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State control and social resistance : the case of the Department of National Defence Relief Camp Scheme… Gorman, Louise Gwenyth 1985

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STATE CONTROL AND SOCIAL RESISTANCE: THE CASE OF THE DEPARTMENT OF NATIONAL DEFENCE RELIEF CAMP SCHEME IN B.C. By LOUISE GWENYTH GORMAN B.A., U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1982 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIRE-MENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Anthropology and Soc i o l o g y , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA J u l y 1985 (c) Louise Gwenyth Gorman, 1985 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. I t i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department O f Anthropology and Sociology The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Van couve r, Canada V 6 T 1 Y 3 Date July 5r 1985 i i A b s t r a c t T h i s t h e s i s c o n s t i t u t e s a s o c i o l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s o f t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t a n d o p e r a t i o n o f t h e D e p a r t m e n t o f N a t i o n a l D e f e n c e R e l i e f C a m p S c h e m e i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . D u r i n g t h e G r e a t D e p r e s s i o n o f t h e 1 9 3 0 s , u n e m p l o y m e n t r e a c h e d u n s u r p a s s e d l e v e l s , w h e n t h e d e p e n d e n t C a n a d i a n e c o n o m y c o u l d n o t e x p o r t i t s p r i m a r y r e s o u r c e s . F a c e d w i t h a f i s c a l c r i s i s , t h e C a n a d i a n s t a t e w a s u n a b l e t o s u p p o r t t h e d r a m a t i c a l l y i n c r e a s e d n u m b e r o f d e s t i t u t e . T h e p o s i t i o n o f B . C . w a s p a r t i c u l a r l y s e r i o u s d u e t o i t s e c o n o m i c d e p e n d e n c e u p o n t h e e x p o r t o f r a w r e s o u r c e s . T h o u s a n d s o f s i n g l e u n e m p l o y e d m e n w h o h a d b e e n e m p l o y e d i n r e s o u r c e i n d u s t r i e s , a n d f o r w h o m n o a d e q u a t e r e l i e f p r o v i s i o n s w e r e a v a i l a b l e , c o n g r e g a t e d o n t h e w e s t c o a s t a n d b e c a m e i n c r e a s i n g l y m i l i t a n t i n t h e i r d e m a n d s f o r ' w o r k a n d w a g e s ' . T h e r a d i c a l i z a t i o n o f t h i s g r o u p w a s p e r c e i v e d a s a t h r e a t t h a t w a s b e y o n d t h e c a p a c i t y o f u s u a l s t a t e s o c i a l c o n t r o l m e c h a n i s m s . A s a r e s u l t , t h e C a n a d i a n s t a t e w a s o b l i g e d t o u n d e r t a k e e x c e p t i o n a l , r e p r e s s i v e m e a s u r e s t o c o n t a i n t h e s e u n e m p l o y e d . T h i s w a s a c c o m p l i s h e d t h r o u g h t h e D e p a r t m e n t o f N a t i o n a l D e f e n c e R e l i e f C a m p S c h e m e . D e s p i t e t h i s e x t e n d e d s t a t e a c t i o n , t h e d i s s i d e n t u n e m p l o y e d w e r e n o t a d e q u a t e l y s u p p r e s s e d , a n d t h e B . C . c a m p s w e r e c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y a h i g h l e v e l o f m i l i t a n c y . T h e v i o l e n t R e g i n a R i o t o f J u l y 1 , 1 9 3 5 s e r v e d t o b r e a k t h e m o m e n t u m o f t h e r a d i c a l , s i n g l e u n e m p l o y e d r e l i e f c a m p i n m a t e s . I n 1 9 3 6 t h e D N D r e l i e f c a m p s c h e m e w a s d i s m a n t l e d , a n d t h e s i n g l e u n e m p l o y e d w e r e d i s p e r s e d . i i i T h e D N D r e l i e f c a m p s c h e m e i s e x a m i n e d i n l i g h t o f t h e o r i e s o f t h e c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e a n d i t s r o l e i n s o c i e t y . I t i s c o n c l u d e d t h a t t h e f i s c a l c r i s i s o f t h e 1 9 3 0 s r e n d e r e d t h e C a n a d i a n s t a t e u n a b l e t o m e d i a t e b e t w e e n t h e d e m a n d s o f t h e u n e m p l o y e d a n d t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s o f c a p i t a l . T h e e n s u i n g s o c i a l c r i s i s n e c e s s i t a t e d e x c e p t i o n a l s t a t e c o e r c i o n - - t h e D e p a r t m e n t o f N a t i o n a l D e f e n c e R e l i e f C a m p S c h e m e . i v TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT i i TABLE OF CONTENTS i v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v i CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER TWO: THE GREAT DEPRESSION IN CANADA INTRODUCTION 8 COLONIAL DEPENDENCY 9 UNEVEN CANADIAN DEVELOPMENT 13 GROWTH OF AMERICAN DEPENDENCY 16 PRELUDE TO THE GREAT DEPRESSION 20 BRITISH COLUMBIA AND THE GREAT DEPRESSION 28 SOCIAL SERVICES FOR THE UNEMPLOYED INB.C 32 FISCAL CRISIS OF THE STATE 34 SUMMARY 40 CHAPTER THREE: UNEMPLOYMENT IN BRITISH COLUMBIA INTRODUCTION 42 TRANSIENT MEN AND LOCAL CONTROL 4 5 UNEMPLOYED 'JUNGLES' 51 POLITICALIZATION OF THE UNEMPLOYED 55 POLICING OF THE UNEMPLOYED 59 FRAGMENTED POLITICAL CONTROL AND THE RELIEF ACTS OF 1931 66 THE RISE AND FALL OF B.C.'S RELIEF CAMPS 7 4 SUMMARY 81 CHAPTER FOUR: THE DEPARTMENT OF NATIONAL DEFENCE RELIEF CAMP SCHEME INTRODUCTION 83 THE MILITARY AND THE RELIEF CAMP SCHEME 85 THE OPERATION OF SOCIAL CONTROL 89 THE ESTABLISHMENT OF DND RELIEF CAMPS IN B.C.. 97 LABOUR AND DISCIPLINE IN B.C.'S DND RELIEF CAMPS 99 SOCIAL RESISTANCE IN B.C. CAMPS 103 SUMMARY 109 V CHAPTER FIVE: MILITANCY, THE ON TO OTTAWA MARCH AND VIOLENT REPRESSION INTRODUCTION 112 ORGANIZATION OF THE RELIEF CAMP WORKERS 114 MILITANCY IN B.C. RELIEF CAMPS 117 POLICE CONTROL IN DND RELIEF CAMPS 121 FEDERAL - PROVINCIAL DISPUTES 123 STRIKES, RIOTS, AND STATE INTERVENTION 128 THE ON TO OTTAWA MARCH 139 STATE COERCION 148 SUMMARY 153 CHAPTER SIX: THE END OF THE DND RELIEF CAMP SCHEME INTRODUCTION 157 THE END OF THE RELIEF CAMP STRATEGY 158 JOB CREATION FOR THE INMATES 159 RENEWED MILITANCY 161 THE UNEMPLOYMENT INSURANCE ACT 163 SUMMARY 165 CHAPTER SEVEN: THEORETICAL ANALYSIS INTRODUCTION 167 THREAT POSED BY THE UNEMPLOYED 169 INVOLVEMENT OF THE CANADIAN STATE 172 CHARACTER OF THE CAPITALIST STATE • 175 GRAMSCI'S THESIS OF THE CAPITALIST STATE 176 MILI BAND - POULANTZAS DEBATE 179 SUBSEQUENT CONTRIBUTIONS - OFFE 190 THEORETICAL ANALYSIS OF THE DND RELIEF CAMP SCHEME 196 BREAKDOWN OF THE NEGATIVE SELECTIVE MECHANISM 199 STRUCTURE 200 IDEOLOGY 204 PROCESS 207 REPRESSION 210 RESORT TO REPRESSION 212 CESSATION OF EXCEPTIONAL REPRESSION 213 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 216 BIBLIOGRAPHY 219 APPENDIX ONE 235 APPENDIX TWO 237 APPENDIX THREE 245 v i A c k n o w l e d g e m e n t s T h e s u c c e s s f u l c o m p l e t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s m a y b e t r a c e d t o a v a r i e t y o f p e o p l e w h o s e s u p p o r t a n d e n c o u r a g e m e n t m a d e t h e t a s k p o s s i b l e . J o h n M c M u l l a n i n i t i a t e d t h e r e s e a r c h a n d s u p e r v i s e d t h e p r o j e c t f r o m b e g i n n i n g t o e n d . H i s c o n s i s t e n t , e x c e l l e n t g u i d a n c e a n d a s s i s t a n c e w a s s i n c e r e l y a p p r e c i a t e d . B o b R a t n e r a n d N e i l G u p p y s u p p l i e d t i m e l y , h e l p f u l c o m m e n t s a n d d i r e c t i v e s , f o r w h i c h I a m v e r y g r a t e f u l . B r i a n B u r t c h , S a b r i n a F r e e m a n , a n d J a n P l e c a s h l e n t s y m p a t h e t i c e a r s a n d p r o v i d e d s u p p o r t t h r o u g h o u t t h e m o n t h s o f t o i l , w h i c h m a d e t h e a c c o m p l i s h m e n t o f t h e t a s k s e e m p o s s i b l e . S a n d y L u e d t k e ' c a m e t h r o u g h i n t h e c r u n c h ' , a n d h e r h o u r s o f w o r d p r o c e s s i n g a l l o w e d m e t o m e e t d e a d l i n e s . T h e V a n c o u v e r C i t y A r c h i v i s t p e r m i t t e d a c c e s s t o v a l u a b l e d a t a , w i t h o u t w h i c h t h i s a n a l y s i s w o u l d n o t h a v e b e e n p o s s i b l e . R a y m o n d W o o d s , T e d W h i t e , R o b e r t ( D o c ) S a v a g e , a n d B o b J a c k s o n , f o r m e r r e l i e f c a m p i n m a t e s , g a v e t h e i r t i m e t o s p e a k w i t h m e a b o u t t h e D N D c a m p s a n d t h e ' d i r t y 3 0 s ' . T h e s e c o n v e r s a t i o n s w e r e m o s t e n j o y a b l e , a n d a s a r e s u l t o f t h e m I w a s a b l e t o g a i n a d e e p e r u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e i s s u e s I w a s s t u d y i n g . M y g r e a t e s t d e b t i s t o N i c k , w h o s e l o v e , p a t i e n c e , a n d s u p p o r t h e l p e d m e t o c a r r y o n , a n d k e e p m y l i f e i n r a t i o n a l p e r s p e c t i v e t h r o u g h a l l t h e g o o d a n d b a d t i m e s . 1 Chapter One  I n t r o d u c t i o n During the 1930s, a decade commonly known as the Great Depression, Canada experienced e x c e p t i o n a l l y severe c o n d i t i o n s i n v i r t u a l l y a l l spheres of i t s economic l i f e . The e f f e c t s of the economic c r i s i s were p a r t i c u l a r l y bad in western Canada as the dominant, export o r i e n t e d resource e x t r a c t i n g i n d u s t r i e s and the p r a i r i e a g r i c u l t u r e producing e n t e r p r i s e s were unable to s e l l t h e i r products i n the depressed i n t e r n a t i o n a l markets. The r e s u l t was the h i g h e s t l e v e l of unemployment known to date i n Canada with m i l l i o n s of workers unable to support themselves or t h e i r dependents. U l t i m a t e l y , e x t r a o r d i n a r y a c t i o n was taken by the Canadian s t a t e to d e a l with the s i t u a t i o n c r e a t e d by the economic c o n d i t i o n s . T h i s t h e s i s c o n s t i t u t e s a s o c i o l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s of the a c t i o n taken by the Canadian s t a t e d u r i n g the Great Depression y e a r s . While numerous s t u d i e s have been done on the s o c i a l and economic c o n d i t i o n s t h a t p r e v a i l e d d u r i n g the Great Depression, few of these d i s c u s s i o n s have focussed on the r o l e of the s t a t e . T h i s t h e s i s w i l l extend the body of h i s t o r i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n that has a l r e a d y been accumulated on the Great Depression by c o n t r i b u t i n g p r e v i o u s l y u n d i s c l o s e d data, but f u r t h e r , i t w i l l p r o v i d e a s o c i o l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s of the r o l e of the s t a t e d u r i n g a f i s c a l c r i s i s which p r e c i p i t a t e d a widespread c h a l l e n g e of the l e g i t i m a c y of the c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l order. By examining the a c t i o n s that were taken to deal with the l a r g e group of s i n g l e , 2 t r a n s i e n t unemployed men, who were p e r c e i v e d as a t h r e a t to s o c i a l order during the Depression years, t h i s t h e s i s w i l l enhance the body of t h e o r e t i c a l knowledge on the s t r u c t u r e and r o l e of the s t a t e i n c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y . In t h i s t h e s i s I examine the connections between the economy, s o c i a l u nrest, and s t a t e s o c i a l c o n t r o l i n Canada during the Great Depression e r a . F i r s t , I d i s c u s s the ch a r a c t e r of the export o r i e n t e d , resource dependent western Canadian economy, and the e f f e c t that the economic c r i s i s of the 1930s had on the v a r i o u s l e v e l s of the Canadian s t a t e . Second, I d e s c r i b e the s o c i a l impact of the high l e v e l s of unemployment that were a r e s u l t of the economic depression of the 1930s. P a r t i c u l a r a t t e n t i o n i s given to B r i t i s h Columbia and to the thousands of homeless, t r a n s i e n t , unemployed men who congregated th e r e . The t h r e a t posed by t h i s v a s t p o p u l a t i o n of unemployed workers as they demanded changes i n the e x i s t i n g socio-economic order and the v a r i o u s attempts by the s t a t e to c o n t r o l these unemployed i s d i s c u s s e d . T h i r d l y , I examine the Department of N a t i o n a l Defence (DND) r e l i e f camp scheme as an attempt by the st a t e t o c o n t a i n the d i s s i d e n t s i n g l e unemployed men while ensuring the maintenance of the dominant work e t h i c . I then d e s c r i b e the events of 1936 to 1938, from the c l o s u r e of the r e l i e f camp scheme to the end of the Great Depression decade. F i n a l l y , I analyze t h i s s t a t e involvement i n c o n t r o l l i n g the p r o t e s t i n g unemployed. 3 I conclude that the attempts by the s t a t e to deal with the t h r e a t posed by the unemployed p r i o r to the r e l i e f camp scheme were i n s u f f i c i e n t to c o n t a i n the d i s s e n t . The Department of N a t i o n a l Defence r e l i e f camps were an e x c e p t i o n a l , r e p r e s s i v e measure used by the s t a t e to suppress the growing p r o t e s t s of the unemployed, a f t e r the usual s t a t e a c t i o n s f a i l e d to do so. Faced with a growing number of d i s s i d e n t , m i l i t a n t , unemployed men who were g a i n i n g widespread support and o p e r a t i n g in the context of a f i s c a l c r i s i s , the Canadian c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e f a i l e d to adequately f u l f i l l i t s mandate of m a i n t a i n i n g s o c i a l order, e n s u r i n g p r i v a t e c a p i t a l accumulation, and l e g i t i m a t i n g that p r o c e s s . As a r e s u l t i t undertook ex t e n s i v e c o e r c i o n to c o n t r o l the r a d i c a l unemployed segment of the working c l a s s . T h i s present study of the DND r e l i e f camp scheme w i l l , t h e r e f o r e , p r o v i d e an a n a l y s i s of the Canadian s t a t e and the methods i t used to c o n t r o l the d i s s i d e n t s , i n order to ensure the c o n t i n u a t i o n of the e x i s t i n g socio-economic o r d e r . Involved i n the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and execution of s o c i a l c o n t r o l d u r i n g the Depression were c l e a r l y i d e n t i f i a b l e i n s t i t u t i o n s : the three l e v e l s of government and t h e i r v a r i o u s a d m i n i s t r a t i v e branches; m u n i c i p a l , p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l p o l i c e ; the j u d i c i a l system; and the m i l i t a r y . These and other such p u b l i c i n s t i t u t i o n s together c o n s t i t u t e the s t a t e . The s t a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s i n t e r a c t to c r e a t e the s t a t e system ( M i l i b a n d , 1969: 46). T h e o r i s t s i n the s t r u c t u r a l i s t school of thought, such as Poulantzas (1971) argue that .the u n i t of a n a l y s i s f o r an examination of the s t a t e i s more a p p r o p r i a t e l y 4 the o b j e c t i v e s t r u c t u r e of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the r e l a t i v e l y autonomous s t a t e system and general c a p i t a l i s t i n t e r e s t s . The H e g e l i a n - M a r x i s t s c h o o l , presented by Gramsci (1971) argues that a l l f a c e t s of the s o c i a l formation mutually i n t e r r e l a t e to maintain the c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . The e m p i r i c a l data upon which t h i s t h e s i s i s based lend themselves more r e a d i l y to an a n a l y s i s t h a t d e l i n e a t e s the i n s t i t u t i o n s of the s t a t e that were v i s i b l y a c t i v e i n m a i n t a i n i n g the e x i s t i n g economic s t r u c t u r e . As P a n i t c h (1977) argues, however, a f u l l y developed theory of the s t a t e i n c a p t i a l i s t s o c i e t y must in c l u d e not o n l y the complex of i n s t i t u t i o n s that compose the s t a t e , i t must demonstrate the l i n k s between the s t a t e system and s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , and i t must s p e c i f y the r o l e of the s t a t e under the c a p i t a l i s t economy i n the context of- a given s o c i a l formation (1977': 5-6). Throughout t h i s d i s c u s s i o n , t h e r e f o r e , I have r e f e r r e d to the s t a t e as being composed of a number of i d e n t i f i a b l e i n s t i t u t i o n s that i n t e r a c t to address the s p e c i f i c s o c i a l and economic t e n s i o n s of the Great D e p r e s s i o n . 1 To o b t a i n the data examined i n t h i s t h e s i s , h i s t o r i c a l r e s e a r c h was undertaken i n t o the s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic c l i m a t e of the n a t i o n d u r i n g the 1930s. I gathered the data from a wide v a r i e t y of sources: academic h i s t o r i c a l accounts, o f f i c i a l government documents, newspaper a r t i c l e s , undated 1 A d i s c u s s i o n and a n a l y s i s of these t h e o r e t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e s i s p r o v i d e d i n Chapter Seven. The s t r e n g t h s of each sc h o o l of thought, and a p r e s e n t a t i o n of the r a t i o n a l e behind the f o r m u l a t i o n of the t h e o r e t i c a l framework c o n s t r u c t e d f o r t h i s t h e s i s i s p r o v i d e d . 5 pamphlets and b u l l e t i n s p u b l i s h e d by the unemployed, i n f o r m a l i n t e r - d e p a r t m e n t a l memos of government o f f i c i a l s , and o r i g i n a l , c o n f i d e n t i a l p o l i c e r e p o r t s . By t h i s means I o b t a i n e d i n s i g h t s i n t o i n t e r a c t i o n s among the unemployed and s t a t e a u t h o r i t i e s , and I have been a b l e to r e l a t e the p a r t i c u l a r p o l i t i c a l and economic circumstances of the e r a , to the s p e c i f i c s of the s o c i a l atmosphere of the Great Depression. In t h i s t h e s i s I have c o n c e n t r a t e d on the p r o v i n c e of B r i t i s h Columbia where the e x p o r t - o r i e n t e d , labour i n t e n s i v e i n d u s t r i e s experienced the most severe e f f e c t s of the Depression. The thousands of s i n g l e men who sought work i n the primary i n d u s t r i e s of B.C. c o n s t i t u t e d the l a r g e s t group of unemployed i n Canada. These t r a n s i e n t men who d r i f t e d i n and out of the p r o v i n c e c r e a t e d p e c u l i a r d i f f i c u l t i e s f o r the s t a t e . As a r e s u l t , they were set a p a r t as a s p e c i a l group and were d e a l t with i n a unique way. To set the stage f o r the a n a l y s i s of the unemployment s i t u a t i o n and s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s that p r e v a i l e d d u r i n g the 1930s, chapter two o u t l i n e s the c h a r a c t e r of the Canadian economy p r i o r to the Great Depression. The stunning e f f e c t s t h a t the economic c r i s i s of the 1930s had on the primary export dependent economy, and the r e s u l t a n t f i s c a l c r i s i s of the s t a t e i s o u t l i n e d . The severe economic and s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s that developed i n the resource dependent p r o v i n c e - of B.C. d u r i n g t h i s c r i s i s are presented to i l l u s t r a t e the d i r e circumstances of the vast numbers of s i n g l e unemployed, and p r o v i d e a background f o r the 6 a n a l y s i s of the a c t i o n s taken by the s t a t e to d e a l with t h i s group. Chapter three brings the reader from the macro-level and p o r t r a y s a v i v i d account of the p l i g h t of the thousands of s i n g l e , unemployed men as they sought to eke out an e x i s t e n c e i n B r i t i s h Columbia, without money or homes. The d i s c o n t e n t with the c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e v o c a l i z e d by these men, i s presented to i l l u s t r a t e the growing m i s g i v i n g s they and many Canadians had about the l e g i t i m a c y of the e x i s t i n g s o c i a l order. The u n s u c c e s s f u l attempts made by governments and the p o l i c e to d e a l with the thousands of these s i n g l e unemployed men who were demanding s i g n i f i c a n t changes i n the s o c i a l order i s a l s o d i s c u s s e d i n t h i s chapter. T h i s d i s c u s s i o n w i l l i l l u s t r a t e v a r i o u s methods of s o c i a l c o n t r o l u t i l i z e d by the s t a t e ; but i t becomes c l e a r that u l t i m a t e l y , these attempts were u n s u c c e s s f u l , and the s t a t e was unable to c o n t a i n the d i s s e n t i n g group through usual procedures. The c e n t r a l focus of t h i s study r e l a t e s the e v e n t u a l , e x c e p t i o n a l a c t i o n taken by the s t a t e to d e a l with these s i n g l e , unemployed men, the Department of N a t i o n a l Defence R e l i e f Camp Sheme. Chapters four and f i v e r e v e a l the s t a t e ' s r e s o r t to c o e r c i o n , and the r e p r e s s i o n of the d i s s i d e n t unemployed. Through the severe, unprecedented, e x t r a - p a r l i a m e n t a r y measures taken to maintain "peace, order, and good government" in Canada, a nation-wide scheme was undertaken to c o n t a i n the d i s s e n t i n g group. The DND r e l i e f camp scheme was e s t a b l i s h e d and operated 7 i n the context of a f i s c a l c r i s i s w i t h i n the s t a t e ; but t h i s s o c i a l expense was deemed necessary i f the e x i s t i n g s o c i o -economic order was to be p reserved. The r e l i e f camp scheme was dismantled i n 1936. In chapter s i x , I r e l a t e the events from 1936 to the end of the decade. The outbreak of World War Two d u r i n g 1939, marked the end of the Great Depression, as the thousands of unemployed were absorbed i n t o the f l o u r i s h i n g war economy and the armed f o r c e s . N e v e r t h e l e s s , the s t r u g g l e s of the unemployed d u r i n g the decade of the Great Depression were a s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r i n the u l t i m a t e establishment of the 1940 Unemployment Insurance Act. A f t e r the d i s c u s s i o n of the s t a t e s o c i a l c o n t r o l that was e x e r c i s e d to deal with the s i n g l e unemployed men d u r i n g the e a r l y p a r t of the 1930s, chapter seven extends t h i s a n a l y s i s to a broader t h e o r e t i c a l framework to provide a comprehensive e x p l a n a t i o n of t h i s s t a t e a c t i o n . To accomplish t h i s , I present a d i s c u s s i o n of t h e o r e t i c a l analyses of the c h a r a c t e r and s t r u c t u r e of the s t a t e and i t s r o l e i n c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y . T h i s framework permits an understanding of the a c t i o n s taken by the Canadian s t a t e when i t was faced with s e r i o u s t h r e a t posed by the r a d i c a l , d i s s e n t i n g s i n g l e unemployed men. T h i s s o c i o l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s of the s t a t e and the e x c e p t i o n a l s o c i a l c o n t r o l i t e x e r c i s e d d u r i n g the Great Depression through the DND r e l i e f camp scheme w i l l c o n t r i b u t e to the ongoing debate of the c h a r a c t e r of the Canadian s t a t e and i t s r o l e i n c a p i t a l i s t soc i e t y . 8 Chapter Two  The Great Depression i n Canada I n t r o d u c t i o n In t h i s chapter, I o u t l i n e the development of the p e r s i s t e n t l y dependent c h a r a c t e r of the Canadian resource economy, and present the f a c t o r s t h a t c o n t r i b u t e d to the severe economic d e p r e s s i o n i n western Canada d u r i n g the 1930s. The s e v e r i t y of the impact of the Great Depression i n B r i t i s h Columbia, and the e x c e p t i o n a l l y h i g h l e v e l of unemployment that r e s u l t e d i n t h i s p r o v i n c e are d i s c u s s e d . I then show that the s t a t e was not equipped to meet the demand f o r s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e c r e a t e d by the thousands of unemployed. The government's attempt to d e a l with the severe s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s p r e c i p i t a t e d by the economic d e p r e s s i o n , r e s u l t e d i n an i n c r e a s e i n s t a t e e x p e n d i t u r e s . The s i g n i f i c a n t r e d u c t i o n i n s t a t e revenues due to the d e c l i n e i n t a x a t i o n and resource r e n t s , and the i n c r e a s e i n s o c i a l expenses, c r e a t e d a f i s c a l c r i s i s f o r the s t a t e . T h i s chapter w i l l r e v e a l t h a t , due to i t s dependent c h a r a c t e r , the reduced demand for primary resources on the i n t e r n a t i o n a l market plunged the Canadian economy i n t o a severe d e p r e s s i o n . Unemployment rose d r a s t i c a l l y , but few s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e p r o v i s i o n s were a v a i l a b l e to supply r e l i e f f o r those without jobs. 9 C o l o n i a l Dependency The development of the economic s t r u c t u r e of Canada has been shaped predominately by t h i s country's dependence upon the export of i t s primary resources and s t a p l e products. From the i n i t i a l f i s h i n g resource that Europeans harvested o f f the east c o a s t , to the fur trade era that dominated economic a c t i v i t y f o r decades, up to the present e x p o r t a t i o n of timber, m i n e r a l r e s o u r c e s and wheat, Canada's economy has been dependent upon ° i t s primary resource i n d u s t r i e s . The overthrow of the p o l i t i c a l and m e r c a n t i l e e l i t e of New France i n 1760 heralded a new and s i g n i f i c a n t s o c i a l and economic s t r u c t u r e i n Lower Canada. The domination of the B r i t i s h economic and p o l i t i c a l e l i t e over the French p e r m i t t e d the establishment of a B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l m e r c a n t i l e system, whereby E n g l i s h merchants were ab l e to p r o f i t by e s t a b l i s h i n g a monopoly on fur and timber exported to the home market, and c o n t r o l the supply of manufactured goods from B r i t a i n to the consumers i n the c o l o n i e s of Upper and Lower Canada. Since the establishment of any manufacturing bases i n the New World would be a t h r e a t to B r i t a i n ' s i n d u s t r i a l wealth, bans were e s t a b l i s h e d to c o n t r o l the export of machinery that c o u l d be used f o r secondary i n d u s t r i e s , and s k i l l e d a r t i s a n s were not p e r m i t t e d to emigrate to the Canadas ( W i l l o x , 1980: 40). Thus, from the defeat of New France to the mid-l800s, B r i t i s h m e r c a n t i l i s m f l o u r i s h e d , and as a consequence, e a r l y i n i t s h i s t o r y Canada developed i n t o a resource h i n t e r l a n d dependent 10 upon the B r i t i s h m e t r o p o l i s f o r i t s r e q u i r e d manufactured goods. The R e b e l l i o n s of 1840 were an e x p r e s s i o n by the Canadian p e t i t e b o u r g e o i s i e of t h e i r d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the enforced r e s t r i c t i o n s on i n d u s t r i a l development i n the c o l o n i e s . Although these r e b e l s were q u i c k l y crushed, the m e r c a n t i l i s t s ' r e s p i t e was s h o r t - l i v e d , f o r the displacement of the merchants by the growing B r i t i s h i n d u s t r i a l i s t s had a d i s r u p t i v e e f f e c t on the economic r e l a t i o n s h i p and balance of power in Canada. Lacking i t s own manufacturing base, the> decline- of m e r c a n t i l i s m r e s u l t e d i n Canada t u r n i n g to the United S t a t e s f o r i t s supply of manufactured goods. The R e c i p r o c i t y T r e a t y of 1854 provided that Canada's raw m a t e r i a l s and the U n i t e d S t a t e ' s manufactured goods be granted r e c i p r o c a l terms of entry at lower t a r i f f r a t e s i n t o each o t h e r ' s country. B r i t a i n supported' the agreement, and thus Canada's dependency f o r manufactured goods began to s h i f t to the d e v e l o p i n g American m e t r o p o l i s . However, h o s t i l i t y between B r i t a i n and the U n i t e d States d u r i n g the American C i v i l War, and the i n c r e a s e i n t a r i f f s on U.S. goods, e s t a b l i s h e d by Canada i n order to pay o f f r a i l w a y b u i l d i n g debts, r e s u l t e d i n the U.S. abrogation of the R e c i p r o c i t y T r e a t y i n 1866 (Laxer, J . , 1973: 30; W i l l o x , 1980: 41). C o n c u r r e n t l y however, the balance of B r i t i s h economic power was once again s h i f t i n g , t h i s time i n favour of f i n a n c i e r s ; and B r i t i s h p o r t f o l i o i n v e s t o r s were s e a r c h i n g f o r p l a c e s of investment ( W i l l o x , 1980: 41). One c r i t e r i o n f o r f a v o u r a b l e " f o r e i g n investment however, i s a strong s t a t e 11 s t r u c t u r e through which loans may be defended. Thus both the Canadian m e r c a n t i l i s t debtors and the B r i t i s h f i n a n c i a l c r e d i t o r s favoured the pr o p o s a l t h a t Upper and Lower Canada be given the r e s t of B r i t i s h North America to e s t a b l i s h a na t i o n s t a t e , and develop an east-west commerce. Subsequently, i n 1867 through the B.N.A. Act of the B r i t i s h Parliament, Dominion s t a t u s was giv e n to Canada and the B r i t i s h - f i n a n c e d Canadian m e r c a n t i l i s t s were provided with the a b i l i t y to c o n t r o l an expanded and p o t e n t i a l l y p r o f i t a b l e system of t r a d e , with the Canadian s t a t e s e r v i n g as a guarantor of the loans p r o v i d e d by B r i t i s h i n v e s t o r s and f i n a n c i e r s ( W i l l o x , 1980: 41). The e a r l y development of the Dominion of Canada was shaped p r i m a r i l y by the N a t i o n a l P o l i c y . The i n t e n t of t h i s P o l i c y , as a n t i c i p a t e d by the B.N.A. Act, was the expansion westward, thus augmenting the commercial o p e r a t i o n s of the B r i t i s h Empire. The N a t i o n a l P o l i c y had three b a s i c purposes: the b u i l d i n g of a t r a n s - c o n t i n e n t a l r a i l w a y to l i n k the p o t e n t i a l wheat exports of the Canadian west to Montreal and the St. Lawrence Seaway; the promotion of immigration t o the new i n t e r n a l colony i n the Canadian west; and as w i l l be d i s c u s s e d below, the su p p r e s s i o n of the development of secondary i n d u s t r y i n the west through the e r e c t i o n of a t a r i f f t h a t f o r c e d westerners to depend upon c e n t r a l Canada f o r manufactured goods. The t a r i f f e s t a b l i s h e d through the N a t i o n a l P o l i c y was not intended p r i m a r i l y to p r o t e c t Canadian i n d u s t r i a l i s t s , but rat h e r to ensure the maintenance of the monopoly t r a d i n g h e l d by 12 the Canadian merchants, and to f o r c e the American i n d u s t r i a l i s t s d e s i r i n g access to the Canadian market to e s t a b l i s h f a c t o r i e s i n Canada. As a r e s u l t , although Canadian-owned secondary i n d u s t r i e s d i d grow throughout the d u r a t i o n of the N a t i o n a l P o l i c y , American d i r e c t investment i n Canada grew r a p i d l y , r e a c h i n g $520 m i l l i o n by 1913 (Laxer, J . , 1973: 31). B r i t i s h presence was s t i l l apparent, and d u r i n g that same year 14 percent of a l l B r i t i s h f o r e i g n investment was l o c a t e d i n Canada a h e a v i e r per c a p i t a c o n c e n t r a t i o n than any other country ( L e v i t t , 1970: 52). While other s t a p l e s , p r i n c i p a l l y wheat, con t i n u e d to be exported overseas, the new export products such as timber and m i n e r a l s began . to move to the U n i t e d S t a t e s ( L e v i t t , 1970: 54). F o l l o w i n g the Great War, B r i t i s h currency became devalued and that country's predominance as a f i n a n c i a l power began to wane r a p i d l y (Naylor, 1972: 32). At the same time however, the U n i t e d S t a t e s was emerging as a dominant world economic power, and monopoly c a p i t a l i s m had e s t a b l i s h e d a strong f o o t h o l d i n that country by the e a r l y 1900s (Clement, 1977: 55 and 65). As a r e s u l t , d u r i n g the post World War One p e r i o d Canada experienced both a drop i n B r i t i s h p o r t f o l i o investment and a s u b s t a n t i a l growth i n American d i r e c t investment. Encouraged by access to the Commonwealth markets through the establishment of an Imperial p r e f e r e n t i a l t a r i f f f o r B r i t i s h dominions, the number of U.S. branch p l a n t s i n Canada t r i p l e d between 1913 and 1934 ( W i l l o x , 1980: 43). While the U.S. f o r e i g n investment expanded i n t o v a r i o u s r e g i o n s , Canada was i t s s i n g l e 13 most important country. Canada was an a t t r a c t i v e p l a c e f o r business to l o c a t e . By 1914, Canada had more American based manufacturing p l a n t s than any other n a t i o n (Clement, 1977: 64). During the years surrounding the turn of the century, of the t h i r t y s i x American companies that b u i l t branch p l a n t s , t h i r t y four l o c a t e d t h e i r f a c t o r i e s i n Canada (Clement, 1977: 53). L e v i t t (1970) records that o v e r a l l U.S. investment i n Canada rose from 15.5 percent of f o r e i g n investment i n 1900, to 53 percent of the t o t a l f o r e i g n investment i n 1926 (1970: 66). Canada was d r i f t i n g away from the s a t e l l i t i c o r b i t of B r i t a i n , i n t o the stronger g r a v i t a t i o n a l f i e l d of the r i s i n g American s u p e r s t a r . (1970: 54) Uneven Canadian Development As American d i r e c t investment was c o n s o l i d a t e d i n Canada, the resource e x t r a c t i o n i n d u s t r i e s of the west became lock e d i n t o a dependent r e l a t i o n s h i p with the United S t a t e s . The impact of the r a p i d economic expansion i n resource e x t r a c t i o n and manufacturing during the e a r l y part of the twentieth century served to entrench the uneven c h a r a c t e r of the Canadian economy. J u s t as Canada developed as a resource h i n t e r l a n d s u p p l y i n g Europe with raw m a t e r i a l s , the Canadian west had c o n s i s t e n t l y p r o v i d e d an i n t e r n a l resource h i n t e r l a n d f o r the i n d u s t r i a l h e a r t l a n d of c e n t r a l Canada. 14 The N a t i o n a l P o l i c y was designed to l i n k the resource r i c h r e g i o ns across Canada to O n t a r i o and Quebec, and promote the i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and economic domination of c e n t r a l Canada, and i t set the stage f o r the development and maintenance of r e g i o n a l i z e d economies i n Canada (Hunter, 1981: 156). The completion of the r a i l w a y and the wheat boom of 1896-1913 brought unprecedented economic a c t i v i t y i n Canada and encouraged settlement i n the p r a i r i e p r o v i n c e s and B r i t i s h Columbia (Conway, 1983: 29; S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 13). During 1900, 76 percent of B.C.'s lumber exports l e f t the p r o v i n c e by sea, but by 1913, 90 percent of t h i s export went east by r a i l (Conway, 1983: 29). The railway r a t e p o l i c y e s t a b l i s h e d i n the 1897 Crow's Nest Pass Agreement never favoured i n d u s t r y i n the west. Rather, i t encouraged the expansion of p r a i r i e a g r i c u l t u r e and resource e x t r a c t i o n , and the westward movement of farm machinery consumer goods from the f a c t o r i e s of c e n t r a l Canada. By lowering the c o s t s of e x p o r t i n g wheat from the west and reducing the c o s t of importing e a s t e r n manufactured goods, the N a t i o n a l P o l i c y discouraged investment i n r e g i o n a l l y based manufacturing ( P h i l l i p s , 1982: 71). The N a t i o n a l P o l i c y f a c i l i t a t e d the eastward movement of raw resources, and i t s p r o t e c t i v e t a r i f f s captured westerners as a dependent market of the manufactures of c e n t r a l Canada. By the end of the wheat boom, the uneven p a t t e r n of the Canadian economy had been f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h e d . Although western expansion c o n s t i t u t e d 80 percent of the n a t i o n a l economic growth between 1880 and 1910, t h i s expansion was l i m i t e d to resource 15 e x p l o i t a t i o n . As e a r l y as 1910 approximately four f i f t h s of a l l Canadian manufacturing was l o c a t e d i n O n t a r i o and Quebec (Clement, 1977: 62). Westerners were at the mercy of a l e g i s l a t e d monopoly which charged e x c e s s i v e f r e i g h t r a t e s , and they were f o r c e d to buy a l l t h e i r manufactured n e c e s s i t i e s at p r i c e s m e r c i l e s s l y i n f l a t e d by the t a r i f f . (Conway, 1983: 32) . The r e s u l t was a g e n e r a l absence of secondary manufacturing i n the west, and heavy western dependence upon the e x t r a c t i o n of resources f o r export to the manufacturing m e t r o p o l i upon which i t depended f o r f i n i s h e d p roducts. When the lower Crow's Nest Pass r a t e s were int r o d u c e d during 1925, and the lower r a t e s f o r west-bound goods were abandoned, c e n t r a l Canada had a c q u i r e d such an advantage i n manufacturing t h a t the i n c r e a s e i n east-bound f r e i g h t had l i t t l e a f f e c t ( P h i l l i p s , 1982: 71). Furthermore, as P h i l l i p s (1982) p o i n t s out, The extension of Crow's Nest Pass r a t e s to e a s t - and west-bound g r a i n s ... means i t i s much cheaper to s h i p out raw proudcts than i t i s to s h i p out processed or manufactured p r o d u c t s . . . . The s t a t u t o r y r a t e s have come to be a cosy t a r i f f b a r r i e r p r o t e c t i n g e a s t e r n p r o c e s s o r s a g a i n s t western c o m p e t i t i o n , thus i n c r e a s i n g the dependency of the re g i o n on primary p r o d u c t i o n . ... the t r a n s c o n t i n e n t a l r a i l w a y s opened the western r e g i o n to eastern Canada, but d i d not open e a s t e r n Canada t o the West. ( P h i l l i p s , 1982: 71) The a l t e r e d f r e i g h t r a t e only i n d i r e c t l y a f f e c t e d B r i t i s h Columbia's resource economy. While B r i t i s h Columbians were o b l i g e d to buy t h e i r Canadian manufactured goods on a high c o s t , t a r i f f p r o t e c t e d market, t h e i r resources were s o l d 16 predominately on an u n s t a b l e , unprotected world market ( P h i l l i p s , 1982: 72). By the 1920s B.C. had become almost t o t a l l y dependent upon predominately American f o r e i g n markets and c a p i t a l ( P h i l l i p s , 1982: 79). Not only was the Canadian economy c h a r a c t e r i z e d by r e l i a n c e upon U.S. investment, B r i t i s h Columbia depended upon American investment f o r the development of i t s r e s o u r c e s , and upon American markets f o r the export of i t s raw m a t e r i a l s . Growth of American Dependency U n l i k e p r e v i o u s B r i t i s h investment, American c a p i t a l was d i r e c t e d toward i n d u s t r i a l development u s u a l l y as d i r e c t investment. As the t r a d i t i o n a l exports of f i s h , f u r , and timber to Europe d e c l i n e d , .the American demand f o r raw resources such as pulp and paper, m i n e r a l s , and f u e l needed f o r i n d u s t r i a l expansion i n c r e a s e d , and the economic p u l l from north to south became stronger than the n a t i o n a l east-west t i e s . While most European c o u n t r i e s were s t r u g g l i n g to recover from the e f f e c t s of the F i r s t World War, d u r i n g the 1920s, the U n i t e d S t a t e s experienced a p e r i o d of s u b s t a n t i a l economic growth. E x t e n s i v e use of automobiles began i n the U.S. at that time, and the p r o d u c t i o n of v e h i c l e s became the backbone of the American p r o s p e r i t y of the ' r o a r i n g 20's' (Sweezy, 1980: 4). The automobile i n d u s t r y spawned the development and expansion of a v a r i e t y of r e l a t e d i n d u s t r i e s such as o i l , rubber, g l a s s , p l a s t i c s and s y n t h e t i c s , and i n i t i a t e d road b u i l d i n g , gas 17 s t a t i o n s and motels. Furthermore, s u b u r b a n i z a t i o n , with the accompanying demand f o r housing and a p p l i a n c e s i n c r e a s e d (Sweezy, 1980: 4; E r i c k s o n , 1972: 4). These i n d u s t r i e s c o n t r i b u t e d to an growth of 87 percent i n manufacturing p r o d u c t i v i t y between 1921 and 1929 ( E r i c k s o n , 1972: 3). T h i s s i g n i f i c a n t expansion in the above mentioned i n d u s t r i e s i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s had an immediate and d i r e c t impact upon the Canadian economy. C e n t r a l Canadian c a r r i a g e manufactures encouraged and supported Ford, General Motors, and C h r y s l e r C o r p o r a t i o n to produce automobiles i n Canada e a r l y i n the t w e n t i e t h century, and d u r i n g the automobile boom a l l three of the major auto manufacturers became f i r m l y entrenched i n Canada through the establishment of branch p l a n t s (Clement, 1977: 67-70). Canadian producers of raw m a t e r i a l c a p i t a l i z e d on the o p p o r t u n i t y to export s t a p l e products to supply the ever-expanding U.S. markets, and d u r i n g the 1920s the new s t a p l e i n d u s t r i e s that developed i n Canada, a l l gained i n c r e a s e d importance and expanded to meet the American markets. Although the Canadian economy experienced s u b s t a n t i a l growth at t h i s time, i t was overshadowed by the expansion of the U.S. (Fearon, 1979: 28-29), and the American t r a d i t i o n of d i r e c t f o r e i g n investment i n Canada was f u r t h e r c o n s o l i d a t e d . The advancing American i n d u s t r i e s were encouraged by Canadian f i n a n c i e r s and governments to f i l l the vacuum i n the Canadian manufacturing s e c t o r through the establishment of branch p l a n t s . By 1924, over 70 percent of U.S. d i r e c t investment i n Canada was l o c a t e d i n i n d u s t r i a l raw m a t e r i a l s , and secondary manufacturing compared to h a l f i n 1914 18 (Clement, 1977: 69). The e v e r - i n c r e a s i n g American d i r e c t investment in Canada and the absence of n a t i o n a l venture c a p i t a l c r i p p l e d the establishment of l a r g e - s c a l e indigenous secondary manufacturing. The s u b s i d i a r i e s and branch p l a n t s of l a r g e American-based m u l t i n a t i o n a l c o r p o r a t i o n s ... r e p l a c e d the o p e r a t i o n s of the e a r l i e r European-based m e r c a n t i l e venture companies i n e x t r a c t i n g the s t a p l e and o r g a n i z i n g the supply of manufactured goods. ( L e v i t t , 1970: 23) These f a c t o r s combined d u r i n g the. 1920s to s h i f t Canada economic dependence upon B r i t a i n to the c r e a t i o n of an economy i n e x t r i c a b l y t i e d to the monopoly c a p i t a l i s m of the U n i t e d S t a t e s . As Clement (1983) p o i n t s out, D i r e c t investment as expressed i n the branch p l a n t s ... i n v o l v e s an e n t i r e 'package' c o n s i s t i n g of technology, access to markets, access to c a p i t a l and management. ... over time d i r e c t investment expands and widens the scope of c o n t r o l f o r i t s owners. (1983: 57) . During the 1920s, American demand f o r newsprint i n c r e a s e d d r a m a t i c a l l y . By 1929 Canada produced 65 percent of world exports of newsprint. That year 90% of the t o t a l output of Canadian pulp and paper was exported, and 90% of the t o t a l export went to the U.S. Half of the t o t a l Canadian pulp and paper output was produced by three American b u i l t pulp and paper m i l l s , every one with U.S. c a p i t a l • i n t e r e s t s (one American c o n t r o l l e d ) . These m i l l s had been encouraged i n t o Canada by a s s i s t a n c e from the Canadian government (Clement, 1977: 71). 1 9 A m e r i c a n p r e s e n c e i n m i n i n g r e s o u r c e s , m u c h o f w h i c h w a s b e i n g e x t r a c t e d f o r t h e U . S . a u t o m o b i l e i n d u s t r i e s w a s s u b s t a n t i a l , b u t v a r i e d a c c o r d i n g t o t h e m i n e r a l . O i l , f o r e x a m p l e , a n i n t e g r a l p a r t o f t h e a u t o m o b i l e i n d u s t r y w a s d o m i n a t e d b y U . S . c o m p a n i e s ( C l e m e n t , 1 9 7 7 : 7 2 ) . T h e A m e r i c a n e c o n o m i c e x p a n s i o n d u r i n g t h e 1 9 2 0 s h a d a d i r e c t i m p a c t o n B . C . ' s r e s o u r c e e c o n o m y . T h e e x p a n d i n g a u t o m o b i l e a n d e l e c t r i c a l a p p l i a n c e m a n u f a c t u r i n g i n d u s t r i e s o f t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s h a d e n c o u r a g e d e x t e n s i v e m i n i n g o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a ' s l e a d a n d c o p p e r r e s o u r c e s , a n d d r o v e l e a d p r o d u c t i o n i n t h e p r o v i n c e u p f r o m a p p r o x i m a t e l y 4 0 m i l l i o n p o u n d s i n t h e e a r l y p a r t o f t h e 1 9 2 0 s t o 3 2 0 m i l l i o n p o u n d s b y 1 9 3 0 ( C a v e s e t a l . , 1 9 7 6 : 1 5 8 ) . T h e B . C . . M i n i s t e r o f F i n a n c e r e p o r t e d i n t h e 1 9 2 9 B u d g e t A d d r e s s t h a t , " B a s i c p r o d u c t i o n d u r i n g t h e l a s t y e a r a t t a i n e d n e w h i g h l e v e l s . M u c h h i g h e r c o p p e r l e v e l s a n d a l s o a s l i g h t l y h i g h e r a v e r a g e p r i c e o f l e a d b r i n g i n g t h e t o t a l b a s i c m i n i n g p r o d u c t i o n f r o m $ 6 5 , 3 7 2 , 5 8 3 i n 1 9 2 8 t o $ 7 0 , 0 3 0 , 0 0 0 i n 1 9 2 9 . " ( B u d g e t A d d r e s s , B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a L e g i s l a t i v e A s s e m b l y , 1 9 2 9 : 5 0 ) . A n i n c r e a s e i n t h e v o l u m e o f t i m b e r c u t , a n d a r i s e i n l u m b e r p r i c e s , m a d e 1 9 2 8 a r e c o r d y e a r i n v o l u m e a n d g r o s s v a l u e o f p r o d u c t i o n i n t h a t i n d u s t r y ( B u d g e t A d d r e s s , 1 9 2 9 : 7 6 ) . G o v e r n m e n t r o y a l t i e s o n t i m b e r r o s e f r o m $ 9 8 1 , 5 5 8 i n 1 9 2 0 - 2 1 t o $ 1 , 8 4 6 , 0 0 7 d u r i n g 1 9 2 7 - 2 8 , a n d r e v e n u e f r o m t h e s a l e o f t i m b e r l i c e n c e s i n c r e a s e d $ 3 1 3 , 1 2 4 o v e r t h e s a m e p e r i o d ( B u d g e t A d d r e s s , 1 9 2 9 : 7 2 ) . T h e g r o s s t o t a l i n c o m e f o r t h e p u l p a n d p a p e r i n d u s t r y w a s $ 9 4 , 3 3 4 , 0 0 0 i n 1 9 2 9 , u p s o m e w h a t f r o m t h e 1 9 2 8 t o t a l o f $ 9 3 , 7 8 7 , 0 0 0 ( B u d g e t A d d r e s s , 1 9 2 9 : 5 0 ) . A s w e l l , 20 the p r o v i n c e ' s growing f i s h i n g i n d u s t r y r e a l i z e d higher p r i c e s fo r i t s i n c r e a s e d harvest d u r i n g the 1927-28 f i s c a l year (Budget Address, 1929: 76). During the years 1927 to 1931, the p r a i r i e p r o v i n c e s exported 800 m i l l i o n bushels of wheat a n n u a l l y (Fowke, 1957: 179). B r i t i s h Columbia d i r e c t l y b e n e f i t t e d from the western wheat economy through the west coast p o r t s . The wheat sh i p p i n g c a p a c i t y of the Port of Vancouver i n c r e a s e d from one and one q u a r t e r m i l l i o n bushels to s i x and one h a l f m i l l i o n bushels i n eighteen months d u r i n g 1923-1924 (Stevens, 1936: 63). In a d d i t i o n , the value of b a s i c a g r i c u l t u r e p r o d u c t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia rose from $58,664,243 i n 1928, to $62,632,890 in 1929. (Budget Address, 1932, Schedule 5). The general e f f e c t of the r a p i d development of the resource i n d u s t r i e s due to the expansion of l u c r a t i v e U.S. markets, and the r e s u l t a n t p r o s p e r i t y of the 1920s, pe r m i t t e d unusually h i g h l e v e l s of employment d u r i n g the l a t t e r p a r t of the ' r o a r i n g 20s', and r e c e s s i o n s were s h o r t - l i v e d (Fearon, 1979: 28; S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 42). Prelude to the Great Depression The r a p i d economic expansion of the inter-war p e r i o d c r e a t e d a s p i r i t of optimism d u r i n g the ' r o a r i n g twenties'. P r o f i t s r o s e , and technology advanced, but the prosperous 1920s were c h a r a c t e r i z e d by s i g n i f i c a n t u n d e r l y i n g problems. One weakness was the tendency f o r investment to outpace consumption. As Baran and Sweezy (1966) argue, the economic s u r p l u s tends to r i s e both a b s o l u t e l y and r e l a t i v e l y as the system of monopoly 21 c a p i t a l i s m develops, f o r as continued expansion permits n e a r l y f u l l - c a p a c i t y p r o d u c t i o n , the s u r p l u s s w e l l s (Baran and Sweezy, 1966: 72 and 88). Due to the l a g between the a p p r o p r i a t i o n of s u r p l u s and i t s d i s t r i b u t i o n through d i v i d e n d payments, the d i s p e r s a l of s u r p l u s f a l l s r e l a t i v e to the a c t u a l s u r p l u s , and thus: I t i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of monopoly c a p i t a l i s m ... that there i s a p e r s i s t e n t tendency f o r the s u r p l u s to r i s e as a p r o p o r t i o n of t o t a l output, and t h i s c r e a t e s more and more acute problems absorbing i t . (Bleaney, 1976: 227) Yet, w i t h i n monopoly c a p i t a l i s m , while ever more surplus- i s generated, consumption and investment o u t l e t s r e q u i r e d to absorb the s u r p l u s are not p r o v i d e d (Baran and Sweezy, 1966: 108). E v e n t u a l l y excess c a p a c i t y grows so l a r g e i t d i s c o u r a g e s f u r t h e r investment. When investment d e c l i n e s , . so do incomes and employment, and hence a l s o s u r p l u s i t s e l f (1966: 81). While t e c h n o l o g i c a l advances brought economic p r o d u c t i v i t y to 94 percent of the t o t a l c a p a c i t y i n 1923 ( C a r l o , 1975: 174), and economic s u r p l u s rose i n the U n i t e d S t a t e s , there i s c l e a r evidence that t h i s expansion was not complemented by an e q u i v a l e n t i n c r e a s e i n wages or employment, and the subsequent purchasing power of the workers. In order f o r s u r p l u s v a l u e , or p r o f i t , to be c r e a t e d , the workers who produce a commodity must be p a i d l e s s than the exchange value of that commodity. As a r e s u l t , the purchasing power of the workers f a l l s r e l a t i v e to the a v a i l a b i l i t y of goods on the market ( T a y l o r , 1983: 130). Thus, a s i t u a t i o n of underconsumption r e l a t i v e to p r o d u c t i o n develops. 22 T h i s p a t t e r n developed i n the U.S. d u r i n g the 1920s, f o r whereas i n d u s t r i a l output i n c r e a s e d by 43 percent between 1919 and 1929, wages i n c r e a s e d by only 11 percent d u r i n g the same p e r i o d ( E r i c k s o n , 1972: 11; T a y l o r , 1983: 174). The p r o f i t s from expanded production were d i s t r i b u t e d as s h a r e h o l d e r s ' p r o f i t s or b u s i n e s s a c c r u a l s ( H e i l b r o n e r , 1980: 147). Hence, a g u l f between the income of the worker and the i n v e s t o r widened. While there was an increase i n the number of consumer goods a v a i l a b l e , due to the m a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of income, p r o f i t s a r i s i n g from p r o d u c t i o n were not d i s t r i b u t e d to those who would spend them. By 1929 American consumers' debts reached 30.3 percent of p e r s o n a l income ( C a r l o , 1975: 174), and the r a t e of consumer spending slowed s i g n i f i c a n t l y ( E r i c k s o n , 1972: 6). During 1930, p e r s o n a l consumption i n the U.S. dropped 6 pe r c e n t , and there, was a 20 percent decrease ' i n the purchase of durable goods (Fearon, 1979: 34). Without the purchasing power to a p p r o p r i a t e the goods a v a i l a b l e , consumption f e l l s hort of the t o t a l p r o d u c t i v e c a p a c i t y , and a s u r p l u s of goods was c r e a t e d . Hence, the h i g h p r o f i t s were not being c i r c u l a t e d i n the economy, and spending f o r c a p i t a l formation was s l u g g i s h ( H e i l b r o n e r , 1980: 149). Consequently, i n d u s t r i a l p r o d u c t i o n was r e q u i r e d to cut back, and a f t e r 1925 there was a steady d e c l i n e of c a p a c i t y u t i l i z a t i o n (Baran and Sweezy, 1966: 237). Between 1929 and 1933 the American output of consumer's durables decreased by 50 p e r c e n t , and the manufacturer of producer's equipment f e l l by 75 p e r c e n t (Fearon, 1979: 35). A d e c l i n e that began i n the ten months of 1929 with a $1 b i l l i o n drop in the c o n s t r u c t i o n of 23 r e s i d e n t i a l b u i l d i n g s , i n c r e a s e d to an 85 percent r e d u c t i o n i n b u i l d i n g d u r i n g the subsequent f i v e years ( E r i c k s o n , 1972: 6; Fearon, 1979: 35). As i n d u s t r i a l p r o d u c t i o n decreased, there was a consequent r i s e i n unemployment. Even those who continued to work experienced a 36 percent drop in r e a l income between 1929 and 1933 (Fearon, 1979: 35). The economic expansion of the 1920s had l e d to a s u r p l u s of goods, but owing to the m a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of income, indebted consumers drew back s i g n i f i c a n t l y on spending. As a r e s u l t , c a p i t a l formation ground to a h a l t ( H e i l b r o n e r , 1980: 150). The d e c l i n e i n consumer spending i n i t i a t e d a m u l t i p l i c t y of e f f e c t s . In an e f f o r t to reduce c o s t s , manufacturers dumped t h e i r s u r p l u s p r o d u c t i o n on the market. To decrease the amount of goods on the b l o a t e d market, r a p i d p r i c e d e c l i n e s ensued (Fearon, 1979: 34 and 49). Thus, as demand and p r o d u c t i o n decreased, unemployment rose, o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r investment d e c l i n e d , and as Baran and Sweezy (1966) argue, the s u r p l u s shrank, r e s u l t i n g i n the investment-seeking p a r t of i t d e c r e a s i n g more than i n p r o p o r t i o n (Baran and Sweezy, 1966: 88). T h i s d e c l i n e i n investment was c l e a r l y r e f l e c t e d i n the Great Crash of the New York Stock Exchange i n October, 1929. The economic p r o s p e r i t y of the e a r l y 1920s had encouraged widespread s p e c u l a t i o n i n the stock market, and i n c r e a s e d investment drove share p r i c e s up. The d e c l i n e of share v a l u e s d u r i n g the l a t t e r p a r t of that decade, due to f a l l i n g p r i c e s and wages, r e s u l t e d i n the value of s h a r e h o l d e r s ' c o l l a t e r a l d e c r e a s i n g . A 24 consequent i n c r e a s e i n t r a d i n g occurred as i n v e s t o r s sought to withdraw from u n p r o f i t a b l e investments. The r e s u l t a n t depressed market e v e n t u a l l y induced the panic of October 29, 1929 (Fearon, 1979: 33-34; E r i c k s o n , 1972: 9-10). When the stock market crashed, the immense but f l i m s y s t r u c t u r e of c r e d i t f e l l too ( H e i l b r o n e r , 1980: 143). While the c r a s h of the New York Stock Exchange occu r r e d i n 1929, the f o r e g o i n g makes i t apparent t h a t t h i s was not the only, nor the root cause of the subsequent Great Depression. The widening gap between the r i c h and the poor due to the m a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of income, and the consequent underconsumption and d e c l i n e i n c a p i t a l formation, c o n t r i b u t e d to the economic d e v e s t a t i o n of the 1930s. The economic expansion of the 1920s was c h a r a c t e r i z e d by another c r u c i a l f a c t o r — t e c h n o l o g i c a l advancement ( H e i l b r o n e r , 1980: 146). New i n v e n t i o n s served to reduce the man hours r e q u i r e d i n a f a c t o r y and improve p r o d u c t i v i t y , but they d i d not c r e a t e any new demand. Rather, t e c h n o l o g i c a l change d i s p l a c e d both jobs and i n d u s t r i e s . Between 1920 and 1929 p r o d u c t i o n soared, and manufacturing output per man hour rose 60 percent. N e v e r t h e l e s s , d e s p i t e higher p r o f i t s , wage i n c r e a s e s d i d not r e s u l t ( H e i l b r o n e r , 1980: 146-147). The impact of t e c h n o l o g i c a l i n n o v a t i o n s a f f e c t e d another s i g n i f i c a n t s e c t o r of the American economy as w e l l . Throughout the 1920s independent farmers c o n s i s t e n t l y f e l l behind the standard of l i v i n g t h e i r urban c o u n t e r p a r t s maintained, and many 25 farmers were being f o r c e d i n t o tenantry ( H e i l b r o n e r , 1980: 144,146). I t i s c l e a r that the American economy was a l r e a d y on the b r i n k of d i s a s t e r when the Great Crash occurred, but s i n c e i n v e s t o r s l o s t approximately $40 b i l l i o n d u r i n g the f i r s t weeks subsequent to the Crash, i t encouraged a r a p i d c o n t r a c t i o n of f u r t h e r investment. While the Crash of 1929 had a p s y c h o l o g i c a l impact, i t d i d not a f f e c t the m a j o r i t y of Americans i n a pe r s o n a l f i n a n c i a l way, f o r only e i g h t percent of the p o p u l a t i o n h e l d s t o c k s , (the m a j o r i t y of whom were wealthy), and furthermore, by 1929 the stock market f i n a n c e d only s i x percent of gross p r i v a t e investment (Fearon, 1979: 34). Thus, while the Great Crash was not the cause of the economic c r i s i s , i t was a f a c t o r that perhaps a c c e l e r a t e d the exposure of the imbalance i n the American economic s t r u c t u r e ( C a r l o , 1975: 175). I have argued above t h a t the r o o t s of the Great Depression may be t r a c e d to a number of r e l a t e d f a c t o r s ; the widening gap between r i c h s h a r e h o l d e r s and working c l a s s consumers, the r e s u l t a n t underconsumption and abcence of reinvestment of the p r o d u c t i o n s u r p l u s , and t e c h n o l o g i c a l innovations that served to reduce the number of jobs and squeeze out independent farm o p e r a t o r s . The i n s u f f i c i e n t demand f o r consumer goods, and cutbacks i n i n d u s t r i a l p r o d u c t i o n i n the U.S., had a d i r e c t negative e f f e c t on the dependent Canadian economy. Independent Canadian farmers, l i k e t h e i r American c o u n t e r p a r t s , were being f o r c e d out of business due to t e c h n o l o g i c a l i n n o v a t i o n s . During the f i r s t decades of the twentieth century, the number of Canadian farms and the percentage of the labour f o r c e i n farm labour decreased; 26 but a g r i c u l t u r a l output i n c r e a s e d and farm s i z e s expanded (Hunter, 1981: 82). Mechanization reduced the number of jobs i n Canadian manufacturing as w e l l , and many Canadian i n d u s t r i e s became dominated by a few l a r g e f i r m s (Hunter, 1981: 82). While t e c h n o l o g i c a l advances r e s u l t e d i n an i n c r e a s e i n p r o d u c t i v i t y i n Canada, d u r i n g the 1920s, as they were i n the U.S., the higher p r o f i t s were d i s t r i b u t e d to i n v e s t o r s as s h a r e h o l d e r s ' d i v i d e n d s , not as wages to Canadian workers who would r e i n v e s t the money i n t o the l o c a l economy through the purchase of consumer goods. Hence, the gap between r i c h f i n a n c i e r s and Canadian workers expanded. Since f o r e i g n investment was p r e v a l e n t throughout the economy, t h i s i n d u s t r i a l expansion r e s u l t e d i n c a p i t a l being siphoned out of Canada by American i n v e s t o r s . As i n the U.S., c a p i t a l formation stagnated. The economic d e p r e s s i o n of the 1930s had i t s most severe impact on f o r e i g n c o n t r o l l e d , primary resource i n d u s t r i e s i n Canada. The p o s i t i o n that many primary producing c o u n t r i e s found themselves i n i n 1929 was worrying, because they depended f o r much of t h e i r export earnings upon commodities which were d e c l i n i n g i n p r i c e ; t h i s problem was t h a t , however cheap t h e i r products became, consumption o f t e n remained s t a t i c . ( C a r l o , 1975: 27). When the American boom broke, the c o l l a p s e of the Canadian economy was i n e v i t a b l e . As a r e s u l t of the 1930 Hawley-Smoot Act imposing t a r i f f s on goods e n t e r i n g the U.S., Canada's exports to the United S t a t e s were cut i n h a l f (Clement, 1977: 73). By mid-1930 average p r i c e f o r a l l Canadian exports was 27 percent lower than t h e i r mid-1929 l e v e l (McGinnis, 1980: 48; Morton and Copp, 27 1980: 139). By 1932 the p r i c e s f o r Canada's seventeen major exports had f a l l e n 53 percent (Conway, 1983: 98). O v e r a l l , between 1928-29 and 1932-33, Canada's volume of exports f e l l by 60-70 p e r c e n t . The impact of t h i s drop was compounded by the f a c t t h a t d u r i n g the same time p e r i o d world p r i c e s of non-food raw m a t e r i a l s f e l l by 60 percent (Fearon, 1979: 50-51). Canada's i n d u s t r i a l p r o d u c t i o n dropped by 48 percent between 1929 and 1932, and by 1933 commodity exports were 45 percent of t h e i r 1929 l e v e l . F oreign investment, which had p e r m i t t e d Canada to maintain a favourable balance of i n t e r n a t i o n a l payment through 1930, ceased completely (McGinnis, 1980: 50). Employment l e v e l s f e l l 33 percent between 1929 and 1932, and the n a t i o n a l per c a p i t a l income dropped 48 percent (Conway, 1983: 98). Even those emloyed i n p r o t e c t e d manufacturing i n d u s t r i e s experienced a 37 percent d e c l i n e in t h e i r net money incomes (Conway, 1983: 99). I t i s c l e a r , t h e r e f o r e that the o r i g i n s of Canada's economic experience d u r i n g the Great Depression can be t r a c e d l a r g e l y to i t s dependence upon the American s t a p l e s market. The booming, dependent resource h i n t e r l a n d economy s u f f e r e d s e v e r e l y when i t s exports c o u l d no longer be absorbed w i t h i n the f a l t e r i n g U.S. m e t r o p o l i s . 