Open Collections

UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

The contribution of theories of the state in analyzing local government housing initiatives : the city… Melliship, Kaye Staniforth 1985

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1985_A8 M44.pdf [ 8.55MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0096470.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0096470-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0096470-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0096470-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0096470-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0096470-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0096470-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0096470-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0096470.ris

Full Text

THE CONTRIBUTION OF THEORIES OF THE STATE IN ANALYZING LOCAL GOVERNMENT HOUSING INITIATIVES: THE CITY OF VANCOUVER'S HOUSING ACTIONS 1900-1973 by KAYE STANIFORTH MELLISHIP B.A.A., Ryerson P o l y t e c h n i c a l I n s t i t u t e , 1976 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (School of Community and Regional Planning) We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September 1985 cT\ Kaye S t a n i f o r t h M e l l i s h i p , 1985 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. I t i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Community and Regional Planning The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date O c t o b e r 8, 1985 /ft! ,> ABSTRACT T h i s t h e s i s u s e s t h e o r i e s o f t h e s t a t e i n o r d e r t o e x p l a i n t h e C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r ' s h o u s i n g a c t i o n s f r o m 1 9 0 0 -1 9 7 3 . T h e o r i e s o f t h e s t a t e a r e u s e d t o i d e n t i f y and c o n t r i b u t e t o an u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e c o n s t r a i n t s a n d o p p o r t u n i t i e s a m u n i c i p a l i t y f a c e s i n i n t e r v e n i n g i n h o u s i n g . The t h e o r e t i c a l d i s c u s s i o n , d e v e l o p e d b y a l i t e r a t u r e r e v i e w , i s i n t h r e e m a j o r p a r t s . F i r s t , t h e r o l e o f t h e s t a t e i n c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y i s d i s c u s s e d . The n e o - M a r x i s t p e r s p e c t i v e o f t h e r o l e o f t h e s t a t e i s a d o p t e d . A c c o r d i n g t o t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e t h e s t a t e h a s a two f o l d r o l e . F i r s t t h e s t a t e f u n c t i o n s t o a i d i n c a p i t a l a c c u m u l a t i o n . S e c o n d , t h e s t a t e f u n c t i o n s t o l e g i t i m a t e t h e c a p i t a l i s t s y s t e m . The s e c o n d p a r t o f t h e d i s c u s s i o n r e s t s on t h e o r e t i c a l d i s t i n c t i o n s on t h e ways i n w h i c h t h e s t a t e f u l f i l l s i t s r o l e . P l u r a l i s t , i n s t r u m e n t a l i s t and c o r p o r a t i s t / m a n a g e r i a l i s t p e r s p e c t i v e s a r e a n a l y z e d and i t i s c o n c l u d e d t h a t a t d i f f e r e n t t i m e s and c i r c u m s t a n c e s i t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t a l l t h r e e m i g h t a p p l y t o t h e way a s t a t e a c t s . The t h i r d p a r t o f t h e t h e o r e t i c a l d i s c u s s i o n i s on t h e l o c a l s t a t e . The l o c a l s t a t e i s n o t s e p a r a t e f r o m t h e s t a t e , t h o u g h i t d o e s h a v e some a u t o n o m y . In t h e a r e a s where t h e l o c a l s t a t e d o e s h a v e some a u t o n o m y t h e way i t a c t s c a n be e x p l a i n e d b y t h e t h r e e d i f f e r i n g t h e o r e t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s . The h i s t o r y of the C i t y of Vancouver's r o l e i n housing i s presented by d e s c r i b i n g p o l i c i e s , programs and plans undertaken by the C i t y from 1900 to 1973. T h i s r e s e a r c h was accomplished p r i m a r i l y by reading o r i g i n a l government records i n the Vancouver C i t y A r c h i v e s . With r e s p e c t to housing i n i t i a t i v e s , the C i t y was c o n s t r a i n e d by i t s f i n a n c i a l and j u r i s d i c t i o n a l t i e s to the n a t i o n a l s t a t e . However, t h i s t h e s i s shows t h a t a t times the C i t y was a b l e to d e f i n e i t s own terms and c o n d i t i o n s and e x h i b i t some autonomy. The d e t a i l s of the housing h i s t o r y a l s o show t h a t the C i t y of Vancouver's r o l e was i n c a p i t a l accumulation and the l e g i t i m a t i o n of c a p i t a l i s m . For most of the p e r i o d s t u d i e d the C i t y of Vancouver was the instrument of the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s . However, t h i s neo-Marxist i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s tempered by evidence t h a t both the c o r p o r a t e goals of the C i t y i t s e l f and the pressure exerted by l o c a l i n t e r e s t groups have had a s i g n i f i c a n t impact on the C i t y of Vancouver's housing a c t i o n s . T h i s i s e x p l a i n e d by the nature of housing as a consumption item, as w e l l as by the need to account f o r human elements i n s t a t e a c t i o n s . The f a c t t h a t the l o c a l s t a t e i s necessary f o r democratic l e g i t i m a t i o n and t h a t housing can be made important to c r i t i c a l p r o d u c t i o n i s s u e s presents o p p o r t u n i t i e s a t the l o c a l government l e v e l f o r housing reforms. TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter 1. INTRODUCTION 1 The Problem 2 Why a H i s t o r y of L o c a l Governments' Role i n Housing? 3 Why Use a Theory of the State? 5 Method 8 D e f i n i t i o n of Terms 9 O r g a n i z a t i o n of the Thesis 12 2. THEORIES OF THE STATE 13 I n t r o d u c t i o n 13 Theory of the Role of the State 16 T h e o r e t i c a l P e r s p e c t i v e s on A c t i o n s W i t h i n the State 21 The L o c a l State 51 The I m p l i c a t i o n s of Theory f o r A n a l y s i s of the H i s t o r y 62 3. THE HISTORY OF THE CITY OF VANCOUVER'S HOUSING ACTIONS 68 The Turn of the Century to the End of the World War - 1900-1945 68 The End of the Second World War to 1960 96 1960 to the E a r l y 1970's 118 Footnotes 134 4. ANALYSIS OF THE CITY OF VANCOUVER'S HOUSING ACTIONS 145 What the Theory P r e d i c t s We W i l l F i n d 145 Summary of C i t y of Vancouver's Housing P o l i c i e s and Programs 1900-1973 150 What the Theory E x p l a i n s About the H i s t o r y 155 5. CONCLUSIONS 170 Co n c l u s i o n s 170 I m p l i c a t i o n s of the Thesis f o r Housing and Planning 174 i v D i r e c t i o n s f o r F u r t h e r R e s e a r c h 1 7 5 R E F E R E N C E S C I T E D 1 7 6 v FIGURES 1 The Components of the State 10 2 H i e r a r c h y of Theories of the State 15 3 M a r x i s t Instrumental Approach 36 4 A Comparison of Two Views of Instrumentalism 38 5 Types of State Expenditures 53 v i ACKNOWLEDGEMENT My t h a n k s and a p p r e c i a t i o n go t o Ian W i l s o n , B a r b a r a P r i n g l e and D a v i d H u l c h a n s k i who e a c h know t h e i m p o r t a n t c o n t r i b u t i o n t h e y made t o t h i s t h e s i s . In a d d i t i o n , I am h o n o u r e d t o be a r e c i p i e n t o f C a n a d a M o r t g a g e and H o u s i n g C o r p o r a t i o n f i n a n c i a l s u p p o r t o v e r t h e p a s t y e a r . v i i CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION The purpose of t h i s t h e s i s i s to use t h e o r i e s of the s t a t e i n order to e x p l a i n the C i t y of Vancouver's housing a c t i o n s from 1900-1973. Theories of the s t a t e are used to i d e n t i f y and c o n t r i b u t e to an understanding of the c o n s t r a i n t s and o p p o r t u n i t i e s a m u n i c i p a l i t y faces i n i n t e r v e n i n g i n housing. T h e o r i e s of the s t a t e are developed i n two ways. The f i r s t d e a l s with the q u e s t i o n : what i s the r o l e of the s t a t e ? What s o c i a l and economic f u n c t i o n s does the s t a t e f u l f i l l ? The second area of i n q u i r y addressed by t h e o r i e s of the s t a t e i s : how does the s t a t e f u l f i l l i t s r o l e ? How do we e x p l a i n the a c t i o n s the s t a t e takes? The answers to these two questions p r o v i d e a framework f o r a n a l y z i n g the s p e c i f i c h i s t o r y of the C i t y of Vancouver's housing i n t e r v e n t i o n s . The a n a l y s i s w i l l h elp determine the l i m i t s and o p p o r t u n i t i e s on m u n i c i p a l i t i e s i n d e f i n i n g and implementing housing p o l i c y . T h i s chapter d i s c u s s e s the need to understand the r o l e and a c t i o n s of the s t a t e , e x p l a i n i n g why t h e o r i e s are needed and why a h i s t o r y of l o c a l s t a t e i n t e r v e n t i o n i s necessary. The method used, d e f i n i t i o n s , and the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the r e s t of t h i s t h e s i s are a l s o i n c l u d e d i n t h i s c h a p t e r . 1 1. The Problem M u n i c i p a l governments are l i m i t e d i n the r o l e they can p l a y i n ensuring an adequate and a f f o r d a b l e housing stock f o r t h e i r r e s i d e n t s . The C i t y of Vancouver i s p e r c e i v e d to be unable to r e s o l v e i t s major housing problems and the mid-1980' s are a time when the range of o p t i o n s f o r m u n i c i p a l a c t i o n i n housing seems extremely l i m i t e d . There i s a need f o r a c a r e f u l a n a l y s i s of how and why t h i s s i t u a t i o n developed, an a n a l y s i s which can only emerge from a h i s t o r i c a l review of the m u n i c i p a l r o l e i n housing. I t i s commonplace to c i t e the r e s t r i c t e d scope of a u t h o r i t y and funds a v a i l a b l e f o r housing p o l i c y a t the l o c a l l e v e l (Vancouver, C i t y Planning Department 1981, p. 1). The reasons behind t h i s s i t u a t i o n are fundamental to understanding a m u n i c i p a l i t y ' s l i m i t e d a b i l i t y to plan and implement housing p o l i c y . In order to b e t t e r understand these l i m i t a t i o n s and look f o r o p p o r t u n i t i e s the r e s e a r c h focus of t h i s t h e s i s w i l l be on: 1. c u r r e n t t h e o r i e s of the s t a t e ; 2. what an a n a l y s i s of the C i t y of Vancouver's housing p o l i c i e s , programs and plans t e l l s us about the c o n s t r a i n t s and o p p o r t u n i t i e s on l o c a l government's r o l e i n housing. T h e r e f o r e , the f i n d i n g s of t h i s t h e s i s c e n t e r on: one, what l i n e s of theory h o l d the most p o t e n t i a l f o r housing a n a l y s i s ; and, two, the h i s t o r y of the C i t y of Vancouver's r o l e i n housing - what happened and what s i g n i f i c a n c e i t had. 2 2. W h y a H i s t o r y of L o c a l Governments' Role i n Housing? W h y a H i s t o r y ? The i n t r i n s i c value of h i s t o r y i s the f i r s t reason why we need to focus on the e v o l u t i o n of l o c a l governments' r o l e i n housing. Our c u r r e n t i n s t i t u t i o n s , p o l i c i e s , p l a n s , assumptions and a t t i t u d e s have a l l evolved from events i n the p a s t . Studying the p a s t helps to i l l u m i n a t e the present and p o i n t s the way to the f u t u r e . Planning i n g e n e r a l , and housing p l a n n i n g i n p a r t i c u l a r , i s f u t u r e o r i e n t a t e d . Yet, as Anthony S u t c l i f f e p o i n t s out, "planners need the past more than anyone ... f o r without i t they cannot draw on experience" ( S u t c l i f f e 1981). Another planner, Eugenie B i r c h , asks how can those i n v o l v e d i n the housing i s s u e s of the f u t u r e be q u a l i f i e d to judge the r e l a t i v e worth of any a c t i o n i f they do not have the a b i l i t y t o d i s t i n g u i s h among the c u l t u r a l and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i s s u e s embedded i n ... s o c i e t y ? To do t h i s they need exposure to planning h i s t o r y - the e x p e r i e n c e s , accomplishments and f a i l u r e s of t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n a l f o r e b e a r s . ( B i r c h 1980) In t h e i r study of B r i t i s h housing p o l i c y and p r a c t i c e , Malpass and Murie (1982) argue t h a t h i s t o r i c a l background " i s e s s e n t i a l to any understanding of contemporary housing problems and p o l i c y " (p. x ) . This t h e s i s i s , t h e r e f o r e , a response to the present lac k of h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y s i s of the r o l e of l o c a l government i n Canadian housing. The r e s e a r c h e f f o r t i s based on the premise t h a t i t i s important to understand past experience b e f o r e embarking on new p o l i c y i n i t i a t i v e s . 3 Why Local Government's Role i n Housing? Housing i s the "physical, economic and soc i a l backbone of community structure" (Nenno 1982, p. 2). Nenno (1982) gives ten reasons why housing i s important to a local j u r i s d i c t i o n : 1. Housing i s a durable, physical product i n a neighbourhood setting. 2. Housing i s a major user of community land. 3. Housing i s a generator of loca l public f a c i l i t i e s and services. 4. Housing i s the object of loca l real estate taxes. 5. Housing i s a major influence on i t s physical and so c i a l environment. 6. Housing i s an essential supporter of business and industry. 7. Housing i s a major source of employment. 8. Housing i s a major investment or expenditure for individual families. 9. Housing i s a major investment for the private f i n a n c i a l community. 10. Housing i s a major ingredient i n family s a t i s f a c t i o n or d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n and in a community's sense of wel1-being. In short, lo c a l government i s the j u r i s d i c t i o n that i s closest to the housing problems experienced by i t s residents. "Since housing markets are highly l o c a l i z e d , there i s much to commend in a less centralized approach to housing issues" (Goldberg and Mark 1985) . A municipality i s , given the appropriate resources and expertise, best able to define, research and evaluate a loc a l problem. On thi s basis, the role of the local state in solving a problem that i s highly l o c a l i z e d i s of great i n t e r e s t and the local state's actions i n doing so 4 warrants study. T h i s t h e s i s does not qu e s t i o n whether the s t a t e should i n t e r v e n e i n housing, but co n s i d e r s why i t i n t e r v e n e s when i t does. I t i s not the purpose of t h i s t h e s i s , t h e r e f o r e , to conclude with a d e t e r m i n a t i o n of what the mu n i c i p a l r o l e i n housing ought to be. 3. Why Use a Theory of the State? This t h e s i s makes use of t h e o r i e s of the s t a t e i n order to e x p l i c i t l y examine the r o l e of one l e v e l of the s t a t e i n housing p o l i c y and programs. The l a s t twenty years has produced many attempts to t h e o r i z e about the r o l e of government and housing. However, most housing a n a l y s i s i s not rooted i n a theory of the s t a t e . Marcuse co i n e d the phrase the "myth of the benevolent s t a t e " (Marcuse 1978). By t h i s he meant t h a t i t i s f i c t i o n to b e l i e v e t h a t the government a c t s out of a primary concern f o r the w e l f a r e of a l l i t s c i t i z e n s , t h a t i t s p o l i c i e s r e p r e s e n t an e f f o r t to f i n d s o l u t i o n s to re c o g n i z e d s o c i a l problems, and t h a t government e f f o r t s f a l l s h o r t of complete success only because of lack of knowledge, c o u n t e r v a i l i n g s e l f i s h i n t e r e s t s , incompetence, or lack of courage. (Marcuse 1978) Theo r i e s of the s t a t e deal e x p l i c i t l y w i t h the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the s t a t e and the s o c i a l and economic s e t t i n g i n which the s t a t e i s s i t u a t e d . In order to determine whether the idea of the benevolent s t a t e i s indeed a myth we need to r e f l e c t upon the theory of the s t a t e i n gen e r a l and the l o c a l s t a t e i n p a r t i c u l a r . 5 A theory of the s t a t e i n a c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y addresses the f o l l o w i n g question: "How does s t a t e p o l i c y ... a r i s e from the s p e c i f i c problems of an economic and c l a s s s t r u c t u r e based on the p r i v a t e u t i l i z a t i o n of c a p i t a l and f r e e wage-labour and what fu n c t i o n s does t h i s p o l i c y perform wi t h regard to t h i s s t r u c t u r e ? " (Offe 1984a). T h e o r e t i c a l work on the s t a t e i s necessary to provide the answers to how and why a s t a t e performs the f u n c t i o n s i t does, the way i t does. Macpherson (1977) i d e n t i f i e s three p o s i t i o n s one might take i n examining s o c i e t y . The f i r s t category are those who on the whole accept and uphold the e x i s t i n g l i b e r a l -democratic s o c i e t y and s t a t e , w i t h no more than marginal r e s e r v a t i o n s or hopes that they can be made somewhat b e t t e r , w i t h i n the same framework, by f o r instance more informed c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n , or l e s s or more w e l f a r e - s t a t e a c t i v i t y . (Macpherson 1977) Macpherson claims that t h i s group of a n a l y s t s not only don't have a theory of the s t a t e , but they can't ' a f f o r d ' one. By working wi t h a model of people and s o c i e t y based on a market economy "they assume maximizing market man as the norm, (and) they need not go behind t h a t to i n q u i r e i n t o the nature or p o t e n t i a l of man and to r e l a t e that to the s t a t e " (Macpherson 1977). Therefore, the s t a t e i s " t r e a t e d as an agent which does or should subserve the p r i n c i p l e of ( d i s t r i b u t i v e ) j u s t i c e or ( i n d i v i d u a l ) l i b e r t y " (Macpherson 1977). Macpherson's second category are those "who accept the humanistic values read i n t o liberal-democracy by M i l l and the 6 i d e a l i s t s , b u t who r e j e c t p r e s e n t l i b e r a l d e m o c r a c y a s h a v i n g f a i l e d t o r e a l i z e t h o s e v a l u e s " ( M a c p h e r s o n 1 9 7 7 ) . T h i s s e c o n d c a t e g o r y h a s n e e d f o r a t h e o r y o f t h e s t a t e and h a s a d o p t e d a p l u r a l i s t t h e o r y o f s o c i e t y and o f t h e d e m o c r a t i c s t a t e . T h e r e f o r e , l i b e r a l - d e m o c r a t s who a c c e p t t h e v a l u e s o f a l i b e r a l - d e m o c r a c y , b u t f e e l t h a t W e s t e r n i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s h a v e f a i l e d t o r e a l i z e t h e t r u e p o t e n t i a l o f l i b e r a l - d e m o c r a c y must d e v e l o p a new t h e o r y o f t h e s t a t e . I t i s i n t h i s c a t e g o r y t h a t t h e work i n t h i s t h e s i s f a l l s . M a c p h e r s o n s u g g e s t s t h a t t h o s e i n t h e s e c o n d c a t e g o r y n e e d t o draw o n t h e r e c e n t work o f M a r x i s t s . The t h i r d c a t e g o r y i n M a c p h e r s o n ' s t y p o l o g y a r e t h o s e who u s e a M a r x i s t f r a m e o f a n a l y s i s and who a r e c o m m i t e d t o u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e r o l e o f t h e s t a t e . N e o - M a r x i s t s h a v e , i n t h e p a s t two d e c a d e s , c o n t r i b u t e d g r e a t l y t o d e v e l o p i n g a t h e o r y o f t h e s t a t e . W i t h i n t h e p a r a m e t e r s o f M a r x i s t t h e o r y t h e d e b a t e h a s l e a d t o s e v e r a l d i f f e r i n g a p p r o a c h e s . In s p i t e o f t h e s e e m i n g i n c o m p a t i b i l i t y o f e a c h m a j o r t h e o r e t i c a l a p p r o a c h ( t h e s e a r e e v a l u a t e d i n C h a p t e r 2 ) , we must be w a r n e d a g a i n s t a c c e p t i n g o n l y one p e r s p e c t i v e a s t h e b a s i s f o r a n a l y s i s . " U s i n g o n l y one a p p r o a c h , " a r g u e s A l a n B u r n e t t , " c a n i n c u r t h e d a n g e r t h a t r e s e a r c h w i l l f i n d o u t o n l y what a g i v e n t h e o r e t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e h a s e n c o u r a g e d t h e r e s e a r c h e r t o l o o k f o r " ( B u r n e t t 1 9 8 4 , p . 2 7 ) . B u r n e t t (1984) f o u n d i n h i s r e s e a r c h on n e i g h b o u r h o o d p a r t i c i p a t i o n t h a t "no one t h e o r e t i c a l a p p r o a c h h a s a m o n o p o l y o f w i s d o m , a n d 7 i n s i g h t s can be gained from s e v e r a l . " T h i s p r i n c i p l e w i l l be used i n s t u d y i n g t h e o r i e s of the s t a t e i n more d e t a i l f o r t h e i r a p p l i c a b i l i t y to an a n a l y s i s of the r o l e of l o c a l government i n housing. In p a r t i c u l a r , t h e o r i e s of the s t a t e w i l l be assessed f o r t h e i r a p p l i c a b i l i t y to l o c a l areas and to the Canadian s i t u a t i o n . 4. Method The r e s e a r c h i s d i v i d e d i n t o two p a r t s . The f i r s t p a r t i s a review of c u r r e n t l i t e r a t u r e on t h e o r i e s of the s t a t e and t h e o r i e s of the l o c a l s t a t e . From t h i s review, an a n a l y t i c a l framework i s developed to use i n understanding the r e s u l t s of the h i s t o r i c a l r e s e a r c h . I t i s not the purpose of t h i s t h e s i s to i n t e g r a t e a l l t h e o r i e s or to develop a new t h e o r e t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e . Rather, e x i s t i n g t h e o r i e s w i l l be used i n developing the a n a l y t i c a l framework. A l s o , i t i s not the purpose of t h i s t h e s i s to prove or d i s p r o v e any p a r t i c u l a r theory. The aim i s to e x p l a i n the h i s t o r i c a l data i n l i g h t of the t h e o r i e s . The second p a r t of the t h e s i s i s an h i s t o r i c a l study c h a r t i n g the e v o l u t i o n of the C i t y of Vancouver's r o l e i n housing from 1900 to 1973. The aim i s to i l l u s t r a t e the key events, not to provide every d e t a i l i n a long h i s t o r y . Not only w i l l the h i s t o r y h i g h l i g h t key events, i t w i l l a l s o i d e n t i f y what was not done - p a r t i c u l a r l y o p p o r t u n i t i e s missed or r e f u s e d . The h i s t o r y concludes i n 1973 f o r three reasons. F i r s t , 8 there i s a need to impose some l i m i t on the h i s t o r i c a l p e r i o d s t u d i e d . Second, the h i s t o r y of the C i t y of Vancouver's housing programs and p o l i c i e s i s a l r e a d y w e l l documented from 1973 on. For example, the C i t y of Vancouver's major 1979 housing r e p o r t , Understanding Vancouver's Housing, makes ext e n s i v e r e f e r e n c e to events s i n c e 1973. The p e r i o d b e f o r e 1973 i s not n e a r l y so w e l l recorded and needs documenting. T h i r d , 1973 was a major t u r n i n g p o i n t . In 1972, munici p a l e l e c t i o n s brought a new s t y l e of c i v i c government, and p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n s a new government i n the l e g i s l a t u r e . These p o l i t i c a l changes, combined with a major r e v i s i o n i n f e d e r a l housing p o l i c y and programs i n 1973, c r e a t e a s i g n i f i c a n t t u r n i n g p o i n t i n the C i t y ' s r o l e i n housing. The h i s t o r y was developed using primary sources i n the Vancouver C i t y A r c h i v e s . Sources i n c l u d e d c i v i c government records from the Board of A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , C i t y C l e r k s O f f i c e , Finance Department, Health Department, Mayors O f f i c e , Parks and R e c r e a t i o n Department, Planning Department, S o c i a l S e r v i c e s Department, S o c i a l Planning Department, S p e c i a l and Standing Committees of C o u n c i l , and the Vancouver Town Planning Commission. Manuscripts, n e w s c l i p p i n g s , annual r e p o r t s and C i t y C o u n c i l minutes were a l s o used. In a d d i t i o n , j o u r n a l a r t i c l e s , theses, books and s t a t i s t i c a l r e c o r d s r e l e v a n t to the h i s t o r y were used. 5. D e f i n i t i o n of Terms The S t a t e and Government. The s t a t e i s d e f i n e d i n terms 9 o f i t s f o r m and f u n c t i o n . I t ' s f o r m i s d e r i v e d f r o m t h e i n s t i t u t i o n s w h i c h make i t up and i t s f u n c t i o n s a r e t h e a c t i v i t i e s t h a t t h e i n s t i t u t i o n s p e r f o r m (Ham and H i l l 1 9 8 4 , p . 2 3 ) . The t e r m t h e " s t a t e " i s n o t t h e same as t h e " g o v e r n m e n t . " The s t a t e i s a c o m p l e x s e t o f i n s t i t u t i o n s , t h a t i n c l u d e s g o v e r n m e n t , b u t a l s o i n c l u d e s t h r e e o t h e r m a j o r i n s t i t u t i o n s u s e d t o f u l f i l l s t a t e f u n c t i o n s . The g o v e r n m e n t i s one i n s t i t u t i o n and i n c l u d e s t h e p o l i t i c a l o r r u l e - m a k i n g l e g i s l a t i v e and e x e c u t i v e b o d i e s . F I G U R E 1 T H E C O M P O N E N T S O F T H E S T A T E THE S T A T E GOVERNMENT ADMINISTRATION JUDIC IARY M I L I T A R Y / P O L I C E The o t h e r t h r e e i n s t i t u t i o n s a r e t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , ( w h i c h i n c l u d e s b u r e a u c r a c i e s i n t h e c i v i l s e r v i c e " a s w e l l a s i n p u b l i c c o r p o r a t i o n s , c e n t r a l b a n k s , r e g u l a t o r y c o m m i s s i o n s , e t c . " ( P a n i t c h 1 9 7 7 , p . 6)) t h e j u d i c i a r y and t h e r e p r e s s i v e a p p a r a t u s ( the p o l i c e and t h e m i l i t a r y ) ( T h e r b o r n 1 9 7 8 , p . 4 1 ) . The s t a t e a l s o i n c l u d e s t h e " s u b - c e n t r a l l e v e l s o f g o v e r n m e n t , t h a t i s , p r o v i n c i a l e x e c u t i v e s , l e g i s l a t u r e s and b u r e a u c r a c i e s , a n d m u n i c i p a l i n s t i t u t i o n s " ( P a n i t c h , 1 9 7 7 , p . 6 ) . I t s h o u l d be n o t e d t h a t t h i s t h e s i s l o o k s o n l y a t g o v e r n m e n t and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e i n t e r v e n t i o n s . W h i l e " t h e 10 s t a t e " i s broader than government and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , not a l l aspects are examined i n t h i s t h e s i s . What t h i s d e f i n i t i o n of the s t a t e excludes i s important. T h i s d e f i n i t i o n leaves out p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , the p r i v a t e l y owned media, the church, p r e s s u r e groups. These other i n s t i t u t i o n s form p a r t of the p o l i t i c a l system and no doubt p a r t of the system of power i n a l i b e r a l - d e m o c r a t i c c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y , but, ... they remain autonomous from the s t a t e . (Panitch 1977, pp. 6-7) The L o c a l S t a t e . A l o c a l s t a t e i s d e f i n e d as any government e n t i t y having a p o l i t i c a l and s p a t i a l j u r i s d i c t i o n at l e s s than the n a t i o n a l s c a l e , and having the a u t h o r i t y to r a i s e revenues from, and make expenditures on b e h a l f of i t s c o n s t i t u e n t s . The l o c a l s t a t e may t h e r e f o r e take many forms, and more than one type of l o c a l s t a t e may e x i s t i n any n a t i o n . (Clark and Dear 1981) In a study of the s p a t i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n of the s t a t e h i e r a r c h y i n Massachusetts, Dear and C l a r k (1981) l i m i t e d the d e f i n i t i o n of the l o c a l s t a t e to i n c l u d e only m u n i c i p a l governments. That w i l l be the case i n t h i s t h e s i s as w e l l . M u n i c i p a l I n t e r v e n t i o n i n Housing. For the purpose of t h i s t h e s i s , there are four ways i n which a m u n i c i p a l i t y can i n t e r v e n e i n housing t h a t w i l l be examined. They are the d i r e c t p r o v i s i o n of housing, which i n c l u d e s p u b l i c housing, urban renewal, e t c . ; w e l f a r e f u n c t i o n s such as s u b s i d i e s and s h e l t e r allowances; planning ( p o l i c i e s , housing t a r g e t s , s u b d i v i s i o n ) ; and, r e g u l a t i o n s such as minimum standards and zoning by-laws and b u i l d i n g codes. 11 6. O r g a n i z a t i o n o f t h e T h e s i s C h a p t e r 2 r e v i e w s t h e o r i e s o f t h e s t a t e and t h e o r i e s o f t h e l o c a l s t a t e . I t c o n c l u d e s by i d e n t i f y i n g t h e i m p l i c a t i o n s o f t h e t h e o r y f o r a n a l y z i n g t h e h i s t o r y o f t h e C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r ' s h o u s i n g a c t i o n s . The h i s t o r y o f t h e C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r ' s h o u s i n g p o l i c i e s and programs f r o m 1900 t o 1973 i s p r o v i d e d i n C h a p t e r 3. The p e r i o d s t u d i e d i s d i v i d e d i n t o t h r e e s e c t i o n s and key e v e n t s a r e summarized a t t h e end o f e a c h s e c t i o n . In C h a p t e r 4 t h e o r i e s o f t h e s t a t e a r e u s e d t o a n a l y z e t h e C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r ' s r o l e i n h o u s i n g . T h i s i s done by e s t a b l i s h i n g what t h e t h e o r y p r e d i c t s s h o u l d be t h e r o l e o f t h e C i t y , by s u m m a r i z i n g t h e e v o l u t i o n o f t h e C i t y ' s r o l e i n h o u s i n g , and by s e e i n g what t h e t h e o r y e x p l a i n s i n t h e V a n c o u v e r h i s t o r y . C h a p t e r 5 p r o v i d e s some c o n c l u d i n g comments, p r e s e n t s t h e i m p l i c a t i o n s o f t h e t h e s i s f o r h o u s i n g and p l a n n i n g and s u g g e s t s a r e a s o f f u r t h e r r e s e a r c h . 12 CHAPTER 2 THEORIES OF THE STATE 1. I n t r o d u c t i o n The p u r p o s e o f t h i s c h a p t e r i s t o d e t e r m i n e how e x i s t i n g t h e o r i e s o f t h e s t a t e and t h e o r i e s o f t h e l o c a l s t a t e c a n be u s e d as a means o f a n a l y z i n g t h e C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r ' s e v o l v i n g r o l e i n h o u s i n g . A u s e f u l way o f l o o k i n g a t v a r i o u s t h e o r i e s o f t h e s t a t e i s p r o v i d e d by J o h n s t o n (1984) who d e v e l o p e d a t h r e e l e v e l h i e r a r c h y o f t h e o r i e s . F i g u r e 2 i l l u s t r a t e s t h i s h i e r a r c h y o f t h e o r i e s . The h i g h e s t l e v e l o f t h e o r y i s a g r a n d t h e o r y o f t h e s t a t e e x p l a i n i n g t h e r o l e o f t h e s t a t e i n any s o c i e t y . T h i s l e v e l o f t h e o r y i s n o t a d d r e s s e d i n t h i s s t u d y . I n s t e a d , t h e s e c o n d l e v e l o f t h e h i e r a r c h y , i n w h i c h t h e t h e o r y o f t h e r o l e o f t h e s t a t e i n a p a r t i c u l a r s o c i e t y , i s t h e l e v e l u s e d as a s t a r t i n g p o i n t h e r e . In t h i s c a s e , t h e t h e o r e t i c a l r o l e o f t h e s t a t e i s d e v e l o p e d s p e c i f i c a l l y w i t h r e f e r e n c e t o w e s t e r n c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y . O v e r a l l we f i n d t h a t t h e o r y has f o c u s s e d on t h e l i b e r a l d e m o c r a t i c s t a t e " r a t h e r t h a n on a t h e o r y o f t h e s t a t e as s u c h ... T w e n t i e t h - c e n t u r y t r a d i t i o n a l t h e o r i s t s have n o t g i v e n much a t t e n t i o n t o t h e s p e c i f i c n a t u r e o f t h e s t a t e i n c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y " (Macpherson 1 9 7 7 ) . As we s h a l l s e e , t h e t h e o r y a d o p t e d i n t h i s p a p e r r e s t s on a n e o - M a r x i s t v i e w o f t h e t w o f o l d r o l e o f t h e s t a t e w h i c h i s t o e n s u r e t h e c a p i t a l 13 accumulation process i s maintained and to ensure t h a t the c a p i t a l accumulation process i s not c h a l l e n g e d by those disadvantaged by i t . C a p i t a l accumulation r e f e r s to the a b i l i t y of p r i v a t e e n t e r p r i s e to produce t h i n g s not only f o r the products themselves but f o r the surplus value or p r o f i t they generate. The neo-Marxist theory of the r o l e of the s t a t e i n c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y i s t h a t the s t a t e has the mandate t o c r e a t e and s u s t a i n the c o n d i t i o n s of accumulation f o r p r i v a t e e n t e r p r i s e i n order t h a t the c a p i t a l accumulation process be maintained. However, c a p i t a l i s m " i s b u i l t on i n e q u a l i t y and e x p l o i t a t i o n , which generates t e n s i o n s between "haves" and "have-nots," e x p l o i t e r s and e x p l o i t e d " (Johnston 1984, p. 54). In order to l e g i t m i z e the domination of s o c i e t y by c a p i t a l the s t a t e must r e l a x the t e n s i o n s generated by c a p i t a l i s m , to convince the r e l a t i v e l y d e p r i v e d t h a t the system i s b e n e f i c i a l to them and, when and where necessary, to temper the demands of the e x p l o i t e r s , so t h a t i n t h e i r search f o r g r e a t e r p r o f i t s they do not foment un r e s t which would damage or even d e s t r o y the system. (Johnston 1984, p. 54) The s t a t e must not appear to f u n c t i o n e x c l u s i v e l y f o r c a p i t a l , which would leave i t open to c h a l l e n g e by those disadvantaged by the process of p r i v a t e accumulation. The s t a t e must appear to pursue "the common and gen e r a l i n t e r e s t s of s o c i e t y as a whole" (Offe 1975) so t h a t i t can continue i t s r o l e i n accumulation. The s t a t e seeks legitmacy f o r the c a p i t a l i s t system as a whole by pursuing some a c t i o n s t h a t 14 would appear to deny i t s fundamental r e l a t i o n s h i p i n ma i n t a i n i n g the c o n d i t i o n s f o r c a p i t a l accumulation. FIGURE 2 HIERARCHY OF THEORIES OF THE STATE GRAND THEORY OF THE STATE THEORY OF THE ROLE OF THE STATE THEORY OF THE ROLE IN CAPITALIST SOCIETY > OF THE LOCAL STATE THEORIES OF ACTIONS WITHIN THE STATE (Adapted from Johnston, 1984) The t h i r d l e v e l i n the h i e r a r c h y of t h e o r i e s are those which t h e o r i z e about a c t i o n s w i t h i n the s t a t e . T h i s l e v e l t h e o r i z e s about the many ways i n which the s t a t e can perform i t s r o l e s of accumulation and l e g i t i m a t i o n . The major t h e o r e t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s of the a c t i o n s w i t h i n the s t a t e explored i n t h i s chapter are the p l u r a l i s t , m a n a g e r i a l i s t and the M a r x i s t ( i n c l u d i n g the in s t r u m e n t a l and s t r u c t u r a l p e r s p e c t i v e s ) p o l i t i c a l economy approaches. Theories of the r o l e of the l o c a l s t a t e i n c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y sometimes run p a r a l l e l t o , and sometime o v e r l a p c o n s i d e r a b l y , with t h e o r i e s of the s t a t e . S o r t i n g out the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the l o c a l s t a t e to the c e n t r a l s t a t e , and to 15 s o c i e t y i n g e n e r a l , forms the second p a r t of t h i s c h a p t e r . The t h e o r e t i c a l framework i s developed through a l i t e r a t u r e review. 2. Theory of the Role of the State There are two major t h e o r e t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s on the r o l e of the s t a t e . One i s based on l i b e r a l democratic views of the p l u r a l i s t s t a t e and the second i s based on a M a r x i s t p o l i t i c a l economy view. L i b e r a l Democratic T h e o r i e s . While the s t a t e as such i s r a r e l y examined by l i b e r a l democratic t h e o r i s t s , and the tendency i s to see government agencies as o n l y one s e t of i n t e r e s t groups among many other (Ham and H i l l 1984, p. 42), l i b e r a l democratic t h e o r i e s allow the s t a t e one of fou r r o l e s . The r o l e of the s t a t e can be a l l o c a t i o n , s t a b i l i z a t i o n , d i s t r i b u t i o n and/or a r b i t r a t i o n . F i r s t , the s t a t e can be the s u p p l i e r or p r o v i d e r of p u b l i c goods and s e r v i c e s . "Relevant p o l i c y questions i n c l u d e the proper c r i t e r i a f o r s t a t e i n t e r v e n t i o n and f o r a l l o c a t i v e e f f i c i e n c y . The r e s e a r c h problem i n t h i s category i s concerned with i s s u e s of a l l o c a t i o n " (Clark and Dear 1981, p. 51). In terms of l o c a l government, there are three reasons o f f e r e d f o r the p u b l i c r a t h e r than p r i v a t e p r o v i s i o n of c e r t a i n goods a t the l o c a l l e v e l : 1. p u b l i c goods may be provided as a means of c o n t r o l l i n g s p a t i a l e x t e r n a l i t i e s or s p i l l o v e r e f f e c t s ; 2. p u b l i c goods may be provided at a p a r t i c u l a r l e v e l because the market cannot; and 16 3. p u b l i c goods may be provided as a means of m a i n t a i n i n g c e r t a i n d e s i r e d c o l l e c t i v e (moral, p o l i t i c a l or otherwise) p r e f e r e n c e s of the l o c a l community. (Clark 1981, a f t e r Ostrom e t a l . 1961) Second, the s t a t e can act as a r e g u l a t o r and f a c i l i t a t o r of the o p e r a t i o n of the marketplace. Those who view the s t a t e i n t h i s way are most concerned with the s t a b i l i z a t i o n f u n c t i o n of the government. T h i r d , the s t a t e i s seen as a s o c i a l engineer i n the sense of i n t e r v e n i n g i n the economy to achieve i t s own p o l i c y o b j e c t i v e s . In t h i s case, " p o l i c y q u e s t i o n s are predominantly of a d i s t r i b u t i v e nature" (Clark and Dear 1981, p. 51). L a s t , the s t a t e can act as a n e u t r a l a r b i t e r between c o n f l i c t i n g or competing groups i n t e r e s t s i n s o c i e t y . The s t a t e s u p e r v i s e s and r e g u l a t e s the " competition of i n t e r e s t s so t h a t none c o u l d abuse t h e i r power to g a i n mastery of some s e c t i o n of s o c i a l l i f e " (Kirk 1982, p. 135). In t h i s r o l e the s t a t e a c t s l i k e a r e f e r e e and "changes the focus from decision-making i n the market system to decision-making i n the p o l i t i c a l arena" (Clark and Dear 1981, p. 51). T h e o r i s t s i n these c a t e g o r i e s say t h a t the s t a t e a c t s f o r "the p r o t e c t i o n and r e p r o d u c t i o n of the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e (the fundamental r e l a t i o n s of production) i n so f a r as t h i s i s not achieved by the automatic process of the economy" (Mandel 1975, p. 474). More s p e c i f i c a l l y , i n r e l a t i o n to urban problems the s t a t e a c t s "as the prime p r o v i d e r of items f o r c o l l e c t i v e consumption and as a d m i n i s t r a t o r and manager of 17 c o n f l i c t s which a r i s e or could a r i s e given the nature of t h i s p r o v i s i o n " (Lambert et al_. 