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The home economics movement and the transformation of nineteenth century domestic ideology in America Kilgannon, Anne Marie 1985

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T H E H O M E E C O N O M I C S M O V E M E N T A N D T H E T R A N S F O R M A T I O N O F N I N E T E E N T H C E N T U R Y D O M E S T I C I D E O L O G Y I N A M E R I C A B y A N N E M A R I E K I L G A N N O N B . E d . , T h e U n i v e r s i t y o f A l b e r t a , 1 9 7 7 A T H E S I S S U B M I T T E D I N P A R T I A L F U L F I L L M E N T O F T H E R E Q U I R E M E N T S F O R T H E D E G R E E O F M A S T E R O F A R T S i n T H E F A C U L T Y O F G R A D U A T E S T U D I E S ( H i s t o r y ) W e a c c e p t t h i s + - H e s i s a s c o n f o r m i n g t o / t h e r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d T H E U N I V E R S I T Y O F B R I T I S H C O L U M B I A O c t o b e r 1 9 8 5 (c) A n n e M a r i e K i l g a n n o n , 1 9 8 5 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by h i s or her representatives. I t i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date C e t o k ^ l i -) u a g i r ABSTRACT T h i s t h e s i s focuses on the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of domestic ideology i n the United States from the l a t e eighteenth century to the e a r l y t w e n t i e t h century. I t t r a c e s the emergence and de v e l o p m e n t o f t h e d o c t r i n e o f s e p a r a t e s p h e r e s i n t h e Revolutionary and ea r l y national periods and then examines the r i s e of the home economics movement i n the p o s t - C i v i l War p e r i o d as an agent and e x p r e s s i o n of the demise of the separate spheres ideology of domesticity. The d o c t r i n e . o f s e p a r a t e s p h e r e s d e v e l o p e d from a longstanding sense of separateness from the p u b l i c world of men experienced by c o l o n i a l women. The emergence of t h i s doctrine was f a c i l i t a t e d and shaped by the events of the Revolutionary War, the development and spread of commercial and i n d u s t r i a l economic a c t i v i t i e s , changes i n r e l i g i o u s p r a c t i s e s and new notions about the nature and nurture of children. The complex i n t e r p l a y of these f a c t o r s strengthened women's sense of d i s j u n c t i o n from the male-dominated s e c t o r of s o c i e t y , but bolstered women's sense of moral authority and autonomy within t h e i r sphere, the home. Women saw t h e i r domestic r o l e as e s s e n t i a l t o the p r e s e r v a t i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l v a l u e s and mora l i t y and therefore c r i t i c a l f o r the preservation of s o c i a l harmony. Supported by the doctrine of separate spheres, women organized to protect and project home values, hoping to reform so c i e t y by t h e i r influence. Noted domestic t h e o r e t i c i a n s such as Sarah Hale and Cat h a r i n e Beecher helped a r t i c u l a t e t h i s d o c t r i n e f o r women, b u t t h e i r work s h o u l d be v i e w e d as expressions of widely f e l t notions about women's place i n the family and society. The emergence of home economics i s viewed as a challenge to the b a s i c p r e c e p t s of the d o c t r i n e of separate spheres, t h e r e b y c a l l i n g i n t o q u e s t i o n t h e u n i v e r s a l i t y o f t h e acceptance of t h i s d o c t r i n e by middle c l a s s women i n the nineteenth century. As urban reformers, s c i e n t i s t s and college educated women, home economists found the doctrine of separate spheres inadequate and outmoded as a guide f o r modern l i v i n g . These women sought to replace t r a d i t i o n a l homemaking p r a c t i s e s and i d e a l s with a new domestic ideology, home economics, which they thought would more e f f e c t i v e l y meet the needs of the family i n the twentieth century. Home economics developed as a s o c i a l reform movement i n two phases, each one dominated by a d i f f e r e n t g e n e r a t i o n of women. The p i o n e e r g e n e r a t i o n o f home e c o n o m i s t s were t r a d i t i o n a l l y educated women who sought to inc u l c a t e working c l a s s and immigrant women and c h i l d r e n w i t h middle c l a s s d o m e s t i c v a l u e s and i d e a s . They i n i t i a t e d programs of edu c a t i o n i n v a r i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s , r a n g i n g from the p u b l i c schools to church-sponsored mission classes, to teach g i r l s and women homemaking s k i l l s such as cooking, sewing and budgeting. Although t r a d i t i o n a l i n t h e i r g o a l s , these women c r e a t e d new forms which quickly l e d to developments which went beyond a re -a s s e r t i o n of domesticity expressed i n the doctrine of separate s p h e r e s . Home e c o n o m i s t s began t o see t h e m s e l v e s as s c i e n t i f i c a l l y - t r a i n e d experts, not as ordinary homemakers. This development both coincided and was furthered by the r i s e of the second g e n e r a t i o n of home economists, who were l a r g e l y c o l l e g e graduates and subsequently p r o f e s s o r s and administrators i n i n s t i t u t i o n s of higher learning. This group of women shaped home economics to meet some of t h e i r own needs, both personal and professional, and i n the process changed the focus of the movement. Home economists became more concerned w i t h r e f o r m i n g the middle c l a s s home and homemaker i n t h i s p e r i o d . Home economics became embedded i n c o l l e g e s as a new i n t e r - d i s c i p l i n a r y course of study f o r women and as a new profession. Home economists promoted a new i d e o l o g y of d o m e s t i c i t y which had as i t s foundation the emulation of c e r t a i n aspects of men's sphere: b u s i n e s s v a l u e s of e f f i c i e n c y and r a t i o n a l organization, the use of technology and a r e l i a n c e on expertise. A b e l i e f i n the reforming power of science replaced t r a d i t i o n a l n o t i o n s o f p i e t y i n t h e home e c o n o m i c s i d e o l o g y . Home economists created elaborate h i e r a r c h i e s of expertise based on achieved l e v e l s of education, thereby undermining the sense of s i s t e r h o o d supported by the d o c t r i n e of separate spheres. I n s o f a r as women adopted the home economics i d e o l o g y of domesticity, the homemaker r o l e l o s t i t s authority and autonomy and women's sphere l o s t i t s boundaries and sense of m i s s i o n which had informed nineteenth century women's notions of t h e i r r o l e i n societ y . i v TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER I 16 FROM NOTABLE HOUSEWIVES TO DOMESTIC FEMINISTS: THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE IDEOLOGY OF SEPARATE SPHERES CHAPTER I I 53 THE EMERGENCE OF THE HOME ECONOMICS MOVEMENT CHAPTER I I I 89 HOME ECONOMICS: A DOMESTIC IDEOLOGY FOR THE 'NEW WOMAN' CONCLUSION 114 BIBLIOGRAPHY 119 V ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would l i k e t o thank my t h e s i s s u p e r v i s o r , Dr. W. Peter Ward f o r h i s encouragement, patience and understanding of the unusual constraints under which t h i s t h e s i s was written. His hig h standards of s c h o l a r s h i p and s k i l f u l e d i t i n g helped improve my w r i t i n g and sharpen my presentation of t h i s topic. Several friends and family members helped me immeasurably w i t h t h e i r support and i n t e r e s t . I would l i k e t o thank June Robinson, Mary Blankenship, Theresa Scott and Jo Thorton Curtz f o r t i mely assistance with the care of my son, thereby f r e e i n g me t o w r i t e . I e s p e c i a l l y would l i k e t o thank Jo and Thad Curtz who read portions of t h i s t h e s i s and helped me with t h e i r comments. Tannice M c K i l l o p and Chuck Hamilton a l s o deserve s p e c i a l mention f o r "being there" f o r me when I needed them. I would a l s o l i k e t o thank my mother and f a m i l y f o r t h e i r c o n s t a n t support and encouragement across the m i l e s which separate us. T h i s t h e s i s i s d e d i c a t e d to my husband, Gary Robinson, with love and gratitude f o r h i s invaluable help, b e l i e f i n t h i s p r o j e c t and determination to see i t s completion. He re g u l a r l y shouldered "both spheres" to make t h i s study p o s s i b l e . I am deeply indebted to him f o r the t y p i n g of t h i s manuscript and h i s help i n countless ways. No thanks can express my feeli n g s . v i INTRODUCTION In 1866 E l l e n Swallow was beginning to explore the world beyond the boundaries of her f a m i l y home and s m a l l v i l l a g e . She had gone to Worcester, Massachusetts to attend an academy and expand her s t o r e of knowledge. There she a l s o gained experience teaching a mission class and v i s i t i n g l o c a l asylums for the insane and cr i m i n a l , which prompted her to dedicate her l i f e t o some s o r t of community s e r v i c e . As she wrote to her cousin, "pray to God f o r me, Annie...that I may be of some use i n t h i s s i n f u l world." 1 But, i n s t e a d , she was c a l l e d home to nurse her i n v a l i d mother, and the sudden s h r i n k i n g of her h o r i z o n brought on a p e r i o d of deep depression. L a t e r she wrote of t h a t time, "I l i v e d f o r more than two years i n purgatory." 2 Then, somehow, E l l e n heard about the newly opened Vassar C o l l e g e f o r g i r l s , a p p l i e d and entered as a s p e c i a l student. She was twenty-six years old. A f t e r her graduation, she c a s t about f o r something to do, p r e f e r a b l y i n s c i e n c e to which she had been drawn at Vassar under the t u t e l a g e of the most eminent woman s c i e n t i s t of the day, Maria M i t c h e l l , 3 the astronomer, and also Professor Farrar who taught chemistry. In 1871 E l l e n managed t o win e n t r a n c e t o t h e a l l - m a l e Massachusetts I n s t i t u t e of Technology (MIT), i t s f i r s t and for a long time only, female student. 4 Thereafter, E l l e n Swallow l e d a d i s t i n g u i s h e d c a r e e r as a s c i e n t i s t , teacher, l e c t u r e r , w r i t e r , and not l e a s t , c r u s a d e r f o r p u b l i c h e a l t h , the 1 r e f o r m a t i o n of home l i f e and a new domestic i d e o l o g y f o r 5 women. A college education proved to be the p i v o t a l experience i n E l l e n Swallow's l i f e . I t opened up a new world of a c t i v i t y , s a t i s f i e d her longing f o r knowledge, and most importantly, gave her the t o o l s with which t o break the bonds of t r a d i t i o n a l domesticity which had fettered her early l i f e . Though she was p e r i o d i c a l l y c a l l e d home from her s t u d i e s to nurse f i r s t one and then the other parent, from the advent of her c o l l e g e c o u r s e d e p r e s s i o n never a g a i n d i s r u p t e d h e r l i f e . Her experiences at school had e f f e c t e d an i r r e v o c a b l e change i n her. As w e l l as having opened the doors to a career, what E l l e n l e a r n e d a t c o l l e g e a l s o changed the way she l i v e d her p r i v a t e l i f e . She had been t r a i n e d i n t h e t r a d i t i o n a l a r t s of housewifery by her mother, w e l l enough to win two p r i z e s at a coun t y f a i r when she was t h i r t e e n f o r breadmaking and embroidery. But when she married Robert Richards, a mining engineer and professor at MIT, i n 1875 and set about creating a home, she drew more upon her knowledge and experience as a chemist than upon the s k i l l s imparted to her by her mother. 6 C a l l i n g her new home "the Center f o r Right Living," E l l e n f i r s t analyzed and then redesigned every system i n the house, i t s water supply, f u e l s , h e a t i n g and v e n t i l a t i o n apparatus, sewage disposal and drainage, a l l i n accordance with the most advanced s c i e n t i f i c and engineering knowledge avail a b l e to her. Thi s same grasp of the p r i n c i p l e s of s a n i t a r y s c i e n c e was 2 a p p l i e d to the choice of f u r n i s h i n g s , rugs and c u r t a i n s , i n c o n t r a s t w i t h the f a s h i o n a b l e but d u s t - c o l l e c t i n g items t h a t u s u a l l y f i l l e d t h e homes of t h a t e r a . Her k i t c h e n was conceived as a l a b o r a t o r y , more than a p l a c e of t r a d i t i o n a l food preparation. There each meal was tested f o r i t s optimum n u t r i t i o n a l value and i t s cost i n preparation time, f u e l used, and other m a t e r i a l s . E l l e n counted steps as w e l l as pennies. Her food was s t r i p p e d of f a m i l i a l t r a d i t i o n s and s e n t i m e n t a l values, and was i n s t e a d "determined w i t h r e f e r e n c e to i t s e f f e c t upon e f f i c i e n c y i n work. If, a f t e r a f a i r t r i a l a given food seemed to leave the b r a i n d u l l and the body u n f i t f o r l a b o r , i t was r e j e c t e d . " 7 S c i e n c e and e f f i c i e n c y , not t r a d i t i o n or fashion, ruled t h i s household. 8 Having thrown aside t r a d i t i o n a l notions about homemaking, E l l e n Swallow Richards was more concerned about i s s u e s of h e a l t h and e f f i c i e n c y , economics and s a n i t a t i o n . In the process of remodelling her home, she developed a new approach to women's t r a d i t i o n a l domestic r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . Informed and f o r t i f i e d by her education, she was able to shed o l d ways of doing t h i n g s and c r e a t e new methods of keeping house. More s i g n i f i c a n t l y , she c o d i f i e d her innovations and framed them i n a new domestic ideology she c a l l e d "euthenics," a word of her own c o i n i n g which meant "the s c i e n c e of r i g h t l i v i n g . " 9 Supported by the t i g h t l y ordered inner l o g i c of her new system, she was confident enough i n the Tightness of her own procedures to i n v i t e her widowed mother to l i v e w i t h the new couple only a year a f t e r t h e i r marriage, though she relegated her to a minor r o l e i n the h o u s e h o l d . 1 0 E l l e n Richards had broken w i t h the 3 past. The domestic l i f e of E l l e n Richards i s h i s t o r i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t f o r s e v e r a l reasons. F i r s t , she was able to fuse together i n one integrated approach her two i d e n t i t i e s , that of a homemaker and an i n d u s t r i a l and sanitary chemist. Each part of h e r l i f e i n f o r m e d t h e o t h e r , making h e r an u n u s u a l homemaker, but a l s o an unusual s c i e n t i s t who focused her energies on s o l v i n g the problems of the home. 1 1 At a time when homemaking and being a "learned lady" were thought t o be mutually exclusive pursuits, E l l e n Richards combined them to an unusual degree. Indeed, she argued t h a t a woman co u l d not be an adequate homemaker unless she brought t o t h a t r o l e a background of vigorous t r a i n i n g , e s p e c i a l l y i n the sciences. T h a t b e l i e f was t h e b a s i s o f R i c h a r d ' s s e c o n d c o n t r i b u t i o n . She l e d i n the c r e a t i o n of a new domestic ideology which not only incorporated her s c i e n t i f i c knowledge and p e r s p e c t i v e i n t o o r d i n a r y home p r a c t i s e s , but made t h a t knowledge the foundation of the management of the home. This new approach undermined the i d e o l o g i c a l b a s i s of t r a d i t i o n a l homemaking practises which was grounded i n notions of women's innate c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and a b i l i t i e s . By i n t r o d u c i n g and promoting the idea t h a t women needed s c i e n t i f i c t r a i n i n g to prepare them for homemaking Richards s p e c i f i c a l l y intended to r e f u t e t h e adequacy of "rule-by-thumb" methods f o r the p r e s e r v a t i o n of the e s s e n t i a l s of home l i f e : the h e a l t h and well-being of the family. T h i r d and most s i g n i f i c a n t , Richards made her p r i v a t e 4 s o l u t i o n s t o d o m e s t i c problems, b o t h t e c h n i c a l and philosophical, the basis of a public crusade to model a l l homes along the l i n e s of the prototype she had developed and thus f r e e women, as she had f r e e d h e r s e l f , from the bonds of t r a d i t i o n a l domestic ideology. She drew about h e r s e l f a small, but talented group of women who were also engaged i n the search f o r a model of l i v i n g , she taught them her philosophy of science, e f f i c i e n c y and s e r v i c e — t h e methods she had developed both i n the l a b o r a t o r y and i n her home—and she i n s p i r e d and encouraged them to devote themselves to the cause of " r i g h t l i v i n g . " Led by Richards, these women and the hundreds who joined them over the next several decades, launched what they c a l l e d the home economics movement, a domestic reform movement which had as i t s object the transformation of home l i f e through the agency of a highly trained and s c i e n t i f i c a l l y enlightened generation of homemakers. * The emergence and spread of the c l u s t e r of ideas and practis e s known as home economics provides important evidence to the student of nineteenth century domestic ideology that a s i g n i f i c a n t s h i f t i n the perception of women's r o l e was taking p l a c e i n t h e c l o s i n g decades of t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . S e v e r a l s t u d i e s by h i s t o r i a n s have focused on nineteenth century n o t i o n s of women's pl a c e i n s o c i e t y , but most have d e a l t w i t h the o r i g i n s and development of the id e o l o g y of separate spheres which emerged i n the l a t e eighteenth century and i s thought to have prevailed into the twentieth century. 1 3 In most of these s t u d i e s the ide o l o g y of d o m e s t i c i t y , which prescribed and g l o r i f i e d a domestic orie n t a t i o n f o r women, has 5 been t r e a t e d as synonymous with the d o c t r i n e of separate spheres. As more and more studies have shown that women have c o n t i n u e d t o o r d e r t h e i r l i v e s around t h e i r d o m e s t i c r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , i t could be t a c i t l y assumed that the ideology of separate spheres persisted as a v a l i d expression of women's ro l e f a r into the twentieth century. This t h e s i s w i l l question such a s t a t i c n o t i o n of women's experience by f o c u s i n g on the e c l i p s e of the separate spheres i d e o l o g y as s i g n a l l e d by the r i s e of home economics challenge to that doctrine. The development of what has been c a l l e d the modern family roughly c o i n c i d e d w i t h the development of the d o c t r i n e of separate spheres, and indeed t h a t d o c t r i n e can be s a i d to represent an a r t i c u l a t i o n of the new ideas about the meaning and content of f a m i l y l i f e which p r e v a i l e d by the e a r l y nineteenth century. I t stressed and supported the i d e a l of the home as private, untouched by economic a c t i v i t y or the values and b e h a v i o r s which c h a r a c t e r i z e d t h o s e a c t i v i t i e s , e motionally-charged, c h i l d - c e n t e r e d , and mother-dominated. However, these ideals arose i n conjunction with an h i s t o r i c a l l y s p e c i f i c s et of c o n d i t i o n s and as those c o n d i t i o n s changed toward the end of the nineteenth century, the d o c t r i n e of separate spheres became more of an i d e o l o g i c a l c o n s t r u c t i o n than an adequate description of the r e a l i t y of home l i f e . The main t h r u s t of the separate spheres i d e o l o g y a r t i c u l a t e d a v i s i o n of the home as an is l a n d of resistance to the mainstream commercial development of society, with women as the standard-bearers of an a l t e r n a t i v e non-commercial c u l t u r e . As the 6 century progressed and more people grew accustomed to the economic order t h a t had appeared so shocking i n i t s e a r l i e r stage of development i n the early nineteenth century, i t grew d i f f i c u l t t o s u s t a i n a posture of r e s i s t a n c e to the r a p i d l y maturing urban and i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y . The boundary between the home and the public sphere became increasingly blurred as the home became " i n d u s t r i a l i z e d " and women entered i n t o more public a c t i v i t i e s . 1 4 Some women, notably those who formed the home economics movement, were t r o u b l e d by what they saw as the discrepancy between the p r e v a i l i n g i d e a l s of d o m e s t i c i t y and the a c t u a l prac t i s e s of homemakers who were, w i l l y - n i l l y , r e s i s t i n g some encroachments upon t h e i r sphere and succumbing to some others. The l a c k of a coherent, s y s t e m a t i c approach to the f o r c e s of change b e a r i n g down on the home deeply concerned these women who were themselves caught up i n s h i f t i n g patterns of behavior. Concerned that the home as a s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n was threatened by women's apparent l o s s of d i r e c t i o n r e s u l t i n g from t h e i r c l i n g i n g t o outmoded i d e a l s and p r a c t i s e s , t h e s e women organized t o spread a new s e t of i d e a l s and p r a c t i s e s , home economics, which they saw as more f i t t i n g f o r l i f e under the conditions prevalent i n the l a t e nineteenth century. No major s t u d i e s e x i s t of the home economics movement. 1 5 Although i t s development has been noted i n s e v e r a l works, n e i t h e r it's s i g n i f i c a n c e nor i t s impact on the e v o l u t i o n of 1 e. , domestic i d e o l o g y have been adequately e x p l o r e d . 0 This neglect has two possible causes. As has been noted, h i s t o r i a n s have concentrated more on the d i s c o v e r y and a n a l y s i s of the 7 o r i g i n s and development of the ideology of separate spheres than on i t s demise. A study of the home economics movement r a i s e s the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t the ideology of separate spheres was l e s s t h a n m o n o l i t h i c and t h a t s e v e r a l d i f f e r e n t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of d o m e s t i c i t y may have f l o u r i s h e d i n nine t e e n t h century America. I n v e s t i g a t i o n s of competing i d e o l o g i e s such as home economics add to an understanding of the complexity and d i v e r s i t y of women's experience i n the nineteenth century. The promoters of separate spheres, notably Sarah Hale and Catharine Beecher, maintained that i t s teachings were u n i v e r s a l l y a p p l i c a b l e , but h i s t o r i a n s should approach that assertion with caution. Another source of the n e g l e c t of the home economics movement may be co n f u s i o n about the nature of t h i s movement d e r i v e d from a p r o p e n s i t y t o view home economics as a conservative attempt to preserve t r a d i t i o n a l ideas of women's sphere. In the s t r u g g l e to enlarge women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n s c i e n t i f i c and academic s t u d i e s and car e e r s , home economists c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y adopted an accommodating r a t h e r than c h a l l e n g i n g stance, one t h a t u l t i m a t e l y l i m i t e d women's advances i n these a r e a s . 1 7 Moreover, s e v e r a l l e a d i n g home economists were known to be unsupportive of woman's s u f f r a g e . 1 8 C e r t a i n l y home economists, d e s p i t e t h e i r promotion of higher education f o r women and t h e i r creation of new careers f o r women i n the p r o f e s s i o n of home economics, cannot be counted as feminists or as part of the nineteenth century woman's movement as i t i s commonly defined. * In that sense the home economics 8 movement was a c o n s e r v a t i v e f o r c e , but not i n the sense t h a t i t sought t o preserve an a l l e g i a n c e to the d o c t r i n e of separate spheres. Rather, home economists sought to formulate an a l t e r n a t i v e ideology of d o m e s t i c i t y . That home economists continued to promote a domestic o r i e n t a t i o n f o r women should not o b s c u r e t h a t a t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f p e r s p e c t i v e was nonetheless taking place. T h i s t h e s i s i n d i c a t e s t h a t an ideology of d o m e s t i c i t y continued to shape the l i v e s of women for an i n d e f i n i t e period i n t o t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y , but t h a t w i t h i n t h a t l a r g e framework more than one set of notions and practices gained a following among women. Home economics was one such example. Chapter One w i l l describe the or i g i n s and development of the ideology of separate spheres. A s e l e c t i o n of the recent l i t e r a t u r e on t h i s doctrine i s drawn upon as the foundation for t h i s discussion. More weight i s given to those works which are based on exte n s i v e documentation of women's experiences and p e r c e p t i o n s of t h e i r r o l e s , t h a n t o t h e p r e s c r i p t i v e l i t e r a t u r e . The views of leading domestic theoreticians such as Sarah Hale and Catharine Beecher are compared to giv e examples of v a r i o u s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s t h a t e x i s t e d w i t h i n the separate spheres school of thought. Chapter Two w i l l describe the emergence and development of the home economics movement i n the c l o s i n g decades of the nineteenth century. This development occurred i n two phases, each dominated by a d i f f e r e n t , but overlapping, group of women. The f i r s t group developed some of the b a s i c concepts of home economics and created some of the f i r s t i n s t i t u t i o n a l forms for 9 the i n c u l c a t i o n of the public with the home economics message. These women focused mainly upon reaching working c l a s s women and t h e i r f a m i l i e s , a t r a d i t i o n a l a r e a of c o n c e r n f o r reformers, and were more pragmatic than i d e o l o g i c a l i n t h e i r approach t o s o c i a l change. In t h a t sense t h i s group w i l l be seen as a t r a n s i t i o n a l generation bridging the adherents of the ideology of separate spheres and "true" home economists. The second generation of home economists b u i l t upon the work of the e a r l y group, but f o r m a l i z e d the e a r l y programs by f u r t h e r embedding them i n academic i n s t i t u t i o n s , n o tably i n c o l l e g e s and u n i v e r s i t i e s . Most of these women were c o l l e g e graduates and subsequently college professors. Their influence changed the focus and emphasis of the movement as they came to dominate i t s l e a d e r s h i p . Home economics programs became directed toward middle class women and t h e i r daughters. While home economists had long sought to prevent working c l a s s and immigrant women from p a s s i n g on t h e i r " s l o v e n l y ways" to the next generation, the a t t e n t i o n of the movement was turned to the same i s s u e i n middle c l a s s homes, which can only be i n t e r p r e t e d as an a s s a u l t a g a i n s t the d o c t r i n e of separate spheres. Chapter Three w i l l d i s c u s s the f o r m u l a t i o n of a new domestic ideology, home economics, i t s b a s i c p r i n c i p l e s and t h e i r applications and meaning f o r women. The tenets of home economics w i l l be c o n t r a s t e d with those of the ideology of separate spheres to i l l u m i n a t e the d i r e c t i o n and degree of change advocated by home economists. 10 A b r i e f conclusion w i l l explore some of the implications of the development and spread of home economics f o r women i n the twentieth century. T h i s t h e s i s does not purport to be a f u l l h i s t o r y of the development of e i t h e r the d o c t r i n e of separate spheres or of the home economics movement, but instead i s a discussion of the main tenets of each ideology. The home economics movement was a complex s o c i a l reform movement having many dimensions only touched on i n t h i s t h e s i s . The movement was a v i t a l p a r t of the P r o g r e s s i v e movement of the l a t e n i n e t e e n t h and e a r l y twentieth centuries; indeed i t can be described as the domestic wing of Progressivism. Home economists were involved i n many Pr o g r e s s i v e campaigns such as campaigns f o r b e t t e r housing, work with immigrants, development of public health f a c i l i t i e s and the v a r i o u s programs o f f e r e d i n settlement houses which were aimed at a l l e v i a t i n g the worst abuses of the i n d u s t r i a l order. Leading home economists such as E l l e n Richards and others had e s p e c i a l l y close t i e s with Jane Addams, the founder of Hull House i n Chicago and the most outstanding settlement worker i n America. Home economists and reformers l i k e Jane Addams shared many i n t e r e s t s and values as "new women."20 A study of the home economics movement r e v e a l s many p a r a l l e l s between the themes of Addam's l i f e and work and those found i n home economics. Like settlement work, home economics embodied both t h e "hard" and " s o f t " e x p r e s s i o n s of P r o g r e s s i v i s m , respectively, the search for e f f i c i e n c y and order, and the more romantic impulse for "simple l i v i n g " and the transcendence over 11 m a t e r i a l i s m . 1 Yet, l i k e many P r o g r e s s i v e era reforms, home economics a c t u a l l y served as an agent of the accommodation of the home t o the new i n d u s t r i a l and urban s o c i e t y . 2 2 By promulgating a domestic ideology which c o u n s e l l e d women to accept and even embrace the advances generated by technology and science, home economists sought to refute the id e a l of the home as an i s l a n d of r e s i s t a n c e to those f o r c e s which were reshaping society. The emergence of the home economics movement h e l d many implications f o r women i n the twentieth century. To the extent home economists were s u c c e s s f u l i n spreading t h e i r message, women's p e r c e p t i o n s of t h e i r r o l e i n the f a m i l y and s o c i e t y were changed. Only i n the context of a l o n g i t u d i n a l study of the development of domestic ideologies from the mid-eighteenth century to the early twentieth century i s the si g n i f i c a n c e of the changes advocated by home economists revealed. 