28 B r i t i s h Columbia and the Great Depression As the f o r e g o i n g i n d i c a t e s , the economy of B r i t i s h Columbia was set up f o r d i s a s t e r . The withdrawl of demand f o r s t a p l e products due to the cutbacks of p r o d u c t i o n i n the American manufacturing i n d u s t r i e s sent the economy of B r i t i s h Columbia c r a s h i n g down from i t s heady p r o s p e r i t y and expansion. Between 1929 and 1933 the t o t a l value of p r o d u c t i o n i n the p r o v i n c e f e l l 53 percent (Conway, 1983: 101). By 1929 the r a p i d growth of the c i t y of Vancouver began to be c u r t a i l e d , and although b u i l d i n g i n the c i t y had absorbed 21 m i l l i o n board f e e t of the p r o v i n c e ' s lumber per year, c o n s t r u c t i o n came to a v i r t u a l s t a n d s t i l l . Vancouver's s h i p p i n g i n d u s t r y s u f f e r e d as w e l l , as the export of wheat from the c i t y ' s p o r t s f e l l by 17,500,000 bushels during 1930 (Ormsby, 1958: 442). Lumber exports not only faced c o m p e t i t i o n from the S o v i e t Union and the B a l t i c c o u n t r i e s , the 1930 Hawley-Smoot t a r i f f r e s u l t e d i n lumber exports to the U.S. e x p e r i e n c i n g a 70 percent d e c l i n e i n s u c c e s s i v e years (Lane, 1966: 4). Between 1929 and 1933 the value of B r i t i s h Columbia's timber p r o d u c t i o n f e l l 62 percent (Conway, 1983: 101). The 1931 p r i c e f o r B r i t i s h Columbia's f i s h was 45 percent l e s s than that of the 1929 market, and c o a s t a l c a n n e r i e s were l e f t with two m i l l i o n cases of salmon that they c o u l d not s e l l (Lane, 1966: 4). Between '1929 and 1933 B.C. f i s h e r i e s experienced a 72 percent drop i n net money income (Conway, 1983: 99). By 1931 Canadian export of copper d e c l i n e d by 60 percent, and l e a d exports dropped by 83 percent (Lane, 1966: 4). The value of m i n e r a l p r o d u c t i o n f e l l 59 percent to 29 $30,600,000 between 1929 and 1933 (Budget Address, 1936: 26, Conway, 1983: 101). The pulp and paper i n d u s t r y operated at j u s t over h a l f i t s c a p a c i t y , and by 1933 pulp and paper s o l d f o r 40 percent l e s s than i t had i n 1929. In 1930 the p r o v i n c e ' s lumber i n d u s t r y reduced i t s p a y r o l l output by $11 m i l l i o n having experienced a drop i n the v a l u e of b a s i c p r o d u c t i o n from $93,787,000 i n 1928-29, to $69,737,000 in 1930-31 (1932 Budget Address, Schedule 5). Mining and smelting p a y r o l l r e d u c t i o n s e q u a l l e d $3.5 m i l l i o n , i n the value of b a s i c p r o d u c t i o n having been reduced from $65,372,583 (1928-29) to $55,391,993 (1930-31) (1932 Budget Address, Schedule 5). By 1933 the value of f o r e s t r y p r o d u c t i o n i n B.C. f e l l to a stunning $39,000,000 (1936 Budget Address: 26). The Depression s t r u c k the western resource workers the hardest. S a l a r i e s and wages of those i n s h e l t e r e d i n d u s t r i e s and occupations such as t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , communication, educa t i o n , banking, and p r o f e s s i o n a l o c c u p a t i o n s , experienced a marked improvement i n t h e i r r e l a t i v e income standing, r i s i n g from 29 percent of the n a t i o n a l income i n 1929 to 35 percent i n 1935. Those i n t a r i f f p r o t e c t e d i n d u s t r i e s rose from 14 to 15 percent of the n a t i o n a l income over the same p e r i o d . Western workers, on the other hand, s u f f e r e d the g r e a t e s t d e c l i n e i n per c a p i t a income over the same p e r i o d (Conway, 1983: 99). By 1933, the per c a p i t a income of B r i t i s h Columbia had f a l l e n by 47 percent from the 1929 l e v e l (Conway, 1983: 99; Lane, 1966: 4 ) . 30 Peak season resource production d u r i n g 1931 was 40 percent of the 1929 l e v e l , c r e a t i n g widespread unemployment throughout the p r o v i n c e (Lane,1966: 6). By June of 1931 B r i t i s h Columbia had the h i g h e s t unemployment of any p r o v i n c e i n Canada, with n e a r l y 28 percent of the wage earners out of work (Conway, 1983: 101). That year the c i t y of Vancouver had twice the number of unemployed than at any time d u r i n g the 1920s, but i n resource i n d u s t r y towns such as Cranbrook, 50 percent of the workers were unemployed, and the c o a l mining town of F e r n i e had a 40 percent unemployment rate (Lane, 1966: 6). The economic d e p r e s s i o n i n t e n s i f i e d throughout the f i r s t three years of the 1930s. B r i t i s h Columbia's primary resource i n d u s t r i e s , f o r e s t r y , f i s h e r i e s and mining, c o n t r i b u t e d to approximately 90 percent of Canada's export commodities, and between 1929 and 1933 export p r i c e s f o r these products were cut by 40 percent (Conway, 1983: 101). In a d d i t i o n , the net value of p r o d u c t i o n of these commodities f e l l c o n s i s t e n t l y from $1,368 m i l l i o n i n 1928; to $1,120 m i l l i o n during 1929; $799 m i l l i o n i n 1930; $600 m i l l i o n i n 1931; r e a c h i n g a low of $538 m i l l i o n d u r i n g 1932 (Saunders, 1939: 49). 1934 saw the beginning of l i m i t e d economic improvement. B r i t i s h Columbia's b a s i c i n d u s t r i e s advanced $202,435,361 by November 1936 (1936 Budget Address: 27). During those y e a r s , f o r e s t r y p r o d u c t i o n made an estimated recovery of $27 m i l l i o n , with p r o d u c t i o n r e a c h i n g a value of approximately $66 m i l l i o n . The value of m i n e r a l p r o d u c t i o n a l s o rose from a low of $30.6 m i l l i o n i n 1933, to $50,085,361 i n 1936; but s t i l l much below the 1929 $70 m i l l i o n 31 l e v e l . By 1936 f i s h i n g , too, witnessed a s i g n i f i c a n t improvement. The b a s i c p r o d u c t i o n value was up 45 percent between 1933 and 1936, from $11 m i l l i o n to $16 m i l l i o n (1936 Budget Address: 27). Despite t h i s improvement, in B.C. the per c a p i t a income f e l l from $595 i n 1929 to $240 in 1937 (Conway, 1983: 104). Due to i t s dependence upon primary resource i n d u s t r i e s and export t r a d e , B r i t i s h Columbia's economy s u f f e r e d the worst e f f e c t s of the Great Depression of the 1930s. The Great Depression was experienced on an i n t e r n a t i o n a l s c a l e , but "... the c o l l a p s e of the western resource i n d u s t r i e s , the very heart of the western economy c r e a t e d a much higher l e v e l of western unemployment. ... the s c a r s i n the west went deeper than elsewhere (Conway, 1983: 100). Many were o b l i g e d to accept a lower standard of l i v i n g and the l e v e l of poverty i n c r e a s e d . The group that was the most s e r i o u s l y a f f e c t e d by the economic c o n d i t i o n s was the s i n g l e men, ranging from twenty to t h i r t y years of age, who were dependent upon the p r o v i n c e ' s seasonal resource i n d u s t r i e s (Brown, 1978: 191; Lane, 1966: 18; C a s s i d y , 1939: 177). The s i g n i f i c a n t .curtailment of p r o d u c t i o n throughout B.C. l e f t these men without an income, and g e n e r a l l y without a home. They were o b l i g e d to seek a s s i s t a n c e i n order to s u r v i v e . 32 S o c i a l S e r v i c e s f o r the Unemployed i n B.C. Under s e c t i o n 92 of the B.N.A. Act which s t a t e s : In each province the L e g i s l a t u r e may make laws in r e l a t i o n to ... The Establishment, Maintenance, and Management of H o s p i t a l s , Asylums, C h a r i t i e s , and Eleemosynary I n s t i t u t i o n s i n and f o r the Province (Great B r i t a i n . 30 V i c t o r i a , c.3, S e c t i o n 92), The F a t h e r s of Confederation d e s i g n a t e d the p r o v i n c e s with the f u l l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of p r o v i d i n g funds or housing to maintain the d e s t i t u t e . The pr o v i n c e of B r i t i s h Columbia, i n turn d e l e g a t e d t h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to the c i t y or town through the 1871 M u n i c i p a l Act ( H i l l , 1951: 6; King, 1939: 77). If a m u n i c i p a l i t y was bankrupt and unable to provide f o r i t s d e s t i t u t e c i t i z e n s , or i f those i n need of r e l i e f l i v e d i n 'unorganized areas' o u t s i d e m u n i c i p a l boundaries, a i d was adm i n i s t e r e d d i r e c t l y by the pro v i n c e through the " D e s t i t u t e and Sick Fund". T h i s p r o v i n c i a l a i d was adm i n i s t e r e d under the Unemployment R e l i e f Branch of the Department of Labour, and disbursements were g e n e r a l l y made through a government agent. During the f i f t y years the p r o v i n c i a l fund had e x i s t e d , only minimal amounts of a s s i s t a n c e had been p a i d out (Lautard, 1965: 56) . Few c i t i e s had e s t a b l i s h e d s o c i a l s e r v i c e s f o r the impoverished p r i o r to the 1930s, and u n t i l the s o c i a l problems c r e a t e d by unemployment reached severe l e v e l s d u r i n g the mid-19305, Vancouver was the only m u n i c i p a l i t y i n B r i t i s h Columbia with a r e l i e f department. T h i s was e s t a b l i s h e d i n the e a r l y 1920s t o pro v i d e a s s i s t a n c e to r e s i d e n t s i n g l e men, and only 33 emergency p r o v i s i o n s f o r n o n - r e s i d e n t s (Lane, 1966: 5; L a u t a r d , 1965: 56). Widowed mothers c o u l d a p p r o p r i a t e funds from the p r o v i n c i a l Mothers' Pension, e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1920 (Crawford et a l s . , 1959: 16; H i l l , 1951: 7); and the e l d e r l y c o u l d r e c e i v e a s s i s t a n c e from the f e d e r a l Old Age Pension programme, i n i t i a t e d i n 1927 (Crawford et a l s . , 1959: 16). I t i s c l e a r that r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the unemployed was not a p r i o r i t y to the s t a t e . The B.N.A. Act r e l e g a t e d t h i s task to the secondary l e v e l s of government, and i n t u r n , the p r o v i n c e s shunted the burden to l o c a l c o u n c i l s . As i n d i c a t e d by the general absence of i n s t i t u t i o n s to provide r e l i e f f o r those without work, t h i s duty was seldom c a r r i e d out by the s t a t e . In the pioneer, expanding economy of B.C., unemployment was not p e r c e i v e d as a s i g n i f i c a n t i s s u e that demanded s t a t e involvement, and was l e f t to p r i v a t e c h a r i t i e s . While some p u b l i c w e l f a r e d i d e x i s t w i t h i n the p r o v i n c e p r i o r to the onset of the Great Depression, those in need were o b l i g e d to r e l y p r i m a r i l y upon p r i v a t e c h a r i t y . Apart from the Vancouver C o u n c i l of S o c i a l Agencies, e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1930, the burden of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y r e s t e d p r i m a r i l y on the f a m i l y and the church. In t h i s land of o p p o r t u n i t y dependence upon the 'dole' was o f t e n p e r c e i v e d to be i n d i c a t i v e of l a c k of i n i t i a t i v e , and the s t a t e was l o a t h to support such i n d i v i d u a l s f e a r i n g t h i s would encourage i d l e n e s s ( S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 6). 34 With the onset of the Great Depression there was a phenomenal i n c r e a s e i n the demand f o r unemployment r e l i e f b e n e f i t s . During June of 1929 the t o t a l number of unemployed i n B.C. was 44,000, or 1.7 percent of the t o t a l number of wage earners; but the i n c r e a s e i n unemployment t h a t began that year, continued, and by January 1933 there were 718,000 or 30.4 percent of the p o p u l a t i o n of the p r o v i n c e out of work (Saunders, 1939: 16). During 1929, the C i t y of Vancouver spent more than $52,000 per month to r e l i e v e unemployment (Lane, 1966: 24; Ormsby, 1958: 444). In that c i t y alone, by t h e f i r s t month of 1930 the number of unemployed had r i s e n by 300 percent over the p r e v i o u s year (Ormsby, 1958: 443). P r i v a t e c h a r i t i e s and churches c o n t r i b u t e d e x t e n s i v e l y toward r e l i e f p r o v i s i o n s , however, and donations f o r the unemployed d u r i n g 19.30 amounted to $200,000 (Lane, 1966: 24). Bread l i n e s at the F i r s t U n i t e d Church i n Vancouver extended to over 1,250 s i n g l e , homeless, unemployed men (Roddan, 1931: 9). F i s c a l C r i s i s of the State As the preceeding shows, the i n c r e a s e i n the number of unemployed r e s u l t e d i n an unprecedented and growing demand f o r r e l i e f p r o v i s i o n s . T h i s demand f o r payments was r e f l e c t e d i n the f i n a n c e s of both the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s and the p r o v i n c e who were l e g a l l y r e s p o n s i b i l e to p r o v i d e a s s i s t a n c e . As the number r e q u i r i n g r e l i e f i n c r e a s e d the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s became unable to bear the burden and began to p e t i t i o n the p r o v i n c i a l government f o r f i n a n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e . M u n i c i p a l i t i e s obtained revenue from 35 the p r o v i n c i a l government through p r o f i t s from l i q u o r s a l e s , m o t o r - v e h i c l e l i c e n c e f e e s , and t a x a t i o n , and by December, 1932 they had f i n a n c e d a t o t a l of $2,320,607.54 i n r e l i e f payments (Budget Address, 1933: 17). For the f i r s t time i n i t s h i s t o r y , B.C. c o n t r i b u t e d a d d i t i o n a l p r o v i n c i a l grants to the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . That year these grants amounted to 24.1 percent of the t o t a l gross annual revenues a n t i c i p a t e d by the government (Budget Address, 1932: 28). During the 1930-31 f i s c a l year, funds advanced to the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s above the usual p r o v i n c i a l c o n t r i b u t i o n reached $604,490.40 (Budget Address, 1 932: 77), and by December 31, 1933, municipal grants f o r d i r e c t r e l i e f e q u a l l e d an unprecedented $948,694.21 (Budget Address, 1934: 13). By June 1931, r e l i e f payments had r e s u l t e d i n P r i n c e Rupert accumulating an o v e r d r a f t of $200,000, whereas Grand Forks and Coquitlam had completely exhausted t h e i r c i t i e s ' r e l i e f funds and had an increased l e v e l of unemployment. Revelstoke, Salmon Arm, arid Kelowna had a l l exhausted r e l i e f p r o v i s i o n s , and r e q u i r e d a d d i t i o n a l money i n order to maintain r e l i e f payment ( L e t t e r s and telegrams to S.F. Tolmie, June 12 and 13, 1931). In a d d i t i o n , p r o v i n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e to m u n i c i p a l i t i e s f o r the c r e a t i o n of r e l i e f work p r o j e c t s i n c r e a s e d from $13,622.38 i n 1930-31 (Budget Address, 1932, Schedule G), to $28,352.00 d u r i n g the 1931-32 f i s c a l year (Budget Address, 1933, Schedule F 2 ) . R e a l i z i n g that m u n i c i p a l i t i e s were incapable of f i n a n c i n g r e l i e f payments, the p r o v i n c i a l government became d i r e c t l y i n v o l v e d and a f t e r 1928-29, d i r e c t p r o v i n c i a l r e l i e f e x p enditures rose c o n s i s t e n t l y . The p o p u l a t i o n of the pr o v i n c e 36 grew 13 percent between 1925 and 1931, yet r e l i e f e x p e n d i t u r e s i n c r e a s e d by 31.8 percent (Budget Address, 1931: 30). At the end of 1933, $948,694 was loaned by V i c t o r i a to m u n i c i p a l i t i e s f o r r e l i e f e xpenditures, and by March, 1934 the p r o v i n c e ' s t o t a l unfinanced d e f i c i t borrowing f o r r e l i e f to m u n i c i p a l i t i e s e q u a l l e d $38,275 (Budget Address, 1934: 9 and 13). Whereas durin g the 1928-29 f i s c a l year the province spent $555,034.73 on d i r e c t r e l i e f p r o v i s i o n s (Budget Address, 1932, Schedule G); by 1931-32 d i r e c t r e l i e f expenditures t o t a l l e d $1,117,990.71 (Budget Address, 1932, Schedule G). By December 1933, p r o v i n c i a l c o n t r i b u t i o n to d i r e c t r e l i e f had reached an unprecedented $9,979,826. 13. 2 The vast i n c r e a s e i n expenditures f o r unemployment r e l i e f i n B r i t i s h Columbia c r e a t e d a severe f i s c a l c r i s i s f o r the p r o v i n c i a l l e v e l of the s t a t e . The economic d e p r e s s i o n r e s u l t e d i n a d r a s t i c decrease i n p r o v i n c i a l revenues, which s e v e r e l y a f f e c t e d the p r o v i n c e ' s f i n a n c e s as e a r l y as 1929-30. While expenditures exceeded a n t i c i p a t e d l i m i t s p r i m a r i l y as a r e s u l t of r e l i e f payments, revenues stemming from primary i n d u s t r i e s f e l l unexpectedly. Although a c o n s i s t e n t i n c r e a s e i n revenue was r e a l i z e d from p r o v i n c i a l s a l e s of timber l e a s e s , l i c e n c e s , and r o y a l t i e s , up to 1927-28 when a t o t a l of $2,970,004.50 was c o l l e c t e d ; revenues from these sources were below estimated amounts i n 1929-30 (Budget Address, 1930: 36), 2 P r o v i n c i a l D i r e c t Expenditure: Pensions and R e l i e f 1929-30: $555,034.73 1930-31: $693,490.30 1931-32: $727,161.01 1932-33: $1,117,990.71 T o t a l as at Dec. 1933: $9,979,826.31 37 and f e l l c o n s i s t e n t l y from $2,908,322.58 i n 1928-29, to an a l l time low of $1,956,751.84 d u r i n g 1931-32. In a d d i t i o n , timber s a l e s f e l l from $603,363.03 i n 1928-29, to a dismal $443,694.43 in 1931-32 (Budget Address, 1932, Schedule C; Budget Address, 1934, Schedule E1). Over the same time p e r i o d , c a p i t a l from coke and c o a l t a x a t i o n decreased from $210,559.69 to $138,969.76; min e r a l t a x a t i o n from $390,811.23 to $77,524.25 (Budget Address, 1932, Schedule C; Budget Address, 1934, Schedule E l ) ; and revenues from d i r e c t and 'other' t a x a t i o n f e l l from $26,083,727.08 i n 1929-30 to an estimated $20,497,591.46 i n 1933-34 (Budget Address, 1933, Schedule G). The value of b a s i c p r o d u c t i o n i n the lumber i n d u s t r y f e l l from $93,787,000.00 i n 1928-29 to $44,447,000.00 d u r i n g 1932-33; mining saw a r e d u c t i o n from $65,372,583.00 to $34,883,181.00; and f i s h e r i e s from $26,562,691.00 to only $11,109,822.00 (Budget Address, 1932, Schedule 5 ). The d r a s t i c drop i n p r o v i n c i a l revenues r e s u l t e d i n a 60 percent i n c r e a s e i n the gross debt between 1928 and March of 1934 (Budget Address, 1934: 9). Throughout the p e r i o d from 1929 to 1934 the f a l l i n g - o f f i n p r o v i n c i a l revenues was predominately in a r e d u c t i o n i n money a n t i c i p a t e d from l i q u o r p r o f i t s , motor-v e h i c l e l i c e n c e s (which were main sources of m u n i c i p a l revenues), as w e l l as m i n e r a l taxes, lan d taxes, timber l i c e n c e s , r o y a l t i e s , and s a l e s . As of November 15, 1933, the t o t a l unfinanced d e f i c i t of the p r o v i n c e stood at an unprecedented $7,497,128.33, and $314,952.89 worth of cheques, mostly f o r unemployment r e l i e f payments, c o u l d not be sent out 38 due to la c k of funds at the bank (Budget Address, 1934: 6). For the f i r s t time i n i t s h i s t o r y , in 1933, B.C.'s c r e d i t was exhausted (Conway, 1983: 102). In the 1931 Address, a Loan B i l l f o r $2,000,000 was presented to the L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly to recoup f o r unemployment r e l i e f , and to o f f s e t i n d u s t r i a l revenue drop (Budget Address, 1931: 43); and again, i n 1932, borrowing from the f e d e r a l government was r e q u i r e d to cover funds needed to f i n a n c e unemployment r e l i e f (Budget Address, 1932: 13). In a d d i t i o n , i n c r e a s e s i n p e r s o n a l taxes were invoked a f t e r March 5, 1931, and again i n March 1932 and March 1933 (Budget Address, 1931: 41; 1932: 36; 1933: 19), i n an attempt to augment p r o v i n c i a l revenues. N e v e r t h e l e s s , whereas the p r o v i n c i a l p u b l i c debt was $84,231,344 i n 1928-29, by 1934 i t had reached i t s worst l e v e l i n h i s t o r y — $129,163,236 (Budget Address, 1934: 4). While B r i t i s h Columbia had d e f a u l t e d on i t s payments to the f e d e r a l government f o r i t s share of r e l i e f c o s t s , a f t e r 1933 Ottawa had become the p r o v i n c e ' s only source of c r e d i t p r o v i d i n g loans to a v o i d d e f a u l t on payments to B.C.'s only remaining agent, the Bank of Commerce. ( S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 112-113). The f o r e g o i n g c l e a r l y i l l u s t r a t e s t h a t during the Great Depression of the 1930s, B r i t i s h Columbia experienced i t s most severe f i s c a l c r i s i s to date. A l l Canadian export p r i c e s f e l l d u r i n g the Depression, but the revenues from western resources f e l l f u r t h e r , f a s t e r . The r e d u c t i o n i n s t a t e revenues due to the d r a s t i c cutbacks i n pr o d u c t i o n and r e s u l t a n t h i g h unemployment, as w e l l as the g r e a t l y i n c r e a s e d demand f o r expenditure on r e l i e f p r o v i s i o n s , r e s u l t e d i n s t a t e expenditures o u t s t r i p p i n g 39 revenues by a wide margin. The f i s c a l c r i s i s experienced i n B r i t i s h Columbia e x i s t e d throughout the Canadian s t a t e and was experienced by a l l l e v e l s of government. In an attempt to d e a l with the f i s c a l c r i s i s at the f e d e r a l l e v e l , income tax laws were changed i n 1930, reducing the amount f o r p e r s o n a l tax exemption, thus i n c r e a s i n g the number of taxpayers (House of Commons Debates, March 31, 1929); and c o r p o r a t e taxes were r a i s e d ( S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 92). As w e l l , f e d e r a l expenditures were d r a s t i c a l l y reduced. N e v e r t h e l e s s , i n c r e a s e d r e l i e f e xpenditures and reduced revenues s t i l l c r e a t e d a s i m i l a r f i s c a l c r i s i s at the f e d e r a l l e v e l . Between 1929 and 1933, Canada experienced a 29 percent drop i n the Gross N a t i o n a l Product ( S t r u t h e r s , 1984: 8). The r a p i d economic expansion of the wheat boom and the ' r o a r i n g 20s', had been f i n a n c e d through heavy borrowing of f o r e i g n c a p i t a l at boom time i n t e r e s t r a t e s (Conway, 1983: 101). Since the Canadian d o l l a r was t i e d to B r i t i s h s t e r l i n g , B r i t a i n ' s departure from the Gold Standard in 1931 devalued the Canadian d o l l a r , thus r a i s i n g the cost of payments to f o r e i g n c r e d i t o r s ( S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 59). During the 1931-32 f i s c a l year, Canada had a $160 m i l l i o n n a t i o n a l d e f i c i t as a r e s u l t of d e c l i n i n g revenues and i n c r e a s e d c o s t s i n r e l i e f payments ( S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 60). 40 Summary In t h i s c h a p t e r , I have argued that the economic d i f f i c u l t i e s e x p e r i e n c e d during the Great Depression years may be t r a c e d to Canada's economic dependence on resource export to the U n i t e d S t a t e s . The impact of the Depression was ... much gr e a t e r i n the west as a r e s u l t of the west's overdependence on those i n d u s t r i e s that were most immediately and hardest h i t . (Conway, 1983: 100). The i l l - e f f e c t s of overproduction r e s u l t i n g from t e c h n i c a l i n n o v a t i o n s , a r e d u c t i o n i n manpower, and i n d u s t r i a l r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n , without concurrent i n c r e a s e s wages i n consumers' p u r c h a s i n g power or investment spending, along with the demise of the s m a l l , independent farm producer, c r e a t e d a s u r p l u s of goods which c o u l d not be absorbed. The subsequent c u r t a i l m e n t of i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t i e s , the r e s u l t a n t r i s e i n unemployment and the decrease in demand f o r Canadian products, had immediate r e p e r c u s s i o n s i n the western resource h i n t e r l a n d . B r i t i s h Columbia accumulated i t s g r e a t e s t debt as p r o v i n c i a l t a x a t i o n on n a t i o n a l resources plummeted, revenue from p e r s o n a l t a x a t i o n , and tax on consumer goods f e l l d r a s t i c a l l y , but s t a t e expenditures on s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e c o n s i s t e n t l y rose. These f a c t o r s combined to i n c u r a severe f i s c a l c r i s i s at a l l l e v e l s of the Canadian s t a t e . The severe c u r t a i l m e n t of economic a c t i v i t y l e d to a dramatic i n c r e a s e i n unemployment and the demand f o r s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e rose to unprecedented l e v e l s . However, the a b i l i t y f o r the s t a t e to meet these expenditures p e r s i s t e n t l y d i m i n i s h e d . 41 In search of employment or r e l i e f , l a r g e numbers of unemployed men migrated west to B.C. While they hoped to o b t a i n employment i n the primary i n d u s t r i e s which t r a d i t i o n a l l y s u p p l i e d work, B.C. was one of the l e a s t l i k e l y p l a c e s to o b t a i n a job. In the next chapter, I s h a l l i l l u s t r a t e the d i r e p l i g h t of the thousands of s i n g l e , homeless, unemployed i n B r i t i s h Columbia. These t r a n s i e n t s were not e l i g i b l e f o r s t a t e r e l i e f , and formed a l a r g e and conspicuous group. As they were org a n i z e d by the Communist Party of Canada, these men became i n c r e a s i n g l y m i l i t a n t i n t h e i r demands f o r s t a t e a s s i s t a n c e . T h i s group was segregated from the r e s t of the unemployed p o p u l a t i o n and d e a l t with in a s p e c i a l way. V a r i o u s s t a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s were a c t i v e i n an attempt t o c o n t r o l them, b u t ' u l t i m a t e l y , these e f f o r t s were i n e f f e c t i v e i n s t i f l i n g the demands of the unemployed. 42 Chapter Three  Unemployment in B r i t i s h Columbia I n t r o d u c t i o n The resource i n d u s t r i e s predominate i n B r i t i s h Columbia c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y employed a s p e c i f i c group of workers duri n g the e a r l y 1900s. Since the job s i t e s were o f t e n l o c a t e d i n remote regions of the p r o v i n c e — thereby r e q u i r i n g bunkhouse l i v i n g — and the labour was needed only s e a s o n a l l y , those a t t r a c t e d to t h i s s o r t of employment were overwhelmingly young, mobile, s i n g l e men. These l a b o u r e r s would t r a v e l from job to job a c c o r d i n g to the season and d u r i n g the balance of the year, they were a b l e to l i v e o f f t h e i r savings i n the c i t i e s . T r a d i t i o n a l l y , l a r g e numbers of workers c o u l d be absorbed i n f o r e s t r y , mining, f i s h i n g and a g r i c u l t u r e i n d u s t r i e s i n t h i s p r o v i n c e and an able-bodied man was almost c e r t a i n to f i n d employment in t h i s p r o v i n c e . Due to the d e c l i n e i n American demand f o r B.C.'s primary resources d u r i n g the l a t t e r p a r t of 1929 and the f i r s t h a l f of the 1930s, the i n c r e a s e i n unemployment r e v e a l e d an i n c r e a s i n g l y s i g n i f i c a n t number of s i n g l e , homeless, unemployed men. O f f i c i a l l y t h i s group was set a p a r t as; ... men who, having no s e t t l e d p l a c e of abode w i t h i n the Province of B r i t i s h Columbia, are l i v i n g w i t h i n the s a i d Province without employment or other v i s i b l e means of m a i n t a i n i n g themselves.... ( C i t y C l e r k ' s O p e r a t i o n a l F i l e ; s , Correspondence Inward, 1888-1946: V o l . 177, Loc 16-A-5, F i l e ; R e l i e f O f f i c e r ; Dominion -P r o v i n c i a l Agreement, May 1, 1933). 43 These unemployed d i d not form a m o n o l i t h i c group, but they were the m i g r a t i n g seasonal workers who had expected to f i n d employment in the primary resource i n d u s t r i e s . Some of these s i n g l e men were veterans of the Great War, some were immigrants who had been encouraged to come to Canada to make t h e i r f o r t u n e , and many were Canadian-born men, o f t e n as young as f o u r t e e n years of age, who had r e c e n t l y l e f t s c h o o l , were no longer e l i g i b l e to be supported by f a m i l y r e l i e f , and who had no job experience. With no dependents, these unemployed were i n e l l i g i b l e f o r m u n i c i p a l r e l i e f work programmes. As any savings from previous employment ran out these men had no money, and sometimes went days without a meal. Often they d i d not have adequate c l o t h i n g or shoes. When they were ab l e to a f f o r d the accommodation, they stayed i n ' f l o p houses', but i n v a r i a b l y they s l e p t i n any temporary s h e l t e r they c o u l d f i n d . (Bourke C o l l e c t i o n , F i l e ; 1: Interview, Toppings with Cross, Smeale, Henderson). In a d d i t i o n to the absence of seasonal employment i n the primary i n d u s t r i e s of B.C. d u r i n g the Depression years, the annual employment f o r h a r v e s t i n g i n the p r a i r i e p r o v i n c e s was not a v a i l a b l e . Whereas duri n g 1926, 57,000 workers were r e q u i r e d f o r h a r v e s t i n g i n the p r a i r i e s , i n 1929 only 7,000 h a r v e s t e r s were needed (Lane, 1966: 15). Consequently, men who had expected to f i n d work i n Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and A l b e r t a continued westward in search of employment i n B. C , thus augmenting the number who a n n u a l l y came ex p e c t i n g work i n the resource i n d u s t r i e s . ( A r chives of B r i t i s h Columbia: Loc. 75 F1, F i l e ; 8; 44 Correspondence between C h i e f Constable and Mayor of Vancouver and P o l i c e Commission, January 21, 1931). S i n g l e men, however, were^ l e s s l i k e l y to get the few jobs t h a t were a v a i l a b l e , as p r e f e r e n c e was given to married men with dependents ( B l i s s , M.„ Grayson, L.M., 1971: 20-21). S i n g l e , migrant, resource workers, who were once the mainstay of the f r o n t i e r economy, became a segment of the p o p u l a t i o n f o r whom no unemployment r e l i e f p r o v i s i o n was made. R e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r t h i s group was shunned by a l l l e v e l s of government. The p l i g h t of these s i n g l e , unemployed, homeless men i n i t i a l l y brought l i t t l e response from o r g a n i z e d labour — which was too busy m a i n t a i n i n g the c o n d i t i o n s f o r i t s members ( P h i l l i p s , 1967: 104). One group that d i d take an i n t e r e s t i n these men was the Communist Party of Canada (CPC). A c t i n g upon i n s t r u c t i o n s from the Communist I n t e r n a t i o n a l , the CPC abandoned i t s attempt to i n f l u e n c e the trade union movement by 'boring from w i t h i n ' and i n 1929, e s t a b l i s h e d the Trade Union U n i t y League ( P h i l l i p s , 1967: 102; Palmer, 1983: 216-217). Eager t o g a i n members, t h i s League began to organize the unemployed. As a r e s u l t of t h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n , s i n g l e unemployed men came to be p e r c e i v e d as a s e r i o u s t h r e a t by s t a t e a u t h o r i t i e s , and the Canadian s t a t e undertook a v a r i e t y of measures to d e a l with these communist-led unemployed. In t h i s chapter, the p l i g h t of the thousands of • s i n g l e unemployed t r a n s i e n t s who congregated in Vancouver i s presented. T h i s group became organized and u n i f i e d under the l e a d e r s h i p of 45 communist a g i t a t o r s , and these men began to s t r i d e n t l y demand 'work and 'wages'. As these unemployed p e r s i s t e d i n p u b l i c i z i n g t h e i r demands f o r s i g n i f i c a n t changes in the socio-economic order, and gained growing support from the g e n e r a l p u b l i c , they began to be p e r c e i v e d by the s t a t e as a t h r e a t t o the s t a t u s quo. Consequently, the s t a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s were o b l i g e d to respond to t h i s group of unemployed i n a unique way. Regardless of these e f f o r t s , by 1933, the demands of the s i n g l e , homeless unemployed men, and the t h r e a t t h i s group posed to the peace, order, and good government of Canada, p e r s i s t e d . T r a n s i e n t Men and L o c a l C o n t r o l In search of employment, thousands of these s i n g l e unemployed began to jump f r e i g h t t r a i n s and ' r i d e the rods' a c r o s s the country. I n i t i a l l y the r a i l w a y a u t h o r i t i e s d i d l i t t l e to stop the m u l t i t u d e of t r a n s i e n t s - although the Canadian N a t i o n a l Railway encouraged the men to r i d e the Canadian P a c i f i c , and CPR s i m i l a r i l y shunted them to the CNR. The men soon d i s c o v e r e d that employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s were e s s e n t i a l l y n o n - e x i s t e n t , but constant m o b i l i t y was necessary, as t r a n s i e n t s were o f t e n a r r e s t e d f o r vagrancy or t h e f t i n the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s ' e f f o r t s to e x p e l l these men.3 As the p r e v i o u s chapter has shown, m u n i c i p a l i t i e s i n B.C. d i d not have the f i n a n c e s to support the 3 T r a n s i e n t s were o f f i c i a l l y d e f i n e d as those persons who had r e s i d e d i n the p r o v i n c e or m u n i c i p a l i t y f o r l e s s than one year, and consequently, were not e l i g i b l e f o r any form of s o c i a l s e r v i c e (Cassidy, 1939: 173). 46 unemployed, and i n order to a v o i d p r o v i d i n g them with e i t h e r r e l i e f or s h e l t e r i n the c i t y j a i l , they s p e e d i l y chased these men out of the town l i m i t s . Thousands of of men were thus unable to e s t a b l i s h any r e s i d e n c e , and were o b l i g e d to become t r a n s i t o r y migrants. One t r a n s i e n t who l o s t h i s a p p r e n t i c e s h i p job i n Winnipeg and rode the rods west, expected to never be able to f i n d f u l l time work, but to spend h i s l i f e as a r a i l w a y hobo (White, I n t e r v i e w ) . Many of the s i n g l e , unemployed t r a n s i e n t men began to congregate in l a r g e Canadian c i t i e s . P a r t l y i n search of employment i n the primary i n d u s t r i e s , and p a r t l y due to the r e l a t i v e l y m i l d c o a s t a l c l i m a t e , B r i t i s h Columbia's l a r g e s t c i t y r e c e i v e d a s u b s t a n t i a l number of these t r a n s i e n t s . Although Vancouver provided r e l i e f only f o r i t s r e s i d e n t s , i t was c y n i c a l l y r e p o r t e d that the m i l d c o a s t a l c l i m a t e p e r m i t t e d the men to s t a r v e more comfortably there (Bourke C o l l e c t i o n , Toppings-McEwan). Vancouver became known as 'the unemployment c a p i t a l of Canada'. During 1932, appproximately two hundred t r a n s i e n t s were reported to be a r r i v i n g d a i l y i n t o Vancouver, with up to seventy men on one t r a i n (Vancouver C i t y A r c h i v e s , P u b l i c Records, Mayor: V o l . 9, F i l e ; R e l i e f 1; A p r i l 30, 1932, May 3, 1932). Between 1931 and 1936, the p o p u l a t i o n l e v e l i n the p r a i r i e p r o v i n c e s remained s t a t i c or d e c l i n e d , but due to the i n f l u x of t r a n s i e n t s , the p o p u l a t i o n of B r i t i s h Columbia grew at a higher than usual r a t e d u r i n g those years - i n c r e a s i n g 8.1 percent from 694,000 to 750,000 (Cassidy, 1939: 463). 47 The c o n c e n t r a t i o n of t r a n s i e n t s i n B r i t i s h Columbia was r e f l e c t e d i n r e l i e f r o l e s . As of January 11, 1930, of the 937 s i n g l e men a p p l y i n g f o r r e l i e f i n Vancouver, 768, or 81.9 percent, had been i n the c i t y f o r p e r i o d s ranging from a few days to l e s s than one year ( C i t y C l e r k ' s , V o l . 141, F i l e ; R e l i e f ; J u l y - D e c , 1930). By 1931, v i r t u a l l y every m u n i c i p a l i t y i n B.C. r e q u i r e d that those f o r whom i t p r o v i d e d r e l i e f had r e s i d e d w i t h i n i t s boundaries f o r at l e a s t s i x months. The p r o v i n c e , too, a l t e r e d i t s d e f i n i t i o n of t r a n s i e n t s i n e l i g i b l e f o r s o c i a l r e l i e f to i n c l u d e anyone who had e n t e r e d the province d e s t i t u t e a f t e r May 31, 1931, and who was unable to prove s e l f support from earnings f o r e i g h t of twelve subsequent, c o n s e c u t i v e months (Cassidy, 1939: 179 and 190). By February of 1931 the number of r e g i s t e r e d unemployed i n the province had reached 67,1.28, and c o m p l a i n t s about the presence of the t r a n s i e n t s began to be r e a d i l y v o c a l i z e d (Ormsby, 1958: 446). In Vancouver between January 22 and February 4, 1931, the number of s i n g l e men a p p l y i n g f o r r e l i e f had i n c r e a s e d by 1,061, to 4,857 a p p l i c a n t s ( C i t y C l e r k ' s , V o l . 166, F i l e ; R e l i e f O f f i c e r A p r i l - J u n e ; P u b l i c Welfare and R e l i e f O f f i c e Report: June 29, 1932). D u r i n g that p e r i o d the m a j o r i t y of s i n g l e unemployed men had been i n the c i t y f o r l e s s than s i x months, and i n many cases they had not been there f o r s i x weeks ( C i t y C l e r k ' s , V o l . 166, R e l i e f O f f i c e Report: June 29, 1932). In August, 1931, 6,500 i n t e r - p r o v i n c i a l t r a n s i e n t s had r e g i s t e r e d f o r r e l i e f i n B r i t i s h Columbia. S i x months l a t e r however, t r a n s i e n t r e g i s t r a t i o n had reached 11,421 (Lane, 1966: 48 11), and Vancouver was s u p p o r t i n g 3,558 of these s i n g l e unemployed men — two and one h a l f times the number supported d u r i n g t h a t p e r i o d i n 1930 ( C i t y C l e r k ' s , V o l . 155, F i l e ; R e l i e f O f f i c e r 1931, Jan. - June; P u b l i c Welfare and R e l i e f O f f i c e Report: Dec. 28, 1931). In February, 1932, Vancouver had 3,373 a c t i v e r e l i e f cases of e l i g i b l e s i n g l e , unemployed men ( C i t y C l e r k ' s , V o l 166, F i l e ; R e l i e f O f f i c e r , Jan.-Mar.; P u b l i c Welfare and R e l i e f O f f i c e Report: Feb. 22, 1932). T h i s number continued to i n c r e a s e , and by December 28, 1933, Vancouver had 4,400 r e g i s t e r e d t r a n s i e n t s (Matthews, J.S., Add. Mss. 54, V o l . 8, No. 2: 47). No doubt expressing the sentiments of other c i v i c a d m i n i s t r a t o r s , the mayor of Kamloops complained that h i s c i t y was being "overrun by beggers and panhandlers' (Ormsby, 1958: 445). The high percentage of s i n g l e unemployed t r a n s i e n t s i n B.C., and Vancouver i n p a r t i c u l a r , brought strong p r o t e s t a t i o n s from both c i v i c and p r o v i n c i a l a u t h o r i t i e s . The l o c a l governments c o u l d not provide f o r the thousands of unemployed and urgent requests were put to both the p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l governments that a c t i o n be taken to d e a l with these s i n g l e men. In March, 1929, a S p e c i a l Committee on Unemployment wrote the Member of the B.C. L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly who occupied the C h a i r of a S e l e c t Committee on Unemployment, a s k i n g that the p r o v i n c i a l government request the dominion a u t h o r i t i e s to commence work p r o j e c t s f o r these unemployed as soon as p o s s i b l e , and s t a t i n g that "the urgency of t h i s request cannot be too s t r o n g l y set out...." (Vancouver C i t y A r c h i v e s , C i t y Records, 49 F i l e ; 1932, P r o v i n c i a l Government). In an attempt to curb the movement of the unemployed', the Vancouver C i t y C o u n c i l i n s t r u c t e d the C i t y S o l i c i t o r to ad v i s e whether i t had any power to prevent i n d i g e n t s e n t e r i n g t h i s p r o v i n c e from other p r o v i n c e s (Vancouver C i t y A r c h i v e s , A d m i n i s t r a t i v e H i s t o r y : V o l . V, C i t y C o u n c i l Minutes: March 2, 1931). C i t y o f f i c i a l s even c o n s i d e r e d p u t t i n g advertisements i n p r a i r i e newspapers informing readers t h a t Vancouver had s u f f i c i e n t r e s i d e n t s to take c a r e of a l l work, and warning that the c i t y would extend no a s s i s t a n c e to those with l e s s than twelve months reside n c e i n Vancouver; but they concluded that there was no p r a c t i c a l method of d i s c o u r a g i n g the s i n g l e men from coming to the coast ( C i t y C l e r k ' s , V o l . 141, F i l e ; R e l i e f J u l y - D e c . ) . To monitor the number of t r a n s i e n t s e n t e r i n g Vancouver, the c i t y made arrangements with a cons t a b l e of the CNR to r e p o r t the number of men a r r i v i n g on each t r a i n . While the r a i l w a y c o n s t a b l e responded that he "would be onl y too g l a d to cooperate", the l e n g t h of the f r e i g h t t r a i n s , and the f a c t t h at some t r a n s i e n t s jumped o f f bef o r e the t r a i n s entered the yard, made i t impossible f o r him to c a r r y out t h i s task a c c u r a t e l y ( P u b l i c Records, Mayor, V o l . 9, F i l e ; R e l i e f 1: June 27, 1932). N e v e r t h e l e s s , the movement of t r a n s i e n t s began to be c l o s e l y watched by l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s . The Vancouver C i t y P o l i c e , the Railway P o l i c e , and the I n v e s t i g a t i o n s Branch of the Vancouver  R e l i e f Department, monitored the movement of t r a n s i e n t s c l o s e l y , 50 keeping a r e c o r d of the number e n t e r i n g and l e a v i n g the c i t y on each t r a i n ( P u b l i c Records, Mayor, V o l . 9, F i l e ; R e l i e f 1: June 27, 1932). The c o n t r o l of the t r a n s i e n t s was p e r c e i v e d by a u t h o r i t i e s to be the most p u z z l i n g aspect of d e a l i n g with the unemployed. While B r i t i s h Columbia had no C o n s t i t u t i o n a l or l e g a l a u t h o r i t y to d i c t a t e who c o u l d enter the p r o v i n c e , c o n s i s t e n t pressure by the p r o v i n c i a l government to f e d e r a l a u t h o r i t i e s e v e n t u a l l y r e s u l t e d i n some a c t i o n being taken a g a i n s t the e n t e r i n g t r a n s i e n t s . During A p r i l 1932 the p r o v i n c i a l M i n i s t e r of P u b l i c Works r e c e i v e d t a c i t p e r m i s s i o n from Ottawa to prevent the annual autumn i n f l u x of unemployed men (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 1, A p r i l 19, 1932: 147), and i n June, 1932, the p r o v i n c i a l government i s s u e d an e d i c t to the e f f e c t that non-resident unemployed must r e t u r n to t h e i r own p r o v i n c e s (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 1, June 23, 1932: 167). The wave of t r a n s i e n t s r e t u r n i n g east i n response to t h i s or.der brought a r e a c t i o n from a u t h o r i t i e s • i n the p r a i r i e ' p r o v i n c e s , and the f r e i g h t t r a i n s c a r r y i n g these t r a n s i e n t s were stopped at the B.C.- A l b e r t a border by p o l i c e who sent the men back to B r i t i s h Columbia (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 1, J u l y 24, 1932: 167). Outraged, Vancouver and p r o v i n c i a l o f f i c i a l s sent telegrams to Prime M i n i s t e r R.B. Bennett, s t r e s s i n g the urgency of making immediate arrangements to prevent the movement of t r a n s i e n t s i n t o B.C. ( P u b l i c Records, Mayor, V o l . 9, F i l e ; R e l i e f 2). F e d e r a l a u t h o r i t i e s responded to t h i s c o n s i s t e n t p r e s s u r e , and as of October 1, 1932, r a i l w a y p o l i c e , the B r i t i s h Columbia 51 P r o v i n c i a l P o l i c e , and the RCMP blockaded the movement of a l l t r a n s i e n t s coming west i n t o B r i t i s h Columbia. A marked increase i n the number of unemployed e n t e r i n g the p r o v i n c e was witnessed i n the days immediately p r i o r to the ban, but s t r o n g p o l i c e detachments with e f f o r t s c o n c e n t r a t e d at the A l b e r t a - B r i t i s h Columbia border, and at p o i n t s along the CNR and CPR r a i l l i n e s , t e m p o r a r i l y stopped t r a n s i e n t s coming i n t o B.C. While t h i s e f f o r t c u r t a i l e d the i n f l u x of unemployed f o r 1932, the r e s p i t e was s h o r t - l i v e d , and by the next autumn the annual westward m i g r a t i o n of t r a n s i e n t unemployed o c c u r r e d as u s u a l . Despite the-e f f o r t s by v a r i o u s a u t h o r i t i e s , thousands of s i n g l e unemployed c o n t i n u e d to t r a v e r s e the country, drawing the a t t e n t i o n and sympathy of Canadians. Unemployed 'Jungles' The poverty of the t r a n s i e n t unemployed i n Vancouver made i t impossible f o r most to l i v e i n even the cheap rooming houses. Consequently, i t was necessary f o r these men to seek refuge i n any s h e l t e r they c o u l d f i n d , to stay dry and to s l e e p under at n i g h t . To accomplish t h i s , the men c o n s t r u c t e d make-s h i f t homes i n v a r i o u s p a r t s of Vancouver. These settlements were the beginning of what became known as the unemployed ' j u n g l e s ' . Three main j u n g l e s sprang up i n Vancouver, one at the Hastings M i l l S i t e i n K i t s i l a n o , another under the Georgia  S t r e e t v i a d u c t , and a t h i r d behind the CNR S t a t i o n , adjacent to the c i t y dump. As w e l l , many s h e l t e r s and l e a n - t o s were strung along b e s i d e the r a i l t r a c k s . While the Harbours Board p o l i c e 52 had been given i n s t r u c t i o n s to c l e a r out the men l i v i n g on t h i s p r o p e r t y i n K i t s i l a n o , an o f f i c i a l at the Hastings M i l l encouraged the men to stay at the s i t e by h e l p i n g them to c o n s t r u c t b e t t e r s h e l t e r s , and a r r a n g i n g f o r food to be brought to them. The Harbours Board r e v e r s e d i t s intended e v i c t i o n , and the settlements were e s t a b l i s h e d (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 1: 1-10) . The makeshift s h e l t e r s that became the homes f o r these unemployed were b u i l t from a v a r i e t y of m a t e r i a l s that they were a b l e to scrounge. S h e l t e r s and l e a n - t o s were c o n s t r u c t e d from sc r a p wood, o l d cardboard boxes, packing b a r r e l s , scrap metal, and even g r a i n doors taken from the r a i l c a r s (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 1: 12). Just as the t r a n s i e n t p o p u l a t i o n f l u c t u a t e d with the seasons, the number of i n h a b i t a n t s i n these j u n g l e s v a r i e d . The l a r g e s t jungle at the Georgia S t . v i a d u c t housed approximately 450 men, while the other two u s u a l l y had between 200 and 250 men ( C i t y C l e r k ' s V o l . 155, F i l e ; R e l i e f O f f i c e r 1931, J u l y - S e p t . ; P u b l i c Welfare and R e l i e f O f f i c e Report: September 3, 1931). The j u n g l e s were u s u a l l y l o c a t e d near a r a i l s i d i n g that p r o v i d e d easy access to the f r e i g h t t r a i n s , and thereby served as a headquarters f o r t r a n s i e n t s r i d i n g the rods (White, I n t e r v i e w ) . The p o p u l a t i o n of the j u n g l e s was composed of many d i f f e r e n t e t h n i c groups -- Swedes, F i n n s , Scots, and Chinese. Roddan, a Vancouver c l e r i c who a s s i s t e d these men, r e p o r t e d t h a t there was a ' s p i r i t of comradship' among the men. When a t r a n s i e n t a r r i v e d at a jung l e "he... t e l l s of h i s e x p e r i e n c e s . Anything of h i s past 53 l i f e i s given v o l u n t a r i l y and, so long as he p l a y s the game he i s allowed to s t a y " (Roddan, 1931: 12). N e v e r t h e l e s s , the m i n i s t e r recorded that the enforced i d l e n e s s of these men r e s u l t e d i n a g e n e r a l demoralized s p i r i t among them (1931 : .29). One observer noted; ... the men of the Jungle were not 'roughs' nor 'toughs' but a body of w e l l behaved, earnest men who d e s i r e d nothing more than to be good c i t i z e n s , support themselves, and f i n d work, but who were p e n n i l e s s , and unable to f i n d work (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 1: 13). The c i t y made no p r o v i s i o n f o r the men i n the j u n g l e s , the K i t s i l a n o settlement r e c e i v e d some minor a t t e n t i o n . The Harbours Board watchman made rounds of that jungle approximately once a week, and r e p o r t e d on the a c t i v i t i e s and general s i t u a t i o n e x i s t i n g there ( C i t y C l e r k ' s , V o l . 155, F i l e ; R e l i e f O f f i c e r 1931, J u l y - S e p t . ) . His r e p o r t s would i n c l u d e the number of i n h a b i t a n t s , and sometimes t h e i r names; and i n a d d i t i o n , he kept a c l o s e watch on the 'red element' .in the j u n g l e s , and n o t i f i e d h i s s u p e r i o r s i f any propaganda had been d i s t r i b u t e d by the Communists. The j u n g l e s p r o v i d e d a haven f o r the unemployed t r a n s i e n t s . These enclaves r e c e i v e d only minor a t t e n t i o n from the a u t h o r i t i e s , hence, the men e x i s t e d there unmolested. Congregated with hundreds of o t h e r s i n s i m i l a r circumstances, these settlements provided p r o t e c t i o n f o r the unemployed, and f e r t i l e ground f o r Communist o r g a n i z a t i o n . 54 While the c i t y of Vancouver accepted no r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the unemployed i n these j u n g l e s , v a r i o u s c h a r i t a b l e groups ensured that the men were provided with food. Fishermen from nearby wharfs gave what they c o u l d spare from t h e i r c a t c h , a packing p l a n t donated meat, a steady supply of potatoes was pr o v i d e d , and excess bread, r o l l s , and buns were a v a i l a b l e . In a d d i t i o n , c h a r i t i e s o r g a n i z e d a d a i l y supply of soup, and c i g a r e t t e s (Matthews, V o l . 8, No.1: 11). In the l a t e summer of 1931 a case of t y p h o i d and a death i n one of the j u n g l e s r e s u l t e d i n the C i t y R e l i e f Department sending a medical doctor to i n v e s t i g a t e . He r e p o r t e d ; [the] grounds are f i l t h y and covered with decaying garbage, and with open t o i l e t s . F l i e s swarm over e v e r y t h i n g and then on a l l the open food. I c o n s i d e r that with the r a i n y season approaching we are i n grave danger of an epidemic of Typhoid or"other d i s e a s e s . Many of these men are l y i n g on the ground, which i s becoming damp, and they are sure to s u f f e r from B r o n c h i a l and Rheumatic t r o u b l e s . ( C i t y C l e r k ' s , V o l 155, F i l e ; R e l i e f O f f i c e r 1931, J u l y - S e p t . , P u b l i c Welfare and R e l i e f O f f i c e Report: September 3, 1931). In response to the d o c t o r ' s account, the C i t y C o u n c i l ordered that a l l the j u n g l e s be destroyed. Within two days, on September 5, 1931, the makeshift homes of n e a r l y one thousand unemployed were de s t r o y e d by c i t y crews using sledgehammers and f i r e . Upon the d e s t r u c t i o n of t h e i r makeshift homes, these unemployed men were p r o v i d e d with a few days supply of meal and housing t i c k e t s by the c i t y R e l i e f O f f i c e ( C i t y C l e r k ' s , 55 V o l . 156: September 8, 1931). C i t y o f f i c i a l s a n t i c i p a t e d immediate a s s i s t a n c e from the p r o v i n c i a l or f e d e r a l a u t h o r i t i e s f o r these e v i c t e d unemployed. Consequently the c i t y was not prepared f o r the r e s u l t a n t long-term i n c r e a s e i n i t s r e l i e f r o l e s , when n e i t h e r l e v e l of government was prepared to a s s i s t the j u n g l e i n h a b i t a n t s . The P o l i t i c i z a t i o n of the Unemployed Neit h e r the c i t y of Vancouver, nor the p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l governments was at a l l i n c l i n e d to accept r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the thousands of t r a n s i e n t unemployed. As w e l l , the e s t a b l i s h e d union movement which was s t r u g g l i n g to maintain the gains i t s members had achieved, was i n i t a l l y a l o o f to the needs of the unemployed. In sharp c o n t r a s t , the Communist Party, eager to i n c r e a s e membership i n the Trade Union U n i t y League and r a i s e support f o r i t s r e v o l u t i o n a r y cause, took a most a c t i v e i n t e r e s t i n the p l i g h t of these homeless, s i n g l e , unemployed men. Numerous o r g a n i z a t i o n s of the unemployed were founded throughout the Depression beginning as e a r l y as 1929, when the Communist Party e s t a b l i s h e d the Vancouver and D i s t r i c t Unemployed Workers' A s s o c i a t i o n ( P h i l l i p s , 1967: 104; Lane, 1966: 25). (See Appendix One f o r l i s t of O r g a n i z a t i o n s of the Unemployed). The unemployed were eager to seek help; and a c c o r d i n g to one communist l e a d e r , w i t h i n two days of i t s e x i s t e n c e , two thousand unemployed had j o i n e d t h i s a s s o c i a t i o n (Bennett, 1937: 104). The o r g a n i z a t i o n a l d r i v e was i n t e n s e , and even as the t r a n s i e n t s a r r i v e d i n Vancouver on the f r e i g h t t r a i n s , d e l e g a t i o n s from v a r i o u s 56 unemployed groups were at the t r a i n s to meet the newcomers and to b r i n g them i n t o the a s s o c i a t i o n s ( P u b l i c Records, Mayor, V o l . 