1978, p. 16) . P o l i t i c a l Economic Theory. The M a r x i s t p o l i t i c a l economy view d i r e c t l y l i n k s the s t a t e and c a p i t a l . I t i s t h i s category of theory, with i t s emphasis on the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the s t a t e and c a p i t a l , on which t h i s chapter w i l l f o c u s . The s t a t e , a c c o r d i n g to Offe (1975, 1984), should be d e f i n e d both i n terms of i t s s t r u c t u r e or i n s t i t u t i o n s (such as the l e g i s l a t u r e , j u d i c i a r y , etc.,) but a l s o i n terms of i t s f u n c t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between the s t a t e and the accumulation process of a c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y (Offe 1975, p 125). The f u n c t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p i s based on c a p i t a l accumulation and the need f o r l e g i t i m a t i o n to maintain the c o n d i t i o n s f o r accumulation (Offe 1975, O'Connor 1973). The c a p i t a l i s t mode of commodity p r o d u c t i o n i s one where p r i v a t e d e c i s i o n s (rather than p u b l i c d e c i s i o n s ) determine the use of the means of p r o d u c t i o n . In t h i s case, the s t a t e has no a u t h o r i t y to c o n t r o l or order p r o d u c t i o n -the s t a t e i s o u t s i d e the accumulation p r o c e s s . The s t a t e does have both the a u t h o r i t y and the mandate to c r e a t e and s u s t a i n the c o n d i t i o n s of accumulation. However, the s t a t e ' s p o s t i o n i s c o n s t r a i n e d by i t s dependence on t a x a t i o n revenues generated through the accumulation p r o c e s s . The s t a t e f a c e s t a x a t i o n c o n s t r a i n t s as i t ' s p o l i t i c a l ends depend on m a t e r i a l resources d e r i v e d through t a x a t i o n of p r i v a t e l y accumulated c a p i t a l . Since s t a t e power and the ways i n which m a t e r i a l 18 resources are used depend p r i m a r i l y on the revenues d e r i v e d from the accumulation process the s t a t e depends on the presence and c o n t i n u i t y of the accumulation process and the s t a t e i t s e l f would be threatened i f i t pursued p o l i c i e s t h a t were not c o n s i s t e n t with p r o t e c t i n g and m a i n t a i n i n g c a p i t a l accumulation. At the same time the s t a t e must appear to pursue the common and general i n t e r e s t s of a l l s o c i e t y , i n c l u d i n g equal access to power, e t c . , i f i t i s to f u n c t i o n i n i t s s p e c i f i c r e l a t i o n s h i p to the accumulation p r o c e s s . One of the most common ways i t does t h i s i s by seeking democratic l e g i t i m a t i o n through e l e c t o r a l support of r e p r e s e n t a t i v e government (Offe 1975, pp. 126-127 & 1984, pp. 120-121). The c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d , t h e r e f o r e , as being excluded from accumulation, as being necessary to the maintenance of accumulation, as being dependent on accumulation and as having to deny and/or conceal the f i r s t t hree c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s (Offe 1975, p. 144) . The consequence of the s t a t e ' s dual f u n c t i o n i n accumulation and l e g i t m a t i o n i s t h a t i n order to secure the i n t e r e s t s of c a p i t a l i n accumulation the s t a t e must i n v e s t i n p r o d u c t i o n . The s t a t e i n v e s t s i n p r o d u c t i o n by p r o v i d i n g p h y s i c a l i n f r a s t r u c t u r e and by t r a i n i n g workers - d e v e l o p i n g human c a p i t a l through education, e t c . The second f u n c t i o n of the s t a t e i s the l e g i t i m i z a t i o n f u n c t i o n which i t does by investment i n consumption and through i t s i n s t i t u t i o n a l form of democracy. P u b l i c goods which serve the i n t e r e s t s of the 19 working c l a s s and s o c i e t y i n general and i n d i v i d u a l goods such as housing make up s t a t e investments i n consumption. K i r k (1980) reminds us th a t a c a p i t a l i s t mode of p r o d u c t i o n i n v o l v e s an e s s e n t i a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n . There i s a "fundamental t e n s i o n between the p r o f i t - m a x i m i z i n g d i c t a t e s of the economy and the p o l i t i c a l desideratum t h a t people's needs are provided f o r . " The s t a t e i s necessary to the smooth f u n c t i o n i n g of both c a p i t a l i s m and meeting s o c i a l needs. I f the s t a t e i s to r e t a i n the f u n c t i o n of sec u r i n g the c a p i t a l mode of p r o d u c t i o n then i t has to r e t a i n the p o l i t i c a l mandate or l e g i t i m a c y to do so. The i m p l i c a t i o n of having a dual f u n c t i o n - meeting the needs of both p r o d u c t i o n and consumption, i s c o n f l i c t . The s t a t e must f i n d a balance between p r o d u c t i o n expenditures which d i r e c t l y a i d c a p i t a l and consumption expenditures which only i n d i r e c t l y a i d c a p i t a l . The s t a t e can be seen as dependent on the "democratic i d e a l i z a t i o n of s o c i e t y and i t s i m p l i c a t i o n s of a u t h o r i t y and popular c o n t r o l " (Clark 1981) because i t hides the f a c t t h a t "the m a t e r i a l r e s o u r c e s of s t a t e power, and the ways i n which these are used, p r i m a r i l y depend upon the revenues d e r i v e d from the accumulation process, and not upon the v o t i n g p r e f e r e n c e s of the general e l e c t o r a t e " (Offe 1984b). Democracy i s necessary f o r the s t a t e to be l e g i t i m i z e d to c a r r y out i t s r o l e i n accumulation. Democracy i s a t o o l e n a b l i n g the continued domination of a r u l i n g c l a s s over a su b s e r v i e n t c l a s s . According to M a r x i s t a n a l y s i s , the p r a c t i c e of i n d i r e c t r e p r e s e n t a t i o n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of 20 democracies i n c a p i t a l i s t nations causes a " s e p a r a t i o n between r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and c o n t r o l (which) c r e a t e s a s i t u a t i o n whereby the s t a t e may a c t as an autonomous and independent body, t h a t i s , from d i r e c t i n t e r v e n t i o n by the e n f r a n c h i s e d corpus of v o t e r s " (Clark 1981). Democratic r e p r e s e n t a t i v e government p l a y s an important r o l e i n l e g i t i m i z i n g the s t a t e ' s r o l e i n c a p i t a l accumulation. I t i s important however, not to underestimate the requirements of a democratic form of s t a t e . Some would argue about the extent of democracy i n Canada, (Resnick 1984) or would, through M a r x i s t a n a l y s i s , d i s m i s s gains made by the working c l a s s through the democratic process so t h a t p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n s t h a t "wrought an improvement i n working c o n d i t i o n s , the r e d u c t i o n and r e g u l a t i o n of work hours, and improved h e a l t h and medical b e n e f i t s (to mention only a few) are o f t e n r i d i c u l e d " (Clark 1981). But, the democratic form of the s t a t e i s an important f a c t o r , p a r t i c u l a r l y a t the l o c a l l e v e l with which t h i s t h e s i s d e a l s . The neo-Marxist view of the r o l e of the s t a t e i s adopted f o r t h i s t h e s i s and i t i s with the accumulation and l e g i t i m a t i o n f u n c t i o n s of the s t a t e i n mind t h a t t h i s t h e s i s looks a t the t h e o r i e s t h a t e x p l a i n the ways i n which to s t a t e can a ct to f u l f i l l these two f u n c t i o n s . 3. T h e o r e t i c a l P e r s p e c t i v e s on A c t i o n s W i t h i n the Sta t e P l u r a l i s t T h e o r i e s of State A c t i o n . While no l a b e l i s 21 p e r f e c t , many t h e o r i e s of a c t i o n s w i t h i n the s t a t e f i t w e l l under the category of p l u r a l i s t or r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l theory. T h e o r i s t s i n t h i s category r e l y on a p l u r a l i s t view of a democratic s t a t e . Power i s s a i d to be c o m p e t i t i v e , fragmented and d i f f u s e d ; everybody d i r e c t l y or through organized groups has some power and nobody has or can have too much of i t ... There are i n Western s o c i e t i e s , no predominant c l a s s e s , i n t e r e s t s or groups. There are o n l y competing bl o c k s of i n t e r e s t whose c o m p e t i t i o n , which i s sanctioned and guaranteed by the s t a t e i t s e l f , ensures t h a t power i s d i f f u s e d or balanced and t h a t no p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t i s able to weigh too h e a v i l y upon the s t a t e . ( M i l i b a n d 1973, pp. 4-5) The b a s i c assumption h e l d under t h i s view i s t h a t the s t a t e i s n e u t r a l and t h a t i t i s independent of any p a r t i c u l a r c l a s s i n t e r e s t s (Saunders 1979, p. 150). A l l groups are s a i d to be represented by the s t a t e and the m i n o r i t y t h a t governs i s open and r e s p o n s i v e to the needs of the m a j o r i t y who express t h e i r p r e f e r e n c e s through the e l e c t o r a l p r o c e s s . In f a c t , the p l u r a l i s t t h e o r i s t s c l a i m t h a t "the o v e r a l l n e u t r a l i t y of the s t a t e and i t s freedom from any i n t r i n s i c c l a s s b i a s i s guaranteed by the e l e c t o r a l p r o c e s s " (Saunders 1979, p. 152). E l e c t i o n s r e s t on p o l i t i c a l e q u a l i t y and p o l i t i c a l a c c o u n t a b i l i t y . T h e r e f o r e , p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s must re s p e c t the p o l i t i c a l w i l l of c i t i z e n s i f they wish to be r e -e l e c t e d . The fragmentation and d i f f u s i o n of power i n a p l u r a l i s t s o c i e t y does not mean t h a t power i s e q u a l l y d i s t r i b u t e d . Rather the theory argues t h a t the sources of power are 22 unequally, though widely d i s t r i b u t e d among i n d i v i d u a l s and groups w i t h i n s o c i e t y . Although a l l groups and i n t e r e s t s do not have the same degree of i n f l u e n c e , even the l e a s t powerful are able to make t h e i r v o i c e s heard at some stage i n the d e c i s i o n -making p r o c e s s . No i n d i v i d u a l or group i s completely powerless, and the p l u r a l i s t e x p l a n a t i o n of t h i s i s t h a t the sources of power - l i k e money, i n f o r m a t i o n , e x p e r t i s e and so on - are d i s t r i b u t e d non-cumulatively and no one source i s dominant. (Ham and H i l l 1984, p. 28) The p l u r a l i s t approach r e j e c t s a c l a s s - b a s e d view of s o c i e t y . Democracies are seen to be a process of p r o g r e s s i o n s , i n c o r p o r a t i n g new and more i n t e r e s t groups. The system i s regarded as open and responsive to d i f f e r i n g groups (not c l a s s e s ) with d i f f e r i n g i n t e r e s t s t h a t i n t e r a c t and r e p r e s e n t i s s u e s . P o l i c y outcomes, t h e r e f o r e , do not r e f l e c t d i f f e r e n c e s i n power, but d i f f e r e n c e s i n i n t e n s i t y of p r e f e r e n c e s . Because power i s s a i d to be fragmented and d i f f u s e d i n a p l u r a l i s t p o l i t i c a l system, an analogy i s drawn between the s t a t e and the economic marketplace. The s t a t e i s seen to be a p o l i t i c a l marketplace " i n which the 'supply' of d e c i s i o n s comes to balance and r e f l e c t the l e v e l of e f f e c t i v e demand" (Saunders 1979, p. 154). T h i s p e r s p e c t i v e r e s t s on the assumption t h a t "people shout when they have a reason t o , and the louder they shout, the b e t t e r t h e i r reason, and the g r e a t e r i s the l i k e l i h o o d of t h e i r views being accepted" (Saunders 1979, p. 152). T h e r e f o r e , what a group achieves depends on i t s p o l i t i c a l resources and i t s a b i l i t y t o express i t p r e f e r e n c e s . The s t a t e r e s t s on consensus and i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by 23 s t a b i l i t y and gradual change t h a t i s reform o r i e n t a t e d . The need f o r consensus i s a c o n s t r a i n t on the s t a t e and h e lps to e x p l a i n why the s t a t e i s not an instrument f o r any one c l a s s or i n t e r e s t group. If the s t a t e t r i e d to f u n c t i o n other than by consensus those i n power "would be c e r t a i n to f a i l f o r a coerced m a j o r i t y c o u l d simply vote a g a i n s t the incumbent at the next e l e c t i o n and r e p l a c e them with more r e s p o n s i v e o f f i c i a l s " (Dahl 1963, p. 76 quoted i n Saunders 1979, p. 153). In terms of a n a l y s i s , p l u r a l i s t t h e o r i s t s pay most a t t e n t i o n to the a c t i v i t i e s of o r g a n i z a t i o n s and i n t e r e s t groups, " t h e i r aims and a s p i r a t i o n s , membership and support, a c t i v i t i e s and t a c t i c s , i n i n f l u e n c i n g p a r t i c u l a r p o l i c i e s " (Kirk 1982, p. 138). P l u r a l i s t s see the l o c a l s t a t e as a democratic i n s t i t u t i o n r e f l e c t i n g the wishes of the general p o p u l a t i o n and the a c t i v i t i e s of the the v a r i o u s p r e s s u r e groups" (Short 1982, p. 165). P l u r a l i s t t h e o r i e s of the l o c a l s t a t e emphasize l o c a l c o n t r o l and l o c a l s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n , d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n , c o m p e t i t i o n among l o c a l governments over the d e l i v e r y of p u b l i c goods and s e r v i c e s and support the i d e o l o g y of l o c a l autonomy (Clark and Dear 1984, p. 131). C r i t i q u e of P l u r a l i s t Theories of the S t a t e . While p l u r a l i s t t h e o r i s t s acknowledge t h a t the s t a t e p l a y s a r o l e i n p r o t e c t i n g and r eproducing the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , t h e i r viewpoint " d e l i b e r a t e l y leaves unresolved the q u e s t i o n s of the purpose, method and degree of s t a t e i n t e r v e n t i o n to maintain the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e " (Clark and Dear 1981, p. 46). The economic context of p o l i t i c a l decision-making " i s taken as a 24 non-problematic 'given', a n e u t r a l background a g a i n s t which p o l i t i c a l and c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s are worked out, an i n f l u e n c e which can be taken completely f o r granted" (Kirk 1982, p. 140). The r o l e of decision-makers and the way i n which d e c i s i o n s are made i n a l a r g e r s o c i a l - e c o n o m i c context i s not the s u b j e c t of p l u r a l i s t theory. C r i t i c s suggest t h a t the consensus of the p l u r a l i s t s t a t e may i n f a c t be a manipulated one c r e a t e d by a m i n o r i t y i n t e r e s t through a p o l i t i c i a n who c r e a t e s p u b l i c w i l l by c o n t r o l of propaganda (education and the media f o r example). Another c r i t i c i s m put forward i s t h a t the theory of a p l u r a l i s t or r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s t a t e assumes the e q u a l i t y of the a b i l i t y to pursue i n t e r e s t s of the v a r i o u s competing i n t e r e s t groups. "The market analogy which underpins r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l t h e o r i e s of the s t a t e i n e v i t a b l y r a i s e s the q u e s t i o n of how f a r p o l i t i c a l demands are backed by e f f e c t i v e p o l i t i c a l 'purchasing power'" (Saunders 1979, p. 155). There are wide v a r i a t i o n s , i n terms of scope and type of i s s u e s , funds and f a c i l i t i e s a v a i l a b l e , o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s k i l l of group members and the a b i l i t y to a r t i c u l a t e demands and m o b i l i z e support among v a r y i n g i n t e r e s t groups (Kirk 1982, p. 136). In a d d i t i o n , not a l l i n t e r e s t s are represented by groups and not a l l groups have r e p r e s e n t a t i o n . P l u r a l i s t theory i s c r i t i c i z e d " f o r i g n o r i n g the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t power may be e x e r c i s e d other than on key i s s u e s " (Ham and H i l l 1984, p 31). 'Non-decision-making' i s 25 an important aspect of government p o l i c y and an area i n which i n t e r e s t groups are u n l i k e l y or unable to be v o c a l . A f o u r t h c r i t i c i s m i s about the assumption of the one-way nature of p o l i t i c a l i n f l u e n c e from the bottom upwards. P o l i t i c a l i n f l u e n c e i s s a i d to flow from c o n s t i t u e n t s to p o l i t i c i a n s and o f f i c i a l s without regard f o r the power and/or resources of dominant i n t e r e s t groups, or a c t o r s w i t h i n the s t a t e , a g a i n s t l e s s powerful groups (Kirk 1982, p. 138). L a s t l y , p l u r a l i s t theory focusses on the a c t i v i t y of p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the p o l i t i c a l process and has l i t t l e to say about i n a c t i v i t y of c o n s t i t u e n t s . I f no complaints are heard, i t i s assumed t h a t people are e i t h e r s a t i s f i e d with the s t a t u s quo, and have no complaints, or e l s e they are not s u f f i c i e n t l y i n t e r e s t e d to r e g i s t e r complaints i f they have them. What t h i s approach does not a l l o w f o r i s the f a c t t h a t people may be i n a c t i v e because they p e r c e i v e themselves to be powerless and without i n f l u e n c e . (Kirk 1982, p. 138) In f a c t , modern day democracy i s c o n s i d e r e d to be f u n c t i o n i n g w e l l i f p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s minimal and l e f t p r i m a r i l y to v o t i n g i n e l e c t i o n s . T h i s view stands i n c o n t r a s t to n i n e t e e n t h century democratic t h e o r i s t s such as John S t u a r t M i l l who saw l i b e r a l democracy as the means whereby a l l i n d i v i d u a l s c o u l d more f u l l y develop t h e i r p o t e n t i a l through p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n . (Saunders 1979, pp. 155-156) P l u r a l i s t t h e o r i e s are not used to r e v e a l the shortcomings of c u r r e n t forms of democracy (compared to M i l l ' s i d e a l i s e d v e r s i o n ) , but are used to d e s c r i b e e x i s t i n g p o l i t i c a l systems " s e r v i n g to e l e v a t e every element of those systems i n t o 26 v i r t u e s , and to j u s t i f y what they f i n d by ad hoc r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n " (Saunders 1979, p. 156). Managerialism and Corporatism. M a n a g e r i a l i s t or b u r e a u c r a t i c t h e o r i e s a s s e r t t h a t i t i s not the v a r i o u s i n t e r e s t groups i n s o c i e t y who have most a b i l i t y to i n f l u e n c e decision-making. Instead the m a n a g e r i a l i s t t h e s i s s t a t e s t h a t i t i s managers (bureaucrats, p o l i t i c i a n s and e l i t e s ) who c o n t r o l the terms, forms and content of p o l i t i c a l debate and a c t i o n , to the extent t h a t they are able to remove from the p o l i t i c a l sphere "important i s s u e s about the unequal d i s t r i b u t i o n of scarce resources and s u c c e s s f u l l y r e d e f i n e p u b l i c i s s u e s as p r i v a t e t r o u b l e s and p o l i t i c a l i s s u e s as t e c h n i c a l concerns" (Lambert et al_. 1978, p. 169) . The emphasis i s c l e a r l y on the a c t i o n s of managers and not on c o n s t r a i n t s imposed by the s t r u c t u r e s of s o c i e t y . Urban managers are seen to perform a mediating f u n c t i o n between the c e n t r a l s t a t e and the l o c a l p o p u l a t i o n and between p u b l i c and p r i v a t e s e c t o r s " (Ham and H i l l 1984, pp. 40-41). Research w i t h i n t h i s t h e o r e t i c a l framework has p r i m a r i l y been done at the l o c a l l e v e l , where the m a n a g e r i a l i s t approach shows t h a t r e s i d e n t s have l i t t l e r e a l i n f l u e n c e on l o c a l government and where, i n many cases, e l e c t e d o f f i c i a l s r e l y h e a v i l y on the e x p e r t i s e of t h e i r f u l l - t i m e b u r e a u c r a t s i n making d e c i s i o n s . Research focusses on i d e n t i f y i n g "the urban managers, t h e i r i d e o l o g y and c o n s t r a i n t s and the d i s t r i b u t i o n a l consequences of t h e i r a c t i o n s " (Short 1982, p. 166) . 27 Pahl's (1975) work on urban managers showed t h a t "the d i s t r i b u t i o n of resources i n urban systems i s i n f l u e n c e d by urban managers, t h a t i s bureaucrats, l o c a l p o l i t i c i a n s and other l o c a l e l i t e s with c o n t r o l over resource a l l o c a t i o n " (Ham and H i l l 1984, p. 40). Urban managers i n c l u d e d government techno c r a t s and ' s o c i a l gate-keepers' "who mediate i n the a l l o c a t i v e processes and who have the c a p a c i t y to shape the s o c i o - s p a t i a l system" (Kirk 1982, p. 139). T h i s i n c l u d e s housing department o f f i c i a l s , r e a l e s t a t e agents, p r i v a t e l a n d l o r d s - those who c o n t r o l access to urban f a c i l i t i e s such as housing or s o c i a l s e r v i c e s . However, i n l a t e r work the term urban manager was l i m i t e d to l o c a l s t a t e b u r e a u c r a t s , e x c l u d i n g e l e c t e d o f f i c i a l s and p r i v a t e s e c t o r o f f i c i a l s (Saunders 1979, p. 192 and Short 1982, p. 166). The degree of autonomy t h a t urban managers have can be seen as a continuum: At one extreme ... the l o c a l s t a t e o f f i c i a l s have r e l a t i v e autonomy i n shaping and implementing p o l i c y . P o l i c y d i r e c t i v e s from the c e n t r e are so loose and l o c a l p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t so muted t h a t the managers' a c t i o n s are an independent v a r i a b l e i n p o l i c y implementation and p o l i c y outcomes. At the other extreme, c e n t r a l s t a t e d i r e c t i v e s are so c l e a r l y s p e c i f i e d t h a t the l o c a l bureaucracy has l i t t l e room f o r independent a c t i o n and the c e n t r a l and l o c a l s t a t e act as one. (Short 1982, p. 167) There are three f a c t o r s t h a t a f f e c t the degree of urban manager autonomy - e c o l o g i c a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic c o n s t r a i n t s (Saunders 1979, p. 189). I t i s unnecessary to go i n t o d e t a i l about each of these c o n s t r a i n t s f o r t h i s study, 28 although i t i s important to note t h a t these f a c t o r s narrow the scope of decision-making, they do not determine i t (Saunders 1979, p. 196). The m a n a g e r i a l i s t t h e s i s was c r i t i c i z e d as i t i s not based on a theory of the s t a t e . The m a n a g e r i a l i s t t h e s i s lacks a theory of power which co u l d hypothesize on the r e l a t i v e importance of d i f f e r e n t s e t s of managers. I t a l s o f a i l s to "take adequate account of the c o n t e x t of c o n s t r a i n t s i n which urban management d e c i s i o n s were taken" (Saunders 1979, p. 168). A theory of c o r p o r a t i s m addresses these problems by changing the d e f i n i t i o n of managers to mean only bureaucrats and by t a k i n g " e x p l i c i t account of the i n t e r n a l s t r u c t u r e of the s t a t e ( i . e . the r e l a t i o n between c e n t r a l and l o c a l l e v e l s ) and of i t s e x t e r n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the p r i v a t e s e c t o r " (Saunders 1979, pp. 168-9). C o r p o r a t i s t theory, developed by Winkler (1976) , i s based on the view t h a t the s t a t e has become more d i r e c t and i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t . The s t a t e moves from a p o s i t i o n of supporting the process of c a p i t a l accumulation to d i r e c t i n g t h a t p r o c e s s . In making t h i s s h i f t , new p a t t e r n s of r e l a t i o n s h i p s have developed between the s t a t e and the major economic i n t e r e s t groups, and the s t a t e , although u n c o n s t r a i n e d by these i n t e r e s t s , has autonomy d e r i v i n g from i t s command of l e g a l , o r g a n i z a t i o n a l and other r e s o u r c e s . I t i s t h i s autonomy which enables the s t a t e to act i n the i n t e r e s t s of c a p i t a l , labour and other i n t e r e s t s as a p p r o p r i a t e ... Above a l l , i t i s the independence of the s t a t e which i s s t r e s s e d by the c o r p o r a t i s t s . (Ham and H i l l 1984, p. 41) The s t a t e i s not seen to be c o n t r o l l e d "by any p a r t i c u l a r 29 economic c l a s s or group, but plays an independent and dominant r o l e i n i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p with labour and c a p i t a l " (Ham and H i l l 1984, p. 37). Urban m a n a g e r i a l i s t s (bureaucrats i n p a r t i c u l a r ) are seen to have some degree of autonomy, but work c l o s e l y with p r i v a t e s e c t o r e l i t e s such as those i n r e a l e s t a t e i n t e r e s t s . T h i s view i s c o n t r a s t e d with M a r x i s t s who see l o c a l e l i t e s as " e s s e n t i a l l y subordinate to the p a t t e r n of power and c l a s s r e l a t i o n s i n the n a t i o n a l s t a t e " (Ham and H i l l 1984, p. 59). In c o r p o r a t i s t theory the s t a t e i s seen as being i n c r e a s i n g l y i n v o l v e d i n d i r e c t i n g economic a c t i v i t i e s r a t h e r than j u s t s u p p o r t i n g them, and i n i n c r e a s i n g l y being i n v o l v e d i n p r o d u c t i o n r a t h e r than j u s t a l l o c a t i o n . The s t a t e undertakes these new r o l e s because the dynamics of c a p i t a l accumulation have g i v e n r i s e to problems i n the p r i v a t e s e c t o r ( i n d u s t r i a l c o n c e n t r a t i o n , d e c l i n i n g p r o d u c t i v i t y , high t e c h n o l o g i c a l development c o s t s and growing i n t e r n a t i o n a l c o m p e t i t i o n - Winkler 1976, p. 117) which the t r a d i t i o n a l s u p p o r t i v e r o l e of the s t a t e has proved in c a p a b l e of r e s o l v i n g . (Saunders 1979, p. 170) Corporatism i s the response of the s t a t e to the problems of c a p i t a l i s m . T h i s response i s centered on p r o d u c t i o n i s s u e s and not i s s u e s r e l a t e d to consumption items such as e d u c a t i o n , w e l f a r e , h e a l t h and housing, i n which the s t a t e has t r a d t i o n a l l y been i n v o l v e d . The c o n t r i b u t i o n of m a n a g e r i a l i s t / c o r p o r a t i s t theory i s t h a t i t acknowledges "the power and complexity of c e n t r a l and l o c a l government b u r e a u c r a c i e s , and the gradual expansion and 30 i n c r e a s i n g c o n t r o l of government a c t i v i t y i n everyday l i f e " (Kirk 1982, p. 139). In a d d i t i o n , c o r p o r a t i s m "provides an e x p l i c i t theory of the autonomy of the s t a t e i n advanced c a p i t a l i s m " (Saunders 1979, p. 173) by showing the growing r o l e of the s t a t e i n pr o d u c t i o n i s s u e s as a response to c u r r e n t problems i n c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t i e s . By f o c u s s i n g on the bureaucracy we can see the d i f f i c u l t y t h a t some i n t e r e s t groups have i n i n f l u e n c i n g the s t a t e because s t a t e b u r e a u c r a c i e s are not n e c e s s a r i l y r e s p o n s i v e to pr e s s u r e from below. The main problem with t h i s approach i s t h a t the focus of a t t e n t i o n i s pl a c e d on the bureaucracy. L i k e the p l u r a l i s t approaches, the m a n a g e r i a l i s t / c o r p o r a t i s t approach operates i n an economic vacuum, "without r e f e r e n c e to the f a c t t h a t i n a c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y governments operate and make d e c i s i o n s w i t h i n the c o n s t r a i n t s of a c a p i t a l i s t economic system" (Kirk 1982, p. 140). The managerial approach concerns i t s e l f p r i m a r i l y with the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the l o c a l and n a t i o n a l s t a t e but n e g l e c t s the qu e s t i o n of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the s t a t e and p r i v a t e business i n t e r e s t s (Saunders 1979, p. 173) . I t i s not enough to i d e n t i f y the managers and t h e i r d i s t r i b u t i o n of such scarce resources as housing. S c a r c i t y i s s o c i a l l y determined and the a c t i o n s and i d e o l o g i e s of managers have to be seen i n a much wider s o c i a l and economic co n t e x t . (Short 1982, p. 166) E l i t i s m . E l i t i s m i s a p e r s p e c t i v e drawn from Weberian s o c i o l o g i c a l t heory. A t h e o r e t i c a l approach sometimes c a l l e d 31 n e o - p l u r a l i s m (Ham and H i l l 1984), the e l i t i s t approach s t r e s s e s "the power e x e r c i s e d by a small number of w e l l organized s o c i e t a l i n t e r e s t s and notes the a b i l i t y of these i n t e r e s t s t o achieve t h e i r g o a l s " (Ham and H i l l 1984, p. 25). E l i t e s e x e r c i s e power as p a r t of a dominating c l a s s , and use the s t a t e as an instrument of t h e i r power. The e l i t i s t approach i s c o n s i d e r e d a d i s t i n c t t h e o r e t i c a l approach and a c t u a l l y was developed " l a r g e l y as a response to and c r i t i q u e of Marxism" (Saunders 1979, p. 158). Nonetheless, the e l i t i s t p e r s p e c t i v e i s s i m i l a r to the ins t r u m e n t a l approach to the theory of the s t a t e and shares the view of the s t a t e as "the instrument whereby one group achieves p o l i t i c a l domination over another" (Saunders 1979, p. 158). E l i t e t h e o r i s t s d i s t i n g u i s h between the e l i t e s and the masses while as we w i l l see, the M a r x i s t i n s t r u m e n t a l approach d i s t i n g u i s h e s between the r u l i n g c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s and the p r o l e t a r i a t who form the labour or working c l a s s . The e l i t e occupy key p o s i t i o n s i n p o l i t i c s , economic i n t e r e s t s and the m i l i t a r y and the o v e r l a p and co n n e c t i o n between l e a d e r s i n these i n s t i t u t i o n s i s the source of t h e i r power. Sen i o r o f f i c i a l s i n p u b l i c b u r e a u c r a c i e s are a l s o p a r t of the e l i t e and are accorded the same power as other e l i t e s . Some c h a l l e n g e s to e l i t i s t theory are s i m i l a r to those of Ma r x i s t i n s t r u m e n t a l i s m and the c r i t i q u e of i n s t r u m e n t a l i s m w i l l a p p l y . While c h a l l e n g i n g the view of power d i s t r i b u t i o n supported by the l i b e r a l - d e m o c r a t i c p l u r a l i s t s , i t has been suggested t h a t the e x i s t e n c e of e l i t e s 32 i s not incompatible with p l u r a l i s t democracy because c o m p e t i t i o n between e l i t e s p r o t e c t s democratic government ... According to t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n the s t r u c t u r e of power i n western i n d u s t r i a l i s e d c o u n t r i e s can be d e s c r i b e d as democratic e l i t i s m i n v o l v i n g not only c o m p e t i t i o n between e l i t e s but a l s o t h e i r c i r c u l a t i o n and replacement. (Ham and H i l l 1984, pp. 31-32) Marxist Theories of the State. M a r x i s t theory r e s t s on the n o t i o n of c l a s s domination and c o n f l i c t and i s f i r m l y rooted i n the p o l i t i c a l economy of a s o c i e t y . Economic f a c t o r s are not t r e a t e d as non-issues. "The p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s of the s t a t e are i n e x t r i c a b l y bound up w i t h economic developments w i t h i n s o c i e t y " (Ham and H i l l 1984, p. 24). The p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e of a s o c i e t y i s seen to be r e l a t e d to i t s economic system. T h e r e f o r e , the s t a t e i s not n e u t r a l - i t i s b i a s e d . Economic i n t e r e s t s i n f l u e n c e p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n and "the s t a t e i s an important means of m a i n t a i n i n g the dominance of p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l c l a s s e s " (Ham and H i l l 1984, p. 25). The s t a t e i s not seen as a benevolent agent of w e l f a r e improvement f o r a l l but as an arena f o r c l a s s s t r u g g l e . In g e n e r a l , t h a t s t r u g g l e r e s u l t s i n s t a t e p o l i c i e s which serve the i n t e r e s t s of the dominant c l a s s , but the subordinate c l a s s may win o c c a s s i o n a l b a t t l e s and wrest c e r t a i n c o n c e s s i o n s to i t s i n t e r e s t s . (Malpass and Murie 1982, p. 3) At the l o c a l l e v e l , "Marxist approaches give an account of urban i s s u e s which t i e them f i r m l y i n t o the c a p i t a l accumulation process, and o f f e r an i m p l i c i t or e x p l i c i t c r i t i q u e of the e x p l o i t a t i o n of working people under c a p i t a l i s m " (Kirk 1982, p. 141). 33 C l a s s i c a l M a r x i s t Theory of the S t a t e . While there i s no coherent theory of the s t a t e i n Marx's own w r i t i n g , contemporary w r i t e r s have found enough to form the b a s i s f o r l a t e r a n a l y s i s . O v e r a l l , the view developed from Marx's work i s "that the c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e was fundamentally the c o e r c i v e instrument of the r u l i n g c l a s s e s , and was a product of the i r r e c o n c i l a b i l i t y of c l a s s antagonisms" (Clark and Dear 1981, p. 52). Six themes r e l a t e d to the theory of the s t a t e can be found i n c l a s s i c a l M a r x i s t l i t e r a t u r e : 1. the s t a t e as a p a r a s i t i c i n s t i t u t i o n , with no e s s e n t i a l r o l e i n economic p r o d u c t i o n ; 2. the s t a t e and s t a t e power as epiphenomena, i . e . s u p e r f i c i a l r e f l e c t i o n s of an independent economic base; 3. the s t a t e as a f a c t o r of cohesion i n s o c i e t y , r e g u l a t i n g c l a s s c o n f l i c t predominantly i n the i n t e r e s t s of the dominant c l a s s ; 4. the s t a t e an an instrument of c l a s s r u l e , as a consequence of i t s 'capture' by a dominant c l a s s ; 5. the s t a t e as a set of i n s t i t u t i o n s , which tends to a v o i d assumptions about the c l a s s c h a r a c t e r of the s t a t e , f o c u s s i n g more on the e m p i r i c a l m a n i f e s t a t i o n s of the s t a t e apparatus; and 6. the s t a t e as a system of p o l i t i c a l domination, with s p e c i a l a t t e n t i o n to the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of p o l i t i c a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n and s t a t e i n t e r v e n t i o n (e.g., democracy as the best p o l i t i c a l s e t t i n g f o r c a p i t a l i s m ) . (Clark and Dear 1981, p. 52) From t h i s work, contemporary M a r x i s t s have evolved and d i v i d e d i n t o two main t h e o r e t i c a l approaches, i n s t r u m e n t a l i s m and s t r u c t u r a l i s m . 34 N e o - M a r x i s t T h e o r i e s o f the State -Instrumentalism. One of the key i s s u e s i n contemporary M a r x i s t debate i s the nature of the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the dominant c l a s s to the s t a t e . The i n s t r u m e n t a l i s t p o s i t i o n t h e o r i z e s t h a t i n c a p i t a l i s m the s t a t e i s used by the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s to dominate the working c l a s s , f o r economic g a i n . T h e r e f o r e , the s t a t e i s not a n e u t r a l agent - i t i s an instrument f o r c l a s s domination. F i g u r e 3 shows t h a t i n c o n f l i c t s between c a p i t a l and labour, c a p i t a l c o n t r o l s the s t a t e which then coerces labour to r e s o l v e the c o n f l i c t i n c a p i t a l ' s f a v o u r . M i l i b a n d (1973 and 1977) suggests t h r e e reasons why the s t a t e i s an instrument of bourgeois domination i n c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y . F i r s t , t here i s a s i m i l a r i t y i n the s o c i a l backgrounds of the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s and those i n s e n i o r p o s i t i o n s i n the s t a t e ( i n c l u d i n g government, c i v i l s e r v i c e bureaucracy, m i l i t a r y , j u d i c i a r y and so on). These two groups share s i m i l a r v a l u e s and i d e o l o g i e s . Second, those i n the economically dominant c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s are ab l e to use t h e i r p ersonal c o n t a c t s , and networks, and a s s o c i a t i o n s r e p r e s e n t i n g t h e i r b u s i n e s s and i n d u s t r i e s to pressure the s t a t e . T h i r d , because s t a t e o f f i c i a l s are dependent on a s u c c e s s f u l economic base f o r continued s u r v i v a l i n p u b l i c o f f i c e , the freedom of the s t a t e , while not e l i m i n a t e d , i s l i m i t e d by the demands of the c a p i t a l mode of p r o d u c t i o n . The r e l a t i o n s h i p between the r u l i n g c l a s s and the s t a t e ' s b u r e a u c r a t i c e l i t e i s d e s c r i b e d as a 'c o n s p i r a c y ' . T h i s 35 FIGURE 3 MARXIST INSTRUMENTAL APPROACH LABOUR < c o n f l i c t > CAPITAL c o e r c i o n c o n t r o l STATE < (Clark and Dear 1981, p. 53) co n s p i r a c y has, as i t s o b j e c t i v e s , the maintenance of the c a p i t a l i s t economic system, and the development of i n s t i t u t i o n s to serve the c a p i t a l i s t i n t e r e s t (Clark and Dear 1981, p. 52-53). In M a r x i s t theory, s o c i e t y i s made up of two l e v e l s . The economic l e v e l i s the base or i n f r a s t r u c t u r e of s o c i e t y and the p o l i t i c a l l e v e l i n which the s t a t e i s embedded i s p a r t of the s u p e r s t r u c t u r e (which a l s o i n c l u d e s c u l t u r a l and i d e o l o g i c a l l e v e l s ) . The pure M a r x i s t i n s t r u m e n t a l p o s i t i o n i s based on economic determinism - the economic l e v e l determines the form and f u n c t i o n of the other l e v e l . The s t a t e i s t h e r e f o r e , always c o n t r o l l e d by r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the dominant c a p i t a l c l a s s . In modifying t h i s view M i l i b a n d (19 77) suggests t h a t the s t a t e can be taken over "by the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of dominant economic c l a s s e s , or by the p o l i t i c a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of other c l a s s e s who n e v e r t h e l e s s remain prepared to r u l e on be h a l f of c a p i t a l " (Saunders 1979, p. 161). In t h i s case the s t a t e remains an instrument of the 36 dominant c l a s s , and the s t a t e i s used to p r o t e c t and enhance e x i s t i n g s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . However, p o l i t i c i a n s and e l i t e s of the s t a t e are not seen as i d e n t i c a l to the dominant economic c l a s s and t h e r e f o r e , have some freedom to do t h i n g s which r e f l e c t c u l t u r a l r a t h e r than economic b i a s e s . The d i f f e r e n c e s between the two p o s i t i o n s are i l l u s t r a t e d i n F i g u r e 4. Ma r x i s t i n s t r u m e n t a l i s t s such as M i l i b a n d t h e o r i z e d t h a t i n s t e a d of the economic s t r u c t u r e determining the p o l i t i c a l , i t c o n s t r a i n s i t . The p o l i t i c a l s u p e r s t r u c t u r e does, t h e r e f o r e , have some autonomy. P o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s can make d e c i s i o n s t h a t don't always r e f l e c t the i n t e r e s t s of the dominant economic c l a s s - there are non-market valu e s a t p l a y as w e l l . The i n s t r u m e n t a l i s t s ' r e l a t i v e autonomy i s "due to the degree of freedom enjoyed by those i n p o s i t i o n s of power f o r determining how to best serve the i n t e r e s t s of the 'nation' ( i . e . c a p i t a l ) " (Saunders 1979, p. 162). The c o n s t r a i n t s upon the s t a t e are not complete -those who c o n t r o l the s t a t e have a l i m i t e d degree of d i s c r e t i o n which enables them to decide how b e s t to serve the i n t e r e s t s of the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s , and t h e i r d e c i s i o n s w i l l not always c o i n c i d e w i t h the demands made upon them by members of t h a t c l a s s . (Saunders 1979, p. 181) Th i s type of r e l a t i v e autonomy i s , as we s h a l l see, a d i f f e r e n t concept than the r e l a t i v e autonomy of M a r x i s t s t r u c t u r a l i s t s . There are two major problems with the i n s t r u m e n t a l p e r s p e c t i v e . Even though i t i s acknowledged t h a t the s t a t e has r e l a t i v e autonomy, there i s no attempt to t h e o r i z e about 37 FIGURE 4 A COMPARISON OF TWO VIEWS OF INSTRUMENTALISM Pure Instrumentalism M i l i b a n d SUPERSTRUCTURE P o l i t i c a l L e v e l C u l t u r a l L e v e l I d e o l o g i c a l L e v e l ECONOMIC BASE c o n s t r a i n s determines SUPERSTRUCTURE P o l i t i c a l L e v e l C u l t u r a l L e v e l I d e o l o g i c a l L e v e l ECONOMIC BASE SOCIETY SOCIETY the l i m i t s on the s t a t e ' s a b i l i t y to a c t i n ways t h a t do not promote the demands of c a p i t a l (Saunders 1979, p. 165). Second, i n s p i t e of the q u a l i f i c a t i o n of r e l a t i v e autonomy, ins t r u m e n t a l theory r e s t s h e a v i l y on economic determinism, i g n o r i n g the p o t e n t i a l f o r i n d i v i d u a l s and groups to make gains u n r e l a t e d to the imperatives of c a p i t a l . Neo-Marxist Theories of the State - S t r u c t u r a l i s m . The s t r u c t u r a l i s t p o s i t i o n i s a l s o based on a c l a s s s o c i e t y but t h e o r i z e s t h a t the s t a t e does not favour s p e c i f i c i n t e r e s t s and i s not a l l i e d with a s p e c i f i c c l a s s (Offe 1984b, p. 119). Instead, the f u n c t i o n s of the State are b r o a d l y determined by the s t r u c t u r e of s o c i e t y i t s e l f , r a t h e r than the people who occupy p o s i t i o n s of power. The Sta t e attempts to a l l e v i a t e p e r s i s t e n t c l a s s c o n t r a d i c t i o n s , generate accumulation and accommodate c o n t r a d i c t i o n s w i t h i n s o c i e t y as the balance of power between c l a s s e s s h i f t s . Thus the 38 State i s not an autonomous entity, but r e f l e c t s the balance of power among classes at any given time. (Clark and Dear 1981, p. 53) While instrumentalists see the state as an object, an autonomous i n s t i t u t i o n , which i s 'captured' and used by the c a p i t a l i s t class for use by that c l a s s , s t r u c t u r a l i s t s regard the state as "the condensate of a r e l a t i o n of power between struggling classes" (Poulantzas 1976, p. 74, quoted i n Clark and Dear 1981, p. 54) and i s not a 'thing' set apart from classes. Therefore, the state can be p o l i t i c a l l y dominated by a class that i s not economically dominant (Saunders 1979, p. 182) . By r e f l e c t i n g the power relations that e x i s t between classes in society, and since the state exists i n a society dominated by c a p i t a l , the state "protects and sanctions ... a set of i n s t i t u t i o n s and s o c i a l relationships necessary for the domination of the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s . " While not an instrument of any one c l a s s , "the state nevertheless seeks to guarantee the c o l l e c t i v e interests of a l l members of a class society dominated by c a p i t a l " (Offe, 1984b p. 120). Analysis of the state does not focus "on individuals who appear to administer i t (managerialism) or on the individuals who appear to influence or dominate i t from the outside (instrumentalism)" but on social classes (Saunders 1979, p. 180). This i s because the means of production "generates objective r e l a t i o n s between c a p i t a l and wage-labour into which individuals enter as agents on one or other of these two 39 c l a s s e s " (Saunders 1979, p. 180). The s t a t e i s not, a c c o r d i n g to s t r u c t u r a l i s t s , "a c o l l e c t i o n of i n s t i t u t i o n s and f u n c t i o n s but a r e l a t i o n s h i p between c l a s s e s i n s o c i e t y " (Ham and H i l l 1984, p. 35). Poulantzas (1973) argues t h a t the s t a t e i s r e l a t i v e l y autonomous because the l i n k s between the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s and those i n the s t a t e are not as important as the s t r u c t u r a l r e l a t i o n s of the p o l i t i c a l , c u l t u r a l and i d e o l o g i c a l l e v e l s of the s u p e r s t r u c t u r e to the base. The s t a t e i s not e n t i r e l y subordinated by the economic s t r u c t u r e , and can serve the i n t e r e s t s of both c a p i t a l and labour. However, i n the long term, the i n t e r e s t of the s t a t e i s to serve c a p i t a l and the s t a t e n e c e s s a r i l y serves the economic base. In t h i s case, r e l a t i v e autonomy of the s t a t e i s s t r u c t u r a l l y determined by the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the economic and p o l i t i c a l i n s t a n c e s i n the s o c i a l f o r m a t i o n . Although the nature of t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p w i l l u l t i m a t e l y be determined by the p r e v a i l i n g f o r c e s and r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n and i n c a p i t a l i s m t h i s ensures t h a t the economic w i l l be the dominant i n s t a n c e , i t does not f o l l o w t h a t the economic determines the p o l i t i c a l . Rather, each l e v e l i n the s o c i a l formation i s r e l a t i v e l y autonomous from each other, and i t f o l l o w s t h a t the c l a s s p r a c t i c e s which correspond to these l e v e l s w i l l a l s o be r e l a t i v e l y autonomous. The s t a t e does not t h e r e f o r e d i r e c t l y r e p r e s e n t the economic i n t e r e s t s of any one c l a s s . (Saunders 1979, pp. 181-182) Since the s t a t e r e f l e c t s the balance of power i t can not be the t o o l of any one p a r t i c u l a r c l a s s and i s t h e r e f o r e r e l a t i v e l y autonomous. The fundamental c r i t i c i s m of M a r x i s t s t r u c t u r a l i s m i s t h a t i t "can be moulded to f i t any s i t u a t i o n a t a l l , " 40 (Saunders 1979, p. 185) thus f a i l i n g to meet the requirements of a theory of the s t a t e which are to be able to take account both of the p o l i t i c a l power of c a p i t a l i s t i n t e r e s t s and of the a b i l i t y of the s t a t e to act independently of those i n t e r e s t s ... by s t i p u l a t i n g those s i t u a t i o n s i n which c a p i t a l predominates, and those i n which the s t a t e predominates. (Saunders 1979, p. 185) S t r u c t u r a l i s m f a i l s then, to address "the extent to which the s t a t e i s a c t i n g on b e h a l f of the dominant c l a s s " (Panitch 1977, p. 8). The s t r u c t u r a l i s t p e r s p e c t i v e a l s o n e g l e c t s the r o l e of i n d i v i d u a l s . How can the s t a t e be e x p l a i n e d "without r e f e r e n c e to the purposive a c t i o n s of i n d i v i d u a l s ? How do system needs come to be f u l f i l l e d when nobody d e l i b e r a t e l y s e t s out to f u l f i l l them?" (Saunders 1979, p. 186). And l a s t l y , s t r u c t u r a l i s m i n the f i n a l a n a l y s i s i s based on economic determinism - the economic l e v e l i n s o c i e t y i s determinate i n o r g a n i z i n g the r e l a t i o n s of the s o c i a l f ormation (Saunders 1979, p. 188). "To c o l l a p s e the range of s o c i a l experience to the outworking of deep economic s t r u c t u r e s i s to present an impoverished view of the s o c i a l , c u l t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l realms of l i f e " (Duncan and Ley 1982) . Ma r x i s t a n a l y s i s of the c a p i t a l i s t system w i t h i t s focus on s o c i a l c l a s s and the key r o l e of the economy has l e d to the n e g l e c t of many other v a r i a b l e s , e s p e c i a l l y s o c i a l p s y c h o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s . The Mode of P r o d u c t i o n or the L o g i c of C a p i t a l i s m are m y s t i f i c a t i o n s r e p l a c i n g a d e t a i l e d examination of the r e l a t i o n between the a c t i o n s of human beings and the economic and p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e s w i t h i n which they a c t . (Duncan and Ley 1982) 41 In a d d i t i o n , both i n s t r u m e n t a l and s t r u c t u r a l M a r x i s t s have been c r i t i c i z e d f o r underestimating "the requirements imposed on the s t a t e by i t s l i b e r a l - d e m o c r a t i c form" (Atkinson and Chandler 1983, p. 4). The p a r t i c u l a r i n s t i t u t i o n a l form of the s t a t e and the r o l e and nature of the bureaucracy are a l s o overlooked by the neo-Marxists. Clause O f f e and Peter Saunders have attempted to address some of the shortcomings of i n s t r u m e n t a l i s m and s t r u c t u r a l i s m and t h e i r c o n t r i b u t i o n s f o l l o w . Neo-Marxist Debates - O f f e ' s C o n t r i b u t i o n . O f f e ' s work reg a r d i n g the c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e f i t s w e l l under a g e n e r a l d i s c u s s i o n of M a r x i s t t h e o r i s t s while a d d r e s s i n g some of the shortcomings of M a r x i s t theory. By drawing on Marxism plus a wide v a r i e t y of other t r a d i t i o n s the t h e o r e t i c a l t r a d i t i o n Offe advocates i s b e s t d e s c r i b e d as e c l e c t i c (Offe 1984c, p. 253). Saunders (1979), as we s h a l l see, draws s t r o n g comparisons between Of f e ' s work and t h a t of i n s t r u m e n t a l i s m . Offe sees s o c i e t y as a system made up of three interdependent but d i f f e r e n t l y organized s t r u c t u r e s . The three subsystems are the economy ( i n t h i s case, c a p i t a l i s t ) , a p o l i t i c a l or s t a t e s t r u c t u r e and a s o c i a l i z a t i o n or c u l t u r a l s t r u c t u r e . In t h i s scheme, the s t a t e i s independent, an ' i d e n t i f i a b l e e n t i t y ' with i t s own f u n c t i o n s and o b j e c t i v e s . "At the same time i t i s c l e a r l y s i t u a t e d as a c o n s t i t u e n t element of a wider s e t of power r e l a t i o n s " (Clark and Dear 1981, p. 55). T h i s p o i n t of view i s s i m i l a r to the 42 s t r u c t u r a l i s t p o s i t i o n t h a t the s t a t e " r e p r e s e n t s a r e l a t i o n between or an e x p r e s s i o n o f , f o r c e s i n s o c i e t y and t h a t i t i s not a f o r c e i n i t s own r i g h t " (Bedale 1980) . The s t a t e w i l l a c t not as an instrument of c a p i t a l but i n "the i n t e r e s t s of a l l members of a c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s s o c i e t y , and many p o l i c i e s w i l l not d i r e c t l y serve the i n t e r e s t of the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s " (Clark and Dear 1981, pp. 55-56). The r o l e of the s t a t e i s not to serve as an instrument of the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s but to mediate i n c o n f l i c t s between the processes i n the s o c i a l i z a t i o n and economic s e c t o r s of s o c i e t y . Since the economy i s a c a p i t a l i s t one, the s t a t e ' s a c t i o n s i n mediating between the two s t r u c t u r e s w i l l be to ensure the c o n d i t i o n s f o r c a p i t a l i s m are guaranteed. However, at the same time the s t a t e must guarantee t h a t the needs of the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e are not compromised by the economic system. The s t a t e i s c l e a r l y i n v o l v e d i n both accumulation and l e g i t i m a t i o n . The s t a t e i s , t h e r e f o r e , not i n v o l v e d i n r e i n f o r c i n g c l a s s r e l a t i o n s , i t i s i n v o l v e d i n r e s o l v i n g c o n f l i c t s between the s o c i a l and economic subsystems of s o c i e t y . T h i s view helps to e x p l a i n why the s t a t e performs a m u l t i p l i c i t y of r o l e s , i n c l u d i n g a c t i o n s t h a t do not serve the i n t e r e s t s of c a p i t a l . S o c i a l p o l i c i e s can be put forward by the s t a t e t h a t "do not n e c e s s a r i l y or a u t o m a t i c a l l y 'serve' the ' i n t e r e s t s ' of the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s " (Keane 1984 p. 18). Offe sees s t a t e a c t i v i t i e s as f a l l i n g under two main 43 c a t e g o r i e s . State a c t i v i t i e s are e i t h e r a l l o c a t i v e or p r o d u c t i v e . The a l l o c a t i v e f u n c t i o n (or d i s t r i b u t i o n of resources) i s a t r a d i t i o n a l r o l e f o r the s t a t e . The s t a t e , i n i t s a l l o c a t i v e r o l e , provides an organized framework f o r p r o d u c t i o n and accumulation. The a l l o c a t i v e f u n c t i o n i s seen to be r e s p o n s i v e to p o l i t i c a l pressures and t h e r e f o r e i s an area of s t a t e a c t i v i t y which can be used by a dominant economic c l a s s . The s t a t e i n e a r l y c a p i t a l i s m ( l i b e r a l c a p i t a l i s m ) i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by i t s a l l o c a t i v e f u n c t i o n as an instrument of a r u l i n g c l a s s . A l l o c a t i v e d e c i s i o n s today continue to r e f l e c t the power e x e r c i s e d over the s t a t e by a dominant economic c l a s s (Saunders 1979, p. 174). In t h i s way, Offe shares the i n s t r u m e n t a l i s t p e r s p e c t i v e . The c o n d i t i o n s of l a t e c a p i t a l i s m have exposed two weaknesses. The f i r s t weakness i s an economic one - s o c i e t y i s unable to produce a l l the necessary i n p u t s f o r accumulation through the process of accumulation alone. The second weakness i s t h a t the r u l i n g economic c l a s s , the c a p i t a l i s t s , are made up of "competitive accumulating u n i t s ... unable to develop a c l a s s consciousness c o n t a i n i n g consented and workable d i r e c t i v e s as to how the s t a t e should operate" (Offe 1975, p. 134). The s t a t e has responded to these two weaknesses. F i r s t , the s t a t e has taken on a p r o d u c t i v e f u n c t i o n "to engage i n the p r o d u c t i o n of commodities and s e r v i c e s which the p r i v a t e s e c t o r can no longer produce" (Saunders 1979, p 174). While a l l o c a t i v e f u n c t i o n s are responsive to p o l i t i c a l p r e s s u r e s , 44 p r o d u c t i v e d e c i s i o n s are not because "the demands of the most powerful groups w i l l not n e c e s s a r i l y be c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the s o r t s of p o l i c i e s which are necessary f o r e n s u r i n g continued accumulation" (Saunders 1979, p. 175). I t i s the s t a t e t h a t determines the c r i t e r i a by which i t should a c t - t h e r e f o r e the s t a t e i s not the instrument of any c l a s s . "The o r i g i n s of s t a t e p o l i c i e s are thus i n t e r n a l to the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the s t a t e i t s e l f " (Saunders, 1979, p. 175). O f f e argues t h a t the i n t e r n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n of the s t a t e faces s e v e r a l problems i n m a i n t a i n i n g the balance i t seeks. The s t a t e becomes p r i m a r i l y r e a c t i v e and i s unable to i n i t i a t e ' r a t i o n a l ' long term p l a n n i n g . The s t a t e i s , i n the f i n a l a n a l y s i s , i n c a p a b l e of e v o l v i n g i n t o a form of i n t e r n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n through which i t can "adequately d i s c h a r g e the f u n c t i o n s i t i s c a l l e d upon to perform" (Saunders 1979, p. 178). (An a n a l y s i s of the problems of the i n t e r n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n of the s t a t e i s beyond the scope of t h i s t h e s i s , but suggests an area f o r f u t u r e research.) The second way i n which the s t a t e d e a l s with weaknesses i n the accumulation process i s to develop s t a t e p o l i c i e s ( d e c i s i o n r u l e s about a c t i v i t i e s ) . S t ate p o l i c y , O f f e suggests, s u b s t i t u t e s f o r the lack of c l a s s c onsciousness w i t h i n the r u l i n g c l a s s (1975, p. 134). S t a t e p o l i c i e s are important because they determine what p o t e n t i a l g o a l s and which problems are put on the p o l i t i c a l agenda. The s t a t e must balance i t s responses ( i n terms of p o l i c i e s and 45 p r o d u c t i v e f u n c t i o n s ) to weaknesses i n the accumulation process with the r o l e the s t a t e p l a y s i n the accumulation p r o c e s s . O f f e (1975, p. 144) argues t h a t no mode of o r g a n i z a t i o n or decision-making s t r u c t u r e i n the s t a t e can e s t a b l i s h the necessary balance between the i n t e r n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n of the s t a t e and the accumulation p r o c e s s . Offe argues i n f a c t , t h a t s t a t e p o l i c i e s t h a t are a c t u a l l y designed with the i n t e n t i o n of s e c u r i n g and enhancing c a p i t a l i s t process may t h r e a t e n ( d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y ) the c o l l e c t i v e power of c a p i t a l . T h i s happens because the s t a t e i s i n the c o n t r a d i c t o r y p o s i t i o n of r e s o l v i n g the problems i n t e r n a l to both the s o c i a l and economic subsystems, c a u s i n g i n t u r n , problems i n t e r n a l to the s t a t e . Offe t h e o r i z e s t h a t the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the p o l i t i c a l and economic s u b s t r u c t u r e s of s o c i e t y i s determined by the commodity form whereby owners of a u n i t of v a l u e exchange t h e i r v alue as a commodity. "The commodity form i s the general p o i n t of e q u i l i b r i u m of both the c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e and accumulation, which continues as long as every value appears i n the form of a commodity" (1984b, p. 121). As long as the commodity form of exchange r e l a t i o n s h i p f u n c t i o n s there i s no need f o r the s t a t e to i n t e r v e n e i n p r i v a t e economic decision-making; t h e r e i s no lac k of the m a t e r i a l resources r e q u i r e d by the s t a t e ; t here i s no problem i n m a i n t a i n i n g a steady process of accumulation;... and, f i n a l l y , t h ere i s no l e g i t i m a t i o n or consensus problem f o r p o l i t i c a l e l i t e s who manage to maintain t h i s u n i v e r s e of commodities. (Offe 1984, p. 121) The problem t h a t has evolved i s t h a t the very dynamic of 46 c a p i t a l i s t development tends to p a r a l y z e the commodity form. A commodity form i s p a r a l y z e d when i t i s no longer p o s s i b l e to exchange i t f o r money or other v a l u e s . "The f a i l u r e of a value o f f e r e d f o r exchange i s supposed to be s e l f - c o r r e c t i n g : the owner of the exchange-seeking value w i l l e i t h e r be f o r c e d to lower the p r i c e or to o f f e r an a l t e r n a t i v e good" (Offe 1984b, p. 122). However, i n l a t e c a p i t a l i s m , t h i s i s not the case. There i s p l e n t y of everyday evidence to the e f f e c t t h a t both labour power and c a p i t a l are e x p e l l e d from the commodity form, and t h a t there i s l i t t l e b a s i s f o r the l i b e r a l b e l i e f t h a t they w i l l be r e i n t e g r a t e d a u t o m a t i c a l l y i n t o exchange r e l a t i o n s h i p s . (Offe 1984b, p. 123) T h e r e f o r e the fundamental purpose of s t a t e p o l i c y i n l a t e c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t i e s i s to ensure t h a t i n d i v i d u a l economic a c t o r s are able to enter exchange r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The s t a t e , i n a c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y , does not p r o t e c t the i n t e r e s t s of a p a r t i c u l a r c l a s s -r a t h e r i t s a n c t i o n s the general i n t e r e s t of a l l c l a s s e s on the b a s i s of c a p i t a l i s t exchange r e l a t i o n s h i p s ... (state) p o l i c i e s are designed to p r o v i d e a maximum of exchange o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r both labour and c a p i t a l , so t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s of both c l a s s e s can enter i n t o c a p i t a l i s t r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n . (Offe 1984b, p. 123) In p a r t i c u l a r , Offe t h e o r i z e s t h a t " s o c i a l p o l i c y i s the s t a t e ' s manner of e f f e c t i n g the l a s t i n g t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of non-wage lab o u r e r s i n t o wage-labourers" (Offe 1984a, p. 92). The reason t h a t s o c i a l p o l i c y i s focussed on means to i n c o r p o r a t e labour power i n t o the labour market i s because i n d i v i d u a l s do not "spontaneously" s e l l t h e i r labour power on the labour market. T h i s i s due to a v a r i e t y of d i s i n c e n t i v e s to enter 47 wage labour such as m i g r a t i o n , acceptance of a l t e r n a t i v e economic and l i f e forms, r e d u c t i o n of l e v e l of s u b s i s t e n c e or extending the len g t h of p e r i o d of dependence on the f a m i l y and so on (Offe 1984a, p. 93). On the other hand s o c i a l p o l i c y must continue to respond to the needs of labour w h i l e attempting to make labour and c a p i t a l ' s needs mutually compatible (Offe 1984a, p. 104). Offe does not reduce the s t a t e ' s s o c i a l p o l i c y to c o n t r o l e x c l u s i v e l y by c a p i t a l . State i n t e r v e n t i o n or p o l i c i e s are seen as long-term s t r a t e g i e s to avoid the c r i s i s t h a t c l a s s antagonisms n e c e s s a r i l y lead to by p l a c a t i n g both c l a s s e s i n the c a p i t a l mode of p r o d u c t i o n (Clark and Dear 1981, p. 59). The f u n c t i o n of 'shaping s o c i e t y ' of s t a t e s o c i a l p o l i c y i s l i m i t e d t h e r e f o r e to "the d e f i n i t i o n of the themes, times and methods of c o n f l i c t and, thus, to the es t a b l i s h m e n t of the p o l i t i c a l - i n s t i t u t i o n a l framework - and not the outcome of the process of s o c i a l power" (Offe 1984a, pp. 108-109) . In c o n c l u s i o n , although Offe s t a r t e d out by arguing t h a t the i n t e r n a l s t r u c t u r e of the c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e guaranteed the domination of c a p i t a l , (he) soon a r r i v e d a t the c o n c l u s i o n t h a t the form of the c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e i s deeply pr o b l e m a t i c f o r accumulation and l e g i t i m a t i o n a l i k e . (Jessop 1982, p. 107) Offe ' s c o n t r i b u t i o n i s to t h e o r i z e t h a t s t a t e p o l i c i e s or i n t e r v e n t i o n do not always serve a p a r t i c u l a r c l a s s , but they f a c i l i t a t e the f u n c t i o n i n g of both s o c i a l and economic systems. Due to t h i s dual r o l e there are l i m i t a t i o n s on the 48 s t a t e ' s r o l e as i t must simultaneously ensure the p r o l e t i z a t i o n of labour and guarantee c a p i t a l accumulation while m a i n t a i n i n g i t s l e g i t i m a c y through e n s u r i n g the c o n t i n u a t i o n of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s to act as a c o n f l i c t r e s o l v e r between the two subsystems. Neo M a r x i s t Debates - Saunders's C o n t r i b u t i o n . Saunders's p o i n t of departure i s taken from O f f e ' s c o n c l u s i o n t h a t the s t a t e i s "merely r e a c t i v e and i s i n c a p a b l e of e v o l v i n g a form of i n t e r n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n which can adequately d i s c h a r g e the f u n c t i o n s i t i s c a l l e d upon to perform" (Saunders 1979, p. 178). Saunders amends O f f e ' s work so t h a t i t takes account of the c o r p o r a t i s t t h e s i s which he c l a i m s i s a form of i n t e r n a l s t a t e o r g a n i z a t i o n which can overcome many of the problems of the s t a t e ' s r o l e i n c a p i t a l i s m . Since a c o r p o r a t i s t s t a t e p o s i t i v e l y i n t e r v e n e s i n the p r o d u c t i o n d e c i s i o n s of f i r m s , based not on i n c r e a s e d bureaucracy or democracy, but on "an extension of r a t i o n a l p l a n n i n g to i n c l u d e major c a p i t a l i s t i n t e r e s t s , " (Saunders 1979, p. 178) c o r p o r a t i s m i s not 'merely r e a c t i v e ' but i s a form of s t a t e o r g a n i z a t i o n Offe had not thought p o s s i b l e s i n c e i t "combines c e n t r a l c o n t r o l and r a t i o n a l planning w i t h f l e x i b i l i t y and delegated r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s " (Saunders 1979, p. 178). By combining the i n s t r u m e n t a l and c o r p o r a t i s t p e r s p e c t i v e s , Saunders i s able to l i n k t h e o r i e s of the s t a t e with an a n a l y s i s of the r o l e of the l o c a l s t a t e . Saunders's theory r e s t s on a d i s t i n c t i o n made between c o r p o r a t e and non-corpora t e (or p l u r a l i s t ) s e c t o r s of s t a t e p o l i c y - m a k i n g . 49 State p o l i c i e s r e g a r d i n g the c o r p o r a t e s e c t o r of the s t a t e are concerned with p r o d u c t i o n . "Here the s t a t e can be seen as t a k i n g an i n c r e a s i n g l y independent and d i r e c t i v e r o l e i n c l o s e c o n s u l t a t i o n w i t h b i g business and organized labour, t h i s independence being l i m i t e d only by the need to maintain c a p i t a l accumulation" (Saunders 1979, pp. 178-179). The non-co r p o r a t e or p l u r a l i s t s e c t o r of the s t a t e i s concerned w i t h p o l i c i e s r e g a r d i n g consumption items (such as housing, e d u c a t i o n , s o c i a l s e r v i c e s , e t c . , ) . "Here the s t a t e can be seen as e x t e r n a l to the v a r i o u s d i f f e r e n t c l a s s e s or p o l i t i c a l f o r c e s i n c i v i l s o c i e t y , and thus as open to i n f l u e n c e by the most powerful of them" (Saunders 1979, p. 179). This leads Saunders to s p e c u l a t e t h a t i n terms of a l o c a l s t a t e ' s p r o d u c t i o n f u n c t i o n s (planning, u t i l i t i e s , housing, e t c . , ) there w i l l be an i n c r e a s i n g l y c l o s e r e l a t i o n s h i p between l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s and p r i v a t e b u s i n e s s e n t e r p r i s e s ... r e f l e c t e d i n , f o r example, r e g u l a r q u a s i - o f f i c i a l and i n f o r m a l meetings with the two ... and i n a growing d i v i s i o n w i t h i n l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s themselves between those i n key p o s i t i o n s of power and those who are excluded from c o r p o r a t e policy-making. (Saunders, 1979, p. 179) Saunders c o n t r i b u t i o n i s i n b r i n g i n g t o g e t h e r c o r p o r a t i s t / m a n a g e r i a l i s t and i n s t r u m e n t a l p e r s p e c t i v e s to d i s t i n g u i s h "between those areas where the s t a t e i s l a r g e l y the instrument of dominant p o l i t i c a l f o r c e s , and those where these f o r c e s are s u b j e c t e d , and i n c o r p o r a t e d w i t h i n , attempts by the s t a t e to extend i t s c o n t r o l over the p r o d u c t i o n process" (Saunders 1979, p. 180). T h i s leads to a more 50 d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n of the l o c a l s t a t e . 4 . The L o c a l S t a t e Recent t h e o r e t i c a l work ... has i d e n t i f i e d the r o l e of the s t a t e as an important area f o r r e s e a r c h , and the i d e a of the ' l o c a l s t a t e ' has emerged, p r o v i d i n g a t h e o r e t i c a l focus on l o c a l government and i t s p o s i t i o n i n r e l a t i o n to the s t a t e g e n e r a l l y . (Malpass and Murie 1982, p. 2) The purpose of t h i s s e c t i o n i s to review the l i t e r a t u r e aimed at d e v e l o p i n g a theory of the l o c a l s t a t e . I f we use the same h i e r a r c h y as i n the f i r s t p a r t of t h i s chapter we s t a r t again with a m i d - l e v e l theory of the r o l e of the l o c a l s t a t e . Such a theory i s concerned with the l o c a l s t a t e ' s r e l a t i o n s h i p with the c e n t r a l s t a t e and w i t h the f u n c t i o n s t h a t the l o c a l s t a t e performs. The t h i r d l e v e l of the h i e r a r c h y , t h e o r i e s t h a t e x p l a i n a c t i o n s w i t h i n the l o c a l s t a t e , so c l o s e l y o v e r l a p s those covered under the s t a t e - p l u r a l i s t , m a n a g e r i a l i s t / c o r p o r a t i s t and marxist approaches - t h a t they are not repeated here, although they w i l l be used i n the a n a l y s i s of the C i t y of Vancouver's housing h i s t o r y . The theory of the r o l e of the l o c a l s t a t e i s p r o b l e m a t i c s i n c e the term ' l o c a l s t a t e ' i m p l i e s a separate and autonomous body with i t s own range of i n s t i t u t i o n s such as the m i l i t a r y , j u d i c i a r y and so on. In f a c t , i f we go back to the d e f i n i t i o n of the s t a t e i n Chapter 1 we see t h a t m u n i c i p a l government i s i t s e l f an i n s t i t u t i o n of the c e n t r a l s t a t e . T h i s i s c l e a r l y supported by the f a c t t h a t m u n i c i p a l i t i e s i n Canada are 51 c r e a t e d by p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n , and the p r o v i n c e s i n t u r n r e c e i v e the mandate f o r municipal a f f a i r s from the d i v i s i o n of powers e s t a b l i s h e d i n the Canadian B.N.A. A c t / C o n s t i t u t i o n Act 1982 which c r e a t e s j u r i s d i c t i o n a l and f i n a n c i a l c o n s t r a i n t s on l o c a l s t a t e a c t i o n s . However, the l o c a l s t a t e i s a concept with some v a l i d i t y , f o r the l o c a l s t a t e c e r t a i n l y has some autonomy from the c e n t r a l s t a t e . The f u n c t i o n s of the l o c a l s t a t e and the degree of autonomy i s c e n t r a l to t h i s d i s c u s s i o n . The_ Role of the L o c a l State - F u n c t i o n s . S t a t e expenditures f a l l i n t o three major types of expenditure -s o c i a l investment expenditure and s o c i a l consumption expe n d i t u r e s , c o l l e c t i v e l y known as s o c i a l c a p i t a l and s o c i a l expenses (O'Connor 1973). As shown i n F i g u r e 5, s o c i a l c a p i t a l expenditures are those expenditures which s o c i a l i z e the c o s t s of p r i v a t e p r o d u c t i o n . The s o c i a l investment form of s o c i a l c a p i t a l i s made of "those s t a t e expenditures which c o n t r i b u t e d i r e c t l y to p r i v a t e s e c t o r p r o f i t a b i l i t y by p r o v i d i n g the resources t h a t the p r i v a t e s e c t o r i t s e l f cannot supply p r o f i t a b l y " (Saunders 1980). P r o j e c t s and s e r v i c e s p r o v i d e d by the s t a t e under t h i s category a l s o i n c r e a s e the p r o d u c t i v i t y of labour, and t h e r e f o r e , the r a t e of p r o f i t ( L a u r i a , no d a t e ) . S o c i a l investment i n c l u d e s the p u b l i c p r o v i s i o n of p h y s i c a l i n f r a s t r u c t u r e such as roads and u t i l i t i e s , i n d u s t r i a l parks and programs aimed at i n d u s t r i a l development. 52 FIGURE 5 TYPES OF STATE EXPENDITURES THE STATE ACCUMULATION LEGITIMATION I CAPITAL SOCIAL EXPENSES (to s o c i a l i z e the c o s t s of production) (to maintain s o c i a l harmony) SOCIAL SOCIAL INVESTMENT CONSUMPTION (eg. i n f r a s t r u c t u r e ) (eg. education) (eg. welfare) S o c i a l consumption means expenditure on p u b l i c items such as h o s p i t a l s and ed u c a t i o n which serve the i n t e r e s t s of the working c l a s s and s o c i e t y i n g e n e r a l , and i n d i v i d u a l goods such as housing. S o c i a l consumption expenditures lower the r e p r o d u c t i o n c o s t s of labour f o r c a p i t a l and t h e r e f o r e lower the c o s t of p r o d u c t i o n . For example, l o c a l s t a t e expenditure on housing helps to depress money wages s i n c e p a r t of the c o s t of producing the worker i s borne by the s t a t e r a t h e r than by the i n d i v i d u a l and h i s (or her) f a m i l y , with the r e s u l t t h a t the value ( i n M a r x i s t terms) of labour power i s reduced and the r a t e of p r o f i t i s thus i n c r e a s e d . (Saunders, 1979, p. 145) While c o n t r i b u t i n g i n d i r e c t l y to c a p i t a l requirements by ma i n t a i n i n g and reproducing the labour f o r c e , s o c i a l consumption f u n c t i o n s a l s o d i r e c t l y support the p o p u l a t i o n (Saunders 1980), s e r v i n g to l e g i t i m i z e the c a p i t a l i s t system. However, both types of s o c i a l c a p i t a l e xpenditures are 53 necessary f o r p r i v a t e accumulation to continue and remain p r o f i t a b l e (Saunders 1979, p. 144). O'Connor's t h i r d area of s t a t e expenditure i s c a l l e d s o c i a l expense. S o c i a l expenses i n c l u d e "the m i l i t a r y , p o l i c e and other expenses designed to p r o t e c t the s o c i a l f o r m a t i o n from d i s r u p t i o n " (Dear 1981a). In a d d i t i o n to r e p r e s s i v e measures, t h i s category i n c l u d e s w e l f a r e items. S o c i a l expenses are not p r o d u c t i v e but r e f l e c t the s o c i a l c o n t r o l f u n c t i o n of the s t a t e and a i d i n l e g i t i m a t i o n of the system. The l o c a l s t a t e has the g r e a t e s t impact i n the s o c i a l consumption s e c t o r , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n d i r e c t l y p r o v i d i n g s e r v i c e s . In England i t has been p o s s i b l e to " d i s t i n g u i s h between s o c i a l investment p o l i c i e s , determined w i t h i n a c o r p o r a t e s e c t o r a t n a t i o n a l and r e g i o n a l l e v e l s of government; and s o c i a l consumption p o l i c i e s , determined through c o m p e t i t i v e p o l i t i c a l s t r u g g l e s o f t e n a t the l o c a l l e v e l " (Saunders 1980). The evidence i s t h a t the l o c a l government has p r o g r e s s i v e l y l o s t r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r s o c i a l investment and t h a t "the c o n t r a d i c t o r y f u n c t i o n s of s o c i a l investment and s o c i a l consumption do tend to have been l o c a t e d a t d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of the s t a t e " (Saunders 1980). There i s , t h e r e f o r e , a tendency f o r a d i v i s i o n of labour between the l o c a l and c e n t r a l s t a t e (Short 1982, p. 174). The c e n t r a l s t a t e tends to be p r i m a r i l y concerned with economic p r i o r i t i e s , while the l o c a l s t a t e i s concerned w i t h s o c i a l demands which pose a "challenge to the market and the commodity form on which c a p i t a l i s m i s based" (Saunders 1980) . 54 T h e r e f o r e , while the primary f u n c t i o n of the l o c a l s t a t e i s to a i d accumulation, w i t h i n t h a t r o l e we see the l o c a l s t a t e i n c r e a s i n g l y i n v o l v e d i n s o c i a l consumption expenditures which serve both to lower the r e p r o d u c t i o n c o s t s of labour and to some extent, l e g i t i m i z e the c a p i t a l i s t system. While l o c a l s t a t e s o c i a l consumption expenditures a i d i n the r e p r o d u c t i o n of labour power, i t i s important "not to see these goods and s e r v i c e s simply as a i d s to c a p i t a l accumulation. In a very r e a l sense they r e p r e s e n t gains to labour" (Short 1982, p. 174). Nearly every s t a t e expenditure can serve both accumulation and l e g i t i m a t i o n (O'Connor 1973, L a u r i a no date) and housing provides a good example of an area t h a t f i t s under a l l three c a t e g o r i e s of s t a t e e x p e n d i t u r e . As a s o c i a l consumption item housing serves to ensure the r e p r o d u c t i o n of labour power and improves labour's q u a l i t y . L o c a l s t a t e expenditures on housing (such as i n p r o v i d i n g i n f r a s t r u c t u r e f o r r e s i d e n t i a l development) can be c o n s i d e r e d under the category of s o c i a l investment. As a s o c i a l expense, housing a i d s s o c i a l consensus. The s t a t e ensures the supply of a c r u c i a l r e source which the market economy cannot p r o v i d e at an adequate l e v e l (Saunders 1979, p. 146). Role of the L o c a l State - the Question of Autonomy. In a study of urban autonomy i n Canada, T a y l o r (1984) found t h a t urban governments were "by and l a r g e , l e f t alone to d e a l w i t h both the progress and problems of l a t e n i n e t e e n t h and e a r l y t w e n t i e t h - c e n t u r y s o c i e t y and economy" (Taylor 1984) . Senior 5 5 g o v e r n m e n t l e g i s l a t i o n was l a r g e l y o p e n e n d e d , e n a b l i n g r a t h e r t h a n e n f o r c i n g l o c a l g o v e r n m e n t r e s p o n s e s . H o w e v e r , b y t h e 1 9 2 0 ' s l o c a l e n t i t i e s w e r e f i n a n c i a l l y s t r a i n e d b y t h e c o s t s o f m u n i c i p a l s e r v i c e s a n d b e g a n p e t i t i o n i n g " f o r a r e - a d j u s t m e n t among a l l l e v e l s o f g o v e r n m e n t o f r e v e n u e s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s " ( T a y l o r 1984) . F o l l o w i n g W o r l d War O n e , s e n i o r g o v e r n m e n t s r e s p o n d e d w i t h t h e r e s u l t t h a t t h e a u t o n o m y o f t h e l o c a l s t a t e i n C a n a d a was c u r t a i l e d t h r o u g h c h a n g e s i n p r o v i n c i a l s t a t u t o r y c o n t r o l ( i n c l u d i n g s u p e r v i s i o n o f m u n i c i p a l i t i e s t h r o u g h d e p a r t m e n t s o f m u n i c i p a l a f f a i r s , i n c r e a s e d p r o v i n c i a l i n v o l v e m e n t i n s o c i a l w e l f a r e , a n d f i s c a l s u p e r v i s i o n t i e d t o s e n i o r g o v e r n m e n t p o l i c y ) ; c h a n g e s i n a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and r e g u l a t o r y c o n t r o l a t t h e s e n i o r l e v e l s ( r e s u l t i n g i n a c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f a u t h o r i t y a t a c e n t r a l p o i n t and h o m o g e n i z i n g t h e amount and t y p e o f s e r v i c e s d e l i v e r e d ) ; c h a n g e s i n l o c a l f i n a n c e ( p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e e r o s i o n o f t h e l o c a l t a x b a s e d u r i n g t h e 1 9 3 0 ' s and 1 9 4 0 ' s when p r o v i n c i a l a u t h o r i t i e s e l i m i n a t e d " l o c a l i n c o m e t a x e s , s a l e s t a x e s , and p e r s o n a l p r o p e r t y t a x e s , e l i m i n a t e d o r r e d u c e d t h e l o c a l s h a r e o f l i q u o r and m o t o r v e h i c l e t a x e s , and i n some i n s t a n c e s p l a c e d r e s t r i c t i o n s o n u n t r a m m e l l e d e x p l o i t a t i o n o f t h e p r o p e r t y t a x " ( T a y l o r 1 9 8 4 ) ) ; and l a s t l y , t h e e x p a n s i o n o f t h e c o n d i t i o n a l g r a n t s y s t e m s e p a r a t e d r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r p r o b l e m s a n d t h e power ( p a r t i c u l a r l y f i s c a l power) t o s o l v e them ( T a y l o r 1 9 8 4 ) . Much o f t h e d e b a t e w i t h i n t h e M a r x i s t l i t e r a t u r e i s c o n c e r n e d w i t h t h e d e g r e e o f a u t o n o m y o f t h e l o c a l s t a t e . The 56 degree of r e l a t i v e independence of the l o c a l s t a t e from the c e n t r a l s t a t e i s a fundamental i s s u e , s i n c e a l o c a l s t a t e t h a t i s m o r a l l y and f i s c a l l y independent may be able to r e f u s e the d i r e c t i v e s ( c l a s s or otherwise) of the n a t i o n a l s t a t e and be open to the c o n t r o l of l o c a l i n t e r e s t groups opposed to n a t i o n a l s t a t e o b j e c t i v e s . A completely dependent l o c a l s t a t e , on the other hand, may simply m i r r o r the o b j e c t i v e s and the c l a s s b i a s e s of the n a t i o n a l s t a t e . (Clark 1981) The l o c a l s t a t e i s o b v i o u s l y c o n s t r a i n e d and i n f l u e n c e d by c e n t r a l s t a t e f i n a n c i a l resources and l e g i s l a t i o n but i t i s not n e c e s s a r i l y an a c t i v e agent or instrument of the c e n t r a l s t a t e . T h e r e f o r e , i n a completely autonomous l o c a l s t a t e , the p o t e n t i a l i s f o r a " l o c a l p o l i t i c a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n t h a t c o u l d t h r e a t e n the whole s t a t e s t r u c t u r e ... (on the other hand) without autonomy, the l o c a l s t a t e would simple e x i s t to c a r r y out the orders of other s t a t e apparatus" (Clark and Dear 1984, p. 131). I f , as some t h e o r i s t s c l a i m , (Cockburn 1977, Broadbent 1977) l o c a l government i s simply an e x t e n t i o n of the c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e " i t means t h a t a general theory of the c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e can be a p p l i e d with l i t t l e m o d i f i c a t i o n to what has come to be known as the ' l o c a l s t a t e ' " (Saunders 1980). Since the key r o l e of the c e n t r a l s t a t e i s to reproduce the c o n d i t i o n s w i t h i n which c a p i t a l i s t accumulation can take p l a c e , the r o l e of the l o c a l s t a t e i s to reproduce the labour f o r c e and the r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n by su p p o r t i n g c a p i t a l accumulation (by f o r example, p r o v i d i n g necessary economic i n f r a s t r u c t u r e l i k e roads, and by ens u r i n g a c o n t i n u a l supply of labour-power through s o c i a l f a c i l i t i e s l i k e housing); and to maintain l e g i t i m a c y (as when i t plays d i f f e r e n t l o c a l groups 57 o f f a g a i n s t each other and thereby fragments the working c l a s s as a whole). (Saunders 1980) The f u n c t i o n s of the l o c a l s t a t e do "confirm i t s i m p l i c a t i o n i n the maintenance of c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s , e s p e c i a l l y through the flow of c a p i t a l and expenditures on s o c i a l consumption" (Dear 1981a). A l s o , the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of l o c a l governments " n e a t l y obfuscates r e l a t i o n s of power and d e f l e c t s and c o n t r o l s s o c i a l c o n f l i c t . In t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e the l o c a l s t a t e i s a mere s i d e k i c k of the c e n t r a l s t a t e i n m a i n t a i n i n g c a p i t a l accumulation and e n s u r i n g l e g i t i m a t i o n " (Short 1982, p. 172). However, t h i s p o i n t of view i s widely debated. Bourne (1981) found t h a t i n the case of n a t i o n a l programs of p u b l i c s e c t o r housing, f o r example, l o c a l s t a t e s were sometimes able to e f f e c t i v e l y ' s c u t t l e ' n a t i o n a l p o l i c y by being unable or u n w i l l i n g to f i n d s u i t a b l e l o c a t i o n s f o r government a s s i s t e d housing (p. 229). Rose (1980) suggests t h a t the l e g i s l a t i v e arrangements of s e n i o r governments i n Canada r e q u i r e " t h a t the l o c a l community has a c l e a r r e c o g n i t i o n of need and a c l e a r i n d i c a t i o n of the d e s i r e f o r the p u b l i c assumption of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to provide housing accommodation f o r low income groups" f o r n a t i o n a l p o l i c y to be s u c c e s s f u l (p. 22). In the U.S.A., Johnston (1984) found t h a t some communities d e c l i n e d a i d o f f e r e d by s e n i o r governments "so t h a t they can r e t a i n freedom of a c t i o n without s t r i n g s " (p. 181). S t r e s s i n g the u n i t a r y nature of the s t a t e by viewing the 58 l o c a l s t a t e as an arm of the c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e doesn't take i n t o account the s p e c i f i c f u n c t i o n ( s o c i a l consumption) and mode of o p e r a t i o n (democratic) of the l o c a l s t a t e . (Saunders 1980). The mode of o p e r a t i o n or form of the s t a t e i s fundamental to t h i s d i s c u s s i o n . "How democracy i s viewed as f u n c t i o n i n g i n c a p i t a l i s m i s the c e n t r a l i s s u e f o r a n a l y z i n g the a c t i o n s of the l o c a l s t a t e " (Clark 1981). The l o c a l s t a t e i n Western i n d u s t r i a l i z e d n a t i o n s i s a democratic one and i s t h e r e f o r e r e l a t i v e l y open to p o l i t i c a l p r e s s u r e s from non-c a p i t a l i s t i n t e r e s t s compared to the c e n t r a l s t a t e which " i s dominated by a 'corporate' sphere of i n t e r e s t - m e d i a t i o n , where r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of l a r g e c a p i t a l (and to some extent of organized labour) enjoy d i r e c t access to the p o licy-making process" (Saunders 1980). So, not only must the s t a t e r e c o n c i l e i t s economic p r i o r i t i e s with the s o c i a l demands f a c i n g l o c a l government i t must deal with the c h a l l e n g e to i t s planned s t r a t e g i e s posed by democratic popular p r o t e s t s a t the l o c a l l e v e l (Saunders 1980). The l o c a l s t a t e i s open to democratic pressure and i t i s concerned w i t h the p r o v i s i o n of s e r v i c e s based on c r i t e r i a of need r a t h e r than p r o f i t or a b i l i t y to pay. The l o c a l s t a t e i s p a r t of the s t a t e apparatus but i t i s a v u l n e r a b l e p a r t ... a p a r t which can be used to achieve r e a l gains and defend r e a l advances. (Short 1982, p. 174) However, the democracy p o s s i b l e a t the l o c a l l e v e l i s s u b j e c t to the v a r i o u s c o e r c i v e t o o l s of the n a t i o n a l s t a t e as w e l l as the i d e o l o g i c a l l e g i t i m a c y of the n a t i o n a l democratic s t r u c t u r e ... I t i s p r e c i s e l y because of the democratic nature of the l o c a l s t a t e t h a t i t i s so c o n t r o l l e d and dependent. (Clark 1981) 59 On the other hand, the c e n t r a l s t a t e may w e l l need to preserve the democratic image of the l o c a l s t a t e i n order to c o n t r i b u t e to the l e g i t i m a c y of the s t a t e . The l o c a l s t a t e p l a y s a key r o l e i n l e g i t i m a t i o n . As we saw i n examining t h e o r i e s of the c e n t r a l s t a t e , democratic l e g i t i m a t i o n i s one of the f u n c t i o n a l c o n d i t i o n s which guides the i n s t i t u t i o n a l form of p o l i t i c a l power. The " c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e must produce mass l o y a l t y which i s organized by a system of formal democratic i n s t i t u t i o n s " (Ossenbrugge 1984, p. 70). In t h i s way, the " s p a t i a l a l l o c a t i o n of p u b l i c goods and s e r v i c e s (at the l o c a l l e v e l ) as w e l l as e l e c t i o n s and other forms of p a r t i c i p a t i o n are p a r t of the l e g i t i m i z a t i o n system" (Ossenbrugge 1984, p. 76) . The independence of the l o c a l s t a t e i n Canada from the c e n t r a l s t a t e i s c o n s t r a i n e d i n three ways. F i r s t , as p r e v i o u s l y mentioned, the l o c a l s t a t e i s c l e a r l y under the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the c e n t r a l s t a t e . I t would seem t h a t the extent of j u r i s d i c t i o n a l problems i s c l o s e l y t i e d to f i n a n c i a l dependence on the c e n t r a l s t a t e and to p o l i t i c a l debates re g a r d i n g i s s u e s of c e n t r a l i z a t i o n and d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n . Second, the l o c a l s t a t e cannot always undertake the l e v e l of s e r v i c e i t was d e m o c r a t i c a l l y e l e c t e d to do because i t i s dependent upon hig h e r t i e r s of the s t a t e f o r f i n a n c i a l support. "Even i f d e c i s i o n s were taken d e m o c r a t i c a l l y a t the l o c a l l e v e l a g a i n s t general s t a t e i n t e r e s t s , the l o c a l l e v e l has l i t t l e f i s c a l power to enact i t s own d e c i s i o n s " (Clark 60 1981). The n a t i o n a l s t a t e can a c t u a l l y p r e s c r i b e p u b l i c s e r v i c e p r o v i s i o n a t the l o c a l l e v e l , by making f i s c a l support c o n d i t i o n a l on meeting the c e n t r a l s t a t e ' s e x p e c t a t i o n s . One of the key r o l e s of the l o c a l s t a t e i s i n f a c t implementing n a t i o n a l p o l i c y . Often, l o c a l s t a t e s are " a c t i n g on b e h a l f of c e n t r a l government (and) t h e i r performance i s c r u c i a l to the achievement of n a t i o n a l p o l i c y g o a l s " (Malpass and Murie 1982, P- 2) . T h i r d , even though the l o c a l s t a t e has i t s own revenue gen e r a t i n g powers and " i s d i r e c t l y r e s p o n s i b l e to l o c a l economic and p o l i t i c a l p r e s s u r e s , the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the l o c a l s t a t e and the l o c a l economy i s vague and tenuous" (Clark and Dear 1984, p. 134). Business and i n d u s t r y e l i t e s no longer i d e n t i f y with 'place' as they d i d a t the begin n i n g of the century (Taylor 1984). This i s because the "economic system operates a t a much wider s p a t i a l s c a l e than r e c o g n i z e d by c o n v e n t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l boundaries, so t h a t l o c a l s t a t e s may have l i t t l e impact upon, or c o n t r o l over, the processes a f f e c t i n g l o c a l economies" (Clark and Dear 1984, p. 135). Since the l o c a l economy i s o f t e n r e l i a n t on the f i s c a l p o l i c y of the n a t i o n a l s t a t e , the l o c a l s t a t e s f i n d themselves, f i r s t of a l l , s u b j e c t to c e n t r a l s t a t e p o l i c y , and second, perhaps even i n c o m p e t i t i o n with other l o c a l governments to be r e c i p i e n t s f o r c e n t r a l s t a t e programs i n t h e i r j u r i s d i c t i o n . However, i t i s c l e a r t h a t at v a r i o u s times and p l a c e s the l o c a l s t a t e can a c t with some degree of freedom. The consequences of t h i s autonomy are i n c r e a s i n g t e n s i o n between 61 c e n t r a l and l o c a l s t a t e and renewed attempts by the c e n t r a l s t a t e to maintain o v e r a l l c o n t r o l on the l e v e l s of p u b l i c e x p e nditure. S o c i a l consumption w i l l be allowed to maintain l e g i t i m a t i o n but not to the extent t h a t i t poses an i d e o l o g i c a l c h a l l e n g e to e x i s t i n g p r o p e r t y r e l a t i o n s or a f i s c a l problem i n p u b l i c expenditure (Short 1982, p. 175). To conclude, the s t a t e i s one, but made of up t i e r s . The l o c a l s t a t e i s a component or instrument of the s t a t e . At the same time however, the l o c a l s t a t e i s a democratic i n s t i t u t i o n i n i t s own r i g h t (Clark and Dear 1984 p. 132). T h i s leads to a t e n s i o n between i t s f u n c t i o n which i s " l a r g e l y determined o u t s i d e the l o c a l e l e c t o r a t e by higher t i e r s of the s t a t e .. . (making i t ) an instrument of wider s o c i a l d e s i g n " (p. 132) and i t s democratic form with the i m p l i c a t i o n of l o c a l s e l f -d e t e r m i n a t i o n . T h e r e f o r e , a n a l y s i s of l o c a l s t a t e a c t i o n s has to c o n s i d e r the l e g i t i m a t i o n and accumulation f u n c t i o n s of the s t a t e , the extent to which the l o c a l s t a t e i s autonomous and able to respond independently to l o c a l p r e s s u r e s and whether the l o c a l s t a t e ' s a c t i o n s can be best e x p l a i n e d by i n s t r u m e n t a l , p l u r a l i s t or managerial p e r s p e c t i v e s . 