a b l e s .  Geminate stops such as the t - t and k-k  broken up i n (72b) and (72d) r e s p e c t i v e l y , and the n-k c l u s t e r broken up i n (72e) are a l l p e r f e c t l y acceptable.  Furthermore, the same i n t e r -  vening i appears a f t e r consonant-final i n i t i a l members of verb compounds, regardless of whether the second member o f the compound i s consonant- (73a) or v o w e l - i n i t i a l  (73b).  (73) (a) kak] + yam] + (ru) -—> kak-i-yam-(ru) v  v  yob] + das] + (ru) —-> yob-i-das-(ru) v  °y°g]v  (b)  v  +  k i r  ]v  +  yom] + owar] +(ru) v  v  ~ —>  —-> yart-i-owar-(ru)  k i k ] + a k i r ] + (ru) -— > v  v  oycg-i-kir-(ru)  kik-i-akir-(ru)  u r ] + i s o g ] + (ru) —-> u r - i - i s o g - ( r u ) v  v  'write-stop' 'call-stop' 'swim-through'  'read-finishes' "hear-wearies' 'sell-busy  The data of (73b) show c l e a r l y that the purpose of the i_ i s not phonol o g i c a l , since i t s presence adds t o the markedness of the s t r i n g by c r e a t i n g two n u c l e i adjacent t o each other.  I t would appear that the  only c o n s i s t e n t function of the i i s a morphological one t o a c t as a stem formative t o create v o w e l - f i n a l verb roots i n a l l cases.  As w i l l  become c l e a r e r subsequently, i t turns out that a morphological a n a l y s i s i n v o l v i n g a stem formative i s best able t o handle the observed  data.  The stem formative i i s introduced by r u l e (74) f o l l o w i n g each consonant-final verb stem a t l e v e l I. Once introduced, the stem format i v e has a rather tenuous existence.  As w i l l be shown l a t e r , i f the  d e r i v a t i o n a l f u n c t i o n of the stem formative i s unused, the _i w i l l simply drop.  This ephemeral nature suggests the stem formative lacks the per-  manence of an associated s k e l e t a l point. 48  For t h i s reason, the i i s  introduced  (74)  stem  as a f l o a t i n g segment  formative  0 To see how  > i ]  s i n + kata (a)  v  / C]  v  the stem f o r m a t i v e  dimensional a n a l y s i s of  (75)  (see c h a p t e r I I I ]  (72e)  presented i n  > sin-i-kata  l e v e l I, c y c l e I:  functions, consider  the  three  (75).  (72e)  extrametricality, syllabification  $ / \ 0  N  1 1  X  X  X  s  i  n] V [ex]  1 1  (b)  l e v e l I, c y c l e I I :  stem  formative  $ /  \  0 X  N X  s  X i  n] i] [ex] v  v  I t i s assumed h e r e t h a t t h e mere segmental p r e s e n c e o f t h e f l o a t i n g i o f t h e stem f o r m a t i v e is,  does n o t d i s r u p t t h e e x t r a m e t r i c a l i t y o f t h e n.  s i n c e i t i s t h e s k e l e t a l X p o i n t s r a t h e r t h a n t h e segments them-  selves which are p r o s o d i c a l l y relevant, s k e l e t a l point dominating n w i l l as  That  i t i s the rightmost  i t may  be hypothesized" - t h a t  r e t a i n i t s extraprosodic  s k e l e t a l p o i n t i n the s t r i n g .  segment w i t h an a s s o c i a t e d  the  1  s t a t u s as  long  Presumably o n l y  a  s k e l e t a l p o i n t would p r e c i p i t a t e the l o s s of  extrametricality.  49  Rules of s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n are obligated to s y l l a b i f y a l l s k e l e t a l points that are v i s i b l e to them.  Once that i s accomplished, and i f the  r e s u l t a n t s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n i s unmarked, then s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n i s complete and the r u l e s are "content".  In (75b), an unmarked s y l l a b l e has  been  created and the extrametrical consonant and the f l o a t i n g i_ are prosodically invisible.  [75)  (c)  Therefore,  s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n i s complete f o r that cycle.  l e v e l I, c y c l e I I I : of e x t r a m e t r i c a l i t y  bracket erasure, d e r i v a t i o n , l o s s  $  $  / \  0 1 1 X  N  s  i  The a d d i t i o n of the new ity.  