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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Solidarity Coalition : the struggle for common cause Nelson, Patricia Ann 1985

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SOLIDARITY COALITION: THE STRUGGLE FOR COMMON CAUSE By PATRICIA ANN NELSON B . A . , The Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1984 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of P o l i t i c a l Science We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA November 1985 1 8 P a t r i c i a Ann Nelson, 1985 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make i t freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It i s understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of British Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date / s i ^ i I ABSTRACT Th is t h e s i s is a case study of the S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n , a s o c i a l protest movement which united labour and community groups In oppos i t ion t o r ight -wing r e s t r a i n t l e g i s l a t i o n . It cons iders why t h i s unprecedented extra parl iamentary force f a i l e d t o persuade the government to withdraw the of fending l e g i s l a t i o n and attempts to expla in the dominance of the labour agenda In the modest successes i t did achieve. Interviews with p a r t i c i p a n t s in the C o a l i t i o n and other s i g n i f i c a n t p o l i t i c a l a c t o r s provide the information used in the a n a l y s i s of t h i s pro tes t phenomena. The t h e s i s incorporates a de ta i led study of the evo lu t ion of the C o a l i t i o n and i t s organizat iona l s t r u c t u r e and Internal processes within the context of the larger p o l i t i c a l system and with reference to theore t -ical l i t e r a t u r e concerning protest movements. I argue that the emergence of the C o a l i t i o n as a d iverse and broad based movement in reac t ion to a r i g h t wing attack on the s o c i a l cont ract is p r e d i c t a b l e , however, the outcomes of the protest ac t ion are less s o . Ana lys is of the C o a l i t i o n suggests that organizat iona l c o n t r a d i c t i o n s wi th in Its s t r u c t u r e , external and unforseen c i rcumstances, and the strength of government intransigence were i n f l u e n t i a l f a c t o r s shaping both the development of the protest movement and the outcomes of i t s a c t i o n s . The commitment to common cause, fueled by moral outrage and espoused by labour and community groups, was not s u f f i c i e n t to w i t h s t a n d the d i v i s i v e tendencies inherent in the s t ruc ture of the C o a l i t i o n , or the Inert ia that must be overcome by large groups t o achieve c o l l e c t i v e goods. Labour proved to be the more powerful actor wi th in the C o a l i t i o n due to i t s f i n a n c i a l and organizat iona l resources and Its s i g n i f i c a n t n o t i c e a b i l Ity f ac tor as a member of the C o a l I t i o n . I argue that c o n s i s t e n t with the theory of the log ic of c o l l e c t i v e ac t ion that the labour agenda eventua l ly dominated within the C o a l i t i o n , in f luencing the parameters of the sett lement achieved, and in par t , accounting for the f a i l u r e of the C o a l i t i o n to meet Its c o l l e c t i v e goal of withdrawal of the r e s t r a i n t l e g i s l a t i o n . TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT I I TABLE OF CONTENTS I l l LIST OF TABLES iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENT v INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER I A PROTEST MOVEMENT IS BORN 15 Parameters of the S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n 15 Formation and Structure of S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n 17 Summary 31 II COALITION STRUCTURE AND PROCESSES 36 St ructure 38 Dec is ion Making Process 40 Power P o s i t i o n s 42 Programme of Act ion 45 Events in the L e g i s l a t u r e 48 Labour - S t r i k e 50 Summary 52 III THE RISE AND FALL OF COMMON CAUSE 57 Prel ude To S t r i k e 57 Kelowna Accord November 14, 1983 65 IV CONCLUSION AND EPILOGUE 70 Ana lys is of the Aims and Accomplishments of the B r i t i s h Columbia Protest Movement 70 BIBLIOGRAPHY 81 APPENDICES 84 0 IV LIST OF TABLES 1. S i g n i f i c a n t Events July-November 1983 11 2. Res t ra in t L e g i s l a t i o n 37 V ACKNOWLEDGEMENT T h e r e s e a r c h f o r t h i s t h e s i s c o u l d n o t h a v e b e e n a c c o m p l i s h e d w i t h o u t t h e c o - o p e r a t i o n a n d t i m e o f many I n v o l v e d i n t h e B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s . My a p p r e c i a t i o n a n d g r a t i t u d e t o a l l o f t h e men a n d women I n t e r v i e w e d , f o r t h e y p r o v i d e d me w i t h i n f o r m a t i o n a n d I n s i g h t w h i c h was i n v a l u a b l e i n t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h i s t h e s i s . T h e r e a r e t h r e e , p a r t i c u l a r l y , t o whom I am i n d e b t e d : R e n a t e S h e a r e r , C o - c h a i r p e r s o n o f t h e S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n , F a t h e r J i m R o b e r t s , C o - c h a i r p e r s o n o f t h e S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n a n d P r o f e s s o r Dan B l a k e o f t h e P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e D e p a r t m e n t . 1 I INTRODUCTION The S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n phenomenon was f i r s t researched in 1984 in con junc t ion with a study of the p o l i t i c s of r e s t r a i n t in B r i t i s h Columbia conducted by a group of academics in search of pub l i c p o l i c y a l t e r n a t i v e s . Wi l l iam C a r r o l l , in The New RealH~y f def ined the C o a l i t i o n as a grass roots popular movement exempli fying what extra-par l iamentary p o l i t i c s is a l l about. "The extra-par l iamentary ac t ions of the C o a l i t i o n were simply the local response of aggrieved people who had seen t h e i r br idge to the s ta te c losed by Socia l Credi t . "1 Car ro l l is r e f e r r i n g to the pro tes t movement that a rose , over a m i l l i o n s t rong , in four short months from July t o November of 1983 in B r i t i s h Columbia. Labour represent ing 400,000 workers and community groups united in common cause to protest a Government r e s t r a i n t package that s t r ipped p u b l i c sector unions of s e n i o r i t y r i g h t s and offended the moral s e n s i b i l i t i e s of a broad spectrum of people. C a r r o l l a s s e r t s that the ac t ions of the Socia l Cred i t Government were contemptuous of both the e l e c t o r a t e and parl iament thus requ i r ing people t o r e s o r t to unconventional means to inf luence It. He says of the C o a l i t i o n , " f a r from n e g a t i n g democracy, labour community a l l i a n c e s committed t o ex t ra -par l iamentary ac t ion are a means of extending democracy by breaking beyond the narrow bounds of e l ec to ra l p o l i t i c s , to Involve people d i r e c t l y in the debates and dec is ions that w i l l s i g n i f i c a n t l y a f f e c t the course and q u a l i t y of t h e i r I i v e s . " ^ While agreeing with the sentiment that the C o a l i t i o n is an example of he igh tened democra t i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n and a s t r i k i n g experience in p o l i t i c a l consciousness r a i s i n g , the provocat ive quest ion becomes, why 2 did i t f a i l to persuade the Government to withdraw the of fending l e g i s l a -t i o n ? G iven t h a t the C o a l i t i o n involved a m i l l i o n people exert ing cons iderab le pressure on the Government, and for much of the time with pub l ic sympathy, why were i t s successes so modest? Th is t h e s i s is an attempt to address these quest ions in two ways. The f i r s t is to review some of the l i t e r a t u r e about pressure groups and s o c i a l movements to ascer ta in whether the p o l i t i c a l events in B . C . during 1983 and the evo lu t ion of the C o a l i t i o n were p red ic tab le and compatible with group theory . The second is t o analyze the C o a l i t i o n by looking In d e t a i l a t i t s s t ruc ture and internal processes and by speaking with people in t imate ly i n v o l v e d in It , in hopes of a c h i e v i n g a keener understanding of t h i s phenomenon. From a h i s t o r i c a l perspec t ive , the events of 1983 in B r i t i s h Columbia were symptomatic of larger issues which governments addressed in the context of the modern wel fare s t a t e . The ac t ions of the Socia l Cred i t Government here, in introducing the r e s t r a i n t package, were reminiscent of p o l i c y s h i f t s that occurred in both B r i t a i n and the United States in the la te 1970's and ea r ly 1980's. These three p o l i t i e s experienced a s h i f t toward r i g h t wing p o l i c y making which grew from neoconservatIve th ink ing and i ts d i r e c t cha l lenge to the assumptions of the Keynesian wel fare s t a t e . 3 The modern wel fare s ta te grew out of the expanding economies and prosper i ty of the post World War II wor ld . The s ta te undertook the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for ensuring a p o s i t i v e c l imate for c a p i t a l i s t development whi le simultaneously developing a s o c i a l in f ras t ruc tu re t o mi t igate the inequ i t i es of the market system. Continuous economic growth, t a x a t i o n , 3 and economic r e g u l a t i o n , paid for the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d soc ia l p o l i c i e s of the s t a t e . With the onset of world economic problems in the 1970's western s ta tes were faced with a dec l ine in revenues in c o n j u n c t i o n with r i s i n g cos ts of maintaining the s o c i a l wage es tab l i shed in years of economic growth. D e f i c i t f inanc ing became a common occurrence. By the la te 1970»s and ear ly 1980's economists of the neoconservat ive persuasion were mounting a f ronta l at tack on the Keynesian economic p r i n c i p l e s which in the past guided the development of the wel fare s ta te .4 B r i t i s h Columbia with a resource based economy heavi ly dependent on world markets experienced a sharp and long term d e c l i n e in revenues and economic growth from the late 1970's onward. The p r o v i n c i a l d e f i c i t was increas ing , unemployment was on the r i s e , and our primary Industr ies of fo res t ry and mining were in gr ievous economic d i f f i c u l t i e s . The newly e lec ted Socia l Cred i t Government of 1983 chose to meet these d i f f i c u l t i e s with s t r a t e g i e s exempl i fy ing neoconservat ive t h i n k i n g . C l a u s O f f e , In Contrad ic t i o n s , of the Welfare S ta te , a r t i c u l a t e d several s t r a t e g i e s tha t n e o c o n s e r v a t i v e governments implemented t o reduce c la ims on the system. He noted that these s t r a t e g i e s stemmed from an assessment that the c r i s i s of the wel fare s ta te was I inked to p a r t i c u l a r e v e n t s , f o r i n s t a n c e , the downturn in wor ld markets; a t h e s i s of ungovernabi l i ty which hinged on increasing expectat ions of the s t a t e , thereby overburdening i t s capac i ty to d e l i v e r welfare s e r v i c e s ; and the d e c l i n e of p a r t i e s due t o t h e i r f a i l u r e to a r t i c u l a t e the in te res t of c i t i zens .^ The Socia l Cred i t Government's explanat ions for why d r a s t i c measures were necessary to re Invigorate the p r o v i n c i a l economy do not completely 4 correspond to expectat ions from O f f e ' s party and ungovernabi l i ty t h e s i s but they did employ the neoconservative s t r a t e g i e s that he o u t l i n e d . Of fe notes the f i r s t strategy is to r e d i r e c t c la ims to the market through " ' p r i v a t i z a t i o n ' or the ' d e r e g u l a t i o n ' of pub l ic s e r v i c e s and t h e i r t ransference to compet i t ive p r iva te e n t e r p r i s e . " 6 We have only to look at the con t rac t ing out of c h i l d welfare s e r v i c e s and motor v e h i c l e i n s p e c t i o n s , the s e l l i n g of pub l ic corpora t ions such as B . C . Systems Corpora t ion , and the deregulat ion involved in the d i s b a n d i n g of the R e n t a l s m a n ' s o f f i c e and rent c o n t r o l s to see that the Government in B r i t i s h Columbia implemented t h i s s t ra tegy . The second strategy Offe d iscusses is the implementation of soc ia l c o n t r o l s through i n s t i t u t i o n s and r h e t o r i c . Values such as s e l f r e s t r a i n t , d i s c i p l i n e , community s p i r i t , and a national consciousness are promoted as the essence of the s p i r i t that w i l l enhance c a p i t a l i s t market systems. C o n s i d e r Premier Bennet t 's October t e l e v i s i o n appeal to good B r i t i s h Columbians to adopt the ethos of r e s t r a i n t . Th is meant t igh ten ing our c o l l e c t i v e b e l t s and reor ien t ing our c la ims on soc ie ty towards p r i va te c h a r i t a b l e i n s t i t u t i o n s rather than the S ta te . The Premier 's r h e t o r i c is the epitome of an e f f o r t to exerc ise s o c i a l c o n t r o l . The Government waged an expensive a d v e r t i s i n g campaign to convert people to the gospel of r e s t r a i n t and i t s concomitant assumptions about the value of p r i va te en te rp r i se and rugged Indiv idual ism. The t h i r d neoconservatIve strategy that Of fe a r t i c u l a t e s is to use f i l t e r mechanisms to determine the merit of c la ims not e l iminated or red i rec ted by other s t r a t e g i e s . An example of t h i s in B r i t i s h Columbia is the o f f i c e of the Compensation S t a b i l i z a t i o n Commissioner. In the 5 normal course of events a c o l l e c t i v e bargaining process r e s u l t s in wage sett lements and labour c o n t r a c t s , however, the Government has empowered the Commissioner t o impose a d i f f e r e n t wage sett lement on p u b l i c sector workers i f the negotiated one f a i l s to comply with i t s gu ide l ines based on the a b i l i ty to pay. The Government, in e f f e c t , supercedes the barga in-ing p r o c e s s and e l i m i n a t e s or ad justs c la ims made on Its resources through the f i l t e r of the o f f i c e of the S t a b i l i z a t i o n Commissloner.7 The Socia l Cred i t Government defined the problems in B . C . as a funct ion of world market c r i s e s and a consequent I n a b i l i t y of the s ta te to pay for the level of s e r v i c e s es tab l i shed In years of p r o s p e r i t y . It indicated an over r id ing p r i o r i t y to e s t a b l i s h B . C . as a p o s i t i v e business c l imate for f ree e n t e r p r i s e . The i r r e s o l u t i o n of the problems included t h e n e o c o n s e r v a t i ve s t r a t e g i e s that Of fe a r t i c u l a t e d as the r i g h t ' s response to the c r i s i s of the welfare s t a t e . Offe conjectures about the potent ia l responses of the c i t i z e n r y to these neoconservative s o l u t i o n s , and i t is in that realm that he o f f e r s some ins ight into the evolut ion of the S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n . Whi le Of fe fundamental ly d isagrees with the neoconservat ive assessment of the c r i s i s of the welfare s t a t e , he does suggest that c i t i z e n response t o the c r i s i s might be e x p r e s s e d In more nonconventIonaI methods. Indiv iduals f i g h t i n g for t h e i r in te res ts might consider means other than membership in a p o l i t i c a l party to be more e f f e c t i v e , for instance, c i t i z e n ac t ion groups organized around issues such as educational pol i c i e s , urban renewal, and environmental p r o t e c t i o n . Of fe suggests that pol i t leal party dec l ine leads to the f a i l u r e of p a r t i e s t o absorb the p o l i t i c a l e n e r g i e s of people. As a r e s u l t other groups sur face to a r t i c u l a t e 6 pol i t i c a l issues , such as the women's movement, the a n t i - n u c l e a r movement, and r e g i o n a l i s t movements. The S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n Is a nonpartisan a l l i a n c e of the var ied and sundry movements and c i t i z e n ac t ion groups that Of fe p r e d i c t s w i l l be a c t i v a t e d . However, he conjectures fur ther that the upsurgence of these groups is the forerunner of a system-wide response to the welfare s ta te c r i s i s which i n e v i t a b l y would c h a l l e n g e the c u r r e n t i n s t i t u t i o n a l arrangements of p a r t i e s as the primary a r t i c u l a t o r s of issues . T h i s premise r e s t s on the d e c l i n e of party t h e s i s which is not an e n t i r e l y a p p l i c a b l e assessment of the current p o l a r i z e d two party system In B . C . Of fe speculates that s o c i a l movements such as the peace, e n v i r o n -mental , and human r i g h t s movements d i f f e r from p a r t i e s In that t h e i r common denominator is the defense of physical or moral t e r r i t o r y as opposed to goods or labour markets. They are concerned with non-negot iable e s s e n t i a l s . He is a l s o suggesting that the changes occurr ing In the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the c i t i z e n and the s ta te "have t h e i r basis a l s o in changing r e l a t i o n s of economic power and value changes that occur beyond the leve ls of p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . " ^ The C o a l i t i o n membership included elements from these movements and t h e i r agendas were at times compet i t ive w i th the more concrete agendas of other groups such as labour. The quest ion a r i s e s as to whether the S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n represents an organiza t ion that is t r a n s i t i o n a l between the current p o l i t i c a l system arrangement and the a l t e r n a t i v e s Of fe con jec tures . O f f e ' s work is useful in exp la in ing the ac t ions of the Government by put t ing them into a much larger context , that of the modern w e l f a r e s t a t e s . He speculates that groups other than p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s w i l l 7 r e a c t t o t h e c r i s i s o f t h e w e l f a r e s t a t e , a n d s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e y r e p r e s e n t a move t o w a r d a d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l a r r a n g e m e n t t h a n t h e c u r r e n t p a r t y s y s t e m . T h e S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n d o e s I n c o r p o r a t e t h e k i n d s o f g r o u p s w h i c h O f f e p r e d i c t e d t o be m o r e a c t i v e b u t h i s w o r k i s l e s s u s e f u l i n u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e o u t c o m e s o f t h e S o l i d a r i t y a c t i o n s . O n e o t h e r c a v e a t a r i s e s i n a p p l y i n g O f f e ' s p e r s p e c t i v e t o t h e s i t u a t i o n i n B . C . : t h e G o v e r n m e n t w h i l e I m p l e m e n t i n g some n e o c o n s e r v a t i v e s t r a t e g i e s s i m u l t a n e o u s l y e m b a r k e d o n a p r o c e s s o f c e n t r a l i z i n g p o w e r i n t h e C a b i n e t w h i c h i s a n o t i o n a n t i t h e t i c a l t o c o n s e r v a t i v e t h i n k i n g . A l s o , w h i l e t h e G o v e r n m e n t p r e a c h e d r e s t r a i n t a n d b u d g e t r e d u c t i o n , t h e o u t c o m e o f i t s p o l i c i e s was d e b a t a b l e In a c t u a l m o n e t a r y s a v i n g s . 9 Two o t h e r a u t h o r s ' r e s e a r c h f o r e s h a d o w s t h e e m e r g e n c e o f s o c i a l p r o t e s t a s a c o n s e q u e n c e o f r i g h t w i n g a t t a c k s on t h e w e l f a r e s t a t e .10 P i v e n a n d C l o w a r d , i n T h e New, C l a s s . W a r , a s s e r t t h a t t h e p o l i c i e s a n d p o s t u r e s o f t h e R e a g a n a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s " r i s k s n o t o n l y t h e s i m u l t a n e o u s p r o v o c a t i o n o f a d i v e r s e r a n g e o f g r o u p s , b u t t h e c o n c o m i t a n t a r o u s a l o f g r o u p s who w i l l l o o k upon o n e a n o t h e r a s a l l i e s w i t h a common enemy i n s t e a d o f a s c o m p e t i t o r s , e v e n a c r o s s l i n e s o f c l a s s , r a c e , a g e , a n d g e n d e r . " ^ T h e S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n In B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a e p i t o m i z e s t h i s p r e d i c t i o n o f a p r o t e s t r e a c t i o n t o d r a m a t i c r i g h t w i n g s h i f t s i n p o l i c y . P i v e n a n d C l o w a r d a r e a l s o h e l p f u l In p i n p o i n t i n g t h e r e a s o n why t h e r e i s s u c h o v e r w h e l m i n g a n t a g o n i s m t o w a r d n e o c o n s e r v a t i v e s t r a t e g i e s f r o m t h e p u b l i c s e c t o r a n d why i t c a n be s u c h a p o t e n t i a l t h r e a t t o a g o v e r n m e n t o f t h e r i g h t . T h e y t r a c e t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e w e l f a r e s t a t e t h r o u g h a h i s t o r y o f p o p u l a r movements t h a t demanded t h e s t a t e a c c e p t 8 greater r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for mediating the Inequit ies of the market system. P o l i t i c a l and economic r i g h t s have become part of the p o l i t i c a l agenda as a r e s u l t of t h i s process. Piven and Cloward argue that through mass movements "the people have f i n a l l y been able to compel the State to protect them in market place re la t ions" ,12 thereby pushing the s t a t e into the p o s i t i o n of being the p r i n c i p a l arena of c l a s s c o n f l i c t . The s t a t e grew t o accommodate s e r v i c e , b e n e f i t , and regulatory agencies which performed the mediation r o l e . Pub l ic sector workers in these agencies , by the nature of the o rgan iza t ions , es tab l i shed d i r e c t l inks with the c l i e n t popula t ions , for instance, the poor, e thn ic groups, women, the d i s a b l e d , unions, and o thers . An attack on these agencies , in the form of s t a f f and f i n a n c i a l c u t - b a c k s , threatened the d i r e c t investment t h a t both worker and c l i e n t groups have in s e e i n g these agencies maintained. Piven and Cloward argue that these two groups represent a large e l e c t o r a l populat ion whose s i g n i f i c a n c e as p o l i t i c a l cons t i tuen ts must not be ignored by governing p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . They contend that mass p r o t e s t s are contagious and that mob i l i za t ion among some groups provokes hopes and a s p i r a t i o n s of others and shows them a way to act on those h o p e s J 3 Operation S o l i d a r i t y d i r e c t l y represents publ ic sector workers, and t h e i r response to the Socia l Cred i t Government r e s t r a i n t package, was e n t i r e l y in keeping with Piven and Cloward's expecta t ions . Community groups represent ing women, the poor, the d i s a b l e d , e thnic groups and others a l s o reac ted , and the f r u i t i o n of t h e i r j o i n t response was the S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n . It a l s o a t t rac ted support from other groups in soc ie ty concerned about the Government's attack on the soc ia l c o n t r a c t , 9 for Instance, p r o f e s s i o n a l , r e l i g i o u s , and se rv ice o rgan iza t ions , human r i g h t s and tenants c o a l i t i o n s . Of fe and Piven and Cloward foreshadow the arousal of groups other than p o l I t i c a l p a r t i e s to engage in extraparlIamentary p r o t e s t . The i r a n a l y s i s sheds l igh t on the reasons for t h i s emergence of soc ia l p ro tes t , however, they do not o f f e r an explanat ion of the outcomes of t h i s kind of p r o t e s t and t h a t is of c e n t r a l concern in studying the S o l i d a r i t y phenomenon. Mancur O lson , in The Logic ..of C o l l e c t i v e Act ion o f f e r s at least a p a r t i a l e x p l a n a t i o n of the f a i l u r e s and s u c c e s s e s of the Coal i t i o n . 