5. The I m p l i c a t i o n s of Theory f o r A n a l y s i s of the Vancouver  H i s t o r y The purpose of t h i s s e c t i o n i s to determine which are the u s e f u l concepts of the v a r i o u s t h e o r i e s of the s t a t e and the l o c a l s t a t e to see how they might be used as a t o o l of a n a l y s i s f o r the study of the C i t y of Vancouver's r o l e i n 62 housing. The review of t h e o r i e s of the a c t i o n s w i t h i n the s t a t e covered the p l u r a l i s t approach - those who see the s t a t e as one s e t of p ressure groups among ot h e r s ; the m a n a g e r i a l i s t / c o r p o r a t i s t approach which puts g r e a t emphasis on s t a t e autonomy and the a b i l i t y of i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h i n the s t a t e and the s t a t e g e n e r a l l y , to dominate i n s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s ; and the M a r x i s t s who see the c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e as a means by which c l a s s domination i s perpetuated (Ham and H i l l 1984, p. 36). Macpherson (1977) suggested t h a t much c o u l d be gained by c o n s i d e r i n g the M a r x i s t p e r s p e c t i v e of the s t a t e . The main s t r e n g t h of M a r x i s t a n a l y s i s i s i n f o c u s s i n g a t t e n t i o n on the economic c o n t e x t of p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y ... ( t h e r e f o r e avoiding) the t r a p of a n a l y z i n g p o l i t i c a l behaviour i n i s o l a t i o n from f a c t o r s which have a s i g n i f i c a n t i n f l u e n c e on t h a t behaviour. (Ham and H i l l 1984, p. 43) C o n s i d e r a t i o n of the c a p i t a l i s t economy, with i t s fundamental goal of c a p i t a l accumulation and need f o r l e g i t i m a t i o n , i s c r i t i c a l to an understanding of the s t a t e i n western i n d u s t r i a l i z e d c o u n t r i e s . While the s t a t e can serve many d i f f e r e n t groups, i n the long run i t serves the i n t e r e s t s of c a p i t a l . A n a l y s i s of the p o l i t i c a l r o l e of the s t a t e cannot be removed from a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of a s o c i e t y ' s economic base. The main problem with M a r x i s t a n a l y s i s , and the reason t h a t i t can not be embraced i n e n t i r e t y as an a n a l y t i c a l framework i s t h a t "Marxist theory f a i l s to p r o v i d e an adequate e x p l a n a t i o n of independent a c t i o n by the s t a t e , and i t g i v e s i n s u f f i c i e n t a t t e n t i o n to the way i n which p o l i t i c a l power may 63 d e r i v e other than from economic power" (Ham and H i l l 1984, p. 43). C l e a r l y the s t a t e i n c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y i s not independent of economic i n t e r e s t s , but the way i n which the s t a t e serves w o r k i n g - c l a s s or labour i n t e r e s t s and c u l t u r a l v alues deserves more a t t e n t i o n . There i s no attempt i n t h i s t h e s i s to i n t e g r a t e the v a r i o u s t h e o r e t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s or to d o g m a t i c a l l y s u b s c r i b e to only one. "To search f o r a s i n g l e theory of the s t a t e i s l e s s u s e f u l than adopting a more e c l e c t i c approach which draws on the s t r e n g t h s of d i f f e r e n t t h e o r i e s " (Ham and H i l l 1984, p. 43). However, i t may be u s e f u l to t h i n k of the v a r i o u s t h e o r i e s as s e v e r a l " l a y e r s " of e x p l a n a t i o n : Thus, a p o l i t i c a l economy approach r e p r e s e n t s the h i g h e s t l e v e l (or scale) of e x p l a n a t i o n . In a median p o s i t i o n comes the m a n a g e r i a l i s t paradigm and i t s focus on o r g a n i z a t i o n s and i n t e r e s t s / r u l e s t h a t they pursue. At the lower ' l e v e l ' , i n d i v i d u a l p a r t i c i p a n t ' s a c t i v i t i e s are e x p l a i n e d i n terms, f o r example from p u b l i c goods and b e h a v i o u r a l p e r s p e c t i v e s . (Burnett 1984, p. 44) Within each ' l a y e r of e x p l a n a t i o n ' we can p u l l out the key p o i n t s t h a t w i l l be used i n a n a l y z i n g the Vancouver h i s t o r y . In c o n c l u s i o n , we see t h a t the s t a t e cannot be reduced e x c l u s i v e l y to i t s f u n c t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p with the c a p i t a l i s t mode of p r o d u c t i o n . Rather than r e l y on the theory t h a t the s t a t e i s a f u n c t i o n a l requirement of the c a p i t a l i s t system, i t i s necessary to see the s t a t e as d e r i v i n g " e q u a l l y from the economic and p o l i t i c a l i mperatives of c a p i t a l i s t commodity p r o d u c t i o n ... (the state) must be analysed both as 64 'embedded in society' and as an ' i n s t i t u t i o n i n i t s own r i g h t ' " (Driver 1985). The state has to reconcile i t s economic p r i o r i t i e s with the social demands facing l o c a l government. This means the state must deal with the challenge to i t s strategies posed by democratic i n t e r e s t groups at the local level as well as with the individual values and influences of i t s own managers. The t h e o r e t i c a l a n a l y t i c a l framework adopted here can not ignore the importance of the economy to l o c a l housing policy, but at the same time i t can not rely on economic determinism. The state mediates in class r e l a t i o n s , but "an adequate theory of the state needs to consider non-class-based struggles" (Ham and H i l l 1984, p. 44). Implications for Analysis of Research. There are several implications of theories of the state for analysis of the history of the City of Vancouver's housing p o l i c i e s and programs, 1900-1973. F i r s t , the analysis must consider how the City of Vancouver's role in housing i s a t t r i b u t a b l e to either the accumulation or legitimation functions of the state, rather than a so c i a l equity or s o c i a l j u s t i c e role c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the 'benevolent state.' Second, the analysis must consider the nature and extent of autonomy the City of Vancouver was able to display in i t s housing p o l i c i e s and programs. Were programs and p o l i c i e s imposed by the central state and/or were City i n i t i a t i v e s stopped by the central state? The issue of autonomy hinges on 65 the f i n a n c i n g of housing programs by s e n i o r governments, the impact of s e n i o r government resources on the C i t y , a c t u a l l e g i s l a t e d j u r i s d i c t i o n of the m u n i c i p a l i t y f o r housing, and the extent to which the c e n t r a l s t a t e r e l i e s on the l o c a l s t a t e f o r democratic l e g i t i m a t i o n . T h i r d , the a n a l y s i s goes to the l e v e l of t h e o r i e s of a c t i o n s w i t h i n the s t a t e and c o n s i d e r s the i n f l u e n c e of business and i n d u s t r i a l i n t e r e s t s on Vancouver's housing i n t e r v e n t i o n s . To what extent, with r e s p e c t to housing, was the C i t y of Vancouver an instrument of c a p i t a l i s t i n t e r e s t s ? Fourth, while i t i s beyond the scope of t h i s t h e s i s to determine the s p e c i f i c r o l e s t h a t urban managers and/or e l i t e s have played i n determining housing p o l i c y i n the C i t y of Vancouver, a general d i s c u s s i o n of the p o s s i b l e i n f l u e n c e of managers and whether there i s any evidence to support the c o r p o r a t i s t t h e s i s w i l l suggest areas f o r f u r t h e r study. F i f t h , the a n a l y s i s w i l l c o n s i d e r how the democratic p l u r a l i s t form of government i n the C i t y of Vancouver has a f f e c t e d the outcome of housing p o l i c y . L a s t l y , the a n a l y s i s must c o n s i d e r the i m p l i c a t i o n s of o v e r l a p p i n g t h e o r i e s on s t u d i e s of l o c a l government p o l i c y s i n c e a v a r i e t y of t h e o r e t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s have been adopted. Now t h a t we have the t h e o r e t i c a l b a s i s f o r the a n a l y s i s , i n the next chapter we w i l l look at the d e t a i l s of the C i t y of Vancouver's i n t e r v e n t i o n s i n housing i n the p e r i o d 1900 to 66 1973. The t h e o r e t i c a l framework w i l l be p i c k e d up again i n Chapter 4 which examines how the theory of the s t a t e helps to e x p l a i n the C i t y of Vancouver's housing a c t i o n s . A study of the h i s t o r y of the C i t y of Vancouver's e v o l v i n g r o l e i n housing, u s i n g the a n a l y t i c a l framework suggested by a r e a d i n g of t h e o r i e s of the s t a t e , w i l l t h e r e f o r e , i l l u s t r a t e the o p p o r t u n i t i e s and c o n s t r a i n t s of the l o c a l s t a t e i n pursuing housing p o l i c y . 67 CHAPTER 3 THE HISTORY OF THE CITY OF VANCOUVER'S HOUSING ACTIONS Th i s chapter reviews the major muni c i p a l government i n t e r v e n t i o n s with r e s p e c t to housing i n Vancouver d u r i n g the p e r i o d between the t u r n of the century and 1973, when amendments to the N a t i o n a l Housing Act and a change i n Vancouver's government changed the nature of l o c a l government housing a c t i v i t i e s i n Vancouver. T h i s chapter i s d i v i d e d i n t o three s e c t i o n s . The f i r s t covers the p e r i o d 1900 to the Second World War. The second covers the end of the Second World War u n t i l 1960 and the t h i r d concludes the h i s t o r y by rev i e w i n g the events of 1960 to 1973. The major p o l i t i c a l events i n Vancouver d u r i n g the study p e r i o d are important f o r the d i s c u s s i o n . Since the h i s t o r y of urban p o l i t i c s i n Vancouver i s w e l l documented (Gu t s t e i n 1983, Ley 1979, Smith 1982, Tennant 1980), h i g h l i g h t s of Vancouver's p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r y w i l l be i n c l u d e d i n the summary at the end of each of the three s e c t i o n s . References to primary sources found i n the Vancouver C i t y A r c h i v e s (VCA) are documented i n f o o t n o t e s at the end of t h i s c h a p ter. 1. The Turn of the Century to the End of the Second World  War 1900-1945 The Vancouver H e a l t h Department. One of the f i r s t a c t o r s concerned with housing i n the C i t y of Vancouver was the Health Department. The r o l e of the Health Department, i n 68 i d e n t i f y i n g the worst cases of poor q u a l i t y housing and arguing f o r high e r standards, was a major one throughout the 1900-1945 p e r i o d . I t s p o s i t i o n was strengthened i n 1900 (and i n subsequent years) by r e v i s i o n s to the Vancouver  I n c o r p o r a t i o n Act ( l a t e r the C i t y Charter) which g r e a t l y i n c r e a s e d the powers of the C i t y r e g a r d i n g h e a l t h matters (McFaul 1979) . As e a r l y as 1905, the Health Department helped p r o v i d e accommodation by c o - o p e r a t i n g with the S a l v a t i o n Army i n s h e l t e r i n g the i n d i g e n t . In 1904, the p o s i t i o n of Medical Health O f f i c e r became a f u l l time one and i n 1905 the Medical Health O f f i c e r was empowered by C i t y C o u n c i l t o p r o v i d e temporary r e l i e f f o r a l l 'casual c a s e s . 1 By 1907, an economic r e c e s s i o n , causing high unemployment and the need f o r food and s h e l t e r r e l i e f , l e d the C i t y to appoint a R e l i e f O f f i c e r to serve under the Medical Health O f f i c e r (McFaul 1979) . Another of the Health Department's w e l f a r e concerns was the p r o v i s i o n of a home f o r the e l d e r l y . U n t i l 1906, the aged and the i n f i r m were cared f o r i n the p u b l i c wards of the Vancouver General H o s p i t a l . When the h o s p i t a l was moved from Cambie S t r e e t to F a i r v i e w an Old People's Home was e s t a b l i s h e d i n the o l d h o s p i t a l b u i l d i n g . In 1913, a new home was b u i l t f o r the e l d e r l y , and i n 1919, the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the home was t r a n s f e r r e d to the S o c i a l S e r v i c e s 1 Department. 69 The Health Department a l s o showed g r e a t i n t e r e s t i n the housing c o n d i t i o n s of Vancouver c i t i z e n s . In p a r t i c u l a r , i t was concerned w i t h c o n d i t i o n s i n l o d g i n g or rooming houses. A Lodging House By-Law passed i n 1910 and the appointment of a Lodging House and Restaurant Inspector i n the f o l l o w i n g year gave the Health Department the o p p o r t u n i t y to improve housing c o n d i t i o n s i n t h i s a r ea. Housing c o n d i t i o n s proved to be a major concern of the Health Department throughout the 1900-1973 p e r i o d . The Health Department found t h a t h i g h l y p r o f i t a b l e r e a l e s t a t e s p e c u l a t i o n r e s u l t e d i n poor q u a l i t y low c o s t housing. In a review of the development of Vancouver from 1904 to 1911, a Health Department Inspector noted t h a t In the s u c c e s s i v e booms t h a t s t r u c k the town f o r c i n g p r o p e r t y v a l u e s to the h i g h e s t p o s s i b l e l e v e l , persons w i t h land were only too anxious to make the most revenue they could out of any b u i l d i n g they e r e c t e d and to spend as l i t t l e as p o s s i b l e on them, without regard to the w e l f a r e of those who had to occupy them. In t h i s c o n n e c t i o n a very b i t t e r f i g h t was waged by the Department a g a i n s t the then e x i s t i n g p r a c t i c e of a l l o w i n g b u i l d i n g s to cover 100% of the l o t with only a very shallow l i g h t w e l l to p r o v i d e l i g h t and v e n t i l a t i o n f o r the rooms.2 In 1911, the Health Department r e c e i v e d 184 a p p l i c a t i o n s f o r l i c e n s e s to operate a lodging house. Of these, 113 a p p l i c a t i o n s were r e j e c t e d "owning to i n s u f f i c i e n t t o i l e t accommodation, d e f e c t i v e f i r e escape e x i t s , and u n s a n i t a r y 3 premises." Besides C i t y e f f o r t s i n p r o v i d i n g r e l i e f i n the form of 70 l o d g i n g and the Health Department campaign f o r improved c o n d i t i o n s i n l o d g i n g houses (approximately 3000 rooming houses went on the R e g i s t e r e d L i s t i n the years f o l l o w i n g the 4 i n t r o d u c t i o n of by-laws f o r lodging houses, the main municipal i n t e r v e n t i o n i n housing was through b u i l d i n g r e g u l a t i o n s . C i t y C o u n c i l adopted the C i t y ' s f i r s t b u i l d i n g r e g u l a t i o n i n 1900, and a comprehensive b u i l d i n g by-law was put i n t o e f f e c t i n 1908. Regulating housing through by-laws was on of the f i r s t and most enduring of m u n i c i p a l i n t e r v e n t i o n s i n housing. The decade 1910 to 1920 was another p e r i o d i n which the Health Department was a forerunner i n d e a l i n g w i t h housing i s s u e s . In the Medical Health O f f i c e r ' s Annual Report f o r the Year 1911 concern i s expressed f o r "the urgent need of accommodation being provided f o r the working c l a s s e s , and f o r those seeking employment, who d r i f t i n t o Vancouver from the 5 E a s t e r n Provinces and the Southern S t a t e s . " In the years b e f o r e zoning the C i t y was able to make s e l e c t i v e use of h e a l t h and f i r e r e g u l a t i o n s to p r o t e c t c e r t a i n neighbourhoods from apartments and Chinese l a u n d r i e s . These r e g u l a t i o n s r e f l e c t e d r a c i a l p r e j u d i c e and concern about p r o p e r t y values ( G u t s t e i n 1983, Weaver 1979). In 1912, the Medical Health O f f i c e r expressed concern about the "growing tendency of e r e c t i n g apartment houses i n the C i t y , and to c a l l a t t e n t i o n to the r e s u l t a n t e v i l s which must a t t e n d t h i s form 6 of housing." 71 In 1913 a H e a l t h Department Inspector c i t e d what he c o n s i d e r e d to be the "immediate and imminent dangers from a h e a l t h standpoint with regard to housing": 1. Inadequate a i r space around c a b i n s , apartment houses and l o d g i n g houses, 2. Dark rooms, 3. Kitchens or l i g h t - h o u s e k e e p i n g rooms used f o r s l e e p i n g purposes, 4. No standard of f l o o r area per person, 5. I n s u f f i c i e n t c u b i c a i r space per person p r o v i d e d , 6. Concealed beds, 7. U n v e n t i l a t e d , or improperly v e n t i l a t e d gas f i x t u r e s , 8. The i n d i s c r i m i n a t e l e t t i n g of bedrooms by the s m a l l e r p r i v a t e houses. 7 To remedy the s i t u a t i o n , the Inspector suggested t h e r e was an urgent need f o r a " c a r e f u l l y thought out 'Housing By-Law,' based on a Town Planning System and embodying a l l 8 h a b i t a b l e b u i l d i n g s . " However, as we s h a l l see, the whole study p e r i o d i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by the lack of a comprehensive plan f o r housing. The Health Department was a l s o r e s p o n s i b l e f o r a s p e c i a l order of c o u n c i l t h a t r e s u l t e d i n the d e s t r u c t i o n of 80 shacks and over 40 boat houses on the f o r e s h o r e of B u r r a r d I n l e t . The shacks and boats were co n s i d e r e d "a grave menace to Health, a l s o housing a number of c r i m i n a l s and other 9 u n d e s i r a b l e s . " No mention i s made of any p r o v i s i o n s made f o r those l e f t homeless by t h i s a c t i o n , i n s p i t e of the f a c t t h a t the Health Department knew from past experience i t would cause hardship. The 1911 Annual Report of the Medical H e a l t h 72 O f f i c e r notes t h a t Chinese homes were s e v e r e l y overcrowded "owing i n p a r t to the demolishing of China Town by the Railway Company, the C i t y and the Health Department, and the f a c t t h a t no p r o v i s i o n has been made f o r the c r e a t i o n of a new 10 Chinatown." R e l i e f E f f o r t s . The problem of housing and f e e d i n g l a r g e groups of s i n g l e unemployed men was a problem the C i t y faced throughout the p e r i o d preceding the Second World War. In 1907, i n response to an i n f l u x of unemployed men l o o k i n g f o r work, the C i t y opened the o l d C i t y Gaol f o r s l e e p i n g q u a r t e r s . Recovery from the d e p r e s s i o n i n 1908 l e d to the c l o s u r e of the s h e l t e r and other temporary r e l i e f programs (Roy 1981) . The winter of 1911-12 was another d i f f i c u l t one f o r the Vancouver area economy and the C i t y once again had to d e a l w i t h i n c r e a s e d demands f o r r e l i e f . R e l i e f work was d i v i d e d i n t o two major ar e a s . The f i r s t was f o r Vancouver men who were married and had a f a m i l y and home i n Vancouver. Medical care, food, f u e l and a s h e l t e r allowance, i n exchange f o r labour, were common forms of r e l i e f f o r t h i s group. The second type of r e l i e f was f o r the hundreds of t r a n s i e n t s i n g l e unemployed men who came to Vancouver seeking work or at l e a s t to be unemployed i n a l e s s h o s t i l e c l i m a t e . Meal t i c k e t s and bed t i c k e t s , i n exchange f o r labour ( u s u a l l y at below the going r a t e s ) , was the form of r e l i e f f o r these men. The A s s o c i a t e d C h a r i t i e s of Vancouver (a c i v i c agency co-73 o r d i n a t i n g the work of p r i v a t e c i t i z e n s and the c i t y r e l i e f department (Roy 1981)) c o o r d i n a t e d r e l i e f work d u r i n g t h i s time. A work requirement was c l o s e l y t i e d to r e c e i v i n g r e l i e f to a ct p a r t l y as a d e t e r r e n t to those c o n s i d e r i n g coming to Vancouver f o r a " f r e e r i d e " . Many f e l t t h a t "by p r o v i d i n g s h e l t e r and food the C i t y r i s k e d becoming a mecca f o r the u s e l e s s and u n d e s i r a b l e of North America" (Roy 1981). On the other hand, i f the C i t y d i d not provide r e l i e f , i t faced p o t e n t i a l s o c i a l u n r e s t . The outbreak of war i n August 1914 caused another p e r i o d of high unemployment. The p r o v i n c i a l government made i t c l e a r t h a t the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s were r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e i r own unemployed. However, by A p r i l 1915, the C i t y was running out of funds to feed and s h e l t e r the unemployed and began c u t t i n g o f f r e l i e f to those who cou l d n ' t e s t a b l i s h r e s i d e n c y i n the C i t y . The p r o v i n c e then s u p p l i e d some funds under t h i s emergency s i t u a t i o n and r e l i e f work was resumed i n exchange f o r bed and meal t i c k e t s . However, by the end of the month, the C i t y once again had to reduce i t s r e l i e f r o l e s (Roy 1981). The problem of unemployment, coupled with the i n a b i l i t y of the unemployed to feed and house themselves, continued as a major problem i n Vancouver throughout t h i s p e r i o d . At the c l o s e of the F i r s t World War i n 1919, an i n f l u x of r e t u r n i n g s o l d i e r s and the c l o s i n g of wartime i n d u s t r i e s again l e d to high unemployment i n Vancouver. In the w i n t e r of 1920-21 the f e d e r a l government agreed to c o n t r i b u t e to one t h i r d of the 74 c o s t of r e l i e f f o r the unemployed. "This p o l i c y broke many precedents s i n c e Ottawa had always argued t h a t unemployment was a problem f o r l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s " (Roy 1981) . By l a t e 1921, the C i t y of Vancouver decided t h a t i n order to house many of the s i n g l e men on r e l i e f work, i t would e s t a b l i s h a camp "at the Hastings Park f a i r grounds where the unemployed, l i v i n g under m i l i t a r y d i s c i p l i n e , worked on c o n s t r u c t i n g a ni n e - h o l e g o l f course and c u t t i n g firewood i n r e t u r n f o r a bed and three meals a day" (Roy 1981). I t appears t h a t throughout these p e r i o d s of economic d e p r e s s i o n the C i t y f e l t capable of l o o k i n g a f t e r the needs of i t s own c i t i z e n s . I t was those who came from the P r a i r i e s , the i n t e r i o r of B.C and the U.S.A. l o o k i n g f o r work who put a burden on Vancouver's r e l i e f e f f o r t s . By the end of 1929, the C i t y of Vancouver n o t i f i e d the s e n i o r governments t h a t the problem they were d e a l i n g with c o u l d not be c o n s i d e r e d t h e i r s alone - the C i t y p rovided r e l i e f f o r c i t i z e n s from ac r o s s the country, and the municipal government r e q u i r e d h e l p (Roy 1981). This i l l u s t r a t e s the dilemma of many m u n i c i p a l i t i e s whose a b i l i t y to respond to problems w i t h i n t h e i r boundaries i s l i m i t e d when the problems are r e g i o n a l or n a t i o n a l i n o r i g i n and scope. Regulatory I n i t i a t i v e s . In 1911, r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of c i v i c groups and the Board of Trade formed the Vancouver Planning Committee. The Committee looked a t the p o t e n t i a l of planning f o r Vancouver. In 1922, Poi n t Grey (then a separate 75 community) adopted a zoning by-law - the f i r s t i n Canada. In 1924, another m u n i c i p a l i t y t h a t a l s o l a t e r j o i n e d Vancouver, South Vancouver, adopted a zoning by-law s i m i l a r to the one i n Po i n t Grey. P o i n t Grey considered zoning e s s e n t i a l i n c o n t i n u i n g i t s development as a f i r s t c l a s s r e s i d e n t i a l area (Roy 1980, p. 68) and other property i n t e r e s t s i n Vancouver saw the p o t e n t i a l f o r enhancing t h e i r investments. In 1925, the C i t y of Vancouver i n c o n j u n c t i o n with the A s s o c i a t e d P roperty Owners (APO), the Vancouver Board of Trade and other r e a l e s t a t e i n t e r e s t s and p l a n n i n g i n t e r e s t s were s u c c e s s f u l i n p r e s s u r i n g the province to pass a Town Planning  Act " p e r m i t t i n g m u n i c i p a l i t i e s to e s t a b l i s h town p l a n n i n g commissions to a d v i s e them on town p l a n n i n g and educate the p u b l i c " (Roy 1980, p. 106). The extent of i n f l u e n c e of property i n t e r e s t s i n pursuing planning l e g i s l a t i o n i s r e f l e c t e d i n the f a c t t h a t the APO reviewed a l l d r a f t s of the zoning by-law b e f o r e they went to c o u n c i l ( G u t s t e i n 1983). In 1925, the C i t y of Vancouver formed the Vancouver Town Planning Commission (V.T.P.C.) and i n 1926 the Commission began s e r i o u s work. The preoccupation of the Town Planning Commission from i t s i n a u g u r a t i o n to the mid-1930's was c l e a r l y with zoning. While h i r i n g the f i r m of Harland Bartholomew and A s s o c i a t e s to prepare a master plan f o r the C i t y , the Vancouver Town Planning Commission went ahead and produced an i n t e r i m zoning by-law (#1830) which was adopted i n 1927. A more comprehensive zoning by-law was adopted i n 1928 f o l l o w e d i n 1930 by a Zoning By-Law (#2516) t h a t r e f l e c t e d the i n t e n t 76 of Bartholomew's Plan f o r Vancouver, f i n i s h e d i n 1929. The zoning by-law r e f l e c t e d "a c l e a r and r a t h e r r i g i d p o l i c y , s i m i l a r to t h a t i n most other North American c i t i e s , of a l l o c a t i n g separate areas f o r v a r i o u s types of housing" (Vancouver, C i t y Planning Department 1981, p. 7). The zoning by-law was used to r e s t r i c t " a l l forms of m u l t i p l e housing, r e g a r d l e s s of d e n s i t y , to the in n e r areas of the C i t y " (Vancouver, C i t y Planning Department 1981, p. 7). Zoning was used, t h e r e f o r e , to p r o t e c t e x i s t i n g r e s i d e n t i a l areas "from 11 the i n t r u s i o n of apartments, s t o r e s and i n d u s t r i e s . " For example, the 1930 zoning by-law was q u i c k l y amended i n response to a p e t i t i o n a g a i n s t the proposed development of a bungalow c o u r t "so as to d e f i n i t e l y p r o h i b i t the e r e c t i o n of 12 Bungalow Courts i n One-family Dwelling D i s t r i c t s . " In some cases, the C i t y was unable to c r e a t e r e g u l a t o r y t o o l s s t r o n g enough to implement i t s p o l i c y of p r o t e c t i n g e s t a b l i s h e d r e s i d e n t i a l areas. The V.T.P.C. was able "to c o n t r o l the many requests from d i s t r e s s e d p r o p e r t y owners who sought immediate g a i n by having t h e i r p r o p e r t y rezoned from r e s i d e n t i a l to apartment or commercial" (Roy 1980, p. 108). However, i t was not u n t i l the zoning by-law was amended i n 1939 t h a t the Commission could keep housekeeping u n i t s out of s i n g l e - f a m i l y neighbourhoods (Roy 1980, p.108). And, i n s p i t e of the Town Planning Commission's e f f o r t s to use zoning to prevent b l i g h t , some neighbourhoods, p a r t i c u l a r l y e a s t of Main S t r e e t , d e t e r i o r a t e d as homeowners were o f t e n unable to a f f o r d r e p a i r s or taxes. The lac k of r e p a i r s caused a d e t e r i o r a t i o n of housing. The non-payment of taxes 77 made the task of a d m i n i s t e r i n g the c i t y d i f f i c u l t . (Roy 1980, p. 110) In 1930, the c o n s t r u c t i o n of a duplex r e s i d e n c e on Creelman Avenue i n K i t s i l a n o P o i n t p r e c i p i t a t e d the i s s u e of 13 ' a r c h i t e c t u r a l c o n t r o l . ' While the C i t y C h a r t e r was amended i n 1933 to enable such a s e c t i o n , i t was not u n t i l 1936 t h a t C o u n c i l endorsed a recommendation of the V.T.P.C. to i n c l u d e i n the b u i l d i n g by-law a s e c t i o n a l l o w i n g a b u i l d i n g permit to be r e f u s e d i f the appearance of the new b u i l d i n g would be to 14 the detriment of the neighbourhood. However, "attempts to l i m i t the c o n s t r u c t i o n of new b u i l d i n g s to those i n harmony with t h e i r neighbours f a i l e d because the A r c h i t e c t u r a l Board of C o n t r o l e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1936 was n e i t h e r ' s u f f i c i e n t l y broad nor r e s t r i c t i v e ' " (Roy 1980, p. 108). In s p i t e of f a i l u r e to apply the r e g u l a t i o n s , i t i s important to note t h a t the C i t y was once again able to o b t a i n the r i g h t from the Pr o v i n c e to prevent ' u n d e s i r a b l e ' development. The V.T.P.C. r e p o r t e d to the Town P l a n n i n g , Parks and Boulevards Committee (renamed i n A p r i l 1934 the C i v i c Planning and Parks Committee). L i k e the V.T.P.C. t h i s committee concerned i t s e l f p r i m a r i l y with zoning matters and s u b d i v i s i o n r e l a t e d to c r e a t i n g a c i t y of s i n g l e f a m i l y homes (Holdsworth 1981, p. 107). For example, i t approved the s u b d i v i s i o n of a r e s i d e n t i a l p a r c e l i n the area of 10th Avenue 15 and Crown S t r e e t . Holdsworth (1981) suggests t h a t w hile the problems of s p e c u l a t i o n were w e l l known, the s i n g l e minded p u r s u i t of s u b d i v i s i o n of land f o r s i n g l e f a m i l y homes was 78 i n d i c a t i v e of the f a i l u r e of p l a n n i n g . The Bartholomew Plan r e c o g n i z e d the consequences of land s p e c u l a t i o n on Vancouver, s t a t i n g t h a t "there i s probably no more s t r i k i n g example of the i l l s of u n c o n t r o l l e d and haphazard s u b d i v i s i o n of land on the c o n t i n e n t than there i s here" (Bartholomew 1929, p. 309). The 1929 Plan attempted to remedy some of the i n e f f i c i e n c i e s t h a t were the r e s u l t of p r i v a t e s p e c u l a t i o n , but the Plan's "main plan n i n g impact was the i n s t i g a t i o n of zoning by-laws t h a t i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d the land-use consequences of p r i v a t e land development" (Holdsworth 1981, p. 106). The Bartholomew Plan r e s t r i c t e d i t s p l a n n i n g f o r housing to zoning. Four d i f f e r e n t r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i c t s were c r e a t e d -one f a m i l y , two f a m i l y , three s t o r e y m u l t i p l e d w e l l i n g and s i x - s t o r y m u l t i p l e d w e l l i n g d i s t r i c t s (Bartholomew 1929, pp. 220-221). In the Plan f o r the C i t y of Vancouver, the r o l e and extent of a c c e p t a b l e planning and government i n t e r v e n t i o n i n housing i s s t a t e d : The g e n e r a l o p i n i o n seems to be t h a t such b u i l d i n g i s i n i t s nature a matter of p r i v a t e r a t h e r than of p u b l i c e n t e r p r i s e . In Vancouver, the zoning by-law has been prepared with every a t t e n t i o n f o r present and f u t u r e housing needs as f a r as they c o u l d be c o n s i d e r e d w i t h i n the scope of the Commission. (Bartholomew 1929, p. 233) The s i n g l e f a m i l y house was the model f o r r e s i d e n t i a l development (Holdsworth 1984). The 1929 Plan acknowledges the f a c t t h a t Vancouver was l a r g e l y a c i t y of s i n g l e f a m i l y home d i s t r i c t s . However, r a t h e r than plan the f u t u r e of r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i c t s , Bartholomew accepted t h a t whether or not these w i l l remain one-fa m i l y or 79 become two-family can be s u r e l y l e f t t o the wishes of the owners themselves, and the by-law amended a c c o r d i n g l y when o c c a s i o n a r i s e s . (Bartholomew 1929, p. 225) The Plan f o r Vancouver d i d admit t h a t Vancouver experienced a housing problem. However, the planners begged o f f any attempt to r e s o l v e i t , b e l i e v i n g t h a t i t can only be s o l v e d when the c i t y or the s t a t e i s i n a p o s i t i o n to guarantee to every i n d i v i d u a l householder a wage s u f f i c i e n t f o r the payment of a reasonable r e n t . While town p l a n n i n g can go f a r to c r e a t e and maintain d e s i r a b l e housing c o n d i t i o n s , i t i s beyond i t s scope as o u t l i n e d by P r o v i n c i a l A c t s , to concern i t s e l f with the very important economic problem i n v o l v e d i n such an u n d e r t a k i n g . (Bartholomew 1929, p. 234) Here we have an e a r l y e x p r e s s i o n of housing as an incomes problem. And, even though a housing problem i s i d e n t i f i e d , the planners e x p l i c i t l y decide to do nothing to r e s o l v e i t . C i t y Responses to The Depression. During the Depression housing problems came to the f o r e f r o n t i n Vancouver. Many l i v e d i n sub-standard d w e l l i n g s . The Health Department undertook a survey of lodging houses i n 19 20 and 19 27 and found an abundance of the problems they had been f i g h t i n g w e l l b e f o r e the F i r s t World War. In annual r e p o r t s from 1933-1939, the Medical Health O f f i c e r r e p e a t e d l y r e p o r t e d t h a t hard economic times were r e s p o n s i b l e f o r many people l i v i n g i n d w e l l i n g s "which would not o r d i n a r i l y pass f o r t h a t purpose, a l s o f o r c o n s i d e r a b l e overcrowding of f a m i l i e s i n t o 16 tenements." In the e a r l y 1930's the C i t y addressed the problem both tenants and homeowners had i n paying f o r t h e i r homes. One 80 s o l u t i o n was to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the p r o v i n c i a l government's Land Settlement Scheme. The C i t y provided one t h i r d of the c o s t f o r each f a m i l y i t recommended to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the scheme which gave f a m i l i e s land f o r a home and farm o u t s i d e of 17 urban areas. The impact of the program on Vancouver was small (only t h i r t y - s e v e n Vancouver f a m i l i e s who were on 18 municipal r e l i e f p a r t i c i p a t e d and by the end of 1935, e i g h t 19 f a m i l i e s had q u i t and returned to the c i t y . Another and more important way i n which the C i t y of Vancouver t r i e d to help those having d i f f i c u l t y housing themselves was through s h e l t e r allowances, as p a r t of municipal r e l i e f . In 1933, the R e l i e f O f f i c e r r e p o r t e d to the R e l i e f and Employment Committee t h a t with 6,000 married municipal r e l i e f r e c i p i e n t s , 75% of whom were te n a n t s , s h e l t e r grants were being p a i d to only 1,100 cases. T h i s suggested the need f o r a more comprehensive s c a l e of s h e l t e r 20 allowances. By the mid 1930's, the R e l i e f and Employment Committee recommended t h a t p r o p e r t y owners on r e l i e f should get the same 21 c o n s i d e r a t i o n f o r a s h e l t e r allowance as t e n a n t s . In 1936, the P u b l i c Welfare and R e l i e f Committee were able to r e p o r t "the g r a n t i n g of an allowance equal to the tenant s h e l t e r s c a l e to owners of unencumbered p r o p e r t y on which taxes were 22 d e l i n q u e n t . " By 1935, the C i t y had another housing problem on i t s hands. Under the B r i t i s h Columbia B e t t e r Housing Act 1919, 81 money a d v a n c e d by t h e f e d e r a l g o v e r n m e n t t o t h e p r o v i n c e , and i n t u r n a d v a n c e d t o t h e C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r , was l o a n e d by t h e C i t y t o 151 W o r l d War One v e t e r a n s d u r i n g 1919 t o 1921 t o p u r c h a s e h o u s e s ( J o n e s 1 9 7 8 , p . 2 8 ) . By 1 9 3 5 , o f t h e 151 l o a n s 132 w e r e o u t s t a n d i n g ; 37 h a d a l r e a d y r e v e r t e d t o t h e C i t y and a n o t h e r 66 w e r e i n a r r e a r s . The l o a n s h a d b e e n made a t a t i m e when h o u s e p r i c e s were i n f l a t e d and r e p a y m e n t s on 23 t h e l o a n s were o u t o f p r o p o r t i o n t o t h e v a l u e o f t h e h o u s e s . The C i t y ' s r e s p o n s e i n t h i s c a s e was t o a p p e a l t o t h e p r o v i n c i a l g o v e r n m e n t f o r a i d , a s s u m i n g t h a t t h e p r o v i n c e w o u l d t u r n t o t h e f e d e r a l g o v e r n m e n t w h i c h h a d o r i g i n a t e d t h e 24 s c h e m e . The H o u s i n g P r o b l e m I d e n t i f i e d . The B u i l d i n g , Town P l a n n i n g and P a r k s C o m m i t t e e c o n t i n u e d t o d e a l e x t e n s i v e l y w i t h z o n i n g m a t t e r s ( i n J a n u a r y 1937 a new c o m m i t t e e , t h e C i v i c P l a n n i n g and P a r k s C o m m i t t e e t o o k o v e r ) . The C o m m i t t e e r e c e i v e d a d v i c e f r o m t h e V a n c o u v e r Town P l a n n i n g C o m m i s s i o n and d e a l t w i t h s u c h m a t t e r s a s p r o p o s e d amendments t o t h e z o n i n g b y - l a w t o a l l o w a p a r t m e n t s i n a r e a s n o t z o n e d f o r 25 s u c h , and c o m p l a i n t s a b o u t t h e " i n f i l t r a t i o n " o f H i n d u s and 26 C h i n e s e i n t o n e i g h b o u r h o o d s n o t c o n s i d e r e d t h e i r " o w n . " A p r o p o s a l f o r a " w o r k i n g m a n ' s S h a u g h n e s s y H e i g h t s , " p u t b e f o r e t h e S o c i a l S e r v i c e s C o m m i t t e e b y an a l d e r m a n i n J a n u a r y 1 9 3 7 , c a l l e d f o r d e v e l o p i n g a 2 , 0 0 0 a c r e r e s i d e n t i a l d e v e l o p m e n t on C i t y owned t a x s a l e l a n d a d j a c e n t t o t h e F r a s e r g o l f c o u r s e t o be f i n a n c e d by a f e d e r a l g o v e r n m e n t h o u s i n g 82 27 p l a n . The proposal was not c a r r i e d forward due to the i m p r a c t i c a l i t y of the C i t y p r o v i d i n g a l l new s e r v i c e s and u t i l i t i e s . In a d d i t i o n , there was no access to e x i s t i n g t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , necessary f o r 'working men'. The Committee f e l t t h a t other areas were more s u i t a b l e and were a l r e a d y 28 s e r v i c e d . The shortage of a f f o r d a b l e and adequate housing and the substandard c o n d i t i o n of many dw e l l i n g s l e d C i t y C o u n c i l to appoint the f i r s t of many s p e c i a l Housing Committees on June 28, 1937. C o u n c i l gave the Committee the task "to make a survey of the housing s i t u a t i o n i n Vancouver and to draw up and present a comprehensive Housing Plan to the C i t y C o u n c i l , 29 based on the needs of the C i t y . The Housing Committee was made up of an alderwoman who served as C h a i r p e r s o n , a member of the Town Planning Commission and the S e c r e t a r y of Zoning Matters f o r the C i t y . A f t e r c o n s u l t i n g with l o c a l i n t e r e s t groups and p e t i t i o n i n g other governments f o r i n f o r m a t i o n the Housing Committee submitted a p r e l i m i n a r y r e p o r t to C o u n c i l on November 15, 1937, and a f i n a l r e p o r t dated December 6, 1937 was adopted by C o u n c i l on December 13, 1937. On r e c e i p t of the r e p o r t , C o u n c i l r e s o l v e d to b r i n g to the a t t e n t i o n of the Governor-General-i n - C o u n c i l the n e c e s s i t y of i n a u g u r a t i n g a pl a n whereby monies be made a v a i l a b l e f o r adequate Housing Schemes, which w i l l p r ovide necessary and s u i t a b l e homes f o r those persons whose means do not enable them to take advantage of the p r o v i s i o n s of the Dominion Housing Act. 30 The Housing Committee concluded t h a t the C i t y of Vancouver 83 should look to the f e d e r a l government i n order to implement a housing scheme f o r low-income V a n c o u v e r i t e s . The housing problem was d e c l a r e d a "Dominion-wide q u e s t i o n and t h a t i t s 31 s o l u t i o n r e s t e d w i t h the f e d e r a l government." In June 1938, the f e d e r a l government passed the N a t i o n a l  Housing Act which provided m u n i c i p a l i t i e s w i t h funding f o r low-income r e n t a l housing. Part 2 of the N.H.A., 1938, a u t h o r i z e d the m i n i s t e r "to make loans to L o c a l Housing A u t h o r i t i e s to a s s i s t i n the c o n s t r u c t i o n of houses to be 32 leased to f a m i l i e s of low income." The Housing Committee s t u d i e d the p r o v i s i o n s of the Act c a r e f u l l y . What was r e q u i r e d of the m u n i c i p a l i t y was c l e a r l y of i n t e r e s t : The m u n i c i p a l i t y must approve each p r o j e c t and a l s o agree not to l e v y municipal taxes on the houses owned by the L o c a l Housing A u t h o r i t y exceeding i n the aggregate 1% of the c o s t of c o n s t r u c t i o n . The m u n i c i p a l i t y must a l s o agree not to l e v y any taxes on the income of the L o c a l Housing A u t h o r i t y . In the case of a L i m i t e d Dividend C o r p o r a t i o n an agreement must be obtained from the M u n i c i p a l i t y t h a t , i f a t any time before the loan i s p a i d o f f , i t s net earnings are i n s u f f i c i e n t to pay the semi-annual payments due to the M i n i s t e r of Finance, the m u n i c i p a l i t y w i l l forgo a l l taxes or such l e s s e r amount as w i l l enable the L i m i t e d D i v i d e n d C o r p o r a t i o n to make the payments i n f u l l . 