12 NOTES 1 R o b e r t Clarke, E l l e n Swallow: The Woman Who Founded Ecology (Chicago: F o l l e t t Publishing Company, 1973) p. 13. 2 I b i d . Maria M i t c h e l l was an important influence i n the l i v e s of many early women s c i e n t i s t s . For information on her r o l e as a mentor see S a l l y Gregory Kohlstedt, "Maria M i t c h e l l : The Advancement of Women i n Science," New England Q u a r t e r l y 51 (1978): 39-63. 4 R o b e r t Clarke, E l l e n Swallow, pp. 23-25. E l l e n Swallow was admitted to MIT i n .1870 as an experiment. She was not charged t u i t i o n and her name was thereby l e f t o f f the student r o l l . Women were not admitted to MIT on a regular basis u n t i l 1884. 5 F o r biographical information, see Robert Clarke and also C a r o l i n e Hunt, The L i f e of E l l e n H. Richards (Boston: M. Barrows and Company, 1912, 1931). 6Hereafter E l l e n Swallow i s l i s t e d as E l l e n Richards. 7Robert Clarke, E l l e n Swallow, p. 71. 8 F o r a more complete description of "the Center for Right L i v i n g , " see Robert Clarke, E l l e n Swallow, chapter 8 and Caroline Hunt, E l l e n H. Richards, pp. 116-125. 9Richards defined euthenics as "the betterment of l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s through conscious endeavor f o r the purpose of sec u r i n g b e t t e r human development." Robert Clarke, E l l e n Swallow, 198-199. For a d i s c u s s i o n comparing euthenics with eugenics see E l l e n Richards' presentation "Euthenics i n Higher Education: Better L i v i n g Conditions" Proceedings of the Eighth  Lake P l a c i d Conference on Home Economics (19 06) (Lake P l a c i d , New York: Lake P l a c i d Club). Herafter Lake P l a c i d Conference c i t e d as L.P.C. 1 0 R o b e r t C l a r k e , E l l e n Swallow, pp. 57-58. The s i g n i f i c a n c e of Richards' r e l a t i o n s h i p with her mother i s i l l u m i n a t e d by c o n t r a s t i n g i t w i t h t h e mother-daughter r e l a t i o n s h i p s of the same p e r i o d d e s c r i b e d by C a r r o l l Smith-Rosenberg, "The Female World of Love and R i t u a l : R e l a t i o n s Between Women i n Nineteenth-Century America" i n Nancy F. Cott and Elizabeth H. Pleck, editors, A Heritage of Her Own: Toward a New So c i a l History of American Women (New York: Touchstone 13 Book, Simon and Schuster, 1979). 1 •'•Margaret Ross i t e r , Women S c i e n t i s t s i n Ameri c a ;  S t r u g g l e s and S t r a t e g i e s to 1940 (Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1982) xv. 1 2 I t i s im p o s s i b l e to d i s c o v e r how many women were involved i n the home economics movement i n the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Over two hundred women are l i s t e d as members of the Lake P l a c i d Conferences by t h e i r c l o s e i n 1908, but t h a t was by no means the extent of the number of women involved i n t h i s movement. 1 3 T h e main t e x t s which d e a l with the o r i g i n and e a r l y development of the doctrine of separate spheres used for t h i s t h e s i s are: Nancy Cott, The Bonds of Womanhood: "Woman's  Sphere" i n New England, 1780-1835 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1977); Mary Beth Norton, Liberty's Daughters: The Revoluntionary Experience of American Women 1750-1800 (Boston and Toronto: L i t t l e , Brown and Company, 1980); Kathryn Kish Sklar, Catharine Beecher: A Study i n American Domesticity (New Haven: Y a l e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1973 and New York: reprinted by W.W. Norton and Company, 1976). 1 4 T h i s i s a term used by Ruth Schwartz Cowan i n More Work  for Mother: The Ironies of Household Technology from the Open  Hearth to the Microwave (New York: Basic Books, Publishers, 1983) introduction pp. 3-15. 15Emma S e i f r i t Weigley i n " I t Might Have Been Euthenics: The Lake P l a c i d Conferences and the Home Economics Movement" American Q u a r t e r l y 26 (March 1974) pp. 78-96, pr o v i d e s an u n a n a l y t i c a l development of the movement. A more c r i t i c a l a n a l y s i s can be found i n C a r o l Lopate, "The Irony of the Home Economics Movement," E d c e n t r i c No. 31-32 (November 1974) pp. 40-57. S e v e r a l h i s t o r i e s of the movement w r i t t e n by home economists have been published. While l i t t l e more than c h r o n i c l e s of the movement, they do provi d e some u s e f u l i n f o r m a t i o n and are r e v e a l i n g of what some e a r l y pioneers of home economics thought were the s i g n i f i c a n t developments i n t h e i r movement. See f o r example, I s a b e l B e v i e r and Susannah Usher, The Home Economics Movement p a r t 1 (Boston: Whitcomb and Barrows, 1906); Isabel Bevier, Home Economics i n Education ( P h i l a d e l p h i a : J.B. L i p p i n c o t t Company, 1924); K e t u r a h Baldwin, The AHEA Saga (Washington, D.C: American Home Economics Association, 1949) and Hazel T. Craig, The History of  Home Economics (New York: P r a c t i c a l Home Economics, 1946). 1 6 S e e f o r example, Susan Strasser, Never Done: A History  of American Housework (New York: Pantheon Books, 1982) pp. 202-213; Margaret R o s s i t e r , Women S c i e n t i s t s i n America and Dolores Hayden, The Grand Domestic Revol u t i o n : A H i s t o r y of Feminist Designs for American Homes, Neighborhoods, and C i t i e s (Cambridge, Massachusetts and London, England: MIT Press, 1981, paperback e d i t i o n , 1982). Hayden i n c l u d e s home 14 economists i n her d i s c u s s i o n of " m a t e r i a l f e m i n i s t s , " a d e s i g n a t i o n w i t h which t h i s t h e s i s d i s a g r e e s , chapters 8 and 10. 1 7 T h i s i s the po s i t i o n taken by Margaret Rossiter i n Women  S c i e n t i s t s i n America and touched on by Roberta F r a n k f o r t i n the "Epilogue" of Collegiate Women: Domesticity and Career i n Turn-of-the-Century America, New York U n i v e r s i t y S e r i e s i n Education and S o c i a l i z a t i o n i n American History (New York: New York University Press, 1977). 1 8 N o t a b l y E l l e n Richards and Isabel Bevier. 1 9Barbara Berg's d e f i n i t i o n i s used: "[It] i s the freedom to decide her own destiny; freedom from sex-determined roles; freedom from s o c i e t y ' s oppressive r e s t r i c t i o n s ; freedom to express her thoughts f u l l y and to convert them f r e e l y t o actions. Feminism demands the acceptance of woman's r i g h t to i n d i v i d u a l conscience and judgement. I t p o s t u l a t e s t h a t woman's es s e n t i a l worth stems from her common humanity and does not depend on the other r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n her l i f e . " The Remembered Gate: Origins of American Feminism: The Woman and the C i t y 1800-1860, The Urban L i f e i n America S e r i e s (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1978) p. 5. 2 0 F o r a discussion of "new women" see John P. Rousaniere, " C u l t u r a l Hybrid i n the Slums: The Co l l e g e Woman and the Settlement House, 1889-94" i n Michael B. Katz ed. Education i n American H i s t o r y : Readings on the S o c i a l Issues (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1973). Rousmaniere uses the term " c u l t u r a l hybrid to describe college-educated settlement workers, but hi s d e s c r i p t i o n c o u l d a l s o a p p l y t o c o l l e g e - e d u c a t e d home economists of the same period. * For a d i s c u s s i o n of the " s o f t " s i d e of P r o g r e s s i v i s m , see David E. Shi, The Simple L i f e : P l a i n L i v i n g and High Thi n k i n g i n American C u l t u r e (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1985) chapter 8. 2 2 D a v i d W. Noble, The P r o g r e s s i v e Mind, 1890-1917 i n The Rand McNally S e r i e s on the H i s t o r y of American Thought and Culture. (Chicago: Rand McNally and Company, 1971); Robert H. Wiebe, The Search f o r Order, 1877-1920 i n The Making of America Series, General Editor, David Herbert Donald; (New York: H i l l and Wang, 1967); Samuel P. Hays, The Response to Industrialism,  1885-1914, The Chicago H i s t o r y of American C i v i l i z a t i o n , Editor, Daniel J. Boorstin (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1957); Jackson Lears, No Place of Grace: Antimodernism and the Transformation of American Culture, 1880- 1920 (New York: Pantheon Books, 1981). 15 CHAPTER I FROM NOTABLE HOUSEWIVES TO DOMESTIC FEMINISTS: THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE IDEOLOGY OF SEPARATE SPHERES In t h i s c h a p t e r t he o r i g i n s and development of the ideo l o g y of d o m e s t i c i t y known as the d o c t r i n e of separate s p h e r e s w i l l be t r a c e d from i t s emergence i n t h e l a t e eighteenth century to i t s further development and spread i n the nineteenth century. The doctrine of separate spheres appears to have been the most f u l l y developed and found i t s greatest expression i n the New England s t a t e s and the regions subsequently s e t t l e d by migrants from t h i s region. The conditions associated with the r i s e of t h i s i d e o logy--the growth of towns and c i t i e s and the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of commercial and manufacturing a c t i v i t i e s -developed e a r l i e r and more e x t e n s i v e l y t h e r e than i n other American regions. The Puritan heritage of r e l i g i o u s and s o c i a l i d e a l s of t h i s area a l s o supported a u t i l i t a r i a n r o l e f o r women.1 In c o n t r a s t , t h e s l a v e - h o l d i n g South f o s t e r e d what Catherine Clinton has c a l l e d "a tangled sexual ideology" which viewed women through lenses d i s t o r t e d by issues of slavery and male domination. C l i n t o n found t h a t although p l a n t a t i o n m i s t r e s s e s , whose r o l e was most o v e r l a y e r e d w i t h notions of 16 g e n t i l i t y , were "ladies", they were nonetheless deeply involved i n the actual d a i l y work of the plantations. Id e a l l y viewed as "ornaments", these women donned coarse aprons and par t i c i p a t e d i n household production quite as often as did t h e i r antebellum northern s i s t e r s . 2 S t i l l , i n the area of ideology rather than actual practise, the South maintained i t s own t r a d i t i o n s and so w i l l be considered only m a r g i n a l l y i n the d i s c u s s i o n s of the development and d i f f u s i o n of the ideology of separate spheres. Town d w e l l e r s of the middle c l a s s l e d i n the adoption of t h i s d o c t r i n e , but because the p o p u l a t i o n as a whole i n the e a r l y nineteenth century was h i g h l y mobile, l i t e r a t e , and i n c r e a s i n g l y i n v o l v e d i n complex networks of economic and s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , new pe r c e p t i o n s of women's r o l e were spread widely throughout society. 3 Upwardly mobile women who a s p i r e d to an improved p o s i t i o n i n the f a m i l y and to achieve middle c l a s s s t a t u s c o r r e c t l y i d e n t i f i e d t h i s i d eology as a support to both these aspirations. Although t h i s ideology f l o u r i s h e d most e x t e n s i v e l y i n the s e t t l e d areas of the country, s t u d i e s of the d i a r i e s and correspondence of women heading westward on the Overland T r a i l i n the mid-nineteenth century revealed that even under the most t r y i n g conditions and i n the remotest regions, women attempted t o preserve some semblance of t h e i r r o l e as d e s c r i b e d by the d o c t r i n e of separate spheres. Far from s e i z i n g the opportunity which the breaking of f a m i l i a l t i e s and the move to undeveloped t e r r i t o r y may have offered women to forge a new rol e for themselves, most women sought to r e - e s t a b l i s h t h e i r homes and communities 17 according to the precepts of separate spheres. The impetus f o r the development of t h i s i d e o l o g y l a y i n the widespread discussion of issues involving the formation of a republican national i d e n t i t y i n the wake of the Revolutionary War, the formation and p r e s e r v a t i o n of perso n a l and n a t i o n a l " v i r t u e " i n a p e r i o d of r a p i d changes i n the s o c i a l , economic and r e l i g i o u s forms of society, and f i n a l l y , the perceived need to c r e a t e new forms of order i n a mobile, expanding, and by the mid-nineteenth century, increasingly contentious society. 5 The home became an important arena for the r e c o n c i l i a t i o n of these issues within the family, and women whose sphere the home was, became important f i g u r e s i n the debates concerning these i s s u e s , r e s u l t i n g i n the a r t i c u l a t i o n of a new domestic ideology, the separate spheres. The l a r g e events reshaping s o c i e t y i n t h i s p e r i o d — t h e Revolutionary War and i t s aftermath, the ensuing acceleration of economic development, and the rapid growth of towns—help to e x p l a i n why a new domestic ideology emerged, as a l l these events impinged upon the home and influenced family l i f e . But they do not f u l l y e x p l a i n why th a t i deology took the form i t did . T h i s t h e s i s w i l l p o s i t t h a t the d o c t r i n e of separate spheres grew out of a l o n g - f e l t sense of separateness between the experience of men and women, which became overlayered with new ideas about c h i l d nature and nurture and the r o l e of the home as a s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n i n a rap i d l y changing society. With the r i s e of t h i s ideology, the emphasis i n women's ro l e s h i f t e d from household production to household management and c h i l d r e a r i n g . T his s h i f t had complex i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r 18 women's p o s i t i o n i n the family. As women became consumers and managers rather producers of goods i n the home, t h e i r economic dependence was in c r e a s e d and h i g h l i g h t e d at a time when p a i d work was becoming increasingly important as a measure of s o c i a l worth. 6 However, i f women l o s t i n t h i s area, they gained a measure of autonomy and a u t h o r i t y w i t h i n the f a m i l y as t h e i r r o l e as homemakers and mothers gained more s o c i a l value. 7 The doctrine of separate spheres had as i t s foundation the b i f u r c a t i o n of society along gender l i n e s . Women's prescribed sphere was the home, f a m i l y and church. For men, "the world" constituted t h e i r appropriate area of a c t i v i t y . The domestic sphere was seen as profoundly separate from "the world"; indeed, i t was considered to be a pl a c e of r e t r e a t from the cares of the larger society, a haven of love and aff e c t i o n , and an i s l a n d of r e s i s t a n c e to the main l i n e s of development i n s o c i e t y , as i t seemed to be the one p l a c e t h a t stood o u t s i d e the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of l i f e t h a t overwhelmed many i n the ninetee n t h century. Women as homemakers and mothers were accordingly seen as the standard-bearers of t r a d i t i o n a l values and morality. Secluded i n the home and therefore untouched by the "contagion" of the male-dominated sector, they retained a pur i t y and outlook reminiscent of a simpler age. 8 The ideology of separate spheres emphasized the gulf which e x i s t e d between men and women, but the adoption of t h i s d o c t r i n e r a n c o u n t e r w i t h t h r e e r i s i n g t r e n d s i n the rela t i o n s h i p s between men and women. As has been noted, women became more economically dependent upon men as the nature of 19 t h e i r c o n t r i b u t i o n to the household changed. At i s s u e i s whether t h i s dependence f o s t e r e d a g r e a t e r closeness between men and women or more c o n f l i c t as women experienced a greater v u l n e r a b i l i t y i n t h i s area. 9 Furthermore, f o r reasons not yet f u l l y understood, men and women began to cooperate more i n the l i m i t a t i o n of t h e i r f a m i l i e s at about the same time the ideology of separate spheres was developing. The e f f o r t t o reduce the number of c h i l d r e n r e q u i r e d a g r e a t e r l e v e l of communication and sh a r i n g between spouses than i s thought to have existed i n e a r l i e r t i m e s . 1 0 F i n a l l y , some h i s t o r i a n s have linked the pervasive Revolutionary era notion of the importance of personal happiness with the contemporaneous development of g r e a t e r e x p e c t a t i o n s of h a p p i n e s s i n m a r r i a g e f o r b o t h p a r t n e r s . 1 1 These three trends would seem to indicate the need for, i f not the achievement of, a growing closeness between men and women. Instead, the d o c t r i n e of separate spheres was grounded i n the notion that men and women were wholly d i f f e r e n t from one another, with a d i f f e r e n t range of experience, values and personal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . Moreover, the two spheres were c o n s i s t e n t l y d e s c r i b e d as p o l a r o p p o s i t e s , a t b e s t complementary with each other and at worst i n d i r e c t c o n f l i c t . The c l u s t e r of a s s o c i a t e d ideas and p r e s c r i p t i o n s which made up the ide o l o g y of separate spheres began t o appear i n various types of l i t e r a t u r e i n the l a t e eighteenth century and increased voluminously i n the early decades of the nineteenth century, c o i n c i d i n g w i t h an i n c r e a s e i n l i t e r a c y r a t e s f o r women. Novels, poems, s t o r i e s , essays, sermons, s p e c i a l i z e d advice l i t e r a t u r e such as housekeeping and ch i l d r e a r i n g manuals and " g i f t annuals" and other p u b l i c a t i o n s intended f o r l a d i e s were a l l v e h i c l e s f o r the d i s s e m i n a t i o n of t h i s ideology. At f i r s t m i n i s t e r s and physicans dominated as authors of advice t r a c t s , but by the 1820s women assumed the l e a d i n t h i s f i e l d . 1 2 This l i t e r a t u r e should not be viewed as an imposition of a p o i n t of view upon women readers, but as an a r t i c u l a t i o n of widely held opinions of appropriate behavior f o r women. As noted by h i s t o r i a n Nancy Cott, The l i t e r a t u r e becomes popular...because i t does not have t o p e r s u a d e - i t does not innovate-it addresses readers who are ready f o r i t . 1 3 Although women who l i v e d i n the early eighteenth century and women who l i v e d one hundred years l a t e r experienced many d i f f e r e n t c i r c u m s t a n c e s , t h e y s h a r e d some i m p o r t a n t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , as s e v e r a l s t u d i e s have shown, the most e s s e n t i a l one being a sense of separateness from the world of men. This f e e l i n g of disjunction was expressed emotionally but had i t s r o o t s i n a t r a d i t i o n a l d i v i s i o n of l a b o r by gender, women's subordinate p o s i t i o n i n the f a m i l y and s o c i e t y and t h e i r e x c l u s i o n from the p o l i t i c a l realm, i n s t i t u t i o n s of higher learning and the professions. While some men and women may have shared a new emotional i n t i m a c y i n marriage, t h i s development seems to have been overshadowed by the persistence and even exacerbation of a sense of separateness between the sexes. These dual tendencies may have accounted f o r the r i s i n g e x p e c t a t i o n s of f u l f i l l m e n t i n marriage by women matched, paradoxically, with f a l l i n g assessments of the character of men i n the nineteenth century. 1 4 Carrol Smith-Rosenberg has found evidence i n her study of women's d i a r i e s and correspondence which suggested that, by the 1760s, women l i v e d i n an emotional world of t h e i r own making, organized around domestic concerns and the p h y s i c a l and emotional needs of women and c h i l d r e n . Women cared f o r each other i n myriad ways: sending g i f t s , i n q u i r i n g a f t e r each other's health and a f f a i r s , sharing workloads, and supporting each other i n the big events of a woman's l i f e : marriage, the b i r t h of c h i l d r e n and the i l l n e s s or death of f a m i l y members, surrounding each event with i t s own spec i a l female-exclusive r i t u a l s . S m ith-Rosenberg p a r t i c u l a r l y n o t e s t h e absence of c r i t i c i s m among women for each other which amounted almost to a t a b o o . 1 5 Women's concern f o r and support of other women existed i n sharp contrast to t h e i r more distant r e l a t i o n s h i p s with men. Throughout the correspondence and diary entries, men appeared only on the periphery of women's world, e s s e n t i a l f or t h e i r economic support and i n t h e i r f a m i l i a l f u n c t i o n s , but s t i l l somewhat al i e n . Smith-Rosenberg noted, ...men appear as an other or outgroup, s e g r e g a t e d i n t o d i f f e r e n t s c h o o l s , supported by t h e i r own male network of friends and kin, s o c i a l i z e d to a d i f f e r e n t behavior, and coached to a proper formality i n c o u r t s h i p b e h a v i o r . F or e m o t i o n a l sustenance, companionship and a sense of shared experience, women hab i t u a l l y turned to one another. 1 6 Women formed networks o f c l o s e , o f t e n l i f e - l o n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s with one another t h a t were pa t t e r n e d on the primary one t h a t e x i s t e d between mothers and daughters. Not 22 only d i d mothers t r a i n daughters i n the s k i l l s of housewifery and motherhood but through t h e i r example they imparted a less t a n g i b l e but no l e s s important sense of what i t meant to be a woman. Smith-Rosenberg concluded that, [a]s long as the mother's domestic r o l e remained r e l a t i v e l y s t a b l e and few v i a b l e a l t e r n a t i v e s competed with i t , daughters tended to accept t h e i r mother's world and to t u r n automatically^ to other women f o r support and intimacy. According t o Smith-Rosenberg t h i s "female world of love and r i t u a l " lasted u n t i l the 1870s. 1 8 Keith Melder b u i l t on Smith-Rosenberg's work i n his study of the expressions of sisterhood i n the nineteenth century. He discovered the existence of close networks among women beyond f a m i l y c i r c l e s i n benevolent and reform o r g a n i z a t i o n s , among c h u r c h women, f a c t o r y workers and t e a c h e r s and academy students. Women continued the p a t t e r n of t u r n i n g t o other women f o r support even as they entered new s e t t i n g s . Such rela t i o n s h i p s may have eased women's anxieties as they forged new paths of a c t i v i t y . In t h a t way, women a s s i m i l a t e d new experiences by placing them within a known context. 1 9 One of the primary areas of shared experience between women i n t h e e i g h t e e n t h and n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s was ch i l d b i r t h . As only women experienced the worries and t r a v a i l s of c h i l d b i r t h i t s e t them apart from men, but more than that, the way women approached the event of b i r t h emphasized i t as a e x c l u s i v e l y female r i t u a l i n the eighteenth and ninete e n t h centuries. A woman prepared f o r the b i r t h of her c h i l d , i n p a r t , by 23 preparing h e r s e l f to die. Many women s e t t l e d t h e i r earthly and s p i r i t u a l a f f a i r s as t h e i r time of d e l i v e r y approached, thus creating a p e c u l i a r l y female pattern of reckoning. 2 0 Women's other main source of support besides prayers during the b i r t h was the company of other women. B i r t h was a predominately female experience i n the sense t h a t a woman "was brought to bed" surrounded i f at a l l p o s s i b l e by her women f r i e n d s and r e l a t i v e s . Women t r a v e l l e d long d i s t a n c e s i f necessary to r e t u r n t o t h e i r f a m i l i a l homes or c a l l e d t h e i r chosen attendants to t h e i r own bedsides. 2 1 Notions of propriety reinforced women's pr e d i l e c t i o n s to be attended by other women and female midwives. Judith Leavitt and Whitney Walton, i n t h e i r study of women's p e r c e p t i o n s of c h i l d b i r t h , noted t h a t although women began to employ the s e r v i c e s of male p h y s i c i a n s as e a r l y as the l a t e 1760s, when Dr. Shippen began h i s pr a c t i s e i n Philadelphia, they did so i n the hope of a l l e v i a t i n g p a i n and pr e v e n t i n g e i t h e r i n j u r y or death, but that they continued the pr a c t i s e of giving b i r t h at home, supported by close friends and r e l a t i v e s throughout the nineteenth century. 2 2 I f emotionally and b i o l o g i c a l l y women f e l t separate from men, t h e i r everyday experience confirmed t h i s perspective. The labor of society was by long pr a c t i s e divided and allocated by gender, some tasks reserved f o r women exclusively and some for men. Women's work included the care of children, the sick, and the tasks a r i s i n g from the d a i l y round of l i f e : preparation of meals, care of c l o t h i n g , house c l e a n i n g , and the d i r e c t i o n of servants, s l a v e s or other help i n these same areas. In the eighteenth century and i n r u r a l or f r o n t i e r areas well into the next century women's work p r i m a r i l y involved the production of goods, notably t e x t i l e s and clothing. This emphasis gradually changed i n the next century, as f a c t o r i e s began to encroach upon women's home industry, but women s t i l l worked long hours to achieve a measure of comfort f o r t h e i r f a m i l i e s . The time saved i n production work became devoted among other things to a c h i e v i n g a higher standard of c l e a n l i n e s s , a t r e n d a l r e a d y apparent among eighteenth century town women.23 Women's work was l a r g e l y c o n f i n e d to the environs of the home. I t was uncommon f o r white women to work i n the f i e l d s except i n f r o n t i e r areas under the force of necessity, but t h i s expedient was abandoned as soon as p o s s i b l e . 2 4 I f women worked i n shops, taverns, or other p l a c e s of business, they u s u a l l y did so as an extension of t h e i r f a m i l i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s or i n the absence o f male r e l a t i v e s , r a r e l y as autonomous i n d i v i d u a l s . Some women earned a l i v e l i h o o d by performing domestic tasks f o r other f a m i l i e s , by t a k i n g i n sewing or laundry work, or c a r i n g f o r boarders but t h e i r employment i retained i t s domestic character. 2 4 I f women f e l t i t an e x t r a burden t o perform men's work, men were also reluctant to do women's work, so c l o s e l y t i e d to sexual i d e n t i t y were most tasks. In part t h i s was because men and women were from childhood untrained i n each other's work. Mary Beth Norton found evidence t h a t suggests i n the pre-Revolutionary period men and women commonly knew l i t t l e about the i n n e r workings of each other's sphere of l i f e , what 25 a c t i v i t i e s each was engaged i n , what property, tools, and other goods each possessed or what valuation might be placed on such p r o p e r t i e s . Women e s p e c i a l l y were not a p p r i s e d of t h e i r husband's f i n a n c i a l d e a l i n g s . Men and women may have worked together f o r the s u r v i v a l of the f a m i l y , but the s o c i a l l y s anctioned d i v i s i o n of l a b o r r e i n f o r c e d the separateness of t h e i r respective spheres. 2 6 The main t h r u s t of eighteenth century domestic ideology c o n s i s t e d of the p r e s c r i p t i o n t h a t women be " n o t a b l e housewives," that i s , good managers, s k i l f u l practioners of the household a r t s , "strangers to d i s s i p a t i o n " and able to f i n d "happiness i n t h e i r chimney corners." 2 7 Women were expected to be d e f e r e n t i a l , pious, frugal, industrious and unremitting i n t h e i r e f f o r t s to ensure the comfort and w e l l - b e i n g of t h e i r f a m i l i e s . As one man advised h i s daughter i n 1787, the great Province of a Woman [was] Economy and F r u g a l i t y i n the management of [a] Family...[including] the meanest a f f a i r s , a r e a l l and ought t o be o b j e c t s o f a woman's c a r e s . 2 8 Another man, w r i t i n g i n 1745, seemed t o b e l i e v e t h a t women would, to use the nineteenth century term, become "unsexed" i f they l e f t the domestic sphere for other a c t i v i t i e s , [women are best] confined within the narrow l i m i t s of Domestic Off i c e s [for] when they stray beyond them, they move exc e n t r i c a l l y , and consequently without grace. 2 9 Women were deeply aware of t h e i r p r e s c r i b e d p l a c e i n c o l o n i a l s o c i e t y . A sense of separateness pervaded a l l t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s and concerns. W i t h i n t h e i r own sphere, women had many r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , but neither housekeeping nor chidrearing 26 accorded them much s t a t u s i n s o c i e t y or i n t h e i r own eyes. Much of women's work i n the home involved a d a i l y r e p e t i t i o n of tasks, once done only to be done over again. When measured against the accomplishments of men whose a g r i c u l t u r a l and other work had more v a r i e t y arid l e d t o more r e m u n e r a t i o n and recognition, women saw t h e i r own concerns as " l i t t l e things." Women were r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the care of c h i l d r e n and the t r a i n i n g of t h e i r daughters, but fathers were s t i l l thought of as the primary parent. 3 0 In consequence of t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n t h e f a m i l y and society, women i n the eighteenth century displayed a low sense of s e l f - e s t e e m . Women h a b i t u a l l y spoke of themselves as "weaker vessels," "helpless," "poor females," and i n other ways which indicated t h e i r sense of i n f e r i o r i t y as a class. In her study of women i n t h i s period, Mary Beth Norton found repeated i n s t a n c e s of women's expressions of t h e i r l i m i t a t i o n s . One woman wrote, and seemingly many would have agreed, I own t h a t we are made but f o r l i t t l e things and our employments ought to extend at the f u r t h e s t t o the i n t e r i o u r economy and polacy of the f a m i l y , and the care of our Children when they are l i t t l e . 