1 4 Mancur Olson has chal lenged t r a d i t i o n a l group t h e o r i s t s on t h e i r assumptions about large groups and the ways in which they w i l l behave. He asser ts that t r a d i t i o n a l t h e o r i s t s assume that ra t iona l Indiv iduals need a reason or incent ive to support an organizat ion working toward t h e i r mutual b e n e f i t . Olson c la ims In the case of what he labe ls as large latent groups with economic i n t e r e s t s , that t h i s I n c e n t i v e is o f t e n l a c k i n g . He a s k s , why would an indiv idual member of a large group v o l u n t a r i l y support the group g o a l , given that h i s / h e r c on t r ibu t ion would not be d e c i s i v e in achieving that goal and that the benef i ts of achievement would accrue to the Individual regard less of whether he/she worked for Its attainment or n o t ? 1 5 That Is an important quest ion to keep in mind as we look at the S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n . Olson makes a number of c la ims about the manner in which large groups can be expected to operate and the leve ls of success which they can expect to achieve with respect to a t t a i n i n g c o l l e c t i v e goods. Olson a l s o a t t r i b u t e s c e r t a i n proper t ies to large la tent groups 10 that do p a r t i a l l y expla in the workings of the S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n . However, one reserva t ion e x i s t s in t r y i n g to apply O l s o n ' s log ic to the C o a l i t i o n , s p e c i f i c a l l y , O l s o n ' s taxonomy does not Include an organizat ion such as the C o a l i t i o n . O l s o n d i f f e r e n t i a t e s between large and small groups and fur ther between groups wi th economic i n t e r e s t s as opposed t o t h o s e wi th ph i l an throp ic or r e l i g i o u s i n t e r e s t s . His theory p a r t i c u l a r l y a p p l i e s t o large latent groups with economic i n t e r e s t s . The S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n loosely f i t s in t h i s taxonomy, but i t Is, in r e a l i t y , a more complex o r g a n i z a t i o n . It is comprised of small groups, large latent g r o u p s , p r i v i l e g e d and intermediate groups and even ph i lan throp ic and r e l i g i o u s groups. The C o a l i t i o n represents d i f f e r e n t leve ls of m o t i v a t i o n and group processes occurr ing s imul taneously . Olson a l s o speaks with reference to the indiv idual v i s a v i s the group. In the case of the S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n , i t is more complex, we are speaking of indiv idual as a person and as a member group s imul taneously . Despi te these r e s e r v a t i o n s , Olson does cont r ibu te to understanding the dynamics of the S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n . Chapters III and IV look at the m u l t i p l i c i t y of agendas and the unequal resources a v a i l a b l e to d i f f e r e n t groups, and discover that O l s o n ' s log ic seems t o p r e v a i l . Small groups act much more e f f e c t i v e l y in achieving t h e i r c o l l e c t i v e Interests than do large latent groups. Th is t h e s i s is organized to fol low c h r o n o l o g i c a l l y the evo lu t ion of S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n . It concentrates s p e c i f i c a l l y on the per iod from the May 5, 1983 p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n to December 1983. The C o a l i t i o n cont inues today, but the t h e s i s is mainly concerned with the per iod when 11 i t was an a c t i v e mass protest movement, from July through November of 1983. A d e t a i l e d chronology of events may be found in Appendix I, however, the a n a l y s i s here revea ls the fo l lowing as c r u c i a l junctures in the evolut ionary process. See Table 1. TABLE T S i g n i f i c a n t Events July-November 1983 Ju ly 7 Ju ly 15 Ju ly 23 August 3 October 15 October 20 October 22-23 November 1 November 14 Government i n t r o d u c e s Budget and proposed r e s t r a i n t l e g i s l a t i v e package B i l l s 2-27. O p e r a t i o n S o l i d a r i t y , a labour a l l i a n c e , represent ing 400,000 workers Is formed. The Lower Mainland Budget C o a l i t i o n , represent ing d iverse community groups, r a l l i e s 35,000 peop le at B . C . P l a c e Stadium to protest the r e s t r a i n t package. Operation S o l i d a r i t y and community groups meet t o form the S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n ( formally i n s t i t u t e d August 30) . S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n with 65,000 supporters marches past the Socia l Cred i t Convention demonstrating against Govern-ment a c t i o n s . The House is adjourned for a " c o o l i n g o f f " p e r i o d . S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n holds a p rov inc ia l conference where unanimous support was pledged for s t r i k e a c t i o n . BCGEU s t r i k e s and begins the programme of e s c a l a t i o n which could eventual ly r e s u l t in a province wide general s t r i k e . Kelowna Accord is agreed t o by the Premier and Jack Munro, represent ing Operat ion Sol i d a r i t y . It covers issues apart from the cont rac t sett lement achieved by the BCGEU. The s t r i k e Is o v e r . Community groups in the S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n cry " b e t r a y a l " . Source: compiled by the wr i te r Note: F igures used in t h i s t ab le regarding numbers of ind iv idua ls involved are e s t i m a t e s drawn from newspaper a r t i c l e s and interv iews, and cannot be considered as abso lu te ly accurate . 12 Chapters I, II, and III, provide a de ta i led study of the internal p r o c e s s e s and s t r u c t u r e of the S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n . The source of material was large ly from personal Interviews with key people working in the C o a l i t i o n , or from others who were Important actors in the p o l i t i c a l system during that t i m e . I 6 Chapter IV analyzes the C o a l i t i o n , reviews i t s accomplishments, and examines Its dec l ine a f t e r i t s ra ison d 'e t re vanished with the "Kelowna Accord" . 13 Introduction Footnotes 1W11 I f am K. C a r r o l l , "The S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n " in Warren Magnusson, Wi l l iam K. C a r r o l l , Charles Doyle, Monika Langer, R . B . J . Walker (eds.) The New. Rea I i t y : The PoI i t les. of. Restra int in Br,111sh Col umb ia (Vancouver: New Star Books, 1984), p. 112. 2 1 b T d . , p. 113. ^ P h i l i p Resnick, "The Ideology of Neo Conservatism" in Magnusson et al (ed.) The .New" ReaI i t y . pp. 131-43. For fur ther Information about neoconservat ive views see: P. Riddel I, The Thatcher Government. (Oxford: Robertson, 1983). C. Leys , "Neo Conservatism and the Organic C r i s i s in B r i t a i n " , Studies in P o l I t i c a l Economy. no. 4 (1980) pp. 41-63. D. R. Cameron, "On the L im i ts of the Pub l i c Economy", Annals of the American Academy of P o l i t i c a l and Socia l Sc ience , no. 459 (1982) pp. 46-62. ^For expansion on neoconservative at tacks on the wel fare s ta te see Mi l ton Friedman, Rose Friedman, Tyranny of the Status Quo (San Diego, New York, London: Harcourt Brace Janovfch P u b l i s h e r s , 1984). 5 C l a u s O f f e , Cont rad ic t ions of the Welfare S ta te , ed . John Keane (Cambridge, Massachusetts: The MIT P r e s s , 1984) pp. 61-68. 6 l b l d . , p. 69. 7 Norman R u f f , " S o c i a l C r e d i t As Employer" in ed. Magnusson et a l , The. New. Real, i t y . pp. 152-64. 8 0 f f e , C o n t r a d i c t I o n s o f , t h e W e l f a r e - S t a t e , P- 171. ^ F o r i n f o r m a t i o n about the debate concerning the Socia l Cred i t Government p o l i c y r e f e r to PART I "The P o l i t i c a l Economy of Res t ra in t " in ed . Magnusson et a l . The New Real i ty pp. 19-87. l^See both of the fo l lowing works. Frances Fox P iven , Richard A. Cloward, The New ..Class War Reagan? s Attack on the Wei fare State and Its.Con sequences (New York: Pantheon Books, 1982) and Frances Fox P iven , Richard A. Cloward, Poor Peop le 's Movements Whv Thev Succeed How They.Fa 11 (New York: Pantheon Books, 1977). l 1 P i v e n and Cloward, The.New C lass War, p. 143. 1 2 1 b I d . , p. 127. 1 3 1 b I d . , p. 142. 1 4 M a n c u r Olson, The Log ic of Col Iect ive Act ion Pub I ic .Goods and The.Theory of. Groups (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard Un ivers i ty Press , 14 The Theory of Groups (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard Un ivers i ty Press , 1971). 1 5 0 l s o n , The Log ic of Col Iect ive Act ion, pp. 127-29. 1 6 P l e a s e see Appendix 2 for a complete l i s t of people interviewed in the process of researching t h i s t h e s i s . 15 CHAPTER I Parameters, of. the So I idar ity,, ,Coa l i t ion The S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n was formed as a response to the Budget and B i l l s 2 t o 27 which were introduced In the l e g i s l a t u r e Ju ly 7, 1983, by the r e - e l e c t e d Socia l Cred i t Government. It was an amalgam of Operat ion S o l i d a r i t y , a t rade union committee represent ing a l l organized labour in the prov ince , and community groups represent ing a wide soc ia l and pol i t i c a l spectrum. These groups came together In a C o a l i t i o n expressly for the purpose of opposing the budget and the proposed r e s t r a i n t l e g i s l a t i o n . The operat ional statement of the S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n stated i t s purposes as fo l lows: " T h i s c o a l i t i o n w i l l work prov ince-wide and through local coal i t ions: a) t o oppose the brutal at tack of government against the s o c i a l , economic and democratic f i b r e of t h i s province by demanding the withdrawal of a l l government l e g i s l a t i o n which adversely a f f e c t s the economic and human r i g h t s of B r i t i s h Columbians; b) t o he lp i n d i v i d u a l s and groups d i r e c t l y a f f e c t e d by adverse government a c t i o n s ; c) to s t a r t broad pub l ic d i s c u s s i o n s in t h i s province in an e f f o r t t o develop publIc p o l I c i e s for a s o c i a l and economic recovery a l t e r n a t i v e designed to meet the real needs of people in the 1980s." 1 The S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n not only opposed the r e s t r a i n t l e g i s l a t i o n for i t s content but objected to i t on other grounds as w e l l . F i r s t , C o a l i t i o n members saw It as a betrayal of the e l e c t o r a t e . They charged that the Socia l Cred i t Party had campaigned, in May, on a platform of c o n t i n u e d r e s t r a i n t , maintenance of s o c i a l programs, and fos te r ing economic recovery . The l e g i s l a t i o n , in t h e i r view, far exceeded these campaign promises; rather i t i n i t i a t e d a rad ica l t ransformat ion of the s o c i a l c o n t r a c t . The Socia l Cred i t c la im of an e lec to ra l mandate for the 16 l e g i s l a t i o n was seen as b la tan t ly dishonest and an abuse of t h e i r newly acquired major i ty . S e c o n d , In the time lapse between the e l e c t i o n and the Budget, there were no attempts made by the Government to Involve, in a c o n s u l t a t i v e process , any of those groups who would be most a f fec ted by the l e g i s -l a t i o n . Th is f lau ted the t r a d i t i o n a l approach to major changes in pub l i c pol icy where a modest in fus ion of publIc Input produced some degree of pub IIc consensus. D r . C h a r l e s P a r i s , who was the Chairperson of the Human Rights Commission unt i l h is p o s i t i o n was abol ished on Ju ly 14, pursuant to B i l l 27 the Human Rights A c t , l ikened the l e g i s l a t i o n to an Iconcclasm. He suggested tha t : "everything was being changed and changed profoundly , w i t h o u t c o n s u l t a t i o n and without tak ing the time that a l e g i s l a t u r e requi res in our t r a d i t i o n a l l e g i s l a t i v e debate. . . There was no under-s tanding, whatsoever, of the p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s . " 2 Th is r e f r a i n occurs again and again In dialogue with people from the C o a l i t i o n . They were not averse to measures of r e s t r a i n t but they objected vehemently to the magnitude of change Implied in the l e g i s l a t i o n , and to the f a i l u r e of the Socia l Cred i t Party to s p e l l out c l e a r l y , p r i o r to the e l e c t i o n , the Government's Intentions to reshape the p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l , and economic r e a l i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. Apar t from the s c a l e of changes which the l e g i s l a t i o n Implied, the sheer number of B i l l s introduced as a s i n g l e package, was uncommon and d i f f i c u l t to a s s i m i l a t e or understand. Its magnitude overwhelmed the many in teres t groups most a f fec ted by It. People reacted to the volume as well as the content of the l e g i s l a t i o n . It heightened t h e i r sense of 17 being i n v o l u n t a r i l y driven in new d i r e c t i o n s , thus , r e a c t i v i t y leve ls grew qu ick ly t o produce conf ronta t ion and p o l a r i z a t i o n . Within a hec t ic four week period from July 8 to August 3 1983, Operat ion S o l i d a r i t y was formed; many community groups engaged In p ro tes t , s i n g l y and in concert with o thers . Meetings were organized that mobil ized people whose spec ia l in te res ts were a f fec ted by the l e g i s l a t i o n . Local c o a l i t i o n s , such as the Lower Mainland Budget C o a l i t i o n , arranged protest ra l I i es .3 B r i t i s h Columbia was the s i t e of intense p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y which had been cata lyzed by the Budget and concurrent r e s t r a i n t l e g i s l a -t i o n . A s o c i a l protest movement, that was to Involve hundreds of thousands of B r i t i s h Columbians, was born. Formation and S t ruc ture of S o l I d a r i t v Coal It Ion O p , a r f l t l , g n , . S Q l , l . d a r I - t , Y "Operation S o l i d a r i t y " , the t rade union component, played a major r o l e in the S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n . It was instrumental in organiz ing the C o a l i t i o n and has provided to ta l f i n a n c i a l support for the C o a l i t i o n . It is c r u c i a l to understand the h i s t o r y , the mot iva t ion , and the s t ruc ture of Operation S o l i d a r i t y because they shed l igh t on the workings of the resu l tan t C o a l i t i o n and Its s t rugg le to maintain common cause between labour and the community groups. Operation S o l i d a r i t y represented an unprecedented coming together of t rade unions as well as academic and p r o f e s s i o n a l workers i n t o one organ iza t ion to oppose the r e s t r a i n t Budget and enabl ing l e g i s l a t i o n . It Included: "the B . C . Federat ion of Labour and v i r t u a l l y a l l the other o r g a n i z a t i o n s which represent employees such as , the Bu i ld ing Trades C o u n c i l , the Canadian Confederation of Unions, p u b l i c sector unions not 18 a f f i l i a t e d to the B . C . Federat ion of Labour I.e., nurses , pub l ic school teachers , hospi ta l workers, c o l l e g e teachers , and the Facul ty A s s o c i a t i o n s at the U n i v e r s i t i e s . " 4 The program of ac t ion adopted by Operation S o l i d a r i t y Included the major p ropos i t ion t h a t , as a labour movement, i t would: "enter into a broad based c o a l i t i o n with other groups such as the churches, the unemployed, peace groups, tenants ' o r g a n i -z a t i o n s , minor i ty groups, small business groups, women's groups and any other groups who have a sense of moral and s o c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to the o v e r a l l community." 5 These groups would c o n s t i t u t e the other ha l f of the protest movement which became known as the S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n . Not only was t h i s a f i r s t ever e f f o r t in d i r e c t l y l ink ing labour and community together in common c a u s e , but i t a l s o was unusual in that a l l t rade unions in B . C . agreed to forgo r a i d i n g p r a c t i c e s and to respect the s ta tus quo of c u r r e n t l y es tab l i shed bargaining u n i t s . The intent ion of Operation S o l i d a r i t y to a l i g n i t s e l f w i th the community groups derived from a number of complex motives. Clay Perry , an IWA spokesperson seconded to the Coal i t ion as a s t a f f person, explained the union 's viewpoint s u c c i n c t l y . The l e g i s l a t i o n was an assau l t on the heart and soul of the labour movement which was already in a weakened cond i t ion due to massive layo f fs occasioned by the economic r e c e s s i o n . He sa id that labour saw I t se l f as a minor i ty and pragmat ica l ly suggested: "We exerc ised l i t t l e moral author i ty unless we were able to acquire support and work with community groups; . . . i f we j u s t objected to labour measures, then we would be i s o l a t e d , and the other f o l k s would be i s o l a t e d , and they (the Government) would pick us o f f one at a t i m e . " 6 19 P e r r y ' s concern about labour f i g h t i n g t h i s ba t t l e in i s o l a t i o n is welI taken. Robert Presthus, in E l i t e Accommodation, in Canadian P o l i t i c s , argues t h a t , in Canadian p o l i t i c s , c e r t a i n groups, such as labour, are r e s t r i c t e d in t h e i r a b i l i t y to inf luence government. He suggests that labour s u f f e r s from comparatively low resources , low access t o power e l i t e s , and low legit imacy in our p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e . He maintains that because of these f a c t o r s , the in te rac t ion of labour with government and the bureaucrat ic e l i t e is less l i k e l y t o produce the sought a f t e r accom-modation.