X I1  0 X n  i]  v  $  / \  / \  N  X  X  k  a  a] N  material -kata, forces the loss of extrametrical-  The formerly extrametrical n i s now  l a b i f i c a t i o n and must be s y l l a b i f i e d .  v i s i b l e t o the r u l e s of s y l -  In t h i s case, the n cannot be  s y l l a b i f i e d as a coda, because i t cannot be governed d i r e c t l y by f o l l o w i n g onset k due t o the presence of the intervening _ i .  the  With no  other options, the r u l e s of s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n are forced t o punch some holes i n the side of the ship and look f o r segments without portholes that might be of assistance. w i t h a porthole (75)  (d)  The f l o a t i n g i i s discovered,  (point), and i s pressed  l e v e l I, c y c l e I I I :  / \ N 1 1 1 1 X X 0  1  s  1 i  i n t o s y l l a b i c s e r v i c e (75d).  resyllabification  $ 0  $ / \  $ / \  $ / \  | 1  X n  ]  50  v  k  provided  a  t  a]  N  Consideration  of a second type of example shows that the l e v e l I  f l o a t i n g stem formative accounts well f o r patterns  evident a t l e v e l II  where the i appears between elements of verbal compounds (73). d e r i v a t i o n a l h i s t o r y of (73a) i s traced  (76)  kak + yam + (ru) (a)  The  i n (76).  > kak-i-yam-(ru)  (73a)  l e v e l I, c y c l e I I : e x t r a m e t r i c a l i t y , s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n , stem formative $ / \ 0  N  1  I  X X X k  At l e v e l I, yam-  a  k] i ] y  y  follows a s i m i l a r d e r i v a t i o n a l h i s t o r y t o kak-.  At  l e v e l I I , however, there are some d i f f e r e n c e s which, though i l l u s t r a t e d below, w i l l be discussed  (75)  (b)  i n d e t a i l i n chapter IX.  l e v e l I I , c y c l e I:  compounding, loss of e x t r a m e t r i c a l i t y  $ / \ O N  $ / \ O N  I I  I I  X X X [ k a k (c)  $  1  X  [I  X  a  m [ex]  '  s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n ( c f . (75d)) $  / \  $  / \ . N 1 1 X 1 1 a  X  ilyty  l e v e l I I , c y c l e I:  0 1  X  / \  0  N  X  X X 1 1 .  1 1  k  0  1  MY  51  N X l 1 a  . The examples i n (73b) are e s p e c i a l l y i n t e r e s t i n g since the second members of the compounds are v o w e l - i n i t i a l .  They w i l l be examined f u r -  ther i n s e c t i o n VIII.3.  VIII.2:  s/r Deletion When one of the s_- or r - i n i t i a l  s u f f i x e s of l e v e l I attaches t o a  consonant-final verb root, the s or r d e l e t e s .  (77)  (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) (i)  ake + sase + (ru) ake + rare + (ru) hanas + sase + (ru) isog + sase + (ru) isog + r a s i + (i) itam + r a s i + (i) yorokob + r a s i + ( i ) wakar + rare + (ru) s i n + rare + (ru)  > > > > > > > > >  ake-sase-(ru) ake-rare-(ru) hanas-ase-(ru) isog-ase-(ru) isog-asi-(i) itam-asi-(i) yorokob-asi-(i) wakar-are-(ru) sin-are-(ru)  'open (caus) ' 'open (pas)' 'speak (caus)' 'hurry (caus)' ' i s busy' ' i s sad' 'is joyful' 'understand.(pas) ' 'die (pas)'  There are two p o s s i b l e analyses of t h i s process, one i n v o l v i n g a s p e c i a l s/r d e l e t i o n r u l e and the other, with a s l i g h t modification, being a consequence of three dimensional representation.  Under the former analysis, the appropriate s/r d e l e t i o n r u l e cannot simply delete every s or r i n the language that follows a consonant (*s/r  > 0 / C]  v  ). The c l u s t e r s s-s and n-r,  f o r example, are  very common even though the s/r d e l e t i o n r u l e functions t o delete the second segment i n cases l i k e (77c) and (77i).  Neither can the appropri-  ate r u l e simply delete every s_ or r that follows a consonant-final (*s/r ly  > 0 / C]  found across  (cf. 7 7 i ) .  ]  stem  ), since c l u s t e r s such as n-r and n-s are r e g u l a r i N  boundaries (e.g. ken] + r o ] N  N  > ken-ro 'steep path')  I n f a c t , s / r d e l e t i o n o n l y a p p l i e s t o the i n i t i a l s o r r o f  verbal s u f f i x e s , f o l l o w i n g consonant-final verb roots. d e l e t i o n r u l e , then, would be (78).  