3 1 Women's domain was an inward-looking one. They turned to one another f o r emotional support and companionship, s h a r i n g feelings, hopes and aspirations which they d i d not share with men. As Smith-Rosenberg noted, Women who had l i t t l e s t a t u s and power i n t h e l a r g e r w o r l d o f male c o n c e r n s , possessed status and power i n the l i v e s and worlds of other women.32 B e g i n n i n g i n the l a t e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y , s o c i a l 2 7 p e r c e p t i o n s and women's own notions of t h e i r sphere were changed, however, by s e v e r a l d i f f e r e n t but c o n v e r g i n g developments which were reshaping American s o c i e t y . The t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of s o c i e t y i n the p e r i o d roughly from the Revolutionary War to the C i v i l War gave r i s e to a new ideology of d o m e s t i c i t y f o r women, the d o c t r i n e of separate spheres. The main l i n e s of change w i l l be d i s c u s s e d s e p a r a t e l y , but t h e i r o v e r a l l impact upon the formulation of t h i s doctrine was to i n c r e a s e the v a l u a t i o n p l a c e d on women's domestic r o l e by society and by women themselves. I t i s important to note that the i n c r e a s e d worth of women's r o l e was i n e x t r i c a b l y t i e d to the continued sense of separateness they experienced throughout t h i s p e r i o d . The g u l f which separated men and women i n the eighteenth century only widened i n the next century, but increasingly women no longer saw t h e i r sphere as subordinate. One of the most fundamental changes which had an impact upon p e r c e p t i o n s of women's domestic r o l e l a y i n the area of r e l i g i o n . Whereas e a r l i e r i n the eighteenth century r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s and p r a c t i s e s had c o n s t i t u t e d an area of shared experience between men and women, by the t u r n of the century, t h i s became an i n c r e a s i n g l y contentious i s s u e between the sexes. B a r b a r a E p s t e i n , i n h e r st u d y of c o n v e r s i o n experiences, found that for much of the eighteenth century men and women had roughly s i m i l a r r e l i g i o u s i n t e r e s t s and concerns as measured by t h e i r r a t e s of conversion, p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n r e v i v a l s , and adherence to the t r a d i t i o n a l P u r i t a n churches. However, by the next century, men's and women's r e l i g i o u s experiences were "sharply d i s s i m i l a r . " Epstein concluded, 28 The m a s c u l i n e and f e m i n i n e s t y l e s of conversion t h a t emerged i n the e a r l y p a r t o f t h e c e n t u r y r e f l e c t e d a g r o w i n g d i s p a r i t y between the l i v e s of these men and women and between t h e i s s u e s t h a t concerned them. T h i s d i s p a r i t y of s t y l e intertwined with a growing c o n f l i c t between sexes, a c o n f l i c t that found expression i n r e v i v a l i s m . 3 3 Women continued i n t h e i r a l l e g i a n c e to the t r a d i t i o n a l m i n i s t e r i a l teachings and forms, while many men began to r e s i s t the a u t h o r i t y of the C a l v i n i s t churches e i t h e r by j o i n i n g churches with more l i b e r a l interpretations of the Gospel or by d r i f t i n g away from the p r a c t i s e of r e l i g i o n . 3 4 More men may have s h i f t e d r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the upkeep of r e l i g i o n i n the family to i t s female members. Mothers instead of fathers began t o l e a d f a m i l y p r a y e r s . Women made up t h e m a j o r i t y of churchgoers i n many congregations by the e a r l y nineteenth century and formed the c h i e f support f o r the c l e r g y i n an era of disestablishment. Ministers i n turn, began to shape t h e i r sermons i n ways which r e f l e c t e d women's i n t e r e s t s . For example, the doctrine of infant depravity was modified i n t h i s p e r i o d . Barbara Welter has c a l l e d t h i s new r e l a t i o n s h i p between women and clergy "the feminization of r e l i g i o n . " 3 6 The churches subsequently came to be important locations f o r women's a c t i v i t i e s i n the nineteenth century. As the p r a c t i s e of r e l i g i o n became "feminized," church-sponsored benevolent and reform a c t i v i t i e s were seen by m i n i s t e r s and women as a p p r o p r i a t e extensions of women's domestic sphere. The care of the poor and the unsaved became women's s p e c i a l ministry. At f i r s t women assumed r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r t h i s work 2 9 with the support of t h e i r ministers, but within a short period the d o c t r i n e of separate spheres alone served to l e g i t i m a t e women's a c t i v i t i e s i n these areas.. As the century wore on, women became i n c r e a s i n g l y adept at i n c o r p o r a t i n g ever wider ranges of a c t i v i t y within t h e i r domestic sphere. I n o t h e r ways t h e e v e n t s and a f t e r m a t h o f t h e Revolutionary War also played a c r i t i c a l r o l e i n the formation of t h i s new perception of women's role. Historians have noted t h a t r e g u l a r f a m i l y l i f e was g r e a t l y d i s r u p t e d by the war, as homes were broken up, property damaged, men went o f f to f i g h t , and r e l a t i o n s h i p s were t e s t e d by the need to chose s i d e s . Linda Kerber has speculated that the war ...was so d i s r u p t i v e to f a m i l y l i f e t h a t one begins to wonder whether the c u l t of d o m e s t i c i t y — t h e i d e o l o g i c a l celebration of women's domestic r o l e s — w a s not i n l a r g e measure a r e s p o n s e t o t h e w a r - t i m e disruption and the threat of separation of f a m i l i e s . Peace would b r i n g renewed a p p r e c i a t i o n of what had once been taken for granted. 3 7 Whether or not men were content to return to t h e i r f i r e s i d e s at the c l o s e of the war, women must have been eager t o resume normal l i f e , given t h e i r dependent economic p o s i t i o n and the hardship many had s u f f e r e d . But even f o r women, the war had proven a g a l v a n i z i n g experience as they had l e a r n e d to cope with adversity and the new demands put on them with the absence of male f a m i l y members. Many women had run farms and businesses and supported t h e i r f a m i l i e s single handedly during the war. They gained a new a p p r e c i a t i o n of themselves as competent and capable beings who had learned to survive unusual circumstances. J ° 3 0 Women were changed by the war i n other ways as w e l l . Their r o l e as household managers and producers was p o l i t i c i z e d d u r i n g the war by t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n boy c o t t s of such English goods as tea and t e x t i l e s , t h e i r increased production of homespun and i t s d i s p l a y upon t h e i r persons as a s i g n of independence, and the a i d they extended to the s o l d i e r s i n the form o f u n i f o r m s , k n i t t e d a r t i c l e s , and o t h e r g o o d s . 3 9 Although women's involvement i n p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s d i d not l a s t beyond the war years, t h e i r c o n t r i b u t i o n s r a i s e d the i s s u e of the r e l a t i o n s h i p o f p r i v a t e consumption h a b i t s t o the commonweal. As women became the c h i e f purchasing agents f o r t h e i r f a m i l i e s over the course of the nineteenth century, t h i s issue became an important one i n women's sphere. Other s h i f t s i n p e r c e p t i o n s of women's r o l e which contributed to the formulation of the separate spheres doctrine resulted i n part from subtle but important changes taking place i n the family and from discussion i n the post-war period about the need t o form a new r e p u b l i c a n n a t i o n a l i d e n t i t y . As has been noted, women began to form more p o s i t i v e assessments of themselves. The l a t e r decades of the eighteenth century saw s e v e r a l important s h i f t s i n behavior and a t t i t u d e s which resulted i n an improved p o s i t i o n of women i n the family. These s h i f t s i n c l u d e d a new emphasis upon "mutuality" i n marriage expressed as expectations of a more e g a l i t a r i a n and emotionally c l o s e m a r i t a l r e l a t i o n s h i p , more freedom f o r c h i l d r e n , i n c l u d i n g a l e s s a u t h o r i t a r i a n s t y l e of c h i l d r e a r i n g and a s h i f t from the primacy of the f a t h e r as parent to t h a t of the 31 mother as p r i n c i p l e c h i l d r e a r e r . u A l l these changes enhanced women's r o l e and t h i s was r e f l e c t e d i n the spread of the doctr ine of separate spheres. One of the most s i g n i f i c a n t changes was the new emphasis on women as mothers . In p a r t , t h i s s h i f t was a r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t f a t h e r s were no l o n g e r r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e to assume d i r e c t i o n of c h i l d r e a r i n g , for reasons which w i l l be discussed s h o r t l y , but i t a l s o stemmed from new concerns about the n a t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r . Some Americans r e c o g n i z e d t h a t i n many ways t h e i r r e v o l u t i o n had j u s t begun. New forms of s o c i a l o r d e r had t o be c r e a t e d as o l d f o r m s were t h r o w n o f f . T r a d i t i o n a l l y , women had been associated with the preservat ion of s o c i a l , that i s sexual, v i r t u e , but i n the new r e p u b l i c t h i s v iew became g e n e r a l i z e d to i n c l u d e n a t i o n a l e x p r e s s i o n s of v i r t u e . 4 1 Many s o c i a l t h e o r e t i c i a n s and women themselves increas ing ly saw women as the founders of the character of the state . One young women declared, A woman who i s s k i l l e d i n every u s e f u l a r t , who prac t i s e s every domestic virute . . .may, by her p r e c e p t and example, i n s p i r e her b r o t h e r s , her husband, or her sons, w i t h such a l o v e of v i r t u e , such j u s t ideas o f t h e t r u e v a l u e o f c i v i l 1 i b e r t y . . . t h a t future heroes and statesmen, who a r r i v e at the summit of m i l i t a r y or p o l i t i c a l fame, s h a l l e x a l t i n g l y d e c l a r e , i t i s t o my mother I owe t h i s e levat ion . 2 This emerging view of women as "republican mothers" 4 3 was p a r a l l e l e d by changes i n ideas about c h i l d n a t u r e . These changes, which began to p o r t r a y the c h i l d as a b e i n g w i t h s p e c i a l needs, as innocent and pure , and as "a b l a n k s l a t e " have been t r a c e d to the i n f l u e n c e of the w r i t i n g s of the 32 English Romantics such as William Wordsworth and to changes i n r e l i g i o n . New d o c t r i n e s developed which moved away from the n o t i o n s o f t h e need t o "break t h e c h i l d ' s w i l l " and the de p r a v i t y of i n f a n t s t o views which c a l l e d f o r " C h r i s t i a n n u r t u r e " and a more g e n t l e , g r a d u a l i s t a p p r o a c h t o c o n v e r s i o n . 4 4 The r o l e of the mother f i g u r e d l a r g e l y i n t h i s change. Women had long been seen as the more "indulgent" of the parents, but by the e a r l y nineteenth century t h i s q u a l i t y was newly interpreted by writers of ch i l d r e a r i n g manuals as a po s i t i v e one. 4 5 Women were advised to teach t h e i r children by precept, not by displays of authority. T h i s g e n t l e r approach, however was not to be a re l a x e d one. A ccording to the new g u i d e l i n e s l a i d down by such advocates of the new approach to c h i l d r e a r i n g as Lyd i a Maria Child, the mother could not be too v i g i l a n t i n the care of her ch i l d . She was advised to ra i s e i t h e r s e l f and not to entrust i t s care to servants or even r e l a t i v e s . C h i l d wrote t h a t the mother must keep her s e l f i n a state of t r a n q u i l i t y and pu r i t y . . . f o r i t i s beyond a l l doubt t h a t t h e s t a t e o f t h e mother a f f e c t s h e r c h i l d . . . i t i s a v e s s e l empty and p u r e — a l w a y s r e a d y t o r e c e i v e and a l w a y s r e c e i v i n g . Every look, every movement, every expression, does something towards forming the character of the l i t t l e h e i r to immortal l i f e . 4 6 For mothers who took such advice seriously, c h i l d r e a r i n g became a much more e x a c t i n g and time consuming task. Although the bi r t h r a t e dropped s t e a d i l y throughout the nineteenth century, women s t i l l focused much of t h e i r attention and energies on the r a i s i n g of t h e i r c h i l d r e n . 4 7 33 The i d e o l o g y of separate spheres both encouraged and supported women i n choosing t h i s v o c a t i o n . I t taught t h a t "a woman's place was i n the home" and that the home should remain f r e e from o u t s i d e i n f l u e n c e s . With the r i s e of new views of the innocence and m a l l e a b i l i t y of c h i l d r e n , i t was thought necessary to p r o t e c t them from c o r r u p t i n g i n f l u e n c e s . Many persons i n the nineteenth century who were concerned with i s s u e s of m o r a l i t y and the p r e s e r v a t i o n of the innocence of c h i l d r e n i d e n t i f i e d the aggressive, c o m p e t i t i v e world of commerce as a po t e n t i a l source of corruption of character. Not only d i d men have l e s s time at home to a c t as parents, but because of t h e i r involvement i n the economic realm, w i t h i t s questionable practises and ethics, moralists suspected them as models f o r c h i l d r e n . C o n v e r s e l y , women were seen, by themselves and by these moralists, as possessing the necessary q u a l i t i e s for childrearing, by reason of t h e i r innate feminine c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and t h e i r seclusion i n the home away from the "contagion" of the business w o r l d . 4 8 T h i s c l u s t e r of ideas formed the core of the ideology of separate spheres. Men's forays into economic a c t i v i t i e s , according to t h i s perspective, were morally r i s k y because they seemed to lead men away from r e l i g i o n and t r a d i t i o n a l v a l u e s . 4 9 Men had always been r e s p o n s i b l e f o r r e p r e s e n t i n g the f a m i l y i n the p u b l i c arena and f o r the economic support of t h e i r f a m i l i e s , but i n the l a t e e i g hteenth century and i n c r e a s i n g l y d u r i n g the nineteenth century, these r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s involved men i n new forms of work and i n new work settings that seemed to threaten 34 t r a d i t i o n a l i d eals of society. The a c t i v i t i e s which increasingly engrossed the attention of men b o t h encouraged and r e q u i r e d the abandonment of t r a d i t i o n a l communal r e s t r i c t i o n s on economic behavior grounded i n the i d e a l of a "moral economy" and the adoption of a more aggressive and i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c mode of operation. Men's work, where i t broke f r e e of t r a d i t i o n a l r e s t r a i n t s , assumed a new character: competitive, f u l l of r i s k and opportunity for those with an e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l bent, and f o r those who became wage l a b o r e r s , more r e g u l a t e d and d i s c i p l i n e d , but f o r both, more v u l n e r a b l e to sudden upsurges and downturns i n an economy i n c r e a s i n g l y t i e d t o t h e v a g a r i e s of t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l market. 5 0 The changes which men experienced were revolutionary and unprecedented i n the scale and speed with which they overturned o l d e r n o t i o n s of p r o p e r b e h a v i o r and t h e t r a d i t i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n of s o c i e t y . The p l e t h o r a of new o p p o r t u n i t i e s engendered a f e e l i n g of "boundlessness" matched only by the s i z e o f t h e c o n t i n e n t men sought t o e x p l o i t . 5 1 As new t e r r i t o r y opened up f o r settlement, men moved themselves and t h e i r f a m i l i e s away from the o l d e r communities and onto new lands. Men a l s o s h i f t e d from town to town i n search of new situations. Some men l e f t t h e i r f a m i l i e s behind f o r months or d e s e r t e d them a l t o g e t h e r as t h e y p u r s u e d t h e dream of 52 success. Although women may have eventually benefitted m a t e r i a l l y from these s h i f t s of location, such mobility destroyed or made more d i f f i c u l t the maintenance of the web of r e l a t i o n s h i p s 35 between f r i e n d s and r e l a t i v e s t h a t made up women's w o r l d . D J Women did not necessarily share i n t h e i r husbands' enthusiasms f o r new p l a c e s and new v e n t u r e s . 5 4 Moreover, the r a t e of f a i l u r e i n business was high d u r i n g the nineteenth century; a sudden plunge into poverty was not an uncommon experience with which many women were f o r c e d to c o p e . 5 5 Women's sphere was thus vulnerable to sudden s h i f t s of location, changing l e v e l s of income, and sometimes the desertion or d e b i l i t a t i o n of the p r i n c i p l e breadwinner. Men's values and women's i n c r e a s i n g l y c l a s h e d as men's a c t i v i t i e s threatened the s t a b i l i t y of the home and sometimes even i t s e x i s t e n c e , generating t e n s i o n s between the sexes. Women re a c t e d by banding together i n a s s o c i a t i o n s t o promote home values. At f i r s t these groups met to discuss c h i l d r e a r i n g p r a c t i s e s under the auspices of the churches, but soon some of these maternal a s s o c i a t i o n s became concerned w i t h i s s u e s of morality beyond the boundaries of the home. Bolstered by t h e i r view of themselves as society's nurturers and moral arbiters, as taught by the doctrine of separate spheres, women a c t i v e l y r e s i s t e d some aspects of male c u l t u r e which they b e l i e v e d threatened the s a n c t i t y of the home and undermined t h e i r e f f o r t s to r a i s e morally pure sons and daughters. Moral reform s o c i e t i e s sprang up i n v a r i o u s p l a c e s i n the attempt to r e g u l a t e men's sexual behavior, notably the New York Female Moral Reform S o c i e t y e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1834, which q u i c k l y developed a widespread network of a f f i l i a t e s throughout the r e g i o n . 5 6 Women a l s o became a c t i v e i n temperance work which 36 shared many of the same themes as the moral reform groups. ' These campaigns r e p r e s e n t e d o v e r t examples o f women's s o l i d a r i t y as a group, f o r g i n g l i n k s between c l a s s e s and extending even to i n c l u d e p r o s t i t u t e s i n the s i s t e r h o o d of women, and t h e i r sense of separateness and even h o s t i l i t y toward the sphere of men. This element of resistance persisted as an important expression of the separate spheres i n t o the early twentieth century, p r i n c i p a l l y through the a c t i v i t i e s of the Women's Ch r i s t i a n Temperance Union (WCTU) which celebrated women's allegiance to t r a d i t i o n a l domestic v a l u e s . 5 8 Although many men proved adept at handling the challenges of the new economic order, some men, no l e s s caught up i n the new ways, were yet deeply shocked by the abandonment of the o l d e r forms of behavior. These men turned to the home and women f o r r e l i e f from the s t r u g g l e which c h a r a c t e r i z e d men's world. K i r k J e f f r e y , i n h i s study of the Jacksonian f a m i l y , d e s c r i b e d the inte n s e a n x i e t i e s of some r u r a l , middle c l a s s migrants t o the burgeoning c i t i e s and towns of the mid-nineteenth century. J e f f r e y concurred with Marvin Meyers who noted t h a t these Americans "...were not inwardly prepared f o r the grinding uncertainity, the shocking changes, the complexity and i n d i r e c t i o n " t h a t c h a r a c t e r i z e d the new age. J e f f r e y associated t h i s anxiety with the emergence of "a middle-class c u l t of the r u r a l home," which he p o s i t e d "betrayed...an i n t e n s e f e a r , a shock of nonrecognition, w i t h which such . . • S Q Americans greeted t h e i r s o c i e t y . " J 3 T h i s " c u l t " i n v o l v e d the i d e a l i z a t i o n of country l i v i n g , of the redeeming powers of nature, and a n o s t a l g i a f o r the l o s t 37 innocence of childhood. u For those who could not face l i v i n g i n the c i t y w ith i t s " g r i n d i n g u n c e r t a i n t i e s " and "shocking changes" and yet who coul d not r e t u r n to l i f e i n a r u r a l v i l l a g e , J e f f r e y found t h a t an a l t e r n a t i v e e x i s t e d which allowed these people to bridge the two worlds. They created a r e t r e a t from the c i t y w i t h i n the c i t y , by f a s t e n i n g upon the home, women's sphere, as t h e one a r e a o f l i f e t h a t was seemingly not su b j e c t t o the pressures of change. Women, as homemakers and mothers, confined i n the home, committed to the p r e s e r v a t i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l r e l i g i o u s forms, working i n t r a d i t i o n a l ways i n d i r e c t s e r v i c e t o l o v e d ones, and uninvolved i n m o r a l l y compromising commercial e n t e r p r i s e s , appeared to be l i v i n g i n a d i f f e r e n t , purer world from that of men. People s u f f e r i n g from the anxieties described by Meyers and J e f f r e y sought to draw a sharp d i s t i n c t i o n between "the world" and the home and to e r e c t i d e o l o g i c a l b a r r i e r s to help preserve the home as a p l a c e of r e t r e a t and women as "the angels of the household." 6 1 Sarah Hale was one of the f i r m e s t and most p r o l i f i c supporters of the d o c t r i n e of separate spheres. She was a widow with f i v e children l i v i n g i n a small New Hampshire town when she drew a t t e n t i o n to h e r s e l f by p u b l i s h i n g a novel, Northwood i n 1827 6 2 and was i n v i t e d to become the "editress" of the Boston-based Ladies Magazine. She used that magazine and subsequently another p u b l i c a t i o n , Godey's Lady's Book, which absorbed the f i r s t magazine i n 1837, as a conduit f o r her ideas on women's p r o p e r r o l e . H a l e r e m a i n e d t h e r e u n t i l h er 38 r e t i r e m e n t at the age of n i n e t y i n 1877, t u r n i n g out pi e c e a f t e r piece explaining, promoting and celebrating the doctrine of separate spheres. Her views d e f i n e d women's r o l e f o r many women; at the height of her career Godey's achieved the largest c i r c u l a t i o n of a magazine of i t s type, reaching 160,000 subscribers and an untold number of actual readers i n I860. 6 3 B a s i c a l l y Hale had one theme which she r e i t e r a t e d i n d i f f e r e n t ways thoughout her career: the source and scope of women's i n f l u e n c e . T h i s was a key i s s u e f o r Hale and her readers. As women were e f f e c t i v e l y barred from most forms of a c t i v i t y , t h e i r c o n t r i b u t i o n s to s o c i e t y had to come through the agency of t h e i r influence upon male r e l a t i v e s and friends. Nonetheless, i n Hale's eyes, women exerted enormous influence i n society. Women's impact upon "the general mass of happiness or misery i n the world i s perhaps greater...than they can ever hope or b e l i e v e . " 6 4 Hale s e t out to ch a r t t h a t i n f l u e n c e f o r her readers' edfication. F i r s t , she noted t h a t "the d e s t i n y of the human race is...dependent on the c o n d i t i o n and conduct of women."65 Second, the p r e s e r v a t i o n of women's c h a r a c t e r was dependent upon a s e p a r a t i o n of the spheres of men and women: "Our men are s u f f i c i e n t l y money-making. Let us keep our women and c h i l d r e n from the contagion as long as p o s s i b l e . " 6 6 Hale disapproved of women e n t e r i n g men's sphere, no matter how dese r v i n g the cause. Women would accomplish nothing by entering the public arena and i n fact, according to Hale, they would lose what power they had by destroying the basis of t h e i r i n f l u e n c e , t h e i r i m p e r c e p t i b l e yet p e r v a s i v e h o l d on men's 39 f i n e r f e e l i n g s . T h i r d , women were t o achieve t h e i r ends by f o r c e of the p u r i t y of t h e i r beings, a p u r i t y a s s u r r e d only w i t h i n t h e b o u n d a r i e s o f women's sphere. By embracing domesticity, women could achieve unlimited influence. The government and g l o r y o f the w o r l d [might belong to man.] But ne v e r t h e l e s s , what man s h a l l become depends upon the secret, s i l e n t , influence of women. I f Sarah Hale saw men and women as d i f f e r e n t beings i n every respect, she viewed the two spheres as complementary. Kathryn Kish Sklar analyzed Hale's 'bargain' between the sexes. The male and female spheres were separated to allow men to continue t h e i r a c q u i s i t i v e pursuits and to enable women to concentrate on t h e i r m o r a l r o l e . W i t h o u t one t h e growth of s o c i e t y would stop, and without the other the course of t h a t growth might be m o r a l l y o b j e c t i o n a b l e . Together they gave the s o c i e t y an energized l a b o r f o r c e and a f r e e conscience. So long as women's l a b o r was u n s u l l i e d by t h e b u s i n e s s m e n t a l i t y , so long as i t was a l a b o r of love and not f o r gain, the c u l t u r e might r e t a i n i t s contact w i t h p r i m i t i v e v i r t u e and goodness. 6 8 Catharine Beecher, a near contemporary of Sarah Hale, agreed with the b a s i c o u t l i n e s of her i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the doctrine of separate spheres, but greatly expanded some of the themes and extended women's sphere beyond the confines of the home. Beecher was an i n n o v a t i v e teacher, founder of g i r l ' s academies, a p e r i p a t e t i c supporter of advanced education f o r women, wr i t e r and organizer of s o c i e t i e s to promote her various p r o j e c t s . 6 9 Her contribution to the development and promotion of the separate spheres assumed three forms. Beecher was probably best known i n her own times as the 4 0 author of the Treatise on Domestic Economy, f i r s t published i n 1841 and many times t h e r e a f t e r . 7 0 Beecher's f i r s t contribution to the promotion of women's sphere was to compile and order the information women needed to carry out t h e i r duties. Because of the m o b i l i t y of American s o c i e t y which i n t e r f e r e d i n the generational passing on of housekeeping knowledge and because of changing technology i n use i n homes—Beecher c a r e f u l l y e x p l a i n e d the use of new stoves on the market among other i n n o v a t i o n s — m a n y women had to depend upon w r i t t e n guides rather than upon o r a l t r a d i t i o n s f o r t h e i r information. With the T r e a t i s e i n hand, women coul d gain competency i n areas ranging from care of children to i n s t a l l i n g a kitchen sink. But Beecher did not intend women to become too immersed i n housekeeping. Instead, she declared that women's f i r s t duties were r e l i g i o u s i n nature. Wonen were to care for the souls of t h e i r f a m i l i e s and themselves before a l l e l s e . 7 1 Beecher noted that "system, economy and neatness are valuable only so far as they tend to promote the comfort and w e l l - b e i n g of those a f f e c t e d . " 7 2 Women were to order t h e i r p r i o r i t i e s and then ignore what they could not accomplish. The needs of r e l i g i o n came f i r s t . Her second contribution was to foster a sense of pride i n women regarding t h e i r duties. Beecher urged women to consider homemaking a high c a l l i n g . In the f i r s t place, a woman, who has charge of a l a r g e household, should regard her d u t i e s as d i g n i f i e d , i m p o r t a n t and d i f f i c u l t . . . S u r e l y , i t i s a p e r n i c i o u s and mistaken idea, that the duties, which tax a woman's mind, a r e p e t t y , t r i v i a l , or unworthy of the highest grade of i n t e l l e c t 41 and moral worth. Instead of allowing t h i s f e e l i n g , every woman should imbibe, from e a r l y youth, the impression, t h a t she i s t r a i n i n g f o r the discharge of the most important, the most d i f f i c u l t , and the most sacred and i n t e r e s t i n g d u t i e s t h a t can possibly employ the highest i n t e l l e c t . 3 Noting that doctors, lawyers and physicians had schools to set and mai n t a i n standards f o r t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n s , Beecher c a l l e d f o r s i m i l i a r l y endowed academies f o r women's p r o f e s s i o n s of homemaking and t e a c h i n g . 7 4 Her T r e a t i s e was designed as a school t e x t as w e l l as a manual f o r homemakers. To t h i s end also, Beecher stumped the country, speaking i n favor of women's education, r a i s i n g funds f o r schools, forming committees of support and r e c r u i t i n g women as teachers. She saw school teaching as a natural extension of women's sphere and a way of spreading women's influence. Beecher's convictions about the uses of women's influence on the national l e v e l constituted her t h i r d contribution to the promotion of women's own sphere. In the p e r i o d when she was f o r m u l a t i n g her t h e o r i e s of d o m e s t i c i t y , the n a t i o n was increasingly torn by sectional s t r i f e which eventually resulted i n the outbreak of the C i v i l War. During t h i s same p e r i o d f a m i l i e s e x p e r i e n c e d t h e s t r e s s engendered by economic f l u c t u a t i o n s , new forms of work r e p l a c i n g o l d e r ways, geographic and economic m o b i l i t y , and changing r e l i g i o u s practises. Beecher developed a complex and ingenious approach to these issues which focussed on women's r o l e i n the home. F i r s t , Beecher noted that i f women confined themselves to the domestic sphere v o l u n t a r i l y two things would re s u l t . Half the population would be removed from the p o l i t i c a l and economic 42 struggle which threatened to tear the country apart. I f women d i d t h i s v o l u n t a r i l y , they could set an example of s e l f -s a c r i f i c e — B e e c h e r did not claim women were domestic by nature or i n c l i n a t i o n — w h i c h could then be emulated by men to achieve a further reduction of t e n s i o n . 