^ P o t e n t i a l l y , labour 's union with the community In a broad popular movement might provide some of the m i s s i n g moral a u t h o r i t y that Perry perceived as a labour f a i l i n g . Ar t Kube, President of the B . C . Federat ion of Labour and the man with the v i s i o n which presaged formation of the S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n , saw the alignment of labour and community as the power base for an e f f e c t i v e oppos i t ion to the perceived l e g i s l a t i v e attack against the soc ia l In f ras -t r u c t u r e . He developed the Idea of a broad-based nonpart isan s o c i a l movement which would include a d i v e r s i t y of groups united In what he c a l l e d "complete common cause . " Kube acknowledged the " s o c i a l demo-c r a t i c " philosophy which underlay h is th ink ing and agreed that he saw t h i s C o a l i t i o n as serv ing both short and long range o b j e c t i v e s . I n i t i a l l y , he saw the C o a l i t i o n ' s short term purpose as fo rc ing the Government to withdraw the proposed r e s t r a i n t package. With the wisdom of h inds igh t , he suggests that goal was u n r e a l i s t i c but i t d id serve the purpose of keeping everyone together . For the long term, Kube saw the C o a l i t i o n as a v e h i c l e for developing s o c i a l and economic a l t e r n a t i v e s to 20 the neoconservat ive Ideology manifested by these changes in p rov inc ia l pub I ic p o l i c y . The issue of nonpart lsanship for the C o a l i t i o n was an important one In Kube's eyes. He saw the l e g i s l a t i o n as c u t t i n g across a l l p o l i -t i c a l and s o c i a l boundaries; that i t was c r i t i c a l to avoid the road block of par t isansh ip which could prevent the C o a l i t i o n from achieving i t s broad base o b j e c t i v e s . These sentiments echo Piven and Cloward's p r e d i c t i o n of groups un i t ing across l ines of c l a s s , r a c e , age, and gender. Operat ion S o l i d a r i t y was, I t s e l f , a separate and d i s t i n c t en t i ty apart from the S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n . Th is d i v i s i o n has sometimes been Ignored by o b s e r v e r s who t r e a t the two organ iza t ions as synonymous, c r e a t i n g misunderstandings with respect to the ind iv idual r o l e s they r e a l l y p layed. Th is problem was accentuated by press coverage which seldom d i f f e r e n t i a t e d between the two, and d i f f e r e n t , S o l i d a r i t y e n t i t i e s . O p e r a t i o n S o l i d a r i t y was a c o a l i t i o n of t rade unions and other employee a s s o c i a t i o n s guided by a p r o v i n c i a l T rade Union S o l i d a r i t y Committee. T h i s committee, under the leadership of the B . C . Federat ion of Labour Execut ive C o u n c i l , was respons ib le for overa l l c o o r d i n a t i o n , m o b i l i z a t i o n , and admin is t ra t ion of funds. A major agreement amongst a l l unions, was that the c h i e f spokesperson for B . C . labour would be Art Kube, Pres ident of the B . C . Federat ion of Labour. He was respons ib le for a l l pub l i c pronouncements of Operation S o l i d a r i t y . Operation S o l i d a r i t y was.a I so organized at the local level through labour c o u n c i l s . The i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s were to mobi l i ze and coordinate f i g h t - b a c k campaigns against the proposed l e g i s l a t i o n . Local unions were expected to educate t h e i r membership about the impl ica t ions of the 21 l e g i s l a t i o n and to engage in l e t t e r wr i t ing campaigns, lobbying, and p a r t i c i p a t i o n in community wide protest r a l l i e s . Th is organizat iona l s t ruc tu re was set up to operate over an extended p e r i o d of f o u r y e a r s with i t s mandate to be renewed annual ly . The development of t h i s programme of organizat ion and ac t ion was accomplished wi th in one week of the r e s t r a i n t package being introduced on Ju ly 7 1983.8 Af te r Ju ly 15 1983, Operation S o l i d a r i t y began contact ing var ious community groups to attend a planning meeting scheduled for August 3. The major agenda item was to consider t h e i r proposal for u n i f i e d act ion under an umbrel la o r g a n i z a t i o n , the S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n . They a l s o asked that community groups p a r t i c i p a t e with them in a mass p r o t e s t r a l l y , the f i r s t in a s e r i e s , to meet on the steps of the L e g i s l a t u r e on J u l y 27 1983. In summary, o r g a n i z e d labour and a f f i l i a t e d employee groups in B r i t i s h Columbia united under the banner of Operat ion S o l i d a r i t y t o oppose the Government's r e s t r a i n t package. Pub l ic and p r i va te sector unions were w i l l i n g to bury t h e i r an imosi t ies to j o i n In common cause. Labour extended an Inv i ta t ion t o the community at large t o j o i n with them to form the nonpart isan umbrel la o r g a n i z a t i o n , the S o l i d a r i t y Coal i t ion. Art Kube, Pres ident of the B . C . Federat ion of Labour and leader of Operation S o l i d a r i t y , had emerged as a potent force deter -mined to l ink labour and the community in a broad based s o c i a l protest movement. Kube saw the C o a l i t i o n as a loose organ iza t ion without hard p o l i c y or d e f i n i t i v e boundaries. It would requi re leadership from people who would show s e n s i t i v i t y and a b i l i t y to accommodate to the d iverse needs 22 would show s e n s i t i v i t y and a b i l i t y to accommodate to the d iverse needs and demands of the member o rgan iza t ions . CpffirnuPlt,y1iQ'"<?lglpl5 "Community g r o u p s " are o r g a n i z a t i o n s r e p r e s e n t i n g a d i v e r s i t y of people with a wide va r i e ty of hopes and a s p i r a t i o n s . P r i o r to the a l l i a n c e with labour in forming the C o a l i t i o n , they had already made s i g n i f i c a n t c o n t r i b u t i o n s to the protest movement. Community groups, on t h e i r own i n i t i a t i v e , had Immediately responded to the Government's proposed l e g i s l a t i o n . P o l i t i c a l a c t i v i s t s and community l e a d e r s organized meetings, began Information shar ing , and set up a communication network t o help mobi l i ze opposi t ion t o the Budget. Women Against the Budget, the Human Rights C o a l i t i o n , the C o a l i t i o n of the D i s a b l e d , the Lower Mainland Budget Coal i t l o n , and the Defend Education C o a l i t i o n , were a l l examples of c i t i z e n s in t h e i r communities organiz ing to form an e f f e c t i v e oppos i t ion t o the proposed l e g i s l a t i o n . The July 23rd r a l l y at B . C . P lace Stadium, involv ing t h i r t y - f i v e thousand people , was the r e s u l t of community "networking" done through the Lower Mainland Budget C o a l i t i o n . ^ The Communist Party of Canada was a l s o instrumental in organiz ing t h i s c o a l i t i o n and r a l l y . Th is proved to be content ious la te r when the S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n was being formed. Some groups worried that such community wide p r o t e s t might be perceived by the pub l i c as a Communist f ront because of a s s o c i a t i o n with the extreme l e f t . 1 ^ Th is issue s e n s i t i z e d groups to the importance of the C o a l i t i o n adopting a nonpart isan s tance. Both the community groups and labour wished to avoid par t isan i d e n t i f i c a t i o n for fear of a l i e n a t i n g p o s s i b l e future members. 23 Operat ion S o l i d a r i t y c a l l e d a meeting for August 3 at the Operating Engineers Hall in Burnaby. They Invited representat ives from var ious community groups, profess iona l a s s o c i a t i o n s , r e l i g i o u s o rgan iza t ions , and advocacy groups for spec ia l i n te res ts such as the d i s a b l e d , the poor, women, e thnic m i n o r i t i e s and others to gather and d iscuss the consequences of the proposed l e g i s l a t i o n . Community groups that had already taken an a c t i v e r o l e In protest such as Women Against the Budget and the Lower Mainland Budget C o a l i t i o n a l s o contacted i n d i v i d u a l s and organ iza t ions in the community to p a r t i c i p a t e in t h i s meeting. By t h i s time there was a much stronger sense of both the widespread Impact and the interconnected-ness of the separate l e g i s l a t i v e B i l l s . P e o p l e spoke of a growing awareness of the need to form a strong and united oppos i t ion to the package. A r t Kube, s p o k e s p e r s o n f o r O p e r a t i o n S o l i d a r i t y , proposed the formation of the S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n . He p r e s e n t e d an o p e r a t i o n a l statement which ou t l ined the proposed mandate of the C o a l i t i o n . Th is statement was voted on and adopted and these d iverse groups became, in e f f e c t , the founding members of the C o a l i t i o n , hereaf ter re fe r red to as the "Assembly". Kube a l s o suggested that an Advisory Committee be appointed t o work on s e t t i n g up a s t ruc ture and potent ia l plan of ac t ion for the C o a l i t i o n . Renate Shearer, former Human Rights Commissioner, and Father Jim Roberts a C a t h o l i c p r i e s t and r e l i g i o u s s tud ies ins t ruc tor at Langara C o l l e g e , were appointed with Art Kube t o that Committee. They were to be a s s i s t e d by two s t a f f persons seconded from the labour movement and by 24 other community represen ta t i ves . The Advisory Committee was to report back to the Assembly on August 30th. At the meeting on August 3 rd , a proposal was a l s o made t o form a s teer ing committee of f i f t e e n persons r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the v a r i o u s groups and r o u g h l y p a r a l l e l i n g the d i f f e r e n t areas of the proposed l e g i s l a t i o n . Response from those present indicated that c e r t a i n groups f e l t unrepresented so the s teer ing committee was enlarged to include twenty-seven d i f f e r e n t issue groups. H The groups were: Ant i -Pover ty C i v i l L i b e r t i e s Co-Operat ive Sector Disabled Env ironmental Ists Ethnic M i n o r i t i e s Gays/Lesbians Health Human Rights Injured Workers Native Groups Peace Movement Pr iva te Sector Unions P r o f e s s i o n a l s Publ ic Education Pub l i c Sector Unions Re I lg ious SmaI I Bus inesses Socia l Serv ices Students Tenants UnempIoyed U n i v e r s i t i e s / C o l leges Women Youth Senior C i t i z e n s / P e n s i o n e r s ^Operation S o l i d a r i t y * O p e r a t i o n S o l i d a r i t y Is the labour a l l i a n c e represent ing 400,000 B . C . workers. Kube, in the name of Operation Sol i d a r l t y , pledged a budget of twenty thousand d o l l a r s per month to set up and s t a f f a C o a l i t i o n o f f i c e . B e s i d e s the two s t a f f p e r s o n s , three c l e r i c a l people were seconded from the labour movement to work in t h i s o f f i c e . Spokespersons from the d i f f e r e n t sectors In the community spoke e loquent ly about the consequences of the proposed l e g i s l a t i o n for t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r I n t e r e s t s . They a l s o shared the sentiment—expressed by laboui—that the l e g i s l a t i o n a f fec ted everyone in B r i t i s h Columbia and that a strong united f ront was a necess i ty in opposing the Government. Many community group leaders qu ick ly recognized that an a l l i a n c e with 25 the labour movement would a l s o grea t ly extend t h e i r own commitment of f i n a n c i a l and human resources In mounting f ight -back campaigns. The groups that comprised the "community" sector were not homogeneous; they came to the C o a l i t i o n for d i f f e r e n t reasons. However, they shared a common f e e l i n g of moral outrage at the perceived s o c i a l i n j u s t i c e embodied in the r e s t r a i n t package and agreed that i t should be withdrawn. But they did not n e c e s s a r i l y agree on methods t o a c h i e v e t h i s p u r p o s e . The groups supported an umbrella organ iza t ion because i t would enhance the coord ina t ion and mob i l i za t ion necessary for an e f f e c t i v e p r o t e s t . Some community groups expressed reservat ions about the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Operation S o l i d a r i t y and the r e s t of the C o a l i t i o n . They did not perce ive themselves as the weaker or less equal partner In the union. Frances Wasser le in , a spokesperson for Women Against the Budget, suggested that labour underestimated and misjudged the broad impact and e f f e c t i v e -ness of community o r g a n i z a t I o n . 1 ^ Th is ear ly d i s q u i e t in the r e l a t i o n s h i p between labour and the community forshadowed the problems that a r o s e la te r on. Th is tens ion was a l s o echoed in remarks concerning the percept ion of some that Operation S o l i d a r i t y staged a takeover of the protest movement rather than a merger with community g r o u p s . 1 3 While respect ing Operat ion S o l i d a r i t y ' s c a l l to common cause, some community leaders worried about whether the Coal i t i o n would be dominated by the labour movement. Feminists in p a r t i c u l a r f e l t that the labour leadership assumed that labour bureau-c r a t s should be the natural leaders of the movement because of t h e i r organizat iona l and f i n a n c i a l s t r e n g t h . ^ 26 There were four other fac to rs which inf luenced the evo lu t ion of the C o a l i t i o n . Chief among these were changes which occurred within the leadership of the labour movement and the NDP, almost c o i n c i d i n g with in t roduct ion of the new r e s t r a i n t l e g i s l a t i o n . The other two fac tors were the shortness of time a v a i l a b l e to f o r e s t a l l passage of the l e g i s l a -t i o n , and the complexity of the p o l i t i c a l c l imate in B .C . The s i g n i f i c a n c e of these changes was enormous In shaping the C o a l i t i o n and i ts r e l a t i o n -ship with i t s p o l i t i c a l p ro tagon is ts . Looking f i r s t at leadership changes involv ing organized labour, Jim K i n n a i r d , the President of the B . C . F e d e r a t i o n of Labour had d ied suddenly. He was succeeded by Art Kube "a new untested kind of unknown quant i ty" ,15 only one month before t h i s conf ronta t ion began. Kube was catapul ted into a more prominent l e a d e r s h i p r o l e by the Government r e s t r a i n t package. It was perceived as an attack on the "heart and s o u l " of the labour movement and a strong e f f e c t i v e response was necessary. Kube's leadership was to be tes ted immediate ly .1 6 Kube inher i ted with t h i s p o s i t i o n the ambivalent r e l a t i o n s which e x i s t between the pub l i c and p r i v a t e sector unions in B r i t i s h Columbia. Unt i l the occurrence of the c i v i l se rv ice layof fs assoc ia ted with the proposed l e g i s l a t i o n , p r iva te sector unions had borne the brunt of job Insecuri ty caused by the f a l t e r i n g economy. Art Kube had a long h is tory of a s s o c i a t i o n with t rade unions and a strong personal commitment to s o c i a l democratic idea ls . Th is imbued h i s leadership with a q u a l i t y of v i s i o n which permeated h is thoughts about how oppos i t ion to the proposed l e g i s l a t i o n should be organized. But, h is i d e a l i s t i c approach was not necessar i l y shared by other labour leaders or 27 I d e a l i s t i c approach was not n e c e s s a r i l y shared by other labour leaders or by rank and f i l e union members.1? Throughout the summer and f a l l of 1983, Kube was In a p o s i t i o n of having to prove h is competence as the President of the B . C . Federat ion of Labour whi le shepherding Operation S o l i d a r i t y through i t s commitment to the C o a l i t i o n . Kube was the most c r u c i a l l ink between labour and the C o a l i t i o n and t h i s required acquaint ing each group with the o t h e r ' s Issues In order to susta in h is v i s i o n of common cause. T h i s lynchpin p o s i t i o n is explored more f u l l y in Chapter III as i t Is fundamental to understanding the breakdown in communication that occurred during the Kelowna Accord when Kube was removed from the dialogue by an untimely iI Iness. Dave B a r r e t t , leader of the NDP, announced h is Intention to res ign shor t l y a f t e r the resounding e lec to ra l defeat of the party in the May e l e c t i o n . H i s announcement coupled with the general demoral izat ion assoc ia ted with the e l e c t i o n defeat added to the sense of the p a r t y ' s d i s a r r a y . The ac t ions of the new Government caught the NDP as much by s u r p r i s e as others in the community and they were l i t t l e prepared t o mount an e f f e c t i v e o p p o s i t i o n . The t iming was inopportune for the par ty ; with a lame duck leader and a need t o recoup from the e lec to ra l l o s s , people were doubtful that the NDP had the resources or the reso lve to provide a strong opposi t ion in the House as well as outs ide It.18 Some speculated that the Socia l Cred i t d e l i b e r a t e l y chose to introduce such con t rovers ia l l e g i s l a t i o n at that time t o take advantage of the NDP's low m o r a l e . ^ 28 The ambivalent r e l a t i o n s h i p which ex is ted between the C o a l i t i o n and the NDP was noted by several Indiv iduals interviewed. There are a number of f ac to rs which help to expla in t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p and i ts inf luence in shaping the C o a l i t i o n . One such fac tor was noted by Art Kube when he discussed h is de te r -mined e f f o r t to keep the C o a l i t i o n nonpart isan, an e f f o r t which included asking Dave B a r r e t t , leader of the par ty , to help keep a d is tance between i t and the C o a l i t i o n . His reason: 1 1 . . . i t ' s a popular movement and we cannot even appear to create the Impression that we are r e f i g h t i n g the e l e c t i o n ; what we are f i g h t i n g is a betrayal of the people by dev ia t ion of the Socreds from t h e i r e l e c t i o n pIatform."20 Fol lowing up the notion of nonpart Isanship, Renate Shearer, c o - c h a i r -person of the C o a l i t i o n had t h i s to say: "there was an awareness that If i t was going to be as broad-based as people dreamed that i t might be, you c o u l d n ' t have p a r t i s a n a l l i a n c e s t h a t would s c a r e people o f f . . . people came out for reasons of j u s t i c e , not par t isan view."21 Gerry S c o t t , a defeated NDP candidate and current P r o v i n c i a l Secretary of the Par ty , reported attempts by var ious NDP members to have Party representa t ives scheduled as speakers at C o a l i t i o n f u n c t i o n s . They were not s u c c e s s f u l . He thought the C o a l i t i o n saw only a l e g i s l a t i v e r o l e for the NDP and that t h i s created an unfortunate p u b l i c percept ion of l imi ted involvement on the part of the Par ty .22 Even se t t ing as ide the quest ion of p a r t i s a n s h i p , there is some quest ion whether a s s o c i a t i o n with the NDP would have been useful given the p a r t y ' s own problems. Th is uncerta inty about the NDP as an e f f e c t i v e o p p o s i t i o n fostered a greater rel iance on the Coal i t ion; and underscored the pol i t i c a l 29 complexity that was a part of organiz ing It. It even fostered specula t ion about the r o l e of the C o a l i t i o n In the p o l i t i c a l system Including the quest ion of whether the C o a l i t i o n was, in f a c t , rep lac ing the o f f i c i a l Opposi t ion.23 Events in the l e g i s l a t u r e contr ibuted to the undermining of the NDP r o l e as the o f f i c i a l Opposi t ion and turned a t ten t ion to the pro tes t movement outs ide the L e g i s l a t u r e . One of the most s i g n i f i c a n t fac tors in f luenc ing the evolut ion of the C o a l i t i o n was that of t ime. Timing is always of concern to p o l i t i c a l s t r a t e g i s t s and as noted e a r l i e r the Socia l Cred i t appeared t o c a p i t a l i z e on t h i s fac tor t o make i t work for them. They caught the NDP at a I ow ebb, they In i t ia ted unprecedented change at the outset of t h e i r re ign of power with the expectat ion of pol i t i c a l fo rget fu l ness at the next e l e c t i o n , and they fol lowed the d i c t a t e s of the neoconservatIve gurus who espouse quick and dramatic ac t ion .24 Conversely , the shortness of time was a negative fac tor for those bu i ld ing the C o a l i t i o n . There was not time for thoughtful de l ibe ra t ion about what s t r u c t u r e or processes would be most e f f e c t i v e , about how c o n f l i c t s should be r e s o l v e d , or about which i s s u e s s h o u l d r e c e i v e highest p r i o r i t y . There was only time t o react and to attempt to mount an e f f e c t i v e protest wi thin the Impending time c o n s t r a i n t s imposed by passage of the B i l l s In the House and the expiry of the BCGEU cont rac t with mass layof fs scheduled for October 31. Clay Per ry , a C o a l i t i o n s t a f f person g r a p h i c a l l y sums up the f e e l i n g : "unhappi ly , we d i d n ' t have time to work out how t h i s Ins t i tu t ion should be framed; we were kind of patching i t together ; a metaphor that I have used is that of assembling an automobile whi le simultaneously d r i v i n g i t down the freeway at one 30 hundred mi les per h o u r . " 2 5 In the short space of time between Ju ly 7th and August 30th, 1983, opponents of the Government r e s t r a i n t measures created an umbrella organiza t ion which represented more than one m i l l i o n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a n s . 2 6 Another important fac tor which inf luenced the shaping of the Coal i t ion Is the p o l i t i c a l context of B r i t i s h Columbia. The r e s t r a i n t package h i t assorted nerves In B . C . ' s p o l i t i c a l body and caused even some Government supporters to react with d ismay. 2 ? Professor David E l k i n ' s s tud ies of the pol i t i c a l "s ta te of mind" In B . C . shed some I ight on why the Coal i t i on a t t rac ted such a broad segment of soc ie ty regard less of p o l i t i c a l a f f i l i -a t i o n . 