33 The f o r m a l i z a t i o n of planning i n Vancouver was accomplished i n c l o s e a s s o c i a t i o n with c i v i c i n t e r e s t groups and the C i t y continued t h i s t r a d i t i o n w i t h i t s Housing Committee. The Housing Committee f e l t t h a t the f e d e r a l government a n t i c i p a t e s c o o p e r a t i o n between m u n i c i p a l i t i e s and p u b l i c - s p i r i t e d c i t i z e n s i n an e f f o r t to a l l e v i a t e the e x i s t i n g housing shortage through the medium of 84 the N a t i o n a l Housing Act ... The Committee, i s t h e r e f o r e , a s s o c i a t i n g i t s e l f w i t h the Vancouver Housing A s s o c i a t i o n , a branch of the N a t i o n a l Housing and Planning A s s o c i a t i o n of Canada, composed of p u b l i c - s p i r i t e d c i t i z e n s who are anxious to a s s i s t i n a c o n s t r u c t i v e way, with housing schemes. 34 In June 1938, the Housing Committee was g i v e n the go-ahead to study the p o s s i b i l i t y of u t i l i z i n g tax s a l e lands f o r 35 a municipal housing scheme. (The C i t y had a c q u i r e d p r o p e r t y 36 as a r e s u l t of tax s a l e s s i n c e the e a r l y 1900's.) The Committee a l s o d i s c u s s e d a proposal put forward by the P a c i f i c Housing C o r p o r a t i o n and Toronto General T r u s t company to c o n s t r u c t 100 l o w - r e n t a l u n i t s under Part 2 of the N.H.A., 37 with a p o s s i b l e expansion to over 490 u n i t s . However, C o u n c i l "balked a t the s t i p u l a t i o n of the ( N a t i o n a l Housing) Act which r e q u i r e s m u n i c i p a l i t i e s to c o n f i n e t h e i r tax l e v y on houses b u i l t with the a i d of Dominion loans to 1 per cent" 38 (compared to 4 1/4% municipal levy on p r o p e r t y ) . Another p r o p o s a l , i n c o o p e r a t i o n with the Vancouver Housing A s s o c i a t i o n f o r 50 houses i n the Trout Lake area was a l s o 39 c o n s i d e r e d . However, i n s p i t e of community support f o r the C i t y of Vancouver to p a r t i c i p a t e i n a l o w - r e n t a l scheme (except f o r o u t r i g h t d i s a p p r o v a l expressed by the A s s o c i a t e d Property owners, the Vancouver Federated Ratepayers and the 40 Vancouver Real E s t a t e Exchange), a proposed p l e b i s c i t e to 41 deal with the i s s u e of low-rental schemes was never h e l d , and the C i t y ' s o p p o r t u n i t y to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the program lapsed as the program ended March 31, 1940. The C i t y ' s r e l u c t a n c e to become i n v o l v e d i n such a program a l s o hinged on a d i s l i k e f o r the f e d e r a l government's requirement t h a t the 85 m u n i c i p a l i t y c o l l e c t only 1% tax.42 The Housing Committee recommended th a t i n l i g h t of disagreement over the 1% t a x a t i o n cl a u s e , C i t y Council ask f o r an extension of the deadline to 43 p a r t i c i p a t e i n the low r e n t a l scheme. However, the opportunity was l o s t . Welfare I n i t i a t i v e s . The C i t y had other housing matters with which to d e a l . R e l i e f f o r property owners who were unable to pay t h e i r taxes continued to be an i s s u e . In J u l y 1936 Council i n i t i a t e d a scheme whereby homeowners i n jeopardy of l o s i n g t h e i r homes though tax delinquency could work on a municipal p u b l i c works p r o j e c t to keep t h e i r property. In 44 1936, approximately 300 homeowners worked under t h i s scheme. 45 In 1937, 150 delinquent taxpayers were given work and i n 46 1938, work was found f o r approximately 135 homeowners. Other welfare a c t i o n s included opening two h o s t e l s f o r s i n g l e women (one i n 1939, and one i n 1940). One was described as a home f o r " g i r l s who were promiscuous and who 47 were i n danger of becoming p r o s t i t u t e s . " The C i t y withdrew i t s funding i n December 1945, due to the l i m i t e d use made of the h o s t e l accommodation brought about, i t was claimed, by 48 improved economic c o n d i t i o n s . The problem of s i n g l e d e s t i t u t e men continued to hound the c i t y . In 1938, the C i t y supported 1,170 s i n g l e men at 100% of the cost and 1,169 men at 20% of the cost of ass i s t a n c e (the province c o n t r i b u t e d the other 80%). At t h i s time the men were able to choose t h e i r own food and s h e l t e r . 86 The S o c i a l S e r v i c e Department of the C i t y questioned the d e s i r a b i l t y of t h i s and decided to f i n d out whether the province had any 'camps' to which the men might be moved to 49 l i v e and eat a l l i n one p l a c e . In t h i s way i t would make the C i t y ' s a i d as unappealing as p o s s i b l e and be t r e a t e d as a temporary measure. I t would a l s o be e a s i e r to c o n t a i n any ' a n t i - s o c i a l ' behaviour. The C i t y a l s o helped to fund Abbott House which provided temporary s h e l t e r f o r s i n g l e men. In 1941, the C i t y p r ovided 25% of the House's funds i n s p i t e of concerns t h a t i t had been an o b s t a c l e to the smooth o p e r a t i o n of S o c i a l S e r v i c e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n t h a t i t encouraged t r a n s i e n t s , e t c . , to take up r e s i d e n c e i n Vancouver r a t h e r than merely r e n d e r i n g a s s i s t a n c e i n an emergent s i t u a t i o n . 50 Another housing r e l a t e d w e l f a r e f u n c t i o n of the C i t y a t t h i s time was to i n c r e a s e s h e l t e r allowances f o r s i n g l e parents with a c h i l d of the opposite sex so t h a t they c o u l d a f f o r d to r e n t two rooms r a t h e r than both l i v e and s l e e p i n 51 one. The Housing Committee s t u d i e d w a t e r f r o n t areas and basement s u i t e s i n the West End and found t e r r i b l e c o n d i t i o n s : The shacks themselves are c o l d , clammy and v i l e , o f t e n without heat ... Even g r e a t e r i s the menace of f i r e to the West End d i s t r i c t from the h e a t i n g methods f o l l o w e d i n Basement S u i t e s of t h a t a r e a . L i f e i n such p l a c e s must i n time unbalance reason and break down c o n s t i t u t i o n . 52 These examples and other surveys p r o v i n g poor housing c o n d i t i o n s again l e d the C i t y to c o n s i d e r a 'housing standards 87 by-law. 1 In 1938, the Housing Committee r e p o r t e d to C o u n c i l the need f o r a by-law, s i m i l a r to one a l r e a d y i n use i n Toronto, because "the number of low standard l i v i n g q u a r t e r s 53 i s growing a t an alarming r a t e . " F i r s t , however, i t would be necessary to get e n a b l i n g l e g i s l a t i o n s i n c e the C i t y Charter d i d not a l l o w a by-law r e g a r d i n g housing standards. In 1940, another housing survey was undertaken "to p r o v i d e the necessary d e t a i l s f o r c o n s i d e r a t i o n i n c o n n e c t i o n with the 54 proposal to e s t a b l i s h a standard of housing by-law." The survey of 207 d w e l l i n g s i n s i x d i f f e r e n t p a r t s of the c i t y l e d to the d r a f t i n g of a proposed housing standards by-law, but i t was not adopted. T h i s was due p a r t l y to concern about imposing 55 f u r t h e r hardship d u r i n g the a l r e a d y d i f f i c u l t war y e a r s . 56 Removal of f o r e s h o r e shacks continued, but concern s h i f t e d as the i s s u e of housing shortage grew and the end of the war came i n s i g h t promising even g r e a t e r p r e s s u r e on housing. Reports of the S o c i a l S e r v i c e Department h i g h l i g h t the shortage of housing i n Vancouver and i s one of the f i r s t times t h a t the need f o r an i n c r e a s e d supply of low-cost housing i s r a i s e d : Lack of housing continues to be an i s s u e of major p r o p o r t i o n s . Not only does the s m a l l s h e l t e r allowance granted by the department l i m i t the accommodation a v a i l a b l e to r e c i p i e n t s of r e l i e f , but the i n f l u x of war workers and s o l d i e r s ' dependents has accentuated the s i t u a t i o n . I t i s r e c o g n i z e d t h a t an i n c r e a s e i n the s h e l t e r grant i s not the s o l u t i o n u n l e s s i t i s coupled with an e f f o r t to encourage c o n s t r u c t i o n of d w e l l i n g s a v a i l a b l e at modest r e n t . The housing s i t u a t i o n as i t now e x i s t s i n u n questionably proving c o s t l y to the community i n c h i l d d elinquency, s i c k n e s s and m a r i t a l problems. 57 88 H o u s i n g a n d P l a n n i n g . I n 1940, t h e V.T.P.C. s u g g e s t e d t h a t i t t o o m i g h t have a r o l e t o p l a y w i t h r e s p e c t t o h o u s i n g , w h i c h up u n t i l t h e n was c o n s i d e r e d somewhat o u t o f t h e bounds 58 o f a n a r r o w i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f p l a n n i n g . H o u s i n g came on t h e Town P l a n n i n g C o m m i s s i o n ' s a g e n d a i n 1942. I n i t s A n n u a l R e p o r t 1941 t h e C o m m i s s i o n p r o p o s e d a " d e f i n i t e c o n s i d e r a t i o n f o r t h e p r o b l e m s o f h o u s i n g . H o u s i n g u n d e r t h e u r g e o f war c o n d i t i o n s h a s become a r e a l and c h a l l e n g i n g p l a n n i n g p r o b l e m , and i n many c i t i e s o f t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s and B r i t a i n , i s now 59 p a r t o f p l a n n i n g a c t i v i t y . " The C i t y ' s r e s p o n s e t o t h e m o u n t i n g h o u s i n g p r o b l e m s , p a r t l y c a u s e d by many y e a r s o f e c o n o m i c h a r d s h i p and p a r t l y b y t h e p r e s s u r e o f w a r , was t o f o r m , i n F e b r u a r y 1 9 4 3 , a n o t h e r c o m m i t t e e , t h e H o u s i n g and B l i g h t e d A r e a s C o m m i t t e e . The w o r k o f t h i s c o m m i t t e e s o o n f e l l u n d e r a n o t h e r new c o m m i t t e e , t h e P o s t War H o u s i n g C o m m i t t e e o f C i t y C o u n c i l , and t h e f i r s t c o m m i t t e e c e a s e d t o meet. I n r e c o m m e n d i n g t h a t a s p e c i a l c o m m i t t e e on l o w c o s t h o u s i n g be c r e a t e d t h e Town P l a n n i n g C o m m i s s i o n was i n t e r e s t e d i n t h e p r o v i s i o n o f a d e q u a t e h o u s i n g a c c o m m o d a t i o n f o r p e r s o n s i n t h e l o w i n c o m e b r a c k e t s , and t h e a b o l i t i o n o f u n h e a l t h y h o u s i n g c o n d i t i o n s , b u t r e a l i z e ( d ) t h a t a n y e f f o r t i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n n o t d i r e c t l y f i n a n c e d by p r i v a t e e n t e r p r i s e must o r i g i n a t e w i t h t h e C i t y C o u n c i l and s u c h p u b l i c b o d i e s . (However) no l a r g e c i t y c a n s o l v e t h e h o u s i n g p r o b l e m a l o n e . B u i l d i n g b y l a w s , z o n i n g r e g u l a t i o n s and d e m o l i t i o n s do no more t h a n s c r a t c h t h e s u r f a c e , w h i l e t h e l i m i t a t i o n o f t a x a t i o n power and t h e o b l i g a t i o n o f m a i n t a i n i n g p u b l i c s e r v i c e s make i t i m p o s s i b l e f o r a c i t y t o u n d e r t a k e h o u s i n g r e f o r m w i t h o u t f u l l n a t i o n a l a i d . 60 The end o f t h e war o f f e r e d o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r new r e l a t i o n s h i p s 89 with s e n i o r governments and the need f o r a c o o r d i n a t e d e f f o r t with the p r o v i n c e and the f e d e r a l government was i d e n t i f i e d . A r e p o r t of the Post War Housing Committee c a l l e d f o r " l e g i s l a t i o n a u t h o r i z i n g m u n i c i p a l i t i e s to make plans f o r the development of b l i g h t e d and other areas; to c a r r y out such 61 plans by means of purchase or a p p r o p r i a t i o n . " Lack of e n a b l i n g l e g i s l a t i o n was an important c o n s t r a i n t f o r the C i t y at a time when i t appeared ready to take on much more r e s p o n s i b i l i t y with r e s p e c t to housing. Concern over pr o p e r t y taxes again h e l d back the C i t y from an expedient agreement with the f e d e r a l agency, Wartime Housing L i m i t e d (WHL). WHL wanted to b u i l d low r e n t houses f o r veterans i n Vancouver but C o u n c i l "opposed the payment of a nominal sum f o r tax s a l e l o t s conveyed to WHL, and i t o b j e c t e d to the l o s s of f u t u r e tax revenue i n c u r r e d by the t r a n s f e r of c i t y land to the crown" (Wade 1984, p. 77). The C i t y was concerned t h a t the WHL houses would " ' j e o p a r d i z e 1 the 62 i n t e r e s t s of nearby homeowners." In l a t e summer 1944, the C i t y f i n a l l y entered i n t o an agreement to donate 100 l o t s , tax f r e e to WHL f o r low r e n t a l housing. The C i t y a l s o agreed to not h o l d WHL to a s t r i c t adherence of b u i l d i n g and zoning by-laws i n order to i n c r e a s e 63 the agency's f l e x i b i l i t y . The 100 b u i l d i n g l o t s were l o c a t e d between 28th and 40th Avenues, east of Main S t r e e t and the agreement i n c l u d e d the o p t i o n f o r the C i t y to purchase the houses and l o t s back i n eleven years time f o r a c o s t of $1,000 90 per house.64 Since the value of the houses alone i n 1944 was approximately $3,000 t h i s might be c o n s i d e r e d a good d e a l . The C i t y was c a u t i o u s about the WHL program and wanted some proof of i t s s u i t a b i l i t y to the Vancouver s i t u a t i o n . In January 1945, the f e d e r a l government asked Vancouver to extend i t s wartime housing program by an a d d i t i o n a l 400 l o t s . C o u n c i l decided, i n l i g h t of the f a c t t h a t none of the f i r s t 100 houses were completed, to wait and review i t s p o s i t i o n 65 when they c o u l d see t a n g i b l e r e s u l t s of the program. In s p r i n g 1945, C o u n c i l a u t h o r i z e d i t s P r o p e r t i e s Committee to search f o r another 10 0 C i t y owned l o t s f o r WHL, and i t was suggested t h a t r a t h e r than the C i t y e v e n t u a l l y purchasing the houses i t would be b e t t e r i f the veterans d i d so, to give them more than a "tenants i n t e r e s t " i n the 66 p r o p e r t y . By 1945, the need f o r housing and l o c a l p o l i t i c a l demand helped C o u n c i l overcome i t s r e l u c t a n c e and agreements wi t h WHL i n J u l y and September of t h a t year brought the t o t a l number of l o t s conveyed to WHL at $1.00 per l o t to 1,200 (Wade 1984, p. 67 119). 818 l o t s between Grandview Highway and 22nd Avenue, C a s s i a r S t r e e t and Boundary Road, of which the C i t y owned 747 l o t s a l r e a d y were a l s o c o nsidered f o r r e s i d e n t i a l 68 development. Not o n l y f a m i l y housing was i n s h o r t supply. The c i t y experienced 91 i n c r e a s e d d i f f i c u l t y i n s e c u r i n g adequate lowpriced housing f o r persons i n r e c e i p t of p u b l i c a i d . While throughout the year t h i s c o n d i t i o n was marked, i t has become even more acute i n the past 2 months, p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r s i n g l e persons dependent upon cheaper l o d g i n g houses i n the w a t e r f r o n t area f o r accommodation. 69 Some members of the c i v i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n r e c o g n i z e d t h a t " p r i v a t e e n t e r p r i s e i s unable to provide housing f o r a f a i r l y 70 l a r g e number of c i t i z e n s on the b a s i s of f i n a n c i a l g a i n . " As the war years c l o s e d , the C i t y looked f o r ways to extend i t s involvement i n p r o v i d i n g housing i n c o o p e r a t i o n w i t h the p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l governments. However, t h i s was not an easy t a s k . Helen A l f o r d , an E n g l i s h woman who toured Canada i n 1945, g i v i n g l e c t u r e s on housing i n England, prepared, on her r e t u r n to England, a r e p o r t on housing and l o c a l government i n Canada. She sent a copy to the sponsors of her t r i p , the Canadian F e d e r a t i o n of Mayors and M u n i c i p a l i t i e s . In her r e p o r t she commented on the d i f f i c u l t y of urban i n t e r e s t s , such as housing, being r e s o l v e d w i t h i n the j u r i s d i c t i o n s s p e l l e d out by the B r i t i s h North America Act (BNA A c t ) : m u n i c i p a l i t i e s are g r a v e l y t r o u b l e d by a n a t i o n a l problem such as housing which f o r c e s i t s e l f through the doors of every c i t y h a l l , they have no weapons with which to meet i t , no p u b l i c forum i n which to v o i c e t h e i r grievances e f f e c t i v e l y , and above a l l , no h i g h e r a u t h o r i t y to t u r n to with any co n f i d e n c e i n t h e i r understanding or d e s i r e to h e l p . 71 Once again, the C i t y In 1944 produced a Plan f o r Vancouver t h a t had l i t t l e c o n s i d e r a t i o n of housing, other than c r e a t i n g and p r o t e c t i n g s i n g l e - f a m i l y home d i s t r i c t s through s u b d i v i s i o n c o n t r o l and zoning (Bartholomew 1944). By 1946, 92 t h e C i t y r e a l i z e d t h a t s u c h an o v e r s i g h t was no l o n g e r a c c e p t a b l e and a n o t h e r e r a i n t h e C i t y ' s e v o l u t i o n i n h o u s i n g b e g a n . Summary of Key Events 1900 to 1945. For most of the time before the Second World War, c i t y government functioned on the council-committee style with aldermen elected by wards. Vancouver's early councils thought that the role of council was to provide services for the rapidly growing c i t y " i n a f i n a n c i a l l y sound, e f f i c i e n t manner" (Gutstein 1983, p. 196). In 1936, the ward system was abolished and the Non-partisan Association (NPA) formed to prevent the Cooperative Commonwealth Foundation (CCF - the forerunner of the New Democratic Party) from introducing party p o l i t i c s i n Vancouver. The NPA successfully dominated council in the 1937 ele c t i o n s and maintained their commanding lead u n t i l 1968. This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y important since throughout the more than 30 year reign of the NPA, i t was closely a l l i e d with business and re a l estate i n t e r e s t s . In the f i r s t part of the study period the City established the precedent for municipal regulation of housing. Business and property interests strongly influenced the implementation of a regulatory process. Zoning (and i t s antecedents of health and f i r e by-laws) protected property owners from elements that would lower property values or threaten an established way of l i f e . Welfare e f f o r t s related to housing were an important 93 c o n c e r n f o r t h e C i t y . T h e C i t y c a r r i e d o u t m o s t o f t h e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r w e l f a r e i n t h e p r e - W o r l d W a r T w o y e a r s , a n d a p r o g r a m o f s h e l t e r a l l o w a n c e s a n d e m e r g e n c y s h e l t e r s c o m p o s e d t h e C i t y ' s h o u s i n g e f f o r t s i n t h i s a r e a . T h e C i t y w i s h e d t o l i m i t h o u s i n g a s s i s t a n c e b u t w a l k e d a f i n e l i n e b e t w e e n a t t r a c t i n g t h e u n e m p l o y e d f r o m l e s s w e l l - o f f c o m m u n i t i e s , m e e t i n g t h e n e e d s o f i t s o w n r e s i d e n t s a n d p r e v e n t i n g m a j o r s o c i a l u n r e s t o v e r p o o r l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s . T h r o u g h o u t t h e p e r i o d , t h e C i t y g r a d u a l l y l o s t t h e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r w e l f a r e e f f o r t s a s t h e c o s t b e c a m e t o o g r e a t a b u r d e n . G r a d u a l l y , r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r w e l f a r e a c t i o n s s h i f t e d t o t h e s e n i o r l e v e l s o f g o v e r n m e n t . T h e C i t y d i d n o t u n d e r t a k e t o s u p p l y h o u s i n g ( o t h e r t h a n t e m p o r a r y e m e r g e n c y s h e l t e r o r a s m a l l h o u s i n g p r o j e c t f o r t h e a g e d ) . B y t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r , C o u n c i l c l e a r l y f e l t t h a t b e s i d e s e n s u r i n g t h e c i t y h a d a s u p p l y o f d e v e l o p a b l e l a n d , a n y s u p p l y i n i t i a t i v e s s h o u l d c o m e f r o m s e n i o r g o v e r n m e n t s . R e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r t h e l a c k o f a f f o r d a b l e h o u s i n g d i d n o t r e s t w i t h t h e C i t y . T h e C i t y ' s m a j o r p l a n n i n g i n i t i a t i v e s i n t h e p e r i o d b e f o r e 1945, t h e 1929 a n d 1944 B a r t h o l o m e w P l a n s , d i d n o t e s t a b l i s h t h e C i t y ' s g o a l s a n d o b j e c t i v e s f o r h o u s i n g . T h e P l a n s s i m p l y e q u a t e d h o u s i n g p l a n n i n g w i t h z o n i n g a n d l e f t t h e p r o v i s i o n o f h o u s i n g t o t h e p r i v a t e m a r k e t . I n c o n c l u s i o n , h o u s i n g w a s s t i l l v e r y m u c h t h e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f t h e p r i v a t e s e c t o r , w i t h m u n i c i p a l 94 r e g u l a t i o n s a i d i n g t h e d e v e l o p m e n t p r o c e s s and e n s u r i n g t h e p r o t e c t i o n o f p r o p e r t y i n t e r e s t s . W e l f a r e e f f o r t s were l i m i t e d and s u p p l y and p l a n n i n g p o l i c i e s and p r o g r a m s non-e x i s t e n t . The r i s e o f t h e b u s i n e s s - r e a l e s t a t e o r i e n t a t e d c i v i c p a r t y , t h e NPA, c o i n c i d e s w i t h t h e s e h o u s i n g a c t i o n s u n d e r t a k e n by t h e C i t y . 9 5 2. The End of the Second World War to 1960 Housing S t u d i e s . At the end of the Second World War two th i n g s were c l e a r to the C i t y . F i r s t , major i n i t i a t i v e s to supply a f f o r d a b l e housing to the growing numbers of f a m i l i e s i n Vancouver was e s s e n t i a l . Second, the l a c k of i n f o r m a t i o n about housing i n Vancouver needed to be r e c t i f i e d . F o l l o w i n g the war, data c o l l e c t i o n and a s s e s s i n g housing c o n d i t i o n s and needs i n Vancouver was a major concern. In i t s 1946 Annual Report, the Vancouver Town Pla n n i n g Commission p o i n t e d out t h a t i n a l l modern town plans "the matter of housing i s considered of the same importance as zoning, major s t r e e t s , parks and s c h o o l s , e t c . , and i s 72 i n c l u d e d i n the p l a n . " The C i t y had y e t to i n c l u d e such a comprehensive plan f o r housing and i n the Commission's o p i n i o n the 1944 Bartholomew plan should be r e v i s e d to i n c l u d e housing so t h a t Vancouver would have a " t r u l y comprehensive and a l l 73 embracing Town P l a n . " Under pressure from the Vancouver Housing A s s o c i a t i o n , a c i t i z e n i n t e r e s t group, and i n order to b r i n g housing i n t o the o v e r a l l p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s , Harland Bartholomew, p l a n n i n g c o n s u l t a n t to the C i t y was asked to develop a p r o p o s a l f o r a major housing survey i n Vancouver. Bartholomew submitted h i s proposal i n November 1946 but d e c i s i o n to proceed was postponed to be put b e f o r e the new 74 incoming 1947 C o u n c i l . Bartholomew never undertook the study, and, i n May 1947, a U.B.C. r e s e a r c h team headed by Dr. Leonard Marsh proposed to 96 undertake, with C i t y a s s i s t a n c e , a d e t a i l e d survey of housing and the f a m i l i e s i n the area known as Strathcona "to t e s t out the pros and cons of low-rental housing and r e l a t e d 75 developments w i t h i n a long term p l a n . " The C i t y (again prompted by the Vancouver Housing A s s o c i a t i o n ) c o n t r i b u t e d $1,000 towards the c o s t of the study, and CMHC c o n t r i b u t e d 76 $5,000. Meanwhile, i n August 1946, the Health Department r e p o r t e d on i t s concerns about housing i n Vancouver. The r e p o r t looked at each type of housing (cabins, h o t e l s , s i n g l e f a m i l y houses, apartments, etc.) and concluded t h a t many occupied q u a r t e r s and b u i l d i n g s e x i s t today t h a t are not f i t f o r occupancy and u n t i l b e t t e r u n i t s are a v a i l a b l e the best the s t a f f can do i s curb gross u n s a n i t a r y c o n d i t i o n s and maintain a f a i r degree of decency. 77 In 1948, the Health Department undertook another housing study, t h i s time e x c l u s i v e l y on lodging houses ( i n c l u d i n g rooming houses, boarding houses and h o t e l - t y p e rooming houses). 600 l o d g i n g houses were s t u d i e d i n order to provide the data necessary to update by-laws r e g a r d i n g l o d g i n g 78 houses. By 1949, the lodging house study covered 1000 79 Vancouver l o d g i n g houses. The C i t y ' s a t t e n t i o n turned to the i s s u e of ' b l i g h t e d ' or 'slum' areas i n Vancouver, with a view to p r e p a r i n g a redevelopment p l a n . In 1949 the i s s u e was r e f e r r e d to a 80 s p e c i a l committee f o r study. The Housing and B l i g h t e d Areas Committee of the Town Planning Commission met i n 1948 to 97 d i s c u s s the need f o r study of housing i n Vancouver and the p o s s i b i l i t y of developing low c o s t housing. However, the Commission f e l t t h a t programs designed to c r e a t e low c o s t housing depended on the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the f e d e r a l government. C o u n c i l f o r m a l l y asked the Town Pla n n i n g Commission to " r e p o r t i n connection w i t h s p e c i f i c areas which 81 are c o n s i d e r e d to r e q u i r e redevelopment" i n A p r i l 1950, but a f t e r i d e n t i f y i n g four areas and t o u r i n g the s i t e s and d i s c u s s i n g t h e i r f i n d i n g s with other C i t y o f f i c i a l s , the Committee made no recommendation. The Committee r e p o r t e d t h a t , s i n c e the C i t y had no funds a l l o c a t e d f o r redevelopment and could not be c o n s i d e r e d to be s e r i o u s about r e h a b i l i t a t i n g 82 p a r t s of the c i t y , there was no p o i n t i n p r o c e e d i n g . In 1948, the C i t y asked the P r o v i n c i a l government f o r an amendment to the C i t y Charter to allow the C i t y t o e s t a b l i s h a l o c a l housing a u t h o r i t y . The housing a u t h o r i t y , through agreement with the p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l governments, was expected to enable the C i t y "to a c c e l e r a t e home c o n s t r u c t i o n , 83 and commence a program of re-development i n b l i g h t e d areas." The Chairman of the B u i l d i n g , C i v i c P l anning and Parks Committee, Alderman A r c h i e P r o c t o r , went to S e a t t l e and P o r t l a n d i n 1947 to study housing measures undertaken by these c i t i e s and r e t u r n e d to Vancouver convinced " t h a t government 84 subsidy was the answer." With P r o c t o r ' s r e p o r t on American i n i t i a t i v e s i n hand and the p r o v i n c i a l amendment to the Charter a l l o w i n g the C i t y to enter " i n t o p r o j e c t s f o r slum c l e a r i n g or housing with e i t h e r the Dominion or P r o v i n c i a l 98 governments or both, and f o r s e t t i n g up a Housing 85 A u t h o r i t y , " the Mayor e s t a b l i s h e d a temporary Housing 86 A u t h o r i t y . The temporary Housing A u t h o r i t y made low r e n t a l housing 87 i t s p r i o r i t y , and the Housing A u t h o r i t y r e s o l v e d to proceed with the p r e p a r a t i o n of a d e f i n i t e housing p r o j e c t i n c l u d i n g p l a n s , c o s t s and l e g i s l a t i v e requirements, i f any, f o r the e r e c t i o n of m u l t i p l e d w e l l i n g s on C i t y owned property between 33rd and 3 7th Avenues and O n t a r i o and Main S t r e e t s . 88 By the end of the year, i t was c l e a r t h a t f e d e r a l -p r o v i n c i a l plans would soon be announced t h a t would change the nature of the C i t y ' s r o l e i n a low r e n t a l scheme. The Temporary Housing A u t h o r i t y f e l t t h a t i n s t e a d of p u r s u i n g i t s own low r e n t a l p r o j e c t , "a complete survey of e x i s t i n g housing c o n d i t i o n s i n the c i t y (should) be conducted i n order t h a t a true p i c t u r e of the need f o r housing accommodation may 89 be presented to the P r o v i n c i a l government." A survey, which i t was hoped would reach most Vancouver households, led to a d i s a p p o i n t i n g r e t u r n of o n l y 2,500 completed q u e s t i o n n a i r e s . However, the r e t u r n s c l e a r l y i n d i c a t e d the need f o r low r e n t a l housing i n Vancouver and was t r e a t e d as a success by c i t i z e n s ' groups such as the Vancouver Housing A s s o c i a t i o n which had been p o i n t i n g t o such a need f o r many ye a r s . Post-War I n i t i a t i v e s I n v o l v i n g S e n i o r Governments to  Supply Housing. As had been concluded by C o u n c i l ' s s p e c i a l 99 Housing Committee at the c l o s e of the Second World War, the C i t y of Vancouver would have to r e l y on the s e n i o r governments f o r help i n p r o v i d i n g low c o s t housing. In 1946, C i t y C o u n c i l pressed Ottawa to assume r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r speeding up Vancouver c o n s t r u c t i o n programs and p r o v i d i n g low-rent 90 houses. In 1947, the Mayor of Vancouver wrote to Prime M i n i s t e r W.L. Mackenzie King s t a t i n g the need f o r f e d e r a l government p o l i c y i n the matter of housing, p a r t i c u l a r l y low c o s t housing, emergency housing, and slum c l e a r a n c e . The Mayor expressed the f e a r t h a t the f e d e r a l government was t r y i n g "to s h i f t the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of c o s t i n s u b s t a n t i a l p a r t on to c i t i e s , m u n i c i p a l i t i e s and l o c a l governments" s i m i l a r to the way i n which unemployment r e l i e f had been 91 handled i n the 1930's. C i t y of Vancouver r e l a t i o n s with the f e d e r a l government were s t r a i n e d over the i s s u e of p r o p e r t y t a x a t i o n i n f e d e r a l l y developed r e s i d e n t i a l areas under Wartime Housing L i m i t e d . A s p e c i a l committee appointed by C i t y C o u n c i l s t u d i e d the t a x a t i o n i s s u e with r e s p e c t to v e t e r a n ' s housing. The C i t y f e l t t h a t i f the f e d e r a l government would al l o w the tenants of the s u b s i d i z e d housing to purchase t h e i r homes "the problem now f a c i n g m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , i n s o f a r as t a x a t i o n i s concerned, w i l l be d i s s o l v e d , and the tenants would then be 92 placed on the C i t y ' s Tax R o l l . " In 1947, a f e d e r a l -municipal d i s c u s s i o n r e g a r d i n g f e d e r a l s u b s i d i z e d housing was h e l d up. "The b i g stumbling block i s t h a t Ottawa i n s i s t s on a f i x e d t a x a t i o n . We cannot, i n t h i s way, c r e a t e a favoured 100 c l a s s of taxpayers."93 The C i t y of Vancouver continued i t s wartime complaint t h a t f e d e r a l housing p r o j e c t s i n Vancouver p a i d too low property taxes to the C i t y . In a d d i t i o n , the f e d e r a l government r e q u i r e d the C i t y to s e l l l o t s f o r $1.00 so t h a t the f e d e r a l government could develop new housing. The C i t y wanted $400.00 per l o t and f u l l taxes p a i d , an e x c e p t i o n to every other m u n i c i p a l agreement i n Canada. Vancouver a l s o wanted to ensure t h a t Wartime Housing L i m i t e d d i d n ' t s e l l e x i s t i n g houses developed by WHL at d i s c o u n t p r i c e s as i t had i n other c i t i e s . By r e f u s i n g to accept what the f e d e r a l government claimed was accepted as a matter of r o u t i n e by other m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , Vancouver gained a r e p u t a t i o n of being 94 uncooperative. The C i t y ' s response to t h i s a c c u s a t i o n was t h a t the f e d e r a l government had found money f o r other p r o j e c t s i t wanted to undertake - why not housing? And, a concern t h a t was r a i s e d many times with r e s p e c t to s u b s i d i z e d housing was t h a t the C i t y d i d not want to s u b s i d i z e some c i t i z e n s , w h i le others p a i d f o r housing on the market. A c t i n g Mayor George M i l l e r s t a t e d t h a t he considered i t "a rank i n j u s t i c e to p e n a l i z e one c l a s s of taxpayers f o r the b e n e f i t of a very 95 small percentage of our c i t i z e n s . " At t h i s time, the C i t y was o b v i o u s l y more concerned about e q u i t y f o r those paying f u l l market p r i c e f o r t h e i r housing than w i t h those who had l i m i t e d housing o p t i o n s due to shortages or a f f o r d a b i l i t y problems. 101 Under continued pressure from c i t i z e n groups the City negotiated with the federal government for more veteran's housing. Failure to agree on a price at which City lots 96 should be made available led to several months delay. However, in December 1947, an agreement was signed for 600 units to be b u i l t by WHL/CMHC on a 100 acre s i t e known as Renfrew Heights and the f i r s t houses were occupied i n f a l l 97 1948. In November 1948, the City agreed to another federal housing project for veterans, in the area bounded by 54th, Argyle, Marine and Boundary known as Fraserview. "The Working Man's Shaughnessy Heights" was a low rental project of 1,100 homes and was ready for the f i r s t occupants i n September 98 1950. By the end of 1948, the City was again concerned about the lack of senior government i n i t i a t i v e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y at the pro v i n c i a l l e v e l . Aside from providing veteran's housing in developments s.:'ch as Renfrew Heights and Fraserview, the federal government indicated that i t "declined to go further into housing unless the p r o v i n c i a l a u t h o r i t i e s agree to 9 9 contribute f i n a n c i a l l y . " At t h i s time, C i t y Aldermen suggested that the City needed a rent reduction plan in addition to the construction of low-cost homes, and that 100 senior government support was long overdue. In December 1949, a series of meetings were held in V i c t o r i a , B.C. between the province and various municipalities 102 to e s t a b l i s h the r o l e t h a t B r i t i s h Columbian m u n i c i p a l i t i e s would play i n new f e d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l housing programs and to determine the housing needs of the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . The Premier hosted the meetings to seek advice from the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s r e g a r d i n g the type of p r o j e c t s t h a t might be undertaken. The Premier p r e f e r r e d programs t h a t i n c r e a s e d the a b i l i t y of p r i v a t e developers to produce housing f o r home ownership. T h e r e f o r e , assembling land and s e r v i c e s w i t h i n m u n i c i p a l i t i e s was seen as a p r i o r i t y f o r m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . Any s u b s i d i z e d housing f o r low income groups would r e q u i r e municipal p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the subsidy. Since n e i t h e r the p r o v i n c i a l nor f e d e r a l government would a c t as l a n d l o r d s f o r s u b s i d i z e d r e n t a l housing, the m u n i c i p a l i t y would have to 101 e s t a b l i s h a management a u t h o r i t y . The 1949 amendments to the N a t i o n a l Housing Act e s t a b l i s h e d a F e d e r a l - P r o v i n c i a l scheme to f i n a n c e low c o s t housing, and the C i t y , i n 1950, began the slow process of implementing a p u b l i c housing program. In May 1950, C o u n c i l gave unanimous approval to t e s t out the new f e d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n on the C i t y owned s i t e known as L i t t l e Mountain t h a t had been i d e n t i f i e d by the Temporary Housing A u t h o r i t y f o r a low r e n t a l housing p r o j e c t . C o u n c i l warned t h a t the " c i t y i s d e f i n i t e l y not g e t t i n g i n t o the b u s i n e s s of p r o v i d i n g houses f o r everyone who wants them" and t h a t the s u b s i d i z e d r e n t a l accommodation was t a r g e t t e d a t o l d age pensioners and 102 others with s u b s i s t e n c e wages. The only c o s t to Vancouver, which would s e l l the land to the province a t i t s assessed 103 value (the P r o v i n c e agreed to i n s t a l l the s e r v i c e s ) would be payment of 12.5% of the d i f f e r e n c e i n o p e r a t i n g c o s t s of the 103 p r o j e c t and r e n t revenue r e c e i v e d . However, i t was to be another two years before the p r o j e c t came on stream again and a p u b l i c housing p r o j e c t implemented i n Vancouver. Other Post War Events. One of the events which p r e c i p i t a t e d the b u i l d i n g of n e a r l y 2,000 v e t e r a n s ' homes was the o c c u p a t i o n of the o l d Hotel Vancouver (Wade 1984, p. 76). The extreme post-war shortage of housing l e d a group of veterans to occupy the h o t e l and c l a i m i t as an emergency s h e l t e r . Under t h i s p r e s s u r e , C o u n c i l agreed to g i v e a grant to the C i t i z e n ' s R e h a b i l i t a t i o n C o u n c i l to manage a temporary s h e l t e r i n both the o l d Hotel Vancouver and Dunsmuir H o t e l s , arguing t h a t the C i t y lacked the " a d m i n i s t r a t i v e machinery to operate a h o s t e l . " The C i t y a l s o r e f u s e d to surrender i t s tax revenue (Wade 1985) . The C i t y ' s Legal Department "has always a d v i s e d (and C o u n c i l has f o l l o w e d the advice) t h a t the C i t y has no power to go i n t o the b u s i n e s s of b u i l d i n g d w e l l i n g s f o r people, or of spending p u b l i c money to bonus others to b u i l d houses or make 104 them a v a i l a b l e to those i n need of accommodation." Two exceptions to t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n were allowed, one under Wartime Housing c o n t r a c t s a u t h o r i z e d by the Vancouver E n a b l i n g Act 1945, and another under amendments made to the C i t y Charter i n 1945 g i v i n g the C i t y the power to make agreements 105 under the N a t i o n a l Housing Act. In order to support emergency housing f o r veterans the C i t y was f o r c e d to f i n d an 104 i n n o v a t i v e means of p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The C i t y made a grant under the C o u n c i l ' s power to a i d c h a r i t a b l e i n s t i t u t i o n s and chose not to examine too c l o s e l y whether the C i t i z e n ' s 106 R e h a b i l i t a t i o n C o u n c i l was a c h a r i t a b l e i n s t i t u t i o n . In J u l y 1947, the two h o t e l s housed 498 f a m i l i e s and 235 s i n g l e persons f o r a t o t a l of 1,413 occupants, many of whom were 107 rehoused i n Renfrew Heights when i t opened. In May 1947, the C i t y agreed to g i v e another grant to the C i t i z e n ' s R e h a b i l i t a t i o n C o u n c i l to house 60 f a m i l i e s i n emergency s h e l t e r a t the S e a f o r t h Armouries on B u r r a r d S t r e e t . "The C i t y , however, w i l l be p r o t e c t e d a g a i n s t 'going i n t o the housing b u s i n e s s ' by a commitment from the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n group to reimburse the C i t y , out of r e n t , f o r the amount the 108 l a t t e r expends on the scheme." The C i t y a l s o c o n t r i b u t e d to an emergency s h e l t e r on Sea I s l a n d , but, w i t h the a v a i l a b i l i t y of new low r e n t a l homes, withdrew i t s support i n 109 November 1947. C l e a r l y , while the C i t y was w i l l i n g to f r o n t - e n d the expense of s u p p l y i n g housing, i t was u n w i l l i n g to develop i t or maintain a f i n a n c i a l i n t e r e s t . The post war shortage of housing c r e a t e d a dilemma f o r the C i t y with r e s p e c t to e s t a b l i s h i n g and e n f o r c i n g minimum housing standards. By 1946, the q u e s t i o n of basement s u i t e s i n apartment b u i l d i n g s had been before C o u n c i l f o r more than 110 two years, and no s o l u t i o n had emerged. In October 1946, the Town Planning Commission repo r t e d t h a t i t had r e c e i v e d p e t i t i o n s from the Vancouver Housing A s s o c i a t i o n (opposed to 105 basement s u i t e s ) and s o l i c i t o r s r e p r e s e n t i n g apartment owners (req u e s t i n g t h a t an area g r e a t e r than the one t h i r d of basement area a l r e a d y permitted be expanded). The C i t y ' s planning c o n s u l t a n t , Harland Bartholomew, r e p o r t e d t h a t he, and many other town planning c o n s u l t a n t s and housing a u t h o r i t i e s , was opposed to basement s u i t e s . The Town Planning