9, F i l e ; R e l i e f 1: May 2, 1932). Through the v a r i o u s o r g a n i z a t i o n s of the unemployed, r a l l i e s and meetings were planned and c a r r i e d out, and of t e n thousands of s i n g l e unemployed men were i n attendance. These g a t h e r i n g s made the s i n g l e , homeless, unemployed aware of t h e i r common p l i g h t . No evidence i n d i c a t e s t h a t the unemployed i n d i v i d u a l l y p e t i t i o n e d the government, but numerous l e t t e r s and p e t i t i o n s o r i g i n a t i n g i n t h e i r meetings, d e p l o r i n g the economic s i t u a t i o n , the inadequacy of r e l i e f p r o v i s i o n s , and demanding 'work and wages', were c o n s i s t e n t l y submitted to the c i v i c a u t h o r i t i e s . " To a s s i s t i n the development of cohesion among the thousands of s i n g l e unemployed men i n Vancouver, the v a r i o u s a s s o c i a t i o n s of the unemployed d i s t r i b u t e d weekly p u b l i c a t i o n s . "The Unemployed Worker" was the 'Organ of the Workers' Unit y League of Canada' -- one of the most prominent o r g a n i z a t i o n s , the B.C. Workers' News was- p u b l i s h e d r e g u l a r l y , and as w e l l , v a r i o u s p o s t e r s and pamphlets c a l l i n g f o r mass a c t i o n by the unemployed, n o t i f y i n g them of meetings and demonstrations, or p r o t e s t i n g s p e c i f i c a c t i o n s taken by the a u t h o r i t i e s were * ( C i t y C l e r k ' s , V o l . 128, F i l e ; 1929 R e l i e f O f f i c e r ; V o l . 144, F i l e ; Unemployment; V o l . 179, F i l e ; Unemployed O r g a n i z a t i o n s ; V o l . 188, F i l e ; Unemployed O r g a n i z a t i o n s ; C i t y Records, Loc. 75, C6; V o l . 17, F i l e ; 2,13; Loc. 75, D1, V o l . 19, F i l e ; 2,7; P u b l i c Records, Mayor, V o l . 9, F i l e ; 2) 5 ( C i t y Records, Loc. 75 F2, F i l e ; 1,14; Loc. 75, F1, F i l e ; 6,11; P u b l i c Records, Mayor, V o l . 9, F i l e ; 2 ) . 57 c o n s i s t e n t l y a v a i l a b l e . 5 The u n i t y toward a common cause d i s p l a y e d i n the v a r i o u s o r g a n i z a t i o n s , enabled the unemployed to keep t h e i r demands f o r jobs or r e l i e f before the a u t h o r i t i e s . T h e i r p l i g h t was made h i g h l y v i s i b l e through w e l l o rganized a c t i v i t i e s . One form of a c t i o n that a t t r a c t e d widespread p u b l i c i t y was the 'hunger  march'. T y p i c a l l y , over a thousand men i n Vancouver would assemble on the grounds where a mass meeting was t a k i n g p l a c e , and parade through the c i t y c a r r y i n g banners d i s p l a y i n g slogans c a l l i n g f o r job c r e a t i o n or r e l i e f p r o v i s i o n . In order f o r such a parade to be l e g a l , the Canadian f l a g or the Union Jack had to be c a r r i e d , and i n i t i a l l y , these marches were p e r m i t t e d by the a u t h o r i t i e s . While the men d i d not always d i s p l a y e i t h e r of these f l a g s , thus r a i s i n g the i r e of o f f i c i a l s , very o f t e n the 'Red F l a g ' was c a r r i e d ( C i t y C l e r k ' s , V o l . 140, F i l e ; P o l i c e Department 1930, February 7, 1930). U s u a l l y the marchers were only the unemployed l i v i n g i n Vancouver, but on February 18, 1932, a hunger march was organized to i n c l u d e those from a l l surrounding m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , and thousands of marchers paraded through the s t r e e t s of Vancouver. G e n e r a l l y , a l a r g e number of sp e c t a t o r s witnessed the marches. In a d d i t i o n to drawing a t t e n t i o n to t h e i r p l i g h t through such mass demonstrations, at t h i s and s i m i l a r marches, d e l e g a t i o n s were appointed to present demands t o e i t h e r p r o v i n c i a l or c i v i c a u t h o r i t i e s . Often a crowd of over a thousand would march to the a p p r o p r i a t e o f f i c e and a d e l e g a t i o n would seek an audience with the o f f i c i a l s . Sometimes government o f f i c i a l s were co n f r o n t e d with s p e c i f i c demands !58 concerning p a r t i c u l a r unemployed, but i n v a r i a b l y the p r o t e s t s were a g a i n s t inadequate r e l i e f , and the demands were f o r work and wages ( P u b l i c Records, Mayor, V o l . 9, F i l e ; R e l i e f 1). In v a r i o u s other c i t i e s and towns i n B.C. s i m i l a r a c t i o n by the unemployed o f t e n took p l a c e . On J u l y 30, 1932, Premier Tolmie r e c e i v e d a telegram i n f o r m i n g him that d u r i n g recent days the Kamloops p o l i c e were unable to handle the 'unemployed army' there, i n P r i n c e George one hundred men r a i d e d a grocery s t o r e and intended to h o l d a mass demonstration. On Vancouver I s l a n d , at Sidney, the p o l i c e broke up a 'disturbance' of the unemployed. (Papers of S.F. Tolmie, Box 12, F i l e ; 24: J u l y 30, 1932). Another t a c t i c used by the unemployed was termed ' t i n - canning' .' T h i s i n v o l v e d groups of men going out onto s t r e e t corners with cans that i d e n t i f i e d them as unemployed through such markings as the i n s i g n i a of the unemployed union. They would simply stand on the s t r e e t c o r n e r s , o f t e n j i n g l i n g a few c o i n s i n the can, w a i t i n g f o r passers-by to c o n t r i b u t e some change. T h i s g e n e r a l l y brought a f a v o u r a b l e response and some f i n a n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e from the people of Vancouver. The p l i g h t of the unemployed was recognized by the general p u b l i c , sympathy was widespread and support f o r the men's demands grew. 59 P o l i c i n g the Unemployed As p u b l i c support grew and the unemployed became more organized, the p o l i c e and other o f f i c i a l s b e l i e v e d t h a t , ... these a g i t a t o r s are simply d e s i r o u s of fermenting t r o u b l e and not to a i d i n any way improvement by e v o l u t i o n . They demand r e v o l u t i o n . T h e i r demands f o r the unemployed have at a l l times been beyond reason. ... They have o f f e r e d no c o n s t r u c t i v e advice as to how to handle the present s i t u a t i o n , they merely r i d i c u l e a l l e f f o r t s that are made ( P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s , Loc. 75 F1 F i l e ; 8, Correspondence from Vancouver P o l i c e Chief Constable to Mayor and P o l i c e Commission: January 21 , 1931) . P o l i c e o f f i c e r s were always present at the meetings of the unemployed, and they submitted d e t a i l e d r e p o r t s of events. V i o l e n t c l a s h e s with the unemployed became i n c r e a s i n g l y common, e s p e c i a l l y when meetings were broken up by mounted p o l i c e using b i l l y c l u b s . In a n t i c i p a t i o n of c l a s h e s with the unemployed, the B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l P o l i c e obtained two dozen gas grenades to be h e l d f o r s p e c i a l emergencies (Tolmie Papers, Box 6, F i l e ; 12); and on at l e a s t one o c c a s i o n , (August 5, 1931), a Vancouver c i t y alderman condemned the p o l i c e f o r s t r i k i n g the f i r s t blow d u r i n g a b a t t l e with the unemployed (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 1: 54). In another i n c i d e n t , charges were l a i d a g a i n s t a p o l i c e o f f i c e r f o r roughing a man who was on the ground ( C i t y Records, Loc. 33 B 1, F i l e ; P o l i c e 1932: June 3,15,24, 1932; P u b l i c Records, Mayor. V o l . 8, F i l e ; 1932 P o l i c e : June 15,24,1932). The Canadian Labour Defence League p r o t e s t e d " p o l i c e t e r r o r i s m " , c l a i m i n g that c i t i z e n s ... p e a c e f u l l y c o n g regating ... were w r o n g f u l l y , 6 0 u n l a w f u l l y and b r u t a l l y ridden-down and beaten and clubbed i n t o unconsciousness by uniformed p o l i c e and t h e i r a s s i s t a n t s ( C i t y Records, Loc. 75 D2, F i l e ; 5, Sept., 1932). S i m i l a r l y , the Co-Operative Commonwealth F e d e r a t i o n Unemployment C o u n c i l e m p h a t i c a l l y p r o t e s t e d a g a i n s t the r u t h l e s s n e s s of the p o l i c e f o r c e i n c l u b b i n g and r i d i n g down c i t i z e n s f o r "no good reason" ( C i t y C l e r k ' s , V o l . 188, F i l e ; 1934 Unemployment O r g a n i z a t i o n s J u l y - D e c ) . N e v e r t h e l e s s , the Chief of the Vancouver C i t y P o l i c e claimed to have never witnessed unnecessary v i o l e n c e on the p a r t of the p o l i c e . ( C i t y C l e r k ' s , V o l . 154, V o l . 140, F i l e ; P o l i c e Dep't. 1930). The a c t i v i t i e s of the unemployed i n Vancouver kept the p o l i c e c o n s t a n t l y busy i n t h e i r e f f o r t to suppress the demonstrations and demands f o r 'work and wages'. The C h i e f Constable of the Vancouver P o l i c e r e p o r t e d ; ... the men are doing many hours overtime; ... and the C i t y beats are not covered d u r i n g demonstrations of the Unemployed. ... The B.C. P o l i c e have stood by on many occasions d u r i n g recent demonstrations, so, a l s o , has the Royal Canadian Mounted P o l i c e . . . . I t w i l l be necessary to o b t a i n the a s s i s t a n c e of at l e a s t f i f t y men of the B.C. P o l i c e , with a few men, say 20 from the Royal Canadian Mounted P o l i c e . ( C i t y Records, Loc 75 F1, F i l e ; 8 ) . P o l i c e f o r c e s were augmented f o r the task of r e p r e s s i n g the unemployed. In 1929, the Vancouver C i t y P o l i c e f o r c e i n c r e a s e d i t s number to include f i f t y men to f i l l temporary p o s i t i o n s . On January 4, 1930, twenty f i v e e x t r a men were put on the Vancouver P o l i c e Force ( C i t y C l e r k ' s , V o l . 129, F i l e ; P o l i c e Department 1930). The expanded e f f o r t s of the P r o v i n c i a l P o l i c e Department are r e f l e c t e d in a $29,000 in c r e a s e i n o p e r a t i n g c o s t s d u r i n g 61 1930 (Budget Address, 1931: 52). On December 20, 1930, the RCMP, the B.C. P r o v i n c i a l P o l i c e , and the Vancouver C i t y P o l i c e , cooperated to have two hundred o f f i c e r s ready i n a n t i c i p a t i o n of t r o u b l e with an unemployed demonstration at which they expected at l e a s t two thousand ( C i t y Records, Loc. 75, F1). In e a r l y August 1931, a squad of f i f t y s p e c i a l r i o t p o l i c e was sworn i n (Matthews, V o l . 8, No.1: 53); and as of November, 1935, the Vancouver P o l i c e f o r c e had a s p e c i a l temporary f o r c e of f o r t y seven men, whose o p e r a t i o n a l account was charged to 'unemployment demonstrations'. In a d d i t i o n to the v a r i o u s p o l i c e f o r c e s c o n s i s t e n t l y expanding t h e i r f o r c e s i n an e f f o r t to suppress the demonstrations, i n the s p r i n g of 1932, the C i t y of Vancouver banned a l l hunger' marches and tag days. T h i s a c t i o n brought vigo r o u s p r o t e s t s from o r g a n i z a t i o n s of the unemployed. A great number of p e t i t i o n s were sent from v a r i o u s unemployed groups and 'fre e speech' a s s o c i a t i o n s , p r o t e s t i n g the ban, and d e l e g a t i o n s of v a r i o u s o r g a n i z a t i o n s came before c i t y o f f i c i a l s p r o t e s t i n g t h i s a c t i o n ( C i t y C l e r k ' s , Op. c i t . : V o l . 179, F i l e -Unemployment O r g a n i z a t i o n s ; C i t y Records, Loc. 75 C6 V o l . 17, F i l e s ; 2,13). When subsequent meetings were h e l d without p e r m i s s i o n , the p o l i c e moved i n and a r r e s t e d the speakers, along with other a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a n t s . When a r r e s t e d , the unemployed were g e n e r a l l y imprisoned f o r a few days on charges ranging from; i n c i t i n g to r i o t , engaging i n r i o t , member of an unlawful assembly, a s s u l t i n g a p o l i c e o f f i c e r , and o b s t r u c t i n g an o f f i c e r i n the course of duty, t h r e a t s and i n t i m i d a t i o n , causing an 6 2 a f f r a y , and vagrancy ( P u b l i c Records, Mayor, Vol,. 8, F i l e ; P o l i c e Commission). However, when known communist l e a d e r s were a r r e s t e d they were o f t e n sentenced to longer p r i s o n terms ( f o r example; Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 1: 55, August 11, 1931; "Communist Herndel S t a r t s To Serve O k a l l a Term"). Such a r r e s t s were p r o t e s t e d , and o f t e n , as a consequence, more a r r e s t s were made. If the unemployed he l d a meeting, the p o l i c e promptly d i s p e r s e d the crowd. V i o l e n c e would of t e n ensue, and a r r e s t s and subsequent p r o t e s t s would be made. The l e g a l i t y of the p o l i c e i n t e r f e r e n c e with assembly and speech was not p u b l i c l y d i s c u s s e d , but as one former p o l i c e o f f i c e r p o i n t e d out to the Crown Prosecutor of Vancouver, S e c t i o n 98 of the C r i m i n a l Code s t a t e d ; . Any man may advocate whatever type of government he t h i n k s i s most d e s i r a b l e ; he may a t t a c k a l l e x i s t i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s ; he may argue f o r any, even the most r a d i c a l changes; i t i s only when the use of f o r c e , v i o l e n c e or p h y s i c a l i n j u r y to person or p r o p e r t y i s threatened, a d v i s e d or defended, that an o f f e n c e i s committed ( C i t y C l e r k ' s , V o l . 179, F i l e ; Unemployed O r g a n i z a t i o n s : November 9, 1933). The p o l i c e continued to d i s p e r s e the v a r i o u s g a t h e r i n g s of the unemployed, however, and were c o n s i s t e n t l y prepared to do so because i n v a r i a b l y they were forewarned of the impending meetings. In a d d i t i o n to uniformed o f f i c e r s who were v i s i b l e near the g a t h e r i n g s of the unemployed, the p o l i c e began to i n f i l t r a t e the o r g a n i z a t i o n s of these s i n g l e homeless men, and h i r e informants. An undercover o f f i c e r or Informant l i v e d with the unemployed men, o s t e n s i b l y c o l l e c t e d r e l i e f , and 63 p a r t i c i p a t e d i n t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s ; but i n a d d i t i o n , he pr o v i d e d d e t a i l e d r e p o r t s to the p o l i c e . These r e p o r t s were o f t e n submitted twice a day by an informant, and were g e n e r a l l y very d e t a i l e d . A f t e r a t t e n d i n g a meeting of the unemployed, the undercover agent reported the speakers' names, appearances, a p r e c i s of the speeches, the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of others along with copies of the songs sung, and even 'passing comments' of those i n attendance. Events such as the e l e c t i o n of committees were c a r e f u l l y recorded. Furthermore, the chairman, the number i n attendance, the plans that were made at the meeting, the amount c o l l e c t e d i f a donation was taken, the d u r a t i o n of the g a t h e r i n g were a l l reported as w e l l as advance warning of proposed meetings and even r e c r e a t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s . On at l e a s t one o c c a s i o n an informant was able to o b t a i n i n f o r m a t i o n from a delegate to the c e n t r a l p l a n n i n g committee, thus s e c u r i n g ' i n s i d e ' i n f o r m a t i o n . To complete the r e p o r t s , any pamphlets that were d i s t r i b u t e d to the unemployed were forwarded to the P o l i c e Department, and sometimes the undercover agent would t r a i l the speaker to o b t a i n i n f o r m a t i o n concerning h i s a c t i v i t i e s , s u p p o r t e r s and p l a c e of residen c e ( P u b l i c Records, Loc. 75 F1, F i l e s ; 6,7,8,9,13,14). With t h i s i nformation the p o l i c e were a b l e t o prepare f o r demonstrations c a r r i e d out by the unemployed by d i s p a t c h i n g o f f i c e r s to the l o c a t i o n of the meeting. As w e l l , they compiled e x t e n s i v e f i l e s not only on the general o r g a n i z a t i o n of _ the unemployed, but documentation of the Communist Pa r t y , i t s a c t i v i t i e s and a s s o c i a t i o n s . In a d d i t i o n , data was gathered on 64 s p e c i f i c high p r o f i l e l e a d e r s among both the CPC and the unemployed. ( P u b l i c Records, Loc. 75 F2, F i l e s ; 1,2,9,12,23). The p o l i c e maintained records of the l e a d e r s of the CPC and the unemployed, along with the assumed names they adopted. By 1935, in f o r m a t i o n on these o r g a n i z a t i o n s was so e x t e n s i v e , and p o l i c e c o n t r o l of the communist p a r t y was such a p r i o r i t y , that the Vancouver P o l i c e had e s t a b l i s h e d a 'Communist A c t i v i t i e s Branch'. Through t h i s department the p o l i c e maintained c l o s e s u r v e i l l a n c e of the Communist Party and i t s l e a d e r s . The p o l i c e were a c t i v e l y supported by other s t a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s i n t h e i r e f f o r t to repress the Communist-led unemployed. The c i v i c a u t h o r i t i e s i n Vancouver were convinced that the demonstrations of the unemployed were a s e r i o u s t h r e a t , great enough to warrant the d i s p a t c h i n g of a d e s t r o y e r with troops aboard, from Esquimalt to the Vancouver Harbour, on the date of the 1932 May Day Parade (Lane, 1966: 56). On at l e a s t one other o c c a s i o n , the m i l i t a r y promised a s s i s t a n c e i n d e a l i n g with the unemployed (Tolmie Papers, Correspondence between Tolmie and F e d e r a l M i n i s t e r of Defence, N/D). In a d d i t i o n to m a i n t a i n i n g v i g i l a n c e on the s i n g l e unemployed through the o v e r t l y c o e r c i v e i n s t i t u t i o n s of the s t a t e such as the p o l i c e and the m i l i t a r y , s u b s t a n t i a l i n f o r m a t i o n was gathered by the Vancouver R e l i e f Department through i t s d e t a i l e d r e p o r t s on any who r e g i s t e r e d f o r c i t y r e l i e f . Each a p p l i c a n t was r e q u i r e d to pr o v i d e not only his- age, b i r t h p l a c e , next of k i n , e t c . , the unemployed were o b l i g e d to 65 p r o v i d e i n f o r m a t i o n on matters such as; l a s t p l a c e of r e s i d e n c e , most recent employer, and a complete d e s c r i p t i o n of h i s past and c u r r e n t f i n a n c i a l s i t u a t i o n . As w e l l , the C i t y R e l i e f Department maintained f i v e i n v e s t i g a t o r s to c o n t r o l the d i s t r i b u t i o n of r e l i e f payments, and to c a r r y out ' i n t e n s i v e i n v e s t i g a t i o n s ' on r e l i e f r e c i p i e n t s ( C i t y Records, Mayor, V o l . 9, F i l e ; R e l i e f 1). In a f u r t h e r attempt to hinder the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the unemployed and c r i p p l i n g the Communist P a r t y , the Canadian s t a t e deported u n d e s i r a b l e , a l i e n Communist l e a d e r s of the unemployed. Under Canadian law, the f e d e r a l government had the a u t h o r i t y to deport an i n d i v i d u a l without f i r s t s e c u r i n g a c r i m i n a l c o n v i c t i o n . If immigrants d i d "... not appear l i k e l y to become good c i t i z e n s " they were i n v a r i a b l y deported to the country of n a t i v i t y (Matthews, V o l . 8, No.1: 53). In 1930, 83 persons from Vancouver were deported f o r being p u b l i c charges, but i n 1931 the C i t y deported 206 f o r t h i s cause. (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 1: Feb. 9, 1932). In a d d i t i o n however, any known Communist was g e n e r a l l y deported, c o n t r i b u t i n g to the seven thousand i n d i v i d u a l s deported duri n g 1933 (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 2: 72). I t i s apparent that t h i s t a c t i c was favoured i n B.C., f o r i n December, 1932, the Board of P o l i c e Commissioners of the C i t y of Vancouver took i t upon i t s e l f to "... s t r o n g l y recommend to the Prime M i n i s t e r of Canada that the Immigration Act be ammended ... and p r o v i s i o n be made f o r the immediate d e p o r t a t i o n of such u n d e s i r a b l e a l i e n s ( v i z . Communist a g i t a t o r s ) . A l s o that the process of d e p o r t a t i o n be speeded up ( P u b l i c Records, Mayor, V o l . 8, F i l e ; P o l i c e 1932). 66 Fragmented P o l i t i c a l C o n t r o l and the R e l i e f Acts of 1931 While the Vancouver C i t y C o u n c i l and the c i t y p o l i c e were c l e a r l y very concerned about the unrest and growing m i l i t a n c y among the thousands of unemployed, and the p r o v i n c i a l a u t h o r i t i e s recognized the problems c r e a t e d , the f e d e r a l government r e s i s t e d becoming a c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d . Prime M i n i s t e r McKenzie King r e f e r r e d to the ' a l l e g e d unemployment' durin g h i s b i d f o r r e - e l e c t i o n i n 1930, and economic experts a d v i s i n g the government were arguing that the economy was simply going through a p e r i o d of readjustment, and t h e r e f o r e i t was not necessary to undertake e x t e n s i v e programmes to a l l e v i a t e the problems c r e a t e d by unemployment. Although the f i n a n c i a l burden brought on by the unemployed went f a r beyond the c a p a c i t y of the c i t y of Vancouver and "... threatened the whole f i n a n c i a l s t r u c t u r e of the C i t y (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 2: October 11, 1934); the p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l governments both i n s i s t e d , on l e g a l grounds, that the problem of d e a l i n g with the unemployed was p r i m a r i l y a m u n i c i p a l issue.. During the f i r s t month of 1930, Vancouver h e l d a conference f o r mayors of western Canadian c i t i e s , f o r the purpose of d i s c u s s i n g the problems c r e a t e d by the h i g h l e v e l of unemployment. Although f o r m a l l y i n v i t e d to a t t e n d , n e i t h e r the p r o v i n c i a l nor f e d e r a l governments sent r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . The f e d e r a l government argued that C o n s t i t u t i o n a l j u r i s d i c t i o n d i c t a t e d t h a t m u n i c i p a l i t i e s were to turn to t h e i r p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t u r e f o r a s s i s t a n c e i f they were unable to d e a l with the 67 c o s t s c r e a t e d by unemployment, and the B.C. a u t h o r i t i e s i n s i s t e d that unemployment was so widespread that i t c o n s t i t u t e d a n a t i o n a l problem to be d e a l t with by the dominion government. Although n e i t h e r of these governments acknowledged r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n the matter of unemployment, the v a r i o u s m u n i c i p a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s unanimously c l a i m e d that these governments were accountable ( C i t y C l e r k ' s , V o l . 141, F i l e ; R e l i e f O f f i c e r Jan.-June 1930). Again, i n February of 1930, at a meeting of the Union of Canadian M u n i c i p a l i t i e s ; i t was r e s o l v e d that the f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l governments must assume t h e i r share of the cost of unemployment r e l i e f ( P u b l i c Records, Mayor, V o l . 5, F i l e ; 1930 Unemployment). On May 22, 1930, Vancouver's mayor sent a telegram to Prime M i n i s t e r McKenzie King c l a i m i n g that not" only c o u l d Vancouver not deal with the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the unemployed, but p u b l i c o p i n i o n p l a c e d t h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y with the dominion. McKenzie King's r e p l y was to i n s t r u c t Mayor Malkin to make a p p l i c a t i o n to the p r o v i n c i a l government f o r a s s i s t a n c e ( C i t y C l e r k ' s , V o l . 141, F i l e ; R e l i e f July-December). Whereas McKenzie King r e f u s e d to acknowledge e i t h e r the scope of the problem, or h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n the matter, C o n s e r v a t i v e leader R.B. Bennett made the problem a major i s s u e in the 1930 e l e c t i o n campaign. Bennett recognized that unemployment had become a n a t i o n a l problem, and promised that i f e l e c t e d , h i s government would "... f i n d work f o r a l l who are w i l l i n g to work, or p e r i s h i n the attempt." (Hquse of Commons 68 Debates, O f f i c i a l Report of Debates, September 9, 1930:: 25). Upon assuming o f f i c e as Prime M i n i s t e r , Bennett c a l l e d a s p e c i a l s e s s i o n of Parliament i n the f a l l of 1930. Nev e r t h e l e s s , as subsequent events r e v e a l e d , Bennett had no i n t e n t i o n of expanding the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of the Dominion government to deal with the quest i o n of unemployment, and Ottawa was becoming only i n d i r e c t l y i n v o l v e d i n r e l i e v i n g the problem. Des p i t e Prime M i n i s t e r R.B. Bennett's 1930 e l e c t i o n promise to c r e a t e a d e f i n i t e plan f o r permanent r e l i e f and to give the unemployed 'work ra t h e r than the d o l e s ' , h i s government's i n i t i a l unemployment packages d i d l i t t l e to sol v e the problem. The f i r s t attempt i n 1930 was the implementation of a time-worn, t r a d i t i o n a l response — gen e r a l t a r i f f i n c r e a s e s . T h i s remedy was expected to provide 25,000 jobs, but w e l l over 200,000 wage earners were out of work ( S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 46-47). The 1931 Unemployment R e l i e f Act, was brought down w i t h i n three days of the s p e c i a l s e s s i o n of Parliament c a l l e d a f t e r the 1930 e l e c t i o n . T h i s Act a p p r o p r i a t e d ten times the amount of money spent throughout the pre v i o u s decade — $20 m i l l i o n — to be expended by March 31, 1931, to de a l with the, p e r c e i v e d 'temporary unemployment c r i s i s ' , but entrenched i n the Act was the i n s i s t e n c e that unemployment was " p r i m a r i l y a p r o v i n c i a l and mun i c i p a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y " , and the f e d e r a l government was not assuming any new c o n s t i t u t i o n a l o b l i g a t i o n s i n r e l a t i o n to t h i s matter ( S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 47). The burden of unemployment remained squarely with a 'ramshackle c o l l e c t i o n ' of p r i v a t e c h a r i t i e s and l o c a l s t a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s ( S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 48). 69 Under t h i s Act the f e d e r a l government c o n t r i b u t e d twenty f i v e percent of the cost of r e l i e f works i n i t i a t e d by the p r o v i n c e s or m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , with the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s c o n t r i b u t i n g f i f t y p ercent, and the p r o v i n c e s paying the remaining balance of 25 percent (Lane, 1966: 22; S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 47). Due to the s i g n i f i c a n t municipal c o n t r i b u t i o n , the amount of work pro v i d e d o f t e n depended upon the m u n i c i p a l i t y ' s debt r a t h e r than the need of the unemployed. In a d d i t i o n , the r e l i e f work programmes e s t a b l i s h e d by l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s gave p r e f e r e n c e to married men over s i n g l e men, r e g a r d l e s s of the r e l a t i v e poverty ( S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 48). At a meeting between the f e d e r a l M i n i s t e r of Labour and m u n i c i p a l and p r o v i n c i a l a u t h o r i t i e s in June, 1931, Vancouver s t r l l demanded g r e a t e r f e d e r a l a c t i o n . M u n i c i p a l i t i e s i n B.C. i n s i s t e d that t r a n s i e n t s were a n a t i o n a l problem, and requested that Ottawa take f u l l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r s i n g l e , unemployed men (Lane, 1966: 29). Upon the e x p i r y of the 1931 R e l i e f Act, s i n g l e t r a n s i e n t unemployed were denied any form of c i v i c r e l i e f ( S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 51). To a v o i d making r e l i e f payments t h a t they c o u l d not a f f o r d , the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s s t r i c t l y e n forced r e s i d e n t i a l requirements for r e l i e f r e c i p i e n t s . In Vancouver n e a r l y s i x hundred r e l i e f workers were l a i d o f f with no other means of support (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 1: 150, May 2, 1932). On September 3, 1931, the Vancouver Alderman i n charge of the Committee on Employment and R e l i e f , Mr. Atherton, sent a telegram to the f e d e r a l M i n i s t e r of Labour, Gideon Robertson, informing him that Vancouver had reached a c o n d i t i o n of c r i s i s , 70 and the i n e r t n e s s of the dominion government i n f a i l i n g t o c o n t r o l the t r a n s i e n t s had p a r a l y s e d the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . He claimed that immediate d e f i n i t e a c t i o n was imperative ( C i t y C l e r k ' s , V o l . 155, F i l e ; R e l i e f O f f i c e r 1931 J u l y - S e p t . ) . The l a c k of c o o p e r a t i o n between a l l three l e v e l s of government over how to deal with the problems c r e a t e d by unemployment, i s r e v e a l e d i n a l e t t e r addressed to the Vancouver C i t y C l e r k , from a member of the B.C. L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly. He wrote; Might I suggest that your C o u n c i l , i n s t e a d of v o i c i n g a p r o t e s t , might i n d i c a t e what, i n your o p i n i o n , would be adequate r e l i e f , and where t h i s money should be o b t a i n e d . As you are no doubt aware, prominent p u b l i c bodies i n Vancouver, backed by the newspapers and a large. s e c t i o n of the p u b l i c , demand reduced expenditure by the Government, while other" p u b l i c bodies demand i n c r e a s e d expenditure. Less condemnation and more c o o p e r a t i o n would, I t h i n k , enable us to s o l v e our present s e r i o u s d i f f i c u l t i e s . ( C i t y C l e r k ' s , V o l . 167, F i l e ; P r o v i n c i a l Government). Labour o r g a n i z a t i o n s were a c t i v e , p r e s s i n g f o r f e d e r a l a c t i o n , and i n October, 1931, three thousand i n d i v i d u a l s at a labour meeting voted that the dominion government r e s i g n f o r incompetence, r u t h l e s s n e s s , and arrogance i n f a i l i n g to address the unemployment i s s u e (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 1: 94, October 13, 1931). In a d d i t i o n to c o n s i s t e n t l y submitting demands to the p r o v i n c i a l and m u n i c i p a l a u t h o r i t i e s , the Workers' U n i t y League organized a n a t i o n a l day of p r o t e s t against unemployment on 71 February 23, 1931, and two months l a t e r , t h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n presented Prime M i n i s t e r Bennett with a p e t i t i o n c a r r y i n g 94,169 s i g n a t u r e s of i n d i v i d u a l s p r o t e s t i n g .against unemployment and c a l l i n g f o r a programme of no n - c o n t r i b u t o r y unemployment insurance (Cuneo, 1980: 41; S t r u t h e r s , 1 983: 61 ). 6 B r i t i s h Columbia's Premier Tolmie s t a t e d i n January 1932, that the pressure on the government to put the unemployed to work was i n c r e a s i n g every day (Tolmie Papers, Box 12, F i l e ; 19). The CCF Unemployment Conference expressed the o p i n i o n that the f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l l e v e l s of government should a c t i v e l y p a r t i c i p a t e i n the care of the unemployed, and numerous l e t t e r s were submitted from the unemployed themselves, demanding work and wages, unemployment insurance, and government a c t i o n ( C i t y Records, Loc. 75 C6, V o l . 17, F i l e s ; 2,13; Loc. 75 D1, V o l . 1 9 , F i l e s ; 2,7). One c i t i z e n claimed t h a t ; "... I t ' s a s e r i o u s c a l a m i t y f o r any nation to s i t s t i l l and grow prosperous and say that they have no r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s as to unemployment and poverty i n t h i s wonderful country of Canada; there i s an i d l e c l a s s both r i c h and poor; weak, wicked and mi s e r a b l e . . . . T h e r e f o r e i t i s the Governing P r o v i n c i a l and F e d e r a l government's ( s i c ) to do f o l l o w up the problem of work and P r o t e c t i o n to a l l unemployed i n Canada. ( s i c ) ( C i t y C l e r k ' s , V o l . 144, F i l e ; Unemployment). The Vancouver Sun's e d i t o r i a l ( J u l y 2, 1932) a l s o c r i t i c i z e d the h u m i l i a t i o n that the unemployed underwent i n order to c o l l e c t t h e i r r e l i e f p r o v i s i o n s . 6 The Workers' Unit y League was the v o i c e of the Communist Party of Canada w i t h i n the labour movement, and was perhaps the most a c t i v e o r g a n i z e r of the unemployed. I t c r e a t e d a f f i l i a t e s such as the N a t i o n a l Unemployed Workers' A s s o c i a t i o n i n c i t i e s throughout Canada. 72 The c e s s a t i o n of m u n i c i p a l r e l i e f programmes due to the e x p i r y of the 1930 Act r e s u l t e d i n an i n c r e a s e d number of married, r e s i d e n t r e l i e f r e c i p i e n t s , as w e l l as s i n g l e , t r a n s i e n t unemployed who were denied r e l i e f . During a t r i p to the west, the f e d e r a l m i n i s t e r of labour, Senator Gideon Robertson, became aware of the s e v e r i t y of the problems c r e a t e d by the s i n g l e men i n urban c e n t r e s , without any r e l i e f p r o v i s i o n s . Robertson suggested that these men be put i n t o camps along the proposed Trans-Canada highway route, where they could be kept under s u p e r v i s i o n s i m i l a r to s e m i - m i l i t a r y c o n t r o l , away from the c i t i e s , u n t i l they c o u l d be put to work i n the f a l l h a r v e s t . R e f u s a l to go would r e s u l t i n f o r f e i t i n g any r e l i e f p r o v i s i o n s ( S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 53). As he t r a v e l l e d back to Ottawa, however, Robertson saw the d e v e s t a t i o n of the drought in southern Saskatchewan, . and r e a l i z e d that there would be no autumn harvest to absorb thousands of unemployed. The dustbowl a l t e r e d Robertson's p r i o r i t i e s , and subsequently, on J u l y 1, 1931, the f e d e r a l government i n t r o d u c e d a new Unemployment and Farm R e l i e f Act of 1931. I t was designed to a s s i s t general unemployment through the establishment of employment i n p u b l i c works, but aimed p r i m a r i l y to r e l i e v e the d r o u g h t - s t r i c k e n areas of southern Saskatchewan ( S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 53). The f e d e r a l O p p o s i t i o n opposed t h i s Act on three s p e c i f i c grounds. F i r s t , i t combined two d i s t i n c t problems — farm r e l i e f and unemployment r e l i e f , i n d i c a t i n g the f e d e r a l government's r e s i s t e n c e to a c c e p t i n g d i r e c t r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the unemployed; second, i t gave the government u n l i m i t e d resources to a l l o c a t e without 73 s p e c i f i c p a r l i a m e n t a r y a u t h o r i t y ; and t h i r d , i t i n c l u d e d a 'peace, order and good government' c l a u s e which gave the f e d e r a l government f u l l a u t h o r i t i y t o a c t without any regard to parliament (Lane, 1966: 23). Although t h i s expanded f e d e r a l a c t i o n , j u s t i f i e d under S e c t i o n 91 of the BNA Act, on the grounds of the maintenance of 'peace, o r d e r , and good government', i n d i c a t e d a s i g n i f i c a n t response by the s e n i o r l e v e l of government, l i k e i t s predecessor, the 1931 Act s t i p u l a t e d that the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s and pr o v i n c e s were p r i m a r i l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the care of the unemployed. The preamble s t a t e d : Whereas Unemployment, which i s p r i m a r i l y a m u n i c i p a l and p r o v i n c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y has become so general throughout Canada as to c o n s t i t u t e a matter of n a t i o n a l concern..." (P.C. 2043; Tuesday, 18 August, 1931; C i t y C l e r k ' s , V o l . 156, F i l e ; R e l i e f O f f i c e r ) . Defending the Act i n the House of Commons, the government maintained t h a t ; I t i s not proposed that t h i s Dominion government would i n any sense d e a l with these problems d i r e c t l y . These are p r i m a r i l y problems of p r o v i n c e s and m u n i c i p a l i t i e s and apart from n a t i o n a l undertakings. ... That i s the p o s i t i o n . . . . (Canada, House of Commons, O f f i c i a l Report of Debates, 8 September, 1930: 64-65). Under the Unemployment and Farm R e l i e f Act the Dominion pa i d 50 percent of the cost of the work undertaken, e x c l u d i n g a l l c o s t s of a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and overhead charges. The prov i n c e c o n t r i b u t e d 25 percent of the labour c o s t , and the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s assumed the remaining 25 percent of labour c o s t and 50 percent of the cost of m a t e r i a l s , as w e l l as the t o t a l c o st of a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and any overhead charges ( C i t y C l e r k ' s , 74 V o l . 157, L e t t e r t o a l l m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , from P r o v i n c i a l Department of P u b l i c Works; September 29, 1931). The R i s e and F a l l of B.C.'s R e l i e f Camps The enactment of the 1931 Unemployment and Farm R e l i e f Act l e d the B r i t i s h Columbia government to e s t a b l i s h r e l i e f work camps f o r the s i n g l e unemployed men i n the p r o v i n c e . B r i t i s h Columbia made an immediate agreement with Gideon Robertson, the f e d e r a l M i n i s t e r of Labour, and s t a r t e d i t s programme before other p r o v i n c e s had even concluded t h e i r agreements with the f e d e r a l government. The f i r s t r e l i e f camps began o p e r a t i o n i n September of 1931, the same month that Vancouver's C h i e f of P o l i c e requested that Ottawa e s t a b l i s h internment camps at the B.C. - A l b e r t a border ( S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 55). By October, 2,000 men had l e f t Vancouver f o r the p r o v i n c i a l camps. (See Appendix 2 fo r l o c a t i o n s of p r o v i n c i a l camps.) One purpose of these p r o v i n c i a l camps was to remove many of the s i n g l e men who became r e l i e f camp^inmates, from the urban c e n t r e s . Premier Tolmie s t a t e d ; The C i t y of Vancouver was c o n s t a n t l y urging the P r o v i n c i a l Government to take the t r a n s i e n t s ... together with the unemployed men without dependents, i n t o camp. Immediately a f t e r n e g o t i a t i o n s with Ottawa ... i t was decided t o rush the men out of the c i t i e s i n order to prevent, what the Chief of P o l i c e was a f r a i d might happen, wholesale damage to p r o p e r t y . (Tolmie Papers, Box 9, F i l e ; 16: February 1, 1 932) 75 By February, 1932, B.C. operated 126 permanent r e l i e f work camps, with c a p a c i t y f o r 12,721 men, 92 semi-permanent camps, with c a p a c i t y f o r 4,061 occupants, and 19 r e n t e d camps that c o u l d h o l d 18,340 inmates (Tolmie Papers, Box 9, F i l e ; 16). The camps were e s t a b l i s h e d p r i m a r i l y i n remote areas of the p r o v i n c e , and the men were r e g u l a r l y engaged in road b u i l d i n g and highway improvement p r o j e c t s . A t y p i c a l camp would be made up of three bunkhouses, each c o n t a i n i n g 320 bunks p r o v i d i n g each man with 30 inches of s l e e p i n g space, a d i n i n g room, k i t c h e n and s t o r e s , two l a t r i n e s and washroom, a d r y i n g room f o r c l o t h e s , d i s i n f e c t o r room, and an o f f i c e block ( C i t y Records, V o l . 154 F i l e ; P r o v i n c i a l Government, Jan.-June, 1931). The unemployed were not very e n t h u s i a s t i c about going to the camps, and t h e i r o r g a n i z a t i o n s p r o t e s t e d a g a i n s t the p r o v i n c i a l 'slave camps'. However, under the Act, r e f u s i n g to go made one l i a b l e to a f i n e of up to $1,000, or imprisonment f o r a maximum p e r i o d of three months. G e n e r a l l y , r e f u s a l to go to the camps meant being cut o f f of any form of r e l i e f ( C i t y C l e r k ' s , V o l . 166, F i l e ; R e l i e f O f f i c e r Jan.-March, 1932). The only exceptions p e r m i t t e d were men a b l e to prove they would o b t a i n other employment soon, or those who were under medical care (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 1: Jan. 19, 1932). One t a c t i c sometimes used by the s i n g l e men to a v o i d going to camps, was to put advertisements i n the " P e r s o n a l " column of the newspapers, ex p r e s s i n g a wish to meet people with the o b j e c t of matrimony. R e a l i z i n g t h i s o b j e c t i v e rendered one i n e l i g i b l e f o r . the camps f o r s i n g l e men, thus a v o i d i n g assignment to a 'slave camp' ( C i t y 76 C l e r k ' s Op. c i t . : V o l . 177, F i l e ; R e l i e f O f f i c e r , J u l y - S e p t . : J u l y 24, 1933). Many who were not exempted, r e f u s e d t o comply. In February, 1932, at l e a s t 326 s i n g l e men, with l e s s than one year's resid e n c e i n Vancouver, r e f u s e d to leave the c i t y f o r the p r o v i n c i a l camps, and were cut o f f r e l i e f e n t i r e l y . The next month, the C i t y R e l i e f O f f i c e r s t a t e d that 55 per c e n t of the s i n g l e men i n the C i t y refused to go to the camps (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 1: March 31, 1932). The r e l i e f workers complained about the wage of 30 cents per hour, or $2.40 per day, demanding 50 cents per hour (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 1: 151). In the camps, men were o f t e n e j e c t e d f o r r e f u s a l to work i n p r o t e s t a g a i n s t i n s u f f i c i e n t food and c l o t h i n g , and unpleasant working c o n d i t i o n s (The Vancouver P r o v i n c e , L e t t e r to the E d i t o r : December 2, 1932). C r i t i c i s m of the camp scheme i n c r e a s e d from a l l q u a r t e r s . As e a r l y as November 1931, B r i t i s h Columbia had spent most of i t s y e a r l y f e d e r a l funding f o r r e l i e f , due i n part to the r a p i d b u i l d i n g of the camps, and r e p o r t e d patronage and ex c e s s i v e extravagance i n s u p p l i e s . 7 The co s t of c o n s t r u c t i o n of the camps was more than $689,000 and between $500,000 and $600,000 per month, or a t o t a l of $6,677,000, was r e q u i r e d to continue the programme u n t i l the R e l i e f Act was due to e x p i r e i n 7 In February 1932 and enquiry was made i n t o these a l l e g a t i o n s by the p r o v i n c i a l l y appointed Twigg Commission. A f t e r hearing charges of gross d i v e r s i o n of f e d e r a l funds, incompetent a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , and extravagence, the Committee concluded that these charges were unfounded. N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h i s I n q u i r y d i d r e v e a l the intense antagonism that c h a r a c t e r i z e d f e d e r a l p r o v i n c i a l r e l a t i o n s . 77 March, 1932 (Lane, 1966: 36-37; S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 57; Tolmie Papers, Box 9, F i l e ; 16). The f e d e r a l government i n s i s t e d t h i s expenditure was e x c e s s i v e , and d e s p i t e the p r o v i n c i a l government's r e d u c t i o n of the o r i g i n a l estimate of expenditures i n the camps, Ottawa l i m i t e d B.C.'s funding i n r e l i e f a l l o c a t i o n s to $3,250,000 (Lane, 1966: 40-41). When the f e d e r a l government r e j e c t e d the proposed estimates of expenditure and reduced funding, Tolmie ordered r e l i e f camp work to cease, and the men were given d i r e c t r e l i e f in the camps. For three months, the men were i d l e i n these camps. In February, 1932 r e l i e f work was again p r o v i d e d , but f o r urban t r a n s i e n t s only on a d a i l y b a s i s , with an allowance of $7.50 per month, or 40 cents a day (Lane, 1966: 40-41). The four months of n e g o t i a t i o n s over funding of the camps scheme manifested the poor c o o p e r a t i o n between the p r o v i n c e and the dominion d u r i n g the winter of 1931-32, and f u r t h e r e d d e t e r i o r a t i o n i n inter-governmental r e l a t i o n s . Indeed, 'scores of telegrams' were exchanged between the two C o n s e r v a t i v e governments i n Ottawa and and V i c t o r i a , to solve what the p r o v i n c e d e s c r i b e d as "temporary f i n a n c i n g d i f f i c u l t i e s " (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 1: February 7, 1932); but what the Dominion government c a l l e d a gross d i v e r s i o n of f e d e r a l funds (Lane, 1966: 47). The Prime M i n i s t e r p e r c e i v e d the p r o v i n c i a l camp scheme to be e x c e s s i v e e x p e n d i t u r e , and Bennett appointed Senator Robertson to screen each r e l i e f payment made to B r i t i s h Columbia ( S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 57). The subsequent antagonism between Ottawa and V i c t o r i a became very i n t e n s e , and 78 even the r o u t i n e d i s t r i b u t i o n of r e l i e f payments from the f e d e r a l government, which the pr o v i n c e sent to m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , o ccasioned the two higher l e v e l s of government to squabble and blame one another f o r de l a y s and i n e f f i c i e n c y . Not only d i d f e d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l c o o p e r a t i o n break down, the i n a c t i v i t y of higher l e v e l s of government i n r e l a t i o n to the problem of unemployment, r e s u l t e d i n m u n i c i p a l i t i e s becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y a n t a g o n i s t i c toward both the f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l government (Lane, 1966: 44). In June of 1931, at a conference of m u n i c i p a l i t i e s i n B.C. the delegates demanded that the f e d e r a l government accept f u l l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r s i n g l e unemployed t r a n s i e n t s (Lane, 1966: 28). Ottawa d i d not respond to these demands, and i n September a Vancouver alderman warned the f e d e r a l m i n i s t e r of Labour that the c o n d i t i o n s i n Vancouver had reached a c r i s i s p o i n t , and t h a t ; " I n e r t n e s s of Dominion government i n f a i l i n g to c o n t r o l t r a n s i e n t s and i n d e l a y i n g d e c i s i o n has p a r a l y s e d m u n i c i p a l i t i e s " ( C i t y C l e r k ' s , V o l . 155, F i l e ; R e l i e f O f f i c e r 1931, J u l y - S e p t . ) . Newspaper h e a d l i n e s i n January 1933, r e v e a l e d that the dispute over the maintenance of s i n g l e unemployed men had not been s o l v e d , when they r e p o r t e d t h a t ; "Ottawa throws 800 cases back to the c i t y " (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 2: January 12, 1933). M u n i c i p a l i t i e s across the country j o i n e d the f e d e r a l O p p o s i t i o n , labour groups, and the unemployed organized by the Workers' U n i t y League c a l l i n g f o r the implementation of a f e d e r a l programme of unemployment insurance. The WUL, a- CPC a f f i l i a t e , had l o b b i e d f o r n o n - c o n t r i b u t o r y unemployment insurance f o r a 79 number of years. In 1931, the f e d e r a l Department of Labour had i n t e r c e p t e d pamphlets being d i s t r i b u t e d by t h i s group i n i t s e f f o r t to gather support f o r unemployment insurance, and Gideon Robertson informed the Prime M i n i s t e r that the campaign was "the c u l m i n a t i o n of communistic propaganda..." (Cuneo, 1980: 48). Bennett's i n i t i a l response to these demands was to vow that a p o l i c y of n o n - c o n t r i b u t o r y unemployment insurance would never be enacted under h i s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n (Cuneo, 1980: 52; S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 61). The f o l l o w i n g week, however, Bennett promised that the government would introduce c o n t r i b u t o r y unemployment insurance l e g i s l a t i o n "at the e a r l i e s t p o s s i b l e moment" ( S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 61). Some months l a t e r , however, Bennett withdrew from the promise of a c t i o n , c i t i n g C o n s t i t u t i o n a l r e s t r i c t i o n s and growing n a t i o n a l d e f i c i t s ( S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 62). D e s p i t e the demands l e d by the unemployed and numerous m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , unemployment insurance was never i n t r o d u c e d by the Bennett government. M u n i c i p a l i t i e s i n B r i t i s h Columbia were s i m i l a r l y unable to r e c e i v e s a t i s f a c t o r y c o o p e r a t i o n from the p r o v i n c i a l government. When a Vancouver alderman c a l l e d a conference to d i s c u s s the problems a s s o c i a t e d with the high l e v e l of unemployment i n January 1930, the Vancouver Unemployed Workers' O r g a n i z a t i o n sent f i v e d e l e g a t e s and the Communist Party of Canada sent one r e p r e s e n t a t i v e , but the three members of the p r o v i n c i a l government who were i n v i t e d (the p r o v i n c i a l s e c r e t a r y , the m i n i s t e r of f i n a n c e and a m i n i s t e r without p o r t f o l i o ) , as w e l l as three other members of the l e g i s l a t i v e 80 assembly who were asked to come, d e c l i n e d the i n v i t a t i o n without p r o v i d i n g a reason ( C i t y C l e r k ' s , V o l . 141. F i l e ; R e l i e f O f f i c e r , Jan.-June). The d e l e g a t e s at the conference passed a r e s o l u t i o n d e p l o r i n g the a t t i t u d e manifested by the higher governments by not sending r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s ( C i t y C l e r k ' s , V o l . 141, F i l e ; R e l i e f O f f i c e r , Jan.-June). In J u l y of that year, Vancouver requested p r o v i n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e "... due to the urgency of the s i t u a t i o n " ( C i t y C l e r k ' s , V o l . 141, F i l e ; R e l i e f , J u l y - D e c ) . The r e p e t i t i o n of t h i s request one month l a t e r i n d i c a t e s that p r o v i n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e was not forthcoming ( P u b l i c Records, Mayor, V o l . 5, F i l e ; Unemployment, Aug., 1930). At conferences of m u n i c i p a l a u t h o r i t i e s h e l d i n August, 1930 and June, 1931, o f f i c i a l s from the towns and c i t i e s throughout the p r o v i n c e requested that the p r o v i n c i a l government take some a c t i o n to a s s i s t them i n t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the unemployed ( P u b l i c Records, Mayor, V o l . 5, F i l e ; Unemployment, Aug., 1930; Tolmie Papers, Box 12, F i l e ; 23). D i s p u t e s over care f o r the unemployed continued. As one man r e c a l l e d ; ... we were always t o l d by the F e d e r a l government i t was a P r o v i n c i a l matter and the P r o v i n c i a l a u t h o r i t i e s s a i d i t was a F e d e r a l matter and when they c o u l d n ' t agree they s a i d i t was a m u n i c i p a l matter... (Bourke C o l l e c t i o n , Toppings-Smeale: 5). On November 1, 1932, under the a u t h o r i t y of the Fordham Commission, the f e d e r a l government took r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r B.C.'s work camps f o r s i n g l e , homeless men, and l i m i t e d the cost 81 of o p e r a t i o n to 40 cents per man per day. Under the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the Commission, r e l i e f was a dministered to 4,430 s i n g l e men in the r e l i e f camps, and to 8,863 men i n Vancouver, V i c t o r i a , and New Westminster (Lane, 1966: 52-53). In February 1933, 5,500 men who d i d not q u a l i f y f o r p r o v i n c i a l residence were o b t a i n i n g r e l i e f i n the camps, and 11,500 i n the urban c e n t r e s (Lane, 1966: 52-53). However, in March of 1933, n i n e t y of B r i t i s h Columbia's camps were c l o s e d . As a consequence of t h i s r e d u c t i o n of the f e d e r a l programme, hundreds of s i n g l e , t r a n s i e n t , unemployed men were once again r e q u i r e d to fend f o r themselves. Summary By the beginning of 1933, d e s p i t e a v a r i e t y of e f f o r t s , the Canadian s t a t e had not s o l v e d the problems c r e a t e d by the h i g h l e v e l s of unemployment. Although t r a n s i e n t , s i n g l e , unemployed men began e n t e r i n g the p r o v i n c e as e a r l y as 1929, and numerous attempts had been made to repress the o rganized unemployed, at the c l o s e of a dominion - p r o v i n c i a l conference government o f f i c i a l s were s t i l l "... stumped to f i n d a s o l u t i o n f o r the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l d i f f i c u l t i e s i n the way of a Dominion-wide scheme and a l s o at loggerheads over the broad q u e s t i o n of (unemployment) insurance j u r i s d i c t i o n " (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 2: 4 ) . While f e d e r a l , p r o v i n c i a l , and m u n i c i p a l p o l i c e p a r t i c i p a t e d i n c o n t r o l l i n g the organized, m i l i t a n t unemployed, and the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s maintained s t r i c t v i g i l a n c e on r e l i e f 82 r e c i p i e n t s , the s t a t e was s t i l l unable to adequately c o n t r o l the v o c a l , d i s s e n t i n g unemployed. Although Prime M i n i s t e r Bennett informed Premier Tolmie in March, 1933, that "... your pr o p o s a l that ... (the) Dominion should assume whole burden of unemployment r e l i e f c o s t s i s , we b e l i e v e unreasonable and cannot even be c o n s i d e r e d " (Tolmie Papers, Box 12, F i l e ; 19), the i n c a p a c i t y of the l o c a l and p r o v i n c i a l s t a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s to f i n a n c e any programmes to a l l e v i a t e the problem, the i n a b i l i t y of the p o l i c e to suppress the communist organized, d i s s a t i s f i e d , m i l i t a n t unemployed, and the growing p u b l i c o u t c r y and g e n e r a l support of the unemployed, c r e a t e d a c r i s i s that f o r c e d the Canadian s t a t e to take e x c e p t i o n a l measures to d e a l with the s i n g l e unemployed men i n Canada. Previous s t a t e a c t i o n w i t h i n the boundaries of j u r i s d i c t i o n a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y proved u n s u c c e s s f u l i n c o n t r o l l i n g the unemployed movement. The p e r c e i v e d t h r e a t of the unemployed who demanded extended s t a t e a c t i o n through job c r e a t i o n or s o c i a l insurance, r e q u i r e d unprecedented s t a t e r e p r e s s i o n , i f the e x i s t i n g socio-economic order was to be maintained. Hence, as chapters four and f i v e s h a l l show, the Department of N a t i o n a l Defence r e l i e f camp scheme was e s t a b l i s h e d to c o n t a i n these p o t e n t i a l d i s s i d e n t s . 83 Chapter Four The Department of N a t i o n a l Defence R e l i e f Camp Scheme  I n t r o d u c t i o n D e s p i t e attempts by the Canadian s t a t e to de a l with the i n c r e a s i n g l y severe problems c r e a t e d by the thousands of m i l i t a n t , s i n g l e , unemployed men, by the end of 1932, i t had c o n s i s t e n t l y f a i l e d to s u c c e s s f u l l y address the s i t u a t i o n . The e x p i r y of the 1931 Unemployment and Farm R e l i e f Act r e s u l t e d i n many of the t r a n s i e n t unemployed i n B.C. r e t u r n i n g to the urban c e n t r e s from the camps, and exp e c t i n g d i r e c t r e l i e f . To c u r t a i l the m o b i l i t y of the unemployed, the RCMP began to enforce the Railways Act thus p r o h i b i t i n g the unemployed from r i d i n g the f r e i g h t t r a i n s , l e a v i n g the men stranded i n s i d e the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . Outraged, c i v i c a u t h o r i t i e s r e f u s e d to care f o r the unemployed, and c o n s i s t e n t l y demanded that Ottawa assume e n t i r e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of d i r e c t r e l i e f . In the autumn of 1932, Prime M i n i s t e r R.B. Bennett was warned that 100,000 t r a n s i e n t unemployed who resented being f o r c e d to accept 'the do l e ' , were " b i t t e r and ready . f o r a c t i o n " ( S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 80). Faced with the growing t h r e a t , the Prime M i n i s t e r , who had p e r p e t u a l l y i n s i s t e d t h at unemployment was s t r i c t l y a l o c a l and p r o v i n c i a l matter, conceded i n October of that year, that the f e d e r a l government was o b l i g e d to "take some steps to d e a l with unemployed homeless men so that d i s c i p l i n e may be en f o r c e d " (Bennett Papers, V o l . 