7 5 Second, i f a l l women devoted themselves t o homemaking, and e s p e c i a l l y i f they d i s m i s s e d t h e i r domestic servants and learned to do the work themselves, they would create a l e v e l l i n g e f f e c t , banishing " a r i s t o c r a t i c tendencies" and e l e v a t i n g others t o the middle c l a s s . Thus Beecher promoted a democracy of homemakers who shared a domestic orien t a t i o n and value system. 7 6 Beecher l i n k e d women's sphere with important n a t i o n a l issues, g i v i n g women a c r i t i c a l r o l e i n t h e i r society. Let the women of a country be made v i r t u o u s and i n t e l l i g e n t and the men w i l l c e r t a i n l y be the same. The proper education of a man decides the w e l f a r e of an i n d i v i d u a l ; but educate a woman and the i n t e r e s t s of a whole f a m i l y a r e secured...No American woman has any occa s i o n f o r f e e l i n g t h a t hers i s a humble or i n s i g n i f i c a n t l o t . 7 Leading domestic t h e o r e t i c i a n s a r t i c u l a t e d f o r American women the sense of separateness from the world of men they had long f e l t , s t r e s s i n g the gulf which existed between the sexes, and imbuing women's sphere with a heightened s i g n i f i c a n c e for women, the family and society. One wri t e r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y drew a sharp d i s t i n c t i o n between the two spheres, depicting one as f u l l of r i s k t o moral h e a l t h and the other as f u l l of redeeming q u a l i t i e s . We go f o r t h i n t o the world, amidst the scenes of business and of pleasure; we mix with the gay and the thoughtless, we j o i n 43 the busy crowd, and the heart i s s e n s i b l e to a d e s o l a t i o n of f e e l i n g : we behold every p r i n c i p l e of j u s t i c e and of honor, and even the d i c t a t e s of common honesty disregarded, and the delicacy of our moral sense i s wounded; we see the general good, s a c r i f i c e d to the advancement of p e r s o n a l i n t e r e s t ; and we t u r n from such scenes, with a pa i n f u l sensation, almost b e l i e v i n g that v i r u t e has deserted the abodes of men; again, we look to the sanctuary of home; t h e r e sympathy, h o n o r , v i r t u e , a r e assembled; there the eye may k i n d l e w i t h i n t e l l i g e n c e , and r e c e i v e an answering glance; there d i s i n t e r e s t e d love, i s ready to s a c r i f i c e e v e r y t h i n g at the a l t a r of a f f e c t i o n . 7 8 T h i s theme appeared again and again i n the l i t e r a t u r e which celebrated women's separate sphere. The world of men was consistently negatively compared with that of women. Not only were these two worlds wholly d i f f e r e n t from one another, but the v a l u e s which informed them were seen to be i n c o n f l i c t . The d o c t r i n e of separate spheres, as i t was promulgated i n co u n t l e s s e d i t o r i a l s , d i d a c t i c s t o r i e s and advice columns, enjoined women to focus t h e i r energies on t h e i r children, t h e i r homes, and r e l i g i o u s and benevolent concerns. By remaining i n t h e i r domestic sphere, women would main t a i n t h e i r p u r i t y and t r a d i t i o n a l forms of d e f e r e n t i a l behavior. Through t h e i r example, women would cheer and u p l i f t the male members of the household, who would then spread women's i n f l u e n c e through t h e i r own improved conduct i n the world. Moreover, women i n the protected home would r a i s e virtuous sons and daughters, who i n t h e i r t u r n , each according to the d i c t a t e s of t h e i r sex-de f i n e d r o l e , would send out a r i p p l e of i n f l u e n c e , and thus, s o c i e t y would g r a d u a l l y be reformed. I f a l l women f o l l o w e d these precepts, within one or two generations American society 44 would reach the millennium. Such a d o c t r i n e c o n f e r r e d upon women both enormous i n f l u e n c e and enormous r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , both to be e x e r c i z e d within the home. The source of women's influence and authority was t h e i r s e p a r a t e n e s s from the w o r l d of men and t h e i r maintenance of t r a d i t i o n a l m o r a l i t y and v a l u e s . 7 9 Women's domestic r o l e was d e s c r i b e d as forming a necessary balance, compensation and a n t i d o t e to men's sphere. The c u l t of the home, as described by Jeffrey, lent i t s e l f to such views, which many women used to bols t e r women's po s i t i o n i n the family and s o c i e t y . I f men's world was a m o r a l l y p r e c a r i o u s one, women had the duty to become the moral a r b i t e r s of society. 4 5 NOTES •"•Nancy Cott, Bonds of Womanhood pp. 10-11. 2 C a t h e r i n e C l i n t o n , The P l a n t a t i o n M i s t r e s s : Woman's World i n the Old South (New York: Pantheon Books, 1982). 3See f o r example Thomas Dublin's study of the rel a t i o n s h i p between e a r l y women m i l l workers i n Waltham and Low e l l with t h e i r f a m i l i e s and friends s t i l l r e s i d i n g on New England farms, Women at Work: The Transformation of Work and Community i n Lowell_j_ M a s s a c h u s e t t s ^ 1826-1860 (New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1979) and Dublin, e d i t o r , Farm to Factory: Women's L e t t e r s , 1830-1860 (New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1981). 4 L i l l i a n S c h l i s s e l , e d i t o r , Women's D i a r i e s of the Westward Journey, preface by Carl N. Degler (New York: Schocken Books, 1982); J u l i e Roy J e f f r e y , F r o n t i e r Women: The Tans-M i s s i s s i p p i West, 1840-1880 (New York: H i l l and Wang, 1974) and John Mack Faragher and Christine Stansell, "Women and Their Families on the Overland T r a i l to C a l i f o r n i a and Oregon 1842-67," i n A Heritage of Her Own, Cott and Pleck, eds. 5See f o r example Linda Kerber's discussion of "republican motherhood" i n "The R e p u b l i c a n Mother: Women and the Enlightenment—An American Perspective," American Quarterly, 28 (Summer 1976), 187-205; and her l a r g e r treatment of the rel a t i o n s h i p between the formation of a republican i d e n t i t y and perceptions of women's rol e , Women of the Republic: I n t e l l e c t  and Ideology i n Revolutionary America (Chapel H i l l : U niversity of North C a r o l i n a Press f o r the I n s t i t u t e of E a r l y American H i s t o r y and Cult u r e , W illiamsburg, V i r g i n i a , 1980). For a d i s c u s s i o n of the l i n k between widespread a n x i e t i e s i n the antebellum period and notions about women's role, see William R. Ta y l o r , C a v a l i e r and Yankee: The Old South and American N a t i o n a l Character (Garden C i t y , New York: Anchor Books, 1963) . 6Nancy Cott, Bonds of Womanhood pp. 5-6. 7 D a n i e l S c o t t Smith "Family L i m i t a t i o n , Sexual C o n t r o l , and Domestic Feminism i n V i c t o r i a n America" i n A Heritage of Her Own, Cott and Pleck, eds. 222-245. s L i n d a Kerber posits that women experienced an h i s t o r i c a l l a g of experience. She noted t h a t "Deference was an a t t i t u d e t h a t many women adopted and d i s p l a y e d at a time when i t was gradually being abandoned by men; the p o l i t i c i z a t i o n of women 46 and men i n America, as elsewhere, was out of phase." "The Republican Mother" p. 203. 9 T h e economic v u l n e r a b i l i t y women e x p e r i e n c e d was expressed as a n x i e t i e s about men's e f f i c a c y as breadwinners. See f o r example Barbara L e s l i e Epstein's d i s c u s s i o n about women's temperance crusades i n The P o l i t i c s of Domesticity: Women, Evangelism and Temperance i n Nineteenth-Century America (Middletown, Connecticut: Wesleyan University Press, 1981) pp. 100-107. 1 0 T h e growth of romantic love as a b a s i s of marriage i s noted i n Nancy Cott, "Eighteenth-Century Family and So c i a l L i f e Revealed i n Massachusetts Divorce Records," A Heritage of Her Own, Cott and Pleck, eds. Family l i m i t a t i o n i s d i s c u s s e d by Daniel Scott Smith i n "Family Limitation, Sexual Control, and Domestic Feminism i n V i c t o r i a n America." 1 1 F o r a discussion of r i s i n g expectations of happiness i n marriage i n the post revolutionary period, see Kerber, Women of the Republic, pp. 174-184. Nancy Woloch, Women and the American Experience (New York: A l f r e d A. Knopf, 1984) p. 122. See a l s o her d i s c u s s i o n of the r o l e of Sarah Hale as a promoter of the d o c t r i n e of separate spheres, chapter 5. 1 3Nancy Cott, Bonds of Womanhood, p. 2. 1 4 S e e Nancy Woloch's d i s c u s s i o n of the work of Mary Livermore f o r an example of women's d e c l i n i n g assessment of men's cha r a c t e r , Women and the American Experience, pp. 274-275. Woloch l i n k s such views w i t h the d e c l i n i n g r a t e of marriage among middle c l a s s educated women who had high expectations of marriage. 1 5 C a r r o l l Smith-Rosenberg, "The Female World of Love and R i t u a l , " pp. 321-323. 1 6 I b i d . p. 325. 1 7 I b i d . p. 322. l p. . • • • This i s , i n t e r e s t i n g l y , the same decade Sarah Hale began to l o s e her i n f l u e n c e over the i m a g i n a t i o n of American women accor d i n g to her biographer, Ruth E. F i n l e y , The Lady of Godey's: Sarah Josepha Hale ( P h i l a d e l p h i a : J.B. L i p p i n c o t t Company, 1931) p. 194. 1 9 K e i t h Melder, Beginnings of Sist e r h o o d : The American Woman's Rights Movement, 1800-1850, i n Studies i n the L i f e of Women Series, Gerda Lerner, general editor (New York: Schocken Books, 1977). See a l s o Thomas Dublin's d i s c u s s i o n of female networks i n Women at Work, pp. 81-83 47 2 0 L a u r e l Thatcher U l r i c h , "Vertiious Women Found, New England M i n i s t e r i a l Literature, 1668-1735" i n A Heritage of Her Own, Cott and Pleck, eds., pp. 67-68. 2 1 J u d i t h Walzer L e a v i t t and Whitney Walton, "'Down to Death's Door': Women's Perceptions of C h i l d b i r t h i n America," Women and Health i n America: H i s t o r i c a l Readings, J u d i t h Walzer L e a v i t t , ed. (Madison: The U n i v e r s i t y of Wisconsin Press, 1984); and Mary Beth Norton, L i b e r t y ' s Daughters, pp. 78-79. 2 2 L e a v i t t and Walton, "'Down to Death's Door'," pp. 160-161. See a l s o Catherine M. Scholten, "'On the Importance of the O b s t e t r i c k Art': Changing Customs of C h i l d b i r t h i n America, 1760-1825," Women and Health i n America, Judith Walzer Leavitt, ed. 2 3Mary Beth Norton, Liberty's Daughters, pp. 11, 21-22. 2 4 I b i d . , p. 13. Black women and women from some immigrant groups did work i n the f i e l d s . 2 5 A l i c e K e s s l e r - H a r r i s , Out to Work: A H i s t o r y of Wage-Earning Women i n the United States (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1982) chapter 1. 2 6Mary Beth Norton, "Eighteenth-Century American Women i n Peace and War: The Case of the L o y a l i s t s , " A Her i t a g e of Her Own, Cott and Pleck, ed., pp. 136-161. 2 7 G o v e r n o r W i l l i a m L i v i n g s t o n of New Jersey, quoted i n Mary Beth Norton, Liberty's Daughters pp. 4-5. 2 8 S a m u e l Purviance to h i s daughter Betsy i n 1787, quoted i n Mary Beth Norton Liberty's Daughters pp. 3-4. 2 9 A 1745 e s s a y i s t quoted i n Mary Beth Norton, L i b e r t y ' s  Daughters p. 8. 3 0 M a r y Beth Norton d i s c u s s e d the l a c k of v a r i e t y i n women's domestic work and t h e i r r e s u l t i n g d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with t h e i r round of duties, Liberty's Daughters, pp. 34-39. 3 1 I b i d . , p. 123. Chapter 4 contains a f u l l d i s c u s s i o n of t h i s phenomenon. 3 2 C a r r o l l Smith-Rosenberg, "Female World of Love and R i t u a l , " p. 21. 3 3Barbara Epstein, The P o l i t i c s of Domesticity, pp. 47-48. 3 4 I b i d . , pp. 48-55. 3 5Nancy Cott, Bonds of Womanhood, chapter 4. 48 3 6Barbara Welter, "The Feminization of American Religion: 1800-1860," Clio's Consciousness Raised: New Perspectives on  the H i s t o r y of Women, Mary S. Hartman and L o i s Banner, eds. (New York, Harper Colophon Books, Harper and Row, P u b l i s h e r s , 1974). 137-157. 3 7 L i n d a Kerber, Women of the Republic, p. 47. 3 8 M a r y Beth Norton, L i b e r t y ' s Daughters, pp. 155-188, chapter 7. 3 9 L i n d a Kerber, Women of the Republic, chapter 2 and 3, Mary Beth Norton, Liberty's Daughters, pp. 156-170. 4 0Nancy Cott, "Eighteenth-Century Family and So c i a l L i f e . " 4 1Mary Beth Norton, Liberty's Daughters, pp.242-250. 4 2 A graduate of Mrs. Rowson's Academy, Miss P.W. Jackson, quoted i n Linda Kerber, "Daughters of Columbia: Educating Women f o r the Republic, 1787-1805," The H o f s t a d t e r A e i g i s : A Memorial, Stanley E l k i n s and E r i c M c K i t r i c k , eds., (New York: A l f r e d A. Knopf, d i s t r i b u t e d by Random House, 1974). 4 3 T h i s i s a term used f i r s t by Linda Kerber. 4 4 B e r n a r d Wishy, The C h i l d and the Republic: The Dawn of Modern American C h i l d Nurture ( P h i l a d e l p h i a : U n i v e r s i t y of Pennsylvania Press, 1968), chapter 2, es p e c i a l l y the discussion on the influence of Horace Bushnell, Views of Ch r i s t i a n Nurture (Hartford: Edwin Hunt, Publisher, 1847). 4 5 L a u r e l Thatcher U l r i c h , "Vertuous Women Found," p. 75. Bernard Wishy, The Chi l d and the Republic, chapter 3. 4 6 L y d i a Maria C h i l d , The Mother's Book (Boston: C a r t e r and Hendee, 1831, reprinted New York: Arno Press and New York Times, 1972) p. 9. 4 7 F o r d i s c u s s i o n s of nineteenth century c h i l d r e a r i n g p r a c t i s e s , see C a r l Degler, At Odds: Women and the Family i n America from the Re v o l u t i o n to the Present, (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1980) chapter 4 and 5; Bernard Wishy, The C h i l d and the Republic, Nancy Cott, Bonds of Womanhood, pp. 84-92. 4 8 S e e f o r example Nancy Woloch's d i s c u s s i o n of Sarah Hale's views on women's c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n chapter 5. Hale i d e n t i f i e d " b e n e v o l e n t f e e l i n g s . . . a m i a b l e n e s s o f dispostion...delicacy of moral sense...more ardency of feeling, g r e a t e r s t r e n g t h o f at t a c h m e n t and s u p e r i o r p u r i t y of af f e c t i o n " as female t r a i t s , p. 102. 4 9 B a r b a r a E p s t e i n , P o l i t i c s of Domesticity, pp. 49-51. For a descr i p t i o n of the breakdown of t r a d i t i o n a l r e s t r a i n t s on 49 men's behavior r e s u l t i n g from t h e i r economic a c t i v i t e s , see Richard L. Bushman, From Puritan to Yankee: Character and the S o c i a l O r d e r i n C o n n e c t i c u t ^ 1690-1765 ( C a m b r i d g e , Massachusetts and London, England: Harvard University Press, 1967) . 5 0 F o r the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of work i n men's sphere, see Richard Bushman, From Puritan to Yankee, Herbert Gutman, "Work, Cu l t u r e , and S o c i e t y i n I n d u s t r i a l i z i n g America, 1815-1919," Work, Culture and Society i n I n d u s t r i a l i z i n g America: Essays i n American Working-Class and S o c i a l H i s t o r y (New York: Vintage Books, Random House Publishers, 1977 edition). Daniel T. Rodgers, The Work E t h i c i n I n d u s t r i a l America, 1850-1920 (Chicago and London: The U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press, 1974). For a d e s c r i p t i o n of the a n x i e t i e s engendered by the new economic order, see Michael B. Katz, The People of Hamilton, Canada West: Family and Clas s i n a Mid-Nineteenth-Century C i t y , H a r v a r d S t u d i e s i n U r b a n H i s t o r y ( C a m b r i d g e , Massachusetts and London, England: Harvard University Press, 1975) chapter 4. 5 1 J o h n Higham, "From Boundlessness to Consolidation, The Trans f o r m a t i o n of American C u l t u r e 1848-1860" (Ann Arbor: William L. Clements Library Publication, 1969). 5 2 F o r a study of transiency, see Michael Katz, The People  of Hamilton. 5 3 C a r r o l l Smith-Rosenberg c i t e s many l e t t e r s and d i a r y e n t r i e s w hich e x p r e s s t h e a n g u i s h women f e l t o v e r such separations. "Female World of Love and Ritual." 5 4 M a r y Beth Norton, L i b e r t y ' s Daughters pp. 14-15. A sense of acquiescence rather than enthusiasm f o r the westward journey pervaded the d i a r i e s s t u d i e d by L i l l i a n S c h l i s s e l , Women's Diaries of the Westward Journey. 5 5 M i c h a e l B. Katz, People of Hamilton, pp. 188-206. 5 6 C a r r o l l - S m i t h Rosenberg, "Beauty, the Beast, and the M i l i t a n t Woman: A Case Study i n Sex Roles and S o c i a l S t r e s s i n Jacksonian America," A Heritage of Her Own, Cott and Pleck, eds. 5 7 R u t h Bordin, '"A Baptism of Power and L i b e r t y ' : The Women's Crusade of 1873-1874." Woman's Being, Woman's Place:  Female Identity and Vocation i n American History, Mary Kelley, e d i t o r (Boston: G.K. H a l l and Company, 1979). B a r b a r a Epstein, P o l i t i c s of Domesticity, chapters 4 and 5. 5 8 B a r b a r a Epstein, P o l i t i c s of Domesticity,chapter 5. 5 9 M a r v i n Meyers, The Jacksonian Persuasion: P o l i t i c s and  B e l i e f (Stanford: Stanford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1960), p. 11, c i t e d by Kirk Jeffrey, "The Family as Utopian Retreat From the 50 C i t y : The Nineteenth-Century C o n t r i b u t i o n , " The Family, Communes, and Utopian S o c i e t i e s , S a l l i e T e s s e l l e , ed. (New York: Harper and Row, 1977). 6 0 K i r k J e f f r e y , "The Family as Utopian Retreat," p. 25. 6 1 F o r another d i s c u s s i o n of the c u l t of the r u r a l home, see David P. Handlin, The American Home: A r c h i t e c t u r e and Society, 1815-1915 (Boston: L i t t l e , Brown and Company, 1979), e s p e c i a l l y chapters 3 and 4. See a l s o , C h r i s t o p h e r Lasch, Haven i n a H e a r t l e s s World: The Family Besieged (New York: Basic Books, Publishers, 1977), pp. 3-8. 6 2 S e e William Taylor's analysis of Northwood i n Cavalier  and Yankee, pp. 99-119. For biographical information on Sarah Hale, see Ruth E. F i n l e y , The Lady of Godey's; Nancy Woloch, Women and the American Experience, chapter 5; and Paul S. Boyer "Sarah Josepha Buell Hale" i n Notable American Women 1607-1950: A B i o g r a p h i c a l D i c t i o n a r y v o l . I I , Edward T. James, Janet W i l s o n James and P a u l S. Boyer, e d i t o r s , (Cambridge, Massachusetts and London, England: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1971). Hereafter c i t e d as NAW. O JNancy Woloch, Women and the American Experience, pp. 110-111. 64Ibid., p. 106. 6 5 I b i d . , p. 103. 6 6 I b i d . , p. 101. 67Ibid., p. 103. 6 8Kathryn Kish Sklar, Catharine Beecher, p. 163. 6 9 I b i d . f o r a d e s c r i p t i o n and a n a y l s i s of Beecher's l i f e and career. 7 0 C a t h a r i n e Beecher, A Treatise on Domestic Economy, for the use of Young Ladies at home, and at school (Boston: T.H. Webb and Company, 1842 e d i t i o n ) , LAC 12144 L i b r a r y Resources Inc., 1970. 7 1 C a t h a r i n e Beecher, Treatise, p. 158. 7 2 I b i d . , p. 152. 7 3 I b i d . , pp. 150, 157. 7 4 I b i d . , pp. 51-67. 7 5 S e e Kathryn Kish Sklar's analysis of Beecher's ideology of domesticity and i t s r e l a t i o n to national issues i n Catharine  Beecher pp. 155-167. See also, Catherine Beecher, An Essay on 51 Slavery and Abolitionism with Reference to the Duty of American Females ( P h i l a d e l p h i a and Boston: H. Perkins and Marvin, 1837), LAC 11172 Library Resources Inc., 1970, pp. 95-101. 7 6 K a t h r y n K i s h S k l a r noted, "Thus what some h i s t o r i a n s have c a l l e d the feminization of American culture can be seen as a means of promoting n a t i o n a l l y homogeneous c u l t u r a l forms, and the emphasis given to gender i d e n t i t y can be viewed as an attempt by a society laden with class and regional anxieties to compensate f o r these d i v i s i v e factors." Catharine Beecher, p. 161. 7 7 C a t h a r i n e Beecher, T r e a t i s e , p. 37. 7 8Author was probably Sarah Hale, "Home," Ladies Magazine, p. 218, quoted i n K i r k J e f f r e y , "The F a m i l y as U t o p i a n Retreat," p. 28. 7 9 F o r a d i s c u s s i o n of the growth of women's a u t h o r i t y i n the home, see Daniel S c o t t Smith, "Family L i m i t a t i o n , Sexual Control, and Domestic Feminism i n V i c t o r i a n America." 52 CHAPTER II THE EMERGENCE OF THE HOME ECONOMICS MOVEMENT By the second h a l f of the nineteenth century, the c l u s t e r of ideas, values and behavioral prescriptions which made up the ideo l o g y of separate spheres was a widely accepted code f o r women. I t s teachings provided an i d e o l o g i c a l b a s i s f o r the dominant experience i n most women's l i v e s — t h e i r r o l e as homemakers and mothers. Moreover, for women who were adept at hand l i n g i t s v a r i o u s themes, i t sanctioned the expansion of educational opportunities, the opening of some professions for women—notably t e a c h i n g — a n d supported women's membership i n myriad reform, benevolent, and c u l t u r a l associations. The decades f o l l o w i n g the c l o s e of the C i v i l War saw a widespread p r o l i f e r a t i o n of women's organizations devoted to causes ranging from the education of freed slaves, the clos i n g of saloons, the opening of colleges f o r women, to the creation of urban playgrounds, the supply of c l e a n m i l k f o r babies and the Americanization of immigrants. Women increasingly entered the public arena as " c i v i c housekeepers" and standard-bearers f o r "the white l i f e " , an omnibus term o r i g i n a t i n g i n the WCTU which s i g n i f i e d a l i f e l i v e d a c cording t o the precepts of the doctrine of separate spheres. 1 While thousands of women across the country crusaded f o r the p r e s e r v a t i o n of home values and 53 against the forces which seemed to threaten family l i f e i n such o r g a n i z a t i o n s as the WCTU, many more thousands of women experienced an i n c r e a s e i n a u t h o r i t y and autonomy w i t h i n the home, as they gained i n f l u e n c e over the s i z e and spacing of t h e i r f a m i l i e s , the q u a l i t y of the m a r i t a l r e l a t i o n s h i p , and other aspects of family and home l i f e . By the c l o s i n g decades of the n i n e t e e n t h century the ideology of separate spheres, which grew out of women's shared experiences and t h e i r sense of separateness from male a c t i v i t i e s and values, supported the notion of a vast sisterhood of women, united by t h e i r domestic o r i e n t a t i o n i n l i f e and the values which sprang from such a perspective. In the midst of the f u l l f l o w e r i n g of the d o c t r i n e of separate spheres, however, a small but growing number of women began to t u r n away from the teachings of t h i s i d eology and to develop an a l t e r n a t i v e set of ideas and p r a c t i s e s . No one p a t t e r n e x i s t e d f o r t h i s s h i f t of a t t i t u d e s and no one set of circumstances accounted for the abandonment of one ideology and the c r e a t i o n and adoption of another. Rather, these women followed various paths that only gradually began to in t e r s e c t w i t h one another and share common elements, a process which took decades to achieve. From these s m a l l and s c a t t e r e d beginnings a movement developed which, by the early twentieth century, involved hundreds of women i n a l l parts of the country and had an impact on many more women and t h e i r f a m i l i e s . I t was v a r i o u s l y c a l l e d domestic science, domestic economy, household a r t s , and home economics, the l a s t being the t i t l e preferred by i t s leaders and organizers. 2 5 4 The home economics movement was fundamentally a domestic reform movement whose object was the development and spread of a new set of homemaking ideals and practises through the agency of v a r i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s , notably the p u b l i c schools and c o l l e g e s . The movement taught a new domestic ideology, one tha t r e f u t e d some of the b a s i c concepts of the d o c t r i n e of separate spheres. The women who made up the membership i n t h i s movement, e s p e c i a l l y those who became l e a d e r s , had become d i s i l l u s i o n e d with the doctrine of separate spheres. They saw i t as an inadequate underpinning f o r domestic l i f e i n the r a p i d l y m a t u r i n g urban and i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y of l a t e n i n e t e e n t h century America. Home economists b e l i e v e d t h a t women should maintain t h e i r domestic orien t a t i o n but that they should adopt new a t t i t i d e s about the re l a t i o n s h i p of the home and s o c i e t y and women's r o l e i n the home. Much of the movement was dedicated to the organization of an i n s t i t u t i o n a l framework for the systematic dissemination of home economics as a set of p r i n c i p l e s and p r a c t i s e s . But even more e s s e n t i a l , the home economics movement helped focus a t t e n t i o n on some of the l i m i t a t i o n s of the separate spheres ideology of domesticity and created an a l t e r n a t i v e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of women's domestic role. This chapter w i l l trace the main l i n e s of development of the home economics movement from i t s emergence i n the 1860s to 1909. During t h i s period, the movement was made up of a loose a f f i l i a t i o n of various domestic reform campaigns and programs of p u b l i c education. I n c r e a s i n g l y over these years home economics a c t i v i s t s i n d i f f e r e n t c i t i e s began t o work more 55 c l o s e l y t o g e t h e r and f e e l t h e need f o r a more f o r m a l organization than that afforded by t h e i r personal t i e s with one another. Accordingly i n 1899, E l l e n Richards, who was widely recognized as the leader of home economics, c a l l e d a meeting of p r o m i n e n t workers i n t h i s f i e l d t o g i v e shape t o t h e i r burgeoning movement.3 T h i s was the f i r s t of ten annual meetings known as the Lake P l a c i d Conferences, which eventually brought together over two hundred l e a d i n g home economists to d e l i b e r a t e over the s t r u c t u r e , content and meaning of home economics. The outcome of the l a s t c o n f e r e n c e was the form a t i o n of a p r o f e s s i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , the American Home Economics A s s o c i a t i o n , and the launching of a p r o f e s s i o n a l j o u r n a l . 4 The t r a n s i t i o n from reform movement to professional organization occurred i n a s i m i l a r fashion i n home economics as the developments which t r a n s f o r m e d v o l u n t a r y benevolent a c t i v i t i e s into the organized profession of s o c i a l work i n the same period. While the t r a n s i t i o n was not complete i n 1909, t h a t year represented a benchmark i n the h i s t o r y of home economics and w i l l mark the end of the d i s c u s s i o n i n t h i s t h e s i s . Home economics as a s o c i a l reform movement developed i n two overlapping phases. Each phase was dominated by the work of d i f f e r e n t generations of home economists, and r e f l e c t e d t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r interests, background and perspectives. The f i r s t group of women a c t i v e i n home economics work were born m o s t l y i n the 1840s and began t h e i r r e f o r m work i n the Reconstruction era a f t e r the close of the C i v i l War.6 Most of these women had r e c e i v e d a t r a d i t i o n a l education, e i t h e r at 56 home or i n female academies. They had been raised according to the precepts of the d o c t r i n e of separate spheres and brought t h i s perspective to t h e i r early work i n home economics. These women considered the home to be the primary l o c a t i o n f o r the formation and preservation of character. They believed that i f the home was clean and orderly, i f housework was accomplished i n an e f f i c i e n t manner and h e l d to a high standard, then a l l members of the f a m i l y — e s p e c i a l l y children—would imbibe the moral lesson i m p l i c i t i n the keeping of such standards. Such a home would become an agency of moral u p l i f t i n the family and, by extension, the wider society. Although home economists were champions of the p r i v a t e i n s t i t u t i o n of the home, i n t h e i r judgement many homes f a i l e d to uphold t r a d i t i o n a l standards and i n c u l c a t e proper values. They considered working c l a s s and immigrant tenement homes es p e c i a l l y d e f i c i e n t i n carrying out these primary functions. Isabel Hymans described what she believed t y p i f i e d the family l i f e of tenement dwellers, a view that was shared by other home economists. But among the poor, at any r a t e i n the crowded d i s t r i c t s of our large c i t i e s , the c h i l d r e n see l i t t l e , i f anything, of home l i f e . The mothers of most of them are inexperienced women who l i v e from hand to mouth on the s c a n t e a r n i n g s of t h e i r husbands or of t h e i r own hands. One home de s c r i b e s them a l l ; t here i s no p l a c e f o r anything and nothing i s ever i n i t s p l a c e ; there i s no meal hour and no bedtime, the children r e t i r i n g l a t e with the parents and e a t i n g where and when they please, the str e e t and doorstep serving t h i s purpose as w e l l as any other place. C l e a n l i n e s s and privacy are luxuries r a r e l y to be attained. 