52  A suitable s/r  Note that the r u l e a l s o deletes the  skeletal point associated  (78)  with the s o r r .  s/r deletion X  |  >0/  c ]  v  _ _  s/r  A sample a n a l y s i s u t i l i z i n g (78) i s p r e s e n t e d i n ( 7 9 ) .  (79)  hanas + s a s e + ( r u ) (a)  level  I, c y c l e I:  $ / \  (b)  > hanas-ase-(ru) extrametricality,  N  0  N  X  X  X  X  h  a  n  a  1 1  1 1  s] [ex}  I, c y c l e I I :  $ / \ 0  1  1 1  N  1  1  X l  l X l  a  n  a  1  h  derivation,  1  $ / \  N  1  1  1  X SJy  s i n c e i t i s g o v e r n a b l e by a f o l l o w i n g  level  I, cycle I I :  0 l  N  X  X  1  1  1 1 1  1  1  aa o s  S  At t h i s p o i n t the f o r m e r l y e x t r a m e t r i c a l  (c)  loss of extrametricality  $ / \  0  X  X  v  $ / \  N  1  ^ Jy e]  s_ c a n be s y l l a b i f i e d a s a coda  onset.  syllabification  $  $  0  / \  1 1  X  1 1  h  syllabification  $ / \  0  level  (77c)  N  0  / \ / \ / / \  1  1 1  X  X  1  1 1  a  1 1  n  N  $  C  1  1 1  X  X  1  1 1  a  N  0  1 1  X  X  1  X I  a  s  1 1 1  1 v  $  / \  1  0  1  s]  / \  s  53  1  1  N  1  1  1  1  1 1  X e  The i n i t i a l  (79)  -(d)  s o f sase i s then d e l e t e d  by r u l e ( 7 8 ) .  level I, cycle I I : £ deletion  $  / \  $  / \ 0  1  /  $  / \  0  N  C  N  0  X  X  X  X 1  X |  X  a  n  a  s  1  1 1  1 1  h  \  / \  N  1 1  X  /  1 1  1  1  I a  1  s ]  v  1 1  1 1  N  1 1  X  1 1  e]V  Under t h i s a n a l y s i s , t h e d e l e t i o n o f t h e js seems u n m o t i v a t e d disrupts a stable s y l l a b l e structure.  since i t  Following t h i s disruption, the  f o r m e r coda JB i s r e a n a l y z e d a s an o n s e t f o r t h e i s o l a t e d n u c l e u s a.  (e)  level  I, cycle I I :  $ / \ 0  $ / \ N  X  X  h  resyllabification  0  1 1  X  a  n  $ / \ N  $ / \  0  N  0  X  X  X  X  X  1  a  s]  1 1  N  1  1  v  a  s  1  e]V  The second p o s s i b l e a n a l y s i s o f s / r d e l e t i o n p o s i t s t h a t t h e i n i tial  s or r of verbal  analysis  > hanas-ase-(ru)  level I, cycle I:  $ / \ 0  1  1  X h  stable  i s not required.  hanas + s a s e + ( r u ) (a)  The r e s u l t a n t  i s more e l e g a n t t h a n (79) s i n c e a r u l e t h a t d i s r u p t s  syllable structure  (80)  suffixes i s lexically floating.  extrametricality,  $ /\  N  1  1  X I 1 a  0  1  1  N  1 1  X  X  n  a [ex]  54  (77c) syllabification  (80)  (b)  level  I, c y c l e I I :  $ 0  / \  1 1  derivation,  $ N  1  0  / \  1 1  1  loss of  $  $  I  N  N  1  1  I  X  X  X  X  X  h  a  n  a  s]  s  v  0 X  a  / \  I  N  I  X  X  s  e]  Rules of s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n proceed t o s y l l a b i f y final  extrametricality  v  (80b).  In t h i s  s_ o f hanas- can a c t as an o n s e t f o r t h e i s o l a t e d  -sase.  case,  nucleus a o f  The r e s u l t a n t s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n i s c o m p l e t e l y unmarked and  r u l e s are content. drops  out.  (80)  (c)  The  floating  l e v e l I, c y c l e I I : f l o a t i n g segment  $ / \ 0  1 1  N  $ / \  N |  0  1 1  1  i s not required  resyllabification,  $ / \ 0  s, then,  X  X  X  X  X  h  a  n  a.  s"l  T h i s second, more e l e g a n t a n a l y s i s  and  the  simply  d e l e t i o n of  $ / \  N I  0  N  1  X  X  I  a  s  e]  1  v  the  X v  i s chosen i n t h i s  t h e s i s as t h e b e s t  alternative.  VTII.3:  Level  II  Ccnipouriding  Revisited  R e t u r n i n g t o t h e examples i n (73b), t h e s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n o f compounds whose second e l e m e n t s a r e v o w e l - i n i t i a l predict at f i r s t .  Consider  (81).  55  i s n o t as one  verb  might  (81)  yom + owar + (ru) (a)  > ycm-i-owar-(ru)  l e v e l I I , c y c l e I: • $  0  $  / \  |  N  1  loss of e x t r a m e t r i c a l i t y ( c f . 76b)  N  I  N  0  1 1  1 1  X  X X X  $  /\  X  X  1 I w  I1  1  1  1  II  i] [o v  a  r [ex]  Based on (80b) and (80c), the f o l l o w i n g s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n and subsequent d e l e t i o n of the f l o a t i n g _i might be expected.  (82)  *  $ / \  $ / \ 0 N 1  $ / \ 0 N I  1  1 X  1 X  1 X  X  1 1 m] [o  w  1 a  1  1  v  However, (82) does not occur.  |  [ex]  Instead, the f l o a t i n g _i i s provided with  a point, and r e s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n produces (81b). (81)  (b)  l e v e l I I , cycle I:  resyllabification  $  $  $  $  / \  / \  I  / \  0  N  N  X  X  X  1  1  1 1  1 m  1 i] [o v  0  1 1  N  X  X  1 w  1 a  1  1  r... [ex]  Apparently s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n across a ][ boundary i s prohibited, a cons t r a i n t that prevents (82) above from occurring.  56  Notes for Chapter VIII: 1. Following a suggestion of Shaw (personal communication).  57  Chapter IX Level III  The p r i n c i p a l morphological process that takes place a t l e v e l I I I i s the a f f i x a t i o n of verbal and a d j e c t i v a l nine a d j e c t i v a l  inflections.  Ten v e r b a l and  i n f l e c t i o n s are recognized by Bloch (1946).  indicative  (Ind)  past i n d i c a t i v e  (PInd)  non-past presumptive past presumptive  (Pve)  (PPve)  Verbal  Adjectival  -ru  -i  -ta  - 'katta  -yo'o  -karo 'o  -taro 'o  - 'kattaroo  conditiona1  (Cnd)  - t a 'ra  - 'kattara  alternative  (Alt)  -ta ' r i  -'kattari  provis iona1  (Pro)  -re'ba  - 'kereba  i n f i n i t i v e (Inf)  -0  -ku  gerundive  -te  - 'kute  imperative  (Ger)  -0,  (Imp)  -e, -ro  As exemplified throughout t h i s paper by the i n f l e c t i o n s -ru and -i,  every verb and adjective must have one (and only one) i n f l e c t i o n a l  s u f f i x ^ attached a t the very end of the word. found outside the d e r i v a t i o n a l inside  Inflections  are always  s u f f i x e s of l e v e l I, and are never found  l e v e l I I compounds (e.g. *mi-ru]y+ k i r - ( r u ) ]  v  'see-cut').  These  f a c t s indicate that i n f l e c t i o n s are added l a t e r than l e v e l I I compounding.  In f a c t , phonological process associated with the a f f i x a t i o n of  these i n f l e c t i o n s show that they are found a t a completely d i f f e r e n t l e v e l — l e v e l III.  58  IX. 1:  Stem Formative Truncation F i r s t of a l l , i t i s evident from  (84) t h a t , i n most c a s e s ,  stem f o r m a t i v e i . o r any o t h e r t y p e o f i n t e r v e n i n g i i s i n s e r t e d c o n s o n a n t - f i n a l r o o t s and c o n s o n a n t - i n i t i a l  (84)  (a)  tat] + t a ] v  between  inflections.  > tat-ta  'stood'  > kat-ia  'bought'  > hut-ta  'rained'  v  no  *tat-i-ta  (b)  kaw] + t a ] y v  *kaw-i-ta  (c)  hur] + t a ] v  v  *hur-i-ta  C l e a r l y t h e s t e m fornv-.tive t h a t p e r s i s t e d t h r o u g h somehow t r u n c a t e d by t h e t i m e i t g e t s t o l e v e l t r u n c a t i o n i s reasonable. t i o n was  At e a r l y levels,  l e v e l s I and I I i s  III.  In some sense  the stem formative's  this  func-  d e r i v a t i o n a l , t o e n s u r e t h a t a l l v e r b r o o t s were v o w e l - f i n a l .  S i n c e a l l d e r i v a t i o n a l morphology i s c o m p l e t e d by t h e end o f l e v e l I I i n Japanese, t h e r e i s no need f o r s t e m f o r m a t i v e s beyond t h a t p o i n t . complete d e r i v a t i o n o f  (85)  hut + t a (a)  (84c), then, i s presented  > hut-ta  i n (85).  (84c)  level I: extrametricality, s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n , formative  $ / \ 0 N  1  X  I  h  I X  X  I  I  u  t ] [ex]  v  i ]  59  v  stem  The  (b)  l e v e l I I I : stem formative truncation, i n f l e c t i o n , loss of e x t r a m e t r i c a l i t y $  $  / \ O N X  (c)  / \ O N X  X  X  I  I  I  h  u  t ] t  X  I  I a]  v  v  l e v e l I I I : s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n , coda government p r i n c i p l e , o b l i g a t o r y contour p r i n c i p l e $ / \  /  \  /  0  N  1  X  $  / \  / \  C  N  I  I  !  