2 8 E l k i n s has def ined a fundamental cleavage in B . C . p o l i t i c s which Is or iented towards a measure of indiv idual versus c o l l e c t i v e r e s p o n s i -b i l i t y . He s ta tes that the Socia l Cred i t Party upholds values c l u s t e r e d around the indiv idual i s t end of the spectrum, whi le the NDP Party is more p h i l o s o p h i c a l l y i d e n t i f i e d with c o l l e c t i v i s t va lues . The crux of the d i f fe rence in o r i e n t a t i o n centers on whether the ind iv idual or the c o l l e c t i v i t y should bear the major r i s k s or bene f i t s assoc ia ted with our compet i t ive economic system. Coupled wi th t h e s e economic concerns Is the degree to which government should intervene t o apport ion these r i s k s and b e n e f i t s . The proposed I eg is I at Ion sh i f t ed , marked Iy, the onus of respons!b i I i t y towards the i n d i v i d u a l . What is s a l i e n t here is E l k i n ' s f ind ing tha t , despi te c l e a r par t isan d i f f e rences inherent in the i n d i v i d u a l i s t versus c o l l e c t i v i s t spectrum, the majori ty of the e l e c t o r a t e is centered at the midpoint or s l i g h t l y towards the c o l l e c t i v i s t end. 31 The Government's Intention t o diverge r a d i c a l l y from t h i s c e n t r i s t p o s i t i o n engendered a wider oppos i t ion t o Its program and garnered more pro tes te rs In the C o a l i t i o n . Father Roberts , c o - c h a i r p e r s o n of the C o a l i t i o n , summed up t h i s f e e l i n g : " . . . the p o l i t i c s of t h i s could not be acted upon wi th in the lineup of the two p a r t i e s . . . the reason being the Government attacked some of the most fundamental s o c i a l , economic, and democratic r i g h t s that cut across party bounds . . . t h i s movement goes beyond p o l i t i c a l a f f i l i a t i o n s . " ^ Summax.y The C o a l i t i o n was a soc ia l protest movement, framed within a loose organiza t iona l s t r u c t u r e , which Incorporated two major segments of s o c i e t y , labour and the community. They drew together t o demand that the Government withdraw i t s c o n t r o v e r s i a l l e g i s l a t i v e package . Running t r u e t o B . C . ' s p o l i t i c a l form, the C o a l i t i o n , faced with what It perceived as Government Intransigence, qu ick ly organized massive protest r a l l i e s and plunged into the p o l i t i c a l f r a y . A s t r i k i n g feature of the C o a l i t i o n was the d i v e r s i t y of groups that banded together in a common cause. As Piven and Cloward suggested, the simultaneous provocat ion of a broad range of groups such as e n v i o r n -m e n t a l i s t s , organized labour, the a g e d , women, c i v i l r i g h t s groups and o thers , was prompted in B . C . by the r i g h t wing r e s t r a i n t package. They, however, asser t that these d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l cons t i tuenc ies are not e a s i l y repressed and fur ther present a danger to government. Piven and Cloward argue that a r i g h t wing government Is vu lnerable t o the p l u r a l i t y of voters represented by these groups and that a government must heed them In i t s own in te res ts .^0 32 T h e e x p e r i e n c e o f t h e S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n a p p e a r s t o n e g a t e P i v e n a n d C l o w a r d ' s a s s e r t i o n s a b o u t t h e p o t e n t i a l p o w e r o f t h e s e d i v e r s e g r o u p s a n d t h e a s s u m e d v u l n e r a b i l i t y o f r i g h t w i n g g o v e r n m e n t s t o t h e m . T h e d i v e r s i t y w i t h i n t h e C o a l i t i o n was d o u b l e e d g e d . On t h e o n e h a n d i t l e n t a p o w e r f u l m o r a l a u t h o r i t y t o t h e a l l i a n c e i n common c a u s e ; b u t o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , t h e d i v e r s i t y e x t e n d e d t o a m u l t i p l i c i t y o f a g e n d a s , c o n f l i c t s o v e r m e t h o d s , a n d u l t i m a t e l y d i f f e r e n c e s a b o u t w h a t common c a u s e m e a n t . 3 3 Chapter I Footnotes S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n , O p e r a t i o n a l - , , S t a t e m e n t , 29 August 1 9 8 3 , O f f i c e f i l e s of S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n , Vancouver, B . C . 2 C h a r l e s P a r i s , interview held in Vancouver, May 2 9 , 1 9 8 5 . 3 " 3 5 , 0 0 0 March Against Budget", The Fisherman (Vancouver) 25 Ju ly 1 9 8 3 . "Angry 6 , 0 0 0 hear Fed 's c a l l to arms", Vancouver Sun. 2 0 Ju ly 1 9 8 3 . "Disabled r a i s e concerns at being included in a c t " , Vancouver Sun. 20 Ju ly 1 9 8 3 . 4 U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, The L i b r a r y , Special C o l l e c t i o n s D i v i s i o n . Larry Kuehn C o l l e c t i o n , Box 5 F i l e 1 0 , " S o l i d a r i t y - Background and What's Coming" 26 August 1 9 8 3 . 5 B . C . F e d e r a t i o n of L a b o u r . " O p e r a t i o n S o l i d a r i t y Program of Act ion" 15 Ju ly 1983 personal f i l e s of F a t h e r J . R o b e r t s , C o - C h a i r S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n . 6 C l a y Per ry , interview held in Vancouver, 8 Ju ly 1 9 8 5 . 7 Rober t Presthus , El i te Accommodation in Canadian P o l i t i e s (Toronto: MacMillan of Canada, 1 9 8 3 ) . See p a r t i c u l a r l y Ch. 5 P o l i t i c a l Resources of Interest Groups pp. 1 2 1 - 1 4 0 . 8 B . C . Federat ion of Labour, I b i d . , p . 2 . 9 " 3 5 , 0 0 0 March Against Budget", The Fisherman. Vancouver 25 Ju ly 1 9 8 3 . "Thousands Join Ca l l to B a t t l e Socred 's Budget", Vancouver Province 24 Ju ly 1 9 8 3 . Vancouver Sun 21 Ju ly 1983 p. 1 . Vancouver Sun 26 Ju ly 1983 p. 1 . 1°These concerns were reported In interviews wi th: Father Jim Roberts , interviewed in Vancouver 6 August 1 9 8 5 , Renate Shearer, interviewed In Vancouver 3 0 May 1 9 8 5 , Frances Wasser le in , interviewed In Vancouver 10 June 1 9 8 5 . 11 As r e p o r t e d in Interviews wi th: Art Kube, Vancouver 11 June 34 1985, Father Roberts Vancouver 6 August 1985, and Renate Shearer 30 May 1985. 1 2 Frances Wasser le in , Interviewed in Vancouver 10 June 1985. reported In interviews wi th: Megan E l l i s , Vancouver 19 June 1985, E l l e n Frank, Va ncouver 25 June 1985, Norah Randal I, Vancouver 25 June 1985, Jim Roberts, Vancouver 6 August 1985, Gerry S c o t t , Vancouver 18 June 1985, Frances Wasserlein 10 June 1985. 1 4 As reported from interviews in Vancouver wi th: Megan E l l i s 19 June 1985, E l l e n Frank 25 June 1985. Norah Randall 25 June 1985, Jim Roberts 6 August 1985, Frances Wasserlein 10 June 1985. I^Clay Perry in an interview in Vancouver 8 June 1985. Garr " S o l i d a r i t y Has Clung Together—Thanks To Kube", Vancouver  ProvInce 29 November 1983. 17Art Kube Interviewed In Vancouver 11 June 1985. 1^As reported in interviews in Vancouver wi th: Megan E l l i s 19 June 1985, Jim Matkin 11 June 1985, Clay Perry 8 Ju ly 1985. 19 As reported in interviews in Vancouver wi th: Jim Matkin 11 June 1985, Gerry Scott 18 June 1985, Michael Walker 11 June 1985. 2 0 A r t Kube interviewed in Vancouver 11 June 1985. 2lRenate Shearer interviewed in Vancouver 30 May 1985. 22 G er ry Scot t Interviewed in Vancouver 18 June 1985. 2 3 E d i t o r i a l "On The Threshold" Vancouver Sun 16 November 1983. 2 4 F o r the neoconservat ive views with respect to t ime: an Interview with Michael Walker in Vancouver 11 June 1985 noted h is advice to the Cabinet on t h i s matter and Mi l ton & Rose Friedman, in The Tyranny of  the Status Quo (San Diego, New York, London: Harcourt Brace Janovich P u b l i s h e r s , 1984) where they compliment the Socia l Cred i t Government on the o rches t ra t ion of t h i s l e g i s l a t i o n . 2 ^CIay Per ry , interviewed in Vancouver 8 Ju ly 1985. 2 6 C h r i s R o s e , "Budget P r o t e s t o r s S h i f t Gears" Vancouver Sun 31 August 1983. ^ " C o n f r o n t a t i o n Sparks Retreat" Vancouver. Prov ince 6 November 1983 and Vancouver Sun 24 September 1983 the A r t i c l e s r e f e r r i n g to the market pol I. 35 2 8 D a v i d E l k l n s , " B r i t i s h Columbia as a State of Mind" in Donald B lake , Two Pol i t l e a l WorIds: P a r t i e s and Voting in B r i t i s h Columbia (Vancouver: Un ivers i ty of B . C . P r e s s , 1985). 2 9 J i m Roberts interviewed in Vancouver 6 August 1985. 3 0 P I v e n and Cloward, The New Class War, pp. 139-141. 36 CHAPTER I I Th is chapter d e t a i l s the s t r u c t u r e , decision-making processes , power r e l a t i o n s h i p s , and ac t ion programmes of the C o a l i t i o n . It covers the summer and ea r ly f a l l of 1983, a per iod in which thousands of B r i t i s h Columbians jo ined a protest movement In passionate defense of the soc ia l c o n t r a c t . Operation S o l i d a r i t y s tud ied the l e g i s l a t i v e package and declared i t "has l i t t l e to do with r e s t r a i n t and everything t o do with r e p r e s s i o n of Human Rights In our p r o v i n c e . " 1 S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n during t h i s per iod urged c i t i z e n s to consider the Impl icat ions of the Government l e g i s l a t i o n and to speak out against t h i s perceived Infringement of r i g h t s . At the height of i t s mass protest s i x t y - f i v e thousand people walked by the Socia l Cred i t Convention on October 15 to demonstrate t h e i r d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with government p o l i c y . What emerges from t h i s c l o s e r look at the Internal processes of the C o a l i t i o n is an awareness of the d i f f i c u l t y i t faced in sus ta in ing unity and a s ing leness of purpose. The d i f f e r e n c e s among groups with respect to organizat iona l s t r e n g t h s and weaknesses , d e c i s i o n m a k i n g s t y l e s , methods of p r o t e s t , and u l t imate ly f i n a l goals were constant ly chipping away at the moral commitment to f i g h t back as one in common cause. We see that both internal and external Influences exert pressure in shaping the C o a l i t i o n ' s s t rugg le for a c o l l e c t i v e good. The S o c i a l Cred i t Government l e g i s l a t i v e package which cata lyzed thousands to take to the s t r e e t s in protest and st imulated often b i t t e r and acrimonious p o l i t i c a l debate was comprised of twenty-s ix separate p ieces of l e g i s l a t i o n . Table 2, as f o l l o w s , is a b r i e f summary of the b i l l s which proved to be most content ious and which were s i g n i f i c a n t to the Coal i t i o n . 37 b i l l s which proved to be most content ious and which were s i g n i f i c a n t to the CoaI i t ion. TABLE 2 Rest ra in t L e g i s l a t i o n B i l 1 2 . P u b l i c . Serv ice La hour. Re I at I oas Amendment Act Th is B i l l reduced the items that could be bargained by the BCGEU such as a p p o i n t m e n t s , p r o m o t i o n s , r e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s , and r e l o c a t i o n . It l e g i s l a t e d out negotiated agreements regarding hours of work and work schedule , s h i f t work, overt ime, and vacat ion schedu l ing . B, i , l , l , , a . , , l l P,ub,| l i l c , , S e c t Q r , l R e ? t r^i^ t l A c t T h i s B i l l p r o v i d e d f o r te rmina t ion , without cause, of any p u b l i c sector employees. It allowed for f i r i n g on the bas is of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n of any s o r t . It included procedures for cab inet contro l over wages of s e n i o r government s t a f f and funded agencies . It allowed the government to determine the severance package for f i r e d employees. B i l l 5. The .Res ident ia l Tenancy Act T h i s B i l l a b o l i s h e d r e n t c o n t r o l s in B . C . immediately and phased out the Rentalsman's o f f i c e by September 30 , 1984. Landlords may e v i c t without cause and landlord- tenant d isputes must be resolved in c o u r t . Rent review ceased. B i l l 6. The .Educat ion (Interim) Finance Amendment Act T h i s B i l l gave power to the M in is te r of Education to l im i t budgets and expenditures of a l l school d i s t r i c t s . It featured a centra l i za t ion of power to the cab ine t . B i l l 26. . The EmpIovment Standards Amendment Act Th is B i l l e l iminated the Employment Standards Board invest ing i t s author i ty in the c o u r t s . It allowed c o l l e c t i v e agreements to supercede minimum labour s t a n d a r d s , in e f f e c t , p r i v a t e employers c o u l d s i g n c o n t r a c t s with unions that gave less than province wide minimum p r o t e c t i o n s . D i rec to rs and o f f i c e r s of corpora t ions were no longer l i a b l e for worker 's wages in the event of bankruptcy or r e c e i v e r s h i p . It p r o v i d e d f o r "an I n t e r e s t e d person" to apply for resc ind ing of a c o l l e c t i v e agreement in the per iod between one agreement lapsing and a new one being s igned . 38 TABLE 2 continued B i l l . 2 7 . The.Human.Rights Act T h i s B i l l a b o l i s h e d the Human Rights Branch and the Human Rights Commission, s t a f f had been f i r e d . The c o u n c i l and branch were to be replaced by a 5 member appointed Council who would r e f e r cases they could not so lve to the M i n i s t e r , there was no p rov is ion for s t a f f t o conduct invest iga t ions and a r b i t r a -t i o n . Complainants had to show the bas is of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n as we I I as the Intent of the person or company charged to d i s c r i m i n a t e , with the potent ia l of having t o pay lawyers to argue t h e i r case formerly a se rv ice undertaken by s t a f f . It a l s o e l iminated the sec t ion of the Code which p r o h i b i t s p u b l i -ca t ion of d iscr iminatory employment a d v e r t i s i n g and requests for fnformation concerning race , re l ig ion , and pol i t i c a l bel i e f s . Source: Operat ion S o l i d a r i t y , What Does t h i s L e g i s l a t i o n Mean to You? Vancouver oteu 15. Personal f i l e of Jim Roberts. Jes Odam, "A Layman's Guide, 26 B i l l s that Shook B . C . " Vancouver Sun. 15 October 1983. These were only some of the b i l l s which cons t i tu ted the r e s t r a i n t package. Reaction was widespread to t h e i r impl ica t ions which included: the decimation of pub l i c sector worker r i g h t s ; the c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of power with respect to Educat ion; and the concomitant e l i m i n a t i o n of educat ion, s o c i a l s e r v i c e , and women's programmes. 2 In t h i s chapter we see the strong s p i r i t of communion which Invigorated the bu i ld ing of the C o a l i t i o n channel led toward support of s t r i k e a c t i o n . It represents a turn ing point in the C o a l i t i o n ' s pursu i t of a c o l l e c t i v e good. S t ruc ture The p r i n c i p a l organ of the C o a l i t i o n was the Assembly. It was composed of the representa t ives of each of the member o r g a n i z a t i o n s : approximately one hundred and f i f t y community groups, a l l labour groups represented by Operation S o l i d a r i t y , and eventual ly 65 local c o a l i t i o n s . 39 represented by Operation S o l i d a r i t y , and eventual ly 65 local c o a l i t i o n s . It had ul t imate r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the a c t i v i t i e s of the C o a l i t i o n . Because a group t h i s large was very unwieldy, most C o a l i t i o n a c t i -v i t i e s were performed by a s teer ing committee. Th is committee had a membership of twenty-seven people who represented d i f f e r e n t issue groups i n c l u d i n g O p e r a t i o n S o l i d a r i t y . I n i t i a l l y only the community groups and Operation S o l i d a r i t y were represented but eventua l ly , f i v e regional members were added to represent the s i x t y - f i v e local c o a l i t i o n s . The Committee's r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s included: organiz ing sub-committees and work ing groups whose task was to bu i ld the C o a l i t i o n ; ensuring that Assembly p o l i c i e s were c a r r i e d out ; and a s s i s t i n g In coord ina t ion of a c t i -v i t i e s . Day-to-day operat ions were the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of an "admin is t ra t ion committee." Renate Shearer, Father Roberts , and A r t Kube, who were appointed as co -cha i rpersons of the C o a l i t i o n funct ioned, In concer t , as t h i s committee. The i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s included: superv is ing Implemen-t a t i o n of p o l i c y ; making publ ic statements on behalf of the C o a l i t i o n ; and adminis ter ing funds and s t a f f . Shearer reported that she was largely respons ib le for o r g a n i z a t i o n , Father Roberts for pub l i c speaking, and Kube for deal ing with Operation S o l i d a r i t y and, b a s i c a l l y , a p p r o v i n g everyth i n g . 3 Special t o p i c s were assigned to sub-committees and working groups. They deal t with the spec ia l in terest groups, with common issues such as human r i g h t s and hea l th , and with implementation of tasks and programs. It was at t h i s level that opportuni ty for input was Insured for a l l 40 member o rgan iza t ions . They were respons ib le to the Steer ing Committee and through i t to the Assembly. There were two c r i t e r i a for membership in the C o a l i t i o n : ( i ) that the organiza t ion be province wide, ( e x c e p t i o n s were p o s s i b l e i f no p r o v i n c i a l o rgan iza t ion ex is ted) and ( i i ) that the organ iza t ion subscr ibe to the pr inc ipIes of the CoaI i t ion, wh ich were enta11ed in the operat ional statement, see Appendix 3, and l a t t e r l y the Dec lara t ion of Rights drawn up by the C o a l i t i o n October 7 1983. 4 Member organ iza t ions were expected to appoint delegates and a l te rna tes t o the Assembly and to re levant working committees. To ensure the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of local c o a l i t i o n s , f i n a n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e was provided to f i v e regional representa t ives who were expected to conform t o C o a l i t i o n p r i n c i p l e s . D e c i s j p n Making P r o c e s s The d e c i s i o n making p r o c e d u r e was r e l a t i v e l y s t ra igh t fo rward . D iscuss ion would occur , followed by consensus or r e s o l u t i o n by major i ty vote . Each member organ iza t ion was e n t i t l e d to one vote in the Assembly or in other committees on which i t p a r t i c i p a t e d . Proxy vot ing was not a l lowed, and business was conducted according t o Rober t 's Rules of Order. A quorum of the Steer ing Committee was 50% of the groups represented. A vote was not binding and Individual member organ iza t ions reserved the r i g h t to act autonomously. In theory , t h i s was an acceptable p r a c t i c e , but in real i ty It was content ious . Various people spoke p o s i t i v e l y about t h i s arrangement. Az iz Khaki , Chairperson of the Committee for Racial J u s t i c e , sa id that It enhanced the c r e d i b i l i t y of the movement to speak with one vo ice about issues where agreement was reached; yet he a p p r e c i a t e d the freedom t o a c t 41 Independently. 5 Several femin is t members of Women Against the Budget, a l s o supported freedom for indiv idual group autonomy. They were concerned that without i t t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r viewpoint would be los t In the com-promise that was necessary to susta in consensus on issues .6 Spokespersons for Operation S o l i d a r i t y were wary of some of the a c t i v i t i e s undertaken by indiv idual member o rgan iza t ions , f e e l i n g that they would poss ib ly r e f l e c t poorly on Operation S o l I d a r i t y . They ins is ted that the name of Operation S o l i d a r i t y could not be used without t h e i r s a n c t i o n . A s i m i l a r p o l i c y was es tab l i shed by the C o a l i t i o n . Two independent a c t i o n s taken by C o a l i t i o n member organ iza t ions were c o n t r o v e r s i a l . The f i r s t , the Stone Soup R a l l y , s p o n s o r e d by several women's o r g a n i z a t i o n s , h igh l igh ted the tens ion that ex is ted in the Coal It Ion because of the d i f f e r e n t s t y l e s and t r a d i t i o n s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of d i f f e r e n t groups. In t h i s case , women organized a protest in f ront of the home of Human Resources Min is te r Grace McCarthy, 27 August 1983. The women's groups saw the r a l l y as an imaginative way t o br ing home to the M in is te r and the publ i c , the real hardship that was being caused to women and t h e i r f a m i l i e s by the r e s t r a i n t measures. Labour leaders In Operat ion S o l i d a r i t y took e x c e p t i o n t o t h i s t a c t i c . They maintained that i t was a longheld union t r a d i t i o n to avoid the involvement of peop le 's home l i v e s in the p o l i t i c s of p r o t e s t . Ar t Kube sa id they d i d n ' t condemn the ac t ion but some resentment may have I ingered.^ The second con t rovers ia l ac t ion was the occupation of the Premier 's o f f i c e at Robson Square, 16 September 1983. T h i s protest r e f l e c t e d the d i s q u i e t in the C o a l i t i o n over more mil i tant t a c t i c s . The occupation was 4 2 led by a c t i v i s t s from the le f t -wing of labour and by some community representa t ives who were not s a t i s f i e d with the more moderate C o a l i t i o n s t ra tegy . The leaders of the C o a l i t i o n , who did not support t h i s a c t i o n , thought i t was a handicap to maintaining high c r e d i b i l i t y with the p u b l i c ; they were res t ra ined from condemning i t however In the in teres ts of preserving u n i t y . 