57 In p o s t - C i v i l War America the t r a d i t i o n a l home seemed threatened by several developments. New waves of immigrants from southern and ea s t e r n Europe, w i t h customs and languages new and strange to old stock Americans, crowded into unsanitary quarters i n coastal c i t i e s . Young women from poor New England farms flocked to the towns and c i t i e s , unprotected and ignorant of c i t y ways, to f i n d work i n the mass of low s k i l l e d jobs which were increasingly available to women. As these jobs paid l i t t l e and were subject to sudden l a y - o f f s , women were believed v u l n e r a b l e to the l u r e s of p r o s t i t u t i o n i n order t o make ends meet. 8 S t i l l , most women p r e f e r r e d f a c t o r y work to domestic work as i t a f f o r d e d them more freedom and d i d not c a r r y with i t the stigma of "being i n service." 9 The f i r s t home economists were deeply concerned with these and other tendencies i n American s o c i e t y which they b e l i e v e d were undermining the i n t e g r i t y of the family. They noted that many working class g i r l s entered i n d u s t r i a l labor i n the years f o r m a l l y r e s e r v e d f o r the p e r f e c t i n g of domestic s k i l l s i n preparation f o r marriage. Moreover, exposure to the masculine world of work and the p o s s i b l e danger of sexual e x p l o i t a t i o n and degradation would, they feared, coarsen and u n f i t g i r l s f or t h e i r t r u e v o c a t i o n i n l i f e as homemakers and mothers. 1 0 F i n a l l y , these reformers saw nothing i n working c l a s s and immigrant tenement homes that could provide an adequate model of f a m i l y l i f e f o r the r i s i n g g eneration of c h i l d r e n , which seemed to portend the perpetuation of poverty and v i c e . 1 1 Home economists were equally alarmed with the f a i l u r e of g i r l s to enter domestic service, the t r a d i t i o n a l area of work 58 f o r young women. In consequence, many b e l i e v e d t h a t the very e x i s t e n c e of middle c l a s s homes were put i n jeopardy through t h e i r dependence upon and frequent f a i l u r e to secure domestic help. Although some h i s t o r i a n s 1 2 doubt that middle class homes went very long without the services of some help, many women of t h i s period were deeply concerned about both the a v a i l a b i l i t y and q u a l i t y of the servants they were prepared to employ. Having a servant v i r t u a l l y q u a l i f i e d a family as middle class, and not having one reduced women to household drudges. 1 3 Many women r a i s e d according t o the teachings of the doctrine of separate spheres f e l t that they should concentrate t h e i r e n e r g i e s on r a i s i n g t h e i r c h i l d r e n and not on housekeeping chores. One overworked housewife, Charlena Anderson, expressed t h i s view i n a l e t t e r t o her husband i n 1887, Every n i g h t when I go to bed my hear t s i n k s at the thought of oppo r t u n i t y l o s t f o r drawing out some f a c u l t y or doing j u s t a l i t t l e toward i t , f o r d i r e c t i n g them i n t o better habits, or for leaving some pleasant impressions upon minds. 1 4 To gain time f o r her c h i l d r e n and " r e l i e f from the time-consuming d e t a i l s of housekeeping," Anderson proposed moving the f a m i l y i n t o a boarding home, the i n c r e a s i n g l y popular choice of nineteenth century f a m i l i e s without servants. 1 5 Women i n the home economics movement were deeply troubled by t h i s tendency t o abandon t r a d i t i o n a l homemaking and opt instead for l i f e i n the new apartment hotels and the ubiquitous boarding houses. They agreed with the popular w r i t e r Marian Harland who wrote, 59 People who eat by c o n t r a c t and i n herds, and whose very bed-chambers are not secure from p r y i n g eyes and i n t r u s i v e feet...soon begin to dress, look, t a l k , and t h i n k f o r the v u l g a r many, r a t h e r than the beloved few. 1 6 E l l e n Richards likened such boarding houses to "caravans" and, p l a c i n g p r i v a t e home ownership at the center of progress and c i v i l i z a t i o n , saw the development of boarding houses as a reversion to "the communal l i f e of p r i m i t i v e people." 1 7 Home economists b e l i e v e d t h a t the essence of f a m i l y l i f e was i t s privacy which could not be assured i n such a setting. Although home economists recognized t h a t only a s m a l l percentage of women faced the dilemma of s t r u g g l i n g unaided to maint a i n a home f o r t h e i r f a m i l i e s or of g i v i n g up t h e i r homes f o r boarding house l i f e , they saw t h i s group as "an important one i n our s o c i a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l l i f e " and, generalizing from the experience of these f a m i l i e s , found t h a t "the happiness and even t h e e x i s t e n c e o f p r i v a t e home l i f e seems t o be threatened." 1 8 The f i r s t generation of home economists responded to these i s s u e s and concerns i n a v a r i e t y of ways. They developed l a r g e l y pragmatic responses to the i l l s they b e l i e v e d were undermining family l i f e , focusing most of t h e i r attention upon working class, immigrant and migrant r u r a l women and g i r l s f or whom they c r e a t e d programs designed to address the p e r c e i v e d problems and needs of these women. The b a s i c t h r u s t of t h e i r work i n v o l v e d a r e - a s s e r t i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l domestic values such as orderliness, cleanliness and t h r i f t , but they developed some novel approaches for the spread of such values. 60 A g r e a t e r sense of the c o n t r i b u t i o n s to reform made by t h i s group of early home economists can be gained by comparing t h e i r work wi t h t h a t of another group of women a c t i v e i n domestic reform work i n the same period, the s c i e n t i f i c charity workers, l e d by Josephine Shaw Lowell. This group was f i r m l y p l a n t e d i n the t r a d i t i o n of the separate spheres. They too were concerned with the qu a l i t y of family l i f e among the poor, but t h e i r approach focused on issues of morality and character and r e l i e d on the agency of women's power of i n f l u e n c e . For t h i s group, the root cause of poverty c o u l d be t r a c e d to defective character i n individuals, which could be corrected by exhortation and example. Accordingly, they r e l i e d upon "lady v i s i t o r s " of approved character who were sent out to e s t a b l i s h r e l a t i o n s h i p s with the poor. Lowell described t h e i r system: The main instrument to be depended upon, to r a i s e the standard of decency, cleanliness, providence and m o r a l i t y among them [the poor] must be p e r s o n a l i n f l u e n c e , which means t h a t a c o n s t a n t and c o n t i n u e d i n t e r c o u r s e must be kept up between those who have a high standard and those who have i t not, and that the educated and happy and good are t o g i v e some of t h e i r t i m e r e g u l a r l y and as a duty, year i n and out, to the ignorant miserable and the vicious. 9 In comparison, the home economists p l a c e d l e s s emphasis upon questions of personal morality and focused instead on the a c t u a l s k i l l s they b e l i e v e d were necessary f o r homemaking. They also r a r e l y dealt with the poor as i n d i v i d u a l s and r e l i e d l e s s on the e f f i c a c y of i n f l u e n c e , although t h i s element was present i n t h e i r work. Rather, home economists responded to domestic problems by c r e a t i n g c l a s s e s i n which homemaking 61 s k i l l s c o u l d be taught to l a r g e numbers of women at once. Holding the view t h a t many f a m i l i e s were f a i l i n g t o l i v e according to standards they deemed necessary f o r the progress of society, home economists f e l t that the s i t u a t i o n j u s t i f i e d , even demanded, systematic intervention by those who possessed the requistes of proper domesticity i n the l i v e s of others who d i d not. They saw schools as the most e f f i c i e n t agency of i n t e r v e n t i o n i n working c l a s s f a m i l i e s . The n o t i o n t h a t the home c o u l d be saved t h r o u g h a c t i o n i n t h e s c h o o l s was repe a t e d l y v o i c e d i n home economics l i t e r a t u r e . 2 0 Annette Phi l b r i c k , a home economist from Lincoln, Nebraska, set forth a representative argument f o r use of the schools to remedy home problems. The g r e a t p roblems which [the s c h o o l ] encounters are the s t r e e t h a b i t , s t r e e t environment, dishonesty and uncleanliness. The school must meet these problems. I t s i d e a l must be t o broaden, sweeten and e n r i c h the c h i l d ' s l i f e ; i t s great end, to implant i n the c h i l d honesty, s e l f - c o n t r o l , love of home and work, concern and care f o r others, t h a t out of these may grow c i v i c and a l t r u i s t i c v i r t u e s and s o c i a l service, order and progress. The g r e a t e s t need of such i d e a l s i s i n poor, i g n o r a n t and c h e e r l e s s homes. Home and school should everywhere work together, but where home f a i l s the school must bear the g r e a t e r burden. 2 1 One of the e a r l i e s t home economics programs to use the p u b l i c s c h o o l s i n t h i s manner was i n i t i a t e d by the philant h r o p i s t Mary Hemenway i n Boston i n 1865. While involved i n S a n i t a r y Commission work during the C i v i l War, she was troubled by the fac t that many sol d i e r s ' wives were u n s k i l l e d i n the a r t of sewing and thus would be i l l - e q u i p e d t o teach 62 t h e i r daughters t h i s a r t . A c c o r d i n g l y , i n 1865 she began funding s a l a r i e s for teachers and materials f o r sewing classes at the Winthrop School i n a Boston working c l a s s d i s t r i c t . The program was judged a success by school a d m i n i s t r a t o r s and interested reformers who i n 1873 persuaded the c i t y to assume r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the c l a s s e s . Sewing had been taught s p o r a d i c a l l y i n Boston schools i n previous years, but the steady f i n a n c i a l support of Hemenway from 1865 to 1873 and the passage of a measure l e g a l i z i n g sewing and other i n d u s t r i a l education courses i n Massachusetts i n 1872 r e s u l t e d i n the permanent i n c l u s i o n of these c l a s s e s i n the p u b l i c school system. 2 2 Hemenway was also interested i n upgrading cooking s k i l l s among the working class population. She began her involvement i n t h i s area by sponsoring manual t r a i n i n g vacation schools for g i r l s i n 1883 and 1884, d i r e c t e d by Miss Amy Homans, and expanded the c l a s s e s i n 1885 with the a d d i t i o n of a k i t c h e n f o r l e s s o n s f o r o l d e r g i r l s , about one hundred and f i f t y of whom p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the p i l o t program. I t proved such a success that i t too became a permanent program i n the school curriculum and other kitchens were l a t e r opened. 2 3 Hemenway commissioned a suitable textbook for the classes, written by Mary Lincoln of the Boston Cooking School, another home economics pioneer. To ensure a supply of p r o p e r l y t r a i n e d teachers, Hemenway then established the Boston Normal School of Cookery i n 1887, again under the d i r e c t i o n of Amy Homans. Students of t h i s school were a l s o g i v e n i n s t r u c t i o n by E l l e n R i c h a r d s i n the ap p r o p r i a t e s c i e n c e s at MIT. 2 4 The school was e v e n t u a l l y transferred to the State Normal School at Framington, where i t became the Mary Hemenway Department of Household Arts, headed by Miss Louisa N i c h o l a s s . 2 5 Mary Hemenway e s t a b l i s h e d a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c p a t t e r n f o r e a r l y home economics programs. Upon i d e n t i f y i n g what she perceived to be a s o c i a l problem, the lack of homemaking s k i l l s among working c l a s s g i r l s , she s y s t e m a t i c a l l y organized c l a s s e s , determined the content of the lessons through use of a u t h o r i z e d textbooks, and s e t standards by t r a i n i n g teachers for the carrying out of t h i s work. Because these programs were f o r m a l i z e d , they were e a s i l y spread from one i n s t i t u t i o n or school to another. Pauline Agassiz Shaw, another noted Boston p h i l a n t h r o p i s t , f o l l o w e d Hemenway's l e a d and e s t a b l i s h e d a school kitchen modelled a f t e r Hemenway's "School Kitchen Number One" i n the North Bennet Street I n d u s t r i a l School which she had f o u n d e d i n B o s t o n i n 1 8 8 1 . 2 6 The p r o p e n s i t y t o i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e programs, c o n t r o l t h e i r content and r e l y on e x p e r t s s p e c i a l l y t r a i n e d a l l became h a l l m a r k s o f home economics programs. Another home economics pioneer, Emily Huntington, followed a s i m i l a r pattern i n her work among working class and immigrant f a m i l i e s i n New York C i t y . Huntington had been i n v o l v e d i n a church m i s s i o n i n Norwich, Connecticut f o r s e v e r a l years and then t r a n s f e r r e d to New York i n 1872 where she became the matron of the church-sponsored Wilson I n d u s t r i a l School f o r G i r l s . C o n d i t i o n s of l i f e i n the c i t y ' s tenement d i s t r i c t s were worse than anything Huntington had yet encountered. Her 6 4 biographer noted, Shocked by the poverty and wretchedness of the immigrant f a m i l i e s with whom she came i n contact and by the u t t e r i n a b i l i t y of her students to perform even the s i m p l e s t household tasks... 2 7 H u n t i n g t o n d e v e l o p e d a s e t of t e c h n i q u e s f o r t e a c h i n g homemaking s k i l l s i n c l a s s e s f o r s m a l l g i r l s based on F r o e b e l i a n k i n d e r g a r t e n forms, u s i n g s m a l l , c h i l d - s i z e d implements and f u r n i t u r e . She c a l l e d t h i s new system of i n s t r u c t i o n " k i t c h e n gardening." In a manual The Kitchen Garden p u b l i s h e d i n 188 3, Huntington d e s c r i b e d her system by comparing i t with the kindergarten approach. While the k i n d e r g a r t e n has f o r i t s o b j e c t t h e whole t r a i n i n g of t h e c h i l d , t h e e d u c a t i o n and development of a l l i t s f a c u l t i e s , the object of the kitchen garden i s to t r a i n l i t t l e g i r l s i n a l l branches of household i n d u s t r y , and to g i v e them as t h o r o u g h a knowledge as p o s s i b l e of h o u s e k e e p i n g i n a l l i t s v a r i o u s departments-knowledge which every g i r l should possess, whether she uses i t simply i n h e r own home or i n the homes of o t h e r s . 2 8 L i k e the work of Hemenway, Huntington's K i t c h e n Garden q u i c k l y became systematized and copied i n other centers. In 1875 she published L i t t l e Lessons f o r L i t t l e Housekeepers, and f i n d i n g success f o r her ideas, began to teach others her methods. Within a few years fourteen i n d u s t r i a l schools i n New York and s e v e r a l i n other c i t i e s were u s i n g her system. In 1880, aided by Grace Dodge, a prominent New York welfare worker and v o l u n t e e r teacher of k i t c h e n garden c l a s s e s , the Kitchen Garden A s s o c i a t i o n was organized to promote t h i s approach. Reorganized i n 1884 as the I n d u s t r i a l Education A s s o c i a t i o n , 65 t h i s group had as i t s goal the i n t r o d u c t i o n of t h i s method i n New York public schools and the t r a i n i n g of teachers i n kitchen garden techniques. The work of t h i s group bore f r u i t when i n 1888 New York schools adopted the program, l e a d i n g to i t s introduction i n schools across the nation, and Teachers College was established at Columbia University as a center f o r teacher preparation.** Both the work of Mary Hemenway and Emil y Huntington f i t with emerging developments i n public schools. From the close of the C i v i l War u n t i l the turn of the century schools were an important arena for preserving t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r a l values and a l o c a t i o n f o r reform e f f o r t s directed toward working class and immigrant f a m i l i e s . K i t c h e n garden and sewing and cooking classes became part of the manual t r a i n i n g movement which arose i n t h i s period as the favored method of reformers attempting to deal w i t h the impact of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n on urban f a m i l i e s . While boys d i d wood working, iron molding and other t r a d i t i o n a l c r a f t work designed to teach the work e t h i c , g i r l s l e a r n e d domestic s k i l l s t o prepare them f o r t h e i r p r e s c r i b e d f u t u r e r o l e as homemakers or as domestic servants. More than an answer to the qu e s t i o n of what to do with the g i r l s w h i l e the boys were engaged i n carpentry work, domestic s c i e n c e i n the schools formed an i n t e g r a l p a r t of reformer's program to preserve t r a d i t i o n a l v alues i n the face of r a p i d i n d u s t r i a l development. 3 0 While Mary Hemenway and E m i l y Huntington developed programs to address the perceived needs of immigrant g i r l s who were d e f i c i e n t i n t r a d i t i o n a l homemaking s k i l l s , other home 66 economics pioneers focused on r u r a l migrants t o the c i t y i n a program o f f e r e d by the Boston Young Women's C h r i s t i a n Association. Mary Lincoln, Anna Barrows, Emily Huntington and Emma Ewing at v a r i o u s times taught young women " s c i e n t i f i c " cooking and homemaking s k i l l s f o r use i n t h e i r own homes or i n domestic s e r v i c e . A course to prepare women as teachers of domestic s c i e n c e was a l s o o f f e r e d . E l l e n Richards helped design the program and the f a c i l i t i e s at the YWCA along p r o t o t y p i c a l home economics l i n e s . The experimental kitchen was a model of i t s kind, f o r i t was a l a r g e a i r y room f i t t e d up as a l a b o r a t o r y w i t h i n d i v i d u a l equipment f o r each student and with charts, a f o o d museum and o t h e r t e a c h i n g a p p l i a n c e s . 3 1 The c l a s s e s were d i v i d e d not by the s k i l l l e v e l of the women but by the use they planned to make of t h e i r t r a i n i n g , whether as domestic servants, housewives or teachers. The three-way focus of the YWCA courses sought to b o l s t e r the home by t r a i n i n g servants, i n c u l c a t i n g young women w i t h t r a d i t i o n a l v alues w h i l e improving t h e i r s k i l l s , and by p r e p a r i n g more teachers to spread home economics ideals and practises. YWCAs i n other centers followed the lead of Boston and incorporated domestic science classes into t h e i r programs. In other developments important to the d i s s e m i n a t i o n of home economics, various women's groups opened cooking schools. These schools o f f e r e d d i f f e r e n t types of i n s t r u c t i o n t o d i f f e r e n t classes of women. Free mission classes were given to the poorest and youngest g i r l s , c l a s s e s f o r " p l a i n cooks" taught young working c l a s s g i r l s menus s u i t a b l e f o r t h e i r 6 7 s t a t i o n i n l i f e and s k i l l s u s e f u l i n domestic s e r v i c e , w h i l e " l a d i e s " were taught more e l a b o r a t e and expensive dishes. These schools also offered courses and lectures i n cooking for i n v a l i d s , designed for nurses, medical students and women who would become the f i r s t h o s p i t a l and i n s t i t u t i o n a l d i e t i c i a n s . 3 2 The f i r s t cooking school was e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1874 by the Women's Educational and Ind u s t r i a l Society (WEIS) i n New York as part of t h e i r Free Training School for Women. The Training School had been e s t a b l i s h e d i n response to the widespread unemployment stemming from the f i n a n c i a l p a n i c of 1873. Instead of o f f e r i n g c h a r i t y , these women wanted to t r a i n working c l a s s women f o r s e l f - s u p p o r t by t e a c h i n g them such s k i l l s as sewing, proofreading and bookkeeping. When cooking was added i n 1874, the secretary of the society, J u l i e t Corson, was pressed into service as the l e c t u r e r . 3 3 Although her only preparation f o r t h i s new r o l e involved reading some French and German cookbooks, Corson was a great success. By 1878 she opened her own school, the New York Cooking School, which became the model copied i n other c i t i e s . Corson was the f i r s t to divide her classes by the income l e v e l of her students. She a l s o taught more than cooking, i n c l u d i n g v i s i t s to l o c a l markets f o r the i n s t r u c t i o n of her students i n purchasing t i p s . For her c l a s s e s , Corson wrote a Cooking Manual i n 1877 and i n 1899, a Cooking School Text-Book, s e v e r a l c o l l e c t i o n s of recipes and a manual of domestic management, Family L i v i n g on  $500 a Year, i n 1887. This l a s t work was the outgrowth of two pamphlets designed to teach economy measures to working class 68 f a m i l i e s i n times of labor s t r i f e . F o l l o w i n g the example of WEIS of New York and J u l i e t Corson's success, a group of Boston women i n the Women's Education A s s o c i a t i o n (WEA) e s t a b l i s h e d a cooking school i n t h e i r c i t y i n 1879. 3 4 They engaged the s e r v i c e of Maria Parloa, a former school teacher who was gaining prominence i n Boston through her cooking l e c t u r e s . 3 5 P a r l o a had a c t u a l l y worked as a cook e a r l i e r i n her l i f e and, to prepare h e r s e l f as a lecturer, she had studied at the National Training School for Cookery i n London, England and spent some time i n France. Besides teaching at the WEA school, Parloa ran her own school, trained teachers i n a normal course and lectured widely. Like Corson, Parloa wrote several cookbooks and homemaking manuals. She became a c t i v e i n the home economics movement and was an early p a r t i c i p a n t i n the Lake P l a c i d Conferences. A group of P h i l a d e l p h i a women, i n the New Century Club, f o l l o w e d s u i t by opening a school i n 1879, beginning with a student of Maria P a r l o a as teacher, but soon employing Sarah Tyson Royer, who went on to gain n a t i o n a l prominence as a cookxng teacher, l e c t u r e r and author of cookbooks. Several other women gained prominence and launched l i f e -long careers through t h e i r work with the Boston Cooking School. Fannie Farmer was f i r s t a student there, then a teacher and p r i n c i p a l . She a l s o ran her own school, wrote cookbooks and l e c t u r e d . Farmer i s noted f o r h e r advocacy of e x a c t measurements, a pr a c t i s e which helped standardize recipes and s i m p l i f y c o o k i n g . 3 7 Mary L i n c o l n and Anna Barrows were a l s o t r a i n e d at the Boston Cooking School by Maria Parloa. Both 69 women then had long and active careers as cooking teachers and became involved i n the home economics movement. Mary Lincoln taught at the Boston Cooking School, lectured widely and wrote cookbooks and a school textbook used by Mary Hemenway.38 Anna Barrows taught cooking and domestic s c i e n c e at a v a r i e t y of i n s t i t u t i o n s and f i n a l l y became e s t a b l i s h e d at Teachers C o l l e g e , Columbia from 1905 to 1932. 3 9 Both Barrows and L i n c o l n formed p a r t of the s t a f f of the "New England K i t c h e n Magazine." T h i s p u b l i c a t i o n was an e a r l y forum of home economics thought and p a r t i c u l a r l y served as a conduit f o r the w r i t i n g of E l l e n Richards who had been i n s t r u m e n t a l i n the founding of the magazine. 4 0 Both women were active members of the Lake P l a c i d Conference, where Barrows served as secretary. These domestic reformers established the foundations from which the home economics movement developed. In a period when "lady v i s i t o r s " dispensed advice and moral u p l i f t among tenement dwellers, these women created new i n s t i t u t i o n a l forms to address the s o c i a l issues which concerned them. Beginning i n p u b l i c and i n d u s t r i a l school classrooms, k i t c h e n garden mission classes and cooking schools, they sought to t r a i n young g i r l s and women homemaking s k i l l s i n a systematic, uniform way, u s i n g t r a i n e d teachers and approved textbooks. T h e i r goals were t r a d i t i o n a l i n the sense that the underlying assumption of a l l these programs was the c e n t r a l i t y of d o m e s t i c i t y f o r a l l women. L i k e many reformers, the home economists sought to i n c u l c a t e working c l a s s women wit h middle c l a s s ideas and p r a c t i s e s . W h i l e the e a r l y work of t h i s group of home 70 economists f e l l w i t h i n the accepted boundaries of women's sphere, t h e i r f i r s t programs quickly led to developments which ch a l l e n g e d some of the b a s i c precepts of the d o c t r i n e of separate spheres. Untrained women had o f t e n been r e c r u i t e d to teach the e a r l y home economics c l a s s e s , but w i t h i n s h o r t order normal c l a s s e s were i n s t i t u t e d and standards s e t which served to di s t i n g u i s h home economists from other domestic reformers. The move to t r a i n teachers began a s p i r a l of developments which u l t i m a t e l y l e d home economists beyond the boundaries of the separate spheres and into men's world of science, academia and professionalism. One of the central elements of the separate spheres ideology of domesticity was the r o l e of the mother as the transmitter or teacher of domestic s k i l l s and knowledge to the daughter. Early advice books had urged the formation of an a p p r e n t i c e s h i p - l i k e arrangement whereby the daughter spent several years a s s i s t i n g her mother i n the housework and care of younger s i b l i n g s i n preparation for her future r o l e as mother and homemaker. 4 1 The f i r s t home economists, l i k e other domestic reformers who believed that working class mothers were inadequate models f o r t h e i r daughters, had sought to i n s e r t t h e m s e l v e s i n t h e mother's p l a c e so as t o ensure the pe r p e t u a t i o n of domestic values and the p a s s i n g on of s k i l l s . However, where the f i r s t home economists had seen themselves as more competent v e r s i o n s of o r d i n a r y women, t r a i n e d home economists increasingly saw themselves as experts i n homemaking and not as mother-substitutes. The teacher became p a r t of a h i e r a r c h y i n which h i g h l y 71 t r a i n e d experts h e l d p o s i t i o n s at the apex and un t r a i n e d housewives held subordinate postions. In t h i s system knowledge flowed downward from experts to non e x p e r t s . 4 2 At f i r s t t h i s tendency to structure relationships i n a h i e r a r c h i c a l fashion was expressed t r a d i t i o n a l l y i n the form of cla s s relationships. Upper and middle class women instructed working class women and c h i l d r e n . Notions of shared s i s t e r h o o d o f t e n informed t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p , at l e a s t from the p o i n t of view of the higher c l a s s women. But, as home economists became more h i g h l y educated a g r e a t e r and d i f f e r e n t type of g u l f was created between them and o r d i n a r y women, which undermined the t r a d i t i o n a l sense of shared experience, which formed the heart of women's sphere. This t r e n d became more marked as home economists s h i f t e d the emphasis of t h e i r work from a focus on working class f a m i l i e s to middle class homes toward the end of the century. Moreover, when home economists began to work more with middle c l a s s women, they d e l i b e r a t e l y f o s t e r e d the g u l f which separated them from women untrained i n home economics. 4 3 T r a d i t i o n a l n o t ions of c l a s s r e l a t i o n s h i p s had supported the intervention of home economists i n working class homes, but no such t r a d i t i o n existed to j u s t i f y intervention i n the home l i f e of middle class women by other middle class women. Indeed, the no t i o n t h a t middle c l a s s homes needed complete r e f o r m a t i o n o r i g i n a t e d w i t h the home economists. To j u s t i f y t h e i r goals for reform i n middle class homes and t h e i r self-appointment as the agents of t h a t reform, home economists s t r e s s e d t h e i r differences from other women. The main difference between home 72 economists and other women was t h e i r t r a i n i n g i n the s c i e n c e s — the source of home economists' expertise. The s h i f t to a focus on middle c l a s s homes occurred f o r many reasons. Home economists may have been overwhelmed by the numbers and depth of the problems of t e n e m e n t - d w e l l i n g f a m i l i e s . Reports of work i n t h i s area are laced with comments on the s i z e of the problems and the l i m i t e d means to counter them. 4 4 Also, as home economists increasingly stressed science as the means of s o l v i n g home problems, they recognized t h a t programs designed f o r c h i l d r e n were not s u i t a b l e means of disseminating s c i e n t i f i c knowledge. As schools were the chief i n s t i t u t i o n s f o r reaching t h i s c l a s s , and most working c l a s s g i r l s l e f t school before the age when s c i e n t i f i c t r a i n i n g became f e a s i b l e , home economists turned to work wi t h o l d e r g i r l s . By c h o o s i n g t o work t h r o u g h t h e s c h o o l s , home economists ips o f a c t o chose to work with the middle c l a s s . 4 5 They d i d not e n t i r e l y abandon w o r k i n g p e o p l e , however, c o n t i n u i n g some programs, and a l s o adopting what can be described as a "trickle-down" method of addressing the problems of that class. E l l e n Richards noted, The attention of students of s o c i a l science should not be wholly absorbed i n the so-c a l l e d tenement home problem; the needs of the h i g h e r - c l a s s wage earner should be considered and by t h i s means the other o b j e c t w i l l be s o o n e s t a c c o m p l i s h e d . Example i s more powerful than precept. 