798: 21 October, 1932, c i t e d i n ; S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 80). The p e r c e i v e d menace that the 84 unemployed presented to the peace, order and good government of Canada, u l t i m a t e l y r e s u l t e d i n unusual s t a t e a c t i o n — the Department of N a t i o n a l Defence r e l i e f camp scheme. The establishment of nation-wide r e l i e f work camps as a method of d e a l i n g with the s i n g l e unemployed men, had been suggested to the Prime M i n i s t e r by v a r i o u s a d v i s o r s . Bennett, however, maintained that the f e d e r a l government had no C o n s t i t u t i o n a l power i n the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of unemployment r e l i e f . To r e t a i n t h i s p o s i t i o n , yet deal with the i n c r e a s i n g t h r e a t posed by the thousands of f r u s t r a t e d , o r g a n i z e d s i n g l e unemployed, a compromise was reached. At the opening s e s s i o n of Parliament on the s i x t h of October 1932, an unprecedented f e d e r a l programme was i n i t i a t e d . The Department of N a t i o n a l Defence R e l i e f Camp scheme was to a c t as a way to c o n t r o l and provide food and s h e l t e r f o r approximately 19,000 s i n g l e , homeless, unemployed, t r a n s i e n t men d u r i n g the next four y ears. Although the DND r e l i e f camp scheme provided a s o l u t i o n f o r the governement's problem, i t d i d not s a t i s f y the s i n g l e unemployed men. Sequestered i n t o remote work camps that provided v i r t u a l l y no amenities and no wages, these men expected to leave the camps no b e t t e r o f f than when they a r r i v e d . The b i t t e r n e s s and f r u s t r a t i o n that was e v i d e n t among the unemployed i n the c i t i e s c o u l d o n l y ferment and i n c r e a s e i n the camps. In t h i s chapter I s h a l l d i s c u s s the implementation and o p e r a t i o n of the DND r e l i e f camp scheme. As chapter t h r e e above has shown, the usual s t a t e c o n t r o l mechanisms f a i l e d to s t i f l e 85 the demands and suppress the t h r e a t posed by the unemployed. The r e l i e f camp scheme enabled the Canadian s t a t e to maintain these d i s s i d e n t s under s t r i c t c o n t r o l , while at the same time, ensure that the labour they were occupied with i n the camps guaranteed that they c o u l d e v e n t u a l l y be reabsorbed i n t o the work f o r c e . The t h r e a t posed by the s i n g l e unemployed was great enough f o r t h i s scheme to be operated i n the context of a severe f i s c a l c r i s i s of the s t a t e . N e v e r t h e l e s s , d e s p i t e t h i s e x c e p t i o n a l s t a t e s o c i a l c o n t r o l , the d i s c o n t e n t with the e x i s t i n g s o c i o -economic system expressed by the men while they were i n the c i t i e s , was simply t r a n s f e r r e d to the camps. The M i l i t a r y and the R e l i e f Camp Scheme The p r o v i n c e s and many m u n i c i p a l i t i e s had c a l l e d f o r the f e d e r a l government to e s t a b l i s h work camps f o r the s i n g l e unemployed, and a prominent a d v i s o r to the Prime M i n i s t e r , Dr. C h a r l o t t e Whitton of the Canadian Welfare C o u n c i l , had a l s o suggested such a scheme. Whitton, a pioneer Canadian s o c i a l worker, was h i r e d by the f e d e r a l government d u r i n g May, 1932, to study unemployment r e l i e f i n western Canada. The f o l l o w i n g September Whitton submitted a report i n which she argued that approximately 40 percent of western r e l i e f r e c i p i e n t s d i d not need the a s s i s t a n c e ( S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 77-78). She suggested that t r a i n e d p r o f e s s i o n a l s be p l a c e d i n charge of r e l i e f d i s t r i b u t i o n f o r s i n g l e women and f a m i l i e s , and t h a t the f e d e r a l government pl a c e an "'experienced m i l i t a r y a d v i s o r ' i n charge of a system of ' c o n c e n t r a t i o n camps'" f o r the s i n g l e unemployed ( S t r u t h e r s , 86 1983: 79). Bennett, however, maintained that such a c t i o n was o u t s i d e the f e d e r a l government's j u r i s d i c t i o n . (House of Commons Debates 10 October, 1932: 50). Major General A.G.L. McNaughton, Chief of the General S t a f f and the government's senior m i l i t a r y a d v i s o r , subsequently came up with an a l t e r n a t i v e , and suggested that the m i l i t a r y d i r e c t a scheme of r e l i e f camps f o r s i n g l e unemployed men.8 During a tour of Canada i n the summer and e a r l y f a l l of 1932, McNaughton became aware of the g e n e r a l c o n d i t i o n of the thousands of s i n g l e unemployed men. F e a r i n g that they c o u l d become v i o l e n t , and s e r i o u s l y threaten the s o c i a l o r d e r , he c o n c e i v e d of a plan to c o n t r o l these men by p u t t i n g them to work i n camps under the a u t h o r i t y of the m i l i t a r y . McNaughton suggested h i s idea to the M i n i s t e r of Labour, but he heard nothing more of t h i s p r o p o s a l u n t i l the opening of parliament on October 6, 1932 when Bennett i n f o r m a l l y t o l d McNaughton that Cabinet was i n t e r e s t e d i n h i s i d e a . The Prime M i n i s t e r requested that a d e t a i l e d , p r o p o s a l be submitted to the h i s o f f i c e by 9:30 the f o l l o w i n g morning. That same afternoon, McNaughton summoned a meeting with an o f f i c i a l from the Engineer S e r v i c e s of the Canadian army and a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the D i r e c t o r of S e r v i c e and T r a n s p o r t , and o u t l i n e d h i s proposal to them. The i n i t i a l p l a n was to put two thousand unemployed to work immediately, at a c o s t not exceeding $1.00 per man per day. Not l e s s than 40 8 The f o l l o w i n g account of the implementation and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the Department of N a t i o n a l Defence r e l i e f camp scheme i s drawn p r i m a r i l y from LeFresne, 1962. 87 percent of the t o t a l was to be expended f o r labour, and 20 cents was to be p a i d to the men. By working throughout the n i g h t , w i t h i n nineteen hours the m i l i t a r y s t a f f drew up the s k e l e t o n of the scheme, and submitted i t to the Prime M i n i s t e r the f o l l o w i n g morning. I t was accepted, and i n October 1932, the f e d e r a l government, through the DND, assumed r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for s i n g l e , t r a n s i e n t , homeless men across Canada. 9 The Department of N a t i o n a l Defence R e l i e f Camp Scheme was implemented on October 8 1932, when p a r l i a m e n t a r y approval was given to Order in C o u n c i l P.C. 2248, p e r m i t t i n g the a l l o c a t i o n of $300,000 to begin the o p e r a t i o n of the scheme. The R e l i e f Acts of 1932, 1933, 1934, and 1935 p r o v i d e d the f i n a n c i n g f o r a t o t a l of twenty three orders i n c o u n c i l , which served to give the M i n i s t r y of N a t i o n a l Defence a u t h o r i t y to a d m i n i s t e r the scheme and a l l o c a t e the funds. P.C. 2248 s p e c i f i e d how the money was to be d i s t r i b u t e d , but subsequent orders i n c o u n c i l were much l e s s r i g i d , and the DND was p e r m i t t e d u n i n h i b i t e d d i r e c t i o n of the f i n a n c i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the scheme. Orders i n c o u n c i l do not r e q u i r e p a r l i a m e n t a r y debate, and while the M i n i s t e r of N a t i o n a l Defence and the M i n i s t e r of Labour were o f f i c i a l l y in charge of the scheme - f o r i t was they who gave f i n a l approval to measures taken by the DND - the a c t u a l arrangements and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the o p e r a t i o n of the r e l i e f 9 P r i n c e Edward I s l a n d was unable to supply enough men e l i g i b l e f o r the establishment of a r e l i e f camp, and consequently, s i n g l e , unemployed men from t h i s p r o v i n c e were assigned to camps in New Brunswick. 88 c a m p p r o g r a m m e w e r e t a k e n o v e r b y t h e D N D . A l t h o u g h M a j o r G e n e r a l M c N a u g h t o n n e v e r r e c e i v e d a n y o f f i c i a l , w r i t t e n a u t h o r i t y t o a s s u m e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f t h e p r o g r a m m e , a s C h i e f o f t h e G e n e r a l S t a f f o f t h e D N D h e w a s r e s p o n s i b i l e f o r a l l m a t t e r s r e l a t e d t o t h e s c h e m e . 1 0 U n d e r h i s a u t h o r i t y s u p e r v i s o r y a n d a d m i n i s t r a t i v e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y w a s d i s t r i b u t e d a m o n g v a r i o u s b r a n c h e s o f t h e n a t i o n - w i d e i n f r a s t r u c t u r e o f t h e a r m e d f o r c e s . W h i l e t h e r e l i e f c a m p s w e r e o p e r a t e d b y t h e D e p a r t m e n t o f N a t i o n a l D e f e n c e , t h e y w e r e n o t m i l i t a r y c a m p s . 1 1 N o m i l i t a r y d i s c i p l i n e o r t r a i n i n g w a s e n f o r c e d , a n d t h e i n m a t e s m a i n t a i n e d t h e i r c i v i l i a n s t a t u s . T o e m p h a s i z e t h i s , o f f i c e r s i n c h a r g e o f t h e r e l i e f p r o j e c t s r e f r a i n e d f r o m w e a r i n g m i l i t a r y u n i f o r m s w h e n i n c o n t a c t w i t h t h e r e l i e f c a m p i n m a t e s ( E a y e r s , 1 9 6 4 : 1 3 5 ) . S u b o r d i n a t e t o t h e d i r e c t o r a t e s o f v a r i o u s b r a n c h e s o f t h e a r m y , e a c h o f C a n a d a ' s t w e l v e m i l i t a r y d i s t r i c t h e a d q u a r t e r s w a s i n c h a r g e o f a c i v i l i a n s t a f f w h i c h r a n t h e r e l i e f c a m p s i n a s p e c i f i c l o c a l e . 1 2 T h e o f f i c e r c o m m a n d i n g e a c h o f t h e m i l i t a r y d i s t r i c t h e a d q u a r t e r s r e p o r t e d t o O t t a w a i n m a t t e r s r e l a t i n g t o 1 0 M c N a u g h t o n ' s a u t h o r i t y i n c l u d e d f i n a n c i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , w i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n o f c e r t a i n c o n t r a c t s t h a t w e r e d e a l t w i t h t h r o u g h t h e D e p u t y M i n i s t e r o f D e f e n c e . 1 1 T h e P o i n t G r e y c a m p i n B . C . w a s a n e x c e p t i o n , a n d h o u s e d u n e m p l o y e d m i l i t i a m e n ( L a n e , 1 9 6 6 : 6 5 ) . 1 2 S o m e t i m e s a n u m b e r o f c a m p s s i t u a t e d o n a l a r g e p r o j e c t w o u l d h a v e a g r o u p h e a d q u a r t e r s , w h i c h w o u l d r e p o r t t o t h e m i l i t a r y d i s t r i c t h e a d q u a r t e r s . I f s u i t a b l e c i v i l i a n s w e r e n o t a v a i l a b l e , m i l i t a r y o f f i c e r s t o o k r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e t a s k s . 89 the r e l i e f camps, and he was r e q u i r e d to submit f i n a n c i a l r e p o r t s to Ottawa on the p r o j e c t s under h i s s u p e r v i s i o n . 1 3 The Operation of S o c i a l C o n t r o l The o f f i c i a l , p u b l i c i z e d purpose behind the establishment of the DND r e l i e f camp scheme was the a l l e v i a t i o n of the severe e f f e c t s of unemployment among the s i n g l e homeless men. T h i s aim was o u t l i n e d i n the dominion - p r o v i n c i a l agreement. The Dominion w i l l assume r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r personnel e l i g i b l e under i t s r e g u l a t i o n s f o r acceptance on r e l i e f p r o j e c t s which i n the o p i n i o n of the Dominion, can u s e f u l l y be o r g a n i z e d f o r the execution of works to the general advantage of Canada and which otherwise would not be undertaken at t h i s time, ( c i t e d i n ; LeFresne, 1961: 17) The r e l i e f camp scheme was the f i r s t and only n a t i o n a l p o l i c y implemented by the f e d e r a l government, and d e s p i t e some charges t h a t the make-work p r o j e c t s were a waste of p u b l i c money, i n i t i a l l y , the programme r e c e i v e d 'almost u n i v e r s a l ' p r a i s e from governments, the press, s o c i a l workers, and trade unions. A Winnipeg newspaper repo r t e d that "the camps provide j u s t such an o u t i n g as a young man's heart should long f o r . . . . (Forcese, 1975: 118; S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 96). 1 3 While i n i t i a l l y expenditure under each c l a s s i f i c a t i o n was i n v e s t i g a t e d and spending i n excess of a u t h o r i z e d funds r e q u i r e d a p p r o v a l , d u r i n g 1933 these s t i p u l a t i o n s were r e l a x e d , and the o f f i c e r commanding simply informed the N a t i o n a l Defence Headquarters of any t r a n s f e r of expenditure-. 90 A second, v i t a l l y important purpose underlay the DND r e l i e f camps. As agreed upon by the two higher l e v e l s of government, a primary o b j e c t of the scheme was; the p r e s e r v a t i o n of the morale of the youth of Canada by keeping them in such p h y s i c a l and mental h e a l t h that they would be re-employable when economic c o n d i t i o n s improved and they c o u l d be absorbed by i n d u s t r y (LeFresne, 1961: 17). The s t a t e e s t a b l i s h e d work camps to ensure that e v e n t u a l l y , these men would once again provide labour power f o r the r e v i t a l i z e d c a p i t a l i s t system of p r o d u c t i o n . In a d d i t i o n to the fear that prolonged s u b s i s t e n c e on r e l i e f would u l t i m a t e l y r e s u l t in the d e s t r u c t i o n of the work e t h i c , a l e s s obvious purpose, but one of c r u c i a l importance l a y behind the establishment of the camps. The s p e c t r e of a v i o l e n t r e v o l u t i o n staged by the communist-led, m i l i t a n t unemployed was c o n s i d e r e d as a s e r i o u s p o s s i b i l i t y by many s t a t e o f f i c i a l s . General McNaughton expressed what was, from the very beginning the "most important f e a t u r e " of the scheme. By t a k i n g the men out of ... the C i t i e s ... we were removing the a c t i v e elements on which the 'Red' a g i t a t o r s c o u l d p l a y . ... If we had not taken t h i s p r e v e n t a t i v e work and d i d not c ontinue ... i t was o n l y a matter of time u n t i l we had to r e s o r t to arms to maintain order. (McNaughton Papers, c i t e d i n Eayers, 1964: 129; S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 99) C l e a r l y , the t h r e a t of a communist-led r e v o l u t i o n was c o n s i d e r e d as a s e r i o u s p o s s i b i l i t y . S tate o f f i c i a l s a c t ed on t h i s , and through the implementation of the DND r e l i e f camp scheme, the s t a t e became a c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d in e n s u r i n g that the s i n g l e unemployed men d i d not attempt to overthrow the e s t a b l i s h e d economic system that r e q u i r e d t h e i r labour power, but whose 91 l e g i t i m a c y they had begun to q u e s t i o n . Enrollment i n a Department of N a t i o n a l Defence R e l i e f Camp was o s t e n s i b l y v o l u n t a r y . S i n g l e , homeless, unemployed men, who passed a medical examination t h a t c l a s s i f i e d them as p h y s i c a l l y f i t and f r e e from any communicable d i s e a s e s , were e l i g i b l e f o r the camps. The a p p l i c a n t was supposed to be a B r i t i s h s u b j e c t , but t h i s s t i p u l a t i o n was not c o n s i s t e n t l y e n f o r c e d . S i n g l e , homeless, unemployed men were expected to apply f o r admission at a Canadian Employment and Welfare o f f i c e , and i f they met the p r e r e q u i s i t e s they were pr o v i d e d with t r a n s p o r t a t i o n to a nearby camp. 1 4 Those who were not admitted to a r e l i e f camp remained the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the province or m u n i c i p a l i t y . Accommodation, c l o t h i n g , food, medical and d e n t a l care, and by 1935, a tobacco r a t i o n , were p r o v i d e d f o r the r e l i e f camp inmates. In exchange, they were r e q u i r e d to work e i g h t hour days, f i v e and one h a l f days per week, with Sundays and 1 4 The r a i l w a y s charged the government $0,015 per m i l e f o r every man taken to a r e l i e f camp. I f an inmate obtained employment wh i l e he was e n r o l l e d i n a camp, he was pro v i d e d with t r a n s p o r t a t i o n to the nearest town, and upon proof that he was from a r e l i e f camp, the r a i l w a y s charged him a reduced fare of $0.02 per m i l e . However, i f a r e l i e f camp worker was discharged ' f o r cause' he was given no t r a n s p o r t a t i o n from the camp, was r e q u i r e d to r e t u r n the c l o t h i n g i s s u e d by the camp (as i t belonged to the DND), and he was i n e l i g i b l e f o r readmission to any r e l i e f camp. 92 s t a t u t o r y h o l i d a y s o f f . 1 5 The food a l l o t t m e n t was the standard army r a t i o n , although i n i t a l l y p r o v i s i o n s were ten percent more generous to b u i l d up the s t r e n g t h of the malnourished men. The standard allowance r e c e i v e d by r e l i e f camp inmates was twenty cents per day. Cooks and j u n i o r s u p e r v i s o r y s t a f f who were u s u a l l y camp inmates, r e c e i v e d s l i g h t l y more a c c o r d i n g to t h e i r occupation, but they s t i l l r e c e i v e d much l e s s than the standard wages of the d a y . 1 6 S e n i o r s u p e r v i s o r s were p a i d one hundred d o l l a r s per month u n t i l May 1935, at which time t h e i r s a l a r y was i n c r e a s e d to one hundred f i f t y d o l l a r s per month. I f a s k i l l e d tradesman was a r e l i e f camp inmate, e f f o r t s were made to permit him to p r a c t i s e h i s t r a d e , but he s t i l l r e c e i v e d the standard 20 cents a d a y . 1 7 Since c i v i l i a n s u p e r v i s o r y s t a f f was employed by the DND, i t was contended by the C i v i l S e r v i c e Commission that these personnel should be h i r e d a c c o r d i n g to i t s standards. Furthermore, the Workmen's Compensation Board argued that the men i n the camps were f e d e r a l government employees, and t h e r e f o r e had the r i g h t t o be covered under the P r o v i n c i a l 1 5 The c l o t h i n g a l l o t t m e n t c o n s i s t e d of; t r o u s e r s , s h i r t , socks, boots. As w e l l , towels, a shaving k i t and a sewing k i t were i s s u e d , and a f t e r November 1935, $0,013 supply of tobacco was a v a i l a b l e to each man. Medical and de n t a l c a r e was pr o v i d e d by the Royal Canadian Medical Corps, or, as i n B.C., the DND c o n t r a c t e d l o c a l d o ctors to v i s i t the camps on a r e g u l a r b a s i s . 1 6 Employed men were earning at l e a s t 25 cen t s an hour, and some occupied with r e l i e f work r e c e i v e d as much as 40 cents per hour. ( Debates, House of Commons, March 29, 1935; V o l . 3: 2257 1 7 If a l o c a l tradesman, or the owner of a team of horses, who was not a camp inmate, was employed to work on the p r o j e c t , the DND p a i d such c o n t r a c t o r s at the union, or standard wage r a t e . 93 Workmen's Compensation A c t . 1 8 In a d d i t i o n , i f the r e l i e f camp inmates were f e d e r a l employees, the Treasury claimed that as c i v i l s e r v a n t s , ten percent of the twenty cents a day allowance was to go to the government, as s t i p u l a t e d under the terms of the S a l a r y Deductions Act of 1932. Furthermore, i f the men were f e d e r a l government employees, and they were p a i d 20 c e n t s a day as a wage, then the government was v i o l a t i n g the minimum wage l e g i s l a t i o n . To end t h i s c o n t r o v e r s y , i n January 1933, the Department of J u s t i c e r u l e d t h a t the DND r e l i e f camp scheme was an emergency p r o j e c t , and the cash payment was deemed an allowance. T h e r f o r e , the scheme was exempt from the p r o v i s i o n s of other f e d e r a l l e g i s l a t i o n . (LeFresne, 1961: 6 5 ) . 1 9 I t c o u l d thus be c a r r i e d on under the a u t h o r i t y of the o r d e r s i n c o u n c i l and by r e g u l a t i o n s e s t a b l i s h e d by o f f i c e r s of. the Department of N a t i o n a l Defence. Housing c o n d i t i o n s v a r i e d between camps, but g e n e r a l l y the men l i v e d i n wood and tarpaper bunkhouses that were heated by c o a l or wood stoves, and equipped with e l e c t r i c , c o a l o i l , or g a s o l i n e l i g h t i n g — whichever was the most economical source — and provided with hot and c o l d showers. 2 0 A l l s u p p l i e s were sent 1 8 I n j u r i e s where the Workmen's Compensation Act normally a p p l i e d were reviewed, and up to December 1936, there were 75 known c l a i m s . Of these, 61 were disposed and 14 were c o n s i d e r e d f o r compensation (LeFresne, 1961: 63). 1 9 The q u e s t i o n has been r a i s e d ; i f 20 cents a day was an allowance, why d i d the men r e c e i v e t h i s allowance only f o r the days worked? 2 0 F i n i s h e d , heated accommodation was sometimes not p r o v i d e d u n t i l the winter. 94 to the camps from the Department of N a t i o n a l Defence C e n t r a l Ordnance Depot in Ottawa and d i s t r i b u t e d through the r e g i o n a l m i l i t a r y d i s t r i c t h e a d q u a r t e r s . 2 1 I n i t i a l l y laundry was cleaned at the c e n t r a l depot, but as the number of inmates expanded t h i s became expensive and i n e f f i c i e n t , so the camps were s u p p l i e d with hand operated washers and the men d i d t h e i r own laundry. At r e g u l a r i n t e r v a l s , p r o v i n c i a l h e a l t h a u t h o r i t i e s i n s p e c t e d the camps f o r s a n i t a r y c o n d i t i o n s . Throughout the d u r a t i o n of the r e l i e f camp scheme 237 deaths o c c u r r e d i n the camps from a v a r i e t y of c a u s e s . 2 2 If the next of k i n was o u t s i d e of Canada, or unable to be l o c a t e d , the DND o b t a i n e d the s e r v i c e s of an undertaker and p r o v i d e d a b u r i a l , having 'due regard f o r economy'. While enrollment in the camps was o f f i c i a l l y v o l u n t a r y , m u n i c i p a l i t i e s began to refuse to p r o v i d e r e l i e f to any a p p l i c a n t u n l e s s he was able to prove that he was i n e l l i g i b l e f o r the DND camps. To a v o i d being thus o b l i g e d to enter the camps, men sometimes p a i d doctors to c l a s s i f y them as u n f i t f o r entry i n t o the camps (Broadfoot, 1973: 98-99; LeFresne, 1961: 50). Consequently, o f f i c i a l s i n the scheme ordered that only Department of N a t i o n a l Defence d o c t o r s ' c e r t i f i c a t e s 2 1 A l l f i n a n c i a l accounting was a l s o c e n t r a l i z e d at t h i s depot in Ottawa. 2 2 Two d i e d from horse k i c k s , two from l i g h t e n i n g s t r i k e s , and nine men committed s u i c i d e . I t may be assumed that the remainder were deaths that o c c u r r e d during labour on the p r o j e c t s . 95 d i s q u a l i f y i n g men were e l i g i b l e . 2 3 To supply men with goods that they c o u l d not o b t a i n a t a l o c a l s t o r e - i f there was one nearby - canteens were e s t a b l i s h e d i n the camps. Funds f o r these o u t l e t s were not provided,, so the camp inmates c o n t r i b u t e d the i n i t i a l cash o u t l a y f o r the canteen, operated the o u t l e t , and put any p r o f i t s toward the purchase of mutually b e n e f i c i a l camp s u p p l i e s . Shaving soap, toothpaste, tobacco, c i g a r e t t e s , c o n f e c t i o n a r y , and s o f t d r i n k s were t y p i c a l l y s o l d i n these canteens, but as they became widespread throughout the camps, the DND stepped i n to " s u p e r v i s e and ensure that the men were not cheated" (LeFresne, 1961: 72). E f f i c i e n c y and economy were primary o b j e c t i v e s i n the o p e r a t i o n of the scheme. Hence, as i n d i c a t e d above, i n a l l matters ranging from the p r o j e c t s undertaken to the p r o v i s i o n s f o r the inmates, every p o s s i b l e c o s t saving measure was taken. The c o s t of r a t i o n s between 1932 and 1936, i n c l u d i n g i c e , f u e l f o r cooking, and f r e i g h t charges, as w e l l as the food p o r t i o n of the s u b s i s t e n c e allowance, amounted to only $0.2611 per man per day (LeFresne, 1961: 58). The c o s t - s a v i n g p r i o r i t i e s were, i n the long run, d e t r i m e n t a l to the w e l l - b e i n g of the inmates. Although Saturday a f t e r n o o n was a time set a s i d e f o r r e c r e a t i o n a l p u r s u i t s , no 2 3 Doctors i n the DND o b j e c t e d to t h i s on the grounds of medical e t i q u e t t e , so General Ashton ordered the d i s m i s s a l of any doc t o r in the DND who would not examine a r e l i e f a p p l i c a n t (LeFresne, 1961: 50). 96 s p o r t s or other r e c r e a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s were provided f o r the camps by the Department of N a t i o n a l Defence. As r e p o r t e d by a memo w i t h i n the DND, "... not one cent of p u b l i c money has been spent ... on reading m a t e r i a l and r e c r e a t i o n a l equipment" ( S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 1 0 0 ) . 2 4 Churches and c h a r i t i b l e groups were s o l i c i t e d f o r s p o r t s equipment, r a d i o s , p l a y i n g cards, books and magazines, although near the end of 1935 a small p r o p o r t i o n of r e l i e f funds were a l l o c a t e d , p e r m i t t i n g every camp to o b t a i n a r a d i o (LeFresne, 1961: 75). Books and magazines c o n t r i b u t e d to the r e l i e f camps were c i r c u l a t e d between some camps, but t h i s system e v e n t u a l l y broke down, when inmates had read most of the a v a i l a b l e m a t e r i a l . The DND d i d not e s t a b l i s h any e d u c a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s f o r the camp inmates. However, F r o n t i e r C o l l e g e sent a l i m i t e d number of i n s t r u c t o r s to some of the camps, 2 5 and Vancouver T e c h n i c a l School, i n c o o p e r a t i o n with the p r o v i n c i a l government, made arrangements with the B r i t i s h Columbia m i l i t a r y d i s t r i c t to p r o v i d e -correspondence courses f o r i n t e r e s t e d inmates. F i v e hundred d o l l a r s was p r o v i d e d by the B r i t i s h Columbian government to cover the c o s t of postage f o r t h i s programme that e x i s t e d from January 8 to A p r i l 30, 1934, d u r i n g which time over 900 men e n r o l l e d , of which 25 percent obtained a v a r i e t y of 2 4 See LeFresne, 1961: 75-79, f o r r e p o r t of r e c r e a t i o n a l a c t i v i t i e s engaged i n by the inmates. 2 5 For i n f o r m a t i o n of F r o n t i e r C o l l e g e see; Cook, G.L. " A l f r e d F i t z p a t r i c k and the Foundation of F r o n t i e r C o l l e g e (1899 1922)" Canada An H i s t o r i c a l Magazine V o l . 3, No. 4, June 1976: .15-39. 97 q a u a l i f i c a t i o n c e r t i f i c a t e s (LeFresne, 1961:: 82). The Establishment of DND R e l i e f Camps i n B.C. Upon completion of the i n i t i a l t r i a l p e r i o d of the Department of N a t i o n a l Defence R e l i e f Camp Scheme, a d d i t i o n a l camps were put i n t o o p e r a t i o n throughout the c o u n t r y . Between June 1 and June 15 1933, the r e l i e f camps e s t a b l i s h e d by the B r i t i s h Columbia government were t r a n s f e r r e d from the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the Fordham Commission to the Department of N a t i o n a l D e f e n c e , 2 6 and the complete a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of unemployment r e l i e f f o r the p h y s i c a l l y f i t , unmarried men i n the province was assumed by the f e d e r a l a u t h o r i t i e s . 2 7 U l t i m a t e l y , 101 camps i n B.C. housed approximately one t h i r d , of the n a t i o n a l r e l i e f camp p o p u l a t i o n (Cassidy, 1939: 189; Eayers, 1964: 137). The a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the camps by the DND brought some s i g n i f i c a n t changes to B.C.'s r e l i e f camps. General Ashton took over as the o f f i c e r commanding M i l i t a r y D i s t r i c t Number 11, and 2 6 See Appendix Two f o r l o c a t i o n s of B r i t i s h Columbia's DND r e l i e f camps. 2 7 In accordance with the r e g u l a t i o n s e s t a b l i s h e d nation-wide, the f e d e r a l government agreed to share e q u a l l y with the western prov i n c e s the c o s t s of r e l i e f f o r the p h y s i c a l l y u n f i t homeless men, at a t o t a l c ost of not more than 40 cents per man per day. T h i s was d i s c o n t i n u e d i n 1934 (Cassidy, 1939: 182-3; Winch Papers: 4 ) . S i n g l e , homeless women in B r i t i s h Columbia were in c l u d e d i n t h i s category ( P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s of B.C. GR 429, Box 21, F i l e 1: March 16, 1934). The Chinese, Doukhobors, and ' a l i e n s ' i n B r i t i s h Columbia were provided with d i r e c t r e l i e f o nly. T h i s was d i s t r i b u t e d to the Chinese through Chinese h o s t e l s , and the amount pr o v i d e d f o r a s i n g l e man was 15 cents per day, and 25 cents per day f o r married men. A l l pensions were deducted from the r e l i e f allowance. (Winch Papers: 4). 98 the r u l e s e s t a b l i s h e d nation-wide at the i n c e p t i o n of the scheme were s t r i c t l y e n forced i n a l l the camps, and B.C.'s camps. The work camps that had p r e v i o u s l y employed men f o r minimal wages, were transformed i n t o what were to become known as the ' r o y a l twenty c e n t r e s ' . The i n i t i a l f e d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l agreement put 17,000 j o b l e s s men to work on road c o n s t r u c t i o n p r o j e c t s . Most of the subsequent p r o j e c t s were p r o v i n c i a l road b u i l d i n g (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 2: 21). Through i t s agreement with the f e d e r a l government, the province of B r i t i s h Columbia gave the DND charge of a l l i t s road camps, as w e l l as any machinery, equipment and s u p p l i e s r e l a t e d to the work undertaken i n these camps. Si n c e road c o n s t r u c t i o n would nor m a l l y be c a r r i e d out by the p r o v i n c i a l government, the p r o v i n c e s u p p l i e d s k i l l e d labour r e q u i r e d and funded supplementary wages to the personnel engaged in t h i s work, i n order to b r i n g t h e i r allowance up to the p r e v a i l i n g wage f o r that o c c u p a t i o n ( R e l i e f Act 1934, c i t e d i n LeFresne, 1961: Appendix 1). While the province recommended work to be done, the Royal Canadian Engineers were r e q u i r e d to approve a l l p r o j e c t s , and the DND d i r e c t e d a l l works that were undertaken. 99 Labour and D i s c i p l i n e i n B.C.'s DND R e l i e f Camps The p r o j e c t s undertaken through the Department of N a t i o n a l Defence r e l i e f camp scheme were s t r a t e g i c a l l y l o c a t e d throughout the p r o v i n c e . While the purpose of road c o n s t r u c t i o n or other work p r o j e c t s engaged i n by the unemployed under the scheme was, as s t i p u l a t e d i n the dominion - p r o v i n c i a l agreement, for the b e n e f i t of Canada, the congregation of the r a d i c a l i z e d unemployed i n the Greater Vancouver area, where p u b l i c support was i n c r e a s i n g l y widespread, augmented the p e r c e i v e d t h r e a t to the s t a t u s quo. Hence, work p r o j e c t s were not undertaken i n the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s and urban c e n t r e s . On the c o n t r a r y , the p r o j e c t s were s i t u a t e d i n remote, p o o r l y a c c e s s i b l e regions of the p r o v i n c e . One former r e l i e f camp worker r e c a l l e d , What they wanted to do was get me out of Vancouver, working i n a camp out i n the s t i c k s . The reason ( f o r the camps) was not f o r what they accomplished. Rather than have t r o u b l e i n the c i t i e s — shove them out to the country. (Woods, Interview) The response of the unemployed men to the establishment of B.C.'s DND r e l i e f camps was very n e g a t i v e . When r e g i s t r a t i o n f o r these camps began on June 7, 1933, only 1200 men e n r o l l e d f o r the 3,000 a v a i l a b l e placements (Vancouver P r o v i n c e : June 7, 1933). A former r e l i e f camp inmate r e c a l l e d that the only reason he went to a camp was, he had "no where e l s e to go" (Jackson, I n t e r v i e w ) . By June 28 of t h a t year, 2,500 s i n g l e , unemployed men i n Vancouver were unable to c o l l e c t any r e l i e f because they 100 had r e f u s e d to go to the camps (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 2: 26). By October, only 11,400 of the 18,500 r e l i e f camp vacancies were f i l l e d (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 2: 42). The a n t i p a t h y toward the scheme i s r e v e a l e d i n the d u r a t i o n of inmates' time i n the camps. S i x t y percent of B.C.'s r e l i e f camp r e s i d e n t s remained in the camps for l e s s than one year, and only f i v e percent of the inmates stayed longer than three years (Lane, 1966: 65). The obvious purpose of removing the men from v i s i b i l i t y i n the c e n t r e s of p o p u l a t i o n , through the c r e a t i o n of 'make work' p r o j e c t s , c o n t r i b u t e d to the lack of enthusiasm toward the camp scheme. Many unemployed men, who had been e x p e l l e d from m u n i c i p a l i t y a f t e r m u n i c i p a l i t y and f o r c e d to s u b s i s t on 'the d o l e ' f o r years p r e v i o u s , were c y n i c a l of the r e l i e f camp scheme. • As many of the" men saw i t , the a t t i t u d e of the government was; "... to get r i d of the youth of the country. Put 'em out i n the woods so that nobody would see 'em and they wouldn't be any t r o u b l e i n town." (Walsh, R., c i t e d i n ; Montero, 1979: 30) Or to "... get these dogs o f f the s t r e e t before they o f f e n d the people." (Broadfoot, 1973: 97). In the camps the s i n g l e unemployed were "out of s i g h t — out of mind" (Jackson, I n t e r v i e w ) . The p r o j e c t s undertaken were i n i t i a t e d p r i m a r i l y to provide r e l i e f , not to put the men to c o n s t r u c t i v e p u b l i c works that had a c l e a r o b j e c t i v e . The camp work was o f t e n r e p e t i t i v e , and l i t t l e more tha.n f a t i g u e work to keep the men busy 101 (Liversedge, 1973: 35). For the men, the camps were a 'dead end'. One former inmate r e c a l l e d that there was "no f u t u r e , no way out" (Woods, I n t e r v i e w ) . Another inmate commented; ... you come i n broke, work a l l winter and s t i l l you are broke. I t looks l i k e they want to keep us bums a l l our l i v e s . ( S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 100). The r e l i e f camps were not e s t a b l i s h e d to c r e a t e employment, but to ensure that the men d i d not adopt a 'dole m e n t a l i t y ' , By working f o r t h e i r 20 c e n t s a day allowance, o f f i c i a l s b e l i e v e d the work e t h i c would be p r e s e r v e d and the men would be re-employable when economic c o n d i t i o n s improved. Although inmates were p e r m i t t e d to leave the camps i f they secured a job, employment of men coming d i r e c t l y from the r e l i e f camps was r a r e , f o r inmates l o c a t e d i n remote p a r t s of the p r o v i n c e d i d not hear about the a v a i l a b l e work ( S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 99). Furthermore, ... the camps were designed to serve the economic f u n c t i o n of removing s i n g l e men from the urban labour market and thus r e s e r v i n g e x i s t i n g jobs f o r married men with dependents. (McNaughton Papers, c i t e d i n ; S t r u t h e r s : 98). As S t r u t h e r s (1983) p o i n t s out, even the economic r a t i o n a l e of the camps was a negative one. They were not designed to c r e a t e employment, but r a t h e r , to r e s t r i c t c o m petition f o r the few jobs that were a v a i l a b l e . The inmates became a c u t e l y aware of t h e i r dismal s i t u a t i o n , b e l i e v i n g t h a t ; ... we are g e t t i n g no p l a c e i n the p l a n of l i f e - we are t r u l y a l o s t l e g i o n of youth - r o t t i n g away f o r want of being o f f e r e d an o u t l e t f o r our e n e r g i e s . Something to do and something f o r that doing." (1983: 100-101 ). 1 02 Yet another commented; There's no wages, no f u t u r e ; the men have nothing to look forward t o . (Matthews, V o l . 8; No. 3:: A p r i l 18, 1935). F i f t y years l a t e r , one camp inmate r e c a l l e d "there was no s o c i a l e x i s t e n c e whatever (Jackson, I n t e r v i e w ) . McNaughton s t i p u l a t e d t h a t , i n the o p e r a t i o n of the camps, the most labour i n t e n s i v e methods were to be u t i l i z e d and as much manual labour as p o s s i b l e was to be undertaken i n order to avoid expenditures on machinery and to maximize the number of man-days of r e l i e f (Swettenham, 1963: 7). The e f f e c t of such economic r e s t r i c t i o n s was r e c a l l e d by one inmate; Another way was to l e t the machinery stand i d l e . L e t the men do i t , f o r t h e i r 20 c e n t s a day, so you had the crazy s i t u a t i o n of a $3,000 b u l l d o z e r and a steam r o l l e r s i t t i n g by the side of the road while 50 men went at the d i r t and rock with shovels and p i c k s . (Broadfoot, 1973: 97) The hard, manual labour that had no apparent purpose-, and the absence of any wages f o r the work accomplished, r e s u l t e d i n a negative a t t i t u d e among the men that was r e f l e c t e d i n t h e i r work performance. The average nation-wide e f f i c i e n c y of the r e l i e f camp workers in the Canadian camps was found to be not more than 35 percent of the e f f i c i e n c y of o r d i n a r y labour employed at p r e v a i l i n g r a t e s (Cassidy, 1939: 185). Most of the camps in B.C. were below the n a t i o n a l r e l i e f camp average. The camp of Nelway, B r i t i s h Columbia reported the lowest e f f i c i e n c y , a c h i e v i n g an o v e r a l l rate of o n l y 20 percent of the. standard 103 l e v e l ; and d u r i n g January 1934, the camp at Spence's Bridge had an average e f f i c i e n c y r a t e of only 31 percent (LeFresne, 1961: 180). S o c i a l R e s i s t a n c e i n B r i t i s h Columbia's Camps The i n e f f i c i e n c y of the labour i n the r e l i e f camps g i v e s some i n d i c a t i o n of the morale of the men i n the r e l i e f camps. Widespread d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n vented i t s e l f i n v a r i o u s ways, but one c o n s i s t e n t grievance i n many camps throughout the p r o v i n c e was the food. Because i t was d i s t r i b u t e d from Ottawa, men i n B.C. complained that they were e a t i n g d r i e d apples from O n t a r i o while f r u i t was r o t t i n g i n orchards a c r o s s the road; and although l o c a l farmers r e c e i v e d 2 to 3 c e n t s f o r t h e i r beef, the men ate meat from A l b e r t a " s o l d to the DND a t 3.5 c e n t s per pound (Howard, 1974: 10, M a c l n n i s , 1935: 34-37). Although there was always p l e n t y of food; ... the meat i s always the cheapest beef, so tough that chewing i s i m p o s s i b l e , eggs are always storage eggs, milk i s always d r i e d , p i c k l e s such as beets which should be red, may be as brown as oak, the same stewed f r u i t may appear at e i g h t or nine c o n s e c u t i v e meals, bread may be sour and c o f f e e i s known not by any aroma.or f l a v o u r of i t s own, but by the d i f f e r e n c e between i t and t e a . (A camp inmate) ... can h a r d l y f o r g e t f o r long t h e r e i s no f u t u r e ... he i s a f a i l u r e , that i n no sense whatever i s he master of h i s d e s t i n y . Even h i s hours of r i s i n g and r e t i r i n g are r e g u l a t e d , h i s comings and goings are marked and noted. (Dew, H., "The R e l i e f Camp Bane" Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 3: May 18, 1935). The McDonald Commission, l a t e r e s t a b l i s h e d to i n v e s t i g a t e B.C.'s DND camps, found that bad cooking may have s p o i l e d good food, but i n many camps the milk was u n s a t i s f a c t o r y , the meat d i d not 104 reach the standards e s t a b l i s h e d by the DND, and the lack of v a r i e t y i n the meals provided j u s t cause f o r complaints about the food provided (MacDonald Commission,1935: 9-10). Another s i g n i f i c a n t grievance was r e l a t e d to v o t i n g . The m a j o r i t y of inmates in r e l i e f camps were, i n e f f e c t d i s e n f r a n c h i s e d because they had not l i v e d i n the camps f o r a s u f f i c i e n t time p e r i o d to q u a l i f y as r e s i d e n t s and thus o b t a i n v o t i n g p r i v i l e g e s . D e s p i t e c r i t i c i s m by the O p p o s i t i o n and the demands of the unemployed, the government of R.B. Bennett would not extend r i g h t of absentee v o t i n g to r e l i e f camp inmates (Brown, 1978: 210). Thus, the p e r c e p t i o n of being an i n s i g n i f i c a n t segment of the p o p u l a t i o n i n t e n s i f i e d among the unemployed r e l i e f camp workers. The r e l e n t l e s s monotony of the camps aggravated i s s u e s of seemingly minor s i g n i f i c a n c e . One p a r t i c u l a r bone of c o n t e n t i o n was the c l o t h i n g i s s u e d to the inmates. The men d i d not a p p r e c i a t e having to accept p r e v i o u s l y used c l o t h i n g , and then be r e q u i r e d to t u r n i t i n upon l e a v i n g the camp (MacDonald Commission, 1935: 10). Furthermore, the DND stamp served as a reminder that they were d e s t i t u t e dependents of the s t a t e , and even t h e i r c l o t h i n g belonged to the crown. The stamp served f u r t h e r to r e i n f o r c e the c o n t e n t i o n that the DND camps were ' m i l i t a r i z e d ' . A f u r t h e r i s s u e that d i s p l e a s e d the inmates of B.C.'s camps was the c o n t r a c t e d doctors who p e r i o d i c a l l y v i s i t e d the camps. The men complained that these p r a c t i t i o n e r s were not 105 i n t e r e s t e d i n the workers' maladies, and thus they d i d not o f f e r adequate care (MacDonald Commission, 1935: 77). Complaints over matters r e l a t i n g to the camps c o u l d be made only by one i n d i v i d u a l , and o r g a n i z a t i o n s such as g r i e v a n c e committees were not permitted i n the camps. The DND s t i p u l a t e d t h a t ; ... camp grievance committees or other o r g a n i z a t i o n s of l i k e c h a r a c t e r w i l l not be p e r m i t t e d , nor w i l l complaints by groups, e i t h e r v e r b a l l y or i n w r i t i n g be e n t e r t a i n e d . (LeFresne, 1961: 99). If an inmate had a complaint the procedure by which he c o u l d make t h i s grievance known was to speak to h i s foreman who was to "... i m p a r t i a l l y and f u l l y ... i n v e s t i g a t e the matter and take such remedial a c t i o n w i t h i n h i s a u t h o r i t y , as may be r e q u i r e d . " (LeFresne, 1961: 99) i f the inmate was not s a t i s f i e d w i t h the foreman's response, or i f the i s s u e was o u t s i d e the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the foreman, the r e l i e f camp worker was r e q u i r e d t o s i g n a complaint, t h a t , along with a r e p o r t by the foreman, would be submitted e i t h e r to the group superintendent or the d i s t r i c t headquarters (LeFresne, 1961: 99). I f an inmate lodged a g r i e v a n c e , h i s s u p e r v i s o r was i n s t r u c t e d t o advise him not to take a c t i o n o u t s i d e the e s t a b l i s h e d procedures by a l e r t i n g f r i e n d s , the media, or uninvolved DND o f f i c i a l s about h i s problem. Thus, although complaints were e v i d e n t l y rampant, they were seldom presented to the camp foreman the o n l y one a u t h o r i z e d to hear complaints, and the one who had the a u t h o r i t y to d i s m i s s any inmate ' f o r cause'. Furthermore, a spokesman p r e s e n t i n g a grievance ran a very high r i s k of being l a b e l l e d as 106 an a g i t a t o r , e x p e l l e d from camp, and i n e l l i g i b l e f o r r e -admission (Woods, I n t e r v i e w ) . The grievances that were put forward by the r e l i e f camp inmates were o f t e n ignored by the s u p e r v i s o r s , and hence complaints accumulated. While frequent and c o n s i s t e n t complaints were supposed to i n i t i a t e an i n v e s t i g a t i o n by an a u t h o r i t y o u t s i d e the s p e c i f i c camp, c o n t r a r y to DND s t i p u l a t i o n , the men began to make t h e i r g r i e v a n c e s known to the p u b l i c and the p r e s s . As one inmate complained i n a l e t t e r to the f e d e r a l m i n i s t e r of Labour; I t i s no use to send i t (the complaint) t o the headquarters i n Nelson B.C. because Mr. F o s t e r w i l l not take any n o t i c e of i t . (LeFresne, 1961: 105) The i s s u e s v o i c e d by t h i s inmate expressed concerns that were not unique i n the B.C. r e l i e f camps. He went on to p o i n t out t h a t ; The w a l l s i n the huts are f u l l of c r a c k s so you can see r i g h t throug ( s i c ) . One-half to one inch c r a c k s between the board i n the f l o o r . When i t i s worm ( s i c ) weather we are not able too s l e e p f o r bedbugs. Now when i t i s c o l d we have to s l e e p with our c l o t h s ( s i c ) on d u r i n g the n i g h t . S t i l l we are not a b l e to keep o u r s e l v e s worm ( s i c ) . ... I t i s t h i c k i c e i n the w a t e r - p a i l i n the morning. We have to burn o l d water-soaked wood f u l l of i c e . . . ... the subforeman .... He t h r i c e has gone so f a r as to come i n t o t h i s hut, c l o s e d the damper on the stove s c o l d e d us, thoug ( s i c ) we have l a i n i n our beds q u i v e r i n g by c o l d . Can you expect us to go out to work, when we do not have any r e s t and s l e e p d u r i n g the n i g h t ? S t i l l we haveto ( s i c ) do i t , i f not we are di s c h a r g e d , cut of ( s i c ) r e l i e f . . . . 1 07 It i s any wonder we are d i s p l e a s e d and r a d i c a l o p i n i o n s come i n our heads? The washroom i s so c o l d so s e v e r a l taps and p i p e s have cracked .... (from; Salmo, B.C. P r o j e c t 24, March 12, 1935; c i t e d i n LeFresne, 1961: 105-6). 2 8 The above q u o t a t i o n i l l u s t r a t e s some of the v a r i e d g r i e v a n c e s from inmates at Salmo B.C. While i t cannot be assumed th a t these p a r t i c u l a r c o n d i t i o n s e x i s t e d in every camp; ... at the Rock Creek Camp...(t)he men l i v e d i n t e n t s without s u f f i c i e n t b l a n k e t s , meagre washing f a c i l i t i e s , and i n blankets which were never washed. Camp a u t h o r i t i e s d i d not supply stoves (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 3: A p r i l 17, 1935). One inmate r e c a l l e d that the c r a c k s i n the w a l l s of h i s s h i p l a p and t a r paper shack were so b i g "you c o u l d throw a cat r i g h t through them" (Savage, I n t e r v i e w ) . The MacDonald Commission found r a t s at the Point Grey camp, as w e l l as very u n s a n i t a r y c o n d i t i o n s , d e s c r i b e d as ' d i s g r a c e f u l , crude, u n s i g h t l y , and 2 8 The foreman of the p r o j e c t r e p l i e d to the subsequent i n q u i r y as f o l l o w s ; "The huts i n t h i s camp are of frame c o n s t r u c t i o n , b u i l t of dressed but unmatched lumber .... L i k e any b u i l d i n g of t h i s d e s c r i p t i o n b u i l t of new lumber, the lumber s h r i n k s l e a v i n g c r a c k s between the boards. ... During the p e r i o d of very c o l d weather when the temperature went down to 34 degrees below zero, an e x t r a night watchman was p r o v i d e d to keep the f i r e s going i n the s l e e p i n g huts a l l n i g h t . T h i s i s not the p r a c t i s e at a l l times.... The wood f o r the camp i s dry cedar ... most of t h i s i s very dry and some of i t i s not so dry. The t r o u b l e i s the men p e r s i s t i n p i c k i n g out the dry wood f i r s t and then complaining about the wet wood l e f t . . . . T h i s man ... i s not known as an a g i t a t o r i n the camp. Fu r t h e r r e p o r t on h i s conduct c o u l d be had from the Foreman at p r o j e c t 68, Rock Creek " (LeFresne, 1961 : 106-7). 108 d i r t y ' . The Commissioners r e p o r t e d t h a t a few camps had vermin i n bunkhouses, some had u n s a n i t a r y c o n d i t i o n s , and there had been one case of Typhoid fever (MacDonald Commission, 1935: 10). More g e n e r a l l y , the inmates complained of crowded bunkhouses, hard-board beds without mattresses, no sheets, and only b l a n k e t s (Walsh, i n Montero, 1979: 24-25). The c u l m i n a t i o n of v a r i o u s g r i e v a n c e s and complaints, which, when co n s i d e r e d s e p a r a t e l y may appear t r i v i a l (as they a p p a r e n t l y d i d to the camp o f f i c i a l s ) , c o n t r i b u t e d to a broader, and perhaps more important aspect of the r e l i e f camp system. The morale of the inmates of the r e l i e f camps s t e a d i l y d e c l i n e d . While some r e c r e a t i o n was org a n i z e d by the inmates themselves, and c h a r i t i e s s u p p l i e d some readi n g m a t e r i a l , the magazines that dominated "the r e l i e f camps f o r s i n g l e men were; Good Housekeeping, Women's Magazine, and C h a t e l a i n e . (Dew, c i t e d i n Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 3: May 18, 1935). In a d d i t i o n , the MacDonald Commission found that "some camps are l o c a t e d where mountains r i s e on a l l s i d e s , and there i s not even s u f f i c i e n t l e v e l ground f o r any form s p o r t s " (MacDonald Commission, 1935: 13). As an i n v e s t i g a t i o n i n t o the r e l i e f camps i n B.C. re p o r t e d , the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the r e l i e f camps d i d not take i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n t h a t ; ... food f o r the mind i s as important as food f o r the body and that h ealthy r e c r e a t i o n i n a d d i t i o n to the d a i l y work i s so e s s e n t i a l . . . . (correspondence to McNeely, Chairman, Vancouver C o u n c i l of S o c i a l Agencies, from Carey, Chairman, Wilson, V i c e Chairman, and Committee: March, 9, 1934; i n C i t y C l e r k ' s , V o l . 186). 109 Summary Although s i n g l e unemployed men i n some p r o v i n c e s e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y stood i n l i n e s to apply f o r admission to a r e l i e f camp, the unemployed i n B.C. were notably d i s c o n t e n t e d with the scheme. These r e l i e f camp inmates b e l i e v e d they were unpaid, unappreciated l a b o u r e r s in ' s l a v e camps'. The men not only f e l t f o r g o t t o n and unwanted, the camp system of hard labour fo r twenty cents a day was degrading. They saw themselves l e a v i n g the camps as d e s t i t u t e as they had entered, as w e l l as c a r r y i n g the stigma of having been a r e l i e f camp inmate u n s u i t a b l e f o r employment, and thus being shunned by p o t e n t i a l employers. "As the months went by the men d r i f t e d i n t o e i t h e r an a t t i t u d e of hopeless i n d i f f e r e n c e or of s t u d i e d r e b e l l i o n " (MacDonald Commission, 1935: 11). The a t t i t u d e of the men i n the camps i s w e l l i l l u s t r a t e d i n an account given by one inmate. He r e c a l l e d ; ... i n the r e l i e f camps of the T h i r t i e s we weren't t r e a t e d as humans. We weren't t r e a t e d as animals, e i t h e r , and- I've always thought we were j u s t s t a t i s t i c s w r i t t e n i n t o some b i g l e d g e r i n Ottawa. ... But i t was the monotony, the j a i l of i t a l l . I t was j a i l you know. What e l s e would you c a l l i t ? ... E v e r y t h i n g about those camps was wrong, but the t h i n g most wrong was they t r e a t e d us l i k e d i r t . And we weren't. We were up a g a i n s t i t , broke, t i r e d , hungry, but we were farm boys who knew how to work.... We were s l a v e s . What e l s e would you c a l l a man who was given twenty cents a day.... They j u s t wanted us out of s i g h t , as f a r out of s i g h t as they c o u l d manage. (Broadfoot, 1973: 97). 110 The establishment of the r e l i e f camps under the a u t h o r i t y of the DND served to remove the t h r e a t e n i n g , m i l i t a n t unemployed from the urban c e n t r e s , but f a i l e d to c r e a t e u s e f u l employment f o r these men. The e x t e n s i v e DND r e l i e f camp scheme was h a s t i l y e s t a b l i s h e d , i n the severe f i s c a l c r i s i s of the Canadian s t a t e . Usual s t a t e procedures, such as c a r e f u l p l a n n i n g of such a scheme, and even Parliamentary debate, were surpassed to implement t h i s scheme. The f e d e r a l s t a t e apparatus overstepped i t s C o n s t i t u t i o n a l j u r i s d i c t i o n t o undertake f o r the f i r s t time, complete c o n t r o l of the s i n g l e , homeless, unemployed. I have argued i n t h i s chapter that the o v e r r i d i n g purpose i n the establishment of the DND r e l i e f camp scheme was to develop an e f f e c t i v e means of c o n t r o l l i n g these d i s s i d e n t s . While work was found, employment was not c r e a t e d . The men r e c e i v e d no wage, were unable to save money, and seldom saw c o n s t r u c t i v e purposes behind the remote, make-work p r o j e c t s . The r e l i e f camps served as a holding tank to remove the r a d i c a l men from the labour market u n t i l the Depression ended, not as a p o s i t i v e s t a t e response of job c r e a t i o n . S e c o n d a r i l y , the scheme was intended to ensure that the work e t h i c was maintained, and a labour supply would be a v a i l a b l e when economic c o n d i t i o n s improved. The r e l i e f p r o j e c t s were not a means to an end, but work o n l y f o r the sake of work ( S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 99). The c o n t r a i n t s of the f i s c a l c r i s i s the s t a t e was o p e r a t i n g w i t h i n n e c e s s i t a t e d the g e n e r a l 'due regard f o r economy' that c h a r a c t e r i z e d the o p e r a t i o n of the scheme. Yet, the the s t a t e 111 was w i l l i n g to undertake t h i s vast p r o j e c t i n order to ensure the maintenance of peace, order, and good government, i n the context of the growing s o c i a l u n r e s t . While the camp scheme may have staved o f f the t h r e a t to the e s t a b l i s h e d socio-economic order, i t d i d not reduce the d i s s i l l u s i o n m e n t and f r u s t r a t i o n of the unemployed. 112 Chapter F i v e M i l i t a n c y , The On To Ottawa March and the End of the R e l i e f Camp Scheme I n t r o d u c t i o n In the p r e v i o u s chapters I have argued that the widespread unemployment brought on by the economic depression of the 1930s, with the r e s u l t a n t menace that the s i n g l e , t r a n s i e n t , unemployed men presented to the peace, order, and good government of Canada, and the i n a b i l i t y of the p o l i c e to c o n t r o l these men to the s a t i s f a c t i o n of the governement a u t h o r i t i e s , r e s u l t e d i n the establishment of the Department of N a t i o n a l Defence R e l i e f Camp Scheme. The r e l i e f camps served a dual purpose. While they put the men to work, thus attempting to ensure the maintenance of the work e t h i c , more importantly, they served as an e f f e c t i v e way of removing the men from the urban c e n t r e s where they were g a i n i n g an i n c r e a s i n g amount of support, and c o n f i n i n g these d i s s i d e n t s to camps where they were kept under the a u t h o r i t y of the m i l i t a r y apparatus of the Canadian s t a t e . The s t a t e p r o v i d e d food, c l o t h i n g , housing and an allowance f o r the men d e s p i t e i t s own f i s c a l c r i s i s , but the unrest and d i s c o n t e n t that c h a r a c t e r i z e d the men when they were l i v i n g i n the jungles of the c i t y was rampant i n the r e l i e f camps as w e l l . 