8 Power P o s i t i o n s The member groups of the C o a l i t i o n i n i t i a l l y came together sharing a common outrage over the r e s t r a i n t package and a determination to force the Government to withdraw t h i s l e g i s l a t i o n . They appeared to d iscard any not ion of being groups who might normally be Involved in p l u r a l i s t i c compet i t ion for s ta te resources . The fac t that among the var ious groups there were major inequ i t i es with respect to economic, p o l i t i c a l , and human resources was not perceived as a negative f a c t o r . The sentiment of common cause and the excitement of bu i ld ing such a broadly based C o a l i t i o n i n i t i a l l y de-emphasized the d i f f e r e n c e s among groups. The s t ruc tu re of the C o a l i t i o n t h e o r e t i c a l l y t r e a t e d i n d i v i d u a l member groups as equals , however, the r e a l i t y was that some groups were more equal than o thers . Those groups which were strong in resources tended to be more i n f l u e n t i a l in determining p o l i c i e s and se t t ing agendas. The i r e f f e c t i v e n e s s in achiev ing t h e i r aims was genera l ly proport ionate to t h e i r resources . The o r i g i n s of power and Influence der ive from var ious sources. Robert Presthus, in El . l te Accommodation in Canadian Pol I t i .cs. i d e n t i f i e s resources which inf luence how e f f e c t i v e an in terest group might be in persuading a government of the meri ts of i t s p a r t i c u l a r case . He speaks 43 of the degree of access which a group may have t o government e l i t e s , suggesting that access is an ind ica tor of legit imacy and the quanti ty and q u a l i t y of previous i n t e r a c t i o n s . Whether a group is local o n l y , or i f i t has p rov inc ia l or nat ional a f f i l i a t i o n s to draw on for support , is re levant to i t s potent ia l power.9 Mancur O lson , In The Logic of Col I a c t i v e  Act ion f adds to the l i s t of resources which p o t e n t i a l l y determine group e f f e c t i v e n e s s , when he d iscusses the s e l e c t i v e incent ives a v a i l a b l e to a group to Induce Individual members t o mobi l i ze in a c t i o n . Olson cla ims t h a t f o r a la rge latent group to be s u c c e s s f u l l y mobi l ized requi res e i t h e r strong c o e r c i v e measures, for instance mandatory membership, or p o s i t i v e inducements such as some byproduct benef i t of belonging t o the group, perhaps status or f i n a n c i a l g a i n . ^ These resources as well as those which are more obvious such as f i n a n c i a l c a p a b i l i t i e s , numerical strength and a r t i c u l a t e leadership help to determine the r e l a t i v e power p o s i t i o n s amongst g r o u p s . ^ Within the C o a l i t i o n there was an understandable range of indiv idual group resources . For Instance, Women Against the Budget possessed cons iderab le o r g a n i z a -t iona l t a l e n t ; research and communication resources der iv ing from the local Status of Women o f f i c e , an a f f i l i a t e of the nat ional o r g a n i z a t i o n ; a separate media committee wr i t ing i t s own press r e l e a s e s ; and a number of a r t i c u l a t e s p o k e s p e r s o n s f a m i l i a r with parl iamentary process and pub l i c speak fng. Operation S o l i d a r i t y ' s power derived from i t s p r o v i s i o n of funds for the C o a l i t i o n and from Its numerical and organizat ional s t rength . It a l s o seconded the s t a f f people to the C o a l i t i o n who brought t h e i r labour experience and perspect ives with them. However, Art Kube asser ts that 44 the labour sector d e l i b e r a t e l y underplayed i ts r o l e in the C o a l i t i o n in order to avoid being seen as the dominant p a r t n e r . 1 2 Another mi t iga t ing f a c t o r , c u r t a i l i n g labour 's power at t h i s t ime, was the dec is ion making process of the Coal i t ion. Labour leaders report the disenchantment f e l t by them in the slow and tedious process of achieving consensus; they voted with t h e i r feet by absenting themselves from m e e t i n g s . 1 3 The consensus-bu i ld ing process was more natural to some organiza t ions than o thers . Women's groups, among other community groups, were p h i l o -s o p h i c a l l y committed to c o l l e c t i v e dec is ion making. An important part of t h a t p r o c e s s required a l lowing everyone to speak t h e i r p iece and to wrest le with the issues unt i l agreement emerged. The labour groups were used to a much d i f f e r e n t internal d e c i s i o n making process . T h e i r leaders were e lec ted and invested with the author i ty t o decide without r e f e r r a l back t o the membership. The C o a l i t i o n consensus making allowed for community group leaders to report back to t h e i r c o n s t i t u e n t s , a more cumbersome process . They did not have the same autonomous author i ty or lack of d i r e c t and immediate a c c o u n t a b i l i t y that labour leaders had. These two s t y l e s of d e c i s i o n making of ten c o l l i d e d . Clay Per ry , the IWA represen ta t i ve , had t h i s to say: "the funct ion of the labour movement, of the union, is such that you have a pyramidal or h i e r a r c h i c a l s t r u c t u r e so that somebody can negot iate with the leverage of twenty or f i f t y thousand people behind them. On the other hand many of the community groups that we worked wi th , t h e i r funct ion day-to-day was to communicate with as many people as p o s s i b l e ; t h e i r s t y l e of doing th ings was a kind of i n d e f i n i t e consu l ta t ion . . . br inging these groups together caused tens ions because of t h e i r d i f f e r e n t s t y l e s . " 1 4 45 Having given thought to the opin ions shared d u r i n g the v a r i o u s interv iews, I would argue that power was f l u i d and more widely shared at the outset of the Coal It ion, but with the passage of t ime, i t hardened and became v e s t e d In the labour s e c t o r . The i n i t i a l energy of the C o a l i t i o n was d i rec ted toward broadening i t s base of support and labour rel ied on community networking to achieve t h i s . Community groups exerc ised t h e i r moral author i ty and enjoined others to commit themselves to the p r o t e s t movement. While the C o a l i t i o n engaged in s t r i c t l y p o l i t i c a l p ro tes ts power was shared amongst labour and the community groups; but as a growing sense of Impotence developed regarding the e f f e c t i v e n e s s of p o l i t i c a l p ro tes t alone power began s h i f t i n g towards labour. Programme of Act ion At the C o a l i t i o n meet ing on August 30th, an e ight week Act ion Proposal was put forward and adopted. The ob jec t ives were to broaden the base of the C o a l i t i o n , t o educate the pub l i c about the Impl icat ions and consequences of the l e g i s l a t i o n , and to c i r c u l a t e a p e t i t i o n for s ignatures which expressed oppos i t ion to the r e s t r a i n t budget and accom-panying l e g i s l a t i o n . P u b l i c education about the content of the l e g i s l a t i v e B i l l s was developed around a plan of seven theme weeks. Beginning in September and through m i d - O c t o b e r , the themes centered on: human r i g h t s , workers ( Injured plus non- In jured) , women and c h i l d r e n , t e n a n t s and c o - o p s , consumers and bus iness , soc ia l s e r v i c e s , educat ion, medicare, and f i n a l l y sen iors and the d i s a b l e d . A va r i e ty of a c t i v i t i e s were planned throughout the prov ince . These included c a n d l e l i g h t v i g i l s , leaf l e t t ing by community 46 represen ta t i ves , demonstrat ions, p i c n i c s , p u b l i c m e e t i n g s , p e t i t i o n b l i t z e s , and appearances on the local media. On the Labour Day weekend the C o a l i t i o n arranged a meeting to which they inv i ted every c i t y In the province to send two delegates. They of fered a crash course on the Impact of the l e g i s l a t i o n ; how t o p u b l i c i z e t h i s informat ion; what people could be doing in t h e i r own communities; and how to respond t o c r i t i c s and the media most h e l p f u l l y . Th is meeting was an attempt to m o b i l i z e , organize , and a t t r a c t support across the prov ince . It eventual ly developed into a widespread network of community contacts who made a province wide s o c i a l protest movement p o s s i b l e . Indiv iduals were encouraged to wr i te to t h e i r const i tuency MLA1 s and federal r i d i n g MP's t o urge the p r o v i n c i a l government to reconsider i t s a c t i o n s . O f f i c i a l protests were lodged with the U n i t e d N a t i o n s regarding potent ia l infringements of human r i g h t s and other covenants respect ing education and women's issues . The C o a l i t i o n received support from the Canadian Labour Congress, the National Council on the Status of Women, and var ious nat ional f i gures who shared t h e i r concerns about the consequences of the l e g i s l a t i o n . 1 5 A le t te r was sent to the Premier by the r e l i g i o u s leaders of f i v e Canadian churches, in which they s ta ted : "We are a l s o anxious about the i n f r i n g e -ment of the r i g h t s of indIviduaIs which seems c e r t a i n to be brought about by the proposed l e g i s l a t i o n . We have become aware of strong represen-t a t i o n s made to you by a va r i e ty of groups about t h i s matter; and we are convinced that there is v a l i d i t y in t h e i r expressions of u n e a s i n e s s . " ^ 6 One other major area of endeavour was the C o a l i t i o n ' s attempts t o meet with the Premier and Cabinet to d iscuss the l e g i s l a t i o n . S t r a t e -47 g i c a l l y , the C o a l i t i o n recognized how Important i t was to maintain a powerful united f r o n t ; thus they had a strong incent ive t o prepare a submission derived from consensus to the Government. Premier Bennett was re luc tan t to consu l t with the C o a l i t i o n as one f o r c e ; he continued t o i n s i s t that ind iv idual in terest groups should meet with per t inent Cabinet min is te rs .17 One meeting did occur in ear ly October between the Premier and the three co -cha i rpersons of the C o a l i t i o n . They reported i t was an unsa t is fac tory meeting and did not achieve a process for c o n s u l t a t i o n . Eventual ly the Premier 's w i l l p reva i led and in the las t week of October S o l i d a r i t y began arranging meetings between spec ia l in te res t groups and indiv idual m i n i s t e r s . The only formal contact that the C o a l i t i o n had with the NDP, through i t s ac t ion program, was in making a point of provid ing the same submission material to the NDP caucus in V i c t o r i a as they had given to the Cabinet and indiv idual M i n i s t e r s . They a l s o o f fe red moral support t o Opposi t ion MLA's whose stamina was being sapped by the " l e g i s l a t i o n by exhaustion" t a c t i c s of the Government. By October, the C o a l i t i o n ' s demands for a complete withdrawal of the l e g i s l a t i v e package came under sharp c r i t i c i s m in e d i t o r i a l s and from groups such as the Employer's Council who had met with M i n i s t e r s , espec-i a l l y in two areas . F i r s t , the C o a l i t i o n ' s submission, B r i e f ...to. the Premier Regarding, the Need f.or.-.a-;:CQn.sulta.tiv.e Process , continued to f i g h t the to ta l Government program, thus los ing e f fec t i veness by being t o o broadside and f a l l i n g to ident i fy p r i o r l t i e s . 1 8 Given the C o a l i t i o n ' s dec is ion making s t ruc ture i t was d i f f i c u l t to avoid t h i s problem. 4 8 Second, the C o a l i t i o n ' s ins is tence that indiv idual meetings wi th government min is te rs were s t r i c t l y an attempt to d iv ide and r u l e , locked them into what appeared as an uncompromising p o s i t i o n . They wanted wide p u b l i c debate on the B i l l s , but In so doing may have lost narrower oppor tun i t i es t o seek s p e c i f i c amendments. Renate Shearer, co -cha i rperson of the C o a l i t i o n , spoke about the need for un i ty : "We r e a l l y bel ieved and we r e a l l y knew that the intent to d iv ide us was something that we had to be very care fu l about. The importance of people c a r i n g about each other was one of the most important p a r t s of the S o l i d a r i t y Coal i + i o n . " It Is from t h i s sentiment of common cause that the la ter sense of betrayal grew as a r e s u l t of the Kelowna Accord , the agreement reached between the Premier and Jack Munro, Pres ident of the IWA and representa t ive of Operation S o l i d a r i t y , which undercut the community issues which were an integral part of common cause. The C o a l i t i o n avoidance of indiv idual meetings a l s o revealed the potent ia l f r a g i l i t y of Its sense of " togetherness ," and i t s high level of d i s t r u s t of the government. Events, , I .n , t h e , Leg I s | a t u r s At the same time that the C o a l i t i o n was protest ing and bu i ld ing support , events were occurr ing in the L e g i s l a t u r e which inf luenced the movement. The Government had i n i t i a l l y deferred debate of the most content ious b i l l s through J u l y , August and ea r ly September. Concomi-t a n t l y , i t refused to consu l t with any groups outs ide i t s own Ideo-log ica l purview.20 Once second reading had begun on a number of b i l l s a f t e r September 13, the Government employed s t r a t e g i e s of a l l n i g h t sess ions and the use of c l o s u r e to achieve i t s ends. These parl iamentary 49 t a c t i c s increased the outrage already f e l t by C o a l i t i o n supporters and confirmed t h e i r op in ion of Government in t rans igence . These f e e l i n g s were re in fo rced when the government prorogued the l e g i s l a t u r e on 20 October 1983. A l l e n Garr , Prov ince Columnist , sums up the d i s p i r i t i n g r e a l i t y of that t ime: " B i l l Bennett has made i t c l e a r to h is c r i t i c s of h is l e g i s -la t ion that there is no p o i n t , at a l l , in support ing the o p p o s i t i o n . They have been reduced to the same meaningless level in B i l l Bennet t 's 'brave new world ' as the Human Rights Commission, the Rentalsman and your local school board. They have no power to represent you, or t o e f f e c t a compromise, le t alone a s i g n i f i c a n t change."21 Through September and October, C o a l i t i o n s u p p o r t e r s were be ing i n c r e a s i n g l y faced with the I n a b i l i t y of t h e i r movement to stop the l e g i s l a t i o n through p o l i t i c a l p r o t e s t a l o n e . Mass d e m o n s t r a t i o n s , p e t i t i o n s , l e t t e r - w r i t i n g campaigns and other p o l i t i c a l s t r a t e g i e s f a i l e d to have e i ther the l e g i s l a t i o n withdrawn or a c o n s u l t a t i v e p r o c e s s i n i t i a t e d . The c l o s i n g of the l e g i s l a t u r e removed i t as a forum for ongoing p o l i t i c a l debate about the l e g i s l a t i v e measures and narrowed even fur ther the range of a l t e r n a t i v e s open to the C o a l i t i o n to susta in i t s f ight -back campaign. The C o a l i t i o n scheduled a p r o v i n c i a l conference for October 22 and 23 to include representa t ives from every member group and o rgan iza t ion , approximately two hundred eighty people , to meet the fo l lowing o b j e c t i v e s . The conference was for delegates to create a greater awareness of the common cause between the labour movement and the community In t h i s soc ia l p r o t e s t ; to have p o l i c y d iscuss ions about s o c i a l and economic a l t e r n a t i v e s ; 50 to establ ish short term goals inc luding continued pro tes ts and developing community support for a p o s s i b l e widespread s t r i k e ac t ion against the l e g i s l a t i o n ; and t o de te rmine the long term f u t u r e s t a t u s of the Coal i t ion.22 Labour - S t r i k e From the beginning of the C o a l i t i o n there was always the underlying knowledge that Operation S o l i d a r i t y as a labour organizat ion possessed the f i n a l weapon of s t r i k e ac t ion i f other means of protest were unsuccess-f u l . During the summer, when the C o a l i t i o n was reaching out t o the broad community for support , and whi le members were s t i l l hopeful that the Government would recognize t h e i r d issent and begin a process of c o n s u l t a -t i o n , t a l k of s t r i k e ac t ion when i t occurred was downplayed. S t r i k e a c t i o n , in f a c t , meant a range of p o s s i b i l i t i e s wi th in the C o a l i t i o n . Groups who were more rad ica l such as the l e f t wing of the labour movement and some women's groups envis ioned s t r i k e ac t ion to mean a general s t r i k e with far more reaching impl icat ions for the system. Moderate groups, inc luding many unions and many of the community groups, spoke of s t r i k e ac t ion r e l a t i v e to the e s c a l a t i n g s t r i k e plans announced by Operation S o l i d a r i t y and i n i t i a l l y involv ing p u b l i c sector unions, as a las t r esor t to e f f e c t change in the l e g i s l a t i o n . Conservat ive groups, such as some r e l i g i o u s and se rv ice organizat ions found the contemplation of any s t r i k e ac t ion an anathema to t h e i r usual courses of a c t i o n . The leadership of the C o a l i t i o n had always foremost in t h e i r minds the necess i ty for sus ta in ing a broad const i tuency wi th in the C o a l i t i o n and p u b l i c sympathy from without to e levate t h e i r cause. To assume that the C o a l i t i o n ' s protest would inev i tab ly lead t o widespread s t r i k e ac t ion 51 was an assumption that the three co-cha i rpersons of the C o a l i t i o n s t u d i -ously t r i e d to c o r r e c t . They did not want to r i s k a l i e n a t i n g any of the membership from the C o a l i t i o n over t h i s Issue. They a l l reported in interviews that t h e i r task was hindered by the media in i t s cons is ten t I inkage of the Coal i t i on and s t r i k e a c t i o n . Operat ion S o l i d a r i t y , as a labour a l l i a n c e , l eg i t imate ly discussed the potent ia l for s t r i k e a c t i o n . Art Kube as spokesperson for Operation S o l i d a r i t y made pronouncements concerning s t r i k e a c t i o n , however, h is dual r o l e as a co-cha i rperson of S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n was in a sense compromised because of the f a i l u r e of many, including some in the media, to d i s t i n g u i s h between these two r o l e s . Th is was t rue wi th in the Coal i t i on as wel I . Kube reported avoiding the use of the term " s t r i k e " at C o a l i t i o n meetings in order not to jeopardize the widespread community involvement In the C o a l i t i o n . As the October 31 deadl ine approached which s i g n a l l e d the proposed f i r i n g of 1600 c i v i l s e r v a n t s and the e x p i r y of the B . C . Government Employees Union (BCGEU) c o n t r a c t , the labour agenda of Operation Sol Idar i ty was increas ingly the t o p i c of the Sol ida r i t y C o a l i t i o n agenda. At the October 23 Conference the sentiments of "complete common cause" and "an injury to one Is an injury to a l l " which s y m b o l i z e d s o l i d a r i t y amongst labour and community groups within the C o a l i t i o n , took on new meaning. A repor t , o r i g i n a t i n g from t h i s conference, gave as the general consensus: "We are a mass popular movement, and must integrate our component par ts more f u l l y . In p a r t i c u l a r , i f the union component wants to be in a p o s i t i o n to win a mass s t r i k e , i t needs the f u l l e s t p o s s i b l e support and p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the community groups. Conversely , 5 2 the non-union groups absolute ly r e l y on the support of Operation S o l i -d a r i t y . " 2 3 Community representa t ives interpreted t h i s s o l i d a r i t y to mean that any s t r i k e ac t ion taken would be on the basis of both labour and s o c i a l i ssues . Furthermore, i t was inherent in the s t r u c t u r e of the C o a l i t i o n that they would be consul ted and be an integral part of any s t r i k e d e c i s i o n making. Operation S o l i d a r i t y interpreted "common cause" qu i te d i f f e r e n t l y . There was never any quest ion in t h e i r minds that they were the r i g h t f u l a r b i t e r s of any s t r i k e dec is ion making. According t o indiv idual union c o n s t i t u t i o n s they were unable to share that power with any community groups. The two p a r t n e r s , who came together in soc ia l consc ience , were f i n d i n g that the glue of moral outrage was not q u i t e s u f f i c i e n t t o withstand the increasing pressure which the s t r i k e p o l i t i c s brought t o bear. Summary The C o a l i t i o n s t ruc tu re allowed a broad spectrum of supporters t o come together and s a t i s f y mutual needs. It had the magnified power of speaking with one vo ice for hundreds of thousands of people, of whom un ion is ts were not the major i ty ; and yet s t i l l allowed indiv idual o r g a n i -za t ions to express t h e i r spec ia l In terests . The C o a l i t i o n was made more cohesive by Its c l e a r d e f i n i t i o n of who the adversary was—the Socia l Cred i t Government whose l e g i s l a t i o n had s t r ipped away t h e i r socio-economic r i g h t s . Th is c r y s t a l c l e a r notion of one 's opponent, jus t as Piven and Cloward p r e d i c t e d , had the psychologica l Impact of r e i n f o r c i n g the sense 53 o f u n i t y . P e o p l e j o i n e d t h e C o a l i t i o n f o r r e a s o n s o f s o c i a l j u s t i c e , e v e r y o n e f e l t a s t r o n g c o m m i t m e n t t o w h a t was m o r a l l y a n d e t h i c a l l y r i g h t . D e s p i t e a l l t h i s , d i f f e r e n c e s a r o s e w i t h t h e i n c r e a s i n g t e n s i o n a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e p o t e n t i a l p u b l i c s e c t o r s t r i k e a n d t h e G o v e r n m e n t ' s i n t r a n s i g e n c e . T h e y e v e n t u a l l y a c c e n t u a t e d t o t h e p o i n t w h e r e t h e o r i g i n a l c o n s e n s u s b e g a n t o come a p a r t . 54 Chapter I I Footnotes O p e r a t i o n S o l i d a r i t y , What. Does T h i s . L e g i s l a t i o n Mean to You?. Vancouver. Th is document Is from the personal f i l e s of F a t h e r Jim Roberts. ^For a f u l l l i s t of the 26 B i l l s and the ensuing d i s p o s i t i o n of them, see Magnusson et a I., The New.ReaI i t y . Appendix A "The ' R e s t r a i n t ' Package", pp. 281-285. 3 Renate Shearer Interviewed in Vancouver 20 June 1985. 4 S o l t d a r I t y C o a l i t i o n , The Dec la ra t ion of Rights of the People, of B r i t i s h . Columbla. d ra f t copy 7 October 1983 in the personal f i l e s of Father Jim Roberts. 5 A z t z Khaki Interviewed in Vancouver 28 May 1985. 