4 6 The i n c r e a s e d s t r e s s on sc i e n c e as the foundation f o r modern homemaking and the s h i f t i n p e r s p e c t i v e from working c l a s s to middle c l a s s homes can be t r a c e d to the mani f o l d influence of E l l e n Richards. As a leading woman s c i e n t i s t and 73 one of the few who was working i n the area of s c i e n t i f i c applications to household problems, Richards had long acted as a senior counsellor to the home economics movement. As early as the mid-1870s, she had organized her own home as a center f o r " r i g h t l i v i n g " and conducted much of the b a s i c r e s e a rch there and at MIT upon which home economics as a domestic "science" was based. 4 7 Richards was involved i n studies at MIT of a d u l t e r a t i o n s i n foods, the c r e a t i o n of systems of water p u r i f i c a t i o n and the treatment of sewage, and the proper heating and v e n t i l a t i o n of b u i l d i n g s . 4 8 The more she learned, the more concerned she grew th a t homemakers knew nothing of these advances. Sheltered i n the home and la r g e l y cut o f f from the s c i e n t i f i c education they needed, women had f o l l o w e d the advice of Sarah Hale too a s s i d u o u s l y f o r E l l e n Richards. By escaping the "contagion" of "the bank-note world," women had a l s o d eprived themselves of the new knowledge and technology which was reshaping society. Richards contrasted the worlds of men and women and found women's sphere a bastion of complacent ignorance. The improvements t h a t a f f e c t our d a i l y l i v e s have r e s u l t e d from Mechanics and Chemistry...the mechanical devices which r e n d e r t r a v e l [and] communication... comfortable and easy and rapid...methods t h a t make p o s s i b l e t h i n g s t h a t seemed impossible...But where are the advantages [ i n t h e home] c o m m e n s u r a t e w i t h manufacturing? 9 In part Richards l a i d the blame of the unimproved home on women themselves. The new i n v e n t i o n s and methods developed by men were not f i l t e r i n g through to women i n the home. 74 The woman's province i s degraded by her own c o n n i v a n c e , s i n c e knowledge i s a t h e r disposal and she does not a v a i l h e r s e l f of i t . She p e r s i s t s , o s t r i c h - l i k e , i n ignoring the movements i n other departments of s o c i a l l i f e . She should make the home an expression of her i n d i v i d u a l i t y , but she has none to express. 5 0 Richards made i t her crusade to reform the retrogressive middle c l a s s home. She c r i s s - c r o s s e d the country, speaking wherever she was i n v i t e d on the problems of modern l i v i n g and women's r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to reform the home. She t o l d a women's club i n Poughkeepsie, i n 1879, P e r h a p s t h e day w i l l come when an a s s o c i a t i o n w i l l be formed i n each l a r g e c i t y or town with one of t h e i r number a chemist.. .The power of knowledge i s a p p r e c i a t e d by manufacturers. They take advantage of every new step i n science. The woman must know something of chemistry i n s e l f - d e f e n s e . I f the d e a l e r knows h i s a r t i c l e s a re s u b j e c t e d t o even s i m p l e t e s t s , he w i l l be f a r more c a r e f u l to o f f e r the b e s t . 5 1 Such a s s o c i a t i o n s of women employing chemists would not e x i s t however u n t i l more women understood the importance of the sciences i n homemaking. Toward that end, Richards wrote more than a dozen b o o k s , 5 2 helped organize courses i n YWCAs and other p l a c e s , conducted research and found ways to p u b l i c i z e i t . With the help of Pauline Agassiz Shaw, Richards opened the New England Kitchen as an experiment i n n u t r i t i o n education i n a working c l a s s neighborhood. 5 3 Although t h a t experiment foundered on the difference between ethnic immigrant tastes and the t r a d i t i o n a l New England d i e t , she used i t as a prototype for other kitchens, notably the Rumford Kitchen. This Kitchen operated at the Chicago World's F a i r i n 1893 and introduced 75 thousands of people to the b a s i c concepts of n u t r i t i o n a l s c i e n c e . 5 4 As a member of the Boston WEA, Richards helped sponsor the Boston Cooking School and she was i n v o l v e d i n public school domestic science projects with Mary Hemenway and others. More and more Richards viewed the home economics movement as a u s e f u l v e h i c l e f o r the d i s s e m i n a t i o n of the s c i e n t i f i c knowledge she considered e s s e n t i a l t o the management of a modern home. She was already involved i n several projects to teach women science, notably as the chief correspondent i n the sciences f o r Anna Ticknor's Society to Encourage Study at Home and as a teacher at the G i r l s ' L a t i n School i n B o s t o n . 5 5 As early as 1875 she began to t r a i n i n d i v i d u a l women i n a n a l y t i c a l c h emistry at MIT, although women were s t i l l not o f f i c i a l l y allowed to attend classes. In the same year Richards persuaded t h e Boston WEA t o fund t he e s t a b l i s h m e n t of a Woman's Laboratory at MIT. This was an alt e r n a t i v e structure i n which Richards and sympathetic MIT p r o f e s s o r s t r a i n e d c l a s s e s of women i n the basic s c i e n c e s . 5 6 While most of these women were teachers, some became involved i n the home economics movement through the influence of Richards. Much of the science she taught was i l l u s t r a t e d by i t s applications i n the home and several of her students joined with her i n seeing the pot e n t i a l benefits to homemaking which s c i e n c e r e p r e s e n t e d . 5 7 Besides t r a i n i n g these women i n the sciences, Richards acted as t h e i r mentor. She counselled them, sometimes fed and housed them, r a i s e d money f o r s c h o l a r s h i p s when necessary, and i n the end, helped f i n d them p o s i t i o n s 76 t e a c h i n g home economics or d i r e c t i n g programs. 3 B Richards shaped the movement by grooming many of i t s f u t u r e l e a d e r s . Bringing these women into the home economics movement was one of Richards' greatest contributions to i t s development. The recruitment of women through the Women's Laboratory at MIT to home economics changed the composition of the movement. These women came t o form t h e second g e n e r a t i o n o f home economists. Born two decades or so a f t e r the f i r s t generation, many of these women were college graduates i n search of a way to use t h e i r education and serve society. They brought to the movement the s p e c i a l problems faced by women pioneers i n the f i e l d of higher education. I f home economics needed the contributions of college women, i t s teachings dovetailed with the needs of t h i s group. As t h i s generation gained ascendency i n the movement, they shaped home economics as a response to issues they faced. The f i r s t g e n e r a t i o n o f c o l l e g e women were d e e p l y cognizant that they were engaged i n a s o c i a l experiment f i r s t as s t u d e n t s and l a t e r as p r o f e s s o r s and c o l l e g e a d m i n i s t r a t o r s . 5 9 In search of i n t e l l e c t u a l development beyond that offered by women's academies, they tested the boundaries of women's sphere. Whether the college experience ruined women f o r t h e i r domestic r o l e , e i t h e r by making them u n f i t by d e s t r o y i n g t h e i r h e a l t h or by f u e l i n g i n t e l l e c t u a l ambitions incompatible with homemaking was a source of controversy. In 1872, w i t h the p u b l i c a t i o n of Sex i n Education by Dr. Edward Clark e of Harvard, the concerns about women's attendance at 77 c o l l e g e were given more p r e c i s e form and weight. u C l a r k e argued t h a t the years devoted to inten s e study were the same years women were developing t h e i r r e p r o d u c t i v e systems and, accor d i n g to the p r e v a i l i n g medical t h e o r i e s , the body could only support growth i n one area a t a time. He c i t e d numerous 'cases' where g i r l s s u f f e r e d p h y s i c a l breakdowns under the stress of t h i s double load and were ruined f o r l i f e as mothers. He warned that women could not be scholars and mothers both. While woman preserves her sex, she w i l l n e c e s s a r i l y be f e e b l e r than man, and, h a v i n g her s p e c i a l b o d i l y and me n t a l characters, w i l l have, to a c e r t a i n extent, her own sphere of a c t i v i t y ; where she has become thoroughly masculine i n nature, or hermaphrodite i n mind,--when i n f a c t , she has p r e t t y w e l l d i v e s t e d h e r s e l f of her s e x , — t h e n she may take h i s ground, and do h i s work, but w i l l have l o s t her feminine a t t r a c t i o n s , and probably a l s o her c h i e f f e m i n i n e f u n c t i o n s . . . t h e i d e n t i c a l e d u c a t i o n of t h e two sexes i s a c r i m e before God and humanity t h a t p h y s i o l o g y protests and that experience weeps over. 1 Another physician simply queried, "Why should we s p o i l a good mother by making an ordinary grammarian?" 6 2 C o l l e g e a d m i n i s t r a t o r s d i d not f u l l y respond to these charges, other than by employing p h y s i c i a n s and gymnastics ins t r u c t o r s to watch over the health of t h e i r students. 6 3 They offered women a f u l l l i b e r a l arts course based on the model of men's colleges, but were vague about how women would use t h i s education. 6 4 Many graduates were l e f t treasuring t h e i r hard-won i n t e l l e c t u a l development, but at a l o s s to d i s c o v e r i t s a p p l i c a t i o n i n t h e i r l i v e s , as expressed by one such graduate, I hang a i n v o i d midway between two spheres...A p r o f e s s i o n a l career...puts me beyond reach of the average woman's duties 78 and p l e a s u r e s [but] the c o n v e n t i o n a l l i m i t a t i o n s of the female l o t put me beyond r e a c h o f Jthe average man's d u t i e s and pleasures. 5 I t was g e n e r a l l y l e f t to c o l l e g e women themselves t o s e t t l e the i s s u e of t h e i r own f e m i n i n i t y . Conventional domesticity seemed closed o f f to these women, who by going to college had gained important experiences beyond i t s boundaries already. One young woman noted, My mother used to write me that my name was never mentioned to her by the women of her acquaintance. I was thought by my f a m i l y to be a disgrace to my family. ° Marion Talbot, graduate of Boston University and l a t e r a leader i n the home economics movement, wrote of her own s i t u a t i o n i n the early 1880s, No 'Junior League' or 'Sewing C i r c l e ' or 'Vincent Club' of those days wanted as a member a young women whose aims were so d i f f e r e n t from t h e i r own and whose time was absorbed by what seemed to them a hopeless t a n g l e of t o r m e n t i n g q u e s t i o n s whose s o l u t i o n got one nowhere s o c i a l l y when i t was a l l over. 7 Led by women l i k e Talbot and Richards, college graduates sought to counter the s o c i a l d i s a p p r o v a l and d i r e warnings showered upon them. F i r s t , they banded together f o r mutual support and companionship. Talbot, with the help of Richards, formed the A s s o c i a t i o n of C o l l e g i a t e Alumnae (ACA) i n 1881 as an o r g a n i z a t i o n to f i l l the needs of c o l l e g e g r a d u a t e s . 6 8 Second, through the ACA, c o l l e g e women conducted a study to c o l l e c t s t a t i s t i c s on the h e a l t h of women c o l l e g e graduates. Their research helped lay to rest the claims of Dr. Clarke and h i s c o l l e a g u e s about the i l l e f f e c t s of s e r i o u s study on 79 women. The t h i r d way these women sought to gain s o c i a l approval was more complex. I t involved the r e c o n c i l i a t i o n of the competing claims of i n t e l l e c t u a l a c t i v i t y with domesticity. E l l e n Richards provided the model. In her own l i f e she had f u s e d t o g e t h e r h e r two i d e n t i t i e s as s c i e n t i s t and homemaker, and drawing from both spheres, had c r e a t e d a r o l e for h e r s e l f which s a t i s f i e d her ambition for knowledge and her more t r a d i t i o n a l desire for s o c i a l service. Whereas Sarah Hale had proposed a d e l i c a t e balance between the sexes, each i n t h e i r own sphere, l e s s than f i f t y years l a t e r , Richards proposed a j u d i c i o u s mixing of the spheres. She brought home problems i n t o the l a b o r a t o r y and sc i e n c e i n t o the home. Richards held out to women a v i s i o n of a new rol e , informed by a new d o m e s t i c i d e o l o g y , one commensurate w i t h t h e i r e d u c a t i o n a l attainments and yet one which c o u l d answer the c r i t i c s o f women's h i g h e r e d u c a t i o n by i t s d o m e s t i c orient a t i o n . I f t h e r e i s t o be an a r i s t o c r a c y i n America, l e t i t be an expression of the r e a l American character...Who w i l l shape i t ? Who b e t t e r f i t t e d to mould i t a r i g h t than the young men and women t r a i n e d i n the h i g h e r i n s t i t u t i o n s of l e a r n i n g . . .The educated woman longs f o r a career, f o r an opp o r t u n i t y to i n f l u e n c e the world. J u s t now the g r e a t e s t f i e l d open to her i s the e l e v a t i o n of the home i n t o i t s p l a c e i n American society. For Richards and the women who j o i n e d her i n the home economics movement, college-trained women represented the most p o t e n t i a l l y p r o g r e s s i v e element i n s o c i e t y . The home needed the u p l i f t i n g i n f l u e n c e of such women i f i t was to s u r v i v e as the "corner stone on which the best i n c i v i l i z a t i o n w i l l be 80 b u i l t . " x In turn, involvement i n home economics helped these women s e t t l e the issue i n t h e i r own minds that domesticity and i n t e l l e c t u a l i t y were compatible and even c r i t i c a l l y necessary tandem pursuits. In the home economics movement, these women found companionship, purpose and a way to express t h e i r womanliness without submerging themselves i n the home. As teachers and promoters of a new ideology of domesticity, these c o l l e g e women found t h e i r p l a c e i n s o c i e t y . 7 2 Second generation home economists accepted as axiomatic that the home should be run along s c i e n t i f i c and business l i n e s which could only be learn e d i n i n s t i t u t i o n s of higher education and by contact with the world outside of women's separate sphere. The ideology which they developed r e f l e c t e d the new p e r s p e c t i v e these women had gained by t h e i r broader experience. 81 NOTES •'•Barbara E p s t e i n , The P o l i t i c s of Domes t i c i t y , pp. 125-128. 2 F o r a chronology of the h i s t o r y of the home economics movement see for example, Emma S e i f r i t Weigley " I t Might Have Been Euthenics: The Lake P l a c i d Conferences and the Home Economics Movement" American Quarterly 26 (March, 1974) 74-96; and Hazel T. Craig, The History of Home Economics. Every year of the Lake P l a c i d Conferences nomenclature of the movement was d i s c u s s e d , w i t h a s t a n d i n g committee a p p o i n t e d t o make recommendations. See for example, Proceedings of F i r s t L.P.C. (1899) p. 4-5; Proceedings of S i x t h L.P.C. (1904) pp. 63-64; and Proceedings of Ninth L.P.C. (19 07) p. 12 5. 3See Proceedings of F i r s t L.P.C. (1899) f o r a l i s t of p a r t i c i p a n t s i n t h e c o n f e r e n c e , pp. 4, 8-9. Numerous references to E l l e n Richards' leadership occur throughout home economics l i t e r a t u r e . See for example, Marion Talbot, "Tribute to Mrs. Richards' Pioneer Work," Proceedings of Seventh L.P.C. (1905) p. 127; and Benjamin Andrews' i n t r o d u c t i o n of E l l e n Richards at the f i n a l conference, " I t i s the g l o r y of the conference t h a t i t has but one chairman, Mrs. Richards. We b r i n g t o h e r t r i b u t e s of honor, r e s p e c t , a f f e c t i o n and devotion." Proceedings of Tenth L.P.C. (1908) p. 19. 4 J o u r n a l of Home Economics. I t s f i r s t e d i t o r was Dr. C. Ford Langworthy for the f i r s t three issues and then Mary Hinman Abel from October, 1909 to June 1915. 5Roy Lubove, The Professional A l t r u i s t : The Emergence of S o c i a l Work as Career, 1880-1930 (New York: Atheneum, 19 69) chapter 1. 6 F o r biographical information on some early home economics pioneers, see P h y l l i s K e l l e r , "Mary Porter T i l e s t o n Hemenway," NAW v o L 2, pp. 179-181; K a t h e r i n e H. Stone, "Mrs. Mary Hemenway and Household A r t s i n the Boston P u b l i c Schools," J o u r n a l of Home Economics v o l . 21 (January, 1929) pp. 6-12; Robert J. F r i d l i n g t o n , "Emily Huntington," NAW vol . 2, pp. 239-240; Mary T o l f o r d Wilson, " J u l i e t Corson," NAW vol.1 pp.387-388; Mary Tolford Wilson, "Maria Parloa," NAW vol . 3 pp. 16-18; Mary To l f o r d Wilson, "Mary Johnson Baily Lincoln" NAW vol.2 pp. 406-407; L y l e G. Boyd, "Sarah Tyson Heston Royer," NAW vo!3. pp. 193-195; Emma S e i f r i t Weigley, Sarah Tyson Royer: The Nation's I n s t r u c t r e s s i n D i e t e t i c s and Cookery (Philadelphia: A m e r i c a n P h i l o s o p h i c a l S o c i e t y , 1977); "Anna Barrows," B i o g r a p h i c a l D i c t i o n a r y of American Educators v o l . 1, John F. 82 Ohles, ed. (Westport, C o n n e c t i c u t and London, England: Greenwood Press, 1978) pp. 96-97. 7 I s a b e l Hyams, "The Louisa May A l c o t t Club," Proceedings of Second L.P.C. (1900), p. 18. 8 F o r a d i s c u s s i o n of a v a r i e t y of women's a c t i v i t i e s to protect the home i n t h i s period, see Sheila M. Rothman, Woman's  Proper Place: A History of Changing Ideals and Practises, 1870  to the Present (New York: B a s i c Books, P u b l i s h e r s , 1978) pp. 74-85. See also Nancy Woloch, "Immigrants, C i t i e s , and Working G i r l s " and "Women i n Industry" i n Women i n the American Experience, pp. 230-240. 9 F o r an examination of domestic s e r v i c e , see David M. Katzman, Seven Days a Week: Women and Domestic S e r v i c e i n I n d u s t r i a l i z i n g America (New York: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1978), e s p e c i a l l y chapter 6 f o r a d i s c u s s i o n of why women sought a l t e r n a t i v e s to s e r v i c e . Home economists themselves acknowledged some of the problems of t h i s 'industry.' See for example, E l l e n Richards, The Cost of L i v i n g : As M o d i f i e d by Sanitary Science (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1900, second e d i t i o n ) p. 116, where she d e s c r i b e s domestic s e r v i c e as "slavery." 1 0 G i r l s were encouraged to enter domestic service instead of f a c t o r i e s . Reform schools t r a i n e d g i r l s f o r s e r v i c e as a way to both reform t h e i r c h a r a c t e r and ensure a 'better' form of employment f o r g i r l s . Marvin Lazerson, O r i g i n s of Urban School, pp. 9 3-94. ^Some home e c o n o m i s t s b e l i e v e d t h a t o n l y t h r o u g h i n t e r v e n t i o n w i t h the youngest c h i l d r e n c o u l d a change i n manner of l i v i n g be accomplished. See f o r example, I s a b e l Hymans, "The Teaching of Home Economics i n S o c i a l Settlements," Proceedings of Seventh L.P.C. (1905) p. 55. "...none know as well the settlement work the almost complete hopelessness of t r y i n g to reach the i n t e l l i g e n c e of one who has grown up to manhood or womanhood amid the surroundings so common to poverty a l l over the world." 1 2 S u s a n S t r a s s e r , Never Done, p. 163. She notes t h a t the issue was one of quality,, not quantity. 1 3 M i c h a e l Katz, The People of Hamilton, p. 27. Letting go of the servant indicated that a family was s u f f e r i n g economic di s t r e s s , p. 77. H i s t o r i e s of housework i n the nineteenth and e a r l y t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r i e s i n d i c a t e the tremendous amount of work keeping a house entailed. See Susan Strasser, Never Done for the best treatment of housework. For a B r i t i s h treatment of the same subject, see Ann Oakley, Woman's Work: The Housewife, Past and Present (New York: Vintage Books of Random House, 1974, 1976 edition) chapters 1-3. 1 4 C h a r l e n a Anderson, quoted i n C a r l Degler, At Odds, p. 83 65. 1 5 F o r a d i s c u s s i o n of boarding see Susan S t r a s s e r , Never Done, chapter 8. Interestingly Catharine Beecher boarded with other f a m i l i e s f o r e x t e n s i v e p e r i o d s of her l i f e d e s p i t e her celebration of the home, prompting her s i s t e r , Harriet Beecher Stowe, to d e s c r i b e her as "a trunk without a l a b e l . " Kathryn K i s h S k l a r , Catharine Beecher, p. 272. See a l s o Peter G. F i l e n e , Him/Her/Self: Sex Roles i n Modern America (New York and London: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, P u b l i s h e r s , 1974) pp. 10-12, fo r a discussion of women's perception of t h e i r r o l e and t h e i r f l i g h t t o apartment h o t e l s . One woman gave up housekeeping, saying, " • I hear c e r t a i n women asking why I don't do the work myself d e s p i t e my husband's p r o h i b i t i o n . 'What have you t o do the l i v e l o n g day but keep your home?' they ask. I have t h i s t o do, t o keep my husband...'" 1 6 M a r i a n Harland [Mary V i r g i n i a Hawes] quoted i n Susan S t r a s s e r , Never Done, p. 150. 1 7 E l l e n Richards, Cost of Living, p. 97. T O , . , Unidentified speaker, Proceedings of Sixth L.P.C. (1904) p. 26. 1 9Josephine Shaw Lowell quoted i n Sheila Rothman, Woman's  Proper Place, p. 74. Rothman d i s c u s s e s Lowell's work i n " s c i e n t i f i c c h a r i t y " pp. 73-74; see a l s o Robert H. Bremner, "Josephine Shaw Lowell," NAW vol. 2 pp. 437-439. 2 0 S e e f o r example, Proceedings of S i x t h L.P.C. (1904) pp. 64-65, 67. "[The school] o f f e r s one of the best mediums f o r h e a l t h i n s t r u c t i o n , reaching to the parents and homes of the children." Emma Jacobs, i n a presentation about teaching home economics i n r u r a l areas, a s s e r t e d t h a t even i f only a few g i r l s were reached, "they would ac t as a leaven i n t h e i r communities." Jenny Snow l i s t e d n i n e r e a s o n s why home economics should be taught i n schools. Proceedings of Eighth  L.P.C. (1906) pp. 26-27. 2 1 P r o c e e d i n g s of Fourth L.P.C. (19 02) p. 45. 2 2 K a t h e r i n e H. Stone "Mrs. Mary Hemenway and the Household Arts i n Boston Public Schools." 2 3 M a r v i n Lazerson, Origins of the Urban School (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1971) pp. 104-115, discusses the work of Hemenway and Pauline Agassiz Shaw i n the Boston schools as part of the manual t r a i n i n g movement. 2 4 T h i s would have been i n Richards' "Women's Laboratory." MIT d i d not admit women u n t i l * 1884. Robert Clarke, E l l e n Swallow, p. 53. 2 5 L o u i s a Nicholass gave a report on the establishment of 84 t h i s s chool to the f i r s t Lake P l a c i d Conference, Proceedings (1899) p. 5. 2 6 M a r v i n Lazerson, O r i g i n s of the Urban School, pp. 108-115. See a l s o G e o f f r e y Blodgett, "Pauline Agassiz Shaw" NAW v o l . 3_ pp. 278-280. 2 7 R o b e r t J. Fridlington, "Emily Huntington" NAW vol . 2 pp. 239-240. 2 8Huntington quoted i n Dolores Hayden, The Grand Domestic  Revolution , p. 12 5. Huntington gave a p r e s e n t a t i o n to the f i r s t Lake P l a c i d Conference i n k i t c h e n garden methods, Proceedings of L.P.C. (1899) p. 6 and to the second conference, Proceedings of L.P.C. (1900) p. 43. 2 9 F o r the expansion of Kitchen Garden and establishment of Teachers College see Robert D. Cross, "Grace Hoadley Dodge" NAW  v o l . 1, pp. 489-492 and "Grace Hoadley Dodge, 1856-1914," i n E l l e n C o n d l i f f e Lagemann, A Generation of American Women:  Education i n the L i v e s of P r o g r e s s i v e Reformers (Cambridge, Massachusetts and London England: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1979) pp. 19-20, 24-28. 3 0 M a r v i n Lazerson, Origins of the Urban School, chapter 4. 3 1 E l i z a b e t h Wilson, F i f t y Years of Association Work Among  Young Women, 1866-1916: A History of Young Women's Chr i s t i a n  A s s o c i a t i o n s i n the United S t a t e s of America (n.p.: N a t i o n a l Board of the Young Women's Chr i s t i a n Associations of the United States of America [c. 1916]). 3 2 F o r an overview of the development of the cooking schools, see I s a b e l B e v i e r and Susannah Usher, The Home Economics Movement, p a r t 1 pp. 44-51; Hazel T. Cr a i g , The History of Home Economics, pp. 6-7. 3 3Mary To l f o r d Wilson, " J u l i e t Corson" NAW v o l 1. pp. 387-388. Information on the New York WEIS i s i n c l u d e d i n t h i s entry. 3 4 I n f o r m a t i o n on the Boston WEA can be found i n Dolores Hayden, The Grand Domestic R e v o l u t i o n pp. 62, 171, 324 n 30, 327 n 8. E l l e n Richards was a member. Cl a r k e i n c l u d e s many references to but not much description of the WEA, for example pp. 62, 86, 109. 3 5Mary Tolford Wilson, "Maria Parloa," NAW v o l 3. 3 6Emma Weigley, Sarah Tyson Royer; Boyd "Sarah Tyson Heston Royer," NAW v o l . 3_« 3 7 E l i z a b e t h Bancroft Schlesinger, "Fannie M e r r i t t Farmer" NAW v o l . 1 pp. 597-598. 85 3 8Mary Tolford Wilson, "Mary Johnson B a i l y Lincoln," NAW  v o l . 2. 3 9"Anna Barrows," B i o g r a p h i c a l D i c t i o n a r y of American Educators v o l . 1. 4 0 R o b e r t Clarke, E l l e n Swallow, pp. 133-134, 165, 170-172. 4 1 S e e f o r example, Lydia Maria C h i l d , The Mother's Book, pp. 62, 146-148. 4 2 In an ACA report on "Standards of Li v i n g as Interpreted Thru Facts In Regard To Food," the u n i d e n t i f i e d w r i t e r noted that women must understand n u t r i t i o n . "Either she hers e l f must make a study of the question of foods and master i t s s c i e n t i f i c and i t s t e c h n i c a l aspects, or she must be w i l l i n g t o r e l y on and accept the judgement of others...she must r e l e g a t e the whole s u b j e c t to experts..." Proceedings of Fourth L.P.C. (1902) p. 43; See a l s o Proceedings of S i x t h L.P.C. (1904) pp. 35-36 f o r a d i s c u s s i o n on the danger of women only p a r t i a l l y understanding the s c i e n t i f i c background of an issue and thereby causing harm to t h e i r f a m i l i e s . " T r u l y a l i t t l e l e a r n i n g of i s o l a t e d f a c t s i s a dangerous t h i n g " ; i m p l y i n g t h a t i t was b e t t e r t o r e l y on experts. For a model of home economics hierarchy, see Henrietta Goodrich of the School of Housekeeping i n Boston, "Suggestions f o r a P r o f e s s i o n a l School of Home and S o c i a l Economics," Proceedings of Second L.P.C. (1900) pp. 26-40. 4 3 S e e f o r example the complaints of Annie A l l e n about private c h a r i t i e s s e t t i n g up vacation domestic science classes. She d e c l a r e d t h a t the work "has been done i n a s l i p s h o d and haphazard fashion...it has given a wholly wrong impression..." Proceedings of Fourth L.P.C. (1902) pp. 74-75. 4 4 F o r example, Isabel Hymans i n a report on the Louisa May A l c o t t Club, "with the means at hand i t was not easy to provide a s u i t a b l e p l a c e f o r the work...this i s only a beginning..." Proceedings of Second L.P.C. (1900) pp. 18-23. 4 5 S e e d i s c u s s i o n of ap p r o p r i a t e c u r r i c u l a f o r d i f f e r e n t grade l e v e l s Proceedings of Seventh L.P.C. (1905) pp. 19-26. 4 6 E l l e n Richards, Cost of Living, p. 44. 4 7Robert Clarke, E l l e n Swallow, chapter 8, Caroline Hunt; E l l e n H. Richards, pp. 116-123. 4 8 R o b e r t Clarke, E l l e n Swallow, on food a d u l t e r a t i o n s : pp. 102-104; on water p u r i f i c a t i o n : pp. 144-149; and on pure a i r : pp. 150. 4 9 I b i d . , p. 81. 5 0 E l l e n Richards, Cost of Living, p. 114. 86 Robert Clarke, E l l e n Swallow, p. 82. °^Ibid., pp. 256-259, f o r a complete l i s t of Richards' publications. 5 3 I b i d . , pp. 128-131. 5 4 I b i d . , pp. 130-133. 5 5 I b i d . , pp. 91-95. For i n f o r m a t i o n on t h i s s o c i e t y , see Marion Talbot and Lois Rosenberry, The History of the American  A s s o c i a t i o n of U n i v e r s i t y Women, 1881-1931 (Boston and New York: Houghton M i f f l e n Company, 1931) p. 144 and Janet Wilson James on Richards' involvement w i t h G i r l s ' High School of Boston, " E l l e n Henrietta Swallow Richards," NAW vol . 3. p. 144. 5 6 R o b e r t Clarke, E l l e n Swallow, pp. 51-54, C a r o l i n e Hunt E l l e n H. Richards, chapter 18. 5 7 C a r o l i n e Hunt, E l l e n H. Richards, pp. 143-145, l i s t s several "testimonials' to Richards' influence. As well, Marion Talbot, I s a b e l Bevier, Frances Stern, I s a b e l Hymans, Sarah Wentworth and A l i c e Peloubet Norton were a l l brought into the home economics movement by Richards. Talbot met Richards a f t e r she graduated from Boston U n i v e r s i t y and was sea r c h i n g f o r something meaningful to do. She began t o take c l a s s e s at MIT i n 1881 and went on to teach sanitary science at Wellesley and the U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago; see Richard J. S t o r r , "Marion Talbot" NAW vol3. pp. 423-424. Isabel Bevier was searching for a l i f e ' s work a f t e r the death of her fiance. She studied with Richards at MIT i n 1897 and went on to head the home economics department at the University of I l l i n o i s , L i t a Bane, The Story of I s a b e l B e v i e r ( P e o r i a , I l l i n o i s : C h a r l e s A. Bennett Company, 1955) pp. 21, 23. Richards a l s o helped A l i c e Norton f i n d d i r e c t i o n i n her l i f e a f t e r the death of her husband. Norton had already s t u d i e d s a n i t a r y s c i e n c e w i t h Richards i n the ACA S a n i t a r y Science Club i n 1883 and was then encouraged by her to begin teaching home economics, Mary Tolford Wilson, " A l i c e Peloubet Norton" NAW vol.2 pp. 637-638. Frances Stern r e c a l l e d "the happy chance, with unforeseen developments" her work with Richards had i n her l i f e . Through her f r i e n d Isabel Hymans, who had s t u d i e d at MIT wit h Richards, Stern became Richards' a s s i s t a n t and then student. S t i m u l a t e d by her work with Richards, Stern went on to do n u t r i t i o n a l counselling work wit h immigrants, Mary F. Handlin, "Frances Stern" NAW v o l . 