Commission recommended basement s u i t e s not be allowed because they would "permanently lower the standard of housing i n Vancouver (and) cause unwarranted i n c r e a s e i n p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y thus i m p a i r i n g f u t u r e p u b l i c h e a l t h as w e l l as the 111 f u t u r e economic wealth of the C i t y . " The C i t y again d e a l t with the i s s u e of a minimum housing standards by-law as C o u n c i l r e s o l v e d , i n June 1948, to s e t up 112 a Committee to c o n s i d e r such a by-law. A s i m i l a r by-law had been drawn up i n 1938 but had not been enacted. A study made of l o d g i n g houses and a r e p o r t with g e n e r a l o b s e r v a t i o n s about r e s i d e n t i a l accommodation i n h o t e l s , apartments, rented houses, owner occupied cabins and t r a i l e r s formed the b a s i s f o r drawing up a standard of housing by-law. The Committee studying the matter a l s o looked at the "Minimum Housing Standards Ordinance" of the C i t y of St. L o u i s , M i s s o u r i and were p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t e r e s t e d i n a s e c t i o n of the ordinance which gave the C i t y of St. Louis the a u t h o r i t y to e s t a b l i s h a r e v o l v i n g fund " f o r the purpose of making loans a v a i l a b l e to owners of d w e l l i n g s so t h a t r e p a i r s and a l t e r a t i o n s to d w e l l i n g s can be made as a u t h o r i z e d by the B u i l d i n g 113 Inspector." The Committee ordered a standard of housing by-106 law to be d r a f t e d but, i n s t e a d of a comprehensive by-law, the end r e s u l t was an amendment to the Lodging House By-law. One of the d i f f i c u l t i e s i n producing a standard of housing by-law was i d e n t i f i e d by the Housing and B l i g h t e d Areas Committee of the Town Planning Commission. The Committee f e l t t h a t t h e r e would be d i f f i c u l t y i n " c o r r e l a t i n g the needs of the Health and B u i l d i n g Departments i n order to make such a By-law 114 workable." The C i t y d i d make some small advances i n r e g u l a t i n g housing. C o u n c i l passed an amendment to the zoning by-law p r o h i b i t i n g housekeeping u n i t s or s u i t e s i n basements or c e l l a r s (the Town Planning Commission c o n s i d e r e d t h i s "one of the most outst a n d i n g events of the year" and a " g r a t i f y i n g 115 outcome." An area bounded by G r a n v i l l e and Bu r r a r d S t r e e t s and 1st and 4th Avenues came under p a r t i c u l a r s c r u t i n y by C i t y C o u n c i l . The Parent Teachers A s s o c i a t i o n (PTA) i n the area i d e n t i f i e d a growing slum housing problem. In response to the Henry Hudson PTA 1s concerns C o u n c i l r e s o l v e d , i n A p r i l 1950, 116 to study housing c o n d i t i o n s i n the area i d e n t i f i e d . As a r e s u l t the zoning by-law was amended by C o u n c i l i n August 1950 to prevent new r e s i d e n t i a l development i n l i g h t i n d u s t r i a l areas, and f i r e l i m i t boundaries were extended to stop 117 r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of e x i s t i n g d w e l l i n g s . In a n t i c i p a t i o n of a f e d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l housing program, C i t y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s attempted to c l a r i f y the C i t y ' s r o l e i n 107 implementing the program and met with the Vancouver Building Contractor's Association. The contractors were assured "that they would have an active part to play in construction of homes under the proposed Provincial-Dominion Plan and that the 118 City would see lots were made available to them." The City of Vancouver was concerned with p o l i c i e s regarding r e s i d e n t i a l development of City-owned land. In December 1949, Council resolved to dispose of lots to individuals where the City had small subdivisions with services already i n s t a l l e d . In February 1950, the Supervisor of Lands and Rentals reported that the City had 1,350 lo t s 119 which could be made available for sale Council decided that "where there are subdivisions without such services, l o t s therein be withheld from sale pending consideration of the 120 Housing Plan." However, the senior governments' housing plan f a i l e d to meet Council's expectations. In 1950, Council rejected f e d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l aid for readying unserviced land for new low cost housing developments and decided to finance the servicing of two parcels of land (at Puget Drive and 16th Avenue and 44th Avenue and Dumfries) that had been held for federal - p r o v i n c i a l i n i t i a t i v e s by s e l l i n g the lots at market prices. Council rejected senior government aid because i t 121 f a i l e d to cover a l l servicing costs. The 1950's - F i r s t I n i t i a t i v e s i n Public Housing. In 1950, the City's land holdings at the L i t t l e Mountain s i t e were picked for the City's f i r s t public housing project. In the same year, Leonard Marsh presented the res u l t s of his 108 urban renewal study and o u t l i n e d a $15 m i l l i o n d o l l a r p r o j e c t c o n s i s t i n g of low r e n t a l apartments and row housing f o r the Strathcona area. Even though Marsh envisaged t h a t the major p a r t of redevelopment c o s t s would be c a r r i e d by s e n i o r governments, C o u n c i l was " r e l u c t a n t to take on any burden t h a t might r a i s e the taxes of e x i s t i n g home owners i n order to provide homes f o r o t h e r s " (Roy 1980, p. 144). However, the C i t y d i d agree to pay 12.5% of the o p e r a t i n g l o s s e s from p u b l i c housing b u i l t by the f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l governments under the 1949 N a t i o n a l Housing Act. Implementing the f i r s t p u b l i c housing p r o j e c t was not an easy pr o c e s s . The f i r s t tender b i d s came i n much high e r than a n t i c i p a t e d , and i n 1951, plans f o r L i t t l e Mountain came to a s t a n d s t i l l . F a i l u r e to get a co m p e t i t i v e b i d f o r L i t t l e Mountain j e o p a r d i z e d the completion of Fraserview. The high c o s t of b u i l d i n g i n Vancouver caused the f e d e r a l government to r e c o n s i d e r i t s p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n s u p p l y i n g housing. At the same time, C i t y C o u n c i l passed a r e s o l u t i o n u r g i n g the f e d e r a l government to ease lend i n g r e g u l a t i o n s and encourage 122 the p r i v a t e s e c t o r to b u i l d homes. By 1952, the f e d e r a l , p r o v i n c i a l and mu n i c i p a l governments worked out the f i n a n c i n g scheme f o r L i t t l e Mountain. The governments agreed t h a t the p r o j e c t be broken down i n t o s m a l l e r p a r c e l s i n order t h a t more c o n t r a c t o r s c o u l d b i d on the p r o j e c t and C o u n c i l gave the go-ahead f o r L i t t l e 123 Mountain. F u r t h e r delays i n the approval process (caused 109 by a d i f f e r e n c e of o p i n i o n between the C i t y and s e n i o r governments as to the type of tenants to be housed and r e n t s 124 to be charged h e l d up c o n s t r u c t i o n u n t i l 1953. In A p r i l 125 1954, the f i r s t f a m i l i e s moved i n t o the 224 u n i t p r o j e c t . The C i t y assumed r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r i n i t i a t i n g p u b l i c housing p r o j e c t s by i d e n t i f y i n g l i k e l y p u b l i c housing s i t e s and f o r t i e i n g development of p u b l i c housing i n with urban renewal p r o j e c t s . In 1953 the B u i l d i n g and Town Pla n n i n g Committee e s t a b l i s h e d a s p e c i a l committee to c o n s i d e r a p p r o p r i a t e s i t e s i n Vancouver f o r p u b l i c housing p r o j e c t s . One s i t e c o n s i d e r e d and r e j e c t e d i n 1953 was i n Fraserview, an area a l r e a d y under p u b l i c development. R e j e c t i o n of the s i t e i n Fraserview was based on the o p i n i o n t h a t the "low d e n s i t y area i s too v a l u a b l e f o r development f o r low r e n t a l 126 housing." In 1951, the C i t y was c l o s e to e s t a b l i s h i n g a c i v i c housing a u t h o r i t y . However, the need f o r a management body to a d m i n i s t e r p u b l i c housing p r o j e c t s l e d the p r o v i n c e , through an Order i n C o u n c i l under the Housing Act of the p r o v i n c e , i n agreement with CMHC, to e s t a b l i s h the Vancouver Housing A u t h o r i t y . The Vancouver Housing A u t h o r i t y a d m i n i s t e r e d p o l i c i e s governing the s e l e c t i o n of t enants, a l l o c a t i o n of 127 u n i t s , the r e n t s c a l e and maintenance of p u b l i c housing. By 1960, the C i t y had decided t h a t p u b l i c housing p r o j e c t s should house more s e n i o r c i t i z e n s . L i t t l e Mountain contained no accommodation designed s p e c i f i c a l l y f o r s e n i o r s , 110 although s e n i o r s d i d occupy a small percentage of the u n i t s . Orchard Park, the C i t y ' s second p u b l i c housing p r o j e c t (169 un i t s ) developed i n 1957, had 20 percent of the u n i t s designed s p e c i f i c a l l y f o r s e n i o r s . Vancouver C i t y C o u n c i l wished to provide more housing f o r s e n i o r s under S e c t i o n 36 ( P u b l i c Housing) of the N a t i o n a l Housing Act and over s e v e r a l years made t h e i r wish known to CMHC. In 1958, the M i n i s t e r r e s p o n s i b l e f o r CMHC i n d i c a t e d t h a t he was w i l l i n g to c o n s i d e r a higher percentage of s e n i o r s u n i t s i n p u b l i c housing 128 p r o j e c t s . Because the s e n i o r governments made payments i n l i e u of f u l l p r o p e r t y taxes on p u b l i c housing p r o j e c t s , the net c o s t to the C i t y of s u b s i d i z i n g o p e r a t i n g l o s s e s was p o s i t i v e . For example, the Annual Report of the Vancouver Housing A u t h o r i t y i n 1956 showed Vancouver's share of the subsidy to be $5,963.12, while i t r e c e i v e d payments i n l i e u of taxes of $34,146.76 f o r a net gain of $28,183.64. The 1957 Annual 129 Report r e v e a l s a s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n . Other Deali n g s with Senior Governments i n the 1950's. In August 1955, CMHC began s e l l i n g homes i n Renfrew Heights to 130 i t s t e n a n t s . The C i t y , which he l d the o p t i o n to repurchase the p r o p e r t i e s , had alre a d y made i t s p o s i t i o n c l e a r . The C i t y saw a r e s o l u t i o n to the p r o p e r t y t a x a t i o n problem i f the homes were s o l d to tenants. Three years l a t e r , C i t y C o u n c i l passed a r e s o l u t i o n to ask CMHC to pay the eq u i v a l e n t of f u l l taxes on p r o p e r t i e s f o r which CMHC was s t i l l l a n d l o r d i n Renfrew Heights and Fraserview. The C i t y 111 drew a comparison with the L i t t l e Mountain p u b l i c housing p r o j e c t which was taxed a t f u l l v a l u e . CMHC agreed to the request and p a i d the e q u i v a l e n t of f u l l p r o p e r t y taxes from 131 January 1959. NewComprehensive I n i t i a t i v e s . In 1952, the C i t y of Vancouver e s t a b l i s h e d a Planning Department which undertook r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r a development plan f o r the C i t y . In 1955, r a t h e r than wait f o r a complete development p l a n , (which never was produced), C o u n c i l decided to p u b l i s h p a r t s of the p l a n as they were prepared. With r e s p e c t to housing, the Vancouver  Redevelopment Study, 1957 and the Apartment Zoning Report.  1958 are the two most important. Before the two development plan r e p o r t s were r e l e a s e d , the Planning Department oversaw the i n t r o d u c t i o n of a new zoning and development by-law i n 1956 (#3573) which c o n t a i n e d s e v e r a l means to improve r e s i d e n t i a l development. New d a y l i g h t r e g u l a t i o n s , setback, screening and l a n d s c a p i n g p r o v i s i o n s and the i n t r o d u c t i o n of comprehensive development d i s t r i c t s gave the C i t y a g r e a t e r hand i n shaping the 132 r e s i d e n t i a l environment. The 1956 by-law a l s o m o d i f i e d previous r i g i d zoning by-laws r e g a r d i n g r e s i d e n t i a l zones to 133 a l l o w more f l e x i b i l i t y i n developing m u l t i p l e u n i t housing. The Vancouver Redevelopment Study was a " b l u e p r i n t " f o r urban renewal. The terms of r e f e r e n c e f o r the Study were: 1) to s e l e c t those areas of predominantly r e s i d e n t i a l use which may r e q u i r e redevelopment during the next 20 y e a r s , and 2) to 112 produce a program of redevelopment i n t e g r a t e d with the C i t y ' s 134 long range p l a n n i n g . A Housing Research Committee, made up of r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s from CMHC, the p r o v i n c e , and C i t y governments was e s t a b l i s h e d to guide the C i t y P l anning Department i n undertaking the study begun i n 1956 (Vancouver, C i t y Planning Department 1957) . The 1957 study recommended 'blanket' c l e a r a n c e of n e a r l y 713 acres i n the i n n e r c i t y and another 75 acres of s c a t t e r e d c l e a r a n c e over a 20 year p e r i o d . (The p l a n was not s t r i c t l y f o l l o w e d and by 1970 only 70 acres i n the C i t y had been ac q u i r e d and were i n v a r i o u s stages of redevelopment (Vancouver, C i t y Planning Department 1970b). The C i t y t i e d p u b l i c housing c l o s e l y t o i t s urban renewal program: d i s p l a c e d r e s i d e n t s were given the chance to r e l o c a t e i n t o p u b l i c housing as t h e i r own "slum" housing was demolished. In p a r t i c u l a r the study i n c l u d e d t h r e e p r o p o s a l s f o r housing: 1. encourage developers to p r o v i d e medium to medium-low d e n s i t y housing; 2. p r o v i d e housing f o r the e l d e r l y and s i n g l e people by p u b l i c housing i f p r i v a t e development of s i t e s intended f o r t h i s purpose doesn't take p l a c e ; and, 3. use accommodation i n v a r i o u s p u b l i c housing p r o j e c t s to accommodate people d i s p l a c e d by the scheme. 135 The f i r s t comprehensive attempt to deal w i t h m u l t i p l e u n i t b u i l d i n g s came i n the form of a r e p o r t prepared f o r the T e c h n i c a l Planning Board i n 1958 and adopted f o r the most p a r t 136 by C o u n c i l i n the same year. C o u n c i l ' s p o l i c y c oncentrated 113 apartment development i n the al r e a d y zoned m u l t i p l e d w e l l i n g d i s t r i c t s i n the inn e r and c e n t r a l c i t y and allowed a l i m i t e d amount of medium d e n s i t y development adjacent to the C i t y ' s major commercial areas i n suburban p a r t s of the c i t y . T h i s provided a g r e a t e r v a r i e t y of housing i n the suburban areas, and i n c r e a s e d the number of u n i t s i n areas a l r e a d y high i n 137 amenity. C o n t i n u i n g Attempts to Main t a i n Housing Standards. I l l e g a l basement s u i t e s continued to be a problem f o r the C i t y . In l a r g e p a r t , the problem stemmed from a wartime f e d e r a l O r d e r - i n - C o u n c i l , P.C. 200, which p e r m i t t e d "shared accommodation" d u r i n g wartime housing shortages. Vancouver was the only c i t y to i n t e r p r e t P.C. 200 to "mean a r i g h t to make s t r u c t u r a l a l t e r a t i o n s to convert s i n g l e f a m i l y homes 138 i n t o m u l t i p l e use i r r e s p e c t i v e of the zoning d i s t r i c t . " C o u n c i l allowed a l l basement s u i t e s converted p r i o r t o January 1951 to remain occupied u n t i l March 1954 when P.C. 200 was revoked. In 1953, an amendment to the zoning by-law v a l i d a t e d 139 i l l e g a l s u i t e s under c e r t a i n c ircumstances. A 1955 amendment to the zoning by-law allowed the T e c h n i c a l P l a n n i n g Board to permit c o n v e r s i o n of larg e o l d homes and to a l l o w i l l e g a l s u i t e s , i n s t a l l e d p r i o r to 1951 to remain oc c u p i e d . In 1956, a "schedule of l i m i t e d consents" l a i d down the l e n g t h of time permitted f o r an i l l e g a l s u i t e , i n s t a l l e d p r i o r to 1956, to remain occupied. "This schedule s e t out the v a r y i n g 114 p e r i o d s of time permitted f o r conversions of d i f f e r e n t q u a l i t y 140 and i n accordance with the zoning d i s t r i c t s . " In November 1959 C o u n c i l a t t a c k e d the problem again and r e s o l v e d to 141 e l i m i n a t e i l l e g a l s u i t e s w i t h i n ten y e a r s . In 1960, the Vancouver Housing A s s o c i a t i o n asked C i t y C o u n c i l to assume r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the rehousing of those d i s p l a c e d by the c l o s i n g of i l l e g a l or sub-standard accommodation where tenants were unable to f i n d s u i t a b l e housing a t r e n t s they could a f f o r d . Not o n l y was t h i s s u g g e s t i o n s i m i l a r to the p r i n c i p l e s of urban renewal, where those d i s p l a c e d were o f f e r e d p u b l i c housing, but the Vancouver Housing A s s o c i a t i o n c i t e d the example of the C i t y of San F r a n c i s c o which assumed the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r r e l o c a t i n g a l l f a m i l i e s d i s p l a c e d by government a c t i o n s . The Board of A d m i n i s t r a t i o n found the A s s o c i a t i o n ' s proposal " u n r e a l i s t i c and i m p r a c t i c a l . " Instead, C o u n c i l adopted a p o l i c y of p e r m i t t i n g parents or grandparents to c o n t i n u e to occupy s u i t e s i n t h e i r c h i l d r e n ' s houses i n s i n g l e f a m i l y d w e l l i n g areas, s u b j e c t to safeguards f o r ending the use of the s u i t e when the parents terminated t h e i r occupancy. How to 142 a d m i n i s t e r such a proposal was never worked out. Foreshore shacks were a l s o on the agenda d u r i n g the 1950's. In 1955, the C i t y began removing 250 f o r e s h o r e shacks, and i n November 1958, having accomplished the job "with a minimum of p u b l i c i t y and expense" the Committee on 143 Foreshore Shacks was able to hold t h e i r l a s t meeting. 115 In February 1958, Council approved a revised Lodging House By-law (#3686) which, i n spite of including some advances in maintaining and improving conditions i n lodging houses, was a poor substitute for the more comprehensive minimum of standard of housing by-law that had been discussed 144 for many years. Summary of Key Events 1945 to 1960. The NPA maintained i t s dominance of City Council throughout 1945 to 1960. The one s i g n i f i c a n t change in the form of c i v i c government introduced i n t h i s period was the Board of Administration, a modified example of the council-commission form of l o c a l government. The Board of Administration, formed i n 1956, was composed of two senior administrators. "One of the commissioners, Gerald Sutton Brown, an English Planner who had helped set up the planning department, came to be the most powerful person at c i t y h a l l , his power verging on the absolute" (Gutstein 1983, p. 199). Under NPA leadership, the City's p o l i c i e s continued to focuss on the promotion of physical growth and development. In response to federal government i n i t i a t i v e s to house war veterans, the C i t y provided land for approximately 4,000 low rental single family homes. This supply policy, while aimed at those who would enter the post-war labour force, did l i t t l e to help those who needed housing assistance but who were not veterans. Federal veterans' housing programs raised the issue of municipal control and influence over programs imposed by senior governments. The City resented the loss of 116 p r o p e r t y t a x r e v e n u e e x p e c t e d b y t h e f e d e r a l g o v e r n m e n t , and f a i l e d t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n an e a r l y low r e n t a l scheme f o r t h i s r e a s o n . H o w e v e r , e i t h e r t h e i s s u e o f h o u s i n g v e t e r a n s was more p o p u l a r o r more p r e s s i n g ( o c c u p a t i o n o f t h e o l d H o t e l V a n c o u v e r i s an e x a m p l e o f t h e p r e s s u r e a p p l i e d ) and t h e C i t y g r u d g i n g l y c a p i t u l a t e d . The C i t y became aware o f t h e h o u s i n g p r o b l e m s o f i t s p o o r e r c i t i z e n s a s a r e s u l t o f s e v e r a l p o s t - w a r s t u d i e s , many o f w h i c h w e r e i n i t i a t e d by l o c a l i n t e r e s t g r o u p s , a n d c o n s i d e r e d t a k i n g more d i r e c t a c t i o n . P l a n s t o d e a l w i t h ' b l i g h t e d ' h o u s i n g , c o m b i n e d w i t h a f e d e r a l p u b l i c h o u s i n g p r o g r a m r e s u l t e d i n t h e l a n d m a r k V a n c o u v e r R e d e v e l o p m e n t S t u d y  1 9 5 7 . T h r o u g h o u t t h e p o s t - w a r y e a r s , t h e C i t y e x a m i n e d ways t o r e g u l a t e and m a i n t a i n h o u s i n g q u a l i t y . H o w e v e r , i n s p i t e o f c o n s t a n t a t t e m p t s , t h e C i t y d i d n o t i n s t i t u t e a c o m p r e h e n s i v e minimum o f s t a n d a r d h o u s i n g b y - l a w . By t h e e n d o f t h e 1 9 5 0 ' s , C i t y a c t i v i t y i n p l a n n i n g a n d s u p p l y i n g h o u s i n g h a d i n c r e a s e d . R e g u l a t i o n was s t i l l an i m p o r t a n t f u n c t i o n and t h e w e l f a r e c o m p o n e n t a l s o r e m a i n e d i m p o r t a n t a s a more c o m p r e h e n s i v e a p p r o a c h t o h o u s i n g t h e p o o r e v o l v e d . 117 3. 1960 to the Early 1970's Public Housing i n the 1960's. Construction of a public housing project c a l l e d MacLean Park heralded the beginning of the decade that i s most cl o s e l y associated with public housing in Canada - the 1960's. In 1963, both Skeena Terrace with 234 low rental units and MacLean Park with 159 units opened. The approval process for the 376 unit Raymur Place began in 1963, but the p r o v i n c i a l government held up approval for several months, delaying the s t a r t of the development u n t i l mid 145 1964. Raymur Place, the largest public project undertaken in Vancouver at the time, was intended to house those 146 displaced by a 28.5 acre clearance of run down buildings. In August 1963, City Council reviewed the status of public housing i n Vancouver. The main conclusion of the review was to note that the high cost of land in Vancouver made the provision of public housing d i f f i c u l t . Council noted that Vancouver was the only municipality i n the region providing public housing and that other municipalities should i n i t i a t e public housing projects. Council also noted that while the City's 12.5% share of the operating loss on public housing units amounted to $48,300 in 1962, the senior 147 governments had paid property taxes i n excess of $127,830. For the City, p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n public housing provided a net f i n a n c i a l benefit. In 1964, the City again pressured the federal and p r o v i n c i a l governments to provide seniors housing under the 118 public housing provisions of the National Housing Act. This time the City was successful in getting a 100% senior c i t i z e n 148 public housing project, Killarney Gardens, underway. The public housing program was c l o s e l y t i e d to the urban renewal program and by 1965 the City r e a l i z e d the need for a framework to replace the 1957 Vancouver Redevelopment Study. The Director of Planning negotiated with CMHC for funding for a major review and study of the City's urban renewal program and submitted a formal request i n 1966. City e f f o r t s to re-evaluate the urban renewal program presaged i n many ways the Federal Government action in August 1969, i n withdrawing a large share of t h e i r f i n a n c i a l commitment to the Urban Renewal Sections of the National Housing Act pending th e i r own review of t h i s program. 149 Meanwhile, more public housing units came on stream -K i l l a r n e y Gardens, the f i r s t project i n Canada exclusively fo Seniors, opened i n 1966 with 188 units. Raymur Place opened i 1967, and Nicholson Tower, (223 units) another project exclusively for seniors, opened in 1969. A 304 unit extension to MacLean Park approved by City Council i n 1966, opened in 1970. Grandview Terrace (154 units) and Culloden Court (132 units) also received Council approval in 1966 and opened i n 1969 and 1970 respectively. Carolina Court (50 Units) and Chimo Terrace (80 units) both the r e s u l t of new policy to make public housing s i t e s smaller and more dispersed, opened in 1970. The p r o v i n c i a l government delayed construction of the 119 MacLean Park extension, Grandview Terrace, Culloden Court, and Nicholson Terrace after Council approval. The four month delay ended when the province approved a l l four projects i n March 150 1967. The province's influence i n public housing decisions in Vancouver became an issue in late 1967 when the province issued new guidelines which i t expected the City to endorse in order "to expedite approval of 12 projects for 2,000 151 persons. The Province imposed a building cost l i m i t in public housing of an average of $12,000 per unit. This gave the province, in spite of City objections, a greater voice in project approval. Other guidelines proposed by the province were not as contentious and included dispersing public housing throughout the City, assurance of rezoning for housing projects by the City and a regional approach to public housing. The City wanted to avoid delays i n producing public housing and had no choice but to endorse the guidelines thus 152 bowing to p r o v i n c i a l authority. In 1968, the newly formed B.C. Housing Management Commission took over r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for managing public housing projects in B.C. Two public housing schemes proposed by the City were rejected by the Commission on the basis that 153 the land the City offered for sale was too c o s t l y . The approach the p r o v i n c i a l body preferred was the expansion of e x i s t i n g smaller public housing projects. Following t h i s preference projects such as Rupert and Vaness were increased from 25 to 41 units, and Brant V i l l a increased to 48 units by 1971. 120 In a d d i t i o n , i n 1968, CMHC r e j e c t e d a s i t e approved by both the C i t y and the pr o v i n c e at Pandora and Semlin S t r e e t s as i n a p p r o p r i a t e f o r r e s i d e n t i a l development. The C i t y was f o r c e d to r e j e c t i t s own proposal and c o n s i d e r other uses f o r the 9 l o t s i t owned (2 l o t s had been bought s p e c i f i c a l l y f o r 154 the p u b l i c housing p r o p o s a l ) . The C i t y ' s p o s i t i o n on the f e d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l program of urban renewal and p u b l i c housing was made c l e a r i n 1969 when C i t y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s met with F e d e r a l Cabinet m i n i s t e r Paul H e i I y e r , who conducted a c r o s s Canada study of f e d e r a l government housing programs. The C i t y wanted the f e d e r a l government to continue funding urban renewal and p u b l i c housing i n Vancouver. S p e c i f i c a l l y , with r e s p e c t to housing, the C i t y wanted a c o n t i n u i n g program aimed a t improving housing c o n d i t i o n s , a s s i s t a n c e i n r e h a b i l i t a t i n g and i n s t a l l i n g m unicipal s e r v i c e s , an urban renewal scheme f o r the downtown area c o n t a i n i n g the worst housing and a c o n t i n u a t i o n 155 of f e d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l funded p u b l i c housing. The C i t y warned t h a t while i t would continue to i d e n t i f y s i t e s s u i t a b l e f o r p u b l i c housing and assemble the land f o r the f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l governments, "many of the s i t e s w i l l have to be provided from land a l r e a d y developed and i t w i l l be necessary f o r the s e n i o r governments to accept the 156 h i g h e r land c o s t s i n v o l v e d . " In June 1969, the Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t adopted p u b l i c housing as one of i t s f u n c t i o n s . The C i t y 121 supported making p u b l i c housing a r e g i o n a l f u n c t i o n so t h a t 157 lower c o s t s i t e s o u t s i d e Vancouver c o u l d be developed. In 1968, the C i t y faced a s e r i o u s c h a l l e n g e to i t s urban r e n e w a l - p u b l i c housing program. C o u n c i l approved an urban renewal program f o r the Strathcona area bounded by H a s t i n g s , 158 Union, Gore and Glen Drive (known as Scheme 3, Sub-area 1). C i t y p r o p o s a l s i n c l u d e d r e d e v e l o p i n g two-thirds of the area f o r p u b l i c housing and i n c r e a s i n g the p o p u l a t i o n of the area from 4,500 to approximately 8,000. A l o c a l c i t i z e n s movement grew up around the i s s u e and the Strathcona Property Owners and Tenants A s s o c i a t i o n (SPOTA) organized f o r m a l l y on December 18, 1968. SPOTA immediately began to pressure C i t y C o u n c i l and the p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l governments to preserve and 159 r e h a b i l i t a t e the area and not to c l e a r i t . In the C i t y ' s 1969 submission on Urban Renewal and P u b l i c  Housing the C i t y concluded t h a t e x t e n s i v e r e h a b i l i t a t i o n was not f e a s i b l e i n the Strathcona area. SPOTA appealed to the f e d e r a l government, and the m i n i s t e r r e s p o n s i b l e promised t h a t the f e d e r a l government would on l y p a r t i c i p a t e i n a renewal scheme t h a t favoured r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , met the approval of the area r e s i d e n t s and i n v o l v e d them i n the p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s . T h i s l e d to a f o u r l e v e l committee, the Strathcona Working Committee, made up of r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the f e d e r a l , p r o v i n c i a l and C i t y governments and SPOTA. The Committee's work r e s u l t e d i n recommendations which l e d to the Strathcona R e h a b i l i t a t i o n P r o j e c t which was signed by a l l f o u r p a r t i e s i n February 1972, s i g n a l l i n g the end of urban renewal i n 122 Strathcona.160 The City's planning and urban renewal goals were seriously compromised by th i s episode. The City was reluctant to p a r t i c i p a t e i n a r e h a b i l i t a t i o n scheme and did not f e e l that Strathcona was the most suitable area. The City's plans for a freeway through the area were rejected. The City argued that i t was not l e g a l l y able to part i c i p a t e in the funding arrangements proposed. "This was quickly met with a Provincial proposal to make any necessary amendments to the 161 Municipal Act." Meanwhile, the City received federal funding for i t s proposal for an urban renewal study. In 1968 and 1969, i t published reports on single family zones, apartments, duplex and conversion d i s t r i c t s . In 1970, the City's proposals for the f i v e year period 1971-1975 were presented. The experiences of a decade of urban renewal and the federal government moratorium on a l l public housing and urban renewal projects in Canada (imposed in January 1969 as a r e s u l t of a 1968 Federal Task Force on Housing and Urban Development) led the City to recommend a course that the Federal government was to follow up on with i t s 1973 National Housing Act - the end of urban renewal and the introduction of an approach focussing on community improvement and development (Vancouver, City Planning Department 1970b). A new era of conserving and r e h a b i l i t a t i n g urban neighbourhoods was underway. The City, also i n 1970, allocated $1 m i l l i o n for the 123 1971-75 c a p i t a l budgets to assemble s i t e s for public housing, 162 setting a target of 1,300 units. Special Needs Housing - the Focus on Seniors and Skid  Road. Besides the two public housing projects dedicated to seniors housing and the small percentage of units available in other public housing projects, the City was under pressure to f a c i l i t a t e the development of more housing for i t s senior c i t i z e n s . In 1964, the City explored the idea of establishing a Limited Dividend Senior Citizen's Housing Corporation (under Section 16, N.H.A.) to increase the supply of senior's housing. Nothing came of the idea, however. City p o l icy from the late 1950's up u n t i l 1967 was to s e l l City land at half i t s assessed value to non-profit s o c i e t i e s w i l l i n g to develop housing for seniors. The 163 conditions included f u l l payment of property taxes. In 1967, Council resolved to give non-profit groups a choice. They were given the option of purchasing City land at i t s f u l l assessed value and receiving a grant in l i e u of taxes "e f f e c t i v e upon the completion of the f i r s t building 164 inspection." In 1968, Council decided to encourage private non-profit groups to provide seniors housing on City-owned 165 land. In 1971, the City advertised i t s i n t e r e s t i n promoting seniors housing and negotiated with various seniors groups to s e l l City-owned lands to construct housing. The City was also able to i n i t i a t e a 500 unit seniors' housing project under the public housing section of the National 124 H o u s i n g A c t . C o n s t r u c t i o n was u n d e r w a y i n 1 9 7 3 . T e m p o r a r y o r e m e r g e n c y h o u s i n g f o r t h o s e o n ' S k i d R o a d 1 came o n t h e C i t y a g e n d a i n 1 9 6 4 . The C i t y made an a p p l i c a t i o n f o r a h o s t e l u n d e r S e c t i o n 35 o f t h e N a t i o n a l H o u s i n g A c t ( P u b l i c H o u s i n g ) b u t t h e P r o v i n c e r e j e c t e d t h e p r o p o s a l , t h i n k i n g t h a t t h e p r o j e c t i n v o l v e d n u r s i n g c a r e and t h a t p r i v a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s s h o u l d be e n c o u r a g e d t o p r o v i d e t h i s t y p e o f a c c o m m o d a t i o n t h r o u g h a P r o v i n c i a l g r a n t p r o g r a m . H o w e v e r , r e c o g n i z i n g t h e n e e d f o r a c c o m m o d a t i o n f o r s i n g l e p e o p l e i n 1 9 6 6 , t h e P r o v i n c e s u g g e s t e d t h a t t h e C i t y r e s u b m i t a 166 p r o p o s a l . In 1 9 6 7 , a h o s t e l p r o p o s a l was a p p r o v e d b y a l l t h r e e l e v e l s o f g o v e r n m e n t and a l e a s e was s i g n e d t o r e n t a downtown h o t e l f o r f i v e y e a r s t o a c c o m m o d a t e 250 men. P a c i f i c H o s t e l , o p e r a t e d b y t h e C i t y , o p e n e d i n 1 9 6 8 . The C i t y ' s f i n a n c i a l 167 c o n t r i b u t i o n was 3.75% o f t h e o p e r a t i n g c o s t s . In 1 9 7 0 , t h e C i t y a r r a n g e d f o r t h e YWCA t o o p e r a t e a women 's h o s t e l . 168 B r i d g e ' Y ' o p e n e d i n 19 71 and a c c o m m o d a t e d 18 8 women. In 1 9 7 2 , a S p e c i a l C o m m i t t e e r e g a r d i n g S k i d Road h o u s i n g meet s e v e r a l t i m e s t o d i s c u s s t h e p o s s i b i l i t y o f s p e c i a l h o u s i n g t o meet t h e n e e d s o f S k i d Road r e s i d e n t s . In 19 7 3 , O p p e n h e i m e r L o d g e , a 147 u n i t p r o j e c t f o r s i n g l e p e r s o n s , f u n d e d u n d e r t h e f e d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l p u b l i c h o u s i n g p r o v i s i o n s o f t h e N . H . A . , s t a r t e d c o n s t r u c t i o n . The C o m m i t t e e c o n t i n u e d m e e t i n g u n t i l i t was a m a l g a m a t e d w i t h C o u n c i l ' s n e w l y f o r m e d 169 H o u s i n g C o m m i t t e e i n A p r i l 1 9 7 3 . 125 Finetuning the Regulatory System. A 1964 Apartment Zoning Report of the Technical Planning Board led to a major public review of apartment zoning i n suburban areas. Apartment zones were established at nine of the City's ' D i s t r i c t Commercial Centres. 1 Proposed zones at 10th and Blanca and Dunbar and 25th were successfully opposed by loc a l 170 residents and were not approved by Council. In 1969, the City prepared a policy report on low density multiple housing i n l i g h t of ad hoc decisions regarding rezoning for t h i s type of development. The concern about continuing on an ad hoc basis was that "the City's single-family dwelling d i s t r i c t s could become so fragmented that they 171 would gradually cease to exi s t as a meaningful zone." At the same time, the City was concerned about meeting "the growing demand for low density, high amenity, multiple accommodation i n the suburban parts of the City for various 172 income and s o c i a l groups." The City's general policy was to preserve single-family areas, but interpretation of th i s policy proved to be wide. Despite some strong neighbourhood objections, Council approved a 'thin' house on a 'narrow' l o t which to th i s day i s a 173 contentious issue i n Vancouver neighbourhoods. An area in which the City t r i e d to get involved, but f a i l e d , was in preventing the e v i c t i o n of families with children from apartments. The City found that i t c l e a r l y had 174 no authority to intervene. 126 Land Lease. It was during the 1960's and early 1970's that the City of Vancouver pursued some innovations i n housing. One of the most important was developing a policy of land lease, rather than sale, of City-owned land. During the 1960's, the City s t i l l sold land for private r e s i d e n t i a l development as well as for federal-provincial housing projects (55% of City land sales each year were needed for debt charges). For example, the City sold i t s Langara 175 lands to Marathon Realty for development in 1967. The City was able to put conditions on i t s sale of land while encouraging innovative projects. The City had, i n f a c t , promoted the development of innovative housing. In July 1970, the City advertised that i t was w i l l i n g to consider proposals for innovative low cost homeownership housing under exi s t i n g Federal l e g i s l a t i o n on land i t owned in the south east sector 176 of the c i t y . An example i s an innovative housing project approved by Council i n September 1979. Dawson Development bought City land for a low-cost homeownership project on the condition that the 132 units were constructed by a City 177 defined deadline. However, in 1967, the City began to consider leasing, rather than s e l l i n g City owned land and asked Corporation Counsel to "report on the powers of the City of leasing land on a long term basis for housing and advise what e f f e c t t h i s 178 would have on the City's f i s c a l p o l i c y . " The case for leasing was favourable. In 1968, the Board of Administration reported on the terms possible under a lease and the e f f e c t on 127 the C i t y of long term leases. Council decided on a t r i a l 179 limited lease of 247 lots at various s i t e s . The City agreed to a p i l o t project with the B.C. Co-op Union and Western Co-op Housing to develop co-operative housing on City-owned land. The City set aside a 5-8 acre s i t e i n i t s major development of the south east sector. In 1970, the C i t y worked out a lease agreement with the United Cooperative Society. The Society, funded by the United Church, leased land at 80% of the market value for the 105 cooperatively 180 owned town houses i t proposed to b u i l d . One of the City's most ambitious projects as a r e s u l t of the newly developing land lease policy was to be i n False Creek. Plans and Major Projects. In 1967, the City began detailed planning for the south east sector, a 620 acre s i t e of City owned land. Champlain Heights, as the sector was renamed, was the City's opportunity, through s t r i c t guidelines for development, to ensure a wide variety of housing types. While a private company, Intercontinental Holdings, expressed in t e r e s t i n developing the whole project, the City decided to break i t down into smaller parcels (Vancouver, City Planning Department 1968a). The land in Champlain Heights was to be sold to developers to provide c a p i t a l for the City's f i v e year 181 public works program. However, in late 19 73, the Champlain Heights Implementation Report included an objective for the City to r e t a i n ownership of the land, along with exercising d i r e c t control over development (Urban Land Institute 1980). 128 The City's control over development and i t s integration of public housing, an innovative (for the time) low cost condominium project, senior c i t i z e n s ' projects, and the experimental land lease for a co-operative made Champlain Heights a bold municipal i n i t i a t i v e . Champlain Heights was the City's opportunity to address seriously the question as to whether there are "other housing types and layouts that can provide a l l the amenities of single-family dwelling l i v i n g plus greater individual choice of size or parcel, type of 182 unit, views and desired f a c i l i t i e s available?" In 1968, the City began planning the redevelopment of i t s land holdings in False Creek. In spite of controversy over the best land use for the area (many thought i t should be developed for i n d u s t r i a l use (Hulchanski 1984, p. 108)), the City committed i t s e l f to a s i g n i f i c a n t r e s i d e n t i a l development with no i n d u s t r i a l land use (Hulchanski 1984, p. 114). In late 1972, f i n a l goals and objectives developed for False Creek c l e a r l y set out a policy of s o c i a l l y mixed housing to incorporate a variety of housing types for a wide range of income groups. In False Creek, the City retained control of development through the formation of a temporary agency, the False Creek Development Group (Hulchanski 1984, p. 10). Another major plan, undertaken i n the late 1960's was a master plan for Vancouver. The f i r s t part of the plan presented the major issues in Vancouver and indicated that housing would play a major role in the Vancouver plan. While the plan was never completed i t provided a good milestone. It e l a b o r a t e d three main p o l i c i e s which guided the C i t y with r e s p e c t to housing: 1. i n c r e a s e the supply of housing f o r low income f a m i l i e s ; 2. c l e a r and r e b u i l d rundown s e c t i o n s of the i n n e r c i t y through urban renewal; and 3. preserve the s i n g l e f a m i l y areas of the C i t y . The major i s s u e s P a r t 1 of the plan i d e n t i f i e d , r e l a t e d to the C i t y ' s housing p o l i c i e s , were: 1. to c o n s i d e r where to extend apartment zoning; 2. the f u t u r e of the C i t y ' s s i n g l e f a m i l y areas; and 3. new c o n s t r u c t i o n i s demolishing o l d e r low r e n t a l housing - what i s the most a p p r o p r i a t e way f o r the C i t y to deal with the growing need f o r low c o s t housing? (Vancouver, C i t y Planning Department 1968b) Other I n i t i a t i v e s t o 1973. The C i t y o c c a s i o n a l l y c o n f e r r e d with i n t e r e s t groups r e g a r d i n g housing i s s u e s w i t h i n the c i t y . In May 1955, C i v i c o r g a n i z a t i o n s were i n v i t e d to 183 express t h e i r views on housing p o l i c y a t a s p e c i a l meeting. In 1966, the C i v i c Development Committee meet with r e p r e s e n t a t i v e b u i l d e r s , developers, and the B u i l d i n g Trades C o u n c i l to encourage p r o d u c t i o n of adequate housing f o r low 184 income groups. In 1967, a s p e c i a l committee r e g a r d i n g housing c a l l e d a meeting to d i s c u s s with l e a d e r s i n the d e s i g n , b u i l d i n g and a s s o c i a t e d f i e l d s , p r a c t i c a l measures to t r y to s o l v e the c u r r e n t housing shortage and to e x p l o r e ways and means of e x p e d i t i n g housing p r o d u c t i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r the people i n low and moderate income b r a c k e t s . 