1 13 In t h i s chapter, I s h a l l f i r s t d i s c u s s the communist-led o r g a n i z a t i o n of the d i s c o n t e n t e d inmates i n B r i t i s h Columbia's DND r e l i e f camps. Second, I w i l l p o r t r a y the unrest of these inmates and the p o l i c e r e p r e s s i o n of the men. T h i r d l y , the absence of c o n s t r u c t i v e s t a t e a c t i o n i n addressing the p e r s i s t e n t demands of the unemployed w i l l be r e v e a l e d . The l a c k of s a t i s f a c t o r y s t a t e response i n i t i a t e d mass a c t i o n on the pa r t of the unemployed. I s h a l l , t h e r e f o r e , present a d i s c u s s i o n of the g e n e r a l camp walkouts of December 1934 and A p r i l 1935. U l t i m a t e l y , the s t r i k i n g inmates began the t r e k to Ottawa to present t h e i r demands before the s e n i o r s t a t e i n s t i t u t i o n -- the f e d e r a l government. The On to Ottawa Trek ended i n a v i o l e n t c l a s h with the p o l i c e i n Regina. The Regina R i o t of J u l y 1935, was the u l t i m a t e e x e r c i s e of v i o l e n t s t a t e r e p r e s s i o n , and was s u c c e s s f u l i n breaking the momentum of the d i s s i d e n t r e l i e f camp inmates. Within one year of t h i s t r a g i c i n c i d e n t , the r e p r e s s i v e DND r e l i e f camp scheme was dismantled. While the d i s m a n t l i n g of the r e l i e f camps d i d not sol v e the problem of unemployment, i t marked the end of t h i s programme of s t a t e i n t e r v e n t i o n to c o n t r o l the r a d i c a l unemployed who posed a t h r e a t to the e x i s t i n g socio-economic or d e r . 1 14 O r g a n i z a t i o n of the R e l i e f Camp Workers The group that had l e d the mass demonstrations i n the urban c e n t r e s through i t s o r g a n i z a t i o n of the s i n g l e unemployed men, the Workers' Unity League (WUL), was c r e a t e d i n 1930 by the Communist Party of Canada on orde r s r e c e i v e d from the Communist I n t e r n a t i o n a l , (Lane, 1966: 80) I t was an a c t i v e group, and by 1933, 75 percent of the s t r i k e s i n Canada were the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of WUL unions (Copp and Morton, 1980: 143). The WUL c o n s i s t e d of v a r i o u s i n d u s t r i a l unions, i t a l s o e s t a b l i s h e d the R e l i e f Camp Workers' Union (RCWU). The RCWU was f i r s t o r g a n i z e d i n the r e l i e f camps d u r i n g the f a l l of 1931. ( S h i e l s and Swanky, 1977: 77). That year, on the b a s i s of S e c t i o n 98 of the C r i m i n a l Code, the Communist Party was outlawed. Thus, the RCWU was i l l e g a l by v i r t u e of i t s a s s o c i a t i o n with the WUL. The B r i t i s h Columbia branch of the RCWU was formed at a conference i n Kamloops i n J u l y 1933. The union headquarters were i n i t i a l l y e s t a b l i s h e d i n Cranbrook, but w i t h i n a few months i t was moved to Vancouver. The C o n s t i t u t i o n of the RCWU o u t l i n e d i t s primary aims: 1. To or g a n i z e a l l r e l i e f camp workers " i n t o a m i l i t a n t union" and to l e a d s t r u g g l e s f o r higher l i v i n g standards, r e l y i n g on the s t r i k e weapon to achieve t h i s end. 2. To campaign f o r s o c i a l insurance, adequate o l d age pensions compensation for d i s a b i l i t y and s i c k n e s s and non - c o n t r i b u t o r y unemployment ins u r a n c e . 3. To c a r r y on i n the s p i r i t of " i n t e r n a t i o n a l p r o l e t a r i a n s o l i d a r i t y " a g ainst " c a p i t a l i s t e x p l o i t a t i o n " and to support trade unions " i n the f i n a l 1 15 s t r u g g l e f o r the overthrow of c a p i t a l i s m and the establishment of a workers' government." ( S h i e l s and Swanky, 1977: 80). The R e l i e f Camp Workers' Union was never given any o f f i c i a l r e c o g n i t i o n , and the Department of N a t i o n a l Defence maintained a b l a c k l i s t a g a i n s t i t s a c t i v e members. If any man was found to be o r g a n i z i n g the r e l i e f camp inmates or was b e l i e v e d to be an a g i t a t o r , he was di s m i s s e d from the camp. A l i s t of c h r o n i c o f f e n d e r s who were i n e l i g i b l e f o r readmission was c i r c u l a t e d among Employment S e r v i c e o f f i c e s , and between p r o v i n c e s (LeFresne, 1961: 9 7 ) . 2 9 N e v e r t h e l e s s , union members p a i d dues, h e l d meetings, and e l e c t e d o f f i c e r s . The RCWU sought to b u i l d s o l i d a r i t y among the s c a t t e r e d r e l i e f camp inmates by f o c u s s i n g on i s s u e s that were common to a l l . One means to accomplish t h i s was the p u b l i c a t i o n of The A g i t a t o r , the o f f i c i a l organ of the RCWU. Through t h i s newspaper, the union a t t a c k e d the camp system, the i n d i g n i t y of working f o r an allowance of 20 cents per day, and demanded work and wages f o r the inmates (Brown, 1978: 215). Grievances s p e c i f i c to one camp were d e a l t with by pamphlets p u b l i s h e d i n that camp. The RCWU a l s o began to p u b l i s h and c i r c u l a t e a mimeographed newspaper, The R e l i e f Camp Worker, which was used to or g a n i z e the inmates ( S h i e l s and Swanky, 1977: 77). O r g a n i z a t i o n was easy to 2 9 I t i s d i f f i c u l t to o b t a i n a c c u r a t e s t a t i s t i c s of the number of b l a c k l i s t e d o r g a n i z e r s , as e x p e l l e d inmates would u s u a l l y r e -enter camps under assumed names. 1 16 e s t a b l i s h because of the widespread d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n i n the camps. B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a ' s r e l i e f camps e s t a b l i s h e d more RCWU l o c a l s than any other p r o v i n c e (Bourke C o l l e c i o n , T o p p i n g s -McEwan: 2 1 ) . The presence of the Communist a f f i l i a t e d RCWU i n t e n s i f i e d the f e a r s of members of the government, the p o l i c e , and o ther s t a t e o f f i c i a l s , that the r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s were o r g a n i z i n g and i n f l u e n c i n g the s i n g l e unemployed men in the camps. Union members on the other hand, argued tha t the a u t h o r i t i e s were s imply a t t e m p t i n g to d i v e r t a t t e n t i o n away from the genuine d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n of the men in the camps by c l a i m i n g t h a t the grumbl ing was p u r e l y a r e s u l t of communist a g i t a t i o n , and d i d not stem from genuine g r i e v a n c e s . The c o n s i s t e n t h u n t i n g down of ' r e d s ' i n the camps was s i m p l y to l e g i t i m a t e t h i s a l l e g a t i o n (Winch P a p e r s : Box 55, F i l e ; 7 ) . The c l a u s e i n the DND r e g u l a t i o n s tha t gave a camp foreman a u t h o r i t y to e x p e l a man from a r e l i e f camp ' f o r c a u s e ' , p e r m i t t e d the s u p e r v i s o r s to e v i c t inmates for r e a l or a l l e g e d RCWU o r g a n i z a t i o n i n the camps. Upon e x p u l s i o n , the o n l y r e c o u r s e a v a i l a b l e to the inmate was to a p p e a l to the Department of N a t i o n a l Defence . There was no independent board to review any d i s c i p l i n a r y a c t i o n taken by camp o f f i c i a l s . Upon e v i c t i o n an inmate ' s r e l i e f camp c a r d was stamped ' e v i c t e d from camp' , and the man was not e l i g i b l e for r e - a d m i s s i o n , nor was he q u a l i f i e d to c o l l e c t r e l i e f from any m u n i c i p a l i t y i n the p r o v i n c e . As a r e s u l t , unemployed j u n g l e s were e s t a b l i s h e d 1 17 a g a i n . Very o f t e n , men were e v i c t e d from a camp and had no means of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n to the nearest town. Thus they were r e q u i r e d to walk many m i l e s without food, to the nearest road or town ( P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s , GR 429, Box 21 F i l e ; 3: November 10, 1934). Some men f a i l e d to r e t u r n the i s s u e d c l o t h i n g and were a r r e s t e d and charged with t a k i n g government p r o p e r t y . At times these men sought food and s h e l t e r through i n c a r c e r a t i o n by e a t i n g i n a r e s t a u r a n t without having the a b i l i t y to p a y . 3 0 M i l i t a n c y i n B r i t i s h Columbia's R e l i e f Camps The d i s c o n t e n t of the men i n the camps became i n c r e a s i n g l y apparent as they began to e x e r c i s e v i s i b l e , and sometimes v i o l e n t means to express t h e i r , f r u s t r a t i o n and to draw a t t e n t i o n to t h e i r p l i g h t . S t r i k e s became frequent throughout the camps in B r i t i s h Columbia ( C i t y C l e r k ' s , V o l . 195, F i l e ; P r o v i n c i a l Government, 1935, J a n . - D e c ) . As e a r l y as June 1933 approximately 1,000 r e l i e f camp inmates went on s t r i k e and marched on Vancouver (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 2: 25). While the p e t t y s t i n g i n e s s of the DND, the food p r o v i d e d i n the camps, and 3 0 During the year of 1934, i n January, 19 men e v i c t e d from camps c o u l d not pay f o r t h e i r meals, i n February, 19 men were sentenced to e i g h t days in j a i l f o r o b t a i n i n g a meal under f a l s e p r etences (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 2: 59, 71), by March, t h e r e were at l e a s t 150 men i n Vancouver who had been e x p e l l e d from the camps and had no means of support whatsoever, i n A p r i l , about t h i r t y men were di s c h a r g e d from the camps ( C i t y C l e r k ' s , V o l . 188, F i l e ; Unemployed O r g a n i z a t i o n s Jan.-June); and by August, the Mothers' C o u n c i l was attempting t o a s s i s t two hundred men who had been e v i c t e d from the camps and b l a c k l i s t e d , and thus not permitted to re-e n t e r the camps or c o l l e c t o ther r e l i e f (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 3: August 17, 1935). 118 the inadequate p h y s i c a l f a c i l i t i e s were o f t e n the s o r t of s p e c i f i c g r i e v a n c e s which would prompt a s t r i k e or demonstration, the fundamental reason of unrest and m i l i t a n t a c t i o n was the i n d i g n a t i o n of the men toward the r e l i e f camp scheme. During major s t r i k e s the men presented demands t h a t were p r i m a r i l y f o r the a b o l i t i o n of the r e l i e f camps and the p r o v i s i o n of work and wages. (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 2: 62, 112) A Commission of I n q u i r y i n t o the r e l i e f camps (the MacDonald Commission, 1935) found t h a t ; The c h i e f grounds f o r d i s c o n t e n t and unrest was the absence of an adequate wage f o r the workers i n the camps. ... I t was r e p e a t e d l y s t a t e d that an allowance of 3 ce n t s per day per man over and above the p r e s c r i b e d r a t i o n would p r o v i d e the necessary, v a r i e t y i n food d e s i r e d by the men. (1935: 17-18) In February 1934 t h e r e was an u n u s u a l l y l a r g e number of s t r i k i n g inmates e v i c t e d , and as a r e s u l t , the government was o b l i g e d to modify i t s p o s i t i o n and permit readmission of e v i c t e d men (Eayers, 1964: 137-8; Lane, 1966: 79; C i t y C l e r k ' s V o l . 188, F i l e ; Telegram C o p i e s ) . The DND r e l i e f camps i n B r i t i s h Columbia were not the only ones where d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n e x i s t e d . Indeed, unrest was widespread throughout the camps, such that between June 1933 and A p r i l 1934 there were f i f t y seven d i s t u r b a n c e s i n f e d e r a l r e l i e f camps that were s i g n i f i c a n t enough to be r e p o r t e d to the N a t i o n a l Defence Headquarters i n Ottawa (Brown, 1978: 294). B r i t i s h Columbia's camps, however, experienced a high number of u p r i s i n g s with at l e a s t two r i o t s e r r u p t i n g (Matthews, V o l . 8, 119 No. 3: Feb. 11, 1935; May 13, 1935). In t h i s p r o v i n c e , of the n e a r l y 62,000 men who were inmates of the r e l i e f camps, over 6,500 were d i s c i p l i n e d f o r t h e i r misdemeanor by e x p u l s i o n from the camps (LeFresne, 1961: 177). The f i r s t g eneral s t r i k e of the RCWU took p l a c e d u r i n g December, 1934. That month a s t r i k e at the Deroche camp, i n p r o t e s t a g a i n s t the d i s m i s s a l of the camp cook, r e s u l t e d i n the men from t h i s camp inv a d i n g Vancouver. The Commissioner of the BCPP was kept up to date with the d e s e r t i o n s from the camps by o f f i c e r s commanding v a r i o u s p o l i c e d i v i s i o n s throughout the p r o v i n c e ( P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s , GR 429 F i l e ; 4). Within one week these men were j o i n e d by approximately 600 a d d i t i o n a l unemployed, and a d e l e g a t i o n was immediately sent to present demands to o f f i c i a l s i n V i c t o r i a . 3 1 The demands of the unemployed were; 1. Work with wages of 40 cents an hour, a 7 hour day and a 5 day week. 2. That the camps be taken out of the c o n t r o l of the Department of N a t i o n a l Defence. 3. Compensation f o r i n j u r i e s s u s t a i n e d on the job. 4. The r i g h t to vote i n e l e c t i o n s - p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l . B l a c k l i s t i n g was a l s o p r o t e s t e d by the union. ( S h i e l s and Swanky, 19-77: 80). By December 20, a general march on Vancouver by men from the r e l i e f camps was ordered, and inmates from approximately f o r t y 3 1 I n i t i a l l y the d e l e g a t i o n was to meet with p r o v i n c i a l a u t h o r i t i e s on December 4, but t h i s was postponed to December 7, and then delayed one more day, r e s u l t i n g i n the meeting being h e l d on December 8, 1934. 120 r e l i e f camps p a r t i c i p a t e d in the s t r i k e . Of the multitude of inmates descending on Vancouver, between 750 and 1000 had been e v i c t e d from t h e i r camps f o r t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a two day work stoppage i n support of the d e l e g a t i o n meeting with p r o v i n c i a l a u t h o r i t i e s (Howard, 1974: 11.) As they had done p r e v i o u s l y , during the s t r i k e the r e l i e f camp workers paraded to b r i n g a t t e n t i o n to t h e i r cause. On December 23, the men demonstrated i n the downtown department s t o r e s of Hudson's Bay, Spencer's, and Woodward's, marching up and down the a i s l e s and c a l l i n g out slogans such as 'when do we eat?', and 'we want work' ( S h i e l s and Swanky, 1977: 81; P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s , GR 429 F i l e ; 4: Dec. 20, 1934). A c i t i z e n s ' committee donated money f o r a few days' food and s h e l t e r f o r the men, and the Mothers' Committee of the CCF i n v i t e d the men home for Christmas Dinner. In the s p i r i t of the h o l i d a y season, the c i t y of Vancouver acquiesced to the inmates' demands, and i n c o n j u n c t i o n with the S a l v a t i o n Army, p r o v i d e d the r e l i e f camps s t r i k e r s with temporary food and l o d g i n g . The s t r i k e was c a l l e d o f f on December 28, a f t e r two concessions had been granted by the a u t h o r i t i e s . Premier P a t t u l l o promised to recommend to Ottawa that a commission of i n q u i r y be e s t a b l i s h e d to i n v e s i g a t e the r e l i e f camps i n B.C., and the b l a c k l i s t e d men were p e r m i t t e d to c o l l e c t r e l i e f i n the c i t y of Vancouver (Howard, 1974: 1 1 ) . 3 2 While the 1,200-1,500 3 2 Prime M i n i s t e r Bennett subsequently re f u s e d P a t t u l l o ' s request, a rguing that such an e n q u i r y was under p r o v i n c i a l j u r i s d i c t i o n (Lane, 1966: 87). 121 s t r i k e r s r eturned to the r e l i e f camps a f t e r the December s t r i k e , they were not s a t i s f i e d , as w i l l be evident i n the d i s c u s s i o n of subsequent s t r i k e s and walk-outs. P o l i c e C o n t r o l of the DND R e l i e f Camps Even with the containment of thousands of unemployed i n the DND r e l i e f camps the p o l i c e d i d not r e l a x t h e i r s u r v e i l l a n c e of the unemployed. When the men were on s t r i k e i n Vancouver, as when they were at work i n the camps, the m u n i c i p a l , p r o v i n c i a l , and Royal Canadian Mounted P o l i c e maintained t h e i r v i g i l a n t watch -- e s p e c i a l l y on those b e l i e v e d to be a g i t a t o r s . The c o n t r o l of the unemployed i n v o l v e d not only i n f i l t r a t i o n of the RCWU, e n a b l i n g the a u t h o r i t i e s to monitor the a c t i v i t i e s of the s t r i k e r s . The unemployed were o f t e n a r r e s t e d f o r begging as they were ' t i n - c a n n i n g ' . During demonstrations which sometimes l e d to r i o t s , the p o l i c e had a wide v a r i e t y o f charges at t h e i r d i s p o s a l . 3 3 Those i n the r e l i e f camps were not the only concern of the a u t h o r i t i e s . To f a c i l i t a t e the c o n t r o l of the men who l e f t or were e x p e l l e d from the camps, ' e l a b o r a t e plans' were devised by the Department of N a t i o n a l Defence, the r a i l w a y p o l i c e , the RCMP, and the BCPP, i n c o n j u n c t i o n with the B r i t i s h Columbia government to c o n t a i n these unemployed. The BCPP 3 3 Some charges l a i d were; a s s u l t on o f f i c e r s , m a l i c i o u s damage to p r o p e r t y ; vagrancy; o b s t r u c t i n g an o f f i c e r i n the course of duty; i n c i t i n g to r i o t ; c a r r y i n g o f f e n s i v e weapons; engaging i n r i o t ; t h r e a t s and i n t i m i d a t i o n ; causing an a f f r a y ; a s s u l t on a c i t i z e n , and member of an unlawful assembly were l a i d ( C i t y Records, V o l . 12, F i l e ; P o l i c e Commission, August 10, 1935). 1 22 requested that camp foremen n o t i f y t h e i r l o c a l detachment as the men l e f t the camps so the p o l i c e could a r r e s t the unemployed on vagrancy charges ( P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s , GR 429, Box 21, F i l e ; 3, BCPP Radiogram 99, November 16, 1934). At the end of August 1934, when the annual autumn westward m i g r a t i o n of t r a n s i e n t s began, the a u t h o r i t i e s began e n f o r c i n g the Railways Act, to s i g n i f i c a n t l y c u r t a i l the i n f l u x of unemployed men i n t o B r i t i s h Columbia ( P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s , GR 429, Box 21, F i l e ; 1, June 6, 1934; J u l y 10, 1934; J u l y 13, 1934); 3 a The p r o v i n c i a l p o l i c e e s t a b l i s h e d detachments with a greater than usual, number of men at a l l main p o i n t s along the ra i l w a y s , and the o f f i c e r s a c t i v e l y engaged i n keeping t r a n s i e n t s from r i d i n g the t r a i n s ( P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s , GR 429, F i l e ; 3: Nov. 17, 1934). The B.C. government supported t h i s a c t i o n , arguing that the t r a n s i e n t s r i d i n g the rods without paying a f a r e were not only causing the rail w a y companies to l o s e money, but a la r g e number of mobile unemployed congregating i n B.C.'s coa s t centres would f a c i l i a t e communist o r g a n i z a t i o n ( P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s , GR 429, F i l e ; 3: May 30, 1934). The RCMP commissioner, General MacBrien, claimed t h a t ; S e v e r a l times d u r i n g the past years we have prevented l a r g e g a t h e r i n g s , which were being arranged under the auspices of the Communist Party, through stopping t e m p o r a r i l y at any r a t e , the free t r a v e l l i n g on the R a i l w a y s . . . . ( P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s , GR 429, F i l e ; 1: May 30, 1934) 3 * A breakdown of communication, such that the RCMP at the A l b e r t a - B.C. border were not informed that the Railways Act was not to be en f o r c e d u n t i l September 1, i n order to permit some eastward m i g r a t i o n , r e s u l t e d i n the Golden, Revelstoke, and Kamloops gaols being f i l l e d to c a p a c i t y and n e c e s s i t a t i n g that fourteen a r r e s t e d t r a n s i e n t s be hel d i n a temporary j a i l ( P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s , GR 429, F i l e ; 2, J u l y 24, 1934). 1 23 In a d d i t i o n to the overt c o n t r o l of the p o l i c e , the s t a t e a u t h o r i t i e s were able to keep a c l o s e watch on the unemployed through c o v e r t methods. By posing as r e l i e f inmates i n numerous camps, p o l i c e informants kept the a u t h o r i t i e s up to date with the a c t i v i t i e s i n the camps, i d e n t i f i e d 'reds', or o r g a n i z e r s , and when p o s s i b l e forewarned of impending s t r i k e s . Through t h e i r c o n s i s t e n t c o n t a c t with the p o l i c e detachments nearby, the a c t i v i t i e s among the unemployed and i n the r e l i e f camps were c l o s e l y monitored. Camp foremen n o t i f i e d the p o l i c e about s u s p i c i o u s v i s i t o r s , s t r i k e s , and other i r r e g u l a r i t i e s ( P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s , GR 429, F i l e s ; 1,2,3,4). On the b a s i s of d a i l y c o n t a c t with camp superintendents d u r i n g s t r i k e s , the p r o v i n c i a l p o l i c e o f f i c e r s commanding the nearby d i v i s o n s were able to r e g u l a r l y forward news o-f any developments to the commissioner of the BCPP, C o l o n e l McMullin. T h i s extensive c o n t r o l system enabled the a u t h o r i t i e s to ' s p e e d i l y a d j u s t ' t r o u b l e i n the camps (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 2: 66). Fe d e r a l - P r o v i n c i a l Disputes As the r e l i e f camp workers continued to s t r i k e , and e v i c t e d inmates were r e t u r n i n g to the urban c e n t r e s , the problems r e l a t e d to the r e l i e f camps were i n c r e a s i n g l y r e v e a l e d . Once again p u b l i c o p i n i o n rose i n support of the unemployed and demands f o r government a c t i o n i n c r e a s e d . Once again, r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the unemployed was shunned. Cooperation between the L i b e r a l government of P a t t u l l o and Bennett's C o n s e r v a t i v e s was v i r t u a l l y n o n - e x i s t e n t . When a r e d u c t i o n i n 124 f e d e r a l unemployment r e l i e f allowances was ordered i n Ottawa, the p r o v i n c i a l government ' f l a t l y r e f u s e d ' to accept i t , while V i c t o r i a and Vancouver argued that they c o u l d not a f f o r d the proposed rearrangement (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 2: October 19, 1934, 100; P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s GR 429 Box 21, F i l e ; 2: November 16, 1934). The premier of B.C. along with the mayors of m u n i c i p a l i t i e s i n the p r o v i n c e , c o n s i s t e n t l y badgered the f e d e r a l government to take a c t i o n by d e a l i n g with the unemployed from i t s r e l i e f camps ( C i t y C l e r k ' s , V o l . 186). The B.C. M i n i s t e r of Labour and the s u p e r v i s o r of r e l i e f i n the c i t y of Vancouver r e i t e r a t e d t h e i r former statements that r e l i e f was a q u e s t i o n that demanded f e d e r a l a c t i o n ( C i t y C l e r k ' s , V o l . 186: March 5, 1934). The p r o v i n c i a l Attorney General Sloan, t e l e g r a p h e d the Prime M i n i s t e r at Ottawa i n February 1934, demanding that the f e d e r a l government take immediate steps to remove s t r i k i n g r e l i e f camp inmates from the urban c e n t r e s ( C i t y C l e r k ' s , V o l . 188, F i l e ; Telegram C o p i e s ) . A f t e r c o n s u l t a t i o n with General McNaughton, as he had done before, Bennett r e p l i e d t h a t "the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l duty of m a i n t a i n i n g law and order i n B.C. r e s t s with your Government" (Eayers, 1964: 137). I n v a r i a b l y , McNaughton defended the r e l i e f camp system, and i t was he who prepared most of the r e p l i e s sent from the Prime M i n i s t e r to the B.C. a u t h o r i t i e s (Eayers, 1964: 138). During the s t r i k e i n December 1934, pressure on the Bennett government to e s t a b l i s h an i n v e s t i g a t i o n i n t o the r e l i e f camps i n c r e a s e d , and on Christmas day a message re q u e s t i n g the appointment of an independent commission of i n q u i r y was sent to 1 25 Bennett from a l l members of both the n a t i o n a l parliament and the p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t u r e who represent the g r e a t e r Vancouver area. Once again McNaughton maintained that such an i n v e s t i g a t i o n was o u t s i d e f e d e r a l j u r i s d i c t i o n , and although General Ashton of the DND informed h i s senior o f f i c e r t h a t " i t i s seldom, i f ever that anything besides adverse c r i t i c i s m appears i n the p r e s s " (Eayers, 1964: 140), a telegram i n s i s t i n g that no i n v e s t i g a t i o n was necessary was d r a f t e d by McNaughton, signed by Bennett, and sent to P a t t u l l o and a l l the p r o t e s t i n g government members (Eayers, 1964: 138). The premier subsequently sent a telegram to the A c t i n g Prime M i n i s t e r , S i r George P e r l e y , c l a i m i n g that with the p o s s i b i l i t y of r i o t s , bloodshed and l o s s of p r o p e r t y "... i t i s incomprehensible that your Government w i l l not make p r o v i s i o n so that these men can be put to work upon a b a s i s of reasonable wages... " ( c i t e d i n ; Eayers, 1964: 141), but Ottawa d i s c l a i m e d r e s p o n s i b i l i t y arguing that when the r e l i e f camp s t r i k e r s were out of the camps they had passed out of the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the dominion. The squabbles over r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the unemployed were not c o n f i n e d to inter-governmental d i s p u t e s . B r i t i s h Columbia's 'elaborate p l a n s ' to enforce the Railways Act at the beginning of the autumn when the unemployed migrated west, were d i s r u p t e d as the f e d e r a l p o l i c e f o r c e s t a t i o n e d at the B.C. -A l b e r t a border began to stop the movement of t r a n s i e n t s l e a v i n g B r i t i s h Columbia. J u r i s d i c t i o n a l d i s p u t e s erupted between the f e d e r a l and p r o v i n c i a l p o l i c e concerning a u t h o r i t y over the Yoho N a t i o n a l Park, and the RCMP r e f u s e d to permit the BCPP to use 126 t h e i r l o c k - u p to h o l d the t r a n s i e n t s a r r e s t e d . Perturbed BCPP o f f i c e r s r e p o r t e d that "There has, of course, been no attempt on t h e i r p a r t to cooperate with us i n any respect i n so f a r as the (Railways) Act i s concerned" ( P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s , GR 429 F i l e ; 2: J u l y 19, 1934). Furthermore, a d e c i s i o n by the DND to t r a n s f e r twelve hundred r e l i e f camp inmates from A l b e r t a i n t o B.C. met severe r e s i s t a n c e from B.C. a u t h o r i t i e s . The BCPP n o t i f i e d Attorney General Sloan of the t r a n s f e r , c l a i m i n g that such a c t i o n "completely d e f e a t s our campaign a g a i n s t t r a n s i e n t s " ( P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s GR 429, F i l e ; 2: October 30, 1934). B r i t i s h Columbia o f f i c i a l s p r o t e s t e d to the Commissioner of the RCMP General MacBrien, General.McNaughton, and Prime M i n s t e r Bennett, c l a i m i n g t h a t such a c t i o n would on l y add to the e x i s t i n g congestion of t r a n s i e n t s at the c o a s t . N e v e r t h e l e s s , the higher a u t h o r i t i e s went ahead with the t r a n s f e r , r e g a r d l e s s of the threatened g r a v i t y of the consequences ( P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s , GR 429, F i l e ; 2 November 1, 3, 5, 6, 15, 1934). While the p r o v i n c i a l government argued that care f o r the r e l i e f camp inmates was a f e d e r a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s c o n s i s t e n t l y demanded that the p r o v i n c i a l government do something. During February 1934, when a l a r g e number of s t r i k i n g r e l i e f camp inmates congregated i n Vancouver, and ' s e r i o u s t r o u b l e ' beyond the a b i l i t y of the p o l i c e to handle was b e l i e v e d imminent, the C i t y C o u n c i l sent a telegram to the premier of B.C., the M i n i s t e r of Defence in Ottawa and the Prime M i n i s t e r , r e q u e s t i n g t h a t the p r o v i n c i a l government a u t h o r i z e r e l i e f a u t h o r i t i e s to i s s u e emergency allowance to the men from 127 the r e l i e f camps, u n t i l such time as the M i n i s t e r of N a t i o n a l Defence decide where the s i n g l e unemployed are to go. On A p r i l 11, 1934, the c i t y of Vancouver sent a d e l e g a t i o n to see p r o v i n c i a l a u t h o r i t i e s i n an attempt to prompt a c t i o n over men e v i c t e d from the camps who were l i v i n g i n Vancouver (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 2: 70). When the mayor of Vancouver, Gerry McGeer, attempted to bypass the p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l governments, and deal with the DND through the O f f i c e r Commanding M i l i t a r y D i s t r i c t Number 11, General Ashton, the mayor was informed that the DND c o u l d only take i n s t r u c t i o n s from Ottawa ( C i t y Records, Loc. 75 F2, January 17, 1935). Pressure on the government mounted from p r i v a t e groups as w e l l . C r i t i c i s m was rampant i n the newspapers; and at l e a s t two organized bodies, the Vancouver C o u n c i l of S o c i a l Agencies and a 'Committee of C i t i z e n s ' sent a l e t t e r of p r o t e s t to Bennett. ( P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s , GR 429, Box 21, F i l e ; 4: December 22, 28, 1934). In March, 1935 the p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t u r e unanimously passed a r e s o l u t i o n condemning the maintenance of the DND camps (Vancouver P r o v i n c e , A p r i l 27, 1934, c i t e d i n ; Lane, 1966: 101). On A p r i l 1 1935 during the absence of both the Prime M i n i s t e r and General McNaughton, the main supporters of the scheme, the f e d e r a l parliament made a new attempt to d e a l with the i n c r e a s e d demands for a c t i o n , and e s t a b l i s h e d a Commission of I n q u i r y i n t o the B.C. r e l i e f camps (Eayers, 1964: 144). T h i s i n q u i r y was c a r r i e d out by three men; the Honourable 128 W.A. McDonald (who had sentenced the communist l e a d e r of the unemployed Arthur Evans to one year i n p r i s o n f o r o r g a n i z i n g miners), C.T. McHattie (the v i c e - p r e s i d e n t of the f i r m that s u p p l i e d the c l o t h i n g f o r the DND r e l i e f camps), and Rev. E.D. Braden. The Commission was i n s t r u c t e d to c a r r y out h earings i n the v a r i o u s camps, and i n s p e c t the f a c i l i t i e s of the r e l i e f camps. While the Commission was not given the power to make recommendations on government p o l i c y i n the camps, i t d i d draw a t t e n t i o n to some of the grounds f o r d i s c o n t e n t among the inmates. S t r i k e s , R i o t s , and State I n t e r v e n t i o n The Commission of i n q u i r y i n t o the B.C. DND r e l i e f camps was too l a t e . Hearings began on A p r i l 4, 1935, the same day that the second general s t r i k e of the r e l i e f camp workers began. During the previous month, delegates from v a r i o u s camps throughout B r i t i s h Columbia h e l d a conference i n Kamloops, and d r a f t e d seven demands. They were: 1. That work with wages be i n s t i t u t e d at a minimum rate of 50 cents per per hour for u n s k i l l e d workers, and trade union r a t e s f o r a l l s k i l l e d work, on the b a s i s of a s i x hour day, f i v e day week, with a minimum of 20 days per month. 2. That a l l workers in r e l i e f camps be covered by the Compensation Act, and that adequate f i r s t a i d s u p p l i e s be c a r r i e d on the job at a l l time. 3. That the N a t i o n a l Defence and a l l m i l i t a r y c o n t r o l , with t h e i r system of b l a c k l i s t i n g where men are cut o f f from a l l means of l i v e l i h o o d , 1 29 be a b o l i s h e d . 4. That d e m o c r a t i c a l l y e l e c t e d committees be r e c o g n i z e d i n every camp. 5. That there be i n s t i t u t e d a system of n o n - c o n t r i b u t o r y unemployment insurance based on the workers b i l l of s o c i a l and unemployment insurance. 6. That a l l workers be given t h e i r democratic r i g h t to vote. 7. That S e c t i o n 98 of the C r i m i n a l Code, S e c t i o n 41-42 of the Immigration Act, vagrancy laws and a l l anti-working c l a s s laws be r e p e a l e d . ( S h i e l s and Swanky, 1977: 84). I t was decided at the Kamloops meeting t h a t the workers be c a l l e d out of t h e i r camps on the f o u r t h day of A p r i l to h o l d a general s t r i k e i n Vancouver. Although the p l a n s of the RCWU were not "pub l i c i z e d u n t i l A p r i l 1 ( L i v e r s e d g e , 1973: xv), informants a l e r t e d the p o l i c e as e a r l y as March 22, and on March 25 P a t t u l l o n o t i f i e d A c t i n g Prime M i n i s t e r P e r l e y of the impending walkout ( L i v e r s e d g e , 1973: 147). The appointment of the I n q u i r y Commission on A p r i l 1 f a i l e d to a v e r t the s t r i k e however, and as e a r l y as A p r i l 2, s i x t y unemployed from a Squamish r e l i e f camp had a r r i v e d i n Vancouver (Libersedge, 1973: x v ) . 'Although the p o l i c e a r r e s t e d s i x t y four s t r i k e r s near Nelson B.C. and charged them under the Railways Act, the evacuation of the men from the camps was w e l l organized and proceeded smoothly. The inmates from each camp e s t a b l i s h e d a s t r i k e committee and were organized i n t o s e c t i o n s of twelve men. Upon a r r i v a l i n Vancouver s e v e r a l s e c t i o n s from one l o c a l i t y would j o i n to form one of three d i v i s i o n s . A s t r a t e g y committee 130 which d i r e c t e d the s t r i k e r s , was formed by one r e p r e s e n t a t i v e from each d i v i s i o n , and numerous d i v i s i o n a l food, p u b l i c i t y , and f i n a n c e committees took care of d a i l y r o u t i n e s . The men s l e p t i n h o t e l s and boarding houses, and meal t i c k e t s p r o v i d e d by the RCWU perm i t t e d them to eat r e g u l a r l y . The ordered d i v i s i o n of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y r e s u l t e d i n the s t r i k e r s ' days being f i l l e d with a c t i v i t i e s such as parades, demonstrations, and r a l l i e s (Howard, 1974: 12; L i v e r s e d g e , 1973: 68). During the s t r i k e of 1935 the r e l i e f workers developed a p e c u l i a r method of parading which they r e f e r r e d to as the 'snake parade'. The men would march i n columns of f o u r , with t h e i r arms l i n k e d , weaving from one s i d e of the s t r e e t to the other. As one p a r t i c i p a n t r e c a l l e d , i t looked l i k e a very, very long, Chinese dragon, and i t e f f e c t i v e l y d i s r u p t e d any t r a f f i c ( Liversedge, '1973: 68). The v a r i o u s l e v e l s of government, the d i f f e r e n t p o l i c e f o r c e s , and the DND a l l d e s i r e d that the s t r i k e r s r e t u r n to t h e i r camps, but they c o u l d not agree on how to accomplish t h i s . The RCMP Commissioner, General MacBrien, recommended that the men on s t r i k e be allowed to r e t u r n to the camps without fear of punishment or d i s m i s s a l , but General Ashton of M i l i t a r y D i s t r i c t Number Eleven would not comply. 3 5 The p o l i c e , too, had ideas on how to get the men back to camp. One Vancouver C i t y policeman r e p o r t e d t h a t ; ...I c o u l d see no reason why we have not taken some 3 5 MacBrien had been McNaughton's se n i o r o f f i c e r f o r ma.ny y e a r s , and McNaughton was a p p a r e n t l y d i s p l e a s e d with MacBrien's involvement (Eayers, 1964: 145). 131 a c t i o n , with whatever f o r c e was necessary, to c o n t r o l the s i t u a t i o n . ...I have d i s c u s s e d the s t r i k e s i t u a t i o n with some of the o f f i c e r s of the RCMP and they are of the same o p i n i o n as myself; that i s , that the s i t u a t i o n should be c l e a r e d up. They a l s o , do not understand why the c i t y a u t h o r i t i e s do not take a f i r m stand. ( P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s , GR 429, Box 21, F i l e ; 4: May 19, 1935). Through the data gathered by informants, the Vancouver C i t y P o l i c e were able to keep mayor McGeer up to date on the a c t i v i t i e s of the unemployed. On A p r i l 10 1935, McGeer sent a telegram to P a t t u l l o c l a i m i n g that the 1,400 men i n Vancouver were "a d i s t u r b i n g element and a menace to peace, order and good government" ( C i t y Records, Loc. 33 B 6, F i l e ; 1935 S t r i k e S i t u a t i o n ) . P a t t u l l o answered the same day that the p r o v i n c e would p r o v i d e no r e l i e f , and he r e f u s e d to p a r t i c i p a t e i n a conference with Canadian mayors to d i s c u s s the s i t u a t i o n ( C i t y Records, Loc. 33 B 6, F i l e ; 1935 S t r i k e S i t u a t i o n ) . Throughout the month of A p r i l c a u s t i c telegrams 'flew' back and f o r t h between P a t t u l l o and McGeer — the l a t t e r demanding a c t i o n by the p r o v i n c i a l government and the premier r e f u s i n g to take i t ( C i t y Records, Loc. 33 B 6, F i l e ; 1935 S t r i k e S i t u a t i o n ) . McGeer continued to send telegrams to Ottawa demanding co o p e r a t i o n with the m u n c i c i p a l and p r o v i n c i a l government to r e t u r n the men to the camps. By May 28 McGeer wired Bennett that "we cannot h o l d the s i t u a t i o n any f u r t h e r without r e s o r t i n g to f o r c e " ( C i t y Records, Loc. 33 B 6, F i l e ; 1935 S t r i k e S i t u a t i o n ) . Although H.H. Stevens, the f e d e r a l m i n i s t e r of trade and commerce s i d e d with McGeer, advocating f e d e r a l a c t i o n , A c t i n g 132 Prime M i n i s t e r P e r l e y wired McGeer informi n g him that the blame fo r the s t r i k e s i t u a t i o n was not to be placed on the Dominion, but that i t was a p r o v i n c i a l problem ( S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 128; P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s , GR 429, Box 21, F i l e ; 4: A p r i l 30, May 28, 1935). McGeer r e f u s e d to take r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , arguing that the men were t r a n s i e n t s , and furthermore, the c i t y c o u l d not support s t r i k e r s who r e p u d i a t e d the f e d e r a l government's a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . P a t t u l l o d e n i e d any r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the inmates, c l a i m i n g that they were f e d e r a l charges. The government i n Ottawa ref u s e d to do a n y t h i n g , c l a i m i n g that once they evacuated the DND r e l i e f camps the men were out of i t s j u r i s d i c t i o n . The p o l i c e had been keeping a c l o s e watch on the unemployed throughout the s t r i k e . J u s t as before, informants s u p p l i e d ' the a u t h o r i t i e s with i n f o r m a t i o n on supporters, meetings, and o r g a n i z a t i o n s of the unemployed, to the extent that a d a i l y r e c o r d of the a c t i v i t i e s of the s t r i k e r s was maintained ( C i t y Records, Loc. 75 F1, F 2 ) . The presence of the men i n Vancouver gained widespread a t t e n t i o n , and support f o r t h e i r cause grew. As a 'prominent and c o n s e r v a t i v e b u s i n e s s man of Vancouver and former p r e s i d e n t of the Board of Trade and Manufacturers' A s s o c i a t i o n * s t a t e d , the s t r i k e r s "... are on the average b r i g h t , h e a l t h y , c l e a n l o o k i n g young boys, and might be e i t h e r your sons or mine...." ( C i t y Records, Loc. 33 B 6, F i l e ; S t r i k e s i t u a t i o n ; Correspondence to P e r l e y : A p r i l 30, 1935). The e d i t o r i a l of the Vancouver Sun claimed on A p r i l 16 t h a t , "The only wonder i s that these poor 1 33 f e l l o w s have not made such demonstrations b e f o r e " (Liversedge, 1973: x v i ) . On A p r i l 7 the RCWU ex e c u t i v e c a l l e d a conference, and i n v i t e d a l l trade unions, p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , and other o r g a n i z a t i o n s to a t t e n d . R e p r e s e n t a t i v e s were sent from f o r t y o r g a n i z a t i o n s made up of a v a r i e t y of unions, the Communist Party, the S o c i a l i s t P arty, and the CCF, as w e l l as women's groups and o r g a n i z a t i o n s r e p r e s e n t i n g s p e c i f i c e t h n i c groups ( S h i e l s and Swanky, 1977: 87). The demands of the s t r i k e r s were endorsed at the conference, and delegates were sent to the p r o v i n c i a l government on the behalf of the men from the r e l i e f camps. As i n the past, however, the p r o v i n c i a l government would not accept r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the unemployed from the camps, c l a i m i n g that such a c t i o n would be o u t s i d e of p r o v i n c i a l j u r i s d i c t i o n . On two o c c a s i o n s , the s t r i k e r s attempted to bypass the governments that denied any r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r them. On A p r i l 9, Matt Shaw, a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the unemployed s t r i k e r s obtained a ten minute meeting with Lord Bessborough, the Canadian Governor General, while the King's r e p r e s e n t a t i v e was w a i t i n g f o r h i s t r a i n . The Governor General promised to r e l a y the message of the problem of the s t r i k e r s to the a u t h o r i t i e s i n Ottawa. The second attempt was on the occasion of King George V s t w e n t y - f i f t h J u b i l e e . The s t r i k e r s sent a telegram s u g g e s t i n g that H i s Majesty i n s t r u c t Bennett t o f u r n i s h immediate r e l i e f f o r two thousand r e l i e f camp workers who were sentenced to s t a r v a t i o n i n Vancouver (Liversedge, 1973: x v i i ) . 134 The growing support f o r the r e l i e f camp s t r i k e r s was demonstrated i n a p r a c t i c a l way on A p r i l 13, 1935 when c i t i z e n s of Vancouver f i l l e d t i n cans b e a r i n g the slogan 'when do we eat' with approximately $5,500, d u r i n g 'the g r e a t e s t tag day i n the h i s t o r y of Vancouver'. The mayor refused to g i v e permission f o r t h i s tag day, but the f u t i l i t y of a r r e s t i n g the unemployed was recognized when o r g a n i z e r s threatened to send hundreds of men to re p l a c e f i f t y who had been a r r e s t e d i n New Westminster. During the s t r i k e of 1935, the men demonstrated i n major department s t o r e s i n the c i t y , as they had done d u r i n g the s t r i k e of December, 1934. One such demonstration, on A p r i l 12, passed p e a c e f u l l y , but such was not the case on the twenty t h i r d of that month. Through informants the p o l i c e were ab l e to forewarn three major s t o r e s that the men were proceeding to the s t o r e to stage a demonstration, but the management at Hudson's Bay d i d not heed the warning and guard the doors against the men as Spencer's and Woodward's had done ( C i t y Records, Loc. 33 B 6, F i l e ; S t r i k e S i t u a t i o n : A p r i l 26, 1935, Constable's report to C h i e f ) . One d i v i s i o n of parading r e l i e f camp workers marched i n t o the main f l o o r of the s t o r e , and f o r t h i r t y minutes spoke to the shoppers about t h e i r demands. During t h i s time the p o l i c e a r r i v e d , and a f t e r some words were exchanged the p o l i c e "went to work with ... c l u b s " and a b a t t l e ensued ( C i t y Records, Loc. 33 B 6, F i l e ; S t r i k e S i t u a t i o n : A p r i l 25, 1935). R e l i e f camp s t r i k e r s and p o l i c e both r e c e i v e d i n j u r i e s and a number of the s t r i k e r s were a r r e s t e d . Approximately $5,000 worth of damage was 135 done as merchandise and showcases were d e s t r o y e d . 3 6 The s t r i k e r s marched to V i c t o r y Square where they were j o i n e d by other s t r i k e r s as w e l l as sympathetic c i t i z e n s . A d e l e g a t i o n of twelve r e l i e f camp s t r i k e r s went to the C i t y H a l l to seek an audience with the mayor. A f t e r r e f u s i n g to grant money to the s t r i k e r s , McGeer had ten of the d e l e g a t i o n a r r e s t e d f o r vagrancy (Howard,1974: 25). A second d e l e g a t i o n was d i s p a t c h e d but f a i l e d to meet the mayor at C i t y H a l l , as he was on h i s way to V i c t o r y Square. Upon the a r r i v a l of the mayor, V i c t o r y Square was surrounded by approximately two hundred mounted and foot p o l i c e from a l l three f o r c e s ( S h i e l s and Swanky,1977: 90). McGeer mounted the Cenotaph i n the Square, and i n a v o i c e that was i n a u d i b l e to most of the crowd he read the R i o t Act. In h i s speech McGeer claimed t h a t ; I t i s now p e r f e c t l y c l e a r that Vancouver i s being v i c t i m i z e d by an o r g a n i z e d attempt to c a p i t a l i z e , f o r r e v o l u t i o n a r y purposes, on the c o n d i t i o n s of the depression which now e x i s t . From i n f o r m a t i o n s u p p l i e d to me, there i s a d e f i n i t e o r g a n i z a t i o n of Communistic a c t i v i t i e s which are c e n t e r i n g on c a l l i n g of a general s t r i k e i n Vancouver. ( C i t e d i n Vancouver News Hera l d , Matthews, Vol.8, No. 3": A p r i l 24, 1935). The mayor's r a d i o speech the next day f u r t h e r e d t h i s argument. The men i n the camps were a l s o assured that the general s t r i k e i n Vancouver would be the commencement of a r e v o l u t i o n that would sweep the e x i s t i n g system as i d e and s u b s t i t u t e i n i t s p l a c e a p r o l e t a r i a t d i c t a t o r s h i p t hat would change our system of government i n t o one of communistic a u t h o r i t y and 3 6 P o l i c e subsequently s t a t i o n e d o f f i c e r s at a l l the doors of Hudson's Bay, Spencer's and Woodward's ( C i t y Records, Loc. 33 B 6, Constable's Report to C h i e f : May 23, 1935). 136 S o v i e t power. ... The present t r o u b l e i s by no means c o n f i n e d to a p r o t e s t a g a i n s t r e l i e f camp c o n d i t i o n s . The present d i s t u r b a n c e i s w e l l o r g a n i z e d and c o l d l y planned and goes much f u r t h e r than mere r e l i e f camp gr i e v a n c e s . ... The f a c t s are simply that a group of a g i t a t o r s have decided to make Vancouver the b a t t l e g r o u n d f o r communist propaganda. ... S i m i l a r l y with the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the R e l i e f Camp S t r i k e , a d e l i b e r a t e attempt has been made to commence a p r o l e t a r i a t r e v o l u t i o n under the a u s p i c e s of Communistic l e a d e r s h i p . ("A Momentous D e c l a r a t i o n " Radio Address by McGeer, Saturday, A p r i l 27, 1935; 7:30 p.m., i n Matthews, V o l . 13, F i l e ; 54). A f t e r McGeer read the R i o t Act the p o l i c e e s c o r t e d the unemployed from the Square to t h e i r p l a c e s of accommodation. Three s t r i k e r s who attempted to r e s i s t the a u t h o r i t y of the Act were a r r e s t e d . Within four hours of the d i s p e r s a l of the men the c i t y and p r o v i n c i a l p o l i c e c a r r i e d out simultaneous r a i d s on headquarters of the r e l i e f camp s t r i k e r s . A p r o t e s t demonstration was c a r r i e d out that same evening, and nineteen more a r r e s t s were made (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 3, A p r i l 24, 1935). McGeer used the events of A p r i l 23 to f u r t h e r h i s a l l e g a t i o n s that Ottawa was to blame f o r the s i t u a t i o n c r e a t e d by the s t r i k e , and informed S i r George P e r l e y that "This unfortunate i n c i d e n t i s due e n t i r e l y to your government's i n e f f e c t i v e p o l i c y of a d m i n i s t e r i n g (the) unemployment s i t u a t i o n ( C i t y Records, A p r i l 23, 1935). The v i o l e n c e surrounding the s t r i k e r s ' demonstration on the 23rd of A p r i l d i d not d i m i n i s h the support of the c i t i z e n s of Vancouver. On the 26th a one hour sympathy s t r i k e was h e l d by the Longshoremen's union, and they donated one percent of a month's pay to the unemployed s t r i k e r s ( S h i e l s and Swanky, 1977: 94), and the same day a number of r e l i g i o u s and s e c u l a r 1 37 o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n Vancouver passed r e s o l u t i o n s that condemned the Dominion government's r e l i e f camp p o l i c y (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 3: A p r i l 26, 1935). While a meeting on A p r i l 20 was attended by 5,000 s t r i k e r s and c i t i z e n s , f i v e days a f t e r the reading of the R i o t Act, on A p r i l 28 1935, a r a l l y was h e l d i n the Vancouver Arena and the l a r g e s t crowd to ever a t t e n d an indoor p u b l i c meeting in Vancouver (approximately 16,000 p e o p l e ) , were present (Howard, 1974: 28, L i v e r s e d g e , 1973: x v i ) . On May 1, 1935 the s t r i k e r s were j o i n e d by members of three trade unions, as w e l l as over three thousand students i n a May Day Parade and p i c n i c at S t a n l e y Park ( S h i e l s and Swanky, 1977: 94). A few p o l i c e observed the 14-15,000 p a r t i c i p a n t s , but they d i d not i n t e r v e n e in the a c t i v i t i e s . The unemployed s t r i k e r s kept a c t i v e , and on May 18 one d i v i s i o n paraded i n t o the Vancouver L i b r a r y and without h e s i t a t i o n , proceeded up the s t a i r s to the Museum. Approximately f i v e hundred men b a r r i c a d e d themselves i n the C i t y Museum for twenty four hours, and draped a s i g n out the window ask i n g 'when do we eat?' A throng of s p e c t a t o r s gathered o u t s i d e . Food was brought by bake shops, s t o r e s , d e l i c a t e s s e n s and c a f e s , and p l a c e d i n a basket that was p u l l e d up to the window by a long rope. The o c c u p a t i o n of the museum was a success, and the mayor and the p o l i c e c h i e f conceded to grant $1,800 from the c i t y p o l i c e department Emergency Fund to p r o v i d e the s t r i k e r s with two meals per day f o r s i x days - the only subsidy given to the s t r i k e r s by the c i t y (Howard, 1974: 30, L i v e r s e d g e , 1973: 80). McGeer used t h i s o p p o r t u n i t y to inform Bennett t h a t ; 1 38 Never i n the h i s t o r y of the Dominion of Canada has b l i n d b r u t a l lawlessness been more i n evidence than i t has been during the l a s t month i n the c i t y . Our funds are t h e r e f o r e exhausted and we cannot do anything more than we have done. We cannot f o r c e the r e l i e f camp s t r i k e r s to go back to the camp. We cannot f o r c e them to be o r d e r l y and p e a c e f u l . (Howard, 1974: 30). As the s t r i k e dragged on without any progress being made, enthusiasm among the unemployed r e l i e f camp inmates waned. They had not achieved any n e g o t i a t i o n s from the government on t h e i r demands, and support from some o r g a n i z a t i o n s d i m i n i s h e d . The CCF f o r example, was low on funds, and i n a d d i t i o n , d i d not want to be i d e n t i f i e d with the Communists (Howard, 1976: 30; Lane, 1966: 105). Furthermore, the DND r e l a x e d i t s r e - e n t r y p r o v i s i o n s to e n t i c e s t r i k e r s to r e t u r n to the camps, and approximately three hundred a p p l i e d to r e t u r n (Lane, 1966: 105). On May 29 a vote was taken to determine the l e v e l of support f o r the c o n t i n u a t i o n of the s t r i k e . The outcome was, of 923 votes, 637 supported c o n t i n u i n g the s t r i k e , and 270 r e j e c t e d . Four hundred d i d not vote, and 16 b a l l o t s were s p o i l e d (Howard, 1974: 30-31). That same day, at a mass meeting of the unemployed, Arthur Evans, an a c t i v e Communist l e a d e r of the unemployed, put forward the suggestion t h a t the men t r a v e l to Ottawa and l a y t h e i r demands before the a u t h o r i t i e s t h e r e . A f t e r l i s t e n i n g to Evans o u t l i n e the need to put pressure on Ottawa to address the demands of the unemployed, the proposal was voted on, immediately, accepted and r a t i f i e d , and o r g a n i z a t i o n of the On to Ottawa Trek began. 1 39 The On To Ottawa March The r e l i e f camp s t r i k e r s were r e f u s e d p e r m i s s i o n to hold' a tag day on Saturday, June 1, to r a i s e funds f o r the t r e k — McGeer claimed that; ...by t h e i r a s s o c i a t i o n with communists, nuisance parades and a s s u l t s on p o l i c e they had f o r f e i t e d any r i g h t to the c i t y ' s a s s i s t a n c e ( S h i e l s and Swanky, 1977: 105). Regardless, the tag day was h e l d ; and d e s p i t e twenty a r r e s t s , between seventeen and eighteen hundred d o l l a r s was r a i s e d (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 3: June 3, 1935). P r i o r to l e a v i n g , the o r g a n i z e r s r u l e d that any unemployed with noteworthy j a i l r ecords were to stay behind. As w e l l , o l d e r men were urged to remain i n Vancouver, although the f i n a l d e c i s i o n was t h e i r own. The t r e k k e r s were thus predominately young men, the average age being twenty three to twenty four years (Maclnnis, 1935: 3 4 - 7 ) . 3 7 The a u t h o r i t i e s i n Vancouver were j u b i l i a n t over the s t r i k e r s l e a v i n g the c i t y , and the C h i e f Constable informed the mayor that "...my own o p i n i o n i s t h a t , p r o p e r l y handled, t h i s trek w i l l melt away" ( C i t y Records, Loc. 33 B 6: June 1, 1935). The r a i l w a y sought to a v e r t the departure of the t r e k k e r s by sending the f r e i g h t o f f an hour and a h a l f e a r l y , but the t r e k k e r s and supporters were prepared, and the f i r s t c ontingent 3 7 To p u b l i c i z e the proposed t r e k , 30,000 l e a f l e t s were p r i n t e d , asking the c i t i z e n s of Vancouver to show t h e i r support by seeing the men o f f at the CPR s t a t i o n on June 3 at 10:00 p.m. 1 40 of men embarked on the 8:30 f r e i g h t , cheered on by approximately one thousand sup p o r t e r s at the r a i l s t a t i o n . The t r e k k e r s l e f t Vancouver i n two groups. On June 3, approximately seven to e i g h t hundred men jumped a n i n e t y car f r e i g h t t r a i n , and e a r l y the next morning another two hundred men l e f t V a n c o u v e r . 3 6 A few p o l i c e were present i n the l a r g e crowd, but there was no d i s r u p t i o n from e i t h e r railway o f f i c i a l s or the p o l i c e . Throughout the t r e k , most of the t r a i n engineers and r a i l w a y o f f i c i a l s cooperated with the t r e k k e r s . Rather than p r o h i b i t i n g the men from r i d i n g the rods, engineers c a t e r e d to t h e i r passengers and gave b l a s t s of the w h i s t l e to warn them •when the t r a i n was about to move, p u l l e d up to l o a d i n g p l a t f o r m s f o r the men to disembark, and gave advice on how to av o i d b r e a t h i n g i n fumes. Empty boxcars were l e f t unsealed to provide storage space f o r food and packs, and fewer c a r s were at t a c h e d to compensate f o r the added weight of the t r e k k e r s ( S h i e l s and Swanky, 1977: 112-113, 118; Regina R i o t I n q u i r y , c i t e d i n Li v e r s e d g e 1973: 281-250). Doc Savage, a tre k leader r e c a l l e d t h a t , c i t i z e n s were n e a r l y 100 percent with us. No one can say anything against i t or us. We were w e l l d i s c i p l i n e d and u n i f i e d , and no one can say he was on the trek as an i n d i v i d u a l . (Savage, I n t e r v i e w ) . 3 8 Doc Savage, a t r e k leader, r e p o r t e d that a l l the t r e k k e r s l e f t together on the 10:10 f r e i g h t , June 3. 141 The two c o n t i n g e n t s of t r e k k e r s a r r i v e d i n Kamloops on June 4. Evans' telegram had not reached the designated person, and consequently, adequate p r e p a r a t i o n was not made f o r the men. An unauthorized tag day was h e l d , and $8 was r a i s e d . T h i s c o n t r i b u t e d to the money c o l l e c t e d i n Vancouver, and permitted the men to eat i n l o c a l c a f e s . 3 9 Due to the inadequate p r e p a r a t i o n , the proposed two day stop over i n Kamloops was c a n c e l l e d , and the t r e k k e r s continued t h e i r journey. A f t e r a b r i e f stop i n Revelstoke f o r the t r a i n to take on water and c o a l , and a b i t t e r l y c o l d t r i p over the Rockies, on June 6 the 1,200 t r e k k e r s a r r i v e d i n Golden." 0 Supporters of the trek were w e l l prepared with stew cooking i n pots and bathtubs strung over open f i r e s i n the park." 1 While advance teams were making p r e p a r a t i o n s i n Calgary f o r the a r r i v a l of the t r e k k e r s , the c i t y o f f i c i a l s sought to convince the Commissioner of the RCMP, General MacBrien to stop the men at the B.C. - A l b e r t a border. T h i s attempt was f u t i l e however, and on June 7 the men a r r i v e d i n that c i t y . They were 3 9 Damage amounting to approxmiately $5 was done to croc k e r y at one c a f e . Those r e s p o n s i b l e were removed from the t r e k , and money f o r r e p a i r s was forwarded to the p r o p r i e t e r s . *° The Connaught Tunnel took approximately t h i r t y minutes to pass through, and was f i l l e d with ' d i r t y , brown, b i l l o w i n g , g r i t t y , warm smoke' that c r e a t e d an overpowering a c r i d sulphurous stench and gave the men a choking s e n s a t i o n . The men covered t h e i r mouths and noses with h a n k e r c h i e f s , rags, or bl a n k e t s . Two or three were overcome by the fumes (Savage, I n t e r v i e w ) . 