3. pp. 363-364. For i n f o r m a t i o n on Sarah Wentworth see Robert Clarke, E l l e n Swallow, pp. 58,69, 130. 5 8 C a r o l i n e Hunt, E l l e n H. Richards, pp. 138-139, 151; Robert Clarke, E l l e n Swallow, pp. 58, on s c h o l a r s h i p work f o r women, p. 85. See a l s o , Margaret R o s s i t t e r , Women S c i e n t i s t s i n America on Richards' work to enable women to study science, pp. 38-39, 95. 87 5 9Roberta Frankfort, Collegiate Women for a discussion of the s o c i a l and psychological problems which beset the pioneer generation of college women students and teachers, e s p e c i a l l y F r a n k f o r t ' s a n a l y s i s of A l i c e Freeman Palmer, P r e s i d e n t of W e l l e s l e y C o l l e g e , chapters 1 and 3. See a l s o Barbara M i l l e r Solomon, In the Company of Educated Women: A History of Women  and Higher Education i n America (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1985) chapters 5-7. 6 0 D r . Edward H. Clarke, Sex i n Education or, A F a i r Chance  for the G i r l s (Boston: James R. Osgood and Company, 1873, 1874 e d i t i o n ) . See a l s o R o s a l i n d Rosenberg's a n a l y s i s of Clarke's work and i t s impact upon women c o l l e g e students i n Beyond Separate Spheres: I n t e l l e c t u a l Roots of Modern Feminism (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1982) pp. 5-21. 6 1Edward Clarke, quoted i n R o s a l i n d Rosenberg, Beyond Separate Spheres, pp. 11-12. 6 2T.S. Clouston, quoted i n R o s a l i n d Rosenberg, Beyond Separate Spheres, p. 8. 6 3 S h e i l a Rothman, Woman's Proper Place, pp. 36-37. °*Nancy Woloch, Women and the American Experience, p. 279. 6 5 I b i d . , u n i d e n t i f i e d woman, p. 281. 6 6 U n i d e n t i f i e d woman quoted i n Robert Clarke, E l l e n Swallow, p. 83. 6 7 M a r i o n Talbot, More Than Lore: Reminiscences of Marion  Ta l b o t : Dean of Women, The U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago 1892-1925 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 193 6) pp. 6-7. 6 8 M a r i o n T a l b o t and L o i s Rosenberg, H i s t o r y of American Association of University Women, pp. 1-13. 6 9 I b i d . , pp. 116-124. 7 0 E l l e n Richards, Cost of Living, pp. 12-13. 7 1 M e l v i l Dewey, Proceedings of Eighth L.P.C. (1906) p. 32. 7 2 J o h n P. Rousmaniere, "Cultural Hybrid i n the Slums: The College Woman and the Settlement House, 1889-94" i n Education i n American History, Michael Katz, ed. 88 CHAPTER III HOME ECONOMICS: A DOMESTIC IDEOLOGY FOR THE 1 NEW WOMAN' At t he f i n a l Lake P l a c i d C o n f e r e n c e i n 1908, E l l e n Richards summed up the work of the home economics movement. She noted that, over the course of i t s development, home economics had evolved from ...lessons i n cooking and sewing given t o classes supported by charitable people for the poorer children to enable them to teach t h e i r parents to make a few pennies go as far as a d o l l a r spent i n the shops... 1 to an " e t h i c a l " movement concerned with standards and ideals of homemaking. Although the t e a c h i n g of homemaking s k i l l s continued to be a large part of any home economics program, of g r e a t e r concern to home economists by the end of the century was the dissemination of a new approach to homemaking, rather than the perfecting of t r a d i t i o n a l domestic s k i l l s among women. Richards commented, Many well meaning but short sighted persons have preacht the doctrine that there can be no home unless the mother washes her own dishes or dusts her own room and the f a t h e r looks a f t e r the furnace and h i s boots...But we mistake i n h o l d i n g t h a t the form of yesterday holds the ideals of today and the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of tomorrow. The most fundamental task of the home economics movement i n v o l v e d changing the "form" or i d e o l o g i c a l framework which governed women's homemaking p r a c t i s e s . By the t u r n of the 89 century, the goal of the movement had become a r e f u t a t i o n of the d o c t r i n e of separate spheres and i t s replacement w i t h a home economics ideology of domesticity. T h i s c h a p t e r w i l l d e s c r i b e t h e main t e n e t s of home economics as a domestic ideology. L i k e more t r a d i t i o n a l domestic theoreticians, home economists continued to view the home as women's proper sphere and as the primary l o c a t i o n f o r the formation and preservation of character, e s p e c i a l l y that of children. As described by E l l e n Richards, . . . i t i s the economy of human mind and f o r c e t h a t i s of most importance and so l o n g as the n u r t u r e o f t h e s e i s b e s t accomplisht within the 4 walls of a home so long w i l l t h a t word stand f i r s t i n our t i t l e . 3 U n l i k e t r a d i t i o n a l i s t s , however, home economists approached t h e i r conception of women's duties from outside the boundary of the separate sphere of women. As s c i e n t i s t s and c o l l e g e graduates, home economists developed a d i f f e r e n t perspective on women's domestic role. They began from the point of view that the developments which were reshaping n i n e t e e n t h century American s o c i e t y were l a r g e l y b e n e f i c i a l and p r o g r e s s i v e and t h e r e f o r e should be embraced by women r a t h e r than r e s i s t e d . The ideology of d o m e s t i c i t y formulated by home economists flowed from t h i s premise. Home economists s t i l l saw the home as the best p l a c e t o rear children. Although they had l i t t l e s p e c i f i c to say about actual c h i l d r e a r i n g methods i n comparison with more t r a d i t i o n a l domestic advisors, they claimed that the whole point of t h e i r movement was t o cr e a t e homes f i t to prepare c h i l d r e n f o r a 9 0 useful r o l e i n l i f e . Home economists were environmentalists; t h a t i s , t h e y b e l i e v e d t h a t a person's environment, p a r t i c u l a r l y h i s f i r s t one i n the home, helped shape h i s p e r s o n a l i t y , c a p a b i l i t i e s and outlook. 5 A c l e a n and o r d e r l y home not only p r o t e c t e d and promoted the h e a l t h of the c h i l d , i t f o s t e r e d i n him a love of beauty and a re s p e c t f o r s o c i a l order. Home economists held that i t was women's r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to ensure the existence of an appropriate physical environment. A l b e r t a Thomas, of the Hackley Manual T r a i n i n g School i n Muskegon, Michigan expressed the t y p i c a l home economics view of women's r o l e as the creator of the home. The ultimate aim [of home economics] i s to give the g i r l a r e a l i z i n g sense of her r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . . . t h a t whether she be wife, mother or s i s t e r , she i s l a r g e l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r e x i s t i n g c o n d i t i o n s and atmosphere of the home; t h a t on her r e s t s the decision of the problems as to whether the home s h a l l be the p l a c e wherein each member s h a l l r e a c h h i s or her h i g h e s t p h y s i c a l , i n t e l l e c t u a l and s p i r i t u a l development. Home economists were p a r t i c u l a r l y concerned with how middle c l a s s women c a r r i e d out t h e i r d u t i e s of c r e a t i n g the "c o n d i t i o n s and atmosphere of the home." Th i s group of women had the greatest p o t e n t i a l for "right l i v i n g " because of t h e i r l e v e l of income and access to education. Moreover, these women helped determine the qu a l i t y of society through c h i l d r a i s i n g and through the reform a c t i v i t i e s they engaged i n as club women. Yet, home economists expressed contradictory feelings about t h i s group of homemakers, s a v i n g f o r them t h e i r opprobrium. E v e n t u a l l y they gave up t h e i r best e f f o r t s t o 91 educate t h i s group and large l y turned t h e i r attention instead to these women's college-bred daughters. As one home economist remarked, she was working toward "the tenth generation." 7 Home economists considered these women "complacent" and over-c o n f i d e n t , w i t h a " I - k n o w - i t - a l l s p i r i t as regards household a f f a i r s . " I f they studied cooking i n t h e i r clubs, they seemed to favor "fancy dishes, manipulation, rather than i n s t r u c t i o n as to food values or s u i t a b i l i t y of the d a i l y menus." I f perchance the c o n s c i e n t i o u s teacher emphasizes food p r i n c i p l e s , l i n g e r i n g on p r o t e i d s , c a r b o h y d r a t e s and f a t s , h e r pupils frankly say, "Such things are beyond me, I do not care to know about them," and d i s m i s s from t h e i r minds the i n f o r m a t i o n w h ich might have been t o t h e i r g r e a t advantage and the advantage o f t h e i r f a m i l i e s . 8 Home economists were anxious t o combat the n o t i o n "that any woman could keep house s a t i s f a c t o r i l y provided she had a l i k i n g f o r i t . " In a d i s c u s s i o n of the p r o p e n s i t i e s of club women, Linda H u l l Larned, h e r s e l f a c l u b woman and p r e s i d e n t of the National Household Economic Association, complained, There a r e many who.. . b e l i e v e t h a t no s p e c i a l t r a i n i n g i s n e c e s s a r y f o r t h e housekeeper except that which she picks up while under the maternal wing, or else they think s u f f i c i e n t knowledge of housewifery comes when needed by some m y s t e r i o u s i n t u i t i o n . Home economists believed these women, because of t h e i r c a v a l i e r attitudes about homemaking, were f a i l i n g t h e i r f a m i l i e s . Middle c l a s s women harmed t h e i r f a m i l i e s by c l i n g i n g t o outmoded t r a d i t i o n s either from complacence or ignorance. Both of these c o n d i t i o n s c o u l d be c o r r e c t e d through programs of education, but at hear t home economists recognized t h a t the 92 changes which they wished to see implemented i n the nation's homes involved f i r s t an abandonment of the doctrine of separate spheres and then the adoption of the home economics approach to homemaking. Again and again home economists d i s c u s s e d the issue of standards, and the fac t that most women had 'none'.10 In t r u t h , women d i d possess standards but ones which had no relevance for home economists. Women kept house according to the t r a d i t i o n s and t a s t e s of t h e i r f a m i l i e s and as they had been taught by t h e i r mothers. As C a r r o l l Smith-Rosenberg has described, nineteenth century women l i v e d an in s u l a r existence and gained t h e i r sense of worth from t h e i r i n t e r a c t i o n s w i t h each o t h e r . 1 1 The d o c t r i n e of separate spheres encouraged women t o view homemaking as an expression of t h e i r c h a r a c t e r and p e r s o n a l i t y . Such women were concerned w i t h i s s u e s of pu r i t y and piety, which were best preserved i n the seclusion of the home. Home economists considered t h i s approach completely inadequate and e n t i r e l y mistaken. Home e c o n o m i s t s a t t a c k e d t he t r a d i t i o n a l v i e w s of homemaking and women's sphere i n two areas: i t s impact on the f a m i l y and on the l a r g e r s o c i e t y . They d e c l a r e d t h a t women f a i l e d t h e i r most e s s e n t i a l f u n c t i o n , t h e i r p r e p a r a t i o n of t h e i r c h i l d r e n f o r " f u t u r e s e r v i c e " i n the world. C a r o l i n e Hunt, a p r o f e s s o r of home economics at the U n i v e r s i t y of W i s c o n s i n , d i s c u s s e d t h i s i s s u e i n a p r e s e n t a t i o n t o a housekeepers' conference i n 1905. She l i s t e d the functions of the home as a p l a c e of " r e s t and r e c u p e r a t i o n " f o r a d u l t s and "the long preparation of the c h i l d f or future s o c i a l service." 93 Hunt noted, But we must not forget...we are p r e p a r i n g him [the c h i l d ] f o r work i n a f i e l d t h a t i s wider than the home, and t h a t those who t r a i n him must know the f i e l d , which i s the w o r l d , w i t h a l l i t s needs and a l l i t s opportunities...The mother who does not know the s o c i e t y f o r which her c h i l d must work i s only h a l f ready to educate him, and the home which g i v e s t o the mother no l e i s u r e f o r l e a r n i n g what the world i s doing i s f a i l i n g i n i t s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y t o the c h i l d . 1 2 U n t r a i n e d women were u n a b l e t o c r e a t e t h e p r o p e r home environment f o r ch i l d r e a r i n g because, mired i n the t r a d i t i o n s of the past, they did not understand the requirements of modern s o c i e t y . C h i l d r e n reared i n a home run by the "whim" of the i n d i v i d u a l housewife would be handicapped i n a s o c i e t y which demanded system and order. Where the d o c t r i n e of separate s p h e r e s t a u g h t t h a t t h e c h i l d ' s c h a r a c t e r was l a r g e l y d e t e r m i n e d by t h e moral c h a r a c t e r o f h i s mother, home economists stressed the r o l e of the mother as the interpreter of s o c i e t y f o r her c h i l d r e n through her own a c t i v i t i e s i n the home. I f women employed s c i e n t i f i c knowledge i n t h e i r housekeeping, understood the rel a t i o n s h i p t h e i r buying habits had t o l a b o r c o n d i t i o n s and wages, and r e c o g n i z e d the "sociologic" aspects of domestic service, t h e i r children would better grasp the nature of modern l i f e . 1 3 Moreover, i f women d i s c a r d e d the outmoded i d e a l s which impeded t h e i r appreciation of modern technology and services, home e c o n o m i s t s b e l i e v e d t h e y would be more e f f e c t i v e homemakers and mothers. Schooled i n the doctrine of separate spheres, women mistakenly r e s i s t e d the encroachments of 94 i n d u s t r y on t r a d i t i o n a l household production. Housewives rejected "the good of the Aladdin oven," E l l e n Richards found, "not because i t d i d not do i t s own work, but because i t did not do what the cook thought she wanted i t t o do." 1 4 They were reluctant to use cooked food services, commercial launderies, or purchase processed foods, bakery bread, and ready-made clothes and linens. Richards noted that women ...have l o s t c o n t r o l of so many th i n g s , we c h i l d i s h l y hold on to those we see s l i p p i n g from us and make i t d i f f i c u l t , a l m o s t impossible for these l a s t industries to be organized i n a way to help u s . 1 5 Subsequently, women wore themselves out sewing, baking, l a u n d e r i n g and performing other tasks i n the home which were b e t t e r l e f t to the organized l a b o r and machinery of the business world. 1 6 Other women gave up homemaking to reside i n boarding houses and apartment h o t e l s because they thought housekeeping was too complex, too expensive, too f u l l of demeaning drudgery, or because they wished to devote themselves to a c t i v i t i e s they thought more worthwhile. 1 7 In either case, women f a i l e d to meet the needs of t h e i r f a m i l i e s for private, u p l i f t i n g home l i f e . These same untrained women brought t h e i r incompetence i n homemaking to t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s i n reform work. Confident i n the rightness of t h e i r campaigns to protect t h e i r homes, women confused t h e i r moral a u t h o r i t y as homemakers with a u t h o r i t y d e r i v e d from s c i e n t i f i c knowledge. C a r o l i n e Hunt, i n a presentation to the 1907 Lake P l a c i d Conference, discussed the problems home economists found with "women's p u b l i c work f o r the home." F i r s t she lauded women's involvement i n campaigns 95 to improve c i t y l i f e and reform abuses stemming from the excesses of i n d u s t r i a l development, but then went on to caution women about the danger of using private domestic standards i n p u b l i c work, i n e f f e c t , of f o l l o w i n g Frances W i l l a r d ' s WCTU slogan of "the home going fort h into the world." 1 8 [a] woman says i n public and i n good f a i t h that tuberculosis may be spread by allowing green vegetables to be exposed to the dust of the s t r e e t i n f r o n t of grocery s t o r e s , and the b a c t e r i o l o g i s t who hears her smiles and says, "Perhaps she can prove i t ; I can't." She uses f o r a r g u m e n t a t i v e purposes i n p u b l i c an a r t i c l e i l l u s t r a t e d by a p i c t u r e r e p r e s e n t i n g a s h e l f c o n t a i n i n g o s t e n t a t i o u s l y labeled b o t t l e s s u p p o s e d t o h o l d t h e p o i s o n s w h i c h constitute the dangers i n adultered foods, and there beside wood a l c o h o l i s glucose, and the chemist s m i l e s . . . 1 9 Home economists i d e n t i f i e d not with the earnest club women who sought to p r o t e c t the home, but wit h the s c i e n t i s t s who while equally concerned with a l l e v i a t i n g the i l l s of society, d i s d a i n e d the i n e x p e r t and 'sentimental' c r u s a d e r . 2 0 Hunt concluded t h a t " f a m i l y t r a d i t i o n and personal f i n i c a l i t y can never be the basis of standards for public work." 2 1 Moreover, t r a d i t i o n and personal taste were not adequate foundations for women's work i n the home. The overarching problem facing middle class homes was the p e r s i s t e n c e of outmoded i d e a l s of homemaking which kept the home out of the mainstream of society. Rather than viewing the home as the polar opposite of "the world," home economists saw i t as an i n t e g r a l part of society, as a microcosm of the whole. For the sake of s o c i a l harmony and the p r e s e r v a t i o n of the family, home economists worked for the adoption of one standard 96 i n both the home and society. In contrast however with women moral reformers who were also working for a single standard of conduct, home economists promoted the flow of i n f l u e n c e not from the home to s o c i e t y — a s i n the WCTU slogan "Woman w i l l bless and brighten every place she enters, and w i l l enter every p l a c e " - - b u t from s o c i e t y t o t h e home. 2 2 F u r t h e r , home economists worked not to protect women's separate sphere, but to erase the boundaries which separated women's domain from the world of men. Home economists went t o some lengths t o d i s a s s o c i a t e themselves from women who s t i l l c e l e b r a t e d the n o t i o n of separate spheres or who worked from t h a t p e r s p e c t i v e , so concerned were they to d i s c r e d i t such a point of view. 2 3 When E l l e n Richards was i n v i t e d as one of the most eminent women s c i e n t i s t s of her day to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the women's exhi b i t i o n at the Columbian Exposition i n Chicago i n 1893 by i t s Board of Lady Managers, she declined, explaining From the s t a r t I have d e c l i n e d e v e r y appointment on the women's branch...I do not wish t o be i d e n t i f i e d w i t h a body, the very existence of which seems to be out of k e e p i n g w i t h t h e s p i r i t of t h e t i m e s . Twenty years ago I was g l a d t o work on women's boards for the education of women. The time i s now some years past when i t seemed to me wise to work that way. Women have now more r i g h t s and d u t i e s than they are f i t t e d t o p e r f o r m . They need t o measure themselves with men on the same terms and i n the same work i n order to learn t h e i r own needs... [separatism] seemed always a mistake t o me and one which I p r e f e r not to be connected with i n any way...2 4 The growing professionalism of the movement at the end of the 97 century, and the in c r e a s e d emphasis on expertness based on s c i e n t i f i c t r a i n i n g , l e d home economists to downplay the overwhelming predominance of women i n t h e i r movement and to e x u l t over every s i g n of approval which t h e i r work r e c e i v e d from men i n academic and s c i e n t i f i c c i r c l e s . 2 5 In part, home economists' unusual lack of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with other women can be t r a c e d to t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n a l need f o r acceptance by t h e i r male c o l l e a g u e s i n a time when t h a t acceptance was both c r i t i c a l f o r the success of home economics programs i n colleges and was o f t e n only begrudgingly extended. 2 6 I t was a l s o a matter of home economics philosophy. Home economists b e l i e v e d t h a t the home must be r e -integrated into society; that i s , man's world. They sought to have women adopt masculine values and behaviors. Identifying progress with science and industry, home economists sought to bring the benefits of both to the home. They believed that i t i l l served society and the family to maintain the i d e o l o g i c a l b a r r i e r which made the home a haven from i n d u s t r i a l and commercial values. E l l e n Richards noted, The home i s s t i l l an i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c i n d u s t r y , p r o t e c t e d from c o m p e t i t i o n , hedged about by t r a d i t i o n , and n e a r l y smothered by d u s t from t h e wheel of progress now f a r ahead [of u s ] ; i t [ i s ] no longer the center of enjoyment f o r the products of wealth because the woman has l o s t her g r i p and the cable t r a v e l s only the fa s t e r without her. Home economists began t h e i r analysis of the management of the home not with a r e - a s s e r t i o n or extension of t r a d i t i o n a l domestic values and practises, but with the question, "What i s es s e n t i a l f o r home l i f e ? " E l l e n Richards posed these questions 98 at the 1904 Lake P l a c i d Conference. Is i t e s s e n t i a l to the idea of home t h a t the food eaten i n i t should be prepared i n i t or may i t come i n from outside, ready to serve? Is i t necessary that we s h a l l dust and c l e a n our own Lares and Penates or t h a t our own m i n i o n s h a l l do i t under our v i g i l a n t eye? Must o u r c l o t h e s be d i s p l a y e d i n our own back y a r d s and f l a v o r e d by our own dinners as they are ironed i n our own k i t c h e n s ? 2 8 How home economists answered these questions r e v e a l e d t h e i r fundamental values, the foundation f o r t h e i r i d eology of d o m e s t i c i t y . T a k i n g man's w o r l d as t h e i r model, home e c o n o m i s t s i d e n t i f i e d t he e l e m e n t s which t h e y b e l i e v e d generated progress i n th a t sphere. Knowledge of s c i e n c e and i t s applications, the uses of technology and i n d u s t r i a l forms of o r g a n i z a t i o n such as " s c i e n t i f i c management," the understanding of economic and s o c i a l factors and t h e i r e f f e c t upon relationships, and the value of e f f i c i e n c y as a measure of competency were a l l i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o the home economics approach t o homemaking. Each component of women's domestic r o l e was re o r g a n i z e d to r e f l e c t the c l o s e r r e l a t i o n s h i p home economists attempted to foster between the home and society. The preparation of food received a great deal of attention i n the d i s c u s s i o n s of home economists and was a focus of many of t h e i r educational programs. Home economists saw themselves as apostles of ' s c i e n t i f i c * diet, not as purveyors of recipes. By drawing a t t e n t i o n to the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the choice and manner of preparing foods and the expression of d i f f e r e n t values, home economists aimed to r a i s e the consciousness of women about the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the home and s o c i e t y . 99 From the k i n d e r g a r t e n to the c o l l e g e home economists always s t r o v e to present a comprehensive view of t h i s s u b j e c t i n a l l i t s complexity. For example, i n the Louisa May A l c o t t Club for primary grade g i r l s , home economists managed to i n c l u d e i n a potato cooking class information on the biology of plants, the chemical composition and n u t r i t i o n a l content of foods, the v a r i o u s s o c i a l agencies i n v o l v e d i n food p r o d u c t i o n and d i s t r i b u t i o n and even geography and e t h i c s . T h i s format was more or l e s s r e p e a t e d w i t h g r o w i n g s o p h i s t i c a t i o n of presentation a l l the way up the educational h i e r a r c h y . 2 9 The study of foods thus became a v e h i c l e f o r the d i s s e m i n a t i o n of p a r t i c u l a r values, as w e l l as s p e c i f i c i n f o r m a t i o n about n u t r i t i o n . For example, Isabel Hyams noted at the end of the series of "potato lessons," Now they begin to r e a l i z e how many agencies were needed to give them the b o i l e d potato which they have so often eaten, and may we not hope t h a t h e re i s a b e g i n n i n g o f g r a t i t u d e and c o n s i d e r a t i o n f o r a l l those t h r u whose e f f o r t s they are b l e s s e d with food and clothes and shelter? Home economists s t r e s s e d the interconnectedness of a l l of s o c i e t y and s t r o v e to f o s t e r an awareness of the need f o r c o o p e r a t i o n and c o o r d i n a t i o n among a l l members of the community. Home economists c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y i n v e s t e d the choice, s t y l e of p r e p a r a t i o n and manner of s e r v i n g food w i t h s e v e r a l layers of meaning: s c i e n t i f i c , s o c i a l , e t h i c a l and economic. Foremost, food was ' f u e l 1 f o r the body; a good meal c o n s i s t e d of balanced proportions of the n u t r i t i o n a l components required 100 for good health. Home economists stressed that n u t r i t i o n was a s c i e n t i f i c matter to be determined i n the laboratory; a l l other aspects of food intake were subordinate. 3 1 Home economists t r i e d to discourage the view of food as an expr e s s i o n of c u l t u r a l or personal t a s t e , what they termed " u n r e a s o n a b l e p r e f e r e n c e s f o r p a r t i c u l a r f o o d s " 3 2 or " f i n i c a l i t i e s of a p p e t i t e due to bad l i v i n g . " E l l e n Richards linked personal comsumption habits with the expression of wider s o c i a l values. E a c h man l i k e s t o be a law u n t o himself...He thinks that i s democracy. But the s t u d e n t f i n d s t r u e democracy i s s a c r i f i c e f o r the sake of the many. In food, not what we l i k e but what i s good f o r t h e many s h o u l d be the st a n d a r d . . . t h a t which i s h e a l t h f u l and s u i t a b l e f o r the children and for e f f i c i e n t l i f e . 3 3 Home economists advocated the broad acceptance of standard foods, to be determined by s c i e n t i f i c r e s e a r c h as i n the experimental New England Kitchen, so t h a t waste of time and materials would be eliminated. I f everyone ate the same foods, these c o u l d be mass-produced, and thus a c c o r d i n g to C a r o l i n e Hunt, women coul d devote themselves to c u l t u r a l and other pursuits instead of to cooking. 3 4 That women i n the l a t e nineteenth century were consumers of goods and not producers was a tendency recognized and encouraged by home economists. In part, they saw t h i s trend as an e x p r e s s i o n of the spread of business values which they applauded. They constantly urged women to put t h e i r homemaking on a 'business' b a s i s . 3 5 E l l e n Richards i d e n t i f i e d a whole series of benefits to the home i f t h i s could be done. 101 When h o u s e k e e p i n g i s r e o r g a n i z e d on a b u s i n e s s b a s i s t he p r e s e n t waste and drudgery and d i r t i n the house kitchen w i l l be a b o l i s h e d , and along with the soap-making w i l l go the soup- and bread-making, the heavy k e t t l e s and greasy dishes...More r e f i n e d ways of doing the necessary tasks w i l l make t h e work a p l e a s u r e and y e t . . . w i l l keep the family c i r c l e i n t a c t . 3 6 Adopting business p r a c t i s e s i n the home had m u l t i p l e meanings. I t implied that 'efficiency' was valued. This could mean, according to home economists, that women needed to clea r t h e i r t a b l e t o p s of items which needed dus t i n g , t h a t women should r e d e s i g n t h e i r k i t c h e n s to save steps, or t h a t women should use more labor-saving devices to do t h e i r housework. 3 7 More s p e c i f i c a l l y , home economists associated the adoption of business values with a greater awareness and appreciation for economic f a c t o r s i n homemaking, c h i e f l y i n the areas of consumption of goods and consumption of services. Where and how goods were purchased were s i g n i f i c a n t issues. Home economists believed that as consumers, women had enormous influence. By patronizing some stores or by placing t h e i r f a i t h i n c e r t a i n brand-name products, women might encourage laudable business p r a c t i s e s w h i l e d i s c o u r a g i n g others. Thus i n order to use t h e i r consuming power most e f f e c t i v e l y , women had a duty to be aware of the contents of the products they purchased and the conditions under which they were made and s o l d . 3 8 Women, then, needed to school themselves i n economics and chemistry i n p r e p a r a t i o n f o r t h i s aspect of homemaking. E l l e n Richards declared, Housekeeping no l o n g e r means washing dishes, scrubbing f l o o r s , making soap and candles; i t means spending a given sum of 102 money for a great v a r i e t y of ready prepared a r t i c l e s and so using the commodities as to produce the g r e a t e s t s a t i s f a c t i o n and the best p o s s i b l e mental, moral and p h y s i c a l r e s u l t s . 