I  X  X  X  X  \ /  I I h  0  u  I  t  a]  v  IX.2: I n f i n i t i v e s / C o n n e c t i v e s  The Japanese language frequently uses i - f i n a l verbal constructions. These are known v a r i o u s l y as i n f i n i t i v e s (Martin, 1975) or connectives.  (86) (a)  yom] +[  > yam-i  'read (inf).'  (b)  sin] +[  > sin-i  'die (inf) '  (c)  oyog]y+[  > oyog-i  'swim ( i n f ) '  v  v  T r a d i t i o n a l grammarians i d e n t i f y t h i s f i n a l i as a stem formative, presuming i t t o be of the same o r i g i n as any other stem formative^. However, i t has been shown i n the previous s e c t i o n that stem formatives are truncated a t the beginning of l e v e l I I I .  This means that the f i n a l  i of the examples i n (86) cannot p o s s i b l y be a stem formative, since i t p e r s i s t s through l e v e l I I I . Furthermore, u n l i k e a stem formative, the f i n a l i_ of the i n f i n i t i v e must be introduced complete with a s k e l e t a l  60  point. tion  Consider  o f yom-i  (87).  read  (87a) r e p r e s e n t s t h e f i r s t  (inf)'.  step i n the deriva-  The t a r g e t s t r u c t u r e i s r e p r e s e n t e d i n  (87b).  [87)  yom +• i (a)  > yom-i  (86a)  l e v e l I: e x t r a m e t r i c a l i t y , s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n , stem formative  $ /  \  0  N  X X X y  (b)  o  m] [ex]  v  i ]  v  level I I I :  0  $  $  / \  / \  N  0  X  X  X  y  o  m] [ex]  N  X v  i ]  v  If the f l o a t i n g stem formative i n (87a) were the same i_ present i n (87b), then i t would be d i f f i c u l t t o motivate the target s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n of  (87b).  In the f i r s t place, the i does not s t a r t out with a  skeletal  point f o r s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n r u l e s t o work on and, secondly, the m i s extrametrical and, hence, i n v i s i b l e t o the s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n r u l e s .  Instead, i t i s more p l a u s i b l e to truncate the stem formative at the beginning of l e v e l I I I (87c) and then reintroduce an i_ (with a skeletal  point) as an i n f i n i t i v a l i n f l e c t i o n  (87d).  I conclude, there-  fore, that the f i n a l i_ of yom-i i s a c t u a l l y an i n f i n i t i v a l rather than a stem formative.  inflection  A major d i f f e r e n c e between the two i / s ,  61  then, i s that the inflectional i i s accompanied by a skeletal point, whereas the stem formative i_ i s not. (87)  (c) level III: stem formative truncation $ / \  0 1 1  N  1  1  X  X  1  1 y (d)  o  X  ii]  [ex]  level III: inflection, loss of extrametricality, resyllabification $ / \  0  N  X  X  y  o  1  IX.3:  $ / \  I  0  N  I  I  X  X  m] i ] [ex] v  v  Real Epenthesis  An true case of i_ epenthesis at level III occurs between s-final roots and consonant-initial inflections. (88) hanas] + t a ] v  os] + t a ] v  v  mas] + t a r a ] v  v  v  > hanas-i-ta  'speak (PInd)'  > os-i-ta  'push (PInd)'  > mas-i-tara  'increase (PInd) '  Unlike the derivational stem formative - i _ and the i n f i n i t i v a l inflectional i. discussed above, this - i has no morphological function whatsoever.  It i s s t r i c t l y phonological, occurring to break up the impermis-  sible sequence s-t. Consequently, I propose to introduce the - i by the rule formulated i n (89).  62  (89)  epenthesis  (level III) X [+cor] > | / [+str] i  0  C  IX. 4: s/r Deletion An s/r d e l e t i o n phenomenon has already been i d e n t i f i e d a t l e v e l I (section VTII.2). The same f l o a t i n g segment a n a l y s i s i s required a t l e v e l I I I t o delete the r of r - i n i t i a l i n f l e c t i o n s f o l l o w i n g consonantfinal roots.  (90)  suwar]y+ r u ] y  > suwar-u  hanas] + £ u l  > hanas-u  'speak'  > asob-eba  'play (pro)'  > nom-eba  'drink (pro)'  v  v  asob] + r e b a ] v  nom] + r e b a ] v  (91)  kaw + r u (a)  v  v  > kaw-u  'buy'  l e v e l I I I : i n f l e c t i o n , l o s s of e x t r a m e t r i c a l i t y $  $  I  /\  O N  I  X  k (b)  'sit'  X  N  I a  I  X  X  w]  v  r  u]  v  l e v e l I I I : r e s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n , d e l e t i o n of f l o a t i n g segment  $ / \ 0 N  1  I  $ / \ 0 N  I  I  X  X  X  X  k  a  w] u ] v  v  63  IX.5:  Accent  Each J a p a n e s e word e x h i b i t s e i t h e r one a c c e n t o r none a t a l l , r e g a r d l e s s o f whether t h a t word i s a noun, v e r b , compound, o r s t e m a long s t r i n g o f suffixes.  with  S i t u a t i o n s f r e q u e n t l y a r i s e where more t h a n  one a c c e n t may be a s s i g n e d t o a word by a c c e n t r u l e s o r by p r i n c i p l e s o f l e x i c a l assignment  during i t s derivation.  In these cases, there a r e  b a s i c p r i n c i p l e s which d e c i d e which accent w i l l predominate t h e s i n g l e a c c e n t o f t h e word.  I t s o happens t h a t t h e a c c e n t p r e d o m i n -  a t i o n p r i n c i p l e o f l e v e l I i s t h e same a s t h a t o f l e v e l of  level  III i sdifferent.  and become  II, while that  T h i s provides a d d i t i o n a l evidence f o r t h e  autonomous s t a t u s o f l e v e l I I I .  At l e v e l I a verb root w i l l  r e c e i v e a n a c c e n t on i t s p e n u l t i m a t e  m o r a b y t h e V/A a c c e n t r u l e o n t h e f i r s t When a d e r i v a t i o n a l  s u f f i x i s added on a subsequent  c e n t i s a d d e d (e.g. t a ' b e - s a ' s e a l w a y s t h e second  c y c l e (e.g. t a b e -  'eat ( c a u s ) ' ) .  c y c l e , a second a c -  I n such a case i t i s  (or r i g h t m o s t ) a c c e n t t h a t p r e d o m i n a t e s  sa'se-), w h i l e t h e i n i t i a l  accent i s eliminated.  'eat').  (i.e. tabe-  No m a t t e r  how l o n g t h e  concatenation o f s u f f i x e s i s , t h e Right Accent Predomination (RAPP) s t i l l  Principle  h o l d s (e.g. t a b e - s a s e - r a r e - t a - g a r - ) .  At l e v e l I I , c o n f l i c t i n g p a t t e r n s o f accentuation can a r i s e i n several situations. of  level  F o r example, t h e a c c e n t o f S i n o - J a p a n e s e  I i s l e x i c a l l y determined.  pounds, t h e r e s u l t a n t c o m b i n a t i o n  When 'ka i s added t o s u c h com-  may c o n t a i n t w o a c c e n t s .  RAPP d e l e t e s t h e l e f t m o s t a c c e n t and p r e s e r v e s t h e r i g h t .  64  compounds  Once a g a i n ,  (92)  ge'n + d a i + 'ka  > gen-da'i-ka  'modernization'  /ge'n + d a i + 'ka/ level I moncmorphemic compd  ge'n + d a i  level II compounding RAPP  ge'n-da'i + ka gen-da 'i-ka gen-da 'i-ka  The compound noun accent r u l e of l e v e l I I i s complex and a comp l e t e d i s c u s s i o n of i t i s beyond the scope of t h i s paper (see McCawley (1977)).  S u f f i c e i t t o say that regardless of the accentuation of the  i n d i v i d u a l elements, the accent of the compound, i f present, i s always borne by the rightmost member.  (93)  no'ogyoo] + k u m i a i ] N  tu'uka] + ryo'ori'J N  > noogyoo-ku'miai  N  N  > tuuka-ryo'ori  iso'ppu] + monoga'tari]^ N  ' a g r i c u l t u r a l union'  'Chinese  > isoppu-monoga'tari  cooking' 'Aesop's f a b l e s '  By contrast, a t l e v e l I I I i t i s the leftmost accent that survives accentual c o n f l i c t s .  Several of the verbal and a d j e c t i v a l i n f l e c t i o n s  i n (83) contain l e x i c a l accents which surface when they are attached t o unaccented stems.  However, when these i n f l e c t i o n s are added t o accented  stems, the accent of the stem i s preserved by the L e f t Accent Predominat i o n P r i n c i p l e (LAPP) and the accent of the i n f l e c t i o n i s l o s t .  (94)  (a)  unaccentable stems ake + t a ' r a susum + re'ba kura + 'katta  (b)  > ake-ta'ra > susum-e'ba > kura'-katta  'open (end) ' 'advance (pro)' 'was dark'  accentable stems ta'be + t a ' r a tano'm + re'ba ta'ka + 'katta  > ta'be-tara > tano'm-eba > ta'ka-katta  65  'eat (end)' 'ask f o r (pro)' 'was h i g h '  On t h e t o p i c o f a c c e n t , a r u l e o f V/A a c c e n t a d j u s t m e n t w i l l be  needed t o a c c o u n t f o r t h e " a c c e n t a t t r a c t i o n " phenomenon o f t h e i n d i -  c a t i v e a d j e c t i v a l i n f l e c t i o n - i _ and t h e r - i n i t i a l v e r b a l following vowel-final  stems.  inflections  T h i s r e a d j u s t m e n t r u l e w i l l draw t h e a c -  c e n t f r o m i t s b a s i c s t e m - p e n u l t i m a t e mora p o s i t i o n and r e a s s i g n the  (95)  also  stem-final  (a)  mora p o s i t i o n .  adjectives t a ' k a + ku ta'ka + i  (b)  i t to  > ta'ka-ku > taka'-i  ' i s high ( i n f ) ' 'is high'  (*ta 'ka-i)  verbs ta'be + t a ta'be + r u ta'be + re'ba  > ta'be-ta > tabe'-ru > tabe'-reba  66  'eat ( P I n d ) ' 'eat' 'eat ( p r o ) '  (*ta 'be-ru) (*ta'be-reba)  Notes for Chapter IX: 1. Many of the a d j e c t i v a l i n f l e c t i o n s are c l e a r l y bimorphemic, being composed o f an a d j e c t i v a l element followed by the corresponding verbal i n f l e c t i o n from column 1. The most common a d j e c t i v a l element i s 'kar which i s found i n -"kat-ta, -kar-ob, -'kat-taroo, -Tcat-tara, and - " k a t - t a r i . The coda government p r i n c i p l e transforms the r of 'kar t o t i n most of the examples. The a d j e c t i v a l i n f l e c t i o n s - i , - 'ker-eba, -ku, and - 'ku-te are exceptional. 2. Since t r a d i t i o n a l grammarians consider the f i n a l i t o be a stem formative and not an i n f l e c t i o n , and since each verb must end with an i n f l e c t i o n , t r a d i t i o n a l grammarians have been forced to invoke a 0 i n f l e c t i o n a l s u f f i x f o r i n f i n i t i v e s (see (83)).  67  Chapter X Conclusion  The f o l l o w i n g morphological and phonological processes have been i d e n t i f i e d a t the three l e v e l s within the Japanese lexicon.  (96)  level I  morphology  phonology  monomorphemic compounding  extrametrica1ity  stem formative  high vowel syncopation  derivation:  V/A accent  -sase -rare -ta -rasi -gar -kata  PAPP  level II  compounding  RAPP  level I I I  stem formative t r u n c a t i o n  epenthesis  inflection  LAPP accent  adjsutment  In a d d i t i o n t o the phonological processes i d e n t i f i e d above, a p r i n c i p l e of coda government defined i n (26) i s assumed t o hold throughout the l e x i c a l component.  The l e v e l ordered grammar o u t l i n e d i n (96) provides elegant solut i o n s t o the two problems introduced i n Chapter I i n v o l v i n g i_ i n s e r t i o n and high vowel syncopation.  With respect t o i i n s e r t i o n , the desidera-  t i v e s u f f i x - t a behaves d i f f e r e n t l y from the homophonous p e r f e c t i v e i n f l e c t i o n because the two are found a t d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s i n the grammar: the former a t l e v e l I and the l a t t e r a t l e v e l I I I . More s p e c i f i c a l l y ,  68  t h e i w h i c h i s i n t r o d u c e d a s a stem f o r m a t i v e a t l e v e l appears  i n conjunction w i t h the l e v e l  ning of level level  I - t a i s t r u n c a t e d a t the begin-  I I I and, hence, i s n e v e r  found i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h  the  III -ta.  In t h e same way,  whether o r n o t h i g h vowel s y n c o p a t i o n d e l e t e s  t h e h i g h v o w e l between two entirely was  I and o f t e n  e l e m e n t s o f a Sino-Japanese  on what l e v e l t h e compound was  compound depends  e s t a b l i s h e d at.  I f t h e compound  f o r m e d a t l e v e l I, t h e n h i g h v o w e l s y n c o p a t i o n w i l l a p p l y s i n c e t h e  r u l e i s found a t l e v e l  I.  n e v e r t r i g g e r h i g h vowel  Compounds f o r m e d l a t e r t h a n l e v e l I w i l l syncopation.  