185 The C i t y undertook some sh o r t term measures to ease the 130 s h o r t a g e o f a f f o r d a b l e a c c o m m o d a t i o n . In S e p t e m b e r 1 9 6 7 , t h e M a y o r ' s O f f i c e o p e n e d a H o u s i n g R e g i s t r y t o l i s t low c o s t 186 r e n t a l a c c o m m o d a t i o n , b u t f i v e months l a t e r o n l y 45 o f f e r s 187 o f a c c o m m o d a t i o n f o r r e n t h a d b e e n r e c e i v e d . In 1 9 6 8 , t h e C i t y a g a i n l o o k e d a t t h e p o s s i b i l i t y o f e s t a b l i s h i n g a l i m i t e d d i v i d e n d company o r a c i t y h o u s i n g c o r p o r a t i o n t o s u p p l y h o u s i n g . T h e C i t y p r e f e r r e d a h o u s i n g c o r p o r a t i o n a s i t w o u l d be e l i g i b l e f o r more f i n a n c i a l c o n t r i b u t i o n s f r o m CMHC, w h i l e a l l o w i n g t h e m u n i c i p a l i t y more a u t o n o m y . H o w e v e r , t h e r e q u i r e d an amendment t o t h e C i t y C h a r t e r t o c r e a t e a m u n i c i p a l h o u s i n g c o r p o r a t i o n , and a 188 m o t i o n t o p u r s u e s u c h an amendment was d e f e a t e d . The s t u d y p e r i o d e n d s w i t h t h e f o r m a t i o n o f a s t a n d i n g c o m m i t t e e o f C o u n c i l r e g a r d i n g h o u s i n g . H o u s i n g a s a m u n i c i p a l i s s u e was e l e v a t e d f r o m t e m p o r a r y s p e c i a l s t a t u s t o t h e more p e r m a n e n t s t a n d i n g c o m m i t t e e . A n d , f i n a l l y , i n much t h e same v e i n as a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e c e n t u r y , t h e H e a l t h D e p a r t m e n t was a b l e t o p r o c l a i m p r o u d l y t h a t i t h a d p r e s s e d 30 c o n v i c t i o n s u n d e r t h e l o d g i n g h o u s e b y - l a w and t h a t 400 b e l o w s t a n d a r d rooms i n l o d g i n g h o u s e s w e r e p e r m a n e n t l y c l o s e d a s a 189 r e s u l t o f c o u r t a c t i o n b r o u g h t b y t h e C i t y . Summary of Key E v e n t s 1960 t o 1 9 7 3 . The C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r ' s m a j o r a c t i v i t y i n t h e p e r i o d 1960 t o 1973 was u r b a n r e n e w a l and p u b l i c h o u s i n g , r e f l e c t i n g t h e N P A ' s g o a l s o f p r o m o t i n g p h y s i c a l g r o w t h and d e v e l o p m e n t ( G u t s t e i n 1 9 8 3 , p . 1 9 9 ) . The' C i t y ' s r o l e i n p u b l i c h o u s i n g was t o p l a n and 131 i n i t i a t e t h e s e q u e n c e o f p u b l i c h o u s i n g p r o j e c t s , i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h i t s u r b a n r e n e w a l p r o g r a m . To a g r e a t e x t e n t , b o t h t h e p r o v i n c e and t h e f e d e r a l government i n f l u e n c e d t h e s c o p e and n a t u r e o f p u b l i c h o u s i n g i n V a n c o u v e r . When a V a n c o u v e r c i t i z e n ' s g r o u p c h a l l e n g e d b o t h programs t h e s e n i o r g o v e r n m e n t s worked o u t t h e terms o f t h e t r u c e w i t h t h e C i t y o n l y r e l u c t a n t l y i n v o l v e d . The C i t y made some major g a i n s i n h o u s i n g s e n i o r c i t i z e n s . The C i t y u s e d t h e p u b l i c h o u s i n g p r o gram t o meet needs i t d e f i n e d d i f f e r e n t l y t h a n t h o s e e s t a b l i s h e d by t h e f e d e r a l g o v e r n m e n t . In 1968, two new C i v i c o r g a n i z a t i o n s c h a l l e n g e d t h e NPA: t h e E l e c t o r ' s A c t i o n Movement (TEAM), "a c o a l i t i o n o f r e f o r m e r s and more c o n s e r v a t i v e b u s i n e s s i n t e r e s t s , " and t h e Committee o f P r o g r e s s i v e E l e c t o r s (COPE), " t i e d t o t r a d e u n i o n s and t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s . " B o t h r a n c a n d i d a t e s a g a i n s t t h e NPA w i t h some s u c c e s s ( G u t s t e i n 1983, pp. 203-206). R e a l c h ange came i n 1972, when TEAM c a n d i d a t e s won t h e m a y o r a l t y r a c e and e i g h t o u t o f t e n a l d e r m a n i c s e a t s . Committed t o a l i b e r a l i d e o l o g y and t h e ' l i v e a b l e c i t y ' a TEAM l e d c o u n c i l embarked on a r e s i d e n t i a l o p t i o n f o r F a l s e C r e e k and c o m m i t t e d i t s e l f t o s o c i a l mix and l a n d l e a s e i n i t s own major d e v e l o p m e n t . By 19 72, t h e v a l u e s b e h i n d u r b a n r e n e w a l were c h a l l e n g e d and r e j e c t e d . The way i n w h i c h g o v e r n m e n t s s u p p l i e d low r e n t a l h o u s i n g was a l s o u n d e r q u e s t i o n . A major s h i f t i n 132 government p o l i c y a t a l l three l e v e l s was overdue and began to evolve d u r i n g 1973. The study p e r i o d ends with the C i t y d e a l i n g w i t h the constant problem of substandard housing through r e g u l a t i o n and with b o l d i n i t i a t i v e s to r e g u l a t e and supply the type of housing the C i t y wanted i n m u n i c i p a l l y planned and developed p r o j e c t s such as F a l s e Creek and Champlain Heights. These developments are good examples of the C i t y ' s land lease p o l i c y which allowed the C i t y long term p l a n n i n g c o n t r o l over land. 133 FOOTNOTES A b b r e v i a t i o n s u s e d : V a n c o u v e r C i t y A r c h i v e s - VCA P u b l i c Document S e r i e s - PDS F i l e - f . 1 . C h r o n o l o g i c a l S u r v e y o f S o c i a l L e g i s l a t i o n no d a t e o r a u t h o r , VCA 106 A 7 f i l e 5 A ) . 2 . U n t i t l e d , no a u t h o r o r d a t e , VCA 103 B 1. 3 . I b i d . 4 . J . H y n e s , I n s p e c t o r , no d a t e , VCA 10 3 B 1 . 5 . V C A , PDS #11 (1911) ( 1 ) . 6 . M e d i c a l H e a l t h O f f i c e r ' s R e p o r t f o r t h e Y e a r 1 9 1 2 , PDS #11 ( 1 9 1 2 ) . 7 . L e t t e r f r o m H o u s i n g I n s p e c t o r t o M e d i c a l H e a l t h O f f i c e r , November 2 8 , 1 9 1 3 , VCA 145 C 1 f i l e #1. 8 . I b i d . 9 . R e p o r t b y J . H y n e s , i n s p e c t o r , a p p r o x i m a t e l y 1 9 1 1 , VCA 103 B 1 . 1 0 . V C A , PDS #11 (1911 ( 1 ) . 1 1 . TPC R e p o r t on West E n d Z o n i n g , VCA 6 2 - C - 2 , #3. 1 2 . M i n u t e s o f t h e Town P l a n n i n g , P a r k s and B o u l e v a r d s C o m m i t t e e , S e p t e m b e r 2 9 , 1 9 3 0 , V C A ' R . G . N o . 2 , S e r i e s B 2 , V o l . 8 (26 A 8 ) . 1 3 . V . T . P . C . m o n t h l y r e p o r t t o C o u n c i l , J u n e 1 4 , 1 9 3 0 , VCA R . G . 9 S e r i e s A l , V o l 8 , f i l e #2 (61 C 1 ) . 1 4 . 1936 A n n u a l R e p o r t o f t h e V . T . P . C . , J a n u a r y 2 7 , 1 9 3 7 , VCA I b i d . 1 5 . M i n u t e s o f t h e Town P l a n n i n g , P a r k s and B o u l e v a r d C o m m i t t e e , S e p t e m b e r 3 , 1 9 2 9 , VCA R . G . N o . 2 S e r i e s B 2 , V o l 8 (26 A 8 ) . 1 6 . A n n u a l R e p o r t o f t h e M e d i c a l H e a l t h O f f i c e r f o r t h e Y e a r s  1933 - 1 9 3 9 , V C A , PDS #11 ( 1 9 3 3 - 3 9 ) . 1 7 . L e t t e r f r o m C i t y S o l i c i t o r t o C i t y C l e r k , d a t e d December 1 , 1 9 3 2 , VCA 106 A 6 f i l e #8. 134 1 8 . R e p o r t f r o m C h a i r m a n , R e l i e f a n d E m p l o y m e n t C o m m i t t e e , D e c e m b e r 1 9 3 3 , V C A 1 0 6 D 3 ) . 1 9 . R e p o r t f r o m R e l i e f O f f i c e r t o M a y o r a n d S p e c i a l R e l i e f C o m m i t t e e , D e c e m b e r 3 1 , 1 9 3 5 , V C A 1 0 6 D 3 . 2 0 . L e t t e r d a t e d J a n u a r y 1 7 , 1 9 3 3 , V C A 1 0 6 D 2 , f i l e 1 . 2 1 . A n n u a l R e p o r t , P u b l i c W e l f a r e a n d R e l i e f D e p a r t m e n t , D e c e m b e r 3 1 , 1 9 3 4 , V C A 1 0 6 D 3 . 2 2 . D e c e m b e r 3 1 , 1 9 3 6 , V C A 1 0 6 D 3 . 2 3 . L e t t e r f r o m F . M a c N i c o l , B . C P r o v i n c i a l C o m m a n d , C a n a d i a n L e g i o n , B . E . S . L . , t o t h e C i t y C l e r k , S e p t e m b e r 1 6 , 1 9 3 5 , V C A 2 7 C 1 f i l e 4 . 2 4 . L e t t e r f r o m C i t y T r e a s u r e r t o S p e c i a l C o l l e c t o r , J u n e 1 7 , 1 9 3 5 , V C A 2 7 C 1 f i l e 4 . 2 5 . S e e m i n u t e s o f B u i l d i n g , T o w n P l a n n i n g a n d P a r k s C o m m i t t e e , J a n u a r y 1 1 , 1 9 3 7 , V C A R . G . 2 , S e r i e s B 2 , V o l . 9 ( 2 6 A 9 ) . 2 6 . M i n u t e s o f t h e B u i l d i n g , T o w n P l a n n i n g a n d P a r k s C o m m i t t e e , J u n e 5 , 1 9 3 9 a n d J u n e 1 9 , 1 9 3 9 , I b i d . 2 7 . " H o u s i n g P l a n b y C i t y U r g e d , " u n i d e n t i f i e d n e w s c l i p p i n g , J a n u a r y 1 1 , 1 9 3 7 , V C A M 4 2 8 9 - 1 2 8 . " H o u s i n g P l a n S t r i k e s S n a g , " u n i d e n t i f i e d n e w s c l i p p i n g , J a n u a r y 2 6 , 1 9 3 7 , V C A M 4 2 8 9 - 1 . 2 9 . M i n u t e s o f m e e t i n g h e l d O c t o b e r 7 , 1 9 3 7 , V C A 2 7 C 6 , f i l e 2 4 . 3 0 . R e p o r t t o M a y o r a n d C o u n c i l , D e c e m b e r 6 , 1 9 3 7 , V C A 7 7 B 5 , f i l e 4 . 3 1 . " S e e k F e d e r a l A i d i n H o u s i n g , " u n i d e n t i f i e d n e w s c l i p p i n g , F e b r u a r y 1 6 , 1 9 3 8 , V C A M 4 2 8 9 - 1 . 3 2 . L e t t e r t o B u i l d i n g , C i v i c P l a n n i n g a n d P a r k s C o m m i t t e e f r o m H o u s i n g C o m m i t t e e , A u g u s t 1 8 , 1 9 3 8 , V C A 2 7 D 1 f . 3 6 . 3 3 . I b i d . 3 4 . I b i d . 3 5 . L e t t e r f r o m C i t y C l e r k t o H o u s i n g C o m m i t t e e , J u n e 1 4 , 1 9 3 8 , V C A 2 7 D 1 f . 3 6 . 3 6 . K a r i H u h t a l a , C i t y L a n d a n d S o c i a l H o u s i n g , u n p u b l i s h e d r e s e a r c h p a p e r , U . B . C , 1 9 8 5 . 1 3 5 37. Minutes of s p e c i a l meeting of B u i l d i n g , C i v i c Planning and Parks Committee, November 9, 1938, VCA 27 D 1, f.36. 38. "Housing Plan Meets Delay" November 9, 1938, u n i d e n t i f i e d newsclipping, VCA M4289-1. 39. Minutes of Conference of Council w i t h r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of V.H.A., J u l y 17, 1939, VCA 27 D 5, f. 17. 40. VCA 27 D 5, f i l e 17. 41. Objects of 20th Century Planning, V.T.P.C., January 27, 1941, VCA R.G. 9, Series A l , V o l . 13, #14, (61 C 6). 42. Minutes of meeting of B u i l d i n g , C i v i c Planning, and Parks Committee, June 16, 1939, VCA 27 D 6, f i l e 17. 43. L e t t e r from J.A. Walker to C o u n c i l , January 9, 1940, VCA 27 E 1, f. 10. 44. L e t t e r to Board of Works Committee from C i t y C o n t r o l l e r and Engineer, May 10, 1937, VCA 27 D 2, f. 35. 45. L e t t e r from C i t y Clerk to Ward Four Ratepayer's A s s o c i a t i o n , September 13, 1938, VCA 27 D 2, f. 35. 46. " C i t y Has Plan to Save Homes," u n i d e n t i f i e d newsclipping, c. September 15, 1938, VCA 27 D 2, f.35. 47. Welfare Council of Greater Vancouver, Five Year Report of  the G i r l ' s Hostel September 1939-1944, VCA 106 A 7, f.5. 48. L e t t e r from S o c i a l Services A d m i n i s t r a t o r to S p e c i a l Committee r e : Hostel f o r Women, September 24, 1945, VCA 106 A 7, f. 5. 49. Minutes of S p e c i a l Committee, November 16, 1938, VCA 27 D 1, f. 21. 50. Report of S p e c i a l Committee, September 11, 1940, VCA 106 A 5. 51. Minutes of Meeting of S o c i a l Service Commission, June 22, 1939, VCA 27 D 6, f. 20. 52. Report of the Housing Committee, January 1939, VCA 27 D 5, f. 17. 53. L e t t e r to Council from Housing Committee, February 12, 1938, VCA 27 D 3 f i l e 30. 54. L e t t e r to B u i l d i n g , C i v i c Planning and Parks Committee, from S p e c i a l Committee, November 15, 1940, VCA 27 E 1, f. 30. 136 55. Minutes of Special Committee re: Housing Standards, Many 26, 1941, VCA 27 E 3, f. 18. 56. Minutes of Building, C i v i c Planning and Parks Committee, October 21, 1941, VCA 27 E 3, f. 13. 57. Report from Administrator, Social Service Department to Social Service Committee, December 31, 1941, VCA 106 D 3. 58. Annual Report 1940, January 3, 1941, VCA R.G. 9, Series A l , Vol. 8, #2 (61 C 1). 59. January 22, 1942, VCA, Ibid. 60. Memo re: Housing Committee, May 3, 1943, VCA 27 E 7. 61. 1943 Annual Report, V.T.P.C., no date, VCA R.G. 9 Series A l , Vol. 8, #2 (61 C 1). 62. "City W i l l Sign Housing Contract" unidentified newsclipping, September 7, 1944, VCA M-4289-3. 63. "City Approves Federal Plan for Low-Rent Soldiers' Homes," unidentified newsclipping, August 15, 1944, VCA M4289-3. 64. "Council Passes Housing Plan," unidentified newsclipping, September 19, 1944, VCA M4289-3. 65. Letter to Building, C i v i c Planning and Parks Committee from Special Committee Re: Wartime Housing Limited, January 16, 1945, VCA 28 C 1 #47. 66. "Veterans May Buy Homes; City to Supply 100 More Lots," unidentified newsclipping, March 20, 1945, VCA M4289-4. 67. See also, Agreement Between the Corporation of the City of Vancouver, His Majesty the King i n Right of Canada and Wartime Housing Limited, September 24, 1944; July 1, 1945; and September 1, 1945, VCA 34 C 7 #1. 68. Letter to Finance Committee, from Supervisor of Lands and Rentals, July 10, 1945, VCA 28 B 7 f. 42. 69. 1944 Report of Social Service Department to Social Service Commission, VCA 106 D 3. 70. Housing A World Problem, V.T.P.C., January 1941, VCA R.G. 9 Series A l , Vol. 13, #14 (61 C 1). 71. H. Alford, "Housing and Local Government in Canada," 1946, VCA 34 C 5. 72. VCA 61 C 1. 73. Ibid. 137 74. Letter to J.A. Walker, T.P.C., from City Clerk, December 23, 1946, VCA 61 C 6 #14. 75. Demonstration Housing Survey - Study Outline, May 1947, VCA 61 C 6 #14. 76. Letter to Mayor Thompson, from F. Lasserre, February 1, 1950, VCA 34 F 1. 77. H.P. Reusch, Chief Sanitary Inspector, General  Observations on Other Types of Housing i n Vancouver, August 1946, VCA 61 C 6 #14. 78. Vancouver Health Department, Lodging House  Study, August 1948, VCA 61 C 6 #14. 79. Vancouver Health Department, Report on 1000 Vancouver  Lodging Houses, February 16, 1949, VCA 146 B 3 #8. 80. Letter to J.A., Walker, TPC, from City Clerk, October 31, 1949, VCA 61 C 6 #14. 81. Minutes of Housing and Blighted Areas Committee, A p r i l 20, 1950, VCA 61 C 6 #16. 82. Minutes of Housing and Blighted Areas Committee, June 23, 1950, VCA 61-C-6 #16. 83. Building, C i v i c Planning, and Parks Committee, City of Vancouver, Annual Report 1948, January 5, 1949, VCA S71. 84. Building, C i v i c Planning and Parks Committee, City of Vancouver, Annual Report 1949, January 4, 1950, VCA S71. 85. Letter to Council from Corporation Counsel, A p r i l 4, 1949, VCA 28 E 2 #28. 86. Letter to City Clerk, from the Mayor, May 23, 1949, VCA 28 E 2 #28. 87. Letter to Mayor from Special Committee re: Housing Authority, May 30, 1949, VCA 28 E 2 #28. 88. Minutes of Temporary Housing Authority, June 3, 1949, VCA 28 E 2 #28. 89. Minutes of Temporary Housing Authority, November 18, 1949, VCA 28 E 2 #28. 90. "City W i l l Ask Ottawa to Promote Housing" unidentified newsclipping, A p r i l 9, 1946, VCA M4293. 91. Letter to Prime Minister Mackenzie King from Mayor of Vancouver, no date, 1947, VCA 34 C 7 #2. 138 92. Letter to CD. Howe, Minister of Reconstruction and Supply, from City Clerk, October 28, 1946, VCA 28 C 6 #16. 93. "Mayor's Talks on Housing Stalemated," unidentified newsclipping, September 15, 1947, VCA 4289-4. 94. Memorandum Re: Meeting Re: Housing Situation in Vancouver, held in the o f f i c e of CD. Howe, Minister of Reconstruction and Supply, May 5, 1947, VCA 34 C 7 #1. 95. Letter to Angus Maclnnis MP from Acting Mayor George M i l l e r , May 15, 1947, VCA 34 C 7 #1. 96. Vancouver Housing Association, The Housing Situation in Vancouver, January 1948, VCA 34 E 2. 97. See Renfrew Heights Agreement between the City of Vancouver and His Majesty the King i n the Right of Canada, represented by WHL, December 31, 1947, VCA 93 F 7 #11. 98. " M u l t i - M i l l i o n Dollar Housing Project for South Vancouver," unidentified newsclipping, November 16, 1948, VCA M 3335-1. 99. "Housing Scheme, Premier Hints V i c t o r i a to Act" unidentified newsclipping, December 4, 1948, VCA M4289-5. 100. Ibid. 101. Dominion-Provincial-Municipal Housing Conferences, V i c t o r i a , December 12 and 13th, 1949, VCA 93 F 7 #3. 102. "Civic Housing Plan Okayed by Council," unidentified newsclipping, May 25, 1950, VCA M4289-6. 103. "Housing Project 'On' th i s Month," unidentifed newsclipping, July 6, 1950, VCA M4289-1. 104. Memorandum to Mayor from Corporation Counsel, May 8, 1947, VCA 34 C 7 #1. 105. Ibid. 106. Ibid. 107. Memorandum, July 2, 1947, VCA 34 C 7 #1. 108. "Armoury Huts for 60 Vets' Families," News Herald May 9, 1947, VCA 34 C 7 #1. 109. Letter to Social Service Administrator from City Clerk, October 29, 1947, VCA 106 A 6 #3. 110. Letter to Council from Chairman, Building, C i v i c Planning 139 and P a r k s C o m m i t t e e , November 28, 1946, VCA 28 C 7 #8. 1 1 1 . R e p o r t o f t h e Town P l a n n i n g C o m m i s s i o n , O c t o b e r 10, 1946, VCA 28 C 7 #8. 112. L e t t e r t o J.A. W a l k e r , Town P l a n n i n g C o m m i s s i o n , f r o m C i t y C l e r k , J u n e 2 5 , 1948, VCA 61 C 6 #14. 1 1 3 . M i n u t e s o f m e e t i n g r e : Minimum o f H o u s i n g S t a n d a r d s By-l a w , O c t o b e r 26, 1948, VCA 146 B 3 #8. 114. M i n u t e s o f H o u s i n g and B l i g h t e d A r e a s C o m m i t t e e , A p r i l 1 9 , 1 9 4 9 , VCA 61 C 6 #16. 11 5 . Town P l a n n i n g C o m m i s s i o n , A n n u a l R e p o r t 1950 J a n u a r y 29, 1 9 5 1 , VCA 62 C 2 #7. 116. R e p o r t t o C o u n c i l , f r o m Town P l a n n i n g C o m m i s s i o n , J u l y 7, 1950, VCA 93 F 7 #2. 117. L e t t e r t o J.A. W a l k e r , T.P.C. f r o m A c t i n g C i t y C l e r k , A u g u s t 1 5 , 1 9 5 0 , VCA 61 C 6 #15. 118. " C o n t r a c t o r s t o S u b m i t H o u s i n g Scheme C o s t s , " u n i d e n t i f i e d n e w s c l i p p i n g , M a r c h 1 3 , 1950, VCA M 4287. 119. L e t t e r t o C i t y C o m p t r o l l e r f r o m S u p e r v i s o r o f L a n d s a nd R e n t a l s , F e b r u a r y 14, 1 9 5 0 , VCA 93 F 7 #3. 120. L e t t e r t o C o m p t r o l l e r , f r o m C i t y C l e r k , December 22, 1949 , VCA 93 F 7 #3. 1 2 1 . C i t y L a u n c h e s Own L o t P l a n , " u n i d e n t i f i e d n e w s c l i p p i n g , May 10, 1 9 5 0 , VCA M4289-6. 122. " D e a t h B l o w t o R e n t P l a n , " The News H e r a l d , A u g u s t 8, 1 9 5 1 , VCA 28 F 2 #23. 123. "Low R e n t a l H o u s i n g Okayed b y C o u n c i l , " u n i d e n t i f i e d n e w s c l i p p i n g , December 1, 1952, VCA M4289-6. 124. V.H.A. B u l l e t i n , #17, J a n u a r y 1 9 5 2 , VCA 93 F 7 #3. 125. "16 Happy F a m i l i e s Move i n a t L i t t l e M o u n t a i n P r o j e c t , " u n i d e n t i f i e d n e w s c l i p p i n g , A p r i l 1, 1954, VCA M 5328-2. 126. M i n u t e s o f S p e c i a l C o m m i t t e e Re: Low R e n t a l H o u s i n g A c c o m m o d a t i o n , A p r i l 2 3 , 1 9 5 3 , VCA 78 A 4 L. 127. V a n c o u v e r H o u s i n g A u t h o r i t y , A n n u a l R e p o r t 1 956, VCA 35 F 3 #539. 128. L e t t e r t o C o u n c i l f r o m B o a r d o f A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , December 16, 1 9 6 0 , 95 D 2 #1. 140 129. VCA 35 F 3 #539 and 36 A 7 #107 respectively. 130. "CMHC Se l l s Homes in Renfrew Heights," unidentified newsclipping, August 17 1955, VCA M 7913. 131. Letter to Comptroller from City Clerk, August 15, 1958, VCA 93 F 7 #2. 132. Submission to the Royal Architectural Institute of Canada National Inquiry into the Residential Environment of Canadian C i t i e s , December 14, 1959, VCA 78 D 7. 133. T.P.B., Policy Report: Low Density Multiple Housing, A p r i l 1969, 77 F 4 #68. 134. TPB, City of Vancouver Urban Renewal Program, August 9, 1968, VCA PD 225. 135. TPB, City of Vancouver Urban Renewal Program August 9, 1968, VCA PD 225. 136. TPB, Policy Report: Low Density Multiple Housing, A p r i l 1969, VCA 77 F 4 #68. 137. Ibid. 138. Report from Planning Department, September 21, 195 6, VCA 78 C 4. 139. Memorandum on I l l e g a l Suites, January 1953, VCA 93 F 7 #4. 140. Submission to R.A.I.C, Ibid. 141. Ibid. 142. V.H.A. B u l l e t i n , #46, A p r i l 1961, VCA 35 D 5 #68. 143. Minutes of Committee on Foreshore Shacks, November 26, 1958, VCA 146 B #8. 144. V.H.A. B u l l e t i n , March 1958, VCA 36 A 3 #49. 145. "Drawings Ordered for Raymur Project," unidentified newsclipping, June 25, 1964, VCA M 4292. 146. "Low Rental Housing Plan Gets Okay," unidentified . newsclipping, July 16, 1964, VCA M 4292. 147. "Aldermen Urge Suburban Projects," unidentifed newsclipping, August 23, 1963, M 4289-7. 148. "City Leads Nation," unidentified newsclipping, May 24, 1966, VCA M 4915. 141 149. Planning Department, Community Improvements and  Development Programs, 1970. 150. "Low Rental Homes Get Not by Government," unidentifed newsclipping, March 8, 1967, VCA M 4292. 151. "Council Backs Guidelines for Housing - Reluctantly," unidentified newsclipping, October 25, 1967, VCA M 4289-7. 152. Ibid. 153. "City Council Drops Two Housing Projects," unidentified newsclipping, A p r i l 3, 1968, VCA M 4292. 154. Letter to Special Committee re: Housing, from City Clerk, December 18, 1968, VCA 42 A 3 #1. 155. Minutes of Meeting with Honourable Paul HeiIyer, A p r i l 17, 1969, VCA 114 B 3 #56. 15 6. Submission to Hon. Robert Andras, Urban Renewal and Public Housing, August 7, 1969, VCA PD 773. 157. Ibid. 158. "Strathcona Scheme Approved," Vancouver Sun, October 2, 1968, VCA PD 372. 159. Hayne Wai, History of SPOTA, unpublished report, VCA MSS 734 v o l . 16 #2. 160. Ibid. 161. Ibid. 162. Submission Re: Urban Renewal and Public Housing, August 7, 1969, VCA PD 773. 163. City of Vancouver, Planning Department, Senior Citizen's  Housing, May 15, 1959, VCA PD 1008. 164. Information Brochure, Board of Administration, December 10, 1969, VCA 114 D 2 #147. 165. "City Council Drops Two Housing Projects," unidentified newsclipping, A p r i l 3, 1968, VCA M 4292. 166. Memorandum from Town Planning Commission, January 26, 1967, VCA 45 B 7 #24. 16 7. Memorandum to City Council from Board of Administration, November 29, 1972, VCA 95 D 2 #7. 168. Ibid. 142 169. Progress Report to City Council's Housing Committee, VCA 145 C 1 #10. 170. TPB, Policy Report; Low Density Multiple Housing, A p r i l 1969, VCA 77 f. 4 #68. 171. Ibid. 172. Ibid. 173. "Narrow house gets City Nod," unidentified newsclipping, January 29, 1969, VCA M 4289-7. 174. Memorandum to Mayor from City Clerk, November 15, 1967, VCA 45 B 7 #24. 175. VCA 79 D 7 #9 & 10. 176. Memorandum to Council, from Board of Administration, December 17, 1970, VCA 114 D 2 #141. 177. Memorandum to Board of Administration, from City Clerk, June 24, 1971, VCA 114 D 2 #141. 178. Memorandum to Council from Board of Administration, June 12, 1968, VCA 45 C 6 #51. 179. Abstract from Minutes of the Vancouver City Council of February 29, 1968, VCA 114 B 3 #57. 180. "Townhouse Plan OK'd," unidentified newsclipping, November 6, 1970, VCA M 1750. 181. "Vancouver Creates New C i t y - i n - C i t y , " unidentified newsclipping, November 4, 1970, VCA M 1750. 182. City of Vancouver, Planning Department, 1971, Champlain  Heights, Areas E & F, VCA PD 138. 183. VHA, B u l l e t i n , #27, May 1955, VCA 35 E 4 #475. 184. Memorandum to Standing Committee on C i v i c Development from Board of Administration, October 26, 1966, VCA 45 A 7 #34. 185. Minutes of Special Committee Re: Housing, July 17, 1967, VCA 45 B 7 #24. 186. Memorandum from Board of Administration to Council, September 8, 1967, VCA 114 C 1 #88. 187. Memorandum from Mayor's O f f i c e , February 5, 1968, VCA 114 D 1 #139. 188. Minutes of Special Committee, June 21, 1968, VCA 114 B 3 143 #57. 189. Press Release, City of Vancouver Health Dept, December 13, 1973, VCA 145 C 1 #10 144 CHAPTER 4 ANALYSIS OF THE CITY OF VANCOUVER'S HOUSING ACTIONS The purpose of t h i s chapter i s to use the framework provided by the review of t h e o r i e s of the s t a t e i n Chapter 2 to e x p l a i n the C i t y of Vancouver's housing a c t i o n s (as e l a b o r a t e d i n Chapter 3) from 1900 to 1973. The f i r s t p a r t of t h i s chapter summarizes the major i m p l i c a t i o n s of the theory. In the second p a r t of the chapter the C i t y of Vancouver's housing h i s t o r y i s summarized by l o o k i n g at the s i m i l a r i t i e s and the major changes i n approach over time. In the t h i r d s e c t i o n the h i s t o r y of the C i t y ' s i n t e r v e n t i o n i n housing i s analyzed a c c o r d i n g to the t h e o r e t i c a l framework. 1. What the Theory P r e d i c t s We W i l l F i n d The r e l a t i o n s h i p of the s t a t e and c a p i t a l i s an important one i n t h i s a n a l y s i s . The l o c a l s t a t e i s p a r t of the l a r g e r s t a t e and the dual f u n c t i o n of the l o c a l s t a t e i s , as with the c e n t r a l / n a t i o n a l s t a t e , l e g i t i m a t i o n and accumulation. T h e r e f o r e , the theory suggests t h a t a l l housing a c t i o n s pursued by the C i t y of Vancouver can be a t t r i b u t e d to e i t h e r the accumulation or l e g i t i m a t i o n r o l e of the s t a t e or to r e s o l v i n g the c o n t r a d i c t i o n s t h a t a r i s e i n meeting t h i s dual f u n c t i o n . The theory a l s o p r e d i c t s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the c e n t r a l s t a t e and the l o c a l s t a t e ; the l o c a l s t a t e does have 145 some autonomy from the central state, but the actions of the lo c a l state are conditioned in two ways. F i r s t , the extent of independence experienced by the loca l state i s constrained by i t s f i n a n c i a l s i t u a t i o n . While Dear and Clark (1981) argue that the f i n a n c i a l constraint i s severe, allowing the central state to greatly l i m i t l o c a l autonomy, Johnston (19.84, p. 181) found t h i s case to be over stated. The a b i l i t y to decline senior government f i n a n c i a l assistance, to set the terms and conditions of assistance, and evidence that l o c a l governments have been created and f i n a n c i a l l y aided e x p l i c i t l y to increase autonomy temper the severity of f i n a n c i a l r e s t r a i n t . Nonetheless, an examination of the Canadian s i t u a t i o n shows that f i n a n c i a l constraints are important and have increased over time (Taylor 1984). The second way i n which the local state i s limited i s by the determination of i t s rights or j u r i s d i c t i o n . It i s ce r t a i n l y true that "the loca l state has no inherent legal authority or power" (Dear and Clark 19 81) . Even though f i n a n c i a l l y constrained, the autonomy invested i n loc a l states by the central state i s substantial and s i g n i f i c a n t (Johnston 1984, p. 182). The very fact that parts of the loca l state are democratic and responsible to a loca l electorate helps to prevent central state interference and forge some autonomy. The lo c a l state i s c l e a r l y subordinate to but not necessarily an agent of the central state. How the loca l state exercises i t s autonomy depends on whether the actions of the loca l state are best explained by p l u r a l i s t , managerial/corporatist or 146 neo-Marxist t h e o r i e s . The f i r s t theory which p r e d i c t s the way i n which the C i t y of Vancouver f u l f i l l e d i t s r o l e i n accumulation and l e g i t i m a t i o n i s e x p l a i n e d by the i n s t r u m e n t a l i s t p e r s p e c t i v e . T h i s p e r s p e c t i v e argues t h a t the l o c a l s t a t e i s the p r o p e r t y of a s i n g l e c l a s s i n s o c i e t y which operates the s t a t e to i t s own ends. Instrumentalism has been found a p p l i c a b l e a t the l o c a l l e v e l i n both England (Saunders 1979) and the U.S.A. (Johnston 1984) . According to i n s t r u m e n t a l i s t theory we should f i n d t h a t problems or i s s u e s of concern to the i n t e r e s t s of the dominant c l a s s r e c e i v e government i n t e r v e n t i o n , while those matters of l i t t l e concern, do not r e c e i v e much i n the way of government i n t e r v e n t i o n . I t i s p r o d u c t i o n d e c i s i o n s over which the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s are most i n t e r e s t e d and concerned and t h e r e f o r e more l i k e l y to a c t . T h i s leads to the p r e d i c t i o n t h a t the l o c a l s t a t e , as a t o o l of the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s , w i l l i n t e r v e n e when i t i s c r i t i c a l to c a p i t a l accumulation and l e g i t i m a t i o n . For example, "housing i s onl y one stake i n broader c o n f l i c t s , and o f t e n one of the sm a l l e r s t a k e s " (Marcuse 1982, p. 84). Housing may simply not be important ( r e l a t i v e l y speaking) to the process of accumulation and l e g i t i m a t i o n , or c o n v e r s e l y , only the t h i n g s t h a t make housing important to accumulation and l e g i t i m a t i o n w i l l be put on the p o l i t i c a l agenda. T h e r e f o r e , s t a t e a c t i o n s t h a t a f f e c t the p r o d u c t i o n (as opposed to consumption) s e c t o r of the economy are more l i k e l y to be the focus of s t a t e a t t e n t i o n . 147 While we cannot reduce a l l s o c i a l p o l i c i e s of the s t a t e to a r o l e i n s e r v i n g the i n t e r e s t s of the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s the i n s t r u m e n t a l theory p r e d i c t s t h a t the main way t h a t the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s w i l l use the l o c a l s t a t e i s to maintain housing as a market commodity, or use housing to reproduce labour, or prevent major s o c i a l upheaval or some combination of a l l t h r e e . Offe q u a l i f i e s the i n s t r u m e n t a l approach by arguing t h a t the r o l e of the s t a t e i s to r e s o l v e c o n f l i c t s between the s o c i a l and economic systems i n s o c i e t y . Sometimes the s t a t e undertakes a c t i o n s t h a t do not d i r e c t l y serve the i n t e r e s t s of c a p i t a l i n order to r e s o l v e these c o n f l i c t s . As c a p i t a l i s m has evolved t h i s has i n c l u d e d more s t a t e involvement i n p r o d u c t i o n , as opposed to a l l o c a t i v e a c t i v i t i e s , i n order to maintain c a p i t a l accumulation. While a l l o c a t i v e a c t i v i t i e s are e x p l a i n e d by i n s t r u m e n t a l theory, we must c o n s i d e r the i m p l i c a t i o n s of an i n c r e a s i n g l y autonomous s t a t e with i t s own m o t i v a t i o n s f o r p r o d u c t i o n . T h i s leads to a second theory to e x p l a i n the C i t y of Vancouver's housing a c t i o n s ; the m a n a g e r i a l i s t / c o r p o r a t i s t t h e s i s . Urban managers, i t i s accepted, g e n e r a l l y share s i m i l a r backgrounds to each other, and have c o n s i d e r a b l e i n f l u e n c e i n developing and implementing p o l i c i e s because of t h e i r t r a i n i n g , s k i l l s , experience and f u l l - t i m e involvement. Managers, the c o r p o r a t i s t theory p r e d i c t s , are motivated by the a b i l i t y of the s t a t e to p l a y an autonomous r o l e i n c a p i t a l 148 production. Managers i n the City of Vancouver, therefore, must be considered as c r i t i c a l to the evolving housing p o l i c i e s of the C i t y . However, the B r i t i s h experience shows that the central state i s the level most l i k e l y to act i n a corporate manner and i s , therefore, the level at which the corporatist/managerialist perspective w i l l be most applicable. In England, the evolution of lo c a l government intervention has been one of a reduced involvement in areas related to production and increased r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for consumption items to which the state i s more open to p o l i t i c a l pressure from p l u r a l i s t i n t e r e s t s . Therefore, the t h i r d t h e o r e t i c a l perspective, pluralism, i s important since i t helps explain "how managers are selected and th e i r guidelines framed" (Johnston 1984, p. 56). The democracy of lo c a l government must in some measure be real to allow the p o l i t i c a l agenda to be set, at least p a r t l y , by the popular wishes of the lo c a l constituency. Popular lo c a l movements and i n t e r e s t groups must be considered for th e i r impact on policy i n order to get beyond the pure economic determinism of neo-Marxist perspectives. It i t with these ideas i n mind that the history of the City of Vancouver's housing actions from 1900 to 1973 i s f i r s t summarized and then analyzed. 149 2. Summary of City of Vancouver's Housing P o l i c i e s and Programs  1900-1973 Over the 73 year study period the actions undertaken by the City of Vancouver with respect to housing can be categorized as being either welfare, regulatory, planning or supply actions. These categories are useful in summarizing a long and detailed history. Welfare actions refer to i n i t i a t i v e s aimed at providing the minimum requirements for shelter for those unable to provide i t for themselves. Examples from the City of Vancouver history include the provision of an Old People's home, shelter allowances, and subsidies for charitable organizations w i l l i n g to undertake housing projects for low income households. Supply actions overlap with welfare actions i n some cases as i n the City's provision and management of a home for the e l d e r l y . The c i t y participated in supplying housing when i t cleared land for public housing and when i t acted as developer in Champlain Heights and False Creek. The City's a c t i v i t y i n supply also included the provision of r e s i d e n t i a l infrastructure which enabled private developers to bu i l d housing. Regulatory actions include zoning by-laws, health and f i r e regulations and the City's long standing attempt to develop a minimum of standard housing by-law. Lastly, examples of the City's limited housing planning actions are found i n i t s p o l i c i e s for increasing r e s i d e n t i a l density, the introduction of planning tools such as zoning and the 150 preparation of a twenty year redevelopment plan. Welfare and regulatory actions are consistently represented throughout the period, while major supply and planning i n i t i a t i v e s are not in evidence u n t i l the 1950's. The links between these categories of housing actions and the the o r e t i c a l models are developed i n the next section. A study of American housing and planning experience in the late 1800's and early 1900's (Marcuse 1980a) shows that once the threat of public health problems and the p o l i t i c a l unrest of the slums was perceived to be over, i n t e r e s t in maintaining or enhancing property values were the major impetus for housing i n i t i a t i v e s . This led to housing being divorced from overal l planning i n i t i a t i v e s . S i m i l a r l y , the Vancouver history i s characterized by a lack of a comprehensive and integrative plan for housing. For most of the years p r i o r to the Second World War, after the introduction and enforcement of health and f i r e by-laws, housing planning was equated with zoning aimed at protecting and enhancing private property values for private gain. For example, both Bartholomew plans dealt with housing under zoning measures. After the War, the City dealt with housing on a crisis-management basis, dealing with each issue as i t came up rather than pursuing long term goals. Housing and the major planning i n i t i a t i v e s of the late 1920's and mid 1940's were not integrated. The City never established a department or permanent agency to deal with housing (whether i t be for welfare, regulation, planning or supply of housing) 151 and housing was dealt with by council through a series of special committees. The planning department, the soc i a l service department and the health department shared divided r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s for housing and there was no apparent coordination of the a c t i v i t i e s of these departments. The c i t y ' s continuous commitment to preserve the character and value of i t s single family, owner occupied r e s i d e n t i a l areas i s one of the constants i n the history of Vancouver's housing actions. Home ownership as an expression of the primacy of private property (a basic tenet of capitalism) and the f i n a n c i a l gains to be made i n r e s i d e n t i a l r e a l estate, are behind lo c a l state support i n thi s area. The City remained constantly committed to providing opportunities for preserving single family housing. This commitment extended to home ownership. The City ensured that r e s i d e n t i a l land for single family homes was zoned and serviced, even acting as developer in some cases. The City petitioned the senior governments for financing for potential homeowners and i t pursued innovations in increasing opportunities for home ownership (such as a condominium project i n Champlain Heights). The City promoted the rights of home owners and t r i e d to protect the home owner from subsidizing the homes of others. Home owners were protected from intruding land uses, although by the end of the period, the City was trying to introduce more r e s i d e n t i a l options by allowing multiple family units in some t r a d i t i o n a l l y single 152 family areas. An observer from England i n 1945 noted that owning one's house in Canada was associated not only with r e s p e c t a b i l i t y , "but with a deeper - indeed almost a mystical - value," c l e v e r l y exploited by real estate interests i n each municipality (H. Alford, "Housing and Local Government i n Canada," 1946, VCA 34-C-5). Added to t h i s , was the popular view that "the habitual renter i s our worst c i t i z e n " and that tenancy threatened the democratic structure of society (Voss 1946). Throughout the period the City faced the same problems again and again. A major problem the City faced was to ensure a minimum standard of housing. The City t r i e d to prevent the occupation of poor quality dwellings. This i s i l l u s t r a t e d by the City's preoccupation with a minimum standard of housing by-law, removal of foreshore shacks, lodging house by-laws, studies of housing condition, action regarding i l l e g a l suites and i t s p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the Federal government's urban renewal program. In a study of low cost housing in Manhatten, Jackson (1976) found that developers could, in the nineteenth century, p r o f i t from housing a large proportion of low income households. However, the "standard of housing provided for them was so low as to seemingly cause danger, squalor, sickness and immorality" (Jackson 1976, p. 285). Government regulations raised the minimum standards but reduced the developer's a b i l i t y to p r o f i t from low cost housing. Therefore developers no longer provided housing for the poor. The City of Vancouver continuously experienced a shortage of low cost rental housing due to the i n a b i l i t y of private enterprise to meet such a demand. This problem i s i l l u s t r a t e d by Cit y actions to house single unemployed men and senior c i t i z e n s , to provide land for veterans housing and i t s p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the federal government's public housing program. The City, while remaining remarkably consistent i n some areas of i t s housing p o l i c i e s , did evolve and develop some major changes i n approach. An important change was an ideo l o g i c a l one. City Council's position on the a c c e p t a b i l i t y of lo c a l government intervention i n housing changed throughout the period. From ensuring that the City was not in the "housing business," to attempts to est a b l i s h a Housing Authority to supply housing shows the extent of the differences. There i s a growing and changing recognition of the use the City could make of i t s own land for housing. One of the most s i g n i f i c a n t changes came when the City embarked on a p o l i c y of leasing i t s land for housing projects instead of s e l l i n g i t . Land came to be viewed as a public resource rather than exclusively a market commodity. However, the potential for s i g n i f i c a n t impact through a major land bank was l o s t due to e a r l i e r p o l i c i e s of s e l l i n g c i t y land for revenue and the extremely high cost of acquiring new si t e s to add to the City's p o r t f o l i o . 154 A t t e m p t s t o d e a l w i t h h o u s i n g s h o r t a g e s ( b o t h a b s o l u t e a n d t h e p a r t i c u l a r c a s e o f low c o s t h o u s i n g ) c h a n g e d f r o m an e m p h a s i s on t h e s i n g l e f a m i l y h o u s e t o t h e m u l t i p l e f a m i l y d w e l l i n g . T h e s e c h a n g e s h a v e h a d a m a j o r i m p a c t o n t h e a b i l i t y o f t h e c i t y t o t a r g e t low i n c o m e g r o u p s and o n t h e u r b a n l a n d f o r m . And f i n a l l y , t h r o u g h o u t t h e p e r i o d , t h e r e was a s h i f t i n g o f r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r h o u s i n g b e t w e e n f o u r l e v e l s o f g o v e r n m e n t ( f e d e r a l , p r o v i n c i a l , r e g i o n a l and m u n i c i p a l ) . The c h a n g i n g n a t u r e o f c e n t r a l / l o c a l s t a t e f i n a n c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y l e d t o t h e m u n i c i p a l i t y g r a d u a l l y t a k i n g o n more r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r p l a n n i n g and r e g u l a t i n g t h e s u p p l y o f h o u s i n g ( t h e l e a s t c o s t l y o f h o u s i n g i n t e r v e n t i o n s ) w h i l e t h e c o s t l y w e l f a r e a n d s u p p l y a s p e c t s o f h o u s i n g s h i f t e d f r o m m u n i c i p a l t o f e d e r a l / p r o v i n c i a l j u r i s d i c t i o n . In a d d i t i o n t h e r e g i o n a l and p r o v i n c i a l g o v e r n m e n t s h a v e a s s u m e d a management f u n c t i o n f o r p u b l i c l y s u p p l i e d h o u s i n g . H a v i n g b r i e f l y s u m m a r i z e d t h e t h e o r y and t h e h o u s i n g h i s t o r y , t h e n e x t s t e p i s t o l i n k t h e t w o . 