9 Moreover, by embracing t h e i r r o l e as consumers, by ac c e p t i n g the t e c h n o l o g i c a l changes which were reshaping society, and by r i g h t l y understanding the re l a t i o n s h i p of the home and society, women would ease t h e i r work loads and become b e t t e r homemakers. Home economists taught women t o p l a c e a d i f f e r e n t value on t h e i r time and energy. The woman who today makes her own soap i n s t e a d of t a k i n g advantage of machinery f o r i t s p r o d u c t i o n enslaves h e r s e l f t o ignorance by l i m i t i n g her time f o r study. The woman who s h a l l i n s i s t upon c a r r y i n g the homemaking methods of today i n t o the tomorrow w i l l f a i l t o l a y h o l d o f t h e possible quota of freedom which the future has i n store for h e r . 4 0 Home economists saw no p o i n t i n women doing t h e i r own laundry and ironing when commercial laundries could to the work faster, cheaper and even better. Food processors, cleaners and garment f a c t o r i e s a l l possessed s p e c i a l i z e d equipment, trained s t a f f and modern methods of work to accomplish the same tasks an u n s k i l l e d woman at home with outmoded equipment wore her s e l f out doing. E l l e n Richards observed, The t r a d i t i o n s of the past b i n d as wit h bands of s t e e l and most of us have f e l t that shame, or at lea s t a d i s i n c l i n a t i o n to have our aunts know that we had a man from th e B u i l d i n g s c a r e company wash our windows, or t h a t we sent our husband's v e s t s to the t a i l o r t o have the pockets mended. I t i s not because we do not know how t o do things;oh, no! I t i s because we hol d other a f f a i r s of more value, and yet, i f the whole truth were t o l d , these others do, i n the main, do better work. 103 Home economists urged women to value e x p e r t i s e — t o make themselves experts through study of home economics—not so they c o u l d do t h e i r housework t h e m s e l v e s , b ut so t h e y c o u l d e f f e c t i v e l y use the s e r v i c e s o f o t h e r s . I f housewives thoroughly understood each process of each homemaking task, they would know the c o r r e c t value of purchased goods and services. They could then order t h e i r p r i o r i t i e s according to t h e i r incomes and achieve the best p o s s i b l e r e s u l t s . I f a l l women agreed on the worth of ce r t a i n services, these services c o u l d be more e a s i l y s t a n d a r d i z e d and i n d u s t r i a l i z e d . Women needed to subordinate t h e i r own i d i o s y n c r a t i c tastes to common standards determined by s c i e n t i f i c judgement and economic f a c t o r s . In short, i f a l l women adopted the home economics approach to homemaking a kin d of domestic democracy would r e s u l t . 4 2 By giving up some of t h e i r housekeeping, women would thus become b e t t e r homemakers. As E l l e n Richards asked, "...which tends most to a high s t a t e of c i v i l i z a t i o n [doing one's own housework or giving i t up to purchased services], are we h o l d i n g on t o something which i s not w o r t h w h i l e ? " 4 3 Caroline Hunt added, Nothing can be higher than homemaking, but housekeeping i s not a synomous term...The f i n a l t e s t o f t h e t e a c h i n g o f home e c o n o m i c s i s f r e e d o m . I f we have unnecessarily complicated a single l i f e by per p e t u a t i n g u s e l e s s conventions or by c a r r y i n g the values of one age over i n t o the next, j u s t so f a r we f a i l e d . I f we have s i m p l i f i e d one l i f e and released i n i t energy f o r i t s own expressions, j u s t so f a r have we succeeded. 4 4 Home economists s t r e s s e d again and again t h a t " r i g h t l i v i n g " was f i r s t a matter of c o r r e c t i d e a l s and then an a p p l i c a t i o n of 104 appropriate techniques. Home economics as a system of e t h i c s was most f u l l y developed i n t h e i r approach to the issue of domestic service i n the home. Here the work of both generations of home economists merged. B u i l d i n g on the e a r l y programs which were aimed at working c l a s s and immigrant g i r l s , home economists by the end of the century were running several schools to t r a i n domestic s e r v a n t s . 4 5 They b e l i e v e d t r a i n i n g and c e r t i f i c a t i o n would help p r o f e s s i o n a l i z e t h i s work, r a i s i n g i t s wages and thus a t t r a c t i n g a " b e t t e r c l a s s of g i r l " t o t h i s " i n d u s t r y . " Further, home economists t r i e d t o address the problems of s e r v i c e which l e d g i r l s to shun t h i s work i n f a v o r of f a c t o r y employment. In a discussion of the issue before the 1907 Lake P l a c i d Conference, Mrs C. S. Buell, president of the Wisconsin State Federation of Clubs, suggested, Let us l e a r n again from our r i v a l , the factory...Should not an e f f o r t be made to remedy the i s o l a t i o n of t h e h o u s e h o l d employee by a l l o w i n g such to l i v e w i t h t h e i r own f a m i l i e s and among t h e i r own f r i e n d s as f a c t o r y employees do now?...Do you o b s e r v e how t h e work o f e v e r y department [in a factory] i s s i m p l i f i e d by proper equipment? by the best p o s s i b l e t o o l s ? how e v e r y u t e n s i l i s t h e most convenient? the most economical of time and e f f o r t ? 4 6 Home economists promoted the r e g u l a r i z a t i o n of hours f o r s e r v i c e and the s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n of housework—much l i k e the r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of work i n a f a c t o r y — s o that domestic service could become an industry l i k e any other. Mrs. Buell concluded t h a t , "women must r e c o g n i z e h o u s e h o l d management as an i n d u s t r y , e l i m i n a t i n g the personal p o i n t of v i e w . " 4 7 E l l e n 105 Richards added, There i s s t i l l too much of the element of s l a v e r y i n the work of the house, a disregard for the mechanical e f f i c i e n c y of the human machine. I do not i n the l e a s t blame young women f o r g o i n g i n t o t h e f a c t o r i e s , where t h e i r work i s measured by law and not caprice. 8 To be good employers of servants, then, middle c l a s s housewives also needed t r a i n i n g i n housework so that they could r e o r g a n i z e t h e i r homes f o r the sake of e f f i c i e n c y as w e l l as they would understand the work processes they were asking t h e i r servants to perform. Women needed to be more aware of the economics of t h e i r expectations, home economists asserted. The manner of s e r v i n g meals o f f e r e d one i l l u s t r a t i o n of t h i s p r i n c i p l e . .. . i s the housekeeper who employs one maid aware t h a t t o i n c r e a s e t h e number of 'courses' at dinner i s t o decrease the working power t h a t the maid can apply t o other branches of housework? Does the employer measure the economic s i g n i f i c a n c e of a 'course' of f i n g e r bowls f o r dinner? Can she g i v e i t s e q u i v a l e n t i n time and s t r e n g t h ? 4 9 In the f i n a l a n a l y s i s , how women managed t h e i r servants and t h e i r homes was a statement of t h e i r s o c i a l values. Home economists h e l d out two p r o p o s i t i o n s f o r women. One, women could c l i n g to o l d ideas and run t h e i r homes "without system" or l a b o r - s a v i n g d e v i c e s and s e r v i c e s , and so overwork themselves and t h e i r servants. The r e s u l t , according to home e c o n o m i s t s , would be "houseworn" women and a parade of unsatisfactory and unhappy servants through the door. Family l i f e would s u f f e r both from the d i s a r r a y caused by l a c k of 106 o r g a n i z a t i o n and the i n s e c u r i t y of the help, and from the f a i l u r e of the mother to surmount her housekeeping and achieve a "higher l i f e . " 5 0 The second choice f o r women i n v o l v e d the adoption of the home economics approach to homemaking. Using t h i s approach women would f i r s t determine both t h e i r means and t h e i r needs and e l i m i n a t e the i n e s s e n t i a l by o r d e r i n g t h e i r p r i o r i t i e s . Once ' c o r r e c t ' v alues were determined, women c o u l d organize t h e i r work by discovering the "one best way" of accomplishing each task, e i t h e r by using the most modern equipment available or by purchasing the necessary goods and s e r v i c e s . I f women who followed these methods employed a servant to a s s i s t them, the servant would become p a r t of the system, w i t h c l e a r l y defined duties and hours. 5 1 Thus, such an employee would f i n d s e l f - r e s p e c t i n her work and, t h r o u g h c o n t a c t w i t h her enlightened employer, would imbibe higher standards. Not only would the home l i f e of the mistress then be on a higher l e v e l , but her i n f l u e n c e would extend to the f u t u r e homes of her domestics. Moreover, children raised i n such homes would also absorb salutary values which would help prepare them fo r l i f e . Home economists adopted a more u t i l i t a r i a n view of the home than d i d e a r l i e r domestic thinkers. They s t i l l saw i t as the most c r u c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n i n society, but they considered i t more as a means to a l a r g e r end. I f the home was to be the pl a c e where c h i l d r e n were prepared f o r t h e i r p a r t i n the a c t i v i t y of the world, then the home must become a v i t a l p a r t of the world, at one wit h the best s o c i e t y had to o f f e r . In formulating t h e i r domestic ideology home economists sought to 107 t u r n the d o c t r i n e of separate spheres on i t s head. They advocated t h a t the flow of i n f l u e n c e be from the p r o g r e s s i v e •world 1 to the home, thereby doing away with the boundary which separated the spheres. Home economists adopted the words of t h e i r fellow reformer Jane Addams and made them the watchwords of t h e i r movement and the f o u n d a t i o n of t h e i r d o m e s t i c ideology. To f a i l to apprehend the tendency of one's age, and to f a i l to adapt the conditions of an i n d u s t r y t o i t , i s t o l e a v e t h a t i n d u s t r y i l l adjusted and b e l a t e d on the economic s i d e , and out of l i n e e t h i c a l l y . Let us put ourselves i n the r i g h t attitude, w i l l i n g not only to accept but to a i d t h a t which i s t r u l y progressive, r e a l i z i n g that we p e r s o n a l l y a r e e i t h e r p r o m o t i n g or retarding every onward e f f o r t i n the sphere over which we natu r a l l y p r e s i d e . 5 2 108 NOTES Proceedings of Tenth L.P.C., p. 21. 2 I b i d . , p. 24. 3 I b i d . 4See f o r example Dr. Thomas Woods' p r e s e n t a t i o n , "Some C o n t r o l l i n g I d e a l s o f the F a m i l y L i f e o f t h e F u t u r e , " Proceedings of Fourth L.P.C. (1902) pp. 25-31. 5An opposing point of view was proffered by eugenists who wanted to improve the human race through " b e t t e r breeding" rather than "right l i v i n g . " See Mark Hughlin Haller, Eugenics;  Hereditarian Attitudes i n American Thought (New York: Rutgers University Press, 1963). Proceedings of Third L.P.C. (1901) p. 53. r 7 F o r home economists attacks on club women see Proceedings P_f Fourth L.P.C. (1902) pp. 51-53. "Mrs. Dewey asked i f the trouble with club women was not simply the s p i r i t of the day? People want to push a button and have a l l the hard work done f o r them...Others thought the s u b j e c t of home economics was above the l e v e l of most c l u b women. They can w r i t e very good papers on a r t and the Rennaisance, but when i t comes to a paper on the standard of l i v i n g i t i s above t h e i r i n t e l l e c t u a l grasp..." College women showed more promise: "Herein l i e s our hope t h a t i n the near f u t u r e the younger c o l l e g e - t r a i n e d element w i l l be induced or forced to r e a l i z e the value of home economics." 8 I b i d . , pp. 51-52. 9 I b i d . , p. 86. 1 0 S e e f o r example H e n r i e t t a Goodrich, Proceedings of Fourth L.P.C. (1902) "Standards of L i v i n g : I n t r o d u c t i o n " and subsequent r e p o r t s on "Standards of l i v i n g i n t e r p r e t e d t h r u f a c t s i n regard to food," pp. 38-43; "Ideals and Standards of L i v i n g as R e f l e c t e d i n Work f o r S o c i a l S e r v i c e , " pp. 47-51; "Standards of L i v i n g as Reflected Thru Women's Clubs," pp. 51-52. 1 1 C a r r o l l Smith-Rosenberg, "The Female World of Love and R i t u a l . " 109 1 2Proceedings of Seventh L.P.C. (1905) pp. 85-86. 1 3 I b i d . See a l s o Proceedings of Fourth L.P.C. (1902) pp. 27-31. 1 4 E l l e n Richards, "Domestic I n d u s t r i e s , In or Out?" Proceedings of S i x t h L.P.C. (1904) p. 29. The A l a d d i n oven was an i n v e n t i o n by Edward Atkinson, "a device t h a t made p o s s i b l e t h e c o o k i n g of cheap, u n p o p u l a r c u t s of meats w i t h o u t d e s t r o y i n g t h e i r t a s t e or food values." Robert Clarke, E l l e n Swallow p. 119. 1 5Proceedings of Sixth L.P.C. (1904) p. 29. 1 6 I b i d . , pp. 29-30. 1 7 E l l e n Richards, Cost of Living, pp. 56, 112. 18 Quoted i n Sheila Rothman, Woman's Proper Place, p. 67. 1 9 C a r o l i n e Hunt, "Women's P u b l i c Work f o r the Home," Proceedings of Ninth L.P.C. (1907) p. 16. 2 0 E l l e n Richards advised women to stay home and master t h e i r housekeeping before becoming i n v o l v e d i n p u b l i c reform c a m p a i g n s " M e a n w h i l e l e t h e r s e r v e i n t h e home an a p p r e n t i c e s h i p which w i l l make the f u t u r e study e a s i e r and which w i l l more sensibly advance the welfare of the community than any o u t s i d e work can do." Cost of L i v i n g , p. 114. 2 1 C a r o l i n e Hunt, Proceedings of Ninth L.P.C. (1907) p. 15 2 2Quoted i n Sheila Rothman, Woman's Proper Place, p. 67. 2 3 T h i s o c c a s i o n a l l y took the form of home economists repudiating the work of t h e i r colleagues. See Isabel Bevier's views on the work of other land-grant c o l l e g e home economics dep a r t m e n t s , which she deemed t o be o f " c o o k i n g s c h o o l quality." L i t a Bane, The Story of Isabel Bevier, p. 39. 2 4Robert Clarke, E l l e n Swallow, p. 157. See discussion of t h i s i n c i d e n t from the p o i n t of view of the Lady Managers i n Jeanne Madeline Weimann, The F a i r Women: The Story of the Woman's Building, World's Columbian Exposition, Chicago, 1893, introduction by Anita M i l l e r (Chicago: Academy Chicago, 1981) pp. 258.462-463,474. 2 5 F o r example, when home e c o n o m i s t s e x p e r i e n c e d d i f f i c u l t i e s g e t t i n g t h e i r courses accepted by the ACA as of c o l l e g e grade they c i t e d the support of male p r o f e s s o r s f o r t h e i r work to counteract the ACA allegations. See Proceedings  of E i g h t h L.P.C. (1906) pp. 41-42 and Proceedings of Ninth L.P.C. (1907) pp. 7-8. See a l s o Proceedings of F i f t h L.P.C. (1903) p. 58 and Proceedings of S i x t h L.P.C. (1904) f o r the encouragement home economists derived from male support. 110 ^°See f o r example the r e s i s t a n c e t o home economics at C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y , F l o r a Rose, A Growing C o l l e g e ; Home Economics at C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y , p a r t I ( C o r n e l l : New York State C o l l e g e of Human Ecology P u b l i c a t i o n , 1969) pp. 16, 36-39. Home economics was thought t o be "unworthy of c o l l e g e c r e d i t " by p r o f e s s o r s i n other departments. Martha Van R e n s s e l a e r and F l o r a Rose, who were j o i n t heads o f the department, were given s m a l l , unequipped quarte r s and when f i n a l l y given the academic rank of " l e c t u r e r s " a f t e r some struggle, were advised by a supporter not to presume to attend f a c u l t y meetings as was t h e i r right. Home economics continued to be underfunded " f o r years." Marion T a l b o t r e v e a l e d her recognition of the weakness of home economics as a new academic d i s c i p l i n e when she r e c a l l e d her introduction to the University of Chicago i n 1892, "Then came one of the most g r a t i f y i n g experiences of my l i f e , a l e t t e r of welcome from Prof. A.W. S m a l l , h e a d o f t h e d e p a r t m e n t [ o f S o c i a l S c i e n c e ] . . . w r i t t e n . . . w i t h o u t a t r a c e o f condescension or i r r i t a t i o n because t h i s strange young woman, with her at that time, nonacademic subject, had been adm i n i s t e r e d i n t o h i s Department." More Than Lore, p. 147. 2 7 R o b e r t Clarke, E l l e n Swallow, p. 174. 2 8 , l D o m e s t i c I n d u s t r i e s , In or Out?" Proceedings of S i x t h L.P.C. p. 27. 2 9Proceedings of Second L.P.C. (1900) pp. 18-23. 3 0Home economists s t r o v e to l i n k t h e i r s u b j e c t to a l l areas of study i n school c u r r i c u l a . They saw p o t e n t i a l f o r "cor r e l a t i o n " as the greatest strength of t h e i r program, making the home c e n t r a l to g i r l s ' education but v i t a l l y connected to a l l aspects of s o c i e t y . For r e p r e s e n t a t i v e d i s c u s s i o n s of c o r r e l a t i o n see report on "Status of household arts i n American p u b l i c high schools," Proceedings of Seventh L.P.C. (1905) pp. 8-10; discussion of report from meeting with the Eastern Manual T r a i n i n g A s s o c i a t i o n , Ibid., p. 14: "...the household a r t s are e f f e c t i v e t o o l s i n t r a i n i n g i n mental e f f i c e n c y , and...they make f o r true economy i n the school curriculum, since they are the f o c a l p o i n t f o r the sci e n c e s and f i n e a r t s , making the l a t t e r r e a l to the g i r l and t h e r e f o r e a p a r t of her permanent mental equipment." 3 1 C a r o l i n e Hunt a s s e r t e d f o r example, "Cooking...meets a need t h a t i s the same i n a l l . S c i e n t i s t s t e l l us t h a t a l l healthy people with the same amount of exercize need the same q u a n t i t y of food of the same composition." Proceedings of F o u r t h L.P.C. (1902) p. 58. Much t i m e was sp e n t i n the conferences discussing findings i n food research, p a r t i c u l a r l y at Yale U n i v e r s i t y . See f o r example p r e s e n t a t i o n s by Otto F o l i n , " P r o t e i n M e t a b o l i s m i n i t s R e l a t i o n t o D i e t a r y Standards," pp. 101-110; "Letter from Mr. Horace Fletcher," pp. 110-113 on h i s f o o d e x p e r i m e n t s ; d i s c u s s i o n on Dr. J.H. I l l Kellog's work at the Battle Creek Sanatorium, pp. 113-114; and "Summary of Recent I n v e s t i g a t i o n s of Prof. Chittenden and Mr. F l e t c h e r at Yale U n i v e r s i t y : A t t i t u d e of the S c i e n t i f i c Man Toward Food Habits," pp. 115-116, i n Proceedings of Seventh L.P.C. (1905). 58. 3 2 C a r o l i n e Hunt, Proceedings of Fourth L.P.C. (1902) 3 3 I b i d . , p. 35. 3 P r o c e e d i n g s of Third L.P.C. (1901) p. 89. 3 5 S e e f o r example, Proceedings of F i f t h L.P.C. (1903) pp. 30-31,34,45; Proceedings of S i x t h L.P.C. (1904) pp. 47-48,61; Proceedings of Seventh L.P.C. (1905) pp. 69, 152; Proceedings of Ninth L.P.C. (1907) pp. 94,97. 3 6 E l l e n Richards, Cost of Living, p. 73. T 7 • • . See description of course for farmer's wives designed by Martha Van Rensselaer at C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y c a l l e d "Saving Steps," F l o r a Rose, A Growing College, pp. 20-24. See a l s o Proceedings of Seventh L.P.C. (1905) pp. 87-88 f o r a discussion of model kitchens and use of appliances; Proceedings of Eighth  L.P.C. (1906) pp. 87-89; Proceedings of Tenth L.P.C. (1908) pp. 105-107 f o r a report by Anna Barrows on "Household Appliances." 38Women as consumers was the topic of many discussions at the conferences. See for example, Proceedings of Third L.P.C. (1902) p. 120 and Proceedings of Eighth L.P.C. (1906) p. 39. 3 9 E l l e n Richards, Cost of Living, p. 103. 4 0Proceedings of Third L.P.C. (1901) p. 83. 4^-Proceedings of Sixth L.P.C. (1904) p. 28. 4 2Home economists attempted to se t exact standards f o r hous e k e e p i n g . E l l e n R i c h a r d s i s s u e d d e t a i l e d t y p e d ins t r u c t i o n s to her servants for each task i n the housekeeping r o u t i n e , C a r o l i n e Hunt, E l l e n H. Richards p. 125. For a more comprehensive example of the " s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n " of housework, see C h r i s t i n e F r e d e r i c k , Household Engineering: S c i e n t i f i c Management i n the Home (Chicago: American School of Home Economics, f i r s t e d i t i o n 1915, 1921). See a l s o Maria Parloa, "Standards f o r Routine Work i n the Home," Proceedings of Eighth L.P.C. (1906) p. 87. 4 3 P r o c e e d i n g s of S i x t h L.P.C. (1904) p. 29. 4 4 P r o c e e d i n g s of Fourth L.P.C. (1902) p. 60; Proceedings of Third L.P.C. (1901) p. 89. 4 5 S e e C a r o l i n e Hunt's d e s c r i p t i o n of the Household A i d 112 Company established i n 1903 by E l l e n Richards and others, E l l e n  H. Richards pp. 3 02-304. Dolores Hayden discusses t h i s venture i n The Grand Domestic R e v o l u t i o n , p. 171. See a l s o the "Laboratory K i t c h e n and Food Supply Company," Proceedings of Ninth L.P.C. (1907) p. 95. 4 P r o c e e d i n g s of Ninth L.P.C. (1907) p. 94 4 7 I b i d . , p. 97. 4 8 E l l e n Richards, Cost of Living, p 116. 4 9Proceedings of Fourth L.P.C. (1902) pp. 38-39. 5 0 A l i c e Chown, "Non-Resident Household Labor, A Study i n Economic and E t h i c a l Values," Proceedings of S i x t h L.P.C. (1904) pp. 32-33. She n o t e s , " A l l t h i s [ o v e r w o r k i n g of servants] means that eith e r the housewife does p r a c t i c a l l y most of h e r own c l e a n i n g o r t h a t the rooms a r e not kept i n s a t i s f a c t o r y condition. A l l t h i s means a loosening of the t i e which binds the family to the home..." 5 1 M a r y Hinman Abel, "Household I n d u s t r i a l Problems," Proceedings of Sixth L.P.C. (1904) pp. 25-26. 5 2Quoted i n Proceedings of Ninth L.P.C. (1907) p. 97. 113 CONCLUSION At the hear t of the d o c t r i n e of separate spheres was the not i o n t h a t women were d i f f e r e n t from men. In a word, they were s p e c i a l . Over the course of the nineteenth century, supported by the widespread acceptance of the c l u s t e r of ideas which made up t h i s ideology of d o m e s t i c i t y , women gained autonomy and a u t h o r i t y w i t h i n t h e i r own sphere, a phenomenon Daniel Scott Smith has c a l l e d domestic feminism. 1 Moreover, as the century progressed, women expanded and extended t h e i r sphere to i n c l u d e a wide v a r i e t y of a c t i v i t i e s ranging from schoolteaching to c i v i c housekeeping. Women believed that they had a s p e c i a l contribution to make to t h e i r society because of t h e i r domestic p e r s p e c t i v e , a p o s i t i o n which e v e n t u a l l y l e d many women to demand the vote i n the name of the home.2 While the doctrine of separate spheres u l t i m a t e l y r e s t r i c t e d women's a s p i r a t i o n s and coul d be i n t e r p r e t e d i n ways which prevented women from becoming f u l l members of t h e i r s o c i e t y , i n other ways i t supported an improved p o s i t i o n i n the family f o r women, provided a rati o n a l e f o r women's activism and bolstered women's sense of self- e s t e e m . Most c r i t i c a l l y , t h i s d o c t r i n e was i n c l u s i v e o f a l l women; i t was t h e f o u n d a t i o n f o r the expression of nineteenth century sisterhood. When home economists attacked t r a d i t i o n a l homemaking p r a c t i s e s and i d e a l s , they challenged the precepts of the 114 d o c t r i n e of separate spheres. One home economist, A l b e r t a Thomas, made an oblique reference to women's resistance to t h i s challenge posed by the emergence of a new ideology. She noted, Thru a l l t h i s work w i l l be the problem of ove r c o m i n g p r e j u d i c e s r e g a r d i n g i t s supposed u s e l e s s n e s s and a b s u r d i t y ; the antagonism of the housekeeper toward the teacher of such a r t s as the usurper of her r i g h t s . . . i t w i l l be no easy task or one which can be accomplished i n one year or 10, but i t must a l l a i d toward t h e mille n n i u m which we hope w i l l some day be reached. 3 Women were correct i n t h e i r perception of the r o l e of the home economics teacher i n the school l i f e of t h e i r daughters. The s p e c i f i c i n t e n t i o n of such a teacher was to in t e r v e n e i n the p r i v a t e l i f e of the f a m i l y and to break up the t r a d i t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between the mother and daughter. Home economists were anxious to prevent mothers from t r a i n i n g t h e i r daughters i n "rule-of-thumb" methods of homemaking. They used the schools from the kindergarten to college graduate programs to d r i v e a wedge between the generations. They sought to i n s t i l i n daughters new a t t i t u d e s and methods, and to d i s c r e d i t the ways of mothers. 4 I f one of the a t t r i b u t e s of ninet e e n t h century women's r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h each other was an absence of c r i t i c s m , as C a r r o l l Smith-Rosenberg has asserted, then home economists were 'new women' indeed i n t h i s r e s p e c t . 5 T h e i r d i s c u s s i o n s and w r i t i n g s are l i b e r a l l y s p r i n k l e d w i t h p e r j o r a t i v e comments about women. I s a b e l Bevier, p r o f e s s o r and head of the home economics department at the University of I l l i n o i s , was one of the most outspoken exemplars of t h i s tendency. She quarrelled 115 with the women trustees of the University and with the women i n the Farmer's I n s t i t u t e , a l m o s t l o s i n g h e r j o b over one incident. These al t e r c a t i o n s were d i r e c t l y linked to her need to e s t a b l i s h her i d e n t i t y as a home economist, s c i e n t i s t and expert. In her memoir of her s t r u g g l e s , she r e v e a l i n g l y commented, "Those women and I have never spoken the same language." 6 The i n s i s t e n c e by home economists on the need f o r expert knowledge f o r adequate homemaking d i v i d e d them from other women. As home economics became a profession and was embedded i n c o l l e g e programs i n an age when only a t i n y m i n o r i t y of women attended college, home economists fostered the creation of a gulf between themselves and untrained women. Insecure i n t h e i r p o s i t i o n s i n the u n i v e r s i t i e s , and o u t s i d e the re g u l a r , male-dominated s c i e n t i f i c community, home economists d i d not t u r n t o o t h e r women f o r s u p p o r t . 7 R a t h e r t h e y c r e a t e d hierarchies of domestic expertise and claimed f o r themselves the h i g h e s t p o s i t i o n s . I t i s r e v e a l i n g of home economists' ambivalent a t t i t u d e toward housewives that, i n a proposed outline of home economics courses constructed i n an elaborate h i e r a r c h y , the author of the plan, H e n r i e t t a Goodrich of the Boston School of Housekeeping, was u n c e r t a i n of the proper place to include ordinary homemakers.8 The i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the t w e n t i e t h century women of the emergence of a movement which c e l e b r a t e d s c i e n t i f i c and academic t r a i n i n g and which purposely s e t about t o undermine the s t r u c t u r e s o f women's s e p a r a t e sphere a r e many. Fundamentally, home economics challenged the notion that women 116 had any inhe r e n t a u t h o r i t y i n t h e i r own sphere. When home economists broke through the boundaries between men's world and women's sphere, they located a l l the progressive elements to be emulated by women i n men's world. By adopting business methods, by us i n g the f a c t o r y as a model f o r the home, by a s s e r t i n g the a u t h o r i t y of the s c i e n t i f i c l a b o r a t o r y , home economists rejected women's source of authority: t h e i r piety and purity. In the secular world of the home economists, such a t t r i b u t e s were considered obsolete. As E l l e n Richards c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y remarked, I f the housewife cannot and w i l l not apply he r s e l f to the problem [of reorganizing the home], l e t her not stand longer i n the way of progress as she i s surely doing today. The home economics ideology of d o m e s t i c i t y l e f t an ambiguous legacy. On one hand the home economist continued to i n v e s t the home with important s o c i a l f u n c t i o n s , but, on the other, she undermined women's authority and the sense of esteem gained from the homemaker's role. As a resu l t , women gradually l o s t t h e i r s p e c i a l s o c i a l r o l e and became i n s t e a d ' mere housewives.' 117 NOTES x D a n i e l S c o t t Smith "Family L i m i t a t i o n , Sexual C o n t r o l , and Domestic Feminism i n V i c t o r i a n America," i n A H i s t o r y of Her Own, Cott and Pleck eds., pp. 236-239. 2Barbara Epstein, P o l i t i c s of Domesticity chapters 4 and 5; Karen J. B l a i r The Clubwoman as Fe m i n i s t : True Womanhood Redefined, 1868-1914, preface by Annette K. Baxter (New York and London: Holmes and Meier Publishers, 1980). 3Proceedings of Third L.P.C. (1901) pp. 55-56. 4See f o r example Proceedings of Third L.P.C. (1901) p. 89; Proceedings of Fourth L.P.C. (1903) p. 42. 5 C a r r o l l Smith-Rosenberg "Female World of Love and R i t u a l " i n A History of Her Own, Cott and Pleck eds. p. 321-323. "Quoted i n L i t a Bane, The Story of I s a b e l Bevier, pp. 46, 52-54, 58-59. 7Margaret Rossiter documents the marginal p o s i t i o n of a l l women, including home economists, i n the s c i e n t i f i c community of the ninete e n t h and e a r l y t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r i e s i n Women Sc i e n t i s t s i n America. 8 H e n r i e t t a Goodrich, D i r e c t o r of School Housekeeping, Boston "Suggestions f o r a P r o f e s s i o n a l School of Home and S o c i a l Economics," Proceedings of Second L.P.C. (1900) pp. 26-40. See also Susan Strasser's analysis of Goodrich's proposals i n Never Done, pp. 2 07-2 09. 9 E l l e n Richards, Cost of Living, p. 118. 118 BIBLIOGRAPHY Books Addams, J a n e . T w e n t y Y e a r s a t H u l l iP-Usej^ w i t h Autobiographical Notes. Forward by Henry Steele Commager. New York: Signet Glassies edition, The MacMillan Company, 1960. Baldwin, Keturah. The AHEA Saga. Washington D.C. American Home Economics Association, 1949. 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