4 1 In Golden, Arthur Evans l e f t the t r e k k e r s to r e t u r n to Vancouver, but r e j o i n e d them i n Medicine Hat on June 12. 142 housed i n the Calgary e x h i b i t i o n grand stand b u i l d i n g , and d u r i n g t h e i r stay were j o i n e d by another 150 unemployed from Edmonton. The r e c e p t i o n by Calgary o f f i c i a l s was p a r t i c u l a r l y h o s t i l e . C i v i c government members d e s c r i b e d the t r e k k e r s as 'communists, tramps, and h o o l i g a n s ' (Howard, 1980: 40). The Calgary r e l i e f agent wired the f e d e r a l M i n i s t e r of Labour c l a i m i n g that the B r i t i s h Columbia s i n g l e men were; A dangerous r e v o l u t i o n a r y army i n t i m i d a t i n g and d e f y i n g p r o v i n c i a l and m u n i c i p a l governments by t h r e a t s and a c t u a l l y h o l d i n g o f f i c i a l s as hostage demands met. T h e i r success having f a r r e a c h i n g e f f e c t t h a t may be d i f f i c u l t to c o n t r o l (A.A. MacKenzie to W.A. Gordon, June 11, 1935; c i t e d i n Howard, 1980: 40, 45) . N e v e r t h e l e s s , the t r e k k e r s d i d succeed i n o b t a i n i n g p r o v i s i o n f o r three days' sustenance from the a u t h o r i t i e s of the c i t y and the A l b e r t a government. L o c a l farmers were generous, and beef, eggs, and other f o o d s t u f f s were donated. A tag day n e t t e d a f u r t h e r f i f t e e n hundred d o l l a r s . A f t e r the stop i n Calgary, the t r e k k e r s proceeded to Medicine Hat. They remained there- f o r twenty four hours, and were pr o v i d e d with accommodation, cooking f a c i l i t i e s , and $230 to purchase some food. The next stop was i n S w i f t Current Saskatchewan, and an advance committee had s e c u r r e d two meals f o r the 1500 men, courtesy of the p r o v i n c i a l government. The t r a i n o f f i c i a l s were i n s t r u c t e d by the c i t y to h o l d the t r a i n f o r f o r t y f i v e minutes u n t i l the men had eaten. A f t e r the short stop-over the t r e k k e r s were on t h e i r way a g a i n . 143 The c i t y of Moose Jaw was w e l l prepared f o r the t r e k k e r s . The Chief Constable had predetermined the route the t r e k k e r s were to take from the t r a i n s t a t i o n t o the e x h i b i t i o n grounds, but l e d by l o c a l c i t i z e n s , the s t r i k e r s took a d i f f e r e n t route and r a i s e d $340. J o i n e d by an undercover RCMP o f f i c e r that day, at midnight on June 13 the t r e k k e r s s et out fo r the t r a i n , and what was to be the l a s t l e g of t h e i r journey (Howard, 1980: 39). On June 14 the unemployed a r r i v e d i n Regina. I t was i n t h i s c i t y , with i t s c o n c e n t r a t i o n of RCMP that the a u t h o r i t i e s had determined to b r i n g an end to the On to Ottawa Trek. Although on June 8, Bennett informed the House of Commons that u n t i l some complaint from the l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s on the l i n e of t h i s march reached h i s ears, he would do nothing "to prevent the men from reaching Ottawa (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 3: June 8, 1935), a subsequent I n q u i r y r e v e a l e d that on June 11 the RCMP Commissioner telephoned the A s s i s t a n t Commissioner, C o l o n e l Wood, who was the head of the f e d e r a l f o r c e i n Saskatchewan, and i n s t r u c t e d him to stop the r e l i e f camp t r e k k e r s i n Regina. T h i s telephone c a l l was confirmed by a telegram the f o l l o w i n g day (Regina R i o t I n q u i r y , c i t e d i n ; Li v e r s e d g e , 1973: 178). The d e c i s i o n to stop the t r e k i n Regina was not made a f t e r appeals or c o n s u l t a t i o n with l o c a l p r o v i n c i a l a u t h o r i t i e s . The day a f t e r the order to stop the t r e k k e r s was giv e n , Premier Gardiner infomed the press t h a t ; Mr. Bennett took the l e g a l p o s i t i o n yesterday that he would not i n t e r f e r e with the men unle s s asked to do so by the p r o v i n c e . He has never been asked by t h i s 144 province to i n t e r f e r e , and we would ask him to keep h i s hands o f f the p o l i c i n g of t h i s p r o v i n c e ( S h i e l s and Swanky, 1977: 122, June 12, 1935). M a i n t a i n i n g that the f e d e r a l - p r o v i n c i a l agreement gave Saskatchewan a u t h o r i t y over the RCMP i n that p r o v i n c e , Gardiner sent wires to Bennett p r o t e s t i n g the h a l t i n g of the men i n Regina. The premier informed Bennett by wire t h a t ; P r o v i n c i a l government i n p o s i t i o n to handle s i t u a t i o n i n i t s r e l a t i o n to the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of j u s t i c e which has developed as a r e s u l t of the marchers p a s s i n g through t h i s p r o v i n c e . Confusion e x i s t i n g i n minds of o f f i c e r s of Royal Mounted P o l i c e and Railways re a u t h o r i t y as a r e s u l t of orders i s s u e d from Ottawa may r e s u l t i n d i f f i c u l t i e s which may become s e r i o u s . Would ask Ottawa to withdraw orders a f f e c t i n g the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of j u s t i c e i n t h i s p r o v i n c e and await a request f o r a c t i o n from t h i s government should i t be necessary to advance one. ( S h i e l s and Swanky, 1977: 122) . Bennett j u s t i f i e d the a c t i o n of the f e d e r a l government on the grounds that the RCMP were a s s i s t i n g the r a i l w a y p o l i c e i n stopping i l l e g a l t r a v e l on the t r a i n s . The l e t t e r from the ra i l w a y r e q u e s t i n g such a c t i o n was dated June 12, a day a f t e r the i n s t r u c t i o n s were i s s u e d ( S h i e l s and Swanky, 1977: 119). Furthermore, a f t e r t a l k i n g with r a i l w a y o f f i c i a l s , Gardiner informed the Prime M i n i s t e r that the men c o u l d not be co n s i d e r e d as t r e s p a s s e r s , as the ra i l w a y had a s s i s t e d the men by d e l a y i n g t r a i n s , p u l l i n g to lo a d i n g p l a t f o r m s f o r them, and p r o v i d i n g c a r s f o r the use of the t r e k k e r s . I t i s apparent that the d e c i s i o n to stop the t r e k k e r s i n Regina was made by the f e d e r a l c a b i n e t , and the task was c a r r i e d out by the f e d e r a l p o l i c e f o r c e . The c l a i m that the r a i l w a y s had requested such a c t i o n to be taken appears to be an a f t e r the 1 45 f a c t j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r a c t i o n taken o u t s i d e the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the n a t i o n a l government and a g a i n s t the wishes of the p r o v i n c e . Premier Gardiner l a t e r t e s t i f i e d t h a t ; ...these men were a p p a r e n t l y being allowed on f r e i g h t t r a i n s across Canada, and ... I saw no reason why there should be any d i s t u r b a n c e while they were in the p r o v i n c e of Saskatchewan ... The main o b j e c t i o n I made at t h a t time was to i n s t r u c t i o n s being given to the Mounted P o l i c e from Ottawa without the government of t h i s p r o v i n c e having been informed they were to be given or c o n s u l t e d about i t any way whatsoever. In view of the f a c t that the province was paying $275,000 f o r the s e r v i c e s of the Mounted P o l i c e i n t h i s p r o v i n c e , and they were supposed to take t h e i r i n s t r u c t i o n s from us i n connection with matters that had to do with the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of j u s t i c e i n the p r o v i n c e . (Regina R i o t I n q u i r y , c i t e d i n L i v e r s e d g e , 1973: 231-250) 4 2 Unable to continue r i d i n g the rods to Ottawa, due to p o l i c e blockades, some t r e k k e r s attempted to proceed eastward along the highways. These men were h a l t e d o u t s i d e of Regina by RCMP a c t i n g under the a u t h o r i t y of orders i n c o u n c i l passed under the R e l i e f Measures Ac t . Subsequent communication between the Saskatchewan Attorney General and the f e d e r a l M i n i s t e r of J u s t i c e i n d i c a t e s , however, t h a t ; the 1931 enactment ( R e l i e f Measures Act) e x p i r e d i n 1932 and 1934 enactment e x p i r e d i n March t h i s year (1935). I b e l i e v e f u r t h e r act introduced t h i s s e s s i o n but have no knowledge i f i t has become law and i n any event i f i t i s law as i n t r o d u c e d i t e x p r e s s l y p r o v i d e s that the governor-general has no a u t h o r i t y to pass o r d e r - i n - c o u n c i l thereunder when House of Commons i s i n s e s s i o n . You then i n s t r u c t e d p o l i c e a u t h o r i t i e s without our knowledge or concurrence to proceed under Sec. 98 of the C r i m i n a l Code The dut-y of e n f o r c i n g " 2 Clause 16 of the p r o v i n c i a l - f e d e r a l agreement would support G a r d i n e r ' s p o s i t i o n . 146 c r i m i n a l law i s upon the government of t h i s p r o v i n c e but you are i n s t r u c t i n g p o l i c e in connection with the enforcement of the C r i m i n a l Code.... ( c i t e d i n ; S h i e l s and Swanky, 1977: 195, J u l y 2, 1935). P u b l i c support f o r the t r e k k e r s was strong i n Saskatchewan. At a conference i n Saskatoon, a B a p t i s t m i n i s t e r claimed; There i s something wrong with c i v i l i z a t i o n ' s present system when an army of young men, seeking to put t h e i r complaints before t h e i r government are stopped by p o l i c e and a r r e s t e d as tramps and bums. (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 3: June 14, 1935) In Regina, f e d e r a l p o l i c e f o r c e s were augmented by at l e a s t 125 o f f i c e r s , when the. RCMP commissioner in Saskatchewan was ordered to put the l a r g e s t m o b i l i z a t i o n scheme i n t o e f f e c t in h i s d i v i s i o n ( S h i e l s and Swanky, 1977: 154). Railway o f f i c i a l s sent more than e i g h t y e x t r a o f f i c e r s to Regina to enforce the i n s t r u c t i o n s from Ottawa. As i n other p r a i r i e c i t i e s , the t r e k k e r s were housed in the Regina e x h i b i t i o n grounds, and were " r e t a i n e d there under guard pending f i n a l d i s p o s i t i o n or d i s p e r s a l of them" (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 3: June 12, 1935). During t h e i r stay i n Regina, the t r e k k e r s kept a c t i v e . The f i r s t evening they were there, June 14, a r a l l y was h e l d t hat a t t r a c t e d s i x thousand people. The audience was addressed by the n a t i o n a l s e c r e t a r y of the CCF, r e l i g i o u s l e a d e r s , labour l e a d e r s , members of the Canadian Communist Party, and the t r e k k e r s ' leader Arthur Evans (Howard, 1980: 40; S h i e l s and Swanky, 1977: 131). A tag day i n the c i t y on June 15 1 47 n e t t e d $1,446, as w e l l as donations of c l o t h i n g , boots and food. The next day the Regina C i t i z e n s Emergency Committee sponsored a p i c n i c f o r the s t r i k e r s . In the meantime however, plans were drawn by the p o l i c e , to ensure that the t r e k k e r s d i d not continue t h e i r journey ( P o l i c e records, c i t e d i n S h i e l s and Swanky, 1977: 134). On Monday, June 17 a meeting took p l a c e between the f e d e r a l M i n i s t e r of A g r i c u l t u r e , Weir, the M i n i s t e r of Railways, Manion, and the l e a d e r s of the t r e k . The t r e k l e a d e r s saw no a l t e r n a t i v e than to accept the government's p r o p o s a l , and to the s u r p r i s e of Manion and Weir, i t was agreed that the f e d e r a l government would f i n a n c e a d e l e g a t i o n to t r a v e l to Ottawa to present the demands of the s t r i k e r s b e f o r e the Bennett government. While the d e l e g a t i o n of e i g h t was t r a v e l l i n g to Ottawa on f e d e r a l expense, the main body of t r e k k e r s i n Regina were i n s t r u c t e d not to attempt to continue t h e i r journey eastward. They were to be p r o v i d e d with three meals per day by the n a t i o n a l government, and a d d i t i o n a l housing q u a r t e r s . As w e l l , those i n Regina were not to encourage more unemployed to j o i n the t r e k , and they were not to be i n t i m i d a t e d by the a u t h o r i t i e s . 1 48 State C o e r c i o n The d e l e g a t i o n a r r i v e d i n Ottawa on June 21, and met with Bennett and members of h i s c a b i n e t the f o l l o w i n g day. The meeting l a s t e d approximately one hour. The tenor of the encounter was u n c o o p e r a t i v e . " 3 Evans, the spokesman f o r the d e l e g a t i o n made a lengthy p r e s e n t a t i o n o u t l i n i n g the r e l i e f camp s t r i k e r s ' g r i e v a n c e s and demands, and others s u p p l i e d s h o r t e r c o n t r i b u t i o n s . Bennett's response was that the p r o v i n c e s were r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e i r unemployed, the camps were good enough, and the t r e k was a communist p l o y . A heated exchange fo l l o w e d , with Evans and Bennett exchanging a c c u s a t i o n s . The demands of the t r e k k e r s were not c o n s i d e r e d , and the meeting was u n f r u i t f u l . One member of the d e l e g a t i o n , Doc Savage, d e s c r i b e d the meeting as "very a b u s i v e , with no d i a l o g u e " • (Savage, I n t e r v i e w ) . A f t e r the encounter, Bennett appealed to " a l l law-a b i d i n g Canadians ... to use t h i e r i n f l u e n c e a g a i n s t the a g i t a t i o n behind the On to Ottawa march of the unemployed (as i t was a) menace to law and o r d e r " (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 3: June 24, 1935). He claimed t h a t ; The present movement of these men toward Ottawa...is an o r g a n i z e d e f f o r t to e f f e c t the overthrow of the c o n s t i t u t e d a u t h o r i t y , i n d e f i n a n c e of the law of the l a n d , on the p a r t of s e v e r a l communistic s o c i e t i e s i n Canada. (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 3: June 24, 1935). * 3 See L i v e r s e d g e , pages 195-216 for a t r a n s c r i p t i o n of the i n t e r v i e w ; and Howard, 1976b, "On to Ottawa" part 2, An  H i s t o r i c a l Magazine V o l . 3, No. 4, June 1976, f o r a d i s c u s s i o n of the meeting. 149 R e l i e f f o r the t r e k k e r s i n Regina was cut o f f as of June 25, and i t became i l l e g a l to c o n t r i b u t e money to these s t r i k e r s . Those who disobeyed were l i a b l e f o r p r o s e c u t i o n . On June 27 some of the t r e k k e r s attempted to proceed east by highway, and tr u c k s and the a p p r o p r i a t e permits were secured. However, the RCMP prevented the s t r i k e r s from l e a v i n g the c i t y , and a l l those i n the v e h i c l e s were a r r e s t e d (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 3: June 27 1935). A f t e r the a r r e s t s , A s s i s t a n t Commissioner Wood telegrammed Commissioner MacBrien for i n s t r u c t i o n s on what charge to l a y a g a i n s t the a r r e s t e d , and asked that the f e d e r a l government d e c l a r e the s t r i k e r s as an unlawful a s s o c i a t i o n so the a r r e s t s c o u l d be j u s t i f i e d under S e c t i o n 98 of the C r i m i n a l Code. Using funds s u r r e p t i t i o u s l y donated, the t r e k k e r s sought to go east as paying r a i l passengers. The CPR r e f u s e d to tr a n s p o r t them c l a i m i n g that i t had been so i n s t r u c t e d by the a u t h o r i t i e s ( S h i e l s and Swanky, 1977: 164). The f e d e r a l government e s t a b l i s h e d a camp f o r the t r e k k e r s at Lumsden Saskatchewan and urged the men to e n r o l l . In a few days some d i s s a t i s f i e d t r e k k e r s d i d so."" The RCMP began to gather info r m a t i o n about the l e a d e r s of the t r e k . Warrants had been iss u e d f o r the a r r e s t of the l e a d e r s , but a b a s i s f o r a r r e s t was needed in order that they c o u l d be l e g a l l y a r r e s t e d and prosecuted. *" Howard s t a t e s that 161 men a p p l i e d (Howard; 1976b: 7), whereas S h i e l s and Swanky account f o r only 19 a p p l i c a t i o n s ( S h i e l s and Swanky, 1977: 164). 1 50 On J u l y 1, 1935 a g e n e r a l meeting was h e l d at Market Square, and was attended by approximately 3,000 t r e k k e r s and townspeople ( S h i e l s and Swanky, 1977: 180, 184). During the meeting, the RCMP and the Regina C i t y P o l i c e proceeded to the Square to a r r e s t e i g h t t r e k l e a d e r s f o r whom warrants had been is s u e d under the a u t h o r i t y of S e c t i o n 98 of the C r i m i n a l Code. The p o l i c e came well prepared. Three vans t r a n s p o r t i n g twenty f i v e men each, and a mounted t r o o p of t h i r t y e i g h t men were dispatched to the Square. The uniformed o f f i c e r s were armed with batons, s t e e l helmets and s i d e arms, and the t r u c k s contained rounds of ammunition and gas grenades. In a d d i t i o n to these c o n t i n g e n t s , between twenty and twenty f i v e p l a i n s c l o t h e s o f f i c e r s , armed with batons, were m i n g l i n g with those a t t e n d i n g the meeting at the Square. The vans of p o l i c e surrounded three s i d e s of the Square, and upon a w h i s t l e s i g n a l , "the b i g double doors opened", the o f f i c e r s began to converge on the meeting (Savage, I n t e r v i e w ) . Panic s t r u c k the crowd, and a melee broke out. The uniformed and mounted men, along with the p l a i n s c l o t h e s o f f i c e r s began to swing t h e i r batons, presumably to d i s p e r s e the crowd. The crowd r e t a l i a t e d by swinging s t i c k s , throwing stones, and using any other make-shift weapons a v a i l a b l e . " I t was madness" Savage r e c a l l e d (Savage, I n t e r v i e w ) . The skirmishes r a p i d l y became a r i o t , f l o o d i n g out of the Square i n t o the s t r e e t s of the c i t y . Parked c a r s were overturned to act as b a r r i c a d e s f o r the s t r i k e r s . The police, used gas grenades and t h e i r guns. Over 100 c i v i l i a n s r e q u i r e d h o s p i t a l i z a t i o n due to i n j u r i e s and f o r t y 151 t r e k k e r s r e c e i v e d gunshot wounds (Liversedge, 1973: 116). One t r e k k e r , who a s s i s t e d two f r i e n d s with b u l l e t wounds, r e c a l l e d , "you'd be a l i a r i f you s a i d you weren't f r i g h t e n e d " (Jackson, I n t e r v i e w ) . The day was t r a g i c a l l y marked by the death of a p l a i n s c l o t h e s Regina p o l i c e o f f i c e r who was beaten to death. The r i o t c o n t i n u e d l a t e i n t o the n i g h t . By the end of that evening, over one hundred a r r e s t s had been made (Report i n the Regina Press, c i t e d i n L i v e r s e d g e , 1973: 182-184, 195).When i t was over, t h e r e were hundreds of i n j u r i e s to s t r i k e r s , townspeople and p o l i c e , and damage to p r o p e r t y was c o n s i d e r a b l e . " 5 As the r i o t s u bsided, most of the t r e k k e r s returned to the Stadium where they were being housed. The RCMP, armed with guns surrounded the stadium and e r e c t e d a barbed wire fence around i t . No one was p e r m i t t e d to enter the f a i r grounds' b u i l d i n g , and men were al l o w e d to leave only i n twos. As before, the government of Saskatchewan was not n o t i f i e d i n advance about the p o l i c e a c t i o n . On the night of J u l y 1, Gardiner telegrammed Bennett, s t a t i n g that the " ... p o l i c e r a i d e d p u b l i c meeting to a r r e s t l e a d e r s , p r e c i p i t a t i n g a r i o t " ( L i v e r s e d g e , 1973: 45). Bennett, on the other hand; b e l i e v e d t h a t t h i s i n c i d e n t was a r e s u l t of s u b v e r s i v e attempts by Communists to overthrow C o n s t i t u t e d a u t h o r i t y i n Canada by sowing seeds of d i s r u p t i o n and r e b e l l i o n among r e l i e f campers a l l over the c o u n t r y . (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 3: J u l y 3, 1935). * 5 Excerpts from the Regina R i o t I n q u i r y , L i v e r s e d g e , 1973: 231-250; Newspaper and s t r i k e r s ' r e p o r t s , c i t e d i n S h i e l s and Swanky, 1977: 180-195) 1 52 H 6 On J u l y 2 a meeting was h e l d between a d e l e g a t i o n of the t r e k k e r s and Premier Gardiner. In co o p e r a t i o n with the f e d e r a l government, an agreement was reached whereby the t r e k k e r s were o f f e r e d the p r o v i s i o n of railway t i c k e t s anywhere i n Canada, the i n j u r e d were to be given medical treatment, and upon di s c h a r g e from the h o s p i t a l s , would be t r a n s p o r t e d to t h e i r chosen d e s t i n a t i o n as others were. At noon on J u l y 5, two t r a i n s were f i l l e d with n e a r l y 1,200 t r e k k e r s enroute to v a r i o u s p a r t s of Canada." 7 Seven to e i g h t hundred of these men went to Vancouver, some of whom had never been to B.C. p r e v i o u s l y (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 3: J u l y 10, 1935). Upon r e t u r n i n g to the west c o a s t , most of the men r e g i s t e r e d f o r r e - e n t r y i n t o the r e l i e f camps. The grounds used to house the retu r n e d s t r i k e r s was p a t r o l l e d by the RCMP, as mayor McGeer was a f r a i d that they would j o i n s t r i k i n g longshoremen (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 3: J u l y 3, 1935). By J u l y 9, however, McGeer informed the p r o v i n c i a l M i n i s t e r of Finance * 6 In Vancouver, on the day of the r i o t , the p o l i c e r a i d e d the headquarters of the RCWU and used what they gathered as evidence a g a i n s t the le a d e r s of the trek f o r whom the a r r e s t warrents had been i s s u e d . (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 3: J u l y 3, 1935). The t r e k k e r s who were a r r e s t e d on J u l y 1 were charged with unlawful and r i o t i o u s assembly and nine were c o n v i c t e d and given p r i s o n terms ranging from seven to eighteen months. L o c a l support f o r the a r r e s t e d was high, and those i n h o s p i t a l were v i s i t e d r e g u l a r l y (Broadfoot, 1973: 42). * 7 Some unemployed attempted to continue the trek to Ottawa, but a f t e r camping there f o r two weeks they were d i s p e r s e d due to a shortage of funds (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 3: J u l y 11, 1935; Eayers, 1964: 148). 153 t h a t ; I t h i n k the r e l i e f camp s t r i k e i s p r a c t i c a l l y broken.... In that event we can look forward to an o p p o r t u n i t y to get on with some of the important work of r e a d j u s t i n g the f i n a n c i a l and t a x a t i o n problems of our c i t y . ( C i t y Records, Loc. 33 B 6, F i l e ; 1935 S t r i k e S i t u a t i o n : J u l y 9, 1935, McGeer to H a r t ) . As b e f o r e , the BCPP kept a c l o s e watch on the a c t i v i t i e s of the r e l i e f camp inmates and communist o r g a n i z e r s . On J u l y 10, p o l i c e informants who had attended a mass meeting of the returned t r e k k e r s submitted a f o r t y - f o u r page t r a n s c r i p t of the proceedings to the c h i e f . ( P u b l i c Records, Loc. 75, F2, F i l e ; 9) A f t e r the men had re-entered the camps the p o l i c e maintained t h e i r p r e v i o u s v i g i l a n c e and kept a c l o s e watch on s t r i k e r s and camp d e s e r t e r s . S t r i k e s were r e p o r t e d to Commissioner McMullin, and p o l i c e were c a l l e d i n to c o n t r o l any t r o u b l e . The r u l e s were s t r i c t l y e nforced, and e x p u l s i o n s were r e l a t i v e l y frequent ( P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s , F i l e GR 429, Box 21, F i l e ; 5). Summary The v i o l e n t r e p r e s s i o n of the unemployed on the occasion of the Regina R i o t was the climax of the Canadian s t a t e ' s e f f o r t s t o d e s t r o y the unemployed movement. I t i s c l e a r that the scheme was a r e p r e s s i v e measure undertaken by the Canadian s t a t e to c o n t r o l the s i n g l e , t r a n s i e n t unemployed who were c a l l i n g f o r r a d i c a l s o c i a l change. The camp inmates were h e l d under ext e n s i v e c o n t r o l i n the r e l i e f camps. Not only were they sequestered i n remote regions of the p r o v i n c e , the R e l i e f Camp 1 54 Workers' Union was d e c l a r e d i l l e g a l , and the s t a t e u t i l i z e d every p o s s i b l e resource to d e s t r o y the inmates' o r g a n i z a t i o n . In these camps the unemployed were not pr o v i d e d with any v i a b l e avenue to express t h e i r f r u s t r a t i o n s and demands, and were denied a wage f o r t h e i r l a b o u r . The i n t e n s i v e s t a t e c o n t r o l of the DND camp inmates c o n t r i b u t e s to the evidence that these camps were, i n e f f e c t , e q u i v a l e n t to p r i s o n s f o r the d i s s i d e n t unemployed. The b i t t e r d i s p u t e s between the v a r i o u s s t a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s r e v e a l s the unprecedented c h a r a c t e r of t h i s unusual r e p r e s s i v e scheme. T h i s programme was an e x t r a - o r d i n a r y method used by the Canadian s t a t e to r e p r e s s the d i s s i d e n t s , and the e s t a b l i s h e d s t a t e procedures c o u l d not guide s t a t e a c t i o n s . Despite t h i s e x t e n s i v e c o e r c i o n , the unemployed movement continued t o gather momentum and s t r e n g t h . The s t r i k e of 1935 and the On to Ottawa Trek served to i n t e n s i f y the p e r c e i v e d t h r e a t posed by the unemployed. As v a r i o u s r e p r e s s i v e s t a t e a c t i o n s p e r s i s t e n t l y f a i l e d to c r u s h the r a d i c a l unemployed, s t a t e a u t h o r i t i e s u l t i m a t e l y reached a s t a t e of v i r t u a l p a n i c . McGeer's reading of the Ri o t Act i l l u s t r a t e s that government a u t h o r i t i e s were r e s o r t i n g to r a r e and a r b i t r a r y methods i n the attempt to c o n t r o l the unemployed. Laws d i d not permit the extreme r e p r e s s i v e a c t i o n that s t a t e o f f i c i a l s deemed necessary to suppress the men. Consequently, the government manifested f l a g r a n t d i s r e g a r d f o r the law i n i t s attempt to crush the unemployed -- as witnessed i n the h a l t i n g of the t r e k k e r s i n Regina. 1 55 The v i o l e n c e a g a i n s t the unemployed at the Regina R i o t , and the i n c a r c e r a t i o n of the t r e k l e a d e r s , along with the promise of improved c o n d i t i o n s i n the camps, was u l t i m a t e l y s u c c e s s f u l i n breaking the s t r e n g t h of the growing, t h r e a t e n i n g , unemployed movement. The d e f e a t of the r a d i c a l unemployed came only a f t e r the b r u t a l e x e r c i s e of s t a t e c o e r c i v e powers. The movement had p e r s i s t e n t l y expanded, d e s p i t e i n c r e a s i n g l y c o e r c i v e attempts by the Canadian s t a t e to suppress the p o l i t i c i z a t i o n of the unemployed s i n g l e men. E v e n t u a l l y , j u r i s d i c t i o n a l l i m i t a t i o n s were overlooked, and a c o e r c i v e s t a t e i n s t i t u t i o n , the m i l i t a r y , attempted to take c o n t r o l of a growing group of d i s s i d e n t s . N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h i s f a i l e d to stem the r a d i c a l i z a t i o n of the men. The subsequent s t a t e a c t i o n was the d e c a p i t a t i o n and impairment of the movement, by the removal of the On to Ottawa Trek l e a d e r s . At l e a s t one hundred twenty f i v e armed p o l i c e o f f i c e r s moved to the mass meeting in Regina to a r r e s t e i g h t unarmed men. Although no b a s i s f o r the a r r e s t s had been e s t a b l i s h e d , the subsequent r i o t p e rmitted the s t a t e a u t h o r i t i e s to r e a l i z e t h e i r i n t e n t i o n s . The trek l e a d e r s , among others, were a r r e s t e d and charged with r i o t i o u s assembly, and the i n j u r i e s of hundreds of t r e k k e r s s e r i o u s l y impaired the unemployed movement. The subsequent armed guard that the men were h e l d under i n Regina, and the o r g a n i z e d d i s p e r s a l of the unemployed to the r e l i e f camps, brought the v i c t o r y of the s t a t e over the unemployed. 156 The f o r e g o i n g c l e a r l y i l l u s t r a t e s t h a t the defeat of the unemployed n e c e s s i t a t e d e x c e s s i v e , b r u t a l s t a t e v i o l e n c e . Usual, l e g a l e f f o r t s w i t h i n j u r i s d i c t i o n a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y proved incapable of meeting the c h a l l e n g e of the unemployed. Even the e x c e p t i o n a l s t a t e c o e r c i o n , the DND r e l i e f camp scheme, f a i l e d to adequately repress the men. The u l t i m a t e success of the s t a t e i n smashing the movement n e c e s s i t a t e d the v i o l e n c e e x e r c i s e d i n Regina on J u l y 1, 1935. T h i s i n c i d e n t of v i o l e n t s t a t e r e p r e s s i o n s e r i o u s l y impaired and demoralized the unemployed. With promises of improved c o n d i t i o n s , the unemployed r e t u r n e d p a s s i v e l y to the r e l i e f camps. The r e s t o r a t i o n of 'law and order' brought the end of the DND r e l i e f camp scheme. N e v e r t h e l e s s , the p e r s i s t e n t f a i l u r e of the c a p i t a l i s t economy to p r o v i d e work f o r a l l who were w i l l i n g to work, i n i t i a t e d weak, but renewed s t r u g g l e . The t e n a c i t y of the unemployed i n t h e i r b a t t l e f o r the establishment of a p o l i c y to provide a l e v e l of s u b s i s t e n c e f o r those who c a p i t a l c o u l d not absorb, gained prominence aga4n d u r i n g 1938. Once again , v i o l e n t r e p r e s s i o n of the demands was u t i l i z e d by the s t a t e , i n the e v i c t i o n of the unemployed from Vancouver's Post O f f i c e and Art G a l l e r y . In the next chapter, I s h a l l d i s c u s s the end of the r e p r e s s i v e r e l i e f camp scheme, and the c o n c l u d i n g years of the s t r u g g l e of the unemployed d u r i n g the Great Depression. 157 Chapter Six  The End of the DND R e l i e f Camp Strategy I n t r o d u c t i o n The c l o s u r e of the r e l i e f camps in J u l y 1936 was one means used by the s t a t e to d e s t r o y the "ready-made forum f o r the propagation of subversive d o c t r i n e s " (Rogers, "The N a t i o n a l Attack on Unemployment" Labour Gazette 36, Jan. 1937: 141). Although some work programmes were e s t a b l i s h e d , and t h e r e was a l i m i t e d improvement in the economy, the problem of unemployment was not s o l v e d . By the f a l l of 1936, t r a n s i e n t s were once again d r i f t i n g a c r o s s the country. Despite Premier P a t t u l l o ' s p r o t e s t s , many stayed i n B r i t i s h Columbia, and Vancouver witnessed a recurrence of demonstrations by the unemployed and v i o l e n t p o l i c e r e p r e s s i o n . In t h i s chapter, I s h a l l conclude the account of the s t r u g g l e of the unemployed duri n g the Great Depression. Although the Regina R i o t broke the momentum of the unemployed movement, t h e i r demands had not been met, and hence, they p e r s i s t e d . The outbreak of World War Two d u r i n g 1939, however, opened up new occupations f o r thousands. N e v e r t h e l e s s , as the establishment of the 1940 Unemployment Insurance Act i n d i c a t e s , the ten year s t r u g g l e of the unemployed d i d , u l t i m a t e l y , a f f e c t Canadian s t a t e p o l i c y . 158 End of the R e l i e f Camp St r a t e g y In the autumn of 1935 a f e d e r a l e l e c t i o n brought the "defeat of R.B. Bennett, and MacKenzie King c o n t i n u e d h i s lengthy term as Prime M i n i s t e r . The King government immediately e s t a b l i s h e d the Rigg Commission to i n v e s t i g a t e the camps, and to determine the d e s i r a b i l i t y of c o n t i n u i n g them. In i t s i n t e r i m r e p o r t d u r i n g February of 1936, the Committee recommended that the camps be c l o s e d as soon as p o s s i b l e , " i n the best i n t e r e s t s of the s t a t e and f o r the sound, healthy development of the m a j o r i t y of men now i n the camps" (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 4: Feb. 3, 1936). The Rigg Commission argued that the camps had been e s t a b l i s h e d as a temporary measure to r e l i e v e an emergency s i t u a t i o n . I t warned t h a t ; ... due to the p r o l o n g a t i o n of t h e i r e x i s t e n c e , they c o n s t i t u t e a s e r i o u s danger, s i n c e the tendency must i n e v i t a b l y be that they w i l l be accepted as a f i x e d n a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n a k i n to the Poor Law Work Houses of Europe, i f t h e i r e x i s t e n c e i s p e rpetuated. ( " I n t e r i o r Report on R e l i e f Camps i n Canada" Labour  Gazette 36, Feb. 1936: 141). The f e d e r a l m i n i s t e r of Labour, Norman Rogers, t o l d the Canadian Club i n Toronto that the camps were an expensive l u x u r y . He went on to c l a i m t h a t ; For Communist a g i t a t o r s they provided a ready-made forum for the propagation of s u b v e r s i v e d o c t r i n e s where teachers and p u p i l s were given s h e l t e r , food and c l o t h i n g at the expense of the Government. (Hon. Norman Rogers "The N a t i o n a l A t t a c k on Unemployment" Labour Gazette 37; Jan. 1937: 26). 159 The d i s m a n t l i n g of the camps began i n November 1935, and was s u p e r v i s e d by the newly e s t a b l i s h e d N a t i o n a l Employment Commission. The completion of the c l o s u r e s was to be e f f e c t e d by J u l y 1 1936. P r i o r to the c l o s u r e , some r e c r e a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s were e s t a b l i s h e d i n the camps, and as of March 1, 1936, the allowances of the inmates was i n c r e a s e d to $15 per month. $7.50 of t h i s was cash payment, and the balance was set a s i d e to be given to the inmates upon l e a v i n g (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 4: Feb. 26, 1936). Job C r e a t i o n f o r the R e l i e f Camp Inmates The CPR and the CNR promised to employ 10,000 unemployed from the r e l i e f camps as of A p r i l .1, 1936, f o r temporary maintenance work d u r i n g t h a t summer. The f e d e r a l government p r o v i d e d each r a i l w a y with $1,500,000 for that purpose. As w e l l , other o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r employment were made f o r the r e l i e f camp inmates. In the s p r i n g of 1935 f o r e s t r y and p l a c e r mining camps were e s t a b l i s h e d i n B.C., p r o v i d i n g jobs f o r approximately 4,700 men (Lane, 1966: 113). Winter Works P r o j e c t s c r e a t e d jobs f o r 2,500 homeless men, with camp work at a r a t e of 12 cents per hour and 75 cents per day deducted f o r food and s h e l t e r (Winch Papers: 7-8). Many of the r e l i e f camp workers went to Spain to f i g h t Franco i n the Spanish C i v i l War. Indeed, r e l i e f camp workers comprised approximately h a l f of the 1200 man Canadian c o n t i n g e n t , the Mackenzie - Papineau B a t t a l i o n (Walsh, in Montero, 1979: 45). 160 These f e d e r a l programmes c o s t that government l e s s than d i r e c t r e l i e f had, and enabled McKenzie King to c o n s i s t e n t l y reduce f e d e r a l r e l i e f payments throughout 1937 ( S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 159). The Prime M i n i s t e r j u s t i f i e d these r e l i e f c u t s by p o i n t i n g to the general improvement i n the economy. The economic improvement d i d not, however, d i r e c t l y a f f e c t those who were dependent on r e l i e f , and hence, the f e d e r a l r e d u c t i o n i n s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e served to i n c r e a s e the burden of the l o c a l govermenments ( S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 168). As was c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of inter-governmental r e l a t i o n s i n p revious y e a r s , the p r o v i n c e s were d i s p l e a s e d by the f e d e r a l a c t i o n . B r i t i s h Columbia, i n p a r t i c u l a r , r e t a l i a t e d to the cutbacks by r e f u s i n g to p r o v i d e fo r any non-resident unemployed. In the autumn of 1937 a r e c e s s i o n h i t the r e c o v e r i n g economy, and r e l i e f numbers climbed once ag a i n . By the winter of 1938 the number of non-residents i n B.C.'s f o r e s t r y camps had i n c r e a s e d f i f t y percent from the p r e v i o u s year ( S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 192). Regardless of the r i s e i n r e l i e f c o s t s , the f e d e r a l government f r o z e i t s payments at the October 1937 l e v e l ( S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 188). Due to the absence of a f e d e r a l government increase i n a s s i s t a n c e , P a t u l l o c l o s e d the p r o v i n c e ' s Winter Works camps s i x weeks e a r l y i n the s p r i n g of 1938. Consequently, by May of t h a t year, approximately 1,200 s i n g l e , homeless unemployed men had once again congregated i n Vancouver. Neither the f e d e r a l nor the p r o v i n c i a l l e v e l of government would provide f o r the men, each 161 one c l a i m i n g i t was the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the other. Renewed M i l i t a n c y P u b l i c sympathy f o r the s i n g l e unemployed men was p r e v a l e n t , and these men took a c t i o n . The successor of the RCWU, the R e l i e f P r o j e c t Worker's Union, o r g a n i z e d parades and mass meetings, demanding work f o r the men. On the afternoon of May 20, 1938, these unemployed d i v i d e d i n t o t h r e e c o n t i n g e n t s . S i x hundred men marched i n t o the main Post O f f i c e i n Vancouver, s i x hundred occupied the A r t G a l l e r y , and the remainder sat down in the lobby of the Georgia H o t e l . " 8 The h o t e l a d m i n i s t r a t o r s s h o r t l y o f f e r e d the unemployed $500 for r e l i e f p r o v i s i o n s . T h i s was accepted by the men and they vacated the h o t e l immediately. Government o f f i c i a l s were not prepared to p r o v i d e such r e l i e f f o r the unemployed, so the p u b l i c b u i l d i n g s remained occupied f o r four weeks. During the occupation, c i t i z e n support was h i g h and food was r e a d i l y donated. The a u t h o r i t i e s responded d i f f e r e n t l y , however, and the Vancouver C i t y P o l i c e maintained two t h i r d s of i t s f o r c e on duty, while the RCMP c a n c e l l e d a l l scheduled l e a v e s . On June 17 the Postmaster General cabled m u n i c i p a l o f f i c i a l s i n Vancouver as k i n g f o r immediate p o l i c e a c t i o n . On Sunday, June 19, at f i v e o'clock i n the morning, the p o l i c e surrounded the two b u i l d i n g s and ordered the unemployed men to 4 8 The f o l l o w i n g account i s from Lane, 1966: 114-121, and Personal Interview between H.H. Winch and the author. 162 le a v e . A f t e r c o n v e r s i n g with H.H. Winch, a CCF Member of the P r o v i n c i a l L e g i s l a t u r e who had been brought to the scene by the p o l i c e , those occupying the Art G a l l e r y l e f t p e a c e f u l l y . No damage was done. When the men i n the Post O f f i c e r e f u s e d to leave immediately, the p o l i c e threw tear gas bombs through the windows, and e x p e l l e d the men using t h e i r r i o t q u i r t s . By 6:30 a.m. t h i r t y s i x unemployed were i n h o s p i t a l ; twenty-two had been a r r e s t e d , and $30,000 damage had been done to b u i l d i n g s i n the ar e a . P u b l i c o u t c r y was e x t e n s i v e . The p r o v i n c i a l e x e c u t i v e of the CCF r e f e r r e d to the i n c i d e n t as a ' g h a s t l y , inhuman course of a c t i o n ' . Thousands demonstrated on the Powell S t r e e t Grounds and i n f r o n t of the p o l i c e s t a t i o n that day; and at midnight 8,000 su p p o r t e r s saw one hundred unemployed o f f , as they l e f t f o r V i c t o r i a t o present t h e i r demands to the Premier. P a t u l l o warned McKenzie King that the march on V i c t o r i a was a h i g h l y o r g a n i z e d e f f o r t on the p a r t of r a d i c a l and other s u b v e r s i v e f o r c e s to break down c o n s t i t u t e d a u t h o r i t y and government.... ( c i t e d i n ; S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 193) He i n s i s t e d that the f e d e r a l government must accept r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r these unemployed. The f e d e r a l government once again r e f u s e d . With the memories of the On to Ottawa Trek s t i l l f r e s h , and the i n c r e a s e i n the m i l i t a n c y of the unemployed, by mid-July the f e d e r a l government agreed to supply temporary, emergency r e l i e f f o r these men. For one month the o f f e r stood t h a t Ottawa would pay f o r the cost of r e l i e f f o r a l l non-resident t r a n s i e n t s i n B.C., pending an o f f e r of employment or t h e i r r e t u r n home. 163 The unemployed accepted the p r o p o s a l , and d i s p e r s e d . Unemployment Insurance Act Although the f i n a l r e p o r t of the N a t i o n a l Employment Commission, submitted i n December 1937, had reversed the Commission's e a r l i e r p r o p o sals and recommended t h a t the f e d e r a l government assume t o t a l f i n a n c i a l and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r a i d to the unemployed, the Prime M i n i s t e r s t r o n g l y r e s i s t e d permanently extending f e d e r a l a u t h o r i t y i n t o a f i e l d i t had no C o n s t i t u t i o n a l r i g h t to occupy. Furthermore, the m a j o r i t y of businessmen who communicated with Bennett were opposed to any form of s t a t e unemployment insurance (Cuneo, 1980: 44). However, by the end of 1938, with the sp e c t r e of a recurrence of c i v i l d i s o r d e r - l e d by the unemployed, the government of MacKenzie King t a c i t l y accepted r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r t h i s group. The outbreak of war i n September 1939 r a i s e d a 'compelling new reason' f o r f e d e r a l a c t i o n . During that year, Ottawa had r a i s e d i t s share of r e l i e f c o s t s from 30 percent to 40 percent of the t o t a l c o s t . As the Prime M i n i s t e r himself s t a t e d ; Labour, which was doing so much f o r the winning of the war, would expect us to make p r o v i s i o n s f o r i t s needs once the war was over, ( c i t e d i n , S t r u t h e r s , 1983: 199) Furthermore, the prospect of the eve n t u a l d e m o b i l i z a t i o n of the armed f o r c e s , and the c e s s a t i o n of the war-industry, were two a d d i t i o n a l i n c e n t i v e s f o r the establishment of a n a t i o n a l 1 64 programme to d e a l with unemployment. The M i n i s t e r of Labour argued i n the House of Commons that such a course of a c t i o n " w i l l be of some a s s i s t a n c e i n m a i n t a i n i n g i n d u s t r i a l peace" ( Labour Gazette, J u l y , 1940: 683). In a d d i t i o n , the government argued that the buoyant war economy would provide money that c o u l d be saved i n view of an unemployment insurance programme. Consequently, i n the f i r s t s e s s i o n of parliament a f t e r the outbreak of the War, as of August 1, 1940, the Unemployment Insurance Act was implemented.* 9 Entrenched i n the UIC Act was the p r i n c i p l e of l e s s e l i g i b i l i t y . Thus, through t h i s p o l i c y the Canadian s t a t e ensured that employment was more economically r a t i o n a l than 'the d o l e ' , and a ready labour f o r c e was, t h e r e f o r e , sure to be a v a i l a b l e . Moreover, the p r o v i s i o n of a s u b s i s t e n c e income f o r those with no employment would serve to c o n t a i n widespread d i s c o n t e n t , and assure a degree of s o c i a l peace that had not e x i s t e d during the Great D e p r e s s i o n . The eventual establishment of unemployment insurance i n d i c a t e s that the s t r u g g l e s of the unemployed during the Great Depression d i d , e v e n t u a l l y , have an e f f e c t on s t a t e p o l i c y making. Although Canadian c a p i t a l i s t s c o n s i s t e n t l y opposed the implementation of unemployment insurance (Cuneo, 1979: 157-163), and d e s p i t e the i n s i s t e n c e t h a t e x t e n s i v e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the 1 , 9 For a d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n of the events l e a d i n g to the establishment of t h i s Act, see S t r u t h e r s , 1983. Cuneo, C. (1979) p r o v i d e s an a n a l y s i s of the establishment of the UIC Act as an e f f e c t i v e mechanism of s o c i a l c o n t r o l . 165 unemployed was a p r i v a t e matter, o u t s i d e the realm of s t a t e a c t i v i t y , the m i l i t a n c y of the d i s s i d e n t unemployed u l t i m a t e l y r e s u l t e d i n the f e d e r a l l e v e l of the s t a t e t a k i n g a c t i o n . The thousands of unemployed i n i t i a t e d widespread c r i t i c i s m of the e x i s t i n g socio-economic order, and c a l l e d f o r a ' r a d i c a l r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of the e x i s t i n g s o c i a l o r d e r ' . The growing power of the working c l a s s at that s p e c i f i c h i s t o r i c a l moment l e d the Canadian s t a t e to introduce t h i s new s o c i a l p o l i c y . Summary The f l a g r a n t r e p r e s s i o n of the unemployed, that c u l m i n a t e d i n the Regina R i o t , served to t e m p o r a r i l y q u e l l the unemployed. The c l o s u r e of the r e l i e f camps marked the end of t h i s programme of e x c e p t i o n a l s t a t e r e p r e s s i o n of the unemployed. However, as unemployment i n c r e a s e d d u r i n g 1938, and those a f f e c t e d began to d i s p l a y m i l i t a n c y , overt v i o l e n t r e p r e s s i o n was once again u t i l i z e d . D e s p i t e the r e p e t i t i o n of r e p r e s s i v e responses to the demands made by the unemployed, the eventual implementation of the UIC Act i n d i c a t e s that the p e r s i s t e n t s t r u g g l e by the unemployed segment of the working c l a s s d i d , e v e n t u a l l y , have an e f f e c t on s t a t e p o l i c y . In the next chapter, I s h a l l e v a l u a t e the forms of s o c i a l c o n t r o l e x e r c i s e d by the s t a t e to deal with the unemployed duri n g the Great Depression e r a . The involvement of the Canadian s t a t e i n d e a l i n g with the s i n g l e , unemployed 166 t r a n s i e n t men, and the u l t i m a t e establishment of a n a t i o n a l programme of unemployment insurance can be understood through an examination of the s t a t e and i t s r o l e i n c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y d u r i n g a p e r i o d of economic and s o c i a l c r i s e s . 1 67 Chapter Seven  T h e o r e t i c a l A n a l y s i s I n t r o d u c t i o n Throughout the p r e v i o u s chapters, I have i n d i c a t e d c l e a r l y that DND r e l i e f camp scheme served a purpose beyond p r o v i d i n g work f o r the s i n g l e , homeless unemployed men. The decade of the 1930s was a p e r i o d c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a high degree of s o c i a l unrest, and the Canadian s t a t e implemented new methods for c o n t r o l l i n g t h i s d i s s e n t , s i n c e the r e l i e f departments, governments, and p o l i c e were unable to adequately f u l f i l l the g r e a t l y i n c r e a s e d task of m a i n t a i n i n g s o c i a l order. As I have i l l u s t r a t e d above, the communist-led, s i n g l e unemployed were p e r c e i v e d as a s e r i o u s t h r e a t to the e s t a b l i s h e d socio-economic order, and the s t a t e undertook e x c e p t i o n a l a c t i o n to c o n t r o l these d i s s e n t e r s . Despite i n c r e a s e d s t a t e expenditures on r e l i e f p r o v i s i o n s d u r i n g the e a r l y y ears of the Great Depression, and the e x t e n s i v e p o l i c e suppression, the p r o t e s t i n g unemployed c o u l d not be repressed. E x c e p t i o n a l s t a t e a c t i o n was mandatory i f the s t a t u s quo was to be maintained. T h i s s t a t e a c t i o n came in the form of the Department of N a t i o n a l Defence r e l i e f camp scheme. Although the men were not l e g a l l y o b l i g a t e d to become r e l i e f camp inmates, t h e i r i n e l i g i b i l i t y f o r a l t e r n a t e r e l i e f p r o v i s i o n s i f they refused to go to the camps c l e a r l y i l l u s t r a t e s the s o c i a l c o n t r o l purpose behind the scheme. 168 Through the removal of the men from the urban c e n t r e s to remote and i s o l a t e d camps i n B r i t i s h Columbia, l a r g e numbers of unemployed d i s s i d e n t s were maintained under the s t r i c t c o n t r o l of the m i l i t a r y i n the camps. The e x t e n s i v e r e p r e s s i o n of these r e l i e f camp inmates, and the infamous Regina R i o t that brought the On to Ottawa Trek to a premature h a l t , stand as a c l e a r i n s t a n c e of unusually harsh s t a t e c o n t r o l . In t h i s present chapter, I s h a l l p r ovide an a n a l y s i s of the s o c i a l c o n t r o l purpose behind the camps through t h e o r e t i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s of the Canadian s t a t e and i t s r o l e i n c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y . 5 0 A f t e r I have e s t a b l i s h e d . that the unemployed formed a p o t e n t i a l l y t h r e a t e n i n g group, I s h a l l p r o v i d e an a n l y s i s of why the s t a t e undertook the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to c o n t a i n the d i s s e n t , when the unemployed were p r o t e s t i n g p r i m a r i l y a g a i n s t the e x i s t i n g economic order that had c r e a t e d t h e i r c o n d i t i o n . T h i s a n a l y s i s w i l l address the c h a r a c t e r of the s t a t e i n c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y . To f u l f i l l t h i s task adequately, I s h a l l f i r s t present three primary theses of the c h a r a c t e r of the s t a t e , as developed by Gramsci (1971), M i l i b a n d (1969), and Poulantzas (1972). Subsequently, the c o n t r i b u t i o n of Claus Offe (1972) to these i n i t i a l p o s i t i o n s , w i l l be presented. T h i s t h e o r e t i c a l framework w i l l p r ovide a background f o r a s o c i o l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s of the a c t i o n s taken by the s t a t e to 5 0 For a d i s c u s s i o n of the American C i v i l i a n C o n s e r v a t i o n Corps as a mechanism of s o c i a l c o n t r o l see "The Crime C o n t r o l Corps" J.A. P a n d i a n i ; B r i t i s h J o u r n a l of S o c i o l o g y , V o l . 33, No. 3; September 1982; pp. 348-358. 169 c o n t r o l the m i l i t a n t unemployed d u r i n g the Great Depression. T h i s a n a l y s i s w i l l shed l i g h t on the s t r u c t u r e and r o l e of the Canadian s t a t e that was manifested i n i t s management of the m i l i t a n t , d i s s i d e n t , unemployed d u r i n g the Great Depression of the 1930s. Threat Posed by the Unemployed The s i n g l e unemployed men formed a h i g h l y v i s i b l e segment of the p o p u l a t i o n . T h i s group exposed the f a i l u r e of the c a p i t a l i s t economy to provide work f o r a l l those who were w i l l i n g to work. Through the f o r e g o i n g d i s c u s s i o n of the m i l t a n c y of the or g a n i z e d , communist-led unemployed, I have demonstrated that these men were p e r c e i v e d by the a u t h o r i t i e s to be a t h r e a t to the peace, order, and good government of Canada. As one l e a d e r of the r e l i e f camp t r e k k e r s r e c a l l e d , of course they saw us as a t h r e a t . . . . We meant to be a t h r e a t . . . . If i t (the trek) had come to i t s c o n c l u s i o n we may have changed the system i n Canada. (Savage, Interview) T h i s t h r e a t was p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t e n s e while the men were congregated i n the urban c e n t r e s . Not only were the unemployed a f e s t e r i n g reminder to the general p u b l i c that the c a p i t a l i s t economy had f a i l e d to p r o v i d e them with work, they were becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y v o c a l i n t h e i r demands f o r changes to the e x i s t i n g s o c i a l o r d e r . The s i n g l e unemployed men who had t r a d i t i o n a l l y been a b l e to ob t a i n jobs i n B r i t i s h Columbia's predominant, primary s e c t o r , and f o r whom t h e i r was no s t a t e r e l i e f a v a i l a b l e , were being o r g a n i z e d by the communists, and openly 170 c h a l l e n g e d the l e g i t i m a c y of the Canadian c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l order. As they demonstrated and p r o t e s t e d , p u b l i c support from a v a r i e t y of groups grew. C i t a t i o n s from newspapers of the day, i n d i c a t e that the d i s c o n t e n t with the economic c o n d i t i o n s and support f o r these m i l i t a n t , d i s s i d e n t unemployed was p r e v a l e n t even i n the media of the day. M i l i b a n d (1969) a s s e r t s that the mass media i s notably tame i n the expression of d i s s i d e n t views, but even t h i s avenue f o r c r i t i c i s m of the e x i s t i n g s o c i a l and economic c o n d i t i o n s had d a i l y sympathetic r e p o r t s of the p l i g h t of the unemployed, and c i t e d demands f o r a ' r a d i c a l r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of the s o c i a l order' (Matthews, V o l . 