3. W h a t t h e T h e o r y E x p l a i n s A b o u t t h e H i s t o r y The r o l e o f t h e l o c a l s t a t e i s t o a i d c a p i t a l a c c u m u l a t i o n and e n s u r e t h e l e g i t i m a t i o n o f t h i s p r o c e s s . The C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r ' s h o u s i n g i n t e r v e n t i o n s a l l s e r v e , t h e r e f o r e , t o f u l f i l l one o f t h e s e f u n c t i o n s . In t h e p r e v i o u s s e c t i o n t h e h o u s i n g a c t i o n s u n d e r t a k e n b y t h e C i t y o f 155 Vancouver were characterized as either welfare, supply, planning or regulation actions. Throughout the history presented in Chapter 3 the emphasis on each type of action changed as f i n a n c i a l constraints on the municipality, j u r i s d i c t i o n a l changes and the changing nature of capitalism affected the City's actions. When regulations related to housing were introduced, the guiding force was c a p i t a l accumulation. In the years before planning or zoning, p r o f i t a b l e but highly i r r a t i c speculative land development was the way i n which housing was produced. The introduction of c i t y intervention i n land development, f i r s t through health and f i r e r e s t r i c t i o n s , then through zoning, was the r e s u l t of business and property interests concerned with protecting t h e i r present investment and s t a b i l i z i n g land values. Health and f i r e regulations for low income or slum areas evolved out of the desire to protect those i n well-off single family areas from low income housing and non-residential uses. Zoning to protect the environment and land values i n single family r e s i d e n t i a l areas occupied by Vancouver's business and professional e l i t e limited opportunities for those r e l y i n g on rental accommodation. However, zoning served the interests of c a p i t a l by protecting c a p i t a l investment in r e s i d e n t i a l property by c o n t r o l l i n g for such negative e x t e r n a l i t i e s as apartments, d i f f e r e n t r a c i a l or ethnic groups or noxious land uses. City services and zoning enabled developers to s e l l lots for housing p r o f i t a b l y , while c u r t a i l i n g the d e s t a b i l i z i n g e f f e c t s of speculation. 156 Besides protecting actual c a p i t a l investment, the City's housing p o l i c i e s helped c a p i t a l accumulation by reproducing the labour force. P a r t i c i p a t i n g in federal programs to produce veteran's housing allowed those returning from war to re-enter the loca l economy. S i m i l a r l y , City development of False Creek and Champlain Heights produced housing accessible to households with a wide range of incomes. This ensured that l o c a l business and industry had a range of employees from which to choose for low paying as well as high paying jobs. The City also used housing p o l i c i e s and programs to legitimize the private c a p i t a l accumulation process and the role of government in a s s i s t i n g t h i s process. Legitimation a c t i v i t i e s were primarily a response to crise s i n the national economy. The Depression, movement of an i n d u s t r i a l workforce to Vancouver to mobilize wartime industries, and the return of veterans aft e r the two wars necessitated major government i n i t i a t i v e s at both the national and loca l l e v e l . As the nature of capitalism changed, the City had to reduce some of the tensions caused by the inequality and exploitation of capitalism through r e l i e f and welfare e f f o r t s such as providing temporary emergency shelter, removing slums and i n i t i a t i n g public housing and by giving community groups the opportunity to use c i t y land for housing for low income groups. For example, during periods of economic recession and high unemployment i n the 1910's and the 1920's the City provided shelter to single men as a welfare action. This was a state response to prevent s o c i a l unrest and legitimize a 157 c a p i t a l i s t system that had made the men unemployable i n the f i r s t place. While City welfare actions support legitimation and regulatory actions serve c a p i t a l accumulation, planning and supply i n i t i a t i v e s can be seen to serve, at times, both accumulation and legitimation. For example the supply of public housing provided low cost shelter for low income households and helped abate th e i r disenchantment with c a p i t a l i s t society. However, public housing also served the accumulation process by improving investment opportunities by reducing slum and blighted areas that lowered the value of land. Not only did public housing increase land values, i t also gave the lo c a l state an opportunity to increase i t s autonomy. In Metropolitan Toronto, Holmes (1980) found that l o c a l governments used the provision of low income housing to p o s i t i v e l y a f f e c t t h e i r revenue base (based on property tax) by removing slums which hinder the growth of the assessment base, or cause i t to decline. Therefore, the loca l governments did not meet just planning or housing objectives, they used public housing to f a c i l i t a t e the property development process which i n turn improved the lo c a l state's f i n a n c i a l s i t u a t i o n . Nonetheless, the City of Vancouver constantly came up against the l i m i t s of autonomy in i t s housing actions due to f i n a n c i a l and j u r i s d i c t i o n a l constraints. Many of the times i t f a i l e d to act in housing matters was due to the f i n a n c i a l 158 constraints of i t s property tax base and i t s (over the years) growing reliance on senior government finances and program i n i t i a t i v e s . From World War Two on, the City of Vancouver i d e n t i f i e d the Federal government as i t s major source of funds for housing. The p r o v i n c i a l government intervened in the City's a f f a i r s , for example, through p o l i t i c a l sponsorship of candidates i n municipal elections. The pro v i n c i a l government saw the results of Vancouver's p o l i c i e s as c r i t i c a l to t h e i r own p o l i t i c a l agenda (Gutstein 1983). While studies have shown the lack of autonomy the City faced generally with respect to the pro v i n c i a l government (Smith 1982, Gutstein 1983) , the province had such a small and poorly defined role i n housing matters that Vancouver dealt most often with the federal government during the study period. An i n d i c a t i o n of p r o v i n c i a l control i s when i t imposed guidelines on public housing in 1967. However, the more the province becomes f i n a n c i a l l y involved i n housing, evidence in other areas shows the more i t i s l i k e l y to r e s t r i c t the City's autonomy in the area of housing. (See Andrea Smith, 1982, for an analysis of the p r o v i n c i a l , as opposed to municipal, forces which directed the course of p o l i t i c s in Vancouver during the 1930's. In p a r t i c u l a r , Smith draws attention to the introduction of at-large elections and the formation of the NPA as " p r o v i n c i a l l y inspired solutions to p o l i t i c a l and f i n a n c i a l problems that affected both c i t y and province.") The l o c a l state's limited f i n a n c i a l resources have 159 resulted i n a reliance on low cost i n i t i a t i v e s primarily in terms of regulation or negative control of housing. When the City a c t i v e l y supplied housing i t had to co-operate with senior levels of government or r e l y on i n i t i a t i v e s such as land write downs where the City foregoes the revenue i t would have received had i t sold the land at market value, by allowing a non-profit group to use i t to develop low cost housing. It i s in t h i s area of o f f e r i n g below market value land and/or maintaining public ownership of the land which gives the City considerable control over how the land i s used (Goldberg and Mark 1985) . The l o c a l state can maintain some control over production issues related to housing, such as supplying i t to those groups i t chooses. False Creek and Champlain Heights are examples of the corporate actions of the l o c a l state. While the housing i n such developments i s a consumption or s o c i a l expense item (therefore serving both accumulation and legitimation) the lo c a l state has considerable scope i n determining who i s to benefit from t h i s intervention. We also see i n the history an a b i l i t y for the City to define i t s interests outside of i t s authorized or legal j u r i s d i c t i o n and receive a favourable response. The City of Vancouver i s unique i n that i t i s the only municipality i n B r i t i s h Columbia to have a separate municipal charter. The charter and i t s major revisions have each "been drafted by l o c a l o f f i c i a l s and i n most cases amendments proposed by the c i t y council have been accepted by the l e g i s l a t u r e " (Tennant 160 1980) . This i s not to suggest that the City i s not affected by p r o v i n c i a l p o l i c i e s and actions but that " i t i s the case that Vancouver i s remarkably autonomous in matters of c i v i c structure, procedure and operation - that i s , in matters r e l a t i n g to formal aspects of decision-making and d i s t r i b u t i o n of power" (Tennant 1980). For example, the City, in 1948, wanted to e s t a b l i s h a lo c a l housing authority and within a year the Province passed the appropriate enabling l e g i s l a t i o n . The Province also enabled the c i t y to p a r t i c i p a t e i n federal/ p r o v i n c i a l housing programs through l e g i s l a t i v e changes to the City Charter. The Charter i s not written i n stone and l e g i s l a t i v e / j u r i s d i c t i o n a l problems have been overcome. The City was also able, through a much more lengthy process, to get the taxation provision i t wanted from the federal government with respect to veteran's housing. While the federal government i n i t i a l l y imposed a land purchase-taxation scheme on the City in the post World War II years, Vancouver (almost singularly amongst a l l Canadian c i t i e s ) held back i t s p a r t i c i p a t i o n , and when i t participated was able, eventually, to get a more favourable tax return from the federal government. The City took a strong stand on the position that f u l l property taxation was the c i t y ' s 'right'. The C i t y also used the federal government's public housing program to provide the kind of housing i t wanted - senior's housing rather than a l l family housing. The actions of the City i n providing housing assistance 161 have been determined to a large extent by the l e g i s l a t i o n and resources made available by the senior levels of government. However, the City has been able to express i t s autonomy by not p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n programs or by pursuing i t s own housing goals in major developments such as Champlain Heights or False Creek. The City's p o l i c i e s and actions in the area of housing have not a l l been imposed or constrained from above. We w i l l now look at how they have been shaped by instrumental, corporatist and p l u r a l i s t forces at the local l e v e l . I n s t r u m e n t a l i s m a n d C i t y A c t i o n s . Throughout the history presented here, the instrumental use of the state by the class c o n t r o l l i n g c a p i t a l i s r e f l e c t e d in the housing p o l i c y of the City of Vancouver. The link between the c a p i t a l i s t class and state i s i l l u s t r a t e d by the fact that three-quarters of the c i t y ' s mayors and nearly two-thirds of i t s aldermen between 1900 and 1925 were businessmen. Indeed, i t was only i n the 1960's that businessmen were surpassed as the occupation of a majority of newly elected council members. (Ley 1980) The Non-Partisan Association (NPA) i s the c i v i c party that represented business interests and dominated c i t y council from 1937 to 1968 (over 90% of the NPA's candidates were elected during t h i s period (Ley 1980)). The NPA's goals were primarily economic and are characterized by t h e i r contribution to growth and economic e f f i c i e n c y (Ley 1980). The p o l i t i c a l makeup of the c i t y council and t h e i r p o l i c i e s aimed at development and economic gain for a large part of the study period supports the instrumental thesis. 162 Close relations between the Board of Trade and City Council also i l l u s t r a t e the links between commerce and p o l i t i c s . "The Board of Trade was c l e a r l y regarded not as a mere int e r e s t group, but as something approaching the legitimate voice of the c i t y " (Tennant 1980). In the years following 1945, Council, led by NPA-Board of Trade i n t e r e s t s , promoted commercial growth and development by providing essential services, such as zoning the west-end of downtown for high r i s e r e s i d e n t i a l development to provide accommodation for a growing downtown workforce (Tennant 1980). The City was concerned about more than just housing a growing workforce. Because the City's revenue i s p a r t i a l l y based on property tax, i t was necessary for the City to ensure that land values, through c a p i t a l accumulation, remain high. Council was concerned about promoting land development since more than half of i t s revenues came from property tax. Council accepted "the business view that the functions of municipal government were to ensure orderly physical growth and provide services to real property: both would enhance land values" (Gutstein 1983). A study of the Vancouver property industry and land use controls from 1910 to 1945, found that "businessmen have defined the instruments of land use and directed t h e i r outcome" (Weaver 1979). This introduces doubt about the characterization of municipal government as an open p o l i t i c a l process and about the a b i l i t y of planners to provide "more 163 e f f e c t i v e leadership i n making planning an e f f e c t i v e function of government" (Walker 1950, quoted i n Weaver 1979). The influence of c a p i t a l i s t interests on City policy i s i l l u s t r a t e d by the City's determination to avoid getting into "the housing business." The City c l e a r l y i d e n t i f i e d housing as a private enterprise a c t i v i t y . The City's position was that there should be no competition with the private housing sector. This did not mean no intervention, but intervention was to be i n d i r e c t and orientated towards the private market. Therefore, l o c a l state i n i t i a t i v e s , such as r e s i d e n t i a l land serv i c i n g , encouraged and assisted the private sector to provide housing. The p r i n c i p l e of government intervention was a market welfare approach, to help keep the private market functioning. The City's concern over taxation for low cost housing i n i t i a t i v e s i n the 1940's also i l l u s t r a t e s the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the interests of business. The representatives of c a p i t a l i s t s i n the City did not want property owners and businesses supporting subsidies such as reduced taxation for federal low income housing. The concern was for protecting those paying f u l l market price for housing, rather than for those who had limited housing options. Those who could not afford housing themselves were in e l i g a b l e to be on the receiving end of City interventions during most of the early part of the study period. One of the most e f f e c t i v e constraints on l o c a l state housing actions was "the almost universal f a i t h i n private property as the anchor of personal freedom" (Warner 1972, p. 25). This view, combined with c a p i t a l i s t control of the lo c a l state, explains why i n the early part of the history many of the the City's housing actions were directed at those already well housed. The emphasis on zoning regulations related to housing i s another response that i l l u s t r a t e s the c a p i t a l i s t class's hold on the l o c a l state. Not only did zoning protect individual homeowners from unwanted intrusions which would "rob anyone of a chance for the reasonable enjoyment of his r i g h t s , " (Dalzell 1927) but zoning " s t a b i l i z e s e f f i c i e n c y and values as due i n economic e f f i c i e n c y ... Property values become more stable, mortgage companies are more ready to lend money, and more houses can be b u i l t " (Dalzell 1923). Overall, the evolving nature and use of regulatory tools worked i n a negative fashion to slow or prohibit development considered economically undesirable, either to individual property owners or to the City's tax base. Because housing regulations are negative and l i m i t i n g , they do not produce a supply of housing (for any income group) and serve to protect the interests of those owning the e x i s t i n g housing stock. Managerialism/Corporatism. In spite of the pervasive nature of the instrumentalist position, i t f a i l s to account for the role that urban managers such as health o f f i c i a l s , c i t y administrators and planners played. The results of the study on Vancouver are far from conclusive, but the lack of d e t a i l regarding individual managerial e f f o r t s does not hinder a more general consideration of th e i r r o l e . For instance, for many years the Medical Health O f f i c e r put housing conditions on the public agenda. Attempts to raise the standards of the poorest housing i n Vancouver must be considered p a r t i a l l y the r e s u l t of professionals whose values were imposed on the poor. The imprint of professionalism can be found i n the City's urban renewal program. Individuals i n the bureaucracy influenced the choice of a policy aimed at wholesale renewal and the substitution of public housing for exi s t i n g homes and neighbourhoods. The f a m i l i a r i t y of names of planners such as Harland Bartholomew and Gerald Sutton Brown attest to t h e i r impact on l o c a l matters. Sutton Brown was elevated to the Board of Administration which, during the 1960's, was "the centre of power i n c i v i c decision making" (Tennant 19 80). Sutton Brown was so i n f l u e n t i a l that "a developer with big plans would go f i r s t to Sutton Brown and second to the mayor" (Gutstein 1983, p. 199). It was not u n t i l the ascendency of the c i v i c party TEAM, in the years following 1968, that there was "a major r e t r i e v a l by c i t y council of actual control over policy making" (Tennant 1980). While there i s no doubt that c i t y bureaucrats were guided by economic p r i n c i p l e s of protecting land values (through health, f i r e and zoning by-laws (Weaver 1979)), and creating the c i t y e f f i c i e n t (Gutstein 1983, Tennant 1980) other values must have influenced t h e i r v i s i o n of what the 166 c i t y ought to do, p a r t i c u l a r l y for low income households and in the provision of land suitable for suburban single family dwellings. The " l i b e r a l ideology" of TEAM began to influence c i t y issues a f t e r 1968 and non-economic values such as " l i v e a b i l i t y " came on the c i t y agenda (Ley 1980). On the other hand, we can speculate that i t was the lack of managerial expertise i n housing at the loca l level (Dennis and Fish 1972, p. 144), p a r t i c u l a r l y prior to the 1950's, that prevented the development of lo c a l housing i n i t i a t i v e s on any large scale. Pluralism. Lastly, we must consider the predictions of p l u r a l i s t perspectives. It i s clear from the history of the City's housing actions that l o c a l interests and popular democratic movements helped shape the City's intervention i n housing. When veteran's occupied the Old Hotel Vancouver i n protest over post-war housing shortages, the City was forced to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the federal wartime housing program. The Citizen's Rehabilitation Council persuaded the City to finance t h e i r emergency shelter operations. The Vancouver Housing Association, a c i t i z e n s ' group, i s largely responsible for putting housing on the City's agenda during the 1930's to 1950's. The Association convinced the City to help finance a study of housing conditions in 1950 and was successful in applying pressure to convince the c i t y to esta b l i s h a temporary housing authority and consider a low cost rental housing project i n 1949. In addition, home owners' or ratepayers' groups "perhaps because they were usually trying to prevent change ... often had t h e i r wishes acceded to" (Tennant 1980). Another excellent example of the state's receptiveness (reluctant as i t was) to a policy change influenced by a l o c a l i n t e r e s t group was S.P.O.T.A.'s a b i l i t y to change an urban renewal project i n Strathcona to a r e h a b i l i t a t i o n project, and to define, in many ways, the terms of reference of the project. Local p o l i t i c a l protest had an impact on the City's housing actions. Conclusion - The Theory and the History. In conclusion, the o v e r a l l neo-Marxist framework of the role of the l o c a l state in c a p i t a l accumulation and legitimation has helped in understanding and explaining the history of the C i t y of Vancouver's housing i n i t i a t i v e s . The way in which the City f u l f i l l e d i t s accumulation and legitimation functions i s explained by using three theore t i c a l perspectives -instrumentalism, corporatism and pluralism. As capitalism evolved and macro-economic conditions dictated, the City has responded i n ways described by the three theore t i c a l perspectives. For example, in the early years of the history, the c a p i t a l i s t class was able to control the l o c a l state. However, as capitalism led to an increasing need for state intervention i n housing the City has taken more control over the provision of housing. This control has been limited, but not determined, by the City's f i n a n c i a l and j u r i s d i c t i o n a l t i e s with the central state. And, at times of 168 p a r t i c u l a r c r i s i s , the opportunities for legitimation offered by the democratic process have allowed lo c a l i n t e r e s t groups to shape loc a l housing actions. 169 CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSIONS The findings of thi s thesis have focussed on one, which theories of the state and loca l state hold the most potential for housing analysis and two, the history of the City of Vancouver's role i n housing from 1900-1973. The importance of th i s investigation rests on concern about the constraints and opportunities for lo c a l government intervention in addressing l o c a l housing problems. This thesis did not attempt to define current housing problems, or to esta b l i s h a position regarding the d e s i r a b i l i t y of government intervention. Rather, given l o c a l government intervention i n housing, the thesis has shown that the role and actions of the loca l state are important the o r e t i c a l concepts for analysis. 1. Conclusions The major conclusion of t h i s thesis i s that analysis of loc a l p o l i cy must consider the relat i o n s h i p between the state and the c a p i t a l i s t system. Local state intervention i n housing in Vancouver i n the period 1900-1973 was primarily a response to the immediate needs and growing problems of the c a p i t a l i s t system as a whole and the impact of these problems on housing and land development at the loca l level (e.g. reaction to d e s t a b i l i z i n g land speculation, response to 170 shortage of housing for the labour force, prevention of s o c i a l unrest, and so on). The loca l state i s a part of the central state and both levels of the state play a key role i n c a p i t a l accumulation and legitimation. The history shows that at times the City of Vancouver was over involved in accumulation-focussed intervention (zoning by-laws, provision of r e s i d e n t i a l infrastructure) which led to d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n by some and the need to s h i f t emphasis to legitimation-focussed interventions such as subsidies for s o c i a l housing. This thesis successfully joins i n the challenge of the 'myth of the benevolent state.' The phrase 'housing policy' conjures up the image of the Benevolent State, r a t i o n a l l y seeking p o l i c i e s intended to deal with a 'housing problem.' In fact the state as we know i t today i s not benevolent, and those p o l i c i e s adopted by i t dealing with housing are not part of an overriding purpose to serve the general welfare. (Marcuse 1980b, p. 5) Local state intervention in housing in Vancouver was not the re s u l t of a commitment to values of equity or s o c i a l j u s t i c e or to a long term view of a 'better' society prompted by a 'benevolent' state. The l o c a l state proved to be primarily reactive to problems generated by the economy in general. As an area of state intervention public consumption items generally and housing s p e c i f i c a l l y may be overlooked as growing tensions in private production need to be resolved. In many cases housing i s not c r i t i c a l for the resolution of economic c r i s i s which helps explain non-decision-making. The City was involved i n 171 housing when i t had "significance for the continued accumulation of c a p i t a l , and for the continued reproduction of labour power and of the relations of production" (Short 1980, p. 8). When housing problems were s i g n i f i c a n t to c a p i t a l accumulation and legitimation the state has responded. Success i n solving housing problems may rest therefore on l i n k i n g consumption and production issues more c l o s e l y . This means that housing must be seen to be c r i t i c a l to maintaining accumulation. The f i n a n c i a l and j u r i s d i c t i o n a l constraints on the lo c a l state are documented i n t h i s history. While the City of Vancouver was often able to get around these constraints the history of Vancouver's housing interventions confirmed that there are l i m i t s to the autonomy of the lo c a l state. The l i m i t s on the local state imposed by the p r o v i n c i a l government's involvement in public housing and influence i n the p o l i t i c a l makeup of council foreshadows recent events such as the removal of elected trustees on the Vancouver School Board, the imposition of a land-use plan for the north shore of False Creek and fede r a l / p r o v i n c i a l discussions to s h i f t s o c i a l housing to the p r o v i n c i a l j u r i s d i c t i o n . These events suggest a new era of reduced l o c a l autonomy and even closer t i e s between senior government and lo c a l government po l i c y , imposed from above. These findings support the theory of writers such as Clark and Dear who find l o c a l state autonomy to be s i g n i f i c a n t l y constrained. 172 However, the history suggests that some opportunities for challenging the inequitable and e x p l o i t i v e nature of capitalism may be situated in the l o c a l state. A popular p o l i t i c a l movement at the l o c a l l e vel could strengthen lo c a l state autonomy and pursue p o l i c i e s contrary to c a p i t a l accumulation, p a r t i c u l a r l y i f i n f l u e n t i a l urban managers shared the goals of the majority pressing for such gains. Since the national state r e l i e s on the l o c a l state for democratic legitimation some changes i n housing p o l i c y , as a d i r e c t r e s u l t of the democratic process, w i l l be possible. However, the gains to be made are l i k e l y to remain on the consumption side - good news for those interested i n state involvement i n housing, but not so opportune for those looking for wholesale change through a grassroots democratic 'rev o l u t i o n 1 . In the case of production p o l i c i e s and intervention i n the macro-economy, from which the l o c a l state has gradually become more removed over the century, the central state i s l i k e l y to retain i t s influence and function with respect to capitalism. Overall, the history confirms the neo-Marxist theory of the state's role i n accumulation and legitimation but suggests that consumption issues such as housing may be open to more varied influence. The main conclusion with respect to the implications of the history of the City of Vancouver's actions for the theories i s that theories that explain the actions of the l o c a l state need to be integrated into a single perspective c l e a r l y linked to the theory of the role of the state. The 173 history of the City of Vancouver's involvement in housing from 1900 to 1973 shows that the local state, l i k e the central state, i s related to the c a p i t a l i s t mode of production. However, how the loca l state performs i t s functions with respect to thi s role i s not explained by only one theoreti c a l perspective. As the conditions of capitalism have changed, the d e f i n i t i o n of the best way for the state to f u l f i l l i t s role in accumulation and legitimation have changed. Neo-Marxist, corpora t i s t and p l u r a l i s t theories are a l l needed and useful in contributing to an explanation of the a c t i v i t i e s of lo c a l government. Theories that rest exclusively on economic determinism overlook the important role of c i v i c bureaucrats and the democratic form of loca l government. Individuals and int e r e s t groups are important actors i n determining actions of the lo c a l state, and the human element i s necessary to get away from the r i g i d economic constructs of Marxism. 2. Implications of the Thesis for Housing and Planning The thesis i l l u s t r a t e s the use we can make of a history -the constraints and opportunities of the past i l l u s t r a t e some of the constraints and opportunities of the present and future. The thesis shows that drawing on theoreti c a l perspectives from t r a d i t i o n s outside of planning provides a useful a n a l y t i c a l framework. In p a r t i c u l a r we see that the theo r e t i c a l concept of the c a p i t a l i s t system and the state within that system reveals some r e a l , p r a c t i c a l problems for 174 housing planners. If the desire i s to continue to work within the c a p i t a l i s t system, the theory presents some opportunities for reform and gains for those currently not benefiting from the c a p i t a l accumulation process. 3. Directions for Further Research Theories of the state have proved useful i n h i s t o r i c a l analysis. The next research step would be to use them in a period of greater economic contradiction and tension - the most recent ten years. The connections between c a p i t a l and the state could be more e x p l i c i t l y drawn out, and the role of urban managers, only hinted at here, more f u l l y developed. In addition, the impact of i n s t i t u t i o n s of the state other than the government and bureaucracy ( p a r t i c u l a r l y the judiciary) could be examined. 175 REFERENCES CITED Atkinson, Michael and Chandler, Marsha (1983) "Strategies for Policy Analysis," i n Atkinson, M. and Chandler, M. eds. (1983) The P o l i t i c s of Candadian Public Policy. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Bartholomew, Harland (1929) A Plan for the City of Vancouver. Vancouver: City of Vancouver. Bartholomew, Harland and Associates (1944) A Preliminary Report  Upon Economic Background and Population. Vancouver: Vancouver Town Planning Commission. Bedale, Caroline (1980) "Property Relations and Housing Policy: Oldham i n the late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries," i n Melling, Joseph, ed. (1980) Housing, Social  Policy and the State. London: Croom Helm. Birch, Eugenie Ladner (1980) "Planners - Let's Not Bury our History," Planning. September, pp. 12-15. Bourne, Larry S. (1981) The Geography of Housing. London: Edward Arnold. Broadbent, T.A. (1977) Planning and P r o f i t i n the Urban Economy. London: Methuen. Burnett, Alan D. (1981) "The D i s t r i b u t i o n of Local P o l i t i c a l Outputs and Outcomes i n B r i t i s h and North American C i t i e s : a Review and Research Agenda," i n Burnett, A.D. and Taylor, P.J., eds., P o l i t i c a l Studies from Spatial Perspectives. Chichester: John Wiley and Sons. Burnett, Alan D. (1984) "The Application of Alternative Theories in P o l i t i c a l Geography: The Case of P o l i t i c a l P a r t i c i p a t i o n , " in Taylor, P.J. and House, J . , eds., (1984) P o l i t i c a l Geography: Recent Advances and Future Directions. London: Croom Helm. Clark, Gordon L. (1981) "Democracy and the C a p i t a l i s t State: Towards a Critique of the Tiebout Hypothesis," in Burnett, A.D. and Taylor, P.J., eds., P o l i t i c a l Studies from Spatial  Perspectives. Clark, Gordon L. and Dear, Michael (1981) "The State i n Capitalism and the C a p i t a l i s t State," i n Dear, Michael and Scott, All e n J ., eds. (1981) Urbanization and Urban  Planning in C a p i t a l i s t Society. London: Metheun. Clark, Gordon L. and Dear, Michael (1984) State Apparatus. Boston: Alle n and Unwin, Inc. 176 Cockburn, Cynthia (1977) The Local State. London: Pluto Press. Dahl, R.A. (1961) Who Governs? New Haven: Yale University Press. (1963) Modern P o l i t i c a l Analysis. Englewood C l i f f s , N.J.: Prentice-Hall. D a l z e l l , A.G. (1927) "The Relation of Housing and Town Planning in C i t i e s Such as Vancouver," parts 1 and 2, The Municipal  Review of Canada. 23(5 & 6), pp. 197-199 & 244-245. Dear, Michael (1981a) "A Theory of the Local State," in Burnett, A.D. and Taylor, P.J., eds. (1981) P o l i t i c a l Studies from  Spatial Perspectives. Chichester: John Wiley and Sons. Dear, Michael (1981b) "The State: A Research Agenda," Environment and Planning A. 13(10), pp. 1191-1196. Dear, Michael and Clark, Gordon L. (1981) "Dimensions of Local State Autonomy," Environment and Planning A. 13(10), pp. 1277-1294. Dennis, Michael and Fish, Susan (1972) Programs i n Search of a Policy. Toronto: Hakkert. Driver, F. (1985) "Theorising State Structures: Alternatives to Functionalism and Reductionism," Environment and Planning A. 17 (2) , pp. 263-275. Duncan, James and Ley, David (1982) "Structural Marxism and Human Geography: A C r i t i c a l Assessment," Annals of the  Association of American Geographers. 72(1), pp. 30-59. Goldberg, Michael and Mark, Johnathon (1985) "The Roles of Government in Housing Policy," Journal of the American  Planning Association. 51(1) , pp. 34-42. Gutstein, Donald (1983) "Vancouver," in Magnusson, Warren and Sancton, Andrew, eds. (1983) City P o l i t i c s i n Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Ham, Christopher and H i l l , Michael (1984) The Policy Process i n the Modern C a p i t a l i s t State. Brighton: Wheatsheaf Books. Holdsworth, Deryck (1981) House and Home i n Vancouver: The  Emergence of a West Coast Urban Landscape 1886-1929. Vancouver: Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia. Holdsworth, Deryck (1984) "House and Home i n Vancouver: Images of West Coast Urbanism, 1886-1929," i n S t e l t e r , G i l b e r t and A r t i b i s e , Alan, eds. (1984) The Canadian Cit y :  Essays i n Urban and Social History. Ottawa: Carleton 177 University Press. Holmes, D. (1980) The Development of Municipal Public Housing  Programmes i n Metropolitan Toronto. Toronto: unpublished paper, York University. Hulchanski, David (1984) St. Lawrence and False Creek. Vancouver: School of Community and Regional Planning Papers, University of B r i t i s h Columbia. Jackson, Anthony (1976) A Place Cailed Home. Cambridge, Massachusetts: The MIT Press. Jessop, R. (1982) The C a p i t a l i s t State. Oxford: Martin Robertson. Johnston, R.J. (1984) Residential Segregation, the State and  Constitutional C o n f l i c t i n American Urban Areas. London: Academic Press. Jones, Andrew E r i c (1978) The Beginnings of Candian Government  Housing Policy 1918-1924, Occasional Paper 1/78. Ottawa: Centre for Social Welfare Studies, Carleton University. Keane, John (1984) "Introduction," i n Offe, Claus (Edited by John Keane) (1984) Contradictions of the Welfare State. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Kirk, Gwyneth (1980) Urban Planning in a C a p i t a l i s t Society. London: Croom Helm. Kirk, Gwyneth (1982) "Theoretical Approaches to Urban Planning," in Blowers, Andrew, et a l . , eds. (1982) Urban Change and  C o n f l i c t . London: Harper and Row. Lambert, John, Paris, Chris and Blackaby, Bob (1978) Housing  Policy and the State. London: The MacMillan Press Ltd. Lauria, Mickey (no date) The C a p i t a l i s t State, unpublished mimeograph: Department of Geography, University of Minnesota. Ley, David (1980) "Liberal Ideology and the Post-Industrial C i t y , " Annals of the Association of American Geographers. 70(2), pp. 238-258. McFaul, David (1979) Administrative History of the Vancouver  City Health Department• Mimeograph. Vancouver: Vancouver City Archives. MacPherson, C.B. (1977) "Do We Need a Theory of the State?" Europeon Journal of Sociology. 18(2) pp 223-244. Malpass, Peter and Murie Alan (1982) Housing Policy and Practice. London: The MacMillan Press. 178 Mandel, E. (1975) Late Capitalism. London: New Left Books. Marcuse, Peter (19 78) "Housing Policy and the Myth of the Benevolent State," Social Policy. 8(4), pp. 21-26. (1980a) "Housing in Early City Planning," Journal of Urban History. 6(2) pp. 153-176. (1980b) The Determinants of "Housing Policy". Papers i n Planning PIP 22, June, (no publisher cited) (1982) "Determinants of State Housing P o l i c i e s : West Germany and the United States," i n Fainstein, N. and Fainstein, S., eds. (1982) Urban Policy Under Capitalism. Beverly H i l l s : Sage Publications. Miliband, Ralph (1973) The State i n C a p i t a l i s t Society. New York: Basic Books. Miliband, Ralph (1977) Marxism and P o l i t i c s . Oxford: Oxford University Press. Nenno, Mary (1982) "Evolution of Local Housing Involvement," i n Nenno, Mary and Brophy, Paul, eds. (19 82) Housing and Local  Government. Washington, DC: International City Management Association. O'Connor, James (19 73) The F i s c a l C r i s i s of the State. New York: St. Martin's Press. Offe, Claus (1975) "The Theory of the C a p i t a l i s t State and the Problem of Policy Formation," i n Lindberg, L.N., Alford, R. , Crouch, C , and Offe, C. , eds. (1975) Stress and  Contradiction i n Modern Capitalism. Lexington, MA: Lexington Books. (1984a) "Social Policy and the Theory of the State," in Offe, Claus (Edited by John Keane) (1984) Contradictions of the Welfare State. Cambridge MA: The MIT Press. (1984b) "Theses on the Theory of the State," i n Contradictions of the Welfare State. (1984c) "Reflections on the Welfare State and the Future of Socialism," In Contradictions of the Welfare  State. Ossenbrugge, Jurgen (1984) "Socio-spatial Relations Between Local State, C o l l e c t i v e i d e n t i t y and C o n f l i c t Behaviour," in Taylor, Peter and House, John, eds., (1984) P o l i t i c a l  Geography: Recent Advances and Future Direction. London: Croom Helm. Ostrom, V. Tiebout, C., and Warren, R. (1961) "The Organization 179 of Government in Metropolitan Areas," American P o l i t i c a l  Science Review. 55, pp. 831-42. Pahl, R. (1975) Whose City? 2nd Ed i t i o n . Harmondsworth: Penguin. Panitch, Leo (1977) "The Role and Nature of the Canadian State," i n Panitch, Leo, ed. (1977) The Canadian State. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Poulantzas, N. (1973) P o l i t i c a l Power and Social Classes. London: New Left Books. Poulantzas, N. (1976) "The C a p i t a l i s t State: A Reply to Miliband and Laclau," New Left Review. 95, pp. 63-83. Resnick, P h i l i p (1984) Parliament vs. People. Vancouver: New Star Books. Rose, Albert (1980) Canadian Housing P o l i c i e s 1935-1980. Toronto: Butterworths. Roy, P a t r i c i a (1980) Vancouver, An I l l u s t r a t e d History. Toronto: James Lorimer and Company and National Museum of Man. (1981) "Vancouver: The Mecca of the Unemployed, 1907-1929," in A r t i b i s e , Alan, ed. (1981) Town and Country. Regina: Canadian Plains Research Center, University of Regina. Saunders, Peter (1979) Urban P o l i t i c s . London: Hutchinson. Saunders, Peter (1980) "Local Government and the State," New  Society. 51(909) pp. 550-551. Short, J.R. (1980) The State and Housing i n B r i t a i n : Notes  Towards a Theory of State Housing Policy. Reading, U.K.: Department of Geography, University of Reading. (1982) An Introduction to P o l i t i c a l Geography. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Smith, Andrea (1982) "The CCF, NPA and C i v i c Change: Prov i n c i a l Forces Behind Vancouver P o l i t i c s 1930-1940," BC  Studies. 53(Spring), pp. 45-65. S u t c l i f f e , Anthony (1981) "Why Planning History?" B u i l t  Environment. 7(2), pp. 65-67. Taylor, John H. (1984) "Urban Autonomy i n Canada: It's Evolution and Decline," i n St e l t e r G. and A r t i b i s e , A., eds. (1984) The Canadian Cit y : Essays i n Urban and Social  History. Ottawa: Carleton University Press. 180 Tennant, Paul (1980) "Vancouver C i v i c P o l i t i c s , 1929-1980," BC Studies. 46(Summer), pp. 3-27. Therborn, G. (1978) What Does the Ruling Class Do When i t Rules? London: New Left Books. Urban Land Institute (1980) "Champlain Heights," Project  Reference F i l e . 10(12). Vancouver, City Planning Department (1957) Vancouver Redevelopment Study. Prepared for the Housing Research Committee. Vancouver: City of Vancouver, December. (1966) Urban Renewal Program Proposed Study. Vancouver: City of Vancouver, August. (1968a) Proposed Plan of Development, South-East Sector. Vancouver: City of Vancouver, May. (1968b) City of Vancouver Plan - Part I - The Issues. Vancouver: City of Vancouver, December. (1970a) Community Improvements and Development Programs. Vancouver: City of Vancouver. (1970b) Vancouver Urban Renewal Study, 1971-75 Proposals. Vancouver: City of Vancouver. (1981) "Vancouver's Exist i n g Housing P o l i c i e s , " Understanding Vancouver's Housing. Part I I . Vancouver: City of Vancouver. Voss, W.C. (1946) "Social and Economic Aspects of Home Ownership," Public A f f a i r s . 9, pp. 151-156. Wade, J i l l (1984) Wartime Housing Limited, 1941-1947: Canadian  Housing Policy at the Crossroads. Vancouver: Unpublished M.A. Thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia. (1985) "A Palace for the Public: Housing Reform and the 1946 Occupation of the Old Hotel Vancouver," BC  Studies. (forthcoming). Walker, Robert (1950) "The Implementation of Planning Measures," JAIP. 16(Summer). Warner, S.B. (1972) The Urban Wilderness. New York: Harper and Row. Weaver, John C. (1979) "The Property Industry and Land Use Controls: The Vancouver Experience 1910-1945," Plan  Canada. 19(3,4), pp. 211-225. Winkler, J. (1976) "Corporatism," Archives Europeennes de  Sociologie. 17(1). 181 

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
http://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0096470/manifest

Comment

Related Items