6 A s reported in interviews In Vancouver wi th: Megan E l l i s 19 June 1985. Norah Randall 25 June 1985, Frances Wasserlein 10 June 1985. ^Art Kube Interviewed in Vancouver 11 June 1985. C u r i o u s l y , the Stone Soup Ra l ly is portrayed as a successful protest ac t ion In the videotape Common Cause commissioned by Operation S o l i d a r i t y , apparently the ac t ion has been rehab i I i tated In the eyes of labour. 8 " L e a d e r s Say They Speak for 950,000" Vancouver Sun 28 September 1983 Sect ion B. 9 R o b e r t P r e t h u s , E l i t e Accommodat j.Qn,. [.n , Canad. jan Pol i t ics, see p a r t i c u l a r l y Chapter 5 " P o l i t i c a l Resources of Interest Groups". 10 0 | son, The. Log I c of. Col I ect ive. Act i on. See p a r t i c u l a r l y p. 48 and the d i s c u s s i o n in Chapter 3 on unions as large latent groups. 11 Interviews with a number of people cumulat ively brought to the fo re f ront the var ious ways in which group resources t r a n s l a t e d Into more i n f l u e n t i a l p o s i t i o n s wi thin the C o a l i t i o n . Resources, or lack of them, such as those l i s t e d , were seen as s i g n i f i c a n t : - strength of numbers, p a r t i c u l a r l y i f the populat ion is i d e n t i f i a b l e such as in union membership, Increased power. - o r g a n i z a t i o n a l strength from a strong communication network from a s o l i d body of informat ion, from a membership f a m i l i a r with p a r l i a -mentary procedures, and from community s ta tus increased power. - c l e a r dec is ion making, a c c o u n t a b i l i t y , and the author i ty of leaders to be d e c i s i v e increased power. I^Art Kube Interviewed in Vancouver 11 June 1985. 55 i : > C l a y Perry interviewed in Vancouver 8 July 1985. 1 4CIay Perry interviewed in Vancouver 8 Ju ly 1985. I^Mary-Jane L i p k i n , Communicat ions O f f i c e r , Canadian Advisory  C o u n c i l . o n the Status of Women, wrote a communique 25 Ju ly 1983 expressing the Pres ident , Luc ie P e p i n ' s alarms regarding the impact of the B r i t i s h Columbia government's r e s t r a i n t program on women. Renate Shearer and Art Kube both indicated in Interviews in Vancouver that f i n a n c i a l support from the Canadian Labour Congress was a v a i l a b l e to the Coal i t i o n . 1 6 T h e Rev. Dr. Robert Binhammer, Pres ident of the Lutheran Church of the United S ta tes , Canadian S e c t i o n . The Rev. Mary Henderson, Moderator of the C h r i s t i a n Church D i s c i p l e s of C h r i s t . The Rev. Dr . Russel Legge, Pres ident of the Canadian Council of Churches. The Rt . Rev. Clarke MacDonald, Moderator of the United Church of Canada. The Most Rev. Edward W. S c o t t , Primate of the Angl ican Church of Canada in a personal l e t t e r to Premier Bennett , 3 August 1983 from the personal f i l e s of Father J . Roberts in Vancouver. 1 7 E d i t o r i a l "Try L o g i c " , Vancouver Sun 8 October 1983. ^ S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n , B r i e f to the ..Premier Regarding the Need  for a Consu l ta t ive Process . 7 October 1983 from the personal f i l e s of F a t h e r J . Rober ts . A lso a note included from Father Roberts to the wr i te r Indicated that t h i s c r i t i c i s m had been shared by some members wi thin the C o a l i t i o n . I^Renate Shearer interviewed in Vancouver 20 June 1985. ^ E d i t o r i a l , Vancouver Prov ince. 25 September 1983. "Province Urged to Consult P u b l i c " , Vancouver Sun. 23 September 1983. 2 1 A I I en G a r r , "Benne t t is the Father of S o l i d a r i t y " , Vancouver  Prov ince . 4 October 1983. 2 2 S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n , Proposal Delegated P r o v i n c i a l Conference wr i t ten by the Conference Subcommittee 29 September 1983. Th is document is from the personal f i l e s of Father Jim Roberts. 5 6 " S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n , R e p o r t o f t h e S h o r t T e r m G o a l s . F a c i l i t a t i n g  C o m m i t t e e D e l e g a t e d C o n f e r e n c e . 2 2 , 23 O c t o b e r 1 9 8 3 . T h i s d o c u m e n t i s f r o m t h e p e r s o n a l f i l e s o f F a t h e r J i m R o b e r t s . 57 CHAPTER I I I Th is chapter w i l l look more c l o s e l y at the mul t ip le agendas that ex is ted under the sur face of the consensus-bui ld ing that charac ter i zed the C o a l i t i o n . The pressures of shortness of t ime, the impending s t r i k e a c t i o n , the momentum of the movement i t s e l f , and the s h i f t from a s t r i c t l y p o l i t i c a l protest to one including labour withdrawal of se rv ices aggra-vated d i f f e r e n c e s amongst groups. By l a t e Oc tober the C o a l i t i o n backed the increas ing ly dominant labour agenda. Through the s t r i k e per iod from Nov. 1 - 14 i t achieved I ts p o i n t of g r e a t e s t i n s t i t u t i o n a l d i s r u p t i o n . Unfortunately t h i s achievement did not ensure that the c o l l e c t i v e good, d e f i n e d a t the outset as withdrawal of the l e g i s l a t i o n with a meaningful consu l ta t ion process in p lace , was a t t a i n e d . Considerat ion of the internal tens ions and c o n f l i c t s wi thin the C o a l i t i o n increases our understanding of the las t phase of the protest movement from the l a t t e r p a r t of O c t o b e r through the s t r i k e ac t ions in November and f i n a l l y the r e s o l u t i o n d ic ta ted by the Kelowna Accord. Rrel.ud.e.t.Q S t r i k e The October 23rd Conference consol ida ted power In the labour sector when the Coal i t i o n pledged i t s support t o Operation Sol i d a r i t y . Management of the s t r i k e was labour t e r r i t o r y and, whi le community groups were s t i l l a c t i v e , t h e i r d i r e c t i o n came from labour leaders. The two partners were s t i I I interdependent but the t r a n s i t i o n of power to a labour dominated movement had occurred . T h i s concentrat ion of power in the labour quarter did not present d i f f i c u l t i e s for the major i ty of community groups. Those means which 58 they possessed to t ry t o Influence the Government were exhausted with l i t t l e n o t i c e a b l e impact . Community groups which were desperately a f fec ted by the l e g i s l a t i o n saw a labour s t r i k e as the last d i tch means to persuade the Government to change Its mind o r , at l e a s t , a l t e r some b i l l s . They I n i t i a l l y f e l t reassured at the Conference, that t h e i r Issues were labour 's issues and that a s t r i k e would embrace them a l l . C r i t i c s of the C o a l i t i o n , who have maintained that It was always a labour movement p r o t e s t , insp i red by labour issues , and governed by labour leaders,1 have f a i l e d t o take Into account the h is tory and e x p e r i -ences of the C o a l i t i o n from July to October 23. They see o n l y the domination of labour as i t was exerc ised throughout the s t r i k e per iod and the Kelowna Accord. Concluding that the community groups were naive and the pawns of l a b o u r , denies the s p i r i t of hundreds of thousands of non-union people who supported the C o a l i t i o n across the province and who had i n i t i a t e d autonomous protests over soc ia l i ssues ; and simply serves as reinforcement for the c r i t i c ' s own preconceptions concerning labour in t h i s prov ince . The community pro tes t that was much in evidence p r i o r t o Operation S o l i d a r i t y and the C o a l i t i o n as c i t e d in Chapter I, is a strong ind ica tor of the high level of concern and autonomy projected by people who were offended by every aspect of the l e g i s l a t i o n . Reports in i n t e r -views from both labour and community spokespersons revealed that many were surpr ised at the extent of ac t i v ism and leadership which emerged ear ly from community groups in mounting a f ight -back campaign . 2 The evo lu t ion of the C o a l i t i o n was an e n e r g i z i n g and emot iona l p r o c e s s . People of d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l and socio-economic backgrounds sat down together or marched together , d iscussed t h e i r values and b e l i e f s ; 59 and were forced t o confront some of the s t e r e o t y p e s and p r e j u d i c e s inherent in t h e i r personal mind-sets . People re la ted s t o r i e s about being made aware of other peop le 's concerns. They spoke passionate ly about the genuine sense of common cause that was generated wi th in the C o a l i t i o n . 3 As a movement i t engendered a momentum of Its own. A f t e r the conversion to a s t r i k e agenda at the October conference, internal d i f f e rences amongst groups became more ev ident . As mentioned e a r l i e r , some of the more conservat ive groups were ambivalent about using the s t r i k e as a t a c t i c to oppose the l e g i s l a t i o n . Ar t Kube i d e n t i -f i e s the do-gooders from Shaughnessy, Point Grey, and Dunbar, who were drawn to the C o a l i t i o n by concerns about human r i g h t s , educat ion, and c h i l d wel fare issues , as the kinds of groups scared away by the thought of s t r i k e a c t i o n . 4 These people bel ieved In p o l i t i c a l protest as a leg i t imate means t o inf luence the government but were not prepared to extend that support to what might develop into a general s t r i k e as a means of pressur ing the government. Other groups had t h e i r own agendas. Within the C o a l i t i o n there were have and have not groups; many community advocacy groups such as the unemployed, the d i s a b l e d , the an t i -pover ty and some women's groups were hoping desperately to use the s t r i k e to force the government to consider a more equ i tab le r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of resources . They were not r i s k i n g material secur i ty in support ing the s t r i k e because the proposed l e g i s l a t i o n had already removed the l i t t l e they had. Norah Randa l l , a spokesperson from Women Against the Budget, sums up t h i s f e e l i n g : "I think some community groups r e a l l y f r ightened labour-business because we were coming from two d i f f e r e n t p laces . . . we were 60 f i g h t i n g for jobs we did not have, support ing unions we could not get into . . . we did not have mortgages to put on the l i n e , we were not going t o lose anything l i ke they were . . . we could a f fo rd to go for i t . . . they jus t wanted t o maintain what they h a d . " 5 Operation S o l i d a r i t y focussed on B i l l s 2 and 3, which gutted the BCGEU Master Agreement, threatened the p r i n c i p l e s of s e n i o r i t y and mer i t , and Inst i tuted a f i r e without cause c l a u s e . See Table 2, Chapter II for expansion. S t r i k e ac t ion was the strongest lever that the labour sector could exert to force the government to withdraw or amend the of fending l e g i s l a t i o n . As for the other b i l l s and t h e i r Impl ic i t s o c i a l conse-quences, Operation S o l i d a r i t y was on s h a k i e r ground in terms of a union-wide commitment to s t r i k e In order to e f f e c t withdrawal or changes to them. Operation S o l i d a r i t y r h e t o r i c promised "an injury to one is an injury t o a l l " but de l ivery was another matter. The C o a l i t i o n a l l i a n c e began to look precar ious even as i t moved toward i t s p i tch of concerted ac t ion during the s t r i k e . It was evident that expectat ions of what the s t r i k e would resolve were Increas ing ly d ivergent . These tens ions were exacerbated by the cont rad ic tory views that were held by community and labour groups as t o who had the d e c i s i o n -making author i ty t o c a l l and end a general s t r i k e . Despite the emerging tens ions of t h i s t ime, the C o a l i t i o n committed i t s e l f wholeheartedly to a search for s o c i a l and economic p o l i c y a l t e r -n a t i v e s . D iscuss ion at the October conference about longer term ob jec -t i v e s for the C o a l i t i o n resu l ted in a committee 'being formed to s e l e c t a Commission respons ib le for i n i t i a t i n g a p r o v i n c e - w i d e d i a l o g u e on a l t e r n a t i v e s . O p e r a t i o n S o l i d a r i t y , t r u e to i t s o r i g i n a l mandate, 61 agreed to f inance t h i s Commission. Thus there was a future f o r the C o a l i t i o n a f t e r the S t r i k e . During t h i s time of esca la t ing tension p r i o r t o and throughout the s t r i k e a s t ruc tu ra l de f ic iency in the C o a l i t i o n became more apparent. Although Operation S o l i d a r i t y was a major component of the C o a l i t i o n , the I inks between i t and the r e s t of the Coal i t i on were l i m i t e d . Art Kube and Larry Kuehn, Pres ident of the B . C . Teachers Federat ion , were the only two people to have p o s i t i o n s on both the s tee r ing commit tee of the C o a l i t i o n and the Trade Union S o l i d a r i t y Committee, the execut ive branch of Operation S o l i d a r i t y . O c c a s i o n a l l y , other labour leaders a t tended C o a l i t i o n meetings but not with a r e g u l a r i t y which would form another bridge between the two o rgan iza t ions . Ar t Kube became the l inchpin connection between Operation S o l i d a r i t y and the C o a l i t i o n . Kube a s s e r t s t h i s connection occurred because of h is commitment to the philosophy underlying the C o a l i t i o n , and h is p o s i t i o n as a co -cha i rperson of the Admin is t ra t ive Committee which re in fo rced h is l ink to the community s e c t o r . Kube regu la r l y attended meetings of the C o a l i t i o n and grew to have an understanding of community i s s u e s not necessar i l y shared by h is labour c o l l e a g u e s . Kube's p ivota l r o l e became more c r i t i c a l as the s t r i k e approached. Because there were no community C o a l i t i o n representa t ives in Operat ion S o l i d a r i t y , i t was Kube's task to Interpret community concerns for the labour movement. In the time per iod preceding and during the s t r i k e , Kube's r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s were too great for a s i n g l e person to bear. The increased tension and s t r e s s of the s t r i k e magnified the weakness of the s t ruc tu ra l l ink between the C o a l i t i o n and Operation S o l i d a r i t y . When 62 Kube f e l l III, and Larry Kuehn simultaneously became involved in the BCTF s t r i k e , communication between the two organizat ions vanished. Jus t as there were d ispara te agendas plaguing the s t r u g g l e f o r common cause In the C o a l i t i o n there were tens ions amongst d i f f e r e n t sectors in the labour movement. Operation S o l i d a r i t y was an unprecedented labour a l l i a n c e which brought together pub l ic and p r i va te sector unions and publ ic sector groups such as the B . C . Teachers Federat ion who were not s t r i c t l y unions. Each of these groups was bound by c o n s t i t u t i o n a l gu ide l ines which shaped t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n In Operation S o l i d a r i t y and in any s t r i k e a c t i o n . Part of the misunderstanding that grew between the community and labour groups in the C o a l i t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y concerning the author i ty to I n i t i a t e s t r i k e a c t i o n , arose because of the unfam 11 i a r i t y of community people with these c o n s t i t u t i o n a l boundaries. Within Operat ion S o l i d a r i t y there were many unions who were in a legal p o s i t i o n to engage In s t r i k e ac t ion in both the p u b l i c and pr iva te s e c t o r . Negot iat ions were underway in both sec tors and any s t r i k e ac t ion taken by one group had the potent ia l to inf luence the negot ia t ion process in a n o t h e r . For i n s t a n c e , the e s c a l a t i n g s t r i k e plan of Operation S o l i d a r i t y i n i t i a l l y c a l l e d for p u b l i c sector union involvement but i t eventua l ly required that p r i va te sector unions j o i n i n . The r a m i f i c a t i o n of t h i s was pub l i c sector job ac t ion and the expectat ion of p r i v a t e sector support could p o t e n t i a l l y sour the bargaining c l imate of p r i va te sector unions inc luding the International Woodworkers of America (IWA) and the Canadian Paperworkers Union (CPU), who represented 45,500 workers.6 In add i t ion to the impact on negot ia t ions In process , the e s c a l a t i n g s t r i k e p lan p r e s e n t e d d i f f i c u l t i e s amongst union groups respect ing 63 exact ly who would p a r t i c i p a t e in the dec is ion making process to implement i t . P r i v a t e sector union leaders demanded a r o l e from the outset in dec is ion making s ince u l t imate ly t h e i r unions were expected t o j o i n the pub l ic sector in job a c t i o n . I n i t i a l l y t h i s demand was denied because of the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l r a m i f i c a t i o n s for p u b l i c sector unions a l lowing people o t h e r than t h e i r own e l e c t e d o f f i c e r s to p a r t i c i p a t e in d e c i s i o n s . A c c o u n t a b i l i t y to the membership was jeopardized i f they d i d . Th is same reasoning appl ied to the community sector of the C o a l i t i o n and t h e i r a n t i c i p a t i o n of involvement In dec is ion making. Another s i g n i f i c a n t a rea of t e n s i o n c l o u d i n g the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Operation S o l i d a r i t y and i t s community partner in the C o a l i t i o n was the lack of c l a r i t y about p r e c i s e l y what was being negotiated and by whom. Community groups pledged t h e i r support to the labour sector in undertaking s t r i k e ac t ion without ever knowing e x p l i c i t l y the parameters for i n i t i a t i n g and ending the s t r i k e . Operation S o l i d a r i t y c la ims that It had a concrete programme de l inea t ing which items were negot ia t ing p r i o r i t i e s to form the basis of a s e t t l e m e n t . 7 Community spokespersons r e c a l l only that reassurance was c o n t i n u a l l y given at C o a l i t i o n meetings by Art Kube ind ica t ing the s t r i k e was about a l l of the l e g i s l a t i o n . 8 The actual negot ia t ions between the BCGEU and the Government Employees Re la t ions Bureau (GERB) the government negot ia t ing team, fol lowed t r a d i -t iona l p r a c t i c e s . They discussed the impl icat ions of B i l l s 2 and 3 as a part of the normal negot ia t ing process . Where confusion arose was in the second set of negot ia t ions which a l s o took place at the Labour Rela t ions Board and Included at var ious times the fo l lowing people: Dr. Norman Spector , representa t ive from the Premier 's o f f i c e ; Jim Matkin, Execut ive 64 D i rec to r of the Business C o u n c i l ; Jack Munro, President of the IWA, Ar t Kube, Larry Kuehn, and Mike Kramer, Secre tary -Treasurer of the B . C . Fede-r a t i o n of Labour.^ These negot ia t ions discussed exemptions of other pub l i c sector unions from B i l l 3 and a l s o the p o s s i b l e b a s i s f o r a r e s o l u t i o n of the s t r i k e beyond the BCGEU contract set t lement . With the exception of Ar t Kube and Larry Kuehn's presence t h e s e n e g o t i a t i o n s eventua l ly led to the Kelowna Accord between Premier Bennett and Jack Munro on November 14. The community sector of the C o a l i t i o n maintains that It was through t h i s second set of negot ia t ions that Its Issues were lost and that an agreement was reached that s a t i s f i e d only labour. Larry Kuehn acknowledges there was no formal sense In which the C o a l i t i o n could p a r t i c i p a t e in the negot ia t ions which created a dilemma, p a r t i c u l a r l y a f t e r Ar t Kube who c o n s t i t u t e d the l ink between the C o a l i t i o n and labour f e l l II I.