8, No. 1: "Rector Speaks f o r 'Hunger Marchers'", Feb. 25, 1932). For the thousands of unemployed and t h e i r many supp o r t e r s , the Canadian c a p i t a l i s t system, and the dominant i n s t i t u t i o n s , systems of meanings and values that supported t h i s economic and s o c i a l order, and the dominant concept of r e a l i t y that people understood and organized t h e i r l i v e s around, began to be s e r i o u s l y q u e s t i o n e d . The whole body of p r a c t i c e s and e x p e c t a t i o n s which provided a shared understanding of the world f o r most Canadians - i n other words, the dominant ideology which had become g e n e r a l l y accepted, or hegemonic - began to be questioned by l a r g e segments of the p o p u l a t i o n ( W i l l i a m s , R., 1976). The concept of hegemony was developed by the I t a l i a n t h e o r i s t , Antonio Gramsci (1971). Hegemony i s the consensual r u l e of one p a r t i c u l a r predominant group or c l a s s . According to 171 Gramsci, hegemony i s a t t a i n e d through the o p e r a t i o n of i n s t i t u t i o n s i n c i v i l s o c i e t y (such as p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s and churches),^ as they shape the way men and women p e r c e i v e and evaluate s o c i a l r e a l i t y . Hegemony e x i s t s when the i n t e l l e c t u a l and moral l e a d e r s h i p of the dominant group p r o v i d e s the a c t i v e l y accepted p e r c e p t i o n of the s o c i a l formation (Gramsci, 1971). The hegemony of the dominant c l a s s i s c r e a t e d and r e - c r e a t e d i n s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s and i n s t i t u t i o n s through a ' h i s t o r i c a l b l o c ' that thereby c o n s t i t u t e s the b a s i s of consent f o r the c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l o rder. Despite the p e r v a s i v e n e s s of hegemony, the p o s s i b i l i t y of a 'hegemonic c r i s i s ' does e x i s t . Gramsci has d i s c u s s e d such a moment when the consent of the masses to the e x i s t i n g economic s t r u c t u r e upon which hegemony i s based has been l o s t , and a l a r g e group has "passed suddenly from a s t a t e of p o l i t i c a l p a s s i v i t y to a c e r t a i n l e v e l of a c t i v i t y , and put forward demands which, when taken together add up to r e v o l u t i o n " , as a c r i s i s of hegemony (1971: 210). As the s i n g l e unemployed Canadians of the 1930s were org a n i z e d and were a c t i v e l y p u t t i n g foward demands for s o c i a l r e c o n s t r u c t i o n , they c o n s t i t u t e d a counter-hegemonic group. As such, they posed a t h r e a t to the dominant c l a s s that upheld the e x i s t i n g socio-economic o r d e r . To analyse the s e r i o u s n e s s of the t h r e a t posed by the unemployed and t h e i r supporters, we must d e a l with the motives, b e l i e f s , and consciousness that are recorded i n the h i s t o r i c a l records of what people s a i d and what they d i d . What the 1 72 unemployed and t h e i r supporters h e l d to be t r u e , and what they s a i d i n support of these b e l i e f s , must be c o n s i d e r e d c a r e f u l l y because they acted upon these b e l i e f s . C o r r e s p o n d i n g l y , the a n x i e t y r e v e a l e d in the communications between the members of the v a r i o u s l e v e l s of government and the p o l i c e , over the magnitude of the t h r e a t that the s i n g l e , t r a n s i e n t unemployed men posed, must too, be c a r e f u l l y analysed, as the s t a t e a u t h o r i t i e s a c t e d upon these b e l i e f s (Whittaker, "Images of the. Canadian S t a t e " i n P a n i t c h , 1977: 30). I t i s argued, t h e r e f o r e , that the counter-hegemonic demands, and the r e v o l u t i o n a r y p o t e n t i a l t h a t the a u t h o r i t i e s p e r c e i v e d the unemployed to have, was r e a l . As the establishment of the DND camp scheme r e v e a l s , the s t a t e took e x c e p t i o n a l and r e p r e s s i v e a c t i o n to s t i f l e t h i s p r o t e s t i n g group. Involvement of the Canadian State The opponents i n the s t r u g g l e that arose due to the economic c o n d i t i o n s that e x i s t e d d u r i n g the Great Depression were the unemployed and the Canadian s t a t e yet the unemployed were i n t h a t s i t u a t i o n due to an economic c r i s i s , and they were c a l l i n g f o r the a b o l i t i o n of the c a p i t a l i s t economic system. Why, then, d i d the Canadian s t a t e become so a c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d i n the s t r u g g l e ? Through a d i s c u s s i o n of the r o l e of the s t a t e i n c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y , I s h a l l p r o v i d e an a n a l y s i s of the involvement of the s t a t e i n the economic sphere, and apply t h i s 173 d i s c u s s i o n to the c r i s i s that arose during the Great Depression. The s t a t e i n c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y does not generate i t s own income, f o r i t i s excluded from the p r i v a t e accumulation p r o c e s s . P r i v a t e c o n t r o l of the means of p r o d u c t i o n does not permit the s t a t e to order or c o n t r o l p r o d u c t i o n , but r e l e g a t e s i t to an only i n d i r e c t involvement i n the economy. However, the o p e r a t i o n of the s t a t e system r e q u i r e s money. Consequently, the s t a t e must depend upon the c a p i t a l i s t economy f o r the vast m a j o r i t y of i t s revenues. Due to the dependence of the s t a t e upon the c a p i t a l i s t economic system, i t i s c o n s t r a i n e d to ensure the c o n t i n u a t i o n of the c a p i t a l i s t accumulation p r o c e s s . I f s t a t e p o l i c i e s do not c a t e r to c a p i t a l i n t e r e s t , investment i n the n a t i o n a l economy w i l l be withdrawn. Because i t depends upon the c o n t i n u a t i o n of p r o d u c t i o n f o r i t s own s u r v i v a l and o p e r a t i o n , the s t a t e must submit to the r a t i o n a l i t y of the c a p i t a l i s t economy. Due to the c o n f l i c t i n g f a c t i o n s w i t h i n the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s , however, the s t a t e cannot serve a l l the i n t e r e s t s of every f a c t i o n of c a p i t a l at one time (Gough, 1979: 4). The s t a t e , t h e r e f o r e , must maintain a p r e c a r i o u s balance, e n s u r i n g that the o v e r a l l purposes of c a p i t a l are served without i n i t i a t i n g severe r e p r e c u s s i o n s to competing f a c t i o n s . Being dependent upon c a p i t a l i s m f o r i t s revenue, the s t a t e has two primary, but c o n t r a d i c t o r y f u n c t i o n s that i t must perform s u c c e s s f u l l y to preserve the economic system (O'Connor, 1978; O f f e , 1975). F i r s t , i t must ensure-that s a t i s f a c t o r y economic c o n d i t i o n s e x i s t to encourage investment and thus 174 permit the accumulation process to c o n t i n u e . Secondly, the s t a t e must l e g i t i m a t e t h i s p r o d u c t i o n process to members of c i v i l s o c i e t y . The democratic c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e can operate on behalf of c a p i t a l only i f i t can equate the needs of c a p i t a l with the n a t i o n a l i n t e r e s t , and thereby secure popular support f o r measures that maintain the c o n d i t i o n s f o r p r i v a t e accumulation ( O f f e , 1975; O f f e and Ronge, 1975). Furthermore, the s t a t e i s c o n s t r a i n e d to ensure that labour power i s a v a i l a b l e and that i t i s p r o f i t a b l e f o r c a p i t a l to employ t h i s labour f o r the c o n t i n u a t i o n of the accumulation p r o c e s s . T h e r e f o r e , mass l o y a l t y to the c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l system must be c r e a t e d (Keane, 1978: 63). Hence, the maintenance of the domination of c a p i t a l i n c a p i t a l i s t democracies i s g e n e r a l l y not o v e r t l y c o e r c i v e ; but the e x i s t i n g order of s o c i e t y 'makes sense', to the vast m a j o r i t y of the p o p u l a t i o n and i s , t h e r e f o r e , hegemonic ( T a y l o r , 1983: 135-136). If the c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l formation i s hegemonic, the r o l e of the s t a t e i n ensuring the s u r v i v a l of c a p i t a l i s m i s a l s o u n c r i t i c a l l y accepted. Yet, to maintain s o c i a l harmony, the s t a t e must a l s o meet the p o l i t i c a l demands of the working c l a s s t h a t a r i s e due to s o c i a l i n e q u a l i t i e s . T h i s i n v o l v e s the management or r e p r e s s i o n of d i s c o n t e n t w i t h i n c i v i l s o c i e t y . Thus, the c a p i t a l i s t democratic s t a t e has the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to m aintain s o c i a l order through the mediation of a d i a l e c t i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between both the i n t e r e s t s of c a p i t a l and the p o l i t i c a l demands of the working c l a s s . 175 As Jessop (1977) a s s e r t s , s t a t e power must be c o n s i d e r e d as a complex and c o n t r a d i c t o r y e f f e c t of c l a s s (and popular democratic)' s t r u g g l e s , mediated through and c o n d i t i o n e d by the i n s t i t u t i o n a l system of the s t a t e (1977: 370). The s t a t e must f u l f i l l i t s mandate to ensure the domination of c a p i t a l , but to maintain the s o c i a l calm necessary f o r the c a p i t a l accumulation p r o c e s s to continue, i t must l e g i t i m a t e the c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , thereby c r e a t i n g hegemony. Character of the C a p i t a l i s t S tate To understand how the s t a t e i s able to f u l f i l l i t s f u n c t i o n s of ensuring both accumulation and l e g i t i m a t i o n , one must have an understanding of the c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e i t s e l f . Debate concerning the r o l e and s t r u c t u r e of the s t a t e i n c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y was sparked i n the e a r l y 1970s by the p u b l i c a t i o n of two d i v e r g e n t views ( M i l i b a n d , 1969; Poulantzas, 1972), and the t r a n s l a t i o n of the work of the I t a l i a n t h e o r i s t , Gramsci (1971). Subsequent c o n t r i b u t i o n s based on these i n i t i a l works submitted by v a r i o u s t h e o r i s t s w i t h i n the neo-Marxist paradigm have e s t a b l i s h e d a body of l i t e r a t u r e with numerous d i s c u s s i o n s of the c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e . 5 1 In t h i s s e c t i o n , I s h a l l present an overview of the three main p e r s p e c t i v e s i n t h i s debate as they r e l a t e to the present study. F i r s t , I s h a l l d i s c u s s the t h e s i s put forward by Gramsci (1971). Subsequently, 5 1 Jessop, f o r example, has provided a summary of t h i s debate i n "Recent t h e o r i e s of the c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e " Cambridge J o u r n a l of  Economics 1977, 1, 353-373). 176 the i n s t r u m e n t a l i s t argument, as put forward by M i l i b a n d (1969) w i l l be presented, with the response from the French s t r u c t u r a l i s t t h e o r i s t , Poulantzas (1972). T h i s w i l l p r o v i d e a b a s i s f o r a d i s c u s s i o n of subsequent c o n t r i b u t i o n s . Drawing from t h i s t h e o r e t i c a l framework, I s h a l l then analyse the a c t i o n s taken by the Canadian s t a t e i n i t s r e p r e s s i o n of the unemployed who were c a l l i n g f o r a r a d i c a l r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of the s o c i a l order. Gramsci's T h e s i s of the C a p i t a l i s t State. Gramsci (1971) p e r c e i v e s the s t a t e as an i n t e g r a l s t a t e , composed of a l l aspects of the s o c i a l f ormation. S o c i e t y i s d i v i d e d i n t o two spheres; 1) p o l i t i c a l s o c i e t y — the c o e r c i v e apparatuses that serve t o a s s i m i l a t e members of s o c i e t y i n t o a s p e c i f i c p r o d u c t i o n process; and 2) c i v i l s o c i e t y — the hegemony of a dominant group c r e a t e d and maintained through i n s t i t u t i o n s such as churches, p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , s c h o o l s , trade unions, e t c . The s t a t e , t h e r e f o r e , c o n s i s t s of a l l s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s that o r g a n i c a l l y i n t e r - r e l a t e to maintain the domination of the c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l order. A l l f a c e t s of s o c i e t y penetrate one another, forming an ensemble of r e l a t i o n s . Thus, the s t a t e i s not d i s t i n c t from the economic, the c u l t u r a l , or the i d e o l o g i c a l sphere and a l l i n s t i t u t i o n s of s o c i e t y work together to c r e a t e and r e c r e a t e the hegemonic domination of c a p i t a l . 177 Gramsci s t r e s s e s the a c t i v e , v o l u n t a r i s t i c aspect of the s o c i a l formation, and focuses on the t e n s i o n s and s t r u g g l e s which s o c i a l c l a s s e s are c o n s i s t e n t l y engaged i n . According to^ Gramsci, thought and a c t i o n s are mutually i n t e r - r e l a t e d . Thus, the p e r v a s i v e n e s s of hegemony r e s u l t s i n the working c l a s s a c t i v e l y s u p p o r t i n g the c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l formation. N e v e r t h e l e s s , every i n s t i t u t i o n of the s o c i a l order i s p o l i t i c a l l y laden, and i s an arena f o r c l a s s s t r u g g l e . S o c i a l change through c l a s s s t r u g g l e must be based in the popular consensus of the working c l a s s . Thus, Gramsci t h e o r i z e s that to i n i t i a t e such s o c i a l change, d i s s e n t i n g i n t e l l e c t u a l s must group together to c r e a t e an organic i n t e l l i g e n t s i a i n the working c l a s s , thereby, b r i n g i n g about s o c i a l change that i s . rooted i n everyday l i f e . 5 2 Gramsci argues that s o c i a l change must be a g r a d u a l , organic process that i s dependent upon the growth of counter-hegemony; If the s t a t e , composed of every f a c e t of the s o c i a l formation, has o b t a i n e d hegemony, the p o t e n t i a l f o r working c l a s s i n t e l l e c t u a l s to s t i m u l a t e the development of a counter-hegemony that has s u f f i c i e n t support to e f f e c t i v e l y c h a l l e n g e the e s t a b l i s h e d hegemony i s not e a s i l y come by. Such an event i s c r u c i a l l y dependent upon the s p e c i f i c h i s t o r i c a l , c u l t u r a l and p o l i t i c a l atmosphere of the e r a . The dynamic d i a l e c t i c between 5 2 Gramsci i d e n t i f i e s two types of i n t e l l e c t u a l s . . Organic i n t e l l e c t u a l s are present i n every sphere of s o c i e t y , and espouse the dominant i d e o l o g y , thereby promoting hegemony. T r a d i t i o n a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s are those who, a f t e r r e f l e c t i o n , d i s s e n t from the dominant world view. 178 the s o c i a l order upheld by the dominant c l a s s and the s o c i a l order that working c l a s s s t r u g g l e s c o u l d e s t a b l i s h , c o n t a i n s the p o t e n t i a l f o r s o c i a l change, given the a p p r o p r i a t e h i s t o r i c a l , c u l t u r a l , economic, and p o l i t i c a l c ircumstances. In r e l a t i o n to the present a n a l y s i s of the s t a t e s o c i a l c o n t r o l of the unemployed, Gramsci's p o s i t i o n that the s p e c i f i c socio-economic context i s c r u c i a l l y important f o r s o c i a l change, i s w e l l taken, and i n p r e v i o u s chapters I have endeavoured to provide t h i s c o n t e x t . The growth of counter-hegemony and the response of the Canadian s t a t e d u r i n g the Great Depression can be seen as an outcome of the s p e c i f i c economic, p o l i t i c a l , h i s t o r i c a l , and c u l t u r a l balance of f o r c e s . Gramsci's d i s c u s s i o n of the s t a t e as being the outcome of the balance of c l a s s f o r c e s i s p e r t i n e n t to t h i s a n a l y s i s . While the r e p r e s s i v e apparatuses of the s t a t e , or p o l i t i c a l s o c i e t y , c l e a r l y worked to suppress the unemployed, p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , such as the CCF, churches, some l o c a l governments, and a v a r i e t y of other o r g a n i z a t i o n s ( c i v i l s o c i e t y ) , c l e a r l y supported the counter-hegemonic unemployed. Hence, by i n c o r p o r a t i n g c i v i l s o c i e t y w i t h i n the s t a t e , the hegemonic t e n s i o n s i n the c l a s s c o n f l i c t of the 1930s may be analysed. The s p e c i f i c h i s t o r i c a l and c u l t u r a l s o c i a l formation of the Great Depression i n i t i a t e d a breakdown of hegemony, and s o c i a l i n e q u a l i t i e s became manifest. The s t r u g g l e fo r the maintenance of hegemony takes p l a c e i n c i v i l s o c i e t y , but i s c e n t r a l t o p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l — as demonstrated i n the establishment of the r e l i e f camp scheme. Gramsci's theory thus permits an awareness of the nuances and t e n s i o n s of the c l a s s 179 s t r u g g l e of the Great Depression. M i l i b a n d - Poulantzas Debate The i n s t r u m e n t a l i s t school of thought, as put forward by M i l i b a n d (1969) i s r a d i c a l l y d i v e r g e n t from Gramsci's a n a l y s i s . 5 3 While Gramsci p e r c e i v e s of the s t a t e as being composed of a l l aspects of the s o c i a l formation, r a n g i n g from the f a m i l y to the government, M i l i b a n d e s t a b l i s h e s a c l e a r demarcation between the i n s t i t u t i o n s that compose the s t a t e system and those that are o u t s i d e the s t a t e . W i thin the i n s t r u m e n t a l i s t framework presented by M i l i b a n d , the s t a t e i s understood t o be composed of a number of i n s t i t u t i o n s such as the c i v i l s e r v i c e , the m i l i t a r y , p o l i c e , the j u d i c i a r y , e t c . The o p e r a t i o n of these i n s t i t i o n s i s i n t e r -r e l a t e d , and they c r e a t e a s t a t e system. Those who h o l d i n f l u e n t i a l p o s i t i o n s i n the s t a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s are r e f e r r e d to as the s t a t e e l i t e , and M i l i b a n d i d e n t i f i e s c l o s e , i n t e r p e r s o n a l s o c i a l , f a m i l i a l , and business r e l a t i o n s h i p s between t h i s group and those i n d i v i d u a l s who dominate both the economic sphere and i d e o l o g i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s such as churches. H i s evidence i n d i c a t e s t h a t ; "... i n terms of s o c i a l o r i g i n , education and c l a s s 5 3 T h i s d i s c u s s i o n of M i l i b a n d i s based on h i s e a r l y (1969) work, f o r the purpose of comparing the i n s t r u m e n t a l i s t a n a l y s i s with the s t r u c t u r a l i s t p o s i t i o n as presented by Poulantzas (1972). For h i s more recent r e t r e a t from t h i s p o s i t i o n see; M i l i b a n d , 1983, " S t a t e , Power, and C l a s s I n t e r e s t s " New L e f t Review 180 s i t u a t i o n t h e m e n w h o h a v e m a n n e d a l l c o m m a n d p o s i t i o n s i n t h e s t a t e s y s t e m h a v e l a r g e l y , a n d i n m a n y c a s e s o v e r w h e l m i n g l y b e e n d r a w n f r o m t h e w o r l d o f b u s i n e s s a n d p r o p e r t y , o r f r o m t h e p r o f e s s i o n a l m i d d l e c l a s s . " ( M i l i b a n d , 1969: 6 1 ) . A l t h o u g h t h e e c o n o m i c a n d i d e o l o g i c a l e l i t e a r e s e p a r a t e f r o m t h e s t a t e e l i t e , M i l i b a n d a r g u e s t h a t a s a c o n s e q u e n c e o f t h e i r p e r s o n a l i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p s t h e i r i n t e r e s t s c o i n c i d e . T h e a c t i v i t i e s o f t h e s t a t e e l i t e a n d t h o s e w h o a r e d o m i n a n t i n e c o n o m i c a n d i d e o l o g i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s o f c i v i l s o c i e t y p e r m i t t h e s t a t e t o b e u s e d a s a n i n s t r u m e n t t o e n s u r e t h a t c a p i t a l ' s i n t e r e s t s a r e s a t i s f i e d . A l t h o u g h t h e d o m i n a n t c l a s s h a s i n e f f e c t c o r n e r e d t h e s t a t e , M i l i b a n d d o e s n o t a s s e r t t h a t t h e r e i s a c o n s p i r a c y b e t w e e n t h e e c o n o m i c a l l y p o w e r f u l a n d t h e s t a t e e l i t e . T h e i d e o l o g y h e l d b y t h e e l i t e g r o u p s i s c o n s e r v a t i v e a n d p u r p o r t s t h a t t h e s t a t u s q u o m u s t b e m a i n t a i n e d . A l t h o u g h t h e s t a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s c a n n o t s a t i s f y a l l g r o u p s o f c a p i t a l a t a l l t i m e s , t o m a i n t a i n e c o n o m i c a n d s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y , t h e i n t e r e s t s o f t h e e c o n o m i c a l l y p o w e r f u l m u s t b e s a t i s f i e d (1969: 69) . F u r t h e r m o r e , M i l i b a n d a r g u e s t h a t e v e n w h e n g o v e r n m e n t s c o m p o s e d o f i n d i v i d u a l s d r a w n f r o m p a r t i e s w h o s e o b j e c t i v e i s t h e t r a n s c e n d e n c e o f t h e c a p i t a l i s t s y s t e m g a i n c o n t r o l , t h e y h a v e c o n s i s t e n t l y m a d e e f f o r t s t o a s s u r e m e m b e r s o f t h e e c o n o m i c e l i t e t h a t r e f o r m s a r e i n t h e i n t e r e s t o f t h e w h o l e n a t i o n a n d t h a t t h e i r a s s u m p t i o n o f g o v e r n m e n t a u t h o r i t y i m p l i e s n o t h r e a t t o b u s i n e s s (1969: 90) . W h i l e t h i s a c t i o n i s o f t e n b a s e d o n a 181 r e l u c t a n c e to i n t e n s i f y h o s t i l i t y from the economically powerful, i t a l s o serves as a means to c o n c i l i a t e the economic and s o c i a l f o r c e s they propose to weaken (1969: 92). P o l i t i c a l l e g i s l a t i o n i s one of the main v e h i c l e s that i s used by the s t a t e t o f u r t h e r the i n t e r e s t s of c a p i t a l . In a d d i t i o n , the encroachment of the s t a t e i n t o c i v i l s o c i e t y through s t a t i z a t i o n , permits the expansion of the i n f l u e n c e of c a p i t a l , and serves as a mechanism f o r the l e g i t i m a t i o n of c a p i t a l i s m . For example, the i n c l u s i o n of the education system under the au s p i c e s of the s t a t e permits the p o l i t i c a l e l i t e to d i c t a t e both i t s o p e r a t i o n and the c u r r i c u l u m that i s taught. Thus, the i n s t i t u t i o n of education serves as a mechanism through which the members of the e l i t e can t r a i n i n d i v i d u a l s from an e a r l y age w i t h i n an i n s t i t u t i o n that supports c a p i t a l i s m . The i d e o l o g i c a l i n d o c t r i n a t i o n of members of s o c i e t y i s a l s o maintained by i n s t i t u t i o n s o u t s i d e the s t a t e . Since most of the i n f l u e n t i a l members w i t h i n the i d e o l o g i c a l e l i t e , such as the c l e r g y and d i r e c t o r s of the media, are drawn from the same s o c i a l background and may share the same f i n a n c i a l i n t e r e s t s as the economic and p o l i t i c a l e l i t e , these groups of e l i t e , by v i r t u e of t h e i r p o s i t i o n , are able to s u c c e s s f u l l y i n f l u e n c e a t t i t u d e s and i d e o l o g i e s through i n s t i t u t i o n s of c i v i l s o c i e t y . Thus, the i n t e r - p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the v a r i o u s e l i t e s ensure that the i n t e r e s t s of the dominant group are s a t i s f i e d . 182 C a p i t a l i s t domination i s maintained p r i m a r i l y through a r u l e by consensus or i d e o l o g i c a l hegemony (1969: 162-165). M i l i b a n d i d e n t i f i e s three kinds of ideology; dominant ideology, counter ideology, and r e s i d u a l i d e o l o g y . Upwardly mobile i n d i v i d u a l s may r e t a i n remnants of p r e v i o u s i d e o l o g i e s , but M i l i b a n d a s s e r t s that such noti o n s are e a s i l y f o r f e i t e d (1969: 42). Whereas counter i d e o l o g i e s may be i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d , they are g e n e r a l l y weak and i n e f f e c t i v e ( f o r example, trade unionism (1969: 40-42). The dominant ideology supersedes the other forms of i d e o l o g y , however, and c o n t r i b u t e s to the establishment of i d e o l o g i c a l hegemony. M i l i b a n d argues that the formation of i d e o l o g i c a l hegemony i s due to an e f f o r t by the dominant e l i t e group to e s t a b l i s h a comprehensive, o v e r - r i d i n g a t t i t u d e which c o n s t i t u t e s common sense f o r most. T h i s ideology supports c a p i t a l i s m , the a c t i v i t i e s of those w i t h i n s t a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s , and the e x i s t i n g s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . Thus, by i n d i c a t i n g the high degree of cohesion and u n i t y , common i n t e r e s t s and motives, and consequent s u b o r d i n a t i o n of d i f f e r e n c e s amongst the e l i t e , M i l i b a n d argues t h a t the s t a t e i s p r i m a r i l y an instrument wielded by the s t a t e e l i t e s t o manage the a f f a i r s of the c a p i t a l i s t s . M i l i b a n d a s s e r t s t h a t ; the ' r u l i n g c l a s s ' of c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y i s that c l a s s which owns and c o n t r o l s the means of p r o d u c t i o n and which i s a b l e , by v i r t u e of the economic power thus c o n f e r r e d upon i t , to use the s t a t e as i t s instrument f o r the domination of s o c i e t y (1969: 23). In a d d i t i o n , however, M i l i b a n d argues that the s i g n i f i c a n t number of managers i n modern c a p i t a l i s t e n t e r p r i s e s , who do not own, but do c o n t r o l the means of p r o d u c t i o n , are not 183 s u b s t a n t i a l l y d i f f e r e n t from l a r g e - s c a l e p r o p e r t y owners, s i n c e they share s i m i l a r m o t i v a t i o n s and s o c i a l backgrounds (1969: 28-37). The ownership and c o n t r o l of important s e c t o r s of the economy by the economic e l i t e , which i s s u s t a i n e d by the p o l i t i c a l power and i n f l u e n c e of the s t a t e e l i t e , and r e i n f o r c e d i n c i v i l s o c i e t y by the i d e o l o g i c a l e l i t e , c r e a t e s a h i g h l y u n i f i e d and cohesive group with the a b i l i t y to e f f e c t i v e l y c o n t r o l the p o l i t i c a l environment of advanced c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t i e s (1969: 45). These e l i t e groups c o n s t i t u t e the r u l i n g c l a s s . The purpose of M i l i b a n d ' s a n a l y s i s was to undertake an examination of the r u l e of the dominant c l a s s through the i n s t i t u t i o n s of the s t a t e . As a r e s u l t , l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n i s given t o the other c l a s s e s that form an important p a r t of western c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t i e s . M i l i b a n d argues that while p r o f e s s i o n a l s and small businessmen serve to reduce the p o l a r i z a t i o n between the r u l i n g c l a s s and the working c l a s s , these groups w i l l e v e n t u a l l y become part of e i t h e r of the two predominant c l a s s e s (1969: 18, 55). As with the upwardly mobile c i v i l s e r v a n t s , some of the middle c l a s s e s w i l l become p a r t of the r u l i n g c l a s s , whereas o t h e r s w i l l s ink i n t o the working c l a s s . The working c l a s s i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by economic and p o l i t i c a l weakness, and i t i s unable to address the r u l i n g c l a s s adequately, s i n c e i t cannot a r t i c u l a t e common demands or become o r g a n i z e d as the e l i t e groups are able to (1969: 140-141). Consequently, the working c l a s s i s v i r t u a l l y impotent. 184 The overwhelming domination of the r u l i n g c l a s s , both i n the s t a t e and in the p r i v a t e sphere, and the impotence of the working c l a s s , allow v i r t u a l l y no b a s i s f o r the p o s s i b i l i t y of c l a s s s t r u g g l e . Antagonism between c l a s s e s seldom i n i t i a t e s any s i g n i f i c a n t s o c i a l change (196: 74-75). Poulantzas (197.2) found problems i n M i l i b a n d ' s d i s c u s s i o n , and provided an a l t e r n a t e approach f o r the study of the s t a t e i n c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y . Rather than examining the domination by e l i t e groups, a c c o r d i n g to Poulantzas, the u n i t of a n a l y s i s i s more c o r r e c t l y the o b j e c t i v e s t r u c t u r e of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between c l a s s e s and the s t a t e , not the pe r s o n a l m o t i v a t i o n s of e l i t e groups (Poulantzas, 1972: 242). Thus, f o r example, the managerial c l a s s i s not to be ana l y s e d a c c o r d i n g to the m o t i v a t i o n of i t s members, but as a delegate that a c t s as a r e s u l t of i t s o b j e c t i v e p o s i t i o n i n the p r o d u c t i o n p r o c e s s . 5 " A f u r t h e r c r i t i q u e that Poulantzas makes of M i l i b a n d ' s d i s c u s s i o n i s the a n a l y s i s given of the s t a t e . Poulantzas bases h i s argument i n a s t r u c t u r a l i s t framework, and argues that the s t a t e i s made up of numerous apparatuses that i n t e r - r e l a t e t o cr e a t e a u n i f i e d system. T h i s o b j e c t i v e s t a t e system f o l l o w s i t s own l o g i c i n any form of s o c i e t y (1972: 248). The fundamental c o n t r a d i c t i o n i n c a p i t a l i s m , which i s the i n c r e a s i n g s o c i a l 5* The p r o d u c t i o n process, a c c o r d i n g to Poulantzas, i s not only a c e r t a i n form of economic o r g a n i z a t i o n , but a s p e c i f i c set of r e l a t i o n s h i p s , or a matrix of s t r u c t u r e s , i n s t i t u t i o n s and r e l a t i o n s t hat c r e a t e a u n i t y between the labour process and the r e l a t i o n s of production (Poulantzas, 1982: 104). 185 c h a r a c t e r of production and the c o n t i n u i n g p r i v a t e a p p r o p r i a t i o n of s u r p l u s , gives r i s e to two i n t e r - r e l a t e d t h r e a t s to c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . F i r s t , the working c l a s s has the p o t e n t i a l to become more u n i f i e d , and secondly, the competition w i t h i n the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s f o r the a p p r o p r i a t i o n of s u r p l u s c r e a t e s a d i s u n i t y between the v a r i o u s f r a c t i o n s of t h i s c l a s s , and negates i t s a b i l i t y to c o n t r o l the working c l a s s . As a r e s u l t , t h e r e f o r e , the s t a t e system mediates t h i s c o n t r a d i c t i o n w i t h i n c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s and operates to maintain c a p i t a l i s m . Therefore, Poulantzas argues that the r e l a t i o n between the i n s t i t u t i o n s or branches of the s t a t e and the dominant c l a s s i s not due to i n t e r - p e r s o n a l connections, but c a p i t a l i s t i n t e r e s t s are served as a r e s u l t of the o b j e c t i v e r e l a t i o n s of the s t a t e system (1972: 245). The s t a t e f u n c t i o n s a c c o r d i n g to i t s own l o g i c , i n the best i n t e r e s t of the whole c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s . To serve the whole b o u r g e o i s i e , Poulantzas argues that the s t a t e system i s not t i e d to s p e c i f i c c a p i t a l i n t e r e s t s , but r a t h e r , to maintain cohesion among the c o m p e t i t i v e s e c t o r s of the b o u r g e o i s i e , i t i s r e l a t i v e l y autonomous from the v a r i o u s f r a c t i o n s of the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s (1972: 247). I f the i n t e r e s t s of a f r a c t i o n of the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s and the f u n c t i o n of the s t a t e c o i n c i d e , i t i s a r e s u l t of the system i t s e l f , not an outcome of the d i r e c t manipulation of the r u l i n g c l a s s . Thus,. Poulantzas argues that w i t h i n c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y , the i n t e r n a l l o g i c of the s t a t e system and the r e l a t i v e autonomy of the s t a t e from f r a c t i o n s of c a p i t a l , s e t s the s t a t e apart from the 186 s p e c i f i c demands of a p a r t i c u l a r b o u r g e o i s i e , and enables i t to serve the long-term i n t e r e s t s of the whole c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s . A f u r t h e r c r i t i c i s m that Poulantzas made of M i l i b a n d ' s a n a l y s i s was that M i l i b a n d ' s n o t i o n of ideology i s t r u n c a t e d (1972: 250). Poulantzas argues that with the support of the r e p r e s s i v e apparatus of the s t a t e (the p o l i c e , j u d i c i a r y , e t c . ) , the i d e o l o g i c a l apparatuses (composed of both p u b l i c and p r i v a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s ranging from the f a m i l y to the media) work to maintain cohesion i n s o c i e t y , and ensure the domination of the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s (1972: 251-252). Since an a l t e r n a t e form of s o c i e t y would n e c e s s i t a t e a r a d i c a l change i n the i d e o l o g i c a l apparatus, Poulantzas maintains that ideology must be c o n s i d e r e d as one of the apparatuses of the state. (1972: 251-252). In the a n a l y s i s of the s t a t e presented by Poulantzas the concept of c l a s s must i n v o l v e not" only the r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n , but c l a s s e s must be represented i n the whole s o c i a l realm. The r e f l e c t i o n of c l a s s e s w i t h i n the s t a t e system i s manifested by the c l a s s s t r u g g l e that the s t a t e mediates. Poulantzas argues that the s t a t e performs three main f u n c t i o n s to ensure the r e p r o d u c t i o n of c a p i t a l i s m yet maintain cohesion i n s o c i e t y (1972: 165-167). F i r s t , the s t a t e i s o l a t e s members of s o c i e t y and induces competition between them w i t h i n the l e g a l and p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e s so that they p e r c e i v e themselves as i n d i v i d u a l s , not as members of a p a r t i c u l a r c l a s s . The second f u n c t i o n of the s t a t e i s to p o r t r a y i t s e l f as the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the mass of i s o l a t e d i n d i v i d u a l s through i n s t i t u t i o n s such as 187 s u f f r a g e . T h i r d l y , through the establishment of a hegemonic b l o c , the s t a t e u n i f i e s the competitive f r a c t i o n s of the b o u r g e o i s i e that i t i n i t i a l l y set in o p p o s i t i o n . Consequently, w i t h i n c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y the b o u r g e o i s i e i s ab l e to represent i t s i n t e r e s t s as p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s and a t t a i n hegemonic domination. The s t a t e does not u n i f y the subordinate working c l a s s , but t h i s c l a s s may org a n i z e i n the p a r t y . As a r e s u l t of the f i r s t f u n c t i o n of the s t a t e however, t h i s c l a s s i s exhausted by i n t e r n a l c o n f l i c t s , and.thus i s unable to govern p o l i t i c a l l y (1972: 166). Ne v e r t h e l e s s , t h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n enables i t to make demands on the s t a t e , and the r e l a t i v e autonomy of the o b j e c t i v e s t a t e s t r u c t u r e permits c o n c e s s i o n s to the subordinate c l a s s without t h r e a t e n i n g the p o s i t i o n of the dominant c l a s s (1972: 167). A c c o r d i n g to Pou l a n t z a s , the o v e r - r i d i n g purpose of the s t a t e i s to be a f a c t o r of cohesion, and thus maintain e q u i l i b r i u m i n s o c i e t y . By s e t t i n g the i n d i v i d u a l s of s o c i e t y i n o p p o s i t i o n , yet u n i f y i n g the competitive f r a c t i o n s of the bourgeois c l a s s and e s t a b l i s h i n g hegemony, the s t a t e serves to maintain the domination of the r u l i n g c l a s s and the r e p r o d u c t i o n of the dominant mode of p r o d u c t i o n . Thus, the c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e does not n e c e s s a r i l y support the b o u r g e o i s i e , but i t i s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the cohesion of a system i n which the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s dominates. However, due to i t s r e l a t i v e autonomy from the f r a c t i o n s of c a p i t a l and i t s i n t e r n a l l o g i c , i t may make concessions t o the working c l a s s and i n so doing, r e g u l a t e c l a s s s t r u g g l e and r e l i e v e c l a s s t e n s i o n . T h e r e f o r e , the s t a t e i s 188 "... the condensate of the r e l a t i o n of power between s t r u g g l i n g c l a s s e s " (Poulantzas, 1981: 124). In response to Poulantzas' argument, M i l i b a n d argued that Poulantzas seems to s u b s t i t u t e the r u l i n g c l a s s by the n o t i o n of o b j e c t i v e s t r u c t u r e s and o b j e c t i v e r e l a t i o n s . Consequently, whereas M i l i b a n d argues that the r u l i n g c l a s s manipulates the s t a t e , Poulantzas a s s e r t s that the s t a t e serves the dominant c l a s s autonomously as a r e s u l t of the o b j e c t i v e r e l a t i o n s imposed on the s t a t e . T h e r e f o r e , "... s i n c e the r u l i n g c l a s s i s a dominant element of the system, we are i n e f f e c t back at the p o i n t of t o t a l s u b o r d i n a t i o n of the s t a t e e l i t e to that c l a s s . . . . " ( M i l i b a n d , 1972: 258-259). According to Poulantzas, the domination of c a p i t a l i s m ensures that s t a t e power corresponds to c a p i t a l i s t i n t e r e s t s , and whereas . M i l i b a n d demonstrates a v i r t u a l l y d i r e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p between the s t a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s and the r u l i n g c l a s s to support h i s argument, Poulantzas f a i l s to i n d i c a t e the s o c i a l mechanisms that operate to ensure that the s t a t e w i l l serve the t o t a l i t y of t h i s f r a c t i o n a l i z e d c l a s s and yet maintain both i t s r e l a t i v e autonomy and cohesion w i t h i n the system (Gold et a l s . , 1975: 38; Giddens, 1982: 217). Poulantzas' a s s e r t i o n that c l a s s e s and i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h i n c l a s s e s are simply bearers of the o b j e c t i v e f u n c t i o n s of the s t a t e , e f f e c t i v e l y e l i m i n a t i n g the p o s s i b i l i t y of c onscious c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n . The p e r v a s i v e n e s s of the s t a t e system, extending to v i r t u a l l y a l l spheres, and the maintenance of 189 d i s u n i t y among the working c l a s s and o r g a n i z a t i o n of i d e o l o g i c a l hegemony by the b o u r g e o i s i e , c r e a t e s an ap p a r e n t l y u n a l t e r a b l e system. Thus, the p o s s i b i l i t y f o r the development of a counter ideology o u t s i d e of the s t a t e system, with the p o t e n t i a l to change the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n , i s v i r t u a l l y non-e x i s t e n t . T h i s debate between M i l i b a n d and Poulantzas i n i t i a t e d a f l o u r i s h of c o n t r i b u t i o n s to the neo-Marxian a n a l y s i s of the s t a t e . Some commented on the debate i t s e l f ( f o r example, Lacleau, 1977), and ot h e r s sought to expand and c l a r i f y the d i s c u s s i o n . The complexity of western c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t i e s r e v e a l s t h a t no one a n a l y s i s i s s u f f i c i e n t . For example, the i n s t r u m e n t a l i s t p o s i t i o n does not give the s t a t e s u f f i c i e n t autonomy . from the demands of c a p i t a l ; nor does i t pay adequate a t t e n t i o n to the e f f e c t that working c l a s s o r g a n i z a t i o n s (such as the unemployed d u r i n g the Great Depression) are able to have on the o p e r a t i o n of the s t a t e . As a r e s u l t of i t s emphasis on the simple manipulation of the s t a t e by the r u l i n g e l i t e , the i n s t r u m e n t a l i s t p e r s p e c t i v e does not allow f o r a d i a l e c t i c a l r e l a t i o n between the a c t i o n s of the working c l a s s and the s t r u c t u r a l c o n s t r a i n t s of the c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e . While the s t r u c t u r a l i s t p o s i t i o n put forward by Poulantzas acknowledges the e f f e c t of the s t a t e s t r u c t u r e on i t s p o s s i b l e a c t i o n , i t too, f a i l s to permit an ongoing d i a l e c t i c between s t r u c t u r e and a c t i o n . In t h i s framework, a c t i o n i s somehow determined by the s t r u c t u r e of the s t a t e , and t h e r e f o r e , 190 c o l l e c t i v e , conscious working c l a s s a c t i o n cannot be i n i t i a t e d . Subsequent C o n t r i b u t i o n s - O f f e The work of O f f e stems from these i n i t a l arguments and has been a s i g n i f i c a n t c o n t r i b u t i o n to the extent that he seeks to examine the s t a t e and i t s r o l e i n c a p i t a l i s m through an a n a l y s i s of c l a s s s t r u g g l e ( F r a n k e l , 1982: 261-262). Offe argues that both the i n s t r u m e n t a l i s t p e r s p e c t i v e and the s t r u c t u r a l i s t analyses are inadequate, due to the f a c t that both arguments examine the e f f e c t s of e x t e r n a l i n f l u e n c e s on the s t a t e . Whereas i n s t r u m e n t a l i s t s i d e n t i f y the manipulation of the s t a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s by the r u l i n g c l a s s , and s t r u c t u r a l i s t s argue that the c o n s t r a i n t s imposed by c a p i t a l i s m l i m i t the a c t i v i t i e s of the s t a t e system, O f f e argues that to determine what makes the s t a t e a c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e , thereby c o n s t r a i n e d by s t r u c t u r a l i m p e r a t i v e s , rather than a s t a t e w i t h i n c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y that goes with the c a p i t a l i s t t i d e , the focus of the a n a l y s i s must be on the i n t e r n a l mechanisms of the state.-To i d e n t i f y the mechanisms whereby the s t a t e maintains the domination of c a p i t a l , i t must be analysed as being composed of i d e n t i f i a b l e , i n t e r - r e l a t e d i n s t i t u t i o n s t h a t , taken together, are s t r u c t u r e d to uphold the domination of the c a p t i a l i s t s o c i a l order upon which they depend. The s t a t e i s not, however, simply an instrument to be wielded by powerful groups. Rather, the s t r u c t u r a l mechanisms w i t h i n the s t a t e system mediate a d i a l e c t i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between the s t a t e as 191 i t attempts to respond to both the p o l i t i c a l demands of members of c i v i l s o c i e t y and the i n t e r e s t s of the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s . O f f e argues that the s t a t e i s s t r u c t u r e d i n t e r n a l l y such that i t can develop a programme t h a t corresponds to the i n t e r e s t s of c a p i t a l i n g e n e r a l , and at the same time s y s t e m a t i c a l l y exclude the demands of a n t i - c a p i t a l i s t f o r c e s and stop them from d i s t u r b i n g p o l i c y making (Of f e , 1974: 37-48). These i n t e r n a l s e l e c t i v e mechanisms are c o n t r a d i c t o r y , and t h e i r o p e r a t i o n manifests the c l a s s c h a r a c t e r of the s t a t e . I t i s not p o s s i b l e f o r the s t a t e to serve a l l the demands of c a p i t a l at one time, but s t r u c t u r a l , s e l e c t i v e mechanisms w i t h i n the s t a t e ensure that these i n t e r e s t s are met. The negative s e l e c t i v e mechanism ensures t h a t c a p i t a l i s t i n t e r e s t s are s a t i s f i e d by s y s t e m a t i c a l l y e x c l u d i n g a n t i -c a p i t a l i s t i n t e r e s t s from s t a t e a c t i v i t y . T h i s negative s e l e c t i v e mechanism operates at four l e v e l s , c r e a t i n g a ' h i e r a r c h i c a l f i l t e r system'. The f i r s t l e v e l , s t r u c t u r e , s e t s the parameters of p o s s i b l e s t a t e a c t i v i t i e s through s t a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s such as c o n s t i t u t i o n a l j u r i s d i c t i o n or law. Through t h i s mechanism the s t a t e cannot address c e r t a i n working c l a s s i n t e r e s t s , as they are o u t s i d e of i t s a u t h o r i t y . The l e v e l of ideology determines what i s a r t i c u l a t e d and p e r c e i v e d to be problems that must be s o l v e d by the s t a t e . T h i s mechanism excludes some a n t i - c a p i t a l i s t i n t e r e s t s by rend e r i n g them as 'non events'. The t h i r d l e v e l , process ', c o n s i s t s of the decision-making r e g u l a t i o n s that e s t a b l i s h a p r i o r i t y of s t a t e a c t i o n . T h i s mechanism serves to b i a s s t a t e a c t i o n a g a i n s t a n t i -1 92 c a p i t a l i s t i n t e r e s t s . F i n a l l y , the r e p r e s s i v e l e v e l serves to exclude a n t i - c a p i t a l i s t i n t e r e s t s from being addressed by the i n s t i t u t i o n s of the s t a t e through the u t i l i z a i t o n of d i r e c t c o e r c i o n (Gold et a l . , 1975: 37-38). By d e f i n i n g the realm of p o s s i b l e s t a t e a c t i o n , the o p t i o n to c r e a t e s t a t e p o l i c i e s i n the i n t e r e s t of the working c l a s s seldom a r i s e s . The second s e l e c t i v e mechanism w i t h i n the s t a t e i s p o s i t i v e s e l e c t i o n . T h i s mechanism serves to choose from the p o l i c i e s p e rmitted by the negative s e l e c t i o n , those that w i l l serve the i n t e r e s t s of s p e c i f i c c a p i t a l i s t groups. This s t r u c t u r e permits the s t a t e to address i s s u e s that w i l l f u r t h e r the i n t e r e s t s of c a p i t a l and ensure the maintenance of c a p i t a l accumulation. The d i s g u i s i n g mechanism i s the t h i r d s e l e c t i v e mechanism. I t operates to enable the i n s t i t u t i o n s of the s t a t e to maintain the appearance that the s t a t e i s a c t i n g i n the g e n e r a l p u b l i c i n t e r e s t , not i n the i n t e r e s t s of c a p i t a l ; and thereby gain popular support f o r the a c t i o n s taken ( O f f e , 1975; O f f e & Ronge, 1975). According to O f f e ' s t h e s i s , the s t a t e performs the f u n c t i o n of a ' c r i s i s manager', m a i n t a i n i n g a d e l i c a t e balance between ensuring the demands of c a p i t a l are met so the process of accumulation w i l l c o n tinue, and meeting the p o l i t i c a l demands of the working c l a s s , i n order to maintain s o c i a l calm. Under e f f e c t i v e o p e r a t i o n , these s e l e c t i v e mechanisms are able to s u c c e s s f u l l y c o n c e a l the c l a s s nature of the s t a t e . If the s t a t e 1.93 i s faced with p o l i t i c a l or s o c i a l c r i s e s , however, these s e l e c t i v e mechanisms begin to break down. When t h i s ' h i e r a r c h i c a l f i l t e r system' i s o p e r a t i n g i n e f f e c t i v e l y , the s t a t e i s unable to adequately dispose of the a n t i - c a p i t a l i s t p o l i t i c a l demands i t i s c o n f r o n t e d with, and a c r i s i s i n the s t a t e ' s r o l e as c r i s i s manager develops. To maintain the e x i s t i n g s o c i a l order during a c r i s i s of c r i s i s management, Off e argues that the s t a t e r e s o r t s to d i r e c t r e p r e s s i o n to exclude the demands of the working c l a s s from the sphere of s t a t e a c t i o n . Since i t i s duri n g a c r i s i s of c r i s i s management that the i n t e r n a l mechanisms, which i n d i c a t e the. c a p i t a l i s t nature of the s t a t e are r e v e a l e d , Offe argues that to analyse the c l a s s nature of the s t a t e , a s i t u a t i o n must e x i s t whereby these mechanisms have broken down. In these circumstances, the i n t e r n a l c l a s s c h a r a c t e r of the s t a t e i s exposed (Gold et a l . , Op. c i t . , 38). The t h e s i s of the s t r u c t u r e of the c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e put forward by Of f e addresses many of the p e r t i n e n t p o i n t s of the i n i t i a l theses of the c h a r a c t e r of the s t a t e , and extends beyond these a n a l y s e s , but i s , n e v e r t h e l e s s , somewhat l i m i t e d . C e n t r a l to O f f e ' s p o s i t i o n i s the premise that an adequate a n a l y s i s of the s t a t e must examine the d i a l e c t i c between c l a s s s t r u g g l e and the s t r u c t u r a l l i m i t a t i o n s of t h a t c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e . Despite h i s c a l l f o r the n e c e s s i t y of such an examination, much of Of f e ' s work i s an a b s t r a c t d i s c u s s i o n of the c o n t r a d i c t o r y c h a r a c t e r of 1 94 the s t a t e ' s s e l e c t i v e mechanisms (Gold et a l . , 1975: 38). Hence, Off e does not examine the h i s t o r i c a l contingency of c l a s s c o n f l i c t and s t a t e p o l i c i e s . The absence of a systematic i n c l u s i o n of h i s t o r y i n O f f e ' s work does not allow f o r s t a t e p o l i c i e s and s t a t e s t r u c t u r e s to be examined i n the context of t h e i r s p e c i f i c c u l t u r a l and i d e o l o g i c a l moorings. T h i s s t a t i c , a h i s t o r i c a l framework r e s t r i c t s an a n a l y s i s of the development of s t a t e p o l i c i e s . The absence of h i s t o r i c a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n s leaves begging the q u e s t i o n of why some i s s u e s are excluded from the realm of s t a t e a c t i v i t y at a c e r t a i n h i s t o r i c a l j u n c t u r e . In a d d i t i o n to the i n f l u e n c e of c a p i t a l and wage labour, as Gramsci argues, c l a s s s t r u g g l e s are a f f e c t e d by p a r t i c u l a r s o c i o -c u l t u r a l and i d e o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s . The absence of h i s t o r i c a l underpinnings i n O f f e ' s work r e s u l t s i n a r e s t r i c t e d view of the f l u i d i t y of c l a s s c o n f l i c t . S t r u c t u r a l d i f f i c u l t i e s i n - t h e economy cannot be a u t o m a t i c a l l y t r a n s l a t e d i n t o widespread c l a s s c o n s c i o u s n e s s . Such r e f l e c t i o n must be analysed i n the context of the whole s o c i a l formation (Keane, 1978: 70). O f f e i d e n t i f i e s the processes whereby the s t a t e ensures the domination of c a p i t a l and thereby e s t a b l i s h e s that the s t a t e i t s e l f i s b i a s e d to c a p i t a l , i t i s not simply a delegate of the dominant c l a s s . The dual r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the democratic c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e to address the p o l i t i c a l demands from c i v i l s o c i e t y , yet ensure the r e a l i z a t i o n of p o l i c i e s that favour c a p i t a l , permits the s t a t e to maintain some autonomy from the dominant c l a s s . Yet, the r o l e of the s t a t e in both m a i n t a i n i n g the c o n d i t i o n s amenable to c a p i t a l accumulation and depending 195 upon c a p i t a l f o r i t s s u r v i v a l , draws Of f e i n t o a f u n c t i o n a l understanding of the s t a t e . The s t a t e i s d e f i n e d p r i m a r i l y i n terms of "the way i t i s f u n c t i o n a l l y r e l a t e d and dependent upon the accumulation p r o c e s s " ( O f f e , 1975: 1 2 9 ) . 5 5 The s t a t e i s o b l i g a t e d to ensure the demands of the dominant group upon which i t depends, and l e g i t i m a t e the system i t i s upholding. T h i s c o n c e p t i o n of the s t a t e minimizes conscious human agency, and p e r c e i v e s of the s t a t e as a c t i n g l a r g e l y a c c o r d i n g to s t r u c t u r a l i m p e r a t i v e s . The absence of c o n s c i o u s a c t i v i t y i n the context of a s t a t e that s y s t e m a t i c a l l y excludes working c l a s s - demands through i t s s t r u c t u r e , leaves l i t t l e chance f o r s o c i a l c o n f l i c t , the implementation of working c l a s s demands, and s o c i a l change. According to O f f e , i d e o l o g i c a l hegemony i s necessary f o r the domination of the c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l formation. The requirements f o r the development of a hegemonic c r i s i s and s o c i a l change, i s the s t r u c t u r a l i n a b i l i t y of the s t a t e to address the demands of the working c l a s s . As argued above, the formation of a c r i s i s of hegemony must be examined i n i t s s p e c i f i c h i s t o r i c a l and c u l t u r a l c o n t e x t . The above d i s c u s s i o n of v a r i o u s t h e o r e t i c a l p o s i t i o n s i n d i c a t e s that two e q u a l l y important l e v e l s of a n a l y s i s are r e q u i r e d to o b t a i n an adequate understanding of s t a t e a c t i o n . 5 5 More r e c e n t l y , O f f e has r e t r e a t e d from t h i s p o s i t i o n , and emphasizes the r e l a t i v e autonomy of the s t a t e from s e r v i n g the f u n c t i o n s of c a p i t a l . T h i s c o n t r i b u t i o n r a i s e s new problems, however, as the o b s t a c l e s he i d e n t i f i e s i n the path of c a p i t a l leave few avenues f o r c a p i t a l accumulation and l e g i t i m a t i o n (Jessop, 1982: 127). 196 F i r s t , the s t r u c t u r a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between the s t a t e and c a p i t a l ; and secondly, the dynamic r e l a t i o n s h i p of the s t r u g g l e between opposing c l a s s e s at a s p e c i f i c h i s t o r i c a l moment, in the formation of p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l p o l i c i e s . Thus, a d i a l e c t i c a l a n a l y s i s i n c l u d i n g a s t r u c t u r a l view of the economy, with a c o n f l i c t theory of c l a s s s t r u g g l e i s r e q u i r e d (Gough, 1979: 43). T h e o r e t i c a l A n a l y s i s of the DND R e l i e f Camp Scheme The f o r e g o i n g t h e o r e t i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s permit us to analyse and understand the a c t i o n s that were taken by the Canadian s t a t e and the suppression of the unemployed in the r e l i e f camps duri n g the Great Depression. As i l l u s t r a t e d in chapter two above, the c a p i t a l i s t economy was immersed in a severe -economic d e p r e s s i o n . Although the dominant ideology maintained that i n the f r o n t i e r economy there was employment a v a i l a b l e to any who sought i t , thousands of a b l e - b o d i e d men marched a c r o s s the country demanding 'work and wages'. Hence, the l e g i t i m a c y of t h i s s o c i a l order began to be c a l l e d i n t o q u e s t i o n . D e s p i t e the f a c t that the Canadian s t a t e had c o n s i s t e n t l y s u p p l i e d funds f o r i n d u s t r i a l development during the growth of monopoly c a p i t a l i s m i n Canada ( P a n i t c h , 1977) d u r i n g the Great Depression, the s t a t e d i d not r e c e i v e returns on t h i s s o c i a l investment. The f i n a n c e s r e q u i r e d to cover the s o c i a l consumption c o s t s assumed by the s t a t e to maintain s o c i a l calm among the s u r p l u s labour f o r c e ( r e l i e f payments), were not 197 a v a i l a b l e due to the r e d u c t i o n of s t a t e r e v e n u e s . 5 6 N e v e r t h e l e s s , the s t a t e was o b l i g e d to f u l f i l l i t s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of m a i n t a i n i n g s o c i a l order and e n s u r i n g the c o n d i t i o n s that guarantee the c o n t i n u a t i o n of the c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l system. The severe r e d u c t i o n i n s t a t e income due to the economic c r i s i s , and.the augmented s o c i a l consumption, r e s u l t e d in s t a t e expenditures exceeding revenues, thus p r e c i p i t a t i n g a f i s c a l c r i s i s f o r the Canadian s t a t e (O'Connor, 1973: 2 ) . The advent of the f i s c a l c r i s i s of the s t a t e , however, meant the s t a t e c o u l d not f u l f i l l i t s o b l i g a t i o n to c a p i t a l and cover the s o c i a l cost of m a i n t a i n i n g the s u r p l u s labour f o r c e ; as w e l l , i t was unable to s a t i s f y the incessant demands of the masses of unemployed. F a i l i n g to meet the p o l i t i c a l demands of the unemployed and t h e i r s u p p o r t e r s , the s t a t e was unable to l e g i t i m a t e the inherent i n e q u a l i t i e s of c a p i t a l i s m . As a r e s u l t , mass l o y a l t y to the c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l order began to erode. Organized by the Communist P a r t y , thousands of m i l i t a n t unemployed demanded s o c i a l and economic changes. In the s o c i a l context of the Great Depression, t h i s group passed from a s t a t e of p o l i t i c a l p a s s i v i t y to one of a c t i v e p r e s e n t a t i o n of demands fo r r a d i c a l changes i n the s o c i a l order, and thus posed a 5 6 O'Connor (1973) i d e n t i f i e s two main types of s t a t e expenditure; s o c i a l c a p i t a l and s o c i a l expenses. S o c i a l c a p i t a l can be broken down f u r t h e r i n t o two s u b - c a t e g o r i e s , s o c i a l investment and s o c i a l consumption. S o c i a l consumption expenses are p r o j e c t s and s e r v i c e s undertaken by the s t a t e to lower the c o s t of reproducing labour, and c o n s i s t of p r o j e c t s and s e r v i c e s that are r e q u i r e d to maintain s o c i a l harmony, maintain the s u r p l u s labour f o r c e , and c o n t r o l groups that pose a t h r e a t to s o c i a l s t a b i l i t y (1973: 6-7). 