Perhaps most s i g n i f i c a n t l y , e v i d e n c e f r o m numerous m o r p h o l o g i c a l and p h o n o l o g i c a l i n t e r a c t i o n s has p o s i t i o n e d e a c h o f t h e v a r i o u s p r o c e s s e s o f (96) a t i t s a p p r o p r i a t e l e v e l . grammar t h a t c a n be e x p e c t e d t o shed this  thesis.  69  The  result i s a  well-motivated  l i g h t on i s s u e s beyond t h e s c o p e o f  Bibliography  Bloch, B. 1946. Studies i n C o l l c q u i a l Japanese I: 66, 97-109.  Inflections.  Bloch, B. 1946. Studies i n C o l l o q u i a l Japanese I I I : I n f l e c t e d Words. JAOS, 66, 304-315.  JAOS,  Derivation of  Chew, J.J. 1972. On Word Boundaries i n Japanese. Journal Newsletter of the A s s o c i a t i o n of Teachers of Japanese, 2 Grignoh, A-M. 1985. Phonologie L e x i c a l e Tri-Dimensionnelle du Japonais. Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, U n i v e r s i t e de Montreal. Haraguchi, S. 1977. The Tone Pattern of Japanese: theory of tonoloqy. Tokyo: Kaitakusha  an autosegmental  Harris, J. 1983. S y l l a b l e Structure and Stress i n Spanish: l i n e a r a n a l y s i s . Cambridge: M.I.T. Press.  a non-  Ingria, R. 1980. Compensatory Lengthening as a M e t r i c a l Phenomenon. L i n g u i s t i c Inquiry, 11, 465-495 Kageyama, T.  1982.  Word Formation i n Japanese.  Lingua,  57, 215-258  Kaye, J.D. and J . Lowenstamm. 1983. Compensatory Lengthening i n T i b e r i a n Hebrew: t h e o r e t i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s . MS. Kaye, J.D., J. Lowenstamm, and J.R. Vergnaud. (1985). Internal Structure of Phonological Elements: A Theory of Charm and Government. MS. Kempf, Z.  1972.  Japanese Verb Compounds.  Gengo Kenkyu, 62  Kiparsky, P. 1982. L e x i c a l Morphology and Phonology. In van der Hulst, H. and N. Smith, (eds.). The Structure of Phonological Representations (Part I ) . Kiparsky, P.  1982.  How  Are the Levels Linked?  MS.  Kiparsky, P. 1985. Some Consequences of L e x i c a l Phonology. In Ewen, C.J. (ed.). Phonology Yearbook 2. Cambridge: U n i v e r s i t y Press. Koo,  J.H. 1974. Reinterpretation of the Desiderative - t a i and i t s Related Morphophonemics. Journal Newsletter of the A s s o c i a t i o n of Teachers of Japanese, 9.  Leben, W.R. 1980. A M e t r i c a l Analysis of Length. 11,497-509.  L i n g u i s t i c Inquiry,  McCarthy, J . 1981. A Prosodic Theory of Nonconcatenative Morphology. L i n g u i s t i c Inquiry, 12, 373-418.  70  McCawley, J . 1968. The Phonological Component of a Grammar of Japanese. The Hague: Mouton. McCawley, J .  1977.  Accent i n Japanese.  Hyman, L. (ed.) Maeda, S.  1979.  Marantz, A.  Los Angeles:  Studies i n Stress and Accent.  U n i v e r s i t y of Southern C a l i f o r n i a .  Boundaries i n Japanese Phonology.  1982.  Re Reduplication.  Gengo Kenkyu, 75  L i n g u i s t i c Inquiry, 13, 435  Martin, S.E. 1952. Morphophonemics of Standard C o l l o q u i a l Japanese. Language D i s s e r t a t i o n , no. 47. Baltimore: L i n g u i s t i c s Society of America. Martin, S.E. 1975. A Reference Grammar of Japanese. New Haven: Yale U n i v e r s i t y Press. Mohanan, K.P.  1981.  Parker, C.K. 1939. Maruzen.  L e x i c a l Phonology.  Ph.D. D i s s e r t a t i o n , M.I.T.  A Dictionary of Japanese Compound Verbs.  Rubach, J. 1984. Segmental Rules of English and C y c l i c Language, 60, 21-54.  Tokyo:  Phonology.  Shaw, P.A. 1985. Modularisation and Substantive Constraints i n Dakota L e x i c a l Phonology. In Ewen C.J. (ed.). Phonology Yearbook 2. Cambridge: U n i v e r s i t y Press. Takenobu, Y. (ed.) 1940. Kenkyusha: Tokyo.  Kenkyusha's New  Japanese-English  Dictionary.  van der Hulst, H. and N. Smith, (eds.) The Structure of Phonological Representations (Part I). An Overview o f Autosegmental and M e t r i c a l Phonology, pp. 1-46 Yip, M.  1982. Reduplication and C-V Skeleta i n Chinese Secret Languages. L i n g u i s t i c Inquiry, 13, 637-661.  Zubizaretta, M.L. 1979. A M e t r i c a l Account of the Tone Pattern of Japanese: the i n t e r a c t i o n of harmony and accent. M.I.T. MS.  71  

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