^ The f i n a l tens ion which ex is ted wi th in the labour movement and contr ibuted to the eros ion of consensus in the C o a l i t i o n was the uncer-t a i n t y whether p r i va te sector unions would in fac t walk o f f the job i f the e s c a l a t i o n of s t r i k e ac t ion got that f a r . Various labour spokespersons admitted that support on the part of p r iva te sector unions was tenuous in some areas , for a va r i e ty of r e a s o n s . ^ Some unions* members were undoub-ted ly Socia l Cred i t suppor ters , and fur ther unwi l l ing to lay t h e i r jobs on the I Ine for pub I ic sector workers. Union members were not necessar i l y cognizant o f , or w i l l i n g to r i s k , t h e i r Income on the bas is of a s t r i k e c o n t i n u i n g because of s o c i a l concerns. And f i n a l l y , p r i va te sector unions themselves experienced massive layo f fs due t o the recess ion and so 65 f e l t l i t t l e sympathy for p u b l i c sector workers despi te Operation S o l i -d a r i t y ' s r h e t o r i c . The community partners in the C o a l i t i o n , i n d i v i d u a l l y and as groups, p a r t i c i p a t e d wholeheartedly in the s t r i k e . Renate Shearer reported the va r i e ty of ways in which the community p a r t i c i p a t e d : "As the BCGEU went out i t a f fec ted people ge t t ing food and s h e l t e r . The Indian Center in W i l l i a m s Lake was supplying food to people on s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e . Other community organiza t ions were s e t t i n g up emergency s h e l t e r s . We t r i e d to le t people know about a l t e r n a t i v e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , daycare, and other essent ia l s e r v i c e s . " ^ Other people reported walking the p icke t l i n e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y a f t e r the imposit ion of in junct ions against the s t r i k i n g teachers ; and some community groups a c t u a l l y took r e s p o n s i b i l i t y upon themselves for keeping the schools c l o s e d . There was never any quest ion that the community segment of the C o a l i t i o n f e l t they had put t h e i r hearts and souls into the s t r i k e ; they had a legi t imate investment in i t s sett lement . Ke I ow.na Accord -November .14. .1.9.83 The Kelowna Accord was the name given to the sett lement that was reached between Jack Munro and Premier Bennett subsequent t o the BCGEU c o n t r a c t s e t t l e m e n t . It was a content ious accord and, depending on v iewpoint , i t was assessed as ranging from honourab le agreement t o ou t r igh t b e t r a y a l . ^ 3 The Accord was the culminat ion of the second set of negot ia t ions ou t l ined e a r l i e r and an eventual face to face meeting between Premier Bennett and Jack Munro. The issues that were discussed in the e a r l i e r negot ia t ions between Dr. Spector and Jack Munro were as fo l lows: exemp-66 t i o n s from B i l l 3 for a l l p u b l i c sector unions; the maintenance of educat ion s e r v i c e s at 1983 l e v e l s ; cons idera t ion of a consu l ta t ion process respect ing human r i g h t s and tenant l e g i s l a t i o n ; proposed consu l ta t ion on other s o c i a l Issues; and agreement that r e t a l i a t o r y ac t ion against unions involved in job ac t ion would not be taken. These negot ia t ions occurred In the absence of Art Kube and because he was the s ingu la r most important l ink between Operation S o l i d a r i t y and the C o a l i t i o n , Its members f e l t frozen out of the sett lement process . According to Renate Shearer, co -cha i rperson of the C o a l i t i o n : "Art was the major l ink between Operat ion S o l i d a r i t y and the C o a l i t i o n , and when he became i l l on Wednesday November 10, the l ine of communication was broken. It ended the formal communication. I could always speak to Larry Kuehn, but he was a l s o a l i t t l e o u t s i d e . Thursday through Sunday, and throughout the Accord , there was no contact between Operat ion Sol i d a r i t y and the Coal i t i o n . I went t o BCGEU headquarters on Sunday and heard that Munro was on h is way. We had no idea of the sett lement and so asked labour representa t ives to come back t o S o l i d a r i t y t o e x p l a i n t o the Steer ing Committee. There was a strong sense of d i s b e l i e f , of b e t r a y a l , of a n g e r . " 1 5 I r o n i c a l l y , the c o n s u l t a t i o n process between sectors of the C o a l i t i o n had broken down, a f a i l i n g of the government's that S o l i d a r i t y has of ten noted. The sett lement of the s t r i k e was the death knel l of the protest movement phase. There were meetings Immediately fo l lowing the Kelowna A c c o r d at which recr imina t ions were exchanged and the sett lement was explained and c r i t i c i z e d . 1 6 The tap had been shut o f f on the inc red ib le outpouring of energy and pub l i c Involvement that had i n t e n s i f i e d in 67 B . C . s ince Ju ly 7. The protest movement came to a s t a n d s t i l l when the p ickets came down. 68 Chapter I I I Footnotes Matkin interviewed in Vancouver 11 June 1985. M. Walker interviewed in Vancouver 11 June 1985. 2 A s reported in interviews in Vancouver wi th: Stuart Alcock 25 June 1985, Az iz Khaki 28 May 1985, Art Kube 11 June 1985, Dr. Charles P a r i s 29 May 1985, Renate Shearer 30 May 1985. 3 A s reported in interviews in Vancouver wi th: Az iz Kahi 28 May 1985, Ar t Kube 11 June 1985, Jim Roberts 6 August 1985, Renate Shearer 20 June 1985. Some of the stereotypes and pre judices mentioned were those assoc ia ted with sexual pre ferences , the images of l a b o u r , r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s , and the poor, unemployed, and d i s a b l e d . 4 A r t Kube interviewed in Vancouver 11 June 1985. 5 Norah Randall interviewed in Vancouver 11 June 1985. ^"Labour War Looms In B .C . 90 Hassles L i e Ahead," Vancouver Province 9 October 1983, p. 3. 7 L a r r y Kuehn interviewed in Vancouver 13 August 1985. 8 A s reported in interviews in Vancouver wi th: Megan E l l i s 19 June 1985, Roop Seebaran 10 June 1985, Renate Shearer 20 June 1985, Frances Wasserlein 10 June 1985. ^Larry Kuehn Interviewed in Vancouver 13 August 1985 and a l s o from Gary Mason, "Weekend in Kelowna", Western L i v i n g (Vancouver) June 1984, p. 20. 10 L arry Kuehn interviewed in Vancouver 13 August 1985. 11 As reported in interviews in Vancouver wi th: Art Kube 11 June 1985, Clay Perry 8 Ju ly 1985, Larry Kuehn 13 August 1985. 1 2Renate Shearer interviewed in Vancouver 20 June 1985. 1 3 " B a c k to Work" Vancouver Sun 14 November 1983 pp. A1-A4. E d i t o r i a l , "Labor 's New Role in B . C . P o l i t i c s " Vancouver Province 29 November 1983. Jack C la rke , " F a i r Enough to Expect Compromise" Vancouver Prov ince 24 November 1983. E d i t o r i a l "On the Threshold" Vancouver Sun 16 November 1983. 1 4 R o d Mickleburgh, " B . C . Holds Breath on Cruc ia l Ta lks" Vancouver  Prov ince 13 November 1983. 69 n R e n a t e Shearer interviewed in Vancouver 20 June 1985. a meet ing of the C o a l i t i o n s teer ing committee immediately fo l lowing the Accord on Novermber 14 and at a la ter meet ing at the B . C . Federat ion of Labour Convention of November 28, a l s o at a meeting between Nov. 14-28 as reported by Art Kube interviewed in Vancouver 11 June 1985. 70 CHAPTER IV Ana I v.s is of. .the.. A.1 ms an d.. Accomp. I. i shments of the B r i t i s h Cal umb.i a. Protest Movement The S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n was a s o c i a l experiment which combined groups with var ied organizat iona l programs and inherent d i f f e r e n c e s , t o form "common cause" in oppos i t ion to l e g i s l a t i o n which threatened the s o c i a l f a b r i c of the prov ince . Just as Of fe and P i v e n and Cloward p r e d i c t e d , r igh t wing at tacks on the wel fare s ta te ca ta lyzed the formation of a broad based oppos i t ion which held the promise of a powerful unity of purpose.1 Th is chapter Is concerned with t r y i n g to expla in why that promise f a i l e d to come to f r u i t i o n and what the accomplishments of the pro tes t movement were. It is f i r s t necessary to examine the C o a l i t i o n ' s f a i l u r e to achieve Its goal of withdrawal of the l e g i s l a t i o n and the concomitant d i v i s i v e r e s o l u t i o n of the s t r i k e s e t t l e d for In the Kelowna Accord. The commitment to common cause of the laboui—community partnership was torn asunder through t h i s Accord which achieved some concessions on labour Issues but made only t e n t a t i v e steps toward addressing the s o c i a l concerns. The sett lement that ended the s t r i k e Included the fo l lowing items: a) exemption of the 35,000 GEU members from the fa r - reach ing layof f p r o v i s i o n s of B i l l 3, the P u b l i c Sector Res t ra in t A c t ; b) assurances, through the compensation stab 11 i za t ion program, that most pub l i c sector unions would be exempted from B i l l 3; c) the s c u t t l i n g of BiI I 2, the Pub I ic Sector Labour Re la t ions Amendment Act which would have gutted the GEU cont rac t by removing such i ssues as schedul ing and promotion from n e g o t i a t i o n s ; d) establ ishment of advisory committees that would consider changes to the content ious human r i g h t s and tenants r i g h t s p o l i c i e s and upcoming labour code amendments; 71 e) r e a s o n a b l e assurances that the soc ia l concerns of the S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n would be a d d r e s s e d through the advisory committees.2 A r t Kube summed up the sett lement: "It is a v i c t o r y of sor ts—due process has been r e - e s t a b l i s h e d and i t might mean that now p e o p l e ' s r i g h t s have been r e i n s t a t e d . " 3 Unfor tunate ly , i t d id not accomplish t h i s e n t i r e l y . Education funding was not returned t o 1983 l e v e l s , funding for s o c i a l programs cut in the Budget was not r e - e s t a b l i s h e d , and human and t e n a n t ' s r i g h t s issues remained in limbo. Mancur Olson In h is theory about the log ic of c o l l e c t i v e ac t ion o f f e r s c lues as to why the S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n as a large latent group was unable to achieve Its common in te res t def ined at the outset as the withdrawal of the l e g i s l a t i o n . He a l s o o f f e r s a p a r t i a l explanat ion of the sett lement that was reached in the Kelowna Accord. Olson argues that " la rge or latent groups w i l l not organize for coordinated ac t ion merely, because, as a group, they have a reason for doing so , though t h i s could be t rue of smal ler g r o u p s . " 4 However, they can be organized with the a id of s e l e c t i v e incent ives such as economic or s o c i a l ones. Olson a s s e r t s that s o c i a l incent ives are e f f e c t i v e in mob i l i z ing a large latent group i f the group is a federat ion of small groups who through t h e i r own s o c i a l i n c e n t i v e s Induce i n d i v i d u a l s t o cont r ibu te to achieving c o l l e c t i v e g o a l s . A l s o , s o c i a l pressure generated through a mass media campaign can r e i n f o r c e the notion of the worthiness of the e f f o r t to attempt to s a t i s f y a common I n t e r e s t . 5 I would argue the S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n at least loosely could be descr ibed as a federat ion of small groups mobi l ized through s o c i a l and economic i n c e n t i v e s t o form a large latent group with a p a r t i c u l a r 72 c o l l e c t i v e g o a l . I suggest loosely because of the range of groups which make up the C o a l i t i o n . Operation S o l i d a r i t y , in i t s own r i g h t , would q u a l i f y in O l s o n ' s taxonomy as a large latent group concerned with market goods, but in t h i s instance, i t funct ions as a small group within the larger C o a l i t i o n . The C o a l i t i o n a l s o has a t t r i b u t e s of both market and nonmarket groups, Olson contends that h is theory whi le not refuted by nonmarket groups is not necessar i l y useful in the a n a l y s i s of them.6 With the above reservat ions in mind, S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n could be def ined as a large latent group. Olson def ines a number of p roper t ies of t h i s kind of group which help to expla in why they f a i l t o achieve t h e i r c o l l e c t i v e goals or optimum leve ls of them. Olson argues that large latent groups must overcome s i g n i f i c a n t hurdles to achieve t h e i r common i n t e r e s t , hurdles that small groups do not face .7 Without s e l e c t i v e Incent ives, whether c o e r c i v e , such as compulsory membership in a union, or p o s i t i v e inducements, such as gain of a noncol Iect ive b e n e f i t , members of large latent groups w i l l not v o l u n t a r i l y act in t h e i r common i n t e r e s t . The except ion t o t h i s would be a large latent group in which there are members with an unequal degree of Interest in a c o l l e c t i v e good; i t s greater value In r e l a t i o n to the c o s t of achieving i t , w i l l prompt the group members with greatest in terest to a c t . One other hindrance that Olson contends a f f e c t s mob i l i za t ion of large la tent groups is that so long as members are f ree to pursue t h e i r indiv idual in te res ts they w i l l not act in accordance with the common Interests of the larger group. P r i o r to apply ing O l s o n ' s log ic to the Coal i t Ion one must consider the proper t ies that he a t t r i b u t e s to smalI groups. He s ta tes that smalI groups can of ten defeat larger latent groups because they are genera l ly organized 73 and a c t i v e whi le larger groups are normally unorganized and i n a c t i v e . 8 Larger latent groups made up of small groups w i l l often f ind the spec ia l in te res ts of the smal ler groups p r e v a i l i n g over the common in terest of the l a r g e r g r o u p . 9 The I n d i v i d u a l ' s a c t i v i t i e s In small groups are not iceab le to others thus prov id ing s o c i a l sanct ion or s o c i a l reward as a fur ther incent ive to act In the small group's common i n t e r e s t . From c l o s e r study of the s t ruc ture and processes of the C o a l i t i o n there is awareness of the unequal degree of Interest In the c o l l e c t i v e good that e x i s t s wi th in i t , Operation S o l i d a r i t y r e p r e s e n t e d labour groups whose material wealth and union r i g h t s were jeopardized by the l e g i s l a t i o n . Achievement of the c o l l e c t i v e good would a f fo rd protect ion to labour 's job s e c u r i t y and material investment in the socio-economic system. Operation S o l i d a r i t y was a l s o an example of a group which possessed both coerc ive and inducing s e l e c t i v e Incentives to mobi l i ze Its members to act In t h e i r common i n t e r e s t . Fur ther , Operation S o l i d a r i t y was the one member organ iza t ion of the C o a l i t i o n whose behaviour was not iceab le In the sense tha t , ac t ion on t h e i r par t , or withdrawal of t h e i r f i n a n c i a l support , would make a s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e to the achievement of the C o a l i t i o n ' s common i n t e r e s t . While the s e l e c t i v e incent ives a v a i l a b l e t o Operation S o l i d a r i t y and i t s notIceab11 i ty are fac to rs which Olson suggests w i l l mobi l ize large latent groups such as the C o a l i t i o n , they are double edged In t h i s case . They a l s o work In favour of Operation S o l i d a r i t y as a small s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t w i th in the context of the larger C o a l i t i o n . Just as Olson p r e d i c t s , the spec ia l Interests of smal ler groups often preva i l over the common Interest of the larger group. I would argue that In the In i t i a l 74 phase of the C o a l i t i o n protest the incent ive and not iceabi I i ty proper t ies of O p e r a t i o n S o l i d a r i t y helped t o mobi l i ze the C o a l i t i o n as a large latent group ac t ing to achieve a c o l l e c t i v e good. However, the unequal Interests of groups in the c o l l e c t i v e good as represented by the m u l t i -p l i c i t y of agendas noted e a r l i e r In Chapters I and II, and the Insistence on autonomous ac t ion for indiv idual member groups contr ibuted to the domination of the labour spec ia l Interest in the l a t te r phase of the movement which led to the Kelowna Accord. Individual community groups wi th in the C o a l i t i o n possessed vary ing degrees of s e l e c t i v e incent ives which they appl ied In order to mobi l i ze t h e i r membership to act in the common Interest . But none of the i n d i -v idual community group members possessed the notIceab11 i ty fac tor that was a part of Operation S o l i d a r i t y ' s c o n t r i b u t i o n t o the C o a l i t i o n . Individual ac t ion on the part of one of those community groups would not make the s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e rence in achievement of the c o l l e c t i v e goal as i t d id with Operation S o l i d a r i t y . T h i s suggests that t h i s s i n g l e d i f f e -rence was a c r u c i a l one that expla ins in accordance with O l s o n ' s argument that spec ia l Interests of the smal ler group w i l l p r e v a i l , j us t as occurred in the Kelowna Accord. S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n f a i l e d t o a c h i e v e i t s c o l l e c t i v e good, and the por t ion of that good which was achieved was of greater value t o Operation S o l i d a r i t y . Other f a c t o r s which inf luenced the outcome of the protest movement that are more evident through observat ion and h indsight are some of the s t r u c t u r a l features of the C o a l i t i o n . The c o l l e c t i v e goal es tab l ished by the C o a l i t i o n was withdrawal of the l e g i s l a t i o n . The un i fy ing notion of common cause was based on a "Defeat the B i l l s " r a l l y i n g cry rather 75 than a c l e a r sense of new d i r e c t i o n s or a l t e r n a t i v e s . The C o a l i t i o n , due pa r t l y to the pressures of t ime, lacked an imaginative v i s i o n with a f e e l i n g for how th ings could be d i f f e r e n t . Norah R a n d a l l , a spokesperson for Women Against the Budget captured t h i s f e e l i n g : "the most coa lesc ing th ing in the e n t i r e event was people being ardent ly committed to not wanting what the Socreds were doing, but, when i t came t o with what do we want to rep lace i t , we r e a l l y jus t s p l i n t e r e d . " ^ The Inequa l i t ies in organizat iona l strength and the d i f f e rences In d e c i s i o n making s t y l e between the two major par tners , community and labour, were r e a l i t i e s which shaped the evolut ion of the C o a l i t i o n . The labour sector dominated, despi te e f f o r t s at maintaining e q u a l i t y ; Its f i n a n c i a l resources , s t a f f resources , and h i e r a r c h i c a l dec is ion making author i ty represent ing a large i d e n t i f i a b l e populat ion invested i t with cons iderab ly more power than was possessed by the community groups. S t r u c t u r a l l y , the communication I inks between the community groups and labour were l i m i t e d . Most of the communication from one t o the other became vested In one person and in h indsight many C o a l i t i o n members iden t i fy t h i s s i n g u l a r i t y as one of the weakest l inks in the merger of the community with labour. The pressure of time and the temporary nature of the C o a l i t i o n precluded the bu i ld ing of more access po in ts and bridges between the two f a c t i o n s . Inev i tab ly , In the absence of Kube, the process of c o n s u l t a t i o n disappeared and the a l l i a n c e d i s i n t e g r a t e d . The p r o t e s t movement dece lera ted overnight and what was l e f t was a ske le ta l s t ruc ture without short term purpose or the numbers t o achieve i t . The C o a l i t i o n did e s t a b l i s h what eventual ly became "The Peop le 's Commission." It was a committee that t r a v e l l e d the province and opened a 76 dialogue with people from every region and every walk of l i f e to d iscuss s o c i a l and economic a l t e r n a t i v e s . Th is Commission Issued an open i n v i t a t i o n for people to p a r t i c i p a t e more f u l l y in the democratic process . Numerous people spoke of the increased p o l i t i c a l consciousness that was a part of the C o a l i t i o n exper ience. Dr. P a r i s , former Chairperson of the Human Rights Commission, s ta ted : "An important r e s u l t of S o l i d a r i t y is a greater understanding of the p o l i t i c a l process . . . and of what our l e g i s l a t i v e t r a d i t i o n I s . " ^ Father Roberts, c o - c h a i r of the C o a l i -t i o n , s a i d : "We have brought people, who were not prev ious ly energ ized , into the mainstream of p o l i t i c a l concern: the handicapped, the s e n i o r s , the gay and e thn ic communities, and that Is a most important e f f e c t . " ^ Megan E l l i s , spokesperson from Women Against the Budget expressed i t t h i s way: "People ta lked about p o l i t i c s ; connect ions were made; people learned about o r g a n i z i n g ; and that p a r t i c i p a t i o n and car ing were O . K . " 1 3 The C o a l i t i o n helped s p e c i f i c groups such as s e n i o r s , the d i s a b l e d , and the unemployed, to become bet ter organized through f i n a n c i a l a s s i s -tance , research and data c o l l e c t i o n , and use of the C o a l i t i o n as a c l e a r i n g house for the exchange of informat ion. A network of contacts and communication was es tab l ished that bound the people together . These r e s o u r c e s s u r v i v e the protest movement phase and are a part of the CoaI i t ion today. People interviewed reported that the actual gathering together of people from d i f f e r e n t backgrounds t o f ind some common ground, was an experience which promoted greater unders tanding .^ 4 They f e l t they were forced to look beyond t h e i r stereotypes and p r e j u d i c e s . Th is process eventua l ly evoked a much stronger sense of community amongst Coal i t Ion 77 supporters and a s e n s i t i v i t y to the p a r t i c u l a r concerns of o t h e r s . People f e l t they benef i t ted from an opportunity t o learn to respect d i f f e r e n c e s . The C o a l i t i o n engaged in the larger task of pub l ic educat ion. It asked the pub l ic to hear a l l s ides of i ssues , and encouraged people to t a l k and to p a r t i c i p a t e in the exchange of ideas. The d issent expressed through the C o a l i t i o n was a l s o a healthy process which involved people In re-examinat ion of t h e i r b e l i e f s and va lues . The C o a l i t i o n mobi l ized and helped to p o l i t i c i z e a vast number of people , regard less of p o l i t i c a l persuas ion , into a concer ted p r o t e s t a g a i n s t the S o c i a l Cred i t Government's l e g i s l a t i o n . While C o a l i t i o n supporters might not be pro-NDP, they were against the Socia l Cred i t brand of neoconservatism. The C o a l i t i o n has thus created a r e s e r v o i r of de t rac tors of the Socia l Cred i t Government, a natural const i tuency for the NDP in fu ture e l e c t i o n s . Donald B l a k e , in h i s a n a l y s i s of B . C . p o l i t i c s , Two Pol i t i c a l  Worlds, has argued that the Socia l Cred i t and NDP p a r t i e s are d i f f e r e n -t i a t e d by t h e i r p o s i t i o n s on the fo l low ing : "the appropr ia te r o l e for government in economic development; in regu la t ion of business and labour; in the degree of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the well being of i n d i v i d u a l s unable to provide adequately for themselves and t h e i r famil i e s . ' ' ^ 5 The Government l e g i s l a t i o n , which cata lyzed the i n t e n s e p r o t e s t of the C o a l i t i o n , addressed these areas that Blake o u t l i n e d . It was guaranteed to provoke a h ighly charged par t isan response from NDP suppor ters , and i t d i d . The C o a l i t i o n membership represented a much broader p o l i t i c a l spectrum, but those wi th in i t who might wish to defeat the Socia l Cred i t Party have, by 78 v i r t u e of the po la r i zed two-party system in B . C . , only one other o p t i o n , the NDP. One other area where the C o a l i t i o n poss ib ly exerted some inf luence was in Canada-wide pol i t i c a l c o n s t i t u e n c i e s . Other p rov inc ia l governments and the Canadian Labour Congress watched the outcomes of the Government-Coal i t i o n ba t t l e as a belI-weather for p o s s i b l e ac t ions in t h e i r own b a i l i w i c k s . Any other government planning a r e s t r a i n t programme had the opportuni ty to learn how to assess potent ia l responses and workab le s t r a t e g i e s . 