198 c h a l l e n g e t o i d e o l o g i c a l hegemony. The development of t h i s counter-hegemonic group was p r e c i p i t a t e d by two events s p e c i f i c to t h i s h i s t o r i c a l moment. F i r s t , the economic d e p r e s s i o n of the 1930s exposed the i n c a p a c i t y of the c a p i t a l i s t system to maintain the whole working c l a s s , and forged t h i s conspicuous group of unemployed workers. Secondly, while the presence of these men i n the 'unemployed j u n g l e s ' and on the r o o f s of the f r e i g h t t r a i n s brought some c r i t i c i s m of the economic s i t u a t i o n and i n i t i a t e d a s o c i a l c r i s i s , the Communist Party was a t the apex of i t s f l e d g l i n g l i f e , and i t s members u n i f i e d and organized the unemployed so that they formed a counter-hegemonic f o r c e . These communist l e a d e r s may be seen as ' t r a d i t i o n a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s ' i n t h e ' Gramscian sense, f o r they c o n s t i t u t e d a group of d i s s e n t e r s who o r g a n i z e d mass a c t i o n w i t h i n the working c l a s s . The o r g a n i z a t i o n of the counter-hegemonic unemployed, whose demands the Canadian s t a t e c o u l d not s a t i s f y , r e s u l t e d i n the Canadian s t a t e f a c i n g a c r i s i s i n i t s mediation between the p o l i t i c a l demands of the working c l a s s and c a p i t a l . As these p o l i t i c a l demands p e r s i s t e d , the negative s e l e c t i v e mechanism of the s t a t e that works to exclude a n t i - c a p i t a l i s t i n t e r e s t s from g a i n i n g access to the realm of s t a t e p o l i c y making, broke down, p r e c i p i t a t i n g a c r i s i s i n the s t a t e ' s mediation of working c l a s s demands and c a p i t a l i s t i n t e r e s t s . An examination of the a c t i o n s taken by the Canadian s t a t e during the c r i s i s of c r i s i s management that developed d u r i n g the Great Depression, r e v e a l s 199 the f a i l u r e of the usual i n t e r n a l , s t r u c t u r a l processes that r e s t r i c t a n t i - c a p i t a l i s t i n t e r e s t s from becoming p o l i t i c a l i s s u e s to be d e a l t with by the s t a t e . T h i s r e s u l t e d i n the r e p r e s s i o n of the d i s s i d e n t unemployed through the establishment of the DND r e l i e f camp scheme. To f u l f i l l i t s mandate of en s u r i n g the maintenance of the s t a t u s quo the Canadian s t a t e e x e r c i s e d c o e r i o n to repress the counter-hegemonic unemployed. Breakdown of the Negative S e l e c t i v e Mechanism To demonstrate the c r i s i s of c r i s i s management experienced by the Canadian s t a t e due to the s t r u g g l e of the m i l i t a n t unemployed, I s h a l l i l l u s t r a t e the breakdown of the s e l e c t i v e mechanism i n the s t a t e that operates to ensure that such a n t i - c a p i t a l i s t demands do not enter the p o l i t i c a l sphere. T h i s s e c t i o n w i l l demonstrate that i n the s o c i a l context of the Great Depression, the s t a t e was e v e n t u a l l y unable to ignore the i n c e s s a n t , i n t e n s e demands made by the unemployed segment of the working c l a s s . As a r e s u l t , of the c l a s s s t r u g g l e , the negative s e l e c t i v e mechanism that serves to exclude these i n t e r e s t s from the s t a t e c o u l d not operate. The negative s e l e c t i v e mechanism broke down at a l l four l e v e l s ; s t r u c t u r e , ideology, process, and r e p r e s s i o n ; and to maintain the s o c i a l order, the Canadian s t a t e r e s o r t e d to e x c e p t i o n a l r e p r e s s i o n -- the DND r e l i e f camp scheme. O f f e ' s a n a l y s i s w i l l a l s o be extended through a short d i s c u s s i o n of the outcome of t h i s breakdown process. I t w i l l become c l e a r that the s t r u g g l e s of the unemployed d u r i n g the Great Depression, that i n i t i a t e d the breakdown of the i n t e r n a l 200 negative s e l e c t i v e mechanism of the s t a t e , were c r u c i a l f a c t o r s i n the extension of s t a t e a c t i v i t y and the c r e a t i o n of the Canadian welfare s t a t e . S t r u c t u r e The s t r u c t u r e of the Canadian s t a t e sets the parameters f o r s t a t e a c t i v i t i e s through c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l y d e f i n e d realms of j u r i s d i c t i o n f o r the v a r i o u s s t a t e apparatuses. Through the C o n s t i t u t i o n and the body of Canadian law, the realm of a u t h o r i t y f o r s t a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s i s d e l i m i t e d . The e f f e c t i v e o p e r a t i o n of the Canadian s t a t e n e c e s s i t a t e s c o o p e r a t i o n between the v a r i o u s s t a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s as they f u l f i l l t h e i r l e g i s l a t e d r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . J u r i s d i c t i o n a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s must be met, and these boundaries cannot be over-stepped. By means of the l e g a l c i r c u m s c r i p t i o n of s t a t e a c t i v i t y , the s t r u c t u r e of the Canadian s t a t e ensures that demands that are not i n keeping with i t s i n t e r e s t s cannot be addressed by the s t a t e . I t i s important to extend .Offe's a n a l y s i s , however, and recognize that the s t r u c t u r e of the s t a t e i s not s t a t i c , but transforms over time to address s p e c i f i c economic, p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l , and c u l t u r a l changes. The f i r s t i n d i c a t i o n that s t r u c t u r a l l i m i t a t i o n s r e s t r i c t e d the c a p a c i t y of the s t a t e to address the demands of the unemployed segment of the working c l a s s , i s r e v e a l e d i n chapter three, through the i n a b i l i t y of the l o c a l governments to p r o v i d e adequate r e l i e f . The C o n s t i t u t i o n a l d e l e g a t i o n of 201 r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the d e s t i t u t e i n Canada was e s t a b l i s h e d to ensure that the demands of the s u r p l u s labour f o r c e , i f they c o u l d not be addressed by p r i v a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s , never extended beyond the p e r i p h e r a l , l o c a l s t a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s . The B.N.A. Act r e l e g a t e d t h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to the p r o v i n c e s , and B.C., i n tu r n , l e g i s l a t e d i t to the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . Between 1867 and the l a t e 1920s, t h i s s t r u c t u r a l r e s t r i c t i o n posed l i t t l e problem. During the Great Depression, however, the f i s c a l c r i s i s e x perienced by a l l l e v e l s of the Canadian s t a t e rendered l o c a l governments completely unable to meet t h i s j u r i s d i c t i o n a l o b l i g a t i o n . The l e v e l of s t r u c t u r e of the negative s e l e c t i v e mechanism, which r e l e g a t e d the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r ens u r i n g that the s u r p l u s labour f o r c e was m o l l i f i e d by l o c a l s t a t e apparatuses, e v e n t u a l l y broke down i n the face of the p e r s i s t e n t p o l i t i c a l demands of the organized unemployed. On the b a s i s of the 1867 law, the f e d e r a l government had c o n s i s t e n t l y denied r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the unemployed, and inter-governmental d i s p u t e s were rampant due to the l i m i t a t i o n s of a c t i v i t y imposed by the C o n s t i t u t i o n . The absence of c o o p e r a t i o n between s t a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s v i r t u a l l y e l i m i n a t e d the p o t e n t i a l of e f f e c t i v e s t a t e e x c l u s i o n of the working c l a s s demands. In the face of growing demands, the s t a t e made an unprecedented move toward s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e d u r i n g 1931. These f e d e r a l p o l i c i e s were w i t h i n the j u r i s d i c t i o n a l realm of f e d e r a l a c t i v i t y , yet they c o n s t i t u t e d an unprecedented expansion of s t a t e a c t i o n . Thus, while they d i d not i n d i c a t e a breakdown of the l e v e l of s t r u c t u r e , s t r u c t u r a l l i m i t a t i o n s d i d not exclude t h e i r 202 implementation. N e v e r t h e l e s s , even the C o n s t i t u t i o n a l l y j u s t i f i a b l e R e l i e f Acts were not s u f f i c i e n t to meet the demands of the unemployed. More ext e n s i v e a c t i o n was p e r c e i v e d to be necessary to s u c c e s s f u l l y answer the demands of the unemployed and maintain the c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l o r d e r . The s t r i d e n t demands of the unemployed had to be addressed by the f e d e r a l l e v e l of the s t a t e i f c a p i t a l i s m was to be p r e s e r v e d . Thus, d e s p i t e the somewhat l i m i t e d attempts by the s t a t e to address the working c l a s s demands, the l e v e l of s t r u c t u r e i n the n e gative s e l e c t i v e mechanism r e s t r i c t e d s t a t e a c t i v i t y too e x t e n s i v e l y , and. hence, i t became i n e f f e c t i v e . U l t i m a t e l y , the f e d e r a l l e v e l of the s t a t e accepted t o t a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the s i n g l e unemployed .through the e stablishment of the DND r e l i e f camps. Furthermore, the m i l i t a r y took c o n t r o l of a l a r g e number of c i v i l i a n s . The DND c o n t r o l of the s i n g l e unemployed i n d i c a t e s that the s t r u c t u r a l l i m i t a t i o n s imposed on s t a t e a c t i o n v i s - a - v i s the demands of the unemployed segment of the working c l a s s n e c e s s i t a t e d the a l t e r a t i o n of j u r i s d i c t i o n a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . A f e d e r a l i n s t i t u t i o n accepted r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r a group o u t s i d e i t s mandate of a u t h o r i t y , and the n a t i o n a l m i l i t a r y took c o n t r o l of c i v i l i a n s who were under p r o v i n c i a l and l o c a l j u r i s d i c t i o n . The l i m i t a t i o n s on s t a t e a c t i v i t y had to be bypassed to address the counter-hegemonic, s t r u g g l i n g unemployed. 203 Events duri n g the op e r a t i o n of the DND r e l i e f camp scheme p r o v i d e f u r t h e r evidence that the l e v e l of s t r u c t u r e of the n egative s e l e c t i v e mechanism had become i n o p e r a t i v e . The j u r i s d i c t i o n a l d i s p u t e s between the B r i t i s h Columbia government and the f e d e r a l government over r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the unemployed during the r e l i e f camp s t r i k e s of December 1934 and A p r i l 1935, i n d i c a t e the i n e f f e c t i v e n e s s of s t r u c t u r a l determinants of s t a t e a u t h o r i t y . Futhermore, the antagonism between the government of Saskatchewan and the f e d e r a l government over the i l l e g a l h a l t i n g of the trekkers' i n Regina, i n d i c a t e s that these s t a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s c o u l d not operate i n concert to suppress the unemployed. Whereas the Saskatchewan a u t h o r i t i e s and r a i l w a y o f f i c i a l s intended t o permit the t r e k k e r s t o proceed to.Ottawa unhindered, the f e d e r a l government f l a g r a n t l y overstepped i t s j u r i s d i c t i o n a l a u t h o r i t y , and independently ordered the RCMP to h a l t the t r e k k e r s . Despite the f a c t t hat Ottawa had denied any j u r i s d i c t i o n a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the s t r i k i n g r e l i e f camp workers when they were congregated i n Vancouver, ( r e g a r d l e s s of P a t t u l l o ' s p l e a s f o r f e d e r a l a c t i o n ) , when the t r e k k e r s a r r i v e d i n Regina, Ottawa assumed (unauthorized) a u t h o r i t y over the men, d e s p i t e Saskatchwan's p r o t e s t s . As I have argued i n chapter f i v e , not only d i d the Bennett government act u n c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l y i n h a l t i n g the men, the subsequent containment of the unemployed i n Regina by the f e d e r a l p o l i c e f o r c e was both beyond f e d e r a l j u r i s d i c t i o n , and based on a law that had, ap p a r e n t l y , e x p i r e d . These, examples' serve to i n d i c a t e that the l e v e l of s t r u c t u r e of the negative 204 s e l e c t i v e mechanism, which determines s t a t e l e g a l and j u r i s d i c t i o n a l a u t h o r i t y i n order to ensure e f f e c t i v e e l i m i n a t i o n of some p o l i t i c a l demands, had broken down and was not o p e r a t i n g e f f e c t i v e l y d u r i n g the c r i s i s of c r i s i s management. The laws e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1867 were a r c h a i c by the 1930s. To suppress the r a d i c a l unemployed, the s t a t e was r e q u i r e d to bypass the j u r i s d i c t i o n a l and l e g a l r e s t r a i n t s imposed by the s t r u c t u r e of the Canadian s t a t e . The eventual extension of f e d e r a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y in the establishment of unemployment insurance, i n d i c a t e s that the outcome of the s t r u g g l e that i n i t i a t e d the breakdown of the l e v e l of s t r u c t u r e was the implementation of p o l i c i e s intended to b e n e f i t the working c l a s s . 'Ideology P r i o r to the s t a t e ' s r e s o r t to d i r e c t r e p r e s s i o n , the next l e v e l of the negative s e l e c t i v e mechanism i d e n t i f i e d by Of f e , a l s o broke down. Through the l e v e l of ideology the negative s e l e c t i v e mechanism i s able to exclude a n t i - c a p i t a l i s t demands from e n t e r i n g the p o l i t i c a l sphere by d e f i n i n g them as being o u t s i d e of the realm of problems p e r c e i v e d and a r t i c u l a t e d as i s s u e s the s t a t e need to address. To examine the breakdown of ideology, we must extend beyond a s t a t i c concept of ideology as simply a f i l t e r working i n the i n t e r e s t s of c a p i t a l , and t r a c e the h i s t o r i c a l and c u l t u r a l development of t h i s l e v e l of the negative s e l e c t i v e mechanism. 205 Canada's welfare p o l i c y was based on E l i z a b e t h e a n Poor Laws, and r e l e g a t e d care f o r the poor p r i m a r i l y to the f a m i l y and p r i v a t e c h a r i t i e s . State involvement was minimal. P r i v a t e and r e l i g i o u s o r g a n i z a t i o n s were a c t i v e i n i n s t i l l i n g the 'habit of economy' i n the poor, and the work e t h i c entrenched i n the dominant ideology promoted i n d i v i d u a l s e l f - r e l i a n c e . Hence, in the seasonal, but expanding Canadian economy, there was p e r c e i v e d to be no l e g i t i m a t e reason f o r a b l e - b o d i e d men to be unemployed. As the general absence of m u n i c i p a l and p r o v i n c i a l f a c i l i t i e s to p r o v i d e r e l i e f i n d i c a t e , e x t e n s i v e p r o v i s i o n for-the unemployed was not c o n s i d e r e d to be a matter to be d e a l t with by the s t a t e . T h i s ideology was imbedded i n the C o n s t i t u t i o n by the r e l e g a t i o n of care f o r the poor to s c a t t e r e d , l o c a l s t a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s . Widespread d e s t i t u t i o n c r e a t e d by severe unemployment was not an i s s u e p e r c e i v e d to be a problem that was to be addressed by e x t e n s i v e s t a t e a c t i o n , and s t a t e job c r e a t i o n programmes were not even c o n s i d e r e d . Evidence of the breakdown of the l e v e l of i d e o l o g y i n the negative s e l e c t i v e mechanism i s r e v e a l e d through the demands made to the f e d e r a l government by o r g a n i z e d members of the working c l a s s , d u r i n g the 1930s. Although the dominant ideology promoted the b e l i e f that any a b l e - b o d i e d person was capable of s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y , the high unemployment l e v e l of the Great Depression i n i t i a t e d i n c e s s a n t demands from numerous groups f o r e x t e n s i v e s t a t e a s s i s t a n c e f o r the unemployed. The organized, counter-hegemonic unemployed were i n c r e a s i n g l y v o c a l , demanding f e d e r a l a c t i o n through the p r o v i s i o n of r e l i e f f o r the 206 u n e m p l o y e d . I t i s i m p o r t a n t t o n o t e t h a t , s t r u c t u r a l l i m i t a t i o n s o f t h e s t a t e d i d n o t r e n d e r a l l s t a t e a u t h o r i t i e s a s s i m p l y o b j e c t i v e b e a r e r s o f s t r u c t u r a l i m p e r a t i v e s , b u t e v e n m e m b e r s o f t h e l o c a l a n d p r o v i n c i a l g o v e r n m e n t s w e r e i n s i s t i n g t h a t t h e r e a l m o f s t a t e a c t i o n b e a u g m e n t e d t o i n c l u d e f e d e r a l p r o v i s i o n f o r t h e u n e m p l o y e d . A s t h e m i l i t a n c y o f t h e u n e m p l o y e d i n c r e a s e d , s o d i d t h e c a l l s f o r e x t e n d e d s t a t e a c t i o n . T h e t h r e a t p o s e d b y t h e t h o u s a n d s o f m i l i t a n t u n e m p l o y e d , i n i t i a l l y p r e c i p i t a t e d t h e f e d e r a l g o v e r n m e n t t o i n c l u d e i n i t s m a n d a t e t h e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y t o d e a l w i t h t h e R e l i e f A c t s o f 1 9 3 1 . T h e s e A c t s w e r e , h o w e v e r , i n t e n d e d t o d e a l w i t h t h e ' t e m p o r a r y ' u n e m p l o y m e n t p r o b l e m , a n d w e r e p e r c e i v e d t o b e e x c e p t i o n a l s t a t e a c t i o n . H o w e v e r , t h e t e m p o r a r y s o l u t i o n s w e r e i n a d e q u a t e t o c o n t a i n t h e d e m a n d s f o r e x t e n d e d s t a t e a c t i o n . T h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f t h e D N D c a m p s c h e m e i n d i c a t e s t h a t t h e i d e o l o g i c a l e x c l u s i o n o f e x t e n s i v e s t a t e m a i n t e n a n c e o f t h e d e s t i t u t e u n e m p l o y e d c o u l d n o t p e r s i s t . T h e n e g a t i v e s e l e c t i v e m e c h a n i s m l e v e l o f i d e o l o g y w a s r e p u d i a t e d , a n d e x c e p t i o n a l s t a t e i n v o l v e m e n t t h r o u g h t h e f e d e r a l s t a t e a p p a r a t u s c a m e t o b e p e r c e i v e d a s n e c e s s a r y i f t h e c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l o r d e r w a s t o b e m a i n t a i n e d . T h e c o n t r o l o f c i v i l i a n u n e m p l o y e d m e n b y t h e n a t i o n a l m i l i t a r y i s e v i d e n c e o f a n e x p a n d e d c o n c e p t i o n o f t h e r e a l m o f s t a t e a c t i o n . T h i s a l t e r e d u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f p e r m i s s i b l e s t a t e a c t i o n w a s s u d d e n , a n d n o t c l e a r l y d e l i n e a t e d , h o w e v e r . A l t h o u g h O t t a w a a s s u m e d c o m p l e t e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r t h e s e u n e m p l o y e d , i t 207 denied t h i s duty when the B.C. inmates went on s t r i k e -- d e s p i t e the f a c t that they were s t i l l o f f i c i a l l y r e l i e f camp inmates. T h i s c o n f u s i o n that o c c u r r e d w i t h i n the s t a t e as the negative s e l e c t i v e mechanism broke down, demonstrates the nuances of the s o c i a l formation that O f f e ' s g e n e r a l t h e o r e t i c a l o u t l i n e cannot s a t i s f a c t o r i l y address. The breakdown of the negative s e l e c t i v e mechanism i s not l i n e a r , but fraught with i n t r i c a t e t e n s i o n s s p e c i f i c to the s o c i o - h i s t o r i c a l context. N e v e r t h e l e s s , i t i s apparent that d u r i n g the e x c e p t i o n a l s t a t e r e p r e s s i o n u t i l i z e d to c o n t r o l the d i s s i d e n t unemployed, the realm of s t a t e a c t i o n was not c l e a r l y d e f i n e d , i n d i c a t i n g the breakdown of the negative s e l e c t i v e mechanism at the l e v e l of ideology. The c a l l s f o r extensive f e d e r a l involvement i n p r o v i d i n g for the d e s t i t u t e , p r e c i p i t a t e d the breakdown of the i d e o l o g i c a l c i r c u m s c r i p t i o n of s t a t e a c t i v i t y . The e v e n t u a l growth of the Canadian w e l f a r e s t a t e i n d i c a t e s that t h i s s t r u g g l e i n i t i a t e d an expanded p e r c e p t i o n of s t a t e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . Process The t h i r d l e v e l of the negative s e l e c t i v e mechanism that works to ensure that a n t i - c a p i t a l i s t i n t e r e s t s are not addressed by the s t a t e , i s process, and i s c o n s t i t u t e d by the r u l e s that govern decision-making. These r u l e s r e l e g a t e working c l a s s demands to low p r i o r i t y f o r s t a t e a t t e n t i o n . In the Canadian s t a t e , process i n v o l v e s , f o r example, p a r l i a m e n t a r y debate. 208 P r i o r to the establishment of the DND r e l i e f camp scheme, the Canadian s t a t e attempted to c o n t r o l the unemployed w i t h i n i t s l e g a l parameters of a c t i o n . Consequently, the usual r u l e s that govern the decision-making p r o c e s s were adhered t o . I t i s important to note, however, that the Unemployment and Farm R e l i e f Act of 1931, was the l a s t attempt by the s t a t e to address the issues r a i s e d by the unemployment s i t u a t i o n p r i o r to the establishment of the r e l i e f camp scheme, and as shown i n chapter t h r e e , t h i s Act was not implemented through the e s t a b l i s h e d p a rliamentary procedures. I t was l e g i t i m a t e d on the b a s i s - o f the p e r c e i v e d t h r e a t the unemployed posed to the peace, order, and good government of Canada, and was i n t r o d u c e d through an Order i n C o u n c i l . The growing urgency of the s i t u a t i o n c r e a t e d by the m i l i t a n t , counter-hegemonic unemployed r e q u i r e d hasty s t a t e a c t i o n . Hence, the usual p a r l i a m e n t a r y process was not s u f f i c i e n t , and t h i s p o l i c y was implemented by government decree r a t h e r than p a r l i a m e n t a r y debate. A c l o s e examination of the h i s t o r i c a l and i d e o l o g i c a l context the s t a t e was o p e r a t i n g i n , i s embeleshed through a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the s o c i a l formation at a given h i s t o r i c a l moment. The evidence of the breakdown of the s e l e c t i v e mechanism process i s most c l e a r l y manifest i n the a c t i o n s taken by the s t a t e at the time of the o p e r a t i o n of the r e l i e f camp scheme du r i n g the 1930s. The urgency of the c r i s i s of c r i s i s management of the s t a t e i n the s o c i a l context of the Great Depression, made i t imperative t h a t the demands of the unemployed be addressed immediately, and consequently, the u s u a l decision-making 209 processes t h a t serve to put a n t i - c a p i t a l i s t demands at a disadvantage, proved to be i n e f f e c t i v e . The breakdown of the l e v e l of process i n the negative s e l e c t i v e mechanism was manifest i n a v a r i e t y of ways during the r e l i e f camp scheme. Contrary to the usual s t a t e procedures undertaken p r i o r to the establishment of a n a t i o n a l programme such as the DND r e l i e f camp scheme, no s t u d i e s , Royal Commissions, or task f o r c e s were e s t a b l i s h e d . Rather, as chapter four r e v e a l s , the DND p l a n was drawn up w i t h i n nineteen hours of an i n f o r m a l request made by the Prime M i n i s t e r . Upon the implementation of t h i s scheme, i n a l l matters concerning i t s o p e r a t i o n , usual p a r l i a m e n t a r y procedures were surpassed. The DND r e l i e f camp scheme was a d m i n i s t e r e d through twenty three c o n s e c u t i v e Orders i n C o u n c i l that d i d not r e q u i r e parliamentary debate, but c o n s t i t u t e d e x e c u t i v e decrees. The l e v e l of the ne g a t i v e s e l e c t i v e mechanism e s t a b l i s h e d to ensure that a n t i - c a p i t a l i s t demands are not given p r i o r i t y i n the decision-making process were not s u f f i c i e n t to permit the s t a t e to a t t e n d to the urgent s i t u a t i o n c r e a t e d by the demands of the unemployed working c l a s s . When the s t a t e was f o r c e d to d e a l with the t h r e a t posed by the m i l i t a n t unemployed by d i r e c t r e p r e s s i o n , t h i s s e l e c t i v e mechanism that r e l e g a t e d such demands to low p r i o r i t y had to be superseded i f the s t a t e was to f u l f i l l i t s mandate to maintain s o c i a l calm. The e f f e c t of the breakdown of t h i s l e v e l may be seen to have c o n t r i b u t e d to the t i m e l y implementation of the 1940 Unemployment Insurance 210 Act. Rather than w a i t i n g u n t i l s o l d i e r s r eturned from the Second World War, the government had overcome the C o n s t i t u t i o n a l l i m i t a t i o n s that r e s t r i c t e d s t a t e a c t i v i t y , and t h i s w e l f a r e p o l i c y was f i r m l y i n place upon the d e m o b i l i z a t i o n of tr o o p s . Repression As r e v e a l e d i n chapter t h r e e , p r i o r to the establishment of the DND r e l i e f camp scheme, extensive r e p r e s s i o n of the unemployed was p r a c t i c e d by the c o e r c i v e apparatus of the Canadian s t a t e . However, even t h i s f a i l e d to e f f e c t i v e l y suppress the r a d i c a l i z e d , m i l i t a n t , s t r u g g l i n g , unemployed segment of the working c l a s s . The i n i t i a l attempt by s t a t e a u t h o r i t i e s to monitor the unemployed who a r r i v e d i n Vancouver on the f r e i g h t t r a i n s proved to be an impossible task f o r the r a i l w a y c o n s t a b l e . Depending upon the m u n i c i p a l r e l i e f departments to maintain a r e c o r d of the unemployed r e l i e f r e c i p i e n t s , was a l s o i n s u f f i c i e n t . D e s p i t e the e f f o r t s of the B.C. government and the p o l i c e , the s t a t e c o u l d not stem the flow of unemployed t r a n s i e n t s e n t e r i n g the p r o v i n c e . The ex t e n s i v e p o l i c e i n f i l t r a t i o n of the unemployed per m i t t e d s u r v e i l l a n c e and some c o n t r o l of the unemployed, but as the numerous, v i o l e n t c l a s h e s with p o l i c e i n Vancouver i n d i c a t e , and the c h i e f of the p o l i c e a f f i r m e d , even t h i s overt p o l i c e r e p r e s s i o n was inadequate t o s t i f l e the demands of the unemployed. Although hunger marches and tag days were banned, the unemployed continued to draw p u b l i c a t t e n t i o n to t h e i r 21 1 p l i g h t . In an attempt to c u r t a i l a c t i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n of the unemployed the s t a t e a u t h o r i t i e s focussed t h e i r r e p r e s s i o n on the communists. D e s p i t e the a r r e s t of l e a d e r s of the unemployed, d e c l a r a t i o n of the Communist Party as an i l l e g a l a s s o c i a t i o n , and the d e p o r t a t i o n of communist o r g a n i z e r s , the unemployed movement continued to grow. Even t h i s e x t e n s i v e r e p r e s s i o n of l e a d e r s of the unemployed was not s u f f i c i e n t to s t i f l e the counter-hegemonic movement. It i s c l e a r t h a t i n t h e - s o c i o - h i s t o r i c a l context of the Great Depression, the Canadian s t a t e was unable to adequately suppress the demands made by the unemployed segment of the working c l a s s and i t s - s upporters through usual s t a t e procedures. Each l e v e l of the negative s e l e c t i v e mechanism; s t r u c t u r e , i d e o l o g y , process, and r e p r e s s i o n , proved to be i n s u f f i c i e n t to exclude the demands of the unemployed from the realm of s t a t e a c t i v i t y . D espite the f u l l u t i l i z a t i o n of each of these ' f i l t e r s ' , the unemployed movement continued t o gather support. The p o l i t i c a l demands of the counter-hegemonic unemployed p e r s i s t e d , and the s t r u g g l e of the unemployed segment of the working c l a s s presented a growing c h a l l e n g e to the c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l order. The breakdown of the negative s e l e c t i v e mechanism u l t i m a t e l y r e s u l t e d i n the Canadian s t a t e r e s o r t i n g to r e p r e s s i o n through the establishment of the Department of N a t i o n a l Defence R e l i e f Camp Scheme-, i n order to deal with the-t h r e a t posed by the unemployed. 212 Resort to Repression The breakdown of the negative s e l e c t i v e mechanism due to the f i s c a l c r i s i s that rendered the s t a t e unable to meet i t s s o c i a l consumption expenses, and the t h r e a t the counter-hegemonic unemployed posed to the c a p t i a l i s t s o c i a l order, r e s u l t e d i n the s t a t e r e s o r t i n g to o v e r t , unusual r e p r e s s i o n . The s e q u e s t e r i n g of the m i l i t a n t , d i s s i d e n t unemployed who were p r e s e n t i n g a s e r i o u s t h r e a t to the e x i s t i n g c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n by means of the m i l i t a r y - c o n t r o l l e d r e l i e f camps, c o n s t i t u t e d a r e p r e s s i v e means of c o n t a i n i n g the d i s s e n t . As Gough s t a t e s , " u l t i m a t e l y , the r u l e of any c l a s s r e s t s on f o r c e " (Gough, 1979: 41). The unemployed formed a counter-hegemonic group, and p e r s i s t e d i n demanding r a d i c a l s o c i a l . c h a n g e . Unable to exclude t h e i r demands from i t s realm of a c t i o n , and p e r c e i v i n g the t h r e a t the unemployed posed to the i n t e r e s t s of c a p i t a l , the s t a t e r e s o r t e d to the i n c a r c e r a t i o n of these men i n t o camps operated by the m i l i t a r y . The s t r i n g e n t budget the camps operated on, that r e s u l t e d i n the absence of amenities f o r the inmates, i n d i c a t e s that t h i s s o c i a l expense was p e r c e i v e d to be of such importance i t was operated even in the context of a severe f i s c a l c r i s i s . Even the c o e r c i o n e x e r c i s e d through the camps, and the e x t e n s i v e p o l i c e i n f i l t r a t i o n of the ranks of the unemployed, was not s u f f i c i e n t to s i l e n c e t h e i r d i s c o n t e n t . D e s p i t e the o utlawings of the RCWU and the e v i c t i o n of union members, the 213 counter-hegemonic movement of the unemployed r e l i e f camp workers f l o u r i s h e d i n the camps. P o l i c e c o n t r o l through i n f i l i t r a t i o n and a r r e s t s was not s u c c e s s f u l i n suppressing the unemployed. D e s p i t e Mayor McGeer's attempt to break the s t r i k e by implementing the R i o t Act, and the v i o l e n t d i s p e r s a l and a r r e s t of s t r i k e r s on that o c c a s i o n , the d i s s i d e n t movement p e r s i s t e d . The v i o l e n t r e p r e s s i o n of the counter-hegemonic unemployed i n Regina on J u l y 1, 1935, the c u t t i n g o f f of a l l r e l i e f p r o v i s i o n s i n Regina, the d e c a p i t a t i o n of the movement by the a r r e s t of e i g h t l e a d e r s , and the d e c l a r a t i o n of the unemployed as an i l l e g a l a s s o c i a t i o n , u l t i m a t e l y served to e f f e c t i v e l y break the counter-hegemonic movement of the unemployed, and d i d succeed i n s t i f l i n g the d i s s e n t . When the unemployed returned to the B.C. camps improved c o n d i t i o n s and a g r e a t e r amount of s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e , served to p a c i f y t h e i r immediate demands. C e s s a t i o n of E x c e p t i o n a l Repression The c l o s u r e of the DND camps i n 1936 marked the end of the r e p r e s s i o n u t i l i z e d by the s t a t e to c o n t r o l the c o u n t e r -hegemonic unemployed during the Great Depression; and with the subsequent improvement i n the economy, the Canadian s t a t e resumed i t s usual s t r u c t u r a l procedures i n m a i n t a i n i n g the balance between c a p i t a l and the working c l a s s . M i l i t a n c y among the unemployed erupted again i n Vancouver d u r i n g 1938; and once again , the s t a t e v i o l e n t l y r e p r e s s e d the unemployed. However, 214 s i m i l a r to a c t i o n s taken by the p o l i c e p r i o r to the establishment of the r e l i e f camp scheme, t h i s r e p r e s s i o n was c a r r i e d out with due regard f o r j u r i s d i c t i o n a l a u t h o r i t y and l e g a l i t y . The f e d e r a l government's p r o v i s i o n of temporary, emergency r e l i e f i n J u l y 1938, i n d i c a t e s that the negative s e l e c t i v e mechanism was o p e r a t i n g s u c c e s s f u l l y . The t h r e a t posed by the unemployed during 1938 was s h o r t - l i v e d , however, as the expanding war economy absorbed thousands of workers. N e v e r t h e l e s s , the c l a s s s t r u g g l e l e d by the unemployed, that r e s u l t e d i n t h e i r i n c a r c e r a t i o n w i t h i n the DND camps, u l t i m a t e l y had an impact on the p o l i c i e s of the Canadian s t a t e . The i n t r o d u c t i o n of new s t a t e p o l i c i e s that c r e a t e d employment f o r these men may be seen as an outcome of t h e - c l a s s s t r u g g l e . I t i s ' i m p o r t a n t to note, however, that these laws were e s t a b l i s h e d w i t h i n the s t r u c t u r a l c o n s t r a i n t s of the s t a t e , and d i d not threaten the e x i s t i n g socio-economic order. The eventual establishment of the Unemployment Insurance Act of 1940 can be seen as one outcome of the s t r u g g l e l e d by the unemployed during the Great D e p r e s s i o n . 5 7 Some groups had been c a l l i n g f o r the establishment of a n a t i o n a l unemployment scheme f o r y e a r s , and unemployment insurance was p r e v a l e n t throughout the western world, yet Canadian business l a r g e l y opposed the A c t . Nev e r t h e l e s s , 1940 witnessed the i n t r o d u c t i o n of t h i s l e g i s l a t i o n . I t i s important to note that the s p e c i f i c 5 7 For a d i s c u s s i o n of the development of the Canadian welfare s t a t e , and t h i s Act see; S t r u t h e r s , 1983; Cuneo, 1979). 215 c u l t u r a l , h i s t o r i c a l , and s o c i a l context of 1940 was c r u c i a l to the e v e n t u a l i n t r o d u c t i o n of t h i s A c t . Canada was emerging from an era of severe economic depression and u n u s u a l l y r a d i c a l s o c i a l unrest among a l a r g e segment of the working c l a s s . At the same time, the country was immersed in i t s second World War, and the war-economy was booming. The recent s t r u g g l e s of those most s e v e r e l y a f f e c t e d by the economic de p r e s s i o n , and the memory of the unemployment that r e s u l t e d from the d e m o b i l i z a t i o n of World War One t r o o p s j u s t twenty f i v e years p r e v i o u s , were s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r s l e a d i n g to the implementation of t h i s p o l i c y . Thus, the s t r u g g l e s of the unemployed duri n g p e r i o d s of economic downturn and high unemployment — the time when the Canadian working c l a s s r e a c t e d s t r o n g l y to i t s disadvantaged p o s i t i o n and a c r i s i s of hegemony developed — r e s u l t e d i n the Canadian s t a t e implementing p o l i c i e s f o r the b e n e f i t of the working c l a s s . I t i s important to note, however, that t h i s p o l i c y i s s u b j e c t to the s t r u c t u r a l c o n s t r a i n t s of the c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e . By ensuring that s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e p r o v i s i o n s are l e s s a p pealing than the lowest l e v e l of employment, the UIC Act serves to ensure the necessary, ready labour f o r c e f o r c a p i t a l , and the c e n t r a l i z e d s t a t e d i s t r i b u t i o n of t h i s p o l i c y allows the s t a t e to maintain e x t e n s i v e s u r v e i l l a n c e of t h i s p o t e n t i a l l y counter-hegemonic segment of the working c l a s s . 216 Summary and C o n c l u s i o n s In t h i s chapter I have d i s c u s s e d the r o l e of the s t a t e i n c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y , i n order to p r o v i d e an a n a l y s i s of the a c t i o n s taken by the Canadian s t a t e i n the establishment of the Department of N a t i o n a l Defence r e l i e f camp scheme. I have argued that the s i n g l e unemployed men formed a counter-hegemonic group, thus posing a s e r i o u s t h r e a t to the c a p i t a l i s t s o c i a l order. To f u l f i l l i t s mandate to ensure the maintenance of c a p i t a l i s m , the Canadian s t a t e was o b l i g a t e d to c o n t r o l t h i s d i s s e n t i n g group. Due to the f i s c a l c r i s i s i t was immersed i n , however, the s t a t e was unable to p a c i f y the unemployed through s o c i a l a s s i s t a n c e . As the demands f o r a r a d i c a l r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of the s o c i a l order i n t e n s i f i e d , the s t a t e was o b l i g e d to address the i s s u e s r a i s e d by the unemployed. Despite i n c r e a s e d s t a t e expenditures on r e l i e f p r o v i s i o n s , even i n the context of a f i s c a l c r i s i s , and the e x t e n s i v e p o l i c e c o n t r o l , the counter-hegemonic unemployed c o u l d not be suppressed. The s t r u c t u r a l l i m i t a t i o n s of the Canadian c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e c o u l d not permit such a n t i - c a p i t a l i s t demands to be addressed by i t . The p e r s i s t e n t s t r u g g l e of the unemployed and the r i s i n g c r i s i s of hegemony, however, made e x c e p t i o n a l s t a t e a c t i o n mandatory. The s t a t e faced a c r i s i s i n i t s management of the tenuous r e l a t i o n s h i p between c a p i t a l and the working c l a s s . Consequently, the s t r u c t u r a l mechanism t h a t r e s t r i c t e d the s t a t e ' s sphere of a c t i o n to the e x c l u s i o n of such working c l a s s demands, became u s e l e s s . The s t a t e experienced a 217 c r i s i s i n i t s a d m i n i s t r a t i v e r a t i o n a l i t y . As I have argued above, the s t a t e was o b l i g e d to o v e r s t e p every l e v e l of the negative s e l e c t i v e mechanism that excludes a n t i r c a p i t a l i s t i n t e r e s t s from i t s sphere of a c t i o n , i n the attempt to c o n t r o l the unemployed and thereby meet i t s o b l i g a t i o n to c a p i t a l . The unmanageable t h r e a t posed by the unemployed r e s u l t e d i n the Canadian s t a t e ' s recourse to o v e r t , unprecedented r e p r e s s i o n . The establishment of the DND r e l i e f camp scheme served to u l t i m a t e l y r e p r e s s t h i s t h r e a t e n i n g , counter-hegemonic group. Wolfe (1971) s t a t e s that "... r e p r e s s i o n e x i s t s because there i s s t r u g g l e ; without p o l i t i c a l movement there need not be any r e p r e s s i o n " (Wolfe, 1971: 34). K e l l o u g h e t a l . , (1980) p o i n t out t h a t ; " c o n f l i c t t h e o r i e s of s o c i a l c o n t r o l suggest that p o l i t i c a l and economic c o n d i t i o n s r a t h e r than crime per se are p r i n c i p l e f a c t o r s i n f l u e n c i n g s t a t e c o n t r o l e f f o r t s " (Kellough et a l . , 1980; 253). The o r g a n i z e d unemployed who posed a very r e a l t h r e a t to the e x i s t i n g socio-economic order during the f i s c a l c r i s i s of the Great Depression were u l t i m a t e l y sequestered i n t o t i g h t l y c o n t r o l l e d camps operated by the m i l i t a r y . D e s p i t e e x t e n s i v e e f f o r t s of the s t a t e to c o n t r o l the d i s s i d e n t m i l i t a n t r e l i e f camp inmates, d i s c o n t e n t was only augmented i n the camps. Contained in remote areas to undertake p r o j e c t s with no apparent purpose, for which -they r e c e i v e d no wage, f r u s t r a t e d and angered the unemployed. Even the c o e r c i o n u t i l i z e d i n the camp scheme was not s u f f i c i e n t to c o n t a i n them. 218 Determined to a f f e c t s t a t e p o l i c y , t h i s segment of the working c l a s s set o f f to Ottawa to present i t s demands to the s t a t e ' s highest l e v e l of a u t h o r i t y . The m a g n i f i c a t i o n of the t h r e a t posed by the Communist-organized, counter-hegemonic unemployed as they t r a v e l l e d toward Ottawa, p r e c i p i t a t e d extreme s t a t e r e p r e s s i o n — the Regina R i o t . T h i s v i o l e n t r e p r e s s i o n , the i n c a r c e r a t i o n of the trek l e a d e r s , along with the promise of improved s t a t e p r o v i s i o n s was s u c c e s s f u l i n breaking the growing, t h r e a t e n i n g , counter-hegemonic movement. 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Woods, Raymond 1985 Personal Interview, May 23, 1985; Westbank, B.C. 2 3 5 APPENDIX ONE B r i t i s h Columbia R e l i e f Camp Workers Union Canadian Labour Defence League C e n t r a l Committee of Unemployed C o u n c i l s CCF Unemployed C o u n c i l s Chinese P r o t e c t i v e A s s o c i a t i o n Free Speech Committee F i n n i s h Workers' Club F r i e n d s of the S o v i e t Union German Workers' Club N a t i o n a l Unemployed Workers' A s s o c i a t i o n P r o v i n c i a l Committee of Unemployed C o u n c i l s P r o v i n c i a l Workers' C o u n c i l Scandinavian Workers's Club S i n g l e Unemployed P r o t e c t i v e A s s o c i a t i o n Ukranian Workers' Club Unemployed Block Committees - Neighbourhood C o u n c i l s Unemployed C o u n c i l s of Canada Vancouver D i r e c t R e l i e f A s s o c i a t i o n Women's Labour League Workers' Ex-Servicemen's League Workers' I n t e r n a t i o n a l R e l i e f Workers' P r o t e c t i v e A s s o c i a t i o n Workers' U n i t y League Workers' Youth Committee Young Communist League 237 Appendix Two B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l R e l i e f Camps - 1934 Group A: Six P r o j e c t s ; S i x t e e n Camps. P r o j e c t s : Hope-Princeton Highway; Hope-Rosedale Highway; Deroche-Aggassiz Highway; Hope-Boston Bar Highway. Group B: Four P r o j e c t s ; Ten Camps. P r o j e c t s : Spences B r i d g e - L y t t o n Highway; Spences Bridge-M e r r i t t Highway; Boston Bar A i r p o r t . Group C: Three P r o j e c t s ; E i g h t Camps. Hope-Princeton Highway; P r i n c e t o n - M e r r i t t Highway. Group D: Three P r o j e c t s ; Seven Camps. Salmon Arm-Sorrento Highway; Salmon Arm-Sicamous Highway; Grindrod-Mara Lake Highway. Group E: Summer Camps only; Three P r o j e c t s ; Four Camps. North Thompson R i v e r ; Kamloops Lake Road. Group F: Three P r o j e c t s ; Six Camps. Bi g Bend Highway; Revelstoke-Sicamous Highway. Group F: Summer Camps. One P r o j e c t ; Nine Camps Big Bend Highway. Group G: Six P r o j e c t s ; Seven Camps . P o i n t Grey; White Rock I n t e r n a t i o n a l Highway; Pender Harbour; Sechelt Road; Sguamish; B r i t t a n i a Beach; B l a i r R i f l e Range. Group H: Four P r o j e c t s ; Seven Camps. West Coast Road, Vancouver I s l a n d ; Sooke-Jordan River Road; Jordan R i v e r - P o r t Renfrew; Macaulay F o r t . Group K: Three P r o j e c t s ; Two Camps. Oyama Highway; Wilson's Landing. 238 Group K: Summer Camps. One P r o j e c t ; One Camp. Rock Creek A i r p o r t . In A d d i t i o n : One P r o j e c t ; Nine Camps i n Revelstoke intended to be opended i n S p r i n g , 1935. F i v e P r o j e c t s ; Seven Camps operated at one time, but c l o s e d permanently by 1934. Deroche-Agassiz; Spences Bridge-Cache Creek Road; A l d e r g r o v e ; Naramata. 239 Department of N a t i o n a l Defence R e l i e f Camps i n B r i t i s h Columbia P r o j e c t Number 22; Yank, B.C., Intermediate Landing F i e l d . P r o j e c t Number 23; K i t c h n e r , B.C., Intermediate Landing F i e l d . P r o j e c t Number 24; Salmo, B.C., Intermediate Landing F i e l d . P r o j e c t Number 25; P r i n c e t o n , B.C., Intermediate Landing F i e l d . P r o j e c t Number 26; Hope, B.C., Intermediate Landing F i e l d . P r o j e c t Number 34; Cranbrook, B.C., R i f l e Range. P r o j e c t Number 48; V i c t o r i a , B.C., D i s t r i c t Headquarters, M i l i t a r y D i s t r i c t 11, A d m i n i s t r a t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 55; Hope, B.C., Hope - P r i n c e t o n Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 56; P r i n c e t o n , B.C., Hope - P r i n c e t o n Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 57; Vancouver I s l a n d , West Coast Road Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 60; Kingsgate, E a s t p o r t , Yahk, B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 61; Crow's Nest, M i c h e l , B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 62; Kimberly - Wasa, B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 63; Long Beach, Nelson - F r a s e r ' s Landing, B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . 240 P r o j e c t Number 64; G o a t f e l l , Creston - G o a t f e l l , B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 65; Nelway, Nelway - Nelson, B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 66; China Creek - C a s t l e g a r - T r a i l , B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 67; Shoreacres - Nelson - C a s t l e g a r , B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 68; Rockcreek - Tadana, B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 69; Sheepcreek - Rossland - Cascade, B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 70; Yahk - Kootenay, B.C., Group Headquarters, Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 71; Long Beach - West Kootenay, B.C., Group Headquarters, Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 72; N i s k o n l i n t h F o r e s t Reserve, F o r e s t r y . P r o j e c t Number 73; Rosedale - Hope, B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 74; Agass i z - H a r r i s o n M i l l s B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 75; Work P o i n t , Rodd H i l l and Heal's R i f l e Range F o r t McCauley, Esquimalt, B.C., R i f l e Range. P r o j e c t Number 76; Boston Bar, Hope - Bar, B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . 241 P r o j e c t Number 77; Hope, B.C., Group Headquarters, Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 78; P r i n c e t o n , B.C., Group Headquarters, Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 79; Sooke, B.C., Group Headquarters, Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 80; Cranbrook, B.C., M u n i c i p a l A i r p o r t . P r o j e c t Number 82; M e r r i t t - P r i n c e t o n , B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 83; T r a i l - F r u i t v a l e , B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 84; B a l f o u r - K a s l o - New Denver, B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 85; Mount O l d f i e l d , B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 86; Spence's Bri d g e B.C., Group Headquarters, Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 87; Spence's Bri d g e - L y t t o n , B.C., Highway Co n s t r u c t o n . P r o j e c t Number 88; Spence's Bri d g e - Cache Creek, B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 89; Spence's Bri d g e - M e r r i t t , B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 95; Salmon Arm, B.C., Group Headquarters, Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . 242 P r o j e c t Number 96; Salmon Arm - Sorrento, B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 97; Salmon Arm - Sicamous - Gr i n d r o d , B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 98; Newgate - R o o s v i l l e - C u t o f f , B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 99; East Thurlow I s l a n d , B.C., F o r e s t r y . P r o j e c t Number 100; Revelstoke, B.C., Group Headquarters, Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 101; Revelstoke North - Big Bend, B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 102; Revelstoke - Sicamous, B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 105; Point Grey, B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 108; Boston Bar, B.C., Intermediate Landing F i e l d . P r o j e c t Number 111; Point Grey, B.C., Group Headquarters, Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 114; White Rock, B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 115; Aldergrove, B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 116; Pender Harbour - Half Moon Bay, B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 117; Squamish, B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . 2 4 3 P r o j e c t Number 118; Boston Bar, B.C., Warehouse. P r o j e c t Number 124; Taghum, B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 125; A l r i d g e , B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 126; Kamloops, B . C . , Group Headquarters, Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 127; North Thompson R i v e r , Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 128; Dead Man Creek - Kamloops Lake, B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 129; Kelowna, B.C., Group Headquarters, Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 130; Oyama, B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 131; Nahum, B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 132; Naramata, B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 134; North Vancouver, B.C., B l a i r R i f l e Range. P r o j e c t Number 135; Yahk, B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 136; K i t c h n e r , B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 149; Rock Creek, B.C., Intermediate Landing F i e l d . P r o j e c t Number 154; Canal F l a t s , B.C., Highway C o n s t r u c t i o n . P r o j e c t Number 157; O l i v e r , B.C., Intermediate Landing F i e l d . 244 P r o j e c t Number 158; L y t t o n , B.C. P r o j e c t Number 159; Midway, B.C., Intermediate Landing F i e l d . P r o j e c t Number 160; Pendleton, B.C., Intermediate Landing F i e l d . 5 8 5 8 Source; LeFresne, 1961: Appendix B 245 Appendix 3  Methodology The r e s e a r c h methods employed i n t h i s present s o c i o l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s of the DND r e l i e f camp scheme i n v o l v e d the e x t e n s i v e c o l l e c t i o n of both m a c r o - h i s t o r i c a l q u a n t i t a t i v e data and macro-economic q u a l i t a t i v e data. I approached t h i s study with the b e l i e f that s o c i o l o g i c a l i n s i g h t s i n t o the phenomenon of s t a t e c o n t r o l c o u l d be enhanced through an examination of s t a t e a c t i o n d u r i n g a p e r i o d of f i s c a l and s o c i a l c r i s e s . The q u a n t i t a t i v e economic data c o l l e c t e d served to i l l u s t r a t e that the Canadian s t a t e experienced a f i s c a l c r i s i s d u r i n g the 1930s, due to the severe r e d u c t i o n i n revenue from t a x a t i o n , resource r e n t s , and. i n d u s t r i a l p r o d u c t i o n . I have s u p p l i e d a great d e a l of q u a l i t a t i v e h i s t o r i c a l data i n order to g i v e s u f f i c i e n t evidence that a r a p i d l y expanding c r i s i s of l e g i t i m a t i o n was p r e c i p i t a t e d by the thousands of unemployed f o r whom no means of s u b s i s t e n c e e x i s t e d ; and to demonstrate that i t was beyond the a b i l i t y of the s t a t e to c o n t r o l t h i s group through the usual channels. Furthermore, to e s t a b l i s h s a t i s f a c t o r y evidence that the DND r e l i e f camps were not an adequate s o l u t i o n to the d i r e c o n d i t i o n s that unemployment had c r e a t e d f o r the d i s s i d e n t s , but served as a mechanism of s t a t e c o e r c i o n , a d e t a i l e d account of the r e l i e f camp scheme and the p r e v a l e n c e of unrest that c h a r a c t e r i z e d t h e i r o p e r a t i o n has been presented. 246 The q u a l i t a t i v e data gathered f o r t h i s present study were c o l l e c t e d p r i m a r i l y through a r c h i v a l r e s e a r c h . The S p e c i a l C o l l e c t i o n s D i v i s i o n of the L i b r a r y at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia was the source of a v a r i e t y of o r a l h i s t o r i e s and memoirs of the unemployed, and of those who a s s i s t e d these men. As w e l l , the papers of Premier Tolmie who headed the p r o v i n c i a l government throughout the e a r l y p a r t of the Depression years, are c o n t a i n e d t h e r e . During J u l y , 1984, I spent f i v e days s i f t i n g through t h i s data p r e s e r v e d in the S p e c i a l C o l l e c t i o n s D i v i s i o n , and obtained some v a l u a b l e i n f o r m a t i o n . The B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v e s are a r e p o s i t o r y f o r , among other p r o v i n c i a l r e c o r d s , the f i l e s of the defunct B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l P o l i c e and the papers of Premier P a t t u l l o . Between J u l y 30 and August 3, 1984, I was occupied reviewing the data gathered from these A r c h i v e s . These data r e v e a l e d the ex t e n s i v e s t a t e c o n t r o l of the unemployed that was undertaken by the P r o v i n c i a l P o l i c e . As w e l l , the apprehension f e l t by the members of the p r o v i n c i a l government v i s a v i s the organized, m i l i t a n t unemployed, i s evident i n the Premier's correspondence f i l e s . The Vancouver C i t y A r c h i v e s p r o v i d e d enough data f o r eleven f u l l days of r e s e a r c h . There, an e x c e l l e n t c o l l e c t i o n of documents p r o v i d e d d e t a i l e d i n f o r m a t i o n on v i r t u a l l y every f a c e t of the s o c i a l context of the Great Depression i n Vancouver. The d a i l y o p e r a t i o n a l f i l e s of the Vancouver C i t y P o l i c e c o ntained in these A r c h i v e s , r e c o r d every a c t i v i t y of t h i s p o l i c e f o r c e i n 247 i t s e f f o r t s to c o n t r o l the unemployed in the C i t y . The f i l e s of the mayors who were i n power d u r i n g the Depression years, r e v e a l the concerns, b e l i e f s , and a c t i v i t i e s of C i t y a u t h o r i t i e s i n r e l a t i o n to the unemployed. These records are complemented by the f i l e s of the C i t y C l e r k and the Vancouver R e l i e f Department, that serve to provide e x t e n s i v e i n f o r m a t i o n about the r e l i e f p r o v i s i o n s f o r the unemployed who congregated i n the c i t y . Accounts of the p l i g h t of the unemployed, s i n g l e , homeless men in the j u n g l e s , and t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s d u r i n g the r e l i e f camp s t r i k e s of 1934 and 1935 are recorded; and these are complemented by numerous photographs that are v i v i d p o r t r a y a l s of the s i t u a t i o n that e x i s t e d . The p r e s e r v a t i o n of pamphlets d i s t r i b u t e d to the unemployed, which were submitted to the p o l i c e by t h e i r informants, provide v a l u a b l e i n s i g h t i n t o the concerns of t h i s segment of the p o p u l a t i o n . An e x t e n s i v e c o l l e c t i o n of newspaper a r t i c l e s , organized by the C i t y ' s f i r s t a r c h i v i s t , Major Matthews, p r o v i d e s a comprehensive overview of the a c t i v i t i e s of the unemployed, and c i t i z e n s ' response to the s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n . L e t t e r s from r e s i d e n t s of Vancouver to v a r i o u s c i t y o f f i c i a l s i n t e r s p e r s e d throughout the above mentioned f i l e s , serve to i l l u s t r a t e the widespread p r o t e s t a g a i n s t the e x i s t i n g socio-economic c o n d i t i o n s . T h i s wealth of i n f o r m a t i o n preserved by the C i t y of Vancouver allowed me to o b t a i n a vast amount of data through which I c o u l d analyse the s o c i a l and l e g i t i m a t i o n c r i s e s t h a t l e d to the s t a t e ' s s o c i a l c o n t r o l of the unemployed i n the DND r e l i e f camps. 2 4 8 To supplement the data gathered from the three A r c h i v e s , I sought out any accounts of the Great Depression and the DND r e l i e f camp scheme that are a v a i l a b l e . These sources s u p p l i e d v a l u a b l e memoirs of thos i n v o l v e d i n the events d i s c u s s e d i n t h i s study, d e t a i l e d accounts of events and programmes i n i t i a t e d by the s t a t e , and some analyses of the events that occurred dur i n g that e r a . In a d d i t i o n , I had the p r i v i l a g e of i n t e r v i e w i n g four former r e l i e f camp inmates, two of whom were l e a d i n g p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the On To Ottawa Trek. Robert Savage, with whom I spoke f o r over an hour on May 31, 1985, i s the only l i v i n g member of the d e l e g a t i o n that met with Prime M i n i s t e r Bennett i n June, 1935. These former inmates gave me v i v i d accounts of t h e i r experiences and a t t i t u d e s d u r i n g the Great•Depression and the oper a t i o n of the r e l i e f camp scheme. In the process of ga t h e r i n g the data used f o r t h i s s o c i o l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s of the DND r e l i e f camp scheme, some t e c h n i c a l d i f f i c u l t i e s a r ose. Although the Vancouver C i t y a r c h i v i s t of the 1930s, Matthews, p r e s e r v e d a l a r g e c o l l e c t i o n of -newspaper a r t i c l e s c o v e r i n g a p e r i o d of a number of years i n a very o r d e r l y f a s h i o n , he f a i l e d to i d e n t i f y the source of these a r t i c l e s . Hence, the newspapers from which an a r t i c l e i s d e r i v e d i s unknown. As a r e s u l t , throughout t h i s study I have been o b l i g e d to c i t e Matthews as the r e f e r e n c e f o r most of the newspaper accounts. 249 Depending upon memoirs and o r a l h i s t o r i e s c r e a t e s one important problem. Memoirs may be b i a s e d and i n a c c u r a t e . The c o l l e c t i o n of a great d e a l of data permitted me to c o n t r o l f o r t h i s b i a s . As I was a b l e to gather a number of accounts of the same i n c i d e n t , i n f o r m a t i o n t h a t was suspected to be spurious, a f t e r c a r e f u l c o n s i d e r a t i o n , was not i n c l u d e d i n the t e x t . T h i s d i s c r e t i o n was very seldom necessary, and any i n f o r m a t i o n that was d i s c a r d e d or r e l e g a t e d to the s t a t u s of a f o o t n o t e , was not i n any way c r u c i a l to the s o c i o l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s of the problem. A f t e r I had amassed a g r e a t d e a l of data i l l u s t r a t i n g the f i s c a l and s o c i a l c r i s e s of the Canadian s t a t e d u r i n g the Great Depression, and the a p p a r e n t l y r e p r e s s i v e c h a r a c t e r of the DND r e l i e f camp scheme, I endeavored to analyse these s o c i a l phenomena i n l i g h t of the r o l e of the s t a t e i n c a p i t a l i s t economy.- I t became c l e a r that the DND scheme was the s t a t e ' s response to the growing c r i s i s of l e g i t i m a t i o n , and the i n a b i l i t y of the s t a t e to c o n t r o l the counter-hegemonic unemployed through the usual o p e r a t i o n of i t s c o e r c i v e apparatuses. Hence, a s o c i o l o g i c a l a n a l y s i s of the a c t i o n s taken by the s t a t e during the c r i s i s i t was o b l i g e d to manage du r i n g the 1930s, i s presented i n the hope that t h i s t h e s i s w i l l c o n t r i b u t e to the d i s c u s s i o n of the Canadian s t a t e and i t s r o l e of m a i n t a i n i n g and l e g i t i m a t i n g the c a p i t a l i s t socio-economic order. 

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