1 6 $o t o o , the labour movement learned that they could benef i t from the experiment that B r i t i s h Columbia had mounted in merging labour with the community.17 Organizat ions such as the National Council of the Status of Women watched the proceedings in B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , a l e r t to the r a m i f i c a t i o n s for women across the country . ^ They were prepared to lobby both the federal and p r o v i n c i a l governments in the in te res ts of women. The S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n happened because people cared enough to get involved and were supported by t h e i r remarkable resources of energy, and hope, and the courage of t h e i r c o n v i c t i o n s . It f loundered when those resources proved unequal to the task of maintaining cohesion and purpose in the face of organizat iona l c o n t r a d i c t i o n s , unforeseen c i rcumstances, and government in t rans igence. 79 Chapter IV Footnotes 1 r J f f e , Cont rad ic t ions of the Welfare Sta te , sec t ions on ungovern-a b i l i t y and the d e c l i n e of party t h e s i s expla in why Of fe be l ieves that s o c i a l movements are an a l t e r n a t i v e to meet the c r i s i s of the wel fare s t a t e . P i v e n and C loward , The New Class War pp. 143-44 where they d iscuss the notion of common cause and the concomitant arousal of groups who w i l l see one another as alI ies with a common enemy. 2 " B . C . Goes Back to Work" Vancouver Sun 14 November 1983. 3 " P a c t is V i c t o r y , Kube Claims" Vancouver Sun 14 November 1983. 4Mancur O lson , The Log ic of CoI Iect i ve Act i on p. 65. Olson def ines large groups as those in which the indiv idual ac t ions of one member w i l l not make a s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e in the outcome of the pursu i t of a c o l l e c t i v e good. Consequent ly r a t i o n a l i n d i v i d u a l s l o g i c a l l y w i l l not c o n t r i b u t e to that p u r s u i t , given that he/she w i l l benef i t from the c o l l e c t i v e good regard less of whether they con t r ibu te or not. L a t e n t groups are those which have a capac i ty for ac t ion but whose potent ia l power is only mobi l ized with the a id of s e l e c t i v e incent ives , which might be e i ther c o e r c i v e or p o s i t i v e inducements. 5 l b i d . , pp. 60-63. 6 l b i d . , pp. 159-67. 7 l b i d . , p. 48. In summary the hurdles are the fo l lowing three: 1) the larger the group the smal ler the f r a c t i o n of to ta l group benef i t that any one person r e c e i v e s , the less adequate the reward for group or iented ac t ion corresponds with a d iminishing achievement of the optimal supply of the c o l l e c t i v e good; 2) the larger the group the less l i k e l i h o o d of o l i g o p o l i s t i c a c t i v i t y that would help achieve the good; 3) the larger the number of members the greater the cos ts of organ iza t ion to attempt to achieve the c o l l e c t i v e good. 8 l b i d . , p. 128. 9 l b i d . , p. 144. I^Norah Randall Interviewed in Vancouver 25 June 1985. 11Dr. Char les P a r i s Interviewed in Vancouver 29 May 1985. 12j im Roberts Interviewed in Vancouver 6 August 1985. ^Megan E l l i s interviewed in Vancouver 19 June 1985. ^ 4 As reported in interviews in Vancouver wi th: Art Kube 11 June 1985, Az iz Khaki 28 May 1985, Jim Roberts 6 August 1985, Stuart Alcock 25 June 1985. These people spoke openly about stereotypes with respect to 80 sexual p r o c l i v i t i e s , labour, d isabled people , e thn ic m i n o r i t i e s t h a t changed over the course of s teer ing committee and other regular meetings. Mr Khaki spoke in p a r t i c u l a r about contacts made with the Womens Movement that h is r e l i g i o u s groups and the Committee for Racial J u s t i c e continue t o r e l y on in 1985. Father Roberts spoke about the i n t e g r a t i o n of sen iors and the d i s a b l e , In p a r t i c u l a r , at C o a l i t i o n meetings and the subsequent breaking down of b a r r i e r s . 1 5 D o n a l d B lake , Two, Pol l.t leal Worlds: Par-ties and Voting In B r i t i s h Cql.umb.Ta (Vancouver: Un ivers i ty of B . C . P r e s s , 1985). 1 6 " A l b e r t a Labour Up in Arms," Vancouver Sun 30 November 1983. " B r i t i s h Columbia B o i l s Over" Macleans 17 October 1983 Vol 96 No 42 pp. 22-27 With spec ia l re ference t o O n t a r i o ' s Treasurer watching the a c t i v i t i e s in B . C . 17 As reported in interviews in Vancouver wi th: Art Kube 11 June 1985, Renate Shearer 20 June 1985. The Canadian Labour Congress followed the S o l i d a r i t y experience and o f fe red f i n a n c i a l support . 1 8 N a t i o n a l Council on the Status of Women, Communique 25 Ju ly 1983. Other organiza t ions which responded t o S o l i d a r i t y were: The Manitoba League of the P h y s i c a l l y Handicapped in a l e t t e r to Father Roberts c a l l i n g for a "network of some kind of n a t i o n a l S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n " from Father Roberts personal f i l e s . " S o l i d a r i t y S t i r s Churches t o Act" Vancouver Sun 31 October 1983 " B . C . Tenure B i l l Shocks the World 's Academics," Vancouver Sun 7 October 1983. 81 SOURCES CONSULTED Books Blake, Donald E. Two Pol IticaI Worlds: P a r t i e s and Voting in B r i t i s h Col umbi.a Vancouver: Un ivers i ty of B . C . P r e s s , 1985. "The E l e c t o r a l S i g n i f i c a n c e o f Pub l ic Sector Bash ing ." B . C . Studies 62. (Summer 1984) pp. 29-43. C a r r o l l , Wi l l iam K. "The S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n . " In The New R e a l i t y . pp. 94-113. Edi ted by Magnusson, Warren; C a r r o l l , W.K.; Doyle, C . , Langer, M., and Walker, R . B . J . Vancouver: New Star Books, 1984. E l k i n s , David. " B r i t i s h Columbia as a State o f Mind." In Two Pol i t ica I Worlds: P a r t i e s and Vot ing in B r i t i s h Columbia. B lake, Donald E. Vancouver: Un ivers i ty o f B . C . P r e s s , 1985. Friedman, M i l t o n , and Friedman, Rose. Tyranny o f the Status Quo. San Diego, New York, London: Harcourt Brace Janovlch P u b l i s h e r s , 1984. Magnusson, Warren; C a r r o l , W.K.; Doyle, C . ; Langer, M.; and Walker, R . B . J . , ed . The New Real i ty The P o l i t i c s of Rest ra in t In B r i t i s h Columb i a . Vancouver: New Star Books, 1984. Morley, J . T . ; Ruf f , Norman J . ; Swainson, Neil A . ; Wi lson, R. Jeremy; and Young, Walter D. The R e i n s . o f Power. Vancouver, Toronto: Douglas and Mclntyre , 1983. O f f e , C l a u s . C o n t r a d i c t i o n s of the Welfare S ta te . Edi ted by John Keane. Cambridge, Massachusetts: The MIT P r e s s , 1984. O lson , Marcus. The Logic o f Col Iect ive Act ion Pub l i c Goods and the Theory o f Groups. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard Un ivers i ty P r e s s , 1971. T h e R i s e , a n d , D e c l i n e p f N a t i o n s ; E c o n o m i c G r o w t h . S t a g f l a t i o n , and Socia l R i g i d i t i e s . New Haven: Yale Un ivers i ty P r e s s , 1982. P iven , Frances Fox; and Cloward, Richard A. Poor PeopIe's Movements Why They Succeed How They F a i l . New York: Pantheon Books, 1977. The New Class War Reagan's Attack on the Welfare State and Its Consequences. New York: Pantheon Books, 1982. Presthus, Robert . E I i t e Accommodation in Canadian P o l i t i c s . Toronto: MacMillan o f Canada, 1983. P r o s s , P a u l , e d . P r e s s u r e Group B e h a v i o u r i n Canadian P o l i t i c s . Scarsborough, Ontar io : McGraw HIM Ryerson, 1975. 82 R e s n i c k , P h i l i p . "The Ideology of Neo Conservat ism." In The New  Rea l I ty . pp. 131-43. Edi ted by Magnusson, Warren; C a r r o l , W.K.; Doyle, C . ; Langer, M.; and Walker, R . B . J . Vancouver: New Star Books, 1984. R u f f , Norman. " S o c i a l C r e d i t as E m p l o y e r . " In The New R e a l i t y . pp. 152-64. Edi ted by Magnusson, Warren; C a r r o l l , W.K.; Doyle, C . ; Langer, M.; and Walker, R . B . J . Vancouver: New Star Books, 1984. A r t i c l e and Newspaper Cameron, D.R. "On the L i m i t s of the Pub l i c Economy." Annals Of the American Academy.of.Pol i t i c a l , and Socia l Science 459 (1982): 46-62. Leys , C. "Neo Conservatism and the Organic C r i s i s in B r i t a i n . " Studies  in P o l i t i c a l Economy 4 (1980): 41-63. Mason, Gary. "Weekend in Kelowna." Western L iv ing P June 1984, p. 20. O'Hara, Jane. " B r i t i s h Columbia B o i l s Over ." Maclean 's . V o l . 96 No. 42 17 October , 1983, pp. 22-27. The Fisherman (Vancouver), 25 Ju ly 1983. Vancouver Prov ince . 24 J u l y ; 25 September; 4, 9 October; 6, 13, 24, 29 November 1983. Vanc.Qu.ye.r-, SUP, 20, 21, 26 J u l y ; 31, August; 23, 24, 28 September; 7, 8, 30, 31 October; 14, 16, November 1983. IntervJews Alcock , S tuar t . A s s o c i a t i o n Gays /Lesb ians , Vancouver. Interview, 25 June 1985. E l l i s , Megan. Women Against The Budget, Vancouver. Interview, 19 June 1985. Frank, E l l e n . Community Incentive Program, Vancouver. Interview, 25 June 1985. K e l l e h e r , Stephen. Labour Re la t ions Board, Vancouver. Interview 26 August 1985. Khak i , A z i z . Committee for Racia l J u s t i c e , Vancouver. Interview, 28 May 1985. K r a s n i c k , Mark. M i n i s t r y of Intergovernmental A f f a i r s , Vancouver. Interview, 24 June 1985. 83 Kube, A r t . Operation S o l i d a r i t y and S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n , Vancouver. Interview, 11 June 1985. Kuehn, L a r r y . B . C . T e a c h e r ' s Federat ion , Vancouver. Interview, 13 August 1985. Matkin, J im. Business Council of B . C . , Vancouver. Interview, 11 June 1985. P a r i s , Char les . Human Rights Commission, Vancouver. Interview, 29 May 1985. Per ry , C lay . International Woodworkers of America, Vancouver. Interview, 8 Ju ly 1985. Randa l l , Norah. Women Against The Budget, Vancouver. Interview, 25 June 1985. Roberts, J im. Sol idar i ty Coa I i t ion, Vancouver. Interview, 6 August 1985. S c o t t , Gerry . New Democratic Par ty , Vancouver. Interview, 18 June 1985. Seebaran, Roop. B . C . Associat Ion of Soc la I Workers, Vancouver. Interview and Video Tape Common Cause 10 June 1985. Shearer, Renate. S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n , Vancouver. Interviews, 15 May 1985; 30 May 1985; 20 June 1985; and 5 August 1985. Walker, Michae l . Fraser Ins t i tu te , Vancouver. Interview, 11 Ju ly 1985. Wasserkin, Frances. Women Against The Budget, Vancouver. Interview, 10 June 1985. Unpubl ished Material. Roberts J im. Personal F i l e s : B i s h o p ' s L e t t e r t o the Premier (typewritten) B r i e f to the Premier Regarding the Need for a Consul ta t ive Process (mimeograph) Communique of the Canadian Advisory Council on the Status of Women (type) Operat ional Statement of S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n (mimeograph) Proposal of the Delegated Prov inc ia l Conference (mimeograph) Report on the Short Term Goals F a c i l i t a t i n g Committee (mimeograph) Un ive rs i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. The L i b r a r y . S p e c i a l C o l l e c t i o n s D i v i s i o n . Larry Kuehn C o l l e c t i o n . 84 APPENDIX 1 Chronology of Events May - December 1983 May 5 June 15 Ju ly 7 July 8 Ju ly 14 Ju ly 15 Ju ly 23 Ju ly 27 August 3 August 10 August 27 August 30 September 3-5 September 5 October 17 Socia l Cred i t r e - e l e c t e d Art Kube e lected Pres ident of B . C . Federat ion of Labour Government introduces Budget and B i l l s 2 - 2 7 400 p r o v i n c i a l government employees r e c e i v e l a y - o f f not ices e f f e c t i v e October 31, 1983. The number of l ayo f fs eventual ly reached 1,600. Government announces el imination of the Human Rights Branch leading to f i r ing the Chai rperson, Commissioners, and s t a f f . Operat ion Sol i d a r i t y , a labour al I iance represent ing 400,000 workers, is formed. Lower Mainland Budget C o a l i t i o n r a l l i e s 35,000 people at B . C . P lace Stadium to protest the r e s t r a i n t package. Operation S o l i d a r i t y and community groups demonstrate on the steps of the V i c t o r i a L e g i s l a t u r e 20,000 s t rong . O p e r a t i o n S o l i d a r i t y p roposes t o community groups in Vancouver the formation of the S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n as a p r o v i n c i a l umbrella protest o r g a n i z a t i o n . 40,000 r a l l y at Empire Stadium in Vancouver pro tes t ing Government measures. Stone Soup Ral ly or Luncheon with G r a d e a protest organized by Women Against the Budget. S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n formal ly i n s t i t u t e d S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n sponsors a p r o v i n c i a l conference to educate regional representa t ives in f ight -back methods. The beginning of 7 theme weeks of province-wide protest sponsored by S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n center ing on: Human R i g h t s ; Workers; Women and C h i l d r e n ; Tenants and Co-Ops; Consumers and Bus iness ; Socia l S e r v i c e s , Medicare, and Educat ion; Seniors and D isab led . September 16 27 hour occupation of the Cab ine t ' s Vancouver o f f i c e s by 80 p r o t e s t o r s . Not sanctioned by S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n . 85 September 19 Government proceeds with l e g i s l a t i o n by exhaustion and invoking c l o s u r e in the L e g i s l a t u r e . October 3 Leaders of S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n meet with Premier Bennett to d iscuss a c o n s u l t a t i o n p r o c e s s , agreement was not reached. October 6 October 12 October 15 October 20 October 22-23 October 26 October 28 Opposi t ion Leader, Dave Bar re t t f o r c i b l y removed from the L e g i s l a t u r e and banned for the r e s t of the s e s s i o n . C losure had been used 18 times in the L e g i s l a t u r e s ince September 19. S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n re leases i ts B r i e f t o the Premier Regarding the Need for a ConsuItat.ive Process . S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n with 65,000 supporters marched in Vancouver to demonstrate against Government a c t i o n s . Premier Bennett makes a t e l e v i s i o n appearance and announces adjournment of the House for a "coo l ing o f f p e r i o d . " S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n holds a p r o v i n c i a l conference where unanimous support was pledged for s t r i k e a c t i o n . S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n began arranging meetings with i n d i v i -dual Cabinet M i n i s t e r s to lobby for changes in the l e g i s -l a t i o n . Operation S o l i d a r i t y announces the plans for e s c a l a t i n g s t r i k e ac t ion involv ing p u b l i c sector unions. November 1 BCGEU s t r i k e s . November 8 Publ ic sector education workers jo in the s t r i k e BCTF exerc ises a p o l i t i c a l job a c t i o n . November 10 Employees of crown c o r p o r a t i o n s , inc luding B .C . Hydro walk out . Now more than 80,000 workers o f f the j o b . Art Kube, Pres ident of B.C Federat ion of Labour, leader of Operation S o l i d a r i t y , and co-cha i rperson of S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n leaves the fray due to i l l n e s s . November 11-12 N e g o t i a t i o n s a p a r t from t h o s e of BCGEU occur at the Labour Re la t ions Board including Jack Munro, Pres ident of the IWA; Norman Spector , Deputy Premier; and Mike Kramer, Secre tary -Treasurer of the B . C . Federat ion of Labour. November 13 Kelowna Accord Is agreed to by Jack Munro represent ing Operation S o l i d a r i t y and Premier Bennett . Th is agreement was subsequent to the sett lement of BCGEU cont ract nego-t i a t i o n s . 86 November 14 S o l i d a r l t y Coal i t i o n s teer ing committee meets and community representa t ives vo ice t h e i r sense of betrayal by Operation S o l i d a r i t y In the Kelowna Accord. December 1 B . C . F e d e r a t i o n of Labour Convention where support is voted to cont inue both Operation S o l i d a r i t y and funding S o l i d a r l t y Coal i t i o n . Source: Th is t a b l e was compiled by the w r i t e r . Note: Information for t h i s tab le was drawn from newspaper a r t i c l e s and interviews, f igures var ied from one a r t i c l e to another concerning the numbers of people involved in demonstrations and cannot be construed as abso lu te ly accura te . 87 APPENDIX 2 Personal Interviews Conducted During the Preparat ion of Th is Thes is RESOURCE PERSON 1. STUART ALCOCK 2. MEGAN ELLIS 3. ELLEN FRANK 4. STEPHEN KELLEHER 5. AZIZ KHAKI 6. MARK KRASNICK 7. ART KUBE 8. LARRY KUEHN 9. JIM MATKIN APPOINTMENTS.- CREDENTIALS Pres ident , B . C . Assoc ia t ion of Socia l Workers (1985) Former Representat ive , Steer ing Committee, Assoc. of Gays-Lesbians Spokesperson, Women Against the Budget Founder, T r a n s i t i o n House Spokesperson, Women Against the Budget Spokesperson, Community Incen-t i v e Program Former Chairman, B . C . Labour Re la t ions Board Lawyer, S p e c i a l i s t in Labour Dispute Mediation Chairperson, Committee for Racial J u s t i c e Pres ident , P a c i f i c In ter fa i th Former Deputy Min is te r Inter-governmental A f f a i r s Lawyer, L e g i s l a t i v e Represen-t a t i v e , Canadian Law Assn Union O f f i c i a l , P res ident , B . C . Federat ion of Labour C o - c h a i r , S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n Spokesperson, Operation S o l i -da r i t y Former Pres iden t , B . C . Teachers Federat ion S ta f f Research Person, Operation S o l i d a r i t y Execut ive D i r e c t o r , Business Counc iI of B . C . INTERVIEW DATE 25 June, 1985 19 June, 1985 25 June, 1985 26 August, 1985 28 May, 1985 24 June, 1985 11 June, 1985 13 August, 1985 11 June, 1985 88 10. DR. CHARLES PARIS Former Chai rperson, Human 29 May, 1985 Rights Commission Execut ive D i r e c t o r , Canadian Council of C h r i s t i a n s and Jews 11. CLAY PERRY International Woodworkers of 8 J u l y , 1985 America L e g i s l a t i v e Rep. S ta f f Person, S o l i d a r i t y Coal i t i o n 12. NORA RANDALL 13. FATHER JIM ROBERTS 14. GERRY SCOTT Spokesperson, Women Against the Budget 25 June, 1985 C o - c h a i r , S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n 6 August, 1985 Instructor in Re l ig ious S tud ies , Langara Community Col lege Cathol ic P r i e s t P r o v i n c i a l Secretary of the New Democratic Party Former P u b l i c Re la t ions person, B . C . Federat ion of Labour 18 June, 1985 15. ROOP SEEBARAN Member, Steer ing Committee of 10 June, 1985 Sol i da r i t y Coal i t i o n Former Pres iden t , B . C . A s s o c i -a t ion of Socia l Workers Pro fessor , School of Soc ia l Work, U .B .C . Note: Professor Seebaran a l s o suppl ied Operation S o l i d a -r i t y ' s v ideo program, 'Common Cause' 16. RENATE SHEARER 17. MICHAEL WALKER C o - c h a i r , S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n Former Human Rights Commissioner Executive D i r e c t o r , Fraser Inst i tu te 15 May, 1985 30 May, 1985 20 June, 1985 5 August, 1985 11 J u l y , 1985 18. FRANCES WASSERLEIN Spokesperson, Women Against the Budget Founder, Women Against V io lence Against Women 10 June, 1985 89 APPENDIX 3 S o l i d a r i t y C o a l i t i o n Operational Statement 1. Th is c o a l i t i o n is cons t i tu ted of groups and organ iza t ions in B r i t i s h Columbia opposed to the budget and l e g i s l a t i v e package (or aspects t h e r e o f ) presented t o the l e g i s l a t u r e by the B . C . Government on Ju ly 7, 1983. 2. Th is coal i t ion wi I I work province-wide and through local c o a l i t i o n s : (a) to oppose the brutal at tack of government against the s o c i a l , economic and democratic f i b r e of t h i s province by demanding the withdrawal of a l l government l e g i s l a t i o n which adversely a f f e c t s the economic and human r i g h t s of B r i t i s h Columbians; (b) to help ind iv idua ls and groups d i r e c t l y a f fec ted by adverse government a c t i o n s ; (c) t o s t a r t broad p u b l i c d i s c u s s i o n s in t h i s province in an e f f o r t t o develop pub l i c p o l i c i e s for a s o c i a l and economic recovery a l t e r n a t i v e designed to meet the real needs of people In the 1980s. 3. Each group or organiza t ion p a r t i c i p a t i n g in t h i s c o a l i t i o n r e t a i n s Its r igh t t o act independently and in i t s own way in oppos i t ion to the budget and l e g i s l a t i v e package but agrees to work on and support common a c t i o n s , a c t i v i t i e s or programs as decided by the c o a l i t i o n . 4. R e c o g n i z i n g t h a t t h i s c o a l i t i o n c o n s t i t u t e s organized p o l i t i c a l oppos i t ion to ac t ions of the Incumbent government in t h i s prov ince , never the less , i t sha l l be non-part isan In i t a c t i v i t i e s and program and sha l l there fore not o f f e r or endorse c a n d i d a t e s f o r p u b l i c o f f i c e . Th is c o a l i t i o n welcomes support in i t s f igh t against the government l e g i s l a t i o n from a l l quarters of the community. 

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